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127 939 



No. 88 


LL.IX, F.B.A. 




cloth, 50 cents net, by mail 56 cents 
fust Published 







ETHICS ......... . . . By G. E. MOORE 



THOUGHT .......... By J. B. 


Future Issues 



IN presenting* this volume to the public the 
author desires to state that he has assumed 
no authority of his own beyond the mere 
presentation of the arguments comprising 1 the 
discussions. Let the volume be considered a 
series of suggestions from which extended 
discussions may arise. The outline debates 
present programmes as it were, but not their 
elaboration. The essays and orations are to 
supply the foundation thoughts as aids in the 
preparation of subjects for school and public 
use. The questions analyzed are the ques- 
tions of the clay and not the old time-worn 
topics of the past. 

One desires something new, something" 
practical, and something 1 up to elate. This 
new debater will fit into the last three years 
of this century. It treats of the questions of 


the present and of the future ; not the dead 
issues of the past. It discusses 

Science of Finance; 

Transportation ; 

Government Control ; 

Foreign Policies ; 

Postage ; 

License ; 

Social Liie , 

Immigration ; 

Revenue ; 

Suffrage ; 

Patriotism ; 

Commerce ; 

Phases of Political Economy. 

It is a book for the living, those in whom 
are burning the live issues of the day. It 
contains the sequel of twenty-five years of 
political study from all standpoints of the 
Republican, the Democrat, the Populist, the 
Bimetallism the Socialist, the Suffragist ; in 
short, all the factions. 






LITERATURE ..... 47 

LYPTIC ...... 64 

LIFE ....... 96 





APOCRYPHA. . . . . .184 


TESTAMENT . . . . . 22O 




How to Organize a Society, . . . i 

Rules Governing Debates, . . .12 

Introductory Observations, * . . x$ 

Political Economy, ...... 24 


T. Resolved, That the Single Gold Standard Is for 

the Best Interests of the Country, . . 28 

I. Should Cuba Be Annexed to the United States? 61 

I. JResolved, That the Fear of Punishment Has a 
Greater Influence on Human Conduct than 
Hope of Reward, ." . , . . . . 77 

I. Resolved, That the United f tates should Adopt 

Penny Postage, ...... 86 

C. Resolved, That High License Is the Best Means 

of Checking Intemperance, .... 94 

*t. Should the Government of the United States 

Own and Control the Railroads ? . . . 106 

I. Ought the United States to have annexed 
Hawaii ? - 

I. Resolved, That "Woman Suffrage shcmld Be 
Adopted by an Amendment to thp Consti- 
tution of the United States, , . . . 

That the World Owes more to Navi- 
gation than to Railroads, . ' . .135 
V. Resolved, That the United States should Build 

and Control the Nicaragua Canal, . . 1:48 

V. Resolved, That Tariff for Revenue Only Is 
of Greater Benefit to the People of the 
United States than a Protective Tariff, . j6o 





FROM the times of the primitive Church 
down to the last century it was the generally 
accepted view, except in the case of a few 
isolated scholars, that the Old Testament was 
closed in the fifth century B.C., and that in 
the interval between the fifth cc ntury and the 
New Testament no divine voice had broken 
the silence, no divine message been sent to the 
faithful remnant of Israel, and no develop- 
ment had been achieved by the righteous 
seekers after God in Palestine. All these 
positions have now been abandoned by 
scholars and by the vast body of educated 
people. So far from the Old Testament being 

1 In the chapters that follow I have, with, a view to 
clearness, not hesitated to restate facts and inferences 
that had already been dealt with at fuller length else- 
where in this little book. 



The articles of government should receive 
careful study and serious thought, and should 
embody all the purposes or designs sougfht to 
be accomplished by organizing a formal body. 

Do not draw up the articles in haste, result- 
ing in the adoption of ill-advised, because 
ill-prepared, rules. It is better to take the 
time to have your first work well done. 

The following suggestions may serve as a 
useful guide. They embody the principles 
of parliamentary government, and are worthy 
of consideration. 







It is necessary, in order to fit ourselves for 
the varied duties of life, to cultivate a correct mode of 
speaking, and to qualify ourselves by practice to express 
our opinions in public in a correct manner ; therefore 
we do constitute ourselves the Young People's Debating 
Club, and have adopted for our government the follow- 
ing Constitution, By-Laws, Rules, and Regulations, 





This Club shall be known as the Young People's 
Debating Club of Dansville, New York. 



The objects of this Club shall be the mental improve- 
ment of all connected with it, in the art of debating, in 
the field of social advancement, and in science, history r 
literature, and general culture. All questions shall be 
excluded which verge on immorality, on sectarianism, or 
on politics, except as essential to the discussion of a 
political topic. 



Any person who is honest, upright, and worthy of confi- 
dence may be admitted by vote of the Club as prescribed 
in the By-Laws. 



The officers of this Club shall be a President, a Vice 
President, a Secretary, and a Treasurer. 




SECTION i. It shall be the duty of the President to 
preside at all meetings of the Club ; to enforce a due 
observance of the Constitution, By-Laws, Rules, and 
Regulations ; to decide all questions of order ; to offer 
for consideration all motions regularly made ; to appor- 
tion duties two weeks in advance ; to call all special 
meetings ; appoint all committees not otherwise provided 
for, and to perform such other duties as his office may 
require. He shall make no motion or amendment, nor 
vote on any question or motion, unless the Club be equally 
divided, when he shall give the casting vote. 

SEC. 2. It shall be the duty of the Vice President 
to preside in the absence of the President and perform 
the duties of that office. 

SEC, 3. It shall be the duty of the Secretary to 
keep the records of the Club ; notify candidates of their 
election ; register the names of the members ; issue all 
notices required, and perform all other duties pertaining 
to his office as may be required of him by the Club. 
He shall receive all moneys of the Club and turn the 
same over to the Treasurer and take his receipt therefor. 

SEC. 4. It shall be the duty of the Treasurer to receive all 
moneys of the Club and keep a written statement thereof, 
and he shall make no payments without a written order 
from the President, countersigned by the Secretary. 



All elections of officers shall be by ballot. A majority 
of all the votes cast shall constitute a choice. The term 


Israel spoken of as being ** strangers and 
sojourners with God " (Lev* xxv. 23 ; Ps. xxxix. 
13), that is, God was regarded as their tem- 
porary host, with whom they sojourned for a 
few years and then passed to their eternal 
home beyond His jurisdiction. When, how- 
ever, we pass to the New Testament the phrase 
has assumed a directly opposite significance. 
There the saints are designated, it is true, as - 
strangers and pilgrims on the earth (Heb. xi. 
13), or as " strangers and sojourners " (Eph. 
iL 19), but they are so designated, just because 
their true citizenship is even now in heaven 
(Phil. iii. 20), in the city that God has pre- 
pared for them (Heb. xi. 16); and so far from 
being sons of earth they are even now full 
citizens of the sacred commonwealth, and sons 
of God's own house (Eph. ii. 19). 



true growth in religion springs from 
the communion of man "with God, wherein 
man learns the will of God, and thereby 
becomes an organ of God, a personalised con- 
science, a revealer of divine truth for men less 
inspired than himself. The truth thus revealed 
through a man possesses a divine authority 
for men; for all such true knowledge of God 
can be verified in a greater or lesser degree 
by personal experience* There are amongst 
the faithful those who assimilate and verify 
the truths of the past and thus preserve the 
spiritual tradition; for spirit is born of spirit 
as flesh is born of flesh. There are others who 
do more : they not only verify the religious 
truths of the past but they add to them 
others won in personal communion with the 
immediate Living God. Now, if revelation is 
to be progressive, each new disclosure must 

1 Considerable sections in this chapter bave been 
taken over from my Critical History of the Doctrine qf 
a Future Life (seoond edition). 





Suspensions may be voted by two-thirds of all members 
present at any regular meeting. Suspension may be 
enforced for disorderly conduct, refusal to pay tax, 
or any gross misdemeanor. Members suspended may 
be restored to membership by two-thirds of members 
present at any regular meeting. 



If controversies occur not explained in these rules, 
the general parliamentary law will be a guide for the 
presiding officer. 



If no debates are presented at any meeting, the pre- 
siding officer may submit special questions for considera- 
tion and request a discussion of them. For example : 

1. Have you lately met with anything calculated to 
interest or improve the Club, either in History, Travels, 
the Sciences, the Arts, or other branches of useful 
knowledge ? 

2. Do you know any amusing story proper to relate in 
conversation ? 

3. Have you any questions for debate to present for 
the consideration of **ie Club ? 




Amendments to these By-Laws may be made after the 
manner prescribed in Article VII. of the Constitution! 


1. The President, or in his absence the Vice President, 
shall take the Chair at the hour of meeting agreed upon 
by previous vote of the Club. 

2. The President shall be privileged to take the floor 
in debate upon any subject under discussion, after calling 
to the chair the Vice President, or any other member 

3. After the meeting has been called to order, each 
member shall be seated and shall not speak or otherwise 
interrupt the proceedings without the permission of the 
presiding officer, to be obtained by addressing him thus : 
Mr. Chairman ; or, Mr. President. 

4. No member shall speak to any motion more than 
twice, without the permission of the Club. 

5. When two or more members rise at the same time, 
the President shall name, as the person to speak, that one 
who in his judgment is first entitled to the floor. 

6. When a member is called to order by the President, 
or any other member, he shall at once resume his seat 
pending the decision on the point of order raised ; and 
every question of order shall be decided by the Presi- 
dent, subject to appeal to the sense of the meeting. 

7. No motion shall be debatable until it ha been duly 


8. Appeals, and motions to reconsider, or to adjourn, 
are not debatable. 

9. When a question is under debate, no motion shall 
be received, except to lay on the table, to postpone, to 
commit, or to amend. 

10. No member shall interrupt another while speaking, 
except to call to order, as prescribed in Rule 6 ; or, with 
the permission of the member speaking, to ask a question 
relevant to the subject. 

11. A motion to adjourn shall always be in order, 
except when another motion Is being voted upon; pro- 
vided the member moving adjournment has properly 
secured the floor. 

12. When a motion shall be made and seconded, the 
mover thereof may be called upon by the President, or 
any member, to reduce the same to writing, and hand it 
to the table, from which it shall be read by the secretary, 
and only then becomes open for debate. 

13. The mover of a motion shall be at liberty to 
accept an amendment thereto, but if an amendment be 
offered and not accepted, yet duly seconded, the Club 
shall pass upon it before voting upon the original motion. 

14. The form used by the presiding officer in putting 
a motion is : "Are you now ready for the question ? " If 
debates are ended he will continue by saying : " As many 
as are of the opinion that" repeating the words of the 
question, " say dye j as many as are of a different opinion^ 
say No" If it has been proposed to amend the question 
the amendment shall be acted upon first, and if carried, 
the presiding officer shall then put the question as 

15. Any member may criticise essays or recitations 


delivered before the Club, provided he occupy not more 
than five minutes. 

1 6. When a motion to adjourn is carried, no member 
shall leave his seat until the President shall have left his 
chair. * 

17. When a motion has been made and decided it shall 
be in order at any time within two weeks for any mem- 
ber, except such as have voted in the minority, to move 
the reconsideration thereof. 

1 8. Every officer, at the end of his term of service, 
shall deliver to his successor any moneys, papers, docu- 
ments, books, or records under his charge and belonging 
to the club. 


The following order of business will cover the neces- 
sities of the Club and should be followed with regularity, 
subject to such modification as circumstances may make 
expedient : 

1. Call to order, by the President. 

2. Calling of the roll, by the Secretary. 

3. Reading minutes of previous meeting, by the 

4. Proposals for membership. 

5. Reports of special committees. 

6. Balloting for candidates. 

7. Reports of standing committees. 

* The object of this rule is to induce order and discipline. Per- 
fect decorum should maik the closing of a meeting. It also induces 
respect for all the rules and regulations, as embodied in the official 
head of the club an essential to success. 


8. Secretary's report. 

9. Treasurer's report. 

10. Initiation of candidates. 

11. Unfinished business. 

12. Readings for the evening. 

13. Recitations for the evening. 

14. Debate. 

15. New business. 

16. Adjournment. 

It isthe part of the President to announce the order 
of business, each subject in its proper turn, 


To the end that we may cultivate and pre- 
serve within our circle that mutual respect 
and fraternal feeling that will conduce to our 
greatest success, it is earnestly enjoined upon 
the members of the Club to treat one another 
always with due courtesy, and to conduct 
their discussions with candor, but in a spirit 
of moderation and friendly consideration. 
Especially should personalities and sarcastic 
allusions, likely to offend the feelings of a 
fellow-member, be sedulously avoided. 



I. IT Is customary in debates for the first 
affirmative speaker to lay out the principles 
of the question and, instead of digging into 
the real argument, to reserve it for the sum- 
ming up, or, as it is termed, the closing speech, 
an opportunity for which is granted the first 
speaker. To many, this mode of procedure 
would indicate that the affirmative speaker is 
given an advantage, which really is not the case 
if his opening speech is confined to setting 
forth the question for debate. 

IL In many schools it is becoming the prac- 
tice to have only four speakers, two affirmative 
and two negative, and no closing speech by 
the one who opens. In most cases this plan 
is preferable to the old established usage, as 
the first speaker enters into the debate from 
the very opening and does his best. To in- 
experienced speakers this plan gives the 
better satisfaction, and it is made permissible 
for their benefit. 



III. A certain length of time should be 
allotted to each speaker and strictly adhered 

IV. Decorum at all times should be ob- 
served. If the question is worthy of debate, 
then the occasion deserves decorous behavior. 

V. The presiding- officer should insist upon 
a strict adherence to parliamentary practice. 

VI. It is not practice in the art of debating 
that is the all-important desideratum, but order- 
liness, attentiveness, the habit of following with 
considerate and thoughtful respect the state- 
ments of others, and, in general, a genial com- 
pliance with polite usage. All these have their 
important place. 

VII. A general can control his army only 
through obedience. A successful debating 
club can exist only by observing the rules and 

VIII. As the student obtains practice he 
should endeavor to carry in his mind an out- 
line of his argument and to present it without 
committing to memory. Facility in this will 
come to him much more readily than he may 

IX. Do not write out and commit to 
memory beyond what seems absolutely neces- 


sary. Cut loose as much as possible from the 
written or memorized word, 

X. Study your outline and deliver each 
particular just as though it were a story. 

XL Commit to memory your outlines if 
you wish, or you may retain a synopsis upon 
a card in your hand for reference. 

XII. Do not attempt to speak unless you 
have made some study of the question. 

XI I L The purpose of debate being to con- 
vince others of the truth of one's belief, the 
speaker should set out to secure the con- 
fidence of his hearers, and this may be accom- 
plished best by the speaker who displays full 
command of his subject, supplemented by 
that confidence in himself that comes of fre- 
quent practice in public speaking. 

XIV. Facility in impromptu speaking upon 
any question, whenever called upon, is a valu- 
able accomplishment, to acquire which one 
can hardly expend too much time and effort 
in patient study and persistent practice. 



IN debating-, as in any public speaking-, 
success does "not wholly depend upon the 
argument itself. The fact is, much depends 
upon how it is delivered. A judge may 
have the power to overcome his prejudice 
against an advocate's unfavorable manner of 
presenting a subject, and base his judgment 
upon the words expressed, but an audience is 
not capable of thus closely discerning. They 
respond to the personality of the orator, to his 
manner, to his spirit, as well as to his argu- 
ment. They must feel the speaker's position 
in order to appreciate his view of the ques- 
tion. It is said that in the days of the 
greatness of Rome a law was passed to pre- 
vent pleading in a dramatic manner when 
before a jury. The art of delivery was so 
wonderfully studied that justice was often 
a secondary consideration, and to prevent 
undue influence all gestures were prohibited. 


Success may depend upon three important 
particulars : 




By elocution we mean correct articulation, 
good rhetoric, and a certain modulation of 
the voice. 

By grace, that ease of motion and that 
facility and appropriateness of gesture which 
attract and inspire. 

By effect, an impression of sincerity through 
which the speaker gains the confidence of his 
hearers ; and a certain magnetism by which 
he sways them to his view. 

Without the confidence of his hearers the 
speaker's utterances will fall without effect. 
Without grace of body he may fail to enlist 
their admiration, a0d without an engaging 
delivery his words may fall meaningless upon 
listless ears. 

To become an effective speaker will re- 
quire study and practice. 

To frame an infallible code of rules 
to govern the debater or speaker on every 
imaginable occasion were an impossibility. 


But we can present valuable suggestions 
and ask a careful study of them. The follow- 
ing will be of benefit to anyone desirous 
of acquiring facility in the art of public 
speaking : 

1. Use simple language. 

2. Do not attempt to use words not in 
common, every-day use. 

3. Unwieldy words, being easily misinter- 
preted, loosen the speaker's hold upon his 

4. Be polite in all replies.* 

5. A gentlemanly manner is of itself an 
argument half won. 

6. Insinuations are to be deplored. They 
are apt to excite the hostility of fair-minded 

7. Under no circumstances use language 

* The author was in a courtroom once when a prominent lady 
was on the witness stand, and in cross-examination the lawyer tried 
to bewilder the witness by leferrmg to the death of her mother. 
The sudden and unexpected mention of this misfortune so affected 
her that she could not speak. The muscles of her throat were 
for the time paralyzed. The lawyer kept insisting upon a reply when 
it was evident she could say nothing. What was the effect upon the 
jury ? It was evident they were secretly enraged by the base treat- 
ment to which the witness was subjected and that she had their full 
sympathy an<} respect. The lawyer had failed of his object through 
ignoring the rules of courtesy. 


that would not be appropriate in a lady's 

8. To attempt to win by browbeating* is 
more than likely to lose your case by offend- 
ing your hearers' sense of fair play. 

9. Do not attempt to discuss a question 
with which you are not more or less fafniliar. 
Better remain silent than speak without ^some 
definite knowledge. Remember the adage, 
"A little learning is a dangerous thing." 

10. Obstinacy, ignorance, and vanity usually 
go together. 

11. Every hollow pretense, when once 
fairly detected, is justly treated as an act of 
imposition. " You may fool all the people 
a part of the time, a part of the people all 
the time, but you cannot fool all the people 
all of the time." 

12. The suspicion of insincerity in a public 
speaker is absolutely fatal to success. Not 
only must a speaker seem sincere but he 
must really be so. 

13. There is power in a courteous manner, 
for it moves the heart and tends to counter- 
act the impressions made by an adversary. 

14. There is force in fairness, for it implies 
a love of truth. 


15. Allow to the opposite side whatever is 
its due, but array against its weak points 
your clearest, strongest arguments* 

1 6. Never hope to overthrow a sound argu- 
ment of an opponent by mere disdain, or by 
perverting it, or by seeking to undervalue 
its force. Such tactics will weaken your hold 
upon the respect of your hearers, 

17. In referring to history, geography, 
statistics, or other facts obtained from books, 
be accurate. Minute accuracy begets con- 
fidence. It lends to the speaker the charm of 

1 8. Do not depend wholly upon oratory to 
carry an argument against acknowledged facts. 

19. A very important principle to be ob- 
served is to keep the nature of the question 
prominently in view. Digression is the ignis 
fatuus of discussion. 

20. In studying a question, seek to find the 
good points of the opposition. If you are on 
the negative side, imagine yourself the affirma- 
tive speaker. By anticipating the points of 
your adversary you will be better qualified to 
sustain your own argument. To discover the 
opposing line of attack is to be prepared 
against sudden surprise. 


21. Bestow careful thought upon the gen- 
eral plan of your arguments, and so arrange 
your points as to have a system of presen- 
tation forming, as it were, a chain of evidence. 

22. To be a poor debater at first is not 
proof that you cannot ultimately succeed. 
Some of the most celebrated debaters of 
history were at first woefully weak in oratory, 
but attained well-deserved eminence by per- 
severing, against all discouragements, in their 
determination to conquer every obstacle.* 

23. It is said that Charles Fox rose ** by 
slow degrees to become the most brilliant and 
accomplished debater the "world ever saw." 
He was so sensible of the advantage of regu- 
lar and frequent practice that he may be said 
to have turned the House of Commons into a 
sort of debating club for his own personal 

24. The value of debating societies will 
depend largely upon the interest and skill dis- 

* It is said that Demosthenes was afflicted with an impediment in 
his speech (stuttering), but that he succeeded in conquering this failing 
by keeping pebbles in his mouth when speaking. 

A noted lawyer used to go into the woods and argue and debate 
for hours by himself. Though often followed by youngsters, who 
would creep up to have some fun, he would not be dissuaded from 
his purpose. 


played in their management. Wisely con- 
ducted, they may be of great benefit to the 

25. Good order must prevail in accordance 
with parliamentary rules. 

26. There must be punctuality in attendance. 

27. Do not attempt to speak without hav- 
ing- anything in particular to say, 

28. A glib tongue in an empty head will 
avail little. Sound will not make up for lack 
of sense. 

29. If you desire to speak extempora- 
neously, first divide your subject into heads 
and write them down in the order you desire 
to discuss them. Commit them to memory 
and then discuss each head orally, if you 
have an opportunity. Familiarize yourself 
with these sections as you would with the 
parts of a story, so that you may acquit your- 
self with that ease and confidence of manner 
with which one tells a story* 

30. Extemporaneous speaking may, how- 
ever, induce idleness and carelessness in the 
matter of literary composition, which must be 
carefully avoided. 

31. Many public speakers write down their 
speeches and then commit them to memory. 


32. The greater a speaker's reputation, the 
more careful he is apt to be to perfect his 
speeches in advance.* 

33. Many people are fluent talkers in the 
drawing room but cannot speak to advan- 
tage before an audience, through lack of self- 

34. Nervousness can be overcome and 
confidence obtained by care in preparation 
and persistent practice in addressing audi- 

35. In closing these instructions let it be re- 
membered that the following hints are timely: 

a. Always endeavor to gain the good will of your 

b. Use wit and humor now and then, if the occasion 
will permit and if you can do so with ease and effect. 

c. Employ graceful gestures, and in your postures and 
attitudes endeavor to display an easy naturalness, being 
careful not to overdo. 

d. Have all your faculties well in hand. 
c. Keep your temper in good control. 
f. Be modest. 

*It is said of Pericles that "such was his solicitude when he had 
to speak in public, that he always first addressed a prayer to the gods 
that not a word unsuitable to the occasion might escape him una- 
wares. " 

" All his arguments smelled of the lamp," was a remark made of a 
prominent orator. 


g. Exercise benevolence and forbearance. 
h m Watch your audience so as to discern the things 
most likely to hold the attention and win approval. 
/. Do not speak too lo"./U 
/ When you get tnrough, stop. 



THE subject of Political Economy is one 
that is attracting widespread study, and we 
find our land is full of political economists 
who propose to tell us the true secrets of 
government. Their instructions are based 
largely upon their individual views of what is 
and what ought to be. To accept these 
lessons without analyzing the positions 
of the author, is accepting another man's 
theory without bringing into play the gifts 
which God has given you. You have no 
right to accept any political doctrine with- 
out weighing the questions involved. \Ve 
may rely, perhaps, upon the statements of 
astronomers and mathematicians because they 
are based upon actual demonstrations, but 
the man who propounds a theory of political 
economy is not necessarily infallible. It is 
simply his opinion, and neither greatness of 
character nor eminence of station is proof of 



correctness. All theories are, as it were, lot- 
teries. The banker expounds his theories 
from the standpoint of a banker ; the manu- 
facturer from that of his business ; the pro- 
tectionist and free-trader from their precon- 
ceived relations, the miner from his ; the 
artisan from his, and the farmer from the 
standpoint of the farmer. We all are apt to 
advocate that line of policy that is of most 
account to us. One section of the country 
may be interested in a measure that is detri- 
mental to another section, and yet it cannot 
be said, truthfully, that one is less Io3*al than 
the othen It is an impossibility to enact 
general legislation for the special benefit of 
all, and no political economist can lay down a 
perfect form of government. 

The author would earnestly advise in- 
dividual thought on every question brought 
before the American people. It is an age of 
strife and preferment, of large expenditures 
and small economies, of profit and loss, of 
wealth and povert)% of force and surrender, 
of ambition and defeat. We are making 
rapid progress in every line of invention ; in 
the arts, in the distribution of food and manu- 
factures, in educational systems ; and what was 


for the best interests of people yesterday may 
not meet the requirements of to-morrow. 
We will soon have outgrown the tradi- 
tions of the past and will awaken to a new 
order of things. Discoveries and inventions 
have developed new exigencies, necessitating 
new lines of action based upon new principles 
of economy. We may no longer govern our- 
selves by what has been, but by what is, and 
what will be, and he who attempts to conform, 
without adaptation, to the old economy will 
become the old fogy of the day. 

Do not depend too much upon N the brains 
of others. Think for yourself, and accept 
theories only as they command your own 
assent. If the question be a political one, 
view it from all sides, and when you have 
planted your feet upon your platform let it 
be one of your own hewing. But do not 
attempt to demolish the platform of another 
until you have effectual batteries in the form 
of arguments of your own construction. 

This book teems with the vital questions of 
to-day. They are outlined from the stand- 
point of the seeker after truth and not from 
any vantage-ground of personal bias- They 
are questions that are not to be settled by 


ridicule or -sarcasm. They must be settled 
by reason, and experience, and education. 
They are not of recent origin, but have slowly 
emerged out of many yesterdays, until 
now they assume proportions that command 
attention. You are called upon to study 
them, to discuss them, and to act upon them a 



Itesotoed, That the single gold standard is for the fast 
interests of the country. 

NOTE. In the discussion of this question we have 
suggested many points for expansion. We leave it to the 
student to analyze them, and set them forth in the form 
of appropriate arguments. It is one of the leading ques- 
tions of the day, if not the one of most account at this 
time, and will admit of a vast amount of study. In de- 
ciding it as a question no thought should be entertained 
as to how the people voted in 1896, or who was elected, 
but the decision should be based upon the real argu- 
-ments given. This is one of the objects of debate : 
To school one's self in discussing a principle opposite 
one's belief. It gives a wider range of thought, and the 
mind becomes more fertile, freer to respond to circum- 
stances, and more capable of grasping the various con- 
ditions of life. Train yourself to one side only, and you 
become narrow-minded in your views, selfish in your de- 
mands, and irritable under opposition. 

FIRST SPEAKER. I. Much has been said dur- 
ing the campaign of 1896 for and against this 


proposition, but as it still remains a living- 
question, it is but reasonable to present our 
reasons for believing that under existing con- 
ditions it would be against our best interests 
to adopt any other system than the one recog- 
nizing the gold standard as the sole measure 
of value. 

II. Underlying every branch of knowl- 
edge there are principles that cannot be ques- 
tioned. These principles are self-evident, and 
are known as axioms, or self-evident truths. 
In the study of finance certain facts present 
themselves as axioms. 

III. We are now established on a gold 

IV. All business is based upon the value of 
a gold dollar. 

V. The value of a gold dollar does not 
depend upon legislation. 

VI. The gold dollar is intrinsically worth 
the same in coin as in bullion. 

VI L All money of the enlightened world 
has its value based upon the value of gold. 

VI I L Gold is always and everywhere cur- 
rent, whether as bullion or as coin. 

IX. All values must have something for 
their measure* 


X, Gold never fluctuates appreciably in 

XL The miner's ounce is worth the same 
to-day as to-morrow. 

XI L For convenience we accept paper, 
silver, or commodities, but always upon the 
basis of convertibility into gold coin or its 

XIII. We accept silver because the gov- 
ernment maintains the parity of the two 

XIV. Money must have a value within 
itself, or it must be so arranged as to com- 
mand value. 

XV. Two things cannot be equal unless 
they represent equal values. 

XVI. If gold is worth TOO cents and silver 
53 cents there cannot be an equality, 

XVII. The acceptability of a silver dollar 
resides in the confidence we have in it that it 
will pass current. 

XVIII. Destroy this confidence and it will 
cease to pass current. 

XIX. If a man is generally supposed to be 
"worth money," his note is accepted in this 

XX. If a man is known to be without 


money, or its equivalent, his note goes beg- 
ging; through lack of confidence. 

XXL A bank pays to-day and all is satis* 
factory, but start a report that something is 
wrong, and a run is precipitated. 

XXI I. A government accepts exchange on 
a gold basis to-day, and its obligations are at 

XXIII. A government pays to-morrow in a 
currency that is not positively redeemable in 
gold. That currency cannot be maintained 
at its face value, but only at the difference 
between its face value and the cost of re- 

XXIV. If a currency is at 47 cents dis- 
count to convert into gold, then that currency 
cannot be worth more than 53 cents as its 
market value. 

XXV. It is an infallible law that the 
cheaper currency drives out the dearer. 

XXVI. When gold is Worth 100 cents and 
silver 53 cents, and each coin stands on its 
own basis, the value of each is what it will 
bring in the markets of the world. 

XXVII. The trade dollar is worth its 
bullion value. 

XXVIII. England is the great creditor 


nation of the world, and all values are based 
on a gold standard in London. 

XXIX. Change values, and you create 
confusion, produce panics, and entail repu- 

XXX. To promise to pay in full value 
to-day and refuse to-morrow is repudiation. 

XXXI. The debts of our people are paya- 
ble in gold, or its equivalent. 

XXXII. Capital is money. 

XXXIII. Money is value, or a representa- 
tive of value. 

XXXIV. Borrow value, and you must 
return value. 

XXXV. Agitate values, and capital loses 

XXXVI. Money will hide if business is 

XXXVII. Business, or commerce, contin- 
ues only upon the basis of general honesty. 

XXXVIII. Honest money will always be 
in 'demand 

XXXIX. Dishonest money is always in dis- 

XL. Establish free coinage of silver to- 
day, and to-morrow our treasury reserve will 
be gone. 


XLL Withdraw our treasury reserve, and 
we suspend specie payments. 

XLII. Suspend specie pa3 T ments, and all 
money is either thrown upon its own intrinsic 
value, or its value of redemption in gold. 

XLIII. Greenbacks during the War were at 
a discount according to their convertibility, 

XLI V. Confederate scrip became worthless, 
because there was no certain value behind It. 

XLV. Continental money in the early days 
following the Revolution fell to nothing 
because the government was unable to re- 
deem it. 

XLVL Bonds, stocks, mortgages, by the 
hundreds of millions are held by European 
capitalists. Disturb the redemption value, and 
they will immediately drug the market and 
bring- ruin to all the industries involved. 

XLVII. Intrinsic value is not the creature 
of legislation. 

XLVII I. We stamp coin as a proof of its 
weight and fineness as metal. 

XLIX. Stamp a ten-dollar gold piuce five 
dollars and it will pass for five dollars i ntil 
it is discovered to be overweight ; then it will 
fetch its real value. 

L. Stamp a five-dollar gold piece ten dol- 


lars, and the deception will last only for a few 
transfers if at all. 

LL Gold is the money of the world. 

LI I. Commerce is the business of all 

LIIL Values in commerce must be deter- 
mined by some unit of measure. 

LIV. A country cannot measure its values 
by one standard and expect other countries to 
accept its measure at a loss. 

LV. If we buy of European countries we 
must pay in their established values. 

LVI. There is no such thing" as a money of 
the rich differing from the money of the poor. 

LVIL The rich may survive losses through 
depreciation of the money current, but the 
poor cannot. 

LVI 1 1. If the rich are not prosperous they 
cannot employ the poor. 

LIX. If a 53-cent dollar is the measure of 
values, this will also and always be the meas- 
ure of labor. 

LX. The merchant may be obliged to take 
a depreciated dollar, but he will raise the 
price of his commodities in order to balance 
any probable loss. 

LXL If there are two standards of value, 


business will be in a state of uncertainty and 
disquiet, and the result will be a lack of con- 
fidence, curtailment, and panic. 

LXII. Free coinage of silver means a 
silver basis. 


NOTE. These heads may be divided into numerous 
subdivisions by numbers of other speakers, but the author 
has only drawn up the form in outline, leaving to the 
fertile imagination of the student to elaborate as may 
seem convenient or necessary. 

SECOND SPEAKER. I. We will agree with our 
affirmative brothers that much has been said 
pro and con during- this recent campaign, but 
they fall into difficulties at the very outset by 
assuming* that a long- line of mere statements 
are self-evident truths, informing us that these 
truths cannot be denied. It is here we raise 
the first objection against the argument of our 
friends of the gold standard. 

II. Assertions are not arguments, and this 
question is to be decided upon argument. 

III. It is true that geometry tells us that 
the shortest distance between two points is a 
straight line, but to be the shortest route is 
not, necessarily, to be the best route. 


IV. Our gold-standard men launch out on 
the self-evident axiom that the gold dollar 
does not depend upon legislation, that it is 
intrinsically worth just exactly what it is worth 
as coin. 

V. To prove this, we are often told, melt a 
ten-dollar coin and the gold in it is still worth 
ten dollars. 

VI. Practically we admit that this is true, 
but let us show the cause. Gold enjoys free 
coinage. It cannot be worth less for the arts 
because it is convertible into coin at the pleas- 
ure of the holder. For example : The miner 
stands at the counter of a mint and holds one 
ounce of pure gold in his hand. Will he take 
less from the man who buys for the arts than 
he will from the Mint ? No ! The price must 
practically be the same. He certainly will not 
take less from the man who buys for himself 
because the great option free coinage 
always stands before him. 

VI L One may give more because it is pure 
gold, but the figure is so imperceptible that 
we ignore it. 

VIII. If the arts will pay more for gold as 
bullion than as coin, then it will never be 
coined ; and further, if this difference is great, 


the coin will be withdrawn from circulation to 
be reduced to bullion. 

IX. No man will take his gold to the Mint 
if it will fetch more on the market, 

X. No man will take less for his gold than 
he can get at the mints. 

XL Now let us present a fact ; we will not 
call it an axiom or self-evident truth, only a 
fact : If the market value of gold is more 
than the coin value, then gold ceases to be- 
come money. And again, if the coinage is 
free, the market value cannot be less than the 
coin value. But as the market value is not 
greater than the coin value, there is no fluctu- 
ation as to its price. 

XII. Gold, as a commodity, cannot be 
worth more and sustain its money value, for it 
will flow to the arts. But while it is equal in 
price there will be no change. 

XIII. It is therefore evident, if we close the 
mints to the free coinage of gold, this intrinsic 
value we hear so loudly lauded must depend 
upon the supply and demand in the arts. 

XIV. If the markets are at any time over- 
stocked with gold it will drop in value ; or if 
at any time there is a scarcity of the yellow 
metal, there will be a rise in price. 


XV. In fact, under these conditions gold 
must rise and fall, for there will be nothing to 
equalize or sustain its price. 

XVI. From this we must deduce the state- 
ment that free coinage is the equalizer of gold 

XVII. Now, then, is it not safe to say if 
we take away the mint value we destroy one- 
half of its uses among the people, and if 
one-half of its uses are gone, why not presume 
that it will depreciate until its bullion value is 
not over fifty-three cents? 

XVIII. By this proof it is clear that the so- 
called intrinsic value of gold does depend upon 
legislation, for it is by legislation we establish 
mints and coins. 

XIX. Of course our opponents say we can- 
not make such a supposition, for gold is a 
recognized money coin throughout the civil- 
ized world. It is true such a thing may never 
happen, but reverse the existing conditions as 
to the production of gold and silver, and the 
result may occur. That is, exhaust the silver 
mines and open bountiful gold ones, and 
nations might demonetize gold and use silver 
as the primary money, or, as it is called, 
redemption money. 


XX. When gold was discovered in Califor- 
nia and Australia, some countries did demon- 
etize gold and others were discussing it. So 
it is not impossible to presume such a con- 

XXI. Again, let me impress this fact : If 
gold is ever demonetized, its intrinsic value 
must depend upon supply and demand, just 
the same as any commodity. 

XXII. Under such conditions it is priced 
the same as wheat, corn, pork, hay, or grain. 
It will depend upon the arts for its value. 

XXIII. Gold has but little use except for 
money and for ornaments, and should it be 
demonetized, it would scarcely be esteemed a 
precious metal. 

XXIV. It is a common assertion to say 
money is gold. While gold may be money by 
legislation, it is not money until it receives its 
stamp. This is probably truer in the analysis 
of silver than gold. At the present time sil- 
ver is both money and a commodity. 

XXV. With the government stamp and 
fiat it is money, without the fiat it is bullion. 

XXVL A fiat is a decree by constituted 

XXVII. The law declaring a deed a lawful 


calypse as pseudonymous. Whether the John 
who wrote the apocalypse is the Apostle, or 
some other John, is a question that cannot 
be discussed here. But our immediate con- 
cern is to protest against the uncritical 
readiness with which scholars in the past 
and present have stated that pseudonymity 
is a universal characteristic of apocalyptic. 
Pseudonymity is no more a universal char- 
acteristic of apocalyptic than it is an essential 
one. Whether it is pseudonymous or not 
depends, as we have seen, on things external 
to itself. In 2 Thess. ii. and 1 Cor. xv. we 
have the Pauline apocalypse given under its 
author's name, and every kind of evidence 
tends to prove that the greatest of all the 
apocalypses was written by the prophet John, 
who claims to have been its author. 

But in the case of later apocalypses, history 
repeats itself. Apocalypses again become 
pseudonymous. Some are simply Christian 
editions of Jewish apocalypses : others are 
purely of Christian composition. The belief 
in prophecy began to disappear, and in due 
course the Canon was closed. 


XXXV. A silver dollar, as at the present 
time, would not depend upon a gold dollar 
for its value, but upon its power to be used 
as money, the power of its fiat. 

XXXVI. The government is not an indi- 
vidual, but the representative of all the 

XXXVII. If the government should de- 
clare, by enactment, for free coinage of silver, 
then the values of its bullion and its coin 
would become equal. 

XXXVIII. Depreciation or fluctuation of 
silver may be due to government legislation. 
By the act of 1873 silver became a commodity, 
to be bought and sold according to supply 
and demand in the arts. 

XXXIX. In 1878 the Bland- Allison bill 
only required the purchase of so much silver 
at its market price. It did not accomplish 
free coinage. It only made an extra demand 
in the markets. 

XL. The same is true of the Sherman bill 
of 1890, providing for the purchase of bullion 
and the issue of silver certificates therefor. 

XLI. Both bills made silver a commodity 
subject wholly to supply and demand. 

XLI I. With free coinage the law of sup- 


ply and demand ceases to govern the price. 
It becomes optional with the holder of the 
bullion whether he shall sell it in the market 
or convert it into coin. Pie takes no less than 
the coin value and the market is no longer a 
factor; coin value and bullion value become 
equal. So much for the self-evident truth of 
our opponents that two things cannot be 
equal unless they represent equal values. 


THIRD SPEAKER. L The speakers on the 
negative side have advanced very little by 
way of arguments to rebut our contention. 
They seem to apologize for the fall of the 
price of silver, and their whole conclusion 
appears to be that if things had been so and 
so, the result would have been thus and thus. 

II. The question is: "Resolved, that a 
single gold standard is for the best interests 
of the country." Now, Mr. Chairman, they 
have uttered scarcely one syllable of proof 
that it is not so. Their whole argument 
premises the free coinage of silver, not as a 
benefit to the government or the people, but 
as an arrangement that by some unexplained 


virtue will establish an equality between the 
bullion value and the coin value of silver. 
To this we do not demur. We simply allow 
them to assume that it is so ; but we deny 
that this value, whatever it may be, of silver 
could be thus made to equal that of gold. 

III. That the coin value and bullion value 
will meet is undoubtedly true, but the ques- 
tion is, Where will they meet ? Is it not a 
reasonable assertion to make, that for a time, 
at least, the meeting- place will be between 
two certain points ? The value of silver as coin 
on the basis of the gold standard must fall, 
while the bullion value, according to the law 
of supply and demand, will go up, and the 
53-cent dollar may become a 73-cent dollar, 
or even an Socent dollar, but that it can rise 
to 100 cents is positively impossible. 

IV. And again this rise in the price of 
silver bullion will stimulate the mines to in- 
creased activity, new supplies will be pro- 
duced, and, as the stock of metal increases, the 
price must fall. 

V. We cannot maintain two standards and 
do business. It must either be a gold basis 
or a silver basis, as the cheaper money always 
drives out the dearer. Then we must fall to 


a silver basis, or, in other words, become a 
silver-standard country, 

VI. Where there is free coinage of silver 
the measure of value becomes that of silver in 
internal commerce, but it is gold in all foreign 

VII. To prove this we will cite you 
Mexico, the southern republics, and China' 
and Japan. Those countries are transacting 
their domestic business with silver, but in 
foreign transactions the silver coin is appraised 
only at its bullion value, reckoned in gold, 
or, in other words, it is gold that determines 
the prices. 

VI II. Is it better to have two standards 
of value than one? As the silver fluctuates 
the prices of all commodities must fluctuate, 
resulting in a continual uneasiness in the busi- 
ness world ; producing a state of unrest, 
disquiet, and that dreadful uncertainty that 
undermines confidence and credit 

IX. Capital will make contracts in gold, 
and in spite of the law and of all pretensions, 
the gold standard will be the power behind 
the throne. 

X. Is it, then, not for the best interests to 
maintain a standard that will preserve confi- 


dence and establish values upon a basis of 
security to all ? 


FOURTH SPEAKER. I. I am glad our oppo- 
nents have raised the question that we have 
cited but little proof to demonstrate that the 
single gold standard is not the best, for in their 
presentation they adduce simply a series of 
statements without any definite proofs that 
no other system can be superior. As previ- 
ously stated they assume that their one 
standard is the best, and they quote their so- 
called axioms without regard to the fitness of 
time, place, or other conditions, and without 
positive proof on any point. 

II. It is no argument to state that the 
silver dollar is worth only 53 cents because, 
if the stamp is destroyed, its bullion value will 
be only 53 cents. 

III. The fact is, it is worth a dollar, and 
while its legal-tender quality is retained must 
always be worth its face. 

IV. Remove its legal tender quality and 
you destroy its power as money, and it be- 
comes a commodity and will be bought and 


sold as such. But while It is retained as 
money and will pay taxes, duties, or any other 
dues to the government or to individuals, it 
can never have less than its face value. 

V. If there are no defects in the debt-pay- 
ing- qualities of a legal tender, there can be no 
difference in values. 

VI. Money is to business what blood is 
to the body. 

VII. If there is a small or a sluggish supply 
of blood, the body is poorly nourished and the 
system is not properly sustained. 

VII I. If the currency of a nation is short 
in volume, there, is a lack of circulation and 
business is not prosperous. 

IX. If we can add to the volume of cur- 
rency we add power to the driving-wheels 
of commerce, we stimulate trade, develop 
industries, and set in motion an army of idle 
men who now lack work. 

X. Employ labor, and in turn the army of 
laborers invest their earnings in the neces- 
saries of life and all lines of trade are 

XL Free coinage of silver means renewed 
activity in the entire West. Mines will be 
opened, men employed, cities restored to life. 


and its influence will be felt beyond its own 
borders, to all parts where intercourse extends. 
In fact, make one section of the country pros- 
perous and all sections must feel the influence 
and join in promoting- the prosperity of all. 

XII. The citation of Mexico, China, Japan, 
and the southern republics, as doing business 
on a silver basis, is not relevant to the real 
question at issue. Really their present con- 
dition indicates that, as between the two 
standards, they are thriving far better on the 
silver standard than they could on the gold. 

XI I L This is evidenced by the rapidly 
increasing establishment of new businesses 
in those countries and the constant employ- 
ment of their people* Mexico is developing 
in a wonderful manner, while the United 
States is practically at a standstill. Japan is 
astonishing the world and China is doing- 
wonders. The southern republics are taking 
advantage of the situation, and to their coun- 
tries the silver basis is a blessing. 

XIV. At this time a change to the gold 
standard would paralyze every form of busi- 
ness in Mexico, China, and Japan. Kfforts 
are being made to induce Mexico to adopt 
the gold standard, but it declines in most 


emphatic terms. But wfe do not propose in 
the United States to adopt a silver standard, 
although, as between the two, experience 
proves it to be the better in the countries 
named, and it might prove so here. 

XV. Our proposition is to adopt the free 
and unlimited coinage of both metals, and 
thus accomplish what is admittedly the desire 
of every patriotic citizen, namely 

To increase our volume of money. 

To build up the West. 

To give encouragement to the farmer. 

To reduce the rate of interest. 

To make us independent of the demands of Wall 

Street and its allies. 

To prohibit a discrimination of legal tenders. 
To make all money legal tender in every transaction. 
To prevent hoarding by removing the opportunities 

for so doing. 


FIFTH SPEAKER. I. I am glad the last 
speaker reminded us that the blood is the 
medium of circulation, upon which the health 
and vigor of the body depend. Let me add 
that that blood must be pure. 

II. Impure blood cannot benefit. 


III. Applying the metaphor to the subject 
in hand, any impurity in the financial circu- 
lating medium induces disease and invites 

IV. Far better that we retain normal con- 
ditions than inject into the veins of trade any 
element of uncertainty that may breed finan- 
cial disease. 

V. Business cannot afford to take the 

VI. Free coinage is a speculation, and 
speculation is the only form of activity that 
can afford to take the chances. Speculation 
is founded on chance and thrives upon chance. 

VI L Since 1879 business has been con- 
ducted in this country on the basis of the 
single gold standard, and any serious attempt 
to merge the gold standard with any other, or 
to substitute any other for the gold standard, 
would result promptly in a financial and com- 
mercial panic more widespread and more bane- 
ful than the world has ever yet experienced. 
Silver has been retained in use as money, and 
while confidence is secure, it remains as good 
as gold. But institute free coinage, and you 
destroy the basis of all values and ruin the 
present order of things. 


VIII. This is a civilized and enlightened 
nation, doing business with all the peoples of 
the world. Not only do the citizens of other 
nations interchange commodities with us in 
the course of an ever-expanding international 
commerce, but they invest in our securities, 
and actually sustain many of our most suc- 
cessful business enterprises by providing the 
funds necessary to their profitable expansion. 
Agitate a change in the present standard of 
value, which now measures our traffic in the 
marts of the whole world, and you compel the 
withdrawal of these vast investments and 
the suspension of most of the vast enterprises 
involved, and entail, directly and indirectly, 
untold misfortunes upon thousands of smaller 
but equally deserving industries. 

IX. In our financial matters we are not in- 
dependent of other nations and cannot afford 
to destroy their confidence. 

X. Were we able to hold our debts at 
home we could talk of independence, and 
might arrange the standard for our internal 
commerce, according to any plan that might 
seem to us fit. 

XL We could erect a barrier that would 
virtually bar out all foreign trade. 


XII. We could emulate China and "go It 

XIII. But we are a part of the civilized 
world, and must accept the common basis 
of values if we would enjoy a true inter- 

XIV. An overissue of mere currency, 
whether composed of silver coins or of paper, 
would entail depreciation in the value of the 
currency itself and a consequent disturbance 
of all prices. 

XV. We might as well coin copper and iron, 
and print scrip based on wheat and pork, if it 
is merely a greater volume of currency that Is 

XVI. But, my friends, it is quality that 
counts. It is the quality of a man that makes 
or mars. It is the quality of a government 
that gives it stability. 

XVII. To threaten the stability of our 
government is to Involve the very honor of 
the nation. 

XVIIL To pursue a course that would 
invite the world justly to assail our honor 
would be to destroy our financial credit. 

XIX. The honor of our government Is 
pledged to meet its obligations on the basis 


of g*old values, and we cannot repudiate that 
pledge except in dishonor. 

XX. To enact " free coinage of silver," thus 
abandoning the pledged gold standard, would 
be repudiation pure and simple. 

XXL We have no right to attempt to ben* 
efit mine-owners at the expense of all other 

XXI L In fact we cannot afford to change 
a system that has been in existence since we 
resumed specie payments in 1879. 

XXIII. Change the system, and gold will 
be withdrawn from circulation. 

XXIV. Free coinage means gold at a 

XXV. With these conditions, can we afford 
to change ? 

XXVI. Another reason we cannot afford 
free coinage is that we immediately become 
the dumping ground of the world. All silver 
will come this way to receive a part of the 
rights and benefits intended for our new ven-" 

XXVII. And again, our worthy possessors 
of old silverware can melt it up and get 
good dollars out of fifty-three cents' worth of 


XXVIII. And again, our friendly powers 
in Kurope will enter the line of speculation, 
and the six hundred million dollars of silver 
which France holds will cross the ocean to 
our detriment. 

XXIX. Truly that would be pleasant! All 
the silver of Europe, all its old teapots, all 
the products of its silver mines, all its loose 
change everywhere transmuted into standard 
American eagles 1 


SIXTH SPEAKER. I. The prosperity of a 
country depends upon its business interests. 

II. If all lines of trade are good then labor 
is employed, conditions are easy, and satisfac- 
tion is established. But if there is a lack of 
prosperity all is confusion and anarchy rears 
its threatening head. 

III. Can worse conditions than the present 
exist? Hardly. 

IV. Every industry is prostrated by a lack 
of current funds. 

V. The farmer is getting poorly paid for 
his produce. 


VI. Corn is being used in certain States for 

VII. Hunger and cold exist in the cities. 

VI II. Even family relations are injuriously 

IX. Bankruptcy seems inevitable. 

X. Men who were once prosperous are now 
groaning under the lash of adversity. 

XL The farmer who is in debt cannot meet 
his obligations. 

XII. The hoarding of money prevents its 
use in business. 

XI I L The relief needed is to remove the 
supposition that gold is the only money and 
thus prevent its worship. 

XIV. Add to the volume of currency, and 
stimulate trade. 

XV. Free coinage does not mean gold at a 

XVI. Remove the demand for gold to trans- 
act business, and it cannot go to a premium. 

XVII. No one will hoard gold without 
a prospect of gain. 

XVIII. Foreign products are brought into 
our country, and if the importer declines to 
take his pay in our currency he can take his 
goods elsewhere. 


XIX* We produce nearly one-third of all 
the manufactured goods of the world. 

XX. The balance of trade in 1896 was over 
one hundred and two million dollars in our 

XXI. With an increased volume of money 
there will be an increased production of 
manufactured goods and an increased con- 
sumption at home* 

XXII. Gold cannot flow to foreign coun- 
tries, as is usually claimed, unless there 
is left something in its place as value re- 

XXIII. If our people can export gold and 
make money by so doing, then gold will be 
exported. But if it is more valuable at home, 
then it will stay. 

XXIV. The exporting of gold is wholly a 
matter of business with holders. It is their 
property, and they will use it as is most 

XXV. So, if gold goes abroad, it must 
leave behind more than its value. 

XXVI. No law should be allowed to 
exist that specifies that one kind of money 
can be contracted for in preference to 


XXVII. A favorite arg-ument of our op- 
ponents Is that people holding- what they call 
good money will not loan it without a con- 
tract to get back the same kind of money, or 
money just as good* 

XXVI I L Should money exist that is not 
good money, then no one will borrow it, and 
consequently it will not be in demand and 
cannot go to a premium, and the value of the 
money loaned and the money returned must 
be equal. 

XXIX. All money that is legal tender in 
the United States, no matter whether it is 
gold, silver, or paper, must be on an equality 
in the payment of debts. 

XXX. The creditor being paid in any 
legal tender, he must support all such money 
or damage his own property. 

XXXI. It is, therefore, proved that all 
legal tenders must be equal in value, for no 
debtor will pay a premium on gold when sil- 
ver will answer his purpose. 

XXXI L The only plausible argument 
raised by the gold-standard people against 
free coinage is that one money will be 
cheaper and drive the dearer out of the 
market, and thus produce a contraction of 


the currency, and, instead of increasing- the 
volume of money, it will be decreased. 

XXXIII. They all admit that we need a 
larger circulating medium and should resort to 
an enlarged bank issue to meet requirements, 

XXXIV. Now, if free coinage would de- 
crease the volume of money we would cer- 
tainly oppose it, but our proof shows that the 
reverse would be the case ; that free coinage 
would make a union of values between gold 
and silver. 

XXXV. Europe may not adopt our sys- 
tem, but as we make the price of silver she 
must pay our price, and either gold bullion 
must come down, or silver bullion will go up, 
or both. At least, the two must meet. 

XXXVL They tell us we shall be the 
dumping ground of the world if we adopt free 
coinage. If such is the case, then we cer- 
tainly shall make the price of silver, and 
when we get it all, outsiders must pay our 
price to get it back. But " dumping ground " 
is simply a phrase to catch the groundlings. 

XXXVII. It is true, when we declare free 
coinage we make the price 100, and the price 
of silver must go up, the world over, otherwise 
it will come to us. But Japan needs it, China 


needs it, Mexico needs it, South American 
republics need it, Russia needs it, France 
needs it, and as this continent supplies nearly 
all of the silver of the world, if other coun- 
tries wish to get any they must pay our price 
plus the exchange* 

XXXVI I L They tell us all silver coins 
will be melted and shipped to us. What 
nonsense! Just stop and think! The ratio 
of France is 15^ to i. Can she afford to 
lose one-half of a point to transfer it to our 
ratio of 1 6 to i ? Can she afford to exchange 
a full dollar of her coinage for one of ours 
on the basis, according to our opponents, of 
fifty-three cents ? The argument is worthless. 

XXXIX, Again, we hear that the people 
will melt their old silverware, etc., and con- 
vert it into United States coin. 

XL. Very well ! This will set our manu- 
facturers of silverware to making new teapots 
and new bric-a-brac for the next Christmas, for 
they will want them. Can they afford to do 
this ? Listen ! A silver teapot costs $50. It 
contains $30 in silver, $10 in labor, and $10 in 
profits. Can they afford to lose $20 to get a 
new one for Christmas ? If so, it will be a 
pleasant business for our silversmiths. 


XLL Yes, it will be delightful to get all 
the spare change of Europe and all their old 
teapots and all the products of their mines, 
But, my friends, what will they do with their 
new dollars ? Will they take them back ? 
They would be useless abroad as currency, 
and, on our opponents' arguments, they would 
be good only here. Well, they must then 
leave them and take back some product of ours 
in their place. With all the spare change in 
Europe to buy American goods, we will just 
be " in it." Let 'em come ! I repeat, sir, let 
'em come ! 

XLIL As a point for consideration, im- 
agine the government a great trust on silver. 
Trusts, you know, dictate the price. 

XLIIL In closing, let me say, the fifty- 
three-cent valuation is due wholly to silver 
being a commodity. Restore the former free 
coinage, and the difference in value will cease. 

XLIV. Legal tenders, where they will pay 
all debts without reserve, must be equal in 

XLV. There is no such thing as inflation 
when all money is equal. 

XLV I. It is acknowledged that we need 
an increase in the volume of money ; then 


this increase must come from some source, 
and the single standard cannot be the best 
system known. 

XLVII. As no way has yet been de- 
vised to increase the volume of currency, 
then we have a right to remonetize silver and 
declare that the gold standard is not for the 
best interests of the country. 



Should Cuba be annexed to the United States 9 

FIRST SPEAKER. Mr. Chairman : Before 
advocating- the annexation of Cuba to the 
United States, it would be well to describe 
the Island briefl}', and ascertain if it is geo- 
graphically, commercially, and politically so 
situated as to be of value to us; if our inter- 
ests are vitally concerned ; if we are so situ- 
ated that the commercial interests of the two 
countries are mutual. And if we discover that 
a closer relationship will be of advantage to 
us, then most assuredly we have a right to 
claim that Cuba should be annexed. Geo- 
graphically the island is an extension of the 
United States, being situated south of Florida 
and only 75 miles from Key \Vest. It is 760 
miles long and about 70 miles in width, A 
chain of mountains, with numerous foothills. 



extends throughout its entire length. These 
hills are very much broken and confused, and 
thousands of valleys are scattered through 
them. The valleys are very fertile. They 
are capable of producing fine crops of vege- 
tables, especially sweet potatoes, upon which 
the natives chiefly subsist. 

The climate is, on the average, the most de* 
lightful in America. Nature made Cuba the 
most healthful place in the world, but as no 
money was spent on sanitation until it came 
under ^the military control of the United 
States, most of the cities were breeding 
places for yellow fever and kindred diseases. 
With proper sanitary regulations yellow fever 
can be eradicated, thus removing a standing 
menace to the health of the American people. 
Admitting, for the sake of argument, that 
Cuba would be worth no more to us than 
Alaska, the suppression of these contagious 
diseases under our sanitary corps would 
amply repay us for the cost of annexation. 
Add to this the fact that Cuba is one of the 
most beautiful and most productive countries 
on the globe, and would thrive wonderfully 
under our rule, and it can be readily seen that 
geographically it is ours, 'commercially it is 


of advantage, and, as the result of the pros- 
perity which would follow annexation, our 
mutual relations could not fail to be cordial 
and harmonious. 


SECOND SPEAKER. Mr. Chairman : The 
speaker who has just explained why Cuba 
should be annexed puts stress upon the 
alleged fact that it is geographically, com- 
mercially, and politically ours. If we are to 
be governed by these conditions, let us 
annex Mexico, as there exists between that 
country and ours a great border line without 
even 75 miles of water between. Arguing 
from the same premises, we should annex the 
great British possessions to the north of us. 
By this time we would find that, geographic- 
ally, the Central American States ought to be 
ours, and then the balance of the West Indies 
will claim our attention, and the growing 
greed for power and possessions will know 
no bounds. The fact is, Mr. Chairman, the 
expansion of territory must not be such as to 
incur extra governmental expense, and with- 
out giving a full return to our people. The 


great principle of our government has ever 
been to seek the greatest benefits for our 
commerce, to promote the welfare -of the 
laborer, and ensure equal rights to all. We 
already have all we can handle to advantage. 
We do not need Mexico, nor Canada, nor do 
we need Cuba. Our political relations with 
all the nations of the earth are harmonious, 
our commerce with them is valuable, and 
our government highly respected. We have 
ever proclaimed that it was not our desire to 
extend our domain, and when we favored 
Cuban independence we solemnly pledged 
ourselves that the act was for humanity's 
sake, and not for acquisition or subjugation. 
We proclaimed the independence of Cuba 
and disavowed any intention to force or 
accept annexation. Cuba is now practically 
in our power, and it remains with us to fulfill 
our pledge of giving it independence, or vio- 
late the sacred duty we owe it. 

The Monroe Doctrine has always been 
construed to mean that the American Conti- 
nent shall remain as it is, so far as the acqui- 
sition of territory by foreign nations is con- 
cerned. And by the same doctrine we have 
agreed to preserve the autonomy of every 


other American republic. We stand as a 
sentinel to warn other countries not to med- 
dle with Western politics, and as a regulator 
of this business we ought not to usurp the au- 
thority we deny to others, and attempt to 
secure new territory at every opportunity. 
At first we refused to annex Hawaii, on the 
ground that we did not need it ; but as the 
Hawaiians were almost wholly dependent 
upon us, as they were governed by Americans, 
used American money, and flourished through 
American commerce, we reconsidered the 
question, and admitted Hawaii to the Union. 
With Cuba it is far different. If admitted, 
the ill-paid Cubans could compete with our 
labor and various commercial productions. 
We do not desire competition, but do wish 
protection for our labor. If it is good gov- 
ernment to hold Mexico and Canada from a 
free commerce, the same rule holds good as 
to Cuba. Annex Cuba, and the same spirit 
of acquisition will extend to other countries. 
To curb the principle of 4 * world power " that 
so prevails among our statesmen we must de- 
nounce the annexation of unnecessary terri- 
tory as against the spirit of American institu- 




THIRD SPEAKER. Mn Chairman : The 
speaker seems -to scent danger from afar, but 
he does not tell us what that danger is. He 
believes that the annexation of Cuba is inimi- 
cal to our interests. He forgets, or ignores 
the fact, that several times in our history we 
have drawn this same imaginary danger line, 
and have each time crossed it, and found the 
crossing good. Let us note some of these 
danger lines of the past. Among them we 
find the Louisiana Purchase, Florida, New 
Orleans, Texas, California, the " Gadsden 
Purchase," Alaska, Hawaii, Porto Rico, 
Philippines, and now we must face the an- 
nexation of Cuba. No one can denounce 
any of the annexations which we have made. 
Had we refused to purchase Louisiana it 
would have been an unpardonable error, and 
when we extended our dominion from the 
Atlantic to the Pacific it was only what a 
progressive nation should do. We were de- 
nounced when we appropriated $7,200,000 to 
purchase the supposed barren fields of Alaska ; 
but are we sorry now ? Already do we feel 
the benefits of our possession of Porto Rico 


and our relation with Cuba, and when these 
islands come into the Union as States or Terri- 
tories, then shall we recognize the justice of 
annexation. Cuba's fertile fields have been 
destroyed by the oppressor and wanton 
cruelty, barbarity, and even murder, existed 
until the American people could stand it no 
longer. Upon the destruction of the Maine 
our patience was exhausted. Our armies 
were sent to release Cuba from Weyler's 
atrocities. We conquered her enemies, and 
now in justice to humanity it is our duty to 
restore prosperity, and give to the people of 
that island a stable government, protected 
by our own, which is best accomplished by 
spreading over her our flag and our constitu- 

The plea that Cuba is a menace to labor 
is the plea of ignorance. To judge of the 
future we must consider the past. Our doors 
have always been open to the immigration 
of the world, and yet we have never had cause 
to complain. In this case the immigration 
will be reversed. It will be a new field 
opened to all classes of Americans. The fer- 
tile valleys will invite the farmer. The forests 
will supply our lumbermen. The mines will 


invite American supervision, and the whole 
development of the island become American, 
to the benefit of both nations. 

No laborer need protest against the an- 
nexation of Cuba because of a fear of com- 
petition. He should rejoice at the consum- 
mation, for with this union we shall extend 
almost every line of trade. Every American 
product that is consumed in that island must 
benefit us just in the proportion that it re* 
quired labor to produce it. By annexation we 
not only benefit our laboring man, but Ameri- 
can capital also, which is now being attracted 
by Cuba's undeveloped resources. The assur- 
ance by our government that all industries 
will be protected from any domestic violence 
will open up to Cuba's industries a marvelous 

The present trouble with Cuba is that her 
dreams have always centered upon absolute 
independence. While she is thankful for 
American deliverance from Spanish bondage, 
yet she has not arrived at that stage of under- 
standing where she can successfully govern 

What is proving true with Hawaii will 
prove true with Cuba, but in her long bond- 


age she was made to doubt even the rescu- 
ing- arm of our government. The Cubans do 
not understand what it is to be an American 
citizen, nor comprehend that liberty in its 
fullest sense is attained under the Stars and 
Stripes. When they come to a realization of 
what annexation means ; when they come to 
appreciate American liberty and realize the 
power of American push and energy ; when 
they see the value of American invested capi- 
tal, then will they fully appreciate what it is 
to be a part of us, and will come willingly* 

FOURTH SPEAKER. Mr. Chairman : We 
are not considering the well-being of the peo- 
ple of Cuba. It is not a question of what 
may or may not be for the interests of that 
island, but a plain question of fact should 
Cuba be annexed to the United States ? It is 
not a question of sentiment, but of political 
economy. If there is a doubt as to whether 
it will add to our wealth or political greatness, 
then drop the idea of annexation as impolitic. 
Our country is not an asylum for the down- 
trodden people of other lands. We sympa* 


thize with them, but we cannot afford to injure 
our people in helping others. Charity begins 
at home, and our first duty is to protect our 
own people. Charity may teach us to relieve 
our suffering brothers, but experience teaches 
us to take care of our homes first. The idea 
of the brotherhood of man is a lofty one, but 
before we enter into another humanitarian 
war let us count the cost. We are secure 
when we are right, but where right ends we 
may find a pit full of strife and misery. 


FIFTH SPEAKER. Mr. Chairman : Our op- 
ponents seem to see but one side of the ques- 
tion the side from which benefits will accrue 
to us. They do not consider that our going 
to war was not for American profit, but for 
the relief of suffering Cuba. The vast ex- 
penditure of treasure was not for gain, nor 
the sacrifice of life for glory or ambition. 
Our motives were humane. 

Our opponents forget that the question 
reads : " Should Cuba be annexed to the 
United States?" It is not a humanitarian 
question. If by annexation we can regener- 


ate the almost destroyed island, re-establish 
prosperity, commerce, and justice, then in- 
deed is the question ours. 

Now, what is this trade relation which ex- 
ists between that people and ours ? I will 
tell you : 

First. Cuba Is one of the most productive countries 
on the globe. 

Second. Her products are of great value to us. 

Third. These productions are sugar, tobacco, tropi- 
cal fruits, coffee, molasses, honey, wax, rum, and 

Fourth. By annexation we will supply her with 
flour, meats, clothing, machinery, kerosene, jewelry, 
and thousands of articles now bought elsewhere. 

Fifth. As sugar is one of the great staples for our 
people, any increase in home production will be of 
vast benefit to us. From being a luxury it has 
become a necessity, even to the very poor. 

Sixth. Besides this commerce, we shall engage with 
her in the development of her vast resources. We 
shall institute enterprises, invest capital, employ 
labor, educate her people, improve sanitation, inspire 
ambition to succeed, build up defenses, and establish 
peace and happiness. 

Annexation means all this and more. It 
will open up to the Cuban people a domestic 
condition such as they have never dreamed 


of. The servitude of the past will be trans- 
formed into a heaven of equal rights. 
Wretchedness, poverty, and despair will be 
replaced with new opportunities, new fields of 
labor, and new visions of home, comfort, and 
security. Merit will be rewarded. Annexa- 
tion will carry good will to all, and thus 
establish the relations which should and must 
ever exist between that country and this, 


SIXTH SPEAKER. Mr. Chairman : While it 
is true that Cuba is fertile, and produces 
valuable commodities, yet there are weighty 
reasons why she should remain as an inde- 
pendent state. We admit that this island 
supplies us with a large percentage of our 
sugar, tropical fruits, tobacco, etc. Now sup- 
pose we consider Cuba a part of our republic. 
Of course sugar, tobacco, and tropical fruits 
will be free of duty. Can the new industry 
the manufacture of beet sugar thrive and 
prosper when the cane of that fertile island, 
manufactured into sugar at small cost, can 
supply all our wants ? No one will dispute 
the fact that Cuba and Hawaii can produce 


sugar cheaper than it can be produced from 
beets at the present time. What, then, can 
we say to this new industry that is promising 
so much ? When it is demonstrated that the 
raising of beets is one of most profitable lines 
a farmer can engage in, is it policy to 
inaugurate a system that will be a detriment 
to these thousands, aye if the industry 
reaches the proportions of supplying all the 
sugar we consume hundreds of thousands 
of farmers ? It has been proven that we can 
raise hundreds of millions of dollars' worth of 
sugar from beets ; then why should we turn 
the business of raising sugar into other 
hands ? 

Again, Florida is just as needy and just as 
capable of producing fruits and tobacco as is 
Cuba. Then why not let the people of that 
State have the benefit ? These are questions 
to be considered, as well as that of burdening 
ourselves with a people who do not speak 
English, and never will. There are 1,500,000 
people who do not speak our language. Is 
it wise to annex those who are totally unlike 
us in character, in speech, and in qualifica- 
tions ? Is it good government to become an 
asylum for the poor and down-trodden ? Is 


it good business to open our ports free to 
products which we can grow at home ? Is 
this protection to the American farmer? 

Mr. Chairman, from the burden of dis- 
cussion by our opponents, it seems that their 
great stock in trade is mercy to the Cuban 
people. Not satisfied with the gift of inde- 
pendence and an- opportunity to work out 
their own salvation, our opponents propose 
to take them into our fold and feed them of 
our American milk and honey. Against this 
unnecessary pampering we most emphatically 
protest. We gave them our treasure by the 
millions. We sacrificed priceless lives for 
their freedom. We have done what no other 
nation on earth would have done, and for it 
we asked no recompense. Let us hail Cuba 
as a sister republic of this continent. Let us 
guarantee protection, but do not let us sacri- 
fice any of our institutions in order to build 
up hers. A union may become distasteful 
and hateful to us. In case of war, if under 
our flag, she would be a shining mark for the 
enemy. Her long line of coast would add 
greatly to the difficulties of defense. 

Let us husband our strength at home, 
teach our people industry and economy, and 


when any alluring- prize in the shape of 
acquisition of territory is offered to us, let us 
first count the cost. 


SEVENTH SPEAKER. Mr. Chairman : In 
closing; this discussion I call your attention 
to some of the reasons given in favor of 

First. By annexation we could establish a system of 
sanitation which would prevent native diseases spread- 
ing to our shores. 

Second. Commercially, we should control the entire 
trade of the island. 

Third. We depend largely upon Cuba for such 
products as sugar, fruits, and tobacco, and under our 
supervision those products can be vastly increased. 

Fourth. By cultivating the 17,000,000 acres in 
Cuba that lie fallow, we can add millions to our 
present exports. 

Fifth. Annexation will open land for immigration 
for many of our unemployed. 

Sixth. It will extend the demand for our cereal 
foods, meats, cotton, machinery, etc. 

Seventh. To produce our sugar without a tariff 
benefits the consumer. This alone would save 
annually $100,000,000. 

Eighth. The knowledge of Cuba's salubrious climate 


would attract pleasure seekers, and their disburse- 
ments would add to the wealth of the country. 

Ninth. Having annexed Porto Rico, we require 
Cuba to control the passages to the Caribbean Sea 
and the Gulf of Mexico. 

Tenth. We need Cuba in order to protect our navy, 
if in the future we are called upon to go to war. 

Mr. Chairman, there is no doubt of the 
propriety and justice of this proposal. Cuba 
should be annexed. The answer that it 
would open competition -with our people is 
puerile. As -well say that Florida should not 
furnish products that compete with New 
York. Cuba would only add to our territory 
a country about the size of Pennsylvania, 
but one whose climate and products are 
unlike ours. With Cuba one of our States, 
we shall share in her prosperity and she in 



Resolved, That the fear of punishment has a greater inflt*. 
tnce on human conduct than the hope of reward* 


FIRST SPEAKER. I. Nature has ordained 
two distinct rules as the basis of all actions : 

First. Order. 

Second. Punishment for the infraction of order. 

II. If any of Nature's laws are transgressed, 
the inevitable result is punishment. There is 
no escape. The punishment will be in pro- 
portion to the disobedience. 

III. The child is taught to fear punishment, 
and its conduct bends to this decree. 

IV. The impressions of youth largely gov- 
ern the actions of after-life. If th-ose impres- 
sions, as they refer to conduct, are those of 
obedience, then it largely becomes the nature 



of the individual to obey command, and to 
fear the penalty of disobedience. 

V. Fear of punishment enters largely into 
the action of every individual. He considers 
these consequences : 

First. If his action be so and so, what will 
be the result ? 

Second. Will it constitute a violation on 
which punishment will follow ? 

Third. If this be so, will he escape 
punishment ? 

These considerations must be a factor in 
governing his actions. While reward may 
often influence character, yet the fear of pun< 
ishment proves a greater restraint. 

VI. Animals are governed by restraint, 

VI L The horse is broken to obey the 
command of his master. The dog, though 
he loves his master, fears him. 


SECOND SPEAKER. L We do not disagree 
with the speaker in regard to the violation of 
nature's laws. We admit that if a child puts 
his finger in the fire he will suffer the penalty 


of a burn. This may affect his character In a 
very slight degree, as he will undoubtedly 
scream with all his might and receive words 
of endearment from his mother, but as to the 
effect on human conduct as implied In the 
question, there is no comparison between 
the effect produced by fear of punishment 
and hope of reward. 

II. Where crime is anticipated the action 
is based -wholly upon the probabilities of 
escape, not upon the apprehension of punish- 

III. The man committing a theft considers 
only the chances of escape. He arranges so 
as to avoid detection, and his whole efforts 
are directed to this purpose. 

IV. Our opponent refers us to the horse 
and dog and declares that fear governs their 
actions. Possibly this may be true in a meas- 
ure, but we ask the dog to bark for his break- 
fast, and he responds. We ask the horse to 
do tricks, and we give him sugar. 

V. Probably as strong an argument as Is 
known, that promised reward will govern the 
brute creation, is that of the educated pig. 
We all know the pig is an obstinate animal 
and will yield only as the whim takes him. 


If his notion takes him through a wire fence, 
then he goes through it. If it takes him 
through a line of clubs and pitchforks, then he 
goes through, just the same. How then is 
the trained pig made to perform his wonderful 
tricks? It is simply by the reward offered. 
The trainer works him along gradually by 
throwing kernels of corn, and in various ways 
secures a performance through " the artist's " 

VI. Children will invariably do more from 
promises of pleasure to come than from any 
other motive. 

VI L The boy wants to go a-fishing or to 
attend a game of ball. The father grants 
permission after certain requirements have 
been complied with, 

VI I L The father sets his son at work hoe- 
ing corn, and with threatening language tells 
him to do his work well. What is the result ? 
The boy was challenged to a species of com- 
bat, and he feels aggrieved, and if an oppor- 
tunity for revenge occurs he is not slow in 
taking It. 

IX. Another father sets his son at work 
hoeing corn and offers a reward fishing, gun- 
ning, boating, or playing ball. Mark this 


result. The boy's heart is happy. He whis- 
tles and sings. Contrast the difference be- 
tween the feelings of these two boys, 

X. Compulsory duties are never heartily 


THIRD SPEAKER. I. Our friends on the 
opposite side seem to consider that the fear 
of punishment implies some painful operation. 
That it refers to bodily misery. Now fear of 
punishment may refer solely to a distressed 
condition of the mind. 

II. Conscience is said to inflict the greatest 
of all punishments. Murderers often ex- 
press relief on being brought to justice, be- 
cause of the tortures they have suffered 
from remorse. 

III. If we must bring the child into this 
discussion, let us take him at the beginning of 
understanding. He sees something he wants ; 
he tries to get it. You push the article out 
of the way and try to bribe him to be good. 
This may have its influence for the time 
being, but how is it next time? Had you 


inflicted some form of punishment, fear for 
the future would restrain. 

IV. Probably a better illustration of the 
child's fear is that of the habit of screaming 
for some article. You yield to the screams, 
and you can continue to do so. Correct the 
offender at once, and yon hold him in subjec- 
tion and prevent disagreeable scenes through 
the fear of consequences. 

V. Discipline is the condition of all human 

VL Discipline means government through 
education. The soldier yields to discipline 
because it is his duty and because he dare not 

VII. The clerk enters his employer's office. 
He knows his reward, which is his hire. His 
conduct is based wholly upon his duty as 
a clerk. A violation of duty means punish- 
ment. It may not mean punishment of body, 
but punishment by being discharged from his 


FOURTH SPEAKER, I. The greatest exer- 
tions of life spring from the hope of reward. 


A boat is wrecked and the life-saving crew 
seek to rescue her. A fire bell is rung and 
the firemen hasten to the rescue. A prize is 
offered and competition ensues. The efforts of 
the crew are directed to saving life and gain- 
ing the blessings of a grateful people. The 
firemen endanger their lives where punish- 
ment would be inefficacious. The prize to be 
won is one of the greatest that could be of- 
fered, and is wholly moral in nature. 

II. Read Bellamy's "Looking Backward," 
and you have a perfect illustration of the 
power of emulation ; the power to win by 
reward of merit ; the sequel to the causes of 
crime and its punishment. Study this author, 
and you will have not hesitation in answering 
this question. 

III. What is life without reward? 

IV. Punishment follows all classes of men 
or peoples, from the most enlightened to the 

V. Reward is the sole object of life's 

VL It is reward that stirs the heart of 
the painter, the sculptor, the musician, the 

VI L It is the hope of reward that moves 


the actions of the Christian, that builds 
churches, sends missionaries, translates the 
Bible, and scatters religion over the entire 


FIFTH SPEAKER, I. In closing this discus- 
sion it is but just to state that we are influ- 
enced by both sides of this question : fear of 
punishment and hope of reward. Our labors 
all tend to some kind of reward, but this fact 
does not prove its influence over human con- 
duct, which may be upright though there be no 
merit in our character. This is a matter of 
moral rectitude, and to do our duty is simply to 
do what ought to be done and there can be no 
deserved merit or reward. Duty is entitled 
to duty's reward and no more. Its influence 
over character is only what ought to exist, 
while a fear of punishment restrains vice and 

II. The boy obeys the mandate, *' Thou 
shalt not steal," through fear of discovery. 

II L Public disclosure of one's misdeeds is 
a punishment few can endure. With the 
knowledge of such a consequence only the 


more hardened dare to run the risk of detec- 
tion, and, low as the motive originally may 
be, perseverance in well doing and a due 
respect for public opinion ultimately have 
a beneficial effect on human conduct. 



That ttie United States shoztld adopt 
penny postage. 


FIRST SPEAKER. I. Mr. Chairman, the ques- 
tion of reducing letter postage to one cent 
has, at various times, been discussed in the 
h^lls of Congress, and although such a meas- 
ure has never been adopted, there are very 
strong probabilities of action being taken in 
the near future. 

II. There are several reasons why penny 
postage should become a feature of our laws, 
and they maybe represented as follows: 

a. Our post-office system is a public neces- 
sity and a public benefit. 

6. What is for the benefit of the whole peo- 
ple should be made just as cheap as possible. 

c. We expend large sums of money on river 



and harbor improvements, which are recog- 
nized as a benefit to all. 

d. All public improvements should cost as 
little as possible. 

e. Only the question of the best postal 
service should be considered. 

III. Once our postage was in the hands of 
a corporation. The cost was burdensome. 

IV. Once our postage was 25 cents ; then 
15 cents ; then 10 cents ; then 5 cents ; then 
3 cents ; then 2 cents. And now, to reach 
the height of perfection, let us make it i 

V. As reduction in the scale of postage has 
proven a benefit both to correspondents and 
the revenue, then it is a logical conclusion 
that a reduction at the present time will also 
increase the revenue, besides conferring bene- 
fits on all the people. 

VI. The more mails the more postage and 
the greater revenues. 

VII. The less the price of postage the 
more mails. 

VIII. Penny postage is a success in Great 
Britain financially. 

IX. If various countries in Europe can sus- 
tain their departments on a penny basis, and 


also deliver the mails to all the people, re- 
gardless of city or country, then surely the 
United States can adopt the one-cent postage 
and be just as near self-sustaining* as now* 


SECOND SPEAKER. I. Mr. Chairman: Our 
friend who has just explained his ideas of a 
low rate of postage, and asserts that one penny 
will be worth more to us than two pennies, 
puts me in mind of the little boy who inquired 
of the groceryman the price of six sticks of 
candy, and got as a reply, 5 cents. The boy 
then mused: " Six sticks of candy for 5 cents, 
5 sticks for 4 cents, 4 sticks for 3 cents, 3 
sticks for 2 cents, 2 sticks for i cent, i stick 
for nothing. I will take one stick." So I 
would say to my friend, as he mentions the 
reduction of postage at different times, that 
if the mails and benefits increased compara- 
tively with the decrease in the cost of postage, 
then we will go a step further, as did the boy, 
and have our mails free. I believe we should 
get more mail, and he says more mail more 

II. But I do not agree with my friend ex- 


actly. There is a limit of endurance in all 
thing's, and I believe we have gx>t to that 
point in our postal laws. 

III. Remember we are not a thickly settled 
country, and delivery costs more than in 
Europe, where there are more inhabitants and 
better roads and facilities for general distri- 

IV. Good roads are an important factor in 
the cost of transportation. 

V. Our system of postage cannot be lik- 
ened to the river and harbor improvements, 
as it is a business matter with every individ- 
ual who sends mail, and the improvement of 
general highways, either on land or water, is 
not an individual business. The citizen is in- 
terested as one of a State or nation. 

VI. We now find a deficit in our postal ac- 
counts, and while times are hard, economy 
should be the motto, and no change should be 

VII. When we become more thickly popu- 
lated it will be well to try the venture, but 
first let us study a reduction of salaries and 
cost of transportation, and when these are 
made as inexpensive as possible we will con- 
sider dividing by two ! 


VIII. Dividing by two means one-half of 
the present postage. 

IX. If you divide by two we must write 
twice as many letters, with no extra cost for 
handling-, to have the same balance as now. 

X. Will the people increase their corre- 
spondence to the necessary extent? 

XL Let us plan for a self-sustaining postal 
department and go slow. 


THIRD SPEAKER. L Mr. Chairman, my 
friend who has just yielded the floor is in- 
clined to levity in referring to my colleague's 
statement of the reduction of postage from 
twenty-five cents down to one cent. He gave 
this reduction as evidence, and, Mn Chairman, 
it is good evidence, too. The same question 
came up when .we discussed a change from 
three cents to two. But our opponents were 
mistaken, as the increased revenues have 
shown, and now, when we have the example 
of other countries, who do not push as do the 
American people, making a penny postage a 
success, then we have the right to present it 
as argument. 


II. Yes ; I believe correspondence, both 
social and commercial, will double in volume. 

III. Many people even now write on a 
postal card to save expense, and it costs just 
as much to carry a card as it does a letter. 

IV. Drop postal cards, if it is a loss to 
adopt one cent letter postage. 

V. If it is revenue alone you seek and the 
theory of our opponents is that a high post- 
age will bring it then advocate revenue 

VL If you wish to increase the business 
capacity of our people and encourage 
the interchange of ideas, then adopt the 

VII. The people really demand a lower 
rate of postage. 

VI I L Hard times are one reason we 
would recommend its adoption. They are 
rather an argument for than against us. 

IX. People in moderate circumstances pay 
but very little of the postal revenues. It is 
largely paid by business men. 

X. Business men are quick to respond to 
opportunities. Where they now send circu- 
lars they would send letters. 

XI. Postal cards would not be required. 



FOURTH SPEAKER. I. Mr. Chairman: When 
an individual conducts his business so as to 
meet his expenses he is just holding his own, 
but when he conducts it at a loss he must, 
sooner or later, go into bankruptcy. As this 
is true of an individual, so, too, is it true of a 

II. If the revenues of a government show a 
deficit, it is not good policy to continue. Even 
if we do have hard times, expenses must be 

. III. If the postal system is conducted at a 
loss, as it is on a two-cent basis, this loss must 
be made up in some other branch, or the gov- 
ernment will increase its debts. 

IV. As we have no assurance that one-cent 
postage will pay on this continent, it is not 
good policy to make any change now. 

V. Canada has three-cent postage, and 
Mexico five-cent. 

VI. It is easier for England to conduct her 
business on a penny postage than it is for 
Canada on three cents. 

VI I. The poor are not distressed, for they 
write but little. 


VIII. It is largely for the advertising of 
business that postage is used, and this is a 
private transaction. Reduction would re- 
dound to individual profit, and would not be 
for the greatest good of the greatest number. 

IX. Let us see that the postal service is 
conducted with the economy which brings 
success ; that it is rendered self-sustaining ; 
and that the interests of business are not 



Resohted, That highlicense is the best means of checking 



FIRST SPEAKER. I. Mr. Chairman: The 
question before us to-night is the most Impor- 
tant that ever occupied the attention of this 
or any people. The best mode of controlling 
the liquor traffic is really the subject for 
debate. If it is not by high license then 
what ? The American people are willing to 
enact any law that will hold in check the 
depraved appetites of those who debase them- 
selves in their desire for drink. 

II. Various laws have been enacted, but 
none seems to throw the proper restraint 
over the saloon quite as effectually as does 
high license. 

III. With a proper enforcement of a high 
tax imposed upon those who receive licenses, 



the saloons are placed in a position where they 
are compelled to observe the laws governing 
them, or the amount paid for the privilege 
will be lost by the revocation of the license. 

IV. High license also makes the saloon- 
keeper a spy on those who seek to violate 
the law by selling without authority. 

V. Let us suppose a village grants one 
license at five hundred dollars, or, if you 
wish, one thousand dollars. Previous to this 
there were four or five saloons running with 
unrestraint, nights, Sundays, and all the time. 
The man has paid one thousand dollars. No 
others care to invest so much in an under- 
taking not positively sure of success. The 
license money is paid, and having this large 
amount of money at stake the licensee will 
take care that no liquor is illegally disposed of 
in his territory. He has paid for the privi- 
lege, and if the authorities are neglectful of 
their duties they will be quickly notified where 
the law has been violated ; so, instead of four 
or five saloons, the high license has reduced 
them to one, and that one, with so much at 
stake, dare not become a violater of the law, 
or it too may go. 

VI. Is it better to have four or five practi- 


cally. unrestrained drinking-places, or only 
one, and this one compelled by a large money 
consideration to be a respectable place of 
business ? 

VII. With high license all parties are on 
the lookout for lawbreakers, and when this is 
the condition of things a restraint is thrown 
around the entire business, and the evil is 
abated as far as possible. 

VIII. The man who pays high license must 
keep his place in a manner not displeasing to 
the better class of people. He cannot afford 
to encourage drunkenness, as this would be- 
come disgusting to others and his trade would 
be lost. 

IX. As the result of high license we can 
depend on the following mitigations of the 
evils of liquor-selling : 

Sabbath closing. 

Prohibition to minors. 

No common drunkenness. 

No disgraceful conduct. 

No gambling. 





Observance of law. 


If these benefits are secured by granting 
the affirmative of this question, then we have 
indeed taken a grand step in the control of 
this traffic, which, without restraint, is a 
mighty foe to mankind- 


SECOND SPEAKER. I. Mr. Chairman : From 
the argument of my esteemed friend, we may 
make the following deductions : Give me 
(the saloon-keeper) a monopoly in the sale 
of death's poison and I will protect your peo- 
ple from illicit selling, and I will make my 
shop respectable. I will throw restraints 
around those who are liable to go too far. I 
will allow no drunkenness or misdemeanors. 
I will protect the minor. I will be cautious 
that no one catches me infringing on the law. 
I will be tidy and cozy, and in every way I 
will equip my place so that its allurements 
will attract all the good people who have 

II. Now, my dear friends, you know, we 
all know, that the saloon-keeper's observance 
of law is entirety dependent on the severity 
of the penalty. With him it is not what is for 


the benefit of the community ; it is what is for 
his benefit. 

II L If beneficence were his aim he would 
never take out a license. His mission is to 
make money for himself. 

IV. High license means monopoly. Not abo- 
lition of the curse of drink, but an attempt to 
make it more respectable, more enticing, and 
consequently more dangerous and damnable. 

V. High license means a gilded brightness 
that will attract young men whom slums would 

VI. High license means that the common 
drunkard must stand aside while we make 
common drunkards out of those who are in 
better circumstances. 

VII. The statement by our friend that high 
license means better order, better restraint, 
and better obedience to law is an insult to 
those who should enforce the laws. 

VIII. It is no argument to say that high 
license would facilitate the enforcement of the 
law. Law is law, and the duty of the citizen 
is obedience under all circumstances. 

IX. The only real solution of this question 
is through prohibition. 

X. Our opponents claim that high license 


will crowd out a part of the saloons. If such 
is the case let us crowd them all out by no 
license and have no slums or gilded cafes, 
falsely so called. 


THIRD SPEAKER. I. Mr. Chairman : I will 
willingly agree with my friend who has just 
changed the subject from license to prohibi- 
tion that, if we could bring about real prohibi- 
tion, if we could only persuade the people to 
let liquor alone, we should be far better off 
under the new dispensation, but we do not 
seem to be able to do this. 

II. The fact stares us in the face that men 
will drink and that their wants will be 

III. If my friends can alter the moral 
nature of man and abolish his appetite, then 
the question is settled. 

IV. But we are face to face wi*-h a terrible 
evil, and how can we best control it ? We 
may make innumerable suggestions, but what 
will have the most beneficial effect ? 

V. It is known that prohibition does not 
prohibit, and again our people will not pass 
prohibition laws. So what are we going to do 


about it ? We are going- to do the best we 
can, and the experience of the past is 
that where high license is tried it is far pref- 
erable to no license and a wild, reckless dis- 
obedience to law. 

VI. I admit that if we were all good it 
would be better for us, but we are not all 
good, and in all probability never will be at 
least not until the millennium. 

VII. We must take the case exactl}' as it 
is. How can we best improve the condition 
of things ? 

VIII. If high license does mean monopoly, 
and that monopoly gives us less evil than at 
present, then in logic we are bound to accept 
the lesser of two evils. 

IX. No one expects the saloon-keeper to be 
a man of high morals, or to teach morals. He 
is in the business for the money there is in it, 
and we are discussing the question how to 
prevent the greatest disaster. 


FOURTH SPEAKER. L Mr. Chairman : To 
judge from the arguments advanced by the 
affirmative side, they seem to take for granted 


that we have a bad system, and must perpetu- 
ate it by licensing it. Things have come to a 
bad pass when we acknowledge that the laws 
cannot be enforced. If high license would 
protect our boys, our fathers and brothers, 
then I would be one of its advocates ; but it 
does nothing of the kind. It seeks to make 
the business respectable ; to take away the 
curse which is usually bestowed on dens of 
vice ; to placate the people by pa) T Ing large 
sums into their treasury ; to make believe 
that it is a public necessity ; that hotels must 
be protected, or the traveling man will have 
no place to stay. These are some of the 
many pleas raised in its behalf. 

II. If the saloon is a proper thing to en- 
courage, and a good thing for our boys, why 
license it at all ? If it is for the benefit of 
the community we have no right to license it, 
any more than we do a store or shop. 

III. I must support my colleague in his 
position that the liquor traffic is an evil in any 
form and should be abolished. 


FIFTH SPEAKER. Mr. Chairman : In closing 
the argument on the affirmative side of this 


question I desire to set before the judges the 
true state of the case. We all admit that evil 
results come from drink, even under a high 
license. No one takes the ground that our 
side of the question is perfect ; that it corrects 
the effects of the saloon ; that it puts it under 
absolute control ; but we do claim that the 
negative have not shown that high license is 
worse, or that any other system is better ; 
therefore I must challenge them to prove 
some other system is better. We do not 
claim perfection, but we do claim no other 
known system is better. We know one evil 
cannot be as bad as four or five. The law is 
supposed to be more efficient in its watchful- 
ness over one than it can be over more. Be- 
sides, the simple fact that one thousand 
dollars is at stake is a great incentive to a 
reasonable observance of the laws. And now, 
in closing, I again challenge the negative to 
point out a better system, or we shall claim 
the question. 


SIXTH SPEAKER. Mr. Chairman, it now 
seems that the question is reduced to a dial- 


leng-e ; at least this is the war cry of our last 
speaker. This is an unexpected position for 
them to retreat behind. Point out a better 
system or grant us the question. Anyone 
with half an eye to justice knows that we 
have suggested a better system, and that sys- 
tem is prohibition. But they then spring the 
argument that we cannot have this; that it is 
impossible ; that the people crave for drink 
and will be supplied, and that high license is 
the only means of keeping them in due 

Now, Mr. Speaker, as long as our oppo- 
nents ask for a better system, and at the same 
time demand the "personal liberty " of free 
drink, I will suggest a plan which will largely 
settle this question. To be brief, I will enu- 
merate the following conditions, to be ob- 
served in the conduct of the liquor traffic : 

First. Government control. 

Second. License only on petition of the people. 

Third. Appointment of saloon-keeper. 

Fourth. Compensation by salary. 

Fifth. Conducted the same as the post office. 

Sixth. Removals for violations of law. 

Seventh. Restrictions. 

Eighth. No treating. 

Ninth. No drunkard allowed to drink. 


Tenth No minor allowed to drink. 
Eleventh. Closed at certain hours. 
Twelfth. Closed on the Sabbath. 

Adopt this system, and the cause of drunk- 
enness will be driven from our midst. By 
Government control we are assured of a sys- 
tematic business. If the people want a saloon 
the)' will petition for it, just as they do now 
for a post office. Appointment of a saloon- 
keeper with a salary means that there will be 
no more profit in lawbreaking than there is 
now in the postal service. The penalty of 
violation would be removal. By making- the 
barkeeper a salaried official we take away the 
incentive to "push trade." If the law says 
close at such an hour, the saloon-keeper will 
close, for he gains nothing keeping open, and 
may lose his position. When the minor calls 
for a drink he is refused on the same ground. 
The saloon will be closed on the Sabbath, for 
no one will work for nothing*. In fact, this 
system gives us full power to check the evils 
of abuse, because the saloon has everything- to 
lose by disobedience and nothing 1 to gain. No 
man will offer to treat another, any more than 
he will now ask the postmaster to let him 
read the letter of another. Besides the con- 


trol which we shall institute, we give each 
man his personal liberty to go and drink, as 
long as he does not abuse the privilege. It is 
"personal liberty " in the fullest sense, and 
yet it is protection complete. 

The suggestion that there would be illicit 
saloons is the sheerest nonsense. The Gov- 
ernment would handle those things just as 
forcibly as they now handle any other viola- 
tions of law. Detection would mean im- 
prisonment, and to escape the vigilance of 
the secret service of our Government would 
be next to impossible. 

And now, Mr. Speaker, I have accepted 
the challenge, and if this system does not 
meet the requirements of the opposition to 
the question, and at the same time overcome 
the arguments raised against prohibition, then 
we will surrender to the inevitable. 



Should the Government of the United States own and 
control the railroads ? 

" Should the Government of the United States 
own and control the railroads?'' I will say 
most emphatically Yes. The railroads consti- 
tute the most extensive industry in this coun- 
try outside of agriculture. They have formed 
a network of connections from one side of the 
continent to the other. By them our enor- 
mous interstate commerce is carried on. 
Like our public highways they are a public 
necessity, and they are as necessary for our 
welfare now as government itself. Once they 
were considered individual property, but all 
recent legislative enactments tend to remove 
them from absolute individual control, while 
allowing them to remain as sources of individ- 
ual profit. In granting privileges to these 
corporations, the Government was obliged to 



restrict and confine them to rules and regula- 

The railroads have become so intertwined 
into our commercial existence as to require 
government control over rates, schedules, 
fares, etc. This was necessary to protect 
the people from unjust and exorbitant charges 
in the transportation of commodities, and we 
therefore exercise one factor of the question 
now control. Not the absolute control and 
management of the business, but a general 
control of its methods of management in rela- 
tion to the public and its employees. 

State ownership of railroads is not a new 
question, nor is it an experiment. It is in 
successful operation in nearly all countries 
but the United States. It is a success in 
German)', England, Hungary, Russia, and 
most of the countries of Europe. In Russia 
the great Siberian road, which stretches 
across the great continent of Asia, is actually 
owned by the Government. Compare this 
extensive system with our Union Pacific divi- 
sion, and mark the difference. The United 
States furnished means to build the road, 
besides granting one-half the land twenty 
miles each side of the line, and yet it was 


given into the hands of individuals for profit. 
Millionaires have been made in this deal, 
without one cent of profit to our Government, 
and to-day sixty-five million dollars of United 
States bonds are outstanding as a guarantee 
fund for its building. These bonds are now 
due, and the mortgages on the road have been 
so adjusted that it is now a legal question 
whether this vast amount of money is secured 
or not. Bills providing for the foreclosure 
and seizure of the road, and for its operation 
under Government control, have been pre- 
sented in Congress. 

In Germany the roads are owned by the 
Government ; passengers can ride four miles 
for a cent ; and all freight rates are in pro- 
portion. Yet the revenue of German roads 
nets a profit of one hundred and twenty-five 
million dollars yearly. 

In Hungary the Government owns and con- 
trols all its railroads. The passenger rates 
are half a cent a mile, and freights are no 
higher than the)' are in Germany. That 
country is making money for the Government 
and paying good wages to its employees ; in 
fact such good wages that strikes nevet 


Switzerland has practically the same S 
as Hungary, and it pays well. 

Belgium bought its railroads, doubled the 
wages of the employees, and reduced the fares 
to one cent per mile, and still found it a profit- 
able investment. 

In India a passenger can ride for less than 
one cent a mile, and India also finds state 
ownership profitable. 

Australia purchased and built her railroads, 
and paid for them within ten years out of the 
net profits received from fares and freights. 

New Zealand in 1893, with a population of 
only 700,000, made a net profit of $1,493,325 
on her railroads. In 1896 the earnings are 
reported to exceed $2,000,000, and to be con- 
stantly increasing. There are now over two 
thousand miles of roads with a prospect of in- 
creasing the mileage to three thousand, and 
the net profit to over $3,000,000, in 1897. 
As New Zealand contains only about 106,000 
square miles, it is evident her roads are of vast 
importance to the country as a source of rev- 
enue as well as through their low rates of 
travel and freight. 

If this is true of countries now in actual 
control, why cannot the United States, witli 


its vast systems of roads now charging four 
times the fare and freight of other countries, 
not only buy and control these systems, but 
reduce the cost of transportation and still 
meet all obligations of purchase by its net 
earnings ? 

It is not a question of experiment, but of 
policy and politics ; no change will ever be 
made until the people demand it through 
legislation. No reform was ever instituted 
by leaving the initiative to those who were 
profiting by the system sought to be changed. 

Changes which affect individual profits will 
be fought as unjust and revolutionary. Any 
change tending to Government ownership and 
control of railroads will be combated by pos- 
sessors of millions. It means that individuals 
who have been and are now profiting by them 
must be content with the purchase money> 
and that the revenue of these gigantic sys- 
tems must be applied for the benefit of all the 

It is no longer a question of right or wrong. 
Railroads are public necessities, and should 
be under the management of the public. We 
all depend upon them. The price of our prod- 
uce is largely governed by the cost of trans- 


portation. Our entire industrial life is but a 
part of these systems. Our country has been 
built up through the facilities of travel, and 
we are now in the hands of the railroads. 

With such conditions it is our right to de- 
mand the greatest good possible from these 
agencies. If we can save one-half the freight 
charges to the farmer, it \vill be of great assist- 
ance to him in times of adversity. 

If we could travel for one cent a mile, 
millions of people who cannot now afford this 
luxury could visit their friends, and enjoy 
recreation without burdensome tax on their 

The reasons why state ownership and con- 
trol should be adopted may be particularized 
as follows : 

First. The railroads are a public necessity. 

Second. The present rates of transportation are a 
burden to the people. 

Third. Government ownership has been proven a 

Fourth. It will reduce fares. 

Fifth. It will give a greater profit to the farmer. 

Sixth. It will add millions of dollars to the revenue 
of the Government. 

Seventh. There will be no railroad strikes* 

Eighth. It will benefit everyone. 



SECOND SPEAKER. Mr. Chairman, govern- 
ment ownership and control of our system of 
railroads is an impossibility. Our systems are 
too extensive and too valuable for the Govern- 
ment to attempt to handle. Had we acquired 
control at the completion of the roads, our 
experience, growing- with the traffic, might 
have resulted in successful management, but 
now it is too late. Do our friends have any 
idea of the magnitude of such an undertaking? 
Have they been counting the cost ? Remem- 
ber it is a good maxim to count the cost. 
For a moment let us review a few figures and 
see what this question means. 

From Poor's Railway Manual we learn 
that the railroads of the United States are 
capitalized for $10,500,000,000. Does my 
friend who so ably illustrated government 
ownership and control in Russia, Hungary, 
Switzerland, Belgium, Germany, India, Aus- 
tralia, and New Zealand, comprehend the 
magnitude of these figures ? Can he or any 
speaker see wisdom in our Government at- 
tempting to handle this monstrous debt ? If 
purchased it must be on credit, and no govern- 


ment could stand the issue of the successive 
series of bonds necessary to cover the indebt- 
edness. Our debt at the close of the War was 
only about one-fourth of this amount, and we 
could scarcely carry the load. What then can 
we expect of the condition of our Government 
credit with four times the debt ? It is simply 
nonsense to talk seriously in this strain, for it 
can never be* There are a great many sys- 
tems of railroads in the United States, and 
these systems consist of more miles of rail- 
roads than the whole of the rest of the world 
combined. This would make the burden of 
one government equal to that of all others 
together, including the hundreds of private 
systems. In the United States we have over 
six hundred separate lines of railroad. Do 
you realize what it means to handle the army 
of men, the hundreds of thousands of cars, 
the millions of tons of freight involved in such 
a system, and yet attain perfect order from 
the minutest transaction to the summary of 
the whole ? 

Our system of railroads is under the control 
of men who have grown up in it, who know 
every feature of it, and who cannot be sub- 
jected to the whims of political patronage ; 


men who, when once they connect themselves 
with this profession, do not leave it until death 
or disability overtakes them. It is a life study 
and a life work. Changes cannot be made 
every day and yet retain the perfection of de- 
tail necessary to successful management. To 
attempt to handle this through government 
control would involve disaster, ruin, and rail- 
way calamities. Politics may deal with legis- 
lation, but to handle over $10,000,000,000 
of constantly moving wealth, to the proper 
management of which millions of people trust 
their lives for safe transportation, is a respon- 
sibility too great and too complicated for any 
government to assume. 

Again, how are we to buy these lines of 
railroad if the individuals do not choose to 
sell ? We must admit that vested rights are 
guaranteed by our Constitution and cannot be 
safely tampered with. Individual capital has 
been invested and no power under our Consti- 
tution could buy or confiscate if the parties 
did not care to sell. As well say to farmer 
A., " I think it is to the best interest of our 
people that you sell your farm to Mr. B.," and 
straightway we proceed to sell out farmer A v 
^hether he cares to sell or not. How long 


would our farmers stand this kind of inse- 
curity ? They would have no rights of pos- 
session and consequently no security as is 
pledged by our Constitution. I would there- 
fore suggest the following reasons why gov- 
ernment ownership and control should not 
prevail : 

First. The sum of $10,500,000,000 speaks for itself. 

Second. It is not possible for the Government to 
manage such vast interests in a safe and judicious 

Third. The system is too immense. 

Fourth. Political parties are antagonistic to the 
stability necessary to perfect security. 

Fifth. Politics means changes, and our railroad sys- 
tems cannot prosper with the changes of policy result- 
ing from party control. 

Sixth. Vested rights should be preserved. 

Seventh. Our Government now has all it can do to 
make both ends meet and prosper. 

Eighth. It would bankrupt any nation to saddle on 
it a debt equal to the value of our railroads. 

Ninth. We have no money with which to buy. 

Tenth. It is not policy. 

Affirma tive* 

THIRD SPEAKER. I. Mr. Chairman, my 
friend seems to have laid down ten reasons 
why the Government should not own and con- 


trol our railroads. Let us examine some of 
his objections, commencing with the last one. 
" It is not policy." This plea I most emphati- 
cally deny, and declare it is not only policy 
but is absolutely necessary to conserve the 
rights of all our people. 

IL Policy! Why not, when railroad com- 
binations and unjust transportation charges 
absorb the wealth of the producer? 

III. Is it not policy to so transport the corn 
and wheat of Kansas, Nebraska, Dakota, and 
all wheat- and corn-growing States that it is 
worth the raising ? 

IV. Corn to-day is practically worthless in 
the West, because of the cost of reaching a 

V. Corn is burned for fuel where millions 
are suffering for bread. 

VI. I have seen ice and wheat loaded at the 
same station, shipped by the same train, and 
taken to the same destination. Ice $12 per 
car, wheat $22 per can Do you see any 
policy in this discrimination ? 

VI I. I have seen live stock shipped to a 
certain point at $32 per car, and potatoes to 
the same point $76 per can Where is yo\xr 
policy ? 


VIII. Ex- Postmaster General Wanamaker, 
in his report, says : " The cost on an average 
for drawing- mail cars is 20 cents per mile; 
this is extortion." If it is extortion to draw a 
mail car at 20 cents per mile, what is it to 
charge 60 people who occupy a passenger 
coach $r.8o per mile ? 

IX. If it is extortion to charge 20 cents in 
the mail department it is evident that a coach 
full of people cannot cost over one-third of a 
cent per mile, each individual. 

X. Foreigners own two-thirds of all our 
railroads, and they do not pay any taxes. 

XL If the Government can handle the post- 
office system with eighty thousand different 
offices, and account for every penny and every 
stamp, furnishing our people with two-cent 
postage and possibly one-cent postage, then 
they can handle any public business. 

XII. It is not necessary to buy all the roads 
at one time. Buy one, and if the owners will 
not set a satisfactory price, build a great 
transcontinental road and enter into competi- 
tion with other roads. 

XIII. The people have a right to build, if 
they choose, and enter competition for their 
own profit. 


XIV. As for bankrupting our Government, 
even the scarecrow ten billion dollars is not a 
deterrent. The roads are not entirely pai4 
for, and if necessary the Government could 
assume the debt and use the receipts, just as 
they are now used. 

XV. By actual figures the debt of all our 
roads is now $10,250,000,000, and on that 
basis it will require only $250,000,000 to give 
value received, 

XVI. The Government would be in just as 
good a position to meet obligations as it is 

XVII. Now let us see about the politics, 
We would have no politics whatever. I 
would deny to any administration the power 
to appoint even postmasters. The people of 
a city or town are capable of electing every 
officer that is to govern them. The post 
office would then be taken from politics and 
left to the people. All station agents, super- 
intendents, roadmasters, could be elected by 
the people. Establish a perfect civil service 
and there would be no politics in railroading. 
Industry, good behavior, and competency are 
the requisites for promotion now and the 
same system can be continued. 


XVI 1 1. As to vested rights : no man has 
a right to stand in the way of public improve- 
ments. 4C Right of Eminent Domain" was 
established years ago. It is a right to appro- 
priate private property for the public use on 

XIX. There is only one solution to this 
question. The people must own the railroads, 
otherwise the railroads will own the people, 

XX. Have we not now controverted every 
point raised by our opponents ? 

First. It is policy. 

Second. The railroads pay their own debts. 

Third. There is no risk of bankruptcy to the people. 

Fourth. There are no absolute vested rights against 
the interests of the people- 

Fifth. The system is not too immense, for we can 
build or buy one road and begin competition immedi- 

Sixth. We would avoid strikes, for no strike ever 
existed against the Government. 

Seventh. There would be no political patronage in 
the system. 

Eighth. Promotion would be governed by ability. 

Ninth. All officers and employees would be elected 
by the people. 

Tenth. Reasonable rates of transportation would be 
a result. 

Eleventh. An additional revenue to the Government 
would be secured. 



FOURTH SPEAKER. I. Mr. Chairman : My 
friend is basing many of his estimates upon 
imagination, but for a people to control and 
regulate this wonderful railroad system, meet 
expenses, pay revenue to the Government, 
and not be interested in the actual money in- 
vested, is an absolute impossibility. 

II. If an industry is not managed by those 
who have put their money in the business it 
will never be a success. 

III. The people will have no money in- 
vested, individually, and in their lack of inter- 
est in the details they will not be carried out. 

IV. Railroads do not pay in the United 
States, even with my friends' extortionate rates. 

V. As proof that they do not, see the re- 
ceiverships that have controlled more than 
three-fourths of them in the last fifteen years. 

VI. If three cents a mile, and freight in 
proportion, does not pay, how how can one- 
third cent a mile, and freight in proportion, 
pay ? 

VI I. The idea of allowing the people to 
elect their railroad men is simply preposter- 
ous. Everybody knows that anybody can be 


elected by the people when the people are 
worked upon properly, and to manage a rail- 
way system according* to the whims of a 
caucus is not true government. 

VIII. A system of railways must be man- 
aged by those who have been educated to the 
business, and are known to be thorough and 

IX. The post-office system is not a parallel. 
Its business is simply clerical. The post- 
master orders stamps, sells them, remits 
money, and accounts for those unsold. Each 
post office keeps an account which must bal- 
ance. The carrying of the mails is a division 
in which bids are usually made, or arrange- 
ments made with railroad companies. 

X. I readily approve of our opponents' 
plan of going slow. Buy one road first and 
work up. 

XL Again we say, it is not policy. 

XII. It is too immense. 

XIII. It is impossible. 



Ought the United States to have annexed J3~auuai f 

PIRST SPEAKER. I. As this is a question 
of considerable importance, and has been dis- 
cussed politically, it is right for us to hold a 
debate in order to further enlightenment on 
the subject. 

II. Hawaii is the name now generally used 
in speaking of the Sandwich Islands. 

III. These islands lie in the Indian Ocean, 
nearly three thousand miles from San Fran- 
cisco, and are in about the same latitude as 
the West Indies, being a little south of the 
Tropic of Cancer. 

IV. The inhabitants are Kanakas, Ameri- 
cans, and Japanese. The government was a 
republic managed by Americans. 

V. The islands have about seventy thou- 
sand inhabitants* 


VI. The climate is the finest in the world. 
The thermometer seldom rises above 80, or 
falls below 68. 

VI L Sugar cane grows to the greatest per- 
fection known. It sounds almost incredible, 
but a yield of ten tons to the acre is not un- 

VIII. By annexation we have secured a 
valuable colony. It opens avenues for invest- 
ments, for emigration, for expansion of busi- 
ness, and for maritime benefits. 

, IX. We need all their products. We need 
their sugar, their tropical fruits, and above all 
we need their trade. 

X. With growing interests in China, Japan, 
and the Philippines we need a station by the 
wayside that is American. For this reason 
alone they become a valuable acquisition. 


SECOND SPEAKER. I. Annexation was 
purely a speculative policy. It was opening 
a great mine for favoritism, for office-seekers, 
for securing franchises, for monopolies. 

II. The people of those islands had all the 


benefits that could accrue through a free 
intercourse of trade. 

III. We took all their products and got in 
return nearly all their trade. 

IV. They were not a barbarous nation. 
They owned their own public works. Even 
postal service was adopted. Education was 
good, government pure, and the people happy. 

V. With possessions beyond our immediate 
territory we establish a system that is un- 
American. It requires an army and navy to 
protect every island thus acquired. With 
Hawaii a colony we must protect and 
defend it. 

VI. By this acqusition we lose $9,000,000 
a year of revenue. Is it worth this price when 
we had all there was before annexation ? 

VII. If the burdens are greater than the 
benefits, then surely annexation is not a 
benefit. If it is a speculative scheme, then it 
is an injustice to the Hawaiian people. 


THIRD SPEAKER. I. Distance should have 
no weight if benefits would result from annex- 


II. If there was danger from the jealousy 
of foreign countries, we might stop to con- 
sider, but there is none. Hawaii is American, 
and Hawaii of her own will volunteered to 

III. If we lose in revenue we must gain in 
a reduced price or competition, and the con- 
sumer gets the profits. 

IV. The benefits all come our way. It is 
only another State for our internal commerce. 
It is our internal commerce that makes us 
strong and powerful. 

V. We get in return more than value re- 
ceived. If American government is good 
here, it will be good there, for it becomes a 
part of us. 

VI. Now that it is a possession American 
capital will build up its wonderful possibilities, 
and American benefits will be the results* 


FOURTH SPEAKER. I. Our domain needs 
no expansion : we do not need Cuba, we do 
not need the Philippines, we do not need 

II. We have as much as we can do to man- 


age our affairs at home, without traveling 
three thousand miles afield. 

III. It means army, navy, money. No 
colonial possession is of account in war, for it 
is so much more territory to coven Spain 
was at a disadvantage, and we, a nation with- 
out colonies, made the first strike at Spain's 
possessions in another hemisphere. Were 
we at war with Russia, Germany, France, or 
England, their first move would be to attack 
Porto Rico, Hawaii, our possessions in the 
East Indies. We must scatter our fleets to 
protect our possessions. 

IV. If those people were oppressed as were 
those in Cuba there might be excuses, but 
they were fairly well off. 

V. The question of suffrage may cause vex- 
ation, just as has been the case in Utah. 

VL The less we have to do with acquisition 
of territory in the future, the more compact 
will be our government, and the less the 
danger of dissensions. Hawaii was not taken 
because we could see aijy benefits, but solely 
to accommodate Claus Spreckels, the sugar 
king, and other Amlericans who see indi- 
vidual profits. 



That woman suffrage should be adopted by an 
amendment to t/ie Constitution of the United States. 

Ajffirma five. 

FIRST SPEAKER. Mr. Chairman: In the dis- 
cussion of questions there is none that comes 
home so closely to us as the universal suffrage 
of our mothers, sisters, wives, and daughters. 
They form our home circle ; on them we rely 
in times of trial, sickness, and tribulation. 
To them we go for comfort and advice, and 
yet we have never had the moral courage to 
make them our civic equals. \Ve seem to be 
bound by that old barbarous idea which 
made woman an inferior being in many posi- 
tions of life. This old teaching has been so 
firmly rooted in our lives that we do not 
realize the injustice and absurdity of its^exist- 
ence among an enlightened people. There 
was an excuse for our forefathers keeping 



women in the background, for in their day 
the great career for man was war. With 
him it was the real business of his life, but 
not so now. We claim that all men are 
created equal ; that our pursuits are the pur- 
suits of peace ; that our fair women are just 
as talented, just as keen in perception, and 
just as capable of government as we our- 
selves. But why this shrinking from the gift 
of political rights to our equals ? Why do 
we hesitate to say to our wives and daughters, 
come with me to the place of election ? Have 
we no faith in their honesty of purpose, their 
integrity of character, their capability of 
action ? Is the polling place not fit for the 
society of ladies ? No ! we know woman is 
honest and capable ; we know it from experi- 
ence. She has been faithful from infancy to 
the grave. No place that is fit for a gentle- 
man is unfit for a lady. Men may be given 
a license to do what they would scorn in 
a woman, but the deed is no freer from stain 
in one sex than in the other. 

We often hear that the polling booth is no 
place for a woman. It is a place where all 
classes of men congregate, and she might be 
insulted. Will a man insult a lady when she 


is in her proper place ? Do men insult 
women in the hotels, in the depots, in the 
street cars, the public streets, at public 
demonstrations ? 

Then why expect rude treatment in an 
election hall ? Such assertions are arrant 
nonsense. Either you share the bigoted 
sentiment that woman's sphere is home ex- 
clusively, or else you are ashamed to show 
the chicanery of your politics. 

That woman is capable of controlling- even 
nations is in evidence by the present and the 
past. ^England's queen has given the most 
peaceful and prosperous reign in the whole 
history of Great Britainl The most daring 
deeds of the past are written by woman's 
courage and faith- Consider the question of 
uprightness and honor. Woman is not open 
to bribery when her family is in danger. 
Her love conquers all ambition, and she 
stands a superior being in the sight of God 
and man. \ Ah ! I now know the reasons for 
disfranchising our women. Man does not 
want to be disturbed in his career of selfish- 
ness. He desires to have no one to dictate 
in the great field of drink.' The liquor sellers 
are opposed. They see the handwriting on 


the wall, " Thus far shalt thou go and no 
farther." They know the vote of woman is 
a protection to home, family, and friends. 
They know that the hand of woman will dash 
aside the cup of the inebriate and prevent the 
downfall of her toy. They know that when 
woman votes she will scourge the saloon- 
keeper as did Christ the money-changer from 
the Church of God. They know that the 
wife and mother will no longer remain idle 
and see their loved ones go down in shame 
and ruin. 

This is why woman is not granted equality 
with man. It is crime that prevents. It is 
Satan who uses man's low propensities to 
fight his battles. 

These are some of the reasons why woman 
should be given the same political rights as 
man : 

Because she is capable. 

Because she is honest. 

Because she is intelligent. 

Because she would vote for the right. 

Because she would dare to do right. 

Because she would demand the annihilation of wrong 

Because she would purify politics. 



SECOND SPEAKER. Mr. Speaker: There are 
some things we are not always at liberty 
to adjust exactly to our liking. I most 
heartily agree with the speaker that our 
wives, mothers, sisters, and daughters are for 
us, with us, and by us all the time. They 
love us and we love them in return. We 
would fight for them and defend them under 
all conditions. They are our treasure in this 
life and we would lay down our lives to save 

If they have never been made our equals 
politically, it is because we have loved them 
too much. We would screen them from all 
things of a questionable character. Man was 
made to protect and defend. Government is 
the protection of all the people. Politics is 
concerned with the election of that govern- 
ment. Man and woman are not alike in senti- 
ment. Their natures and occupations are 
different. Their instincts are different, and 
while the pleasures of domestic life may be 
equally shared, yet the natures of the sexes 
are widely at variance. The one lovfes the 
home and seeks to make it attractive; the 


other to win the battles of life, to earn- a live- 
lihood, to conquer obstructions, and to save 
for a home. 

Few women care to vote. It gives them 
but little pleasure to contemplate this privi- 
lege. They are not anxious to change their 
home life, duties, and cares for a share in the 
government of the world. They have confi- 
dence in the ability of their fathers, brothers, 
and husbands to protect them, as their inter- 
ests are one. Possibly there are women who, 
being dependent upon their own efforts, would 
like to engage in politics, would like to mingle 
more widely with the world and be of the 
world, but the large majority worship their 
homes too much to immerse themselves in the 
muddy waters of politics. 

It may be better to adopt the affirmative of 
this question, but there are still doubts as to 
the benefits that may accrue, and until it is in 
evidence that we should receive more bene- 
fits than injury, it is better to let each State 
regulate this matter in its own way instead of 
passing an amendment to the Constitution of 
the United States. 

Really, my friends, the subject of the gift 
of the franchise belongs to the several States, 


and it is safe to let it remain there. When 
States are satisfied to extend these political 
privileges, then let them be granted, but do 
not use the Federal power to interfere with 
the just prerogatives of States. 

It is true certain States have given women 
the right to vote, and when it is proven to be 
an advantage to her and to the people, then 
every State will follow the lead of the pio- 
neers. Nothing is too good for our sweet- 
hearts and wives and mothers, and we propose 
to give them all that is best, but to force polit- 
ical functions upon them by an amendment to 
the Constitution is not only unnecessary, but is 
taking a step which would look to the world 
as though we did not venture to trust the in- 
dividual States to choose the proper course in 
this matter. The following are some of the 
points which cause us to hesitate in this im- 
portant question : 

First. Is politics a proper field for women? 

Second Can she be benefited by suffrage? 

Third. Will It change conditions by adding- one 
more vote to the family? 

Fourth. Will family troubles arise from it? 

Fifth. Do women really care to divide their home 
duties with politics? 


Sixth. Can they attend to all the specified duties of 

Seventh. Can they, with convenience, fill the office 
of jurors? 

Eighth. Can they transact the business of the public 
and still fulfill their duties at home? 

Ninth. Will there be any danger of neglect of family? 

Tenth. Is woman adapted to the cares of political 

Eleventh. Are there any differences between the 
cares of men and the cares of women? 

Twelfth. Is not this subject more a matter for State 
control than for an amendment to the Constitution? 

Thirteenth. Can suffrage in the South be satisfac- 
torily treated? 

Fourteenth. With the ignorant masses there might 
be unfavorable results. 

Fifteenth. Are not the above points worthy of in- 
vestigation before we legislate for an amendment? 



That the 'world cures more to navigation than 
to railways. 

FIRST SPEAKER. That the world owes more 
to navigation than to railways is evidenced 
from the following particulars : 

I. Railways are of recent origin and figure 
only in the present. 

II. Navigation is an institution of antiq- 

III. It has always been the medium of uni- 
versal communication, of commerce, of dis- 
covery, of power, of ambition, of conquests, 
and of increasing the knowledge of the world. 

IV. By it countries were brought into a 
union of sentiment, of exchange, of promo- 
tion of industries, of the stimulation of man- 
ufactures and trade. 



V. It gave knowledge of the necessities of 
others, and created a desire to supply those 
necessities by production* 

VI. It has been the great incentive to 
improvement, the means of extending Chris- 
tianity, and of promoting art, science, and 

VII. By it the Old World became united 
with the New. The lost ambitions were 
renewed ; new spurs to action set in motion, 
and the activity of the world revived. 

VIII. But for this America would still be 
the home of the savage, and the wonders of 
invention would slumber in the lap of igno- 

IX. It gave the navigator power over dis- 
covery and opened up the vast possibilities of 
the unknown. 

X. It breathed the spirit of loyalty into 
man ; a spirit which led to international ri- 
valry on the ocean. 

XL It induced immigration and built the 
fires of hope in the breasts of those who 
sought "freedom to worship God." 

XII. It gave homes to oppressed millions 
and raised the hopes of mankind. 

XIII. It gave us the sturdy pilgrim of 


Plymouth Rock, the thrifty Hollander of the 
Hudson and Mohawk, and the English pa- 
triot of Virginia and Carolina. 

XIV. It gave us the researches of Hudson, 
of Balboa, of Ferdinando de Soto, of La 
Salle, of Hennepin, of Joliet and Marquette. 

XV. It gave us Magellan and Captain 
Cook, and their historic navigation of the 

XVI. It founded New York, Philadelphia, 
Buffalo, and Boston. 

XV II. It established Chicago, St. Louis, 
New Orleans, and San Francisco. 

XVIII. It explored the country of the 
Mississippi, Missouri, and Ohio. 

XIX. It peopled the New World and 
established prosperity. 

XX. It built industries and introduced the 
commerce of nations to the marts of the 

XXL It was the foundation of Egyptian 
greatness and the source of Roman and 
Grecian power. 

XXII. It gave us the explorations of the 
Arctic and Antarctic seas, and the knowledge 
of the Nile, the Ganges, and Hudson's Bay. 

IXI 1 1. It has encircled the earth and 


penetrated the vast network of seas, and 
lakes, and rivers. 

XXIV. It has established knowledge, 
measured the strength of nations, instituted 
reforms, increased ambitions, alleviated dis- 
tress, and wrought out the great problem of 


SECOND SPEAKER. I. The affirmative 
speaker appears to have appropriated the 
entire earth and all there is thereon. He 
extends his possessions into every industry 
and claims as his own all of art, science, and 

II. He even claims Christianity as the 
result of navigation, and would build all that 
is good, refined, elevating, and patriotic upon 
his platform. 

III. He is not satisfied with Egyptian and 
Roman greatness, but makes the grandeur of 
our own proud America move by the water- 
wheels of his powerful imagination. 

IV. He aims at the establishment of a 
theory and would make its empire universal. 

V. He discovers America and now takes 
credit for its resources and achievements. 


VI. He located New York and San Fran- 
cisco, and would claim for navigation the 
creation of their magnificence. 

VI L He founded Chicago, and now im- 
agines his discovery is greater than its 

VIII. He landed the Pilgrims, and now 
appropriates the strength of New England. 

IX. He cultivated the fields of the Mo- 
hawk and of the Hudson, and now declares 
their development to be the result of his 

X. He would assert the patriotism of old 
Virginia to be the offspring of navigation, 
and he would appropriate the great Missis- 
sippi Valley because our ancestors discovered 
these inland rivers and established trading 

XL But, my friends, there is a difference 

Discovery and development; 
Locating and building; 
Sedateness and ambition. 

XII. These particulars may be thus sum- 
marized : Discovery has been one of the chief 
incentives to navigation, while development 


has been the great result of the introduction 
of the railroad. 

XIII. The one may lay the foundation of 
a mighty future, but the other takes the dis- 
covery and realizes the greatness of its 

XIV. Navigation may locate the choicest 
harbors and establish trading posts, but the 
building up, the advancement, the prosperity, 
the development, the extending of internal 
commerce are due to the railroads of this or 
any country, 

XV. Navigation has ever been the slow 
process which in its nature is sedate without 
ardor, while the iron horse inspires energy, 
ambition, life, and enterprise. 

XVI. It breathes force into thought, pro- 
motes activity, and leads men to extend their 
enterprises beyond the walls of their own 

XVII. The point is not what the world 
has been, but what the world is to-day, and 
what is the motive factor in the advancement 
of civilization. 

XVIII. If the world stands still there are 
no benefits or improvements, and motive 
power is at zero. 


XIX. Until the present century the prog- 
ress of industry was commonplace, compared 
with the swift strides of to-day. 

XX. Sixty-five years ago the great States 
of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, and Wis- 
consin were a vast wilderness, scarcely holding 
an inhabitant beyond the reach of its ox 

XXI. Their civilization was confined to 
the established posts, which were located on 
some favored harbor or on the banks of 
a navigable stream. 

XXII. "Where was the Great West then? 

XXIII. Where were Chicago, Milwaukee, 
Minneapolis, and St. Paul ? 

XXIV. Where were Omaha, Kansas City, 
and Wichita? 

XXV. Where were the wheat fields of 
Minnesota and the corn cribs of Illinois ? 

XXVI. Where were Cripple Creek, Lead- 
ville, and the great mines of Montana and 
Nevada ? 

XXVII. Where were the Union Pacific, 
the Southern and Northern Pacific railroads ? 

XXVIII. Where was the commerce of 
New York, Buffalo, and Detroit, when in 1833 
the first railroad in the United States, from 


Albany to Schenectady, was placed in suc- 
cessful operation ? 

XXIX, Talk of the contrast between navi- 
gation and railways, as compared with the 
value of each ! The one starts a structure, 
while the other brings to it the products of a 
thousand miles. 

XXX. The railroads annihilate distance 
and till the fertile fields of the Mississippi 

XXXL They distribute wood, lumber, and 

XXX I L They transport ore from the 
mines to the mills. 

IXXI 1 1. They join the Atlantic and Pa- 
cific, the Great Lakes, and the Gulf of Mexico. 

XXXIV. They form a network of values 
that reach billions of dollars. 

XXXV. They produce values wherever the 
scream of their whistle is heard. 

XXXVI. They bring into close connection 
the entire people. 

XXXVI I. They exchange commodities, 
open up the vast interiors, and bring pros- 
perity to those portions of a country formerly 
dependent upon water for its transportation. 

XXXVIII. In fact, without railroads, a 


country lags . behind in civilization and 

XXXIX. Navigation may have been suffi- 
cient in the times of the past, but now it is 
but a minor factor in the industries and de- 
velopment of a nation. 


THIRD SPEAKER. I. Our opponents forget 
that all their lauded grandeur and prosperity 
were born of navigation, 

IT. It made possible the development of 
resources and the spreading of billion-dollar 

III. The railroad is but the child of its 
father, navigation. 

IV. To America our navigation has brought 
millions of people to establish our power, to 
cultivate our fields, and to labor in the various 
pursuits of life. 

V. It carries our vast exports, upon which 
we depend for our exchange of trade. 

VI. Remember this : the railroad is a mod- 
ern invention, established on this Continent in 
1833, and if you would measure its value to 
the entire world you must place these few 
years against the entire past. 


VI L The question is not what may do the 
most business to-day, or in the future, but to 
which does the world owe most in its great 
transactions of the past. 

VI I L Our United States is but a small 
factor in the area of the earth. Hundreds of 
millions of people have never seen a railroad, 
and yet they exist with as much satisfaction 
to themselves as do we. 

IX. The railroad is not necessary to pro- 
mote peace and happiness. 

X. My friends are wrong when they eulo- 
gize the locomotive as an agent of civilization 
and prosperity. 

XI. It is a production of civilization, not an 
agent in civilizing. 

XII. We may go faster, breathe faster, live 
faster, speculate faster, owing to the rushing 
whir of the engine, but there is nothing 
gained by it in the development of art, science, 
or intelligence. 

XIII. We may waste our energies in 
trying to compete with our neighbors in 
this present rush after the luxuries of life, 
but we cannot gain in the true happiness 
of our existence. 

XIV. What is the world without happiness ? 


XV. We are speeding our lives away, and 
are trampled beneath the feet of desperation. 

XVI. We spring up like a mushroom, but 
the noonday blaze of competition causes us to 
wither and decay. 

XVII. It is a mad rush for gain, not for the 
development of that which is lofty, noble, and 

XVIII. Real development is that which 
creates a true system of thought and purpose ; 
a purpose that is imbued with Christian for- 
bearance, one with another; a purpose that 
leads to the study of the noble qualities of 
man, and not the baser instincts that disre- 
gard honesty of purpose. 

XIX. Is this development the fruit of our 
present age of progress ? 

XX. Is the railroad a benefactor to man- 
kind, or is it the stimulator of speculations, 
trusts, and combinations of wealth ? 

XXL Has it spread contentment, peace, 
and happiness ? 

XXII. Are we reaping greater benefits 
from the faculties God has given us, or are 
we devoting our abilities to the accumulation 
of wealth ? 



FOURTH SPEAKER. I. We are not concerned 
with which can be spared more easily, but 
which is to-day the greater source of benefit. 

II. We are not living in the past. 

II L The past is our history. 

IV. Navigation may have been the father 
of incentives to establishing- commercial points 
and positions, but the father grows old and the 
child takes his place in the great battle of life. 

V. What are our exports or imports, com- 
pared to the vastness of our inland commerce ? 

VI. China has lived for thousands of years 
within herself, and the world has scarcely 
known her, but with the advent of the railroad 
she opens up her interior to foreigners and we 
become neighbors. 

VI L Europe formerly traded by caravans 
from its interior, but now note the change ! 

VIII. Africa is largely an unknown coun- 
try, but the laying of the iron rails will cause it 
to be numbered in the columns of prosperity. 

IX. In fifty years the world has made ad 
vances in agriculture, mining, manufactures, 
and commerce such as cannot be duplicated in 
the past. 


X. Australia becomes a country full of 
resources and possibilities. 

XL South America has opened up un- 
known fields of power and wealth. 

XI I. Canada is a power within itself. 

XI I L Our own proud Eagle holds domin- 
ion over the grandest development the world 
ever saw. 

XIV. With the railroad there is no North, 
no South, no East, no West. It is a network 
of union, strong in its warp and woof, compact 
in its ties of devotion, and surrounded by the 
sentiments of the same ambitions, the same 
desires, and the same loyalty. 

XV. The railroads are the great leveler of 
obstacles, the great uniter of forces, and the 
great means of annihilating distance and 
bringing the interior of a country into close 
connection with all other parts. 

XVI. Destroy these public highways ancj 
we are lost in the most bewildering maze the 
world ever saw. 

XVIL Navigation and the railway both 
are necessities, but the one far surpasses the 
other in importance. 



Resolved, That the United States should build and con- 
trol the Nicaragua canaL 


FIRST SPEAKER. I. Mr. Chairman : The 
question before us this evening is that the 
United States should build and control 
tHe Nicaragua canal. 

This is a question which has been thor- 
oughly investigated from a practical stand- 
point by several Houses of Congress, and 
those who have been intrusted with the exam- 
ination of the feasibility of the enterprise 
report favorably. Thus we find as our first 
evidence the report of committees sent out to 

II. Another vital feature in this most im- 
portant waterway would be its control by this 
Government for naval purposes. It would 



prove to be the key of the Pacific in time 
of war. 

III. We may never be called upon to test 
our valor or strength in a trial of arms, yet 
foreign aggressiveness may compel us to 
resort to conflict, in which event this canal 
would be a short gateway from the Atlantic 
to the Pacific. 

IV. The possibilities of such a conflict are 
sufficient reason for us to insist in days of 
peace on a provision that may be of immense 
worth to us in days of war. 

V. Protection alone is sufficient cause for 
Government control. 

VI. As to the cost of building, if properly 
constructed, it will be an investment in which 
the Government will receive a great reward. 

VII. The Suez canal is owned by England 
and is a source of revenue, besides being a 
strategic point of incalculable value. 

VIII. When we compare the tonnage of 
all vessels passing through the Suez canal 
with our Western commerce, we find more 
tonnage passing in six months through the 
little byway on Lake Superior, Sault Ste. 
Marie, than in a year through the Suez, 
though this may not seem possible when we 


remember that the Suez is the great inter- 
oceanic communication of the three grand 
divisions of the Eastern Continent, and the 
" Soo" but the outlet of one lake of the Great 
Chain of Lakes. 

IX, With the Nicaragua canal we connect 
the Atlantic with the Pacific, and increase our 
commerce in the varied productions of the 
Pacific States, Central America, Mexico, the 
Western States of South America, the Sand- 
wich Islands, China, Japan, and much of Aus- 
tralia and the East Indies. 

X. It will open up a new commerce to our 

XL Its cost is estimated at $130,000,000. 
If we build, let it be with full Government 
control and the revenue American revenue. 


SECOND SPEAKER. I. Mr. Chairman : From 
the standpoint of our learned friend we are 
asked to 'believe that the building- of this canal 
is a real necessity. That we should prepare 
for war, in time of peace and consequently 
should go down In the central southern re- 
publics and build fortresses and bulwarks. 


and nobody knows what else. Now, I would 
say to my friend that, if there is danger of 
a conflict between foreign nations and ours, 
we would better adopt the principle of home 
protection first. If it is a matter of military 
stratagem, we should protect New York, Phila- 
delphia, Boston, New Orleans, and even Chi- 
cago, Buffalo, and Detroit first. Let us spend 
the $130,000,000 in defenses where it will be 
of practical benefit in the protection of our 
cities and commerce. 

II. It might be well to have this \vaterway 
in time of war, but rest assured it will be of 
no more value to us then than if we did not 
own it. The nation with whom we war will 
certainly attempt to capture it, whether we are 
there or not. Whoever is the stronger in a 
naval conflict will control the canal. 

III. From a military point of view we do 
not consider the possession of the canal of any 

IV. Then we must consider whether the 
prospects of revenue, or benefit to our com- 
merce, will warrant the outlay of money nec- 
essary to build. 

V. The whole plan is a scheme to get the 
United States Government to use its money 


and credit for the benefit of some corporation. 
This is very fine for the projectors, who pick 
the plums. 

VI. The fact is, we have had already too 
much of Government aid and too little revenue. 
Nearly all of the railroads of the country have 
managed to squeeze Uncle Sam until they got 
some nice fat concession out of him. With- 
out a doubt a fraud is contemplated, and as 
we seem willing to be hoodwinked and swin- 
dled, these fellows can see splendid opportu- 
nities to pick and squeeze, and squeeze and 

VII. We ought not to forget the lesson 
taught by the Union Pacific railroad grants : 
Sixty-five million dollars; territory twenty 
miles wide and more than one thousand miles 
in length! It is said the burned child is afraid 
of the fire. \Ve got pretty nicely singed by 
different lines of road, and now it does seem 
as though this experience ought to be of some 
benefit to us. 

VIII. From a commercial point of view the 
canal will be of as much benefit if built with 
private money as with the assistance of our 
Government. We would have the same op- 
portunities as all others, and the waterway 


would be like the ocean, free to all who choose 
to utilize it. 

IX. We cannot afford to take this respon- 

X. We need to practice economy at the 
present time rather than indulge in extrava- 
gance for the sake of helping" some great 

XI. Disguise it as you may, there is an ex- 
cellent opportunity for more " Credit Mobi- 
lier" manipulations, and when we get down in 
Nicaragua, I am of the opinion the distance 
Will not improve the honesty of our officials to 
any perceptible degree. 

XII. Don't build the canal until we are 
obliged to. 

Ajffirma five. 

THIRD SPEAKER. I. Mr. Chairman : My 
brother who has just explained why the United 
States should not build and control the canal 
is getting some things confounded. He 
seems to think we wish to subsidize without 
obtaining control. Wherever our Govern- 
ment has had control of an enterprise, it has 
been conducted on purely business principles. 


Where is there any fault in the conduct of 
our army, our navy, or our post-office depart- 
ment ? 

II. As this is true in matters now under 
Government control, it is the best of proof 
that this enterprise would be as well man- 

III. In foreign countries the Governments 
often manage the railroads ; a much more 
difficult measure than ascertaining the tonnage 
and collecting the tolls on passing vessels. 

IV. This canal project has been agitated 
for years, and no private capital seems inclined 
to make the venture. As it is of great com- 
mercial importance to us, I am proud to be 
in favor of putting it into actual operation. 

V. My friend says we cannot afford to do 
this. We can afford to do anything which is 
for the benefit of the people. We pay our re- 
tired veterans $130,000,000 a year pension, 
and can afford to do it. We pay $100,000,000 
a year for river and harbor improvements, and 
can afford to do it, as it is for the benefit of 
the people. We expend $500,000,000 a year 
to support our Government, but we can afford 
to do it. 

VL But a very small sum is asked in actual 


cash. The means would be raised by bonding 
the canal, but the Government would uphold 
the bonds, or in other words guarantee them. 

VI I. My friend seems to make light of the 
idea of using the canal as a means of protec- 
tion. I hardly think he means what he said, 
for we all know that possession is nine points 
in law. If we have possession, we have a 
far better opportunity of protecting our long 
Pacific Coast. 

VIII. When we read the question, we mean 
just what it says absolute control. We do 
not mean to grant concessions to others who 
would hold it and pick the plums. We mean 
an investment for three important purposes: 

Benefit to American commerce; 
Control for protection; 
Investment for revenue. 

IX. What more patriotic work could be 
done for our people than to give them in- 
crease of commerce ? As the Sault Ste. 
Marie is a small example of what can be done 
for navigation, we cannot help but feel that 
anything that will advance the condition of 
our merchant marine is worthy our patronage, 

X. Please bear in mind that we produce 


nearly one-third of all the manufactured goods 
of the world. 

XL We are the richest country on the 
globe. We have more millionaires, more 
money on deposit, more capital invested, 
more railroads, more value in agriculture, 
more push and ability than any other coun- 
try, and now that we need it, we say build the 
Nicaragua canal just as quickly as you can. 


FOURTH SPEAKER. I. Mr. Chairman : It is 
true we need a great many things. We need 
better roads, better laws for the regulation of 
our inland commerce that is, less charges in 
getting our products to market, better poli- 
tics, etc., etc. But I would say to our oppo- 
nents, let us take the $130,000,000 the canal 
would cost and build good roads. Poor roads 
cost the farmers now, every year, more than 
enough to pay this immense bill So I would 
say, give us better means of transporting our 
home products before going- into our neigh- 
bors' territory to construct a canal for every- 
body to use, 

II. Who can tell that the Nicaragua scheme 


is not another Panama fraud? The project- 
ors of the Panama canal were aware of the 
route now under discussion, but they consid- 
ered it inferior and adopted the Panama. 

IIL Look at the vast expenditure of lives 
and treasure in the attempt to cut through 
the Isthmus. And what an awful failure it 
was ! De Lesseps made a world-wide fame 
at Suez, but lost it at Panama. 

IV. Again, we are not infallible, and may 
fail to construct for the sum estimated. If 
we do fail to complete it, everybody knows 
we will simply appropriate more money and 
keep the thing going, for, after expending so 
great a sum as the original estimate, we cannot 
afford to give it up. 

V. This is true of all public works. If the 
appropriation runs out, we secure another. 
Again, I say, better go slow. 

VI. Besides, if we attempt to build a canal 
and fortify ourselves, it is quite certain 
European governments will say, " Hold on, 
Uncle Sam ! You may build the canal, but 
you must not monopolize or fortify it." 

VII. This canal scheme is watched with 
anxious eyes from across the Atlantic, and, 
being of such general commercial value, must 


be left open and free to all nations. We may 
think we can construct and control without 
conflict, but we cannot. It is like taking a 
new continent, and no country will permit us 
to monopolize it. 


FIFTH SPEAKER. Mr. Chairman, in closing; 
the debate let me enumerate the arguments of 
our opponents : 


Credit Mobilier. 




Too expensive. 

These are the principal arguments used 
against this grand idea. As for war, that is 
imaginary. For misappropriations there is 
no argument. 

Kconomy is desirable, but when economy 
is inimical to national welfare, then banish 
economy. As a scheme it seems to be a 
good one. And the distrust seems to be 
wholly on the other side. We have no distrust. 
We believe it can be built economically, with 


profit to commerce ; with protection to our 
Pacific coast lines ; with returns for invest- 
ment ; with benefit to all ; with the hearty 
consent of all the people. What we need is 
more government ownership of our public 
highways, more control over monopolies, and 
more relief of public needs. 



Resolved, That tariff for revenue only is of greater 
benefit to the people of the United States than a prozective 


FIRST SPEAKER. I. Mn Chairman : The 
question for us to discuss this evening- is one 
that has never been settled by the American 
people. Klections may decide either one way 
or another for the time being-, but the ques- 
tion survives the conflict just as serenely and 
peacefully as though it had never been put to 
the test. 

Resolved, That tariff for revenue only is bet- 
ter than tariff for protection. That we must 
have a revenue for the support of the Gov- 
ernment, and that it must be largely from 
duties on imports, is undoubted. Until we 
wholly change the means of obtaining revenue 
we must resort to tariff laws. 



II. In making tariff laws shall we consider 
the good of the whole people or that of 
a few? 

III. Tariff for protection means that the 
duty on imported articles shall be such that 
the domestic article can be sold at a remuner- 
ative price in competition with the article im- 

IV. Tariff of whatever kind is a tax. The 
consumer pays, in the cost of the article, the 
profits and the tariff. 

V. High tariff produces monopolies. 

VI. Monopolies set prices to suit them- 

VII. Tariff for revenue only is a judicious 
arrangement of the tariff by which the Gov- 
ernment receives its dues without imposing 
burdens upon the people. 

VIII. It places the tax where it is felt the 

IX. There are two classes of revenue; one 
on imported merchandise, the other on articles 
manufactured in this country* The one is 
called customs duty, the other internal revenue. 

X. The internal revenue is the tax paid for 
the privilege of manufacturing certain articles, 
such as wines, liquors, beer, and tobacco. 


XI. Protection has been the shibboleth of 
political parties since the foundation of the 
republic, and the argument has been that we 
must support our infant industries ; that we 
must be protected from outside competition. 
As this cry has existed for more than one 
hundred years, it is about time to ascertain 
when these infants will be able to walk 

XI L Tariff for revenue is not free trade. 

XI I L A just tariff is not laid so much upon 
the necessities of life as upon the luxuries. 

XIV. If a protected article is a necessity, 
it is an injustice to the consumer to place an 
excessive duty on it. 


SECOND SPEAKER, L Mr. Chairman : One 
very important statement has been made by 
the affirmative, and that is that protection has 
been a watchword since the foundation of the 
republic. I thank him for it. Yes, it has 
been the watchword since Washington estab- 
lished it ; since the Whigs supported it ; since 
Lincoln demanded it, and since McKinley 
won on it. 


II. I will also agree with my friend that 
a protective tariff is for the benefit of the 
manufacturer. This is what \ve demand. 
We want him prosperous, we want him to 
employ labor, we want him to be able to 
pay a reasonable compensation for that 

III. We don't want him tied hand and foot 
in competition with foreign products. We 
don't want the foreigner to supply our mar- 
kets. We don't want to compel our labor to 
compete with the pauper labor of Europe 
or Asia. We don't want prices so low that 
we will become bankrupt. 

IV. A tariff for revenue only would disre- 
gard our great manufacturing interests. 

V. Protection promotes industry and as- 
sists the production at home of all manufac- 
tured articles. It insures the success of our 
great iron industries, our cotton and woolen 
mills, our mines of coal and iron, of copper 
and lead ; our lumber industries. It is of 
benefit to mining interests, to transportation 
by land and water, and to labor. 

VI. It means prosperity, employment, good 
wages, and general confidence. 

VII. It means the general circulation of 


money, the investment of capital, and the sta- 
bility of enterprises. 

VIII. It means support for the working- 
man, prosperity for the husbandman, and good 
times for all. 

IX. It means that capital will establish in- 
dustries, industries will employ labor, labor 
will consume products, and products will be 
raised by the farmer. 

X. It means an increased demand for the 
farmer's wheat, potatoes, beef, mutton, poultry, 
butter, and eggs. 

XL It means an enlarged market for wool, 
for cotton, for corn, for machinery, and for 
everything on the ground or under the ground, 
from novelties and luxuries to staples and 

XII. It means the establishment of beet- 
sugar factories until this country can produce 
all the sugar we consume. 

XI I L These are the most important meas- 
ures attributed to the system of a protective 
tariff. What more can we ask of a system, 
and why change it ? 

XIV. This argument is based upon the ex- 
perience of the past. It is no wild or bold 
assertion. We have the facts and figures to 


justify the assertions. We have the indus- 
tries all over the country to prove their cor- 
rectness, and now we have the verdict of the 
people to vindicate it. 


THIRD SPEAKER. I. Mr. Chairman : As our 
friend seems to be so sure of what it means to 
have high protection I will continue his list of 

II. It means the multiplication of million- 
aires, the establishment of an aristocracy, the 
production of speculations, the combining- of 
capital, the instituting* of trusts, the control 
of output by monopolies, the overproduction 
of manufactured products, the failure of many, 
the bankruptcy of thousands, the suspension 
of banks, the subversion of energy. It will 
bring ruin, disaster, depression, and all the 
consequences arising from a false stimulation 
of business by a high protective tariff, 

II L A high and unnatural tariff promises 
such profits that capital becomes wild with ex- 
citement, business is stimulated until the re- 
action comes, prices fall, and failure is the 
logical result. 


IV. How does our friend like the continua- 
tion of the list ? It is borne out by the actual 
experience of .to-day. 

V. We have had the era of much produc- 
tion, much speculation, much encouragement, 
and much failure. 

VL High protection exists to-day on many 
manufactured articles, and yet our opponents 
call it free trade. 

VII. The country is paralyzed with over- 
production. We must establish a tariff for 
revenue, and seek to restore confidence. Our 
industries must be placed on a solid founda- 
tion, and not on a basis of speculation and 
alleged protection. 

VIII. Every undue stimulation must be fol- 
lowed by relaxation, which leaves the country 
in a worse condition than before. 

IX. From these premises which is prefer- 
able : a steady and healthful growth in busi- 
ness, or prosperity where millions are made 
and depression follows? 

X.- It is an indisputable fact that millionaires 
are increasing and the poor are growing poorer. 

XI. The call for a high tariff always comes 
from an industry that wants a bigger profit on 
its products. 



FOURTH SPEAKER. I. Mr. Chairman : Our 
esteemed opponent is not very well posted in 
regard to the cause of our great financial de- 
pressions and business disasters. I will spare 
his feelings politically, but his additional list 
needs a few corrections. 

II. He attributes the calamities he recites 
to protection of American manufactures. Let 
him read history a little further* 

III. Four years ago we inaugurated a sys- 
tem of politics in which free trade predom- 
inated. We do not claim it was actual free 
trade, but its effect on the country and the 
capital that is the basis of business was the 
same as free trade. Mark the result ! Con- 
fidence was lost, money became frightened, 
business was suspended, and failures and 
bankruptcies were the order of the day. 

IV. You might just as well shoot a man 
as scare him to death. The business of the 
country, under tariff for revenue only, was 
just about frightened to death. We had had 
a campaign based on free wool, free clothing, 
free lumber, free sugar, free coal, free necessi- 
ties ; and is it any wonder our commerce be- 


came stagnated, our manufactures quiescent, 
our markets dull, entailing decreased circula- 
tion of money, discharge of labor, withdrawal 
of capital from business, shrinkage of values, 
and all their attendant evils ? It is true we 
passed free-trade laws affecting a few imports 
only, but that was enough to throw the coun- 
try into a state of apprehension. It expected 
collapse, and it came. Now, I do not believe 
the past administration was much opposed to 
a real protective tariff, but the trouble ex- 
isted in the belief that there was to be free 
trade, and every institution affected by free 
trade awaited its coming in sackcloth and 

V. Free wool struck the sheep-raiser a blow, 
and his crop of fine wool was wiped out. 
The putting of lumber on the free list demor- 
alized the northern pineries of Michigan, Wis- 
consin, and Minnesota. Free barley meant 
Canadian prices. Free potatoes also meant 
potatoes from Canada at the expense of the 
potato-raiser of New York and New England. 

VI. I will ask the speaker if I shall go on 
and show him why, under a reasonable tariff 
on some things, the country suffered just the 
same as though there had been free trade? 


He must bear in mind that business is very 
sensitive, and that money is cowardly. Now. 
let me explain the desire to establish beet- 
sugar factories and offer inducements by way 
of bounty or protection. With this assur- 
ance capital will invest ; but put a doubt in 
the way, and not a dollar -will be forthcoming. 
Money may gamble and speculate where 
chances are large, but when you come to a 
straight, legitimate business, it wants to know 
what the life of the institution is to be, and 
whether there is an assured prospect of a fair 
remuneration* fc 


FIFTH SPEAKER. Mr. Chairman : The 
speaker need not fear to crack political nuts 
to our discomfiture, for he is cracking at the 
wrong end. Just consider the condition of 
politics before 1892. Speculation had sowed 
its seeds everywhere. Land booms were 
flourishing, money was loaned on wild-cat 
speculation, overproduction was glutting the 
market. Election came. People stopped in 
their mad flight to see " where they were at." 
They had got to the end of the rope. The 


balloon was losing* gas. They threw out more 
ballast, but the leak continued ; business be- 
gan to tremble, values to shrink, suspensions 
to follow, panics to ensue, banks to close, and 
our friend's long list of disasters followed just 
exactly as he gave them. Oh, no, my friend ! 
it was not because of free trade or its pros- 
pects. It was the inevitable result of too 
much speculation and too much production. 

Almost every form of industry was stimu- 
lated to excess by the inflation of prices. 
The home market was overloaded, and we 
simply had to hold on, and the moment the 
demand diminished there was the beginning 
of bankruptcy and ruin. 

My friends must bear in mind that very 
little reduction on tariff was made on manu- 
factured goods. Most of them now stand 
from thirty to forty-five per cent. It is true 
a good many articles that are called raw ma 
terial were put on the free list, the object 
being to assist the manufacturer and give him 
an opportunity to compete with foreign manu- 
facturers. Wool was made free for this pur- 
pose. Lumber was made free because our 
pine forests are held by large trusts, and there 
was no advantage in taxing the consumer two 


dollars per thousand for the purpose of putting- 
it into the pockets of these lumber barons. 
Our opponents said that Canadian lumber will 
come in and compete with ours. That is just 
what we want. We want Canada to give us 
some of her surplus pine, so that the farmer 
and the builder need not be at the mercy of 
our lumber combinations. We want lower 
prices for the necessaries of life. W^e want the 
poor working-man to be able to supply his 
family just as cheaply as possible. We want 
competition in these necessaries. We want 
flour, meats, clothing-, sug-ar, and groceries just 
as cheaply as they can be furnished and sus- 
tain a healthy market. We do not want a 
system that makes millions for the few ; we 
want more equality, more opportunities, and 
more prosperity. 



Resolved, That the Expensive Social Entertainments of 
the Wealthy are of more Benefit than Injury to the 


FIRST SPEAKER. Mr. Chairman : The ques- 
tion we are about to discuss Is of peculiar in- 
terest to more people than at first we would 

L A superficial view of the " Entertain- 
ments of the Wealthy " would lead us to raise 
protesting hands to Heaven, but a closer 
scrutiny would cause us to decide that they 
were worthy of all encouragement. 

IL The Smiths are very wealthy, and can 
afford to give these expensive entertainments. 

III. The money is not wasted. By every 
dollar used somebody is benefited. 

IV. If the amount involved were to cripple 
business, or injure individual members of 



society, then it would be wrong- to use it for 
such a purpose. 

V. As it is, the "givers of the feast " can 
spare it without injury to anyone, and this 
large sum goes to purchase somebody's ma- 
terial or pay for somebody's labor. 

VI. Nothing is used in decorations that 
somebody does not produce. 

VI L Nothing- is taken, or exacted, from 
tfie poor. 

VIII. It puts, say, one million dollars in 

IX. A rich man builds a house that costs 
half a million. Every dollar, is expended in 
labor and material. The stone is quarried, 
finished, and polished by a long line of "work- 
men. The woodwork is sawed, carved, and 
decorated by labor. The iron is mined, 
smelted, and finished, and every part of the 
magnificent structure shows the handiwork of 
the artist, the mechanic, and the laborer. No 
part has diminished the world's supply of 
anything. It has only transformed nature's 
material through the art of man. The half a 
million has given employment to many, and 
the edifice represents an accumulation of paid 
labor. Has it not, indeed, been a benefit to 


the city where it was built, and to ever} 7 man 
and family which has been paid for labor thus 
put forth ? 

X. Other rich men follow suit, and by their 
expenditure of money, other laborers are fed 
and clothed. 


SECOND SPEAKER. Mr. Chairman : I am 
surprised that an intelligent man like the 
affirmative speaker should claim beneficial re- 
sults to the community from such ostentatious 
excesses as we are discussing". 

I. From his standpoint he sees only the im- 
mediate payment of money to those who make 
the preparations and adorn the occasion with 
such splendor,' Just here he stops: money 
has been expended by a rich man ; someone 
has been paid for his time, and consequently 
the entertainment has been a benefit. 

II. Let me ask my opponent what is the 
moral effect upon the people. 

III. Have the rich the right wantonly to 
squander their wealth when millions of their 
fellow-beings are in want ? 

IV. Men who are in want become dissatis< 


fied and a bitter feeling- springs up against 
the rich. 

V. Plutocratic extravag-ance breeds an- 

VL It encourages extravagance in others 
who cannot afford the expense. 

VI I. It fosters social distinctions. 

VIII. It tends to the introduction of a 

IX. Business must ultimately pay the pen- 
alty. All wealth is an accumulation of 
labor. If this accumulation is used to foment 
discord, then it becomes a duty to denounce 
the modern imitators of Lucullus. 


THIRD SPEAKER. Mr. Chairman : Our 
brother who has just yielded the floor seems 
to regard our intelligence as weak in sustaining 
the affirmative of this question. In the first 
place he does not recognize the right of an 
individual to spend a portion of his surplus 
wealth as his fancy may dictate, when such 
fancy does not cause him to break the laws or 
outrage the feelings of his fellow-citizens. 

I. Take the case of the usual " Four Hun- 


dred " festivities. Suppose that a man dresses 
in the height of fashion. Suppose that a 
woman decks herself with costly jewels and 
flowers proportionately more costly still. As 
long as the bills are paid, it is purely a ques- 
tion of taste, and is it republican equality if A. 
is to dictate to B. as to his personal expendi- 
tures ? 

II. Some orators challenge the moral effect 
of these vast expenditures. Why, Mr. Chair- 
man, should a line be drawn at five hundred 
thousand dollars? Thousands of families are 
equally culpable in proportion to their means. 
A feast that costs twenty-five dollars may pro- 
duce more real loss of manhood, more loss of 
self-respect, and more distress than is caused 
by the Smiths' "orgies," as the critics fanci- 
fully style them. 

III. Men in want usually curse the more 

IV. It is human nature to form classes. 
They always have and always will exist. Even 
labor has its classes. 

V. My friend says lavish social entertain- 
ments breed anarchy. Anarchy is a condition 
only existing* when labor is idle, or poorly 
paid. Full employment of labor is the pre- 


ventive of anarchy. The expenditure of the 
rich is what pays labor. It may be In the 
form of railroad corporations, extensive busi- 
ness enterprises, or famous parties or balls. 

VI. It takes wealth to employ labor. 

VII. Do our negative friends censure the 
outlay of the Fourth of July, of Christmas, or 
of Thanksgiving? Then why blame those of 
other times and places? In these cases all 
join in the frolic and spend their money 
freelj\ In the "society" case it is one indi 
vidual who plays the host, and what harm is 
done ? 


FOURTH SPEAKER. Mn Chairman : No one 
with a clear conception of pure government 
can sanction a reckless squandering of wealth, 
no matter whether it be in public or private 

I. A profligate people must sooner or later 
meet with disaster, in both social and govern- 
mental circles. 

II. The history of Babylon, of Rome, of 
the French revolution, all prove that extrava- 
gance in social life eventually leads to in 


temperance, licentiousness, idleness, and cor- 
ruption, and as a people falls so falls the 
Government of the people. 

III. It is a known fact that a diligent and 
frugal people is firm in principle, loyal to 
Government, and honest and true to its 
neighbors, while a people that has grown rich 
through the accident of birth or the favor of 
fortune, becomes haughty and aristocratic, 
reckless and dissipated, degenerate and un- 

IV. This is the vital difference between 
people educated to a useful life and those who 
seek only pleasure* 

V. Without a great accumulation of wealth 
there can be no exhibitions of plutocratic 
ostentation. Without disregard of law there 
can be no corruption, and without artificial 
classes there can be no unpleasant social dis>- 

VI. The poor depend upon the wealthy for 
labor and employment. When the rich do 
not recognize the rights of the poor, then 
class distinctions commence, dissatisfaction 
arises, and revolution is the only means of 
rescue from the resulting dilemma. 



Resolved, That tfie hypocrite is a more despicable character 

than t/ie liar* 

FIRST SPEAKER. Mr. Chairman : The ques- 
tion we are to discuss to-night is one of great 
importance, as it deals with two of the worst 
characteristics existing in social life hypoc- 
risy and mendacity. The former refers to 
the side of life that never intentionally shows 
its true character, while the latter renders its 
victim unreliable for truth and veracity. Jf 
there is any one person, more than another, 
that is contemptible in the sight of an3' honest 
man or woman it is a hypocrite. A man may 
lie, but he still may have the essence of man- 
hood "when compared with him who, to your 
face, pretends to be what he is not. There 
are no redeeming traits in a hypocrite. He is 
at all times a snake in the grass, full of venom, 



and you know not when he may strike. It 
was this class of men which was so severely 
rebuked by the Saviour : 

" Woe unto you, scribes and Pharisees, 


hypocrites ! for ye are like unto whited sep- 
ulchers, which indeed appear beautiful out- 
ward, but are within full of dead men's bones, 
and of all uncleanness. 

" Woe unto } T ou, scribes and Pharisees, 
hypocrites ! for ye compass sea and land to 
make one proselyte ; and when he is made, ye 
make him twdfold more the child of hell than 

Whatf stronger language could be used 
against the hypocrite than these sayings of 
our/Saviour ? Mr. Chairman, it would seem to 
me that this question should be decided on 
moral grounds in favor of the affirmative, as 
the hypocrite is a being shameless, with- 
out character, and without the elements 
of honesty. No hypocrite can ever be a 
true friend. A true friend is above treach- 
ery* He means just what he says. You can 
depend upon him through thick and thin. 
'The one great fault of the liar is that he likes 
to hear himself talk. He is his own worst 
enemy. He may not mean to do harm, but 


simply loves to appear in a r6le other than 
his own. This cannot be said of the hypo- 
crite, who smiles to deceive, and his deceit is 
like the sting of an adder. 

The world is full of those who pretend to be 
your friends, but once meet with adversity, and 
the arrow of the hypocrite is the first to strike 
your prostrate form. These men are the Judas 
Iscariots of to-day. They trade on the popu- 
larity of your successes, and depart should 
your fame diminish. Oh, ye hypocrites ! Ye 
go forth into the world saying : " Whomsoever 
I shall kiss, that same is he ; hold him fast." 

The contempt of the Saviour was so great 
that he declared the hypocrite to be so low 
that "it had been good for that man if he had 
not been born." The Bible is full of the de- 
nunciation of those who carry two faces, and 
who assume friendship to betray. The world 
has known many Judas Iscariots, but the 
basest dastard and coward of modern times is 
he who betrayed Maceo in Cuba. The leader 
trusted his physician, and in his faith followed 
him into ambush and to death. 

Jesse James, the outlaw, met death through 
a hypocrite who held his confidence and sold 
his life for money. 


Betra}'als in politics are common, and occur 
even in high circles. The man who can 
receive favors, pretending to be grateful, and 
then strike a blow of treachery, is beneath 
the scale of manhood. He is not a man, but 
the shadow of one ; a pretense, a sham. 


SECOND SPEAKER. Mr. Chairman : It is true 
that a hypocrite is^an undesirable character in 
a household, a village, or country. But the 
only damage he does is to himself and the in* 
dividual he deals with. The question is more 
one for individuals than for society. The 
public has no time to waste on impostors. 
It weighs a man for what he is worth, and if 
found wanting he is dropped by the wayside. 
A liar does not pretend friendship, but seeks 
to injure through misrepresentation, or to 
reap a personal reward for his falsehoods. He 
often defeats the plans of men and govern- 
ments by his untruths. 

Hundreds of cases have existed where de- 
liberate lies in court have convicted men of 
crime and sentenced them to prison or the 
scaffold. While hypocrisy may injure the 


social relations, it never sentences a man to 
death. As our friend gave us lessons from 
the Scriptures to illustrate his side of the ques- 
tion and show the standing- of a hypocrite in 
those ancient days, I will call his attention to 
the Ten Commandments, and especially the 
one which declares : " Thou shalt not bear 
false witness against thy neighbor/' To bear 
false witness is to lie against thy neighbor. 
Then, in another place, we find God giving 
Commandments to Moses, and he says : 
" Thou shalt not raise a false report/' 

Our friends desire to prove their position on 
the authority of the Bible, but from the same 
source we find that the liar is regarded as an 
abomination in the sight of God, And so he 
is in the sight of man and man's laws. The 
hypocrite disturbs the social life, while the liar 
deliberately saps the foundation of character, 
and, under the security of apparent truth, the 
lie destroys confidence. 

Business cannot exist without truth. The 
fabric of commerce and industry is based upon 
the faith of men in each other. It requires 
no proof to demonstrate that the liar can have 
no place in the grand development of energy. 
There is >no room for those AY!IO bear false 


witness or raise false reports. They are out- 
casts from business, and their misdeeds are 
provided for in the laws against crime. 

The following" may forcefully place the liar 
in his proper sphere before this audience : 

First. Business cannot exist without truth. 

Second. The lie destroys confidence, 

Third. It degrades mankind. 

Fourth. It is a menace against the Church. 

Fifth. It is a sin against morals. 

Sixth. It destroys character. 

Seventh. It is against the command of God 



Resolved, That the government of the United States should 
ouun and control the telephone and telegraph systems. 


FIRST SPEAKER. I. Mn Chairman : The 
people of this country are just beginning- to 
understand the meaning of Government con- 
trol of the necessaries of life. They are just 
beginning to realize that the few have no 
right to speculate in those things which affect 
the life and prosperity of the many. I would 
not only resolve that the Government of the 
United States should own and control the 
great systems of transmitting messages, but 
that they should go further : Carry the 
people's express, own the lines of railroads, 
furnish light and water, establish banks and 
postal savings, and, in fact, own and control 
those methods for supplying the needs of the 
people which are now creating millionaires by 
the hundred. 



II. Every man who secures a fortune of 
a million, and there are now thousands of 
them, does so at the expense of labor. 

III. All labor contributes to the accumula- 
tion of wealth. If this accumulation goes 
into the hands of one man, or one corpora- 
tion it is evident there is an unjust propor- 
tion between the receipts of capital and 

IV. No man can honestly earn a million 
dollars. He may earn it legally, but he must 
have secured advantages over his fellow-men 
by which their labor is turned to his profit. 

V. When combinations are so constructed 
that monopolies or trusts exist by unjust 
taxation on the price of commodities, then it 
becomes the right of the people to destroy 
those combinations and give labor its just 

VI. The telegraph has become one of the 
great fixtures of our Government. Its net- 
work of lines connects thousands of points 
with its hundreds of thousands of miles of 
wire. It has become a wonderful agent in 
the transmission of messages, and to it we 
owe much of our business. 

VII. The telephone at one time was a 


curiosity, and as such was an inconsiderable 
factor in business. But in time it developed 
a system of gigantic proportions, connecting 
towns, cities, trade, commerce, and even the 
private life of individuals. It is now so estab- 
lished that it cannot be dispensed with, and 
as a necessity in business and the trans- 
portation of messages the few have no right 
to tax the many beyond what will bring a 
reasonable compensation. 

VIII. These agencies should be furnished to 
all the people at the lowest price possible and 
be remunerative to those who control them, 
but to allow them to form a monopoly, and 
create hundreds of millions of wealth by 
charging more than'a just price for messages, 
is not democratic and should be abolished. 

IX. To control these systems of electricity 
we have but one definite plan, and that is 
Government ownership. 

X. With the Government to handle these 
institutions there is no desire for extortion or 
a profit beyond a fail? valuation. All are 
interested, and the revenues to the Govern- 
ment will be a portion of that large profit 
which now fills the coffers of the telegraph 
and telephone companies. 


XL From a business standpoint we have 
no right to give valuable franchises for prac- 
tically nothing. 

XI I. When a business becomes a monop- 
oly it is a matter of necessity for the Govern- 
ment to take charge of it for the benefit of 
the people. 


SECOND SPEAKER. I. Mn Speaker : If we 
should follow the teachings of our friend who 
has explained why, in his opinion, our elec- 
tric systems should be owned and controlled 
by the Government, we should have more on 
our hands than we could manage. My friend 
will find no end to Government ownership if 
he once embarks on the sea of public control : 

First, it will be telegraphs and telephones ; 
then express, railroads, gas, water, light. 
Then we shall jump into the manufacture 
of all the necessaries of life. 

Mn Speaker, you will remember he laid 
great stress on these necessaries. Now if 
one line is of more importance than another 
it is the supply of our bodily wants. We 
need food and raiment to sustain health and 
strength. We need bread, beef, milk, and 


potatoes to build up the system ; then why not 
set the Government at work raising, on a 
large scale, the wheat for bread? Erect great 
mills to grind the flour. Herd and fatten 
cattle, so as to furnish meat at a low price. 
Raise a million acres of potatoes and sell at 
the cost of raising. Deliver milk in com- 
petition with every farmer. In fact if we 
accept this line of argument, \ve can never 
put a stop to Government ownership until 
every article raised, every article manufac- 
tured, every article sold is in the hands of 
the Government and every man who labors is 
a slave to that government. 

II. Where will the end be if we continue 
to harbor such ideas as are expressed in the 
question ? 

III. We must bear in mind that the in- 
firmity of man made these great conveniences 
which our opponents call the necessities of 
life and business. We have ever held out 
encouragements, by way of patents and their 
protection, to those who will engage their 
minds in the study of the improvements we 
now enjoy. As a reward for this constant 
study we place the right to use, make, and 
control in their keeping for a term of years. 


IV. Without this reward few of the great 
inventions would have been produced. It 
has been the means of our enlightenment and 
advancement in the arts and sciences* With- 
out it there would be no great ambition for 
the improvement of farming, of manufacture, 
or of any production. It has stimulated 
thousands to spend years yes, lifetimes to 
master Nature's secrets for the benefit of 

V. Without the promise of protection and 
;ts financial reward the telephone would still 
be among the unknown possibilities. We 
would live in ignorance of the wonderful 
powers of electricity. We would not be able 
to enjoy the grand development of the power 
of steam, of water, of light, of Nature's influ- 
ences, and of everything that raises us from 
the inactivity of ordinary plodding humanity 
to the glorious achievements of a higher life. 

VI. But for the prospect of wealth our 
systems of electricity could never have been 
established. It was man's invention, and he 
is now entitled to his reward. 

VII. Cities, States, and governments have 
the right to control the franchises granted for 
the building of various forms of public con- 


venience when those institutions become 
monopolies and are operated for gain only. 

VI I L When franchises were first given 
they were of no value. It took capital, time, 
and labor to work out their possibilities. In 
all cities these institutions were begging for 
those who \vould put their shoulders to the 
wheel and open their pocketbooks, and after 
many failures they have gained a grand 

IX. It would, indeed, be injustice to rob a 
man or corporation of success after having 
toiled through the period of experiment. 

X. All , experiments for the public benefit 
have felt the hand of defeat, but after the in- 
evitable losses and mishaps they arise from 
the valley of experience with renewed power. 
And now, when they have become an important 
factor in the commerce of the world, we agi- 
tate the necessity of public control. 

XL It is an easy matter to conduct a busi- 
ness when established, but who can raise it 
from nothing to importance? 

XI L It is acknowledged that no public 
building was ever erected with the economy of 
a private enterprise. Then how can we expect 
a Government with no individual financial re- 


sponsibility to compete with individual effort? 
It is not human nature to take the same care 
of public property as you do of your own. 

XI I L No harbor or river improvement 
and we spend seventy-five million dollars 
yearly was ever economized to the full satis- 
faction of the public. It has been the means 
of laying away snug fortunes, but being a pub- 
lic endowment we call him lucky who secures 
an opportunity to handle these appropriations. 

XIV. No army was ever maintained with- 
out contracts and we all know what " con- 
tracts " mean. 

XV. No battleship was ever built for the 
same money a private individual could get one 
fon No fort was ever constructed in time 
of peace, nor contract for armor plate let out, 
but those who were *' on the inside " received 
great benefits. In fact, such is the case in all 
public business where individual responsibility 
does not depend upon the individual pocket- 



THIRD SPEAKER. I. Mr. Chairman : It is 
usually the case, in all questions appertaining 


to Government interference, that the opposi- 
tion side is excited over the encroachment of 
the people on individual rights* It matters 
not whether it relates to trusts, combinations, 
street railways, gas, telephone lines, or the 
telegraph. They boil with indignation and 
denounce the demonstrations of the people 
as an interference with vested rights. This 
is especially true in all cases where these cor- 
porations reap a rich harvest In their dealings 
with the public. 

II. The telephone monopoly has made mil- 
lions and tens of millions for its stockholders. 
Their rates of transmission are exorbitant, and 
it is time they were taken in hand and com- 
pelled to give the people this service at a rea- 
sonable compensation. 

III. Watered stock is one great source of 
vast accumulations of wealth, and carries with 
it the deception of the ignorant and the cor- 
ruption of business morality* 

IV. The great sj^stem of the Western 
Union Telegraph still Imposes the same tax 
on messages when, by all the analogies of 
business, there should be a cheapening of Its 
service. But no ! It goes on and on, mak- 
ing the same demands, the same arbitrary re- 


quirements, and the same profits if anything 
increased by its improved facilities* 

V. Attempt to institute Government con- 
trol, and the lobbies of these " vested in- 
terests " are sent forth with the means of 
corruption in their pockets. They seek those 
who can be won by their all-powerful persua- 
sions ; and opposition appears at proper times 
and places to appeal for the continuation of 
the corporation enterprise and to denounce 
Government interference. In other words, 
bribery Is resorted to, to keep the people 
still paying- excessive profits Into the treas- 
uries of these combinations. 

VL No franchise should ever be granted 
where a city or government could transact its 
own public business, such as transporta- 
tion, etc. 

VII. Franchise means monopoly, and mo- 
noply means a profit greater than the capital 

VIII. The object of a monopoly is to con- 
trol every thing in its own line and levy tribute, 
to its own great advantage. 

IX. Individual ownership of any public 
necessity Is a constant source of corruption in 
official circles. This corruption does not rise 


to the surface openly, but it is known to exist 
and flourish as a hidden but powerful menace 
to society. 

X* We find that Government control of 
every form of the supply of public needs is a 
success. It is a success in the manufacture 
and distribution of light and water. It is a 
success in handling and maintaining street 
railways or the railroads of a country. The 
express, the post office, and in many countries 
the entire system of telegraphing are now man- 
aged with the best results by the Government. 
This is true in England, Germany, Russia, 
and most other countries of Kurope. It is true 
also in Australia and New Zealand, and, when 
adopted here, will be of equal benefit to us. 

Mr. Speaker, this is not an experiment. 
The national ownership of telephones and 
telegraph systems is in actual operation and 
is giving success in its perfect management, 
in its reduction in the cost of service, and its 
profit to the Government. 


FOURTH SPEAKER. I. Mr. Chairman : In 
closing this argument, I desire to lay some 
stress upon the difference between the tele- 


phone and telegraph companies and other 
public conveniences. In the first place the 
telephone has a long history of invention. It 
represents years of study and experiment. 
Those who have perfected it have spent al- 
most a lifetime toiling- over it and now are 
entitled to the fruits of their victory. 

II. The telephone is not a source of oppres- 
sion, nor is it burdensome. It is a great 
convenience for those who can afford to use it. 
Like many articles of consumption, it is a 
luxury. The poor scarcely patronize it at all ; 
it is by no means so oppressive as represented 
by our opponents* 

III. The telegraph business is an enterprise 
open to competition, and any person, or com- 
bination of persons, may engage in its work. 
There is no restriction and no cause for 
Government control. There are no hard- 
ships connected with it, and the very poor 
seldom use it. 

IV. Like the telephone it is a business 
luxury. Its advantage lies only in its rapidity. 
Most branches of commerce can await the 
movement of the mails, but through habit 
they resort to telegraphy, frequently when it 
is not necessary. 


V. The Government may handle it with 
the same degree of economy and correctness, 
but it is very doubtful. It has now been re- 
duced to a science, and as such requires the 
closest attention of its thousands of experts. 

VI. If it is suggested that the Government 
should go into this business for profit, let us 
say emphatically, No ! If it is proposed to 
help the poor, let me say the poor are not in- 
terested. If it is to assist business, then let 
it remain just as it is and let the business men 
pay for it. 

VII. When the telegraph becomes a burden 
to the people it will be time to discuss Na- 
tional control, and not until then should we 
attempt to burden the Government with busi- 
ness cares that can be handled far better 
under private ownership than otherwise. 

Mr. Speaker, in opposition to these forms 
of ownership, let me interpose the following 
objections : 

First. It is not policy to burden the Government 
with a business that gives perfect satisfaction under 
the present regime. 

Second. The telephone and telegraph are rather 
public luxuries than public necessities. 

Third. They do not burden the people. 


Fourth. They do not tax the poorv 

Fifth. They have been acquired by the diligence 
and perseverance of their inventors. 

Sixth. They have steadily advanced from practical 
nonentity to vast importance. 

Seventh. It has required almost hundreds of millions 
of dollars to establish these gigantic systems. Are we 
to confiscate this enormous sum ? 

Eighth. They are not, like the distribution of mails, 
a public necessity, but they are used to hasten messages 
as a matter of satisfaction. 

Ninth. The change involves too great an expendi- 

Tenth. It is not good politics. 



Resolved? That the average young: man of to-day has 
greater opportunities to make hfe a success financially 
than his forefathers* 


FIRST SPEAKER. I. As we look around us 
and see the wonderful development which has 
taken place in the last half century, it is evi- 
dent that the world never saw such vast and 
unlimited opportunities for making- life a 
success financially as now. 

II. In comparing- the possibilities under 
discussion, we must note the following : 

(a) What are the advantages now, and what were they 
in the times of our forefathers? 

() What were the obstacles then, and what are they 

(<r) What was the compensation for work done then, 
and what is it now ? 

Compare education at the two periods. 



(<r) Note now the development of the country with 
its agencies, and we find there are thousands of avoca- 
tions where fifty years ago there were none. 

III. Science has perfected many important 
inventions, and openings for occupations are 
numerous and renumerative. 

IV. Thousands of enterprises are devel- 
oped which young men are needed to assist 
in pushing and operating. 

V. The vast extension of our railroads has 
added to our resources, and internal commerce 
is immense in its proportions. 

VI. These changes have given employment 
to thousands of men in the mines, the fac- 
tories, the promotion of internal improve- 
ments, farming, the professions, arts, sciences, 
and the thousands of avocations not devel- 
oped in the days of our forefathers. 


SECOND SPEAKER. We thank the speaker 
for asking us to compare the conditions of 
to-day with those of fifty years ago. And 
in doing so we will ask him for the solution 
of the following problems ; 


First. Every business is overrun with applications for 

Second. Every profession is full to overflowing. 

Third. Every industry is seeking how best to- curtail 

Fourth. Every business is in a high state of com- 

Fifth. Capital is wary about investment. 

Sixth. Speculation has ruined opportunities. 

Seventh. Thousands of men are out of employment. 

Eighth. Wealth is growing aristocratic. 

Ninth. Young men are being taught that manual 
labor is debasing. 

Tenth. Immigration has added to the difficulties of 

Eleventh. Excessive productions have overstocked the 

Twelfth. Mining is now a failure, except in rare 

Thirteenth. Credit is being assailed. 

Fourteenth. Money is being hoarded. 

Fifteenth. Bankruptcies are frequent, and real estate 
is decreasing in value. 


THIRD SPEAKER. L The ambitious young 
man is most earnestly sought after. The 
business of the country is looking for those 
who are industrious, honest, and trustworthy. 
For the young man who can, command con* 


ficlence, there are splendid opportunities. 
But for the careless and indifferent there may 
be a lack of employment. 

II. The principal drawbacks to financial 
success at this particular stage of our national 
existence are the following* : 

First. Luxuriousness in social life. 
Second. Pride. 
Third. Extravagance. 
Fourth. Over-ambition. 
Fifth. Undue devotion to politics. 
Sixth. The " accuised hunger for riches.'* 
Seventh. A desire for " genteel " occupations. 
Eighth. The high rate of wages results in unambitious 

Ninth. Scorn for lowly employment. 
Tenth. The habit of speculation. 
Eleventh. Debt. 

Eliminate these factors from the problem, 
and any young man with moderate ability 
cannot fail to succeed. 

III. The necessary qualifications for a 
young man to possess in order to succeed are: 

First. Faithfulness. 
Second. Honesty of purpose. 
Third. Courtesy. 
Fourth. Correct habits. 


With these essential qualities, the field is 
open and victory is assured. 


FOURTH SPEAKER. I* Our opponents lay 
great stress upon the moral qualities when 
speaking- of our young men of to-day, as 
though they were inferior to those of the past. 
Against this insinuation I enter a protest an 
emphatic protest. To admit this condition of 
things we must admit a growing demoraliza- 
tion ; that Christianity is on the wane ; that 
the world is growing worse, and that all the 
progress and improvements of which we are 
proud serve only to promote vice and de- 

II. The question is, whether the young man 
of to-day can grasp his opportunities and 
make his life a financial success more easily 
than in the times of our forefathers. 

III. There is no reason to doubt the 
honesty of purpose and the ability of our boys, 
as compared with any in the past. It is not 
because they are less honest, less faithful, less 
courteous that they are idle, but because the 
occupations are full ; because the broad, open 


fields of fifty years ago are closed ; because 
as a country grows older opportunities are 
fewer, in proportion to the growth of popula- 
tion ; because the development of the country 
has reached a stage where the building of 
railroads must in the future be slower. 
These are the reasons why a financial success 
is more difficult than formerly. 

IV. It is a matter of fact and history that, 
as a country reaches a certain point, the 
opportunities for amassing great fortunes 
gradually cease ; that it settles into a regular 
line of business where labor assumes its duties 
with little prospect of ever rising from its 

V. Once upon a time any young man of 
ordinary intelligence could turn his attention 
to teaching school. Mark the change to-day! 
His services were once needed in the store, 
the printing office, the factories, and various 
professions. What is the state of affairs 
now? Clerks, for instance, are no longer 
sought after, because they are already too 

VI. Women are filling many places which 
used to belong exclusively to men. 

VI I. The man who buys a farm without 


making- a cash payment can hardly hope to 
meet success. 

VI I L They tell us of the hard times of our 
forefathers, of the low prices of grain, and 
produce, but men succeeded then because, on 
the other hand, prices were not burdensome. 
Taxes were light and insurance was scarcely 
known. Property of all kinds, especially real 
estate, was constantly increasing in value. 
Buy to-day, and you can hardly hope to re- 
ceive much benefit from a rise in property. 



Js immigration detrimental to the United- States $ 

FIRST SPEAKER. I* Mn Chairman, the 
question we are about to discuss is one of 
peculiar interest to every workingman in the 
United States, and should be considered 
wholly from the standpoint of justice to 
American labon 

II. Every laborer -who has declared his in- 
tention of becoming- an American citizen is a 
unit of American labor. 

III. There are no distinctions when once 
the foreign immigrant has renounced his 
allegiance to whatever country may have been 
his home and has pledged his support to the - 
Constitution of the United States. 

IV. The question does not refer to any cit- 
izen of to-day, but asks, is it best, consider- 



ing the competition for employment, to 
increase the number of unemployed by en- 
couraging the surplus labor of the Old Worjd 
to seek our shores and compete with those 
now striving to make both ends meet by ill- 
paid employment. 

V. It is to the interest of every laborer, no 
matter if he has but just landed on the shores 
of America, to assist any measures that will 
insure a fair compensation for his labor. 

VL Conditions now are unlike those in the 

VII. In the past we were in a state of de- 
velopment and hence a state of prosperity. 
Industries were humming on every hand, 
commodities were produced at a profit. 
Farmers were happy, and every man who 
would work was called upon to sell his labor 
to those who could purchase it. 

VI I L Immigration was encouraged. States 
appointed committees to induce settlement in 
their territory. Land was sold at nominal 
prices, and every possible" attraction was 
offered to build up our country by welcoming 
people from other lands. 

IX. But mark the change : We now have 
thousands t>f men without any permanent 


employment. Our factories are running on 
short time, or not at all. Wages are being 
cut to enable employers to meet competition, 
poverty confronts multitudes in every city, 
and charity is taxed to keep needy women and 
children from starvation, 

X. No one denies this condition of things, 
and yet our friends on the opposite side will 
not close the door against further immigra- 
tion, and, as a corollary, further competition 
and further injury to the American people. 


SECOND SPEAKER. L Mr. Chairman: When 
we make an international compact, we must 
observe it in its entirety, even though some 
of its clauses are not to our liking. It is not 
for us to dictate all the terms of international 
treaties. We are all directly or indirectly 
interested in the commerce of the world. We 
have made our treaties and must observe 
them. We guarantee protection to any natural- 
ized foreigner who may come to us, just as 
though he were a member of our national 
family. We desire no more of one man than 
of another in the observance of law and order. 


All are equal in the exercise of their skill and 
judgment in the pursuits of life. 

IL We cannot restrict immigration except 
as it involves the reception of criminals or 
paupers as prospective citizens. We have 
laws to prevent unworthy persons from com* 
ing here as immigrants or otherwise* 

III. Our treaties cannot be broken without 
causing friction and retaliation. 

IV. We can have no cause for complaint if 
only good men come to our shores, 

V. No country need fear too many good 
men. It is the idle, shiftless, debased, and 
lawless classes we fear. 

VL No doubt many undesirable aliens have 
migrated to., our land in prosperous times, but 
as we have placed a watch on future arrivals, 
there is no need to condemn all foreigners, or 
denounce immigration as the source of a com- 
mercial and financial depression which was the 
result of speculation. 

VI I. We have been supporting a policy of 
development. We have built beyond our 
power of maintenance. We have planned 
thousands of schemes of speculation, and now 
we reap the whirlwind of our own avarice. 

VIII. Immigration is not the cause of ex- 

2io IMMIGRA TIO A 7 : 

Isting idleness, destitution, and want. We 
have made our financial bed by seeking too 
much, and now, in the suddenness of the fall, 
we blame others in the attempt to screen 

IX. Enforce our laws against improper per- 
sons coming to our shores, and we need have 
no fear of immigration. 

X. Let all good men and their families 
come who so desire. We need their labor, their 
enterprise, their strength, and their honesty of 


THIRD SPEAKER. I. Mr. Speaker: If the 
rosy picture which has just been painted could 
only be vitalized, we might feel differently in 
regard to foreign immigration, but when we 
know that the laziness, crime, pauperism, and 
idleness are largely due to the people of other 
countries who have had nothing to lose by 
coming here, we cannot but exclaim, *< Close 
the doors to these unwelcome visitors !" We 
do not need them. We have no room for 
them. We want what labor there is for our 
own citizens. Even now there is not enough 


employment to give an honest living- to all 
who need it. 

II. The first duty we owe our people is 
to guarantee their rights to life, liberty, and 
the pursuit of happiness. And our second 
duty is to protect them while they live in 
liberty and pursue happiness, and to enable 
them to secure a reasonable compensation for 
their services. This they have a right to ask 
of us. They are our citizens, and we owe them 
an opportunity to gain a livelihood. 

III. Our friend seems to dwell upon inter- 
national treaties and possible friction. He 
states that our commerce Is so interwoven 
with that of other nations that we cannot 
enact laws that may displease them, or else 
retaliation will be the, result. Our friends 
must remember that treaties cannot exist to 
the detriment of any nation. Treaties are 
made for mutual benefit. Should the future 
demonstrate that these agreements are dis- 
tasteful or burdensome, then they can be re- 
pealed and new ones made. 

IV. In Russia to-day there is for an Ameri- 
can no freedom of travel ; no permission to 
engage in business. In Germany it is neces- 
sary for us to obtain permission even to 

2 1 2 IMMIGRA 

travel In China we are In many localities 
shut out entirely. Each country reserves the 
right to dictate who and what shall come 
among them, and we have the right to impose 
the same restrictions. 

V. Mn Speaker, the chief reasons why we 
should limit immigration are as follows : 

Contract labor; 
Low wages. 

All these particulars are the result of free 
immigration. It is the nature of the restless,, 
unemployed, and poorly paid people of any 
country to seek other climes for the purpose 
of bettering their condition. America has 
been the asylum of the whole world until we 
have become so crowded with unrequited 
labor that we are sapping the strength of our 
institutions by creating unrest and anarchy. 

VL We can see the danger to our institu- 
tions by comparing the few who are rich and 
the millions who are poor. A hungry man is 
la dangerous man. Competition produces 


low prices, and to-day the competition of 
labor is so great that many barely have the 
necessaries of life. 

VI I. In order to protect our workingmen 
on the Pacific coast we were compelled to 
prohibit the further introduction of Chinese. 
Not that they were idle or shiftless, but be- 
cause by their parsimonious habits they could 
outbid American labor and thus become a 
menace to the white labor of our country. 
Few claim we did foolishly to stop this as- 
sault upon the workmen of the Western 
coast. But what is true there is also true on 
the Eastern side of the continent. Large 
bodies of ignorant men have been employed 
in our iron mines ; in the day labor of our 
factories where skill is not required; in the 
coal fields of Pennsylvania; on the streets of 
our cities, and in the construction of railroads, 
wherever unskilled labor was needed. This 
is the competition we have had, are having, 
and which we propose to limit. 

VIII. The question does not mean that we 
shall raise the standard of prohibition and 
debar all classes, but that we shall restrict 
those who cannot be benefited by coming and 
who will be a serious embarrassment to those 

214 IMMIGR* 4 

who are here. We are willing to welcome 
every man, woman, and child who will be 
a blessing to our country, but to debar those 
who will prove a detriment. 


FOURTH SPEAKER. I. Mr. Chairman : The 
last speaker seems to hedge in his arguments 
by stating that the question covers only that 
class of people who would not be a blessing to 
us. This is a strange solution of a question, 
when we cannot know by any means whatever 
who are worthy and who are not. A man 
who was of the poorest in Europe may" be- 
come a valuable citizen here, while one of the 
richest might become a curse as an American. 
We can discuss this question only from the 
standpoint of justice to all. 

IL What would we have been if there had 
been no immigration?' We commence with 
the discovery of the continent ; the landing of 
the Pilgrims; the settlement of the Mohawk 
valley. The widespread thrift of the Ger- 
man ; the sturdy life of the Scotchman ; the 
wideawake Irishman ; the frugal Norwegian 
and Swiss; the stanch old Englishman the 


bone and smew of all nationalities ; these 
were factors in our upbuilding-. These coun- 
tries have made us what we are. We call 
ourselves Americans, as though we were a 
distinct race, when in reality we represent all 
races. And now to say to these nations, who 
have been the means of our wonderful devel- 
opment, that we will not receive any more 
of their sons and daughters savors of 

III. There are classes of people who are 
not acceptable at any time, but where are we 
going to draw the line? How can we stipu- 
late that one part of the family is eligible and 
another is not? There are some people from 
every country who are of no benefit to any 

IV. We say prohibit immigration, and at 
the same time say we want good men to 
come. Who are the good men ? Who have 
wealth enough to meet the law's require- 
ments ? Who are honest enough? Who are 
industrious enough? Who is qualified to sit 
in judgment on the merits or demerits of the 
would-be American citizens ? 

V. My friend cited the Chinese as a class 
that had to be excluded in order to protect 

2 1 6 IMMIGRA TIO&. 

the workingmen of the Pacific coast. Now 
no one contends that the Chinese are a dis- 
grace to this country. It is simply claimed 
that they will not become American citizens, 
that they come here only for profit ; that 
many of them came under contract at fixed 
compensation ; that they live too penuri- 
ously ; that they can compete at starvation 
wages ; that they would destroy wages, and as 
a consequence they must go. 

VI. This may be true of the Chinese, and 
as they are not allowed to become American 
citizens we can eliminate them from the 
argument, but what other nation of impor- 
tance can you say must stajr outside ? 

VI L Mr. Speaker, if our laws are enforced 
against crime and pauperism, we need have 
but little fear of undesirable immigration com- 
ing to compete with us in the field of labor. 

VI I L The great cause of all our labor 
troubles is doubtless the lack of confidence. 
Speculation has run riot, until capital is too 
timid to venture. Restore confidence, insti- 
tute legitimate business, and we shall see 
labor rewarded by employment, and may then 
abolish the idea of curtailing immigration. 

IX. Enforce the laws now on the statute 


books against the criminal classes and beggars 
and we are, even now, reasonably safe. 

FIFTH SPEAKER. Mr. Speaker : It is easy 
to talk of what has produced the pres- 
ent condition of things, and what may be 
the future outlook, but we are face to face 
with a reality. We add by immigration 
thousands and thousands to our population 
who cannot support themselves in this coun- 
try, for there is nothing for them to do. 
They do not know our language, nor do 
they know our ways. They are ignorant, and 
uneducated even in their own language. Our 
cities are overflowing with the idle. Crime is 
rampant, and misery is everywhere. Every 
day's work we now give to a newcomer is so 
much food taken from the mouths of our 
wives and children. 

Every deed of charity to our new immi- 
grants means that the burden of caring for 
the poor is increased just so much. It may 
not be necessary absolutely to prohibit immi- 
gration, but it is emphatically necessary to re- 
strict it. Admit only those who possess the 

2 1 8 2MMIGRA TION*. 

requirements of education, of health, of moral 
character, of means of support. This Is as 
far as we can go. To attempt anything fur- 
ther would be going beyond the bounds of 
justice. But we must protect our own labor. 
We must be mindful of the thousands who 
are in idleness. We must bear in mind that 
when a large mass of the people are hungry,, 
the conditions are ripe for anarchy and society 
is menaced with revolution. 

Mr. Speaker, we cannot afford to take 
these chances. We now have it in our power 
well to safeguard the future labor of the coun- 
try. Let us not lose this opportunity. Labor 
is restless, and a decisive act now may con- 
duce to a better feeling between our Govern- 
ment and the people. We are not legislating- 
for Great Britain or any other country. We 
are here to work for our own interests, for our 
own people, and our own prosperity. Then 
let us revise our immigration laws, prohibit a 
promiscuous rush to this country, and stop 
any further competition in labor until we get 
out of the woods. 



Are our large department stores a 71 zti/ury to the country 1 


FIRST SPEAKER. Mr. Chairman : For sev- 
eral years past the tendency of retail trade in 
our large cities has been to concentrate under 
a single roof every known product for which 
there is any demand. These gigantic institu- 
tions are known as department stores, and are 
fast monopolizing the trade of both city 
and country. Like oil, coal, copper, sugar, 
matches, biscuit,, nails, screws, steel, whisky, 
lumber, books, and numerous other articles 
now held by trusts and monopolies, the 
retail trade is being absorbed by these stores* 
Their effects are disastrous to the smaller 
traders, and thousands are feeling the strain 
which loss of trade is causing them. In Chi- 
cago, in particular, these stores are spreading 
ruin in all quarters, and are causing a decline 



of trade in country towns where people buy 
through the price catalogues of their immense 
stock of goods. We are aware that a com- 
bination of capital, with ready money, can 
buy at a far lower rate than can those who 
buy but little and often on credit. 

The success of a country depends, among 
other things, upon the following factors : 

Small farmers; 
Distribution of trade; 
General industries. 

These may be analyzed as follows : 
The small farmer is the medium for more 
independence in agriculture ; for more families 
to till the soil and earn their living. Vast 
landed estates depend upon renters, and 
renters are always dependent. Note the con- 
dition of European countries, except France. 
The prosperity of France depends much upon 
the division of the soil ; for instance, a farmer 
dies who owns one hundred acres, leaving ten 
children. The law divides the real estate 
equally. This prevents the accumulation of 
large tracts of land, and families are given 
equal opportunities. 


Distribution of trade implies a diffusion of 
trade everywhere ; no monopoly of it at cen- 
tral locations. The process resembles the dis- 
tribution of small farms wherever there is a 

Employment. The more stores exist, the 
more free labor and a better remuneration of it. 
Where thousands of men are employed the 
question of wages is carefully studied by the 
aggregation of capital, and a few cents saved 
to it on each employee amounts to a large 
sum. Thus labor is better paid where the 
department store has not yet gained a foothold. 

General Industries. Much greater pros- 
perity comes to a people if we can distribute 
industries over a thousand towns than if we 
unite the whole under a single management 
at one central point. These are the condi- 
tions that give general prosperity to a people 
and a country. The more you draw in 
and consolidate the more you cripple the 
people, lessen wages, and -bring hard times. 
The department stores to the retail bring 
exactly the same result as aggregations of 
wealth do to production. You give them 
the advantage of buying at a discount, manu- 
facturing for themselves, obtaining bankrupt 


stock, selling at a profit where the smaller 
stores could not buy, and in ever}' way they 
form a monopoly. 

They give no credit. They demand cash 
in advance, consequently there are no losses. 
In cities the car fare is only five cents, and the 
glaring advertisements attract rich and poor, 
who flock to the bargain counters and pay 
their cash, while their grocery stores at home 
languish for want of trade and money to 
make both ends meet. 

A prominent real-estate man in Chicago 
remarked the other day that the department 
stores were producing more anarchists than 
all other causes combined. Hundreds of 
small stores had failed, and hundreds more 
were tottering to their fall, and every man 
who went under through a lack of trade 
became a bitter anarchist. There now ! see 
how a combination of capital can control 
prices and trade. The victims denounce 
those corporations as unjust to the people 
and declare they ought to be abolished. It is 
only another step to a consolidation of all in- 
dustries and servitude for all the people. 
Something must be done to stop this state of 
things. There must be more independence 


and less dependence, more diversity and fewer 
combinations, better wages and less sweating. 
Why, my friends, it is stated on credible 
authority that the wages paid to the multitude 
of girls in our department stores are scarcely 
enough to keep body and soul together. 
Those corporations have no heart, no sym- 
pathy, no idea of justice* They study profit 
from every source and get it, too. Abolish 
these stores, for they are a curse to trade and 
a curse to humanity. 


SECOND SPEAKER. Mr. Chairman : " Are 
our large department stores an injury to 
the country ? " The speaker who has just 
addressed this assembly has gone into an 
itemized account of conditions and denounces 
these stores as of almost a malicious charac- 
ter, and claims that they should be abolished. 
Now, Mr. President, if these stores have done 
anything wrong I should like to have our 
friend point it out to us. They have exercised 
no liberties not fully theirs, and are doing no 
business not legitimate and right in every 
way. The only difference between these 
places of business and others is that they are 


more extensive in character. They carry a 
large stock, deal for cash, and furnish goods to 
their customers at a reasonable price. Most 
stores adopt the credit system, especially in 
country villages, and he who pays cash must 
also pay the bad debts of the concern ; other- 
wise the credit stores could not stand the loss. 
The department stores are seeking to put 
business on a cash basis. They buy and sell 
for cash, and the consumer is given the benefit. 
We have been doing business on credit all 
through. This system has necessitated high 
prices, which are a detriment to all consumers; 
while, if a cash system had been reasonably 
adhered to and moderate prices prevailed, 
there would never have been any of these 
stores. We are to blame if we have paved 
the way for the retail of goods at wholesale 
prices. The people demanded protection 
from high prices, and there being a demand, 
capital accepted the situation and inaugurated 
this new business. It is said competition is 
the life of trade, but it is also true that local 
high prices will drive away trade. People 
will trade where they can get the most for 
their money. Every farmer will sell where he 
can get the best prices. 


Department stores can exist only in large 
cities where there are multitudes of people- 
As there is a heavy investment there must 
be a heavy trade to balance it. It is true 
they send out catalogues to the rural com- 
munities, and they are a great advantage, 
too. Without these lists these people could 
never post themselves on proper prices. 
For hundreds of articles which small stores 
charge twenty-five cents these stores ask 
three cents or five cents and make a profit, 
too. In these hard times no merchants 
have the moral right to make several hundred 
per cent, profit, and but for these departments 
stores they would do so. Now let me ask 
you this question : 

Is it any worse to establish a large store 
with general supplies at low or medium prices, 
and thus attract customers, than to make ex- 
tortionate charges and drive away trade ? De- 
partment stores would not exist if the people 
should adopt a cash system, but while credit 
is the motive power we must abide by the 
consequences; no credit system can do justice 
to the ready-money purchaser. My friend 
complains of the low wages paid by corpora- 
tions. The larger the concern, the greater 


the need for economy in the most minute de- 
tails* Every point and every leak must be 
watched with the closest scrutiny, otherwise 
the business will be a failure. 

Now, Mr. Speaker, I do not see how we 
can imagine that we have reasonable grounds 
for denouncing these department stores. 
We find that they were called into existence 
to satisfy a public demand, and their advan- 
tages may be summed up as follows : 

Reasonable prices. 

Cash payments. 

A varied assortment. 

The mail-order system. 

Fair dealing. 

They satisfy a demand of the people. 


THIRD SPEAKER. Mr. President: The de- 
partment store Is but a manifestation of the 
pernicious tendency of capital to concentrate 
in the hands of the few. The ruinous effects 
of such a tendency can hardly be overesti- 
mated* It greatly swells the ranks of laborers 
and employees. It widens the breach be- 
tween the rich and the poor and annihilates a 


class which has hitherto preserved an equilib- 
rium between the two social extremes, and 
which is absolutely essential to the existence 
of all free representative governments, I 
refer to the middle class. It was the middle 
class of England which preserved unimpaired 
the freedom of speech, the liberty of the 
press, and all those inestimable rights and 
privileges which we now enjoy. It was 
the middle class which always checked the 
encroachments of the selfish and arrogant 
aristocracy, and the violent outbreaks of tur- 
bulent demagogues. It was the middle class 
which gave us the greatest thinkers, poets, 
dramatists, philosophers, and leaders in the 
field of intellectual endeavor. The most 
potent factor in the downfall of Poland that 
once great and flourishing kingdom, great 
in the extent of her territories, rich in her 
natural resources, blessed with a brave, patri- 
otic, and industrious population was the 
absence of a native middle class. 

Destroy the middle class in this country, 
and, notwithstanding our boasted equality 
before the law and at the ballot box, we shall 
be a nation of magnates and serfs. All the 
avenues to wealth, or even to a moderate 


competence, will be open only to the few 
who were fortunate by the accident of birth, 
or possess the meanness of spirit to cringe 
and fawn before the haughty plutocrat. 
That the law has the right to protect its 
subjects against the oppressive aggressions 
of centralized wealth is no new doctrine. It 
is as old as the common law itself, and has 
often been applied in England and other 
countries of Europe. 

But, Mr. Chairman, I will not confine myself 
to consideration of right and justice, but will 
call attention to absolute facts as they affect 
the -people ; and to make my protest more 
forcible, I will particularize as follows : 

First. ,The department store is the most dangerous 
fire-trap now existing. For this reason, alone, it should 
be legislated out of existence. 

Second. It is a fruitful field for propagating contagious 
diseases, by reason of the immense number of men, 
women, and children who are crowded into badly venti- 
lated rooms. Seldom is there lacking, in such crowds, a 
person suffering from some contagious disease. 

Third. It is too great an employer of child labor 

Fourth. It destroys legitimate competition. 

Fifth. It pays unremunerative wages, in violation of 
ethical if not of common law. 

Sixth. It fails to pay its legitimate proportion of 


Seventh. It concentrates business to the detriment 
of the convenience, comfort, and health of the public. 

Eighth. The sale in a department store of food and 
intoxicating liquors without special license and special 
inspection is a moral crime, at least. 

Ninth. It encourages the manufacture of defective 
household goods, mechanical tools, garden and farm 

Tenth, By advertising for bankrupt stocks it en- 
courages illegitimate bankruptcy. 

Eleventh. It encourages people to buy articles which, 
while very cheap at first cost, are high-priced, in fact, 
since it requires several to outlast one good article of 
a like kind having but a slightly increased cost. 

Twelfth. It causes the concentration of wealth. 

Thirteenth. It robs the smaller stores and drives 
them to bankruptcy* 


FOURTH SPEAKER. Mr. Chairman : If a city 
council, legislature, or Congress can stop 
the owners of a department store from selling 
goods because they sell them cheaper than 
other merchants, then it is possible to take 
away from a citizen of the United States 
absolutely every constitutional right he is 
supposed to possess. 

I sympathize with the small dealers and 
would like to see them prosper, and they will 


prosper again just as soon as the present hard 
times leave us and the promised prosperity 
arrives, for their distress is owing-, not so much 
to the keen competition of the large stores as 
to the general depression now existing. But 
they must adjust themselves to the new condi 
tions which evolution brings forth, just as 
artisans have been compelled to adjust them- 
selves to all the labor-saving machinery which 
has been invented during the last fifty years. 
But to legislate people out of business be- 
cause they have been more successful than 
others would be to throttle energy, enterprise, 
pluck, and intelligence, and to reward idle- 
ness, indifference, sloth, and stupidity. 

The large stores would not exist if the peo- 
ple did not patronize them. Demand precedes 
supply. The people demand these stores and 
here they are. If at the clamor of a few small 
traders and a number of landlords these 
stores should be legislated out of business, a 
howl would go up from consumers two years 
hence that would reinstate them. 

Why object to the department store ? Why 
not object to the sewing machine, the reaper 
and binder, or any other labor-saving machine ? 
They all reduce the demand for labor. Is 


there any good reason why I should be taxed 
from twenty-five to one hundred per cent, to 
enrich some grocer ? Many a man would be 
living in enforced idleness if the law should 
suppress the department stores, just as there 
are now men out of employment for other 
reasons. These small traders who are forced 
out by competition must learn to adapt them- 
selves to their altered conditions. It is 
not only desirable but just that those who 
have the opportunity to do so should supply 
the necessities of the less fortunate at the 
lowest cost consistent with a reasonable profit. 
In this respect the department store is an ad- 
vantage to the public. It should be encour- 
aged to plant offshoots in the smaller towns. 
Doubtless, at first some hardship would result 
from a decrease in the number of employees, 
but the ultimate effect would be to carry out 
the principle which should govern commerce, 
politics, and every other department of life 
" the greatest good of the greatest number/' 



Should greenbacks be retired and the Government go out 
of its present system of banking ? 


FIRST SPEAKER. I. Mr. President : This 
is a question that has long" been under discus- 
sion by the most gifted financial thinkers of 
our country. 

II. The greenback system was called into 
being to meet the pressing needs of the Gov- 
ernment during the great Civil \Var. 

III. Its creation was a war measure. 

IV. It was opposed at the time of its issue 
as unconstitutional and contrary to the prin- 
ciples of good finance. 

V. It is true it served the purpose of re- 
lieving immediate necessities, but owing to the 
suspension of specie payments it became an 
inflated currency, incapable of being redeemed, 



and it shrunk in value until it was worth but 
forty cents on a dollar. 

VL Being- a necessity of the War the bur- 
den of loss was overlooked and the expenses 
which accrued were cheerfully borne. 

VII. It is not now a war necessity. 

VI IL It is a useless expense because it 
forces the Government to be continually pro- 
viding for its redemption. 

IX. It necessitates a gold reserve of not 
less than $100,000,000. 

X. This $100,000,000 is the people's money, 
and should not be taken from circulation. 

XL It is an endless chain of embarrass- 

XII. The reserve may be lowered at any 
time, and there is no form of protection. 

XIII. Speculators may combine to reduce 
the reserve and compel the Government to 
borrow to meet the deficiency. 

XIV. During a recent administration 
$262,000,000 of bonds were issued to meet 
the reserve. 

XV. As there are only $360,000,000 in 
greenbacks (and many of these have been 
lost by fire and other casualties), the vast 
new bonded indebtedness is a burden, and 


yet the greenbacks still remain to draw 
$262,000,000 more of bonds when we have 
another season of adversity. 

XV L Such seasons create distrust, impair 
credit, and produce financial disaster. 

XVI L The Government should be relieved 
from this burden by a general retirement of 
this war money and so stop all further embar- 

XVII L Had this been done prior to the 
Issue of those $262,000,000 of bonds, the 
greenback debt would be nearly redeemed by 
these new bonds. 

XIX. It is true the continuance of this sys- 
tem has an air of economy, but the new bonds 
are an evidence of its actual extravagance. 

XX. What has happened in the past finan- 
cially may happen again in the future. 

XXI. There is a wise saying: " Better be 
sure than sorry/* 

XXII. The retirement of the greenbacks 
will not produce any less money, as bank bills 
can be issued to replace them. 

XXI I L The redemption can be slow and 
the terms easy. 

XXIV. Once commence the actual redemp- 
tion and no trouble can occur, as confidence 


in the new system will be created and the 
credit of the Government beyond a possible 

XXV. We want a currency that Is stable 
and adapted to the needs of the people by ex- 

XXVL There is no expansion in a cur- 
rency that cannot exceed a certain volume. 

XXVIL A proper system of banking 
under Government supervision is the only 
safe s3 T stem ever devised. 

IXVI 1 1. We want no experiments* 

XXIX. We want an elastic currency. 

XXX. We want every dollar to be as good 
as gold. 

XXXI. We want the burden of redemption 
imposed on the profits of banking. 


SECOND SPEAKER. I. Mr, President: It is 
true the ablest men from a financial stand- 
point advocate the retirement of the green- 

II. But who are these men? They are 
almost wholly the class we call bankers* 

III. It is to the bankers' interest to have 
the Government go out of banking. 


IV. The intelligent financier regards the 
question from the point of profit. 

V. Few men consider other interests than 
their own. 

VI. It is safe to assume that a banker's 
opinions are based upon his interests. 

VI I. If it is a greater benefit for him to 
retain the greenbacks he will oppose their 

VIII. If it is to his advantage to have them 
retired he will seek to have them redeemed, 
or rather converted into bonds bearing good 

IX. It is then a self-evident truth that, as 
he has, and does, earnestly advocate their re- 
tirement, it must be for his benefit that they 
should be converted into bonds, and that he 
should be given the privilege of issuing the 

X. My friend states that the issuing of the 
greenback was a war measure, and as condi- 
tions have changed, the Government should 
now redeem their promises. 

XL Our opponents do not state why our 
Government resorted to a paper currency. I 
will tell you. The plan was opposed in de- 
cided tones, but when offering a loan the 


bankers bid from twelve to thirty per cent, 
interest, a rate no Government or individual 
could stand. This being the case, the green- 
back was forced on us* 

XI L The experiment proved valuable be- 
yond the highest hopes of its ablest advocates. 

XIII. It met all the expenses of the 

XIV. It rewarded the soldier for his patri- 
otism and compensated him for risking his 

XV. It built fleets and armed the navy. 
XVL It built the Monitor, the conqueror 

of the Jbferrimac, which had threatened the 
capture and destruction of every seaport city. 

XVII. It furnished food and clothing, 
arms and ammunition. 

XVIII. It saved the Union and restored 
the sisterhood of States. 

XIX. It came to the rescue when all other 
means failed. 

XX. It furnished a medium of circulation 
for the transaction of all business. 

XXI. It was legal tender and was good in 
any part of the country. 

XXII. It was the best money the people 
ever saw. 


XXIII. If it could save a nation in the 
time of war and distress, it could serve the 
people in the days of peace and prosperity. 

XXIV. It bore no rate of interest. 

XXV. It has saved the people over $600,- 
000,000 in interest. 

XXVI. If retired, and bonds issued instead, 
the people will pay in the next forty years 
$600,000,000, and still the debt will remain. 

XXVII. The $262,000,000 which my friend 
brings as a proof is no fault of the system. 

XXVIII. The expenses of the Government 
exceeded its revenues. 

XXIX. Banks saw the opportunity- and 
raided the Treasury for individual gain. 

XXX. Millions were made in the transac- 

XXXI. The bond sale has been represented 
as a result of a depleted reserve, through the 
paper currency. 

XXXII. The fact is, it was the result of a 
combination of speculators, who, through the 
agency of the Government, were privileged to 
force a bond issue and reap its benefits. 

XXXIII. The best currency the world ever 
saw is the currency of this Government. It 
is without interest, costs the people nothing, 


is legal tender at all points in United States 

XXXIV. It is not a menace to credit. It 
is only a menace to individual gain. 

XXXV. It is true it usurps a portion of 
the privileges which the banks demand* 

XXXVL The banks see an opportunity 
to substitute their bills for the others. 

XXX VI L They are like the foxes who 
visited the farmer and asked him why he was 
building* a high board fence around his 
chicken coop. But when the farmer replied 
that it was to protect his chickens, the 
smoothed-tongued foxes told him to plow his 
fields and attend to his crops, for they had 
made a life study of the chicken business and 
would take care of his chickens. 

XXX VII L And now, Mr. President, these 
financial foxes see a good many nice fat 
pullets in those $360,000,000, of greenbacks 
and they want to get through the fence, 

XXXIX. The affirmative speaker misrep- 
resents facts. A non-interest-bearing debt is 
no danger. It represents economy. It saves 
interest, and is a general legal tender. 


AJflrma five. 

THIRD SPEAKER. I. Mr. President : From 
the testimony of our learned opponents we 
are led to believe that the greenback currency 
is the victim of a gross conspiracy. Grant the 
statement ; it is only proof that the present 
conditions do lead to serious consequences. 
That, although we may have derived untold 
benefits in the past, still there may be untold 
dangers in the future if we continue its con- 
stant redemption and reissue. 

II. Bear in mind that conditions change. 
Circumstances in one case do not justify the 
circumstances in another. 

III. The greenback, we all agree, proved 
truly the sinews of "war. It served a noble 
purpose. It made the government inde- 
pendent and gave it enormous strength. 

IV. But the fact that it was once useful is 
not evidence of value under other circum- 

V. My friend admits that the conditions 
were favorable to a depleted reserve and con- 
sequently a forced loan of $262,000,000. 

VI. Good business always says, " Avoid 


VI L If the greenback has ceased to be a 
benefit, do not hesitate to remove it. 

VIII. Servants grow old, and no matter 
how great their value during the days of their 
strength, yet they may become a burden, or 
dependent, in the days of their weakness. 

IX. The greenback was once strong, but it 
is now weak. 

X. The soldiers of the past cannot be de- 
pended upon to fight the battles of the future. 
It requires younger men, men of strength and 
activity, men who are as were the brave boys 
of 1862. 

XL They have lost their usefulness, and 
though we honor them for their loyalty and 
the good they have done, yet we cannot rely 
upon their ability in time of adversity, 

XII. We are not concerned with what this 
currency has done, but what its continuance 
may allow others to do. 

XI I L We must remove suspicion. 

XIV. We must avoid the possibility of a 
recurrence of past evils. 

XV. We cannot afford to take chances 
because of the sentiment that attaches to 
past favors and benefits. 

XVI. The reserve must be maintained at 


all hazards, if we propose to do a banking 

XV I L If we agree to pay, we must not 
violate that promise. 

XVIII. A government promise is sacred. 

XIX. The $100,000,000 in gold, in the 
treasury of the Government, is a convincing 
proof of our ability to fulfill our promises. 

XX. By means of the reserve we sustain 
our credit. 

XXL By our credit we maintain our stand- 
ing as a nation among nations. 

XXII. Money is a great convenience, but 
credit is far superior to it. 

XXIII. This is a great country, and vast 
interests depend upon a stable currency. 

XXIV. My friend insists that it costs the 
people nothing to maintain the greenback 
through its various forms of redemption. I 
ask him if this everlasting chain through 
which $262,000,000 of bonds were forced 
upon us could ever have made its appearance 
if the reserve danger had never existed. 

XXV. Every thinking man knows that the 
drain on the reserve was due to the past form 
of our finances. We agreed to redeem, and 

there was no other way but to redeem. 


XXVL The lower the reserve the greater 
the anxiety. 

XXVII. But when the reserve was raised 
beyond the danger limit there was no danger, 
no desire for redemption. 

XXVI I L It was the Dutchman's position, 
who wanted his money from a bank, " Veil, 
if I can get my mone3% I don't vant it ; but 
if I cannot get it, I vant it." 

XXIX. We need a new system of bank- 
ing, a new basis of issue ; a system that will 
extend to the needs of the people, a system 
that scatters the burden of redemption. 

XXX. No system has ever been devised 
that equals the American system of national 

XXXL Let us extend its usefulness. 
XXXI L Let us give it greater power. 

XXXIII. Give each section an oppor- 
tunity of issuing money on unquestioned 

XXXIV. Municipal or State bonds may 
meet the expansion. 

XXXV. Place them under national super- 

XXX VI. Let the General Government 
decide what it will receive as security. 


XXXVII. Let the banks keep the gold 
for redemption. 

XXX VI 1 1. Place the present reserve in 
the channels of circulation. 

XXXIX. Our friends may amuse us with 
fox stories, but they cannot deny that the 
greenback is an endless chain by which the 
reserve may be withdrawn by a constant 
presentation of these bills for redemption. 

XL. Our present law commands that 
whenever this paper money is redeemed it 
must not be retired, but issued as expenses 
may require. 

XLL The chain pays out the currency to 
meet expenses, and there is no power to 
prevent a constant repetition of presenting 
the entire $360,000,000 time and again. 

XLII. Stop the exchange of bills for gold, 
and you question the credit of the Govern- 
ment. Refuse to honor a greenback, and 
you immediately precipitate a crisis. We 
cannot afford to do this. 

XLII I. There is no way of protecting this 
credit except by protecting the reserve. The 
Government must bear this endless chain 
whenever it is called upon. There is no 
way to save its credit except by meeting its 


obligations, and to secure those obligations 
there is but one way, and that is to remove 
the cause. 


FOURTH SPEAKER. L Mr. President : The 
one great hobby of our opponents is the gold 
reserve. Oh, the gold reserve ! It must be 
maintained. It is the danger signal that 
marks the danger line. 

II. The danger line seems to be 

III. I wonder how it was ascertained that 
this sum was the proper point to locate a 
financial safety valve, 

IV. Why not place it at $150,000,000? or 
why not place it at $50,000,000 ? or why place 
it .anywhere at all? Why not abolish this 
dangerous banking department our opponents 
are so ^solicitous about? Why not say we 
will accept from the Government a full legal 
tender in all cases, and abolish the reserve 
entirely ? 

V. Who wants this reserve? Is" it the 
people who are carrying on the real trans- 
actions of business ? No. Is it the day- 


laborer, who is willing to accept any dollar 
that is able to buy the necessaries of life? No. 
Is it the soldier, who wants a redemption 
in payment of his pension ? No. Is it the 
farmer, who wants it for his produce ; or the 
manufacturer, who must have payment for his 
A r ares? Is it the miner, who digs for coal; 
the shipbuilder, who builds for commerce ; 
the railroad employee, who handles the vast 
interests of exchange ? No ; it is no form of 
labor or industry that demands this endless 
chain of redemption our friends delight to 

VL Let the greenback remain *the issue of 
the whole people. Let it go into the chan- 
nels of business, and in each exchange let 
it represent a unit of value. We need no 
redemption, and no reserve to be raided 
when speculators desire to profit by the pur- 
chase and sale of a new bonded indebtedness* 

VII. The greenback currency is a necessity 
and cannot be dispensed with unless there is 
a substitute. 

VIII. But why should there be any 
substitute ? 

IX. Why disturb this medium of circula- 
tion ? Why look upon this currency as a 


views. See Indi- 
vidualism, Judaism 
Apocalyptic, essentially ethical, 

not essentially pseudonymous, 
14, 45-46 ; yet aU Jewish, 
apocalypses after 200 B c. 
pseudonymous, 45 ; loses 
pseudonymous character in 
Christianity at first, 45 ; "but 
resumes it later, 46 

relation of, to Christianity, 33 

relation of, to Judaism, "banned 
Tby Judaism, 33 , services and 
significance of, to Judaism, 
34, 64, 165 

relation of, to legalistic Judaism, 
34 ; "becomes anti-legalistic on 
ssnig- over into Onnstiamty, 

relation of, to prophecy, has 
common bases and uses same 
methods with, 16 ; channels 
of revelation same, 16 ; each 
has its own eschatology, 

apocalyptic not prophecy, first 
answers problems of Job and 
Hcclesiastes, and is true source 
of belief s in 

(i) blessed future life, 18 
seq ; in heaven, of in- 
dividxial, 19 
(li) catastrophic end of 

world, 19-20 
(ill) new heaven and earth, 

spiritual, 20-21 
(lv) unity of history, past, 
present, and future, 

unfulfilled prophecy reinter- 
preted by, 25-29 

Apocrypha of Old Testament, 
books of, cauonicity of, 184- 

Apocryphal, various meanings of 

word, 184-185 
Aristeas, Letter of, 227 

Baruch, the Book of (1 Barueh), 
215-218 ; the Syriac Apocalypse 
of (2 Baruch), 242-249 ; rela- 
tion of, to 4 Kara, 244-246, 250 

Bell and the Dragon, 197-108 

Catholic Church its meaning, 177 

Ohasidim, 117 ; books written by, 
9, 118-119, 161 

Children, Song of Three. See 

Christ, claims of, and idea of 
Messiah, 93-96 

Christian prophecy not pseudo- 
nymous, 45-46 

Chiistianity and apocalyptic, 9, 


and the Law, 166-167 
as a divine hfe first, and an 
intellectual creed and rule of 
life and ritual afterwards, 168 

Comprehensiveness of Judaism, in 
Temple worship, 178-179, 181 ; 
of our Lord, 179-180 ; still 
possible to Christian churches. 

Creeds, use of, 174 

Daniel, 23, 29, 43 passim 
Additions to, 194-198 
reinterpreted, 163 
reinterprets Jeremiah's pro- 
phecy, 27-28, 162 

Earthly kingdom, idea r,f., aban- 
doned in first century B.CL 
except in Parables of IDnoch. 

EJcclesiastes, 108 

Ecclesiasticus. See Siractu 



except as it is received in the payment of 
taxes, revenues, and any debt due the Govern- 
ment for its support and maintenance. 

XV. There never was any just cause to 
issue $262,000,000 under cover of supplying 
the reserve. The issue was a conspiracy to 
benefit speculators. Bonds were bought at 
104^ and sold for 120. The entire issue 
brought millions of profits to those who could 
command the situation. 

XVI. My opponents will claim that re- 
demption is a necessary feature in Govern- 
ment banking. 

XVII. I deny the truth of this position. 
As regards depreciation, I declare it is impos- 
sible to depreciate a full legal-tender currency 
issued by this Government. If it will pay 
any debt, it is always at par and needs no 
redemption. It needs no reserve, and the 
$100,000,000 in gold should be placed where 
it can circulate as money. Let those who 
want to speculate in gold speculate by them- 
selves, but never place the Government where 
it is forced to dance to the tune of compulsion. 

JLet us study the science of finance, and we 
shall see whence the trouble originates. 
Remove the cause as our brother indicates, 


but do not remove the greenback, the servant 
of the people, the power of exchange, the 
value of barter. Cease to prate about re- 
demption and make the " promise to pay " a 
promise to buy and to sell, a rfeal money, a 
full legal tender, a perpetual unit of value. 
This is all we need. Let gold and silver 
stand upon the same basis, but never force 
one to be the slave of the other. Give each 
the same power in the business of life, and 
there can be no favors, no prejudices, and nc 
worry as to what that currency is. 



Simon Maccabseus as Messiah, 

Sirach, 58, 189-191; Sadducean 
original, 190 ; and Pharisaic 
recension of the text, 190-101 

Son of Man, of superhuman origin, 
85 ; idea of, m 1 Enoch, $5- 
87 ; our Lord's use of term, 
91-96; synthesis of ideas of 
Son of Man and Suffering: 
Servant of Yahweh, 91 

Soul and spirit, 324-125 ; the soul 
tne bearer of the personality 
in Old Testament, 124 

Spirit, different from soul, 124 ; 
entrance of, into eternal bliss 
at death, believed in by Alex- 
andrian Judaism, 63, 120 ; in- 
termediate abode of, 1 relieved 
In by Palestinian Judaism, 

Susannah, 196-197 

Symbolism of apocalyptic, 60-61, 
81, 85 

Testaments of Twelve Patriarchs, 
account of, 227-229 ; additions 
to, 232-233; teaching: of, 82- 
84 ; on *orgiveness, 153-157 

Three Children, Song- of 3 195 

Tobit, 191-103 

Traditional beliefs and symbols 
continually reinterpreted, 160 

Unfulfilled prophecy. See Apoca- 

lyptic, Prophecy. 
Universalism, 70-71 ; tf. g. in Jore- 

Wisdom, Book of, 202-206 

Yahwism, piimitive, eschatology 
of, 100- LQ1 ; transformed by 
monotheism, 102-115 

Z^dokite work. Fragments of au 


IV. Most taxes for the support of State, 
county, city, and town governments are 
raised by direct payment of moneys through 
an assessed valuation. 

V. Taxation for the support of the General 
Government is largely "unseen," as in the 
tariff and internal revenue. 

VI. The tariff is a tax paid on goods 
imported, while the internal revenue is a 
charge placed upon articles manufactured in 
our own country, as on liquors and tobacco. 

VII. By imposing tariffs and taxes on 
manufactured articles we establish a rate equal 
to all. This rests upon the consumer, and by 
each purchase a small per cent, is paid and no 
hardships are felt. 

VIII. By our making these small but con- 
stant payments, we have in the aggregate a 
vast sum which could not be met in any other 
way with any degree of satisfaction. 

IX. It becomes a voluntary payment, as no 
purchase Is compulsory. 

X. Our national expenditures are over five 
hundred million dollars a year. To raise this 
by any other plan would be a positive burden. 
It is now paid practically without the knowl- 
edge of the consumer. 


XL Besides raising revenue through the 
tariff tax we secure protection to various 
forms of industries, and thus furnish capital 
with opportunities for investments and profit. 

XI I. In other words the tariff is the parent 
of protection. 

XI I L The internal revenue on whisky and 
tobacco yields a vast sum annually, and 
those who use these luxuries pay the entire 

XIV. As these articles are wholly for per- 
sonal gratification, the tax is never considered 
in any respect unjust. 

XV. Through the use of stamps the won- 
derful postal department is supported. 

XVI. By direct labor, such as the usual 
road work, certain objects are accomplished, 
and no hardship is felt by the individuals. 

XVI L Licenses, privileges, fines, and all 
kinds of permits net the Government an 
immense sum. 

XVIII. By the income tax the wealth 
gained yearly by individuals is assessed, and 
as this takes only a small per cent, of the real 
profit this tax is not burdensome. 

XIX. Taxation, to give satisfaction, must 
be hidden ; otherwise the yearly requirement 


becomes so large that it is looked upon with 

XX. The State, county, town, and school 
tax is now so large that it is hard to meet. 
Add to this the national expenditures, and we 
should feel the results far more than when 
hidden in our everyday purchases. 

XXI. The American people are used to 
tariffs, protection, good wages, and our pres- 
ent system of taxation, and they do not wish 
to make a change. 

XXI I. The only real change that could be 
made is by direct taxation and the Henry 
George system of a single land tax, which 
would be in the nature of perpetual rent to 
the Government. 


SECOND SPEAKER. I. Mn Chairman : The 
fact that we have lived under a particular 
form of law, privilege, or condition, is not 
evidence that these laws and conditions are 
the best that can be devised. 

II. Because we have have had high tariffs 
and protection for generations we need- not 
necessarily suffer from them forever. 


III. The fact that we pay an internal 
revenue of ninety cents a gallon on whisky, 
or two dollars on alcohol, or so much on 
tobacco is not evidence that this tax is for 
the best interests of the people. On the con- 
trary, we are ready to prove that this internal 
revenue is a detriment, for the following 
reasons : 

First. A government tax on whisky is the cause of 

Second. The poisonous adulterants are harmful to the 
health and happiness of those who unwittingly consume 

Third. The poison is known to act upon the lungs, 
kidneys, blood, and brain, and produce the wild delirium 
of drunkenness and the after nervous relapse. 

Fourth. It is known to undermine the constitution and 
transmit its effects to posterity. 

Fifth. Schools for weak-minded children are the re- 
sqlts of adulteration. 

Sixth. Fifty years ago there were no such schools. 

Seventh, Fifty years ago liquor was sold at ten cents 
per gallon; and if a man got drunk he felt no inconven- 
ience on regaining his senses. 

Eighth. Internal revenue has been the means of induc- 
ing men to evade the tax by producing vile compounds. 

Ninth. A few years ago a large importer of wines and 
other liquors in New York City died and it was then dis 
covered that he had not imported anything for years 
The tax, or tariff duty, induced him to evade its require 


ments and he imitated, by his compounds, every liquor 

Tenth. It is stated by good authority that it is next to 
impossible to secure pure wines or liquors. 

Eleventh. Remove these taxes, and there will be no 
object in adulteration. 

Twelfth. Remove the poisons, and drunkenness will 
lose some of its terrible effects. 

Thirteenth. The Government should not tax those 
things that can be secretly drugged and thus produce an 
injury to health. 

Fourteenth* Remove the ninety cents a gallon on 
whisky, and benefits will certainly accrue. Remove the 
temptation, and you remove the evil. 

IV. A tariff tax is always satisfactory if we 
do not produce a protection beyond what is 
just for all the people. 

V. By our present system the National 
Government is supported wholly by consump- 
tion of that which is taxed. 

VI. If there are nine men with only their 
hands for capital to one man with other 
means, then labor will pay nine times the 
amount of tax that is paid by wealth, 

VII. A just government will reverse this 
law and compel wealth to pay nine times as 
much as labor. 

VIII. The absolute necessaries of life 
should not be taxed. 


IX. The poor should not be taxed to sup- 
port the rich* 

X. Instead of direct assessments to meet 
our State, county, city, town, and school ex- 
penses we should adopt the following* : 

First. States should own and control the telephone and 
telegraph lines. 

Second* Cities should own their own street railways, 
gas, electric lights, waterworks. 

Third* The National Government should own its rail- 
roads and express. 

Fourth. The National Government should own all 
saloons, and they should be conducted on the lines laid 
down in the discussion on high license as set forth in 
a previous meeting. 

XL With the revenue from a reasonable 
tariff the various departments of government 
would be supported without much direct tax. 

XI L Profits from government ownership 
of franchises now given to corporations would 
be immense. 

XIII. Manchester, England, owns its own 
gas plant, and the net revenue, after light- 
ing its own streets and public buildings, is 
$500,000 a year. 

XIV. New York City pays $1,250,000 a 
year to light its streets. 


XV. Mark the difference between Man- 
chester and New York. 

XVL Wheeling, W. Va,, a city of less than 
35,000 inhabitants, owns its own gas plant, 
and it yields an income of nearly $30,000. 

XVIL Belfast, Ireland, owns its own gas 
plant, and it yields an annual revenue of 

XVIII. Glasgow, Scotland, owns its own 
gas, water, and street railways and pays no tax. 

XIX. These are evidences that a different 
form of taxation is of greater benefit to the 
people than the old-established line of tariff 
and protection. 

XX. By public ownership the receipts are 
placed in the Government treasury instead of 
being applied to the profits of corporations, 
trusts, and various aggregations of capital. 

NOTE. The affirmative have an opportunity to at- 
tack the government ownership as impolitic, and in 
so large a country, next to impossible. Also the bars 
are down in regard to adulteration* We have laws 
against these evils and there is no excuse for not 
enforcing them. Laws are enforced when we so de- 
sire. Protection to home industries is of vital im- 
portance. If labor pays more " unseen " tax than 
capital, then we can retort that capital employs labor, 
which is its support. 



Shoield the President and Senate of the United States 6e 
elected dy a direct vote of the people ? 

FIRST SPEAKER. I. Mr. President : Popu- 
lar elections require a direct vote of the 

II. No government not chosen by the 
votes of the people can be a perfect govern- 
ment of the people. 

III. It Is a recognized principle of good 
government that majorities rule. 

IV. The vote of Presidential Electors may 
be and has been the vote of the minority. 

V. The election of President may be termed 
a caucus election. 

VL The State of New York has cast nearly 
300,000 majority for electors, and yet this 
immense majority had no more effect than if 
there were a bare plurality. 

VII. In the election of 1896 a change of 



25,000 votes In the right places would have 
elected Mr. Bryan, and yet President McKin- 
ley received over 600,000 majority. 

VIII. At the organization of our Govern- 
ment there were thirteen different sovereign- 
ties, each desiring a strong hand in the 
conduct of government, and each jealous of 
the other. To harmonize these jarring ele- 
ments a compromise was made and the sys- 
tem of electors devised. 

IX. The conditions now are different. A 
political party is the same in one State as in 

X. That political party which is the strong- 
est, and can cast a majority of votes, should 
elect every branch of executive or legislative 

XI. The republican axiom that the ma- 
jority should rule applies more forcibly to the 
office of United States Senator than to any 
other office. 

XII. It is often charged that legislatures 
are bribed to favor certain men whom the 
people would reject. 

XIII. It is charged that many millionaires 
who now hold their seats as senators owe 
their positions to their wealth. 


XIV. There Is no reason for the election 
of senators by the State legislatures but the 
slavish following of custom. 

XV. Amend the Constitution and let each 
State elect its senators by a direct vote of the 

XVL As well say a State legislature may 
elect its Congressmen as the other legislative 

XV I L Of the four departments of govern- 
ment the Executive, Judicial, Senate, and 
House of Representatives only one is directly 
elected by the people. 

XVI II. The people may err in judgment, 
but they cannot be purchased by bribery. 

XIX. If it is a government" of the people 
and by the people, then let the people vote 

XX. If the people are directly responsible, 
then there are none to blame but themselves. 

XXL Switzerland even goes so far as to 
refer all laws to a vote of the people. This is 
called the Referendum. 

XXI L We have not reached this scale of 
advancement, but we are entitled to an elec- 
tion of President and Senate by the direct 
will and sovereign power of the people. 


Negative. x \_ * 

SECOND SPEAKER. I. Mr. President : It 
has become fashionable to indulge in occa- 
sional outbursts of denunciation against 
constitutional oppression in Our system of 
elections of President and Senators. 

IL In any great 'political or economical 
agitation, superficial thinkers "are, apt to 
become alarmists, and see dangers which do 
not exist. 

III. Our method of electing a President is 
one of these imaginary perils. 

IV. There is no injustice or unfairness in 
our electoral system. 

V. It is an election in which all are in every 
way equal. Perfectly reliable, safe, and honest 

VI. It was instituted by the founders of 
the republic. It was made a great study by 
those patriotic men. 

VII. The object of diversity of manner of 
election of the four departments of govern- 
ment was to prevent political monopoly. 

VIII. These forms of election are as 
follows : 

House of Representatives, elected by the 
people from prescribed districts. 


Senate, by States through their legislatures. 

President, by a combination of conventions, 
at which the people nominate candidates and 
then vote for electors. 

Supreme Court, appointment for life by the 
President, subject to approval of the Senate. 

IX. This peculiar construction of the vari- 
ous elections is beyond the caprice of the 
people, or of politics. 

X. The President is selected through the 
conventions first, and elected by the vote of 
the people by States ; the State vote being in 
proportion to its representatives in both houses 
of Congress. 

XL The Senate is only one remove from 
the people. The two Senators from each 
State have the political sentiments of its 
legislature, and as we desire more the success 
of political parties than of individuals, there is 
no cause for regret that our elections are not 
more direct. 

XI L The people are more apt to be swayed 
by passion than reason, and a restraining 
power is needed. 

XI I L A House of Representatives may be 
elected through the frenzy of excitement over 
some political issue, but the Senate and Pres- 


ident can form a curb on any vicious legisla- 
tion they might originate. 

XIV. It was a wise provision so to con- 
struct our form of government that a radical 
change could not be instituted at the behest 
of a majority. 

XV. The same wisdom was displayed in 
limiting the tenure of office, respectively, to 
two years, four years, six years, and life. 

XVL The people are not always right, or, 
rather, do not always do what is for their best 

XVI L The excited voter does not consider. 

IVI 1 1. The cry of corruption and bribery 
should have no weight, for if the people elect 
honest men to represent them in conventions, 
in Congress, in legislatures, and in all assem- 
blies there can be no corruption. 

XIX. But no man is positively secure from 
the influence of circumstances, and certainly 
not more so because he was elected by a 
direct vote of the people than if indirectly. 

XX. But the greatest of all objections to a 
direct election of President by popular vote is 
the opportunity for political chicanery. We 
may realize the extent of this opportunity 
when we consider that every precinct in the 


United States will feel bound to do all it can 
to add to the strength of the combined vote 
of its leaders. Fraud may exist in party 
strongholds, but this would be increased when 
it is known that every vote everywhere counts. 
XXL If a State is known to be of a certain 
political faith, the inducement to fraud is not 
so great under our present system as it would 
be by popular vote. 

XXII. Now, suppose the" election in a 
State is close (as in New York when Cleve- 
land and Elaine were candidates, only about 
1 200 majority), we have a recount in that 
State and the matter is settled. But suppose 
the returns in a popular count are no more 
than a few thousand, what is the result? It 
is a recount in every precinct in the United 
States ; and what does this recount mean ? 
It means the possibility of revolution, if the 
populace becomes excited over claims of 
fraud ; and the closer the count becomes > the 
greater the excitement. 

IXI 1 1. The following reasons justify our 
present system and are in harmony with the 
negative of this question : 

First. It is a just basis* 

Second, It was the result of long study by the 


founders of the Constitution, and was framed to meet 
the wants of all. 

Third. It gives a combined force through the people 
direct; through their representatives; through conven- 
tions, and through appointments. 

Fourth. It gives each State a certain sovereign 
power in the great union of States. 

Fifth. The formation of our States into a central- 
ized government gave power to that new government, 
and no effort should be made to break the chain of 

Sixth. It protects government from the passions of 
the people. 

Seventh. It leaves each State to care for its own 

Eighth. It prevents the recount of each State In 
times of close elections. 

Ninth. It prevents extended fraud. 

Tenth. It cannot be improved upon. 

Eleventh. It covers all of the possible freaks of an 
excited populace. 

Twelfth. The more we divide politics the better are 
our results. 



fs if good policy for the Goiurnment of the United States to 
place a tariff on sugar? 


FIRST SPEAKER. L Mr. President : Good 
government means a legislative common inter- 
est in which all the people are protected in 
the exercise of their natural abilities and en- 
joyment of their rights. 

II. If we are endowed with the ability to 
produce any form of wealth, be it from the 
common growth of nature or the finished 
product of labor, it is the duty of government 
to extend all assistance possible in order to 
enhance the prosperity and promote the gen- 
eral welfare of alL 

III. Before proceeding to analyze the ques- 
tion under discussion, I desire to state a few 
facts which are of a self-evident nature : 



First. A protective tariff is the great stimulus for 
producing any article thus shielded from foreign 

Second. Producing any commodity means the em- 
ployment of money and labor. 

Third. Employed labor means the ability to support 
those depending upon that labor. 

Fourth. Employed capital means the building up of 
industries and the consequent circulation of money 
through all the channels of trade. 

Fifth. An energetic farmer or an enterprising manu- 
facturer is a promoter of thrift, contentment, and 

Sixth. An indolent farmer or an inactive manu- 
facturer is of little value to the community. 

Seventh. Prosperity is preferred to adversity, the 
employed citizen to the wandering tramp; a satisfied 
palate to hunger, wealth to poverty. 

Eighth. A man with a dollar may satisfy his wants; 
one without a dollar may become a menace to society. 

Ninth. He who is able to sell his labor is not look- 
ing toward the boundary line of crime. 

Tenth. When we all have something to do we have 
no time to whine over misfortunes. 

IV. From these facts we can arrive at only 
one conclusion, and that is, it is the duty of 
government to advance the interests of all her 

V. If a protective tariff on any product will 
stimulate its production, employ labor, and 


distribute money, then it becomes a necessity, 
or, rather, a bounden obligation, so to legis- 
late as to produce these conditions. It is our 
duty to take the best care possible of the 
people of our country. 

VI. It may be philanthropic to consider all 
mankind brothers, but it is not good business 
to divide the profits of our people with those 
of other countries. 

VI I. The father and mother consider the 
well-being of their children first. 

VIII. The people of a town, county, or 
State, respectively, look to their own interests 

IX. The General Government is but the 
representative of all the people. 

X- Sugar is a product that is in common 
use, and to produce it requires a vast outlay 
of money and a large amount of labor. We 
spend yearly over two hundred million dollars 
buying sugar made in other countries. 

XL If this sum of money could be expended 
on the farms and factories at home, it would 
greatly develop a new source of wealth. 

XII. Two hundred million dollars saved 
means just so much more money with which 
to buy the products of other labor. 


XIII. It has now been proven that Ameri- 
can soil is adapted to the cultivation of cane 
or beets, in quantity and qualitj T equal to any 
country on the globe. 

XIV. This being- the case, it becomes a 
pressing obligation so to encourage the 
growth of cane and beets as to be able to 
produce our own supply of sugar. 

XV. If it is necessary to resort to a pro- 
tective tariff to stimulate this industrj% then 
it is our duty so to legislate immediately. 

XVI. It is not necessary to extend this 
protection beyond the point necessary to 
establish the industry permanently. 

XVII. The French system after the Franco- 
German war was to grant a royalty for twelve 
years on every pound of sugar produced from 
the beet. This induced the production of 
sugar to a degree greater than the needs of 
the people. Before the twelve years expired 
France was exporting sugar. 

XVIII. Make the inducements for beet- 
raising sufficient to attract the farmer, and in 
twenty years we will not only produce suffi- 
cient sugar for our own needs, but will, like 
France, be in other markets. 

XIX. If beet-growing were an experiment. 


or the chances were that it would be a failure, 
then the argument against the tariff would 
have weight. 

XX. But we have proved our ability in 
every particular. We have the soil, climate, 
labor, and money necessary to success, and 
can thus save an enormous sum that now 
goes annually out of the country for the 
purchase of what we ought to produce at 

XXL If the encouragement be given by 
way of a protective tariff, then the revenue 
thus obtained goes to the support of our own 
government, and all are contributors to this 
support. But if the French system be 
adopted, this revenue will be lost to the Gov- 
ernment, and in its stead the royalty will con- 
stitute an additional burden on the national 

XXII. It is an open question which form 
of protection is the better tariff or royalty. 
But whatever the means, the end to be 
attained is the stimulation of the production 
of any article that will benefit us ; and the 
attaining of that end is good polic} r . 

IXI 1 1. And now, Mr. Speaker, let us for 
a moment review the vast benefits to accrue 


from our actual production of the sugar we 
consume : 

First. It will give the farmers of our country this 
vast industry as another means of promoting their 

Second. If the farmer is prosperous, all other classes 
are reasonably well cared for. The foundation of a 
nation's advancement lies in the success of its farmers. 

Third. It will give so much more employment to 

Fourth. It will enable us to keep at home these 
hundreds of millions of dollars that now go abroad. 

Fifth. It will cause the investment of capital, and 
with the employment of large sums of money in the 
production of sugar, all other lines of trade will be 
directly or indirectly benefited. 

Sixth. As it saves wealth it adds to our resources. 

From these particulars, Mr. Speaker, it 
seems as though there could be no argument 
to contradict the wise policy of protection to 
the manufacture of our own sugar. 


SECOND SPEAKER. I. Mr. Speaker: The 
able advocate of protection who has just 
entertained us with his arguments has at- 
tempted to explain too much. The issue, Mr. 


Speaker, Is not that of the benefits of pro- 
tection In general, but " Is it good policy for 
the Government of the United States to place 
a tariff on sugar?" 

IL It is therefore the duty of our oppo- 
nents to prove that It is good policy in this 
particular case to enact a tariff. 

IIL We are not discussing the merits of 
protection to iron, coal, wool, manufactured 
goods, or any article except sugar. 

IV. He rightly states that sugar Is a com- 
modity in which every man, woman, and child 
Is interested. 

V. How are they Interested ? In Its price 
to the consumer ; and as every individual is 
a consumer of sugar, Its price is of material 
interest to him. 

VI. A tariff on sugar means a tax on every 
individual who consumes it, and, as it has 
become a necessity, it is a question of debate 
whether we shall tax all the people, rich and 
poor alike, in order to stimulate its production. 

VII. If we can benefit a greater number of 
people by a tax on sugar than we can without 
it, then it is good policy to place a tariff on it. 

VIII. But we all know that, as it is an 
article used by every family, every family 


would be taxed by an Increase in price made 
solely to benefit the few who raise the cane 
or beet and manufacture the sugar. 

IX. Sugar-making is not a new industry. 
Its manufacture dates back to the time of our 
first settlements. 

X. To produce sufficient native sugar from 
the cane to supply the demand seems impos- 
sible, as is proven by the history of sugar- 
raising for over three hundred years. 

XL Cane-growing is adapted to only a 
small section of our territory. 

XII. I contend that we cannot compare 
sugar, as a staple, with cotton, wheat, pork, 
beef, rice, wool, lumber, corn, iron, coal, or any 
commodity raised in this country. The latter 
are native to our soil, \yhile sugar is an 

XI I L Cotton is native to all the Southern 
States and is their great staple ; wheat, pork, 
beef, and corn are the natural products of the 
temperate zone, and become staple ; coal, iron, 
and lumber are part of Nature's bounty, and 
in this vast country of ours become staple. 
But sugar, rice, tropical fruits, and many 
articles of our commerce are not the natural 
products of our soil, and, no matter what pro- 


tection may be extended to them to stimulate 
their production, can never reach the basis of 
success of products indigenous to the soil. 

XIV. The question now arises, Shall we 
attempt an unnatural development through 
taxation ? 

XV. The experience of three hundred 
years demonstrates that cane is not a staple, 
except in a very small area. 

XVI. We might place a royalty, or high 
protection on sugar, and induce an unnatural 
growth, but when the government removes its 
fostering care will not the industry thus es- 
tablished gradually lose its footing and go 
down into decay ? 

XVIL This certainly is true* To be suc- 
cessful, our friend's theory of protection must 
be perpetual ; that is, the people must be 
taxed forever in order to sustain an industry 
not adapted to our natural conditions. 

IVI 1 1. But our friend claims that the is- 
sue is not the production of cane, but of sugar, 
and then, as we cannot raise sufficient cane, 
demands that the government make profit- 
able by tariff the raising of beets from which 
to extract sugar. 

XIX. Is it just to the seventy millions of 


people to levy a tax on all of them in order to 
attempt to build up an industry that is an 
experiment ? 

XX. If native sugar cannot, from natural 
causes, become a staple, then no favoritism 
should be shown it at the expense of all the 

XXL My friend seems to lay a great stress 
upon the self-evident truths he specifies. 
Possibly we may be permitted to present a 
few opposing- propositions : 

First. Good government does not means the taxa- 
tion of the many for the benefit of the few. 

Second. The necessities of the people should not 
bear the burdens of taxation. 

Third. For the government to tax such a staple 
article of food would be a hardship on the poor work- 

Fourth. Wealth is but the concentration of labor's 
products in the hands of the fortunate, and should, 
rather than the bare hands of labor, be required to 
support the expenses of government. 

Fifth. As sugar is one of the great essentials of the 
poor, its cost should be reduced to the lowest point 

Sixth. If protection fosters corporations, trusts, 
and monopolies, then it becomes the duty of govern- 
ment to change its policy and, by abolishing it, compel 
the reduction of prices to a natural basis. 


Seventh. But we are not dealing with protection 
except as It relates to a tariff on sugar. 

XXI L My friend thinks it would be to the 
great interest of our people to produce our 
own sugar. We do not deny this ; the only 
question is, does not the loss on one side more 
than balance the gain on the other ? 

XXI I L It would be advantageous if we 
could only produce our own tea and coffee, 
our cocoa, our seal furs, our spices, our wool, 
our tropical fruits, in fact all we import, and 
thus give our people the whole benefit of 
what we consume. 

XXIV. Certainly the ability to produce 
these commodities would add much to our 
resources, but it is impossible. 

XXV. We cannot produce that which is 
not natural to our climate and soil. 

XXVL The raising of sugar beets cannot 
become successful except we have three con- 
ditions : 

First. A peculiarly adapted soil. 

Second. Sufficient capital. 

Third. Cheap labor. 

XXVII. Now add to this protection and 
you may found a successful business. But 
who pays the bill for protection ? 


XXVI 1 1. The great factor in the success of 
France, Germany, and Austria in raising- beet 
sugar is cheap labor. 

XXIX. From these arguments, Mr. 
Speaker, I claim to have established the fact 
that it is not good policy for the Government 
to attempt to establish an industry that 
directly taxes the whole people, and, under 
the present cost of labor, cannot sustain itself 
after the protection is removed. 


THIRD SPEAKER. I. Mr. Chairman : Our 
opponents are not confining their statements 
to facts. They imply that the manufacture of 
sugar from beets is an experiment and conse- 
quently should not be attempted. 

II. They know that the stage of experi- 
menting has been passed successfully ; that 
the raising of beet sugar is a success in Cal- 
fornia, Nebraska, and portions of the East. 

II L If, as my friend intimates, the tariff 
must always remain, in order to induce a con- 
tinuation of this industry, then his position 
may in a measure be true. 

IV. But that is not the experience of pro- 


tected industries. Home competition always 
reduces the price to the natural level he so 
eloquently demands. 

V. By a protective tariff the manufacture 
of iron was achieved, and to-day, although a 
tariff still exists, yet steel rails, armor plate, 
nails, cutlery, and machinery can be produced 
here cheaper than in any country on the 

VI. It is the history of protection that 
capital is induced to invest in protected enter- 
prises until they have so expanded that they 
lower the price through competition with each 

VI I. Competition between home industries 
is far better than with those of foreign coun- 
tries, as the results leave all the money at 
home instead of sending it abroad. 

VIII. Establish a thousand beet-sugar 
factories and in a short time the farmer can 
raise the beets as cheaply as they can be raised 
in France or Germany, and American in- 
genuity will do the rest. 

IX. If France can start from nothing and in 
twelve years can produce more sugar than is 
required for home consumption, then America 
can do likewise in twenty years. 


X. Is it not, then, worth this effort ? We 
have the soil, the climate, the capital, and the 
labor. Why not employ them all and thus 
add to our wealth? 

XL Sugar cane may not be a staple except 
in portions of the South, but the sugar beet 
can be raised successfully in all the Northern 

XII. Protection will stimulate the growth 
of cane in the South, develop the sorghum 
plant, and establish the sugar beet as the 
staple of communities in the North, if not in 
the entire temperate zone. 

XIII. It may cost the people of the United 
States a slight sacrifice to establish the 
beet industry, but when once established 
it will be worth all it cost. We may not 
be so quickly successful as was France, but 
we possess every feature of success and we 
must succeed. 

XIV. Our opponents seem to feel that we 
have no right to bring the protective tariff into 
the argument, as the question relates merely 
to the use of that policy in developing the 
sugar interest. We maintain that we have 
the right to compare the results of other 
protected industries as a proof of the benefits 


to be derived from its application to the beet 

XV. That it will induce capital to build 
beet-sugar factories is assured. 

XVL That beet sugar is a natural product 
of our country is a fact. 

XVIL That it is a profitable business for 
the farmer is clearly shown. 

IVI 1 1. That it will save hundreds of 
millions that now go abroad no one doubts. 

XIX. That we should produce our necessa- 
ries is a maxim of economics. 

XX. That every new industry enlarges the 
field of those depending upon employment is 
a self-evident truth. 

XXL And finally, if the benefits enumer- 
ated are the natural results of the develop- 
ment of the beet-sugar Industry, then, Mr. 
Speaker, it must be good policy to enact laws 
to stimulate its grrowth. 


FOURTH SPEAKER. L Mr. Chairman : If 
we are to believe all that our worthy advo- 
cate who has just had the floor tries to 


impress upon us, there is only one side to 
this issue, and that is tariff and protection. 

II. But, my friends, there are two sides; 
and the history of the political issues of the 
country proves that the question has never 
yet been settled. 

III. To-day we may advocate tariff for 
revenue only, but to-morrow there may be 
a radical change in our policy, and vice 

IV. The benefit to be derived by invested 
capital from a protective tariff is the greatest 
factor in shaping tariff laws. The influence 
of capital on politics is purely selfish and 
unmindful of the general good. 

V. Trusts and monopolies result from the 
combinations of manufacturers fostered by a 
protective tariff. 

VI. A protective tariff, if maintained after 
the industry it protects is permanently es- 
tablished, must continue to stimulate this 
interest until from its selfish power it seeks to 
control the entire output. It then becomes a 
monopoly, a trust, or a greedy corporation. 

VII. As my colleague has stated, good 
government must represent the masses. 

VIII- The moment this idea is not realized, 


we cease to be a government of the people, 
by the people, and for the people. 

IX. Sugar can be produced so as to retail 
at four cents per pound, a price within the 
reach of all. 

X. Can we assist its production at that 
price by including it in the tariff-protected 

XL If such action adds only one cent a 
pound, is this not a tax of twenty-five per 
cent, on every pound of sugar consumed ? 

XII. To how many of the seventy millions 
of people would benefits accrue from the 
increased cost ? 

XII L Will not every farmer who produces 
a ton of beets curtail just so much on some 
other crop ? 

XIV. Is it not a fact that if a farmer 
increases his acreage of one crop he must 
decrease that of another ? 

XV. Then, Mr. Speaker, where is the 
material gain ? 

XV L Our friends on the other side seem to 
believe that the raising of two hundred 
million dollars' worth of sugar is a clear gain, 

XVII- This is not and cannot be true. 
If the farmer increases his stock of sheep, he 


must trim down his herds of other stock. 
If he increases his acreage of wheat, he must 
reduce the acres on other products ; and if he 
devotes his time and energy to the raising- of 
sugar, he must do so at a loss to other crops. 
Where, then, is the gain ? 

XVIII. I can tell you. If the returns to 
the farmer on his investment and labor in 
raising sugar beets, sorghum, or cane, are 
greater than on the same acreage devoted to 
other crops, the gain is just the difference 
between the returns for the beets and those 
for the other crops. 

XIX. Should the balance not fall to the 
new enterprise, then the two hundred million 
dollars is wiped out and the cultivation of the 
beet becomes a loss. 

XX. It is simply a question of arithmetic. 
What will this difference be? Are our 
opponents prepared to testify that the farmer 
can make more money raising cane, sorghum, 
or beets than in the production of butter, 
cheese, poultry, cotton, wheat, pork, garden 
vegetables, or any other product. 

XXI. And again, if our tariff financiers can 
prove that there is a balance In favor of beets, 
can they prove that this balance is not swal- 


lowed up in the twenty-five per cent, tax 
placed upon our seventy millions of people? 

XXII. It is hardly necessary, Mr. Speaker, 
to attempt to figure this balance, for our 
present tariff has raised the price of sugar 
nearly twenty per cent., and the prospects are 
that it will reach a cent a pound. Now, my 
friends, as this tax will amount to more than 
the value of the farmers' entire crop of beets, 
where is the gain ? It is in the hands of the 
sugar trust a monstrous combination able to 
control, under a protective tariff, the price of 
every pound of sugar consumed by our people. 

XXIII. Again I ask, is it wise legislation to 
take from the pockets of the people the value 
of the farmers' crop of beets, for the purpose 
of putting it into the hands of a powerful 
corporation ? 

XXIV. But you may ask, what \vould you 
do ? I would make sugar free of any tariff, 
placing its makers in competition, so that this 
great necessity could come to the people at 
the lowest price possible. 

I would recognize the independence of 
Cuba and then develop the immense resources 
of that fertile island, from which we receive 
seven-eighths of our supplies of sugar. 


I would annex Hawaii, and thus give our peo- 
ple the advantage of the most fruitful soil in 
the world. Few realize the rare fertility of the 
Hawaiian soil in the production of sugar. Let 
me tell you its capability, and then ponder on 
the good policy of our government in entering 
into this competition with Hawaii and Cuba. 

It is no uncommon crop to produce eight 
and sometimes ten tons of sugar to an acre. 
Many acres in this country produce but ten 
tons of beets to the acre, which, on the basis 
of twelve per cent., is but one-eighth the 
sugar crop of Hawaii. 

Mr. Speaker, in conclusion, I would say, de- 
velop the resources of Cuba, of Hawaii. De- 
velop the natural products of this country. 
Develop enterprises that have a substantial 
basis. Develop industries that are adapted to 
our resources. Inculcate economy in produc- 
tion. Do not tax the necessaries of life. Re- 
move the opportunities of the more fortunate 
to take advantage of the poor in the cost of 
livingo If the poor lay down their lives in 
defense of their country, the rich should at 
least bear the expense of battle or the estab- 
lishment of peace. 



Tfiat it is net good policy for the Government 
of the United States to establish a system of postal 


FIRST SPEAKER, I. Mr. President : Con- 
siderable Interest Is being- manifested in the 
proposition to establish our Government as a 
general banker for the people. 

II. This is no new scheme, as it has had its 
periodical displays of oratory for nearly thirty 

II L In 1868 a bill was presented in Con- 
gress to operate a line of savings depart- 
ments through the post offices of the country. 

IV. The bill was discussed from every 
point, and finally dropped as not applicable to 
our conditions. Our Government was not in 
a position to accept the deposits of its people. 

V. When Mr. Windom was Secretary of 
the Treasury a large and powerful organiza- 



tion was formed in Philadelphia to espouse 
the cause of postal savings, and the Secretary 
was petitioned to advocate such a bill In his 
report to Congress. He was so much im- 
pressed with its merits that he agreed to use 
his good offices in its behalf. 

VI. The report was never made, and when 
he was asked for an explanation he replied 
that a very important feature had been over- 
looked, and that was this : If the Government 
is to receive the deposits of the people and 
pay interest on them, there must be an op- 
portunity to use this money at a rate of inter- 
est ; otherwise the system would become a 
burden and be held in disfavor. 

VI L Various plans were presented for using 
such deposits, and thus securing sufficient 
revenue to meet the interest account. - 

VIII. One plan was to loan money to the 
States ; another, to recognized banks; another, 
to railroads, on their bonds ; another, to reli- 
able corporations ; but in every plan a certain 
degree of insecurity and complication was 

IX. Loaning to banks was only one remove 
from the present state of insecurity by com- 
pelling the Government really to guarantee 


the deposit, and not the individual For the 
Government to stand this responsibility and 
take all the risk was not considered good 

X, Loaning- to corporations or taking cor- 
poration bonds was equally objectionable. 

XL Loaning to States was probably the 
best plan once offered, but as the States were 
in no need of short-time loans, this, too, was 
not practicable. If States were to borrow, it 
must be for a considerable time, as their 
resources are not on call. 

XII. The great trouble, therefore, exists in 
the inability of the Government safely to 
invest these savings, and at the same time be 
subjected to call and to realize a profit on 
such investments for meeting the expenses of 
the system. 

XIII. We might, therefore, raise the fol- 
lowing objections : 

First, There must be a safe investment of deposits* 
Second. These investments must be, like the de- 
posits of banks, subject to call, or realization in 
money when needed. 

Third. The revenue from said investments must 
meet the interest account of depositors and the 
expense of the system. 


XIV. Until these three positive essentials 
are secured the postal savings plan cannot 
be a success. 

XV. The friends to the bill advocate the 
buying- of Government bonds as in the Eng- 
lish system. They refer us to England as an 
example of a safe and convenient method of 
receiving deposits and investing the same. 

XVI. What is the English system? It is 
this : Deposits are made through designated 
post offices, just as is proposed here. These 
deposits are immediately invested in Govern- 
ment consols, a bond that is bought and sold 
as a staple, with slight fluctuation in market 
price. These consols are never expected to 
be paid, and they become a fixed value upon 
which there is a positive and unvarying inter- 
est paid. If to-day one thousand dollars is 
deposited, then to-morrow one thousand dol- 
lars in consols are purchased. Should one 
thousand dollars be withdrawn to-day, then 
to-morrow one thousand dollars of consols 
will be sold. 

XVIL These are conditions which cannot 
exist in this country ; we do not have consols, 
nor do we have a permanent debt bond. It is 
true we have government bonds, but they are 


not fixed in price ; to-day they may be worth 
twenty per cent, premium, and to-morrow 
twenty-two, and the next day nineteen. 
Their price fluctuates according to the de- 
mand. And again the supply is limited to a 
few hundreds of millions, which in a few years 
will be paid and the English basis in America 
will be wiped out. 

XVIIL Again, advocates are loud for the 
suggestion that we buy municipal bonds, 
especially those of recognized standing. 
Probably this plan is the best offered, but it 
is faulty in the following ways : 

First. How are we to distinguish between the stand- 
ings of municipalities ? Who is to select the most desir- 
able bonds? Is there a chance for favoritism or fraud ? 
If one city is to be favored and another the reveise, would 
not the system produce jealousies and dissatisfaction ? 
Would such a system receive the hearty co-operation of 
all the people ? 

Second. Such bonds may be purchased at any time, 
but can they be sold on demand at the same rate ? Is it 
not true that a forced sale always results in a discount ? 

Third. From 1893 to 1897 it was impossible to sell 
bonds of any kind in the usual channels of exchange. 
Even government bonds could not be put up as collateral. 
The stringency of the money market absolutely pre- 
cluded any satisfactory sale of securities. During these 
years, suppose the Government had invested the deposits 


of the people in these securities how could they realize 
when depositors wanted their money ? Who can say 
that this condition will not return again ? We may be 
able to hypothecate to-day, but can we do so ten years 
hence ? 

XIX. These are the objections that exist 
to every system offered, and until there Is a 
perfect plan of redemption the good policy of 
the Government will be to let postal savings 

XX. Another feature for objection is the 
vast system of banking; -which would result 
from this widespread plan to receive deposits 
from almost every hamlet in the land. Sup- 
pose the system established ; we may not 
classify these thousands of deposit places as 
banks, but they are branches of the great 
central bank at Washington, and, although 
they may be designated as postal savings de- 
partments, yet they are to all intents and pur- 
poses deposit banks with bank forms of 
business in fact, they are banks. 

XXL Now, Mr. President, is it policy to 
establish ten thousand banks and thus in- 
crease the burden of government ? Is it 
policy to enter upon this extensive business 
without perfect security ? But you may ask 


how can the saving's of the people be secure 
under the present system. I will say, adopt 
the system of China. The Chinese decapi- 
tate bank officials whenever there is a bank 
failure and the depositors lose by their acts. 
There has been but one failure in five hun- 
dred years- Possibly this drastic measure 
would be too severe for American bankers, 
but it is my impression there would be fewer 
failures after about twenty-five hundred had 
suffered the penalty. 

XXIL In place of capital punishment we 
might confiscate all the property of stock- 
holders as assets. 

XXI I L Properly protect the present de- 
positors, and the demand for postal savings 
will disappear. 


SECOND SPEAKER. L Mr. Speaker : My 
friend who has so ably protested against the 
adoption of postal savings for the people does 
not present any plan by which to secure 
deposits. He says, enact protective laws; 
resort to capital punishment ; compel the pri- 
vate property of stockholders to be respon- 


sible. This may be good theory, but we 
have had bank failures for over two hundred 
years and yet we are no nearer the solution 
of this question of safety than when banks 
were first established. In fact, it does seern 
as though we are farther from it than then. 

II. It has become an everyday occurrence 
for banks to fail and the savings of the 
people to be wiped out. Is there no redress ? 
My friend says there is, but past experience 
says the present system is a failure. 

III. We cannot resort to Chinese methods, 
neither can we adopt personal responsibility ; 
we are at the mercy of our bankers in our 
business transactions. 

IV* It is true officials are criminally liable 
for receiving deposits after they know they 
are insolvent. But that does not affect the 
system. Men may be honest in their invest- 
ment of other people's money, and in the 
acceptance of deposits up to the point of 
insolvency ; yet the door is open to loss, with- 
out any evil intention. 

V. The experience of the last four years 
demonstrates that almost any form of govern- 
ment control is preferable to the present 
state of things. 


VL We need postal savings for the follow- 
ing reasons : 

First, To secure absolute safety for the people's 

Second, To teach the laudable practice of economy, 
even though on a small scale at first. 

Third- To stop private hoarding because of the lack 
of confidence in our banking institutions. 

Fourth. To induce thrift and the stoppage of unneces- 
sary expense. 

VI L When once our working- people be- 
come assured that there is an absolutely safe 
deposit then there will be an incentive to 
reserve a portion of their earnings, but with 
the feeling that one may be robbed, or the 
bank may fail, there is no proper encourage- 
ment to would-be economists. 

VIII. The argument advanced that such 
a system would be a burden to the Govern- 
ment is not good in logic. The Government 
never gets tired. We inaugurate a system, 
and the routine of business goes on unvary- 
ingly. It is no more a burden to handle 
eighty thousand post offices than it was ten 
thousand. It would be no greater burden to 
control the entire railroad systems of the 
country than it is to handle four-fifths of 


them through receivers. It will be no more 
of a burden to handle ten thousand postal 
saving banks than it is to have but one. In 
fact it is no burden to do anything the people 
desire to have done. The Government never 
gets tired and never gets hungry. It is the 
same night and day ; day, week, and year. It 
knows no such thing as a burden. The Gov- 
ernment is the central power of the people and 
capable of meeting any or all requirements. 

IX. That a necessity exists for the Gov- 
ernment to open its hands and receive the 
earnings of the people for safe keeping is 
manifest from everyday experience ; and 
how best to solve this problem is the great 
question of the future. 

X. The opponents of a savings department 
build their objections upon the inability of 
the Government to use these deposits to ad- 
vantage and meet the expense of the system. 
If this can be done, I doubt not that all objec- 
tions will be removed and a postal savings 
department will be established, 


THIRD SPEAKER, Mr. President : I rise to 
a question of privilege and wish to make 


a statement to the advocates for this system 
cf a government savings department. 

PRESIDING OFFICER. If it is the wish of 
the speaker who has the floor to permit a 
statement I grant the request. 

SPEAKER. I yield the floor to our oppo- 
nent for a short discussion of whatever he 
may present. 

OPPONENT. As I am to follow the speaker 
who has the floor, I desire that he shall pre- 
sent a plan that is perfect in construction. 
If he will outline a system by which he can 
safely and economically use the deposits of 
the people, I shall be in favor of granting him 
the palm of victory. But unless it is plainly 
shown that there is no risk for the Govern- 
ment and people, then we must insist that 
there can be no postal savings until such a 
system is discovered. That there is a need 
of security for those who have money to de- 
posit for future use is an evident fact, but 
how can this guaranteed safety be acquired ? 
It is a question which is being pressed by the 
workingmen of every city. Recently, over 
two hundred and seventy thousand organized 
laborers have signed this petition. It is a 
question that will not down, anji although it 


is not good policy at the present time to 
organize this system, yet we must face the 
necessity which will arise in the future, and 
either adopt some plan or conclusively 
prove our inability to inaugurate a movement 
equipped with all the necessary arrangements 
to make it a permanent success. As it is 
useless to attempt to pattern after England, 
we must act upon our own conditions. A 
change must not be an experiment, but an 
assured fact based upon a constant and re- 
liable foundation of equality, usefulness, and 
confidence. There can be no guesswork ; no 
chance of being subjected to panics or ad- 
verse trade ; no depending upon the general 
stock market ; no hypothecated securities 
which cannot be turned into money; no in- 
vestment that cannot be exchanged for a 
currency without discount. These are the 
requirements which must be adopted before 
it is a wise policy for our government to go 
into this vast system of banking. 

Are our advocates of a postal savings sys- 
tem, under the direction of the Federal 
Government, prepared to present such a 
measure? Remember the question reads, Is 
it policy to adopt a system of deposits ; not 


that there is a necessity for improvement, but 
is a change, so radical, possible. A Chicago 
newspaper is the great champion of postal sav- 
ings, but its system depends upon the pur- 
chase of good municipal bonds. And yet, at 
its best, this plan is subject to the fluctuations 
of market demands. To-day the five per 
cent, bonds of Rockford, 111., may be worth a 
premium of six per cent., but if forced to sell 
to-morrow, will they bring more than their par 
value ? As there are no stabilities in price of 
any stock or commodity, we, in adopting this 
line of securities, must acknowledge the un- 
reliability of this plan for a stable basis of 
operation. My friend will now confine his 
arguments to other systems than those 
already advanced by himself or outside advo- 
cates of a postal savings department. 

FOURTH SPEAKER. I. Mr. President: By 
the advice of my colleague I will continue his 
exposition of the subject. First, let me assure 
my friend who has so emphatically declared 
that ours is not good policy, that we are not 
depending upon Chicago newspapers, or upon 
any system or theory advanced by any of 
those who think they see safety in such a use 
of deposits as has been suggested in this dis- 


cussioru We do not depend upon any 
system not In perfect sympathy with all our 
people. We hope to secure considerable 
benefits, at both ends of the transaction. We 
propose to take no chances in the stock 
market ; to take no chances in panics or 
adverse trade, to deal in no securities of a 
doubtful nature. It is a system new and 
original, but resting upon the strongest basis 
ever conceived for the adoption of a depart- 
ment of deposits and their use by the Govern- 
ment for the general good of those who 
patronize the new departure. 

II. At first thought the system may appear 
too broad in its scope, but upon investigation 
and careful analysis it shows a wonderful 
progress in the ** science of finance. 1 * It 
solves the question in a way that commands 
the respect of every laboring man, every man 
who desires to borrow, and every man who 
pays taxes. It will be the business man's 
friend, and its enemies are those who live 
by usury and extortion. If only these are 
opposed we may safely proceed to announce 
what is the groundwork of this mighty 

IIL In the establishment of postal savings 


departments there are two things to be 
considered : 

First. A proper system of receiving the people's 
money and a prompt return when called for. 

Second. A safe system of investments by which these 
moneys may be used at a profit above the expense of 
the system. 

IV- The first point we will not discuss, as 
it becomes only a matter of application of 
our present knowledge. Our discussion will 
be confined to the use of deposits and a 
safe and practical method of return. 

V. Now let us conceive the system as 
already established, and for the better under- 
standing of its details we will place the loan- 
ing- of money under five heads, namely : 

First. The State. 
Second. The county. 
Third. The city. 
Fourth. The town. 
Fifth. The real estate. 

VI. In the case of the State, we suppose 
that the commonwealth desires to borrow one 
hundred thousand dollars to make improve- 
ments, and instead of issuing bonds at a high 


rate of interest and asking- money-loaners to 
buy, we issue a pledge to the General Govern- 
ment as security for this loan at two per cent. 
interest ; the money being drawn from the 
postal savings department. 

VII. A county desires to build a court- 
house, or to make other improvements, at a 
cost of one hundred thousand dollars. Appli- 
cation is made through the State, at 2^ per 
cent, interest ; the State retaining one half 
per cent, for guaranteeing the loan, 

VIII. A city desires to borrow money for 
public improvements. Application is made 
through the State, at 2^ per cent, interest ; 
the State retaining one-half per cent, for 
guaranteeing the loan. 

IX. A town desires to borrow five thousand 
dollars to build a bridge, or for other improve- 
ments. Application is made through the 
county at three per cent, interest ; the 
county retaining one-half per cent, for services 
in guaranteeing the loan. 

X. A citizen of a town or city desires to 
borrow money on real estate. Application is 
made to the town board, or city officials, and 
after proper inspection of abstract, valuation, 
and a careful review of every necessary detail 


the money is loaned at four per cent, interest ; 
the town retaining one per cent, as assurance 
for guaranteeing the loan and the transaction 
of the business. 

XL In this division of loans the State 
becomes responsible to the General Govern- 
ment for all moneys loaned to the State at 
two per cent, interest. 

XIL The county becomes responsible to 
the State for all moneys loaned to the county 
at 2*^ per cent, interest. 

XI I L The city becomes responsible to the 
State for all moneys loaned to the city 2j^ per 
cent, interest. 

XIV. The town becomes responsible to 
the county for all moneys loaned to the town 
at three per cent, interest. 

XV. Individuals give mortgage security to 
the town at four per cent, interest. 

XVI. By this system every dollar of inter- 
est thus paid goes to the'support of the various 
forms of government: the town retains one 
per cent., the county one-half per cent., the 
State one-half per cent., and the General 
Government two per cent.; thus relieving 
the burdens of taxation to the extent of all 
the interest paid. 


XVIL The Government institutes postal 
savings banks on an approved system and 
pays on deposits as follows : 

Deposits of sums of $ioor less, no interest. 
Deposits above $10, six months' time, two 
per cent, interest. 

XVI I L Secured by these postal savings 
departments all moneys deposited are posi- 
tively safe, as the Government of the United 
States is behind them and there can be no 
bank failures, with losses to depositors. This 
\vill be a great blessing to poor people. Be- 
sides security, it gives them the advantage of 
two per cent, interest. This offer of the 
Government to take any or all money not in 
actual use illustrates the great principle of 
equalizing supply and demand. If the money 
is not needed in business or In circulation, It 
is handed over to the Government, and when 
wanted is called out again. In this way the 
people are accommodated and given a little 
interest, and the security is positive. Should 
the call for money, either for loans or re- 
turn to depositors, be greater than the accu- 
mulated supply, the Government can Issue a 


full legal-tender currency to supply the defi- 
ciency. To those who are opposed to any 
government issue for fear of inflation or a 
depreciated currency, I will say that there is 
no ground for this fear. The Government 
offers to redeem every such dollar not needed, 
through its postal department, by a two per 
cent, deposit check, or in other words a bond, 
and thus equalize supply and demand. 

XIX* The department of loans will supply 
the demand, and the best security in the world 
will be given to protect its value, and the de- 
posits will regulate the volume of currency 
needed in the business by returning to the 
Government every dollar not needed. It 
thus solves the difficult problem of how to 
procure a perfect system. The volume is per- 
fectly elastic. It goes out in loans and comes 
back in interest and payments of these loans 
and in deposits. The method is a constant 
series of loans and redemptions, and at no 
time can there be a volume of money beyond 
the necessities of the people. The security 
cannot be questioned, and consequently there 
can be no depreciation. It does not interfere 
with banks, or with a gold or silver coinage. 
These are left free to go on just as may best 


advance the welfare of those interested in 

XX. Banking on the scale now in vogue 
will cease. The postal savings departments 
will be a great competitor, and as banks de- 
pend upon their deposits for a large share of 
their profits the banking business will not be 
so extensive as at present. But where they 
lose the people will gain* It simply reverses 
the present holders of the securities. Now 
we sell our bonds and mortgages to those 
who will loan to us. Under this plan we 
transfer our obligations to the Government 
and all our real estate becomes security for 
it, and in compensation the interest account 
goes to the support of the several forms of 

XXL I hold in my hand a little volume 
entitled, " The Science of Finance," by A. H. 
Craig, Mukwonago, Wis. Let me read a few 
lines on p. 135: 


First. State, county, city, town, borrow on a proper 
form of agreement. 

Second. The individual, on real estate. 

Third. No loan can be made on real estate for more 
than half its actual value. 


Fourth, No unimproved real estate can be classed 
as proper security for any loan* 

Fifth, Actual residence, by owner or tenant, must 
be acknowledged before a loan is considered. 

Sixth. No loan can be made to an alien. 

Seventh. Each officer must personally inspect the 
real estate offered for security. 

Eighth. After a loan is agreed upon, the clerk shall 
hold the same in his office for two months, subject to 
the inspection of the public. 

Thus it continues to delineate the entire 
system, but I will now turn to another page 
and read you a review of conditions as they 
will exist, in this " Science of Finance " : 

(a) The United States Government has each State 
for security ; therefore it is a perfect security, as well 
as a revenue. 

(3) The State is secured by each county and city ; 
therefore it is perfect security, as well as a revenue. 

(*) The county is secured by each town ; therefore 
it is perfect security, as well as a revenue. 

(*/) Each town is secured by first mortgage on im- 
proved real estate, at one-half its valuation ; therefore it 
is gilt-edge security, as well as a revenue. 

(e) The whole is a perfect system of controlling and 
equalizing this volume of currency, and furnishing 
money directly to the people at a rate of interest that 
will " live and let live." 

(/) The currency cannot depreciate, as it is full legal 


tender and convertible into certificates of deposit at any 
postal savings department. 

(g) The volume of currency is exacrly what the needs 
of the people call for. 

(//) The General Government must always be on the 
profit side, as every dollar loaned is at two per cent, 
interest, and money returned on deposit cannot exceed 
two per cent, interest, small sums nothing, while larger 
sums must remain six months, as is now practiced by the 

(V) No money returned to the Government in deposits, 
or payment of loans, can be used for any other purpose, 
except the annual net earnings of the interest. 

(j) It is a simple transaction of business pledges be- 
tween each department, except that which relates to the in- 
di\ idual, in which mortgagesare given and recorded as now. 

(/&) The profit on one per cent, to the town is more 
than ought to be allowed, but as it is the only place 
where security can be questioned, it is best to make it in 
the form of insurance, so in case there is a failure the 
previous profits will more than compensate for the loss. 

(/) The one per cent, will materially lessen taxation in 
the town and be highly appreciated by the tax-payer. 

(ni) The safeguard thrown around the loaning of 
money to individuals is such that it must be an extraor- 
dinary occasion by which "any loss could occur. 

() It is the only system ever devised by which panics, 
failures, or adverse trade cannot affect loans, deposits, 
or the foreclosure of a debt. 

(o) As bankers or money-loaners have nothing to do 
with this system, there can be no runs, no uneasiness, no 


The expansion of money rests upon the needs of 
the people, and Its return to the Government is always 

(f) This department of finance has nothing to do 
with the issue of gold or silver, or with banking and other 
lines of government business. 

(r) It is instituted for the benefit of all who desire a 
positively safe investment in deposits, and to bring relief 
to the farmer, or any recognized real estate, on an even 
basis, no matter whether it is East or West, North or 
South. All can secure money on proper security at 
four per cent, interest* 

(s) The effect will be to lower the rate of interest in 
all business, and thus give a better opportunity to com- 
pete in any market. 

(/) The people must be protected in their savings and 
deposits and at the same time they must be relieved from 
a high rate of interest, and money must not be held in 
a corner. By Government loaning and receiving there 
can never be a stringency in the money markets, and no 
advantages can be taken to raise the rate of interest, or 
excuses for foreclosures. It will remain the same to-day, 
to-morrow, next week, next year a perfect financial 
system, in which all are on the same equal basis. 

Ajfirma tive. 

FIFTH SPEAKER. I. Mr. President : I have 
been an attentive listener to Mr. Craig's 
theory of his Postal Savings Department jn 
all its features. I will admit it has a pleasant 


sound. He has conjured up a fascinating 
ignis fatuus whose light is calculated to allure 
all who behold it, but when wanted for prac- 
tical use, it disappears and is lost in the dark- 
ness. Kloquence has a mesmeric influence, 
and we are now under the spell. The appeal 
for this system is indeed touching in the possi- 
bilities it hints at, but, my friends, we must 
tear off the veil that hides the true situation 
and view it from the practical standpoint of 
actual life. 

II. I will briefly call your attention to the 
following inconsistencies : 

First. States are held as responsible to the Govern- 
ment, and through them all loans and collections are made. 
Some States can be classed as reliable and secure, but there 
are some which have repudiated their debts, and we must 
allow for the possibility that they may do so again. 

Second. There might be vast sums demanded for 
loans beyond the deposits, and then there might be issued 
an unlimited quantity of paper currency, and all experi- 
ence proves that such issues become open to suspicion 
and depreciation in the money markets of the world. 

Third, All banks, money-lenders, trusts, and com- 
binations will be opposed to the plan, as it largely 
regulates the rate of interest and takes from their 
business a vast amount of high-interest-bearing mort- 
gages. It places the Government in the field as a 
competitor for all loans and deposits. As well might 


we insist upon our Government building immense fac- 
tories and furnishing clothing to the poor at cost, or 
turn Government lands into wheatfields and bake 
bread for the needy. One is just as sensible as the 
other. Banking and loaning money are a business 
just the same as any other. Banks are indispensable 
in the transaction of business. For the Government 
to establish ten thousand banks is a simple absurdity. 
Fourth. It is the function of government to protect 
the people in their lives, liberty, and the transaction of 
business. To encroach upon private enterprise is a 
piece of tyranny that should nut be tolerated. We 
have no right to loan money to States, counties, 
cities, towns, or individuals. It will encourage cor- 
ruption, fraud, and misappropriation. It is open to 
censure on every hand. Town officials will look for 
*' boodle" to use a homely phrase in the granting 
of loans and in their collection. It is opening the 
treasury doors to theft under the form of law. It 
will destroy confidence in the stability of money. It 
will cause depreciation, confiscation, and repudiation. 
By depreciation we destroy the value of currency* 
By confiscation we rob the creditor, by the payment of 
a debt in cheap money. By repudiation we establish 
a new system and overthrow the old. The whole idea 
is indeed an ignis fafuus, to entice the unwary into the 
slough of untrustworthy finance. 


SIXTH SPEAKER. I. Mr. President : Was 
the speaker who just occupied the floor in 


earnest, or was he building upon the prejudices 
of the past ? As he had the effrontery to de- 
nounce the whole plan as untrustworthy and 
something ver}' like a fraud, I must apologize 
for going over the ground once more, 

II. In his first objection he attacks the 
States as financially unreliable. It is out- 
rageous to question the faithfulness and integ- 
rity of any State as It now exists. " Let the 
dead past bury Its dead." Conditions have 
changed ; we see business revived, immigra- 
tion encouraged, credit restored, and pros- 
perity assured. The fact that Louisiana and 
Minnesota once repudiated a debt need cause 
no apprehension now* They had their rea- 
sons then, but to-day are as reliable as is New 
York or Wisconsin. Let us dismiss this ob- 
jection as unjust, cruel, and not worthy 

III. In the second point, we see the hallu- 
cination of an Irredeemable issue of unlimited 
currency a depreciated money ! 

Now, my friends, such currency Is not is- 
sued in the way the previous speaker rep- 
resents* While redemption in coin is not 
expressly provided for, yet we are offered a 
certificate of deposit, or, in other words, a 


Government bond, drawing interest. Besides, 
every such dollar has a basis of value the 
mortgage, the town, the county, the city, the 
State. When the obligation is paid the issue 
must be redeemed. The over-issues which 
my friend describes are nothing more than 
clearing-house certificates to meet the wants 
of the day. If a dollar is not needed in busi- 
ness or in any wants of the people, It is re- 
turned to the Postal Savings Department. 
There is no chance for depreciation, no ques- 
tioning of security behind it, no object in re- 
pudiation, and no question of its redemption. 
IV. As for the third objection, we are well 
aware that bankers and money-loaners will 
oppose the new departure. It is their busi- 
ness to retain the control of money and its 
rate of interest. They consider themselves 
the " divinely appointed" custodians of the 
people's money and its measure of supply. 
These people will denounce the plan as a 
wild and visionary scheme. Of course they 
will, for it destroys the death-dealing usury 
that is now consuming more than all the 
profits of farming and business. It fixes a 
price for money, and they will fight in opposi- 
tion ; of course they will ! 


V, My friend seeks to make a point by his 
Government factories for the benefit of the 
poor. They have no bearing on the ques- 
tion. The Issuing- of money is something on 
which Government must place its approval. 
It is the great medium of exchange. It is 
not wealth, but the recognized means by 
which we reckon wealth. We do not question 
the right of banks to loan money or collect 
the interest, but we do not recognize the 
right of those institutions to control the vol- 
*ume of money and its price. We do not rec- 
ognize that these institutions have any more 
right to receive the savings of the people, and 
then squander them in speculations, than the 
Government has to establish postal savings 
departments and receive their deposits for 
safe-keeping. We do not recognize the ex- 
clusive right of money-lenders to hold all the 
bonds and mortgages of the people. We do 
not recognize the right of money-lenders to 
stipulate what shall be the rate of interest, 
any more than for railroads to set the price of 

When corporations are unjust, extortionate, 
or usurious we have the right to step in to the 


VII. The last objection is a long tirade 
on the possibilities of abuse, corruption, mis- 
appropriation, favoritism, " boodleism," and 

If my friend will study the " Science of 
Finance," he will see that the doors are 
closed. There is absolutely no room or 
opportunity for fraud. In the first place 
every officer is placed under bonds for the 
faithful performance of his duties. Nothing- 
is done under cover. A man applies for a 
loan, and for two months it is open to inspec- 
tion and protest by the taxpayers. Sup- 
pose, by some means, a future security falls 
below the value of the debt. It was an 
honest transaction. It had received the 
approval of those who must meet the loss. 
The taxpayers receive one per cent, revenue 
for the insurance, and in doing so they accept 
the responsibility of its value. It is not giv- 
ing something for nothing. The system pays 
its way in every department. My friend 
declares it will destroy confidence in our 
currency. Must I repeat that this currency 
is secured by the best basis the world ever 
saw ? Must I repeat that it is open to re- 
demption any moment you desire to exchange 


it for an interest-bearing certificate of de- 
posit ? 

VIII. My friend likens it to the ignis 
fatuus, with surroundings of mystery and sus- 
picion. Why should he do this? It is not 
a floating irresponsibility without substance 
and power, but a reality, with power to 
collect and substance to redeem. It contains 
all the cautions of business and all the respon- 
sibilities of Government. Consider these six 
points in connection with the suggested plan : 

First. It provides for a safe deposit for the people, 
with a fair compensation. 

Second. It furnishes money at a rate of interest that is 
in accord with the profits of business. 

Third, It relieves taxation to the amount of interest 

Fouith. It becomes a source of revenue for the several 
departments of government. 

Fifth. It establishes a perfect system for the equaliza- 
tion of the volume of money. 

Sixth. It is for the benefit of the farmer, the business 
man, and the laborer. The farmer in Kansas or 
Nebraska is on the same interest basis as the farmer in 
New York. The manufacturer can produce at a less 
cost, for the price of money will be reduced; and the 
laborer is secure in his earnings, with the prospect of 
better times when money seeks employment. 


the early portion of this book general 
instruction was given as to the formation of 
a debating society and the rules which should 
govern It. Some hints on the subject of 
political economy were offered, and then the 
reader was introduced to the floor of the 
literary arena, and he was shown how to 
comport himself so as to emerge therefrom 
with credit. The debates which followed 
each Resolution were rather more than 
sketched. While it was by no means in- 
tended that the prospective disputant should 
conduct his share of the debate by delivering 
memoriter the contents of the book, still it is 
undeniable that memory might fairly be re- 
garded as playing an important part, and that 
each debate would require but slight elabora- 
tion to comprehend all that would be likely 
to occur to the mind of the ordinary speaker 
on each subject that was suggested. 



We now come to the outlined matter, 
and here a different method has been 
followed. In this division of the work nu- 
merous points have been given to suggest 
argument to prompt the mind, as it were. 
When the reader has studied these indica- 
tions for they claim to be no more he can 
use them at his discretion. It is by no 
means necessary to adopt their language or to 
follow the order of printing. Let him beware 
of using these points verbatim, for they 
have been, of set purpose, so thrown together 
as to make that procedure inadvisable. In- 
deed, it cannot be too strongly insisted 
on that to use this manual "parrot fashion" 
will lead to disaster. The temptation is 
strong, when one's time has been too much 
occupied to do justice to a subject, to try 
the "rote" method, but better far to sit 
In silence than to be guilty of any such 

With these few words of preface and of 
caution, the author commends the Questions 
Outlined to the reader. 



Resolved, That it is for the best interests of all the 
people for the Government to o f wn and control the coal 

{Oittlined for Points Only.) 


L Of ail the commodities of earth, there is 
none, with the possible ^exception of iron, of 
such vast importance as coaL 

II. Its use is universal. 

III. It is the first element in the produc- 
tion of steam, electricity, light, heat ; it is 
a necessity to transportation and manu- 
facture, and is in use in every avenue of 

IV. Coal smelts the iron, produces the 
steam that drives the locomotive and marine 
engine, enabling us to span continents, annihi- 
late distance, and make neighbors of peoples 
distant from each other. 

V. Slop the output of coal mines and you 
stop the hum of machinery, clog the wheels of 



commerce, and inflict on mankind financial 

VI. The baleful results of the recent strike 
in the bituminous coal fields are a demonstra- 
tion of the danger to society of a system so 
capable of harm. 

VI L The vast coal fields are owned by 
trusts and monopolies. 

VIII. They regulate the output and dictate, 
the price. 

IX. The price is not stable. It may be 
two dollars a ton, or it may be any price. 

X. All industry is subjected to the results 
of this fluctuation and unsettling- of the price 
of commodities. 

XL In times of business depression the 
price of coal always advances. 

XI L Under government control strikes 
cannot exist, output is never limited, and 
prices are never made arbitrary. 

XI I L The object of government is not 
avarice, but public good. 

XIV. Beyond the point of self-support, it is 
the object of government to increase output 
and decrease cost. 

XV. By this system industries would not 
be overtaxed in the purchase of coal. 


XVL A stable basis for the reckoning of 
values would be secured. 

XVIL We would not rob the poor. 

XVI I L Strikes never occur among- govern- 
ment employees* 

XIX. A prevention of the strike evil 
is sufficient reason to sustain this resolu- 

XX. We would lessen the cost of transpor- 
tation, of manufacture, of heat, power, light, 
and construction. 

XXL Government ownership would reduce 
the cost of the necessaries of life. 

XXIL It would increase the value of 

XXIII. As air, water, land, and coal are the 
great gifts of nature, there should be no in- 
dividual control by which God's people do 
not have the fullest benefit. 

XXIV. As coal is necessary to society, if 
you levy a tribute you disturb civilization. 

XXV. Limit its output by a decree of cor- 
porations or increase its price arbitrarily, 
and you shake from center to circumference 
the business of the nation. 

XXVL It is just as easy for our Govern- 
ment successfully to manage our coal mines as 


to manage the post office, the arm3% the navy, 
or any other governmental department. 

XXV II. The greater the undertaking, the 
more complete the system. 

IX VI 1 1. It Is no burden to the Govern- 
ment to assume this new responsiblity. 

XXIX. If this responsibility required the 
employment of all the people, it would make 
no difference to government, which is an in- 
stitution that is constant, perpetual, wise, and 

XXX. People should not be overtaxed for 
the necessities of life. 

XXXI. Individual ownership always seeks 
for profit, and the greater the possession the 
greater the avarice. 

XXXII. All industries require iron. Let 
us produce it at the least price possible. 

XXXIII. We all breathe air, give it to us 
pure ; we drink water, let it be free from dis- 
ease ; we need warmth, and as nature provides 
the wherewith to produce it, let it be as cheap 
as possible. 

XXXIV. We discuss a wider scope for the 
distribution of the mails ; why not a better 
distribution of coal ? 

XXXV. We lay a protective tariff for the 


benefit of manufacturers ; why not benefit 
them by economizing in the cost of the great 
factor of power ? 

XXXVL Long- live government ownership 
of coal mines ! It destroys monopoly and 
avarice, attains economy, relieves the poor, 
and establishes stability. 


I. It is true coal is of vast importance, and 
its general distribution is one of the great 
reasons why government ownership and 
control are not practicable. 

II. Theories are good on paper, but applica- 
tion is their test. 

III. If there were a few mines only we 
might consider that application, but there are 

IV. Our opponents compare the manage- 
ment of post offices, the army, the navy, and 
other governmental departments to the man- 
agement of our mines. This comparison is 
again theoretical and not practical, because 
each mine is a separate institution and must 
require a separate system. 

V. Each mine must depend upon its loca- 


tion, facilities for transportation, extent, 
quality of its coal, and cost of labor. 

VL Coal cannot be mined as cheaply under 
government control as by private enterprise. 

VII. No -government work is done as eco- 
nomically as that by private corporations. 

VJIL This is proven by comparison of 
government with contract work. 

IX. There is a natural tendency to bleed 
Uncle Sam whenever there is an opportunity. 

X. See its effects in public buildings, river 
and harbor improvements, transportation of 
mails, army contracts in fact, every branch of 
contract work. 

XI. To own the mines will require an in- 
vestment amounting to billions* 

XI I. To operate them the expense would 
be gigantic. 

XIII. To market the product would tax 
the ingenuity of the Government. 

XIV. Governments cannot give credit. 

XV. Large consumers are given time and 
credit, and any change must impose hardships. 

XVI. We might as well try to own the 
farms of the country. 

XVII. If coal mines were leased, the same 
conditions would exist as now. 


XVIII. To avoid these conditions the coal 
would have to be mined by government and 
sold directly to the consumer. 

XIX* It would be impossible to make a 
price fair to all. 

XX. The great factor of inequality in cost 
is transportation. 

XXL To put in practice the theory as it is 
presented, government must own its own 

XXII. This means billions more of invest- 

XXI I L It is not practicable. 

XXIV. It is contrary to common sense. 

XXV, It is a maxim of business that profit 
regulates the output of any commodity. 

XXVL If it is more profitable to mine two 
tons than one, then capital will mine two. 

XXVII. It is not business to mine more 
than needed for the demand. 

XXVIII. Coal is so widely scattered that 
the output cannot be limited to an extent to 
make the cost burdensome. 

XXIX. It is the history of any trust that 
inflated prices will stimulate competition. 

XXX. It is in the power of government to 
control the price of transportation, as is shown 


by laws passed to regulate passenger and 
freight rates. 

XXXI. If it is proven that the cost of any 
public necessity like transportation, money, 
water, air, light, or power, is burdensome, it 
can be controlled by government and made to 
conform to reasonable prices. 

XXXII. The same is true of coal, 
XXXI I L Strikes will soon be controlled 

by government, 

XXXIV. Arbitration is the next great fea- 
ture of settlements, as is the Interstate Com- 
merce Commission to regulate the rates of 

XXXV. The object of government is to 
protect the lives and liberties of the people, 
guaranteeing them security in their posses- 

XXXVI. Government was never instituted 
to do business, but to grant equal privileges 
to all. 

XXXVII. It is not necessary for labor to 
be employed by government to get its just 

XXX VI I L Civilization depends upon the 
manner in which the people are governed. 
XXXIX. The greater the number of oppor- 


tunities for bleeding the public treasury, the 
more bad government* It is these opportu- 
nities that induce corruption. 

XL. Remove the cause rather than increase 

XLL Devote the good offices of govern- 
ment to establishing a system of arbitration of 
differences between capital, labor, and con- 
sumption, rather than enter the field of com- 

XLII. It would be an impossibility for 
government to prospect for gold, silver, cop- 
per, nickel, tin, and then develop the mines. 

XLII I. The allurement of gain is the motive 
power of man. 

XLIV. It is a known fact that there is no 
profit in mining gold or silver, except for the 

XLV. Where one man brings home gold 
from the mines, many fail. 

XLVI. We hear of the successful mines 
only and not of the thousands of cases of 

XLVI I. Regulate strikes, transportation, 
unjust burdens, and you do all that can be 
done by government for the people. 



JResolved, That trusts and monopolies arc a positive 
injury to the people, financially, 

{Outlined for JPoints Only.) 

L What are trusts ? 

II. "What are monopolies? 

III. Some of the most Important trusts are 
sugar, coal, nails, malt, beer, liquors, lumber, 
coffee, copper, light, transportation, manu- 
factured articles, Insurance, barbed wire, glass, 
school books. 

IV. Some of the most important monopolies 
are kerosene oil, matches, screws, tin, crackers, 
city franchises, stockyards, telephones, tele- 
graph, express, money, registered stock, 
patents, organized labor, protective tariff. 

V. Trusts and monopolies both combine 
capital to prevent competition. 



VI. The sugar trust forces a tribute, through 
the tariff, on every man, woman, and child, 
and the oil trust controls, through its im- 
mense capital, a complete monopoly of the 

VI L It is said when the oil barons donate 
a million to a charitable object they raise the 
price of oil one-fourth cent, and thus make two 
millions profit. 

VIII. Coal is a necessity, as all forms of 
industry depend upon its heat for motive 

IX. The coal trust limits the output and 
regulates the prices. 

X. There is practically no competition in 
coal, sugar, lumber, railroad transportation, 
insurance, and many manufactured articles. 

XL Without competition the price is 
regulated according to the desires of those in 

XI L Screws should be produced at one- 
fourth their present cost. 

XIII. Two immense combinations for the 
control of matches and biscuits have had a 
widespread notoriety as a complete monopoly 
in the one case and a gigantic trust in the 


XIV. City franchises yield millions to those 
holding the monopoly. 

XV. Every monopoly and trust is supported 
by its levy upon the people. 

XVI. The stockyards of the country are a 
huge imposition on the people. 

XVII. Gas and electric-light companies are 
based upon agreements or trusts. 

XVIII. Railroads are both trusts and mo- 
nopolies. They agree to schedule rates, and 
tax all products every possible dollar con- 
sistent with getting the patronage of the 

XIX. The schedule of rates of railroads 
depends upon how much an article will stand. 

XX. A carload of one kind of product may 
cost twice as much as another, though both 
are drawn by the same engine. 

XXI. The telephone has made its scores of 
millions by its complete monopoly. 

XX II. The same is true of telegraphs. 

XXIII. Kxpress companies take care to 
have no competition in prices. 

XXIV. Registered horses, cattle, sheep, 
hogs, fowls, soon form a monopoly. 

XXV. Lumber is controlled by trusts. 
XX VL Money is the greatest monopoly of 


them all. Its price is controlled by banks and 
money loaners, and every debtor must pay it 

XXVI L Insurance stands aloof from, com- 
petition except in the soliciting- of orders. Its 
price is regulated by the trust governing both 
fire and life transactions. 

XXVIII. Patents are awarded for the pur- 
pose of stimulating inventions, but they result 
in a complete monopoly. 

XXIX. Organized labor is a pledge to 
maintain prices. 

XXX. Manufactured articles of almost 
every description are held either in a trust or 
absolute monopoly. 

XXXL A protective tariff produces a 
monopoly for the benefit of capital. 
XXXI L A tariff is a tax. 

XXXIII. The consumer of tariff -laid arti- 
cles pays the tax. 

XXXIV. Every increase in the price of an 
article must be met by the consumer. 

XXXV. Trusts and monopolies have no 
hearts or consciences. 

XXXVL Organized labor seeks to main- 
tain its price, while monopolies and trusts 
seek to break the price of labor. 


XXXVI I. Nearly all business is going into 
the hands of corporations. 

XXXVIII. The object is to maintain prices 
and prevent competition. 

XXXIX. This becomes dangerous to the 
investment of small capital. 

XL. It tends toward centralization of 

XLL It prevents opportunities for the 

XLIL The time was when a young man 
said, What business shall I engage in ? Now 
it is, What can I get to do ? 

XLIIL Small institutions are frozen out. 

XLIV. Combined capital is a menace to 
good government. 

XLV* It buys its franchises and its legisla- 

XL VI. It places the wealth of the nation 
in the hands of the few. 

XLVII. More people are obliged to de- 
pend upon daily labor. 

XLVIIL We have to choose between over- 
throw of monopolies or overthrow of popular 



I. There are always two sides to a ques- 

II. A trust is simply a co-operation of 

III. A monopoly is the sole ownership of 
a product, a business, or institution. 

IV. What has the great sugar trust done ? 
It has made the dirty brown sugar a pure 
white. It has reduced the price. It has in- 
creased the consumption, and through protec- 
tion it is possible to raise all our sugar and 
thus save $200,000,000 to our farmers. 

V. Compare the price of sugar now with 
the price twenty years ago. 

VL Capital is always seeking to reduce the 
cost of production. 

VII. It costs more to produce an article 
with a small capital than it does with a large 

VIII. Has the consumer of oil good basis 
for objecting to the oil companies as they are 
conducted at present ? 

IX. Originally oil was one dollar and fifty 
a gallon. 

X. It is now about ten cents. 


XL This monopoly has continually de- 
veloped the oil fields and reduced the price 
of the commodity by methods of piping, tank- 
ing, refining, and transportation. 

XII. We ought to be thankful for cheap 

XIII. The same can be said of coal. 

XIV. Vast capital has reduced its price by 
owning and operating its own cars, special 
railroads, docks, boats, and all other neces- 
sary equipment. 

XV. It is the object of capital to see that 
coal is always accessible. 

XVI. When business calls for oil or coal 
these monopolies are on hand. 

XVIL Small companies cannot give suffi- 
cient quantities. 

XVIII. Business might become paralyzed 
were there any danger of a short supply of 

XIX. Sometimes competition ruins its own 
business by underselling and thus producing 
a glut in the market. 

XX. Trusts are started for the purpose of 
sustaining prices. 

XXI. In this respect trusts must be bene- 


XXII. Competition does more harm than 
it does good. 

XXI II. Two grocery stores commence to 
sell by competition. Both are ruined. 

XXIV. Better have a stable price than one 
subject to fluctuation. 

XXV. The price of screws is not a serious 

XXVI. Matches were never so cheap, and 
could never have been produced at so small a 
cost but for the Match Trust. 

XXVII. But for this trust we would pay 
three times the present price for matches. 

XXVIII. City franchises in themselves 
form an important problem. 

XXIX. See what these franchises have 
done. They have furnished every business 
house with a telephone, with light, -with heat, 
and made it possible to live comfortably ten 
miles from business. 

XXX. They have enabled us to exchange 
the horse for the elevated, the cable, or the 
electric car. 

XXXI. They have given efficient transpor- 

XXXII. They give value received in the 
shape of transportation, or lig;ht, or powen 


XXXIII. The stockyards make It possible 
for any farmer to send his stock to market 
without accompanying it. 

XXXIV. They are a great convenience. 

XXXV. They transport stock from one 
part of the country to the other. 

XXXVI. What have railroads done? 
XXX VI L They have opened vast terri- 

XXXVIIL They form the great medium of 
communication between all branches of com- 

XXXIX. Prices are gradually being re- 

XL. Railroads have not prospered gener- 
ally, therefore they do not exact too much 
for the advantages they bring. 

XL I. Four-fifths of all our railroads have 
been in the hands of receivers. 

XLIL Money is not a monopoly; it is a 
ijiedium of exchange. 

XLIII. Insurance is based upon the his- 
tory of liabilities. 

XLIV. It is a common saying that trusts 
and monopolies have no hearts, but this is 
due to their business methods of acting" in 
every particular ; the object being to reduce 


cost. Small capital will overlook these small 
things that are profits to the big" institutions. 

XLV. If corporations can do better in 
prices for the people, why should anyone 
object ? 

XLVL Conditions are constantly changing 
as a country grows older. 

XL VI I. Honest men exist just the same, 
capital or no capital. 

XLVIII. Patents may become a monopoly, 
but if we do not give .them this opportunity 
we will have no Kdison, Watts, Bell, West- 
inghouse, or any inventive genius. 

XLIX. Monopoly and trusts have induced 
capital to engage in vast enterprises, which 
have been of great benefit to the people. 



JResolved, 3That cities should own and control all t7ie 
-fublic franc Jiises noztt conferred upon corporations. 

{Outlined for Points Only.) 

L Public sentiment is rapidly being edu- 
cated to the benefits of government owner- 

II. These franchises are for street railroads, 
gas, electric light, and water. 

III. Most cities now own their waterworks. 

IV. Corporation waterworks have never 
been satisfactory. The promoters sought 
profit rather than quality. 

V. Cities control water chiefly for sanitary 

VI. Good water must be secured, otherwise 
health is endangered. 

VII. At first one imagines the water system 



of a great city must be complicated because 
of its thousands of customers. 

VI I L It is a system requiring- perfect 

IX. Cities take upon themselves these 
necessities for public benefit : sewerage, pav- 
ing, quarantine, ventilation, cleanliness, con- 
struction of bridges, parks, waterworks, 
canals, dredging, schoolhouses, etc. 

X. Why not own their own light and city 
transportation ? 

XL It is because there is money for cor- 
porations in these franchises. 

XII. City boodling comes more from 
matters connected with franchises than in any 
other way* 

XI I L More fortunes have been made 
through the granting of franchises than by 
any other means. 

XIV. Government is just as competent to 
handle these special necessities as those of a 
general character, 

XV. A gas or electric plant is no more of 
an undertaking than its water system, delivery 
of mails, sewerage, police service, etc. 

XVI. The profit in light is immense. 

XVII. Fortunes are made in this necessity. 


XVI I L The following from General Ben- 
jamin Harrison is worthy consideration : 

NEW YORK, October i, 1897. 

Of special importance are the safeguards to be 
thrown about the granting of franchises to the pro- 
moters of great schemes for the public service. In 
this respect there are valuable lessons to be learned 
from late foreign experiments. Some of the principal 
cities of Scotland have assumed each the control of its 
street railway systems and its lighting plants, as well 
as its waterworks. The results of this public owner- 
ship of great public enterprises have been exceedingly 
satisfactory and instructive. I am inclined to consider 
municipal ownership as the best means to secure to the 
people the cheapest and best service. 

XIX. The ex-President considers such 
systems as the cheapest and best. 

XX. These qualities, cheapness and excel- 
lence, should be secured for the people. 

XXI. Municipal ownership is not an ex- 

XXI L Study the results in Manchester, 
Birmingham, Glasgow, Belfast. 

XXIII. Manchester, England, owns its 
gas works ; furnishes 81,000 private consumers 
at 64 cents per 1000 cubic feet, lights 15,000 
public lamps, and earns, clear of all expenses, 
$500,000 a year. 


XXIV. New York City pays $1,225,000 
for lighting her streets. 

XXV. Chicago owns an electric-lighting 
plant and Chief Barrett of the department says 
that, notwithstanding the employees are receiv- 
ing higher wages and working less hours than 
those in private companies, he could reduce 
the price one-half if only allowed to supply 
private consumers. 

XXVI. "If only allowed to supply private 
consumers." Think what that little "if" 
means ! 

XXVI L Higher wages and fewer hours. 

XXVIII. If Chicago owned her entire 
lighting systems gas could be reduced from 
$i to 60 cents, and a net revenue of $1,000,- 
ooo would accrue to the city. 

XXIX. If Greater New York owned her 
systems what would the revenue be on the 
Manchester basis, 64 cents? These figures 
are astounding. 

XXX. But look at Belfast, Ireland ; net 
profit of $326,000 at 66 cents. Price will be 
reduced to 60 cents and then a reduction of 
from 5 to 20 per cent., according to amount 

XXXI. Birmingham, England, paid $10,- 


000,000, for her gas plant, which was twice Its 
value. Gas is 53 cents, and at this price pays 
interest on Investment, creates a sinking fund, 
lights its streets and public buildings free, and 
pays a net revenue of $350,000 into the city 

XXXII. Wheeling, West Va., a city of 
less than 40,000, purchased its gas plant 
for $176,000, in 1868; reduced gas from 
$2.50 to 75 cents, paid Its purchase money 
from its profits, Increased its plant to $500,000, 
lights its streets, markets, public buildings, 
hospitals, and many other places, and yields a 
revenue of $27,000. 

XXXIII. Over 200 cities In the United 
States own their electric-lighting plants, and 
in nearly all cases the results are very satis- 
factory : cheaper rates and better service, 

XXXIV. See the comparison as to annual 
cost per arc light under private and municipal 
ownership in various cities. 

Private. Municipal 

Bangor, Me., . . . $150 $48 . 

Bay City, Mich., . . no 58 

Huntington, IncL, . . 146 50 

Bloomington, 111*, . . in 5* 

Chicago, I1L, * o . 250 96 




Elgin, III., . . 



Aurora, 111., 



Fairfield, la., 



Marshalltown, la., 



XXXV. This is the history of the difference 
between municipal and private management. 

XXXVI. But Glasgow, Scotland, owns its 
public franchises, and the revenue pays all 
expenses and there is no taxation. 

XXXVII. No wonder General Harrison 
spoke so forcibly. 

XXXVIII. What is true of light is true of 
street railways. 

XXXIX. The taxation of New York, 
Chicago, Philadelphia, Boston, and almost 
every city in the Union is fearful. 

XL. The ownership and proper manage- 
ment of their public franchises would support 
the cities at nearly one-half the cost to the 

XLL We owe protection to the consumer 
of light and patron of transportation. 

XLII. It is not good government to allow 
millions to accumulate at the expense of labor. 

XLIIL The necessities of dwellers in cities 
should be considered. 


XLIV. Water, light, and transportation 
are just as much necessaries as are sanitation, 
protection from disease, street-paving-, fire and 
police control. 

XLV. Millions of dollars are spent in brib- 
ing city councils and legislatures for the pas- 
sage of franchises. 

XLVI. Mayor Pingree stated he was 
offered $50,000 to stop fighting the gas or- 
dinance and $50,000 to sign it. 

XLVI I. We have no moral right to make 
gifts of such valuable franchises* 

XVI I L It is plundering the people. 

XL IX. The gift of these privileges is a 
menace to honest municipal government* 

L. Establish municipal ownership, and 
consider the following benefits: 

It will furnish a better service. 
It will reduce the price one-half. 

It will save to the consumer the millions of corpora- 
tion profits. 

It will reduce taxation. 

It will prevent bribery. 

It will pay better wages. 

It will cause better government. 

As it is, we have : 


Corporation in office, $i to $2 gas instead of 60 

Three values in electric lighting-. 
Five-cent fares instead of two-cent. 
Impure water. Poor service- 
Watered stock. 

Government by injunction. 
Accumulated millions, and all paid by the consumer. 

LI. Do you like the picture? 

LI I. Will you willingly continue this state 
of thing's ? 

LI 1 1. Do you want to make millionaires 
at the expense of the many ? 

LIV, Do you want economy ? 

LV. One more lesson, and we will close the 

The city of Springfield, 111., was paying a 
private lighting company $138 a year for each 
arc lamp. Its citizens were aware that this 
was an exorbitant charge, but as the city's 
debt was already up to the legal limit, they 
were unable to establish a public plant. But 
fortunately sixty public-spirited citizens 
advanced the necessary funds. New works 
were built and leased to two electricians for 
five years ; they to furnish light at the rate of 
$60 a lamp per year. But the city appro- 


priated each year $113 a lamp, the dif- 
ference, $53, forming- a sinking- fund which 
entirely wiped out the debt at the end of the 
five years. Therefore, through public spirit, 
coupled with good business management, the 
city will save $25 a year on each lamp, and, 
what is of more importance, at the expiration 
of the five years, the city, without any outlay, 
will become owner, free of debt, of "its own 
electric-lighting plant. 


L Government ownership seems to be the 
cry among certain classes without any definite 
idea of " how," what it will cost, etc* 

II. We are ruled by impulse. 

III. The impulse just now is anti-organiza- 

IV. We imagine that corporations are 
growing rich out of these public franchises. 

V. Some are, but possibly they deserve it. 

VI. What is the fate of nearly all public 
efforts ? 

VI L Four-fifths go into the hands of re- 

VIII. Scarcely a lighting plant or a street 
railway paid expenses when originally devised. 


IX. They were all experiments and costly 
to capital. 

X. It Is only by time and experience that 
any franchise became profitable. 

XL Take any city, and the first franchise 
granted was worth nothing. 

XI L It was only by the investment of 
capital and its trials that the enterprise be- 
came valuable. 

XIII. Suppose a city organized a street 
railway and it became a failure financially, 
what would be the result ? 

XIV. The party in power would be voted 

XV. Politics is against every experiment 
that is a failure, 

XVL Parties must not invest the people's 
money and not make a success of it. 

XVII. Franchises become valuable only 
when capital has invested its millions. 

XVIIL The city of Chicago could never 
have perfected its wonderful system of railways. 

XIX. It was done only by the thought and 
determination of capital. 

XX. Cities run in debt to supply their real 
necessities, such as water supplies, sewerage, 
improvements, parks, boulevards, public build- 


ings, schoolhouses, paving", asylums, prisons, 
hospitals, and are taxed severely to meet these 

XXL Many cities issue bonds to the limit 
of their privileges and cannot undertake 
street railways and lighting. 

XXII. All these high-sounding speeches 
of anti-monopolists depend upon what they 
think can be done, and not what is really 

XXI I L A man is deeply in debt- How 
can he build a new barn, buy improved stock, 
erect a new windmill with water tanks, piping, 
feed cutters, saw machine, silos ; purchase corn 
huskers, threshing machine, potato digger, 
and a complete line of implements ? 

XXIV. He simply cannot do it. He must 

XXV. The same is true of cities. An en- 
terprise might pay after it was established, 
but the people would not stand the original 

XXVI. The debt limit is one of the 
greatest hindrances to progress. 

XXVI L With due respect to General 
Harrison, I will say, he speaks only of an es- 
tablished institution. 


XXVIII. We see the rich gold mines, but 
fail to see the thousands of unprofitable 
" holes in the ground," 

XXIX. Go slow. Count the cost* Do 
not go so far in debt that it will be impossible 
to get out. 

XXX. It is not necessary to have govern- 
ment ownership to have government control. 

XXXL We have the right to legislative 

XXXII. If the corporation that controls 
a franchise is abusing its privileges, you have 
your legal remedy. 

XXXIII. If a five-cent fare is too much, 
let your lawyers make a three-cent fare. 

XXXIV. We always have this resource. 

XXXV. Capital must have an inducement 
to interest it in such investments. 

XXXVI. Great profit is the only induce- 
ment for the investment of millions. 

XXXV I L It requires millions to perfect 
any franchise system in any great city. 

XXXVIII. What Glasgow does is what 
New York city cannot do. 

XXXIX. As well expect all of us to be 
expert painters, musicians, orators, writers, 
poets, as to expect all cities to be Glasgows. 


XL. Springfield is happy in having- sixty 
such citizens as we have heard of. Point out 
such another combination at home ! 

XLI. The sixty citizens of other cities 
would run the plant themselves. 

XLI I. Any plan, when thoroughly es- 
tablished, can furnish service at a low rate. 

XLIIL If it is a duty to give a cheap ride, 
why not a duty to give cheap meat and bread ? 

XLIV. Elect honest men to office and 
there will be no bribery. 

XLV. Bribery exists more in contracts 
than in franchises. 

XLVL Example : city of ten thousand 
inhabitants, no street railway, people are 
afraid to build one, property owners petition, 
franchise is asked for, it is of no value orig- 
inally, capital is invested, service instituted. 

XLVIL What is the result? The city 
grows, the system expands, the valueless 
franchise reaps a harvest, certain classes cry, 
" Favoritism ! millions in value given away ! 
public ownership ! " 

XLVIIL After capital creates value, then 
comes the cry not before. 

XLIX. There is no certainty that govern- 
ment ownership would mean better service. 


L. Government cannot build as cheaply as 
private enterprise. 

LL No government contract was ever as 
carefully inspected as to economy as are 
private ones. 

LIL We will settle strikes by arbitration, 
or by other means agreed upon. 

LI II. We always expect the consumer to 
pay the costs and profits in every business. 

LIV. Business could not exist without this 

LV. To have a better system let us adopt 
the following; measures : 

Elect honest legislators. 

Enact laws just for all. 

Execute these laws. 

Government control. 

Grant a fair revenue. 

Extend ample protection to labor and capital. 

Encourage investments. 

Practice economy. 

Avoid going into debt. 

Do not jump at conclusions. Count the cost. 

With these cautions carefully observed we 
may still feel safe in granting- franchises and 
in controlling the corporations. 



Resolved, That education as if is now thrust upon t7ie 
yoitth of America is dangerous to health and good govern- 

{Outlined for JPoints Only.) 

NOTE. As this is an original question devised by 
the author, only one side will be outlined, sufficient 
on which to base a discussion. 

I. It is a peculiar question. 

II. It is not popular to assail any form of 

III. But we can go too far. There is a 
limit to the pupil's capability and endurance. 

IV. We have passed that limit. 

V. Tax the physical structure beyond its 
strength and you cause premature decay. 

VI. Work a child too hard and j^ou impair 

VII. The average school course overtaxes 
the strength of the average child. 

VIII. The constitution of the pupil is 


being destroyed, the eyesight injured, and the 
digestive powers diminished. 

IX. We study without regard to the future. 

X. The prevalent idea is to rush through 
school to college, regardless of the oppor- 
tunities for putting such education to use. 

XI. It is constant school from four years 
to twenty, with most of us. 

XI L What would I advocate? Less 
theoretical teaching and more practical in- 

XI II. Once a young man could say, " What 
profession shall I take?" Now it is, "What 
can I find to do?" 

XIV. The professions are full, big oppor- 
tunities are gone ; competition is everywhere, 

XV. We must study utility, 

XVI. If we enter college we should have a 
/ specific end in view. 

XVII. Study more in the line of what you 
expect to do. 

XVIII. If we had fewer colleges, academies, 
and normals, and a healthier spirit in our dis- 
trict schools, the country would be better 
for it. 

XIX. These higher schools have become a 
fad, to the detriment of the district schools. 


XX. The moment a child gets into his 
teens the desire is to send him off to a col- 
lege or some educational institution with a 
high-sounding- title. 

XXL Count the cost of the next six years 
of his schooling. 

XXII. What can he do when he graduates ? 
Practically nothing. 

XXIII. He thinks himself above common 

XXIV. He scorns the farm, the smithy, 
the trades. 

XXV. He is too smart, or rather too proud, 
to stoop to the common avocations of life* 

XXVI. He may teach school, but there are 
twenty applicants for each school. 

XXVII. If he is possessed of sufficient 
money he may now study for the law, for 
medicine, theology, or some other profession. 

XX VI I L But if he is thrown upon his own 
resources, he may scorn manual labor so much 
as to seek to earn a living by questionable 

XXIX. The moment we turn the attention 
of one of these dissatisfied ones from what he 
can do to what he cannot do, we create a dis- 
turbing element in government. 


XXX. To obviate this, build up the district 
school, educate for a purpose, and create in 
the pupil a desire to do what he can do. 

XXXI. Enlarge the country schoolhouse 
curriculum by the addition of manual train- 


XXXI L The teacher must understand 
psychology thoroughly to comprehend human 

XXXI IL Let the boys be taught how to 
use tools. 

XXXIV. Not one farmer in ten can put" 
a broken reach into his wagon. Teach the 
boys how. 

XXXV. Teach the girls how to sew, mend, 
and cook. 

XXXVL Teach the principles of health 

XXXVII. Nevermind if the pupils never 
see a Latin or Greek grammar. 

XXXVIII. Algebra and geometry are val- 
uable branches of science, but mighty poor 
procurers of food. 

XXXIX. As our country develops and 
population increases, the question of how 
our necessities are to be supplied grows more 


XL. We shall soon require all teachers to 
be graduates of some normal school. 

XLI. Better require them to be graduates 
of a practical business. 

XLI I. Teach language, and then business. 

XLI 1 1. Throw away three-fourths of the 
grammar course, 

XLIV. Commence to teach the child how 
to talk correctly by mechanical practice, 

XLV. Teach the proper use of the pro- 
nouns first. Teach him to say : It is I. It is 
they. It is she. It is he. Write such 
phrases on the blackboard. Correct him in 
his conversation. Practice, Practice, Prac* 
tice ! 

XLVL If the boy is to be a farmer, teach 
him the science of farming. 

XLVIL If he has a natural talent for draft- 
ing, painting, music, oratory, or any profes- 
sion, give him the course necessary to make 
him successful in that profession. 

XLVIIL Do not load him down with 
knowledge he will soon forget. 

XLIX. Opportunities are too few to take 
any chances. 

L. An educated rogue is the most dan- 
gerous one. 


LL We have too many young- men out of 
employment who have a good education in 
general, but none in particular. 

LI I. This condition of affairs induces a dis- 
position to go wrong", to defy law, to demand 
what men do not earn, to scheme, speculate, 
defraud, misrepresent. 

LI 1 1. Unemployed education is often a 
menace to good society, good morals, good 

LI V. The author is acquainted with a g-ood 
many graduates of a prominent State Uni- 
versity who are farmers or farm hands* 

LV. These people had no object in view, 
no purpose but study. They graduated with 
credit, but their power and opportunities of 
utilizing- 'their knowledge were limited. 

LVL They have now forgotten their Latin 
and Greek, their sciences, classics, demonstra- 
tions, histories. They retain their diplomas 
as a proof of what they have done, but the 
parchment is of no financial value. 

LVIIL Again I say, less general educa- 
tion without purpose. Build up the country 
schools, teach character, self-reliance, honesty, 
economy, manliness. 

LVIL Teach that the great desiderata in 


life are good citizenship, practical purposes, 
industry, health, happiness. 

LIX. Avoid too much study, too much 
schooling- without a purpose. Remember 
that an education is valuable just in propor- 
tion as we can use it. 

LX. Stop and consider that the American 
youth is being crammed to death. That the 
present system gives him no object in life. 
Character should be the first great princ'ple 
of development, application the second, and 
economy ts the measure of prosperity. 



JZsso/vtd, T'hat national banks should be abolished. 

(Outlined for Points Only.) 


L Our present system of national banks 
was established in 1863. 

II. It was the greatest safe speculating 
scheme ever devised. 

III. The law made it possible in 1863 for 
a capitalist to secure $50,000 (or more) in 
paper currency, convert it into government 
bonds at par, deposit the bonds with the 
Government and draw back $45,000 in cur- 

IV. By this one stroke the new business 
actually had the benefit of $45,000 for practic- 
ally nothing. 

V. It is a system that collects interest upon 
its debts. 

VI. Bank currency is not a legal tender. 



VII. It is made redeemable in government 
currency (greenbacks). 

VIII. It is universally accepted at par, as it 
is secured by government bonds. 

IX. As the Government is the security, let 
the Government issue the currency and re- 
ceive the benefits. 

X. The system gives banking corporations 
benefits that exist in no other form of 

XL It establishes a privileged class. 

XII. Unless abolished the national banks 
will obtain control of legislation and the 
$346,000,000 of government currency (green- 
backs) will be retired. 

II 1 1. To retire this currency means an issue 
of government bonds, and the issuance of the 
entire paper currency of the country by banks. 

XIV. Banks have no moral right to demand 
the right to issue currency* 

XV. The right to issue currency, whether 
"gold, silver, or paper, belongs to the people, 

the Government, and should not be delegated 

to any corporation. 

XVL Banks represent centralized money* 
XVIL The greater the centralization the 

more powerful its influence. 


IVI 1 1. Money is the great medium of 
exchange in all business. 

XIX. Being the greatest of public neces- 
sities, its issue and volume should be in the 
hands of the Government. 

XX* Banks or any corporations seek to 
benefit themselves only. The Government 
seeks to benefit the people. 

XXL The concern of. banks is for their 
rate of interest. 

XXII. The larger the rate of interest the 
more profit. 

XXI I L The volume of money controls the 
rate of interest. 

XXIV. The price of money is interest. 

XXV. Business now largely depends upon 
banks for assistance. 

XXVI. People's deposits are largely with 
the banks. 

XXVIL Banks are the great centers for 
receiving and distributing currency. 

XXVIII. Business borrows, and when 
times are hard, depositors become uneasy, 
withdrawals ensue, business is called upon to 
return its loan ; sacrifice, foreclosure, suspen- 
sion, and failure are the result. 

XXIX. The deposits of the people should 


be with the Government, and the Govern- 
ment should establish a system of postal 
savings, loans, and issues of currency. 

XXX. The volume of money should be 
such that it will compel a low rate of inter- 
est, for high interest dissipates profits and 

XXXL Banks oppose a government issue, 
as it interferes with their special privileges. 

XXXI I. Had the Government never dele- 
gated a paper issue to banks, but issued the 
same volume itself, it would have saved over 
$400,000,000 interest paid on the bonds given 
as security for this bank issue. 

XXXI I L Continue this system, and then 
convert the $346,000,000 of greenbacks into 
interest-bearing bonds, and we shall add to 
the profits of banking at the expense of the 

XXXIV. All the currency of the people 
should be full legal tender, without exception. 

XXXV. The basis of bank issue (bonds) 
must sooner or later be canceled by payment 
of the debt. 

XXXVL When bonds are paid the system 
must cease, or other forms of security must 
be devised, 


XX XVI I. The banks are now seeking 
other securities and devising other means. 

XXXVI IL The first move is to retire the 
greenback in long-time bonds for a further 

XXXIX. The people in general do not 
study this question. 

XL. They leave it for the banks to dictate. 

XLL The banks dictate for their own 

XLII. As the system is for their benefit 
only, it ought to be abolished. 


I. Few realize how and why national banks 
were first established. 

II. A great war was upon us. 

III. The expense was enormous. 

IV. Paper currency was a war necessity. 

V. The great volume had to be converted 
into bonds to stop its depreciation. 

VL By establishing national banks cur- 
rency was converted into bonds. 

VII. Our previous system was not reliable. 

VIII. The banks were so unreliable that 
they were known as wild-cat banks. 


IX. National banks are known to be abso- 
lutely safe. 

X. It is the only system ever devised that 
is perfectly secure. 

XL No one can lose a dollar. 

XII. Currency is good in any part of the 

XIIL All financiers pronounce government 
banking false economy. 

XIV. At present we must keep a vast 
amount of gold on hand for redemption. 

XV. When it falls below the $100,000,000 
mark, panics ensue. 

XVI. When it rises above that point, con- 
fidence is restored. 

XVII. It is not good policy to continue a 
system that endangers confidence. 

XVIII. The $346,000,000 of greenbacks 
are a constant menace that may at any 
moment wipe out the reserve. 

XIX. A recent administration demon- 
strated this fact by its issue of $262,000,000 
in bonds to sustain the reserve. 

XX. Remove the cause and you cure the 

XXL The greenbacks and reserve are 
financial diseases. 


XXI L Banking 1 under national super- 
vision is the only safe method, and the only 
system that does not threaten the credit of 

XXI I L We must sustain credit. 

XXIV. Banking is necessary to business; 
necessary for exchange, and necessary to the 
public good. 

XXV. No one is injured. 

XXVL The Postal Savings system does 
not enter into this discussion, except as it 
relates to an issue of currency. 

XXVI L Government must not issue an 
irredeemable currency. 

XXVI IL Volume of currency cannot be 
regulated by government. 

XXIX. A monetary system must be one 
of expansion. 

XXX. Government cannot cause expan- 
sion and contraction of the currency by edict. 

XXXI. This is a principle of banking. 

XXXII. Banking is the great agent of 
equalization. Money not needed is returned. 
When wanted, is withdrawn. 

XXXIII. It is open to all and is not a 
special privilege. 

XXXIV. There should be a national bank 


in every place of three hundred to five hun- 
dred inhabitants. 

XXXV. This would increase the volume 
of money in these places. 

XXXVI. Increased volume of money in- 
creases business. 

XXX VI L Business employs labor 

XXXVIII. Labor must be fed. 

XXXIX. All these factors tend to increase 

XL. And prosperity is what we want 



Resolve a, i*hat bimetallism and not protection is the 
secret of future p 

{Outlined for Points Only." 
. mative. 

I. The term bimetallism means the adoption 
of both gold and silver as primary money, 
or, in other words, the free coinage of both 
metals without limitation, 

II. The term protection applies to a tariff 
on imported manufactured articles by which 
the same article produced at home is given 
an advantage in price. 

III. Protection raises the price of all im- 
ported articles. 

IV. Protection does away with competition 
on the basis of original cost. 

V. Protection advances the cost of im- 
ported products to the consumer. 



VL Protection means additional profit to 
the manufacturer. 

VII. It means a tax on these commodities. 

VI I L It produces trusts and monopolies. 

IX* It destroys foreign competition. 

X. It causes retaliation. 

XL Bimetallism means more money. 

XII. It means development of the great 
West, employment of labor, increase in the 
value of all farm products, and stimulation of 
all business. 

XI I L More money means activity in busL 
ness and a lower rate of interest. 

XIV. It means that gold is no longer the 
dictator; that monometallism is broken ; that 
the restoration of silver to its proper position 
must increase its value and its ability to bene- 
fit mankind. 

XV. Bimetallism means that the bullion 
value must equal the legal-tender value. 

XVI. Money lenders and their allies 
oppose silver on the grounds that it is a de- 
preciated commodity ; that it holds its place 
as money only by the sufferance of the 
people and the determination of the Govern- 
ment to sustain the parity of the two metals. 

XVII. Thev claim that if the Government 


should fail to sustain this parity, silver would 
depreciate as did the greenback during the 

XVI I L The truth of the matter is they 
denounce It because they do not want it. 
Because it increases the volume of money 
issued by government. Because it works 
independent of banks and their allies. Be- 
cause it is not easily controlled. Because it 
furnishes money without any profit to them. 
Because it relieves financial distress. Be- 
cause it is the debtor's friend. Because it is 
the poor man's money* 

XIX. Bimetallism means that financial 
necessities are not dependent upon one metal 
and one system of banking. It means com- 
petition in money* It means advance in 
prices of all commodities : advance of prices 
in real estate ; increased activity ; employ- 
ment of labor ; increased price of labor 
through a more extensive demand for it. 

XX. It does not mean depreciation of the 
value of money, for no full legal tender is 
worth less than any other legal tender. It 
does not mean a withdrawal of gold from 
circulation, for there will be no object to be 
gained by hoarding it. It does not mean that 


gold will leave the country unless it is more 
profitable to trade it off than to keep It. It 
does not mean a silver basis and a gold basis, 
for two legal tenders with the same powers 
must be equal. It does not mean that the 
silver of the world will come to us for coinage, 
for no nation outside of this continent has 
any to send. 

XXI. But It does mean a stable price in 
silver as well as gold. It means that the 
bullion value cannot fluctuate any more than 
the bullion value of gold. It means that the 
owner of silver bullion will not sell it in the 
markets for less than it Is worth to him to 
coin. It means that the bullion of the world 
must retain that value, barring the cost of 

XXII. Free coinage of silver must restore 
the value of silver just as the demonetization 
of gold must decrease its value. 

IXI 1 1. Demonetize gold and you make it 
a fluctuating commodity, just as silver Is to- 

XXIV. The intrinsic value of gold depends 
upon its free coinage. Destroy that and it 
becomes a depreciated metal. 

XXV. The value of either metal depends 


upon its uses- Destroy half its uses and you 
injure its value. 

XXVI. Half of the uses of silver have been 
stricken out by the abolition of free coinage. 
Restore its uses as free money and you re- 
store its value. 

XXVI I. Banks now furnish ninety-eight per 
cent, of the medium of exchange. Free coin- 
age of silver will affect this immense business 
injuriously and of course will disturb the 
temper of those who are engaged in it. , 

XXVIII. They tell us no nation is strong 
enough to battle against the storm of opposi- 
tion ; that it would be suicide for our govern- 
ment to attempt it ; that we would sink into 
con .empt ; that our securities would be 
thrown upon our markets in unlimited quanti- 
ties ; that they would be cut in value ; that 
panics in stocks would ensue ; that fore- 
closures would abound, and that repudiation 
would be the order of the day. 

XXIX. How foolish such assertions! In 
fact, the opposite would be the case. Credi- 
tors could not afford to create panics, as it 
would impair their own property. They 
could not afford to attack any legal tender, for 
they would "cut their own throats." They 


could not demand one particular kind of 
money, but must take any legal tender. 
They could not destroy the value of money, 
for they are the ones most interested. 

XXX- No matter how much they may 
oppose bimetallism, when once adopted they 
cannot afford to continue to make war upon 
it. They must help to maintain it for their 
own protection. They cannot make any dis- 
tinction if they would. Debts are due in 
either legal tender and their values must be- 
come equal. 

XXXI. Holders of stocks are not fools, 
and they cannot afford to crowd the market, 
as it is their own interests they would assail. 

XXXI I. If gold is given no undue advan- 
tage, no one will pay a premium for its use 
when other mediums will serve the same 

XXXIII. If foreign manufactured goods 
are sold in this country, the sellers must 
accept our medium of payment or lose our 

XXXIV. If it is protection our friends call 
for, bimetallism will afford the protection 
desired. If it be true that foreign goods will 
not come unless sellers get gold, and gold 


will have double the value of silver, then they 
will not come and we shall be able to stimu- 
late our own manufactures and produce our 
own goods. Such a condition would boom 
every trade and every product, but it is not 
true ; the two metals will be equal because 
they are both legal ten den 

XXXV. It is an axiom in geometry that 
two things that are equal to the same thing 
are equal to each other. 

XXXVL If our country was small and 
not prominent in the commerce of the world, 
there might be something at stake. But we 
are the richest nation on earth ; we manu- 
facture, in value, one-third of the products 
of the combined countries of the earth. We 
have the most diversified soil, climate, and 
productions. We have the most extensive 
system of gulfs, bays, rivers, lakes, and rail- 
roads. We have more capital invested in 
our enterprises ; more coal, iron, copper, 
lumber, silver, gold, water power and the 
various agencies of nature ;* we have more 
power, both physical and mental. 

XXX VI I. Such a country cannot be com- 
pared with Mexico, Japan, China, or any 
others of inferior qualifications. 



I. Protection serves two purposes : it 
stimulates production in our own country 
and at the same time supplies a needed 

II. Those two facts are a sufficient de- 
fense of the present form of protection and 

III. Government must be supported. 

IV. Direct taxation is always distasteful. 

V. Tariff is a form of revenue which is 
optional with the consumer. He can buy or 
not, as he chooses. 

VI. If protection stimulates manufactures 
it must increase the demand for labor. 

VII. Labor thus employed is able to 
obtain the necessaries and luxuries of life ; 
so protection makes a market for farm 
products. The farmer becomes prosperous 
and all branches of trade follow. 

VIII. Destroy protection and it matters 
not how much gold, silver, or paper we may 
have. We cannot get any of them unless 
we can earn it. 

IX. Men must work to earn money. 

X. If foreign products supplant our own 


we create just so much less, and what was 
paid to our labor is now paid outside. 

XL A dollar saved is a dollar earned. 

XII. It is better to employ labor six days 
in the week at $1.50 than three days at $1.00. 

XI I L When men are idle wages are low. 

X T V In idleness vice flourishes. 

XV. Unemployed labor means poverty, 
confusion, and distress. 

XVI. Idle men have to live upon charity. 

XVII. Idle men become dangerous ; mobs 
spring* into existence ; law and order are dis- 
regarded, and anarchy prevails. 

XVIII. Grant that bimetallism means a 
perfect parity of gold and silver, yet it does 
not relight dead furnaces. It does not de- 
velop the riches of nature. It does not open 
ruined factories. It does not furnish employ* 
ment. It does not feed the hungry, clothe 
the naked, and relieve the distressed. 

XIX. Labor is the foundation of national 
prosperity, and protection is the means of 

XX. Protection erects immense factories, 
lengthens our lines of railroads, builds steam- 
ships, promotes inventions, stimulates com- 
merce, enlarges cities, advances learning, 


creates ambitions, produces happiness, pays 
mortgages, increases values, lessens the num- 
ber of tramps, and all through the employ- 
ment of labor. 

XXL While bimetallism must fight the 
possibilities of disaster, protection has been 
tried, and not found wanting. 

XXII. The only question that can be 
raised is, Which is better : compete with the 
world, or make the world pay a premium to 
compete with us ? 




THE author believes that such a list of 
questions as follows will prove of consid- 
erable value to schools and literary socie- 
ties* It is his hope that this little work 
may be widely used, and that the few subjects 
which are of only ephemeral interest may at 
least serve as models. 

i Resolved : That reciprocity is a better 
method of regulating international commercial 
intercourse than a protective tariff. 

2. Resolved : That the Initiative and Refer- 
endum are the best form of legislation. 

3. Resolved : That Switzerland has a better 
form of government than the United States. 

4. Resolved : That free coinage of silver is 
of greater benefit to Mexico than a gold 
standard would be. 


5. Resolved : That the closing of the mints 
of India to silver is a detriment to that 

6. Resolved : That there should be no dis- 
tribution of real estate by will, but an equal 
division by law. 

7. Resolved : That there should be an 
educational test as a qualification for voting. 

8. Resolved : That no foreign language 
should be taught in our public schools. 

9. Resolved : That the study of Latin and 
Greek is a needless waste of time. 

10. Resolved: That sculpture has a more 
beneficial effect on the intellect than painting. 

11. Resolved: That no alien should be al- 
lowed to own real estate in this country. 

12. Resolved: That trade unionism operates 
to the advancement of wages. 

13. Resolved : That the sailor is more to 
be honored than the soldier. 

14. Resolved : That the light of nature, 
alone, proves the immortality of the soul. 

15. Resolved : That the single tax, as 
advocated by Henry George, is practicable. 

1 6. Resolved: That it would be better for 
the business interests of the country to elect 
31 Congress but once in eight years* 


1 7. Resolved : That capital punishment 
should not be inflicted where the accused is 
convicted on circumstantial evidence. 

1 8. Resolved: That capital punishment 
should be abolished. 

19. Resolved: That the cotton industry is 
more important than the woolen. 

20. Resolved : That the game of football 
is not ph3 r sically beneficial. 

21. Resolved: That the " little red school- 
house" should receive more favors from the 
Government than our advanced schools. 

22. Resolved: That circumstantial evidence 
should be sufficient to convict a saloon keeper 
for violation of the excise laws. 

23. Resolved: That express packages to the 
weight of ten pounds should be carried by the 
mails at cost. 

24. Resolved : That the Chinese should be 
admitted to American citizenship. 

25. Resolved: That a property qualification 
should be a requirement for the admission of 

26. Resolved : That the United States 
Government should prevent extended strikes 
by compelling immediate arbitration. 

27. Resolved : That the government of the 


United States should hasten the completion 
of a great ship canal from Chicago to the 
Mississippi Riven 

28. Resolved : That any ship, no matter 
where built, when dedicated to the service of 
American commerce, should sail under the pro- 
tection of the American flag. 

29. Resolved : That it is for the best 
interests of the American people for the 
Government to discontinue the coinage of 
gold and silver, but to use the credit of the 
Government in the issue of a paper currency 
without coin redemption. 

30. Resolved : That each State should pub- 
lish its common-school text-books. 

31. Resolved: That the children of every 
locality should be educated, no matter what 
the cost. 

32. Resolved : That our criminal and idle 
population should be employed in the building 
of good roads. 

33. Resolved : That it is a duty devolving 
upon ministers of the Gospel to study reforms 
of government, and to devote a portion of their 
Sunday evening service to their discussion. 

34. Resolved : That divorce Is compatible 
with Christianity. 


35. Resolved : That iron is more serviceable 
to mankind than gold, 

36. Resolved : That Civil Service examina- 
tions should be enforced in the appointment 
of all officers^ 

37. Resolved: That the Indians should not 
hold territory not in use by them. 

38. Resolved : That it is just as ladylike to 
wear bloomers as any other dress. 

39. Resolved : That the governor of a 
State should not have the power of 

40. Resolved : That a man has the right to 
kill another in self-defense. 

41. Resolved : That a trial by jury is not 
the best mode of administering justice. 

42. Resolved : That man is more revengeful 
than woman. 

43* Resolved : That public opinion is a 
good standard of right. 

44. Resolved : That a pledge by which one's 
life is saved, even though given under duress, 
should be kept. 

45. Resolved : That, if the conscience says a 
thing is right, it is right. 

46. Resolved : That morality is separable 
from religion. 


47. Resolved : That the farmer is more use- 
ful to society than the mechanic. 

48. Resolved : That banks are more in- 
jurious than beneficial to a community. 

49. Resolved : That the private property of 
the stockholders of a bank should be holden 
to protect depositors. 

50. Resolved : That invention should be 
rewarded by Government and not by capital. 

51. Resolved: That cremation should take 
the place of earth burial. 

52. Resolved : That the civil department of 
government is more important than the 

53. Resolved : That it would be for the 
best interests of both the governments con- 
cerned to annex Canada to the United 

54. Resolved : That co-operation furnishes 
the most satisfactory solution of the labor 

55. Resolved : That church unity would 
develop a higher degree of Christianity. 

56* Resolved : That it is not wise to exclude 
Chinese laborers from the United States. 

57. Resolved: That prohibition is prac- 


58. Resolved : That church property should 
be taxed. 

59. Resolved : That the rich should be 
encouraged In building extravagant homes 
and purchasing costly furnishings. 

60. Resolved : That the annexation of 
Mexico is not desirable. 

6 1. Resolved: That Christian commu- 
nism is suited to the needs of the 

62. Resolved : That there should be a limit 
to the ownership of land. 

63. Resolved : That it is policy to grant 
shipping subsidies* 

64. Resolved : That modern art is less 
moral than that of the Middle Ages. 

65. Resolved : That there should be a pro- 
tective duty on wool. 

66. Resolved: That saloons should be under 
the control of the Government. 

67. Resolved : That the United States can 
maintain the free coinage of silver without 
foreign assistance. 

68. Resolved : That treating in alcoholic 
drinks should be prohibited. 

69. Resolved : That it is not good policy 
to enact a bankrupt law. 


70. Resolved : That there should be no 
collection of debts by law. 

71. Resolved : That a lie' is sometimes 

72. Resolved : That the truth should 
always be spoken. 

73. Resolved : That, secret societies are 
beneficial to mankind. 

74* Resolved : That the manufacture of 
cigarettes should be prohibited. 

75. R solved : That treating- is the great 
source of intemperance. 

76. Resolved : That the school is a more 
trustworthy moral agent than the jail. 

77. Resolved : That the inebriate is not 
accountable to God for the crimes he com- 
mits while intoxicated. 

78. Resolved : That the saloonkeeper is 
more guilty, in the commission of crime, than 
he who commits crime while under the influ- 
ence of drink. 

79. Resolved : That the licensed traffic in 
liquor produces more evils than its acknowl- 
edged illegal sale. 

80. Resolved : That the democratic prin- 
ciples of the United States are in danger of 
being superseded by those of an aristocracy. 


81. Resolved : That money has more influ 
ence upon mankind than education. 

82. Resolved : That political parties are 
necessary to good government. 

83. Resolved : That a limited monarchy is 
a better form of government than a republic. 

84. Resolved : That newspapers do more to 
mold public opinion than all other agencies 

85- Resolved : That the Government of the 
United States should loan money on real 
estate at a low rate of interest. 

86. Resolved : That a graduated income 
tax is justifiable. 

87. Resolved : That the New Zealand 
system of taxation of real estate is preferable 
to our own. 

88. Resolved : That a mortgage on the 
homestead should not be subject to fore- 

89. Resolved : That true patriotism is not 
compatible with willful blindness to our 
national defects. 

90. Resolved : That a tariff on pine lumber 
is against the best interests of the people. 

91. Resolved : That there should be no 
local saloon license, but if granted by local 


option the Government should receive the fee 
and enforce its restrictions. 

92. Resolved : That it would have been 
better for the Government to have purchased 
the Union Pacific Railroad than to have 
received its dues through foreclosure. 

93. Resolved : That the advancement of 
civil liberty is more indebted to intellectual 
culture than to force of arms. 

94. Resolved : That education tends to 
remove the fear of future punishment. 

95. Resolved : That it is for the best 
interests of the people to close all avenues of 
trade on the Sabbath. 

96. Resolved : That wheat has a greater 
influence over prosperity than corn. 

97. Resolved : That it is good policy to 
prevent electioneering by candidates for 

98* Resolved : That measures for the public 
good can be carried out more wisely by rulers 
than by the people. 

99. Resolved : That no man should seek 
office by influencing the primaries. 

i ocx Resolved : That government by in- 
junction is justifiable. 

101. Resolved : That what is termed the 


political crank is a necessary adjunct to 

102. Resolved : That the world is improv- 
ing* in morals. 

103. Resolved : That eight hours* labor 
should constitute a day's work. 

104. Resolved: That a rate of interest 
beyond four per cent, should be prohibited. 

105. Resolved : That greater prosperity 
would ensue if interest on money were 

1 06. Resolved: That China is our most 
dangerous foe, commercially- 

107. Resolved : That free trade and a gold 
standard are best suited to the people of 
Great Britain. 

108. Resolved : That the financial interests 
of Great Britain are not similar to those of 
the United States, 

109. Resolved : That tin should be placed 
on the free list. 

i jo* Resolved: That lawyers are not 
beneficial to mankind. 

in. Resolved: That lawyers should not 
be eligible to either house of Congress. 

112. Resolved: That war is an indication 
of the advance of civilization. 


113. Resolved: That further annexation 
of territory is not for the best interests of the 
American people. 

1 14. Resolved : That the drama con- 
tributes more to mental enjoyment than the 
study of real life. 

115. Resolved : That literature and science 
diminish the power of eloquence. 

1 1 6. Resolved : That the progress of civiliza- 
tion diminishes the love of martial glory. 

1 1 7. Resolved : That bimetallism is the 
most important political issue we can know. 

1 1 8. Resolved: That it is as much the 
duty of the state to teach practical business 
as it is to teach the common-school studies. 

119. Resolved: That Oliver Cromwell was 
a greater man than Napoleon Bonaparte. 

1 20. Resolved: That Toussaint L'Ouver- 
ture was the equal of George Washing-ton as 
a soldier and statesman. 

121. Resolved: That Daniel Webster was 
superior in Intelligence to Stephen A. 

122. Resolved: That superstition has a 
greater influence on the ignorant than logic. 

123. Resolved : That gunpowder h?.s done 
more for the benefit of mankind than poetry. 


124. Resolved: That corporal punishment 
for some crimes Is justifiable. 

125. Resolved: That competition is a 
greater incentive to effort than compensation. 

126. Resolved: That ambition contains 
( more of vice than of virtue. 

127. Resolved: That novel reading- pro- 
duces greater moral injury than benefit. 

128. Resolved: That education has greater 
influence than nature in the formation of 

129. Resolved: That rebellion against 
tyrannical government is justifiable. 

130. Resolved : That the mind gains more 
knowledge from reading than from obser- 

131. Resolved: That coal has been of more 
benefit to mankind than gold. 

132. Resoved : That the introduction of 
labor-saving machinery has been a detriment 
to mankind. 

133. Resolved : That a lawyer has no moral 
right to defend a man whom he knows to be 

134. Resolved : That the practice of requir- 
ing a witness to take an oath is useless. 

135. Resolved : That, in a trial by jury, one 


juryman should not be able to affect the 
verdict of the remainder. 

136* Resolved : That wealth is the cause of 
more crimes than poverty. 

137. Resolved: That it is for the best 
interests of justice to try criminals by a jury 
of judges. - 

138. Resolved: That criminals should be 
incarcerated in reformatory institutions rather 
than prisons. 

139. Resolved : That genius Is nature's 
gift, and cannot be acquired. 

140. Resolved : That there is more pleas- 
ure in anticipation than in realization. 

141. Resolved: That capital and labor 
should share in the profits of industry. 

142. Resolved : That the aspiration after 
artistic fame is more injurious than otherwise. 

143. Resolved: That there is more happi- 
ness than misery in life. 

144. Resolved : That the newspaper re- 
ports of prize-fights should be condemned. 

145. Resolved : That the slander of an in- 
dividual's character is a greater crime than 

146. Resolved : That laws should be 
enacted to curb the license of the press, 


147. Resolved : That there is no confusion 
between the teachings of geology and the 
Holy Bible, 

148. Resolved : That the French Revolu- 
tion was justifiable* 

149. Resolved : That Richard the Third 
was a worse monarch than Charles the 

150. Resolved : That the cotton gin is a 
greater invention than the electric telegraph. 

151. Resolved : That the sewing machine is 

a crreater invention than the binder. 


152. Resolved: That intoxicating drink has 
produced more crime than all other agencies. 

153. Resolved: That pensions should be 
fitted to the present necessities of the veteran 
rather than to his military achievements. 

154. Resolved : That teachers who have 
spent the greater part of their lives teaching 
school should be entitled to an annuity, 

155. Resolved : That the so-called cheap 
literature should be prohibited. 

156. Resolved : That superstition is more 
baneful to mankind than skepticism. 

157. Resolved : That it is against good 
morals to engage in sports on Sunday. 

158. Resolved: That the "unpardonable 


sin " mentioned in the Bible does not imply 
the literal meaning- of " blaspheming- against 
the Holy Ghost." 

159. Resolved: That the critic does more 
injury than good. 

1 60. Resolved: That the New Testament 
is our only guide in spiritual life. 

1 6 1. Resolved: That the study of my- 
thology is of benefit to the pupil. 

162. Resolved : That private education 
should be encouraged wherever practicable* 

163. Resolved: That the adoption of a 
curfew ordinance is for the best interests of 
the children of a city or villag-e. 

164. Resolved : That labor is justified in 
forming* unions. 

165. Resolved : That strikes are justifiable. 

1 66. Resolved: That the study of formal 
logic does not strengthen the reasoning- 

167. Resolved: That elementary science, 
as taught, is not as beneficial as elementary 

168. Resolved: That the President of the 
United States should be elected by the vote 
of congressional districts instead of by States, 

169. Resolved: That the Senate of the 


United States should be elected by the 

1 70. Resolved : That the necessaries of life 
should not be taxed by a tariff. 

171. Resolved: That the executions of 
Major Andre and Nathan Hale were not 

172. Resolved: That universal socialism 
would advance the interests of humanity. 

173 Resolved: That promiscuous charity 
is immoral, 

174. Resolved : That the system of govern- 
ment in England is to be preferred to that of 
the French Republic. 

175. Resolved: That any great invention, 
which may revolutionize the production of 
light, heat, or power, or may become a public 
necessity, should be controlled by the Gov- 

1 76. Resolved : That poverty, rather than 
riches, tends to develop character. 

177. Resolved : That Home Rule in all the 
colonial possessions of any country should be 

1 78. Resolved : That a Congress of religions 
once every five years would be beneficial. 

179. Resolved: That no religious creed 


should receive financial support from the 

1 80. Resolved: That Infidel publications 
should be prohibited by law. 

1 8 1. Resolved : That men of thought have 
been more beneficial to the world than men 
of action. 

182. Resolved: That the study of health 
and character is of more importance than any 
in the curriculum. 

183. Resolved : That manual exercise in 
schools should receive as much attention as 

184. Resolved: That the habit of medical 
advertising- is not essentially wrong. 

185. Resolved : That the masses are gov- 
erned more by custom than reason. 

1 86. Resolved: That half education is 
worse than none* 

187. Resolved : That all public schools 
should teach character, patriotism, music, and 

1 88. Resolved : That public men, except 
judges of the United States Supreme Court 
when they retire from office, should not be 

189. Resolved: That asocial organization 


that creates hundreds of millionaires is radi- 
cally wrong. 

190. Resolved : That labor as well as capital 
should be protected from immigration by a 
due safeguard. 

191. Resolved : That the practice of home- 
opathy in its pure simplicity is not medicine, 

192. Resolved : That the practice of the 
Christian Science Cure is praiseworthy. 

193. Resolved ; That a general European 
war would be a benefit to mankind. 

194. Resolved : That gambling- on a board 
of trade ought to be prohibited. 

195. Resolved : That the municipal gov- 
ernment of Glasgow, Scotland, is the best in 
the world. 

196. Resolved: That the support of the 
needy poor by the Government should be 

197. Resolved: That the political theory 
that the spoils should belong to the victors is 
a good one. 

198. Resolved : That all laws requiring the 
transaction of certain lines of business by 
attorney should be abolished. 

199. Resolved : That stockyards should be 
owned by the Government. 


200. Resolved : That "senatorial courtesy * 
should not be permitted to block the legis- 
lation of the country. 

201. Resolved : That ministers of the Gos- 
pel should not engage in party politics. 

202. Resolved : That the sea-coast defenses 
are more important than the navy in defend- 
ing the country from invasion. 

203. Resolved : That the civil service ex- 
aminations, as conducted, do not secure a 
higher class of employees than party appoint- 

204. Resolved : That the country would be 
benefited by extending the term of President 
to six years. 

205. Resolved : That all tramps should be 
compelled to labor on the public works. 

206. Resolved : That women should be 
admitted to the right of suffrage. 

207. Resolved : That high license is the 
best method of controlling the liquor traffic. 

208. Resolved : That the composer is 
greater than the author. 

209. Resolved : That the increased destruc- 
tive power of modern arms has been a pre- 
ventive of war. 

210. Resolved: That prison-made goods 


should not be allowed to compete with *' free " 
goods in open market, even at the expense of 
keeping" convicts idle. 

211. Resolved: That the attempts of the 
labor unions to control the labor market con- 
stitute as great a monopoly as any commer- 
cial combination* 

212. Resolved : That the divorce laws of all 
the States should be made uniform. 

213. Resolved : That the United States 
does not need a standing army. 

214. Resolved: That the freedom of the 
English subject is as great as that of the 
American citizen. 

215. Resolved : That the voter should not 
exercise his right of franchise if he believes 
both candidates to be equally corrupt. 

216. Resolved: That Sunday newspapers 
are injurious to the morals of the community* 

217. Resolved: That the law should con- 
demn stock and produce gambling to the 
same extent as gambling with cards or on 
race tracks. 

218. Resolved: That, as good roads are 
necessary to our development, they should be 
built by the National Government rather than 
by counties. 


219. Resolved: That government would 
not be possible -without morality. 

220. Resolved : That an autocratic govern- 
ment cannot be successful at the present day. 

221. Resolved : That the Kuropeanizing of 
Asiatics is not advisable. 

222. Resolved : That the practice of the- 
osophy is not consistent with good citizen- 

223. Resolved : That the duties of salt- 
water sailors are more hazardous than theirs 
who sail on the great lakes. 

224. Resolved : That we do not benefit the 
morals of Buddhists by Christianizing them. 

225. Resolved : That the departmental plan 
of teaching is not advisable. 

226. Resolved : That a universal language 
would help to attain more rapidly the "per- 
fect civilization/' 

227. Resolved: That bachelors should be 
specially taxed on their condition. 

228. Resolved : That the common schools 
do not teach all the branches in which they 
profess to instruct. 

229. Resolved : That the growing indiffer- 
ence to church-going is a mark of social retro 


230. Resolved : That the increase of lay 
celibacy is preventible. 

231. Resolved; That woman's temerity Is 
generally made up of curiosity. 

232. Resolved: That woman is more incon- 
siderate than man. 

233. Resolved : That custom should sanc- 
tion the proposal of marriage by woman. 

234. Resolved : That country life is more 
conducive to patriotism than city life. 

235. Resolved : That the laziness charged 
against the negro disappears on change of en- 

236. Resolved : That the police department 
of cities should be under one responsible 

237. Resolved : That the treatment of the* 
Indian by our government is infamous. 

238. Resolved : That the bicycle has been 
the cause of more harm than good. 

239. Resolved : That skepticism has been 
of service to Christianity. 

240. Resolved : That literature has been in- 
juriously affected by the growth of cheap 

241. Resolved : That good government 
clubs do not promote good government. 


242* Resolved : That the duty of a police- 
man in a large city is more hazardous than 
that of a fireman. 

243. Resolved : That the application of 
electricity to railroads is more important than 
in lighting*. 

244. Resolved : That the national con- 
science is deteriorating. 

245. Resolved : That the recent history of 
the stage proves that physical attractions are 
of more importance than intellect. 

246. Resolved : That partisanship and pa- 
triotism are incompatible. 

247. Resolved : That the kindergarten is 
destructive to the true principles of education. 

248. Resolved : That the physical training 
of women is overdone. 

249. Resolved : That the most successful 
business men are not strictly honest. 

250. Resolved : That it is the duty of band- 
masters to improve the taste of the people 
by substituting classical for popular music in 
their programmes. 



THE student called upon to represent his 
class in delivering the salutatory or valedic- 
tory address may sometimes be at a loss 
where to discover an appropriate foundation 
on which to build his thesis. 

In order that no summons may take our 
orator unawares, the few brief essays ap- 
pended are placed at his disposal, covering 
most of the occasions when his services are 
likely to be in demand, either at commence- 
ment exercises or in later life. 

The form only not the substance of 
these addresses is intended for his use, and 
the author trusts that the student's informa- 
tion will enable him so to enlarge on the 
subject as to make a fitting address on any 




Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen 
It is not necessary to explain the objects of 
our service to-day. Its purpose is engrafted 
on your memory as one of your most 
cherished privileges : the privilege of a free 
people scattering- the tokens of undying love 
upon the graves of those who saved our 
Union. And although it is not possible to 
erase from our minds the memory of the terri- 
ble realities of the past, yet \ve can raise our 
hearts in thanksgiving, and thank God that 
the brave men whose memories we honor 
were once our living brothers, and, as we bow 
our heads over their graves, we feel, at the 
same time, the tenderest sentiment of a 
great sorrow and the gladness of a grateful 

We mourn, and yet we rejoice ; we uncover 
our heads as a token of true solemnity, and 
yet we bless the day when these brave men 



gave their lives that our country might live. 
Who can point to a more noble purpose than 
to meet as we meet to-day ? As I look over 
this audience I see the same true spirit out- 
lined in your countenances as was proved in 
them, I see the same sentiment of loyalty 
as was found in them. I see by the flush of 
your cheek that you would spring to the 
rescue of that flag as did they. 

We are all brothers endowed with the same 
sentiment of loyalty to our government, the 
same determination to protect it, and the 
same courage to defend it. But as we 
decorate the graves of our heroes let us not 
forget the lessons taught by their sacrifice 
that in the government of the nation we cannot 
make creed or race distinctions and still hold 
the love of the people. As a people we are 
grand in government, grand in prosperity, and 
grand in achievements. We fear none in all 
the world of nations. Alone we stand upon 
the foundation of our own greatness, and in a 
union of action we shall always lead. But 
remember the dangers of over-confidence. 
It breeds an egotism that is fatal to national 
existence. Strong as we are or may be, let 
us not acquire that excess of confidence 


which, when danger threatens, would be our 

These dead are silent witnesses to the truth 
of this statement, and if they could speak 
they would raise a warning voice against the 
selfish and, in fact, unpatriotic tendencies in 
the conduct of men to-day. 

It is not enough that we proclaim the vast- 
ness of our strength. There is a work for 
all of us to do, and, as we meet together on 
these occasions, let us renew our devotion to 
our government, and so educate our people 
that our republic shall never decay. We have 
celebrated the four hundredth anniversary 
of the beginning of the New World. We 
invited the nations of the earth to celebrate 
with us the achievements which our fathers 
have wrought. We are proud of our ability 
thus to extend our greetings and proud of 
that growth which points to the great West 
as the center of population. 

Think of the wonderful expansion which 
gathers in a single city a million souls on 
what was, a generation ago, unbroken prairie. 
Do you comprehend the grandeur of that 
heritage which those men have bequeathed to 
us ? Do you realize the sacredne^s of that 


loyalty which binds us tog-ether upon the 
plane of equal rights ? 

We know our greatness, and let us by a 
just and righteous conduct cherish it. As 
grand as have been our achievements, yet, 
like Rome, we may fall yes, fall, betrayed 
by our ambition. As we enlarge our sphere 
of usefulness, let us harbor only honest 
thoughts and purposes. 

Let us keep ever in mind the progress 
which we must accomplish, and showing the 
example to other nations of honorable man- 
hood, strive to inculcate a reverence for that 
Being who declares that even the hairs of 
our head are numbered, and when we shall 
have passed to that Great Unknown we shall 
have left a world made better by our living 
in it. 

The strength of real greatness depends 
upon the basic principles of honesty and 
temperance. It was these principles which 
won for us the glorious independence of this 
nation. It was these principles that governed 
the makers of our Constitution, and it is these 
same principles which must govern our future 
acts if we would maintain the proud position we 
hold among the nations of the earth. Destroy 


the honesty of legislation, warp our natures in 
debauchery, and we shall soon fall from the 
position which now we hold and that fall will 
be the greater for the height to which we have 
attained. But I have no fears for the integ- 
rity of our nation. We realize the vastness of 
our prize, and no Satan can wrest it from us. 
We love our country and her institutions ; 
we cherish the memory of those who gave 
their lives that this nation might live- We 
bend over their graves in the deepest of 
mourning, but when our eyes behold that 
emblem of national existence, we feel as 
though we could clasp its folds in our dearest 
embrace and kiss each star which bedecks its 
field of blue. Oh ! flag of our fathers ; flag of 
our Washington, our Lincoln, our Douglas, 
our Grant ; we feel as though you held our 
destiny within the folds of your white and 
crimson bars. What enthusiasm, what pa- 
triotic feelings you bring to our hearts as we 
see you, floating in the free winds of heaven ! 
No pen can picture your power and grandeur ; 
no voice can explain the pent-up feelings of 
unbounded gratitude which we bestow upon 
you ! We know and feel what you represent, 
but cannot express its meaning. We stand 


before you, gazing with awe and admiration, 
while in our hearts we thank God that you 
still float over us. 

NOTE. One of the most beautiful sentiments ever 
written is expressed in the last few lines of the above. 
Commencing with " We love our country and her insti- 
tutions," we have an opportunity of great dramatic 
effect. If thoroughly committed to memory the 
speaker can, with gestures, hold his audience spell- 
bound. The change from bending over the grave to 
that of beholding the flag will rouse in every heart a 
strong feeling of what the conditions are. The arm 
should be raised and finger pointed to the flag as the 
eyes rise from the grave to the emblem above, and as 
the address is made, "Oh! flag of our fathers/* both 
arms should be extended with palms open, as if reach- 
ing to clasp it. The whole can be made impressive 
and interesting when properly studied and rendered. 




Jlfr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen : 
It is with great pleasure I accept the 
honor of presenting- a tribute to the memory 
of our illustrious dead George Washington. 
As on the Fourth of July we celebrate the an- 
niversary of our nation's birth, so on this day 
we do honor to the day on which he saw the 
light. You all know the history of Washing- 
ton, you know his fidelity to principle ; his 
patriotism, his unswerving honesty, his deter- 
mination, his Christian forbearance, and his 
magnificent statesmanship. Every schoolboy 
is taught to revere the memory of the 
Father of his Country, and can recite the 
adventures 'and successes of his eventful 

I will take up a few moments of your time 
in relating something of his early life before 
he became the master hand in the great cause 
of the Revolution. 


George Washington was born in the county 
of Westmoreland, Virginia, February 22, 
1732. His father died when he was but ten 
years of age, and left him to the care of his 
solicitor's mother, who succeeded in giving 
him a private education, which was equal to 
what is now called a common-school educa- 
tion. During his minority he acted as county 
surveyor, and this experience in his younger 
years proved to be of great value to him dur- 
ing his military career. 

The war between England and France in 
1 747 excited in his young breast that spirit 
which subsequently burst into a flame, when 
the militia were being trained for actual serv- 
ice in the colonies on the part of the mother 
country. At the age of nineteen he was ap- 
pointed one of the adjutants general of 
Virginia, with the rank of major. It will be 
remembered that France, at the time, unfolded 
her ambition of connecting Canada with 
Louisiana, and in this way inclosing the 
British colonies in North America. The 
Governor of the province became greatly 
alarmed by these threatened encroachments, 
and considered it necessary to warn the 
French to desist from the prosecution of this 


scheme. The selection of an agent to execute 
this perilous mission of delivering the demand 
of the Governor to the French to desist from 
their encroachment was difficult, because the 
messenger would be required to pass through 
an unexplored wilderness filled with hostile 
Indians. The fatigues and dangers which in- 
duced others to decline the commission led 
Washington, with ardor, to seek the appoint- 
ment. This was really the first opportunity 
that he had of showing his pluck and energy 
as a man, and his ambition and desire to 
become a soldier. He was selected by the 
Governor and charged with the duty of de- 
livering the message to the French, and it was 
upon this occasion that the Indians became so 
well acquainted with AiVashington, and believed 
there was something supernatural about him, 
as it seemed to be impossible for them to kill 
him. The mission of Washington not having 
been successful, the Assembly of Virginia 
adopted measures to maintain the claims of 
the British crown. They authorized the ex- 
ecutive of the colony to raise a regiment to 
consist of three hundred men. Mr. Fry was 
appointed to command it, and the commission 
of lieutenant colonel was given to Major 


Washington. He obtained permission to 
march first, early in April, 1754, with two 
companies to the Great Meadows. He dis- 
covered that the French were building- a 
fortress on the very ground which he had rec- 
ommended to the Governor for a military 
post. Although hostilities had not begun, it 
was considered that the French had invaded 
English territory, and many circumstances 
rendered it probable that a force was march- 
ing with hostile views. Colonel Washington, 
under the guidance of the Indians, set out on 
a dark, rainy night and surrounded the en- 
campment. At daybreak his men rushed 
upon the French, who, being completely 
surprised, surrendered. In the meantime 
Colonel Fry died, and the command devolved 
upon Lieutenant Colonel Washington. This 
was Washington's first experience as army 
officer, and it is needless to say that he 
displayed great courage, skill, and judgment. 

In the following spring General Braddock, 
being in command of an English force, was 
making preparations for an expedition to the 
Ohio, and extended an invitation to Colonel 
Washington to join his army as a volunteer 
aid-de-camp, which he gladly accepted* 


Although Washington was taken ill with a 
fever on the journey, he persisted in accom- 
panying General Braddock. The general, 
with his disencumbered troops, did not move 
with the expedition that accorded with the 
enterprising spirit of Washington. In a let- 
ter written by Washington at the moment he 
said : " I found, instead of pushing on with 
vigor, without regarding a little rough road, 
they were halting to level every molehill, and 
to erect bridges over every brook/* Wash- 
ington's indisposition became so severe that 
his physicians declared that his life would be 
sacrificed if he continued the march. He was, 
therefore, ordered to remain at Yohoghany. 
He consented to remain there on the promise 
that he should be brought up with the ad- 
vance guard before it arrived at Fort Du- 
quesne. The day before the fatal action took 
place he arrived in a covered wagon, rejoining 
the troops, and in his debilitated condition 
entered on his duty. Early in the action 
all General Braddock's aids except Colonel 
Washington were killed or disabled, and the 
duty of performing the whole service of carry- 
ing the orders of the commander to his 
officers was performed by Washington. Of 


all those who on this fatal day did duty on 
horseback he alone escaped without a wound. 
After an action of three hours the troops 
broke, and the efforts of their officers to rally 
them were fruitless. Washington assisted in 
bringing* General Braddock, who was mortally 
wounded, off the field. During the dangerous 
conflict of this hour, Washington exhibited 
the self-possession and determined courage 
which are essential to an officer. The British 
troops had not been accustomed to Indian 
warfare, and the strategy of the wily foe so 
filled them with consternation that they broke 
and fled, leaving ever3 T thing in the hands of 
the enemy, a proceeding which excited the 
fiercest Indignation in the mind of Washing- 
ton, and called forth his unsparing criticism. 

Thus we find that Washington was born a 
soldier, true to every principle of duty, and 
scorned the cowardice of men. His ambition 
was to do the will of those who sent him. 
His devotion to a noble cause was always 
steadfast and unflinching. He sought no 
honors, and accepted them with a modesty 
only equaled by his patriotism in the defense 
of his people. 

The memorable igth of April, 1775, is 


known to every schoolboy. The battle of 
Lexington had been fought. The effect was 
like wild-fire. American blood had been shed ; 
patriots came pouring in from all sides ; gray- 
headed men sent their boys to battle ; the 
hearts of the wives and mothers were filled 
with the inspirations of liberty, and all were 
ready to join in the declaration of Patrick 
Henry, " Give me liberty or give me death." 

On May 10 following, the Second Conti- 
nental Congress assembled at Philadelphia 
and proceeded to raise and equip an army of 
twenty thousand men. They selected George 
Washington as commander in chief of the 
army, and voted five hundred dollars per 
month for his services. Mark the inherent 
modesty and patriotism of the man. He 
asked for no compensation, and he respectfully 
assured Congress that he did not wish to re- 
ceive any profit from the office. " I will keep 
an account of my expenses ; these, I doubt not, 
they will discharge, and that is all I desire." 
Who could now doubt the strength of the 
character of Washington ? He asked for no 
compensation, no profit for his services. " I 
will keep an account of my expenses, and 
their remuneration is all I ask." Well may 


we love the Father of our Country. He placed 
loyalty to his country above the com- 
pensation for his time. The British sneer 
began to cease, the " mob of un-uniformed 
rebels " was striking terror to the English 
Crown. British officers who were held as 
prisoners in American camps wrote home : 
" It will be hard yes, impossible to conquer 
such men/' Frederick the Great of Prussia 
said : *' This young American general is 
opening a new chapter in the art of war ; 
England has no man to match him." We 
have no time to follow the career of this 
brilliant man through his triumphs and his 
disasters, but we must not forget the darkest 
season of the war the " winter at Valley 
Forge." The army was discouraged by con- 
tinual defeat and retreat. It was poorly clad, 
ill-fed, barefooted, and often their blood- 
stained footprints were left on the frozen 
ground. It was a season of great adversity, 
and tried the patriotism of the new govern- 
ment. Many people of wealth and influence 
went over to the enemy. It was the darkest 
day in Washington's life. Congress, in a 
measure, abandoned him, and many people 
denounced him. In the meantime a shame- 


less plot was being secretly arranged to re- 
move Washington and to appoint Gates to 
the supreme command. No sooner was this 
treachery made known than a storm of indig- 
nation arose from the army and the people, 
and the scheme sank away in silence. 

But Washington must do something to re- 
trieve his defeats. He conceived the daring 
idea of capturing Trenton. Therefore, on the 
night of December 25, he crossed the Dela- 
ware, proceeded to Trenton, captured one 
thousand Hessians and a large quantity of 
arms and military stores, with the loss of only 
four men, two killed and two frozen to death. 
This was the great feat of the Revolution. 
The effect was electrical. It roused the droop- 
ing spirits of the army and people. Recruits 
flocked to the standard of Liberty, and the 
troops whose terms of enlistment had expired 
agreed to remain. Such brilliant achieve- 
ments of Washington astonished the British 
commander, and Cornwallis, who was about to 
return to England, under the impression that 
the rebels had been subdued, was ordered to 
return and prepare for the winter's campaign. 
Not satisfied with the wonderful success 
at Trenton, Washington resolved on the ap- 


proacli of Cornwallis to retreat from Trenton 
and at night take a circuitous route and cap- 
ture Princeton. Cornwallis was urged to at- 
tack Washington that night, but he declined, 
saying, " I will catch the fox in the morning/ 1 

That night Washington left his camp-fires 

burning to deceive the enemy, and at day- 

break Cornwallis heard the sound of cannon 

in the direction of Princeton, and General 

Erskine exclaimed : " To arms, general ! 

Washington has outgeneraled us ; let us fly 

to the rescue of Princeton ! " Tlie deed was 

done. Princeton was won, and the second 

great achievement of Washington was her- 

alded from colony to colony, and inspired 

anew the patriotism of all Americans. This 

triumph enlisted for our Congress the sym- 

pathy of France and many military leaders of 

Germany and Poland. It won the cause of 

independence, and rightly did Cornwallis tes- 

tify when he said that the achievements of 

Washington and his little band, during the 

six weeks following Christmas, were the most 

brilliant ever recorded on the pages of his- 


Grand as were his triumphs in war, 
grander still was his marvelous ability as a 


statesman- The army was disbanded, and al- 
though many of the officers had expended 
their private fortunes, yet by the efforts of 
Washington the pledges of Congress were 
redeemed and quiet in the army assured. 
There was no central government, the treas- 
ury was empty, and the United States had no 
credit. The Indians were hostile ; pirates 
from the Barbary States preyed upon our 
commerce ; Spain refused the navigation of 
the Mississippi ; England had not sent a min- 
ister to our Government, nor had she made a 
treaty of commerce with us. Yet, with all 
these difficulties, Washington overcame all ob- 
stacles and placed on an enduring basis the 
foundation of the American republic. The 
treasury was empty, but "He smote the rock 
of the national resources, and abundant streams 
of revenue burst forth. He touched the dead 
corpse of public credit, and it sprang to its 

His was an eventful career, seven years as 
commander in chief, seven years in private 
life, and eight years as President of the United 
States. As commander in chief he had neither 
trained soldiers nor trained officers. Out of 
raw material he found his officers* and in all 


his appointments there was but one traitor 
Benedict Arnold. What greater proof can 
you ask of his judgment of character and 
men? Besides the treachery of Benedict Ar- 
nold let us place the sterling qualities of 
Israel Putnam, Ethan Allen, General Stark, 
General Marion, and General Reed. General 
Stark, when informed that one of his five sons 
had met with misfortune, excitedly asked, 
" Has he proved a coward or a traitor ?" But, 
\vhen informed that he had fallen while bravely 
fighting, said, " Ah ! then I am satisfied." 

As a contrast to the thirty thousand dollars 
received by Benedict Arnold, we find that 
General Reed was offered ten thousand guin- 
eas and high honors to seek a negotiation of 
peace not to sell his manhood as a traitor, 
but to negotiate for peace. Do you know his 
reply ? "I am not worth purchasing, but 
such as I am, the king of Great Britain is not 
rich enough to buy me." 

These were the men who labored with 
Washington in the great cause of the Revo- 
lution. He knew his men as by intuition 
and ever held their confidence. He was loved 
by the army, cherished as a statesman, and 
adored as a citizen. His later life was one 


grand demonstration of approval by his fellow- 
men* His is a character worthy a study by 
every American boy, and though he may not 
have occasion to prove his patriotism as did 
Washington, yet he can so conduct himself 
that there will be no cause for censure, but he 
will have enthroned in the minds of those who 
knew him the same sentiment which the poet 
said of Washington : 

By broad Potomac's silent shore 
The nation's idol lowly lies, 
Making her green declivities 
To shine with glory evermore; 
Art to his fame no aid hath lent; 
His country is his monument! 




Ladies and Gentlemen, Teachers and School* 

mates : 

We have assembled this evening in this 
formal and recognized mode of dismissal, for 
a final leavetaking. Without this our course 
would not be complete. It is a period in out- 
lives we have looked forward to as of much 
importance to us. Whether it will be of 
greater import than a social function will rest 
with each individual. We can continue in 
the work of improvement, or we can fold our 
hands and in a few years lose all we have 
won to-night. This assertion may be too 
strong, for the diplomas we shall receive will 
always be evidence of our achievements, but 
the question I would put to each is, Shall 
we utilize these honors ? Shall we put into 
actual practice the lessons we have learned, 
or shall we drift away and lose through 
inaction the real advantages that should 


accrue through the education we have had 
bestowed upon us? It does not follow be- 
cause we have been successful in reaching the 
final step of graduation that we shall find 
rewards bestowed upon us when we enter the 
pursuits of life. Thousands before us have 
been just as talented, just as enthusiastic, and 
just as worthy of honor and success as we. 
None of us should think for a moment that 
the light of intelligence is stronger in our 
being than in others. No doubt our knowl- 
edge is of varying degree, just as our faculties 
in one direction may be stronger than In 
another, but on the whole, if we can only 
average with the classes that have gone be- 
fore us we should feel proud and satisfied. 
None of us may ever prove himself to be 
to be a Lincoln or a Grant, an Edison or a 
Nansen, but we can be men and women true 
to an honest purpose in life, and by persever- 
ance and singleness of aim win for ourselves 
a place in business and society that will be 
a source of pride to our parents, our teachers, 
and our classmates. 

What we have done is the result of con- 
stant stimulation by our teachers. When we 
faltered they came to our assistance, and with 


a helping- hand roused our drooping- energies 
and beckoned us on by suggestion and expla- 
nation ; but from now on their duties cease. 
They have fulfilled their obligations toward 
us, and we are henceforth to depend upon 
our own energies- Who will now come to 
us in times of doubt and indecision ? Your 
fellow-man is not interested in your advance- 
ment, and no one seems to care. He may 
bestow on you his pity, but is filled with his 
own aims and has no care for yours. True, 
we may have friends who are loyal to us, but 
outside your own hearthstone they, too, are 
seeking their own success. All are loyal to 
us to-night and all will listen with kindly 
interest to the thoughts we shall express. 
But to-night is not to-morrow. Soon we 
shall hear the words of farewell from him 
who has won the honor of this class. He 
may portray the future from his successful 
standpoint. He can truthfully outline a 
future course by the standard of our past 
endeavors, for by the past, it is said, we 
govern the future; but the horoscope of our 
existence is a sealed book, with Time 
holding the key. It is our book, and the 
world little cares whether it is opened or not; 


It may contain the deeds of daring men, or 
the fame of those who are to enrich the arts 
and sciences. When this book is unlocked, 
when its treasures are unfolded to the world, 
then, and not till then, shall we be more than 
passing ripples on the current of the future. 
If we have no faith in our abilities and no 
ambition to unseal them, then the key will 
rust in the lock and the promises of to-night 
will never be realized. No one can make the 
future for us. Circumstances may govern 
our actions and mark out our line of march, 
but as soldiers of fortune we must carry our 
own knapsacks, face the difficulties of life, and 
press onward and upward as did Longfellow's 
hero in his poem "Excelsior." Let me re- 
peat the first stanza of that poem. It ex- 
presses volumes in the description of life. 
We can all repeat it, but have you studied the 
character there protrayed ? His motto is 
but the purpose of your life. Will you carry 
it forward with the same determination and 
the same lofty ambition as he ? Long- 
fellow, indeed, knew the meaning of that 
lesson. He must have felt the impulses of his 
character as he leads him over the icy bar- 
riers of his imagination. He feels the neces- 


sity of firm resolve and a loyalty to one's 
own determination. Study the poem, com- 
mit it to memory, and seek to emulate its 
lesson. The words are simple, but the 
motive grand and sublime. 

" The shades of night were falling fast, 
As through an Alpine village passed 
A youth, who bore through snow and ice 
A banner with the strange device, 

' Excelsior/ " 

Do you see the picture? It is toiling 
Humanity, with a marked purpose. It is 
night, and although Pleasure beckons him 
to rest at the village inn, yet the objects 
sought have not been attained, and he 
presses on and on, over snow and ice, 
bearing his banner with the strange device 

Do we have the determination of the hero 
of Longfellow's poem ? Our teachers ma3% to 
a certain extent, answer this question. They 
can tell us whether, when we met the difficult 
problems of our study, we showed the spirit of 
Excelsior ; whether we possess real stability 
of purpose, and whether \ve will easily yield 
to obstacles in the pursuits of life. These 


things are but unsubstantials. Soon we shall 
know the realities, and our friends to-night 
will either continue their applause or they will 
pity the failures \ve make. This class that 
comes before you for the last time will soon 
be replaced by another, and our introduction 
as graduates will be forgotten in your appreci- 
ation of those to follow. We know we are 
but as fleeting moments, with you to-day and 
gone to-morrow. But there will be no disturb- 
ance in the school life of our beloved college. 
We will remember you with far more vividness 
than you will remember us. The college and 
teachers and classmates are photographed 
upon our hearts, and your likenesses will 
always remain with us. 

I now introduce to you the class of 18 . 
They have all won the reward of merit. 
They stand upon no false basis, and like 
Longfellow's character they can climb the 
Alpine heights. 

"Through rain, and wind, and frost, and snow, 
And sing, and shout, as on they go. 

* Excelsior I"* 




Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen : 

As I come before you to-day the thought 
uppermost In my mind is that I am an 
American citizen, that I am a subject of the 
grandest Government in the world. But 
proud as I am, there Is not an individual here 
but feels the same enthusiasm, and although 
he may not be called upon to express it in 
words, yet the quickening of his pulse and 
the flashing of his eye speak a silent elo- 
quence more lasting and more truthful than 

But why this pride in being an American 
citizen? Because we know the value of our 
Government, the value of our institutions, and 
the value of our freedom. Nowhere on this 
sphere of ours do we find a combination so 
wonderfully successful as here. The Creator 
of the Universe endowed this land \vith all 
the natural gifts of forest, stream, and soil. 


From east to west, from north to south we 
find these gifts upon which \ve build and rear 
our greatness. Not only do we find them 
strewn in almost an overabundance, but we 
find an inspiring genius wrought into the very 
constitution of the American citizen. We 
find him quickened in impulses, quickened in 
physical development, and quickened in all 
that pertains to thought and action. Like 
the racehorse that owes its speed and endur- 
ance to the long line of its ancestors, so do 
we, too, trace our lineage. We remember 
the story of the indomitable perseverance 
of that great man who repeatedly sought to 
prove to the authorities of Spain that other 
continents lay beyond the seas, and when, at 
last, his vision was fulfilled by the discovery 
of the American Continent, a new territory 
was opened to the progressive people of the 
Old World. The spirit of Christopher 
Columbus was implanted in the breasts of 
others, and this commencement of American 
Independence was only strengthened by the 
achievements of Cabot, of de Soto, of Hud- 
son, of Father Hennepin, of the stalwart 
Congress which on the Fourth of July, 1776, 
declared our people free and independent, 


and of the noble Washington, who led his 
armies through the terrible struggle of the 
Revolution and established a Government of 
the people and by the people. And when 
to-day as we assemble to thank God for our 
prosperity and self-government, every heart 
beats in unison as it pours out its patriotic 
enthusiasm in this grand demonstration of a 
free and enlightened people, well may we be 
proud of our inheritance, for, as we clasp 
hands in friendly greeting, we do so as 
brothers of one common family, bound 
together by one common sentiment, and 
upon the plane of equal rights. 

With us, as a people, there are no distinc- 
tions beyond those which we create by our own 
exertions. Free and equal before the eyes of 
God and man, we build, not through the 
favoritism of descending legacies, but from 
the worth that is within us. The humblest 
man may rise to the highest sphere of Ameri- 
can honor. We create no royalty and we 
bow before none. We regard the President 
of our United States as a fellow-man, and 
when we honor him with the demonstrations 
of approval, we do so, not because of the in- 
dividual, but because of the exalted station 


which he has been called upon to fill. We 
recognize in every man the peer of his neigh- 
bor, and whatever social differences may arise, 
they are the result of the varying- ability with 
which we have grasped our opportunities. 
Our institutions rest upon and are governed 
by this principle of a free channel for the 
advancement of all, and right here let me tell 
you that the outcome of the struggle of your 
existence depends upon your own exertions, 
and you will succeed just in proportion as you 
merit promotion. Idleness has no part in 
the bustling enthusiasm of our day and gen- 
eration. The keen perception of our vision 
grasps the situation, and our nervous energy 
propels us onward at a pace that is wholly 

We live in an age of wonderful progress. 
Steam and electricity have forced us from the 
rut of fifty years ago, and we are now bound- 
ing along with great rapidity, each striving to 
lead, and woe be to the man who idles by the 
wayside. In this rush for the attainment of 
our ends there is no time for delay. The 
springs of our existence are set for action, 
and we have no patience with those who will 
not try. The wonderful progress of to-day 


is but the beginning. What seems to us 
as the boundary line of our endeavors will 
be but old fogy ism fifty years hence. What 
the future has in store for us we dare not 

We stand upon the brink of an unknown 
future. We have but just commenced to 
utilize the fundamental principles of nature. 
We are at but the beginning of the unex- 
plained systems which lie beyond. We daily 
strive to unravel these mysteries, and step by 
step move onward and upward toward the 
possibilities which are before us. When we 
stop and try to comprehend the wonderful 
strength of the steam engine, the mysterious 
whisperings of the telephone, and the clatter 
of the telegraph, we almost doubt that there 
can be an advance beyond our present 
achievements. But when we turn aside and 
view the labors of our inventors and see them 
trying to demonstrate other principles, grander 
and more sublime in perception, we wonder 
what the end will be. Men daily seek to im- 
prove. Not content to hear the whisperings 
of the telephone, they seek to see the sender 
of the message. Not content with sixty miles 
an hour, they propose to travel at hundreds. 


Not content with this magnificent system of 
railroads connecting- all parts, they seek to 
rise above the earth and float, as it were, like 
feathers in the air. Not content with the 
coal and the gases and the oils of the earth, 
they seek to burn the waters of the sea. 
These statements are not drawn from imagi- 
nation, but are actually what men are trying 
to do to-day. How well they may succeed 
only the future can tell, but I warn you to 
scoff not at these apparently absurd visions. 
You doubt to-day, as did the wise men of fift3% 
forty, or twenty years ago. They declared 
that these things, which are to us now matters 
of fact, were vain fantasies, impossible of 

But I will not detain you in discussing this 
future, as no step will be so sudden and so 
complete as to demoralize our present institu- 
tions. All improvements slowly develop from 
the crudity of a first invention to its adoption 
by the people. The process of utilization is 
a slow one, and although the invention may 
be worthy general adoption, yet it will not be 
accepted until its merits force themselves 
upon the attention of the public. It is but a 
gradual scale of promotion, and whatever 


wonderful achievements may be wrought, we 
shall find the change so gradual that we shall 
learn to accustom ourselves to these new 
innovations without realizing the change. 

For a moment let us consider the govern- 
ing influences of to-day. We are wrapped in 
the mantle of gain. The simplicity of our 
forefathers has disappeared from the sphere 
of our present life. The wealth of the nation 
has broken the ties of true friendship, and we 
ride like devils over the backs of those who 
chance to be in our way- We realize our 
greatness ; therefore let us be careful lest we 
degenerate through our follies and our vices. 
We have before us, as examples, the fall of 
earlier civilizations through excess of luxury. 

Although we rise to-day to salute the inde- 
pendence of this grand republic, yet let us not 
forget that ** eternal vigilance is the price of 
liberty." It is man's nature to rule and gov- 
ern, and it is the nature of enlightenment to 
bow in submission to the laws that govern. 
Without law o order there is no stability of 
government and no advancement in the arts 
and sciences. The few may seek, through 
the concentration of wealth, influence, and 
politics, to establish in our land an aristoc- 


racy, but when their motives become known 
the swift verdict of the ballot will wipe out 
the unlawful combination, and we shall re- 
store the purity of our laws and raise from 
oppression those who are weak. But I have 
no fears for the integrity of our nation. Too 
well do we realize the trials and anxieties of 
the days of 1776. Had the brave men of that 
period faltered in their devotion and loj T alty, 
the history of to-day might not have been. 
This debt of gratitude can be paid only by our 
transmitting to our posterity the laws that 
govern us, in the same pure state we received 
them. We feel the sacredness of this heri- 
tage, and though we may wander from the 
simplicity of our fathers, yet we shall never 
lose sight of the duties of true patriotism. 

We shall endeavor to maintain the dignity 
of our flag, and when our life's tasks are com- 
pleted, we trust the sentiments of this day 
will be transmitted by our children to the 
generations yet unborn 




Fellow Pupils y Ladies and Gentlemen : . 

It is with mingled feelings of pride, sorrow, 
and joy that I perform the ceremony that 
binds us together for the last time as students 
in our beloved school. Pride, because I 
have the honor conferred upon me to loose 
the bonds that have bound us together for so 
many years, and sorrow, because the sunder- 
ing of these bonds will end our school days 

Farewell ! The word strikes to my heart 
with a sorrow that cannot be expressed. 
It means more than the dissolving of school 
ties ; it means the opening of a new life to all 
of us ; the commencement of the great future, 
and the adopting of cares and responsibilities 
we have never felt. Heretofore we have had 
our course in life blocked out for us. Now we 
must mark it out for ourselves. We ^hall have 
no teacber to direct but the teacher Experience, 


We must stand upon the untried shore of our 
ambitions and prove our ability to succeed. In 
the journey just completed we had someone 
to assist us ; now we must help ourselves. 
The journey will be largely as we make it. 
If true thoughts and principles and ambitions 
fill our minds, we may escape those thousands 
of pitfalls which surround us from manhood 
to the grave. We know more now than we 
shall ten years hence. We see the world only 
from behind the curtain. We believe it is 
anxious to enter our names in the great book 
of life. We bid adieu to each other. We 
take the great pen of promise and write our 
names in the world's book of fortune. We 
shall soon buy our first ticket. It is a lottery, 
but we think we can win. The wheel turns 
round. We ha-ve drawn a blank. We buy 
again. The world laughs at our innocence 
and credulity. We are beginning to believe 
that we must fight for our existence ; that we 
must depend upon our own counsel, our own 
judgment, and our own exertions. It is, in- 
deed, the commencement exercises, and we 
must profit by experience. We find the 
world is with us when we succeed, but knows 
us not when we fail. It is a world of strife 


Instead of that beautiful panorama which we 
see before us to-night. We are now borne 
on the wings of love. Our friends cheer us 
for the success of our efforts. Our teachers 
predict for us a glorious future. Our heads 
are turned with the victory we have won by 
hard study* But alas ! it is the end of our 
childhood. To-morrow we shall be men and 
women ; to-morrow we shall cease to hear your 
glad voices, and to-morrow we shall be dis- 
persed in all directions. 

Twenty years from now we shall appreciate 
the meaning of the word farewell. It will be 
a long time ahead, but a short time behind. 
Twenty years ! To us to-night it is a life- 
time, but when we reach that season it will 
be as a dream. For a few moments let us 
dream of that future. We build fairy castles, 
and fill them with all the delights which 
imagination can conjure up. We have won 
prominence and favor, we are honored and 
admired for our worth to society, we have 
accumulated wealth and are surrounded with 
the joys which it can give unto us. But halt ! 
see that cloud in the blue sky of our horizon. 
It is no larger than a man's hand. See ! It 
is turning from its fleecy whiteness to the 


leaden hue of a tempest. See it roll in its 
awful fury. The lightnings dart with a 
terrible meaning. The thunders roll with all 
the horrors of an awful storm. See that 
bolt ! Did it strike one of our number? He 
has fallen, crushed by the power of God's 
fury. We will pick him up and place him 
before this audience and read his name. Is 
it one of us? God only knows! It is a 
human being who, twenty years ago, might 
have been on this stage. Why has he fallen ? 
Read the answer on his countenance, see 
-the wild look in his eyes as he cries out in 
despair. His unkempt clothing speaks the 
folly of a misspent life. He yielded to the 
tempting glass. He forsook home and 
friends to pander to that passion which breeds 
death and desolation. Small in its beginning 
a single glass it grew to awful proportions. 
Begotten in the thoughtlessness of boyish 
pleasure it grew to the dark tempest of a 
forgotten honor. It grew fiercer and fiercer 
until it destroyed his manhood, wrought dis- 
ease, and consumed his very soul. All that 
was once a flattering promise now lies buried 
in the rags of shame and disgrace. You see 
the victim and shudder at the appalling sight. 


You turn your gaze that you may not know 
the degradation of a fallen brother; you may 
pity, but you scorn to stretch forth a helping* 
hand. It is his own folly, and you leave him 
to his sure destruction. He has no friends, 
and he wanders like Cain, with the mark of 
his own murdered soul across his brow. But 
he is still a human being and may be saved. 
Christian assistance may open the portals of 
his closed conscience; the Holy Bible is the 
only source of light. Call to his mind the 
days of youth when he kneeled at his bedside 
and said his evening prayer ; speak of the 
dear mother who now mourns him as num- 
bered with the dead ; picture the faithful 
wife who has died of a broken heart. You 
may touch the responsive chord of tenderness 
and remorse* One kind word, one Christian 
prayer may be the key to unlock the dead 
chamber of his soul. While there is life 
there is still hope. He may not be beyond 
the power of redemption. If we would ren- 
der a return favor for the blessings and 
comforts which we enjoy, let us lend a help- 
ing hand to those who have fallen one soul 
saved may be the means of saving our own. 
Their degradation may be the picture that 


will rise up and admonish us to be faithful to 
our manhood, our family, and our God. 

This scene is not imaginary, but is a terri- 
ble reality. God grant that none of us may 
be of the unhappy victims who go down in 
the great maelstrom of woe and despair ! 

Farewell ! May the pleasure we enjoy to- 
night never be clouded by the sorrows of a 
misspent life. That temptations will visit all 
of us as we pass through life, is certain, but 
may we have courage to withstand them, so 
that when we reach the dark valley of the 
shadow of death, our fidelity to principle will 
be a light that will pierce the veil of obscurity 
and mark the way to the Great Unknown ! 




Dear Friends : 

Nearly nineteen hundred years ago Herod 
the king* said unto the wise men : " Go and 
search diligently for the young child; and 
when ye have found him, bring me word 
again, that I may come and worship him also. 

" When they had heard the king, they de- 
parted ; and lo, the star, which, they saw in the 
east, went before them . , . and stood over 
where the young child was. 

" When they saw the star, they rejoiced 
with exceeding great joy. 

" And when they were come into the house, 
they saw the young child with Mary his 
mother, and fell down, and worshiped him." 

Thus opens the history of the Christian era, 
and in commemoration of this eventful period 
we too meet to worship, not with the false- 
hood of Herod when he instructed his wise 
men to search diligently, but with the cop 


sciousness of an abiding- faith that He is, 
indeed, the son of God, who spoke from the 
cloud, saying" : " This is my beloved son, in 
whom I am well pleased, hear ye him." 

You know the story of unbelief, persecu- 
tions, and crucifixion. You know the example 
He placed before all mankind a meek and 
lowly life a life without compensation, except 
from the blessings of mankind. 

The unbelief of to-day may not be of the 
same character as that of the days of Pilate, 
but it abides In this land of ours, strong and 
unconvinced. There may be no persecutions 
or crucifixions, but the sophistry of those who 
strive against Christianity is more dangerous 
than the order of a despot. The one may 
seek in vain to break the faith in Christ by 
force ; while the other, with superficial logic 
and word-painting, may do what despots fail 
to do. 

The average man cannot be driven. The 
more you combat his opinions the stronger 
they become, but through the blandishments 
of skillful rhetoric he may lose his manhood, 
his independence of thought, and be won by 
the sophistries of the atheist. It is this weak- 
ness of man that has wrought his ruin. Force 


he can combat, but artifice and bribery may 
break his determination, and the good resolves 
are forever gone. 

Christmas ! How sweet the name, for it 
brings to the Christian the assurance that the 
Son of God came into the world to save man- 
kind. It is the day of all days on which we 
should lay down our burden of sorrow, put 
aside the feelings of hatred, and in the spirit of 
goodwill to all seek to emulate the life of Him 
we worship. Glorious day ! for it gave to 
mankind a day of gladness and joy, a day of 
forgiveness and hope, a day of assurance and 
reward. We meet and greet each other with 
the gladness of a full heart; we rejoice and 
thank God that he gave his only begotten Son 
that generations of men may rise up and 
bless Him. 

How few appreciate the grandeur of the 
occasion when, nearly nineteen hundred years 
ago, the angels sang together over the advent 
of the great joy! If the angels of heaven 
were overjoyed at the birth of Christ, how 
much more should we bless the day of his 
birth ! In these days of scientific achieve- 
ment we scarcely stop to read the teachings 
of the New Testament ; we enter into the joy 


of a Christmas feast, not so much in commem- 
oration of the birth of Christ as for selfish 
gratification. Little do we heed the lesson of 
the Great Master when He said : " For I was 
an hungered, and ye gave me meat ; I was 
thirsty and ye gave me to drink ; I was a 
stranger, and ye took me in ; naked, and ye 
clothed me ; I was sick, and ye visited me ; I 
was in prison and ye came unto me." These 
are the lessons of true Christianity. We are 
asked to consider the destitute and the dis- 
tressed ; to contribute to the relief of those 
who are worthy and need assistance. " Verily 
I say unto you, inasmuch as ye have done it 
unto one of the least of these my brethren, 
ye have done it unto me." It is the lesson of 
true charity seek to alleviate the distress of 
the most humble being on earth, "and ye 
have done it unto me." He taught us that 
though there may be a distinction between 
fellow-men socially, yet in sickness and distress 
we all stand upon the same level, for, "inas- 
much as ye have done it unto one of the 
least of these my brethren, ye have done it 
unto me." 





Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen : 

It Is not necessary for me to characterize 
the saloon. Too well you know its character 
and the untold misery it causes. You see the 
thousands and tens of thousands of these in- 
struments of evil as they reach for the last 
nickel of the poor besotted wretch, who for* 
gets his very soul in satisfying- his appetite for 
strong drink. Oh ! what fearful wreck and 
ruin are wrought to swell the receipts of the 
man behind the bar. 

The picture is one you cannot do justice 
to, try as you may. Its hideous character 
covers the vilest thoughts, the darkest and 
deepest despair. You find concealed in that 
nickel the unwritten history of more woe, 
misery, and distress than come from all other 
crimes of mankind. You see manhood 
brought to a condition below the brute. You 


see genius uttering; the low, maudlin speech 
of the drunkard* You see father and broth- 
ers, young- men and old men, going- down into 
that hell where there are no respect, no honor, 
no mercy, no sympathy, no blessing* ; where 
there are only remorse, disgrace, confusion, 
and sin. 

This is but a part of the picture engraved 
upon the nickel. If we could drop the curtain 
and cover these infamous facts without trans- 
ferring the evil to innocent lives, how thankful 
we should be ! But the darkest scene is that 
in the home of the poor wretch who feeds his 
soul upon the fiery poison. You see the grim 
monster of destitution and want as it starves 
the babe at its mother's breast. You see the 
fireless hearth, the shivering forms, and the 
empty cupboard, and wonder why God, in his 
infinite wisdom, should doom these innocent 
victims to a living grave while the man behind 
the bar revels in his gains. You cannot real- 
ize the terrible, the mortal, agony of the 
drunkard's wife : the tears, the supplications, 
on one hand ; on the other, the blows, the 
imprecations of that being who once swore to 
love and protect his present victim. 

See him as, with unsteady step, he mounts 


the rickety stairway to that place he calls 
home a miserable hovel without one ray of 
comfort. He lifts the latch and, with an oath, 
steps into the dark and cheerless chamber. 
Where is she, the wife, who for years has met 
him with whatever comfort it was possible for 
her to give ? " Father/' a trembling child re- 
plies, '* Mamma is sick, but I will bring a 
light/' What a light ! The remnants of a 
lamp, without a chimney, scarce any oil, the 
last in the can. It sheds a flickering flame, 
and we see the pallid form worn down to the 
last thread of its existence. There, on that 
cot, lies the once beautiful bride ; yes, beauti- 
ful, as she walked forth in the morning of her 
womanhood, pleased with the prospect that 
lay before her but, oh ! the change that man 
has wrought. The damning thirst for rum 
has wrested from that fond heart all the hap- 
piness of life and thrust it aside, as a crushed 
flower, to wither and to die. 

But see that fiend incarnate, with loathsome 
breath and oath-stained lips, as he stumbles 
across the room to drag the dying wife from 
her last repose ! She starts, her eyes dilate, 
as the vision of past abuse rises before her 
eyes. Her body is weak and she falls back. 


praying God to save her soul. She closes her 
eyes, and in her despair shrieks for aid. The 
child, a tiny girl, realizes the terrible situa- 
tion, the dying mother, the brutal husband, 
and in her frenzy she clasps her father's knees 
and pleads for her mother. 

" Papa ! Oh, papa ! Mamma is dying, do 
not strike her any more." The plea reaches 
the one manly feeling left in his heart. His 
crazed brain is freed for a moment, and in 
the awful stillness which follows the "wife 
opens her eyes and views the scene before 
her the husband, the father, held by the 
despairing daughter. The thought creeps 
into her brain that her end is to be one of 
peace, and as she looks into her husband's 
eyes she smiles a sad farewell, and her spirit 
takes its flight to its God. But what a tableau 
in the sight of the Omnipotent the dead, the 
living, the degradation and misery ; and all 
from that accursed greed that takes the nickel 
behind the bar. 

And now I appeal to you, as men with 
hearts of love and pity, not to ignore this 
terrible specter, which stalks the earth like an 
evil spirit and brings to an untimely grave so 
many of your fellow-beings. The picture I 


have drawn is not an emanation from the im- 
agination, but represents an awful reality. You 
know from whence arose this misery, where 
the responsibility for it will rest. See the 
accumulation of untold wealth wrung from 
the tears of innocent victims ! See how the 
moral principles of man sink into this great 
maelstrom which swallows up the mind, the 
body, the soul of men. See how the hun- 
dreds of millions of capital which are heaped 
up in the breweries and distilleries are being 
swelled by the last nickel of wretched sots ! 
Think you that the owners of this wealth are 
not accessory to the crimes and wicked deeds 
of the world ? 

Shame on the man who dares to impugn 
the evidence that shows that every hell-hole 
from the great brewery down to the bar is 
accessory to the destruction and death of the 
millions who sink into shame and disgrace ! 
Follow the course of the nickel, and you will 
find it helping to swell the fiery stream of ill- 
gotten gains, until at last it rushes, with mil- 
lions of others, into a mighty ocean of wealth. 
Look at it, and tell me, if you dare, that this 
ocean of wealth has not produced more damn- 
ing deeds than all the pens of history can 


ever record. Talk of the moral principles of 
man ! What check do they impose on this 
awful curse to our fellow-men ? I only won- 
der that God, in His just wrath, does not blot 
out of life even the so-called Christian man 
for allowing the existence of such a monstrous 




Ladies and Gentlemen : 

There is an old saying-, and a wise one, that 
says, "In time of peace prepare for war." It 
is true that most of us feel our relations with 
European powers to be such that war is highly 
improbable. We are apt to think the main- 
tenance of a standing* army, the erection of 
fortifications, the creation the word is used 
advisedly of a navy, in the modern sense, 
all involve useless expense, but we fail to 
realize the weakness of the bond which holds 
the nations in concord to-day. We are a 
sensitive people, and all Europe stands upon 
the brink of a terrible volcano. While we 
disclaim any possibility of serious eruptions 
on our side of the great ocean, yet let me call 
your attention to certain passages in our re- 
cent history that teach a lesson we well may 

You remember the massacre of Italians at 


New Orleans and the anger of Italy. How 
well we handled that hot-headed government 
is a matter of history. By diplomatic cour- 
tesies we avoided an open rupture, and the 
peace of the two nations in question was undis- 
turbed. Again, we find our sailors, when in a 
port of Chili, some shot and some imprisoned, 
for a comparatively trifling offense, and our 
flag insulted by a disreputable mob. Our Gov- 
ernment asked for an investigation, an apol- 
ogy, and the payment of an indemnity. You 
remember the feeling of anxiety which pre- 
vailed for weeks, and how relieved we were 
when tranquillity was restored. Again we 
face a serious question when the Behring 
Sea seal fisheries are made a subject of Gov- 
ernment correspondence. The question is 
not yet settled. We do not anticipate any 
struggle outside the sphere of diplomacy, for 
the whole seal industry is not worth human 
life but who can tell ? Some of the most 
trivial agencies have thrown nations into years 
of war. While we boast of our powers of 
settling disputes by arbitration, or a fair dis- 
cussion of conditions, yet in the twinkling of 
an eye we strike down the arm that insults 
our national honor. Our patriotism knows 


no excuse for an insult to our country and our 
flag. Again we see Great Britain attempting 
to enlarge her territory at the expense of the 
republic of Venezuela. We fly to the assist- 
ance of our southern sister, and for a time 
our jingoes declare that armed intervention is 
the only course open. Time has cooled the 
hot blood of all three nations, and we again 
escape the eruption that seemed inevitable. 
Suppose we faced Spain on the east and 
Japan on the west. The cool attitude of 
Cleveland and McKinley was in marked con- 
trast with the attitude of our Congress. Our 
Presidents may be justified in their policy of 
caution, but we, as a people, cannot brook de- 
lay. We sympathized with Cuba and Hawaii, 
and sought every opportunity to show our loy- 
alty to Freedom and her champions. Who 
can say what the results might have been if 
the Senate of the United States had carried 
its resolutions into effect ? In one sense we 
were meddling -with another nation's business 
when we sought to declare the independence 
of Cuba. Who can say, if at that time we had 
carried our passionate appeals, if Europe 
would have sanctioned our interference? 
While we do not fear Japan or Spain, yet 


conditions may arise in which our position 
may be mistaken for one of self-aggrandize- 
ment, and the allied forces of Europe and 
Asia might cry halt. 

These are conditions we have faced in the 
past, and who can say we shall be equally 
fortunate in the future? Our diplomacy 
may not take its tone from the caution of 
Cleveland and McKinley, but from the hot tem- 
per of our impulsive Congress. What then 
may be our relations with foreign Govern- 
ments ? We may look lightly upon these by- 
gone episodes and count them trifles, but when 
we analyze their possible magnitude we almost 
shudder to think how near we were treading 
to the danger line. 

Without a careful declaration of national 
rights, \vhat might have been the conse- 
quences with Italy and Chili ? Two small 
nations, but in what condition were our de- 
fenses ? Our thousands of miles of defense- 
less ocean, gulf, lake, and river shores were 
open to attack. Without a powerful navy 
and fortifications to protect our cities, how 
could we withstand the advance of these pow- 
erful engines of destruction that now form 
the strength of a nation at sea? It is now a 


time of peace ; let us prepare for the possi- 
bilities of the future. Our diplomatic astute- 
ness may not again pilot us through the 
intricate channel of another Venezuelan dif- 
ficult}", or we may fail peaceably to settle 
with Great Britain the Behring Sea question, 
or Spain and Japan may come to an open 
rupture with us. Therefore, let us "build for 
the future." 

While Europe is constantly strengthening 
her positions on land and on water, do not let 
us remain idle on the supposition that no 
danger can come to us. Do not let us imag- 
ine, because we have the grandest country 
on earth, the most perfect form of freedom, 
the strength of wealth, the bounties of nature, 
and the ability to manufacture or purchase the 
equipment necessary for any war, that we are 
secure in peace and prosperity. First let us 
consider the time required to carry out any 
great undertaking. If we do not have a 
revenue large enough to defray the expense, 
let us counsel together and devise ways and 
means. If our great cities on the Atlantic 
Gulf and Pacific shores are open to the 
sudden attack of an enemy, let us call the 
most skillful engineers to plan their protec- 


tion* It may require years to perfect a 
system of defense, but when once established 
we shall, as a nation, breathe with greater free- 
dom and independence. It is a condition 
worthy the earnest thought of a progressive 
people. You remember the oft-repeated quo- 
tation, " A horse, a horse ! my kingdom for a 
horse ! " While the circumstances of the 
battle of Bosworth may not exactly represent 
the condition of a defenseless town, yet 
security in times of war is a valuable posses- 
sion for any city. With a horse the monarch 
could see safety in flight ; with a formidable 
navy and local defenses we command respect, 
diplomacy meets with more attention, and we 
are esteemed by other nations for our worth 
as a people of advancement in all that pertains 
to peace and prosperity, offense and defense. 

Nations are not blind to the strength of 
their opponents. A good army and navy are 
an important factor in the settlement of dif- 
ferences. They soften harshness of speech 
and cool the currents of passion. With them 
behind us, we feel that we are not dependent 
upon the amiability of others. We know our 
strength and how to enforce the demands of 
right and justice. 


From the standpoint of diplomacy we need 
these essentials to enforce our policy* We all 
work and act largely upon the principle of 
policy. It becomes the policy of a nation, a 
party, an individual to seek for position, or 
gain, through some channel that does not 
excite actual competition. It is policy that 
has governed the great powers of Europe 
in their intervention between Turkey and 
Greece. It is policy that closed the ears of 
Europe to the cries of the Armenians. It is 
policy that controlled our course toward Cuba 
and Hawaii. It is policy that governs all 
international action, and it is policy that will 
place our armaments on an equal footing with 
those of any nation on the globe. Our policy 
should be able to protect our positions, com- 
mand respect, and avoid misunderstandings. 

But I hear the questions of how and when ? 
My answer is, now ; let us commence immedi- 
ately. Let us secure the means of defense by 
a patriotic appeal to our people ; not that we 
shall ask them to contribute of their savings, 
or to increase the revenues of government. 
We have just passed through a series of de- 
pressions and losses. We are not prepared 
to increase our taxation. We feel that it is 


far better to curtail our expenses than to 
increase them. \Ve are poor and need our 
energies to regain the footing of the past. 
How then can we commence immediately to 
construct these evidences of our strength ? 
Let me tell you. It is an original idea, based 
upon the good sense and patriotism of the 
whole people. It is a system through which 
business will be interested, labor rewarded, 
and prosperity assured. Let me explain it : 
We have the time, energy, and ability to build 
such defenses as "will challenge the admiration 
of all nations. True, we have now some of 
the most formidable ships of war yet built. 
What we have are strong in personnel 'and equip- 
ment. But numerically we are far behind the 
principal countries of Europe. We have no 
reason to be ashamed of our modern war 
vessels, but desire to add to them as soon as 
the necessary means can be procured. It has 
been customary whenever a nation, state, or 
municipality desires to raise money to sell 
bonds. To the nation belongs the sole right 
to issue money and determine the value 
thereof. We ought to expend $150,000,000 
on the defenses of our country. Let an act of 
Congress authorize the issue of $150,000,000, 


full legal-tender "Coast Defense Money," to 
be used only in the payment of labor and 
material for this work, or to be redeemed only 
by its retirement after a term of years, pro- 
viding it is not needed longer as a circulating 
medium. Let us suppose the act requires the 
retirement of $10,000,000 a year after the 
issue has all been drawn to meet the expenses 
of this new plan, or let the whole sum remain 
subject to the will of Congress, but to be re- 
tired if it is declared necessary. As the in- 
crease of population and the extension of 
industries go on, this issue of $150,000,000 
will in all probability only meet the demands 
of business, and the " Coast Defense Money " 
will remain a permanent fixture in our fi- 
nances. By this means we shall be enabled 
to place our defenses in a position which will 
be a source of pride, as well as security, to us, 
and without any cost to the people. From 
the banking side we may receive protests 
against the issue of a currency not expressly 
provided with a redemption in coin, but from 
a business view of the situation we have no 
fear of its value ever depreciating. It be- 
comes legal tender, meets the taxation of the 
country, is received by the Government in the 


payment of duties on imports, internal re- 
venue, and in every respect becomes current 
money. So we have accomplished our pur- 
pose. We have fortified our cities, increased 
our navy, employed labor, and infused fresh 
blood into the whole business of the country. 
As every dollar thus put into circulation rep- 
resents a dollar in labor, it cannot be said 
that it represents no value. It represents a 
grand value the employment of labor. Its 
object is one of genuine patriotism the 
protection of government. The increased 
volume of money means added energy in 
every department of business. It bears no 
interest bond as its security, but secures the 
safety of a nation in the great brotherhood of 
governments. Its base of value is the good 
it can accomplish. You may attempt to be- 
little its position by calling it names, but with 
these attributes no power on earth but disso- 
lution of our union of States can affect its value. 
You may cry fiat, irredeemable, unconstitu- 
tional, or you may denounce it as unwise, im- 
politic, unbusiness-like, and yet it will stand 
every blow of malice, of envy, of jealousy, of 
scorn and contempt. Its patriotism will lift it 
above every lying epithet hurled against it. 


And now, my friends, why not adopt this 
currency? If you feel that there must be a 
redemption clause, then slowly withdraw it 
from circulation after it has accomplished its 
purpose* Do not convert it into bonds for 
the taxation of posterity. Issue it as a 
necessity, employ it in the business of the 
country, and when you have satisfied your- 
selves that it can no longer remain a benefit 
to the people, then take measures for its 
retirement. But, my friends, this will never 
be done. Once establish ** Coast Defense 
Money," and it will alwa}^ remain as a monu- 
ment of wise statesmanship. We shall see 
the work it has accomplished, and the genuine 
patriotism of a people will applaud its merits 
and demand its continuance. 

Other nations may look with skepticism 
upon this currency ; they may refuse to use it 
in trade, or they may denounce its inception as 
a wild scheme of speculation, but, my friends, 
let us point to its object and its origin. Let 
us ask those nations if New York, Phila- 
delphia, Boston, and San Francisco shall re- 
main undefended to gratify their prejudices, 
Let us ask them if it is any of their business 
what medium we use in our internal com- 


merce. Let us ask them if this CJ Coast 
Defense Money " is not issued for our benefit, 
our prosperity, and our protection. Let us 
ask them if we must consult outside influences 
as to the best mode of building- armored ves- 
sels, constructing forts, erecting arsenals, and 
equipping ourselves with all the means of 
defense. No, we must settle these things for 
ourselves. We do not propose to go outside 
for instruction as to the best mode of war- 
fare and how to manage it. It is tine one 
thing we discuss only in the councils of our 
nation. We seek no advice from. E,urope, 
Asia, or Africa. If, in our judgment, we 
desire to prepare for war in time of peace, our 
patriotism should be able to surmount all 
obstacles. Our experiences in the past only 
demonstrate what the future may be, and 
until the great nations of Europe lay down 
their arms let us prepare for any sudden crisis, 
so as not to be taken unawares. So, my 
friends, we advocate an extensive line of public 
defenses, and we would meet this emergency, 
not by taxation, but by an issue of "* Coast 
Defense Money" a money that will not be 
maintained by interest, but by the good sense 
and patriotism of the American people* 




Would it &e ad^ri$able for our government to grant 
absolute independence to the people of the Philippine 
2'slands $ 

FIRST SPEAKER. Mr. Chairman, and La- 
dies and Gentlemen : The question is one 
hat has been discussed, pro and con, by 
every citizen of the United States, and in all 
this discussion there are but two primary 
lines of contention : one is based upon the 
great declaration " that all men are created 
equal ; that they are endowed by their Crea- 
tor with certain inalienable rights ; that 
among these rights are life, liberty, and the 
pursuit of happiness ; that, to secure these 
rights, governments are instituted among 
men, deriving their just powers from the con- 



sent of the governed." The other is based 
upon the theory that the peoples of the 
archipelago are not capable of self-govern- 
ment, and, coming to us through a treaty of 
peace, become a national charge which we 
must accept and govern- Those who claim 
it a duty to deny self-government do so on 
the boasted sentiment that we are more 
capable of deciding what are the rights of 
the islanders to life, liberty, and the pursuit of 
happiness than they are themselves. These 
upholders of American ascendency quiet their 
consciences on the ground that our superior 
wisdom should dictate ; that it is an act of 
Providence ; that the fortunes of war made 
us their custodians ; that we become respon- 
sible to all other governments ; that the 
great Oriental development makes it an abso- 
lute necessity to hold those islands as a vant- 
age ground in the world's competition ; that 
it is a means for the expansion of commerce, 
for industrial energy, and, covering the whole 
with the hypocrisy of a professed religion, 
that is to be the means of spreading Christi- 
anity. They cite all these particulars in the 
support of their advocacy. My friends, if 
we analyze these particulars what do we find ? 


We find only the elements of what are sup' 
posed" to be our benefits not those of the 
natives. It is our nation, not theirs; our 
prosperity, not theirs. There is no idea of 
true philanthropy, but a desire for commer- 
cial benefits ; a wish to make the Philippines 
the vantage ground for future Oriental con- 
flicts, the better to protect speculation, to 
promote the projects of capital and all its 
greed implies, and to use these people and 
their lands for selfish purposes. There is 
no wish to give them the benefits of that 
American independence which has been our 
boasted heritage for more than one hundred 

It is not a question of sentiment, nor is it 
one that can be lightly ignored. It Is a 
question of right and justice. It is either 
right and just for a people to institute self- 
government, or it is not. We cannot ignore 
this element of right and wrong by substitut- 
ing selfish plans under cover of providential 
care. Monarchical governments claim the 
right to hold and govern without considering 
subjects' rights. Republics claim that this 
doctrine is despotic, and cannot be tolerated 
in any measure whatever. It is either self- 


government or it is government by others. 
Because of the fact that we stand on a cer- 
tain eminent plane of power and influence, it 
does not necessarily follow that \ve have the 
right to trespass upon those who stand upon 
a lower plane than ours. Might is physical 
force, but not a moral power. When we 
claim the right to govern because of the for- 
tunes of war, we simply seek an excuse for 
our conduct, and try to harmonize our declar- 
ations of non-encroachment with our desires 
to possess. We use Providence as another 
excuse, and declare that we must abide by the 
hand of Fate. My friends, we are endeavor- 
ing to cover the real purpose which impels an 
armed subjugation. From the standpoint of 
our own history we know it is wrong, but 
then we argue that our history cannot apply 
to the, inhabitants of the Philippine Islands. 
We were capable of self-government, but 
these people are not. We were endowed 
with all the gifts of a high civilization, trade, 
arts, science, and inventions, while these 
people are scarcely enlightened, have a crude 
idea of government, and little ambition to 
rise above the tribal relations that are a 


To discuss this question intelligently we 
must take the point of view of the people of 
those islands as well as our own. Physicall3 r , 
morally, and commercially we are all right 
just as we are, and it will never make any 
difference to us as a nation, or as individuals, 
whether we recognize them as entitled to a 
free and independent government, or hold 
them in subjection to our own will. It is a 
small matter to us, but a very great and 
grave question to them. We may imagine 
that our position as a " world power" and a 
Christian nation can confer to those distant 
people better privileges than it is possible for 
them to attain under their own laws and 
usages. When we declare this we take the 
same stand as was declared by King George 
in 1776. It is an -identical situation. Parlia- 
ment sought to retain sovereignty, and a war 
of conquest ensued. Our ancestors won, and 
the Declaration of Independence has ever 
been the great pillar for our support. The 
people of the Philippine Islands have repeat- 
edly sought to establish the same rights of 
self-government. They have been fighting 
Spain for more than one hundred years. 
They have educated their children to de- 


nounce tyranny and to strike for freedom. 
Their history is one of constant determina- 
tion to establish a government of their own. 
It has cost Spain in the three hundred years 
of occupation a thousand times more than the 
benefits which she has received. The nations 
of the interior were never conquered. Spain 
held only the seaport cities and a narrow 
strip of territory. It has been an uncon- 
quered people from the day she planted her 
flag and proclaimed them subjects of Spain. 
Rebellion has marked the history of this 
people just as it marked the early history of 
our own. Our spirit of independence rose to 
conquer, and in their weakness they are try- 
ing* to do likewise. 

There is not one among you but has dis- 
cussed the story of the Philippines. Many of 
you can see in this story only the accumula- 
tion of property. It is but another gold 
dollar added to the imaginary strength of our 
resources. You call it expansion in which 
every American citizen must reap a benefit ; 
you compare it to the acquisitions of territory 
that now extend from ocean to ocean, and from 
Gulf to Lakes. In your haste to approve, 
your comparisons are faulty. As Louisiana, 


California, Texas, and the great Northwest 
have been of inestimable benefit to this na- 
tion, so you claim that the possession of the 
Philippines, seven thousand miles from our 
shores, must be equally beneficial. To you 
it is possession, regardless of the conditions 
that may surround the possession. There- 
fore let me ask you three questions : Was 
Louisiana and the Great West a wilderness, 
or was it peopled with nine millions of souls 
fighting for their independence ? Was Texas 
forced to acknowledge American sovereignty, 
or did she plead for years for admittance ? 
Was the ceding of California by Mexico a 
parallel with the ceding of the Philippines by 
Spain ? No ; a thousand times, no ! You can 
find no comparison whatever. Louisiana was 
purchased because our self-preservation re- 
quired that we own and control the Mississ- 
ippi Riven It was a matter of protection. 
We saw the necessity of the investment, and 
there were no people in that vast wilderness 
to deny our sovereignty. Texas was a re- 
public, and California had declared her 
allegiance to the American Government. 
The great States of Washington, Oregon, 
Montana, and Idaho were annexed through 


purchase, while minor acquisitions were of 
their own free will and accord. 

Now let me continue these questions by 
asking the following : Have these people 
earned independence ? Have they a right to 
it? Do we, the American people, have the 
right to say to them that it must be denied f 
These are questions, my friends, that we must 
face. But now steel your conscience and say : 
It is true they have learned independence, 
but in their chaotic state they are not compe- 
tent to exercise it. We will mold them into 
proper plastic condition before granting them 
the privilege of governing themselves. When- 
this is done, we will step down and out and let 
them be their own law-makers. This is the 
sophistry of kings, not republicans. We may 
be superior intellectual beings, but for all that 
we have no right to dominate any race at the 
expense of that God-given right of freedom 
and of self-government. We have no right to 
say that these people shall be denied that 
grand right of our own Declaration, which 
says that " all men are endowed with certain 
inalienable rights, which are life, liberty, and 
the pursuit of happiness/' 

Let us for a moment consider this subject 


from a business standpoint. If we cannot ac- 
cord to them the inalienable rights proclaimed 
by our own Declaration of Independence, then 
let us analyze it as a matter of business. Do 
we need them in our business ? No ! Do we 
need them to assist in the business of other 
nations ? No ! Is it a profitable investment? 
It may be for those who would exploit the 
country, but to us, as a nation, it has given 
a sad return. The lives of our noble boys, 
the maimed, the destroyed health, the tears of 
the mothers, the hundreds of millions of treas- 
ure can never be measured by trade and 
possession. As an investment it has been a 
gloomy failure. But even if it had been a 
financial success, we must still deal with the 
question on the basis of the rights of fellow 


SECOND SPEAKER. Mr. Chairman : One 
would suppose from the declarations of my 
worthy opponent that we were viewing 
this question from the standpoint of philan- 
thropy, and not considering it as a practical 
problem. The speaker has laid great stress 


upon the sentimental side of the question, in- 
stead of discussing it as a business proposition. 
He cites us to King George, the Declara- 
tion of American Independence, the inalien- 
able rights of man to life, liberty, and the 
pursuit of happiness ; to the cost of life and 
treasure ; to justice and injustice ; and to all 
the phases of self-government and the God- 
given privilege of its enjoyment. These are 
high-sounding figures of speech, calculated to 
maintain that oft-repeated, impossible quota- 
tion, that all men are created equal. Not even 
in theory can this argument be sustained. It 
is an impossible assertion. It is not real, and 
can exist only in the imagination of those who 
believe in the fallacy of the " Brotherhood of 
man." The " survival of the fittest " is a far 
more appropriate theory than that all men are 
created equal. The one is an order of crea- 
tion, the law of progression, while the other 
is an impossible sentiment. The chimerical 
notion of equality does not enter into the 

Let me read to you the question : " Would 
it be advisable for our government to grant 
absolute independence to the people of the 
Philippine Islands ? " I say no, it would not. 


We are not discussing- any declaration of 
independence, but we are discussing the rela- 
tionship as it exists to-day between our gov- 
ernment and the people of those islands. 
Would it be advisable, is the question, and 
not the sentiment of a Fourth of July orator 
who pencils the horizon with impossible pic- 
tures. We are not discussing what the desires 
of the Filipinos may have been, or what 
they are now, but the advisability of grant- 
ing them absohite independence. You will 
notice, my friends, a very great difference be- 
tween the desire of granting a prayer and the 
practicability of granting it. The child in 
early summer desires to eat of the forbidden 
fruit. The parent says : " Wait, my son, 
until it is ripe, and then you will suffer no 
evil after-effects." The child rebels ; he is im- 
patient ; he wants to gratify his appetite ; he 
thinks it will do him no harm, or he may not 
think at all. This may be a homely illustra- 
tion, yet it practically explains the situation 
under discussion. 

The population of the Philippines is com- 
posed of numerous tribes inhabiting a great 
many islands. They know nothing of self- 
government, except the restraint of chiefs of 


semi-barbarous people. They have been un- 
der Spanish rule for three hundred years, and 
now to grant them absolute independence 
would be political suicide. Far better that 
we now use an ounce of prevention than be 
obliged to apply a pound of cure ; therefore I 
can assure my hearers that it is not advisable 
to grant their wish until we are assured that 
they are capable of carrying on a just and 
stable government. Beside this, we do not 
know that it is the wish of even half of the 
people of those islands. We are informed by 
reliable authority that many of the most in- 
telligent are actually afraid to try self-govern- 
ment unless the United States stands by and 
guarantees protection, 

To compare them with our own colonies in 
1776 is simply comparing ignorance with in- 
telligence. It is the application of that drivel 
that all men are created equal. The cases 
bear no resemblance of a parallel. Our fore- 
fathers had experience in governing. They 
had formed colonial governments and admin- 
istered the laws of the commonwealth. They 
had instituted commerce, established business, 
issued bills of credit, and were able to main- 
tain governmental authority. King George 


exacted unjust tribute, and our fathers re- 
belled, declared their independence, fought 
for it, and won. To compare our Revolu- 
tionary forefathers with the half-civilized peo- 
ple of the Philippine Islands is an injustice to 
their memory. It is no fairer a comparison 
of merit than to say that this audience stands 
upon the same plane of equality as the Malay 

In the treaty of peace Spain ceded to us 
all of her possessions in the West Indies, and 
as we had practically captured her fleet and 
army in the Philippines, we were compelled 
to include those islands. Of course we could 
have restored the islands to Spain, but not 
an American citizen would have sanctioned 
such an action. We had liberated Cuba from 
the Weyler atrocities, and declared that she 
should be free, and to abandon the Filipinos 
to the tender mercies of their past tyrants 
would have been a disgrace to this nation. 
We had, almost unconsciously, secured these 
Spanish colonies. They came to us without 
the asking, and we could not turn them away 
until they were capable of peaceably handling 
their own affairs. It is true we have been 
obliged to expend a vast amount of treasure 


and thousands of lives of our brave soldiers 
to sustain American authority. We were 
there, and what could we do that we did not 
do ? Order must be restored. We were held 
responsible for the good behavior of these 
people* The world acknowledged our obli- 
gation by acknowledging our authority to 
hold and to govern. They were by interna- 
tional law our proteges, and being under our 
protection we must be responsible for their 
conduct. To abandon them would have 
necessitated the presence of some other 
power to keep the peace and preserve trade 
and commerce. Having destroyed the only 
power that had governed them, we had no 
right to leave them in confusion and chaos. 
It was a case of necessity, not that of choice, 
on our part. It was the act of an honorable 
nation when we declared that the cry of Cuoa 
should be heard The victory of Dewey 
decided the fate of Spanish sovereignty in 
the Philippine Islands. The treaty of peace 
formally surrendered that sovereignty, and 
hence we remain responsible for the govern- 
ment and the conduct of the governed. 

It is not the intention of this government 
to make those people dependent subjects, or 


to exploit them for our benefit. Such a course 
would be abhorred by every American citizen. 
We did not expend our treasure and our 
lives in the liberation of Cuba in order to 
dominate those people, nor is it the disposi- 
tion of any individual here to-night to do one 
thing that will retard the peace and prosperity 
of the Filipinos. What is our sentiment is 
the sentiment of every man, woman, and child 
in the United States. We are a people who 
came into the control of our own destiny by the 
revolution of 1776. We revere the Declara- 
tion of Independence, and desire that all the 
people of the earth shall enjoy the same bless- 
ings which we have attained under it. We do 
not wish to monopolize the spirit of self- 
government. We know the beneficent in- 
fluence of liberty upon every nation that has 
secured it. 

We have done what no other nation on the 
globe would have done, when we drove Spain 
from the island of Cuba, and then gave to 
those suffering people a free government, 
entering no charge for services performed. 
Were we in the colonial grab business we 
would have held that island as ours, instead 
of transferring it to the Cuban people. But, 


my friends, we did not do this until stability 
had been established, and we were assured of 
a government able to enforce its laws. What 
we did there we will do in the Philippines. 
When laws are respected and it is evident 
that all men will be treated as equal under the 
law, then, and not until then, will they be per- 
mitted to govern themselves. As for abso- 
lute independence now, we cannot and must 
not consider it. What the future may de- 
velop does not bear upon the question. 
While we hope their development will be 
broad and expansive, yet we cannot anticipate. 
Time may demonstrate that the natives are 
fitted for self-government, and when that 
period arrives we shall be ready to do as we 
have done in Cuba grant to the Filipinos 
the constitutional privileges prescribed by the 
Republic of the Philippines. 



THIRD SPEAKER. Mr. Chairman : The 
argument of the last speaker is based almost 
wholly upon the following points : 

First. It is not advisable to grant indepen* 


dence until we are assured of a just and 
stable government. 

Second. After driving Spain from the 
islands we had no right to leave them with- 
out some form of law to protect and govern. 

Third. They came to us without the asking, 
and must not be abandoned. 

Fourth. We gave the Cubans their free- 
dom, and will do the same, some time, with the 
Filipinos. The speaker dwells at consider- 
able length upon the hypothesis that we, as 
a nation, can do no wrong. Let us not be so 
sure of this, for nations, as well as individuals, 
can err. What may seem right to us may be 
construed as wrong by others. When we 
declared war against Spain the sentiment of 
European nations was not with us. To still 
the charge that we were prompted to inter- 
fere in Spam's domestic affairs for profit, we 
made a public declaration that Cuba should 
be a free and independent state. We had no 
other alternative but to fulfill that declaration. 
Had it never been given, Cuba, like Porto 
Rico and the Philippines, would still remain 
a subject province of the United States. We 
could not ignore the declaration of indepen- 
dence which we declared was the motive power 


of our action. But it is easy to say this 
declaration does not apply to the other 
Spanish possessions which we obtained. 

The argument advanced by the last speaker 
that we must first be assured of a just and 
stable government is very much like the 
mother's admonition to her son : " You must 
not go near the water, Johnnie, until you 
know how to swim." But the Filipinos can 
swim. They had had a government that we 
pulled down ; a government that almost won 
for them their independence from Spanish 
rule. We bought Spain's club, and have ever 
since been mauling them with it. Dewey 
even recognized their flag and accepted them 
as allies to defeat the Spanish soldiers. 

In the second particular my opponent 
pleads that we had no right to leave them 
without some form of law to protect and 
govern. He forgets, or purposely ignores, 
the fact that Spain had practically lost all 
control over the inhabitants except in a very 
small area; consequently if we took no gov- 
ernment from them when Spain surrendered, 
they lost nothing. The fact is, Mr. Chair- 
man, we are the ones that destroyed their 
form of legislation. We have waged a war 


of conquest. We captured their leaders. 
We drove them from hamlet to hamlet. We 
called them rebels* We have never tried to 
secure peace by holding- out a declaration of 
some form of independence. 

Our offer has been " unconditional sur- 
render, and then we will discuss what is 
best for you to do." We may talk of some- 
time giving these people self-government. 
That is poor encouragement for those who 
fought to obtain it. That we must dictate 
their destinies regardless of the consent of 
the governed, is not a foundation principle 
of republican institutions. " We quiet our con- 
sciences by raising the plea tending to dem- 
onstrate a condition better under our gov- 
ernment than could be obtained under theirs. 

From a business standpoint we are not 
allowed to count the cost. Besides the 
annual expense of the army, it was only re- 
cently that an officer high in the navy de- 
clared that we must add to our warships, 
otherwise we would not be prepared to de- 
fend our new possessions in case of a foreign 
war. Here we have it in a nutshell. Out- 
lying possessions must be protected, and an 
armed fleet must be provided. It means that 


we must scatter our navy all over the sea in 
order to meet any emergency that might 
arise. What we did with Spain others would 
try to do with us. The first attack of the 
enemy would be to harass our colonies, and 
thus draw from the coast defenses of our own 
country. Without these new obligations we 
could restore our army to its former size. 
We could expend all our navy appropriations 
at home. We would be compact in body. 
We would have no unwilling subjects to watch. 
We would always be at home, with nothing 
for an enemy to attack but our home. 

The money we are expending in the dis- 
tant Philippines could be used to develop our 
arid lands ; to build good roads for all our 
people ; to establish postal telegraph and 
carry messages by wire as we now carry by 
mail ; to expend for our government, instead 
of trying to hold in subjection a race that 
never can be a unit with us. All this and 
more could be added to our national equip- 
ment if such expenses were transferred from 
a needless and useless foreign mission to a 
practical development of home institutions. 
Therefore we do not demand absolute inde- 
pendence wholly because it is just and right, 


but because we cannot afford to tax our 
people without return for such taxation ; be- 
cause it is not good policy to become en- 
tangled in the quarrels of Europe, Asia, or 
Africa ; because a colonial government is 
foreign to our system ; because the more 
territory we acquire the more jealous be- 
come the nations with which we compete. 
If necessary to protect these people from 
foreign invasion, we can say as we do of Mex- 
ico or the South American states: Hands off, 
if the motive is to acquire territory, and woe 
be to that nation which attempts it. 


FOURTH SPEAKER. Mn Chairman : In 
closing this argument I will mention only the 
facts in the case, and on these facts ask for 
judgment. Many predict that our rapid 
expansion of commerce will induce the 
nations of Europe to form an alliance to 
curtail our prosperity. Commercial jealousy 
already exists in every avenue of foreign 
trade. With Cuba, Porto Rico, and Hawaii 
we can become independent of Europe in the 
production of sugar. With the good will of 


Mexico and South American states we can 
import our supplies of coffee, fruits, and other 
articles not produced by us. With the 
Philippine Islands developed by our own 
capital we shall have an unlimited supply of 
raw hemp and its products, spices, rubber, 
furniture lumber, minerals, etc. If the)' pro- 
duced nothing but twine, it would be a grand 
possession, in which every farmer with a 
harvester would become financially inter- 
ested. Many claim that the greatest inven- 
tion of the age is the machine that binds the 
grain. My friends, these new possessions of 
ours furnish the twine with which to do it. 
Some of you may say we can get these vari- 
ous articles through the usual channels of 
trade. True ; but isn't it far better to pro- 
duce it ourselves ? We could continue to 
buy sugar from Germany, but how much 
more prosperous for the nation to produce it 
within her own borders. 

Now, ladies and gentlemen, have we done 
the people of these islands an injustice by 
liberating them from Spain's control ? Will 
it be an injustice to them to develop their 
country by building railroads ; by utilizing 
their natural resources; by employing them 


in new fields of labor ; by establishing 
schools ; by instituting- sanitary measures for 
the prevention of disease ; by teaching them 
the ways of a progressive nation ; by develop- 
ing their country and giving them freedom ? 
Are these gifts, which we bestow upon them, 
in the nature of blessings, or will you place 
them in the category of wrongs inflicted upon 

Gentlemen, the question comes to us in 
this practical fashion : Are we, or are we not, 
a benefactor to these people? Will they 
become advanced in intelligence by our 
coming? Will the introduction of the arts 
and sciences be of service to them? If by 
our occupation we produce ten units where 
formerly only one existed, is that of value? 
My friends, disabuse your minds of that sen- 
timent which grasps only self-government, 
and not a prosperity which is the only means 
by which ambition can be infused into an other- 
wise decaying people. Let any nation pro- 
duce, and it will rise in strength and greatness. 

A few years ago Japan was regarded as an 
unimportant country. To-day she stands as 
a world power. She copied from the en- 
lightened nations of Europe and America, 


and now is in the foremost rank. Spain never 
tried to conquer through the development of 
resources. Her policy was ever force of 
arms. We, as Americans, seek to institute 
the arts of peace; to elevate through the 
power of progression ; to cultivate the desire 
for trade and commerce ; to bring prosperity ; 
to teach the equality of, and justice to, all men ; 
and to protect our dependents in their enjoy- 
ment of life, liberty, and in the pursuit of 
happiness. If we give all these blessings we 
need not be ashamed to demand an obedience 
to law and order. We need not look at our 
Declaration of Independence and tremble lest 
our opponents find therein a sentiment at 
variance with its principles. We need not be 
ashamed of any act of ours, and finally we 
need not be ashamed to say that it is not 
advisable for our government to grant abso- 
lute independence to the people of the 
Philippine Islands. 



Is the adoption of the Initiative and Referendum pra* 
ticable in this country ? 


FIRST SPEAKER. Mr. Chairman : The 
question which comes to us for discussion 
this evening- is, Whether it is advisable for 
this government, as a whole, or in parts by 
States, to refer to the people for adoption or 
rejection any or all bills passed by Congress 
or by our State legislatures. The question, 
while it is known as the Initiative and 
Referendum, means simply referring any par- 
ticular bill to the people for their approval 
by direct vote. It is no new proposition, 
nor is it a new experiment to us. It is as 
old as is the Constitution that governs 
us. We find it embodied in the plan for 
all amendments to our constitutions, and 
although seldom employed, yet it remains as 
a guard and guide to alter or amend. Many 



regard the question as new, and do not realize 
that it is a part of our form of government. 

What we now desire in this argument is to 
prove that a wiser, purer, and better form of 
legislation can be established by referring all 
important bills to the people, if they demand 
it. We claim that if it is necessary to refer 
an amendment of the Constitution to the 
people, or the people's representatives, then 
it is equally necessary to so refer any great 

It is not presumed that every bill shall be 
thus referred, but only those which may 
arouse the opposition of the people and the 
demand from them the right to reject. If by 
this vote the bill be sustained, it is proof that 
the majority rules ; but if rejected, it becomes 
a proof that laws cannot be passed if in 
opposition to interests of the people. It is 
not a complicated measure, nor is it in any 
manner calculated to handicap those elected 
to frame and execute legislation. It is only 
a reserved right of the people to have a voice 
in deciding what the laws shall be that govern 
them. As they are the acknowledged mas- 
ters, they should to have the opportunity of 
declaring their wills. 


In order more clearly to define our argu- 
ments, I will specify some of the reasons 
-why the question should prevail : 

L The first principle in this question is 
one of pure democracy, whereby any impor- 
tant public proposition may be presented to 
the people for their approval before it can 
become a law. 

II. It holds Congress or State legisla- 
tures in subjection to the will of the people, 
and gives to the people, at all times, the right 
to veto or compel the adoption of a bill, 

III. By the Referendum an unjust law can- 
-not be enacted if it is displeasing to the 

IV. By the Initiative unjust legislation can 
be repealed, or a particular question can be 
enacted into law. 

V. It will be a means of preventing that 
monstrous system of lobbying which has so 
many times debauched legislatures in the 
interest of classes and corporations. 

VL It will prevent the use of money in- 
fluencing the passage of a measure, since 
nothing would be assured by obtaining the 
vote of a legislature, as the question may be 
called up by the people and annulled 


VII. Even partisan politics can be set 

VIII. It will compel all action in the inter- 
est of the people, and do away with special 

IX. It will prevent bribery, so prevalent 
now in influencing- our law-makers. 

X. It will compel more careful judgment 
in presenting and passing upon bills. 

XI. By it the people will become educated 
upon all public questions, for with them rests 
the responsibility for all enactments, 

XII. By it interest in government will 
not stop at the election of legislators. The 
people will watch every move made, and 
thus stand as a guard, compelling an honor- 
able and just exercise of authority. 

XIII. As government is now instituted, 
the legislature, or Congress, is the arbiter, and 
its laws are final, there being no appeal 
from the enactment of any bill or contract 
that may have been passed by it, except exec- 
utive veto. 

XIV. A republic means government of 
the people, by the people, and for the people. 
With the Referendum it becomes in fact 
what it only too often is but in name. 


XV. The Initiative will complete the sys- 
tem of a pure republic by giving- the people 
power to demand the passage of a certain 
bill, or to repeal one. 

XVI. Both these questions Initiative and 
Referendum are legislative principles in 
Switzerland. The people appreciate their 
power, and law-makers seldom pass a bill not 
in sympathy with the interests of the people. 

XVII. Politicians are opposed to this ques- 
tion, as it will curtail their power and influence. 

XVIIL It will compel politicians to be 
honest, otherwise they will have no power 
with the people. 

XIX. In our present system a bill, when 
referred to a committee, may never be re- 
ported back for action. With the Initiative 
the people compel action. 

XX. In countries where this proposal is a 
law, very few bills are referred to the people 
for direct vote, as the legislators are very 
careful in following out the wishes of their 

XXI. In these countries every law-maker 
studies how best to serve his country. 
Classes or corporations are not considered, 
few laws are passed, but only those that 


are needed. Bribery and partisan politics 
are unknown. The law-makers are always 
economical, as the people closely watch the 
volume of taxation. There are no boodlers, 
for there are no opportunities* Franchises 
are not voted to corporations, but reserved for 
the benefit of the people. Public transporta- 
tion is in the hands of the government, and 
not in those of private millionaires. The 
people vote their own taxation, their own 
rates of transportation, their own charges for 
express, for telegraphing, for telephones, for 
water and light. In fact, every form of 
vested rights is in the hands of the people. 

XXII. What is practicable in Switzerland, 
New Zealand, Australia, and other countries 
can be so also in the United States. The 
bribing of councils and legislatures to donate 
lands, money, and franchises could not be 
possible under this system. . 

XXIIL The Referendum avoids all these 
faults, and if blame exists it must rest upon 
the people themselves. 

XXIV. It is not a new question, as many 
suppose, but was adopted with our Constitu- 
tion, and is in the constitutions of the several 

AMD J?JJ?J1?1VZ>UM. 493 

XXV. All amendments to the Constitu- 
tion of the United States, as proposed by 
Congress, are referred to the States, and If 
ratified by three-fourths of the legislatures 
are in effect. In the same article (Article V.) 
the Initiative is proposed, by compelling 1 
action on any amendment by the demand of 
the legislatures of two-thirds of the several 

XXVL We, therefore, have as an example 
for the adoption of the Initiative and Refer- 
endum this Article V. of our own Constitu- 

XXVII. In the several States amendments 
to the Constitution are referred to a direct 
vote of the people, thus placing this instru- 
ment above the reach of any Congress, legis- 
lature, class, corporation, or political party. 

XXVIII. What is true of amendments to 
a constitution should be true of the passage 
of any law. 

XXIX. If it is proper to protect a consti- 
tution, it is equally proper to protect a 

XXX. If it works in perfect harmony in 
adopting a constitutional amendment, it will 
work equally well in adopting any law. 


XXXI. It will cast no reflections upon our 
law-makers, for as long as they do the will of 
the people they are recognized as true and 
trusty servants ; but to attempt to legislate 
against the people's interest gives to the 
people the right to veto, or annul. 

XXXI L If the people have the right to do 
or undo legislation, very few bills will be pre- 
sented that would not be good laws, as the 
people cannot be bribed, nor are they ever 
far from just. 

XXXI I L In a summing up of particulars 
I wish to say: the adoption of Initiative and 
Referendum will prevent corrupt legislation, 
and leave every law at the pleasure of the 
people. If the law is good, they will not ask 
to pass judgment upon it, but if they think it 
is bad the Referendum will prevent its pas* 

XXXIV. The people may not always be 
right, but if by any act of their own they are 
made to suffer, it is natural to assume that 
they will immediately avail themselves of their 
privileges under the initiative to repeal the 
law they find obnoxious, 

XXXV. If we desire to insure equal rights 
to all and special privileges to none, we can 


obtain it from no other source. The Referen- 
dum refers to the people, and the Initiative is 
the right to demand the passage of any law. 
They are framed with and are a part of our 
Constitution, and should be extended to all 


SECOND SPEAKER, Mr. Chairman, Ladies 
and Gentlemen : It is true that the questions 
of the Initiative and Referendum are not new- 
questions to us. When the framers of our 
Constitution studied the wants of our country 
and its citizens, they desired the fullest bene- 
fit for alL They gave us the Constitution as 
the fundamental law of government, and they 
surrounded that instrument with the strong- 
est safeguards that they could devise. They 
raised it above the possible whim of any 
Congress or party. If a change was to be 
made, three-fourths of all the people were 
called upon to make that change, thereby 
guaranteeing a permanent Constitution or 
as nearly so as was practicable and have it 
capable of conforming to the will of the 


The power of enacting working laws of a 
country should not be hampered, otherwise it 
would be almost impossible to institute a 
change. The people seldom desire a change. 
They become accustomed to a particular sys- 
tem, and do not take kindly to radical 
changes- The mass of the people never 
make any progress. It is the agitation of 
questions by advanced thinkers that impels 
the advancement of a nation. At first these 
thinkers are denounced as dreamers, theorists, 
and the like. But one by one progressive 
ideas are accepted, enacted into laws, and the 
people are forced to recognize them as a part 
of a new government. Such improvement in 
legislation could never be instituted if left to 
the direct action of the people themselves. 

The founders of our Constitution buildecl 
as near perfection as it was possible* We 
have our Kxecutive, our Legislature, and our 
Judiciary. In order to distribute fairly the 
powers of government among the several 
States, so that each sovereign division could 
be an equal factor, they elected the President 
by the States according to their population, 
the Senate by the States without regard to 
population, the House of Representatives by 


the people, and the Judiciary, or Supreme 
Court, by appointment by the President for 
life. No fairer apportionment of power could 
be devised and reserve to each State its full 
Identity in the great confederation. To 
alter in any way this admirable combination 
of nation, States, and people would be to dis- 
turb the Constitution that has guided us for 
more than one hundred years, and which 
should be sacredly preserved. 

The argument that Switzerland has adopted 
the Initiative and Referendum is no proof that 
it is suited to the wants of the American 
people. One migiit say the Russian system 
would be better still, and thus save the ex- 
penses of all legislation, giving the power to 
govern to a Czar. The fact is, neither of 
these systems would suit us. Switzerland is 
too slow, while Russia is too despotic. We 
are an unique people. We have no desire to 
become other than was outlined by the Con- 
stitution. We elect honorable men to enact 
laws. If any prove faithless, we remove them 
and elect others. If we fail to secure good 
legislation we alone are to blame. If we want 
certain laws enacted, we seek to elect men 
pledged to carry out our desires. The whole 


system is democratic, conservative, and just. 
If bribery penetrates our halls of legislation 
we have the power to remove and punish the 
guilty. We have the right to legislate and 
to repeal. If the people are not sufficiently 
protected by laws, it is in their power to elect 
those who will institute the needed reforms, 

As we are now constituted we are the fore- 
most nation on the globe. We have the 
greatest resources, the greatest ingenuit}^, 
the greatest ability to perfect and to perform, 
the greatest advancement in science, the 
greatest mechanical development, and the 
greatest ambition to achieve success. We 
have the most extensive system of internal 
commerce, the greatest wealth, the greatest 
freedom of speech and press ; and, above all, 
we have a people who are most earnest in 
their devotion to government, loyal in their 
patriotism, and most earnest in their demands 
for absolute justice. 

Can any country show a better condition 
of all classes than we ? Can any country 
boast of a greater freedom of conscience, or 
more liberty of speech and thought ? Can 
any boast of achievements that are higher, 
grander, or more inspiring ? Why is this ? 


Because we have the simplest form of govern- 
ment. Because our people have confidence In 
our government. Because we have confidence 
in the officers elected to make and enforce the 
laws. Because through our system of educa- 
tion we are taught to understand that the 
most humble may become the most exalted ; 
that for the poor there are many avenues to 
wealth, and that the honest and industrious 
are always in demand. With all these op- 
portunities it is not an idle assertion when 
we say we have attained a position that needs 
no special powers to amend, no new innova- 
tions so drastic as the one proposed. 

In protest against the affirmative of this 
question we will present the following objec- 
tions : 

I. It is not in keeping with our estimate of 
the best system of legislation. 

II. Each question referred to the people 
for final action would be equivalent to another 
political campaign. 

III. It is not wise, nor is it good political 
economy, to institute any change that will 
continue the excitement of politics. 

IV. While politics and parties are consti- 
tuted as they are a it is unwise to initiate a 


system which can only be decided by party 

V. It is admitted by competent authority 
that any national campaign has a tendency to 
demoralize business, to injure trade, and in- 
timidate the investment of capital, therefore 
all the politics that it is possible to avoid 
should by all means be avoided. 

VI. What gives satisfaction to one people 
may not meet the approval of another. 

VI L Switzerland is a small country, and, 
owing to the characteristics of the people, 
their government, like their commerce and 
industry, shows no advancement, 

VIII. The wonderful progress of the 
United States is due to the equity of our 
law, to the privileges granted by law, to pro- 
tection granted by tariff, to franchises, and to 
the encouragement of capital in investing in 
new enterprises. 

IX. None of these benefits would accrue 
from a direct vote of the people. 

X. It requires a progressive man to fore- 
see the future, to anticipate opportunities, 
and to plan for a new system of commerce, 
of development, and to institute changes that 
will addt to the happiness and prosperity of a 


people* These men are found in our halls of 


XL The people never lead they follow* 
XI L It is the nature of all mankind, from 

the lowest savage to the most enlightened 

citizen, to create a leader and to follow 


XIII. The claim that lobbying and bribery 
too often gain admittance and control legis- 
lation is no argument against our contention. 
If corruption is there, we are to blame for it. 
The voice of the people can strike down any 
and all abuses. The whole thing is in our 
own hands. We hold the power of election, 
and we can use it for good or for evil. 

XIV. Whatever the people will is law, for 
law will emanate from the people's will. 

XV. It is through this will that we have 
no need for the Referendum. We elect our 
officers, and they enact the laws we demand. 

XVI. With us this demand is the Initiative 
of the question. 

XVII. The people's wishes are enforced 
without recourse to a campaign and its at- 
tendant excitement. It is the Initiative and 
Referendum in its best and simplest form. 

XVI I L Our present system is the voice of 


the constituents at home, through councils, 
protests, and petitions. 

XIX. If we elect honest law-makers we 
will reap honest legislation, and our work is 

XX. If we elect dishonest law-makers we 
will reap dishonest legislation, and our work 
is bad. In both cases it is our bargain, and 
we are to blame. The same can be said of 
direct action by the people. 

XXI. The framers of our Constitution saw 
the results of any hasty action. They saw 
the danger of a sudden excitement of the 
people, and clothed their instrument of 
government so that no sudden motive could 
destroy, and still gave to the sober thought 
the full power to alter or amend. 

XXII. With all these proofs of content- 
ment, thrift, and prosperity ; with all the 
rights of vested power, both in the law- 
makers and the people; with perfect security 
of the people, their prosperity, and their hap- 
piness, we must ask this jury not to consider 
this question as a desirable amendment to 
our system of politics. 


Should t7ie United States Government build good roads 't 

FIRST SPEAKER. Of all the economic ques- 
tions which have interested the American 
people none is of more vital importance than 
the question of good roads, and none has 
received so little attention. This is indeed 
strange when we consider the vastness of the 
network of highways and the amount of labor 
expended on these avenues of inland trans- 
portation. We legislate for tariffs because 
industries demand protection. \Ve appropri- 
ate millions upon millions to improve naviga- 
tion, in order that the product of the soil 
and the mines, which are often freighted 
twenty, thirty, fifty, or one hundred miles in 
wagons, may find the most economical means 
of reaching their destination. Cities are 
bonded that streets may be paved, docks be 
built, and every means instituted that will 



lessen the labor or cost of transportation,; 
but the country roads, the most important 
avenues of traffic, so essential to the pros- 
perity of the farmer, are practically ignored 
by national, State, and county governments. 
These highways are the property of the 
people, and as such should come under the 
general jurisdiction of all the people. As 
they are now managed, however, in most 
localities the citizens vote a labor appropri- 
ation, and manifest no further interest, leaving 
the farmers or village residents who so elect, 
to work out their tax on the road. So 
much road is assigned to so much property, 
and when the time comes to "go on the 
road," the worthy farmer and his sons actually 
try to see how little they can do and still 
satisfy the overseen It frequently happens 
that, when the time arrives for those so 
choosing to "work out" their road tax, it is 
made a social drinking bout, to the detri- 
ment of the work supposed to be done. 

The overseer goes among the residents of 
his district and warns them to appear at a cer- 
tain date to work on the road. If any farmer 
is behind in his work, the good-natured over- 
seer usually sets a time which is more con- 

GOOD ROADS. * 505 

venient. Having performed the duty of call- 
ing his neighbors out, he plans as to the best 
place to commence to plow, dig, and scrape in 
order to make the meanest piece of road in 
the district when the next rain comes. If the 
district is blessed with a " gravel pit," and there 
is any time not credited when they have fin- 
ished piling loose dirt in the center of the road, 
then they will draw gravel. But usually this 
is left until the next year; so that everyone 
traveling that road for the next twelve months 
may follow the example of Mark Tapley and 
look pleasant under trying circumstances. 

Every person who has traveled one hun- 
dred miles into the country knows full well 
that the farmer does not know how to make 
a road. As the latter realizes his inability, 
he naturally says to himself: " Well, here goes 
the time. I know the labor is thrown away, 
and I don't care a continental whether I do 
my share or not." The fact is, road-making 
is a science a business in itself, and to 
properly apply that science considerable 
costly apparatus is required. The farmer 
has no stone-crusher to prepare stones for 
a bed, and if he draws gravel he is likely to 
leave right on top all the big rocks he may 


find just where they are most convenient 
to come in contact with the wheels of a 
passing" vehicle* He has become so accus- 
tomed to the muddy, miry, uneven passage- 
ways called roads, that effort at improvement 
is usually looked upon by him as time wasted 
from farm work. I have known of farmers 
who rather enjoyed the discomfiture of city 
people whose dainty carriages suffered from 
the roughness of these roads. It is fun for 
him. He has hit those same rocks for forty 
years, and now he laughs at the perturbation 
of the city man whom he despises. 

Now, my friends, we have tried this system 
for a hundred years, and in many places there 
is scarcely any improvement. Of course cer- 
tain localities have done fairly well, but in 
general it is mud when it rains, dust when it 
is dry, and projecting rocks in every place in 
either event. Is it not time we turned over 
a new leaf? The farmer is a failure at road- 
making, and should be superseded by those 
who have learned the business. In the early 
days of the Republic the general government 
built many thoroughfares for its own con- 
venience, and called them military roads. 
A system of grading was adopted which has 


stood in many places for more than one hun- 
dred years. In Illinois, Indiana, Michigan, 
and Wisconsin we find these old military 
roads in almost perfect condition. But what 
can we Say of those that have been con- 
structed since ? Ride over them early in the 
spring and there will be nothing for me to 
say. You will occupy all the time in musing 
upon the good judgment of the farmer who 
dumped a load of rock here, a load of clay 
there, and so on. But come upon a territorial 
road and your good-nature returns, and you 
feel grateful to that long-ago governmental 

The farmer knows how to raise potatoes, 
cabbage, wheat, oats, corn, beef, pork, cotton, 
and tobacco, but he does not know how to 
lay the foundation of a good road. He is 
not wholly to blame, for he has no tools to 
work with except the plow, scraper, and 
spade. He may have material enough and 
to spare, and yet cannot properly zpply it. It 
is no uncommon occurrence to see farmers 
actually plowing up the center of a road, 
turning the furrows toward the middle, con- 
tinuing for a distance of thirty feet or more, 
and then grading the sides into the center 


raising a mound of loose dirt two and even 
three feet high. And this is called road- 
building-, and is done year after year. They 
do not seem to care what results they pro- 
duce, but only that they get credited with 
time, and the tax is " worked out." 

To show you how lightly the value of good 
roads is held, I will cite to you an instance of 
a prominent farmer living a mile and half 
from a little village in the southern part of 
Wisconsin. The farmer was quite wealthy, 
and had the only gravel pit in the district; but 
because of trouble over drawing gravel he re- 
fused to give or sell another load, and for 
forty years he traveled over that road every 
day, and sometimes two or three times a day. 
When it rained the mud was "hub deep," 
and it would take him at such times two hours 
to drive to the village and back. Under 
government control the gravel pit would have 
been condemned, paid for, and its contents 
appropriated for public use. 

I have given you some idea of the farmer's 
easy method of paying his road tax, but 
place these same public highways under 
government supervision, and every man, wo- 
man, and child becomes interested in the con- 


struction. Every farmer will petition the 
authorities to build by his house, and woe be 
to the contractor who seeks to slight his con- 
tract. As such work will then be borne by 
public taxation, the same as the appropria- 
tions for our rivers and harbors, the farmer 
becomes doubly interested, and a universal 
clamor will arise to have perfected what he 
has stumbled over for fifty years. Just pass 
a bill authorizing Congress to appropriate 
$50,000,000 to build good roads, and you 
will see the liveliest lot of converts to good- 
road advocates that this nation has ever 
seen. The six million farmers will rise up as 
one man and point out the most suitable 
places for improvement. 

Under our present system what seems to 
be everybody's business is nobody's. There 
is no one to take the lead, no systematic plan 
of campaign, no apparatus to work with, and 
consequently no ambition to do properly what 
the farmers know they cannot do ; but when 
the way is opened by government authority 
they will appreciate what the new proposi- 
tion means, and will be ready to vote that 
the general government should build good 

Goon ROA>$. 


SECOND SPEAKER. I have been somewhat 
amused at the flippant remarks of my -worthy 
opponent, as he scores the farmer for plow- 
ing;, digging-, and scraping away, trying to 
make good roads* My friends, it seems to 
me that it is a gross injustice to libel him in 
this manner. He certainly would not do it 
before election ; then why should he after his 
vote is cast ? The speaker takes the ground 
that the panacea for all ills is to fly to the 
general government, lay the case before that 
authority, and invoke its aid. He doesn't 
seem to realize that there is a limit to what 
governments can do, for we all know it re- 
quires money to accomplish such a work as 
we speak of, and that some form of taxation 
must be levied on the property of the 
people to raise that money. We all know 
that at certain seasons of the year rains and 
floods are prevalent, that these elements 
often produce much damage, the highways 
suffering with the rest, yet because of this are 
we to petition government to so construct 
that rain, snow, or frost will do no harm ? 
As well might railroads ask for assistance 


to rebuild their bridges, culverts, or their 
ruined tracks when the same storms have 
wrought destruction. As well might vessel 
owners ask to have government guarantee a 
safe voyage* It is true the wagon road is 
a public highway, in which all are interested. 
The same is true of the railroad, the oceans, 
the lakes, rivers, and canals. But the wagon 
road, having been established for the benefit 
of the farmers, belongs more especially to 
them than to any other people. 

Once embark in governmental construction, 
and there will be no end to the expense that 
will be incurred. States, cities, counties, and 
towns will eagerly strive to secure their share 
of the appropriation. It will be a continuous 
struggle among politicians to see how far 
they can get their hands into the public crib. 
That there is a chance to reform some of 
the practices that are now adopted by farmers 
may be true. In fact it is true. This refor- 
mation, if you wish to so call it, is steadily 
going on, and rest assured when the farmers 
see what is best to do, he will do it. The 
illustration of the man who drove through 
mud for forty years is no argument at all. It 
only shows the revengeful temper of an indi- 


vidual, and we find just such exhibitions 
everywhere when men spite themselves to 
revenge themselves upon somebody else. 

The comparison of government appropria- 
tions for the improvement of canals with 
road appropriations, is not parallel. Improve- 
ments to navigation are wholly national, and 
could not be undertaken by any other au- 
thority. They are the national highways, 
competing really with corporate and pri- 
vate-owned railroads, greatly to the advant- 
age of shippers. They are the cheapest 
of all our forms of transportation. These 
appropriations carry their blessings direct 
to the farm, as well as to cities and their 

Some of the objections I would raise 
against government construction of country 
roads are as follows : 

It is not practicable. 

It is not in the line of government duties, 

It is too expensive for one department. 

It would be the means of creating many 
new offices, and consequently adding to the 
now large army of office-holders. 

It could not be equally adjusted. 

It would tend to dishonest contracts. 


It would not be a legitimate expense ot 

I might thus continue with many other 
objections against the system. Taxation is 
already so high that it would be a positive 
injury to add any further burden to the 
expenses of our national government. This 
objection alone is sufficient to cry down the 
proposition and consign it root and branch 
to oblivion. 


THIRD SPEAKER. The speaker who has 
just given such an exhaustive list of reasons 
why government aid should not be Invoked, 
does not furnish a better system. He admits 
that present conditions ought to be im- 
proved, but does not substitute any way 
to make the needed improvement, while we 
demonstrate an actual necessity for the gen- 
eral government to step in and build for 
the benefit of all something that the pres- 
ent system has utterty failed to accomplish. 
If our worthy opponent could pnove how the 
farmer could profitably apply the needed 
labor to establish a system of improvement, 


then we might consider it unwise to ignore 
a local system and make application to the 
general government. The experience of the 
last one hundred years demonstrates that 
it is not in the province of a handful of 
farmers to so apply their labor in road build- 
ing as to reap the benefits that ought to ac- 
crue from it. My worthy opponent admits 
this, but is unwilling to adopt the only 
method that has been shown to be practicable 
in the past, and is successful at the present 
time. It has been demonstrated time and 
again that government is the proper authority 
to construct good roads. All agricultural 
journals testify to hundreds of millions of dol- 
lars being lost annually by the farmer be- 
cause of the extra expense in hauling his 
produce over rough and inefficient highways. 
They show by practical experience the daily 
loss by the wear and tear of the machinery of 
transportation, the small loads necessitated, 
the loss of animal flesh, and the loss of time 
to the farmer. They compare the cost of 
moving one thousand tons a distance of a 
mile on poor roads against the same number 
of tons on good ones. This estimate shaws 
that the farmer has expended more than twice 

ROADS. $15 

as much energy during the entire year in* the 
wasteful and extravagant manner which he is 
now compelled to adopt in transacting his 

It may seem strange to many of us why 
the farmer should plod along in this manner 
when a demand from him would institute 
a reform that would not only add value to his 
acres, but increased profits to his products. 
But once point out the way, establish one 
good road in a county, and my word for it the 
solution of good roads is accomplished. If, 
therefore, we legislate for tariffs to protect 
and build up industries, or subsidize shipping 
in order to stimulate the building of vessels 
and the carrying of our own commerce, we 
should not ignore the duty of government to 
continue farther and enter into some form of 
an agreement with the country to so improve 
its highways that a part of this vast waste by 
the rough means of transportation can be 
saved. One demand is just as broad and just 
as long as the other. If it is good expendi- 
ture of money to assist navigation by the im- 
provement of our public waterwaj^s, then it is 
equally good to render assistance in the im- 
provement of our public highways. 

5l6 GOOD OAf>S. 

The object of government aid in any form 
whatever is to add to the wealth, peace, and 
prosperity of the country. If farmers, work- 
ing as they do, cannot accomplish the desired 
object, then let the strong arm of government 
come to the rescue and perform under a sys- 
tematic plan what single hands cannot do. 

As my opponent sees fit to enumerate a 
list of objections against government aid, I 
will advance a few particulars why the affirm- 
ative of this question should prevail : 

First. He says it is not practicable, when all the 
experience of road making demonstrates that 't is 
practicable- Ancient nations saw the necessity of 
building public thoroughfares, not only for the benefit 
of the people, but for the quick and sure transporta- 
tion of their armies. In those days there were no 
railroads, and governments invested in the building 
of permanent avenues of transportation through the 
country. Some of these ancient roads are to-day in 
good condition, after a lapse of hundreds of years 
yes, even above two thousand years. Rome built all 
the roads that led to that great city. The Normans 
in their conquest of England built thoroughfares 
which stand to-day as evidence of what proper con- 
struction will do. The Canadian government built 
the main lines through her dominions. Germany, Hol- 
land, Russia, and nearly all of the countries of Europe 
build with government aid. Then why should the 


greatest country on earth hesitate when its people, 
through poor roads, are actually losing billions of 

Second. It is decidedly a duty of government to 
serve the best interests of the people. 

Third. If it was not too expensive for ancient nations 
to build for the stability of empire, nor for the mod- 
ern nations of Europe to do the same thing, then it 
cannot be too expensive for the United States govern- 
ment to enact laws ] ooking to the betterment of this 

Fourth. We need not worry over the injection of 
politics in the building of good roads any more than 
in the building of dykes on the Mississippi River or 
harbors on the Great Lakes. 

Fifth. We do not seem to have any trouble in ad- 
justing the proper expenditure of any other appropri- 
ation; then why worry over our appropriation for 
good roads? 

Sixth. There will be no more danger in contracting 
for the building of one mile of country road than ni 
building one block of pavement in a city. We will let 
the contract to the lowest bidder, and rest assured the 
farmer will not tolerate a slipshod execution of that 
contract. In fact, there is not one point raised by 
our opponent that will stand the test of careful 

We do not expect to ask the government 
to build all the roads of the country, but we 
do insist that it shall establish a permanent 
foundation for the main thoroughfare. We 


do not expect government will clo it all in 
one year ; but we clo want it to begin this 
great work, and to continue at it until all 
main roads of the country are finished, thus 
eventually saving the billions of dollars that 
are now lost by this needless cost of transpor- 


FOURTH SPEAKER. It is not usual in de- 
bates for one speaker to taunt the opposition 
for not producing something better in the 
form of law when protesting against argu- 
ments they believe are not practical and 
against the best interest of the common- 
wealth. Because we say the general govern- 
ment should not embark in the business of 
building roads, we are reminded that we do 
not suggest a better system, and consequently 
the question is theirs. Had the question 
declared that government building was the 
best means of construction, then the opposi- 
tion might demand that we suggest a better 
system ; but such is not the case. It simply 
asks the question, Should the general gov- 
ernment build good roads ? If our oppo- 
nents insist that we shall suggest a better 

GOOZ> ROADS. - 519 

means of construction than to depend upon 
the general government, we can accommo- 
date them. Possibly we may find in this de- 
mand arguments that will fully demonstrate 
the inadvisability of government control. 

First. Drop the system of cc working" out the tax 
levied against country property, and substitute a 
money tax, and you immediately create a reform. 

Second. Establish a* system of contract work, and 
pay for it in money. 

Third. Let each county assess the tax to be raised, 
and see that there is competition for expending it. 

Fourth. Abolish the district system, and leave it in 
the hands of the town board to designate where work 
shall be done, but establish a uniform method of 

Fifth. Legislate for the right to buy gravel, stone, 
or any necessary material found in the district. 

Sixth. If in the construction of good roads the co&t 
is found to be burdensome to the farming community, 
then establish a system of appropriation from the gen- 
eral government, based upon a fixed percentage of the 
amount of tax raised in each town. Suppose we say a 
town will raise by taxation two thousand dollars for 
the building of good roads, then let the general gov- 
ernment appropriate one thousand dollars in assist- 
ance. The system would equalize the cost of con- 
struction among the whole people. The plan would 
be simple, efficient, reasonable, and when properly 
adjusted would not only satisfy the people, but would 
satisfy our opponents who now ask for a definite plan. 



fs if good government for the United States to maintain a 
standing army greater than is actually necessary to en- 
force the laivs of the country 3 

FIRST SPEAKER. Mr. Chairman and Ladies 
and Gentlemen : The question we are to 
discuss is one of momentous importance 
to us as a people. Its importance conies 
to us from two opposite sources. First, the 
place we now occupy in the world's politics 
naturally suggests the necessity of guarding 
our position, not that we would use the body- 
guard of government to extend our domain, 
but to prevent others from infringing upon 
our vested rights. .Second, there always 
looms up before us the burdensome expense 
of unnecessary armaments in the time of 
peace. Armies and navies are costly adjuncts 
to any government, but the question comes 
to us : Is it good policy at the present time 



to ignore the possibilities that may come 
upon us? The nations of the earth are bris- 
tling with millions of bayonets, and while we 
may never again meet in conflict a foreign 
foe, yet we have no assurance that we can 
steer clear of danger and live in perfect peace. 
Only a few years ago we fancied ourselves 
secure, but circumstances not of our making 
aroused the people from Maine to California, 
and from the Great Lakes to the Gulf of 
Mexico. In the twinkling of an eye we were 
hurled into war. How bitterly did we chide 
ourselves for not adopting that old adage, 
" In times of peace prepare for war." We 
could not measure the strength of Spanish 
arms, and feared lest the great cities of the 
Atlantic coast were not protected. We im- 
agined a series of disasters, but when the 
wave of victory came rolling to us we smiled 
at our fears. Europe stood amazed at our 
achievements, and for the first time in our 
national existence we became a "world power," 
and to-day we stand where we never dreamed 
of standing. We have planted our flag, not 
only on the soil of the Spanish possessions of 
the East and the West, but we have raised 
that banner in the Celestial Empire. Where 


the end is, no man can prophesy. The 
commercial power of the American people is 
being* keenly felt by England, France, Ger- 
many, and Russia. It is a condition which at 
any moment may produce the spark that will 
explode the magazines of all Christendom. 

Suppose Great Britain had not heeded the 
demand of President Cleveland, when he said 
the Venezuelan controversy must be settled 
by arbitration. Were we prepared to sustain 
that demand ? Suppose Great Britain should 
say to us, "You may not build the Nicara- 
gua Canal/' Are we prepared to sustain our 
position ? Several times in the last few 
years we have had foreign complications. 
We threatened war with Chili, and Italy 
asked for indemnity for the murder of some 
of her subjects in New Orleans. It is true 
we adjusted the difficulties with Italy, Chili, 
and Great Britain, but next time we may not. 

After the settlement of these foreign diffi- 
culties the question of defenses came before 
Congress, and under Mr. Whitney, Secretary 
of the Navy, great preparations were made 
for building men-of-war. Congress made 
large appropriations, and we are proud to-day 
of what was then started. But for this prep- 


aration there might have been no victory 
over the fleet of Cervera. If, my friends, we 
could be assured that no foreign difficulties 
would come to us, it would be indeed foolish 
for our government to keep a standing army 
greater than is actually necessary to enforce 
the laws of the country ; but experience dem- 
onstrates that several times we have stood 
upon the crater of a smoldering volcano. 
We were ignorant of the danger, and believed 
our security rested in our isolation. Our 
history, has been one continuous and pros- 
perous peace with European nations. We 
\vere satisfied with the development of the 
resources of our own country. We had no 
ambitions beyond our own shores. We fondly 
imagined that no evil could befall us. But, 
presto! change! We* feel our strength. We 
have gone beyond the confines of the Western 
Continent ; we are engaged in world politics ; 
we have measured our strength, and won ; we 
now seek to compete with the whole world ; 
we have underbid the greatest manufacturers 
of structural iron ; our looms are busy cloth- 
ing even the people of China; we build 
bridges in South Africa, railroads in Russia, 
furnish locomotives to Australia, and agricul- 


turai machinery wherever grain is produced 
We have grown from " infant industries " to 
the most colossal combinations that history 
has ever seen. Wealth beyond computation 
has rolled into our coffers. While we stand 
a veritable giant in the strength of resources, 
yet we are weak in power to protect ourselves. 
We are building navies to prevent a recur- 
rence of another Spanish fright. It is better 
to feel secure than to dread the possibility of 
disaster. Our army is small compared with 
the length and breadth of our territory, and 
while it may be an unnecessary expenditure 
of men and money in times of peace, and we 
may feel the taxation to maintain this protec- 
tion, yet how much more would we feel its 
need in the hour of danger. Do not forget 
the destruction of the Jbfaznc. Such a disaster 
may occur again. We did not expect it, and 
we were not prepared to revenge the loss of 
the lives of those brave boys, but in the 
agony of the moment we declared war, and 
won. But we might not in the future have 
so easy an adversary. The God of Justice 
may not always be on our side, and we might 
make a mistake ; but with a well-disciplined 
army and navy ready to obey the call of the 


Executive, we can, at least, avoid the feeling 
of insecurity. 


SECOND SPEAKER. Mr. Chairman, Ladies 
and Gentlemen : The war spirit is again 
abroad. Our able opponent seems to be the 
champion of the military a large standing 
army ready at a moment's notice to plunge into 
strife. He declares for the sentiment of pre- 
paring for war in time of peace. Adopt that 
advice and we will be in a war fever all the 
time ; possibly, by and by, when the fever is 
raging pretty strongly, we will rush into war 
and get more than we bargained for, when 
there is no need of it. Better educate our 
people in good fellowship rather than culti- 
vate the too prevalent spirit of aggression. 
My friends, I want you to bear this one prin- 
ciple in mind : one person cannot quarrel 
alone. It requires two persons, or two na- 
tions, to declare war. The man who always 
minds his own business, who is civil in con- 
duct, upright in dealings, and willing to do 
as he would be done by, is in no great danger 
of personal difficulties ; but he who is touchy 


In manner, and carries a pistol in his hip 
pocket, will sooner or later run against a snag. 
If a man wants to fight he will some time find 
his challenge accepted. War is the animal 
propensity of man made manifest. Prepara- 
tion for war is in effect challenging the out- 
side world, creating a suspicion in other 
nations that some undercurrent is at work, 
that those so preparing have secret designs, 
and that the peace of the world is threatened. 
It is an absurd idea that this nation, or any 
nation, can equip an army of great strength 
and not be suspected of mercenary ends. 
Place one hundred thousand men in martial 
array near the Canadian border and England 
will ask, "What is that demonstration for?" 
Possibly she may ask us to move these forces 
into the interior, considering it an unfriendly 
act. Do the same with Mexico, and she will 
ask, " What do you want ?" Create an army 
of one million men, and the combined forces 
of Europe will ask, "What do you mean?" 
We cannot organize a great military force 
without acquiring the spirit of aggression. It 
is human nature ; man's disposition Is warlike. 
It is bred in the bone for a thousand genera- 
tions. There has been no time in the history 


of nations when wars and rumors of wars 
have not been abroad. The history of the 
world is one constant warfare. Nations rise 
up in martial glory and then sink into decay. 
Napoleon conquered the continent of Europe, 
yet died a miserable prisoner on the island of 
St. Helena. Alexander the Great mourned 
because there were not other nations to con- 
quer, but his government crumbled into noth- 
ingness. Since nations existed there has been 
one continuous succession of the rise and fall 
of military empires. 

My opponent seeks to sustain his argu- 
ment by reminding- us of our weak position 
at the beginning- of the Spanish war. I 
thank him for the suggestion, as it is an argu- 
ment we would propose ourselves. It is true 
we had no army, but in an incredibly short 
time an army of volunteers was marching 
from, every State and Territory in the Union 
to the rendezvous. It was a spontaneous 
outburst of patriotism, the North, South, 
East, and West responding- to the call. It 
was a republic of the people calling- for the 
people, and the generous response with both 
men and money astonished the whole world. 
The armed nations of Europe could not com- 


prebend the fact that every man was a voluiv 
teer in citizen's clothes. As an illustration 
of this I will quote from a prominent English 
traveler who had spent several months in 
America. He said he had traveled in almost 
every State in the Union, but in all this time 
he did not see a soldier ; " but/' he said, 
" every man is a willing volunteer, ready at a 
moment's notice to march to the protection of 
his country." What a contrast between this 
sentiment and the conscription necessary in 
Europe ! There the people live in a constant 
dread of an impending danger. Defenses 
are erected upon the frontiers, military camps 
are stationed in every direction, millions of 
men are required by law to serve in the 
army, taxation is almost beyond endurance, 
and there they stand, armed to the teeth, 
waiting for the development of some crisis 
that will precipitate war. 

Are we to follow their example ? By all 
means no ! Do not educate your boys in the 
deadly art of war. The cry that we must be 
prepared for any emergency is the direct 
result of the brute instinct to slaughter. It 
is not the Christ-spirit of true Christianity* 
War is a deadly evil, which can and should be 


averted. We plunged into the war with 
Spain in the spirit of revenge for the brave 
boys of the gallant Maine who were killed 
through the treachery of Cuba's oppressors. 
We swore a deep vengeance, not counting 
in lives and treasure the cost under the excite- 
ment of the moment. We were aroused to 
a pitch that would brook no compromise. 
Blood had been spilled, and blood must pay 
the penalty The latent spirit of revenge 
was aroused, and dollars could not appease 
the just wrath. But, my friends, there 'were 
those who hesitated in the declaration of war. 
They could foresee the awful strife. They 
counseled moderation, and asked that we 
curb our wrath and seek for the possibilities 
of a settlement without a recourse to arms. 
Blood for blood does not restore blood, nor 
does an eye for an eye restore sight ; but 
the admonitions of those who would save life 
and treasure were not heeded. Yet, my 
friends, how much cheaper it would have 
been had we bought the claims of Spanish 
sovereignty ! Could we have done this ? 
Most assuredly we could. Spain offered to 
sell Cuba for a fractipn of what our war with 
Spain has already cost us. Was it necessary 


to wage war for humanity's sake ? By no 
means. War is but an agent to satisfy na- 
tional pride, or, as you may term it, national 
honor. What is ''national honor" when we 
pit against it the lives of brave men, the tears 
and sorrow of widows and orphans, the deso- 
lated firesides, the maimed, the destroyed 
health of noble manhood, the wasted wealth, 
the bonded debt of a generation ? All this 
and more do we bring in the wake of war. 
It has been said that any peace is more honor- 
able than bloodshed. 

You may ask what number of men I would 
suggest as a proper standing army. I would 
abolish the name arm 3', and in its place estab- 
lish a military police. I would seek to teach 
our people to resist all temptations to be- 
come hero worshipers. We love military 
glory. We love the soldier because he is a 
soldier, thinking only of the picturesque side 
the pomp and glitter blinding xis to the 
fact that in action this same strutting hero 
becomes a being stimulated only with the 
desire to kill and destroy. We thus become 
an easy prey to the demand for a large army 
Our vanity is flattered, and we see great 
glory in the name world power " being 

OUR STAX r Df<\G ARMY 53 1 

applied to us as a nation, and in our entry 
into the arena of the world's politics. It is 
something* novel to us, we having* remained 
secure on the Western Continent, having* had 
no large standing army and needing none. 
But the dominating influence of all history 
is now to be considered. We want an ex- 
tended empire, are not satisfied with the de- 
velopment of our land, wish to develop that of 
other people, and in this desire to stand as a 
great power we increase our army and our 
navy. Far better that we return to the 
peaceful occupations of our own beloved 
land, curtail the expenditure that is now 
wasted in the strife, and build for peace, not 
war. Build homes, not barracks ; educate 
men, not soldiers ; and, instead of fostering 
the curse of war, endeavor to establish the 
principle of the brotherhood of man. 


THIRD SPEAKER. Mr. Chairman : Our 
friend has dilated upon the proposed regener- 
tiorr of men and nations. If the millennium 
were here we could disband our armies and 


sink our navies, but unfortunately for this 
theory the millennium is not even in sight. 

We are not discussing this question from 
an ideal, but from a practical, view point. 
It is a painful thought to consider the nations 
of the earth as armed for war and actually 
spoiling for a fight, but nevertheless it is a 
lamentable fact. It is true, as my friend said, 
that war is the manifestation of brute force. 
But what are you going to do about it ? The 
condition exists, and as a natural consequence 
we cannot afford to ignore it. The law of 
self-defense is nature's law. All created be- 
ings are endowed with the right to resist 
aggression and protect themselves. By un- 
foreseen events we have reached positions 
we little dreamed of holding, and the change 
that has come over our policy is not of our 
seeking. We became a '* world power" 
through force of circumstances* Shall we 
give up this position, and say we are content 
with the old. While trade advances with 
leaps and bounds, shall we not encourage it 
and guard it well ? 

The question does not demand that we 
shall arm our citizens beyond reason, but 
asks if it is good policy to have a reserve 


force, a force to rely upon in time of public 
need. It does not ask that we shall make 
the army a burden, as is done in Europe, but 
make it an auxiliary in the new order of 
things. My opponent exaggerates when he 
tries to make us believe that a standing army 
is a menace, for in fact it is the opposite. As 
an illustration, you meet a man carrying a 
heavy cane. Is the carrying of this cane an 
intimation that he may strike you over the 
head with it ? No. But if he asks you a civil 
question you will respect the power of that 
cane, and answer him in a civil manner. You 
may talk about a perfect security among men, 
but I tell you there is no such thing, and 
there never will be, while human nature is 
constituted as it is. Darwin's theory of the 
"survival of the fittest" is true. In every 
thing that is created both in the animal 
and vegetable kingdoms each individual is 
arrayed against his neighbor. It is nature's 
warfare, and strength dominates in every 
sphere of life. The weakness of China is 
known to all nations, with the natural result 
of its harrying. And just as the strength 
of the American government is known, so 
it receives equally natural respect. 


We cannot afford, in our unprecedented 
development of industries, to build our 
foundation on sand. The future is to be an 
industrial era. We have entered every mart 
on the face of the globe, and are competing* 
in almost every line of merchandise. The 
balance of trade in our favor amounts to 
hundreds of millions of dollars annually. It 
is a great achievement, and our triumph 
demonstrates our strength of mind and the 
irresistible force of circumstances. This 
development will increase, and the arm of 
military protection should grow with it, and 
the attitude of other nations toward us is one 
of the reasons why we should enlarge our 
army beyond the strength necessary to en- 
force the laws at home simply. I might sum 
up the reasons for our contention as follows : 

It is our duty to arm sufficiently to protect our- 

Such complete armament will prevent undue aggres- 
sion of others. 

It will inculcate patriotism. 

It will be a guarantee of peace. 

It will stimulate commerce. 

It will give to us th proud feeling of strength, and 
in our intercourse with other nations we will f eel that 
individual rights will be respected. 



FOURTH SPEAKER. In closing- this debate 
let me call your attention to this one undis- 
puted fact : No nation ever organized a large 
standing army at one time. It always com- 
menced with the addition of just a little force 
beyond the needs of the country to enforce its 
laws. After the first increase there was no 
return to numbers actually necessar}% but 
with each year the army grew in strength, 
until the military spirit dominated the whole 
structure of government. No despot ever 
reached his power in one bound. He always 
educated his people to militarism, and when 
he gathered his force was then so entrenched 
as to defy removal. The strength of a nation 
is not in the number of men under arms, or 
the number of vessels in its navy, but is in 
its enlightenment, its industrial achievements, 
and its Christian spirit. Industry and so- 
briety are the foundation stones of govern- 
ment. Destroy these and you invite the war 
spirit of the savage and the domination of 

But, Mr. Chairman, the security of govern- 
ment is far more stable when the red flag of 


adventure is brought to the dust. After the 
Civil War we disbanded our armies and 
neglected the vessels of our navy. We 
sought to repair the terrible ravages of war, 
raising the white flag of peace, and for thirty- 
three years a third of a century we labored 
for the promotion of our fellowmen. Finally, 
however, the storm-cloud burst above us, and 
as the slumbering spirit of military glory 
aroused our people to deeds of valor, we fell 
on our knees and worshiped Dewey, Hobson, 
Shafter, and Schley. We were intoxicated 
with our wonderful success. The battle of 
Manila Bay and the attempted escape of 
Cervera are reminders of a naval glory, and 
we, who but a short time ago would frown at 
the thought of raising our standing army 
from 25,000 to 100,000 men, now make it 
200,000, and do not cavil at this unnecessary 
strength. Our judgment has become warped, 
and under the plea of protection and security 
from invasion, we sign the order to perpetuate 
the engines of death. Once place on the 
statute books the law permitting* a standing 
army of 100,000 men, and it will never be 
repealed. The moment you go beyond the 
needs of a police force there will be no end 


to further demands of like character. Those 
in the military profession, being usually unfit 
for civil life, will strive to cherish it, and 
use their influence to extend it, in the strife 
for promotion. 

Let our strength He in the willingness 
of our people to volunteer when danger 
threatens, and not establish an unnecessary 
and useless arm of service, saving the expendi- 
ture of these yearly millions to build homes 
for the poor. Far better that we expend 
$200,000,000 in irrigating the arid districts 
of the West than to spend it where not one 
dollar of revenue will be returned. This will 
insure peaceful employment, happy homes, 
and prosperous villages, while a standing 
army will mean a vast expense without any 
return, idleness, and a dislike for manual 
labor, and the spirit of aggression. It will 
mean military law is higher in authority than 
civil law. The dreams of a standing army 
are conquests ; its power is overbearing and 
dictatorial ; it is the tool of tyrants and 
despots, the enemy of peace, and the foe of 
all mankind* 




fs a well-managed trust beneficial to the general public $ 

FIRST SPEAKER. The question we propose 
to defend to-night is that trusts are not of 
necessity harmful, and particularly that there 
are trusts valuable to the general public, 
notwithstanding the extremists who -would 
eradicate, root and branch, all trust combina- 
tions launched upon the world of com- 
merce. Yes, there are good trusts, just the 
same as there are good societies. The exist- 
ence of one bad man in society does not 
prove that society as a whole is bad. The 
fact that one member of a church is a 
hypocrite does not call for the charge that 
all members and all churches are the same. 
If one horse is vicious and will kick the car- 
riage to pieces, that is no excuse for throw- 
ing the carriage away as useless. Kill the 



horse if he cannot be trusted, and get a good 
one. Purify the church and society, but do 
not say all members thereof are frauds. The 
principles involved in church and society form 
the basis for enlightenment, for morality, and 
for brotherly love. 

The object of a trust is two-fold ; first, to 
prevent ruinous competition, and second, to 
reduce the cost of production. Now, is there 
anything wrong in this? Certainly not. No 
business can be run at a sacrifice. There 
must be a profit, an inducement for capital 
to invest, otherwise there would be no indus- 
tries beyond those required to supply imme- 
diate wants. To reduce the price of a 
commodity is a laudable undertaking, and to 
do this we experiment, we invent machinery, 
we compound capital, and seek a systematic 
means of reducing the cost of the article 

A wheelwright cannot build one wagon as 
cheaply as an established manufacturer who 
is making * thousands, and to manufacture 
thousands it requires the combination of skill, 
money, convenience, location, and market a 
for the wares when finished. With these ele- 
ments in combination we have unconsciously 

540 TRUSTS. 

formed a trust. Whether we will manipulate 
this combination for the purpose of taking 
undue advantage remains to be seen. It is 
possible an attempt may be made to do this, 
but because it may be done is no proof that 
it will be done. Because one man is dishon- 
est is no proof that we shall charge a crime 
to all men. 

There is one fact we must acknowledge, and 
that is this : It requires a combination of 
capital to so systematize a business that we 
can reduce the cost of manufacture, and to 
reduce the cost of an article is a benefit 
to the consumer. Therefore if the formation 
of a trust reduces the cost of manufacture, it 
certainly becomes a benefit to the people* 
For instance : If a combination of wagon- 
makers reduces the cost of a wagon from $80 
to $50, it means what ? It means a benefit 
to every business using a wagon to the ex- 
tent of the difference paid. Top carriages 
formerly sold for $250. Through skill and 
a combination of capital the same carnage 
can be had for $100. 

Refined sugar formerly sold for 20, 15, and 
10 cents per pound ; it is now worth 6 cents. 
Kerosene oil formerly cost $1.50, 50 cents, 

TRUSTS. 54 * 

20 cents, 10 cents. The wholesale price is 
now about 6 cents per gallon. Steel bars, 
horseshoes, nails, and all structural iron has 
been reduced in price by a combination of 
capital. Passenger traffic is reduced from 
a charge of 10 cents per mile to 2 cents. 
Freight rates have decreased, thus benefit- 
ing the consumer as well as the producer. 
Clothing of all descriptions has decreased in 
price because of the achievements of ma* 
chinery and its use by capital. We might go 
on through the whole list from farm ma- 
chinery to a photograph, and find in every 
instance where a combination of capital, or 
a trust, has been formed, that it reduces the 
cost of the article manufactured. 

But for these combinations there would 
have been no rapid march in our industrial 
victories. Railroads would not have spanned 
the continent, opening the wilderness to 
millions of home-seekers, building up cities 
and changing this land of ours from a tenth* 
rate country to the grandest, wealthiest, and 
greatest industrial nation of the earth. Is 
this not an evidence of benefits to accrue 
from a combination of capital ? Was not 
this trust a good trust? But probably you 

542 TRUSTS. 

will say as time goes on that we shall feel the 
iron hand of the trust's oppression. Pretty 
hard name to apply to a system that has con- 
stantly reduced its cost mark. But grant for 
argument's sake that an effort will be made 
to restore the price of a wagon to $80, sugar 
to 20 cents, oil to 50 cents, passenger traffic 
to ro cents, or any of the commercial prod- 
ucts beyond a reasonable advance. If this 
were done three elements would raise a 
mighty force to combat it. First, the peo- 
ple would demand protection ; second, new 
capital would begin to manufacture ; third, 
legislation, by the demand of the people, 
would even compel a corporation so acting 
to go out of business or else to return to a 
normal profit. But you may say they cannot 
do this. My friends, the people can do any- 
thing. They can pass any law they choose. 
They can even repeal the Constitution of our 
government. Revolution, you may say. Ex- 
actly. We sprang from revolution, and if we 
wish to wipe out every vestige of law and be- 
gin anew, we can do it ; and rest assured if 
the time ever comes when combinations or 
trusts seek to defraud the people, and de- 
mand exorbitant prices, the people will arise 


with irresistible power, and in their wrath will 
compel obedience ; or like France, in the dark 
days of her revolution, will wipe out of exist- 
ence those who are their enemies. 



SECOND SPEAKER. Ladies and Gentlemen: 
It is the opinion of your humble servant, 
and I believe you will bear me out in the 
statement, that if revolution is the inevitable 
outcome of a certain condition of affairs, it 
should be good policy to prohibit that condi- 
tion. My worthy opponent practically admits 
that the condition of capital will eventually 
lead to such domination of products and util- 
ities that extreme measures will be the only 
solution of the difficulties. In his argument 
he alludes to that last resort of man revolu- 
tion. It is true we were born into a govern- 
ment by a revolution, and we will go out of 
existence by the same force. Nothing is 
surer in this world than that this is a fact 
not even taxes and death are surer. All 
nations and all history prove this assertion. 
Governments* are instituted by revolution, 
and as time goes on legislation always favors 

544 TRUSTS. 

those who are the most aggressive In the ac- 
cumulation of wealth. At first this favor 
toward wealth is slight. It has asked for but 
little, but this little is granted. First it is 
a charter, a franchise, a tariff, an exemption, 
a subsidy, or some form of concession that 
enables it to acquire power over the commer- 
cial interests of the people. It grows in 
strength until its influence becomes the dicta- 
tor of government. It controls kingdoms and 
empires, and leads republics from the Declara- 
tion of Independence to submission to an 
autocratic force. The natural tendency of 
man is to command. It may be through 
the yielding of governmental authority, or 
possibly the control of certain conditions. 
The stronger we find that his mental fac- 
ulties are over conditions around him, the 
stronger does he forge the chains of his 

We may think lightly of the first acquisi- 
tion of power, and believe in the merits of a 
so-called good trust ; but, my friends, if a 
good trust does not develop into a dominat- 
ing and extortionate force, it will soon be 
merged into one that will. There is no such 
thing a& a good trust any more than there is 

TRUSTS. 545 

a good wrong. The principle itself is wrong, 
its tendency being to destroy competition. 
It was organized for that purpose, and the 
trusts would be foolish indeed if they did 
not exercise their power to advantage* My 
friend dwells at some length upon the benefits 
to be derived from the trusts as they exist 
frs day. He would have you believe that our 
present industrial development could never 
have reached its present condition except by 
the introduction of trusts. I am amazed that 
anyone should have advanced such an argu- 
ment. As well might you say we were living 
in an age of darkness until the trust came 
along and picked us up and made us what we 
are. You must admit with me that we were 
getting along tolerably well before we knew 
what a trust was. 

The era of trusts began but a very few 
years ago. Previous to that time we were 
only preparing the way. We could see no 
harm in them, as they were to be established 
for the benefit of the people ; but my ! how 
fast they have grown. A million-dollar trust 
of then is overshadowed by a billion-dollar 
trust now, and the consolidation is growing 
so rapidly that it is only a matter of time 

546 TRUSTS. 

when the whole world will be dominated by 
one gigantic trust. A young rattlesnake 
may do no harm, but when his fangs have 
matured it is good policy to look out. You 
may fool with him once too often, and that 
once may mean your death. It is said the 
leopard makes a beautiful and intelligent pet, 
but its nature is full of treachery. A good 
trust may be harmless, and even a benefit, 
but wait until its fangs are matured or its 
spots are developed, and you may safely de- 
pend on its bleeding you at every turn. The 
fact is we have no need for trusts any more 
than we have for rattlesnakes and pet leop- 
ards. They all come under the same label 
Handle carefully ; do not trust them. 

My friend would deduce from his argument 
the fact that trusts are of great benefit and 
are the means of developing immense indus- 
tries, and having thus developed our nation 
are entitled to our admiration. In Ireland 
we find that one of the never-ending causes of 
social unrest is the sj'stem of landlordism* 
The people in common are not land-owners, 
but merely lease their holdings. It is prac- 
tically a land trust, held by English lords* 
In France the great estates are broken up, 

TRUSTS. 547 

the land trust being no longer dominant. 
The laws force a division of real estate, and 
thus each family is entitled to some share in 
the land of France. Mark the result : the 
French people are prosperous, happy, and 
contented. The Irish people are restless and 
dissatisfied, and will never become willing 
subjects until the land trust and the aristo- 
cratic trust are broken up and the poor Irish 
farmer is given a chance in the struggle for 
existence. In this country we are fast com- 
ing to the point where there will be no corn- 
petition in the industrial development of our 
resources. The small manufacturer will be 
crowded out. The public utilities are being 
controlled by corporations. 

The coal trust is controlling the price of 
fire, while the trade in iron, steel, nails, and 
building material is no longer in the hands of 
the people. The laborer will soon have no 
chance to rise above his day's wage. The 
Lincolns of the future will have no oppor- 
tunity, and will die in obscurity. There will 
be no more self-made men, for the present 
ones, having the bulk of the wealth through 
combinations, have riveted their strong chests 
and can defy competition. There will be 

548 TRUSTS. 

only two divisions of the people the trust 
and the servant, the rich and the poor. The 
farmer will be a by-product, with no power to 
dictate what he will give, or what he will re- 
ceive, The trust will fix prices both ways, 
and he will be powerless to prevent. 

Now, my friends, these are the facts con- 
cerning the development of trusts. They 
commence with small beginnings, and by 
seeking to reduce the price are welcomed as 
a good thing to have in the national family. 
Then we call them good trusts ; but when 
they commence to suck eggs, you had better 
kill them. They will catch your chickens 
next, after which they will tackle the best beef 
you have got, and so on just as long as you 
keep them. They are very hungry creatures, 
wanting to eat all of the time* If the beef is 
lean they will go into your pork barrel. It is 
gorge, gorge, gorge, all the time, and the 
more they gorge the bigger they grow, until 
finally there is nothing left for you. 


THIRD SPEAKER. Mr. Chairman : The 
gentleman who has just spoken marshaled 

TRUSTS. 549 

quite a menagerie to his assistance* The 
combination of rattlesnakes, leopards, English 
lords, hens' eggs, chickens, pork, and beef in 
describing trusts, needs only our colored 
brother's rabbit's foot to put into the shade 
the hell broth brewed by the witches in 
" Hamlet." 

Just think, ladies and gentlemen, what an 
awful thing it would be if our worthy oppo- 
nent should get one of those good trusts over 
which he is so frightened, and then let him 
get into a hen's nest. It would spoil him, 
sure. He could predict anything, from the 
confiscation of a business to a plunge into 
Hades. Now, my friends, that is about all 
there is to this calamity howl. It is only 
imagination. There are no facts or founda- 
tions on which to base such wild exaggera- 
tions. I defy any man on this continent to 
point to a single combination of capital, or if 
you prefer so to call it, a trust, that has not 
actually been a benefit to the people. Our 
friend mentions a billion-dollar combination 
as though it were a mediaeval dragon ready 
to swallow everything, even to himself. Now 
suppose we do not get frightened and run 
away and tell our neighbors how we met the 


terror of the earth, how he roared and bel- 
lowed and dug holes in the ground with his 
cloven feet, but stop and see what he is, what 
he is made of, and what he will do. To do 
this we must get at some facts. From re- 
ports it is evident we have a billion-dollar 
combination in iron, steel, coal, and transpor- 
tation. The trust does not make any more 
out of the business than was made when it 
was owned by a dozen different concerns. 
But what does this terrible dragon do ? 

It has made stable the production of raw material. 

It has prevented ruinous competition. 

It has developed the most economical means of pro- 

It has extended trade in all its lines of manufacture. 

It employs more labor. 

It establishes uniformity of wages. 

It prevents strikes. 

Its profits are home profits, and do not go to enrich 
foreign capital. 

It develops a thousand interests that make us in- 
dependent of the whole world. 

It is enabled to compete in every market and with 
every nation. 

Instead of being an absorber of wealth, it builds ex- 
tensions to its business, increases demand for its pro- 
ductions, sends our products further afield, gives value 
received to labor, to the farmer for supplies, to the 


merchant for goods, and increases the general pros- 
perity of the country. 

Is this not a better and more truthful pic- 
ture than our opponent drew ? Now, my 
friends, if it does all the things I have enu- 
merated, is it not indeed a good trust ? Do 
you see the difference between ray friend run- 
ning away from his imaginary dragon and me 
staying and seeing what the thing really is ? 
And what is true of this greatest of all com- 
binations is true of others, and when you 
come down to real facts we find bad trusts 
almost as scarce as thousand-dollar bills. 


FOURTH SPEAKER. Mr. Chairman : I be- 
lieve this is the first instance on record where 
the devil was dressed up as an angel. It is 
said that this notable had stolen the livery of 
heaven and promenaded as a celestial being, 
but being detected was cast overboard. Here 
he sits in his billion-dollar robe, fiddling for 
the people to dance. He is not afraid of be- 
ing detected as representing anything he is 
not. He does not pretend to be in the busi- 


ness for his health ; he is in it for profit, and 
big* profits too. His Standard Oil stock is 
soaring* around near four figures. Oil that is 
admitted to cost only 2 cents, transportation 
and all charges paid, is selling for 10 cents; 
lumber, $20; linseed oil, 75 cents; glass, 100 
per cent, advance ; rubber goods almost 
double ; coal just where they choose to put 
it ; steel products of all descriptions from 50 
to too per cent, advance ; with clothing, 
shoddy, and every trust product free from 
competition and protected by tariffs* The 
trust profit is an assured fact, and will follow 
us from the cradle to the grave. 

Now, my friends, it is useless to repeat 
what has already been said. We have the 
trust, the good trust and the bad one, and 
no one can tell the difference. The good 
one is good until it becomes bad, and the bad 
one has been bad ever since it was good. It 
is a case of sweet cider to the Good Templar. 
No one can tell where the sweet ends and the 
sour commences, therefore the Good Templar 
says, "Eat the apple and make your own 
cider, and then there will be no mistake." If 
you want trusts to do your business, all right, 
you can have them ; but if you don't want 


them, what are you going to do about it ? 
You have got them, and they have got you. 
It is an even exchange. They say, u Go out 
of business/' and you go out. They say, 
" Work for me," and you work for them. 
They keep on fiddling and you keep on danc- 
ing. It is a case of jumping-jack they pull 
the string, and you kick. Sometimes you 
kick in earnest, but it does no good. You sur- 
rendered your rights in granting privileges, 
and now help yourself if you can. Talk of 
government intervention, and a howl goes up 
all over the land that it is a case of Populism, 
a wandering after strange gods, a repudiation 
of contracts, an assault against capital, fo- 
mentation of strife, and every misleading 
epithet that comes to the tongue. If our 
friends on the other side, who affect to believe 
that the trusts love their workmen more than 
the " dear public," let them read the history 
of a recent great strike, where the trust as- 
sured the men and the public that business 
conditions would not warrant the granting of 
the demands of their employees, and yet, when 
after many weeks of idleness the men lost, 
through their poverty and attacks of subsi- 
dized newspapers, it was found that the profits 

554 TRUSTS. 

for the fiscal year, closing shortly after the 
strike ended, required eight figures to enu- 

Again, our opponent claims that the " bil- 
lion-dollar " trust made no more in its business 
than when the various plants were owned by 
several entirely ignoring the many who 
through combination into one business are 
without means of livelihood, with no salaries, 
and representing just so much purchasing 
power destroyed. 

We might continue our argument and 
specify the operations of every trust in exist- 
ence. In doing so we will find that they are 
all seeking the same goal, and that is the 
profit to be made out of the combination. 
The greater the profit the greater the desire 
to destroy every form of competition. The 
greater the profits the greater the bribes to 
corrupt legislation. A corporation that de- 
pends upon legislation for its existence will 
always be on guard, and will never be caught 
napping. Its lobby will be on hand when its 
interests are threatened. A power so great 
as that wielded by the monster trusts of to- 
day is far greater than the power of kings 
and princes, and, while human nature is con- 


stituted as it is, is much too vast to trust to 
any living man or coterie of men. The 
dominating- trait of greed so manifest in our 
country for the past few years is so prevalent 
that great wealth can readily find willing- 
tools for any infamy even to our country's 
undoing. I submit, Mr. Chairman, if we had 
advanced no other argument, that this point 
alone should give us the decision. 



Resolved, That the government should settle all disputes 
between capital and labor. 

(Outlined for points only.) 


L This is one of the greatest questions 
that now confronts the American people. 

IL Organized capital is on one side and 
organized labor on the other. 

III. While there should be perfect har- 
mony between the two, yet in many instances 
there is such a depth of dissatisfaction that it 
may at any time burst into a disastrous com- 
mercial struggle. 

IV. Commercial, because the effects pro- 
duced by prominent labor troubles extend to 
general trade. - 

V. Owing to the ramifications of commer- 
cial life, a struggle between a great labor 
union and a great corporation unfavorably 



affects all other businesses, and becomes 
national in scope. 

VI. It should be the province of govern- 
ment to compel a settlement of any con- 
troversy that will bring disaster to innocent 

VII. The general public has the right of 
protection against unnecessary quarrels be- 
tween capital and labor. 

VIII. Laws should be passed making it an 
offense to call a strike, and an equal offense 
to lock the doors against those who desire to 

IX. If labor is aggrieved and settlement is 
refused by the corporation, the labor organi- 
zation should present its claims to the proper 
department of government, but work should 
not cease. 

X. If capital is aggrieved and settlement is 
refused by the employees, it should present 
its claims to the same department of govern- 
ment, but no change in condition should be 
imposed while the case is pending, 

XL The case should be fairly presented, 
received, and acted upon, and the proper de- 
partment of government should settle the 


XI I. The greater the combinations of 
wealth the greater the need for arbitration. 

XII L The greater the organizations of 
labor the greater the need for government 
intervention to prevent any disturbance of 
general business. 

XIV. Labor is entitled to a fair compensa- 
tion for each hour it is employed. 

XV. Skilled labor must not be classed 
with unskilled. 

XVI. Ability of the workman should be 

XVII. The coal strikes of the past brought 
ruin to many innocent parties. Labor itself 
lost millions in wages, while settlements have 
not given satisfaction. 

XVIII. The steel strikes have cost mil- 
lions that might have been saved by govern- 
ment intervention, or by making the govern- 
ment the tribunal of arbitration. 

XIX. As labor and capital will never 
agree, the solution of this question must rest 
with the government. 

XX. Conditions that once obtained are 
unlike the conditions of to-day. What suf- 
ficed then will not now. 

XXL Formerly capital was scattered 


among- many manufacturers, and trade was 
based upon competition. If a laborer was not 
satisfied he could seek other departments, 
and no distress would ensue either to labor, 
capital, or the public. 

XXII. Now business is in the hands of 
great combinations of capital, stifling- compe- 
tition, and labor is formed into great combi- 
nations of unions. Open rupture means a 
fight among 1 giants, in which all the people of 
the country become interested. 

XXIII. It is these changed relations be- 
tween capital and labor that demand the 
enactment of such a law. 

XXIV. The complete victory of one 
means a domination unfavorable to the gen- 
eral good. . With this domination there 
would be a natural determination of the van- 
quished, when opportunity arrived, to pre- 
cipitate a second conflict. 

XXV. To prevent such an unfortunate 
state of affairs, and to establish peace and 
prosperity between the two great productive 
forces, is the right of society to demand. 

XXVL A prominent writer has said : " Do 
you want to prevent strikes and forever 
settle the difference between capital and 


labor? If so, stand by the principle of arbi- 
tration enforced by government. Stand by 
the principle that all public questions, 
whether they relate to corporations, trusts, 
lockouts, or strikes, must be settled by a sys- 
tem of legislation in which the public, an 
innocent party, shall not 'suffer by unneces- 
sary squeezes, quarrels, or dominations." 

XXVI L A corporation, trust, or business 
should be held financially responsible for 
damages to labor caused by any lockout, or 
other measure accomplished contrary to such 
rules regarding strikes, lockouts, arbitration, 
etc., as the law may lay down ; and likewise 
the labor union, or organization, should also 
be compelled to pay any losses caused by 
their breaking contracts or otherwise violat- 
ing the government's rules. 


L It is often an easy matter to construct 
an ideal system of business relations, but in 
actual practice we have to reckon with imper- 
fect human nature. 

II. This question is one of the misfits* 
IIL' Nothing is easier than to say what 


should be done when there is no opposition, 
but to restrain two contending forces and 
give satisfaction to both is another matter. 

IV. This is exactly the situation of the 
question which the affirmative so finely out- 
lines. They anticipate the arrival of the 

V. They ignore the probable dissatisfac- 
tion arising from their decision. One would 
fancy from their theories that whatever de- 
cision was rendered it would be accepted 
with the greatest delight. 

VI. Did you ever see a lawsuit settled so 
as to satisfy both contending parties ? 

VII. Government intervention is only an- 
other form of judge and jury. 

VIII. If one man is right and another is 
wrong, no jury can decide halfway and give 
justice. If the decision is in favor of the man 
who is in the right, the man in the wrong will 
not believe in the justice of the decision. 

IX. But will government always decide for 
the right ? 

X. Will labor be satisfied if the decision is 
for capital ? 

XI. Will capital be satisfied if the decision 
is for labor ? 


XII. What will be the result if capital is 
decided against ? It will seek to control 
government and establish its demand. 

XIII. What will be the result if labor is 
decided against ? It will seek to control 
government and establish its own demands. 

XIV. These are only natural consequences, 
and, government being in the hands of the 
majority, a change will sooner or later occur. 

XV. The fight will be carried to govern- 
ment control, and the question will become 

XVI. As the average politician is venal, 
there would come a time when arbitration 
would depend upon political control. 

XVII. It would be unwise to enact any 
labor law compelling specific authority, for 
political changes would undo all, and the old 
fight would- again come to the surface. 

XVIII. On paper the theory is admirable; 
put the law into practice and unthotight-of 
factors would render it impracticable. 

XIX. The law of supply and demand is 
inflexible, and legislation cannot change it. 

XX. If there is an unsupplied demand for 
labor the price goes up. If there is a surplus 
the price goes down. 


XXI. It is impossible to establish or main- 
tain prices by law. 

XXII. While the producer may insist that 
corn should be worth forty cents per bushel, 
yet no legislation could fix it at that figure. 

IXI 1 1. We may believe that the price of 
a day's work should be two dollars. Yet it 
would be impossible to fix this as an arbitrary 

XXIV. So many factors enter into fixing 
the price of a commodity no legislature is 
able to say what that price should be. 

XXV. We can legislate for the good of 
society, but we cannot legislate on supply and 

XXVI. Of the differences between capital 
and labor there is but one solution : They 
both depend upon each other. Without 
labor capital is useless, and without capital 
labor will have no reward, as their interests 
are mutual. One cannot afford to antagonize 
the other unnecessarily. Misunderstandings 
will arise, but they must be settled be- 
tween the interested parties. If capital asks 
too much, the result will be its defeat. If 
labor's demands are onerous, it will make a 
losing fight. It is simply a case of supply and 


demand. If labor sees its mistake, it will 
acknowledge the error* If capital is over- 
bearing, it must recede. The whole question 
is but a family matter, which can be regu- 
lated in the family 'without the interference 
Mf meddling- outsiders.