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Full text of "Psychology Understanding Human Behavior"

m< OU_160737m 



OSMANIA UNIVERSITY LIBRARY 

Call No. | / Accession No ' 

Author 



Title fvi^oloc '. ^Vck Jh r* U>w have 
areas of common interest? What other sciences 
or areas of study might be represented by 
circles in the above diagram? Where would 
you draw each? 



for the individual as a person, as a knowing, 
thinking, and otherwise reacting organism. 

Differences in Emphasis among the Sci- 
ences. The distinction between related sci- 
ences is usually not a matter of hard and 
fast differences, with clear lines separating 
the sciences in question; rather it is one of 
varying emphasis. Thus, it is not possible 
to draw a line clearly dividing anthropology 
from sociology, or to separate sharply soci- 
ology from psychology or psychology from 
physiology. In each case, one of these spills 
over into the other ( or perhaps into several 
others), and two or more sciences often 
study the same subject matter. For example, 
both physiology and psychology are inter- 
ested in the functioning of the nervous sys- 
tem, though each from a somewhat different 
point of view. Psychology, sociology, and 
anthropology all concern themselves with 
the relationship of the group and the in- 
dividual, but again the emphasis differs 
for each science. Incidentally, we have a 
similar situation in physics and chemistry, 
where the emphasis differs but no hard and 
fast boundaries can be drawn. 

It is easy to get the idea that this is an 
unfortunate situation and that the various 
sciences should straighten out their titles to 




14 



UNDERSTANDING HUMAN BEHAVIOR 



certain territories or areas of subject mat- 
ter. Verbal battles have sometimes been 
fought over such issues, but fortunately 
for the welfare of science and society no 
permanent victories have been won. Areas 
of overlap in science can be opportunities 
for cooperation, and two groups of scien- 
tists, working together, have often attained 
insights denied to either group working 
alone. Human behavior is obviously a field 
that is complex and not so well understood 
as we should like it to be. No one has a 
monopoly on information about it or on 
methods of studying it. It is the concern of 
many sciences, including psychology. 

APPLIED PSYCHOLOGY 

One striking fact about modern psychol- 
ogy is, as we mentioned earlier, the increas- 
ing number of psychologists, especially 
since World War II. A great many more 
people are now earning a livelihood as psy- 
chologists than were doing so a few short 
years ago. This growth is largely due to the 
expansion of research and professional serv- 
ices concerned with the applications of psy- 
chology. 

Until recently a majority of psychologists 
were engaged in teaching. Now teaching is 
still an important field of employment, but 
positions concerned with research and ap- 
plying psychology to practical problems 
are the more numerous. 

Psychology is now applied in a number 
of situations, varying from those that deal 
with children to those that deal with old 
people, and from those that deal with peo- 
ple who are in great difficulty to those that 
deal with people in positions of responsible 
leadership. Let us look at some of these 
fields in which psychologists are applying 
the findings of the science. 
-Clinical Psychology. The largest single 
group of professional psychologists are 
those who work in mental hospitals, mental 
health clinics, and the like. Clinical psy- 



chologists, as the term implies, deal with 
people in difficulty. Some of these persons 
may have a serious mental illness, while 
others m^ have encountered more than 
their share of the problems we all face or 
may lack the skill that most of us have de- 
veloped for dealing with such problems. 

Here it might be wise to make a distinc- 
tion between a clinical psychologist and a 
psychiatrist. Ordinarily a clinical psycholo- 
gist has a Ph.D. in psychology. Having 
finished a bachelor of arts degree (and pos- 
sibly a master of arts degree also) in psy- 
chology or a related field, he goes on to get 
the doctor'--; degree in psychology. In the 
course of earning this degree, he usually 
serves at least one year of internship, which 
gives practical experience in dealing with 
persons having psychological difficulties. 
This is a valuable supplement to classwork. 

The psychiatrist, on the other hand, al- 
ways has a medical degree. After complet- 
ing his premedical training he usually 
spends four years in medical school, some 
time as an intern, and then some more as a 
resident. His area of specialty is the care 
and treatment of people with emotional and 
mental illness. 

Another person who works with mentally 
disordered individuals, or with persons in 
difficulty, is the psychiatric social worker. 
He usually has a master's degree in social 
work and specializes in getting information 
about and understanding people who have 
emotional difficulties. 

In many clinics and hospitals the team 
approach is used, the team consisting of a 
psychiatrist, a clinical psychologist, and a 
psychiatric social worker. To some extent 
each member of this team specializes in a 
particular area, but they combine their 
training and talents in investigating the 
problems of a particular patient and, after 
the diagnosis, in helping him regain his 
mental health. Many who work in this field 
feel that the team approach is proving its 
effectiveness and strengthening our efforts 



THE STUDY OF HUMAN BEHAVIOR 



15 



to combat problems in the area of mental 
health. 

Counseling Psychology. Another field of 
professional specialization in psychology is 
known as counseling psychology. Though 
counseling and clinical psychology are 
closely related, they have two fairly distinct 
roles in the general scheme of psychological 
services. 

We use the word "counseling" to refer to 
the function of psychologists whose prin- 
cipal job is to deal with people who are 
in need of help or advice but not primarily 
with people who have emotional difficulties. 
A typical example is to be found in the 
Veterans Administration, where the coun- 
selor acquaints an individual with voca- 
tional opportunities and gives him informa- 
tion designed to better his vocational ad- 
justments. Since a person's vocation influ- 
ences so many phases of his life, counseling 
psychologists often are called upon to deal 
with other problems which the individual 
may be facing. 

Of course, not all counselors are psy- 
chologists. Other people do counseling 
teachers, social workers, supervisors, min- 
isters, lawyers, physicians, and so forth. But 
psychologists counsel too, and the point 
that needs to be emphasized is that one 
branch of psychology is concerned with 
the theory, as well as the practice and tech- 
niques, of counseling. 

A branch of psychology closely related 
to counseling is to be found in the work of 
the school psychologist. School psycholgists 
often do educational and vocational coun- 
seling, but they also give advice and guid- 
ance on matters having to do with cur- 
riculum planning, teacher training, prob- 
lems of parents, and the like. 

Psychology in Business and Industry. 
Psychologists also practice professionally in 
business and industry. Human-relations 
problems in business and industry are often 
as important as any other sort, and the need 
for effective teamwork is probably nowhere 



greater than it is in this particular area. 

Psychologists participate in the affairs of 
business and industry in at least three ways. 
In the first place, they have made some real 
contributions to business management by 
making it possible to do a better job of 
selecting, placing, and training employees. 
Here the first contribution that comes to 
mind is probably that of psychological tests, 
but while they have been important, they 
are not by any means the whole story. In- 
terviews are also useful, and even observa- 
tion of behavior over a period of time has 
proved worthwhile. Furthermore, psycholo- 
gists have been able to improve methods 
of training people for their jobs. 

In the second place, there are psycholo- 
gists who specialize in counseling with the 
executives of a business and otherwise help- 
ing in their development. They are often 
the persons with whom the executive "talks 
out" his problems, and they help him 
gain insight into his own limitations and 
strengths and to improve his skill as an 
executive. The emphasis here is primarily 
on self-improvement, for in these matters 
as in many others, real development must 
come from within the individual. ' 

This process of helping executives and 
supervisors to grow and develop is some- 
times carried out with groups rather than 
with individuals. Through research, psy- 
chologists have uncovered some of the 
factors that distinguish successful leaders 
from those not so successful, and the in- 
dustrial psychologist often has the opportun- 
ity to translate these findings into a form 
and a set of skills that will make them use- 
ful to the manager. 

The third area in which psychology has 
played an increasing role in business and 
industry is often called human engineering. 
As the world of work becomes more com- 
plex and the machines and processes with 
which we have to deal become more in- 
volved, the problems of the control of the 
means of production or transportation be- 



16 



UNDERSTANDING HUMAN BEHAVIOR 



EFFICIENCY OF 
VARIOUS DIALS 



This experiment * throws some light on the work of the human engineer. 
The purpose was to determine which of several types of dials would give 
the most useful readings of an altimeter (instrument for measuring altitude). 
Each dial was presented to the subjects with twelve different settings. They 
were printed in a test booklet, with space provided in each case for indicat- 
ing the correct reading. As far as possible, the printed designs were of the 
same size, with the same legibility of printing, the same number of grada- 
tions, etc. The order of presentation of the different dials was also varied 
systematically to reduce the practice effect. The subjects were 97 United 
States Air Force cadets and 79 college students without aircrew experience. 

The accompanying figure presents the various types of dials used and also 
the results obtained. Dial A was one commonly in use at the time of the 
experiment, and, as can be seen, it showed up poorly both in errors and 
time for interpretation. It is interesting to note that at least in some cases the 
results of this study are quite different from what would be predicted by 
so-called "common sense." 



Errors of 1,000 feet or more, per cent 
Interpretation time, seconds 




17.4 




J7.5 



162 
J7.J 





10.7 
10.7 



117 
1.8 



LEGEND 

1 97 AAF pilots 
I I 79 college students 





900 




23,000 rr 




800 




22.900 -^ 




700 -; 




72,800 




[i] 3 




^ 


| 27.800~ 


600 




22.700 




~ 







1 


500 -z 




22,600 -^ 




400-= 




22,500 -^ 





Errors of 1,000 feet or more, per cent 
Interpretation time, seconds 



14.1 
13.0 



6.9 



,03 



0.4 



U 1 9 



M.9 



(0.4 
I 0.0 



I 0.0 
I 0.0 



Speed and accuracy in reading altitude from different types of instruments. 
(Note that instrument I proved most satisfactory under these conditions.) 
(W. F. Grether, Instrument Reading: /, The Design of Long-scale Indica- 
tors for Speed and Accuracy of Quantitative Readings, Journal of Applied 
Psychology, 33:365, 1949. Courtesy of the publisher.) 

* W. F. Grether, "Instrument Reading: I. The Design of Long-scale Indicators for Speed 
and Accuracy of Quantitative Readings/' Journal of Applied Psychology, 1949, 33:363-372. 



THE STUDY OF HUMAN BEHAVIOR 



17 



come more difficult. Indeed, in many in- 
stances, more information can be given to 
the operator of a machine than he is able 
to perceive and use. Consider, for example, 
a large airplane. It has a number of engines, 
and each engine has a number of instru- 
ments reporting on its performance. Clearly, 
more information can be fed into the cock- 
pit of the plane than any individual could 
ever assimilate in any reasonable length 
of time. Indeed, more information can be 
displayed in the cockpit than a crew of 
several men are able to assimilate. The 
problem is to make this information as 
usable as possible. 

There is a question, for instance, as to 
what sort of design an instrument ought 
to have. Should it be black on white, or 
white on black? Should it be large or small? 
Where should it be located? These and 
many more complex questions are of in- 
terest to the human engineer. 

Perhaps nowhere can we find a better il- 
lustration of the difference between psy- 
chology and "common sense." The common- 
sense approach to this problem would be 
to figure out which of these would seem 
to be the most serviceable and to use it. 
The psychologist, on the other hand, uses 
the experimental approach. He experiments 
with various kinds of cockpits and instru- 
ments and controls, and by holding other 
variables constant, determines not which 
one looks as though it would work best but 
rather which one really does work best. 
There is no doubt of the superiority of the 
psychologist's approach to this sort of prob- 
lem. 

Problems of this sort are to be found in 
many aspects of the world of work, and the 
contributions to their solution by psycholo- 
gists may ultimately touch the lives of all 
of us. 

" Psychology and Attitude Measurement. 
Finally, among the applied fields we have 
chosen to discuss, there is the field in 



which the attitudes of individuals or groups 
are measured. Such attitude measurement 
has been used extensively in public-opin- 
ion polling (of which the so-called "Gallup 
poll" is an example) and in market re- 
search. 

We are all familiar in a general way with 
polling procedures. Questions are carefully 
designed and studied and, when considered 
satisfactory, are asked of a great many peo- 
ple. Their responses are carefully noted, 
and conclusions are drawn concerning the 
attitudes of a larger group of people with 
regard to the matter being studied. This 
technique may be used to determine the 
feeling of people toward the several presi- 
dential hopefuls or toward a new brand of 
detergent. 

Complexity of the Field of Psijchology. 
By now it is apparent that modern psy- 
chology is not a simple field, with all psy- 
chologists having the same interests and 
skills. The various sorts of psychologists 
have a number of things in common, but 
they also have their own special interests. 

The complexity of the field can be seen 
from a study of the American Psychological 
Association. This is the scientific and pro- 
fessional organization of American psychol- 
ogists. Minimum requirements for associate 
membership are two years of graduate 
study in psychology (or one year of grad- 
uate study plus one year of experience in 
professional work that is psychological in 
nature) and employment in a job that is 
primarily psychological (or continuation of 
graduate study in psychology). More and 
more the Ph.D. degree is being required 
of people who are recognized as psycholo- 
gists. In 1956 the association had about 
15,000 members, in 1957 16,000. 

At present the association is organized 
into seventeen divisions, some set up pri- 
marily on the basis of applied interests and 
others primarily on the basis of subject 
matter. These divisions are as follows: 



UNDERSTANDING HUMAN BEHAVIOR 



General Psychology 

The Teaching of Psychology 

Experimental Psychology 

Evaluation and Measurement 

Developmental Psychology 

Abnormal and Social Psychology 

The Society for the Psychological Study of 

Social Issues 
Esthetics 

Clinical Psychology 
Consulting Psychology 
Industrial and Business Psychology 
Educational Psychology 
School Psychologists 
Counseling Psychology 
Psychologists in Public Service 
Military Psychology 
Maturity and Old Age 

This list emphasizes the point made earlier 
that some psychologists are essentially re- 
search scientists, others arc primarily teach- 
ers of psychology, and still others are prac- 





ticing in various fields of applied psychol- 
ogy. Psychology is thus both a science and 
an ai t or a profession. 



WHAT PSYCHOLOGY IS NOT 

So far we have been talking about what 
psychology is and how it relates to science 
in general. Let us look now at some of the 
popular misconceptions of psychology and 
see wherein these are in error. 

Psychology and the Mysterious. Many 
people imagine that psychology is some- 
thing magical or mysterious and that some- 
how psychologists have a superior or al- 
most superhuman way of looking into the 
thoughts and feelings of a person. The no- 
tion is, in other words, that there is a psy- 
chological method or approach, and that 
anyone who knows how to use this and 
uses it successfully has an advantage over 
anyone who lacks it. 

Psychology, however, is no more myste- 



Figure 1.6. Some people seem to think that 
psychologists have insight into human behavior 
that is little short of magical or mysterious. 
Others hold that we learn about human be- 
havior only from experience and that psycholo- 
gists really have nothing to contribute to our 
understanding of this subject. Neither of these 
extreme positions is correct. 




THE STUDY OF HUMAN BEHAVIOR 



rious than medicine or engineering or the 
other sciences. It is an ordinary, everyday, 
hard-working science. It has no magic, no 
mysterious ways, and no dark or hidden 
routes by which it gets its knowledge. 
Whatever psychologists have learned, they 
have learned through observation, through 
careful reflection upon what they have ob- 
served, and through the checking of their 
conclusions with other persons in this and 
other fields. Psychology is neither magical 
nor mysterious. 

Psychology and "Common Sense." Some 
people go to the opposite extreme and as- 
sume that psychology is essentially nothing 
more than common sense. To them, psy- 
chology is simply what wise people have 
discovered from their experience, whether 
they have ever had formal training in the 
subject or not. 

It would, of course, be overstating the 
case to say that psychologists have a mo- 
nopoly of knowledge of human behavior. 
We have already acknowledged the role of 
the other sciences in studying human be- 
havior, and we tnust further recognize that 
nonscientific endeavors, such as religion, 
literature, and the law, also have useful 
contributions to make to this understanding. 
We are not maintaining, in other words, 
that only psychologists understand any- 
thing about human behavior. 

The fact nevertheless remains that sci- 
1 entific psychology and the "psychology" 
i of common sense are often rather different. 
For one thing, there are statements that 
are accepted by common sense but not 
accepted by psychology. One example of 
this is the common notion that those who 
are insane or seriously mentally ill have 
"lost their minds." In other words, insane 
people are considered to be unable to 
reason adequately or accurately. This com- 
mon-sense idea of insanity is far from the 
truth. Although intellectual abilities are 
sometimes disturbed in mental illness, a 
great many individuals who are insane are 



not suffering from lack of ability to reason. 
If given an intelligence test, they do as well 
on it as ever. In such cases, the difficulty is 
not in the intellectual realm at all but rather 
in the field of emotion. Thus, psychology 
must insist that insanity cannot be regarded 
as the "loss of mind." 

On the other hand, a good many things 
that are accepted by psychology are not 
accepted by common sense. An example 
relates to the phenomenon of color. The 
common-sense view of color is that the color 
is in the object which we see. Thus, if we 
see yellow flowers and blue flowers in a 
vase on our desk, common sense says the 
yellowness and the blueness are actually 
in the flowers themselves. From the stand- 
point of modern science this view is en- 
tirely unacceptable. We have every reason 
at present to believe that the color is not 
in the object but rather in the pcrceiver. 
The object reflects to our eyes light waves 
of a certain length, and the color which we 
see depends upon the length of the par- 
ticular light waves. Thus, if long light waves 
strike our eyes we get a seilsation which 
we call red, while if short light waves 
strike our eyes we get a sensation which 
we call violet. Light waves of intermediate 
length may lead to blue or green or yellow. 
But there is no serious reason to believe 
that the flowers themselves are colored. 
Color is our response to light waves which 
they reflect. 

Thus, it can be seen that psychology, 
while it sometimes agrees with common 
sense, is not just common sense. It does not 
agree with all that common sense holds, 
and common sense sometimes mistakenly 
holds to what psychology has shown to be 
untrue. 

Psychology and the Pseudo Sciences. 
People sometimes confuse psychology with 
a whole group of endeavors which have 
come to be known as pseudo sciences. 
(These are called pseudo sciences because 
the term pseudo means "false/*) Among 



20 



UNDERSTANDING HUMAN BEHAVIOR 



these pseudo sciences are phrenology, physi- 
ognomy, numerology, palmistry, and astrol- 
ogy- 
Why do we call them false sciences? In 
the first place, as will be clear when we 
examine them in some detail, the claims 
made by them simply do not fit with the 
other established facts about the nature of 
the world and of man. In the second place, 
they are untrue to, or inconsistent with, the 
spirit of science and the scientific method. 
In other words, they do not stick close to 
the facts but rather rely on essences for 
their explanations. They do not depend pri- 
marily on observation but rather on a priori 
reasoning and predetermined conclusions 
and prejudices. Instead of being objective 
they select evidence supporting their posi- 
tions, while overlooking, neglecting, or even 
denying the facts that do not fit their pre- 
conceptions. 

Let us look more closely at some of these 
endeavors. Phrenology goes back about 150 
to 175 years. A celebrated anatomist by the 
name of Gall got the idea that he could re- 
late the contours of the brain to the mental 
life of the individual. He further believed 
that the contour of the skull reflects ac- 
curately the contour of the brain. He went 
on to map out the brain area, finding 
thirty-nine "propensities" and "faculties," 
as he called them, each with its own local- 
ized area. Thus, he concluded that the in- 
tellectual faculties are mainly concentrated 
in the forehead and that emotional factors 
are located toward the back part of the 
head. Gall believed that the size of an area 
was a measure of the strength of the par- 
ticular faculty, and hence he advocated 
careful mapping of these areas. 

We now know that Gall's suppositions 
were without foundation, although different 
parts of the brain and even of the cerebrum 
do have different functions. There is no 
reason to believe that we actually have the 
faculties which he designated (or any fac- 
ulties, for that matter) or that they were 



located as he thought they were. Further- 
more, the contours of the brain cannot be 
inferred from the shape of the skull, nor 
is the size of a brain area correlated with 
the strength of a faculty. All Gall's major 
assumptions are false. Hence, phrenology 
is a pseudo science. 

Much the same remarks can be made 
about physiognomy. This pseudo science 
did not restrict itself to the shape of the 
skull but considered facial features and 
the shape of the body as a whole. For ex- 
ample, one physiognomist held that a per- 
son with a misshapen or a deformed body 
is also likelv fo have a personality similarly 
warped. More specifically, it has been held 
by some physiognomists that a square jaw 
means determination, a high forehead 
means intelligence (a view which they 
might share with the phrenologists), and 
so forth. Now, the truth is that the claims 
of physiognomy, like those of phrenology, 
do not stand up when carefully investigated. 
There is no serious reason to believe that 
any of the teachings of physiognomy cor- 
respond to the facts. 

Likewise, numerology attempts to de- 
termine the character of the individual (and 
sometimes his future) from the combina- 
tions of numbers connected with his name 
or other things in his life. Palmistry at- 
tempts to predict his character and his fu- 
ture from the lines on the palm. And finally, 
astrology makes predictions about him 
from the stars under which he was born. 
The claims made by these endeavors are 
false almost without exception. There is 
no trustworthy evidence that the numbers 
really influence a person's life or that the 
life line on a palm has anything to do with 
how long he will live. Likewise, the stars 
under which he was born have no real in- 
fluence on his personality. Psychologists 
have had a great deal to do with showing 
through experiment and other careful study 
how these claims have no basis in fact. They 
involve a priori reasoning and "essences." 



THE STUDY OF HUMAN BEHAVIOR 



21 



It is easy to understand that psychologists 
do not like to be classed with these pseudo 
sciences. This is partly because the con- 
clusions of the pseudo sciences are false, 



but it is even more because they violate 
the fundamental spirit of science in their 
ways of investigation and their methods of 
arriving at conclusions. 



SUMMARY 

All of us have an interest in human be- 
havior. Part of this interest comes from the 
fact that we need to understand, predict, 
and control the actions of other people. 
Part of it comes from our need for self- 
understanding and self-control. 

Psychology is the scientific study of the 
behavior of living organisms, with especial 
attention given to human behavior. It is 
to be distinguished from anthropology and 
sociology in that they focus their attention 
largely on the group, while psychology 
studies primarily the individual. It is to be 
distinguished from physiology in that physi- 
ology emphasizes the various systems of 
the body and how they interact and also 
how the organism adjusts to its physical en- 
vironment, whereas psychology studies the 
individual as a person, as a thinking, re- 
membering, imagining, feeling, and react- 
ing individual. 

Actually all these sciences overlap in sub- 
ject matter. No hard and fast lines can be 
drawn to separate psychology from any of 
the others, but there are differences in de- 
gree and in emphasis. This makes it pos- 
sible for scientists from several areas to 
concentrate on the same problem. 

When we say that a certain endeavor is 
a science, we refer primarily not to a set of 
facts or a body of knowledge but to a set of 
attitudes and values and, in particular, to 
certain methods for acquiring knowledge. 
A science proceeds from observations, care- 
fully checked, recorded, and confirmed. It 
insists on objectivity, on drawing conclu- 
sions on the basis of what is observed and 



not on the basis of what the scientist wants 
to find or believe. It stays as close to the 
actual observations as practicable, though 
it is admitted that observations never in- 
terpret themselves and the scientist has to 
go at least somewhat beyond them to inter- 
pret them. Finally, though a scientist may 
be interested in information that can be 
used, another important motive is a desire 
to know simply for the sake of knowing. 

Scientists customarily use two kinds of 
observation: (1) the experiment, which in- 
volves control of all the relevant conditions 
except the independent variable, which is 
allowed to change or forced to change; and 
(2) naturalistic observation, which is the 
observing of events as they occur. If it 
were practicable, scientists would use ex- 
periments in all their observations, because 
they permit better control of variables, but 
since this is often impossible, they must 
make use of naturalistic observation. 

Psychology is both a science and a profes- 
sion. As a science, it is interested in under- 
standing more and more about the be- 
havior of the organism. As a profession, it is 
concerned with applications of this knowl- 
edge to the prediction and control of be- 
havior. 

It is easy to believe that psychology is 
magical or mysterious, or, on the other 
hand, that it is nothing more than ordinary 
common sense. Likewise, psychology is 
sometimes associated with pseudo sciences 
like phrenology. All these are false concep- 
tions, as psychologists have been able to 
demonstrate. 



22 



UNDERSTANDING HUMAN BEHAVIOR 



QUESTIONS 



1. What is a science? In what ways does it 
differ from nonscientific endeavors? 

2. What do we mean by saying that a scientist 
often wants to know for the sake of knowing? 

3. What is an experiment? How does it differ 
from other types of observation? 

4. Compare and contrast (a) "armchair" the- 
orizing and experiment; (/;) "armchair" the- 
orizing and naturalistic observation. 

5. What is the law of parsimony, and what is 
its importance? 

6. Just what is psychology? Name several 
problems that are distinctively psychological 
in character. 

7. In what applied areas are psychologists 
found today? Describe the principal work of 
each area. 

8. What is anthropology? On what kinds of 
problems would both psychologists and an- 
thropologists work? 



9. What is sociology? On what kinds of prob- 
lems would both psychologists and sociologists 
work? 

10. What is physiology? On what kinds of 
problems would both psychologists and physi- 
ologists work? 

11. In the experiment on remembering favor- 
able and unfavorable material, what was the 
independent variable? What was the depend- 
ent one? What other variables did the experi- 
menters attempt to control? 

12. Do the > iine for the experiment on the 
efficiency of * ions dials, 

13. What aiguments can you give to prove 
that psychology is not just "common sense"? 

14. How would you demonstrate the inaccu- 
racy of the claims of phrenology? What are the 
chief differences between psychology and 
phrenology? (Consider both conclusions and 
methods of arriving at conclusions.) 



SUGGESTED READINGS 

Britt, Steuart Henderson: Social Psychology of 
Modern Life, rev. ed., Rinehart, New York, 
1949, chap. 2. 

(An interesting and informative treatment 

of the scientific method in psychology.) 
Brown, C. W., and E. E. Ghiselli: Scientific 
Method in Psychology, McGraw-Hill, New 
York, 1955. 

(Application of the scientific method to 

many psychological problems.) 
Chapanis, A., W. R. Garner, and C. T. Morgan: 
Applied Experimental Psychology, Wiley, New 
York, 1949. 

(A discussion of the scientific design of 

equipment for human use.) 
Daniel, R. S., and C. M. Louttit: Professional 
Problems in Psychology, Prentice-Hall, Englc- 
wood Cliffs, N.J., 1953. 

(The nature and growth of the profession 

of psychology.) 



Gray, J. Stanley: Psychology Applied 1o Hu- 
man Affairs, 2d ed., McGraw-Hill, New York, 
1954. 

(Application of psychology to contempo- 
rary problems.) 

Marcuse, F. L.: Areas of Psychology, Harper, 
New York, 1954. 

(An introduction to the various fields or 
branches of psychology.) 

Ogg, Elizabeth: "Psychologists in Action," 
Public Affairs Pamphlet 229, 1955. 

(A survey of the activities of the profes- 
sional psychologist. ) 

Watson, Robert I.: Psychology as a Profession, 
Studies in Psychology series, Random House, 
New York, 1954. 

(Applications of psychology to the prob- 
lems of today; the nature of the profession 
of psychologist.) 



THE STUDY OF HUMAN BEHAVIOR 



2 HEREDITY 
AND ENVIRONMENT 




In order to study behavior more efficiently, 
the psychologist often separates the biologi- 
cal and cultural factors. In his separation 
of these factors, he does not mean to imply 
that some characteristics are biologically in- 
herited and that others are acquired by liv- 
ing in a certain society. Rather, our traits 
and characteristics are the products of the 
interaction of our heredity and our environ- 
. ment. 

In this chapter we shall discover why the 
emphasis is to be put on the word "interac- 
tion." We shall see what the facts are that 
make it incorrect to think that any trait of a 
living creature is entirely hereditary or com- 
pletely environmental. On the contrary, it 
is more correct to say that all traits and 
characteristics are both hereditary and en- 
vironmental. 

HEREDITY VERSUS ENVIRONMENT 

During the nineteenth century biology 
emerged and took its place among the sci- 
ences. By the end of the century, both the 
facts and theories of biology were having 
considerable impact on the thinking of sci- 
entists about human nature. Of particular 
importance was Darwin's theory of evolu- 
tion, which stressed the survival of those in- 
herited characteristics through which ani- 
mals adapted to their environments. The 
Darwinian emphasis on heredity led biolo- 
gists, physicians, and even people generally 
to consider heredity as the most important 
factor in determining human traits and char- 
acteristics. By the close of the nineteenth 
century, too much emphasis (as we see it 
now) had been placed on man's heredity 
as the molder of his character and per- 
sonality. 



24 



In time, opinion began to shift away from 
this view. Many scientists, especially the 
sociologists, came to feel that too much 
emphasis had been placed on heredity. 
Gradually, during the early decades of the 
twentieth century, a case was made for en- 
vironment as the more influential factor in 
growth and development. By the time of 
World War I, many sociologists were ex- 
pressing the belief that heredity is relatively 
unimportant in the elaboration of character 
and personality. They admitted, however, 
that for some physical traits, such as eye 
color and shape of face, heredity had some 
importance. 

As so often is the case, the full swing of 
the pendulum put too much emphasis on 
environment, just as heredity had been ac- 
corded too much importance by biologists 
and physicians. Caught in the middle were 
several groups to whom the issue was of 
some practical significance. The educators 
were one such group. They did not know 
whether to go along with the emphasis of 
physicians and biologists on heredity, or 
whether to join those sociologists who 
stressed environment. To seek a resolution 
of the problem, one group of educators set 
up a study committee. 1 The purpose of the 
committee was to determine which is more 
important heredity or environment. At 
least they wanted to find out which traits 
and characteristics of the human being are 
accounted for by heredity and which are 
accounted for by environment. 

When the committee got into the prob- 
lem, assembling and organizing the relevant 
scientific facts, it became apparent to them, 
as it had to some biologists and some soci- 
ologists, that it is impossible to separate the 
influences of heredity from those of environ- 
ment. Rather, the two always go along to- 
gether. 

1 Intelligence: Its Nature and Nurture, Thirty- 
ninth Yearbook of the National Society for the 
Study of Education, 1940. 




Figure 2.1. Julian Huxley, the noted biologist, is the 
grandson of the distinguished nineteenth century 
biologist Thomas Huxley. His brother is Aldous 
Huxley, noted critic and novelist. Does this illustri- 
ous family tend to show the greater significance of 
heredity in the production of genius? Can a case be 
made here for the interaction of heredity and en- 
vironment? (International News Photos.) 



HEREDITARY AND ENVIRONMENTAL INFLUENCES ON 
TRAITS 

Today we know that all traits the social, 
the psychological, and the physicalare a 
product of the interaction and the interrela- 
tion of heredity and environment. Certainly, 
no trait can develop without some inherit- 
ance, nor, on the other hand, can any trait 
or characteristic develop unless the proper 
environment is provided. It is obvious that 
the hereditary factors present in the egg of 
a chicken cannot produce a human being. 
It should also be obvious that, if the right 
environment is not provided, these same 
factors cannot be made to produce a 
chicken. 

It is correct to think of every organism 



HEREDITY AND ENVIRONMENT 



25 



and also of each part of every organism as 
a joint function of three factors: .heredity, 
environment, and time. Each of these fac- 
tors is indispensable. If there is no heredity, 
all the time and environment in the world 
cannot produce a living organism. On the 
other hand, if there is no place (environ- 
ment) in which to grow and develop, no 
amount of time and heredity can bring 
forth a living organism. Likewise, in addi- 
tion to the other two factors, a life span 
(time) is necessary for the very existence 
of every living plant and animal. 

In order to clarify our thinking, let us 
set up a concise expression for the interac- 
tion of these factors. 

P = /(H,E,T) 

P is the individual person who is some 
function ( / ) or product of the three factors 
heredity (H), environment (E), and time 
(T). This is a way of saying that all three 
factors are essential and must work to- 
gether for an organism to survive and de- 
velop. Note in the formula that if any one 
of the three (H, or E, or T) is reduced to 
zero (is nonexistent), the result is zero, 
which means that there will be no person. 
Also, we can think of P as the whole person 
or as any part of the person, i.e., any trait 
or characteristic. 

In order to understand some of the im- 
portant implications of this formula, we 
must now see what is technically meant 
by the terms heredity and environment. 

HEREDITY 

A human body is composed of many small 
cells, each of which has a nucleus. Within 
each nucleus are a number of small rodlike 
or threadlike objects named chromosomes. 
Particularly important for our discussion 
is the fact that in these chromosomes are 
some tiny submicroscopic particles called 
genes. These genes are the unit carriers of 
heredity. They are the units that largely 



direct the growth and development of the 
human being, Biologists have good reason 
to believe that the genes are giant organic 
molecules, which somehow act as the blue- 
prints for the building of the organism. 
Under their influence and given the proper 
environment, a fertilized egg (one cell) 
can divide and grow into a human being 
composed of billions of cells. Furthermore, 
these billions of cells are formed into tissues 
and organs which have definite places and 
functions in the life of the organism. How 
the minute genes manage to do what they 
do is still one of nature's closely guarded 
secrets. In any case, what we mean by the 
word "hereditary" is gene-directed. 

Let us consider now the role of the genes 
in human heredity. For a human being to 
be conceived, an egg from the mother must 
be fertilized by a sperm cell from the 
father. Once the egg has been fertilized, a 
brand-new individual is begun. From the 
mother comes half the number of genes 
needed and from the father the other half. 
Hence, both mother and father contribute 
an equal amount of heredity to the new 
individual. If these genes are to direct the 
growth of this new individual, a specific, 
proper environment must be present. In 
the case of the human being, the proper 
place is the mother's uterus. If the fertilized 
egg is left in a normal uterus for seven to 
nine months, an infant more or less ready 
to take its place in the outside environment 
will develop. Were we to remove the egg 
from the uterus at the time of conception 
and place it in a test tube, it would soon 
die. Even our common sense tells us that 
a test tube is not the proper place for an 
egg to develop. So we see that we must 
have both the necessary genes and also the 
proper environment for the development 
of a new individual. 

Chromosomes. As a rule, each of the bil- 
lions of cells in the human body has a nu- 
cleus containing 48 chromosomes. In each 
chromosome are something like 1,000 genes. 



26 



UNDERSTANDING HUMAN BEHAVIOR 



Actually, it is better to speak of the 48 
chromosomes as 24 pairs, because they are 
found in pairs and also because there are 
a few cells in the body that contain 24 
chromosomes ( one from each pair ) instead 
of the full 48.- These cells, which prove to 
be the exceptions to the rule of 48, are the 
egg cells in the female and the sperm cells 
in the male. But nature has provided well. 
When the sperm cell fertilizes the egg cell, 
its 24 chromosomes pair up with the egg's 
24 and form the 48 needed by the new in- 
dividual. Thus, nature gains variety by 
letting two different lines of heredity con- 
tribute equally to the new offspring. The 
baby will be somewhat like both its mother 
and father and yet not exactly like either 
of them. 

Reductive cell division. How does it come 
about that the egg and sperm each contain 
only 24 chromosomes rather than the typi- 
cal 48? In the female ovaries, where eggs 
are produced, and in the male tcstcs, where 
sperm cells are made, mother cells with 48 
chromosomes each divide into daughter 
cells that have only 24. This process is called 
reductive cell division. During this division 
the 48 chromosomes of the mother cell line 
up in 24 pairs. One member of each pair 
goes to each daughter cell. However, for 
each individual pair it is a matter of pure 
chance as to which member of the pair goes 
to which of the two daughter cells. Because 
of this random process, millions of different 
combinations of chromosomes are possible. 
It is unlikely that any two eggs produced 
by the same woman would have exactly the 
same 24 chromosomes. 

With the exception of one pair, each 
chromosome in a pair carries genes which 
match the genes on the other member of the 
pair. That is to say, each member of a 
given pair has genes controlling the growth 

2 For many years, biologists have* set the num- 
ber of chromosomes at 48. A very recent count, 
however, has found 46 (23 pairs). With cither 
number, genetic theory and principles are the same. 



Every cell in our body has 

48 chromosomes (or 24 pairs) 



(A pair of 
chromosomes 
showing genes; 

each 

chromosome 
has about 
1,000 genes) 




except the egg cell 




and the sperm cell, 




each of which has only 24 
(1 from each pair) 

and development of the same specific set 
of features and characteristics as the other 
member of the pair. Biologists have sorted 
out these 24 pairs and designated them by 
the first 24 letters of the alphabet, A through 
X. Thus, either member of any woman's A 
pair can match up with either member of 
any man's A pair and the developing child 
that receives this new A pair (along with 
the other pairs) will be assured of those 
human features that are transmitted by the 
A pair. 

The one exception to the simple match- 
ing of pairs occurs in the twenty-fourth pair. 
Where both of the A's, B's, C's, etc., are 
the same in shape and size, the two mem- 
bers of the last pair may be different. Biolo- 
gists note this fact by labeling this pair 



HEREDITY AND ENVIRONMENT 



27 



(8 chromosomes 




48 chromosomes 




48 chromosomes 



24 chromosomes 



ORDINARY CELL DIVISION 



REDUCTIVE CELL DIVISION 



XX when the two members are alike and 
XY when they are different. The X chromo- 
some is a full-sized chromosome, but the Y 
is dwarfed. 

This pair of chromosomes is important 
because the sex of the offspring depends on 
it. If a child receives an X from its mother 
and an X from its father so that it has a 
matched XX pair, the child is a girl. If it 
receives an X from the mother and a Y 
from the father, it is a boy. Every woman 
and girl has two X's, and every man and boy 
has an X and a Y. We see, then, that we al- 
ways receive an X from our mother and 
either an X or a Y from our father. Hence, 
any complaints about our sex should be 
made to our father, not our mother. 

Ordinary cell division. One egg and one 
sperm cell unite to begin one new human 
being. This fertilized egg divides by what is 
called ordinary cell division into two cells. 
Each of these cells has its own nucleus with 
48 chromosomes. Moreover, these cells, usu- 



ally stick together. The process of cell di- 
vision continues, and with each new divi- 
sion the number of cells is doubled. Be- 
fore long, billions of cells have been pro- 
duced. Under the direction of the genes 
and in the ideal environment of the uterus, 
these cells form a human infant. 

Twins. Most of the time the fertilization 
of one egg by one sperm cell produces one 
offspring. Once in a while, however, the 
first two cells into which the fertilized egg 
divides do not stick together. Instead, each 
of these two cells then multiplies independ- 
ently and produces an infant. These two in- 
fants are identical twins. The important 
point is that they come from one egg and 
one sperm cell and are, therefore, two in- 
dividuals with exactly the same heredity 
(genes). Identical twins (triplets, etc.) are, 
in fact, the only cases known where two 
(or more) people have identical heredity. 
Since they are identical in heredity, they 
are always of the same sex. We shall see 



28 



UNDERSTANDING HUMAN BEHAVIOR 



later that these facts are valuable to the 
psychologist who is trying to study experi- 
mentally the influences of heredity and en- 
vironment. 

Occasionally two eggs instead of one are 
ready at the same time for fertilization 
within the mother. In this case two different 
sperm cells may fertilize these two eggs 
and two infants result. These twins are 
called fraternal twins and may be two boys 
or two girls or a boy and a girl. Moreover, 
these twins are not of the same heredity. 
They arc no more related than any other 
two brothers and sisters born at different 
times. 

The relatedness of relatives. On the aver- 
age, brothers and sisters are related to each 
other in heredity about as much as they arc 
to cither parent; that is, on the average, 
siblings (all the children of the same par- 
ents) have 24 chromosomes in common. 
Some siblings have more than 24 in com- 
mon, and some less than 24. Since kinship 
depends upon the possession of common 
chromosomes, some siblings are more (or 
less) related than others. One of the ex- 
tremes in relationship is, of course, the 
case of identical twins ( all 4(8 chromosomes 
in common). The other extreme, which 
probably never occurs (but is theoretically 
possible ) , is the case of a brother and a sis- 
ter who have no chromosomes in common. 
Biologically speaking, these two siblings 
would not be akin to each other at all. This 
remarkable state of affairs might arise if, 
by chance, 24 of the mother's chromosomes 
went to the boy and a different set en- 
tirely went to the girl and if the father's 
chromosomes were similarly divided. In the 
usual case, however, the girl receives one 
or more of the chromosomes that also went 
to the boy. Consequently, our best bet is 
what our common sense tells us, that broth- 
ers and sisters are related. Or to emphasize 
the point in another way, we may say that 
there is no known case of siblings who are 
not related, even though it is possible ge- 
netically for them not to be related. 



We have presented these extremes simply 
to set the limits of kinship. We may now say 
that, biologically speaking, we are related 
to only those people who share with us at 
least one chromosome. We have also ^oen 
that we receive 24 chromosomes from our 
mother and 24 from our father. Thus, we 
are always related half and half to our two 
parents there are no exceptions. Our par- 
ents, of course, received their chromosomes 
from their parents, which means that our 
chromosomes came to us (through our par- 
ents) from our four grandparents. On the 
average, then, we received 12 from each 
of our gr a rd parents. However, because 
which chrj-riosomes are passed on is a 
matter of chance, some of us received more 
than 12 from a particular grandparent (e.g., 
our mother's father) and some received 
fewer. Thus we may be more or less re- 
lated to a particular grandparent, just as 
we are to our siblings. Moreover, as in the 
case of siblings, it is theoretically possible 
for us to have received as many as 24 or as 
few as none from any one of our grandpar- 
ents. Again it is not very likely that we 
possess no kinship at all to one of our grand- 
parents, and even less likely that we are un- 
related to two of them. 

The likelihood of no kinship increases 
as we trace our lineage back through 
more and more generations. From each of 
our 8 great-grandparents we receive, on 
the average, 6 chromosomes. This far back, 
the possibility of our not being related to 
one of them is not so remote. From our 
great-great-grandparents we receive on the 
average 3 from each. From the next genera- 
tion back, we average only 1% from each. 
And from our ancestors six generations 
back, we are given on the average only % 
chromosome from each. Since a chromo- 
some is usually transmitted all in one piece, 
we have at last come to a generation of 
ancestors in which some of the individuals 
are definitely not akin to us. These facts 
make highly questionable our attempt to 
trace our family trees back very far. Many 



HEREDITY AND ENVIRONMENT 



29 



great grandparents 



grandparents 



m X^.^Trw i 




parents 



an individual 



Figure 2.2. On the average, how many chromosomes does a person receive 
from each generation of his ancestors? In this drawing the chromosomes are 
represented as ovals and may he traced hack for three generations. A count 
will show that the typical individual represented received 24 from each of 
his parents, 12 from each grandparent, and 6 from each great-grandparent. 



people who glory in a supposed kinship 
with some historic personage are only fool- 
ing themselves. The possibility that they 
have a chromosome in common with that 
person is too remote to consider seriously. 
Dominant and Recessive Genes. Genetics 
is the name biologists give to the special 
study of heredity. As the name indicates, 
genetics is the science that deals with the 
genes. The first laws of heredity were for- 
mulated about a hundred years ago by an 
Austrian monk, Gregor Johann Mendel 3 

3 V. Grant, "The Development of a Theory of 
Heredity," American Scientist, 44(2):158-179. 



( 1822-1884). He learned about inheritance 
by growing and crossing several varieties 
of garden peas. His work was neglected 
until about 1900, when his laws were re- 
discovered and the science of genetics be- 
gan to flourish. 

One of the most important findings of 
genetics is that some gens are dominant 
and_spmg_are recessive^ To illustrate the 
meaning of these terms, let us first take a 
classical example from Mendel's work with 
the color of pea flowers. Some of these 
flowers are white and some are red. If the 
flower contains only the genes for red, it 



UNDERSTANDING HUMAN BEHAVIOR 



is called pure red. If it has only genes for 
white, it is called pure white. If it contains 

j genes for both red and white, it is called a 

'hybrid. 

In Figure 2.4 we see that the crossing 
(mating) of a pure red flower and a pure 
white produces offspring that are all red in 
color and that are designated as hybrid red. 
In Figure 2.5 we observe that, if two of 
these hybrid reds are crossed, the result, on 
the average, is three red and one white off- 
spring out of every four. Further, by subse- 
quent breeding experiments, we can show 
that one of these reds is pure red like its 



red grandparent and the one white flower 
is pure white like the other grandparent. 
The other two reds, however, are hybrids 
like their parents. 

The foregoing illustrations show that, 
though the hybrid red looks like the pure 
red, it breeds differently. It must carry a 
gene for white because, when cross-bred, it 
has white offspring. Because the gene 
for white is not expressed when paired with 
the gene for red, it is called "recessive." 

The fact that the hybrid is red indicates 
that the gene for red dominates the gene 
for white. For that reason, it is called "domi- 



Figure 2.3. What is peculiar about the heredity of this individual? By counting 
the chromosomes, drawn as ovals, we discover that this individual received 24 
from each parent, just as ice all do. However, from his paternal grandmother 
he received 15 and from his paternal grandfather only 9, making up the 24 
from his father. Even more unusual, he received 24 chromosomes from his ma- 
ternal grandfather and none at all from his maternal grandmother. Thus, he is 
not genetically related to his own mothers mother! Such an occurrence as this 
is very unlikely, but it does illustrate one remote possibility in heredity. 



grandparents 




parents 



an individual 



HEREDITY AND ENVIRONMENT 



31 



PARENTS 





pure red 



pure white 



OFFSPRING 




Figure 2.4. If we cross a pure red sweet pea 
with a pure white sweet pea, we obtain a hy- 
brid red offspring. This hybrid looks exactly 
like the pure red parent but differs in that it 
carries the recessive genes for whiteness as well 
as the dominant genes for redness. Since we 
cannot tell by looking at a flower whether or 
not it is a pure red or hybrid red, how can we 
determine this fact? 



hybrid reds 



Figure 2.5. When two hybrids are 
crossed, we obtain what is known 
as the ft Mendelian ratio" What is 
this ratio? Will it hold every time 
four offspring are produced? Why 
was the discovery of this ratio im- 
portant for the science of genetics? 
(For further discussion of this ratio, 
see Figure 2.6.) 




hybrid red 





hybrid red 




pure red 



hybrid red 



hybrid red pure white 



UNDERSTANDING HUMAN BEHAVIOR 



nant." A dominant gene is one that, when 
paired with a recessive gene, dominates; 
i.e., its character shows up in the offspring. 
It dominates but does not eliminate the 
recessive gene. Whenever in later genera- 
tions two recessive genes come together, 
the recessive characteristic again appears. 

If we let R stand for the dominant red 
gene in our pea and w for the recessive 
white, we have in Figure 2.6 a picture of 
hew the genes pair off. Figure 2.6 is a 
combination of the facts of Figures 2.4 and 
.5. In this figure one R and one iv have 
been enclosed in parentheses simply to al- 
low us to follow them more easily from 
generation to generation. 

This same rule of dominants and reces- 
sives holds for human genes as well as for 
those of the pea plant. Human character- 
istics, however, are seldom determined by a 
single pair of genes. Rather, we must think 
in terms of complex groups of genes pairing 
with each other. This is the reason that sim- 
ple human examples are hard to find. It 
would be convenient, for example, if we 
could say simply that brown eyes arc con- 



FIRST CROSS - 

(as seen in 
Fig. 2.4) 



R(R) 
pure red 



w(w) 
pure white 



All offspring are hybrid reds 
being either Rw, R(w), (R)w, 
or (R)(w). If we take any two 
of these hybrid reds and cross 
them, we get the following: 



SECOND CROSS - 
(as seen in 
Fig. 2.5) 



>- Rw 
hybrid red 



(R) 



hybrid red 



(w) 



R(R) 
pure red 


(R)w 
hybrid red 


w(R) 
hybrid red 


w(w) 
pure white 



trolled by a single dominant gene and blue 
eyes by a single recessive one. Such a state- 
ment would allow us to follow Figures 2.4, 
2.5, and 2.6, changing only "pure red flower" 
to "pure brown eyes" and "pure white 
flower" to "pure blue eyes." Unhappily, such 
a statement is not true. Although brown 
eyes are usually dominant and blue eyes 
usually recessive, eye color in the human 
being is so complex that we need further 
genetic laws to handle them. Some of these 
laws exist, but we must leave their study to 
the course in genetics. 

It is sufficient for us in this introduction 
to genetics u see that human heredity fol- 
lows define e patterns and laws. Further- 
more, these principles hold generally for all 
living organisms, plants and animals alike. 

The So-called "Purely" Hereditary Traits. 
In the last section we seemed to ignore the 
part environment plays in the determina- 
tion of the characteristics of redness and 
whiteness in pea plants or brownness and 
blueness in human eyes. Actually we merely 
considered environment to be held constant. 
This is not to say, however, that environ- 
ment is unimportant. If E and T in the 
formula P = /(//,E,T) are held constant 
between two individuals, they nevertheless 
influence the growth and development of 
both individuals. However, any difference 
between these two people will be attrib- 



Figure 2.6. A first cross between a pure red and 
a pure white pea plant. All offspring of this 
cross are hybrid reds. A second cross between 
two of these hybrids shows the Mendelian ratio 
of 1-2-1; i.e., one pure dominant, two hybrids, 
and one pure recessive. With only a few sec- 
ond-cross offspring this ratio may show chance 
variations. However, with large numbers of 
offspring the ratio holds. This ratio was dis- 
covered by Grcgor Mendel. (The parentheses 
are used simply to identify one of the R's and 
one of the w's. ) 



HEREDITY AND ENVIRONMENT 



utablc to H which has varied (i.e., H is 
different for each of them). In identical 
twins we have it the other way around; 
H and T are constant (they have exactly 
the same genes and age), while only E 
can vary and be different for each of them. 
In the example of the pea plants we are 
assuming that all the plants are grown in 
the same soil, with the same climate, etc. 
Also we are comparing them after the same 
lapse of time in each case. In a later section, 
we give a number of examples that show 
how changes in environment can affect 
traits ordinarily called "hereditary." For the 
time being we shall simply reaffirm that all 
traits and characteristics are both hereditary 
and environmental. 



ENVIRONMENT 

Each of us realizes that he lives in an 
environment. Whenever the word is men- 
tioned, we probably think of the house we 
live in, of the school we attend, of all the 
objects we own, of the grass and the trees in 
our yard, and even of the air we breathe. 
All these elements, and many more, are a 
part of our external, physical environment. 
But it would be a great mistake if we were 
to limit our use of the word to only this sort 
of environment. 

The most useful way for us to define the 
word "environment" is to say that it-in - 
eludes aJL the_ conditions in ^he _ world that 
influence injiny way ouTjbghavior, fflowtH, 
development, or life processs=-except the 
genes (and even genes can be considered 
to provide environment for other genes). 
According to this broad definition, not only 
are there a multitude of factors in our en- 
vironment at any one time, but there are 
also a great number of other factors that 
are potentially capable of influencing us. 
However, our actual environment consists 
in only those factors in the world around 
us which do exert their influence. In order 
to examine more closely the composition of 



our environment, let us divide it into three 
parts: the external, physical environment; 
the internal environment; and the social en- 
vironment. 

The External, Physical Environment. We 
have already listed a few of the elements 
that make up our external, physical en- 
vironmenthouses, trees, air, etc. It would 
take a list almost without end to exhaust 
everything that could possibly become a 
part of this environment. We get around 
this difficulty by using the general term ex- 
ternal stimuli. Since we take up the topic 
of stimuli in a later chapter, it is enough 
to say here that a stimulus is anything which 
is able to stimulate or excite the receptors 
in any one of the several sense organs ( eye, 
ear, skin, etc.). It is through our sense or- 
gans that the external world ordinarily in- 
fluences us... 

To some extent our every action is de- 
termined by what we see, hear, or feel.. Life 
is a continual and continuous responding to 
stimulation. We change and mold and shape 
our external environment at the same time 
that it molds and shapes and changes us. 
Moreover, certain external factors must be 
in the environment if genes are to exert 
their influence on human characteristics. 
For example, in Europe during World War 
II some children could not find enough 
food and were permanently stunted in 
growth. Although a boy might have inher- 
ited the genes that with the right environ- 
ment (a better diet) would have allowed 
him to be 6 feet tall, under wartime con- 
ditions he might stop growing at a height 
of barely 5 feet. 

The Internal Environment. We have men- 
tioned food as a part of our external en- 
vironment. We see food, taste it, and re- 
spond to it by eating it. Once it is in our 
stomachs and intestines, it is in between our 
external and internal environments. We say 
"in between" because until it is digested and 
absorbed into our blood stream it is not 
properly spoken of as internal environment, 



34 



UNDERSTANDING HUMAN BEHAVIOR 



If it were not for the fact that it is inside 
our digestive tract, it would be best to con- 
sider it as an external stimulus, 

Once food and water are in the blood 
stream (and in the lymph fluids), they 
affect every cell in the body and are defin- 
itely part of the internal environment. The 
same thing can be said for the vitamins we 
eat and the hormones produced by the 
glands. This aspect of our internal environ- 
ment is treated more fully in Chapter 9* 

If we accept the concept of inter-- 1 en- 
vironment, we must be prepared to admit 
that it is nearly impossible to tell where our 
environment leaves off and we begin. Or to 
put it another way, we must say that we 
cannot draw a sharp line between ourselves 
and our environment. 

The Social Environment. Psychologists 
generally recognize our social environment 
to be extremely important in shaping our 
individual behavior and personality. In 
using the word "social" we mean to include 
all the other human beings who in any way 
influence us. Some people influence us by 
direct, daily contact our families, our 
friends, our school and business acquaint- 
ances, etc. Other people have as much or 
more influence through indirect contact- 
over radio and television, in books and other 
publications, and in many other ways. 

Especially in personality is each of us a 
result of the interaction of our genes and 
our social environment. Because of this in- 
teraction, each of us is unique. Even in the 
cases of individuals who have some genes 
in common or similar social environments, 



Figure 2.7. Which aspects of this scene can 
be considered as the external environment of 
these students? What things are actually stimu- 
lating them at the moment and what are po- 
tential stimuli? Can you describe the social en- 
vironment as it is depicted here? (Standard Oil 
Company, New Jersey.) 



the interaction produces wide variations in 
personality. Siblings, who have both simi- 
lar social environment and some genes in 
common, also show this wide variation. 
Even where heredity is the same (identical 
twins), and the social environment is al- 
lowed to vary, personalities show remark- 
able differences. 

The reason we ordinarily think of identi- 
cal twins as having inherited the same per- 
sonality is that they most often have very 
nearly the same social environment as well 
as the same genes_. However, on close anal- 
ysis such identical twins show consistent 
individual J inferences in personality (note 
the case of twin T and twin C on page 36). 
In the rare instances where identical twins 
have been separated at birth and reared 
in extremely different social environments, 
their adult personalities have been quite 
different (note the case of Mabel and Mary 
on page 37). In the next section we shall 
examine several more examples of inter- 
action, some of which show the effect on 
the total personality and some the effect 
on one or two characteristics. 




HEREDITY AND ENVIRONMENT 



35 




These babies are identical twins, 38 weeks old. 
Since they have exactly the same heredity and 
have been reared together, they are about as 
much alike as two human beings can be. It is 
not surprising that they are responding quite 
similarly in the test situation. However, one 
infant is reaching with its right hand and the 
other with its left. The reason is that they are 
"mirror-image" twins the left side of one twin 
is identical with the right side of the other one. 
(Courtesy of Dr. Arnold Gesell.) 



IDENTICAL TWINS 
REARED TOGETHER- 
TWIN T 
AND TWIN C 



Because they have exactly the same heredity, identical twins reared to- 
gether can be expected to show great similarity in nearly all respects. On the 
other hand, since there are at least small differences in their environment, 
we can also expect to see some individual differences between them. Such 
similarities and differences are shown in the study of twin T and twin C.* 
These identical twin girls were studied for fourteen years by the Yale Clinic 
of Child Development. 

From time to time in this study the method of co-twin control was used. 
Twin T would be given training in such activities as stair climbing, manual 
coordination, block building, and vocabulary, while twin C was left untrained 
as a control. At first in each task twin T would tend to excel, but as C reached 
the proper level of maturation, she soon equaled T's performance. 

As would be expected, these twins were very much alike in physical 
growth and appearance, in intelligence, and in many other characteristics. 
However, closer study showed a number of persistent and durable dif- 
ferences. T was quicker, C more deliberate. In drawing a picture T preferred 
to use straight lines and angles, while C preferred curved lines. T appeared 
a little brighter, C was a bit better in a social situation. T was more prompt 
in attention, while C was more alert. 

Although these differences were slight, they added up to a distinctive per- 
sonality for each of the two girls. Certainly they were not so unlike as most 
people, but each had her unique personality. Of interest is the fact that some 
of their differences showed up in infancy. This fact points up the importance 
of the, prenatal environment in the development of temperament. Other of 
the differences showed up later. 

We should remember that interaction of heredity and environment pro- 
duced everything about these twins, including both their differences and 
their similarities. However, since their heredity was identical, we must con- 

* A. Getell and H. Thompson, "Learning and Growth in Identical Infant Twins: An Ex- 
perimental Study by the Method of Co-twin Control/' Genetic Psycho/ogy Monograph, 6:1- 
124, 1929. 



UNDERSTANDING HUMAN BEHAVIOR 



elude the environmental variations accounted for the differences they pos- 
sessed. Certainly such differences exist, for since two people cannot occupy 
the same identical space at the same time, they must have at least slightly 
different environments. In the mother's uterus, for example, if one twin is on 
the left side the other must be on the right side. Also, in growing up even 
twins will receive, at least occasionally, different treatment. Very important 
in the case of twin T and twin C were the co-twin control observations. The 
training that twin T received constituted environmental stimulation which 
twin C did not have. 

We can conclude from this study that even identical twins reared together 
can be expected Jo show^mall differences in addition to a great amount of 



Mabel and Mary * were identical twin's e pa rated early in life. Mabel 
lived in the country and participated in all the rural activities, including hard 

farm chores. She was permitted to finish only eight grades in the small 
IDENTICAL TWINS , . , . __ __. . . . 

REARED APART country school near her home. Mary grew up in a medium-sized city, where 

MABEL AND MARY ner ma ' n interest was the study of music. She attended three years of high 
school in this city and then finished her fourth year in a large-city school. 
After graduation she became a music teacher. Both girls had the advantage 
of living in relatively prosperous homes. 

At the age of twenty-nine Mabel and Mary were studied by a psychologist. 
In intelligence they were separated by 17 IQ points on the Stanford-Binet Test 
(see Chapter 17 for information about this test). Mary was rated as high 
average in intelligence and Mabel was low average. In personality Mabel, 
who was still a farm woman, was slow and phlegmatic, and yet was con- 
sidered an aggressive leader in her community. Mary was excitable, nearly 
neurotic. In manner Mabel was almost masculine, while the music teacher 
Mary was quite ladylike. This difference in manner showed up in their walk- 
Mabel had a firm, manlike stride, Mary a very feminine step. 

Even in physical appearance these twins differed. Mabel had hard muscles 
and weighed 138 pounds. Mary's muscles were soft and not well developed, 
and she weighed 110 pounds. 

Over-all, they were unlike in behavior and appeared to be as strikingly 
dissimilar in personality as the psychological tests had indicated. They did 
not seem to be identical twins at all, although undoubtedly there was a fam- 
ily resemblance. 

Mabel and Mary illustrate how widely two persons, even with heredity 

constant between them, can vary in personality and appearance if reared 

r separately. We have already seen in the study of twin T and twin C how 

identical Heredity and rather small variations in environment can produce 

small but real differences in personality. 

In these studies we again see proof that ajperson is a result of the inter- 
action of both heredjty_and environment. These