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THE
P RO T ES TAN T 11 E ¥ 0 R MAT I 0 N
IN FRANCE;
OR,
HISTORY OF THE IIUGONOTS.
VOL. II.
DIHAIR]LIE S II,
i
FROM THE ORIG-IH
THE
PROTESTANT REFORMATION
IN FRANCE;
OR,
HISTORY OF THE HUGONOTS.
BY THE AUTHOR OF
FATHER DARCY," " EMILIA WYNDHAM," "OLD MEN'S TALES," &c.
Mrs. £,
Deeds of great men still remind us,
We may make our lives sublime —
And departing leave behind us,
Footprints on the sands of time —
Footprints that perchance some other,
Struggling on life's stormy main —
Some forlorn and shipwrecked brother —
Seeing — may take heart again. Longfellow.
VOL. II.
LONDON:
RICHARD 13ENTLEY, NEW BURLINGTON STREET,
;i9ubUai)« in <©rtrinarj> to $«r ;£Ha}tstj>.
M.PCCC.XLVII.
LONDON :
Printed by S.cSo J. Bkntlkv, Wilson, and Flky,
Bangor House, Shut- bane, ■
ox
CONTENTS OF THE SECOND VOLUME.
BOOK III.
CHAPTER I.
Proceedings after the Peace.— Siege of Havre. — Majority of
the King. — The Guises pursue the Admiral for the Murder
of the Duke. — Conde at Court . . . .3
CHAPTER II.
Return of the Cardinal de Lorraine from the Council of Trent.
— Progress of the Court into the Provinces. — Affairs of
Navarre. — Letter of Queen Jeanne to the Cardinal d'Ar-
magnac. — General Discontents . . . .32
CHAPTER III.
Continuation of the Progress. — Catholic Leagues. — Meeting
with the Queen of Spain and Duke of Alva. — Return by
Navarre . . . . . . .52
CHAPTER IV.
Affairs of Flanders. — Anxieties of the Hugonots. — Arrival of
the Six Thousand Swiss . . . . .75
CHAPTER V.
THE SECOND TROUBLES.
Proceedings of the Hugonots. — Secret Council at Chatillon-sur-
• Loire. — Journee de Meaux. — The King shuts himself up at
Paris. — Battle of St. Denys. — Death of the Constable de
Montmorenci . . . . . S7
VOL. II. b
VI CONTENTS.
CHAPTER VI.
PAGE
D'Anjou Lieutenant-General. — Junction with the German
Auxiliaries. — Situation of the Armies. — Publication by the
Chancellor de l'Hopital. — Paix Malasise . . .115
BOOK IV.
CHAPTER I.
THE THIRD TROUBLES.
Perfidious Conduct of the Court — The Prince and Admiral
take Refuge at La Rochelle. — The Queen of Navarre and
her Children join them ..... 147
CHAPTER II.
Proceedings of the Armies. — Affair of Jansneuil. — Intense
Cold. — Battle of Jarnac. — Death of Conde . .174
CHAPTER III.
Consequences of Jarnac. — Henry of Navarre placed at the
head of the Armies. — Retrospect of his Life till this Period.
— Death of D'Andelot. — Arrival of the Duke de Deux-
Ponts ....... 190
CHAPTER IV.
Affairs of the Armies. — Battle of Moncontour . . 207
CHAPTER V.
Situation of Coligny.— Siege of St. Jean d'Angeli.— March of
the Admiral through the Southern Provinces. — Affair of
ArnayleDuc. — Pacification of St. Germains . .231
CONTENTS. Vll
BOOK V.
CHAPTER I.
PAGE
Motives for the Peace. — Germans return Home. — Hugonots
retire to La Rochelle. — Conciliatory Measures of the Court.
—War in Flanders . . . . .253
CHAPTER II.
Biron at La Rochelle. — Marriage of the Admiral. — Proposals
of an Alliance with the King of Navarre. — Princess Mar-
garet.— Queen of Navarre at Court . . . 277
CHAPTER III.
King of Navarre at Paris. — Marriage. — Feasts and Diversions.
— Attempt to Assassinate the Admiral. — Confusion and Per-
. plexity ....... 309
CHAPTER IV.
Massacre of St. Bartholomew . . . . .351
CHAPTER V.
The Massacre in the Provinces. — Conduct of Charles. —
Coligny's Wife and Children. — Sentiments of Foreign
Courts. — Execution of Briquemaud and Cavagnes . . 37G
CHAPTER VI.
THE FOURTH TROUBLES.
Sieges of La Rochelle and of Sancerre. — Pacification . . 403
CHAPTER VII.
Duke d'Anjou Elected King of Poland. — Intrigues of the
Duke dAlencon, now Duke d'Anjou. — Execution of La
Molle and Coconnas. — Death of Charles . . . 428
ILLUSTRATIONS.
VOLUME II.
Portrait of Charles IX to/ace the Title.
Conference of Catherine with the Duke de Guise and
Cardinal de Lorraine page 3
Portrait of Charles, Cardinal de Lorraine
„ Henry, Duke de Guise
„ Jeanne d'Albret, Queen of Navarre to face
View of Avignon
Portrait of Catherine de Medicis, Queen of France, to face
View of Poissy
„ Old Paris
Portrait of Henry IV., King of France and Navarre
Massacre of St. Bartholomew
32
87
166
231
260
276
308
309
351
The Wood-engravings given in the following Work are executed by Mr. G. Measom.
THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE;
OR,
A HISTORY OF THE HUGONOTS.
BOOK III.
FROM THE RISE OF THE FIRST TROUBLES TO THE DEATH OF
CHARLES IX.
VOL. II.
:
CONFERENCE OP CATHERINE, DUKE DE GUISE, AND CARDINAL DE LORRAINE.
CHAPTER I.
PROCEEDINGS AFTER THE PEACE. — SIEGE OF HAVRE. — MAJORITY OF THE
KING. THE GUISES PURSUE THE ADMIRAL FOR THE MURDER OF THE
DUKE. — CONDE AT COURT.
The endeavour to carry out the articles of the Edict
of Pacification throughout the kingdom proved to be an
affair of more or less difficulty, exactly according to the
opinions which prevailed in the several towns and govern-
ments where it was addressed.
Where the Protestants had the upper hand, much as
they were disappointed by its provisions, immediate
submission was rendered to the enactment. Arms were
laid down — churches, relics, and confiscated property of
all sorts restored — and the Reformed yielding a large
proportion of the scanty privileges granted by the Edict
of January, consented to limit the public celebration of
n 2
4 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [15G3.
the rites of their religion to the places appointed by the
law ; namely, a large town in each district ; these districts
being of such extent that the members of the congregation
in order to attend divine worship had most frequently
many leagues to go. On the contrary, where the Catholics
had the upper hand, obedience to the Edict was openly
refused, and it was with difficulty these ferocious and
turbulent fanatics were persuaded to suffer their fellow-
subjects even to exist.
Contrasted with the violence, ferocity, and insubordi-
nation of the Catholic population, this peaceable and
reasonable temper upon the part of the members of the
Reformed churches speaks volumes for the moral effect
of their principles of religion — and should teach us what,
in the course of even one generation, may be effected for
the improvement of mankind by a simple and earnest ad-
herence to the leading principles of Gospel truth. It is
with much hesitation that I venture to differ upon this
subject from two such historians as MM. de Sismondi
and Capefigue ; but I think neither of them have done
justice to the spirit of the Reformed churches at this
period. M. de Sismondi, benevolent as are his feelings,
strong as is his love of justice, and his heart so ever ready
to maintain the cause of the oppressed, appears to me to
have scarcely sympathised, as might have been expected,
with these unequalled sufferings, and this unmitigated
oppression. Misled, I cannot but think, by the vague
invectives of the Catholic historians, he seems to have
considered the Protestants as gloomy fanatics — ready for,
and guilty of, almost equal violence with their adver-
saries ; the detail of their proceedings, as I have
laboured to show, tells us a far other tale.
M. Capefigue, on his part, appears to me — if I may
presume to say so — to have taken his impressions too
1563.] PROCEEDINGS AFTER THE PEACE. 5
much from the hot and exaggerated statements which
he finds in the papers and pamphlets of the high Catholic
party, and to have represented the proceedings of the go-
vernment rather as the result of an overruling destiny — or
of some invincible external force perhaps I should say —
than as a necessary consequence of the want of all moral
rectitude upon the part of the directing powers. He speaks
with contempt of that Tiers parti with De l'Hopital at
at their head, which, if one may believe the detailed ac-
counts of the Protestant historians, would have found sup-
porters in a great mass of the Catholic, and almost the
whole of the Protestant population, had but the more vio-
lent and turbulent spirits been kept effectually in check
as might easily have been done — by a determined perse-
verance in the administration of equal justice upon the
part of their rulers.
My limits will not allow me to support my opinion
by enumerating the facts upon which it has been formed,
but to a candid examination of the facts I appeal in
defence of it.
I will summon one only from the host of witnesses I
could call up in my support, and that is rather a sin-
gular one. It is the fierce Montluc, whose barbarities
during the late troubles had made his name a bye-word
and a proverb. This example shows the result which
might have been anticipated, had there been a general
adherence to the rules he proposed to himself, when
endeavouring to surmount the difficulty imposed upon all
by the rapid progress of new opinions among men sur-
rounded by an ignorant and hostile population.
No sooner had he received the Edict than with his
usual rude energy he immediately set about carrying it
into execution. He disbanded the new levies' he tells
y\6m. de Montluc.
6 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [15G3.
us, brought back the artillery, and drew together his
bands of soldiers, horse and foot, " in order that the
people might not be eaten up, so that in eight days every
one had retired ; for I felt sure that I could keep Guyenne
without a garrison of either infantry or cavalry, and so
I did for five years. Horseman or footman pillaged, no
not so much as one pullet in all that time, et avec bra-
voures et menaces je tenois tout le monde en crainte et Jit
poser les armes. No one was allowed to carry arms
except gentlemen, Tepee et la dague — I put the whole
country into a fright by hanging up two Catholic soldiers
for transgressing the Edict ; after which none of them
dared take any mischief in hand. Upon this the Hugo-
nots fancied they should come off easy, and that I
should not punish them. Two of their religion trans-
gressed the Edict, et soudain Us furent pendus pour
faire compagme aux mitres} Now when these good
people saw that neither one side nor the other
would meet with any indulgence if they transgress-
ed— they began to like and frequent each other,
ci Centre aimer et Centre frequenter. Thus I preserved
peace for three years in the province of Gascony ; and
I believe if every one had done the same — without
partiality to one side or the other — we should never
have had so many troubles in this kingdom."
The death of the Duke de Guise had restored Catherine
de Medicis to the possession once more of the supreme
authority. The Edict of pacification had again assem-
bled around her the leading men of both the great
existing factions, and the opportunity was yet offered of
selecting from among them the materials of a strong and
equitable administration, built upon a just consideration
1 But I hanged them up in a twinkling, to keep the others company.
1563.] PROCEEDINGS AFTER THE PEACE. 7
of the claims of the contending parties. An adminis-
tration prepared to support the authority of her son,
and strong enough, to maintain by a courageous re-
pression of every disorder, that peace which it was so
evidently the best interest of the government to es-
tablish.
Unhappily the qualities necessary for the noble part
assigned to her were, as we have seen, entirely wanting
in this Queen ; and the black system of secret treachery,
which beginning now, or soon after, was carried on for so
many years, is, it may be hoped, almost without parallel
in the history of mankind.
At first there is a show of moderation and of single-
handed justice in the proceedings of the government
which almost puzzle us, when a Catherine de Medicis is
at its head. But it is probable, that the Queen, in
the absence of the Cardinal de Lorraine, and after the
death of the great and powerful Duke de Guise was
for some time actually under the influence of the wise
and good men who were now again thrown into
communication with her; and it was not till subse-
quent events had exposed her anew to other influences,
that her character, so vacillating, so temporising, and
founded upon no solid basis of duty or principle, finally
took that fatal bias which proved the cause of so much
bloodshed and misery.
Le Laboureur gives it as his opinion, that Catherine
committed a capital error at the very outset of her new
career.1 In spite of her promises expressed or implied,
she disappointed Conde of the Lieutenant-Generalcy of
the kingdom. For she was too jealous of her own power
to bestow it upon him. " Had she," says he, " nomi-
nated him in performance of her promise, as was to have
1 Mem. de Castlenau, additions of Lc Laboureur.
8 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1563.
been desired for the tranquillity of France — he would
have changed his religion, or, at least, would never again
have made it an affair of state, and by degrees the zeal of
the novateurs, when irritated by no resistance, might have
declined."1
Le Laboureur does injustice to Cond6 by what is here
implied. His religion, whatever his faults, was not an
affair of state merely. His persuasions upon the subject
were deep and sincere, though no doubt his zeal and de-
votion to the cause of the Reform were encreased by his
generous sense of the miseries he saw around him.
Had he been endowed with the high place and consequent
influence which would have enabled him to shelter those
of his persuasion from a repetition of the grievous cruelty
and injustice they had suffered, there is reason to agree
with Le Laboureur that he and they would have re-
mained perfectly quiet and obedient.
The negotiations being concluded, the principal parties
separated. The Constable retired in high discontent to
Chantilli. The Admiral went for the present to his own
favourite estate of Chatillon sur Loire, where we will
follow him for a short space, and learn from Beza,2 how he
employed himself.
" The Sieurs Amiral and D'Andelot," says he, " with
what remained of their families, (the Sieur Amiral
having lost his eldest son, of an inflammatory fever at
Orleans, and the Sieur d'Andelot, his eldest daughter, of
the plague at Chatillon) being returned home, celebrated
the Lord's Supper at Easter, which fell that day upon the
4th of April.
" Which was done not without great rejoicings upon
the part of those of the Religion, who had, indeed, much
i M£tn. dc Castlenau, additions of Le Laboureur.
2 Beza, Hist, des Eglises, b 7, a.d. 1563.
1563.] PROCEEDINGS AFTER THE PEACE. 9
reason to return thanks unto God on account of the
present state of their affairs. The 15 th of that same month
the said Sieur Amiral, followed by a large company of
gentlemen, came to his seat of justice — 'son auditoire de
justice] where, after having invoked the name of God,
and commanded that the sittings should in future open
with prayer, (according to a form which soon after was
engraved on a tablet and fixed up in the hall) Jean
Malot, his minister, made a long explanation, remon-
trance, of the causes of the calamities and ruin of prince-
doms and kingdoms ; exhorting magistrates to do good
and prompt justice, and subjects to live in peace and
obedience to the laws of their superiors, and the said
Admiral to look well to these things. The said Admiral
afterwards, as he was one of the rarest personages, comme
c'etoit une personne des plus rares, who ever appeared of
his quality in France, made also a most excellent remon-
strance ; declaring from how many dangers God had de-
livered him in so short time, to whose glory and the pre-
servation of his people he dedicated and devoted the rest
of his life. Then, having exhorted his officers of justice
to fulfil the duties of their several places worthily and
well, he said, that he should increase their salaries, in
order that they might lie under no temptation to admi-
nister justice for bribes. Admonishing them to chastise
all with due severity, who, under pretence that justice
i night be had for nothing, should abuse this advantage.
Finally, he protested, that though, during his absence,
many had grievously offended him both by word and deed,
of which he was well apprised — nevertheless, he frankly
forgave the past, hoping thus to encourage every one to do
better in future : and he prayed of them, each and all, to
give diligent hearing to the word of God, which he would
do all that lay in his power to provide should be purely
10 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1563.
and sincerely preached to them, and in obedience to the
edicts of the King his sovereign lord."
We further learn that, by his orders, the Reformers
quitted the church which they had occupied during the
troubles, restored it to the Catholic priests, and contented
themselves, for want of other accommodation, with preach-
ing in the open air — though some time afterwards, as it
appears, the priests refusiDg to return and resume their
religious offices at Chatillon, the Calvinists once more used
the church as a place of worship.
Conde, young and fond of pleasure, and as yet little
disciplined by adversity, was led by the Queen in triumph,
a willing captive to the Court — there to be cajoled by
flatteries, caresses, and false promises, by which his public
virtue was put in jeopardy, while his fidelity to his admi-
rable wife was betrayed, in the midst of those guilty
pleasures, which Catherine loved to encourage — com-
pleting the mischiefs she was preparing for France, by
poisoning the spring at its source, and corrupting, as far
as in her lay, the manners and habits of the higher nobi-
lity of the kingdom. Courts are seldom remarkable for
morality, but hers was distinguished above all which had
preceded it for the excess of its disorders. Here, shame
in women, and fidelity in men, were alike a jest. The
softest feelings of nature were depraved to base and
selfish purposes ; and the very children imbibed lessons of
licentiousness, which bore lamentable fruit in the suc-
ceeding generation. To the Demoiselle de Limeuil was
confided the task of engaging the affections of Conde, —
of obtaining possession of the secrets of his party, and
binding him by the influence of her charms to the Court.
The task was unhappily too easy. The young lady suc-
ceeded in seducing his affections from his admirable and
devoted Princess, who, educated by an excellent and pious
1563. J PROCEEDINGS AFTER THE PEACE. 11
mother, and a stranger to the dissoluteness of the times,
was formed to feel in all its intensity those sentiments of
mingled surprise, regret, disgust, and horror, with which
the approach of actual vice into her own domestic circle
first fills the heart of a virtuous woman. But her tears
were vain. The beautiful Limeuil, in her endeavour to
captivate, had herself fallen a victim to the passion she
wished to inspire, and what she began as a passing com-
merce of gallantly, ended in a violent and absorbing
attachment on both sides.
Under such influences the conduct of the Prince was
such as to fill his best friends with regret and anxiety ;
and the very first step he was persuaded to take appeared
alike inconsistent with the obligations of gratitude and
the interests of his party — though it was probably coloured
to him by an appearance of patriotism. The measure in
question regarded the occupation of Havre by the English.
It will be recollected that the place had been surren-
dered by the Hugonots to Queen Elizabeth, as a pledge
for the repayment of the sums she had advanced to their
party. The proceeding was impolitic, for nothing that
had passed had inspired such general indignation as
thus to have given once more to the dreaded English a
footing in France. The whole nation regarded the trans-
action with the greatest dislike and jealousy; while Queen
Elizabeth set a very high value upon the possession ;
looking upon it as the means of offering an indemnity
for, and thus securing the restoration of Calais : the loss of
which the English nation had never ceased to deplore, and
which she considered as unquestionably forming a part of
her dominions, and was resolved to recover at any price.
It had been made an article in the treaty of Cateau,
1559, when Elizabeth, who had at that time just ascended
the throne, was without power to establish her claims,
12 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1563.
that Calais should remain during eight years in the pos-
session of the French King ; after that time to be restored
to the English " provided le Sieur Roi, Reine Dauphine,
on la dite Reine d Angleterre should not undertake, or
attempt directly or indirectly any thing one against the
other in prejudice of the present treaty, under pain of
forfeiting all right to the City of Calais.'" Upon this
article arose a question as to which of the contracting
parties had first infringed the treaty. Elizabeth asserted
that it was the French, when Francis II. sent troops into
Scotland ; the French government maintained it to be
Elizabeth when she assisted the Hugonots.
No sooner was the Edict of Pacification published, than
Cond6 dispatched Briquemaud once more to Queen Eliza-
beth, to offer, upon the part of the King, the reimburse-
ment of the sums lent to the Hugonots, and to demand in
return the evacuation of Havre.
Elizabeth had been greatly offended by the manner in
which Conde had concluded the peace ; she, however,
received Briquemaud graciously, it not being her inten-
tion to break with the party altogether, but she decidedly
refused to surrender Havre. Upon this Catherine dis-
patched Robertet on her own part to endeavour to per-
suade the Queen of England to make the demanded cession ;
but he met with no better success. Elizabeth persisted
in her refusal to evacuate the place, except upon the con-
dition of receiving an equivalent in Calais.
It is extraordinary, however, that, great as was the
value she attached to it, she seems to have failed in her
usual activity as regarded the reinforcement of the place.
It is probable that she had not calculated upon the pos-
sibility that parties apparently so hostile, and separated
by such a long train of mutual affronts and injuries as
those in France, could so speedily pass from the bitterest
15G3.] PROCEEDINGS AFTER THE PEACE. 13
animosity to the most cordial good understanding. She
little expected to see Catholic and Protestant— Guisarde
and Bourbonist, cheerfully marching under the same ban-
ner to drive her — the best friend of some of the most
influential of the company, — across the channel again.
Pity that the feeling of common country which now
united them should so soon give way before their fatal
dissensions.
The siege of Havre being resolved upon, the Ilugonots,
with feAv exceptions, prepared with the greatest alacrity
to march with their King agaiust their old ally. And
Cond£, blinded by his passion, and ready to follow the
Court wheresoever bound, cheerfully acquiesced in the
Queen's laughing assertion, " that as he had led the
English into France, he was bound to help to drive them
out again." With the greatest imprudence he overlooked
the fact, that Havre in such hands, Avas the strongest, and
perhaps the only pledge for the faithful performance of
the treaty of pacification.1
The Admiral endeavoured to dissuade the Queen herself
from the undertaking ; but we cannot wonder that his argu-
ments were looked at as too interested to be regarded. He
and D'Andelot refused to take any part in the enterprise.
Before the Queen, however, (who looked upon herself
as very capable of commanding a military expedition,
and among her other ambitions had that of being con-
sidered an accomplished general)2 could set out with the
King to join her army, it was necessary to settle two
matters of most pressing urgency — one regarded the
1 De Thou and D'Aubigne. ticular directions as to the means for
2 The Queen, when the Duke de carrying her advice into execution.
Guise was before Orleans, tormented " Show your wife war," says she,
him by her military suggestions. " and lcthcrlearn as much experience
Matthieu declares he saw one of her as I have, that she may be my lieu-
letters, in which she pressed him to tenant, as you are that of the King,
surprise Orleans, and gave very par- my son."'
14 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1563.
payment and dismissal of the Roisters, and other auxi-
liaries engaged by the Union ; (the government having
stipulated to furnish the means of discharging their
arrears, and clearing France of these alarming visitors)
and the second, the arrangement of the questions between
the Admiral and the Duke de Guise.
The state of the finances, as declared by De l'H6pital,
exemplify, in a very striking manner, how scanty are
the resources of a government in arms against its own
children. To discharge the foreign soldiers alone (to
say nothing of the arrears of pay due to the gens-d'ar-
merie, amounting to an immense sum) there was want-
ing for the King's reisters 230,000 livres, for the King's
German infantry 1,050,000, for the Italians 75,000, for
the reisters and Germans of the Hugonot army 600,000,
for the Swiss 1,030,000 ; making in all 2,985,000,
which, added to the arrears due to the native soldiers,
was calculated as amounting to about 5,000,000 livres
tournois. How was this to be provided for out of a
revenue of 8,460,000 livres, with an annual expenditure
of nearly 18,000,000? "Chose" says De l'Hopital, "aussi
veritable que la verite meme."1
To raise the sums now became absolutely indispensa-
ble, a sale of the temporalities of the church to the amount
of 100,000 crowns rent was proposed; but this measure
met with the most vehement opposition from the Parlia-
ment, indifferent as it would seem to the pressing necessity
for paying off and clearing the country of these greedy
and dangerous foreigners. They laid it down as a prin-
ciple, according to De Thou,2 qidon ne pouvait toucher aux
biens eonsacres dDieu sans y etre autorise par un decret
du Pape ;3 and they obstinately refused to register the
1 Speech of De l'Hopital, from 3 That what was consecrated to
Mem.de Conde, 17th May, 1563. God could not he touched without
2 De Thou, — Mem de Conde. an automation from the Pope.
1563.] PROCEEDINGS AFTER THE PEACE. 15
Edict presented by De 1'IIopital. An excessive and in-
creasing animosity against the Chancellor, whose moderate
and tolerant opinions became every day more and more
abhorrent to these fanatical lawyers, appears to have
been the principal motive for this refusal. To obtain
the registry it again became necessary to resort to the
means usually employed upon such occasions — that of
commissioning a Prince of the blood to carry down the
Edict to the Palais de justice, and command obedience.
This measure was not always unacceptable to the
Parliament, as it was the means of sheltering them from
all responsibility upon the subject ; it being understood
that a command so conveyed was not to be resisted. We
find no objection made to a registry in this form.1
At first the Queen had determined to honour her
second son Henry,2 Duke d'Anjou, afterwards King as
Henry III. of France, with this commission. This
youth, gifted Avith extraordinary beauty and considerable
talents, had already become the object of her most
extravagant and exclusive affection ; and something, it
might seem, would be wanting to complete the character
of Catherine de Medicis, if that worst form of injustice,
blind partiality in a parent, had not made a part of it.
For this young man, the basest and most vicious of a base
and vicious family, she proved herself at all times ready
to sacrifice not only every consideration of truth or jus-
tice as regarded society in general, but the advantage
and well-being of every one of her other children. Her
wish, however, to introduce him at the present moment
to the public eye, was prompted by her desire to give
him importance as a counterbalance to the Prince de
Conde" ; in order to put an end, as early as possible, to
those claims for distinction as first Prince of the blood,
1 Garnicr. '-' lie was at this time Duke of Oilcans
16 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1563.
which must expire as the Duke d'Anjou advanced to
manhood. She had at first considered the present oppor-
tunity as a fit one for her purpose ; but learning that
the obstinacy on the part of the Parliament was such,
that a very disagreeable and perhaps degrading alter-
cation might ensue, and even the purpose of the com-
mission be unattainable, she resolved to spare her
favourite the disadvantage of an unsuccessful debut, and
decided that the young King should himself go down.
On the 27th, therefore, the King, accompanied by the
Queen-Mother, the principal members of his Council and
Court, — and, among others, by young Henry of Navarre,
then ten years of age, held a lit-de- justice, and the
Edict was registered without further opposition.
The sales were now made, and the prices given are
considered enormous by the historians of the day. Some
confirmation, it would seem, of the observation made
by Brantome upon the immense quantity of gold and
silver brought into circulation, "par la grace de cette
bonne guerre civile!'1
The affair between the Admiral and the family of the
Duke de Guise was less easily settled. Immediately
upon the death of her husband, the Duchess, in defiance
of his last injunctions, had solicited une information
juridique upon the subject of the assassination. But at
that critical moment, the peace being still in suspense,
Catherine forced her to keep silence. She now, however,
renewed her solicitations. The Admiral published a
second apology, in substance like the former, but he
ended it by this defiance, " S'il y en a qui veuillent Stre
eclaircies davantage, qu'ils me parlent, et je leur re-
pondrai"1 He followed up his apology by immediately
1 If any one wishes to be further him address himself to me. — De
enlightened upon this subject, let Thou— Gamier.
4
1563.] SIEGE OF HAVRE. 17
leaving Chatillon for St. Germains, where he arrived,
attended by 5 or 600 gentlemen. Terrified at the
probable consequences of a meeting between the hostile
parties, the Queen dispatched Conde" to remonstrate with
him. At his persuasion Coligny retired, leaving the
Prince and D'Andelot to defend his cause before the
Council. What passed there soon showed that the
Admiral had friends powerful enough and determined
to support him. The Prince warmly defended his cause,
and asserted his innocence. He complained of the exe-
cution of Poltrot, contrary to the express prayer of
the Admiral: but though he defended him, he at the
same time denied the competence of the Council to
call Coligny to account for anything which had passed
while " we had arms in our hands for the service of his
Majesty I" Conde concluded by demanding impartial
justice, and by saying, that " if any one meant to attack
him ou de fait ou de parolles, I wish him to under-
stand, that I shall consider it as done to myself — I being
his friend."
The Marechal de Montmorenci said, " Since in truth
this private dispute neither concerns the King nor the
interests of religion, it is the intention of M. le Conn6-
table to consider his nephews as his children, and to
employ all the power he is in possession of in their
behalf. This declaration, the young Marechal added,
was to be understood as made upon his own part, as well
as upon that of his father."
D'Andelot in the name of the Admiral said, " since the
Guises demanded justice on their side, he demanded it also
on his, and that he should be permitted to lay informa-
tions of certain actions of the late Sieur de Guise : he,
hoping to bring evidence of some things which might
make some persons repent of this remuement de mes-
vol. ir. c
18 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1563.
nages."1 The rising animosity of both parties was for
the present smothered, rather than extinguished by a
decree forbidding either side to proceed in any manner
in this affair until after the expedition against the
English.
To pacify matters still further, the Queen gave Conde
the government of Picardy — appeased the ill-humour of
the Constable by promotions in his family, and then set
out in high spirits, attended by all the considerable men
of the kingdom, with the exception of Coligny and
D'Andelot, to undertake the siege of Havre ; where the
Constable took the command, Conde showing himself
most assiduous in the trenches.
The siege of Havre offers nothing remarkable. It is
enough to say, that the Earl of Warwick, enfeebled by
the plague which raged in the place, and disappointed of
the succours he expected, made an honourable capitulation
eight days after the trenches had been opened, July 28,
1563.
The English could scarcely contain their surprise when
they saw the French of either religion fighting so cor-
dially side by side. The Chancellor, who justly regarded
it as the effect of that Edict which was, in a great
measure, his own work, and the result of that indulgent
and tolerant spirit he so assiduously cultivated, looked on
with honest exultation. "Where!" said he, pointing to
the troops ; " On which side shall we say are the best
citizens, the bravest soldiers, the most zealous servants
of the King % Behold the effects of a pacification, of
1 The Admiral persisted in this re- such malice could exist in France,
crimination on the Duke de Guise. For himself he never would engage
It is remarkable that, in the 2nd in such affairs, he would rather die
edition of the letter of the Eveque than be guilty of them." This added
de Riez — evidently amended for declaration as it is, has very much
the first was suppressed — the Duke the air of a conscious defence. —
is made to say, " That he wondered M6m. de Conde', De Thou, Gamier,
1563.] MAJORITY OF THE KING. 19
which many have dared to complain. It reunites the
royal family, restores to us our brothers, our relations,
our friends, establishes public safety, and once more
renders the nation respectable for its virtue and its
power."
The English, according to the terms granted, imme-
diately quitted Havre. Upon the 30th not an English-
man— save a few sick of the plague — remained in the
place, and Sunday, the 30th of June, Sarlabras took
possession of it as governor in the name of the King, to
the unspeakable joy of the French nation, thus deli-
vered from far the most formidable of those foreign ene-
mies which their dissensions had brought within their
confines. '
With the hope to strengthen the royal authority, and
confirm the present tranquillity, the Chancellor next
persuaded Catherine to declare the majority of the young
King. The term of the royal minority had been fixed
by Charles the Sage at fourteen years ; but, as he had
neglected to specify whether the commencement or
close of the fourteenth year was intended, De 1'IIopital
advised Catherine to take advantage of the ambiguity,
and declare the minority ended with the thirteenth year.
He trusted that to be declared major, would give even to
a boy of that age considerable additional power to curb
his turbulent nobility ; and he clearly showed the Queen
that her authority, built as it was upon personal influence,
would increase rather than diminish under such circum-
stances. A stronger motive with her was, that it would
1 To shew her gratitude to Hea- Coligny, and had his power con-
ven for this deliverance, it was pro- tinned, would, doubtless, have been
posed by the Queen to execute some carried into effect. But by the
signal work of charity, and to esta- Queen, who wanted perseverance
blisli an hospital for maimed soldiers, for such objects, it was speedily for-
with good rents and revenues. This gotten.
had been a favourite project with
c 2
20 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1563.
enable her to evade the claims of Cond6, who persisted in
demanding the fulfilment of her promise of bestowing
the Lieutenant-Generalcy upon him ; and who was most
active in introducing all his Hugonot friends to the Coun-
cil, and advancing them at Court. The ceremony of the
declaration took place at Rouen. The King made a
solemn entry into the town ; and, on the 1 7th of August,
attended by the Queen, his brother Henry, the young
King of Navarre, the Cardinal de Bourbon, the Prince
de Cond6, Due de Montpensier, Cardinals Chatillon and
Guise, &c, went down to the Parliament, where, seated
upon his throne, he addressed the assembly.
He began his speech by announcing his majority, and
went on to declare that he would not henceforward en-
dure from any of his subjects such acts of insubordination
as he had witnessed during the late hostilities. "J' en-
tends et fordonne," said he, " que mon Edit de Pacification
soit exticute dans tons les points ;" ' and that all towns
and communes which have not yet laid down their arms,
shall do so without further delay.
De l'Hopital ended a long harangue with these words, —
" Though the simple declaration of his majority made by
the King, ought to suffice you, he thinks it right that the
Princes and other lords should conform to the usual
custom on such occasions. Madame (to the Queen), will
you set them the example V Then Catherine, rising
from her seat, bent her knee at the foot of the throne
and said with a loud voice, that she deposed in the hands
of his Majesty that portion of his authority with which
she had been entrusted by the States-General. The
King, descending from the throne, cap in hand, embraced
his mother, and declared that it was his intention still to
1 1 understand and I command that my Edict of Pacification shall be
executed in all its provisions. — De Thou, La Popliniere.
1563. J MAJORITY OF THE KING. 21
take advantage of her counsels, and that she should con-
tinue to govern conjointly with him — possessing equal if
not greater authority than she had enjoyed before. Then
the Princes and nobles present passed in file before
Charles, and kissed his hand ; after which the doors were
thrown open, and an edict, which had been prepared, was
publicly read.
It confirmed the Edict of Pacification, forbad the bour-
geoisie to carry arms, and prohibited, under the penalties
of high treason, either any correspondence whatsoever on
the part of private individuals with foreign powers, or the
levying contributions at home, or the noblemen being
accompanied by any train except the gentlemen of their
household.
Charles IX., long held up by history, through the atro-
cities of his unhappy reign, as a mark for the detestation
of mankind, " was naturally," says Brantome, " courageux,
bouillant, et hardi." His early education had been en-
trusted to La Cipierre, a brave and honourable man ; but
after his death the unhappy boy fell into the hands of
one of the meanest and most odious of human beings,
Albert Gondy du Perron,1 afterwards the Marshal de
Retz, who soon contrived to gain the most extraordinary
influence over his pupil, and by whom he was entirely
perverted ; oubliant toute la belle et brave nourriture de
son gouverneur.2 Among other things he taught him to
swear, says he, outrageously (debordement), as he did
himself. It is true, adds Brantome,3 " that M. de Cipierre
himself indulged in an oath sometimes, but it was en
1 It was the vices of the father to his children, and she placed her
which threw the son into this evil son Du Perron about the Prince,
connection ; the mother of the Mare- Thus arc vice and evil perpetuated.
dial delict/ Mad. du Perron in the "Forgetting all the noble and
exercise of the basest of all human fin<J C(lucaliull of jlis govemor.
pmicssions, came into favour with
Henry II. who made her gouvernante Brantdme, Charles IX.
22 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1563.
cavalier, not like Du Perron, who blasphemed like a com-
mon catchpole when he seizes a poor wretch by the
collar At Court we held Du Perron for the greatest
blasphemer in cold blood that ever was heard. Avec les
loups out apprend a hurler, and so the King learned this
vice, and became so accustomed to it, that he thought
this horrid blasphemy and swearing a mere form of
speech and discourse, plus de bravete et de gentillesse que
de peche;1 on which account also he made no difficulty to
break his faith (fausser sa foi) whenever it came into his
head."
Charles was, in fact, a man of a rough and brutal tem-
per, coarse in his conversation, and blunt in his manners ;
yet had he a certain rude generosity in his disposition,
and could value greatness and virtue in others. He was
less licentious in his pleasures than might have been
expected in such a court, and with such a mother ; had
some taste for intellectual enjoyments ; and he composed
several pieces of poetry. " In cold weather," says Bran-
tome again, " he would send for Messieurs les poetes (of
whom Ronsard and D'Orat were his favourites), and would
pass his time with them in his cabinet ; but when it was
fine, he was always in action, playing tennis, leaping,
playing at the paille maille, and other pleasant and vio-
lent exercises, out of doors, for he hated being in the
house, calling it the grave of the living. He spoke and
wrote well, and harangued eloquently, though plus d la
soldate qiCau royauU, sans grace ou facon belle;" yet he
received foreign ambassadors with an air that was very
imposing, showing a majestic and assured countenance,
listening attentively, the head a little on one side ;
1 Having in them more of spirit than royal manner, having little
and elegance than of sin. grace or elegance.
2 Though in a soldatesque rather
1563.] MAJORITY OF THE KING. 23
but he never equalled the eloquence or fine carriage of
his brother, who, the head raised, the face elevated, the
regard fixed, the eye a little bent downwards, listened,
and then answered with an eloquence that was enchant-
ing." Charles seems to have possessed a sufficiently good
understanding, but unimproved by discipline or reflection ;
and his violent and thoughtless temper made him an easy
prey to the deceits and insinuations of those into whose
hands he had the misfortune to fall. The Queen-Mother
and De Retz found it easy to impel such a character
in any direction they chose ; and though his share in
the deep dissimulation she practised may be doubted,
there can be none as to the part he took in the bar-
barities which disgraced his reign. But the violence of
his subsequent remorse would lead us to hope that such
atrocities were not consonant to his natural disposition,
In stature he was tall, strongly, but not gracefully, built,
his head a little bent, his shoulders slightly curved, his
countenance with a certain air of coarse comeliness, the
expression energetic, but fierce and unrefined. Such
was Charles IX. of France, — a name which the most
superficial reader of history has learned to execrate. He
seems, in fact, to have concentrated upon his own head
the detestation excited by the wickedness of those who
governed in his place, and in some degree justly, for he
who has authority to prevent, is rightly deemed account-
able for the crimes perpetrated in his name.
The remainder of the year passed in tranquillity, though
several commotions shewed the ill will of the Catho-
lics, and their dissatisfaction with the toleration allowed
by the Edict, serving to put the llugonots upon their
guard. The Parliament of Paris, alarmed at the liberal
spirit in which the Edict of Rouen had been conceived,
sent deputies to remonstrate with the King. He received
24 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1563.
them at Nantes, and answered them in a spirited ha-
rangue. He asserted his determination to govern by his
own good pleasure, as had done his predecessors before
him, and signified that it was his good pleasure that the
Edicts of Pacification should be maintained ; and that his
Parliament should in future confine itself to its proper
office, namely, that of administrators of justice, not ad-
visers of the Crown. " If you continue to act as you
have done while you imagined yourselves my guardians,
I shall not be long in letting you know that I see nothing
in you but servants and subjects who ought to obey what
it is my good pleasure to command." The Parliament
seem to have paid little attention to this discourse ; they
long demurred upon the registry of the Edict, and when
at length they submitted, they entered a protest against
it upon their secret register, while one of its provisions
was at once openly set at nought in Paris, namely, that
for disarming the bourgeoisie. It happened that when
first the Catholic army marched from Paris, the defence
of the place had been committed to Brissac, who had di-
vided it into districts, and organised in each a species of
national guard. This force, which was already formidable,
not only to the Hugonots, but to the government, was, by
the provisions of the Edict, to be immediately disbanded;
but, in defiance of the regulation, the members persisted in
continuing to attend in arms at the meetings of the Corps
de Garde, and it was with the greatest difficulty they were
at length brought to submission.
An effort to disturb the repose into which all parties
were subsiding, was likewise made in the autumn by the
family of Guise,1 instigated, it is said, by the foreign Ca-
tholic Princes, who, as we have seen, deprecated that
1 Ob. Mem. de Castle, p. 312. De Thou, &c.
1563.] THE GUISES PURSUE THE ADMIRAL. 25
general union, and tranquillity which toleration was
rapidly producing throughout the nation.
The Court being at Melun, the whole assembled family
of the Guises, headed by Antoinette de Bourbon, the aged
mother of the late Duke, and consisting of the Duchess,
her children, and the Dukes of Aumale and Elboeuf, all
dressed in long mourning cloaks, and attended by the
Card, de Bourbon, the Dukes de Monpensier, Longueville,
and others, entered the apartments of the King. The
two august widows, covered with their black sweeping
mantles, fell at his feet, and with every demonstration of
excessive grief, seizing upon his hands and weeping over
them, presented a petition demanding vengeance on the
inhuman, cruel, and wretched murderer.1 The King was
taken by surprise. " It seems to me," said he to the
Duchess of Guise, "that I have somewhere heard, avoir oui
dire, that God upholds the throne of Kings that they may
reign and administer justice. I have told you before, my
cousin, that justice you should have. The case appears
to me most important, befalling a Prince so renowned for
his services, and holding at the very time my own place
in the army, and I am inclined to pursue it myself ; there-
fore I wish it to be done openly and well, so that God
and the world may remain satisfied, and my conscience
discharged." The Princesses persuaded him, however, to
grant them a royal order to enquire into the case, and
furnished with this, they hastened to Paris, where the
Parliament immediately appointed commissioners "pour
intenter le proces""' The pleadings were opened by one
Versons, with great violence : he insisted upon the crime
being that of high treason, as being perpetrated upon the
King's Lieutenant, and was daring and impious enough to
'Mom. de Tavannes, p. L68; Mem. de Castle. 330.
2 M£m. de (Jonde, t. 4, 103. La Popliniere — De Thou.
26 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1564.
compare the murderer to the treacherous Judas. The
Admiral on his side was not inactive. He cited in his
favour the letters granted by the Council to Conde, and
appealed against the jurisdiction of the Parliament as his
declared and bitter enemies. Catherine confirmed the
letters, — the House of Guise disputed them. The Admiral,
surrounded by a numerous and imposing company of his
friends, came to Court and attended the Queen to Paris.
Upon his arrival the Guises quitted the Louvre with an
affectation of terror, and retired to their own hotel. The
city was in confusion, the citizens called for their arms :
but the Admiral defying the power and insolence of his
enemies, refused to submit to the Parliament, while the
House of Guise equally rejected the decisions of the
Council. The government negotiated and temporised be-
tween these contending parties. At length on the 1st of
January, 1564 the King pronounced judgment, and Cath-
erine thus writes upon the subject to the Bishop of
Rennes.
"The King, monfils, has been constrained, by the weight
and importance of this aifair, to attribute the cognisance
of it to himself; holding it in a manner suspended for
the time and term of three years ; or, as much longer as
he shall see fit." The Parliament was accordingly ordered
to drop all proceedings; an order it, however, refused to
register. And thus was the matter for the present laid
at rest. The contending parties separated, the Admiral
retired once more to Chatillon ; the Guises to Joinville,
there to meet the Cardinal de Lorraine, now returning
from the Council of Trent.
The beginning of 1564 was spent by the Court chiefly
at Fontainbleau, in all manner of diversions.1 It was the
1 The Queen about this time hold troops. They had until now
strengthened considerably the house- consisted of 300 or 400 gentlemen
1561] THE GUISES PURSUE THE ADMIRAL. 27
policy of Catherine to engage the principal nobility of her
kingdom in every species of pleasure and amusement, thus
dissipating serious thought, weakening moral obligations,
and hampering them by pecuniary difficulties. ' Besides,
she loved pleasure herself, almost as ardently as she loved
power. Wherever the Queen travelled, " II faudroit tou-
jou?'s que le bal marcha" says Montluc.
De THopital lamented the general dissolution of man-
ners, and anticipated the worst evils from the excessive
diffusion of luxury, and from the universal levity which
pervaded society. His just apprehensions are mingled
with that aversion to even innocent novelties which is the
besetting sin of the censor. Writing to De Thou he says,
"the Republic is perishing, while we abandon ourselves
to sensual enjoyments ; and the love of pleasure plunges
us into an intoxication equally fatal and dishonourable.
Luxury like a torrent has entered the palaces of the great,
and the abodes of the humble, all are inundated with it.
To me it announces cruel and unjust wars, and is laying
the foundation of a harsh slavery for succeeding genera-
tions. We no longer know ourselves ; we forget both
what we are, and what is due to us. Time was when
virtue consisted in repressing the passions ; now we have
the baseness to admire that man most who is most blindly
their slave. To whom shall we confide public employ-
merely, who served gratuitously. men, and ten companies of French
The courts of the Louvre, even the soldiers, each consisting of 50 men.
apartments, were open to every one, These were to keep guard day and
and were guarded only by the Prevot night at the gate of the Louvre, —
and a small number of archers, and Charm, a favourite of her own, being
the 100 Swiss first enrolled by Louis appointed captain. This man was
the Eleventh. Catherine maybe held soon afterwards killed in a duel by a
excused, after the violence of which gentleman belonging to the company
she herself and son had been the of D'Andelot, who with his brother
victims at the beginning of the Coligny were accused by the Catho-
last war, for increasing the body lies, it appears without reason, of
guards. She augmented them by having taken some part in the affair.
two companies of Swiss, each of 300 ' Gamier, 30.469,
28 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1564.
ments % Is there one affair, the conduct of which doth
not require both delicacy, honour, and moderation 1 And
are not all hearts poisoned ? .The corrupted citizen
dreads fatigue and danger, and when he ought to defend
and revenge his country, prefers dishonourable repose to
immortal glory. The women are led away by this over-
whelming corruption, and are now seen boldly sitting
down at table with men ;l and if they appear in public, it
is on a car of triumph, insolently arrayed in the spoils of
those they have vanquished."2
The Prince de Conde merited the reproaches cast by
De l'Hopital upon those who thus suffered themselves to
forget their duties in one continued round of pleasure.
He fell an easy prey to the temptations prepared for him ;
and, forgetting the austerity of virtue and severity of
manners which characterized the community of which he
was the chief, and to whose religious opinions he was in
truth sincerely devoted, he abandoned himself to those
fatal impressions of guilty irregular love, ever the dis-
grace and ruin of his house and family. Upon his return
from Rouen, la belle Limeuil, her secret observed and her-
self disgraced irretrievably in the eyes of a malicious
Court, was forsaken, and now the Mardchale de St. Andre-
had become his idol ; but the conviction that the first de-
sertion was but the prelude to a life of disorder, had now
sunk into the heart of Condi's pure and devoted wife. Grief
did its accustomed work ; she fell into a languishing state
of health, and soon died the victim of her honest and
abused affections. The Marechale, when aware of her de-
cline, cherished the hope to succeed her, and under this
expectation, it is said, endowed Conde with the magnifi-
1 It had, till within the last reigns, mansion attended to the manner in
been the custom in France for the which the table was served,
husband to sit down alone at table
with his guests, while the lady of the * Epit. de l'Hop. liv. 4, 312.
1564.] CONDll AT COURT. 29
cent palace of St. Valery, built and adorned by the Mare-
chal, her late husband.
The beauty of the situation, the magnificence of the
building, and the splendid position of this palace, de-
lighted Brantome, whose imagination was easily dazzled.
" There was a tent of the battle of Pharsalia,1 most rich
and grand, equal to any of the beautiful tents of the late
King Francis, which were above price ; also two carpets,
velus, all of gold of Persia ; in short, he who saw St. Va-
lery could never sufficiently admire its riches ; the most
part of which Madame la Marechale gave with the house
to M. le Prince. It was the liberality of an empress, but
she thought to marry him." 2
But Conde, though he accepted the gift, soon deserted
the giver.3
A description of those magnificent feats, and of the page-
antry with which the great amused themselves in those days
is to be found everywhere. Catherine was never wearied
with exercising her imagination upon inventions, in which
the romantic and poetic spirit of that day may be dis-
cerned. The poems of Ariosto were the favourite source
from whence she drew her fancies ; and she took extreme
pleasure in endeavouring to represent to the eye the
heroes, the beauteous ladies, and the delightful landscapes
of that imaginative poet. Jousts and tournaments had
not yet fallen into disuse, and the pretty amusement of
dancing ballets in character, in the invention of which the
fertility of the Queen's imagination was inexhaustible, pre-
1 Plutarch's Lives, which had 3 The Marechale was secretly dc-
lately been translated by Aniyot into voted to the Reform ; and it is pos-
Frenchj was the favourite and uni- sihle that as to the head of her party,
versal reading of the French Court and not as to the master of hei heart,
at that time. All their writings, and this present might have been offered
doubtless their conversation,were fill- and accepted. The story, as coin-
ed with allusions to his heroes. inonly told, seems inconsistent with
the high and chivalrous spirit of the
s Brantome, Vie St. Andre. Prince.
30 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1564.
vailed. The Queen's corps de ballet consisted of a splen-
did group of 150 young ladies of high birth, selected for
their gaiety, grace, and beauty.
Conde' took a distinguished part in these diversions. At
a grand entertainment given by the Queen on the Mardi
Gras, " there were," say the Memoirs of Castlenau, " run-
nings at the ring, and combats within the lists. The
King and the Duke d'Anjou being assailants, the Prince
de Conde- tenans, and as such performing all that could
be desired, not only as a valiant and courageous Prince,
but as the most accomplished knight in the universe.
Sparing nothing to please the King and Queen, and to
show that no bitterness remained in his heart. There was
a splendid combat between twelve Greeks and twelve
Trojans, with darts, and grands pavois, painted with the
several devices of the combatants, I being one, under the
name of a knight, called Glaucus. A tragi-comedy was
also acted, in which the Duke D'Anjou would take a part
with Margaret of France, his sister, the Prince de Conde,
Henry Duke de Guise, the Duchess of Nevers, &c. ; and
afterwards I was selected to recite a speech in the Great
Hall, upon the advantages to be derived from tragedies,
wherein are represented the actions of kings, princes,
shepherds, and all sorts of people which live upon the face
of this earth — this common theatre of the world, oii les
hommes sont les acteurs, et la fortune bien souvent mai-
tresse de la scene et de la vie 1 — for he who to-day plays
the part of a great prince, to-morrow may enact that of
the clown, as well upon the great theatre as upon the
small." 2
It was about this time that Catherine took down the
1 Where men are the actors and a Mem. de Castlenau, 44. 94.
Fortune often mistress of the scene
of life.
1564.] CONDii AT COURT. 31
ancient palace of the Toumelles, and commenced building
the present one of the Tuilleries to replace it, though
not standing exactly upon the same spot. Thus time
fleeted away at this gay and reckless Court, while dark
clouds were gathering on all sides round France, and the
situation of affairs was calling for the deep and earnest
attention of every lover of the human race, or well-wisher
to his country.1
1 The name of the Admiral's re-
treat I find by some authors called
Chatillon sur Loing, by others sur
Loire — Beza says Loire. There are
two Chatillons bearing these different
designations. I have no means at
present of satisfying myself as to the
right one. It will be seen I have in
this chapter and elsewhere followed
Beza.
I will add here, that Le Laboureur,
a most judicious and industrious en-
quirer— and of the Catholic persua-
sion— entirely acquits Coligny, with
respect to any share whatsoever in the
assassination of the Duke de Guise.
32
THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE.
[1564.
CHAPTER II.
RETURN OF THE CARDINAL DE LORRAINE FROM THE COUNCIL OF TRENT.
PROGRESS OF THE COURT INTO THE PROVINCES. AFFAIRS OF NAVARRE. —
LETTER OF QUEEN JEANNE TO THE CARDINAL d'aRMYNAC. — GENERAL
DISCONTENTS.
The Cardinal de Lorraine returned from the Council of
Trent, bearing, like a bird of ill-omen, the signal for fresh
contentions, and for miseries and disasters far exceeding
any which had yet occurred. The Council of Trent had
terminated without coming to a single conclusion that
J 564.] RETURN OF CARDINAL DE LORRAINE. 33
could serve to reconcile the differences of the religious
world.1 In its earlier sessions the Cardinal de Lorraine, it
must be admitted, had shown a determination to maintain
the rights and privileges of the Gallican Church, against
the Legate and a formidable body of Italian bishops, as
well as to obtain various concessions upon minor points,
which would have greatly tended to a general reconcilia-
tion. These were the marriage of priests, a reform of the
clergy, the Sacrament in both kinds, the services in the
vulgar tongue, and some others. The Pope had resisted
every proposal, and had met the arguments of the Cardinal
Avith the utmost contempt and ridicule ; against which the
ready eloquence of Lorraine had defended him well. But
after the death of the Duke de Guise his views changed.
Apprehending, as is said, that the grandeur and power of
his house would henceforward decline in France, he began
to reflect upon the advantages of securing, in case of the
worst, an asylum and a friend at Rome ; and, true to a
character which permitted no public obligation to weigh
in the balance against his private interests, he sacrificed
to such considerations the cause committed to his charge,
and henceforward supported every violent decree of the
Council. Upon his return he visited Rome, and "con-
vinced," says Davila, " that the only means to maintain
the ascendancy of his family would be to unite their pri-
vate interests with those of religion," he persuaded Pius
IV., already dissatisfied with the peace of Amboise, to be
instant2 with the King and Queen-Mother to publish and
observe the Council of Trent in France, while Philip of
Spain and the Duke of Savoy, more and more jealous of
the progress the new opinions were making in their own
states, supported his persuasions by every consideration
in their power.
1 Do Thou. 2 Davila, Guerre Civile di Francia.
VOL. II. D
34 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1564.
The decrees of this later Council of Trent were merely
a confirmation of the conclusions of the earlier one. They
maintained all the peculiar doctrines of the Roman church
in their utmost extent, and condemned, without modifica-
tion, reform or — as they pleased to style it, heresy— in
every shape whatsoever — thus passing a sentence of
hopeless destruction upon all those professing the new
doctrines who might be resident in any state where the
Council of Trent should be, as it was called, admitted.
These decrees — this Council of Trent, the Catholic powers,
in concert with the Cardinal, resolved to force upon the
acceptance of the French King and the French people.
" Early in February," says Castlenau, " ambassadors ar-
rived, as with one accord, from the Emperor, the King of
Spain, the Duke of Savoy, and other Catholic Princes,
praying his Majesty to oblige all France to observe the
articles and decrees of the Council of Trent ; and ex-
horting him to stand firmly by the Catholic religion, as all
his Christian predecessors had done. They likewise soli-
cited him to desist from the alienation of church lands;
to punish all those who had defaced or pillaged churches,
had borne arms against the King, or brought foreigners
into the kingdom ; and especially to visit those with con-
dign punishment who had caused the death of the Duke
de Guise. These Princes made many propositions to his
Majesty to induce him to renew the war, and break, rather
than maintain, the Edict of Pacification. The ambassa-
dors offering all sorts of assurances that their several mas-
ters would give every assistance to the King in rooting
heresy out of his dominions, and punishing the authors
of it."1
Whatever might at present be the secret intentions of
Catherine and her son with regard to religious affairs — a
1 Mem. de Castlenau, 44. 38.
1564.] RETURN OF CARDINAL DE LORRAINE. 35
point of acknowledged great historical difficulty — this em-
bassy certainly occasioned her both vexation and embar-
rassment. Davila1 affirms that the Queen resented this
interference on the part of foreign powers as a most un-
pardonable presumption ; and that she regretted it, " be-
cause it laid her under the necessity, either of alienating
the Pontiff, and separating with great scandal and dis-
grace from the obedience due to the holy chair ; or of
discovering those designs by which, slowly advancing, she
expected, without peril or engaging in any fresh war, to
cojnpass the end proposed, and a premature discovery
of which designs might drive the Hugonots again to
arms." But Castlenau gives us no reason to suspect the
good faith of the Queen at this period : he merely says,
" The King and Queen had no wish to plunge the kingdom
once more into war upon the faith of the fine promises of
the ambassadors." One thing, however, is certain — what-
ever her secret intentions, Catherine hesitated not to as-
sure the Nuncio that her wishes conformed2 with those of
the Catholic Princes ; and St. Croix in his letters says, " I
told her this was the time to bring matters to a conclu-
sion ; and that his Holiness relied upon the hopes her Ma-
jesty had positively held out, that the Council should now
be published. She assured me the thing should be done,
only it was necessary to temporise a little."3 Vain would
it be to follow the labyrinth of this policy. Davila loves
to give to all the Queen-Mother's proceedings the appear-
ance of the well-connected members of one vast and deeply
considered scheme ; to the development of which by de-
liberate steps she was patiently advancing ; but such was
not the character of Catherine's mind. Entirely wanting
in that strength which is necessary to a patient persever-
1 Davila, Guerre Civile di Francia. 2 De Thou.
3 Lettres des St. Croix.
d 2
36 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1564.
ance in one course of action — neither a fanatic nor an
enthusiast in favour of any one opinion, she was the sport
of a thousand different influences — now forwarding the
patriotic designs of her Chancellor — now bending under
the superior genius of Guise : at one time more than half
a Hugonot herself — and at last, under the dark influence
of Alva, planning the extirpation of that religion by the
sacrifice of every obligation of honour and humanity. In
two things alone she was consistent — the practice of deceit
and duplicity upon every occasion, and the pursuit of her
own power and pre-eminence at the expense of every
other consideration.
The King answered the ambassadors in the following
words. " Je remercie la Majeste de vos Maitres, for the
good. and praiseworthy advertisements which they have
made to me ; and you also, for the trouble you have been
pleased to take to come to me upon this affair : but I ad-
vertise you that my real intention is to live, and make my
people live, according to the ancient and praiseworthy insti-
tutions (coutumes) held and observed in the Roman church;
and that the peace I have granted was made with the inten-
tion to drive my enemies out of the kingdom. At present
my desire is to have justice observed in all places where I
command ; but I beg them to excuse me, for a reason
that I will send them in writing, and also for (desiring) to
have the advice of the Princes, great Lords, and notable
persons of my Council, whom I shall assemble on the ear-
liest convenient day." '
But the apple of discord was thrown. The debates
upon the reception of the Council of Trent had already
filled the kingdom with anxiety and disturbance. The
busy press again teemed with books chiefly directed to
shew the immense injury which the Gallican church would
1 Mem. de Conde', t. 46 ; Mem. de Castlenau, 44. 344.
15G4.J RETURN OF CARDINAL DE LORRAINE. 37
receive in its liberties and privileges from this admission.
The Cardinal de Lorraine, in pursuance of the new sys-
tem of conduct which he had adopted, supported the
measure with all his power and eloquence — Be l'Hopital,
with equal earnestness, opposed it. At length after a
severe contest, it was rejected by the parliaments through-
out the kingdom — not upon account of its intolerance —
but because of its invasion of the independence and pre-
rogatives of the Gallican church. But the Cardinal would
not rest here. Every subject which it was of vital im-
portance to lay at rest, was, in consequence of his re-
turn, again brought forward and agitated. Every effort
made by the Chancellor to soothe the irritated temper
of the times, and pacify the public mind by a merciful
administration of justice, was by him obstructed and resist-
ed. The Council rang with their loud and angry debates.
"He! Monsieur!'''' exclaimed the Chancellor, grieved and
perplexed at the determined and malignant opposition
made by the Cardinal to every wise and benevolent
scheme — " Are you already returned to trouble us V "I
am not come to trouble you," was the brutal reply, " be-
llstre comme vous etes, but to hinder you from troubling
the kingdom You who were put where you are
by me, do you presume to talk of my troubling you f I
will take care how you meddle again with the matters
you have lately been so busy about." The Chancellor,
not to compromise the Queen his patroness, devoured the
affront in silence. But he had his revenge upon another
occasion.1 " To day," says St. Croix in his letters, " the
Cardinal spoke violently and haughtily to the Chancellor,
saying, ' No one could tell what religion he belonged to —
that he had only one religion that he knew of, which was
to injure him, (the Cardinal,) and all his house;' calling
1 Lcttivs de Prosper St. Croix.
38 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1564.
him ungrateful to those who had made him what he was.
' Was it then,' replied the Chancellor, ' the expectation of
your Eminence, when you made me what I am — that I
should sacrifice the interests of the King and kingdom
to my gratitude to you f ' A hard blow," he adds, " for
the Cardinal."
The disputes in the Council awakened the slumbering
spirit of dissension throughout the nation. The Catholics
became insolent, and began once more to renew their
brutal disorders. The Calvinists anxious and distrustful,
were filled with fresh apprehensions. The open hostility
of the Cardinal ; the doubtful good faith of the Queen ; the
increasing appearance of animosity upon the part of the
young King ; the Catholic ambassadors still lingering in
FranGe, raised dark forebodings for the future. In the
mean while every effort had been made to detach the
Prince de Cond^ from his friends and party, and to destroy,
by malignant insinuations and the whispers of jealousy,
the confidence which still subsisted between himself and
Coligny : but though not proof against the softer tempta-
tions, the spirit of the Prince resisted at once the influ-
ence of the baser passions — selfishness, suspicion, and
unworthy rivalry found no place in his generous temper ;
and, though the Admiral had never ceased to censure his
late conduct warmly and severely, the heart of Conde was
only bound the more closely to his friend.
The Cardinal then attempted to attack him through
the all powerful charms of the Duchess de Guise, and
made proposals for a marriage with his brother's widow.
But Conde resisted the temptation ; till at length awaken-
ed by the remonstrances of Coligny, and the turn affairs
were taking, he forsook the Court ; and soon afterwards,
as if to shelter himself from its temptations, he, by the
advice of the Admiral, married the sister of the Duke de
\56i.\ PROGRESS OF THE COURT. 3D
Longueville. This family was of the blood of Dunois,
the great bastard of Orleans.
While these things were passing, the Queen, in the
midst of her perplexities, resolved upon making, with her
son and her court, a progress through the kingdom. To
this she was determined by many different circumstances.
The ambassadors from the Catholic Princes — sent to de-
mand the publication of the Council of Trent — had, among
other things, made it their request that the King would
attend a congress of the high Catholic powers, which was
to be held at Nanci in Lorraine, in the course of the cur-
rent year (1564), in order to enter into a solemn mutual
obligation to publish the Council, and extirpate heresy
and the new doctrines throughout their dominions. This
congress Catherine had refused to attend ; but resolved to
visit Nanci, and seize this opportunity for personal con-
ference with the Princes who were to be there assembled.
To increase, likewise, the general feeling of loyalty for the
young King, by shewing him to his subjects, she deter-
mined upon undertaking a long progress, and, beginning
with Lorraine, to visit Lyons, descend the Rhone, and
thence return by Dauphine, Beam, and Bayonne. This
course would give her the opportunity of meeting in suc-
cession the German Princes, the Duke of Savoy, and the
King of Spain — or at least her daughter the Queen, com-
ing on the part of her husband. Confiding in her powers
of insinuation and address, it appears probable that she
set out with the design to convert her allies to her own
more tolerant opinions. But the result proved unhappily
far different. Brought into contact with a mind resolute
and determined as that of Alva, Catherine received im-
pressions she wanted power to convey. Alva, as it was
evident he would, returned from this conference uncon-
verted— the same merciless persecutor as ever — while she
40 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1564.
was left the dupe of Spanish intrigue, the slave of Spanish
prejudice, infected with Spanish cruelty, and for ever lost
to the cause of truth and justice.
The Queen-Mother had also other reasons for wishing
at this time to visit Beam and Guyenne, arising from the
present situation of Jeanne d' Albret, the widowed Queen of
Navarre. Upon the death of Anthony, Jeanne had thrown
off all disguise, and had not only openly professed Calvin-
ism herself, but had declared it to be the established re-
ligion throughout her dominions. The Catholics were
deprived of their churches, the priests banished, images
defaced and destroyed, and the altars broken ; in short,
the same measures had been adopted as those thought ne-
cessary in other countries where the Reformed religion
had gained the ascendancy. These proceedings speedily
attracted the attention of the King of Spain, who com-
plained to the Pope of the advance this " pestilence of
heresy" was making in his neighbourhood. And the
Pope, alarmed at the prospect of yet another kingdom
escaping from his sway, began immediately to admonish
the Queen of Navarre upon the subject through the Car-
dinal d' Armagnac, who held the office of legate for Beam
and La Basse Navarre.
August 18th, 1563, the Cardinal thus writes to the
Queen Jeanne : " I cannot deny, madam, that to my
great regret I have learned what has lately happened in
your town of I/Escars — where the images in the church
were broken, the altars and baptismal fonts defaced — the
ornaments and plate taken away by your people — and the
canons and other ecclesiastical persons forbidden to cele-
brate divine service as usual. And I am the more sorry
(inarri) at this as it has been done in your presence, and
by your command." He then goes on to represent the in-
conveniences which would in all probability result from
1564. J LETTER OF QUEEN JEANNE. 41
such proceedings, situated, as she was, between two great
Catholic powers ; and concludes by observing, that should
the freedom with which he wrote be offensive to her, he
should regard her anger no more than fidel et loyal servi-
teur ought to do the anger of a sick master, when advised
to what was necessary for his health.
Thus replied the spirited mother of Henry the Fourth.
"Mon Cousin,
"Knowing, as I do, the friendship you bore to the late
King and Queen, my parents, I could have wished it
might have continued to exist with the same strength
towards her who now inherits their dominions, without
religion, or superstition, (which shall I say,) interfering
with it. I thank you, however, for the advertisements
you have been pleased to give me, though they be of
divers kinds, and relating to matters as widely apart as
heaven and earth. With regard to the first point in
question — the Reform which I have begun to carry out
at LTEscars and Pau — and intend, by the grace of God,
to persist in throughout my dominions — I have learned it
in the Bible, which I read more than some of your doctors
do — striving to form myself upon the pattern of King
Josias, (book of Kings,) who escaped the reproach of the
other kings of Israel, of whom it was written that though
they served the true God, yet left they the high places
standing As for the ruin arising from my evil
councillors, and their pretext of religion, I have not been
so forsaken of God or man, but that I have been able to
choose those to surround me who have not only the pre-
text, but the reality of religion : for as is the head, so are
the members. Nor do I so much endeavour to plant a
new religion, as to restore the ancient one. You are ill
informed, I see, my cousin, as to the sentiments of my
42 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1564.
States and subjects. My States have adopted the new
religion ; my subjects, both ecclesiastics, nobles, and pea-
sants, have done the same without reluctance, and with-
out rebellion. As for my neighbours, I know them well
enough. One hates the religion I hold ; I like his no
better — nevertheless, we shall still continue good friends.
And if we do not, I am not so ill provided, but that I
shall find a remedy. The other supports me ; for is he
not the root of that race of which I have the honour to be
a small branch % He does not abhor the Reformed reli-
gion so much as you think — he allows of it in some
very near his person, and among others, in my own son,
who enjoys that privilege, and is so dear to me that I
shall specify him. He also admits both religions into his
kingdom, so that should it happen (which I am sure it
will not,) that my subjects should apply to either of these
powers, one (Spain,) dares not abet them lest he should
offend, in me, a greater — and the other (France,) is
neither a tyrant nor a usurper, but the King under whose
sceptre I find shelter. You wish to intimidate me — you
say I ivill persist in serving God though it be in poverty.
I acknowledge it : but of poverty there is no danger at
present. Instead of diminishing things for my son, I have
augmented his honours, possessions, and grandeurs, by the
only means a Christian ought to employ. I have innu-
merable examples of those who on different principles
have done worse — and one in my lord and husband. What
got he % Where are the sceptres you promised him —
which he was to earn by fighting against his conscience,
iis testified in his dying confession % But here behold the
true fruits of the gospel to be gathered in their due time
and place. This is the doing of the Eternal Father who
preserves those by whom His name is honoured. You
make me blush for you when you enumerate so many
1564.J LETTER OF QUEEN JEANNE. 43
executions made by those of our religion. Take the beam
out of your own eye — cleanse the earth of the blood of
the just which yours have shed. Whence came the first
seditions \— In patience and with the good will of the King
and Queen, the ministers were preaching to the Court and
throughout the kingdom, simply the Edict of January —
when the Legate, you, and the Cardinal de Tournon,
aided by the deceit practised on my husband, brewed what
followed. Yet I praise not those who have, under the
shadow of true religion, committed violence, to the great
regret of its ministers. I cry vengeance on such as so
pollute the true religion — from which plague, and all
others, please God, Beam shall be as well defended hence-
forward, as it has till now been. As for our ministers, I
see by what you say, you have never frequented them. If
you had you would know that they preach nothing more
earnestly than obedience to Princes, and the patience of the
holy martyrs. And for your wish not to enter into disputes
upon points of doctrine, neither do I — though ours is as
true a doctrine as yours is false — for I apprehend that. I
should reap little fruit from my holy desire to lead you to
Sion." Queen Jeanne, nevertheless, enters into an ani-
mated defence of her opinions, adding, " I beg you not to
assert what is false in relation to these things, for if you
have no patience with me, I have still less with you. As
for calling us heretics, perturbators, &c, keep these titles
for yourselves, to whom the Holy Spirit applies them in
St. Ezekiel, St. John, and many other places. I think I
see the King Achab conferring with the prophet Elias —
and that we might answer you as he did, ' Trouble comes
through you who have forsaken God.' (1st Kings, 18th
chapter.) I know, thank God, how I ought to please Him
better than you can teach me, and likewise how to pre-
serve my friendship with the King my sovereign Lord, and
44 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1564.
with my other allies better than you do. Also, how to rear
rny son in that Church out of which there is no salvation,
and where I look for mine. As for the authority you
allege as Legate of the Pope, I shall not receive any Le-
gate— taking warning by the example of France, which
has found cause to repent so doing. I acknowledge no
authority in Beam to which I must render an account,
save that of God alone. And be assured it is not 7" who
have forsaken the true church. I am in error upon no
one single point of the creed, {symbole1,)— so keep your
tears to weep your own mistakes, which I for charity will
accompany with mine I have seen your malig-
nant letter, written to my cousin De l'Escars : suffice it
to say, I discern your intention, to let fall drop by drop
upon this little country of Beam, a portion of that flood
of misfortune with which such as you intend to inundate
France ; but I pray God his grace may abound more than
your sin. From her, who knows not how to name herself,
— not being able to sign friend, and doubting of relation
till the time of repentance — when she will once more be
your cousin and friend, " Jeanne.2 [1563.] "
The letter alluded to, as written by the Cardinal to the
Bishop de l'Escars, was one reproaching him with the
destruction of the Catholic worship in his diocese, and
with his own marriage ; and assuring him he should soon
find neither honour nor profit from his bishopric, " For,
since you have voluntarily laid down your authority,
those will be found with power sufficient to prevent your
ever resuming it."
The heat and passion of both parties was rapidly in-
creasing. The Churches of Beam answered the attack by
1 Symbole, a mark by which to properly creed — " Symbole des Apo-
know the true Church : it means tres," Apostles' Creed.
2 Mem. de Conde.
1564.] AFFAIRS OF NAVARRE. 45
publishing apologies and justifications, intermingled with
violent abuse of the Cardinal, who was openly accused of
the most detestable crimes.
The Pope soon interfered in the quarrel. He first
cited the Queen of Navarre before the Inquisition ; and
upon her non-appearance, he, on the 29th of September*
1563, issued a bull of excommunication against her. The
bull was to this effect ; that in case the Princess did not
answer to the citation in six months, she should be de-
clared contumacious, attainted, and convicted of heresy,
and, as such, be deprived of her dominions, which should
be given to the first occupier.
This daring sentence excited the immediate attention
of the French government. The Queen, the King, and the
Chancellor, agreed in regarding it as a proceeding fraught
with danger to every crowned head in Europe, more espe-
cially to that of France. The recollection that Spanish
Navarre had been appropriated by Ferdinand the Catholic
under the sanction of a similar bull from Pope Julius II.,
showed them what might be expected under the like
circumstances from Philip: and the prospect of so am-
bitious and powerful a neighbour on this side the Pyre-
nees could not be contemplated without the most lively
apprehensions. The jealousy excited by this proceeding
on the part of the Pope was also considerably increased
by the circumstance of his having issued shortly before, a
bull, by which he granted to the Inquisitor-general at Ptome
power to cite before him all persons of any nation, even
Bishops and Cardinals themselves,1 accused of heresy.
In consequence of this five French Bishops had been al-
ready cited on the charge, as also the Cardinal de Cha-
tillon, who had laid down his religious distinctions, had
married, and assumed the title of Count de Beauvais.
This proceeding, so contrary to the acknowledged pri-
• Dc Thou.
46 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1564.
vileges of the Gallican Church, excited equal indignation
and alarm — a feeling greatly increased by the intelli-
gence that the Pope, still advancing in his pretensions,
had proceeded from the citation of the Princes of the
church to that of crowned heads. The Sieur de l'Oyzel
was therefore immediately despatched as Ambassador-
Extraordinary to Rome, and with orders to use every
exertion to have these citations and excommunications
recalled. But the feelings of Catherine and of the Coun-
cil upon this subject will be best expressed by giving
one of her own letters to the Bishop of Rennes, her
ambassador to the Emperor of Germany.
" I think you must have heard of the citation which the
Pope has published at Rome against the Queen of Na-
varre, and of the suspension and privation by him of some
Bishops in this kingdom, contrary to the rights and privi-
leges of the Gallican Church. The King, my master and
son, has deliberated to despatch the Sieur de l'Oyzel, to
point out to his Holiness that these acts are contrary and
prejudicial to the authority of his Majesty, and to the
rights and liberties of the Gallican Church ; he is to re-
quire that on this consideration they be revoked, and
to proceed with regard to this affair by the ways ordi-
nary, where this kingdom is concerned. I think he (the
Pope) will not be difficult to persuade; but should he,
you know what means may be put in practice As
for the affair of the Queen of Navarre, which is the most
important, the Sieur de TOyzel has in charge to make
him thoroughly understand, that we acknowledge no au-
thority or jurisdiction on his part over those who bear
the title of King or Queen ; and that it is not for him to
give away states and kingdoms to the first conqueror —
more especially those of the said Queen of Navarre, who
holds the best part of her territories in obedience to the
1564.] AFFAIRS OF NAVARRE. 47
King, mon dit Sleur etfils. And because this beginning
of his is of great importance, and will not be without
consequences [nest pas sans suite), — for it may be ex-
tended to other great Princes, to the disturbance of all
Christendom — I beg of you, M. de Rennes, that you will
take care to bring forward the subject with my brother
the Emperor. You will judge of his sentiments, and let
me know how he takes this matter, for it concerns all
Kings to understand, whether it is for the Pope at his own
pleasure to assume authority and jurisdiction over them,
and to make a prey of their territories and dominions.
"We, for our part, are resolved never to submit to it/'
According to De Thou, the representations of De
l'Oyzel had so much effect, that the proceedings against
the French bishops were abandoned,1 and the sentence
against the Queen of Navarre annulled and revoked, so
that the bull in which it was contained is no longer to be
found in the constitutions of Pius IV.
But this successful interference served to place the
Queen Jeanne only in a more perilous situation than be-
fore. In the course of the following year a design, the
most daring that ever was by one Sovereign conceived
against another, was very near being carried into exe-
cution. This was no less than a plan to carry off the
Queen and her two children from the very centre of her
dominions, and to lodge them in the prisons of the Inqui-
sition. The emissaries of Philip II. had concocted this
scheme at Madrid, with the privity of Montluc; and it
was upon the point of being executed, when the Queen
Isabella — horrorstruck at the idea of the fate preparing
for her relation and her friend — found means to warn
the French Ambassador, and, through him, the Queen of
Navarre.
1 Dc Thou, Hist. Davila.
48 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1564.
Unfortunately, these arbitrary proceedings of the Pope
and the King of Spain, instead of stimulating Catherine
to throw off the yoke, assert her freedom, and support the
cause of liberty of conscience — as so many in her situa-
tion had courageously and happily done — as usual, only
terrified and embarrassed her. She now sought a con-
ference with the Queen of Navarre — but it was not to
concert together those resolute measures which would
have ensured the common safety — and, by a hearty co-
operation with the Reformed, have enabled them both
to set at defiance the usurpations of the Pope, and the
still more unauthorised encroachments of Spain — it was
to persuade the stout-hearted woman to bend to the
storm, forsake her principles, and desert her party, and,
by re-establishing the Catholic religion in her dominions,
leave Philip no pretence for interference.
It was under the influence of sentiments such as these,
that, early in April, 1564, the Queen, attended by a nu-
merous and brilliant court, and accompanied by her son,
began the progress through his dominions.
" To disguise," says Davila, " the main and sinister ob-
ject of this journey, the Queen travelled with an air of
more than ordinary splendour and festivity, numerous
attendants, gorgeous liveries, scenic preparations, horns,
hunting dogs, lauti conviti, and a crowd of courtiers, de-
voted to pomp and pleasure."
Leaving Fontainbleau, they proceeded first to Troyes.
Here Castlenau met them with the ratification of the
peace with England. This peace was, in fact, only the pre-
vious truce, under a form that promised longer duration.
The main point that Castlenau had with infinite difficulty
carried, being the return of the four French gentlemen,
held by Elizabeth as hostages for the restitution of Calais.
This success was hailed with great joy by the French,
1564.] PROGRESS OF THE COURT. 49
considering it, as they did, as a tacit renunciation by
Elizabeth of her claims upon that important town.
From Troyes the Court proceeded to Bar-le-duc,
where the baptism of a son born to the Duke of Lorraine
and Claude of France, was celebrated with the greatest
magnificence.
At this place the Queen had been anxious personally
to confer with the Duke of Wirtemberg, one of the prin-
cipal members of the German Protestant confederacy,
hoping, through his means, to renew the ancient alliance
between the German Protestant Princes and the French
crown, and thus cut off the source from which the Hugo-
nots might in any future contest obtain supplies. The
Duke of Wirtemberg, however, excused himself from
meeting her on the plea of his great age. She then en-
deavoured to engage the German Princes to range them-
selves upon her side by the offer of subsidies. " Trusting,"
says Davila, " that the well secured stipends of the French
King would be preferred to the uncertain promises of the
Hugonots." But the Count Palatine of the Rhine, the
Duke de Deuxponts and the Duke of Wirtemberg, who
favoured the Protestants more from regard to their com-
mon religion than from private interest, refused to accept
her proposals, and could only be brought to promise, in
general terms, not to aid the French malcontents unless
they were disturbed on matters of conscience. John
William Duke of Saxony, and the Marquis of Baden, on
the contrary, concluded an alliance offensive and defen-
sive with France.1
From Bar-le-duc the Court proceeded to Dijon, where
they were received by Tavannes, the bitter uncompro-
mising enemy of the Religious. " He met their Majes-
ties,'1 say his Memoirs, " a mile from the town, and
1 Davila, Guerre Civile di Francia, i. 309.
VOL. II. E
50 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1564.
making no long speeches, put his hand upon his heart,
saying, ceci est d vous — then upon his sword voild de
quoi je vous puis servir"1 Feasts and tournaments fol-
lowed, during which Tavannes received every mark of
favour, while the province of which he was lieutenant-
governor shewed on several occasions the spirit by which
the population in common with its chief was animated.
At their entry into the majority of the towns little
children, clothed in white, met the procession, crying out
Vive le Roi et la messe. At Chalons-sur-Saone a medal
was presented and accepted, on which the figure of the
King was represented, supported by piety and justice,
trampling upon a fury of hell whose breath had infected
all Christendom.
From Dijon they advanced to Lyons, a town, as we
have seen, which had been the first to take arms in the
cause of the Reform, and the last to submit to the King.
To bridle this place, rendered doubly important by its
vicinity to Geneva and Germany, a fortress was immedi-
ately planned and speedily completed. It was situated
at the confluence of the Saone and the Rhone. Leaving
Lyons, the Queen and King entered Dauphine : here the
town of Valence, for its attachment to the Hugonots, was
dismantled, and a fortress erected. The same system
was pursued, as we are told by Castlenau, in every place
they entered, and every where the mass, and the Catholic
religion restored. " It being their design to mark those
places where conventicles should be permitted, and to dis-
mantle all those towns and castles which had been favour-
able to the Hugonots — yet at the same time to execute
strict justice upon those (of the Catholic party) who
since the peace had committed so many assassinations
and excesses — excesses of themselves sufficient to rekin-
1 Mem. de Tavannes.
1564.] PROGRESS OF THE COURT. 51
die the civil war."1 " Throughout this voyage," he adds,
" though the Queen had a strong desire to maintain peace,
yet she was solicited by the Catholics, on all sides, to
renew the war before the strength of the Iiugonots should
increase ; to refuse them all exercise of their religion,
deprive them of their arms, and in short to reduce the
whole kingdom under the Catholic faith."
"The family of Lorraine, meantime, still pressed for
vengeance upon those whom they considered as the au-
thors of the death of the Duke de Guise ; and the King of
Spain, with whom they now began to project an inter-
view at Bayonne, continued to remonstrate by his ambas-
sadors, saying, ' That it was a shame for his Majesty
to have been constrained by a handful of his subjects
to. capitulate at their pleasure, — adding, that the great
and glorious name of Most Christian King, obtained by
his predecessors, through the constancy with which for so
many years they had combated heresy, and maintained
the Holy Chair, would be lost by such a change of policy."
" I will not affirm,"" he goes on, " that love of confisca-
tions— resentment of the death of the Duke de Guise,
and the ambition and self-interest of Spain, anxious to
deprive the King at this moment of the power to assist
the Low Countries, now ripe for revolt, had not their
effect ; but this I know, there was a general talk of a
universal rising of the Catholics in France pour abolir les
Huguenots : and if the King and Council would not favour
it Ton s'en prendroit d lui meme, en danger de dim inner
son autor'M et VoM'issance de ses sujets. These reasons
were strong with their Majesties to enter into the league
of the Catholics, but as it was perilous to break at once
the Edict of Pacification, it was necessary to find the
means by degrees to diminish its effects, by other and less
indulgent edicts."
1 M&n, de Caetlenau, 14. L16. k 2
52 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1564.
CHAPTER III.
CONTINUATION OF THE PROGRESS. CATHOLIC LEAGUES. — MEETING WITH THE
QUEEN OF SPAIN AND DUKE OF ALVA. RETURN BY NAVARR
The Court having arrived at Roucillon, a small place
belonging to the family of De Tournon, were followed by
the complaints of the Reformed on account of the way
in which the Edict had been broken in various places,
more especially in Burgundy, and of the violence and
murders committed on all sides. A fresh Edict bearing
the name of that place, was therefore issued.1 This Edict,
called by De Thou, un reglement pleine de sagesse et de
justice, and drawn up by De l'Hopital, will not be found
in accordance with our more enlarged ideas of the mean-
ing of those words.
The clauses were chiefly directed to restrain within
narrower limits the privileges of religious worship granted
by the Edict of Amboise. The preamble declared that
the Edict of Pacification being susceptible of various inter-
pretations, it was to the King that the right of interpre-
tation belonged. — (A dangerous admission.) Meetings for
religious purposes, except under the circumstances admit-
ted by the law, subjected the assembled to all the penal-
ties of rebellion ; levies of men, contributions of money
were strictly forbidden ; and by a cruel clause, all those
who had at any time belonged to the religious orders,
and, who being converted to the Reformed opinions, had
' De Thou. See D'Aubigne', p. 299.
1564.] CONTINUATION OE THE PROGRESS. 53
quitted their convents, some even having married, were
compelled to re-enter the cloister or submit to immediate
banishment, on pain, if they returned, the men of being
sentenced to the galleys, and the women to perpetual im-
prisonment. When we consider the situation of those
unfortunate creatures, torn from all the tender ties they
had contracted, to be once more immured in a cloister,
without that consolation which internal conviction of the
value of such mortifications in the eyes of God must
afford, we are at a loss to conceive how a man like De
l'Hopital could be guilty of such inhumanity ; and are led
to deprecate the policy which induced him to sacrifice so
much, though with the fond hope of still saving a part.
There were also in this Edict, as D'Aubigne* tells us,
" force rigueiirs sar les synodes," owing probably to the
jealousy excited, and not altogether unjustly it must be
confessed, by the assembling about the latter end of May
of a synod of sixty-two ministers at La Ferte Jouarre.
The return of the Cardinal de Lorraine, the various
alarming rumours afloat,1 and the menacing attitude as-
sumed by the Catholics, had again awakened the appre-
hensions of the unhappy Hugonots, and it is said levies of
1 II existc un curieux document montrer leur ruse Ton a voulu faire
sous ce titre : — Instruction a M. de serment aux reitres de n'entrer ja-
Feuquiires pour faire entendre a M. mais en Fiance sans la permission
le Prince cc qui s'ensuit . . . Que eeux du Roy et avoir, mandenient expre's,
de C'h out tcnu conseil pour, signe, et scclle — ce qui est contre
apres les reitres seront partis, donnei l'Edit de Paix, parceque le Roy les
en une meme jour les vespres Sici- a advou^s Remontrer a M. le
lieniH's a eeux de la Religion. Par Prince que Ton poursuit la de'pe'che
la deliberation de ce eunseil ils out des reitres, arin que quand ils seront
envoyes les capitaines Chary et Sar- retires jouer leur jeu : — Que M. le
labon pour gagner eeux de Paris qui Prince croie ces avertissemens pour
les aideront a Texecution de leur veritables, parceque M. le Prince
entreprise. Avertir M. le Prince, de Porcian les a de ces amis qui
M. I'Amiral et M. d'Andelot qu'ila liantcntlegouverneur de Ch.conduc-
se tieniient BUI kins gardes, car ils tcur de l'affaire. — MSS. de Betlmne
ont delibere de leur jouer un mauvais Vol. cot. 9054, fol. 53, from Cape-
tour, et les faire mourir tous trois en figue, v 2, p. 324.
un seul jour, s'ils peuvent. Pour
54 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1564.
men and money were already being made among the
Churches.
The Queen wrote to Coligny to complain of Vhumeur
remnant of his party, but the affair had no further conse-
quences, unless we may look upon the Edict of Roucillon
as thence arising; "An edict," says D'Aubign6, " ay ant
des clauses si rigoureuses qu'elles firent fremir par toute
la France les Reformes." 1
It may be mentioned, en passant, that it was in this edict
that the date of the first day of the year was, by De l'Ho-
pital, finally fixed to be reckoned from the 1st of January.
Under the first race of the French kings, the year had
begun upon March 1st ; under the second, upon Christmas
day ; under the Capetians, at Easter. This moveable
date had occasioned, as may be supposed, the greatest con-
fusion in deeds and records, both legal and historical.
The Edict of Roucillon, in conjunction with the vio-
lences and atrocities now exercised upon his defenceless
party — for "Pete avoit etc chaud et ardent, durant laquelle
s'etoit commis une infinite de meurtres et de cruautes au
pays du Maine, Anjou, Touraine, et autres endroits oil
les Huguenots etoient les plus foibles"'2' — at last fairly
roused the Prince de Conde. He had retired from Court
before the progress began, and had busied himself with
the affairs of his government. He now wrote in the most
animated terms to the Queen-Mother, complaining of the
grievances of his party, pointing out the errors and in-
justice of the Edict of Roucillon, and its too probable
effects upon the public peace.
As for that Catholic league, which Castlenau, as quoted
1 So rigorous in all its clauses that and cruelties had been committed in
the Reformed shuddered throughout Maine, Anjou, Touraine, and other
the whole of France. parts where the Hugonots were the
2 The summer had been hot, and weakest. — Mem. de Castlenau, 44.
during it an infinitude of murders 153.
1564.] CATHOLIC LEAGUES. 55
above, alludes to, there was certainly at this time
something of that nature in agitation, of very different
importance and extent from the one we have mentioned
as set on foot by Montluc.1 In his Memoirs Montluc tells
us, "I perceived about this time the breath {vent) of a
league that was preparing in France, in which many great
persons and others were engaged ; it was not much to my
taste/' These great persons were the Dukes of Aumale,
Montpensier, Martigues, Chavigny, &c. " The King
brought the matter before his Council. I secretly ad-
vertised the Queen of it," adds Montluc,2 " for I could not
keep it to myself : she thought it strange, and told me it
was the first she had heard of it, enquiring what was best
to be done % " Montluc advised the King to make a
counter-league, and put himself at the head of it ; advice
rather plausible than sound, but which was supported by
the principal persons in the Council : it was not, however,
adopted, but an instrument was immediately drawn up
condemning all confederations whatsoever, "comme at-
tentatoires d Vautorite, royale et pemicieuses au bien de
rt'taty7' "Why," asks De Thou, "should a king make
league with his subjects 1 or bind himself by any oath
but that of his coronation'? Does he not thereby dimin-
ish his own authority by precisely that portion which
he shares with his people 1 Does he not thereby ex-
cite and accustom them to faction, and to form parties
in his dominions 1 "
From Roucillon the Court visited Avignon, Marseilles,
Nismes, Beziers, Narbonne, and entered Carcassonne, 13th
January, 1565, during which night there was so extraor-
dinary a fall of snow, that the King remained in a manner
1 Do Thou. 3 As against the royal authority
2 Mem. de Montluc. and hurtful to the state.
56 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1565.
blockaded ten days.1 The preceding summer had been
excessively sultry ; the plague had visited France, and
was at Lyons during the King's residence there. This
summer was succeeded by a winter as extraordinary for
its severity. " A winter followed so dreadful and severe
that all the rivers in France were frozen ; much corn, all
the olives, walnuts, figs, laurel and orange trees destroy-
ed, and great part of the wood of the vines. The King and
Queen were in a manner besieged by the snows at Carcas-
sonne ; it lay the depth of four feet. So deep a snow had
been unknown in that country since the year 1442."2
During their stay at Carcassonne, and at the beginning
of the year 1565, the King and Queen received intelli-
gence of a disturbance in Paris, the circumstances of
which afford a lively picture of the state of things and the
uncertain position of legitimate authority. It appears that
the Cardinal de Lorraine had, in the February preceding,
requested and obtained from the King a privilege to travel,
attended by guards. He proceeded thus to Paris; and to
gratify, it seems, his insolence and ostentation, resolved,
at the moment when by the late edicts every individual
in the kingdom was disarmed, to enter the capital with
his guards in their full accoutrements. Aware of this de-
termination, the Marechal de Montmorenci was resolved
to mortify the pride of the Prelate, and he made a public
declaration before the Parliament, that he would suffer no
one to approach Paris in arms during the absence of the
King and Queen. The Cardinal persisted in his resolu-
tion, refusing at the same time to shew his letters of pri-
vilege, alleging it to be contrary to the honour of his
house to receive the law from his enemies, and shew his
1 One hundred and twenty-three tained three months in the same
years before, Mary of Anjou, wife of place by the snow.
Charles the Seventh, had been de- 2 Mem. de Castlcnau.
1565.] CATHOLIC LEAGUES. 57
papers at their demand. Upon his entrance, therefore,
into the town he was met by an order from the governor
to disarm his attendants. He refused obedience, and, fol-
lowed by the Duke de Guise, entered Paris in defiance,
surrounded by his guards. In the Rue St. Denis he was
met by Montmorenci, the Prince de Porcian, and a num-
ber of gentlemen : a scuffle ensued ; the Cardinal took
refuge in one of the shops, the young Duke de Guise re-
maining on the threshold pistol in hand, "with a bold-
ness," says Matthieu, " worthy of his father's son." The
attendants of the Cardinal were dispersed, and one life
lost. The Prelate now sent his letters of privilege to
the Parliament, by whom they were transmitted to Mont-
morenci, who only remarked, that he ought to have pre-
sented these before, and that as far as regarded himself,
he would have shown himself unworthy the confidence of
the King, had he acted in a different manner. The Car-
dinal was persuaded to leave Paris and retire to Meudon,
but the Duke d'Aumale remained in the neighbourhood
in a threatening attitude ; upon which Montmorenci
wrote to Coligny to entreat him to come in force to join
and support him. Accordingly Coligny arrived at the capi-
tal upon the 22nd of January, attended by 500 gentlemen
on horseback ; and though his appearance at first excited
the fears of the bourgeoisie, so prudently did he conduct
affairs, that in a few days he beheld himself the idol of
the vain and giddy people. He was complimented by the
Chapter of Notre Dame, the Universities, and the Prevot
des Marchands, and honourably received by the Parlia-
ment, when he came before them to clear himself from
the accusation that had been fastened upon him. Having
assisted Montmorenci in allaying the general ferment, he
retired once more to Chatillon.
Shortly after this event Cond6 came to Paris; and, to
58 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1565.
raise the spirits of his party, held, in direct contravention
of the Edict of Roucillon, a prayer-meeting at his hotel,
which was attended by 4,000 persons. From Paris he
wrote to the Queen-Mother, requesting permission to at-
tend her at the ensuing conference at Bayonne ; but
nothing could, by possibility, have been less acceptable
than his presence there, and she excused herself upon va-
rious pretences. Conde, therefore, once more returned to
his government.
The Court, in the meantime, after traversing Languedoc
and Guyenne, arrived at Bayonne, there to await the
Queen of Spain and the Duke of Alva, who was to repre-
sent his master at this conference.
The King and his Mother entered Bayonne the 3rd
of June, accompanied by the Duke d' Anjou, the Prin-
cess Margaret, the Constable, the Duke de Nemours, the
Duke de Guise, the Dauphin of Auvergne, the Duke de
Longueville, Damville-Montmorenci, and the numerous
ladies of the Court ; " to imagine these scenes," says Bran-
tome, " one should have seen this lovely troop of dames and
demoiselles — creatures more divine than human — one
more lovely, more richly, more bravely attired than the
other, shining in those magnificent assemblies like the
stars in the clear azure of heaven, for the Queen expected
all to appear en haute et superbe appareil; though she,
during her widowhood, arrayed herself not in the costly
worldliness of silk, unless it were of the gravest hues —
but she was always elegant and well dressed, ever appear-
ing the Queen of all. It was an enchanting sight to be-
hold her when she travelled, surrounded by a company of
forty or fifty ladies, all on beautiful haquenees with splen-
did trappings ; she riding with so much ease and grace,
and so well dressed for that exercise, nothing could be
better; the ladies following, their hats filled with plumes
lofio.] MEETING WITH THE QUEEN OF SPAIN. 59
of feathers, which, floating in the air, added grace to
every motion. Virgil, who has taken upon him to de-
scribe Queen Dido going to the chase, has nothing ap-
proaching to our Queen and her ladies."
But amongst all those beauties whom Brantome, both as a
courtier and a lover, celebrates with the greatest delight,
the Princess Margaret, the future Queen of Henry of
Navarre, is pre-eminent.
" To speak of the beauty of this Princess," says he,
" all that have been, or ever will be, in comparison are
nothing — for the brilliancy of her beauty is such that
should a miscreant be found daring enough to doubt the
miracles of God, let him contemplate that lovely face, so
finely formed, and own that nature employed all her
rarest and most subtle spirits to create this sweetest
image. Being in its softness or in its gravity sufficient to
inflame the world, so beautiful her features, her eyes so
transparent and agreeable, and with the most splendid,
rich, and superb figure imaginable : all accompanied with a
port of such majesty, that she appears more than a Prin-
cess— a very goddess upon earth — arrayed in her rich and
magnificent dresses and ornaments, and adorned by the
delicate and fair linen that decorates her form." The
Duke d'Anjou, was, as I have said, no less distinguished
for his extraordinary personal beauty than his sister.
To this brilliant assemblage came the ill-fated Queen of
Spain, from the dark and gloomy Court of the Escurial.
On the 9th of June the Duke d\Anjou crossed the
Bidassoa to meet his sister ; he conducted her to St. Se-
bastian, where they were joined by the Duke of Alva, and
thence they proceeded to Bayonne. Isabella or Elizabeth,
—whose very name raises those feelings of tenderness and
pity inspired by youth, beauty, and gentleness, sacrificed
to political arrangements, and the victim of unkindness
60 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1565.
and jealousy — possessed that character of loveliness, those
olive shades and delicate outlines which distinguish the
more intellectual countenances of the south, and which
the taste of modern times has learned to prefer to the
blue eyes and golden hair, once the theme of universal
admiration. " Her figure," says Brantome, " was beau-
tiful, and she was taller than her sisters, and pos-
sessed an air of majesty, and gestures of mingled gra-
vity and softness, that united something of Spain with
the elegance of France. Her face was lovely, and the
black hair which hung in shades over her beauteous coun-
tenance rendered her so charming, that it was said the
courtiers feared almost to look at her, lest they should
excite the jealousy of the King. I have seen her when
she went to the churches, monasteries, and gardens,
surrounded by such a crowd of people, that one could
scarcely move in the press, for her sensibility and sweet-
ness made her universally beloved. A year before she
came to Bayonne she was ill, and given up by her phy-
sicians. There came a little Italian doctor to Court, who,
by the King's permission, undertook her case, and gave
her a medicine, which, being taken, the colour miracu-
lously returned to her face, her speech was restored, and
she became convalescent ; at which time the Court, and
all the people of Spain, broke down the roads with pro-
cessions, goings and comings from churches and hospitals ;
some barefooted, some bareheaded, some en chemise, put-
ting up prayers, oraisons, offerings, and intercessions to
God, for her safety — so that it was believed that all these
good prayers, tears, and cries heard of God had more effi-
cacy in restoring the Princess than even the little Italian
physician.
" I arrived in Spain a month after, and saw her the
second day after she left her chamber as she passed to her
1565.] MEETING WITH THE QUEEN OF SPAIN. 61
coach: such beauty should, indeed, appear in public, and
not keep recluse within.1 Nothing on earth was ever so
lovely as her face, for her illness had given fresh delicacy
and clearness to her complexion — as I took the liberty of
telling her, when she most graciously received me as
coming from France. She was going to the churches to
thank God for the grace of her health ; and she continued
this good and holy practice fifteen days, showing to all
the people her face uncovered, according to her custom,
so that really they idolized, rather than loved or honoured
her. She made her entrance into Bayonne on a haquenee
most richly and superbly harnessed, the housings being
bordered with an embroidery of pearls worth one hundred
thousand crowns. She had a fine grace on horseback, and
was most beautiful and charming to behold. We had all
orders to go out to meet her, and accompany her entry,
she receiving us graciously, and doing us the honour to
thank us for this attention, especially me, who had had the
distinction to convey to the Queen her mother, the desire
she felt to revisit France. Her mother loved her above
all her daughters, and she in return honoured, respected,
and esteemed her. I have heard her even say, that she
never received a letter from the Queen, her mother, that
she did not tremble, lest by any means she might have
offended her, and that it might contain some unkind
word." Such was the soft and gentle being, transferred
from the exquisitely sensitive Don Carlos, to the cold and
harsh tyrant, his father.2 The imagination of poets falls
short of the truth of the pathetic story.
In the place of Philip, as I have said, the Queen was
1 Brant. Femmcs Illustrcs. tengo canas ?" (Arc you looking for
2 When she was first presented to grey hair:- ?), which words and man-
tlic King of Spain, she looked fixedly ner so struck upon her heart, u that
at him, at which he was offended from that time on anguru mal pour
and said angrily, " Me mirais ? Si die." — Biantomc.
62 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1565.
attended by the Duke of Alva. Catherine had been
amused by promises that the King himself would be pre-
sent, but there was no intention of the sort. The Duke
came ostensibly to present the order of the Golden Fleece
to the young Monarch of France, but charged with a far
more important mission with regard to Catherine. He
was commanded to study attentively the character of
the woman with whom he had to deal, and to induce her
to co-operate in those atrocious purposes of violence and
cruelty, by means of which both the master and the
minister had resolved to extinguish every spark of reli-
gious and political liberty alike in Spain and the Low
Countries.
The Duke of Alva was one singularly fitted for the
part assigned him. His character, uniting the most piti-
less barbarity of intention with a cold and dispassion-
ate temperament, was only the more dangerous because
not liable to those emotions either of tenderness or even
rage which open the heart of man to the influence of his
fellow-creatures. Alva worked with the dreadful cer-
tainty and impassibility of a tremendous machine, and the
fate and sensations of his victims may be best compared to
those of a wretch involved in one vast whirl of wheels
and pulleys, which crushing him to atoms with remorseless
power, are insensible to his cries and indifferent to his re-
sistance. This coldness of temper had been early noted by
the great Emperor Charles,1 who distinguishing him for his
courage, yet remarked, how entirely it was wanting in
that sparkling effervescence and unthinking vehemence
which characterise a generous bravery. " I wish," said he,
" he were more like Le Peloux (a young Frenchman who
had accompanied the Constable de Bourbon). — I wish he
were more forward, plus en avant qu'il n'est en eampagne,
1 Brantome, Alva.
1565.] MEETING WITH THE QUEEN OF SPAIN. 63
for Le Tcloux goes and comes and is every where — but
then lie is a Frenchman, boiiillant et hardi, the other a
cold and discreet Spaniard."
It was the openly avowed principle of the Duke of
Alva, that no toleration and no mercy, upon any pretence
whatsoever, was to be extended to those professing the
new opinions. He declared his resolution to exterminate
without distinction of age, sex, or condition, whosoever
persisted in maintaining them, and supported it with the
indifference of one propounding some theorem with which
human suffering or happiness has nothing to do. To this
dreadful insensibility to bloodshed — to this contempt of
the rights and claims of the universal brotherhood, there is
but too much reason to believe he succeeded in converting
the mind of the Queen-Mother, while he exercised the most
sinister influence over the opening character of her sons.
These influences of evil proved more permanent than
those of De lllopital for good, and the lessons of Alva
were never forgotten.
To all outward appearance, however, nothing was
thought of at this interview but pleasure and the display
of magnificence. Catherine welcomed her daughter by a
series of entertainments, the unrivalled splendour and
expense of which excited the astonishment of all. Many
marvelled at such apparent profusion and extravagance
in the midst of so much real poverty as was known to
embarrass the government. Many blamed those amuse-
ments which led an impoverished nobility to rival each
other in such ruinous expenses. Catherine had the
ready answer of those resolved to indulge in prodigality,
in defiance of the promptings cither of prudence or duty.
1 1 was necessary to support the credit of the kingdom —
give the lie to reports circulated in Spain of its po-
verty. &c,
64 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1565.
" You do not forget," says Queen Margaret in her
Memoirs, " the superb festin given in LPlsle by the Queen
my mother ; with the ballet, and that hall which seemed
formed by the hand of nature for this purpose. That
oval meadow, surrounded by wood of high growth, in
which the Queen had niches cut, and in each niche a
table spread for twelve persons. That for their Majes-
ties at the end raised on a high dais of four steps of turf.
The banquet was served by troops of shepherds dressed in
cloth of gold and satin, in the costume of the different
provinces of France — which shepherds on our descent from
the boats in which we sailed from Bayonne (accompa-
nied by the music of the tritons, and surrounded by
whales, sea-horses, tortoises, &c. all represented most
naturally) were assembled in troops, each dancing after
the manner of their country. The Poitevins with the
cornemeuse ; the Bourguignons and Champenois with the
little hautbois, rebeck, and tambourins. The Bretons
with their passe -pieds and bransles. After the feast we
saw that great troop of musical satyrs enter a luminous
rock, rendered still more brilliant by the jewels of those
lovely nymphs, who, surrounded by artificial lights, were
sitting upon it ; then descending they danced that beauti-
ful ballet, of which fortune, too envious, drowned the glory,
in such a strange tempest of rain, that the confusion of
our retreat in boats at night gave as great occasion for
laughter, as the entertainment had done for admiration."
"But while thus apparently engaged," sajrs Davila,
"with feast, tournament and youthful sport, the Queen
and the Duke of Alva secretly conferred upon deeper inter-
ests." When the eyes of all these gay thoughtless beings
were closed in sleep, the Queen each night, by a covered
gallery, sought the apartments of her daughter ; here she
1 Mem. de Marguerite de Valois. a Davila, Guerre Civile di Francia.
1565."| MEETING WITH THE DUKE OF ALVA. 05
held long consultations with Alva : the subject matter of
which secret conferences is detailed by Davila.
His testimony is in the main supported by the univer-
sal opinion of the Protestant writers, and by that of
Adriani, the continuator of the history of Guicciardini,
who asserts that he had every opportunity of examining
the papers of Cosmo Grand Duke of Florence, and that in
the Secret Memoirs of that Prince, he found that these
conferences were held at the instigation of the Pope ;
and that a repetition of the Sicilian Vespers was agreed
upon.1
" They agreed," says Davila, " that one King ought
to assist another in quieting their mutual dominions, and
purging them from a diversity of religions, though they
differed as to the means by which they should arrive most
swiftly and securely at this conclusion. The Duke of
Alva, a man of an absolute and resolute temper, said, that
to destroy novelties and insurrections in the state, the
heads of the poppies must be cut off; and that it was
better to fish pour les gros saumons que pour les gre-
n on/ lies. He added, no Prince could do a more perni-
cious tkmg, as regarded himself, than permit his people to
live according to their consciences — allowing as many reli-
gions in a state as there are caprices in the minds of
men, opening the door to disorder and confusion, — mortal
accidents to a kingdom: — and he shewed, by numerous
examples, that diversity of opinions has always put arms
into the hands of subjects, and raised up atrocious treasons
and dangerous rebellions against superiors ; from whence
he concluded that, as religious controversies had ever
1 It is not, however, certain that moir in his Jstoiia delta Gran l)u-
Adriani had such a MS. ever in his cutu. This omission, however, af-
hands,andithas been doubted whether fords no positive proof of the non-
it even existed; for RiguccioGalluzzi, existence of the paper. — Ob. on
who had access to and examined Mem. Cast. p. 433.
these papers, mentions no such me-
VOL. II. F
66 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1565.
served as an argument for popular insurrection, it was
necessary to eradicate the evil by the severest remedies,
and without hesitation, extirpate by fire and sword the
roots of a disorder, which gentleness and indulgence
would only tend to increase."1
Such were the arguments used to blind and mislead the
Queen-Mother, and they too well succeeded.
At this time of day it is happily unnecessary to enter
into a confutation of them. Yet there are many still,
who, while starting with horror at the atrocity of such sen-
timents when thus expressed in all their native injustice
and barbarity, suffer themselves to cherish in their own
hearts a secret intolerance with regard to religious doc-
trines and opinions, and confused notions upon the great
subject of liberty of conscience, which in days blest with
the light we now enjoy, do them little credit. They
will not do amiss to consider, that once grant the premises,
that liberty of conscience may be legitimately interfered
with, and the hideous conclusions of the Duke of Alva's
policy must necessarily follow. For certainly there can
be no such effectual cause for discontent — no such per-
vading stimulus to insurrection as religious persecutions
and disabilities ; nor assuredly can two religions with
safety exist in a state, if the one be suffered to hold down
and oppress the other.
" The Queen," Davila goes on to say, " adapting her
ideas to the nature of the French nation, wished,
as far as possible, to avoid dipping her hands in the
blood-royal of France, or in that of the greatest men
in the kingdom. She desired first, by every gentle me-
thod, to endeavour to restore the Hugonots to the bosom
of the Church. She acknowledged herself well aware of
the inconveniences of liberty of conscience, but said these
1 Davila, Guerre Civile di Franeia.
1565.] MEETING WITH THE DUKE OF ALVA. 67
should be remedied in their beginnings and not when at
their height : and that the motives arising from religion
are so powerful that when it has once taken root,
many things must be tolerated, which unless under such
necessity, would never be endured. That we must arrive
at the desired port by a long and difficult navigation — do
what we can, not what we will : — in short, that in
matters of conscience we must proceed with quiet dex-
terity : such things being as fires that break out with so
much impetuosity, that it is safer to weaken and abate
them by degrees than stifle them as it were by force —
lest they, bursting out once more in their fury, fill the
state with desolation and ruin."
Such were the different modes in which the Queen and
Alva apprehended the matter, but they never disagreed
as' to the ultimate object, namely, the destruction of the
Hugonots. " They concluded on this: that each King
should assist the other covertly or openly, as might be
judged best, in effecting so grave and difficult an opera-
tion ; praying God, that severity and clemency might, by
different methods, arrive at one and the same effect." *
De Thou, D"Aubign6, Matthieu, all affirm that in these
conferences it was agreed to renew the Sicilian vespers.
77 y eut conseil tres titroit,1" says the last,2 " entre la
Royne-Mere et le Due d'Alve pour V extirpation de
I'Amiral et son partie; ne proposant meilleure remede
que faire les Vespres Siciliennes.3 "
Matthieu, it must be recollected, speaks the opinion of
Henry the Fourth upon this subject. He, a child of eleven
years old, beloved and favoured by Catherine for the gaiety
1 Davila, Guerre Civile diFrancia, D'Alva for the extirpation of the
lib. iii. Admiral and of his party, proposing
3 Matthieu, Hist. b. 5. no better remedy than a renewal of
3 There was counsel held between the Sicilian Vespers.
the Queen-mother and the Duke
r 2
68 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE, [1565.
of his manners and his sprightly repartees, was always
about her, and present at that conversation where the
Duke used the expression, qu'une tete de saumon valoit
bien celle de cent grenouilles. He was struck with the
sentiment ; and what is extraordinary, says our author,
had the sagacity to select as his confidant upon the occa-
sion, one of the few to whom his observations might with
security be intrusted — the president De Calignon.
A mystery and doubt must ever cover the vigils of
these two conspirators against the peace and liberty of
their fellow creatures ; but history in mournful colours
records the result of the determinations with which the
Duke pursued his way to Flanders ; and there is every
indirect evidence that from this time forward the dis-
positions of the Queen were radically changed; and
though* timidity, irresolution, and varying circumstances
might retard her measures, that the ends she proposed
were not less unjust, nor her intentions less barbarous.
The scruples of conscience, the relentings of nature, all
the softer and juster feelings disappeared under the dark
influence of this extraordinary and terrible man. He
worked upon her fears and upon her pride, and still more
powerfully upon her fatal jealousy of power — that most
dangerous feature of weak and ungenerous minds ; he par-
ticularly excited this feeling against De l'Hopital, repre-
senting him as austere and obstinate, and under a pretence
of moderation as endeavouring to bend and force her will
to his own. He thus succeeded in alarming her self-love,
and destroying for ever the confidence which she had so
long placed in that wise and good man.
Over the young King, as I have said, his influence was
equally pernicious. He spared no pains to make a power-
ful impression upon his mind, and condescended to flatter
his passions by every possible means. The effect he pro-
1565. J MEETING WITH THE DUKE OF ALVA. 69
duccd seems to have been lamentable. Charles returned
from witnessing those dreadful ravages of civil war, which
he beheld as he journeyed through his kingdom, not —
his imagination filled with horror at the terrible picture,
and his heart yearning to spare his people a recurrence of
such sufferings — resolved to maintain peace by rigid and
impartial justice to all — but animated by the bitterest feel-
ings of resentment against one and by far the most inno-
cent portion of the disputants, whose insubordination
he had been taught to regard as the sole cause of all
this misery.1 Admitting thus much, I am very far,
however, from coinciding in opinion with those who
believe that the massacre of St. Bartholomew was
planned in all its circumstances at Bayonne. The
seeds of such an atrocity were doubtless there scattered,
and the minds of Catherine and the King taught to regard
such measures of extermination as politic and wise, so that
the occasion when it arose, found them prepared to con-
template such deeds without horror ; but whoever follows
the course of subsequent events attentively will perceive
that the scheme of the St. Bartholomew — if scheme pro-
perly speaking there ever were — could not by possibility
have been at this early period projected.
The conferences of Bayonne were ended. The young
Queen of Spain returned to her dominions, to become
the victim of religious bigotry in its remoter conse-
quences2— the Queen of France, retired prepared by her
measures in the same cause, to plunge the kingdom she
governed into interminable miseries — the Duke of Alva
to deluge a whole country with blood.
1 It has been said that the vehe- 2 There can be little doubt that the
ment expressions used by the young crime of Don Carlos was a secret
King upon his return homewards, leaning to the new opinions, or that
when he beheld the ruins of some the Queen Isabella fell a victim to
churches, excited both the surprise the suspicions of Philip with regard
and suspicion of the Queen of Na- to the same subject,
varre.
70 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1565.
On their journey homewards the Queen and her son vi-
sited the Queen of Navarre. Catherine hoped to persuade
that Princess to change her religious opinions ; but Jeanne
was of far too determined a temper, and thought herself
too excellent a theologian to yield one iota on the subject,
and the Queen-Mother was forced to content herself with
re-establishing the Mass in Nerac Oleron, and the county
of Bigorre, over which the King of France had authority
as lord paramount. This right of interference not ex-
tending to Beam, the Mass continued to be there pro-
hibited. Catherine, however, persuaded the Queen of
Navarre to return in company with her children to
Paris, and thus, for the present, withdraw herself from
the dangerous neighbourhood of Spain.1 The Court
returned by the Angoumois, and arrived on the 5th of
December 1565, at Blois.
Thus terminated a journey, undertaken under favour-
able auspices, and with the sincere intention, it may be
believed, of pacifying differences and securing the general
peace, but conducted, as it had been, the results proved
unhappily far different. The Protestants were alarmed,
the Catholics offended. There had been no conferences with
the German Protestant Princes, which might have tended to
incline the King and his mother to maintain the general
pacification, the only meeting with a foreign power had
been the fatal one at Bayonne. The mind of the Queen
was corrupted, the heart of the young King alienated and
his best feelings misdirected, and, from this time forward,
affairs rapidly assumed the most threatening and disastrous
aspect.
The 14th of December the King met a general
assembly of Notables at Moulins. The ostensible reason
1 See De Thou.
1566.] RETURN BY NAVARRE. 71
for calling them together was to effect a reform in the
vicious system of jurisprudence which had obtained
in France; but the real motive was, to give solemnity to
a reconciliation which Catherine was urgent to effect, be-
tween the houses of Chatillon and Guise. By many, it is
supposed, that had all the Protestant chiefs attended upon
this occasion, the advice of the Duke of Alva would here
have been followed; but I think we can scarcely make
this supposition agree with the efforts undoubtedly made
to reconcile the two hostile families.
The legal reforms effected by De FHopital, though of
leading importance in the history of French jurispru-
dence, find no place here ; the ordonnance in which they
are enrolled consisting of eighty-six articles, is well
known as the ordonnance of Moulins.
•These matters having been completed, that of the Guises
and Coligny followed. The three years during which both
parties had pledged themselves to maintain the public
peace having expired, the members of the house of Guise
were once more at liberty to pursue their purposes of re-
venge. The King resolved, therefore, without delay, to
bring the matter to a conclusion, and upon the 29th of
January 1566, Coligny appeared before a private Council,
where, being interrogated by the King himself, he declared
upon oath that he had neither abetted nor assisted Pel-
trot in his design, and concluded by saying that he was
ready to maintain in single combat that whoever affirmed
the contrary, lied. Upon this it was decided that he
had sufficiently discharged himself of that accusation, and
the King imposed silence upon his Procureur-General with
regard to this subject, enjoining both parties henceforward
to live in peace and amity. The Princes of Lorraine,
with Coligny, appeared therefore before the Sovereign,
embraced — and promised to drop all hostile feelings ;
72 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1566.
but it was observed that the young Duke Henry de
Guise, at this time seventeen or eighteen years old, and
lately returned from Hungary (where, as was the custom of
young men of his day, he had gone to serve a campaign
against the Turks, sent there by his guardians, with the
hope of diverting the irritation of his feelings) lent himself
with a very ill grace to this reconciliation. " The Duke," says
Davila,1 " appeared at the request of his guardians, but his
grave and severe manner clearly showed that he was there
against his will, and that, arrived at a riper age, he would
not forget his father's death." As for the Duke d'Au-
male, who had refused to be present at all, he broke out
a few days afterwards into expressions of undisguised
enmity and defiance.
A hollow reconciliation was likewise attempted between
the Marshal de Montmorenci, and the Cardinal de Lor-
raine, when Montmorenci refusing to make the necessary
submissions, his father threatened to disinherit him. Those
divisions which pervaded every circle, and almost every
family in the country, more particularly affected that of
the Constable. The Marshal, a man of a moderate and
just temper, had all along persevered in maintaining his
neutrality between the contending parties (though leaning
secretly, perhaps, to the side of the Chatillons), and he
was one of the first of those true lovers of their country
who, under the name of politiques and tiers parti, en-
deavoured to restore the equilibrium of the state. Dam-
ville was at present devoted to the Guises, the Constable
himself remaining in this respect suspended.
The attempt to reconcile the houses of Guise and Cha-
tillon proved vain. D'Andelot and the Duke d'Aumale
continued to pursue each other with mutual reproaches and
recriminations, until at length it was found necessary, in
1 Davila, Guerre Civile di Francia, i. 351.
1566.] RETURN BY NAVARRE. 73
order to preserve the peace of the kingdom, to separate
these princes and gentlemen who persisted in disturbing
the Court by their dissensions. By way of setting the
example, the Constable, with Damville, took leave of the
King and Queen ; after which the Prince and the Admiral
retired to their country-houses, and the Duke d'Aumale
went to his delightful seat at Anet.1 The Cardinal de
Lorraine and the Marechal de Montmorenci alone re-
mained with the Court.
The other events of this year and those of the begin-
ning of the next will be briefly enumerated.
About the time of the Carnival the Queen of Navarre
left the Court. She was dissatisfied on various accounts.
The first of which was the cruel desertion of her niece,
Frances De Rohan, by the Duke de Nemours, in order to
make way for his marriage with the Duchess de Guise :
the second, that an order had been issued to arrest the very
minister who preached before her in her private apartments.
She retired, taking with her this time her son Henry,
who had now remained four years at the Court under the
care of La Gaucherie, a man of great mental accomplish-
ments, but who was lately dead. It is probable that the
Queen saw enough both of the manners and morals of the
place to think her son safer in Beam.
In the meantime Catherine, whatever her secret inten-
tions might be, continued to show favour to the chiefs of
the Reformed party. Upon the birth of a son to Conde, by
his present wife, Francoise d'Orleans, the King proposed
himself as sponsor, selecting Coligny to represent him at a
ceremony, where, upon account of religion, he could not
personally assist. The Admiral upon this occasion was
treated with every possible mark of consideration, and on
many others received proofs of unusual favour, but he was
' Davila, Guerre Civile di Francia, 1. 303.
74 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1566.
not the dupe of such appearances. " Those who opened
their eyes," says La Noue,' " for the preservation of them-
selves and others, saw, past a doubt, that there was a
determination to weaken the party by degrees, and then
give them the coup de grace."
The causes alleged for these suspicions were some of
them apparent to all the world, some less obvious ; among
the first may be enumerated — the dismantling of various
towns and the construction of citadels in those places
where the exercise of the religion was allowed, and yet
more the massacres and assassinations of distinguished
gentlemen which so often occurred, and for which no
justice could be obtained. Among the last, certain in-
tercepted letters were put forward as coming from Rome
and Spain, which clearly discovered the intended designs
— namely, the resolution taken at Bayonne to extermi-
nate the Gueux of Flanders and the Hugonots of France :
but above all the arrival of a body of 6,000 Swiss, which
had been raised upon the pretence of securing the king-
dom upon occasion of the Duke of Alva's passage through
a portion of the frontiers, confirmed the suspicions of the
Hugonots, and forced them to look to their own safety.2
As the transactions in Flanders are from henceforward
most intimately connected with those of France, before pro-
ceeding to the history of the second troubles, I must
give, as briefly as possible, a retrospect of the religious
affairs of that country.
1 Mem. de La Noue. * Ibid. p. 168.
1566.] AFFAIRS OF FLANDERS. 75
CHAPTER IV.
AFFAIRS OF FLANDERS. ANXIETIES OF THE HUGONOTS. ARRIVAL OF THE SIX
THOUSAND SWISS.
The Low Countries, as is well known, upon the separa-
tion of the dominions of Burgundy after the death of Charles
the Bold, being a female fief, were carried by his daughter
Mary into the house of Austria ; and by succession had
become the inheritance of the Emperor Charles V., from
whom they had devolved to his son Philip II. Filled with
numbers of those large and rich commercial cities, where
alone throughout the Middle Ages the spirit of freedom
was maintained, a gentle and dexterous hand had been
required to preserve to their Lords paramount even the
appearance of authority ; and the history of Burgundy is
filled with the revolts and insurrections of these free-born
citizens on even the slightest attempt to infringe their
liberties. Even Charles V., eminent as he was, found it
necessary, when visiting Flanders, to abate much of that
haughty despotic character which marked the government
of his other states, and to conciliate the affections of his
subjects by mild measures, popular manners, and the most
scrupulous regard to their privileges. But Philip II., of
an understanding far less enlarged, and a temper more
rigid, misunderstood or undervalued the character of the
people he had to govern. An attempt on his part to
attribute to the bishops a power little differing from
that of the Inquisition, had been remonstrated against by
the Flemings — many of whom had embraced the Reformed
76 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1566.
opinions, but who with one accord, alike Catholics and
Protestants, united in opposing this new and dangerous
invasion of their liberties.
William of Nassau, Prince of Orange, surnamed the
Taciturn, was one of the first to lend the assistance of his
great abilities to this cause, and Philip, upon this mani-
festation of resistance, having for the present conde-
scended to dissemble his intentions, had with various pro-
mises soon afterwards quitted the country for Spain.
He left the government in the hands of his natural sister,
the Duchess of Parma ; but fearing the gentleness of her
temper would render her unapt for his purposes, he had
attached to her as minister, with full powers, Nicholas
Perronet — Sieur and afterwards Cardinal de Granvelle,
brother of that Perronet de Chantonnay, whom we have
found *so busy as Spanish Ambassador in France. Granvelle,
after offending the Catholics by various regulations, had at
last assumed the title of Grand Inquisitor, and had excited
universal indignation by establishing the Inquisition with
all its powers in the country ; intending no doubt to make
use of this abominable tribunal, not only as an engine to
extirpate heresy, but as one to act with equal force in
matters of state. The city of Antwerp, however, regard-
ing this measure as one entailing the ruin of her commerce
with Protestant countries, had broken out into open dis-
turbances ; while the other cities, and the principal
nobility forwarded their complaints to Spain. But in
return only ambiguous and captious answers were received.
The fermentation consequently had increased rapidly,
at which Granvelle highly exasperated became only the
more violent and cruel. It having being observed, that
public executions served only to excite popular distur-
bances, a method of secret punishment, still mure full of
torment than that by fire was invented. It was practised
1566.] AFFAIRS OF FLANDERS. 77
in secret chambers, where the head of the victim being
tied between his knees, he was plunged into a cask of
water, and left to perish by suffocation. Atrocious bar-
barity ! which, without the plausible though futile pre-
tence of a terrible example, busied itself in aggravating the
agonies of those who in silence and darkness carried with
them their story to the grave. " Yet, is this man," says
Le Laboureur, " perhaps of all the men of his time, the
most celebrated and praised, and by the most illustrious
pens."1 The secret, however, of these barbarous execu-
tions transpired, and the cry of horror was universal.
The Prince of Orange, and the Counts Egmont and Horn,
wrote in the name of the nation to the King of Spain,
demanding the expulsion of Granvelle, and the Cardinal,
terrified at the universal detestation, at last gave in his dis-
missal ; but he retired, vowing vengeance. These events
happened in 1563. Though absent, Granvelle continued to
govern the councils by his influence, and enraged at his ap-
parent defeat, seemed only the more obstinately bent upon
his sanguinary designs. In the meantime, the conduct of
the Duchess of Parma had been represented to Philip as the
result of a determination to foment the troubles, and in
order to refute such calumnies the Count d'Egmont, at her
desire, had visited Spain. He spoke with the courage na-
tural to his character," emboldened by the splendour of his
past services, but his representations, though apparently
obtaining attention in public, were in secret overruled.
Philip, confirmed in his ideas by the letters of Granvelle, re-
solved to establish the Inquisition at any cost, and in 15G5,
the Duchess of Parma received a formal order to establish
and support the authority of that tribunal, and to exter-
1 Lc Laboureur, Ob. on Mem. that Spain lias been indebted for the
de Castlenau. victory of St. Quentin.
2 It was to tlie Count d'Egmont
78 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1566.
minate the heretics without mercy. The attempt to obey
this order was made, and the people rendered furious,
flew to arms, menacing their own nobles with death, if
they refused to assist them. The 5th of April, 1566, the
Count Louis of Nassau, Henri de Brederode, and many
nobles and gentlemen, after having assembled at Gertruy-
denburg, and signed a confederation to resist tyranny,
proceeded to the palace of the Duchess of Parma at
Brussels, there to present a petition against the inquisi-
tion or the reception of the decrees of the Council of
Trent. The petitioners were in number about four
hundred, modestly clothed and marching two and two.
The Duchess received them graciously, and promised a
speedy answer. As they left the palace the Count de
Barlaimont, one of the leaders of the opposite party, re-
marked, " qiiil vUy avoit rien d craindre du ces coquins
Id, ce n'etoit qu' une troupe de gueux."1 The sarcasm was
directed against the simplicity of their dress, and the
moderate wealth of the most part of them. But the
epithet applied by contempt, was adopted by enthusiasm,
and the party accepted it as its designation. The nobles
assumed a plain dress of grey cloth, with a small vessel of
wood hanging round the neck, as customary with beggars,
to receive their alms, and they pledged each other in
future under this title, at their convivial meetings. They
wore likewise a gold medal, bearing on one side the effigy
of the King, on the reverse, two hands holding a scrip,
with this motto, " Fidels au Roi, jusqii a la besace.""
Thus the name of Gueux became as universally in use in
Flanders, as that of Hugonot had done in France.
The Duchess of Parma, a woman of a merciful temper,
endeavoured to avert the impending storm. She mitigated
the rigorous orders she had received, pacified the insur-
1 There was nothing to he feared from those scoundrels, they were hut a
pack of beggars.
1566.] AFFAIRS OF FLANDERS. 79
gents by her representations, and in concert with the
Gueux despatched a fresh deputation to Spain, to lay their
remonstrances before the King. An answer of inso-
lent contempt was returned. " That if they liked it
better, instead of condemning the Protestants and their
ministers to the stake, they might, if they pleased, send
them to the gallows." This answer coupled with the
alarming report that Philip was coming in person to carry
his plans into execution, drove the people to despair. A
sudden explosion followed. The Protestants boldly defying
the government and the Inquisition, began regardless of
the edicts to exercise their religion openly, and to deface
the churches and other sacred buildings.
But after the first effervescence was over, the insur-
rection instead of subsiding, assumed a more serious aspect,
and the people began to organise themselves into a regular
army. Upon this the Prince of Orange, and the Counts
Egmont and Horn were deputed by the Duchess to meet
the leaders of the Gueux, and endeavour to conclude an
accommodation. After various conferences, it was at
length agreed that the confederates should lay down their
arms, upon condition that the past should be forgotten,
and no one in future under any pretence be punished for
what had been done.
The calm that ensued was brief. The Duchess received
intelligence that Philip persisted in his determination,
and to employ all the power he was master of in further-
ance of his object ; though he still concealed his designs,
and affected to treat the principal noblemen with the most
affectionate confidence. Many seduced by these appear-
ances forsook the party of the confederates ; but the treat-
ment they received furnished only a fresh example of the
ill faith of the government. Advantage was taken of
the apparent weakness of the malcontents, and all the
provisions held out at the accommodation were disre-
80 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [15G6-
garded. Once more the noblemen met at Dendermonde.
The Prince of Orange and Count Louis laid before the
meeting certain intercepted letters addressed to the Duchess,
by which it was demonstrated, that Philip, looking upon
the Prince and the Counts Egmont and Horn as the chief
supporters of the cause of liberty, was deluding them by
his caresses only the more certainly to destroy them. The
Prince of Orange now declaring that it was his own inten-
tion for the present to leave the country, and escape
by flight the coming danger, exhorted all present to follow
his example. But the Count d'Egmont, relying upon his
past services and his undeviating loyalty, resolved to stand
his ground. These great men parted with tears. "■Adieu,'"
cried Egmont, "Prince sans terre." "Adieu" replied
Nassau, " Comte sans tete" The Count Horn remained
with D*'Egmont.
The disturbances and partial insurrections now increased,
and it was in the April of 1567, that the Duke of Alva
took leave of his master, and with a small and well ap-
pointed army, proceeded to the scene of action. He came
with design to carry into execution the principles he had
openly avowed before a council held at Segovia, where some
advising the King to measures of clemency, Alva had de-
clared, that " no satisfaction, short of utter extermination,
could atone for the impiety and rebellion of the Flemings."
It will readily be supposed that the disputes in the Low
Countries were watched with the deepest interest by the
French Protestants ; and an understanding immediately
took place between parties so closely connected by their
wrongs and by their interests. A similarity of opinion
and character had long before united the Prince of Orange
and Coligny in the strictest friendship, and it was through
this Prince that the Admiral now received intelligence
which aroused his suspicions, and filled him with alarm.
1566.J ANXIETIES OF THE I1UGONOTS. 81
The letters mentioned above, as intercepted by Nassau, had
contained unquestionable evidence that a unity of pur-
pose existed between Catherine and the Spanish govern-
ment, and the aspect of affairjs at home confirmed their
testimony. The privileges of the Protestants had been
gradually diminished. The outrages of the Catholics been
passed over without punishment, so many as 3,000 of the
Hugonots had perished by popular violence since the peace,
and no satisfaction had been offered. Men were wantonly
murdered without excuse and without provocation ; and
instances of the greatest cruelty and the utmost disregard
of human life and property were every day occurring. In
vain the Prince de Cond6 complained of these excesses,
and demanded satisfaction upon the offenders ; his repre-
sentations met with little attention ; and he felt that his
influence was every day more and more upon the decline.
The Hugonot chiefs, to balance in some measure the
Catholic league with Spain, now thought it only prudent
to renew their intercourse with the English, and the Ger-
man Protestant powers ; and, it was at their suggestion, if
we may believe Davila, that the Palatine of the Rhine, the
Duke of Wirtemburg, and other German Princes, now sent
ambassadors to the King of France, to remonstrate on the
breach of the Edict of Pacification, and to express a desire,
on the part of their masters, that the Reformed ministers
might have permission to preach in Paris, and generally
throughout the kingdom ; the people being at full liberty
to attend their services. " The King, whose temper was
above measure irascible and fierce, was excessively enraged
at this. These representations excited him to such a
degree, that he could scarcely command himself enough
to answer, — 'That if the Princes would preserve his
friendship, they must not attempt to interfere in his
affairs ;' and, pausing a moment, he added, ' What would
VOL. II. (I
82 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1566.
they think if he demanded that the mass should be cele-
brated in their cities V"1
He fell into a still greater rage the following day, when
the Admiral being in his chamber began to complain of
the limitations of the edict, saying, " that none were
allowed to attend the meetings in private houses save the
domestics of the family ; and that one friend could not
be admitted to hear the word of God even in the house of
another." The King, in excessive anger, went to the
Queen's chamber, where the Chancellor happened to be,
and, bursting into a violent passion, declared — " That the
Duke of Alva was right ; that some heads were too emi-
nent in his state ; that policy was of no avail against
their artifices ; and recourse must be had to violence.'1
Maxims but too firmly rooted in his mind.2
The appearances on all sides, the intelligence received
from all quarters, served unhappily only to exasperate this
hasty temperament. The provinces were in the greatest
fermentation, disorders were perpetually recurring — con-
fusion and distraction were seen on every side. " For it
could not be supposed that the Hugonots, after such in-
vasions of their tranquillity, would not have recourse
to reprisals," says La Noue f and Davila tells us, " That
these things so changed and heated the mind of the
King — whose hatred against those who so contumaciously
opposed his will but strengthened with his years —
that the counsels of the Duke of Alva, suiting well his
natural disposition, and the Hugonots ceasing not to
provoke him, he was day and night in secret council with
his mother to find some means for uprooting the evil."4
"The Queen exhorted him to patience and dissimu-
lation, as did the Cardinal de Lorraine, with his brothers
' Davila, Guerre Civile di Fran- 3 Mem. de La Noue— Davila.
eia, vol. i. 4 Davila, Guerre Civile di Fran-
3 Mem. de La Noue, Perrau, vie eia.
Coligny.
1566.] ANXIETIES OF THE IIUGONOTS. 83
and nephew, for though they greatly rejoiced in this change
of feeling, yet they wished it to be concealed till the fit
occasion should arise .... but there being no end to the
suspicions of the Hugonots, nor to the bloody dissensions
of the people, the Prince and the Admiral now frequent-
ing, now forsaking the Court, and always with new
complaints and representations, the King, iracondo e ter-
ribile, could endure it no longer, so that, finally, it was
determined to aid art by force, and to restrain the licence
of the discontented."1 Davila speaks the sentiments of
that Court, with which he sympathises, and shares the
obstinate prejudice which persisted in overlooking the
true source of all these mischiefs, in the cruel tyranny
attempted and the faithless breach of a solemn edict of
peace. But, La Noue says, "The Edict of Pacification had
given almost universal satisfaction in France, and every one,
all evil ceasing, had begun to live in repose, security of
body, and liberty of mind." The fable of the wolf and the
lamb was never more applicable than to the representations
made by Catholic writers of these proceedings ; and I am
sorry to observe even in our own day, when a more candid
and equitable spirit might be demanded from the historian,
Mr. Lingard,c in his history, continuing, without scruple,
to retail as truths, the shameless misrepresentations of
angry and unprincipled party writers.
The Prince felt the full effect of these changes on the
part of the King and his mother. He had never ceased
to hope that the Lieutenant-Generalcy of the kingdom, so
repeatedly promised, so justly his due, so necessary to
the security of his party, would at length, in spite of the
1 Davila, Guerre Civile di Francia. and that the author must have pre-
3 It has been said of his History sumed upon very great general igno-
of England, that it is a disgrace to ranee among his readers to imagine
tin- century when, and to the com- that bis representations of these and
munity for whom, it was written; other measures would go down.
0 2
84 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1566.
delays and hesitations of the Queen, be conferred upon
him. But when, upon the Constable laying down his
office, it became necessary to make the appointment, the
Queen, in defiance of her promises, not only nominated
the Duke of Anjou, but instigated that young Prince,
then but a boy of sixteen, to insult the high-spirited and
sensitive gentleman and soldier, by expressions of the
most insolent contempt. The Queen instructed him, says
Brantome, " and, well — and one evening when she was at
supper, M. le Prince coming in, M. le Due took him aside,
and spoke to him properly, et de posses dents, re-
proaching him with his presumption, in daring to pretend
to such a charge, it being by right his own, and that if he
presumed to interfere with him, he would make him re-
pent it, ' et le reduire d aussi petit compagnon comme il
vouloit faire du grand:''1 and many other things he said,
which we heard not, we standing aside. But we saw he
spoke with high words; now holding his sword by the
hilt ; now touching his dagger ; now enfoncant et hans-
sant son bonnets
The Prince, introduced thus early to public life, en-
dowed by the fond partiality of his mother with the most
responsible and important charge in the kingdom — this
precocious youth, who felt so little reverence for superior
age and reputation, so little respect for the feelings of a
brave and honourable man, was afterwards Henry III. of
France. A beautiful person, great talents, the gift of the
most sweet and insinuating eloquence, united to consider-
able personal courage — esteemed the crowning virtue in
his time — were his endowments from nature ; but original
disposition, or a wicked education, had united to them a
temper malignant and designing, and a heart deceitful
and utterly corrupt, incapable of harbouring a generous
1 And soon make him as small as 2 Brantome, Homnies Illustres.
he now looked hkr.
1566.] ANXIETIES OF THE HUGONOTS. 85
feeling. Cruel, unjust, or absurd, in public life ; in pri-
vate, detestable and detested — such was Henry, now
Duke d'Anjou — the idol of his mother's heart.
Conde, subduing his resentment and repressing his
feelings, answered with gentleness, though with consider-
able emotion. He complained afterwards to the Queen
of this treatment, but his remonstrances were received
with undisguised indifference ; and devouring his mortifi-
cation and displeasure as best he could, he retired once
more to his country seat.
The Duke of Alva had now quitted Spain for Flanders.
His route was taken through Italy, and would lead him
through la Bresse, part of Dauphine, belonging at that time
to Savoy and through Franche Comte and Lorraine. From
Italy he wrote to the Queen to inform her of the resolutions
taken with regard to the Gueux, and to exhort her to arm
on her side, and exterminate the Hugonots in France.
The intended route of Alva awakened the most lively
apprehensions on the part of the Prince and Coligny,
more especially when they called to mind that secret
article of the treaty of Cateau, whereby the sovereigns of
France and Spain mutually pledged themselves to assist
each other in the extermination of heresy. They went
repeatedly to Court to represent the danger and impro-
priety of suffering the Spanish forces to cross the fron-
tiers, and Cond6 offered, if permitted, with the assistance
of his friends alone, to oppose the Duke's passage.
This proposal was an imprudent one, and only served to
inflame the jealousy and anger of the King, who deeply
resented what he thought arrogance in the Prince, in thus
offering to conduct measures by himself. But the Queen
affected to share in Conde's apprehensions, and imme-
diately, but with far other design, gave orders for the levy
of 6,000 Swiss, which proceeding, there can be no doubt,
was the immediate cause of the second troubles.
8G THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1566.
Catherine, however, still continued to dissemble, and
she now summoned a numerous Council, in which she
included the Hugonot chiefs, and affected the most
serious apprehensions. She even went the length of
recommending a war with Spain, should this armament
be found to proceed from any sinister design, and
dispatched the younger De l'Aubespine to Madrid to re-
monstrate upon the subject. She acted her part so well
as to deceive the Pope himself, for he wrote to his Nuncio
to omit nothing in allaying the uneasiness of the Queen
of France ; and Conde was so far blinded as to be upon
the point of renouncing the projects he had lately medi-
tated. But the suspicions of the Admiral remained un-
abated, and time too speedily confirmed their justice.1
The Duke of Alva marched by the proposed route to
Flanders, where his arrival was signalised by unparalleled
cruelties. His proceedings alone would have been sufficient
to terrify the Hugonots ; but when, though his army had
peaceably evacuated the French provinces, they saw that the
Queen not only continued her levies, but that the Swiss
troops were actually about to enter the kingdom ; the veil
dropped from their eyes, and they at once beheld the
precipice upon which they stood.
1 " Dans cette situation d'interets Seigneur et son etat. Gens eccle-
communs, jamais les rapports de la siastiques ! considerez la misere oii
France avec l'Espagne n'avaient et€ est et a £te votre Roi ; mettez vous en
plus frequens. Les Archives de ferventes prieres et oraisons ; armez
Simancas indiquent le nom de sept vous des armes spirituelles pour
envoyes secrets a Madrid, pendant aider le Roi a sortir de ce passage
les deux annees qui precederent la a l'honneur de Dieu et conservation
rupture avec les Huguenots. II de lui et de sa couronne. Vous no-
existe dans cesArchives une brochure bles, qui devaient marcher et militer
curieuse avec ce titre, ' Advertise- sous votre Roi, quel honneur ce sera
ment a tous bons et loyaux sujets pour vous contrihuer a sa defense !
du Roi, ecclesiastiques, nobles, et Vous etes lie's par commandement
tiers etat pour n'etre surpris et cir- de Dieu, par serment expres,et outre
convenus par les impostures, sug- par le devoir naturel, a votre Roi et
gestions, et suppositions des conspi- Prince ! Vous tiers e'tat, considerez
rateurs, participans et adherans a la la detresse de votre Roi, &c.'" —
pernicieuse et damnee entreprise Capefigue, vol. ii. p. 352.
machine'e contre notre Souverain
CHAPTER V.
THE SECOND TROUBLES.
PROCEEDINGS OF THE HUGONOTS. — SECRET COUNCIL AT CHATILLON-SUR-LOIRE .
JOURNEE DE MEAUX. THE KING SHUTS HIMSELF UP AT PARIS. BATTLE
OF ST. DENYS. DEATH OF THE CONSTABLE DE MONTMORENCI.
" I doubt not," wrote Prosper St. Croix to the Cardinal
Borroraeo, " that your eminence will receive much pleasure
from learning, that the affairs of the kingdom do not
take that evil turn which was once expected. For by the
grace of God and of the Queen, every one takes, at last,
88 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1567.
the proper steps ; and it is to be considered certain, that
in a little while we shall hear no more talk of the Hugo-
nots in France!'1
" Three secret conferences were now held by the Hugo-
nots," says La Noue. " The first at St. Valeri, the other
two at Chatillon, where ten or twelve gentlemen met to
deliberate upon what was passing, and devise some just
and legitimate expedients for their protection against
what they apprehended, without being driven to extreme
courses. Opinions differed — nevertheless, chiefly through
the counsels of the Admiral, all seemed contented to have
patience,2 and not too hastily, or until the last necessity,
engage in measures which would entail such heavy evils,
but rather to wait quietly expecting what time would bring
forth.3. However, at the last meeting, more heat was shewn,
for the Admiral and the Prince had received secret ad-
vices from some great personage at Court, much attached to
the Religious, that a secret council had been held, wherein it
had been decided that the Prince and the Admiral should
both be seized, the Prince to be imprisoned, and the Ad-
miral executed ; and that at the same time, 2,000 Swiss
should enter Paris ; 4,000, Orleans, and the rest be dis-
patched to Poictiers : after which the Edict of Pacification
should be annulled, and another made, such as was little
expected. This intelligence was not difficult to believe, for
the Swiss, whom they had so often promised to send
home, were at that very moment marching upon
Paris. Then some that were present, more impa-
tient than the others, spoke thus, — " What, are we to wait
till they bind us hand and foot, and drag us to the scaf-
folds of Paris \ What further light do we wait for %
1 Lettres de St. Croix. 3 Mem. de La Noue, chap. xii.
2 Mem. de La Noue, chap. xii. p. 369.
p. 169.
1567. J DISTRUSTS OF THE HUGONOTS. 89
What more would you have 1 See you not the foreign
army marching upon us, and threatening us with ven-
geance ? Have you forgotten, that, since the peace,
3,000 of our religion have perished by violence ? Vio-
lence for which no justice has ever been obtained. If
it were the will of the King, that we should be thus out-
raged and abused, it might be borne, but knowing it to
be the act of those who deny us all access to his presence,
in order while thus unprotected to make a prey of us, shall
we endure it 1 Our fathers have had patience more than
forty years, during which they have suffered every sort of
persecution, for the confession of the name of Jesus
Christ, which cause we maintain also — and now, when not
only families, but whole towns have made this declaration
of faith, should not we be unworthy the noble titles of
Christians or gentlemen, if through our negligence and
cowardice we suffered such a multitude to perish \ There-
fore, we entreat you, gentlemen, who have undertaken
our defence, to come quickly to some resolution, for the
affair will brook no longer delay."
" The most part were greatly moved by these words ;
but some, more cool and reflecting than the rest, replied,
' The danger was evident, not so the remedies. If we
have recourse to complaint what is it but to increase the
irritation against us % If to arms, to what reproach and
calumny do we expose ourselves, to what misery our
families — on whom, scattered in divers places, the ven-
geance of our enemies first will fall % Is it not better
among evils to choose the least ; and suffer the first
violence to proceed from our enemies, rather than by
beginning ourselves, become the culpable authors of
public and private aggression1?' .... On this, M. d'An-
delot took up the discourse and said, ' Your opinion,
gentlemen, rests upon some appearance of equity and
90 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1567.
prudence, — but the principal drugs which might purge
the peccant humours of the kingdom of France are
wanting in your prescription — namely, fortitude and
magnanimity. Do you intend to wait, I ask, till we
are banished to foreign lands — bound in prisons — fugitive
in forests — run down by the people — despised by the men-
at-arms — condemned by the authority of the great %
What will our patience and humility avail us then ?
What our innocence % To whom shall we complain 1
Who will listen to us 1 No, it is time to undeceive
ourselves, and stand upon our own defence ; a measure no
less just than necessary : and little need we regard the
being called the authors of the war, they being alone
the true authors who, having broken all public and
private pactions, have in reality begun the contest by
bringing 6,000 foreigners into the country. And should
we give them the advantage by suffering them to
strike the first blow, our misfortunes will be without
remedy."1
This discourse obtained the approbation of all present,
and it was resolved to take up arms, and avert, if pos-
sible, the impending ruin ; but when they began to deli-
berate upon the course to be pursued, difficulties appeared
on every side. Some advised quietly to take possession
of Orleans, and thence apprise his Majesty, that seeing
the advance of the Swiss, they had there retired with
their friends for security ; but on the Swiss being
sent back, would each one be ready to return peaceably
home. But Orleans no longer lay open to a brilliant
surprise — as in 1563 ; defended by a large garrison, and
stronger fortifications, it defied a coup de main. The
same might be said of the other numerous towns, which
had at first so openly embraced the cause — these were
1 Mem. de La None.
1567.] SECRET COUNCIL AT CIIATILLON. 91
now mostly dismantled of their walls, and held in check
by fortresses lately erected. At length it was agreed
openly to fly to arms, and to aim at the accomplishment
of four principal objects ; 1st. To seize a few towns,
and those of importance. ; 2nd. To raise une armee
gaillarde; 3rd. To cut the Swiss to pieces; and 4th.
To drive the Cardinal de Lorraine from Court.
One proceeding of paramount importance was likewise
decided upon. Recollecting the unfortunate hesitations
which at the commencement of the last troubles had de-
prived them of the prestige of the King's presence in
their camp ; it was resolved to open the present cam-
paign by obtaining possession of his person. But circum-
stances had greatly changed. A boy susceptible of every
impression, whom to seize upon was to secure as a friend —
had become a youth, irritable, jealous, and haughty ; by
whom such an attempt would be resented as the last of
insults and the extremest of injuries. What a few years
past would have rendered their ultimate success certain,
was now become the most hazardous of experiments.
In consequence of their resolutions, however, a general
rendezvous was fixed for the 26th of September at Rosoy
en Brie, a place in the neighbourhood of the palace of
Monceaux, where, with a strange incaution, Catherine
with her son still remained. Such of the Hugonot
nobility as were too distant to join this rendezvous were
instructed upon the same day to make a general rising
in the provinces. And thus the whole kingdom would
suddenly pass from the security of peace to the terrors
of a universal insurrection.
Numerous as were those to whom the secret of this
design was entrusted, so faithfully was it kept (as in the
case of Amboise) that not the slightest intimation of it
reached the Court till one or two days before it was to
92 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1567.
be carried into execution. Montluc was the first to
write from Guyenne, that extraordinary movements were
observed among the Hugonots of that province, and to
beseech the Queen to look well to the King s person.
Catherine read the letter with great ill humour, saying,
" Montluc was an alarmist, incessantly tormenting her,"
and that she was better informed as to the state of the
kingdom— in fact, well provided as she was with spies,
she thought it impossible the truth should have escaped
her. She sent, however, a confidential agent to the
Admiral's house at Chatillon, to report as to what was
going on there. Coligny was found employed in his
grounds, dressed in a shabby blouse, and mounted upon
a tree which he was pruning. Catherine found it impos-
sible to reconcile the idea of a conspirator with so simple,
and peaceful an occupation — and was satisfied.
The Court was still engaged in its usual amusements,
especially that of hunting, when one of those appa-
rently trifling circumstances, by which the destiny of
men, and even kingdoms is often decided — discovered
the secret, and saved the King — or rather, perhaps, we
should say, deprived France of her last chance for liberty
and peace.
The Baron Castlenau de Mauvissiere, of whom we
have before spoken, had been sent to Brussels to com-
pliment the Duke of Alva. He was returning quietly
home when he fell into company with two Hugonot
officers of his acquaintance, who in conversation (with an
imprudence very remarkable, when the general fidelity
of the party to their secret is considered) revealed to
him the plans of their party, namely, the determination
to seize upon the King and his Council at Monceaux — to
chastise some of their adversaries, and put it out of the
power of the rest to injure their party again. "All
1567.] SECRET COUNCIL AT CHATILLON. 93
which appeared to me rather a fable than anything
else," says lie.
Arrived at Court, Castlenau hastened to disclose to
the Council what he had heard ; but he met with little
attention. The Queen looked upon the whole as a
mystification: and the Constable listened with an air
of disdain, censuring Castlenau for 'spreading ill-founded
rumours ; and adding haughtily, that he was Constable
of France, and in that capacity was not wanting in
intelligence of what was passing in the Provinces — that
a Hugonot army was not a thing to be carried about the
country in a man's sleeve ; and that not a hundred horse
could assemble, but he should have advice of it. The
Chancellor, also, dreading reports that served to exas-
perate the rising animosity of the King, blamed Castle-
nau, and exclaimed against the criminality of giving
false advices to the sovereign.
The following day couriers arrived from Lyons, and
the King, as he took his packets, enquiring if there was
anything new, they replied, nothing particular, except
that they had never seen so much posting going on ; and
that upon enquiring wherefore all this travelling was
upon the cross roads, they were told that all these people
were going to Chatillon, where the brothers of Coligny
already were : and that a large meeting was about to
be held there.
Upon this, a brother of Castlenau was dispatched to
make observations. On his way he met a post chaise (!)
escorted by several cavaliers, and remarked that they were
armed in their cuirasses. Enquiring whose equipage that
was, he was told it was that of the Count de Sault, who was
going to Chatillon. As he proceeded the appearances of
' M6m.de Castlenau, additions of Lv Luboureur. — Perau Vie. Col.
94 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1567.
agitation increased, and as he approached the place he
perceived numerous equipages approaching the castle.
He ordered one of his servants to mingle with the crowd
of domestics assembled round the house, and get what
intelligence he could,. In the morning the man returned,
he had obtained the names of the principal gentlemen
assembled, and had formed a pretty exact idea of the
nature of the design in agitation. Castlenau had himself
learned that the surrounding villages were that night
filled with cavaliers, who took up their lodgings in the
cottages, conducting themselves with the most perfect
order. He now lost no time in hastening back to Court
with the intelligence he had collected, but found himself
just as ill-received as his brother had been. The Court,
unwilling to be disturbed in their amusements, continued
obstinately insensible to their situation.
In the mean time Coligny, D'Andelot, and La Poch-
foucault, having assembled their forces, had proceeded
to St. Valeri, where they were joined by the Prince.
They crossed the Marne at a place called Tillebardon,
and advanced to Lagni, where they halted. But Titus de
Castlenau, a younger brother of the two above-mentioued
gentlemen, anxious to justify the honour of his family
had remained upon the alert. He arrived in haste, the
next morning at Monceaux and reported that he had left
the Prince, the Admiral, and the gentlemen of their
party, "qui marchoient tous fort serves''' at Lagni,
where they were refreshing themselves, with the intention
immediately to remount their horses — surprise Monceaux,
and seize upon the persons of the Queen-Mother, the
King, and his brothers. He said that he had marched
some way in their company, and had recognised them
all. Upon this, the Constable became alarmed, saying,
this was information not to be neglected, and the moment
1567 ] SECRET COUNCIL AT CHATILLON. 95
afterwards couriers poured in with the intelligence that
the Hugonots of Champagne and Picardy were in arms.1
Nothing could exceed the panic that now seized the
Court. The Swiss, their sole resource, were at Chateau
Thierry, four leagues distant ; but orders were forwarded
for them to join immediately ; and in the meantime the
King, the Queen, with a small number of ladies and
courtiers mounted in haste upon hunting-horses, haque-
nces, and whatever could be found at hand, in the
utmost terror and confusion took refuge in Means, the
nearest walled town ; where they arrived in the course
of that night, the 26 th September.2
Courier upon courier was now despatched to hasten the
advance of the Swiss, while, to amuse the Hugonots, and
give time for the approach of the mercenaries, the
Marechal de Montmorenci was despatched to the Prince
and Admiral to open a negotiation.
Victims of their own honest intentions, ever ready to
listen to proposals for peace and good understanding —
even at the eleventh hour, the Prince and Coligny
consented to a conference, and lost by this short delay
all the advantages they might have derived from their
former promptitude and energy.3
The terms were, however, seriously deliberated upon
in the Council. The Chancellor, true to his pacific
principles, and resting in perfect confidence upon the
good faith and honour of Conde" and Coligny, advised
that the Swiss should be even now sent back, and
that the Admiral should be informed that the Kins
o
was willing to change the system of administration, and
above all to allow temples to the Reformed. He affirmed
1 Mem. de Castlenau, additions of 8 Mem. dc Bouillon, M. de
Le Laboureur. l'Hopital.
' De Thou.
96 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [156*7.
that such terms being granted, and honestly adhered to,
all the threatened calamities might yet be averted — for he
knew that those of the Religion had no desire but to
serve the King. The Queen-Mother took up this, "M. le
Chancelier, will you assure me they have no end in view
but to serve the King." "Yes, Madam, if you will assure
me that they shall not be betrayed and cheated." '
But while the Hugonots deliberated upon a fit answer
to be returned by Montmorenci, the Swiss, with a promp-
titude almost incredible, running, rather than marching,
had arrived at Meaux, the golden opportunity had already
escaped, and all purpose of conciliation on the part of the
government was at an end. A council was instantly
called to determine what was next to be done, whether
to remain guarded by the Swiss within the walls of
Meaux, or, trusting to them as an escort, endeavour to
gain Paris. The Constable, doubtful of the result of an
encounter — the Chancellor anxious to retard the fatal
moment, — advised to remain where they were. But the
Cardinal de Lorraine, desirous to force the Hugonots to
declare themselves and strike the first blow, was for
proceeding immediately to the capital. He was warmly
seconded by the Duke de Nemours, who affirmed it
would be unworthy weakness to fear the result, and
the height of imprudence to remain in a city so
ill fortified as Meaux — and, while the Council were
hotly disputing the matter, Colonel Pffiffer, commander
of the Swiss, begged to be introduced. Entering the
chamber where the King in Council was sitting,2 he
gravely and respectfully addressed his Majesty, en-
treating him not to suffer himself to be besieged in
so poor a place by his rebel subjects ; but to confide
1 Mem. de Bouillon — Mem. de l'Hopital.
2 Davila, Guerre Civile di Francia.
1567.] LA JOURNBE DE MEAUX. 97
his person, and that of the Queen, his mother, to the
good faith and courage of himself and his men ; who, being
in force 6,000, would with their pikes open him a road
through any number, however great, of his enemies.
These words being accompanied by the hoarse voices of
his captains assembled round the door of the Council
chamber, who reiterated their prayers and assurances,
the Queen arose, and complimenting them upon their
virtue and fidelity, commanded them to guard the person
of the King, during the few remaining hours of the
night (the 27th), for that in the morning she had
determined to commit the crown of France to the
protection of their honour and bravery. At which
resolution the air resounded with the shrill and savage
cries of the Swiss bands, who immediately went to get
ready for the morrow, while the great lords of the Court
prepared for the departure of their households. The
night was but half passed, when, beating their drums
with a loud noise, the Swiss marched out of the city
and put themselves in order ; and at daybreak the differ-
ent members of the Court, leaving the town by separate
gates, assembled at the same place : the Swiss then,
forming a hollow square, received the King, with the
Queen, her ladies, and the foreign Ambassadors, into the
centre of their battalion, and began their march with
such an air of audacity and courage " that for years a
more notable spectacle had not been seen in France."
They were preceded by the Duke de Nemours on horse-
back, leading the archers of the guard ; the rear being
brought up by the Constable, and all the gentlemen of
the Court.
The company had not proceeded far before the Hugo-
not cavalry was seen advancing at a rapid pace, lance in
rest, and prepared to make a vigorous attack. The
VOL. II. II
98 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1567.
Swiss halted, lowered their pikes, and stood with so much
intrepidity ready to receive the assault, that the Prince
and Coligny, who with their squadron caracoling and
wheeling at some little distance, approached their flanks,
did not dare to assail the battalions, which, after a
short pause, fiercely shaking their pikes, resumed their
march "in close order."
La Rochfoucault and D'Andelot, with 500 cavalry,
now bore down furiously to attack their rear. The
Swiss, with wonderful promptitude, faced about, and the
King threw himself at their head with his gentlemen, who
were mostly without their armour, and had nothing to
defend themselves with but their dress swords. They,
however, presented so resolute a countenance, that the
Hugonots firing their arquebusses retired, and were forced
to content themselves with making demonstrations at
some little distance.
In this manner, sometimes marching, sometimes halting
and charging the enemy, the Swiss continued to advance
with wonderful constancy for seven leagues, till the Hu-
gonot captains, wearied and despairing of any result from
this their first enterprise, retired, for the day was begin-
ning to fall, to the neighbouring villages. As soon as their
retreat was known, it was decided, that, to avoid the
perils of the ensuing day, the King and Queen with her
children, escorted by 200 horsemen, should ride with
all speed to Paris, leaving the Constable, the Duke de
Nemours, and the Swiss to follow as rapidly as pos-
sible. This plan was carried into execution with great
trepidation, every one dreading lest the whole royal
family should be surprised and taken ; " which," says
Davila, " might easily have been done." But the conse-
quences of this unfortunate attempt were fatal and of
long duration. Charles, it is said, never forgave it ; and the
1567.] LA JOURNEE DE MEAUX. 99
terror he had felt, added to the disgrace and dishonour of
thus being seen flying, as it were, before his own subjects,
sank deeply into his mind, exciting such bitter feel-
ings of resentment against the Hugonots as made him but
a too ready agent in all those scenes of violence and bar-
barity which ensued.
The King was received at Paris with the most extra-
vagant demonstrations of joy. The people shed tears
of tenderness, while Colonel Puffer, as he himself related
to Matthieu, was loaded with caresses. The King called
him his father ; the nobility visited and complimented
him, the bourgeoisie quitted their shops to gaze at him,
hailing him as the saviour of their Prince. He had
effected his entry the next morning, followed by his
Swiss inarching in their usual admirable order ; he was
received at the Porte St. Martin by Charles in person ;
a donative was distributed to the soldiers ; and the bands
were then dispersed to be quartered on the town.
The Cardinal de Lorraine, on his side, instead of fol-
lowing in the King's train to Paris, had retired to
Rheims ; and, falling in on the way with a party of
Hugonots, so great was his panic that he left his coach,
and fled on foot across the country, half dead, like Nero
before him, with fear.
This unfortunate day is celebrated in French history as
La Journee de Meaux.
The Prince and Admiral, miserably disappointed, now
retired to Claye, where they remained five days to con-
sider their situation. They had committed themselves —
had thrown down the gauntlet — but their too daring
enterprise had worse than failed. No answer had been,
or was now likely to be, returned to the petition they
had presented through Montmorenci ; war remained their
only resource, and they had to begin it under every pos-
i. 2
TOO THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1567.
sible disadvantage ; " but like brave men pressed by
necessity," says La Noue, "their courage only redoubled
when they saw the naked sword suspended by a hair
over their heads. They resolved to save themselves by a
brave resistance rather than by flight ; and, resolutely
shutting their eyes to many considerations that could
now no longer avail, estimerent qu'il convenoit r&solument
commence?'.'''' l
The design of a simultaneous rising of the Religious
throughout the kingdom was carried into execution with
complete success. The insurrection was universal. All
the Hugonots in France took up arms upon the same
day, to the astonishment and terror of the Catholics,
thus taken by surprise ; numerous towns were seized,
among the more important of which were Auxerre and
Soissons. The Prince and Admiral now resolved to open
the campaign bv a second decisive measure, and they de-
termined upon immediately blockading Paris, trusting that
the cries of a starving population would speedily bring the
Court to reason. Assembling, therefore, such forces as
they had, and ordering a general rendezvous for the rein-
forcements of Guyenne and Picardy before the walls of
the capital, and having dispatched messengers to the
German Princes to hasten the promised succours, they
approached the city, and commenced operations by seizing
Lagny, Montereau, and St. Denis, avenues by which the
large supplies that daily arrived from Champagne and
Burgundy reached the capital. A party also drawing
near the walls during the night destroyed the flour-
mills between the Porte St. Honore" and the Temple ;
others spread themselves in companies over the roads
of Picardy and Normandy, obstructing the passage, and
1 Thought there .was nothing left but resolutely to begin.
1567.] THE KING SHUTS HIMSELF UP AT PARIS. 101
putting a complete stop for the time to all communication
with the country round.
The effect produced by these measures surpassed all
calculation ; the Parisians were distressed and terrified
beyond expression, while the King was almost distracted
with rage, and broke out into the most violent invectives
and menaces. The Queen applied herself to collect all
the forces of the kingdom, Brissac, Strozzi, Martigues,
Tavannes received orders to march immediately to her
relief; the Duke de Guise was summoned from Picardy;
Damville from the south ; and every Catholic gentleman
throughout the kingdom prepared to arm for the defence
of his sovereign ; lastly, Castlenau was sent to the Duke
of Alva to demand assistance.1
It seems difficult to account for this extreme trepi-
dation, when the force of the respective parties is consi-
dered; 10,000 men were at this very moment assem-
bled within the walls of Paris, and the insignificant body
of the Hugonot chivalry was unsupported by infantry or
artillery ; but the daring audacity of the brave little
band imposed upon their enemies, who conceived it im-
possible that a man of such well known prudence as the
Admiral, should venture upon besieging the capital, unless
assured of support far beyond what present appearances
seemed to promise.
While her troops were assembling, the Queen as usual
endeavoured to amuse the enemy by negotiations. She
dispatched the Marechal de Montmorenci, the Chancellor,
Vieilleville, Morvilliers, and the Bishop de Limoges, to
treat of an accommodation ; and the Prince and the Ad-
miral, as so often before, willingly met them at a place
equally distant from the two armies. De Pllopital re-
1 Mem. de Castlenau, De Thou, D'Aubign6, Davila.
102 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1567.
proached the Hugonots gravely for having taken up arms
against their King, without even having represented their
grievances, or sought a remedy in a peaceable manner.
Conde, ready in word as with his sword, was not wanting
in the justification of himself and his friends. He de-
clared that he and his companions had not the slightest
intention of taking up arms either against the King or
against the State, to which they owed, and would ever
pay, inviolable fidelity; but that having been informed
of the sanguinary projects meditated against them, by
men who abused the royal authority to ruin those of
the Reform, they had felt themselves under the neces-
sity of rising in their own defence, to resist the
meditated cruelties ; and that their design was only
to present a petition to the King in favour of the
Religious, which petition he entreated him now to take
charge of.1
The demands contained in this paper mark a resolution
on the part of the Reformed to protect themselves, and
shew an increasing distrust of the government. The Edict
of January — the assembly of the States-General — and that
three cautionary towns should be placed in their hands
were the first among them ; to these were added the
dismissal of the Guises ; and lastly, that the Queen-
Mother should be henceforth deprived of any share
in the government, — which last proposition, no doubt,
was never forgotten by Catherine. " I will not/'
says D'Aubigne, " swell my book with a repetition of
the endless reasons, declarations, and apologies, put
forth upon one side — of edicts, letters patent, and pro-
clamations upon the other, contenting myself with
saying, that these conferences (parlemens) were ruinous
1 Dc Thou, Davila, D'Aubigne, La None, &c.
1567.] THE KING SHUTS HIMSELF UP AT PARIS. 103
to that party, which, having no legitimate authority by
which to summon men to sell metahie et moulin to
furnish arms, they were found glad enough to delay such
matters upon the first rumour of a negotiation/'1
Delay, however, at first, appeared favourable to the
Confederates ; Orleans, speedily fell into their hands,
from which place they drew three cannon and five cul-
verins, the only artillery in their army. In Burgundy,
Maqon and Auxerre ; in Dauphin6, Valence ; in Lan-
guedoc, Nismes and Montpellier, declared for them.
Montgomery seized Estampes, Dieppe was taken, Metz
on the eve of a surrender. In Gascogny Montluc
was kept so well employed, that he found it impossible to
succour the Queen ; and the distress and dissatisfaction
within Paris was increasing every hour.
But soon the face of affairs changed. The Catholic
forces began rapidly to approach. Brissac and Strozzi,
with four regiments of infantry, found means to throw
themselves into the town, and no sooner was this
effected, than all negotiation was again broken off,
and in place of the Chancellor, Vieilleville, and Mont-
morenci, who retired within the walls, a herald was, on
the 6th of November, dispatched to St. Denys, summoning
the confederates to lay down their arms within four-and-
twenty hours, under pain of being attainted of high
treason.
Conde\ seeing the herald approach, called to him, im-
patiently, it is said, commanding him not to dare say any
tiling against his honour, or he would have him hanged.
The herald replied, " I come on the part of your master
and mine, and threats will not make me neglect my com-
mission," and so put the writing into his hand. Conde
1 D'AuhigiK;, Histoire Univcrselle.
104 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. L156?-
demanded three days to consider of his answer. The
herald replied, that he must return in twenty-four hours,
which he did, and bearing so temperate a reply, that the
negotiations were renewed, the Constable, Coss6, and
the Marechal de Montmorenci, on the one side, meeting
the Prince and the three Chatillons on the other. The
Prince, however, adhered to his determination not to lay
down his arms till proper terms should be granted, while
the Constable persisted in exhorting him to rely implicitly
upon the word of the King, and to demand no other security
for the lives and fortunes of his party. At last the
Cardinal de Chatillon, departing from his usual courtesy of
manner, bluntly replied, " That it was impossible to trust
the King, and still less himself (the Constable), who had
broken his faith once, and by so doing occasioned all the
evils they endured — he being the man who had persuaded
the King to disregard the Edict of Pacification." The Con-
stable told him he lied, and with these exasperating words
the conference terminated. Three days afterwards the
parties came to blows at St. Denys.
Upon the 10th of November, the eve of St. Martin, the
battle of St. Denys was fought.
The Constable had certainly shewn a considerable un-
willingness to bring matters to this extremity, but urged
by the loud cries and murmurs of the Parisians, and
galled by the epigrams and sarcasms of the nobility who
openly accused him of favouring his nephews, he at
length consented to give battle, and led his army outside
the walls of Paris. He chose his opportunity well, the con-
federate army having been considerably weakened by the
absence of D'Andelot, who, with 1,300 men, was gone to
seize Poissy, and bar the passage of the Duke d'Aremberg,
with the succours dispatched by the Duke of Alva.
The total amount of the Hugonot army at this
1567.] BATTLE OF ST. DENYS. 105
time before Paris, according to De Thou, amounted only to
1,500 cavalry, mostly ill-armed, and worse mounted,
serving under the standards of eighteen gentlemen ; and
of 1,200 infantry.1
The Constable, on the contrary, entered the field at the
head of 16,000 infantry, and 3,000 cavalry, a force, suffi-
cient, it would seem, to annihilate the little army of the
Religious.
As the Constable marched out of the gates of Paris*
to meet the enemy in fine order, with colours flying and
drums beating, the heights of Mont Martre were crowded
with eager spectators pressing and jostling one another, in
the greatest possible excitement, at the prospect of them-
selves witnessing a battle. All the busy, restless popu-
lation of the town and all the gay members of the Court
were huddled together. Priests, foreign Ambassadors,
fair ladies dressed d Vamazone — magistrates and grave
doctors of the law in their furred robes and ermine —
people of every rank and condition, all expecting with
mingled terror and curiosity the approaching fight.
Montmorenci had resolved, if possible, to force the
Hugonots to an engagement, or failing in this, to drive
them from their positions, and intercept the retreat of
D'Andelot. " I have heard," says La Noue, " that he did
not expect they would hazard a battle being thus divided ;
but he was deceived, for their ardour to come to blows
equalled his own, notwithstanding the inequality of
force. The Catholics had four advantages, namely, supe-
riority in numbers — in artillery — in several battalions of
pikemen — and in the ground they had chosen ; all which
prevented not the Hugonots from beginning the attack,
which they did, ranged in three divisions of cavalry en
1 De Thou, D'Aubi-nr.
106 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1567.
haye (a very bad method, though so long practised by
our gens-dJ armes, but we have since learned the use of
squadrons), and the combat followed, which was furious,
and lasted near three quarters of an hour — et ceux qui' y
out ensanglante four espee, se peuvent vanter de rt avoir
pas faute de courage."1
The armies were opposed in the following order. The
centre of the Catholics, in which marched the 6,000
Swiss, commanded by the Constable in person, to the
centre or bataille of the Hugonots headed by Cond£. On
the left of the Catholics, their first division (avant garde),
to the avant garde of the Hugonots, under the Admiral.
On the right, the Duke de Nemours, with a strong body
of cavalry, to the left of the Protestants under Genlis and
Mouy, which, stretching over the plain towards Auber-
villiers, was defended in some measure by a deep trench
on their extreme left.
As the aged Constable rode gallantly forwards at the
head of his army, " never had man," says Matthieu, " a
nobler mien, or on day of battle looked more resolved.*
All admired this air of authority in that venerable old
age, this verdeur de courage, in one who counted more
than seventy-nine years. When all were ready, ' Gen-
tlemen/ cried he, 'God will give me grace this day
to justify my intentions. I hope to make it known, that
by me no considerations of family can compete with the
service I owe my King. My nearest and dearest are there,
but I will die or make them repent the manner in which
they have dared to approach my sovereign.' '13
1 And those who there crimsoned 2 Matthieu, La Noue, D'Aubigne,
their swords have reason to boast Davila.
that they were not wanting in cou- 3 M£m. de Castlenau, p. 54,
rage. Mem. de La Noue, De Thou, Matthieu, chap. ix. liv. 4.
D'Auhisne.
1567.] BATTLE OF ST. DENYS. 107
The day was fast declining before the battle began.
The Constable, seeing the enemy resolved to fight, pushed
forward his squadrons with so much rapidity that he left
his infantry too far behind, and found it impossible to
resist the shock of the Hugonots, who, headed by their
brave Conde\ bore down upon him with resistless impe-
tuosity— beating down, and trampling over his gens-
ctarmerie, and fighting with such extraordinary vehe-
mence and animation, that the .adverse multitudes who
covered the heights of Mont Martre, caught the infection
of their enthusiasm, and the air rang with applause.
" Ah," cried the Turkish Ambassador, who, mingled
among the spectators, beheld so many squadrons routed
by the victorious charges of a mere handful of men,
" Had my master, the grand Signor, but one thousand of
those cosaques blanches, to head his forces, in three
years he would conquer the world." x
The Duke de Nemours attempted to divert the furious
charge by taking Conde in flank, but found himself
stopped by Genlis and Mouy, who, pushing forwards their
infantry and arquebusiers, resolutely maintained the
trench. The Duke d'Aumale and Damville met as de-
termined a resistance upon the part of the Admiral ; so
that the squadrons of the Constable, after three charges
from this glorious French cavalry led by the Prince, his
pennons flying high in the air, were trampled upon,
broken through and through, and entirely routed, re-
maining conquasto disordinato e distrutto."
The Constable, wounded four times slightly in the face,
and once severely on the head, was still obstinately fighting
amidst the general confusion, when Robert Stewart, a
young Scotch gentleman, rode up to him and levelled his
1 D'Aubignd, Histoirc Univcr- 2 Davila, Guerre Civile di Fran-
selle. da.
108 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1567.
arquebuss. " I am the Constable," cried Montinorenci,
" And therefore I present you with this," answered Stewart,
and firing his piece, wounded him in the shoulder, and
brought the courageous old man to the ground ; who, as he
fell, dashed the hilt of his broken sword into the face of
his adversary, and with so much force, that he broke three
of his teeth, and felled him to the earth.
Montmorenci lay some time upon the field, surrounded by
the dead and dying, and abandoned by his flying soldiers,
when Damville and the Duke d'Aumale having at length,
after a desperate combat, succeeded in dispersing the Admi-
ral's division, came hurrying to his assistance. They suc-
ceeded in rescuing him from the hands of his enemies, and
carried him with much difficulty and only half alive within
the walls. In the meantime, the Duke de Nemours, having
at length on his side passed the trench, and dispersed the
Hugonot left, returned to the support of the centre.
Thus attacked on all sides, the brave little band at length
was forced to give way. A dark and rainy night fa-
voured their retreat, and Conde, who, fighting with his
usual reckless courage, had a horse killed under him, and
Avith difficulty escaped with life and liberty, together with
the Admiral, who had been in nearly equal danger, were
forced to take shelter under the walls of St. Denys, having
lost nearly a third of their scanty forces, and leaving the
country open, and the field of battle to the enemy. Defeated,
they could not but acknowledge themselves to be, but they
had greatly added to their reputation. The resistance they
had made under such disadvantageous circumstances, and
before a force so greatly their superior, being esteemed in
the eyes of all good judges as more than equivalent to
an ordinary victory. The battle was on both sides ren-
dered more remarkable by the high quality than by the
number of the slain. The contest had, in fact, chiefly
1567.] DEATH OF MONTMORENCI. 109
been carried on by the nobility and gentlemen, of whom
great numbers perished, though none of historic import-
ance save Montmorenci himself. The results of the
battle were, however, favourable to the Catholics, and
the blockade of Paris, was, of course, completely at an
end.
The very night afterwards D'Andelot returned. Re-
called by Cond6, he had marched with the utmost dili-
gence, and he arrived, says La Noue, in despair d? avoir
manque la fete. }
" After a little repose," he goes on, " the chiefs said,
' Now, we must abate something of the exultation of our
enemies, and shew them we have neither lost heart nor
hope.' So, drawing out their little army into the fields,
they went deliberately, and presented themselves before
the suburbs of Paris, and burned a village and some wind-
mills in sight of the town, pour les acertener que les
Huguenots netoient pas morts,2 and that there was
business yet to be done. But nobody came out, probably
owing to the death of M. le Connetable."
This judicious demonstration greatly preserved the re-
putation of the Hugonots ; but as it was impossible to
remain in their present position any longer, having made
this little flourish, they decamped the next morning, and
marched towards Montereau, where they were soon rein-
forced by the troops left in Estampes and Orleans. In
consequence of this return of the Hugonots, and of the
demonstration made under their very eyes, it became a
matter of dispute at the Court, whether the Catholics
might be said really to have gained the victory or not.
The King referred the question to the Marechal de Vieil-
levillc, his answer was, " Your Majesty has not gained any
1 Mem. de La Noue.
2 To certify to them that the Hugonots were not quite dead.
110 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1567.
victory, still less the Prince de Conde." " Who, then V
says the King. Vieilleville replied ; " The King of Spain.
For on both sides, great captains, nobles, and brave
soldiers, have been slain, sufficient to have conquered the
whole of the Low Countries, and reunited Flanders with
the crown of France."
The day after, or, as some say, the very day of the
battle, the Constable died. Bran tome2 gives the following
account of his last hours ; " After he had been struck from
his horse, recovering himself a little, he asked some one
near him if it were yet daylight, saying, ' They must not
amuse themselves there, but pursue the victory, for it was
theirs.' What resolution and judgment in this brave old
man ! Then, addressing himself to M. de Sansay, an
honest gentleman whom he greatly loved, ' M on cousin de
Sansay je suis mort. I am dying, but to me death is
welcome, coming thus. I could not die, or be buried upon
a better field. Tell my King and my Queen that I have
at last found that happy and glorious death, (belle mort,)
covered with wounds upon the field of battle, which, in
their father's and grandfather's cause I have so often
sought.' And then he began to make his usual prayers,
thanking God, and desiring to expire upon that place. But
those about him assured him it would be nothing, and
that with the help of God he would be cured, and that it
was necessary he should be carried to Paris. He very un-
willingly consented, saying, that he wished still, as he had
ever done, to breathe his last upon the field of battle ; but
he was so entreated, solicited, and required, that he agreed,
saying, ' I allow it then, not from the hope of a cure, for I
am a dead man, but to see the King and Queen, take my
leave, and give them a last assurance of the fidelity I have
1 Mem. de Vieilleville. 2 Brantome, Hommes Illustres.
15G7.] DEATH OF MONTMORENCI. Ill
always borne them.' All which, indeed, he said to them in
person, with much constancy, though the water stood in
his eyes — their Majesties listening with many tears, while
all those in the chamber wept, and ceased not to admire
the great courage of this noblemen, who, oppressed by
grievous pains, shortly afterwards expired.
" He died in great and incomparable glory, for search
all the world, and where will you find, in such extreme
old age, such bravery and such a death united ? "
A few hours before this, Davila relates that a
priest was brought to him, who, approaching his bed,
began his consolations. Montniorenci turned himself
towards him, and with a most serene countenance, begged
of him not to molest him, saying, that it would, indeed,
be a vile and unworthy thing, if he, who had lived nearly
eighty years, had not yet learned to endure death for a
quarter of an hour. " A man," he adds, " of exquisite
skill, (solerzia)- and of great prudence, with a long
experience of the accidents of the world — by which
means he acquired for himself, and for his posterity,
abundance of riches, and the first dignities of the croAvn.
But his military expeditions were ever accompanied by
such ill-fortune that in every war, without exception,
wherein he commanded, he was defeated and wounded,
or a prisoner. Which ill accidents were often the cause
that the purity of his fidelity was suspected — as happened
upon this occasion; for his rivals hesitated not to make
this accusation — that, fighting against his nephews, he de-
layed the battle till the fall of the day, and leaving his in-
fantry behind, neglected to ensure a complete victory."1
Anecdotes concerning the education of eminent per-
sons, from whence hints may be inferred as to the effect
1 Davila, Guerre Civile de Francia, b. Iv. p. 60.
]]2 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE [1567.
of this great influence upon the future character, are
always worthy to be noted ; no apology is therefore made
for inserting the following passage from Brantome : " He
used to say, that when his father first sent him to the
wars, he gave him only 500 francs, furnishing him with
good arms, and good horses — 'in order' that he might
learn to suffer, and not have toutes ses ayses comme
enfant de bonne maison ; ' and thus be taught to do for him-
self, and have the industry to make of necessity virtue.
For he used to say, 'Children of good family were spoiled
by their parents — whose chief care was to provide them
a great equipage, and that they should want for nothing ;
so they learned little of the world, or the sp avoir vivre ;
for no one can know it/ concluded he, 'unless he has
learned to suffer.' "',
If this system taught Montmorenci how to suffer, it
certainly never taught him how to pity. He was through-
out life harsh and cruel, cold and severe in his domestic
relations. A religious bigot, a grasping and selfish
statesman ; a vain and unprincipled courtier — his only
just praise appearing to be — the possession of undaunted
personal courage, and a determination of character —
what the French call du caractere — which always com-
mands a certain degree of respect.
Catherine, it is said, regretted him little. She could
brook no rival in power, and regarded with equal jealousy
either virtue or talents when possessed by those not
subservient to her will. D'Aubigne, caustic as usual,
says, " The Queen paid the expenses of his funeral joy-
fully— counting his death one of her prosperities —
asseurmice et grand caution pour ses desseins."2
1 And not have all his comforts s D'Aubign£, Histoire Universelle
about him like other young men of — De Thou — Mem. Tavannes.
family.
1567.] DEATH OF MONTMORENCI. 113
De Thou remarks, " It was thought this Princess, who
aspired to boundless power, looked upon the death of
the Constable as fortunate, so far as regarded herself."
Tavannes: "The Queen, desiring the death of the
great, was well content with that of the Constable."
A magnificent funeral was the offering made to public
opinion. The ceremonies lasted four days, during which
the Constable's effigy in wax was laid upon a bed of
state, surrounded by all the attributes of his high birth
and dignities. Upon each side, and at the foot of the
bed, heralds were seen standing, who received with fitting
courtesy all who came to pay their last respects to the
departed ; while the music of the King, and of the holy
chapel sang the office. At his hours of repast (a cus-
tom very lately prevailing in Catholic countries, on the
occasion at least of a royal funeral, as in Home at the
death of the late Queen of Spain), the table was
served with the same solemnity as during his life-time.
" The Maitres d'hote!, officers, and gentlemen, attending
with the benedicite, the grace, and the presentation of
water, at the entering to, and exit from the table."
His body was interred by his own desire at Montmo-
renci — his heart was placed by that of his master Henry
the Second in the Convent of the Celestins, where a
monument was erected by his widow, which was covered
with inscriptions. Among the rest, the following, in
French verse, is inserted as a specimen of the taste of
those times :
tl Cy dessous git un coeur ploin de vaillancc ;
Un coeur d'honneur, un coeur qui tout scavoit ;
Coeur de vertu, que niille coeurs avoit ;
Coeurs de trois rois, et de toute France.
Cy git ce coeur, qui fut notre asseurance ;
Coeur, qui le coeur de justice avoit ;
Coeur qui de force el de conseil servoit ;
Coeur qui le ciel honora des renJ'ance.
VOL. II. I
114 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1567.
Le coeur, qui fut du Roi Henri son maitre ;
Roi qui voulut qu'un sepulcre commun —
Les enfennoit apres leur mort, pour etre —
Comme en vivant deux mesmes cceurs en un."
Ronsard composed upon his death a funeral song of
the nine muses ; Pasquier, one he called Tombeau de
Messire Anne de Montmorenci. This last preserves a
characteristic anecdote : after representing him on the
field of battle blessing Heaven that he had died in the
cause of his King, he adds :
" Sur ce mot on l'enleve, et comme on l'emportoit,
Un gens-d'arme passant demande qui c'etoit —
Montmorenci, dit un — mais lui, de fort haleine,
' Tu ments — Montmorenci combat sur cette plaine,'"
looking upon himself as already dead, and his son, the
Marechal, as occupying his place.
On the same day with the Constable died the Secretary
de l'Aubespine. He was succeeded in his office by Nico-
las de Noville, seigueur de Villeroi — of whom much will
be to be seen hereafter.
15H7.] D'ANJOU LIEUTENANT-GENERAL. 115
CHAPTER VI.
D'ANJOU LIEUTENANT-GENERAL. JUNCTION WITH THE GERMAN AUXILIARIES.
SITUATION OF THE ARMIES. PUBLICATION BY THE CHANCELLOR DE I.'llO-
PITAL.— -PAIX MALASISE.
Moxtmorenci being dead, Catherine resolved to admit
no one in future to share in the supreme authority
which, through so many vicissitudes, she had at length
obtained : and, in order at the same time to deprive the
nobility of a subject of continual emulation and con-
tention, she determined to suppress the charge of Con-
stable altogether — substituting for it that of Lieutenant-
General, which she had already persuaded the King,
though very unwillingly, to confer upon the Duke d'An-
jou, then in his sixteenth year. In order to compen-
sate for his youth and inexperience, she gave him, as
seconds in command, Francois de Carnavelet, and
Arthur Gonnor, Marshal de Cosse. Numerous able
officers were likewise to be found serving under him —
men alike remarkable for their experience and bravery.
Among these were the accomplished Duke de Nemours,
married to Anne d'Este, widow of the Duke de Guise;
the Duke de Montpensier, who, since the death of his
Duchess — a known advocate of the Reform — was become
remarkable for the savage barbarity with which he
carried on the war ; Martigues, Colonel-general of the
French infantry — Tavannes, Timoleon de Brissac, and the
celebrated Gontaut de Biron.
The two Marechals, de Montmorenci and Damville,
i 2
116 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1567-
had retired for the present in disgust, because the com-
mand of the avant garde, esteemed the second place in
the French army, had been conferred upon the Duke de
Montpensier, as prince of the blood, in neglect of their
own claims as elder marshals. The Duke d'Aumale had
likewise left the army on a discontent of the like nature,
and had retired to Champagne, to assist the Duke de
Guise in resisting the passage of the German auxiliaries,
who were expected to attempt a junction with the
Hugonots in that quarter.
Shortly after the battle — too late to render effectual
assistance, the Count d'Aremberg had arrived from
Flanders, bringing with him 1,200 lances and 300 horse
arquebusiers ; " a succour," says Davila, " esteemed con-
siderable, but the importance of which was increased,
because it was considered as proving the intimate union
now subsisting between France and Spain." '
Yet the Duke of Alva's conduct with regard to these
reinforcements might be looked upon as very equivocal,
to say the least of it. Upon the first breaking out of
the troubles, Castlenau had been dispatched into Flanders,
to demand the assistance so liberally offered at Bayonne.
"On reading the Queen's letters," says he, in his Me-
moirs, "the Duke, after reflecting a little, declared 'the
pain it gave him to see their Majesties besieged in Paris2
by those rebellious Lutherans, whom it was necessary to
exterminate — root and branch ; and that, in accordance
with what he knew to be his master's design, he was
ready himself immediately to mount his horse, and, fol-
lowed by all his forces, march against these Hugonots,
break their heads, and set their Majesties at liberty.'
But having no instructions to accept offers of this nature,
1 Davila, Guerre Civile de Fran- a Mem. de Castlenau, additions of
cja_ Le Laboureur, b. iv. p. 37.
1567.J D'ANJOU LIEUTENANT-GENERAL. 117
I prayed him, in place of this, to grant my request,
which was to give me 2,000 chevaux legers, and three
or four Spanish regiments. But the Duke only repeated
his offers to go in person, seeming ill-inclined to any
other proposal, and kept delaying his assistance upon
various pretences, by which I conclude that he had no
greater pleasure than to see us at war ; for, had he
promptly granted us assistance, the Ilugonots must have
had the worst of it at St. Denys."
At length Alva agreed to dispatch the Count D'Arem-
berg with the body of troops above-mentioned, and he,
after various delays, entered France. But he was the
bearer of orders which rendered his assistance of as little
real service as was, under the circumstances, possible.
Castlenau's design had been to take the Hugonot army,
then lying before Paris, in the rear, which must inevi-
tably have cut them off; but the Count refused, showing
that his positive directions were to join the King in Paris
without hazarding anything by the way, or fighting though
secure of victory : and upon no account was he to take the
road by Senlis, which was the route pointed out by Castle-
nau. The army of the Prince, however, being strongly rein-
forced by the arrival of various bodies from the provinces,
had taken the road to Montereau, with the intention of
entering Champagne and forming a junction with their
German auxiliaries, now approaching the frontiers. The
French government had been successful, by their artful
insinuations, in detaching many of the German Protestant
Princes from the common cause ; but the great Palatine
of the Rhine was not to be thus persuaded : and, upon
the agents of Conde" arriving at his court, furnished with
a small sum of money, and Avith the promise of the pay-
ment of 100,000 crowns, as soon as their auxiliaries
should cross the frontiers, he allowed his second son,
118 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1567.
Casimir, immediately to commence a levy of reisters.
The Palatine was a wise and great man, and "passione"
says Castlenau, for the cause of the Hugonots : but it
may be questioned whether avarice and family economy
had not to the full as large a share as public spirit, or
religious zeal, in this ready acquiescence with the prayer
of the Hugonots.1 The pay, and the plunder of France
and Flanders were become a species of inheritance for
his two younger sons, to whom, in giving the means of
levying a body of reisters, he gave, what. was at that
time esteemed the usual and proper provision for the
cadets of the great houses of Germany.2 The merce-
naries served, as is well known, and with perfect indif-
ference in defence of any cause, or upon any side ;
though it must be added, that, in this instance, the Pro-
testant historians give Prince Casimir the credit of enter-
taining a sincere affection for the party he supported.
Neither the Prince, nor even the Chatillons were suffi-
ciently wealthy to satisfy the avidity of these merce-
naries ; but the imprudence of the Court had furnished
the means of obtaining credit for large sums, which could
never have been furnished by the ordinary supplies.
When the King, to rid his kingdom of these formidable
guests, readily paid, upon the late pacification, the arrears
due to the mercenaries in the Hugonot army, he un-
1 Mem. de Castlenau — La Noue. ce qu'ils soyent mandes par une
2 In Mendoza, Commentaires Me- seconde jussion de se trouver en la
morables, fol. xiii. vers, the fol- place de la monstre qui leur est as-
lowing particulars are given of the signee. La on leur donne plus
manner in which the reisters, who grande soldo que la premiere, et
are so constantly mentioned in the celled s'appclle haurghelt. Les
history of the times, were levied : — reiters sont appelles en leur langue
" La forme de lever gens de cheval schwartz reitners, e'est a dire c/ie-
en Allemagne," says he, " est telle vaux noirs, parce qu'ils portent le
qu' estant en leurs maisons, on corcelet, les espalieres et les salades
prend d'eux le serment de servir noirs, avec deux pistolets attaches a
pour tant de mois ; et on leur avance l'arcon de la selle."
certaine quantite de deniers jusqu' a
I567.J JUNCTION WITH THE GERMAN AUXILIARIES. 119
wittingly furnished the Prince with the means, upon
any future occasion, of facilitating his negotiations.
" Le tresor royal? says the Fere Daniel, " etoit pour eux
{les reisters) un fond beaucoup plus sur que les pro-
messes du Prince de Gonde et de FAmiral!"1 Expec-
tations of this nature, assisted by the present advances,
and the promise above-mentioned, speedily filled the
enrolments of Casimir and his captains, and he shortly
afterwards informed the Prince that, having assembled
7,000 cavalry and 4,000 infantry under his standards,
he was about to enter France through Lorraine.
On receiving this intelligence the Prince, with the
greatest alacrity, set forward, accompanied by all his
forces, to give the Germans the meeting ; and was
speedily followed by the Duke d'Anjou at the head of
the whole Catholic army. The Hugonots, however,
entered Champagne, marching in the closest order;
D'Andelot, with his horse arquebusiers, reconnoitring and
scouring the country round. The absolute necessity of
finding supplies, with which they were totally unprovided,
obliged them at intervals to arrest their march, and take
several small towns on their way; but such was their
promptitude and discipline that they lost little time, and
not a soldier was permitted to leave his standards.2 In
this manner, and though entirely wanting in artillery,
they took Nogent and Pont-sur-Yonne, and in the latter
place fortunately found a large number of horses, upon
which mounting their infantry, they were able greatly
to increase the rapidity of their advance. The Catholics,
meanwhile, anxious to bring them to an engagement
before a junction could be effected with their auxiliaries,
" uscrent de deux gcntilles ruses? as La Noue is pleased
1 Pore Daniel, Hist. : Duvila — La Noue.
120 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1567.
to call them, " tant pour les arrester, que pour les
surprendre"1
The usual bait of a pretended negotiation was held
out to diminish their energy and slacken their speed,
and two suspensions of arms were in consequence agreed
upon. The first was of little importance ; but at the
last which took place at Chalons, the Hugonots were
nearly surrounded and cut off by the infamous treachery
of the Duke and his counsellors. Almost every distin-
guished captain in that army had a hand in this scan-
dalous business, with the honourable exception of Carna-
valet and the Marshal de Cosse\ The affair was this.
Every endeavour had been made by fair promises to
induce the Prince to send back his reisters, and the Mar-
quise, de Rothelin, his mother-in-law, been sent by the
Court to Chalons, to renew the negotiations.2 "The
Court intending," says Davila, " to slacken the speed of
the Prince till the royal army should come up." Cond6
imprudently consented to a suspension of arms for three
days, and the deputies to conduct the negotiation joined
him ; but in the meantime the Duke d'Anjou, marching
with all possible speed, arrived before the expiration of
the truce so near the enemy — " that reason" says Davila,
"counselled him to attach without delay" because he
knew that the Hugonots were weary and broken with
their fatigues, and were lodged in the open country in a
most disadvantageous position. Timoleon de Brissac
was not ashamed to make the attack which he did upon
a party occupying a small town, and put them to flight.
Martigues followed his example, attacking 300 men in
the rear, and skirmishing fiercely, in order to amuse them
until the arrival of the whole army ; but Cossd and Car-
1 Two elegant little tricks either to stop or to surprise them.
2 Davila, Guerre Civile di Francia.
1567.] JUNCTION WITH THE GERMAN AUXILIARIES. 121
navalet, (Davila tells us) so delayed in arranging the
forces, " as was said, intentionally, in order to spare so
many nobility of their own blood," that the Prince and
the Admiral had time to decamp — which they did, and
with such expedition, " that in three days they made
more than twenty leagues, through heavy rains and such
villanous ways that it is astonishing how the baggage
and artillery could keep up. Yet not an article was lost
either of one or the other, tant Tordre etoit fort bon et la
diligence grande." '
" The army of Monseigneur, seeing this, desisted from
the pursuit, and some boasted, saying, they had driven
the Hugonots out of the kingdom ; but others, more
clear-sighted, said, it would now be impossible to prevent
a junction with the Germans, and greatly blamed the
Duke and his counsellors for suffering the Prince and his
army to escape, saying, they had understandings with the
Admiral — being told of which, he laughed, and said
there was no such thing, but that he should endeavour to
keep up the story."2
The Ilugonot army crossed the Meuse, and entering
Lorraine, having at last happily escaped a thousand
dangers, reached Pont au Meusson, where they ex-
pected to find the Germans already arrived. " They
were persuaded," says La Noue, " that they should no
sooner set foot in Lorraine, que les coqs des reisters ne
s'entendissent chanter3 but no tidings of them were
to be heard, and after waiting four or five days they knew
as little of what they were about as if they had been at
Taris."
Despondency and discontent now at last took pos-
session of this brave little army ; loud were their mur-
1 Mem. de La Noue. 3 But the cocks of the reisters
• Ibid. would be heard crowing.
122 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1567.
murs and rude their outcries. The Prince and the Ad-
miral each according to his temper endeavoured to
inspire them with patience. " Conde, who was of a joy-
ous nature, laughed at these very angry and very appre-
hensive people, till he made them laugh at one another ;
the Admiral, with his grave words, made them blush and
lower their tone. I asked him what he should do if
Monseigneur (Duke d'Anjou) pursued us. ' Go on to
Bacara,' said he, ' and join the reisters, for it is im-
possible to fight without them.' ' But if they should
not be there, what must we do then 1 ' says one. ' Sit
down and blow in our fingers, for it is cold enough/ It
was indeed the dead middle of winter.,, " At last all their
troubles were happily ended, for they heard that Duke
Casimir — a prince endowed with every Christian virtue,
and to whom religion is under great obligations, was upon
his march, and within a few leagues of the camp. Ge
n'Hoient que chansons et gambades, et ceux qui avoient les
plus cries sautoient les plus haut." '
But the approach of the reisters entailed new diffi-
culties upon the Hugonot chiefs, and was the occasion of
affording their army an opportunity for displaying a very
remarkable example of disinterestedness. The Prince
was made to understand, that, before joining his standards,
the reisters expected — nay, absolutely demanded — the pay-
ment down of the promised 100,000 crowns : while 2,000
crowns included every sous which the Prince at that
moment possessed. In this dilemma Conde and the Ad-
miral threw themselves without hesitation upon the good
sense and generosity of their army. Calling them to-
gether, they represented that the very existence of them
all depended upon the Germans, and that therefore it
1 Mem. de La Noue. Every body those who had lamented the loudest
now sang and leapt for joy, and leapt the highest.
1568.] JUNCTION WITH THE GERMAN AUXILIARIES. 123
was necessary every one should contribute to satisfy
their demands. Two of the ministers of religion were
appointed to receive the deposits, the Prince setting the
example by sending in his plate, and every article of
value which he possessed. The Admiral followed with
all the nobility, who contributed nobly (loyaument). The
liberality spread from the gentlemen to the soldiers, from
the soldiers to the very grooms and boys (goujats) of the
camp. " Some of these last casting shame upon the gen-
tlemen, by offering gold more liberally than some of those
others had done silver." The whole contribution, in-
cluding money, plate, gold chains, rings, &c, amounted
after all but to 30,000 crowns; a sum, however, with
which, and promises, the reisters condescended to be
satisfied, and the junction of the armies was effected,
January 11th, 15G8. " But is it not/' asks La Noue, " a
thing to be wondered at, ' dlgne cVebahissement,> that an
army, itself unpaid and without resource, should give up
their own little savings — laid aside to provide for their
extremest necessities — and spare nothing to accommodate
others, who perhaps never even thanked them for it I"1
The foreigners, it is said, could not conceal their astonish-
ment at such behaviour.
But time, and the evils of those contests, which ex-
tended to half a century, gradually weakened, and at
length effaced, such generous enthusiasm. " No one would
do so now," says La Noue, writing some twenty years
afterwards, " Les actions genereuses sont quasi liurs
d'usage."2
"Our fathers," says De Rohan, addressing the Hugo-
nots, at the beginning of the next century, " would not
even know us again, so greatly have we degenerated.''''
1 Mem.de La NFoue, chap. w.
2 Generous actions axe almost quite oul of Fashion
124 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1568.
The union thus happily effected, much deliberation was
not necessary as to what next should be done, the unani-
mous voice was to return, carry the war to Paris, and re-
cover Orleans, the " nursing mother of the party."1 The
Hugonot army, therefore — rebroussant chemin — began
their march.
This return, in the face of a powerful enemy, which
harassed them in every way, is celebrated by La Noue as
the triumph of skill and conduct on the part of the
Prince and Coligny. " France," says he, " at this time
was perfectly glutted {regorgeoit) with provisions, yet was
it no easy matter to feed an unpaid army of 20,000 men.
To attain this object, M. PAmiral was above all things
careful to have most able commissaries,2 attaching carriages
to their department, as far as la necessite Huguenotte would
allow. Our manner of proceeding was this : the cavalry
lodged escartee in good villages, the commissaries, besides
their own waggons, had each a baker and two bat horses
attached to each cornet, who, the instant they arrived in
quarters, set themselves to make bread, and dispatch it to
the different corps of infantry ; and these little contri-
butions being collected from about forty cornets, amounted
to something considerable, besides wine and flesh that
often came in. The gentlemen never sparing their own
carts to carry what was wanted, The villages and open
towns, too, were forced by threats to send in ne-
cessaries,— so that the infantry was ordinarily well accom-
modated. I say nothing of the pillaging both by horse
and foot, carried on against those of the opposite party —
et ne faut point douter que ce grand animal devoratif,
passant parmi tant de provinces, rHy trouvast toujour s de
1 Mem. dc La Noue. dire,quandil etoit question dc dresser
2 Coligny attached great import- corps d'arme'e qu'il falloit former ce
ance to this department : " II souloit monstre, par le ventre." — La Noue.
1568.] SITUATION OF THE ARMIES. 125
la pasture, ct souvent la robbe du pauvre penple,2 and
sometimes of friends. Excuses for pillage were never
wanting." The supplies obtained in this latter manner
he says, were chiefly of clothes.
" The lodging of the army we next speak of, which was
obliged to be in divers places for protection and shelter
from the severity of the winter. Though this is a bad
custom, but necessity constrained us to it. The infantry
was divided and lodged in two bodies, the bataille and
the avant garde; the cavalry in the adjacent villages,
and if a distant quarter was attacked, they instantly
mounted to succour it. And in every place they fortified
themselves as well as they could, lodging in castles and
churches, where, in case of attack, they could maintain
themselves a couple of hours without assistance ; but, in
spite of our care, there were many surprises, quoiqidon
battit ckeminjour et nuit.
" The best intelligence to be had was from les
picoreurs, who spread over the country like flies, often
bringing news of the enemy — ear ces gens Id convent
comme des lievres, when they are frightened ; but when
they are about to seize their prey, they absolutely fly —
quand Us vont croquer quelque proye — Us volent,
" As for the manner of march, it was thus : rendezvous
was given to all the divisions at such an hour, in the
most convenient place for the distribution of quarters,
and from thence the different corps marched to those
appointed for them, and by taking different roads the
expedition was great."3
Thus marched the army of the Hugonots, no longer
avoiding, but most desirous of bringing their adversaries
1 Robbe, property ; whence rob- ing beast, passing through so many
bery 1 provinces, found pasture enough.
2 Ami doubtless this great devour- 3 Mem. de La Noue.
126 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1568.
to an engagement ; but the Catholics were now no longer in
the humour. The opportunity had passed by for fighting
with advantage ; and it was resolved to re-enter Paris,
and wait the arrival of the reinforcements for which the
Queen was industriously negotiating in Germany, Italy,
and Spain.
This determination of the Catholics threw the Prince
into some perplexity. Action was necessary for him.
Action was indispensable to one, half of whose force con-
sisted of volunteers, whom it was impossible long to keep
together. In the hope, therefore, of forcing the Catho-
lics to an engagement, he resolved to besiege Chartres, a
large and important city, not far distant from Paris, and
commanding a wide extent of fertile country from which
the capital drew abundant supplies. He trusted that a
regard for his own reputation would oblige the Duke
d'Anjou to attempt its relief. And that there might be
no time to provision the place, he set forward with ex-
treme diligence, making sixty miles in three days, and sat
down before the city on the 2nd of March. The Seigneur
de Lignieres had, however, thrown himself into the town
with a regiment of infantry, and defended it with so
much skill and resolution, that, though wretchedly forti-
fied, he maintained it till the negotiations were opened
which terminated in a peace.
The minds of men in general were at this moment
more inclined to moderation by the publication of a
pamphlet from the pen of the Chancellor de l'Hopital,
which, it is said, exercised a very remarkable influence
over public opinion : it is entitled, Discours des Raisons
et Persuasions de la Paix en Van 1568, par M. le
Ghancelier de l'Hopital. A sketch of the state of affairs
and of parties, by such a hand — and of the conclusions
thence to be derived — cannot fail to be universally in-
1568.] DR L'lIoPITAL'S PUBLICATION. 127
teresting ; no apology is therefore made for pretty copious
extracts.
The pamphlet opens with a comparison of the strength of
the two parties, in order to the examination of the chances
in favour of the King finally subduing the Prince and the
Hugonots by force. And here, though it is acknowledged
that the King had the advantage in point of numbers, the
real superiority is adjudged to the Hugonots. " They are
not a mob hastily collected together, and breaking into
rebellion through temporary excitement, without order,
chiefs, or discipline. They are men, warlike, resolute,
and in despair. Their enterprises and confederacies well
meditated (pourpensees) ; their leaders men of discourse
and action, and followed and obeyed by those who esteem
this- cause the common cause of all — by those who share
the risk of the adventure, and are ready to peril all that
men prize most dearly for the defence of their wives, and
children, namely houses, goods, fortunes, honours, estates,
and advancement. Necessity and despair render them obe-
dient; a disposition which is increased by the high opinion
they entertain of their chief, whose ambition is restrained
by that common feeling which the ancients called lien de
Concorde. The camp of the King, on the contrary, is divided
by contentions, jealousies, and emulations — unbridled
ambition, insatiable avarice, uncontrollable licence, and
corrupted discipline there abide : the wills of all in oppo-
sition, in short the dissensions universal. The most part,
however, even of these desire peace. Some have parents,
brothers, children in the opposite bands ; and while many
have joined us against their secret conscience, and dread a
victory which will destroy those of their own religion ;
others follow only for plunder. In short, the Catholic
party is a construction formed of ill-assorted pieces.
Many have already forsaken their standards ; all are
128 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1568.
weary of the war ; and, even among the common people,
every one murmurs ; entertaining discontents and strange
suspicions according to every man's individual humour."
" But, it is urged, on the other hand, the King may make
use of foreigners in his defence, and if he pays them well,
need fear no murmurs from them. And how is he to
pay them ? The treasury is almost utterly exhausted. . .
And pray consider this. Will the native French troops
be content to remain unpaid, in poverty, contempt, envy,
and jealousy ; and see as their only recompence the Bur-
gundians, Italians, Swiss, Germans, and Scotch satisfied
and preferred before them 1 No doubt they will soon
forsake their standards, and the foreigners will refuse to
fight when there are no longer Frenchmen to lead the
way.* Besides, what are these foreigners worth after all %
The Italian is good for nothing, excepte pour faire la
mine. The German is to be suspected ou account of his
religion. The Swiss is of little service save in de-
fence, (a se defendre) besides le Suisse est malade et
rompu coutumierement, ne peut vivre six mois en cam-
pagne, pour la salete et negligence abruti qui lui est
naturel,1 — so that this plague already begins to infest the
rest of the army." " But it is further said, we
will defeat them in a battle and then make our own con-
ditions ! But, it is well known they have hitherto pre-
ferred to confront every danger, and have found every suf-
fering light compared with the severity of those laws with
regard to conscience, that have been imposed upon them
— death being more welcome to these men than slavery and
the reproaches of their fellow- citizens."
" To exterminate them all is impossible ; at least sans
un longueur extreme, which would fill this kingdom with
fire, blood, cruelty, and ruin; pestilence, famine, poverty,
1568.] DE L'HoPITAL'S PUBLICATION. 129
and anxiety — and with robbers, brigands, and foreigners,
who would occupy the nests thus left empty. Let Cham-
pagne serve for an example — a desert ! and so miserable,
that the wretched inhabitants have nothing left but
to die of disease, hunger, and despair ! Certainly, this
universal conflagration must end in the entire ruin of the
kingdom ; and we are yet but at the coup d'essai.1 Deprive
men of all hope of peace, and drive them to utter despair,
and the past horrors would prove but the opening of the
tragedy.
" But grant we do destroy them, what shall be done
with their innocent children \ And if we spare them,
will they not grow up in an extreme felonie et rage,
resenting the cruelty exercised upon their fathers, and
deprived, in their opinion most unjustly, of their inhe-
ritances. Will they not enter into fresh intrigues and
conspiracies ? By this method you would rather sow
than bury dissensions — it would be to nourish a dreadful
and invincible Hydra.
" But suppose the King should lose a battle % In that
case, the most part of his servants would desert him, and,
led by the same interest which drew them to his party,
would seek that of his adversaries. Thousands and
thousands who follow his standards now, urged by terror
or the hope of gain, would be seen to turn their coats ....
/ may boldly affirm the loss of one battle ivould prove the
loss of the kingdom."
He then goes on to paint the universal insubordination,
love of licence, disregard of all authority and order that
was rapidly spreading through the Catholic population,
invading society from its highest to its lowest de-
gree, " whence the most horrible crimes and execrable
villainies are becoming familiar by use and accoustu-
1 Beginning.
VOL. II. K
130 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1568.
mance, so that this war is rapidly filling France with
pestilent and detestable monsters — Tant et puissant
Teffet de laccoustumance, qui surmonte la nature et mene
au vice et dissolution — gouffre auquel il et ais6 de se
precipiter, mais impossible de s'en retirer.1
" There are who think, that, the King being appointed
to administer justice, he ought to pursue with the sword
those who have most unjustly disturbed the state ; and
that rebel and corrupted members ought to be cut off at
any price, hazard, or loss whatsoever. This is specious,
but it is captious and perilous — repugnant to justice, to
God the author of justice, and to the duty owing to the
King. For, as a physician seeks to cure, and not to
destroy, so the justice and the glory of God seek the
amendment of men, and not through cruelty, blood,
injury, and contumely, the violation and perversion of
humanity .... And let us enquire whether, after all, the
evil among these men — subjects as well as ourselves of
the King, be so utterly incurable .... Among all those
who have joined the other party, not one has attempted
to throw off the authority (joug) of the King, such being
manifestly contrary to the principles of their religion.
All acknowledge the King as natural Sovereign and
supreme Prince ; — all affirm, that honour, service, and
obedience are his due It is notorious, that fear
alone has driven them to this alternative. They are men,
not angels, and nature teaches them that to protect
liberty and life against oppression is not only equitable
but holy and according to law — law, it may be, unwrit-
ten and untaught of men, but impressed by divinity on
the spirit of every rational creature.
" Such are the causes of dissension. And shall he be
' So powerful is the effect of cus- gulf nito which it is easy enough
torn, which overcomes nature and to fall, hut whence it is impossible
leads to vice and dissolution, — a to return.
1568.] DE L'lloriTAl/S PUBLICATION. 131
called an enemy to the republic who seeks to extinguish
this flame ? As a father, having two children who dis-
agree, seeks not to destroy the one he loves least in order
to give preeminence to the one he prefers, but studies to
preserve both by moderation and a settlement of their
disputes, and thus to secure two props for his old age : —
so the King, full of love and charity, ought not to suffer
a bloody animosity in one party to cause the exter-
mination of the other, if he possess in any way the means
to reconcile them, and lead both back to their duty.
" ' But,1 say some, ' It is a disgrace for a Prince to capi-
tulate with his subjects.' Vile and pestilent sentiment !
Invented by the enemy of man, of peace, and of virtue.
Is it disgraceful to disentangle disputes about the rights of
each, and demand an equal respect from, and impose an
equal law upon all \ If one side give the law, and an-
other receive it, what is this but victory 1 Is it disgrace-
ful to promise that the King will remain their Prince and
they his subjects % . . . But if the King deprive them of
liberty, he makes them slaves, not subjects ; he becomes
their oppressor, not their Prince % — En leur rendant la
liberte il se constitue Prince — car la principautc est sur
les homines libres}
" The word ' liberty' implies liberty of conscience — of
the soul ! The mere brutal liberty of speech and action is
unworthy so excellent a name, due alone to that of the
mind, the highest attribute of man — of thought, the most
excellent of actions. Many call such liberty, licence ;
but it is long since the Council have decided otherwise,
and agreed that the minds of the King's subjects must be
left in peace — minds which neither fire nor torture
could bend from the firm persuasion that dwells within
1 In restoring their liberty lie constitutes himself a Prince, for princedom
is tin rule over free men.
k 2
132 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1568.
them This it is which is in truth to persecute the
Prince — to attempt to force him from a holy and salutary-
reconciliation, by menaces of abandoning him if he at-
tempts it. What is this but to tyrannize over and
oppress him f
" Those who, defended from the perils of war, desire
the King to pursue his point, and hazard with his own
estate the loss and ruin of all these people, shew but little
humanity — and too openly display that spirit of hatred,
vengeance, and fury, of which their sanguinary opinions
have formerly given proof. Their advice is the advice of
enemies to the republic — for such ought all to be es-
teemed, who prefer the gratification of their private ani-
mosities to the general salvation. They gild their counsel
with that specious pretence, the honour of the King . . .
but the true honour of a King is to know how far to give
way to the spirit of the times — and always to yield to
necessity.
" Let us, then, terminate this cruel war — let this bless-
ed peace shine forth. — Peace ! which will render the King
formidable to all Europe. — Peace ! which will render
France happy, invincible, honourable, and worthy of eter-
nal praise !
" Dry up the source of the torrent, and the waters will
cease to flow. These formidable chiefs may, without diffi-
culty, be diverted from their course — a course not the re-
sult of choice, but of necessity ; let all cause for appre-
hension cease ; and can we doubt, since we know they are
not madmen, that they will prefer a natural dependence
upon their King, with all its attendant advantages, to
their present precarious situation 1
" Had such a method been pursued from the year
1562, France would now have been happy; but those
who, thinking to weaken their enemies, have pushed and ha-
1568.] DE L'H6PITAL'S PUBLICATION. 133
rassed them by a thousand injuries, have only strengthened
the cause of their adversaries, forcing them into those high
and daring enterprizes which had never else been thought
of — I allude to the courts (of Parliament) and others, who
have kept them ever on the alert, either as suffering, or
as expecting to suffer. Is there one however gentle who
has not been forced into resistance \ And, indeed, of what
value is the mere name of public peace to them, when
each in his individual capacity feels exposed to all the dis-
tractions and horrors of war %
" These words will sound harsh, but I cannot soften
them ; necessity, stronger than my will, tears them from
my heart ; truth must be preferred to flattery. Car c'est
plpper ou trahir de celer la verite, quand il est question
de la chose publicque.1 Experience, the instructor of fools,
now plainly instructs us that we must deal tenderly by
these men. The true way to destroy their secret confede-
racies is to take away the necessity for them ; treating
them not as enemies, but as children of that republic of
which the King is chief : for if we consider justly, it is
we who have put arms into their hands — the plots
against them on all sides being kept so little secret — the
disfavour in which they stood being so evident — the menace
of the rupture of the edict and publication of the Council
(of Trent) so open — the injustice so manifest — they must
have been brutally stupid, s'ils n'en eussent evite la
fite»*
He concludes by recommending the immediate banish-
ment of turbulent spirits on both sides, the most rigorous
and impartial administration of justice, and the strict
maintenance of the edicts, and concludes : —
1 Fur it is cheating and treachery to hide the truth when the public
weal is in question.
3 If they had sat still.
134 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1568.
" Let us hear no more of these pests who corrupt the
natural goodness of our Prince by their infamous coun-
sels— destroying that ancient debonairete of our Kings
of France, by which they so long have maintained this
crown, supported by the pure and loyal French heart, not
by tyranny, blood, and cruelty. Such things augur ill
for our State, and seem to forerun its decay. The judg-
ment of God humbles the lofty, and annihilates the strong.
Let the King use clemency, he shall meet it from God ;
let him open his heart, God will not close his ; let him
for the sake of the republic obliterate his resentment, and
soon will she with usury acknowledge the benefit ; let the
King forget his own ill-will to his subjects, and they will
forget their evil dispositions towards him, will forget
their very selves, to honour and obey him." '
Such were the feelings and opinions of De l'Hopital
in the present crisis of affairs.
The Queen, though unmoved by such tender considera-
tions, seemed in appearance, it is true, resolved to follow
his advice, but her impressible mind had surrendered itself
to the influence of the Cardinal de Lorraine, and under his
direction was meditating the blackest treachery. Perceiv-
ing that the Hugonots were now become far too strong to
be resisted in the field by any force she could at present
command, she resolved to abandon the idea of continuing
the contest openly, and by those arts in which she was,
alas ! but too well instructed, to lure these generous and
too confiding adversaries to the secret snare she had pre-
pared for them.
Deputies, namely, Louis Seigneur de Lansac, Armand
de Gontaut de Biron, and Henri de Mesmes Seigneur de
Malasise, were despatched to the Hugonot camp. They
were met by the Cardinal de Chatillon, and as mediators,
1 Ob. rlc Castlenau, 45, p. 221,
1568.] PAIX MALASISE. 135
Thomas Sackvillo on the part of the English, and Guy
Cavalcanti, a noble Florentine, were admitted to the con-
ference. The conditions offered were more favourable
than those of the Pacification of 15G3 had been. The
King confirmed the Edict of Amboise, and annulling all
exceptions, restrictions, and interpretations posterior to it,
pronounced abolition of the past. General liberty of wor-
ship was granted everywhere, and all estates, dignities,
places, &c. restored. ... By another article the foreign
troops on both sides were to be disbanded, and the towns
taken by the Protestants to be given up — they thus once
more accepting as their only guarantee for the perform-
ance of the articles, the too doubtful honour of the King
and his Mother.
To -these proposals the Admiral and the Prince lent a
most unwilling ear. They placed no confidence in the
friendly demonstrations of the Court, and believed that
the more advantageous the offers, the greater was the
cause for suspicion ; and they urged that, unless some for-
tresses, and the means of having recourse to arms in case
of necessity were conceded, no propositions for peace could
with any safety be entertained — but the general voice of
the army was against them. Weary of the war, anxious
to return to their families, " and tempted by that sweet
name of peace,'' both nobility and common soldiers began
to rise tumultuously ("for in popular unions all wish to
interfere in the government) declaring they would abandon
the Prince if the proposals were not accepted." Even
Casimir joined the general voice, " tempted by the reason
of the thing, or — his present reward not answering his ex-
pectations— by the promise on the part of the King to
reimburse him his arrears of pay." '
In vain the Admiral represented that this negotiation
1 Davila, Guerre Civile di Francia.
136 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1568.
was a mere artifice on the part of the enemy to separate
and disarm the party in order with more facility to crush
them — that their adversaries' affairs were in the very worst
condition, and that a little patience was alone wanting to
secure the success of the cause. The army was not to be
persuaded, and the nobility, more especially, showed such
a disposition to abandon the enterprise and return home,
that Conde, half convinced, yielded to the torrent, and the
Admiral was forced to bow to necessity. His clear appre-
hension of things was not, however, to be clouded by the
nattering expectations which deluded the rest.
During the negotiations1 the Admiral had, indeed,
been called away to Orleans to attend the death-bed of
his wife, a circumstance that unfortunately must have
tended to weaken the force of his opposition to any peace
concluded without securities. And now to that harassing
pain, experienced by men compelled to allow of measures,
the evil consequences of which — gifted with the melan-
choly prescience of Cassandra, they alone discern — was
added that anguish which a man of his temper feels at
losing the partner of his domestic life. His lady had
embraced the cause of Reform with still more enthu-
siasm than her husband, and the gravity of her manners,
the purity of her conduct, and her tenderness to the
unhappy, had obtained for her the respect, not only of
her own party, but of all. She died at Orleans of a
fever, caught in visiting the infected hospitals, where
she attended in person on the maimed and wounded
soldiers, exhorting them to submission and patience. This
illustrious lady died March, 1568. There is something
extremely melancholy in the fate of Coligny, whose grave
and cold exterior concealed a heart of the deepest feeling,
obliged, during so large a portion of his life, to maintain,
in support of his principles, a contest, of which he was
1 Abbe Perau, Vie Col.
1568.] PAIX MALASISE. 137
far too clear-sighted not to perceive the evil, the hazard,
the despair.
The Ministers of religion seem to have shared in the mis-
givings felt by the Admiral ; they were loud in their re-
proaches, and accused Conde of being seduced by a desire
once more to indulge in the delicious intoxications of the
Court ; but the Prince, a man greatly altered and amended
by a few more years' experience, showed no such disposi-
tion. Discouraged, anxious, and doubtful, he retired, as
did the Admiral, to his country seat. The Admiral went
to Chatillon ; but the Prince, desirous to avoid giving
the slightest cause for offence, forbore to return to
St. Valeri, which lay in his own government of Picardy,
but went with his wife and children to Noyers, an estate
situated in Burgundy, and, in consequence, in the
Government of Tavannes.
" The Admiral apprehended the Edict would never be
observed. He perceived an intention to revenge the day
of Meaux ; for even during the negotiations the Catholics
let out that they ivoidd have their revenge soon. One of
our negotiators sent word that they often heard such lan-
guage used, and perceived a hidden indignation in those
with whom they conferred. Several at the Court adver-
tised their connexions and friends to be upon their guard,
for they would certainly be betrayed if they did not go to
work carefully : qui estoit bien pour reveiller ceux qui se
vouloyent reposer sur ce doux oreiller du paix. Mais
quelque avis qu'on eut, on ne pent retenir le torrent, qui
jd etoit desborde. 1
" The chiefs," he adds, " anxiously desired some towns
for a security ; but when they demanded any better
1 Advice one should have thought ings had any effect to restrain the
sufficient to awaken those who were torrent which had already overflowed
so anxious to lay their heads upon its banks. — Mem. de La Nouc, p.
the pillow of peace ; but no warn- 214.
138 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1568.
security than oaths and promises, Us furent renvoyes bien
loin, as if they had despised the royal authority ; so they
felt obliged to be content with what was offered."
" Many thought," says Castlenau, " that the peace would
not last long ; and that the King, holding the towns, and
having the Hugonots disarmed, would never fulfil what he
had felt constrained to grant."1
Upon the other hand, these apparently favourable con-
ditions excited, as usual, the jealous discontents and mur-
murs of the Catholics. The Parisians broke out into loud
abuse, accusing the Queen of favouring the Hugonots in
order to foment divisions, and increase her own power.
The Pope and the Catholic Princes seem to have been
again at fault, and expressed themselves ill satisfied with
the pacification. The Queen, through her ambassadors,
made her apologies. And Davila has put into her mouth
a long defence of her proceedings addressed to the Am-
bassadors of Venice, wherein, after recapitulating the
events of the last years in order to demonstrate her uni-
form adherence to the Catholic party — a demonstration
not very easily brought out — she concludes by saying,
" That it was the necessity of her affairs which obliged
her to grant a pacification, in order to rid the country
once more of the Germans, and that she might have time
to take breath, to divide the enemy, and so to escape a
present danger. That she placed the future in the hand
of God, with a lively hope of at length compassing the de-
sired end; and that a day would come which would prove
the purity of her soul, and the rectitude of her intentions.
La candidezza delta sua anima e la rettitudine dei suoi
finir-
1 Mem. dc Castlenau. regie restaronno senza capo—perche
2 A curious trait in the character era sconvene vole alia sesso e alia
of Catherine occurs in this speech, prqfessione sua c/t'clla comandasse all
Alluding to the death of the Duke of escerito — ed ultra non era, sufficiente
Guise, she says, "(hide le gente a soslencr quel peso." — Davila.
1568.] PAIX MALASISE. 139
Such were the evil auspices under which the peace of
Longjumcau was concluded! Named by some, in miserable
mockery from the title of one of its negotiators, La Paix
Malasise. It was published upon the 20th March, 15G8.
The person who ventured to express his dissatisfaction
at this pacification in the loudest manner, was John
William of Saxony,1 who now, in aid of the Queen-
Mother, had crossed the frontiers, and was approaching
Paris with 5000 reisters. The spirit which governed
these bands of brutal mercenaries, and the awe they ex-
cited in those who employed them, is not ill exemplified
by what follows.
The Queen, after the breaking out of the war, had des-
patched Castlenau into Germany to negotiate a levy of
reisters on the part of the King. He went to John
William of Saxony, bearing with him as a present the
portraits of the King and Queen,2 richly set in diamonds.
" This present was most agreeable to John William, who,
(a Lutheran,) set aside all other considerations to prepare
to serve their Majesties, so he assembled with great dili-
gence 5000 reisters, and losing not a day, crossed the
Rhine, and in live weeks he brought them to Retel." '
But when he arrived there, he was met by intelligence
from the Queen that the negotiations were nearly con-
cluded. She was, it seems, under the greatest possible
apprehensions as to the manner in which John William
might resent his useless journey, and the disappointment
of his expectations, both as respected pay and plunder.
She sent for Castlenau to court, where, after assuring him
that the negotiations were now too far advanced to be in-
terrupted, she requested him to explain to the Duke the
' Second mid of John Frederick, From him sprang the Dukes of Saxe
whom Charles tin- Fifth had de- Weimer.
poiled "i' tip' electorate <>l Saxony. 2 Mem. '!<' Castlenau. " Ibid.
140 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1568.
present state of affairs, and the absolute necessity the
King lay under of concluding a peace with his subjects ;
offering four months' pay in acknowledgment of John
William's services ; one month's portion to be paid down
in ready money. Castlenau having reached the German
camp, Duke William summoned his colonels and captains
together in order that they might be present when he
received the Queen s message, but so soon as the com-
munication was made, he burst into a violent rage, say-
ing, " That he greatly pitied the King, to be forced to
send them such intelligence as this — intelligence as un-
pleasant to his reisters as it was to himself ; and he
looked upon it as dishonoring them to bring them into
France and give them no opportunity of giving an account
of the Hugonots. That they had good hopes, too, to have
met John Casimir, his brother-in-law. in fight, and taught
him the difference between the good cause of the King,
and the bad one of his subjects ; and that to leave France
without doing anything would be to expose himself to
the ridicule and laughter of all Germany."
Being, however, at last, with much difficulty, made sen-
sible that it was neither reasonable nor possible to plunge
France once more into a civil war, in order to find work
for himself and his men, he consented to lead his forces
into Picardy, and go himself to Court, where the Queen
exhausted all her flatteries and caresses to please and
satisfy him. " For there was," adds Castlenau, " une mer-
veilleuse defiance1 in the council of both the Dukes Casi-
mir and John William — who were brothers-in-law, both
Germans, puisnes of their houses, poor, and powerfully
armed — lest they should choose to unite together and un-
dertake aught against the state, comme Us en avoient beau
jeu par nos divisions. Though it is true they did not
1 Terrible apprehensions entertained.
15(58.] PAIX MALASISE. 141
affect the same party, their religions being different ; for
Duke John William was of the confession of Augsburg,
and Duke Casimir of that of Calvin and Beza, between
whom lies as great a difference as between Catholic and
Protestant.1 The difficulty of contenting John Casimir
was at least as great as that of satisfying John William.
The King had, as before, at the pacification, under-
taken to fulfil all the obligations which the Prince
de Conde lay under to his reisters. Casimir, whose
dealings in war were conducted with all the sharp-
ness and exactness of a petty tradesman — had made a
very advantageous bargain with his brothers in religion.
Besides the usual capitulations which the reisters made,
there was an article in those of Prince Casimir which
bore, . that over and above the service of four months,
including that of their return, if they entered but by a
day into the fifth or sixth month, they should be paid
entirely as if they had served the whole time."1
" It being therefore agreed that the King should enter
into the capitulation as if they had been raised for his
service, I was sent with ample commission to discharge
the obligations." On joining Casimir, " I found him with
his Germans already on their march to return home.
The money, however, did not arrive, and while they
waited for it five weeks the four months expired. They
entered upon the fifth and demanded full pay according
to capitulation." If it were difficult to provide the pay
of four months, it was impossible to collect it for five.
" I endeavoured to satisfy Casimir, and went so far as to
promise him a present for himself of 1200 crowns —
but he would not consent, knowing that his reisters and
lansquenets would insist upon their entire month ; and
that if the business were not speedily dispatched, another
1 Mem. de Castlenau, 4o. 6. 4, cli. 10. 2 Mem. de Castlenau.
142 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1568.
month would begin which must also be discharged. But
they sent me word from Court that to answer this demand
was impossible, that the utmost they could raise, would
be twelve or fourteen hundred crowns. They were seeking
money on every side — and that the remainder I must fix
some term to pay at the fairs of Frankfort. This was a
new difficulty, and led us so far, that instead of proceed-
ing, Duke Casimir protested he should be constrained by
his Colonels and Reit-masters to return to Paris, and
seek the Admiral and the Prince dont Us disoient tons les
maux du mo?ide"
It was the advice given by the Cardinal de Lorraine
and by the Guises and their partisans to the King, to
recall Duke William with all his forces, and set him to
fall on and exterminate Duke Casimir, and thus rid him-
self of the difficulty. Duke William, it appears, was
perfectly indifferent how he was employed, provided he
found work. He cared not whether it was against
his brother-in-law, against the King himself, or the King's
enemies ; so with a threat of these extremities Castlenau
once more sought Duke Casimir, and in this way succeed-
ed in persuading him to a composition. It was agreed
that one month's pay should be considered a sufficient
compensation for the fifth and sixth months, and Casimir
pocketing in addition the present of 1200 crowns, at
length delivered France from his presence.1 "And for
1 Some may have the curiosity to somme de 460,497 livres 4 sols, et
see John Casimir's receipt in its l'accord fit avec nos dits Reistres
original form: I subjoin it here: — pour la somme de 65,345 livres 18s.,
" Nous Jean Casimir Comte Pa- pour la taxe de la plus value des
latin de Rhin, tant en notre nom, especes en Allemagne, la somme de
qu'en celui de nos Colonels et Reis- 120,000 livres, en ecus, sols, et
tres, confessons avoir recu de Mau- pistoles. A quoy il se seroit ac-
vissiere, Chcv. de l'ordre du Roi, corde avec le Colonel Molsbourg au
T. C, et commissaire gene'ral de sa nom de tous ces autres Colonels,
majeste, depute pour traiter avec Reistres-mestres, et Reistres, et aussi
nous, nos dits Colonels, Rcistrcs-mes- pour quelques journees qu'ils pretcn-
tres, et Restres outre et par dessus la doient avoir entre dans la cinquieme
1568.] PAIX MALASISE. 143
this service," adds Castlenau, " great were the thanks and
praises I received on my return. And the government of
St. Dizier was given me — which, when I was Ambassador
in England, was taken away to be pledged to the Duke of
Guise, for which I received no satisfaction then or since."
I have in the account of the second troubles, forborne
to interrupt the narrative by any description of the
war in the provinces. It was carried on with the usual
circumstances of injustice, rapine, and cruelty, the only
incident of any importance being the occupation of La
Rochelle by the Hugonots.
mois, et passe le 20me Mai, contre quoi lui avoir bailie ce present cer-
la capitulation ct accord, et pour faire tificat pour lui servir et faire valoir
achcminer nos troupes ct sortir en a son reraboursenient envcrs sa Ma-
diligence hors du royaume. Cc jeste outre la charge que nous avons
que npus promettons au dit S. de donne au Sieur Junius, notre con-
Mauvissiere ensemble de lui faire seiller de toutes nos affaires <Ven
vendre tous les cbevaux, boeufs, temoigner et pour ce l'avons signe
vaches, et baggages qui se trouve- de notre main le 21 jour de Mai,
ront avec les dits Reistres appartenir 15G8. J. Casimtr."
aux sujets du Roi, en teinoin de
THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE;
OR,
A HISTORY OF THE HUGONOTS.
BOOK IV.
THIRD TROUBLES.
VOL. II.
147
CHAPTER L
THE THIRD TROUBLES.
PERFIDIOUS CONDUCT OF THE COURT. THE PRINCE AND ADMIRAL TAKE
REFUGE AT LA ROCHELLE. THE QUEEN OF NAVARRE AND HER CHILDREN
JOIN THEM.
" This second peace," says Matthieu, " displeased alike
those who had demanded it as expedient, and those who
had granted it as necessary. It left the evil in its full extent
— it closed no wounds — it healed no divisions — it was as
a few ashes thrown upon an immense furnace." ' — Con-
cluded with the most insidious views on the one side —
and signed with a misgiving heart on the other — short
was the breathing time it allowed — the ink was scarcely
dry that attested its ratification, before causes of conten-
tion and suspicion arose.
"The peace being signed," says La Noue,2 " those of the
Religion having dismissed their foreigners, retired severally
to their private houses and laid down their arms, expect-
ing the Catholics to do the same. But they, contenting
themselves with promising — thought of nothing less than
performance. They remained armed and continued to
hold the towns and passages of the rivers, so that in two
months the Hugonots found themselves entirely at their
mercy. Then those who had been most urgent in de-
manding the peace were constrained to confess that they
had committed a great error. But people must drink as
1 Matthieu, Hist. Charles IX. 2 Matthieu ; La Noue ; De Thou.
l 2
148 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1568.
they have brewed — toute fois il y'a apparence que la
breuvage sera amere" The Prince, the Admiral, his
brother, and the principal chiefs of the party, as I have
said, their hearts heavy with disappointed expectation —
suspicious of the present and distrustful of the future,
were no longer to be seen at Court — where Conde had
formerly been found anxiously soliciting those great
charges to which he aspired, and the others endeavouring
by their influence to regulate the administration of affairs
and provide security for their oppressed party. They ap-
pear to have ceased to hope or expect anything from a
government on whose good faith not the slightest de-
pendence was now to be placed, and they returned to
their country seats seeking consolation in domestic life
for their wounded feelings, and busying themselves in
agriculture, endeavoured to restore their private fortunes,
shattered by the extraordinary expenses they had in-
curred. But even the peace of obscurity was denied.
In the first place it was out of their power, they found,
to influence others of their party to imitate the submis-
sion they practised themselves — they had laid down their
arms and retired to their estates, but many of the towns,
terrified at the recollection of past horrors, positively re-
fused to receive the royal garrisons. Among these were
Montauban, Sancerre, Albi, Milhaud, Castres— and last,
and most important of all, La Rochelle.
The Admiral was also accused of maintaining a cor-
respondence with the Prince of Orange, and for this
there seems to have been some foundation ; for it is
certain that a party of Hugonots, under Coqueville, were
marching at this time in aid of the Protestants in the
Low Countries. Coqueville was followed and overthrown
at St. Valery, by the Marechal de Cosse, upon which the
Prince de Conde thought proper to disavow him.* But
1568.] PERFIDIOUS CONDUCT OF THE COURT. 149
the conduct of the Catholics more than ever justified the
fears and precautions of the Hugonots. Their array was
kept together — their Swiss and Italians retained — French
companies distributed throughout the provinces, and in
such a manner as to be ready to march on the first notice.
It was known that the government was strengthening its
alliances with Germany — while at the same time the
privilege of openly exercising their religion, stipulated
for by the Hugonots, was rendered valueless by the
violences of the Catholics in the towns — violences which,
if not actually encouraged by the Court, were in no single
instance punished or repressed. The publication of the
Council of Trent, in defiance of all good faith, was once
more made a matter of consideration in the Council — and
alarming rumours were spreading upon all sides. It was
whispered that the Cardinal de Lorraine was unremitt-
ingly inciting the Queen to imitate the bloody example
set by the Duke of Alva, in Flanders — and the imagi-
nations of the Religious were filled with dismal images.
The public execution of their chiefs, the indiscriminate
slaughter of themselves and their innocent families,
were the visions of terror excited by that fearful specta-
cle of cruelty which was being carried on in their neigh-
bourhood, and was perpetually before them.1 Mean-
time the Catholic pulpits rang with the most violent
denunciations. It was openly prophesied that the Hugo-
nots had not three months to live — that after the vintage
they would be exterminated to a man, and the doctrine
was publicly and audaciously upheld — that any opposition
on the part of the King to such proceedings would ex-
pose him, as he would well deserve, to be tonsured and
imprisoned in a cloister for life. It was further inculcated
1 D'Aubigne; De Thou, &c.
150 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1568.
that to make peace with heretics was a crime — to keep
faith with them a weakness — and to murder them an act
most acceptable to God. These atrocious sentiments
gave birth to actions as atrocious — the Hugonots were
universally insulted, and insults were speedily followed by
outrage and murder. In Amiens and at Auxerre the
unhappy Reformed were massacred by hundreds — at Cler-
mont in Auvergne, a Protestant, omitting at the Fete Dieu
to adorn his door with tapestry, was burned alive by the
populace — the magistrates neither interfering to prevent,
nor to punish the deed. The second son of the Count de
Tende was murdered in cold blood by the Baron des
Arcs ; his brother, the Count de Sommerive, who, during
the last troubles, had carried on in the South a war of
execrable cruelty, participating in the crime. The mur-
derer le fit poignarder" says D'Aubigne, " lui trentiesme,
disant qu'il ne faisoit rien sans bon aveu et commande-
ment expres" 1 The Baron D'Armance, a man universally
respected, was poignarded as he stood at his own door hold-
ing his infant daughter in his arms — but the atrocious
murder of Rapin was, if possible, yet more unjustifiable.
This gentleman, attached to the Prince de Conde, being
dispatched by the King to make known the Edict of
Pacification to the Parliament of Toulouse, and require
its registry, was by that body seized in defiance of the
amnesty, and executed for the share he took in the dis-
orders of the city in the year 1562.
The worst feature of the times, both as regarded the fate
of the Protestants, and the existence of all regular govern-
ment, was the disposition openly manifested by the Catho-
lics to run into leagues and associations. I have already
alluded to the first faint begayments, as a judicious French
1 The murderer had him poig- ing he had good authority for what
narded, he being the thirtieth, say- he did.
1568.] PERFIDIOUS CONDUCT OF THE COURT. 151
author calls them, of that monstrous and gigantic associa-
tion which, under the well known title of the League, is no-
torious, and well nigh terminated in the ruin and dismem-
berment of France. In 1567, we find another association
of the same nature, set on foot by Tavannes, in Burgundy-
The subscribers covenanting to unite "tout Vaide et
devoir qui nous sera possible to support our chief in sup-
pressing all enterprises made against our religion," and to
maintain the house of Valois — and for this purpose to
subscribe according to each man's capacity, for the pur-
pose of purchasing horses and arms — the money to be
employed by the above chief at his discretion. The above
agreement to be maintained without regard to friendship,
relationship, or any alliance contracted with those of the
opposite party. Lastly, " we swear and promise to keep
this matter secret from every person whomsoever he may
be — whether wife, brothers, or other. To speak of it in
no company j never to reveal it directly or indirectly, by
word or writing, except as shall be permitted and com-
manded by the Chief." 1
"For," says Tavannes in his Memoirs, "these things
determined the Sieur de Tavannes, in his opinion, that
prudence required to set on foot some invention to save
good men. Should the Hugonots shew more zeal for
their party than the Catholics for the ancient religion 1
Means must be found to assist the King, the government
being in the hands of women ; so he, resolving to oppose
intelligence to intelligence, league to league, made the
confrerie of the Saint Esprit — uniting the ecclesiastics,
nobility, and rich inhabitants of the towns. The purpose
being to enrol men at arms, levy money, appoint in-
spectors, spies, and messengers. The success justified the
1 Mc'in. de Tavannes.
152
THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE.
[1568.
design, each parish in Dijon paid their men for three
months. Burgundy enrolled 5,500 men.,n
In 1568, an association was formed in Champagne — the
government of the Duke de Guise — where the origin of the
League may be yet more distinctly remarked. The oath
bears date, June 26th, 1568. "We, the undersigned,
desiring to discharge our duty, and fulfil our Christian
vocation by maintaining the true Church of God, Catholic
and Roman, in which we have been baptized, according to
the traditions held from the Apostles until now, desiring
also to maintain the crown of France in the house of
Valois, swear and promise to assist in the maintenance of
this league and fraternity, subscribing, according to our
means to assist the said society in all enterprises under-
taken for the benefit of the present alliance which
1 The Admiral, it has been said,
some years afterwards, when he, as is
by many believed, enjoyed the con-
fidence of Charles, counselled him to
repay Tavannes for this piece of ser-
vice by the loss of his head.
It may, and it has been objected,
that the Catholics only opposed
league to league, resistance to re-
sistance; but those who would put
the Hugonot leagues, rendered abso-
lutely necessary for the purposes of
self-defence, and those of the Catho-
lics, to support the most tyrannical
oppression, upon the same level, are
strangely to seek in the very first
principles of justice. All the Hu-
gonots ever sought was to be allowed
to enjoy the common and equal rights
of subjects, and to have those laws
and edicts maintained which secured
their lives and fortunes from the
violence of those who endeavoured
to deprive them of both, as well
as of that liberty of conscience,
which they of the Catholic reli-
gion themselves enjoyed. There
never has been a question so mis-
handled, a cause so unrighteously
decided as theirs. The error lies in
a sort of assumption of unquestion-
able superiority by the Catholic
writers, on the part of their church,
as if the struggle of the Hugonots
for liberty of conscience, was a posi-
tive invasion of the rights of others.
It is forgotten that he is the invader
of the rights of others who endea-
vours to impose, by force, his own
convictions upon his fellow-man. He
is the author of schism ; he it is who
rends the church of Christ asunder :
who first refuses to enter into the
fellowship of love with his brethren,
because they do not see things just
in the light which he does himself.
The Catholic party not only endea-
voured to force their opinions upon
others, by the most outrageous acts
of cruelty and violence, but banded
together in leagues to coerce the go-
vernment to the destruction, against
its own convictions, of a very large
portion of the most valuable of their
fellow-subjects. Can seditious pro-
ceedings arise from a more unjusti-
fiable cause ?
1568.] PERFIDIOUS CONDUCT OF THE COURT. 153
doing — the friendship and fraternity of la sainte ligue
presente shall be secured to them, aiding and defending
them against all enterprises of the opposite party," &c.
This league, it will be remarked, is the first for mutual
defence and assistance. The object, professed at least, by
the two preceding ones being to maintain the government.
While the kingdom was thus agitated and divided, an
ill-omened change took place in the form of the adminis-
tration. " Now began," says Davila, " and not before, the
council called del gabinetto, in which were assembled,
not those entitled by their birth or dignity to share the
royal councils, but a few men chosen by the King, with
whom in his own chamber he secretly conferred on the
most private and recondite designs. The first elected to
this confidence were, the Duke d'Anjou, the Chancellor
de l'Hopital, Lansac, Morvilliers, the Bishops de Limoges,
Malasise, Biragues, and Villeroy. These anxiously con-
sulting upon the state of affairs, divers were the reasonings,
arduous their deliberations. To plunge into a new war was
impossible, and to seize the chiefs who could not be per-
suaded to return to Court difficult — for they had retired,
distrustful, to divers places, attentive to anything that
might be conspired against them. The which difficulties
having held the council many days in suspense, and the
news coming in from all sides of fresh seditions and
tumults, excited by the impatience of the Catholics, and
the too great valour of the Protestants — occasioning blood-
shed, peril, and disturbance, it was at last resolved, to push
those councils forward with more resolution, and with less
scruple, which were directed to extirpate the root of these
continual and obstinate tumults."1
In vain the Chancellor lifted up his warning voice, in
vain remonstrated in the name alike of humanity and
1 Davila, Guerre Civile <li Francia,
154 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1568.
justice against the intended proceedings. The respect with
which the young King listened to his advice, only served
to inflame the jealousy and dislike with which the Queen
was now beginning to look upon a servant whom no
considerations could render obsequious or unjust. The
Cardinal de Lorraine had long regarded him with aver-
sion ; his influence began rapidly to decline, and the
moment was fast approaching when France was to be
deprived of the services of this faithful and devoted
patriot.
His last successful effort in the Cabinet was in resisting
the publication of a Bull, in which the Pope — allowing a
certain part of the temporals of the Church to be alien-
ated, made use of these expressions, "Pour employer
les deniers qui proviendrait de eette rente d V extermi-
nation de la religion Protestante!n The remonstrances
made by the Chancellor against allowing this clause to pass
were so urgent that it was at length agreed to omit it alto-
gether, and petition the Pope for a fresh Bull, in which
the obnoxious expression should be left out. But this
success only increased the animosity of the Queen, which
she did not even attempt to disguise. No longer treated
even with the mere external ceremonials of respect, but
openly stigmatised as a concealed Hugonot, and insulted
as a traitor, De THopital found all his influence at an end,
and his efforts to avert, or at least moderate, the bar-
barous policy intended, ineffectual — yet still he lingered,
unwilling to abandon as lost the ,great cause in which
he had been so generously engaged. But seeing even
the confidence of the King at length entirely withdrawn
and all possibility of being of the slightest use at an
end, he refused to countenance, by his presence, councils
1 That the money thus raised may be employed in the extermination of
the Protestant religion.
1568.] PERFIDIOUS CONDUCT OF THE COURT. 155
he could not influence, and in the month of October in
this year he retired from Court — to deplore in private
that rapid progress of evil which he had so vainly endea-
voured to arrest, and to perish at last, a melancholy
victim to the anguish inspired by the dreadful catas-
trophe.
It was now August, and the Queen finding herself
by the retreat of De l'Hopital, relieved from the presence
of any one who could in the least control her plans,
resolved to carry into execution that project for the
final destruction of the Reformed in France ; "with a
view to which" — according to Tavannes, "she had con-
cluded the late treacherous peace." '
The first attack was made upon the unfortunate Prince
de -Conde\ Taking advantage of a promise made at the
time of the Pacification, that the Hugonots should refund
all the sums advanced by the King, for the discharge of
their reisters, it was intimated to the Prince that imme-
diate payment would be required. He was, at the same
time, expressly given to understand that no general
subscription for this purpose among the churches would
upon any pretence be permitted ; the King being resolved
that no one should tax his subjects but himself, and there-
fore that the money must be paid by those chiefs, and
by those alone who, in concert with the Prince, might
be looked upon as the principal instigators of the war.
This requisition struck Conde with the utmost dismay.
Nothing approaching to the sum demanded could be
raised, it amounted to 300,000 crowns, and a general
confiscation and sale of all the estates and property
possessed by himself, the Admiral, and their principal
friends, would not suffice to liquidate the debt. It was
evident nothing less than their total ruin was conteni-
1 Mem. de Tavannes — Datila.
156 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1568.
plated. Conde wrote in pathetic terms to the young
King, complaining of the treatment his unhappy party
received — appealing to his justice and compassion, and
praying for indulgence both with regard to the time of
payment, and as to the methods of raising the sums in
question.
The heart of Charles, it is said, was touched by these
impassioned pleadings, and he entreated his Mother to
maintain the Edicts, and spare his people. His remon-
strances only served to complete the ruin of the Chan-
cellor, whose interference was detected, as it was thought,
in this appeal ; and the Queen, stimulated by the Car-
dinal de Lorraine, who had at length completely gained
her ear, drove furiously on.1
The next measure was directed to break the union
maintained between the Churches and their powerful
friends among the nobility and gentry, and by thus de-
taching them from each other, to destroy that bond which
alone secured them in some degree from the projected
tyranny. The formula of an oath was dispatched into
the provinces which was to be administered — without
exception of persons — and which obliged the recipient to
swear, never to take arms without express permission of
the King ; nor to join in any contribution of money
whatsoever without such permission obtained.2
1 De Thou — Davila. all should be required to bind thein-
2 " The Chancellor de l'Hopital," selves. It was to this effect, that
says De Thou, " being thus driven they should testify before God, and
from the government of the state, swear in his name, that they acknow-
the Queen freely, and without oppo- lodged King Charles IX. for their
sition from any one, inclined to the supreme and natural Prince, and
counsels of the majority ; and that were ready to pay all honour, obe-
now as every thing was prepared for dience, and submission ; that they
making war on the Protestants, she would never take up arms except at
might more and more diminish their his express command ; nor would
strength and unanimity, she trans- ever favour or abet those who
mitted to the governors of provinces might have taken them up against
the formula of an oath, by which they him, either with money, counsel, or
1568.] PERFIDIOUS CONDUCT OF THE COURT. 157
This was followed by an edict, ordering all who pro-
fessed the Reformed religion to resign, within a certain
time, every office and dignity they might chance to hold,
and decreeing, that thenceforth none holding these opi-
nions should, on any consideration, be nominated to
such. This edict at once deprived Coligny of the office
of High-admiral ; D'Andelot of that of Captain-general
of the French infantry, and all the Protestant gentlemen
of their Governments.1
But these measures were but the prelude of a last
and most atrocious breach of faith. It was resolved
immediately, and at one moment, to arrest every one of
the leading Hugonot gentlemen, now living isolated in
their several country-houses, and following the Duke of
Alva's advice, " to cut off the taller floivers."
The Prince was still at Noyers, deliberating in the
most cruel perplexity upon his situation, when intel-
ligence of the most alarming description reached him
from every quarter. He was advised that ten com-
panies had been thrown into Orleans; that the troops
assembled ostensibly for the siege of La Ptochelle, were
marching into Burgundy ; that the Duke de Montpensier
and Martigues1 had seized the passes of the Loire, and
that the Duke de Guise had assembled forces upon the
borders of Champagne, while the Marechal de Cosse was
doing the same in Picardy. Anxious, restless, undecided,
in any other manner. That they very faithful and obedient subjects;
would never levy money in any man- that prayer should be made for the
ner without his express command ; health and safety of himself, the
that they would bind themselves by Queen-Mother, &c; and that they
no secret treaties, nor consent to would willingly subject themselves
them ; but that if anything of that to all the rigour of pains and penal-
sort should come to their knowledge, ties, if by their fault any disturbance
they would apprize the King or his should happen in their city (naming
officers. That, in the meanwhile, it) To the defence of which they
with all humility, they would sup- would devote their lives and fortunes,
plicate the royal Majesty to take
them under his protection, as his ' De Thou.
158 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1568.
unwilling to resume arms, and once more rush into a
civil war — the unhappy man repaired to Coligny for
counsel, who, considering himself no longer safe at
Chatillon, had already with his family removed to the
strong castle of Tanlai, which belonged to D'Andelot,
and was situated in the neighbourhood of Noyers.
Here, as they were sitting together — engaged in the
most painful consultations, the young Teligny, who had
married a daughter of the Admiral, arrived from Court.
"He bore letters," says De Thou, "from the King and
Queen, tilled with the most affectionate expressions ; but
his own words portended everything that was dismal."
Soon afterwards one came in, bearing a letter which
had been intercepted in the neighbourhood. It con-
tained these few ominous words, " Le cerf est mix toiles ;
La chasse est preparee"1 And in the dead of that very
night an unknown cavalier galloped past the chateau of
Noyers, sounding his loud hunting horn, and crying,
" Le grand cerf est relance a Noyers''
For these two last warnings it appears that the Prince
was indebted to Tavannes, who having received orders
to seize upon his person,2 feeling unwilling at once to
compromise his own honour and safety by a proceeding
which, if events rendered it expedient, would afterwards
be without scruple disavowed — had had recourse to
these expedients to extricate himself from the unplea-
sant dilemma in which he stood. But Conde still
hesitated, and entreated his mother-in-law, the Marquise
de Rothelain, to go herself to Court, and conjure the
King, in his name, not to suffer promises so sacred as his
to be violated — edicts so solemnly enacted to be broken;
nor allow the enemies of the public peace, by the abuse
of his name and authority, to accomplish their perfidious
1 The stag is in the snare, the hunt is up. a M<?m. de Tavannes.
1568.] PERFIDIOUS CONDUCT OF THE COURT. 1 .r>9
designs. But scarcely had the Marquise set forward
before courier upon courier arrived from the Court,
bearing the most earnest entreaties to the Prince and
Admiral, " to fly, ere it was yet too late, and seek shelter
in some place of security." They were informed that
Tavannes was inarching upon Noyers ; that on all sides
the Hugonots were surrounded, and that should their
flight be one instant delayed, their destruction was
inevitable. The imminence of the peril could no longer
admit of doubt, and they resolved to attempt their
escape instantly.
On the 23d August, the Prince made one last appeal
to the King in a letter, wherein he cast on the restless
spirit of the Cardinal de Lorraine the infamy " of those
machinations by which innocent men, driven from their
homes, with their wives and children in their arms, were
compelled to wander from house to house without hope,
and without consolation."1 A declaration recapitulating
all the wrongs and injuries that the Hugonots had en-
dured since the fatal meeting at Bayonne, accompanied
the letter. " When that secret treaty with Alva was
entered upon for the simultaneous destruction of the
Protestants in France and Flanders" — It enumerated the
causes of suspicion which had since arisen ; the levy of
Swiss that had been made by Alva himself, though the
coming of the Spaniards had formed the pretence for
that measure ; lastly, the secret conferences held in
Lorraine's own house between Monceaux and Marchey in
which was debated the means of intercepting Conde" and
Coligny if they had come to the Castle of Vincennes.
" Then, upon the conclusion of the peace what
followed % Fair words, indeed ; but not one city given up
in execution of the edict. For of Lyons, le Puy en
1 De Thou.
160 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1568
Vela j, Dijon and Beaune, no satisfaction had been given.
At Toulouse, Rapin, who had carried on the war in
Languedoc, in his (Conde's) name, when by his command
he had gone there after the edict, under the safeguard
of the public faith and the King's letter, had been seized,
and a sentence being carried against him, he was con-
demned to death upon the 6th of April. This had been
followed not only by horrible private assassinations, but
also by general massacres at Amiens, Auxerre, Bourges,
and Blois ; about which, upon account of Lorraine's
violence, no inquisition could be made. But the dis-
gracetul murder of le Sieur de Cippierre was perpetrated
either at the instigation, or with the connivance of the
Card. Louis de Guise, he openly protecting the mur-
derers." A complaint on account of the new edict
which deprived himself and his friends of all their
dignities followed : " on all sides," it went on, " unfortu-
nate men are enclosed, as it were, in a net, in the
midst of peace, by the military guards who occupy the
gate-houses, bridges, and other passages " and
concluded by saying he should await an answer at
Noyers. But immediately after having dispatched it, the
Prince and Coligny prepared for flight with their terrified
and helpless families.1
" He set out silently," says Matthieu, " but his situ-
ation touched all hearts with pity, when they saw the
first Prince of the blood setting forward in the extreme
heats, with his wife great with child, carried in a litter,
and three little children in the cradle, followed by the
motherless family of the Admiral, consisting of one grown
up daughter, and the rest yet in the arms of their nurses.
The wife of D'Andelot, too, was there with her little girl,
1 De Thou, Matthieu. — This is a dren of the Admiral followed him
slight inaccuracy. The younger chil- afterwards to La Rochelle.
1568.} CONDIi TAKES REFUGE IN LA ROCHELLE. 1G1
but two years old, and several other ladies were of the
company. The only escort for this troop of helpless wo-
men and children, was 150 horse, headed by the two brave
and affectionate fathers."
They journeyed on as rapidly as possible, for their sole
chance of safety lay in crossing the Loire before they
could be overtaken, and then seeking shelter in La Ro-
chelle ; but the country was filled with troops, and the
bridges of the Loire already occupied. They therefore
determined to attempt a ford not commonly known, and
arrived at it when the river, " usually," says Davila " so
broad and so furious, was so far diminished by the long
drought, that they crossed with little difficulty." The
Prince carrying his youngest infant on his arm, and clasped
to his bosom. But scarcely had they reached the south-
ern bank, when turning round, they descried the ca-
valry of their enemies in full pursuit, crowding rapidly
upon the opposite side. An event now happened cer-
tainly very remarkable. Without any apparent cause, a
sudden swell of waters came foaming and rushing from
the head of the river, and in an instant filling the chan-
nel, rendered the ford impassable, and the defenceless com-
pany were rescued from the very jaws of their destroyers.
Can we wonder that men, taught to rest upon providence,
and discern the Almighty hand in the events of their
agitated lives, should regard this as a signal interposition
in their favour, and an undoubted sign that His arm
was extended for their preservation % The fact rests not
alone upon the evidence of their own historians.
Having thus crossed the river, all danger was for the
present at an end. Crowds of the Ilugonots who had
been advised by Conde to take up arms and provide for
their own defence, now joined his company, and crossing
Angoumois and Poictou, lie arrived without further dif-
VOL. II. m
162 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1568.
ficulty at La Rochelle, where he was received with the
greatest affection.
Thus were the Reformed again driven into insurrec-
tion, and the third troubles began.
It appears that intimate relations had for many years
subsisted between the house of Chatillon and the town of
La Rochelle, a city, in which that spirit of freedom and
independence was still maintained which had been fos-
tered, and as it were, kept alive for centuries in the great
commercial cities of Europe. " The Prince,"1 we are told,
" would not go straight to La Rochelle, for that town dis-
trusted every thing ; and having refused to admit a gar-
rison from the King, was in constant fear of a surprise.
He took his wife and children, therefore, to Brouage, and
from thence came to La Rochelle, alone, and in the dis-
guise of a sailor, where, entering the council of the
M aires et Pairs, he made himself known. This mark
of frankness and confidence at once captivated the hearts
of the people, who could fear no attempts against their
liberty on the part of a Prince, who came thus without
a follower among them. Each one offered him his hand,
and he, as the pledge of his sincerity, placed his wife and
children in their power, swearing never more to lay down
his arms till liberty of conscience and the security of
private life were obtained — then deploring the miserable
slavery in which the King lay under the house of Guise,
he vowed to be faithful to his promises, as did the towns-
men to assist him by every means in their power."
On the 18th of September, 1568, the Prince, his family,
and his friends, entered La Rochelle.
The ruined harbour, silent streets, and deserted quays
of La Rochelle, yet remain a miserable testimony of the
1 Matthicu.
15G8.] CONDI- TAKES REFUGE IN LA ROCHELLE. 163
fate which arbitrary power and political vengeance drew
down upon a brave, industrious, and virtuous population,
and of the retribution which the kingdom received, and
still labours under as the recompence of the signal in-
justice of her rulers. This city, finally the victim of a
noble cause, became from this moment the metropolis and
centre, as it were, of that party, which by the course of
evil policy so wickedly persevered in, had, at length, been
utterly separated in heart and affection from their fellow-
countrymen, and rendered a distinct body politic in the
centre of the state. Driven to the south of the Loire, and
deprived of Orleans, which had till now served as a rallying
point for the Union, the Reformed found in La Rochelle, a
city admirably adapted for the same purpose. It was
situated in a rich and fertile country, strongly fortified
towards the land, and provided with an excellent harbour,
which, with the neighbouring isles, highly cultivated and
fully peopled, offered extraordinary advantages to the
Hugonots. Not only did these circumstances afford the
means of maintaining their relations with, and receiving
such succours as might be obtained from Germany, Flan-
ders, and England, and likewise for preserving their com-
munications with Normandy, Brittany, and the provinces
south of the Loire, but very considerable profits were
derived from the successful privateering adventures which
were carried on with great spirit, equally to their own ad-
vantage, and to the distress and vexation of the enemy.1
" Les vilks," says La Noue," qui sont comme les appuis, non
settlement des armees, mats aussi des guerres, doivent etre
puissantes et abondantes, afin que comme lesgros ruisseaux
elles puissent fournir les commodites necessaires, d ceux qui
1 La Noue tells us that the Admi- mentions ships being equipped on
ral levied the droits d'amiraute on account of the Prince de Conde.
these captures. De Thou, I think,
m 2
164 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE [1568.
ne les peuvent avoir ailleurs"1 " La Rochelle," he adds,
" was neither so large nor so agreeable a city as Orleans,
but there were things about it which more than made up
and atoned for many defects — the principal of which
was its maritime situation,2 with a port which cannot be
blockaded without an excessive expense, and by which
abundance of provisions may be brought in. Two leagues
off, also, in the sea, there are some fertile isles, qui brans-
lent sous sa faveur. The people of the town are as warlike
as commercial, — prudent, and well affectioned to religion.
As for the fortifications, sufficient trial has been made of
them .... Some say the inhabitants are rude, but all
must acknowledge they are loyal (true.) " Elle equippa
et arma quantite de vaisseaux, qui firent plusieurs riches
prises, dont il revenait de grands deniers a la cause gener-
ate" 3 The opulent city of La Rochelle*had been, in fact,
long devoted to the cause of the Reform, which, being that
not only of religious but of civil liberty, coincided with the
spirit of independence almost amounting to republicanism,
which she had so long and successfully maintained. La
Rochelle had never consented to receive either a royal
governor or a royal garrison, and was governed by her
own maire and municipality alone. This independence
she continued to assert, and this important place must
be considered during the whole of the ensuing contest,
less as being in the occupation and under the control
of the Hugonot chiefs, than as an independent city in
close alliance with them, and holding out her hospitable
arms to afford them shelter.4
1 Towns which are to serve as 2 Mem.de La Noue, De Thou, &c.
foundation supports, not only of one 3 The city equipped and armed
army but of long wars, must be numerous vessels which made rich
powerful and rich, so that like abun- prizes, from which much assistance
dant streams they may furnish nc- was derived to the cause,
cessaries to those who cannot obtain 4 La Noue, Per^fixe, Matthieu,&c.
them elsewhere.
15(58.] CONDJi IN LA ROCT1ELLE. 165
The Prince and Coligny having been received by the
citizens of La Rochelle with the greatest cordiality, and
their exertions being supported by numbers of the
Calvinist ministers who had already sought refuge within
her walls, found themselves speedily joined by multi-
tudes of their adherents, who flocking to their standards
from every side of the kingdom, soon taught the Ca-
tholics to dread the issue of that contest which they
had so unjustifiably provoked. So that the Prince,
who, as says La Noue, " had found himself at the very
lowest point of fortune's wheel," speedily became ele-
vated to the highest round of her favour. D'Andelot, the
Vidarne de Chartres, Lavardin, and La Noue, after various
rencounters with the Duke de Montpensier and Martigues,
crossed the Loire, and brought up the forces of Brittany.
— Ivoy those of Poictou — Soubise and Pluvialles of Peri-
gort — Montgommeri and Colombieres of Normandy ; and,
lastly, Jeanne Queen of Navarre, conceiving herself no
longer safe in her miserable remnant of a kingdom, quit-
ted Pau, and with her son Henry, then fifteen years of
age, and her only daughter Catherine, arrived with 3,000
foot and 400 horse, and henceforward indissolubly united
her fortunes with those of the party, of which her son was
to prove the future champion and head.1
" The Queen of Navarre," says La Noue, " feeling the
approach of the earthquake, was diligent to retire to these
quarters, bringing with her her children, and some good
forces, which served at once to authorise the cause and to
strengthen the army. She feared, should she remain in
her own country, that she might be constrained by the
disturbances among her subjects, or by other reasons, to
send her son to court, where undoubtedly he would have
changed his religion ; from aj (prehension of which, she
1 Davila, Guerre Civile * 1 i Francis.
166 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1568.
abandoned her kingdom without hesitation, to preserve
his conscience pure. Exemple tres rare dans ce siecle-ci
oil les richesses et la grandeur sont a plusieurs un dleu
domestique."1
The Baron de Fontrailles, St. Mesines, and de Pilles,
gentlemen afterwards greatly distinguished among those
of the Union, accompanied her. As for the Cardinal de
Chatillon, he had made his escape, disguised as a sailor,
into England, where he remained during the war ; and by
his skill in negotiation, proved of the greatest service to
his party.
The first step of the Prince now was, to publish his
manifesto, justifying the step he had taken upon the plea
of self-defence. He assured the King of the unchangeable
loyalty and fidelity of his party, and declared the war
was directed against the Cardinal de Lorraine and his
adherents alone.
The next measure Conde adopted — taking warning by
what had occurred at Chartres at the last pacification — was
to administer an oath of obedience to the whole army, and
bind them by solemn engagement, to persevere till death
in the defence of their religion ; and to accept no terms
without the universal consent of their captains, and
without obtaining full security for liberty of conscience
and for the preservation of their lives.
The Queen of Navarre also wrote letters to the King and
the Duke d'Anjou, justifying the steps she had taken ;
and accusing the Cardinal de Lorraine, and the Guises, of
being, through their bloody counsels, the cause of the
renewed troubles. She added afterwards, a more ample
declaration, in which she proved most successfully, by the
relation of a very singular accident which had happened
s Rare example in an age where riches and grandeur are become as
household gods.
Uiii :
1568.J CONDE IN LA ROCHELLE. 167
to herself, to what extent the treacherous dealings between
the Cardinal and Spain had been carried on. " The
whole," says Davila," "involte in grandissima eloquenza"1
The unusual spirit and decision of these proceedings — the
promptitude with which the Hugonots flocked to La Ro-
chelle, greatly disconcerted Catherine. " Ever ready to
form projects," says a judicious writer,2 " without having
calculated the means of success, and when defeated, re-
turning to her old methods of conciliation, deceit, and in-
trigue. Her versatility was the effect of ill-calculated
and ill-considered combinations ; for her imagination,
though brilliant and lively, wanted that clear-sighted
glance which marks the superior statesman."
The first weight of her indignation fell upon De l'Hopi-
tal, whom she accused of having given the intelligence to
Teligny ; whereupon, though he was not formally deprived
of his office, the seals were given to Morvilliers. An edict
was also immediately issued, promising the usual recom-
pence of pardon, security, and liberty of conscience to
all who would forsake their standards ; but the Hugonots
were no longer to be duped by these vain promises, and
the edict produced not the smallest effect ; upon which,
finding all these temporising measures vain, the mask, so
long carried, was at last finally dropped, and upon the
28th of September, 1571, that memorable edict was
published, which at once satisfied the Catholic powers as
to what had been the secret intentions of the government,
and justified the Hugonots in all their suspicions and
proceedings.
After a preamble— setting forth the indulgence and
benevolence with which the King had endeavoured to
restore the Hugonots to a sound mind, and enumerating
1 Davila, Guerre Civile di Francia.
s Ob. Mem. tit Castlenau, additions of Le Laboureur.
168 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1568.
the seditions and conspiracies with which, despising his
royal grace and benevolence, they had always attempted
to disturb and divide his kingdom — it proceeded to re-
voke every edict which, during his minority, had been
issued in their favour ; more especially that of the last
pacification made pro interim. The exercise of any
religion whatsoever throughout the kingdom was pro-
hibited save that of the Catholic Roman, as observed by
the King and his predecessors. All ministers and preach-
ers of the doctrine of Calvin were banished, the term of
fifteen clays only being allowed them to quit the kingdom,
and, finally, the observance of the rites and ceremonies of
the Catholic Church was imposed upon all, without ex-
ception, and under pain of death. By a second edict
which, speedily followed, no one was to be admitted
to any place, dignity, or employment whatsoever without
making a profession of faith " that he believed, and did
live in all things, according to the rites and observances
of the Catholic Church."
" These constitutions," says Davila, " were published
before an incredible concourse of the Parisian people, and
embraced with great exultation by the parliament ; for
they clearly shewed that the minds of the King and Queen
had always been intent to oppress and exterminate the
Hugonots, though they desired to do it with as little noise,
contention, and peril of dismembering the kingdom as
possible."1
This edict was followed by one of those religious pro-
cessions so well calculated to reanimate and excite the
stormy fanaticism of the lower orders. " The day after the
publication of the edict, the King made a general proces-
sion in Paris, the most solemn celebrated within the me-
1 Davila, Guerre Civile di Franeia.
1568.] PROCEEDINGS OF CATHERINE. 1GD
mory of man ; in which the body of our Lord was carried by
the Cardinal de Lorraine, barefooted, and clothed in pon-
tificalibus. The monks of St. Denys, in like manner, bare-
footed, carried the holy body of St. Denys ; likewise la Chasse
de Madame St. Genevieve, and St. Marceau, were borne in
the usual fashion. The King assisted on horseback, not
being strong enough to go on foot, and before him walked
Messieurs sesfreres, one carrying the royal crown, the other
the sceptre of justice. The Queen-Mother, the Cardinals
de Bourbon and Guise, many Princes of the blood, grands
seigneurs, and the Court of Parliament, arrayed in their
scarlet robes, followed/11
This done, the Duke d'Anjou, as Lieutenant-General of
the kingdom, set himself to collect a powerful army, with
design to march into Saintonge, and try the strength of
the Hugonots.
" Human affairs," begins La Noue2, " are subject to many
changes, and to represent their inconstancy, the eth-
niques have figured a rolling wheel, where, sometimes
things are at the height, at others, prone on the earth ;
and whoever will consider the last war, will clearly per-
ceive this, for in the last the Hugonots were beforehand,
and assailed their enemies splendidly, but in the one before,
they suffered themselves to be forestalled, and through a
shameful necessity, abandoned the provinces and towns
which had formerly served for their preservation. Thus
while the Catholics were employed in issuing edicts, and
assembling with some delay their forces, the Hugonots had
once more fairly embarked in the contest ; and, with a de-
1 Journal de Brulart, Mem. de Noue, as an eye-witness of the events
Conde\ winch he relates, a man of good
3 For the history of this campaign militarycapacity,and|ofunexception-
I have almost confined myself to La aide fairness and veracity, appears to
Noue, assisted bj a few illustrations me so valuable, that I shall make
from othei cotemporary writere. La use of his own words where I can.
170 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1568.
termination to make a far more effectual resistance than
before, lost no time in securing those advantages which,
through the improvidence of the government, they had
already obtained.
"Immediately upon the arrival of D'Andelot, the Prince
and Coligny withdrawing their artillery from La Rochelle,
attacked the towns in Poictou and Saintonge, which were
ill-prepared for defence, and they speedily made them-
selves masters of Niort, St. Maixent, Saintes, St. Jean
Ponts, Coignac, Blaye, and Augouleme, so that from
poor vagabonds that they were, they found themselves,
in less than two months, possessed of the means to carry
on a long and successful war."1
These towns were garrisoned with bodies of cavalry,
which. was a great relief to the open country, and every-
where the finest order, both civil and military, was esta-
blished. It appears that this first success may be in
great measure attributed to the inactivity of the Duke de
Montpensier, who, with his army, had entered these
provinces, but who, for some cause or other, carried
on the war with much coldness. The only action of
any importance which he effected, being that of cutting
off two regiments, part of a reinforcement of 1,800 men,
whom D'Acier and the brave Mouvans were bringing
up from Languedoc, and who, marching with their
usual audacious courage, singing their war-songs, and
threatening to " eat up all these Catholics with a grain
of salt," were surprised and cut in pieces with their
brave commander. With this exception, Montpensier
acted so languidly {agit si mollement,) that he left the
Ilugonots time to enlarge their quarters, confirm their
conquests, and establish themselves so firmly in these
provinces, that the " exertions of a century have scarcely
1 Mem. de La Noue.
1568.] CONDti TAKES THE FIELD. 171
sufficed to uproot them." The Admiral beholding the flou-
rishing result of these exertions to which they had been
constrained by necessity, " would sometimes," says La
Noue, "apply to the condition of our affairs, that fine say-
ing of Themistocles, 'nous Ctions perdus, si nous neussions
ete perdus. n I know not," adds he, "how it came to pass,
that the Catholics were not sooner aware, that those they
had driven from their neighbourhood, were establishing
themselves to so much greater advantage, a little fur-
ther off. . . . Had these matters been looked to earlier,
half those conquests would have been prevented ; but my
opinion is, that their joy at Paris, to see those northern
provinces abandoned where formerly the war had been
carried on — puffed up their hearts, and made them disdain
the Hugonots, and despise La Rochelle, in which place
they shortly expected to shut them all up."2
The fact was that the Queen, sanguine, hasty, and
self-confident, had little anticipated, and was as little
prepared for the spirited resistance she met with.
After the defeat of Mouvans, the Duke de Montpensier
had retired to Chatelleraud, and here — upon the 1st of
November, 1568, just six weeks from the day on which
Conde had entered la Rochelle, he was at length
joined by the main Catholic army, headed by the Duke
d'Anjou.
The forces thus united amounted to 10,000 soldats
(as some part of the forces now began to be called)
4,000 lances, 6,000 Swiss, and 2,000 Italians,3 march-
ing under the command of numerous able and expe-
rienced generals— Gontaut de Biron, Timoleon de Brissac,
Henry Duke de Guise, impatient to emulate the
military reputation of his father, and Tavannes — to
1 We had been ruined it' we hud - La Noue, Davila.
not lost all. Mini, de La None.
172 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1568.
whose counsels the young commander-in-chief might
consider himself chiefly indebted for his brilliant suc-
cesses. I am tempted to extract from Davila, a picture
of this young Prince at the moment of his arrival before
Chatelleraud to put himself at the head of his army ;
showing how the truth of history may be corrupted to
flatter the great, and honour the successful ; and the
character which may thus be obtained by one, whose
career — a succession of crimes and vices — was unredeemed,
as far as I can recollect, by one act of generosity or
virtue.
"Great was the expectation arising from the valour
(valore, a word of far wider signification) and generosity
of this Prince, who, in the first flower of his age,
adorned with noble natural gifts, appeared born to sus-
tain the weight of the largest empires of Europe. To the
exquisite beauty of his person was united so admirable
a temperament, that his noble and delicate form pre-
judiced not his power of enduring all things proper to
the profession of arms : and in his soul appeared such
marks of courage, magnanimity, prudence, and gene-
rosity of spirit, that his virtue was esteemed far above
his years. All which was accompanied and adorned by
a natural eloquence, and that knowledge of letters so
worthy of a Prince. These qualities obtained for him
not only a singular affection, but even veneration — as
well from the whole army as from all the nobility, and
almost the whole people of France." — Fair, flattering,
deceitful promises, speedily obscured by the vices and
follies that rendered him the scourge of his country, and
the contempt and execration of mankind.1
To meet this army the Prince had in the field 18,000
arquebusiers, and 3,000 good horses, as La Noue calls
1 La Noue, Davila.
1568.] PROCEEDINGS OF THE ARMIES. 173
them — in fact, the bravest and finest cavalry then in
the world ; so that altogether 43,000 men met in this
renewed quarrel — a number very greatly exceeding that
of those who assembled in the preceding troubles — a
fact which, it has been observed, may be regarded as a
proof of the increasing disorder of the kingdom, and of
the facility with which men, driven by fear or necessity
to despair, might be engaged to seek refuge in the armies.
The winter was rapidly approaching, and the Prince,
relying upon the ardour of his soldiers, was anxious to
come to blows before their first enthusiasm should be
exhausted ; the Duke, equally confident in the numbers,
and excellent discipline of his army, was alike desirous
of an encounter, and the singularity of the ensuing
campaign lay in the strange fatality by which two com-
manders— each in pursuit of precisely the same object,
found it impossible to come to a battle. The state of
the weather presented the first and most insurmountable
obstacle. " It is rare,11 says Davila, " for the chiefs of
two armies to propose to themselves precisely the same
objects ; but the seasons opposed the determinations of the
captains, for it being the end of November the cold was
extraordinary, and snow and ice hindered the operations ;
for the days being short, and the nights excessively cold,
the ways broken up and choked by the snow, the march
of the soldiers, with the artillery and baggage, met with
constant interruptions ; and, it being impossible to keep
the men under canvas, things proceeded very slowly.111
1 Davila, Guerre Civile di Francia.
174 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1568,
CHAPTER II.
PROCEEDINGS OF THE ARMIES. AFFAIR OF JANSNETJIL. INTENSE COLD.
BATTLE OF JARNAC. DEATH OF CONDE.
The Prince began his operations by marching upon
Chatelleraud, but finding the Duke advantageously posted
in a marshy place where he did not choose to attack
him, he retired towards Lusignan with intent to draw
the royal army after him. He was, as he had calculated,
speedily followed by the enemy ; but the encounter was
prevented by a series of mistakes on both sides. Near
Lusignan there was an excellent little quarter of country
which both armies approached at the same moment with
design to occupy it, and, what was singular, were within
a few leagues of each other1 without being in the least
aware of their vicinity, " Ce quHl ne faut trouver trop
etrange parcequ'on le voit avenir quelquefois." The
Catholics were posted at Jansneuil and Sanxay, on the high
road from Poictiers. The Prince at Colombieres, two
leagues to the south of Lusignan. Near as they were, a se-
ries of singular accidents prevented a general engagement.
At equal distance from each camp lay a village called
Pampron, full of provisions. This village had been
appointed for a place of rendezvous by the leaders of
each army, and the Marshals- de-camp on either side
found themselves with their troops precisely at the same
1 Four leagues. — Davila — La Noue.
1568.] CONDE TAKES THE FIELD. 175
moment attempting to occupy the spot, from which
they successively drove one another many times, each
desiring "cette os pour roguery In a short time,
the Admiral and D'Andelot arrived with five cornets of
cavalry to support their side, and 7 or 800 lances rein-
forcing the Catholics, " il nest plus question de loger"
said the Admiral, " mais de combattre," and sent to
advertise the Prince of what was going on. He awaited
his arrival upon a hill, behind which, the Catholics
imagining the main body of the Hugonots to be posted,
forbore to attack him, and thus lost an occasion on their
side ; as did the Hugonots likewise, who, upon the
arrival of the Prince, though then stronger, suffered the
Catholics to escape in the night. " For they, beating
their drums — alternately according to the Swiss and
French manner — made us believe the main body was
there, when only the avant garde had arrived, so we
waited till the morning ; while they, making large fires
in the woods and fields to confirm our error, retired un-
molested to the main body at Jansneuil and Sanxay."1
The next morning the Prince and the Admiral, at
the head of their divisions, set forward with a determi-
nation to follow the Catholics to Sanxay, and force them
to an engagement ; but the Prince lost his way owing
to a thick fog, and instead of joining Coligny as ap-
pointed, at Sanxay, found himself to his surprise at
Jansneuil, and exactly in front of the main body of the
royal army. He extricated himself from his perilous
situation with singular dexterity, and in his turn, being
joined by the Admiral, retired, when he might have
attacked the royal camp to advantage.2 But instead of
1 Mom. de La Noue. dant qu'on fit aire tout le baggage de
2 Jo nc veux tairc unc clioso pour notro infanterie sc voit arnver le
rire qui arriva alors. C'est que pen- Ions du bois asscz prfcs <lo la guerre
170 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1568.
doing this lie marched towards Mirambeau, which he
took, while the Duke went to refresh his forces, almost
destroyed by the intense cold, at Poictiers.
His army being in some measure recruited, the Duke
again took the field, and following the Prince, retook
Mirambeau. The Prince was at this moment quartered
at Montreuil, Bellay, and Thouars — one of his regiments
being posted in the town of Loudun. The Duke deter-
mined to take possession of this place, which would
deprive the enemy of a very well-provided quarter,
capable of feeding the army for a month ; but the Prince
and the Admiral, aware of his intention, and resolved
not to submit to the disgrace of seeing a regiment cut to
pieces before their eyes, marched day and night to Lou-
dun, where they lodged the infantry in the fauxbourgs —
5 or 600 horses in the town, and the rest in the neigh-
bouring villages. The evening before, Monseigneur had
de nos gens de guerre, et la grand
nombre de persons qu' on y dut cam-
per y faisans plus de quatre mille
fcux, n'appercoirent l'armee se re-
tirer a cause de la nuit, rnais plu-
sieurs maitres furent ce jour la mal
soupez. Aucuns Catholiques qui
etoient en garde, m'ont conte, que
voyans tant de feux et oyans tant
des cris, ils tenoient pour certain que
c' etoient notre armee, ce que lesren-
doit plus diligens a fortifier leur
camp. Le Capitaine Gadias m'a
aussi dit, qu'il s'offroit d'aller recon-
noitre ; mais on ne vouloit rien
hasarder contre ces braves soldats
qui y etoient. Sur le minuit M. le
Prince recut avis comme tout le
baggage etoit engage, et la tenoit
comme perdue ; neantmoins il ne
laissa d'y envoyer cinq cornettes
pour la retirer, et commanda qu'une
beure apres 1,000 cbevaux et 2,000
arquebusses s'y acbeminassent pour
les favoriser. Les premiers qui arri-
voient trouverent Mess, les valets
campe's en moult belle ordonnance;
se cbauffant, chantant, et faisant
bonne cbere, et y ont juge" de loin
que la y avoit de 10,000 bommes, et
n'avoit plus d'apprehension que s'ils
n'eussent et€ dans une ville forte, ils
se prindoit a rire de la stupidite de
toute cette forfanterie, laquelle ordi-
nairement est couarde comme une
lievre, et la surement, au milieu d'un
tres grand peril, ne faisoit bruir que
bruit d'allegresse a cause qu'ils
avoient tres bien soupes du souper de
leurs maitres. A la tete de ce beau
camp les plus vaillans goujats avoient
prisleur garde ; et s'ils loin qu'ils ap-
percoivent quelqu'un, encore qu'ils
etoient cent fois avisos, ils faisoient
forces, arquebusades, en criant apres
lui comme des enrages. A la fin, ils
se recoyvroient, et ayant scus ou
ils etoient leur asseurance se con-
verts en peur, et dislogeat tous sans
trompettes.
1 La Noue, D'Aubigne, Davila,
&c.
1568.] PROCEEDINGS OF THE ARMIES. 177
encamped a short league from Loudun1 — never imagining
the enemy would hazard an engagement to preserve so
poor a place — but he found himself mistaken, for the next
morning the rising sun gleamed upon the army of the
Prince drawn up in battle array before the fauxbourgs.
The Duke immediately commanded his own to form, and
the artillery on both sides being planted, began to play.
Then might be seen, 40,000 Frenchmen drawn up oppo-
site to each other, their countenances as determined as
their courage was high, and waiting with impatience the
signal to advance.2 Those affecting thoughts which once
had held the attack suspended — those tender recollections
and pauses of unwilling hostility, which once for two
hours retarded the advance at Dreux — were now no longer
to be found. Such thoughts had given place to senti-
ments of bloody animosity and bitter rancour. Seven
years of dissensions had sufficed to obliterate almost
every remembrance of brotherhood and common country ;
and the parties met with an exasperation of which the
contests between opposing nations rarely furnish an
example.
The face of the country presented not the slightest
obstacle to interfere with the approach of the armies.
Between them lay a plaine rasee, broken only by a few
ditches that marked the divisions of the fields. Yet
strange as it must appear, they did not after all meet.
" But it must be understood," says La Noue, " that for
twenty years so severe a winter had not been known.
The frost was intense, and a sleet was continually falling
which rendered the ground so slippery that the infantry
could not march— and as for the cavalry, the horses were
not able even to stand. A raised trench of three or four
feet was to them absolutely impassable, so that those
1 M£m. <k La Noue. a Ibid.
VOL. II. N
178 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1568.
little ditches were as effectual an obstacle as regular
trenches would have been ; and whichever side had
attempted to move would have been thrown into inevit*
able and irretrievable disorder. " The cold," says Davila,
" was so intense that the men were stiffened and stu-
pified ; every moment some were brought into the tents,
who, attempting to pass over the ice and frozen snow,
had broken or dislocated their limbs with falls. As for
the horses, they could not move, for the country being
low and swampy was covered with ice." Upon the next
day the same demonstrations were repeated; the artil-
lery playing as before, and some few attempted to skir-
mish between the armies — breaking legs and arms as
they fell. The third day the same scene was renewed.
The 'fourth, the Duke, who was lodged in the fields,
(a decouveri) and found it impossible to resist the inten-
sity of the cold, retired a league, " not so much to refresh
as to warm his men."1
It is said (by Cayet)2 that Henry of Navarre, who,
under the auspices of his uncle, the brave Conde, was
now making his appprenticeship in the art of war — gave
a proof of his military sagacity upon this occasion. He
urged the Prince to attack the royal army — using as an
argument that their inaction was a proof of their weak-
ness ; but if the circumstances were as La Noue and
Davila have related them, the remark does not seem
applicable. The weather alone appears to have sepa-
rated the forces ;3 " for they could no longer endure the
cold, the vehemence of which killed several on both
sides."
La Noue takes occasion from this affair to argue
against winter campaigning in general. " It is a great
1 Mem. de La Noue. * Palmet Cayet, Chron. Novennaire.
3 Me'm. de La Noue.
1568.] PROCEEDINGS OF THE ARMIES. 179
abuse," says he, "to persist against the rigour of the
seasons ; for if harder things are subdued by it, how can
man — so sensitive, resist. What passed upon this occa-
sion ought to prove that, without great necessity, soldiers
should not be pressed beyond their strength ; for sickness
began in a day or two to spread among the armies, so
that I am assured in less than a month more than 3,000
men sickened and died. The ardour to fight had made
them endure to the last extremity, but at length they
became so frozen that they lost even the wish to molest
the enemy. The nobility, as well as the common sol-
diers on both sides began to murmur against their com-
manders, because without any result they had aban-
doned them a prey to the cold and the ice, where they
were perishing with hunger (for the vivandieres could not
come up) saying, that if they could not accommodate
them in secure and well-provisioned quarters, they would
provide for themselves. They could endure such extre-
mities no longer."
Both parties yielded at length to the pressure of neces-
sity, the armies separated, the Catholics crossed the
Loire and quartered themselves in the neighbourhood
of Saumur ; the Hugonots returned to Montreuil and
Thouars : and both sides speedily felt the effect of their
fatigues by the sickness which spread itself in both
camps.
The winter was, indeed, one of singular severity.
On Saturday the 11th of December, 1568, as we are told
by Perussis in his History of the Venaissin, an intense
frost came on suddenly. The Rhone was frozen, the
ports of the Durance closed ; there was snow, wind,
verglass, and cold rain.1 Bread, wine, cakes, oranges, and
1 Perussis, Hist. Venaissin.
n 2
180 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1568.
ink were frozen In February the cold was so
extreme that orange, laurel, and other trees died ; many
soldiers lost all sensation : others broke their limbs
falling upon the ice. Thus, the extremity of the seasons
terminated the campaign of 1568 — most unfortunately
for the Prince, to whom delay was almost as fatal as
defeat.
As soon as he had placed his soldiers in their winter
quarters, Cond6 repaired with his usual activity to La
Rochelle, in order to procure supplies of money and
other necessaries for his army, of which things he stood
in the greatest need. Considerable sums had already
been brought in by privateering ; thirty ships of various
sizes had been fitted out, which, entering the mouths of
the larger rivers, brought away a quantity of corn and
other booty easily convertible into money. He found,
also, 100,000 angels, and six cannons, sent by Queen
Elizabeth, for which Conde sent in return wool, and
metal of numerous bells, we are told, the plunder of the
churches. But these supplies were far from sufficient,
and the Prince resolved to increase his means by putting
up to public auction the church property in Saintonge, and
the other provinces in his occupation — The Queen of
Navarre giving security to the purchasers on her own
possessions. " This sale was effected," says Davila,1 " to
the excessive indignation of the parliaments, — and in
contempt of the royal majesty : but by it money was
raised sufficient to pay the army for some months."2
Thus passed the winter. The approach of spring
found the royal army reinforced by the arrival of 2,000
reisters under the young Rhingrave, and by a strong
body from Provence, led by the Count de Tende. The
1 Davila, Guerre Civile di Francia.
2 De Thou, D'Aubign6, Matthieu, Davila.
15 68. J PROCEEDINGS OF THE ARMIES- 181
Hugonots, on the contrary, were considerably weakened
by the garrisons it had been thought necessary to place
in the towns they had acquired during the last few
months. They were still in their winter quarters in
Poictou when they received intelligence that the Duke
d'Anjou, having assembled his forces, was about to march
upon Angouleme. Upon this the Prince de Conde and
the Admiral, finding themselves no longer in a condition
to fight upon equal terms, resolved to retire behind the
Charente, and, having broken the bridges, there to make
a stand ; hoping either to confine the enemy to the pro-
vinces north of that river — where the difficulty of provi-
sioning an army would be great — or, if the Catholics
persisted in forcing a passage, to fight them while under
all the disadvantages of crossing a deep though narrow
stream. This plan, as it will be seen, was entirely de-
feated by the insubordination of the Hugonot army.
All the towns upon the Charente, Angouleme, Cognac,
Saintes, Chateauneuf, and Jarnac, with their respective
bridges, were in the possession of the Hugonots ; at
the two latter towns, their army crossed the river. The
Prince, with the main body (bataille), fixing his head
quarters at Jarnac, while the Admiral, leaving a thousand
infantry to defend Chateauneuf (situated on the left
bank) with the advanced guard, occupied Brissac, a vil-
lage about half way between that town and Jarnac, which
was upon the right bank of the river.
The Duke d'Anjou reached Chateauneuf the 9th of
March ; his preparations for the attack of which were
scarcely completed, before the Governor abandoning the
place crossed the river in boats— the bridge having been
already broken in two places — and retreated to Jarnac ;
neglecting even to apprize the Admiral of the event.
But the possession of Chateauneuf appeared little to
182 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1569.
diminish the difficulties of the royal army. The bridge be-
ing broken, and the Admiral in force on the opposite bank,
it seemed equally impossible to repair it, or without doing
so to attempt a passage. The negligence of the Hugonots,
and the skill of Tavannes and Biron, who directed the
measures of the Duke's army, overcame the difficulty.
Feigning to seek a passage lower down, the Duke, with
the greater part of his forces, marched towards Cognac,
and was followed, on the other side of the river, by the
Admiral, who, leaving two regiments of infantry and 800
of his best cavalry to prevent the repair of the bridge at
Chateauneuf, applied himself to watch the motions of the
enemy. Those appointed to observe the bridge neglect-
ing that important duty, abandoned their post, and scat-
tered themselves over the country.
The Marshal de Biron who occupied Chateauneuf did
not fail to take advantage of their error ; with incredible
diligence he repaired the bridge, constructed another
beside it of boats, and dispatched a messenger to apprize
his chief of his success.1 The Duke, therefore, as soon as
it grew dark, began to retrace his steps with the utmost
celerity, regained Chateauneuf in a few hours, imme-
diately began to cross the river in great silence and per-
fect order, and before the day broke, the greater part
of the Catholic army was on the left bank of the
Charente.
A Captain Montault,2 who commanded a night patrole
upon the banks of the river, was the first who perceived
that the enemy had effected a passage, and immediately
reported the occurrence to the Admiral. Coligny in-
stantly decided upon a retreat, and dispatched orders to
the scattered body who had forsaken the bridge to assem-
1 La Noue, Davila. ' Davila, Guerre Civile di Francia.
1569. J BATTLE OF JARNAC. 183
ble at Brissac. The infantry with their baggage in the
meanwhile retreating with so much expedition, that they
were not present at the approaching battle.
But it was less easy to collect the gentlemen of the
gens-d'armerie. " If in an hour," says La Noue,1 " the
troops had come together, the retreat might have been
effected even au petit pas, but the length of time which
elapsed before they could be assembled, was the principal
cause of our disaster The Admiral unwilling to
sacrifice them, for they were nine cornets commanded by
Montgommeri, Pluviault, and D'Acier, waited at least
three hours And when at last they joined, the
enemy who continued to defile over the bridge were so
increased in numbers, and the skirmishing had become so
hot, that we were all aware we must fight. Upon this,
J\f. le Prince, who was retiring, and had made at least
half a league, returned, for having heard that we must
come to blows, lui, qui avoit un coeur de lion, vouloit
estre de la partie."
The action began by the advance of the flower of the Ca-
tholic cavalry, commanded by the Duke de Guise, Martigues,
and Timoleon de Brissac, who, falling upon the rear-guard
of the Admiral, overthrew four Cornets. In this encoun-
ter La Xoue was taken prisoner. The Admiral on this
perceived that he should be defeated before the Prince
could come up, "and resolving not to be beaten piece-
meal,"2 left D'Andelot with 150 horse to cover his retreat
in a place strengthened by a few pools and ditches, and
giving spurs to his horse, with all the remainder of the
vanguard, retired to join the main body. Conde' observing
the retreat of the Admiral's division, and the immense
numbers of the enemy who came pouring in upon all
1 La Noue, Davila. ' Davila, Guerre Civile <li Franeia.
184 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1569.
sides, halted where the high road from Jarnac was
covered by a hill upon the left, and upon the right by a
small piece of water ; here he drew up his forces, leaving
a place on his left for the Admiral, who, returning at full
gallop, took up his ground without the least disorder, and
facing the enemy prepared to charge. The squadron
commanded by D'Andelot, after a brave defence, had be-
fore this given way ; and the Catholics, passing on, disco-
vered Cond6 and the Admiral drawn up in two divisions,
and ready prepared for the attack.
" The first charge was made by M. l'Amiral, but the
second by the Prince was still more rude, 'et certes cefut
bien combattu de part et d' autre.'"1
A cloud had for some days been observed to hang over
the fine spirits of Conde\2 " And this day," says Bran-
tome, " though he came resolutely on, like a most brave
and valiant combatant as he was, nevertheless he was
grieved at heart — ' soit quCil connut son heure ou son
desavantage, et pour ce en y allant il dit, que puisqu'
on avoitfait un pas de clere il falloit le franchir.' "3
He entered the field with his arm in a scarf, having
met with an accident shortly before; and, as he was
taking his helmet, a horse of the Count de la Rochfou-
cault, who was close beside him, kicked, struck his leg,
and broke it in so frightful a manner that the bone
penetrated his boot. In the first moment of pain he ex-
claimed, " Observe, gentlemen, how worse than useless it
is to bring such vicious horses into a field of battle."
Then pointing to the enemy he cried, " Void, noblesse
vraiment Frangoise ! ce que nous avons tons desire, allons
achever ce que les premiers charges ont commences et
1 Mem. de La Noue. his disadvantage; but he said with
2 Brantome, D'Aubigne. spirit, that since they had made a
3 Either that he presaged that his scholar's blunder, they must get out
hour was come, or was conscious of of it as well as they could.
1569.] BATTLE OF JARNAC. 185
vous souvenez en quel etat Louis de Bourbon entre au
combat pour Christ et pour sa patrie"1 With these
words he bent his head, and urging forward his horse
charged at once upon 800 lances of the enemy, among
whom his little troop appeared but as nothing.
The Hugonots behaved with the utmost bravery, but
all their efforts were vain against the overwhelming num-
bers opposed to them. The Admiral, his standard upon
the ground, his best officers falling around him, began to
retire upon the left. La Rochfoucault and Montgommeri
upon the right were broken, after an obstinate defence,
by the Duke 'de Montpensier. Conde alone, disdaining
to retreat, overpowered by numbers, fallen from his horse,
breathless and almost exhausted, continued on one knee
to fight with desperate but unavailing resolution. " It
was at the fall of this Prince," D'Aubigne tells us, " that
the bitterest and most obstinate contest took place which
was ever seen as it was thought during the Civil Wars.
Among the most conspicuous of the combatants was an
old man, named La Vergne, who fought that day in the
midst of twenty-five of his grandchildren (neveux), and fell
with fifteen in one heap but what could 250
gentlemen do," asks he, "opposed to 2,000 in front,
with 2,500 roisters on the right, and 800 lances on the
left, but die as they did, two-thirds of them upon the
spot?" At last, perceiving the day irretrievably lost,
and his companions lying in heaps around him, Conde called
to a Catholic gentleman named D'Argence, and, raising
his visor, gave his name, presented his sword, and surren-
dered himself a prisoner.
1 Free and noble gentlemen of ber in what condition Louis de Bour-
Francc, the moment we have so bon enters the field this day to do
ardently desired is arrived. Let us battle for Christ and for his country,
forward and finish what the first at- — D'Aubigne, Histoire Universclle.
tack has so well begun ; and remem-
186 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1569.
D'Argence, highly flattered by the honour he had re-
ceived, immediately dismounted, and raising the Prince
with the utmost tenderness and respect, assisted him to
a neighbouring thicket, where he placed him upon the
grass with his back against a tree. Here he was soon sur-
rounded by a number of Catholic officers, and had en-
tered into conversation with them, with his usual courtesy,
when Montesquiou, Captain of the Swiss guards to the
Duke d'Anjou, galloped towards the place, and enquired
the cause of this little assemblage. He was told that it
was the Prince de Cond^, who had just surrendered him-
self prisoner. — " Tue ! Tue ! Mort Dieu !" cried he furi-
ously— and immediately levelling his pistol, he shot the
unfortunate Prince through the head, as he, anticipating
the blow, bent forward, folded his face in his cloak
with the dignified tranquillity of Caesar — and in an in-
stant passed into the unknown world.
There is every reason to suppose that the Duke d'An-
jou was the instigator of this foul assassination. "Montes-
quiou," says Brantome, " n'avoit garde de le faillir — for
the action had been well recommended to many of the
favourites of Monsieur, through the hatred that he bore to
him (Cond^),1 for there is nothing that a great man (vn
grand) hates so much as a general his equal.
" Nor was he at all sorry for what was done, but ex-
ceedingly rejoiced at it ; and, as soon as the battle was
over, he wished to see his enemy. The body was thrown
across an old ass, rather in derision than from any other
cause, and was thus carried, arms and legs hanging down,
to the Castle of Jarnac ; and cast into the hall beneath
the very chamber in which Monsieur supped ; and where
the night before the Prince himself had lodged. What a
reverse !"
1 Brantome, Homines Illusties, vie Conde.
1569.] DEATH OF CONDE. 187
" We found him laid across an ass,1 and the Baron de
Magnac asked me if I knew him again, but his face was
so disfigured that I could scarcely say I did. When the
body was brought before the Princes and seigneurs, and the
face cleaned, I knew him very well. They wrapped him
in a shroud, and he was put before a man on horseback,
and carried to the Chateau de Jarnac, where Monsieur was
about to lodge. Here he was left exposed as a spectacle
to all the camp. But after some time, the body was beg-
ged by the Duke de Longueville, upon his own account
and that of the Prince de Beam, and privately conveyed
to Vendcs!^.1' And there, without other honours, save the
abundant tears of all his party, the brave Conde" was laid
in the sepulchre of his fathers.
The grief of the Reformed at the death of their Prince
was proportioned to the loss which they had sustained,
and was equalled only by the exultation of the Catholics,
who were persuaded that the party must be speedily un-
done from which they had cut off so eminent a chief. " The
rancour generated by civil war could not blind them to his
great merits. No man of his age surpassed him in valour
or in courtesy ; his eloquence was rather natural than the
result of art and study ; he was liberal, affable to all per-
sons,2 an excellent leader in war, nevertheless a sincere
lover of peace, and firmly and conscientiously attached to
his religion."
" Thus died," says de Thou, " Louis de Bourbon Conde"
Prince of the blood royal, much more illustrious for his
warlike courage3 and great virtues than for his splendid
birth. Valour, constancy, wit, address, sagacity, experience,
politeness, eloquence, liberality, were united in him. Few
noblemen of his time equalled him in virtue — none sur-
1 Vie de Louis de Montpensier.
2 M6m. dc La BToue. 3 De Thou.
188 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1569.
passed him." " Worthy," says Le Laboureur, " of a better
age, and of a happier fate."
The Duke d'Anjou having begun this day "according," as
Castlenau tells us, " to his good and praiseworthy custom,
by recommending himself to God, and receiving the Holy
Sacraments with all the Princes and captains of his army,"
ended it, by openly rejoicing in the barbarous murder of
which he was secretly the author ; and so little was he
capable even of estimating the disgrace and dishonour of
such an action, that he was about to commemorate it by
the erection of a chapel upon the spot where Conde fell ;
but his governor Francis de Carnavalet interfered, and
painted in such lively colours the disgrace that must ensue
from thus fixing upon himself the charge of participation in
so base a deed — a charge already too generally circulated
— that the project was dropped.
Upon the same field fell Robert Stewart, accused of
having slain Montmorency in the battle of St. Denys,
being upon that account massacred in cold blood. The
Calvinists deny that he was the author of the Constable's
death. Be that as it may, his assassination was equally
cruel and unjustifiable.
Before we dismiss the subject of Conde, we think it
right to notice a charge made against him by Brantome,
who, though he does justice to his courage and military
genius, accuses him of a criminal ambition and a design
of usurping the throne, and alleges in support of this
charge, that Conde caused silver coin to be struck, bear-
ing his own effigy, with the inscription Louis XIII. Roi de
France.1 This coin, he says, was laid before a general as-
sembly of the King's Council by the Constable, October 7th,
1567, where it excited, of course, general indignation.
1 Mem. de Castlenau, additions of Le Laboureur.
156.9.] DEATH OF CONDE\ 189
A coin with this inscription was certainly in existence
not many years ago, yet historians generally discredit the
accusation of Brantome, and attribute the existence of the
piece to some manoeuvre of the Prince's enemies, in order
to exasperate the King against him, and ruin him in the
estimation of the people. Two facts serve to confirm
this view of the case : the one, that the Chancellor de TH6-
pital, in that paper of his to which we have before referred,
expressly declares that among all the acts of the party
not one had any tendency towards shaking off the King's
authority — an assertion he would scarcely have made, had
this anecdote been true : the other, that the Queen of
Navarre's friendship for Conde" was known to have been
warm and unbroken, which could not have been the case
had she believed him guilty of a step so derogatory to
the rights of her son, as standing before him in the line
of Princes of the blood, and consequently heir-pre-
sumptive to the house of Valois.
The battle of Jarnac was fought on the 12th or 13th
of March, 1569.
190 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1569.
CHAPTER III.
CONSEQUENCES OF JARNAC. HENRY OF NAVARRE PLACED AT THE HEAD OF
THE ARMIES. RETROSPECT OF HIS LIFE TILL THIS PERIOD. DEATH OF
D'ANDELOT. ARRIVAL OF THE DUKE DE DEUX-PONTS.
The defeat of Jarnac and death of Cond6, placed Henry
Prince of Navarre, or, as he was then called, of Beam, at
the head of the Hugonot party.
The Admiral and D'Andelot had retired after the battle
to St. Jean d'Angely, and the young Prince to Xaintes.
The infantry had retreated in unbroken order to Cognac,
for it had, in fact, as we have seen, never been at all en-
gaged, and to Cognac also La Rochfoucault, D'Acier, Gen-
lis, Teligny, Montgommeri, and other chiefs of the party
repaired, where they were the day following joined by the
Chatillons.
The army, it is true, had suffered but little loss in the
late engagement. But a small portion had ever come into
action at all, and of these, most of the divisions had been
by a hasty retreat preserved from any material loss, and
this loss (as may be remarked of most of the battles of
those times), had fallen more upon the chiefs than upon the
common men. But though the numerical force of the
army was but little impaired, the Admiral found its spirit
almost gone. The death of Conde, their incomparable
leader, and the circumstances of the late disaster, had
spread a general feeling of discouragement and dissatis-
1569.] CONSEQUENCES OF JARNAC. 191
faction among the principal officers. The popularity of
the Admiral himself, if we may believe Davila — never fa-
vourable to him — was upon the decline ; he was accused
of gross neglect in leaving the bridge undefended, and of
something very like cowardice in retreating so early from
the battle. In vain he represented that it was the un-
soldierlike neglect of his orders which had occasioned the
loss of the bridge; and that lost, an early retreat was not
only expedient but absolutely imperative, before an enemy
so superior in numbers.1
It was plain that the command so unanimously voted
to him after the battle of Dreux, would not be again
conferred without occasioning great jealousy and dissatis-
faction. Yet, that some individual of reputation and
authority should be immediately placed at the head of
the army was imperative, to prevent it falling into rapid
and complete disorganization.
Coligny, a man of the most disinterested temper,
far above the vulgar influences of envy, or selfish am-
bition ; and too calmly self-possessed, to yield to the dis-
pondency natural to feelings thus wounded by the in-
gratitude and inconstancy of those who surrounded him
— suffered no personal considerations to have weight
against the advantage of that cause which he so conscien-
tiously advocated. He wrote immediately to the Queen
of Navarre, to apprise her of the state of affairs, and in
obedience to his wishes she, leaving La Rochelle, with the
two young Princes, Henry of Navarre, and Henry, eldest
son of the late Prince de Conde, came immediately to the
army at Cognac.2
A short consultation with the Admiral sufficed to decide
i Davila, La Nouc, D'Aubigne. vila says Cognac. I note this be-
2 D'Aubigne' says to Clermont- cause the Catholic army attacked
tonnerre ; De Thou to Cognac ; Da- Cognac.
192 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1569.
them both as to the measures necessary to be passed. It
had always been the design of Jeanne to bind up the in-
terests of her son as closely as possible with those of the
Hugonot party. The occasion was pressing. — It was neces-
sary that the place left vacant by Conde should be in-
stantly and satisfactorily filled ; they agreed, therefore, in
order to quiet the ambitious and jarring claims of the
different leaders, and to satisfy at once the minds of all
parties, that Henry, young as he was, with the young
Prince of Conde, should be immediately introduced to the
army, and, assuming that pre-eminence to which their
high birth and quality undoubtedly entitled them, silence
at once the voice of every inferior pretender.1
It is necessary to introduce more particularly to you
again,, the man, now in his bloom of early youth, who
exercised such an overwhelming influence upon the
subsequent history of his country. I will pause, there-
fore, in my relation to inquire where he had lived, and
how he had been employed since we left him an infant in
Beam.
Henry of Navarre wanted some months of completing
his sixteenth year, when he was called to the prominent
and embarrassing situation of leader of the Protestant
party in France, but such had been the cultivation which
his fine natural talents had received from a careful and suc-
cessful education, " that his mother, even at this childish
age, did not hesitate to put him to the proof.'" His early
years had been passed almost entirely at the French
court; but, in 1566, the Queen Jeanne,2 alarmed both
for his religious and his moral principles by what she
witnessed during her abode there, withdrew him entirely
from that dangerous circle, and taking him with her to
1 De Thou, Davila, D'Aubigne.
2 Mem. de Nevers, Pe'refixe, Palmet Cayet.
1569.] HENRY OF NAVARRE HEADS THE ARMY. 193
Pau, placed him under the tuition of Dr. Florent Chre-
tien, a man eminent for his learning, who was assisted
by Victor Palmet Cayet, the historian, as sub-preceptor.
The system of education which he proposed for the
young Prince, tended to form his pupil rather for the
world than the closet. He sought to enlarge his under-
standing, and invigorate the powers of his mind, rather
than crush it under a load of erudition. A passage in
the Memoires de Severs gives us some insight into the
method of Dr. Florent's education, in which Henry's
mother, a woman of strong good sense, great force of
character, and most affectionately devoted to her son's
best interests, willingly acquiesced. " She approved," it
is there said, " of all those journeys which his governors
caused him to make. He visited towns where he might
find diversions suitable to his age ; but these little excur-
sions did not prevent his application to study, and the
more noble exercises of the mind. Amidst the pleasures
of the chace, as well as in solitude, he applied himself to
literature, with more earnestness than he had done before
he left the French Court, and testified an extreme desire
not to be un illustre ignorant." Even during the short time
he passed at the College of Navarre at Paris, it appears
that the young Prince had made considerable progress in
classical learning ; he had acquired Latin sufficient to
enable him to translate the best authors, and there was
long preserved in the cabinet of Monsieur Chretien, son
of Dr. Florent, the first book of Caesar's Commentaries
which he had translated. That he did not neglect even
the lighter accomplishments is also testified by the draw-
ing of an antique vase, which was also in the possession of
M. Chretien. Henry had executed it with a pen, and
with so much spirit, it is said, that " it seemed the work
of a master." At the foot of the base was written with
VOL. II. o
194 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1569.
his own hand " Opus Principis Otiosi." As many
authors have seemed to consider this Prince as a despiser
of learniDg, ignorant, and uneducated, these circum-
stances are mentioned here to vindicate his taste and
good sense from so heavy an imputation.1
" Jeanne d'Albret," says the Duke de Nevers, " who
possessed all the fire of her own nation with the judg-
ment of ours (Nevers was an Italian) was long the real
superintendent of her son's education. She pointed out
to him how disgraceful it would be for one destined to
command others, to find himself wanting in knowledge and
the power of reasoning ; and, more especially, to render
himself, through ignorance, dependent upon other men in
matters relating to the government of his dominions."'''
He 'adds, "It must be allowed to the glory of this Princess
that she would have been the wonder of her age, and an
example for heroines, if her too acute and curious mind
had not shaken her faith, and under the specious pre-
tence of reformation, plunged her into the most horrible
errors But, in spite of the ardour of her zeal, and
the blind obedience she herself paid to her ministers, she
would not suffer one of them to be about her son. She
judged that such sort of spirits were not proper to form
the mind of a prince ; that, pursuing the trade of decla-
mation and sophistry, they had more brilliancy than
solidity, and at least as much ignorance and narrow-
mindedness as knowledge ; that, in their sentiments and
discourse, there is always a tincture of pedantry and the
ridiculous, and that, after having long laboured at the
education of a young man, they mostly turn him out
good for nothing. Holding these views, she chose men of
letters, but men who had not ruined their understandings
by learning — men of refined intellects, sound reason, irre-
1 Mdm. de Nevers.
1569.] HENRY OF NAVARRE HEADS THE ARMY. 195
proachable manners, and with a knowledge of the world
such as princes must attain to make them love true
honour and true piety.
" These excellent preceptors found in the Prince of Na-
varre a material perfectly disposed to receive the finest im-
pression ; they made him such that the Queen, his mother,
did not hesitate to put him to the proof, — she herself
girded on the first arms he ever bore, and took him to
the Prince de Conde, the greatest captain of the age, to
serve his apprenticeship under that distinguished mas-
ter. Henry followed him every where, and was in the
army when the Prince fought that battle in which he lost
his life."
To this account in the Mlmoires de Nevers are ap-
pended some extracts from letters by various people, and
dated Bourdeaux, written apparently during one of Hen-
ry's journeys while staying at that place.
"Bourdeaux, 1567. — We have here the Prince de
Beam, il faut avouer que c'est un joli creature ; at the
age of thirteen he has all the qualities of one of eighteen
or nineteen at least. He is agreeable, civil, obliging ;
some would say he does not yet know what he is —
on dirait qu'il ne connait pas encore ce qu'il est — but I
who study him closely assure you that he is perfectly well
aware of his position. He lives with every body, has so
easy an air, and acts so nobly in every situation, that it
is not difficult to see that he is a great Prince. He enters
into conversation like a perfect gentleman (fort honnete
homme) ; he speaks well, and when the conversation
turns upon the Court, it is plain that he is well informed,
and that he says nothing which he ought not to say in
the place wherein he happens to be ; I shall hate the
new religion all my life for depriving us of so charming a
person. If it were not for this, he would be in the first
o 2
196 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1569.
position near the King, and in a short time we should see
him at the head of the armies/'
Again, " the Prince de Beam gains every day new
friends; he steals into the heart with invincible address.
If the men honour and esteem him, the women do as
much, for although his hair is in the least red, they do
not think him the less agreeable looking. His features
are well formed, the nose neither too small nor too large,
his eyes sweet, his complexion brown but clear, and all
animated with an uncommon vivacity."
" "We pass a pleasant carnival ; the Prince de Bearn has
taught our ladies to give balls in turns, he loves play
and good cheer, &c."
An anecdote from Matthieu gives us to understand the
anxiety which this early love of play occasioned to his
mother; and as it likewise shews that just sense of mea-
sure and propriety which even then distinguished Henry,
I shall give it as I find it, premising that the personal
chastisement here alluded to, made a usual part in those
days of the discipline of youths, even of his condition, till
seventeen or eighteen years of age.1
" The title of General of the army at fifteen, did not
withdraw him from the correction softly severe of his
mother, who, whenever he stumbled, caught him up
quickly, and suffered nothing to pass without animadver-
sion; exhorting him to consider that in the place he
occupied, he could no longer play the child; that the
eyes of Europe were fixed upon him, and that his want
of years must be supplied by his discretion. Finding
him in possession of some money that he had won at
play, she commanded his governor to chastise him upon
the spot. He first made excuses, then used entreaties,
but perceiving that all was in vain, he refused to submit,
saying it would be little glory to his mother, and too
1 See M£m. du Due de Bouillon.
1569.] HENRY OF NAVARRE HEADS THE ARMY. 197
great a mockery on him and his reputation, to treat him
like a child, when he had already the honour of com-
manding an army, and holding the title of general."
Such was the young Prince, whom, in conjunction with
Henry of Bourbon, eldest son of the unfortunate Conde,
the Queen of Navarre and the Admiral resolved to place
immediately at the head of their dejected and discomfited
party.
The Queen having presented the young Princes to the
assembled circle of officers, addressed thein herself in a
short harangue, and, after a feeling tribute to the vir-
tues and genius of Conde, she exhorted them to imitate
the courage and firmness of the chief they had lost, and,
like him, maintain with unshaken constancy, that great
cause of religious liberty in which they were all engaged.
She entreated them to believe, that in losing him all was
not lost, as God, whose cause they maintained, would not
forsake them, and had preserved to them leaders able and
willing to remedy the late disaster. She then proposed
the two Princes to them, as future heads of the party —
whose aspect, says Davila, moved all present — adding, "that
though young, they were ready to share in all the dan-
gers and difficulties of their companions; and that, aided
by the counsels of the Admiral, and of those excellent
commanders who surrounded her, she doubted not that
time would make them worthy to succeed the magnani-
mous captain they had lost." Her energy seemed to
inspire the assembly with fresh resolution. The Admiral
and the Count de la Rochefoucauld were the first to
swear fidelity to the young Princes ; they were followed
by the gentlemen, captains, and private soldiers, " who,
with loud cries, approved the election of the Princes as
protectors and heads of the Ilugonot party."1
" Henry," says Davila, " of a lively temper, generous
1 Davila, Guerre Civile di Francia.
198 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1569.
spirit, and intent upon the profession of arms, accepted
promptly and without hesitation, the invitation of the
army, and, with a few pithy and soldier-like words, pro-
mised to fight till death in defence of religion and the
common cause." The young Prince de Conde, of a graver
and less animated character, though older by some
months,1 assented rather by gesture than by words, " and
yielded in this, as in other things, that pre-eminence,
which, in all ways, was by universal opinion adjudged to
the Prince of Navarre. The young Prince de Conde was
indeed the very reverse of Henry, and in many points
of character rather resembled Coligny than his own
father ; grave, almost to melancholy, severely virtuous,
serious, reserved, uniting with the same calm and de-
termined courage, the same intense devotion to religion
and duty, he formed a not unpleasing contrast to the
brilliant qualities of his animated companion, for whom
he entertained the strongest affection.
The Admiral was immediately declared Lieutenant-
General to the Princes, and in that capacity continued in
fact to command the army. He was, as it were, the last
Governor of the Prince of Navarre, for the young Princes,
following the advice of the Queen Jeanne, never lost sight
of him, listened to him with the most sedulous attention,
and seemed to be guided wholly by his counsel. " The
wits in the army (ks railleurs) who could not endure
the extreme deference of these young Princes, called them
the Admiral's pages, a sobriquet that became at last com-
mon among the military men, as well on more serious
occasions as over their cups." Of Henry's feelings no-
thing— of his actions at this time a few brief notices are
all that can be obtained ; the anecdotes that remain to us,
1 Davila says he was so much his meaning ; he was in fact older
younger that he could not explain by about a year.
1569.] HENRY OF NAVARRE HEADS THE ARMY. 199
give evidence of the dawn of an extraordinary genius for
military affairs, and of that headlong courage which dis-
tinguishes the French as a nation,1 and Henry among
Frenchmen; and which made him through life prefer
hard lighting to every other physical excitement what-
soever.
The royal army had remained inactive three days,
during which these affairs were being transacted, and
then made an unsuccessful attack upon Cognac : a few
towns in Poictou fell into their hands, and this was the
extent of the advantages they reaped from their victory.
Advantages dearly purchased by the loss of Timoleon de
Brissac, who fell at the attack of some insignificant place.
The Court was at this time at Metz, where great re-
joicings were made upon account of the victory, and
Castlenau was thence dispatched to the Duke of Alva,
(in Flanders,) to solicit additional reinforcements. " I
found him," says he, "much more prompt to assist us
than he was before the battle of St. Denys ; and animated
against the Hugonots of France, who had, after the pub-
lication of the last peace, endeavoured to aid the Prince
of Orange and the Count Ludovic his brother, in the war
they still maintained against him. After having made a
thousand protestations of the desire he had to serve their
Majesties, he promised me in ten days, 2,000 infantry
and 2,500 good reisters, under the Count de Mansfeld,
begging me to write to their Majesties and confirm all the
assurances of his entire affection to their service, giving
this counsel and advice ' Never to make peace with their
rebel subjects, and still less with the Hugonots, but to
1 Speaking of the comparative man, of the two," said he, " yields
courage of the English and French life with the greatest firmness ; the
troops, I remeinher the decision of a Frenchman throws it away with the
German veteran who had seen our greater alacrity." — The English at
troops on service. "The English- Home.
200 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1569.
exterminate them, and treat their Chiefs as he had done
the Counts Egmont and Horn.' " '
Projects such as these, of which there is no doubt Co-
ligny was fully aware, left him no alternative but to con-
tinue the war, and render his party, if possible, so formid-
able, as to wrest from the government those securities by
which he could alone hope to render a peace either useful
or lasting. But his difficulties and anxieties increased —
the loss of the Prince de Conde was soon followed by
that of two other individuals almost equally important,
and equally beloved, CAndelot and Boucicault. The
spirit and enthusiasm of D'Andelot were ill-supported by
a sickly and fevered frame. The anxiety into which the
late disasters threw him, and the exertions he immedi-
ately afterwards made in Poictou to recruit the army, suf-
ficed to exhaust a constitution already weakened by sick-
ness, so that returning to Xaintes, he was attacked by a
malignant fever of which he died on the 7th May — an
irreparable loss to Coligny.2 " These two illustrious gentle-
men having always preserved the tenderest affection for
each other ; and as a military chief D'Andelot by his
enterprise, his inexhaustible resources, and undaunted
spirit, was invaluable." The following letter was written
by Coligny upon this occasion to his own and his brother's
children, then at La Rochelle, living together as one
family, and educated under the same preceptor.3
" Though I doubt not that the death of my brother
D'Andelot has been to you all, the cause of much afflic-
tion, I think it right to remind you that you ought to es-
teem yourselves happy to be sons and nephews to so great
a character, who I venture to affirm was a most faithful
servant of God, and a most excellent and renowned cap-
1 Mem. de Castlenau. 2 Abbe Perau, Vie de Coligny.
3 Ibid. -
1569.] DEATH OF D'ANDELOT. 201
tain — qualities of which the memory and examples ought
always to be before your eyes, to imitate them as far as is
possible. Truly may I say no one surpassed him in the
profesion of arms ; and I doubt not strangers will render
him the same testimony, especially those who have witness-
ed his valour. Now he has not acquired this reputation
by sloth and idleness, but by great labours, which he has
endured for his country. Certainly, I have never known
a man more just, or more a lover of piety to God ; and
though I am not ignorant that it is not fitting to publish
his praises to strangers, yet I present them freely to you
to incite you to the imitation of such great virtues — pro-
posing him to myself as an example, and humbly praying
our Lord and our God, that I may quit this life as piously
and happily as I saw him die. And regretting him as I
do with extreme ressentiment, I ask of you to temper my
grief by shewing his virtues shining forth and reviving in
yourselves : and that to this end you will give your whole
hearts to piety and religion, and employ your time, while
you are at the proper age, in that study of letters, which
will forward you on the road of virtue — and though I do
not object to those hours which your preceptor gives you
to amuse yourselves and leave your books, yet take care to
do nothing amid your amusements that can in any man-
ner offend God. Let me receive good intelligence of you,
that you increase in piety and virtue as much as in age
and strength. God bless you and keep you in his care —
and by his Spirit eternally preserve you — from Xaintes,
this of May, 1569.
The place of Colonel-General of the French infantry
was, by the Admiral, given to Jacques de Crussol d'Acier,
the Court conferred the vacancy on Strozzi — the place
of Boucicault was given to Gcnlis.
202 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1569.
The attention of the Hugonot army was now fixed upon
an enterprize equally daring and extraordinary, upon the
result of which, not only their ultimate success, but their
very existence seemed to depend — this was no less than,
to use the words of La Noue, "The memorable passage
of the Due de Deux-ponts from the banks of the Rhine
into Acquitain."
At the first breaking out of the present war, the
Prince de Conde" had despatched an emissary, (Barbier de
Francour) into Germany, to negotiate a levy of auxi-
liaries from the Protestant Princes, his friends and con-
federates. And, in consequence, an army, consisting of
5,000 lansquenets, and 6,000 reisters, had been levied by
the joint exertions of the Grand Palatine of the Rhine,
and ©f the Elector of Bavaria — and the command had
been conferred upon the Duke de Deux-ponts, second
son of the latter. Upon the confines of France the
Germans were joined by a body of French Hugonots from
Picardy and the adjacent parts, under Mouy and other
chiefs, who had not been able to penetrate into Poictou ;
and also by the Prince of Orange and his brother Count
Ludovic of Nassau, with their small army, which the
Duke of Alva had succeeded in driving out of Flanders.
As soon as the government was apprised of the Duke
de Deux-ponts' march, a considerable force was dispatched
under the Dukes d'Aumale and de Nemours, to cover the
frontiers, and prevent his entrance into and passage
through Burgundy. But owing to misunderstandings
between these chiefs, and their want of spirit and ability,
the Duke made good his way through Alsace into the
kingdom, and in defiance of the enemy, who hung the
whole way upon his skirts, harassing his flanks and rear,
arrived in good order upon the banks of the Loire.
" After a march," says La Noue, " of at least 80 leagues,
1569. j ARRIVAL OF THE DUKE DE DEUX-PONTS. 203
encumbered by an immense baggage, the enemy holding
the towns and the passages of the rivers, and having the
whole country in their favour ; and I have often heard
the Prince of Orange express his astonishment, how,
during so long and difficult a march, the Catholics never
could make to themselves a favourable occasion." " But
this great barrier of the Loire was a second and infinite
difficulty for the German army, for it could not be forded
so low down, and every town and bridge upon it were in
the hands of the enemy." " The Protestants had neither
artillery, nor other military stores necessary for the
attack of fortified places, but the passage was so indis-
pensable, that it redoubled their diligence, temerity, and
invention ; so having resolved to attack La Charite,
.where there was an excellent bridge, and finding it ill
garrisoned, they pressed it so vigorously and Vestonnerent
par tant de mines et menaces, that before it could be
relieved, they had carried the place, which was to them
an incomparable joy ; for otherwise they would have been
constrained to seek the source of the river at a distance
of more than sixty leagues, and what was worse, would
have found themselves embarrassed in a mountainous and
woody country where their cavalry would have profited
them little." '
" I, at that time,55 he continues, " sometimes heard M.
l'Amiral discourse of this passage among his most pri-
vate friends, but he deemed it an impossible thing, ' For,1
said he, 'we cannot help them on account of Monseig-
neur's army before us: and as for them who have one
also on their own hands, and such a difficult river to pass,
it is to be feared that they will never unravel this web
without disgrace and loss — but when he heard of the
success of La Charite', he determined to risk everything
1 Mem. dc La Nbue,
204 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1569.
to join them: il reprit esperance et dit, 'Voila un bon
presage, rendons le accompli par diligence et resolution.'1
So sending the Princes towards the marches of Limousin
to approach the army of Monseigneur and keep it in
check, he set out to meet the Germans with 10.000
arquebusiers and 2,500 cavalry ; a rien mentir point
chacun jour on etoit comme enfievre, expecting the mo-
ment when one of these two great armies would fall on
and overpower our reisters. But it happened diiferently,
for they seized their opportunity so well, guided by the
French troops under M. de Mouy, that they passed by
and approached the place where M. l'Amiral had sent
them word he would give them the meeting; and in this
manner the junction of the two armies was effected, with
abundant rejoicings. I will not," adds La Noue, with
his characteristic candour, " tax those brave chiefs and
captains, who were in the Catholic army, for having
allowed them to pass, for I do not know the causes which
occasioned this; nor will I immeasurably praise those
who passed ; ains festimeray que ce jut un lieur singu-
lier pour eux, qui se montre quelquefois es actions
militaires; which ought to teach captains never to de-
spair, for though they find themselves in great difficulties,
a favourable accident may set all right; lequel suit ceux
qui s'evertuent etfuit ceux qui s'apparessent."
It was at St. Yrier that this junction was effected upon
the 23rd of June, 1569. The forces were immediately
reviewed, one month's pay, supplied by the indefatigable
exertions of the Queen Jeanne, distributed among the
troops; and to commemorate this happy success, medals,
which had been struck by her orders, and were suspended
upon chains of gold, given to the principal officers. These
medals bore upon one side the heads of herself and her
son, and upon the reverse this inscription : — Pax Certa.
1569.] ARRIVAL OF THE DUKE DE DEUX-PONTS. 205
Victoria Integra. Mors honesia. It was probably in the
triumph of this meeting, that the good trumpets of the
French and reistres sounded this chanson et quinte, men-
tioned by Brantome : —
Monsieur lc Prince de Conde,
II a e'te' tue ;
Mais Monsieur l'Aniiral,
II est encore a cheval
Avcc de la Rochefoucauld
Pour achever tous ces Papaux — Papaux — Papaux.
But the Duke de Deux-ponts did not live to rejoice in
the success of his undertaking ; consumed by a slow fever,
and exhausted by the fatigues of this most extraordinary
march, he died at Escars, shortly before the junction with
the Admiral was effected, leaving the command of his
army to the Count de Mansfeld.
It was after his death that Brantome tells us he had
the honour to entertain the Princes and gentlemen of
this army at his Chateau of La Bourdeille, where he,
being sick, had at present retired from the army of
Monseigneur. " And there I received all these gentle-
men, French and foreigners, great and small, qui me
firent tous les honneurs et toutes les meilleures cheres du
monde. No injury was done to my house, not a single
image destroyed in the church, not even a pane of glass
broken. Si la messe y eust ete en propre personne, on
ne lux eut fait un seul petit mat par Tamour de moi,
aussi leur fis je tres bonne chere.1 It was there I saw
the foreign Princes, and talked long with the Prince of
Orange in an allee of my garden. In my opinion he was
a very great personage, speaking well upon all things ; he
had fine manners, and a very fine person ; Count Ludo-
1 If the Mass had been there her- £ard for me— and certainly I treated
self, they would not have hurt her in them with very good cheer.
the least little manner — out of re-
206 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1569.
vie, his brother, was smaller. The Prince was sad, and
shewed by his countenance that he was under a reverse
of fortune. Count Ludovic had a more open countenance,
and was thought more bold and daring than the Prince
of Orange; but in revenge the Prince was more prudent,
plus mur et plus avise, for the Emperor Charles V. had
reared him, et il se ressentoit Men d'un si belle nour-
riture.1
1 Brantome, Hommes Illustres, Prince d'Orange.
15691 AFFAIRS OF THE ARMIES. 207
CHAPTER IV.
AFFAIRS OF THE ARMIES. BATTLE OF MONCONTOUR.
The successful termination of this enterprise entirely
altered the aspect of the Hugonot affairs. In lieu of a
broken and dispirited body of men, the Admiral found
himself at the head of a fresh and flourishing army, con-
sisting of 25,000 men, all in high health and spirits; he
immediately, therefore, put himself upon the offensive,
and prepared to attack the Duke cTAnjou without delay.1
It is true the royal army still maintained a numerical
superiority, and having lately been reinforced by between
7000 and 8000 Italians under the Count Santa Fiori,
and about 3000 Flemish troops sent by the Duke of
Alva, amounted to 30,000 in all; but this superiority
was merely nominal. Sickness preyed upon the troops,
and a very general spirit of discontent, occasioned by
their deficient pay, threatened speedy disunion and de-
sertion. The most brilliant successes might have been
now anticipated, when the bravery and enthusiasm of the
Hugonots were, for the first time, aided by favourable
circumstances ; but by a strange ill fortune it will be
found, that the very accidents which appeared so pro-
mising, proved eventually their ruin.
The Duke d'Anjou appears to have approached St.
Yrier with design to prevent the junction of the armies,
and failing in this object, he retired to a place called La
Roche Abeille in the neighbourhood, desirous of avoiding
1 Davila, Guerre Civile Ji Francia.
208 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1569.
a battle. He took up his position upon a rocky hill,
having in front a plain covered with trees and thickets.
Here the Admiral attacked, and a partial engagement
took place, considerably to the advantage of the Hu-
gonots; a division of the royal army was cut off, and its
commander, Strozzi, taken prisoner.1 The advantageous
position of the royal army, and the fall of some heavy
rain, however, prevented a more decisive result. This
battle, or skirmish as it should more properly be called,
is remarkable as being the very first advantage of the
kind obtained by the Hugonots; a fact that may be ad-
mitted without any impeachment of their extraordinary
bravery ; as on no one occasion, previous to this, had
they made the slightest approach to an equality of force
with their adversaries. Their success was stained with
cruelty, unusual among them; few were admitted to
quarter, and few prisoners taken. The Catholics made
barbarous reprisals, and " remember La Roche Abeille,"
became the signal among them for more than ordinary
carnage.
This was the first occasion upon which Henry of
Navarre bore any conspicuous part in the perils of war.
Davila tells us that "he took the place of the Prince de
Conde in the command of the bataille, and shewed him-
self well deserving of such a succession. Charging at the
head of the line, filled with generous enthusiasm, here
he gave the first specimen of that brilliant courage, which
was afterwards, by its memorable enterprises, to fill the
universe with his name." 2
This action took place about June the 25th, and its
moral effect was great upon both armies; but the actual
loss sustained by the Catholics was, in fact, trifling,
amounting only to 400 men. This advantage afforded
1 Me'moires de La Noue. i Davila, Guerre Civile di Francia.
1509.] AFFAIR OF LA ROCHE ABEILLE. 201)
an opportunity, anxiously seized upon by Coligny, for
manifesting the sincerity of his professions in favour of
peace. Finding himself in a situation to be respected,
he pressed upon the young Princes the duty and the
policy of opening a negotiation under such favourable
auspices j1 and, with their concurrence, he himself pre-
pared an address, which, though every impediment was
thrown in its way by the Duke d'Anjou and the high
Catholic party, at length, through the exertions of the
Marechal de Montmorenci, reached the King.
It was couched in the most respectful terms. Once
more the reluctance was pleaded with which the Hugo-
nots had taken up arms, constrained by the determined
hostility of the Guises, and once more their readiness to
return to their obedience declared, might they but be
allowed the exercise of their religion : " desiring nothing
but to live in peace, pursue their avocations quietly, and
enjoy their property in security." With regard to religion
they asked only toleration, till a free and legitimate
Council should have decided upon the matters in dispute.
" And thus, Sire," concludes the letter, " your Majesty
will, by the grace of God, see the hearts of your subjects
united, and your kingdom restored to its first estate and
dignity ; to the confusion of your and our adversaries,
who, by their secret intelligences with the Spaniard, have
diverted the storm from the Low Countries, to make it
burst over this kingdom. And most humbly do we
entreat your Majesty to consider, whether it be better to
wait until one of these two armies, now in the field,
obtain a melancholy victory, equally fatal to the victor
and to the vanquished ; or to employ them both for the
service of your Majesty's affairs, in those great occasions
which now present themselves, to preserve your kingdom,
1 Abbe Pcrau, Vic dc Coligny.
VOL. II. P
210 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1569.
and divert the storm elsewhere — in which service these
Princes, Nobles, Knights and Gentlemen, are deliberated
and resolved, as in all other things wherein the glory and
advantage of your estate is concerned, to engage their
persons, possessions, and all the means which God has
given them, even to the last drop of their blood. Ac-
knowledging in the world no sovereignty but yours, and
desiring to live and die in that obedience which, as
Prince, Sovereign, and natural Lord, your Majesty may
justly expect from good, loyal, and faithful servants and
subjects." 1
To this affectionate address, the only answer which the
King deigned to return, was received in a letter from
Montmorenci to the Admiral.
" Monsieur,
" I have informed the King that you have sent me a
certain address to be presented to him — his answer was —
That he would neither hear nor see aught from you, until
you, having returned in all things to your obedience, were
restored to his favour — assuring me that he would re-
ceive you if you returned to your duty, &c."
The terms of this letter, though not express, were
understood to demand, that the Hugonots, without
treaty, pledge, or security, should lay down their arms,
and submit unconditionally to the mercy of the govern-
ment. It is needless to enlarge upon the absurdity of
such a demand under existing circumstances ; and after
the experience they had so bitterly acquired of the
absence of all good faith, justice, or humanity, upon the
part of those in the direction of affairs. Coligny's reply
was as follows : —
1 Abbe Perau, Vie de Coligny.
1569.] AFFAIR OF LA ROCHE ABEILLE. 211
" Monsieur,
" I have received your letter of the 20th of this month,
by which you give me to understand that you had in-
formed the King that you were in possession of the address
which we wished to present to his Majesty ; and having
now seen his answer, we can make no other to it than
this — That God and all Christian Princes are our judges,
whether or not we have done our duty (nous nous sommes
mises en notre devoir) — and whether we have now done
our part to avert those dangers which menace the ruin
and desolation of this state. But seeing now more clearly
than we yet have done, that nothing will be spared, even
to the destruction of the whole kingdom, to deprive us of
the exercise of our religion, and finally exterminate us,
we must now more than ever seek and provide our own
remedies. Dated Montreuil, Bonnia, July 26, 1569."
The door for conciliation being thus abruptly closed,
Coligny prepared to pursue his advantages, and urge the
war with vigour. But as he raised his arm to strike, the
object of attack, as by a charm, seemed to disappear from
before his eyes — and the internal weakness of his adver-
saries proved their salvation.
The disorganisation of the royal army had rapidly in-
creased, and the Queen-Mother, with the Cardinals Bour-
bon and Lorraine, alarmed at the imminence of the
danger, were already arrived at head-quarters to consult
as to what was to be done. And here the necessity for
suffering the gens-d'armerie, weary, discontented, and
sick, to retire to their several estates and houses, to
refresh their spirits, collect their revenues, and refit
themselves and their followers, was unanimously decided
upon.
It was considered that the best policy was to avoid an
action with a brave, desperate, and numerous army, and
p 2
212 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1569.
seek by every means to lengthen out the war, and give
time for the Germans to exhaust themselves : " which
they always do," says Davila, " sooner or later ; for, led
into countries differing in climate from their own, more
especially in the heat of the summer, and among abund-
ance of grapes, of which they are avidissimi, sickness
soon enters their camp.11 '
The want of a denned object against which to direct
their efforts, it was urged, would oblige the Hugonots to
expend their strength in attacking the towns which would
greatly weaken them ; and when, in a few months, short-
ness of provisions and of pay, united to sickness, should
have impaired their strength, the Catholic forces, re-
freshed and invigorated, would be ready to take the field
with the greatest effect. " Such counsels pleased the
Queen,11 adds Davila, " who ever preferred those least in
the power of fortune.'1 The Catholic army was accord-
ingly disbanded — a general rendezvous appointed for the
15th of August, the French nobility and gentry retired
to their homes, and the foreign troops were cantoned in
different towns — while the Duke d'Anjou himself joined
the Court at Tours.
Thus the royal army had melted away like a vision,
before the astonished eyes of the Hugonots ; and the field
being left completely open, the following plan for the
campaign was resolved upon.
In the first place it was determined to complete the
conquest of Poictou by taking several towns which still
remained in the power of the enemy ; it being calculated
that the receipts of this province, amounting to 60,000
livres per month, with the profits drawn from their enter-
prises by sea, would suffice to pay the Germans, qui
erioient incessamment a Far gent.1 This being accomplished
1 Davila, Guerre Civile di Francia — Ferau.
1569.] SIEGE OF POICTIERS. 213
they would proceed to invest Saumur, and thus securing a
passage over the Loire, would, during the remainder of
the year, carry operations once more into the neighbour-
hood of Paris— "which never inclined to peace, till she
heard the war at her doors." '
Unfortunately Coligny suffered himself to be diverted
from this well considered plan, and his army to be de-
layed by the siege of Poictiers ; a siege which, in its
eventual consequences, well nigh proved the ruin of the
Cause. " This should teach us," says La Noue, " that
none are so perfect in their art, but at times they may be
caught tripping — this must excuse the Hugonots for
attacking Poictiers, which happened thus.
" The success which had attended the Hugonots on
their return to Poictou puffed up their hearts, and having
taken Chatelleraud and Lusignan, and hearing that the
Duke de Guise, with his brother the Duke de Mayence,
had thrown themselves into Poictiers, a desire began to
be expressed among the officers, more especially among
those belonging to the Princes, to make themselves
masters of Poictiers — an enterprise till now rejected as
impossible — before quitting the province to attack Sau-
mur. Two councils were held to deliberate upon the
measure, in both of which the Admiral vainly besought
them to adhere to their original plan, urging his maxim
'that great cities are the sepulchres of great armies.1
The principal nobles and gentlemen of Poictou insisted
that the city was weak, that the spoil would be great,
that, once subdued, the whole of this rich province would
be ours, and above all, that the capture of M. de Guise
and his brother, was in itself a prize of the lirst magni-
tude."
Since the unfortunate death of the Prince de Conde,
1 Mem, de 1;* Noue
214 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1569.
it is evident that Coligny, deprived of the support of his
rank and authority, had found the task of controlling
his army more difficult than ever. The gentlemen and
officers suffered themselves no longer to be guided im-
plicitly by his advice. A spirit of insubordination was ge-
nerally prevalent ; and he found himself compelled in this,
as in other instances, to adopt measures which his own
judgment and foresight disapproved. " Their opinions pre-
vailed ;" says La Noue, " we sent with all diligence to La
Rochelle for powder and ball, and set out to besiege
Poictiers." '
Into the details of this siege, still more remarkable by
its consequences than even for the accidents which attend-
ed its progress, it is not necessary to enter. The place is
situated on a plain surrounded by mountains, the heights
of which, according to La Noue, approach in some places
within 400 paces of the walls ; " so that it is com-
manded not only by heavy artillery, but by the arque-
busses — but then, on the other hand, there are hills within
the walls, which serve as elevations from which to annoy
besiegers ; and it is almost encircled by two great rivers,
which are as two great ditches to be crossed. Were it
not for the last mentioned peculiarities, I would rather
with 4,000 men attack the place than with an equal
number defend it."
The Duke de Guise, emulous of the renown his father
had acquired by the defence of Metz, took advantage of
every favourable circumstance, and resisted every attack of
the besiegers with singular skill and bravery ; and the Hu-
gonots being, as usual, ill-provided with artillery, the siege,
in spite of the most extraordinary efforts, advanced very
slowly. "In the meantime1 August came in with excessive
heats, and the sickness usual to that season, began to show
1 Mem. de la Noue.
1569.] SIEGE OF POICTIERS. 215
itself in the camp of the besiegers, where numbers of
the soldiers, especially of the Germans, died. A malig-
nant fever broke out, the contagion reached the chiefs ;
La Rochfoucault, Brion, Montluc, and several others
retired to seek better air, and medical assistance ; and
Coligny, consumed by continual watchings and insup-
portable fatigues, was left almost alone to wrestle with
his difficulties. Yet, though he fell sick of the flux,
nothing could abate the indefatigable determination with
which he prosecuted his enterprise ; at length, upon the
2nd of December, he ordered a general assault." '
The assault lasted several hours, but proved unsuccess-
ful ; and through the extraordinary activity and courage
of the Duke de Guise and the Count de Lude, the assail-
ants were once more beaten off. The situation of both
parties became now almost equally embarrassing : within
the town the miseries of famine were raging ; without it,
the assailant army was perishing with sickness and de-
sertion. At length, the approach of the Duke d'Anjou
relieved them both alike. Alarmed at the danger which
threatened Poictiers, he had hastily collected such troops
as were at hand — amounting to about 9,000 infantry
and 3,000 cavalry, French, Italian, and German — and still
guided by the military experience of Tavannes and Biron,
approached and threatened Chatelleraud as a division.
Chatelleraud, important at all times, was now ren-
dered doubly so by being filled with sick and wounded
officers and soldiers. The Admiral readily seized upon
this pretence to save the honour of his army ; and, aban-
doning a place before which two precious months of the
summer had been consumed, 3,000 men lost, and with
them an occasion never to be recovered, he hastily raised
the siege, crossed the Vienne, and approached Chatelleraud
1 Mem. de La Noue, Davila.
216 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1562.
aiid the royal army. Poictiers was immediately relieved,
and the Duke de Guise quitting the place repaired to Court,
where he was received with " tous les bonnes cheres et
uremerciements possibles, for the service he had done by
the defence, young as he was, of such a villainous place."' '
The Admiral, impatient to attack the Catholics before
they could be reinforced, had used the utmost diligence
in approaching Chatelleraud ; but the negligence of a
few hours forfeited the reward of his assiduity. While
his troops were refreshing themselves in a small town on
the Vienne — imagining, as the evening was falling, that
there was nothing more to be done ; " the Duke, finding
the opportunity favourable, withdrew his artillery with
incredible celerity and two hours after sunset
silently began his march, neither the Admiral, nor any of
his, perceiving the movement till the very last squadrons
under la Vallette and the Count Santa Fiori were re-
tiring.2 The royal army crossed the river Creuse at Pont
de Pilles, and reached La Selle where were secure and
well-provisioned quarters. The Admiral followed, in
hopes of still forcing a battle, but he found the Duke in
too strong a position to be attacked, and after waiting
three days in this situation, he was obliged to retire.11
And now his mercenaries began to murmur loudly at
the hardships to which they were exposed : and he,
finding himself compelled to abandon the design of
harassing the enemy, repassed the rivers Creuse and
Vienne, and retired to La Faye la Vincenne, while the
Duke refreshed and completed his army at Chinon — at
which place he was joined by the Duke de Guise, and
several companies of gens-darmes and cornets of cavalry.
So that the army with which he recrossed the Vienne
amounted to 25,000 men, all in excellent condition.
1 Mem. de La Noue, Davila. 2 Davila, Guerre Civile di Francia.
1569.] SIEGE OF POICTIERS. 217
This delay at La Faye la Vincenne, while the royal army
was thus reinforced, is placed by La Noue on the same
line with the fatal siege of Poictiers.1
The distresses and vexations of a mind, with all its
fortitude exquisitely susceptible of such emotions, were
at this time exasperated by the publication of an arret
of the Parliament, which, singling out Coligny from the
midst of his party, levelled at his head those penalties
which, if due to any, were due to all. It would appear
that Charles was, at this time, under the influence of the
most exasperated feelings,2 and was enraged beyond mea-
sure at seeing a party, which he imagined the death of
the Prince would annihilate, rise to fresh importance
under the efforts of the Admiral. The form of a trial
had been gone through, and Coligny, after a summons to
which it was of course impossible he could answer, had
been sentenced to all the penalties of high treason, pub-
lished in the present arret.
" The sentence gives birth to strange reflections,1' says
a French author,3 " whether we consider the princi-
ples there laid down, or the barbarous forms of the
criminal jurisprudence of the times. The Court having
seen the charges and informations made at the request of
the Procureur-geneVal of the King against Messire Gas-
pard de Coligny, Seigneur de Chatillon, Chev. de Pordre,
&c, it decrees — " that the said Coligny is debonte by the
said Procureur-g^neral, from all exceptions and defence
that he might allege against the demands and conclusions
of the said Procureur-g&ieral, and declared crlmineux de
leze Majeste an premier chef— disturber and violator of
1 Mem. dc La None, Davila.
3 Davila speaks of 1'odio acerbis- 3 Ob. Castlenau, additions of Le
sinio conceputo do Re contro la per- Laboureur.
sonr dell' Amiraglio.
218 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1569.
the public repose, safety, and tranquillity, author and
conductor of rebellion, &c, &c. ; and therefore, the said
Coligny is deprived of all honours, estates, and dignities :
and sentenced to be strangled upon the Place de Greve,
either in person or in effigy, and his body to be hung
upon a gibbet at Montfaucon. His arms and effigies to
be dragged at the tail of a horse through the towns and
fauxbourgs, and then to be broken and destroyed by the
public executioner, in token of everlasting infamy. His
feudal possessions held of the crown, to be resumed, and
all his other possessions, moveable and immoveable, con-
fiscated to the King; his children to be declared ignobles
vilains, roturiers, intestables, infames, indignes et incapa-
bles de tenir ctats, offices, dignites, et biens en ce royaume.
A prohibition follows, against receiving or sheltering the
said Coligny, hi bailler aide, comfort, alimens, eau, ni feu.
Lastly, a reward of 50,000 crowns, or soleil, was put
upon his head."1
Upon this passionate and ill-timed sentence Castlenau
remarks, " Such an arrSt some thought was issued at
an unfavourable time, and that it would serve rather to
inflame and augment than to extinguish the civil wars.
The party was too strong and too determined to be
terrified by pen and paper, when it had not quailed before
armies of 30,000 men."
The sentence was published in French, German, Latin,
Spanish, and English, and Coligny narrowly escaped pe-
rishing in consequence of its last clause. Catherine, who,
in the march of crime, had arrived at that point in
which assassination comes to be regarded as an ordinary
means, employed a confidential servant belonging to the
Admiral — tempted by the large reward set upon his head
1 Mem. do Castlenau, additions of Le Labourour.
1569. J ARRET AGAINST C0L1GNY. 219
— to poison his master ; but the man upon entering his
presence betrayed so much perturbation in his counte-
nance that suspicion was excited ; he was seized, interro-
gated, and, upon his own confession, hanged. One part
of the sentence was, however, fully carried into execution :
and Coligny learned with grief that his lovely and beloved
home of Chatillon-sur-Loire — the scene of his domestic
happiness and rural labours, and which lie had so loved
to adorn with his own hands — had been ravaged and
utterly ruined. The fine trees were cut down and
burned, the vineyards and gardens rooted up, the castle
defaced, and the splendid furniture carried to Paris and
sold by public auction at the King's order.
While these measures of wanton exasperation were
carrying on, a powerful Catholic army was assembling at
Chinon, and warm were the debates in the Council at
Tours as to the plans to be adopted for the ensuing cam-
paign. It is noted that the young Henry, Duke de Guise,
whose aspiring and restless temper raised him afterwards
to the invidious distinction of rival with the Sovereign
himself, now first took his place as member of the Council
of government.1 Heir of the popularity and consequent
influence of his father, of his lofty temper, commanding
form, and personal courage — but wanting a certain gene-
rous magnanimity, disinterestedness, and breadth of
comprehension which adorned that great captain — he sa-
crificed his Sovereign, his country, and himself to the vain
aspirations of that wild and mounting ambition which
"o'erleaps itself/' and became at once the scourge of
France, and his own destroyer.
The advice of Tavannes to pursue the llugonots with-
out remission, now weakened and in disorder after the
1 Davila, Guerre Civile di Francia.
220 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1569.
fruitless siege of Poictiers, prevailed ; and it was resolved
to force them to a battle before their succours could
arrive.1
It had now become the Admiral's interest to avoid if
possible an engagement. His present forces were weak-
ened and out of humour, but he expected considerable
reinforcements, both from Beam, under the Count de
Montgommeri — who had succeeded, in spite of the neigh-
bourhood of Montluc, in re-establishing affairs in that
quarter — and from Germany, where the Prince of Orange
was already gone to raise fresh levies. But his ill-fortune,
as we shall see, once more prevailed, and led him to the
most disastrous field which the unfortunate Hugonots
yet had entered — that of Moncontour.
THE BATTLE OF MONCONTOUR.
With a fresh and well-appointed army of 7,000 horse
and 18,000 foot, the Duke once more crossed the Vienne.
The Admiral, to gain time, proposed to retire into Lower
Poictou and the borders of Guyenne, where the strength
of the situations, and the numerous towns possessed by
his party, would put it in his own power to accept or re-
fuse an engagement; but no sooner was this resolution,
in the expediency of which the Princes and leading offi-
cers concurred, made generally known, than the whole
camp resounded with murmurings and discontents. The
nobility, who had now for nearly a year been in the field,
found their resources exhausted, and having already
" done more than could be expected from the French
character,"2 anxious to return home, demanded loudly to
be led to the enemy or to be dismissed. " The camp
resounded with the groans and lamentations of men
1 Mem. de Tavannes, Davila. 2 Davila, D'Aubigne, La Noue.
15G9] BATTLE OF MONCONTOUR. 221
praying that their life or their miseries might end ; while
Count Volrad de Mansfeld and his Germans, weary of
suffering, and disappointed in their expectations of great
pay and rich booty, tumultuously demanded their arrears
or their dismission. After various delays, the repre-
sentations of the Admiral for the time prevailed, and
these dissatisfied mercenaries consented once more to
follow his banners, and to begin their march ; and the
Ilugonot army had nearly reached the plain of Mon-
contour, when, at a place called St. Clair, the armies —
and it must surprise every one to hear it— in equal
and total ignorance of each other's situation, suddenly
encountered."
The advance of the Catholic army, under Biron, fell in
unexpectedly with the flank of the Ilugonot rear-guard,
under Mouy, and immediately attacked it. And the
Calvinists were dispersed, and so completely routed, that
La Noue affirms, without a certain passage which held
the Catholics in check, the whole of their army must
have been overthrown.1 This place was a stream of
water, which, issuing from and terminating in bogs and
marshes at either end, afforded only one narrow passage,
where no more than twenty men could cross abreast.
Behind this, the Admiral, after repeated charges, had re-
tired, and occupying the banks beyond with his men in
perfect order, the Catholics dared not attempt to follow
him on either side of the stream. The two armies re-
mained drawn up during the remainder of the day, but
under widely different circumstances, for the Hugonots
were without artillery, their cannon having preceded
them to Moncontour, and that of the Catholics opened
upon them with so tremendous a fire, that the banks
1 Davila, La None.
222 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1569.
above the river were speedily covered with their dead.
The infantry saved themselves in some measure by falling
upon their faces ; but the cavalry, perfectly unsheltered,
found their situation intolerable, and sent repeated mes-
sages to the Admiral, entreating they might be withdrawn.
But he could in no manner consent to abandon the pas-
sage, having a river to cross in his rear, which must have
entailed the certain destruction of his army. At last the
Germans, harassed and impatient, were actually upon the
point of abandoning their post, when the young Prince of
Navarre, urging forward his horse, and exposing himself to
the whole fire of the enemy, persuaded them to stand
their ground a little longer, till the approaching darkness
should rescue the army. " In which appeared/' says Davila,
" the powerful genius of the young Prince, which had force
to give bounds to fear which knows no bounds, and to
restrain the impetuosity of the Germans, so head-strong
and obstinate in all their resolutions."
The closing in of a night unusually dark, at last afforded
some relief, and at two o'clock a.m., the Admiral, without
drum or trumpet, silently decamped, and crossing the river
Dive, succeeded in putting that stream between himself
and the enemy.1
The succeeding day, October 1st, he entered the fatal
plain of Assai, before Moncontour.
It had been the design of the Admiral to continue
the retreat, and put as much space as possible between
himself and the Catholic army, and his resolution of
avoiding a battle had been strengthened by an incident
which had occurred in the course of the preceding day.
Two Catholic gentlemen had found an opportunity of ad-
dressing some of the Hugonots, from whom they happened
' Davila, La Noue, D'Aubigne.
1569.] BATTLE OF MONCONTOUR. 223
to be separated only by a few trenches, and had said,
" Gentlemen, we wear the colours of your enemies, but
we hate neither you nor your party. Tell M. l'Amiral to
have a care how he comes to an engagement, for our army
is marvellously powerful, through the reinforcements just
arrived. But let him temporise for a month, for all the
nobility have sworn and said to Monseigneur, that so long
and no longer they will attend him ; but that if he will
employ them during that time they will do their duty.
Let him remember that it is dangerous to resist the
French during their first fury, which will soon subside ;
and without a speedy victory, they will be constrained to
come to a peace, and you will have a good one. Tell him
we know this from good authority, and were desirous to
inform him of it/' '
When this intelligence was made known to the Hugo-
not chiefs, some laughed at it — others despised it; " et
voUd" says La Noue, " une autre cause de notre meschef,
cV avoir trop neglige ce qui devoit etre bien note."
The Admiral was far from sharing this indifference.
He immediately called a council of war, and proposed,
that, at nine o'clock on the evening of the second, the re-
treat should be continued, and the army sheltered under
the walls of a place called Ervaux, by which movement a
second river would be placed between it and the enemy.
But this opinion was opposed by numbers of the French
gentlemen, and still more tumultuously by the Germans,
who broke out into the most brutal and mutinous expres-
sions ; threatening to pass over to the enemy if an end
was not speedily put to their fatigues. The infection of
insubordination spread to the French soldiers, who, ex-
claiming and menacing, demanded a battle, and were sup-
1 Mem. ih' La Noue.
224 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1569.
ported by many of their captains. They cried out that
these nocturnal retreats were disgraceful, abating the
courage and lessening the reputation of an army, and that,
it would be more creditable to wait at least till sunrise,
— to this absurd opinion the Admiral was constrained
to yield. " On pent voir que Tarmce royale que nous
fismes si vite retire?" de devant Chatelleraud ne laissa pas
trois semaines apres de nous vaincre, pour ce que nous
faisions dificulte de nous retirer de pur, et pour nous
arreter a maintenir la reputation en apparence, nous la
perdismes en effet!n
At sunrise the next morning every thing was in order
of march — the cavalry mounted and upon the point of
setting forward — when, as Coligny placed his foot in the
stirrup* a fresh disturbance broke out, sufficient to drive
a less firm and patient spirit to despair. The lansquenets
and five cornets of reisters suddenly threw down their
arms, refusing to march a step, unless their arrears were
paid upon the spot. This last delay rendered the catas-
trophe inevitable. While the French officers were en-
gaged in appeasing the tumult, an hour and a half elapsed,
" which prevented our reaching Ervaux, oh nous aurions
vendus notre peau plus cher." Order was at last restored,
and the troops began to move, but scarcely had they made
half a league, when, with a loud noise of drums and trum-
pets, the royal army, in perfect order, began to appear
upon the plain ; a battle became unavoidable, and in
the very worst position that could by possibility have been
chosen. The Duke had crossed the watercourse on the
morning of the first, and had approached the Yrier, but
1 The same army which forced us a scruple of retiring by night ; and
to retire from before Chatelleraud, to preserve our reputation in ap-
three weeks after was able to van- pearance, we lost it in reality. — La
quish us, and that because we made
pearam
None.
1569.] BATTLE OF MONCONTOUR. 225
the Admiral was posted too advantageously upon the op-
posite bank for a crossing to be attempted, he had, there-
fore, remained during the night upon that ground covered
with dead bodies which had formerly been occupied by
the Hugonots. The river, however, being reconnoitred,
a passage had been discovered lower down, the whole of
the day of the second was occupied in the crossing : the
third, early in the morning, the royal army entered the
plains of Assai.
The Admiral had already commanded the main body,
led by Count Ludovic and the Princes, to precede the van-
guard which was under his own command, and to advance
on the road to Ervaux ; when, therefore, he halted and
prepared for battle, the position of his different divisions
was in a manner reversed. The rear-guard under Mouy
formed the advance, and the main body was in the rear.
The Admiral, with the vanguard, occupied the left, the
bataille or main body, in which were the Princes, formed
upon a rising ground, which commanded the field of
battle. Thus posted, and with no other advantage than
that afforded by the rivers Torey and Dives, which in
some measure covered his flanks, he faced the army of
the Catholics, between whom and himself lay the open
plain of Moncontour, unencumbered by tree, bush, ditch,
or shelter of any description. The royal army, com-
manded by the Duke in person, took up its position
in the finest order ; it was separated into two grand
divisions, each of which, in numbers, nearly equalled
the whole of the Hugonot army. These divisions were com-
manded— the first, by the Dukes de Montpensier and Guise,
and the Count Santa Fiore — the second, by the Duke
d'Anjou in person, accompanied by the Dukes d'Aumale
and de Longuevillc, the Marechal de Cosse\ Villars,
VOL. II. Q
22G THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1569.
Montmorenci, and Thore : there was also a reserve, com-
manded by Tavannes and Biron.
Distrustful of the event of the day, and anxious above
all things for the security of the young Princes, Coligny
had consigned them to the care of Count Ludovic, with
strict orders that they should not be allowed to enter into
the engagement. They rode, however, through the ranks,
exhorting the men to do their duty, and then retired to
the rear ; Henry shedding tears of impatience and vexation,
as he obeyed the command. The lansquenets, as some
expiation of their ill conduct, "and according to their
custom, kissed the ground as the Princes rode by, and
swore to die like men of honour."'
Four hours were consumed in various manoeuvres
before the attack began ; while the artillery on both
sides posted in front, continued to play with considerable
effect. During which, says D'Aubigne, " might be seen
several lords and gentlemen volunteers riding between the
armies pour faire le §a fa galant liomme — asking to speak
to some friend or relation among the enemies' forces.
But these civilities were stopped by the enfans perdtis
of the Duke, who, about two o'clock, began the attack by
falling furiously upon the division of Mouy. This move-
ment was instantly followed by a desperate engagement
between the advanced divisions on both sides."
The first charges of the Hugonots exceeded in impe-
tuosity all the brilliant exploits of former battles, and
unable to resist their vehemence, the first division of the
Catholics began to give way, and show symptoms of great
disorder.
It was at this juncture that Henry, who from a rising-
ground had remained watching the battle with every
1 Davila, D'Aubigne.
1569.] BATTLE OF MONCONTOUR. 227
mark of impatience, saw the decisive moment, and called
out to be allowed to charge the broken squadrons at the
head of his reserve, and pursue and ensure the victory.
But no one was present to second the inspirations of his
genius: Count Ludovic, to whom the Admiral had applied
for a reinforcement, had very incautiously quitted his
post, and advanced with the troops himself, and no one
remained upon the spot with authority to command the
movement of the main body : " We are losing our advan-
tage," cried Henry, " and the battle in consequence."
The prognostication proved but too just ; the tide of
success speedily turned, and the Princes, in spite of their
tears and entreaties were borne from the field, and carried
in the midst of retreating numbers to Parthenai. While
the Duke with his own division, the Swiss infantry, and
the reserve, fell — a fresh army— upon the Admiral. The
combat now became desperately unequal. Coligny, his jaw
broken by a pistol-shot from one of the reisters, choked
with blood, incapable of articulating the word of com-
mand— was at length compelled to retire to the rear ;
and a total rout ensued. Arms, baggage, artillery,
military stores, all fell into the hands of the enemy. A
dreadful slaughter followed. The soldiers calling out
remember La Roche Abeille ! refused quarter. The lans-
quenets to a man were massacred by the Swiss ; the
brave French gens-d'armerie were utterly broken. "Still
to the last," says D'Aubigne, " the brave soldiers, though
defeated, were not utterly subdued ; with the enemy close
upon them, they continued their resistance — rallying in
large bodies, and charging those who pursued. Of these
retreating charges the principal glory is due to the reis-
ters, but they must allow a share to Saint Cyr. This
noble old man having rallied three cornets of cavalry in
a wood called Maine ; and finding that it was in his
228 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1569.
power by a vigorous charge to cover the retreat, and save
the lives of a thousand men ; his minister, who had
helped him to this resolution, advised him briefly to ha-
rangue those valiant followers whom he could never hope
to address more. ' To brave men few words/ cries he,
'Brothers and companions, this is what you must do;'
and thereupon, covered in the old French fashion with
arms all plated with silver to the very greaves — his face
alone being bare, his venerable beard as white as snow —
he being aged eighty-five years, forward he drove, twenty
paces before his troop, and saving many lives — lost his
own/'
The Hugonots crossing the Torey retreated under the
walls of Ervaux — and had not the passages of this river
been fortunately secured, the whole of their army must
have perished.1
Thus, after only one half hour's duration, terminated
the battle of Moncontour — the most decisive overthrow
which the Hugonots had yet sustained. Of the propor-
tion of the numbers engaged no very exact account
remains. De Thou makes the Catholics exceed by one-
third the Hugonots in number — and, as in the preceding-
battle, the whole force of the Hugonots — such as it. was
— never came into action. A large portion of the main
body, D'Aubigne insinuates, was very ready to quit the
field with the Princes ; and the rest, owing to the ill-advised
advance of Count Ludovic,c was without a commander.
Coligny, fighting according to the fashion of the times, at
1 Davila, La None, D'Aubigne, menca le combat, ou il demeura
De Thou. oblige et estant ou que s'il y eut bien
2 " C'est que lorsque M. l'Amiral fait un plus grand effet veu qu' es-
vit bransler l'avant garde des Catho- taut sans chef et sans ordre il cuida
liques il mand an Comte Lu- bien esbranler celui de Monseigneur.
dovic, qui commandoit a notre ba- Le combat dura peu plus d'une
taille qu'il le renforcat de six cor- demie heure et fut toute l'armee
nettes, ce qu'il fit, mais lui meme les Hugonote mise a vauderoute." — La
amena et au meme temps com- None.
1569.] BATTLE OF MONCONTOUR. 229
the head of his division, was in no situation to direct the
engagement in general : a striking instance of the ill
eifects of a custom now universally abandoned. The loss
in killed and wounded amounted on the side of the Ilugo-
nots to 5,000 men — being above one-fourth of their army,
that of the Catholics to only 600. Several distinguished
officers were killed and wounded. La Noue was again
taken prisoner, and saved from the fury of the Duke de
Montpensier by the interposition of Martigues, lliomme
sans peur. In like manner ITAcier was rescued by the
Count de Santa Fiore, for which piece of humanity he
was afterwards censured by the father of Christians — the
Pope. 900 baggage wagons, 11 pieces of artillery, 200
standards were the spoil of the victors.
This day may be called the most glorious, perhaps the
only glorious day in the life of Henry of Anjou. He had
distinguished himself at once by his bravery during the
action, and by his humanity afterwards ; exposing his
person without reserve in the battle, and exerting him-
self to arrest the merciless barbarity of his soldiers, crying
out — " Sauvez les Frangois." The Hugonots were pur-
sued to St. Genoux, and that night the Duke dispatched
orders for a Te Denm to be sung throughout France to
celebrate his victory — " the news of which/' says
D'Aubigne, " soon spread to Rome and Spain, where it
was considered the signal of a total defeat of the enemies
of the Roman Church.111
I shall borrow the words of Margaret de Valois, after-
wards Queen of Navarre, to paint the Duke, appearing
before the King and Queen-Mother after this triumph.2
" My brother of Anjou arrived with the principal chiefs
of his army, the flower of the Princes and nobility of
"D'Aubigne — Mem. Marguerite de Jarnac, but it is agreed she must
Valois. mean Moncontour.
3 Margaret says, in lier Memoirs,
230 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1569.
France, in whose presence he made an harangue to the
King, giving a report of his charge, and how he had ac-
quitted himself of it since he left the Court ; composed
with so much art and eloquence, and repeated with so
much grace, that it filled all present with admiration.
The more so, as his extreme youth added lustre to the
prudence of his words ; which were more suitable to an
experienced captain than we might expect from a
youth of sixteen, whose brow was encircled by the laurels
of two victories, and whose beauty, sufficient to have en-
hanced any action, so adorned him, that nature and
fortune appeared to contend which should render him the
most illustrious. What his mother felt, who loved him ex-
travagantly, cannot be represented by words. It requires
the veil of the father in Iphigenia. And any one but
herself, whose prudence never forsook her, would have
betrayed the transports of their excessive joy. But she,
moderating her emotions as she pleased, shewed that the
discreet are never betrayed to unseemly demonstrations.
So, without indulging herself by celebrating the praises
which the actions of so perfect a son merited, she took
up the leading points of his harangue upon which to
deliberate with the Princes and nobles." '
1 Mem. Marguerite de Valois.
VIEW OF AVIGNON.
CHAPTER V.
SITUATION OF COLIGNY. SIEGE OF ST. JEAN d'aNGELI. — MARCH OF I Hi:
ADMIRAL THROUGH THE SOUTHERN PROVINCES. AFFAIR OF ARN AY IK
DUO. PACIFICATION OF ST. GERMAIN.
The situation of the brave, the wise, the good Coligny,
after this fatal battle, affords a striking contrast to the
picture of prosperity presented by his young adversary.
He passed the night with the Princes at Parthenai ;
and two hours before sunset of the next day they all
set forwards for Niort, where they were joined by the
chiefs of their broken and dispirited forces, and where a
council of war was immediately held. The loss in this defeat
had been unexampled, and so was its effect upon the army.
Regret for the past, terror for the future, seemed to have
seized upon the whole assembly. Their thoughts turning
232 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE, [1569.
upon their distant and unprotected homes, and then re-
verting to their own destitute and helpless condition ;
their resolution seemed at once to give way, and sub-
mission and pardon upon any terms was in the mouth of
every one. " There, the Admiral saw," says D'Aubigne,
" accumulating round his head all those evils which befal
the leaders of the people. Blamed for every accident, his
merits forgotten, his army discontented and despairing,
with two young Princes devoured in their poverty by
greedy mercenaries, by some taught to censure those to
whom the management of affairs was entrusted, by others
led to desire a change in order that they might conduct
things themselves. Surrounded by weakened towns, —
terrified garrisons, — foreigners without baggage, himself
without money, — pursued by an enemy pitiless to all —
without mercy for him ; he was abandoned by every one,
save by a woman, the Queen Jeanne, who had already
reached Niort, to hold out her hand to the afflicted, and
assist in retrieving their affairs. This old man consumed
by fever, as they carried him in his litter, lay revolving
all these bitter things, and many others which were
gnawing at his heart, their sting more grievous than
his painful wound, when L'Estrange, an aged gentleman,
and one of his principal counsellors, travelling wounded
in the same manner, ordered his litter, where the road
widened, to be a little advanced in front of the other,
and putting forward his head, looked for some time
fixedly at his chief. Then the tears filling his eyes,
he turned away with these words — Si est ce que Dieu
est t?*es doux.1 And so they parted, perfectly under-
standing each other's thoughts, though quite unable to
utter more. But this great captain has been heard to
confess to his intimates, that this one little word from a
' Yet God is a sweet consolation.
1569.] SITUATION OF COLIGNY. 233
friend sufficed to raise his broken spirits, and restored him
at once to better thoughts of the present, and firm resolu-
tions for the future.'""
The Admiral addressed, as well as his wound would
permit, the council of war assembled at Niort, and exhorted
them to constancy and perseverances He recalled to
their memory, how, after preceding defeats, they had, to the
astonishment of their adversaries, rallied with increased
strength and courage ; reminded them that their affairs
were far from being at present desperate ; that their allies
in England and Germany would only be the more ready to
assist them on account of their present depression ; and
that they possessed in Beam, under the Count de Mont-
gommeri, a second army ready formed with which a union
might be speedily effected. Which being done they would
be again in a condition to take the field, and might obtain
from the Catholics favourable conditions ; but that to throw
themselves thus at their feet in the full career of victory,
was but to expose themselves to insult and contempt. These
arguments, being warmly seconded by the young Princes
and by Count Ludovic, produced at length their effect.
The spirits of the party were re-animated, and before they
separated, dispatches were forwarded to England, Scotland,
Denmark, Germany, and the Swiss Cantons — making
light of the disaster, urging the necessity of mutual co-
operation, and soliciting fresh succours. At Niort, Chap-
man, with a hundred gentlemen from Queen Elizabeth, met
them. At this place the brave Mouy was left to stand a
siege — Blacons was dispatched to defend Angouleme —
Pilles to St. Jean d'Angeli, while the Princes and the Ad-
miral repaired to La Rochelle, abandoning all their con-
quests in the open country and more distant towns, it
1 D'Aubigne, Histoirc Universelle. 2 Davila, Guerre Civile di Francia.
234 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [156.9.
being evidently impossible to maintain them before a vic-
torious army.
It was not, however, the design of Coligny to remain
in La Rochelle, where it would be impossible either to
pay or to provision his mercenaries — now become his
principal dependence — death or desertion having dimi-
nished the body of French gens-d'armerie with which he
entered the city to 900 men. To maintain his little
army in the field before the victorious Catholics was
manifestly impossible ; and their neighbourhood alone
was sufficient to complete his ruin by affording a constant
temptation to the reisters to desert their standards, and
follow the victorious colours of the Duke d'Anjou. In
this emergency Coligny at last resolved upon abandoning
this part of the country altogether, and retiring into the
south— where the great strength of the Hugonots lay —
there to meet and collect such detached bodies of his
partisans as might be scattered over the country, while
he could amuse and satisfy his reisters by the plunder of
some of the towns still held by the Catholics, and re-
fresh himself in others possessed by the Protestants.
Then, after wintering in the mountains, and allowing
time for the Catholic army to expend its first vigour, he
trusted to being able to open the campaign in the ensuing
spring with his forces refreshed and strengthened, and by
thus re-establishing his affairs, obtain the object of all his
exertions — a just and well-secured peace.1 In conse-
quence of this determination the whole of Poictou —
1 The motives which induced his position. The intelligent author
Coligny to undertake this march of of the observations in the Collection
400 leagues, and thus to occupy des Memoires thus attempts to
nine months' time, are very succinctly make up the deficiency. " The pro-
stated by Castlenau ; and the loss vinces where he was about to take
of the Admiral's own memoirs, as refuge, offered all the resources of
will be related in the sequel, have which he stood so greatly in need,
eft it difficult quite to understand The young Princes, in whose name
1569.]
SITUATION OF COLIGNY.
235
with the exception of Niort, and Angoul6me, and St. Jean
d'Angeli — was of necessity abandoned to the enemy.
The defence of La Rochelle during his absence was
entrusted to La Noue, who had escaped from his capti-
vity ; and such was the excellence of its means of defence
that no apprehension was entertained but that it would
hold out during the winter. The other towns it was cal-
culated would resist some weeks, and delay the progress
of the royal army.1
The coldness with which his victory had been followed
up by the Duke d'Anjou afforded ample opportunity for
carrying these plans into execution. Of a temper easily
excited, and as easily exhausted by any extraordinary
effort — victory with Henry of Valois was but a prelude
to indolence, languor, and self-indulgence." Instead of
he commanded, were held there in
the greatest consideration. Mont-
gommeri, at the head of a body of
victorious troops, would unite with
him, and restore confidence to his
dispirited forces. Destitute of mo-
ney as he was, the contributions of
the Catholics, and the plunder of their
towns, would supply him. Should
the victors pursue, the passes of
the mountains, into which he was
retiring, would afford the means of pro-
tection against very unequal forces."
While delay would prove the de-
struction of the royal army which he
well knew was a prey to every species
of division and jealousy.
' Davila, Dc Thou, D'Aubigne.
2 Some explanation of the Catho-
lic inactivity may be found in the
rising jealousy with which Charles
regarded the success of his brother.
The King began to suspect that the
partiality of his mother, instead of pro-
viding for him a servant, was erecting
for him a rival in his new Lieiitenant-
General; and bis mind, which with
all its vices was capable of generous
aspirations, envied the dangers by
which so much glory was acquired.
He was heard to lament that care of
his person which forbad him to lead
his own army to the field, and to
bold cheap a crown which con-
demned him to inactivity, while bis
brother was gaining so splendid a
reputation. "His life," be said,
" was not of that value to France
that be need be hid in a casket like
the crown jewels." Brantome tells
us, that, after the battles of Jarnac
and Moncontour, "there was a cer-
tain M. d'Orat, who presented him
with some verses made in his praise.
'Ha!' says he, 'write nothing for
me, these are only lies and flatteries,
reserve your fine writing- for mv bro-
ther who is every day carving fresh
work for you;' showing thereby a
certain pity for himself, and secret
emulation of his brother; often re
preaching the Queen-Mother that,
because she loved him the best, she
furnished him with all occasions for
acquiring reputation." We shall see
the King soon alter join his army
in person before St. Jean d'Angeli.
— Brantome, Charles I X.
236 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1569.
vigorously pursuing the shattered remnants of the Hugo-
not army, and thus ensuring with its destruction a termi-
nation of the quarrel ; the Catholics amused themselves
with overrunning Poictou, and retaking the towns. Lu-
signan, Chatelleraud, Saint Maixent, speedily fell into
their hands. Niort made a more determined resistance :
but the death of its brave commander Mouy, (who was
assassinated under circumstances of the most atrocious
treachery by Maureval, called afterwards the Queen's
murderer,1 and which action even Tavannes declared to
merit la corde) gave the city to the Catholics. The royal
army then sat down before St. Jean d'Angeli, where the
King joined the forces. Here the brave Pilles detained
them for two months by a defence of unparalleled skill and
resolution, which gave the Hugonots time to breathe, and
enabled* the Admiral to pursue his enterprise without
molestation. " Thus, as with the siege of Poictiers began
the disasters of the Hugonots, so that of St. Jean d'Angeli
arrested the victories of the Catholics ; M. l'Amiral has
himself told me, that, had he been promptly pursued when
he marched towards Gascogny with the remnant of his
army, he must have been lost .... but the time allowed
him to refresh his troops in the rich countries through
which they passed, served to reanimate courage and hope,
and St. Jean d'Angeli helped to repair the ruin that
Poictiers and Moncontour had occasioned." 2
The Admiral was accompanied by the two Princes,
whom he wished to make well acquainted with his army,
1 Louviers de Maureval had joined wards confessed, in all things treated
the army with the express intention as a son. Upon the return from a
of assassinating Mouy. He had sortie he shot Mouy in the back, who
insinuated himself into the favour of was obliged to leave Niort, and died
that brave officer, as frankly con- shortly afterwards of the wound in
fiding as he was courageous. He La Rochelle.
had shared his bed, his board, his
purse, and been, as he himself after- u Mem. de La Noue.
1569.] coligny's march through the south. 237
trusting that their presence and the influence of their
name might serve to strengthen his authority, so fatally
weakened by the death of the Prince de Conde\ Thus
attended he prepared to descend into the fertile provinces
of Guyenne and Languedoc, there to unite with Mont-
gommeri, who — having defeated Montluc and Terride in
Beam was on his march to join him — and with the forces
collected through the country, at the approach of spring
to reascend the Rhone, and marching through Burgundy
once more threaten Paris.1
It is asserted by Davila that he was encouraged in
this design by the expectation of the co-operation of
Damville Montmorenci, who had succeeded his father in
the government of Languedoc. Long an ardent supporter
of the Catholic party, in opposition to the views of
his brother the Mar6chal, Damville, he says, was now
becoming jealous of the preponderating influence of the
house of Guise — (more probably, it may be said) he began
to open his eyes to the dangers with which his country
was threatened through the intrigues and ambition of
that aspiring family. It appears, however, that this
assertion of Davila is premature, and it was not till later
events tore the veil from his eyes that Damville embraced
the part of moderation.
Leaving therefore La Rochelle, the Admiral and the
Princes, accompanied by their little army, set forwards.
Their force consisted almost entirely of cavalry, for the
infantry had been literally cut to pieces ; and they
were accompanied by the English under Chapman ; they
rapidly crossed Saintonge, and entering Guyenne, passed
the Lot at Cadenac, and descending that river to its
confluence with the Garonne, took Aurillac. Their
1 Davila, Guerre Civile di Francia.
238 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1569.
numbers were swelled as they advanced by numerous
bodies of their adherents. After taking various small
places they advanced to Montauban, where a junction
was happily effected with Montgommeri — notwithstanding
that Montluc lay in considerable force before Agen, and
that Damville was in the neighbourhood of Mazeres —
but the ill intelligence which subsisted between these
chiefs — the pride of the one and the incompatible hu-
mour of the other afforded infinite advantages to their
enemies : " and thus the imprudence and negligence of
the Catholics suffered this little snowball to roll with-
out interruption till it was as large as a house. The
authority of the Princes attached many ; and the foresight
and invention of the Admiral carried various excellent
projects into execution, while the body of reisters, 3000
strong gave reputation to the army : Quand on donne
a un grand chef de guerre du temps pour enfanter ce
que son entendement a congu, il reconsolide les vieilles
blessures, ains il redonne force aux membres qui avoient
languish
From Montauban the Princes ascended the Garonne
and approached Toulouse. The Parliament of Toulouse,
as we have seen, had been distinguished for more than
ordinary barbarity during the troubles, and even in the
intervals of pacification had persevered in the most unre-
lenting persecution of the Reformed. " Quiconque por-
toit le nomme d'Hugonot, aussitot pris aussitut pendu."*
The audacious murder of Rapin, perpetrated by this
body, has been already mentioned. The Hugonot army
now took its revenge by ravaging the country, and burn-
ing the houses of the principal councillors, inscribing on
the smoking ruins " Remember Rapin."
1 Mem. de La Nouc.
5 Whoever bore even tlie name of Hugonot, no sooner taken than hanged.
1509.1 COLIGNY'S MARCH THROUGH THE SOUTH. 239
Damville, though lying in the neighbourhood, did uot
interfere in any manner with the execution of this rude
justice, which might seem to justify the assertions of
Davila with respect to his motives, had not La Noue
assured us, "que ce bruit etoitfauxet le scait Men."1
Towards the end of December St. Jean d'Angeli after
an unparalleled defence surrendered on conditions — and
the brave Pilles crossed the country and joined the army
of the Princes. Advancing afterwards farther into
Languedoc, numerous towns were taken, and the army at
length approached the Pyrenees. Here large bands of
the banditti who infested those mountains came to offer
their services ; but the Admiral, we are told, fearing they
would only serve to complete the corruption that was
fast spreading among his soldiers, dismissed these hardy
mountaineers, retaining only a few of the finest men to
serve as guards to the Prince de Beam.
The Hugonot forces remained in Languedoc until the
end of January, 1570.
Throughout the whole of this march Henry of Navarre
by his gaiety, his activity, and conciliating manners, was
of infinite service to Coligny, and more than supplied
the place that had been so admirably occupied by Cond6 ;
" Surpassing," says Davila, " the expectations conceived
of him — maintaining the spirit of the troops by his gaiety,
while by his authority, solicitations, and industry, he in-
duced both people and nobility to arm in defence of the
cause — his connections in this part of the kingdom being
very numerous."
The acquisition of the large and rich city of Nismes
crowned the successes of the winter. It fell, not through
any attempt on the side of the army, but through such
an extraordinary scries of persevering exertions on the
1 La None, Davila, D'Aubigne.
240
THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE.
[1569.
part of an obscure individual, that I have inserted the
story which is well worth knowing, in a note from
D'Aubigne. It affords a striking instance of the spirit
which animated every class in those early days of gene-
rous enthusiasm.1
While Coligny and the Princes thus pursued their
career of success, the royal army had fallen into a state
of almost complete inaction. After the fall of St. Jean
d'Angeli the energy both of chiefs and followers seemed
completely exhausted. The King and the Duke, " whose
complexion ill fitted him for continued exertion," retired
to spend the Christmas with the Court at Angers, — leav-
ing La Rochelle languidly invested both by sea and land.
1 Nismes fell into the hands of
the Hugonots through the stratagem
of a carpenter, Maderon hy name.
The governor, a ferocious old man,
had treated the Hugonots with the
greatest barbarity, and had plun-
dered and banished numbers who
had retired to Genlis. Maderon re-
solved to deliver the toAvn up to his
exiled brothers, and for this purpose
took advantage of the famous foun-
tain, of which the abundant waters
flow between the gate of Cannes and
the Castle, through a channel which
is closed by a grate. Just above,
and close by the castle, a sentinel
was placed, who was relieved every
hour. When he was about to leave
his place, he was accustomed to ring
a bell in order to advertise the
soldier, who was to relieve him to
come and take his place. A short
interval always elapsed between the
departure of one soldier and the ar-
rival of the other, and Maderon
having observed this, undertook, in
these moments, to file asunder the
bars of the grate. He executed his
project thus: in the evening he went
down into the ditch with a cord
fastened round his body, the end of
which was pulled by a friend when
the soldier quitted" his post and
again when the other arrived — Ma-
deron worked during these few
moments, and then ceasing, waited
in patience till another hour had
elapsed. In the morning he covered
his work with mud and wax. In
this manner did this indefatigable
man work for fifteen nights, the
noise he made being drowned by
the rushing of the water. It was
not till his work was nearly com-
pleted that he informed the exiles
of his success, and invited them to
take possession of the town. They
appear to have wanted courage for
the undertaking; and while irre-
solute, a sudden flash of lightning,
though the weather was otherwise
serene, terrified and put them to
flight. But their minister, pulling
them by their sleeves, exhorted
them to come back, saying, '' Cou-
7'age ! cet eclair montre que Dieuveut
etre de lapartie." Twenty of them
entered the town, and, being joined
by others, who were exasperated at
the cruelty of the governor, it was
taken, and the castle surrendered
a few days afterwards. This town,
by the large supplies it afforded,
was of great service to the army
of the Princes during the ensuing
spring.
1 569.] COLIGNY MARCHES THROUGH THE SOUTH. 241
The Duke of Alva and the Pope considering the contest
as decided, had withdrawn their contingents, and the
remainder of the army was left under the command of
the Prince dauphin, son of the Duke de Montpensier.
" But the greater part of the forces were dismissed, which
through defect of pay, and the inclemency of the season,
could hardly be kept together."1
In the different provinces throughout the kingdom the
contest was maintained with various success — to the
inevitable misery and ruin of the people in general, but
with various circumstances of individual heroism and
elevation which D'Aubiime loves to record. Even Charles
himself was enchanted by the spirit displayed by Marie
de Brabanqon, a widow, who, at the head of fifty men,
bravely defended her castle for fifteen days against the
Catholics ; mounting the breach with a half pike in her
hands, and animating the soldiers by her example.
Charles, upon her surrender, admiring her extraordinary
courage, ordered her immediately to be released.
Catherine had not during these proceedings neglected
her usual system of carrying on negotiations ; shortly
after the battle of Moncontour Castlenau had been dis-
patched to La Rochelle with proposals of peace; but as
the first and indispensable condition of the treaty denied
to the Hugonots all exercise whatsoever of their religion,
it was rejected without hesitation. Though so low at
this time was the condition of their affairs that " had
the Catholics offered," says la Noue, "any tolerable terms,
though far worse than they afterwards granted, they
would have been accepted. But when it was seen that
the exercise of their religion would not be allowed —
only simple liberty of conscience — they were thrown into
1 Davila, Guerre Civile .li Fiam'in.
VOL. II. R
242 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1569.
despair, and making a virtue of necessity persevered in
their resistance."1
The negotiations were not, however, dropped. While
the army of the Princes lay at Carcassone, Biron, De
Mesmes, and Teligny, arrived at the camp, charged with
the most affectionate letters from the King and Queen.
But as the exercise of the Reformed religion was still
imperatively denied, the terms — though extremely favour-
able to individuals — were again rejected ; and the Admiral
— while the Court abandoned to security lay dissolved in
luxury and pleasure, heedless of the little band exiled as
it were to a corner of Aquitaine — prepared to carry on
the war with renewed vigour, and demand a peace under
the walls of Paris.
Upon the first approach of spring the Admiral and the
Princes commenced the difficult enterprise of their
return.
Taking the road by Beziers, Pezenas, and Montpellier,
they approached the sea, and then turning northwards —
having besieged Lunel, they proceeded to Nismes ; here
they were supplied with money and refreshments, of which
they stood greatly in need. They then ascended to the
Vivarais, which, lying in the north-east of Languedoc is
separated from Dauphine by the Rhone. A volcanic district
it is, of which the mountains are cleft into narrow valleys
between walls of lava, at the foot of which pass the
narrow and difficult roads. The army marched in three
divisions under the several commands of the Admiral, the
Princes, and Count Ludovic. That under Count Ludovic
crossed the Rhone in the expectation of collecting large
reinforcements in Dauphine. But the recollection of the
hardships of the last winter campaign had indisposed many
of the gentlemen ; he got together, however, 3,000
1 Mem. de La Noue.
1570.] COLIGNY MARCHES THROUGH THE SOUTH. 243
arquebusiers, whom he mounted on horses, and re-
crossing the river, the three divisions of the army united
at Privas.
With excessive difficulty, through roads at all times
impassable for artillery, and now dreadfully cut up by
the snows and rains of a most severe winter, the forces
next crossed the precipices of the Cevennes mountains,
and at length, after enduring incredible fatigues, halted
at St. Estienne en Forez.
Here, to the universal grief of the army, the health
and strength of Coligny — long taxed so severely — suddenly
gave way, and he fell dangerously ill. " Had he died,5'
says La Noue, " a change of counsels must have ensued.
I cannot affirm they would have persevered — thus losing
the hinge upon which all turned." " This danger however
profited in one thing,1' says the caustic D'Aubignd, " those
young people who surrounded the Princes, and began to
make a Court of the army, learned by their apprehen-
sions the value of the old man."
After repeated bleedings the disorder gave way, and
Coligny, once more at the head of his troops, and having
been reinforced by the arrival of Briquemont with 1500
cavalry, rapidly prosecuted his march, descended into
Burgundy, threatened Cherolles, and then advancing to
Arnay le Due, thus terminated a course of 400 leagues.
" It was never imagined by the royal Council," says
Mezeray, " that this army could thus have disembarrassed
itself of so many towns, passages of rivers, and defiles of
mountains, and penetrated through countries so rugged
and broken, filled by a population that harassed them day
and night — could have surmounted the vigours of winter,
the difficulties of roads, and the resistance of seven or
eight provinces." ' It cannot be denied that this difficult
1 Mezeray, Davila, La None, &c.
r 2
244 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1570.
march of six months was no ordinary lesson for the
young Prince of Navarre — either as an exercise of skill
and perseverance, or of that patience, self-denial, and
cheerful resolution, which neither at this time, nor at any
other, forsook him. " Voila," cries la Noue, "ks belles
galleries et les beaux promenoirs de gens de guerre . . .
tout cela & la verite est digne de rememoration et de
louange, mesmement quand ceux qui marchent par ces
sentiers, et soufrent ces travaux, maintiennent une cause
honnete."
The appearance of the army after this long and painful
march bore evidence of the fatigues they had endured.
Their numbers, in spite of the numerous reinforcements
they had collected, were little increased. Death, sickness,
and more than all, desertion — as the gentlemen on their pro-
gress approached their long-deserted homes — had thinned
the ranks. Nearly 6,000 had perished through fatigue
and hardship alone ; of the English twelve men only
remained alive. The hardy and indomitable reisters sat
on their lamed and wearied horses, without corslets or
head-pieces ; having found it impossible to endure the
load of their heavy armour in the painful march through
the mountains, or to drag their ponderous waggons over
the narrow and precipitous roads ; while the more delicate
coursers of the French gentlemen were so recrues that
they could scarcely stand upright. Yet, like the brave
soldiers of our Henry the Fifth when before the battle
of Agincour: —
Their horsemen sat like fixed candlesticks
With torch staves in their hands, and their poor jades
Loh'd down their heads, dropping their hides and hips,
The gum down roping from their pale dead eyes, —
And in their mouths the gimmal hit
Lay foul with chew'd grass, still and motionless —
1570.] AFFAIR OF ARNAY LE DUC. 245
they were ready to defy, and prepared to overthrow the
exulting and well-appointed forces of their enemies.
The following verses, written at the time, are inserted
as descriptive of the privations suffered by, and of the
gaiety which yet animated this incomparable little army.
Cheminer tous les jours an vent et a la phiye,
La nuit etrc a haye avec un froid rnanteau,
La tete decouverte et les pieds dedans l'eau,
Se repaitre d'ennui et de molancolie.
Avoir les Rois du monde et la terre ennemie,
N 'avoir pour les blesses surety que le tombeau ;
Sentir dix mille poux, qui deinangent la peau,
Avoir du corps entier la force defaillie,
Avoir faute d'argent, d'liabits, et de pain,
Avoir la boucbe fraische et se saouller de faini;
Avoir de tous moyens la personne affame'e ;
Porter la mort en crouppe et les armes au dos —
Et n'avoir un seul jour d'aise ou de repos —
C'est la commodite de notre pauvre armec.
The King, Queen-Mother, and the Duke d'Anjou, were
hunting in Brittany, and entirely occupied with this and
their usual diversions, when they were thunderstruck
with the intelligence that the Hugonot army, having sur-
mounted the difficulties of the wild and mountainous
districts which it had traversed, was approaching the
Loire. Upon this Charles, seizing the pretence of a
trifling indisposition under which the Duke d'Anjou then
laboured, deprived him for the present of the command of
the army, and dispatched the Marechal de Cosse" with a
force consisting of 10,000 infantry, 2,500 arquebusiers, —
1,000 of which were gentlemen — and twelve cannon to
arrest their progress.
The Marechal crossed the Loire at Desize, and advanced
directly towards the army of the Princes, which now
consisted of something more than 6,000 men. He came
up with them at Arnay le Due, assuring himself of an
246 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1570.
easy victory ; but he found the Hugonots strongly posted
upon the side of a declivity, defended in front by a small
river and some pools of water, and when he attempted to
force their position, he was triumphantly driven back by
their repeated and impetuous charges.
The gallant French lances, led by young Henry himself,
— who, in spite of every persuasion to the contrary, per-
sisted in charging in person at the head of his forces — and
animated by that brilliant effervescence of courage which
distinguished him on every field of battle, bore down
upon the Catholics with such impetuosity that they were
compelled to retire with considerable loss. " My first ex-
ploit in arms," said Henry, long afterwards, to Matthieu,
the historian, " was at Jan^e (Arnay) le Due where the
question was, whether to fight or retire ; I had no retreat
within forty miles ; and if I remained, must necessarily
lie at the mercy of the country people ; if I fought, I
ran the risk of being taken or slain, for I had no cannon,
and the King's forces had. A gentleman was killed by a
cannon ball not ten paces from me — I decided to fight
and recommending the success to God, it pleased him to
make the clay favourable and fortunate." This affair
happened, on the 25th or 26th of June, 1570.1
The next morning, the Hugonot army, it being thought
too dangerous to remain in their present position, filed off,
leaving Montgommeri to protect their rear, "which the
enemy perceived too late, or were very glad to perceive,"2
and retired to La Charity where the troops were refreshed,
" and where the Admiral amused himself in preparing
artillery, and still more willingly in making all his pre-
parations useless, by the negotiation of a peace." 3
A peace, the resource of the Court after every reverse,
1 Matthieu, Histoire. • D'Aubignc, Histoire Univcrscllc.
3 D'Aubigne, Histoire Universelle.
1570.] PACIFICATION OF ST. GERMAINS. 247
Avas becoming more and more imperiously necessary.
Success had crowned the efforts of the Hugonots through-
out the kingdom. La Noue had completely reinstated
their affairs, and re-established their little empire, if it
may be so called, in Poictou, and had succeeded in pre-
serving their capital of La Rochelle. The contests
carrying on in almost every other province had termi-
nated in their favour, and to complete the flattering
prospects of the confederates, advices were received
that Prince Casimir, having collected a fresh body of
reisters, had already crossed the frontiers to join them.
The Admiral having recruited his forces at la Charite,
now recommenced his march, and steadily advanced upon
Paris. He passed Montargis and Bleneau, and had reached
Chatillon-sur-Loing, when his further progress was stop-
ped by the ratification of the peace.
This pacification doomed to be so perfidiously broken,
is known as the Peace of St. Germains, and was signed at
that place, August the 8th, 1570. The negotiations had
been conducted by Biron and De Mesmes, on the part of
the Catholics ; by Beauvais le Node, Teligny, and Cava-
gnes, on that of the Hugonots. The King, in his anxiety
for its conclusion, had arrived in person at St. Germains,
in order to hasten its progress ; and exulting in his suc-
cess, emphatically called it his peace.
Its conditions in the following points were more favour-
able than had yet been 'granted, and mark the advancing
power of the religious party. A former clause which had
limited the exercise of the Reformed religion in Provence
to one town — Mirandol — was cancelled The Queen of
Navarre was allowed to establish a place of worship in
Albret, Armagnac, Foix, and Bigorre — two towns were
added in each province where in the fauxbourgs liberty
of worship was allowed. In all places wherein public
248 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1570.
worship was established upon the 1st August of this
year, the privilege was to be retained. Equality of
reception was granted to the Hugonots at all uni-
versities, schools, hospitals, &c. . . . and their privileges
restored to those towns which had taken their side in the
contest. All prisoners of war were to be liberated. All
castles, houses, goods, furniture, restored. All arrets given
against the Reformed, annulled (casses). No Reformed
person to be compelled to plead before the Parliament
of Toulouse ; and in all other Parliaments, a right re-
cognised to challenge a certain number of the judges.
Lastly, and of far more value than any other condition,
being the pledge and security for the whole, the Hugonots
were, for the first time, allowed to retain cautionary
towns. La Rochelle, Cognac, Montauban, and La Charite,
were to remain in their hands during two years. The
Admiral obtained, likewise, advantageous conditions for his
allies and for his friend Prince William of Orange, at this
time driven by the storm raging in the Low Countries to
seek for shelter in other kingdoms. It was stipulated
that the principality of Orange, situated in the south of
France, and so long withheld by the French crown, should,
with all its dependencies, titles, papers, &c, be restored
to William of Nassau, its rightful inheritor.
The reisters were once more discharged, "so that Mes-
sieurs les reiters, " says Brantome, " were paid off at the
expense of the King, and were in much good humour with
M. l'Amiral, and promised him to come again for the
same price, when he wanted them ; et s'en retoumerent
portans un tel renomme'e de M. V Amir at par toute VAl-
lemagne, qiiil en resonnoit Men aidant qu'en France}
But Brantome is wrong, the money was not paid by
the King — the Germans were paid by the Hugonots, and
' Brantome, vie de Coligny.
1570.] PACIFICATION OF ST. GERMAINS. 240
the funds were raised by a compulsory levy upon the
Churches.
Favourable as were these conditions, it is a fact that
such was the extraordinary impatience, which, for some
cause or other, impelled the King to conclude this pacifi-
cation, that De Mesmes had it in his power to boast that
he had fallen considerably within the letter of his in-
structions.
The motives which led Coligny to conclude a peace in
the present flourishing condition of his affairs are easily
penetrated, and perfectly well known. Acting with entire
good faith throughout the whole of this quarrel ; security
for his religion and the protection of consciences were the
sole objects he proposed as the end of his exertions, and
having, as he trusted, at length attained them, he was im-
patient to lay down his arms. The disorders and licen-
tiousness of civil war were to his righteous spirit an
intolerable spectacle ; and the necessity he had lain under,
during the winter's campaign, of overlooking such disor-
ders— the uncontrollable nature of the troops he com-
manded, and the fierce and mutinous spirit of his German
cavalry, had wearied and disgusted him at once.
" The disorders of our men of war," says La Noue,
" were such that they were no longer to be remedied, so
that M. l'Amiral has often told me he would rather die
than fall again into such confusions, and see such evil
committed before his eyes.1
The charge of selfish personal ambition is perpetually
made against this great and good man, by every Catholic
historian ; and Davila, above all, scruples not to accuse
him of the most turbulent and seditious designs, — with
1 "I have heard him say," says niire paix qu'il jit, il jura que le plus
Rrantotne, "que la plus grand peine tan/ (/nil pour/ait, voire que ban
qu'il eut jamais en ses armies, c ctoit force il ne tourneroitjamais en guerre
a contenler sea irislers: el la der- civilt ; ct s'il etoit si inul/uuicu.v.
250 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1570.
how little justice I may, perhaps, in the slight sketches of
these pages, have succeeded in shewing. Happy were it
indeed for mankind, if hearts so unstained by ambition or
self-interest, habits so pure, a temper so just and so gen-
erous, and principles of virtue so uncompromising, were
more often the portion of public men. " If any one in
these lamentable wars laboured hard both in body and
mind," concludes La Noue, "it was M. l'Amiral. For
the heaviest burden both in military and civil affairs he
sustained with constancy ; bearing himself with equal firm-
ness before the Princes his superiors, as with gentleness
to his inferiors — holding piety ever in singular esteem ;
and having a love of justice that made him prized and
valued by the whole of his party. He never ambitiously
sought commands or honours ; they were forced upon him
through his sufficiency and wisdom. When arms were in
his hands, he shewed that he understood the manage-
ment of them — as well as the greatest captain of his time,
always courageously exposing his own person in every
danger. In adversity his magnanimity and resources were
equally remarkable, and he was in all things without farde
or parade. Briefly, he was one worthy to have restored
a weakened and corrupted state. This little, I think it
right to say en passant — having known him well, fre-
quented him much, and greatly profited in his school — I
should have done wrong had I not made just and honour-
able mention of him." x
qu'il rctournoit, il ne tieudroit plus la lot quelle ne la recevoit." — Vie
ccs grandes armies en campagnc, et ne de Coligny, Hommes Illustres.
se chargeroit jamais d^une si grande ' La Nouc, Brantome, vie de Co-
troupe de rcisters, qui pluslvt donnoit ligny.
THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE;
OR,
A HISTORY OF THE HUGONOTS.
BOOK V.
FROM THE RISE OF THE FIRST TROUBLES TO THE DEATH OF
CHARLES IX.
253
CHAPTER I.
MOTIVES FOR THE PEACE. GERMANS RETURN HOME. HUGONOTS RETIRE TO
LA ROCHELLE. CONCILIATORY MEASURES OF THE COURT. WAR IN
FLANDERS.
The motives which led a violent and profligate govern-
ment to grant, at this moment of time, a just and moder-
ate peace, remain a problem in history. The dreadful
tragedy by which in less than two years it was termin-
ated, have led men of almost every persuasion to agree
in supposing, that the pacification was, as La Noue says,
but a mask (paix masqute), and covered the most desper-
ate and atrocious designs. Many have gone so far as to
suppose that the massacre of Paris, in all its circum-
stances, had been planned so far back as the conferences
of Bayonne ; and that this was the secret scheme covered
by the present fair appearance of cordiality and moder-
ation. This opinion appears to approach, without exactly
attaining the truth. When we consider the course of
events during the six years that intervened between
those conferences at Bayonne and the St. Bartholomew —
the vicissitudes which took place — the changes in men
and measures during that period, it is difficult to con-
ceive that the details of that scheme of deception which
finally assembled the Hugonots at Paris, could then and
there have been planned. The character of the Queen-
Mother, likewise, vacillating and uncertain as we know it
254 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1570.
to have "been, rendered her especially unfit for the conduct
of a design requiring such a long continued perseverance
and so much firmness of purpose. Yet the fact of
the catastrophe — the plans of almost equal atrocity
which Catherine's principal counsellor, the Cardinal de
Lorraine, had for years entertained — the measures of vio-
lence and cruelty upon which it is certain the secret
cabinet had not scrupled to deliberate, and which De TH6-
pital had so long and so resolutely opposed — but above
all, the character of those ministers who now made
part of this secret cabinet, force upon us the con-
viction, that ill faith there was. The massacre of St. Bar-
tholomew, though not precisely planned as it occurred in
1572, arose in the course of circumstances, through that
sort of fatality in crime, by which those who permit them-
selves coolly to contemplate, as a means, the breach of any
of the great laws of righteousness and justice, seem impelled
by an almost irresistible power to depths of atrocity, at
the contemplation of which their souls would once have
shuddered.
The secret Council, of which I have spoken at this time —
besides the members of the royal family and the Cardinal
de Lorraine, with whose character and principles of action
the reader is already well acquainted, and whose presence
and influence insured that of the Duke de Guise, and the
other members of his ambitious and profligate house — con-
sisted of Tavannes, whose unsparing and bloody animo-
sity against the Hugonots is notorious — and of two men
than whom, worse or more profligate, more base, or more
cruel, never poisoned the councils of a Prince — namely,
Birague, who had succeeded De l'Hopital as Chancellor,1
and Albert Gondi, Marechal de Retz. Of the first, the
1 Morvilliets held the seals for a short time after the retirement of De
l'Hopital.
1570.] MOTIVES FOR THE PEACE. 255
following character is given by L'Estoile. — " He was an
Italian, both by birth and by religion — He understood
state affairs well — those of justice, little — of learning, he
had none to spare, his provision for himself being small
enough — He was extravagant, voluptuous, a time-server,
and an absolute slave to the will of the Prince, often saying
that he was Chancellor of the King, not of the kingdo?n."1
" // consider mt" says Mezeray, " plus un valet en place
que toutes les loix du royaume" 2 and had been heard to
say, that the only way to deal with the Hugonots, was
" through their cooks.'"3
The Marechal de Retz was, if possible, a still more in-
famous creature. Issuing from the lowest dregs of so-
ciety— the child of a woman exercising the basest and
most opprobrious of occupations, one, whom the vices of
the father, Henry II., had placed about the most unfor-
tunate of sons, he might be said to have crawled like a
reptile into those high offices, to which men of more
generous and less subservient temper with difficulty rise.
He was mean, flattering, envious, licentious, voluptuous,
and cruel — "fin, caut, corrompu, menteur, et grand dis-
simulateur." 4
With such counsellors, we shall find little difficulty in
giving credit to Davila when he unravels the secret
reasons of this pacification, though, as I have before
stated, his authority is always questionable ; as he hesi-
tates not to misstate and distort facts to favour his own
opinions ; and falls into the common error, which De
Thou has not, of the Italian authors, " who are such ad-
mirers of deep laid schemes and successful conspiracies,
that they may often be suspected of inventing them."
1 Journal l'Etoile. ing all the laws of the kingdom. —
Mezeray, Hist, de France.
2 lie thought more of pleasing a 3 Brantdme, Homines lllustres.
mere lackey in place, than of break- 4 De Thou. — M.Canefiguc has fur-
25G
THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE.
[1570.
The statement of Davila is, that the Queen being con-
vinced that this war was continued with great peril, began
to listen to proposals of peace. That the intelligence of
the approach of Prince Casiinir ; the state of the finances
which made it impossible much longer to retain the Swiss
and Italian troops in the service ; the ruin of the people ;
the perpetual uneasiness of mind in which the Court was
kept ; and the streams of blood which had been shed, made
the war universally detested, and the name of peace most
desirable and grateful. " For the which reason the King,
the Queen-Mother, the Duke d'Anjou, and the Cardinal de
Lorraine, deliberated to carry into execution the ancient,
and so often interrupted councils — namely, to grant the
Hugonots a peace, in order that they might dismiss the
strangers in their pay, and then with art and opportunity
to depress the heads of the faction ; which heads being re-
moved, there could be no doubt the lower orders of
people would of themselves submit, and be reduced to a
perfect obedience, being no longer instigated and sup-
nished us with extracts from what he
calls a monument " de la plus haute
curiosite politique," and which, as
illustrative of the matter now in hand,
I will insert here, though the letters
are of a somewhat earlier date. These
are the letters of Pius V. whom M.
Capefigue qualifies as "un homme
doux de mceurs et de caractere,"
and if this account of him be just,
his subsequent remark upon the idea
such maxims from such a man
give of the age is but too just also.
When Charles IX. began the war,
this pope wrote to Philip II. to the
Duke de Nevers, to the Doge of
Venice, and to the Duke of Savoy
for assistance in the holy cause of
extermination of heretics. In his
epistles to Catherine and Charles
IX. "II ne parle," says M. Cape-
figue, "que de laprofondeur du crime
d'he'resie, et de la vengeance qu 'on
doit en tirer, soit pour satisfairc a
la justice du ciel., soit pour rappeler
a l'obe'issance des sujets rebelles."
The Pope's own words are : — <£ Ne
laissez plus aux ennemis communs
la possibility de se soulever contre
les catholiques ; nous vous exhor-
tons avec toute la force, toute l'ar-
deur dont nous sommes capable.
Vous y parviendrez si aucun respect
humain en faveur des personnes ne
pent vous induire a epargner les
ennemis de Dieu, qui n'ont jamais
epargne' Dieu." — Epist. PieV, March
28, 1589. Again, " Ce n'est que
par l'cxtermination entiere des he-
retiques (ad internecionem usque)
que le Roi pourra rendre a ce nolde
royaume l'ancien culte et sa vieille
religion, pour la gloire de son. pro-
pre nom, et pour votre gloire eter-
nelle." I have made use of M.
Capefigue's translation of the ori-
ginal Latin.
1570.] MOTIVES FOR THE PEACE. 257
ported by their chiefs. By such means they hoped to
compass those ends which the perfidy of the great1 for-
bade them openly to carry by force. — A counsel often
proposed, often accepted, but which, through its own diffi-
culties or the want of faith in men, had before proved
unfortunate both in its conduct and its results." " The
unexpected success of the Hugonots," it is said in the
(Economies Royales de Sulli, " changed the opinion of
the government at once, as likewise their form of attack ;
taking the resolution to get rid of the Hugonots by less
apparent arms."
" Sans mils desseins arretes, de la Saint e BarthGlemy"
says Tavannes, who ought to know, " quoique les ignorans
ayent dcrits"'1
It should likewise be remarked here, that if such designs
were actually entertained, it is certain the Pope and the
King of Spain were not in the confidence. The Nuncio
and the Spanish Ambassador threw every obstacle in the
way of the conclusion of the treaty ; the Spanish Ambas-
sador going so far as to promise the King 3,000 cavalry
and 6,000 infantry, with which to exterminate the Hugo-
nots, would he but continue the war. Castlenau says, " la
paix apres avoir He differee quelques temps par les belles
remonstrances du Tape et promesses de V Ambassadeur
dEspagne, qui offroit a sa Majeste 3,000 chevaux et 6,000
homines de pied pour I' extermination des Huguenots" . . .
De Thou, in mentioning this fact, remarks — either that the
design was not at this time contemplated, or that the King
of Spain was ignorant of what was designed, or perhaps
that the Queen alone, without the knowledge of the King,
had formed her own project with Birague and Gondi.
1 He alludes to Damville and • Without any fixed design of the
Cossc, to whose secret favouring of Saint Bartholomew, whatever people
the Hugonots he attributes the extra- ignorant of the matter maj have
ordinary resurrection of their power. written.
VOL. II. S
258 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1570.
What share Charles himself bore in the intended
treachery is a second and interesting question which has
never been satisfactorily answered. Some few have been
inclined to compassionate this most unhappy Prince, and
to consider him as the victim of his own hasty passions and
of the dark intrigues of those around him, while, by the
generality he has been held up as the most treacherous
and execrable monster that ever wore a crown. There is
considerable reason for believing that historians, blinded
by a sort of passionate indignation at this unheard of
treachery and cruelty — feelings which cannot but be con-
sidered as both natural and pardonable — have been in
some measure unjust to the character of the wretched
Charles. It appears, I think, unnecessary to add to the
charge of brutal violence, cruelty, and infamous breach
of faith, that of a cold perseverance in a plan of insidious
deception, which seems inconsistent with his years or
with his fiery character.
The reasons which seem to justify the opinion of the
King's sincerity at this time and upon the occasion of
this Pacification, are first — that so far from being upon
terms of good understanding with the Queen-Mother and
the Duke d'Anjou during this period, it is well known
that he was extremely anxious to shake off the authority
of the one, and extremely jealous of the reputation of the
other, whose military career he seemed determined to
arrest at any price. And secondly — that finding himself
incapable of opposing by his own unassisted weight the
high Catholic faction with which the Queen and the Duke
d'Anjou were so closely bound up, it is not at all im-
probable that he should do — what had so often been done
beforee — ndeavour, during the Court intrigues which suc-
ceeded this peace, to maintain himself by having recourse
to the Reformed party. That those about him believed
1570.] MOTIVES FOR THE PEACE. 259
him to be sincere in his advances to the Ilugonots,
cannot be doubted. Castlenau and Biron, employed in
these negotiations, were neither of them men to bear
a part in a scheme of treachery. Coligny and his son-in-
law, Teligny, it is certain, were satisfied of the King's
good faith and relied upon it implicitly ; and it is scarcely
to be believed, that a man so rough and violent as was
Charles, could prove so accomplished a dissembler, that
during nearly two years of intimate communication, not
a suspicion of the truth should cross the minds of men
so well experienced in the world.
The Queen, it may also be remembered, with all her
art and insinuation, and with the advantage of being ex-
posed to much less frequent observation, was unable to
inspire them with equal confidence. In addition to the
above reasons, we have the express evidence of Tavannes,
whose Memoirs betray so much jealousy of the influence
Coligny had acquired, that it is impossible to doubt his
sincerity. He not only asserts, that the King was in
total ignorance of what was intended until a few hours
before its execution, but paints in so lively a manner the
irresolutions and vacillations of the Queen herself, that we
almost regard Catherine herself as a victim impelled
forward against her will by the bloody faction on which
she had bestowed her confidence.1
1 Mezeray says, " On parlait di- avouer les Huguenots lasses des
versement des motifs que la cour a miseres de la guerre, et Qu'elle
eu. La Reine-Mere vouloit qu'on pensoient a endormir peu a pen
creut qu'elle avait consid6re les pour les faire tomber plus aisement
{irieres des Princes d'AUemagne, ct dans les pieges que les conjonc-
esconseils de l'Empereur — quelques turcs a venir lui donneroit occa-
uns imagincrent qu'elle avoit fait la sion de leur tendre l'evene-
paix pour songcr an marriage du raent sembloit avoir confirme* ce
Roi .... plusicurs croient, avec ap- soupcon, quoiqu'il y ait apparence
fiarenee, que cettc Princcsse aimoit que les divers interets et les dirferens
es divertissemens,et les plaisirs, s'en- esprits qui contribuerent a an si ter-
ttuyoit d'etre toujours dans Lea trou- riBle eonseil en firent sou vent changer
bles ct dans line agitation perpetucllo. les projets, et les resolutions." —
D'autres plus penetrans croyoient Mezeray, tome vi. p. 244.
quo ses cntentions etoicnt a des
a 2
260 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1570.
On the other hand, Brantome charges Charles with
the treachery to its full extent ; and he speaks, no doubt,
the opinion current among the Catholics ; and various
anecdotes are on record of the King's expressions, which
support the same idea.
To reconcile these difficulties, it has been thought by
some, that the King at first shared in the secret councils
of his mother; but that being thrown into personal commu-
nication with Coligny, his sentiments altered; and that the
conduct and appearances of friendship prescribed as an act
of dissimulation, became at length the genuine expression
of those sentiments with which the Admiral had inspired
him. This opinion may possibly be correct. Few, who
examine the history of the ensuing years, can entertain
a doubt that Charles was sincere in his later professions
of confidence and esteem for Coligny and his party. The
reluctance with which he consented to the massacre — his
horrors at the time — the subsequent total change in his
character and temper — his sleepless nights, his agitated
days — display the intensity of his regret and remorse.
For he, if my impression be just, exceeding in this the
guilt of the others, had betrayed the man he really loved
and really trusted — while they at least only beheld detest-
ed enemies in those they saw massacred around them. In
the agonies of his distress he was deploring those whom he
knew to have been his friends and his allies, while they
considered themselves delivered from their greatest ene-
mies. This difference in their subsequent feelings is most
striking. I have already perhaps enlarged upon this sub-
ject, which appears to me so interesting, beyond the limits
consistent with this slight work ; but on consulting the
Abbe le Laboureur, his ideas appear to me so just, and
coincide so exactly with my own, that I shall insert them .
" Catherine de M edicts trait a le Due d'Anjou comme
'
1570.] MOTIVES FOR THE PEACE. 261
le mieux (time de tons ses enfans, le rendit capable d'am-
bition, et lui inspira de grands desseins, pour lesqitels Us
trouverent tons deux dpropos, de le rendre chef du parti
Catholique, en qualite de Lieutenant-General du Roy son
frere. Ses victorieux exploits ayant eu le succes qu'ils
desiroient il ne se defierent pas sans sujet de la jalousie
du Roi — qui n' avoit point une joye entilre de tant davan-
tages—qui se degouta enfin dune si Stroite intelligence — et
qui peut etre se fit tort cT avoir temoigne trop ouverte-
ment ses sentimens car cela redoubla les soiqicons de la
Reine qui continua dinstruire le Due son fils dans des
maximes plus etrangeres que Francoises, et de gouverner
letat conformement d leurs inter ets : c.d d. de fomenter les
divisions — dentretenir Pesprit du Roi dans le trouble et
dans la defiance, et de le reduire par le peu de plaisir
qiiilprenoit d entendre parler de ses affaires, d en redouter
les soins,et d vivre mollement parmi les delices oul'on Vamu-
soit . . . . il sceurent neanmoins quil ne laissoit pas
d'etre susceptible des conseils ambitieux, mais principale-
ment quand il ecouta les propositions que I'Amiral, que
lapaix avoit rapproclie, lui donnoit defaire la guerre en
Flandres, pour recevoir sous son obeissance les villes du
Pays Bas ; et ce fut le plus pressant motif qui les deter-
mina au massacre de la Saint Baiihelemy pour changer
tout dun coup la face des affaires. II y 'avoit long temps
que la Reine et son fils avoient, avec la maison de Guise,
conjure la perte de I' Amiral ; toutefois e'etoit sans avoir
convenu du temps et de V occasion, jusqii d ce qu'ils saper-
cussent qiCil avoit gagn6 V esprit du Roi, qui lui donnoit
de trop favorablcs audiences — le Due en end etre certain
un jour qu 'entrant dans la chambre du Roi — qui se pro-
menoit familierement avec I'Amiral, il le vit changer de
visage d son arrivee ; et de serein quil Stoit auparavaniy
reprendre la fnrcur de ses yeux, porter la main sur la,
262 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1570.
garde du poignard et faire de mines qui le fit aussitdt
retirer tout en desordre pour en parler les nouvelles d
la Heine : elle lui dit qu'il ne falloit plus marchander. . .
Apres la sortie de V Amir at elle vint avec un visage melee
de serieux et de gayete demander au Roi ce qu'il avoit
appris dune si longue conversation — ' Fay appris,
Madame,"1 luy dil il, en blasphemant, ' queje n' ay point de
plus grands ennemis que vous et mon frere.' . . . Gomme
ce changement etoit a redouter de tons ceux qui etoient du
gouvernement, s'etant aussitot assemble au mandement de
la Reine — on conclut sur le champ avec elle qu'il se falloit
defaire de I'Amiral — d'abord on ne pensa sinon le faire
assassiner mais n'ayant ete que blesse le bruit qu'en
firent les Huguenots servoit infiniment d menager le con-
sentemeht du Roi sur le point de V execution du dessein
qui fid pris ensuite, de faire le carnage de tout ceux de
ce party. ,n
I have made small use of the Hugonot authors in this
short examination, they are upon this question of little au-
thority, being evidently blinded by indignation, and undis-
tinguishing in their accusations. Conviction upon questions
of this nature, so long undecided, it is impossible to arrive
at, but there is satisfaction in reflecting that the matter
is rather interesting than important, for it is not so much
the motives which impel, as the consequences which result
from given actions which furnish the most useful specu-
lations in history.2
The story of the two years which intervened between
1 Mem. de Castlcnau, additions he rejects the authority of Tavarmes,
of Le Lahoureur, t. iii. p. 30, 31. and prefers the Italian authors. We
2 M. de Lacretelle, in a long note have already mentioned why the
upon this subject, in which he widely evidence of these is to be suspected.
differs from the view taken in this Tavannes we cannot help regard-
little book, seems to forget thejea- ing as excellent authority, to say
lousy which certainly existed on the nothing of an irresistible air of
part of Charles towards his brother, truth which his narrative bears.
1570. J MOTIVES FOR THE PEACE. 263
the period at which we are arrived, and what may be con-
sidered as the catastrophe of this part of the narrative,
will now be continued with little further remark or inter-
ruption, premising, that though nothing can be more
extremely easy than to form, as Davila has done, a clear
and well connected story, by bending every circum-
stance to a preconceived opinion, nothing can be more
difficult than to steer with fidelity through the monstrous
contradictions which perplex what is really known of
this extraordinary business. The variations of historians
on this subject, " prove," says an excellent French author,1
" how difficult it is at the period we are now examining
to establish the truth of the facts. Contemporary
authors contradict each other respectively, often re-
tracting what they themselves have asserted. The cause
of these contradictions, as it appears to us, is easy to
assign. Charles IX., naturally violent and quite inex-
perienced, and having no fixed plan of administration,
changed continually according to the impressions which
he received. This Prince, most truly to be pitied, was
surrounded by vicious people, and distrusting every one,
seemed often to destroy in the evening plans which had
been constructed in the morning. Add to this the spirit
He is, in fact, if wc except the ac- Lacretelle attributes to Charles, ap-
count of Miron from the mouth of pears to me incredible, and the
the Duke d'Anjou, which confirms blindness of the Admiral equally so.
him, the only writer we have who Coligny, in spite of every sinister
was art and part in the business, appearance, relied implicitly upon
His son evidently feels both shame the good faith of the King, and I
and remorse, and is anxious to lighten think nothing but truth could have
the burden as much as possible, yet fixed in his mind so rooted a con-
he invariably affirms the King's Bin- viction.
cerity with regard to the Admiral, M. Capefigue, though differing
and never once represents him as from the views I entertain in many
the mover of this affair, though a respects, agrees with the opinion
royal order would at that time of given above.
day have been held a sanction for ' Annotations on Castlenan, Mem.
almost any enormity. The ex- Tavannes.
cessive dissimulation which M. de
264 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1570.
of party — and the key may be found to those vacillations
which reign among the authorsof the time, and to the
formal contradictions which they make to each other's
statements.11
A slight sketch of the materials which composed, what,
for want of a better name, must be called the government
of France, will, perhaps help to illustrate the relation
which follows. The cabinet, so long divided between the
faction of the Guises and the more moderate party, had
at length yielded to the ascendancy of the extraordinary
abilities of the Cardinal de Lorraine. Since the death of
Montmorenci he had possessed the Queen's ear, and she
was now almost entirely under his influence, and conse-
quently in the hands of the high Catholic party. Of these
last, Gondi, Birague, and Tavannes, shared her most secret
confidence ; and sympathised with her in a certain
jealousy, with which the all-powerful Cardinal and his
aspiring house were regarded.
It was to balance the formidable power of the Guises that
the Queen had elevated the Duke d'Anjou, in the hopes,
also, through his means to oppose the Hugonot Princes of
the blood ; and to defend her authority even against the
King himself, should he be inclined as years advanced,
to assert his independence and resist her dominion. The
Duke, indolent, uncertain, and devoted to pleasure, seems
at this time to have shared in all the violence and preju-
dices of the high Catholics. But with the King it was
not so, the passionate exasperation to which he had been
excited against the Reformed during the war, was being
fast obliterated by feelings still more irritating, and the
occasion of which lay yet nearer home — namely, his jea-
lousy of a brother whose reputation he envied, and whose
power (calling him a " second king,'1) he dreaded — the
mingled impatience and fear with which he endured,
1570.] GERMANS RETURN HOME. 2G5
rather than submitted to, the yoke of his mother
— and the secret hatred which he bore to the Duke de
Guise.
As for the house of Guise itself, how far the wide am-
bition of their designs might even now extend, it would
be difficult to say. Irresponsible and unbounded authority
under the King's name, might at present be its limits,
without aspiring as yet to the title, with the dominion
of a sovereign. The other members of the Catholic cabal
appear to have been led — Gonde and Birague, by a mean
truckling to the passions of their masters — and Tavannes,
to whom we must add the Dukes of Nevers and Mont-
pensier, by a brutal and stupid detestation of the Re-
formed ; so that, whatever opinion may be entertained of
the sentiments of the King, and of the vacillating inten-
tions of the Queen-Mother, there can be but one as to the
designs of the above faction.
The peace having been signed, a calm, the most com-
plete, seemed for a short moment to settle over the king-
dom. All parties weary of the bloody contention,
appeared inclined to pause and take breath : and to the
general distraction succeeded as general a tranquillity. —
Brief interval of repose !
The young Princes and Coligny to show their alacrity
in conforming to the conditions of the treaty, had set
out even before it was signed, in order to reconduct the
Count de Mansfeldt and his Germans to the frontiers;
they had attended them to Langres, where they parted,
and leaving the Marquis de Revel to accompany them to
Pont a Mousson, they had returned to La Charite.
But from La Charity, to the surprise and disappoint-
ment of the government, instead of retiring as had been
the case on former occasions, to their country-houses — dis-
solving the confederacy, and resuming the character of
26G THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1570.
private individuals, the Admiral, with the chiefs of the
party, crossed the Limousin, and repaired to La Rochelle.
Here the Queen of Navarre still continued to reside, and
here Henry, having first made the tour of his dominions to
receive the oaths of allegiance from his mother's subjects,
and arrange the affairs of his government, soon after
rejoined them.
Distrusting the good faith of a cabinet by which they had
so frequently been betrayed, and suspicious of those fair
appearances upon which they had so often relied in vain,
they had resolved to maintain instead of dissolving the
union, and to increase its strength and ensure its perma-
nency by every means in their power. Having proved, by
repeated experience, that the best — nay, the only policy —
to be pursued in order to secure their very existence, was
to overawe the government into good behaviour. For
this purpose, as Sulli tells us in his (Economies Royalles,
" As a means of establishing among their party a better
correspondence, and giving a more solid foundation and
consistency to their affairs, they resolved to take up their
residence permanently at La Rochelle,1 in which place the
business of the Confederacy could be hencefor wards carried
on with much the same regularity as during the war ; and
within the walls of which they could alone consider them-
selves in security and out of the reach of their enemies."
And thus the cruel and impolitic system adopted by the
government and legal authorities of France, in this grand
crisis of opinions, had at length resulted in establishing a
complete disunion among the people under their control ;
and in the establishment of what was in fact little less
than an independent republic in the very centre of the
kingdom — a republic possessing its own capital city, and
seat of government.
1 Sulli, (Economies Royalles.
1570.] IIUGONOTS RETIRE TO LA ROCHELLE. 267
" This turn of affairs appears never to have entered into
the calculations of the cabinet, who seem to have specu-
lated with certainty upon the usual dispersion of the
Hugonot chiefs as soon as the Pacification should be
signed, and that they would thus lie entirely at their
mercy, and might be arrested or exterminated with com-
parative facility.
" But these prudent resolutions, on the part of the Hu-
gonots, were soon, and too lightly changed," adds Sulli,
" for the most subtle of the Court, judging what was
their design, resolved to employ every invention to
break it."
To withdraw the Calvinists from La Rochelle, and to dis-
member this powerful confederacy, henceforward became
the leading object of the Cabinet, and neither caresses
nor promises, nor arguments apparently the most con-
vincing— were spared to effect the purpose.
The Court had returned to its usual round of amuse-
ments, to which indeed the dismal tragedies enacted
around had only appeared to give a new zest. The re-
mark of an old historian of the time was, as Capefigue
observes, but too truly verified. " It was," says he, " the
reign of Francis I.1 repeated with additional licentious-
ness, and without that varnish of gallantry which in that
period somewhat concealed its grossness. Life was passed
in balls, masquerades, noels de nuit, astrologie, pompes
parfumees, jongleries, duels de sang, tables accabUes de
mats ddicatement preparves?' The Italian cooks of
Catherine de Medicis were celebrated for their know-
ledge in gastronomy.
Many of the amusements were rude, not to say brutal ;
and the wild ungoverned, almost furious, temper of the
King is displayed in the anecdotes retained of his sports.
1 Capefigue, Hist, de la Reforme.
268 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1570.
The marriage of the King with Elizabeth of Austria,
daughter of the Emperor Maximilian, which took place on
November 26th of this year, furnished occasion for the
display of extraordinary magnificence and festivity.
This marriage was, in itself, a sort of compromise be-
tween the contending parties. In 1569, the Queen-
Mother had almost concluded a treaty with Philip for
the Infanta ; but, under the influence of the new policy —
whatever that might be — this plan was abandoned, and the
daughter of the Emperor, a prince far more tolerant in
his opinions than the King of Spain, was decided upon.
The marriage was celebrated with much pomp, in order,
Capefigue implies, to dazzle the eyes of the people of
Paris, and incline them to look favourably upon an
alliance of this description.
Gar Madame la Royne Isdbeau riUoit point Hugue-
7iote, mats elle vivoit dans le pays de cette maudite
herisie.1
" The King commanded M. le Prevost to multiply the
entertainments" — -the 26th November — "Messieurs de
la ville, accompanied by the counsellors, quarteniers, and
others, went to the church of Notre Dame, to assist at
the high mass for a blessing upon the marriage ; and,
after the said high mass, a dinner at the Hotel de Ville,
as usual in such cases, was prepared. And before the
said hostel there was a pyramid of wood, very great and
lofty, for a feu de joie, where there were rockets and
lances a feu; and after dinner, in the said Hotel de Ville,
there were a great quantity of the dames et demoiselles
of the bourgeoisie assembled, to whom, at about three of
1 Madame, the Queen Elizabeth, with this cursed heresy. — Registres
it is true, was not a Hugonot, but de l'Hotel de Ville, fol. 21.
she came from a country infected
1570.] MARRIAGE OF THE KING. 2G9
the clock, was offered a collation of confitures, dragees,
patisseries de toutes sortes, et autres clioses en tel cas
requires, with excellent instruments of music ; and then
the said feu de pie was lighted, and the artillery sounded,
and a ton of wine was broached for the people in the
Place de Greve ; and certain pleasant words were pub-
lished by the crier; and things were very dexterously and
well done and executed, to the great joy of the people,
who thus demonstrated the contentment they had in this
marriage/'
When their Majesties made their entrance into Paris,
they were met by deputies from the six corps de mar-
chands, twenty-four in number, " clothed in robes of
divers coloured velvets, who bore the canopy over his
Majesty the King ; and all the way their Majesties were
to take, there were triumphal arches richly ornamented.
At the Porte St. Denis, by which his Majesty entered,
there was made a rustic gateway, d la Toscane, dedicated
to the antique origin of the kings of France, .... and all
sorts of pictures and architectures, finer than ever
had been before seen, and it looked like nature herself,
because of the various herbs, and snails, and lizards,
mixed therewith — ce dont les spectateurs estoient en sin-
gulier admiration}
" The Queen was in an open litter, covered within and
without with cloth of silver, and the mules which bore it
covered also with cloth of silver. The said Queen being
clothed in a surcoat of ermine, covered with jewels of
very great, excellent, and inestimable value ; wearing on
her head a crown of gold, enriched with an infinitude of
pearls and precious stones. And Messieurs lesfreres du
Roi were most richly dressed, and mounted upon great
1 Kc^istrcs de l'Hotel de Ville, from Capefigue.
270 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1570.
Spanish horses superbly harnessed.1 Messieurs de la
mile made most fine and notable harangues, and pre-
sented the Queen with a buffet of silver gilt, of very
great value for the excellence of its chiselled work, and
for the beauty of the histories wherewith it was adorned.
Messieurs ses freres, and the other great lords, went to
the ball, which was truly magnificent ; then with the
Queen they all passed into the hall, where was the colla-
tion, where was an infinite number of all sorts of con-
fitures, dry and liquid, diver site de drawees, massepains
biscuits, and other singularities of that sort, and there
was every kind of fruit to be found in the wide world,
whatever its season, and every sort of meat ; and every
sort of fish, all executed in sugar, and quite true to nature
— even the dishes were made of sugar.'12
The following was among the songs made upon the
occasion : — ■
Le Roi vestu estoit
En habit excellent ;
La robe qu'il portoit,
Fine toile d'argent,
Brodec richeraent
De perles fort valables,
Tant que son vestement
Estoit inestimable.
Premier dix sept rangs
Des lansquenets marchoicnt,
Vestu d'incarnat blanc
Et gris; puis les suivoient
Les Souysses par honneur ;
Tant du Roi que ses freres
Portant de leur seigneur,
Les couleurs contumieres.
1 In the Lenoir collection are some ed and mounted; the effect of the
drawings representing Henry II. and whole is very magnificent,
his sons, at several times, thus dress- 2 Registres de l'Hotel de Ville,
from Capefigue.
1570.] MARRIAGE OF THE KING. 271
Tambourine ct trompettcs,
Hautbois ct violons,
D'unc hauteur parfaicte,
Faisoicnt tcndir les sons ;
Marchoient en bcl arroy,
Les chevaliers de l'ordrc,
Ceux du conseil du Roi,
Les suivoient en bel ordre.1
The turbulent city of Paris was it seems in high good
humour. The principal nobility of the kingdom attended
also to display at once their loyalty and their magnifi-
cence, but the Calvinist gentlemen were not to be found
among them, in spite of the repeated and most pressing
invitations of the King. Cautious and distrustful they
held back, excusing their non-attendance upon the unset-
tled state of the country, the impossibility of travelling in
safety without a powerful escort, and the umbrage they
should give if they appeared with one. "They did
wisely," says the Abbe* Perau" — on what authority I
know not — " for orders had been given to arrest the prin-
cipal of them immediately upon their arrival."
The doubt and suspicion which hung over the public
mind, with regard to the intentions of the King and his
Cabinet, are illustrated by the address which upon the
23rd December of 1570, Charles received from the am-
bassadors of those German Princes, who were ancient
allies of France, namely, the Elector Palatine, the Dukes
of Saxony, Brandenburg, Brunswick, Wirternberg, and
Mecklenberg, the Landgrave of Hesse, and the Margrave
of Baden. This address accompanied their congratu-
lations upon his marriage. It dwelt long upon the
advantages of good faith, adherence to promises, and
upon impartial justice, and equal protection for all. "Con-
1 Chanson Nouvel des Maz. faits au Mariage du Roi ct dc Mad. Eliz. de
1'Austriche. — Capefigue. a Abbe Perau, vie de Colignv.
272 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1570.
sider, sire," said they, " that the multitude of a people is
as the wise man sajeth the crown of a prince That
the first law imposed by God and nature upon a king, is
the preservation of his subjects. That those who would
lead you to break your faith, saying it is impossible for
a state to subsist wherein there is diversity of religion,
speak what they do not believe, or are ignorant of what
has and does take place in the most flourishing empires."
Turkey and Poland are quoted in support of this last
assertion ; and the examples of the Emperors Charles V.,
Ferdinand, and Maximilian II., held out to prove the wis-
dom and advantages of toleration.
Charles made a reserved and cautious answer, saying,
that he was aware the Emperor had spared no pains to
preserye the tranquillity of Christendom, and that it
would give him pleasure to second the excellent inten-
tions of that Prince.
In spite, however, of these flattering appearances, the
Calvinists soon saw cause to rejoice in the prudence of
their resolutions. Their short-lived tranquillity was
speedily disturbed by a renewal of those popular vio-
lences in different parts of the kingdom which des-
troyed all the comfort and security of private life, and
which were still evidently fomented or at least connived at
by the government. "Either the King intentionally broke
his word," says Tavannes, " or the irrepressible hatred of
the Catholics caused massacres in various places.'1 At
Orange, the people, incited by the monks, broke out into
the most terrible disorders — the commotion lasted three
days, and the streets were filled with the dead and
wounded Hugonots — many of them women. This sedition
was at length put down by Damville. At Rouen and
Dieppe similar violences took place, with this additional
and alarming feature, that a body of the King's troops
1570.] MARRIAGE OF THE KING. 273
were themselves concerned in them. In contempt of
the Edict the authorities of her own town of Lectoure
obstinately refused admission to the Queen of Navarre.
The castle of St. Valery was withheld from the young
Prince de Conde, and Villars — the inveterate and cruel
enemy of the Hugonots — was appointed, in spite of all
Henry's representations to the contrary, as his lieutenant
in the government of Guyenne.
And yet, when Teligny, Briquemaud, and Cavagnes were
dispatched from La Rochelle to make representations
upon these subjects, the King received them with the
utmost kindness, and met their demands with every
appearance of fairness and cordiality. He treated Te-
ligny— who united indeed the most sweet and engaging
manner, to great good sense and spirit — with the utmost
favour, and even affection.1 The seditions were imme-
diately made the subject of enquiry ; several Catholics
upon that account were sentenced to death, and at Rouen
two of these sentences were executed ; while the Marechal
de Cosse, a known friend of the Hugonots, was sent by
the King to La Rochelle to confer upon, and arrange any
difficulties that might have arisen in carrying the Edict
of Peace into execution. Everything tended to inspire
confidence, and to evince the King's sincere desire to main-
tain tranquillity. Teligny, moreover, found the family
of Montmorenci — especially the Marechal, the long-
1 Teligny was universally beloved miral advised his daughter to choose
and esteemed, more especially by the Teligny in these words, " Pour lea
Admiral, who, though owing to the bonnes ct roves (piulites (juc je connois
extravagance of his fathei he was ex- ( // lui,je lui donne ce conseilpour ce
trcmely poor, bestowed upon him his quej'at pense que ce sera sou bien et
eldest daughter Louisa de Coligny, eonU uleweul . . . que I'on doit plus-
a lovely and accomplished woman. tot chercher en toules choses gat l< i
Qui gagnoit Parnour de chacun par grands biens et rkhesses." Louisa tie
une parole douce (t cJiarmante, </ Coligny, after the death of Teligny at
l' est inn generak par un raisonment the St. Bartholomew, married the
i'ori ei um honti angelique. The Ad Prince of Orange.
VOL. II. T
274 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1571.
tried friend of Coligny — in high and unusual favour at
court.
At the commencement of January, 1571, the con-
ferences were opened at La Rochelle between the Admiral,
the Queen, and Prince of Navarre, and the principal
Hugonots upon the one side, and the Marechal de Cosse
and two other commissioners upon the other. The
Marshal appeared anxious to smooth every difficulty,
but he complained of the want of confidence manifested
by the Hugonot nobility ; of their absenting themselves
from Court and shutting themselves up thus in a corner
of the kingdom ; and that as it was reported, levies of
troops, were being made among them, which occasioned
fresh complaints every day.
He was answered, that the readiness with which the
Hugonots had dismissed their reisters was a sufficient
pledge of the sincerity of their intentions ; and that the
necessity for the levy of a few troops arose from their
vicinity to their acknowledged and bitter enemy the Mar-
quis de Villars, who lay with a considerable body of
forces in their neighbourhood. As for their residence at
La Rochelle its necessity was lamented, but no in-
tention was intimated of departing from the present
system.
The parties having, however, exchanged assurances of
good faith and of an earnest desire to maintain peace, the
MareVnal returned to court.
Soon afterwards Teligny and his companions re-
turned from Paris to La Rochelle. They gave the
most flattering report of the King's dispositions — more
especially as regarded the war in Flanders; where the
Prince of Orange was once more endeavouring to make
head against the tyranny of the Duke of Alva. The
King, they said, had shown a strong desire to take
1571. J CONFERENCES AT LA ROCHELLE. 275
advantage of the dissensions in that country, and by
supporting the malcontents, to wrest from Spain those
provinces on the frontiers, so long the object of am-
bition.
Nothing could be suggested more flattering to the
hopes and wishes both of Coligny and the Queen of
Navarre, than such a scheme. No stronger pledge of the
King's good faith could by possibility be offered than
this ; for the revolted Flemings and the Hugonots of
France had been long united in one common cause — and
the triumph of one almost infallibly ensured the safety
of the other. A quarrel with Spain would prove
that a termination had been put to that fatal influ-
ence which had so long been exercised to the destruc-
tion of France, and would ensure the downfall of that
party in the government, which to such influence owed in
great measure its power : — and during the ascendancy of
which party the Hugonots could taste no repose, it being
impossible to place confidence in any pledges, however
solemnly attested. The subject became immediately one
of the deepest interest to the Admiral, and it was deter-
mined that Count Ludovic, who had continued to reside
at La riochelle, should proceed to court without delay,
endeavour to negotiate for his brother, and make some
trial of the good dispositions of the King. Count Ludo-
vic was received by Charles at Lezigni en Brie with great
cordiality though in secret ; their conferences, for
greater security, being held in a garden.1 The King
expressed the greatest ardour for the war, and a wish
that the Admiral should take the command, and Count
Ludovic was at this time, whether justly or not, cer-
tainly convinced of his sincerity.
1 D'Aubigne, Histoirc Universelle.
276
THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE.
[1571.
It may be remarked of these secret conferences, that
they were in themselves a warrant of such sincerity. If
acting in concordance with the designs of his perfidious
cabinet, why was the proposed plan for a Flemish war
to be kept a secret from them 1 Why did they not
appear to concur in that good understanding which, if so
considered, was but their own bait to their own snare !
VIEW OF POISSY.
1571.1 BIRON AT LA ROCHELLE. 277
CHAPTER II.
BIRON AT LA ROCHELLE. MARRIAGE OF THE ADMIRAL PROPOSALS OF AN
ALLIANCE WITH THE KING OF NAVARRE. PRINCESS MARGARET. QUEEN
OF NAVARRE AT COURT.
In the meantime Biron arrived at La Rochelle, the
hearer of the most flattering proposals. The presence of
one esteemed so true a friend of justice and moderation
was in itself sufficient to inspire confidence. After
dwelling at large upon the good inclinations of the King,
and his determination to maintain the Edict — upon the
favour which the Queen and Prince of Navarre would
find him inclined to show, if they approached his person —
upon his desire to place confidence in Coligny, and to
employ him in affairs of the first importance — he made
those proposals which Sulli, in the (Ecumenies royalles so.
feelingly laments, as the cause which induced his friends
to abandon their first prudent resolutions.
To cement a fusion of parties upon which the King
and Queen-Mother were, he asserted, alike intent,1 Biron
[imposed a marriage between the Prince of Navarre and
Mad. Marguerite, youngest sister of the King with a
dowry of 400,000 crowns,2 and an alliance between Mary,
1 (Economics Royalles, Sulli. Memoirs, first proposed by the Mare-
2 This project of the marriage of chal de Montmorenci. It cannot be
Margaret, so far from being the in- doubted, if this be true — with the
sidious suggestion of the Cabinet, views here alleged by Biron, and
was, as she informs us in her own with the most perfect good faith.
278 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1571.
third co-heiress of Cleves, and the Prince de Conde\
This Princess had been educated herself in the Pteformed
religion, though her family were Catholic.1 The King
likewise offered his services to promote a marriage now
in agitation between Coligny and the Countess d'Enstre-
mont, a lady of very large possessions in Savoy, and
which marriage had been opposed by the Duke of Savoy,
on account of the Admiral's religion and party.2
The resolution which the King had taken to assist the
Prince of Orange and the confederates in Flanders formed
the subject of the other proposals. Biron asserted, that
Charles had determined to make war upon Spain, until the
feudalities of Flanders, Artois, &c, should be restored.
But that he would undertake nothing without the assist-
ance* of the Admiral ; it being his desire not only to be
guided by his counsels, but to make use of his influence
in order to attach the Hugonot gentlemen to his standards.
With this view it was his intention to nominate him chief
of this enterprise, under the title of Viceroy.
To add weight to these proposals the King professed
1 Upon the death of the Duke of 2 Jacqueline d'Enstremont, widow
Nevors at Dreux, his titles and es- of Claude de Basternay, a rich heiress
tates fell to his three sisters. The of one of the first houses of Savoy,
eldest, who carried the title, bestowed moved, as some say, by admiration
the duchy of Nevers upon Louis for the Admiral, and willing to be
Gonzago, in gratitude for the attach- the "Marcia to this new Cato ;" by
ment he had displayed, at a time others, in consequence of an attach-
when, without beauty and with small ment which had been disappointed
expectations, she was generally disre- in their youth, wished now to unite
garded. The second, Catherine, her fate with his. The Duke of
married, first, the Prince de Porcian, Savoy opposed the marriage, and
and was now married, en second noces, forbad by an edict any of his sub-
to the Duke de Guise, though her jects from intermarrying with fo-
first husband, it is said, with tears, reigners, unless by his express con-
entreated her upon his death-bed not sent, under pain of confiscation of
to give him a successor in his most all their property. The King's good
cruel enemy. The third, Mary, offices, and all representations on her
married Henry II., Prince of Conde. part proving fruitless, the Countess
She was of extreme beauty, and is the married Coligny in defiance of the
princess afterwards so idolatrously edict, and forfeited her estates.
loved, and ridiculously mourned by There is a beautiful portrait of this
Henry III. lady in the Lenoir collection.
1571.] NEGOTIATIONS AFTER THE PEACE. 279
a determination to renew the ancient alliances of the
French crown with the Protestant Princes of Germany,
and to cement that with England by the marriage of the
Duke d'Anjou with its Queen. A measure that would
not only secure to the Hugonots the protection of their
best ally, but at the same time remove from the head of
affairs one so justly regarded with jealousy, both by the
Sovereign and by the Reformed party.
Biron was followed by the Marechal de Cosse, who was
the bearer of a letter from the Marshal de Montmorenci,
urging upon the Admiral and the Queen of Navarre all
these considerations ; and acquainting them with the
present state of parties at court. The letters enlarged
upon the apparent decline in the influence of the house
of Guise — the disfavour with which, on many accounts,
the young Duke de Guise more especially, was regarded
by the King — the growing favour of the house of
Montmorenci and moderate party — the secret dissatis-
faction of Charles, and the desire which might be detected
in him to shake off his mother's fetters, and assert
his independence by favouring the Protestants. To
these considerations were added the flattering reports
with which Teligny once more returned from court. He
brought the most affectionate letters, written in the
King's own hand, inviting the Admiral to return, and
promising a good reception. The Queen-Mother wrote
in the following terms : "The King, her son, had need
of the Admiral's good counsels, and those of the other
great Lords who were attached to him — and that it was a
deplorable thing to see the Princes of the blood-royal of
France so long alienated from the Court and society of
their own rank. She had entreated the deputies to
devise the means of reuniting them with each other ;
280 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1571.
adding, that if those of Guise were irreconcilable they
must be sent about their business." '
Coligny now ceased to hesitate. Whatever might be
the secret doubts and misgivings of his mind, it was
impossible for such a man to suffer a regard for his mere
personal safety to interfere with the important objects
— both as respected his country and his party — now pre-
sented to his view. To overthrow that dreaded faction
which had exercised so baneful an influence over the
destinies of France— to destroy those fatal understand-
ings which had, during so many years, rendered his
country the slave and victim of the Spanish tyrant — to
restore his party to their due and just importance in the
state — himself to return to the allegiance after which his
heart .was yearning — and once more exercise, under the
authority and for the benefit of his Sovereign, powers to
which circumstances had given so fatal a direction ! Mo-
tives such as these were not to be resisted, and the Admiral
consented to leave La Rochelle and join the Court, which
was then residing at Blois.
The Queen of Navarre listened with more reluctance
to the proposals made for her son. Flattering as was the
prospect of such an alliance with the daughter of France,
and she, a princess of extraordinary accomplishments
and great beauty, the Queen hesitated. It might be on
religious grounds, for we find she consulted her ministers
though these were admitted to so general an interference
upon all matters, military and political, as well as reli-
gious, that the subject-matter of the appeal cannot
thence be decided. It might be that she distrusted the
character of one formed in such a Court, and by such a
hand. She answered Biron cautiously, saying, that an
affair of this importance required deliberation ; that she
1 De rEst.it de la France sous Charles IX., 1571.
1571.] COLIGNY QUITS LA ROCIIELLE. 281
did not know whether her conscience would suffer her to
profit by the advantages held out — that she would con-
sult her ministers ; ending with the most respectful
acknowledgments and submissions.
Of Henry's own sentiments upon the occasion we arc
left in total ignorance ; so little, according to the cus-
toms in these matters then and since prevailing in France,
were they to be consulted. That his heart at least was not
at his own disposal we know, for it was already in the
possession of the beautiful Corisande d'Andouins Coun-
tess de Guiche. Some of his letters to her, bearing this
date, still exist ; and he appears to have cherished for
her an affection which, endured with constancy — though
without the slightest pretence at fidelity — for a great
number of years.
The negotiations of which we have spoken lasted
several months, during which the little capital and Court
— if it may be so called — of La Rochelle presented a
scene of peace, happiness, and almost of festivity —
strikingly contrasted with the alarms and distractions of
the late war. During this period the marriages of
Coligny with the Countess d'Enstremont, and of his
daughter Louisa with Teligny were celebrated : and it
is said, even the rigid Jeanne herself, yielding to the
influence of the tender passion, contracted an obscure
marriage, which was never avowed.1
It was the 11th of September, 1571, before Coligny
quitted La Ilochelle, and attended, at the express desire
of the King, by a train of fifty gentlemen, proceeded to
meet Charles at Blois. Returning thus at length to the
service of his Sovereign — to confidence and loyalty after
his long revolt — his feelings excited to even more than
1 See Papers of Duplessis Momay.
282 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1571.
their usual sensibility, overpowered his accustomed
reserve, as kneeling at the King's feet, and bathing his
hands with tears, he poured forth expressions of the
most affectionate devotion.1 He was received with every
mark of tenderness and regard. Charles raised and
repeatedly embraced him, calling him "his father — and
the day the happiest of his existence." Cheek pressed to
cheek, and a hand grasped in his own, " Nous vous
tenons cette foisj'1 he exclaimed, "et vous n'eschapperez
pas quand vous voudrez."2
The Queen-Mother and Duke d'Anjou vied with the
King in expressions of affectionate cordiality. It is as-
serted by the Abbe Perau, in his life of Coligny, but he
does not give his authority, that at this very moment, it
was proposed in the Privy-Council to arrest and make
away with him ; but that the advice was rejected because
it was thought too many of his friends were at large.3
To all outward appearance, the Admiral seemed ele-
vated to the summit of royal favour. Charles expressed
the greatest possible admiration for his abilities and af-
fection for his person ; he lavished his gifts upon the new
favourite, gave him 100,000 crowns to repair the ravages
committed upon his fine estate at Chatillon ; conferred
upon him one year's revenue out of the benefices of his
brother, the Cardinal de Chatillon, who had recently died in
England (under the strongest suspicions of poison ;)4
granted, at his solicitation, a pardon to Villequier, which
had been refused to the entreaties of the Queen-Mother and
the Duke, and lastly shewed his impartiality or rather fa-
1 Davila, Guerre Civile di Fran- was poisoned, by whose orders or on
cia. what account does not appear : but
2 D'Aubigne', Davila. there is no doubt of the fact : and he
3 Abbe" Perau, vie de Coligny. seems to have been the first victim
4 The Cardinal de Chatillon was to the new measures,
preparing to leave England when he
1571.] PRINCESS MARGARET. 283
vour to the Ilugonots, by, at his request, causing the pillar
erected over the foundations of the house of the unfortu-
nate Gastines, to be removed,1 in defiance of the people of
Paris. He also wrote, at the Admiral's suggestion, a most
pressing letter to the Duke of Savoy in behalf of certain
Protestants of la Bresse, who had been deprived of their
property in consequence of the civil wars : " I make this
request, not with common feelings," wrote the King, "but
in the most affectionate manner, it being a thing so just
in itself, and so earnestly desired on my part, that I feel
assured you will not refuse it."
The Duke de Guise had lately received various mortifi-
cations from the King. His passion for the Princess
Margaret had met, on the part of Charles, with the most
.contemptuous repulse, in spite of the extreme tenderness
with which it was answered by the Princess. One day in
particular, the Duke coming to a splendid assembly,
in order to meet the Princess, and being arrayed in all
the magnificence which dress and unnumbered jewels
could add to his before splendid person, had been stopped
at the door- way by the King, who, rudely asking him
" why he came there," told him, " he had no occasion for
his attendance." "A sentence which, whether true or a
feint," says Davila, " struck him so to the heart," 77 che,
o'daverro, o fintamente fosse detto, gli penetro ncll animo
cost vivo :2 that the very next morning, in order to do
1 Philip Gastines was a rich mcr- this cross were made to the King ;
chant, who, having been suspected they were ineffectual till the Admiral
of allowing private meetings of the arrived at Court, when an order was
Reformed in his house for religious given to that effect. But such wi s
purposes, was hanged with Ins son the violent opposition of the people
ana brother-in-law, June 30th, 1569. of Paris, and such a disposition
His house, in obedience to the sen- shown to riots and tumults, that the
tence passed upon him, was demo- authorities were obliged to content
lished, and a cross of stone erected themselves with privately removing
in its place, whereon was engraved a it in the night, and placing it in the
recital of the offence for w bid i lie had Cimetiere des Innocens.
suffered. After the Peace numerous 2 Davila, Guerre Civile di Fran-
representations for the removal of cia.
284 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1571.
away witli all occasion of displeasure, he married the
Princess Catherine of Cleves.
The Duke de Guise could not disguise his jealousy and
impatience at the favour of Coligny. This was not di-
minished, when the King, alleging the danger of collision
between such formidable rivals, and his own desire for tran-
quillity, expressed it to be his pleasure that Guise should
for the present retire to his government, to which he ac-
cordingly retreated with marked ill-humour. The Cardinal
de Lorraine at the same time absented himself on a journey
to Rome. — Why"? it has been asked. But the question is
not easy to answer. Whether was it to explain to the
Pontiff the secret object of these caresses — a secret too
important to be entrusted to a common messenger — or to
prepare a refuge for himself against the apprehended
decline and ruin of his house'? It is a most suspicious
circumstance, that the dispensation for the Princess
Margaret's marriage was resolutely refused by the Pope,
until after the Cardinal's arrival at Pome.
The Admiral employed his influence, real or supposed,
as became a man of probity and honour. Though desirous,
on every ground, to emancipate the King from the extra-
ordinary power which his mother still exercised over
his mind ;J — a power so misapplied and so dangerous — he
refused to lend himself to that deceit which the King-
seemed inclined to exercise towards her. Discussing the
war in Flanders, "Mori pere," said the King, "there is one
thing to be attended to — my mother — qui veut mettre le
1 The power Catherine had ob- /?« dq9//2£;" and upon the Queen be-
tained over her children's minds stowing upon her a mark of confi-
was extraordinary. Margaret says, dence, she says, " les paroles firenl
" Titois nourrie en telle contrainte ressentir a mon ame un contentement
aupres de la Reine ma mere, que non si demesure quit me sembloit que tous
seulement je tie lui osois parler mais les contentemens que j'avois eus jus-
quand elle me re gar doit je transisois ques alors ri'etoient que V ombre du
de pcur d'avoirjuit quelque chose qui bien"
1571.] PROPOSED MARRIAGE OF D'aNJOU. 285
nez partout,1 must know nothing of this enterprise, da
moins quant aufonds, car elle gdteroit tout.'''' "As you
please," replied Coligny, "but I hold her for so good a
mother, and so well affected to your interest, that should
she know it, je crois qu' elle ne gdtera rien — joint qii d
lui celer fy trouve de la difficulty et de V inconvenient?
" You deceive yourself, father,1' said the King ; " I see you
know nothing at all of my mother, c'est la plus grande
brouilleuse de la terre." But Coligny was indefatigable in
urging the King to resist the faction which had usurped
his authority ; and to prosecute the war in Flanders. He
shewed that, in addition to its other advantages, this war
would afford the means of occupying those intemperate
spirits of either party, who having been accustomed to the
excitement of the late troubles, felt it difficult to return
to tranquillity, and kept the country in a perpetual
ferment. He wished, like Bertrand du Guesclin, to lead
off these dangerous and turbulent warriors, and employ
their activity in foreign contests.
The marriage of the Duke d'Anjou with the Queen of
England was likewise the object of his solicitude ; but the
negotiation, as is well known, failed. The Duke d'Anjou,
by the advice of Tavannes, rejected the alliance. Ta-
vannes told him, "the Queen was old and ugly — bade him
consider the reception of Philip II., and what treatment
he might expect with his hands red with Ilugonot blood."
There can be little doubt — whatever the motives which
influenced Charles in desiring the return of Coligny —
that once in his presence, he exercised a very real
influence over the Kings mind. The loyalty and sin-
cerity of his temper, his rigid principles, and great
abilities, were exactly calculated to seize upon the im-
agination of a man — not naturally >A' an ungenerous
1 L'Etoile.
286 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1571.
disposition and remarkable for his admiration of talent,
however displayed. The virtue and genius of the Ad-
miral contrasted also forcibly and advantageously with
the vice and incapacity which surrounded the King.
Talking to Teligny one day, he said, " shall I tell you
freely, Teligny, that I distrust all these people. — I suspect
Tavannes'' ambition; Vieilleville loves nothing but good
wine; Cosse is a miser ; Montmorenci cares only for hunt-
ing; De Retz is a Spaniard ; et les mitres de ma Cour et
Gonseilne sont que betes — mes Secretaires d 'Etat, pour ne
rien ctler, ne me sont pas fideles; si bien qu' a vrai dire je
ne sais par quel bout commencer.1'1 As regards Coligny
himself, there is something extremely pathetic in the loy-
alty and affection with which he welcomed this change of
sentiment on the part of his master, and the confidence
with which he looked forward to better times. Bran-
tome relates a conversation that passed between the Ad-
miral, himself, and Strozzi, something later than this.
It took place one morning in the Queen's anti-cham-
ber. "He was walking with us, waiting to be admitted to
the Queen, who was ill, and in her bed-room ;" (a proof of
the intimate terms he was upon ;) " and began to dis-
course with us upon the affairs of Flanders, which were
going on well, for Mons and Valenciennes had just been
surprised, at which he testified extreme joy. — ' Now God
be praised/ said he, ' all goes on well ; before long we
shall drive the Spaniard from the Low Countries, and we
will make the King their master, or we will perish there ;
and I, myself, the first of all — for never shall I regret my
life lost in so good a cause.' .... And what,*" continues
Brantome, " could the King desire more than such a Cap-
1 The rest of my Court and Coun- ful ; and in short I don't know what
oil are but asses ; to tell truth even handle to take hold of.
my Secretaries of State are unfaith-
1572.] QUEEN OF NAVARRE AT COURT. 287
tain to destroy such an enemy as he ever considered
Spain to be, in spite of the fair appearances she preserved.
One who could have brought him 20,000 men, and God
knows of the best ; and conquered for him a territory
as large as a kingdom — for the King — without doubt ;
for to talk of his wishing to get it for himself, was non-
sense ; or that he wanted to make himself King of France,
lie wished it no more than I did. He desired nothing but
to hold an important charge under his Sovereign, as he
had done under his father. True it is, he was very ambi-
tious/or his King, and to serve him and make him great."1
Charles shewed the greatest anxiety to conclude the
alliance between his sister and the Prince of Navarre, and
thoroughly persuaded of his sincerity, the Admiral wrote
to the Queen Jeanne, urging her to accept the proposal.
The King added letters of his own, in which he en-
treated her to bring her son to court, assuring her most
positively, that her religion and her feelings should be
respected .2
The Queen of Navarre at length yielded to these
solicitations, and on February 1st, 1572, unaccompanied,
however, by her son, and beginning that journey from
which she never returned, set forward upon her way to
Court. As she travelled, her coach was passed by that
of the Cardinal Alexandrin, hurrying from Italy as legate
from the Pope. Pius, perplexed and dissatisfied by what
was going on, having charged him by every possible
means to break off the intended marriage ; and to en-
gage the King in a league newly entered into against
the enemies of Christianity.
The manner of the Cardinal's reception by the King is
coloured according to the different sentiments of the nar-
1 Bruntouic, Homme* Illustres. 3 Abbe lY-iaii, Mem. de Tav amies.
288 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1572.
rators. By some, Charles is represented as listening with
indifference to the remonstrances of the legate ; by others,
as pressing his hands — presenting him with a valuable
diamond, and exclaiming, " "Why am I not permitted to
explain myself ! Plut a Dieu, M. le Cardinal, que je pusse
tout vous dire, vous connaitrez bientdt aussi que le S.
Pontife que rien nest plus propre pour assurer la religion
que1 V extermination de nos ennemis."- This anecdote rests
upon the authority of Capi Lupi alone ; and is rendered
improbable by the fact, that the Cardinal refused to accept
the King's present, so little was he satisfied.
The King, upon the arrival of the Queen of Navarre,
loaded her with caresses, calling her sa grande tante, soti
tout, sa mieux aimSe ; treating her with so much honour
and regard that every one was astonished.1 Some say
that upon leaving her he laughed, and asked his mother
if he played his part well. " Excellently, my son, if you
can persevere." ''Let me alone,1' said he, "you shall see
I will bring them all to your net." If this anecdote be
well authenticated, we might almost regard it as an at-
tempt upon his part to deceive his mother. " The favour,
non dissimide, of the King,'1 says Tavannes, " raised the
hopes of the Hugonots."
The rapid progress in the King's favour now making by
the Admiral, seems to have alarmed the Queen and the
Duke d'Anjou. They sent letters to Tavannes, in haste,
begging him to join them at Court, that they might pro-
fit by his advice in their present perplexity. Tavannes
tells us he tried to break off the marriage. "77 tdte le
nceud de la mariage du Roi de Navarre, essaye de la
rompre, tant s'en faut que Von pensast /aire la Salute
Barthelemy a leur noces."2 The Queen-Mother asked
him what she should do to get possession of the Queen of
1 L'Etoilc, De Thou, Davila. 9 Mem. dc Tavannes,
1572. J QUEEN OF NAVARRE AT COURT. 289
Navarre's secrets : " Entre femmes mettez la la premiere
en colere, et ne vous y mettez point, voits apprendrez
d'elle, non elle de vous."1
If Charles all this time dissembled, he was it would
seem a far more accomplished dissembler than his
mother, for the Queen of Navarre appears early to have
detected the ill-will of Catherine, and to have suffered
much mortification from her caprice and contemptuous
ill-humour. A letter which has been preserved, written
to her son, conveys so lively a picture of the Court she
was visiting and of her own vexations and anxieties,
that the greater part of it shall be inserted, though it be
somewhat long.
"My Son,
"I am miserable, and in such extremity that had
I not been in some measure prepared for all this, I
should be tormented beyond endurance. The haste
in which I dispatch the bearer, prevents me sending
you so long a discourse as I otherwise would have done,
but I have given him several little memoirs and notes
which he will explain to you One thing I wish
especially to inform you of, that I am obliged to nego-
tiate in a manner the very reverse of what I had been
led to expect. I have no liberty to speak to Madame,-
only to the Queen-Mother, qui me traite d la fourche.3
As for Monsieur, he advises me, but very privately — half
jokingly, as you know his way is — half hypocritically. As
for Madame, I never see her but in the Queen's apart-
ment, no good place — from whence she never stirs, so
that I can never speak to her without being overheard.
I have not yet given her your letter, but I will do
1 Two women — put her the first in a passion, and don't go into one your-
self and you will learn of her, not she of you.
2 Marguerite. 3 Who treats me shockingly.
VOL. II. U
290 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1572.
so — I mentioned it to her : She is discreet, and always
answers in general terms of reverence and obedience to
us both, should she become your wife.
" Seeing then, my son, that nothing advances, yet that
they wish to hurry me on instead of conducting things in
a proper order,1 I have spoken three times to the Queen ;
but she only laughs at me, and goes away, and repeats to
every one as my words, exactly the reverse of what I have
said, so that my friends blame me — etje nescay comment
dementir la Reine f2 And if I say, ' Madam, such and
such expressions are imputed to me,' though she herself
invented them, she laughs in my face, et m'use de tel
facon que vous ne pouvez dire que ma patience ne passe
celle de Griseledis. When I represent how different this
treatment is from what I had been given reason to ex-
pect, she denies everything. The bearer will relate the
conversations, and describe my situation.
"When I leave her, I am surrounded by a swarm of
Hugonots who talk to me rather as spies than friends,
and on whom I must bestow all sorts of fine words to
avoid a quarrel. I cannot, however, complain of wanting
advice, every one bestows that upon me, and every one
different.
"Seeing my hesitation the Queen says she cannot
come to an agreement with me, and your people must
assemble to find expedients. She has named those per-
sons she wishes to be consulted upon both sides I
pray you, therefore, my son, to send me my Chancellor
(Francourt), for I have no one here who can be equally
useful The Queen does nothing but laugh, and will
yield nothing about the mass, of which she speaks in a
1 The difficulties here alluded to prejudices of one or both of the par-
relate to the religious arrangements ties.
and ceremonies which it was diffi- 8 And how can I gainsay the
cult to settle, without shocking the Queen.
1572.] QUEEN OF NAVARRE AT COURT. 291
manner she was never used to do. The King, on the other
hand, wishes you to write to him, but I beg you to
understand that what they want is to have you to them-
selves; therefore think well of it — car si le Roi I'entre-
prend, comme Ion dit, fen suis. en grande peine I
send this to tell you how they have changed their man-
ner of negotiating, and to insist, upon that account, on
the necessity of M. de Francourt coming. If he make
any difficulty, persuade him— command him. If you
knew the situation I am in, you would pity me — car ton
me tient tous les rigueurs du monde, et des propos vains
et moqaeries au lieu de traiter avec moi avec gravite
comme lefait merite. I am so determined not to be angry
that I am a miracle of patience but I am afraid I
shall sink under it, for I am already far from well. I
like your letter, and shall show it to Madame ; as for her
picture I will get it from Paris. She is beautiful, sen-
sible, and graceful ; but bred in the wickedest and most
corrupted company that ever existed. Every one is in-
fested ; your cousin the Marquise, is so changed that she
has lost every appearance of religion, except that she
does not attend mass. In every other respect but idola-
try she lives like one of the Papists ; and my sister the
Princess is worse.1 The bearer will tell you the wild-
ness of the King (comme le Roi s'emancipe). 'Tis a pity !
I would not have you living here for the universe.
" One reason that I desire your marriage is, that you
and your wife may escape from all this corruption. I
thought it great, I find it far greater. Were you here
you could by no possibility escape, save by the abundant
grace of God. I send you a bouquet to put upon your
ear, as you are coming to market {puisques voas etes a
1 Of Conde no doubt.
r 2
292 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1572.
vendre), and some boutons for your cap. The men wear
abundance of jewels — we have bought to the amount of
100,000 crowns for you ; and are buying more every
day I remain in my first opinion that you should
return to Beam.
" My son, you would understand by my first letter,
that they only wish to separate you from God and your
mother. You will judge as much by this, and of the
anxiety I am under on your account. Pray God, my
son, for you have much need to do so at all times, more
especially at this. I pray him to aid you, my son, and
give you all your desires. From Blois this 8th March,
1572. " Your good mother and best friend,
" Jeanne."
" Since writing the above, wanting opportunity to give
your letter to Madame, I told her the contents. She said
that when these negotiations began every one knew
her religion, and that she was much attached to it. I
told her those who opened it to us asserted no such thing ;
that they made light of the difficulty of religion, and even
insinuated that she had some affection for ours : that
otherwise I had never advanced so far, and prayed her to
consider of it. . She never answered me upon this subject
either so absolutely or so bluntly before ; but I think she
says what they bid her I asked her this evening
whether she had anything for you, she answered not a
word ; but, upon my pressing her, said, she could say
nothing without leave. But the other (Catherine) bade
me make her compliments (recommandations), and tell
you to come. Mais je vous dis le contraire."1
This letter gives a sufficient idea of the difficulties of
the negotiation ; but there appears little of that insidious
flattery employed, which is intended to delude the victim
1 From Obs. on Tavannes, 27.
1572.] QUEEN OF NAVARRE AT COURT. 293
of a previous conspiracy. However that may be, the diffi-
culties the Queen of Navarre speaks of were at last over-
come; the 11th of April the marriage articles were signed,
and the Queen of Navarre shortly afterwards accompanied
the Court to Paris, to make preparation for the reception
of her son.
In the meantime the Court and Council were divided ;
but the favour of the Hugonots appeared hourly upon the
increase, and every thing seemed in train for a Spanish
war. " Le Roi," says Tavannes, "7i'avoit pas besoin de
fiction pour f aire croire aux Huguenots, qiC il les favori-
soit—desireux de guerre il etoit entierement d. eux.,n He
adds, that for this reason the Cardinal de Lorraine and
his nephew left the court — " the Sieur de Tavannes alone
remaining to oppose the designs of the Admiral;" and re-
marks, that the Queen had looked upon the rising in-
fluence of Coligny at first without apprehension, being
sure of the King (sur de posseder le Roif by the means of
her creatures, De Retz and Villequier.
In the month of May Count Ludovic, with the secret
approbation of the King, left Paris privately, in order
to commence operations in Flanders, by possessing him-
self of numerous towns on the frontiers, within which
he had good intelligences. He was accompanied by
several French Hugonot gentlemen, among whom were
La Noue and Genlis, avowed by the King's own letters
— advouees par les lettres du Rot3 — Mons, Valenciennes,
and several of the principal fortresses in Ilainault speedily
fell into his hands.
Much about the same time a naval armament was pre-
1 The King was under no neces- * Discours Merveillcux, de la vie
sity of feigning to persuade the de Catherine Medieis.
Hugonots that he favoured them, he
was «> set upon the war, that they ;i Mem. Tavannes.
were all in all with him.
294 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1572.
pared at Brouage. Its first destination had been di-
rected against the Spanish settlements in Peru, in order
to avenge those injuries committed upon the French pos-
sessions in Florida, mentioned before ; but the Admiral
was using all his influence to alter its direction, in
order that it might be employed in a descent upon the
coasts of Flanders, in furtherance of his grand design.
The command of this armament had been given to
Strozzi, one of the nearest of the Queen's Italian con-
nexions, and Tavannes assures us this promotion had more
than sufficed to lead her to favour the premeditated en-
terprise. At the same time the alliances with England
were drawn closer than ever ; the ancient ones with the
German Protestant Princes renewed, and all the late po-
litical- relations of France appeared upon the point of
being reversed. Genlis returned from Mons with a report
of the first success obtained in the Low Countries, upon
which letters were addressed to several of the French gen-
tlemen granting permission to levy troops and convey suc-
cours to the Prince of Orange. This Prince was now at the
head of an army of reisters, levied, it is said in the Dis-
cours Merveilleux, with the King's money, and he was now
entering Brabant. " The entire authority of the King of
Spain, in the Low Countries was shaken," says our author,
" and I leave you to guess whether he liked it." 1 The
Duke of Alva, it is certain, as far as appearances went,
seemed very much displeased with such proceedings upon
the part of his old allies, and threatened to send the
Queen-Mother des chardons d'Espagne, in return for her
fleurons de Florence. And the Spanish ambassador, im-
mediately upon the taking of Mons, prepared to quit the
French Court. He was persuaded, however, to remain,
by the remonstrances of Tavannes, who tells us, that at
1 £>iscours Merveilleux, de la vie de Catherine Medici."-.
1572.] PROPOSED WAR WITH SPAIN. 295
the same time, Gatez, a gentleman of Burgundy, was dis-
patched by his Majesty, with a gold chain of 100 crowns
value, pour oiler en Flandres asseurer son maltre quit
riaurroit point de guerre — tant etait tout en balance.
The taking of Mons renewed the debates in the Coun-
cil as to the propriety of an open rupture with Spain.
Coligny, then at Chatillon, was sent for; and first made
his appearance upon this occasion since the peace at
Paris,1 which he never afterwards quitted. The debates
were long, and the disputes ran high — written opinions
were at length demanded from all present, and were laid
before the King, and the following one was presented by
the Admiral. It had been drawn up at his desire by Du-
plessis Mornay, afterwards so celebrated as the adviser of
Henry IV., and head of the Protestant party, and who now
began to take a part in public business. It is entitled
DISC0URS AU ROI CHARLES
Pour entreprendre la guerre contre VEspagnol es
Pays-Bas.
It begins —
" Sire, — Though the contrariety of the French humour,
and the long relapses of that ancient malady caused by
difference of religion into which we have fallen, might
lead men to look for nothing less than the ruin of your
state, or at least, the loss of a part of her members, and
much of her strength, God, nevertheless, the great phy-
sician, has given your Majesty grace to see her cured,
restored, ei remis sur pied. It remains to preserve her
from any fresh relapse, and to maintain her in health
par tons moycns loisibles et possibles ; and to this end
there is nothing more useful than timely exercise, which
will confirm health by consuming noxious humours, and
1 As regards the undertaking war against the Spaniard in the Low
Countries. — See Mem. Correspond. Dufdessis Mornay, 1.2.
296 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1572.
for this purpose the most advisable course is to engage
in a foreign war, in order to preserve internal peace. . . .
Every one knows that the Frenchman who has once
tasted the pleasure of arms, [qui a goute les armes) lays
them down most unwillingly ; and often from mere gaiete
de cceur for want of some other enemy, will fight his
countryman, companion, and even his friend. Peace once
made, the Italian, the German, the Swiss, returns without
reluctance to his usual employments, but the Frenchman
despises all other trades, and remains a soldier still ; and,
for want of a more convenient exercise, many will rather
seek war in distant lands, or make it against the very tra-
vellers upon the high roads, than sit down quiet at home.
" To clear off, then, so much superfluous blood, which
might* create new disorders in the body politic, a vein
must be opened, or in other words a foreign war un-
dertaken. But this war must be just, easy, and useful,
and the profit thereof as honourable, as the honour would
be profitable ; and in brief such a one is only to be found
against the King of Spain."
He then proceeds to prove the justice of such a war, by
enumerating the injuries the King had received from that
quarter en vestre has aage — the hereditary provinces of
his ancestors of which he had been dispossessed, the
attack upon, and massacre of his soldiers in Florida, &c.
" Des biens il est venu d Ihonneur." The precedency
taken at the Court of the Empire over France, the
equality asserted at the Court of Rome, and in every
other place, and many other disputes of this nature,
are then detailed at length, proceedings it would seem
of a nature especially to excite the pride and jealousy
of the King ; " So that," he concludes, " his (the Spanish
King's) reputation has so increased at the expense of
yours, that it seems to all the neutral provinces of
1572.] PROPOSED WAR WITH SPAIN. 297
Italy as if you were entirely in his dependence, and
that the lilies were withered without hope of a revival ;
and upon all sides, to the great disgust of every honest
French heart, he (of Spain) is called le Roi, as if he were
not only the greatest, but the only potentate in Christen-
dom to whom that title properly belonged."
He then repudiates the idea of any claim for considera-
tion on account of consanguinity, or friendship, or good
offices. " If his good offices during the civil wars are
quoted in his favour, let it be asked — is he to be esteemed
a true friend, who, seeing one so transported with fury
and passion as to be ready to put an end to his own life,
reaches him the dagger with which to destroy himself %
II ny a Francois, sHl rHest transubstantiane en Espagnol,
qui ne confesse bien ceste avoit este son intention ... il
n'attendoit, sire, que de voir vostre sceptre brise et votre
couronne en pieces pour en amasser les esclats, et en recu-
eillir Us fleurons?
He then disposes of all the other arguments in favour
of peace with the Spaniard, particularly that drawn from
the war in which Spain was engaged with the Turk, the
common enemy of Christendom, asserting that the Spa-
niard ought to be more detested than the Turk — " que
plus est ha'issable le chien qui mansge Vaultre que le lovp
mesme."
" But why," says he, " dispute longer as to whether this
war ought — let us rather consider how it is, to be made V
He asserts that the war is in fact begun, for that the
favour shewn to Count Ludovic and the reception of
Genlis after his return from Mons, were proceedings that
the astute Spaniard could regard as little else than a virtual
declaration of hostilities — aidant vous est il ennemi pour
lui avoir monstre vostre espee que de lavoir battu
Your Majesty is not in fact about to make yourself a new
298 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1572.
enemy but to defend yourself against one already made ;
but as the justest quarrel may be lost for want of proper
means to carry it on, he says he will enumerate those in
the King's hands.
" Force," he says, " comes from within and from with-
out ;" and speaking of the strength from within, we meet
with an assertion which will surprise many accustomed
to look upon the French from generation to generation
as the most war-loving nation in the world.
" Within the country/1 he says, " where the people used
of old io fly the profession of arms, now they follow it —
qui fremissoit — il saute au son du tambour.1 The sword of
the gentleman is sharpened, that of the bourgeoisie has lost
its ancient rust, the plough-share of the labourer is forged
into a knife. So many little towns as your Majesty pos-
sesses, so many garrisons and nurseries of soldiers he will
find, and these not raw recruits, but well accustomed to
war — having seen more sieges, marchings, skirmishes,
surprises, in one year of civil, than in ten of ordinary
warfare ; so that he who obeyed in the civil contest is
esteemed sufficient to command in the foreign, and from
captain becomes colonel." He then refutes the idea that
faction would divide the army, and render it inefficient ;
and triumphantly quotes the siege of Havre in support of
his assertions.
He contrasts the spirit which animates the French gentil-
hommerie with that of Spain, where he says the nobility
never think themselves obliged to serve beyond the Pyre-
nees. Whereas vostre noblesse va chercher la guerre ou
elle est, fust en la mer glaciale. He says, moreover, that
the Spaniard, on account of the manner in which his domi-
nions lie dispersed, is too much weakened by the
necessary dispersion of his forces to bear upon one point.
1 lie who used to tremble now springs up at the sound of the drum.
1572.] PROPOSED WAR WITH SPAIN. 290
Tn the Low Countries more especially he is enfeebled by
the universal detestation in which the government — on
account of its atrocious barbarity — is held. And he
enumerates the forces he commands there — which enume-
ration it is unnecessary to follow; but it completely
proves his point that the King of France would have
greatly the advantage in numbers.
He then goes through a list of all those foreign powers
whom Charles might count upon as standing his allies
in case of a contest. Among them he mentions the
English, " who formerly, through mutual jealousy,
always took part against us in every quarrel ; but
now the Queen Elizabeth is our confederate, and no
longer our enemy."
. He then adverts to the subject of money, and shows
that enough might be obtained for the purpose ; and con-
cludes by again exhorting the King to make use of those
turbulent spirits with which France swarmed : "and who,
if they hear of war, only ask ou est ce t" — and to employ
them in aid of a miserable people, who stretch out arms
to him for deliverance : thus uniting those countries to the
crown of France — namely, Flanders, Ilainault, and Artois,
upon which he had, from inheritance, such just preten-
sions. Once obtained, he exhorts him to secure his domi-
nion there by justice and moderation ; by respecting the
liberties and privileges of the inhabitants, and by extend-
ing their commerce, and increasing their wealth through
the security derived from his protection. En somme vons
acquirez unpais auquel n'avez province qui sepuisse com-
parer en grandeur, beaute, richesses, peuples, villes et
coininudites, tant de terre que de mer. The Germans
will fear you, the Englishmen respect you .... your
people will be enriched by commerce .... and you, Sire,
300 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1572.
shall with immortal honour, reap incredible profit from
this victory."1
Such were the inducements with which the young
Duplessis Mornay, then twenty-three years of age, pleaded
the cause of the Admiral, and such ideas we may easily
understand were well calculated to work upon the mind
of the young King, and engage him heartily in that
quarrel with Spain, which at this juncture, it seems im-
possible to deny, would have proved the salvation of the
country.
Tavannes prepared two papers, one drawn up in his
own name, the other in that of the Duke d'Anjou. " His
advice," he tells us, " was not relished by the King, who
was inclined to the war, which, joined to the vacillation
of the* Queen-Mother — agitated by hope, and timidity —
and urged forwards by her desire for the advancement of
Strozzi and her relations, embroiled all the councils."
The Admiral pressed his opinions upon Charles with
the greatest earnestness. " Stimulated by hope and
despair, il violentoit tous les conseils" Thus, jealousy
upon the one hand, and dislike upon the other, brought
these two able captains into constant collision. Tavannes
endeavoured to excite the ill humour of the King, by
representing the powerful influence Coligny possessed in
the State by means of his party. The Admiral declared
that every one who opposed the Spanish war avoit le
croix rouge dans le cceur.2
In the midst of all this agitation the Queen of Navarre
after a few days illness, died suddenly at Paris. Her
death, which appears to have occasioned no great sensa-
tion at the time, was afterwards attributed to the per-
1 Mem. de Duplessis Mornay, t. ii. p. 20.
3 Rouge — Burgundian cross in his heart.
1572.] DEATH OF THE QUEEN OF NAVARRE. 301
fumed gloves of Ren6e, the Queen-Mother's Italian
perfumer. The accusation, however, appears unfounded.
No sufficient motive can be assigned for the perpetration
of such a crime at such a time ; and a pleurisy, the
extreme heat of the weather, and the hurry and agitation
in which the Queen had been lately living, seem causes
sufficient to account for her death.1 The Admiral,
assisted by her ministers, supported his friend upon her
death-bed with religious consolations ; but not a shadow
of suspicion seems to have entered his mind The Queen
died as she had lived — with fortitude and courage. She
appointed Coligny the executor of her last will : and
Henry the guardian of his only sister Catherine — ear-
nestly recommending to this beloved son, perseverance in
the religion wherein he had been educated.
We must not suppose during this interval of uncer-
tainty with regard to the King's intentions that the
Duke d'Anjou, or the high Catholic faction, abated any-
2 The body of the Queen was have been administered, furnishes
opened. An abscess had formed of itself a sufficient refutation of the
in her side, but there was no appear- report ; but this abominable art
ance of poison. It has been asserted seems to have been carried to a very
by many, that the head, in which extraordinary perfection by the Ita-
such appearances from the nature of lians in those nefarious times. The
the poison administered would have man who poisoned the Cardinal de
been found, was left untouched; but Chatillon confessed to having done so
Victor Cayet, whose relations with by the perfume of a poisoned apple —
the family of Navarre were most in- poisoned gloves, it may be recol-
timate and domestic, assures us it lected, was a means with which
was opened by the Queen of Na- Queen Elizabeth was threatened in
vane's express order; for having one of the numerous conspiracies
long been tormented with a most against her life. I have heard my-
troublesome demangeaison under the self, from very good authority, of a
skull, she was anxious for the benefit young man and woman having both
of her children, that the cause of her died at Geneva, not many years ago,
complaint might be discovered. The in consequence of having held the
head was accordingly opened, and apple of the Mandragora between
numerous minute vesicles of water their hands when they were dancing,
found on the part affected, but no- It would appear by this that poison
thing to justify the suspicion of poi- might be administered through the
son. It maybe thought the man- pores of the skin.
ner in wliich the poison was said to
302 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1572.
thing in their designs against the Protestants. We may
with reason suppose that they persevered in their original
plan ; but that they were perplexed by the change in the
King's sentiments, and at last, still more unexpectedly by
the vacillations of the Queen-Mother herself. " Now
was the bow bent," says Tavannes, "for the final ruin or
establishment of the Hugonots. The King urged to the
Spanish war by their subtle representations that he
should soon obscure the victories of his brother ; the
Queen fluctuating between peace and war — Fear of civil
war inclines her to a foreign. The old ambitious Italians,
her relations, hoping to aggrandise themselves in this
war, persuade her. Gomme femme elle veut et ne veut pas,
changes her mind and rechanges it in an instant. Les
Huguenots coment la guerre, le Roy est avec eux.
While thus the balance hung suspended an unfortunate
event threw the weight into the sinister scale : and the
fate of thousands dependent upon the feeble will of a
faulty man was unhappily decided. Genlis returning,
in the latter end of June at the head of 3000 men, to
the assistance of the Prince of Orange, was attacked
at advantage by the Spaniards. He was defeated, and
his party cut to pieces — himself remaining a prisoner.
The Spaniards had, as Tavannes assures us, received the
intelligence of his intended march from the Court,
" estant Men advertis par les ennemis des Huguenots en
France"
This defeat at such an inauspicious moment was,
according to Tavannes, the main cause of the ruin of the
Hugonots. The Queen was filled, as usual, with conster-
nation, and imagining the Spaniards already at the gates
of Paris, thought of nothing but how to prevent a war.
While the Admiral, irritated and impatient, made use, it
is said, of very strong expressions. " Fear of the Spanish
1572.] ADMIRAL'S INFLUENCE AT COURT. 303
army seizes the Queen, disdain and rage the Admiral —
who accuses those of this defeat who had prevented the
King from declaring himself. The audacity of the pacific
party increases, tout tonne dans la cow."1
The Admiral intreated the King to raise new levies
immediately, assuring him he could no longer restrain the
impetuosity of his party, " et qu'il falloit tine guerre
Espagnolle on civile." Pie maintained, with vehemence,
that the King ought not to take it amiss that those of
the Religion should conquer Flanders for him in spite of
himself ; and appears to have pressed his opinions with
perhaps imprudent warmth. He did not perceive " que
la Reine s'esloignoit de son avis — // ne connoit la legerete
du Roi Charles, la puissance que la dite Reine a sur ses
enfans par ses creatures qiielle leur a donne pour servi-
teurs pendant son absence"'2
Forgetting his usual caution, Coligny appears also to
have encouraged the King openly to assert his independ-
ence of his mother — and it is asserted that the zeal with
which he advocated the acceptance of the crown of Poland,
at this juncture offered to the Duke d'Anjou, was very ill-
interpreted both by that Prince and by Catherine.
The King manifested the change in his sentiments with
his usual rough brutality. It is said that upon one
occasion, after the Queen-Mother had been anxiously
waiting the close of a long and secret conference with
Coligny ; she entered his closet and asked, with some
irony, what he learned in these endless conversations !
" I learn, Madam, that I have no greater enemy than my
mother.11 And the Duke d'Anjou tells us, " He found
1 The thunder rolls round the power of the said Queen over her
Court. children, through the creatures slir
2 That the Queen was separating had put around them to serve them in
herself from him ; he did not under- hei absence.
stand the levity of the King, the
304 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1572.
equal reason to doubt his brother's favour, and to fear his
violence."
The crisis in the Queen's resolutions now rapidly
approached, and the words of Tavannes will best describe
what ensued. " The Queen was advertised by M. de
Sauves et de Retz, of the secret councils, designs, and
words of the King, and counselled to recover that mater-
nal influence of which the Admiral had deprived her.
Jealousy of his government of her son, and through him
of the State, and unbridled ambition, set her at once on
fire, enflame, brush la Reine de hors et dedans, she
takes counsel to make away with the Admiral.
" The King hunting stops at Mont Prisseau — there the
Queen hastens, shut up with him in his cabinet she bursts
into tears, ' I never should have thought,' cries she,
' after the pains I have taken to rear you, educate you,
and preserve your crown alike from Hugonot and
Catholic — after having sacrificed myself for your wel-
fare, and incurred every risk for your advantage, that
this would be the miserable return ; you hide yourself
from me — from me your mother, to take counsel with
my enemies ; you forsake the arms which have preserved
you to take shelter within those of your assassins. You
would plunge your kingdom, inconsiderately, into a war
with Spain, to make France, yourself, and all of us a
prey to those of the Religion. Am I so unhappy "?
Rather than witness that catastrophe give me my dis-
missal ; let me retire to the place of my birth : dismiss,
too, your unfortunate brother, who may well be called
unfortunate after having employed his life in your
service. Give him time to retire where he may be at
least in security, and escape the animosity of his enemies.
Enemies acquired in your service — Hugonots — who do
not desire a Spanish, but a French war, and the sub-
1572.] ADMIRAL'S INFLUENCE AT COURT. 305
version of the whole kingdom for their own benefit."
This harangue moves, astonishes, frightens the King — not
so much on account of the Hugonots as of his mother
and brother. He well knows their art, their ambition,
their power in the fState — wondering to find his secret
counsels revealed ; he confesses, asks pardon, promises
obedience. This step taken, this first blow struck,
the Queen, continuing to affect discontent, retires to
Monceaux, the King trembling follows her, finds her with
his brother and the Sieurs de Tavannes, de Retz, de
Sauves, lequel De Sauves se met d ses pieds et revolt
pardon de sa Majeste pour avoir revele ses conseils a sa
mere.1 The want of faith, bravadoes, audacity, menaces,
and enterprises of the Hugonots are magnified with so
much truth and artifice, " que cFamis les voild ennemis du
Roi? " Lequel fluctuant," he adds, "ne pouvait perdre
le desir concu cTobtenir gloire et remdation par la guerre
Bspagnolle"'2 He tells us further, that the Queen-Mother
judging that not only the safety of France was at stake,
" but what she valued much more, her own power and
influence — being apprehensive that she might be sent to
Florence, and esteeming the Duke d'Anjou in danger —
resolved with her two counsellors, upon the death of the
Admiral — believing that all the Hugonot party consistoit
dans sa tete — and hoping, by the approaching marriage
of her daughter and the King of Navarre, to set all to
rights." The execution, he says, was immediately
resolved upon, and it was settled that the ancient quar-
rels between the Admiral and the house of Guise should
be revived to cover the enterprise.
11 The Cardinal being at Rome, the packet containing
the order to act was addressed to the Duke d'Aumale,
1 Mem. de Tavannes. not give up his intense desire to reap
1 Yet he still hesitates, foi he could glory in a war against the Spaniards.
VOL. II. X
306 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1572.
who received it with exceeding joy.'1 Maurevel, who
it may be remembered was the murderer of Mouy, was
fixed upon as the assassin — and the Duke d'Aumale en-
gaged to lodge him in a convenient situation, and provide
him with a Spanish jennet for his escape.
It would appear by this relation that the King was
certainly not in the secret of this design to assassinate
the Admiral. Tavannes says expressly that the Queen,
satisfied with the effect she had produced upon the
King's mind — "sans luy en dire davantage resout la
mort de L'Amiral avec ses deux conseillers et M.
d'Anjou"1
But now that vague suspicion of the truth which is
almost always found to arise upon occasion of a con-
spiracy— however secret, and however closely guarded —
began to diffuse itself through the Protestant party.
Letters upon letters, and from every quarter, warned
the Admiral of his danger. " Remember," it was said,
" the dispensation from oaths to heretics granted by the
Council of Constance, and that as such are we designated
by the Queen and her party. Consider that the Queen-
Mother is the soul of the State — she who is herself with-
out a soul — for what are her morals'? what her family %
Recollect the education the King has received.
Instructed to swear upon all occasions — to perjure himself
in atrocious terms, mocking at God — Accustomed to all
infamous and villainous sins — to dissemble and compose
his words and countenance — whose Bible is Machiavel,
and who takes pleasure in the cruel torment of animals,
and to watch them dying by piecemeal. He is instructed
that he is no King if lie permits two religions in his
kingdom — that the Reformed ministry wish to establish
1 Without saying a word more re- with her two councillors and M.
solved upon the death of the Admiral d'Anjou. — Mem. de Tavannes, c. 27.
1572.] admiral's influence at court. 307
an aristocracy, being already constituted judges over
honour and conscience. That a Prince is not bound to
maintain extorted edicts and so on. You know there
can be no alliance between Christ and Belial. This sen-
timent has been attacked in Consistories; but it is a
truth that will not deceive you, and it is far more useful
than State maxims, which will only lead to your destruc-
tion, for is it not said, 'The children of this world are
more prudent in their generation than the children of
light?'"1
Advice thus expressed was, by its violence, not calcu-
lated to produce much effect upon a mind tempered like
that of Coligny ; he replied to it however both by words
and in writing. He said that all examples clochent ;
that the circumstances are never at two periods exactly
the same. That the Catholics had learned to estimate
the small profit resulting from their cruelty. That he
knew the nature of the King etre plus Benin, than that
of any Prince who ever sat upon the jieur-de-hjs. That
it was true Monsieur hated the Reformed Religion, but
that he would no longer hate the Religious when marriage
would give him a brother of that persuasion. " What can
be intended," said he, "by these new alliances contracted
with England and the German Princes % Why has the
King assembled round him the first spirits of either
party % He makes a league with the Prince of Orange —
the Duke of Florence contributes 200,000 ducats — the
Pope himself is tired of the Spaniard ; as for the house
of Guise, the King himself is the pledge of our recon-
ciliation." He thanked them for their advertisements ;
but begged to be no farther troubled with such insinua-
tions, for after all that had passed " he would rather die
and be dragged through the streets of Paris, than renew
1 D'Aul)ign6, Histoirc Universelle.
x 2
308
THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE.
[1572,
a civil war, or give reason to suppose he in the slightest
degree distrusted his Sovereign, who had so lately restored
him to so high a place in his good opinion."1
Advertisements of a similar nature were given to the
King of Navarre and the Prince de Conde ; but they
were treated with more open contempt by these young
men, and the councillors who surrounded them : and,
instead of the reasons and explanations of the Admiral,
they met with nothing but abuse and ridicule. The
authors of these warnings and remonstrances were only
designated as timid old fools, dreamers, malicious gossips,
and turbulent enemies of the State.1
The preparations for the King of Navarre's marriage
were now continued with the greatest activity, and at the
end of July, that Prince once more appeared upon the
dangerous theatre of the Louvre.
1 D'Aubigne, Histoire Universelle.
VIEW OF OLD PARIS.
CHAPTER III.
KINO OF NAVARRE AT PARIS. MARRIAGE. FEASTS AND DIVISIONS. ATTEMPT
TO ASSASSINATE THE ADMIRAL. CONFUSION AND PERPLEXITY.
The King of Navarre, accompanied by his cousin and
friend Henry Prince de Condi, arrived at Paris the 20th
July. The Princes came from Blondy, the seat of the
Marquise de Rothelin, at which place the Prince de Conde
had just celebrated his marriage with the beautiful Mary
of Cleves.
They entered the city, followed by a numerous train
of 800 of the first gentlemen of their party, all clothed
like themselves in deep mourning, in memory of the
Queen of Navarre.
310 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1572.
" Henry of Beam, who had assumed the title of King
of Navarre," — to borrow the eloquent description of M. de
Capefigue — "refused to appear at the Court of Paris
without a large attendance of the provincial chivalry.
All these noblemen had made incredible sacrifices, even
mortgaging their estates to appear with distinction north
of the Loire .... for the honour of the nobility of the
south was concerned. They were in number more than
1000, clad in armour. (I do not know where he finds this.)
When they entered by the Porte St. Antoine the quarte-
niers were almost terrified at the martial appearance of
the Hugonots thus riding in groups of twenty or thirty
men. Those of inferior rank wore their broad brimmed
hats, with their dress perfectly plain ; leur just au corps,
serves dans les pourpoints et /raises. Their countenances
were severe, their eyes melancholy — sometimes they were
preceded by their ministers on horseback. The Catholic
multitude watched this long train defile through the
narrow streets of the city — along the walls beyond the
Bastille — regarding them with uneasy looks, and eyes filled
with suspicion and animosity, while from time to time sti-
fled murmurs might be heard from the assembled multi-
tudes, Huguenots! Huguenots! wild les Hug 'uenots! they
followed them to their assigned quarters ; and when the
next day the Reformed were seen, dispersed through the
town — and passing with their heads covered before those
sacred crosses where the confreries and the people of
the holies were reverentially kneeling — the people
with menacing tones were heard to exclaim, Huguenots !
Maudits Huguenots ! Les voild qui renient Dieu et les
Saints /"
By the Court, however, they were received with every
mark of affection and respect.
All the principal nobility and gentry of either party
1572.] KING OF NAVARRE AT PARIS. 311
had, indeed, crowded to Paris to be present at the
expected nuptials. The Dukes de Guise, d'Aumale,
d'Elboeuf, de Montpensier, Nemours, Nevers, Montmorenci
the Marechals Cosse, Damville, Tavannes, Thord, Meru,
Biron, on the Catholic side. On that of the Hugo-
nots, La Rochfoucault, Montgommeri, Pilles, Pluviault,
Cavagnes, Briguemaud, — every name which had been
distinguished during the civil wars was here to be
found. Paris was filled to overflowing, and scarce amid
her crowded streets could lodging be found for the
numbers of gentlemen, squires, pages, and attendants,
that followed in the train of these distinguished guests.
Regulations were made with the utmost care to preserve
order throughout this vast assemblage ; rigorous edicts
were issued forbidding the lower classes to carry arms ;
and in case of disagreements arising between the higher
gentlemen, the Admiral and the Duke d'Anjou were
appointed umpires to bring such matters to amicable
conclusions.
Davila represents Henry as acquitting himself with
equal grace and address in the difficult part he had
to perform amid this assemblage of hostile and jealous
tempers. Behaving with reverence and respect to the
King and Queen, and tolerating in a manner at once
prudent and noble, the repulses and caprices of his
affianced princess. Showing himself to every one cour-
teous, liberal, full of spirit and generosity ; "so that
the name of Prince of the blood, which had become
detestable in the Court, was regarded with favour and
affection, even by the Queen-Mother herself.1' But the
sentiments with which Marguerite de Valois regarded her
lively, witty, and high-spirited suitor, may be understood
from the general tone of her Memoirs. Indifference
would be an expression too feeble to express her feelings,
312 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1572.
coldness, secret dislike — hatred for his religion and con-
tempt for his party appear the prevailing dispositions
of her mind. Her heart devoted to the Duke of Guise,
her career had even thus early taken a vicious direction.
While on the part of Henry these sentiments were perhaps
met with equal dislike. His heart, likewise, had been
bestowed upon another — his career of infidelity had
already begun — and thus the loveliest young woman,
and the most agreeable man in Europe became united
without a spark of mutual sympathy or affection.
Some obstructions with respect to the dispensation for
the marriage have been adverted to.1 The Cardinal
de Lorraine had at length, with the utmost diffi-
culty, dragged from the Pope the necessary brief.
Certain informalities in this instrument, however, occa-
sioned scruples on the part of the Cardinal de Bourbon,
by whom the ceremony was to be performed, and some
time was lost in the attempt to overrule them. At last
the Queen-Mother, fertile in expedients, composed a
letter, purporting to be from the French Ambassador
at Rome, assuring her that all the difficulties had been
overcome — that a dispensation in the form desired by
the Cardinal was already upon the way to Paris and
that it was therefore unnecessary further to delay the
nuptials.
Accordingly, upon the 17th of August, the ceremony
of the fianqmlles took place with great pomp in the
Louvre, followed by a splendid supper, after which the
King, the Queen, the Queen-Mother, the Duchess of
Lorraine (Claude of France), and the first ladies and
gentlemen of the Court attended the affianced bride to
1 These difficulties irritated Charles I will take ma g?-osse Mayot to the
— " Si ce vieux fagot le Pape," said altar with my own hand, and have
he to the Queen of Navarre, "has her married there myself."
not soon done with his difficulties,
1572. J MARRIAGE OF THE KING OF NAVARRE. 313
the house of the Bishop of Paris, where she remained
that night.
The next day was appointed for the nuptials. In the
morning the King of Navarre, accompanied by the Dukes
d'Anjou and d'Alenqon, brothers of the Princess — the
Prince de Conde, the Marquis de Conti his brother, the
Admiral, the Dukes de Montpensier, Guise, d'Aumale,
Nevers ; the Marechals de Montmorenci, Damville, de
Cosse, de Tavannes, the Count de la Ptochfoucault, and
numerous gentlemen of both religions, paid their respects
to Margaret. The King Charles followed soon after, and
himself conducted the Princess to Notre Dame. "Our
marriage,1' says Margaret in her Memoirs, "was celebrated
with a triumph and magnificence more than usual even
for those of my quality. The King of Navarre and his
company had quitted their mourning habits for dresses
most rich and beautiful, and all the Court were in
full dress — in a manner you well know, and can
easily represent to yourself." (She addresses Brantome)
He might more easily than a reader of this century
can do, figure to himself the gorgeous scene. The cloth
of gold, rich velvets and satins, mingled in the most
splendid contrasts of colouring — the draperies of the
cloaks and robes, the graceful caps adorned with abun-
dant plumes of feathers, and the incredible profusion of
sparkling jewels.
An order, still in the registers of the Hotel de Ville at
Paris, summons MM. le Prevost des Marchands et Esche-
vins — who, in obedience to it — dressed in their robes,
mi parti crimson and tan colour — that is to say, the said
Provost in satin, and the rest in cloth, followed by the
quartenniers and bourgeois — all on horseback — arrived at
the said church of Notre Dame, at ten o'clock, and there
entered. Before them marched the greffiers, and the ten
314 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1572.
sergens de ville with their gowns mi parti, and the
archers, arquebusiers, arbaletriers, &c, all on foot, and
sat down upon chairs placed in the choir, and all heard
high mass celebrated by the Cardinal de Bourbon
and afterwards they were present at a supper and banquet,
where were the King, the Queen, the Queen his mother,
Messieurs ses freres princes, princesses, prelates and
seigneurs." The kings of France and Navarre, the
Dukes d'Anjou and d'Alenc,on, and the Prince de Conde
were dressed in the same manner, " which was of pale
yellow satin all covered over and enriched with embroi-
dery of silver and jewels." The other Catholic princes
and great lords were clothed in different fashions, but
with such profusion of gold, silver, and jewels as never
before .was seen Madame Marguerite, led by
the King her brother, was clothed in a robe of violet
velvet sewed over with fleur-de-lys, a crown imperial
upon her head made of large pearls enriched with
diamonds and rubies ; and was followed by the Queen-
Mother, the Duchess of Lorraine, and all the princesses,
dames et demoiselles de la Cour, clothed in robes of cloth
of gold, and other precious vestures ; one hundred gen-
tlemen walked before them with battle-axes : then the
heralds with their surcoats; the guards, officers of the
king's household, &C.1 "I wore," says Margaret, "a royal
dress with the crown and couet of ermine, and the long
blue mantle with a train of four ells borne by three
princesses ; the temporary gallery from the bishop's
palace to the church being hung with cloth of gold —
according to the custom for the daughters of France.
The people stifling one another below to see the procession
and the Court pass over this gallery. We were received
1 Discours de noccs de Roi de Navarre et de la sceur du Roi, from Capefigue.
1572.] MARRIAGE OF THE KING OF NAVARRE. 315
at the door of Notre Dame by M. le Cardinal de Bourbon,
where, having repeated the words ordinary upon such occa-
sions"— that is to say, the marriage ceremony — " we passed
upon the same raised gallery to the next, which separates
the choir, where there were two flights of stairs, one
leading to the choir the other out of the Church." By
the first Margaret descended into the choir to hear mass
— by the other the King of Navarre quitted the Church,
and continued walking up and down with his friends till
mass being over, he was summoned to return, he then en-
tered the choir and received and kissed his bride. Such
were the ceremonies which had, after much difficulty,
been arranged upon occasion of this union of the differing
religions.
. De Thou, who was then very young, had pressed through
the multitude, and getting over a barrier placed there in
order to keep back the mass of people, had made his
way into one of the galleries, and looked down upon the
splendid crowd that filled the choir below, " I got near
the Admiral," says he,1 "and having my eyes fixed
upon him, regarded him with the greatest curiosity and
attention. I saw he was pointing out to M. Damville
the banners taken at the battles of Jarnac and Mon-
contour, which hung from the walls of the cathedral —
sad monuments of the defeat of his party — and I heard
him say these words : ' We will have them down ere
long, and others in their place which shall be plea-
santer to look upon (dans peu nous les arracherons de Id,
et on en mettra d"autres en leur place qui seront plus
<////rables (I wiry he spoke of those no doubt to be
gained in the war against Philip, which he believed to
be resolved upon."
1 Vie De Thou.
316 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1572.
A splendid dinner at the Bishop's Palace was followed
in the evening by a magnificent entertainment, given in
the great Hall of the Louvre, to the whole Court. The
Parliaments and Courts of Justice were superbly feasted,
and the day closed in dances, songs, and gorgeous spec-
tacles, which lasted far into the night.
Coligny, little fitted to bear a part in such scenes, con-
tented himself with appearing at intervals among the
joyous crowds ; and then retiring to his lodging, he thus
wrote to his wife : —
" My very dear and beloved Wife, —
" To-day the marriage of the sister of the King with
the King of Navarre was concluded, and the three or
four following will be consumed in games, banquets,
masques, and combats of pleasure — after which, the King
has promised me to give some days to the complaints
made in divers places concerning the Edict of Pacification.1
It is right I should busy myself with these matters as
much as possible ; and though I have a very great desire
to see you. you would, I believe, grieve as much as I
should do, if, through my negligence, in such an affair,
any evil should ensue. At all events this will not delay
me long — I hope to leave this next week. Did I only
regard myself, I would far more willingly be with you
than stay longer here, for reasons that I will tell you ; but
we must prefer the public advantage to our own. I have
much to tell you when I see you, a thing I desire night
and day : as for news, this it is. — This day, four of the
afternoon had sounded when the mass for the marriage
was sung — the King of Navarre walking about in a place
1 The disturbances to which the infant was killed in its nurse's arms.
Admiral alludes happened at Troyes, Several other disorders had taken
where the Catholics attacked a party place in various parts of the king-
of Protestants returning from a bap- dom.
tism with a shower of stones. The
1572.] MARRIAGE OF THE KING OF NAVARRE. 317
near the temple, with some gentlemen of our religion
who had accompanied him. Other particulars I leave till
we meet, on which I pray God, my very dear and beloved
wife, to have you in his holy keeping.
"From Paris, 18th August, 1572.
" During the last three days I have been ill with cholic
pains, which lasted eight or ten hours, but thanks be
to God, by whose goodness I have been delivered from
these pains. Rest assured, that throughout these pastimes
and festivities, I will give offence (fascherie) to no one.
Adieu, voire mart Men aime, Chdtillon."
The 19 th. — The Admiral waited upon the King about
three o'clock, but found him, after the dissipations of the
night preceding, still in bed. That day, the King of Na-
varre gave a splendid banquet to the King, Queen, Princes,
Nobles, &c. At night there was a grand ball at the
Louvre.
The 20th, Wednesday, Coligny had an audience of the
King, to make his complaints touching the affair of
Troyes. As soon as Charles perceived him, he took him
aside, and with his usual air of friendship and affection,
said, " My father, you know you promised me not to
offend any one of the Guises during your stay here — they,
on their part, have made a similar promise with respect to
you and yours — I have the most perfect confidence that
your word is sacred — I am not so sure of theirs — I know
their boastings, and the favour they are in with the people.
I would have nothing arise that could injure you or im-
peach my honour ; under colour of this marriage they have
come well armed and well attended, and upon this account,
if you think good, I would wish to bring in some of the
arquebusiers of my guard, for the security of all, lest they
should unexpectedly injure you in any manner." Naming
1 This letter is from the Abbe Peian, vie Coligny.
318 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1572.
the captains of the companies he wished to introduce —
many being officers that the Admiral had no cause to
distrust.
Coligny, with many acknowledgments of the King's
care and kindness, approved of the proposal ; orders were
accordingly given, and the regiment of guards entered
Paris without exciting the least suspicion.
Coligny, before quitting the King, renewed the sub-
ject of the Edict, but Charles interrupted him, saying,
" My father, I pray you give me four or five days pour
vriesbatre, and that done, I promise you, foy de Roy, that
I will satisfy you and all of your religion." 1
This day concluded with a splendid divertisement,
combat, or fete. It is difficult to choose an appropriate
term for anything so incongruous. It had been several
days in preparation, and afforded, afterwards, much occa-
sion for remark. It probably ought to be considered only
as a very extraordinary instance of bad taste, bad judg-
ment, and incaution, upon the part of the Queen, in the
present delicate situation of the respective parties.
Wednesday, the 20th. — We are told the long prepared
games took place in the Salle de Bourbon.2 On the right
hand of the hall, Paradise was represented, the entrance
to which was defended by Knights, armed at all points,
who were represented by the King and his brothers : on
the left was hell, in which were a number of imps and
devils, making all sorts of monkey-tricks and noises ;
and a great wheel incessantly turning, covered with bells.
Paradise and Hell were separated by a river, upon
which was seen Charon and his boat. Behind Paradise lay
the Elysian fields, being a garden covered with verdure,
and adorned with abundance of flowers — and the empy-
1 De Thou.
2 Mem. de l'Etat de France sous Charles IX., t. i. p. 149.
1572.] FEASTS AND DIVERSIONS. 319
rean Heaven, which was a revolving wheel, with the
twelve signs of the Zodiac upon it ; the planets and a
multitude of little stars, being transparent, and lighted
from behind by a number of lamps and flambeaux. In
the Elysian gardens were twelve nymphs, splendidly
dressed.
Several bands of Knights-errant, armed at all points,
now presented themselves in the hall, led by the Princes
and great lords— all endeavouring to gain the entrance of
Paradise, and join the nymphs. They were opposed by
the three Knights who guarded it, who having one after
the other presented themselves at the lists, and having
broken their lances against the assailants, and given each
a blow with their cutlass, drove them into hell. Among
these assailants, the most distinguished was the King of
Navarre, at the head of his friends, who was driven into
hell in common with the others, the entrance to which
was then closed.
" Immediately descended from heaven, Mercury and
Cupid, carried by a cock, singing and dancing — the Mer-
cury being Estienne le Koy, that celebrated singer. He
presented himself to the three Knights, and having war-
bled melodiously and addressed the King, he remounted
his cock, and returned to heaven. Then the three knights
led the twelve nymphs to dance in the hall, and the
dance being ended, the knights in hell were set at liberty,
and a general skirmish and breaking of lances ensued, till
the hall was covered with broken pieces. The combat
ended by the firing of trains of powder round a fountain
in the centre of the hall."
This strange entertainment being concluded, whatever
the intention with which it might have been given, its ob-
vious application was seized upon by botli parties. The
Catholics boasted that the King had driven the Ilugonots
320 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1572.
into hell ; and many of the Protestants were in very ill hu-
mour. The apprehensions of many revived, and some even
quitted the court. An officer of reputation, named Blosset,
went to the Admiral the next morning to take leave.
Coligny, surprised, asked him " what took him away V
" Sir," said he, " because they intend us no good here."
" How ! what do you mean V asked Coligny, " rest assured
we have a good King.1' " Far too good," replied Blosset,
"so I wish to go away, and if you did the same it would
be better for you and for all of us."
A second officer, Languiron, calling upon the same er-
rand, Coligny asked if he too had been seized with a similar
panic. " Yes," replied Languiron, bluntly, " they caress
us too much — for my part I would rather be saved with
the fools, than perish with the wise men."
The Marechal de Montmorenci, this day, under pretence
of illness, took leave of the Court, and retired to Chan-
tilly ; his departure increased the suspicions of many.
It does not, however, appear that those persons who were
of sufficiently elevated rank to hold personal communi-
cation with the King, shared in the slightest degree in
these anxieties.
Thursday the 21st — another splendid show was ex-
hibited. It was a species of tournament, attended by
the three Queens, the Duchess of Lorraine, and all the
ladies of the Court. Four quadrilles of warriors, clothed
according to the fashion of different countries, were led
in — the first as Amazons, by the King and his brothers —
the second, as Turks, by the King of Navarre and his
party, " all splendidly dressed in cloth of gold, with mag-
nificent turbans" — the Prince de Conde and La Rochfou-
cault, as Estradiotes, led a third — and the Duke de Guise
and Chevalier d'Angouleme a fourth. Every thing passed
off with the most perfect harmony, and the evening draw-
1572.] ATTEMPT TO ASSASSINATE COLIGNY. 321
ing on, it was agreed to suspend the courses, and re-enter
the lists the following day.
That day was Friday the 22nd. — Coligny was sent for
early to the Louvre, to attend the Duke d'Angouleuie, and
assist in arranging certain differences which had arisen
between two gentlemen of Burgundy. Here he found
Tavannes, and having completed the business in question,
was returning home, when he met the King coming out of
the chapel of the Louvre ; he went and paid his respects,
and then attended him on his way towards the tennis
ground, where the Duke de Guise was engaged to play
a match against Teligny. Having watched the game a
short time, the Admiral took leave and returned home-
wards towards ten o'clock in the morning, followed by
ten or a dozen gentlemen. A few steps from the Louvre,
some one put a memoir into his hand, which he imme-
diately opened and pursued his way, reading as he walked.
To pass to the Rue Bethisy where his hotel was situa-
ted, and which, by consulting the map of Paris, will be
found at no great distance from the Louvre, it was neces-
sary to go down the Rue Fosse St. Germain ; and in a
hoyse belonging to one Pierre Pilles de Villemur, formerly
tutor to the Duke de Guise, and now a canon of the
neighbouring Church of St. Germain TAuxerrois, which
stood near the gate of the cloister, Montrevel had posted
himself. He stood behind the grated window of a low
hall which looked out upon the street, waiting the
appearance of his victim. The Admiral came slowly
forward, reading as he walked, and as he passed, Mon-
trevel levelled his arquebuss, loaded with two balls, and
fired. Both balls took effect, one breaking the fore and
middle fingers of the right hand — the other entering the
left arm, and making a large wound. '
1 Abbe* Perau, fie de Coligny.
VOL. II. Y
322 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1572.
The suddenness of the blow overwhelmed the gentle-
men who surrounded Coligny with consternation. Two
of them, Guerchi and De Pruneaux, were the first to re-
cover their presence of mind, and spring forward to his
assistance — Pruneaux bound up his wounded fingers with
his handkerchief, and, assisted by Guerchi, supported him
to his hotel. The Admiral preserved the most unruffled
composure. He made no exclamation, and dropt no re-
mark ; he only pointed out the house from which the shot
came ; and desired Yolet, one of his squires, immediately
to inform the King of what had occurred.
Several gentlemen now rushed to the house, and forcing
the entrance, sought eagerly for the assassin ; but Montre-
vel had already escaped by a door leading into the
cloisters, and, mounting a horse, had gained the Porte St.
Antoine. Here the fleet Spanish jennet was in waiting
for him, upon which he rode off at full speed.
The King was playing at tennis when Yolet brought
him the intelligence of the assassination — at hearing it he
was seized with the most violent rage, and dashing his
racket on the ground, and exclaiming, " n 'aurais je jamais
de patience,1" he immediately returned to the Louvre.
The other gentlemen dispersed — the Duke de Guise went
to his hotel — Teligny flew to the Admiral.
The King of Navarre, the Prince de Conde, De la Roch-
foucault, and other gentlemen, upon the first intelligence of
what had happened, had likewise hurried to the Rue Bethisy.
They found Coligny surrounded by the principal medical
practitioners of the Court, and already in the hands of the
celebrated and excellent Ambrose Pare, first surgeon to
the King. Upon examination, the laceration of the
fingers was found to be so great, that mortification having
already begun, immediate amputation was deemed neces-
sary. The operation was rendered cruel by the defective
1572. J ATTEMPT TO ASSASSINATE COLIGNY. 323
instruments employed, for we are told the " scissors with
which Pard operated were so ill sharpened, that he was
obliged to open and shut them three several times before
the amputation was completed."" It was still in progress
when the King of Navarre entered the room. The Ad-
miral looked up — " Estce Id cette belle reconciliation dont
le Roi s'est rendu le garant fm said he. Cornaton, the first
gentleman of his chamber, and another gentleman, were at
that time holding his arms, both unable, as were all pre-
sent, to refrain from tears, at beholding that brave right
hand dismembered and rendered useless. Coligny per-
ceiving their emotion, said, "My friends, why do you
weep ? I esteem myself but too happy (Men heureux)
to have been wounded for the name of God.''
An operation of equal severity followed upon the left arm,
during which the Admiral turned his eyes to Merlin, one
of their most celebrated ministers, who was attending upon
him, and said, " These are among the good gifts of God
— My friends, I am indeed sorely wounded, but I know it
to be the will of the Lord our God, and I thank him that
he so favours me as to permit me to suffer for his most
holy name. — Pray for me, that he may bestow upon me
the grace of perseverance."" These words spoken with
the most fervent piety, amid the anguish he suffered, af-
fected all present so much, that there was not a dry eye
except his own in the room. Even Merlin was for some
time unable to speak. " Nay, sir," said Coligny, " will
you not console me ?" Upon this the minister begun one
of their usual exhortations, intermingled with texts of
scripture, during which, when his sufferings were very
acute, Coligny, from time to time, might be heard to whis-
per, " My God, abandon me not in this distress. Continue
to let me feel the power of thy mercy." He then, in a
1 Is this the fine reconciliation that the King has guaranteed?
y 2
324 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1572.
whisper, desired Cornaton to give Merlin 100 crowns to
be distributed among the poor of Paris. " I have heard
these particulars myself," says De Thou, " from Pare, who
happened to overhear what was said, and I have often
listened to his relation, made in nearly the exact words
that I have used/'1
The minister having finished his exhortation, wherein
he had said, " that misfortunes were advertisements which
ought to engage all to pray to God, and humble them-
selves to his holy will." Coligny, in a firm and collected
voice, pronounced, audibly, the following prayer,— "I con-
fide in Thy mercy alone, 0 God ! Thou in whom is my
only trust. Whether it be Thy pleasure now to call me
away, or to continue me yet longer in this present world,
ready am I to follow that which is best pleasing to Thee
— assured, if these wounds be to death, that Thou wilt re-
ceive me into the rest of the blessed in Thy kingdom.
But if here I am to remain — oh heavenly Father! grant me
grace — that I may employ my life to advance the glory of
Thy name — the exercise of true religion, and Thy holy
service." This prayer was followed by one from the
minister, in which all present joined.
Shortly after the Admiral had been laid in his bed, he
was visited by the Marechals Cosse and Damville. To
Cosse the Admiral said, " Do you remember what I told
you not long ago % Be sure there is as much in petto for
you (pour le certain il vous pend autant a Pceil) ;" Cosse
was silent. Damville, with his accustomed grace and
frankness, said, "Monsieur, I am not come here to console
you, or to exhort him to constancy and patience, who
has ever been our best example in such things .... I
1 The following relation, and the miral's first gentleman, who furnished
particulars of what passed in the several historians of his day with the
Admiral's chamber, are stated upon particulars here related. — Perau, Vie
the authority of Cornaton, the Ad- Coligny. — De Thou.
1572.] ATTEMPT TO ASSASSINATE COLIGNY. 325
only pray you to consider in what I can serve you" ... He
added, "je rriesmerveille d'oilpeut etre venu ceci."1 " I sus-
pect no one/1 said the Admiral, "but M. de Guise — and I
do not feel sure even there. But, by the grace of God, I
have learned not to fear my enemies, being assured they
cannot injure me — their worst can but bring me to my
eternal rest ; for I know the God in whom I have trusted ;
He will neither deceive nor lie. True, one thing does
afflict me — to be thus deprived of the means of shewing
my King how greatly I desired to serve him. I wish,"
he added, "his Majesty would be pleased to listen to me
for a few moments. There are things which it imports
him much to know, and which no one but myself will dare
to make him acquainted with." Damville promised to
carry this request to the King, and immediately quitted
the room for the purpose.
Charles, from the moment he had been made acquainted
with the assassination, had remained in a state difficult
to be described — a mixture of grief and fury were
gloomily painted in his eyes ; he from time to time
muttered imprecations between his teeth — but continued
to pace his apartment noticing and speaking to no one.
The Queen-Mother, the Duke d'Anjou, and one or two of
the members of the secret cabinet ventured into the
presence of the unhappy man — thus distracted by contra-
dictory feelings. They addressed him ; but he looked at
them with a cold and abstracted air, and to all their
questions remained obstinately silent. The Queen-
Mother endeavoured to engage his attention by attempt-
ing to justify the Duke de Guise, but this only
increased his rage. She then spoke of the necessity of
visiting the crime with the severest punishment, and of
immediately shutting the gates of Paris in order to
1 I marvel whence this can be.
326 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1572.
prevent the escape of the criminal, until they should
have arrived at some determination. She was thus
engaged endeavouring vainly to soothe the irritated feel-
ings of her son, when Henry of Navarre and the Prince
de Conde were introduced to make their complaints.
They entered, their countenances still agitated, and the
tears scarcely dry upon their cheeks — they spoke in all
the hurry and vehemence of their excited feelings, and
having passionately given vent to their grief and resent-
ment, concluded by saying, that as neither they nor
their friends could any longer consider themselves safe
in that neighbourhood, they were resolved to leave it,
and were come to solicit permission for their immediate
departure.
Upon this, the passion of the King seemed at once
to burst all bounds. " He gave way/1 says D'Aubigne,
"to a most frightful rage, breaking out into the most
violent and exaggerated expressions — uttering the most
passionate and unheard of invectives, and exclaiming,
that it was he that was wounded." He loudly abused
the Duke de Guise, swearing in the most dreadful man-
ner that if he lived he would have justice on both
principals and accessories ; and such justice that the
very child unborn should rue the day of his vengeance.
So excessive was this burst of fury that the Queen and
the gentlemen around her actually trembled, and far from
venturing to contradict him, endeavoured to pacify him
by echoing his exclamations — crying out that France was
ruined ! — that men were no longer safe in their beds ! and
so on. Strange as this scene appears, by a sad fatality the
very reality of the King's passion served only to aid in
forwarding the dreadful design of the others. It blinded
the eyes of the Princes who witnessed it and convinced
them of his sincerity.
1572. J ATTEMPT TO ASSASSINATE COLIGNY. 327
" The Princes were so well satisfied,1' adds D'Aubigne,
" that nothing more was at that time said about leaving
Paris."1 Margaret de Valois adds her testimony to the
sincerity of the King's distress. " He was in excessive
rage against M. de Guise, swearing he would have justice,
so that if M. de Guise had not taken care to keep himself
out of the way that day, he would certainly have been
arrested.2 For great was the affection his majesty bore to
the Admiral, as well as to La Noue and Teligny — whose
spirit and bravery he esteemed — he being a generous
Prince, and never affecting any but those in whom he
discovered such qualities : for though they had been so
injurious to the State, these foxes (les renards) knew so
well how to dissemble, that they had entirely gained the
heart of this brave King by the pretence of making
themselves useful in the aggrandisement of the king-
dom ; proposing those fine and glorious enterprises in
Flanders, a vast attraction for his high and royal soul.
So that though the Queen urged that the assassination of
his father rendered M. de Guise excusable, and so forth ; he
in a passion of grief for the loss of those from whom, as I
say, he hoped to obtain great services — could not mode-
rate his desire of justice ; but commanded M. de Guise to
be arrested, swearing he would never permit such an
action to remain unpunished." " The King," says Tavannes,
briefly " informed of the offence, menaced the Duke de
Guise, ignorant whence the blow in reality came."
Orders were accordingly issued to the Provost of Paris
to search every corner of the town for the murderer.
The gates were closed ; the Parliament commanded imme-
diately to commence an investigation of the subject, and
a commission consisting of Christophle de Thou, Bernard
Prevot, and Viole, named for this purpose. Before these
1 D'Aubign£, Histoirc Univcrselle. 2 M6ni de Marguerite de Valois.
328 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1572.
magistrates, two servants, taken in the house of Villemur,
were separately examined that very evening. But the
evidence thus obtained amounted only to this : that the
Seigneur de Chailli, intendent of the Hotel de Guise, had
the evening before introduced Montrevel, under a feigned
name, into the house of Villemur, whose own chamber he
had occupied ; and that in the morning his (Montrevel's)
servant had been dispatched early by his master with a
message to M. de Chailly to beg that he would take care
that M. de Guise's squire should have the horses ready.
Nothing more could be extracted from the witnesses.
These depositions being laid before the King, he com-
manded Nanc;ay, captain of his guards, immediately to
arrest Chailli, and bring him into his presence ; but
Chailli was not to be found. It was known that he had
been about the Louvre till after the assassination, and
that he had then retired to the apartments of the Duke de
Guise, whence, upon receiving intelligence of the nature of
the depositions made against him, he had immediately
made his escape. One other suspicious circumstance
transpired in the course of the examination ; it was found
that the arquebuss fired by Montrevel belonged to one of
M. d'Anjou's body-guard.
It was after dinner, and might be about one or two
o'clock in the afternoon, that the King, in compliance
with the Admiral's request, set out to visit him. Dam-
ville had been followed by Teligny, who urged the expe-
diency of an immediate interview, the Admiral being,
he said, considered in danger, and wishing before he died
Co reveal many things to his majesty, important to the
well-being of the State.1
1 The relation of the Duke d'An- neur .... a Cracovie, des causes et
jou to Miron, entitled " Discours tie motifs de la Sainte Bartholemi," has
Henri III., a une personne d'hon- with that of Cornaton, heen con-
1572.] ATTEMPT TO ASSASSINATE COLIGNY. 329
Charles was attended by the Queen-Mother, the Dukes
d'Anjou, and tTAlcnqon his brothers, the Duke de Mont-
pensier, the Cardinal de Bourbon, the Marechals Ta-
vannes, Damville and Cosse\ the Count de Retz, the
Sieurs de Thore et Meru, and was shortly afterwards
followed by the Duke de Nevers,
Upon entering the chamber the King desired all the
Admiral's attendants to quit the room — as we are in-
formed by Cornaton, who is seconded in this by
the author of " The Histoire des Cinq Rois," — they
obeyed, with the exception of Teligny, and Cornaton
himself. The Discours of Henri III., on the contrary,
asserts, that the room was filled with Hugonot gentle-
men, whose menacing gestures as they paced around
the Catholic nobility and the Queen, expressed alike their
suspicions and defiance ; and filled the Queen and her sons
with apprehension. There is every reason to suppose
that though incorrect in the detail, an impression of the
species he describes was, and might very well be, con-
veyed by the countenances and behaviour of the Hugonot
gentlemen before they quitted the apartment.
After the King, as was his custom, had saluted the
Admiral benignement (affectionately), he asked him how
he found himself. The Admiral replied with singular
modesty — " Sire, I thank you with all possible humility
suited. Where Cornaton and Hen- species of affront, upon account of
ry III. disagree, the preference as his share in the Saint Bartholomew,
authority has been given to Coma- retiring one night to rest, agitated by
ton. The Discoum is evidently an the dreadful recollection thus pain-
apology, and circumstances have been fully recalled to him, and rinding it
bent and exaggerated to favour the impossible to sleep — se sentant agiti
purpose; yet,upon the whole, it tallies de unit de plus cruelles solicitudes et
with what may be gathered from the reveries tjui ne lui permettant de se
imperfect relations of others. The reposer une settle minute de temps —
origin of this paper is striking, sent for this personage, supposed to
Henry, two days after bis arrival at he Miron, his head physician, and
Cracow, after having met, during his gave him the account which he after-
passage through Germany, with every wards published.
330 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1572.
for the honour which it pleases jour Majesty to do me,
and for the trouble you have been pleased to take upon
my account." The King looked attentively at him for
some time with a thoughtful and sorrowful air, and then
again kindling with indignation, exclaimed, " My father,
the wound may be yours, but the anguish is mine ; and I
swear par le M — D — ," using his usual execrations,
" that I will take such vengeance for it as shall never be
effaced from the memory of man."
Coligny then said, " I am not ignorant, Sire, that if it
should please God to take me away many will calumniate
my actions — but that God before whose throne I am
about to appear, is my witness that I have ever been a
faithful and devoted servant to your Majesty, and to your
kingdom — Nothing lying so near my heart as the wel-
fare and greatness of both. And though by others I have
been charged with the crime and felony of rebellion, this
which has just occurred may suffice to point out who it
is — who they are — that are the true origin of so many
evils. Once more I call upon God to witness my inno-
cence ; and implore Him again and again to judge be-
tween me and my adversaries — and I am assured He
will do so according to His justice. I am ready to die,
and render my last account before His Holy Majesty if
it be His will to withdraw me through this wound."
He then went on to say that his duty to the King laid
him under an obligation humbly to represent to him how
inconsiderately he was neglecting his best interests and
affairs ; and that an occasion now presented itself, such as
his predecessors had vainly sought — and which, if passed
by, the kingdom would receive a signal wound (voire une
mine Men dangereuse.) " Is it not a shame, Sire, that
they cannot, as they say, turn an egg in your Privy-
Council, but the Duke of Alva shall be immediately
1572.] ATTEMPT TO ASSASSINATE COLIGNY. 331
informed of it % — Is it not too great an indignity that this
Duke should hang so many brave French gentlemen,
taken in the defeat of Genlis,1 of which proceeding I
received the intelligence yesterday '?.... But in your
Court such things are only food for laughter ; — such is
their patriotism and affection for their countrymen.
" Another point of which I think it good to remind
you, bon de vous ramentevoir, is the manifest contempt
in which your Edicts — especially of pacification — are held.
You have sworn this peace so frequently, so solemnly,
that foreign princes and whole nations are as witnesses
of your oath. You have sworn solemnly to keep faith
with the Religious, and yet I know that in many places
of your dominions that faith is villainously broken — and
that, not by private individuals alone, but by your Ma-
jesty's own officers and Governors. I have often spoken
to you, Sire, of these things, pointing out that the sacred
observance of promises is the only secure bond of peace ;
and, among many, the only means that can by possi-
bility restore your kingdom to its ancient splendour and
dignity." "Madam," turning to the Queen, "I have
sometimes represented the same to you, and yet, every
day fresh complaints are made of murders, outrages, and
seditions. Not long since at Troyes, the Catholics mur-
dered a newly -baptised infant in its nurse's arms ! . . ."
Then raising his voice, " Sire, I intreat you not to over-
look these murders, but to have a true regard to the
repose and well-being of your kingdom, and to the faith
you have so solemnly pledged.'1
How the Queen received the appeal we are not told ;
or with what eye the guilty and treacherous gentlemen
1 After the defeat of Genlis, the stead of treating them as prisoners of
Duke of Alva had thought proper to war, and releasing them upon ransom.
hang the French taken prisoners, in-
332 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1572.
present regarded the Admiral ; but the King listened with
profound attention, and when Coligny ceased, answered
with every appearance of cordiality in these words.
"31. I'Amiral je vous connois pour homme de bien, bon
Francais — aimant I'accroissement de mon itat.1 I hold
you for a valiant personage, and excellent captain ; and
had I not, jamais je rieusse fait ce que fai fait.2 I have
always diligently endeavoured to observe my Edict of
Pacification, and such is still my desire : and for this
purpose I have sent Commissioners into the provinces. . . .
Here is my mother can assure you of this." Upon which
the Queen said, " Cela est vrai, M. I'Amiral, et vous le
spavez bien." 3 " Yes, madam," replied Coligny, " Com-
missioners have been sent, and among them I find those
who lately condemned me to the gibbet, and set 50,000
crowns upon my head." " Well, well," interrupted the
King, " we will send others, that shall not be open to
suspicion. But I see," looking at the Admiral, " you are
too much excited by speaking. It will hurt you. You
are grievously wounded ; but it is I who feel the pain . . .
mais par le mort D. I will revenge it." " Sire," said
Coligny, " we need not look far to learn who it is that has
given me this ; but may God never be my help if I desire
vengeance — justice, I feel certain, knowing your equity
and rectitude, I shall obtain." The King repeated his
threats and his execrations — telling him what had already
been done, and asking whether he approved of those
nominated on the committee of enquiry. The Admiral
expressed his satisfaction, only requesting that Cavagnes,
and two others he named, mkht be added to the com-
'o'
mission.
1 1 know you are a man of worth, 2 Never would I have done what
a good Frenchman, and zealous for I have done.
the advancement of my kingdom. 3 That is true, M. I'Amiral, and
you know it as well as I do.
1572.] ATTEMPT TO ASSASSINATE COLIGNY. 333
After that, the conversation between the King, Queen -
Mother, and Coligny was continued some time in so
low a voice, that it was lost to Cornaton — though
standing near the bed. The concluding sentence from
the Queen was alone audible. " Combien que je ne suis
que femme, je suis d' opinion qn'on y pourvoye de bonne
heure."
It was known afterwards that Coligny had taken this
occasion to warn the King against the designs of several
of the Catholic nobility to render themselves independ-
ent of the crown ; telling him, that he ought to be
upon his guard. He also attempted to renew the sub-
ject of the war, but Charles replied vaguely. During
this conversation the Count de Retz was occupied in the
endeavour to persuade Teligny, that it would add greatly
to the security of the Admiral in case of any popular com-
motion arising, to have him carried into the Louvre. He
added, as an inducement, that the Queen of Navarre had
offered her apartments for his accommodation, and would
retire to those of her sister, the Duchess of Lorraine.
Teligny replied, " That they were under very little appre-
hension of any popular commotion — more especially
after the visit with which the King had honoured
them : and Mazille, the King's physician being consulted,
and declaring that after so recent a wound it would be
unsafe to move him, the proposal was dropped. The
King and Queen, having passed nearly an hour in the
most intimate and apparently confidential discourse with
the sick man, now rose to take leave. As he was going
away, the King addressed Cornaton, and asked a great many
questions about the operation, the medical treatment, &c.
— he examined the ball, which was of copper, and asked
whether the Admiral had suffered much pain, and whe-
ther he had cried out during the amputation : and when
334 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1572.
Cornaton replied, that though the pain had been excessive,
his master had uttered no complaint ; Charles exclaimed
in a sort of extasy, "Non, je ne scay point d'homme plus
magnanime et plus courageux que TAmiral."1 Seeing
Cornaton's sleeve still stained with blood, he expressed his
surprise at the quantity which had been lost, and at the
strength the Admiral yet had left after such an effusion.
The Queen too, looked at the ball attentively, and then
said, "lam glad the ball has been extracted ; I remember
when M. de Guise was hilled before Orleans, the physicians
told me, that if the ball were once out, there would be no
danger though it were poisoned." " We are prepared
against poison, Madame,''' replied Cornaton ; " we have
given M. TAmiral a drink which will prevent any ill
effects, from poison — if poison there were."
The account given of this interview in the " Discours
d un personnage, etc . . ." differs in some material parti-
culars from the above. Henry, as I have said, represents
the King as conferring privately with the Admiral, while
he and the Queen-Mother retired to the farther end of the
room, where they were surrounded by more than 200 of
the Admiral's followers and friends, whose menacing
looks and air of defiance terrified them both. He adds,
that the Queen, in order to escape alive, interrupted the
conversation under pretence that the Admiral would be
fatigued ; and that after they had retired they endeavoured
long in vain to get from Charles an account of what had
passed, but that at last, with a number of tremendous
oaths, he told them, that Coligny's advice was, that he
should emancipate himself from his mother's and bro-
ther's tyranny. This relation cannot be considered as of
sufficient authority to contradict that of Cornaton, and
1 No, I know no man of more magnanimity and resolution than the
Admiral.
1572.] CONFUSION AND PERPLEXITY. 335
those who have followed him ; but it is possible that in
the course of their visit much might have transpired upon
the part of the Hugonots to awaken their apprehensions.
It is certain they were many of them extremely impru-
dent, under such circumstances, in their expression of a
too just and natural resentment. Margaret tells us that
Pardaillon, at the Queen's supper that night, spoke in so
menacing a manner to Catherine herself, that it filled her
with apprehension lest her own share in the business had
been discovered ; and that the same evening the King
of Navarre, having summoned a council of the principal
Calvinist gentlemen in the Rue Bethisy, the measures
to be adopted were discussed with extreme and imprudent
heat and violence- — Some recommended an immediate
retreat ; others called out loudly for vengeance : others,
enumerating the various reasons they had for the darkest
suspicions, reiterated their persuasions to engage the
Admiral to depart instantaneously from a Court where
the ruin of all seemed inevitable — while Henry, Conde,
and Teligny, convinced of the King's good faith, strove in
vain to compose the spirits of their friends. The meeting
separated without their coming to any decision.
The uneasiness of the Queen and her son — their alarm,
suspicion, and anxiety almost equalled those with which
the other party were filled. They were so confounded,
"demeurerent si depourvus de conseil" that they found it
impossible to come to any conclusion, and at last ended
by putting off the consideration of what was to be done
till the next day.1 The night was spent, upon the part
of Charles and his mother, in writing letters to the
Ambassadors at the foreign Courts, and to the governors
of the Provinces, acepiainting them with the attempted
1 Discours a un Personne, &c.
336 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1572.
assassination, and of the light in which it was regarded
by the King — namely, as an outrage committed against
his person and authority — and assuring them that the
greatest exertions were being made to discover the
real authors of the crime.
The next morning, Saturday, the agitation and per-
plexity of all parties was only increased. The Hugonots,
filled with vague suspicions, which were beginning, how-
ever, to point in the right direction, were occupied at
home in anxious debate, or appeared in public restless and
menacing ; and several of the more imprudent approach-
ing the King, loudly demanded justice and revenge. This
conduct irritated the proud and irascible temper of Charles
beyond measure. At last, in spite of the earnest represen-
tations of Henry and Teligny to the contrary, Pilles, at the
head of 500 gentlemen openly entered the Court of the
Louvre, defying the government, and saying, that, if justice
were not speedily done them, they would find means to do
it for themselves.1 La Noue calls them " des vrais fous
mat haibils? and the Princess Marguerite says, " The eldest
Pardaillon, and some other of the Hugonot chiefs, spoke
in such terms (si limit) to the Queen, my mother, that by
the advice of M. de Guise, and my brother the King of
Poland, the resolution was taken to be beforehand with
them — Conseil de quoy le Roi Charles ne fut nullement,
who loved M. de la Rochefoucault and La Noue, and other
chiefs of the Religion, of whom he hoped to make use in
Flanders: and I have myself heard him say, that it gave
him much pain to consent to it, and that if they had not
made him understand that his life and crown were in
jeopardy, he would never have done so."
There can be little doubt that these brave but impru-
2 Mezeray, La Noue, Mem. de Marguerite.
1572.] CONFUSION AND PERPLEXITY. 337
dent Hugonot gentlemen, who till then had shown such
a sincere desire and intention to keep the peace, began,
and with but too sufficient reason, to distrust the Privy
Council; and it is evident that they felt themselves in
the situation of those surrounded by ill-defined visions of
approaching danger, and looking round for the means to
escape. The natural indignation at the treachery with
which they thought themselves surrounded, accounts for
those angry clamours which their enemies have made use
of, as an apology for the slaughter which ensued ; but it
is certain, had the Court maintained its good faith in the
most ordinary degree, there would not have been the
slightest reason in the world to apprehend violence from
the Hugonots.
As it was, the Queen-Mother and the Duke de Guise
were excessively disconcerted. They appear to have been
quite unprepared for this burst of feeling and this ge-
nuine resentment upon the part of the King, who seemed
now all interest for the Admiral ; and still less had they
entertained the slightest expectation that the matter
would ever be made the subject of a serious judicial in-
quiry, which might end in tracing the assassination to its
true source.
The Duke de Guise, a man of no generous impulses
either in a wrong or right direction, was not the least in
the world inclined to offer himself up as a scape-goat, and
stand alone as the sacrifice for his party. He went to the
King during the morning of Saturday with every appear-
ance of the highest discontent in his manner, with design,
as it should seem, to make trial of his real sentiments.
Haughtily expressing his dissatisfaction at the suspicions
which his Majesty was pleased to entertain against him, he
desired permission to retire immediately from his Court.
This proposal was received by Charles with the greatest
vol. n. z
338 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1572.
coldness and indifference ; he merely said that the Duke
might retire if he pleased, for that if he were proved
guilty, he should know very well where to find him.
Upon which Guise mounted his horse, and, surrounded by
his friends, made as if he would leave Paris by the Porte
St. Antoine ; but, either this whole proceeding was a
mere pretence upon all sides, or the Duke had found some
good reason or other for altering his determination ; it is
certain he went no further than the gate, and then, turn-
ing his horse's head, returned with his friends to his hotel.
But the mere rumour of his disgrace was sufficient to
rouse all the turbulent passions of the people of Paris,
and already in the dark alleys and remote quarters of the
city the distant gathering of a storm might be perceived,
like the low roar of the coming thunder.1 Obscure noise
and agitation pervaded that extraordinary population —
which in those regions seems permanently to abide — and
which, after years and years of repose, is found in every
period of French history ready upon the occasion to rise,
and with irresistible force, violence, and cruelty, to pro-
duce effects the most sudden and appalling.
The Queen was in an agony of doubt and perplexity ;
what between her dread of the redoubtable house of Guise
on the one hand ; the menaces of the Hugonots on the other;
and her secret apprehension that the whole truth might
at any minute come to light, and involve her beloved
and idolised son the Duke d'Anjou, in the extremest dan-
ger. Tavannes describes her to the life as torn by all
those contradictory and agitating feelings, which terror
and rage, animosity and fear, combined to produce in a
character at once so rash, so hasty, so improvident, and
yet so full of duplicity and treachery. "The present
peril — the various nature of her fears — the verification of
1 Abbe Perau, vie do Coligny.
1572.] CONFUSION AND PERPLEXITY. 339
which would sooner or later come to light, of the quarter
whence proceeded the blow — war with Flanders immi-
nent, unless immediate exertions were made to prevent
it — distracted her mind. If she could but have felt it
possible to ward off the consequences of that shot from
the arquebuse, she would not have felt inclined to proceed
with a business to which the progress of events con-
strained her."1 Many a coward has been a murderer in
thought, wishing the enemy dead whom he dreaded to
encounter. This Queen may be held up as a signal and
terrific example that the barbarity d'un lasche — to use
the expressive French word — the cruelty of a weak and
irresolute temper, exceeds in its enormity anything
mankind can have to fear from the excesses of the
dauntless and the brave. This unhappy woman did not,
it is evident, know very well what to do in the dilemma
she had brought upon herself ; and the massacre of Paris
seems actually to have been at last decided upon merely
to extricate her from this difficulty.
The Princess Margaret says, " The Queen saw that this
accident had brought matters to that point, that it was ne-
cessary to make the King understand the real truth of the
case, and the peril in which he stood." The Marechal de
Retz was chosen to make the important revelation — he
being supposed to possess more influence over Charles than
any other of the faction. " He accordingly went to him in
the evening, and told him, that, as his faithful servant, he
could not make up his mind to conceal any longer the
very great danger in which he would be placed, by per-
sisting in doing justice upon M. de Guise — and that it
was necessary he should know that this blow had been
designed against the Admiral, not by M. de Guise alone,
but that the Queen-Mother herself and the Duke d'An-
1 Mem. de TavanneB.
z 2
340 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1572.
jou had a hand in it. . . That the Queen had designed, by
this execution, to relieve the kingdom at once from the
greatest pest with which it had ever been afflicted — this
pest being no less than the Admiral himself. That it was
indeed most unfortunate the attempt had failed ; for the
Hugonots were now in such despair, that not only they
accused M. de Guise, the Queen-Mother, and his brother,
but suspected even the King himself, so that they had
unanimously resolved to take up arms that very night."
This account of the conversation with the Marechal de
Retz, and its effect upon the King's temper is corroborated
by Tavannes. " Through the assistance of the Marechal de
Retz," says he, "the Queen contrived to soften the King's
resentment against the Guises, and to excite in him a
furious rage against the Hugonots. Vice peculier par sa
Majeste d'humeur cholerique?'1
We are thus led to understand the effect produced by
these revelations upon the King's fiery temper, and it was
in this mood that he at last consented to attend the secret
Cabinet, now assembled for the second time during that
eventful day. It was held after dinner in a summer-
house in the garden of the Tuilleries, and consisted of
only six people — the Queen-Mother, the Duke d'Anjou,
Tavannes, De Retz, Birague, and the Duke de Nevers.
The plans in succession proposed, and in succession
abandoned, were various — but not one was there found to
point out the safe and easy path of good faith and hu-
manity. Some advised to finish the Admiral, others a ge-
neral arrest of the Hugonot chiefs — violence, treachery, and
blood-shed were the leading features in all their schemes.
By one counsellor, the Marechal de Retz, it was pro-
posed to shelter the King from the odium which must
1 A vice peculiar to his Majesty's choleric temper. — Mem. Tavannes,
Me'm. Marguerite.
1572.] CONFUSION AND PERPLEXITY. 341
necessarily attacli to any open breach of faith upon his
part, by inflaming the animosities of the rival factions of
Guise, Coligny, and Montmorency, till they broke out
into open conflict, and then to leave them to fight it out
and slaughter each other in the streets of Paris.
During this confused discussion, the King listened in
obstinate and gloomy silence, while the Queen-Mother,
at his ear, was busily employed urging upon him every
consideration which could awaken his anger, his jealousy,
or his apprehensions. She represented the ill-suppressed
rage and violence of the Ilugonots — recalled the terrible
days of Amboise and Meaux — assured him that they were
at that very moment actually conspiring against the state,
and that the Admiral had, as she was well informed,
dispatched emissaries into Germany and Switzerland, to
levy 10,000 reisters and 10,000 of the Swiss infantry.
On the other hand, she painted the Catholics alarmed and
indignant — resolved to resist the Hugonot ascendancy,
and prepared to enter into a league, offensive and defen-
sive, and elect a captain and a leader of their own, to
defend them, upon the slightest suspicion of collusion
between the King and the Admiral — and she described him
as standing alone, deserted and defenceless, to perish
amid contending factions, leaving his family and his king-
don in ruins.1 The only remedy she could suggest in this
dilemma, was to cut the Gordian knot of circumstance by
a crime ; and she ended by declaring that the sole means
of escape from the evils which surrounded them, would be
to make away with the Admiral at once, saying that with
him the designs and enterprises of the Hugonots, and the
jealousies of the Catholics, would speedily come to an end.
The King, as Henry III. tells us,2 at length seemed
moved by all this reasoning, but requested, that, before
1 Esprit de la Lipuc 2 Discours a une Porsomie, &c.
342 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1572.
deciding upon an affair of this importance,1 he might hear
the opinion of all present.2 " Now those who spoke first
were all of opinion that it should be done as was proposed,
but when it came to the turn of Marechal de Retz il trompa
bien notre esperance, and gave excellent reasons against it ;
shewing that the Admiral's death must infallibly be the
occasion of new wars— and that treachery like this would
cover the King with eternal and indelible infamy." But
no one seconded him, so that having recovered their coun-
tenance and spirits a little from the confusion into which
these remarks had thrown them ; all talking together,
they silenced De Retz.
We may picture to ourselves the gloomy countenance
of the wretched Charles, listening with a sort of sarcastic
impatience, while crimes in their different degrees and
consequences were thus coolly discussed and canvassed be-
fore him— Suddenly the blood seemed to mount into his
head, " Nous recogneusmes a I' instant une soudaine muta-
tion, et merveilleuse et estrange metamorphose au Roi: —
It was now our turn to hold him in — springing suddenly up,
shouting, with rage and fury, he swore with a terrible oath,
' That since they thought it right to kill the Admiral, they
might do as they would— but of this he was resolved —
that every Hugonot in France should perish with him— for
not one should be left to reproach him with the murder ' —
and rushing furiously out, he left us in the Cabinet, where
we employed ourselves the remainder of that day and a
good part of the night, in arranging the measures we
thought advisable for carrying the enterprise into exe-
cution."3
1 Discours a une Personne, &c. plus empeschee qu' a faire entendre
2 The irresolution and reluctance au dit Roi Charles que cela avoit
of the King are also mentioned by e'te fait pour le bien de l'etat."
Margaret. " Ma mere," says she, 3 Miron, Discours de Henri III.
with some naivete^ " ne se vit jamais
1572.] CONFUSION AND PERPLEXITY. 343
There is a very considerable mixture of falsehood
thrown into this account, which it may be said, is a cir-
cumstance which will surprise no one, when it is ascribed
to Henry of Anjou. There cannot be the slightest doubt
that the project of the massacre did not take its origin
from the King. Tavannes gives a more credible relation,
and employs the very abuse of words by which it is pro-
bable these murderers glossed over the atrocious action to
their consciences. The King was made acquainted, he
says, by the Council, que tout alloit decouvrant — et que
ceux de Guise mesmes, pour se lever, accuseroient la Reyne
et M.dAnjou — et que la guerre etoist infaillible ; qu'il
valoit mieux gagner une bataille dans Paris, oil tons les
chefs etoient, que la mettre en doute en la campagne et
tomber en une danger euse et incertaine guerre.1
The matter at length resolved upon, the next question
which arose, was, whom to spare, and whom to include in
this proscription.
All who survived of this dreadful Council, or any of
their descendants who might happen to be in being, in
the reign of Henry the Great, were, we may be sure, most
anxious to claim for themselves the merit of having ad-
vised to save him and the young Prince of Conde ; and
the son of Tavannes when editing his father's Memoirs,
appears to consider it an act of ingratitude on the part
of the King, that such good service from his father, was
not thought sufficient to cover all his other demerits.
The death of the King of Navarre, he tells us, of the
Prince de Conde, of the Marechals Montmorency, and
1 That all would be discovered, would be better to gain a battle in
and that even those of the party of Paris, where all the chiefs were now
the Guises, in order to exculpate assembled, than to put the matter to
themselves, would accuse the Queen- the hazard of a campaign, and fall
Mother and the Duke d'Anjou, so again into a dangerous and uncertain
that war was inevitable; and that it war. — Mem. de Tavannes.
344 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1572.
Damville, was debated. The Marechal de Retz was un-
decided, but the Sieur de Tavannes shewed, that their inno-
cence ought to exempt the two last, and their youth the
two first, and more especially as the King of Navarre and
the Prince de Conde were of the blood-royal of France,
which ought to be respected ; besides which, they were
young ; and proper people being put about them, would
soon change their religion — de ce seul opinion et de cede
seule voix ce grand Roi Henri Quatriesme regnant au-
jourd'kui et le feu Prince de Conde tiennent la vie, et
le malheur est pour la posterite de M. de Tavannes que
sa Majest6 rten scait la veritc.1 The credit of saving the
Princes is given by some authors2 to the Duke de Nevers,
by others to De Retz. In such an assemblage it matters
little .to measure or apportion the several degrees of
crime.
It appears probable that the absence of the Marechal de
Montmorenci was the cause which prevented the destruc-
tion of his house. It should be added, that Biron and
Cosse, with other Catholics, rendered obnoxious by their
friendship for the Hugonots, were sentenced to be mas-
sacred with their new friends ; but they lived to assist in
avenging their fate. The Duke de Guise being at last sent
for, and measures were taken for carrying the design into
immediate execution. The city had exhibited signs of
encreasing agitation during the whole of the morning, and
Monsieur, and the Chev. d'Angouleme, we are told by
D'Aubign£, had been industriously spreading reports of
the good understanding between the King and the
Hugonots, and that the Marechal de Montmorenci, with
1 Owing to this one man's vote, it posterity of M. de Tavannes, that
is that this great King Henry IV. his Majesty is not made acquainted
is living and reigning at this day, with the truth.
and as well as the late Prince de 2 De Thou, Mem. de l'Etat de
Cond6 ; and it is a misfortune for the France sous Charles IX.
1572.] CONFUSION AND PERPLEXITY. 345
four hundred gentlemen, had already been sent for to sup-
port the Admiral and his party, and keep the Catholics and
good people of Paris in order. The people were already
beginning to gather together, in a tumultuous and threat-
ening manner, and their idol, the Duke de Guise, was
now busy making the necessary arrangements for giving a
proper direction to the popular fury. He sent for Char-
ron, the present, and for Marcel, the late Prevot des Mar-
chands, with whom he had already been in communica-
tion, and by them the dreadful plan was finally arranged.
The city had been divided by Brissac, when appointed its
governor at the beginning of the troubles, into several
divisions. I believe, at this time they consisted of what
afterwards became the celebrated number of the sixteen.
These divisions had been regularly organised under
proper officers, with a view to the better defence of the
capital, and the system adopted at that time admirably
facilitated the operations of the Duke de Guise ; so that
a simultaneous rising of the populace was arranged in a
few hours, with little or no difficulty.
The Captains of the divisions, Eschevins, and other
officers of the town being assembled, the Prevot des
Marchands informed them, that the King had at length
resolved to permit his people to take arms and extermi-
nate the rebels, Avho, during so many years had kept the
kingdom in confusion. That it was his Majesty's desire
that not one should escape— that the massacre was to
begin that night in Paris, and to be followed by a similar
execution in every province and city in the kingdom. The
signal he informed them would be given upon the bell of
the Palace of Justice, a little before day -break of the en-
suing morning, when every one would be expected to be
ready in arms; and each Catholic, in order to distinguish his
faction from that of their enemies, was to wear a white cross
346 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1572.
in his cap, and a white scarf around his arm. Flambeaux
were also directed to be placed in all the windows of their
houses. The fire which had long lain smouldering amid
the populace of Paris, had wanted but a breath to burst
forth into a flame. The communication rapidly spread
from the officers to the population of their respective
districts, and with a ferocious alacrity which excites at
once our astonishment and horror, every one seems to
have armed himself with secrecy and dispatch, and all to
have awaited without a shadow of hesitation, but rather
with silent impatience, the signal which was to summon
them to bathe their hands in the blood of their innocent
and unsuspicious guests and countrymen.1
In spite of the secrecy imposed, it was impossible but that
some mmour of what was intended must reach the Hu-
gonots. The mysterious agitation at the Louvre, the many
messengers and others passing to and fro, the movements
among the troops, all announced an approaching tumult ;
1 The order, as inscribed upon the commandemens tant a lui qu'au
Registres de la ville de Paris, has corps de la ville: pour l'execution
been extracted by M. Capefigue. desquels on fit expe'dier mande-
fl Le vingt-trois d'Aout, 1572, le mens portant des ordonnances aux
Roi, ayant 6te adverti, que ceux de quarteniers, archers, arquebusiers,
la nouvelle religion conspiraient con- arbalestriers, et autres officiers de la
tre sa personne et son etat, jusques a ville, qui furent envoyes le lende-
avoir mande" a sa Majeste propos main jour de la Saint Barthelemi, de
hautains et sonnans en menaces, fort grand matin, et aussi pour faire
manda le prevot des marchands au mettre les bourgeois, manans, et ha-
Louvre le soir bien tard, auquel il bitans sous les armes. Lesquels com-
commanda de se saisir des clefs de mandemens et injonctions de sa dite
la ville, et d'en faire soigneusement Majeste" aux provost, eschevins,
fermer les portes, faire tirer tous les &c, auroient ele ob£is, et ces
bateaux du cote' de la ville/et la fer- commandemens executes le mieux
mer de longues chaines ; de faire qu'il leur auroient e'te possible des le
mettre en armes tous les capitains, diet Samedi au soir ; et la nuict sui-
lieutenans, enseignes, et bourgeois vant le commandement de sa Ma-
de quartiers et dizains, et les faire jeste auroist este rendu compte et
tenir prets par les cantines et carre- temoignage d'icelle d'heure en heure
fours pour recevoir et executer les et pour l'execution les diets prevots
commandemens de sa Majeste ; de et eschevins auroient faict expedier
faire tenir l'artillerie prete tant de- par le greffier de la dicte ville plu-
dans l'Hotel de Ville que devant sieurs mandemens, &c." — Reg. de la
et sur la Place de Greve, et autres ville de Paris.
J 572.] CONFUSION AND PERPLEXITY. 347
but the suspicions of Coligny, Navarre, and Teligny,
were still wide of the mark. All they apprehended was
a popular insurrection, and to be exposed to the fana-
tical violence of the lower orders. Anything more
alarming, or more atrocious than that, never seems to
have crossed their thoughts ; for it was to the government
itself, they applied for protection. Cornaton was dis-
patched with a message to the King, stating their appre-
hensions, and requesting that a few archers of the guard
might be sent to watch at the Admiral's hotel during the
night, and further, that several gentlemen, his friends,
might be allowed to change their quarters and occupy lodg-
ings in the Rue Bethisy, in order to provide for his safety.
The King shewed some surprise and embarrassment upon
receiving this message, and enquired how the Admiral had
learned all this. Then the next moment, as if recollecting
himself, he begged the Count de Retz to fetch the Queen-
Mother. As she entered — " How is this, Madam," said
he, " the people are in arms et se mutine f " Neither
the one nor the other," said she, coolly. " You may re-
member your commands were issued early this morning
that to prevent disorder every one should remain in his
quarters." " True," replied the King, " and I have cer-
tainly forbidden any one to take up arms."1 The Duke
d'Anjou, who had followed the Queen-Mother, having
heard Cornaton ask for a guard, said carelessly, " Take
Cosseins,2 with fifty arquebusiers." Cornaton was struck
by this. Pie replied, half a dozen men were sufficient to
keep the people off, which was all that would be necessary.
" No, no," said the King, " take Cosseins — You cannot
have a better — vous ne sauriez choisir un plus propre."
Cosseins was well known to be the declared enemy of the
1 Abbe Perau, vie Coligny.
a Cosseins was colonel of the Gardes Francoises.
348 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1572.
Admiral, but Cornaton found it impossible to refuse the
offer. As he was in much uneasiness quitting the cabinet,
Thore Montmorenci met him, and whispered, " On ne vous
pouvait battler d garder a tin plus grand ennemi que
cestuy Id*1
" Have you forgotten the decided manner in which the
King spoke," replied the gentleman. — " We confide in his
good will. But you are my witness of the answer I made
at the time." 2
Yet such was the confidence of Coligny, so assured was
he of the good faith of the King, that he manifested
not the slightest symptom of uneasiness at hearing in
whose hands he was to be placed. Cosseins arrived
shortly afterwards in the Kue B^thisy, with fifty men,
whom he placed in two shops which stood one upon each
side of the Admiral's hotel. Rambouillet followed soon
after. He came with an order from the King to turn
all the Catholic gentlemen in the neighbourhood out of
their lodgings, and replace them by the Calvinist friends of
Coligny. " Coligny was ignorant," says the Abbe Perau,
in his life, "that the Duke d'Anjou, had issued these
orders the preceding day." This proceeding, which it
seems probable was intended only to gather the victims
together into one place, so as to make them fall a more
certain and easy prey, served still more to confirm the
Admiral's confidence. In the evening the King of
Navarre and the Prince de Conde" visited him again, a
second council of the principal gentlemen met, and fresh
and anxious deliberations were held as to what was to be
done. There was that foreboding of coming disaster,
that sort of instinctive uneasiness, which is as the
shadow of terrible events cast before — and which may be
1 They could not put you in the hands of a worse enemy.
* Abbe Perau, vie Coligny.
1572.] CONFUSION 'AND PERPLEXITY. 349
attributed to the impossibility of any design being kept
so completely secret that vague suspicions will not get
wind. The confidence of the Admiral may in part be
ascribed to his being upon his sick bed/ and therefore
incapable of himself observing those symptoms, which occa-
sioned so much alarm among those who were going about.
The Vidame de Chartres in particular, who appears to
have been down in La Cit6, that worst and most turbu-
lent quarter of Paris, was filled with the greatest alarm.
He spoke of the stir and movement he had observed
among the people, the strange excited expression of their
countenances, the evident expectation of some great event
with which they seemed big, and the ominous expressions
they let fall— and exclaiming, "that the voice of the
people was the voice of God," he entreated his companions
not to lose a moment of time, but to take up the Admiral
sick as he was, place him in a litter, and depart imme-
diately for some place of security. His anxiety was
greatly increased by finding Cosseins mounting guard in
the Rue Bdthisy, before the Admiral's hotel. !
On the contrary the confidence placed by the King of
Navarre, in the good faith of his brother-in-law, seemed
to have increased. Charles had sent to him that very
morning, and having confided to him what reason there
was to suspect the Guises of ill designs, had declared
— swearing in his usual manner — that they ought to be
punished. He had therefore desired Navarre for their mu-
tual security to assemble his principal and truest friends in
his own apartments in the Louvre ; and that Prince had
accordingly engaged Pilles, Pardaillon, and several other
gentlemen, to return with him in the evening. If Charles
were at this time sincere, all that can again be said is,
1 D'Aubigne, Histoire Univcrsellc.
350 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1572.
that through his irresolution and defect of common prin-
ciple, his very good intentions proved the most fatal of
all the snares which involved these unfortunate gentlemen.
Teligny, under a like impression, maintained his former
opinions also, and spoke in support of them with very
unusual warmth. Some one having mentioned that
arms had been most certainly that evening carried into
the Louvre ; he took upon himself, upon his own know-
ledge, to affirm, they were merely intended for a military
entertainment then in preparation. This amiable gentle-
man survived not to regret his generous and unfortunate
confidence — a confidence, which decided the opinion of
the majority of those assembled, and after warm disputes
the council separated, having decided to await the event in
patience ; and not risk the King's favour by giving way
to untimely suspicion.
The King of Navarre soon after this, left the Rue
Bethisy, and returned as usual to his apartments in
the Louvre. And the Admiral having dismissed all those
around him, with the exception of Teligny, and one or
two others, composed himself tranquilly to rest.
1572.] MASSACRE OF ST. BARTHOLOMEW.
351
CHAPTER IV.
MASSACRE OF ST. BARTHOLOMEW.
In the meantime the Duke de Guise having called to-
gether the captains of the French and Swiss guards,
addressed them briefly as follows: — "Gentlemen, the
hour is come, when, under the sanction of the King, we
may at length avenge ourselves upon the accursed race,
the enemies of God. Void Hheure que par la volonte
du Roi, il se faut venger de la race, ennemie de Dieu —
la bete est dans les toiles il ne faut pas qiielle se sauve.1
Honour and profit may now cheaply be won, and that
effected without peril which so many brave captains, at
the expense of so much blood, have in vain as yet at-
tempted." lie then posted the troops on each side of
1 The game is in the snare, and must not be suffered to escape.
352 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1572.
the Louvre, with command to suffer no servant of the
House of Bourbon to pass.1
The orders with which the Prevot des Marchands was
charged were all delivered, and every preparation com-
pleted. At midnight the bourgeoisie, echevins, and
quarteniers were assembled upon the Place de Greve, and
along the quays by the river side ; and the Duke de Guise
entered the Hotel de Ville, accompanied by two gentle-
men, D'Entragues and De Puisgailliard. He was received
with loud acclamations, and addressed the assembled
authorities thus — " Messieurs, la volonte de notre Sire
est que chacun premie les armes pour oecire Goligny, et
extirper tous les autres Huguenots et rebelles, qui sont
comme en prison en notre bonne ville— par eille chose se
fera en province, suivant les ordres du Roi.2 Observe,
the signal — When the clock of the Palais {de Justice f)
shall sound upon the great bell at day-break, then each
good Catholic must bind a strip of white linen round
his arm, and place a fair white cross in his cap."3 The
Duke's address was received with every testimony of
satisfaction, and it was also agreed that all good Catholics
should place flambeaux in their windows, that there
might be light enough for their intended proceedngs.
The bourgeoisie then divided themselves into small
bodies that not a Hugonot might escape, and each one
remained awaiting in silent expectation the sounding
of that bell which was to be the signal for the matins
of Paris.
During the beginning of the evening, Charles seems to
have in some degree kept up his spirits. He passed it
1 D'Aubigne, Histoire Univcrsclle. and the same will be done in the
2 Gentlemen, it is the King's good provinces.
pleasure that we should all take up s Mem. de l'Etat de France sous
arms to kill Coligny, and extirpate all Charles IX., as quoted in Capefigue.
the other Huoonots and rebels . . . ,
1572.] MASSACRE OF ST. BARTHOLOMEW. 353
with his favourite De la Rochfoucault, whom he made
a feeble effort to save. "M. de la Rochfoucault," says
his gentleman De Mergey, " was the last as usual to leave
the King's apartment, and, as he was about to retire,
Chammont and I, who waited in the hall, hearing the
scraping of the feet as they made their conges, I went to
the door, and heard the King say, ' Foucault/ for so he was
used to call him, ' don't go away, it is late — nous balis-
vemerons toute la nuit.' ' That can't be done,' said
the Sieur Count, ' for it is time to go to bed and sleep.'
'Ah! you must stay; you shall sleep with my valets.1
'Non, non! that won't suit me ; adieu, mon petit maitre?
and going out, he went to the apartment of the Princess
Dowager of Conde, whom he courted, and staid there till
nearly one o'clock. He then went to the apartments of
the King of Navarre, bade him good night, and was going
out to his lodgings, when, at the foot of the stairs, a man
dressed in black met him, drew him aside, and they
spake long together. Then the Count called to me, and
bade me return to the King of Navarre, and tell him
that Mess, de Guise and Nevers were about in the town,
and not in the Louvre. I did so in a whisper, and he
commanded me to tell M. le Comte, that he should come
to him early in the morning as he had promised
The Count went up again to the King of Navarre with
Nancay, captain of the guard, but did not stay long.
Now the King having advertised the King of Navarre to
keep as many gentlemen with him as he could, lest the
Guises should attempt anything — several gentlemen
were assembled in the garde-robe (antichamber, dressing-
room) of the King of Navarre, which was only closed by
a piece of tapestry. De Nancay raised the tapestry, and,
putting in his head, seeing the room filled with gentlemen,
some playing at dice, others talking, he regarded them
VOL. II. .\ \
354 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1572.
some time, counting them as it were with his head, and
said, ' Gentlemen, if any of you wish to retire, they are
going to shut the gates/ They answered it was their
intention to remain there all night." This benevolent
attempt of Nanqay, to save some of them, failing, he went
down with the Count de la Rochfoucault, still attended
by De Mergey, into the court, where they found the
Swiss, Scotch, and French guards drawn up. At the
gate sat M. de Rambouillet. " The postern only was
open ; he was sitting upon a little bench close by it — he
loved me — and, holding out his hand, pressed mine, say-
ing in a piteous voice, ' Adieu, M. De Mergey ; adieu,
my friend.' Not daring to say more, as he has since
told me."1
Queen Margaret will supply a picture of what was
passing in the Queen's private circle, during this terrible
evening. " I knew nothing of all this," says she, " I saw
every one in agitation. The Hugonots in despair at the
wound ; the Guises, having been threatened that justice
would be had for it, whispering in each other's ears. I
was suspected by the Hugonots as being a Catholic — by
the Catholics as being married to the King of Navarre, so
that no one told me anything till the evening, when,
being at the coucher of the Queen my mother, sitting on
a coffre near my sister of Lorraine, who I saw was very
sorrowful ; the Queen my mother saw me, and told me
to go to bed. As I made my courtesy, my sister took me
by the arm, and, stopping me, began to weep, saying,
'My God! sister, don't go.' This frightened me ex-
cessively, which the Queen perceived, and, calling very
angrily to my sister, forbad her to tell me anything. My
sister said it was too shocking to send me to be sacrificed
1 Mem. de Mergey.
1572.] AFFAIRS OF FLANDERS. 355
in that manner; for, doubtless, if anything were dis-
covered, immediate revenge would be had upon me. The
Queen answered, ' Unless it were the will of God, no
harm could happen to me — but be that as it might, I
must go, lest they should suspect something.' They
continued to dispute, but I could not hear their words.
At length she told me very roughly to go to bed ; and
my sister, bursting into tears, bade me good night, not
daring to say more. As for me I went away shiver-
ing and trembling, unable to imagine what was to be
feared. As soon as I was in my closet, I began to pray
God that he would please to protect and guard me, not
knowing from whom, or against what. The King, my
husband, who was already in bed, called to me ; I came,
and- found the bed surrounded by about thirty or forty
Hugonot gentlemen, whom I scarcely knew, being so
lately married. All night they did nothing but talk of
the Admiral's accident ; and resolve that in the morning
they would demand justice of the King on M. de Guise,
and, failing him, do it for themselves. I, who had my
sister's tears still upon my heart, could not sleep ; and so
the night passed. At the point of day the King rose,
saying, he would go and play tennis till Charles awoke,
resolving then to demand justice. He quitted the room,
his gentlemen with him. I begged my nurse to shut the
door, and fell asleep."1
It was at midnight that Catherine, fearing the reso-
lution of her son might still fail, came down to the King's
apartment, to watch over him till the moment for exe-
cution should arrive. She found there the Duke d'Anjou,
the Duke de Nevers, De Retz, and Birague, who were all
uniting their efforts to encourage Charles and maintain
him in his resolution, but their words were vain. As the
1 Mem. de Marguerite <le Valois.
a a 2
35G THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1572.
moment approached, horror took possession of the King
— cold damps stood upon his brow, and a troubled fever
agitated his frame. The Queen endeavoured to arouse
him by every means in her power, endeavouring by arts
she too well understood, to irritate once more his
fiercer passions, and silence the remorseful and relent-
ing feelings of nature — striving with her usual wicked
sophistry to colour crime by a pretence of justice
and necessity. " She asked him," says D'Aubign^,
"whether it were not best, at once, to tear cor-
rupted members from the bosom of the Church — the
blessed spouse of our Lord — and repeated, after a cele-
brated Italian divine, that abominable sentiment, so often
and so easily perverted — Che pietd lor ser crudeltd, cru-
deltd lor ser pietd." She again represented the critical
situation of his affairs, and how bitterly he would repent if
he suffered the present opportunity to escape him : thus
striving to stifle that cry of outraged conscience which,
in spite of all her efforts, would make itself heard in the
bosom of her wretched son. At last she succeeded in
dragging the last fatal order from his lips.
The moment it was obtained she was impatient to
begin.
It yet wanted an hour and a half of day-break, when
the appointed signal was to be given upon the tocsin
of the Hall of Justice. But the interval appeared too
long for her fears ; and, as the distance to the Palais de
Justice was considerable, she commanded the tocsin of St.
Germain de FAuxerrois, which is close upon the Louvre,
to be sounded in its place, and the dreadful alarum to be
given without loss of time.
This order being issued, a pause of perfect silence en-
sued— And then those three guilty creatures — the Queen
and her two miserable sons — crept to a small closet over
1572.] MASSACRE OF ST. BARTHOLOMEW. 357
the gate of the Louvre, and opening a window, looked
uneasily out into the night.
But all was silent as the grave. —
Suddenly a pistol shot was heard.
" I know not from whence,"1 says the Duke d'Anjou
(for it is his account which I am following), " nor if it
wounded any one ; but this I know, the report struck us all
three tellement dans V esprit qu'il offensa notre sens et notre
jugement." Seized at once with terror and apprehension
at the idea of those great disorders about to be com-
mitted, we sent down a gentleman in much haste, to tell
the Duke de Guise to proceed no further against the Ad-
miral— which would have prevented all that followed."3
But the order came too late, Guise was already gone.
- — It was still dark, for the morning had not yet dawned
when, through the awful stillness of that fearful night,
the tocsin of St. Germains was heard sounding.
Through streets lighted by the flambeaux which now
appeared in every window and through crowds of people
gathering on every side, the Dukes de Guise and Nevers,
with the Chevalier d'Angouleme and their suite, made
their way to the hotel of the Admiral, with whose mur-
der the general slaughter was to begin.
Coligny, reposing in peace upon the good faith of his
master, was quietly resting in his bed ; and having dis-
missed Guerchi and Teligny, who lingered long after the
rest of the Ilugonot gentlemen had retired, was attended
only by Cornaton and Labonne, two of his gentlemen ;
Yolet, his squire ; Merlin, his religious minister ; his Ger-
man interpreter, and Ambrose Par£, who was still in the
house. His ordinary domestic servants were, however, in
1 Discours a une, &c. 3 Discours a une Peisonne d'hon-
'-' [n such a manner that it seemed neur, p. Henri III. — Mem. de Vil-
li* take away both sense and jiulg- leruy.
liient.
358 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1572.
waiting in the antich amber. Outside the street-door of
his hotel, Cosseins, with fifty arquebusiers, was posted,
and within were five Swiss guards belonging to the King
of Navarre.
As soon as the Duke de Guise, followed by his company,
appeared, Cosseins knocked at the outer door which opened
into the hall where the Swiss were placed, and saying, one
was come from the King who wanted to speak to the Ad-
miral, demanded admittance. Some persons who were in
waiting, upon this went up to Labonne who kept the
keys, and who came down into the court, and hearing the
voice of Cosseins, undid the lock immediately. But at
the moment that the door opened the unfortunate gentle-
man fell, covered with blood, poignarded by Cosseins, as he
rushed in followed by his arquebusiers. The Swiss guards
prepared to defend themselves, but when they saw the
tumult, headed by the very men who had stood guard be-
fore the door, they lost courage, and retreating behind
another which led to the stairs, shut and bolted it — but
the arquebusiers fired through it, and one of the Swiss
guards fell.
The noise below awakened Cornaton, who, springing
up, ran down to enquire the cause of this distur-
bance. He found the hall filled with soldiers, with Cos-
seins crying out to open the inner door de par le Roi.
Seeing no means to escape, he resolved at least to defend
the house as long as he could, and began barricading the
door with boxes, benches, and anything that came to
hand.
This done, he ran up to the Admiral. He found him
already risen, and in his dressing gown, standing leaning
against the wall of his room, and engaged in prayer.
Still unsuspicious of the real truth, and imagining the po-
pulace, headed by the Guises, were endeavouring to force
1572.] MASSACRE OF ST. BARTHOLOMEW. 359
the house — he relied upon Cosseins for protection. Mer-
lin, who lay in the same chamber, had risen with him on
the first alarm.
Cornaton entering in the greatest terror, Coligny
asked what all this noise was about 1 " My Lord," said
Cornaton, " it is God who calls you — The hall is carried —
we have no means of resistance/' The eyes of Coligny
were suddenly opened, and he began to understand the
treachery of the King, but the terrible conviction could
not shake his composure — he preserved his usual firm-
ness, and said calmly, " I have long been prepared to die.
But for you — all of you — save yourselves, if it be possible
— You can be of no assistance to me — I recommend my
soul to the mercy of God.,' Upon this, those who were in
the room, all except one faithful servant, Nicholas Muss,
his triicheman, or German interpreter, ran up to the
garrets, and finding a window in the roof, endeavoured
to escape over the tops of the neighbouring houses ; but
they were fired at from below, and the most part killed,
Merlin and Cornaton, with two others only, surviving.
In the mean time Cosseins having broken the inner door,
sent in some Swiss of the Duke d'Anjou's guard, (known
by their uniform, black, white, and green) — these passed
the Swiss upon the stairs without molesting them, but
Cosseins rushing in after, armed in his cuirass, and with
his naked sword in his hand, followed by his arquebusiers,
massacred them all, and then hurrying up stairs, forced
open the door of the Admiral's room. Besme a page of
the Duke de Guise — a man of Picardy named Attin Sar-
laboux — and a few others rushed in. They found Coligny
seated in an arm-chair, regarding them with the com-
posed and resolute air of one who had nothing to fear.
Besme rushed forward with his sword raised in his hand,
crying out, " Are you the Admiral V " I am," replied
360 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1572.
Colignj, looking calmly at the sword. " Young man, you
ought to respect my grey hairs and my infirmities — Yet
you cannot shorten my life." For answer, Besme drove
his sword to the hilt in the Admiral's bosom, then he
struck him over the head and across the face — the other
assassins fell upon him, and, covered with wounds, he soon
lay mangled and dead at their feet. D'Aubign£ adds,
that at the first blow, Coligny cried out, " If it had but
been at the hands of a man of honour, and not from this
varlet — au moins si je mourrois de la main d'un cavalier
et non point de ce goujat"
The above circumstances were related afterwards by
Attin Sarlaboux, who has been mentioned as one of the
murderers ; but who was so struck with the intrepidity
displayed by this great captain, that he could never
afterwards speak of the scene but in terms of admiration,
saying, " he had never seen man meet death with such
constancy and firmness/'
The Duke de Guise, and the rest who had penetrated
into the Court, stood under the window of the Admiral's
chamber, Guise impatiently crying out, "Besme, have
you done'?" "It is over," answered he from above;
the Chev. d'Angouleme called out, " Here is Guise will
not believe it unless he sees it with his own eyes. Throw
him out of the window." Then Besme and Sarlaboux,
with some difficulty, lifted up the gashed and bleeding
body, and flung it down. The face being so covered
with blood that it could not be recognised. The Duke
de Guise stooped down, and wiping it with his handker-
chief, this man, whom Hume has not hesitated to call as
magnanimous as his father, cried out, "'I know him;' and
giving a kick to the poor dead body of him tvhom
living every man in France had feared, l Lie there,'
1572.] MASSACRE OF ST. BARTHOLOMEW. 3G1
said he ; ' bete vcntmeuse, tu ne repandras done plus
ton venin.' " 2
The head was afterwards severed from the body, and
carried to the Queen, with a large sack full of papers
found in pillaging the house. The poor miserable trunk
was exposed to all the insults which the terrific violence
of an infuriated and fanatical mob can lavish upon the
objects of its detestation. Mutilated, half-burned, drag-
ged through the dirt and mire, kicked, beaten and
trampled on by the very children in the street ; it was
lastly hung by the heels upon a common gibbet at Mont-
faucon. Such was the fate of that honest patriot and
true Christian — Gaspard Coligny.
The murder completed, the Duke de Guise sallied from
the gate, followed by all the rest, crying out, " Courage,
soldiers ! We have begun well ! Now for the others !
Courage, soldats, nous avons heureusement commences —
allons aux autres ! Car le Roy le commanded in a loud
voice, " De par le roil Le roi le commande ! — C est la
volonte du Roi ! Cest son expres commandement."1
At that moment the tocsin of the Palace of Justice
began to sound, and then a loud and terrible cry arose,
" Down with the Hugonots ! Down with the Ilugonots I*
and the massacre in all its horrors began.
Dreadful was the scene which ensued. The air re-
sounded with the most hideous noises : the loud huzzas
of the assailants as they rushed to the slaughter — the
cries and screams of the murdered ; the crashing of
breaking doors and windows ; the streets streaming with
blood — men, women, and children flying in all directions,
pursued by the soldiers and by the populace, who were
1 Lie there, poisonous serpent, sous Charles IX., Ob. Tavannes
thou shah shea your venom no 27.
more. — Mem. de 1'Etut de France
362 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1572.
encouraged to every species of cruelty by their dreadful
chiefs Guise, Severs, Montpensier and Tavannes — who
hurrying up and down the streets cried out " Kill ! kill !
Blood-letting is good in August! By command of the
King! De par le Roil De par le Roil Kill! kill!
Oh, Hugonot ! Oh, Hugonot !"
The massacre within the Louvre had already com-
menced. Some scuffling had early taken place between
the guards posted in the Courts and neighbouring streets,
and the Protestant gentlemen returning to their quar-
ters, and the general slaughter of all within the palace
speedily followed.
"I had slept but an hour," continues Margaret, "when
I was startled awake by the cries of one striking with
hands *and knees against the door, and calling loudly
' Navarre ! Navarre !' my nurse ran to it, and opened,
when a gentleman called M. Tejan rushed in — having a
sword wound in his elbow, and one from a halberd in his
arm, and pursued by four archers ; he threw himself upon
the bed — from which I sprang, and he after me, catching
me in his bloody arms, both of us screaming with terror.
At last, by God's help, M. de Nanc,ay came in, who find-
ing me in that situation could not help laughing. He
scolded the archers for their indiscretion, and having
ordered them out of the room, he granted me the life
of the poor man, whom I hid in my cabinet till he was
cured. While I was changing my night-dress, which was
covered with blood, M. de Nanqay told me what was
going on, assuring me that the King, my husband, was in
the King's own apartments, and that he was safe ; and,
throwing a cloak over me, he led me to the chamber of
my sister, De Lorraine, where I arrived more dead than
alive. As I entered the anti-chamber, the doors of which
were all open, a gentleman named Bourse — flying from
1572.] MASSACRE OF ST. BARTHOLOMEW. 3G3
the archers who were pursuing him — received a blow
from a halberd, and fell dead at my feet. I swooned in
the arms of M. de Nan^ay, who thought the same blow
had struck both at once, and was carried into my sister's
room ; soon afterwards two gentlemen, M. de Miossons,
and d'Armagnac valet to my husband the King, came to
entreat me to save their lives ; I went and threw myself
at the feet of the King and Queen, and at last my peti-
tion was granted.''1
The above gentlemen were almost the only ones who
escaped of the numbers that night within the palace.
Flying from room to room, the murderers butchered
the Calvinist nobility, gentry, and servants, without
mercy or distinction ; dragging them from their beds, and
flinging their bodies out of the windows. Others,
attempting to escape, were pushed into the courts be-
tween files of the guards, who struck them down with
their halberds as they passed. The staircases and gal-
leries were slippery with blood, and defiled with the
mangled bodies : and vast heaps of the dead were accu-
mulated under the King's windows, who from time to
time came to look out upon this horrid spectacle. As
a proof of the barbarous insensibility of those dissolute
yet beautiful and accomplished women who formed the
chief attraction of Catherine's court, it must be related
that numbers of them might be seen examining the
dead bodies of their acquaintances, and amusing them-
selves with ridiculous remarks upon the miserable re-
mains.
The King of Navarre and the Prince de Conde' had
been seized at the first beginning of the massacre by
some archers of the guard, and having surrendered their
1 Mini, do Marguerite de Yalois.
364 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1572.
swords, were commanded to come before the King. As
they passed along they saw on every side the direful
spectacle of their friends and servants falling helpless
from surprise and terror under the swords and halberds
of the guards. Charles received them with eyes spark-
ling, and a countenance inflamed with fury, swearing and
blaspheming, and commanding them to abandon their fine
religion — that everything they saw was done by his com-
mand, there being no other means to put an end to their
interminable wars and seditions, — that they more es-
pecially had given him reason enough to detest them
eternally by putting themselves at the head of his ene-
mies— but that, upon account of the nearness of blood
and alliance he was willing to spare them, on condition of
their instantly changing their religion — being resolved to
suffer none but Catholics within his dominions. Therefore
it was for them to consider whether they would please
him in this, or be content to be treated like their friends
and companions.1
Henry, either astounded, or deeming it vain to argue
with a madman, replied, " Provided their consciences
were left in peace, he was ready to obey the King in the
rest." Cond6, with less discretion and greater determi-
nation, took up the King's words, and remonstrated upon
the treachery committed- — refusing to render an account
of his religion to any one save to God ; and declaring
himself ready to die rather than abandon the cause of
truth. At this answer the King's fury passed all bounds ;
he shouted that he was a madman, a traitor, a rebel, and
the son of a rebel — and that if he did not change his
note, in three days he would strangle him.
The rage of slaughter — the noise, the tumult, the con-
fusion continued increasing in the streets. The armed
1 D'Aubigne, Histoire Univefselle,
1572.] MASSACRE OF ST. BARTHOLOMEW. 3G5
bourgeois might be seen issuing from every quarter, and
throwing themselves upon the Protestants of every age,
sex, and condition : old men, children, pregnant women,
all were indiscriminately butchered. " Imagine,'1 says
the author of the Hist. Cinq Rois, " a vast city in which
60,000 men armed with pistols, stakes, cutlasses, poig-
nards, knives, and other bloody weapons, are running
about on all sides, blaspheming and abusing the sacred
majesty of God, rushing along the streets, breaking into
the houses, and cruelly murdering all they meet. The
pavements were covered with bodies — the doors, gates,
and entrances of palaces and private houses steeped in
blood : a horrible tempest of yells and murderous cries
filled the air, mingled with the reports of pistols and
arquebuss, and the piteous shrieks of the slaughtered, the
dead were falling from the windows upon the causeways,
or dragged through the mire with strange whistlings and
bowlings ; doors and windows were crashing with hatchets
or stones, houses were sacked and pillaged, carts passing
filled sometimes with the spoil, sometimes with heaps of
mutilated corpses, which were afterwards thrown into
the Seine, the river being crimson with the blood which
was running in torrents through the town — more espe-
cially through the court of the Louvre, the King's own
palace, and its neighbourhood." " La Seine toute rouge
de sang qui ruisseloit par la ville, nommement en la cour
du Louvre, maison du Eoi, et aupres^
"All those who have written of this day," says D'Au-
bign£, " more especially le grand senateur de Thou are
not ashamed to say of their own city, that the captains
and dixainiers excited the bourgeois to slay their fellow-
citizens — affording everywhere the most dismal and horri-
ble spectacle; so that such was the noise, the blasphemous
shouts of those running forward to pillage and slaughter,
366 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1572.
that one could not hear the other speak in the streets.
The air rung with the screams of the dying, the cries of
those stripped in the very article of death ; dead bodies
rained from the windows, till the gateways and portes
cocheres were choked with corpses ; as were the streets
with those who had been dragged along the bloody pave-
ment where the gore was running in streams to the river
— The number of the dead it was impossible to ascertain
— of men, women, children, and infants at the mother's
breast." *
But the Duke de Guise was neither to be wearied of
slaughter, nor satiated with blood — still, followed by his
companions, he pursued his way through the streets — the
fierce demon of the storm. "I heard him," says De
Mergey, " calling, as he passed by, ' Who lodges there 1 '
* The train of the Princess de Conde,' answers one ; ' We
have no business there,' and passed forwards." He was
making his way impatiently to the fauxbourg St. Ger-
main, where Montgommeri, the Vidame de Chartres, Par-
daillan, and many of the Calvinist gentlemen lodged. It
lies, as is well known to all acquainted with Paris, upon
the opposite bank of the river from the Louvre. All was
quiet in that quarter till five o'clock in the morning,
when the ringing of the tocsin, and the screams which
might be heard across the river roused the Calvinist gen-
tlemen, and suspecting mischief they resolved to cross
the river and join their friends. As they were calling for
boats, and preparing to embark, they saw several boats
filled with the French and Swiss guards approaching, who
1 As if to exasperate the universal upon as a sign from heaven; there
madness, about noon on Sunday was a cry that the Church was re-
there was a general cry of a"mira- viving her flowers; every one
cle." A thorn tree in the Cimetiere crowded to the place ; and the mur-
des Innocens suddenly burst into derers derived fresh encouragement
flower. This prodigy was looked from the spectacle.
1572.] MASSACRE OF ST. BARTHOLOMEW. 367
began to fire upon them ; while the King himself, from
a window of the Louvre, might be seen apparently direct-
ing their movements. " Gda? says D'Aubign6, " leur
apprit leur chemin" and mounting their horses, they rode
off at full speed. The escape of these gentlemen was like
that of Fleance after the murder of Banquo — the snake
was scotched not killed ; and Charles, like Macbeth,
had steeped his conscience in a useless crime. It is said
by Brantome, that the King himself fired repeatedly at
this party from the place where he stood ; but the fact is
not mentioned by D'Aubign6 in his minute detail of
these events, and seems to want confirmation.1
The Duke de Guise pursued the fugitives as far as
Monfort, but in vain. They were followed still further
by some of his people, but escaped to a man, and found
refuge in La Rochelle, or in foreign countries.
My limits will not allow the detail but of a very few
individual murders or hairbreadth escapes, the notes upon
Sully's Memoirs, which are in every one's hands, are full
of them. Mad. Duplessis Mornay has, in her Memoirs,
furnished us with a very curious account of her own.
Those of De Mergey contain a pathetic relation of the
death of La Rochfoucault, and of the distress and deso-
lation of his sons. This amiable and agreeable ancestor
of a house, in which such qualities seem to have been
hereditary, was killed opening his chamber door, imagin-
ing it to be the King coming to attack him in a frolic.
A child, the younger La Force, hidden under the slaugh-
tered bodies of his father and brother, escaped. Sully
himself, even then introduced and attached to the master
he afterwards served so faithfully, being seven years
younger than the King of Navarre, was finishing his edu-
1 Capefiguc asserts, that the win- that from which Charles tired, did
dow or balcony which is shown as not exist at the time.
368 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1572.
cation in Paris ; he contrived to pass safely through the
streets to a place of refuge, by means of a mass-book
which he accidentally found, and which gave credit to his
scholar's gown.
Biron, who was upon the list of the proscribed, saved
himself by shutting the gates of the arsenal, and pointing
its cannon against the populace. The arsenal served as
a refuge for many fugitives.
Perhaps the most extraordinary story of all is that of
Merlin, the minister before-mentioned as being in con-
stant attendance upon Coligny. He, flying with the rest
over the roofs of the adjoining houses, fell into a loft
which was filled with hay ; here he lay concealed many
days, but must have perished for want of food, had it not
been for the singular circumstance of a hen which
laid every day her egg " dans sa main? as D'Aubigne*
assures us.
Among the individuals slain few were more regretted
than Teligny, who was shot from below as he traversed
the roofs with Merlin. Yet such was the love univer-
sally borne to this amiable gentleman, that it was some
moments before any one could find heart to fire at him.
His death may be considered fortunate, in that he did not
witness the horrors into which his fatal confidence had
precipitated his friends.
Brion, governor of the infant Prince de Conti, was
slain in the street ; his white hair, and the efforts of the
child, who in vain spread out his little hands to stop the
murderers, being alike ineffectual to save him.
Of the Calvinist gentlemen who fell upon this dread ful
occasion, we may enumerate Guerchi, Rouvray, Du Resnel,
La Chataygneraye, Clermont de Pilles, Pluviaunt, Lavardin,
La Force, Francourt. 500 gentlemen, and, according to
Davila, 10,000 of the inferior orders, fell victims within
1572.] MASSACRE OF ST. BARTHOLOMEW. 369
the walls of Paris, which, it must be recollected, was then a
city of not one third its present extent. It is remark-
able, that among the numbers who perished, one only
stood upon his defence, this was Guerchi — one house only
was defended in the whole city, it was that of Taverni,
who, with his clerk, barricaded his door, and made a reso-
lute though ineffectual resistance.
One instance of generosity is recorded in singular con-
formity to those ways of thinking which chivalry had in-
troduced, but which now were rapidly upon the decline.
Resnier had a quarrel with Vesins, one of the rudest
and fiercest of men — Resnier hearing the door of his
chamber breaking open, and being on his knees with his
valet de chambre commending himself to God, sees Ve-
sins enter rouge comme du feu, with an immense sword
in his hand. He received him with the words, " tu en
auras trop bon marche," and turned his back upon him.
Vesins calls to the servant to bring the boots, cloak, and
sword of his master ; leads Resnier into the street,
mounts him upon an excellent horse, follows him through
the Porte St. Michel, and for the distance of a hundred
leagues, attends him without uttering a word. Arrived
at Resnier's own door, he invites him to dismount in
these terms, — " Think not that this courtesy of mine
arises from a desire of your friendship ; non, mats pour
avoir votre vie plus dignement. The answer was, " Elle
est a vous et ne se peut plus employer qu' a vous servir
de second contre le plus mediant garcon du monde. Give
me the opportunity, and I will return the obligation I have
received." The enemies exchanged tokens of friendship
and regard, Resnier entering his house, oil il trouva
femme et filles si abattus de pleurs qu' elles le prirent
pour une fantome.1
1 D'Aubign6, Histoirc Universellc.
VOL. II. B B
370 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1572.
During the first horrors, we hear of no one among the
circle assembled at the Louvre, who shewed the slightest
symptom of pity or regret, with the exception of the
Duke d'Alenqon, younger brother of the King, a man
little remarkable for generous qualities, but who, on this
occasion, was an exception amid the general hard-hearted-
ness. " He shed many tears over the fate of these brave
captains and soldiers ; but the King and Queen reproached
him cruelly, and he was obliged to stifle his grief, and
take refuge in his apartment.1' Coligny had been the ob-
ject of his warmest admiration, and was now the subject
of his bitterest regret. Among the papers brought from
the Rue Bethisy, was one drawn up by the Admiral, re-
presenting to the King the disadvantage of granting those
large, appanages to the younger members of the royal
family, which it had been customary to bestow to the dis-
memberment of the crown. " See," said Catherine, tri-
umphantly, to her younger son, " what a fine and zealous
friend you had in the Admiral." " I know not, madam,"
replied the Duke, " how far he might be my friend ; but
I well understand what excellent advice he was giving
my brother."
The Queen-Consort, the gentle Elizabeth of Austria,
reared in a house where the atrocious principles of into-
lerance were openly disavowed, must also be excepted
from the general wickedness. She is represented as in the
most excessive grief and anguish, coming to Charles, " avec
un visage tout difforme de pleurs qu'elle avoit jtte jour et
nuit," to entreat his mercy for the Prince de CondeV
When the first excitement was over, and the broad
light of an August day displayed in their full extent, the
terrors of the carnage which had been committed — it
would appear that the principal leaders in this massacre
1 D'Aubigne, Histoire Universelle.
1572.] MASSACRE OF ST. BARTHOLOMEW. 371
began to feel something like remorse and horror. " The
first blow struck," says Tavannes, " rage began to cool —
the present peril passed — the act looked greater — more
formidable to the mind — when satiated, the blood that
had been shed wounded the conscience." 1
Even the Duke de Guise himself, it would seem, was
now anxious to stop the slaughter, but in vain — he, how-
over, succeeded in saving a few individuals.
The conduct of the King is filled with contradictions
and uncertainty.
As the morning advanced the popular fury only
increased, and the tumult, disorder, pillaging, and blood-
shed, which was going on upon all sides, seem to have
alarmed the government itself. About noon of the 24th
we find an order issued, which is extracted by M. Capefigue,
from the registers of the Hotel de Ville. " The day of
the St. Bartholomew, about noon, upon the remonstrances
made to the King by the Prevost des Marchands and
£chevins, that many, as well of the suite of his Majesty
as of the Princesses and noblemen of the Court, archers
of the garde du corps and soldiers of the guards, &c,
with all sorts of people {toute sorte de gens et penple)
mingled with them, and, under shadow of their authority,
pillaged and sacked numerous houses, and murdered many
people in the street : the King commanded them to mount
on horseback, with all the forces of the town, to put a stop
to these things, and keep an eye upon them day and
night." But the order was ineffectual.
It was towards the evening of the second day, according
to Mezeray, that the King was first touched with remorse
and dismay, " hearing every one relating the murders
committed by themselves or others, on men, women, and
children — his imagination was seized with loathing and
1 Mem. do Tavannes.
372 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1572.
disgust." The relation of the cruelties that had been
perpetrated, sickened him with horror, but he was con-
demned to listen to the frightful detail. Among others a
butcher presented himself before him, boasting that he
had killed one hundred and fifty people in one night ;
and a gold-beater, baring his crimsoned arm, swore it had
been bathed in the blood of four hundred men whom he
had massacred for his own share.
The mind and spirits of the King were at last, it was
evident, giving way, — taking Ambrose Par6 aside, whom
he loved infinitely, " Ambrose," said he, " I don't knoAv
what ails me, but for these last two or three days, I find
both mind and body in great disorder — my whole frame
seems in a fever — I see nothing around me but hideous
faces .covered with blood — I wish the weak and innocent
had been spared.1' 1
Pare seized the moment of relenting to urge an im-
mediate cessation of the massacre, and the King, in con-
sequence, issued orders by sound of trumpet, forbidding
any further violence to be committed, upon pain of death.
This order we find upon the Registers, as copied by
M. Capefigue, le 25, 26 — " Que les quarteniers seuls,
pour Sviter esmotion et meurtres, aillent en toutes les
maisons faire au vraye et sans aucun omission sur peine
de la vie, le notes des noms et surnoms des hommes,
femmes, et enfans, enjoignant aux maitres et mattresses
et ceux qui sont loges es maisons, de bien garder tons
les religionaires ; qu'il ne leur soit faict aucun tort ni
deplaisir, aussi sous peine de la vie"2
But it was all useless. The demon of popular
insurrection is easily summoned in aid of political
measures ; but the power which has conjured is inef-
1 Mem. de Mezeray. obviate all tumult and murder,
2 That the quarteniers alone, to should go to all the houses to make
1572.] MASSACRE OF ST. BARTHOLOMEW. 373
fectual to lay it. That hideous population which
exists in the narrow streets and obscure quarters of
Paris, and with the characteristic and still existing fea-
tures of which some late French writers have made us
but too well acquainted — that population grovelling in
obscure vice and misery, till some fearful revolution sum-
mons it into action ; and which has taken such a tre-
mendous part in every one of those convulsions with
which that city has been visited — was now thoroughly
aroused, and had taken the matter into their own hands.
In spite of every effort which was, at last, in sincerity
made by the bourgeoisie, soldiers, and superior classes, to
restrain them, they raged through the streets, and con-
tinued their barbarous slaughters.
Seven long days was Paris one scene of pillage, out-
rage, and cruelty, which would have disgraced a horde of
the wildest savages. Brutality was bred of brutality,
cruelty grew from cruelty. Four monsters — Tanchou,
Pezon, Croiset, and Perier — stood for three days in turns
at a gate near the river, and taking all that could be
found, poignarded them, and flung them into the water
witli every sort of outrage. Men might be seen stabbing
little infants, while the innocents smiled in their faces,
and played with their beards. Even children might be
seen slaughtering children younger than themselves.
Piere Ramus, " excellent doctenr," is torn out of his study,
thrown out of the window, and his body all broken and
mangled, is dragged along in the mire by the younger
scholars incited to it par son envieux, named Charpen-
tier. Lambin, lecteur-royal, and a bigoted Catholic, dies
of horror at the sight.
without omission, on pain of death, care of all their rcligionaries, so that
a note of the names and surnames of no injury be done them on pain of
men, women, and children, enjoining death.
masters and mistresses to take good
374 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1572.
The Counsellor Rouillard, betrayed by his servant, was
poignarded by Croiset, as one among the 400 men whom he
murdered with his own hand. This Croiset afterwards,
D'Aubigne tells us, took the dress of a hermit, and robbed
and murdered, dragging passengers to his hermitage. Ne
pouvant se saouller de sang, depnis le course de ce jour,
jusqiC a celui de son gibet.
An uncle killed with his own hands his two little
nieces, who had hidden themselves under the bed.
Two other young girls showed extraordinary constancy
and courage — they were the daughters of the Calvinist
minister, Serpon. Their aunt and uncle " tormented them
cruelly with whips and red hot irons for three weeks, but
not being able by torments to make them renounce their
religion, they turned them, at midnight, out of doors.
Of the eldest nothing more was heard. The youngest,
aged nine years, was found in a swoon lying in the street,
and was carried to the hospital, where she was seized
with illness, but her nurses having discovered by her
prayers that she was one of the Religious, they endea-
voured by hunger and other torments, as they said, to
overcome her obstinacy, of which treatment she died."1
In. such a scene of disorder, it will be supposed that
the Catholics themselves did not escape ; the victims to
personal revenge and private avarice were numerous.
Many of the party, some of considerable consequence,
were thus made away with.
" The sack augments," says Tavannes ; " M. d'Anjou's
people plunder the pearls of some foreigners. Paris has
the air of a town taken by storm, to the regret of those
who had thus counselled, and who had intended only the
death of the chiefs and the factious ; but all the Hugo-
nots were killed indifferently by the people ; ne pouvant
1 D'Aubigne, Histoire Universelle.
1572.]
MASSACRE OF ST. BARTHOLOMEW. 375
le Roi ni les dlts conseillers retenir les armes qu'ils
avoient debridees." 1
The Duke de Guise, it is said, saved nearly one hun-
dred people. The lives of Grammont and Duras were
granted to the entreaties of Henry of Navarre, and Ta-
vannes boasts of rescuing some.
During the scenes of mutual recrimination and re-
proach which followed the massacre, Catherine alone
seems to have preserved her spirits and gaiety. " Well,
as for me," she said, "I have only six upon my con-
science." 2
1 Neither the King nor the coun- digy of the flowering thorn. It is
sellors being able to restrain the there said, " On Monday (I have
torrent they had let loose. — Mem. de said Sunday) a hawthorn bush, quite
Tavannes. out of season, was seen in blossom in
2 .In the account from the Reveille the churchyard of St. Innocent. No
Matin des Francois, printed at Edin- sooner was this reported than the
burgh 1574, 1 find two things men- people ran to see it from all parts,
tioned which I am unwilling to omit. and the church-bells rang a merry
The first merely gives completeness peal. To prevent too much crowd-
to the picture by noticing the state ing, and the discovery of the pre-
of the weather. " During these two tended miracle which — as has since
days Sunday and Monday it was been known — was the trick of a good
beautifully clear and calm at Paris." old friar, a guard had to be placed
— the other has reference to the pro- round the bush.
376
THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE.
[1572.
CHAPTER V.
THE MASSACRE IN THE PROVINCES. CONDUCT OF CHARLES. COLIGNY's
WIFE AND CHILDREN. SENTIMENTS OF FOREIGN COURTS. EXECUTION OF
BRIQUEMAUD AND CAVAGNES.
The storm which desolated Paris swept the provinces
with equal violence. Davila says, that, on the 23 rd,
messengers were sent to the governors of all the principal
towns, bearing orders to carry on a similar execution in
their respective governments.1 Meaux was the first to
begin. There twenty-five women, the men having
escaped, were murdered and thrown upon a heap ; and
200 people, having been first thrown into prison, were
taken out one by one and massacred in cold blood.2
Orleans had been at first re-assured by those letters of
the King, which promised to avenge the attempt made
upon the Admiral ; but the massacre soon began there.
1 M. Capefigue denies that the
massacres in the Provinces were by
order of the King, and attributes
them merely to the popular effer-
vescence. He says, " Les Hugeunots,
opinion craintive et vain-cue — ont sup-
pose, quedes circulaires, des avis du con-
seil secret mirent les amies aux mains
des multitudes pour les massacrer aux
provinces" He seems to forget the
positive assertions of Davila upon
this subject, who was not likely to
have been misinformed. Of the
noble reply of the Vicomte d'Orthes,
he says — " Je le dis ici haul, lu piece
cite par Voltaire a it't supposee — on
pent s'erc appercevoir au style de cette
pieces assez semblable aux protocoles
philosophiques du siecle de Louis
XV." If it be the letter of the Vis-
count d'Orthes which he means, it
is given in D'Aubigne, torn. ii. liv. i.
chap. 5. There is something I can-
not avoid saying, indeed, very shock-
ing in the manner M. Capefigue
writes of the Saint Bartholomew.
The excellent Sisniondi well says —
" Uauteur fait trop abstraction de
tout sentiment moral dans Vhistoire."
2 D'Aubigne, Histoire Universelle.
1572.] MASSACRE IN THE PROVINCES. 377
It commenced in the house of a counsellor named La
Bouilli, who, asking his friend, La Cour, to supper,
to tell him the news from Paris, poignarded him as he sat
at table. Here they boasted that 1,800 men, and 150
women and children, were slain.
At Troyes, the gates being shut, Simphalle, the go-
vernor, threw those suspected into prison. Five days
afterwards, receiving an order to suspend the massacre,
he first murdered all his prisoners, and then published
the order.
At Bourges, Rouen, Nevers, Toulouse, Bourdeaux, the
slaughter was immense. " For two months," says Meze-
ray, "this horrible tempest devastated France, being
more or less bloody according to the tempers of those in
authority. It was less violent in Burgundy and Brittany,
the number of Hugonots in those provinces being few."
Melancholy is it to reflect, that, among the vast numbers
to whom these sanguinary orders were addressed, four
persons only can be recorded as having refused to carry
them into execution. These were the Count de Tendes,
Matignon, Gordes, and the Viscount d'Orthes ; the answer
of this last, though well known, can never be too often
repeated.
" Sire,
" I have communicated the commands of your Majesty
to the faithful inhabitants and valiant men of war of this
garrison. I have found abundance of good citizens and
good soldiers, but not one executioner ; therefore, both they
and I most humbly entreat your Majesty to employ our
arms and our lives in things possible, however difficult ;
being, while we live, Sire, &c. &C."1
What passed at Lyons is almost too horrible for rela-
tion,2 were it not the severe duty of those who attempt to
1 D'Aubigac, Histohc Uiiivcrsclk, liv. i. chap. iv. 2 Ibid.
378 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [J 572.
relate the story of the past, to record, with the same
fidelity, these instances — these warnings — of the guilt
into which it is possible for man to be betrayed, as that
with which they hold up their virtues to admiration. Man
must learn to fear himself and his fellows of the human
race, when their passions are unrestrained, and their
fanacticism, whether political or religious, thoroughly
excited. They began by shutting up the Hugonots in
the prisons ; but when the moment for their slaughter
arrived, the common executioner and his servants refused
to perform their office, saying, they were only hired to
execute judicial sentences, and the soldiers of the gar-
rison being applied to, did the same. " Upon which,"
says D'Aubigne,1 " the affair was put into the hands of
300 archers of the town, who massacred their own neigh-
bours and relations, when soldiers and strangers had re-
fused. They began by the prison of the Cordeliers ; then
went to that of the Celestins, where the slaughter was
marvellous ; from thence to the Archeveche\ where Man-
delot, the governor, had shut up about 300 of the prin-
cipal persons of the town. There, having announced
their purpose, and having robbed them first of their
purses, they cut them all to pieces, the children as they
hung round their fathers' necks, and brothers and sisters
embracing, and exhorting one another to suffer death
patiently — they, full of sin, for Christ's sake, who suffered
without sin for them. In the evening, after having been
drinking, the murderers came back to the Rouane, the
public prison, and seizing the multitude that were there-
in, dragged them to the river and flung them in ; the
most part being first half strangled." 1
2 Mem. dc l'Etat de France sous after all too sickening for insertion —
Charles IX. ; and La Popliniere, it affords a dreadful proof of the bar-
Hist. de France. I have found the harous insensibility at which the
horrible story from La Popliniere popular feelings had arrived.
1572.] MASSACRE IN THE PROVINCES. 379
The night concluded with a universal massacre — in-
cluding women and children, "as in the other towns, says
D'Aubigne" ; in the place St. Jean a heap of bodies was
collected, so vast and horrible as to exceed description.
The Rhone was covered with dead bodies ; but the Ca-
tholic inhabitants of Vienne, Valence, and le Pont St.
Esprit, it is said, execrated these barbarous murders,
while those of Aries found it impossible to drink the
waters of the Rhone literally purpled with blood." But
enough of these horrors.1
"When the Court began to reflect coolly upon what had
been done, which does not appear to have been until the
evening of the second day, it seemed necessary to every
one that some excuses and reasons should be offered to
Europe at large, for this enormous and unparalleled exe-
cution. It is a singular fact, that no preparation what-
soever of this nature had till then been thought of. The
execution of the deed, Tavannes tells us, had at first
completely occupied their attention ; and when they
came to reflect upon this necessity they found themselves
totally unprepared. They vacillated in their plans, and
changed their pretexts many times according to circum-
stances.
1 Almost every historian has a were succeeded by this dreadful
different calculation of the numbers catastrophe, he abandoned himself to
who perished in this carnage. Pere- despair. Hearing that the Queen-
fixc makes it amount to 100,000, Mother had sent orders to arrest
on what authority he does not state ; him, his attendants wished to be
yet as a courtly historian it will be allowed to close the gates, and refuse
imagined he was not inclined to ex- entrance to the soldiers, who would
aggerate a fact of which he speaks in all probability prove assassins,
with the detestation it merits. Sulli "No," said De l'Hopital, with de-
says 70,000. These are the highest spondency, " let them enter; if the
calculations. Among the victims of postern be not wide enough, ouvrez
this fatal day, must be included the les grands battant." He was suffered
venerable De l'Hopital. Retired to however, to remain where he was ;
his country-seat, he had watched the but from the moment of the mas-
progress of events with the deepest sacre his health declined, and he
anxiety, and when the hopes excited died of grief early in the ensuing
by the change in the King's conduct spring.
380 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1572.
The first letters of the King to the Ambassadors
asserted that the Admiral had been wounded by the
Guises, his enemies. Afterwards, the style is changed,
and the Ambassadors are advertised by the King, that it
is the Guises who have occasioned the massacre "a report
which would have been maintained if the said Guises
more astute — knowing that their refusal would not now
impede the execution which had begun — had not openly
declared and published that they were not the authors,
but his Majesty — entreating him not to make them a
mark for the vengeance of all the heretics in Christen-
dom— for if his Majesty himself had reason to fear the
Calvinists as enemies, how much more had they." 1 Thus
Charles, forsaken by his companions in guilt, received upon
his own head the full weight of obloquy and reproach
that belonged to his fearful crime.
In vain he endeavoured to cast at least a share upon
the Guises, and to exile from Court that sanguinary band.
D'Aubigne tells us, that the Queen-Mother and the Duke
d'Anjou s'ameiderent pour empecher cela.2 They repre-
sented it as vain to deny what in his name, and under his
authority, had been clone, and particularly as he had
expressly avowed it as his own act before the Princes of
Bourbon : that it was now more than ever dangerous to
alienate his best servants by his coldness, and lose their
services in the hour of his greatest need. — Such was the
security so dearly purchased !
Catherine remarked, that if the affair did carry a
certain hatred with it, kings perished not by hatred, but
by contempt.
It was, therefore, at last determined that Charles
should boldly avow his share in the execution, and justify
it by attributing rebellion and conspiracy to the Admiral.
1 La Popliniere, Hist, de France. • D'Aubigne, Histoire Universellc.
1572.] CONDUCT OF CHARLES. 381
" Thus they so worked upon and persuaded the King that
upon Tuesday the 26th he, attended by his whole family,
the King of Navarre, and his principal nobility — after
having first heard mass, and thanked God publicly for the
success which had attended his measures — assembled both
chambers of Parliament, and before them solemnly ac-
cused the Admiral of the most violent and treasonable
designs ; accusations, the very enormity of which was
sufficient to prove the falsehood. He had entertained, as
it was asserted, the detestable idea of completing the
measure of his former crimes by the murder of the King,
his brothers, the Queen, and in short by the extermina-
tion of the house of Yalois — not sparing the King of
Navarre, whose cousin, the Prince de Conde, it was his
intention to elevate to the throne, until a fitting oppor-
tunity should arise for seizing upon it himself. " For
these reasons," the King added, " he had been constrained
to proceed to extreme remedies, and he now commanded
that immediate information should be taken of the con-
spiracy, both as regarded the Admiral and his accom-
plices, according to the accustomed forms.'"
Perhaps throughout the whole of this afflicting relation
no circumstance is so humiliating, or makes us so out of
love with human nature as the conduct of the great law-
officers upon this occasion. Christophle De Thou, a man
eminent for learning, and respected for virtue, who in
secret groaned and wept over this deed, " lamenting his
fate that had called him to exist in such a reign,1" was
not ashamed, in his place in the Parliament, publicly to
praise the King, and commend his prudence for what had
been done, quoting, to his everlasting disgrace, in support
of his opinion, the words of Louis XL, qui ne scait pas
dissimuler, ne sea is pas regner.
1 D'Aubignc, Histoirc Univcrscllc.
382 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1572.
Pibrac, a distinguished advocate, was more humane.
Having demanded whether it were his Majesty's pleasure
that this act should be registered, in order to hand down
the remembrance of it to all posterity, he asked, whether
he would not now be pleased to cause the massacre to ter-
minate. He was answered, that it was the King's com-
mand that the edict should be registered : and that from
that moment no one should presume to kill, torment or
pillage a fellow-citizen, under pain of death. The ser-
vility of Morvilliers was the most detestable, as leading
to fresh criminality. He, who among his private friends
had showed his detestation of what had been done, now
suggested that some form of process should be immediately
commenced against these innocent victims of treachery, in
order ^the more effectually to shelter the reputation of
the King — which advice not only brought down the
penalty of the Admiral's pretended crime upon the heads
of his helpless and innocent children : but was the
means of adding the names of two guiltless men, mur-
dered by a judicial sentence, to the long catalogue of crime.
If the speeches of the lawyers disgust us by their
meanness, what shall be said to the sentence against the
Admiral de Coligny, which was the result of the ensuing
process — a sentence pronounced by De Thou upon a man
whom he knew to be perfectly innocent — a sentence by
which his name was blasted, his estates confiscated, his
children beggared, and exposed in exile to all that com-
plication of misery which the cruel injustice of pos-
thumous punishment heaps upon unoffending families !
How few of the French lawyers of that period, great
and able legists as they undoubtedly were, escaped the
wide-spread contagion of the times, or can be held guilt-
less of that immeasurable sin — the wresting the sacred
provisions of the law to serve the evil purposes of power!
1572.] FAMILY OF COLIGNY. 383
The sentence was pronounced upon the 27th or 29th
of October; the Parliament ordained, "That the body'of
the Sieur de Coligny shall be, if possible, discovered;
but if not found its effigy shall be dragged upon a hurdle
through the streets of Paris to the Place de Greve ;
there to hang upon a gallows for the space of twenty-four
hours. This done, to be gibbeted upon Montfaucon — his
ensigns, arms, and armories dragged through the streets,
broken and destroyed, in sign of perpetual infamy.
Pictures and portraits of him shall be defaced — all his
feudal possessions held and moving from the crown re-
stored to the domain, and his other property confis-
cated to the King. His children declared ignobles,
vitains, roturiers, intestables — incapable of holding es-
tates. His castle of Chatillon-sur-Loing demolished, the
trees cut down, and in the area of the said castle a pillar
of stone shall be erected, on which shall be attached a
plate of copper bearing engraved this present sentence :
and that in years to come on the 24th of August public
prayers and general processions shall be made in this
town of Paris, to thank God for the punishment of this
conspiracy. .""
The mutilated remains of what had once been the
great and good Coligny were no longer to be found, to be
exposed to the execution of this infamous sentence. The
care of the Marechal de Montmorenci had secretly re-
moved it in the night from the gibbet on Montfaucon,
and it was laid in his own burying-place at Chantilly.
The flesh having been carefully consumed with lime,
the bones were reverently preserved ; and in the year
1582 were given to his daughter Louisa, then Prin-
cess of Orange. In 1608, when the tide of opinion
had turned, and qualities such as his were no longer
deemed criminal in France, they were carried to Cha-
384 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1572.
tillon, and there, under a marble tomb reposed amid the
ashes of his family. In D'Aubigne's time there was an
epitaph, from the pen of Scaliger, engraved upon a plate
of brass and attached to the marble, which commemorates
his greatness, his virtues, his misfortunes, and the pious
affection of his daughter.
The reader may not be unwilling to quit the thread of
the relation for a moment, and follow the fortunes of the
widow and the family of Coligny. An affecting picture
of the desolation of the little groupe at Chatillon, and of
the piety and tenderness of Madame de Coligny, has been
left by the eldest son, who, under the name of Chatillon,
we shall find serving the cause of Henry IV. with all the
zeal of his father, and with all the energy and ani-
mation of D'Andelot. It is to be found, I believe, in
" Preuves de THistoire de la Maison de Coligny"
The intelligence of the St. Bartholomew having reached
Chatillon, " Madame l'Amiral being advertised of this
unparalleled perfidy, was in extreme terror ; yet she,
being virtuous, and fearing God, after having strengthened
herself in her excessive affliction, and resolved to sub-
mit to his will, called to her all of us little children.
We, then having but little judgment to comprehend the
loss we had sustained, nor see the hand of God heavy
upon us — yet 'moved by the natural affection for such a
father — one who feared God and loved us as the apple of
his eye — came to her, drowned in tears, and uttering
sighs and groans, which redoubled when we saw her
weeping and lamenting. We were thus, for some mo-
ments, weeping over each other before we had the heart
to utter a word ; and as the remembrance of our father
rose fresh before us, we burst into loud cries and floods
of tears — a little restrained by the fear of increasing the
grief of so good a mother. Then she, her heart filled as
1572.] FAMILY OF COLIGNY. 385
it was with sorrow for the loss of one so dear to her,
began to address us thus — her speech often interrupted
by her tears and sighs : 'Alas, my children, our loss is so
great that it is impossible to conceive how hereafter we
may feel it ; since it has pleased God to deprive us of
him that I have during life — do still — and ever shall
while I have memory, so greatly honour. But you
little know all the misery that surrounds you. Alas !
if I have lost my husband, must I lose my children
also ! "
She then informed them of the necessity there was for
the immediate departure of the elder ones, if they would
escape the fate of their father ; and consulting with
Gresle, theirt utor, in treated that he would devise means
to save them ; " and thus concluded, as she had begun, by
embracing us with abundance of sighs and tears. You
may imagine what agonies of grief we were in, but as
we had but one refuge we sought there for consolation ;
and Madame l'Amiral, lifting up her eyes, filled with
tears, and joining her hands, began to say, 'Almighty
God, I intreat Thee, since it is Thy pleasure that I survive
one I so perfectly loved, that Thou wilt grant me this
one grace — that I may see these poor little children placed
in safety ; and that Thou wilt preserve them to punish
the treachery of. those who thus have slain their father.
Thou art a just judge — Thou wilt not leave this action
unrequited. As for me, may it please Thee, oh God!
to give me patience to bear the affliction Thou hast been
pleased to send."'
The escape of Francis the eldest son of Coligny, of
Laval the eldest son of D'Andelot, and of Louisa Madame
de Teligny, was effected ; and when the order arrived
from the King to arrest the children, none but the very
young ones were to be found. These being put into a
VOL. II. c c
386 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1572.
coach were carried to Paris ; and those who attended
them had the barbarity to bring them by the way of
Montfaucon, where the headless trunk of the Admiral
still hung suspended from the gibbet. It was remarked,
that while the other children abandoned themselves to
tears, and refused to cast their eyes upon this cruel spec-
tacle, the younger son of D'Andelot regarded it steadily,
with a stern and fixed attention.
Madame l'Amiral, having succeeded in securing the
escape of the elder children, retired herself to Savoy,
where she gave birth to a daughter. Continuing through
the remainder of her unfortunate life a mark for unjust
persecution — she was deprived of her property, thrown into
prison, accused of sorcery, magic pacts with the devil, — im-
aginary crimes, by the imputation of which mediocrity so
long endeavoured to revenge itself upon mental superi-
ority. Henry the IV., when at length in the possession
of the crown, interested himself vainly in her behalf;
the Duke of Savoy was inexorable.
The Cardinal d'Ossat, in one of his letters to the King,
mentions her with compassionate interest. " I have in-
treated," says he, " for pity upon this hapless person, who
only desires to obtain her fortune, that it may serve as a
pasture for a heap of little young things, bred at the foot
of the mountains (Coligny's children)." These efforts
were ineffectual. Madame de Coligny died in 1599.
Louisa, the widow of Teligny, married, as I have men-
tioned before, the great Prince of Orange surnamed the
Taciturn ; it was her singularly unfortunate fate to mourn
the assassination of both her husbands.
The papers found in the cabinets of Coligny were care-
fully examined, in order to detect something which might
at least give colour to the calumnies of his enemies.
Nothing, however, was found to criminate him in the
1572.] EXECUTION OF BRIQUEMAUD AND CAVAGNES. 387
slightest degree — every line breathed the purest patriotism,
and the most devoted loyalty. Among these remains
was found, Brantome tells us, " a fine book which he had
composed of those things most memorable in the civil
wars. It was carried to King Charles — many thought it
very noble, very well done, and worthy to be printed ;
but the Marechal de Retz dissuaded him from it, and
flinging it into the fire, it was consumed. Envieux de
la profit et de la recreation que le livre eut pu apporter
au monde, ou envieux de la memoire et de la gloire de ce
grand homme ; ce qu'il ne devoit—puisque Venvie ne
regne que parmi les pareils—et qu' aidant de ressem-
blance y avoit il entre eux—comme d'un asne d un beau
cheval d'Espagne.1
This last attempt to fix criminality upon Coligny not
succeeding, Briquemaud and Cavagnes, the first seventy
years of age — were sacrificed to the King's reputation.
They were accused and convicted as accomplices in the
conspiracy, a conspiracy in which, it is certain, neither
accusers, witnesses, nor judges, in the slightest degree
believed. They were both executed.
The King, it is said, chose to be a witness of this execu-
tion, and even held a candle to the face of Briquemaud,
that he might observe ■ the distortions of his agony — a
shocking circumstance, in unison with the barbarity which
disgraced the times, but little in consonance with the bit-
ter feelings of remorse which had already begun to agon-
ise Charles. This execution took place in October. I
have inserted it here to complete at once the lamentable
story of Coligny's fate and its consequences.
1 Envious of tlic profit and re- ccssary, as envy should only take
creation that the world might thence rise between equals, and these tw<i
have derived, or rather envious of were just as equal as a stupid ass
the glorv and reputation of this great and a tine jennet of Spain,
personage; which was quite unnc-
i o -2
388 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1572.
With contradiction of feelings which it seems almost
impossible to account for, except upon the idea of inci-
pient insanity — that insanity of the Neros and Caligulas of
the ancient world — the result of unbridled passions, and
the unnatural thirst for blood once excited, the King, in
spite of his behaviour at these executions, had already,
there is no doubt, become at intervals a prey to all the
agonies of a remorse, as excessive as had been his crimes.
Time and reflection only increased the horror of his feelings
— " strange, melancholy, distressing nights, all the anxiety
and restlessness of an imagination haunted by cruel recol-
lections.1'1 In vain every means was tried to divert his dis-
tress and reconcile him with himself; verses were com-
posed, books written in praise, as well as justification of
the action ; medals struck in silver and gold to comme-
morate it. In some, the King was represented sitting
on his throne, with this inscription — " Vertu contre les
Rebelles" — Piety and Justice on the reverse. On another
might be seen Hercules crushing the Hydra, with the le-
gend, " Charles Neuvieme Dompteur des Rebelles;" but all
was in vain — it was found impossible to soothe the
King's mind. Nor was he the only victim of such
feelings — a superstitious dread, a secret terror, pervaded
the court in general ; a universal gloom, which not all the
splendour of their profligate amusements — not all the
vain flutter of their lives could dispel.
" Our King Henry IV.,'1 says D'Aubigne,1 " preserved in
his memory three anecdotes, which he often related to
his intimate friends : one of some horrors which he had
witnessed in company with King Charles, this he never
mentioned in public, but the two others I have often
heard him relate ; and many witnesses now living will
1 D'Aubigne, Histoirc Universelle.
1572.] SENTIMENTS OF FOREIGN COURTS. 389
affirm, that he never did enter upon this discourse without
feeling and shewing us the hair standing erect upon his
head. One of these prodigies he related thus. Eight
days after the massacre, a number of crows were seen,
some resting, others dismally croaking, upon and around
the great pavilion of the Louvre. The noise they made
brought every one out to look at them ; and the super-
stitious ladies infected the King with the terror they
felt at the sight. That same night, the King, two hours
after he had gone to rest, sprang up, called to those who
were in his chamber, and sent for his brother-in-law.
(Navarre), with all the rest, to listen to a loud noise in
the air, a concert of screams, groans, bowlings, and furious
voices menacing and blaspheming — just as they were
heard on the night of the massacre. The sounds were so
distinct and articulate, that the King fearing a new
disorder, and that they were attacking the Montmorencies,
commanded some of his guards to run into the town and
prevent murder ; but they brought word that the city
was perfectly quiet, and the air only in disturbance. The
King continued greatly agitated, most especially as the
sound for seven successive days returned and was heard
precisely at the same hour." Such were the distractions
of guilt and remorse in the most hardened and profligate
court that ever existed. It remains only to shew what
eifect this action produced in the rest of Europe.
By the Pope, the head of the Christian church, it was
received with the most indecent expressions of joy. The
Cardinal de Lorraine, who was then at Rome, rewarded
the messenger who brought the intelligence with 100
crowns. The Pope ordered a general procession of thanks-
giving to be made upon the occasion, in which the Holy
Father himself walked, accompanied by his Cardinals,
Bishops, and the whole of his clergy. Mass was per-
390 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1572.
formed by the Cardinal de Lorraine, who took occasion to
enlarge upon the obligations under which the Christian
Church lay to Pope Gregory XIIL, for those councils and
prayers which had given birth to such a glorious and
marvellous victory.1
The news was carried into Spain with incredible speed.
One called John Bourachio, if we may credit Brantonie,
made such diligence, that in three days he travelled from
Paris to Madrid, not sleeping by the way, " which,1' says
he, "the King, his master, admired much, giving him
plenty of wine, not only upon account of his diligence,
but for the good news which he brought him. You may
be sure the King of Spain rejoiced, for in the world he
had no worse enemies than the Admiral and his fol-
lowers.
"After the King had well interrogated the courier, he
sent him with the letter which King Charles had written
him, to the Admiral of Castille, who was then at Madrid,
in order to acquaint him with the good intelligence he had
received. The courier being arrived, began, as he entered
the Court, to cry aloud, 'nuevas ! nuevas ! buenas nuevas /'
and coming into the hall where the Admiral was sitting
at supper, cried again, 'buenas nuevas! todos los Luter-
anos, y de los mas principaks, son muertos y matados
in Paris, ay tres dias," and approaching the Admiral,
gave him the letter, who having read it, turned to the
company and said, ' It is certain the principal are dead,
excepting three, Vendomillo, (the Spaniard always gave
1 There is still to be found in the ing at the intelligence, but his testi-
Sixtine Chapel at Rome, a picture of mony is little to be regarded ; he
the massacre, painted this same year. attributes this to Pius V., no longer
There really, however, seems reason in existence, and with whom it might
to doubt whether the Pope was in have been in character, not so with
the secret before the massacre took his stern successor.
place. See Capefigue. Brantome 2 All the Lutherans are killed and
alone represents the Pope as weep- massacred in Paris three days agone,
1572.] SENTIMENTS OF FOREIGN COURTS. 391
this title to the King of Navarre, refusing him his
own), whom the King has pardoned for the love of his
wife, the Prince de Conde', and Montgommeri.' ....
There was supping with the Admiral the Due de l'ln-
fantusque (Infantado), very young, and little prac-
tised in the world, who asked if M. l'Amiral de France
and all his partisans were Christians. They told him
undoubtedly so — he replied, ' Gomo diablo pueder se, que
paes que son Franceses y asi Christianos se matan
como bestias f ' ' Calla, Senor Duque, que la guerra di
Francia es lapaz dEspana, lapaz dEspana es la guerra
di Francia con nuestros doblones.'1 The Duke of Alva
let fall this remark — i Muerto V Almirante — France has
lost a great captain — Spain a great enemy.' M1
These characteristic anecdotes, preserved by the pen of
Brantome, are confirmed as to their spirit at least, by
the records still existing in the Archives de Simancas — as
quoted by M. Capefigue.
He gives us the letter dated the 17th of September,
written by Philip to the Queen- Mother upon the occasion
— and which is as follows : — ■
"Madame,
" M. de Saint Goard has presented me with your
Majesty's letter ; 1 wish more particularly to reply to
that portion of it which concerns the just chastisement
inflicted by order of my brother, the most Christian
King, and of your Majesty upon the Admiral and those
of his sect. This action, full of valour and prudence —
this great service done to the honour and glory of God,
was to me the best and greatest news that ever during
1 " How the Devil, if they arc France is peace for Spain, and peace
Frenchmen and Christians, can they in Spain is war for France with our
have been slaughtered like beasts?' doubloons."
"Know, Signior Duke, that war in
392 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1572.
my life I have received — and I kiss your hands
exceedingly for having dispatched it to me. I send the
Marquis de Ayamonte to see your Majesties ; visit them,
and rejoice with them on my part upon this happy suc-
cess. My Ambassador, Don Diego de Zuniga, will have
spoken already upon the subject to your Majesties, I will
only add that you have demonstrated to the world the
love you bear in your bosom for God and Christen-
dom." '
Fresh letters from Philip to the King, the Queen, and
the Queen-Mother, dated the 2nd of October, reiterate
these felicitations.
" I send you the Marquis de Ayamonte. He will rejoice
with you upon the so Christian, so great, so valorous a
determination and execution. Finish the work effectually,
purge your kingdom from the infection of heresy ; it is
the happiest thing that can befal your Majesties — the
preservation of your crown depends upon it."2
The private instructions to the Marquis de Ayamonte,
written in Philip's own hand, are in the same spirit.
" The Marquis de Ayamonte is to say to the King, my
very dear and beloved brother, that the King of Spain
rejoices with him upon the determination he has taken so
favourable to his reputation — he has rendered a service
most notable and worthy of all memory in this exemplary
chastisement of perverse and obstinate heretics, perturba-
tors, and rebels to his crown. All Christians are under
great obligations to him — all generally — but he (the King
of Spain) in particular ; and he desires the success of
his (the King of France's) affairs as if they were his own
— and therefore it is that I recommend it to him in all
friendship, to persevere in these good principles, pursuing
1 Archives de Simancas, Cot. B. 34, 385. 3 Ibid. 395.
1572.] SENTIMENTS OF FOREIGN COURTS. 393
the Ilugonots liis subjects in such ways, that into what-
soever part of his kingdom they may retire, there may be
made an end of them and of their false doctrines — and if
in the furtherance of this good work he has need of my
succour or assistance I will give it him with all my heart
— indeed, to do so is my hearty desire .... Antoine de
Gusman, Marquis de Ayamonte, will see the Queen-Mother,
and will make the same demonstrations as to the King, her
son.1 He will relate the joy, pleasure, and delight that
this news has given to all Christendom ; the earth has been
purged of a race of men very perverse, very traitorous ;
he will say that they were scheming to deprive her of
her life and crown if she had not forestalled them by her
great zeal and singular prudence.
" You will visit the Duke d'Anjou, who has taken so
large a part in the service of God at the council and
deliberation ; you will present him with my letter of joy
and felicitation, and will tell him that he has displayed
to the world the love he bore his brother.
" "We do not understand here that the Duke d'Alengon
has taken any great part in all this ; but as brother to
the King you will visit him, and rejoice Avith him upon
this success. According to what I hear, the Dukes de
Guise and d'Aumale, and the bastard D'Angouleme have
had the principal hand in this execution, you will visit
them on my part, and will arrange with Don Diego what
is best to be said.
" You will see Madame Marguerite, and it will be as
well to see the Due de Vendome her husband, who has
been converted to our holy Catholic faith ; you will
1 It may be observed that in these filled with the exultation arising
i instructions no allusion what- from very acceptable but very un-
socver is made to a preconcerted expected intelligence,
[dan. The King of Spain seems
394 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1572.
rejoice with him on my part, as well as with the Prince
de Conde, who is likewise converted — as Don Diego writes
me. You will also visit the Duchess of Lorraine, the
Cardinals de Bourbon and Guise, the Dukes de Mont-
pensier, de Nemours, and de Nevers, and will make my
compliments proportioned to the share they have had in
the enterprise, and the affection they manifest for my
service. m
The effect produced upon the general affairs and po-
litical relations of the kingdom by this desperate crime —
the submissions to Spain — the results, as far as regarded
the Low Countries, cannot more forcibly be pointed out
to the observing reader, than in the answer returned by
Catherine to these congratulations.
" MONSJEUR MON FILS,
" I have seen by the letters I have received from your
Majesty, the pleasure you have received, in that it has
pleased God to give us the means of delivering ourselves
from the hands of our enemies and His ; a thing which I
never doubted would give you all the satisfaction which
the friendship we bear you would demand — which friend-
ship I doubt not to make evident to your Majesty by all
the good offices we can render. As I am sure (even now)
is made appear by the success of the Duke d'Alva in Flan-
ders, from which we receive as much contentment as if it
were our own, and would have been glad that his means
were yet larger, so that the other places might the more
readily have been reduced to conform to your will — and
that the good treatment Monsieur and those who are
with him have received, may not raise the courage of
1 Instruction particolar de sa Mad. 1572. Archives de Siinan. Cot. B.
al Marques de Ayamonte que fue a 34, 402, 406, 419.
visitar los Reyes chr.mos. October,
1572.] SENTIMENTS OF FOREIGN COURTS. 395
those in the other places — for your Majesty will never
have so great prosperity as I desire for him.
" Catherine.
" P. S. I must not forget, for the pleasure which I am
sure your Majesty will receive from it — to tell him how
God has given grace to my son, the King of Navarre,
to be restored to our religion."1
Upon the subject of Flanders, Brantome, in spite of
his Catholic and courtly prejudices, speaks out — in his
eloge of Charles IX. he does not hesitate to say : —
" Since I am upon the subject of this villainous mas-
sacre— (yilain massacre) — I will make this little digres-
sion. Many people, as well foreigners as Frenchmen,
thought this massacre of St. Bartholomew a very wicked
and detestable thing, not only for the broken faith so
solemnly sworn towards M. l'Amiral, but that the King
had not made use of him in the fine opportunities
which presented themselves. And by your leave, not
for little matters, but for nothing less than the conquest
of Flanders and all the Low Countries — I understand
it all as well as other people — for he had great intelli-
gences ; though the Duke d'Alva would have done his
best to have prevented him .... and thus he might have
repaired all the injuries of the late wars, and all the
past would have been forgotten."2
The indignation of Protestant exceeded the exultation
of Catholic Europe. A universal cry of reprobation burst
forth upon all sides ; the fugitives, who escaped in num-
bers from France, were received with every mark of affec-
tionate kindness, and nothing was spared which could
evince sympathy for the afflicted, or abhorrence of the
deed. The Great Palatine of the Rhine, as he was called,
1 Archives do Simancas, Cot. B. 34, 400.
2 Brantome, Charles IX.
396 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1572.
had even after the lapse of a year little abated in his
feelings of indignation ; and Avhen Henry d'Anjou visited
his Court, on his way to ascend the throne of Poland, he
found reason to observe the reverence with which the me-
mory of the Admiral, and the contempt with which his own
conduct was regarded. " When," Brantome tells us,
" the King of Poland quitted this kingdom, and was tra-
versing Germany, he began with the estates of this great
Count Palatine, grand Vappelle je, car il estoit tres
grand en tout, who received him very honourably.
" One day he took him with one or two of his friends
(I think big Villeclerc was one, and M. Du Gua the
other;) into his cabinet, and there the first thing you
saw was the portrait of the Admiral as large as life, and
as like as possible.
" The Count then addressing him said, ' You are ac-
quainted with that man, Sir. In him you have slain the
greatest captain in Christendom — a thing you ought never
to have done, for he did both the King and you good
service.'
" Then the King began to hesitate, and attempt to pal-
liate, as well as he could, in a low voice, saying, ' that
it was he who had intended to massacre them all, and
that he had only been beforehand with him.' M. le
Comte only answered, ' We understand the whole story,
Sir, — Nous en sgavons toute I'histoire, Monsieur,' — and
then left the cabinet. But I have it from very good
authority, that the King was very much shocked when he
saw the portrait, and heard these words, and began to think
the whole scene had been planned to give him a lesson."1
The entire journey through Protestant Germany was
but one series of mortifications of the same nature : and to
the vexation, and perhaps regrets, which were awakened
1 Brantome, Homines Illustres.
1572.] SENTIMENTS OF FOREIGN COURTS. 397
in his mind, and his consequent restless and sleepless
nights, we are indebted for his account of the share he
took in the whole transaction.
Elizabeth of England took equal pains to manifest the
depth of her grief and resentment. The French Ambas-
sador resident in London, on his first audience after the
event, was received in a manner to impress him with the
sense entertained both by the Sovereign and the Court of
this unparalleled cruelty. He found the whole suite of
apartments hung with black cloth, and the Court dressed
in the deepest mourning ; all present preserved a profound
silence— the darkest gloom sat upon every countenance —
no one saluted, no one accosted him — and thus he made
his way to the Queen.
The subsequent conduct of Queen Elizabeth, as will be
seen, was not exactly what seems consistent with this first
burst of indignation ; but in this as in other of those
questionable modes of proceeding which have, in the eyes
of many, darkened the memory of this great Queen and
her ministers, it is especially necessary, before we can
form an equitable judgment, to consider the situation of
the times, and the very great dangers and difficulties to
which those were exposed who espoused the cause of the
Reform, against the tyranny and wide extended power of
Spain. The danger of driving the French King into
closer alliances with his terrible neighbour, no doubt
prevented any open rupture upon the part of the English
government.
To complete this narration shall be added an account
of what M. Capefigue gives, as a proof of the excitement
and sentiments of the Holies upon this occasion. " But
the most curious expression of popular opinion," he says,
"that which shews to what a pitch of exultation the
Ilalles had arrived, is shewn by the cotemporary tragedy
393 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1572.
of 'The Death of Coligny.'" During many succeeding
years this " Tragedy of the late Gaspard de Coligny, for-
merly Admiral of France," was played in all the principal
towns in the kingdom. It was written by Francois de
Chantelloup, a gentleman from the Bordellais, and Knight
of the order of St. John of Jerusalem.
The Admiral ; Montgommeri ; the People ; the King ;
the Council of the King ; Briquemaud ; Cavagnes ;
Mercury ; Pilles ; D'Andelot ; the Furies ; the Spy ;
and the Messenger, are the characters.
D'Andelot rises from hell, surrounded by the Furies.
The Admiral exclaims —
Oh, Satan ! oh, Calvin ! ouvrez moi les enfers —
Oii mes freres et toi grillent de feux divers —
Despitez, blasphemez, en hurlemens horribles,
Desormais jo renonce a toute religion ;
Je quitterai mesme celle que Beze annonce,
Je demande le renversemcnt de la foi,
Exempt de toute loi, etre Roi je desire.
" Admiral, my friend," says Montgommeri, " you know
that I overthrew Henry II. at Paris, and I hope soon to kill
the King and Monsieur, his brother." Then the French
people indignantly demand the death of this murderer,
and call down the royal thunder upon his Gaspardine
head.
D'un rouge bras darde et les jette
Dessus la Gaspardine tete.
" Wretched Chatillon !" they exclaim, "no woman ever
reared thee, or thee, Montgommeri ; a savage wolf has
suckled you both. Oh, Lord ! behold your poor Church cut
into a thousand pieces, and listen to her piteous cries
demanding vengeance."
The King assembles his Council. " Gentlemen, the
Hugonots conspire my ruin, they destroy France, they
devour my kingdom."
1572.] UTIIE DEATH OF COLIGNY." 399
Oil moi, prince chetif ; oh, miserable '""i '
" Tell me, peace or war ? "
La paix, Sire, la paix !
Les Huguenots viendront a prompt e repentance;
lis despoujlleront leur premiere arrogance.
" Marry Madame with the Navarrois, and the rebels
will submit." The King grants the peace ; the people
shout joyfully —
Nous allons avoir nos terrcs, nos champs, long repos ;
Nous allons estre hors des mains des Huguenots.
When the Admiral is wounded Montgommeri ex-
claims—
C'est lc Roi, e'est lc Roi, que lc coup que tu as,
Invincible Amiral, t'a fait dormer an bras.
" He is going to pay you a hypocritical visit ; but we
must get rid of them all in one day, and have a new
Court." "No, no! "cry the people, "the Admiral is an
incendiary ; he shan't stay in our town." D'Andelot
reappears from the infernal regions.
Je rotis d'un feu qui nc connaist la mort.
" I languish in intolerable torments ; the Cardinal, my
brother, and the apostate Calvin keep me company."
Ne faisons que hurler et hrairc ;
" But what grieves us the most is, that
Ces pretres, Canlinaux, et toute la prcstvaillc,
Que tant je meprisait, que je tuois jadis,
Sont morts et sans douleur vivent en Paradis."
He advises the Admiral to open his eyes, and with a
vengeful hand, kill the King and all his company;
Courage ! tue, hrise, renverse ;
and then returns whence he came. " Be sure, my bro-
400 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1572,
ther," sajs the Admiral, " that I will have vengeance.
Avec mes chers Huguenots, je vais tuer Guise et mettre le
Roi ou il doit 6tre." A Spy discovers this project to
Charles IX. The King is inclined to mercy.
Mais quoi ! misericorde est agreable a Dieu !
But the Council replies —
Chatier les medians est toujours grand vertu,
Sire, pimissez une telle entreprise,
Deslivrez le peuple, secourez l'eglise.
A messenger announces to the people the exe-
cution of the Admiral and his friends. " Oh ! generous
exploit,"" cries the people. " Oh ! vengeful hand, which has
done good execution upon this barbarian/1
Bref et celuy qui desirait la France
Seigneurier, en son desir feslon ;
Est possesseur, 0 divine vengeance!
Du plus haut lieu qui soit en Montfaucon.
Among the verses written by the Hugonots the follow-
ing have been preserved : —
Ah! Fiance, tu etais debout par son appui,
Diet 'elle, et maintenant tu tombes avec lui,
Et comblant le mallieur de ta fureur extreme,
Jetant un autre en bas, tu t'yjette toi niesme.
Du haut en bas, Gaspard, on t'a jete',
Et puis du bas en haut; on t'a monte,
L'un par fureur, l'antre par autre vice,
lis sont confus par leur propre malice,
Et toi heureux ; quand le bras furieux,
Qui t'a mis bas, t'e'levejusqu' aux cieux ;
Pendez le plus haut, levez le, et haussez ores,
II est plus haut sur vos testes encore.1
The King of Navarre remained at Court in the most
irksome and painful situation — in a sort of imprison-
ment, under which, though no absolute coercion was used,
1 Capefigue, Hist, de la Reforme.
1573.1 ALLEGED CONVERSION OF NAVARRE. 401
he found it impossible to recover his liberty. Surrounded
by enemies and spies, his utmost prudence was necessary
to preserve himself from irretrievable ruin. To deny
his religion in appearance, not only to forsake, but even
to fight against his ancient allies, these were the hard
conditions upon which alone life was granted. When
the Queen-Mother, after one or two ineffectual efforts,
found it impossible to dissolve his marriage with her
daughter,1 and yet that the murder of Navarre was by
the whole Council rejected as impolitic, she spared no
pains for his conversion — hoping that this separation of
the head from the body must occasion a final dissolution
of the Union. Henry thought it necessary to submit to
an outward conformity at least — but this disingenuous
measure besides its present inconveniences, occasioned
very great difficulties in the perplexed course of his
future life.
Great pains were taken to facilitate this conversion.
The Cardinal de Bourbon was indefatigable in his endea-
vours to persuade the two princes, and the Jesuit Mal-
donato exhausted the eloquence and learning of his order,
in recommendation of the Catholic tenets. A Calvinist
minister, named Des Hosiers, who, either through con-
viction or terror, had lately changed his religion, was
likewise presented by the King to Navarre, to his sister
Catherine, and to the Prince de Conde\ Whether his argu-
ments prevailed or his example persuaded, shortly after-
wards the Princes attended mass. Des Hosiers soon after-
wards quitted Paris, and going to Sedan, where numerous
Hugonots had found refuge, he there seems to have been
seized with remorse for what he had done; and he pub-
lished an apology, in which he asked pardon of the Prince
de Conde" in particular, for having misused the influence
1 Mem. de Marguerite <le Valois.
VOL. II. D D
402 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1573.
he had possessed over his mind, in order to bring him
over to the Catholic church.
On the feast of St. Michael, the knights of the order
went in procession to Notre Dame, where high mass was
performed, with the greatest possible pomp and solemnity ;
at which the King of France, the King of Navarre, and
the Prince de Conde" attended. After mass, a petition
was presented to Charles. In the preamble it was desig-
nated as that of an innumerable multitude of gentlemen
— which expression was made use of in order to insinuate
that the recent destruction of so many of the Protestant
nobility was a loss that would scarcely be felt. In this
paper the King was petitioned to establish the religion
of his ancestors throughout his kingdom, and to exile
every one, without exception, who professed the Reform
— the undersigned offering their best services to second
his Majesty in so just and praiseworthy an enterprise.1
Charles answered, he would advise upon and decide that
which he should find would be the most for the advantage
of the state.
1 De Thou
SIEGE OF LA ROCTIELLE. 403
CHAPTER VI.
FOURTH TROUBLES.
SIEGES OF LA ROCHELLE AND OF SANCERRE. — PACIFICATION.
The attempt to destroy a numerous popular party by
one general measure of extermination, is but to realise
the fable of the Hydra ; long and persevering oppression
may perhaps effect this object — sudden violence never
can. The iniquitous government of France had reason
to acknowledge that the crime they had committed was,
to borrow the expression of an unprincipled modern
statesman, plus qiCun crime — c'etoit unefaute!
Of the Hugonots, though numbers undoubtedly pe-
rished— numbers, great beyond all proportion, escaped.
Fity and the detestation excited by this cruel massacre
opened for them the houses of many, even among their
greatest enemies. In cellars, in chimneys, between roofs,
in garrets, behind piles of wood, under old furniture,
the unfortunate victims were sheltered. Thousands
escaped by taking refuge in foreign countries — thousands
evaded their fate by, for the moment, apparently chang-
ing their religion — while the horror of the deed served to
exasperate, what once was a temperate and well-ordered
resistance, into desperate rebellion. An immense portion
of his subjects were alienated for ever from their sovereign
— those distinctions of factions and parties, which time had
404 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1573
already begun to heal and obliterate, were rendered an
irreparable breach — and a contest was once more renewed
which seemed now as if it could indeed be terminated only
by the destruction of one or other party. — The contest
in fact was terminated, after innumerable vicissitudes, by
the final ruin of the Hugonots, and by it France was de-
prived of the best and most industrious portion of her po-
pulation, leaving darkened and desert districts to lament
to this day the blind infatuation to which they were
sacrificed.
As for the Court and privy Council, they were not
allowed for a single day to indulge the hope, that by
thus cutting the knot they had released themselves from
the difficulties which had perplexed them. So far from
that, tbey were immediately involved in a succession of
consequences most intricate and alarming.
The King found his foreign relations grievously en-
tangled by the step he had been persuaded to take.
His crime as effectually weakened his influence abroad as
it had diminished his power at home. Regarded with
detestation by all Protestant Europe, he found himself
more than ever dependent upon those Catholic powers
from, whose yoke he had been upon the point of extrica-
tion. As a first step he was under the necessity of
making the most humble apologies to the King of
Spain, for those attempts on Flanders, which, under
the auspices of Coligny, might have made him master of
that important territory. His excuses were, as might
be expected, founded upon the dissimulation it had been
thought necessary to practise with regard to his Calvinist
subjects — a plea as disgraceful as it was false ; but in
the present situation of French affairs it was become in-
dispensable to be reconciled to Philip at any cost. The
Pope took advantage of the present weakness, to send
1573.] SIEGE OF LA ROCHELLE. 405
a Legate into France, whom the government found it
necessary at once to acknowledge without any of those
limitations and reserves which had marked their days
of strength, when under an administration founded upon
a union of both religious parties France had dared to
resist and defy the authority of Rome. The Cardinal des
Ursins arrived at Paris, invested with full powers as
Legate, and was received as such by the ministers, who
contented themselves with desiring him to use the great-
est circumspection in speaking of the St. Bartholomew,
upon which the Cardinal expressed his great surprise,
at finding that an affair so much lauded in Italy was
met by almost universal reprobation in France. He
appeared, however, little inclined to pay attention to
the wishes thus intimated ; he spoke openly of the late
events, and affected upon every occasion to magnify and
extol the whole business as a proof of the zeal of the
King. At his first audience, he urged Charles to pub-
lish the Council of Trent without delay, and said that he
would thus consecrate the memory of a great action,
and prove to all succeeding ages, that arising from no
motives of personal animosity, the deed had been the
result solely of a determination upon his part to re-
establish the faith of his ancestors in its pristine au-
thority and security.
But Charles, who had refused at first to give his
sanction openly to the massacre, and still cherished a
hope to shelter his perfidy under cover of the pretended
Hugonot conspiracy, was not to be so persuaded to this
measure.
As for the affairs of the Protestants themselves, those
on the frontiers had, as I have said, in their first
distraction of terror, taken refuge for the most part in
foreign countries, carrying with them to every place, the
406 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1573.
story of their miseries and their wrongs. Those of Nor-
mandy, Brittany, and Picardy, fled to England, where they
speedily assembled in a formidable body under the Count
de Montgommeri. Those of Dauphin^, Provence, and the
Lyonnais, to Switzerland, where they, by their writings
and relations, maintained the exasperation of the public
mind, and assisted to alienate the Cantons from their
ancient alliance with France. Those of Burgundy and
Champagne, into Germany and to Sedan, where they were
protected by the Duke de Bouillon, a warm supporter of
their cause ; while those in the central provinces, finding
it impossible to escape, shut themselves up in the
cities of Sancerre, Nisines, Montauban, and various towns
in Languedoc — about fifty ministers and between 800
and 900 men at arms seeking and finding refuge within
the walls of La Rochelle.
The occupation of the first mentioned towns and
districts occasioned but small anxiety to the govern-
ment— isolated as they were, any long resistance ap-
peared impossible, and even if possible, carried with it
no important consequences. But the revolt of La Roch-
elle — the gate of the ocean — the key to those fertile
western provinces, so long the centre of the Union, gave
birth to the most just apprehensions — and no means
were spared to effect her reduction.
The King, after the murder of Coligny, had early ad-
dressed letters to his subjects of La Piochelle, informing
them of those conspiracies against his own life, and that of
his brothers, and the King of Navarre, which had obliged
him to make away with the Admiral. He promised
the citizens liberty of worship within their walls, and
commanded them to receive Biron — evidently selected as
the least obnoxious person that could be found — as their
governor. Deputies upon this were dispatched by the
1573.] SIEGE OF LA ROCHELLE. 407
citizens to Biron. He spoke to them as their friend and
counsellor, pointed out the destruction which must inevit-
ably ensue if they refused submission to the King's com-
mands ; and thanking God, with tears in his eyes, that
he was guiltless of any share in the massacre, entreated
that they would dismiss the refugees, and receive him and
his suite for a few hours into the town — which, he added,
would be sufficient concession to satisfy the King, and
to arrest the preparations now making, leaving them lei-
sure to provide for their future security. Upon the return
of their deputies, considerable difference of opinion arose
within the city — the municipal officers and more wealthy
citizens inclining to take the advice of Biron ; but the
people insisting that it should be rejected. But while
the matter was in debate, intelligence was received of
the horrible cruelties committed in the towns of Castres
and Bourdeaux, and this at once decided the question.
The first-named city, after having surrendered on con-
ditions, had, in defiance of all good faith, been aban-
doned to the soldiers, and given up to indiscriminate
pillage and slaughter; while in Bourdeaux the soldiers,
instigated by the preaching of a certain Jesuit, had
perpetrated the most cruel and unprovoked massacre upon
the unoffending inhabitants. Convinced by these abo-
minable proceedings, that not the slightest reliance was
to be placed upon the promises of the King, the citizens
became unanimous, and resolved at once to reject his
proposals, and stand vigorously upon their defence. " A
ces nouvelks Us celebrerent cm lieu de Biron lejeusne,"
says D'Aubigne', "font huit compagnies de leurs estran-
r/ers, chacun en prenant pour les nourrir."1
1 On this intelligence they pro- strangers, every one taking some
claimed a fast instead of Biron— to feed. — D'Aubigne', Histoire Uni-
made eight companies of theii verseHe.
408 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1573
They next despatched messengers in secret to England
to request the assistance of Montgommeri and the re-
fugees there assembled ; upon which Biron received orders
to make one final effort to obtain a peaceable admission
into the town, and upon a refusal to declare war. It
was about this time that Mons, in Hainault, having surren-
dered, La Noue, released from that unfortunate expe-
dition, planned with so much anxiety by Coligny, returned
to France — " ne sgachant a qui se vouer." l He was con
ducted by his friend, the Duke de Longueville, to a secret
audience with the King in the apartments of Marechal
de Retz, and here, Charles having loaded him with ex-
pressions of confidence and affection, entreated him to
exert his influence with the people of La Rochelle, and
save them from the consequences of their own perverse-
ness, as it was called. After all that had passed it is
impossible without surprise to find La Noue engaged in
such a conference, and at such a place, and still more
to learn that he promised his services to the King at the
expense, as it would seem, of the miserable remnant of his
unfortunate party. But the character of La Noue has
been hitherto so unimpeachable, that justice requires the
best possible interpretation to be put upon his actions, and
it is probable that he thought his acceptance of the office
of mediator would be the only possible means for rescuing
the Rochellois from what appeared to him inevitable de-
struction. With the common error of an accomplished
military man, he calculated little upon the effects of that
popular enthusiasm, which, when sufficiently determined,
is after all the most powerful of all engines of defence, and
the resistance of one single city to the accumulated force of
a mighty empire, appeared the wildest madness in his eyes.
At all events he accepted the commission ; and, condition-
1 P'Aubign6, Histoire Univcrselle.
1573.] SIEGE OF LA ROCIIELLE. 409
ing that nothing should be required from him which could
impeach his honour, proceeded upon the King's mission
to La Rochelle.
The surprise of his ancient comrades — those whose
cause he had defended during the last troubles with such
obstinate pertinacity — may be imagined, when they saw
him return in the strange capacity of Ambassador from one
whom they regarded its the most perfidious monster upon
earth. At first theyrefused to acknowledge him. They knew
him not ; " celui a qui Us parloient avoit beau lui ressem-
bler de visage Us ne le connoissoient point pour LaNoue.1'1
La Noue in vain extended that iron arm which now sup-
plied the place of the one which had been lost in their
own service — " 77 nous souvient bien Wtm La None, du-
quel le personnage etoit bien different de celle que vous
jouez. He was our friend — he, by his virtue, experience,
and constancy defended our lives, and would never have
betrayed us by fine words, like the one to whom we
speak — semblable de visage, non de volonte." This sin-
gular scene ended, however, with a proposal still more
singular, namely, that changed as he was, and apparently
distrusted by them all, he would, nevertheless, come over
to them, and undertake their defence. A proposal which
La Noue, after a short consultation with his colleagues in
the King's business, accepted — upon condition, however,
that he should be only expected to assume the place of
second in command under the Mayor of the town. This
strange scheme seems to have been adopted with the idea
that it might, perhaps, afford an opportunity to con-
ciliate both parties ; " for, considering that he could not
act in any way without appearing either to betray the
King or this people — either of which reproaches he dreaded
more than death,1 he came to a determination to en-
1 D'Aubigne, Histoire UniverseUe.
410 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1573.
deavour at reconciling these opposing duties, and he so
conducted himself that, by the Rochellois, he was only
blamed for his too great ardour in the fight ; while the
King was satisfied of the sincerity of his continual efforts
to persuade them into submission. Ce que je cotte"
adds D'AubigneV "pour chose rare et hors du commun."
It is indeed a part more consonant with our ideas of the
heroes of chivalry, than of the men of more degenerate
days, and such as nothing but the most perfect rectitude
of purpose could possibly have enabled any man to under-
take with credit.
La Noue at their head, and animated by the spirit
and example of the Mayor, named Jacques Henri, a
man of great ability and courage, the people of La
Rochell-e prepared with unexampled cheerfulness and reso-
lution to stand a siege, and resist the formidable army
which was now marching against them.
La Rochelle, afterwards one of the most strongly forti-
fied towns in Europe, possessed at this date but very
imperfect defences. Situated upon a gentle declivity,
which descended to its admirable harbour, it was en-
closed by very ancient walls, which were, however, suffi-
ciently lofty, and were strengthened by towers according
to the old system in these things. A pretty deep ditch
and some detached forts on the counterscarp ; "forts"
D'Aubigne calls them, " detaches et de pen de vakur,,}
completed the fortification, if fortification it can be pro-
perly called/ of the town which now prepared itself for
such a courageous resistance.
The circumference of the curtain was 3,600 paces, to
defend which there was within the walls a force of about
800 or 900 regular soldiers, who had taken refuge in La
1 D'Aubign£, Histoire Univcrsclle.
1573.] SIEGE OF LA ROCHELLE. 411
Rochelle, and from about 1600 to 1900 of the inha-
bitants, capable of handling the arquebuss. The artil-
lery consisted of nine cannons, including culverins, and
sixty or eighty falcons (fauconneanx, as D'Aubigne calls
them), their ammunition of 20,000 pounds weight of
powder ; but there were powder-mills within the walls.
" Add to this," continued D'Aubigne, " a people resolved
to stand a siege — strengthened in this resolution by the
great reputation of their town ; by the gentlemen and
soldiers who came there to share the peril ; by the elo-
quent preachings of fifty ministers; and, most of all, by
necessity. This siege happened in the mayoralty of
Jacques Henri, a man of sense and courage, assisted by
Salbert, by whose aid the disputes between the nobility
and the people, upon the subject of commands and autho-
rities, were speedily laid to rest." " One great disadvan-
tage,"" he adds, " belonged to the town, that of being com-
manded by the adjoining country, the ground rising
rapidly upon every side of the city." But this disadvan-
tage was in some measure counteracted by the excellence
of the ramparts, which La Noue called mountains. Such
were the resources of that city which made so gallant
and memorable a defence against the accumulated power
of all France— signal example of what determination
may effect, and of the truth of that enthusiastic maxim,
which has encouraged so many to a gallant resistance —
that a people resolved to defend themselves cannot be
conquered.
This siege, destined in some measure to be the avenger
of the Saint Bartholomew, by the numbers which there
found a grave, began at the commencement of the year
1573.
But before proceeding in the narration I will here give
a brief account of the state of the Union — as it at pre-
412 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1573.
sent existed, and of the modifications it had received in
consequence of the late events — which, as might be
expected, had only tended to render the anti-monarchical
spirit and the inclination to republican forms more obser-
vable. In these dispositions lay the real political diffi-
culty to be surmounted, and these the desperate cruelty
of the methods employed had of course greatly strength-
ened. I am obliged for the following passage to the
valuable history of M. de Sismondi.
" There were at La Rochelle," says he, " more than fifty
ministers of the gospel who had sought refuge there from
the different provinces of France ; men who had braved
death for their religion, and were incapable of betraying
her cause. Each one of these represented one of the
churches, and the spirit of their several congregations ;
but they were animated by enthusiasm rather than policy,
and while they sustained the courage of the citizens by
their ardent predications, often embarrassed the councils
of war by their suspicions, their obstinacy, and sometimes
by their pretension (M. de Sismondi calls it, but it was
not properly that, it is evident they themselves sincerely
believed in it) to the gift of prophecy.
"It was they who had settled for the government and
management of the war in Languedoc, and Dauphin6, and
the neighbouring provinces, a democratic and federative
constitution in thirty-five articles, wherein may be observed
a spirit of liberty and equality — and a faith, almost
approaching to fanaticism."1
Each town after having humbled itself before God —
having fasted, prayed, and celebrated the Lord's Sup-
per, was, by the universal suffrage of the citizens, to elect
a mayor, who was to exercise the principal authority —
both civil and military. The mayor had twenty-four
1 Sismondi, Hist. Fran^ais, par La Popliniere.
1573.J SIEGE OF LA ROCIIELLE. 413
councillors, elected like himself by the people — without
exception of persons from among the nobility or the
bourgeoisie, indifferently, residing either within the town
or in the country round ; these, with the mayor, composed
the petty council of twenty-five, charged with the adminis-
tration of affairs and of justice. These, united with sixty-
two other councillors elected in like manner, formed the
great council of One Hundred, to which was attributed
the cognizance of all important affairs and of appeals.
Both councils were elected for one year only ; but upon
the expiration of their office, they nominated their suc-
cessors. The mayors of the several towns corresponding
among themselves were to elect a chief, and five lieute-
nants, to take his place in case he were slain, and likewise
a Council of Union. Each town was to levy the taxes
necessary for carrying on the war, under the direction of
a comptroller-general of the Union. The rest of the
articles had regard to the maintenance of good morals
and discipline, and the observation of the laws of God,
and of the Churches, among the soldiers and citizens.
The Union, while the Court was occupied in its negotia-
tions with La Rochelle, had already taken formidable root
again in the provinces south of the Loire, where the
Calvinists recovered from their first terror, and encou-
raged by a few successes, had seized upon and occupied
several of the large towns ; still the main hopes of the
party lay in the resistance offered by La Rochelle, and to
it all eyes were now anxiously directed.1
No sooner was the government informed of the ill-
success of the negotiations commenced by La Noue, than
Biron had received immediate orders to blockade the city,
both by land and sea. He commenced his approaches, by
occupying the little town of St. Andre', three miles from
1 Sismondi, Hist. Franc par La Poplinicre.
414 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1573.
the place ; two forts were also erected at opposite points
of the fortifications, Le Gast commanding in one, and
Cosseins in the other ; Strozzi established his quarters
at Pilebereau : while the squadron under his command
blockaded the harbour : and one large caraque poured
the fire of its artillery into the town, but unwilling to
force the place to extremities, and apprehensive that the
people might be driven to take refuge in the arms of
England — a parley was again demanded by Biron. It was
found, however, impossible to agree — even upon prelimi-
naries, and the siege at last commenced in good earnest.
The Rochellois began their defence by making several bril-
liant sorties — in which they succeeded in cutting off num-
bers of the enemy, and from which they returned almost
invariably victorious ; but, in spite of all their efforts, the
besiegers obstructed the canals, which in great measure
supplied the town with water ; however, as there were
abundance of wells within the walls, it was found that
from this step no serious inconvenience would arise.
Upon the 15th of February the royal army, com-
manded by the Duke d'Anjou in person — consisting of
nearly all the disposable troops of the kingdom, both
French and Swiss, and of almost the entire body of Catho-
lic nobility with their men-at-arms, well supplied with
everything necessary for carrying on the siege — appeared
in tremendous force before the walls.
In this army inarched the Dukes d'Aumale, Guise,
Mayenne, Nevers, Bouillon, d'Usez, Longueville, the Prince
Dauphin, the Marechals de Cosse and Montluc, and the
bastard D'Angouleme, with almost every Catholic gentle-
man who had any reputation for arms throughout France ;
this enterprise being considered of such vast importance,
that it would have been thought a most dishonourable
want of courage to be absent upon the occasion.
1573.] SIEGE OF LA ROCHELLE. 415
The King of Navarre and the Prince de Conde" also
appeared with their standards, serving most unwillingly,
as may easily be imagined, and as their subsequent con-
duct evinced. The Duke d'Alenc,on, almost equally
indisposed to this enterprise, was likewise there. It was
a short-sighted policy which demanded a service — on their
parts so reluctantly rendered — we shall find their presence
materially co-operating with other causes to produce the
unexpected termination.
While the Duke d'Anjou thus advanced to besiege La
Rochelle, Damville and the Due de Joyeuse were de-
spatched to reduce the revolt in Languedoc ; while the
Marquis de Villars, nominated in the place of Coligny
Admiral of France, marched into Guyenne, and Cipierre
sat down before Sancerre.
Though every possible resistance was made in all these
quarters to the progress of the Catholic arms, yet they
could be said to afford no diversion in favour of La
Rochelle, which stood alone and unaided to secure the
future, and revenge the past.
At the first rumour of the march of the royal army,
ambassadors had been despatched to Elizabeth, earnestly
praying for aid ; but, unwilling on any occasion to abet the
cause of revolt, the ear of Elizabeth was already occupied
by De Retz, who, upon the first intelligence of this em-
bassy, had been despatched Ambassador-extraordinary to
Court. She suffered herself to be persuaded that Charles now
intended nothing by his subjects but to reduce them to a
proper obedience, without interfering in the slightest degree
with their municipal or religious privileges. She listened
coldly to the envoys from La Rochelle, and not only refused
her assistance, but even under pretence, or really irritated
by a piracy lately committed on the Duke of Somerset,
laid every obstruction in the way of Montgommeri, when
416 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1573.
he endeavoured to equip an armament for their assistance.
Shortly after we find her maintaining the most amicable
relations with Charles, standing sponsor for his daughter,
and sending a magnificent golden vase as her present
upon the occasion. Nothing but the most urgent of
circumstances can afford a justification of these proceed-
ings which, though in the eyes of statesmen they might
be esteemed politically necessary, and consequently in one
view right, will ever, by the honest feeling of mankind
in general, be stigmatized as cowardly, temporising, and
ungenerous.
Thus abandoned by their great ally, and left to their
own resources, these brave citizens abated neither in
their energy nor resolution ; and the siege, which had been
arrested for a moment by the anxious endeavours of the
Duke d'Anjou to bring them to terms, was continued
with unabated spirit and activity on both sides. From
the trenches of the Catholics an incessant roar of artillery
was heard; before the end of March, 14,745 cannon
balls had been shot.1 The most brilliant assaults suc-
ceeded each other, where the young nobility of France
were emulous in acts of daring and adventurous valour;
but they were repelled with equal spirit and obstinacy by
the citizens, who fought with the determination of men
whose very existence was at stake. The women of all
ranks — their wives and daughters — might be seen, regard-
less of the thunder of the artillery, carrying off the
dead and wounded from the field — supplying refreshment
to the weary, arms to the combatants, and at times for-
getting their sex, either fighting with enthusiasm in the
midst of the battle, or showering down their feu $ arti-
fice from the walls, exposed to all the fire of the enemy.
One great machine, which they named their encensoir,
' D'Aubigne, Histoire Universelle.
1573.] SIEGE OF LA ROCIIELLE. 417
was managed by the ministers of religion and the women
alone. It was a vast cauldron attached to the mast of a
ship, which, turning upon a pivot, poured floods of boiling-
water upon the assailants.
Five months did this extraordinary contest last, of
which I shall not attempt to give more than these slight
details. In the midst of it, La Noue, finding it impos-
sible to persuade the Rochellois to submission, and
pressed, as some say, on the point of honour by De
Retz — as others assert, impelled by a secret jealousy of
Montgommeri now approaching the place, — quitted his
embarrassing situation — to escape the wretched perplexi-
ties of which he had vainly endeavoured to meet death
in the field — and returned to the Catholic army. His de-
parture, great as was the confidence reposed in his
talents, did not dishearten the brave citizens ; they con-
tinued their defence with the same skill and resolu-
tion as ever, greatly encouraged by the expected ar-
rival of Montgomineri.
His armament consisted of fifty-three vessels, for the
most part, however, of not more than sixty tons bur-
den, ill equipped and ill armed ; the major portion
were French vessels which had taken refuge in the
ports of England — the rest were English privateers. The
money which could be contributed among the refugees
amounted, it will be supposed, to but a very small
sum ; and the English Admiral, D'Aubigne assures us,
had taken care to clear the privateers of all their gold
before they set sail, "L'Amiral Clinton avoit envoye
Olestast desgraisser les vaisseaux qui faisoient la guerre
pour la cause ; les despouillans de deux millions dor
qu'm (lit qiCils avoient gagnees."1
The whole force on board the fleet of Montgommeri,
1 The Admiral Clinton had sent Olestast to clear all the \r
VOL. II. E E
418 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1573.
amounted to 1,800 men, of whom one half were mari-
ners. It proved, however, of little moment to the
Rochellois in what manner the armament was equipped,
for, except one little ship, not a single vessel ever entered
their port.
At the first appearance of the fleet in the offing,
the Rochellois dispatched a galliot, commanded by Mi-
rande, to meet it, who passed courageously and success-
fully through the cannon of the blockading squadron.
This example might no doubt have been followed by
Montgommeri, for it was, according to Davila, impossible,
at that time, completely to blockade the port of La
Rochelle,1 "the harbour having so many mouths com-
manded by such a diversity of winds, that ships may
almost at any time enter, in defiance of the largest and
most powerful blockading squadron."
The wind, however, upon this occasion does not ap-
pear to have favoured the attempt, for Montgommeri,
after making a demonstration, retired to Belleisle,
and in spite of the remonstrances of Mirande, who in
vain shewed him how to attack the enemy's fleet to
advantage, he contented himself with the endeavour to
throAv some succours into the place. But of five ves-
sels dispatched for this purpose, one only succeeded in
entering the port, and that was the small vessel of
thirty-five tons, loaded with gun-powder, of which men-
tion has been made.
This was the only succour received from the hand
of man during the whole course of the siege. And
now the most alarming of all those disasters which
beset a city in such a situation made itself felt — pro-
visions began to fail, and the inhabitants were threat-
which made war for the cause, de- which it is said they had acquired,
spoiling them of two millions of gold, — D' Auhigne.
1 Davila, liv. 5, 325.
1573.] SIEGE OF LA ROCIIELLE. 419
ened with all the horrors of famine. But an event,
upon which it was impossible to have calculated, saved
them. The most extraordinary quantity of sourdons
and petroncles, — as D'Aubigne names them (a species of
fish, but of what description I am at a loss to discover),
— which had ever been known within the memory of
man, filled the harbour.
At low water, the people, with their arms still in their
hands, and baskets at their sides, went down to col-
lect them, which they were able to do in such abundance,
that they furnished a sufficient supply of food for the
lower orders during the whole time that the siege lasted.
It will not be wondered at, that the ministers en-
couraged the general belief, that a special miracle had
been worked by God in favour of their cause, " and to
this day," says D'Aubignd, " the people of La Rochelle
keep pictures in their houses in memory of this event."
The siege continued, but — reversing the usual progress
of such events — with its continuance, the relative pro-
portion of the forces within and without the town di-
minished to the progressive advantage of those within.
Death had been busy in the royal army. The Duke
d'Aumale and Cosseins, with many others, atoned for
their crimes before the walls of La Rochelle. Numbers
fell in the assaults, which were conducted with so
little system, and with such an utter disregard for
human life, that we are told the officers would, for
mere amusement after dinner, call the men to the
breach. The sallies of the besieged were numerous —
the slaughter upon such occasions great — and to these
must be added sickness, brought on by the excessive
disorder which pervaded every rank and degree, —
a pestilence soon began to appear in the camp — there
was lack of provisions, lack of supplies, lack of pay,
E K 2
420 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1573.
the sick were neglected, the healthy discouraged, the
leaders disabled, indiscipline, insubordination, and mi-
sery— evils the natural consequence of that total neglect
of all discipline, either military or moral, which now
prevailed to an unexampled degree in the royal army.
Within the city the reverse of this picture was most
strikingly exhibited ; there, good order, morality, pious
hopes, virtuous resolutions, and the blessings of health,
union and abundance, were found.
" La police? says a contemporary,1 " etoit grande et ex-
acte dans la ville — les actions sont conformes d la maniere
d'etre. The ministers were animated by so much zeal,
that there was no public labour to which they did not
contribute their personal efforts; ceasing not in prayer
and exhortation; present at all deliberations; aiding in
all enterprises ; no patrole or rounds of the guards made
at night but the minister accompanied the captain." The
women attended the sick, carrying wine and confec-
tions to the wounded — while in the Catholic army, " les
soldats" says D'Aubigne, "sans paye n'estoient plus
pansees ; et guettoient les seigneurs en passant pour
monstrer les vers dans leurs playes?' But the greatest
contrast betAveen the antagonist forces was to be found in
that master spring of all undertakings, union. While the
city of La Rochelle seemed but as one vast body anima-
ted by the same spirit — the Catholic army was torn by a
thousand factions and cabals. Even the high Catholics
were divided among themselves by their different senti-
ments upon the subject of the massacre, and the innu-
merable causes for distrust and dissatisfaction to which it
had given rise : while those who adhered to the moderate
party, afterwards, as has been said, called politiques, of
which the members of the house of Montmorenci and Bi-
1 Mem. dc l'Estat sous Charles IX.
1573.] SIEGE OF LA ROCHELLE. 421
run might be considered the chief, deprecated the final
destruction of the Reformed party, of which the sur-
render of La Rochelle would prove the signal, as but
the harbinger of their own fate. In the meantime,
Henry of Navarre and the Prince de Conde, in concert
with La Noue and Turenne — afterwards Duke de Bou-
illon, one of the most active and intriguing spirits
of his time — began to enter into cabals with the Duke
d'Alen^on. This Prince, stimulated by a restless per-
sonal ambition (for he can scarcely be suspected of a
more generous motive), had now begun secretly to attach
himself to the Reformed party, and seemed inclined to
build up its power and influence once more, as a coun-
terpoise against the overweening authority of his mother
and brother.1
The King of Navarre acted, however, in this affair
with reserve and prudence. His opinion of the Duke
d'Alencjon had been early formed, with that just pe-
netration into character for which he was distinguished.
" I am mistaken," said he to Sulli, " if he is capable
of a great or generous action." Turenne, who loved
not Navarre, calls him for this conduct, ambitieux et
soupqonneux ; but gives good reason for the caution
he blames, when he acknowledges the more than proba-
bility that all their schemes would be betrayed by the
Duke to his favourite La Molle, a young man whose
cowardice and vicious habits rendered him a very unfit
depository for such secrets. What the exact schemes
of the conspirators were, is not very well made out.
With the assistance of the 400 Hugonot gentlemen then
serving in the royal army, to seize upon St. Jean
d'Angeli or d'Angouleme, to get possession of the fleet,
and retire to England, were among those proposed by
1 Mem. clc Bouillon.
422 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1573.
Turenne, and rejected by the reason and prudence of
La Noue. Nothing at all in fact was effected, except
that the secret intelligences maintained within the
town were, if we may believe Brantome, of most im-
portant service to the besieged ; while the suspicions
and jealousies thus engendered in the army increased
the despondency of the soldiers. It was now evident
that the enterprise must be abandoned, and those in
authority were only seeking for some specious pretence
to cover their retreat — when the intelligence that the
election in Poland had terminated in favour of the
Duke d'Anjou afforded the pretext they wanted. A
letter arrived from the King, commanding his brother
immediately to repair to Paris to meet the ambassador
of the* Poles : and the brave defence of La Rochelle was
crowned by a pacification wonderfully favourable, when
we consider the circumstances under which that defence
began.1
1 The crown of Poland — then va- reign. Montluc, Eveque de Valence,
cant, the object of the most ardent had been dispatched accordingly
wishes on the part of the King, into Poland, and his negotiations
Queen-Mother, and the Duke d'An- were proceeding in the most pro-
jou — had been upon the point of sperous manner, when the St. Bar-
falling another sacrifice to the mc- tholomew furnished such arms and
mory of the St. Bartholomew. It arguments to his opponents as well-
has been mentioned that the election nigh secured the victory to the rival
was now going on, and that pro- candidates. All Protestant Ger-
posals had been made to the Duke many was aroused to resist the
d'Anjou to appear as one of the can- election of a man who it was gc-
didates. This proposal had been nerally reported was in league with
embraced with eagerness by the the Pope and with Spain to extermi-
Queen and by her sons, — by Ca- nate the Protestant religion. Schom-
therine, it is said, on account of a berg was despatched into Germany,
prediction she had received from one to endeavour to dissipate these pro-
of those astrologers whom she was ventions ; he found the task one of
never weary of consulting — that all extreme difficulty ; the alliance which
her sons should be kings — a pre- Elizabeth of England still main-
diction frightful in its most obvious tained with his master, furnishing
interpretation— by Charles, with a him with one. of his best arguments.
hope to rid himself of that presence His efforts were in some measure
which lay like an incubus upon his successful. The Protestant princes
happiness and prosperity — and by and those of the House of Nas-
thc Duke, from the natural wish to sau, saw clearly that, in spite of
1573.] PACIFICATION. 423
By the first and second articles of this treaty, all
memory of the 24th of August was to be buried by
both parties in everlasting oblivion. No judicial in-
quiries, indictments, or pursuits whatsoever being in
future to arise on account of that day. "And all our
subjects, of every rank and quality, are forbidden ever
to renew the memory of it.'1 Defendci7it a tons nos
sujets, de quelque Stat et qualite quils soyent, de s'en re-
nouveller la memorie, ni provoquer Vim I autre, pour re-
proche, de ce qui c'est passe. The free exercise of the
Catholic religion was to be restored in all places where
it had been interrupted.
The exercise of the Reformed religion was to be
allowed in Nismes, Montauban, and La Rochelle — and
liberty of conscience secured in all places. All the
Hugonot gentlemen, liaut justiciers, allowed to celebrate
baptism and marriage privately in their castles and
houses according to their own rites and ceremonies,
not more than ten persons being present at once. The
Reformed discharged of all pledges and obligations that
they may have entered into, upon any occasion, to change
the said religion.
All persons imprisoned on account of religion to be
released. The usual clauses of indemnity, of restora-
tion to forfeited offices, of admission to the privileges of
hospitals, universities, &c, follow.
Above all, the three towns of La Rochelle, Nismes, and
Montauban were to be secured in their ancient privileges,
and neither garrison, castle, nor citadel, unless with the
the recent perfidy, it still continued the great statesmen who advised
theil interest to unite themselves Elizabeth. Affairs in Germany,
with Fiance, and to favour a good therefore, after some interruption,
understanding between that power resumed much their usual course,
ami England, in orihr to detach her and the negotiations i" Poland were
as much as possihle from Spain — successful,
ideas that influenced, as I have said,
424 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1573.
consent of the inhabitants thereof, imposed. These cities
were, however, to give hostages for their good behaviour.
These places, it is especially stated, are preserved in this
condition as an asylum for those who, full of distrust
and apprehension, dare not return to their houses at
present. Every one throughout the kingdom of either
religion was to be immediately put in possession of their
property of every sort, forfeited or otherwise seized, since
the 24th of April.
The treaty concludes with an article obliging the Re-
formed to observe as holidays, all the holidays of the
Roman Church.
This Pacification — far as it fell short of those glorious
edicts in favour of religious liberty obtained in the days
of Coligny and Conde — must be considered as a splendid
triumph, when regarded as the conquest of one single, and
not very considerable, city. The restoration of liberty,
property, and civil security to the party; of liberty of
conscience to all ; of liberty of worship to many ; and
the important privilege of retaining three cautionary
towns in their hands, were the recompense of the courage
and fortitude of less than two thousand men opposed to a
kingdom.
This siege cost France 40,000 men, including the
Duke d'Aumale, Cosseins, Cleraud, Tallard, the two Goas,
and sixty capitaines en chef; the Dukes de Nevers, Guise,
and Mayenne were wounded ; and the Dukes de Longue-
ville and d'Usez died shortly after of the effects of the
contagion. Forty thousand cannon shots were expended ;
and a lodgment never effected even on the counterscarp.
It abates the exultation which we experience at this
signal triumph, to see the little town of Sancerre over-
looked in this treaty, and abandoned to its fate.
This place which obtains, in the pages of cotemporary
1573.] SIEGE OF SANCERRE. 425
historians, but the name of a bicoque, with walls scarcely
deserving to be called fortifications, ill provisioned, and
with little ammunition, resolved to stand upon its de-
fence. The resolution of the citizens of La Rochelle
sinks into insignificance by the side of that of those of
Sancerre. Four hundred and fifty arquebusiers and five
slender companies of refugees were opposed to an army of
5,000 men, and defended the place for two months
against the most vigorous assaults. The town was sum-
moned the 13th of January, the trenches opened the
beginning of March. At length, after Easter, the siege
was turned into a blockade, and the town became a
prey to the most grievous famine. The obstinacy of the
citizens, however, was not to be subdued, even by the
horrible extremity of distress to which they were reduced.
Before the end of March the scarcity of provisions had
been great. " They had eaten, first, the asses, then the
mules — horses, cats, rats, and moles, and the flesh of dogs
were sold in the open market ; half a pound of bread
was at first allowed to each person per day, afterwards a
quarter ;,n but when the blockade had continued
some time their distress may be imagined — " nevertheless,
they resolved in their councils to endure every possible
privation ; and that those who would not consent to hold
out should be thrown over the walls Why should
I amuse myself with relating that horse-flesh was sold
deux testons la livre — a head eight livres, a liver five
crowns. When there was nothing more of that sort to
be got, they boiled leather, the skins of dogs and horses,
they emptied the tanners and curriers' yards, they used
leather of saddles, of stirrups, of bellows, the hoofs of
horses, and hoofs and horns of oxen, long before thrown
away and putrefying on the dunghills. Not a family
1 D'Aubigne, Histoire Univcrselle.
426 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1573.
preserved its parchments. There was not a herb,
poisonous or not, that was not snatched at — it mattered
little that it was deadly if it could but fill the stomach.
At last bread was made of chopped straw, of pounded
slate mixed with horse dung — with anything that had
any moisture in it. To complete all, I will only relate,
that a child of three years old died of famine, was dis-
interred by its mother, and devoured by its parents, for
which they were both burned by order of justice.
" Many threw themselves into the vineyards, seeking
roots and tendrils ; baring their breasts to the arque-
busades of the soldiers, fearing nothing but a long decline
— wishing for death. In forty days more than 400 per-
sons died of hunger ; near 300 demeurerent ethiques ; in
the defence not one hundred had fallen. The ministers
did their best, carrying broths made of leather and
parchment boiled, with a little wine to the most neces-
sitous ; and all this was done trusting that La Rochelle,
triumphant, would share her happy condition with them."
This piteous history concluded, however, better than
there was the least reason to hope. Sancerre, in spite of
the cruel disappointment she had received when the
negotiation before La Rochelle was signed, held out till
August ; and then Charles, apprehending the interference
of the ambassadors from Poland, ordered La Chatre, who
commanded the besiegers, to come to terms.1 The com-
1 The disasters of the last war pains in the stomach, loins, and
were aggravated hy a cruel malady, intestines followed. The members
which, under the name of the colic became rigid or distorted, often,
of Poitou, now, after a lapse of many according to Mczeray, even dis-
centuries, re-appeared to devastate located by the violence of the dis-
the provinces. The symptoms, as ease, which carried off multitudes,
mentioned by De Thou and Mezeray It was attributed to disordered bile.
were, a sudden change of coun- Upon this singular malady may
tenance, a universal coldness of the be consulted: — "Observations que
extremities; restlessness and agi- Francois Citois a recueilli, Les Me-
tation began the attack, vomiting moires de Jean Pidoux, Francois
and insupportable hiccup, intolerable la Vaux, Pierre Milou, and Pascal
1573.]
PACIFICATION.
427
position was concluded the day the Polish ambassadors
entered Paris. After asking pardon, and paying a ran-
som of 40,000 francs, the same terms were granted as to
La Rochelle.
la Cagne, Medccin Poitcvin. The
same malady is described by Paul
Egenete. It carried off numbers of
people at Rome in the fourth cen-
tury.
A strange phenomenon in the
heavens completed the marvels of
this year. On the 8th of November
a new star was discovered in the
constellation of Cassiopeia, appearing
at first of the magnitude of Jupiter
at his perihelion. It was visible till
March, 1574, when it disappeared.
The superstitious spirits of the age
interpreted the omen according to
their different opinions : to some it
foretold the fate of Mary Stuart — to
others tlie downfall of the Catholic
Church ; even De Thou could not
so far resist the universal persuasion
as entirely to reject such ideas.
428 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1573.
CHAPTER VII.
DUKE d'aNJOU ELECTED KING OF POLAND. — INTRIGUES OF THE DUKE
d'aLENCON, NOW DUKE d'aNJOU. — EXECUTION OF LA MOLLE AND COCON-
NAS. — DEATH OF CHARLES.
Thus ended the fourth war. The King of Poland, the
King of Navarre, the Duke d'Alenc^on — now taking the
title of 'd'Anjou — and the other Princes returned to Paris.
They sailed from La Rochelle to Nantes, then ascended
the Loire, and having performed a vow to the Dame de
Cl^ri, the King of Poland made a magnificent entry into
the cap.
It is not necessary to enter further into any of the cu-
rious details of the election to the vacant crown of Poland
given in the histories of the day — the only circumstance
that bears upon the present story is the efforts made by
the very large body of Evangelicals, the name given to
professors of the new opinions in Poland, to aid their
suffering brethren in France, and the engagements they
forced the Bishop de Valence to enter into in their favour,
before the crown was conferred upon the Duke d'Anjou.
The ambassadors from Poland entered Paris the 17th
of August with a splendour of barbaric pomp that asto-
nished the eyes even of the people of that city. Thirteen
nobles, followed by 140 gentlemen, composed the splendid
train. They entered in fifty carriages, avec des marques
avantageuses, says D'Aubigne, as the sword, the globe
1.573.] D'ANJOU ELECTED KING OF POLAND. 429
the crowned ball, while over their heads waved innumer-
able banners of cloth of gold and silver.1
The 22nd they were introduced to the King ; they
traversed the streets on horseback, their long robes were
of cloth of gold, their bridles and housings covered with
jewels : each ambassador preceded by his train of gentle-
men in robes of silk and velvet, and by certain officers
bearing maces of iron of two cubits in height.2
Banquets, visits, ballets, entertainments of every ima-
ginable kind, all more splendid than had yet been ex-
hibited by the profuse extravagance of Catherine and
her son, followed ; everything bore the usual air of ela-
borate festivity : but in the midst of these splendid
revels there was not in the whole royal company one
heart where anxiety and discontent had not already found
a place.
The Queen and her beloved son, earnestly as they had
desired this triumph, now looked forward with a repug-
nance it was almost impossible to disguise, to the sacri-
fices by which it must be purchased. Catherine antici-
pated a separation from her favourite with an anguish
which, practised as she was, she found it impossible to
dissemble. While the Prince, voluptuous, effeminate, the
slave of indolence and pleasure, looked upon that crown
as dearly purchased, which was exchanged for the fasci-
nations of Paris. These enchantments were now rendered
doubly alluring by the passion he had conceived for the
Princess de Conde' — a passion which the Duke de Guise
vainly endeavoured to persuade his wife's sister to return,
and which had so completely mastered the whole soul of
Henry, that holding a crown as of no account in com-
parison, he anxiously sought to retard the moment of
1 D'Aubign6, Histoiro Pniverselle. 2 Dc Thou.
430 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1573.
his departure. As for Charles, his whole character had
undergone the most gloomy change — a fierce impatience,
an habitual melancholy, had succeeded to his former rude
and reckless but fresh and joyous temper. His jealousy
of his brother, his secret impatience of the Queen's
authority, had increased with that state of excessive
irritation in which his mind was kept by his never-dying
regret for the past. He suffered Catherine, however, to
carry on the government while he endeavoured to assuage
his mental distress by incessant hunting — a diversion of
which he had ever been passionately fond. But at times
he would rouse himself from his gloomy indifference, and
assert his authority over her and all others with alarming
violence. Upon the present occasion he awakened — to
use the. expression of D'Aubigne — as from a dream. The
reluctance of his brother to accept the crown of Poland
lighted the flame of suspicion afresh in his mind, " he
ordered all the despatches to be placed unopened in his
hands, and swearing and blaspheming, according to his
usual custom, told the Duke that one of them must leave
the kingdom."1
Catherine saw it was in vain to oppose him. She
yielded to the storm, and separated from her beloved
son with these ominous words, "Partez, mon fils, vous
ny demeurerez gueres"-
Henry of Navarre in the meantime, fretful and impa-
tient, passed his days either in secret designs to reco-
ver his liberty, or in the wildest scenes of debauchery
and pleasure. The chagrin he felt at his present mor-
tifying position being in some measure alleviated by
the confidence and attachment of the King. On him
Charles seemed to lavish all the affection of a nature
1 D'Aubigne, Histoire Universelle.
! Go, my son — you will not be long away.
1573.] D'ANJOU ELECTED KING OF POLAND. 431
strongly susceptible of such impressions, and, with the
exception of Ambrose Pard, and his old Ilugonot nurse,
Henry seemed the only creature left upon earth that
the miserable monarch either loved or trusted. The
high-spirited and generous temper, the excellent under-
standing, and the gay and engaging manners of Na-
varre, were formed to delight and attach the King in
the highest degree. They were companions in their plea-
sures and in their councils, and unfortunately, also, in
excesses so wild and unjustifiable, that nothing but the
unrestrained profligacy of the times can render them
credible. One example is enough ; Nantouillet, the Pro-
vost of Paris, a man of the very first respectability, had
refused to accept as a legacy from the King of Poland a
lady once too dear to that Prince, and to make her his
wife. To revenge this affront, the Kings of France, Poland,
and Navarre — accompanied by the Chev. d'Angouleme,
and the Duke de Guise, under pretence de porter tin
mommon1 entered the house of Nantouillet, where thev
committed the most extraordinary disorders — tearing down
and destroying his splendid furniture, breaking open chests
and trunks, and even pillaging his silver and gold plate and,
money " au profit de quelques alteres qui les suivoient."*
In the midst of all this vice and disorder one subject
was a source of ever-increasing mortification to Henry;
this was the conduct of that young, beautiful, scornful,
and profligate Princess, whom he had the misfortune to
call his Queen. Margaret was now in the flower of her
beauty, the admired of all beholders. Brantome, lavish
in her praise, describes her as appearing before the Am-
bassadors from the Poles, richement paree. Sometimes in
a robe of scarlet velvet of Spain, with a cross of velvet of
the same colour, "bien dresse de plumes et pierreries que
1 What is it ? ■ D'Aubign£, Histoire Universelle.
432 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1573.
rien plus," or walking in procession, "si belle, que rien au
monde de si beau rieut sceu se faire voire. Car outre la
beaute de son visage, et de sa belle grandeur de corps, elle
etoit tres superbement et richement paree et vestue"1
" Her beautiful face resembling the heavens in their fairest
and calmest serenity, adorned with such an immense
quantity of large pearls, and rich jewels, and brilliant
diamonds arranged in the form of stars, that the arti-
fice of the stars and jewels contended with the bright
starry heavens in beauty — her fine, rich, and noble figure,
clothed in cloth of gold friese, the richest that had ever
been seen in France ; a present made by the Grand Signior
to our ambassador." A piece of fifteen ells, of which
every ell had cost 100 crowns In some such
splendid dress it may be supposed she appeared when with
the King of Navarre, she received in state the visit of the
Poles ; " She appeared," to continue the rhapsody of Bran-
tome, " so superbly and richly dressed, and with so noble
a grace and majesty, that all were lost in astonishment
at so extreme a loveliness ; among others, Lasqui, one
of the principal ambassadors, said — for I heard him — as
he retired, dazzled with this glorious beauty, 'Non; je ne
veux rien voir apres telle beaute] willingly would I do
like those Turkish pilgrims to Mecca — who, having once
beheld the Sepulchre of their prophet, remain so lost, so
astonished — so entranced, that they refuse to behold any-
thing afterwards, and destroy their eyes with basins of
burning brass, saying, 'that as they can never behold
again a thing so fair, they will behold nothing.''"
The raptures of Brantome must be taken with some
allowance, yet Margaret was undoubtedly one of the most
attractive women of her time. Her wit, her grace, and
1 For besides the beauty of her face, and the elegant height of her figure,
she was most superbly and richly draped and arranged.
1578.] D'ANJOU ELECTED KING OF POLAND. 433
her understanding rivalled her beauty ; but her vices
distinguished her even in that vicious Court ; and Henry,
who we cannot suppose would, under other circum-
stances, have continued long insensible to such charms —
charms which numbered among their adorers men of every
character and degree, from the conqueror of Lepanto to
the effeminate La Molle, felt, according to D'Aubigne,
the mortification of his position, and the disgrace which,
even in a time of such universal indifference on points
of delicacy, . attached to him as the husband to such a
Circe. He consoled himself, unhappily, by following her
example, and every lesson of his rigid and virtuous mo-
ther seemed for a time forgotten, amid the intoxications
of love and pleasure.
• The King went to Villars Coterets, and here he re-
ceived a petition from the Hugonots, considering present
circumstances, of so very extraordinary a nature, that
we must suppose they had reason to believe that some
very strong secret agency was at work in their behalf.
The remonstrances of the Polish ambassadors alone in
their favour can scarcely account for their apparent con-
fidence.
The King having permitted the Protestant deputies to
assemble, they did so first at Nismes, on the anniversary
of the Saint Bartholomew, and afterwards at Montauban;
where they are described as appearing clothed in the
deepest mourning. After dedicating their tears and their
prayers to the memory of their slaughtered friends, an
address to the following purport was agreed upon. They
began with thanking the King for the desire he had shewn
for peace ; but entreated his Majesty not to take it amiss,
if, with the massacre of Paris still fresh in their memory,
they demanded that a greater regard should be had to
their security. That they had every confidence in the
VOL. II. F F
434 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1573.
good dispositions of their natural Prince, but not in those
of his evil counsellors, whose injustice and whose power
to do mischief was strongly displayed in this, that the
King having, at first, declared against the massacre, and
his detestation of so wicked an action, they had after-
wards forced him publicly to avow it. They therefore
demanded that good garrisons composed of Hugonot sol-
diers,1 maintained at the expense of the King, should be
placed in the towns they now held ; and that in each
province two more towns should be allowed them as
places of refuge. That the exercise of their religion,
without distinction of place, should be permitted through-
out the kingdom ; and that a parliament, composed of
those of their own persuasion, should be appointed to try
all causes in which they were concerned. That they
should pay tithes to their own ministers of religion only ;
that the authors and executors of the horrible massacre
of Paris should be punished as ruffians and disturbers of
the public peace f that all hostile inscriptions should be
effaced, and all sentences given since the massacre by the
Parliaments of Paris and Toulouse, biffees and annulled ;
and the memory of Coligny and others rehabilitated.
Moreover, that such of the Catholic clergy as might have
embraced the Reformed religion and married, should be
allowed, with their children, all the rights of citizenship ;
finally, that guardians shall be obliged to educate any
children left by Reformed parents in the religion of their
parents ; and that the ordonnances of the Queen of Na-
varre, on the subject of religion, shall remain undisturbed
in Beam.3
These articles, signed by the Viscounts Gourdin and
Paulin (names almost unknown before, but now standing
1 This circumstance is not introduced by D'Aubigne, but is mentioned
by De Thou. a De Thou, D'Aubigne.
3 D'Aubigne, Histoire Universelle.
1573.] D'ANJOU ELECTED KING OF POLAND. 43.3
in the place of chiefs of the Confederacy), and by the
principal Hugonots, were presented by Cavagnac and
Yollet, "and some others called fronts dairain" adds
D'Aubigne ; " by some they were received with astonish-
ment, by others with rage. The Queen -Mother, at be-
holding this result of all her machinations, exclaimed
strangely, ' deelamoit dun etrange facon.' 'No/ she
cried, ' if Conde were restored to life, in possession of
Paris, and at the head of 70,000 men, he would never
have demanded the half of these insolent articles.' "*
This address was followed up by one from the Catho-
lics of Provence and Dauphine, which demanded on their
side a diminution of imposts.
Thus everything seemed to conspire to harass the
mind of the King. Damville was commissioned to re-
monstrate Avith both parties. The Catholics he was in
some measure able to pacify ; but the Hugonots, whom
he assembled at Rouergue, treated his remonstrances with
contempt, and sent up a second petition, "couched in
terms still more rude," says D'Aubigne, " and with
demands more impossible to be granted than the first/'
The King, in the midst of his vexations, impatient to
relieve his mind of one source of jealousy and uneasiness
at least, attended his brother to the frontiers ; but, be-
fore the King of Poland tore himself away from a kingdom
which he so unwillingly quitted, the blow was struck
which was to ensure his return. The King was taken
ill of a slow but life-consuming malady, and, returning
to St. Germains, was obliged to leave the task of accom-
panying her son to his mother. At Blamont in Lorraine
the final parting was made amid many tears.
1 Had she reflected, she might by — and of throwing the conduct of
this have learned what was the con- affairs into those inferior hands
sequence of cutting off the leading where, under such circumstances
spirits — the first-rate men of a party they must inevitably fall.
FF 2
436 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [ 1 573.
Charles returned alone to St. Germains, sinking under
the most depressing sensations of languor. The cause of
the frightful illness which followed remains a secret,
though the suspicions of historians seem all to point one
way. De Thou, after briefly touching on the grounds for
suspecting Gondi, brother of De Retz, of administering a
slow poison, drops the veil without further inquiry. Am-
brose Pare endeavoured to allay suspicion, by asserting
that the decline was brought on by the intemperate in-
dulgence in violent exercises to which the King was now
more than ever addicted, and by the injury his lungs had
received from his practice of blowing long and repeated
blasts upon his hunting-horn ; but the plausible explana-
tions of the Court surgeon were as powerless to allay the
whisperings and rumours that circulated on all sides.
" Cela donna a quoi deviner d toides sortes de gens, ac-
cordans d cette maladie les menees de la Roine-Mere pour
prolonger le partement du Roi de Pologne."1
The existence of a slow poison which acts, during a
long period of time, by gradually consuming the springs
of life, has been denied ; but no one can deny that any
one in intimate or continual communication with the
sufferer may, by the administration of repeated small
doses, gradually undermine, and finally destroy, the
human frame.
This sickness of Charles and the departure of the King
of Poland seemed to excite fresh disorders and con-
spiracies. D'Aubigne' again remarks upon this occasion,
as he did when the first scene of this long tragedy
was enacted at Amboise, upon the number of books
and pamphlets swarming from the press, which marked
the state of the public mind — " Gependant croissoit la
maladie du royaume eschaufflee par les vents de plusieurs
1 D'Aubigne, — De Thou.
1573.] OPINIONS ON REGAL AUTHORITY. 437
esprits irrites, qui, avec inerueilleuse hardiesse, faisoient
imprimer Iwres portans ce que d cfautre saison on rieut
pas voulu dire d l,oreille.,n
Of these la Gaule Francoise first broached the doctrine
that the kingdom of France was not hereditary but elect-
ive, and that the States had power to depose and nomi-
nate kings; quoting, as examples, the cases of Philip of
Valois, Charles V. and VL, and Louis XL ; it also dwelt
upon the natural incapacity of women for government.
The book was written by the jurisconsult Ilothman.
Junius Brutus, written by an eminent man of letters,2
treated of the limits of obedience, the right of resistance,
the expediency of calling in the assistance of foreign
arms, and most of those questions so dangerous and so
interesting on the eve of great revolutions.
Besides these, numbers of pamphlets were engaged in
advocating the doctrines afterwards so triumphantly main-
tained by the League.
There was a book, written by one Poncet, directed to
recommend those measures by which Kings, as it said,
might really merit the title of Kings, namely, by coercing
every power of the state to submit to their own unli-
mited control. Poncet, it is said, had travelled much, and
discoursing with the King and Catherine upon his return,
said that, though he had seen many bearing the name,
he knew but one who deserved the title of King, and that
was the Grand Seignor. No hereditary dignities, said
he —point de princes, point de grands dans son empire ;
nuls gent its hommes que les Janissaires, par les mains des-
quels, sans esgards de race et de parentage, tons sont
astreints et constraints d lew devoir ; nulle autre religion
1 The malady of the kingdom was other times would not have been
Increased 1»\ the breath of many, whispered in the ear. — D'Auhigne',
win), with marvellous boldness, Histoiie Universelle.
printed books containing what at 2 Hubert Languet.
438 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1573.
que celle du Prince ; nuls terres en fonds d aucuns pos-
sesseurs — tons appartenans aufisc.1
" The measures proposed by Poncet for elevating the
crown of France to this enviable position may, perhaps,
a little astonish some who, in their enthusiasm for
liberty, would desire to level every distinction of rank
that exists between the peasant and the throne. " On de-
manda cl Poncet par quel moyen la France se pourrait
mettre en cet etat. Ilfaut, dit il, oter les Princes, et affoi-
blir tellement la noblesse qu'elle ne puisse contredire au
Roi . . . . etles Princes que vous ne pourrez oter, les mettre
has de moyens."2 Another piece of advice given by this
insidious counsellor was much in accordance with the
usual courtly prejudice on its subject — " Estinguez so'ig-
neusement ceux qui parleront des Etats-Generaux, et vous
servez de petit s Etats"3
While courtiers, statesmen, and philosophers thus spe-
culated upon the first principles of government, the frame
of society was rapidly dissolving.
The hatred with which the massacre of Paris had filled
the minds- of a large portion of the Catholic subjects of
the King — the terror with which the anticipated re-
turn of a Prince to the country was regarded, one known
to maintain the closest union with the party so much
dreaded of the Guises, a dread to which the return of
the Cardinal de Lorraine just at this time from Rome
added additional strength — the impatient and factious
restlessness of the Hugonots, accustomed to revolt, and
1 No gentlemen but the Janissaries, state. You must, said he, extirpate
by the hands of whom, without re- the princes, and enfeeble the nobility
gard to race or parentage, all are so much that it cannot contradict the
forced and constrained to their duty ; king — and then weaken the means
no other religion but that of the of the princes you cannot destroy,
prince ; no estates in fief — every- 3 Carefully extinguish the States-
thing belonging to the Jisc. General, and make use of the little
2 Poncet was asked by what means States.
France might be placed in the same
1574.] INTRIGUES OF D'ALEN^ON. 439
now no longer restrained by those stern principles of duty
which animated their virtuous predecessors, furnished
abundant opportunities for a set of ambitious, head-strong,
and discontented youths, now assembled at the court
of Charles, to carry out their turbulent schemes. Of these
young men the Duke d'Alenqon stood at the head. His
projects, probably ill-defined to himself — certainly imper-
fectly transmitted to us — appear to have been the result
of a restless and jealous ambition soured by the vexation
at that long insignificance to which his mother had con-
demned him — and by comparisons with the splendid ad-
vantages which through her favour had long attended
his brother. Now that the treaty of marriage with Eng-
land, with which Catherine had long endeavoured to
.satisfy his thirst for place and power, had finally termi-
nated, he seems to have resolved upon making himself
a name and establishing an influence by uniting with
the Hugonots and the Malcontents, not without some
vague hope, it is thought, of preventing the return of the
King of Poland, after the death of Charles. At all
events, he flattered himself that he should be able to
wrest the Lieutenant-Generalcy from the unwilling hands
of his mother. There existed at this moment, besides
the old Hugonot faction, a very considerable party in
the state, whose bond of union lay in a most determined
hostility against the Guises and their allies. This party,
long silently gaining strength, amid the divisions of
the kingdom, had acquired consistency by the events
of the 24th August. Those whose names were known
to have been upon the lists of the proscribed, upon that
occasion, were, it will be supposed, determined narrowly
to watch and endeavour to confine within the narrowest
limits the power of a faction whose hostility had been
so unequivocally displayed. The members of the house
440 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1574.
of Montmoreuci, the Duke de Biron, and the Marshal de
Cosse\ must be reckoned as the leaders of this party,
they being seconded by numerous Catholic gentlemen,
afterwards to be found among the best and closest friends
of Henry of Navarre. As difference upon religious mat-
ters made no part of their grievances, and as they were
solely united to resist those political evils which threatened
to overwhelm the state, they were called — partly in
sarcasm, — les Politiques, a designation applicable in its
better sense ; but Tiers parti, another term applied to
them, better expresses their situation. They acted, in-
deed, as moderators in the contest ; until at length throw-
ing their whole weight into that scale whereto justice
and true policy inclined, they secured the long disputed
victory to Henry IV., and saved their country from
destruction.
The Duke d'Alenc,on hoped to carry his designs into
execution, by uniting the party of the Hugonots with
that of the Politiques, and for this purpose he entered
into the closest union with Henry of Navarre and the
Prince de Conde.
As for Henry himself, the natural desire to escape
from the most irksome captivity, and to enjoy the influ-
ence and importance which attached to him, as head of
the Reformed religion and King of Navarre, is sufficient
to account for his share in these intrigues.
The depression in which the family of Montmorenci
were held, added to the open hostility which had been
shewn against them during the fatal August, will ac-
count for their adherence to a confederacy which opposed
the increasing influence of their rivals, the Princes of
Guise.
It is more difficult to understand the conduct of La
Noue, who may be considered as at present occupying
the place once held by the Admiral among the Calvinists.
1574.] INTRIGUES OF D'ALEN^'ON. 441
We hear of no fresh cruelties or aggressions to provoke a
renewal of civil hostilities. There was indeed the pre-
tence of some design upon the part of the government to
seize upon La Rochelle ; but the existence of such a
design is, to say the least of it, very doubtful, and we
feel surprised that the prospect of alliance with one of
so little real weight, and so utterly devoid of personal
merit as the Duke d'Alen^on, should have been a temp-
tation sufficient to lead La Noue to engage in such ques-
tionable proceedings — so however it was.1
It was agreed that the Hugonots should make a
general rising upon the Mardi-gras (about the begin-
ning of March) of this year, 1574, and that the King of
Navarre, the Duke d'Alen^on and Prince de Conde, es-
caping from Court, should immediately be placed at
the head of the revolt. As a preliminary, the Duke
had entered into negotiations with Count Ludovic and
the Flemings, and had been promised the co-operation
of that Prince, and of a large army then under his com-
mand. The Count de Montgommeri, who had established
himself at Belleisle, and from thence had passed to Jersey,
promised to aid the adventure by a descent upon Nor-
mandy.
The Marcchal de Montmorenci, however, when con-
sulted by Turenne, who was, as usual, to be found among
the most active and stirring of the confederates, ex-
pressed his marked disapprobation of these proceedings,
and refused openly to resist the legitimate authority of
his master ; yet there is little doubt that he was privy to
the designs of the Princes, whatever they really might be ;
and Thor6, one of his younger brothers, entered into
the conspiracy with the greatest ardour.
1 Such seems, however, to have a la Jriandise (Tavoir u>i fi/s de
been the principal temptation. "Lee Frunce pour chef' commencerenl
Reformes," says D'Aubigne, "qui leurs rcmucmens en Poitou."
442 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1574.
The impatience and independence of the Hugonots,
— the irresolutions of the Duke, and the confidence he
placed in La Molle and the Count de Coconnas, two profli-
gate young men about the court, defeated a scheme,
which, except, as far as it included the liberation of
Henry of Navarre and the Prince de Conde, appears to
have possessed not one single feature to merit success.
La Noue having prepared the Hugonots, — with great
difficulty engaged the co-operation of La Rochelle, — and
invented rather than found pretences for renewing the
war — it was agreed, as has been stated, that a simul-
taneous rising should take place on the Mardi-gras;
a day chosen on account of the universal feasting and
drunkenness with which it was celebrated by all good
Catholics. Guitri, with 400 horse, was to approach
the Court, favour the escape of the Princes, and seize
Mantes : but Guitri, either through jealousy of La Noue
and Montgommeri and a wish to secure to himself an
undue share of credit from the exploit, — or perhaps that
he really, as he pretended, mistook the day, — appeared
in arms with his 400 cavalry, ten days before the one
appointed. The consequences may be supposed — no one
was ready — the Duke refused to engage in an undertak-
ing so desperate ; and La Molle perceiving the turn affairs
were taking, made a merit of being the first to come
to confession — He went to the Queen-Mother, and re-
vealed the whole scheme.
Catherine was not a little pleased. She had long been
perplexed how to answer the Duke d'Alenqon's appa-
rently reasonable demand of the Lieutenant-Generalcy, —
a demand seconded by Montmorenci, and agreed to by
the King, but to which she was resolved never to give
consent, dreading, lest by any possibility, a power of this
magnitude placed in such hands, might prevent the re-
1574.] INTRIGUES OF D'ALEN^ON. 443
turn of the King of Poland, when the death of Charles
should open to him the succession. In the present ill-
conceived and absurd intrigue she saw a pretence for
lowering the reputation of the Duke ; depressing the
party of the Politiques; loading with fresh indignities the
Bourbon Princes, --more especially Henry, whom she now
began to hate bitterly; and for obtaining from the un-
willing King, that nomination to the regency, on which
her mind was bent.
It became, therefore, her business to give every pos-
sible importance to this plot, and to her endeavours in
that way, the obscurity which hangs over its real objects
may in great measure be attributed. To carry off the
half-dying King with every appearance of haste and
.alarm, to Paris, and thence convey him to the strong-
fortress of the Bois de Vincennes — to place guards over
the Princes, arrest La Molle and Coconnas, and last
of all, to imprison, on mere suspicion, the Marshal
de Montmorenci, one of the most considerable and re-
spected men in the kingdom, sending him, accompanied
by the Marechal de Coss6, to the Bastille, amid the
shrieks and hootings of a Parisian mob, were her first
measures.1 " Some sighed, some laughed, at these novel-
ties— every one admired to see a woman — a foreigner in
birth far below our Kings — instead of retiring to her
own house, like other Queens- dowagers, making a
jest (se jouer) of such a kingdom, and such a people,
load such noble Princes with fetters — mais c'etoit qu'
elle scavoit escrimer de leurs ambitions — bien mesna-
cjer les esperances et les craintes — hacher du coustecm des
divisions : et ainsi docte en tons les partialites employer
pour soi les forces qiCelle devoit craindre. On pourrait
alors dire des Frangois que chacun, pour sauver sa vie
1 D'Aubign£, Histoirc Univcrscllc.
444 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1574.
et respirer un aise precaire, se faisoit bourreau de son
compagne) D'Aubigne gives a curious picture of the
flight from St. Germains — " La Reine donne Palarme,
la plus chaude qu'elle pent — searches every corner of the
castle, pressing the King to depart immediately, remind-
ing him that he had always been told by his diviners
(devins), that he should beware of St. Germains — the
whole Court takes flight, some by the highway, some by
boats, some by St. Cloud — all hurry to Paris. A few of
us belonging to the King of Navarre, hastening forwards,
like good servants, overtook the Cardinals Bourbon,
Guise, de Lorraine, with Birague, Morvilliers, and Bellievre,
all mounted upon Italian coursers, or great Spanish horses,
holding the pommel with both hands, evidently more
afraid of .their steeds than of the enemy. It escaped one
passing by to say — voila pour cinq milk escus de mar-
chandise."
Turenne and Thore" escaped unharmed. Turenne came
boldly into the Queen's apartments on the first rumour
of a disclosure ; there he found Navarre, who, coming up,
whispered in his ear, " Notre liomme dit tout ;" on which
he immediately advised Thore to depart without loss of
time. Turenne next sought Monsieur in the King's
apartments, he found him laughing with Mad. de
Sauves — comme s'il ny eut eu rien ; he quitted her, and
coming up to Turenne whispered, " Je riay rien dit de
vous, except that you are ready to follow me anywhere,
but send your uncle Thor6 away." Turenne, however,
thought it prudent to quit the field. The Prince de
1 But it was because she knew the forces she ought to have feared,
how to make a fence with their dif- One might say then of the French
ferent. tempers — manage their am- that any one, to save his life, was
bilious, their hopes, and their fears— ready to be the executioner of his
work with the knife of their divisions, companions. — D'Aubigne, Histoire
and thus employ in her own behalf Universelle, c. 89.
1574. J INTRIGUES OF D'ALENCj'ON. 445
Conde, also some little time afterwards, escaped into
Germany.
La Molle and Coconnas were first examined. Little
could be drawn from La Molle to suit the Queen's pur-
pose ; he would only confess to a project of the Princes
to escape and retire to Sedan — but the profligate Italian
was more communicative. In hopes of saving his life, he
disclosed the whole, and, as it appears, much more than
the whole truth. He deposed to the projected flight ; to
their intention to return with Count Ludovic at the head
of a powerful army ; to a general confederation through-
out the provinces, and to alliances with England and
Germany ; in short, " que leur intention ttoit de /aire
perdre le royaume." He accused the Montmorencis of
being at the bottom of the conspiracy, and of urging and
persuading the Duke to take a part in it— an accusation
which, as far at least as the Marechal was concerned, is
known to have been utterly false. Upon these disclosures,
though they fell far short of what Catherine would have
desired, the Duke d'Anjou and the King of Navarre were
separately examined. The deposition of the Duke is an
example of the most selfish and cowardly meanness. lie
conducted himself, in the basest manner, making the most
degrading submissions to the Queen, and endeavouring to
secure his own pardon, by the sacrifice of his confederates,
and by revealing facts and mentioning names, with the
most profligate indifference to the safety of every one but
himself. The conduct of Henry of Navarre, on the con-
trary, is marked by a singular union of spirit, discretion,
and good faith.
His first deposition is justly called by Le Laboureur
" une veritable manifeste de toute sa conduite a la Cour
de France; et an reproche d la Reine des mauvaises
offices qu'elle lui rendoit." In it he steadily denies any
446 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1574.
treasonable intentions, but boldly avows his project to
escape, justifying himself by retorting upon the Queen-
Mother all the treatment he had received at her hands
since, a child of seven years of age, he first entered
her Court.1 He mentions the regret he felt when his
mother, anxious to make him acquainted with his future
subjects took him to Nerac, and separated him from the
King of France and his brother, the King of Poland —
desquels, outre que nos ages estoient quasi egaux, je rece-
vois tant dhonneur, que le lieu du monde oil je me
plaisois le mieux estoit detre en leur compagnie.2 He
then speaks of the causes of the Third Troubles, and
describes with singular boldness, the long course of per-
fidy and violence which led his mother to seek refuge
in La Rechelle. " One came from the Prince de Conde
to tell my mother that your Majesty, being now the
stronger, there was not any reason to doubt that a reso-
lution had been taken, first, to cut off those capable of
bearing arms, and then to exterminate the women and
children at your leisure — which relation so moved her to
pity (apprehending likewise a similar fate for herself),
that she went to La Rochelle, whence, my uncle having
collected an army, she sent me to join him. But all
those who came on your part to treat of peace, can, if
they will, bear witness to my desire to have been with
your Majesties all the time."
He then speaks of his marriage, and the satisfaction
with which he entertained the thoughts of it ; his desire
to return among his old friends at Court, which, though
delayed by a tertian fever, was proved in this, that, on re-
ceiving intelligence of the death of the Queen, his mother,
1 Le Laboureur, add. Castlcnau. where I liked best to be was in their
2 From whom I received so much company,
honour, that the place in the world
1574] INTRIGUES OF D'aLEN(^ON. 447
which would have furnished a sufficient excuse for return-
ing home, had he been so inclined ; he had still continued
his journey, " avec la meilleure troupe de mes serviteurs
quejavoispu assembler; et nefus content queje nefusse
arrive pres de vos Majestes — oil tot apres ces noces
arrivoit la St. Barthelemy, oil furent massacres to us
ceux qui m'avoient accompagne. The most part of whom
had never even quitted their houses during the troubles.
— My distress may be imagined at witnessing the death
of those who had come to Paris upon my simple word ;
and without other security than those letters which the
King had done me the honour to write to me. Or ce
desplaisir me fid tel que feusse voulu les racheter de ma
vie; puisqiiils perdoient la leur a mon occasion; les
voyant mesme tuer au chevet de mon lit.'" He adds, that
in the midst of the general distress, Thore, exasperated
at the death of his cousin (Coligny) came to him, and
painted in lively colours the indignities to which they
were both exposed, and the little security there was for
any of their lives, seeing what honour and bonne chere
that you, Madam, and the Kings your sons, thought pro-
per to shew to the house of Guise, who triumphed in my
degradation. Still it never entered into my thoughts to
be anything but a faithful and affectionate servant to his
Majesty, as I hoped to have proved at the siege of La Ro-
chelle. But there, he says, he was informed that it was the
intention of the King of Poland to make a second St. Bar-
tholomew in which M. le Due and himself were to be in-
cluded ; his assassination being only delayed in the hopes
that his wife might bear him a son, who should succeed to
his dominions. He then enumerates the various slights
he had since received ; the fresh causes of suspicion that
had arisen against the King of Poland and the Duke de
Guise ; the insulting surveillance to which he and the
448 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1574.
Duke d'Alen^on had been subjected. " Et voyant les
grandes mefiances, que vos MajesUs avoient de nous
s'accroistre tons les jours, et recevans beaucoup d'aver-
tissemens tons nouveaux, que Von vouloit mefaire ; cela
fid cause que M. le Due se resolut, pour s'oster de ce dan-
ger, et pour Vasseurance de sa vie, de s'en aller oil je lui
promts de T accompagner ; et de la rrCen aller en monpays ;
tant pour ma surete, que pour donner ordre en Beam et
Navarre ; oil pour mon absence je suis nullement obei . . .
Voild, Madame, tout ce que je scais — et vous supplie
tres humblement, de considerer si je n'avois pas juste et
apparent occasion de m'absenter ; et quHl plaise an Roi
et d vous, me vouloir doresnavant /aire tant de bien et
oVhonneur, que de me traiter comme estant ce que je
vous sui$, &c. (Signe) "Henri."
Through the whole of these two depositions the most
extreme care is taken to inculpate no one. The only
names mentioned, as implicated in his designs, are those
of Thore and Turenne, who were already in a place of
safety. In his second deposition he further declares, that
not one of the gentlemen belonging to him had ever
spoken with him upon the subject of his escape, nor
shared in the slightest degree his confidence. " Voild !"
cries Le Laboureur, " une declaration qui sent bien le
Roi."
" No use was made of this paper," he continues, " upon
the trial, nor should I admit it here, except that I
may increase the honour this great Prince has obtained
by all the perils and dangers he has overcome. More
especially in steering amid the perils of such a Court, and
maintaining his dignity upon an occasion like this, when
no means were spared to transform into a simple attempt
at escape into a horrible conspiracy."'1
1 Le Labouvcur add. Mem. de Castlenau.
1574.] INTRIGUES OF D'ALENCON. 449
Catherine never forgave the plain terms in which she
was here treated by one whom she had imagined entirely
in her power. From this moment she became Henry's
most inveterate enemy, and persecuted him with un-
sparing hostility, placing both the life and crown of her
son in jeopardy ; and staking the very existence of France
itself, in the vain attempt to deprive Navarre of the suc-
cession.1
These confessions and depositions falling far short of
what was wanted, the unfortunate La Molle was put to the
torture, la gehenne as it was then called — with the hope
of obtaining further confessions from his weakness. His
interrogatory is a miserable specimen of cruelty and cre-
dulity on one side, and of suffering and cowardice upon
the other. He was questioned much as to a certain waxen
figure covered with enchanted characters, which they vainly
endeavoured to make him confess was intended for the
King, with design to consume life by sympathy;2 and
which it was said had been made for him by one Cosmo
liuggiero, an Italian charlatan and astrologer : one among
those vile quacks with which society then swarmed, who
obtained great riches and influence, by ministering to
the most wicked and impious desires of their employers.
1 All the inferior conspirators having a hand in his illness, and it
were afterwards examined, with the was her most earnest desire to fix
intention of fixing upon the Prince the accusation elsewhere. That she
and upon Montmorenci a design was the secret murderer of her son
against the life of the King. Grand- was long believed — even Louis XIII.
rye, one of the confederates, in the had been so instructed. When a
hope of saving himself, made this youth, being warned by the example
curious proposal : that having, when of Charles not to take too violent
in the Grisons, busied himself with exercise, nor blow incessantly upon
distilling and transmuting metals — his hunting horn, "Bon, bon," said
en scuit le secret et la recepte — which the King, "sachez Charles IX.
he is ready to communicate to the n'est mort que pour avoir dine chez
King, and by this means gain for hitn Gondi, la creature de Catherine
-2,< '< >; i,000 of gold a year— en mettant de Medicis, imme'diatement apres
cent mi/lc esau d'areent" line querelle qu'il avoit eu avec sa
■ The King was dying by inches. mere." — Lacietellc.
Catherine, universally suspected of
VOL. II. Q 0
450 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1574.
He is described " as a dark man, with regular features,
who played upon all sorts of instruments ; qui a quelquefois
chausses rondes, et quelquefois de taffetas ; et toujours de
noir habille, et est, le dit Italien, puissant homme."
This man, deeply implicated in the affair, endured
the question, ordinary and extraordinary, upon eighty
different heads, with extraordinary fortitude, without con-
fessing anything either as regarded the conspiracy or
"the charmed medals he had made ; one of which was
to destroy the King, and the others for the Duke d'Alen-
^on and La Molle to wear in their hats in order to
preserve their friendship inviolate"1 He was afterwards
sent to the galleys, where he turned the vessel in which
he laboured at the oar into an academy of astrology and
mathematics, and was treated en illustre forcat with every
sort of respect. Catherine soon after withdrew him from
the hands of justice — he received a rich abbey from
Henry III., and lived to busy himself in the affairs of the
Marechal d'Ancre. Such was the fate of the astrologer
and magician. The wretched La Molle met with no such
indulgence. When seized by the executioner, he at first
asserted, that do what they would, he could say no more
than he had said ; but having endured the torture, he
promised to tell all he knew. Being allowed to come
to the fire, he said, que sHl devoit endurer mille morts,
he knew nothing more — crying out, pauvre La Molle
rfy a-t-il point moyens d' avoir grace — I only ask to be
put into a convent, where I may pray God for the rest
of my life — disant, Messieurs, M. le Due, mon maitre,
m' ay ant oblige cent mille fois, me commanda sur ma
vie, et sur ce que favois de plus cher en ce monde, que
je ne disse rien de ce qu'il vouloit faire.2 — Nothing
'Examinations. — See Ob. Mem. 2 Saying, " Gentlemen, M. le Due,
de Bouillon. my master, having obliged me a
1574.] INTRIGUES OF D'ALENCON. 451
new appeared to inculpate the Marechal de Montmorenci,
and La Molle constantly denied that there was any design
upon the life of the King. Interrogated with respect to
the waxen image, he cried, " Ah, mon Dieu ! si fay fait
image de cire pour le Roy,je veux mourirT ' Interrogated
as to the gold medals, says he knows nothing about them ;
again interrogated as to the image of wax which Cosmo
had made for him, says it was for his mistress, whom
he wished to marry ; interrogated what the illness
of the King was, answered, " Faites moi rnourir si la
pauvre La Molle y a jamais pense" — Entreats they will
call Cosmo who will confirm what he says .... Interro-
gated what Monsieur intended to do after he had es-
caped, says he knows nothing more — intreats them to
torture him no more — that he has told the truth of his
conscience—^ en pleurant s'est mit d genoux, disant,
sur la damnation de mon dme je n'en scait autre chose'1
— says, that if the King will grant him his life, he will be
the death of that wicked There, the cause of all. Then
they dressed him, and after making his prayers, he was
bound and carried by the executioner back to his cham-
ber dans la Tournelle.
Such were the shocking spectacles exhibited in the
Halls of Justice, not much more than two centuries ago.
This dreadful abuse was, however, already calling upon the
attention of thinking men. In the histories of the times,
the question of the utility "of torture is frequently dis-
cussed, and the decision is invariably given against the cus-
tom— " Je croy avoir appris" says the author from whom
hundred thousand times, charged made any image of wax for the
me by my life, and all I held most King.
dear in this world to say nothing of 2 Throws himself upon his knees
what he intended." and weeping, says, upon the sal-
vation of his soul, he knows nothing
' All, good God ! may I die if I more.
o g 2
452 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1574.
this account of the interrogations is taken,1 that under
such circumstances, "rty a guere d' innocents qui riavou-
ent d'etre criminels dans Cesperance de lew salut, et
qu' il n'y a guere de criminels qui ne souffrent toute sorte
de gehennes, si leur vie depend de leur confession" 2
The son of Tavannes, in his commentaries, comes to
much the same conclusion, adding, " that those who pos-
sessed certain secrets to weaken the effect of the torture,
escaped very easily/' He mentions among these secrets,
breuvages de savon,"3 to allay the sense of pain. We must
suppose that Ruggiero was in possession of such secrets.4
Even Catherine could not venture upon evidence such
as this to sacrifice a son — a son-in-law, or the head of
a house powerful as was that of Montmorenci — the
Princes were detained, therefore, as a species of state
prisoners — the Marshals remaining in the Bastille. It
was desirable, however, to give importance to the matter in
the eye of the vulgar, by an execution or two ; and La
Molle and Coconnas, the last well deserving his fate — were
selected as the victims. Though beloved by two of
the fairest and highest of the Court — Marguerite de Valois
and the Duchess of Nevers — it was impossible to save
them ; and they were beheaded soon after their examina-
1 I have omitted the more painful 3 Drinks made of soap,
part of this interrogation, which is
from Le Laboureur, who has ex- 4 History holds out strange ex-
tracted an account of this trial from amples of the abominations to which
the original pieces, which are to be custom may reconcile men, and this
found preserved in L'Histoire de was long one. We ought to be
I'Etat de France, sous Charles IX., careful even now how we suffer
where they occupy 100 pages. — habit to weaken our sense of what is
Ob. Mem. Bouillon, 48, 272. barbarous or unjust in our own cus-
2 There are few of the innocent toms or manners. It is but lately
who will not confess themselves that certain portions of our own
criminal in the hope of escaping, penal laws have been discarded un-
and that there are few criminals who der a sense of the same horror with
will not suffer all sorts of torture if which we iioav look back upon these
their life depends upon their con- obsolete enormities.
fession.
1574-.] EXECUTION OF MOLLE AND COCONNAS. 453
tion, lamenting their disgrace in bitter terras, and their
hard destiny in thus suffering the punishment merited by
their master alone. Coconnas struck his feet passionately
on the ground, and turning to the by-standers, ''Messieurs
said he, "vous voyez que e'est — les petits sont pris, et les
grands demeurent qui ont fait la faute"1 They died
intreating their debts might be paid, and requesting the
prayers of all present.
The two Princesses were overwhelmed with grief at
the loss of their favourites — their method of proving
their attachment may complete the picture of manners
afforded by this story. They obtained possession of the
miserable heads of their lovers, and having loaded them
with kisses, and bathed them with their tears, embalmed
them, it is said, with their own hands, and long preserved
them with the greatest tenderness.
" Thus terminated," says Le Laboureur, " a tragedy
played upon the theatre of France for reasons of state.
The crime deserved no such punishment ; but the Queen
was in dread of the malcontents ; and desired to render
them universally odious, so as to prepare the way for
the return of her cherished son, the King of Poland, to
France. No doubt the Marechal de Montmorenci," he
adds, " would have shared the fate of the inferior agents ;
but to say nothing of the defective evidence, Damville,
Meru, and Thore, his brothers, were at liberty, and in
arms ready to revenge his death." 2
The irritation and anxiety occasioned by this affair
and its consequences, sufficed to exhaust the little strength
yet lingering in the frame of the miserable King.
The discovery and defeat of this part of the plan
had not prevented the rising which had been determined
1 Gentlemen, you see how it is; great ones who were to blame are
the little ones an caught, and the left.
- !-.• Laboureur.
454 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1574.
upon among the Hugonots. Upon the Mardi-gras,
as was agreed, the revolt took place, and the kingdom
was plunged into the fifth war, for which even D'Au-
bigne can find little excuse. Merle and Lusignan were
surprised by La Noue, Talmont and several small places
in Saintonge by the Seigneur de la Case — Loriol and
others in Dauphine" by Montbrun — in Normandy Colom-
bieres, confiding in the support he was to receive in the
person of the Duke d'Alen^n, seized St. Lo; and Montgoin-
meri landing from Jersey, took Carenton and Yalognes.
In the course of a month, however, the Queen-Mother
had three armies in the field — Matignon marched with
one into Normandy ; the Duke de Montpensier led the
second into Poictou ; with the third, the Prince Dauphin
approached the south, where Damville, still acting for the
King as Lieutenant-governor of Languedoc, was secretly
abetting the Calvinist revolt. Nothing can be more un-
interesting than to trace a war in detail, made up of the
alternate seizure and surrender of insignificant places,
distinguished by no leading events, adorned by no shining
actions, marked by no plan, and terminating in no re-
sults. The contest had changed its character. No emi-
nent chief now organized his party to maintain important
principles, and conscientiously to restore the sword to
its scabbard when such principles were acknowledged.
The frame of society was broken to pieces — every man
suspected and attacked his fellow — each small town
fought against its neighbour — petty captains, at the head
of insignificant bands of followers, made war upon each
other — union, system, sense of duty, loyalty, obedience,
patriotism — all had perished upon the fatal day.
The only events of the least importance during this
campaign, were the capture of Montgommeri, and the
destruction of Lusignan — that exquisite specimen of the
1574.] DEATH OF CHARLES IX. 455
architecture of the middle ages — that enchanted castle
of the fairy Melusina, the memory of which is preserved
in the pages of Sir "Walter Scott. The Duke de Mont-
pensier, the most brutal of soldiers, took the castle, and
levelled it pitilessly to the ground.1
Catherine received the news of Montgommeri's capture
with excessive exultation. She hated the brave and un-
compromising partisan, and affected to cover her hatred by
recalling that unfortunate accident which had deprived
her by his hand of her husband. She came in the
highest spirits to announce this good news to the King ;
but Charles listened with indifference. Extended wretch-
edly upon his bed, a prey to the most cruel agitations
both of body and mind — the blood streaming from every
pore and orifice — his limbs distorted by spasms — his soul
distracted with remorse — he lay bewailing his unhappy
fate — "Ah, ma mie!" he cried, to his faithful Hugonot
nurse who watched by his bed-side, " que fai suivie un
mediant conseil ! Mon Dieu, pardonnez moi ! fais moi
grace ! Je ne spais oil fen suis. Que deviendra
tout ceci ? Que faire ? Je le sens Men, je suis perdu" 2
When the Queen, gay and exulting, entered his room,
he turned his fainting head away — weary of enmity and
sick of vengeance. It is said by Mezeray, that, after the
siege of La Rochelle, he had shewn an earnest desire to
take the reins of government into his own hands, and
labour to heal the wounds of his distracted kingdom.
That he had already relieved his people of many taxes —
had diminished his companies of guards — had resolved to
dismiss his evil counsellors — break up the secret cabinet
— and confide the management of affairs to the proper
1 See Brantomc. forgive me ! have mercy on me ! I
do not know where I am. What
3 Ah, ma mic — what wicked will become of it all? — what must I
counsels 1 have followed — my God, do ? I feel it — 1 am lost.
456 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1574.
officers — but such resolutions came too late. Sickness
overtook him upon the first suspicion of such designs, and
even had he escaped that, his mind received so severe a
shock from the events of the 24th of August, that it seems
never to have recovered its equilibrium, and symptoms of
that frightful malady which had visited his unfortunate
ancestor, Charles VI., were at times thought to be dis-
cernible.
His last hours were tormented by the incessant impor-
tunities of the Queen, to obtain her own nomination to
the Regency during the ensuing interregnum. He long
resisted, but as languor of mind and body increased, he
seems to have yielded to an influence to which he had
been so long accustomed, and a few days before he died
he declafed her Regent, and signified his determination to
the Princes of the blood.
The day he died he yielded to that old attachment
which he had lately repressed, and called for Henry of
Navarre, still a prisoner, to visit his bed-side ; there
giving vent to the feelings of tenderness he had so long
disguised, he displayed the affection and confidence with
which he had all along regarded him.
The scene shall be given from Victor Cayet.1 " The
King Charles, feeling himself near his end, after having
long lain still and without speaking, suddenly turned
round as if he had just awakened, ' Call my brother,' says
he. The Queen-Mother being present, sent immediately
for Monseigneur le Due d'AlenQon. The King seeing
him, turned away, and said again, 'Fetch my brother.1
' Sir,' said the Queen-Mother, ' I do not know what you
ask, — here is your brother.' The King was angry, and
said, ' Fetch my brother, the King of Navarre — he is my
1 Chronologie Novennaire, 56, 129. Victor Cayet was the friend and
tutor of Henry of Navarre.
1574.] DEATH OF CHARLES IX. 457
brother? The Queen-Mother, seeing this great desire,
to content him sent to fetch that Prince ; but, for reasons
best known to herself, commanded Nanc/ay, captain of
the guards, to bring him under the vaults of the castle.
" When they told the King of Navarre that some one
wished to speak to him on the part of the King, he has
often said, that he felt his soul seized with a sudden
apprehension of death ; so that he refused at first to go.
But Charles insisting upon his coming, the Queen-Mother
sent to assure him no harm was intended. On which
assurance he relied not much, but being encouraged by
the Viscount d'Auchy, who had attended him during his
detention, he at length consented to appear. As he en-
tered the vaults, he found them lined with soldiers,
armed, and holding their halberts and arquebusses in
their hands, through the midst of whom he was to pass ;
upon this he hesitated, and wished to go back, but the
Viscount and the captain of the guards repeating their
assurances, and seeing the soldiers salute him, he passed
on, and, coming up a private staircase, entered the
King's apartment.
" As soon as Charles saw him, he turned towards him,
holding out his arms. The King of Navarre, greatly
moved, weeping and sighing, threw himself on his knees
by the bed-side, when the King embraced him closely,
and kissing him, said, " Mon frere, vous perdrez un
bon mattre et un bon ami. Je scay que vous n'etes point
dn trouble qui wtest survenu. Sifeusse voulu croire ce
que Ton me vouloit dire, vous ne fussiez plus en vie — mais
je vous ai toujours aime, je me fie en vous seul de ma
femme, et de mafille. Je les vous recommande — ne vous
fiez en N mais Dieu vous gardera.,n The Queen-
1 My brother, you will lose a know you liave no hand in the
good master and a good friend. I troubles that have fallen upon D)e.
VOL. II. II II
458 THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE. [1574.
Mother here interrupted the King Charles, saying, 'Sir, do
not say so.' ' Madame,' he replied, ' I ought to say it, je
dois le dire. Croyez moi mon, frere, aimez moi, assistez
a ma femme et a ma fille, et priez Dieu pour moi.
Adieu, mon frere, adieu.' The King of Navarre quitted
him no more till the agony began, when he retired.""
Charles IX. expired on the evening of Pentecost, March
30th, 1574.
Thus ended this unhappy reign ; and thus, at twenty-
five years of age, an existence was terminated, which had
promised better things. These pages will probably leave
upon the reader a very different impression of the charac-
ter of Charles from what has been commonly received,
he was perhaps the least culpable, and certainly the
most unfortunate of a wretched family sprung from
a profligate father and the worst of mothers. A child
that mothers slave, a youth her dupe, a man her victim
— he offers a dreadful example of the miserable destiny
that awaits the children of the wicked. If it be true,
as most historians surmise, that he was visited at times
by the heaviest of human afflictions, partial insanity,
Charles "must be regarded in the midst of his load of
crimes, as an object less of abhorrence than of compas-
sion. The cause of his death remains, as has been said,
a mystery. The symptoms of his last illness will appear
at this time of day very remarkable ; but he is not the
only one of his times who is thus described as dying
bathed in his own blood. The symptom was not an
uncommon one; whether in all cases it should be con-
sidered the effect of poison may be doubted : but it is
remarkable that, in the account of an experiment made,
If I had been willing to believe wife and daughter to you alone.
them, you would have been no Distrust N , but God will
longer among the living, but I have preserve you.
always loved you, and I entrust my
1574.] DEATH OF CHARLES IX. 459
by Ambrose Pare, as to the effect of corrosive sublimate,
which he tried upon a criminal, he mentions as one of
its results, that blood poured from the nose, ears, and
other orifices of the unhappy victim's body.
The form and person of Charles have been already
described, — his rough temper, his unsoftened maimers, his
wild and unpolished demeanour — his love of the muses,
has likewise been alluded to. He was fond of and ex-
celled in music ; and a few lines, addressed to Ronsard, are
so pleasing a specimen of the refinement of his feelings,
and of his skill in poetry, that, in pity to the memory
of a lost and wretched man, they shall close his mournful
story. I have copied them in the modern French
spelling.
L'art de fairc de vers, dut on s'en indiguer,
Doit etre a plus liaut prix que eclui de regncr ;
Tout deux e'galement nous portons des couronnos,
Mais roi je les recois, poetc tu les donnes ;
Ton esprit enflamme' d'un ce'leste ardeur
Eclatc par soimeme, et moi par ma grandeur.
Si du cote des dieux je cherche l'avantage,
Ronsard est leur mignon, et je suis leur image,
Ta lyre qui ravit par de si doux accords,
T'assurait les esprits, dont je n'ai que les corps,
Elle t'en rend le maitre et te sait introduire,
Ou le plus fier tyran ne peut avoir d'empire.
END OF THE SECOND VOLl'MK.
[It had been my intention to have terminated this part
of my relation, by a description of the domestic habits
and manners of the members of the rival religions at
the period at which I have arrived ; but having already
exceeded the limits I proposed to myself, it must be de-
ferred till the opening of the next part, should that part
ever see the light.]
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