THE NINETEENTH
CENTURY SERIES
EDITOR :
JUSTIN MCCARTHY.
ASSOCIATE EDITORS :
W. P. TRENT, LL.D.
T. G. MARQUIS.
CHARLES G. D. ROBERTS.
REV. W. H. WITH ROW;, D.D.
PROGRESS OF SCIENCE
IN THE CENTURY
BY
J. ARTHUR THOMSON, M.A.,
Regius Professor of Natural History in the University of Aberdeen ; Author oj
" The Study of Animal Life," " The Science of Life," " Outlines of
Zoology" etc; Joint-Author of u The Evolution of Sex."
THE LINSCOTT PUBLISHING COMPANY
TORONTO AND PHILADELPHIA
LONDON : 47 Paternoster Row
VV. & R. CHAMBERS, LIMITED
EDINBURGH : 339 High Street
1906
Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the Year One Thousand Nine
Hundred and Three, by the Bradley-Garretson Co., Limited, in the Office
of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington.
Entered, according to Act of Parliament of Canada, in the Year One
Thousand Nine Hundred and Three, by the Bradley-Garretson Co., Limited,
in the Office of the Minister of Agriculture.
All Rights Reserved.
$ R A jf
To discuss in a single volume the progress of sci-
ence in the nineteenth century has been no easy task,
and the author craves the reader's indulgence. It
must be remembered that the book does not pretend
to be a history of nineteenth century science; it
is designed simply as an introduction to many histo-
ries— some still unwritten. It is not a consecutive
story of the marvellous progress of knowledge which
the century witnessed ; it is simply a record of some
of the great scientific events. Many famous names
and many important discoveries have been left un-
mentioned, for any attempt at exhaustiveness would
have made a volume of this size a mere catalogue. On
the other hand, there has been a serious attempt to
discuss the great theme so as to give prominence to
the salient steps of progress. To have attempted this
in an easy-going mood would have been irreverent to
the past and insulting to the serious reader ; therefore
no apology is offered for the difficulty of some of the
pages, nor does it seem necessary to apologise for the
numerous quotations from expert authorities, — they
help to give personal reality to some of the pages,
and they were needed as acknowledgments of the
author's indebtedness. J. A. T.
USIVEBSITY OF ABERDEEN, SEPTESCBEB, 1902.
Note. — The reader will understand that the absence of any reference
to radium and its marvellous properties is due to the fact that the book
was printed before the discovery had been made. In the same way it
will be obvious why Sir Oliver Lodge and Sir William Kamsay are not
duly entitled, and why some great men of science no longer with us.
such as Gegenbaur, Spencer, and Zittel, are referred to in the present
tense.
CONTENTS.
BOOK ONE.
INTRODUCTORY.
CHAPTER I.
THE SCIENTIFIC MOOD.
PACT
The Meaning of Science. — A Contrast of Moods. — Charac-
teristics of the Scientific Mood — (a) A Passion for Facts
— (b) Cautiousness — (c) Clearness of Vision — (d) Sense of
Inter-Relations. — The Aim of Science. — Scientific Method.. 1
CHAPTER II.
THE UNITY OF SCIENCE.
Classification of the Sciences. — The Correlation of Knowledge.
— Need for Criticism of Scientific Work. — Unity of Life.
— Unity of Science. — Unity of Nature 25
CHAPTER III.
PROGRESSIVENESS OF SCIENCE.
The First Condition of Scientific Progress. — The Fact of Pro-
gress.— Its Necessity. — Scientific Conclusions of the First
Magnitude. —Factors in Further Progress. — Justification
of Science. — Science and Practical Utility 41
viii CONTENTS.
BOOK TWO.
MATTER AND ENERGY.
CHAPTER IV.
A CENTURY OF CHEMISTRY.
PAOB
Search for the Elements. — Theory of Combustion and
the Conservation of Matter. — The Atomic Theory. — De-
velopment of the Atomic Theory. — Development of
Organic Chemistry. — The Periodic Law. — Co-operation of
Chemistry and Physics. — The Circulation of Matter. —
Chemical Affinity 70
CHAPTER V.
THE PROGRESS OF PHYSICS.
Introductory. — The Newtonian Foundation. — Conservation
of Energy. — Heat as a Mode of Action. — Kinetic Theory
of Gases. — Undulatory Theory of Light. — Theory
of Electricity. — Theories of Matter. — Theory of the
Ether .. 131
CHAPTER VI.
ADVANCE OF ASTRONOMY.
From Copernicus to Newton. — Applications of the Gravita-
tion-Formula.—The Study of the Stars.— Extension and
Intensifying of Observation. — Physical and Chemical
Problems. — Spectrum Analysis. — The Evolution-Idea in
Astronomy 179
CONTENTS. IX
CHAPTER VIL
GROWTH OF GEOLOGY.
PAQE
Cataclysmal, Uniformitarian, Evolutionary. — Foundation-
Stones of Geology. — The Evolution-Idea in Geology. —
Age of the Earth. — Reading the Rock-Record. — Prob-
lems of Earth-Sculpture. — Recognition of Ice Ages. — The
Hand of Life upon the Earth.— The Problem of Petrog-
raphy.— Note on the Scientific Development of Geog-
raphy.—An Illustration of Oceanography ..v 225
BOOK THREE.
SCIENCE OF OKGANISMS : LIFE-LORE.
CHAPTER VIII.
THE DEEPENING OF PHYSIOLOGY.
Historical Outline. — Physiology of the Living Organism as
a Whole. — Study of the Functions of Organs. — Physiology
of Tissues. — The Life of Cells. — As regards Protoplasm.
— The Unsolved Secret of the Organism. 283
The Morphological Question and its Progressive Answers. —
Foundations of Morphology. — The Appreciation of Fossils.
— Minute Analysis 329
CHAPTER X.
GEXEOLOGICAL.
Geneology.— Development of the Individual. — Experimental
Embryology.— Heredity and Inheritance 365
X CONTENTS.
CHAPTER XL
THE THEORY OF ORGANIC EVOLUTION.
FAQI
The General Idea of Organic Evolution. — History of the
Evolution -Idea. — The Present Aspect of the Evolution
Theory 424
BOOK FOUR
PSYCHOLOGY, ANTHROPOLOGY, AND
SOCIOLOGY.
(MIND, MAN, AND SOCIETY.)
CHAPTER XII.
PROGRESS OF PSYCHOLOGY.
Changes in Aims and Methods. — Correlation of Mind and
Body. — Experimental Psychology. — Comparative Psycho-
logy.— Development and Evolution of Mind. — Conclusion.. 442
CHAPTER XIII.
ADVANCE OF ANTHROPOLOGY.
Man's Place in Nature. — Antiquity of Man. — The Human
Species. — Races of Mankind. — Evolution of Language. —
Appreciation of Folk-Lore. — Factors in the Evolution of
Man 473
CHAPTER XIV.
SUGGESTIONS OF SOCIOLOGY.
Scope of Sociology. — Historical Note. — Lines of Sociologi-
cal Inquiry. — The Social Organism. — "Lieu, Travail,
Famille."— Classification of the General Factors of Social
Evolution 496
PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE
CENTURY.
BOOK ONE.
INTRODUCTORY.
CHAPTEK I.
THE SCIENTIFIC MOOD.
THE MEANING OF SCIENCE.
MANY attempts have been made to define -what we
mean by " Science." " A higher development of
common knowledge" (Spencer) ; " organised common
sense " (Huxley) ; " classified and criticised knowl-
edge " ; " the universal element in knowledge " ;
" an understanding of facts " ; " our correlated ex-
perience,"— are among the many suggestions. It
will be noted that these definitions, though all some-
what vague, suggest two ideas: (a) that science is
not something by itself, apart from other knowledge,
or confined to any particular order of facts; and
(&) that it has none the less a distinctive feature, as
expressed by some word like " organised " or " sys-
tematised." The fact is that whenever we gather
2 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
facts and classify them, detect their inter-relations
and formulate their sequences, there is science. The
subject of enquiry may be man or beast, star or
tree, a language or the atmosphere, institutions or
fossils, the growth of ideas or the development of
an egg — all come within the scope of scientific en-
quiry whose far-off goal is an interpretation of the
known world. The distinctive feature is in the
method, — making sure of facts, observing their inter-
relations, grouping them according to their like-
nesses of sequence, and inventing descriptive for-
mulae which sum them up. Facts are essential,
but it is evident that they alone do not constitute a
science; they must be correlated, interpreted, for-
mulated. As Sir Lyon Play fair once put it,*
" isolated facts may be viewed as the dust of science,"
— dust only, but dust is not to be despised, for,
as he went on to say, " to it when the rays of light
act upon its floating particles we owe the blue of the
heavens and the glories of the sky."
Though it may sound for a moment like a paradox,
the scientific mood does not necessarily involve any
particular knowledge of this or that science.
Many business men, for instance, who are almost
quite ignorant of chemistry or physics, botany
or zoology, astronomy or geology, but who have
carefully disciplined themselves in regard to some
restricted series of facts involved in their daily
work, have acquired the scientific mood in a high
degree of development. The same may be said of
many a one well disciplined in the " Humanities,"
though his title of " scholar " is often used as if it
stood in antithesis to " man of science."
* Pres. Address, Rep. Brit. Ass. for 1885, p. 18.
THE SCIENTIFIC MOOD. 3
A CONTRAST OF MOODS.
We receive in our inheritance what may be meta-
phorically called a bundle of moods — of various
shapes and sizes, like a bundle of sticks gathered in
the forest. Among these moods, or predispositions
to particular lines of activity, three stand out prom-
inently— the scientific, the artistic, and the practical
mood. Most of us have at least the rudiments of
these, but in most cases one is dominant. It is
part of the aim of education to adjust the propor-
tions of our moods, and to foster a minute rudiment
into realisation. First there is the mood of the
dominantly practical man, who, though in part scien-
tific and usually a man of feeling, is characteristi-
cally concerned with the possibilities of action. The
whole trend of his mind is towards doing, not towards
knowing. He is seeking after social amelioration,
not after descriptive formulae.
There is obviously much to be said for the dom-
inance of the practical mood. It seems likely that
man's first relations to nature were predominantly
practical, and it is certain that in old practical lore
many of the sciences — such as astronomy, botany,
physiology — had their roots, and that fresh vigour
has often come to science by a tightening of its con-
tact with the affairs of daily life. There is no doubt
that the practical mood is as natural and necessary
and dignified as any other. Without it science tends
to become pedantic and art decadent. Yet when the
practical mood becomes altogether dominant, when
things get into the saddle and over-ride ideas and
ideals and all good feeling, when the multiplication
of loaves and fishes becomes the only problem in
the world, we know the results to be vicious. The
4 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
vices of the hypertrophied practical mood are — be-
littlement, baseness, brutality. We cannot but have
a great respect for the dominant practical mood,
and yet if it is left unchecked by scientific discipline
and artistic culture, it tends to run riot. The prac-
tical man elects to do, not know, but action without
knowledge is often our undoing. Ignorant practice
may be more dangerous than any dogma. The prac-
tical man will have " nothing to do with sentiment,"
though he prides himself in. keeping close to the
facts ; he cannot abide any theory and yet he is im-
bued with a Martin Tupperism which gives a false
simplicity to the problems of life ; he will live in what
he calls "the real world," and yet he often hugs
close to himself the most unreal of ideals.
Secondly, there is a man of dominantly
artistic mood, which seems to find expression in
Schiller's words : — " 0 wunderschon ist Gottes Erde,
und schon auf iTir ein MenscJi zu sein; " " How
beautiful is God's earth, how good it is to live a
man's life upon it."
From man's first emergence until to-day, the drama
of nature has doubtless appealed to human emotions.
Especially, perhaps, as he gained firmer foothold in
the world, secured by his wits against stronger rivals
and a careless environment, did the emotional tone
rise into dignity as a distinct mood, finding its ex-
pression in painting and carving, song and story,
music and the dance. The herbs and the trees, the
birds and the beasts, sent tendrils into the human
heart, claiming and finding kinship.
Like the practical mood, so the emotional mood has
its obvious virtues. It is part of the salt of life. In
a noisy world it helps to keep us aware of the har-
mony in the heart of things.
THE SCIENTIFIC MOOD. 5
Yet it has its vices; if unruled or uncorrelated,
if uncurbed by science, if unrelated to the prac-
tical problems of life, it tends to become morbid,
mawkish, mad. There may be over-feeling, just as
there may be over-doing. Most serious consequences
of feeling without knowledge, of sympathy without
synthesis (in the language of the learned), are well
known in the practical aff airs of to-day.
On the other hand, we must not be slow to admit
that just as the practical man has some justification
when he reacts from science, because, as he says, it
is too theoretical, so the artist, poet, or man of feel-
ing has some justification when he recoils from
science because it is disproportionately analytic.
It must be granted that science, like a child pulling
a flower to bits, is apt to dissect more than it re-
constructs, and to lose in its analysis the vision of
unity and harmony which the artist has ever before
his eyes. Perhaps, however, if the artist had pa-
tience, he would often find that science restores the
unity with more meaning in it than before.
Thirdly, there is the dominant scientific mood.
To this mood the world-picture is no phantasma-
goria, but a scene in an ordered drama; even its
beauty is not kaleidoscopic but rather of growth. To
the scientific mood it is plain that through the mul-
tiplicity of items great likenesses are observable,
which admit of being summed up in brief descrip-
tive formulae — laws of motion, gravitation, in-
destructibility of matter, conservation of energy,
development from the apparently simple to the ob-
viously complex evolution.
Although science has some of its roots in practice,
and often receives stimulus from the actual needs
of the day, it is not practical either in main inten-
6 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
tion or in main result. Its main intention is to
describe in the simplest possible formulae, to classify
and inter-relate sense-impressions, to interpret the
known world ; its main result is an intellectual system
and the development of a certain way of looking at
things.
Similarly, though emotion has influenced the
growth of natural knowledge not a little both
for good and ill, and though scientific discoveries
have in turn given nutriment to emotion, science is
certainly in itself non-emotional.
The student of science seeks, not like the practical
man, to realise the ideal, but rather to idealise [con-
ceptualise] the real, or those fractions of reality
which constitute his experience. He elects pri-
marily to know, not do. He would make the world
translucent, not that emotion may catch the glimmer
of the indefinable light that shines through, but for
other reasons, — because of his inborn inquisitiveness,
because of his dislike of obscurities, because of his
craving for a system — an intellectual system in
which phenomena are provisionally unified.
Like the other moods, the scientific mood has its
virtues of method and ideal. It is painstaking, pa-
tient, precise; it is careful, conscientious, contriv-
ing; it aims at making a working thought-model of
the universe.
But it has also its vices,— of over-knowing, of
ranking science first and life second (as if science
were not after all for the evolution of life), of ignor-
ing good feeling (as if knowledge could not be bought
at too dear a price), of pedantry (as if science were
a " preserve " for expert intellectual sportsmen, and
not an education for the citizen), of maniacal muck-
raking for items of facts (as if facts alone consti-
THE SCIENTIFIC MOOD. 7
tuted science). But it is a natural and necessary ex-
pression of the developing human spirit, and supplies
the foundation without which practice is merely em-
pirical and emotion superstitious.
CHABACTEEISTICS OF THE SCIENTIFIC MOOD.
In his stimulating presidential address at the meet-
ing of the British Association at Dover in 1899,
Sir Michael Foster raised the question of the dis-
tinctive features of the scientific spirit " What
are the qualities," he asked, " the features of that
scientific mind which has wrought, and is working,
such great changes in man's relation to nature ? "
And his answer was that the features of the fruitful
scientific mind are in the main three.*
" In the first place, above all other things, his
nature must be one which vibrates in unison with
that of which he is in search ; the seeker after truth
must himself be truthful, truthful with the truthful-
ness of nature; which is far more imperious, far
more exacting than that which man sometimes calls
truthfulness.
" In the second place, he must be alert of mind.
Nature is ever making signs to us, she is ever whis-
pering to us the beginnings of her secrets ; the scien-
tific man must be ever on the watch, ready at once to
lay hold of Nature's hint, however small, to listen to
her whisper, however low.
" In the third place, scientific enquiry, though it
be pre-eminently an intellectual effort, has need of
the moral quality of courage — not so much the cour-
age which helps a man to face a sudden difficulty as
the courage of steadfast endurance."
* Report British Association for the Advancement of
Science, 1899, pp. 16-17.
B
8 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
To the obvious objection that these three qualities
of truthfulness, alertness, and courage, though, let
us hope, possessed by the scientific man, are not in
any way peculiar to him, but " may be recognised as
belonging to almost every one who has commanded or
deserved success, whatever may have been his walk
in life," Sir Michael answered : " That is exactly
what I would desire to insist, that the men of science
have no peculiar virtues, no special powers. They
are ordinary men, their characters are common,
even commonplace. Science, as Huxley said, is
organised common sense, and men of science are com-
mon men, drilled in the ways of common sense."
Let us endeavour to make the diagnosis of the
scientific mood a little more definite. The follow-
ing has at least the interest of having been almost
entirely written before the delivery of Sir Michael
Foster's stimulating address.
(a) As a first characteristic of the scientific
mood — corresponding to what has been above referred
to as " truthfulness," we may note a passion for facts.
'And what are more difficult to catch than facts ; they
are more elusive than ideas. How difficult it is
even in regard to simple problems to get a grip of
the facts of the case ! How difficult it is for any one
with even a dash of the artistic mood to relate an
occurrence accurately ! Most of us are Munchausens
in a small way, but with less sense of humour. Just
as we may distinguish carpenters who can work to
this or that fraction of an inch of accuracy; so we
must distinguish one another as able to observe or
to record to this or that degree of truthfulness.
" Man, unscientific man, is often content with
' the nearly ' and ' the almost.' Nature never is.
It is not her way to call the same two things which
THE SCIENTIFIC MOOD. 9
differ, though the difference may be measured by
less than the thousandth of a milligramme or of a
millimetre, or by any other like standard of minute-
ness. And the man who, carrying the ways of the
world into the domain of science, thinks that he may
treat Nature's differences in any other way than she
treats them herself, will find that she resents his
conduct ; if he in carelessness or in disdain overlooks
the minute difference which she holds out to him as
a signal to guide him in his search, the projecting
tip, as it were, of some buried treasure, he is bound
to go astray, and, the more strenuously he struggles
on, the farther will he find himself from his true
goal."*
Many people — most excellent in virtues — seem
constitutionally incapable of accurately reporting an
occurrence ; many more seem quite unable to see the
difference between an observation and an inference.
The scientific worker is himself well aware
that, in measurements and observations, only an
approximate accuracy can be attained, and that
the degree of approximation varies with the indi-
vidual. But this relativity of accuracy is far from
being generally recognised, and scientific state-
ments often get credit for a precision which they
do not claim. The personal equation has been for
a long time frankly recognised and allowed for in
astronomy; it is also sometimes estimated in chem-
istry and physics,f but we hear too little of it in
the less exact sciences such as biology and psy-
chology.
Even apart from intellectual training, may it not
be claimed that the discipline of the chemical balance,
* Sir Michael Foster, loc. cit. p. 16.
f See Ostwald's Text-book of General Chemistry.
10 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
of analysis, of dissection, of faithful drawing, is one
of the most effective factors in the evolution of
truthfulness? Many will agree with Agassiz that
some training in natural science is one of the best
preparations a man can have for work in any depart-
ment of life where accurate carefulness and ad-
herence to the facts of the case means much. Long
ago Bacon said : " We should accustom ourselves to
things themselves," and this — to distinguish between
appearance and reality — is what the scientific mood
seeks after.
It was Huxley who spoke of " that enthusiasm for
truth, that fanaticism of veracity, which is a greater
possession than much learning; a nobler gift than
the power of increasing knowledge." It is one of
the motive forces of scientific progress.
If every virtue has its vice and every function its
disease, so danger may lurk in this precious posses-
sion,— a passion for facts. It may become a mania
for information and an intellectual intemperance.
Unskilful teaching or careless learning may result
in mere fat without muscle, or in the matter-of-fact
man — one of the most unscientific of persons —
who ignores one of the biggest of all facts, the reality
of ideas.
Any mood may in extreme development become
vicious, and the passion for facts may become so pre-
dominant that it implies violence to emotional sanity
and disloyalty to the ideal of a full and healthy hu-
man life. Take an illustration from real life. The
great embryologist Von Baer once shut himself up in
his study when snow was upon the ground, and did
not come out again until the rye was in harvest. He
was filled, he tells us, with uncontrollable pathos
at the sight. " The laws of development may be
THE SCIENTIFIC MOOD. H
discovered this year or many years hence — by me
or by others — what matters it? — it is surely folly
to sacrifice for this the joy of life which nothing can
replace." Indeed life is not for science, but science
for the development of life.
These are days of popularising, in magazine ar-
ticles and on lecture platforms, and much of this is
justifiable and healthy, for science can no longer be
defined off as a preserve for the learned. Yet there
is the risk of giving a false simplicity to problems,
or of suggesting that there are royal roads to learn-
ing; the sin easily besets us of depreciating the dig-
nity of a hard-won fact. Therefore at the risk of ex-
ceeding triteness, we would emphasise that a genuine
passion for facts implies a certain seriousness, a rever-
ence for what is beneath (in Goethe's words), a re-
spect for facts when one gets them. Though we need
not be always in the scientific mood — for which we
are truly thankful — we must be scientific when we
propose so to be. " Science," Bacon said, " is not a
terrace for a wandering and variable mind to walk
up and down with a fair prospect."
What we mean by saying that we need not be
always scientific is simply that the scientific mood
is sometimes unnatural and irrelevant. To botanise
upon our mother's grave is the classic illustration,
and for another we may refer to the medical man's
discovery that Botticelli's " Venus," in the Uffizi at
Florence, is suffering from consumption, and should
not be riding across the sea in an open shell, clad so
scantily.
(6) Following from the passion of facts, is a
second characteristic of the scientific mood, namely,
cautiousness, or distrust of finality and dogmatism
of statement. Scotsmen have done well for the ad-
12 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
vancement of science ; they are said to stand far above
the average in the nineteenth century; perhaps this
is in part because they are so " canny," so unwilling
to commit themselves unless they are sure. It may
even be that the excessive changeableness of Scotch
weather has helped to engender the characteristic
mood of caution. Sometimes, indeed, the cautious-
ness becomes almost morbid, when three saving
clauses are inserted in a single sentence. One recalls
Stevenson's story of the sailor : — " Bill, Bill," says I,
" or words to that effect"
No doubt the scientific mood is continually making
hypotheses or guesses at truth; the scientific use of
the imagination is part of our method. But what
we have to guard against is the insidious tendency
to mistake provisional hypotheses for full-grown
theories, and, still worse, for dogmas.
As Prof. W. K. Brooks says in his Foundations
of Zoology : " The hardest of intellectual virtues
is philosophic doubt, and the mental vice to which we
are most prone is our tendency to believe that lack of
evidence for an opinion is a reason for believing some-
thing else. . . . Suspended judgment is the greatest
triumph of intellectual discipline." As Huxley said
— and who has had the scientific mood more strongly
developed — " The assertion that outstrips the evi-
dence is not only a blunder but a crime." Just as
burnt bairns dread the fire, so the scientific mood,
often deceived by hearsay evidence, by incomplete
induction, by the will-o'-the-wisp glamour of a seduc-
tive idea, by inference mixed up with observation,
and even by wilful falsehood, becomes more and more
cautious, distrustful, " canny."
Another aspect of the quality of cautiousness
which characterises the scientific mood is distrust of
THE SCIENTIFIC MOOD. 13
personal bias in forming judgments. It should
always be possible to eliminate opinion from all
scientific conclusions ; their validity, in fact, depends
upon this. " The scientific man has above all things
to strive at self -elimination in his judgments, to pro-
vide an argument which is as true for each individual
mind as for his own. The classification of facts, the
recognition of their sequence and relative signifi-
cance, is the function of science, and the habit of
forming a judgment upon these facts, unbiassed by
personal feeling, is characteristic of what may be
termed the scientific frame of mind." *
" The world," Faraday writes, " little knows how
many of the thoughts and theories which have passed
through the mind of a scientific investigator have
been crushed in silence and secrecy by his own severe
criticism and adverse examination; that in the most
successful instances not a tenth of the suggestions,
the hopes, the wishes, the preliminary conclusions
have been realised." As a complementary statement,
another quotation from the same great authority may
be permitted : — " The philosopher should be a man
willing to listen to every suggestion, but determined
to judge for himself. He should not be biassed by
appearances; have no favourable hypotheses; be of
no school, and in doctrine have no master. He should
not be a respecter of persons, but of things. Truth
should be his primary object. If to these qualities
be added industry, he may indeed hope to walk with-
in the veil of the Temple of Nature."
(c) A third characteristic of the scientific mood
is dislike of obscurities, of blurred vision, of foggi-
ness. We instinctively discount the scientific abili-
* Karl Pearson, Grammar of Science, rev. edition, 1900, •
p. 6.
14 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
ties of the student who always has his microscope
wrongly focussed and is satisfied with the ill-defined
image, or of the other whose dissection is invariably
either a mince or a tangle, or of the other who is
never quite sure whether he knows a thing or not.
Ignorance in itself is no particular reproach; the
point is to know when we know and when we don't,
and it is one of the characteristics of the scientific
mood that it will have yes or no to this question.
Those of the scientific mood are mainly trying to
construct a working-thought-model of the outer
world, to form a mental image which will be a living
picture, — an intellectual cinematograph. In other
words they would make the world translucent, as
translucent as the human body becomes to the skilled
anatomist.
Clerk-Maxwell's boyish question — " What is the
go of this ? " — and, when put off with some verbal-
ism, " What is the particular go of this ? " is a ques-
tion characteristic of the scientific mood, which may
be applied to any order of facts.
The mole has a sort of half-finished lens, which
is physically incapable of throwing a precise image
on the retina. If there is any image, it must be
a blurred tangle of lines. In our busy lives, we tend
to acquire mole-like lenses in regard to particular
orders of facts ; we see certain things clearly, others
are blurs; but the scientific mood is in continual
protest against obscurities, insisting upon lucidity.
Thus we feel the force of one of Bacon's most
historically true aphorisms, which declares " Truth
to emerge sooner from error than from confusion."
It is a great step when a false notion is formulated.
The definitising of error has been the beginning of
its disappearance. As soon as the evil genie of the
THE SCIENTIFIC MOOD. 15
Eastern tales took on some definite bodily form there
was some chance of tackling him ; as a mere wraith
he was invulnerable.
(d) A fourth characteristic of the scientific mood
is a sense of the inter-relations of things. The real-
isation of nature as a great inter-connected system is,
indeed, one of the ends of science; to be on the out-
look for inter-relations is diagnostic of the mood.
As long as the collection and registration of facts
preoccupies the energies and attention, scientific
enquiry has hardly begun. As Mr. Pearson says,
" The classification of facts, the recognition of their
sequence and relative significance is the function of
science."
To put it more concretely, the student of biology,
for instance, has hardly caught on at all unless he
has some realisation of the web of life, the correla-
tion of organisms. He must have some apprecia-
tion of the " system of nature," of the links between
old maids, cats, bees, and clover crop ; between earth-
worms and the world's bread-supply; between mos-
quitoes and malaria ; between white ants and African
agriculture; between ivory ornaments and the slave
trade.
To sum up: the scientific mood, whose diffusion
through wide circles has been one of the achieve-
ments of the latter half of the nineteenth century,
is characterised by a passion for facts, an alert cau-
tiousness, a striving after clearness of vision, and a
sense of inter-relations. To which, as will be after-
wards made plain, it should perhaps be added that
the consistent scientific mood does not at all concern
itself with metaphysical problems or ultimate inter-
pretations. These may be legitimately complemen-
tary to science, but if the word is to retain its present
meaning, they are beyond its scope.
16 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
THE AIM OF SCIENCE.
Briefly stated, the primary aim of science in-
cludes the observation, description, and interpreta-
tion of the knowable universe.
Concerning the need for careful observation and
accurate description, enough has been said in our ex-
position of the characteristics of the scientific mood ;
it is necessary, however, to give particular attention
to the nature of a scientific interpretation, — in re-
gard to which misunderstanding is rife.
The man of scientific mood becomes aware of cer-
tain fractions of reality which interest him; he pro-
ceeds to become more intimately aware of these ; i.e.,
to make his sensory experience of them as full as
possible. He seeks to arrange them in ordered
series, to detect their inter-relations and likenesses
of sequence; he tries to reduce them to simpler
terms or to find their common denominator; and
finally, he endeavours to sum them up in a general
formula, often called a " law of nature."
Aristotle defines the aim when he says, " Art [or
as we should say, Science] begins when, from a
great number of experiences, one general conception
is formed which will embrace all similar cases."
Similarly the nature of scientific explanation is sug-
gested by Kirchhoff's definition of mechanics, as the
science of motion, whose object it is " to describe
completely and in the simplest manner the motions
that occur in nature."
With the advance of clear thinking our way of
looking at facts has altered not a little, and even
when we use the same words as our forefathers did
we do not always mean the same thing. Thus whea
THE SCIENTIFIC MOOD. 17
the lecturer says that a gas " obeys Boyle's Law," he
is using the language of the past and suggesting a
conception of the order of nature which is no longer
current. " We must confess," says Prof. J. J".
Poynting,* " that physical laws have greatly fallen
off in dignity. No long time ago they were quite
commonly described as the Fixed Laws of Nature,
and were supposed sufficient in themselves to govern
the universe. Now we can only assign to them the
humble rank of mere descriptions, often tentative,
often erroneous, of similarities which we believe we
have observed."
Prof. Poynting goes on to say that a " law of na-
ture explains nothing — it has no governing power,
it is but a descriptive formula which the careless
have sometimes personified. There may be psycho-
logical and social generalisations which really tell
us why this or that occurs, but chemical and phys-
ical generalisations are wholly concerned with the
how."
In other words, if we may condense a little of
Poynting's admirable discourse, concurrently with
the change in our conception of physical law has
come a change in our conception of physical expla-
nation. The change is in our recognition that " we
explain an event not when we know ' why ' it hap-
pened, but when we know ' how ' it is like something
else happening elsewhere or otherwise — when, in
fact, we can conclude it as a case described by some
law already set forth. In explanation we do not
account for the event, but we improve our account of
it by likening it to what we already knew." In
short, the notion of antecedent purpose — which rises
* Address, Section A, Report of British Ass. for 1889, pp.
616-17.
18 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
at once in our minds when we try to explain human
action — is irrelevant in physical seienca
On the same subject, Dr. J. T. Merz writes as
follows in his impressive history of scientific thought
in the nineteenth century : " A complete and simple
description — admitting of calculation — is the aim of
all exact science. . . . We shall not expect to find
the ultimate and final causes, and science will not
teach us to understand nature and life. . . . Science
means * the analysis of phenomena as to their ap-
pearance in space and their sequence in time.' " *
Thus the common assertion that science gives ex-
planations of nature is a misunderstanding, if the
word explanation is taken to mean more than a de-
scriptive formula. The word ultimate does not oc-
cur in the scientific dictionary. The biologist draws
cheques, but they are all backed by such words as
protoplasm and germ-plasm; and a little enquiry
suffices to show that these words imply conceptual
hypotheses invented to express the facts and war-
ranted by the success with which they fit these. The
physicist's bills, similarly, are accepted on the credit
of the ubiquitous ether, the mighty atom, or the like,
but these again are conceptual hypotheses invented
to summarise the sequence of phenomena.
Let us take a concrete case. " The law of gravi-
tation is a brief description of how every particle of
matter in the universe is altering its motion with
reference to every other particle. It does not tell
us why particles thus move; it does not tell us why
the earth describes a certain curve round the sun. It
simply resumes, in a few brief words, the relation-
* J. T. Merz. A History of European Thought in the Nine-
teenth Century. Vol. I., Introduction — Scientific Thought,
Part I., 1896, pp. 382-3.
THE SCIENTIFIC MOOD. 19
ships observed between a vast range of phenomena.
It economises thought by stating in conceptual short-
hand that routine of our perceptions which forms for
us the universe of gravitating matter."
SCIENTIFIC METHOD.
From what we have already said it should be
plain that science has no mysterious methods of its
own. Its method is the method of common sense.
In his little book on scientific thinking, f Dr. Adolf
Wagner points out with great vivacity that science
is characterised as an intellectual attitude; it is not
any particular body of facts; it has no peculiar
method of inquiry; it is simply sincere critical
thought, which admits conclusions only when these
are based on evidence. Let us, however, briefly indi-
cate some of the chief steps in the scientific treat-
ment of a given problem.
(a) Observation of Facts. — The first step is to
make sure of the facts concerning which a problem
has been raised in the inquisitive mind. Here the
fundamental virtues are precision, caution, clear-
ness, and impartiality. The rough and ready
record, the second-hand evidence, the vague impres-
sion, the picking of facts which suit must be elimi-
nated. Hence, since the observer is a fallible mortal,
the importance of co-operation, of independent ob-
servation on the same subject, of instrumental means
of extending the range and delicacy of our senses,
and of automatic methods of registration, such as
photography supplies.
•Karl Pearson, The Grammar of Science, rev. ed., 1900,
p. 99.
t A. Wagner, Studien und Sklzzen aus Naturwissenschaft
und Philosophic. I. Ueber toissenschaftliches Denken und
tiler populdre Wissenschaft, Berlin, 1899, p. 79.
20 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
(&) Classification of Facts. — In many cases after
the accumulation of data, much time must be spent
in their arrangement. A careful worker at the prob-
lem of migration in birds, like Mr. Eagle Clarke,
may require for the classification of his data a longer
time than was spent in their collection. If the facts
are to form part of the body of science, they must
be made readily available, and this process of diges-
tion is often slower than that of ingestion. If
the aim be to detect similarities of sequence the facts
must be grouped in ordered series. Here, in many
cases, the use of graphs, curves, and mathematical
methods has proved itself invaluable, notably, for in-
stance, in Galton's work on inheritance, or in the re-
cent statistical studies on variation.
It has been a common experience in the arrange-
ment of data that some minute discrepancy has re-
vealed itself, and that the following of this at first
perhaps puzzling occurrence has led to the elucida-
tion of the whole problem. Thus it has become a
maxim in science that no apparent departure from
the rule or general sequence should be treated as
trivial, and no minute discrepancy disregarded.
That nitrogen obtained from chemical combinations
should be about one-half per cent, lighter than that
obtained from the atmosphere, may seem a very
minute fact, but it led Lord Rayleigh and Professor
W. Ramsay to the discovery of Argon.
(c) Analysis. — With scientific problems of a cer-
tain order, there is often need for a preliminary
process of analysis before the desired data can be
obtained. Whenever we get below the surface phe-
nomena of life — patent to the observer — we have to
dissect, to cut sections, to take advantage of chemical
analysis and so on. The end desired is a re-state-
THE SCIENTIFIC MOOD. 21
ment in simpler terms, or in another sense, in more
generalised terms; and to effect this analysis is in
itself a scientific problem.
(d} Hypothesis. — There is no doubt that some
conclusions have arisen in the mind as if by a flash
of insight, but even these have perhaps been due to
processes of unconscious cerebration. In the ma-
jority of cases, the process is a slower one, the scien-
tific imagination devises a possible solution — an hy-
pothesis— and the investigator proceeds to test it. In
other words, he forges intellectual keys and then tries
if they fit the lock. If the hypothesis does not fit, it
is rejected and another is made. The scientific
workshop is full of discarded keys. Nor can it be
forgotten that even those conclusions which com-
mend themselves at first sight have to submit to the
process of testing like those which were tried with
less confident fingers. It matters little, except to
the logician, whether the hypothesis was reached as
an induction from many particulars or as a deduc-
tion from some previously established conclusion;
in either case the result is a provisional hypothesis,
which has then to be tested.
Newton said in his Principia that he did not make
hypotheses (Hypotheses non fingo}, and yet he, like
all great scientific workers, certainly did, for in-
stance in his corpuscular hypothesis of light, which
has turned out to be erroneous. The fact is that
there are different kinds of hypotheses, — there are
guesses at truth which have no experimental basis,
which are usually prompted by some big conclusion
dominating the mind of the guesser, such as Sweden-
berg's nebular hypothesis; and there are scientific
hypotheses which are more or less carefully con-
structed systems, harmonised with existing knowl-
22 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
edge, and projected upon nature to satisfy our desire
for continuity. They relate to what lies beyond the
range of observation, beyond the range of our sense-
impressions.
An interesting method of testing the accuracy of a
formula is to use it as a basis for prediction. Many
observant people are familiar with a mild form of
scientific prophecy in connection with the weather.
After long observation they hazard a generalisation,
in private, if they are wise; and they test this by a
prediction. As this is usually wrong, they conclude
that their generalisation had not a sufficiently wide
basis. But better examples may be found in the
prediction of Neptune by Adams and Leverrier
(from calculations based on the gravitation-formula)
and the subsequent discovery of that planet by
Galle; or in the prediction of the element german-
ium by Mendelejeff and its discovery by Winkler.
(e) Test Experiments and Control Experiments.
— The distinction between an observation and an ex-
periment seems quite artificial, the point of contrast
being that in the former we study the natural course
of events, while in the latter we arrange for the oc-
currence of certain phenomena. In studying the
effect of electric discharges on living plants we might
wait for the lightning to strike trees in our vicinity ;
but as this would be worse than tedious, we prefer
to mimic the natural phenomenon in the laboratory.
This is obviously a distinction without a difference,
and instead of calling the first step (a) observation,
as we have done, we might equally well have used
the word experiment.
On the other hand, at a later stage in the scientific
treatment of a problem, our opportunities for experi-
ment can be profitably used, not for accumulating
THE SCIENTIFIC MOOD.
23
more data, but for putting our hypothesis to the
proof. We allude to what are called test or crucial
experiments and control experiments. Much of the
success of a scientific worker may depend on his
ingenuity in thinking out crucial experiments and
on his rigorous use of control experiments.
When bacteriology was in its infancy, Pasteur put
his theory that putrefaction was the result of the life
of micro-organisms to a crucial test when he steri-
lised readily putrescible substances, and, having her-
metically sealed the vessel, kept them for years with-
out the occurrence of any putrefaction.
When Yon Siebold and his fellow-workers had
gradually convinced themselves that certain bladder-
worms in various animals used as food were the
young stages of certain tapeworms occurring in man,
they made the crucial experiment of swallowing the
bladderworms and proved the accuracy of their con-
clusion by becoming shortly afterwards infected with
tapeworm.
The control experiment is closely akin. A cray-
fish is known to have a sense of smell. Various rea-
sons lead the enquirer to conclude that this sense has
its seat in the antennules. He may verify this by
observing that a crayfish without these appendages
will not respond to a strong odour, but he would not
be satisfied unless he had shown that in exactly the
same conditions and to exactly the same stimulus an-
other crayfish with its antennules intact did actively
respond. Having gone so far, he would proceed to
localise the sense more precisely; microscopic re-
search would direct his attention to peculiarly shaped
bristles on the antennules. By shaving these off, and
observing that response to strong odours ceased, he
would prove his point, but again, in view of possible
24 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
error, he would confirm his conclusion by control ex-
periments with normal animals. The above case
illustrates a combination of the method of exclusion
with the use of control experiments.
(/) Formulation and Incorporation. — The final
step is to sum up what has been attained in terms
as clear and terse as possible, and to add the dis-
covery to what has been already established. The
digested data are absorbed into the body of science.
If the discovery is one of magnitude it will be expres-
sible as a formula, which should have the criterion
of universal validity in the minds of all who are able
to estimate the evidence. But even here, in our
judgment, there should arise the final question of
considering how the new generalisation consists with
others, or in wider terms, how it is related to the
sum of human experience. Should it be markedly
inconsistent, as the evolution-formula seemed at first
to so many, there may be need for re-consideration.
The body may have to adapt itself — possibly not
without pain — to its new food.
Finally, to quote once more from Prof. Karl Pear-
son : " The scientific method is marked by the fol-
lowing features: — (a) careful and accurate classi-
fication of facts and observation of their correlation
and sequence; (6) the discovery of scientific laws
by aid of the creative imagination; and (c) self-
criticism and the final touchstone of equal validity
for all normally constituted minds."
CHAPTER IT.
THE UNITY OF SCIENCE.
C:LASSIFICATION OF THE SCIENCES.
SINCE science presumes to take the whole uni-
verse for its province, and faces the immense prob-
lem of the order of nature, it is not surprising that
a division of intellectual labour has been found con-
venient, and that separate sciences have been defined
off, each with particular problems and special meth-
ods. This is an adaptation to the shortness of hu-
man life and the limitations of human faculty, for
while there is nothing but laziness and mis-education
to hinder an intelligent citizen from having scientific
interest in all orders of facts, the long discipline
which a science requires renders it impossible that
any average man will succeed in gaining masterly
familiarity with more than one department of knowl-
edge.
The title of the old Scotch professorships of " Civil
and Natural History " perhaps expressed more than
one good idea, — for instance, that man must be
studied in relation to his environment, or, again, that
the history of non-human organisms might have some
light to throw upon the history of mankind, but the
ideal suggested was too ambitious for ordinary mor-
tals. The fact is that a compromise has to be made
between two desirabilities. On the one hand, the
26 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
aim of science-teaching, which is a culture of the
scientific mood and an appreciation of scientific
method, seems more likely to be attained by a
thorough study of some one order of facts than by
an intellectual ramble through the universe; on the
other hand, the true dignity and value of science can-
not be appreciated if the unity of nature and of
knowledge be practically denied. Superficiality re-
sults from lack of specialisation, and pedantry from
too much of it. Let us briefly consider some of the
classifications which have been found convenient.
Francis Bacon (1561-1626) recognised three de-
partments of human learning: (1) History (based
on memory) both "natural" and "civil"; (2)
Poesy (based on imagination) ; and (3) Philosophy
or the Sciences (based on reason), including Divin-
ity, which has to do with revelation, and Natural
Philosophy, which deals with God, Nature, and
Man! There is little in this classification which
can be of service to us to-day in mapping out
the territory of science, but it is interesting (as
Karl Pearson points out) to notice the suggestion
that " The divisions of knowledge are not like
several lines that meet in one angle, but are rather
like branches of a tree that meet in one stem."
Auguste Comte (1798-1857) recognised six fun-
damental sciences: Mathematics, Astronomy, Phys-
ics, Chemistry, Biology, Sociology — and a supreme
or final science of Morals. He sought to eliminate
from his system all that is not based on experience,
and he introduced the important conception of a
hierarchy of knowledge, that is to say the idea that
one department of science is dependent on another,
sociology on biology, biology on chemistry, chemis-
try on physics, and so on. Without pretending that
THE UNITY OF SCIENCE. 27
the facts of life can be re-stated in terms of chemistry
and physics, or that the biologist has given into his
hands the key to the problems of human society, we
may profitably recognise that an understanding of
the organism is facilitated by the results of chemical
and physical science, and that the data of biology
are full of suggestion to the sociologist.
It may be true — many would call it obvious — that
life transcends the categories of mechanism, or, in
other words, that the formula of physics do not suf-
fice to re-express the facts of life. Yet it must be
admitted that vital phenomena have become more in-
telligible— more readily dealt with in thinking —
since Biology began to avail itself of the aid of Chem-
istry and Physics. It may be true that man tran-
scends the categories of Biology, and it seems to many
that man as compared with the Amoeba expresses
an entirely new synthesis, just as the Amoeba does
in relation to a mineral, and that the secret of both
new syntheses remains as yet hidden. Yet it must
be admitted that human life has become more intel-
ligible— more readily dealt with in thinking — since
Psychology and Sociology condescended to listen to
the suggestions, confessedly still immature, offered by
Biology. On the other hand, it seems historically
true that such valuable ideas as division of labour and
evolution were made clear in regard to human affairs
before they were transferred to and re-illustrated in
the study of organisms. There is a sense in which
the Amoeba may be said to be of use in the interpreta-
tion of man; but it is also true that the study of
man has reacted upon the biological interpretation of
the Amoeba. Similarly great advances were made
by Chemistry when attention was extended from in-
organic to organic substances, and there are at least
28 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
hints that the application of the Evolution-idea to
the problems of the inorganic will make for progress.
It was this idea of the interdependence of different
scientific disciplines which especially marked Comte's
classification. Herbert Spencer (1864) "combined
the ' tree ' system of Bacon with Comte's exclusion
of theology and metaphysics from the field of knowl-
edge," * and he focussed the distinction between the
Abstract sciences of Logic and Mathematics (which
deal with our methods of conceptual description)
and the Concrete sciences which are conceptual de-
scriptions of phenomena. In other words, f the
abstract sciences deal with modes of perception, the
concrete sciences with the contents of perception.
Eor the most detailed map of science as yet worked
out, we may refer to the concluding chapter of Karl
Pearson's Grammar of Science, noticing only: (1)
that it has been almost unanimously recognised as
convenient that the sciences dealing with organisms
(Biology, Psychology, Sociology) should be distin-
guished from those which deal with inorganic phe-
nomena (Chemistry and Physics) ; and (2) that
different departments are bound together, e.g., ap-
plied mathematics linking the abstract to the concrete,
chemical physiology linking the study of the in-
organic to that of the organic.
Thus, the broad lines of the scientific map may be
represented in a scheme like this : —
* Karl Pearson, Grammar of Science, rev. ed.f London,
1900, p. 513.
t Ibid., p. 515.
THE UNITY OF SCIENCE.
29
ABSTRACT AND CONCRETE SCIENCES.
LOGIC.
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THE COKKELATION OF KNOWLEDGE.
Verworn speaks of Johannes Miiller (1801-1858)
as " one of those monumental figures that the history
of every science brings forth but once. They change
the whole aspect of the field in which they work, and
all later growth is influenced by their labours." When
we enquire into the secret of Miiller's achievements,
we find that he combined genius with unsurpassed
working-power, but it is important to notice more
definitely what we may call his sense of the correla-
tion of knowledge. " He did not recognise one
physiological method alone, but employed boldly
every mode of treatment that the problem of the
moment demanded. Physical, chemical, anatomical,
zoological, microscopic and embryological knowledge
and methods equally were at his disposal, and he
employed all of these whenever it was necessary for
the accomplishment of his purpose at the time." *
If we take Pasteur (1822-1895) as another repre-
sentative figure in nineteenth century science, we may
* Max Verworn, General Physiology, trans. 1899, p. 20.
30 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
read the same lesson. Far from being pre-occupied
with vivisection and inoculation, as the commonplace
summary too often suggests, he passed in an ever-
widening spiral of scientific investigation from his
rural centre upwards, from tanpit to vat and vintage,
from manure heaps, earth-worms, and water-supply
to the problems of civic sanitation. On each radius
on which he paused he left either a method or a clue,
and set some other enquirer at work. Biologist and
brewer, chemist and physician, agriculturalist and
surgeon, — and how many more — have all felt the
influence of his achievements, and part of the secret
of these lay in his sense of the correlation of knowl-
edge, in his grasp of the fact that workers in different
departments of science have much to say to each
other.*
Another, and again a different illustration may be
found in the work of Darwin. It was natural that
one who discerned so vividly the correlation of or-
ganisms should also realise the correlation of knowl-
edge. We see this, for instance, as we turn over
the pages of The Origin of Species, The Descent
of Man, Variation under Domestication, and his
other great works, and infer from the foot-notes
something of the range of the fields in which he
gleaned. We see it in his recognition of the far-
reaching scope of the doctrine of descent, that it be-
longs not merely to the biologist, but affects psychol-
ogy and sociology, the whole life of man and society.
He once expressed satisfaction that he had not been
permitted to become a " specialist " ; it is hardly too
much to say that there is no specialism in concrete
organic science which he has left unaffected.
* P. Geddes and J. Arthur Thomson, " Louis Pasteur,"
Contemporary Review, Nov., 1895, pp. 632-644.
THE UNITY OF SCIENCE. 31
Let us take an illustration from the history of
astronomy. Apart from pioneer suggestions, as-
tronomy was till the middle of the century a
science descriptive of the movements of the heavenly
bodies. But the establishment of spectroscopy by
Kirchhoff and Bunsen was the beginning of a close
correlation between astronomy and other sciences.
Formerly " it was enough that she possessed the tele-
scope and the calculus. Xow the materials for her
inductions are supplied by the chemist, the elec-
trician, the enquirer into the most recondite myster-
ies of light and the molecular constitution of matter.
She is concerned with what the geologist, the meteor-
ologist, even the biologist, has to say ; she can afford
to close her ears "to no new truth of the physical or-
der. Her position of lofty isolation has been ex-
changed for one of community and mutual aid." *
XEED FOB CRITICISM OF SCIENTIFIC WOBK.
A large part of the scientific work done year after
year is instinctive and spontaneous rather than delib-
erate and controlled. It is done because the doers
have delight in it, a " natural taste," as they say, and
thus self-criticism as to the value of it is silenced.
The result is an enormous waste of mental energy.
Big-brained men often fritter away their intelligence
on the study of trivialities, which may be admirable
as what used to be called an " elegant amusement,"
but represents a great loss to science.
It is perhaps useful at times to stand by and
calmly watch the succession of gifts laid upon the
altar of science. There are the well-finished offer-
ings of those who have what seems to some of us so in-
* A. M. Clerke, History of Astronomy in the Nineteenth
Century, 1885, p. 183.
32 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
estimably precious — the leisure to work thoroughly
undisturbed ; there are the ill-finished offerings of the
impetuous, and enthusiastic, and hard-driven; there
are humble offerings which have involved years of
self-denial; there are brilliant offerings which have
meant but a few flashes of clear insight; there are
tarnished offerings which have been gained illegiti-
mately ; there are heroic offerings which are received
in absentia from those who have died to know ; there
are epoch-making offerings, like those of Newton or
of Darwin, which set the whole altar aflame.
One cannot see this vision of the altar of science
without being impressed. There is a majesty in the
advancement of knowledge, and a sublime patience
in research. But it is difficult to tell how much of
the work would be regarded as effective expenditure
of energy by a sufficiently wise judge, wise for science
and wise for humanity. The only sufficiently wise
judge is Time, whose decisions are often very slow.
That contemporary appreciation of an offering has
often been far from just is one of the most obvious
facts in the history of science.
But as one lingers near this " altar of science,"
one must be much absorbed if one does not hear a
murmur of dissentient voices. The practical man
growls over the time spent in the classification of
seaweeds when " what we want is more wheat," over
embryological research instead of fish-hatching, over
the theoretical puzzles of geology instead of the
search for more coal and iron. When the practical
man supports the scientific worker, he has doubt-
less some right to control the direction of his
activities, though it is not very clear that much
good has ever come of this. Man does not live by
bread alone, and some of the most important practical
THE UNITY OF SCIENCE. 33
results, such as the use of antiseptics, have been
reached by very circuitous paths. It did not seem a
very promiseful beginning which Pasteur found in
the study of tartrate crystals, and yet what a begin-
ning it was !
It is long since Bacon replied to the objection of
the practical mood which we have just noted. We
may recall his vindication of investigations which
are light-giving (lucifera) against those which are of
direct practical utility (fructifera) ; and the deliver-
ance " Just as the vision of light itself is something
more excellent and beautiful than its manifold uses,
BO without doubt the contemplation of things as they
are, without superstition or imposture, without error
or confusion, is in itself a nobler thing than a whole
harvest of inventions."
But there are many other dissentient voices. The
humanitarians mutter " cruelty," " inhuman curios-
ity," " barbarous inquisitiveness," " triviality." The
scholars say with a smile, " We would rather know
the thoughts of Plato and Aristotle than pore over the
entrails of an antediluvian frog," — " a Kindergar-
ten study at the best is your Natural Science." The
poets and artists laugh and say, " Grubbers among
dust and ashes, besmirching the wings which might
lift you as eagles," " a botany which teaches that
there is no such thing as a flower," " a biology which
has become necrology," " a chemistry which has
flooded the world with aniline dyes," " a physiology
which has made a debased — not kailyard, but mid-
den-heap— literature possible," and so on.
These and a hundred other criticisms reach the
ear, and though a retort may readily be made to each,
the feeling remains that there is some justice in most
of them, that scientific industry is not always suf-
34 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
ficiently self-critical. To rise above particular criti-
cisms to a general basis of criticism would be a great
gain, and perhaps this may be found in a recognition
of what may be called The Three Unities.
UNITY OF LIFE.
The first of these unities is the Unity of Life. We
have already referred to the three main moods or atti-
tudes of mind observable in human relations to na-
ture— practical, emotional, and scientific. They find
expression in doing, feeling, and knowing; in prac-
tice, in art, and in science; they may be symbolised
by hand, heart, and head.
We are not of course supposing the existence of
altogether separable faculties, or nonsense of that
sort; we do not say that there are any purely prac-
tical, or exclusively emotional, or solely scientific
men; we simply note what appears to be a fact of
life that we can practically distinguish around us
the doers, the feelers, and the knowers. And as
one of the moods often has temporary dominance,
we are all apt to err in over-doing, or over-feeling, or
over-knowing.
It is believed by most comparative physiologists
that the ears of many of the simpler animals are
not hearing ears, but rather directive organs, impor-
tant in balancing, equilibrating, and orientation. It
is such an equilibrating organ that we all need to
help us to adjust the balance of our moods.
Our thesis then is that some measure of complete-
ness of life — in ideal at least — is the condition of
sanity in human development. A thoroughly sane
life implies a recognition of the trinity of knowing,
feeling, and doing. It spells health, wholeness, holi-
ness, as Edward Carpenter has said.
THE UNITY OF SCIENCE. 35
Contrariwise, non-humane activity, whether prac-
tical, emotional, or scientific, implies primarily a
denial of the trinity referred to, a violence to the
unity of life. The one-sided man has let at least two
of the lights of life die out.
To be wholly practical is to grub for edible roots
and see no flowers upon the earth nor the stars over-
head; to be wholly emotional is to become unreal
and effervescent ; to seek only to know is to deny our
birth-right and birth-duty as social organisms.
The various sins of our relations to nature — sins
of ignorance, indifference, irreverence, cruelty, ob-
scurantism, and so on — all imply some denial of the
trinity.
Science for its own sake requires to be continu-
ally moralised and socialised, oriented, that is to
say, in relation to other ideals of human life than
its own immediate one of working out an intellectual
cosmos. Our science requires to be kept in touch at
once with our life and with our dreams; with our
doing and with our feeling; with our practice and
with our poetry. Synergy and sympathy are needed
to complete a synthesis.
If the above be a reasonable position, it suggests
that the scientific way of looking at the world is not
the only one. There are many whose outlook ex-
presses quite a different mood. As we have seen,
the student of science does not pretend to explain
the order of nature, he simply tries to re-describe it
in general conceptual formulae, and he believes that
his task is justified by the results — intellectual,
emotional, and practical. He has a right to insist
on being heard as to the aim of his own industry,
but it does not follow that his statements are of
equal value when he speaks of other than scientific
36 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
expressions of the developing human spirit. Irri-
tated by the way in which others misunderstand him,
he often misunderstands them. Thus as an expres-
sion of the recoil of the scientific mood from meta-
physical speculation — a recoil which seems to us
largely due to misunderstanding of aims — we may
quote what Liebig said of Schelling: "I myself
spent a portion of my student days at a university
where the greatest philosopher and metaphysician of
the century charmed the thoughtful youth around
him into admiration and imitation; who could at
that time resist the contagion ? I too have lived
through this period — a period so rich in words and
ideas and so poor in true knowledge and genuine
studies; it cost me two precious years of my
life." *
The above citation expresses the opinion of many
scientific workers, and yet is it not, to say the least,
arrogant, to attempt to ignore the attempts which
have been made throughout all the ages to re-express
the order of nature in transcendental or metaphysical
terms? " The search after ultimate causes," says
Dr. Merz, " may perhaps be given up as hopeless ;
that after the meaning and significance of the things
of life will never be abandoned : it is the philosophi-
cal or religious problem."
We cannot readily understand a phenomenon
which seems to occur — that of an active and well-
disciplined brain in which there are, so to speak,
idea-tight compartments, the contents of which are
prevented from mutual influence. The mental like
the bodily life should be a unified system of correla-
* Veber das Studium der Naturwissenschaften. On the
Study of the Natural Sciences, 1840, cited by E. von Meyer,
History of Chemistry, 1891.
THE UNITY OF SCIENCE. 37
tions. It cannot be normal that a man should cher-
ish incompatible ideas. But that is not to say that
he may not be both scientific and metaphysical, or
both scientific and poetical. These are indeed
different moods, but complementary rather than in-
compatible, and disharmony results only when they
are allowed to mix with one another in verbal state-
ments, or when the particular concrete expressions
given to the poetic or philosophic activity happen
to be at variance with sound science. Between the
moods there is no variance. The different moods
express different ways of looking at things, and
use as it were words of different languages. The
evolutionist postulates a beginning somewhere, —
an initial order of nature instituted in some fashion
quite unknown and implying the potentialities of
the future in some fashion quite unknown; the
creationist gives in non-scientific or transcendental
terms some account of the institution of the order
of nature; the ideas are not antithetical, they are
incommensurable. Moreover, if we may take an-
other point of view for a moment, the teaching of
the history of science leads us to a strong feeling of
gratitude to the deductive or a priori thinkers. They
were at least thinking — often with a broad perspec-
tive— and that cannot always be said of researchers.
They may have interpolated fanciful ideas where
facts alone are decisive, their deductions may have led
induction off the scent, they may have blinded vision
by preconceptions and deranged reasoning by preju-
dices, they may have caused confusion by mixing up
objective and subjective terms, and done many other
evil things ; but it is a historical fact that astrology
led on to astronomy, alchemy to chemistry, cosmolo-
gies to geology, and superstitious medical lore to
38 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
physiology. Even the frequent break-downs of the
a priori methods prompted a posteriori enquiry.
UNITY OF SCIENCE.
The second unity — a recognition of which makes
for sanity — is the unity of science or knowledge.
The sciences in the broadest sense form one body of
truth. Blocked apart for practical convenience,
treated of in separate books, expounded by different
teachers, investigated in different laboratories, they
are parts of one discipline, illustrations of one
method, expressions of one mood, and attempts to
make clear — if never to solve — the one great prob-
lem of the Order of Nature. The sciences have their
ideal completeness only when inter-related. This is
the ideal alike of the philosopher's stone, of the en-
cyclopaedic movement, and of the most modern scien-
tific synthesis.
This note of the unity of the sciences is sounded —
though so often quickly silenced — in the word Uni-
versity. Its value is demonstrated by the history of
the sciences, which shows how often a fresh contact
between two departments has led to great advances.
It becomes insistent when we consider a big subject
like the physiology of marine organisms, which there
is no hope of understanding except through the com-
bined efforts of chemist and physicist, botanist and
zoologist, meteorologist and geographer.
Whether we take a hint from the term " Natural
History," or from the word " Organisata," which
Linnaeus used to include both animals and plants, or
from Comte's hierarchy of the sciences, or from
Caird's essay on the unity of science, or from
Spencer's Synthetic Philosophy — we have purposely
chosen incongruous examples — we hear the same note
THE UNITY OF SCIENCE. 39
of unity. It is the end towards which our teaching
and learning must move, even if the curve be asymp-
totic.
As we have already noted, the study of living crea-
tures stands midway between the chemical and phys-
ical sciences, which are in a sense beneath it, and the
mental and social sciences, which are in a sense
above it ; there are lights from below and lights from
above; and to attempt to shut out either means un-
necessary obscurity. The living organism is a syn-
thesis, whose secret has certainly not been solved,
but we are surely saved from some misunderstand-
ings of it by the results of other sciences than Bi-
ology.
Thus, there comes to the aid of the biologist or
any other scientific worker, this criterion: Am I,
as a thinker, teacher, and investigator, recognising,
respecting, doing no violence to, the unity of science?
'Am I recognising other disciplines, other bodies of
thought, as I wish that they should recognise mine I
Even more positively, the criterion might read:
Does this piece of work in any way tend to the real-
isation of the Unity of Science ?
UNITY OF NATURE.
A third unity may perhaps be spoken of as
the unity of nature — by which we mean to refer
both to the unity of the particular subject of
scientific enquiry, and to the unity of the whole
system of things. To the psychologist, the unity
which must not be lost sight of is that of the person-
ality which he is studying. To the biologist, the
unity which cannot be ignored without fallacy is
the unity of the organism. But besides these there
is the unity of the whole system of nature in which
D
4:0 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
part is linked to part by sure, though often subtle
bonds in which nude isolation is as rare as a vacuum.
In regard to all matters we have many questions to
ask, each difficult, each interesting, each often re-
quiring special methods of investigation, and in the
search of answers we are sometimes apt to forget the
unity of the subject. There can be no doubt, for in-
stance, that in the eager pursuit of comparative
anatomy, or chemical physiology, or any other par-
ticular line of biological enquiry, the unity of the
organism is often forgotten. The same is true,
though perhaps less markedly, in other sciences,
where the fascination of some one aspect or method
causes the investigator to lose his sense of the unity
of his subject. Specialism of enquiry is necessary
and valuable, but it loses its virtue if the specialist
remain like a beetle in a rut, the sides of which form
the horizon.
Thus we reach a third criterion of scientific work
and thought ; we must force upon ourselves the ques-
tion— Am I studying this — whatever it is — as I
would have myself studied, as a whole, as a unity,
and moreover as a part in the great system of things
which we call Nature, which is also a Unity ?
To sum up, there are a certain number of 'isms
which we scornfully call fads. They express a loss
of perspective, — intellectual, emotional, or practical,
the dominance of some fixed idea which distorts or
obscures vision. It is easy to scoff at one or other of
these fads, but the chances are that we are ourselves
victims. It is more in the line of progress to study
their meaning, and then we see that they are often
reactions against some denial of the unity of life, the
unity of science, the unity of nature, or some greater
unity than these.
CHAPTEE III.
PBOGRESSIVE^ESS OF SCIENCE.
THE FIBST CONDITION OF SCIENTIFIC PKOGBESS.
~No one who has watched a colony of ants with
anv precision will find it easy to agree with the
ancient proverbialist that the " little people " are
" exceeding wise," if we mean by " wise " to imply
anything like " knowing " or " scientific " in the hu-
man connotation of these terms. Ants are marvel-
lous creatures of routine, but they are foolish before
the new. Their little complex brains are well-stocked
compendia of ready-made nervous mechanisms, but
they are eminently non-educable. It is very difficult
to prove that the little people are able to profit by
experience at all. Therefore, if one were inclined to
give a lifetime to the education of insects, one would
not begin with ants. Their brains are too much
" set," or stereotyped, to be readily docile. It would
be unwise to be dogmatic regarding this difficult prob-
lem, but the general verdict of present biological
and psychological research on the behaviour of ants
is, that their marvellous powers are not acquired by
the individual in relation to the particular needs
of its life, are not readily modifiable to suit novel
contingencies even of a simple kind, are not, in the
strict sense, intelligent, but are hereditary instincts
which have arisen in the course of a long series of
generations by the action of natural selection on
germinal variations.
If a disaster befell the ant-hill and reduced the
42 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
community to the minimum number necessary to
avoid extinction — say to a fertile queen with two
or three workers to look after her — there seems no
reason to doubt that in a short time the whole ant-
hill would contain a population as effective as before.
Their powers are implied in their brain-inheritance ;
their capabilities of effective response to their en-
vironment have little or no external registration.
It is possible that in some animals, where a social
life is sustained generation after generation, there
may be something corresponding to tradition which
gradually grows larger in its content, which forms
what may be called an external heritage as contrasted
with a natural or organic inheritance.
It is also to be noted that some of the higher ani-
mals seem to have words — particular sounds in-
dicative of certain things or expressive of definite
emotional states — and it can hardly be doubted that
the existence of these will facilitate mental processes.
In some cases, too, the permanent products which
animals make — dwellings, nests, roads, and the like
— may become suggestive symbols, and may be of
some importance as stimuli to successive genera-
tions.
Yet after all these admissions are made, it re-
mains as a great contrast between man and animals
that our possession of language and methods of re-
cording conclusions makes the progress of science
possible. In the case of ants it seems as if the brain
had evolved in the direction of a more and more per-
fect automaton ; in the case of man, the existence of
external means of registration has made it possible
for the brain to be born more and more plastic, less
weighted by an inheritance of ready-made powers, in
a word, more educable. " To the educable animal —
PROGRESSIVENESS OF SCIENCE. 4.3
the less there is of specialised mechanism transmitted
by heredity, the better. The loss of instinct is
what permits and necessitates the education of the
receptive brain." *
In this book-ridden age when the student so often
laboriously uses another's eyes instead of lifting his
own, and when many, as a stern critic has said,
" seem unable to cerebrate except in the presence of
print," the hasty wish has sometimes been expressed
that all books could be burned. But, however, in-
teresting the century succeeding the conflagration
might be — with enthusiastic reconstructing of the
classics from reminiscences and with uninhibited in-
dependence of inquiry — it is probably safe to say
that men would return to the conclusion which we
are now expounding, that the first condition of the
progressiveness of the sciences is in permanent
methods of external registration. Extraordinary,
indeed, would be the calamity if the Temple of
Science should fall like the Tower of Babel, if all
the living embodiments of science should suddenly
disappear, if all the instruments and inventions which
are suggestive symbols of hard-won generalisations
should be lost, if all the phrases which condense
discoveries into formulae should be wiped out of
human language — then we should have to begin at
the beginning again. The prime condition of the
progressiveness of science is in external modes of
registration, — in words and formulae, symbols and
instruments.
THE FACT OF PEOGEESS.
In an eloquent lecture on " The Progressive-
ness of the Sciences," the late Principal John
*E. Ray Lankester, Nature, LXL, 1900, p. 625.
44 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
Caird spoke as follows : " The history of human
knowledge is a history, on the whole, of a continu-
ous and ever-accelerating progress. In some of
its departments this characteristic may be more
marked and capable of easier illustration than in
others. External accidents, affecting the history of
nations, may often have disturbed or arrested the on-
ward movement, or even, for a time, seem to have
altogether obliterated the accumulated results of the
thought of the past. But on the whole the law is a
constant one which constitutes each succeeding age
the inheritor of the intellectual wealth of all pre-
ceding ages, and makes it its high vocation to hand
on the heritage it has received, enriched by its own
contributions, to that which comes after. In almost
every department of knowledge the modern student
begins where innumerable minds have been long at
work, and with the results of the observation, the
experience, the thought and speculation of the past
to help him. If the field of knowledge were limited,
this, indeed, would, from one point of view, be a
discouraging thought; for we should in that case be
only as gleaners coming in at the close of the day
to gather up the few scanty ears that had been left,
where other labourers had reaped the substantial
fruits of the soil. But, so far from that, vast and
varied as that body of knowledge which is the result
of past research may seem to be, the human race
may, without exaggeration, be said to have only en-
tered on its labours, to have gathered in only the first
fruits of a field which stretches away interminably
before it." *
It is one of the aims of this volume to illustrate
* A lecture delivered In 1875. Reprinted in Lectures and
Addresses, 1899.
PROGRESSIVENESS OF SCIENCE. 45
the progress of the sciences within a century, and
there are many ways in which the impression of
progressiveness may be made vivid. Many of the
articles in the older Encyclopaedias are splendid
pieces of intellectual workmanship, but to read one
of them and then its correspondent in a modern
encyclopaedia is like a sudden transition from an
incipient spring to midsummer. And yet we know
that, to our successors, this modern article will soon
seem quite vernal.
There have been scientific works like those of
Aristotle, Pliny, and Galen which lasted in varied
forms through centuries ; and there are masterpieces,
like the books of Euclid, and Newton's Principia,
which in some form will be text-books while learning
lasts; but every one knows that nowadays even the
best of text-books is very short-lived.
If we take a survey of the sciences, from astron-
omy to sociology, how striking are the changes, alike
as to facts and ideas, in the last hundred years. He
must be indeed blase or callous who does not feel ex-
hilaration in the thought of the advance in the in-
terval between Laplace and Lockyer ; between Count
Rumford and Lord Kelvin; between Hutton and
Playfair and the Geikies; between Richard Owen
and Louis Agassiz on the one hand, Cope and Zittel
on the other; between Cuvier and Huxley; between
Lamarck and Ray Lankester ; between Von Baer and
Francis Balfour; between Bichat and Sir Michael
Foster; between Erasmus Darwin and his grand-
son ; between Reimarus and Romanes ; between Prich-
ard and Taylor; between Adam Smith and Herbert
Spencer. To any one who knows even a little con-
cerning the history of science the contrasts of these
coupled names must stimulate afresh the impression
46 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
that there are few facts more marvellous and inspir-
ing than the advancement of science.
ITS NECESSITY.
The primary reason for the progressiveness of
science is simply that the scientific mood is a natural
and necessary expression of the developing human
spirit. It may be thwarted, discountenanced, even
banned, as it was during the early mediaeval cen-
turies, but stifled it cannot be. The innate inquisi-
tiveness, the passion for facts, the active scepticism,
the desire after lucidity, and the other qualities to
which we have referred as characteristics of the
scientific mood, may be widespread or confined to
small circles of enquirers, may be exhibited in re-
gard to all orders of facts or restricted to a single
department, but the scientific mood is essential to
man's nature, and science will not cease to progress
until both practice and poesy have likewise come to
an end.
There is no doubt that many pieces of scientific
research are entered upon with the set purpose of
solving practical problems; on the other hand much
scientific activity is as spontaneous and instinctive as
a great part of artistic activity is : in other words, it
is a natural expression of the man. In evidence of
this, at a time when the pursuit of science is so often
a " profession " and a " Brodwissenschaft" one may
recall that up and down through the country one
finds many obscure enthusiasts pursuing in their lei-
sure hours, or in hours when others sleep, some
path of scientific enquiry — astronomical, geological,
botanical, zoological, or otherwise — in most cases
without hope of or wish for reward, without desire
PROGRESSIVENESS OF SCIENCE. 47
for publicity or publication, for they are genuine
amateurs in the literal sense.
Another way of illustrating the ineradicable sci-
entific mood is to consider a few biographies of
eminent workers, and to notice how often the environ-
mental conditions were the very reverse of propi-
tious. The " Pursuit of Knowledge under Difficul-
ties " is a well-worn theme, — of considerable interest
to those who have had experience in the task of try-
ing to induce uninterested students to pursue knowl-
edge under the most favourable conditions.
It may perhaps be argued that although the sci-
entific mood is characteristically human and must
therefore persist, while man as we know him does,
yet the subjects of enquiry are limited and the range
of our sense-experience is not infinite. Therefore
there must be an end to the progress of science, and
a time must come when the confession ignoramus
will be no longer heard in the land, for all the prob-
lems that have not been solved will be insoluble, and
ignorabimus will remain as the only word of intel-
lectual modesty. It can hardly be said that this
question of the completion of scientific enquiry is
one of practical politics, but it may not be unprofit-
able to consider it for a little.
It was surely a momentary aberration which led
a great zoologist to suggest not long ago, in the
enthusiasm of a retrospect, that it was now about
time for us to be making a list of the things we did
not know. A very different suggestion was made in
a remarkable sentence in the presidential address
delivered by the late Dr. Edward Orton at the 1899
meeting of the American Association for the Ad-
vancement of Science. " The founders of the As-
sociation, fifty years ago, clearly saw that they were
48 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
in the early morning of a growing day. The most
unexpected and marvellous progress has been made
since that date, but as yet there is no occasion for,
and no prospect of modifying the title (Association
for the Advancement of Science). We are still la-
bouring for the advancement of science, for the dis-
covery of new truth. The field, which is the world,
was never so white unto the harvest as now, but it
is still early morning on the dial of science." It is
this last sentence which should be pondered over by
any one who is inclined to speak or think or act as
if it were already late afternoon !
The fact is, that to whatever department of scien-
tific enquiry we turn, we find an embarrassment of
unsolved problems. Everywhere there is a widening
outlook, a more and more intensive analysis, but never
a hint of finality. Everywhere we hear the words,
" for leagues and leagues beyond, and still more sea."
It might seem to some that an old-established and
persistently prosecuted department of science like
human anatomy must be now almost exhausted, but
among the experts the suggestion would be received
with derision. It might seem to some that a little
animal like the lancelet, every millimetre of whose
body has been subjected to the scrutiny of the keen-
est zoological observers, must be now almost com-
pletely known, but the suggestion is one that only
an outsider could make. We have not nearly fin-
ished with this one animal, and is it not a little
one? The animal cell has been studied with the
most assiduous carefulness, with gradually perfected
microscopes, with ingenious devices of fixing and
staining and cutting, for more than three-quarters
of a century, and yet it remains very imperfectly
known. We may recall, for instance, that the dia-
PROGRESSIVENESS OF SCIENCE. 49
covery of the central corpuscles or centrosomes —
somewhat enigmatical, apparently very important,
and practically constant components of the animal
cell — members of the " cell-firm " — dates from only
a few years ago.
N"or should it be forgotten that we live in a world
of change, in which a process of evolution is going
on, and that, therefore, the subject-matter of a sci-
ence is developing just as the science is. We hear of
stars that die and of others that are a-making (we
may use the present tense though the events are, of
course, vastly older than our observation of them) ;
even in a human lifetime — the minutest moment
compared with the earth's age — the features of a
countryside may change perceptibly, indeed a shors
may get a new face in a single storm; the distribu-
tion of plants and animals is in process of rapid
flux; the characters of organisms, including our-
selves, are slowly but surely changing. Thus with
an evolving subject-matter before our eyes, we need
say little about the prospect of — completed science.
SCIENTIFIC CONCLUSIONS OF THE FIRST MAGNITUDE.
We hear so much nowadays in regard to the
rapid progress of science that there seems some dan-
ger lest our impression become exaggeratedly san-
guine. In more critical moods, however, the suspi-
cion arises that in spite of the rapid accumulation of
natural knowledge, information often proves itself
the death of wit ; and that in spite of the remarkable
diffusion of the scientific mood throughout wide cir-
cles in our community, the growth of scientific in-
sight is really very slow.
That this suspicion is not unfounded becomes clear
50 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
when we consider the small number of scientific gen-
eralisations which we can venture to describe as of
the first magnitude. We begin to count these: The
doctrine of the indestructibility of matter, foreseen
by Democritus, but for practical, scientific purposes
only about a century old — dating from Lavoisier;
the doctrine of the conservation of energy, with its
corollaries of transformability and dissipation; the
theory of gravitation, with its far-reaching applica-
tions; and the theory of organic evolution which
will be linked for ever with the name of Charles
Darwin.
But after we have enumerated these, we begin to
hesitate. Are there any others on the same plane,
which thoughtful men accept without hesitation and
without saving clauses, to lose any of which would
spell intellectual disaster? Should we include, for
instance, what is grandiloquently called the Law of
Biogenesis — which states that, so far as we know,
every living creature has its parentage in another
living creature or in two other living creatures ? This
is a big fact, no doubt, but it is hardly more than
an empirical fact, and there are many who suppose
from foreshadowings which they see that the coming
events of the next quarter of a century will con-
vince us that this at present unimpeachable conclu-
sion will be shown to be fallacious, not in itself per-
haps, but in its suggestion of an impassable gulf
between the not-living and the living. Or should we
include the " biogenetisches Orunagesetz " — the Re-
capitulation Doctrine — that the individual develop-
ment recapitulates the racial evolution, or that the
organism in its becoming climbs up its own genea-
logical tree ? but there are many who will agree with
Mr. Sedgwick — the eminent zoologist of Cam-
PROGRESSIVENESS OF SCIENCE. 51
bridge — that before this recapitulation doctrine can
be accepted it must be subjected to emendations so
serious that it comes to resemble a shoe cobbled so
often that almost nothing of the original structure
remains. We read of the stuffed horse of Wallen-
stein at Prag which has " only the head, legs, and
part of the body renewed," and the " biogenetisches
Grundgesetz " seems much in the same state at
present. In revised form it must prove its power of
survival a little longer, before we can admit it to a
place of honour among the scientific generalisations
of the first magnitude.
A recent paper on the cardinal principles of science
reminds us that we have overlooked " The Uniform-
ity of Nature," which states that in similar condi-
tions similar things are likely to happen, and also
the platitudinarian doctrine of " The Responsivity of
Mind," which asserts that minds react in similar
ways to similar stimuli. "With every wish to be
generous, we cannot throw these in, for the first seems
a platitude — a fallacious platitude — and the second,
well, it is a corollary of the first.
Huxley gets credit for the phrase " The Uni-
formity of Nature," which has been called a cardinal
principle, indeed the cardinal principle of science.
But if Huxley made the phrase, which we doubt,
it does not seem so happy as some others that he
minted. It is difficult to state clearly what the so-
called principle means. That there are uniformities
of sequence in the world around us all will admit,
—else there were no science possible — but what the
uniformity is remains obscure. We believe that the
gravitation formula fits wherever it can be applied,
that is one uniformity; we find no evidence to
warrant our doubting that what we call matter and
52 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
energy always persist however their forms of expres-
sion may change, here are two other uniformities —
or, perhaps, the two are one ; but there are not many
other conclusions which admit of the same univer-
sality of application and verifiability of accuracy.
We know the " law of biogenesis," omne vivum e
vivo, to mean that, so far as our experience goes, every
living creature springs from some other living crea-
ture; we do not know of any exception to the state-
ment, but we see no warrant in this for asserting that
the so-called law was, or will be, or even is always
true. And the same doubt, which becomes more as-
sertive when we consider this last instance, is not
silent even in regard to the alleged indestructibility
of matter or the alleged indestructibility of power.
It does not seem particularly forcible to retort that
" one cannot conceive of the reverse happening," for
it is not so long since a belief in spontaneous genera-
tion was widespread, or since the idea that the earth
was not the hub of the universe was deemed by many
— and these not small-brained men — " quite incon-
ceivable." And these were the very words of Mother
Grundy when she first heard of the Doctrine of De-
scent.
In short, is there not a radical fallacy in the phrase
" The Uniformity of Nature," since our so-called
natural laws are only descriptive formulae of what
is seen and known in given conditions of space and
time, neither " governing nature," nor " explaining
nature " ? As descriptive formulae of observed phe-
nomena, presumably descriptive of similar unobserved
phenomena, they make it easier for us to look out
upon the world without intellectual biliousness — in-
deed with the greatest of joy, to follow the course of
events with some appreciation of their orderliness,
PROGRESSIVENESS OF SCIENCE. 53
to utilise them for our practical purpose ; but, surely,
it is time that we ceased supposing that they enable
us to explain, to see the ultimate causes, the " real
inwardness," of what we observe.
But even if the reiterated distinction between
descriptive formulae and explanations be not admitted
— its vindication will be found in Karl Pearson's
Grammar of Science, — it may perhaps be granted
that the less we say about the Uniformity of Nature
the better for the consistency of our scientific mood.
Is not the whole point expressed in Bacon's
aphorism ? — " Man, as the minister and interpreter
of nature, does and understands as much as his ob-
servations on the order of nature, either with regard
to things or the mind, permit him, and neither knows
nor is capable of more." It is difficult, perhaps,
to say what the word " understand " means in this
aphorism, but if it mean " redescribe in simpler
terms," it expresses our present position.
There is another consideration which should per-
haps give us pause in our talk about the Uniformity
of Nature. It may be illustrated by the following
quotation from a paper by Winkler.*
" Four hundred years ago Nicholas Copernicus
left, as a young master of philosophy and of medicine,
the old university of Ulica St. Anny, at Cracow, to
go to Bologna and to Rome for the purpose of con-
secrating his talents as a mathematician to the study
of astronomical sciences. There, attacking the
enigma of the firmament, he finally attained the
certainty that the earth was not, as had been hitherto
believed, a central fixed world, but a sphere suspended
freely in space, a planet similar to the other planets,
* Transl. in Rep. Smithsonian Inst. for 1897, pp. 237-246.
54 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
turning around the sun and having a movement of
rotation around its own axis under the action of
gravitation. It was, indeed, a true revolution in
the theories that had been hitherto held, this theory
that fixed the sun in the firmament in spite of its
daily ascent and disappearance; an idea that, at the
present day, has become familiar to us. And fur-
ther, we now know that neither is the sun itself
fixed, but that it is drawn with all its cortege of
planets along a course without end, across space with-
out limit. Whence comes it and whither goes it?
Properly speaking, we know nothing about it, and
doubtless we will never know either its origin
or its end; but as the earth turns around this
movable sun, it hence results that our planet does
not describe a closed path, but a sort of spiral, and
that it never returns to a spot that it has once quitted.
Each second takes our planet to a new point in the
universe, and from this incessant displacement it
ought to follow that no phenomenon or event can
ever reproduce exactly any anterior phenomenon.
Clouds may resemble each other, as one sunrise re-
sembles another, but there is never an absolute coin-
cidence, and it would seem that these variations ought
to be perpetuated throughout the course of time that
is embraced by the history of humanity.
" It would be useless to push further these con-
siderations, they are merely speculations; but they
lead to this thought, which, although unsupported,
continually recurs to our mind — the possibility of a
progressive transformation of matter in a given direc-
tion, in that they show that everything that is with
us is drawn along in a dizzy course across an un-
known immensity."
Let us return, however, to our particular point
PROGRESSIVENESS OF SCIENCE. 55
in this section, which was the small number of
scientific generalisations of the first magnitude.
What, some one may indignantly ask, what of the
atomic theory, the periodic law, the kinetic theory
of gases, the mechanical theory of heat, the un-
dulatory theory of light, the cell-theory, Weber's law,
and so on ? To which we would answer that while
these are doubtless of importance, they lack the
generality and the intellectual influence of the four
great generalisations already mentioned — the in-
destructibility of matter, the conservation of energy,
the formula of gravitation, and the theory of organic
evolution. What impresses one then is, that scientific
generalisations of the first magnitude are few, and
therefore that the scope for progressive science kas
at present no visible boundaries.
FACTOES IN FURTHER PROGRESS.
(a) Growing Intensity of the Scientific Mood. —
It cannot be doubted that serious scientific study is
now common in circles where half a century ago it
was rare; this means an increasing body of observ-
ers, critics, and formulators. It is also certain that
scientific methods are now being applied to orders of
phenomena which half a century ago were observed
and discussed in a very easy-going and light-hearted
fashion. Some one has said rather bitterly that
every science must pass through three periods: of
presentiment or of faith, of sophistry, and of sober
research ; but it may be confidently asserted that most
departments of science have now entered upon the
third period.
It is not long since comparative psychology was,
56 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
apart from a few classical works, for the most part
anecdotal. Precision of observation and record was
blurred by fancies; facts and inferences from facts
were subtly intermingled ; experiment was almost un-
known, indeed scarcely thought of; and transcen-
dental preconceptions prejudiced the whole outlook.
But these blemishes are rapidly disappearing, and
we see the rise of a young science, — careful, pains-
taking, precise, given to measuring and experiment-
ing.
To take another illustration. It is well known
that one of the master-keys to evolutionist problems
is labelled " variation" by which is usually meant
the process or the result of innate or constitutional
change which renders a living creature from birth
onwards more or less different from its parents.
Since the process of variation furnishes a great
part, if not the whole, of what may be called the raw
material of progress, its importance is obviously
fundamental. And yet the post-Darwinian history
of biological activity in reference to variation has
only recently begun to be creditable to science.
Let us quote a few sentences from Mr. Bateson's
Materials for the Study of Variation (1894) — a
work which has done much to lift our feet out of the
mire. " We are continually stopped by such phrases
as, ' if such and such a variation then took place and
was favourable/ or, ( we may easily suppose circum-
stances in which such and such a variation if it oc-
curred might be beneficial,' and the like. The whole
argument is based on such assumptions as these —
assumptions which, were they found in the arguments
of Paley or of Butler, we could not too scornfully
ridicule. ' If,' say we with much circumlocution,
' the course of Nature followed the lines we have
PROGRESSIVENESS OF SCIENCE. 57
suggested, then, in short, it did.' That is the sum
of our argument. . . . Surely, then, to collect and
codif y the facts of Variation is the first duty of the
naturalist. This work should be undertaken if only
to rid our science of that excessive burden of contra-
dictory assumptions by which it is now oppressed.
... If we had before us the facts of Variation
there would be a body of evidence to which in these
matters of doubt we could appeal. We should no
longer say ' if Variation take place in such a way/ or
' if such a variation were possible ' ; we should on the
contrary be able to say, ' since Variation does, or at
least may take place in such a way,' ( since such and
such a Variation is possible,' and we should be ex-
pected to quote a case or cases of such occurrence as
an observed fact."
It was in this mood that Bateson compiled his
invaluable work, which, though still represented by
only Part I., has been a big stride towards a more
scientific basis for the study of organic evolution. It
has been followed by numerous statistical studies of
actually occurring variations, by experimental at-
tempts to distinguish between germinal variations
and bodily acquired modifications (due to the in-
fluence of functions and environment), and so on.
The point is, that here, as in many other cases, an
over-impetuous, undoubtedly too easy-going science,
has had to retrace its steps, and to begin again where
science always begins, in precise and unprejudiced
observation and recording of facts, in measurement,
and in experiment.
(6) A Fuller Recognition of fhe Unities. — When
we recall the fact that qualitative advance is very
slow, while quantitative advance is exceedingly rapid,
we are led to enquire whether there may not be some
58 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
deep reason for this. Perhaps the chief reason is
the limitation of human faculty which so readily
leads to a disregard of what we have called the Three
Unities. The limitation is partly the result of mis-
education, the persistent tendency to fill the mind
instead of evolving it, to set it in grooves instead of
allowing it free scope. It is also due to the pressure
of social conventions, which nip the buds of individu-
ality, frown down idiosyncrasies, and allow no elbow
room (Abanderungsspielraum} to novel variations,
which are, after all, the potentialities of progress. It
is also due to the pressure of the struggle for exist-
ence, which forces the young enquirer to premature
specialism, that he may thereby make a name and a
position for himself. " Er will sich nahren, Kinder
zeugen" and so on. If we may define a genius as
one who has by inheritance and appropriate culture
an unusual complement of powers all in strong devel-
opment,— poetic as well as scientific, or practical as
well as philosophical, or otherwise, — there are many
facts within our experience which suggest the sad
conclusion that for one genius who makes himself
felt, there are perhaps nine whose light is hidden
under a bushel. It is for this reason that many who
are under no delusion as to the equality of men or the
triumph of democracy would favour every measure
which opens the portals of learning — let us say, the
gates of our Universities — more widely to all sorts
and conditions of men.*
There remains, however, another reason, that when
the scientific student, who has retained an open and
sympathetic mind, finds himself in his maturity more
than ever aware of the need for correlation in knowl-
* This is now pecuniarily possible in Sootland, thanks to
Mr. Carnegie's magnificent gift.
PROGRESSIVENESS OF SCIENCE. 59
edge-making or for co-operation in science, he is also
likely to find himself pre-occupied with his own
problems, mastered by his strongest personal interests,
burdened by immediate duties, with neither time
nor energy left for that effort which an active reali-
sation of the unities implies. For lack of sympathy
in some cases, for lack of synergy in other cases, the
progress of synthesis is sluggish.
For this reason we emphasise our thesis that the
progressiveness of science depends first on a realisa-
tion of the Unity of Life.
The scientist, by which we mean the student of the
order of nature, is incomplete in his arm-chair; he
is even incomplete in his laboratory. He must be,
in some measure, also a citizen, a man of feeling, and
a philosopher! That even his science will suffer
from his practical denial of the trinity of doing, feel-
ing and knowing, is our argument, and this the slow
progress of science seems to us to bear out. One
might appeal to biologists who have because of their
expert knowledge been appointed to serve on gov-
ernmental commissions, dealing with practical prob-
lems of life, and ask whether, after allowing for
the delay of their personal investigations, they did
not return to these with new zest, widened outlook,
and fresh insight. The German government digni-
fies prominent scientists with the title of GeJieimrath
or Privy Councillor, and in many cases there is an
honour conferred, and that is all. But behind the
honorary title, there is the suggestion — sometimes
realised — that the expert advice thus dignified is at
the service of the government in critical situations, —
a plague, a famine, an exploitation of new territory
and so forth. That the same sort of expert advice
should be at the command of all nations who nurture
60 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
scientific academies and scientific professors, seems
sound common sense, and that it would be the better
for science, as well as for the community, if this were
oftener called into exercise seems equally obvious.
We have illustrated our point by reference to the
need for contact with the practical problems of life ;
but a strong case could also be made for the advantage
which science would gain by endeavouring at least to
understand the point of view of the artist and the
philosopher.
Secondly, the progressiveness of science depends
upon a fuller realisation of what we have called the
unity of science. Mineralogy and petrography have
acquired new vitality and greatly enhanced impor-
tance since they became definitely chemical; the
method of spectrum analysis has brought astronomy
from a position of isolation into intimate contact
with chemistry and physics; the recent development
of physical chemistry is another instance of happy
and fruitful union; since physiologists called
chemists to their aid physiological chemistry has be-
come so important that what used to be relegated to
an appendix in a physiological treatise now pervades
the whole book ; psychology has listened to biological
results; and the indebtedness of social science to
biology and the physical sciences is admitted by most
to be of value, though the contact is still only in-
cipient.
But while this and more may be said of actual co-
operation, it remains necessary to point out that
many workers, and many departments of this or
the other science, continue to flounder along, where-
as they might swim swiftly if they condescended to
take assistance and instruction from their fellow-
travellers. After all, the current is not so swift,
PROGRESSIVENESS OF SCIENCE. 61
that there is no time for mutual consultation by the
way.
Thirdly, the progress of science depends upon a
recognition of the unity of the subject, which extends
itself to a recognition of the unity of nature. A
great part of scientific work is analytic; we take
things to pieces — social institutions, man, the animal,
the plant, the earth, the piece of matter — just as the
boy dissects the watch. And this analysis is neces-
sary, as well as fascinating. The danger is lest we
forget that it is only a means to an end — namely, that
we may put the things together again with a better
understanding of the unity which we have dissolved.
It is plain that in anatomy, for instance, we make
an abstraction necessary for the purpose on hand,
but still an abstraction — for we leave the life out
of consideration. Our point is, that the analytical
work of the anatomist only fulfils its function when
the results are brought as a contribution towards a
fuller understanding of the unity of the organism.
In the same way, to take another illustration, the
comparative physiologist concerns himself mainly
with an analysis of the activities or functions of or-
gans, tissues, and cells in different kinds of creatures ;
and his work, still very young, has been rich in im-
portant results, and is full of promise. But, again,
for purposes of research, abstractions are necessary,
the living creature is abstracted not from its life — for
the physiologist is always concerned with activity —
but from its full life as it is lived in nature. Our
point is, that physiology does not fulfil itself until its
results are brought as a contribution to a fuller
understanding of the life as a whole — of what is in
some sense a personality with character and habits,
with a complex life in a complex environment, a
62 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
member of a family, a unit in a fauna, a thread in
the web of life.
And although we have taken our illustrations from
biology, the same condition of progress applies to the
other sciences. That man cannot be studied to much
purpose, if he is persistently held in artificial isola-
tion, is as certain as is the impossibility of under-
standing the earth apart from the solar system.
To sum up, three important factors in the progress
of science are: a fuller recognition that science is
for life and not life for science, a more practical ap-
preciation of the benefits of co-operation between
different disciplines, and a frank acknowledgment
that analysis is a means not at end.
But there is another important factor ; namely, the
improvement of methods, — of devices by which we
not only extend the range of our sense-experience but
intensify our powers of precision. To give an ac-
count of the development of methods would be to
write half of the history of science, and we must refer
for illustration to the separate chapters of this book.
But how much progress is suggested when we recall
the methods of quantitative analysis in chemistry, of
measuring the different forms of energy in physics,
of spectrum analysis in astronomy, of microscopic
technique in biology, of experiment in psychology.
Apart altogether from instrumental devices, the in-
creasing use of mathematical and statistical methods
in dealing with the problems of biology furnishes a
good illustration of the fact that the rate of progress
is partly dependent on the methods employed.
JUSTIFICATION OF SCIENCE.
If science be a natural and necessary expression of
PROGRESSIVENESS OF SCIENCE. 63
the developing human spirit, this is justification
enough. Yet a more detailed justification may be de-
manded, not only by critics who object to the vast ex-
penditure of time and money, labour and life, which
the pursuit of knowledge involves, but also by those
who at times lose confidence and enthusiasm, and are
inclined to cry " Vanity " with the Preacher. Great
conclusions are few and far between, practical dis-
coveries bring curses as well as blessings, increase of
knowledge often means increase of sorrow ; and there
is the endlessness of it, like that of an asymptotic line
always approaching nearer a given curve but never
reaching it. " Advance brings us no nearer the end
of our labour, for the more we know the more we see
of what remains to be known. Every problem laid
at rest gives birth to two new problems which did not
present themselves to the mind before." *
If we can suppose a science — Biology, for in-
stance— arraigned before the bar of Humanity, as it
should for its own sake feel itself arraigned, the
lines of defence might be briefly summed up as fol-
lows : f
First, Biology is, like the other sciences, like art
and poesy, a natural expression of human activity,
at once a development and discipline of man. To
cease to be scientific is to abdicate manhood. Along
certain lines even the so-called savage is scientific.
Second : and " without prejudice," Biology is jus-
tified by practical results. In spite of many mistakes,
it has made valuable contributions in relation to hu-
man health, the supply of food and other necessaries,
•Alex. Hill, An Introduction to Science, London, 1900,
p. 41.
t See my lecture. " The Humane Study of Natural His-
tory," in Humane Science Lectures, London, 1897.
64 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
the use of animals, and so forth. We say " without
prejudice," since we cannot, for a moment, allow
that a science, as a science, should ever submit to
the practical man's canon which makes immediate
utility a stringent criterion of worthiness.
Third, while the partial pursuit of certain paths
may sometimes have dulled or even played false to
healthy emotion, the general result of Biology is to
deepen our wonder in the world, our love of beauty,
our joy in living. The modern botanist is, or at
least ought to be, more aware of the Dryad in the
tree than the Greek poet could be.
Fourth, Biology has partially worked out certain
general conceptions of life and health, of growth and
development, of order and progress, — centred in the
idea of evolution, — which are not only attempts to
see more clearly what is true, but which make for
finer feeling and for the betterment of life. No
doubt there have been impetuous attempts to apply
immature biological results to the problems of hu-
man conduct; no doubt the sociologist has some-
times tried unwisely to force the biologist's hand;
but one may still maintain with confidence that
biology has justified itself in contributing to the
ascent of man.
In the introduction to his Grammar of Science*
Prof. Karl Pearson has admirably expounded tho
claims of science in general, and his summary may
be quoted : " The claims of science to our support
depend on: (a) The efficient mental training it
provides for the citizen; (6) the light it brings to
bear on many important social problems; (c) the
* The author's statement was written some years before
reading the work cited.
PROGRESSIVENESS OF SCIENCE. 65
increased comfort it adds to practical life; (d) the
judgment."
Just as Huxley expressed himself at one with
Descartes in declaring as his fundamental motive
in scientific study " to learn how to distinguish
truth from falsehood, in order to be clear about my
actions, and to walk sure-footedly in this life," so,
it should be noted, Pearson lays most stress upon
the permanent gratification it yields to the aesthetic,
the educational side of science : " Modern science,
as training the mind to an exact and impartial
analysis of facts, is an education specially fitted to
promote sound citizenship. . . . This first claim of
scientific training, its education in method, is to
my mind the most powerful claim it has to state sup-
port. I believe more will be achieved by placing
instruction in pure science within the reach of all
our citizens, than by any number of polytechnics de-
voting themselves to technical education, which does
not rise above the level of mutual instruction."
SCIENCE AXD PRACTICAL UTILITY.
Science and practice act and react upon one an-
other. On the one hand, historical enquiry shows that
a science may arise out of practical lore and that it
may receive fresh stimulus in every fresh application
to practical problems. In gathering herbs man gath-
ered knowledge, and in cultivating his garden he laid
the foundations of the science of botany; to their
gathering and gardening most teachers of botany still
return with pleasure and profit. The lore of the
hunter and the fisher is older than all zoology,
and many will agree that the vitality of the science
depends upon a periodic return to the study of the
66 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
actual life of animals as it is lived in nature. It
may be going too far to say with Espinas, — "La,
pratique a partout devance la theorie/' but there is
no doubt as to the progressive impulse which comes
to a science from its corresponding art.
On the other hand, an exaggeration of the impor-
tance of contact with practical problems and of im-
mediate practical results, is, we believe, disastrous to
the welfare of science, and it may not be out of place
to enter a brief protest.
" The fundamental importance of abstruse re-
search receives too little consideration in our time.
The practical side of life is all absorbent ; the results
of research are utilised promptly, and full recogni-
tion is awarded to the one who utilises, while the in-
vestigator is ignored. The student himself is liable
to be regarded as a relic of mediaeval times. . . .
The foundation of industrial advance was laid by
workers in pure science, for the most part ignorant of
utility and caring little about it. ... The investi-
gator takes the first step, and makes the inventor
possible. Thereafter the inventor's work aids the
investigator in making new discoveries, to be utilised
in their turn."* In his admirable Introduction
to Science (1900) Dr. Alex. Hill says: "Great ad-
vances have been made by investigators whose object
was wholly technical. Yet, if the history of science
were written, it would be found that the first step in
advance, the germ of the discovery which became
fruitful in the hands of the practical chemist, the
mechanician, the pathologist, was discovered by the
investigator, for whom science lost its interest as soon
"John J. Stevenson, "The Debt of the World to Pure
Science," Pres. Address, New York Acad., February, 1898,
Science, March 11, 1898; Rep. Smithsonian Institute for
1897, pp. 325-336.
PROGRESSIVENESS OF SCIENCE. 67
as it could be put to practical use." He instances
the discoveries preceding the use of antiseptics and of
Rontgen rays.
Undue insistence on practical results is apt to be
unjust, partly because no one is wise enough to pre-
dict the outcome of a research, and partly because
secure progress in science is often extremely slow.
The twitching legs of Galvani's frog were studied as
a theoretical curiosity ; who could have told that they
pointed to the flicking needle of the telegraph? It
was not for practical ends that William Smith
plodded afoot over England, neither resting nor hur-
rying in his exploration of the strata, but how much
of the exploitation of Britain's mineral resources
had its origin in his maps ? Or who can say that the
series of discoveries which found the open sesame
of coal-tar and brought forth its treasures had at first
any practical outlook ?
One use which a volume like this may have is to
curb the impatience of the practical man in regard to
experiments whose outcome he regards as useless, and
to prompt him to a more generous support of
scientific research. A little knowledge of the history
of science may not be altogether a dangerous thing,
if it suggests that from apparently inauspicious be-
ginnings and from apparently unpromising items of
honest work, great results may follow. Spectrum
analysis— a method of very great importance to
astronomer and physicist, chemist and physiologist —
had its beginning in some apparently insignificant
observations by Marcgraf, Herschel, and others.
Pasteur's at first sight extremely theoretical re-
searches on the hemihedral facets of tartrate crystals
were logically as well as actually connected with his
practical researches on fermentation.
68 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
Over and over again in the course of the history of
science we find illustrations of the long gestation of
scientific truth. Minerva-like birth is rare. " Dis-
coveries which proved all important in secondary re-
sults do not burst forth full grown; they are, so to
say, the crown of a structure raised painfully and
noiselessly by men indifferent to this world's affairs,
caring little for fame and even less for wealth.
Facts are gathered, principles are discovered, each
falling into its own place, until at last the brilliant
crown shines out, and the world thinks it sees a
miracle." * But it was after waiting and working
for almost a score of years that Darwin published his
theory of natural selection.
Another good illustration of the gradual emergence
of an important conclusion is to be found in the
history of the kinetic theory of gases. We usually,
and rightly, associate this conception with the names
of Joule and Clausius, and fix the date about 1857,
but " the researches of Paul du Bois-Reymond and
others have unearthed a whole list of authors who, in
more or less definite ways, had resorted to the hypo-
thesis of a rectilinear translatory motion of the
molecules in order to explain the phenomena of pres-
sure and other properties of gases. Among these
Daniel Bernouilli (in his Hydrodynamica, 1738),
seems to have expressed the clearest views, and he is
usually now named as the " father of the hypoth-
esis." f
While then we hold firmly that science is for life
and not life for science, we protest against a narrow
rendering of the words " for life." The practical
man's impatient "What's the use of it ? " often reveals
* J. J. Stevenson, Rep. Smithsonian Inst., for 1897, p. 325.
t J. T. Merz, History, 1896, p. 433.
PROGRESSIVENESS OF SCIENCE. 69
a vulgar materialism. " Truer relations of science
to industry are implied in Greek mythology. Vul-
can, the god of industry, wooed science, in the form
of Minerva, with a passionate love, but the chaste
goddess never married, although she conferred upon
mankind nearly as many arts as Prometheus, who,
like other inventors, saw civilisation progressing by
their use while he lay groaning in want on Mount
Caucasus." *
* Sir Lyon Playfair, Pres. Address, Rep. Brit. Ass., 1885,
p. 17.
BOOK TWO.
MATTER AND ENERGY.
CHAPTER IV.
A CENTUEY OF CHEMISTRY.
SEARCH FOR THE ELEMENTS.
Different Kinds of Things. — An inquisitive out-
look on the world at once gives us the impression of
an enormous number of different kinds of things —
different in substance or composition as well as in
form and activity — and we feel the need of arranging
these in some order.
If we continue our inquisitive outlook we soon per-
ceive that no small part of the apparent variety of
the things we see around us is due to the fact that
different stuffs or kinds of matter occur mixed up
together. If we take a handful of coarse sand from
the shore, we can, by working for a few hours, put
it into some order, placing fragments of lime shells
in one corner and pieces of quartz in another, and so
on. But this sorting out is easy work, and can be
done by a machine ; it is not the chemist's problem, —
he deals with, the changes in the nature of substances
which are not mixtures. Among these not-mixtures
it is necessary to distinguish (1) a certain number of
definite kinds of matter which cannot be separated by
any known means into unlike parts, such as iron and
A CENTURY OF CHEMISTRY. 71
carbon; and (2) others which, by heating or other-
wise, can be broken up (not sorted out) into unlike
parts, such as sugar and salt. In other words, after
sorting out the heterogeneous mixtures the chemist
has to do with the two sets of homogeneous stuffs to
which we have just referred — which are familiarly
known as Elements and Compounds.
Though many of the elementary substances, such
as copper, gold, iron, lead, silver, tin, zinc, sulphur,
have been known from remote antiquity, the recogni-
tion of elements as such — i.e., as substances which
cannot, so far as we know at the time, be resolved
into other kinds of matter — practically dates from
Robert Boyle, the author of The Sceptical Chymist
(1680).
A hundred years later, Lavoisier, who first made
the conception of elements practically useful in
scientific research, enumerated thirty-three (includ-
ing light and heat), but the list increased by leaps
and bounds during the nineteenth century. Thus Sir
Humphry Davy discovered six new metals between
1808 and 1810, and the Swedish chemist Berzelius
added an equal number in about the same time. As
was to be expected, the practical interests of miner-
alogy and metallurgy, especially in Sweden and
Germany, gave zest to the search after elements,
and led Scheele and others to many discoveries.
By 1830, Lavoisier's list was nearly doubled, and it
is still being added to.
Interactions of Elements. — Another impression
that we get from our outlook is that things are
changeful. We see stones weathering and crum-
bling, shells being dissolved away, iron rusting, coal
burning, and thousands of other changes, which ex-
cite curiosity and offer problems to be solved.
72 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
A moment's reflection will show that two some-
what different sets of changes go on around us. In
the frosty night water changes into ice; the sun
rises, and the ice changes into water; in the bright
sunshine the water may even pass into the air as
vapour. Here we have one of the most familiar
instances of a change of state, but the water remains
in a real sense water all the time. There is no
change in the nature of the stuff, and it is with
changes in the nature of the stuff that chemistry
has primarily to do, with the change, for instance,
which occurs when, by an electric current, water is
decomposed into its two constituents, hydrogen and
oxygen. The chemist has as his fundamental prob-
lem, not merely the recognition and isolation of
elements, but their affinity in relation to one an-
other, their capacity of exerting chemical action or
inducing chemical change.
Detection of an Element. — The question natur-
ally rises in the mind, how does the chemist know
when a given substance is an element or not ; and the
only scientific answer is that all substances should
be assumed to be compounds until all known methods
of decomposing them have been tried without suc-
cess. " If the products we obtain always weigh more
than the substance itself and never less, no matter to
what changes it has been subjected, then, provided
each change is complete and accompanied by no loss
of substance through our imperfect methods, we are
constrained to regard that substance as an ele-
ment," *
Thus the chemical conception of an element is
simply that of an undecomposed — not necessarily
* Ostwald, Outlines of General Chemistry, trans. J.
Walker. 1890, Chap. II., " The Elements," p. 9.
A CENTURY OF CHEMISTRY. 73
undecomposable substance — since we must always
bear in mind that an increased perfection of method
may result in the decomposition of what was pre-
viously regarded as elementary.
Recent Discoveries of New Elements. — During
the last quarter of a century the number of known
elements has been very rapidly increased. In a gen-
eral way, it may be said that analysis has become
more penetrating, but there are several particular
reasons for the increase. (1) It was by the electro-
lytic decomposition of alkaline earths that Davy dis-
covered potassium and sodium; this was about the
beginning of the century, and the discoverer had at
his command only a feeble Voltaic pile; now in-
tensely powerful currents are utilised, and it was by
these that Moissan, for instance, was able to isolate
fluorine from its combinations. (2) Spectrum
analysis has shown the existence of a series of ele-
ments with characteristic spectra, and it is a remark-
able fact that one of these, helium, was known from
the sun before it was discovered in the earth. (3)
Certain theoretical conceptions, such as Mendelejeffs
periodic law, have led chemists to look out for and to
find elements whose existence was predicted on a
priori grounds. Thus Xilson in 1879 discovered
scandium which Mendelejeff had foretold. Gallium,
discovered by Lecoq de Boisbaudran in 1875, and
germanium, discovered by Winkler in 1886, are other
famous examples.
Argon. — Two of the latest additions to the list of
elements deserve special notice. In 1892, Lord
Eayleigh directed attention to the fact that nitrogen
obtained chemically was about one-half per cent,
lighter than that got from the air, and it was this
minute discrepancy which led him to look for and
74 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
discover a heavier gas in the atmosphere. In tho
meantime, and independently, Prof. W. Ramsay dis-
covered the same gas by removing the nitrogen by
means of red-hot magnesium. Combining their re-
sults, the two investigators published their memoir
on Argon, " which will go down to posterity among
the greatest achievements of an age renowned for its
scientific activity " (Meldola).
Argon is an extraordinarily inactive or chemically
indifferent gas of great density; occurring along with
atmospheric nitrogen, forming about 8 or 9 per cent,
of the volume. It can be separated by incandescent
magnesium or by the continued action of the electric
spark, and in the latter way Cavendish seems actually
to have produced it a hundred years ago ! Alone or
along with helium it has been found in natural
waters, in minerals, and in a meteorite. It is not
known to form combinations, and it does not fit in
well with the periodic system, so that its real nature
remains the subject of enquiry. That it is truly
an element is suggested by the distinctness of its
electric spark spectrum and by the discovery that
the molecule is monatomic, but the possibility re-
mains that it is a mixture of monatomic gases.
Helium. — The facts in regard to the discovery of
helium are not less interesting. In 1868 Frankland
and Lockyer had observed a particular line D in the
solar spectrum which they attributed to the presence
of an element — helium — then unknown upon the
earth. It was also recognised in the spectrum of
Orion and other fixed stars. Subsequently the line of
helium was seen by Palmieri (1882) in the lava of
Vesuvius, and Hildebrand observed in 1891 what
were probably its lines in a spectrum of the nitrogen
gas which he got by heating or otherwise treating
A CENTURY OF CHEMISTRY. 75
uranium ore. While demonstrating argon in the
nitrogen gas obtained from Cleveite, Prof. Kamsay
observed in 1895 another bright yellow line, and this
Sir William Crookes recognised as the D line of
helium.
Helium has now been found in many ores, in
mineral waters, and in very minute quantities in the
air. It is the lightest of all the gases except
hydrogen, and Dr. Johnstone Stoney has suggested
that this may explain the paucity of these two ele-
ments in a free state upon the earth while they are
abundant in the universe. As Winkler puts it, " the
comparatively small force of the earth's gravitation
does not form a sufficient counterpoise to the velocity
of their molecules, which therefore escape from the
terrestrial atmosphere unless restrained by chemical
combination. They then proceed to reunite around
great centres of attraction, such as fixed stars, in
whose atmospheres these elements exist in large
quantities." *
Helium, like argon, is believed to be monatomic,
and it is not known to enter into chemical combina-
tion. There remains much uncertainty in regard
to its position, some maintaining, for instance, that
it is composed of two gases.
SUMMARY. — It is the business of chemistry to
distinguish the different kinds of matter, and to
study their transformations. Heterogeneous mix-
tures have to be distinguished from homogeneous com-
pounds and elements. A homogeneous substance
which cannot be decomposed by known means is
called an element. Careful searching and more ac-
* Trans, of a paper in Rep. Smithsonian Inst. for 1897,
p. 244.
76 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
curate methods have resulted in an enormous increase
in the list of elements in the course of the nineteenth
century. Special interest is attached to the recent
discovery of argon and helium.
THEOBY OF COMBUSTION AND THE CONSERVATION OF
MATTER.
Theory of Combustion. — Since the science of
chemistry has to do with the changes in the nature of
substances when they combine or separate, and since
burning is one of the most obvious of these changes,
it is natural that we should give prominence to the
theory of combustion. But there is another reason
why we should do so here, namely, that some under-
standing of combustion marks the beginning of the
century-period with which our brief historical sketch
deals. It is hardly too much to say that modern
chemistry dates from the time when the burning fire
began to be in some measure intelligible, or, what
conies almost to the same thing, from the time when,
oxygen and carbonic acid gas having been discovered,
it became possible to measure the changes which take
place in a combustion.
It is interesting, as we sit by the fireside, to think
of the different ways in which the familiar sight
has been regarded by successive generations of men,
from the time when the four elements were first
vaguely imagined to the days of " phlogiston " and
" principles of combustion," and thence to tho
present day, — a long story of changing ideas. But
it is sufficient for our purpose here to recall, that it
was not until about a century ago that there was
anything approaching to a scientific vision of the
burning fire.
A CENTURY OF CHEMISTRY. 77
The Greeks and Romans who accepted the four
elements of Empedocles — fire, water, earth, and air
— regarded fire as a material substance, and combus-
tion as the separation or liberation of the fire-stuff
from other material. In the seventeenth century,
Becher and Stahl regarded combustion as the separa-
tion of " inflammable earth," or the escape of
"phlogiston," a compound substance; for "only
compound substances can burn." For a long time
this Phlogiston theory was generally accepted, and
proved a useful stimulus to research. But the re-
peated demonstration of increase of weight on com-
bustion, the evidence that part of the air is absorbed
during the burning, Newton's suggestion that fire
was not a special substance at all, and, especially,
the discovery of oxygen, hydrogen, carbon-dioxide,
and other gases, seriously affected the vitality of the
theory, and finally shattered its constitution. It be-
came the subject of most ingenious doctoring, and
died a lingering death in the end of the eighteenth
century.
What John Mayow, with penetrating insight, had
almost discerned more than a century before, that
burning means a union of something in the air with
inflammable particles in the stuff that burns, became
clearer when Priestley discovered oxygen in 1771,
when Lavoisier interpreted combustion as oxidation
in 1775, and when Cavendish showed that water was
a combination of hydrogen and oxygen in 1784.
It is interesting to notice that although Priestley
had discovered oxygen and supposed that air sup-
ports combustion in virtue of the oxygen which it
contains, he died a believer in phlogiston; and that
although Scheele — " the ideal of a pure experimental
chemist, the discoverer of numberless substances, who
78 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
possessed in the highest degree the faculty of obser-
vation " — had also discovered oxygen, he was unable
to free himself from the bondage of phlogistic
theory. The same was true of many others, and it
is to Lavoisier (1743-1794) that we must give the
credit of destroying the old theory by replacing it
with a better. Here we have one of the many
instances which lead us to say with confidence that
to destroy effectively one must replace. It is true
that Lavoisier stood on the shoulders of other
workers, but his own experiments were not less in-
genious, and, more than any of his predecessors or
contemporaries, he reached the importance of precise
quantitative measurement. Thus he was led to state
about 1777 the fundamental conclusion that in the
process of combustion, the burning substance unites
with oxygen, whereby an acid is usually produced;
and that the increase in weight of the substance
burned is equal to the loss in weight of the air. His
researches also led him to the general proposition
that in all chemical reactions it is only the kind of
matter that is changed, the quantity remaining
constant ; and to the brilliant idea that " heat is the
energy which results from the imperceptible move-
ments of the molecules of a substance."
The Conservation of Matter. — One of the foun-
dation-stones of chemistry — which every worker
builds upon with unquestioning confidence — is the
conservation of matter. We can neither create nor
destroy the smallest particle; the elements which
enter into the composition of the soap-bubble film are
as lasting as those which form the granite rocks.
The state of the matter may wholly change — from
solid to gaseous, or in other ways, the particular com-
binations of the elements may wholly change as they
A CENTURY OF CHEMISTRY. 79
do when the barrel of gunpowder explodes, but the
total amount of matter is the same in the end as it
was in the beginning.
The doctrine of the Conservation of Matter states,
as Ostwald puts it, that "the total mass of the sub-
stances taking part in any chemical process remains
constant." And since masses of bodies are at any one
place proportional to their weights, the doctrine
may read that in any chemical process the weight
remains constant. If we change the contents of a
sealed vessel by heating, or by mixtures brought about
through shaking, or otherwise, we find that the
weight at the end equals the weight at the begin-
ning.*
Although the recognition of the conservation of
matter was brought about by the work of many,
it may be particularly associated with Lavoisier.
For one of his earliest investigations, on the sup-
posed conversion of water into earth, he constructed
what was at the time the most accurate balance in
existence, and he reaped the usual reward of the
accurate measurer. When he passed water vapour
over red-hot iron turnings and collected the resulting
hydrogen, he weighed everything — the water, the iron
before and after, and the hydrogen. It was by
such typical experiments that " with the balance in
his hand, he vindicated the universality of the prin-
ciple of the conservation of matter." f
The establishment of the general fact of the con-
servation of matter was of much more than theoreti-
cal interest; it was not only a foundation-stone, but a
* W. Ostwald, Outlines of General Chemistry, trans, by
James Walker, 1890, Chap. I.
t A. Ladenburg, History of Chemistry, trans, by L. Dob-
bin, 1900. p. 21.
80 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
touch-stone for chemistry; it supplied a quantitative
test by which the accuracy of research could be con-
tinually judged.
THE ATOMIC THEORY.
Before Dalton. — The great chemist Berzelius,
following his predecessor Richter, quotes on the first
page of his classic treatise on Chemical Proportions
the verse from the Book of Wisdom which says : —
Omnia in mensurd et numero et pondere disposuisti.
Thou hasfc ordered all things in measure and number and
weight. — Sap. XI. 21.
This may be regarded by some as expressing a re-
markable prevision of one of the great results of
chemical science, — that exact quantitative relations
are always implied in qualitative changes of sub-
stance. But whether it was a prevision or not, the
verse quoted found no scientific commentary till
towards the end of the eighteenth century, and the
commentary then begun is still in progress.
The invention of accurate balances — like Lavoi-
sier's— made it possible to pass beyond the detection
of chemical elements to some understanding of ma-
terial architecture. And there seem to have been
many who were simultaneously pondering over the
problem. Thus Jeremias Benjamin Richter, a math-
ematical chemist born before his time, published in
1792-1794 a treatise on Stoicheiometry, or " the art
of measuring chemical elements," in which he showed
that acids and bases combine in definite quantita-
tive proportions to form neutral salts. About the
same date Proust drew the familiar distinction be-
tween chemical mixtures and chemical compounds,
pointing out that the latter are characterised by quite
definite proportions, whether formed artificially in
A CENTURY OF CHEMISTRY. 81
the laboratory or found in nature. In 1802 Fischer
made the first table of " chemical equivalents," show-
ing what quantities of the different alkaline bases are
neutralised by the same quantity of an acid, and con-
versely for the acids.
But while it is important even in a short historical
sketch to observe that scientific discoverers have very
rarely a Minerva birth, we must not obscure the fact
that though Richter, Proust, and others were work-
ing towards a big conclusion, it is to John Dalton
that we are indebted for the clear statement of
the fundamental fact regarding chemical combina-
tion:— that substances, both simple and compound,
always combine in definite proportions of their
weights. In whatever way one substance is trans-
formed into another, the masses of the two substances
always bear a fixed ratio. Even if several substances
react together, their masses and those of the new
bodies are always in fixed proportions. These facts
almost necessarily lead to the atomic conception.
Dalton. — The doctrine of the Quaker chemist de-
pended partly on the following results of experi-
ence : —
" Ko new creation or destruction of matter is with-
in the reach of chemical agency. We might as well
attempt to introduce a new planet into the solar sys-
tem, or to annihilate one already in existence, as to
create or destroy a particle of hydrogen " (Dalton,
after Lavoisier).
In a chemical compound the different constituents
are always present in invariable proportions (Dal-
ton, after Proust).
In the interactions of acids and bases, etc., the
quantity by weight of an element, or of a compound
which takes active part in the chemical change is al-
82 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
ways expressible by a fixed number or by a whole
multiple of that number. When elements unite with
one another in several different proportions — e.g.,
oxygen and nitrogen — these proportions are related
to one another in a simple way. In other words, " If
two substances, A and B, form several compounds, of
which the compositions are all calculated with re-
spect to the same quantity of A, then the quantities
of B combined with this stand to each other in a
simple ratio " * (Law of constant equivalents and
multiple proportions).
" Thou knowest no man can split an atom " was
one of Dalton's sayings, but it should be noted that
he meant by an atom the smallest conceivable particle
which exhibits the essential properties of the sub-
stance in question. Thus he spoke of an atom of
water (a compound, H2 O), just as he spoke of an
atom of carbon.
With a vision of the grained structure of matter
clearly before him, he supposed in his theory that
while every atom of a given simple substance is like
every other atom of that substance, the atoms of dif-
ferent substances have different weights; that in
chemical union of elements there is a grouping of
definite numbers of elemental atoms into more com-
plex atoms of compounds, and contrariwise in chemi-
cal decompositions ; and that the elements combine in
the proportions indicated by the relative weights of
their atoms or in multiples of these. This is the
atomic theory " which at once changed chemistry
from a qualitative to a quantitative science " (Ros-
coe).
An examination of some of Dalton's manuscripts
has led Koscoe and Harden to the conclusion that
* Ladenburg, p. 55.
A CENTURY OF CHEMISTRY. 83
he was led to adopt the atomic theory in chemis-
try in the first instance by purely physical considera-
tions, in opposition to the view generally held that
the discovery of combination in multiple proportions
led him to invent the atomic theory as an interpreta-
tive formula. It seems that Dalton, who was not
well aware of contemporary continental work, was
led to his great doctrine, not by making an induction
from his laborious experiments and measurements,
but by a deduction from a theory of the constitution
of matter which he devised to account for some of the
physical properties of gases. As in many other in-
stances in the development of natural knowledge an
important conclusion was reached deductively and
then verified inductively.
The way in which Dalton reached his conclusion
explains why he gave it the extremely generalised
form to which we refer when we speak of the atomic
theory. While he was thinking about the definite
and fixed quantitative proportions observed in chem-
ical combinations, he was also experimenting with
gases (about 1790), and he had visualised these as
consisting of distinct particles : — " A vessel full of
any pure elastic fluid [that is, gas] presents to the
imagination a picture like one full of small shot."
The idea that bodies are formed of distinct parti-
cles was not of course Dalton's, but the chemical ap-
plication was. The idea had been suggested in New-
ton's Queries, and had been used by Boyle, Boer-
have, Higgins, and others; it was indeed one of the
legacies with which ancient philosophy endowed
modern science.
Atomic Weights. — But Dalton was not content to
leave the atomic conception in this vague form, he
proceeded, in a manner epoch-making though imper-
84: PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
feet, to determine the relative weights of his hypo-
thetical ultimate particles, and drew up what would
now be called a table of atomic weights.
To do this he required a unit of comparison,
and he chose hydrogen, the lightest kind of matter
known. The weight of an atom of hydrogen was
called one. Then, as 8 parts by weight of oxygen
combine with 1 part by weight of hydrogen to form
water (combining weights), Dalton argued that the
atom of oxygen weighed 8 times more than that of
hydrogen. And so on for other elements.
It must be borne in mind that the atomic weights
were determined with reference to an arbitrary
standard, and that they had at first only approximate
accuracy.
Summary. — Through the aid of many, but notably
through the pioneering genius of Dalton, the atomic
theory has won a place among the conceptual for-
mulae of chemistry. It cannot be said to be proved ;
indeed, neither "proved" nor "disproved" is an ap-
propriate word to use in regard to these hypotheses.
The tests are convenience, comprehensiveness, and
consistency (at once with facts and with other con-
ceptions), and the atomic theory has stood these
tests. Forestalling the history a little, we may sum
up the general idea in Ostwald's words :
" All substances consist of discrete particles of
finite but very small size — of atoms. Undecom-
posable substances or elements contain atoms of the
same nature, form, and mass. If chemical combina-
tion takes place between several elements, the atoms
of these so arrange themselves that a definite and
usually small number of atoms of the combining
elements form a compound atom which we call a
molecule. Every molecule of a definite chemical
A CENTURY OF CHEMISTRY. 85
compound (chemical species) contains the same num-
ber of elementary atoms arranged in the same way.
If the same elements can unite to form different
compounds, the elementary atoms composing the
molecules of the latter are either present in differ-
ent numbers, or if their number be the same, they are
differently arranged" *
DEVELOPMENT OF THE ATOMIC THEOEY.
Dalton's atomic theory, though not final, was
fructifying. It prompted a long series of researches
which led, after some vicissitudes, to the establish-
ment of the atomic view of nature on a firmer and
broader basis. Among the steps of importance, we
may especially notice (1) the more accurate deter-
mination of atomic weights, (2) the conception of
molecules, (3) the kinetic theory of gases, and other
physical theories as to the different states of matter,
and (4) the development of organic chemistry. The
general problem was to form conceptions of material
architecture which would harmonise with the facts
of chemical change.
Determination of Atomic Weights. — It is well
known that each element is conventionally de-
noted by the first letter or letters of its Latin name,
and that with each element a certain number is
associated; e.g., 16 with oxygen, 14 with nitrogen,
12 with carbon. This number, or some multiple of it
by a whole number, expresses the relative quantity
of the given element which enters into compounds.
It is the combining mass (or weight, though weight
must vary with place), or on Dalton's theory, the
atomic mass or weight,
*W. Ostwald, General Chemistry, trans. 1890.
86 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
It has also been noticed that in estimating these
numbers, hydrogen is taken as a unit, because it
enters into compounds in relatively the smallest
weight. The other elements and compounds are
tabulated according to the relative amounts of their
weights in forming compounds with hydrogen, or
with some other element whose equivalent with hy-
drogen has been already estimated. When one and
the same substance combines in several proportions
with another, as nitrogen, for instance, does with
oxygen, the smallest number according to which the
substance forms combinations is taken, the other
numbers relating to the same substance being found
to be exact multiples of the smaller. So far the Dal-
tonian rules.
What Dalton began was continued by Berzelius,
Turner, and others; but we cannot enter into the
record of toil. Only two or three points of interest
can be indicated. The process of determining the
atomic weight of an element involves: (1) finding
the combining proportion or equivalent, and (2)
multiplying this by a factor (1 — 4) decided by the
measurement of the vapour density (Avogadro's
Law), or by finding the specific heat whose product
by the atomic weight is practically constant (Law of
Dulong and Petit), or by some other consideration.
Berzelius in his determinations utilised Gay-Lus-
sac's law of volumes (1808) (that two gases always
combine in simple proportions by volume), the law
of Dulong and Petit (1819), and furthermore the
aid furnished by Mitscherlich's discovery of isomor-
phism (1820). " Mitscherlich established the fact
that the corresponding phosphates and arseniates,
with the same number of atoms of water, possess the
same crystalline form, so that even the secondary
A CENTURY OF CHEMISTRY. 87
forms coincide. Even at that time, the same number
of atoms was assumed to be present in both acids,
and thus Mitscherlich arrived at the idea that it was
similarity of atomic constitution which gave rise to
identity of form." *
This discovery was utilised by Berzelius in the
following rule : — " When one substance is isomor-
phous with another in which the number of atoms
is known, then the number of atoms in both is known,
because isomorphism is a mechanical consequence of
similarity of atomic construction."
" The chemical edifice which Berzelius erected
was a wonderful one, as it stood completed (for in-
organic substances) at the end of the third decade of
the century. Even if it cannot be said that the fun-
damental ideas of the system proceed exclusively
from himself, and if he is indebted to Lavoisier,
Dalton, Davy, and Gay-Lussac for a great deal, still
it was he who moulded these ideas and theories into
a connected whole, adding also much that was origi-
nal. His electro-chemical hypothesis no doubt had
points of similarity with that of Davy, but, in spite
of that, it was essentially different from it. Besides,
the first method of atomic weight determination, of
moderately general applicability, proceeded from
Berzelius; and this method was so extraordinarily
serviceable that it rendered possible the fixing of these
most important numbers, so that alteration was nec-
essary in only a few cases. " f
It is important to notice, however, that about 1840
an error of about 2 per cent, was discovered in the
estimate which Berzelius had made of the atomic
weight of carbon. This raised suspicions and further
* L,adenburg, 1900, p. 96.
fLadenburg, 1900, pp. 101-102.
Q
88 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY,
inaccuracies were discovered. A revision became
imperative, in which Liebig, Dumas, Stas, and others
took part. Different methods of determination were
discovered, one method was used to check another,
stimulus in the arduous task came at different periods
from the vision of supposed or real regularities con-
necting the different numbers (Prout and Meinecke
to Mendelejeff and Meyer), and gradually a well-
established, well-criticised system of atomic weights
was worked out. To Cannizzaro (1858) in particu-
lar credit is due for utilising the specific heat method
as a check on the others, and Mendelejeff's periodic
law furnished, as will be seen, another valuable cor-
rective.
It is a remarkable historical fact, however, that
owing to the relative unreliability of the methods
for determining the atomic weights, the conception
of the chemical atom fell for a time into general
disrepute. " At the end of the fourth decade of the
century, we find the atomic theory — the most bril-
liant theoretical achievement of chemistry — aban-
doned and discredited by the majority of chemists
as a generalisation of too hypothetical a character."
It was reserved for organic chemistry to re-vindicate
it, and for physical researches, especially on gases,
to place it on a yet firmer basis.
Physical Enquiries and the Concept of the Mole-
cule.— It is now necessary to allude to a path of
physical investigation which had a most important
influence on the atomic theory, especially through
Avogadro's Law and the kinetic theory of gases.
In 1662, Boyle had stated, as Mariotte did some
years afterwards (1679), that the volume of a gas,
at the same temperature, is inversely as the pressure.
When the pressure increases, the volume diminishes
A CENTURY OF CHEMISTRY. 89
in inverse ratio. In 1802, Gay-Lussac, whose work
touched almost every department of chemistry with
important results, stated what had been foreseen
(as he says) by Charles fifteen years earlier, that
equal volumes of different gases change their volumes
equally with equal rise of temperature. Dalton also
had perceived this conclusion (the law of Charles)
that all gases expand in the same proportion for the
same increase of temperature. It should be noted
that both these laws (Boyle's and Charles') are ideal
formulae which only approximately fit the facts.
In 1805, along with Alexander von Humboldt,
Gay-Lussac observed that exactly two volumes of
hydrogen unite with one volume of oxygen to form
water. From this starting-point he went on to show
(1808) that similarly simple volumetric relations
hold true in regard to all gases which combine
chemically with one another, and that the volumes
of the gaseous products formed always have a simple
relation to the volumes of their components (all be-
ing measured, of course, at the same pressure and
temperature). "Having concluded from their simi-
lar behaviour with regard to changes of pressure
and temperature that all gases possess a like molec-
ular constitution, Gay-Lussac deduced from his re-
searches (above referred to) the following impor-
tant law: — The weights of equal volumes of both
simple and compound gases, and therefore their den-
sities, are proportional to their empirically found
combining weight, or to rational multiples of the lat-
ter." In other words, if gases, like other bodies,
combine according to definite proportions of their
weights (Dalton's law) ; and if gases (under the
same pressure and at equal temperatures) combine
* E. YOU Meyer, History of Chemistry, trans. 1891, p. 202.
90 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
in definite proportions of their volumes (Gay-Lus-
sac's law) ; then, since density of a gas means the
amount of matter measured by weight in the same
volume, it follows that the combining weights of gases
bear a simple numerical proportion to their densities.
Avogadro's Law. — Another important and closely
related result was expressed in 1811 by the Italian
chemist, Amadeo Avogadro (1776-1856). He was
impressed by the fact that, when there is chemical
interaction between gases, there is observable a very
simple relation between the volumes concerned. A
pint of oxygen combines with two pints of hydrogen
to form two pints of steam. Such a simple fact, com-
bined with others relating to the physical properties
of gases, led him to suggest that a given volume of
any gas (elementary or compound) contains the same
number of molecules as the same volume of any
other gas measured at the same temperature -and pres-
sure. Equal volumes of gases, equal numbers of
molecules is Avogadro's law, — another foundation-
stone of modern chemistry. It should be noted that
similar views were stated by Ampere in 1814, but
neither he nor Avogadro found contemporary recogni-
tion or even attention.
Avogadro distinguished between molecules inte-
grantes and molecules elementaires, or, as would now
be said, between molecule and atom. " The physi-
cal properties of the gases (especially the similarity
in their behaviour towards changes of pressure and
of temperature) led Avogadro to assume in equal
volumes of all gases the same number of molecules;
and the distances of the latter from one another he
considers to be so great in proportion to their
masses, that they no longer exercise any attraction
upon one another. These molecules are not sup-
A CENTURY OF CHEMISTRY. 91
posed, however, to constitute the ultimate particles
of matter, but are assumed to be capable of further
subdivision under the influence of chemical forces.
According to Avogadro, therefore, substances (ele-
ments and compounds alike) are not converted, in
passing into the gaseous state, into indivisible par-
ticles, but only into molecules integrantes, -which in
turn are composed of molecules elementaires" *
The conception of a molecule is that of the smallest
portion of a substance which possesses all the prop-
erties of that substance; it represents a higher cate-
gory than atom ; thus the molecule of water is repre-
sented by the symbol H2O, which means, in part,
that the smallest particle of water consists of two
atoms of hydrogen united with one atom of oxygen.
Avogadro's generalisation has furnished one of the
main grounds for determining the atomic weights
of the elements; and it went far to reconcile Gay-
Lussac's discoveries as to gases with Dalton's atomic
theory. "We have only space to mention that another
ground for the determination of atomic weights was
furnished by the researches of Dulong and Petit
(1818), who showed the close relation between the
specific heats of the elements and their atomic
weights, and concluded that the atomic heats of all
elements (specific heats multiplied by atomic
weights) are practically identical ; i.e., that all atoms
have the same capacity for heat.
Avogadro's recognition of the proportion between
the specific gravity of a gas and its molecular weight
was slowly appreciated,! but it has borne much fruit.
* Ladenburg, 1900, pp. 61-62.
t Dr. J. T. Merz notes in regard to this belated recogni-
tion that Avogadro's hypothesis (1811) is not mentioned in
\Vhewell's History, nor in Kopp's (1843-1847), nor in Pog-
gendorfs Dictionary (1863).
92 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
By improved methods of determining the specific
gravity of gases and vapours, " the all-important
knowledge of the relative weights of the atoms and
molecules of elements and compounds has been im-
mensely advanced" (E. von Meyer, p. 441). From
the study of anomalous vapour-densities, H. de St.
Claire Deville discovered in 1857 the fact of " dis-
association " or the gradual decomposition of a com-
pound with rise of temperature, — the starting-point
for another series of important investigations.
Though confirmed by similar conclusions (Davy,
1812, Ampere, 1814), Avogadro's hypothesis:
" Equal volumes, equal number of particles " was
not appreciated until the establishment of the kinetic
theory of gases (q.v.), and " no substantial chemical
reasons for its adoption were adduced until the year
1846, when Laurent published his work on the law
of even numbers of atoms and the nature of the ele-
ments in the free state." *
Further Influence of Physical Researches. —
When the century was about half over, the doctrine
of fixed and multiple proportions was generally ac-
cepted (with some saving clauses for not-solid com-
pounds), but the conception of atoms which lay be-
hind this doctrine was looked at more cautiously.
The careless may have believed in the physical exist-
ence of these smallest indivisible particles, but this
was certainly not the general belief. And even as a
symbolism, as an alphabet, as a means of notation,
there were many chemists who doubted if the atom-
concept was indispensable or even legitimate. Cor-
roboration had to come from an independent source,
and it came from the physicists, more especially
* Prof.. R. Meldola, Address, Section B, Rep. Brit. Ass. for
1895, p. 639.
A CENTURY OF CHEMISTRY. 93
from the kinetic theory of gases, taken in connection
with Avogadro's law.
Kinetic Theory of Gases. — As facts began to ac-
cumulate showing a remarkable uniformity in the
behaviour of different gases to the same changes of
temperature and pressure, the need for some concep-
tion of the nature of a gas made itself felt in many
minds. The early suggestions of Daniel Bernouilli
(1738) and of Waterston, Graham's discovery of the
law of diffusion, the work of Herapath, Joule and
Kronig, the achievements of Clausius (1857-1862)
and Clerk Maxwell (1860-1867), are some of the
steps in a long history — the history of the kinetic
theory of gases, one of the revolutionising concepts of
modern science. According to this theory, a gas
consists of innumerable particles moving with high
velocity, overflowing into any free space which is
available, thus securing that there is the same aver-
age number in every unit of volume, impinging on
the contained walls, if there are any, and thus caus-
ing pressure which must obviously increase with the
number of the molecules and the mass and velocity
of each. Such is at least a suggestion of the view
which gave new life to the atomic theory, and that at
a time when it was much in want of support. When
it was shown that precise and workable conceptions
could be formed of the rectilinear movements of
molecules in a gas, when the internal motion of the
atoms composing the molecules was shown to be a
needful assumption, when the rate of velocity of a
particle of hydrogen gas was actually calculated,
when the laws of Boyle, Gay-Lussac, and Avogadro
were brought into harmony, and so on, — chemistry
became, in a more real sense than before, a study of
the changes of equilibrium in atoms.
94 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
Extension of the Atomic Conception. — Here it
must be recalled that while physical enquiries into
the constitution of matter [or attempts to form a
conception of molecular motion] were mainly con-
cerned with gases, the solid and liquid states were
also studied. The solid state, where the mass has a
proper volume and a proper form, more or less dif-
ficult to change, began gradually to be conceived of
as one in which the relations of the molecules are
such that mutual displacement is not easy. En-
quiries into crystallisation begun by Steno (1669),
re-stimulated by the genius of Hauy (1781), con-
tinued by many workers (Weiss, Von Lang, etc.),
also proved suggestive, notably, for instance, when
Mitscherlich (1820) elaborated what Klaproth
(1Y98) had observed that the same substance might
have different crystalline forms (e.g., calc spar and
arragonite).
Gradually, too, the atomic conception was extended
to liquids which differ from gases in occupying a
definite volume and from solids in having no proper
form and much less internal friction. Especially
through enquiries into the phenomena of osmosis and
of solution, the theoretical conception of gases was
applied to liquids. But this was hardly realised
till towards the end of the century; indeed it may
be associated with the work of Van't Hoff (1887).
Instead of trying to follow the multitudinous lines
of research, we propose to take a single illustration
— the liquefaction of gases — which may serve to sug-
gest the unity of the different states of matter.
Liquefaction of Gases. — Erom the time of Fara-
day's researches in 1823 to the recent work of Dewar,
popular imagination has been impressed by the re-
peated announcement, that such and such a gas had
A CENTURY OF CHEMISTRY. 95
yielded to the combined effects of high pressure and
low temperature, and had been obtained in liquid or
solid form. Andrews, Mendelejeff, Pictet, Caille-
tet, Wroblewski, Olszewski, and many others have
contributed to the striking series of experiments.
By a long series of researches, extending through
the century, it has been made clear that all ponder-
able matter may be thought of as essentially of the
same nature, irrespective of what its state — solid,
liquid, vaporous, or gaseous — may be. The differ-
ences of state are conceived of as due to the way in
which the relations of the component particles are
affected by the greater or less relative activity of the
attractive molecular forces and the dispersive ther-
mal motions. As every one knows, water may occur
as a solid, a liquid, a vapour, or a gas (saturated
steam above 720.6° C.). " Above 30.92° 0. carbonic
acid is a true gas; no pressure will then liquefy it;
but at 30.92° C. a pressure of 77 atmospheres, and
below 30.92° C. progressively smaller pressure will
condense it; at and below that temperature (An-
drews' Critical Temperature) gaseous carbonic acid
is a ' vapour,' condensable by pressure alone." It
may also be procured as a solid. Endless examples
might be given, for the idea of necessary permanence
of state has now disappeared, — and .theoretically no
case is more striking than another, though technical
difficulties have enhanced the interest of some par-
ticular instances.
It was about the beginning of the century that
!N"orthmore and others liquefied sulphurous acid gas
by pressure, but progressive research on the subject
began with the work of Faraday and Davy in 1823.
They used the method of " enclosing materials from
* Article " Gas," by Daniell, Chambers's Encyclopaedia.
96 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
which the gas can be generated within a tube strong
enough to resist the pressure of the gas as it accumu-
lated," and thus chlorine, muriatic acid, carbonic
acid, ammonia and many others were liquefied, es-
pecially through the energetic work of Faraday.*
In 1835, Thilorier published an account of an
experiment, now familiar to students of chemistry,
in which he allowed a jet of liquid carbonic acid to
escape into a receiver where the evaporation of part
of the liquid produced a temperature so low that the
rest was frozen into fine snow. In 1845 Faraday
combined the method of low temperatures with that
of high pressures in the hope of conquering the so-
called permanent gases, such as oxygen, hydrogen,
nitrogen. But these, along with nitric oxide, carbon
monoxide, and methane, resisted his efforts.
In 1869, Andrews expounded his definition of the
"critical point," — the temperature (30.92° C. for
carbonic acid) above which no amount of pressure
produces visible liquefaction, but below which lique-
faction occurs when the pressure is sufficient. " A
vapour is a gas at any temperature below its critical
point." This step towards clearness led experi-
menters to recognise that the reason why oxygen,
nitrogen, etc., proved intractable was that sufficient
low temperatures (below their critical points) were
not available.
In 1875-Y, by devices securing lower tempera-
tures, Raoul Pictet and Louis Cailletet succeeded
in liquefying oxygen. Carbonic oxide, marsh gas,
nitric oxide, and others also yielded to the " Caille-
tet pump," and only nitrogen and hydrogen remained
unsubdued. In 1883, nitrogen was liquefied by two
Polish workers, Wroblewski and Olszewski. Finally
* Tilden, Short History of Chemistry, p. 240.
A CENTURY OF CHEMISTRY. 97
in 1898, after years of preparation, Professor Dewar
produced liquid hydrogen, — a clear, colourless liquid,
about one-sixth the density of liquid marsh gas, or
about one-fourteenth the density of liquid water at
0°. As Prof. Tilden remarks : " It was both inter-
esting and gratifying that the final victory which
crowned the long series of successful attacks upon
the apparently impregnable position of the perma-
nent gases should have been recorded in the labora-
tory of the Royal Institution, where the first suc-
cesses in this field were won by Faraday."
DEVELOPMENT OF ORGANIC CHEMISTRY
Organic and Inorganic Chemistry. — The distinc-
tion between the substances found in plants and
animals and those in the not-living world is an old-
standing one. Rooted in the belief that the sub-
stances composing or formed by living creatures were
under the domination of a specific vital force, the
distinction was for a time accented by the complex-
ity of most of the substances in question, by the fact
that they were often difficult to isolate and very
ready to change, and by the absence of a secure
method of analysing their composition. Later on,
the generalisations reached by the students of inor-
ganic substances did not seem to fit in well with what
was known in regard to the organic, and the breach
was widened. It was thus to a large extent inde-
pendently that organic chemistry developed, until it
became strong enough to react upon the study of the
inorganic with a potent and progressive influence.
" At the beginning of the century, when qual-
* For a brief account of the subject the reader is referred
to Chapter IX. of Tilden's Short History of the Progress
of Scientific Chemistry, London, 1899.
98 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
itative analysis had already attained a high degree of
accuracy, and even the quantitative method had
found excellent exponents in Proust, Klaproth, and
iVauquelin, Lavoisier's experiments with alcohol, oil,
and wax were the only ones in existence, designed to
ascertain the composition of organic compounds ; and
these, it may easily be understood, were not very ac-
curate." *
Some Factors in the Development of Organic
Chemistry. — The development of organic chemistry
which has been characteristic of the latter half of the
century has been influenced in many ways: — by the
elaboration of more perfect methods of determining
the composition of organic substances (Gay-Lussac,
Liebig, Wohler, Bunsen, Dumas, and many others) ;
by the clear recognition, which may be associated
with the name of Berzelius, that organic compounds
could not be separated by any hard and fast line
from inorganic compounds, but illustrated similar
laws, and might in many cases be profitably regarded
as derivations of inorganic compounds; by the fasci-
nation of the methods of synthesis which gave the
chemist an almost creative power; and by the enor-
mous practical interests involved, in connection, for
instance, with coal-tar products, one of the most fa-
miliar of the many possible illustrations.
We may pause here for a moment to note the fine
instance of gradual discovery which the utilisation
of coal-tar affords. " Sixty years ago an obscure
German chemist obtained an oily liquid from coal-
tar oil, which gave a beautiful tint with calcium
chloride ; five years later another separated a similar
liquid from a derivation of coal-tar oil. Still later,
Hofmann, then a student in Liebig's laboratory, in-
* Ladenburg, 1900, p. 112.
A CENTTTR r OF CHEMISTRY. 99
vestigated these substances and proved their identity
with an oil obtained long before by Zinin from
indigo, and applied to them all Zinin's term, Anilin.
The substance was curiously interesting, and Hof-
mann worked out its reactions, discovering that with
many materials it gives brilliant colours. The prac-
tical application of these discoveries was not long de-
layed, for Perkin made it in 1856. The usefulness
of the dyes led to deeper studies of coal-tar products
to which is due the discovery of such substances as
antipyrin, phenacetin, ichthyol, and saccharin, which
have proved so important in medicine."
Wohler's Synthesis of Urea. — As analyses of or-
ganic substances accumulated, it became perfectly
clear that the stuffs composing and formed by living
creatures did not contain any peculiar elements. It
was seen that they consisted of compounds of carbon
with hydrogen, oxygen, nitrogen, and other elements
familiar in the organic world.
Those who thought it important to emphasise the
distinctions between the living and the not-living
then fell back upon the assertion that it was in the
arrangement of the elements that the uniqueness of
organic substance lay. It was an architectural not a
material distinction, and the architect was Vital
Force.
It was in the midst of these opinions that Wohler
in 1828 effected the synthesis of urea — the character-
istic waste product of higher animals. Starting
with cyanic acid, which he had discovered in 1822,
he found that urea was formed upon the evaporation
of a solution of its ammonium salt. Without the
aid of vital force he had formed from a simpler sub-
stance a characteristic organic product. It should
* J. J. Stevenson, Rep. Smithsonian Inst. for 1897, p. 330.
100 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
indeed be noted that he did not build up urea from
its elements, but started with cyanic acid, which
would now be classed as an organic compound.
Professor Meldola has called attention * to the his-
torical fact that Henry Hennell deserves a place
among the pioneers of chemical synthesis, for in
1826-1828 he effected the synthesis of alcohol from
ethylene.
Though neither synthesis was complete, the steps
were very important. They indicated the beginning
of the end of vital force as a chemical factor, the
beginning, too, of a remarkable series of synthetic
achievements, — trichloracetic acid (Kolbe), formic
acid and alcohol (Berthelot), indigo, grape-sugar,
and many more — about 180 in all — all of which have
been artificially produced.
Isomerism. — Wohler's synthesis of urea did not
quickly find the recognition it deserved, but it doubt-
less helped to break down the arbitrary distinction
between inorganic and organic chemistry, and to
further the progress of the latter, which began to be
spoken of as the chemistry of the carbon compounds.
But Wb'hler was also concerned in other steps hardly
less significant.
The first of these steps is indicated by the word
isomerism. Even Dalton had called attention to the
existence of substances of identical chemical com-
position, but with different properties, and had sug-
gested that this might be explained by different or
multiple arrangement of the constituent atoms. But
little notice was taken of this. In 1823 Wb'hler dis-
covered the composition of cyanic acid ; in the follow-
ing year Liebig reported the same composition for
fulminic acid. These two bodies have the same
*Rep. Brit. Ass. for 1895, p. 649.
A CENTURY OF CHEMISTRY. 101
composition, but are very different in character.
In 1825 Faraday showed that butylene has the same
composition as ethylene (olefiant gas), though the
former has twice the specific gravity of the latter.
In 1830 Kestner showed that racemic acid has the
same composition as tartaric acid, and hundreds of
such cases are now known. These facts at first served
to complicate matters; they showed that compounds
with widely different properties may contain the same
constituents and in the same proportions. Berzelius,
in labelling the puzzle with the term isomerism,
suggested, as Dumas also did, that the component
atoms must " be placed together in different ways "
in the various isomers, which were the same in com-
position and yet different in properties. The sug-
gestion seems an easy one, especially when we note
that " one chemical compound, a hydrocarbon con-
taining thirteen atoms of carbon combined with
twenty-eight atoms of hydrogen, can be shown to be
capable of existing in no less than 802 distinct
forms" (Roscoe). Indeed, possible substances have
been repeatedly predicted, and afterwards discov-
ered or made. But for forty years from Berzelius
and Dumas there has been a succession of attempts
to show how we may reasonably conceive of compo-
sition being the same while the constitution and re-
sulting properties are different. It seems likely that
the solution is to be found in the modern develop-
ment which is called " Chemistry in Space."
Radicals. — But another step with which Wb'hler
•was associated, along with Liebig, Bunsen, Dumas,
and others, was the formulation of the radical
theory. It was well known that salts are formed
from an acid and a base and can be decomposed into
these two constituents. For an understanding of the
102 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
salt it is more important to recognise its two constitu-
ents than to know the quantitative proportions of its
component elements. This may suggest the idea,
which has been of enormous importance in organic
chemistry, that in the usually complex substances in-
volved there exist groups of elements which because
of their stability of union, may be said to play the
part of an element. Such a group is called a com-
pound radical. To take a concrete case, in their re-
searches on bitter almond oil and the allied com-
pounds, Wohler and Liebig " showed that we may as-
sume the existence, in these substances, of an oxygen-
ated group which remains unchanged in the majority
of the reactions, and therefore behaves like an ele-
mentary substance. On this account, they called it
the radical of bitter almond oil." *
In 1837, Liebig wrote : " We call cyanogen a
radical (1) because it is a non-varying constituent
in a series of compounds, (2) because in these latter
it can be replaced by other simple substances, and
(3) because in its compounds with a simple sub-
stance, the latter can be turned out and replaced by
equivalents of other simple substances." The idea
may seem to the outsider far off and theoretical, but
there can be no doubt that the formulation of the
radical theory not only introduced new clearness into
chemistry, but was most provocative of research, some
of the results of which have had no small influence
on practical human affairs.
SUMMARY. — Just as it had been shown (Ampere,
1816) that the salts of ammonia can be conveniently
discussed and studied by regarding them as salts of
a compound clement (NH*) so Berzelius, Dumas,
Wohler, Bunsen, Liebig and others sought to work
* Ladenburg, 1900, p. 109.
A CENTURY OF CHEMISTRY. 103
out the idea that organic compounds might be
brought into line with inorganic compounds by sup-
posing that they contained compound radicals, like
cyanogen, which 'behaved like elements. In mineral
substances the radicals are simple; in organic sub-
stances they are compound.
Substitution. — About 1840, Dumas' idea of " sub-
stitution " was added to the conceptual formulae of
the organic chemist. " It was found that one or more
atoms in an organic compound, notably of hydrogen,
might be replaced by an equal number of atoms
of other elements, and that such products of substi-
tution retained similar qualities, and could be mutu-
ally converted into each other, the type of the com-
pound remaining the same." *
Dumas showed that chlorine may replace hydrogen,
atom for atom, in many organic compounds, and " it
may be easily imagined how distasteful such a dis-
covery would be to Berzelius and the school of electro-
chemists, involving as it does the idea that a negative
element may be exchanged for a positive element,
without a fundamental alteration in the chemical
character of the resulting compound." f
According to Roscoe, the idea of substitution was
the germ of Williamson's researches on etherification
and those of Wurtz and Hofmann on the compound
ammonias — investigations which lie at the base of the
structure of modern chemistry — and had also a pro-
found influence on the development of organic
synthesis.
Nuclei and Types. — The older radical theory, in-
fluenced by the facts of substitution, gave place to
the " type theory " of Laurent and Gerhardt and the
* Merz, History, Vol. I., p. 410.
t Tilden, Short History, p. 15.
H
104 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
conception of " nuclei." " The radical, as the per-
manent constituent in organic compounds, — cor-
responding to the elements in inorganic chemistry, —
gave way to the changeable nucleus, which only pre-
served its form ; the unchangeable principle was
found in the form, the structure or type, instead of
in the substance of the simple or composite consti-
tuents."
Valency. — Time and ability alike fail us to dis-
cuss how the endeavour after systematisation and
simplicity was continued by Kekule (1829—1896),
Kolbe (1818-1884), A. W. von Hofmann (1818-
1892),"Wurtz (1817-1884), and many others. The
radical theory was characteristically German, the
type theory, French ; and now we have to notice a
more distinctively British contribution, — the idea of
the " atomicity " or " valency " of chemical substan-
ces, whether elements or compounds. With this idea
the name of Frankland (1852) ought perhaps to be
particularly associated.
The conception of " valency," or the capacity of
saturation of the atoms, was used with great effect
by Kekule. Almost simultaneously, in 1858, he and
Couper suggested that the carbon atom should be con-
sidered as quadrivalent; i.e., able to unite with four
univalent atoms or radicals (such as can replace one
atom of hydrogen), but not with more. Kekule
found in this a key to the constitution of many car-
bon compounds.
" We have chiefly," Ostwald says, " to thank
Kekule for carrying through this idea. In the
theory of valency, which is at the present time the
prevalent one, it is assumed that each atom pos-
sesses a definite limited capacity for combining with
other atoms. This capacity is called the valency,
A CENTURY OF CHEMISTRY. 105
and the atoms that can combine with one, two, three
or four atoms (or equivalent atoms or radicals) are
said to be univalent, bivalent, trivalent, or quadri-
valent respectively. Thus marsh gas CH4 illustrates
the quadrivalent character of carbon, and water OH2
the bivalent character of oxygen.
Another development, foretold by Wollaston, but
practically beginning about 1858, when Pasteur
founded " stereochemistry " and Kekule stated his
theory of chemical structure, attained epoch-making
expression in 1875, when Van't Hoff published his
work entitled La Chimie dans I' E space * — an at-
tempt to formulate a geometrical conception of the
manner in which the hypothetical atoms may be sup-
posed to be placed in space. Along with Le Bel, he
formulated what is called the theory of " the asym-
metric carbon-atom " f and initiated what may be de-
scribed as a mechanical theory of valency, which has
been further strengthened by the work of Wislicenus
(1887), and other masters of the chemist's craft.
SUMMARY. — The development of organic chem-
istry on its theoretical side affords a fine instance of
the gradual specialisation of an hypothesis as the
facts require it. The steps indicated by theories of
radicals, types, nuclei, and valencies are steps to-
wards a conception of material architecture which
will consist with the facts of chemical change.
The concept of the atom was in its first form too
simple; the study of gases showed the necessity of
recognising the molecule; the development of or-
ganic chemistry enlarged the concept by the sug-
gestion of radicals and nuclei, equivalents and val-
* J. H. Van't Hoff. Chemistry in Space, trans, and ed by
J. E. Marsh, Oxford, 1891.
t One whose four valencies are satisfied by four atoms
or radicals of different kinds.
106 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
encies; the phenomena of right and left handedness
led on to ideas of definite geometrical arrangement
within the molecule; in these and other ways the
atomic theory in its chemical applications has be-
come more and more specialised. " The present
position of structural chemistry may be summed up
in the statement that we have gained an enormous
insight into the anatomy of molecules, while our
knowledge of their physiology is as yet in a rudi-
mentary condition" (Meldola, 1895).
THE PERIODIC LAW.
A General Statement by Mendelejeff. — " Many
natural phenomena," Mendelejeff says, " exhibit a
dependence of a periodic character. Thus the phe-
nomena of day and night and of the seasons of the
year, and vibrations of all kinds, exhibit variations of
a periodic character in dependence on time and space.
But in ordinary periodic functions one variable varies
continuously, while the other increases to a limit, then
a period of decrease begins, and having in turn
reached its limit, a period of increase again begins.
It is otherwise in the periodic function of the ele-
ments. Here the mass of the elements does not in-
crease continuously, but abruptly, by steps, as from
magnesium to aluminium. So also the valency or
atomicity leaps directly from 1 to 2 to 3, etc., without
intermediate quantities, and in my opinion it is these
properties which are the most important, and it is
their periodicity which forms the substance of the
periodic law. It expresses the properties of the real
elements, and not of what may be termed their mani-
festations usually known to us. The external proper-
ties of elements and compounds are in periodic de-
pendence on the atomic weights of the elements only
A CENTURY OF CHEMISTRY. 107
because these external properties are themselves the
result of the properties of the real elements forming
the isolated elements or the compound. To explain
and express the periodic law is to explain and express
the cause of the law of multiple proportions, of the
difference of the elements, and the variation of their
atomicity, and at the same time to understand what
mass and gravitation are. In my opinion this is now
premature. But just as, without knowing the cause
of gravitation, it is possible to make use of the law of
gravity, so for the aims of chemistry it is possible to
take advantage of the laws discovered by chemistry
without being able to explain their causes. The
above-mentioned peculiarity of the laws of chemistry
respecting definite compounds and the atomic
weights leads one to think that the time has not yet
come for their full explanation, and I do not think
that it will come before the explanation of such pri-
mary laws of nature as the law of gravity." *
The general idea of Mendelejeff's periodic law is
that the properties of the elements are periodic func-
tions of their atomic iveights, but while this is a
simplifying concept it is not in any way an expla-
nation.
The Problem of Chemical Classification. — The
desire for orderly grouping is one of the mainsprings
of scientific work. Even artificial classifications —
like the grouping of flowers according to the number
of their stamens — have often justified themselves,
though they are apt to outlive their usefulness. It is
plain that natural classifications — based on deep-
seated resemblances — must economise thought and
make our outlook on the world clearer. Therefore
* D. Mendelejeff . The FYinc-iples of Chemistry, trans.
1897, Vol. II., pp. 20-21, foot-note.
108 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
it has often been felt that the boon would be great
if we could arrange the different kinds of matter in
groups or series corresponding in some measure to
the classes, orders, families, etc., in which we ar-
range plants and animals.
It is therefore hardly necessary to say that Men-
dele jeff was not the first to be attracted by the possi-
bility of detecting serial relations among the chem-
ical elements. Apart from the speculations of the
ancients and of the alchemists, glimpses of a sup-
posed orderly relationship of the various elements
seem to have been frequent in the history of chem-
istry. Particularly noteworthy was the idea of a fun-
damental substance, " protyle " or " prothyle," often
identified with hydrogen, of which the other elements
were supposed to be derivatives. Prof. Tilden sums
up the idea in the quotation : —
' ' All things the world which fill
Of but one stuff are spun."
More concretely, the hypothesis was hazarded anony-
mously by Prout (1815) that the atomic weights
of the gaseous elements are all whole multiples of
hydrogen. And with this view, supported by Mei-
necke (181Y), was involved the suggestion that the
various elements might turn out to be derivatives
of one primary form of matter, such as hydrogen,
or something of which hydrogen was an atomic
multiple. It was an evolutionist speculation, but
born before its time. It has been buried and res-
urrected several times throughout the century. De-
fended in Britain by Thomson, scouted by Berzelius,
revived by Dumas, it was once more sent to rest
about 1860 by Stas, a Belgian chemist, who did
splendidly accurate work, from 1860 onwards, in
A CENTURY OF CHEMISTRY. 109
confirming the doctrine of the regularity of chemical
proportions in all combinations.
Others again, without accepting any protyle-hy-
pothesis, pointed out the existence of serial regular-
ities in the atomic weights of the elements, (Lens-
sen 1857, Pettenkofer 1850, Dobereiner 1817, and
even before the atomic theory, J. B. Kichter 1798).
Dobereiner pointed out that a number of elements
could be arranged in groups of three, or triads ; e.g.,
calcium, strontium, and barium, the members of each
triad having analogous properties and displaying a
certain regularity in the relations of their atomic
weights. This idea of family characteristics was
afterwards extended by Dumas.
Most noteworthy, however, was the work of New-
lands (1863-4), who showed that when the elements
were arranged according to the magnitude of their
atomic weights, " similar elements were found at
approximately equal distances in the series; count-
ing from any one element, every eighth was in gen-
eral more similar to the first than the other ele-
ments." *
As the eighth element, starting from a given one
is a kind of repetition of the first, like the eighth note
of an octave in music, he called the regularity " The
Law of Octaves." He did not succeed, however, in
fully carrying out his idea. In the same year
(1864), Dr. Odling also published a suggestive pa-
per on " The Proportional lumbers of the Elements
and their Serial Relations."
Independent Discovery by Meyer and Mendelejeff.
— We accept the conclusion of expert authorities
that in 1869 Lothar Meyer and D. Mendelejeff inde-
* Ostwald, General Chemistry, trans, by Walker, 1890,
y. 35.
110 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
pendently reached the same conclusion: — That the
properties of the elements are periodic functions of
their atomic weights. " If all the elements be ar-
ranged in the order of their atomic weights a peri-
odic repetition of properties is obtained. This is ex-
pressed by the law of periodicity; the properties of
the elements, as well as the forms and properties of
their compounds, are in periodic dependence, or, ex-
pressing ourselves algebraically, form a periodic
function of the atomic weights of the elements."
" If all the elements are arranged in the order of
their atomic weights in a series, their properties will
so vary from member to member that after a definite
number of elements has been passed either the first
or very similar properties will recur." f This
was the conclusion which Mendelejeff and Meyer ex-
pounded.
Let us state the general idea once more. When
the elements are arranged according to the magnitude
of their atomic weights, " the elements following one
another show apparently no regularity in properties,
but after the lapse of a certain period the chemical
and physical behaviour of the elements now suc-
ceeding each other strongly recall that of the previ-
ous group, in fact, repeat it. The elements which
resembled one another were therefore united into
groups or natural families, and these in their turn
were distinguished from the periods, which com-
prised the elements whose atomic weights lay be-
tween those of two successive members of a natural
family." J
Scientific Justification of the Periodic Law. — It
* Mendelejeff, Principles of Chemistry, Vol. II., trans, by
Kamensky and Greenaway, 1891, p. 16.
f Ostwald, General Chemistry, trans, p. 35.
j E. von Meyer, History of Chemistry, trans. 1891, p. 347.
A CENTURY OF CHEMISTRY. HI
may be said in a sentence that the general result of
chemical work, since Mendelejeff and Meyer stated
the Periodic Law in 1869, has been to show that " al-
most every well-defined and comparable property of
the elements appears as a periodic function of the
atomic weights" (Ostwald). The atomic volume
shows the periodic variation most clearly (Meyer),
the melting point of the elements varies periodically
(Carnelley), the same holds true of the specific gra-
vities, the magnetic properties of elements depend on
the position occupied in the periodic system (Carnel-
ley), there is also a periodicity in the amount of heat
developed in the formation of the chlorides, bromides,
and iodides (Laurie) ; these must serve as illustra-
tions of the manifold justification which the theory
has received.
The Test of Prophecy. — In regard to vital phenom-
ena where the operative factors are usually complex
and numerous, there are few who would be willing to
submit their favourite generalisations to the severe
test of using them as a basis for prophecy, as the as-
tronomer, for instance, can do with some security.
But this severe test Mendelejeff did apply to his
periodic law.
In his arrangement of elements into groups and
series, Mendelejeff was compelled to leave certain
blanks. He asserted that these would be filled up
by the discovery of new elements.
" He was able to foretell the atomic weights and
other properties of these elements from their posi-
tion in the system, with the aid of the properties ob-
served in the groups and series, which, like a system
of co-ordinates, could be called in to assist. Three
such blanks occurred in the first five series, and these
he indicated as representing the positions of eka-
112 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
boron (at. wt. 44), eka-aluminium (at. wt, 68), and
eka-silicon (at. wt. 72). Since that time, these three
elements have been discovered, and they have been
found to possess, approximately, the properties pre-
dicted by Mendelejeff. They are: scandium, discov-
ered by Mlson, with atomic weight 44.1; gallium,
discovered by Lecoq de Boisbaudran, with atomic
weight 70; and germanium, discovered by Winkler,
with atomic weight 72." *
To sum up:
" The periodic law has not only embraced the mu-
tual relations of the elements and expressed their
analogy, but has also to a certain extent subjected
to law the doctrine of the types of the compounds
formed by the elements; has enabled us to see a regu-
larity in the variation of all chemical and physical
properties of elements and compounds, and has ren-
dered it possible to foretell the properties of ele-
ments and compounds yet uninvestigated by exper-
imental means; it therefore prepares the ground for
the building up of atomic and molecular me-
chanics." f
Inorganic Evolution. — An alluring, but perhaps il-
lusory, idea has occurred to many chemists who have
pondered over the relations of the elements to one
another, — the idea that chemically analogous ele-
ments may be related in a real, i.e., genetic, sense,
or that they may be derivatives of a common stock.
The historians of chemistry have shown that this is
an ancient and frequently recurrent idea. Some of
the early Greeks imagined one primeval substance
developing into all the different kinds of matter;
* Laclenburg, 1900, p. 313.
t Mendelejeff, Principles of Chemistry, Vol. II., trans.,
p. 34.
A CENTURY OF CHEMISTRY. 113
Boyle spoke of " one universal matter common to all
bodies;" Dalton said, "We do know that any of
the bodies denominated elementary are absolutely
indecomposable ; " Graham suggested as conceivable,
" that the various kinds of matter now recognised as
different elementary substances may possess one and
the same ultimate or atomic molecules existing in
different conditions of movement." * Many other
examples might be given, and we have already re-
ferred to the views of Prout, Meinecke, and Thomas
Thomson that there is an ultimate relation between
hydrogen and the other elements.
" In 1888-9 Sir William Crookes again raised the
question whether what are called elements may not
be compounds, and whether all may not have arisen,
by gradual condensation, from hypothetical primitive
material which he called protyle.
Accepting the suggestion that substances now
thought to be elements may turn out to be com-
pounds, Lockyer has pictured the possible dissocia-
tion of the elements in the fervent heat within the
sun's atmosphere. It may be so, but there are no
certain facts as yet which alleviate the hypothetical
character of these imaginings ; and it seems well to
emphasise that Mendelejeff has expressly dissociated
his periodic law from speculations as to the deriva-
tion of the elements from one prime matter.
CO-OPEBATIOX OF CHEMISTRY A3TD PHYSICS.
~No two sciences have entered into a co-operation so
close as that which now exists between chemistry and
physics. In a way the alliance is almost ancient, for
chemistry first became an exact science by adopting
* See Sir Henry Roscoe's Pres. Address, Rep. Brit. Ass.
for 1887, p. 8.
PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
physical methods of weighing and measuring; the
balance, which is as familiar an emblem of chemistry
as the crucible, is rather a physical than a chemical
instrument. But the recognition that chemical and
physical properties are inter-dependent and must be
studied together, practically dates from Lavoisier,
and it has led to a remarkable series of physico-
chemical researches which may be said to form a
special department of science. Kopp was one of the
early workers ; Ostwald is now one of the leaders.
Thermochemistry. — A new chapter in the history
of chemistry began with Lavoisier's study of com-
bustion and with the resulting recognition of the
indestructibility of matter. But Lavoisier left the
dynamics of combustion untouched, and another new
chapter dates from 1843, from Joule's measurement
of the mechanical equivalent of heat, and the result-
ing recognition of the conservation of energy.* The
phenomena of chemical activity assumed a new
aspect when it was clearly realised that chemical
changes involve only re-distribution, but in no case
any destruction of energy or power. This also im-
plied that chemical energy might be measured in
terms of the heat evolved or absorbed.
Let us by means of a quotation from Ostwald gain
a clear impression of what the main business of
thermochemistry is. " Chemical energy is to us the
least known of all the various forms of energy, as
we can measure neither it nor any of its factors di-
rectly. The only means of obtaining information re-
garding it is to transform it into another species of
energy. It passes most easily and completely into
heat, and the branch of science which treats of the
measurement of chemical energy in thermal units is
* See the Chapter on the Progress of Physics.
A CENTURY OF CHEMISTRY. 115
called thermochemistry. Thermochemistry is thus
the science of the thermal processes conditioned by
chemical processes. The quantities of heat evolved or
absorbed measure the decrease or increase of chemi-
cal energy, in so far as other energy is not involved
in the processes." *
Among the important steps in thermochemistry
the following may be noted :
The extension of the law of Dulong and Petit by
Neumann and later by Regnault (1839) ; the ex-
periments of Thomas Andrews (1841) on the heat
produced during the combination of acid and bases
in aqueous solution; Herman Hess's experimental
verification (1840) of the conclusion that "the sev-
eral amounts of heat evolved during the successive
stages of a process are the same in whatever orderthey
follow one another " — a conclusion subsequently re-
inforced by Berthelot; Julius Thomsen's vast accu-
mulation of data (from 1853 onwards) as to heats
of formation and all kinds of chemical change; and
Berthelot's equally voluminous researches.
We need not, for our purpose, pursue the history
further. It is enough to indicate that the aim of
discovering the dynamical laws relating to chemical
processes is one which has not been lost sight of. At
the same time, we have to note the conclusion of an
expert like Tilden, that "notwithstanding the labours
of half a century, thermochemistry remains for the
most part a mass of experimental results, which still
await interpretation."
The doctrine of the conservation of energy is the
foundation of chemical dynamics. Every change in
the arrangement of particles is accompanied by a
* Ostwald, Outlines of General Chemistry, trans. 1890, pp.
208-209.
116 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
definite evolution or absorption of heat. The object
of thermal chemistry is to measure the energy of
chemical changes by thermal methods, and thus to get
nearer the fundamental problem of the dynamics of
chemical affinity.
Photochemistry. — There are few problems more
fascinating and more important than those which are
raised when we try to follow the transformations of
sunlight. Chemical processes in the sun give rise to
radiant energy, which is propagated with great ve-
locity (3 -f- 1010 cm. per second) through space,
with the ether for its hypothetical vehicle. When it
reaches the earth, part of it passes into the form of
heat and thence into many other forms, while part
of it acting on green plants resumes the form of
chemical energy. The radiant energy of sunlight is
utilised by the green leaves to split up the carbonic
acid of the atmosphere and to build up the complex
substances which furnish food and fuel, not to speak
of the most valuable super-necessaries of life.
Nor does the radiant energy affect plants only, it
has a subtle influence on many animals, modifying
for instance the process of coloration, and above all
producing those chemical changes in the retina which
are associated with vision. In the volume of this
series which deals with Inventions due notice will be
taken of photography (Daguerre, 1838), which de-
pends on the chemical reactions produced by light on
a sensitive surface. But the retina was the first sen-
sitive surface, and we may therefore say that it was
in the consideration of problems primarily physio-
logical and secondarily technical that photochemistry,
like thermochemistry, had its beginnings.
We have just mentioned the effect of light upon
the human eye, and as an illustration from the other
A CENTURY OF CHEMISTRY. H7
end of the scale of being we may note the attraction
of some micro-organisms to light. ThusEngelmann's
Bacterium photometricum — rod-like purple microbes
— not only crowd in a drop of water under the mi-
croscope to the particular spot on which the smallest
possible beam of light is focussed, but when a micro-
scopic spectrum is projected on the field " select '
the area whose colour is that which is most absorbed
by their minute bodies.
One other illustration of the chemical action of
light upon living creatures may be given, namely, the
destructive effect of light upon many kinds of mi-
crobes, both in the air and in culture-solutions. We
are accustomed to think of light as life-giving, but it
also kills. And the fact is significant and full of
practical suggestion that sunlight is the most potent,
universal, and economical antagonist of some of our
worst enemies. How exactly the light kills the bac-
teria remains somewhat uncertain, but it is com-
monly believed that it induces too rapid oxidation,
that it makes the minute organisms live so fast that
they die.
Photochemical research has been as yet in great
part concerned with different modes of measuring
the chemical activity of light. One of the most suc-
cessful methods takes advantage of the fact that light
induces a mixture of equal volumes of chlorine and
hydrogen to form hydrogen chloride (Draper, 1843 ;
Bunsen and Roscoe, 1857). This led to the estab-
lishment of the conclusions that the chemical action
is proportional to the light intensity, that equal
chemical effects are produced when the products of
light intensity and time of exposure are equal, that
substances are affected differently by different rays,
and so on. How it is that light induces chemical
118 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
change we do not know, though hypothetical sugges-
tions have been offered.
Photochemistry or the study of the effects of
radiant energy (light) on chemical processes is still
incipient; though its results have led to the develop-
ment of photography, the influence of light on the
green leaf remains an unread riddle.
Electrochemistry. — It is a familiar fact that if a
rod of zinc and a rod of platinum "be immersed in
dilute sulphuric acid (which does not attack either of
them separately), and if the ends of the two rods
projecting out of the liquid be apposed or connected
by a metal wire, the zinc is dissolved, the hydrogen
of the sulphuric acid accumulates on the platinum,
and there has come into existence an electric current
— a form of energy — which can be made to do work.
The source of this energy is in the chemical process,
in the heat evolved by the solution of the zinc. By
using heat as the common standard of measurement,
we are able to prove that a certain amount of poten-
tial chemical energy available at the outset is exactly
equivalent to the amount of electrical energy pro-
duced plus the heat evolved at the seat of the reaction.
From the study of comparatively simple experi-
ments like that above referred to, always in the light
of the doctrine of the conservation of energy, electro-
chemistry has evolved into an important and elabo-
rate department of science.
Faraday distinguished bodies, e.g., metals, which
conduct electrical currents without suffering any
material change beyond that of heating, from other
bodies, such as salts and aqueous solutions of acids
and bases, in which the conducted current induces
chemical change. " In such conductors of the second
class, or electrolytes, the movement of electricity
A CENTURY OF CHEMISTRY. 119
takes place so that the metals (or metallic radicals)
of the salts and bases, and the hydrogen of the acids,
move from the positive part of the current to the
negative, while the acid radicals or elements, such as
chlorine, bromine, iodine, and also the hydroxyl of
bases, move in the opposite direction. These com-
ponents, or ions, are set free where the electrolyte
is in contact with metal conducting the current "
(Ostwald, op. cit. p. 270). In 1833, Faraday for-
mulated the general conclusion, fundamental to sub-
sequent progress, that equal quantifies of electricity
on passing through different electrolytes require
equivalent quantities of the ions for their transport.
This may be called the foundation-stone of electro-
chemistry.
It would be interesting to show how the enquiry
into the constitution of electrolytes, which must be
such that particles charged positively can move in
one direction while those charged negatively move in
the other, has led through the ideas of Williamson
(1851), Clausius (1857), Arrhenius (1887), Planck
(1887), to the theory that solutions of salts and of
strong acids and bases contain these substances dis-
sociated into ions, that a solution of potassium chlo-
ride contains in great part single potassium and chlo-
rine atoms with enormous electrical charges and with
their chemical properties thereby modified. It reads
like a romance in the invisible world — far more dar-
ing than the biologist has ever ventured with his
ids and biophors — and yet it appears to harmonise
a large number of observed facts. As Ostwald says,
" The assumption that electrolytes contain free ions
is not only possible but necessary."
It would be interesting also to show how the elec-
tric conductivity of electrolytes was measured (Kohl-
120 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
rausch, 1880), or how the velocity of the migration
of the ions was calculated, or how equations have
been worked out and confirmed (Willard Gibbs,
Helmholtz, Jahn), showing the relation between the
chemical energy, the electrical energy, and the altera-
tion of the electromotive force (i.e., potential, ten-
sion or intensity) with the temperature, such that
any one of the three can be calculated if the other
two terms are known. But we have said enough
to suggest the fruitfulness of the co-operation of
chemistry and physics in the department of electro-
chemistry, and to suggest how well it will repay the
reader to avail himself of the pleasure which is af-
forded by modern chemistry, as expounded by mas-
ters like Ostwald.
THE CIRCULATION OF MATTER.
Transformations in Plants. — We have already al-
luded to the chemist's power of transforming matter.
Out of coal-tar he brings the colours of the rainbow
and he makes the rubbish of twenty years ago a source
of riches to-day.
But any common green plant is the seat of trans-
formations of matter not less marvellous. The ele-
ments of soil, water, and air are by the touch of life
lifted into complexity, united into organic com-
pounds, forming part of the capital of a living crea-
ture.
We are also aware of what Mr. Grove long since
called the correlation of the physical forces, what
others speak of as the transformations of energy. We
know how the energy of the mill-race may drive a
dynamo, and we see the energy again in our electric
A CENTURY OF CHEMISTRY. 121
lamp. We know that heat, light, and electricity are
transformable powers.
But any common green plant is the seat of trans-
formations of energy not less marvellous. The ener-
gies of the sunlight — the undulations of the ethereal
waves, according to the student of physics — are so
used by the plant that complex organic substances, of
which starch is the first to become visible, are built
up. The kinetic energy of the sunlight is changed in
the potential energy of complex chemical substances,
such as wood. We use such potential energy to sup-
ply power to our life, to stoke our engines, to warm
our hearths.
We know of no life which is not life-born, but we
know that all the world over, from the red-snow plant
of Arctic icebergs to the luxuriant vegetation of the
Tropics, from the seaweed on the shore to the Cali-
fornian Wellingtonias, the simple so-called dead ele-
ments of water, earth, and air are being quickened
into life, that is to say, are becoming part of the
capital of living plants. On these plants animals
feed, and the wealth of the plants is recoined to feed
muscle and nerve, and what was once the dust of the
wayside may become part and parcel of the brain of
a Caesar.
Elements in an Organism, — Let us approach the
subject in another way. ISTo one knows the chemical
nature of living matter, for we cannot isolate what is
genuinely alive from associated not-living substance.
Moreover, the moment the expert begins his analysis
the living matter is dead, and the secret eludes him.
But every one now knows the elements out of which
the living body is built up, though no one can tell
how these elements are arranged in really living
stuff nor how they act as they do when thus ar-
122 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
ranged. The elements cannot escape the chemist, al-
though their intricacy of arrangement in many cases
does.
If we reduce living plants to ashes, and allow
nothing to escape undetected, we find a constant pres-
ence of twelve elements, carbon, hydrogen, oxygen,
nitrogen, sulphur, phosphorus, chlorine, potassium,
sodium, calcium, magnesium, and iron. It may be
indeed that all the twelve are not present in some of
the very simplest forms of life, where the method of
ash-analysis is inapplicable. But for ordinary plants
which can be burned, the above statement is true.
The twelve elements are always present. Had we
space, it would be interesting to take each of these
elements in turn, to show in what forms they exist
in inorganic nature, to follow them from their ab-
sorption by root-suckers to their known combinations
in plant, animal, or man, and to show how they
eventually come back to the so-called dead-state once
more. But since it is better to have one definite im-
pression than a hundred vague ones, let us confine
our attention to nitrogen.
Circulation of Nitrogen. — "As is well known, free
nitrogen forms about four-fifths of the atmosphere,
but the great bulk of this takes no part in vital proc-
esses. With certain notable exceptions it is only in
the form of compounds that nitrogen can be used by
living creatures. Therefore, since nitrogenous food
is essential both to plant and animal, the amount of
life upon the earth must depend on the amount of
fixed nitrogen available.*
The commonest circle is the following: Nitrogen
is obtained by the plant in the form of nitrates, ni-
* Bunge, Text-book of Physiological and Pathological
Chemistry, trans. 1890, p. 19.
A CENTURY OF CHEMISTRY. 123
trites, or ammonia ; these compounds are used in the
elaboration of complex nitrogenous bodies such as
proteids. These proteids produced by the plant form
the food of animals and become part of their vital
capital. As the animals live there is a continual dis-
ruption of the complex nitrogenous substances and
the formation of less complex nitrogenous waste
products. This also takes place in plants, but there
is this difference, that while the plant retains its
nitrogenous waste, the animal gets rid of it — in the
form of urea, uric acid, urates, and the like. These
waste products rapidly decompose after they have
been excreted, and ammonia is formed — available
once more to enter upon the cycle.
If the animal or plant die, the agency of putre-
factive bacteria brings about decomposition, and the
disruption of the nitrogenous materials yields am-
monia, nitrates, and the like, which may be again
utilised. The availability of nitrogenous material
is not thereby affected. On the other hand, as Bunge
forcibly points out,* the burning of wood, the crema-
tion of an animal, the explosion of gunpowder, in-
volve a liberation of nitrogen from its fixed or com-
pound form, and a consequent diminution of the
available supplies.
" It would appear, therefore, that there is a con-
tinuous degradation of nitrogen to the elementary
condition — a very serious matter if the nitrogen so
degraded is finally removed from the sphere of action
of organised beings. Are there, then, any other
agencies at work to restore the balance, and enable
this apparently useless gas to return within the
arena of physiological activity ? " f
* Bunge, op. cit., p. 21.
t F. W. Stoddart, " The Circulation of Nitrogen in Na-
ture," Proc. Bristol Nat. Soc.. IX. (1899), pp. 57-74.
124 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
In the first place, it has to be borne in mind that
by electrical discharges in air nitrogen is united
with oxygen to form nitric acid, and in a damp at-
mosphere the same agency causes nitrogen to combine
with water vapour to form nitrite of ammonia (Ber-
thelot)- The rain after the thunderstorm brings
the products to earth.
In the second place, it is stated by Schb'nbein that
wherever evaporation occurs minute traces of am-
monia are formed in the air.
In the third place, the researches of Hellreigel
and Willfarth, repeated and confirmed by many,
show that leguminous plants can under the influence
of partner-micro-organisms, which form root-tuber-
cles, utilise (indirectly) the free nitrogen of the air.
In the fourth place, the circulation of nitrogen and
the increase of availability is furthered by other lilli-
putian agencies; namely, those soil-bacteria which
convert ammonia into nitrous acid, or carry the oxi-
dation further to the level of nitric acid.
Foundation of Agricultural Chemistry. — If we
wish to associate any particular name with the recog-
nition of the fundamental fact of the circulation of
matter, it should be the name of Justus Liebig
(1803-1873). Himself a student under Gay-Lus-
sac, he became the master of one of the greatest
schools of chemistry, the initiator of chemical labo-
ratories, a pioneer of modern organic chemistry, one
of the prompters of chemical physiology, the founder
of agricultural chemistry, and the discoverer of many
important practical applications.
The circulation of elements, of nitrogen for in-
stance, from the air or the soil into plants and
thence into animals, and thence back to the soil or
air again, is a fact of great interest, justifying us
A CENTURY OF CHEMISTRY. 125
in speaking of the circulation of matter, — a fact to
be associated with Liebig's industry — as not less im-
portant than Harvey's theory of the circulation of
the blood. The idea marks a new era.
CHEMICAL AFFINITY.
The Problem of Chemical Changes. — Chemistry
has above all to do with changes in the composition
of matter, and although in point of time the study
of chemical changes was prosecuted, by the alche-
mist, for instance, long before there was any sound
knowledge of material composition, the understand-
ing of the former entirely depends on an understand-
ing of the latter.
One of the early results of the careful study of
these chemical changes or reactions was to show that
though the number of possible experiments is endless,
the number of kinds of experiment is limited. It
began to be seen that substances could be arranged
in various groups, the members of each group acting
in a similar way in similar circumstances. Thus
a number of substances, like oil of vitriol (sulphuric
acid) and spirits of salt (hydrochloric acid) exhibit
similar properties, or similar reactions in similar
conditions, and may be ranked together as acids;
another set of substances, like spirits of hartshorn
(ammonia) and slaked lime, are most markedly dif-
ferent from the acids, and may be ranked together
as alkalis; a third set of substances, like chalk, pro-
ducible by the reaction of an acid and an alkali, may
be ranked together as salts. Thus there arose a clas-
sification of compounds based on similarity of reac-
tion in similar conditions. It was merely a prelimi-
nary step towards order, and it led to many others
of greater importance.
126 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
When two different substances are brought to-
gether it frequently happens that changes occur re-
sulting in the production of a new substance or sub-
stances. Thus an acid and an alkali, as noted above,
produce a salt. Since the indestructibility of matter
was recognised, and since Dalton made the atomic
conception current coin, it has been evident that the
change occurs through a separation and re-combina-
tion of the component particles of the two substances.
As Dalton said : " All the changes we can produce
consist in separating particles that are in a state of
cohesion or combination, and joining those that were
previously at a distance." But after the phenomena
of change have been observed, the question is bound
to arise — why should the atoms separate and re-com-
bine at all ? Is the phenomenon comparable to any-
thing else in our experience, or is ' chemical affinity '
an irreducible fact ? Masses attract one another and
we can measure the force; is chemical affinity also
measurable and does it bear any analogy to gravita-
tion ? There is also attraction due to magnetism
and different electrical states; has chemical affinity
anything to do with this ? Thus arises the inevitable
problem of chemical affinity; it is still unsolved, but
we may profitably consider for a little some of the
suggestions which have been offered.
It is part of the work of chemistry to distinguish
the different kinds of matter, and we began this his-
torical sketch by alludincf to the search for the ele-
ments; but a more important problem is to interpret
chemical affinity, or the capacity of the elements to
exert chemical action.
Electricity and Chemical Affinity. — In the long
history of attempts to interpret the chemical activi-
ties of different kinds of matter in their relations to
A CENTURY OF CHEMISTRY. 127
one another, the importance of electrical phenomena
has bulked largely. The discoveries of Galvani
(1789) and Volta (1792) on the generation of elec-
tricity by the use of two metals were not long in
being applied to chemistry. Thus in 1800 Nichol-
son and Carlisle observed that if an electrical cur-
rent be passed through water, the result is a decompo-
sition into hydrogen and oxygen, — the two gases,
namely, which Cavendish, sixteen years before, had
shown (synthetically) to be the constituents of
water. In 1803 Berzelius and Hisinger published
the results of similar experiments on many different
compounds, and showed that hydrogen, metals, alka-
lis, metals, etc., possess positive electrical energy,
while oxygen, acids, etc., separate at the positive
pole.
Davy. — Meanwhile Humphry Davy had also
turned his attention to similar enquiries ; he con-
firmed the results of Hisinger and Berzelius, and
made the theoretical suggestion that hydrogen, alka-
lis, metals, etc., possess positive electrical energy,
while oxygen and the acids are correspondingly nega-
tive. As oppositely electrified bodies attract each
other, the former substances come off in electrolysis
at the negative pole (cathode), and the latter at the
positive (anode). From this he went on to the mo-
mentous generalisation that chemical affinity is due
to difference in electrical condition.
Pursuing his decomposition experiments, Davy
turned his attention to the alkalis (potash and soda),
and found that small metallic globules, burning with
brilliancy in air, were formed at the negative pole,
while oxygen was evolved at the other. He rightly
concluded that the substances he had discovered were
the metals Potassium and Sodium, of which the
128 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
alkalis are the oxides. This important step,
checked by the French chemists, seems to have led
many for a time to a false expectation. " The idea
was arrived at that the substances hitherto known
were only compounds', and that the aim of chemistry
was now to discover the true elements, which it was
supposed would resemble potassium and sodium.
. . . The galvanic current, at that period an en-
tirely new agent, had accomplished this marvel, and
it was itself a marvellous thing. By its aid it had
become possible to decompose compounds into their
true elements; hence it is not surprising that this
agency was regarded as identical with the one which
gave rise to combinations ; i.e., with affinity."
Berzelius. — The ingenious suggestions of Davy
were soon developed by Berzelius into a consistent
theory which was then used as the foundation idea
of a chemical system.
He believed, with Davy, that all chemical reac-
tions are produced by electricity, which " thus seems
to be the first cause of the activity all around us in
nature." But he differed from Davy in his mode
of conceiving of the electrical distribution. In his
own words, " If the electro-chemical views are ac-
curate, it follows that every chemical combination
depends wholly and only upon two opposite forces,
namely, the positive and negative electricities, and
that every compound must be composed of two parts,
united by the effects of their electro-chemical reac-
tions, since there is not any third force. From this
it follows that every compound substance, whatever
the number of its constituents may be, can be divided
into two parts, of which the one is positively and the
other is negatively electrical."
* Ladenburg, 1900, p. 67.
A CENTURY OF CHEMISTRY. 129
But difficulties soon gathered round this electro-
chemical theory. Even as early as 1834, Dumas
showed, in stating his " substitution " theory, that in
many organic compounds the positive element hydro-
gen may be replaced by the negative element chlorine
" without a fundamental alteration in the chemical
character of the resulting compound." This was
practically a deathblow to the theory of Berzelius.
Faraday. — About 1833, Faraday was led to con-
clude (a) that the chemical power of a current of
electricity is in direct proportion to the absolute quan-
tity of electricity which passes, and (6) that the
proportions of the bodies or ions evolved by an elec-
trolytic action (the electro-chemical equivalents of
the ions) are the same as their ordinary chemical
equivalents or combining proportions. And he re-
turned to the theory of Davy, saying that " the forces
termed chemical affinity and electricity are one and
the same."
Sir Henry Eoscoe points out that the great prin-
ciple of valency was foreshadowed from a physical
point of view in Faraday's law of electrolysis.
Faraday showed that the number of atoms electro-
lytically deposited is in the inverse ratio of their
valencies; Helmholtz in his Faraday lecture ex-
plained this by the fact that " the quantity of elec-
tricity with which each atom is associated is directly
proportional to its valency."
lonisation Theory. — It does not seem possible,
at present, to be confident in affirming or denying the
idea that chemical combination is due to the union
of electrically charged atoms; but it is certain that
the question is not so simple as it appeared to Davy,
Berzelius, and Faraday. To make the matter in any
way clear it would be necessary to take account of
130 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
many researches, notably, for instance, of those con-
cerning the nature of solutions.
The reader should consult, for instance, the eighth
chapter of Professor Tilden's Short History, espe-
cially with reference to the theory of ionisation sug-
gested by Arrhenius.
While the early electro-chemical ideas of Berzelius
have been abandoned, a new path of enquiry, es-
pecially marked by the work of Svante Arrhenius,
continues to be full of promise. Its first milestone
bears the date 1884, when Arrhenius proved that def-
inite and quantitative relations exist between elec-
trical and chemical properties.
But to this we must add, as suggestive of one of
the most significant steps in modern chemical theory,
another quotation from Ostwald. " Research based
on a well-defined measure of affinity determinable
with numerical exactness only became possible, when,
by the development of the electrolytic theory of dis-
sociation, the formula was found from which a con-
stant of a general character and independent of the
dilution could be calculated. This constant has a
claim to serve as a measure of affinity."
While the nature of chemical affinity remains ob-
scure, a mode of measuring it has been attained. If
this step is to be associated with any particular name
it should be with Ostwald (1889).
CHAPTEK V.
THE PKOGBESS OF PHYSICS.
INTRODUCTORY.
Definition of Physics. — " The properties of matter
and energy, of energy and ether, and of ether and
matter, are the subjects of investigation in physical
science." Thus one of the modern masters, Prof.
G. F. Fitzgerald,* defined the scope of the science,
•whose progress in the nineteenth century will be illus-
trated or suggested in this chapter.
Although we may note Fitzgerald's statement that
physical science is divided from chemistry " by being
the study of each kind of matter by itself, while chem-
istry studies the actions of different kinds of matter
upon one another," we must also note his acknowledg-
ment— " of course no real line can be drawn."
The physicist has mainly to do with transforma-
tions of energy, or, in a word, with motion. Or per-
haps it is more accurate to say, with Professor J. J.
Poynting : " The range of the physicist's study con-
sists in the visible motions and other sensible changes
of matter. The experiences with which he deals are
the impressions on his senses, and his aim is to de-
scribe in the shortest possible way how his various
senses have been, will be, or would be affected." f
Method of Physics. — The physicist looks out upon
nature seeking for similarities of action — likenesses
* Science Progress, Vol. I., 1894. p. 3.
t Address, Section A, Rep. Brit. Ass. for 1899, p. 615.
132 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
of motion ; he groups these together if they are
seen to be really the same; he uses instruments
to enable his senses to detect hidden motions, and to
measure these with accuracy ; he tries to find a short
descriptive formula of antecedent and sequence which
will fit the facts. The so-called laws of motion
are " brief descriptions of observed similarities,"
as Prof. J. J. Poynting expresses it.* As his for-
mulae increase in number and precision, he often
finds it possible to combine several of them in
a more general formulae, which may be so secure,
that is so accurate a description, that it affords a
basis for safe prediction.
Aim of Physics. — " To take an old but never worn-
out metaphor, the physicist is examining the garment
of Nature, learning of how many, or rather of how
few, different kinds of thread it is woven, finding how
each separate thread enters into the pattern, and
seeking from the pattern woven in the past to know
the pattern yet to come. How many different kinds of
thread does Nature use ? So far, we have recognised
some eight or nine, the number of different forms of
energy which we are still obliged to count as distinct.
But this distinction we cannot believe to be real. The
relations between the different forms of energy and
the fixed rate of exchange when one form gives place
to another, encourage us to suppose that if we could
only sharpen our senses or change our point of
view we could effect a still further reduction. We
stand in front of Nature's loom as we watch the weav-
ing of the garment; while we follow a particular
thread in the pattern it suddenly disappears, and a
thread of another colour takes its place. Is this
a new thread, or is it merely the old thread turned
* Address, Section A, Brit. Ass. Report for 1899, p. 616.
THE PROGRESS OF PHYSICS. 133
round and presenting a new face to us? We can
do little more than guess. We cannot get round
to the other side of the pattern, and our minutest
watching will not tell us all the working of the
loom."11 But since we cannot rest with discon-
tinuous descriptions, we construct a hypothetical
system as to the constitution of matter and the
relation of energy to it, — a system in line with what
we do know of visible motions and accelerations,
— a system to which we will naturally hold until a
more complete knowledge should suggest some im-
provement of it, or, it might be, demand its rejection.
SUMMABY. — In the main the problem of the phys-
icist is to describe and formulate the likenesses of
motion which are observed in our outlook upon
nature.
THE NEWTONIAN FOUNDATION.
At the beginning of the nineteenth century, chem-
istry was just steadying itself on the foothold afforded
by the doctrine of the indestructibility of matter, but
Physics had been on sure ground since the publication
of Xewton's Principia (1687). It seems necessary
to admit that the value of the Xewtonian foundation
was not fully appreciated in the eighteenth century,
and that many workers left it and built short-lived in-
dependent structures, but for the nineteenth century
it does not seem too much to say that all stable prog-
ress in Physics has been dominated by Newton's con-
clusions. " In fact the Newtonian philosophy can be
said to have governed at least one entire section of the
scientific research of the first half of this period : only
in the second half of the period have we succeeded in
* Poynting, Address, Section A, Rep. Brit. Ass. for 1899,
p. 618.
134 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
defining more clearly the direction in which Newton's
views require to be extended or modified." *
As to the import of Newton's work, three points
may be distinguished.
First, it affords what is probably the most striking
instance of the application of scientific method, and
part of its influence has been that of an illustrious
example. It signalised once for all the contrast
between metaphysical contemplation and scientific
study.
Secondly, in the so-called law of gravitation, which
describes " how every particle of matter in the uni-
verse is altering its motion with reference to every
other particle," Newton not only enlarged the horizon
of physics, but gave the world perhaps its finest illus-
tration of a focalising " thought-economising " for-
mula, whose universality and accuracy seem alike
indisputable. Here the science passed beyond ob-
servation and description to the recognition of a uni-
fying idea.
Thirdly, in his laws of motion and other principles
Newton gave a marvellous — if still imperfect — pre-
cision to the concepts — of force, matter, and the like
— with which the physicist works. Some would say
with Prof. Ernst Mach f that Newton " completed
the enunciation of the principles of mechanics," or
with Thomson and Tait that " every attempt to
supersede them has ended in utter failure " ; while
others would rather say with Karl Pearson that the
progress of two centuries has given good reason for
trying to modify and restate the Leges Motus, es-
pecially in the direction of purifying them, if it be
* J. T. Merz, History of European Thought, I., p. 317.
\Mechanik in ihrer •' Entwickehmg, 3d ed., 1889, trans.
Chicago, by J. T. McCormack, 1893.
THE PROGRESS OF PHYSICS. 135
possible, from the metaphysical obscurities which
lurk even in their apparent lucidity.* But all will
agree that Newton supplied the firm foundation on
which, especially during the last hundred years, phys-
ical science has gradually grown into a stately edifice.
It is doubtless true that Xewton stood on the
shoulders of Galilei, but his genius in discerning the
unity amid multiplicity was none the less great, and
there is no finer instance of a unifying idea than the
gravitation-formula. At the same time, it must be
recognised that, like other big scientific generalisa-
tions, the gravitation-theory raised problems which it
did not answer.
What we have is a general formula: that
every particle or atom or body in the universe at-
tracts every other with a force proportional to their
masses taken conjointly, and inversely proportional
to the square of their distances apart. This may be
called the law of gravitation, but is there no theory
of the law ? In this respect there has been little ad-
vance since the beginning of the nineteenth century.
It was then that Lesage of Geneva suggested that
in addition to the gross particles of tangible or sensi-
ble matter, " infinite as these are in number, there
is an infinitely greater number of much smaller ones
darting about in all directions with enormously great
velocities. Lesage showed that, if this were the case,
the effects of their impacts upon the grosser particles
or atoms of matter would be to make each two of
these behave as if they attracted one another with a
force following exactly the law of gravity. In fact,
when two such particles are placed at a distance from
one another, each, as it were, screens the other from
* Grammar of Science, Chapter VIII., " The Laws of
Motion."
J
136 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
a part of the shower which would otherwise batter
upon it. . . It is necessary also to suppose that par-
ticles and masses of matter have a cage-like form, so
that enormously more corpuscles pass through them
than impinge upon them ; else the gravitation action
between two bodies could not be as the product of
their masses." * But this speculation is only a pro-
visional stop-gap.
To the easy-going materialists, if any survive, the
ignoramus of one of our leading physicists should
give pause : — " Directly we use the term l weight,'
we are confronted with the fact that not yet have we
any real clew to that astonishing fact of universal
gravitation." f
SUMMARY. — The foundation of modern physics is
in Newton's Principia (1687) whose value is more
fully appreciated at the end than it was at the begin-
ning of the nineteenth century.
CONSERVATION OF ENERGY.
The Idea of Energy. — Energy is a convenient term
for the power of doing work which is possessed by a
material system, or by the ether which modern phys-
ics has invented as a hazy background of matter. A
stream flowing down a valley illustrates energy of
motion, it may turn mill-wheels or bear away bridges ;
the reservoir on the plateau illustrates energy of posi-
tion, which intention or accident may at any moment
bring into operation. These two types of power are,
as every one knows, called kinetic energy and poten-
tial energy. Whether the kinetic energy be expressed
in visible motion, as of the stream, or invisible mo-
* P. G. Tait, Recent Advances in Physical Science, 1876,
pp. 299-300.
t Prof. Oliver J. Lodge, " Modern Views of Matter,"
Jnternat. Monthly, I. (1900), p. 525.
THE PROGRESS OF PHYSICS. 137
tion, as in the particles of a heated bar of iron ; wheth-
er the potential energy be expressed in a visible ar-
rangement of bodies, as in the stone resting on the
roof-edge, or in invisible arrangements, as in the
mutual relations of particles in an explosive ; we sum
up all the different forms in the one conception of
energy or power.
The convenience of this concept " Energy " to sum
up groups of sense-impressions is obvious, but it must
be borne in mind that in using the term we are simply
making an abstraction which proves useful in the
rapid discussion of the forms or modes of motion
which we see and measure. Clerk Maxwell said in
his remarkable little book Matter and Motion: " We
are acquainted with matter only as that which may
have energy communicated to it from other matter,
and which may in turn communicate energy to other
matter," and again, " Energy, on the other hand, we
know only as that which in all natural phenomena
is continually passing from one portion of matter to
another." But, as Karl Pearson points out, these
statements do not carry us far. " The only way in
which we can understand matter is through the en-
ergy which it transfers. . . . The only way to un-
derstand energy is through matter. Matter has been
defined in terms of energy, and energy again in terms
of matter."
" The activity of the material universe," says Prof.
Oliver Lodge, " is due to, or represented by, or dis-
played in, the continual interchanges of energy from
matter to ether and back again, accompanied by its
transformation from the kinetic to the potential form
and vice versa" *
*" Modern Views of Matter," Internal. Monthly, I. (1900),
p. 500.
138 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY,
Transformations of Energy. — Before methods of
measuring the different forms of what we call energy
had been elaborated, it was evident that one kind of
power was continually being changed into another.
Carbon and oxygen have in separation potential
energy — the energy of chemical affinity for one an-
other, and this is manifested by the heat which they
give off when they unite; the heat may be in great
part utilised to convert water into steam ; the " expan-
sive force " of the steam lifts the piston ; the wheels
go round; the energy re-appears partly in the poten-
tial form of work done and partly in the heat which
results from overcoming friction. The energy of the
sunlight enables the plant to build up complex food-
stuffs out of simple raw materials ; substances of high
potential energy thus result; these become sources
of power to man and beast. The energy of chemical
separation may be transformed into heat, light, mag-
netism, electricity, and so on; or heat, light, and
electricity may be used to effect chemical separation.
Moreover, all the powers we can employ (except in
the case of tidal currents) are directly or indirectly
traceable to the energy radiated from the sun, or
to stores of potential energy in the earth, which again
we have to thank the sun for.
Conservation. — These considerations lead us to
the doctrine of the conservation of energy, which is
one of the foundations of Physics. It is an induc-
tion -from experience which states that " the total
amount of energy in a material system cannot be
varied, provided the system neither parts with
energy to other bodies nor receives it from them."
There may be degradation or dissipation of energy, as
* Article " Energy," Chambers's Encyclopedia, by Dr.
W. Peddle.
THE PROGRESS OF PHYSICS. 139
when heat passes into the air, but destruction of
energy is unknown.
Energy is the power of doing work; work is the
act of producing a change of configuration in a sys-
tem in opposition to resistance; and the doctrine of
the conservation of energy is thus expressed by Clerk
Maxwell : " The total energy of any material system
is a quantity which can neither be increased nor
diminished by any action between the parts of the
system, though it may be transformed into any of the
forms of which energy is susceptible."
Dissipation of Energy. — And to this doctrine of
conservation there has to be added the corollary,
which Sir William Thomson (Lord Kelvin) first
focussed into lucidity (1852) — " the principle of dis-
sipation or degradation," which is " simply this, that
as every operation going on in nature involves a
transformation of energy, and every transformation
involves a certain amount of degradation (degraded
energy meaning energy less capable of being trans-
formed than before), energy is becoming less and
less transformable." *
Foundation of the Doctrine of the Conservation of
Energy. — Just as the doctrine of the indestructibility
of matter became stable with the perfecting of the
balance, so the doctrine of the conservation of energy
must be associated with the determination of the
mechanical equivalent of heat, — with the experiments
of Rumford and Davy leading on to those of Colding
and Joule. At the same time, it should be borne in
mind that, according to Thomson and Tait, the prin-
ciple is clearly implied in Newton's scholium to his
third law of motion, — that " if the action of an ex-
ternal agent is estimated by the product of its force
*P. G. Tait, Recent Advances (1876), pp. 145-6.
140 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
into its velocity, and the reaction of the resistance in
the same way by the product of the velocity of each
part of the system into the resisting force, arising
from friction, cohesion, weight, and acceleration, the
action and reaction will be equal to one another, what-
ever be the nature and motion of the system."
We have placed the doctrine of the conservation of
energy before the dynamical theory of heat because
many discoveries were pointing towards the great
conclusion of the transf ormability and conservation of
energy, before Joule's measurement of the mechanical
equivalent of heat made the vaguely foreseen conclu-
sion an established doctrine. None the less, however,
would we emphasise that the establishment of the
general doctrine dates from Joule's success as a
measurer of the relation between heat and mechanical
work in 1843.
For it was then that one of the greatest scientific
steps of the century was made. " Clear and unques-
tionable experimental proof was given of the fact that
there is a definite relation between mechanical work
and heat ; that so much work always gives rise, under
the same conditions, to so much heat, and so much
heat to so much mechanical work. Thus originated
the mechanical theory of heat, which became the start-
ing point of the modern doctrine of the conservation
of energy. Molar motion had appeared to be destroyed
by friction. It was proved that no destruction took
place, but that an exact equivalent of the energy of the
lost molar motion appears as that of the molecular
motion, or motion of the smallest particles of a body,
which constitutes heat. The loss of the masses is the
gain of their particles." *
* T. H. Huxley, Essay on " The Progress of Science" (1887),
in Method and Results, 1894, pp. 85-86.
THE PROGRESS OF PHYSICS.
While we have given the foremost place to Joule
in connection with the doctrine of energy, we must
also recognise the genius of Helmholtz, as expressed
in his work on Die Erhaltung der Kraft (the persis-
tence of force), published in 1847, in which he
showed that this great conclusion follows from New-
ton's second interpretation of the third law of motion,
if we make the postulate (sufficiently justified exper-
imentally) of the impossibility of " perpetual motion."
STTMMABY. — "In his determination of the me-
chanical equivalent of heat, James Prescott Joule
gave to the world of science the results of experiments
which placed beyond reach of doubt or cavil the
greatest and most far-reaching scientific principle of
modern times, namely, that of the conservation of
energy."
HEAT AS A MODE OF ACTION.
Old Theory of Heat as a Kind of Matter. — The
theory that heat is a subtle kind of matter was sug-
gested by some of the Greek philosophers, and it was
a dominant theory in the eighteenth century. In
the interpretation of combustion defended by Stahl
(1660-1734) a burning body was supposed to give
off a substance called " phlogiston." Lavoisier in-
cluded heat in his list of elements.
Seventeenth Century Theories of Heat as a Mode
of Motion. — A more remarkable fact, however, is
that in the seventeenth century the modern view was,
to say the least, clearly hinted at. As Cajori notes
in his History of Physics, " We are surprised to
find that Newton's immediate predecessors had antici-
pated our modern theory of heat. Heat a Mode of
* Sir Henry Roscoe, Pres. Address, Rep. Brit. Ass.. 1887,
p. 4.
142 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
Motion is the title of Tyndall's well-known work
(1862), yet Descartes, Amontons, Boyle, Francis
Bacon, Hooke, and Newton already looked upon heat
as a mode of motion. Of course, in the seventeenth
century, this theory rested upon somewhat slender
experimental evidence, else the doctrine could hardly
have been cast to the winds by the eighteenth cen-
tury philosophers."
The Fiction of Imponderable Matter. — Even in
the eighteenth century, it could not but be noticed,
when the habit of weighing began, that a body which
had been heated was no heavier than it was before.
Therefore a fiction had to be invented, — the well-
known fiction of the " imponderables." Heat, or
rather " caloric," was a substance, but it was an im-
ponderable substance. The further difficulty that
heat may be produced in abundance apart from all
fire or combustion, — even by rubbing two pieces of ice
together, — and that it may in other cases disappear
beyond trace, seems to the modern outlook quite fatal
to the material theory of heat, but the difficulty does
not appear to have oppressed the natural philoso-
phers of the eighteenth century. It must be recalled
that the doctrine of the indestructibility of matter
dates from Lavoisier and that it was not fully ap-
preciated till much later. With this and the doctrine
of the conservation of energy now clearly before us,
the materiality of heat seems like a contradiction in
terms, but this is to be wise after the event.
Let us therefore consider how the old Newtonian
idea was re-habilitated, how it has come to be an
elementary fact in physics that heat depends upon
motion of the particles of a body, and is a form of
energy, not a kind of matter.
Rumford's Experiments. — The first strong blow
THE PROGRESS OF PHYSICS. 143
which the caloric theory received was dealt it by Ben-
jamin Thompson, better known as Count Rumford,
who published his observations on the boring of can-
non at Munich in 1798. Surprised at the amount of
heat given off in the operation, he determined to
measure this by its effect in raising the temperature
of surrounding water. "At the end of two hours
and thirty minutes the water actually boiled ! " and
Count Rumford argued : " It is hardly necessary to
add that anything which an insulated body, or system
of bodies, can continue to furnish without limitation,
cannot possibly be a material substance, and it ap-
pears to me to be extremely difficult, if not impossible
to form any distinct idea of anything capable of being
excited and communicated in the manner in which
heat was excited and communicated in these experi-
ments, except it be motion"
The supporters of the idea that heat is a material
substance argued that the production of heat by fric-
tion or abrasion was due to the fact that the fragmen-
tation of the body diminished its capacity for holding
caloric; and if, as Prof. Tait points out, Rumford
had seen his way to a satisfactory experiment which
would have tested the capacity for heat of the abraded
metal and of the metal before abrasion, then the fact
that heat is not matter would have been established.
But the essential experiment — most readily a chem-
ical one — did not suggest itself, and this is in part the
reason why Rumford's experiments published in 1798
were but little noticed until about 1840.
Rumford's argument was on the main line of prog-
ress, but his measurement of the heat evolved by fric-
tion was rough, and he was unable to make a definite
comparison between the energy expended and the
work done anfl the heat dissipated.
144 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
Davy's Contribution. — A more delicate experiment
was devised in IT 9 9 by Sir Humphry Davy, who ar-
ranged a clockwork for rubbing two pieces of ice
against one another in the vacuum of an air-pump,
and observed that part of the ice was melted, although
the temperature of the receiver was kept below the
freezing point. From this he concluded somewhat
diffidently that friction causes vibration of the par-
ticles, which is heat ; — a conclusion which he strength-
ened in 1812 in the statement that " the immediate
cause of the phenomenon of heat is motion and the
laws of its communication are precisely the same as
the laws of the communication of motion." Thomas
Young was another of the early supporters of Count
Rumford's view.
Work of Carnot. — Meanwhile important progress
was made, by Dulong and Petit (1815), Haugergues
(1822), and others, on the measurement of temper-
atures by means of thermometers; by Faraday and
others on the liquefaction of gases, and on many other
subjects associated with heat : but the next important
step in general theory was made by Sadi Carnot
(1796-1832), who, in 1824, published his estimate
of the amount of work that can be got from a steam-
engine, and introduced the fruitful idea of a revers-
ible cycle of operations. But this was hardly known
until Sir William Thomson called attention to it in
1848.
" Without this work of Carnot's, the modern theory
of energy, and especially the dynamical theory of
heat, could never have attained in so few years its
now enormous development." *
" The two grand things which Carnot introduced,
which were entirely originated by him, and which left
* Prof . P. G. Tait's Recent Advances (1876), p. 95.
THE PROGRESS OF PHYSICS. 145
him in an almost perfect form, were the idea of a
Cycle of Operations and the further idea of a Re-
versible Cycle. In order to reason upon the working
of a heat-engine (suppose it for simplicity a steam-
engine) you must imagine a set of operations, such
that at the end of the series you bring the steam or
water back to the exact state in which you had it at
starting. That is what Carnot calls a cycle of opera-
tions, and of it Carnot says, then, and only then, i.e.,
at the conclusion of the cycle, are you entitled to
reason upon the relation between the work which you
have acquired, and the heat which you have spent
in acquiring it." *
" The other grand point with reference to Carnot
is this, that he started the notion of a Reversible En-
gine,— reversible not in the ordinary technical sense
of working its parts backwards, not in the mere
sense of backing, but reversible in the sense that,
instead of using heat and getting work from it,
you can drive your engine through your cycle the
other way round, and by taking in work, pump back
heat (as it were) from the condenser to the boiler
again — a reversing of the whole process, — not a mere
reversing of the direction in which the engine is
driving. Now, Carnot introduced that notion, and
he showed by perfectly conclusive reasoning that if
you can obtain a reversible engine, it is the perfect
engine; i.e., that it is impossible to get an engine
more perfect than a reversible one." f
Although he began with a firm belief in the caloric
theory, Carnot ended to all intents and purposes as
an adherent to the modern dynamical view, and that
he had grasped the principle of conservation is evi-
dent from his conclusion : " Motive power is in
* P. G. Tait, loc. cit., p. 97. t P. G. Tait, loc. cit., p. 98.
14:6 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
quantity invariable in nature; it is, correctly speak-
ing, never either produced or destroyed."
Joule and Colding. — Prof. Tait notes that one
small chemical experiment would have enabled Rum-
ford in 1798 to prove that heat is not matter, just as
a little more conclusive reasoning would have brought
Davy in 1799 securely to the same conclusion, —
which he eventually deduced in 1812.
What Seguin and Mayer approached, but, by de-
parting from the scientific method, failed to attain,
was achieved by Colding of Copenhagen and Joule
of Manchester, " the true modern originators and ex-
perimental demonstrators of the conservation of
energy in its generality." *
To Joule in particular, for his experiments were
more extensive, his measurements more exact, his con-
clusions more generalised than those of Colding, we
owe a difficult proof of what Rumford and Davy had
foreseen — the First Law of Thermodynamics. In
Tait's. statement this reads : " When equal quantities
of mechanical effect are produced by any means what-
ever, from purely thermal sources, or lost in pure
thermal effects, then equal quantities of heat are put
out of existence or are generated ; and for every unit
of heat measured by the raising of a pound of water
1 degree Fahrenheit in temperature, you have to ex-
pend 772 foot-pounds of work." f
SUMMARY. — The idea that heat is not material but
a mode of motion, a form of energy, is older even than
Newton s Principia, yet the foundation of the theory
may be fairly dated from the experiments of Joule.
But many others contributed to the great conclusion,
and still more have furthered its development and ap-
plication.
* Tait, op cit., p. 567. t Approximately.
THE PROGRESS OF PHYSICS. 147
KINETIC THEORY OF GASES.
We have had occasion to refer to this important
theory in the chapter on Chemistry ; it will be enough
to recall two or three of the steps in its develop-
ment.
Diffusion. — Every one is aware of the rapidity
with which an escape of coal-gas makes itself felt
through a house. Dalton theorised this in his sug-
gestion that a gas consists of particles which are
constantly flying about in all directions, spreading as
far as they can, and inter-penetrating another gas,
or mixture of gases in the case of air, until equilib-
rium of pressure is attained.
A more precise study of the movements of gaseous
particles was subsequently undertaken by Graham,
who showed that the relative rates of diffusion of two
gases are inversely proportional to the square roots
of their densities. Thus hydrogen diffuses four times
more quickly than oxygen.
Joule's Calculation of Velocity of Particles. — In
1848 and 1857, Joule took another stride forward in
determining the mean translational velocity of the
particles, basing his calculations on the conclusion
that the pressure of a gas is proportional to the energy
of motion of its particles. " Thus it may be shown
that the particles of hydrogen at the barometrical
pressure of 30 inches, at a temperature of 60°, must
move with a velocity of 6225.54 feet per second in
order to produce a pressure of 14.714 Ibs. on the
square inch." In other words, as Sir Henry Roscoe
expresses it, a molecular cannonade or hailstorm of
particles is maintained against the bounding surface
at a rate far exceeding that of a cannon ball.
14:8 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
It seems that the clearness of the Newtonian view
of the movements of the heavenly bodies often sug-
gested to chemists and others who thought about
atoms and molecules, that these might be bound to-
gether in a manner comparable to a planetary system.
But the behaviour of gases and the phenomena of
heat (so long regarded as a substance) made it nec-
essary to suppose that forces of repulsion as well as
attraction existed between particles. Gradually the
intrusion of what Merz calls " the astronomical
view of nature " to support the incipient " atomic
view of matter " was found unavailing. The atomic
view passed from its static to its kinetic phase, and
we may particularly associate this important step
with the names of Joule, Clausius, and Clerk Max-
well.
Although Bernouilli (1738), Herapath, Waterston
and many others must find their recognition in
learned histories, it was Joule who first gave precise
expression to the theory that all particles of gases may
be thought of as being in a natural state of rectilinear
motion, changed only by their mutual encounters, or
by their impinging on containing barriers. It was
soon after the half -century (published 1857) that
Joule, as we have noted, calculated the velocity of a
particle of hydrogen at ordinary atmospheric press-
ure and temperature. The calculation presupposed
the previous discovery by Eumford, Davy, Mayer,
and Joule that heat is not a substance but a mode
of motion, and the experimental proof by Joule and
Thomson (1853) that in a gas allowed to expand
without doing work there is a very slight cooling,
due to the energy used up in overcoming the attract-
ing forces of cohesion.
The general argument is simply that if heat can
THE PROGRESS OF PHYSICS. 149
be transformed into the energy of measurable motion
of measurably large or molar masses, heat may it-
self be " the energy of the directly immeasurable
movements of molecular (immeasurably small)
masses."
Developments. — "By applying calculations simi-
lar to those of Joule, but considerably extended by
the use of more powerful mathematical methods, such
as the methods of the theory of probabilities, Clausius
first, and, a little later, but far more profoundly,
Clerk Maxwell, and still more recently Boltzmann,
have arrived at very valuable results as to the motions
of swarms of impinging particles. One of the results
arrived at is that in a mass of hydrogen at ordinary
temperature and pressure, every particle has on an
average 17,700,000,000 collisions per second with
other particles ; that is to say, 17,700,000,000 times
in every second it has its course wholly changed.
And yet the particles are moving at a rate of some-
thing like 70 miles per minute. So comes this
curious problem — given that the direction of motion
of a particle is arbitrarily changed 17,700,000,000
times in every second, and that the particle itself is
moving 70 miles in a minute, where would it be at
the end of a single minute, having started from any
given place? . . . The solution obtained is capable
of explaining almost everything that we know with
reference to the behaviour of gases, and perhaps
even of vapours." *
SUMMAEY. — The kinetic theory of gases, the
brilliant generalisation which harmonised the nu-
merous facts — specific heat, diffusion, friction ,
etc., — known in regard to the behaviour of bodies in
a gaseous state, may be regarded as a corollary of the
* Tail's Recent Advances, 1876, pp. 324-5.
150 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
dynamical theory of heat. " The fundamental idea
that a gas was an assemblage of moving particles had
been put forward by D. Bernouilli and by Herepath,
and Joule had in 1851 made a great step in advance
by calculating the mean translational velocity of
these particles. . . This idea, in the hands of Kronig
and Clausius, gave birth to the modern kinetic theory
of gases, which has been so splendidly worked out
by Clausius and Maxwell, and since then perfected
in detail by Boltzmann, 0. E. Meyer, Van der Waatej
and many others." *
UNDULATORY THEORY OF LIGHT.
The Emission Theory. — Throughout the eigh-
teenth century the corpuscular or emission theory of
light was almost universally accepted by physicists.
The theory was that all luminous bodies emit with
equal velocities inconceivably minute elastic corpus-
cles which travel at great speed in straight lines in all
directions.
The Modern View. — Nowadays, however, it is the
unanimous view of those who are familiar with the
facts that light is not a material substance, but a
form of energy, or a mode of motion, in fact the re-
sult of ethereal waves. When a body gives forth
light, we no longer suppose that it emits corpuscles,
as a grain of musk does into the air ; we believe that
it sets agoing undulatory movements in the ether.
We believe furthermore that the phenomena of light
are essentially of the same nature as those of electro-
magnetic radiation. The contrast of the theories in
the two centuries is characteristic, and it is interest-
ing to enquire how the modern view was developed.
* E. von Meyer, History of Chemistry, trans. 1891, p. 414.
THE PROGRESS OF PHYSICS. 151
"While the corpuscular theory served to interpret a
number of the phenomena of light, it failed more or
less markedly in regard to others — for instance, the
reflection which accompanies refraction, the unequal
refrangibility of the different colours of the spec-
trum, double refraction, and so on. The result was
that subsidiary hypotheses had to be invented to cover
the defects of the main assumption. Eventually
it became necessary to discard the main assumption
altogether.
Newton's Position. — The central idea of the un-
dulatory theory was suggested by Hooke and others,
and was formulated as early as 1678 by Huygens,
who interpreted double refraction, but its establish-
ment was due to the work of Thomas Young and
Fresnel. Although Descartes had suggested that
light is produced by waves excited in the subtle mat-
ter which pervades the universe (analogous to but
different from the non-atomic ether of to-day), and
had also ventured the suggestion that the mechanism
of light and that of gravitation are inseparable, and
although Hooke had made the important suggestion
of substituting for the progressive wave of Descartes
a vibrating one, we find Xewton weighing the merits
of the wave-theory and the emission-theory, finding
both unsatisfactory and deliberately refraining from
accepting either. Apart from his " theory of fits," —
in which he states that the phenomena of thin plates
prove that the luminous ray is put alternately in a
certain state or fit of easy reflection and of easy
transmission — he abstains from taking up a definite
position, though " he shall sometimes, to avoid cir-
cumlocution and to represent it conveniently, speak
of it (the emission) as if he assumed it and pro-
pounded it to be believed." It does not seem to be
152 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
historically justifiable to regard Newton as the
founder or even upholder of the emission-theory.*
The ray of light, on the emission-theory, was sim-
ply the trajectory of a particle in rectilinear motion;
the ray of light, as Newton described it, possesses a
regular periodic structure, and the period or interval
of fits characterises the colour of the ray. This was
an important result. It only required a fitter inter-
pretation to transform the luminous ray into a
vibratory wave, but for this there was a century to
wait, and Dr. Thomas Young, in 1801, had the
honour of discovering it.f
The Wave-Theory of Young. — Thomas Young
(1773-1829), whose precocious genius, persisting in
manhood, remained, as Tyndall says, " hidden from
the appreciative intellect of his countrymen," was led
from a study of the eye and its optical properties, to
an enquiry into the phenomena of thin plates and
" interference," and in the course of this he rehabili-
tated the undulatory theory (1801), published in the
Philosophical Transactions for 1802.
The theory is, in general terms, that light consists
of vibrations in an all-pervading elastic ether, and
that the vibrations, unlike those of sound, are in di-
rections at right angles to the direction of propaga-
tion. So far as Young went, the theory was, in
simple language, that a homogeneous ray of light is
analogous to the wave produced by a musical sound,
and that the vibrations of light ought to compose or
interfere, like those of sound. " But his hypothesis
found no favour; his principle of interference led
* A. Cornu, The Rede Lecture: "The Wave Theory of
Light: its influence on Modern Physics," Nature, July 27,
1899, pp. 292-297.
t From Prof. Cornu's Rede Lecture.
THE PROGRESS OF PHYSICS. 153
to this singular result that light added to light could,
in certain cases, produce darkness, a paradoxical re-
sult contradicted by daily experience."
In spite of Young's step, the emission-theory still
held the field, and new facts, such as the phenomenon
of polarisation discovered by Malus, lent support to
it rather than to its rival.
Fresnel's Experiments. — In 1816, however, a
young engineer, Augustin Fresnel (1788-1827), re-
discovered the principle of interference, applied
mathematical analysis to the vindication of the un-
dulatory theory, and devised the famous two-mirror
experiment, by which it was shown that " two rays,
issuing from the same source, free from any disturb-
ance, produced when they met, sometimes light, some-
times darkness." Moreover Fresnel showed that
" light is propagated in straight lines because the
luminous waves are extremely small, while sound is
diffused because the lengths of the sonorous waves
are relatively very great," and that " the sound
wave cannot be polarised because the vibrations are
longitudinal, while light can be polarised because the
vibrations are transverse, that is to say, perpendicular
to the luminous ray." " Henceforth the nature of
light is completely established, all the phenomena
presented as objections to the undulatory theory are
explained with marvellous facility, even down to the
smallest details." f
To Fresnel and to Arago, Young " was first in-
debted for the restitution of his rights," and it is
pleasant to notice the entire absence of any discussion
as to priority. But the complete acceptance of the un-
dulatory theory was still distant. There followed a
* Cornu, loc. cit., p. 295.
t Quotations from Cornu.
154 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
period in which it had still to struggle for existence,
when it had to justify itself in application to the
phenomena of shadows, double refraction, polarisa-
tion, colour, interference, diffraction and so on.
With Young, Fresnel, Arago, and others on the
winning side, with Laplace, Biot, and Brewster and
others championing the older doctrine, a keen, some-
times painfully bitter, struggle of opinions continued
till the century had run more than a quarter of its
course.
Joule. — It should not be forgotten that Joule, who
contributed so much to the foundation of the dy-
namical theory of heat and the kinetic theory of
gases, and founded the general doctrine of the con-
servation of energy, also made an important experi-
ment (1843) bearing on the theory of Light. "He
compared the heat evolved in the wire conducting a
galvanic current, when the wire was ignited by the
passage of the current, with that evolved when (with
an equal current, suppose) it was kept cool by immer-
sion in water. These experiments showed a small,
but unmistakable, diminution of the heat when light
also was given out." *
Foucault. — It was not, however, till 1850 that an-
other crucial experiment in favour of the undulatory
theory was announced by Foucault (1819-1868).
According to the emission-theory the velocity of
light should be greater in an optically denser me-
dium ; according to the undulatory theory the reverse
should be true. By an ingenious and now familiar
device, Foucault, the inventor of the gyroscope and
the demonstrator of the Earth's rotation by pendulum
experiments, gave the death-blow to the Newtonian
* Tait, Recent Advances, 187G, p. 64.
THE PROGRESS OF PHYSICS. 155
theory by proving that the velocity of light in water
is less than that in air.
Fizeau. — The determination of the velocity of
light, -which thus became of importance in relation to
the general theory, had been previously based, e.g., by
Romer and Bradley, on astronomical data, derived
from aberration-observations, or from timing the
eclipses of Jupiter's satellites when at their greatest
and least distances from the Earth, but a direct ex-
perimental method was devised by Fizeau (1819-
1896). In 1849, in the suburbs of Paris, he ar-
ranged a rapidly rotating cog-wheel which inter-
cepted light at regular intervals, and found what
speed must be given to the wheel so that it rotated
one tooth's breadth while the light travelled to a
distant mirror and was reflected back again. Fou-
cault modified this method by observing " the posi-
tion ultimately assumed by a ray which travels
from a source to a rotating mirror, thence to a dis-
tant mirror, and thence back to the original mirror,
which by this time has been rotated somewhat." *
The determination of the velocity of light thus
effected by Fizeau and Foucault was revised by
Cornu in Paris, by James Young and George Forbes
in Britain, but the most accurate determinations
are said to be those made by Michelson, Xewcomb,
and Holcombe, in the United States. A mean result
is that light travels in vacuo at the rate of 186,772
miles per second, and in air at a velocity less than
this in the ratio of 10,000 to 10,003.
As Professor Alfred Cornu points out in his Rede
lecture, to which we have already been much in-
debted in this section, the emission theory was a
natural but primitive one, with its germ in the ex-
* Article Light, by Dr. Daniell. Chaiui^r*'
156 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
perience of throwing a stone or shooting an arrow
into " empty space." The undulatory theory is
subtler, space is filled with a continuous elastic
medium, in which particles — no longer projectiles —
were supposed to oscillate in the direction of propa-
gation, like the particles of water in the ripples on
a pond. But this conception was insufficient and
gave place to Fresnel's idea of waves of transverse
vibrations excited in an incompressible continuous
medium.
Electro-magnetic Theory of Light. — The necessity
of admitting the existence of this medium was made
clearer by Faraday, and corroborated by his dis-
covery of induction, and Clerk Maxwell in his foot-
steps ventured to forecast, on theoretical grounds,
that light and electro-magnetic radiation are alike
due to rhythmical disturbances in the ether, differ-
ing only in their wave-lengths — one of the most uni-
fying ideas in modern science.
Experiments of Hertz. — " But the abstract the-
ories of natural phenomena are nothing without the
control of experiment. The theory of Maxwell was
submitted to proof, and the success surpassed all
expectation. ... A young German physicist,
Heinrich Hertz, prematurely lost to science, starting
from the beautiful analysis of oscillatory discharges
by Von Helmholtz and Lord Kelvin, so perfectly
produced electric and electro-magnetic waves, that
these waves possess all the properties of luminous
waves; the only distinguishing peculiarity is that
their vibrations are less rapid than those of light.
It follows that one can reproduce with electric dis-
charges the most delicate experiments of modern
optics — reflection, refraction, diffraction, rectilinear,
circular, elliptic polarisation, etc."
* Cornu. Rede Lecture. Loc. cit. , p. 200,
THE PROGRESS OF PHYSICa 157
We owe to Clerk Maxwell, and to Hertz, for
experimental corroboration, the image of a plane
wave of light as a propagation of an ethereal dis-
turbance, in which there is electric and, at the same
time, magnetic intensity, varying as a simple har-
monic function of the time. In what may seem to
be plainer words, we regard light as an electric phe-
nomenon, and the term electric light as a tautology.
Invisible Light. — From what has been said it may
be inferred that light has many forms, and that it
is not necessarily visible. Even in sunlight there
are components which are not visible to our eyes.
One of the most recent additions (1896) is that
of an invisible radiation which Becquerel discovered
to be emitted by many fluorescent substances and
especially by Uranium salts. The radiation can be
polarised and by means of it (as by the Rontgen
rays) photographs can be obtained through opaque
bodies. Moreover, like the Rontgen rays, the Ura-
nium-radiation causes an electrified body to lose its
charge, whether positive or negative.*
SUIIMAKT. — By Young and Fresnel, Fizeau and
Foucault and by others the emission theory of light
was replaced by the undulatory theory. Light was
interpreted in terms of ethereal waves, and Clerk
Maxwell and Hertz subsequently showed that it was
essentially similar to electro-magnetic radiations.
THEOBT OF EiZCTEICITT.
Beginnings. — In the last quarter of the eighteenth
century, the Italian Galvani — whose name has given
our language several new words — had discovered
* See J. J. Thomson. Address Section A, Rep. Brit. Asi.
for 1896, p. 703.
158 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
that electrical changes occurred in the contracting
muscle of the frog's leg ; in the last year of the same
century Volta of Pavia had shown that electricity
may be produced by the simple contact of two metals ;
but, for a time, little resulted from the discoveries
of either of these pioneers. Another impulse was
necessary before the wheels of progress began to move,
and that was afforded in 1819, by Oersted, who
brought the known facts of electricity into touch
with those of magnetism, and initiated the movement
which has made the word electricity almost as charac-
teristic of the nineteenth century as the word evolu-
tion.
Achievements. — Forestalling the rest of this sec-
tion, we may briefly state that the scientific study of
electricity initiated by Oersted and also by Ampere,
was profoundly influenced by the experimental
genius and scientific temper of Faraday, found
mathematical or precise formulation in the work of
Thomson (Lord Kelvin), and was developed into a
provisional dynamical theory by the extraordinary
insight of Clerk Maxwell. It is perhaps not too
much to say that what Newton did for gravitational
phenomena, was done by Clerk Maxwell for electrical
phenomena. The study was raised by him and his
collaborateurs from the observational and classi-
ficatory level to become an integral part of a unified
Natural Philosophy.
Oersted. — Oersted (1777-1851) may be called
the founder of the science of electro-magnetism
because he succeeded in proving experimentally
(1819) what had been previously surmised, for in-
stance from the effect of lightning on compasses, —
that electrical and magnetical phenomena are of the
eauie nature. In his famous experiment showing
THE PROGRESS OF PHYSICS. 159
the disturbance of the magnetic needle by the influ-
ence of an adjacent electrical current, he not only
made a step of great theoretical import, but pointed
forward (as we now recognise) to the invention of
the telegraph.
Oersted's experiment suggested the possibility of
measuring the strength of an electric current by its
effect upon an adj acent magnet, and this led Schweig-
ger in 1820 to his invention of the galvanometer or
electrometer, a fundamental instrument in electrical
science. As the history of galvanometers alone is
a long one, we must be content here to note that after
modifications by Nobili and Pouillet and others,
the measuring instrument was brought to great per-
fection by Sir William Thomson (Lord Kelvin).
Oersted observed the influence of a current on a
magnet, and that the latter always tends to set itself
at right angles to the direction of the current, but a
further step was soon taken by Ampere (1775-1836),
who showed (1820) that one current influences an-
other, parallel currents in the same direction being
attracted, those in opposite directions being repelled
by each other. His mathematical theory of these
phenomena is still referred to as a masterpiece.
Ohm. — To Ohm (1789-1854) the science was
greatly indebted for the precision which he gave to
the conceptions of electro-motive force, strength of
current, electric resistance and conductivity, and for
the law (experimentally established in 1826, mathe-
matically worked out in 1827) which states that
the resistance of a conductor can be measured by the
ratio of the electro-motive force between its two ends
to the current flowing through it. It appears that
this empirical generalisation had been reached in
1781 by Cavendish, but practically its recognition
160 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
must date from Ohm's work. " Since his day it has
been subjected to the severest experimental tests that
the scientific mind could imagine, and has stood them
all. It is really the basis of our whole system of
electrical measurements, and is to electric currents
what the law of gravitation is to planetary mo-
tions." *
The instrumental measurement of resistance which
Ohm initiated was subsequently brought nearer per-
fection, especially by those concerned in the develop-
ment of telegraphy. Thus Charles Wheatstone
(1802-18T5) invented what is known as " Wheat-
stone's bridge." Here, as in so many other cases,
practical requirements led to improvements which
stimulated theoretical science and gave it greater
possibilities of precision.
Faraday. — The next great name is that of Michael
Faraday (1Y91-1867), who by common consent is
ranked as the greatest experimental genius of the
nineteenth century as regards electricity and magnet-
ism. Among his numerous achievements three must
be specially mentioned.
While Oersted had shown the deflection of the mag-
netic needle by an electric current, Faraday suc-
ceeded in demonstrating the converse; that a magnet
reacts upon an electric current. This was the dis-
covery of magneto-electricity (1831), and it led him
on to another of no less importance, that of induced
currents (1831), — that a wire through which an
electric current is passing may induce in another
adjacent wire a state similar to its own. With Fara-
day's discoveries there must also be associated the
entirely independent but synchronous work of the
* Prof. C. G. Knott. Article, Electricity, Chambers' Ency-
clopaedia.
THE PROGRESS OF PHYSICS. 161
American Joseph Henry (1799-1878), who also
detected the influence of magnetism upon electricity
and the phenomenon of induction-currents.
Another of Faraday's achievements has already
been referred to in the chapter on chemistry, — the
discovery of the laws of electrolysis. He showed
that the amount of water decomposed or gas set free
is strictly proportional to the quantity of electricity
passing through, and that equal quantities of elec-
tricity decompose equivalent amounts of different
electrolytes.
In the third place Faraday thought out a dy-
namical theory of electricity, which replaced the old
two-fluid theory, and has formed the foundation on
which Kelvin, llaxwell, Helmholtz, and others have
reared an elaborate superstructure. While Coulomb
and others had assumed the possibility of " action at
a distance," and supposed that electric charges may
influence one another without any intervening me-
dium, Faraday's ideas were distinctly opposed to this
view, for he supposed that electric attraction and re-
pulsion were propagated by molecular agitations in
the particles of the insulating media which he termed
" dielectrics." He found reason to believe that in-
ductive influence takes effect along curved lines
(" lines of force ") and by the action of adjacent par-
ticles in the insulating medium. As the intensity
of the electric influence between two charged bodies
varies with the nature of the " dielectric," he was led,
as Cavendish had been, to the recognition of " specific
inductive capacity " — a factor of fundamental im-
portance. As Cajori points out, Faraday's theory
gave a death-blow both to the old fluid theory and to
the assumption of action at a distance.
Uaxwdl. — What Faraday had expressed in his
162 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
symbolism of " lines of force," was re-expressed and
further developed in the sterner language of mathe-
matics by James Clerk Maxwell (1831-1879), who
was also led to conclude on theoretical grounds that
electro-magnetic phenomena and light phenomena are
alike due to waves of periodic displacement in the
same medium (the hypothetical ether), and are, in
fact, identical in nature.
Hertz. — What Clerk Maxwell had theoretically
foreseen was experimentally demonstrated by Hein-
rich Rudolf Hertz (1857-1894), who detected tho
electromagnetic (electric and magnetic) waves radi-
ating into space from the sparks of a Ley den jar or
of a Holtz machine, separated the two components,
electric and magnetic, and succeeded in reflecting,
refracting, diffracting, and polarising the waves.
" The object of these experiments," he says, " was
to test the fundamental hypothesis of the Faraday-
Maxwell theory, and the result of the experiments is
to confirm the fundamental hypotheses of the
theory." * As Hertz fully recognised, Professors
Oliver Lodge and G. F. Fitzgerald were about the
same time within sight of the same discovery of the
electro-magnetic waves in air.
In a review of electrical advance in recent
years, Mr. Elihu Thomson notes that the work
of Hertz demonstrated " the fact that light of
all kinds and from all sources is really an electri-
cal phenomenon, differing from ordinary alternate-
current waves only in the rate of frequency of vibra-
tions. We produce electric waves of about one hun-
dred vibrations per second for alternating current
work ; and in the waves of red light the rapidity is as
* Quoted by Cajori from Hertz's Electric Waves, trans.
Ly Dr. E. Jones, London, 1893.
THE PROGRESS OF PHYSICS. 163
high as four hundred millions of millions of vibra-
tions per second. Hertz and others used waves of
some millions per second, and showed how they could
transmit signals to distances without wires; these
invisible waves being recognised by suitable receivers.
The recently announced Marconi wireless telegraph
is much the same thing, with certain improvements in
detail." *
" Hardly had the work of Hertz and others who
followed in his footsteps been assimilated, before the
truly remarkable, not to say astounding, discovery
by Professor Rb'ntgen of what he called the X-rays
produced a profound impression not only in the
scientific world, but upon the general public as well.
The interest of the scientist had a different basis
from the popular one of disclosure of objects hidden
in opaque structures; for he saw in the discovery
a new weapon of attack upon the secrets of nature.
This weapon has already proved to be so serviceable
as to show that his anticipations were not unfounded.
The X-rays, which became at once indispensable to
surgery, are the results of electrical actions in certain
vacuum bulbs ; and the discovery is properly an elec-
trical one." f
X and other Rays. — It has long been known that
remarkable effects are produced when cathode rays
are passed through a highly exhausted vacuum tube.
The glass shows bright " phosphorescence," shadows
are thrown by opaque bodies, and the rays are de-
flected by a magnet. Crookes and Goldstein have
been prominent investigators of the phenomena.
In 1893, Lenard used a tube with a thin window
of aluminium, and found that rays passed through
* Ann. Rep. Smithsonian Inst., 1897, p. 135.
t Loc. cit., p. 138.
164 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
this outside the tube, affecting photographic plates
and electrified bodies. The rays are also affected
by a magnet, and Lenard regarded them as prolonga-
tions of the cathode rays.
In 1895, Rontgen found that rays issue from the
tube which affect a photographic plate after passing
through plates, e.g., of aluminium, opaque to ordi-
nary light, which pass from one substance to another
without refraction and with little regular reflection.
These are apparently not affected by a magnet.
They are also remarkable in the way in which they
alter the properties (especially the electrical proper-
ties) of the substances through which they pass.
Thus, as Professor J. J. Thomson says,* " we may
conveniently divide the rays occurring in or near a
vacuum tube traversed by an electric current into
three classes ; without thereby implying that they are
necessarily distinctly different in physical character.
We have (1) the cathode rays inside the tube, which
are deflected by a magnet; (2) the Lenard rays out-
side the tube, which are also deflected by a magnet;
and (3) the Rontgen rays which are not, as far as is
known, deflected by a magnet."
Two views are held as to the cathode rays: (a)
that " they are particles of gas carrying charges of
negative electricity, and moving with great velocities
acquired as they travelled through the intense electric
field which exists in the neighbourhood of the nega-
tive electrode"; or (&) that they are waves in the
ether.
If the nature of the cathode rays is uncertain, so
much the more is that of Rontgen's. They differ
from light in the absence of refraction, but that
may be interpreted as due to the exceeding smallness
* Address to Section A, Rep, Brit, Ass, for 1896, p. 701.
THE PROGRESS OF PHYSICS. 165
of the wave-length ; and the same interpretation may
account for the absence of conclusive evidence of
polarisation.
SUMMARY. — Of what is meant by an electric
charge, the nineteenth century has left us ignorant,
but many laws of electrical phenomena have been
discovered, and that electrical radiations are best
interpreted in terms of ethereal waves is generally
conceded. Indeed it has become a question whether
all matter may not be resolvable into aggregates of
electric charges of opposite sign. But both as regards
theory and as regards practical applications, astound-
ing as the progress of these has been* the twentieth
century is pregnant with possibilities of development.
THEORIES OF MATTER.
Very early in the history of science the idea arose
in the minds of enquirers that matter might consist
of an aggregation of invisible particles separated by
interspaces. This became a precise scientific hypo-
thesis about a century ago, when Dalton developed
his Atomic Theory. During the nineteenth century
the hypothesis was in several ways developed as
fresh facts came to light.
When we see water becoming vapour and again be-
coming ice, when we see what is usually a gas lique-
fied and even solidified, when we watch the crystal
of sugar melting away in the teaspoon or a crystal
of alum growing in a solution of alum, when we con-
sider that many bodies, like iron, expand when heated
and contract again as they cool, when we observe that
a gas may diffuse through another or even through a
* A fascinating exposition of modern views will be found
in an article by Prof. Oliver Lodge, International Monthly
I. (1900), pp. 483-530.
166 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
solid; our instinctive desire to visualise what may
be going on beyond the limits of the visible, naturally
leads us to imagine matter as having a " grained
structure," as being made up of minute particles
separated by minute intervals which change with the
state of the substance, with conditions of temper-
ature and pressure.
The general idea is simple; the details of the
theory are profoundly difficult. " Imagine matter
to consist of a crowd of separate particles with in-
terspaces. Contraction and expansion are then
merely a drawing in and a widening out of the
crowd. Solution is merely a mingling of two crowds,
and evaporation merely a dispersal from the out-
skirts. The most evident properties of matter are
then similar to what may be observed in any public
meeting." *
Among the many theories of matter, the following
stand out prominently.
Perfectly Hard Atoms. — (1) The idea which was
expressed by Democritus and Lucretius, which re-
ceived some measure of approbation from Newton,
was that matter consists of perfectly hard atoms
with void spaces between these. Newton used this
theory in his interpretation of the propagation of
sound.
Centres of Force. — (2) A second view, which is
associated with the name of Boscovich, replaces the
perfectly hard atom by a centre of repulsive and at-
tractive forces. " According to Boscovich an atom
is an indivisible point, having position in space,
capable of motion, and possessing mass. ... It has
no parts or dimensions; it is a mere geometrical
* J. J. Poynting. Address Section A, Rep. Brit. Ass. for
1899, p. 619.
THE PROGRESS OF PHYSICS. 167
point without extension in space; it has not the
property of impenetrability, for two atoms can, it
is supposed, exist at the same point." * A similar
view was held by Faraday.
Heterogeneousness. — (3) In his Recent ^Advances
(1876, p. 288), Prof. P. G. Tait described " a third
notion — that the matter of any body, where it does
not possess pores, like those, for instance, of a sponge
(which obviously does not occupy the whole of the
space which its outline fills), fills space continu-
ously, but with extraordinary heterogeneousness."
If the moon were built up of irregular stones and
mortar, it would seem homogeneous to us (at a dis-
tance of 250,000 miles), so the drop of water (re-
moved as it were to a distance by its minuteness)
may only be apparently homogeneous.
Vortex Atoms. — (4) A more fertile theory, sug-
gested in 1867, is that of Lord Kelvin — " that what
we"fcall matter may really be only the rotating por-
tions of something which fills the whole of space;
that is to say, vortex-motion of an everywhere present
fluid." f
The beautiful circular vortex-rings which can be
so readily made with tobacco or other smoke in air,
and with a little ingenuity in water, have very inter-
esting properties (first mathematically deduced by
Helmholtz). Thus a vortex ring cannot be cut; " it
simply moves away from or wriggles round the knife,
and, in this sense, it is literally an atom." $ It moves
through the air of the room as if it were an independ-
ent solid body ; one will pass through another and al-
low that other to pass through it; and it obviously
has an extraordinary power of persistence.
* Glazebrook. James Clerk Maxwell and Modern Physict,
1896, p. 108.
t Recent Advances, p. 20. t Recent Advances, p. 297.
L
168 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
But " a common vortex ring of air or water con-
tains within itself the seeds of its own decease; it
is composed of an imperfect fluid, possessing that is
to say viscosity, and accordingly its life is short ; its
peculiar energy being dissipated, its vortex motion
declines, and as a ring it perishes. But imagine
a ring built of some perfect fluid, of some medium
devoid of viscosity, as the ether is; then it may be
immortal; it can neither be produced nor annihi-
lated by known means ; and it is just this property,
combined with other properties of elasticity,
rigidity, and the like, that led Lord Kelvin origi-
nally to his brilliant and well-known hypothesis."
Thus if the universe be filled with ether, and if
that universal medium be a perfect fluid, " then, if
any portions of it have vortex-motion communicated
to them, they will remain forever stamped with that
vortex-motion; they cannot part with it; it will re-
main with them as a characteristic forever, or at
least until the creative act which produces it shall
take it away again. Thus this property of rotation
may be the basis of all that appeals to our senses as
matter" f
The Atomic View of Nature. — Opinions differ as
to the fittest way in which to express the facts known
in regard to matter, but even those who believe, for
instance, that " all matter is resolvable into an ag-
gregate of electric charges of opposite sign," will
admit their acceptance of the atomic view of nature,
though all may not agree verbally with Prof. Oliver
Lodge when he says " a lump of matter is as surely
composed of atoms as a house is built of bricks."
* Prof. Oliver Lodge. Modern Views of Matter. The Inter-
national Monthly, I. (1900), p. 501.
t Prof. Tait's Recent Advances, 1876, p. 294.
THE PROGRESS OF PHYSICS. 169
" That is to say," he continues, " matter is not
continuous and homogeneous, but is discontinuous;
being composed of material particles, whatever they
are, and non-material spaces. There is every reason
to be certain that these spaces are full of a connecting
medium, full of ether; there is no really void
space."
But while the atomic view is generally accepted,
there is less unanimity as to the fittest conception of
the atom. " No one now believes that an atom is
simply a vortex ring of ether, and that the rest of
the ether is stagnant fluid in which the vortex rings
sail about. Any quantity of difficulties surround
such an hypothesis as that. Its apparently attrac-
tive simplicity is superficial. ^Nevertheless it is not
to be supposed that every hydro-dynamical theory
of the universe is thereby denied. It is quite con-
ceivable that a single kind of fluid in different kinds
of motion — some kinds of motion not yet imagined
perhaps — may possibly be found capable of explain-
ing all the facts of physics and chemistry." *
"I hold," says Prof. Lodge, "that the ether is
most certainly not atomic, not discontinuous ; it is an
absolutely continuous medium, without breaks or
gaps or spaces of any kind in it, — the universal con-
nector,— permeating not only the rest of space, but
permeating also the space occupied by the atoms
themselves. The atom is something superposed upon,
not substituted for, the ether, it is most likely a defi-
nite modification of the ether, an individualisation,
with a permanent existence and faculty of locomotion,
which the ether alone does not possess. Matter is that
which is susceptible of motion. Ether is that which
* Modern Views of Matter, International Monthly, I.
(1900), pp. 499 and 501.
170 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
is susceptible of strain. All energy appertains either
to matter or to ether, and is continually passing from
one to the other." *
It is now time to turn to the actual progress of
scientific discovery and to note a few of the steps
which have led towards the modern views of matter,
as above suggested.
A. In Connection with the Kinetic Theory of
Gases. — In his Hydrodynamica (1738), Daniel
Bernouilli supposed a gas to consist of moving parti-
cles, and argued that the pressure, if due to the im-
pacts of these, must be proportional to the square of
their velocity.
In 1816 (published 1821), Herapath followed on
the same tack, and in spite of fundamental errors
(e.g., that the temperature of a gas is measured by
the momentum of each of its particles), gave a
theoretical justification of Boyle's law (that with con-
stant temperature the product of pressure and volume
is constant).
In 1846, Waterston (whose work was overlooked
until disinterred from the archives of the Royal So-
ciety of London by Lord Rayleigh in 1892) showed
that the temperature of a gas " is measured by the
mean kinetic energy of a single molecule, and that
in a mixture of gases the mean kinetic energy of
each molecule is the same for each gas," f thereby
furnishing the theoretical basis for the laws of Boyle,
Gay-Lussac, and Avogadro.
In 1848, Joule used Herapath's results as a basis
for calculating the mean velocity of the molecules of
a gas, and obtained from hydrogen at freezing point
and atmospheric pressure the value of 6,055 feet
* Loc. tit., pp. 499-500.
fGlazebrook. James Clerk Maxwell, 1896, pp. 118-19.
THE PROGRESS OF PHYSICS. 171
per second, or about six times the velocity of sound in
air.
In 1857, in his famous paper " On the Kind of
Motion we call Heat," and in his second paper in
1859, Clausius greatly advanced the incipient kinetic
theory, calculating, for instance, the average length
of the path of a molecule in the interval between
two " collisions," or near approaches to another
molecule.
In 1859 and 1860, Clerk Maxwell gave his " Illus-
trations of the Dynamical Theory of Gases " in which
he demonstrated " the laws of motion of an indefinite
number of small, hard, and perfectly elastic spheres
acting on one another only during impact."
By the application of an ingenious statistical
method and of general dynamical methods to molec-
ular problems, Maxwell greatly advanced the theory
of gases and the theory of matter. That he was helped
by Boltzmann and Clausius and Kelvin and others
goes without saying, but it seems legitimate to asso-
ciate with his name the coming of age of the molec-
ular theory of matter. It matters not a whit for
our general purpose how many corrections may have
to be made on his computation that the length of the
mean free path of molecules of air is ^rr.Vinr of an
inch, or that the number of collisions per second ex-
perienced by each molecule is about eight thousand
millions; the point is rather that he justified a.
molecular or atomic conception, harmonising the laws
of Boyle, Charles, and Avogadro, and suggesting fur-
ther developments which are still prompting re-
search.
B. Cauchy's Suggestion of the Heterogeneity
of Matter. — As a second illustration of the nature
of the argument which has resulted in the modern
172 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
view or views of matter we may refer to the inves-
tigations of the French mathematician, Cauchy, as
to the motion of light in solid bodies and liquids.
He showed " that if matter were homogeneous, there
might be refraction, but there would be no dispersion.
All kinds of light would travel with the same velocity
in glass, just as they did in the air outside; and,
therefore, the mere fact that the different kinds of
light can be separated from one another in passing
through a prism, gives, at least, a hint that the mat-
ter of the prism is heterogeneous, is not infinitely
more fine-grained than the length of a wave of
any of the kinds of light which it enables us to sepa-
rate in their courses." * This kind of argument —
developed by Lord Kelvin — leads to the result that
400,000,000 in the inch is a rough approximation to
the heterogeneity or grained structure of matter.
C. Other Methods of Estimating the Heterogeneity
of Matter. — In his Recent Advances in Physical
Science Prof. P. G. Tait gave an account of two
other methods ingeniously used by Lord Kelvin in
forming an estimate of the grained structure of mat-
ter. " The second method was founded upon con-
siderations of the amount of heat which would be
generated by electrical action between particles of
different materials when they were combined to-
gether. The third method was founded upon the
forces employed in drawing out a film of liquid, —
in fact (to take the simplest case), in blowing a soap-
bubble." The various methods yielded approxi-
mately the same result, " pointing consistently to
something not very largely differing from the 500,-
000,000th part of an inch as being the distance be-
tween the successive particles of matter in a liquid."
* P. G. Tait. Recent Advances, 1876, p. 304.
THE PROGRESS OF PHYSICS. 173
D. Argument from the Behaviour of Gases. —
Clausius and Maxwell deduced theoretically the con-
clusion that the length of the mean free path of a
moving particle in a gas (i.e., the distance which it
will pass through between every two successive colli-
sions), divided by the diameter of any one particle, is
equal to the ratio of the whole space occupied by the
particles to about eight and a half times the bulk of
the whole particles.* In various ways it was found
possible to form an equation with approximate data,
and the result comes out that the diameter of a par-
ticle is not very different from ^T^Tnnr.innr of an inch.
As a good-sized plum or a small orange is to the
whole earth, so is the coarse-grained particle to a
drop of water £ of an inch in diameter.
The calculations of Joule and Clausius, Maxwell
and Boltzmann lead to such statements as the follow-
ing:— " Atoms are big things, the thousand millionth
of an inch in diameter, and they cannot travel far
without mutual collisions. They are constantly col-
liding, even in a very good vacuum. In ordinary
air every atom strikes another about six thousand
million times a second, and it cannot travel even a
microscopic distance without collision; its free path
is microscopic, or on the average ultra-microscopic." f
E. From Electrical Phenomena. — As Prof. Oliver
Lodge says, " atoms are big things " — " the thou-
sand millionth of an inch in diameter, and they can-
not travel far without mutual collisions." Much too
big and cumbrous these are to figure in an interpre-
tation of the cathode rays, the Lenard rays, the
Eontgen rays! For here we are brought face to
* See Recent Advances, p. 316.
t Oliver Lodge. Modern Views of Matter. International
Monthly, I. (1900), p. 515.
PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
face with the astounding conception of fragments of
atoms, of foundation-stones of atoms, of a unifica-
tion of all matter in terms of corpuscles of which five
hundred or so go to an atom of hydrogen. But the
daring speculation carries us further — to doubt
whether there is any matter at all, or rather whether
inertia is not fundamentally electrical.
Matter and Ether. — We have previously spoken
of one of the aims of science as that of finding the
common denominator of the fractions of reality
which we know. For a time the word Matter was a
conspicuous part of this common denominator, but
the nineteenth century has left us ignorant of its
real nature, and aware only of some of its many
properties, and even of many of these properties how
little we know. " Impenetrability," the text-books
say, and yet Boscovich and Maxwell seem to regard
it as conceivable that two atoms should occupy the
same space. " Inertia," the text-books say, and yet
how little we know of the meaning of this term, how
doubtful Lodge seems to be whether there is any but
electric nl inertia !
The common denominator would now read " the
relations of matter, energy, and ether." But the fact
is that the scientific conception of matter tends to be-
come more and more monistic. Some years ago we
thought of material atoms and molecules, floating in
ether, like the crowds of minute organisms in the
plankton of the ocean. But various attempts have
been made, as Prof. Poynting puts it, "to get rid
of the dualism " : — Boscovich's theory of point-cen-
tres surrounded by an infinitely extending atmos-
phere of force, Faraday's theory of point-centres with
radiating lines of force, Lord Kelvin's theory of
atoms as vortices or whirls in a perfect fluid ether,
THE PROGRESS OF PHYSICS. 175
Larmor's theory of atoms as loci of strain in the
ether, and so on. " So, as we watch the weaving of
the garment of Xature, we resolve it in imagination
into threads of ether spangled over with beads of
matter. We look still closer, and the beads of mat-
ter vanish; they are mere knots and loops in the
threads of ether." *
An Analogy. — An analogy which has often ap-
pealed to our biological mind may possibly make the
subject clearer. In Biology we are accustomed to
speak of three big facts — organism, environment, and
function. The environment includes the world of
external influences; the organism is the living crea-
ture which contains nothing sensible that is not also
in the environment; function consists of action and
reaction between organism and environment. We do
not know the secret of the synthesis which has made
it possible for the organism to be a persistent, though
ever changeful, a unified and yet reproductive, whirl-
pool in the stream of the environment. But there
it is.
Now it may be that molecules, atoms, corpuscles
are persistent unities individualised in the stream or
ocean of the ether, as the organism is in its environ-
ment, the syntheses being secrets in both cases. And
it may be that energy corresponds to function, — con-
sisting of action and reaction between matter and
ether.
SUMMAEY. — That matter cannot be conceived as
built up of perfectly hard atoms seems quite certain;
that it has a heterogeneous structure seems equally
certain; some modification of a theory of vortex-
atoms would find acceptance as an interpretative
* J. J. Poynting. Address, Section A, Rep. Brit. Ass. for
1899, p. 619."
176 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
idea; but it may be that what we call matter will turn
out to be conceivable as loops and knots in the threads
of ether.
THEORY OF THE ETHER.
Among the concepts which have come to stay in
scientific thinking, that of the ether must now be in-
cluded. It is as real as the concept of " atom " or
" molecule," but hardly more so. Perhaps the most
natural way of appreciating its validity is by con-
sidering some of the facts which have made it seem to
many a necessary hypothesis.
Premonition of the Idea. — Long before the nine-
teenth century, the scientific mind, e.g., Newton's,
seemed to feel the need of supposing that there was
" something " occupying space between the heavenly
bodies.
It does not seem very evident why the extent of
distance should make much difference, but, for his-
torical purposes at least, it is well to recall the im-
pression made by the discovery or rather demonstra-
tion of the fact that most of the heavenly bodies are
at a literally immense — unmeasurable — distance
from the earth.
Light travels at a rate of about 186,000 miles in
a second, and could flash nearly eight times round the
earth in that time; but if a hypothetical inhabitant
of the nearest star could by any means see the earth,
he would see the events of three or four years ago.
Now, as we are sure that light is not any kind of
stuff or substance, but a form of energy or power, we
may, in some measure, understand why to some
minds it has seemed necessary to suppose that there
is some sort of something linking that star to us.
THE PROGRESS OF PHYSICS. 177
If light consists of waves, the question naturally
arises: "Waves in what?" Especially when the
study of polarisation and double refraction showed
that the elastic properties of air or water which act
as media for sound, will not work when applied to
the interpretation of light-phenomena, the conception
of the ether f oreed itself upon physicists.
At first it seems to have been thought of as an ex-
ceedingly rare form of matter pervading space and
composed of discrete particles; and it was of course
invested with the requisite elastic qualities. But
gradually the conception became subtler.
Identification of Luminiferous and Electro-mag-
netic Ether. — The luminiferous ether was invented
as a conception which fitted the facts known in re-
gard to light. Similarly Faraday and Clerk Max-
well postulated a special ether for electrical and
magnetic phenomena. But when Clerk Maxwell
made the further step of showing that one hypo-
thetical medium would suffice for the interpretation
of luminous, electric, and magnetic radiations, the
case for the ether became much stronger.
That the ether is a necessary conception in modern
physics seems to be unanimously admitted by experts,
but how exactly the ether is to be conceived of re-
mains quite uncertain.
For some imagine it as an elastic solid, others as
a labile fluid, others as a vortex sponge (a phrase
which we cannot pretend to explain), and others
otherwise.
The modern conception of the ether is that of an
absolutely continuous medium, " without breaks or
gaps or spaces of any kind in it," " a universal con-
nector," permeating space whether otherwise occu-
pied or not, susceptible of stress, but not of locomo
178 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
tion, probably full of vorticity, but in any case not
a stagnant homogeneous fluid, the seat of waves which
we call " light " and of others which we call " electro-
magnetic phenomena," on the whole the most marvel-
lous scientific concept which the mind of man has
conceived !
Value of these Hypotheses. — We can well imagine
a practical man saying that all this talk of atom and
molecule and ether is unreal and unverifiable, and in
a certain sense he is undoubtedly right. These
molecular and ethereal hypotheses are human imagin-
ings,— and nothing more; they are constructed in
terms of one sense, that of sight; they are attempts
to see that which is invisible, to invent a machinery
of Nature since the real mechanism is beyond our
ken; but it must be observed that these hypotheses
are not vain imaginings, for they prove themselves
yearly most effective tools of research, and that they
are not random guesses, for they are constructed
in harmony with known facts.
CRAPTEE VI.
ADVANCE OF ASTRONOMY.
FEOM COPEENICUS TO NEWTON.
^Astronomy an Ancient Science. — Astronomy is
usually ranked as the most ancient of the concrete
sciences, and this at least is certain that evidence of
astronomical observation is furnished by the posi-
tion of buildings which are much older than all
written records. Perhaps one of the first scientific
discoveries to become clear and definite was the dis-
covery of the year, with its fine demonstration-lesson
of recurrent sequences. From that unknown date to
the latest announcements from the observatories of
Greenwich and Potsdam, Harvard and Lick, there
extends a long procession of discoveries, sometimes
almost monotonous in their continuity and sameness,
but relieved at intervals by some great and novel
achievement which has given a new meaning to the
whole.
That astronomy reached a stable position sooner
than the ^ other sciences was partly because the sub-
lime subject attracted men of genius who " attended
their minds thereunto," and partly because a great
part^of astronomy is concerned with simple relations
of distance, mass, and motion.
Three Main Chapters. — Balfour Stewart has
summed up the long history of astronomy in three
180 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
main chapters. First it passed through an observ-
ing-period lasting through thousands of years of
nightly study by watchers in the plains of the East
to its culmination in the discoveries of Copernicus
and Keppler. It then passed into a stage of analysis
and generalisation, when the genius of Newton
rationalised a huge mass of facts in the formula
of gravitation. " God said, Let Newton be, and
there was light." It finally reached a stage of deduc-
tion, which, from a knowledge of the positions and
movements of the heavenly bodies, predicts their fu-
ture courses. This might also be called the evolu-
tionary period, since one of its dominant aims has
been to show how the solar and other systems have
come to be what they are.
The Succession of Systems. — The Ptolemaic sys-
tem— which placed the earth immovable in the centre
of the universe — was superseded by the system of
Copernicus (14T3--1543), which made the sun the
immovable centre. This again was reformed by
Keppler (1571--1630), who stated the famous laws
or descriptive formulae of the movements of the
planets in their orbits, but was impelled to call in
the service of guiding spirits to account for them.
Galileo Galilei (1564-1642) was the first to use for
systematic study the telescope which the Dutchman,
Hans Lippersheim, had invented, and in spite of his
revelation of some of the wonders of the heavens —
the broken surface of the moon, the countless stars
of the Milky Way, the satellites of Jupiter, and the
spots on the sun — was almost made a martyr for his
dogged adherence to Copernican doctrine. But we
must not do more than mention these great names,
which are separated by a long interval from the nine-
teenth century.
ADVANCE OF ASTRONOMY. 181
The Gravitation Law. — It is necessary, however,
to dwell for a little on what is perhaps the greatest
of all scientific achievements — Newton's formulation
of the Gravitation Law (1687), — the foundation of
what has been called the astronomical view of nature.
" Every particle of matter in the universe attracts
every other particle with a force whose direction is
that of the straight line joining the two, and whose
magnitude is proportional directly as the product of
their masses, and inversely as the square of their
mutual distance " — this is the generalisation known
as the Law of Gravitation.* Another way of phras-
ing it may be quoted : — " The law of gravitation
states that to each portion of matter we can assign
a constant — its mass — such that there is an accelera-
tion towards it of other matter proportional to that
mass divided by its distance away. Or all bodies
resemble each other in having this acceleration to-
wards each other." f The fundamental concept is
that of mutual acceleration.
This formula applies with equal accuracy to a
stone falling to the ground and to the motion of the
earth round the sun. As far as we know, it is uni-
versally true. It may not be possible to trace the
logical processes of genius, but it should be noted that
just as Keppler deduced his three laws from the
observations of Tycho Brahe, so Keppler's laws
formed a basis of deduction for Newton.
SUMMARY. — The science of astronomy, most an-
cient in its origin, may be said to have passed
through three main phases — (a) of observation,
(b) of analysis and generalisation, and (c) of deduc-
* Cited from Chambers's Encyclopedia.
t Prof. Poynting, Pres. Address, Section A., Rep. Brit.
Ass. for 1899, p. 616.
182 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
tion; but activity continues on each of these lines,
and it may be more accurate to say that the suc-
cession of astronomical systems — Ptolemaic, Co-
pernican, Kepplerian, Newtonian, etc., implies
mainly a progress in the lucidity, validity, brevity,
and universality of descriptive formulce.
APPLICATIONS OF THE GKAVITATION-FOKMULA.
A great part of astronomy is concerned with appli-
cations of the gravitation-formula to the phenomena
of the heavens; another department has to do with
topographical relations, with mapping out positions
and orbits ; while a third kind of enquiry deals with
the physical and chemical nature of the celestial
bodies. Laplace, Bradley, and Herschel may be
named as representative great masters in these
three departments, which have been — not very hap-
pily— distinguished as " gravitational," " observa-
tional," and " descriptive." Adopting this classifica-
tion, Mr. Berry notes in his Short History of As-
tronomy * that " gravitational astronomy and exact
observational astronomy have made steady progress
during the nineteenth century, but neither has been
revolutionised, and the advances made have been
to a great extent of such a nature as to be barely
intelligible, still less interesting, to those who are
not experts. . . . Descriptive astronomy, on the
other hand, which can be regarded as being almost
as much the creation of Herschel as gravitational as-
tronomy is of Newton, has not only been greatly de-
veloped on the lines laid down by its founder, but
has received — chiefly through the invention of spec-
trum analysis — extensions into regions not only un-
thought of, but barely imaginable a century ago."
* P. 355.
ADVANCE OF ASTRONOMY. 183
In illustrating the century's confirmations and ex-
tensions of the gravitational theory, account should
be taken of re-estimates of the sun's distance, re-
investigations of the movements of the moon and the
planets, further elaboration of the theory of the
tides, and so on. We have confined ourselves to a
brief notice of the discovery of the minor planets,
the discovery of Neptune, and the study of comets.
Discovery of the Minor Planets. — Kant had sug-
gested that the zone in which a planet moves might
be regarded as the empty area from which its ma-
terials had been derived, and that some definite re-
lation should therefore be found between the masses
of the planets and the intervals between them. In
1772 Titius pointed out that the distances from
the sun of the six planets then known might be
represented by a certain numerical series, except that
there was nothing to correspond to the term succeed-
ing the one which corresponds to the orbit of Mars.
Johann Elert Bode, astronomer in Berlin, filled the
gap with a hypothetical planet, and the search for
it began. In 1801 Piazzi discovered Ceres, and with
the help of Gauss's mathematical genius (used to pre-
dict where the planet should be at certain dates) von
Zach and Olbers were soon able to confirm Piazzi.
In spite of Hegel's protest that the number of planets
could not exceed the sacred number seven, a second
(Pallas) was soon discovered (1802) by Olbers,
and in 1807 four were known. Three of these " as-
teroids," as Sir W. Herschel called them, corre-
sponded approximately with the requirements of the
series indicated by Titius and usually referred to as
" Bode's Law," and the idea commended itself that
these bodies were the remains of an exploded planet.
As we now know, neither Bode's Law nor the no-
li
184: PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
tion of an exploded planet can be regarded as tenable,
but both served a useful purpose in prompting re-
search. They led to the recognition of the minor
planets, now known to be very numerous (over five
hundred) and the discovery must have served as a
useful hint of the complexity of relations which fur-
ther study of the heavens was to reveal. The story is
of interest in illustration of a scientific prophecy
which was rewarded even more richly than its basis
deserved.
In 1857 Clerk Maxwell proved the truth of what
had been several times suggested — that the rings
around Saturn could not be continuous solid bodies
nor liquid zones, but that they behaved as if they
were composed of a multitude of small solid bodies
revolving independently around the planet, somewhat
as the minor planets do around the sun. This has
received corroboration from telescopic and spectro-
scopic observations, and is one of the facts which
lend countenance to the hypothesis of the meteoric
constitution of the heavenly bodies: — that meteoric
dust, shooting stars, meteor rings, Saturn's rings,
comets, minor planets, nebulae, and so on, are all, as
it were, terms in an evolution-series.
Discovery of Neptune. — There are few chapters
in the history of astronomy more familiar, and, at
the same time, more instructive, than the story of the
discovery of Neptune. It illustrates the method of
science, — discovering an anomaly, tracing out the
reason for it, and thereby corroborating a general con-
clusion.
In the first quarter of the century it was repeat-
edly remarked that the real orbit of Uranus (which
Herschel had removed from among the fixed stars
to a place among the planets) was not (to the astro-
ADVANCE OF ASTRONOMY. 185
nomical eye) in harmony with its theoretical path as
deduced from the gravitation-formula. To explain
these puzzling discrepancies of orbit, it was suggested
by several astronomers that they must be due to the
influence of some undetected exterior body. But
precision was first given to this suggestion in 1845,
when John Couch Adams succeeded in calculating
out the probable mass and position of the hypothetical
planet. In the same year Leverrier (b. 1811) began
a similar quest by a different method ; in 1846 he de-
termined the probable position of the supposed cause
of the disturbance; in the same year he announced
that it should be visible in a certain place. He wrote
to Galle of the Berlin observatory, told him where to
look, and Xeptune was discovered. In the same
month (September, 1846) the discovery was con-
firmed by Challis of Cambridge, who had been ad-
vised by Adams. It is almost needless to remark
on the importance of the discovery as a confirmation
of the gravitational formula ; here, if anywhere, the
exception proved the rule. It should be noted, how-
ever, as S. C. Walker first showed, that Xeptune
had been observed as a fixed star by Lalande in 1795,
and furthermore that " the planet was found to have
a different orbit from that assigned by the calculators.
Their (hypothetical) planets were not identical, nor
were they the (real) planet Xeptune. But they
must ever have credit for the sagacity and ability
with which, aiming at so indefinite a target, they so
nearly struck the centre." *
The prophetic recognition of the existence of Nep-
tune and its verification may be taken as one of the
*E. B. Kirk. Article, Astronomy, Chambers's Encyclo-
padia, vol. I. p. 528.
186 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
^finest illustrations of the stability of the gravitational
theory.
Comets. — Another series of confirmations of New-
tonian laws is concerned with comets. For, although
Newton had shown that their movements were in har-
mony with his general formula, he had few data at
his command, and a clearer demonstration was given
by Halley, who, from a basis of calculations, accu-
rately predicted the return of " Halley's comet " in
1758-9.
The physician Olbers (d. 1840) introduced a sim-
plification in the method of computing the paths of
comets, and for half a century was one of the most
assiduous and successful students of these periodic
visitants. Among the many whom he helped and
stimulated during his long life was Encke, a pupil
of Gauss, one of those who have passed through the
portal of mathematics to the study of the stars.
Sixty-three years after Halley's prediction was veri-
fied, Encke in 1822 had a similar success with a
comet " of short period," which revolves round the
sun in about three and a quarter years.
More than 200 comets have been studied in the
nineteenth century; and by means of the spectro-
scope, applied to the study of comets by Donati in
1864 and by Huggins in 1868, it has been possible
to advance a little beyond the computation of paths
and periods, and to prove, for instance, that at least
some comets are in part self-luminous, while others,
especially those of short period, appear to owe most
of their brilliance to light reflected from the sun.
Professor Tait seems to have been the first to give
definite expression to the idea (expounded by Lord
Kelvin in 1871) that the light of comets, and of
nebula? as well, may be due to flashes of ignited gas
ADVANCE OF ASTRONOMY. 187
induced by the encounters amid the swarms of me-
teoric stones.
It is impressive to read how the comet of 1811
was assigned an orbit requiring 3065 years for its
completion, such that " when it last visited our
neighbourhood, Achilles may have gazed on its im-
posing train as he lay on the sands all night bewail-
ing the loss of Patroclus; and when it returns, it
will perhaps be to shine upon the ruins of empires
and civilisations still deep buried among the secrets
of the coming time." It is impressive to note the
measurements of some of the great comets whose
highly rarefied emanations or " tails " may extend
for several millions of miles, but the behaviour of
the tail points to the conclusion that it is but " a
stream of matter driven off from the comet in some
way by the action of the sun," and the density must
be small indeed, since the earth has passed through
a tail at least twice in the century without the fact
being known until afterwards. Indeed the progress
of knowledge has robbed comets of some of their
dignity, for since the middle of the century it has
been generally recognised that, with the possible ex-
ception of the bright central " nucleus," a comet is
small in mass, and in a state of great tenuity, unable
to affect the motion of the planet it approaches, and
allowing the light of a star to pass even through its
" head."
Numerous interesting observations point to some
close connection between comets and meteors or
" shooting stars." Thus Biele's comet (with a period
of sixty-seven years), which scared the popular im-
agination in 1832, was first seen to become double,
and was afterwards lost altogether, while on two sub-
188 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
sequent occasions (1872 and 1885), as the earth was
crossing the path of the comet when it (if it had
persisted) was nearly due at the same place, there
was an unusually brilliant shower of meteors.
Meteors may be fragments of a broken-up comet, or
a comet may be a swarm of meteors.
In the study of comets the accuracy of the gravi-
tational formula has been beautifully illustrated, and,
during the latter half of the century, considerable
progress was made towards an understanding of their
physical nature.
THE STUDY OF THE STARS.
Almost until the end of the eighteenth century,
it was the general belief, even among astronomers,
that the stars were fixed and unchanging. As Miss
Clerke says, " their recognised function, in fact, was
that of milestones on the great celestial highway
traversed by the planets." Gradually, however, it
became evident that this emphatically static image
was far from being true. What Giordano Bruno
had imagined, was confirmed by Halley in 1718,
when he showed that Sirius, Aldebaran, Betelgeuse,
and A returns had changed their positions in the sky
since Ptolemy marked these out. Many similar facts
came to light, and in the last quarter of the eigh-
teenth century, sidereal astronomy included " three
items of information — that the stars have motions,
real or apparent; that they are immeasurably re-
mote ; and that a few shine with a periodically varia-
ble light." *
William Eerschel. — It was about the beginning of
* Agnes M. Clerke. A popular History of Astronomy
During the Nineteenth Century, 1885, p. 13.
ADVANCE OF ASTRONOMY. 189
the last quarter of the eighteenth century that Wil-
liam Herschel (1738-1822) began to realise his
ambition of obtaining " a knowledge of the construc-
tion of the heavens," and rapidly passed from being
" a star-gazing musician " to the post of royal astron-
omer.
He made clear, what had been suspected by some,
that there were systems of stars, in some measure
comparable to the planetary system, but varying
greatly in the periods and forms of their revolutions.
A double star had been usually regarded as an opti-
cal phenomenon due to the fact that two stars which
might be very far apart, happened to be nearly in the
same line of sight from the earth; Herschel proved
that many double stars were real binary combina-
tions, " intimately held together by the bond of mu-
tual attraction." In the apparent motions of the
stars he distinguished one component due to a trans-
lation of our planetary system towards a point in
the constellation Hercules, and another component
due to a real movement of the stars themselves. In
his study of nebula? he was gradually forced to the
conclusion that there were nebulosities which could
not be resolved in stars, but consisted of a " shining
fluid " or " self-luminous matter " diffused in space,
and " more fit to produce a star by its condensation,
than to depend on the star for its existence." This
led him about 1791 to a theory of the nebular origin
of stars, apparently in complete independence of thie
nebular theory of Laplace (1796).
Two main contributions, then, must ~be traced io
Herschel, — that fie extended Neuionian methods to
the study of the stars, and that he made the whole
scientific picture of the heavens vividly kinetic. On
the one hand, he extended the range of precise
190 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
measurement and calculation; on the other hand,
he emphasised the idea of change or, one may almost
say, of evolution. The heavens no longer seemed
fixed and unchanging, when it was shown that new
systems were being formed and that others were dying
away.
Herschel's work was continued at Konigsberg by
Bessel; at the Russian observatory of Pulkowa by
Struve, succeeded in 1858 by his son Otto; and by
many other illustrious workers. In Britain the
father found an intellectual heir in the son, John
F. W. Herschel (1792-1871), whose Cape observa-
tions (1834-38) did for the Southern heavens what
had been done for the Northern. Published in 1847,
they represent the state of sidereal astronomy at the
middle of the century. " Not only was acquaint-
ance with the individual members of the cosmos
vastly extended, but their mutual relations, the laws
governing their movements, their distances from the
earth, masses, and intrinsic lustre, had begun to be
successfully investigated." *
Improvements in telescopes and other instruments
aided in the progress of the sidereal astronomy to
which Herschel had given so much impetus, and with'
improved mechanical means was associated a re-
formed method of observation. Friedrich Wilhelm
Bessel (1784-1846), who made himself famous at
the age of twenty by calculating an orbit for Halley's
comet, did a gigantic piece of work by instituting
'(1813, 1830) a uniform system of " reduction " (or,
correction of observations) which lengthened out the
period of exact astronomy by half a century. In
other words he made a uniform correction of Brad-
ley's Greenwich observations, making allowances for
* A. M. Clerke. History, 1885, p. 65.
ADVANCE OF ASTRONOMY. 191
precession, aberration, refraction, and instrumental
errors. And the edition of Bradley's results was
only a prelude to fresh catalogues of his own, exe-
cuted between 1821 and 1833, and including about
62,000 stars. It is hardly necessary to say that
Bradley's work was continued through the century
by many illustrious astronomers.
Measuring the Distance of a Star. — To the an-
cients the stars remained altogether mysterious;
they were points of fire set in the concave vault of
the firmament and borne by it in daily revolution
around the fixed earth. Keppler seems to have been
the first to dare to deduce from the Copernican sys-
tem the conclusion that the stars are extremely dis-
tant suns, — so distant that most of them appear un-
affected in direction throughout the year ; e. g., when
viewed from opposite ends of the earth's orbit. If
so distant and yet so clearly visible, they must be
sunlike ; i. e., great sources of radiant energy. This
conclusion was less hesitatingly accepted by Galilei.
But while it came to be generally recognised that
the stars were unthinkably distant suns, it was not
till 1838 that the distance of any star was measured.
In that year, Friedrich Wilhelm Bessel (1784-
1846), using Fraunhofer's heliometer, or " divided
object-glass micrometer," was able to determine the
parallax, and thus to deduce the distance of a small
star in the constellation of the Swan (61 Cygni).
Soon afterwards analogous results were published by
Thomas Henderson for a Centauri (1839), and by
Struve (1840) for Vega.
The method of estimating the distance of a star
is simple in theory. Suppose that the direction of a
star is observed at a certain time with all possible
accuracy; suppose that the same star is observed
192 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
six months later when the earth has travelled over
one-half of its orbit, another direction-line may be
observed; suppose the two direction-lines produced
till they meet, the point of intersection must be the
position of the star. Then we have a triangle whose
base is the diameter of the earth's orbit, and a geo-
metrical calculation enables us to determine the pro-
portion that the sides bear to this.
The method of determining parallax is theoreti-
cally so simple that it could not but be known to
Copernicus and his followers. Indeed for three hun-
dred years before Bessel's success there were pains-
taking attempts to apply it, attempts which invaria-
bly ended in the disappointing result that the two
direction-lines from opposite ends of the earth's orbit
always seemed to be parallel. We know this to mean
that the star observed was too distant, or that the
instruments used were not precise enough, to show
appreciable parallax.
As we have noted, Bessel succeeded and the im-
portance of the step thus taken is not affected by the
fact that his estimate of the distance of 61 Cygni
as 600,000 times that of the Sun is now reduced to
440,000.
A few months after Bessel announced his dis-
covery, Henderson of Edinburgh published his esti-
mate of the distance of « Centauri, which is, so far
as we know, the star nearest the solar system. Hen-
derson calculated its distance at 180,000 times that
of the Sun, this has now been extended to 270,000
times.
Writing in 1885, Miss Clerke says: "The same
work has since been steadily pursued, with the gen-
eral result of showing that as regards their over-
whelming majority, the stars are far too remote to
ADVANCE OF ASTRONOMY. 193
show even the slightest trace of optical shifting from
the revolution of the earth in its orbit. In about a
score of cases, however, small parallaxes have been
determined, some certainly (that is, within moderate
limits of error), others more or less precariously."
Dr. Fison notes that for forty years after Bessel's
discovery the record is chiefly one of accumulation
of experiences ; " and when in 1881 Dr. Gill and
Dr. Elkin commenced a series of observations at
the Cape of Good Hope, the parallaxes of not more
than half a dozen stars had been detected with cer-
tainty. Since that date, however, parallax hunters
have been better rewarded, though up to the present
time (1898) it is doubtful whether success has been
achieved in more than fifty instances." f
The distances of the stars whose remoteness is
measurable are so enormous that they produce almost
no impression on the ordinary mind.
" It follows," said Bessel, " that the distance of
61 Cygni from the sun is 657,700 times the half
diameter of the earth's orbit. The light from the
star takes ten years to traverse this enormous dis-
tance. It is so vast, that though it may be conceived,
it cannot be visualised. All attempts to realise it,
fail either because of the size of the unit of measure-
ment or because of the number of repetitions of the
unit. The distance which light traverses in a year
is not more realisable than that traversed in ten
years. Or if we choose a realisable unit, such as
the distance of 200 miles which a locomotive (bicycle,
we should say) travels in a day, it would require
68,000 millions of such daily journeys, or about 200
* A. M. Clerke. History, 1885, p. 48.
t Recent Advances in Astronomy, 1898, p. 7.
194 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
millions of yearly journeys to reach the star in ques-
tion." *
It seems on the whole most convenient to use, as
Bessel suggested, as a unit " the light journey of one
year." The velocity of light is 186,300 miles a
second, about six billion miles a year. " Light takes
four years and four months to reach the earth from
a Centauri, yet a Centauri lies some ten billions of
miles nearer to us (so far as is yet known) than any
other member of the sidereal system ! " f In other
words, we see a Centauri, not as it is now, but as it
was more than four years ago. Similarly, light takes
more than six years to reach us from 61 Cygni.
Given a determination of the parallax and distance
of two stars in a system, and a knowledge of their
period of revolution, it became possible to calculate
their combined mass in terms of that of the sun ; and
the process of weighing the stars began.
Herschel's conclusion as to movement of the solar
system as a whole, often doubted, was repeatedly
confirmed ; the general direction was more carefully
stated ; and even the rate has been guessed at. F. G.
W. Strove (1793-1864) continued Herschel's study
of double stars, and published in 1837 his monumen-
tal Mensurce Micrometricce, which " will for ages
serve as a standard of reference by which to detect
change or confirm discovery."
The distances of some of the nearer stars can lie
calculated by the determination of annual parallax,
a method first successfully employed by Bessel
(1838), Henderson (1839), and Struve (1840);
this is historically important as a confirmation of
* Freely translated from Dannemann's Grundriss einer
Oeschichte der Nalurwissenschaften, vol. 1, 1896, p. 825.
t A. M. Clerke. History, 1885, p. 49.
ADVANCE OF ASTRONOMY. 195
{he Copernican system and as a suggestion of the
sunlike nature of the stars.
Life of Stars. — If the view be accepted that the
sun was once a diffused body of gas extending be-
yond the present limits of the solar system, and that
it has slowly shrunk, giving rise to the present phase
of things, and if the stars be regarded as sunlike, we
should expect to find in the immensity of the heavens
some confirmatory evidence. In other words, we
should expect to see stars a-making and others a-dy-
ing. The former are now familiar to astronomers,
and the existence of dead stars is generally admitted.
Nebulce. — It is generally agreed that the faint
clouds of light called nebulae, which occur scattered
in the sky, are in many cases at least early stages of
star-making, — embryo stars in an undifferentiated
state. Two of these nebulae are visible to the un-
aided eye on clear dark nights, namely, in the con-
stellations of Orion and of Andromeda.
In the seventeenth century, after Galilei had intro-
duced the use of the telescope, many nebula? were de-
tected, but they were generally passed over quickly
as " diffusions of self-luminous matter," or " shining
fluid," or " fire-mist," and so forth. Towards the
end of the eighteenth century (1780) William Her-
schel began his study of nebula?, and not only in-
creased the list from 150 to 2,500 in about a score
of years, but showed that many of them had a de-
tailed structure. At first he regarded nebula? as
clusters of stars, and stated the evolutionary idea
that stars and clusters of stars arose from nebular
condensations. Subsequently, however, he reverted
to the older view in regard to many nebula?, includ-
ing that of Orion. In the first half of the nineteenth,
century it was Herschel's earlier view that prevailed ;
196 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
improved telescopes, such as that constructed by Lord
Rosse at Parsonstown in Ireland, resolved one nebula
after another into collections of stars. Indeed imag-
ination far outstripped the evidence, and it was wide-
ly supposed that nebulae were systems of suns, multi-
ples, as it were, of the architectural unit which our
solar system was believed to display.
So far telescopic analysis had alone been possi-
ble, but the next great step was taken in 1864,
when Sir William Huggins applied the spectroscope
to the study of a small but bright nebulae in the con-
stellation of the Dragon. The spectrum (yielding
no continuous band) was like that of a glowing gas,
and therefore it was concluded that this nebula? was
not a galaxy of stars, but a vast area of incandescent
gas. In the next few years many others, including
the Great Nebulae of Orion, were shown to be gaseous
while others (yielding "continuous" spectra) seemed
to be either star clusters or gases in process of con-
densation.
It is important to notice that the growth of ther-
modynamics has led to a rejection of the old view
that nebulous stuff was originally or is still " instinct
with fire." The essay of Helmholtz in 1854 made it
plain that this supposition is unnecessary, " since in
the mutual gravitation of widely separated matter we
have a store of potential energy sufficient to gener-
ate the high temperature of the sun and stars. We
can scarcely go wrong in attributing the light of the
nebulae to the conversion of the gravitational energy
of shrinkage into molecular motion.'' *
" It is difficult not to see in the gaseous nebulae
the stuff of which future stars will be made. Grant-
ing that their substance is subject to the law of gmvir
* Huggins. Rep, Brit. Ass. for 1891, p. 22.
ADVANCE OF ASTRONOMY. 197
tat ion, it appears certain that in coming ages their
glowing matter must, under its influence, be drawn
towards centres of condensation; the smaller and
more symmetrical of the nebulae possibly developing
into single stars, but such majestic collections of
cloudy structures as are revealed in Orion being more
probably the origin of hosts of separate suns/'
Dead Stars. — While some nebulae are plausibly
interpreted as stars a-making, there are also phe-
nomena which indicate stars dying or dead, or in
other words, dark. It is obvious that the existence
of a dark star cannot be demonstrated to the eye ; but
it may be inferred (a) from the occurrence of the
total or partial eclipse of a bright star, or (fc) from
disturbances in the movement of a bright star such
as the gravitational influence of a dark neighbour
would explain. In both these ways the existence of
dark stars has been indirectly proved.
The regularity in the variations of the light of
Algol — the best-known of the variable stars — was
hypothetically interpreted by Goodriche (1782) as
due to the revolutions of a dark companion star
which caused partial eclipse; and the researches of
E. C. Pickering of Harvard (1888) and of Yogel of
Potsdam (1888-1891) have justified the hypothesis.
" The possibility of an unseen system of stars per-
meating the seen is beyond doubt" *
Condensing Dr. Fison's account of the subject, we
may sum up the possible history of a nebula. A
diffused area of gases, perhaps comparatively cool,
perhaps holding part of its contents in the form of
solid or liquid particles; gravitational attraction
brings about a spherical form; heat is lost by radi-
ation and the parts of the area draw together; tem-
*Fison. Recent Advances, p. 35.
198 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
perature rises and the nebula becomes more thor-
oughly gaseous, if it was not so at the start; as the
outer parts cool they condense into the clouds of a
photosphere and the nebula becomes a sun; for a
time, as shrinkage increases, the temperature rises;
but the limits to this must be reached sooner or later
and the sun, passing the zenith of its splendour, grad-
ually sinks into dark coldness.
" Fixed Stars." — One of the many instances of
the characteristic nineteenth century transition from
static to kinetic conceptions, may be found in the
hesitancy with which astronomers now speak of
" fixed stars." In many cases it has been shown
that their positions relative to one another change in
the course of years, and the displacement, though ap-
parently very minute, indicates an enormous velocity
of movement. " Sirius drifts over the face of the sky
with such speed that in 1,400 years its position will
be removed from its present one by a distance that
would just be covered by the diameter of the full
moon. ... To do this it must travel athwart the
direction of vision with a speed of over ten miles per
second, more than one-half of that of the Earth in its
orbit; and this takes no account of any velocity the
star may possess in the direction of the line of vision,
a displacement in which direction would obviously
not affect its position upon the face of the heavens."
Similarly, to take the most rapid known dis-
placement, a star in the Great Bear named Groom-
bridge, 1830, would move in 257 years over the
moon's diameter, and this at a distance of 2,300,000
times that of the sun implies a rate of 227 miles per
second. JsTor should we forget here that the sun itself
is travelling in a line directed towards the star Vega,
* Fison, p. 46.
ADVANCE OF ASTRONOMY. 199
at a rate which some estimate at 12-18 miles per
second. There has been no justification of the hope
of a century ago that some star (Sirius was suggested
by Kant) or some point (in the Pleiades, according
to Madler) would turn out to be the hub of the uni-
verse, the centre to which all the heavenly bodies are
related; the system or goal of the grandest of all
movements is unknown.
EXTENSION AND INTENSIFYING OF OBSERVATION.
Extension of Observational Astronomy. — In as-
tronomy, as in other sciences, a large part of the
available intellectual energy has gone and must go
to extend the area of observation, or to revise with
intensified carefulness what has been already ob-
served. It is difficult to give any account of this
ungeneralised work, whose value is in the future
rather than in the present. Numbering the stars is
like cataloguing Eadiolarians or Diatoms, a means
not an end; and a telescopic photograph of a corner
of the Milky Way is like a similar picture of a micro-
scopic section — interesting and marvellous, of course,
for everything is — but not attaining full interest
until it can be used as an item in some generalisa-
tion.
The Milky Way. — To take an instance : The Milky
Way — the high road to Olympus — has been the sub-
ject of imaginings since men first saw the stars. Its
poetical interpretations are many, but as to its sci-
entific interpretations there has been little progress
since Galilei's telescope confirmed the conjecture of
Pythagoras that the haze of the dimly luminous arch
was " the combined shimmer of hosts of stars, each
one too faint by itself to be distinguished by the
unaided eye."
N
200 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
Both the Herschels, Struve, Proctor, and others
sought to explain the appearance of this majestic
way of light as due to perspective effect or optical
projection, but there seems to have been a complete
acceptance of " the more simple and direct view,
that the Milky Way is a definite and complicated
structure, and that its bifurcation, its vacuities, its
gaps, and its other irregularities, are definite physi-
cal facts." *
The great " Bonn Durchmusterung " compiled
(1859-1862) under the supervision of Argelander,
the more recent Harvard catalogue by Pickering, and
Gould's list of the stars visible from the southern
hemisphere, illustrate supreme patience and care-
fulness, but as yet we remain unaware of any
securely established or intelligible generalisations
as to the stellar distribution. The Bonn list in-
cludes 324,198 stars down to a certain (9.5) mag-
nitude (estimated in terms of brightness), but mere
number does not impress the imagination, especi-
ally since the sight of the starlit sky suggests le-
gions upon legions of luminaries visible to the un-
aided eye, — a suggestion very far from the truth.
The more impressive aspect is that which remains
vague, of which, indeed, we have as yet only sug-
gestions, that there is probably a system of the stars,
— hidden from our gaze not only by distance, but by
its inherent complexity.
A quotation from one of the modern masters may
serve to suggest the present tentative position: —
" The heavens are richly but very irregularly in-
wrought with stars. The brighter stars cluster into
well-known groups upon a background formed of an
enlacement of streams and convoluted windings and
* Fison, Recent Advances, 1898, p. 85.
ADVANCE OF ASTRONOMY. 201
intertwined spirals of fainter stars, which become
richer and more intricate in the irregularly rifted
zone of the Milky Way.
" We, who form part of the emblazonry, can only
see the design distorted and confused ; here crowded,
there scattered, at another place superposed. The
groupings due to our position are mixed up with those
which are real.
" Can we suppose that each luminous point has no
other relation to those near it than the accidental
neighbourship of grains of sand upon the shore, or
of particles of wind-blown dust of the desert ? Surely
every star from Sirius and Vega down to each grain
of the light-dust of the Milky Way has its present
place in the heavenly pattern from the slow evolving
of its past. We see a system of systems, for the broad
features of clusters and streams and spiral windings
which mark the general design are reproduced in
every part. The whole is in motion, each point
shifting its position by miles every second, though
from the august magnitude of their distances from
us and from each other, it is only by the accumulated
movements of years or of generations that some small
changes of relative position reveal themselves.
" The deciphering of this wonderfully intricate
constitution of the heavens will be undoubtedly one
of the chief astronomical works of the coming cen-
tury." *
One interesting result as to method should be
noted, namely, the development of stellar photogra-
phy. When even the trained eye, with the telescope
to help, cannot detect, the photographic plate may
reveal. The invention and improvement of the gela-
* Sir William Huggins. President's Address, Rep. Brit.
Ass. for 1891, pp. 35-36.
202 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
tine dry plate, which on sufficiently long exposure
will register an image of a body whose luminosity
falls far below the limit of visibility to our eyes,
has meant a remarkable extension of our sense of
sight. It has meant seeing the invisible !
Of some importance, too, has been the develop-
ment of more exact methods of measuring star bright-
ness (photometry), and the resulting classification
(first suggested by Pogson in 1856) into definite de-
grees of " magnitude." Thus a star of the sixth
magnitude is one hundred times fainter than one of
the first magnitude.
Intensifying of Observation. — Inspection of the
recent moon-maps and photographs, as seen, for in-
stance, at the Paris Exposition (1900), will illus-
trate what is meant by an intensifying of observa-
tion.
The Moon. — The large size of our satellite (2,160
miles in diameter), and its relative nearness to us
(238,833 miles from the earth's centre), facilitated
the careful study of its superficial characters, at
least of that side which is alone presented to our
view. The systematic and interpretative study of
the moon's face practically began with the century,
for it dates from Schroter's Solenotopographische
Fragmente (1791-1802). Lohrmann and Schmidt,
Beer and Madler, Nasmyth and Carpenter, Neison
and Secchi, and many more have added detail to de-
tail, so that it is safe to say there is no country
mapped so nearly up to the present limits of possible
precision. The heights of some of its mountain
ranges have been computed from their shadows and
the depths of some of its extinct craters have been
sounded. We have certainly advanced far from the
older view, which even Herschel did not entirely get
ADVANCE OF ASTRONOMY. 203
rid of, that the moon might be habitable like the
earth, and yet there seems no unanimous answer to
the question: — Has the moon no atmosphere, or one
of extreme tenuity ? We have got far from the belief
of Schrb'ter, who imagined he had discovered a lunar
city ; what were called seas are now said to be cov-
ered with dry rock ; what are called rills are now said
to be great clefts or gorges certainly waterless, but we
remain in doubt as to the meaning of the broad white
rays which diverge for hundreds of miles from some
of the principal " ring-plains," and there are many
who attribute to glaciation what others confidently
interpret as due to volcanic action. Perhaps the
most interesting observations are the few which point
— though with insufficient security — to some slight
changes on the moon's apparently changeless face.
Similarly, there are maps of Mars now in circu-
lation, which surpass in detail those available in re-
gard to Africa a century ago. And though the pre-
cision of these Martian maps may be fallacious the
same is true of many of the early maps of Africa,
and we cannot gainsay the impression of a greatly
increased intensity of observation. To what is this
due ? To more powerful telescopes, to the use of the
spectroscope and polariscope, to the development of
photography, and to an exact knowledge of the times
(in " opposition " to the sun, i. e., nearest the earth)
when Mars can be studied to best advantage.
The study of Mars illustrates the growing intensity
of observational study, while the imaginary super-
structure reared by some on the supposed existence of
an intricate system of canals illustrates the danger
of outstripping the evidence.
PHYSICAL AND CHEMICAL PKOBLEMS.
Beginnings of Physical Astronomy. — In 1610,
204: PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
Fabricius and Galilei discovered sun-spots, which are
still of fascinating interest to astronomers. In early
days, some regarded them as due to the transits of
small planets across the sun's disc, others thought of
them as clouds, others as masses of cindery slag in
process of being sloughed off, and so on. In 1774,
Prof. Alexander Wilson of Glasgow was able to give
geometrical definiteness to the suggestion, which had
been repeatedly made, that the spots were due to
great excavations in the sun's substance. He also
expounded the idea, which William Herschel elabo-
rated, that the sun was like an earth within, but sur-
rounded by an aurora of resplendent clouds. Some
estimate of the state of knowledge in regard to the
physical constitution of the sun may be got from
Sir William Herschel's eloquent descriptions about
the beginning of the nineteenth century. It was to
him a sort of glorified earth, with hills and valleys,
luxuriant vegetation, and a population, protected by
a cloud-canopy from a radiant outer shell some thou-
sands of miles in thickness. This " was nothing less
than the definite introduction into astronomy of the
paradoxical conception of the central fire and hearth
of our system as a cold, dark, terrestrial mass, wrapt
in a mantle of innocuous radiance — an earth, so to
speak, within — a sun without." * Herschel's author-
ity gave vitality to this conception, whose main util-
ity was that it helped to definitise error — often the
first step to its demolition. But it would be histor-
ically unjust to ignore the fact that although Her-
schel's main idea was quite erroneous, it was the peg
to which a number of accurate observations were tem-
porarily attached.
* A. M. Clerke. History, 1885, p. 71.
ADVANCE OF ASTRONOMY. 205
William Herschel's picture of the sun seems to
have been generally accepted for about seven decades.
His son, Sir John Herschel, while working at the
Cape, was probably beginning to doubt its validity
when he maintained that the sun's rotation was inti-
mately concerned with the formation of sun-spots;
and the attention which he, Baily, Airy, Arago,
Struve, and others paid to the corona, chromosphere,
and other luminous appendages of the sun observed
during the eclipses of 1842 and 1857, led to further
suspicions.
The careful patience of an amateur — Heinrich
Schwabe (d. 1875) — made the next step possible,
for by the observations of a quarter of a century he
showed, about 1850, that there was a periodicity in
the appearance of sun-spots. But this, in itself in-
teresting, acquired additional importance when the
magnetic observations which the enthusiasm of Hum-
boldt, Gauss, and others had secured in five conti-
nents led Dr. John Lamont and Sir Edward Sabine
(1852) independently to the conclusion (based on
different sets of data), that there was a remarkable
harmony between periods of disturbance in terrestrial
magnetism and the periods of the sun-spots. The
congruence was confirmed in the same year (1852)
by Eudolph Wolf and by A. A. Gautier, and although
Sir William Herschel's association of the price of
bread, periods of sunny weather, and frequency of
sun-spots was not borne out, the influence of fhe sun
on the earth's magnetism was henceforth recognized
as a fact.
It is now generally believed that the sun is sur-
rounded by a halo of incandescent clouds — the photo-
sphere— outside of which there is a solar atmosphere
composed of vapours of hydrogen, calcium, iron, and
206 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
other metals, besides a few non-metallic elements.
The clouds of the photosphere may be due to fog-pre-
cipitates from the cooling atmosphere, while depres-
sions or gaps in the photosphere probably give rise to
the phenomena of sun-spots. Herschel's idea of a
solid core — cool and even habitable — gave place to the
idea of an ocean of molten matter, but this, with
fuller knowledge of the conditions of the various
states of matter, has given place to the generally ac-
cepted view that the sun is in the main or wholly
gaseous.
The Sun's Heat. — About 1836, Sir John Herschel
at the Cape and Pouillet in France took a step which
meant much to the progress of physical astronomy.
It is hardly necessary to say that the step was one
of measurement. They tried to measure how much
of the sun's radiant energy is intercepted by the
earth — a mere speck in the heavens (one part in two
thousand millions!) Although their estimates were
afterwards shown, by the work of Young, of Lang-
ley (1880-81), of Janssen (1897), and others to be
far under the mark, they were sufficient to indicate
the magnitude of the flood of energy which pours
forth from the hearth of our system.
Herschel calculated that the heat received by the
earth in a year (including that caught in .the atmos-
phere) would suffice to melt a covering of ice 120 feet
thick over the whole surface of our planet; Young's
estimate leads to the result that " each square metre
of the Sun's surface pours out enough heat to main-
tain about half a dozen mighty Atlantic steamers at
their utmost speed night and day, from year's end to
year's end ; " * Langley remarks that " though there
*Sir Robert Ball, The Story of the, Sun, 1893, p. 263.
ADVANCE OF ASTRONOMY. 207
is coal enough in the State of Pennsylvania to sup-
ply the wants of the United States for many centuries
to come, yet the heat which could be generated by
the combustion of all the coal in Pennsylvania would
not be sufficient to supply the sun's radiation for the
thousandth part of a single second." *
From experiments on the intensity of the radi-
ation emitted by an incandescent body, Le Chatelier
has argued (1892) that the temperature of the sun
cannot be less than 7,600°C., and probably much
more. These and similar figures convey little mean-
ing in themselves, but they are significant in rela-
tion to the problem of how the supply of energy is
sustained.
Maintenance of Solar Energy. — Especially after
the formulation of the doctrine of the conservation
of energy (about 1843), the problem of the main-
tenance of the sun's heat urgently claimed atten-
tion. It soon became evident that it is impossible
to think of the sun as like an enormous fire giving
out heat by combustion. " Massive as the sun is,
if its materials had consisted even of the very best
materials for giving out heat by what we understand
on the terrestrial surface as combustion, that enor-
mous mass of some 400,000 miles in radius could
have supplied us with only about 5000 years of the
present radiation." f From what we know of the
sun's age and the amount of its radiation, it is cer-
tain that its heat cannot be mainly due to chemical
processes at present known to us.
Setting aside the chemical solution of what Sir
John Herschel called " the great secret," we find two
* Sir Robert Ball, The Story of the Sun, 1893, p. 265.
tP. G. Tait, Recent Advances, 1876, p. 151.
208 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
other suggestions. About 1848, Mayer, who shared
in stating the idea of the conservation of energy,
brought forward a " meteoric hypothesis " according
to which it was supposed that the meteorites swarm-
ing around the sun engendered heat by impact with
it, — thus furnishing a supply of heat many thousand
times greater than if they underwent complete com-
bustion. This view, also suggested by Waterston, was
developed in 1853 by Sir William Thomson (Lord
Kelvin) and was supported by Tyndall and Tait.
The latter says : " We find, by calculations in which
there is no possibility of large error, that this hypoth-
esis is thoroughly competent to explain 100,000,000
of years' solar radiation at the present rate, perhaps
more; and it is capable of showing us how it is
that the sun, for thousands of years together, can
part with energy at the enormous rate at which it
does still part with it, and yet not apparently cool
by perhaps any measurable quantity." *
On the other hand, while the infall of meteorites
and the heat they produce by impact may be re-
garded as certain, it is urged by competent au-
thorities that the " intra-planetary " supply is too
scanty to be more than a makeshift, while Lord
Kelvin himself excluded an " extra-planetary "
supply on the ground that if it were true the year
would be shorter now by six weeks than at the open-
ing of the Christian era.f
In 1854, Helmholtz gave the answer which is
now generally accepted. If we start with the reason-
able assumption of a once larger and less condensed
sun, we can understand that as the sun shrank
there was thereby accumulated a great thermal store
* Recent Advances, 1876, pp. 153-54.
f See Miss Clerke's History, p. 352.
ADVANCE OF ASTRONOMY. 209
— the direct result of the condensation. Most of
this has already been lost ; but as the cooling proceeds,
further condensation of the interior (gases) ensues,
and this implies further evolution of heat. Thus
as the sun parts with heat it compensates for its
loss by evolving more. In brief, gravitational energy
is exchanged for radiant energy. Ho\v long it can
continue to do so before ceasing to glow, before fad-
ing away into a dark star, is really indeterminable
in the present state of our knowledge of the sun's
physical constitution, but some rough calculations
have been made. Helmholtz estimated the rate of
the sun's contraction at about 220 feet a year, and
granted a lease of life for many millions of years to
come.
Whether the sun is at present becoming actually
cooler we do not certainly know, but it is interesting
to take note of Lane's theorem (1870), which, on the
assumption that the sun is gaseous and behaves as
a perfect gas (one whose relations of volume to pres-
sure are indicated by Boyle's Law), seeks to show
that the temperature must be increasing, not decreas-
ing. As we cannot assert that the behaviour of gases
in the sun's interior is such as Boyle's Law indicates,
we cannot at present decide whether the sun has yet
attained its maximum splendour or whether it has
now begun to wane.
Collisions and Impacts. — From what has been
said it is evident that the picture of the sun's origin
which astronomers incline to give, is that of a vast
primitive nebula, with a great store of energy in the
mutual gravitation of its parts. We have also
noted the importance of the suggestion due to Helm-
holtz— that cooling induced shrinkage, and that this
in turn evolved more heat But another possible
210 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
factor in the production of the sun's heat has been
suggested by several astronomers.
Sir Robert Ball illustrates this by the story of the
new star in Auriga, whose appearance was observed
in February, 1892. Where a few days before the
photographic plates had shown nothing, a bright
star suddenly became apparent. " Everything we
have learned about the matter suggests that the new
star in Auriga during the time of its greatest bril-
liance dispersed a lustre not inferior to that of our
own sun. ... It became clear that the brightness
of the new star in Auriga was the result of a collision
which had taken place between two previously ob-
scure bodies. Perhaps it would hardly be right to
describe what happened as an actual collision. It
is, however, perfectly clear from the evidence that
two objects, whose relative velocities were some
hundreds of miles to a second, came into such close
proximity that by their mutual action a large part
of their energy of movement was transformed into
heat, and a terrific outburst of incandescent gases
and vapours proclaimed far and wide throughout
the universe the fact that such an encounter had
taken place." *
From the analogy of Nova Auriga — which is no
isolated instance — it has been conjectured, by Lord
Kelvin among others, that our sun may have arisen
from the collision of two bodies which attracted
each other until they became a single sun with an
enormous store of heat derived from the crash of
their impact.
This speculation is of interest when we look
forward to the time in the life of a sun or star, when
further compression no longer compensates for the
* Sir Robert Ball, loc.cit., p. 277.
ADVANCE OF ASTRONOMY. 211
loss of heat by radiation. There seems then no possi-
bility of the star recovering itself, unless through
a collision with another. For it is possible that the
heat produced by the impact might restore them to
the primitive nebulous state. If the two colliding
bodies were solid the result might be a shattering
into fragments which would be projected with high
velocities into space; but if the stars had not cooled
enough to be solid, fragmentation would be less like-
ly, and the collision might lead to rejuvenescence.
The establishment of stellar physics practically
dates from the application of the spectroscope to the
investigation of the composition of the sun, the plan-
ets, and the stars. The facts illustrate what has
been repeatedly true in the history of science, that
the application of a new instrument or method, may
lead to development at a rate and in a direction which
no one would have ventured to predict.
SPECTRUM AXAJLYSIS.
The spectroscope is a combination of prisms (or
equivalent structures such as a " diffraction-
grating") by means of which the various rays com-
posing a particular kind of light can be separated
out and arranged in a line, the differences of wave-
length showing themselves as differences of colour.
Thus the presence or absence of certain kinds of
light can be seen at a glance. The use of the instru-
ment in astronomy is based on the facts (1) that the
quality of light is not affected by distance; (2) that
each element when in a glowing state emits charac-
teristic rays of light or has a definite discontinuous
spectrum; and (3) on what is known as Kirchhoff's
law of selective absorption. Thus the spectroscope
212 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
furnishes a means of showing that certain kinds of
glowing matter — known to our terrestrial experience
— also occur in sun and stars. But the recognition
of the importance of this new organon came about
very gradually.
Gradual Discovery. — In 1672 Sir Isaac Newton
made the simple but beautiful experiment (which
Kepler had also tried less effectively) of using a
prism to split up a ray of sunlight which entered
a darkened room through a round hole bored in the
shutter. He thereby produced a spectrum or image
of the differently coloured constituents of light, due,
as he showed, to the fact that these constituents (rays
of different wave-length, as we now say) have differ-
ent refrangibilities. This was the beginning of the
analysis of sunlight, which was destined to have such
a remarkable future.
The historians tell us that a young Scotchman
Thomas Melvil (d. 1753) began the study of the
spectra of salts, and the spectroscope was certainly
a chemist's instrument before its astronomical value
was recognised. It may be recalled that several
elements — caesium, rubidium, thallium, indium, gal-
lium, and scandium were discovered by means of
the spectroscope. In 1802, Wollaston replaced " the
round hole in the shutter " by a fine slit parallel
to the edge of the prisms, showed that there were
gaps in the solar spectrum, and made the further im-
portant step of contrasting the spectrum of sunlight
with that of a candle flame.
Mechanical improvements were soon introduced
by Fraunhofer (1814) and Simms (1839). Fraun-
hofer, independently of Wollaston, also mapped out
a large number of the dark lines in the spectrum of
sunlight, and called particular attention to the fact
ADVANCE OF ASTRONOMY. 213
that two adjacent yellow lines in the spectrum of a
candle flame (now known to be due to sodium) coin-
cided with a pair of dark lines in the solar spectrum.
Similarly Brewster showed that the potassium lines
coincide with other Fraunhofer lines.
In 1822 Sir John Herschel noted the bright lines
of flames in which certain metallic salts are burnt,
and in 1825, along with Talbot, he suggested the
importance of using the spectroscope to detect the
presence of minute quantities of certain substances
in minerals. In 1826 Talbot almost reached the fun-
damental conclusion that the presence of a certain
line in the spectrum tells unerringly that a certain
substance is glowing in the fire of the luminous body.
Brewster followed on the same track, and William
Swan noted the delicacy of the spectroscopic test in
detecting the presence of various substances, such as
common salt.
As we have already hinted, gaps or dark lines in
the solar spectrum mean that rays of a certain re-
frangibility (which depends upon wave-length) are
absent. It is plain that they may be absent from,
the start or simply because they are absorbed in
passing through the earth's atmosphere. Thus it
was an important step when, in 1832, Sir David
Brewster noted that some of the dark lines which
Fraunhofer had mapped out on the solar spectrum,
were intensified when the sun was near the horizon,
that is to say when its rays have a longer path through
the earth's atmosphere and are therefore more liable
to absorption. Gaps thus due to absorption by the
earth's atmosphere are called " telluric lines."
The coincidence noted by Fraunhofer between
two yellow lines on the sodium spectrum and a pair
of dark (D) lines in the solar spectrum, was carefully
214 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
tested by Professor Miller; and Sir Gabriel Stokes
suggested in 1850, as Angstrom did in 1853, that
the double D line must be due to the absorptive
action of sodium vapour in the sun's atmosphere.
Interesting also in this connection was Swan's ex-
planation that the appearance of the two yellow
sodium lines in all sorts of flames was due to the
almost universal distribution of common salt (sodium
chloride) in the earth's atmosphere.
In 1849 Foucault had shown, without seeing the
importance of the fact, that the D lines were dark-
ened when the sunlight was passed through an elec-
tric arc which gave bright sodium lines in its spec-
trum. It was reserved for Kirchhoff ten years later
to show clearly what this meant.
Thus spectrum analysis " has grown out of some
apparently insignificant and disconnected observa-
tions made by Marcgraf, Herschel, and others upon
the light emitted by flames coloured by certain salts.
The spectra of such flames were investigated by
various physicists, among whom Talbot, Miller, and
Swan deserve first mention; but it was only after
Kirchhoff (in 1860) had made and proved the def-
inite statement that every glowing vapour emits rays
of the same degree of refrangibility that it absorbs,
— that spectrum analysis became developed by Bun-
sen and himself into one of the great branches of
science." * Again we find an illustration of the
historical fact that apparently trivial beginnings
often lead to great issues, and should never be judged
hastily.
Bunsen and Kirchfioff. — These two investigators
were the first to show conclusively that definite
* E. von Meyer. History of Chemistry. Trans. 1891,
p. 445.
ADVANCE OF ASTRONOMY. 215
bright lines in the spectra of various flames are due
to the presence of definite glowing vapours in these
flames. In other words the presence of certain
lines in the spectrum is a sure index of the presence
of certain elements in the luminous body.
In a famous experiment, Kirchhof? and Bunsen
interposed the flame of a spirit lamp, on whose wick
some salt had been sprinkled, in the line of the rays
from a lime-light, and found that on what would
have been a continuous spectrum there were two dark
sodium lines — the phenomenon of " reversal." Yet
when the salted flame of a Bunsen burner was sub-
stituted for that of the spirit lamp, the " reversal "
phenomenon did not occur, but a bright yellow pair
of lines was superposed on the lime-light spectrum.
Thence they inferred that to effect " reversal " the
temperature of the vapour through which the light
passes must be less than that of the radiating source
— a conclusion afterwards developed by Balfour
Stewart, and of great importance in the study of the
eolar spectrum. For it led investigators to recog-
nise that the appearance of dark lines in the spec-
trum of the sun implies that the gases in the sun's
atmosphere must be at a lower temperature than those
in the photosphere behind.
Kirchhoff's Law. — The experiment of the reversal
of the lines was the concrete proof of what Kirchhoff
had reached mathematically — the law of selective
absorption — which was also approached by Ang-
strom and Balfour Stewart.
" The law states that the ratio between the emissive
power and the absorptive power is the same for all sub-
stances at the same temperature for rays of the same
wave-length. From this it follows that all opaque sub-
stances begin to glow at the same temperature — that is,
216 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
that they give out light of the same wave-length — and
that incandescent substances only absorb such rays as
they themselves emit. Since, however, incandescent
gases possess maxima and minima of light intensity,
while solid and liquid substances emit light of every
kind when sufficiently heated, the former must also
possess a selective absorptive power, and this is not the
case in general with the latter. The Fraunhofer lines
are thus explained as consequent upon absorptions by
incandescent vapours."*
Applications. — From the coincidence of the two
yellow sodium lines in the spectrum of a candle
flame with two of Fraunhofer's dark lines in the
solar spectrum, Kirchhoff concluded that sodium
was present in the sun's atmosphere; and the same
kind of argument was used over and over again.
The method is to find in the spectra of terrestrial
elements bright lines which exactly coincide with the
dark lines in the sun's spectrum. Thus Kirchhoff
showed that besides sodium, the sun's atmosphere
contained iron, calcium, magnesium, nickel, barium,
copper, zinc, and chromium, while others such as
gold and silver were similarly shown to be absent.
In 1852 Angstrom added hydrogen and others to the
list; in 1872-1876 Lockyer increased the number
from 14 to 34; in 1887 Trowbridge and Hutchins
demonstrated the presence of carbon; in 1891 Eow-
land detected silicon. The absence of some elements,
notably of oxygen, is as remarkable as the presence
of others, but there is, as Lockyer and others have
shown, some reason to suspect that elements may be
present when they are apparently absent; that is to
say they may exist under physical conditions which
* Ladenburg. History of Cliemistry. Trans, by Dobbin,
1900, pp. 317 to 318.
ADVANCE OF ASTRONOMY. 217
disguise or modify their spectrum, or they may per-
haps be " dissociated " into more elementary forms
of matter.
In short, the date 1859 or 1860 marks the widen-
ing of astronomy from being a science descriptive
of movements to be also a science descriptive of the
chemical constitution and changes of the heavenly
bodies.
Extension to the Stars. — There is no greater
triumph of scientific analysis than that by which a
minute beam of sunlight has been made to disclose
the chemical constitution of the sun's atmosphere,
and this, as we have seen, was the first general result
of the application of the spectroscope to astronomy.
But what can be done with sunlight can also be done
in some measure with starlight, and the application
of the spectroscope to the stars has been one of the
characteristic features of the astronomical work of
the second half of the nineteenth century.
As early as 1814, Fraunhofer observed that the
dark lines of stellar spectra, though sometimes agree-
ing with those in the sun's spectrum, were oftener
different, both in arrangement and intensity; but
it was with Kirchhoff s researches that the spectro-
scopic study of the stars began in earnest. About
1863 Sir William Huggins and Dr. Miller began
the systematic study of stellar spectra, and the former
extended his observations to nebulae, showing that
some of these (with a spectrum of bright lines) are
not star-clusters but areas of incandescent gas. As
early as 1864, Huggins was able to identify some of
the dark lines in the spectra of stars with those of
known elements, such as hydrogen, iron, sodium,
and calcium, — a kind of work which has since been
vigorously prosecuted.
218 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
But while the use of the spectroscope revealed the
presence of certain chemical elements in the stars,
and distinguished gaseous from star-cluster nebulae,
it led to an even more important achievement — the
detection and measurement of the motion of certain
stars in the line of sight. We cannot briefly explain
the suggestion of Christian Doppler (1848) that
" the colour of an object should be affected by the
motion of the source, becoming more violet as the
object approached, and inclining toward red as it
receded from, the observer," * or the method of
Fizeau (1848) by which the displacement of the dark
lines in the spectrum was used as an index of
approach or recession. These led to the work of Sir
William Huggins who announced in 1868 that he
had found spectroscopic evidence (a minute displace-
ment of a dark hydrogen line) of the recession of
Sirius and estimated the rate of this recession (from
the sun) at 29^ miles per second. He extended the
discovery to thirty other stars and confirmed the
method by the spectroscopic study of Venus at
different times — when the planet was known to be
moving towards or away from the earth.
It is interesting to notice that displacement of
lines has also been detected in the observation of sun-
spots, and has led to the conclusion that these are
due to downrushes of gases.
From 1870 onwards, the splendid work of Huggins
was continued by Hermann Vogel, at Potsdam, who
in 1887 availed himself of the valuable aid afforded
by the dry gelatine plate and the microscopic ex-
amination of its photographic record of the spectrum.
The motions of approach and recession of many
stars were thus calculated with great accuracy, and
* Fison, Recent Advances, 1898, p. 200.
ADVANCE OF ASTRONOMY. 219
this is only one of many results with which spectrum
analysis has enriched astronomy. Thus we might
refer to the remarkable argument from spectroscopy
which led Pickering of Harvard in 1889 to infer that
a certain star in Ursa was really double, or Vogler
to confirm the suggestion that the variability of
Algol was due to its being periodically eclipsed by
a dark or nearly dark companion star. In short,
besides chemical information, the spectroscope affords
a means of determining celestial motions in the line
of sight, and has detected binary which the telescope
could never have revealed.
Sir William Huggins writes : " In no science,
perhaps, does the sober statement of the results which
have been achieved appeal so strongly to the imagina-
tion, and make so evident the almost boundless
powers of the mind of man. By means of its light
alone to analyse the chemical nature of a far dis-
tant body ; to be able to reason about its present state
in relation to the past and future ; to measure within
an English mile or less per second the otherwise invis-
ible motion which it may have towards us or from
us ; to do more, to make even that which is darkness
to our eyes light, and from vibrations which our
organs of sight are powerless to perceive, to evolve a
revelation in which we see mirrored some of the
stages through which the stars may pass in the
slow evolutional progress — surely^ the record of such
achievements, however poor the form of words in
which they may be described, is worthy to be re-
garded as the scientific epic of the century. " *
The extension of spectrum analysis to the stars
has yielded information as to the chemical elements
which occur in them, has distinguished gaseous neb-
* President's address. Rep. Brit. Ass. for 1891, p. 4.
220 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
ulce from star-clusters, has afforded a method of
measuring the motions of stars in the line of sight,
and has led to many other results which afford fine
historical illustration of the value of co-operation
between sister-sciences.
THE EVOLUTION-IDEA IN ASTRONOMY.
The evolution-idea has asserted itself in astron-
omy especially in connection with what is called the
nebular hypothesis, — an attempt to give an account
of the origin of a solar system. It is said to have
arisen as a transcendental conception in the mind
of Swedenborg; it was suggested on general grounds
by Kant; it was formulated in mechanical terms by
Laplace; and it has been the subject of much dis-
cussion— on the whole unfavourable to its details,
though confirmatory of the general idea.
It was in 1755 that Immanuel Kant (1724-1804)
published his General Natural History and Theory
of the Heavens, more than a quarter of a century
before his Critique of Pure Reason. Based, as its
title indicates, on Newton's Principia, the essay pic-
tures a possible mode of origin for the sun and the
planets from a homogeneous distribution of vaporous
particles in the space now occupied by the solar sys-
tem.
A more important step was taken in 1796 when
Laplace presented his " Nebular Hypothesis." Start-
ing from a vast fluid nebula in slow rotation, he
supposed that as this cooled it contracted, that as it
contracted its rate of rotation increased, that event-
ually the " centrifugal force " of the great nebular
sphere exceeded the centripetal gravitational attrac-
tion, and a nebulous ring was separated off from the
ADVANCE OF ASTRONOMY. 221
equatorial regions. This ring afterwards broke up,
but its parts condensed to form the furthest planet.
With further shrinkages and accelerations of the
parent nebular mass, the various planets were thrown
off in succession, themselves to repeat the process
in forming rings like Saturn's, or satellites like those
of Jupiter.
One of the chief reasons which led Laplace to
think out a possible unity of origin for the solar
system, was that the planets and their satellites
revolve and rotate in the same direction as that in
which the sun rotates, — a coincidence of many (40 or
more) motions which almost suggests a common
origin. We now know that the satellites of Uranus
and Neptune move in the opposite direction, and that
there are other exceptions, e.g., that the inner
Martian moon revolves in a shorter time than Mars,
to the uniformity which Laplace proposed; on the
other hand we know that there are many more in-
stances of uniformity of motion than he was aware
of.
There are many other sets of facts which favour
the general idea of the nebular hypothesis. Thus
we have a rapidly increasing mass of information
in regard to the nebulae which Herschel was the
first to begin to study in earnest, some of which look
like the primeval nebula which Laplace postulated,
while others present appearances suggestive of
systems in process of being made. The great Nebula
in Andromeda, as photographed by Roberts,
" suggests," as Huggins says, " a stage in a succes-
sion of evolutional events not inconsistent with that
which the nebular hypothesis requires."
That the same substances occur (as the spectro-
scope proves) in sun and planets is another fact which
222 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
would fit in well with the evolutionary theory, being
suggestive of community of origin.
Corroboration may also be found in Helmholtz's
shrinkage theory (previously noted) of the origin
and maintenance of solar energy, for it leads us
back to a larger and less condensed sun, and thence
to one larger still, until finally we approach some-
thing like Laplace's primitive nebula. " We can
reason back to the time when the sun was sufiiciently
expanded to fill the whole space occupied by the solar
system and was reduced to a great glowing nebula.
Though man's life, the life of the race perhaps, is
too short to give us direct evidence of any distinct
stages of so august a process, still the probability is
great that the nebular hypothesis, especially in the
more precise form given to it by Roche, does repre-
sent broadly, notwithstanding some difficulties, the
succession of events through which the sun and plan-
ets have passed." *
" So little is, however, known of the behaviour of a
body like Laplace's nebula when condensing and rotat-
ing that it is hardly worth while to consider the details
of the scheme, and that Laplace himself did not take
his hypothesis nearly so seriously as many of its ex-
pounders, may be inferred from the fact that he only
published it in a popular book, and from his remarkable
description of it as ' these conjectures on the formation
of the stars and of the solar system, conjectures which
I present with all the distrust which everything which
is not a result of observation or of calculation ought
to inspire.' " f
Meteoritic Hypothesis. — We have already alluded
to the speculation, which is now particularly asso-
* Sir W. Hupgins. Rep. Brit. Ass. for 1891, p. 20.
f Arthur Berry. Short History of Astronomy, 1898, p. 322.
ADVANCE OF ASTRONOMY. 223
elated with the names of Faye and Sir J. Norman
Lockyer, that crowds of discrete meteoric bodies
drawn together into aggregates by gravitational at-
traction, and evolving heat by collisions, may have
given rise to nebula?, with further condensation to
luminous stars, and eventually to dark planets, whose
vitality is at an end unless a collision make it possi-
ble for the evolutionary process to recommence. But
this remains in the speculative phase.
The possibility, however, must be borne in mind
that some of the existing nebulae may have originated
in the collisions of dark suns, and are thus the chil-
dren, as it were, of a later generation. " During
the short historic period, indeed, there is no record
of such an event; still it would seem to be only
through the collision of dark suns, of which the
number must be increasing, that a temporary reju-
venescence of the heavens is possible, and by such
ebbings and Sowings of stellar life that the inevita-
ble end to which evolution in its apparently uncom-
pensated progress is carrying us can, even for a
little, be delayed. . . . We cannot refuse to admit
as possible such an origin for nebulse."
Tidal Friction. — An interesting recent contribu-
tion to the theory of the evolution of planetary sys-
tems, and of satellites in particular, has been made
by Mr. G. H. Darwin, in his papers on the influence
of tidal friction, but the subject is too intricate for
discussion within our limits.
SUMMARY. — A cautious summary forms the last
paragraph of Berry's Short History of Astronomy,
and this we venture to quote: — " Speaking generally ,
we may say that the outcome of the nineteenth-cen-
tury study of the problem of the early history of the
* Sir W. Huggins. Rep. Brit. Ass. for 1891, p. 24.
224: PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
solar system has been to discredit the details of La-
place's hypothesis in a variety of ways, but to estab-
lish on a firmer basis the general view that the solar
system has been formed by some process of condensa-
tion out of an earlier very diffused mass bearing a
general resemblance to one of the nebulce which the
telescope shows us, and that stars oilier than the sun
are not unlikely to have been formed in a somewhat
similar way; and, further, the theory of tidal friction
supplements this general but vague theory, by giving
a rational account of a process which seems to have
been the predominant factor in the development of
the system formed by our own earth and moon, and
to have had at any rate an important influence in a
number of other cases."
CHAPTER VII.
GROWTH or GEOLOGY.*
CATACLYSMAL, UNIFOBMITABIAN, EVOLTTTIONABY.
THESE are cumbrous words for the heading of a
paragraph, and yet they are serviceable to sum up
the three chief phases of geology during the nine-
teenth century. For if it be borne in mind that
phases of science do not end abruptly like the reigns
of kings, but overlap and dovetail, the words cata-
clysmal, uniformitarian, and evolutionary may serve
with some usefulness to emphasise the changes of
outlook in the geology of the period under discussion.
Cataclysmal. — The nickname cataclysmal or catas-
trophic applies to those who saw no way of explain-
ing the features of the earth's face — its ridges,
wrinkles, dents, and scars — without postulating con-
vulsions and cataclysms, fires and flood, not only on
a scale vastly greater than any analogous occurrences
now to be observed on our, on the whole, very sedate
earth, but even different in kind. Cuvier, and to
some extent Buffon, may be named as champions of
the catastrophic theory.
Uniformitarian. — From this way of looking at
things a recoil was inevitable when a growing appre-
ciation of scientific method made it clear that in
geological interpretation, as elsewhere, we must not
* The history of geology relied on is Karl Alfred von
Zittel's Geschichte der Geologic und PaWontologie, 1899;
translated (1901) by Dr. Maria Ogilvie-Gordon.
226 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
invent hypothetical agencies; that we must exhaust
the full potency of known and verifiable causes before
we admit even the Tjeed of postulating others which
are unknown and unverifiable.
The uniformitarian view, well expressed by Hut-
ton and Playfair, was right when it insisted that we
must in our interpretation exhaust the possibilities
of actually observable factors, but it was wrong if
it assumed that these were necessarily all the factors,
or that they had never changed in the rate or amount
of their influence.
In the hands of Lyell (1797-1875) the uniformi-
tarian interpretation found its best expression, and at
the same time, as many think, signed its own death-
warrant. For in spite of the progress of physics and
'astronomy since the time of Hutton, Lyell deliber-
ately shut out the light of the evolution-idea — the
thought of a beginning and of an end to the earth
which the theory of energy presses home. " He con-
sistently refused to extend his gaze beyond the rocks
beneath his feet, and was thus led to do a serious
injury to our science ; he severed it from cosmogony,
for which he entertained and expressed the most pro-
found contempt, and from the mutilation thus in-
flicted geology is only at length making a slow and
painful recovery." *
A reaction from extreme uniformitarianism was
inevitable. It began to be felt that although " Lyell,
in his great work, proved that the agents now in
operation, working with the same activity as that
which they exhibit at the present day, might produce
the phenomena exhibited by the stratified rocks,
*W. J. Sollas, Pres. Address, Sec. C, Rep. Brit. Ass., 1900;
Nature, Sept. 13, 1900, p. 481.
GROWTH OF GEOLOGY. 227
. . . that is not the same thing as proving that they
did so produce them." * Such proof can only be
afforded by a detailed study of the strata, more ex-
tensive and intensive than even now exists.
But as this detailed study has proceeded, it has
become more and more clear not only that the earth
has evolved from a very different primitive state to
its present form, but furthermore that through the
immense expanse of its history there have been nota-
ble changes in the earth-sculpturing factors. The
indisputable proof of great Ice-Ages and of enormous
thrust-movements may serve to show that uniformi-
tarianism recoiled too far from catastrophism. To
try to explain the phenomena of glaciation without
glaciers strained the uniformitarian theory to the
breaking-point.
Evolutionary. — The cataclysmal geology was un-
scientific, for it invoked the aid of undemonstrable
factors ; the uniformitarian geology was inconsistent,
for while it sought to interpret the past in terms of
the present, it rejected the evolution idea which sums
up the whole history as a process of becoming; the
modern evolutionary geology has inherited the
strength of the uniformitarian school and has given
this fresh virility by recognising that the history of
the earth is a natural development in which at every
stage the present is the child of the past and the par-
ent of the future. The evolutionist school differs
from the uniformitarian, (a) in admitting in its full-
est sense the hypothesis that the earth has had a
natural history from a nebular or molten mass down
to the twentieth century, and (6) in admitting the
likelihood that in the course of the evolution there
* J. E. Marr, Address Section C, Rep. Brit. Ass., 1896.
228 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
may have been rhythms and changes in the action
of the known factors." *
SUMMARY. — " From, Steno onward the spirit of
geology was catastrophic; from Hutton onward it
grew increasingly uniformitarian; from the time of
Darwin and Kelvin it has become evolutional." f
" The Catastrophists had it all their own way until
the Uniformitarians got the upper hand, only to be
in turn displaced by the Evolutionists/' $
FOUNDATION STONES OF GEOLOGY.
Even in the later decades of the eighteenth century
geology as a distinct science did not exist, but its sure
foundations were being laid. Thus Sir Archibald
Geikie has rescued from undeserved oblivion (in
Britain at least) the name of Jean fitienne Guettard
(1715-1786) — "the first to construct, however im-
perfectly, geological maps, the first to make known
the existence of extinct volcanoes in Central France,
and one of the first to see the value of organic re-
mains as geological monuments, and to prepare de-
tailed descriptions and figures of them. To him also
are due some of the earliest luminous suggestions on
the denudation of the land by the atmospheric and
marine agents." **
Another illustrious pioneer was Nicholas Desmar-
est (1725-1815), who amid the labours of a life
devoted to fostering the industries of France, found
time to map the volcanic rocks of Auvergne, to work
out a theory of the volcanic origin of basalt, to trace
* See J. E. Marr. Address Section C, Rep. Brit. Ass.,
1896, p. 775.
t Sollas, loc. cit.
$ Geikie. Founders of Geology, 1897, p. 288.
** Sir Archibald Geikie. Founders of Geology, 1897, p. 46.
GROWTH OF GEOLOGY. 229
with persistent patience the various effects of denu-
dation on beds of lava, to propound the doctrine of
the origin of valleys by the erosive action of the
streams which flow in them, and in short, to lay,
not one but several of the foundation-stones of modern
geology.
In Sir Archibald Geikie's fascinating account of
the founders of geology, the next two names are Peter
Simon Pallas (1741-1811) and Horace Benedict de
Saussure (1740-1799). Pallas was in charge of a
famous Russian expedition (1768-1774) ordered by
the Empress Catherine II., primarily with the object
of observing the Transit of Venus, but also with in-
structions to make a complete regional survey of
everything from mountains to man. Geologically,
the expedition was signalised by the discovery of the
widespread remains of mammoth, rhinoceros, and
buffalo in the Siberian basins, and by Pallas's re-
searches on the origin and history of mountains.
Far beyond the limits of geology, the work of Pallas
has an acknowledged importance.
" The labours of De Saussure among the Alps
mark an epoch, not only in the investigation of the
history of the globe, but in the relations of civilised
mankind to the mountains which diversify the sur-
face of the land." He broke down a strange tradi-
tional prejudice against the horror of the great hills
and inspired the modern enthusiasm for mountain-
eering; he began experiments in rock-making; he
furnished a model of how mountain ranges should
be studied and described ; and he seems to have been
the first to adopt the terms Geology and Geologist*
When theoretical critics came to Desmarest with
objections, he used to say " Go and see " ; and if it
* See Geikie, p. 88.
230 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
be true that any vindication of the necessity for an
observational basis in science is now an anachronism,
we should not forget the early struggles towards this
essential virtue. Desmarest's conclusion as to the
igneous origin of basalt may seem a small result for
years of patience, but we have only to contrast it
with the old idea that basaltic columns were petri-
fied bamboo stems to see its historical importance.
It may not be easy to cite any particular conclusion
of De Saussure's which is now part of the frame-
work of tektonic geology, but his lifework was none
the less a vindication of the precept " Go and see."
Nowadays, no one who is interested in the nature
and origin of the sculptured earth around him can
" go and see " without bearing with him the idea that
the earth's crust is a great history-book, that the
various layers and strata are pages recording particu-
lar processes, and that there has been a " geological
succession " still to be deciphered though he who
runs may not read it. Yet this familiar and ele-
mentary idea of a geological succession had a long
history !
Werner. — Sir Archibald Geikie refers to Leh-
mann, Fuchsel, and Werner as three observers who
advanced the idea of geological succession during the
latter half of the eighteenth century. Of the three,
Werner was the most important. He tried to put
minerals in order, as Linnaeus had done for plants;
he was one of the first to expound the general idea of
the sequence of geological formations ; and he was an
influential teacher of great personal charm.
Hutton. — In 1Y85, after years of travel and
thought, James Hutton communicated to the Royal
Society of Edinburgh the first outlines of his Theory
of the Earth.
GROWTH OF GEOLOGY. 231
For the main purpose of this volume, which is to
illustrate the working of the scientific mood, the
theory of the earth which Hutton suggested is full
of significance. Significant, because its author had
so clearly grasped the scientific method of seeking to
appreciate the full force of known factors instead of
invoking the aid of others whose reality is hypotheti-
cal. Waters wear the stones, the solid earth melts
away, the mountain is transplanted piece-meal to the
sea, there is a ceaseless decay of continents; on the
other hand, underground forces cause upheaval, con-
solidated debris is once more brought to light, and
molten masses are here and there thrust upward to
form eruptive rock. What is, has been, and that
through a vast antiquity of ages, so that " little
causes, long continuing," have wrought great
changes. The present is the child of the past and the
parent of the future. In short it was the idea of
development that Hutton had, perhaps subcon-
sciously, in mind. The keynote of his work may be
found in his sentence : " !N"o powers are to be em-
ployed that are not natural to the globe, no action to
be admitted of except those of which we know the
principle, and no extraordinary events to be alleged
to explain a common appearance." *
Unlike Werner, Hutton started from observations
not from preconceptions. He studied the present, and
in the process now occurring found the key to the
history of the past Among his conclusions we may
note : — The aqueous origin of sedimentary rocks, the
influence of subterranean force (essentially due to
heat) in contorting strata, the theory of subterranean
intrusions of molten matter forming veins or dykes
* Theory of the Earth, Vol. II. p. 547. Quoted by Sir A,
Geikie, Founders of Geology, p. 182.
232 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
of " whinstone " and the like, the idea of the meta-
morphism of rocks under the influence of new condi-
tions, and the doctrine of earth-sculpture by denuda-
tion (through rain, rivers, glaciers, etc.).
Neptunists and Plutonists. — The masterly and
lucid Illustrations of the Huttonian Theory by
Hutton's friend and disciple John Playfair, did
much to help the new theory of the earth towards
acceptance. But this was further delayed by the
bitterness of the strange controversy which sprang
up between Hutton's followers — nicknamed Plu-
tonists— and those of Werner, who were similarly
called Neptunists. Hutton had emphasised the im-
portance of subterranean heat in consolidating and
upheaving sedimentary deposits ; Werner had almost
exclusively emphasised the agency of water, believ-
ing that the rocks had arisen for the most part as
precipitates in a primeval ocean. To one looking
backward it does not seem an instructive controversy,
and it is perhaps enough to say that the more stable
doctrines of Hutton were those that survived.
Hall. — The Neptunists had urged against the Plu-
tonists that if basalt and the like had really arisen
from molten masses, they ought to be found as glasses
or slags. To this Sir James Hall retorted by ex-
periment, showing that basalt could be fused and
vitrified, and that if a portion of this basalt-glass was
re-fused and allowed to cool very slowly, it resumed
its familiar stony textures. From pounded chalk,
fused under pressure, he obtained a substance resem-
bling marble. In another direction he also experi-
mented most suggestively, for he arranged a mechan-
ical device for contorting layers of clay (by lateral
compression under considerable vertical pressure),
and showed that the foldings of strata could thus be
GROWTH OF GEOLOGY. 233
imitated. These and other experiments may be
justly regarded as the foundation of experimental
geology.
William Smith. — While the Xeptunists and Plu-
tonists were bickering in Edinburgh — which has
been a centre of geological activity through the cen-
tury— the land-surveyor and engineer William
Smith (1769-1839), was walking through the coun-
ties of England, and working out his momentous
conclusion that the stratified rocks occur in defi-
nite sequence, and that each well-marked group
can be recognised and tracked by its characteristic
fossils. In 1815 he published his epoch-making Geo-
logical Map of England, and this he followed up
during the succeeding nine ' years by twenty-one
county maps, in the execution of which he was
helped by his nephew and pupil, John Phillips. This
was the foundation of stratigraphical geology.
In regard to the importance of William Smith's
work, the verdict of one of the foremost living geolo-
gists may be cited. " No single discovery," says Sir
Archibald Geikie, " has ever had a more momen-
tous and far-reaching influence on the progress of a
science than that law of organic succession which
Smith established. At first it served merely to de-
termine the order of the stratified rocks of England.
But it soon proved to possess a world-wide value,
for it was found to furnish the key to the structure
of the whole stratified Crust of the earth. It showed
that within that crust lie the chronicles of a long
history of plant and animal life upon this planet,
it supplied the means of arranging the materials
for this history in true chronological sequence, and
it thus opened out a magnificent vista through a vast
series of ages, each marked by its own distinctive
234 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
types of organic life, which in proportion to their an-
tiquity, departed more and more from the aspect of
the living world." *
Along with the achievements of William Smith,
we must place the researches of Cuvier and Brongni-
art, and of others who early realised the value of
fossils as indices in determining the sequence of
strata.
The idea of interpreting the history of the past in
terms of changes observed in occurrence in the pres-
ent; the conception of the sequence of strata; the
recognition of the value of fossils as indices, are three
of the foundation-stones of geology which were laid
at the beginning of the nineteenth century.
THE EVOLUTION-IDEA IN GEOLOGY.
At various dates we find exceptional recognition of
the Evolution-Idea as applied to the Earth. It fas-
cinated a few long before Darwin brought it home
to all. Thus Descartes propounded a scheme of the
Earth's development from a globe of molten liquid,
and Leibnitz's Protogcea (published long after his
death, about the middle of the eighteenth century)
contained a similar attempt. Buffon, too, starting
with the bold idea that the Earth, like the planets,
was detached from the mass of the sun by a cometary
shock, sketched with a free hand the successive
chapters of a problematical history in his Epochs of
Nature (17T8).
Even when uniformitarianism was in its full
strength, — inquiring minds here and there were be-
ginning to suspect that there was something to be
said for the heresies of Buffon, Lamarck, Erasmua
* Op. cit., 1892, pp. 9-10.
GROWTH OF GEOLOGY. 235
Darwin, and other pioneers who spoke of a progres-
sive evolution of plants and animals. The evolution-
idea was whispered by many, and a few proclaimed
it prematurely on the house-tops.
The cosmological speculations of Kant and Laplace
as to the possible evolution of suns and their sys-
tems did not apparently much excite the geologists,
but they must have raised some disquieting thoughts.
Sir William Thomson's early insistence (1862-
1868) on the secular loss of heat from both earth and
sun brought the question nearer home, for the con-
clusion was inevitable that the present state of affairs
could not have lasted forever.
Without going back to a nebular mass we must
at least think of a time when the earth was much
hotter than now, when the waters of our ocean
formed part of a hot atmosphere, and we may also
look forward to a time when the earth will be
much colder than now, and again without an ocean
unless it be one of liquid air. In neither of these
conditions could life, as we know it, exist. " Some-
where between these two indefinite points of time in
the evolution of our planet it is our privilege to live,
to investigate, to speculate concerning the antecedent
and future conditions of things." * This is the evo-
lutionist attitude.
It is interesting, however, to pause to notice a few
of the lines of inquiry which led to the transition
from Uniformitarian to what may be called Evolu-
tionist geology.
From the early works of Fourier (1820), Poisson
(1835), and Hopkins (1839), down to the more mod-
ern researches of Thomson and Tait and Helmholtz,
there has been a prolonged attempt to map out the
* Sir John Murray, Rep. Brit. Ass., 1899, p. 796.
236 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
great steps in the early history of the Earth before
it became fit to be a home of life, and also to reach
from physical and astronomical data some secure
conclusion as to the present physical state of the
Earth's interior.
Chapters in the Ancient History of the Earth. —
The Earth probably had its beginning as one of the
many rings swirled off from the great nebular mass
which gradually condensed into our sun ; but other
origins are conceivable. In any case, it had a be-
ginning as a rapidly rotating molten planet It solid-
ified about the centre into a metallic nucleus, which
was probably composed in great part of iron ; it was
surrounded by a deep atmosphere, the larger part of
which has been condensed into the waters of our
present seas. Its molten ocean was profoundly dis-
turbed by solar tides, for there was as yet no moon,
and it was perhaps a particularly high tide which
made the earth give birth to its satellite.
" This event may be regarded as marking the first
critical period, or catastrophe if we please, in the
history of our planet. The career of our satellite,
after its escape from the earth, is not known till it
attained a distance of nine terrestrial radii; after this
its progress can be clearly followed. At the eventful
time of parturition the earth was rotating, with a
period of from two to four hours, about an axis in-
clined at some 11° or 12° to the ecliptic. The time
which has elapsed since the moon occupied a position
nine terrestrial radii distant from the earth is at least
fifty-six to fifty-seven millions of years, but may have
been much more." *
" The outer envelope of the earth drawn off to
form the moon was charged with steam and other
*W. J. Sollas, Pres. Address, Sec. C, Hep. Brit. Ass., 1900;
Nature, 13th Sept., 1900, p. 482.
GROWTH OF GEOLOGY. 237
gases under a pressure of 5,000 Ibs. to the square
inch; but as the satellite wandered away from the
parent planet this pressure continuously diminished.
Under these circumstances the moon would become
as explosive as a charged bomb, steam would burst
forth from numberless volcanoes, and while the face
of the moon might thus have acquired its existing
features, the ejected material might possibly have
been shot so far away from its origin as to have ac-
quired an independent orbit," * and some of the
meteorites which now descend upon the earth may be
returned portions of the early envelope.
Soon after the birth of the moon, the earth became
consolidated (with a surface temperature of about
1170°C.), and the moon may have been influential
in determining high-pressure areas where the crust
was depressed, and low-pressure areas where it was
lowered. This, as Sollas says, was the second critical
period in the history of the earth, the stage of the
" consistentior status." Since this epoch, on Lord
Kelvin's estimate, twenty to forty millions of years
may have elapsed.
Below the surface the temperature increased, as it
still does; at a depth of twenty-five miles, it would
be (according to Lord Kelvin's calculations) about
1430 °C., or 260°C. above the fusion point of the
matter forming the crust. But the great pressure at
this depth would counteract the heightened temper-
ature, and still keep the crust solidified even at a
depth of twenty-five miles.
When, with continued cooling, the temperature
of the surface fell to 370 °C., the steam in the atmos-
phere would begin to liquefy, and this was the first
step in the origin of the oceans. Supposing, as
* Sollas, loc. cit.
238 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
Sollas suggests, a localisation of the water in primi-
tive faint depressions (anti-cyclonic areas), and a
corresponding reduction of pressure on the incipient
continental areas, there might result an expansion of
the underlying rock of these areas, " for a great
change of volume occurs when the material of igneous
rocks passes from the crystalline state to that of
glass." In some such way, the ocean basins might be
deepened and the continental areas raised. The hot
water of the primeval ocean would act energetically
on the silicates of the primitive crust ; it would begin
to be " salt " with saline solutions and to precipitate
deposits. Since the condensation of the oceans,
Prof. Joly suggests a lapse of eighty to ninety mil-
lions of years.
To sum up dogmatically would be absurd, but it
may be said that a nebular mass probably gave rise
to a rapidly rotating molten planet; that after central
solidification, this may have given birth to the moon;
and that as cooling slowly continued, there followed
the consolidation of the crust and the beginning of
the distinction between ocean basins and continental
areas.
Through phases more or less like those outlined
above the Earth has reached its present state. The
vast nucleus or " centrosphere " is practically solid,
the melting-point of the metals and metalloids being
raised by the immense pressure. Outside the cen-
tral mass there is " a shell of materials bordering
upon fusion," that which Sir John Murray calls
the " tektosphere." On this plastic shell there rests
the heterogeneous and wrinkled crust or lithosphere,
always slightly pulsating.
Wrinkling of the Lithosphere. — How the crust or
lithosphere has come to be elevated into continental
GROWTH OF GEOLOGY. 239
areas, on an average three miles above the ocean
floor and to be folded into mountain chains, is one
of the most difficult of geological problems, but there
are several factors on which the evolutionary geolo-
gist relies. Perhaps the most important is the
contraction of the centrosphere. But, before noting
a few opinions of experts on this subject, it may be
useful to recall that, stupendous as mountain-chains
are, their height is minute when compared with the
radius of the earth. Indeed, it has been pointed
out that on an artificial globe a foot in di-
ameter, they should not stand out more than the
slight elevations which might result where the edges
of the covering paper-slips overlap.
"As the solid centrosphere slowly contracted from
loss of heat, the primitive lithosphere, in accommodat-
ing itself — through changes in the tektosphere — to
the shrinking nucleus, would be buckled, warped, and
thrown into ridges. . . . The compression of moun-
tain chains has most probably been brought about in
this manner, but the same cannot be said of the eleva-
tion of plateaus, of mountain platforms, and of con-
tinents." *
" It was at first imagined that during the flow of
time the interior of the earth lost so much heat, and
suffered so much contraction in consequence, that the
exterior in adapting itself to the shrunken body,
was compelled to fit it like a wrinkled garment. This
theory, indeed, enjoyed a happy existence till it fell
into the hands of mathematicians, when it fared very
badly, and now lies in a pitiable condition, neglected
of its friends." f The mathematicians maintained
* Sir John Murray, Rep. Brit. Ass., 1899, p. 797.
tSollas, Rep. Brit. Ass., 1900. See Mature, Sept. 13, 1900,
p. 487.
240 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
that the amount of contraction was altogether inade-
quate to explain the wrinkling, but Prof. Sollas finds
sufficient flaws in the data to warrant him in still
maintaining the theory of contraction. " The con-
traction of the interior of the earth, consequent on
its loss of heat, causes the crust to fall upon it in
folds, which rise over the continents and sink under
the oceans, and the flexure of the area of sedimenta-
tion is partly a consequence of this folding, partly
of overloading." *
Another factor may be chiefly alluded to. Since
the floor of the ocean has a temperature about zero,
and is some three miles below the continental level,
surfaces of equal internal temperature will not be
spherical, but will rise beneath the continents and
sink beneath the ocean, and the effect will be to ren-
der the continents mobile as regards the ocean floor ;
or vice versa (Sollas).
We have cited enough to illustrate a kind of in-
quiry eminently characteristic of the end of the
nineteenth century which the new century is certain
to develop to more stable and precise results.
The general result may ~be summed up in a sen-
tence; the contraction of the interior probably ac-
counts for much of the folding and crumpling of the
exterior; other physical factors are and have been
at work; and the transforming influences of water,
of the atmosphere, and of life have been continuous
and momentous since they first began to act.
It must not be supposed that the evolution-idea in
Geology has been restricted in application to the
recondite problem of the Earth's early phases; the
idea has influenced the whole science and is illus-
trated in the modern treatment of river-development,
or of coral reefs, or of details of scenery, and so on,
* Sollas, Joe. tit*
GROWTH OF GEOLOGY. 241
just as markedly as in connection with the big ques-
tion of the history of the Earth as a whole.
AGE OF THE EAKTH.
In the early days of geological science, the preva-
lent opinion seems to have been that the earth was
about 6,000 years old. But this belief was for the
most part an outcome of " wresting the Scriptures "
from their proper use, and is quite irrelevant in
scientific discussion.
The Age of the Earth as Realised ~by Uniformi-
tarians. — When James Hutton (1726-1797) began
to show that the present supplies the key to the inter-
pretation of the past, and saw " the ruins of an older
world in the present structure of the globe," it be-
came plain to inquiring minds that the earth must
be old beyond all telling.
William Smith's revelation of the succession of
strata in England — the vision of age before age
stretching back into an inconceivably distant past ;
the founding of palaeontology by Cuvier and others,
and the suggestion of successive faunas and floras
leading us back and back to the mist of life's begin-
nings; the publication of John Playfair's Illustra-
tio?is of the Huttonian Theory (1802); and other
great events led to an accentuation of the idea of an-
tiquity. Indeed, Playf air went so far as to deny that
either earth or cosmos furnished tangible hint of any
beginning at all. Thus the earth, which had not
long before been credited with a short duration of
6,000 years, was at the beginning of the century con-
ceived of as a sort of inanimate Methuselah, " with-
out beginning of days or end of years."
Recognitions of Limits. — A reaction began in 1862,
when Lord Kelvin (then Sir William Thomson) sent
242 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
his first shell into the camp of the geologists, which
he has not since ceased to bombard. From that date
the history has been this, — the physicists have calcu-
lated out certain limits; the geologists have agreed
that they do not require eternity, but yet much more
than the physicists will grant them; there has been
much criticism of data and calculations and some
reconsideration on both sides; of late the biologists
have also insisted on being heard.
(a) Physical Arguments. — The chief arguments
of the physicists as to the age of the earth are based
(1) on the downward increase of terrestrial temper-
ature, (2) on the retardation of the earth's angular
velocity by tidal friction, and (3) on the limitation
of the sun's age. Lord Kelvin began by declaring
that the age of the earth must be more than twenty
millions of years, and less than four hundred mil-
lions ; but he subsequently cut down his maximum to
the former minimum, and Professor Tait would not
allow even half as much. In one of his last utter-
ances on the subject, Lord Kelvin states " it was more
than twenty and less than forty million years, and
probably much nearer twenty than forty." *
That the physicists are far from being agreed
among themselves may be inferred from the frank
statement of Professor George Darwin : " At pres-
ent our knowledge of a definite limit to geological
time has so little precision that we should do wrong
to summarily reject any theories which appear to
demand longer periods of time than those which now
appear allowable." f
(&) Geological Arguments: From the rate of
deposition of rock-forming materials. — Ever since
Hutton published his observations and reflections on
* Pres. Address Victoria Institute for 1897. Phil. Mag.,
January, 1899.
f Rep. Brit. Ass., 1896, p. 518.
GROWTH OF GEOLOGY. 043
the decay of continents, it has been a recognised
fact that there is a universal degradation of the
dry land. The span of the longest human life is but
a tick of the geological clock, and so we speak of the
eternal hills. But there is no doubt in the mind of
any observer that even the hills are slowly melting
and crumbling away. " The hills are shadows, and
they flow from form to form, and nothing stands."
Rain and frost, lichens and burrowing animals, run-
ning water and whistling wind, and other agencies
contribute to the unceasing weathering and denuda-
tion. There are, indeed, conservative agencies, but the
wasting goes on steadily. The present land surface
is being reduced in height, on an average of ^iVs
to 33*00 foot per annum. But what is lost here is
gained somewhere else, denudation and deposition
must be almost equivalent in amount (though not in
area, the latter being usually much smaller), and
thus we can arrive at some estimate of the amount
of wasting by measuring the amount of sediment
deposited. " Actual measurement of the proportion
of sediment in river water shows that while in some
cases the lowering of the surface may be as much as
Ts-jj- of a foot in a year, in others it falls as low as
rejrff. In other words, the rate of deposition of new
sedimentary formations, over an area of sea-floor
equivalent to that which has yielded the sediment,
may vary from one foot in 730 years to one foot in
6,800 years." *
Now, a considerable part of the outer crust of the
earth is made up of sedimentary rocks ; among these
it is possible with considerable accuracy to distin-
guish the deposits which were laid down at different
* Sir Archibald Geikie, Pres. Address, Report Brit. As*,
for 1892, p. 21.
2M PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
and successive times (as proved in some cases de-
cisively by their fossils and in other cases by other
facts) ; and " on a reasonable computation, these
stratified masses, where most fully developed, attain
a thickness of not less than 100,000 feet." * There-
fore, if we assume that the present rate of change is
at all comparable to the past rate of change, we can
form geologically some estimate of the antiquity of
our earth. " If they were all laid down at the most
rapid recorded rate of denudation, they would re-
quire a period of seventy-three millions of years for
their completion. If they were laid down at the
slowest rate they would demand a period of not less
than six hundred and eighty millions." f
But how much experts may differ is here again
illustrated, for Prof. Sollas says : — " The total maxi-
mum thickness of the stratified rocks is 265,000 feet,
and consequently if they accumulated at the rate of
one foot in a century, as evidence seems to suggest,
more than twenty-six millions of years must have
elapsed during their formation." $
Against this line of argument various objections
may be raised. It may be said that the rate of
denudation and therefore of deposition may have
been much more rapid a few million years ago than
it now is, and the possibility cannot be denied. But
some evidence should be forthcoming; and there is
not much. In ancient sedimentary rocks we see
ripple marks and sun-cracks and worm or mollusc
tracks and it may even be the markings of desiccated
jellyfishes, just as we see them on the beach to-day,
and this certainly does not point to rapid deposition.
* A. Geikie, op. cit., p. 21.
t A. Geikie, op. cit., p. 21.
JW. J. Sollas, Address Section C, Rep. Brit. Ass., 1900.
Nature, Sept. 13, 1900, p 485.
GROWTH OF GEOLOGY. 245
Moreover, we must recall the fact that the sedi-
mentary rocks are in scores of cases interrupted in
a manner which forces us to infer periods of up-
heaval or subsidence or volcanic intrusion, — still
further extending the demand for millions of years.
In an exceedingly interesting paper, Goodchild *
has tried to estimate the time required for the vari-
ous sedimentary formations considered seriatim,
and the time represented by great unconformities,
and computes the total time since the commencement
of the Cambrian period at over 700,000,000 years.
But life was already ancient in the Cambrian times,
and this leads, as Goodchild indicates, to an enor-
mous increase of the seven hundred millions.
Argument from the Saltness of the Sea. — Another
interesting line of argument is that which has led
Prof. Joly to conclude that eighty to ninety millions
of years represent the maximum period of time since
the oceans were formed. His argument is that since
the salt sea was once fresh, and since the saltness is
due to dissolved salts carried into the sea by rivers,
an estimate of the annual amount brought down by
the rivers will show how long it must have taken to
give the sea its present salinity. Taking sodium
alone, it is computed that the amount in the sea is at
least ninety millions of times greater than the quan-
tity which rivers pour in annually (about 160,000,-
000 tons). Joly's argument is clear and simple;
everything depends, however, on the reliability of
the data.
(c) Biological Arguments. — 'Apart from domesti-
cation and cultivation we know almost nothing in re-
gard to the present rate of variation of living crea-
tures, though researches like those of Prof. Weldon
* Proc. Roy. Phys. Soc., Edinburgh, xiii., 1897, pp. 259-308.
246 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
on the crabs of Plymouth Harbour are beginning to
remedy this discreditable ignorance. Until we have
much information of this sort it is quite idle for one
biologist to say that he thinks one hundred millions of
years enough for the evolution of living creatures,
and for another to declare himself contented with a
grant of a quarter of that amount.
We are certain that the evolution of backboned ani-
mals, from Silurian Fishes to Man, has occupied " a
period represented by a thickness of 34 miles of sedi-
ment " ; and although we are familiar with long-lived
types, like the tongue-shell, Lingula, which has per-
sisted with " next to no perceptible change " from the
Cambrian till to-day, we are also aware of races, like
some of the extinct Reptiles, which have appeared,
grown great, and disappeared within a relatively
short time, as time goes. " To select Lingula, or
other species equally sluggish, as the sole measure of
the rate of biologic change would seem as strange a
proceeding as to confound the swiftness of a river
with the stagnation of the pools that lie beside its
banks" (Sollas).
The biological argument has been particularly dis-
cussed by Professor Poulton,* with the general result
that he feels it necessary to demand much more than
even the geologist demands. The general fact of im-
portance is that in the oldest fossil-containing rocks
we find highly specialised animals which must have
had a long history behind them; that in the Cam-
brian, Ordovician, and Silurian almost all the great
phyla or stocks of animals are already represented,
and in many cases by forms which are anything but
primitive. To the geologist's computation of the
period required to account for the strata between the
* Address Section D, Rep. Brit. Ass., 1896, pp. 808-828.
GROWTH OF GEOLOGY. 247
Cambrian and those now forming, we are forced to
make a large addition in order to account for the
evolution of the rich Cambrian fauna.
Under the Cambrian beds there is evidence of some
80,000 feet of stratified rock, in which there are no
remains of organisms, but during which it seems al-
most necessary to assume that the chief types of back-
boneless animals and simple plants had their origin.
The absence of fossils is most plausibly interpreted
as mainly due to the absence of hard or preservable
parts in the primitive forms ; and even the modest es-
timate of twenty-six millions of years as the period,
since the earth became fit to be a home of life, leaves
a considerable number of millions for this pre-
Cambrian period during which the unicellular crea-
tures may have given origin to multicellular bodies,
taking the form of polyps and worms, even of trilo-
bites and molluscs. The suggestion has often been
made that in early times, among simple creatures,
the rate of progress may have been much more rapid
than among the higher forms whose stages of evolu-
tion are recorded in the rocks. But this is mere
opinion.
At the beginning of the nineteenth century there
was an irrelevant belief that the habitable earth was
some 6,000 years old. But the work of James Hut-
ton alone was enough to convince the unprejudiced
that the antiquity of the earth must be inconceivably
great. The tendency of progressive geologists to
draw without stint upon the bank of time, had to face
a wholesome reminder from the physicists that their
credit was not unlimited. The limitations imposed
by the physicists have been vigorously rebelled
against, and criticism has tended to show that they
were too narrow and not altogether warrantable. The
Q
248 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
data as to the rate of cooling of earth and sun, as to
tidal retardation, as to the rate of sedimentation, as to
the rate of evolutionary change in organisms, are in
varying degrees only approximate, and the age of the
earth remains a problem for the twentieth century.
BEADING THE BOCK-EECOBD.
We have now grown accustomed to the idea that
the strata of the earth's crust form a great library of
historical documents relating to the history of our
world and its inhabitants, — a library never very com-
plete, but, worse than that, disordered, half-burnt,
flooded, and buried.
There are two ways of reading history in this
underground library. The nature of the rock, sand-
stone or shale, limestone or chert, or otherwise — tells
the experienced observer something about the physi-
cal conditions of the time when the rock was formed ;
and the relation of one stratum or set of strata to
another makes it possible to determine the order of
succession in time. Yet, on the whole, the decisive
evidence as to the physical conditions of the distant
age and as to the order of succession in time is
afforded by the remains of plants and animals which
the rocks contain.
That fossils furnish the clue which makes it pos-
sible to determine the historical order of sequence in
the various strata that compose the earth's crust is a
familiar fact now; but the realisation of it was a
momentous event in the history of geology. And
it may be noted that although the study of fossils
had begun in the seventeenth century in the in-
quiries of Stenson, Hooke, Woodward, and others, al-
most no progress was made till the end of the eight-
GROWTH OF GEOLOGY. 249
eenth when in 1795 Cuvier and Brongniart began
their immortal researches on the remains of animals
and plants in the Paris basin, and William Smith
(1799) published his table of strata and their charac-
teristic fossils. It mav thus be said that the utili-
sation of fossils as aids in stratigraphical geology is
only about a century old. But the whole progress
of the century may be illustrated by the difference
between Smith's general use of fossils and — say
Lapworth's specific use of Graptolites in deter-
mining the succession of closely approximated
zones.
Gradually the key which Smith has used to so
much purpose came to be generally appreciated.
Zittel notes the historical importance of the Out-
lines of the Geology of England and Wales, bv
W. D. Conybeare and W. Philips (1822) in whict
the indispensable value of fossils was clearly recog-
nised. Lyell, Deshayes, d'Omallius d'Halloy and
Bronn are probably the most outstanding of the
early geologists who vindicated the union of palaeon-
tology and geology which has proved so profitable
to both sciences.
To follow the development of stratigraphical
g<H)logy from Sir Roderick Murchison (1792-1871)
and Professor Adam Sedgwick (1785-1873) on-
wards through the century is far beyond the scope
of this sketch. As with comparative anatomy, the
results of stratigraphical geology are necessarily for
the most part quantitative and appeal more to the
expert than to the general reader. It may be said,
however, that
" While the whole science of geology has made gigan-
tic advances during the nineteenth century, by far the
most astonishing progress has sprung from the recogni-
250 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
tion of the value of fossils. To that source may be
traced the prodigious development of stratigraphy over
the whole world, the power of working out the geologi-
cal history of a country, and of comparing it with the
history of other countries, the possibility of tracing the
synchronism and the sequence of the earth's surface
since life first appeared upon the planet." *
PROBLEMS OP EARTH-SCULPTURE.
What is often called " Dynamical Geology "
is concerned with the factors which have wrought
out the present state of the various land-forms. It
has to do with the evolution of scenery, or with
earth-sculpture, — one of the most fascinating prob-
lems of geology.
Air, water, ice, volcanoes, earthquakes, changes
in coast-level, thrust-movements, living creatures,
are the most important factors in the process by
which the face of the earth has been and is being
slowly changed. To some of these we wish to refer
in this section, while others have found notice else-
where.
Hutton's Recognition of Factors in Earth-Sculp-
ture.— In his Theory of the Earth (1788), Hutton
recognised the following factors as operative in
changing the earth's surface: — degradation of land
by atmospheric and aqueous agencies, deposition of
the debris as sediment in the ocean, consolidation and
metamorphosis of sedimentary deposits by the in-
ternal heat and by injection of molten rock, disturb-
ance and upheaval of oceanic deposits, and forma-
tion of rocks by the consolidation of molten material
both at the surface and in the interior of the earth.
* Sir A. Geikie. Founders of Geology, 1897, p. 241.
GROWTH OF GEOLOGY. 251
When this is compared with a recent book on Physical
Geology, such as Prof. James Geikie's Earth Sculp-
ture, we are at once impressed by the fact that only a
few additional modes of operation have been discov-
ered in the course of the century. The progress has
been in measuring the efficacy of the factors which
Hutton recognised, rather than in discovering new
ones.
A Case of Probable Uniformity. — It is a fa-
miliar fact that water and air in various ways de-
nude the solid land, sometimes acting chemically,
as in the breaking up of silicates into insoluble and
soluble constituents, sometimes acting more me-
chanically in disintegrating without decomposing.
The insoluble results of denudation are deposited as
gravel, sand, and mud; the soluble constituents may
also be deposited (by evaporation, chemical action,
or through the agency of living creatures) to form
carbonates, sulphates, chlorides, or less frequently
oxides. This is a world-wide process, which prob-
ably went on in pre-Cambrian times very much
as it does to-day. " There is no evidence," says
Prof. J. J. H. Teall (now Director-General of the
Geological Survey of Britain), " that any of our sedi-
mentary rocks carry us back to a time when the physi-
cal conditions of the planet were materially different
from those which now exist." *
Study of Volcanoes. — The acrimonious contro-
versy between " Vulcanists " and " Neptunists,"
which has been already referred to, dragged its
weary length into the first quarter of the nineteenth
century. The " Vulcanists," championed by Hut-
ton, upheld the igneous origin of such rocks as basalt ;
the " Neptunists," led by Werner, declared igneous
* Address Section C, Rep. Brit. Ass. for 1893, p. 737.
252 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
rocks to be chemical precipitates in water; and
Werner went the length of maintaining that volcanic
action was altogether a modern phenomenon.
There was more progress in the work of Alexander
von Humboldt (published 1808-1823) who took a
world-wide survey of volcanoes, and concluded from
their distribution that they could not be due to
merely local causes (like coal-pits on fire), but must
be interpreted in reference to the state of the earth's
interior and clefts in the overlying crust. Hum-
boldt's position was strengthened by the work of his
friend Leopold von Buch, who began as a ISTeptun-
ist, but was soon led by observation in many coun-
tries to sounder views. Relying, like Hutton, on
the expansive power of the internal heat of the earth,
he made a point of distinguishing from true vol-
canoes what he called " craters of elevation."
These he supposed to be due to huge blister-like ele-
vations of the strata of the crust, which eventu-
ally collapsed, though without actual volcanic erup-
tion.
In 1825, George Poulett-Scrope published the
first edition of his classic book on volcanoes, in which
he gave a careful description of the physical facts,
and sought to explain volcanic action both past and
present on a simple hypothesis. Supposing that
subterranean rock-masses were saturated with water,
and that this became heated from the interior, the
expansive force of the steam would account for erup-
tions. Like Lyell (1830), he entirely opposed von
Buch's theory of " craters of elevation " as con-
trasted with eruptive volcanoes.
For many years a healthy conflict of opinions con-
tinued between supporters of von Buch, such as
Daubeny, Elie de Beaumont, and Dufrenoy, and
GROWTH OF GEOLOGY. 253
supporters of Poulett-Scrope, such as Prevost, Hoff-
mann, and Montlosier.
Facts were industriously gathered on both sides,
splendid work was done by both schools, but after
Lyell's study of the Canary Islands and Madeira in
1854, and Poulett-Scrope's papers in 1856 and 1859,
von Buch's theory began slowly to give way. Sir
Archibald Geikie's work on The Ancient Volcanoes
of G-reat Britain (1897) may be mentioned as a
splendid illustration of the achievements of modern
volcanology.
Causes. — The description of active and extinct
volcanoes has reached a high degree of perfection;
much has been done in interpreting existing features
of the earth in terms of ancient volcanic activity;
chemists and petrographers have contributed greatly
to our knowledge of volcanic products ; but in regard
to the causes of volcanic action there seems still con-
siderable uncertainty.
Standing by itself is the theory of Mallet, that
thrusts in the crust (due to cooling of the interior)
may have locally crushed rocks to powder, thus de-
veloping great heat — sufficient to melt the rock.
But proof of the crushing to powder and of subse-
quent melting seems absent. " This hypothesis, at-
tractive as it may be at first sight, appears to be desti-
tute of any real foundation." *
A survey of distribution of volcanoes is of some
assistance. " It appears to lead to two inferences —
one that volcanoes are commonly arranged in lines;
the other, that when active they are generally in
the neighbourhood of large sheets of water. The
former fact suggests a connection between volcanic
* Prof. T. G. Bonney. The Story of our Planet, London.
1893, p. 287.
254: PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
vents and lines of weakness or fracture in the earth's
crust; the latter that their paroxysmal activity, per-
haps even their existence, depends upon the prox-
imity of water, so that ' without water no eruption '
might almost be regarded as an axiom." *
On the other hand, it seems unsafe to lay too heavy
a burden on the expansive force of steam, for though
steam is invariably present in volcanic discharges, its
amount often appears (as in Hawaii) disproportion-
ate to the work done.
" The most probable view is that volcanoes are closely
related to those earth movements which have resulted
in the flexing and fracturing of strata. All the greater
wrinkles of the earth's surface — its ocean-basins, con-
tinental plateaus, and mountains of elevation — owe
their origin to the sinking-in of the crust upon the
cooling and contracting nucleus. The crust yields to
the enormous tangential pressure by cracking across
and wrinkling up, in various linear directions, and it is
along these lines of fracture and flexure that molten
matter and heated vapours and gases are enabled to
make their escape to the surface. So far, then, geolo-
gists are agreed as to the close relation that obtains be-
tween fracturing, folding, and volcanic action. But
beyond this agreement ceases." f
Study of Earthquakes. — In the first half of the
nineteenth century most geologists seem to have ac-
cepted the conclusion of Humboldt (1815), that
earthquakes were closely associated with volcanic
action.
A long observational period in which data as to
earthquakes were accumulated by many workers,
such as Alexis Perrey in Dijon, de Rossi in Italy,
* Bonney, op. tit., p. 283.
t Prof. James Geikie. Article, Volcanoes, Chambers's
Encyclopaedia.
GROWTH OF GEOLOG\. 255
and R and J. W. Mallet in England, was not marked
by any general conclusion of importance.
In 1873 and 1874, Suess changed the current of
opinion by showing that earthquakes recurred in
definite lines determined by the structure of the
crust, and quite independently of volcanic ac-
tion.
A by-path was opened up by Perrey's theory,
suggested by his statistical data, that the attraction
of the moon caused what may be called internal
tides of the glowing internal fluid mass of the earth's
interior, and that these, rising at times against
weaker parts of the heterogeneous unequal crust,
caused earthquakes. A somewhat similar tidal
theory was elaborated by Rudolf Falb, partly on
astronomical grounds, and led him into the dan-
gerous field of prophecy. Against both theories it
seems sufficient to urge the enormous probability
in favour of the view that the nucleus of the earth
is solid.
The general inclination at present seems to be
towards a combination of the conclusions of Hum-
boldt and of Suess. On the one hand, earth-
quakes may be associated with volcanic activity, —
subterranean explosions of gases, the pressure of
subterranean flows of lava, the collapse of unsup-
ported strata, may set up undulations in the crust.
On the other hand, even when volcanoes and earth-
quakes occur together in the same country, it has been
shown that there may be no demonstrable connec-
tion between them. This has been especially well
brought out by Prof. J. Milne's seismological work
in Japan. He remarks that " earthquakes gener-
ally occur in mountainous countries where the moun-
tains are geologically young, or in countries where
256 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
there is evidence of slow secular movements like
elevation. These latter movements are usually
well marked in volcanic countries, and it is not un-
likely that the majority of earthquakes, even in vol-
canic countries, are the result of the sudden yielding
of rocky masses which have been bent till they have
reached a limit of elasticity. The after-shocks are
suggestive of the settling of disjointed strata." *
It is probable, then, that while some earth-
quakes are due to subterranean explosions of steam
or other volcanic disturbances, the majority are due
to slips or fractures of the earth's crust in areas of
great strain.
The improvement in the delicacy of earthquake-
measuring instruments (seismometers) has led to
a great extension of our knowledge in regard to the
diffusion of the undulations, and to a recognition of
the frequent minor tremors which would otherwise
have remained undetected.
Crust-Movements. — It was in Scandinavia that
careful attention was first paid to those secular
changes of upheaval and depression, which, notwith-
standing their slowness, are more important geolog-
ically than either earthquakes or volcanoes. The
facts are particularly clear along the Scandinavian
coast, and even the fisher folk could not but be im-
pressed when they saw that the lines once cut to
mark sea-level became gradually more and more
inaccurate. Indeed the rise of land in Northern
Sweden has been estimated at as much as 2£ feet in
a century.
From Scandinavia the study of raised beaches
and uplifted shell-beds spread to Britain, and all
over the world. Evidences of depression were also
* Rep. Brit. Ass. for 1892, p. 128.
GROWTH OF GEOLOGY. 257
found in submerged forests and even villages.
Proofs of the gradualness of these changes prevailed
against theories of sudden oscillations. Almost all
the eminent geologists of the century have contrib-
uted to the subject.
While the prevailing interpretation has always
been that the local level of the land changed while
that of the sea remained constant, there have been
many who have insisted that the sea-level may also
change, — in consequence of great subsidences, accum-
ulations of sediment, formation of polar ice-caps,
and so on.
The complications of the problem and the difficul-
ties in the face of any general theory are recognised
in the splendid work of Suess (Antlitz der Erde)
which touches the high-water mark in this depart-
ment of geology.
Mountain-Making. — Far ahead of his time, Steno,
in 1669, tried to interpret the hills and valleys of
Tuscany in terms of the collapse of the earth's
crust, the uplift of stratified rocks, and the accum-
ulation of volcanic material. Long afterwards,
Hutton found satisfaction in referring elevations
of the crust to the expansive power of the subterra-
nean heat, to which volcanoes acted as safety valves.
Leopold von Buch and Poulett-Scrope were among
those who upheld Hutton's theory, and sought to
improve upon it. From 1829 to 1852 Elie de Beau-
mont illustrated the important idea that the gradual
cooling of the earth led to the crumbling of the crust.
James Hall in 1859 pointed out that the gradual
accumulation of sedimentary masses in areas of
depression may be associated with a corresponding
elevation of mountain chains elsewhere. Dana
returned to the consideration of the effects produced
258 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
on the crust by the contraction of the nucleus, and
studied these with deeper analysis than heretofore,
laying special emphasis on the horizontal lateral
pressures involved in the shrinkage. N. S. Shaler
in 1866 had used the contraction theory to explain
the origin of continents as well as mountain chains,
and Le Conte was also closely associated with
Dana's work.
A new chapter begins with the work of Edouard
Suess. " A small book, published in 1875 under
the title, The Origin of the Alps, contained in
clear-cut outlines a wealth of new ideas ; it came
like vivifying rain on the dry ground." * This was a
preliminary suggestion of the author's famous
Antlitz der Erde (1897). In the preface to the
French translation of this geological masterpiece,
Marcel Bertrand says : — " The creation of a science,
like that of a world, demands more than a day; but
when our successors come to write the history of
our science, they will say, I am persuaded, that the
work of Suess marks the end of the first day, when
light first shone."
No one could give a summary of Gegenbaur's
Comparative Anatomy, and yet it is one of the zoolog-
ical milestones. The same must be said in regard
to the work of Suess. It is a comparative anatomy
and comparative embryology of land-forms, unified
by an evolutionary idea; but how can it be sum-
marised ?
The theory that continents or mountains are due
simply to a force working from below upwards is an
unworkable crudity, though it must be allowed that
the shrinkage of the crust from contraction of the
nucleus caused vertical as well as horizontal dislo-
* Zittel, p. 462.
GROWTH OF GEOLOGY. 259
cations, since it induces radial and tangential
strains. The theory that volcanic eruptions count
for much in mountain-making is a superficial ex-
aggeration. The architecture (Tektonik) of moun-
tains must be studied in detail. They have a one-
sided structure — in the Alps, the Balkan, the Cau-
casus, and Ararat — all expressions of a tangential
force from south to north in Europe, and towards
the south in Asia. But besides the dislocations of
the lithosphere there have been great transgressions
and regressions of the hydrosphere, not less momen-
tous than the rise of mountain chains. The conti-
nents, as Shaler said, are due to contractions of the
•whole crust, while mountains are due to foldings of
the outer layers in consequence of contractions in
the deeper. But, just as in pack ice, there may be
unyielding masses, which have to be piled one upon
the other, or may be simply undisturbed and over-
lapped.
EECOGXITION OF ICE AGES.
Evidences of Glaciation. — In a suitable area, such
as Scotland, every beginner in geological study is
familiar with the smoothed contours of rocks, the
striated surfaces, the " crags and tails," the boulder-
clay and so on, which prove the former presence of
enormous glaciers, and that at no very distant date.
Many of the phenomena are obvious and they were
of course familiar to Hutton and his friends. But
they received other interpretations than that which
seems to us almost self-evident — now that the riddle
has been read. They were explained as due to
floods of water and strong tides, and these were
again explained by supposing elevations or depres-
sions wherever they were required.
260 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
Study of Glaciers. — The study of glacial action
may fairly date from H. B. Saussure's famous
Travels in the Alps, in which glaciers and moraines
were described with detailed accuracy. Saussure was
followed by Hugi, an enthusiastic mountaineer, who
explored the upper reaches and was the first liter-
ally to sojourn on the slowly moving ice-sheets. An
important step was taken by Venetz, an engineer,
who, from 1821 onwards, sought to prove from the
distribution of moraines the enormous prehistoric
development of glaciers, not only in Switzerland, but
in North Europe. Venetz converted J. v. Charpen-
tier, who, in turn, strengthened his friend's argument
with evidence drawn from the wide occurrence
of erratic blocks which only ice could have car-
ried.
Agassiz. — Louis Agassiz soon caught the enthu-
siasm, and began along with Charpentier and the
botanist Schimper a prolonged series of excursions
and observations which led him to the conception
of a Great Ice Age, which was developed in a book
published in 1840. From his study of past floras
and faunas Schimper had been led to the idea of
alternating periods of desolation and rejuvenation
as a Great Ice Age.
Agassiz was stronger in his description of glacial
phenomena and in his recognition of the previously
wide extension of glaciers (as proved by erratic
blocks, striated surfaces, etc.) than in his Ice Age
theory. But let us try to summarise his conclu-
sions. Before the elevation of the Alps, an immense
ice-sheet covered most of the northern hemisphere;
the Alps arose, and the debris of broken ice-sheet
and shattered strata fell on the adjacent glaciers, which
bore off their heavy burden, grinding the movable
GROWTH OF GEOLOGY. 261
rocks beneath them to powder, striating and polish-
ing the immovable ; but when the Alps had been up-
heaved, the surface of the earth was warmed anew,
the ice melted, erosion valleys were formed, erratic
blocks were left stranded, and so on.
Along with much truth, there was also much
fancy and exaggeration in this theory, and the un-
wholesome taint of catastrophism was especially dis-
tinct in his assumption of successive ages of low tem-
perature at the close of the various geological periods.
Charpentier's Essai sur les Glaciers (1841) was
more thoroughly scientific than the work of Agassiz.
Von Zittel speaks of its precision — recalling that
of de Saussure, of its thoroughness, of its basis in
original observations. He questioned Agassiz's
theory of one great northern ice-sheet, older than the
Alps, but pictured rather a great extension of pres-
ently existing glaciers, — thus reacting to an opposite
extreme. In subsequent works, Agassiz modified
some of his views in deference to Charpentier, and
as the result of his own extended experience in
Scotland and in America.
According to Agassiz the Swiss glaciers must once
have been large enough to reach to the Jura, — a con-
clusion that seemed to many of his contemporaries an
incredible extravagance. As Sir Archibald Geikie
notes, " even a cautious thinker like Lyell saw less
difficulty in sinking the whole of Central Europe
under the sea, and covering the waters with floating
icebergs." ..." Men shut their eyes to the mean-
ing of the unquestionable fact that, while there was
absolutely no evidence for a marine submergence,
the former track of the glaciers could be followed
mile after mile, by the rocks they had scored and
the blocks they had dropped, all the way from their
262 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
present ends to the far-distant crests of the
Jura." * In fact the proof might be taken as a
model of scientific inference.
The Drift Theory. — In spite of the conclusive
researches of Agassiz and Charpentier, equally able
men refused to be convinced. Thus Leopold von
Buch and many adherents delayed the recognition
of the ancient glaciers by a theory of great floods,
supposed to have borne Northern blocks even to the
foot of the Alps. On the other hand, the polar
experiences of Parry, Scoresbv, and Ross led some
British geologists — Lyell, De fa Beche, Charles Dar-
win, and Roderick Murchison — to a "drift-theory,"
which supposed the transport of erratic material by
icebergs, and in this they were supported by Both-
lingk, Bronn, Forchhammer, Frapolli, and others.f
The influence of this " drift-theory " — which seems
a big error enclosing a fragment of truth — was con-
siderable, and lasted till 1879 when Penck had the
satisfaction of giving a merciful death-blow to a
theory which was slowly dying of inanition.
It would require a great expert to select wisely
from the succession of events, but perhaps we may
associate the next great step with Andrew Crombie
Ramsay who made a profound study of the glacia-
tion of Scotland and Wales (1854), detected traces
of at least two ice ages, and inferred the existence
of glaciers in the Permian. This revived the idea
of recurrent ice ages. Very important, also, were
the observations on the existing glaciers of Green-
land from those of Rink (1857) to those of Torell
(1872), and onwards to those of Nansen.
That evidences of glaciation were obvious in
countries now free from glaciers, that there had been
* Founders of Geology, p. 273. f Zittel, op. cit., p. 342.
GROWTH OF GEOLOGY. 263
a relatively recent Great Ice Age, probably inter-
rupted by mild periods, and that there had been
glacial action even in geological antiquity, were
gradually accepted as well-established conclusions.
There sprang up, however, a memorable controversy
as to the part glaciers had played in gouging out
Alpine lakes, valleys, and fiords. To some it
seemed that this erosive action -which Gabriel de
Mortillet (1858) was one of the first to expound
was a certainty; to others, such as Heim, glaciers
were regarded rather as conservative than as de-
structive agents. Modern opinion has inclined
strongly, though not unanimously, in favour of the
theory that glacial erosion has been a very important
sculpturing factor.
Professor James Geikie's Great Ice rAge may be
mentioned as a crowning work of the nineteenth
century study of glaciation, as a modern critical de-
velopment of the work of Agassiz and Charpentier,
and as a fascinating contribution towards the solu-
tion of earth-sculpture. Geikie argues in favour
of the conclusion that there must have been six
post-Tertiary glacial periods with intervening
times of mildness, but as to this, and as to the extent
to which glacial periods may be recognised in ear-
lier ages, there remains much difference of opin-
ion.
The " drift " which spreads over Northern Eu-
rope, with its boulder-clays, erratic blocks, moraines,
and the like, admits of only one interpretation, —
that it is the residue of glacial action. The polished
and striated or often much broken rocky floor on
which the deposits rest ; the rounded and abraded
roches moutonnees; the arctic marine shells found
in the drift of Britain, etc., up to heights of
B
264: PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
over a thousand feet above sea-level; the remains of
boreal animals in North Temperate countries, and
so on, corroborate the main conclusion.
In what are called Pleistocene times enormous
continental mers de glace covered immense areas in
Europe and North America. Great snow-fields and
local glaciers accumulated especially in those areas
where the precipitation of snow and rain is now
most abundant, and where in some cases, as in
Norway and the Alps, there are still relics of the
olden times. North of Central Germany and Central
Russia all Europe was buried in ice; the whole of
North America north of a line between New York
and the Rockies was glaciated. The mean annual
temperature of Central Europe must have been low-
ered many degrees (perhaps 10° or 11° F. according
to Penck, 5i°-7° F. according to Bruckner). The
climate of Southern Germany then would be like
that of Northern Norway now, and so on; in short,
"in glacial times a wholesale displacement of cli-
matic zones took place." *
It is some progress, then, towards a clearer inter-
pretation of the earth, that what were by older
geologists regarded as the results of Noah's flood
are now known to be the marks of a Great Ice Age —
which, though very gradual in its coming and going,
wrought great changes upon the face of nature and
on the distribution of plants and animals.
But as the study of glacial phenomena has be-
come more extensive and more careful, the inter-
pretation has become more complex. Thus, the
discovery of " interglacial deposits," whose fossils
indicate conditions of warmth — often greater than
* Prof. James Geikie. Trans. Victoria Inst., xxvi., 1892-
93, p. 222,.
GROWTH OF GEOLOGY. 265
now exist in the same localities — has forced geologists
to admit the intervention of temperate stages, inter-
rupting the monotonous tyranny of the cold. Most
geologists now recognise at least two glacial epochs,
and many find strong evidence of three or even
more.*
Causes. — There has been no lack of theories as
to the causes of the Ice Age or of the Ice Ages.
Some of these theories seem too laborious and others
too ingenious, but it seems doubtful if all are not
premature. That is to say, we have to discover
whether the post-Tertiary Ice Age, so obvious in
Europe, was universal or not; and we have also to
decide as to the periodicity of the recurrence of
glacial conditions in older geological periods, which
is almost too difficult a problem.
Since the days of Agassiz and Charpentier, the
causes of the Ice Age have been sought in two direc-
tions which were to some extent hinted at by the
pioneers. Some have appealed to cosmical or astro-
nomical changes, while others have been satisfied
with geographical factors.
Adhemar in 1842 seems to have suggested a
theory, which was rehabilitated by James Croll
(1875), that a slight alteration in the eccentricity
of the earth's orbit might be the essential cause of
glacial conditions.
Lyell may be taken as a representative of the
view that geographical changes may have brought
about glacial conditions. Depressions allowing the
Arctic currents to overflow parts of the continents,
elevation of large areas above the snow-line, de-
flections of ocean currents, and so on, have been as-
sumed as possible causes.
* See Prof. James Geikie's Great Ice Age and Prehistoric
Europe.
266 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
There are others, like Oswald Heer, who have
found satisfaction in combining the cosmical and
the geographical theories.
The last, or, since the stock is prolific, perhaps
the latest hypothesis as to cause of glacial periods,
is that of Professor Chamberlin who maintains
that the climatic conditions which brought about
ice ages arose from an impoverishment of the quan-
tity of carbonic acid in the atmosphere.
The aim of this section has been to indicate (1)
the great change that has occurred in geology since
the uniformitarians attempted to interpret glacia-
tion apart from glaciers, (2) the gradual develop-
ment of glacial geology, from a careful study of
existing glaciers and their work to a detection of the
range and routes of ancient glaciers of much greater
size, (3) the importance of the idea of a relatively
recent (post-Tertiary} Great Ice Age interrupted
by intervening periods of mildness, and (4) the un-
certainty that still obtains as to the cause or causes
of this and previous glacial periods.
THE HAND OF LIFE UPON THE EARTH.
One of the distinctive results of nineteenth-cen-
tury science is the recognition of the important part
which living creatures have played in fashioning the
features of the earth. Each year's work has of late
brought to light some fresh instance of the domi-
nance of the hand of life, and we have devoted
this section to its illustration. The central names
are those of Charles Darwin and Louis Pasteur.
Plants. — From 1810 when Kennie outlined the
history of Scottish peat-bogs to the latest paper on
nitrifying Bacteria, the importance of plants in
GROWTH OF GEOLOGY. 267
relation to the earth has been more and more
thoroughly appreciated.
" The sea-weeds cling around the shore and lessen
the shock of the breakers. The lichens eat slowly into
the stones, sending their fine threads beneath the sur-
face as thickly sometimes ' as grass-roots in a meadow-
land/ so that the skin of the rock is gradually weath-
ered away. On the moor the mosses form huge sponges,
which mitigate floods and keep the streams flowing in
days of drought. Many little plants smooth away the
wrinkles on the earth's face, and adorn her with jewels ;
others have caught and stored the sunshine, hidden its
power in strange guise in the earth, and our hearths
with their smouldering peat or glowing coal are warmed
by the sunlight of ancient summers. The grass which
began to grow in comparatively modern (i. e., Tertiary)
times has made the earth a fit home for flocks and herds,
and protects it like a garment; the forests affect the
rainfall and temper the climate besides sheltering mul-
titudes of living things, to some of whom every blow of
the axe is a death-knell. Indeed, no plant from Bacte-
rium to oak-tree either lives or dies to itself, or is with-
out its influence on earth and beast and man." *
From the vegetable drift borne down often in
immense quantity by rivers to the diatom ooze which
accumulates in some parts of the deep-sea, there are
many modern examples of additions made to the
earth by plants; from the protective action of sand-
binding grasses and sedges, or of mangrove belts
along the coasts, to the action of many Algae in
forming deposits of carbonate of lime, there are many
illustrations of processes at present going on in
which plants play a part of much geological in-
terest.
* J. Arthur Thomson. The Study of Animal Life, fourth
edition, London, 1901, p. 25.
268 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
Almost throughout the century there has been
continuous inquiry into the nature and origin of
coal; much has been done in the recognition of the
flowerless plants (especially club-mosses) which
gave rise to it; experimental work has shown the
probability of its formation under water, under
great pressure, and in warm conditions ; but there is
still no unanimity in answering the question whether
coal was formed in the site where the plants that
formed it grew, or whether the material was flooded
off from the old forests and deposited elsewhere.
Animals, — The influence of animal life upon the
earth is also manifold. On the one hand, we see
destructive agencies, — the boring sponge Cliona
tunnelling through and through the oyster shell and
tending to reduce it to sand, the Pholads and many
other borers helping to break down the most solid
sea-shore rocks, the crayfish and their enemies the
watervoles uniting to make the river-banks collapse,
the beavers cutting down trees, building dams, dig-
ging canals, and changing the aspect of even large
tracts of country, and so on through a long list.
On the other hand, we see conservative agen-
cies,— the formation of great shell-beds, the accumu-
lation of calcareous and siliceous ooze in the great
abysses of the oceans, and most strikingly the rise
of coral-reefs, such as the great barrier reef of Aus-
tralia which is over 1000 miles in length.
That there are great limestone beds which have
been formed by the remains of marine animals is
an obvious fact. They are often so thoroughly
penetrated by recognisable shells of nummulites,
coral, sea-lilies and molluscs, that he who runs
may read their origin. In other cases, however, there
are no big remains which the eye recognises at
GROWTH OF GEOLOGY. 269
once, and it was an important step which Ehrenberg
made in 1839, when, by applying the microscope, he
proved that chalk rocks were built up of the minute
shells of Foraminifera. The full importance of
this became plain when the Challenger explor-
ers mapped out the extent of Foraminiferal ooze
on the ocean floor. What is now accumulating in
the abysses was seen to be the modern analogue of
ancient chalk-cliffs, and the present-day represen-
tation of other than Foraminiferal limestone rocks
has also been disclosed. The Challenger Report
on Deep-Sea Deposits by Sir John Murray and the
Abbe Eenard (1891) may be cited as the most im-
portant outcome of this line of investigation.
The history of the study of coral-reefs, which we
have been forced to omit, is a very instructive in-
stance of gradually increasing thoroughness in the
investigation of a particular problem.
The Living Earth. — Until Charles Darwin fol-
lowed up Gilbert White's luminous suggestions and
made a careful estimate of the work of earthworms
as soil-makers, few naturalists — even — had any ade-
quate conception of the busy world beneath their
feet Fifty-three thousand earthworms per acre,
bringing ten tons of soil per annum to the surface,
burying thousands of leaves and thus forming vege-
table mould, bruising the particles into fineness, and
by their burrows acting as ploughers before the
plough, — facts like these, which Darwin substan-
tiated with his consummate patience, made it plain
that these humble creatures must be regarded as
among the most useful and important animals.
But we must add details to our picture of the
earthworms in their burrows; there are the moles
and the sharp-toothed centipedes both persecuting
270 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
the worms, there are burial beetles excavating
beneath the corpse of bird or mouse, weevils and
wireworms destroying the roots of plants — and scores
of other more or less subterranean animals. Then
the impression of the living earth begins to grow
upon us. Moreover to the business of animals we
have to add that of plants, — the curving movements
of rootlets, the spreading growth of underground
stems, and the sprouting of seeds.
Real, however, as all this visible activity is, it is
not that on account of which we have ventured to
speak of the living earth. The phrase is even more
thoroughly justified by work which is done by the
Bacteria of the soil, and the recognition of this —
dating from Pasteur — may be fairly called one of
the characteristic achievements of the nineteenth
century. It has led to a vivid realisation of the great
fact of the circulation of matter.
THE PROBLEM OF PETROGRAPHY.
Microscopic Analysis. — Just as the biologist an-
alyses the body of an animal into organs, tissues,
and cells, and ends with a study of the complex
organic substances therein contained, so the geologist
distinguishes different kinds of rocks — limestone,
basalt, granite, and so on, proceeds to describe the
fine structure of each, and ends with a determination
of the chemical composition of the several constitu-
ents. In a general way, petrology is to geology
what histology is to anatomy, — an analysis of micro-
scopic structure; and just as the study of histology
inevitably leads to the study of histogenesis — that
is, how the different tissues are developed — so petrol-
ogy will only be completed when the origin as well
GROWTH OF GEOLOGY. 271
as the nature of rock-structure is known. In a few
cases the problem is easy of solution, as when it is
seen that some kinds of limestone are almost entirely
composed of the shells of Foraminif era ; in most
cases the problem is all unsolved.
All that we can do in this section is to indicate
some of the important steps which have led to the
present vigorously progressive science of petrology
or petrography.
Early Methods. — In 1800 Fleurian d.e Bellevue
recommended the microscopic study of powdered
fragments of rock, and Cordier, in 1815, resorted to
this primitive device, and succeeded after much la-
bour in proving that basalt was made up of several
minerals. In the fourth decade of the century
Ehrenberg began to apply the microscope to minute
splinters and powdered fragments of various non-
crystalline rocks, and showed that some of these
were almost entirely composed of shells of minute
animals or plants, e.g., Foraminifera and Diatoms.
The step was important in itself and not less in its
suggestive value.
About the middle of the century G. Bischof pub-
lished his text-book of chemical and physical geology
(1848-55), in which he compared the earth to " a
great chemical laboratory." Although he pushed
chemical interpretations to an extreme, he suggested
a point of view which in later days has seemed to
many like a Pisgah. From Bischof and Bunsen to
the scientists of to-day there is a long list.
The Section Method. — It is said that the first to
suggest and arrange the method of preparing thin
sections of rocks was William Nicol, the inventor
(1829) of the most useful prism of Iceland spar
that bears his name. A description of his method
272 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
of making sections was published in 1831.* But
these early hints had little result, and it seems fairly
certain that the first to use and appreciate the method
of studying thin rock-sections in transmitted line
under the microscope was Dr. H. Clifton Sorby of
Sheffield (1850), who had been stimulated by the
sight of a collection of !N"icol's preparations which
had been preserved and added to by Alexander Bry-
eon, an optician in Edinburgh.
Professor Zittel notes that, in 1852, Oschatz ex-
hibited in Berlin a series of microscopic sections of
rocks which he had made, but his results seem to
have been regarded as little more than curiosities.
A proof of the value of the method was needed, and
that was furnished in 1858 by Sorby in a classic
memoir " On the microscopic study of crystals, indi-
cating the origin of minerals and rocks." f The
next steps, and for many years almost all the im-
portant steps, were taken by continental geologists.
" Even Sorby's papers, which continued to be most
suggestive in this line of work, had reference only
to very special points ; and it may be doubted if his
greatest service was not the transplanting of his ideas
and methods to Germany, where they were destined
to rapidly take root, and bear a fruitful harvest.":}:
It was a most fortunate thing for science that
Zirkel, as a young student, made Sorby's acquaint-
ance in Bonn in 1862, and after many walks and
talks became an enthusiastic disciple, soon far to
* Henry Witham. Observations on Fossil Vegetables,
Edinburgh, 1831. See The Microscope, by Carpenter and
Dallinger, London (1891), p. 990.
f Quart. Journ. Geol. Soc. XIV. (1858), pp. 453-500.
$ G. H. "Williams. Modern Petrography, an account of the
application of the microscope to the study of geology.
Boston, 1886.
GROWTH OF GEOLOGY. 273
outstrip his master.* Undertaking, for the first
time, " a systematic study of rock-sections as an end
in itself," as Williams says, Zirkel began rapidly to
lay the foundations of modern petrography. But
with his name that of Rosenbusch must be immedi-
ately coupled ; both as investigators and as teachers,
they stand as the leaders of petrographical enquiry.
Among the earlier petrologists one of the most
original and suggestive was Hermann Vogelsang,
whose Philosophy of Geology (1867) is still looked
upon with great admiration, who is also memorable
for his persistent and successful attempts to get
nearer the secret of petrogenesis by reproducing ex-
perimentally results similar to those which have oc-
curred in nature. We cannot, however, pursue the
history, and to mention even the names of those who
have done great service in petrography since Zirkel
and Eosenbusch became recognised leaders, would
serve no useful purpose in a sketch like this. One
classification has succeeded another, and no petrolo-
gist seems satisfied either with his own or his neigh-
bour's ; the question of " species " seems as puzzling
as in biology ; and there can be no solution until the
static results of description are illumined by a theory
of rock-genesis. To this, through keen struggle for
existence among conflicting opinions, every year
brings us nearer.
Mineralogy. — Turning to the department of petrog-
raphy which restricts itself to minerals, we may note
that in the early days of mineralogy the physical as-
pect, the study of crystalline form, specific gravity,
hardness, etc., received most attention. Of especial
importance was the work of Haiiy who, without de-
* See F. Zirkel. Die Einfuhrung des Mikroskops in das
mineralogischgeologische Studium, Leipzig, 1881.
274 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
predating the study of the chemical properties, em-
phasised the value of crystallography, and referred
the numerous crystalline forms to a few primary
types.
There was for a time a tendency among mineral-
ogists, as among physiologists, to refuse the chemists'
offer of a helping hand, but sounder views gradually
prevailed. Berzelius (quoted by E. von Meyer) com-
pares the mineralogist who refuses the aid of chem-
istry to a man who objects to use a light in the
dark, on the ground that he would thereby see more
than he requires to. The introduction of the blow-
pipe by Cronstedt was an event of much importance,
and led on to the early chemical systems of Bergmann
and others. But the modern study of mineralogical
chemistry must date from the work of Berzelius,
who in his Chemical System brought minerals into
line with other inorganic compounds. The general
tendency of subsequent systems of classification
seems to have been to emphasise chemical composi-
tion, and it is interesting to notice the suggestions of
Wurtz and others as to the collation of various min-
erals with organic compounds, e.g., poly-silicic acids
with poly-ethylene alcohols.
Isomorphism. — Another great event in the history
of mineralogy was Mitscherlich's discovery of isomor-
phism. $". Fuchs had previously observed that cer-
tain substances can replace each other in minerals;
Mitscherlich showed that the same material might
have two, three, or more crystalline forms. This set
aside the exaggerated conclusion of Haiiy that
difference in crystalline form necessarily implies
difference in chemical composition.
While Mitscherlich may be said to have proved
irrefutably the connection between chemical com-
GROWTH OF GEOLOGY. 275
position and crystalline form, both he and Berzelius
went too far in declaring similarity of crystalline
form to be " a mechanical consequence of similarity
in atomic constitution," or in other words that the
atomic constitution of a substance could be inferred
if that of one of its isomorphs was known. For
Mitscherlich afterwards showed that dissimilarly
constituted bodies might be isomorphous and simi-
larly constituted ones heteromorphous, and that the
same substance might crystallise in different forms.
To this Scherer added " cases of the so-called poly-
meric isomorphism, which proved that elementary
atoms might be replaced by atomic groups without
change of crystalline form." *
Experimental. — We have already referred to Sir
James Hall as the founder of experimental geology,
and may here recall that in 1801 he showed the possi-
ble transformation of chalk into marble. For this
was as it were the first sentence in an exceedingly
interesting chapter in the history of research — the
development of experimental mineralogy. Numer-
ous experimenters — particularly well represented in
France — e.g., in modern times, Fouque and Michel-
Levy, Friedel and Sarasin — have worked at the arti-
ficial production of minerals, and have thrown much
light upon the possible ways in which minerals may
have been formed in nature.
NOTE OX THE SCIENTIFIC DEVELOPMENT OF
GEOGRAPHY.
One of the great intellectual advances of the nine-
teenth century has been the scientific development
of geography. Whether we recognize one science or
*E. von Meyer. History of Chemistry, Trans. 1891, p.
454.
276 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
twenty is merely a question of convenience; the
boundaries of the sciences whose right to the name
is seldom questioned, — physics and chemistry, as-
tronomy and geology, biology and psychology,
and so on, — are flexible; two or more sciences often
seem confluent ; and therefore it matters little wheth-
er we regard geography as a unified and well-defined
department of science, or as a combination of sciences
in relation to a particular problem.
According to a definition (by Dr. H. E. Mill),
on which evident care has been expended, " Geog-
raphy is the exact and organised knowledge of the
distribution of phenomena on the surface of the
Earth, culminating in the explanation of the inter-
action of Man with his terrestrial environment." *
Dr. Mill goes on to say, " As the meeting-place of
the physical and the human sciences, it is the focus
at which the rays of natural science, history, and
economics converge to illuminate the Earth in its
relation to man. . . . The unity of geography re-
sults from viewing nature in the limited but still
general aspect of the phenomena which affect the
surface of the Earth."
The geographer is concerned with the atmosphere,
the hydrosphere (the water-envelope), and the litho-
sphere (the rocky crust whether of the continents or
the ocean-floors). "His first business is to define
the form, or relief, of the surface of the solid sphere,
and the movements, or circulation, within the two
•fluid spheres. The land-relief conditions the circu-
lation, and this in turn gradually changes the land-
relief. The circulation modifies climates, and these,
together with the relief, constitute the environments
of plants, animals, and men. Short of complexities,
* The International Geography. London, 1899. p. 2,
GROWTH OF GEOLOGY. 277
this is the main line of the geographical argument.
In the language of Eichthofen the earth's surface
and man are the terminal links." *
It might seem as if geography had become a
compendium of the sciences and took all nature for
its province, but that is a misinterpretation of the
modern extension. The fact is that geography
is a synthesis of the results of many sciences in
relation to a special problem ; or it may be compared
to a central circle intersecting a cluster of other cir-
cles which represent physics, chemistry, astronomy,
geology, biology, anthropology, and so on.
Alexander von Humboldt is ranked as one of the
founders of scientific geography, not merely because
of his explorations, or his method of representing
the relief of a country (e.g., Mexico) by cross sec-
tion, or his invention of isotherms, but because he
had the distinctively scientific virtue of seeing
things in their inter-relations. " Humboldt's Essai
politique sur la Nouvelle-Espagne, published in
1809, must take high rank among the efforts of the
new geography as the first complete description of
a land with the aid of the modern methods. Here,
for the first time, we have an exhaustive attempt to
relate causally relief, climate, vegetation, fauna, and
the various human activities." f For that is geo-
graphy.
But along with Humboldt there are others who
should be named, — Karl Hitter of Berlin (1779-
1859), "the greatest modern professor of geogra-
phy," author of the famous Erdkunde and founder
of a great school; the cartographer Berghaus,
* H. J. Mackinder. Address Section E, Rep. Brit. Ass,,
1895, p. 739.
t H. J. Mackinder. Loc. tit. p. 741.
278 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
whose great Physical atlas is an immortal monument ;
Perthes, " the capitalist employer of cartographers " ;
and the critical Oscar Peschel. From these we pass
to living workers, such as von Kichthofen and Penck.
One of the great results of the nineteenth century
has been the development of geography as a synthetic
science.
AN ILLUSTRATION OF OCEANOGRAPHY.
The whole history of Oceanography, in its various
branches, has been related in great fulness by Sir
John Murray in his Summary of the Scientific Re-
sults of the Voyage of H.M.S. Challenger; we can-
not in a section do more than illustrate the fact of
its rapid development in the second half, and espe-
cially in the last quarter of the nineteenth century.
The illustration we take is the familiar but striking
one that within a few years we have gained a wealth
of information in regard to the Deep Sea, which was
about the middle of the century an almost unexplored
area. In spite of isolated hints which might have
been followed up earlier, it was generally believed
until 1860 or so, that the great depths of the ocean
were uninhabitable, and there was almost no knowl-
edge of the deposits covering the floor. A notable step
was taken when Surgeon-Major G. G. Wallich,
naturalist with Sir Leopold M'Clintock's North
Atlantic Expedition of 1860, showed that animals
lived in the abysses even below 1,000 fathoms. It
is interesting also to notice that one of the impulses
which gave Deep-Sea exploration a start was the
purely -practical desire to establish telegraphic com-
munication between the Old and New Worlds. In
binding these together, another new world was dis-
covered.
GROWTH OF GEOLOGY. 279
The recognition of oceanography as a distinct
branch of science may be said to date from the
commencement of the Challenger investigations,
and although the study is still in a sense in its
youth, " so much has already been acquired that the
historian will, in all probability, point to the ocean-
ographical discoveries during the past forty years
as the most important addition to the natural knowl-
edge of our planet since the great geographical
voyages associated with the names of Columbus, Da
Gama, and Magellan, at the end of the fifteenth and
the beginning of the sixteenth centuries." *
Our picture of the Deep Sea is necessarily darkly-
shaded and in many respects dim and vague, but
it is not wanting in precise detail. Some indication
of this may be given. At great depths there is
necessarily enormous pressure (at 2,500 fathoms
about 2£ tons upon the square inch) ; it is quite
calm, untouched by the severest storms ; the tempera-
ture is low and uniform, often just a little above the
freezing-point all the year round; the water is rel-
atively rich in oxygen; there is practically no light,
apart from phosphorescence; there are therefore no
green plants and there is no secure evidence even
of Bacteria; there is no depth limit to the distri-
bution of animal life and the population includes
representatives of most of the great types of animals
from Protozoa up to fishes; the animals necessarily
feed to a large extent upon one another, but funda-
mentally upon the organic debris which sinks from
above, and not least upon the ceaseless rain of pelagic
Protozoa which sink down from the surface as they
die. A strange, silent, cold, dark, plantless world !
* Sir John Murray. Address Section E, Hep. Brit. Asa.,
1899, p. 790.
8
280 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
While the shallow-water areas down to the 100-
fathom line are now known with much exactness in
many parts of the glohe, there is naturally much less
certainty in regard to the deeper parts, though, as
Sir John Murray remarks, some 10,000 deep sound-
ings were taken in the last decade of the nineteenth
century. He estimates that considerably more than
half of the sea-floor (103,000,000 square geo-
graphical miles in all) lies at a depth exceeding
2,000 fathoms, or over two geographical miles.
There is a relatively rapid descent along the conti-
nental slopes between 100 and 1,000 fathoms, and
there are over forty known depressions of more than
3,000 fathoms. The greatest known depth is in the
S. Pacific, to the east of the Kermadecs and Friendly
Islands, 530 feet more than five geographical miles,
or 2,000 feet more below the level of the sea than the
top of Mount Everest is above it.
Direct observations with deep-sea thermometers,
and indirect inferences from the electric resistance
of the telegraph cables lying on the floor of the
oceans, show that about 92 per cent, of the entire
sea-floor has a temperature less than 40° Fahr. The
surface-water cooled at the poles, spreads over the
floor towards the equator, carrying with it the oxygen
which makes abyssal life possible. Since the light
as well as the warmth of the sun does not penetrate
below the superficial layers of water, the deep-sea
area is dark as well as cold. Therefore there are
no plants (apart from some doubtful forms and the
resting stages of two or three AlgaB), and this implies
that the abundant deep-sea animals depend in the
long run on supplies which sink downwards from
the populous surface or the crowded shore-areas.
Especially by Sir John Murray and the Abbe
GROWTH OF GEOLOGY. 281
Renard a most careful study has been made of the
marine deposits on the ocean-floor. These are con-
veniently divided into two sets — (1) the terrigenous
deposits, for the most part consisting of the dis-
integrated particles of the adjacent emerged land,
and of great interest as illustrating accumulations
analogous to those which formed many of the strati-
fied rocks; and (2) pelagic deposits, which begin at
an average of about 200 miles from the continental
coast-lines, and are mainly composed of the shells
of pelagic organisms (Molluscs, Foraminifera, Ra-
diolaria, Diatoms, etc.), besides inorganic particles
of volcanic or cosmic origin. The " Red Clay,"
which covers nearly half of the sea-floor, and all the
deeper parts, is probably due to the chemical altera-
tion of organic and inorganic remains during a pro-
longed period of slow accumulation. Sir John
Murray argues that the number of sharks' teeth, of
earbones and other bones of whales, and of cosmic
spherules in a deposit may be taken as a measure
of the rate of deposition. These bodies are most
abundant in the Red Clay, probably because few
other substances reach the great depths to cover
them up. " One haul of a small trawl in the Central
Pacific brought to the surface on one occasion, from
a depth of about 2^ miles, many hundreds of man-
ganese nodules, along with 1500 sharks' teeth, over
50 fragments of earbones and other bones of
whales."
It may seem to the careless both dull and unprofit-
able to map out with care the sediments which are
now forming on the floor of the ocean, but the im-
portance of these maps to the geologist is immense.
For it is from them that we can argue back to the
history of the sedimentary part of the earth's crust,
282 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
and show how in the Triassic, for instance, there
was sea where there is now the great mountain belt
of the Euro-Asiatic continent, or how the great chalk
deposits of the Cretaceous are the analogues of the
deep sea Globigerina ooze of to-day.
SUMMARY. — One of the great discoveries of the
nineteenth century was that of the Deep Sea — almost
a new world. The vast depths, the low temperature,
the abundant animal population and the deposits
which accumulate on the -floor have been the subject
of careful and fruitful study, but the vastness of the
area makes it certain that much that is new still
awaits the explorer of the abysses.
BOOK THREE.
SCIENCE OF ORGANISMS— LIFE-LORE.
CHAPTER VIII.
THE DEEPENING OF PHYSIOLOGY.
HISTORICAL, OUTLINE.
Aspects of the Organism. — The living body as a
subject of scientific enquiry may be approached from
many different sides. A dim personality it often
seems, intelligent or instinctive in its actions; or it
may live its life on a lower plane where neither of
these terms is applicable. It is a unit in a family or
flock, in a fauna or flora, an item in the midst of an
environment, and must be studied in its inter-rela-
tions of dependence or antagonism, of co-operation
or competition, of successful adaptation or failure to
survive. It is a member of a race, starting in life
with a multiple inheritance from many ancestors ; its
individual becoming must be studied in the light of
its past history, its development in the light of its
evolution. It is an engine, transforming matter
and energy, and must be studied as a problem in
dynamics. It is a chemical laboratory, in which
reductions, oxidations, disruptions, constructions,
explosions, and fermentations go on in manifold
complexity.
284 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
In these various ways the living body may be
studied, and no one of them has been disregarded by
the physiologists. It is plain, however, that along
some of these lines at least no secure progress could
be made until the sciences on which physiological
investigations depend had begun to gain clearness
and stability. There could be no chemical physiol-
ogy when combustion was not understood, and little
physical physiology when heat was regarded as an
element or as an entity. It follows that almost all
analytic physiology involving chemistry and physics
must be comparatively modern, and that we are not
likely to find much value in the physiology of the
eighteenth century or earlier except in so far as that
was concerned with descriptions of the habits of the
intact creature, with observations on the gross func-
tions of organs, or with merely mechanical analysis.
Sketch of Physiological Progress. — In what are
called the Middle Ages (to which, as regards biology
and psychology, many people still belong) the an-
alysis of the organism was only incipient. Compara-
tive anatomy and comparative physiology were still
embryonic. Chemistry and Physics were not yet suf-
ficiently stable themselves to be able to help another
science to a firm foothold. Yet then, as ever, men
looked out upon nature with inquisitive eyes, accum-
ulated a wealth of sense-impressions, and recorded
their perceptions in more or less orderly form.
Many interesting phenomena of plant and animal life
were observed, and sometimes accurately described.
But when the medieval observers went beyond
this, and took the more characteristically scientific
step of devising general formula? for the sequences
and likenesses which they perceived, they were al-
most forced to do so in metaphysical terms. Their
THE DEEPENING OF PHYSIOLOGY. 285
shorthand was frankly anthropomorphic or spiritual-
istic ; they invoked " animal spirits " and " vital
spirits," " principles of life " and " vires form-
ative" "humours"1 and "temperaments." It is
difficult to see how it could have been otherwise.
But as inquisitiveness became gradually more pen-
etrating, as the organs of the body were disclosed in
many other creatures besides man, as the uses of
many of them were in part discovered, the spirit-
ualistic formula? began to appear somewhat gratui-
tous. Thus it is interesting to note that Mariotte
(d. 1684), who compared the entrance of water into
the roots of plants to its rise in capillary tubes — a
shrewd suggestion — was one of the first to discard the
hypothesis of " a vegetable soul " — as a factor in the
plant's every-day functions. Harvey's demonstra-
tion of some of the factors in the circulation of the
blood may be taken as one of the first of the long
series of attempts to express vital phenomena in terms
of mechanism — attempts which put an end to the
reign of spirits, though not to the intrusion of meta-
physics. The great work of Haller (1708-1777) —
Elementa Pliysiologice Corporis Humani — represents
the position of the study of the functions of the
organs of the body at the beginning of the nineteenth
century, and it is marked by its endeavour to reject
all that could not be verified by observation and ex-
periment.
When we pass from the work of Haller to that of
Johannes Mliller (1801-1858) we feel at once in a
new century. Chemistry and physics had made
great strides, and he calls them to his aid in his phys-
iological work. Man was no longer studied alone,
for Miiller's physiology was essentially comparative.
The facts of mental life were no longer kept wholly
286 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
apart from corporeal affairs, for, as Verworn notes,
Miiller defended even in his examination for the doc-
torate the thesis : Psychologus nemo nisi physiologus.
But it is interesting to find that this genius who did
so much to give physiology its modern aspect was like
most of his contemporaries, a vitalist. He main-
tained that the functions of the body exhibited se-
quences comparable to those observed by the chemist
and physicist in not-living bodies, yet he believed that
there was in the organism a " vital force " which had
to be taken account of in physiology.
Meanwhile pursuing the general trend of biologi-
cal research, we may note that just as the study of
the intact organism as a bundle of habits and tem-
peraments more or less kept in order by a " spiritus
rector " gave place to a study of the activities of par-
ticular organs — the brain, the heart, the lungs, the
liver, and so on, so the resulting conception of the
living creature as an engine of many parts had to
be supplemented by the study of the properties of
tissues (muscular, nervous, glandular, and so on),
— a step which we particularly associate with the pub-
lication of Bichat's Anatomie Generale in 1801.
Gradually, however, as the microscope was im-
proved, the existence and importance of the little
areas of living matter which we (unfortunately)
call cells was recognised, and in 1838-39 Schwann
and Schleiden formulated their " Cell-Theory " or
Cell-Doctrine, — (a) that all plants and animals have
a cellular structure, (&) that the life of all multi-
cellular organisms (reproduced in the ordinary way)
begins in a single cell — the fertilised ovum — which
proceeds to build up the body by a process of cell-
division, and (c} that the life of the whole is ex-
pressible in terms of the activities of its component
THE DEEPENING OF PHYSIOLOGY. 287
cells. One step further in analysis brings us to
the characteristically modern study of the chemical
and physical changes which go on in the contents of
the cells, that is to say in " the physical basis of life,"
as Huxley phrased it, or protoplasm.
PHYSIOLOGY OF THE LIVING ORGANISM AS A WHOLE.
The Life of Living Creatures. — In the childhood
— a prolonged period — of Life-Lore, attention was in
great part directed to the study of the activity of the
living creature as an intact whole. It is or should
be so in the childhood of the individual. Life as it
is lived in nature, the behaviour of the animal, its
relations to other living things, the " habit " of the
plant, its friends and foes, — these form part of the
oldest physiology and they should still command our
attention to-day.
The term physiology is too much restricted to a
study of the internal economy of the organism. Just
as anatomical analysis may be compared to picking
a watch to pieces — an operation which dimly suggests
the delights of dissection — so physiological analysis
may be compared to a study of the kinetic aspect of
the watch, and even when physiology becomes com-
parative it is still like comparing one kind of watch
with another. To save the results from inexcusable
partiality and incompleteness it is necessary to
sound the natural history note, the recognition of or-
ganisms in the plural, as members of a pair, a fam-
ily, a flock, an association, a fauna, as threads in a
web of life, as agents in a complex environment.
In short, it must be recognized that physiological
analysis has seriously to deal with the intact living
creature in its natural surroundings, with its
288 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
domestic and social relations, with its habits and
adaptations, with its struggle for existence and en-
deavour after well-being. Physiological analysis
thus completes and corrects itself in " Natural His-
tory."
Two Lessons from the Old Natural History. —
The two chief lessons now to be learned from the old
books on natural history are lessons of warning. (1)
On the one hand we are warned against the extreme-
ly analytic method of modern biology, against the
necrology which is always destroying in the effort
to understand. Since our methods force us to ab-
stract certain aspects of the organism, there is an
undoubted risk lest we forget the unity of the organ-
ism which we take so carefully to bits; there is an
undoubted risk lest we forget that what we measure
and weigh and analyse belonged to a creature which
had something analogous to our personality. We
cannot dispense with our analysis, however, and the
corrective for its partiality is simply more study of
the real life of the creature in its natural environ-
ment, in other words more " Natural History," what
some indeed have called " the higher physiology."
(2) On the other hand, the comparative failure
of much of the old natural history — so often vague,
inaccurate, and fallacious — warns us of the futility
of trying to dispense with the analytic methods and
their results. In proportion as our analysis is
thorough so will our realisation of the life around us
be vivid. To say that no one really knows a bird
who has not watched it build its nest may be true;
but it may be justly retorted that no one really
knows a bird who does not understand the peculiari-
ties of its respiration.
Historical Note. — The " higher physiology " or
THE DEEPENING OF PHYSIOLOGY. 289
"(Ecology" (as Haeckel calls it) of living crea-
tures is the oldest department of the science. It had
its basis in the lore of the hunter and fisher, the
shepherd and farmer, or further back still in that of
Mowgli in the jungle.
But the old lore was much mixed with superstition,
it was often inexact, and on the whole uncritical.
Exact natural history is essentially modern, and,
apart from a few pioneers, may be said to date from
the enthusiastic observations of men like Swammer-
dam (1637-1680), Leeuwenhoek (1632-1723),
Keaumur (1683-1757), Koesel von Kosenhof
(1705-1759), Trembley (1700-1784), Schaeffer
(1718-1790), Gilbert White (1720-1793), and Buf-
fon (1707-1788).
We have placed Buffon's name last because he rep-
resents a transition between the old naturalists and
the new, for while he may not have had the exactness
of some of his predecessors he had a clearer vision of
the wide import of his studies. As a philosophic
naturalist, he deliberately set himself to a study of
the habits of animals and their adaptations to their
surroundings, and unified his results in the light of
the evolution-idea.
It is especially the recognition of the evolution-
idea that makes the difference in mood between the
old and new naturalists. " Before Darwin's day the
student of habits, inter-relations, and adaptations
had been looked upon by his sterner brethren (anato-
mists, classifiers, etc.) with more or less contemp-
tuous indulgence. Since Darwin's day, however,
the study of bionomics has risen to worth and dig-
nity." *
The study of the life of plants and animals as it
* See the author's Science of Life, 1899, Chapter XIV.
290 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
is lived in nature is an essential part of a general
system of Biology. It began in practical lore, at-
tained a high degree of excellence in the seventeenth
and eighteenth centuries, but acquired in the nine-
teenth century greater dignity and definiteness espe-
cially through the influence of evolution-doctrine.
STUDY OF THE FUNCTIONS OF ORGANS.
Sir John Burdon-Sanderson dates modern physiol-
ogy from the work of Johannes Miiller (1801-1858).
" Just as there was no true philosophy of living na-
ture until Darwin, we may with almost equal truth
say that physiology did not exist as a science before
Johannes Miiller. For although the sum of his
numerous achievements in comparative anatomy and
physiology, notwithstanding their extraordinary
numher and importance, could not be compared for
merit and f ruitfulness with the one discovery which
furnished the key to so many riddles, he, no less
than Darwin, by his influence on his successors was
the beginner of a new era." ^
Steps of Progress since Johannes Miiller. — What
then has been the nature of the steps of progress in
regard to the physiology of organs during this
period which dates from Miiller ? As it seems to us,
the steps may be grouped under four heads: — (1)
the partial elucidation of the function of organs pre-
viously enigmatical, (2) the recognition that the
functions of organs, whose uses were partially known,
are much more complex than was previously sup-
posed, (3) a fuller understanding of the correlation
and co-operation of the various organs in the life of
the whole, and (4) the progress made in comparing
analogous organs in different kinds of organisms.
*Pres. Address. Rep. Brit. Ass. for 1893, p. 9.
THE DEEPENING OF PHYSIOLOGY. 291
Of each of these steps we propose to give some brief
illustration.
(1) Elucidation of Enigmatical Organs. — In the
body of a higher animal there are numerous organs
which take materials from the blood and get rid of
these, usually in modified form, as a secretion which
exudes through a duct or ducts on some internal or
external surface. We call these " glands " ; the
liver, the pancreas, the sweat-glands, the milk-glands
are familiar examples.
But there are other organs, somewhat analogous in
structure, which though they take materials from
the blood, and form a secretion, have no ducts. If
these " ductless glands " get rid of their secretion
it must be by returning it to the blood. Some of
them have directly to do with the cells of the blood ;
thus the spleen is in mammals a grave for worn-out
red blood corpuscles, while in some lower verte-
brates it seems to be one of their birthplaces. But
in many other cases the ductless glands do not return
any cellular material to the blood, i.e., they do not
form corpuscles, and what fluid material they return
to the blood can only be discovered indirectly. A
good example of this is furnished by the thyroid
gland.
The thyroid gland is a small reddish organ, richly
supplied by blood-vessels, weighing from one to two
ounces in man, situated in the front of the throat on
each side of the windpipe. What its precise function
is we do not yet know, but very suggestive hints have
been gradually accumulating of recent years, and
we are certain that in spite of its minuteness it is
extremely important. When it atrophies or is ex-
cised, the disease myxcedema ensues, in which the
connective tissue becomes overloaded with mucinous
£92 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
substance; when it is hypertrophied the resulting
state is known as goitre. Associated with the enlarge-
ment there are often disturbances of the nervous
and circulatory system, leading to what is known as
cretinism, a state of semi-idiocy. " It is found that
even if a minute part of the thyroid gland be left
whilst the greater part is removed, the symptoms
(which follow complete excision) do not supervene.
Indeed, certain contradictory results which have been
got by some observers after removal of the thyroid
are explained by the fact that in some individuals
there are minute detached particles of thyroid gland
lying apart from the main organ; and that after the
latter has been removed these detached particles may
sufficiently carry on the function of the organ in
relation to the blood and the nervous system to pre-
vent the supervention of the deleterious symptoms
which usually occur after its removal. Here is, then,
a notable instance of the enormous influence exerted
by a ' next to nothing ' upon the general organism."
The story does not, however, end here, though there
is the usual need for caution in speaking of what
is still, so to speak, in the melting pot. It has been
shown in many cases that patients whose thyroid has
been excised, atrophied, or functionally disordered,
can be greatly benefited, or temporarily cured, by
utilising the thyroid glands of sheep, etc., either
along with the food, or by sub-cutaneous injection of
the extract. This goes to show that the thyroid in its
normal state forms a potent internal secretion, even
small quantities of which are sufficient to keep the
blood and the nervous system up to a certain standard
of efficiency.
* Prof. E. A. Schafer. Address Section I, Report Brit.
Ass. for 1894, p. 801.
THE DEEPENING OF PHYSIOLOGY. 293
(2) Recognition of Greater Complexity of Func-
tion.— In the early years of the nineteenth century
physicians were wont to say that the liver was an
organ whose function consisted in secreting bile.
In other words, a very obvious function of a big organ
had been seized upon, and the demonstrable certainty
of it served rather to hinder than to promote further
research. That the liver does secrete bile is plain
enough, but the detection of this function did not
even hint at the real importance of the organ in ques-
tion.
The transition towards a recognition of the more
complex and manifold functions of this — the largest
— gland in the body may be associated with the work
of Claude Bernard (1813-1878) who demonstrated
its "glycogenic function." He showed (1857) that
after a meal the liver acts upon the food-laden blood,
and forms glycogen or animal starch, C12, H20, O10,
H2O, and thereafter allows this store to pass away
gradually, probably in the form of a soluble sugar, in
the blood, to serve as a food for the tissues, the
muscles in particular. The carbohydrates digested
in the food-canal enter the blood as sugars, assuming
the form of dextrose, and while the amount of this in
the general blood is about 0.1 per cent., it reaches
0.2—0.3 per cent, in the (hepatic-portal) veins leading
from the gut to the liver after a meal rich in starch.
'After abundant carbohydrate food the glycogen-store
in the liver may become enormous, amounting to
even 12 per cent, in the fowl.
But the glycogenic function which Claude Bernard
disclosed is only a second out of the many functions
of the liver. Interposed as it is, a great living
sponge, in the current of blood that bears soluble
material from the food-canal to the heart, it has the
294 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
especial function of maintaining the approximately
uniform composition of the blood, arresting super-
fluities and poisons, and converting harmful into
harmless compounds. Any good text-book * will fur-
nish the details.
An equally good illustration of the increasing rec-
ognition of complexity and multiplicity of function
is afforded by the pancreas (the sweetbread of rum-
inants). This organ, which lies in the (duodenal)
fold of the gut succeeding the stomach and pours its
secretion into the duodenum, has been recognised —
almost since digestion was understood at all — as a
very important digestive organ. Its secretion acts
powerfully on all the three main kinds of food, —
starch, proteids, and fats, — converting starch into
sugar, proteids into peptones, and fats into fatty acids
and glycerine. But in spite of its importance its
digestive secretion can be dispensed with, as has
been proved experimentally.
: On the other hand, as Minkowski and von Mering
showed, a removal of the pancreas deranges the whole
metabolism of the body, and the result is chronic dia-
betes or permanent glycosuria, marked by the abun-
dance of sugar in the urine. As the amount of sugar
can be readily measured, Minkowski was able (1889)
to show with some precision the relation between
cause and effect, between tampering with the pan-
creas and the degree of glycosuria. An additional
function of the pancreas wa& thus discovered, or at
all events rendered very probable, f
These two examples illustrate that line of progress
which has revealed an unsuspected complexity and
1 * Bunge. Physiological and Pathological Chemistry,
Trans. 1890. Lecture XVII. Metabolism in the Liver.
f See Bunge. Op. cit., Lecture XXI., Diabetes Mellitus.
THE DEEPENING OF PHYSIOLOGY. 295
multiplicity of function, even in organs so familiar
as the liver and the pancreas.
(3) Fuller Recognition of Correlation. — For ages
men have been familiar with the general idea of the
unity of the organism. There are many members,
but there is one body ; if one member suffer, the others
suffer with it. At the beginning of the century
(1805), Xavier Bichat recognised that " each func-
tion is linked to all the rest," and the same fact was
behind the " balance of organs " of which Etienne
Geoffrey St. Hilaire often spoke, and the " division
of labour " on which Henri Milne-Edwards insisted.
As long as we keep to a general view, the facts
seem clear enough. That certain organs should be
mutually dependent follows from their nature;
muscles are dependent on the nerves which stimulate
them and the blood vessels which bring them food;
the health of the brain or of any other part is affected
by that of the liver whose fundamental function it
is to be a food-filter and to keep the composition of
the blood approximately constant. Facts like these
are necessary consequences of the way in which the
organism is made.
We get nearer a realisation of what correlation
means, perhaps, when we notice the facts of func-
tional compensation. If one lung or one kidney go
out of gear the other may do double duty ; if a thyroid
gland be extirpated an accessory thyroid body may
begin to take its place, and grow large in so doing;
if a lobe of a kidney or liver has to be removed there
may be a compensatory increase of function in the
remainder.
• But let us briefly refer to some less familiar facts
which bring out more clearly the intimate correlation
which makes the whole body one.
296 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
As has been noticed in the preceding section, the
discovery of internal secretions, like those of the
thyroid and the pancreas, shows that various organs
of the body act on the blood passing through them in
some specific way which is essential to the health of
the whole. Even at the beginning of the century
(1801) Legallois had a prevision of this; in 1857 it
was brought into prominence by Claude Bernard's
discovery of the glycogenic function of the liver; in
1889 it was re-emphasised when von Mering and
Minkowski showed that the pancreas, besides being
a digestive gland, acted as a regulator of the quan-
tity of sugar produced or destroyed in the organism.
When the reproductive organs come to maturity,
changes ensue in many parts of the body which bear
witness to an intimate correlation, though we are
unable to follow the physiological links. The larnyx,
the hair, the milk-glands, and many other structures
feel the influence. Conversely, the removal of the
reproductive organs is followed by changes wide-
spread throughout the body — penetrating even into
the bones. Observations on the correlation between
the reproductive organs and the antlers of stags
(Rorig) are now so well-established, that one who
has given attention to the matter could predict from
a peculiarity of the antlers the state of the male
organs, or could argue from the appearance of ant-
lers in a female as to the abnormality of the ovaries.
To sum up, there appears to be a noteworthy step
of progress in the discovery of intimate correlations
previously unsuspected., and in the (incipient} inves-
tigation of the manner in which these are brought
about. It implies a deeper realisation of the unity
of the organism.
(4) Progress of Comparative Physiology. — As
THE DEEPENING OF PHYSIOLOGY. 297
far back as the second century we find Galen dis-
secting and experimenting on pigs and monkeys, and
arguing thence to man, then a forbidden subject to
biological analysis. But apart from such premoni-
tions there was practically no comparative physiol-
ogy until Johannes Miiller showed that organisms of
high and low degree threw light on one another.
Prompted by this great master there have been many
students of comparative physiology, though few have
given themselves wholly to it. Thus comparative
physiology lags far behind comparative anatomy ; and
no one has done for the former what Gegenbaur, for
instance, has done for the latter. This is partly due
to the intrinsic difficulties of dealing with the phys-
iology of the lower animals (not to speak of plants)
where division of labour is less marked. And an-
other reason, as we have pointed out elsewhere,* is
that the zoologist rarely knows enough chemistry,
or the chemist enough zoology, to enable either to
contribute much to comparative physiology.
" One zealous worker in the latter part of the Vic-
torian era deserves to be commemorated, C. F. W.
Krukenberg. He realised the dignity of the problem
to which he set himself, and the results recorded in
his Studien and Vortrdge remain a monument to the
industry of an unfortunately short life." f But the
example he set is being enthusiastically followed by
men like Cuenot, Verworn, and Loeb, and the contri-
butions of older workers like Kowalewsky and Met-
chnikoff help to sustain the Miillerian tradition.
As an illustration of the value of comparative
work we may refer to another of the enigmatical
organs of the human body — the thymus gland. In
* Science of Life, 1899, p. 57.
t Thomson, loc. cit., p. 57.
298 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
embryonic life it arises in the neck and grows down
into the chest; it continues to grow after birth, but
in adult life it gradually shrivels till its size is in-
considerable. It is one of the ductless glands, and
is vaguely supposed to have some specific influence
on the blood.
Since Kolliker discovered its endodermic origin
in mammals from the epithelium of a gill-pouch, and
stated that the original epithelial cells give rise to
lymph cells or leucocytes, two views have been held
regarding this puzzling organ. " On the one hand,
Stieda and His have maintained that the leucocytes
which always form integral parts of the thymus soon
after its first origin have migrated thither from the
exterior, possibly from the mesoblast. In this con-
clusion they have been supported by the researches
of Dohrn, Gulland, and Maurer, and by almost every
text-book of embryology and comparative anatomy
published since 1879. On the other hand, Kolliker
has stoutly maintained his original position, and the
results of his investigations have been emphatically
confirmed by Prenant, Oscar Schultze, and Beard." *
In short, it has been known for a long time that
the thymus arises in the neck region of vertebrates in
connection with a pair or more of gill-clefts, and that,
at an early date in life, it is rich in leucocytes or
white blood corpuscles, which some believed to have
been born there, while others regarded them as
migrants from elsewhere. It was also known that
in many mammals, it degenerates after youth is over,
being for instance large in the calf, but small in the
cow. Generally speaking we may also say that the
thymus was known to be more abundantly represented
in lower than in higher vertebrates.
* J. Beard, Lancet, January 21, 1899.
THE DEEPENING OF PHYSIOLOGY. 299
The last impression has been made more exact by
the zoological embryologists who have shown that
there are 28 thymus rudiments in the lamprey, 14 in
the shark, 10 in the skate, 6 in the lizard, 2 in birds
and mammals. This diminished representation in
the higher vertebrates suggested the idea that the
thymus might be an organ specially adapted for the
phagocytic protection of the gills from the invad-
ing bacteria, or from the effects of other parasites
or of injuries. If this be so, we can understand
why the thymus should be less represented in the
higher vertebrates — Reptiles, Birds, and Mammals
— in which there is no trace of gills, in which, more-
over, other structures, such as the palatal and pharyn-
geal tonsils have, according to some authorities
(Stohr, Killian, Gulland) become garrisons of pro-
tective phagocytes, most strategically disposed.
At the beginning of 1899, however, Dr. John
Beard published a short paper, announcing his dis-
covery that leucocytes appear in the thymus rudi-
ments of the skate (Raia batis) at a time when the
spleen has no existence, when there are, apart from
the thymus, no lymphoid structures of any sort.
Cradled in the thymus, the leucocytes soon begin to
emerge and migrate elsewhere.
The conclusion that ilie thymus is the original
cradle of the white blood corpuscles of the body re-
quires to be confirmed and extended, but it is at least
a good illustration of the way in which comparative
study may throw welcome light on the physiological
puzzles of the human body.
Experimental. — More generally it should be noted
as characteristic of the second half of the nineteenth
century that physiological investigation became more
and more experimental in its method. We allude
300 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
especially to the precise application of chemical and
physical methods to physiological problems. On the
chemical line, the researches of Wohler, Liebig,
Claude Bernard, Pettenkofer and Voit, Ludwig,
Pfliiger, Kiihne, Hoppe-Seyler, Bunge, Halliburton,
Kossel, Heidenhain, and many more have been mo-
mentous; on the physical line we have especially to
remember the achievements of Weber, Volkmann,
Helmholtz, du Bois-Reymond, Marey, Fechner, Lud-
wig, Briicke, Pfliiger, Foster, and Burdon-Sander-
son. But both lines of work have been prosecuted
by so many that it is almost invidious to mention
names at all.
PHYSIOLOGY OF TISSUES.
The Beginnings of Tissue. — The simplest living
creatures are single corpuscles of living matter,
structurally comparable to the individual unit-areas
or cells which build up the body of a higher plant or
animal, but functionally different since each one is
necessarily " physiologically complete in itself,"
while the cell of a more complex creature shows more
or less restriction of function as the result of the
division of labour in the body.
Even when we pass a step upwards to the simplest
multicellular organisms, such as the beautiful spher-
ical colony or community of cells called Volvox, we
do not yet find tissues. The members of the com-
munity, though numerous, are almost quite like one
another; there is little or no division of labour.
A step higher, however, in the more complex Algse
and Fungi among plants, and in sponges among ani-
mals, we find tissues, as it were, a -making. In a
sponge, for instance, we may see a number of elon-
THE DEEPENING OF PHYSIOLOGY. 301
gated, spindle-shaped, contractile cells arranged in a
ring around one of the openings, — clearly represent-
ing the beginning of a sphincter muscle. Tissues are
aggregates of more or less similar cells with at least
one predominant function in common.
Bichat. — It was in 1801, at the threshold of our
period, that Xavier Bichat published his Anatomic
Generate which included an analysis of the body into
its component tissues — muscular, nervous, glandu-
lar, connective, and so on, — and furthermore a de-
velopment of the idea that the functions of organs
might be expressed in simpler terms, namely, in
terms of the properties of the tissues. We may take
this great work as the foundation-stone of the physiol-
ogy of tissues, the study of which has occupied no
small part of the energy of physiologists throughout
the century. The literature of research on muscular
or contractile tissue alone would fill a library.
Since it is necessary to restrict ourselves to one illus-
tration, we have chosen that which is perhaps most
generally interesting, — the physiology of nervous
tissue.
Nervous Tissue. — Aristotle does not seem to have
had any idea of the physical basis of his own genius ;
he did not know the function of the brain, nor was
he clear as to difference between nerves and sinews.
The contrast between this primitive ignorance — on
the part of one of the greatest minds the world has
known — and the knowledge of the nervous system
possessed by physiologists to-day is remarkable, but
even more remarkable is the relative recentness of
that knowledge. Guesses and hints there may have
been, but the elementary distinction between sensory
and motor nerves was unknown a hundred years ago.
At the beginning of the nineteenth century it was
302 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
well known that nerves stimulated and controlled
muscular activity, that the nervous system was the
seat of feeling and thought, that different parts of
the brain had different functions, and so on, but the
mechanism of nerve ganglia and nerve fibres was
almost unknown, though some physiologists were
pondering over it. Indeed the history of the subject
may be said to begin with 1811, when an English
surgeon, Charles Bell, privately published a pam-
phlet setting forth a " ISTew Idea," that " the nerves
are not single nerves possessing various powers, but
bundles of different nerves, whose filaments are united
for the convenience of distribution, but which are
distinct in office as they are in origin from the brain."
As Sir Michael Foster has said, " our present knowl-
edge of the nervous system is to a large extent only
an exemplification and expansion of Charles Bell's
* New Idea,' and has its origin in that." *
" During the latter part of the present century, and
especially during its last quarter, the analysis of the
mysterious processes in the nervous system, which issue
as feeling, thought, and power to move, has been pushed
forward with a success conspicuous in its practical, and
full of promise in its theoretical, gains. That analysis
may be briefly described as a following up of threads.
We now know that what takes place along a tiny thread
which we call a nerve-fibre differs from that which
takes place along its fellow-threads, that differing
nervous impulses travel along different nerve-fibres, and
that nervous and physical events are the outcome of
the clashing of nervous impulses as they sweep along
the closely-woven web of living threads of which the
brain is made. We have learnt by experiment and by
observation that the pattern of the web determines the
play of the impulses, and we can already explain many
* Pres. Address. Rep. Brit. Ass. for 1899, p. 11.
THE DEEPENING OF PHYSIOLOGY. 303
of the obscure problems not only of nervous disease,
but of nervous life, by an analysis which is a tracking
out the devious and linked paths of nervous threads.
The very beginning of this analysis was unknown in
1799."
We have noticed that in 1811, Charles Bell (1774-
1842) announced his " new idea " that the posterior
or dorsal roots of the spinal nerves are sensory in
function (conducting impulses centripetally ) , while
the anterior or ventral roots are motor in function
(conducting impulses centrifugally), — a conclusion
afterwards proved experimentally by Johannes
Miiller.
The next great step was due to Johannes Miiller
(1801-1858), and was expressed in his doctrine of
the specific energies of the nerves and sense-organs
(1826). Different kinds of stimuli applied to the
same sense-organ always evoke the same kind of
sensation ; or, conversely, one and the same stimulus
or the same external phenomenon, evokes different
sensations by acting on different organs. As Bunge
says : * " The phenomena of the outer world,
therefore, have nothing in common with the sensa-
tions and ideas they call forth in us, and the states
and processes of our own consciousness are alone im-
mediately subject to our observation and recogni-
tion."
Miiller was right in his conclusion that, however
a particular nerve is stimulated, the message is
always of the same kind as that which is normally
delivered by the nerve; an unusual stimulus to the
optic nerve will result in visual sensation. But he
was wrong in ascribing the specific effects to the
* Physiological and Pathological Cliemistry. Trans. 1890,
p. 12.
304 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
nerves instead of to the nerve-centres with which they
are associated.
It was recognised by Vulpian (1866) that "all
nerves — sensory, motor, vaso-motor, and others —
have the same properties, and are only distinct in
their effects. This question is of the highest impor-
tance for general physiology. It dominates the whole
physiology of nerve-fibres." * " Many observations
made since Vulpian wrote have shown that a nerve
has no functions more specific than those of a tele-
graph wire. It conducts impulses and is incapable
of tampering with the messages which it trans-
mits." f
Since the days of Miiller the progress of this de-
partment of physiology has depended on work along
several distinct lines. There is, on the one hand,
the more experimental method which aims mainly at
localising certain functions in certain parts of the
system; from Willis and Flourens (1794-1864)
among the early workers, to Ferrier, Eritsch, Hitzig,
Munk, Goltz, and Horsley, there has been a remark-
able record of achievement. This has depended
partly on experimentation with living creatures, and
partly on the observation of pathological conditions,
i.e., on the correlation of abnormal functions studied
during life with the abnormal structure revealed on
post-mortem examination.
There is, on the other hand, the histological path —
" the attempt by microscopic analysis to find a way
through the extraordinary maze of cells and fibres
which form the brain and spinal cord. Albert von
* Quoted by Dr. Alex. Hill. Introduction to Science, 1900,
p. 118.
id., p. 118.
THE DEEPENING OF PHYSIOLOGY. 305
Kolliker was one of the most illustrious pioneers, and
even as veteran he has not ceased to lead. No small
part of the progress, however, has been due to the
discovery of new methods, which we especially associ-
ate with the names of the Italians, Golgi and Marchi,
and the Spaniard, Ramon y Cajal." * This method
of investigation has been aided by embryologieal
studies in which the development of the various parts
and elements has been worked out, and by compar-
ative anatomical studies which show the increasing
complexity of nervous structure as we ascend the
series.
From very early stages it is evident that the central
nervous system consists of two classes of elements —
(1) very numerous cells (spongioblasts) which serve
for the support (neuroglia) of the essential nervous
tissue, and (2) less numerous mother-cells of nerve-
cells or neuroblasts.
Each neuroblast gives origin (in higher animals)
to an " axis-cylinder process " or nerve-fibre, and a
number of dendritic " protoplasmic processes." The
nerve-fibre passes from the cell in the central system
to its distribution, which may be in the nerve-cord
itself, or on muscle, or in peripheral sense-organs.
Within what is called " the grey matter " of the
brain and spinal cord, these nerve-cells lie in a net-
work or feltwork of extraordinary complexity formed
by the branching of the processes of the cells and
fibres. Whether the fine twigs of the branches of
adjacent cells end freely, or are in contact or conti-
nuity with one another, or are in some cases inde-
pendent and in other cases inter-united, remains a
subject of discussion. But the majority of histolo-
gists have accepted the " Neuron-Theory " which
* Thomson, Science of Life, 1899, p. 62.
306 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
Waldeyer stated in 1891: — "A nerve fibre is an es-
sential part of the cell with which it is continuous
and the cell, its processes, the nerve fibre and the
collaterals which arise from the nerve fibre collect-
ively form a neuron or structural nerve-unit." *
The kernel of the neuron-theory is in the con-
clusion that nerve-cell and nerve-fibre represent a
single cell, that the axis-cylinder of the nerve-fibre,
with its collateral branches and terminal ramifica-
tions, is, like a dendritic process, an outgrowth from
the nerve-cell. Verworn speaks of the triple founda-
tion of this doctrine, — (1) anatomical, (2) em-
bryological, and (3) experimental.
(1) Eemak in 1838 and Helmholtz in 1842 had
shown the continuity of nerve-cell and nerve-fibre;
Deiters distinguished the axis-cylinder process from
the protoplasmic processes ; the methods of Golgi and
Ramon y Cajal, of Ehrlich and Nissl, helped the his-
tologist to find his way in the maze ; the work of K61-
liker, Waldeyer, Retzius, Lenhossek, Van Gehuchten,
Biedermann and many more gradually led the ma-
jority to the idea of the unity of the neuron.
(2) To Prof. Wilhelm His in particular we owe
our knowledge of the development of a mother-nerve-
cell into a neuroblast and of this into a nerve-cell,
with a nerve-fibre, and dendrites. There is an unfor-
getable figure by Ramon y Cajal, which shows on the
upper line the increasing complexity of a certain kind
of nerve-cells in the series — frog, lizard, rat, man;
while the lower line shows five stages in the individ-
ual development of a neuroblast; the result showing
the general parallelism between individual growth
and racial progress.
* Sir William Turner, Pres. Address, Rep. Brit. Ass. for
1900.
THE DEEPENING OF PHYSIOLOGY. 307
(3) A third foundation for the neuron-theory
has been afforded, as Verworn points out, by experi-
mental work. As early as 1852 Waller showed that
a nerve-fibre degenerates when its connection with the
associated nerve-cell is severed; Von Gudden, Von
Monakow, Ranvier, Forel, and many others have con-
tinued the enquiry, and have demonstrated that the
cell as well as the fibre suffers when their connection
is broken. This points again to the unity of the
neuron.
The last decennium of the nineteenth century has
been rich in investigations prompted by the neuron
theory. (a) The internal complexity of the nerve-
cell and its processes has been disclosed by many
different methods ; it is enough to say that the nerve-
cell is a microcosm in itself. (&) The difficult
question of the inter-relations of adjacent neurons has
been much discussed, and although it is certain that
the neurons of adult animals have intimate functional
inter-relations, it is difficult to make any general state-
ment in regard to the exact nature of the contact or
continuity, (c) It is necessary to have some hypoth-
esis in order to interpret the making and breaking
of the conducting paths through the jungle-like com-
plexity of the grey matter and many suggestions have
been made, discarded, rehabilitated, and again re-
jected. In no other way, until an epoch-making dis-
covery is made, can there be progress. Thus, Prof.
Mathias Duval in his " histological theory of sleep "
suggested that the dendrites of the cerebral cortex
contract, like the pseudopodia of an Amoeba, when
the cell is fatigued, that sleep (with its dislocated
consciousness) ensues, and that during the period of
rest the dendritic processes stretch out again into
contact with their neighbours. The idea that the cells
308 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
of the cortex are " like a group of Amoebae having n
talk together," as it has been romantically expressed,
may be a fascinating one, but there is very little
scientific evidence in its favour.
(d) Not less difficult to answer is the question
" What part do the nerve-cells play in relation to the
conducting or impulse-transmitting function of the
nerve-fibres ? " One extreme is expressed in the an-
swer— for which the explorer Nansen was first re-
sponsible— that the substance of the nerve-cell or
ganglion-cell has merely a nutritional value, but thia
is almost contradicted by the facts known in regard
to nerve-fatigue. The other extreme is expressed in
the answer, for which there is much more to be said,
that the specific-nervous functions have their seat in
the substance of the ganglion-cell. Between these
may be placed the view that the nervous processes
have their physical basis in a functionally homoge-
neous fibrillar substance continuous through the
whole of the neuron. This again is one of the
problems handed on unsolved to the twentieth
century.
(e) But we must not pass over the line of in-
vestigation which first became prominent in a re-
search by Prof. Hodge — " A microscopical study of
changes due to functional activity in nerve cells " *
and has since been pursued by many, — Mann, Lu-
garo, Nissl, Goldschneider and Flatau, Marinesco,
Fick, Guerrini, and others. Not many years ago
the possibility of demonstrating the structural effects
of nerve-fatigue would have seemed an impossibility ;
it may now be called an achievement. Whether we
follow Hodge in showing the difference between the
* Journal of Morphology, VII., 1892.
THE DEEPENING OF PHYSIOLOGY. 309
fresh bee's brain in the morning and the fatigued
bee's brain in the evening, or the results of others
who have investigated the fatigue-conditions in vari-
ous nerve-centres, we find an impressive set of facts,
showing how fatigued nerve-cells pass into a state of
collapse from which recovery may be rapid, long-
delayed, or impossible. That the enquiry has its
bearings on mis-education, over-pressure, strain, and
worry, and the like is obvious enough. But as to
the particular components of the neuron on which
the fatigue-state most essentially depends we are
still in doubt.
We have been particularly indebted in this sec-
tion to a lecture by Prof. Max Verworn * who sup-
ports the neuron-theory enthusiastically, and we
should also refer to another by Hoche,t who main-
tains that the functional unity of the neuron must
be recognised, though its histological unity is in adult
animals undemonstrable.
" The kernel of the neuron-theory is that the body
of the ganglion-cell with its nerve-fibre and its den-
drites is a cellular unity. . . . The anatomical and
physiological investigations of the last decennium have
not been able to shake this. . . . Whether the individ-
ual neurons are merely connected by contact, or in
many cases are continuous by the anastomoses of fibrils
or protoplasmic concrescence, is a minor question, affect-
ing the neuron-theory not more than the fact of inter-
cellular bridges affects the cell-theory. . . . The con-
ception of the neuron stands, unless it can be shown
that what is regarded as a cellular unity is really com-
posed of several cells. . . . The neuron is varied in its
* Max Verveoin, Das Neuron in Anatomic und Physioloqie:
Jena, 1900, p. 54.
f A. Hoche, Die Neuronen-lehre und ihre Gegner : Berlin,
1899.
310 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
form and function, but it remains an uncontroverter!
fact."*
Tens of thousands of neurons go to form the brain
and spinal cord of higher animals, and it is certain
that they are not homogeneous in structure or uni-
form in function throughout. To some degree, at
least, there is a localisation of psychical functions.
" The foundation of a scientific basis for localisa-
tion dates from 1870, when Fritsch and Hitzig an-
nounced that definite movements followed the appli-
cation of electrical stimulation to definite areas of
the cortex in dogs. The indication thus given was
at once seized upon by David Ferrier, who explored
not only the hemispheres of dogs, but those of
monkeys and other vertebrates." f Motor and sen-
sory areas were distinguished, and the researches of
Munk, Beevor, Horsley, Goltz, Schafer, Flechsig,
and many others have contributed to the preliminary
mapping out of the brain.
Apart from centres of special sense and motor
centres, Prof. Flechsig has distinguished (1896)
" association-centres," which he speculatively regards
as engaged in the higher intellectual operations.
While this interpretation remains quite uncertain,
we owe much to the observations by which Flechsig
has shown that different centres in the human brain
attain their perfect structural development at dif-
ferent periods. " When a child is born, very few of
the fibres of the cerebrum are myelinated (let us say,
structurally completed), and we have thus an anatom-
ical explanation of the reason why an infant has
so inactive a brain and is so helpless a creature. It
* Freelv translated from Verworn, op. cit.
t Sir William Turner, Address Section H, Rep. Brit. Ass.,
1897, p. 785.
THE DEEPENING OF PHYSIOLOGY. 3H
will be of special interest to determine whether in
those animals which are active as soon as they are
born, and which can at once assume the characteristic
attitude of the species, the fibres of the cerebrum
are completely developed at the time of birth." *
THE LIFE OF CELLS.
The Cell-Doctrine. — A recognition of the impor-
tance of cells as structural and functional units was
one of the distinctive biological steps of the nine-
teenth century.
" Without hesitation I should say that one of the
greatest achievements of biology in the nineteenth cen-
tury was the recognition that plants and animals are
composed of cells, or, more generally expressed, of
numberless very minute, elementary organisms. By
the co-operation of famous biologists — I mention only
Pnrkinje, Schleiden and Schwann, Hugo von Mohl,
JSfiigeli, Kemak, Kolliker and Virchow, Briicke, Cohn
and Max Schultze — our knowledge of the organisation
of living substance has been greatly extended and deep-
ened. In the theory of cells and protoplasm, anatomy
and physiology secured a firm foundation similar to the
theory of atoms and molecules in chemistry."!
Speaking of the cell-theory, Prof. E. B. Wilson
gives a similar verdict, " No other biological general-
isation, save only the theory of organic evolution, has
brought so many apparently diverse phenomena un-
der a common point of view, or has accomplished
more for the unification of knowledge." ^
The cell-doctrine includes three propositions: —
(1) Morphological, that all living creatures have a
*Sir William Turner, loc. cit., p. 785.
f Prof. O. Hertwig, Die Entwicklung der Biologie im 19
Jahrhundert : Jena, 1900, p. 5.
* The Cell in Development and in Inheritance, 2nd ed.,
1900.
312 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
cellular .structure, i.e., are either single corpuscles
of living matter (the unicellular Protozoa and Proto-
phytes), or are built up of a large number of such
corpuscles and modifications of these; (2) Embryo-
logical, that every organism, reproduced in the ordi-
nary sexual way, starts in life as a fertilised ovum,
which divides and re-divides into a coherent em-
bryonic mass of cells, — the beginning of a body;
and (3) Physiological, that the functions of a multi-
cellular organism are to some extent expressible in
terms of the activities of its component cells. *
The history of microscopic analysis will be
alluded to in the next chapter, but it may be noted
here that the cell-doctrine is a fine example of a
generalisation reached gradually by work done along
many different lines and by many investigators. We
may particularly associate its formulation with the
work of Schleiden (1838) and Schwann (1839),
Goodsir (1845) and Virchow (1858), but there were
many others who contributed to the result. As to
the different paths pursued, we should notice (a)
the analysis of the body into tissues (Bichat), (&)
the discovery and study of unicellular organisms
(e.g., the investigation of Bacteria and Infuso-
rians by Leeuwenhoek, of the Amreba by Roesel von
Eosenhof, of Foraminifera by Dujardin), (c) the
recognition of the unicellular nature of ovum and
spermatozoon and of the cleavage that follows fertil-
isation, and (d} the gradual disclosure of the cel-
lular structure of organisms, — first in plants, and
then in animals.
'Cellular Physiology. — This is a distinctively
modern study and is still embryonic. Its central
idea is that of expressing vital processes in terms of
* See The Science of Life, p. 103.
THE DEEPENING OF PHYSIOLOGY. 313
the activities of the cells. " Consideration of the
individual functions of the body urges us constantly
toward the cell. The problem of the motion of the
heart and of muscle-contraction resides in the muscle-
cell ; that of secretion in the gland-cell ; that of food-
reception and resorption in the epithelium-cell and
the white blood-cell; that of the regulation of all
bodily activities in the ganglion-cell. If physiol-
ogy considers its task to be the investigation of vital
phenomena, it must investigate them in the place
where they have their seat, i.e., in the cell." *
The central idea of cellular physiology was clear
long before its realisation began to be effected. In
1838, Schleiden said : " Each cell leads a double life :
an independent one, pertaining to its own develop-
ment alone; and another incidental, in so far as it
has become an integral part of a plant." In 1839,
Schwann said : " The whole organism subsists only
by means of the reciprocal action of the single ele-
mentary parts." In 1858, Virchow said: "Every
animal appears as a sum of vital units, each one of
which bears with it the characteristics of life." But,
although the general idea was thus more or less clear
at the dates cited, the special study of the physiology
of the cell is much more modern.
One of the shrewdest and keenest of the pioneers
of cellular physiology was Prof. John Goodsir, who
in 1842 communicated to the Royal Society of Edin-
burgh a memoir on secreting structures, " in which
he established the principle that cells are the ultimate
secreting agents; he recognised in the cells of the
liver, kidney, and other organs the characteristic
secretion of each gland. The secretion was, he said,
situated between the nucleus and the cell wall. At
Max Verworn, General Physiology, trans. 1889, p. 48.
314 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
first he thought that, as the nucleus was the repro-
ductive organ of the cell, the secretion was formed in
the interior by the agency of the cell wall ; but three
years later he regarded it as a product of the nucleus.
The study of the process of spermatogenesis by his
brother, Harry Goodsir, in which the head of the
spermatozoon was found to correspond with the nu-
cleus of the cell in which the spermatozoon arose,
gave support to the view that the nucleus played an
important part in the genesis of the characteristic
product of the gland cell." * This is in general
agreement with the modern conclusion that the nu-
cleus is the trophic centre of the cell.
Following Verworn, one of the most enthusiastic
advocates and students of cell-physiology, we may
briefly indicate some of the paths of investigation
that have been pursued with success.
(a) Unicellular organisms offer, as it were, a
natural analysis of the higher creatures. Types of
cell which occur in complex combinations in multi-
cellular organisms may be studied in isolation in
the unicellular forms. The study of their normal
behaviour has led to many interesting results, e.g.,
as regards amreboid movement and ciliary action.
(6) Much has been done in the way of studying
the reactions of unicellular organisms to diverse arti-
ficial stimuli of heat, light, and chemical re-agents,
as may be seen by a reference to the first two volumes
of Prof. Davenport's Physiological Morphology.
(c) Microscopic vivisection-operations — to which
the most pronounced humanitarian can offer no ob-
jections, since there can be no question of pain nor
even of the destruction of life — have disclosed some
* Sir William Turner, Pres. Address, Rep. Brit. Ass.,
1900, p. 15.
THE DEEPENING OF PHYSIOLOGY. 315
interesting facts, e.g., that a fragment of a Protozoon,
if bereft of any representative of the nucleus, will
show contractility and irritability for a short time,
but has no power of nutrition, growth, or recupera-
tion. The work of Gruber, Balbiani, Hofer, and
Verworn on this by-path is of especial importance;
and with it we may associate the " tricks with eggs "
which are played by the now numerous experimental
embryologists, such as Eoux and O. Hertwig, Herbst
and Driesch.
(d) Such organisms as Flowers of Tan (^Efha-
lium [Fuligo] septicum) afford large masses of
relatively undifferentiated living substance which
have been studied by the physiological chemist. And
similarly, it is possible to obtain quantities of Pro-
tozoa, Protophytes, leucocytes, spermatozoa, ova, etc.,
in which structural differentiation is only im-
plicit. " A great variety of favourable research-ob-
jects are also found for microchemical investigation,
although thus far, since the methods are still little
developed, only the first beginning in this direction
has been made. The labours of Miescher, Kossel,
Lilienfeld, Loew, and Bokorny, Zacharias, Schwartz,
Lowit, and others, have already proved that the mi-
crochemical investigation of the cell has before it a
rich future." *
AS KEGAEDS PBOTOPLASM.
The earlier observers, from Dujardin and Von
Mohl to Max Schultze, were well aware that the cell
contained or was a minute mass of substance, often
viscid, often vacuolar, often apparently homogeneous,
* Verworn, op. tit. p. 54.
316 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
often full of granules. But they had little idea of
the intricate complexity of the cell-substance, which
Virchow has lived to realise and in part to eluci-
date. Perhaps it is to Briicke (1861) that we should
trace back the beginning of the recognition that the
cell-substance is anything but homogeneous, any-
thing but like white of egg. We have elsewhere *
sketched some of the steps which led to our present
realisation of the complexity of the cell-substance,
which some compare to a network, others to a
tangled coil of fibrils, others to a gelatinous matrix
with embedded granules, and others to a foam or
emulsion. It seems probable enough that one and
the same cell-substance may at different times ex-
hibit different complexities of structure. But the
important fact is the one, to which more perfect
lenses, more rapidly acting fixatives and subtler stain-
ing re-agents have led modern workers, that the cell
has a complex structural organisation.
What is meant by Protoplasm. — The term proto-
plasm, which Huxley defined as " the physical basis
of life," is often used topographically to include the
whole of the physically complex cell-substance. It
is also employed as the equivalent of cytoplasm;
i.e., for the complex cell-substance minus the nucleus.
In another usage it means the whole cell-substance in
so far as that is actively concerned in vital processes,
that is to say, the cell-substance minus obviously life-
less inclusions (metaplasm). There are some again
who try to confine the term to designate the genu-
inely living stuff, and this would be most convenient
were it not for the unhappy fact that we are at
present unable to isolate that genuinely living stuff,
or even to be sure that there is any one stuff that
* The Science of Life, 1899, Chap. IX.
THE DEEPENING OF PHYSIOLOGY. 317
could be isolated. Therefore, it seems advisable to
keep to the cautious vagueness of Huxley's phrase,
protoplasm is the physical basis of life.
There are three slightly different physiological
conceptions of protoplasm at present in the field,
(a) Some regard protoplasm as a substance analogous
to a ferment, capable of acting on less complex ma-
terial which is brought within its sphere of influ-
ence. It is the strange characteristic of a ferment,
like diastase or pepsin, that it can act on other sub-
stances without being itself essentially affected by
the changes it induces, and that a minute quantity
can continue its work with a power which seems to
have little direct relation to its amount.* (6)
Others have suggested that protoplasm is, as it were,
the central term in a complex series of chemical
changes, itself the seat of continual change, ever be-
ing unmade and remade. f (c) Others again have
suggested that there is probably no one thing that can
be called protoplasm, for vital function may depend
upon the interactions or inter-relations of several
complex substances, none of which could by .itself be
called alive. Just as the secret of a firm's success
may depend upon a particularly fortunate associa-
tion of partners, so it may be with vitality.^
As to the chemical composition of the physical
basis of life, physiologists are not at present in a
position to make many general statements.
"Just as very different structural constituents may
be distinguished in living substance, so very different
* See Sir J. S. Burden-Sanderson, Pres. Address, Section
D, Rep. Brit. Ass. for 1889, pp. 604-614.
t See Sir Michael Foster, Article, Physiology. Encycl.
Brit.
t See E. B. Wilson. The Cell in Development and Inherit-
ance, 1896, new ed., 1900.
318 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
chemical bodies are present. The elements of which
they consist are only such as exist in the inanimate
world also, but their number is small, and it is chiefly
the elements having the lowest atomic weights that
compose living substance. A special vital element
does not exist, but the compounds in which these
elements occur are characteristic of living substance,
and in great part are absent from the inorganic world.
They are, first of all, proteids, the most complex of all
organic compounds, which consist of the elements car-
bon, hydrogen, oxygen, nitrogen, and sulphur, and are
never wanting in living substance. Further, there
occur other complex organic compounds, such as carbo-
hydrates, fats, and simpler substances, all of which
either are derived from the decomposition of proteids or
are necessary to their construction; and inorganic sub-
stances, such as salts and water ; the latter gives to living
substance its requisite liquid consistency." *
It has to be remembered that living substance must
be killed before it is chemically studied, and that
we have no means of knowing now rapidly changes
of molecular arrangement may occur after death.
But, as Verworn says, " the biting sarcasm that
Mephistopheles pours out before the scholar upon
this practice of physiological chemistry must be quiet-
ly endured."
Although we do not know the nature of living
matter — either in its simplest expression in the
Protist gliding in the pond, or in its highest ex-
pression when its activity in our brains is associated
with thought — we are not without data in regard to
the sequence of vital processes. We can trace, by
chemical analysis, at least some of the steps by which
food is transformed until it becomes a usable part
* Prof. F. S. Lee's translation of Prof. Max Verworn's
General Physiology, 1SS9, p. 117.
THE DEEPENING OF PHYSIOLOGY. 319
of the living body, and we can also trace some of the
steps by which the waste products of activity are
got rid of. Our position may be compared to that
of visitors to the manufactory of some complex prod-
uct: they see the raw materials coming in, they are
allowed to follow the preliminary steps in their
transformation; they see the final products passing
out, and they are allowed to witness the process of
" finishing " them ; they see the rubbish that is cast
away and are shown how some of the waste-products
are re-utilised; but what they do not see is the gist
of the whole business — the affairs of " the secret
room " — where the essential transformations are kept
secret.
Metabolism. — All theory apart, it is a fact of ob-
servation that there is in the living body a twofold
process — of waste and of repair, of disruption and
construction, of disassimilation and assimilation.
" One of the first to make this general idea more
precise was De Blainville., who described vitality ' as a
twofold internal movement of composition and decom-
position.' At a later date, Claude Bernard, who may
be called the pioneer of the ' protoplasmic movement,'
distinguished * disassimilating combustion and assimi-
lating synthesis/ Of recent years various researches
and speculations, especially those of Hering and of
Gaskell, have led to yet more precise statements in re-
gard to metabolism." *
Prof. Hering says : " Assimilation and disassimi-
lation must be conceived as two closely interwoven
processes, which constitute the metabolism (unknown
to us in its intrinsic nature) of the living subtance,
and are active in its smallest particles, — since living
* Thomson, Science of Life, p. 114.
320 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
matter is neither permanent nor quiescent, but is in
more or less constant internal motion." In some-
what similar terms, Prof. Gaskell expounds the idea
that life implies an alternation of two processes — one
of them a running down or disruption (katabolism),
the other a winding up or construction (anabolism).
THE UNSOLVED SECRET OF THE ORGANISM.
In the preceding portion of this chapter we have
suggested the nature of the analysis by which the in-
tact living creature has been, so to speak, taken to
pieces, as one might do with a watch, and then theo-
retically reconstructed. Organism, organs, tissues,
cells, protoplasm — these words express the various
levels of analysis, and one result at least has been
a greater precision of description, a more detailed
and vivid picture of the facts of the case.
As the analysis has proceeded throughout the cen-
tury, the enthusiasm of discovery has led again and
again to a short-lived belief that a solution of the
secret of the organism had been reached, — now as a
system of correlated organs, or again as a city of
co-operating cells. The discovery of the mainspring
may be said to disclose the secret of the watch, and
the discovery of the cylinder and piston may be said
to disclose the secret of the steam-engine; and so it
has seemed to some that the secret of the organism
has been discovered in the combined functioning
of the organs, in the combined properties of the
tissues, in the combined changes of the cells, or
in the metabolism of the protoplasm. But just as
the mainspring's elasticity demands further analysis,
and just as the change of water into expansive
steam does not quite explain itself, so the biologists
have sooner or later come to see that their presumed
THE DEEPENING OF PHYSIOLOGY. 321
explanations were in terms of things that required
themselves to be explained.
For this reason, epoch after epoch, one " explana-
tion " after another has been, so to speak, " found
out," and there has been a recoil of caution or of
disgust to the postulate of a specific " vital force,"
or to some other verbalism cloaking intellectual de-
feat.
To express the life of the organism in terms of its
organs is no doubt a useful endeavour, so long as
it is not forgotten that the functions of the organs —
and, what is more, their correlated adaptations — re-
main a problem. To express the activity of the
organs in terms of the activities of their component
cells is an even more interesting task — useful and
necessary like the previous step — yet surely in no
sense an " explanation " as long as the life of the
cell remains an unread riddle.
To some it has seemed for a brief moment that
they saw the whole life of the organism clearly as
comparable to an automatic, self-stoking, self-repair-
ing heat-engine, or thermo-electric engine, or some
unique combination of engines, but the vision has
soon been obscured by the shadow of the thought that
this marvellous engine grew into obvious complexity
in a few days or months from a state of apparent
simplicity, that it had the power of adjusting itself
to more or less new conditions, and that it actually
gave rise to other engines like itself, or that even a
fragment of it reproduced the wonderful whole, and
then has come the recoil to some subtle or crude
theory of vitalism.
When the physiologist tries to express the func-
tion of an organ in terms of the activities of its cells
he is really seeking a more thorough description,
322 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
and the search has been a fruitful one for physi-
ology. The analysis is entirely consistent with sci-
entific method and has been justified in its results.
But the history of the enquiry reveals a twofold
danger, (a) that the careless mistake a deeper de-
scription for an explanation, as if the cell and its
protoplasm did not imply a mysterious microcosm,
and (&) that in the analysis the unity of the organ-
ism be overlooked or slurred over as an unimportant
fact.
But, it may be remarked, the physiologist has
surely done more than analyse the organism into its
component parts. Has he not summoned chemistry
and physics to his aid, and shown that many phe-
nomena which we call vital, which our predecessors
attributed to the action of a special vital force, may
be expressed in chemical and physical terms? Has
he not interpreted by diffusion and osmosis the ab-
sorption of food from the alimentary canal and the
interchange of gases which takes place in the lungs ?
Has he not given a physical account of the circula-
tion of the blood and the ascent of sap ? Has he not
found the source of animal heat in the chemical
changes which occur in the body-tissues, has he not
artificially manufactured from simple substances
various carbohydrates and the like, whose formation
was previously believed to be inseparably associated
with the controlling action of vital force ? And thus
we reach the position of those who say " that the
further physiology advances, the more does it become
possible to explain, on physical and chemical
grounds, phenomena which have hitherto been re-
garded as associated with a special vital force; that
it is only a question of time; that it will finally be
shown that the whole process of life is only a more
THE DEEPENING OF PHYSIOLOGY. 323
complicated form of motion regulated solely by the
laws which govern inorganic nature." *
What has been achieved is a detection of chemical
and physical sequences in vital phenomena, what has
not been achieved as yet is a redescription of a
vital phenomenon in terms of chemistry and phys-
ics. Prof. J. T. Wilson states the case in an able
address : f — " I shall not dispute the proposition
that, in the progress of the science of physiology,
physico-chemical theories of living processes have
broken down all along the line. I readily admit that
such theories have in every direction failed to accom-
plish that mechanical analysis of function which
seemed to the physiologists of the later decades of
the century to be so nearly within their grasp. Yet
it would be grossly inaccurate to assert that the at-
tempt to explain life as mechanism has resulted in
nothing but failure. The fact is that mechanism,
after mechanism has been displayed, through the
operation of whose chemical and physical properties
the functional activity of the organism is subserved.
On the other hand, it is true that the residual phe-
nomena unexplained by these mechanisms may in a
sense be held to embody the very essence of the
mystery of organisation. It is not difficult to see
that in the nature of the case this must be so. It is
the penalty of the abstract character of the causal
principle employed as the instrument of research.
The forging of links in an endless chain of mechan-
ical causation is a never-ending process, — the mys-
* G. Bunge, Text-book of Physiological and Pathological
Chemistry, trans, by L. C. Wooldridge; London, 1890, p. 3.
The quotation expresses the reverse of Bunge's own posi-
tion.
t President's Address, Proc. Linn&an Soc. N. 8. Wales
XXIV., 1899, pp. 1-29.
324: PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
tery ever recedes as we pursue it further into the re-
cesses of organisation."
It may seem strange to ask whether the progress of
nineteenth century physiology has been signalised by
the achievement of re-expressing any vital pheno-
menon in terms of physics and chemistry. But it is,
to say the least, very doubtful if there has been any
such success. Leaving out of sight all phenomena,
like the bursting of a dry pea-pod, or the projection
of an image by the lens of the eye, which cannot be
called vital, we press the question whether the con-
traction of a muscle or the movement of a sensitive
plant, the flow of the blood or the ascent of sap, the
respiratory changes in a lung or in a leaf, the ab-
sorption of food from the intestine or the formation
of starch in a plant, — or any vital process can be
completely described in chemical or physical terms.
No doubt, chemical and physical processes have been
detected, and have been followed out in some cases
with great success, but has a complete redescription
in chemical or physical terms ever been attained?
" To me," Bunge says,* " the history of physiology
teaches the exact opposite. I think the more thor-
oughly and conscientiously we endeavour to study
biological problems, the more are we convinced that
even those processes which we have already regarded
as explicable by chemical and physical laws, are in
reality infinitely more complex, and at present defy
any attempt at a mechanical explanation."
Dr. J. S. Haldane goes even further : — " If we
look at the phenomena which are capable of being
stated, or explained in physico-chemical terms, we
see at once that there is nothing in them character-
istic of life. . . . We are now far more definitely
* Op. cit., p. 3.
THE DEEPENING OF PHYSIOLOGY. 325
aware of the obstacles to any advance in this (phys-
ico-chemical) direction, and there is not the slightest
indication that they will be removed, but rather that,
with further increase of knowledge, and more re-
fined methods of physical and chemical investiga-
tion, they will only appear more and more difficult
to surmount. . . . All that is really shown by
the partial success which has attended the applica-
tion of physical and chemical principles of explana-
tion in physiology is that in the course of investi-
gation it is often possible to ignore for the time the
distinctive features of life. For certain scientific
purposes we may treat some part of the body as
a mechanism, without taking into consideration
the manner in which it is controlled and maintained ;
and in this way results of great value have been
attained. But in doing all this we are deliberately
ignoring or abstracting from all that is character-
istic of life in the phenomena dealt with. The action
of each bodily mechanism, the composition and struc-
ture of each organ, the intake and output of energy
from the body, are all mutually determined and con-
nected with one another in such a way as at once to
distinguish a living organism from anything else.
As this mutual determination is the characteristic
mark of what is living, it cannot be ignored in the
framing of fundamental working hypotheses."
We are lingering over this discussion because of
its great historical interest. Again and again some
success in discovering physico-chemical sequences in
the living organism has awakened the expectation
that the dawn of a mechanical theory (interpretation
or re-description) of life was drawing nigh. Again
and again the expectation has been disappointed,
and the investigators have returned to rest in a
32 G PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
postulate of " vital force." This postulate is a
vague one and its content has altered greatly even
during the nineteenth century. For a time " vital
force " was spoken of as a " hyper-mechanical "
factor, a mystical power, a non-material agent, pre-
siding over the activities of the body. But reason
could not " repose on this pillow of obscure quali-
ties," and the content of the postulate changed, for
it is difficult to believe that Johannes Miiller meant
more by his vitalism than to express the fact that
the physical and chemical processes in the living
body are correlated in a manner which defies re-
statement in simpler terms. Many nowadays would
agree with this or would advance to the more posi-
tive idealist position occupied by Bunge. This
physiologist declares that " it would indeed be a lack
of intelligence to expect with the senses to make
discoveries in living nature of a different order to
those revealed to us in inorganic nature," and yet he
maintains " that all the processes of our organism
capable of explanation on mechanical principles are
as little to be regarded as vital phenomena as the
rustling of leaves on a tree, or as the movement of
the pollen when blown from stamen to pistil." In
other words, he holds that the distinctively vital does
not admit of mechanical restatement, and that light
must come from above, not from below, i.e., from
psychological rather than physical concepts.
Many other opinions of authoritative experts
might be cited, varying greatly in their form, but
with this common basis of agreement that the phe-
nomena of life cannot be restated in the language of
chemistry and physics. And yet, the reader may
well ask, " Is this more than a pious opinion, an argu-
mentum ad ignorantiam? Is not biological anal-
THE DEEPENING OF PHYSIOLOGY. 327
ysis still in its youth? Have not partial restate-
ments been given of numerous functions ? May one
not look forward to the time when these may be
completed ?"
This leads us, in concluding this discussion, to
follow Prof. Karl Pearson in pointing out again the
radical misunderstanding which exists in many
minds in regard to scientific method. The material
of science is " the routine of our perceptual ex-
perience " ; we think over this, though we never
understand it; we make sure by experiment that
the sequence of sense-impressions which constitutes
the routine is not illusory; we make sure that the
routine is perceived by others also (for science is
social), lest we should be the victims of an idio-
syncrasy; and by and by, if we are clever enough,
we give " a description in conceptual shorthand
(never the explanation) of the routine of our per-
ceptual experience." " The problem of whether
life is or is not a mechanism is thus not a question
of whether the same things, • matter ' and l force/
are or are not at the back of organic and inorganic
phenomena — of what is at the back of either class
of sense-impressions we know absolutely nothing —
but of whether the conceptual shorthand of the
physicist, his ideal world of ether, atom, and mole-
cule, will or will not also suffice to describe the biol-
ogists' perceptions." That it does not at present
seems the opinion of the more philosophical physi-
ologists ; if it ever should it would be " purely an
economy of thought; it would provide the great ad-
vantages which flow from the use of one instead of
two conceptual shorthands, but it would not ' ex-
plain ' life any more than the law of gravitation
explains the elliptic path of a planet."
328 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
" Atom " and " molecule " and the rest are con-
cepts, not phenomenal existences, therefore even
if the physicists' formulae should fit vital phenomena
— which they do not seem to do — there would be
no " explanation " forthcoming, for " mechanism
does not explain anything."
CHAPTER IX.
THE STUDY OF STBUCTURE.
THE MOEPHOLOGICAL QUESTION AXD ITS PEO-
GBESSIVE ANSWERS.
of the naturalist's first questions — however
learnedly he may phrase it — is just one of the child's
first questions, asked long before it can speak —
" What is this ? " In how many different tones — of
fear, of awe, of wonder, of inquisitiveness — has this
question been asked since man and science began!
Was it not Aristotle's question when a new specimen
was brought to him ? was it not the question on the
Challenger when the dredge came up ? is it not the
question on the lips of every teacher and student of
natural history to-day? — What is this? It is a
" simple question," but how hard to answer, as we
press it further and further home, from external
features to internal structure, from organs to tissues,
from tissues to cells, as we put one lens after another
in front of our own, as we call to our aid all sorts of
devices — scalpel and forceps, razor and microtome,
fixative and stain. " What is this," we say, " in
itself and in all its parts ? what is this by itself and
when compared with its fellows and kindred ? " and
our answer broadens and deepens till it furnishes the
raw materials of the science of Morphology.
The answer to the question: What is this? asked
330 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
again and again at different planes of analysis
forms the raw material of morphology. This is the
science of form and structure, just as physiology is
the study of habit and function; the one has to do
with the static, the other with the dynamic aspect of
the organism. But the descriptive facts — the raw ma-
terials— do not constitute the science; the morphol-
ogist has to find unity amid manifoldness, to dis-
close the styles and principles of organic architecture,
and to recreate the Systema Naturae, not as a mere
classification, but as the chart of history.
The history of morphology is, as Prof. Patrick
Geddes points out, parallel to that of physiology. It
is the history of a gradually deepening analysis.
(1) The Organism. — In early times, the answer
to the question: What is this? was chiefly concerned
with the external appearance of the intact creature,
— its symmetry, shape, architectural plan, and the
like, as is expressed in the work of men like Ray
and Linnaeus. Even at this level the morphologists'
labours are not nearly completed. " Each new
species described means a leaf added to Linne's
Systema Naturae" *
(2) The Organs. — The description of external
characters is, however, only the beginning of mor-
phology; an analysis of organs is the next step,
which may be especially associated with the work
of Cuvier as zoologist, of Jussieu as botanist, and of
Goethe as both. This task is also an unending one,
" to which every new descriptive anatomical research
belongs as clearly as if it were published as an ap-
pendix to Cuvier's Regne Animal." *
(3) The Tissues. — The next logical step was
* P. Geddes, A synthetic outline of the history of biology,
Proc. Boy. Soc. Edin., 1885-1886, pp. 905-911.
THE STUDY OF STRUCTURE. 331
taken just at the dawn of the nineteenth century,
when Bichat, in his Anatomic Generale (1801) ana-
lysed the body into its component tissues, — muscular
nervous, glandular, connective, and so on. This may
be called the beginning of histology, which has now
so many devotees. From Bichat's classic we pass
to Leydig's foundation of comparative histology
(Lehrbuch der Histologie des Menschen und der
Thiere, Frankfurt, 1857) — a most remarkable work
for its date, and it brings us to the modern study of
tissues, which has been so much stimulated by im-
provements in microscopic apparatus and technique.
As the researches of Professor Albert von KolHker
of Wiirzburg extend over a period of sixty years, and
over the entire field of animal histology, we could
not choose a more fitting or more illustrious repre-
sentative of nineteenth-century histological research.
(4) The Cells. — To the scalpel the lens was
added ; and then the scalpel was supplemented by the
razor (first used by hand and now in a microtome) ;
and lens was added to lens to form a compound
microscope. Thus minute analysis could not remain
long at the level of tissues ; these were soon analysed
into their component or originative cells, — the nucle-
ated corpuscles of living matter which form the
basis of all organic structure. This step must be
especially associated with the work of Schleiden and
Schwann, who formulated the " Cell-Theory " in
1838-39. With the study of cell-structure hundreds
of modern workers are more or less exclusively occu-
pied.
(5) Protoplasm. — The fifth and last step in mor-
phological analysis, within the limits of biology, is
that which passes from the cell as such to a study of
the living matter and other substances which com-
332 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
pose it. With this, though it is difficult to select
names, the work of Dujardin, Von Mohl, and Max
Schultze may be associated.
This outline is based on the luminous but exceed-
ingly short paper by Professor Patrick Geddes
already referred to, and a fuller exposition will be
found in the writer's Science of Life (1899). A
diagrammatic summary may be useful.
Activi-
Form
»
ties of
of
<J* intact
Organ-
ism
\
.gP Organ-
^ ism
Struc-
6 /si Func-
ture of
\\ ^^ Jt
r/s* tiona
Organs
/ /vj) of Or-
Str
UC- XtVX &/
/^r Prop- gans
ture
of ^uN>j ^/
/XF" erties
Tissues ~fo \~ A- /
^V of Tis-
Forms '
Phases sues
of
^ of Oil.
Cells
Life
PROTOPLASM
It should be carefully noted that each step in
analysis makes a corresponding step of synthetic re-
interpretation possible. But the reconstructive proc-
ess always lags far behind that of analysis.
In studying structure (morphology) the methods
are — observation, analysis, and comparison. We
begin with external form and symmetry, always har-
monious and beautiful in a natural wild animal.
We work with the scalpel till we see the creature
through and through as if it were transparent; we
persevere till we see it as a great city — usually far
excelling any city of ours — with regions which we
call organs, streets which we call tissues, houses
THE STUDY OF STRUCTURE. 333
which we call cells. We get the help of microtome
and microscope, of fixing and staining re-agents, and
work on until we see the intricate structure of each
house, — the furnishings and inhabitants of each cell.
We try to work back again to the unity which we
have taken to pieces; we compare organism with
organism and detect their relationships ; we compile
a census and construct a genealogical tree.*
FOUNDATIONS OF MOEPHOLOQY.
Although there were untiring and keen-sighted
comparative anatomists in the eighteenth century —
such as John Hunter and Vicq d'Azyr — the modern
period may be fairly dated from the work of Cuvier
and Goethe, who, though almost antithetic in their
outlook on nature, may be called the joint-founders
of comparative morphology.
To Georges Cuvier (1769-1832) the science owes
much, not only for his rich accumulation of anatom-
ical description, but for his attempt to give an
anatomical basis to classification, for his appreci-
ation of the value of fossils, and for his insistence
on the correlation of parts. The idea expressed in
the phrase " the correlation of parts " is now fa-
miliar:— the organism is no haphazard aggregate of
characters, but a unified integrate. Part is bound
to part, so that if the one varies the other varies with
it. In short, "there are many members which are
members one of another, in one body." It must be
confessed, however, that Cuvier tended to exaggerate
the value of his guiding principle, and that he did
not appreciate its full significance as that has ap-
* See J. Arthur Thomson, The Humane Study of Natural
History, Humane Science Lectures, Bell, London, 1897.
334: PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
peared in post-Darwinian days. To Cuvier, who was
an anti-evolutionist, the " correlation of parts " was
simply a morphological fact.
We would place next the name of Goethe, not be-
cause of his anatomical discoveries, which were few
in number, but because of the clearness with which
his genius discerned and proclaimed " the funda-
mental idea of all morphology — the unity which
underlies the multifarious varieties of organic
form." *
The idea which was more or less clearly in the
mind of Joachim Jung (1678) and of Linnaeus
(1760, 1763) that the appendicular organs (leaves,
bracts, sepals, petals, etc.) arising from the stem of
a flowering plant are all fundamentally the same
leaf-organ in various forms, was rehabilitated and
in part demonstrated by the embryologist Casper
Friedrich Wolff (1767), who said "all parts of
the plant, except the stem, are modified leaves," and
by Goethe in his famous essay Versuch die Meta-
morphose der Pflanzen zu erkl'dren (1790). It
may be that the evidence Goethe gave of the funda-
mental unity of foliar and floral organs would not
be considered conclusive nowadays, but his essay —
published with some difficulty and for many years
little noticed — is a famous document in the archives
of botany, an early expression of an idea which has
now saturated the whole science. The morphological
equivalence of the appendicular organs is now uni-
versally admitted, though the direction in which the
evolution has taken place — whether from foliage-leaf
to reproductive-leaf (sporophyll) or vice versa — re-
mains a subject of discussion.
Some years previously Goethe had made an-
* Geddes, Article Morphology, Encyclopedia Britannica.
THE STUDY OF STRUCTURE. 335
other discovery, regarding which he wrote to Herder :
— " I must hasten to tell you of a piece of good
fortune that has happened to me. I have found
— neither gold nor silver, but what gives me inex-
pressible delight — the intermaxillary bone in man."
" I have such delight," he wrote to another, " doss
sicli mir alle Eingeweide bewegen." The reason
for his exuberant delight in proving the presence of
this little bone in front of the upper jaw was due
to his conviction of the unity of plan in vertebrate
skeletons. That man had no intermaxillary had
been regarded as a distinctive peculiarity ; but Goethe
was right in his conviction of the all-pervading simil-
itude of structure between man and beast. While
Goethe was quite independent in his discovery, it
should be noted that the name of Vicq d'Azyr must
also be associated with the bone in question.
The two discoveries which we have noticed remain
as part of the framework of science, but the same
cannot be said of Goethe's vertebral theory of the
skull (which Oken also suggested). According to
this theory, which Goethe arrived at partly from a
study of the insect's body, evidently built up of a
series of rings or segments, and partly from the sight
of a crumbling sheep's skull which fell to pieces as
he disinterred it, the skull is formed of six modified
vertebrae.* The death-blow to this view, which pre-
vailed for a long time, was given by Reichert and
Ratke, Gegenbaur and Huxley, who showed that, al-
though the head is built up of a series of segments,
originally comparable to those of the trunk, this can-
* It is a strange historical fact that a sheep's skull on
the Hartz Mountains led Oken to the same theory as the
sheep's skull in the Jewish cemetery in Venice had sug-
gested to Goethe.
336 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
not be said of the skull as such. At 'the same time,
Goethe's theory was a keen-sighted morphological
hypothesis, well worthy of being carefully tested.
We might also refer to Goethe's views on indi-
viduality, division of labour, correlation, adaptation,
and the general doctrine of evolution ; * but we have
probably said enough to show why the poet-naturalist
may be ranked among those who laid the foundations
of morphology.
Lamarck was rather an evolutionist than a mor-
phologist, but it must be remembered that in 1794
he drew with a firm hand the distinction, which
Aristotle had hinted at, between vertebrate or back-
boned and invertebrate or backboneless animals.
Although our knowledge of transitional forms, like
Balanoglossus, not to speak of the Tunicates, has
lessened the rigidity of Lamarck's line, the distinc-
tion is universally recognised as one of great practi-
cal convenience. Lamarck also defined a number of
groups — Crustacea, Arachnida, and Annelida —
which are still regarded as natural divisions, and he
may be fairly called one of the founders of the com-
parative anatomy of invertebrates. The very antith-
esis of Cuvier, he allowed his evolutionary theory to
colour his whole work.
fitienne Geoffroy Saint-Hilaire, author of the re-
markable Philosophic 'Anatomique (1818-1823) in
which he exaggerated the idea of " unity in organic
structure," was another expert comparative anato-
mist who was profoundly influenced by the evolution-
idea. Meckel, on the other hand, even more illus-
trious as an anatomist, was distinctly Cuvierian.
* See Prof. H. Reichenbach, Goetlie und die Biologie. Bericht
Senckenberg Nat. Gesellschaft, Frankfurt a. M., 1899, pp. 124-
155.
THE STUDY OF STRUCTURE. 337
Although Johannes Miiller was probably greatest
as a physiologist, he touched and influenced every
department of biology, and his touch was that of
genius. Even if he had left no record behind him
but his work in comparative anatomy, his place on
the roll of honour would be high. And apart from
actual work, it should be recalled that Virchow,
Kolliker, Gegenbaur, Haeckel, Briicke, Giinther, and
Helmholtz were among his pupils.
Sir Eichard Owen (1804-1892) links Cuvier, at
whose feet he sat for a short time, to Gegenbaur and
Huxley, excelling Cuvier in the accuracy of his work
and in the generalising spirit which he brought to
bear upon his problems, but occupying a strange
midway position, — on the one hand, extremely con-
servative and unappreciative of Darwinism; on the
other hand, really believing in the derivation of
species from one another.
Of the work of Owen and others we have else-
where given a brief sketch,* and must be content
here to emphasise the importance of the service which
he rendered to morphology by his clear distinction
between homologous and analogous organs.
Organs which resemble one another in essential
structure and in development are called homologous;
organs which resemble one another in the function
they perform are called analogous, (a) Thus the
wing of a flying bird is homologous with the arm of
man ; there is a fundamental similarity in the bones,
muscles, nerves, and blood-vessels; they have also
the same mode of development; both are true fore-
limbs, but they are not analogous, for men do not
fly, nor do birds grip with their fingers, (fc) The
* Science of Life, 1899.
338 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
wing of a flying bird is analogous with that of a
butterfly, for both are organs of true flight, which
strike the air ; but they are not homologous, for there
is no resemblance in their structure or development,
(c) Thirdly, the wing of a flying bird is both homolo-
gous and analogous with the wing of a bat.
It must not be supposed that the question is so
easy as the illustrations given may suggest. Indeed
there are few questions more difficult than the cri-
teria of homology. But the importance of the dis-
tinction which Owen drew is obvious, for a true or
natural classification which groups related forms to-
gether must be based on the demonstration of homol-
ogies. Perhaps the most important addition to
what Owen said is due to Professor Ray Lankester
who, in 1870, distinguished homogeny (correspond-
ence due to common descent) from homoplasty (cor-
respondence due to similar adaptations in unrelated
forms).
Starting again from Goethe, we might, if space
permitted, seek to show how the morphology of
plants developed through the labours of Schleiden
(1804-1881) the title of whose text-book (1842-43)
Botany as an Inductive Science struck a new note, of
Von Mohl, of Carl von Nageli, of Hofmeister, who
from 1849 onwards did for the pedigree of plants
what Gegenbaur, Huxley, and others did for animals,
of Robert Brown, Irmisch, Hanstein, Alex. Braun,
and many more. From these through De Bary and
Sachs, we pass naturally to the active botanical mor-
phologists of to-day.
It may be more useful to try to illustrate some of
the more general steps in the progress of morphology.
The first edition of Herbert Spencer's Principles
of Biology and Ernst Haeckel's Generelle Morpho-
THE STUDY OF STRUCTURE. 339
logic are classics of which the nineteenth century
might have been prouder than it was. They are
monumental attempts to systematise and clarify the
general conceptions which underlie all biological
thinking and research.
Let us take a simple illustration. We say that
one animal is " higher " than another, what do we
mean ? Merely, that it is liker ourselves ? Or is there
more precision in our standard ? The answer is to be
found in the words " differentiation " and " integra-
tion " ; the higher animal is more differentiated and
more integrated than the lower. And what the two
big words mean is made plain in the classics referred
to.
The progress of the individual, and of the race,
is from simplicity to complexity. When we think
over the animal series we also notice that before defi-
nite nervous organs appear there is diffuse irritabil-
ity, before definite muscular organs appear there is
diffuse contractility, and so on. In other words,
functions come before organs. The attainment of
organs implies specialisation of parts, or concentra-
tion of functions in particular areas of the body.
Contrast a frog with Hydra, and one of the great
facts about the evolution of organs is illustrated.
Among the living units which make up a frog, there
is much more division of labour than there is among
those of Hydra. An excised representative sample
of Hydra will reproduce the whole, but you cannot
perform this experiment with the frog. Now, the
structural result of this physiological division of
labour is differentiation. The animal, or part of
it, becomes more complex, more heterogeneous.
Contrast a bird and a sponge, and another great
fact about the evolution of organs is illustrated.
340 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
The bird is more of a unity than a sponge ; its parts
are more closely knit together and more adequately
subordinated to the life of the whole. We call this
kind of progress integration. Differentiation in-
volves the acquisition of new parts and powers, these
are consolidated and harmonised as the animal be-
comes more integrated.*
Stephenson's " Puffing Billy " was a lower organ-
ism than a locomotive of 1901 ; it showed less com-
plexity of usefully functional parts, and it was less
under unified control.
Our point is that we are continually using words
like " organism," " development," " differentiation,"
" integration," "individuality," "character," " adap-
tation," and so on, — using them lightly as if there
were no difficulties hidden in them — and that there-
fore such general philosophic works as the two we
have named are of great value in expressing at least
an attempt to criticise and clarify the categories
which even the purest of " pure anatomists " must
use in spite of himself. Neither Spencer nor
Haeckel would regard his masterpiece of 1866 as
final ; indeed Spencer in his last years began to
re-edit The Principles of Biology; and it is plain
that the criticism of categories must develop as the
science does, but the fact remains that there are few
biological books of more recent date which come near
those of Spencer and Haeckel in extent or lucidity
of outlook.
Change of Function. — Division of labour involves
restriction of functions in the several parts of an
animal, and no higher animals could have arisen if
all the cells had remained with the many-sided
qualities of Amoebae. Yet we must avoid thinking
* See the writer's Oixtlines of Zoology, 3rd edition, 1899,
THE STUDY OF STRUCTURE. 34-1
about organs as if they were necessarily active in
one way only. For many organs, e.g., the liver,
have several very distinct functions, and we know
how wondrously diverse are the activities in our
brains. In addition to the main function of an organ
there are often secondary functions ; thus, the wings
of an insect may be respiratory as well as locomotor,
and part of the food canal of ascidians and lanceleta
is almost wholly subservient to respiration. More-
over, in organs which are not very highly specialised,
it seems as if the component elements retained a con-
siderable degree of individuality, so that in course of
time what was a secondary function may become the
primary one. Thus Dohrn, who has especially em-
phasised the idea of function change, says : Si Every
function is the resultant of several components, of
which one is the chief or primary function, while
the others are subsidiary or secondary. The diminu-
tion of the chief function and the accession of a
secondary function changes the total function; the
secondary function becomes gradually the chief one ;
the result is the modification of the organ." We
may notice, in illustration, how the structure known
as the allantois is an unimportant bladder in the
frog, while in Birds and Eeptiles it forms a foetal
membrane (chiefly respiratory) around the embryo,
and in most Mammals forms part of the placenta
which effects nutritive connection between offspring
and mother.
Substitution of Organs. — The idea of several
changes of function in the evolution of an organ,
suggests another of not less importance which has
been emphasised by Eleinenberg. An illustration
will explain it. In the early stages of all vertebrate
embryos, the supporting axial skeleton is the noto-
342 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
chord, — a rod developed along the dorsal wall of the
gut. From Fishes onwards, this embryonic axis is
gradually replaced in development by the vertebral
column or backbone; the notochord does not become
the backbone, but is replaced by it. It is a tem-
porary structure, around which the vertebral column
is constructed, as a tall chimney may be built around
an internal scaffolding of wood. Yet, it remains
as the sole axial skeleton in Amphioxus, likewise- in
great part in hag and lamprey, but becomes less and
less persistent in Fishes and higher vertebrates, as
its substitute, the backbone, develops more perfectly.
Now, what is the relation between the notochord and
its substitute, the backbone, seeing that the former
does not become the latter ? Kleinenberg's suggestion
is that the notochord supplies the stimulus, the neces-
sary condition, for the formation of the backbone.
Of course, we require to know more about the way
in which an old-fashioned structure may stimulate
the growth of its future substitute, but the general
idea of one organ leading on to another is suggestive.
It is consistent with our general conception of de-
velopment— that each stage supplies the necessary
stimulus for the next step ; it also helps us to under-
stand more clearly how new structures, too incipient
to be of use, may persist.
Rudimentary Organs. — In many animals there
are structures which attain no complete development,
which are rudimentary in comparison with those of
related forms, and seem retrogressive when compared
with their promise in embryonic life. But it is neces-
sary to distinguish various kinds of rudimentary
structures, (a) As a pathological variation, probably
due to some germinal defect, or to the insufficient
nutrition of the embryo, the heart of a mammal ia
THE STUDY OF STRUCTURE. 343
sometimes incompletely formed. Other organs may
be similarly spoilt in the making. They illustrate
arrested development. (&) Some animals lose, in
the course of their life, some of the promiseful
characteristics of their larval life; thus parasitic
crustaceans at first free-living, and sessile sea-squirts
at first free-swimming, always undergo degenera-
tion. The retrogression can be seen in each life-
time. But the little Kiwi of New Zealand, with
mere apologies for wings, and many cave fishes and
cave crustaceans with slight hints of eyes, illustrate
degeneration which has taken such a hold of the
animals that the young stages also are degenerate.
The retrogression cannot be seen in each lifetime,
evident as it is when we compare these degenerate
forms with their ancestral ideal. (c) But among
" rudimentary organs " we also include structures
somewhat different, e.g., the gill clefts which persist
in embryonic reptiles, birds, and mammals, though
they serve no obvious purpose, or the embryonic
teeth of whalebone whales. These are " vestigial
structures," traces of ancestral history and intel-
ligible on no other theory. The gill clefts are used
for respiration in all vertebrates below reptiles; the
ancestors of whalebone whales doubtless had func-
tional teeth. In regard to these persistent vestigial
structures, it must also be recognised that we are not
warranted in calling them useless. Though they
themselves are not functional, they may sometimes
be, as Kleinenberg suggests, necessary for the growth
of other structures which are useful.
The foundations of comparative anatomy were
laid by Cuvier. But the historical lineage shows the
influence of another strain, that of the evolutionary
anatomists, like Goethe and Etienne Geoffroy St.-
w
344: PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
•Eilaire. From these, as well as from Cuvier, there
is, through Owen as a transition-type, an affiliation
with more modern morphologists like Gegenbaur and
Huxley, Lankester and Cope. Starting again from
Goethe there has been an evolution of botanical mor-
phologists, through Schleiden to Hofmeister, thence
to De Bary and Sachs, and onwards to Goebel, Bow-
er, Campbell, and others. 'But the development of
general ideas of homology, differentiation, integra-
tion, substitution of organs, and the like has not been
less important.
THE APPRECIATION OF FOSSILS.
When natural science was young, fossils had been
regarded as " sports of nature " of a mineral sort,
as still-born expressions of the earth's maternal vir-
tue, as victims of the Noachian flood, and so on.
The artist and thinker Leonardo da Vinci (born
1452) did indeed maintain that fossils were what
they seemed to be — remains of animals that had once
lived; Bernard Palissy (1580) a century later, was
of the same opinion; and Steno, a Danish professor
in Padua, was equally shrewd. Thus, through Mar-
tin Lister, contemporary with Ray, we reach the
beginning of the nineteenth century when the foun-
dations of paleontology were laid by Smith, Cuvier,
Lamarck, and Brongniart. The word palaeontology,
like the idea which it expresses, is quite modern.
Ducrotay de Blainville and Fischer von Waldheim
seem to have been responsible for the term (about
1830), and it soon afterwards became a household
word in science.
But although Smith, Cuvier, Lamarck, and Alex.
Brongniart laid the foundations and made it impos-
THE STUDY OF STRUCTURE. 345
sible to ignore the value of fossils as indices of the
geological age and succession of strata, it was not till
long afterwards that it became a general common-
place that palaeontology was part of zoology and bot-
any. To Huxley in particular we are indebted for
the conviction that the study of an animal living to-
day and of one living a million years ago, differ only
as regards the method of preservation and exami-
nation.
As one of the most illustrious of British palaeonto-
logists— Dr. E. H. Traquair — has said : * " PalaBon-
tology, however valuable, nay, indispensable, its bear-
ings on Geology may be, is in its own essence a part
of Biology, and its facts and its teachings must not
be overlooked by those who would pursue the study
of Organic Morphology on a truly comprehensive
and scientific basis. . . . Does an animal cease to be
an animal because it is preserved in stone instead of
spirits ? Is a skeleton any the less a skeleton because
it has been excavated from the rock, instead of pre-
pared in a macerating trough ? . . . Do animals, be-
cause they have been extinct for it may be millions
of years, thereby give up their place in the great
chain of organic being, or do they cease to be of any
importance to the evolutionist because their soft tis-
sues, now no longer existing, cannot be imbedded in
paraffine and cut with a Cambridge microtome ? "
That Palaeontology is Biology and that Biology
includes Palaeontology is now admitted by all (as a
theoretical proposition at least), but the recognition
has been an important result of nineteenth-century
work. The only hindrance to the practical recogni-
tion of the unity is that the correct interpretation
* Address Zoological Section, Rep. Brit. Ass., Bradford,
1900.
346 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
of fossil remains often demands, e.g., in the case of
fishes, a prolonged special training. " The nature
of the remains with which the palaeontologist has
to deal renders their interpretation a task of so
different a character from that allotted to the in-
vestigation of the structure and development of
recent forms " * that the necessary division of labour
tends to be exaggerated. Of the founders of pale-
ontology three were on the whole biological, — Cuvier
(Tertiary mammals), Lamarck (Molluscs), and
Brongniart (Plants), while William Smith was
mainly interested in the relation of the fossils to
stratigraphical problems.
The palseontological work of the nineteenth century
has been marked by several different kinds of achieve-
ments:— the compilation of a descriptive census of
the extinct, the anatomical study of lost races,
i.e., of those with no living representatives, nor, so
far as we know, direct descendants, the discovery of
missing links, and the working out of pedigree-lines
in particular groups.
Study of Lost Races. — In studying fossils a dis-
tinction must be drawn between (a) those which
are in no sense extinct, being represented to-day by
living forms, e.g., Lingula, EstJieria, Ceratodus, (&)
those which, though forming extinct species, are
represented to-day by living descendants, as is true
of a very large number, and (c) those which are
without known living descendants, which we must
therefore call extinct types or lost races, e.g., Grap-
tolites and Trilobites, Eurypterids and Pterodactyls.
It is indeed a distinction of degrees, and more de-
grees might be recognised, but it is plain that the
*Traquair, loc. cit.
THE STUDY OF STRUCTURE. 34:7
student of the wholly extinct Graptolites has no clue
such as he has who studies fossil corals. Yet the
study of these lost races is of profound interest, since
they must be fitted into their appropriate place in
the general scheme of zoological or botanical classi-
fication.
The famous French palaeontologist, Albert Gaudry,
has spoken thus of the extinction of races : " A host
of creatures have vanished; the most powerful, the
most fertile have not been spared. There is a sad-
ness in the spectacle of so many inexplicable losses."
Let us linger for a little over the fact — the details
of which have been accumulated with consummate
patience through the past century.
It seems clear from the rock-record that sudden
disappearance has been very rare. The American
bison's practical extermination in a few years is
without parallel in pre-human days. Races waned
and died out, but were not suddenly extinguished.
They did not come to a catastrophic end. Another
striking fact is that while evidences of senility have
been detected in some of the last representatives of
dwindling races, there are many cases where a full
stop seems to have been put to the history of a stock
while it was still in its prime. !N"or is there any
reason to speak of an elimination of weaklings; as
Gaudry says : " While insignificant creatures per-
sist, the princes of the animal world vanish — with-
out return."
The problem of the causes which led to the extinc-
tion of races has been left by the nineteenth century
unsolved. It is easy enough to refer to changes of
environment for which the plasticity of the organism
was insufficient, or to the struggle for existence be-
tween cuttlefishes and trilobites, between ichthyo-
348 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
saurians and cuttlefishes, or to constitutional defects,
such as Lucretius thought of when he pictured races
going down to destruction " hampered all in their
own death-bringing shackles," or to other more or
less plausible reasons, but the suggestions remain very
vague and unsatisfactory.
Against the puzzling facts of extinction, we have
to place the grander fact that, in spite of all, life
has been slowly creeping upwards. We may quote
a paragraph — freely translated from Gaudry's En-
cJiainements du Monde animal dans les temps geo-
logiques (1878-1896).
"The organic world taken as a whole has made
progress. Suppose a voyager on the oceans of ages; in
the Cambrian times his barque meets trilobites, but no
fishes; he nears the shore and there is the silence of
death. After long voyaging he finds himself at the end
of the primary era, fishes have replaced trilobites, and
on land there is no longer silence: there is the tramp
and cry of reptiles who prophesy the advent of warm-
blooded vertebrates. The traveller sails from age to
age and reaches the middle of the secondary era.
Charmingly beautiful ammonites play around his
vessel, legions of belemnites mingle with them; ichthy-
osaurs, plesiosaurs, and teleosaurs follow his track. He
goes ashore, and the giant dinosaurs resting on their
tails open their huge arms; pterodactyls and other
dragons swoop aloft; the first bird tries its wings, and
some small mammals show face timidly. Nature, mar-
vellous in the primary ages, has become yet more mar-
vellous; it has made progress. If our traveller be not
fatigued with his long wanderings, he will find in the
Tertiary ages the first monkeys, and horses, and a thou-
sand other mammals. Later on he will find himself —
the man — artist and poet — minister and interpreter of
THE STUDY OF STRUCTURE. 349
nature — the man who thinks and prays. Truly the
history of the world as a whole is the history of a
progressive development. Where will this development
lead us?"
Discovery of Missing Links. — In trying to re-
construct the pedigree of a race reliance is placed
on three sets of facts, — (a) the grades of structure
exhibited among the living representatives, (6) the
steps in individual development, and (c) the evidence
of the race's history as found in the fossils of succes-
sive ages. The third method is the most direct, and
if the rock-record were complete, the facts of the his-
tory of life would be clear.
The fossil-containing rocks have often been com-
pared to a library, with the oldest books on the lowest
shelves, but what a library ! Spoilt by fire, by water,
by earthquake, by decay ; here half a shelf a-wanting
and there a series of volumes with most disappointing
gaps ; pages out of books, words missing in sentences,
and the vowels a-wanting like the points in Hebrew.
One is troubled also by palimpsests, one record on
the top of another.
It is important to realise this from the study of
strata, since there are still ill-natured people who
suggest that evolutionists simply take refuge in " the
imperfection of the geological record," when they
are getting the worst of an argument. The im-
perfection is a lamentable fact, and we cannot won-
der at it when we remember how young man is — his
whole history but a tick of the geological clock;
when we notice that many areas are still unexplored,
and that much ground — being covered by sea — must
remain unknown ; when we understand that only hard
organisms or hard parts are likely to be preserved,
350 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
that only certain rocks are suitable for preserving
their enclosures, and that many rocks have been un-
made and remade in the course of ages. As we walk
along the shore and study the jetsam, we see how
quickly many of the sea's memoranda are lost.
On the other hand, we must not exaggerate the
imperfection; indeed, the biologist has often much
reason to be gratefully surprised at the reverse.
Many fossil jelly-fishes — most unlikely subjects of
preservation — are known, and have been carefully
studied, e.g., by Haeckel and by Walcott. Some-
times a whole series can be followed, and the transi-
tions from species to species studied, as in the case
of fresh-water beds containing shells of Paludina and
Planorbis. On a larger scale, Hyatt's tracking of
the evolutionary paths of the Ammonites is a monu-
mental piece of work. In some cases, even in Grap-
tolites, a little palseontological embryology, or study
of young forms at least, is possible. Half a dozen
unborn young may be seen inside an ichthyosaurus
in the museum at Stuttgart and the remains of
belemnites may be counted in the stomach. Some-
times in a fossil fish there is not a bone a-missing or
out of place, though very much the reverse is the
rule.
It is difficult to have much satisfaction in the
fragmentary remains (skull-cap, femur, and two
teeth) of Pithecanthropus erectus found by Dubois
(1894) in what were regarded as Upper Pliocene de-
posits in Java. The remains may be those of a
transitional form between man and his unknown
simian ancestors, but the evidence is by no means
sufficient. But, in other cases, the preservation is
so perfect that certain conclusions may be arrived
at. The skeleton of Phenacodus, carefully studied
THE STUDY OF STRUCTURE. 351
by Cope and Osborn, is certainly that of an old-
fashioned Ungulate, with some affinities to other
stocks, and perhaps one of the earliest ancestors of
the horse. The skeleton of Archceopteryx, in the
lithographic slates of Solenhofen, carefully studied
by Dames and others, is certainly that of a bird with
more distinctly reptilian affinities than any living
form shows. The skeleton of Palceospondylus, from
the Devonian of Caithness, discovered and described
by Traquair, is certainly that of a tiny primitive
vertebrate, whose real reconstruction from many spec-
imens has been a triumph of palaeontological skill.
And thus we might continue, for nineteenth-century
palaeontology has made it abundantly clear that links
are not always missing. It would be absurdly pessi-
mistic to suppose that there are not many still await-
ing discovery.
Evolutionary Palaeontology. — The doctrines of
the Cuvierian school dominated most of the palae-
ontological work of the first half of the nineteenth
century. The work of Owen, Louis Agassiz, and
Bronn was in some respects transitional, for though
none was a thorough-going evolutionist, they all had
an idea of progressive development. The dawn of
evolutionary palaeontology practically dates from
Darwin's Origin of Species (1859), and now it may
be said that almost all palaeontologists are keen evo-
lutionists.
Von Zittel says : — " To determine the genetic re-
lationships, the ancestry, the modification, and the
further development, in short the race-history or
phylogeny, of the organisms under consideration is
now regarded as the essential, by many, indeed, as
the chief aim of palaeontology."
Traquair says : — " From the nature of things it
352 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
is clear that the voice of the palaeontologist can only
be heard on the morphological aspect of the question
(factors of evolution), but to many of us, including
myself, the morphological argument is so convincing
that we believe that even if the Darwinian theory
were proved to-morrow to be utterly baseless, the
Doctrine of Descent would not be in the slightest
degree affected, but would continue to have as firm
a hold on our minds as before." Thus he took for
the theme of his Presidential Address to the zoo-
logical section of the British Association in 1900,
the palseontological evidence of Descent in the case
of fishes.
Marsh said : — " This revolution has influenced
pala3ontology as extensively as any other department
of science, and hence the new period. . . . To-
day, the animals and plants now living are believed
to be genetically connected with those of the distant
past ; and the palaeontologist no longer deems species
of the first importance, but seeks for relationships
and genealogies connecting the past with the pres-
ent."
The appreciation of the true nature of fossils, the
recognition of palceontology as biological, the com-
pilation of great censuses of the extinct, the study of
lost races, the discovery of missing links, and the
adoption of the evolutionary outlook in palceontology,
are among the great steps in the morphological prog-
ress of the nineteenth century.
MINUTE ANALYSIS.
One of the clearest illustrations of tKe influence
of improvements in instruments on the progress of
THE STUDY OF STRUCTURE. 353
theoretical science is that afforded by the results
which have come to biology through the perfection of
the microscope. In no case has an instrument con-
tributed more to the deepening of a science.
It is hardly necessary to point out that the magni-
fication of an object does not necessarily mean a
better understanding of it, and it must be admitted
that there are many results of microscopic analysis
which have complexified problems without helping
towards their solution; but the historical fact is
certain that microscopic analysis has made many
biological problems clearer, and has saved us from
supposing that the apparent simplicity of others is
real.
Invention of the Compound Microscope. — As dis-
tinguished from a mere magnifying lens, the mi-
croscope is about three centuries old. There is strong
evidence that the compound microscope was invented
by Galilei about 1610, but there is also evidence in
favour of giving credit to Hans and Zacharias Jans-
sen, spectacle-makers of Middelburg in Holland, who
are said to have made a compound microscope some-
time between 1590 and 1609. Huyghens and others
have claimed the discovery for Cornelius Drebbel, a
Dutchman, about the year 1621, and Fontana, a Nea-
politan, claimed that he had made a compound micro-
scope in 1618. The case for Galilei seems, on the
whole, strongest; but it is probably impossible now
to decide with certainty.*
Early Microscopists. — Although many of those
who first used the microscope did little more than
accumulate magnifications, we must look back grate-
* See May all, Lectures on the Microscope, London, 1886.
The Microscope, Carpenter and Dallinger, London, 1891.
354 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
fully to the pioneers who began the minute analysis
so characteristic of the nineteenth century. Keen
sighted observers like Leeuwenhoek, Malpighi,
Hooke, and Grew, in the second half of the seven-
teenth century were the forerunners of modern his-
tology. When Leeuwenhoek demonstrated unicel-
lular organisms to the then young Eoyal Society of
London, whose members (present at the meeting)
signed an affidavit that they had really seen the
minute creatures in question, a vista was opened
which is still widening before us after the lapse of
more than two centuries.
Steps towards the Cell-Doctrine. — The word
"cell" (an unfortunate one at the best) was first
used in histological description by Hooke (1665)
and Grew (1671-75), but not in a very accurate or
definite way. Malpighi (1675) also described mi-
nute " utricles," some of which we should now call
cells.
Leeuwenhoek (Phil. Trans. 1674) seems, as we
have noted above, to have been the first to describe
single-celled organisms. But the hint was not
quickly followed, for it was not till 1755 that Rosel
von Rosenhof described the Amoeba or " Proteus
animalcule."
In his Theoria Generationis (1759) Caspar
Friedrich Wolff recognised the " spheres " and
" vesicles " composing the embryos of plants and
animals. But he did not discern their nature or
their importance.
In 1784, Fontana discovered the kernel or nucleus
of the cell which we now know to be essential to
the vitality of any ordinary protoplasmic unit.
But he did not know the importance of his discovery,
THE STUDY OF STRUCTURE. 355
and had not the least idea that the little spot he ob-
served was a most intricate structure.
The fact that Bichat, in his Anatomie Generale
(1801), speaks only of tissues, shows that the import
of cells was not realised at the beginning of the
nineteenth century. Little importance can be at-
tached to the " vesicles " and " TJrschleim " which
Oken discussed in 1805, for this illustrious repre-
sentative of the " !N"aturphilosophie " did not con-
cern himself much with concrete details. The obser-
vations of Mirbel on the structure of embryos had
more objective worth.
" A still closer approximation to the truth is found
in the works of Turpin (1826), Meyen (1830), Eas-
pail (1831), and Dutrochet (1837) ; but these, like
others of the same period, only paved the way for the
real founders of the cell-theory." *
In the first volume of his epoch-making work on
the development of animals (1828), Karl Ernst von
Baer " made the following prophetic statement " : —
" Perhaps all animals are alike, and nothing but
hollow globes at their earliest developmental begin-
ning. The farther back we trace their development,
the more resemblance we find in the most different
creatures. And thus to the question whether at the
beginning of their development all animals are alike,
and referable to one common ancestral form, con-
sidering that the germ (which at a certain stage
appears in the shape of a hollow globe or bag) is the
undeveloped animal itself, we are not without reason
for assuming that the common fundamental form is
* Prof. E. B. Wilson, The Cell in Development and Inher-
itance, 2ded., 1900, p. 2.
356 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
that of a simple vesicle, from which every animal is
evolved, not only theoretically, but historically." *
Considering the date we cannot regard the statement
as other than a marvellous premonition.
In 1835, Robert Brown showed that a nucleus was
normally present in all vegetable cells, thus raising
Montana's discovery to a higher level of importance.
And, in the same year, Johannes Miiller made a
definite comparison between the cells of plants and
those of the notochord in animals, — the beginning of
a recognition of the fundamental unity of vegetable
and animal structure. The observations of Du jar-
din, Purkinje, Von Mohl, Valentin, linger, ISTageli,
Hofmeister, Henle, and many others might also be
alluded to.
This is no complete history, but we have cited
enough to show how very gradually the way was
prepared for the formulation of the cell-doctrine
by Schwann and Schleiden in 1838-39. f "The
" significance of Schleiden's, and especially of
" Schwann's, work lies in the thorough and compre-
" hensive way in which the problem was studied,
" the philosophic breadth with which the conclusions
" were developed, and the far-reaching influence
" which they exercised upon subsequent research."
In this respect it is hardly too much to compare the
Mikroskopische Untersuchungen with the Origin of
Species.
* Cited from Dr. Hans Gadow's notes to Haeckel's Last LinJe,
1898.
f Sir William Turner, " The Cell Theory, Past and
Present," Inaug. Address Scottish Microsc. Soc., 1890, and
in Nature, 1890 ; Prof. J. G. McKendrick, " On the Modern
Cell Theory " (Proc. Phil. Soc., Glasgow, 1888), and in his
text-book of Physiology ; P. Geddes, articles HorpJwlogy and
Protoplasm, Encyclopaedia Britannica.
THE STUDY OF STRUCTURE. 357
The cell-doctrine has been already stated; in
its morphological aspect it emphasises the funda-
mental unity of minute structure in all living crea-
tures. The simplest organisms are single cells. All
other organisms are built up of many cells or modi-
fications of cells. Among themselves they show di-
vision of labour which is expressed in the great va-
riety of form and structural detail. From the fertil-
ised ovum onwards, the formation and growth of the
body is due to cell-division. This occurs in various
fashions, but especially in one complex (indirect or
karyokinetic) fashion which shows a fundamental
similarity throughout the entire series.
Corroborations of the analysis into cells were
rapidly forthcoming. As early as 1824, Prevost and
Dumas had studied the cleavage of the fertilised
ovum, and it may be noted that some stages of this
can be seen with the naked eye in the relatively large
egg of the frog, which measures about one-tenth inch
in diameter. Similarly, Martin Barry (1838-
41), Reichert (1840), Henle (1841), Kolliker
(1843^6), and Eemak (1841-52) showed how the
cells of the embryo arise from the division of the
fertilised egg cell.
Moreover, Goodsir in 1845, Virchow in 1858,
proved that in all cases, pathological as well as nor-
mal, cells arise from pre-existing cells, that omnis
cellula e cellula is a general fact of histology.
There was a strong tendency, however, to attach
too much importance to the cell wall, and too little
to the contained cell substance. The all-important
protoplasm was not adequately appreciated.
In 1835, Dujardin described the " sarcode " of
Protozoa, and other animal cells ; in 1839, Purkinje
compared the substance of the animal embryo (which
358 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
he was the first to call " protoplasm ") with the
" cambium " of plant cells ; in 1846 Von Mohl em-
phasised the importance of the " protoplasm " in veg-
etable cells; Ecker (1849) compared the contractile
substances of muscles with the living matter of
Amoebae ; Bonders also referred the contractility from
the wall to the contents; Cohn suspected that the
" sarcode " of animals and the " protoplasm " of
plants must be " in the highest degree analogous sub-
stances"; and finally, Max Schultze (1861) ac-
cepted the growing belief that plants and animals
were made of very similar living matter, and defined
the cell as a unit mass of nucleated protoplasm.*
"The full physiological significance of protoplasm,
its identity with the ' sarcode ' of the unicellular forms,
and its essential similarity in plants and animals, was
first clearly placed in evidence through the classical
works of Max Schultze and De Bary, beside which
should be placed the earlier works of Dujardin, TJnger,
Nageli, and Mohl, and that of Cohn, Huxley, Virchow,
Leydig, Briicke, Kiihne, and Beale." f
Louis Agassiz, not being an evolutionist, spoke of
the cell-doctrine as " the greatest discovery in the
natural sciences in modern times " ; and, apart from
the idea of evolution, it may be called the most in-
fluential. For it is important to notice that it has
not only affected the analysis of the anatomist and
the physiologist, and the whole of embryology, but
has entirely changed our position in regard to some
* See the writer's Outlines of Zoology, Introduction.
t E. B. Wilson, The Cell in Development and Inheritance, p. 5.
THE STUDY OF STRUCTURE. 359
of the general problems of biology, notably in regard
to heredity and inheritance.
The student who wishes to understand the position
of cellular biology at the beginning of the twentieth
century should read a luminous book by Prof. E.
B. Wilson (The Cell in Development and Inherit-
ance, 2nd ed., 1900), along with which we may cite
Delage's La structure du protoplasma et les theories
sur I'heredite et les grands problemes de la biologic
generale (1895). From Wilson's work, we venture
to quote the first paragraph : —
" During the half-century that has elapsed since the
enunciation of the cell-theory by Schleiden and
Schwann, in 1838-39, it has become ever more clearly
apparent that the key to all ultimate biological prob-
lems must, in the last analysis, be sought in the cell.
It was the cell-theory that first brought the structure
of plants and animals under one point of view, by re-
vealing their common plan of organisation. It was
through the cell-theory that Kolliker, Remak, Nageli,
and Hofmeister opened the way to an understanding of
the nature of embryological development, and the law
of genetic continuity lying at the basis of inheritance.
It was the cell-theory again which, in the hands of
Goodsir, Virchow, and Max Schultze, inaugurated a
new era in the history of physiology and pathology, by
showing that all the various functions of the body, in
health and in disease, are but the outward expression
of cell-activities. And at a still later day it was
through the cell-theory that Hertwig, Fol, Van Bene-
den, and Strasburger solved the long-standing riddle
of the fertilisation of the egg and the mechanism of
hereditary transmission. No other biological general-
isation, save only the theory of organic evolution, has
brought so many apparently diverse phenomena under a
common point of view or lias accomplished more for the
unification of knowledge. The cell-theory must there-
360 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
fore be placed beside the evolution-theory as one of the
foundation-stones of modern biology."
The progress of cellular biology or cytology since
the formulation of the cell-doctrine has been along
several different lines, connected of course by side
branches.
(a) The complexity of cell-structure has become
more and more apparent. It includes many com-
ponents,— the general cell-substance or cytoplasm,
the nucleus with its readily stainable " chromatin "
and illusive unstainable " achromatin," the centro-
somes (present in the majority of animal-cells)
which play an important part in division, the cell-
wall or the cell-margin which shows many degrees
of differentiation, the intercellular bridges which in
many cases bind one cell to another, and so on. The
cell is a little world of extraordinary complexity, as
the work of Auerbach, Biitschli, Carnoy, Memming,
Fol, Guignard, Hertwig, Strasburger, Van Beneden,
and a score of other prominent workers has shown.
(&) The same impression of a progressive reve-
lation of complexity is afforded if we consider any
particular component of the cell, such as the nucleus,
or the system of radiating filaments which form a
halo round the centrosome, or the structure of a
vibratile lash or cilium, or the general cell-substance.
In regard to the last, some, like Frommann and Ar-
nold, have described an intricate network; others,
like Flemming, a tangled coil of fibrils ; others, like
Altmann, a crowd of granules in a gelatinous ma-
trix; and others, like Biitschli, a fine alveolar or
vacuolar appearance like that of an emulsion. It
seems probable that the minute structure of cell-sub-
THE STUDY OF STRUCTURE. 361
stance varies in different cells and even at different
times within the same cells. The investigations of
Biitschli, who has studied the structure of fine arti-
ficial emulsions and compared this with that of cells
both fixed and living, who has also investigated the
fine structure of dead organic substances like cellu-
lose, starch grains, chitinous shells, spicules, etc.,
mark at present the extreme of microscopical analy-
sis. It is interesting to note that all his results
favour the interpretation that the complexity is
alveolar or vacuolar like that of a very delicate emul-
sion. Better lenses, thinner sections, differential
staining, and other improvements in technique have
led to the disclosure of a complexity undreamt of
half a century ago. The contrast between the mod-
ern analysis of a spermatozoon or of a cilium and
that of even a quarter of a century ago is most
vividly illustrative of the increased precision. If any
one name may be associated with the recognition of
complex cellular organisation, it should be that of
Briicke, whose classic work entitled Die Elementar-
organismen was published in 1861. But even if we
have succeeded, at length, in getting down to the
ultimate elements of living matter, or " idiosomes,"
in which some believe that the secret of organisation,
growth, and development lies hidden, we have to
hand on the problem of their nature to the twentieth
century still unsolved. " What these idiosomes are,
and how they determine organisation, form, and dif-
ferentiation, is the problem of problems on which
we must wait for more light. All growth, assimila-
tion, reproduction, and regeneration may be sup-
posed to have their seats in these fundamental ele-
ments. They make up all living matter, are the
362 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
bearers of heredity, and the real builders of the organ-
ism." This deliverance is quoted from an essay by
Prof. C. O. Whitman, one of the modern leaders,
but it will be observed that it leaves the riddle of
organisation unread.
(c) An exceedingly important step was made
when it was made clear that new cells arise from the
division of pre-existing cells, — a step which may be
particularly associated with the names of Goodsir
(1845) and Virchow (1858). Of great importance
also was the general rationale of cell-division, which
seems to have been suggested independently by R.
Leuckart, Herbert Spencer, and Alexander James;
it is often referred to as the Leuckart-Spencer prin-
ciple, and is based on the fact that in cell-growth the
increase of mass or volume outruns the increase of
surface. When the cell has, let us say, quadrupled
its original mass by growth, it has by no means quad-
rupled its surface (the former increasing in spheri-
cal cells as the cube, the latter as the square, of the
radius) ; physiological difficulties set in, and at " the
limit of growth " the cell divides, halving its mass,
and gaining new surface.* But attention has been
mainly concentrated on the details of the actual proc-
ess of cell-division, which is due, as Prof. Wilson
says, to " the co-ordinate play of an extremely com-
plex system of forces." Its necessity is clear (on
the Leuckart-Spencer principle) as the only feasible
mode of growth; its end is clear — to divide the es-
sentials of the mother-cell equally between the
daughter-cells; but, in spite of continuous attempts,
the actual mechanism of the process remains obscure.
Three results seem clear: — (a) the fundamental
* See the writer's The Science of Life, p. 108.
THE STUDY OF STRUCTURE. 333
similarity of process and result in spite of many
peculiarities in individual cases, (6) the occurrence
of complex tensions, strains, and stresses in the proc-
ess, and (c) the impossibility (at present) of any
mechanical interpretation.
(d) Various facts, such as the multiplication of
nuclei in embryos without corresponding cell-delimi-
tation, and the influence that the growth of the mass
has upon the forms of cell-division which follow,
have led many to add saving-clauses to the cell-
theory, as Sachs did when he said " cell-formation is
merely one of the numerous expressions of the for-
mative forces which reside in all matter, in the high-
est degree, however, in organic substance " ; or as De
Bary did when he said, " That the plant forms cella
is more accurate than the statement that cells form
plants." " Die Pflanze bildet Zellen, niclit die Zelle
bildet Pftanzen" In short, the conception of the cell
has to change with increasing knowledge of its na-
ture and origin; though it may be still defined as a
protoplasmic area in which nucleoplasm and cyto-
plasm are combined in a unified life.
(e) Though it is not exactly relevant in this chap-
ter, we must note the gradually increasing body of
facts which inform us as to the physiological rela-
tions of the individual cell to its environment (of
physical and chemical influences, and of its fellows).
The bulk of Davenport's Physiological Morphol-
ogy is occupied with a discussion of this problem.
(f) Finally, the progress of cytology has had its
influence on that study of Bacteria and other micro-
organisms which has been one of the features of the
latter part of the nineteenth century. The door
which Leeuwenhoek opened in the seventeenth cen-
364 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
tury remained merely ajar till after the cell-theory
had been formulated. Since then the study of uni-
cellular plants and animals has been eagerly pur-
sued. From Dujardin and Ehrenberg to Haeckel
and Biitschli for Protozoa, — from Pringsheim and
Cohn to De Bary for Protophytes, there was a con-
tinuous study of the simplest forms of life, and there
are many to-day who devote themselves to this study
and maintain that it is still only beginning. In
connection with bacteriology the names of Pasteur
and De Bary, Lister and Koch, Duclaux and Koux,
deserve particular mention.
CHAPTEK X.
GENEOLOGICAI*
GENEOLOGY.
A TEBM is needed for the study of living crea-
tures in their time-relations, for the enquiry into
their individual development, racial evolution, and
historical aspects generally; and we have suggested
the term genealogy (changing a letter in the narrower
word genealogy). This "science of becoming"
would include (a) individual development, growth,
and life-history (ontogeny) ; (6) the racial history
(phylogeny) ; (c) the relation of genetic continuity
between successive generations (heredity).
DEVELOPMENT OF THE INDIVIDUAL.
Beginnings of Embryology. — Embryology is en-
tirely a modern science. Though Aristotle watched
the heart-beats of the unhatched chick, and had hold
of the idea that development is a progressive differ-
entiation and not an unfolding of preformed parts,
he had practically no successors before Harvey
(1578-1675).
William Harvey. — With the aid of magnifying
366 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
glasses (perspecillce) Harvey demonstrated the
connection between the " cicatricula " of the yolk
and the rudiments of the chick, and he also observed
some of the stages of uterine gestation in mammals.
He maintained (1) that every animal is produced
from an ovum (ovum esse primordium commune
omnibus animalibus), and (2) that the organs arise
by new formation (epigenesis) and not from the
mere expansion of some invisible preformation, or,
in other words, that in the primordium " no part of
future organism exists de facto, but all parts inhere
in potentia." But it has to be carefully remembered
that he had no way of accounting for the primordium
with which he started ; he admitted that it might pro-
ceed from parents, or might arise spontaneously, or
out of putrefaction. It was not he who coined the
aphorism " omne vivum ex ovo" for which he often
gets credit. Even if he had said it, the statement
would not have meant to him what it means to us.
Early Observations. — Malpighi (1672), using a
microscope with remarkable skill, traced back the
chick-embryo into the recesses of the cicatricula
lying on the top of the yolk, but he missed a magnifi-
cent discovery by supposing that the rudiments of
the organs pre-existed in the egg. Spermatozoa were,
it is generally believed, discovered by Leeuwenhoek's
pupil, Ludwig Hamm, in 1677, though Hartsoeker
afterwards claimed priority by three years : — a ques-
tion of little interest, since neither understood what
he saw. In 1664, Steno had given the ovary its
present designation, and De Graaf had interpreted
the vesicles of this organ (" the Graafian follicles ")
as for the most part equivalent to the ova which he
thought he had discovered in the oviduct.
Theory of Preformation. — In spite of the begin-
GENEOLOGICAL. 367
nings of embryological observation in the seven-
teenth century, there was little progress for another
hundred years. For the eighteenth century embry-
ologists, if so they may be called, gave more atten-
tion to arguments over general conceptions than to
the accumulation of facts.
In the early part of the eighteenth century, the
embryological observations of investigators, like
Boerhaave and Malpighi, were summed up in the
conception that development was merely an expan-
sion or unfolding of a pre-existent or preformed
rudiment within the egg.
This preformation theory, which found more and
more definite expression in the works of Bonnet,
Buffon, and others, may be thus summed up : — *
The germ, whether egg-cell or seed, was believed
to be a miniature model of the adult. " Pre-
formed " in all transparency the organism lay
within the egg, only requiring to be unfolded. In
contrast to Harvey's conclusion : " the first concre-
ment of the future body grows, gradually divides,
and is distinguished into parts; not all at once, but
some produced after the others, each emerging in its
order," was Haller's first and last utterance, " There
is no becoming; no part of the body is made from
another, all are created at once," or Bonnet's " fun-
damental principle, that nothing is generated, and
that what we call generation is but the simple de-
velopment of wEat pre-existed under an invisible
form, and more or less different from that which
becomes manifest to our senses."
But this was not all. The germ was more than a
* See Geddes and Thomson, The Evolution of Sex, 4th
ed., 1901, p. 90.
368 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
marvellous bud-like miniature of the adult, it neces-
sarily included in its turn the next generation, and
this the next — in short all future generations.
Germ within germ, in ever smaller miniature, after
the fashion of an infinite juggler's box, was the cor-
ollary of " emboitement" — logically appended to this
theory of preformation and unfolding, — of evolu-
tion, as it was then called, in a very different but
more literal sense from that in which we now use
the word.
" The whole chapter is a somewhat lamentable one
in the history of embryology, and yet it must be noted
in fairness that the pref ormationist doctrine had a well-
concealed kernel of truth within its thick husk of
error. There is a certain sense in which the whole
future organism is potentially and materially implicit
in the fertilised egg-cell ; there is a sense in which the
germ contains not only the rudiment of the adult
organism, but of successive generations as well. But
in neither of these senses was preformationism under-
stood by any of its upholders." *
In 1759 Caspar Eriedrich Wolff (1733-1794:)
raised a strong protest against the doctrines and
methods of the prefonnationists. He showed that
the egg does not contain a preformed embryo, but
that the organs were to be seen being formed. But
his vindication of "epigeneais" against "evolution"
did not win conviction as it ought to have done ;
indeed it remained for about sixty years without ef-
fect.
In 1817 Christian Pander took up embryological
research where Wolff had left it, and worked out the
*See the writer's Science of Life, 1899, p. 121.
GENEOLOGICAL. 369
history of the chick in more exact detail. In 1824,
Prevost and Dumas observed the division of the
frog's ovum into masses. In 1827, Von Baer ful-
filled, after a century and a half, what De Graaf had
attempted, he discovered the mammalian ovum
and traced it from uterus to oviduct, and thence to
its position in the ovary itself. Soon afterwards,
Wagner, Von Siebold, and others elucidated what
was still hidden from Von Baer — the real nature of
the spermatozoon. Kolliker began to trace the cells
into which the ovum divides to their results in the
tissues of the developing organism. In short, em-
bryology began to get a firm basis.
Von 'Baer. — The foundation of modern embry-
ology may be dated from the work of Karl Ernst von
Baer ( 1792-18 76). He broadened embryology as
Cuvier has broadened anatomy, as Johannes Miiller
afterwards broadened physiology, — by making it
comparative. He showed how the development of
an embryo proceeded from the general to the spe-
cial. He was the first to show, though his own
illustrations have not survived, how embryological
facts may be of service in classification.
Von Baer is linked to Francis Balfour by many
illustrious workers in embryology: — Alex. Agassiz,
Claus, Gegenbaur, Goethe, Haeckel, His, Kolliker,
Kowalevsky, Leuckart, Loven, Metschnikoff, Jo-
hannes Miiller, Ratke, Remak, Sars, Semper, Van
Beneden, and many others. A strong stimulus was
given by Balfour's monumental text-book (1880-
1881), and in the last twenty years embryology has
been the most progressive department of biology.
The Germ-Cells. — The cell-theory (1838-39)
enunciated the important fnot that every mnlticellu-
lar organism, if reproduced in the ordinary way, be-
370 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
gins its life as a cell ; in short, that the egg is a cell.
Somewhat later (1841) Kolliker traced the spermat-
ozoa to their origin in the essential male organs or
testes, and it was soon recognised that the spermato-
zoon also is a cell. We now know that both ovum
and spermatozoon may show a complexity of minute
organisation which was not suspected in the first half
of the century, but this after all is a matter of detail.
The fundamentally important fact, which differ-
entiates modern embryological conceptions from
those of the first half of the nineteenth century is
the idea of genetic continuity. This may be espe-
cially traced to the work of Virchow (1858), though
several others were approaching it about the same
time.
" To the modern student the germ is, in Huxley's
words, simply a detached living portion of the sub-
stance of a pre-existing living body carrying with it a
definite structural organisation characteristic of the
species." * In other words, an egg or a sperm liberated
from or set apart in any organism is connected by a
lineage of cell-divisions with the fertilised ovum which
gave rise to that organism, and so on backwards. It
was an epoch-making step when embryologists arrived at
"the conception so vividly set forth by Virchow of an
uninterrupted series of cell-divisions extending back-
ward from existing plants and animals to that remote
and unknown period when vital organisation assumed
its present form. Life is a continuous stream. The
death of the individual involves no breach of continuity
in the series of cell-divisions by which the life of the
race flows onwards. The individual body dies, it is
true, but the germ-cells live on, carrying with them, as
* E. B. Wilson, The Cell in Development and Inheritance, 2nd
ed., 1900, p. 7.
GENEOLOGICAL. 371
it were, the traditions of the race from which they have
sprung, and handing them on to their descendants." *
Fertilisation. — In his 49th Exercitation on " the
efficient cause of the chicken," Harvey thus quaintly
expressed what was to him, as it is to us, a baffling
problem : — "Although it be a known thing subscribed
by all, that the fretus assumes its original and birth
from the male and female, and consequently that the
egge is produced by the cock and henne, and the
chicken out of the egge, yet neither the schools of
physicians nor Aristotle's discerning brain have dis-
closed the manner how the cock and its seed doth
mint and coine the chicken out of the egge."
Even after Spallanzani had shown experimentally
(1786) that the fertilising power must be in the
minute spermatozoa, since filtered spermatic fluid
of frogs was inoperative, vague and even absurd views
continued to abound.
" Even von Baer (1835) was inclined to interpret
the spermatozoa as minute parasites peculiar to the
male fluid ; Johannes Miiller seems also to have been
in doubt; and Richard Owen included them in his
article on * Entozoa ' (internal parasites) in Todd's
Cyclopaedia of Anatomy and Physiology" f In 1843
Martin Barry saw the union of sperm and ovum in
the rabbit, but it was not till 1854 that Bischoff
abandoned the theory that a mere touch of sperm and
ovum was sufficient to ensure fertilisation.
In fact, the distinctively modern period in the
study of fertilisation only began about a quarter of
a century ago, when the researches of Auerbach, E.
van Beneden, Biitschli, Fol, De Bary, Strasburger,
* E. B. Wilson, op. cit., p. 10.
f Thomson, Science of Life, p. 125.
372 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
Oscar Hertwig, and others made it clear that fertil-
isation in plants and animals alike is an intimate
and orderly union of a spermatozoon and an ovum,
— a union in which the two nuclei play a very im-
portant part.
It is generally believed that the paternal and
maternal hereditary qualities which are united in
fertilisation have their seat in the sperm-nucleus and
the ovum-nucleus, especially or exclusively in the
readily stainable or chromatin substance of these ; as
the ovum is very much larger than the spermatozoon,
it evidently supplies most of the initial capital of
cell-substance; the spermatozoon, however, contrib-
utes, apart from its nucleus, a little body called the
centrosome which is now well known in many cases
of animal fertilisation, and seems to play an impor-
tant part in the process of egg-cleavage; the result
of the cleavage is that each daughter-cell gets an
equal share of the heritage of chromatin.
We have alluded to the importance of the idea of
genetic continuity — that the germ-cell is a link in a
continuous chain of germ-cells; but we must place
close beside it the striking fact, which is for some
stages visibly demonstrable, that the maternal and
paternal chromatin-contributions which come together
in fertilisation are distributed equally in the cells of
the offspring.
During the last quarter of the nineteenth century
there were many hundreds of researches on ferti-
lisation, and there is perhaps a larger amount of
observational material on this subject than on any
other except cell-division, but it must not be sup-
posed for a moment that the process is understood.
The general tendency, following Hertwig and Stras-
burger, is to credit the nuclei with being alone im-
GENEOLOGICAL. 373
portant in the process, but against this we have the
facts — as yet uncontroverted — that a non-nucleated
ovum or even fragment of an ovum may be fertilised
and may develop to the larval stage (Boveri and De-
lage), and that artificial conditions may induce an
ovum to develop without a spermatozoon. Thus,
Loeb induced artificial parthenogenesis in sea-urchin
ova by placing them for a couple of hours in sea-
water, to which some magnesium chloride had been
added, disturbing the normal proportions of the
ions. There are also incipient experiments (Fieri,
Winkler, and others) on the effect of an extract of
sperm in stimulating the cleavage of the ovum.
Everything points to the desirability of extreme cau-
tion, but it seems likely that we have to distinguish
in fertilisation two distinct results — (a) a mingling
of heritable qualities, and (6) a physiological stimu-
lus to division.*
Since the formulation of the Cell-Theory, the de-
velopment of Embryology has been rapid, and this
may in part account for the insecurity of its general-
isations. We propose to refer to a few of these.
Germ-Layers. — The fertilised animal ovum di-
vides into a mass of cells — a solid ball, or morula;
a hollow ball, or blastula; a convex disc on the top
of the yolk, and so on. The next great step is the
differentiation of two germinal layers — the diplo-
blastic state. Of these the outer layer is called the
ectoderm or epiblast, and the inner the endoderm or
hypoblast When the egg is not encumbered with
much yolk this two-layered stage most frequently
assumes the form of a thimble-shaped or barrel-
shaped embryo, whose cavity is the primitive gut or
* See Geddes and Thomson, The Evolution of Sex, revised
(4th) edition, 1901.
374 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
archenteron. The ectoderm gives rise to epidermis,
nervous system, foundations of the sense-organs and
so on ; the endoderm forms the lining of the future
mid-gut and of the various organs (such as lungs,
liver, and pancreas) which grow out as diverticula
from it, and likewise, in vertebrates, to the primi-
tive dorsal axis or notochord; while a third median
stratum of cells — the mesoderm — of considerable
definiteness above the level of the unsegmented
worms, gives origin chiefly to muscular and skeletal
tissue.
From the work of Von Baer onwards much atten-
tion has been paid to these germinal layers ; in 1849
Huxley collated the epiblast and hypoblast of the em-
bryo with the two layers of cells which form the body
of adult polyps, like the common Hydra ; and it was
regarded as one of the criteria of complete homology
that organs similar in structure should also be homo-
dermic, i.e., traceable to a similar origin from the
germinal layers. The work of the brothers Hert-
wig in connection with this germ-layer-theory
(Keimblattertheorie) was of particular importance.
" Gradually, however, the confidence of embryol-
ogists in this germ-layer-theory has been shaken —
by the following, among other, considerations, (a)
What one may call the stratification of the embryo
is established in very different ways in different
types; (&) there are some cases, notably sponges,
where the history of the outer and inner layers can-
not be readily brought into line with the state of
affairs in the majority; (c) the mesoderm is so
varied in its origin (from ectoderm, from endoderm,
or from both) and in its expression, that the concep-
tion lacks even a pretence at unity; and (d) in many
cases the facts of development show that certain
GENEOLOGICAL. 375
orgnns can be traced back to a few cells specifically
predestined from their first appearance, rather than
to a homogeneous germinal layer." * In fact, the
germ-layer-theory is now regarded by many experts
as " inadequate and misleading," and it is being re-
placed by a more detailed study of cell-lineage in
which segmentation-cells or blastomeres are traced
from their origin to their final result.
Gastrcea-Tlieory. — The same kind of remark must
be made in regard to Haeckel's famous Gastrcea-
TJieory (1874:). In this there are two propositions,
— (1) that the gastrula-embryo (the two-layered sac)
is of general occurrence, though often disguised, in
the development of animals; and (2) that the hypo-
thetical ancestral form of multicellular animal (the
Gastraea) was a two-layered sac like a gastrula.
But it requires extraordinary ingenuity to find the
gastrula-stage in, let us say, the development of a
hedgehog, or even in that of the chick. And
even when the gastrula is plain, as in starfishes, it
is not always clear that its layers are homologous
with those of other gastrulae, e.g., in Sponges. As
to the other part of the Gastraea-Theory, there are
three or four plausible hypotheses in the field as to
the possible form of the ancestral multicellular
animal. It is likely enough that there were several
forms.
Recapitulation-Doctrine. — Once more, to take the
largest generalisation of nineteenth-century embryol-
ogy,— the Recapitulation-Doctrine or biogenetie
law, — which suggests that the individual develop-
ment is in some measure a recapitulation of the
racial history, there are few modern embryologists
who regard it without hesitation and suspicion.
* Science of Life, p. 131.
376 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
Meckel in 1821 wa8 one of the first to speak of the
"correspondence between the development of the
embryo and that of the entire animal series." Kiel-
meyer seems to have something to do with the origi-
nation of the idea ; Oken and Goethe both express it.
Yon Baer, to whom the recapitulation-idea is often
carelessly ascribed, was very cautious on the subject;
Louis Agassiz (though a non-evolutionist) gave it
clear expression in his famous Essay on Classifica-
tion (1859) ; his son Alexander was also an adher-
ent, though more guardedly; Fritz Miiller was an
enthusiastic exponent in his Facts for Darwin,
Haeckel formulated it in his " Biogenetisches Grund-
gesetz " (fundamental biogenetic law) that " Ontog-
eny tends to recapitulate Phylogeny " ; and Her-
bert Spencer also made it part of his biological
system.*
There is no doubt that we have here a big idea
and a clear one, that of individual development in
some measure recapitulating racial history, and it
must not be hastily condemned because of popular
exaggerations on the one hand (no idea has suffered
more from its friends), or because critics have sought
rather to controvert than to correct it. Let us admit
the grotesqueness of popular exposition, e.g., that
the mammal is at one time a little fish ; let us allow
that Milnes Marshall did not mean to be taken too
literally when he spoke of " every animal climbing
up its own genealogical tree " ; let us grant that evi-
dence from the child's acquirement of language and
ideas is not very cogent evidence of parallelism to
a past whicK is more than half-concealed; let us
remember Haeckel's explicit declaration that the
* For some details, see the writer's Science of Life, pp. 133-
138.
GENEOLOGICAL. 377
recapitulation is general, not exact, that there is
often a tendency to abbreviation, and that relatively
recent adaptations (kainogenetic characters) may
disguise the ancient ancestral features (palingenetic
characters) ; let us emphasise that the recapitu-
lation-idea was not intended as a contribution to the
physiology of development, but was merely suggested
as a historical interpretation — a light from a dis-
tance; and let us even acknowledge that more exact
knowledge sees differences where more hasty earlier
observations saw only resemblances. Yet, after all,
there is a good word to be said for the recapitulation
idea.
If we take an individual animal, like the frog,
and study its life-history, we cannot but conclude
that in a general way and in respect to certain
changes in organs, its ontogeny does recapitulate its
phylogeny.
But let us notice two possible fallacies. In sum-
ming up the so-called, we think miscalled, " evidences
of evolution," it is customary to cite a case like
that of the frog's life-history — with its fish-like and
dipnoan-like stages — as part of the " evidence."
The frog, in its tadpole and other stages, is sup-
posed to oblige the naturalist — the evolutionist — by
climbing up its own genealogical tree; and that it
does so is cited as a corroboration of the evolution-
idea. But when we come to study the frog's de-
velopment in itself, as part of the practical course of
embryology, and are puzzled by its circuitousness,
we explain (or are tempted to explain) the turns and
twists of the ontogeny by saying, that in so doing
the larval frog is recapitulating the historical
evolution of its race.
The second fallacy is this, that when we examine
378 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
the facts carefully it is at once evident that the
larval frog (or tadpole in the wide sense) is never
a little fish, though it has undoubtedly a fish-like
heart, a fish-like circulation, and fish-like gills. It
is, none the less, from the very outset an amphibian,
and even more than that a frog ; whether we consider
its scaleless skin with multicellular skin-glands, or
its muscular tongue, or its rayless dorsal fin, or its
posterior nares, or a dozen other features, it is an
amphibian from beginning to end. The parallelism
is rather between the development and the phylogeny
of organs, than between the life-history and the evo-
lution of organisms. And even in regard to organs,
the recapitulation-doctrine in its cruder forms breaks
down, for in RabPs recent monograph on the lenses
of vertebrates, it is clearly shown that although in
the development of the higher lenses (of mammals,
for instance) there is some recapitulation of the evo-
lutionary stages, yet the earliest rudiment of the lens
(of a cat or of a bat) is specifically peculiar in every
case.
Probably as the result of rapid development, the
generalisations of embryology — such as the germ-
layer-theory, the gastrcea-theory, the recapitulation
doctrine, — are no longer tenable without many
saving-clauses. But, since each, undoubtedly, ex-
presses some truth, our endeavour should be not that
of destructive criticism, but rather that of adapting
them to the new data.
Physiological Embryology. — What Pander and
Lotze suggested, — that there should be an enquiry
into the immediate conditions which are operative in
development, was recognised by His in the famous
work Unsere Korperform und das Problem ihrer
Entstehung (1875), and by Rauber in his Formbil-
GENEOLOGICAL. 379
dung und Formstorung (1880). "To think that
heredity will build up organic beings without me-
chanical means " is, according to His, " a piece of
unscientific mysticism " ; and from many different
sides there has been an attempt to analyse the proc-
esses of organic growth and embryonic architecture.
The task, which is involved in stupendous difficulties,
has been touched by the work of O. Hertwig, Pfliiger,
Fol, Born, O. Schultze, Berthold, Gerlach, Van Ben-
eden, Boveri, Heidenhain, Loeb, Davenport, and
many others, but the name of Roux should be par-
ticularly associated with the attempt to get nearer
some concrete conception of developmental mechan-
ism.
" Developmental mechanics/' he says, " or the causal
morphology of organisms, is the doctrine of the causes
of organic forms — the doctrine of the causes of the
origin, maintenance, and involution (degeneration) of
these forms. ... In any given case, we must trace
back each individual formative process to the special
combination of energies by which it is conditioned, or,
in other words, to its modi operandi, and each of these
modi operandi must be ascertained with respect to
place, time, direction, magnitude, and quality. Or, in-
versely we may endeavour to determine in the individual
structure the special part which is performed by every
modus operandi known to participate in the develop-
ment of the organism."
To mention those who have helped Roux towards
the realisation of this ambitious aim would be to
give a list of the contributors to the ArcJiiv fur Ent-
wickelungs-Mechanik. But this could serve no use-
ful purpose.
The problem of development has been passed on
to the twentieth century quite unsolved, and we can-
380 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
not here discuss the various theories. It may be said,
however, that each step in development is a function
of three factors: (a) the organisation of the germ-
cells, objectively expressed in a visible complexity of
structure, and in an inconceivable molecular com-
plexity beneath this: (&) the vital relation of the
various blastomeres or segmentation-cells to one an-
other; and (c) the environmental influences (pres-
sure, osmosis, chemical composition of the medium,
temperature, light, etc.) which play upon the whole.
EXPERIMENTAL EMBRYOLOGY.
Although the idea of artificially influencing the
germ is very old, although even Swammerdam is said
to have succeeded in producing monstrosities, ex-
perimental embryology is practically a new depar-
ture in biology. Almost all the experiments of mo-
ment have been made in the last twenty years, and
since 1890 it has been a prominent line of research.
There is a Journal — Archiv fur Eniwickelungs-
Mechanik, edited by Roux — which is in great part
devoted to the subject, and there are already at least
two text-books mainly devoted to its exposition.*
(a) One of the first modes of experiment in this
direction was in the artificial production of monstros-
ities. Just as pathology sheds light on physiology —
in the case of the thyroid gland for instance — so
teratology and teratogenesis (the study and produc-
tion of monstrosities) may help us to understand
normal development. The most successful worker
along this line has been Camille Dareste,f the
* W. Haacke, EntwicTcelungs-MecJianik. C. Labbe, Cytol-
ogie Exptrimentale.
t Recherches sur la production artificielle des monstruos-
iUs; ou Essais de Ttratog&nie Expcrimentdle, Paris, 1877;
2nd ed., 1891.
GENEOLOGICAL. 381
acknowledged chief of monster-makers. He has ex-
perimented for instance, with the egg of the fowl, —
a corpus vile for many purposes — placing it verti-
cally instead of horizontally, keeping it slightly
above or slightly below the normal temperature of
incubation, heating different parts of the egg un-
equally, hermetically varnishing part of the shell,
and so on. He has not only shown that the germ
is plastic in the grip of its environment, but he has
been able to induce a number of particular malfor-
mations which are of interest to the student of
normal structure.
Of great importance, perhaps inadequately recog-
nised, is the work of Prof. A. Rauber, Formbildung
und Formstorung* (1880), which showed the sig-
nificance of relating the results of abnormal disturb-
ance to the normal sequence of events, and described
a number of interesting experiments. To it we may
refer the serious student for a historical sketch of the
results achieved before 1880.
There are many other workers, such as O. Hert-
wig, B. C. A. Windle, and Ch. Fere, whose investi-
gations are in part on the same lines as those of
Dareste and Rauber.
(6) Puncturing Experiments. — The egg of the
frog, about one-tenth of an inch in diameter, is a very
convenient subject for embryological experiment.
The first three cleavages, visible even with the naked
eye, lie along three planes, which, in order of se-
quence, correspond to those which divide the tadpole
into right and left sides, head and tail regions, dorsal
and ventral areas. Of the first two cells into which
the egg of a frog divides one has in it the material
for forming the right half of the body, the other has
* I.e., Forming and deforming.
382 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
in it the material for forming the left half of tho
body.
When Roux punctured one of the first two segmen-
tation-cells (or blastomeres) with a hot needle or
otherwise, he found that the intact other cell devel-
oped into a typical 7mZ/-morula, or /&aZ/-gastrula, or
7iaZ/-embryo, according to the success in survival.
Thus, there might be in the embryo, half of the
normal cerebrum, one ear-sac, a one-sided gut, a
single row of protovertebrae, and so on. Thus it was
proved that one of the first two segmentation cells (or
blastomeres) may form half an embryo; it has the
requisite material and the requisite power of inde-
pendent development. This, and many similar ex-
periments, led Eoux to his theory that the early de-
velopment of the frog-ovum is like a kind of mosaic
work pieced together in independent parts. He sug-
gested that there were at least four independently-de-
veloping pieces. It should be noted, however, that
the half -embryo may eventually form a whole, either
with the aid of a re-vitalisation of the injured half-
egg which has been lying passive while the uninjured
half was developing, or even without any co-opera-
tion on the part of the injured half of the first
cleavage.*
So far, there seemed to be a definite conclusion
reached by an investigator of the first rank, that the
puncturing of one of the first two cells into which
a frog's egg divides, has for its result that the intact
other cell forms a half -embryo, — a one-sided em-
bryo, which by " post-regeneration " may become
eventually a whole.
But in 1893, Professor Oscar Hertwig, whose con-
* Virchow's Archiv f. Pathologic, CXIV. (1888).
GENEOLOGICAL. 383
tributions to biology have been momentous, pub-
lished the results of an extensive series of experi-
ments * on the same subject, and these were far
from harmonising with the conclusion reached by
Roux.
According to Hertwig, if one of the first two seg-
mentation-cells (or blastomeres) be completely des-
troyed, the surviving half forms a fairly normal
embryo, with structural defects of slight importance.
If the destruction be partial, division may occur in
the injured half, either in its own strength or with
help from the intact half. But a destroyed half
cannot be revitalised, nor does Koux's post-genera-
tion occur. The development of the uninjured half
is quite normal. No half-gastrula or half-embryo
is ever formed, when one of the first two blastomeres
is destroyed. Therefore, as Hertwig concluded, the
mosaic theory of development is contradicted by fact
We wish to dwell upon this particular case be-
cause it is so vividly illustrative of scientific method.
Here we have observers of equal competence reach-
ing discrepant conclusions from similar experiments
on the same material !
The puzzle was solved (in great part at least) by
the very careful research of Prof. T. H. Morgan, |
who showed that either a half -embryo or a whole half-
sized dwarf may result from the experiment, accord-
ing to the position of the blastomere. If, after one
of the first two cells has been destroyed, the other
be left in its normal position, then a half-embryo
results (11 cases) as Roux described. But if the
* Archiv fur mikroskopische Anatomic, XLII. (1893),
pp. 662-807, 6 plates (with bibliography of 52 papers).
t Half-embryos or whole-embryos from one of the first
two blastomeres of the frog's egg. Anat Anzeig., 1895.
384 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
intact blastomere be inverted, then it may develop
into a half -embryo (3 cases) or into an entire dwari
(9 cases).
" Morgan therefore concluded that the production
of whole embryos by the inverted blastomeres was,
in part at least, due to a rearrangement or rotation
of the egg-materials under the influence of gravity,
the blastomeres thus returning as it were, to a state of
equilibrium like that of an entire ovum." *
(c) Isolation-Experiments. — Professor C. Chun
observed in 1877 that when the two first segmenta-
tion-cells of a ctenophore ovum were shaken apart,
each formed a half-larva, with four instead of eight
ciliated ridges and meridional vessels, with one ten-
tacle instead of two. The half-larva3 actually be-
came sexual, and by a process of budding, the missing
half was eventually formed. The observer also
added the interesting note that united twin cteno-
phore-larvse were most abundant after stormy days,
probably resulting from the incomplete separation
of the first two blastomeres and their independent
development.
The importance of Chun's hint was recognised
by Driesch who was the first to develop the method
of isolating segmentation-cells by shaking. The
device has been resorted to in many cases, — with
ascidians and sea-urchins in particular. As a par-
ticularly fine piece of work, we may refer to Prof.
E. B. Wilson's experiments on the eggs of the lance-
let (Amphioxus) .f
By shaking the water in which the two-celled
stages floated, Wilson separated the two cells, and
* B. B. Wilson, The Cell in Development and Inheritance,
2nd ed., 1900, p. 422.
t Journal of Morphology, VIII. (1893), pp. 579-638, 10
pis.
GENEOLOGICAL. 385
the result was two quite separate and independent
twins of half the normal size. Each of the isolated
cells segments like a normal ovum, and gives origin,
through blastula and gastrula stages, to a half-sized
metameric larva.
If the shaking has separated the two first segmen-
tation cells incompletely, double embryos — like Si-
amese twins — result, and also form short-lived
(twenty-four hours) segmented larvae.
Similar experiments with the four-celled stages
succeeded, though development never continued long
after the first appearance of metamerism. Com-
plete isolation of the four cells resulted in four
dwarf blastulae, gastrulae, and even larvae. Separa-
tion into two parts of cells resulted in two half-sized
embryos. Incomplete separation resulted in one of
three types — (a) double embryos, (6) triple em-
bryos— one twice the size of the other two — and (c)
quadruple embryos, each a quarter size.
The eager observer proceeded to shake up the
eight-celled stages, but in no case did he succeed in
rearing a gastrula from an isolated unit of the eight-
celled stages. Flat plates, curved plates, even one-
eighth size blastulae were formed, but none seemed
capable of full development.
Thus, a unit from the four cell stage may form an
embryo, but a unit from the eight cell stage does not.
For various reasons it seems likely that this is due
to qualitative limitations, not merely to the fact
that the units of the eight cell stage are smaller. For
although the separated cells of the eight cell stage
have considerable vitality, and swim about actively,
the difference between macromeres and micromeres
has by this time been established; in fact the cells
have begun to be specialised, and have no longer the
386 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
primitive indifference, the absence of differentia-
tion, which explains the developmental potentiality
of the separated units of the two-celled or four-
celled stages.
Somewhat similar experiments have been made by
other investigators on the developing ova of ascidians,
sea-urchins, etc. Specialisation of segmentation-
cells appears to occur at different times in different
animals, but it is illogical to infer the absence of
specialisation from the fact that any of the first four
blastomeres, let us say, can produce an entire embryo.
For specialised cells may retain a power of regener-
ation.
(d) Pressure-Experiments. — Many investigators,
e.g., Driesch, O. Hertwig, Born — have studied the
behaviour of an ovum subjected to the constraint of
slight pressure between glass plates. Prof. Hertwig
shows that various compressions profoundly modify
the course of segmentation, the direction and suc-
cession of the cleavage planes, and the size of the
blastomeres. The nuclei may be most variably dis-
posed, they may lie in disorder, " like a heap of balls
thrown together," and yet normal embryos result.
This is regarded by many as a strong argument
against the theory that qualitatively different por-
tions of the nucleus are separated from one another
by the early cleavages.
Here we may also refer to the interesting results
of rotating the eggs so that the distribution of their
substance is affected by "centrifugal force." This
may also have a profound effect on the segmenta-
tion ; thus O. Hertwig has shown in the ease of the
frog's egg that the normal segmentation (total and
unequal) may be replaced by a process closely akin
to the type known as partial and discoidal.
GENEOLOGICAL. 387
(e) Influence of Temperature. — In his account of
the development of one of the earthworms (Allolobo-
phora trapezoides) , whose eggs very frequently form
twins, Vejdovsky suggested that the " twinning " was
perhaps influenced by warmth, for it was most fre-
quent in warm weather. This suggestion prompted
Driesch to try the effect of increased warmth on the
developing eggs of the sea-urchin (Sphosrechinus) .
The usual result was very striking, though it was
not quite constant, nor verifiable in related forms,
e.g., Echinus. What often happened in the case of
S pliasrechinus was the formation of distinct twin-
embryos and even twin-larva? (Plutei) from each
egg-
In a later series of experiments, Driesch showed
that when the blastula-embryos (hollow balls of
cells) of Splioerechinus granularis are kept in sea-
water on a stove heated to about 30°C., the great
majority show in about 18 hours a remarkable state
of affairs (exogastrula-state) in which the area of
cells which is normally invaginated to form the
primitive gut, bulges outwards instead of inwards.
The final result, which may survive for a week, is a
gut-less larva — an " Anenteria."
Many other experiments, both as to heat and cold,
have been made, and they are probably of great im-
portance since vicissitudes of temperature are of
frequent occurrence in natural conditions. It may
be conjectured that the temperature influences the
metabolism of the cells, e.g., the rate of formation
of nuclein-compounds, and thus affects the manner
of growth.
(/) Influence of Chemical Re-agents. — In 1887,
O. and R. Hertwig published a pioneer-research on
the influence of chemical and other stimuli on fertil-
388 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
isation and cleavage.* This was the beginning of
a long series of researches, of which the most remark-
able are probably those of Curt Herbst. t
Herbst placed fertilised ova of various sea-urchins
in sea-water whose normal composition had been dis-
turbed by the addition of solutions of potassium
chloride, lithium chloride, and so on, usually in the
proportions of 3.8 grms. to 100 centimetres of sea-
water. Nothing could be quainter than some of the
resulting abnormal forms which nevertheless tended
to reach the normal (Pluteus) type by entirely
abnormal paths. It remains uncertain how far the
chemical re-agents act directly, or only by disturb-
ing the osmotic pressure, but Herbst favours the
second interpretation.
(#) Loeb's Experiments. — Profs. O. and R. Hert-
wig, Prof. T. H. Morgan, and others have shown that
if unfertilised eggs (especially of sea-urchins) be sub-
jected to the influence of weak solutions of various
salts (sodium-chloride, magnesium-chloride, etc.)
or of other substances (such as strychnine), they
may exhibit changes comparable to those of cleavage
or of preparation for cleavage.
In 1899, Professor Jacques Loeb of Chicago suc-
ceeded in rearing perfect larvas of sea-urchins from
unfertilised eggs which had been left for a couple
of hours in sea-water disturbed by the addition of
some magnesium chloride. It seems to us im-
possible to find any reason for doubting the ac-
curacy of the carefully controlled experiments.^: It
may be, however, that sea-urchin ova are sometimes
* Jenaische Zeitschrift f. Naturwissenschaften, XX., 1887.
t Zeitschr. wiss., Zool., LV., 1892, pp. 446-518, 2 pis. Mt.
Zool. Stat. Neapel, XI. 1893, Archivf. Entwickelungs-Mechanik,
II., 1896, etc.
J American Journal of Physiology, 1889 and 1900.
GENEOLOGICAL. 389
parthenogenetic in natural conditions, but this is
only a supposition and will not, even if verified, af-
fect the interest of Loeb's experiments.
(h) Boveri's Experiment. — The brothers Hert-
wig showed that non-nucleated fragments of a sea-
urchin's egg might be " fertilised " by a spermato-
zoon, and might segment. In 1889, Boveri proved
that they might form dwarf larvae, and Morgan in
1895 demonstrated that the nuclei of such larvae con-
tained only half the normal number of nuclear ele-
ments or chromosomes, — an indication of the fact
that the nuclear material was wholly paternal, i.e.,
derived from the sperm-nucleus.
"Now, by fertilising enucleated egg-fragments of
one species (Splicer echinus granularis) with the sper-
matozoa of another (Echinus tuberculatus) , Boveri
obtained in a few instances dwarf Plutei (larvae)
showing except in size the pure paternal characteristics,
i. e., those of the Echinus. From this he concluded
that the maternal cytoplasm has no determining effect
on the offspring, but supplies only the material in
which the sperm-nucleus operates. Inheritance is,
therefore, effected by the nucleus alone.
"The later studies of Seeliger (1894), Morgan
(1895), and Driesch (1898) showed that this result is
not entirely conclusive, since hybrid larvae arising by the
fertilisation of an entire ovum of one species by a sper-
matozoon of the other show a very considerable range
of variation; and while most such hybrids are inter-
mediate in character between the two species, some in-
dividuals may nearly approximate to the characters of
the father or the mother. Despite this fact, Boveri
(1895) has strongly defended his conclusion, though
admitting that only further research can definitely de-
cide the question." *
* E. B. Wilson, The Cell in Development and Inheritance,
2nd ed., 1900, p. 353.
390 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
(i) Delage's Experiments. — In a short paper
entitled " Embryos without Maternal Nucleus/'
Professor Yves Delage described in 1898 * a remark-
able experiment, implying a very delicate operation.
He divided the egg of a sea-urchin under the micro-
scope into two parts, one containing the nucleus and
the centrosome, the other simply cytoplasmic. Be-
side them he placed an intact ovum, and then let
spermatozoa in. All the three objects showed equal
" sexual attraction," all were " fertilised," and all
segmented, the intact ovum most rapidly, the nucle-
ated fragment more slowly, the non-nucleated frag-
ment more slowly still. In one case, the develop-
ment proceeded for three days ; the intact ovum had
become a typical gastrula (two-layered embryo),
the nucleated fragment a smaller gastrula, and the
non-nucleated fragment also a gastrula, but with a
very much reduced cavity. The experimenter there-
fore concluded that fertilisation and some measure
of development may occur in a fragment of ovum
without a maternal nucleus; and he was led to dis-
tinguish between (a) the stimulus given to the ovum
by something which the spermatozoon brought to
it, and (&) the mingling of heritable characteris-
tics— as two distinct processes in fertilisation.
In the following year, Delage extended his experi-
ments,f and showed that a non-nucleated fragment
of the ovum of a sea-urchin (Echinus), of a mol-
lusc (Dentalium), and of a worm (Lanice) may be
effectively fertilised and give rise to a Pluteus, a
Veliger, or a Trochophore larva respectively. He
* Oomptes Renclus Acad. Sci., Paris, CXXVII., 1898. pp.
528-531.
t Archives Zoologie Exptrimentale, VII. (1899), pp. 383-
417, 11 figs.
GENEOLOGICAL. 391
showed that three larvae may be reared from a single
sea-urchin ovum divided into three pieces, and that
a normal blastula might develop from -g\ of an
ovum. To this development of fragments he ap-
plied the term merogony.
It will be observed that while Loeb showed that
normal development was possible without the pa-
ternal nucleus, Delage showed that this was possible
without the maternal nucleus. If both sets of ex-
periments are duly confirmed, there will be need for
some reconstruction in the current views as to fer-
tilisation.
(;') Determination of Sex. — A. reference should
be made here to the numerous experiments on the
factors which determine whether a germ is to be-
come a male or a female organism. The investi-
gations of Born, Pfliiger, Yung, Maupas, Xussbaum,
and Diising are of especial importance ; but we may
refer for detailed discussion to The Evolution of
Sex (4th edition, revision) by Prof. Patrick Geddes
and the writer, and to the dispassionate review by
Henneberg (Anatomiscne Ergebnisse, Merkel and
Bonnet, VIL, 189?; pp. 697-721). We must be
content with a general summary : —
The epoch at which the sex is finally determined
is variable in different animals, and diverse factors
operative at successive epochs. Theological and meta-
physical theories of sex have preceded the sci-
entific ; observation and statistics have been resorted
to before experiment; and over 500 theories in all
have been set forth. That there are two kinds of
ova is still for the most part an assumption; that
the entrance of more than one spermatozoon fre-
quently occurs, and is a determining factor, is
erroneous. Thury's emphasis on the age of the ovum
392 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
when fertilised is probably justified; while Hensen
extends this notion to the male element as well. The
age of the parents is probably only of secondary
import, and the law of Hofacker and Sadler as to
the importance of this is not confirmed. Theories
of " comparative vigour " and the like must be dis-
missed; while Starkweather's theory of the relative
superiority of either sex, and of the influence of this
on the sex of the offspring, requires further analysis.
But there is much importance in Diising's explana-
tion of the self-regulating numerical proportion of
the sexes.
It must first be recognised that a number of fac-
tors co-operate in the determination of sex; but the
most important of these may be more and more
resolved into plus or minus nutrition, operating upon
parent, sex elements, embryo, and in some cases
larvae, (a) Starting with the parent organisms
themselves, we find this general conclusion most
probable, — that adverse circumstances, especially of
nutrition, but also including age and the like, tend
to the production of males, the reverse conditions
favouring females. (6) As to the reproductive ele-
ments, a highly nourished ovum, compared with one
less favourably conditioned, in every probability will
tend to a female rather than to a male development.
Fertilisation, when the ovum is fresh and vigorous,
before waste has begun to set in, will corroborate
the same tendency, (c) Then if we accept Sutton's
opinion as to a transitory hermaphrodite period in
most animals, from which the transition to uni-
sexuality is effected by the hypertrophy of the female
side or preponderance of the male in respective cases,
the vast importance of early environmental influ-
ences must be allowed. The longer the period of
GENEOLOGICAL. 393
sexual indifference (though, this term be an objec-
tionable one) continues, the more important must
be those outside factors, whether directly operative
or indirectly through the parent. Here again, then,
favourable conditions of nutrition, temperature, and
the like, tend towards the production of females,
the reverse increase the probability of male prepon-
derance.
The general conclusion, then, more or less clearly
grasped by numerous investigators, is that favour-
able nutritive conditions tend to produce females,
and unfavourable conditions males.
"Let us express this, however, in more precise lan-
guage. Such conditions as deficient or abnormal food,
high temperature, deficient light, moisture, and the
like, are such as tend to induce a preponderance of
waste over repair — a relatively katabatic habit of body,
— and these conditions tend to result in the production
of males. Similarly, the opposed set of factors, such
as abundant and rich nutrition, abundant light and
moisture, favour constructive processes, i. e., make for
a relatively anabolic habit, and these conditions tend
to result in the production of females. With some ele-
ment of uncertainty, we may also include the influence
of the age and physiological prime of either sex, and of
the period of fertilisation. But the general conclusion
is tolerably secure, — that in the determination of sex,
influences inducing a relative predominance of kata-
bolism tend to result in production of males, as those
favouring a relative predominance of anabolism simi-
larly increase the probability of females." *
(&) Other Experiments. — (1) The importance
of the age or staleness of the germ-cells in affecting
the growth of the embryo has been carefully studied
* Evolution of Bex, 4th ed., 1901, p. 55.
394: PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
by Dr. H. M. Vernon.* (2) Heape is responsible
for a number of experiments on artificial insemina-
tion, and for such daring experiments as the follow-
ing, f From an Angora doe rabbit (fertilized 32
hours previously by an Angora buck) he transferred
two ova into the upper end of the oviduct of a Bel-
gian doe rabbit (inseminated three hours previously
by a Belgian buck), with the result that when the
Belgian doe gave birth, four of the young were
Belgian and two Angoras. (3) Prof. Cossar Ewart's
" Penycuik Experiments " have added not a little
to our knowledge as to the variable results of hybri-
disation and as to the occurrence of reversions.^:
(4) The experiments of Eitzema-Bos and others
as to in-breeding (in rats) suggest that there are
limits beyond which this is likely to prove very dis-
advantageous.
(5) Of the utmost importance, as indeed a be-
ginning of an experimental study of the conditions
of reproduction in plants, has been the careful work
of Klebs (1896), in which he has shown how changes
in the environmental conditions may induce, in
Algae and Fungi, the occurrence of sexual or asexual
reproduction. The factors investigated were nutri-
tion, moisture, light, temperature, and chemical re-
agents ; and the general result is a proof that certain
external conditions determine the occurrence of asex-
ual reproduction (by zoospores), while others as
certainly evoke sexual reproduction (by gametes).
(6) Maupas' Experiments. — Though the work of
Maupas, like that of Klebs, has chiefly to do with
*Proc. Roy. Soc. London, LXV. (1899), pp. 350-360.
fProc. Roy. Soc., London, XLVIII. (1891), pp. 457-58.
,t The Penycuik Experiments, 1899.
GENEOLOGICAL. 395
unicellular organisms and not with embryos, this
seems the fittest place to take note of both, and it
must be remembered that the Protozoa and Proto-
phyta stand to the whole race of animals and plants
in somewhat the same relation as the germ-cells and
embryos do to individual organisms.
As the result of a long series of observations —
models of patient accuracy — Maupas reached the
general conclusion that sexual union in ciliated In-
fusorians, dangerous perhaps for the individual life,
— a loss of time so far as immediate multiplication is
concerned, — is necessary for the continued vigour
of the race. The life runs in cycles of asexual
division, which are strictly limited. Conjugation
with unrelated forms must occur, else the whole
life ebbs. Without it, the Protozoa, which some
have called " immortal," die a natural death. Con-
jugation is the necessary condition of their eternal
youth and immortality. Even at this low level,
only through the fire of love can the phoenix of the
species renew its youth.*
(1) Regeneration Experiments. — In the eight-
eenth century, the attention of naturalists was for
a time focussed on the problem of the regeneration or
regrowth of lost parts. Trembley discovered to his
great delight that the fresh-water polyp (Hydra)
might be multiplied by being cut in pieces; Spal-
lanzani showed that the earthworm cut by the spade
might regrow a new tail or even a new head; Bon-
net made numerous experiments on other worms,
and thought out an elaborate theory; Reaumur
pointed out the advantage of the regenerative capac-
ity in animals which were in their natural condi-
tions exposed to frequent risks of breakage or
*See Evolution of Sex (4th e<L, 1901), pp. 176-78.
396 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
wounds. Neither facts nor interpretations were
a-wanting a hundred years ago.
Towards the end of the nineteenth century the
problem of regeneration came again to the forefront
of biological enquiry. The basis of fact was broad-
ened, and the interpretations became less vague.
The regenerative capacity is very unequally dis-
tributed in the animal kingdom ; it is often exhibited
in regard to external parts, but rarely in regard to
internal parts. Its mechanism remains very ob-
scure, but there seems much reason to accept the
interpretation, which has occurred to many natu-
ralists from Reaumur to Weismann, but was summed
up in Lessona's law (1868) — that regeneration tends
to be well-marked in those animals and in those parts
of animals which are in the course of natural life
very liable to injury. To this we may add two
saving-clauses, — (a) always provided that the lost
part is of some vital importance, and (6) that the
wound or breakage is not fatal. The theory, the
Darwinian interpretation as we may call it, is, in
Weismann's words, that " the power of regenera-
tion possessed by an animal or by a part of an ani-
mal is regulated by adaptation to the frequency of
loss and to the extent of the damage caused by the
loss." The importance of comparing regenerative
processes with those of normal development is ob-
vious, even though both remain unread riddles. The
researches of Weismann and Morgan, Barfurth and
Bordage, Werner and Wheeler, Wolff and Miiller,
Loeb and Michel, are of special importance.
In the last quarter of the nineteenth century em-
bryology, hitherto observational, became more defi-
nitely experimental. Dareste and Rauber were
pioneers on a line of research which has been fol-
GENEOLOGICAL. 397
lowed by many workers, — the Hertwigs, Roux,
Driesch, Herbst, Wilson, Morgan, Loeb, Delage, and
many others. The results have contributed (a) to
the morphological problem of cell-lineage, (b) to
the physiological problem of growth-conditions or
body-physics, (c) to the general theory of the mean-
ing of fertilisation and development, and (d) to our
knowledge of the influence of the environment in
inducing modifications. But it is too soon to appre-
ciate the results, some of which seem mere curiosities,
while others suggest a revolutionary change of out-
look.
HEREDITY AND INHERITANCE.
Old Problems, but a Modern Study. — Even in
ancient times men pondered over the resemblances
and differences between children and their parents,
and wondered as to the nature of the bond which
links generation to generation. But although the
problems are old, the precise study of them is alto-
gether modern, and may almost be called Darwinian.
For it was largely under Darwin's influence, dating
from the publication of the Origin of Species (1859),
that the scientific study of the problems of heredity
began. The other chief influence was the cell-
theory, especially that development of it which Vir-
chow expounded — the idea of genetic continuity. It
should also be remembered that the first adequate pre-
sentation of the facts of inheritance was published
about the middle of the century, namely, Traite
de I'heredite naturelle (1847-1850), by Prosper
Lucas, which furnished a useful basis for more crit-
ical enquiry.
398 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
Let us briefly notice some of the changes since the
beginning of Darwin's day.
(1) Before the middle of the nineteenth century
much attention was given to what might be called the
demonstration of the general fact of inheritance.
Hundreds of pages in the treatise of Prosper Lucas
are devoted to proving that the present is the child of
the past, that our start in life is no haphazard affair,
but is rigorously determined by our parents and
grandparents, and that all sorts of innate peculiar-
ities— both great and small — may reappear genera-
tion after generation. Nowadays, no one doubts the
general fact; almost everyone rather will agree with
Prof. E. B. Wilson that "the studies of Darwin,
Galton, and others have shown that there is no pecu-
liarity of structure or function in any part of the
body too slight to escape the influence of either parent
or both in inheritance. . . . Both parents affect the
whole development of the child and may exert an
influence on every detail of its organisation." *
It is hardly too much to say that in the develop-
ment of natural knowledge, science begins where
measurement begins. And this is the case in regard
to inheritance. Or, perhaps, instead of measure-
ment, which may be taken in too narrow a sense, we
should say that precision of observation and record
which admits of statistical, mathematical, or some
other exact formulation. While nothing can take
the place of experiment — which is urgently needed
for the further development of our knowledge of
heredity — much has been gained by the application
of statistical and mathematical methods to biological
results — a new contact between different disciplines
* International Monthly, II., July, 1900, p. 80.
GENEOLOGICAL. 399
— which we may particularly associate with the
names of Mr. Francis Galton and Mr. Karl Pear-
son.
(2) A second step is the further elucidation and
widespread acceptance of the idea which Virchow
was one of the first to state, — the somewhat subtle,
yet essentially simple idea, which may be called
" the continuity of generations"
There is a sense, as Mr. Galton says, in which the
child is as old as the parent, for when the parent's
body is developing from the fertilised ovum, a resi-
due of unaltered germinal material is kept apart to
form the reproductive cells, one of which may be-
come the starting-point of a child. Similarly, Weis-
mann, generalising from cases where it seems to be
visibly demonstrable, maintains that the germinal
material (germ-plasm} which starts an offspring
owes its virtue to being materially continuous with
the germinal material from which the parent or
parents arose.
(3) A third step is that we are learning not to
spell heredity with a capital. "We no longer think
of it as a power or principle, as a fate or as one of
the forces of nature; we study it as a relation of
genetic continuity between successive generations, in
a sense mysterious, as every fact of life is, but none
the less a relation sustained by a visible material
basis (the germ-cells) and expressing itself in re-
semblances and differences which can be measured
and weighed.
The very terms " heredity," " heritage," " inherit-
ance," " transmit," are perhaps apt to deceive us by
their suggestion of a false analogy. In regard to
property there is a clear distinction between the heir
and the estate which he inherits; in regard to life
400 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
there is at first no such distinction. We inherit our-
selves; organism and inheritance are, to begin with,
one and the same. For by inheritance we simply
mean, in plain English, all that is involved in the
vital material which is set apart from parents to
start a new life. The inheritance is the fertilised
egg-cell, and heredity is no entity, but merely a
convenient term for the relation of genetic continu-
ity between successive generations.
But our particular point is that " Heredity," like
" Horologity in clocks," like " Phlogiston " and
" Caloric," and how many more " entities," has
yielded before the sharpness of William of Occam's
razor.
(4) Another change is marked by the more criti-
cal attitude which is now taken up in regard to
various sets of facts or alleged facts relating to in-
heritance, which were once accepted without ques-
tion. We allude to the modern criticism of alleged
cases of maternal impressions, " telegony," and the
transmission of acquired characters. Experience
has brought home the lesson that easy-going accept-
ance of the first solution offered is not the scientific
method. The most important line of criticism is
that which has at least shaken the formerly wide-
spread belief in the transmission of acquired char-
acters or somatic modifications. The scepticism
which Kant and Prichard and others had long before
expressed was re-asserted more convincingly by
Weismann in 1883 in his thesis that the child in-
herits from the parent germ-cell, rather than from
the parent body.
Methods. — The problems of heredity have long
since ceased to be studied in the arm-chair. They
have been attacked precisely and practically by
several distinct methods, of which the most im-
GENEOLOGICAL. 401
portant are (a) the minute study of the history of
the germ-cells by which life is continued from gen-
eration to generation; (&) the statistical study of
the measurable characters of successive generations;
and (c) the testing of various conclusions by ex-
perimental breeding. The first may be illustrated
by reference to Weismann's Germ-Plasm (1893) and
Wilson's The Cell in Development and Inheritance
(2nd ed., 1900) ; the second by Galton's Natural In-
heritance (1889) and Karl Pearson's memoirs; and
the third by Professor Cossar Ewart's Penycuik Ex-
periments (1899).
Facts of Inheritance. — We do not propose to ex-
pound the facts of inheritance, but merely to indi-
cate the present position of biology by a brief
reference.
(I.) The physical basis of inheritance is in the
fertilised ovum. Since the egg-cell is often micro-
scopic and the sperm cell may be only -nruvsw of
the ovum's size, it seems to many difficult to conceive
how there can be room in these minute elements for
the complexity of organisation supposed to be requi-
site; and the difficulty will be increased if the cur-
rent opinion be accepted that only the nuclei within
the germ-cells are the true bearers of the hereditary
qualities. It must be at once admitted that it is
quite impossible to form any mental picture of the
fact which the word potentiality implies.
To the question: What accounts for the poten-
tiality of the germ-cell, — what makes it, in con-
trast to any other cell, able to develop into an
organism ? — only two plausible answers have been
given. To the preformationists, no objective answer
was forthcoming, and the majority fell back upon
a hypothesis of hyperphysical agencies.
4:02 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
The first attempt at an objective answer is ex-
pressed in a theory which seems to have occurred at
intervals throughout the centuries, the theory of pan-
genesis. It was hinted at by Democritus, Hippoc-
rates, Paracelsus, Maupertuis, and Buffon. It was
suggested as a provisional hypothesis by Darwin and
also by Spencer (1864). According to the theory of
pangenesis, the cells of the body are supposed to give
off characteristic and representative gemmules, these
are supposed to find their way to the reproductive
elements, which thus come to contain, as it were,
concentrated samples of the different components of
the body, and are therefore able to develop into an
offspring like the parent. The theory involves many
hypotheses, and is avowedly unverifiable in direct
sense-experience, but the same might be said about
many other theories. It is perhaps more to the
point to notice that there is another theory of heredity
which is, on the whole, simpler, which seems, on
the whole, to fit the facts better, especially the fact
that our experience does not warrant the conclusion
that the modifications or acquired characters of the
body of the parent affect in any specific and repre-
sentative way the inheritance of the offspring.
As we have already hinted, the view which many,
if not most biologists now take of the uniqueness of
the germ-cells is rather different from that of pan-
genesis. It is expressed in the phrase " germinal
continuity," and was suggested by several thinkers
— Owen, Haeckel, Jaeger, Brooks, Galton, and Nuss-
baum — before Weismann worked it out into a con-
sistent theory. In many cases, scattered through
the animal kingdom, from worms to fishes, the be-
ginning of the lineage of germ-cells is demonstrable
in very early stages before the differentiation of the
GENEOLOGICAL. 403
body-cells has more than begun. In the development
of the threadworm of the horse, according to Boveri,
the very first cleavage divides the fertilised ovum
into two cells, one of which is the ancestor of all the
body-cells, and the other the ancestor of all the germ-
cells. In other cases, particularly among plants,
the segregation of germ-cells is not demonstrable un-
til a relatively late stage. Weismann, generalising
from cases where it seems to be visibly demonstrable,
maintains that in all cases the germinal material
which starts an offspring, owes its virtue to being
materially continuous with the germinal material
from which the parent or parents arose. But it is
not on a continuous lineage of recognisable germ-
cells that Weismann insists, for this is often un-
recognisable, but on the continuity of the germ-
plasm — that is of a specific substance of definite
chemical and molecular structure which is the
bearer of the hereditary qualities. In develop-
ment a part of the germ-plasm " contained in the
parent egg-shell is not used up in the construction of
the body of the offspring, but is reserved unchanged
for the formation of the germ-cells of the following
generation." Thus the parent is rather the trustee
of the germ-plasm than the producer of the child.
In a new sense the child is a chip of the old
block.
While early segregation of the germ-cells is in
many cases an observable fact — and doubtless the list
of such cases will be added to — the conception of a
germ-plasm is hypothetical, just as the conception
of a specific living stuff or protoplasm is hypothetical.
We cannot demonstrate the germ-plasm, even if we
may assume that it has its physical basis in the stain-
able nuclear bodies or chromosomes. The theory has
4:04 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
to be judged, like all such formulae, by its adequacy
in fitting facts.
Let us suppose that the fertilised ovum has cer-
tain qualities, a, b, c, . . . x, yf z; it divides and
re-divides, and a body is built up; the cells of this
body exhibit division of labour and differentiation,
losing their likeness to the ovum and to the first re-
sults of its cleavage. In some of the body-cells the
qualities a, b, find predominant expression, in others
the qualities y, z, and so on. But if, meanwhile,
there be certain germ-cells which do not differentiate,
which retain the qualities a, b, c, . . . x, y, z, un-
altered, which keep up, as one may say figuratively,
" the protoplasmic tradition," these will be in a posi-
tion by and by to develop into an organism like that
which bears them. Similar material to start with,
similar conditions in which to develop, therefore,
like tends to beget like. Various attempts have been
made to elaborate the general idea of genetic con-
tinuity, in terms for instance of " organic memory "
(Haeckel, Hering, Samuel Butler) but it is doubtful
whether they have been of real service.
It may be mentioned that Jaeger, Brooks, De
Vries, and others have tried to combine the modern
view with a modified version of the pangenetic hy-
pothesis.
(II.) The dual nature of inheritance is another
great fact, though it may seem a commonplace to
the superficial. Apart from exceptional cases (a-
sexual multiplication, parthenogenesis, and autog-
amy), the inheritance of every multicellular plant or
animal is dual, part of it comes from the mother in
the ovum or ovum-nucleus, part of it comes from
the father in the spermatozoon or sperm-nucleus ; the
beginning of the new individuality is a fertilised
GENEOLOGICAL. 405
egg-cell in which two organisations are subtly
mingled. We have already referred to the inter-
esting fact that the partition of paternal and mater-
nal chromatin-contributions between the daughter
cells of the segmenting ovum can be demonstrated in
early stages of development.
In regard to this fact of dual inheritance, three
saving-clauses are suggested by recent researches.
(a) Although inheritance is dual, it is in quite as
real a sense multiple, from ancestors through- parents,
as we shall afterwards see. (&) If Loeb is able to
induce artificial parthenogenesis in sea-urchins' eggs
exposed for a couple of hours to sea-water to which
some magnesium chloride has been added ; if Delage
is able to fertilise and to rear normal larvae from
non-nucleated ovum-fragments of sea-urchin, worm
and mollusc, we should be chary of committing our-
selves definitely to the conclusion that the nuclei are
the exclusive bearers of the hereditary qualities, or
that both must be present in all cases. Further-
more, the fact that an ovum without any sperm-
nucleus, or an ovum-fragment without any but a
sperm-nucleus, can develop into a normal larva points
to the conclusion, probable also on other grounds,
that each germ-cell, whether ovum or spermatozoon,
bears a complete equipment of hereditary qualities.
(c) It must be carefully observed that our second
fact does not imply that the dual nature of inherit-
ance must be patent in the full-grown offspring,
for hereditary resemblance is often strangely uni-
lateral, the characters of one parent being " pre-
potent " as we say, over those of another.
(III.) Although specific inheritance tends to be
approximately complete, there are many degrees in
the completeness with which an inheritance is ex-
406 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
pressed. It will be granted by all that the complete-
ness with which the characters of race, genus,
species, and stock are reproduced generation after
generation, is one of the large facts of inheritance.
But it is obvious that this does not sum up our ex-
perience. The familiar saying, " like begets like,"
should rather read, " like tends to beget like," for
variation is a more frequent occurrence than complete
hereditary resemblance. An offspring cannot be a
facsimile reproduction of both its parents. If it
seem to show no characteristic which its parents did
not between them possess, this may be due to absence
of variation, or, what comes almost to the same thing,
to completeness of inheritance, but it is more likely
that the apparent completeness of resemblance is a
fallacious inference due to our inability to detect the
idiosyncrasies.
The popular platitude, " the child is a chip of the
old block," will not suffice ; there are some characters,
e.g., tendencies to certain diseased conditions, which
are more frequently transmitted than others, and the
student of inheritance must work towards precise
statistics of the probabilities of transmission; there
are some subtle qualities whose heritability must not
be assumed without evidence, thus it is of great im-
portance to students of organic evolution that Prof.
Karl Pearson has recently supplied, for certain cases,
definite proof of the inheritance of fecundity, fer-
tility, and longevity.
Before we notice some of the common modes of
inheritance, we must emphasize a preliminary con-
sideration. It is a matter of observation that there
are great differences in the degree in which offspring
resemble their parents ; but it is a matter of conjec-
ture that lack of resemblance is necessarily due to
GENEOLOGICAL. 407
incompleteness in the inheritance. Indeed, the fact
that resemblance so often reappears in the third
generation, makes it probable that the incompleteness
is not in the inheritance but simply in its expression.
The characters which seem to be absent, to " skip a
generation," as we say, are probably part of the in-
heritance, as usual. But they remain latent, neutral-
ised, silenced (we can only use metaphors) by other
characters, or else unexpressed because of the ab-
sence of the appropriate stimulus.
The three most frequent modes of inheritance are,
for convenience, called — blended, exclusive, and par-
ticulaie.
(a) In blended inheritance, the characters of the
two parents, e.g., in regard to a particular structure,
such as the colour of the hair, are intimately com-
bined in the offspring. This is particularly well
seen in some hybrids, where the offspring seems like
the mean of the two parents ; it is probably the most
frequent mode of inheritance.
(6) In exclusive inheritance, the expression of
maternal or of paternal characters in relation to a
given structure, such as eye-colour, is suppressed.
Sometimes the unilateral resemblance is very pro-
nounced, and we say that the boy is " the very image
of his father," or the daughter " her mother over
again " ; though even more frequently the resem-
blance seems " crossed," the son taking after the
mother, and the daughter after the father.
(c) It seems convenient to have a third category
for cases where there is neither blending nor exclu-
siveness, but where in the expression of a given
character, part is wholly paternal and part wholly
maternal. This is called particulate inheritance.
Thus, an English sheep-dog may have a paternal eye
2 A
408 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
on one side, and a maternal eye on the other. Sup-
pose the parents of a foal to be markedly light and
dark in colour; if the foal is light brown the in-
heritance in that respect is blended, if light or dark
it is exclusive, if piebald it is particulate. In the
last case there is in the same character an exclusive
inheritance from both parents.
(IV.) Regression. — To Mr. Francis Gait on espe-
cially we owe an analysis of the fact which stares us
in the face that there is a sensible stability of type
from generation to generation. " The large," he
says, " do not always beget the large, nor the small
the small; but yet the observed proportion between
the large and the small, in each degree of size and in
every quality, hardly varies from one generation to
another." In other words, there is a tendency to
keep up a specific average. This may be partly due
to the action of natural elimination, weeding out
abnormalities, often before they are born. But it
is to be primarily accounted for by what Mr. Galton
calls the fact of " filial regression." Let us take
an instance from Mr. Pearson's Grammar of Sci-
ence. Take fathers of stature 72 inches, the mean
height of their sons is 70.8, we have a regression
towards the mean of the general population. On the
other hand, fathers with a mean height of 66 inches
give a group of sons of mean height 68.3 inches,
again nearer the mean. " The father with a great
excess of the character contributes sons with an ex-
cess, but a less excess of it; the father with a great
defect of the character contributes sons with a de-
fect, but less of it,"
As Mr. Galton puts it, society moves as a vast
fraternity. The sustaining of the specific average
is certainly not due to each individual leaving his
GEXEOLOGICAL. 409
like behind him, for we all know that this is not the
case. It is due to a regression which tends to bring
the offspring of extraordinary parents nearer the
average of the stock. In other words, children tend
to differ less from mediocrity than their par-
ents.
This big average fact is to be accounted for in terms
of that genetic continuity which makes an inherit-
ance not dual, but multiple. " A man," says ]Mr.
Pearson, " is not only the product of his father, but
of all his past ancestry, and unless very careful se-
lection has taken place, the mean of that ancestry is
probably not far from that of the general population.
In the tenth generation a man has (theoretically)
102-i tenth great-grandparents. He is eventually
the product of a population of this size, and their
mean can hardly differ from that of the general
population. It is the heavy weight of this mediocre
ancestry which causes the son of an exceptional
father to regress towards the general population
mean ; it is the balance of this sturdy commonplace-
ness which enables the son of a degenerate father to
escape the whole burden of the parental ill."
At this point one should discuss reversion or ata-
vism, but it is exceedingly difficult to get a firm basis
of fact. The term reversion is here used to include
cases where through inheritance there reappears in
an individual some character which was not ex-
pressed in his parents, but which did occur in an
ancestor. It includes abnormal as well as normal
characters, and even the reappearance of characters,
the normal occurrence of which is outside of the
limits of the race altogether, i.e., in some phyleti-
cally older race. In other words, the character
whose reappearance is called a reversion may be
410 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
found within the verifiable family, within the breed,
within the species, or even in a presumed ancestral
species.
The best illustrations of reversion are furnished
by hybrids. Thus in one of Prof. Cossar Ewart's
experiments a pure white f antail cock pigeon, of old-
established breed, which in colour had proved itself
prepotent over a blue pouter, was mated with a cross
previously made between an owl and an archangel,
which was far more of an owl than an archangel.
The result was a couple of fantail-owl-archangel
crosses, one resembling the Shetland rock-pigeon, and
the other the blue rock of India. ~Not only in
colour, but in shape, attitude, and movements there
was an almost complete reversion to the form which
is believed to be ancestral to all the domestic pigeons.
The only marked difference was a slight arching of
the tail. Similar results were got with fowls and
rabbits.
Such facts lead us to the theory that characters
may lie latent for a generation or for generations,
or in other words that certain potentialities or
initiatives which form part of the heritage may re-
main unexpressed for lack of the appropriate liberat-
ing stimulus, or for other reasons, or may have their
normal expressions disguised. But it does not follow
that the reappearance of an ancestral character not
seen in the parents is necessarily due to the reasser-
tion of latent elements in the inheritance. It may be
a case of ordinary regression; it may be a case of
arrested development; it may be an extreme varia-
tion whose resemblance to an ancestral charac-
teristic is a coincidence; it may be an individually
acquired modification, reproduced apart from inherit-
GENEOLOGICAL. 411
ance, by a recurrence of suitable external conditions,
and so on. In short, what are called reversions are
properly in many cases misinterpretations.
(V.) Galton's Law. — The most important general
conclusion which has yet been reached in regard to
inheritance is formulated in Galton's Law. Mr.
Galton was led to it by his studies on the inheritance
of human qualities, and more particularly by a series
of studies on Basset hounds. It is one of those gen-
eral conclusions which have been reached statistic-
ally, and we must refer for the evidence and also
for its strictest formulation to the revised edition of
Mr. Pearson's Grammar of Science.
As we have seen, it is useful to speak of a heritage
as dual, half derived from the father and half from
the mother. But the heritable material handed on
from each parent was also dual, being derived from
the grandparents. And so on, backwards. We thus
reach the idea that a heritage is not merely dual,
but in a deeper sense multiple.
According to Galton's law, " the two parents be-
tween them contribute on the average one-half of
each inherited faculty, each of them contributing
one-quarter of it. The four grandparents contribute
between them one-quarter, or each of them one-six-
teenth ; and so on, the sum of the series £ + % + -J- +
^ + etc., being equal to 1, as it should be. It is a
property of this infinite series that each term is equal
to the sum of all those that follow : thus \ = ? + % +
fg- + etc. , i = i + yfr + etc-j an(l so on- The prepo-
tencies or subpotencies of particular ancestors, in
any given pedigree, are eliminated by a law that
deals only with average contributions, and the vary-
ing prepotencies of sex in respect to different quali-
ties are also presumably eliminated."
412 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
Transmissibility of Acquired Characters or Modi-
fications.— Since 1883, when Weismann expressed
his entire scepticism as to the transmission of ac-
quired characters, the question has been almost con-
tinuously debated. This is not surprising, for it is
much more than a technical problem for biologists.
It is of profound interest to the parent, the physi-
cian, the teacher, the moralist, and the social reform-
er ; and it really concerns us all, for the answer to it
affects every-day conduct. This is sufficient reason
for devoting some attention to it here, and this
is further justified by the fact that although the
negative position has been tentatively assumed at
various periods, e.g., by Kant and by Prichard
(b. 1786), the careful discussion of the question is
characteristic of the last quarter of the nineteenth
century, and dates from an essay by Galton in
1875,* and from one by Weismann in 1883.f
" Modifications " or " Acquired Characters " may
be defined as structural changes in the body of the
organism induced by changes in the environment or
in the function, and such that they transcend
the limit of organic elasticity, and therefore persist.
Plants of the plain when brought into Alpine condi-
tions may develop more protective tissue and exhibit
many other modifications. The white man who
works for many years under a tropical sun may be-
come so deeply tanned that the result does not dis-
appear after years of residence in Britain. Unlike
the Ethiopian he has changed his skin, but he cannot
change it back again. Through prolonged disuse
*A Theory of Heredity, Contemporary Review, XXVII.,
pp. 80-95.
f Ueber die Vererbung, Jena, trans. Oxford, 1889.
GEXEOLOGICAL. 413
from early years onwards a muscle may pass into a
state of atrophy, through prolonged exercise another
may become exaggerated, and the modifications in
either case may last a lifetime. Endless examples
might be given.
But to understand the matter more clearly we
must contrast " modifications " due to " nurture "
with " variations " due to " nature." When we
compare living creatures of the same kind, children
with parents, brother with brother, neighbour with
neighbour, native with foreigner, we recognise that
there are many differences between them, though they
all fall within the range which we call " the same
species." To begin with, we call these the observed
differences between individuals. As we come to
analyse them, however, we discern that a number are
definitely associated with particular functions and
surrounding influences. They may not be hinted at
in the young forms, but they begin to appear when
the particular conditions begin to operate. They
can be definitely related to some alteration or dif-
ference in environment or in function, and they are
usually exhibited in some degree by all organisms
of the same kind which are subjected to the same
change of conditions. These we call " modifica-
tions " or acquired characters. Now when we sub-
tract from the total of observed differences the modi-
fications which we have detected, there remain a
number of differences which we call " variations."
We cannot causally relate them to differences in habit
or surroundings, they are often hinted at even before
birth, and they are not alike even among forms whose
conditions of life seem absolutely uniform. We
suppose that they have an origin in changes of the
germinal material before or after fertilisation; we
414 PEOGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
call them congenital or germinal variations, and
there is no doubt that they are transmissible. The
precise problem is, whether the modifications of
the body can so specifically affect the reproductive
cells that the next generation will inherit in some
measure the modification acquired by the parent or
parents. If summing up, in Galton's phrase, we call
the effects of surrounding influences " nurture" our
question is seen to be an extraordinarily important
one, May the results of nurture be transmitted, or is
it the " nature " alone that constitutes the inherit-
ance?
Widespread Opinion in Favour of Affirmative "An-
swer.— In fairness we are bound to recognise that
the verdict of the practical man, whether gardener
or farmer, breeder or physician, is still predominantly
in favour of an affirmative answer.
There is little to be gained by a citation of
opinions, there are equally great names on both
sides. It cannot be an easy question when we find
Spencer on one side and Weismann on the other,
Haeckel on one side and Professor Ray Lankester
on the other, Sir William Turner on one side and
Professor His on the other, and so on.
The reason why the affirmative position is so
widely held is probably threefold: (1) First, that
there are many facts which suggest modification-
inheritance until they are examined critically. The
late Duke of Argyll said that the world is strewn
with illustrations, and Dr. Haacke has compared the
evidence for the affirmative to the sand on the sea-
shore for multitude, yet neither furnishes us with'
a single grain which will bear analysis. That it is
an obvious interpretation we grant, but the obvious
GENEOLOGICAL. 415
interpretation is seldom the right one. The sun does
not go round the earth. (2) Second, it is an inter-
pretation which would seem to make the theory of
organic evolution simpler; it suggests a more direct
and rapid method than the natural selection of con-
genital variations. If to a growing and varying
nature or congenital inheritance there be continually
added the results of nurture, the rate of evolution
would be quickened both upwards and downwards.
Our first business, however, is to find out whether
the hypothesis actually consists with experience.
(3) Third, we are so accustomed in human affairs
to the entailment of gains from generation to genera-
tion, to standing on the shoulders of our ancestors'
achievements, that it seems difficult for some to
refrain from projecting this on organic nature, for-
getful of the fact that the greater part of our entail-
ing process is altogether apart from organic inherit-
ance. It comes about through social inheritance
embodied in tradition, convention, institution, lit-
erature, art, law, etc., of which there are among
animals only vague analogues.
A General Argument Against. — Apart from the
fact that he found the evidence brought forward in
favour of the belief in the inheritance of acquired
characters to be " a handful of anecdotes," Professor
.Weismann was led to his position of extreme scepti-
cism by his realisation of the continuity of genera-
tions.
It is evident that if the germ-plasm or the material
basis of inheritance be something apart from the
general life of the body, sometimes set apart from
a very early stage, there is a presumption against the
likelihood of its being readily affected in a specific
manner by changes in the nature of the body-cells.
4:16 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
The germ-plasm is in a sense so apart that it is diffi-
cult to conceive of the mechanism by which it might
be influenced in a specific or representative manner
by changes in the cells of the body.
A General Argument For. — We have recognised
that the germ-cells may be early set apart in the
building up of the body, and that they sometimes
seem scarcely to share at all in its daily life. On
the other hand, in many plants the distinction be-
tween body and germ-cells can hardly be drawn, and
even if we keep to animals the bonds between the
body and its germ-cells are often very close. The
blood and lymph or other body fluids form a common
medium for all the parts of the animal; alteration
of diet in the early youth of some animals like tad-
poles and caterpillars may determine the predomi-
nance of one sex or the other through influences
which must pass from body to germ-cells; various
poisons may affect the whole bodily system and the
germ-cells as well, and there are real though dimly
understood correlations between the reproductive sys-
tem and the rest of the body. It is therefore erro-
neous to think of the germ-cells as if they led a
charmed life uninfluenced by any of the accidents
and incidents in the daily life of the body which
bears them. No one believes this, Weismann least of
all, for he finds one of the chief sources of congenital
variation in the nutritive stimuli exerted on the
germ-plasm by the varying state of the body.
There are some who find in this " a concealed
abandonment of the central position of Weismann,"
and one of them has recently put the argument thus :
if the germ-plasm is affected by changes in nutrition
in the body, and if acquired characters affect changes
in nutrition, then " acquired characters or their con-
GENEOLOGICAL. 417
sequences will be inherited." But it is quite illegiti-
mate to slump " acquired characters and their con-
sequences " as if the distinction was immaterial.
The illustrious author of the Germ-Plasm has
made it quite clear that there is a very great differ-
ence between admitting that the germ-plasm has no
charmed life, insulated from bodily influences, and
admitting the transmissibility of a particular ac-
quired character, even in the faintest degree. The
point, let us repeat, is this: Does a change in the
body, induced by use or disuse or by a change in
surroundings, influence the germ-plasm in such a
specific or representative way that the offspring will
exhibit the same modification which the parent ac-
quired or even a tendency towards it?
Even when we fully recognise the unity of the
organism, that each part shares in the life of the
whole, it is very difficult for those who accept the
belief in the inheritance of acquired characters to
suggest any modus operandi whereby a particular
modification in the brain or the little toe, the root or
the petal, can specifically affect the germinal material
in such a way that the modification or a tendency
towards it becomes part of the inheritance. Did wo
accept Darwin's provisional hypothesis of pangen-
esis according to which the parts of the body give
off gemmules which are carried as samples to the
germ-cells, the possibility of transfer might seem
more intelligible. But Darwin's suggestion remains
a pure hypothesis, and is accepted by none except in
extremely modified form. Indeed it may be recalled
that it was the failure of his attempt to find con-
firmation of Darwin's hypothesis by experiments on
the transfusion of blood which led Galton many years
ago to doubt whether there was any inheritance of
418 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
acquired characters. Yet, in fairness, we must note
how little we understand the influences which pass
in the other direction from reproductive organs to
body, and recall Lloyd Morgan's warning that al-
though we cannot conceive how a modification might
as such saturate from body to germ-cells, this does
not exclude the possibility that it may actually
do so.
Particular Evidence For. — Let us now give a few
examples of the particular or a posteriori evidence in
favour of the inheritance of acquired characters,
and to suggest some of the difficulties which rob the
evidence of cogency.
It has been stated that the Panjabis of India show
certain peculiarities of musculature and skeleton
which are plainly related to the frequency with which
these people assume on all possible occasions the
squatting posture. Like so many other pieces of so-
called evidence this does not tell one enough, e.g.,
whether the peculiarities are seen on new-born Pan-
jabi babes, and whether the peculiarities appear to
be on an increase. As it stands, the evidence is quite
inconclusive, and we may place against it the case
of the compressed foot of Chinese ladies — in regard
to which we have likewise few satisfactory details,
but certainly not as yet any evidence that the long-
continued deformation has resulted in any heredi-
tary change in the Chinese baby's foot. The alleged
dwindling of the little toe has been impetuously in-
stanced as a case in point — as a case of the inherit-
ance of a modification produced by tight boots. But
there is no satisfactory evidence; a dwindling has
also been alleged in savages who do not wear boots;
it is possible that there is in man as there was in the
horse a congenital variation in favour of reduction
GENEOLOGICAL. 419
of digits ; and there are other possible explanations.
About a hundred years ago (1796), an authority
on trotting horses stated that the utmost speed of the
English trotter was a mile in 2 minutes, 57 seconds.
Since 1818, accurate trotting records have been kept,
and an inspection of these shows that very gradu-
ally, decade after decade, the speed and the percent-
age of swift trotters increased. Finally there has
been evolved a breed who can trot the mile in 2
minutes, 10 seconds. It is claimed by Cope and
others that we have here evidence of the cumulative
transmission of the results of exercise or nurture.
But a sceptical consideration leads one to doubt if
the case is even relevant; the interpretation in terms
of use-inheritance overlooks the results of selective
breeding which may have increased the congenital
swiftness, and the process of elimination which per-
sistently weeded out the less swift from the stud.
Reference is often made in biological literature
to the observations and experiments of Schmanke-
witsch in 1875 on certain brine-shrimps belonging to
the genus Artemia. By lessening the salinity of
the water he was able to transform one type, Ar-
temia salina, in the course of generations into an-
other type, Artemia milhausenii; and conversely, by
increasing the salinity. Although he did not him-
self make any such claim, his work has often been
referred to as an illustration of changing one species
into another. It had indeed the undeniable result
of showing that certain forms of life are very plastic,
even to such influences as altered salinity. Apart
altogether from the criticism of experts, which has
been damaging, it may be recognised that Schmanke-
witsch experimented with a progressively changing
environment on a series of generations, and that the
420 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
result is readily interpretable as due to cumulative
modifications hammered on each successive genera-
tion without there being any inheritance of these
modifications. It is also possible that the reproduc-
tive cells were influenced along with the body or
outside of the body by the continuous change of
salinity.
Another typical line of evidence is that based on
the study of immunity — a subject of great practical
importance and theoretical interest. A due discus-
sion of it is impossible in our space here, but the par-
ticular point admits of being briefly stated. It is
well known that negroes and mongolians are rela-
tively immune to yellow fever, and it is believed
by many that a progressive immunity to various
diseases is observable in our own country. Is not
this proof positive of the inheritance of an acquired
character? The sceptical answer is first of all that
the original immunity may have been a congenital
peculiarity, which has become dominant in the race
by the elimination of those members who were not
immune. And if it be objected that there are cases
where a mother-rabbit or guinea-pig has been arti-
ficially rendered immune to certain diseases, and has
had young ones born immune, the answer is again
ready, that this was probably due to a kind of infec-
tion before birth, some anti-toxin or other having
probably passed from the mother to the unborn
young.^
Indirect Importance of Modifications. — That
modifications are common, everyone admits; that
they are often of great value to the individuals who
acquire them is also certain ; the question is whether
they are of direct value to the race, seeing that we
cannot prove their transmissibility.
GENEOLOGICAL. 421
In this connection a recent suggestion of much in-
terest has been made by Professors Mark Baldwin,
Lloyd Morgan, and Osborn, namely, that adaptive
modifications may act as the fostering nurses of con-
genital variations in the same direction. An illus-
tration will make the general idea clear.
Let us suppose a country in which a change of
climate made it year by year of the utmost impor-
tance that the inhabitants should become swarthy.
Some individuals with a strong natural or congenital
tendency in this direction would doubtless exist, and
on them and their similarly endowed progeny the
permanent success of the race might wholly de-
pend. On the other hand, there might be many in-
dividuals in whom the constitutional tendency in
the direction of swarthiness was too weak and in-
cipient to be of use. If these, however, made up for
their lack of natural swarthiness by a great suscepti-
bility to acquired swarthiness, it is conceivable that
the modification, though never taking organic root,
would serve as a life-saving screen until coincident
congenital variations in the direction of swarthiness
had time to grow strong.
Practical Conclusions. — It seems then that the
scientific position at present should be one of active
scepticism — leading on to experiment. It also seems
to us necessary at present to give a verdict of non-
proven for the affirmative, with a strong presumption
in favour of the negative answer.
> If this be so, how should the scientific position re-
act upon conduct? Supposing that the negative be
the answer, what should be our attitude to education,
physical culture, amelioration of function, improve-
ment of environment, and the like? There can be
no doubt that these should become increasingly im-
422 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
portant in our eyes. If the results of nurture are
not inherited, it is all the more urgent that we should
secure that the influences making for evolution
should be brought to bear upon each successive gen-
eration. " Is my grandfather's environment not my
heredity ? " the American asks. Well, if not, let me
secure my grandfather's environment if it made for
progress, and flee from it if it tended elsewhere. Is
nurture not inherited? — perhaps it is just as well,
for we are novices at nurturing even yet. Is nature
alone inherited ? — then we are saved from undue
pessimism when we think of the harmful functions
and environments which disfigure our civilisation.
Is there not some result if we are forced to the con-
viction that, to sustain and improve the standard of
our race, we must bend our energies more and more
to- the development (in the true sense) of our func-
tion and environment. At the same time, there is
no denying the thought that man is a slowly repro-
ducing, slowly varying organism, and that for prog-
ress which is really organic — progress that is in
nature — we must wait patiently.
On the negative side — of inaction — the scientific
decision ought, however, to have some effect. No
longer should we hear the still frequent assertion:
" Ah, he has got his father's nature, it does not mat-
ter much what he learns, or what he does, or where
he lives, he will come all right out of it," forgetting
that what is called the father's nature is much more
than his inheritance, it is in adult life the in-
heritance plus all the results of acquired char-
acters. No longer should we hear the extreme pes-
simism in regard to the decadence — the debacle —
the abyss — towards which those who fix their atten-
tion on the disagreeable acquired characters of our
GENEOLOGICAL. 423
age think we are fast hastening, for there is at least
something to be said biologically for the view that
these are but transient acquired characters, like
loathsome paint on sound British oak. The veneer
on the little boy pictured at the beginning of Cap-
tains Courageous was odious, but it soon peeled off
on the Cod-Banks, where an appropriate nurture —
both functional and environmental — allowed the
constitutional worth to realise itself.
// there is little scientific warrant for our being
other than sceptical at present as to the transmission
of acquired characters, this scepticism lends greater
importance than ever, on the one hand, to a good " na-
ture," to secure which is the business of careful
mating; and, on the other hand, to a good " nur-
ture," to secure which for our children is one of our
most obvious duties, the hopefulness of the task rest-
ing upon the fact that, unlike the beasts that perish,
man has a lasting external heritage, capable of end-
less modification for the better, a heritage of ideas
and ideals embodied in prose and verse, in statue and
painting, in Cathedral and University, in tradition
and convention, and above all in society itself.
CHAPTER XL
THE THEOBY OF ORGANIC EVOLUTION.
THE general idea of evolution, like many other
great ideas, is essentially simple — that the present
is the child of the past and the parent of the future.
It is the same as the scientific conception of human
history. In human affairs, what seems to the care-
less to be quite new is revealed to the student as an
antiquity. We see the gradual growth of social
organisations, the natural transition from one estab-
lished order of things to another slightly different,
the transformation of one institution into another,
and we formulate the growth, the transition, the
transformation in the general concept of historic
evolution. A process of Becoming leads to a new
phase of Being ; the study of evolution is a study of
Werden und Vergehen.
THE GENERAL IDEA OF ORGANIC EVOLUTION".
Stated concretely in regard to living creatures, the
general doctrine of organic evolution suggests, as
we all know, that the plants and animals now around
us are the results of natural processes of growth and
change working throughout the ages, that the forms
we see are the lineal descendants of ancestors on the
whole somewhat simpler, that these are descended
THE THEORY OF ORGANIC EVOLUTION. 425
from yet simpler forms, and so on backwards, till we
lose our clue in the unknown — but doubtless momen-
tous— vital events of pre-Cambrian ages, or, in other
words, in the thick mist of life's beginnings.
HISTORY OF THE EVOLUTION-IDEA.
" Though the general idea of organic evolution is
simple, it has been slowly evolved, gaining content
as research furnished fuller illustration, and gaining
clearness as criticism forced it to keep in touch with
facts. It has slowly developed from the stage of
suggestion to the stage of verification ; from being an
a priori anticipation it has become an interpretation
of nature; and from being a modal interpretation it
is advancing to the rank of a causal theory." *
(1) In what we may call " the Greek Period,"
there were many who more or less vaguely suggested
the evolution-idea, notablv Empedocles (495-435
B.C.). Aristotle (384-322 B.C.) speaks clearly
of a gradual progression in nature from the inor-
ganic to the organic and from one grade of life to
another.f From Epicurus (341-270 B.C.), the
first poet of evolution, we pass after a long interval
to Lucretius (99-55 B.C.).
(2) In the mediaeval period, though there was a
general arrest of enquiry, the light of the evolution-
idea did not wholly die. Bruno (1548-1600) at
least, who proclaimed that " the investigation of Ma-
ture in the unbiased light of reason is our only
guide to truth," was in some degree an evolutionist.
* See the writer's Science of Life, 1899 p. 213, where this
section forms the subject of a whole chapter " The Evolu-
tion of Evolution-Theory."
t See E. Clodd, Pioneers of Evolution (1897); H. F. Oa-
born, From the Greeks to Darurin (1894).
426 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
(3) As the result of the scientific renaissance in
the seventeenth century, when science re-asserted it-
self as a . natural expression and discipline of the
developing human spirit, the evolution-idea became
clear to many minds. Professor Osborn notes that
the philosophers, rather than the naturalists, were
" upon the main track of modern thought." Des-
cartes (1596-1650) and Leibnitz (1640-1716)
point onwards to Spinoza and Hume, Lessing and
Schelling, Kant and Herder. On another line we
have Francis Bacon (1561-1626), clearly evolu-
tionist in his outlook.
In the eighteenth century there were not a few
" speculative evolutionists," as Osborn calls them,
such as De Maillet, Maupertuis, Diderot, and Bon-
net, whose methods were wrong, though their ideas
were often right. Many say that the same title
must also be applied to Lorenz Oken (1776-1851).
(4) As undoubted pioneers of modern evolution-
doctrine we must rank Buffon (1707-1788), Eras-
mus Darwin (1731-1802), Lamarck (1744-1829),
Goethe (1749-1832), Treviranus (1776-1837),
fitienne Geoffroy Saint-Hilaire (1772-1844), and
Robert Chambers (1802-1871) ; and there are others
of whom a complete history should take notice. We
have elsewhere given brief summaries of the char-
acteristic views of the pioneers.*
(5) It may be said that Darwin did three chief
services to evolution-doctrine, (a) " By his patient,
scholarly, and pre-eminently fair-minded marshal-
ling of the so-called l evidences ' which suggest the
doctrine of descent, he won the conviction of the bio-
logical world. He made the old idea current intel-
lectual coin. In so doing he was greatly aided by
* Science of Life, 1899, pp. 219-223.
THE THEORY OF ORGANIC EVOLUTION. 427
Spencer and Wallace, Haeckel and Huxley. (&)
He applied the evolution-idea to various sets of facts,
such as the expression of the emotions and the de-
scent of man, and showed what a powerful organon
it was. Here, again, he was greatly aided by his
contemporaries, and Spencer's work in this direction
is even more important than Darwin's, (c) At the
same time as Alfred Kussel Wallace, he elaborated
the theory of natural selection, of which there had
been a few previous suggestions." *
(6) Since Darwin secured the general acceptance
of the evolution-idea, the attention of evolutionists
has been chiefly directed to a discussion and criti-
cism of the factors in the evolution-process. Natu-
ral Selection working on germinal variations has
seemed to some an adequate formula; and this con-
sistent Darwinism had been strengthened by a recog-
nition of the importance of Isolation (Romanes and
Gulick), while Weismann has added the subtle idea
of " Germinal Selection." In spite of the growing
scepticism as to the transmissibility of functional
and environmental modifications, many adhere to
the Lamarckian and Buffonian position, that these
are of direct importance in evolution. This may or
may not be combined with a recognition of the im-
portance of Selection. Others, again, following
Goethe and Nageli, regard the evolution of organisms
as pre-eminently a story of self-differentiating and
self-integrating growth, — cumulative, selective, defi-
nite, and harmonious like crystallisation. Believ-
ing in progressive variations in definite directions as
opposed to indefinite sports, they find little need to
invoke Natural Selection except as pruning the occa-
* Op. cit. p. 223.
4:28 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
eional exuberances of the arbor vitce. Thus we have
Darwinian, Lamarckian, and Nagelian schools, and
various combinations of these up to complete eclecti-
cism. From this others have reacted to an agnostic
position, which in its more kinetic expression means
active scepticism, and this thdtige Skepsis seems to us
the more useful mood for present-day evolutionists.
SUMMARY. — The evolution-idea is not only essen-
tially simple, but also very ancient. It is perhaps
as old as clear thinking, which we may date from
the (unknown) time when man discovered the year —
with its marvellous object-lesson of recurrent se-
quences,— and realised that his race had a history.
Whatever may have been its origin, the idea was
familiar to several of the ancient Greek philoso-
phers, as it was to Hume and to Kant; it fired the
imagination of Lucretius and linked him to another
poet of evolution — Goethe; it persisted, like a latent
germ, through the centuries of other than scientific
pre-occupation; it was made actual by the pioneers
of modern biology — men like Buffon, Lamarck,
Erasmus Darwin, and Treviranus; — and it became
current intellectual coin when Darwin, Wallace,
Spencer, Haeckel, and Huxley, with united but
varied achievements, won the conviction of the ma-
jority of thoughtful men. Since this achievement,
there has been a concentration of enquiry on the
originative and directive factors in the evolution-
process, but this enquiry is still young.
THE PRESENT ASPECT OF THE EVOLUTION THEORY.
'Attitude towards the General Idea of Evolution.-
The appreciation of the general idea of evolution
has changed for the better since the early Darwinian
THE THEORY OF ORGANIC EVOLUTION. 429
days of hot-blooded controversy. It seems to be gen-
erally recognised, for instance, that the evolution
formula is not antithetic to transcendental formulae.
The Theory of Descent tacitly makes the assumption
— the basal hope of all biology — that it is not only
legitimate but promiseful to try to interpret scien-
tifically the history of life upon the earth. If we
have good reasons for believing that the long process
of Becoming which has led eventually to ourselves
and our complex animate environment is altogether
too mysterious or too marvellous to admit of success-
ful treatment by ordinary scientific methods, then we
deny at the outset the validity of the evolution for-
mula.
Here is a parting of the ways, and there is no
via media. Is there no hopefulness in attempting
this scientific analysis of the confessedly vast and
perplexing problem? — then let us remain poets and
artists, philosophers and theologians, and sigh over
a science which started so much in debt that its bank-
ruptcy was a foregone conclusion. On the other
hand, if the scientific attempt is legitimate, and if
it has already made good progress, considering its
youth, then let us rigidly exclude from our science
all other than scientific interpretations ; let us cease
to juggle with words in attempting a mongrel mix-
ture of scientific and transcendental formulation ; let
us stop trying to eke out demonstrable factors by
assuming, alongside of these, " ultra-scientific
causes," " spiritual influxes," et hoc genus omne: let
us cease writing or buying books such as God or
Natural Selection, whose titular false antinomy is
an index of their misunderstanding. Not that we
are objecting for a moment to any metaphysical or
theological interpretations whatsoever ; we are simply
4:30 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
emphasising the so much neglected commonplace
that we cannot have scientific formulae mixed up
with any other interpretations in one sentence; and
that to place these other interpretations in opposition
to scientific formulae is to oppose incommensurables,
and to display an ignorance of what the aim of
science is.
From the Fact to the Factors. — So far then the
formula, but let us pass to the more difficult ques-
tion of the factors. Evolution is a certain mode of
becoming, what are the operative conditions? Here
we pass from practical certainty to perplexing un-
certainty, as is so often the case when we pass from
the general to the particular, from abstract to con-
crete.
Nature of Variations. — The first great question is
as to what may be called the raw materials of prog-
ress,— the origin and nature of those variations or
organic changes on which the possibility of evolution
depends.
Darwin started from the broad fact that variabil-
ity exists (illustrating it chiefly from domesticated
animals and cultivated plants) ; he postulated a crop
of organic changes, both of tares and wheat; and he
pointed out how a process of ' singling ' and thinning,
sifting and winnowing would operate upon the ever-
growing, ceaselessly changing crop so that the result
was progress. But all science begins with measure-
ment, and the great step in advance that has been
made of recent years is in the dry and tedious, but
absolutely necessary, task of recording accurately
the variations which do actually occur.
Without being biologists, simply as clear think-
ers, we can see the unsatisfactoriness of the line of
argument which was until recently prevalent, — that
THE THEORY OF ORGANIC EVOLUTION. 431
of simply postulating variability without statisti-
cally or otherwise defining it. Life is so abundant
and so Protean that biologists tend to draw cheques
upon Nature as if they had unlimited credit, and
in their impetuosity scarce wait to see whether these
are honoured.
But we are now changing all this. From Heli-
goland to California, from Plymouth to ^igg, we
have now reports of fundamentally important studies
on variation, which are rapidly helping us out of the
slough of vagueness in which, to the physicist's con-
tempt, biology still flounders. The very title — Bio-
metrika — of a new journal is a sign of the times.
It is far too soon to sum up recent studies on
variation, but a few general results are becoming
clear. The tiresome objector who challenges the
evolutionist to demonstrate a single case of one
species being turned into another, has an undevel-
oped "time-sense" (all natural history records em-
bracing but a fraction of a tick of the cosmic clock) ;
and he is a century behind the times, with an out-
look like that of the catastrophic or cataclysmal
school of geologists. Whoever expects to find big
" Jack-in-the-box " phenomena in nature is sure to
be disappointed. What the objector should do is
humbly to study some of the recent researches in
which the persistent patience of those who can ap-
preciate millimetres has shown that variability is
even greater than was supposed by Darwin, and is
certainly not less among creatures living in a state
of nature than among those domesticated or culti-
vated forms on which Darwin concentrated his at-
tention. And he should at least give as many days
as the observers have given years to the study of
palaeontological series, like those of Ammonites and
432 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
Brachiopods. The fact is that whenever we settle
down to measure, describe, and identify, we find
that specific diagnoses are averages; that specific
characters require a curve of frequency for their
expression; that the living creature is usually a
Proteus. There are no doubt long-lived, non-plastic,
conservative types, like Lingula, and perhaps a score
of other well-known instances, where no visible vari-
ability can be proved even in millions of years, but
to judge from these as to the march of evolutionary
progress is like estimating the rush of a river from
the eddies of a sheltered pool.
In the study of variability it seems possible to dis-
tinguish between continuous variation, in which the
descendant has a little more or a little less of a given
character than the parents had, and discontinuous
variation, apparently frequent, in which a new com-
bination (say, an elegant vase-like pitcher on a cab-
bage leaf) appears suddenly without known grada-
tion al stages and with no small degree of perfec-
tion. Though Lamarck said " Nature is never
brusque," though we adhere to our statement about
the rarity of big Jack-in-the-box phenomena, the evi-
dence (e.g., of Bateson) as to the occurrence of dis-
continuous variations appears conclusive. Such
words as " freaks " and " sports " are open to ob-
jection, but they suggest the idea of what Mr. Galton
calls " transilient " variations, and the fact that or-
ganic structure may pass with seeming abruptness
from one form of equilibrium to another.
It also becomes more and more evident that the
living creature in many cases varies as a whole or
unity, so that if there is more of one character there
is less of another, and so that one change brings an-
other in its train. If this be so, we are not restricted
THE THEORY OF ORGANIC EVOLUTION. 433
to the assumption of the piecemeal variation of mi-
nute parts. It seems, according to De Vries, as if
the organism as a whole — through its germinal or-
ganisation, of course — may suddenly pass from one
position of organic equilibrium to another. This con-
sideration, and actual measurement, seem also to sug-
gest that there is a greater definiteness and a less
fortuitousness in variation than was previously sup-
posed.
Origin of Variations. — In his great work, Ma-
terials for the Study of Variation* Mr. Bateson de-
votes a line to saying that enquiry into the causes is
in his judgment premature ; and it must be admitted
that until we know the actual facts better, we can-
not expect to say much that is wise in regard to their
antecedents. A number of suggestions have been
made, however, and some of these may be briefly
stated.
A variation, which renders the child different
from its parents, is often interpret able as due to
some incompleteness of inheritance or in the expres-
sion of the inheritance. It seems as if the entail
were sometimes broken in regard to a particular
characteristic. Oftener, perhaps, as the third gen-
eration shows, the inheritance has been complete
enough potentially, but the young creature has been
prevented from realising its entire legacy. Contrari-
wise, it may be that the novelty of the newborn is
seen in an intensifying of the inheritance, for the
contributions from the two parents may as it were
corroborate one another.
But in many cases something turns up to which
we irresistibly apply the word novel, some peculiar
*See Fourth Edition, 1901.
434 PROGRESS OP SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
mental pattern, it may be, which we feel bound to
call original, some structural change which suggests
a new departure. We may tentatively interpret this
as due to some fresh permutation or combination of
the complex nuclear and cellular substances which
are mingled at the outset of every new life sexually
reproduced. The plausibility of this interpretation
is increased when we remember that our inheritance,
as Galton has so clearly shown, is mosaic rather than
dual. For it is not merely in an intermingling of
maternal and paternal contributions that life be-
gins, but of legacies through the parents from re-
moter ancestors. The complexity of the problem
is increased, not diminished, if there be reality in
the conception that the different hereditary qualities
may have a struggle in nuce, or that there is a " ger-
minal selection " as Weismann calls it.
Another possibility of variation has been sought in
the fact that the hereditary material is doubtless
very complex and has a complex environment within
the parental body. If it has, in spite of its essential
stability, a tendency to instability as regards minor
details, we may perhaps find the change-exciting
stimuli in the ceaseless nutritive oscillations within
the body. But enough has been said to indicate
how uncertain is the voice of biology in answering
the fundamental questions as to the nature and origin
of variations.
Modifications. — Among the observed differences
which mark man from man, trout from trout, but-
tercup from buttercup, there are many to which we
cannot apply the term variations. Quite apart from
constitutional or germinal changes there are differ-
ences which are obviously impressed upon the body
from without, such as sun-burning, or which result
THE THEORY OF ORGANIC EVOLUTION. 435
from use and disuse, such as callosities on the
fingers. These do indeed presuppose a constitution
capable of being changed, but we can relate each of
them (sometimes with certainty, sometimes only with
probability) to some definite influence either of func-
tion or of environment which has brought about a
structural change transcending the limits of organic
elasticity. We call these conveniently " modifica-
tions." Now, though organic "modifications " may
be of much importance to the individuals possessing
them, and may serve as a temporary shield for in-
cipient variations in the same direction, they are
not proved to be of any direct importance in the
evolution of the race, for the simple reason that there
is no convincing evidence that they can be as
such or in any representative degree transmitted
to the offspring.
So far then we have seen that the raw materials
of evolution consist of constitutional or germinal
variations, and that we are not justified in including
modifications or acquired characters because their
transmissibility is unproved. Let us now pass to a
brief consideration of the secondary or directive fac-
tors— operating upon the variations which crop up.
Natural Selection. — The first of these directive
factors is natural selection, and it is well known that
the most distinctive contribution which Darwin and
Wallace made to aetiology was to emphasize its im-
portance. The theory admits of brief statement.
Variability is a fact of life, the members of a
family or species are not born alike; some have qual-
ities which give them a little advantage both as to
hunger and as to love; others are relatively handi-
capped. But a struggle for existence is also a fact
of life, being necessitated especially by two facts,
436 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
first that two parents usually produce many more
than a pair of children, and the population thus
tends to outrun the means of subsistence; and,
secondly, because organisms are at the best only rela-
tively well-adapted to their conditions, which, more-
over, are variable. This struggle does not express
itself merely as an elbowing and jostling around the
platter, but at every point where the effectiveness of
the response which the living creature makes to the
stimuli playing upon it, is of critical moment. As
Darwin said, though many seem to have forgotten,
the phrase, " struggle for existence " is used " in a
wide and metaphorical sense," including much more
than an internecine scramble for the necessities of
life, — including, indeed, all endeavours for preser-
vation and welfare, not only of the individual, but
of the offspring too. In many cases, the struggle for
existence both among men and beasts is more fairly
described as an endeavour after well-being, and what
may have been primarily self-regarding impulses
become replaced by others which are distinctively
species-maintaining, the self failing to find full reali-
sation apart from its kin and society.
Now, in this struggle for existence — manifold in
its expression, but never unreal — the relatively less
fit forms tend to be eliminated. This does not
necessarily mean that they come at once to a violent
end, as when locust devours locust or the cold deci-
mates the birds in a single night, but often simply
that the less fit die before the average time, and are
less successful than their neighbours as regards off-
spring. But whether the eliminative process be
gentle or severe, the result is the same, that the rela-
tively more fit tend to survive; and since many
variations (the argument continues) are transmitted
THE THEORY OF ORGANIC EVOLUTION. 437
from generation to generation, and may through the
pairing of similar or suitable mates be gradually
increased in amount, the eliminative or selective proc-
ess works towards the establishment of new adapta-
tions and new species.
As to that particular form of natural selection
which is called sexual selection, to which Darwin
attached so much importance especially in his later
work, we are compelled to shirk the discussion
of a difficult problem which could not be fairly
treated within our limits of space. Only a few
remarks can be made. As is well known, sexual
selection takes two chief forms (a) where the rival
males fight for the possession of a desired mate or
mates, and in so doing reduce the leet ; and (b) where
the females appear to choose certain individuals
from amid a crowd of suitors. The general verdict
seems to be that while among some animals prefer-
ential mating appears indisputable, its range and its
effectiveness in evolution are much less than Darwin
believed. This is well expressed in the work of
Darwin's magnanimous colleague, Alfred Russel
Wallace, who has given good reason for believing
that too much credit has been given to this sexual
selection factor. But just as the little child in a
sense leads the race — being the expression of some
new variation, — so we may still admit that there are
facts which warrant us in saying that das ewig weib-
liche plays a part in the upward march of life.
Cupid's darts as well as Death's arrows have some-
times evolutionary significance.
Apart from differences of opinion as to the im-
portance of sexual selection, it seems fair to say
that the majority of naturalists continue to rely with
confidence on the general selective or eliminative
438 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
process. Whether the selection theory is " all suf-
ficient," as Weismann calls it, or " inadequate," as
Spencer says, it remains a potent theory. Given a
sufficiently abundant crop of variations, a persistent
struggle for existence, and a large draft on the bank
of Time, what may the selective process not ac-
complish ?
But as £etiology has grown older and wiser, it has
begun to ask questions, the answers to which will
mean much progress. Thus there is a demand for
some serious attempt to measure the intensity of the
struggle in typical cases, and for evidence that the
absence of a particular variation in certain members
of the stock does really determine their elimination.
There are enquiries as to the frequency of discontinu-
ous or transilient variations — where a new character
is reached with apparent suddenness, for if these
are frequent this may lessen the claims which have
to be made on the selective process. It is asked
whether the task of elimination will not be further
lessened if the crop of variations is more definite and
less of the nature of random freaks than used to be
supposed. Information is wanted as to the degree
in which the struggle for existence is directly com-
petitive, or merely between the living creature and
its inanimate surroundings. Especially is it desired
that statistics be forthcoming to show how far the
elimination is discriminate, as when the pruner lops
off the less promiseful branches, or the breeder gets
rid of the unsuitable members of his stock, and how
far it is indiscriminate, as when the hastily driven
hoe strikes the cluster of seedlings. In other words,
evolutionists have awakened to the necessity of test-
ing natural selection in relation to actual cases,
Isolation. — The raw materials of progress are fur-
THE THEORY OF ORGANIC EVOLUTION. 439
nished, as we have seen, by constitutional or germinal
variations. What these may amount to depends in
the long run on the potentialities resident in living
matter, especially of reacting to external influences,
and this forces us finally back to the institution of
the order of nature which at some level or other the
evolutionist takes for granted. In organic evolution,
variation supplies the materials; heredity (or the
relation of genetic continuity between successive
generations) is one of the conditions ; natural selec-
tion or elimination is one of the directive factors.
But there may be others, and one has been indicated
in what is called the theory of isolation.
A formidable objection to the Darwinian theory,
first clearly stated by Professor Fleeming Jenkin,
and familiar to everyone who has thought out the
matter, is that variations of small amount and sparse
occurrence would tend to be swamped out by inter-
crossing. In artificial selection, the breeder takes
measures to prevent this by pairing similar or suit-
able forms together; but what in nature corresponds
to the breeder ?
Various suggestions have been made in answer to
this question. Thus Professor Weismann says,
" The necessary variations from which transforma-
tions arise must in all cases be exhibited over and
over again by many individuals," but there is still
a lack of concrete evidence to bear this out We do
not mean to deny it, but before we lean heavily upon
it we should like to be able to furnish numerous ex-
amples of many similar variations occurring at once
within the same group.
The favourite answer of recent years is that
worked out by the late Dr. Romanes, Mr. Gulick,
and others — the theory of isolation. They point to
2c
440 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
the great variety of ways in which, in the course of
nature, the range of intercrossing is restricted — e.g.,
by geographical barriers, by differences in habit, by
psychical likes and dislikes, by reproductive varia-
tion causing mutual sterility between two sections of
a species living on a common area, and so on. Ac-
cording to Romanes, " without isolation, or the pre-
vention of free inter-crossing, organic evolution is
in no case possible." Again it has to be confessed
that the body of facts in illustration of isolation and
its effects is unsatisfactorily small.
An interesting corollary has been recently indi-
cated by Professor Cossar Ewart.* Breeding with-
in a narrow range often occurs in nature, being neces-
sitated by geographical or other barriers. In arti-
ficial conditions, this in-breeding often results in
the development of what is called prepotency. This
means that certain forms have an unusual power of
transmitting their peculiarities, even when mated
with dissimilar forms. In other words, certain varia-
tions have a strong power of persistence. Therefore,
wherever through in-breeding (which implies isola-
tion) prepotency has developed, there is no difficulty
in understanding how even a small idiosyncrasy may
come to stay, even although the bridegroom does not
meet a bride endowed with a peculiarity like his own.
In Conclusion. — In conclusion, or we should
rather say in ending this review whose point is its
inconclusiveness, let us once more emphasise that
while the general idea of evolution stands more firmly
than ever as a reasonable modal interpretation of
nature, there is great uncertainty in regard to the
factors in the evolution process. How do variations
* Penycuik Experiments, 1899.
THE THEORY OF ORGANIC EVOLUTION. 44!
arise? In what proportion are they continuous or
discontinuous, definite or indefinite? How far is
natural elimination discriminate ? To what extent
is isolation demonstrable? — before these and a score
of similar questions we stand not less expectant — but
perhaps less confident — than the evolutionists of a
third of a century ago. It is not that we are where
we were thirty years since ; it is rather that we have
become more aware of our ignorance and of the com-
plexity of the problem.
It is a critical mood that becomes us as a reaction
from earlier enthusiasm, and the value of this is
borne out by the history of science which shows that
the rate of intellectual progress may be measured by
the periodicity of the wave of scientific scepticism.
But it is not a hands-in-the-pockets scepticism that
becomes us as evolutionists, it is a thatige Skepsis, —
eager to test and measure, to experiment and observe.
After half a century of measurement and experi-
ment, the voice of the evolutionist will probably re-
gain confidence. What is especially needed is a
national or inter-national institute of experimental
evolution where the trials and testings could be con-
tinued for generations by a carefully recruited staff,
and thus remain unaffected by the death of individ-
ual workers.
BOOK FOUR.
PSYCHOLOGY, ANTHROPOLOGY, AND
SOCIOLOGY.
(MIND, MAN, AND SOCIETY.)
CHAPTEK XII.
PROGRESS OF PSYCHOLOGY.*
PSYCHOLOGY is " the positive science of mental
process " ; it investigates mental events in their co-
existence and sequence, or mental products in their
subjective aspect. It has to do with the racial evolu-
tion of the mind and the development of the indi-
vidual consciousness, but not with what ought to be
in thought or in conduct (logic and ethics), nor with
the nature of knowledge as such (metaphysics).
Its data are obtained from a study of the products
of past mental processes and of the stages of processes
presently occurring or just fading into the past. Its
methods are introspection and retrospection, observa-
tion and experiment. And it aims, like other sci-
ence, at restating the facts in general formula, or in
* The aim of this chapter is simply to illustrate four
noteworthy changes in the aims and methods of psychol-
ogy which may be called characteristic of the nineteenth
century.
PROGRESS OF PSYCHOLOGY. 443
binding them into an intelligible system by interpre-
tative hypotheses.
CHANGES IN AIMS AND METHODS.
Even those who insist that psychology is an an-
cient science (from Aristotle's De Anima) and not
one of the newest, will allow that the nineteenth
century, especially in its second half, witnessed great
changes in the aims and method of psychological
enquiry. The advance of physiology made a franker
recognition of the correlation of mind and body im-
perative; a growing intensity in the scientific mood
intruded methods of experimentation into a sphere
wherein they were formerly conspicuous by their ab-
sence; the naturalist advanced a plea for the consid-
eration of the animal mind alongside that of man ;
and the grip of the evolution-idea made itself felt
in the conviction that the " mind " must be studied
as the product of individual development and of
racial history.
As Prof. E. B. Titchener expresses it: — (1)
" Modern psychology works upon the hypothesis that
there is no psychosis without neurosis ; no sooner has
it analysed a mental complex than it begins its search
for the neural substrate of the elementary conscious
processes." ... (2) " Experiment has been intro-
duced, not to oust the old-fashioned method of intro-
spection or self-observation, but to control it and
standardise its conditions, lifting the ' facts ' of
psychology from the plane of opinion to the plane of
knowledge." ... (3) Here we would interpolate
that psychology has followed physiology in becoming
comparative. (4) " Mind, instead of being dissected
and classified, in purely logical terms, into static bits
444 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
of knowledge (ideas) and empty faculties of knowl-
edge (memory, imagination) is looked upon as an
organic structure, that is, as a structure that has
grown or developed, to be investigated by analytical
and genetic methods." *
"Whether or not we admit the advent of a new
psychology, at least we cannot deny the consummation
of a great and far-reaching change in psychological
aims and methods." f
CORRELATION OF MIND AND BODY.
During the nineteenth century various views were
held on this subject.
(a) Ignoring what had been clearly shown even
by Descartes, and the truth in Hartley's Observa-
tions on Man (1Y49) a certain school practi-
cally denied that any correlation of mind and body
existed. The body and its organs, on one side, the
mind and its organs, on the other, were thought
of as entirely independent existences. This position
is untenable. Certain lesions of the brain are
always associated with certain disorders of language,
as in aphasia. Conversely, over and over again, the
saving skill of the surgeon at the best, or post-mortem
examination at the worst, has verified an inference
from a particular mental disorder to a disturbance
of a particular part of the brain. The general cor-
respondence throughout Vertebrates between the
relative size and complexity of the brain and the ani-
mal's grade of intelligence, cannot be a coincidence.
Historical Note. — Although at many different
* Siimmarised from Recent Advances in Psychology,
Internat. Monthly. II. (August, 1900). pp. 154-168.
f E. B. Titchener (1900), loo. cit. p. 154.
PROGRESS OF PSYCHOLOGY. 445
dates sagacious thinkers had pointed out that the
flesh not only wars against the spirit, but in a humili-
ating way conditions its activity, the recognition of
the intimate correlation of body and mind is practi-
cally one of the great results of the nineteenth cen-
tury.
The new doctrine that the brain is the organ of
the mind was certainly helped by the industrious
work of Franz Joseph Gall (1758-1828) and Johann
Gaspar Spurzheim (1776-1832) the founders of
phrenology, doubtless an erroneous system, but — like
alchemy or astrology — of some service to science.
Among the other pioneers were Magendie and Louis
Antoine Desmoulins who worked together on the
nervous system of Vertebrate animals (1825) ;
Charles Bell who in 1811 discovered the distinction
between motor and sensory nerves, afterwards con-
firmed by Johannes Miiller and by Magendie; Mar-
shall Hall, who first elucidated the phenomenon of
reflex action (1832) ; and Flourens who was one of
the first to enquire with precision into the functions
of different parts of the brain.
In 1825 Boillard, working from the pathological
side, had tried in vain to convince his contemporaries
as to the existence of an articulation-centre in the
frontal lobe of the brain, and there were other pio-
neers. Little heed was paid to the idea till 1861,
when Broca announced his discovery that a definite
area in the cerebrum (Broca's centre) was concerned
with articulate speech. He thus initiated a more
intimate study of brain localisation. Fritsch and
Hitzig, Ferrier, Hughlings Jackson, Franck and
Pitres, Munk and Goltz, Horsley, Schafer, Flechsig,
Schrader, Steiner, have been prominent workers on
this line — endeavouring to map out the brain into
446 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
specialised centres both sensory and motor. And to
this experimental investigation there has come aid
from histological studies, especially since the refine-
ment of methods due to Golgi and Ramon y Cajal.
Although a splendid beginning has been made,
It is only a beginning, and even among experts there
is much diversity of opinion on important questions.
Thus we find Flechsig mapping out three levels
of centres in the cortex, sense-centres (also motor),
association-centres (with indirect motor connections),
and between these in order of development inter-
mediate centres; while, on the other hand, we find
Loeb * maintaining that while there exists to a cer-
tain extent an anatomical localisation in the cortex,
the assumption of a physical localisation is contra-
dicted by the facts. ..." In processes of associa-
tion the cerebral hemispheres act as a whole, and not
as a mosaic of a number of independent parts. . . .
It is just as anthropomorphic to invent special centres
of association as it is to invent special centres of co-
ordination." f
SUMMARY. — It must be admitted ~by all that
" there exist manifold correspondences of the most in-
timate and exact kind between states and changes of
consciousness on the one hand, and states and changes
of brain on the other. As respects complexity, in-
tensity, and time-order the concomitance is appar-
ently complete. Mind and brain advance and decline
pari passu; the stimulants and narcotics that en-
liven or depress the action of the one tell in like
manner upon the other. Local lesions that suspend
or destroy, more or less completely, the functions of
*Loeb, Comparative Physiology of the Brain (1900),
p. 262.
fLoeb, p. 275.
PROGRESS OF PSYCHOLOGY. 447
the centres of sight and speech, for instance, involve
an equivalent loss, temporary or permanent, of words
and ideas." * The close parallelism of the two sets
of facts is certain; the difficulty is how to conceive
of their relation.
(6) With the advance of physiological analysis,
a materialistic school found confidence to claim psy-
chology as entirely a branch of physiology. In crude
expression, it was said that as the liver secrets bile,
so the brain secretes thought ; or, that as the collisions
in a swarm of meteors engender heat and light, so
the whirlpool of molecules within a ganglion has part
of its energy expressed as consciousness.
This conclusion includes two distinct assump-
tions:— (1) that material agency is the only real
condition of protoplasmic metabolism (or bodily
life), and so likewise of consciousness or mental life,
and (2) that physiological interpretations are suffi-
cient for mental occurrences. The first assumption
is a metaphysical dream involving the fallacy of
" postulating mechanism as the substratum and not as
the conceptional expression of certain groups of sense-
impressions " (Pearson) ; the second assumption has
not been justified by any success. Xo one has suc-
ceeded in giving a physiological interpretation of
any mental process; though the physical conditions
attendant on many mental processes are known, the
relations between the two have not been apprehended.
A quotation from Dr. G. F. Stout's Analytic Psy-
chology (1896) may be permitted here: —
" Those who deny agency to consciousness, finding
that mental events occur which are not immediately
* Prof. James Ward, Naturalism and Agnosticism, 1899,
Vol. I. p. 10.
448 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
traceable to other mental events, assume that they are
due to material agency. Similarly those confronted by
material changes not easily traceable to mechanical
antecedents, have often assumed that they are due to
spiritual agency. How can the modern materialist
show that he has any better guarantee for his position
than the untutored Indian has for his? ... If the
continuity of the mechanical process debars us from
regarding a movement as due to a volition, it must in
like manner debar us from regarding a volition as due
to movement, even of brain particles. ... No analysis
can discover in the psychological fact any traces of its
supposed physical factors." *
(c) As physiology has become more modest in
realising its own limits of interpretation, and as the
psychologist has without mistrust sought to avail
himself of all the help the physiologist can give, a
more reasonable position has been attained. " Psy-
chology is distinguished from the physical sciences
inasmuch as their aim is to know the material
world, whereas it deals with the question how this
knowledge arises." f " Mental processes cannot be
explained as special complications of processes which
are not mental, nor can they enter into the composi-
tion of such processes." $ " No consideration of the
physical antecedents as such needs to be included in
any strictly psychological proposition. We take ac-
count of them only in so far as they are indispensable
helps in determining and defining the nature and
order of changes produced in the mind from without.
The psychologist is primarily concerned not with the
antecedents of externally initiated changes, but with
these changes themselves, inasmuch as they modify
* Stout, pp. 5-6.
t G. F. Stout, Analytic Psychology, Vol. I., 1896, p. 8.
% Op. cit., p. 6.
PROGRESS OF PSYCHOLOGY. 449
preceding and determine succeeding mental states.
Thus, though these physical facts supply data indis-
pensable to the solution of psychological problems,
yet they do not themselves belong to the essential
subject-matter of psychology." *
But the position of this acute thinker might be
misunderstood if we did not quote further. " The
life of the brain is part of the life of the organism
as a "whole, and inasmuch as consciousness is the
correlate of brain-process, it is conditioned by organic
process in general. It is clear that the unity and
connection of psychical states cannot be clearly con-
ceived without taking into account the unity and
connection of the processes of the organism as a
whole." f
No enthusiast for physiological interpretation,
could at present wish for a more friendly greeting.
But what of the future, since physiology is advanc-
ing by leaps and bounds ? " Let us consider what
would happen under ideally perfect conditions. If
the physiologist were to attain to as clear and definite
a conception of brain processes as the physicist pos-
sesses of light and sound vibrations; if he had also
an acquaintance with psychology sufficient to enable
him to set about establishing definite connections be-
tween elementary mental and elementary physiolog-
ical occurrences ; if, finally, he had at his command
psycho-physical means and methods adequate to this
undertaking — then, indeed, we might hope for abun-
dant and valuable results. Indeed, it would seem
that under such conditions psychology would be
wholly absorbed into physiology so that a single in-
divisible science would result. But at present we
appear to be as far from such a consummation as
* Stout, p. 27. f Stout, p. 23.
4:50 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
from the establishment of a penny-post between the
planets of the solar system." * This is one of the
finest specimens of ironical scientific literature since
science began.
When the question is asked in this form : — Do the
formula of biology, of physiology, of chemistry and
physics, suffice to restate the facts of mental life ?
there is at present no manner of doubt that the
answer should be an emphatic " No."
Whether the development (personal) and evolu-
tion (racial) of that synthesis which we call Mind
("the unity of manifold successive and simulta-
neous modes of consciousness in an individual
whole") can be traced is another question, to which
the sanguine would — with some justification — an-
swer "Yes."
Whether we shall ever be able to conceive how it is
that protoplasmic metabolism comes to be in certain
cases attended by consciousness (which we cannot posi-
tively define) is another question, answers to which
are mere matters of opinion. The correlation and
parallelism of metabolism and mentality, of neuroses
and psychoses must be admitted, but the two sets of
facts cannot be identified, and science 'as such has
at present no answer to give in regard to the nature
of the relation between them. We may simply state
the three metaphysical alternatives: — (a) that the
brain is the only real agency and consciousness one
of its phenomena; (6) that consciousness is the real-
ity of which the correlated brain-process is a phenom-
enon; or (c) that brain-process and consciousness are
two aspects of the same reality.
SUMMARY. — The physiologist who devotes himself
to the study of nervous functions often speaks as if
* Stout, loc. cit.
PROGRESS OF PSYCHOLOGY. 451
his science was in process of absorbing psychology,
or rather of showing that psychology is illusory, for
he will replace such metaphysical conceptions as
soul, consciousness, and will by " real physiological
processes " (Loeb). He has not yet succeeded in this
process of substitution, and it appears to us that his
expectation or his mode of stating it reveals a misun-
derstanding.
At the same time, this anti-metaphysical physi-
ology, of which Professor Ernst Mach * of Vienna
is an outstanding champion, expresses a true ideal
for physiology. For there the terms of interpreta-
tion ought to be entirely objective (i.e., as objective
as any general terms like stimuli, neuron, neuroses,
can be), and terms like consciousness and will are
irrelevant.
EXPEEIMEXTAL, PSYCHOLOGY.
The introduction of experimental methods into
psychological research was one of the distinctive
steps of the nineteenth century, but as most of the
results have been gained since 1878 when Wundt
opened his laboratory of physiological psychology at
Leipzig, it is still too soon to estimate their value.
Although Wundt has been the direct inspirer of most
of the modern work — whether in opposition or in
agreement — we may go further back to Johannes
Miiller and Weber, to Fechner and Helmholtz.
Johannes Miiller (1801-1858). — To this genius
we owe the discovery of the law of the " specific
energy of the senses," — that the same stimulus, the
same external phenomenon, acting on different
*E. Mach, Contributions to the Analysis of the Sensa-
tions, trans. Chicago, 1897.
452 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
organs of sense always produces different sensations ;
and that different stimuli acting on the same organ
of sense always produce the same sensation. Bunge,
from whom we have quoted the statement of the
law, calls it " the greatest achievement both of physi-
ology and psychology," " the greatest and deepest
truth ever thought out by the human intellect."
" There is," Verworn f says, " scarcely any physio-
logical discovery which has a more important bear-
ing upon all psychology and the theory of knowl-
edge— although unfortunately it is not generally
appreciated — than the doctrine of the specific energy
of the nerves or organs of the special senses." The
doctrine implies " that the external world is not in
reality what it appears to us to be when perceived
through the spectacles of our sense-organs; and that
by the path of our sense-organs we cannot arrive at
an adequate knowledge of the world."
We have already noted that Miiller was mistaken
in referring to the specific effects of stimulation to the
nerves, for since the work of Yulpian (1866) it has
been recognised that nerves are simply conducting
threads; the specific functions had to be shifted to
the cells of the nerve-centres. Moreover, Dr. Hill ^
refers to the remarkable experiment by which " the
vagus nerve, which ought to be supervising digestion
and the beating of the heart " can be made " to con-
trol blushing, dilation of the pupil, and the other ac-
tions which were formerly (are normally) within
the province of the cervical sympathetic. This up-
* G. Bunge, Text-BooJc of Physiological and Pathological
Chemistry, trans. 1890, p. 12.
t M. Verworn, General Physiology, trans. 1899, p. 21.
$ An Introduction to Science, 1900, p. 125.
PROGRESS OF PSYCHOLOGY. 453
sets our notions of the specific functions of nerve-
centres."
There is reason to suspect that Miiller's law, while
expressing an important truth, has inclined many
physiologists to put in a full stop prematurely. Let
us notice how Loeb regards it; his revolutionary or
evolutionary outlook is always stimulating.
" Whether a blow, an electric current, or ether-vibra-
tions of about 0.0008-0.0004 millimetres wave length
stimulate the retina, the sensation is always a specific
one, namely, light, while a blow or an electric current
produces sensations of sound in the ear. This so-
called law of the specific energy of the sense-organs is
not peculiar to the sense-organs; it applies, as was
emphasised by Sachs, to all living matter ; it even holds
good for machines. It is in reality only another ex-
pression for the fact that the eye, the ear, and every
living organ are able to convert energy in but one
definite form — that is, that they are special machines.
The determination of the way in which this transforma-
tion of energy occurs in the various organs would be
the explanation of the specific energy of the various
senses."
" Physiology gives us no answer to the latter ques-
tion. The idea of specific energy has always been re-
garded as the terminus for the investigation of the
sense-organs. All the more credit is due Mach and
Hering for first having advanced beyond that limit
with their chemical theory of colour sensations.
Mach has recently expressed the opinion that chemical
conditions lie at the foundation of sensations in gen-
eral." *
E. H. Weber (1795-18T8).— Weber was one of
those who introduced precise physical methods into
physiological investigation. He belongs to the
* Comparative Physiology of the Brain and Comparative
Psychology, 1901, pp. 290-291.
454 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
school whose illustrious roll includes the names of
Volkmann, Ludwig, Helmholtz, E. du Bois-Rey-
mond, and Marey; and he deserves a place in this
psychological chapter for his formulation of a law
which perpetuates his name and has had a far-reach-
ing influence. It was one of the initiatives in psycho-
physics.
What Weber tried to find out was the relation
between the intensity of sense-stimulus (readily meas-
ured objectively) and the intensity of the associated
sensation. He found that the degree of keenness in
our discrimination between two sensations of weight,
light, or sound, varies in constant rates with the total
magnitude of the stimuli.
The generalisation may be thus expressed: —
" There will be the same sensible difference of in-
tensity between two sensations, provided the relative
intensities of the stimuli producing them remain
the same. Thus an increase of 1 to a stimulus whose
strength is expressed by 100 will be experienced as
of the same intensity as an increase of 2 to a stimulus
whose strength is 200, or of 3 to a stimulus whose
strength is 300, etc. The literature of psycho-
physics is occupied with the experimental verifica-
tion, the mathematical development, and the inter-
pretation of this law. But neither its experimental
basis nor its interpretation is quite satisfactory."
Its experimental verification is only approximate,
especially in regard to light and sound, and there
is abundant room for difference of opinion as to its
psychological importance. There is a critical sum-
mary in Professor Sorley's article from which our
quotation is taken.
* Prof. W. R. Sorley, article, Psychology, Chambers'a
Encyclopaedia.
PROGRESS OF PSYCHOLOGY. 455
The history of psycho-physics should give prom-
inence to Gustav Fechner who invented (1860) the
term (Psycliophysik) and first spoke of " physiologi-
cal psychology," who was also mainly concerned with
a vindication and elaboration of " Weber's Law "
(as he called it) ; and to Helmholtz, who measured
the velocity of nerve-messages (1851), supplied a
provisional physiological basis for the interpreta-
tion of visual and auditory sensations, and stood firm
by Miiller's conclusion that our senses afford us only
symbols of the outer world. Mention should also
be made of two general works which had a strong
influence: Hermann Lotze's Medicinische Psychol-
ogie, oder Physiologie der Seele (1852) and Herbert
Spencer's Principles of Psychology (1855). Dur-
ing the last twenty-five years the most prominent
figure in Psycho-physics has been Wilhelm Wundt.
Among those who have followed him or have struck
out on independent lines we may note: — Baldwin;
Bethe; Ebbinghaus; James; Pierre Janet; Kraepe-
lin; Ladd; Lange; Lipps; Loeb; Lloyd Morgan;
Miinsterberg ; Kibot ; Titchener.
The utility of the experimental method is (1) in
giving point and precision to introspection, (2) in
making a certain amount of measurement possible,
and (3) in correlating definite variations in mental
process with definite variations in the conditions.
COMPAEATIVE PSYCHOLOGY.
A new day began in Physiology when Johannes
Miiller made it a comparative study; and although
the study of the animal mind has not, as yet, yielded
such rich results to the psychology of man as might
2D
456 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
perhaps have been expected, an auspicious beginning
has been made.
Historical Outline. — Though Descartes set a
splendid example, there were few in pre-Darwinian
days who even attempted a scientific study of the
animal mind. Even those who were careful ob-
servers usually remained content with theological or
metaphysical interpretations. H. S. Reimarus, who
published a large work on Instincts in 1760, and the
philosopher Schelling may be named as representa-
tive.
The development of physiology (e.g., the theory
of reflexes) and of human psychology, and the in-
fluence of the evolution-idea, led to a more scientific
outlook. Alfred Russel Wallace and others showed
that many cases of alleged instinctive activity were
really cases of rapid learning and that " instincts "
were neither so perfect, unerring, or stereotyped as
had been supposed. An attempt was made to arrange
vital activities in a psychological series — as if on
an inclined plane — automatic physiological rhythms,
simple reflexes, complex reflexes, instinctive activi-
ties, habitual intelligent actions, intelligent behav-
iour, and rational conduct. Theories as to the
origin of instincts began to abound, the Lamarckian
school regarding them as the outcrop of inherited
habits (either intelligent activities or complex re-
flexes to start with), the strict Darwinian school re-
garding them as the result of the action of Natural
Selection on congenital cerebral variations.
Although the term " instinctive activity " is still
used to include several different modes of action, we
have placed it on the inclined plane between reflex
action and habitual intelligent action. Instinctive
activities differ from habitual-intelligent activities in
PROGRESS OF PSYCHOLOGY. 457
beng inborn or innate, requiring a liberating stimu-
lus, but neither experience nor education, though they
are often perfected thereby. They seem to be shared
by all the members of the species in almost the same
degree, though those of the male may differ from
those of the female, and they are of critical moment
in the struggle for existence. They differ from
simple reflexes in involving the activity of the higher
nerve-centres, and there seems no sufficient reason
for denying that they may be accompanied by some
measure of consciousness.
Among the many contributions to the study of
instincts, we recall those of Bethe, Biichner, Darwin,
Forel, Groos, G. H. Lewes, Wesley Mills, Lloyd
Morgan, J. J. Murphy, Romanes, Schneider, Spald-
ing, Spencer, Thorndike, Vogt, A. JR. Wallace, Was-
mann, Weismann, C. O. Whitman, Ziegler.
Although the progress of research has already
made many of his conclusions more than doubtful,
George John Romanes (1848-1894) should, in our
opinion, be remembered as one who did much to
place the study of comparative psychology on a scien-
tific basis. In his Animal Intelligence (1881) he
tried to sift the wheat of facts from the chaff of an-
ecdotes; in his Mental Evolution in Animals he
distinguished primary instincts, which arise, apart
from intelligence, in the course of natural selection,
and secondary instincts, which arise by the habitua-
tion and inheritance of originally intelligent be-
haviour; in the same volume and in his Mental Evo-
lution in Man (1888) he made a detailed comparison
of the mental life of man and of animals.
Some Lines of Modern W&rk. — An escape from
" the muddy quagmire of verbal dispute and the will-
o'-the-wisps of irresponsible speculation " is indi-
458 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
cated in the beginning of the experimental study
of instinct. This is well expressed in the work of
Prof. C. Lloyd Morgan, e.g., in his study (following
Spalding) of young chicks hatched in an incubator,
away therefore from all parental influence.*
Bethe — another careful experimenter — has recent-
ly done good service in bringing to a focus the inter-
pretation of the behaviour of ants and bees as that of
reflex machines or automata, — a return to the posi-
tion of Descartes. After intricate meanderings
(marked on smoked paper) an ant finds a food-treas-
ure ; it returns to the nest and comes back to the spoil
with reinforcements; but it is only in the course of
many journeys that the circuitous path becomes
straightened, as the scent-marked trail is definitised.
It seems all " chemo-reflex." A strange ant, dipped
in a solution of the pounded ants of another nest,
is received by its normal enemies with friendliness.
The home-coming bees which usually fly to the door-
way of the hive, like arrows to their mark, are quite
nonplussed if the hive be shifted a few yards aside.
Even if the hive be simply reversed they cluster in
futile excitement at the back wall.
In 1889, Verworn published an account of his
experiments and observations on Protozoa in which
he showed that most of their actions are reflexes,
though some show as it were traces of being impul-
sive, t A different view was maintained by A. Bi-
net £ (1891), who convinced himself that unicellular
organisms exhibit genuine selective actions. But
* See his Animal Life and Intelligence (revised under
the title Animal Behaviour), also his Introduction to Com-
parative Psychology and Habit and Instinct.
t Psychophysiologische Protistenstudien, 1889.
$ La vie psychique des micro-organismes, 1891.
PROGRESS OF PSYCHOLOGY. 459
Verworn's researches are much more convincing, and
have been recently corroborated by H. S. Jennings.*
In his study of the slipper animalcule (Para-
mcecium) and some other Protozoa, Jennings has
shown that in all the seeming to seek food or to evade
the inimical, there is but one typical motor reaction,
like that of a strip of muscle. It may be that a
vestige of consciousness persists and that the observ-
able reflex was once represented by a conscious im-
pulsive movement, but the fact seems to be that the
slipper animalcule now responds to all sorts of stim-
uli by one constant kind of movement.
Reference should also be made to the psychological
study of some of the outstanding phenomena which
occur in the life of many different kinds of animals,
e.g., mating (Darwin, Wallace, Biichner, Lloyd
Morgan, Groos), or play (Groos). In a most in-
teresting study, Groos seeks to show that play is the
outcrop of instincts, evolved like other instincts from
congenital variations, and fostered in virtue of their
utility. But what can be the utility of play, which
by definition has no serious purpose ? To which it
is answered that play is the young form of work, a
rehearsal without responsibilities, — that it lightens
the burden of inheritance by affording opportunity
for the exercise and perfecting of instinctive activi-
ties, and that the play period allows scope for the
rise and progress of new variations, initiatives, idio-
syncrasies, etc., which form the raw material of prog-
ress, before the struggle for existence has become
keen.
Open Questions. — We have elsewhere referred to
* " Studies on Reactions to Stimuli in Unicellular Organisms."
Numerous papers in Amer. Journ. Physiol. and Amer. Naturalist,
from 1899 onwards.
460 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
some of the many open questions* in comparative
psychology. Are there any cases of animal behav-
iour which cannot be interpreted without assuming
a conceived, as contrasted with a perceived purpose
(reason as contrasted with intelligence) ? In what
proportion of cases can it be shown that animals util-
ise their individually acquired experience, adapting
their behaviour in reference to what they have
learned, or in relation to some quite novel situation ?
To what extent can we interpret the routine life of
an animal, say ant or bee, as a series of reflex actions ?
How have instincts been evolved?
Nervous Mechanism. — Before we try to make
clear the present-day antithesis between the two
schools of " comparative psychologists " — those who
would interpret all the phenomena in objective phys-
iological terms, and those who maintain that psychi-
cal interpretations are equally essential, — we must
devote a few paragraphs to stating the generally ac-
cepted conclusions in regard to nervous mechanism.
In the simplest animals (Protozoa), there is
irritability and conductibility in the protoplasm;
there is nervous function, in short; and there are
many interesting modes of behaviour, but there
is no distinctly nervous structure. Some of the
polypes show in simple form the essential ground
plan of all the nervous mechanisms of higher
animals. A superficial sensitive cell is connected by
a fibre with a more internal nerve-cell or gan-
glion-cell, which gives off a fibre to a muscle-cell.
If we multiply each of these component parts a
thousand-fold, we have a sense-organ receiving
stimuli, a sensory nerve transmitting these, a nerve-
centre or ganglion receiving, storing, co-ordinating
* Science of Life, p. 207.
PROGRESS OF PSYCHOLOGY. 461
and shunting the stimuli, and a motor nerve passing
from the ganglion to a muscle.
Up to a certain level in the animal kingdom the
behaviour is on the whole very simple, and from a
physiological point of view may be summed up in
the phrase " reflex action."
"A reflex is a reaction which is caused by an ex-
ternal stimulus, and which results in a co-ordinated
movement, the closing of the eyelid, for example,
when the conjunctiva is touched by a foreign body, or
the narrowing of the pupil under the influence of light.
In each of these cases, changes in the sensory nerve-
endings are produced which bring about change of con-
dition in the nerves. This change travels to the cen-
tral nervous system, passes from there to the motor
nerves, and terminates in the muscle-fibres, producing
there a contraction. This passage from the stimulated
part to the central nervous system, and back again to
the peripheral muscles, is called a reflex. There has
been a growing tendency in physiology to make reflexes
the basis of the analysis of the functions of the central
nervous system, consequently much importance has
been attached to the underlying processes and the nec-
essary mechanism." *
The question to which so much attention has been
turned in the closing years of the nineteenth century
is as to the proportion of animal behaviour which
can be covered by this concept of reflex action. At
what level do animals begin to learn, to profit by
experience, to adapt their behaviour to novel condi-
tions ? Moreover, what security is there in the as-
sumption that the reflex actions which are simplest
are also the most primitive ? To what extent may they
* J. Loeb, Comparative Physiology of the Brain, 1901,
pp. 1-2.
462 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
be the degenerate descendants of impulsive (or even
more complicated) actions ?
There can be no doubt that a healthy intact frog
or newt controls and selects some of its modes of
activity, while it is, to say the least, very difficult
to prove that a jelly-fish does so. Yet the jelly-fish
has got complex sense-organs and a well-developed,
though not very complex, system of nerve-cells.
What is it that makes all the difference between frog
and jelly-fish? The answer is given in part by a
familiar experiment. " Eemove the brain of the
frog (an operation which it bears with remarkable
impunity), and carefully keep it moist and fed, and
for the rest of its life, which may easily be prolonged
for a year or eighteen months, we have in our hands
a machine which responds infallibly to every stimu-
lus, but never makes a move in the absence of an
easily recognised provoking cause." *
But while the above experiment shows that the
brain is the seat of control, we require some more
precise answer, for the brain has many different
parts. And here we are helped by one of the ele-
mentary facts of minute anatomy, that while the
grey matter (a network of nerve-cells) in the spinal
cord and in certain parts of the brain receives sen-
sory nerves and gives origin to motor nerves, the grey
matter of the surface or cortex of the brain is in a
measure apart, acting and being acted upon through
the mediation of the other grey matter in the lower
parts of the brain or in the spinal cord. It is then
in this cortical grey matter that we look for the seat
of that power of choice and control that distinguishes
the higher animals.
* Dr. A. Hill, Trans. Viet. Inst., XXVI., 1892-93, p. 38.
PROGRESS OF PSYCHOLOGY. 463
Minute anatomy has made it possible to map out
many of the possible routes in the spinal cord and
brain which was no long time ago an un-mapped
country. But it is like a country in which, though
the roads are known, no passenger has ever been
seen, and where the possibilities of short-cuts across
the fields are endless. " One thing is quite certain,
namely, that the routes which are most frequently
used are the most open, and therefore the most easily
traversed." Measurements of the time taken by
nervous impulses in travelling from part to part of
the body make this clear.
It is usual to call the possible path of a sensory
stimulus from, let us say, the finger to the spinal
or basal brain ganglia, and of a resulting motor
stimulus from the ganglion via motor nerve fibres
to the muscles, a complete arc. And what we have to
conceive of is that part of the impulse may be in many
cases diverted from the short arc and ascend to the
brain-cortex, there provoking impulses which de-
scending fibres carry back to the short arc. It 19
in some such way that reflex actions may be strength-
ened or restrained by the control of the higher nerve
centres.
The familiar " knee-jerk " is a good example of
a pure reflex, occurring in sleep, in the hypnotic
state, in unconsciousness, — not much of an action,
indeed, but enough to link us back physiologically to
the jelly-fish with its pulsating disc. From this
simple reflex, with consciousness at zero as far as it
is concerned, we can make a long inclined plane on
which are arranged more complex reflexes, compound
reflexes, reflexes which are apt to arouse conscious-
ness, and reflexes which are very liable to be in-
fluenced by conscious control.
464: PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
" In its first origin the nervous system is like an
open moor, equally easy and equally difficult of pas-
sage in all directions, but the nervous system as we
inherit it is a labyrinth of paths." Some of these
paths are trodden down in antenatal life, but of
many of them we can only say that their making is
part of our inheritance. But here, as elsewhere, the
question of origins cannot at present be answered
with any confidence.
Animal Behaviour. — Let us take a broad survey
of animal behaviour. All around us, except in our
cities, there is a busy animal life, swayed by the
twin impulses of " Hunger " and " Love." There
is eager endeavour after individual well-being, there
is not less careful effort which secures the welfare of
the young. The former varies from a keen and
literal struggle for subsistence to a gay pursuit of
aesthetic luxuries; the latter rises from physiolog-
ically necessary life-losing and instinctive parental
industry to remarkable heights of what seem to us
like deliberate sacrifice and affectionate devotion.
On the one hand, we see struggle, between mates,
between rival suitors, between nearly related fellows,
between foes of entirely diverse nature, between the
powers of life and the merciless forces of the in-
organic world. On the other hand, we see the love
of mates, family affection, mutual aid among kin-
dred, many quaint partnerships and strange friend-
ships and infinite inter-relations implying at least
some measure of mutual yielding.
We watch the wondrous industry of birds and bees
who work from the dawn until the dusk brings en-
forced rest to their brains, which we know to suffer
fatigue as ours do; on the other hand we see the
PROGRESS OF PSYCHOLOGY. 465
parasite's drifting life of ease. Here locust eats
locust, and rat rat ; there in the combat of stags lover
fights with lover till death conquers both ; and again
we see a mother animal losing her life in seeking
to save her children. At one pole we see simple
brainless creatures pursuing their daily life in what
we can hardly call more than dull sentience; again
we marvel at an instinctive skill whose expression,
is unconscious art; finally we are face to face with
an intelligent behaviour which seems at once a carica-
ture and prototype of our own.
When we talk to naturalists or read a num-
ber of works on natural history, we soon recog-
nise that there are two extreme positions. One of
these has been briefly described in the phrase " The
man in the beast." It is that which interprets an
animal's action forthwith as if it were human, which
credits the beast with the man's qualities of feeling
and reasoning without seeking to prove their pres-
ence, which, in short, reads the man into the beast.
Now this is generous, and the interpretation of ani-
mal life which results is pleasing, and free from
the usual self-conceit of human intelligence. Most
children pass through it, some naturalists die peace-
fully in the faith of it. But if comparative psy-
chology has taught us anything, it is that this posi-
tion is fallacious. He is still at the feet of Uncle
Remus, who credits animals with his own qualities
without proving his pleasant poetry.
The other extreme is that of those who erect be-
tween themselves and the beast a high wall. At no
price will they let the man into the beast, nor admit
the man in the beast. They are far from agreeing
with Scheitlin, the author of a Versuch einer voll-
stdndigen Thierseelenkunde (1840), who said,
466 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
" JSTicht aller Mensch ist im Thier, aber alles Thier
1st im Menschen." The construction of this high
wall between man and beast varies considerably. It
is not of course without the hard stones of fact, but
is usually cemented with superstition. Those who
build it seldom look over it, not that they do not
exalt themselves, but they suffer from timidity or
from lack of the curious spirit.
If they happen to observe how like to human con-
duct the behaviour of animals often is, the resem-
blance is hastily explained away as a mere analogy.
In comparing human conduct with that of animals,
we must, we are told, ever remember that it is a
person, a soul, a homo sapiens, a man who acts.
Sometimes the distinction is confessedly apparent;
at other times we wish we could forget it.
Sometimes the height of the separating wall is
made to depend not so much on " the unique maj-
esty of human nature " as on the " marked infer-
iority of the brute." The animal is seen as an eft
in the moat around the human citadel. It is said to
have no soul, no intelligence, no control, even no con-
sciousness.
Such then, sufficiently outlined for our purpose,
are the two extreme views, that which reads the man
into the beast, and that which rears an unsurmount-
able wall between them, that which makes of an
individual Lepus cuniculus frisking on the links a
Brer-rabbit, or that which regards him as a whimsi-
cal automatic machine.
A Compromise. — Between the two extreme inter-
pretations indicated above it seems necessary to find
a compromise. We are sure of a conscious mental
life in ourselves, — it is our greatest certainty ; we in-
fer it in other people, — without this postulate there
PROGRESS OF PSYCHOLOGY. 467
could have been no science at all ; we usually admit
its existence in the higher animals, like birds and
mammals, partly because it seems the simplest postu-
late that will cover the facts, and partly from our
general acceptance of the idea of evolution; but as
we descend to ants and bees, earthworms and jelly-
fishes, the impression of automatism grows upon us,
we are without any criterion that will enable us to
decide as to the presence or absence of conscious con-
trol or intelligence or the like, and in particular cases
it is often a matter of opinion whether the behaviour
of the animal requires psychical terms at all for its
re-description.
If we adhere to the law of parcimony, we must
seek to interpret as reflexes as much of animal be-
haviour as will bear this interpretation, but no
amount of success in so doing can prove the absence
of consciousness. Furthermore, when we reflect that
it often requires close acquaintance to discover intel-
ligence in the behaviour of our fellow-men, — whose
actions are often complex reflexes or automatic — we
are induced to be cautious in our inferences as to
animals. Especially with subjects like ants and bees,
we feel the difficulty of getting sufficiently near them
to detect the individual peculiarities of behaviour in
which intelligence may reveal itself.
Our opinion at present is that since a number of
lower animals give evidence of memory for local-
ities, for sounds, for particular kinds of food, etc. ;
since others show some power of profiting by experi-
ence, or of educability; since others seem able to
depart from the usual responses of their reflexes when
novel circumstances demand a departure from rou-
tine, and so on, we cannot give even a descriptive
account of their behaviour without introducing psy-
468 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
chical terms, such as intelligence and conscious con-
trol. And this position is strengthened by the fact
that we find structural nervous complications, in a
gradually ascending series, comparable to those which
we know to be the physical basis of mentality in
ourselves. We need not be so generous as the
earlier observers who made each animal a homun-
culus; but we cannot pretend to be convinced that
the progress of physiology has yet justified us in ac-
cepting the phrase " reflex-machine " as an adequate
description of even a pismire.
Father Wasmann,* who has done splendid work
as an entomologist, especially in connection with the
partners and guests of ants, has recently sought to
uphold the view that many animals must be regarded
as actively intelligent, or with psychical life which,
within its acknowledged limits, is as essential to
their behaviour as ours is to our daily conduct. In
other words, he has argued against the purely objec-
tive interpretation of animals as "reflex-machines."
In referring to this Professor Loeb notes that the
answer to the question whether or not animals possess
intelligence varies with the definition of the word,
and that the discussion is purely scholastic. " The
aim of modern biology is no longer word-discussion,
but the control of life-phenomena. Accordingly we
do not raise and discuss the question as to whether
animals possess intelligence, but we consider it our
aim to work out the dynamics of the processes of
association, and find out the physical and chemical
conditions which determine the variation in the ca-
pacity of memory in the various organisms." f And
* Instinct und Intelligenz im Thierreich, 1897.
t Comparative Physiology of the Brain and Comparative Psy-
chology, 1901, p. 287.
PROGRESS OF PSYCHOLOGY. 469
he looks for the interpretation of memory in terms
of the nature of the colloidal substances which make
up protoplasm.
This seems to us an admirable position for the
physiologist, to whom subjective terms are irrele-
vant, but " comparative psychology " is part of the
title of Loeb's book, and therefore we doubt if
the author is justified in calling the question of
presence or absence of intelligence a scholastic dis-
cussion.
Our point is simply this, that while the purely
physiological interpretation may seem sufficient (we
are only half-convinced) to account for certain
events in the behaviour of sea-anemones, jelly-fishes,
worms, etc., as most graphically depicted by Loeb,
it is not as yet even approximately sufficient to ac-
count for the general behaviour of the majority of
animals. We admit that where no evidence of even
associative memory can be found, it is difficult to
show (except on general grounds) why the hypothesis
of psychoses as well as neuroses is necessary. But
when we take a broad view of the behaviour of
animals, we find the psychological interpretation
necessary.
If it be shown that not only the bee but the bird
can be adequately described physiologically, that the
hypothesis of crediting either with a mental life
is gratuitous, that comparative psychology, in short,
has disappeared as comparative physiology has ad-
vanced, then the number of scientific formula? has
been reduced by one, — that is all. But, in the mean-
time, this reduction not having been achieved, we are
in the habit of studying the behaviour of bees and
birds, and must have a theoretical linkage for our
facts. We find no other linkage available except
4:70 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
the psychological one, since that afforded by physi-
ology seems to us inadequate to fit the facts.
Another View. — As we wish that our historical
balance-sheet, necessarily condensed, should be at
least fair, we may direct the reader's attention to the
work of Prof. Loeb (already cited as an instance of
the purely physiological position). According to Loeb,
reflexes may occur without a reflex arc, they are not
necessarily bound up with the central nervous system
or the ganglion-cells; the central nervous system is
only a convenient conductor; instincts are bundles
of tropisms ; neither for spontaneous activity nor for
co-ordination are ganglion-cells essential; the only
specific function of the brain, or certain parts of it,
which Loeb has been able to find, is the activity of
associative memory; and this is made possible by
peculiarities (still quite obscure) in the nature of the
colloidal substances which form the physical basis of
life.
DEVELOPMENT AND EVOLUTION OF MIND.
" We may define psychology," says Dr. G. F.
Stout, " as the science of the development of mind."
The definition indicates the modern outlook of the
science, but the problems involved are so difficult that
we have restricted ourselves to pointing out the vari-
ous sources of information.
The Data. — From four sets of facts the psycholo-
gist may obtain development and material for his
conclusions as to the individual and racial evolution
of mind.
'* Analytic Psychology, Vol. L, 189G, p. 9.
PROGRESS OF PSYCHOLOGY. 471
(a) He may utilise past mental products, — the
words and structure of language in which thought
is embodied, the beliefs and customs of races, their
works of art, and so on.
(&) Valuable data are also obtainable by the study
of children, — a line of investigation practically be-
gun by Preyer, and at present well represented by
Prof. Mark Baldwin * and Stanley Hall.
(c) From experimental work — in which the stages
of a mental product can sometimes be detected ; and
from comparisons of normal subjects with the blind
or the deaf, another set of data are obtainable.
(d) Lastly, some help has been forthcoming from
the studies of those who, like Romanes and Lloyd
Morgan, have paid particular attention to the animal
mind.
CONCLUSION.
We have, in this chapter, briefly illustrated four
steps of recent progress in psychology: — (a) the
fuller recognition of the correlations between body
and mind, (6) the rapidly increasing habit of resort-
ing to experiment, (c) the broadening of the science
on comparative lines, and (d) the endeavour to look
at all the facts from a genealogical or evolutionary
standpoint.
We are reminded that there are other important
steps, — the beginning of a social psychology (Tarde,
Baldwin, Eoyce, Le Bon) ; the beginning of a care-
ful psychology of sex (Havelock Ellis) ; the develop-
ment of practical psychology in reference to educa-
tion (James, Lloyd Morgan, and many others) ; the
* Mental Development in the Child and the Race, 2 vols.
2 E
472 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
application of psycho-physical methods to the study
of the abnormal mind ; and so on. For here, as else-
where, we can only illustrate the scientific progress
of the century by the unsatisfactory method of sam-
pling.
CHAPTEE XIIT.
ADVANCE OF ANTHROPOLOGY.*
The Subject. — Anthropology has mankind for its
subject, just as ornithology deals with bird-kind and
entomology with insect-kind. It is, from one point
of view, a specialised department of zoology, deal-
ing with one particular species — Man, and it applies
zoological methods to the study of human variations
and modifications, and to the interpretation of the
characteristic features in structure, habit, and social
organisation which distinguish the different human
races. It is, from another point of view, concerned
with what may be called the prolegomena to the
scientific study of history, for through linguistics,
folk-lore, and the study of the ancient (often pre-
historic) remains of human activity it passes grad-
ually into the historical discipline, in the narrower
and stricter sense, which takes to do with the period
of which we have intentional records.
Anthropology is, like geography, a synthesis or
combination of contributions from a number of
sciences towards the interpretation of a particular
problem — the human species as such. " We must
be prepared to take anthropology more as the study
of man in relation to various and often independent
* The aim of this chapter is simply to indicate six of the
most important problems which have engaged the attention
of anthropologists during the nineteenth century.
474 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
subjects than as an organic and self-contained
science." *
Anthropology has its physical side, based on anat-
omy and physiology; it has also its psychical side,
based (theoretically) on psychology; it has also its
social aspect, and leads gradually on to the incipient
science of inductive sociology which concentrates its
attention on the various forms of social organisation
and on their correlation with particular conditions
of existence. In the study of skulls, etc., anthro-
pology meets anatomy; but in the study of in-
teresting problems like that of a primitive matri-
archate (or maternal group) and its possible rela-
tions to the recognition of the family-tie and tribal
development, it obviously joins hands with sociology.
It is easy enough to confine anthropology by a defi-
nition to the study of individual bodily characters
and to make ethnology the science of the races of men,
but the distinction is untenable, since man is charac-
teristically social.
Impulses. — There were at least three impulses
which prompted the noteworthy advance of anthro-
pology in the second half of the nineteenth century.
(1) In many ways travelling had become easier, dis-
tant parts of the earth became practically near at
hand, and materials which were formerly scanty and
uncertain became abundant and secure. (2) The
increase of colonisation and the expanding exploita-
tion of the earth brought men into familiar touch
with races whose names were unknown to their
fathers, and anthropology came to have great practi-
cal as well as theoretical interest. (3) The influ-
ence of Darwin's work was especially momentous,
* Prof. W. M. Flinders-Petrie, Address Anthropol. Section,
Rep. Brit. Ass., 1885. p. 816.
ADVANCE OF ANTHROPOLOGY. 475
for he showed the value of discussing man from a
natural history point of view, and shed the light of
the evolution-idea on a mass of anthropological facts
which had previously been little more than curi-
osities.
Associated with these there is now another sad im-
pulse, that certain races are in process of rapid
elimination ; their scientific lesson must be read now
or never. An anthropological expedition is urgently
needed to study fleeting customs, as E. H. 31an and
M. V. Portman did for the natives of the Andaman
Islands, as Prof. A. C. Haddon did at the Torres
Straits, as Profs. Baldwin Spencer and Gillen have
been doing in Australia, as Government officials and
others are doing for the American aboriginal popula-
tion.
Perhaps another impulse to careful anthropologi-
cal study has come from the insistent importance of
criminology. The great practical interest of this
enquiry has reacted on the science of anthropology
from which it had its origin.
MAN'S PLACE IN NATURE.
We use this time-honoured phrase to designate
the problem — still far from solution — of man's
genetic relationship to some pre-human or Simian
stock. Even Sir Richard Owen, conservative as he
was, recognised the " all-pervading similitude of
structure " between man and the apes, and since Dar-
win's Descent of Man and Huxley's essay on Mans
Place in Nature, it has seemed quite fair to reject
any interpretation which denies man's structural re-
semblance to some Simian or ape-like type. So far
as bodily structure is concerned, Man is plainly one
of the Primates. As regards the psychical charac-
476 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
teristics of man, — language, reason, morality, — every;
fair-minded enquirer must admit that it is difficult
to disclose the factors which evoked them, but that is
hardly an argument against deciding that their mode
of origin was evolutionary.
Although the structural resemblances between man
and the anthropoid apes are numerous and plain,
no one now dreams of arguing that man is descended
from any existing form. Different living forms ap-
proach man in different ways. At what point the
human stock diverged from the Simian remains quite
obscure; no certain intermediate links are as yet
known, — though some of the oldest known human
skulls are primitive in some of their features.
ISTor can it be ignored that, as regards various
structural characters, some experts have found it
necessary to look for man's ancestry even deeper than
in the monkey race, — down to the Prosimiee or Lemu-
roids.*
Dr. E. Dubois' discovery of remains at Trinil
in Java (which he calls Pithecanthropus erectus) is
interesting and valuable, but they are fragmentary
(skull-cap and femur), and experts differ greatly in
their interpretation of them. The Trinil femur
seems to have been that of a being who stood up-
right; the capacity of the skull (inferred from the
cap) was greater than that of any known anthropoid
ape, but inferior to that of human skulls of low type
belonging to the Stone Age. The remains are either
those of a missing link or of a low and ancient type
of man.
"The antiquity of the human race is much greater
than was previously supposed; we must go back to the
* Prof. H. Klaatsch, Globus, LXXVI., 1899.
ADVANCE OF ANTHROPOLOGY. 477
Early Tertiary, and to the roots of the Primate stock
to find the origin of the species Homo. A precise in-
vestigation of the whole Primate-group, of its extinct
as well as of its extant members, forms the only basis
on which a scientific physical anthropology can be
established. Without this comparative anatomical
foundation, all theories as to the origin of the human
race remain, in my opinion, wholly in the air." *
Apart from mental development, the distinctively
human characters are thus summarised by Sir Wil-
liam Turner : — " the capability of erecting the trunk,
the power of extending and fixing the hip and knee
joints when standing, the stability of the foot, the
range and variety of movement of the joints of the
upper limb, the balancing of the head on the sum-
mit of the spine, the mass and weight of the brain,
and the perfection of its internal mechanism." f
But, as is well known, the great gap between man
and other living creatures is in mental life, some
indication of which is given by man's superiority in
brain-development. A man may have a brain three
times as heavy as a gorilla's ; the average human
brain weighs 48-49 ounces, the heaviest gorilla brain
does not exceed 20 ounces. The figures for volume
or cranial capacity are not less striking. ( See Keane's
Ethnology., p. 40.) But these figures will be seen in
an altogether false light unless we compare them with
the differences between the various kinds of monkeys.
The marmoset is farther below the gorilla than man
is above it. It is also necessary to take into account
the enormous variations that occur within the hu-
* Prof. Rudolf Martin, AntJiropologie als Wissenschaft
und Lehrfach. Jena, 1901, p. 23.
t Rep. Brit. Ass., 1897, p. 788.
478 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
man species. Similarly, as to characters which can-
not be measured or weighed, it is obvious that it is
the mind of a Fuegian and not that of a Newton
which should be compared with that of the higher
animals.
Although anthropologists are not in a position at
present to do more than speculate in regard to the
factors which may account for the evolution of man's
big l}rain} the great majority are unhesitating in their
acceptance of the general conclusion of Darwin's
Descent of Man, that man arose from an ancestral
stock common to him and to the higher apes.
ANTIQUITY OF MAN.
" Man's immense antiquity is now accepted by a
vast majority of the most thoughtful men." * The
word " immense " is suitable, for it remains impos-
sible to arrive at incontrovertible data by which to
measure the prolonged period which has certainly
elapsed since the human race began. We have al-
ready referred to the uncertainty which besets any
estimate of the age of the earth, and similar remarks
apply to the case of man. There are traces of man,
or of some immediate precursor in the New or Late
Pliocene deposits, along with remains of the mam-
moth, the woolly rhinoceros, the cave-lion, the cave-
bear, the Irish elk, and other extinct mammals once
wide-spread throughout Europe and Britain. That
man appeared before the last of the Pleistocene ice-
ages seems undeniable, and it is possible that he had
appeared before the first of them. " The most ra-
tional hypothesis," Mr. Keane says, " seems that of
* Dr. Robert Munro, Address Anthropological Sec., Rep. Brit.
Ass., 1893.
ADVANCE OF ANTHROPOLOGY. 479
inter-glacial Hominidce specialised not less, probably
much more, than half a million years ago/' * Giglioli
may be named as another expert anthropologist who
regards man's origin as inter-glacial. For our
present purpose, the long and weary discussions on
this subject are of little moment, for though there
may be doubts whether a million or half a million
or a quarter of a million of years should be claimed,
the general tendency among those who know most
about it is towards the larger figures, and while, on
the other hand, man is but a child of yesterday when
the age of the earth is considered.
Let us recall the great periods in man's unwritten
history.
(a) Since man is certainly not derivable from
any of the known anthropoid apes, and since it is
likely that he sprang from an ancestral stock com-
mon to them and to him, we seem almost bound to
conclude that the divergence which led on to the hu-
man line of evolution must have occurred before the
appearance of the anthropoid family. But the an-
thropoids (e.g., Pliopiiliecus, Dryopiihecus) were in
existence in Miocene times, and the inference is that
man's direct precursors had also appeared.
(&) Before man became habitually a user of tools
and weapons, there probably was a long period when
he used such sticks and stones as came readily to
hand. Even monkeys occasionally do so. Although
we do not know with security of any implements
older than palaeolithic axes and hammers and the
like, it is plain that the making of these implied no
small skill and a previous period of apprenticeship.
(c) The data for the study of the prehistoric evo-
* Ethnology, 1896, p. 69.
480 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
lution of man are derived from his bones, from his
implements, and from the remains of his homes and
monuments. To Sir John Lubbock is due the now
universally used term " palaeolithic " for the first of
the prehistoric periods with definite data, and the
second half of the nineteenth century is rich in re-
searches on this ancient era. It is probable that
palaeolithic man (defined by remains in the inter-
glacial epoch) had already spread over nearly the
whole world, that he knew naturally-kindled fire,
that his diet, at first mainly vegetarian, became more
carnivorous as hunting and fishing developed, that
he had no cultivated plants, no houses, no monuments,
that he made stone implements but did not grind
or polish them, that he made a few personal orna-
ments, that he could sew, and that he sometimes drew
with considerable skill. In this period the state of
man is often described as " savage." See A. H.
Keane's Ethnology (1896), p. 110, and Tyler's An-
thropology (1881).
(d*) In Neolithic times, man seems to have been
able to make fire and to have sometimes cooked his
food; to hunting and fishing he had added stock-
breeding and tillage; there were many cultivated
plants; he had houses, barrows, graves, and monu-
ments (single blocks or polylithic cells) ; his indus-
tries extended to making polished stone instruments,
spinning, weaving, mining, pottery-making, carpen-
try, and boat-building. In this period the state of
man is often described as* " barbaric" Between the
palaeolithic and the neolithic periods, there often
seems a hiatus (as in Britain), but there is evidence
elsewhere (in southern and south-eastern lands) of
continuous evolution.
ADVANCE OF ANTHROPOLOGY. 481
(e) After the neolithic ages, but still prehistoric,
come the metal ages, — the copper age (" crowded
out almost everywhere in the Old World "), the
bronze age, and the iron age (the two last sometimes
coalescing).
Even a moderate estimate would grant 10,000
years to the historical period in Egypt and Mesopo-
tamia, 20,000 to the metal ages, 70,000 to the neo-
lithic period, and behind that total of 100,000 years
(since the close of the last ice age) there stretches
the vista of the palaeolithic, and even then man had a
long history behind him.
The interest of these figures is merely to sug-
gest that there was plenty of time for much evolution.
" Many things may happen in a long time," and the
acknowledged difficulty of interpreting human evo-
lution must not be exaggerated by forgetting that he
is not so young as he looks.
Although the date of man's origin remains quite
uncertain, the work of the nineteenth century has
secured this result at least that man is of great an-
tiquity. It is a moderate estimate to suggest half
a million years.
THE HUMAN SPECIES.
The literature on the subject of the human
species is enormous, and when we seek for the result,
it seems preposterously small. Is there one species
of man or are there several ? It seems for the most
part a verbal discussion, depending on the definition
of the term species.
The Linnaean conception of species, from which
Biology has not even yet quite freed itself, was that
482 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
of an assemblage of forms with characters constant
to this extent that the species was permanent and
discontinuous from other species. But the evolu-
tion-idea has changed this, and we regard species as
stages in a progressive development whose flux is so
slow that the shortness of any man's observational
period is almost inadequate to detect it. But the
flow of glaciers is not negatived by the fact that they
cannot be used as means of transport.
It seems fairly certain that had not the enquirer
been man himself (with obvious vested interests)
there would never have been any discussion as to the
unity of the human species. The numerous races
are quite comparable to the races of pigeons (all
descendants of the wild rock-dove, Columba livia),
or to the races of cabbages (all derived from the wild
kale) ; they are all, so far as we know, fertile inter
se} but precise data on this subject are within
a comparatively narrow range; they shade off into
one another most perplexingly when identification
or definition is the object; in a word, they are
varieties. There are no certain cases comparable
to mules among mankind.
It is possible, of course, that some of the re-
mains doubtfully identified as human may be those
of a precursor species; it is possible, also, that some
form of " isolation," e.g., psychical antipathy, might
even now lead to the evolution of a distinct human
species non-fertile with the rest of mainkind; but,
at present, the conclusion seems secure that zoologi-
cally considered mankind represents one species.
We have, however, no enthusiasm on the subject,
remembering Darwin's verdict : — " It is almost a
matter of indifference whether the so-called races of
man are thus designated, or ranked as ' species ' or
ADVANCE OF ANTHROPOLOGY. 483
' sub-species,' but the latter term appears the most
appropriate."
Whether we should regard the races of mankind
as distinct species, or as sub-species, or as varieties,
remains a subject of verbal discussion, but the mod-
ern evolutionary conception of " species " has
robbed the problem of most of the interest it once
had. The important thing is that the modern statis-
tical method of talcing account of specific characters
should be applied to the races of men, that actually
occurring variations should be recorded, and that,
as far as possible, all non-congenital differences (due
to individual modification} and all artificial differ-
ences (e. g., politically defined nationality} should
be separated from the congenital characters which
alone are indicative of genetic affinity.
EACES OF MANKIXD.
The difficulty that has been felt in distinguishing
human races is parallel to that which is familiar to
the zoologist in regard, for instance, to dogs, or to
the botanist in regard to willows or brambles.
" All being fertile inter se, although possibly in
different degrees, and several having early acquired
migratory habits, endless new varieties have constantly
been formed since remote prehistoric times, both by
segmentation of early groups, and by countless fresh
combinations of early established varieties. Outward
modifying influences must have been brought into
play as soon as the first-named groups began to migrate
from their original homes, and such influences, inten-
sified by the climatic changes accompanying the
advance and retreat of glacial phenomena, would in-
484 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
crease in activity according as the primitive tribes
spread farther afield. To these influences of the sur-
roundings were soon added the far more potent effects
of interminglings seen to be at work already in neolithic
times, and thus the development of fresh sub-varieties
of all sorts proceeded at an accelerated rate. This
process has necessarily continued down to the present
time, resulting in ever-increasing confusion of funda-
mental elements, and blurring of primeval types.
Hence it is not surprising that many ethnologists
should accept as a truism the statement that e there are
no longer any pure races in the world.' " *
The history of the classification of mankind into
races is not very instructive. The complexion, the
character of the hair, and the shape of skull have
supplied the chief basis, sometimes in combination,
but oftener singly. Consideration of language has
also been introduced, but it has been perhaps as
much a hindrance as a help. Only of recent years
has it been possible to utilise mental, as well as
bodily, distinctions, and their usefulness depends on
the discrimination of the enquirer.
The first serious attempt at classification is said
to be F. Bernier's (1672), but that of Linne, a
century later, has had more lasting influence. After
setting aside Homo monstruosus and Homo ferus,
Linnaeus divided Homo sapiens into fair-haired, blue-
eyed, light-skinned Europeans; yellowish, brown-
eyed, black-haired Asiatics; black-haired, beardless,
tawny Americans ; and black, woolly-haired, flat-nosed
Africans. A close approximation to this classifica-
tion is now used by many experts.
The work of 'Buff on and Dr. J. C. Prichard
* A. H. Keane, Ethnology, 1896, p. 163.
ADVANCE OF ANTHROPOLOGY. 485
(1785-1846) lies at the foundation of ethnology,
but neither indulged in any special classification.
Broca, De Quatrefages, Haeckel, Huxley, and many
others suggested schemes, none of -which has been
found altogether satisfactory. The present tendency
seems to be to postpone further construction until
the criteria of race have been more thoroughly and
more critically studied. The practice of anthropo-
metry was greatly increased in exactness by the -work
of Quetelet, Gafton, and others; but there is still
need for careful criticism. Thus the zoological dis-
tinction between " variations " and " modifications "
has to be worked out in regard to racial distinctions ;
and the occurrence of " convergence " or " homoplas-
tic resemblance " familiar to the biologist, must be
carefully looked for.
It seems fairly clear that in regard to physical
characters no reliance can be based on one character
by itself. Men cannot be classified by skull-char-
acters (especially if the observations be restricted
to adults) as crystals by their facets. The diagnostic
distinctions of races must rest on a combination of
characters. It seems also clear that speech and race
are anything but convertible terms, and that simili-
tudes in customs and belief afford no criterion of
genetic affinities. They are analogies, not homolo-
gies.
Mr. Keane's picture of the chief branchings of
the human genealogical tree is briefly as follows: —
(I.) The first ramification from the main stock is
that of the " generalised negro " (Homo cethiopi-
cus), branching off in various directions towards
Africa, Oceania, and Australia; (II. and III.) after
the negro dispersion the main stem throws off a
generalised Mongolo- American limb, which pres-
486 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
ently breaks into two great divisions (Homo mon-
golicus and Homo americanus) ; (IV.) between the
negro and the Mongolo-American boughs the main
stem passes upwards, developing a generalised Cau-
casic type (Homo caucasicus), which also at an
early date ramifies into three great branches, filling
all the intervening central space, overshadowing the
negro, overtopping the mongol, and shooting still
upwards, one might say, into almost illimitable
space. Such is the dominant position of the highest
of the Hominidse, which seems alone destined to a
great future, as it is alone heir to a great past. All
the works of man worthy of record have, with few
or doubtful exceptions, emanated from the large and
much convoluted brain of the white Homo caucasi-
cus.*
EVOLUTION OF LANGUAGE.
For millions of years the silence of nature was
broken only by the " inanimate " voices of wind and
wave, of thunder-clap and cataract. There was no
voice of life, until this began among insects, and
at a much later stage once again among amphibians.
The croaking of frogs is effected by a mechanism
(of larynx and vocal cords) essentially similar to
that of the prima donna's song. Even a brief study
of the vocal sounds made by birds and mammals
shows that certain sounds are restricted to certain
occasions and have a certain meaning. They express
particular emotional states, and they often indicate
the discovery of danger or of food. In this sense,
there is no doubt that the young chick or the dog
has a few definite words. That fairly definite in-
* From Keane, p. 226.
ADVANCE OF ANTHROPOLOGY. 487
formation may be conveyed by one animal to another
without words at all seems a legitimate conclusion
from studies on the behaviour of ants, while, on the
other hand, there is no evidence that any animals,
even monkeys, have language (logos) in the stricter
sense; that is to say, the use of words in expressing
judgments.
From his pre-human ancestry man doubtless in-
herited the structural arrangements which make
language possible, — the vocal cords and their ner-
vous connection with a cerebral centre; but it seems
extremely improbable that any hint as to human
phonetics will be furnished by the most careful study
of jabbering monkeys. It seems likely that lan-
guage in the strict sense was altogether a human
product, following in the wake of that marvellous
stride in evolution which gave man his big and richly
convoluted brain. That speech helps intellectual de-
velopment (unless overdone) is certain, but there
seems more reason to say that man spoke because
he thought than that man thought because he was able
to speak. And it would be still more correct to say
that man became able to speak partly in virtue of
higher cerebral organisation and intelligence gener-
ally, and partly because he had gained somewhat
subtle nervous connections between the brain and the
mouth and larynx. There may have been, as there
still is, communication of judgments without a single
sentence.
We look back in imagination to the early days of
our race, and we suppose that then, as in the early
days of individual infancy, there was " no language
but a cry." We remember also that the physio-
logical " emotional circuit " within our body affects
the muscular movements of heart and lungs, of
2r
488 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
larynx and bladder. We look back to the first
sentence as a subtle mixture of cry and gesture.
It may seem that a great gulf is fixed between the
first jabbering sentence and the orations of Demos-
thenes, but the students of phonesis and language
have detected many a hint of the bridge. The child
remains as a perpetual illustration, whose signifi-
cance is by no means exhausted.
That there are great difficulties in accounting for
the evolution of language must be frankly admitted,
but the enquiry is still young. We must remember
the importance of sociality; the possible influence
of periods of enforced leisure (which seem to have
been important in the evolution of bird-song) ; the
excitements of the chase, of the conflict, of the court-
ship; the imitative instinct and the hints to inven-
tion afforded by the many voices of nature which
fell upon the ear of primitive man ; and many other
considerations.
Apart from the problem of its origin and evolu-
tion, language is of great interest to anthropolo-
gists as an index of mental character in different
races and as a possible aid in their classification.
We are no longer liable to the error of making it the
sole criterion of race, as some of the earlier philolo-
gists maintained in their enthusiasm, but the oppo-
site error of rejecting the philologist's assistance
must be Avoided. Although data are still few, there
seems evidence of structural differences in the
organs of speech in different races, and there is no
doubt as to the value of the old " shibboleth " test
which depends on the auditory as well as on the vocal
organs. The value of the linguistic test is increased
by the remarkable fact that while peoples mix, lan-
guages never do (apart from word-borrowing). The
ADVANCE OF A3TTHROPOLOGY. 489
Basques are shown by their speech to be at least
partly descended from a pre-Aryan or a non-Aryan
race (African Hamite ?), and similarly it may be
said of Finns atnd of Magyars that their speech be-
trayeth them. " Language used -with, judgment is
thus seen to be a great aid to the ethnologist in de-
termining racial affinities and in solving many an-
thropological difficulties" (Keane). Into the ques-
tion of the various lines of language-evolution — Ag-
glutinating, Polysynthetic, Inflecting, and Isolating
— it is beyond our scope to enter.
On the other hand, we must remember Prof.
Sayce's caution : " A common language is not a test
of race, it is a test of social contact. . . . "While the
characteristics of race seem almost indelible, lan-
guage is as fluctuating and variable as the waves of
the sea."
APPRECIATION OF FOLK-LORE.
The advance of anthropology in the nineteenth
century has involved a quite new appreciation of
folk-lore, and this has brought much gain to the
science. What was formerly regarded as the some-
what mysterious romance of young peoples is now
part of the anthropologist's data. So much has it
been used, indeed, that the taunt has arisen that an-
thropology is founded on romance. Let us give
one familiar illustration, in reference to folk-lore
about the fairies.
It seems that there are fairies and fairies. There
are divinities associated with rivers and lakes, and
there are dead ancestors, but " in far the greater
number of cases we seem to have something histori-
cal, or, at any rate, something which may be con-
490 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
templated as historical. The key to the fairy idea
is that there once was a real race of people to whom
all kinds of attributes, possible and impossible, have
been given in the course of uncounted centuries of
story-telling by races endowed with a lively imagi-
nation." * From British folk-lore about fairies,
Prof. Rhys has constructed a picture of an ancient
race in Britain, " small, swarthy mound-dwellers, of
an unwarlike disposition, much given to magic and
wizardry, and living underground: its attributes
have been exaggerated or otherwise distorted in the
evolution of the Little People of our fairy tales." f
With the help of folk-lore and linguistics it may
thus became possible to trace a probable succession of
British peoples — the Little People, the taller Pict8
who enslaved them, the Celts, and so on.
Though we must not make a dogma of it, there
seems much to be said for the generalisation that
similar interpretations and similar modes of fanciful
expression crop up at similar stages in the intellec-
tual evolution of different races. The wide dissemi-
nation of many old stories, like that of Cinderella,
suggests this. " If we view them in their wealth
of detail, we shall deem it impossible that they
could have been disseminated over the world as
they are, otherwise than by actual contact of the
several peoples with each other. If we view them
in their simplicity of idea, we shall be more dis-
posed to think that the mind of man naturally pro-
duces the same result in the like circumstances, and
that it is not necessary to postulate any communica-
* Prof. John Rhys, Address to Anthropological Section,
Rep. Brit. Ass. for 1900, p. 885.
f Op. cit., p. 896.
ADVANCE OF ANTHROPOLOGY. 491
tion between the peoples to account for the identity.
It does not surprise us that the same complicated
physical operations should be performed by far-
distant peoples without any communication with
each other. Why should it be more surprising
that mental operations, not nearly so complex, should
be produced in the same order by different peoples
without any such communication? Where commu-
nication is proved or probable, it may be accepted
as a sufficient explanation ; where it is not provable,
there is uo need that we should assume its existence."*
In this connection reference should be made to the
researches of Dr. J. G. Frazer, Mr. E. Sidney Hart-
land and Mr. Gomme.
There is need to be exceedingly careful with
the generalisation that children in their fancies and
games, speech and ideas, recapitulate stages in the
evolution of mankind. Changed conditions and the
influences of education tend to modify such recapitu-
lation as there may be. At the same time, this line
of enquiry, cautiously followed, has led to valuable
results. Thus the antiquity of many child-games is
indubitable ; they persist unchanged with remarkable
conservatism; to some extent they are vestiges of
ancient customs. As Lord Bacon said of fables, we
may find in the games of children " sacred relics,
gentle whispers, and the breath of better times." The
works of Mrs. Gomme and Professor Groos may be
especially mentioned.
Increasing attention is also being paid to the
anthropological value of the decorative arts. In
many cases there is a " racial style," as persistent
as a physical feature, recognisable through periods of
* E. B. Bradbrook, Address Anthropological Section, Rep.
Brit. Ass., 1808, p. 1005.
492 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
thousands of years. The works of Dr. Grosse, Dr.
H. Balfour, Prof. A. C. Haddon, and Him may be
particularly referred to.
FACTORS IN THE EVOLUTION OF MAN.
Enquiry into the factors of evolution is still so
young that we find little sure foothold before such
a difficult problem as the origin and descent of man.
The same may be said in regard to the origin and
descent of Vertebrates, or of Birds, or of Mammals,
in fact all round. But the difficulty seems great in
regard to man, because man's mental characteristics
raise him so high above the animals. Indeed, the
difficulty of accounting for mathematical, musical,
artistic, and moral faculties in terms of the evolu-
tion-formula led Alfred Russel Wallace — the Nestor
of Nineteenth Century biology — to give up the
problem, and to conclude that these faculties must
have had another mode of origin, for which " we can
only find an adequate cause in the unseen universe
of Spirit."
It seems premature, however, to make man — or
rather one aspect of man — the great exception, and
to abandon the scientific problem as insoluble, after
a trial of less than half a century.
The difficulty is doubtless exaggerated by ignoring
the facts of anthropology, by thinking too much of
Plato and Aristotle, Newton and Goethe, and too
little of the savage.
The difficulty is also exaggerated unnecessarily
by the relative youth of comparative psychology ; we
are only beginning to be precisely informed in re-
gard to the intellectual development of the higher
animals. We readily refer to them our heritage of
ADVANCE OF ANTHROPOLOGY. 493
evil dispositions and ignoble propensities which
cling about the ascending life as the grave-clothes on
the resurrected Lazarus — but we are apt to forget
our heritage of good, — the wrinkled brain, the quick
sense, the interest in kin, and how much more.
Such a work as Sutherland's Evolution of the Moral
Instincts may be cited for its wealth of evidence as
to the content of morality in which man's precursors
might well have shared, though we do not think that
it fairly faces the difficulty of interpreting the
origin of the ethical judgment,
Must we simply fall back upon the general evo-
lution-factors which the biologist seeks to test: —
Variation, sometimes transilient, often definite ; nat-
ural selection, whose subtlety of influence is becom-
ing ever clearer ; and isolation in its many forms ?
Or are there any particular factors, which, though
included in the above categories, may be specially
relevant to the case of man ? Or is there some un-
known factor in evolution which will make the whole
matter clear ?
(a) Dr. Robert Munro has emphasised the impor-
tance to the evolving man of the erect attitude, which
Pithecanthropus erectus — whatever he was — seems to
have had, which the anthropoid apes (especially the
gibbon) have in some degree. It left the hands
more free for manipulation, for using a tool or
weapon, for feeling round things and appreciating
their three dimensions; it reacted on other parts of
the body, such as the spinal column and the pelvis,
even perhaps on the larynx, as Jaeger suggested.
In his address to the Anthropological Section of the
British Association in 1893, Dr. Munro directed at-
tention to three propositions: — (1) the mechanical
and physical advantages of the erect position, (2)
494 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
the consequent differentiation of the limbs into hands
and feet, and (3) the casual relation between this and
the development of the brain. But what prompted
man or his forerunners to abandon arboreal life and
stand erect upon the earth remains a riddle.
(&) If we grant the primitive man an erect atti-
tude, the habit of using his hands, a big brain, some
words at least, some family life, and so on, as far
as the anthropoid analogy will in fairness admit, but
deny him strength enough to keep his foothold by
that virtue, it may seem more than a platitude to
say that natural selection would favour the develop-
ment of wits, and not only wits, but, in the widest
sense, " love," which became a new source of
strength.
(c) The influence of the family was probably an
important factor, fostering sympathy and gentleness,
prompting talk and division of labour. Even in
early days children would educate their parents.
As rudimentary forms of family life are exhibited by
gorillas, chimpanzees, etc., there is no reason to
make any particular difficulty over its human
origin. We are certainly not compelled to believe
in original promiscuity, though such phases may
have occurred. The conclusions of McLennan and
Morgan have to be corrected in the light of the criti-
cisms of Westermarck, Hale, and others. And again
it must be remembered that pairing for life or for
prolonged periods occurs both among mammals and
birds.
(d~) As the prolonged helpless infancy, character-
istic of human offspring, tightened the family bond,
and helped to evolve gentleness; as related families
combined in a rudimentary clan for protection
against wild beasts and other rudimentary clans, there
ADVANCE OF ANTHROPOLOGY. 495
might arise a heightened sociality rich in progressive
influence.
(e) With the development of tool-using and sen-
tence-making, with the gaining of firmer foothold in
nature, with the occasional emergence of the genius,
there might arise — in permanent products, in sym-
bols, in traditions — an external heritage, which, it
appears to us, has been the most potent factor in se-
curing and furthering human progress. For man is
relatively a slowly reproducing, slowly varying or-
ganism.
We have not expanded these suggestions, for mere
may-be's have no place in science, and a further
elucidation of the factors in the evolution of man
must be one of the tasks of the twentieth century.
CHAPTER XIV.
SUGGESTIONS OF SOCIOLOGY.*
SCOPE OF SOCIOLOGY.
SOCIOLOGY, though still a very young science, is
past the stage of being scoffingly dismissed as " a
mass of facts about society." It proposes to give
a scientific account of social life as a concrete unity,
whose constituents have their significance from their
relations to the whole. It proposes to do this by
analytic and historical investigation.
Aristotle looked upon man as " by nature a politi-
cal animal," and Darwin agreed with him in suppos-
ing that man was born a social being. That this is
usually true now is certain; to suppose that it was
so originally seems gratuitous. It is easy to refer
to the fact that man is derived from a characteris-
tically gregarious stock, but the apes nearest man do
not live in societies; it is easy to assert that in his
primitive weakness man could not have survived in
a Robinson Crusoe condition, even with a mate to
help him, but we know of many savages who get
along fairly well with nothing beyond domestic or-
ganisation.
But by some means or other, probably along vari-
ous paths, man became definitely social, and evolved
* The aim of this chapter is to indicate some of the lines
which are now being followed in sociological inquiry.
SUGGESTIONS OF SOCIOLOGY. 497
around himself a social environment. On this he
acts, and it reacts on him. This social environ-
ment, called in hrief a society, is a more or less com-
plex system of inter-relations of thought, feeling, and
action, which find expression in traditions and cus-
toms, in laws and institutions, in science and litera-
ture, in arts and crafts, and so on. Sociology aims
at the scientific study of this society — in its present
structure and functions, in its origin and develop-
ment (looking forward as well as backward) ; and
thus, at certain points, it necessarily comes into con-
tact with psychology, anthropology, and history,
not to speak of economics (which has primarily to
do with industrial organisation) or of politics (which
has primarily to do with the affairs of the state as
such).
Just as Biology includes Botany and Zoology,
Anatomy and Physiology, hut is their synthesis
rather than their sum, having to do with the funda-
mental problems of the nature and origin, continu-
ance and progress of living organisms, so sociology,
while embracing a number of more special enquiries
(which may be separated off if this is found conven-
ient), has to do with the general phenomena of the
structure and activity, development and evolution
of social groups or of social forms. But just as
there has been some disadvantage in separating Biol-
ogy from the more special disciplines — namely, that
many investigators ignore general problems ; so there
is some disadvantage in defining off Sociology, in so
far as it furnishes an excuse for experts — whether
historians or economists, anthropologists or psychol-
ogists— to pursue their enquiries without recogni-
tion of the sociological basis.
To sum up the section, the justification of social-
498 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
ogy as a separate science rests upon the fact, that
" man is (now, if not from the first) a social being;
his existence is bound up with the community . . .
and no individual is complete by himself "
(Schaffle). Every societary form is, in other words,
to some degree an organic unity, and more than the
sum of its parts.
HISTORICAL NOTE.
In one sense sociology is old; from Aristotle and
Plato to Hobbes and Locke, many had pondered
over the problems of society and said wise things
about them. But if this be put aside as being not
u science," but " philosophy," political or social,
then sociology is indeed young and dates from Comte
and Spencer.
(1) The term " Sociologie " is due to Comte
(1839), who had clearly before him the ideal of a
study of society which should be dispassionate and
free from transcendental assumptions, which should
in fact follow the scientific method. His remarkable
combination of mathematical and historical attain-
ments enabled him to give an outline of what the
work of the sociologist should be — an analytic and
historical study of social statics and social dynamics ;
but he lacked the key which the Evolution-idea af-
fords. Moreover, he meant by the term sociology to
include more than is now implied, — he thought of a
summation or synthesis of all science with practical
reference to the regulation of human society.
Comte's Sociologie was to supplant politics, econo-
mics, and much more; but the modern sociologist's
dream is rather that of affording the special depart-
ments a more secure foundation.
SUGGESTIONS OF SOCIOLOGY. 499
(2) Herbert Spencer, on the other hand, ap-
proached the subject as an evolutionist, and al-
though his first book was called Social Statics
(1850), he consistently regarded man and his so-
cial institutions as products, — as the results of long
processes of change, and as still subject to
change. Whether the problem be that of the
transition from militarism to industrialism, or
the status of women, or the development of law,
he showed that the facts were illumined by the
light of the evolution-idea. Through the ages man
has been adapting himself to the physical environ-
ment, becoming more and more its master as he
became its more skilled interpreter, and likewise
adapting himself to his social environment which is
his truest discipline of character. From the antag-
onism of small groups competing for the means of
subsistence to the co-operation of nations in a
" Friedenspiel" there is a long evolution, but the
steps, through pain to further progress, through
struggle to greater sociality, are still in part discern-
ible for our guidance; and it is part of the
sociologist's task to make them clear.
The central ideas of Spencer's sociological work
are thus summed up by Prof. F. H. Giddings, —
"Mr. Spencer's propositions could be arranged in
the following order : (1) Society is an organism ; (2) in
the struggle of social organisms for existence and their
consequent differentiation, fear of both the living and
the dead arises, and for countless ages is a controlling
emotion ; (3) dominated by fear, men for ages are habit-
ually engaged in military activities; (4) the transition
from militarism to industrialism, made possible by the
consolidation of small social groups into large ones,
which war accomplishes, to its own ultimate decline,
500 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
transforms human nature and social institutions ; and
this fact affords the true interpretation of all social
progress."
" Such, in its chief theoretical conceptions, is the
great sociological system put forth by a master mind,
to which all other modern systems of sociological
thought, and all more special sociological studies, in
one or another way are related." *
(3) As it seems to us, a third historical step of the
greatest moment is marked by the work of
" Frederic Le Play, an economist whose name is
strange to most people, even to most Frenchmen, but
whose thought has none the less been in many ways
widely and popularly active throughout the century,
and has been and is even now silently working in many
channels, at first mainly practical, but now also theo-
retic and speculative. There are social workers and
social students who would estimate his influence on
action and his impulse towards thought as alike quite
among the very greatest in actual value and in probable
usefulness which the nineteenth century is handing
towards the twentieth, and this with no disrespect to or
forgetfulness of its many great and better-known per-
sonalities and forces." t
Le Play turned a fertile brain and a remarkable
organising genius to the problem of the concrete in-
terpretation of existing social groups in terms of
the three biological categories, — Environment, Func-
tion, and Kinship, or, as he phrased it, "Lieu,
Travail, Famille" We shall return to this three-
fold interpretation in a subsequent section.
* Modern Sociology, Internal . Monthly, Nov., 1900, p. 543.
See also his Principles of Sociology.
f Prof. Patrick Geddes, Man and the Environment, Intemat.
Monthly, 1. (1900), p. 179.
SUGGESTIONS OF SOCIOLOGY. 501
LINES OF SOCIOLOGICAL ENQUIRY.
The lines of sociological work are parallel to those
in biology: —
(A) "SS-O-* to Mor-
Statics.
Dynamics.
I Comparable to Gen-
(C) Inquiring into the growth of I eology (Embryol-
eociety in whole or in part. ( ogy, Palaeontology,
J etc.)'
"] Comparable to
(D) Inquiring into the factors of social ology, but it need
evolution (variation, selection, | not be separated as
etc.), or into the factors in the }• a special depart-
evolution of any particular form
or function of society.
ment as it must be
our way of looking
at the whole.
It may be of service to illustrate this classifica-
tion by means of some representative examples.
These are indicative of some of the steps of nine-
teenth-century sociological work, but it should be
noted (1) that many of the best pieces of work tra-
verse the whole field, and that even when an investi-
gator refrains from enquiring into the historical or
evolutionary aspect, he usually brings some evolu-
tionist ideas into his morphology; (2) that, as be-
fore said, the lines separating sociological enquiry
from anthropology, psychology, and history (in the
narrow sense) are artificial lines of convenience ; and
(3) that the great bulk of sociological work (we do
not refer to sociological ideas} is subsequent to Her-
bert Spencer's finely conceived introduction to the
502 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
study* (1873) which was a powerful influence in
awakening and diffusing interest in the subject.
A. Morphological:
1850. Spencer, Social Statics.
1875-8. Schaffle, Bau und Leben des socialen Korpers.
1889. Comte de Lestrades, Elements de Sociologie.
B. Physiological:
1883-1897. Lester Ward, Dynamic Sociology.
1893. Emile Durkheim, De la division du travail sociale.
1893. Loria, Les Bases economiques de la constitution sociale.
Grosse, Die Anfcinge der Kunst.
Wallaschek, Primitive Music.
1896. Lilienfeld, La pathologic sociale.
C. Genealogical :
1861. Sir Henry Maine, Ancient Law (Patriarchal Theory).
1861. Bachhofen,Das Mutterrecht.
1877. Lewis H. Morgan, Ancient Society.
1885. McLennan, The Patriarchal Theory.
1888. Starcke, Die Primitive Familie.
1891. Westermarck, The History of Human Marriage.
1896. Giddings, Principles of Sociology, Book III.
D. ^tiological:
Buckle, History of Civilisation.
J. Stuart Glennie, Tlieory of the Conflict of Racest
New Philosophy of History.}
1883. L. Gumplowicz, Der Rassenkampf.
1890. Simmel, Ueber Sociale Differ enzierung.
1893. Novicow, Les Luttes entre societes humaines.
1893. Lester Ward, Psychic Factors in Civilisation.
1893. Ammon, Die naturliche Auslese beim Menschen.
1837. Baldwin, Social and Ethical Interpretations.
* The Study of Sociology, International Science Series, 1873.
f I beg to be allowed as a grateful personal tribute to direct
attention to the importance of Mr. Stuart Glennie's work, not
only as a sociological investigator and original thinker ; but
also as an evolutionist whose early theory of the importance
of the conflict of races (long previous to that of Gumplowicz
and contemporary with Darwin's) has been unjustly lost sight
of. He is also one of those who have persistently endeavoured
to carry on into the sciences dealing with organisms the laws
and lessons of inorganic phenomena.
SUGGESTIONS OF SOCIOLOGY. 503
THE SOCIAL ORGANISM.
The comparison of society to an organism is at
least as old as the philosophy of Plato and Aristotle,
and the analogy has been a favourite one in many
minds. It has been made the keynote of what is
often called " biological sociology," it is especially
valuable in correcting mechanical ideas; but like
many another analogy, it has been overworked.
As Spencer was one of the first to fill in the
analogy with biological detail, we may refer to his
comparison. In a famous essay in 1860 he com-
pared government to the central nervous system,
agriculture and industry to the alimentary tract,
transport and exchange to the vascular system of the
animal. He also pointed out that, like an organism,
a society grows and differentiates, and so on.
While Spencer is largely responsible for the dif-
fusion of the analogy between a society and an
organism, it should be carefully noted that it was
he who introduced the term " super-organic " as de-
scriptive of society, indicating thereby that the bio-
logical conceptions may require considerable modi-
fication before they can be safely used in sociology.
It is obvious that the analogy may be pursued far.
A society may be compared to an organism as re-
gards the genetic kinship of the component units
(the cell = the individual or the family?) ; in the
power of retaining integrity or equilibrium in spite
of ceaseless changes both internal and external; in
the internal struggle of parts which co-exists with
some measure of mutual subordination ; in owing its
peculiar virtue to the subtle inter-relations between
2G
504 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
its elements ; in its power of coalescing with another
form or of giving birth to another form; in its
habit of competing with other forms, as the result
of which adaptation or elimination may ensue; and
so on. The analogy is far-reaching and persuasive,
and it is helped over some of its difficulties by the
consideration that just as there are many forms of
social-group, from the nomad herd to the French
Republic, so there are many forms of organism from
sponge to eagle.
Schaffle, in his famous work on the Structure and
Life of the Social Body (1875), carried the meta-
phor of the social organism to an extreme which has
induced many to recoil from it altogether. The
family is the cell, and the body consists of simple
connective tissue (expressed in unity of speech, etc.)
and of various differentiated tissues, including a
sensory and motor apparatus, and so on. The com-
parison is as interesting as a game.
In his lucid exposition of the modern outlook,*
Professor Fairbanks admits that a society deserves
to be called organic, because of its structural com-
plexity; its dynamical unity of correlated parts;
its unity and development determined from within
(surely not wholly?) ; its dependence on the environ-
ment, both physical and social; and its intelligibility
only as part of a larger process, — the evolution of
human society as a whole. But he adds that a so-
ciety differs from a " biological organism," let us
say a bird, in the greater original discreteness of its
elements, in its less fixed and permanent form, in
the greater interdependence of the parts, and in the
fact that consciousness remains centered in the
discrete individual elements. Perhaps the enthu-
* Internal. Journ. Ethics, VIII., 1897, p. 61.
SUGGESTIONS OF SOCIOLOGY. 505
siast for the " social organism " idea would argue
each of these points.
There are many other objections to the analogy.
Thus Mr. E. Montgomery writes : — " Vital organi-
sation is not brought about like social organisation
through the consensus of autonomous units. It is
wrought within a unitary being, whose organic dif-
ferentiations and specifications were gradually elab-
orated through interaction with the medium. The
end of vital organisation is realised in the co-opera-
tive efficiency of its constituent parts in total sub-
serviency to the organism as an integral being,
whilst the true end of social organisation among us
human beings is realised in the social consciousness
of each constituent individual." *
But it might be maintained that there is some
consensus of units in the making of an animal body,
and that in early human societies the consensus was
rather enforced than deliberate.
The ideal society is synonymous with humanity,
but the reality is far otherwise. For the purposes
of scientific study, we must abstract our ideal concep-
tions, and recognise numerous social groups of men
who have, with some bond of unity and with some
persistence, come to share a common life. Such a
social group is the unit in sociological study. It is
more than a sum of individuals just as an organism
is more than the multitude of its cells, just as a mole-
cule is more than the sum of its atoms; in other
words, it has a unity, it is an integrate. The unity
might be more assured, the integration might be
more perfect, but without some unity or integration
there is no social group in the sociological sense. A
casual assortment of individuals, isolated for in-
* Internat. Journal Ethics, VII., 1897, pp. 414-434.
506 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
stance by shipwreck, is not a social group, though
it might become one. The Pilgrim Fathers, on the
other hand, formed a social group. Until there is
enough of unity for the group to act, however imper-
fectly, as a group, contradicting the egoism of the
isolated individual, there is no society.
The chief objections to the analogy, as it seems to
us, are: — (1) that every societary form we know
is an imperfectly unified integrate of organisms, and
that the analogy is rather between society and ant-
hill or bee-hive or beaver-village than between a
society and an animal body; (2) that the unity which
the social philosopher looks for is " a unity which
is the end of its parts," but though this is clearly
distinct from a mechanical unity, it is rather an ideal
than a reality either in society or in an individual
body; and (3) that since the biologist has not yet
been able to discover the secret of the individual
organism, notably the secret of its unity, the compar-
ison is suggestive of an attempt to interpret dbscurum
per obscurius.
In thinking of the unity of the individual organ-
ism— which seems to us an unsolved problem — we
have to distinguish (a) ilie physical unity which
rests on the fact that all the component units are
closely akin, being lineal descendants of the fertilised
ovum, and on the fact that they are subtly con-
nected with each other, whether by intercellular
bridges or by the commonalty established by the
vascular and nervous systems; and (&) the psychical
unity, the esprit de corps, which in a manner incon-
ceivable to us makes the whole body one. There are
organisms, like sponges, in which the psychical unity
cannot be verified.
The same is true in regard to the social organism ;
SUGGESTIONS OF SOCIOLOGY. 507
we have to distinguish (a) the physical unity -which
rests on hereditary kinship (what Giddings calls
" the consciousness of kind ") and on similar life-con-
ditions and (6) the psychical unity, which rests on
the unity of psychical life — the " social mind " —
developed within the social group and with relations
to certain ends. It seems probable that in early
days the physical unity was more important than
it was later on, when, in some cases of mixed nations,
the psychical bond is practically supreme; and we
may still distinguish between groups whose unity
is determined by genetic and environmental bonds,
from others in which the association is also definitely
determined to the accomplishment of particular ends.
If, then, we continue to speak of society as a
social organism, we must safeguard the analogy by
remembering that its character as organism exists
in the thoughts, feelings, and activities of the com-
ponent individuals. The social bond is not one of
sympathy and synergy only, for the rational life is
intrinsically social. As Green said "social life is
to personality what language is to thought."
" LIEU, TEA V ALL, FAMILLE."
Apart from a corroboration of the evolution-
formula, the chief service that biology has rendered
to sociology is in indicating the three main factors in
interpretation, — namely, the environment, the func-
tion, and the genetic relations of the organism.
(1) The living creature exists in the midst of a
sphere of influence (soil, temperature, illumination,
weather, other unrelated living creatures, and so on)
— which constitutes its environment. That this en-
vironment has its grip upon the organism, modifying
508 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
it, prompting it to vary, eliminating it, is obvious.
(2) To this environment, however, the organism re-
acts, modifying it, utilising it, and in some measure,
perhaps, mastering it. In other words, function
consists of action and reaction between the organism
and the environment. (3) But in the third place,
the organism is in genetic continuity with its ances-
try, it is the expression of an inheritance, it has kin
and it produces more. All biological interpretations
must take account of the three facts: — environment,
function, and kinship.
As biology came of age, its modes of interpreta-
tion were bound to have their influence on other
studies ; and this influence on sociology has been far
more important than the idea of " a social organism."
A method is better than a metaphor.
(I.) To interpret a social form we have to take ac-
count of locality, climate, fauna, and flora, and so on,
in a word, Lieu; (II.) of the mode of life, the occu-
pations, the doing and not-doing, in a word, Travail;
and (III.) of natural inheritance and the facts of
kinship, in a word, Famille.
(I.) Environment. — Although precise facts as to
the influence of the environment on the organism
are now more abundant for plants and animals than
for man, it was apparently in reference to man that
the idea first took hold. The theory that man was
moulded by his surroundings is much older than
Buffon and Erasmus Darwin, Lamarck and Trevi-
ranus who insisted, in various ways, on the environ-
mental factor. But just as exact biological facts of
environmental influence were scarce before the work
of men like Semper, though interpretations in terms
of supposed environmental influence were rife, so it
must be confessed that most of the human illustra-
SUGGESTIONS OF SOCIOLOGY. 509
tions still remain on the merely interpretative plane.
Nor can it readily be otherwise, for experimenting
on man can only be done indirectly. It is, however,
of much interest to observe how many workers, from
many different sides, are now emphasising the en-
vironmental— the geographic — factor. There is a
renewal of confidence in the aphorism — Histories
alter oculus geographia! "Tell me the geography
of a country," Victor Cousin said, " and I will tell
you its future."
That the characteristics of a race are in part due
to the influence of the physical environment was an
idea familiar to Montesquieu and to Humboldt and
characteristic of Le Play and of Buckle, and perhaps
there is no one who would now think of maintaining
a direct negative. But those who admit the reality
of the factor are not unanimous as to its power. The
question is, how much we can legitimately make the
environment responsible for. Thus Buckle regarded
the environmental factor as of special importance in
relation to what he called primary civilisations, while
later on the influence of people on people became
more momentous. In other words, man has loosened
the grip of the environment, and in many cases his
emancipation has made him callous.
It is obvious that the configuration of a country
may imply concentration, isolation, accessibility;
that climate may partly account for sluggishness
or industry, for carelessness or forethought; and
that many consequences will follow from the re-
sources of the soil, and the nature of the fauna and
flora. The influence of the environmental factor is
expounded in many books, e.g., Fairbanks' Outlines
of Sociology; it seems more appropriate to our pur-
pose to borrow from that work a quotation from
510 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
Humboldt : — " The final and highest truths of the
geographical sciences are included in the statement
that the structure of the earth's surface, and the
differences of climate dependent upon it, visibly rule
the course of development for our race, and have de-
termined the paths for the changes of the seats of
culture; so that a glance at the earth's surface per-
mits us to see the course of human history as deter-
mined (or, one may say, purposed) from the begin-
ning, in the distribution of land and water, of plains
and heights."
In this section, we are dealing with the interpreta-
tion of peculiarities in various societary forms. It
may be difficult to decide whether a characteristic
should be compared to an " environmental modifica-
tion " (i.e., the direct effect of external influence,
producing a change which transcends the limits of
elasticity and therefore persists), or to an environ-
mental adaptation resulting more indirectly from
the selection of " variations." But in either case it
has to be interpreted in relation to the environment.
It is hardly necessary to say that this line of inter-
pretation is not restricted to physical features, but
applies to the whole character of the societary form.
Thus, without pressing the point, we may simply
allude to the thesis that morality is cl'osely correlated
to the environmental conditions.
To sum up: The environmental influences in the
widest sense cannot be overlooked in social interpre-
tations. They affect both body and mind, both the
individual and the group. But it should be noted
that they are conditions rather than causes of social
evolution. " Outer nature," Keasbey says tersely,
"may determine the form, but cannot account for
the fact of society."
SUGGESTIONS OF SOCIOLOGY. 5H
(II.) Function. — Biology has also brought to
sociology the idea that the structural features of an
organ are to be interpreted in relation to its function
or activity. The various forms of activity — so
numerous in a modern complex society — are for the
most parts referable to the obvious needs of mankind.
Many of them are pre-figured in the pursuits and
industries of animals, which include hunting and
fishing, even hints of agriculture and shepherding
(in ants), securing shelter and protection, and so on.
Love and hunger, if we use the words widely, are
the fundamental impulses which sway both animal
and human life. We recall Goethe's question: —
" Warum treibt sich das Voile so, v/nd schreit ? " and
the answer, " Es wiU sich emdhren, Kinder zeugen,
und sie ndhren so gut es vermag"
To get food, shelter, and clothing; to replace the
feeling of fear (for dead as well as living!) by a
sense of security; to satisfy the sexual impulse and
the desire for companionship — these are at once pri-
mary and fundamental needs, each of which has been
the subject of much sociological research. In many
a social group they may be, as it were, masked in
the garments of culture, but the fundamental needs
remain none the less. When they are unrecognis-
able, it usually means some morbid condition of
body or mind.
We can imagine how long ago in paleolithic days,
when men were perhaps for the most part vegeta-
rians, the ravaging of the home by some wild beast,
led to an organised chase, and how the pursuers, at
last circumventing their enemy, satisfied at once rage
and hunger with the warm flesh. We can imagine
how more adventurous spirits took to hunting for
other reasons, how they brought home the young
512 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
jackal or the kid, and the domestication of wild ani-
mals began. We can imagine how men imitated the
wolves by hunting in packs, or the pelicans in driv-
ing the fish shorewards to capture. Even monkeys
may use a stone as an instrument or co-operate to
lift some heavy object, and there seems no difficult
riddle in man's going much further. A shelter is
desirable, and it often needs combined labour to build
it or make it safe. The home got a hearth, and the
fire made itself felt as a socialiser. With home and
clothing property began. Not only were beasts
brought into service, but men unconsciously followed
the ants in making slaves of their captured human
enemies, and the resulting greater leisure implied
time for thought and for art. From simple stimuli
long continued the framework of a society was grad-
ually evolved.
From a study of origins, always so misty, the
sociologist passes to surer ground when he traces the
evolution of tools and weapons, through the stone,
the copper, the bronze, the iron ages, and from simple
to complex forms; or when he shows how division
of labour, implied in the very fact of sex, becomes
more and more marked, the tool-maker being special-
ised from the tool-user, the warrior from the food-
provider, the preparer of skins from the hunter, and
so on through the whole list, and often with the most
circumstantial verification in existing uncivilised
social groups.
Or, again, the sociologist may follow another line
of investigation, which is perhaps most characteristic
of the school of Le Play and well represented in
Britain by the teaching of Prof. Patrick Geddes, that
of showing the social effects of the particular modes
of life, — hunting, shepherding, farming, and so on.
SUGGESTIONS OF SOCIOLOGY. 513
Just as Dr. Arbutknot Lane and Dr. Havelock
Charles tell us of the modifications wrought on the
shoemaker's and tailor's body by his habits of work ;
just as Dr. Arlidge has given us a monograph on the
diseases causally connected with, the different modern
occupations; so the sociologist seeks to trace the far-
reaching influences of the different primary modes of
food-getting. Thus hunting may be said to imply
a roving, unsettled life, a small tribe with perhaps
only a rendezvous, and the evolution of independ-
ence, bravery, and wariness; shepherding may be
said to imply a larger tribe, less individualism, more
corporate life, and the evolution of protective organi-
sation and rights of property; agriculture may be
said to imply a still larger population, a settled life,
a relief from anxiety, a greater opportunity to use
slaves, more leisure, and thence perhaps more civili-
sation. The importance of the different kinds of diet
has been often pointed out, but Prof. Patten has
more than anyone done justice or more than justice
to the sociological import of food. We recall
Claude Bernard's remark in regard to nutrition: —
" IS evolution, CQ n'est pas que la nutrition, vue au
travers du temps/' and ]Moleschott's aphorism " Der
Mensch ist was er isst."
We need not, however, give further illustration;
the general thesis is plain that physical needs,
changing in expression with the natural inheritance
of each race, determine the fundamental functions
which are adapted to particular environments; and
on the economic life thus resulting the structure of
a society in greater part depends.
(III.) Kinship. — The third great set of factors
to be borne in mind in all sociological interpreta-
tion may be summed up in the phrase genetic rela-
514 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
tionship. In virtue of natural inheritance the prim-
itive social group or small tribe has a physical unity,
which rises into a psychical one. As blood-relations,
they have certain characteristics in common, they
respond similarly to similar stimuli, the sense of kin-
ship grows. Peculiarities may be fixed by in-breed-
ing, and a consciousness of distinctiveness may be-
come vivid enough to be expressed in word or symbol.
A primitive sense of kinship may rise into an esprit
de corps, and that to a race-ideal and patriotism. It
must be remembered that the natural inheritance
(which includes psychical as well as physical fea-
tures, and not only obvious characters like shape of
nose, lips, and eyes but less definable characters like
fertility) must be distinguished from the hardly less
important external heritage expressed in custom and
myth, law and institution. Both are part of the
racial entail, but only the former is organically
transmitted.
The sociological importance of the family can
hardly be over-estimated, and it should be remem-
bered that the researches of Starcke, Westermarck,
E. Grosse, H. Ounow, and others, have tended to un-
dermine the old conclusion of McLennan and Lub-
bock that a lawless promiscuity prevailed in the
early stages of social evolution. There seems no
good reason to doubt that monogamy was primitive.
While carefully distinguishing the question of
validity from that of origin, it is important to con-
sider the evolutionist thesis that morality had and
has one of its centres around the hearth and the
cradle.
According to Mr. Sutherland, the content of moral-
ity arises from parental, conjugal, and social sym-
pathy, and the sentiment of Duty is regarded as a sys-
SUGGESTIONS OF SOCIOLOGY. 515
tematisation or standardising of sympathy. Although
this seems to us to avoid the difficulty of account-
ing for the distinctively ethical quality of " thinking
the ought" it sets forth admirably the pre-human
expressions of sympathy at many different levels.
Prof. F. H. Giddings in more than one book has
elaborated the thesis that like-mindedness, i.e., like-
responsiveness to given stimuli, with correlated simi-
larity in cerebral structure, is the basis of social
organisation. Sympathetic like-mindedness results
in impulsive social action ; formal like-mindedness is
expressed in tradition and in conformity to existing
social standards; rational like-mindedness leads to
the development of a public opinion which becomes
an intelligent guide to progress.
To sum up, the three categories of interpretation,
Environment, Function, and Kinship — Lieu, Tra-
vail, Famille — seem sufficient for a descriptive ac-
count of societary forms, but must not be regarded
in a merely physical way. Each is rich in psychical
meaning. The physical and psychical lines of ad-
vance are parallel, and the outcome is an integration
of persons.
CLASSIFICATION OF THE GENERAL FACTOES OF SOCIAL
EVOLUTION.
Our knowledge of the factors in social evolution is
still vague partly because of the intrinsic complexity
of the problem, and partly because of our ignorance
of the early prehistoric stages. It is unsatisfactory
to use the past as the interpretative key to the pres-
ent, if we have previously invented many of the fea-
tures of that past. It is unsatisfactory to adopt
biological conclusions as if they must hold good in
society, and this is the more precarious since some
516 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
of the leading biological ideas were originally sug-
gested to biology by students of social phenomena.
There is no other basis than that furnished by histor-
ical research, helped by the present persistence of
simple societary forms which, if not exactly primi-
tive, do to some extent suggest what primitive condi-
tions may have been like.
Beginning of Society. The problem of the origin
of the primitive social group is so difficult that we
are forced at present to an eclectic position, admit-
ting the value of quite a number of distinct sug-
gestions.
(a) Some, like Rousseau, have pointed to man's
genetic filiation to a stock which shows many illus-
trations of family organisation and gregariousness.
His view may be summed up in the words: — Man
did not make society, (pre-human) society made
man. To this it may be objected that the apes most
nearly related to man are not strictly gregarious.
(b) Darwin and others have supposed that primi-
tive man was too weak to stand alone, and that he
was forced in self-defence to be social. To this it
may be objected that not a few uncivilized races live
in small and scattered groups, with no more sociabil-
ity than the mild and timorous chimpanzees.
(c) Many have emphasised the function of the
family in developing sympathetic feelings, which
diffused to a wider circle. Thus Prof. Fiske in
his Cosmic Philosophy has maintained that the
transition from animal gregariousness to human so-
ciality was due to the relations of parents to off-
spring, the prolonged period of helpless infancy
being of especial importance. But the difficulty is
to account for the diffusion of domesticity, and it
is evident that the consciousness of kind, which
SUGGESTIONS OF SOCIOLOGY. 517
Prof. Giddings emphasises, requires material — some
association wider than the family — in order that it
may develop.
(d) Spencer and others look to "co-operation in
war as the chief cause of social integration." But
while the importance of this factor is almost unani-
mously admitted, there is room for doubting whether
it was primitive. Many simple peoples are very
peaceful.
(e) There seems much force in the thesis ably
expounded by Prof. L. M. Keasbey that the social
cement is primarily economic. " A local food-
supply inevitably causes families to congregate, and
the more concentrated and permanent the source of
subsistence, the closer and more enduring is the
resulting tribal aggregation. Forest hunters and
river-fishers are thus naturally tribal economists.
Isolation is not economically advantageous under
such environmental circumstances, and being brought
together in their own interests, such people are led
to become at least semi-social." *
In short, the clan with which sociology begins is an
economic institution. " Sociality arose in the first
place out of the economic necessity of productive
co-operation." But the historical evolution of so-
ciety is obviously too difficult a subject to be discussed
in a few paragraphs. We may refer for a fine exam-
ple of the modern mode of treatment to Prof. Gid-
dings' Principles of Sociology (1896) Book III.,
where he distinguishes a series of stages: — the an-
thropogenic stage, the metronymic tribe, the patro-
nymic tribe, the military-religious civilisation, and
the economico-ethiaal civilisation.
Factors in Social Evolution. As in biology, it
* The Institution of Society, Intemat. Monthly, I. (1900),
pp. 355-398.
518 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
seems useful to distinguish (a) the primary or origi-
native factors which evoke change in the societary
form, and (b) the secondary or directive factors
which determine the persistence of particular lines
of change.
(A) Originative Factors. Social variations may
have an individual or a social origin. " The indi-
vidual," Baldwin says, " produces the new varia-
tions, the new things in social matter." * " The in-
dividual particularises on the basis of the generali-
sations which society has already effected, and his
activity supplies the essential material of all human
and social progress." f The genius— who must be
interpreted as an individual " transilient " variation
— may be powerful enough to bring about a social
variation. This is the truth in " the-great-man-
theory " of history.
Social variations may also have a social origin.
Increase of population implies the internal growth
of society, and the structural arrangements which
were adequate yesterday may be incoherent to-mor-
row unless there be differentiating and integrating
changes. The societary form passes from one state
of approximate equilibrium to another.
One may doubt whether the biologist has a right
to speak of self -differentiation or self-integration in
regard to a plant or animal, but there is no doubt
that the terms are often appropriate to what occurs
in a societary form, which is conscious of itself and
actually changes itself.
Another source of variation, corresponding to the
biological amphimixis (or fertilisation) is to be
found in the coalescence of two societary forms.
* Social and Ethical Interpretation. 1897, p. 455.
t P. 456.
SUGGESTIONS OF SOCIOLOGY. 519
This never occurs as an accretion from without ; it
always implies some measure of amalgamation and
intermixture, in ideas, if not also physically, and the
result is variation. Strong societary forms may
exterminate weak ones, but they cannot swallow
them as Pharaoh's lean kine did, and be unaffected.
The incidentally weaker organisation may pro-
foundly change the stronger, and victory may be
after all to the vanquished.
An important consideration, which seems to have
been overlooked by some writers, is that the ques-
tion of the inheritance of acquired characters (trans-
mission of modifications) assumes quite a different
aspect when we pass from plants and animals or in-
dividual men to societary forms. While it remains
true that the natural inheritance of the component
individuals probably does not include modifications,
and that the changes most to be trusted are the slow
organic or constitutional variations, it must not be
forgotten that the external heritage embodied in tra-
dition and custom, in laws written and unwritten,
in literature and art, and so on, admits of what is
practically the transmission of acquired characters.
Thus social modifications induced by environment
or function have in social evolution a direct signifi-
cance.
This note on social inheritance suggests a cross
reference to Galton's work on filial regression, which
shows us, he says, that even a nation moves as a
great fraternity.
(B) Directive Factors. The essay of Malthus in
1798 contains the first modern recognition of the
sociological importance of " the struggle for exist-
ence," a phrase which he used. In the hands of Dar-
win, Wallace, Spencer, Huxley, and Haeckel, the idea
acquired sufficient validity to form the basis of a
2H
520 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
sociological theory. Independently of Darwin, in
1859 Mr. J. S. Stuart-Glenn ie laid emphasis on the
sociological importance of the conflict of races, a
process in which the conquerors were often the con-
quered, becoming merged in and modified by those
whom they had physically subdued.
The same general idea has been more recently
worked out in detail by Gumplowicz in his Rassen-
Tcampf (1883) and Grundriss der Sociologie
{1885), who, while rejecting biological analogy, has
an essentially Darwinian outlook. He emphasises
the ceaseless struggle, alike in peace and in war, and
the resulting re-adjustments of social groups, the
strong becoming barons, captains of industry, or a
cultured caste; the weak becoming serfs, wage-
earners, or " the uneducated." But the antagonism
ends in some mutual re-adjustments; the weaker are
rarely eliminated, at least not rapidly; they are
subjected by the stronger to new ends ; and the struc-
ture of society becomes more complex. " The great
merit of Gumplowicz's work is that he constructs his
sociology out of strictly sociological materials."
The use of the selection-formula in accounting for
social evolution has been denounced by many as il-
legitimate, but, so far as we can judge, the objections
mainly refer to the mistake that some biological so-
ciologists have made in supposing that the form of
the selective process in mankind might be inferred
a priori from the form of the selective process in
plants and animals. As Prof. D. G. Ritchie says:
" Biological conceptions are certainly less inadequate
than mathematical, physical, or chemical conceptions
in the treatment of the problems of human society;
but an uncritical use of them in a more complex ma-
SUGGESTIONS OF SOCIOLOGY. 521
terinl means a constant risk of mistaking metaphors
for scientific laws. To adapt a phrase of Bacon's,
we might say that the conception of evolution which
is adequate in the biological sphere, is nevertheless
siibtilitati rerum humanarum longe impar, — " no
match for the subtilitj of human history." *
(a) In looking to biology for hints as to the fac-
tors in social evolution, it is necessary to bear in
mind the present security of biological conclusions
on the problem of evolution (see Chap. XI), and
the fact that the biologist has himself often followed
the clew suggested by social processes. There is no
small risk of a lamentably vicious circle. We would
suggest that sociologists should as far as possible
focus their attention rather on the animal social-
group (the herd, the flock, the bee-hive, the ant-hill,
the beaver-village, the rookery) than on the individ-
ual organism, for in the latter case the analogy is
more remote, and therefore more apt to be illusive.
It should be evident that there is no strict analogy
between struggle in non-social species and the compe-
tition of social groups. Among individual men it
is, indeed, easy to find analogues of what occurs
among animals, e.g., in the struggle with climate
or with Bacteria ; but in the distinctively social
struggle it is a case of one organisation against an-
other organisation, and physical victory over the
component individuals may mean victory for the
organisation (as expressed in ideas) of the defeated.
Furthermore, in using the selection-formula,
we must be careful to bear in mind that the selec-
tion in a progressive society is in part conscious, de-
liberate, and rational. Selection determined by
* Social Evolution, Internal. Journal Ethics, vi. (1896). p.
16G.
522 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
conscious purpose may be called artificial or ra-
tional, as opposed to natural selection, but the dis-
tinction is apt to disguise the fact that the general
formula remains the same. And if the philosopher
wishes to show in the end that we can only under-
stand the whole sweep of the evolution-process in
the light of the self-conscious personality towards
which it has been making, that morality is not only
an element in cosmic life but the reality of it, he
should not dwell on the supposed contrast between
the cosmic and the ethical process.
But it must be clearly recognised that the selec-
tive process may be varied in its form, at dif-
ferent times and in different spheres. It is always
a sifting, but the nature of the sieve is variable. A
struggle for subsistence around the platter may be
replaced by an endeavour after well-being; military
competition may give place to industrial; a pre-
mium may be put on mutual aid just as markedly as
on self-assertion. But the cruder forms of struggle
are often persistent, both at the margin of industrial
society and in international relations. While we see
in the course of history a raising of the level of com-
petition— from a war with weapons to a battle of
wits, from individualistic to co-operative endeavour,
and so on — what Huxley chose to call a checking of
the cosmic process by substituting for it the ethical
process, we see, on the other hand, that the pressure
of destructive competition still falls heavily upon the
laggards, and that if it be not allowed so to fall,
evil results.
Even those who, like Novicow, seem to accept
the old words " strife the parent of all,"
recognise that the universal conflict has had many
forms. Thus Novicow distinguishes the slow and
SUGGESTIONS OF SOCIOLOGY. 523
irrational conflict (of the past, in great part), in-
cluding massacres, homicides, brigandage, slavery,
persecution, etc., from the more rapid and rational
conflict (of the future) which is competitive and
argumentative. There is a gradual elimination of
certain forms of conflict ; even in war all destructive
devices are no longer considered fair. The most
difficult of social dilemmas is, that if the cruder
forms of struggle be too mercifully relaxed there is
apt to be an undue multiplication of the unfit, who,
in sterner conditions, would have gone under, —
while, on the other hand, a persistence of the lower
forms of struggle is apt to be prejudicial to the de-
velopment of genius and of art, and other flowers of
civilisation.
To sum up : even those who agree with Schaffle, for
instance, that " all processes of social development
are subject to the law of natural selection," or go the
length of saying with him that " the law of the sur-
vival of the fittest is the only clear formula for a
moral order of the world," must in clearness admit
that when all is said and done selection is only the
knife which prunes the tree; it directs but does not
originate the vital impulse, the persistent growth, the
new initiative. And, furthermore, while the logical
form of the selection theory remains the same, a real
and practical difference did ensue when man became
conscious, if not master, of his fate, and began, as
it were, to swim in the current in which he found
himself floating.
Isolation. A general survey of racial evolution
discloses two directly opposite processes : — on the one
hand, (a) dispersion, expansion, with (it may be) re-
sulting differentiation as isolation became more
marked; and, on the other hand, (b) consolidation,
524: PROGRESS OF SCIENCE IN THE CENTURY.
amalgamation, unification, with (it may be) result-
ing integration as the social relations became more
subtly interwoven.
In both processes the factor which biologists
call " isolation " may operate ; thus the expansion
of groups may involve the geographical isolation of
some of their offshoots, &nd the consolidation of
groups may mean a restricted range of cross-fertili-
sation.
Of no little importance, as it seems to us, is some
consideration of in-breeding (i. e., pairing within a
limited range of relationship) and cross-breeding
(i. e., the pairing of members of distinct stocks).
Thus Dr. A. Reibmayr has argued that the establish-
ment of a successful tribe or race involves periods of
in-breeding, with the effect of " fixing " or engraining
constitutional characteristics, and periods of cross-
breeding, with the effect of promoting a new crop
of variations or" initiatives.
While there is — and, at present, must be — great
diversity of opinion as to the best means of securing
a healthier " social organism," there is practical un-
animity as to the end in view, which may be ex-
pressed in the words with which Mr. Spencer closes
the third volume of his Principles of Sociology
(1897): — "Long studies . . . have not caused
me to recede from the belief expressed nearly fifty
years ago : ' The ultimate individual will be one
whose private requirements coincide with public
ones. He will be that manner of man who, in
spontaneously fulfilling his own nature, incidentally
performs the functions of a social unit, and yet is
only enabled so to fulfil his own nature by all others
doing the like.' "
INDEX.
Abstract Sciences, 28.
Achromatin, 360.
Acids, 125.
Acquired characters or modifica-
tions, 402, 412.
Adams, 185.
Adhemar, 265.
Agassiz, Alexander, 876.
Agassiz, Louis, 260, 351, 376 ; on the
cell-doctrine, 358.
Age of the Earth, 241.
Agricultural chemistry, 1C4.
Aim of Science, 16, 18.
Airy, 205.
Algol, 197, 219.
Alkalis, 125.
Altmann, 360.
Amoeba and man, 27.
Ampere, 90, 102, 158, 159.
Anabolism, 320.
Analogy, 337.
Analysis, biological, 288.
Analysis, minute, of organic struc-
ture, 352.
Andrews, 95, 96, 115.
Angstrom, 214, 216.
Animal behaviour, 461.
Animal intelligence, 468.
Animals, influence of, upon the
Earth, 268.
Animals, words of, 42.
Anthropology, scope of, 473 ; ad-
vance of, 474.
Antiquity of man, 477.
Ants, psychological appreciation of,
42.
Arago, 153, 205.
Archaeopteryx, 351.
Argelander, 200.
Argon, discovery of, 73.
Argyll, the late Duke of, 414.
Arnold, 360.
Arrestetl development, 343.
Arrhenius, 119; relation of electrical
and chemical properties (1884),
130.
Association-centres, 810.
Asteroids, 183.
Astronomical systems, ISO.
Astronomy, 179.
Astronomy, physical, 203.
Atavism, 409.
Atomic Theory, 80.
Atomic view of nature, 168.
Atomic weights, 83.
Atoms, 166, 169.
Anerbach, 360, 371.
Avogadro's Law, 88, 90
B.
Bacteria, 363.
Bacteria of the soil, 1ZL
Baer. see Von Baer.
Baily, 205.
Balance of organs, 295.
Balbiani, 315.
Baldwin, 421, 471 ; quoted, 518.
Balfour, 369.
Balfour Stewart, 179 ; spectroscopy,
Ball, Sir Robert, 210 ; quoted, 206.
Barbaric man, 480.
Barfurth, 396.
Barry, Martin, 357, 371.
Bateson, 433 ; variation on organ-
isms (1894), 56.
Beale, 358.
Beard, thymus gland, 298 ; origin of
leucocytes, 299.
Beaumont, Elie de, 252, 257.
Becher, 77.
Becquerel, 157.
Beer, 202.
Beevor, 310.
Bell, Sir Charles, 302. 445.
Beneden, see Van Beneden.
Berghaus, 277.
Bergmann. 274.
Bernard, Claude, 296, 300; on glyco-
genic function of the liver, 293 ; on
metabolism, 319.
Bernoulli!, 68, 93, 150, 170.
Berry, quoted, 182, 223: on the
nebular hypothesis, 822.
Berthelot, 115, 124.
Bertrand, quoted, 258.
526
INDEX.
Berzelius, 71, 80, 87, 98, 127, 128, 274 ;
isomerism, 101 ; radical theory,
102.
Bessel, measurement of the distance
of a star (1838), 191; quoted,
190, 193.
Bethe, experimental study of in-
stincts, 458.
Bichat, 312, 355; Anatomic Gene-
rale, 301, 331 ; on correlation,
295 ; on tissues, 286.
Biedermann, 306.
Binet, behavior of Protozoa, 458.
Biogenesis, law of, 60.
Biogenetic law, 375.
Biometrika, 431.
Bionomics or OEcology, 289.
Bischof , 271, 871.
Bode's Law, 183.
Boisbaudran, Lecoq de, 73 ; discovery
of gallium, 112.
Bois-Reymond, 300.
Boltzmann, 149.
Bonney, quoted, 253.
Bordage, 396.
Born, 391 ; experimental embryology,
386.
Boscovich, theory of matter, 166.
Bothlingk, 262.
Boveri, 373, 403 ; his remarkable ex-
periment, 389.
Bower, 344.
Boyle, 88.
Bradley, 191 ; velocity of light, 155.
Brain, 305.
Braun, Alex. ,338.
Brewster, Sir David, 213.
Brine-shrimps, experiments on, 419.
Broca, on brain localisation, 445.
Brongniart, 234, 249, 344.
Bronn, 249, 262, 351.
Brooks, 402, 404.
Brown, Robert, 338, 356.
Briicke, 300, 358; complexity of
cell-substance, 316 ; Elementar-
organismen, 861.
Bruckner, 264.
Buch, Leopold von, 252, 257, 262.
BUtschli, 360, 364, 371 ; structure of
emulsions, 361.
Buffon, 225.
Bunge, 294 ; quoted, 803, 323, 324,
326, 452.
Bunsen, 98, 117, 271 ; radical theory,
102 ; spectroscopy, 214.
Burdon-Sanderson, Sir John, 300;
on Johannes Miiller, 290 ; on
protoplasm, 317.
Butler, Samuel, 404.
C.
Cailletet, 95, 96.
Caird, John, on the unity of science,
on the progressiveness of sci-
ence, 43.
Cajori, quoted, 141.
Caloric, 1-12.
Campbell, 344.
Cannizzaro, 88.
Carbohydrates, 318.
Carlisle, 127.
Carnelley, 111.
Carnot's work on heat, 144.
Carnoy, 360.
Carpenter, 202.
Cataclysmal school of geologists,
225.
Cathode rays, 164.
Cauchy, heterogeneity of matter,
171.
Cavendish, 77, 127, 159, 161.
Cell, or unit area of living matter,
48 ; defined, 363 ; complexity of,
316.
Cell-division, 362.
Cell-lineage, 375.
Cells, 286, 300, 313, 331 ; discovery of.
354.
Cell-structure, 360.
Cell-substance, structure of, 360.
Cell-Theory, 311, 831, 356, 369, 397;
stated, 286, 311 ; its importance,
359.
Centres of force, 166.
Centrosome, 360, 372 ; of the animal
cell, 49.
Centrosphere 9f the earth, 238.
Cerebral localisation, 310.
Ceres, 183.
Challenger expedition, 269, 279.
Challis, 185.
Chamberlin, 266.
Charles' Law, 89.
Charpentier, 260.
Chemical affinity, 125.
Chemistry, fundamental problem
of, 72.
Chromatin, 360.
Chun, 384.
Circulation of Matter, 120.
Classification, problem of, 107.
Clausius, 93, 119, 148, 149, 171.
Clerk Maxwell, 93, 149, 156, 157, 158,
184 ; definition of conservation
of energy, 139 ; on energy, 187 ;
dynamical theory of gases,
171 ; theory of electricity, 162.
Clerke, A. M., quoted, 187, 188, 190,
192, 194, 204.
Coal, 268.
Coal-tar products, 98.
Cohn, 358, 364.
Colding, 139, 146.
Combustion, 76.
Comets, 186.
Comte, classification of the sciences,
26 ; conception of sociology, 498.
INDEX.
527
Conclusions of the first magnitude,
49.
Concrete sciences, 28.
Conservation of energy, 115, 136,
138.
Conservation of Matter, 76.
Continental areas, 23!X
Continuity of generations, 399, 415.
Continuity of the germ-plasm, 403,
415.
Control Experiments, 23.
Control, seat of, in the brain, 462.
Conybeare, 249.
Cope, 344, 351 ; on inheritance, 419.
Coral-reefs, 868.
Cordier, 271.
Cornu, 155 ; quoted, 152, 153, 156.
Correlation of knowledge, 29.
Correlation of organs, 295.
Correlation of parts, 333.
Correlation of the sciences, 60.
Couper, 104.
Creationist and evolutionist, 37.
Cretinism, 292.
Critical point, 96.
Croll, 265.
Cronstedt, 274.
Crookes, Sir William, 75, 163 ; on pro-
tyle, 113.
Crust-movements, 256.
Cuenot, 297.
Cuvier, 225, 234, 241, 249, 333, 344,
Cytology, 360.
Cytoplasm, 316, 360.
D.
Dagnerre, photography (183S), 116.
Dalton, 81, 113, 126.
Dalton on diffusion of gases, 147.
Darnes, 351.
Dana, 257.
Danuemann, 194.
Dareste, experimental teratology,
380.
Darwin, Charles, 30, 262, 266, 290,
417 ; on earthworms, 269 ; Origin
of Species (1859), 351, 397; pan-
genesis, 402 ; question of human
species, 483 ; services to evolu-
tion - doctrine, 426 ; theory of
Natural Selection, 430, 435 ; on
variability, 431.
Darwin, G. H., 242; tidal friction,
223.
Daubeny, 252.
Davenport," Physiological Morphology,
314, 363.
Davy, Sir Humphry, 71, 73, 95, 139 ;
electrolysis, 127 ; experiments
on heat, 1799, 144.
De Bary. 338, 364, 371 ; on cell-forma-
tion, 363.
De Blainville, 319.
Deep-Sea deposits, 281.
Deep-Sea exploration, 278.
Degeneration, 343.
Deiters, 306.
De La Beche, 262.
Delage, 373, 405 ; on protoplasm,
359 ; experiments on merogony
(1898), 390.
Denudation, 243.
Deshayes, 249.
Desmarest, 238.
Development, 365 ; arrested, 343 ;
factors in, 380 ; progressive, 349 ;
without sperm - nucleus, 388 ;
without ovum-nucleus, 390.
Developmental mechanics, 379.
Deville, H. de St Claire, Disassocia-
tion, 92.
De Vries, 404, 433.
Dewar. liquefaction of hydrogen
(1898), 97.
D'Halloy, d'Omallius, 249.
Diabetes, 294.
Dielectrics, 161.
Differentiation, 339.
Division of Labour, 295.
Dobereiner, 109.
Dohrn, 298 ; function-change, 341.
Donati, 186.
Donders, 358.
Doppler, 218.
Double stars, 189.
Draper, 117.
Driesch, 315, 389.
Driesch, experimental embryology.
384, 386, 387.
Drift, 203.
Drift-Theory, 262.
Dubois, 350.
Dubois, his Pithecanthropus, 476.
Duclaux, 364.
Dufrenoy, 252.
Dujardiu. 332, 356, 364 ; sarcode, 357.
Dulong and Petit, 144; Law of, 86.
91.
Dumas, 88, 98, 109, 129, 357, 369 ; isom-
erism, 101; radical theory, 102;
theory of substitution, 103.
Diising, 391.
Dutrochet, 355.
Duval, theory of sleep, 307.
E.
Earth, age of the, 241 ; history oi
the, 236.
Earth-sculpture, 250.
Earthquakes, 254.
Earthworms, importance of, 269.
Ecker, 358.
Ectoderm or epiblast, 373.
Ehrenberg, 269, 364.
Ehrlich, 306.
528
INDEX.
Electricity and chemical affinity,
126.
Electricity, theory of, 157.
Electro-chemical theories, 129.
Electro-chemistry, 118.
Electrolysis, 127.
Elements and compounds, 71.
Elements, search for the, 70.
Elimination of races, 475.
Elimination, theory of natural, 437.
Elkin, 193.
Embryology, experimental, 380 ; gene-
ralisations of, 378 ; physiological,
378 ; progress of, 365.
Encke, 186.
Endoderm or hypoblast, 373.
Energy, maintenance of solar, 207.
Energy, transformations of, 116, 138;
conservation of, 138; dissipation
of, 138, 139.
Engelmann, 117.
Epigenesis, defined, 366.
Epigenesis versus Evolution, 368.
Ether, 168, 169, 174, 176; theories of
the, 177.
Ethnology, 474.
Evolution, evidences of, 377 ; factors
in, 430; inorganic, 112.
Evolution -idea, history of, 425; in
astronomy, 220.
Evolution in the old embryological
sense, 368.
Evolution of Sex, 391.
Evolution of the subject-matter of the
sciences, 49.
Evolution, theory of, 424.
Evolution theory, present aspect of.
428.
Evolutionary geology, 225, 234.
Ewart, Cossar, on breeding, 440 ;
Penycuik Experiments, 394, 401,
410.
Experiment and observation, 22.
Experimental geology, 233.
Explanation and interpretation, 322.
Extinct Types, 346.
Extinction of races, the problem of
the, 847.
F.
Fairbanks, on the social organism,
504.
Fairies, 489.
Falb, on earthquakes, 255.
Family, sociological import of the,
514.
Faraday, 13, 94, 95, 96, 101, 144, 156;
discovery of induced currents,
160 ; discovery of magneto-
electricity (1831), 160 ; dynami-
cal theory of electricity, 161 ;
electrolysis, 129, 161 ; electro-
lytes, 118, 119.
Fatigue of nerve-cells, 308.
Faye, meteoritic hypothesis. 223.
Fechner, 300, 455.
Fere, 381.
Ferrier, 304 ; on cerebral localisa-
tion, 310.
Fertilisation, 371.
Fick, 808.
Fischer, 81.
Fiske, on origin of human sociality,
516.
Fison, quoted, 193, 196, 197, 198, 200,
218
Fitzgerald, quoted, 131 ; electro-mag-
netic waves, 162.
Fizeau, 218.
Fizeau, velocity of light, 155.
Flateau, 308.
Flechsig, 810; on cerebral localisa-
tion, 446.
Flemming, 360.
Fleurian de Bellevue, 271.
Flinders-Petrie, quoted, 474.
Flourens, 304, 445.
Fluorine, 73.
Fol, 359, 360, 871.
Folk-lore, 489.
Forchhammer, 262.
Forel, 307.
Fossils, 844 ; value of, 234, 248, 250.
Foster, Sir Michael, 300 ; on proto-
plasm, 317 ; on nervous tissue,
802 ; on scientific spirit, 7.
Foucault, 214 ; velocity of light, 154.
Fouque, 275.
Fourier, 235.
Frankland, 74, 104.
Frapolli, 262.
Fraunhof er, 217 ; spectroscope, 212.
Fraunhofer's lines, 213.
Fresnel, experiments on light, 151.
Friedel, 275.
Fritsch, 304, 310.
Frommann, 860.
Fuchs, 274.
Function, complexity of, 293.
Functional compensation, 295.
Function-change, 341.
Functions of organs, 290.
G.
Qadow, quoted, 355.
Galle, 185.
Gallium, 112.
Galton, 399, 402, 412, 417, 485; on
filial regression, 408 ; genetic
continuity, 399 ; law of ancestral
inheritance, 411 ; transilient
variations, 43B ; Natural In-
heritance (1889), 401.
Galvani, 157.
Games, 491.
Gaskell, on metabolism, 819.
INDEX.
529
Gastrsea-theory, 875.
Gaudry, quoted, 347, 348.
Gauss, 183, 205.
Gautier, A. A., 205.
Gay-Lussac's Law, 86, 89, 98.
Geddes, Patrick, 356, 891 ; quoted,
334, 500; on history of biology,
Gegenbaur, 297. 335.
Geikie, Sir Archibald, quoted. 228,
229, 233, 250, 261; Age of the
Earth, 244 ; ancient volcanoes,
253 ; on denudation. 243.
Geikie, James, quoted, 254. 264 ;
Great Ice Age, 263; Earth Sculp*
ture, 251.
Geneology, defined, 365.
Genetic continuity, 370, 39J, 415.
Geoffrey Saint -Hilaire, IStienne, 295.
336.
Geography, 275.
Geological record, its incompleteness,
349.
Geological succession, idea of, 230.
Geology, 225; dynamical, 225: ex-
perimental, 233 ; foundation
stones of, 228; stratigraphical,
233.
Gerhardt, 103.
Germanium, 73, 112.
Germ-cells, 369, 370, 416.
Germinal continuity, 403.
Germinal selection, 434.
Germ-layers, 373.
Germ-plasm, 399.
Gibbs, Willard, 120.
Giddings. quoted, 499.
Gill, Sir Thomas, 193.
Glaciation, 259.
Glands, 291 ; ductless, 291, 298.
Glazebrook, quoted, 167, 170.
Glennie, J. Stuart, contributions,
502.
Glycogen, 293.
Glycogenic function of liver, 293
Goebel, 344.
Goethe, 376, 427 ; as morphologist,
Goitre, 292.
Goldschneider, 308.
Goldstein, 163.
Golgi, 305, 306.
Goltz, 304, 310.
Goodchild, Age of the Earth. 245.
Goodsir, 312, 359, 362 ; on cells, 313 ;
origin of cells, 357.
Gould, 200.
Graham, 93 ; on diffusion of gases,
147.
Gravitation, 181 ; law of, 131 ; theory
of law of, 135; formula, appli-
cations of the, 182.
Grey matter of brain, 305.
Groos, on play, 459.
Grove, correlation of physical
forces, 120.
Gruber, 315.
Gudden, Von, 307.
Guerrini. 308.
Guettard, 228.
Guignard, 360.
Gulick, 427, 439.
Gulland, 298 ; tonsils, 299.
Gumplowicz, " Ratsenkampf," 530.
H.
Haacke, 414.
Haeckel, 338, 350, 364, 402, 404, 414,
427 ; biogenetic law, 375, 376 ;
Gastraea-theory, 375 ; CEcology,
289.
Haldane, J. S., 324.
Hall, Sir James, 232, 257, 275.
Hall, Marshall, 445.
Hall, Stanley, 471.
Halliburton. 300.
Hanstein, 338.
Haugergues. 144.
Haiiy, 94, 273. 274.
Heape, experiments, 394.
Heat as a mode of motion, 141.
Heer, 266.
Hegel, 183.
Heidenhain, 300.
Heim, 288.
Helium, 74.
Hellriegel on bacteroids, 124.
Helmholtz, 120, 129, 196, 222, 235, 300,
306 ; Die Erhaltung der Kraft,
141 ; on sun's heat, 208 ; velocity
of nerve-messages, 455 ; on vor-
tex rings, 167.
Henderson, 191, 193.
Henle, 356, 357.
Henneberg, 391.
Hennell, synthesis of ethylene
(1826-8), 100.
Henry, induction currents, 161
Hensen, 392.
Herapath, 93, 148, 170.
Herbst, 315 ; experimental embryo-
logy, 3SS.
Heredity, 397 ; defined, 399.
Hering, 404. 453 : on metabolism, 319.
Herschel, Sir John. F. W., spect-
roscopy, 213 ; on the sun's heat,
206.
Herschel, Sir William, his work, 188 ;
on the sun, 204 ; on sun-spots,
205.
Hertwig, O., 315, 359, 360, 372, 381 ; on
cell-theory, 311 ; experimental
embryology, 886 ; experiments
on frog's eggs, 382.
Hertwig, O. and R., experimental
embryology, 387, 389 ; germ-
layers, 874.
530
INDEX.
Hertz, electro-magnetic theory of
light, 156; theory of electricity,
162.
Hess, 115.
Hildebrand, 74.
Hill, Alexander, quoted, 304, 452, 462.
His, 298, 414 ; development of nerve-
cells, 306 ; Unsere Korperform
(1875), 378.
Hisinger, 127. •
Hitzig, 304, 310.
Hoche, on Neuron-Theory, 309.
Hodge, fatigue of nerve-cells, 308.
Hofacker and Sadler, 392.
Hofer, 315.
Hoffmann, 253.
Hofmann, 98, 103, 104.
Hofmeister, 338, 356, 359.
Holcombe, 155.
Homogeny and homoplasty, 338.
Homology, 337, 374.
Hopkins, 235.
Hoppe-Seyler, 300.
Horsley, 304, 310.
Huggins, Sir William, 186, 196, 218 ;
quoted, 196, 200, 221, 222 ; origin
of nebulae, 223 ; spectroscopy,
219 ; stellar spectroscopy, 217.
Hugi, 260.
Humboldt, Alexander von, 89, 205,
252, 254, 277 ; on the influence of
the environment, 610.
Hutchins, 216.
Hutton, 226, 230, 241, 257; quoted,
231 ; earth-sculpture, 250.
Huxley, 335, 358, 427 ; quoted, 140 ;
germ-layers, 374 ; palaeontology,
345 ; physical bases of life, 287,
316.
Hyatt,»350.
Hybridisation, 394.
Hybrids, 410.
Hydrosphere, of the earth, 276.
Hypothesis, 178.
I.
Ice- Ages, recognition of, 259; causes
of, 265.
Idiosomes, 361.
Immortality of Protozoa, 395.
Immunity, 420.
Impact-theory, 211.
Imperfection of geological record,
349.
Imponderable matter, 142.
In-breeding, 394, 440.
Indestructibility of matter, 114.
Inertia, 174.
Inheritance, 397.
Inheritance, ancestral, 411 ; blended,
407 ; dual nature of, 404 ; mul-
tiple, 405, 409 ; particulate, 407 ;
physical bases of, 889, 440 ; so-
cial, 415 ; unilateral, 405.
Inheritance, degrees of complete-
ness in expression of, 405.
Inheritance of acquired characters
or modifications, 412.
Inheritance, of fecundity, fertility,
and longevity, 406.
Instinct, 456.
Integration, 340.
Internal secretions, 296.
Inter-relations of things, 15, 277.
louisation theory, 129.
Ions, 119, 129.
Irmisch. 338.
Isolation^ a factor in evolution, 438.
Isomerisrn, 100.
Isomorphism, 274.
Isotherms, 277.
J.
Jaeger, 402, 404, 493.
Jahn, 120.
James, Alex., cell-division, 362.
Janssen, 206.
Jenkin, Fleeming, 439.
Jennings, behaviour of Protozoa, 459.
Joly, 245 ; age of the earth, 238.
Joule, 93, 139, 146, 170 ; on light, 154 ;
mechanical equivalent of heat,
114, 140; velocity of particles of
a gas, 147.
E.
Kant, 400, 412.
Katabolism. 320.
Keane, on man's inter-glacial
origin, 479 ; on races of man-
kind, 484 ; on classification of
human races, 485.
Keasbey, on origin of human soci-
ality, 517.
Kekule, 104.
Kelvin, Lord, 210; age of earth, 237,
242 ; dissipation of energy, 139 ;
grained structure of matter,172 ;
theory of Vortex-Atoms, 167.
Kestner, 101.
Kielmeyer, 376.
Killian, tonsils, 299.
Kinetic theory of gases, 68, 93, 147,
170.
Kirchhoff, 217.
Kirchhoff's law, 211, 315.
Klaproth, 94, 98.
Klebs, experiments, 394.
Kleinenberg, 341.
Knee-jerk, an example of pure reflex,
463.
INDEX.
531
Knott. quoted, 160.
Koch, 364.
Kolbe, 104.
Kolliker, 296, 905, 306, 331, 357, 359,
369.
Kopp, 114
Kossel. 300, 815.
Kowalevsky, 297.
Kronig, 93, 150.
Krukenberg, comparative physiol-
ogy; 297.
Kuhne, 300, 358.
Ladenburg. quoted, 216.
Lamarck. 344.
Lament. 205.
Lane's theorem. 209.
Langley, 206.
Language, evolution of, 486.
Lankester. E. Ray, 338, 844, 414 : on
instinctive and educable brains,
43.
Laplace, nebular hypothesis, 220,
222.
Lapworth, 249.
Larmor, theory of atoms. 175.
Latent characters, 407, 419.
Laurent, 92, 103.
Laurie. 111.
Lavoisier, 71, 77, 78, 79, 98, 114.
Laws of nature, meaning, of, 17, 52.
Le Bel, 105.
Le Chatelier, 207.
Le Conte, 258.
Legallois, 296.
Lenard, his rays, 168.
LenhosseTr, 306.
Lenssen, 109.
Le Play, his contribution to socio-
logy, 500.
Lesage. 135.
Leasona's law (1868), 896.
Leuckart, cell-division, 362.
Leuckart-Spencer principle, 863.
Leucocytes, 298.
Levecrier.158.
Leydig, 358.
Leydig, comparative histology, 831 .
Liebig, 86. 88, 98, 100, 800 ; circulation
of matter, 124; on the radical
cyanogen, 102.
Life, its influence upon the earth,
266.
Life-Lore. 283.
Light, Corpuscular Theory, 150;
Undulatory Theory, 150; Elec-
tro-magnetic Theory, 156 ; Velo-
city of, 155; Invisible, 157; an
electrical phenomenon, 162.
Light, destructive action of, on
microbes, 117.
Light, influence of, on green plants,
bacteria, retina, etc., 117.
Lilienfeld, 815.
Lister, 364.
Lithosphere of the earth, 888.
Liver, functions of, 293.
Living matter. 121 ; analysis of, 861.
Localisation of cerebral functions,
310.
Lockyer, Sir Norman, 74, 216 ;
inorganic evolution, 113 ; me-
teoritic hypothesis, 223.
Lodge, quoted, 186, 137; electro-
magnetic waves, 162 ; on the
ether, 169 ; on theories of matter,
168.
Loeb, 297, 396, 405 ; on animal intelli-
gence, 468 ; artificial partheno-
genesis, 373, 888 ; on cerebral
localisation, 446 : on Muller's law,
453 ; on reflex action, 461.
Loew, 315.
Lohrruann, 202.
Lotze, 378, 455.
Lowit, 315.
Lubbock. Sir John (Lord Avebory;,
Ml
Lucas, heredity, 397.
Ludwig, 300.
Lugaro, 308.
Lyell, 249, 262, 265 ; uniformitarian-
Mach, 451, 453 ; quoted, 134.
McKendrick, 356.
MacKinder, H. J., on geography, 277.
Madler, 208.
Magendie, 445.
Mallet, R. and J. W., on earth-
quakes, 255 ; volcanoes, 858.
Malthus, 519.
Man, evolution of, 492 : place in
nature, 475 ; antiquity of, 477,
478 ; palaeolithic, 480 ; neolithic,
480.
Man and animals contrasted, 4S, 465.
Mann, 308.
Marchi, 305.
Marey, 300.
Marconi, 163.
Marinesco, 308.
Mariotte, 88.
Marr, quoted, 227.
Mars, maps of, 203 ; supposed canals
of, 203
Marsh, on evolutionary palaeonto-
logy, 352.
Marshall. A. Milnes, 376.
Martin, Rudolf, quoted, 477.
532
INDEX.
Matter, Theories of, 165 ; perfectly
hard atoms, 166; centres of
forces, 16(5 ; heterogeneous
structure, 82, 166, 167 ; vortex
atoms, 167 ; aggregate of elec-
tric charges of opposite sign, 168.
Maupas, 891 ; his experiments, 394.
Maurer, 298.
Maxwell, see Clerk Maxwell.
Mayer, 148 ; Sun's heat, 208.
Mayow, 77.
Measurement, the beginning of
science, 898, 430.
Mechanical theory of heat, 140.
Mechanism and vitalism, 328.
Meckel, 336, 376.
Meinecke, 88, 108, 113.
Meldola, 106.
Memory, 469 ; organic, 404.
Mendelejeff, 73, 88, 95.
Mendelejeff, periodic law, 106, 109 ;
prophecies, 111.
Mering, on pancreas, 294, 296.
Merogony, 390.
Merz, quoted, 134, 148.
Metabolism, 319.
Metal ages, 481.
Metaplasm, 316.
Metchnikoff, 297.
Meteoric theory, 184, 208.
Meteorites, 237.
Meteoritic hypothesis, 222.
Meteors, 187.
Meyen, 355.
Meyer, E. von, quoted, 214, 275.
Meyer, Lothar, 88, 111 ; periodic law,
109.
Meyer, O. E., 150.
Michel, 396.
Michel-Levy, 275.
Michelson, 155.
Microscope, its influence, 853.
Microscopic analysis, 270.
Miescher, 315.
Milky way, 199.
Mill, H. R., on geography, 276.
Miller, spectroscopy, 214 ; stellar
spectroscopy, 217.
Milne, seismology, 255.
Milne -Ed wards, Henri, division of
labour, 295.
Mind and body, correlation of, 444.
Mind, evolution of, 470.
Minkowski, on pancreas, 294, 296.
Mirbel, 355.
Missing links, 349.
Mitscherlich, 94, 274.
Modifications or acquired char-
acters, defined, 412, 434 ; indirect
importance of, 420.
Mohl, see Von Mohl.
Moissan, 78.
Monakow, Von, 307.
Montgomery, quoted, 606.
Montlosier, 253.
Moon, study of the, 202; origin of
the, 236.
Morgan, C. Lloyd, 418, 421.
Morgan, T. H., experiments on eggs.
383, 388, 389, 396.
Morphology, 329 ; history, 332 ;
methods, 332 ; foundations of.
333
Mortillet, Gabriel de, 263.
Mountain-making, 257.
Miiller, E., 896.
Miiller, Fritz, 376.
Miiller, Johannes, 29, 290, 326, 837,
856, 445; foundation of com-
parative physiology, 297 ; influ-
ence on physiology, 285; motor
and sensory nerves, 303 : specific
energy of the senses, 303, 451.
Munk, 304, 310.
Munro, Robert, quoted, 478 ; on
man's erect attitude, 493.
Murchison, Sir Roderick, 249, 262.
Murray, Sir John, 269; quoted, 235,
239 ; oceanography, 278.
Myxoedema, 291.
N.
Nftgeli, 338, 356, 358, 359, 427.
Nansen, 262 ; on nerves, 308.
Nasmyth, 202.
Natural History, 287 ; old and new,
288.
Natural Law, meaning of, 52.
Natural Selection, 435 ; discriminate
and indiscriminate, 438.
Nebulas, 189, 195.
Nebular hypothesis, 220.
Necrology, danger of, 288.
Neison, 202.
Neolithic, 480.
Neptune, discovery of, 184.
Neptunists, 232.
Nerve-cells, their complexity, 307.
Nerves, sensory and motor, 301, 802,
803.
Nervous arc, 463.
Nervous mechanism, 460.
Nervous tissue, 301.
Neumann, 115.
Neuroblasts, 305.
Neuron-Theory, 306.
Newcomb, 155.
Newlands, Law of Octaves (1863-4),
109.
Newtonian foundation of physics,
133
Nicholson, 127.
Nicol, William, 271.
Nilson, 73.
Nilson, discovery of scandium, 112.
Nissl, 306, 308.
INDEX.
533
Nitrogen, circulation of, 123.
Nobili, 159.
Nuclei, theory of chemical, 103.
Nucleus of the cell, 356, 360.
Nussbaum, 391, 402.
O.
Oceanography, 278.
Odling, serial relations of elements,
109.
(Ecology, 289.
Oersted, electro-magnetism, 158.
Ohm, law of electrical resistance,
159. 160.
Oken, 335, 355, 376.
Olbers, 183, 186.
Olszewski, 95, 96.
Ontogeny and Phylogeny, 376.
Ontogeny, defined, 365.
Organic chemistry, development of,
98.
Organism, different aspects, 283, 321 ;
unity of, 288, 322 ; unsolved secret
of the, 320.
Organs, balance of, 295 ; correlation
of, 295 ; enigmatical, 291, 297 ;
functions of, 290 ; rudimentary
or vestigial, 342 ; substitution of,
341.
Osborn, 351, 421.
Ostwald, 79, 111, 114; measure of
chemical affinity (1889), 130.
Ovum, 370.
Owen, Sir Richard, 337, 351, 402, 475.
P.
Palaeolithic, 480.
Palaeontological series, 350,
Palaeontology, 344 ; evolutionary,
351.
Palseospondylus, 351.
Pallas, 183, 229.
Palmieri, 74.
Pancreas, 294. 296.
Pander, 368, 378.
Pangenesis, 402, 417.
Parallax, 191.
Parthenogenesis, artificial, 373.
Parry, 262.
Pasteur, 23, 29, 33, 67, 105, 266, 270,
364.
Patten, sociological import of food,
513.
Pearson, K., 399, 406; quoted, 134,
137 ; on scientific method, 24,
327 ; filial regression, 408 ; mul-
tiple inheritance, 409 ; statistical
study of inheritance, 408.
Penck, 262, 264, 278.
Periodic Law, 106, 110.
Perkin, aniline dyes, 99.
Perrey, Alexis, earthquakes, 254,
255.
Perthes, 278.
Peschel, 278.
Petrography, 270.
Pettenkofer, 109, 300.
Pfliiger, 300, 391.
Phagocytosis, 299.
Pheuacodus. 350.
Philips, W., 249.
Phillips, Jokn, 233.
Phlogiston, 76.
Photochemistry, 116,
Photography, stellar, 201.
Photometry, 202.
Phylogeny, defined, 365.
Physical basis of life, 316.
Physics, definition of, 131 ; method
of, 131 ; aim of, 132.
Physiological analysis, 237.
Physiology, history of, 283 ; com-
parative, 296; experimental, 299;
of tissues, 300; of cells, 313; of
protoplasm, 315.
Piazzi, discovered Ceres, 183.
Pickering, 197, 200, 219.
Pictet, 95, 96.
Pithecanthropus erectus, 350, 476.
Planck, 119.
Planets, discovery of minor, 183.
Plants, influence of, on the earth,
267.
Play on animals, 459.
Playfair, 226, 232, 241.
Plutonists, 232.
Pogson, 202.
Poisson, 235.
Pouillet, 159; on the sun's heat, 206.
Poulett-Scrope, 257 ; on volcanoes,
252.
Poulton, on age of the Earth, 246.
Poynting, quoted, 131, 132, 166, 181 ;
on nature of matter, 175.
Practical Mood, 3.
Preformation-theory. 366.
Prenant, 298.
Prepotency, 405, 440.
Prevost,253, 357, 369.
Prichard, 400, 412, 484.
Priestley, 77.
Pringsheim, 364.
Proctor, 200.
Progress in the organic world, 348.
Progress of Science, its necessity, 46.
Prophecy in science, 111.
Proteids, 318.
Protophytes, 364, 395.
Protoplasm, 287, 315, 331 ; different
uses of the term, 316; physio-
logical conceptions of, 317.
Protozoa, 364, 395 ; behaviour of, 458.
Protyle or prothyle, 108, 113.
Proust, 80, 98.
Prout 88, 108, 113.
534
INDEX.
Psychology, definition, 442 ; changes
in its aims and methods, 44;! ;
experimental, 451 ; comparative,
455.
Pure science, 66.
Purkinje, 356 ; protoplasm, 358.
Putrefaction due to micro-organ-
isms, 23.
Quetelet, 485.
Q.
B.
Rabl, 378.
Races of mankind, 483.
Radical theory, 101.
Ram6n y Cajal, 305, 306.
Ramsay, A. C., glaciation, 262.
Ramsay, W., and Argon, 74.
Ranvier, 307.
Raspail, 355.
Ratke, 335.
Rauber, 381 ; Formbildung, 379.
Rayleigh, Lord, and Argon, 73.
Recapitulation, 306.
Recapitulation-doctrine, 50, 375.
Reflex action, 461.
Regeneration-experiments, 395.
Regnault, 115.
Regression, 408.
Reibmayr, on in-breeding and cross-
breeding, 584.
Reichenbach, on Goethe, 336.
Reichert, 335, 357.
Remak, 306, 357, 359.
Renard, 269, 281.
Rennie, 266.
Reproductive organs, 296.
Retrogression, 343.
Retzius, 306.
Reversion, 394 ; defined, 409.
Rhys, on fairies, 490.
Richter. 109.
Richter s Stoicheiometry, 80.
Richthofen, von, 278.
Rink, 262.
Ritter, 277.
Ritzema-Bos, 894.
Roberts, 221.
Rocks, the record of the, 248, 349.
Romanes, 427, 439, 457.
Rontgen rays, 157.
Rontgen, X-rays, 163.
Rorig, 296.
Roscoe, Sir Henry, 82, 117, 129;
quoted, 141, 147.
Rosenbusch, 273.
Ross, 262.
Rossi, de, 254.
Roux, 315, 364 ; developmental me-
chanics, 379 ; experiments on
frog's eggs, 383.
Rowland, 216.
Rudimentary organs, 348.
Rumford, 139.
Rumford's experiments on heat,
143.
8.
Sabine, Sir Edward, 205.
Sachs, 338 ; on cell-formation, 363.
Saltness of the sea. 245.
Salts, 125.
Sarasin, 275,
Saturn's rings, 184.
Saussure, 229, 260.
Savage man, 480.
Sayce, on language, 489.
Scandium, 73, 112.
Schafer, 310 ; on thyroid gland, 292.
Schtiffle, on the social organism, 504.
Scheele, 71, 77.
Scherer, 275.
Schimper, 260.
Schleiden, 312, 331, 338, 356, 359;
quoted, 313.
Schmankewitsch, on brine-shrimps,
419.
Schmidt, 202.
Schonbein, 124.
SchrSter, 202.
Schultze, Max, 332, 359 ; defined the
cell, 358.
Schultze, O., 298.
Schwabe, on sun-spots, 205.
Schwann, 812, 331, 356, 359 ; quoted,
313.
Schwann and Schleiden, Cell-Theory
(1838-9), 286.
Schwartz, 315.
Schweigger, 159.
Science, aim of, 16 ; correlation of,
29 ; criticism of, 31 ; definition
of, 1, 2 ; factors on progress of,
41, 55 ; justification of, 62 ;
method of, 2, 19 ; unity of, 25.
Science and Utility, 65.
Sciences, classification of, 25.
Scientific Mood, defined, 6 ; its
characteristics, 7.
Scoresby, 262.
Secchi, 202.
Secretions, internal, 296.
Sedgwick, A., 249.
Seeliger, 389.
Seismometers, 256.
Seguin and Mayer, 146.
Semper, influence of the environ-
ment, 508.
Sex, determination of, 391.
Sexual selection, 437.
Shaler, 258.
Shooting stars, 187.
Siebold, Von, parasites, 28.
Simms, spectroscope, 218.
INDEX.
535
Smith, Wmisra, «7, 241, 249, 844; his
epoch-making Geological Map of
England, 233.
Social evolution, factors in, 517.
Social organism, theory of, 503.
Society, as a vast fraternity, 408.
Sociology, scope of, 496 ; outline of
its development, 498 ; lines of
enquiry, 501 ; factors in sociolo-
gical interpretation, 508.
Solar Energy, 207.
Sollas, age of the earth, 244 ; history
of the earth, 238; quoted, 286.
228, 239, 240, 246.
Sorby, 272.
Sorley, on Weber's law, 454.
Species, the human, 481.
Specific average, 408.
Spectroscope, uses inastronomy,211.
Spectroscopic study of the stars.
217.
Spectroscopy, establishment of by
Kirchhoff and Bunsen, 31.
Spectrum analysis, 67, 211.
Spectrum analysis, history, 214.
Spencer, Herbert, 338, 376, 414, 427,
438, 455 ; cell-division,862 ; classi-
fication of the sciences, 28 ; here-
dity, 402 ; his conception of soci-
ology, 499 ; on the social organ-
ism, 503.
Spermatozoon, 370.
Spleen, 291.
Spongioblasts, 305.
Stahl, 77, 141.
Starkweather, 392.
Stars, 188 ; distance of, 191 ; life of,
195 ; weighing the, 194 ; variable,
197; fixed, 198; dead, 197.
Stas, 88, 108.
Stellar spectra, 217.
Stieda, 298.
Stohr, tonsils, 299.
Stokes, Sir Gabriel, 214.
Stoney, Johnstone, 75.
Stout, on mind and brain, 447 ; defini-
tion of psychology, 470.
Strasburger, 359, 360, 371.
Stratigraphical geology, 233, 248.
Struggle for existence, 436.
Struve, father and son, 190, 191.
Struve, F. G. W., 194, 205.
Stuart Glennie, 520.
Substitution of organs, 342.
Substitution-theory, 103.
Succession, idea of geological, 233.
Suess, work of, 258 ; earthquakes 255 •
Antlitz der Erde, 257, 258.
Sun, its heat, 206.
Sun-spots, 204.
Sutherland, Evolution of the Moral
Instincts, 493.
Button, 392.
Swan, spectroscopy, 213, 214.
T.
Tait, 235 ; quoted, 135, 139, 145, 808 ;
age of the earth, 242; comets,
186 ; grained structure of mat-
ter, 172 ; solar energy, 207 ;
theory of matter, 167.
Talbot, spectroscopy, 213.
Teall, quoted, 251.
Tektosphere of the earth, 238.
Telluric lines, 213.
Thenno-chemistry, 114.
Thilorier, 96.
Thomsen, Julius, 115.
Thomson, Elihu, quoted, 162.
Thomson, J. J., 164 ; quoted, 157.
Thomson (Lord Kelvin), 148, 203, 235,
241 ; galvanometer, 159.
Thomson, Thomas, 113.
Thomson and Tait, 134, 139.
Thury, 891, 392.
Thymus gland, 297.
Thyroid gland, 291.
Tidal friction, 223.
Tissues, 330 ; defined, 801 ; phvsio-
logy of, 300.
Titchener, on modern psychology,
443.
Tonsils, 299.
Torell, 262.
Transformations of energy, 138.
Transmissibility of acquired char-
acters, 412.
Traquair, quoted, 346 ; on Palaeos-
pondylus, 351 ; on palaeontology,
345,351.
Trowbridge. 216.
Turner, Sir William, 356, 414 ; quoted,
311, 314, 477.
Turpin, 355.
Tylor, 480.
Tyndall, 208.
Types, theory of chemical, 103,
U.
Unger, 356, 858.
Uniformitarian school of geologists
225.
Uniformity illustrated, 251.
Uniformity of Nature, 51, 53.
Unity of life, 34
Unity of nature, 39.
Unity of science, 38.
Unity of the organism, 28S, 296.
V.
Valency, theory of chemical, 104,
Valentin, 856.
Van Beneden, 359, 360, 871.
Van der Waals, 150.
Van Gehuchten, 306.
2i
536
INDEX.
Van't Hoff, chemistry in space, 94,
105.
Variability in nature, 431.
Variation, continuous, 482; discon-
tinuous, 432 ; definite, 433, 438 ;
fortuitous, 433 ; indefinite, 438.
Variations, 56, 246, 342, 406, 413.
Variations, nature of organic, 430 ;
origin of, 433.
Vauquelin, 98.
V^jdovsky, 387.
Venetz, 260.
Vernon, 894.
Vertebral theory of skull, 335.
Verworn, 297, 314, 315 ; behaviour of
Protozoa, 458 ; on cellular phy-
siology. 313 ; Neuron theory,
306, 309; on Johannes Mttller,
286 ; quoted, 315, 452 ; proto-
plasm, 318.
Vestigial organs, 342.
Virchow, 812, 359, 362 ; quoted, 313 ;
genetic continuity, 370, 397 ;
origin of cells, 357.
Vital force, 286, 321, 322, 326.
Vitalism, 321.
Vogel, 197, 218.
Vogelsang, 273.
Vogler, 219.
Voit, 300.
Volcanoes, 251.
Volkmann, 300.
Volta, 158.
Volvox, 300.
Von Baer, 369, 876 ; quoted, 355.
Von Mohl, 332, 338, 356, 358.
Vulpian, 452 ; on nerves, 304.
W.
Walcott, 350.
Waldeyer, Neuron theory, 306.
Walker, S. C., on Neptune, 185.
Wallace, Alfred Russel, 427, 435,
456, 492 ; on sexual selection, 437.
Waller, 807.
Wallich, 278.
Ward, on correlation of mind and
brain, 446.
Wasmann, on animal behaviour, 468.
Waterston, 93, 148, 170, 208.
Weber, 800, 458.
Weber's law, 454.
Weismann, 400, 402, 403, 414, 415, 427.
438, 439 ; genetic continuity, 399 ;
Germ-Plasm (1893), 401 ; germi-
nal selection, 434 ; non-transmis-
sion of acquired characters, 412 ;
origin of variations, 416 ; regen-
eration, 396.
Weldon, 245.
Werner, 251, 396.
Wheatstone, 160.
Wheeler, 396.
White, Gilbert, on earthworms, 269.
Whitman, on protoplasm, 362.
Willfarth, on bacteroids, 124.
Williamson, 119 ; on etheriflcation,
103.
Willis, 304.
Wilson, E. B., quoted, 355, 859, 370,
889, 398 ; cell-theory, 311 ; experi-
mental embryology, 884 ; proto-
plasm, 817, 858 ; The Cell in De-
velopment and Inheritance, 401.
Wilson, J. T., quoted, 823.
Windle, 381.
Winkler, 53, 73 ; discovery of germa-
nium, 112 ; supposed uniformity
of nature, 54.
Wislicenus, 105.
Wohler, 98, 800 ; radicals, 102 ; syn-
thesis of urea, 99.
Wolf, 205.
Wolff, 396.
Wollaston, 105. 212.
Words of animals, 42.
Wroblewski, 95, 96.
Wundt, 455; physiological psychol-
ogy, 451.
Wurtz, 103, 104, 274.
X-rays, 163.
Y.
Young, James, 155.
Young, Thomas, 144, 206 ; on Light,
151, 152.
Yung, 391.
Z.
Zach, von, 183.
Zacharias, 815.
Zinin, 99.
Zirkel, 272.
Zittel, K. A. von, quoted, 258, 851.
Zittel's history of geology and
palaeontology, 225.
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