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Full text of "Archaeologia, or, Miscellaneous tracts relating to antiquity"

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TABLE OF CONTENTS. 



PAGE 

I. Lord Coningsby's Account of the State of Political Parties during 
the Reign of Queen Anne. Communicated by Sir HENRY ELLIS, 
K.H., F.R.S., F.S.A., in a Letter to Augustus W. Franks, Esq., 
M.A., Director - - 118 

II. The Political Geography of Wales. By HENRY SALUSBURY 

MILMAN, Esq., M.A., F.S.A. 1936 

III. Observations on the Remains of an Anglo-Norman Building in the 
Parish of Saint Olave, Southwark, hitherto assumed to have been 
the Hostelry of the Prior of Lewes, but now believed to have been 
the Manor House of the Earls of Warren and Surrey in South- 
wark. In Two Letters from GEORGE EICHARD CORNER, Esq., 
F.S.A., to John Yonge Akerman, Esq., Secretary - 37 53 

IV. " Furca et Fossa :" a Review of certain modes of Capital 
Punishment in the Middle Ages. By JOHN YONGE AKERMAN, 
Esq., Secretary - - - 54 65 

V. Note sur les Fouilles executes a la Madeleine de Bernay (Nor- 

mandie} en Fevrier 1858 ; par L'ABBE COCHET, Hon. F.S.A. 66 76 

VI. Notes on the Great Seals of England used after the Deposition of 
Charles I. and before the Restoration m 1660. By WILLIAM 
DURRANT COOPER, Esq., F.S.A. - - - 77 83 

VII. Second Report of Researches in a Cemetery of the Anglo-Saxon 
period at Brighthampton, Oxon. Addressed to the Earl Stanhope, 
President, by JOHN YONGE AKERMAN, Secretary - 84 97 

VIII. Some Additions to the Biographies of Sir John Cheke and Sir 
Thomas Smith : in a Letter addressed to Charles Henry Cooper, 
Esq., F.S.A., one of the Authors of the Athence Cantabrigienses, 
by JOHN GOUGH NICHOLS, Esq., F.S.A. - - - 98 127 

IX. Notes on a Collection of Pilgrims' Signs of the Thirteenth, Four- 
teenth, and Fifteenth Centuries, found in the Thames. By the 
Rev. THOMAS HUGO, M.A., F.S.A. - - - 128134 



vi CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

X. Observations on a Grant of an Advowson of a Chantry to a Guild 
in 34 Henry VI., exhibited by Joseph Jackson Howard, Esq., 
F.S.A. By WESTON STTLEMAN WALFORD, Esq., F.S.A. 135148 

XI. Observations on the Ancient Domestic Architecture of Ireland : 
in a Letter addressed to the Earl Stanhope, President, by JOHN 
HENRY PARKER, Esq., F.S.A. .... 149176 
XII. On Lake-Dwellings of the Early Periods : by WILLIAM MICHAEL 

WYLLE, Esq., M.A., F.S.A. 177187 

XIII. Remarks on certain Ancient Pelasgic and Latian Vases found in 
Central Italy. By JOSEPH BELDAM, Esq., F.S.A. : in a Letter 
addressed to J. T. Akerman, Esq., Secretary 188 195 

XIV. Notice of a Portrait of John, King of France. By the Eight 
Hon. CHARLES TENNYSON D'EYNCOTJRT, F.R.S., F.S.A. : in a 
Letter to J. Y. Akerman, Esq., Secretary 196 201 

XV. On Recent Excavations at Carthage, and the Antiquities discovered 
there by the Rev. Nathan Davis. By AUGUSTUS WOLLASTON 
FRANKS, Esq., M.A., Director - 202 236 

XVI. Observations on a MS. Relation of the Proceedings in the last 
Session of the Parliament holden in the Fourth year of King 
Charles, A.D. 1628, belonging to the Earl of Verulam. By JOHN 
BRUCE, Esq., V.P.S.A. - .... 237 245 

XVII. Anonymous Letter to Mr. John Stanhope, Treasurer of the 
Chamber to Queen Elizabeth, reporting the dispersion of the 
Spanish Armada. Communicated by the Right Hon. the EARL 
STANHOPE, President; together with remarks on the same by 
ROBERT LEMON, Esq., F.S.A. In Letters addressed to Augustus 
W. Franks, Esq., M.A., Director - - 246 251 

XVIII. On Vestiges of Ortholithic Remains in North Africa, and their 
place in Primeval Archeology . By A. HENRY RHIND, Esq., 
F.S.A. 252271 

XIX. Some Observations relating to Four Deeds from the Muniment 
Room at Maxstoke Castle, co. Warwick; exhibited by Joseph 
Jackson Howard, Esq., F.S.A. By THOMAS WILLIAM KINO, 
Esq., F.S.A., York Herald . - - - 272279 

XX. On the Occurrence of Flint Implements in undisturbed Beds of 
Gravel, Sand, and Clay. By JOHN EVANS, Esq., F.S.A., 
F.GS. ----..: 280307 



CONTENTS. vii 

PAGE 

XXI. An Account of the Latter Years of James Hepburn, Earl of 
Bothwell; his Imprisonment and Death in Denmark, and the 
Disinterment of his presumed Remains ; in a Letter to Sir 
Henry Ellis, K.H., F.S.A., from the Rev. R. S. ELLIS, M.A., 
Chaplain to Her Majesty's Legation at Copenhagen - 308 321 
XXII. Petitions to Charles II. from Elisabeth Cromwell, Widow of 
the Protector, and from Henry Cromwell. Communicated by 
Mrs. M. A. EVERETT GREEN : in a Letter to John Bruce, 
Esq. r.P.S.A. 322326 

XXIII. Report on Researches in an Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Long 
Wittenham, Berkshire, in 1859. By JOHN YONGE AKERMAN, 
Esq., F.S.A., Secretary - . 327352 

XXIV. Inventory of the Goods of Dame Agnes Hungerford, attainted 

of Murder 14 Hen. Fill. ; with Remarks thereon by JOHN 

GOUGH NICHOLS, Esq., F.S.A., and the Rev. JOHN EDWARD 

JACKSON, M.A., F.S.A. 353372 

XXV. On a Historical Tablet of the Reign O/THOTHMES III. recently 

discovered at Thebes. By SAMUEL BIRCH, Esq., F.S.A. 373 388 

XXVI. Notices of John Lord Stanhope of Harrington, with reference 
to certain Letters to him, communicated to the Society by the 
EARL STANHOPE, PRESIDENT, and by RICHARD ALMACK, Esq., 
F.S.A. Together with some Account of Sir Thomas Holcroft 
and Sir John Wotton, the writers of two of those Letters. By 
GEORGE R. CORNER, Esq., F.S.A. - 389404 

XXVII. On the Examination of a Chambered Long-Barrow at West 

Kennet, Wiltshire. By JOHN THURNAM, Esq. M.D., F.S A. 405421 
XXVIII. Notes on the Origin and History of the Bayonet. By JOHN 

YONGE AKERMAN, Esq., F.S.A., Secretary . . 422 430 

XXIX. On Mural Paintings in Chalgrove Church, Oxfordshire. Com- 
municated through J. H. Parker, Esq., F.S A., by WILLIAM 
SURGES, ify. - 431438 

XXX. On the Discovery of Australia by the Portuguese in 1601, Five 
Years before the earliest hitherto known Discovery : with argu- 
ments in favour of a previous Discovery by the same Nation 
early in the Sixteenth Century. By RICHARD H. MAJOR, Esq., 
F.S.A., in a Letter to Sir Henry Ellis, K.H, F.S.A. - 439459 



LIST OF PLATES. 



PLATE PAGE 

I. Plan showing the relative situations of the Norman Buildings in 
Southwark, described by Mr. Gage and Mr. C. E. Gwilt, in 
Archfeologia, Vols. XXIII. and XXV. - 37 

II. Anglo-Saxon Swords found at Brighthampton, Oxfordshire 96 

III. Anglo-Saxon remains found at Brighthampton and at Yelford, 

Oxfordshire 97 

IV> jpilgrims' Signs found in the Thames 134 

VI. Views of the Keep of Athenry Castle, co. Galway, and Blarney 

Castle, co. Cork - 170 

VII. Pelasgic and Latian Pottery 
VIII. Portrait of John, King of France - 197 

[This illustration is presented by the Right Hon. C. T. D'Eyncourt.] 

IX. Plan of a Mosaic Pavement from Carthage 224 

X. 

"V T 

' Portions of a Mosaic Pavement from Carthage - 
2LJLJ.* 

XIII. 

XIV. Seals from Deeds relating to Maxstoke Castle 272 

XV. Flint Implements from the Valley of the Somme - 291 

XVI. Flint Implement found in Gray's Inn Lane, London 301 

[A portion of the two latter illustrations are presented by John Evans, Esq. F.S.A.] 

XVII. Anglo-Saxon Stoup 

XVIII. Bucket and Bronze Vessel 

VTV } Found at Long Wittenham, Berks - 352 

XIX. Anglo-Saxon Ornaments 

XX. Anglo-Saxon Urns 

XXI. Tablet of the Reign of Thothmes III. discovered at Thebes 373 

XXII. Examples of Bayonets . 430 

XXIII 1 

' [Mural Paintings in the Chancel of Chalgrove Church, Oxon 

\ A I V . J 



iii tJ;e Fourth Year of King Charles the First. 245 

The principal points in which this narrative differs from the one generally 
received are as follows : 

1. It is said that, at the commencement of the sitting, the Speaker, " as soon 
;N prayers were ended," went into the chair and delivered the King's command. 

The scuffle ensued immediately afterwards ; and then followed Eliot' s speech, and 
the attempt to induce the Speaker to put the Remonstrance from the chair. In 
the ordinary accounts it will be found that Eliot's speech follows immediately 
: after prayers were ended, and the house sat ;" and that the Speaker sat still in 
the chair, without communicating the King's command to adjourn, until after Sir 
John Eliot's speech was ended, or, according to some accounts, until he was called 
upon to put the Remonstrance to the House. 

2. Lord Verulam's MS., Harleian MSS. 2305 and 6800, and Hargrave MS. 
299 mention Sir Humphrey May, the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, as 
one of those who, with Sir Thomas Edmondes, endeavoured to free the Speaker 
from his imprisonment in the chair. 

3. Lord Verulam's MS. gives a speech to Strode, which goes to explain more 
precisely than has yet been known, why he was prosecuted for his share in that 
day's transactions. 

4). It is a small matter to note, although not without its curiosity, that this 
MS. corrects a singular mis-reading in the speech of Sir Peter Heynian. His 
words, addressed to the Speaker, stand as follows in the printed books, in 
accordance with all the other MSS. that I have seen : " Sir Peter Hevman, a 

/ 

gentleman of his own country (Kent), told him ' he was sorry he was his kinsman, 
for that he was the disgrace of his country, and a blot of a noble family.' " Some 
years ago I endeavoured in vain to discover what was the degree of relationship 
represented by Heyman's word " kinsman." Had I seen Lord Verulam's MS. I 
should have been spared my pains, for there we read that the words were " ho 
was sorry he was" not " his kinsman," but "a Kentish man, and that he was 
a disgrace to his country, and a blot to a noble family." 

On the other hand, it is observable that Lord Verulam's MS. does not mention 
the Resolutions that were put to the House by Holies standing by the Speaker's 
chair. The concurrent testimony of a variety of authorities forbids us to doubt 
that those Resolutions were really passed in the way described, and that in this 
respect Lord Verulam's MS. is defective. I submit it to the Society, therefore, 
not as a complete account, but as one which adds several new features, rectifies 
blunders which are sufficiently obvious when pointed out, and is in many respects 
well worthy of inspection and attention. 

VOL. XXXVIII. 2 L 



XVII. Anonymous Letter to Mr. John Stanhope, Treasurer of the Chamber to 
Queen Elizabeth, reporting the dispersion of the Spanish Armada. Commu- 
nicated by the Right Son. the EARL STANHOPE, President ; together icith 
remarks on the same by ROBERT LEMON, ESQ., F.S.A. In Letters addressed 
to Augustus W. Franks, Esq. M.A., Director. 



Read December 22, 1859. 



Grosvenor Place, 
July 18, 1859. 

My DEAR MR. FRANKS, 

AMONG several MS. Letters which I purchased at the recent sale of Mr. Dawson 
Turner's Library, there is one which I think may have some interest for the Society 
of Antiquaries, and which I therefore take leave to send you for exhibition. You 
will perceive that it is addressed to one of my family, John Stanhope, who was 
created in 1605 Lord Stanhope of Harrington. At the time when this letter 
was written he was Treasurer of the Chamber to Queen Elizabeth ; and the letter 
is evidently designed for the information of the Government. 

Being written from France in time of war, the letter is expressed with great 
caution and mystery, and it bears neither signature nor date of year. But it 
plainly appears I think to have been written in 1588, on the dispersion of the 
Spanish Armada. 

Believe me, 

Very faithfully yours, 

STANHOPE. 



S. Althoughe I nether name my selfe nor the place from whence this cometh, 
yet by the ij. last in an other langwadge better know here, I writt to yow from 
hence, wheir my satisfaction hath bene great, my returne God willinge begininge 
to morro the xxj. of Noveber wth yow. Newes I can write yow non but suche of 
owr mortalst enemy s as wear comynge to-ofiendc, being 14-0 sa: [sail] for certein 



Anonymous Letter to Mr. John Stanhope. 247 

\vear sett so far apart apart [sic] as not 10 Sai: are returned hoome to taek breath ; 
God sende them every time so good spead or worse, and then, althowghe they hrag 
their is a port open for them in Ir: [Ireland] the Bus: [Bishop ?] that is wth 
them and other his compaynions will not in haste come thether : it may be the 
particulers shalbe at home afore this come to yow, but this Intelligence is Del : 
[delivered] me for certein of such as I have reason to beleave ; further S r . yow 
may tel M. Se. [Mr. Secretary] tha[t f]or certein the greatest Englise confessor of 
owr Ca. Ene. [Catholic Enemy] is sent from S. [Spain] and hath ben at B.. 
[Rheinis ?] and is goone for Bruss[els] wth intente if he can to stepp over ; the 
cawse of his being set and what effect followed God willinge shal be assone wth 
yow as this, I hoope wthin little, yet, lest he showlt be returned, or I fal sic, I 
write this. I can butt most devowbtly pray for that wch I desire moor (God doth 
know) then my own life, which to doe service to mackes my returne one monthe 
longer than I ment. So I rest, as ever, 

Yowrs. 

I pray S. speack to my L. Ad. [Lord Admiral] that Cap. Gowre may harken after 
me a month hence at Deap, wth the awnswer as he promised; from Orl.[eans] and 
Paris I will write, God willinge. 

(Addressed,) To the R. Worrshipptt Mr. Jhon Stanop, Esquier, Tresorer of 
her M. most Honorable p'vye Chaber. 



State Paper Office, 

21 December, 1859. 

DEAR MR. FRANKS, 

I have read the interesting letter about the Spanish Armada, put into your 
hands by our noble President, and am sorry I cannot give it much elucida- 
tion. Long before the actual coming of the Armada upon the English coasts, the 
Government received private information from all parts of Flanders, France, and 
even Spain itself, of the formation of the Armada, its progress and destination. 
Much of this information was derived from agents directly in the pay of Government, 
the whole of which was conducted by Secretary Walsynghani. Other infor- 
mation was received from gentlemen residing or travelling abroad, and this was 
generally conveyed indirectly by means of a third party, who used his own dis- 

2 L2 



2i8 Anonymous Letter to Mr. John Stanhope, 

crction in communicating it, or not, to the Secretary of State. Of this kind 
appears to have been the letter in question. It was written evidently on the 20th 
of November, 1588, and gives a very fair glimpse of the return of the shattered 
Armada. But this intelligence was not the earliest intimation of that event 
received by the English Government. On the 7th of November, 1588, Sir John 
Gilberte wrote to the Privy Council, informing them that he had received adver- 
tisements from one Richard Blackater, a merchant of Totnes, who had just 
arrived from Saint Haloes, that by a ship lately come from Spain it was reported 
the Duke of Medina had landed, hurt in one of his legs, and being at the Court, 
King Philip would not see him, but commanded him to his house ; and his Majesty, 
having information that much of the sufferings of the Armada had been owing to 
the want of provisions. " had executed sundry of his officers that had the charge 
of the victualling of his navy, for that the victual was bad and not the quantity 
that ought to have been provided." 

In that passage of the letter to Mr. Stanhope which desires him to tell M. Se. 
about the English Confessor, there can be no doubt that it refers to Secretary 
Walsyngham, in whom all channels of foreign information centered. The men- 
tion in the postscript of Captain Gowre probably alludes to Captain Walter Gower, 
who commanded the Merlin, of thirty-five men, under Lord Henry Seymour, in 
the Narrow Seas, and would evidently have been in a position to convey a message 
to any person at Dieppe upon very short notice. 

To give a notion of the immense force of the Spanish armament I beg leave 
to subjoin a copy of an interesting paper sent to Walsyngham just prior to the 
arrival of the Armada : 

[State Paper Office, Domestic Eliz., 1 July, 1588.] 

" A Declaration truelic translated out of Frenche into Englishe, of th' Annie 
sent fourth by the Kinge of Spaine from Lisborne, of the which is 
Cheife General the Duke of Medina Sidonia. 

The number of all the vessels of warre. 

130 vessels of warre, greate and litle. 

46 Gallions, whereof are and other shippes betwixte 8 and 900 tonne. 
25 Hulkes, betwixte 500 and 700 tonne. 
19 Pataxes, betwixte 80 and 100 tonnei 



reporting the dispersion of the Spanish Armada. 249 

13 Acabies of great burden and well apointed. 

14 Galliasses. 
14 Gallies. 

20 Carvales, for service of th' armie. 
20 Challopes, to land men. 



301 

Munitions for warres. 

2,430 cast pieces of ordnaunce. 
15.000 vren bullettes. 

9 

5,160 firkins of powder. 

1,100 ferkins of bullettes of leade. 

The number of soldiers in the Armie. 

7,050 Spannyshe Soldiers. 
2,000 Portingale Soldiers. 

160 Common Adventurers. 
8,050 Marryners. 
160 Boies. 

238 Gentlemen Venturers. 
130 of their men. 
137 of Cannoniers. 

85 Doctours of Phisicke, Chirurgeons, and Poticaries. 
104 Friers, monckes, and preistes. 
22 Squyeres of Dukes howses. 
50 of their men. 
90 Executioners or hangmen, to hang them selffes. 

Of victuels. 

Verio well provided for wine, oile, biskett, cheese, powdered beaife, and fishe, for 
halfe a yere, and all other thingcs for soldiers sustenaunce. 

Cheiffcs of th' Armie. 

The Duke of Medina Sidonia, Leiftenant-Generall. 

Don Allonso Mertyner de Louba, Generall of the horsscmen of the garrison of 
Millan. 

Jehan Mortyncr dc Recalde, Adinyrall. 

Don Diego Floria de Valdres, generall of the Gallions. 



-50 Anonymom Letter to Mr. John Stanhope, 

Don Pedro de Valdes, generall of the shippcs of Andolosia. 

Michie Dogendo, generall of the armie of the province of Guypuscoa. 

Don Ugo, generall of the Galliasses. 

Diego de Mederano, generall of the Galliers. 

Men of Justice. 

Don Jorge Menriges, Comptroller-General!. 
Mertin de Aranda, Auditour. 
Alanso de Alameda, and Pire Cocon, Treasaurers. 
Jehue de Hurta, Paie Master Generall. 
Phillip de Porras, Comptroller of the Galliers. 

Masters of the Camp. 

Don Franco de Bonadelia, Master of the Camp Generall. 

Don Augustin Mesqua of the Camp over the Companies of Castilia, Lisborne, 
and Andolosia. 

Don Diego de Pimentel, Master of the Camp of Celles and Sicillia. 
Don Franco de Toledo, Camp Master over the Portingales. 
Don Alonso Lucan, Camp Master of Tersiars and Napules. 
Nicholas Dista, of the Companies of the Indian Gallies. 

A pox upon them all ; if they come into England I trust you will christen them 
ere they returne, that their names made be easier to write: never take none 
prisoners, for they be but Don beggars, all that goe to stele and become richc, 
hane them for ransome." 






(Indorsed by WalsynylKurf s Secretary,) 

" July 1588, 
" Relation of the Spanish arniye." 

This curious statement must be taken with some allowance, coming as it docs 
through a French medium, and with a thoroughly anti-Spanish bias ; but upon 
the whole the numbers, as compared with other contemporary accounts, are rather 
under than over stated. 

To meet and encounter this overwhelming force, Her Majesty's Navy consisted 
of only thirty-four ships, great aud small ; the merchants of various parts furnished 
thirty-four ships, and the City of London contributed thirty ships at their own 
charges, the greatest of which carried only 120 men. Many of the coast towns 



reporting the dispersion of the Spanish Armada. 251 

sent out small vessels with a complement of no more than eight or ten men. The 
grand total numbered 197 vessels, great and small, of which but three carried 500 
men. It is evident therefore that in the destruction of the Armada something 
more than mere force formed the principal element. The extraordinary, nay 
providential, state of the weather, and the admirable seamanship of our naval 
Commanders, consummated a work unparalleled, and likely to remain unexampled, 
in history. 

The Spaniards came with the direst intentions towards England. In the 
examinations of the prisoners taken on board the great ship called Nostra Senora 
de Rosaria of Ribadeo, it was elicited that "they were determined to put all to the 
sword that should resist them." They came to make war to the knife, and they 
realized it, but in a manner contrary to their expectations. After the first dis- 
persion of the fleet before Calais by means of the fire-ships, they were chased along 
the Flemish coast, in the midst of a tremendous gale of wind. Two of their 
largest ships got on shore near Ostend, and were captured by the Hollanders. 
There was then a spirit of the fiercest retribution. The Spaniards came as deadly 
enemies and were treated as such. In the letter from Mr. Henry Killygrew, 
the English agent at the Hague, dated 3 August, 1588, he transmits the 
examinations of the Spaniards taken in those two ships. The greater of the two 
was captured by the men of Flushing, " wherein were near 800 Spaniards, of 
whom 150 were sent to Rotterdam (for ransom) and the rest (too poor to ransom 
themselves) were cast overboard." 

It would be too long here even to glance at the subsequent sufferings of the 
Spaniards on their dismal journey round the Irish coast. Famine and wreck com- 
pleted the work, and as the poor wretches reached the land by swimming they 
were mercilessly slaughtered by the Irish peasantry : one man alone claiming a 
reward for having with his OAvn hand killed eighty of them with Ms gallowglas 
axe. The History of the Spanish Armada has yet to be written. Hoping I have 
not intruded too much upon you with this detail, 

I remain, dear Sir, 

Very faithfully yours, 

ROBERT LEMON. 



XVIII. On Vestiges of Orfholithic Remains in North Africa, and their place in 
Primeval Archaology . By A. HENRY RHIXD, Esq., F.S.A. 



Read February 10th and 17th, 1859, and February 2nd, 1860. 

THE countries washed by the Mediterranean have necessarily been the great 
field of research for investigating the remains of the older historic civilizations 
with which they are strewn ; and I cannot doubt that the same shores, which, 
from their physical peculiarities, have ever been the seat of a large and active 
population, retain still for us most significant illustrations of that early sub- 
stratum, the pre-classical culture, the widely spread relics of which are the 
dements of our primeval archaeology. To some of those elements I have on other 
occasions adverted ; and here I propose chiefly to direct attention to another a 
very remarkable group of cromlechs in Algeria, which I have had recently an 
opportunity of visiting and examining. 

Since the French have occupied that country, and consolidated their posses- 
sions, the portion along the seaboard, where their rule has become most firmly 
established, has, under the name of the civil territory (to distinguish it from that 
under military and quasi military administration) been subdivided for purposes of 
local government into communes as in France. In the commune of Cheragas 
the remains in question are to be found near the small agricultural colony of 
Guyotville, about twelve English miles from the town of Algiers, and standing 
towards the western slope of an extensive plateau known as Bainam. I thus 
minutely note the site, as an inquirer might have some difficulty in finding the 
precise locality. 

To give, in the first place, a general idea of the appearance of these monuments, 
it is only necessary to say that individually they present no peculiarity of structure, 
and that, if we came upon them in any part of the British islands, we should do 
so without the least surprise, regarding them as the ordinary congeners of our own 
cromlechs. And curiously enough the surrounding scenery might almost recall a 
moorland spot in Scotland or Wales. The mountain of Boujareah, flanked by 
clustering hills, forms an excrescent tract called the Sahel, about fifteen miles 
square, separated from the first range of the Atlas by the wide plain of the 
Metidja, and washed on three sides by the sea. Its richly clothed southern and 



On Vestiges of Ortholithic Remains in North Africa. 253 

eastern slopes, on one of which the white town of Algiers glistens in the sun, 
descend to the shore at somewhat abrupt angles. Towards the west the declivities 
are more gradual, and terminate in broad strips of table-land gently dipping for 
several miles and stretching to the sea. On this side the soil is everywhere 
covered with a low jungle of brushwood, dwarf oak, palmetto, oleander, lentiscus, 
cistus, and myrtle, all (when in mass) of dark heathery brown, and tinted also 
like heather with brighter specks. And so, when standing beside the cromlechs 
on one of these plateaux, the cottages scattered around, a village in the distance 
nestling in a hilly nook round a modest church spire, the sea shining in front, the 
hills behind grouping together, with the bolder peaks of the Atlas towards the 
west, the landscape presents to us many of the broad features of form, and 
especially the pervading uniformity of colour which characterize our own highland 
scenes where the early primeval vestiges have lingered until now. 

But with regard to the cromlechs* themselves there is certainly (so far as I 
know) no such extensive group in Great Britain ; and I do not remember that, 
even in the land of megaliths, Britany, so many are now to be found together at 
any one spot. A few years ago, before some were demolished by the neighbouring 
colonists of the hamlet of Guyotville, they are said to have been one hundred in 
number ; and at present they may approximately be estimated at fully more than 
eighty, absolute precision in the enumeration not being attainable from the natur- 
ally ruinous condition of some, the recent overthrow of others, and their partial 
concealment by tangled brushwood. They are spread over an irregular area of 
probably ten or twelve acres, but they do not stand in equally close proximity to 
each other over the whole space. In surveying them all from any general point 
of view they do not suggest the idea of symmetrical arrangement ; still, at the 
north-eastern extremity, towards the outskirts of the group, they take somewhat 
the form of four nearly equidistant straight rows ; and it seems not improbable, 
although from the numerous gaps and the obliterating vegetation we cannot detect 
it, that some general plan was followed where so many monuments were collocated 
together. On the other hand, as in some of our older graveyards, regularity of 
arrangement at different points might be merely incidental, rather than part of a 
general outline definitely adhered to ; but, whatever rule (if any) determined the 

As I write of remains on French territory, it may be well to state that I do not use the word 
cromlech as applied in France, but according to its signification in England, where it designates that 
which the French call a dolmen, namely, a flat slab raised as a table, so to say, upon other stones set 
on edge. It is scarcely necessary to add riiat, according to French nomenclature, a cromlech means a 
circle of upright stones with or without another ortholith in the centre. 

VOL. XXXVIII. 2 M 



251 O Prestiges of Ortholithic Remains in North Africa, 

intervals of space, it would seem that some certain amount was at all events 
allotted to each cromlech ; for in no instance do any two stand in close contact. 
The nearest degree of mutual proximity which I observed among them was at the 
point already referred to, where they might be said to be planted in rows, and there 
they were separated from each other by eight and twenty or thirty feet clear in 
every direction. 

Although the general plan is doubtful, one feature of interest is decided, not 
only by the last-mentioned measurement, but also by the appearance of the whole 
group, and the outline of the surface of the ground, that these cromlechs liad 
not been covered by mounds of earth, as we sometimes find them in this country, 
for the limited proportion of ground between them would not have allowed room 
for the raising of hillocks sufficiently large. In short, these cromlechs, as their 
weather-worn stones confirm, would seem to have stood exposed originally as 
they stand to-day. 

In size they vary considerably as regards the cap-stones; but the average 
dimensions of these may be stated at 7 feet by 4, although in some cases 
they measure as much as 9 feet by 7. The sides of the covered chamber, in 
every instance which circumstances allowed me to examine, were formed of 
four monoliths on edge two for the sides and two for the ends; and the 
shape of the cist is invariably oblong, with a breadth of from 2 feet 8 inches 
to 2 feet 10, a length of from 5 feet 6 to 6 feet, and a height of 2 feet to the 
cap-stone from the hard mould bottom, which is on a level with the surrounding 
surface. The general, although not by any means invariable, direction of the 
longer measurements of the chambers is east and west ; and there are instances 
of deviation to almost every other point of the compass. The stones both of sides 
and roofs are in all cases unhewn. 

I have already mentioned that many of the cromlechs have been destroyed; 
and, the cottage of one of the Spanish colonists from Minorca, who are among the 
most active part of the new population, being planted hard by, agricultural opera- 
tions are pushing their way in the direction of the field of cromlechs. In this way 
some of them have suffered, and many have been opened and damaged from the 
usual motives of curiosity which so often hasten the fate of similar remains ; but 
quite recently means appear to have been employed to prevent their further 
destruction, and, as some seem yet intact, we may hope that care will be taken 
to examine their contents under satisfactory auspices. Very shortly before my 
visit several had evidently been ruined by the not very discriminating hands, I 
presume, of some neighbouring peasants. The bones of the bodies which they 
had contained, tolerably well preserved from the dry and elevated site, although 



and their Place in Primeval ArcTueology. 255 

broken and crumbling, lay strewn about the cists or huddled together in corners. 
From one of those small heaps I carried away a cranium, unfortunately very 
imperfect, but respecting which the subjoined report,* which I owe to the kindness 
of Mr. Barnard Davis, will be of interest as embodying the few practicable 
craniographic results deduced by an observer who has made this species of 
inquiry his peculiar study. From another I procured a fragment of coarse sun- 
baked pottery, being nearly the one-half of a shallow hemispherical cup about 
5 inches in diameter. 

In the Museum of Algiers there are a few other relics also procured from the 
cromlechs of Bainam, as yet kept in a private room of the library awaiting the 
ultimate arrangement of this thriving, although recently established, collection. 
I was courteously allowed an opportunity of examining them ; b and, besides some 
fragments of human bones, I found them to consist of the following objects, viz. : 
three shallow cups, similar in shape, size, and material to that of which I procured 
a portion as already mentioned ; fragments of two other fictile specimens likewise 
of the rudest workmansliip ; and some cups, 3 inches high, 4 inches in diameter, 
having flat bottoms, and each a loop handle. There were also certain metallic ob- 
jects, namely, four small penannular armillce, of the simplest manufacture, formed 
of thin bronze wire not more than one-tenth of an inch in diameter ; a piece of 
similar bronze wire twisted spirally into the shape and about the size of a finger-ring, 
with the ends overlapping ; and two plain bronze fibula? not quite perfect, about 2 
inches long, the simple form of which will be easily understood by describing the 
manner in which it might be fashioned. One end of a moderately stout wire having 
been flattened transversely and bent into a semicircular socket, the wire would be 
curved like a bow for two or three inches, and then twisted into several convo- 
lutions so as to allow the other end, duly sharpened, to come back as a segment 
of the curve and rest in the socket, where, when the fibula was closed, it would 
firmly remain in consequence of the convolutions acting as a spring. A few years 

" This portion of a calvarium is the upper part of the brain-case, and consists of the two parietal bones, one 
temporal, the frontal as far as the superciliary ridges, and the occipital to near the foramen magnum. It 
has belonged to a man, and, as the sutures are almost wholly effaced both inside and out, of probably sixty 
or more years of age. Although this calvarium is rather thick, it is not remarkably so. It does not present 
the long narrow Negro form, but when viewed vertically is ovoid and pretty regularly so. It therefore 
belongs to the so-called Caucasian series. The measurements, as far as they can be obtained, are: circum- 
ference 20'8 inches ; occipito-frontal diameter 7-3 inches ; oocipito-frontal arch, from the broken edge of the 
frontal to the foramen magnum, 12-8 inches; interparietal diameter, taken at the parietal bosses, 5 % 5 inches; 
and the arch from the edge of one parietal, across the bosses, to that of the other 10'7 in. [J. B. D.] 

b For this I was indebted to M. Berbrugger, the conservateur of the Museum, whose numerous works 
and papers, chiefly on the Roman remains in Algeria, testify his diligence and research. 

2 M 2 



250 On Testigcs of Ortholiffiic Remains in North Africa, 

ago an English manufacturer registered this pattern, conceiving himself perhaps 
to have invented an ingenious contrivance, hut it was a not unfrequent device 
in very ancient jewellery. Fibulae so constructed are found dispersed over a 
singularly wide extent of country ; without, however, here entering upon ques- 
tions which they suggest, or referring specially to localities, it will he enough 
to say that, with the peculiar adaptation of the spring, they have been 'discovered 
in early graves in Scandinavia, 8 as well as in the sepulchres of Etruria. b In 
Italy they would seem to have been not only popular in early times, but 
long retained, for quantities of the same general type, and usually small, now in 
the Museo Borbonico at Naples, have been dug up from Pompeii. The largest 
specimens I know (one being fully 7 inches in length) have been found probably in 
the south of Trance, for they are preserved in the very interesting Museum of 
Avignon. 

I perceive by a brief paragraph in a recent number of the Revue Afincaine d 
that since I was in Algeria the Museum has made some fresh acquisitions from 
the same cromlechs, which are shortly catalogued as fragments of human crania 
remarkable for the thickness of the brain-case; three axes, one of jade and two 
of a stone not specified ; a flint knife ; and five arrow-heads of the same material. 

It will thus be seen that, as well in the general character of their contents as 
in their structure and appearance, these monuments correspond with the similar 
remains spread over the countries of western Europe, (and not over those countries 
alone,) where research has rendered them familiar; and hence, in conjunction with 
similar remains in the same territory, they awaken an interest far more compre- 
hensive and important than as mere Algerian antiquities. They must form an 
element and take a place in wider circles of inquiry, and become landmarks in a 
chart of the older ethnography of the western world. 

I could not here propose, even if I at present felt warranted, to enter upon the 
broad subject of megalithic vestiges and primeval archaeology generally, in con- 
nexion with ethnological distribution, which is, in truth, the real question ; but 
it may be advantageous to take this opportunity to indicate in outline the nature 
and, partially, the amount of materials which North Africa offers for such an 
investigation. 

* Worsaae's Afbildninger fra del Museum i KjObenliavn, p. 44. 

b They are to be seen in most Etruscan collections ; and faithful representations, chiefly of the more 
elaborate, may be found in the illustrations of the Museo Gregoriano. Part 1, Tav. Ixxvii. et seq. 

c A few of the most finished are engraved in the work entitled Piccoti Bromi del Afuteo Borbonico da 
Carlo Ceci; but there are numerous others, simpler atad coarser. 

d Vol. ii. p. 485. 



and their Place in Primeval Archeology. 257 

Beginning at the shores of the Atlantic, we find a stone circle in the neigh- 
bourhood of Tangiers ; and other rude megaliths likewise present themselves in 
the empire of Morocco." Proceeding eastwards to the next politico-territorial 
division, the French possessions, tombs of analogous character are stated to have 
been seen by an Algerian geographer, M. Macarthy, 1 ' at Zebdou, south of the 
ancient Arab city of Tlemcen, in the province of Oran. In the same province, 
near its eastern boundary, at a place called Tiaret, distant not less than one 
hundred miles from the Mediterranean coast/ the existence of a dolmen, or 
cromlech, of extraordinary dimensions has been recorded by M. le Commandant 
Bernard. He describes its situation as a wild tract covered with the usual 
brushwood of the country ; and the measurements which he adds are too remark- 
able to be omitted. Reduced to the English standard, they make the cap-stone 
to be about 65 feet long, 26 feet broad, and 9 feet 6 inches thick ; and this 
enormous block rests upon rock sub-structures, which raise it from 35 feet to 
40 feet above the soil, forming what may be called a sufficiently spacious grotto, 
whose bearings are east and west. In the upper surface of the platform (the 
cap-stone), and towards the west, are cut three square troughs ; that in the 
middle measuring about 3 feet on each side, the two others less. The three 
communicate with each other by two channels, not so deep as the troughs, and 
4 inches broad. In the lower part of the dolmen steps are formed to enable the 
platform to be ascended : and in the neighbourhood are to be seen some weather- 
wasted standing stones (menhirs). 

Unfortunately we have as yet no more minute account of this monument, 
whose stupendous size, altogether unequalled in the records of European 
megaliths, and remote inland site might lead to the supposition that primarily its 
structure was the work of nature. This, however, M. Bernard does not at all 
suggest ; and he authenticates the accuracy of his observation by sending to the 
Algerian Historical Society what he terms a very faithful sketch of the dolmen, 
which they promise eventually to publish." 1 It also happens that I can offer an 
illustrative fact bearing upon the obviously artificial cuttings which the massive 
erection is described to present. Forming a prominent part of the megalithic 

Urquhart's Pillars of Hercules, and Brooke's Spain and Morocco, ii. 36. 

b Revue Africaine, vol. i. p. 29. 

c There are several maps of Algeria which may be referred to for its topography : the one I have before 
me I find the best, being that executed on a large scale, under the direction of the well-known authority on 
matters Algerian, General Daumas, and affixed to the Report of the Ministere de la Guerre, viz.: Tableau 
de la Situation des Etablitsements Franqais de fAlgerie, issued in 1857. 

4 Revue Africaine, vol. i. p. 147. 



258 On Vestiges of Ortliolitltic Reinains in Jforih Africa, 

ruins of Hagar Kim, in Malta,* a huge stone 20 feet high, undressed, and to all 
appearance unhewn, towers above the other ponderous blocks with which it is 
in contact. On the portion which thus protrudes I noticed small niches, conve- 
niently cut for the toes and hands ; and, on climbing to the top by means of these, 
I found it hollowed out into a flat-bottomed basin, 3 feet 8 inches long by 1 foot 
broad and 10 inches deep. b 

Resuming our cursory enumeration, we pass on to the province of Algiers, 
and find our next example on the coast between Cherchell (Julia Ceesarea) and 
Tfassed (Tipasa) ; at least, Dr. Shaw, one of the earliest and most observant of 
modern travellers in those regions, mentions in his itinerary " having fallen in at 
this point with a number of stone coffins of an oblong figure, not unlike those that 
are sometimes found in our own island." c Allowing for the antiquarian phrase- 
ology current a hundred and twenty years ago, and guided more by the comparison 
wliich is instituted, it seems most probable that those "coffins " were of the type 
which we have in view. But the province of Algiers offers other examples in the 
group of cromlechs at Bainam, already described, and also in a number of 
somewhat analogous tombs, at a place called Djelfa, lying towards the south, 
about eighty miles in the interior. The design of these last consists of an oblong 
inclosure, or rather grave, defined by four slabs, covered by one or, occasionally, 
two others, at a height of 8 or 12 inches above the soil. Their dimensions vary 
from 6 feet by 2 feet, to 1 foot 7 inches in length, by 9 inches in breadth ; and it 
has been suggested that those of the smaller size were the graves of children. 
Each tomb is surrounded by a circle of rude stones about 9 inches high ; and some- 
times the circle is double. In the construction of these sepulchres, while some of 
the features are typical of primeval remains, others are of so general and indefinite 
a character as hardly to be limitable to any period or manner of inhumation. In 
some respects they might even be Arab ; and their standing at no great distance 
from the ruins of a Bx>man station might, on the other hand, suggest that they owed 
their origin to its occupants. It is, however, to be remembered, that in a case 
of this kind, and especially in a country which has experienced so many vicissi- 

* I have referred to these remains, and the sources of information regarding them in the Archaeological 
Journal, vol. xiii. p. 397. 

b It is also worth noting here, that M. 'Me'rimee describes a cromlech in Corsica with a small trench or 
channel (rigole evidemment travaille'c de main d'homme) in the upper stone. Voyage en Corse, p. 27. 
Paris, 1840. The existence of these troughs tends to confirm the artificial character of some of the so-called 
Rock Basins observed in connection with ancient remains in Britain. See the careful discussion as to those 
on Dartmoor by Sir Gardner Wilkinson in the Journal of the British Archaeological Association, vol. xvi. 

c Shaw's Travels in Barbary, vol. i. p. 64. 



and their Place in Primeval Arch&oloyy. 259 

tudes of conquest and population, of vigour and decay, the proximity of various 
vestiges not necessarily homogeneous, cannot be regarded as indicating their 
common origin. Likewise it requires to be noticed that Dr. Reboud, who 
describes the graves in question, distinguishes them from Roman tombs in their 
immediate vicinity, recognising in them the specialities of what in western Europe 
are vaguely termed Celtic remains. 3 An additional reason for including them in 
the category before us, is derived from the circumstance that there was procured 
from this very district of Djelfa a stone celt, which I saw in the Museum of 
Algiers. This highly curious relic, formed from an elongated water-worn pebble 
sharpened at one end and tapering towards the other, of rude manufacture and 
imperfect finish, is not stated to have been discovered in any of the graves ; 
and the opening of one of them only produced some fragments of bones. 

Similar tombs are again met with at Sigus, 1 ' a short distance from Constan- 
tino, the ancient Cirta ; and an incidental allusion in the Annuaire of the local 
Archaeological Society points to the existence of primeval megaliths (dolmens) 
in that province, but I have not been able precisely to ascertain the sites. 

The Beylik of Tunis is the conterminous territory towards the East ; and I 
have received personal although not very minute information respecting rude 
stone monuments in that country. I likewise remember some notice of them in a 
work on those regions, but I am quite unable at present to recall the reference. 

As to the Regency of Tripoli, which comes next in order, certain conjectures 
advanced in the early part of last century suggested the presence there of what 
their author, Dr. Stukeley, termed in his own special phraseology, " a patriarchal 
prophylactis, or serpentine temple." d The surmise was based upon a marvellous 
story current in those parts, which many of the early travellers had carefully nar- 
rated, that six days' journey from the sea a petrified city stood in the Desert, with 
its former inhabitants, their camels, their flocks, and their herds, all in their habit 
as they lived, but turned into stone. We are now familiar with this legend from 
the lips of Scheherazade, in the Arabian Nights' Entertainments ; but, having 
been thus localised by the tribes of Tripoli, it excited considerable curiosity in the 
times to which I allude. Some were disposed to believe it with slight modifica- 
tion ; others imagined it might contain some grains of truth, and set themselves 

Smue Africamt, vol. i. p. 29, et ibid. p. 138. 

h Revue Africame, i. 29, note. I have just learned (October 1860) the existence of one or more cromlechs 
in Kabyliu, which has been but recently brought under French rule. See Revue Africaine, No. 23. 
c Annuaire de la Sotietf Archeologique de la Province de Comtantine. Anne'e 1853, p. 14. 
d Shaw, Travels in Barbary, i. 286. 



260 On Vestiges of Ortholithic Remains in North Africa, 

to conjecture accordingly. Stukeley's guess was of the characteristic nature which 
has been stated ; but Dr. Shaw, to whom he communicated it, felt bound to say 
that not any of the accounts of the petrified city would afford the least foundation 
for it, inasmuch as it required the assumption of circular erections, which none of 
the reports countenanced. 

Although this particular prodigy could not therefore be converted into a mega- 
lithic ruin, and its groundwork, if any, may be to be sought in the geological 
phenomena of the African Sahara," still the existing evidence is not opposed to the 
discovery of such cyclopean vestiges in the Regency of Tripoli. In the adjoining 
district of Zenzur Dr. Earth observed and has described a sufficiently remarkable 
object of this character, and which he points to as being similar to the more ela- 
borate type which portions of Stonehenge present. It consists primarily of a 
base fixed in the ground, on which are reared two quadrangular pillars, 2 feet 
square, 10 feet high, 1 foot 7 inches asunder, and surmounted horizontally by 
another massive stone about 6 feet 6 inches long and of the same width as the 
pillars. 1 ' Elsewhere he refers to corresponding monuments in the same region, but, 
looking to their general appearance as developed in the sketch he has furnished 
of the example whose measurements I have copied above, and keeping in view 
the dilapidated chiselled fragments in juxta-position to it, it seems very probable 
that in it and its congeners we have to deal with a very different class of relics 
from those here under consideration. 

Further east on those coasts I have not been able to trace vestiges of primeval 
character. But Cyrenaiea has as yet been only very imperfectly explored and 
described : the same may be said of the territory of Barkah, while the nature 
of much of its seaboard is not so favourable for the wants of an early popula- 
tion as to make it probable that it retains many vestiges of such. Proceeding 
to the limits of our range, the soil of the Delta of Egypt is such that relics of 
the kind in question could not be expected to be still visible upon it, even if other 
considerations did not arise from the developments of civilization in that extraor- 
dinary land, and from the whole scope of our subject. 

We have however been able to follow these peculiar structures, the greater 
part of them more or less of one type, from Tangiers almost to Tripoli along a 

* Or perhaps the myth is in gome way connected with one of those singularly perfect Roman towns, such 
as exist in the inland territory behind Tunis, and which a friend who made an enterprising expedition 
there has described to me as in marvellous preservation. These petrefactive metamorphoses are, how- 
ever, common beliefs among Arabs. See an instance in Belzoni's Narrative, p. 43. 

" Earth's Travels in Africa, vol. i. 58 62. 



and tlieir Place in Primeval Archaeology. 261 

coast-line of not less than fifteen hundred miles, and dispersed over a tract of at 
least one hundred miles in breadth. Of relics found in or near them I know 
only of the objects before mentioned as discovered in the cromlechs of Bainam 
and the stone celt from Djelfa. 

With regard to the interesting subject of the origin of these monuments and 
the connection between those of analogous character in Europe and elsewhere, 
although I hope eventually to enter on its consideration more fully as part of a 
general inquiry, I may venture to endeavour to clear the ground of certain 
opinions that have obtained some degree of currency, but which tend to obscure 
the true bearings of the case. For example, the tombs at Djelfa a and the crom- 
lechs at Bainam 11 have been regarded in Algeria as sepulchres erected by Breton 
soldiers while serving in that country, as they are known to have done, under the 
Romans. The unexpressed argument from which this view has been formed 
would seem to have been founded on the very narrow premises that megaliths 
are common in Britany ; that Armorican troops were stationed in Numidia or 
Mauritania Cacsarensis in the Roman service, and that by them the structures in 
question were erected. But a wider survey would speedily have invalidated such 
a conclusion; for it would have shown that the great extent over which at 
intervals they are spread in North Africa is irreconcilable with such an incidental 
introduction ; that the contents of the cromlechs of Bainam point to a different 
order of things, from what might reasonably be supposed to have prevailed among 
troops in the Roman service; and that, so far from there being any evidence 
that the people of Annorica were in those days rearing megaliths at home, there 
is much more than a strong probability to the contrary. 

Another opinion has sometimes been propounded in which the vestiges before 
us have been comprised by implication, though it has not perhaps been directly 
applied to them, as hitherto they have not been much known, namely, that their 
origin was Phoenician. We have long been familiar with the hypothesis which 
assigns to the Tyrian navigators the introduction of megalithic monuments into 
Britain; and this hypothesis is in the present day from time to time revived, 
either in the same or in a slightly modified form. In various European countries, 
including our own, archaeological publications occasionally appear, in which 
remains of the kind we are discussing are supposed to be explained by referring 
them to Phoenician intercourse, and their presence on Mediterranean coasts, 
where that people maintained settlements or traffic, is regarded as so much 

Revue Africaine, vol. i. p. 138. b Barbier, Itineraire de FAlgerie, p. 107. 

VOL. XXXVIII. 2 N 



On Vestiges of Orlholithic Hemavm in North Africa, 

confirmatory evidence. But it cannot fail to be observed that, when this mode of 
argument is indiscriminately urged, it is for the most part accompanied by a 
liTnif.fl.timi of the field under view to a very narrow portion of the world, and by 
an imperfect estimate of the force of the term employed ; for it should be remem- 
bered by those who would wish to account for our megalithic remains as 
Phoenician, that one of two alternative propositions is bound up in the use of 
the word. Of these propositions the first is that the erection of such megaliths 
was a special development of Phoenician culture, and was peculiar to it. But let 
us see where this, if maintained, would lead. It would imply that until the 
spread of Tyrian enterprise the whole of western Europe, for example, was 
destitute of even- kind of erection whereby one stone is laid upon another ; and 
that until then its people did not possess a cromlech, a circle, a chambered cairn, 
a jet test tier, or even a simple cist, all of which exhibit directly or indirectly the 
principle of megalithic building. Moreover, were the Phoenicians to be recognised 
as the special originators of this constructive method, wide and diffusive as we 
know their enterprise to have been, it would be necessary to acknowledge an 
extension of their influence, direct or indirect, sufficiently startling, because 
limited only by the outlines of the habitable world an extension from the 
mountains of Upper India to the moors of Ireland, from the Scandinavian 
peninsula to Peru.* 

The second or alternative proposition is that this structural system was common 
to other races as well as the Phoenicians. And this admission at once demands 
from those who would attribute to the latter the monuments of, let us say, the 
West, some distinct proof of what are to be regarded as Phoenician specialities, 
to be received as criteria of Phoenician intercourse. As yet, so far as I know, 
we have had nothing of this kind presented, nor anything beyond allusions to 
mere general points of connexion between this people and megaliths. To these 
indeed have been often added deductions from alleged religious conceptions a 
mode of procedure in research into antiquity at all times most unsatisfactory, 
except when the mythological intimations are unmistakeably plain; and it is 
doubly hazardous in the case of the Phoenician cttltus, since the older fragments 
(those of Sanchoniathon), which alone profess directly to shadow it forth, are 
vague and inarticulate, beyond even the usual mysticism of such documents; 
while the later compilers, such as Strabo, who are too frequently quoted as unim- 

* As to the character of the ruder stone monuments of the latter which are less known, see Le Perou 
avant la Compute Etpagnoie; by E. Desjardin*. Paris, 1858, p. 131. 



and their Place in Primeval Archeology. 263 

peachable authorities on foreign or already archaic subjects, as dim perhaps in 
their day as ours, obviously write as antiquaries in this matter, rather exploring 
and suggesting that which might have been, than narrating that which had 
been.' 

While thus guarding against erroneous conclusions with reference to the 
Tyrian origin of megalithic vestiges, it is desirable to glance at what appears to 
me to be the actual points of contact. There is probably no doubt that the 
people whom we know as Phoenicians had primevally been accustomed to employ 
unhewn megaliths. Apart from the presumption to this effect from the almost 
universality of the practice, there are certain more direct intimations of a cor- 
roborative character. Thus, in the earliest records of their neighbours and con- 
geners of the Semitic race, the Jews, we find mention of such relics as the stone of 
Bethel in proof of the once existence of this rude art among them, and we note 
what may be called its symbolic retention in the reiterated injunction that the 
" altars of the Lord shall be built of whole stones, over which no man hath lift 
up iron." b The Phoenicians also retained among their holy things a remem- 
brance which may be regarded as an index to that which had gone before. For 
they invested certain rude stones with reverential attributes, and within the 
historical period paid them the honours of worship under the name of Batylia,, A a 

8 See, for example, Strabo's discussion on the Cabiri, those very prominent divinities in the Phoenician 
Mythology, lib. x. 

b Joshua viii. 31 ; also, Exodus xx. 25; and Deuteronomy xxvii. 5. 

c This was not, probably, a barbarous fetishism, as indeed what little we know of Phoenician cultus 
would serve to indicate. Compare the Peruvian worship of stones at Cuzeo, which coexisted with what 
is stated to have been the rendering of homage to an immaterial divinity : " Honorait-on (les pierres) 
comme des souvenirs, loin de les adorer comme des Dieux." Desjardins, Le Perou avant la Conquete, 
p. 101. 

d Baron Alexander von Humboldt has incidentally referred to Btetylia, as forming " an important part 
of the meteor worship of the ancients." (Cosmos. Sabine's ed. vol. i. p. 125.) And the marvellous 
accuracy in almost illimitable details which that illustrious philosopher evinces in liis last great work 
may well beget hesitation in supposing that any of his statements of fact are not substantially founded. 
It is true that among the Phoenicians Bostylia appear to have been held as sacred stones which had come 
from heaven (Miinter, Religion der Karthager, 119 el passim). Whether they were actual aerolites, and 
first worshipped because thus seemingly divine emanations, or whether in their character of dwelling-place 
of God a divine origin was ascribed to them, is by no means plain. But to assume the former and apply 
this idea universally as explanatory of the primitive conception which led for instance to the religious 
use of unhewn stones among the Jews, as at Bethel, and in the construction of the altar, and inferentially 
among the Semitic Phoenicians, would involve casuistical reasoning not to be readily admitted in such 
investigations, as requiring the argument to lead up to a supposititiously pre-existing but forgotten esoteric 

2N2 



264 On Festiges of Ortholithic Remains in North Africa, 

word whose radical identity with the Jewish Bethel may be readily observed." 
Besides this probable vestige of their primeval past, embalmed so to say amid a 
newer order of things, it is possible that megaliths, still extant in their ancient 
territory and in other portions of Palestine, are remains of that past. 1 ' But it is 
to be remembered that we must not necessarily assume a Phoenician or Semitic 
origin for them, as there is room for the alternative that any or all of them may 
be referable to preceding occupants, especially if we consider the known fluctua- 
tions of population in those regions. 

Although objections might perhaps be taken to the validity of deductions 
arrived at from any of the foregoing facts considered individually, still the 
general tenor of the circumstances which have been stated may be said to esta- 
blish that the rearing of unhewn megaliths was at one time common to that 
branch of the Semitic family seated on the northern coast of Palestine, but 
whether after their national existence under the name of Phoenicians we cannot 
say. One thing however is not to be overlooked, that when they come upon the 
stage of history what little is revealed to us exhibits a very different condition of 
affairs. 

It is unfortunately the case that of the remains of this great people we have as 
yet discovered but mere traces, partly in consequence of what may have been the 
character of their civilization, partly from the vicissitudes through which their 
ancient seats of power have passed, and partly, no doubt, because research has 
not been very actively directed to their old central home. We are now indeed 
recovering a few vestiges, such as the sarcophagus' recently presented to the 
Louvre and described by the Due de Luynes, which is altogether Egyptian in 
appearance. But the probable date of this relic refers it to the period of their 
decadence. Of then 1 earlier art we know hardly anything ; and its probable type 
has been the subject of very opposite opinions. M. Pulszky, the most recent 

conception, of which even the special external symbol (of all things in matters religious apt to be the most 
permanent), the meteoric stone, had ceased to be a necessary adjunct. 

a It is remarkable that yet another branch of the Semitic race has and retains to this day a relic of 
this early reverence, and under the very same name. The goal of Mohammedan pilgrimage, the Kaaba 
at Mecca, which covers the sacred stone, is known as Beit Allah, the House of God. Travels of AH 
Bey (Burckhardt), vol. ii. 50. 

b See Stanley's Sinai and Palestine, p. 272. A very interesting sketch of a cromlech near Gadara, 
east of the Jordan, is now in the library of the Society of Antiquaries, having been presented by Mr. 
Robertson Blaine. See Proceedings, 1st Scries, vol. iv. p. 308. 

c Another has recently arrived in England ; and from Mr. Davis' researches at Carthage some few probable 
traces of old, though not the oldest, time have appeared. 



and their Place in Primeval Archaeology. 265 

writer a who treats of it, has placed it very much lower than historical allusions 
seem to me to warrant, in consequence of founding his opinion too exclusively 
upon certain barbarous figures of very doubtful ascription, and whose character, 
even if they were distinctly ascertained to be Phoenician, would not justify such 
wide conclusions. For instance, I have several times found what in some respects 
might be classed with these, the well-known Egyptian shabti or sepulchral figures, 
sufficiently rude to have proceeded from untutored savages, and yet deposited in 
tombs dating from flourishing periods of mechanical and decorative art, and 
associated with objects of skilful finish. Roman and colonial Greek pennies which 
are sometimes of the most imperfect execution and inelegant proportions are also 
cases in point, and they, in their relation to what Greek or Roman hands did or 
could produce, offer a more decided commentary if the rude figures on which 
M. Pulszky relies be placed beside a small golden bull of beautiful workmanship 
and fair proportions, though constrained in attitude and conventional in design, 
which bears on the plinth a Phoenician inscription, and is in the possession of 
the Prince of Trabia at Palermo, where I have seen it. In fact, it is taking 
a very narrow view of the question to make any decided deductions from such 
imagines as those referred to, even although the absence of more numerous and 
more certain relics of the Phoenicians may naturally give some prominence to 
these trifles. Even of their pottery, that archaeological harvest usually so 
abundant, the probable examples hitherto detected are few and not always 
to be relied on." 

But still in the midst of this present comparative void there are sufficient 
indicia to leave no room for the conjecture that during the historical period, or 
at any time when their condition approached that which the earliest intimations 
reveal to us, the Phoenicians were spreading through the world the rude con- 
structive method of unhewn megaliths. This would indeed be a remarkable 
propagandism simultaneously to proceed from the same people who had not 
only given to the western nations a knowledge of alphabetic writing, but whose 
fame, already ancient at the birth of European and Hebrew literature, repre- 
sents them as constantly carrying on distant maritime enterprises for commer- 
cial purposes, that sure evidence of high capacity for material and mechanical 
civilization. And in truth, in our oldest records, both sacred and secular, their 
name and the staple products of their traffic were associated with the highest 
degree of opulent luxury then known, their buildings were described as spacious 

M. Pulszky, in Nott and Gliddon's Indigenous Races of the Earth, p. 135, et teq. 
'' See those referred to in Birch's elaborate History of Ancient Pottery, vol. i. p. 154. 



266 On Vestiges of OrtholUhic Remains in Nortli Africu, 

and magnificent." and their artisans were renowned as "cunning to work" ' in 

w * O 

the most decorative lands of handicraft. It may be true that contemporaneously 
their eultug retained a place for rude stone emblems, but to find in this any argu- 
ment that they were then diffusing a inegalithic constructive style would be 
nearly equivalent to supposing that the conquests of Ancient Egypt under the 
great nionarchs of the eighteenth dynasty had spread the manufacture of stone 
tools and weapons, because the Egyptians then used a stone knife c for a special 
religious purpose in the process of embalming, having preserved in this peculiar 
function the primitive implement in the midst of refined ingenuity and splendid 
magnificence. In short, when we speak of the Phoenicians as probably practising 
rude megalithic work, it should be remembered that we are almost beyond the 
pale of history as regards them. To start therefore with the preconceived 
impression and to bring forward isolated allusions in ancient literature without 
attending to its general bearing will only produce a misleading result : because 
for all practical purposes the question is preliistoric and archaeological, and is an 
affair of induction rather than of special testimony. 

Looking at it then in this light, there is one broad consideration which is 
worthy of attention. Throughout, for example, Western Europe (the whole 
subject not being here under discussion) a large proportion of the inegalithic 
vestiges are sepulchral. JS T ow the earliest remembrances of the Syrian branch of 
the Semitic races point to rock burial, either derived from Egypt where it existed 
back to, and therefore before, the utmost explored limits of her vast antiquity, or 
springing from a common origin or from similar causes. The imagery of the 
Hebrew Scriptures, from the Book of Job to the Prophecy of Ezekiel, teems with 
allusions to " graves set in the sides of the pit " d a phrase singularly descriptive 
of the deep-sunk shafts of the Nile valley where we know them best. The oldest 
traditional memories of the Jews cluster round the same venerable practice; 
their very genesis is associated with the sepulchral cave of Macpelah ; and to 
this hour many of the mountains of Palestine are honeycombed with tombs. 

* Josephus, Antiq. viii. 2, quoting Menander and Dius, and apud eund. Cant. Apion, lib. ii. cited in 
Ancient Universal History, vol. ii. 5. Compare Silius Italicus, lib. iii. 

b 2 Chronicles ii. 7. 

c Herodotus (ii. 86) and Diodorus mention the fact ; and specimens of the knives have been found. 
Compare the similar religious use of a stone knife retained by the Jews in the rite of circumcision : and 
another curious instance existed in Pern, -where a knife of silex was used to cat the hair of the heir to 
the throne of the Incas, at the ceremony of his being weaned. 

d Ezekiel, xxxii. 23. 



and their Place in Primeval Archceology. 267 

But, while there are direct intimations that the Phoenicians followed the same 
system, it may be well not to overlook an unique memorial still extant in their 
ancient territory, and conventionally known as the " Tomb of Hiram. " a This is 
a sarcophagus sufficiently large to hold a single body, covered by a long slab, and 
supported on upright unhewn stones. 1 ' Whether it is to be attributed to an 
antecedent allophylian population cannot, as I have before observed generally, be 
positively asserted or denied, or whether it may be regarded as one of the early 
Phoenician developments of the megalithic mode, worked out without reference to 
external intercourse, or springing from a partial graft of Egyptian burial practices, 
whereby the idea of the stone coffin came to be associated with the pristine ortho- 
liths. I am not aware if the latter hypothesis has been advanced by any of those 
who doubt the independent growth of structural resemblances, or whether it 
has been suggested that cromlechs were the decadence from or a rude copy of 
Phoenician sepulchres, held to be represented by such an exemplar as the " Tomb 
of Hiram." 

In direct discord with any idea of this kind as referable to the Phoenicians, at 
any time within the range of our materials relating to them, we have some means 
of ascertaining what burial practices they were spreading in the "West. We have 
seen from the primeval Semitic use of rock tombs what were the antecedent 
probabilities ; and when at Carthage we find a well-known hill hard by so pierced 
with tombs that the most recent visitor describes it as "apparently one vast 

* See view in Allen's Dead Sea. 

h Stanley (Sinai and Palestine, p. 272), who cursorily alludes to this monument, adds with unsatisfactory 
brevity: " there are other broken stones in the neighbourhood." It is greatly to be regretted that, 
so far I know, it is impossible to find anything like a detailed account of the monuments in Phoenicia. 
I have often examined many books of travels with a very intangible result in this respect. Those who 
have treated of matters specially Phoenician would seem to have had no greater success ; and there is no 
adequate information on this point to be found 1'or example in Mover's laborious work Die Phonizer, which 
has not yet, however, reached the strictly archaeological branch of the subject ; or in Gerhardt's Die Kumt 
der Phunizer (Abhand. der Konig. Akad. zu Berlin, 1846), where monuments of more than doubtful 
ascription, and in other countries than Phoenicia, arc mostly dealt with ; or in Kenrick's careful volume, 
Phoenicia, whose archaeological data are indeed chiefly derived from the two works which have just been 
named. 

I regret that, when in those parts about three years ago, an insurrection at Nablous, and other circum- 
stances, prevented my reaching that portion of Palestine. I was once not without hopes of finding a future 
opportunity ; but I venture to suggest to those who may have it in their power, that a search, not only in 
Phoenicia, but elsewhere in Syria, not only for megalithic, but all other primitive vestiges, and careful 
descriptions of them, would be of very great interest and use. 



2G8 On Vestiges of Ortholithic Remains in North Africa, 

necropolis," a we shall not probably be wrong in thence deducing some proof of 
the sepulchral customs which the Phoenicians were then likely to carry towards 
the Pillars of Hercules. 1 ' In the island of Malta more distinct evidence has been 
met with of the use by that people of some of the very numerous rock catacombs 
there. c 

All this is not of course to be understood as demonstrating that the Phoenicians 
buried their dead only in this manner, and as affording an adequate foundation 
for any argument that might be deduced from the assumption of any such 
exclusiveness of practice. Indeed, the Egyptians themselves, who were pre- 
eminently excavators, did not adhere to the system without any exception ; 
neither did the Jews do so invariably ; and reason itself indicates how among any 
people diversities in such a matter would readily arise from circumstances indi- 
vidually accidental or locally permanent. But, without discussing minutely the 
funeral customs of the Phoenicians, my intention has been to specify what must 
be held to have been the characteristic development of those within the range of 
oui' knowledge, and what is the archaeological teaching on the subject as applied 
to the historic period from its very dawn, so that we may know exactly the ground 
we tread when we meet with the word Phoenician used in this connexion. 

Having thus endeavoured to estimate the distorted historic element which is 
often imported into the consideration of various branches of the question before 
us, I would wish on the present occasion only to insist, before concluding, on one 
broad position in the archaeological investigation of rude megalithic remains, the 
neglect of which it is that is most fruitful of inconclusive speculations. This 
axiom, if I may so call it, simply is, that the grouping of megaliths is not neces- 
sarily a style of arcliitecture, but merely in itself a constructive mode at once so 
untutored and natural as to bespeak, if need be, its independent universality. It 
is no more a style than is building in strata or courses as such. But, as the latter 
has in various centres been developed from its character of crude element into 
forms so artificially definite as to become nationally or generically peculiar, so 
the ortholithic mode was capable of receiving and perpetuating the impress of 
diverse ethnographic idiosyncrasies. It is very possible to conceive that it has 
done so, and hence the hope of tracing out by means of its vestiges various secrets 
of the primeval world; but hence also the necessity for employing a studious 
minuteness in comparing the remains which, so to say, form the alphabet of the 

Blakesley's Four Months in Algeria, p. 407. 

" See Histaire de FAcademie des Inscriptions, vol. xlii. pp. 55, 87. 

c See Vassallo's brochure, Monumenti Antichi nd Gruppo di Malta. 



and their Place in Primeval Arclueology \ 269 

inquiry. Instead of dwelling merely on their general resemblances and deducing 
comprehensive classifications, it is rather their minute differences which should 
first be sought out. All the more essential is this, from the rude simplicity of 
this structural method allowing but moderate scope for recognisable variation ; 
and, indeed, comparisons will ever be more satisfactory when they can descend 
to the most special particulars by including other relics, such as sepulchral 
deposits found in juxta-position with the optholiths. 

Therefore it is not too much to say, if these views be correct, that speculations 
of a very wide scope are as yet altogether premature. When we know better the 
precise character of the early remains which central Asia presents, and possess the 
results of minuter researches among those which linger on the confines and in 
the eastern countries of Europe, we may be in a position to undertake the 
solution of very comprehensive problems. But, in the meantime, those ingenious 
views* which would trace an influx of primordial population from Asia to western 
Europe by merely indicating the presence of megalithic vestiges along, for 
instance, the course of some of the great Russian rivers, without considering their 
special details, such views must be regarded simply as suggestive hypotheses, not 
as adequate deductions as belonging to that species of doubtful balance of 
probabilities which is carefully to be distinguished from true scientific gain. 

The time may perhaps come when an ample series of carefully collected facts 
may admit of speculations like these being tried by the test of a sufficiently wide 
and precise induction, and verified, modified, or dislocated. For each of these 
conclusions at present there is verge enough, and each when warrantably arrived 
at would open the way for applying the resources of archaeology with effect to the 
broadest ethnological questions. But if in this wide field the products of labour 
would probably, for many years at least, be unreal, or at best only provisional ; 
there is a certain section not too narrow to afford a base of sufficient extent, and 
not too comprehensive to preclude the hope, under present circumstances, of 
adequately grasping it. The accumulation of materials, and the activity of 
research, will, I do not doubt, admit of the whole continent of Europe being 
brought under one survey at no distant date. And, while the fundamental 
problem of primordial originea and one central diffusive point must for the time 
remain in abeyance, or receive only a reflected light from such a survey, there 
are other topics of scarcely inferior interest with which it will be very capable of 
dealing. It will not only enable a more definite estimate to be formed of the 

Such as are skilfully developed in Worsaae's Zur Alterthumskunde dea Nordens; and in his brochure, 
Die Nationale Alterthumskunde in Deutschland. 

VOL. XXXVIII. 2 O 



270 On Vestiges of Ortholithic Remains in North Africa, 

significance of general analogies, but show the nature, extent, and divergence of 
special geographical developments in primeval culture throughout the not incon- 
siderable area of that which has long been the most important Quarter of the 
earth. And, in view of the possibility of arriving at such and allied results which 
will readily suggest themselves, it may be permitted to revert to what has been 
said at the beginning of this paper, with reference to the shores of the Mediter- 
ranean. There, if anywhere there, where so many historic civilisations have 
sprung up, flourished, and withered, we might not unreasonably expect that 
similar if ruder plants of still earlier growth would, amid the same natural 
conditions, find something to shape and determine a particular development whose 
character their traces, if any, might yet exhibit. Nor are these wanting. On a 
future occasion I hope to be able to discuss some of them more fully, and in 
another form ; but I would venture here to indicate to any who may have oppor- 
tunities, that in this field there is much scope for personal inquiry, and many 
landmarks not yet recorded. While to every portion of it this remark is more or 
less applicable, I would point to the Spanish peninsula as a special illustration. 
In primeval archaeology I imagine that at present it exhibits almost a blank. 
After some inquiry in the country (which, however, I hope more fully to renew), 
as well as elsewhere, I have been able to glean hardly any descriptive materials. 
A search in various books of travels, has been almost entirely unproductive ; and 
an examination of the available local topographical works of the district, to which 
as yet I have been limited, was all but equally barren of result. But it is not to 
be conceived in consequence that the peninsula is so destitute of archaic vestiges. 
Not only the presence of numerous early remains in the neighbouring Balearic 
Islands a would discourage this supposition, but we have some evidence (besides 
mere incidental allusions) of their existence in Spain itself. For example, a 
remarkable megalithic structure, a long chamber covered by a tumulus, in the 
neighbourhood of Antequera (province of Andalucia), has been carefully described 
and illustrated by an architect of those parts, in a pamphlet lately published. 1 ' 
And in Portugal, as long ago as 1733, Don Mendoza de Pina presented to the 
Royal Academy of History a memoir on ortholiths in that country. 

But while there are indications of the possible data to be found, it is greatly to 
be regretted that we are without even moderately ample details of the early 
remains of a territory so important in the ancient world from its mineral wealth, 

See De la Marmora's Le hole BdUare, and Voyage en Sardaiyne, passim. 

1 Memoria sobre A Templo Dnuda hallado en -las cercanias de la ciudad de Antequera, by Don Rafael 
Mitjana. Malaga, 1847. 



and their Place in Primeval Archeology . 271 

whose people are historically recorded to have manifested some certain specialities 
of culture at a very remote epoch, and whose mountains still protect the relics of 
a primitive population. In alluding to this want at the close of this paper, I am 
conscious that I may seem to trespass beyond my subject. But I have ventured 
to do so from a twofold object : on the one hand, in the hope of being directed 
to some additional sources of information which as yet have escaped me ; and 
on the other, with the view of urging that antiquaries, whether native or foreign, 
who may find themselves favourably circumstanced, would render efficient service 
to European archaeology by contributing, through the medium of personal inves- 
tigation, to a more systematic knowledge of the vestiges of ancient Iberia. 



2o2 



272 



XIX. Some Observations relating to Four Deeds from the Muniment Eoom at 
Maxstoke Castle, co. Warwick; exhibited by JOSEPH JACKSON HOWARD, 
Esq., F.S.A. By THOMAS WILLIAM KING, Esq., F.S.A., York Herald. 



liead June 9, 1859. 

THE earliest of the four Deeds exhibited is without date, but is probably of the 
latter half of the thirteenth century; by it William de Oddynggeshel, lord of 
the manor of Solihull, gave and confirmed to Kobert Tyberay a piece of land in 
Solihull, lying in the township of the borough of Solihull, to him and his heirs. 

The seal of green wax appended to this Deed (Plate XIV. fig. 1) has on it a 
shield with a fess and in chief two mullets, being the arms of Odingsells ; the 
inscription, which is very faint, reads * S* WILLI D6 OVDINGeSBLGS. 

William de Odingsells, Lord of Maxstoke, was descended from Galfrid de Oding- 
sells, who was Lord of Maxstoke in right of his wife Basilia, daughter and coheir 
of Gerard de Limsey, Lord of Maxstoke ; a marriage which took place about the 
20 Henry II. The arms borne by this line are those on the seal now exhibited ; 
but Hugh de Odingsells, a younger son of Galfrid just mentioned, took the name 
of De Flanders from having resided in that country, and he added a mullet to the 
two already in the arms, changing their tincture to sable. Ida, one of the 
daughters and coheirs of William de Odingsells, became the wife of Sir John de 
Clinton, Knight, who was Lord of Maxstoke in her right. He was summoned to 
parliament 27 Edward I., and died 8 Edward II. Of this marriage there were 
two sons, John Baron Clinton, of Maxstoke, who was summoned to parliament 
6 Edward III., and William de Clinton, Earl of Huntingdon. 

This William de Clinton, who was created Earl of Huntingdon in 1337, was 
the grantor in the second Deed exhibited, by which he gave to John Bertulmeu, 
of Maxstoke, a piece of land called Sotecroft, in exchange for a piece of land in the 
Ruddynge. On the seal appended to this Deed (Plate XIV. fig. 2) are six crosses 
crosslet fitchy, and on a chief two mullets of six points, Clinton : the shield is 
inclosed in a foliated circle of nine-foils, and accompanied by the six lions rampant 
of Leybourne in the area of the seal, two over the shield, and two on each side, 
the Earl having married Juliana, daughter and heir of Sir Thomas Leybourne, 
Knight, who had previously married John Lord Hastings of Abergavenny, and Sir 
Thomas Blount, Steward of the Household to Edward II. This instrument bears 




J. 





4.* 







SEALS FROM DEEDS BELATOJlVTO MAXSTOKE CASTLE 



Observations relating to Four Deeds from Maxstoke Castle. 273 

date at Maxstoke on Sunday next after the Feast of St. Barnabas the Apostle in 
24 Edw. III. (13th June, 1350). Here I would call attention to the six crosses 
crosslets fitchy in the arms, which are not in those of John Baron Clinton, who 
was descended from the elder brother of the Earl of Huntingdon, and who 
executed the deed next mentioned. 

The third Deed, in order of date, was made by John Baron Clinton, 17th May, 
16 Hen. VI. (1438). By it he granted to Humphry, Earl of Stafford, and 
Anne his wife the castle and manor of Maxstoke, 100 acres of meadow, and 
200 acres of pasture in Shistoke and Coleshill within the park of Maxstoke, and 
a piece of land called Maydefurlonge, parcel of the manor of Shistoke, and also a 
rent of 20 marks in Maxstoke, Merston, and Coton, and also the advowson of the 
Priory of St. Michael of Maxstoke ; a to hold the same to the said Earl and Anne 
and the heirs and assigns of the said Earl for ever, with power of re-entry into 
the same or a proportionate part thereof, in case John Lord Clinton and his wife, 
or either of them, or his heirs or assigns, should be evicted, as therein mentioned, 
from all or any part of the manors of Wliissheton and Wodeford, in the county of 
Northampton, which were to be conveyed to them by the Earl.' 1 

To this Deed two seals are appended; the first (Plate XIV., fig. 3) bears the 
arms of Lord Clinton in a side-standing shield, being the arms of Clinton, repre- 
sented as two mullets pierced in chief, and not on a chief, and without any charge 
in the field (which I beg to notice particularly), quartering those of Say, viz. : 
Quarterly or and gules. The helmet upon which the crest is placed is supported 
by two greyhounds. The legend runs thus ; 

&igiUn' ioij'is fc'ni lie clnnton & toe fag, 

The second seal (Plate XIV., fig. 4) is that of the Earl of Stafford, containing a 
side-standing shield of the single coat of Stafford (Or, a chevron gules), the field 
of which is beautifully purfled ; probably a rare instance of purfling being used on 
a seal. On the helmet is placed the crest, a swan's head and wings issuant from 
a coronet, the helmet being supported by two heraldic antelopes. This seal 
exhibits in a remarkable degree the exquisite taste and beauty of seals of this 
period. The legend runs 

S?igtllu' iBumftfti romitts ftaffortue & $mijte fc'nt 



The Priory of Austin Canons at Maxstoke was founded by William de Clinton, Earl of Huntingdon, 
in 133G. 

11 This Deed is quoted by Dugdiilc in his Warwickshire, being then in the possession of Sir Thomas Dilke, 
ancestor of the present possessor. 



274 Observations relating to Four Deeds from the Muniment Rooin 

(The remainder of the legend being defective.) The counter seal (fig. 4<?) is a 
shield with the arms of Stafford only, surrounded by a cord, in Avhieli three 
Stafford knots are elegantly introduced. I am informed by Mr. Howard, through 
whose kindness these interesting documents are exhibited, that the Stafford knot 
is still to be seen on the gates of Maxstoke Castle, as mentioned by Dugdale. 

Humphry Earl of Stafford, whose seal is attached to this Deed, was elected 
(while Earl of Stafford) a Knight of the Garter, on the 22d April, 7 Hen. VI. 
The single coat and crest of Stafford are upon his Garter-plate, with his style, 
" Le Coute de Stafford." He was created Duke of Buckingham 14th September, 
1444, and was Earl of Buckingham, Hereford, Northampton, and Perche (the last a 
French title), also Lord of Brecknock and Holderness. He was Captain of Calais, 
Warden of the Cinque Ports, and Constable of England ; and was slain at the 
battle of Northampton on the part of King Henry VI. in 1460. He was 
buried at Northampton, but his remains were afterwards removed to Plessy in 
Essex. 

I proceed now to offer a few remarks upon the Family of the Loi'ds Clinton : 

John de Clinton, Baron Clinton, whom I have before mentioned as elder 
brother of William Earl of Huntingdon, had a son, John Baron Clinton, who 
was heir to his uncle the said Earl, and married Idonea, eldest daughter of 
Geoffrey Baron Say (whose male issue afterwards failed), by whom he had issue 
Sir William Clinton, who died in the lifetime of his father, in 7 Richard II. 
The father died 20 Richard II. leaving his grandson, William Baron Clinton, of 
Maxstoke, his heir, who died in 10 Henry VT. and was father of John Baron 
Clinton, who executed the Deed under consideration. The latter appears from 
his descent to have used the style of Baron de Say ; but by deed of 1st November, 
27 Henry VI. (1448), he released all claim to the name, style, and honour of the 
Barony of Say, and the arms of Say, to his cousin James Fenys, Baron Say and 
Sele, who was not a coheir to the Barony. Notwithstanding this release, how- 
ever, we find that Edward Baron Clinton, his great-grandson, who was created 
Earl of Lincoln in 1572, and had been elected a Knight of the Garter in the 
5th Edward VI. is called on his Garter-plate "Earl of Lincoln, and Baron 
Clinton and Say;" and the arms of Clinton (with the crosses crosslet in the 
field) are given quarterly with those of Say, which are in the second quarter. 

Whatever pretensions John Baron Clinton had to the Barony of Say, it does 
not appear according to the doctrine of later times that he could have been entitled 
to the entire barony, taking it in the ordinary acceptation of a barony in fee under 



at Maxstoke Castle, co. Warwick. 27;"> 

a writ of summons to parliament. It is not improbable that in this instance, as 
it may have been in other cases, he was coheir to lands originally forming a 
barony by tenure, and so assumed the style of Baron de Say. He was attainted 
in 1460, but restored to his title and honours in 1461, 1 Edw. IV. . He died in 
1464. It is almost needless to say that his Grace the present Duke of Newcastle 
is lineally descended from him in the male line ; and that the present Baron 
Clinton descends from him through female lines. 

The fourth and last Deed is one of Henry second Duke of Buckingham, dated 
the 26th February, 20 Edw. IV. (1481), in which he is described as Henry Duke of 
Buckingham, Earl of Hereford, Stafford, and Northampton; by it he granted 
and confirmed to the Archbishops of Canterbury and York, the Bishops of Ely, 
Durham, Lichfield, and Lincoln, the Earl of Essex, the Lords Hastings, Howard, 
Ferrers, and sixteen other feoffees, his manors of Wawenswootton, Church 
Salforcl, Great "Wolford, Little Wolford, "Whatcote, the castle and manor of 
Maxstoke, and Esthall and "Westhall in Sheldon, in the county of "Warwick ; but 
for what purpose does not appear. 

A mere fragment remains of the seal appended to this Deed, (Plate XIV. 
fig. 5,) on which can only be read a portion of the legend " lUjrtijtimutON," So 
much of the arms as remain shew that he quartered the coat of Bohun. The 
supporters to the helmet are the same as those on his grandfather's seal. The 
field or area of the seal seems to have been powdered with Stafford-knots, three 
of which may be seen in the remaining portion of the impression. 

Henry second Duke of Buckingham succeeded his grandfather Humphry in 
1460. He is best known to us by his unsuccessful attempt to dethrone 
Richard III. He was beheaded at Salisbury in 1483, and his estates forfeited. 
They were however restored by Henry VII. to his son Edward, the third Duke ; 
but Maxstoke Castle, with the other estates, were again forfeited to the crown on 
the attainder of the latter in 1521. The castle is now the property and residence 
of Charles Fetherston Dilke, Esq. whose ancestor Sir Thomas Dilke purchased it, 
according to Dugdale, in the 41st of Elizabeth. 

I have thus endeavoured to offer a few observations on these interesting 
documents, which are given in extemo in the Appendix. The seals, particularly 
that of Clinton with the lions of Leybourne, and those attached to the deed 
exchange of Maxstoke Castle Avith the Earl of Stafford in 16 Hen. VI. are worthy 
of especial notice, not only on account of the chaste and elegant style in which 
they are executed, but for the peculiarities they exhibit, as illustrative of the 
practice of heraldry at the periods to which they belong. 



276 Four Deeds from tlie Muniment Room 



APPENDIX, 



I. 

Grant by William de Oddingsell. 

Sciant prescntes ct futuri quod ego Willielmus de Oddynggeshele dominus manerii de Solihulle 
dedi conccssi et hac present! carta mea confirmavi Roberto Tyberay unam placeain tcrrc mee cum 
pertinenciis in villa burgi de Solihulle jacentem inter cimiterium de Solihulle ct altum vicum, et 
continentem sc in latitudine triginta unum pedes, et in longitudine sexaginta et octo pedes, 
et aliam placcam terre mee cum pertinenciis jacentem inter terrain Hugonis sutoris ct domum 
Williclmi Abel, ct continentem se in longitudine viginti et duo pedes ct in latitudine sexdecim pedes; 
Habendas et tenendas de me et lieredibus meis sibi et heredibus suis libere, quietc, bene et in pace, 
hereditaric impcrpctuuni, cum omnibus libertatibus dicte tcrre pcrtinentibus, et adeo libcrc in omni- 
bus sccundum consuctudines ct libertates liberi 1'ori et mcrcati de foro de Burmisham usitatas; 
Reddcndo inde annuatim mihi ct heredibus meis ipse et hercdcs sui vel assignati sui viginti et 
duos denarios argenti ad duos anni terminos, videlicet, ad festum Sancti Michaelis undecim denarios, 
et ad festum beatc Marie in Marcio undecim denarios, pro omnibus sccularibus serviciis et dcmandis. 
Et ego vcro dictus "Willielmus de Oddynggeshele et heredes mei dicto Roberto et heredibus suis 
totam prcdictam terrain particularitcr nominatam cum omnibus libertatibus suis contra omnes 
homines et feminas warentizabimus, acquietabimus, et imperpctuum defcndemus. In cujus rei 
tcstimonium huic present! carte sigillum mcum apposui. Hiis testibus Thoma de Fonte, Hcnrico 
Hamond, Roberto Oyen, Willielmo Louell,(?) Thoma clcrico, et aliis. 



II. 

Grant by William de Clinton, Earl of Huntingdon. 

Omnibus Christi fidelibus ad quos prcscns scriptum pervcnerit Willielmus de Clyntone Comes 
Iluntyngdonc salutem in Domino. Novcritis nos concessisse, dimisisse, et present! scripto nostro 
confirmasse Johanni Bertulmcu dc Maxstoke unam placeam tcrre vocatam Sotecroft in cxcambium 
unius placee terre in Le Ruddyng quondam dc novo assarto ; Habcndam et tenendam predictam 
placcam terre cum suis pertinenciis predicto Johanni ad totam vitam suam in excambium predictum 
dc nobis predicto Comitc libcrc, quiete, bcnc, et in pace ; Rcddendo inde nobis servicia et consuetudines 
que prius reddidit. Et nos vero dictus Comes predictam placeam tcrre cum suis pertinenciis 
predicto Johanni ad totam vitam suam in excambium predictum contra omncs gcntes waran- 
tizabimus ct dcffendemus. In cujus rei testimonium huic present! scripto nostro sigillum nostrum 



at Maxstoke Castle, co. Warwick. 277 

apposuiinus. Hiis testibus, Willielmo Waldezinc, Edinundo de Alspatlic, Ricardo dc Burbache, 
Thoma de Le Holt, Roberto du Boys, et aliis. Datum apud Maxstoke die dominica proxima post 
festum Sancti Barnabe apostoli anno regni Regis Edwardi tercii post conquestum vicesimo 
quarto. 



III. 

Grant by John Lord Clinton. 

Sciant presentes et futuri quod ego Johannes Dominus de Clyntone dedi, concessi, et hac present! 
carta mea indentata confirmavi Humfrido Comiti Stafford et Anne uxori ejus castrum et manerium 
de Maxstoke cum pertinenciis in comitatu Warr', ac centum acras prati, ducentas acras pasture in 
Shisstoke et Colshille infra parcum de Maxstoke modo inclusas, ac unam parcellam terre vocatam 
Maydefurlonge, parcellam manerii de Shisstoke, jacentem in quodam campo vocato Monewode dicto 
manerio dc Maxstoke pertinente, necnon viginti marcatas redditus cum pertinenciis in Maxstoke, 
Merstone, et Cotone, ac advocacionem prioratus sancti Michaelis de Maxstoke in eodem comitatu; 
Habenda et tenenda predicta castrum et manerium, terras, prata, pasturas, redditum, et advocacionem 
cum pertinenciis prefato Comiti et Anne, heredibus, et assignatis ipsius comitis imperpetuum. Et 
ego prefatus Johannes Dominus de Clyntone et heredes mei predicta castrum et manerium, terras, 
prata, pasturas, redditum ct advocacionem cum pertinenciis prefato Comiti et Anne, heredibus, et 
assignatis ipsius comitis warantizabimus contra omnes gentes imperpetuum sub condicionibus subse- 
quentibus, scilicet, si contingat maneria de Whisshetone et Wodeford cum pertinenciis in comitatu 
Xortht' ac alia terras et tenementa cum pertinenciis in villis de Whisshetone et Wodeford in eodem 
comitatu, que ego prefatus Johannes Dominus de Clyntone et Johanna uxor mea habebimus nobis 
heredibus et assignatis mei prefati Johannis ex dono et feoffamento prefati comitis, post donum ct 
f'eoffamentum ilia nobis inde sic facta, recuperari in futurum versus nos dictos Johannem ct Johan- 
nam, vel alterum nostrum, heredes, sen assignatos mei prefati Johannis, absque fraude vel malo 
ingenio mei predicti Johannis hcredum seu assignatorum meorum, virtute alicujus tituli originem 
habcntis ante dicta donum et feoffamentum nobis prefatis Johanni et Johanne heredibus et assig- 
natis mei prefati Johannis per prefatum comitcm inde in forma predicta fienda ; aut si contingat nos 
prefatos Johannem et Johannam, vel alterum nostrum, heredes, seu assignatos mei prefati Johannis 
de eisdem maneriis, terris, et teuementis cum pertinenciis cxpelli vel amoveri per prefatum comitem, 
heredes, seu assignatos suos, seu aliquem alium inde titulum habentem capientem originem ante 
dicta donum et feoffamentum per prefatum comitem sic fienda, absque fraude vel covina mei 
prefati Johannis, heredum, seu assignatorum meorum, quod extunc benc licebit michi prefato Johanni, 
heredibus, ct assignatis meis post hujusmodi recupcracionem corundem mancriorum, terrarum, et 
tcnemcntorum cum pertinenciis, aut hujusmodi cxpulsionem et amocionem inde in forma predicta 
factas, in predicta castrum ct manerium dc Maxstoke, ac terras, prata, pasturas, redditum, ct advo- 
cacionem prcdictas cum pertinenciis reintrare, reseisirc, et ilia in pristine statu meo michi ct here- 
libus meis haberc ct possiderc, predictis dono ct feoffamento inde fiendis non obstantibus. Et BI 

VOL. XXXVUI. 2 P 



278 Four Deeds from the Muniment Boom 

contingat aliquam parcellam dictorum mancriorum de Whisshetonc ct Wodcfbrd tcrrarum ct tenc- 
mcntorum predictorum cum pertinenciis in villis de Whisshetone ct Wodeford versus preiatum 
Johannem et Johannam uxorem meam, seu alterum nostrum, heredes, seu assignatos mci prefati 
Johannis, absquc fraude vel malo ingenio mei prefati Johannis, heredum, seu assignatorum ineorum 
in futurum recuperari, virtutealicujus tituli originem habentis ante donum et feoffamentum predicta 
de eisdem maneriis, terris, ct tenementis per predictum comitem nobis ficnda ; aut si contingat 
nos prefatos Johannem et Johannam aut alterum nostrum heredes seu assignatos mei prefati 
Johannis de aliqua parcella eorundem maneriorum, terrarum, et tenementorum cum pertinenciis 
expelli vel amoveri per prefatum coraitem, heredes, vel assignatos suos, seu aliquem alium inde titulum 
habentem capientcm originem ante donum ct feoffamentum predicta inde ficnda, extunc bene licebit 
michi prefato Johanni et heredibus nieis in parcellam predictorum castri et manerii de Maxstokc. 
terrarum, pratorum, pasturarum, redditus, et advocacionis predictorum cum pertinenciis attingentem 
ad valorem illius parcelle maneriorum dc Whisshetone et Wodeford terrarum et tenementorum in villis 
de Whisshetone et Wodeford predictis sic versus nos prefatos Johannem et Johannam, vel alterum 
nostrum, heredes, seu assignatos mei prefati Johannis recuperate, aut de qua contigcrit nos prefatos 
Johannem et Johannam, aut altcrum nostrum, heredes, seu assignatos mei prefati Johannis in forma 
predicta expelli seu amoveri, reintrare, et reseisire, et ilia in pristine statu meo michi ct heredibus 
meishabere et possidere imperpetuum, predictis dono et feoffamento de castro et manerio de Maxstoke, 
terris, pratis, pasturis, redditu et advocacione, predictis factis non obstantibus. In cujus rei testi- 
monium utrique parti hujus carte indentate tam ego prefatus Johannes quam prefatus comes 
sigilla nostra apposuimus. Datum decimo septimo die Maii anno regni Eegis Henrici sexti post 
conquestum sextodecimo. 



IV. 

Grant of Henry Duke of Buckingham. 

Sciant presentes et futuri quod nos Henricus Dux Buk', Comes Herford Staff 1 et Northamt', dedi- 
mus, concessimus, et hac presenti carta nostra confirmavimus Rcverendo in Christo patri et 
domino Thome iniseracionc divina tituli sancti Ciriaci in ThermiB sacrosancte Romano ecclesic 
presbitero Cardinal!, Cantuariensi Archiepiscopo, tocius Anglic primati, et Apostolice sedis legato, 
Eeverendo in Christo patri et domino Thome miseracione predicta Eboracenri Archiepiscopo, 
domino Johanni Lliensi Episcopo, domino Willielmo Dunolmensi Episcopo, domino Johanni Coven- 
trensi et Lichfeldensi Episcopo, Johanni Lincomiensi Episcopo, Henrico comiti Essex, Willielmo 
domino Hastynges, Johanni domino Howard, Waltero domino Ferrers, Thome Burghe militi, Thome 
Vaughane militi, Thome Mountegomery militi, Williehno Knyvet militi, Eicardo Chok militi, 
Guidoni Fayrfax militi, Eicardo Pygot, Johanni Catesby servienti ad legem, Johanni Jeffrey 
clerico, Williehno Pastone, Johanni Dentone, Willielmo Harpour, Eicardo Harpour, Johanni 
Broune, Eicardo Isham, et Andree Dymmok, maneria nostra de Wawenswottonc, Chirchsalford, 
Wolford magna,Wolford parva, Whatcote, castrum et manerium de Maxstok, Esthallc et Westhalle 



at Maxstoke Castle, co. Warwick. 279 

in Sheldone in comitatu Warr' cum suis pertinenciis; Habenda et tenenda omnia predicta maneria, 
eastrum, honora (sic), terras, et tenementa cum suis pertinenciia prefatis Archiepiscopis, Episcopis, 
Henrico comiti Essex, Willielmo domino Hastynges, Johanni domino Howard, Waltero domino 
Fen-era, Thome Burghe, Thome Vaughane, Thome Mountegomery, Willielmo Knyvet, Ricardo 
Ohok, Guidoni, Eicardo Pygot, Johanni Catesby, Johanni Jeffrey, Willielmo Pastone, Johanni 
Dentone, Willielmo Harpour, Ricardo Harpour, Johanni Broune, Ricardo Isham, et Andree 
Dymrnok, heredibus, et eorum assignatis imperpetuum, de capitalibus dominis feodorum 
illorum per servicia inde debita et de jure consueta. Et nos prefatus Dux et heredes nostri 
omnia predicta maneria, eastrum, honora, terras, et tenementa cum suis pertinenciis prefatis 
Archiepiscopis, Episcopis, Comiti, Willielmo domino Hastynges, Johanni domino Howard, 
Waltero domino Ferrers, Thome Burghe, Thome Vaughane, Thome Mountegomery, Willielmo 
Knyvct, Ricardo Chok, Guidoni, Ricardo Pygot, Johanni Catesby, Johanni Jeffrey, Willielmo 
Pastone, Johanni Dentone, Willielmo Harpour, Ricardo Harpour, Johanni Broune, Ricardo 
Isham, et Andree, ac heredibus suis contra omnes gentes warrantizabimus imperpetuum 
per presentes. Sciatis insuper nos prefatum ducern constituisse dilectos servientes nostros Thomarn 
Rogger et Johannem Gunter, Ricardum Boteler et Thomam Draper veros et legitimos attornatos 
nostros coujunctim et divisim ad intrandum in omnibus et singulis premissis, plena et pacifica 
possessione inde habita, ad deliberandum nomine nostro et pro nobis prefatis Archiepiscopis, 
Episcopis, Comiti, Willielmo domino Hastynges, Johanni domino Howard, Waltero domino Ferrers, 
Thome Burghe, Thome Vaughane, Thome Mountegomery, Willielmo Knyvet, Ricardo Chok, 
Guidoni, Ricardo Pygot, Johanni Catesby, Johanni Jeffrey, Willielmo Pastone, Johanni Dentone, 
Willielmo Harpour, Ricardo Harpour, Johanni Broune, Ricardo Isham, et Andree, vel eorum in 
hac partc attorn' plenam et pacificam seisinam de et in omnibus predictis maneriis et ceteris pre- 
missis cum suis* pertinenciis secundum vim ct effectum hujus carte nostrc, ratum et gratum habentes 
t habituri quidquid dicti attornati nostri conjunction fe[ce]rint, aut eorum aliquis divisim fecerit, 
nomine nostro in premissis. In cujus rei tcstimonium presentibus sigillum nostrum duximus 
apponcndura. Datum vicesimo sexto die Februarii anno regni suppremi domini nostri Regis 
Edwardi quarti viccsimo. 



2p2 



XX. On the Occurrence of Flint Implements in undisturbed Beds of Gravel, 
Sand, and Clay. By JOHN EVANS, Esq. F.S.A., F.G.S. 



Read June 2nd, 1859. 

THE natural connection between Geology and Archaeology has at various times 
been pointed out by more than one writer H on each subject ; and it must, indeed, 
be apparent to all who consider that both sciences treat of time past as com- 
pared with time present. The one, indeed, merges by almost imperceptible 
degrees in the other ; while the object of both is, from the examination of ancient 
remains, to recall into an ideal existence days long since passed away, to trace 
the conditions of a previous state of things, and, as it were, to repeople the earth 
with its former inhabitants. 

The antiquary, as well as the geologist, has " from a few detached facts to fill up 
a living picture ; so to identify himself with the past as to describe and follow, 
as though an eye-witness, the changes which have at various periods taken place 
upon the earth." ' Geology is, in fact, but an elder brother of archeology, and 
it is therefore by no means surprising to find that the one may occasionally lend 
the other brotherly assistance ; although it has been generally supposed that the 
last of the great geological changes took place at a period long antecedent to 
the appearance of man upon the earth, and that the modifications of the earth's 
surface of which he has been a witness have been with the exception of those 
due directly to volcanic agency but trifling and immaterial. 

The subject of the present paper the discovery of flint implements wrought 
by the hand of man, in what are certainly undisturbed beds of gravel, sand, 
and clay, both on the continent and in this country tends to show that such 
an opinion is erroneous ; and that in this region of the globe, at least, its 
surface has undergone far greater vicissitudes since man's creation than has 
hitherto been imagined. A discovery of this kind must of necessity be of great 
interest both to the geologist, as affording an approximate date for the formation 

Sec especially an article by the late Dr. Man tell in the Archscological Journal, vol. vii. p. 327. 
k Pre*twich, " The Ground beneath us," p. 6. 



Flint Implements in Beds of Gravel, Sand, and Clay. 281 

of these superficial beds of drift, and as exemplifying the changes which the 
fauna of this region has undergone since man appeared among its occupants; 
and also to the antiquary, as furnishing the earliest relics of the human race 
with which he can hope to become acquainted relics of tribes of apparently 
so remote a period, that 

Antiquity appears to have begun 
Long after their primeval race was run. 

But beyond the limited circle of those peculiarly interested in geology or 
archaeology, this discovery will claim the especial attention of all who, whether 
on ethnological, philological, or theological grounds, are interested in the great 
question of the antiquity of man upon the earth. 

It is, however, mainly from the antiquarian point of view that I intend now to 
regard it, though, for the better elucidation of the circumstances under which 
these implements have been found, it will be necessary to enter into various 
geological details. 

It is now some years since a distinguished French antiquary, M. Boucher de 
Perthes, in his work, entitled, " Antiquite"s Celtiques et Ante"diluviennes," a called 
attention to the discovery of flint implements fashioned by the hand of man in the 
pits worked for sand and gravel in the neighbourhood of Abbeville, in such 
positions, and at such a depth below the surface of the ground, as to force upon 
him the conclusion that they were found in the very spots in which they had 
been deposited at the period of the formation of the beds containing them. 
The announcement by M. Boucher de Perthes, of his having discovered these flint 
implements under such remarkable circumstances was, however, accompanied by 
an account of the finding of many other forms of flint of a much more question- 
able character, and by the enunciation of theories which by many may have been 
considered as founded upon too small a basis of ascertained facts. It is probably 
owing to this cause that, neither in France nor in this country, did the less dis- 
putable and now completely substantiated discoveries of M. de Perthes receive 
from men of science in former years the attention to which they were justly 
entitled. 

The question whether man had or had not coexisted with the extinct pachy- 
dermatous and other mammals, whose bones are so frequently found in the more 
recent geological deposits, had indeed already more than once been brought under 

Paris, 8vo. vol. i. 1847, (printed in 1844-6,) vol. ii. 1857. 



282 Occurrence of Flint Implements i,/ 

the notice of scientific inquirers by the discovery of flint flakes and implements, 
and fragments of rude pottery, in conjunction with the remains of these animals 
in several ossiferous caverns both in England and on the continent.* Among the 
former may be mentioned Kent's Cavern near Torquay, and among the latter those 
of Size, of Pondres, and Souvignargues, and those on the banks of the Meuse, 
near Liege, explored -by Dr. Schmerling, where human bones were also found, 
apparently washed in at the same time as the bones of the extinct quadrupeds.' 1 
In some ossiferous caves in the Brazils similar discoveries had also been made 
by Dr. Lund and M. Claussen, and, from the condition and situation of the human 
remains, Dr. Lund concluded that they had belonged to an ancient tribe that was 
coeval with some of the extinct mammalia. 

But it was always felt that there was a degree of uncertainty attaching to the 
evidence derived from the deposits in caverns, owing to the possibility of the 
relics of two or more entirely distinct periods becoming intermixed in such 
localities, either by the action of water or by the operations of the primitive 
human occupants of the caves, which prevented any judgment being firmly 
founded upon it. 

Attention has however been lately again called to this question by the fact, that, 
in the excavations which have been carried on under the auspices of the Royal 
and Geological Societies in the cave at Brixham in Devonshire, worked flints, 
apparently arrow-heads and spear-heads, have been discovered in juxtaposition 
with the bones of the Rhinoceros tichorhimts, Ursus spel&us, Hycena speltea, 
and other extinct animals." One flint implement in particular was met with 
immediately beneath a fine antler of a reindeer and a bone of the cave bear, which 
were imbedded in the superficial stalagmite in the middle of the cave. 

In addition to this, investigations have been made by Dr. H. Falconer in the 
Grotta di Maccagnone near Palermo, where, imbedded in a calcareous breccia 
beneath the stalactitic covering of the roof, he observed " coprolites of the Hya3na, 
splinters of bone, teeth of ruminants and the genus Eqtius, together with commi- 
nuted fragments of shells, bits of carbon, specks of argillaceous matter resembling 
burnt clay, and fragments of shaped siliceous objects." These objects in flint 
closely resemble the obsidian knives from Mexico, and the flint knives or flakes so 
frequently found in all parts of the world ; and it is to be remarked that, though 
they were in considerable abundance in the breccia, any amorphous fragments of 

* See Lyell's Principles of Geology, ed. 1853, pp. 737, 738, &c. 
b Mantell's Petrifactions and their Teachings, 1851, p. 481. 
c Proceedings of Geological Society, June 22, 1859. 



widi&turbed Beds of Gravel, Sand, and Clay. 283 

flint were comparatively rare, and no pebbles or blocks occurred either within or 
without the cave ; so that there could be but little doubt of the flint flakes being 
of human workmanship . a 

The question of the co-existence of man with the extinct animals of the 
Drift period being thus revived, Mr. Joseph Prestwich, F.R.S., a distinguished 
geologist, who for years has devoted his principal attention to the more recent 
geological formations, determined to proceed to Abbeville and investigate on the 
spot the discoveries of M. Boucher de Perthes, and invited me and several other 
Fellows of the Geological Society to accompany him. The others were unfortu- 
nately prevented from doing so ; but at the end of April, 1859, I joined Mr. Prest- 
wich at Abbeville, and with him inspected the collections of M. de Perthes (to 
whose courtesy and hospitality we were largely indebted), and also visited in his 
company several of the pits worked for gravel and sand in the neighbourhood of 
both Abbeville and Amiens, in which the flints in question were asserted to have 
been found. 

Both these towns are situated upon the upper chalk, which is, however, overlaid, 
as is frequently the case, by beds of drift of a much later period. I need hardly say 
that drift is the term applied by geologists to those superficial deposits of sands, 
gravels, clays, and loams which we find to have been spread out over the older 
rocks in many districts by the driving action of currents of water, whether salt or 
fresh, or by the drifting action of ice. Though all belonging to a late geological 
period (the newer Pleiocene, or Pleistocene), these beds of drift are of various and 
distinct ages, and may be said to range from a point of time antecedent to the 
Glacial period, when nearly the whole of Britain was submerged beneath an ocean 
of arctic temperature, to the time when the surface of the earth received its present 
configuration, and even down to the present day ; for the alluvium of existing rivers 
may be considered equivalent to the fresh-water drift of an earlier age. 

The drift-beds occurring in different localities in the neighbourhood of Abbe- 
ville and Amiens, do not appear to have been all deposited at the same time, but 
to be of at least two distinct ages; the series on the lower level being distinguished 
by the occurrence within it of the bones and teeth of the Elephas primigenim, or 
Siberian mammoth, and of other extinct animals. These mammaliferous beds of 
sand, loam, and gravel extend over a considerable tract of country on the slopes 
of the valley of the Somme, and are worked in several localities for the repair of 
the roads and for building purposes. 

Quarterly Journal of the Geological Society, vol. xvi. p. 104. 



284 Occurrence of Flint Implements in 

The most notable places in the neighbourhood of Abbeville, where the gravel 
has been extensively excavated, are at the spot where is now the Champ de Mars, 
the pit near the Moulin Quignon, and that near the Porte St.Gilles ; but the beds 
of gravel are spread over a large area, and are said to be continuous from the 
Moulin Quignon on the south-east of the town, and about ninety feet above the 
level of the river Somme, to the suburb of Menchecourt on the north-west of 
Abbeville, where the beds assume a much more arenaceous character, and where 
sand has been dug in immense quantities at a level but little more than twenty 
feet above that of the Somme. 

At St. Roch, a suburb of Amiens, the deposit is also at a low level, like 
that at Menchecourt, and at both places large quantities of teeth and bones of the 
Elephas primigenius, Rhinoceros tichorhinm, and other extinct animals, have 
been found. 

In another locality, on the opposite side of Amiens to St. Roch, at the pits near 
the seminary of St. Acheul, the drift occurs at a higher level, viz. about ninety 
feet above the river Somme at that part of its course, or about one hundred and 
sixty feet above the sea. The depth of the beds, which consist of brick earth, 
sand, and gravel, arranged in layers of variable thickness, but with some ap- 
proach to stratification, is here from twenty to twenty-five feet. 

The following section was taken by Mr. Prestwich," showing the beds in their 
descending order : 

1. Brown brick-earth, loam, and clay, with an irregular bed of flint gravel near 
its base. No organic remains. . . . . . . 10 to 15 feet. 

(Divisional plane between 1 and 2, very uneven and indented.) 

2. "Whitish marl and quartzose sand, with small chalk grit. Land and 

fresh-water shells (I/ymnaa, Succinea, Helix, Bithinia, Planorbis, 
Pupa, Pisidinm, and Ancylus, all of recent species,) are common; 
mammalian bones and teeth are occasionally found. . . 2 to 8 feet. 

3. Coarse subangular gravel, white, with irregular ochreous and ferrugi- 

nous seams, and with tertiary flint pebbles and sandstone blocks. 
Remains of shells similar to those last mentioned in patches of 
sand ; teeth and bones of the elephant, and of a species of horse, ox, 
and deer, generally in the lower part of the bed. It reposes on 
an uneven surface of chalk. . . . . . . 6 to 12 feet. 

Proceedings of the Royal Society, May 2G, 1859. 



undisturbed Beds of Gravel, Sand, and Clay. 285 

One of the pits occupies the site of a Gallo-Roman cemetery, which appears to 
have continued in use for some centuries : large stone coffins, and the iron cramps 
of those in wood, are of frequent occurrence, hut personal ornaments are rarely 
met with. Roman coins are found from time to time, some as early as the reign 
of Claudius, and I purchased from one of the workmen a second-brass coin of 
Magnentius, with the letters AMB in the exergue, showing that it had been 
struck at AMBIANVM, the name given in late Roman times to the neighbouring 
town of Amiens, which by the Gauls was known as SAMAROBRIVA. 

At the Moulin Quignon near Abbeville, which is near the summit of a hill of 
no great elevation, the beds of drift are more ochreous and more purely gravelly 
in their nature than at St. Acheul, and their thickness is about ten or twelve feet. 
In this case also they rest upon an irregular surface of chalk ; and in the lower 
part of the beds, at but a slight distance above the chalk, occasionally accompa- 
nied by the bones and teeth of the Siberian mammoth and other animals, flints 
shaped by the hand of man are alleged to have been found. At Menchecourt, 
the beds of sand and loam attain a thickness of from twenty to thirty feet ; and in 
a layer of flints at their base, among which are found shells, land and fresh water 
as well as marine, have also been discovered a number of mammalian remains, 
together with flints showing traces of the hand of man upon them. 

The following is the section of the pit at Menchecourt, as taken by Mr. Prest- 
wich : 

1. A mass of brown sandy clay, with angular fragments of flints and 

chalk rubble. No organic remains. Base very irregular and 
indented into bed No. 2. 2 to 12 feet. 

2. A light-coloured sandy clay ( sable a plaquer of the workmen), ana- 

logous to the loess, containing land shells (Pupa, Helix, Clausilia,) 

of recent species . . 8 to 25 feet. 

3. White sand ( sable aigre) with one to two feet of subangular flint 

gravel at base. This bed abounds in land and fresh-water shells of 
recent species of the genera Helix, Succinea, Cyclas, Pisidium, 
Valvata, Bithinia, and Planorbis, together with the marine Bucci- 
num undatum, Cardium edule, Littorina rudis, TelUna solidula, and 
Purpura lapillus. With them have also been found the Cyrena 
consobrina, and numerous mammalian remains. . . 2 to 6 feet. 
4. Light- coloured sandy marl, in places very hard, with Helix, Zonites, 

Succinea, and Pupa. Not traversed. 3 feet. 

VOL. XXXVIII. 2 Q 



286 Occur retwe of Flint Implements in 

The flint implements are said also to occur occasionally in the beds of sandy 
clay above the white sand, but the pit has of late years been but little worked, 
and in consequence the implements but rarely found. In the section of the Menche- 
court beds given by M. Boucher de Perthes," the place where two of the worked 
flints were found is shown at about thirty feet from the surface, and another was 
discovered at about fourteen feet ; they are, however, said to have been most 
commonly met with in the lower beds. At the Moulin Quignon, the Porte St. 
Gilles, and at other places in the arrondisaement of Abbeville, as for instance at 
Yonval, the gravel-pit at Mareuil, the sand-pit at Drucat and at St. Riquier, 
similar flint implements are stated by M. de Perthes b to have been found under 
similar circumstances ; but these last-mentioned places I have not visited. 

The whole of the drift which I have described is of fluviatile origin ; and in 
the beds of sand and clay, land and fresh water shells of existing species are 
frequently found in abundance, though at Menchecourt, as has been already men- 
tioned, they are mixed with others of marine origin, which gives more of an 
estuarine character to the deposit at that place. 

I think that it is by no means impossible that these arenaceous beds at Menche- 
court may eventually be proved to be rather subsequent in date to the higher and 
more gravelly beds at the Champ de Mars, and Moulin Quignon, on the opposite 
side of Abbeville ; their elevation above the river Somme is not much more than 
from twenty to thirty feet, so that under ordinary circumstances it might be con- 
sidered by some, that they are due to its action under a state of things not very 
materially different from that at present existing, did not the mammalian remains, 
found at both Menchecourt and St. Roch, point to an entirely different fauna 
from that of the present day. In any case, as it is but reasonable to suppose the 
drift deposits on the higher slopes of the valley to be at least coeval with those 
at the bottom, even if not of greater antiquity, the mammalian remains of the 
lower deposits become of extreme importance, as a means of ascertaining the age of 
those at a higher level, from which precisely similar remains may be absent. This 
is, however, a purely geological question, into which I need not at present enter. 

Mr. Prestwich, in the able Memoir upon this subject which he has communi- 
cated to the Royal Society, has gone so fully into tue geological features of this 
part of the valley of the Somme, that any further details are needless, and I shall 
therefore content myself with this very general sketch of the position of the 
drift at Abbeville and Amiens, and refer those who desire further information to 

Ant. Celt, et Ant^diluviennes, vol. i. p. 234. k Ibid. voL ii. p. 118. 



undisturbed Beds of Gravel, Sand, and Clay. 287 

the paper by Mr. Prestwich in the Philosophical Transactions. I will merely add, 
that he considers that the gravel at St. Acheul closely resembles that on some 
parts of the Sussex coast, while the beds at the Moulin Quignon are nearly analo- 
gous to those near the East Croydon Station, and in many parts of the valley of 
the Thames. 

Of the animals now for the most part extinct, and most of which have hitherto 
been regarded as having ceased to exist before the appearance of man upon the 
earth, and the bones of which have been discovered in the drift at Menchecourt, 
the following may be mentioned on the authority of M. de Perthes' " Antiquite"s 
Celtiques et Ante"diluviennes," and M. Buteux' " Esquisse Ge"ologique du De"- 
partement de la Somme :" 

Elcphas primigenius (Siberian mammoth). 

Rhinoceros tichorhinus. 

Ursus speleeus, 

Felis spelcea ? 

Hyeena spel&a. 

Cervus tarandus priscus. 

Cervus Somonensis. 

Bos primigenius. 

Equusfossilis ? 

The mammalian remains from St. Acheul, and other places where bones 
have been found in the drift of the valley of the Somme, represent the same 
group, though confined to a smaller number of different species in any one 
locality. At St. Roch the teeth of the hippopotamus have also been recently 
found. The remains of the same group of animals have been met with in the cave 
at Brixham, and in that called Kent's Cavern, near Torquay, to which I have 
already alluded, and are constantly brought to light in the superficial freshwater 
drift which abounds in many parts of this country. The rhinoceros and mammoth 
belong to the same species as those whose frozen bodies, still retaining their flesh, 
skin, and hair, have been discovered beneath the ice-bound soil of Siberia. Both 
species appear to have been adapted for a far colder climate than their present 
congeners. 

Let us now turn our attention to the flint implements alleged to have been dis- 
covered in the drift in company with the remains of what has usually been 
regarded an older world ; and consider, first, how far in material, form, and work- 
manship they agree with or differ from the stone weapons and implements so 
commonly found throughout Europe ; and then enter upon an examination of the 

2Q2 



288 Occurrence of Flint Implements in 

evidence of the circumstances of their finding, and the means at our command for 
ascertaining their degree of antiquity. 

That they really are implements fashioned by the hand of man, a single glance 
at a collection of them placed side by side, so as to show the analogy of form of 
the various specimens, would, I think, be sufficient to convince even the most 
sceptical. There is a uniformity of shape, a correctness of outline, and a sharpness 
about the cutting edges and points, which cannot be due to anything but design ;" 
so that I need not stay to combat the opinion that might otherwise possibly have 
arisen that the weapon-like shapes of the flints were due to some natural con- 
figuration, or arose from some inherent tendency to a peculiar form of fracture. 
A glance at the Plates will suffice to satisfy upon this point those who have not 
had an opportunity of examining the implements themselves. 

The material of which they have been formed, flint derived from the chalk, 
is the same as has been employed for the manufacture of cutting implements 
by uncivilized man in all ages, in countries where flint is to be found. Its 
hardness, and the readiness with which it may be fractured so as to present a 
cutting edge, have made it to be much in request among savage tribes for this 
purpose ; and in some instances b flint appears to have been brought from a distance 
when not found upon the spot. There is therefore nothing to distinguish these 
implements from the drift, as far as material is concerned, from those which 
have been called celts, except, perhaps, that the flints have not been selected 
with such care, nor are they so free from flaws as those from which the ordinary 
flint weapons of the Stone period were fashioned. There is, however, this to be 
remarked, that the aboriginal tribes of the Stone period made use of other stones 
besides flint, such as greenstone, syenite, porphyry, clay-slate, jade, &c., whereas 
the weapons from the drift are, as far as has hitherto been ascertained, exclusively 
of flint. As to form, the implements from the drift may, for convenience sake, 
be classed under three heads, though there is so much variety among them that 
the classes, especially the second and third, may be said to blend or run one into 
the other. The classification I propose is as follows 

m Since the publication of the report of this Paper in the Athenaeum, there has been gome corre- 
spondence in that and other journals upon the question whether these implements were of human or 
natural origin, which called forth the following expression of opinion from Professor Ramsay, a thoroughly 
competent judge in such a matter: "For more than twenty years, like others of my craft, I have daily 
handled stones, whether fashioned by nature or art, and the flint hatchets of Amiens and Abbeville seem 
to me as clearly works of art as any Sheffield whittle." ( Athseneum, July 16, 1859.) 

b See Wilson's Prehistoric Annals of Scotland, p. 121. 



undisturbed Heds of Gravel, Sand, and Clay. 289 

1. Flint flakes, apparently intended for arrow-heads or knives. 

2. Pointed weapons, some probably lance or spear-heads. 

3. Oval or almond-shaped implements, presenting a cutting edge all round. 

In M. de Perthes' museum, and in the engravings of his " Antiquites Celtiques 
et Antediluviennes," many other forms of what he considers to be implements may 
be seen, but upon them the traces of the hand of man are to my mind less certain in 
character. The flints resembling in form various animals, birds, and other objects, 
must I think be regarded as the effect of accidental concretion and of the peculiar 
colouring and fracture of flint, rather than as designedly fashioned. This is, how- 
ever, a question into which I need not enter, as it in no way affects that now before 
us. Suffice it that there exists an abundance of implements found in the drift 
which are evidently the work of the hand of man, and that their formation cannot 
possibly be regarded as the effect of accident or the result of natural causes. When 
once their degree of antiquity has been satisfactorily proved, it will be a matter 
for further investigation whether there are not other traces to be found of the 
race of men who fashioned these implements, besides the implements themselves. 

These objects I must now consider in the order proposed, with reference to their 
analogies and differences in form, when compared witli those of what, for con- 
venience sake, I will call the Stone period. 

There is a considerable resemblance between the flint flakes apparently intended 
for arrow-heads and knives (the first of the classes into which I have divided 
the implements), and those which when found in this country, or on the continent, 
are regarded as belonging to a period but slightly prehistoric. The fact is, 
that wherever flint is used as a material from which implements are fashioned, 
many of the flakes or splinters arising from the chipping of the flint, are certain to 
present sharp points or cutting edges, which by a race of men living principally by 
the chase are equally certain to be regarded as fitting points for their darts or arrows, 
or as useful for cutting purposes; they are so readily formed, and are so well adapted 
for such uses without any further fashioning, that they have been employed 
in all ages just as struck from off the flint. The very simplicity of their form will, 
however, prevent those fabricated at the earliest period from being distinguish- 
able from those made at the present day, provided no change has taken place in 
the surface of the flint by long exposure to some chemical influence. As also they 
are produced most frequently by a single blow, it is at all times difficult, among a 
mass of flints, to distinguish those flakes formed accidentally by natural causes, 
from those which have been made by the hand of man ; an experienced eye will 



290 Occurrence of Flint Implements in 

indeed arrive at an approximately correct judgment, but from the causes I have 
mentioned, mere flakes of flint, however analogous to what we know to have been 
made by human art, can never be accepted as conclusive evidence of the work of 
man, unless found in sufficient quantities, or under such circumstances, as to prove 
design in their formation, by their number or position. Flint flakes apparently 
intended for arrow-heads and knives have been found in the sands and gravel near 
Abbeville, and some were dug out of the sand at Menchecourt, in the presence of 
Mr. Prestwich, quite at the bottom of the beds of sand. One from this locality 
is here engraved : 




Flint Flake from Menchecourt, Abbeville (full size). 

Occasionally they are of larger size, and have been chipped into shape at the 
point, so as nearly to resemble the implements of the next class. 

An argument may be derived in favour of the majority of these arrow-head- 
shapcd flakes having been designedly made, not only from their similarity in 
form one to another, but also because the existence of more carefully fashioned 
flint implements almost necessarily implies the formation and use of these sim- 
pler weapons by the same race of men who were skilful enough to chip out the 
more difficult forms. But though probably the work of man, and though closely 
resembling the flakes of flint which have been considered as affording evidence 
of man's existence when found in ossiferous caverns, this class of implements 
is not of much importance in the present branch of our inquiry ; because, granting 
them to be of human work and not the result of accident, there is little by which 
to distinguish them from similar implements of more recent date. 

The case is different with the implements of the second class, those analogous in 
form to spear or lance heads. Of these there are two varieties, the one with a 



I'bite XV. 





FLINT IMPLEMENTS FROM THE VALLEY OF THE SOMMK. 



undisturbed Beds of Gravel, Sand, and Clay. 291 

rounded cutting point, its general outline presenting a sort of parabolic curve 
(PL XV. No. 1) ; the other acutely pointed, with the sides curved slightly inwards 
(PL XV. No. 2). These have received from the workmen of St. Acheul the name of 
langues de chat, from their fancied resemblance in form to a cat's tongue. The sides 
of both kinds are brought to an edge by chipping, but are not so sharp as the point, 
and altogether these weapons seem better adapted for piercing than for cutting. In 
length, they vary from about four inches to eight or even nine inches. Botli 
shapes are generally more convex on one side than the other, the convexity in some 
cases almost amounting to a ridge ; they are usually truncated at the base, and 
not unfrequently at that end show a portion of the original surface of the flint ; 
in some specimens the butt-end is left very thick, as if to add impetus to any blow 
given with the implement. The remarkable feature about them is, their being 
adapted only to cut or pierce at the pointed end ; whereas in the ordinary form of 
stone hatchet or celt, the cutting edge is almost without exception at the broad 
end, while the more pointed end seems intended for insertion into the handle 
or socket, and the sides are generally rounded or flat, and not sharp. 

These spear-shaped weapons from the drift are, on the contrary, not at all 
adapted for insertion into a socket, but are better calculated to be tied to a shaft 
or handle, with a stop or bracket behind their truncated end. Many of them, 
indeed, seem to have been intended for use without any handle at all, the rounded 
end of the flints from which they were formed having been left unchipped, and 
presenting a sort of natural handle. It is nearly useless to speculate on the pur- 
poses to which they were applied ; but attached to poles they would prove formid- 
able weapons for encounter with man or the larger animals, either in close conflict 
or thrown from a distance as darts. It has been suggested by M. de Perthes, 
that some of them may have been used merely as wedges for splitting wood, or, 
again, they may have been employed in grubbing for esculent roots, or tilling the 
ground, assuming that the race who formed them was sufficiently advanced 
in civilisation. This much I think may be said of them with certainty, that they 
are not analogous in form with any of the ordinary implements of the so-called 
Stone period. 

The same remark holds good with regard to the third class into which I have 
divided these implements, viz. those with a cutting edge all round (PL XV. No. 3). 
In general contour they are usually oval, with one end more sharply curved than 
the other, and occasionally coming to a sharp point, but there is a considerable 
variety in their form, arising probably from defects in the flints from which they 
were shaped ; the ruling idea is, however, that of the oval, more or less pointed. 



292 Occurrence of Flint Implements in 

They are generally almost equally convex on the two sides, and in length vary from 
two to eight or nine inches, though for the most part only about four or five inches 
long. The implements of this form appear to be most abundant in the neighbour- 
hood of Abbeville, where that engraved was found ; while those of the spear-shape 
prevail near Amiens, where both the specimens shown in the Plate were procured. 

It is to be remarked that among the implements discovered in the cavern called 
Kent's Hole, near Torquay, were some identical in form with those of the oval type 
from Abbeville. 

As before observed, in character they do not resemble any of the ordinary stone 
implements with which I am acquainted, though I believe some few of these 
also present a cutting edge all round," but at the same time are much thinner, 
and more triangular than oval or almond-shaped in their form. 

The implements most analogous in their oval form to those now under discus- 
sion, are some of those found in the mounds or barrows of the valley of the Mis- 
sissippi, in several of which enormous numbers of lance heads and arrow heads have 
been discovered. In one of these mounds, within an earthwork on the north fork 
of Point Creek, there were found, arranged in an orderly manner in layers, some 
thousands of discs chipped out of hornstone, " some nearly round, others in the 
form of spear heads ; they were of various sizes, but for the most part about six 
inches long by four wide, and three quarters of an inch or an inch in thickness." 
From the account given at p. 214, vol. i. of the Smithsonian Contributions to 
Knowledge, it would appear that these weapons were merely roughly blocked out, 
as if to be afterwards worked into more finished forms, of which many specimens 
are found : but in the rough-hewn implements shown by the woodcuts in the 
abovementioned work, there is a very close resemblance to some of the Abbeville 
forms, though the edges are more jagged. 

As to the use which this class of flint implements from the drift was originally 
intended to fulfil, it is hard to speculate. The workmen who find them usually 
consider them to have been sling-stones, and such some of the smaller sizes may 
possibly have been, whether propelled from an ordinary sling or from the end of a 
cleft stick ; many, however, seem to be too large for such a purpose, and were more 
probably intended for axes cutting at either end, with the handle securely bound 
round the middle of the stone, and if so there would be a reason why it might 
be desirable to have one end more pointed than the other, so that one instru- 
ment could be applied to two kinds of work. M. de Perthes has suggested, that 

* Catalogue of the Museum of the Archaeological Institute at Edinburgh, in 185G, p. 7. 



undisturbed Beds of Gravel, Sand, and Clay. 293 

they might also have been mounted as hatchets by insertion in a socket scooped 
out in a handle. 

But all this is conjecture. In point of workmanship, I think it will be per- 
ceived that the weapons or implements now under consideration differ consi- 
derably from those of the so-called Stone period : of these latter, by far the greater 
number (with the exception of arrow heads) are more or less ground, and even 
polished ; some with the utmost care all over, but nearly all ground sufficiently to 
ensure a clean cutting edge. The implements from the drift are, on the contrary 
so far as has been hitherto observed, never ground, but their edges left in the 
rough state in which they have been chipped from the flint. 

The manner in which they have been fashioned appears to have been by blows 
from a rounded pebble mounted as a hammer, administered directly upon the 
edge of the implements, so as to strike off flakes on either side. At all events I 
have by this means reproduced some of the forms in flint, and the edges of the 
implements thus made present precisely the same character of fracture as those 
from the drift. 

In instances where (either from having been left accidentally unfinished, or from 
never having been intended to be ground,) the weapons of the Stone period have 
remained in their rough-hewn state, it will be observed that, with very few excep- 
tions, they are chipped out with a greater nicety and accuracy, and with a nearer 
approach to an even surface, than those from the drift, and, rude as they may 
appear, point to a higher degree of civilisation than that of the race of men by 
whom these primitive weapons or implements were formed. 

There is indeed a class of flint implements, which are stated to have been found 
in the peat deposits on the banks of the Somme, which in point of rudeness of 
workmanship appear to equal these more ancient forms from the beds of drift, 
though for the most part essentially different in shape; I have not, however, given 
sufficient attention to them to speak with confidence as to their precise character, 
and will not complicate the question by making further allusion to them. 

I think that enough has been said to make it apparent to all who have made a 
study of the stone implements usually found (those of the so-called Stone period) 
that the spear-heads and sling-stones, or axes, or by whatever name they are to 
be called, which are now brought under their notice, have but little in common 
with the types already well known ; they will therefore be prepared to receive 
with less distrust the evidence I shall adduce, that they are found under circum- 
stances which show that, in all probability, the race of men who fashioned them 
must have passed away long before this portion of the earth was occupied by the 

VOL. XXXVIII. 2 R 



294 Occurrence of Flint Implements in 

primitive tribes by whom the more polished forms of stone weapons were fabri- 
cated, in what we have hitherto regarded as remote antiquity. 

I come, therefore, to the important question, how is it proved that these imple- 
ments are actually found in beds of really undisturbed clay, gravel, or sand, and 
have not been introduced or buried at some period subsequent to the formation of 
the inclosing beds ? The evidence is of two kinds, direct and circumstantial; and 
this I will now examine, giving the direct evidence, as being the more valuable, 
precedence. We have then, in the first place, that of M. Boucher de Perthes, the 
original discoverer of this class of implements, who, through evil report and good 
report, has delivered his constant testimony to the fact of their being discovered, in 
nearly all cases, in undisturbed drift, and usually at a considerable depth below 
the surface. That some few may have been discovered in ground that has been 
moved, or near the surface, in no way militates against the fact that the majority 
of them have been found in undisturbed soil. It only shows, what might have 
been expected, that the soil containing these implements may have been moved 
without their having attracted sufficient attention for them to have been picked 
out from it, or, in cases where they have occasionally been found in other and 
more recent soils, that they had been at some time picked out from the gravel, 
sand, or clay, and afterwards thrown away. For M. Boucher de Perthes' detailed 
account of his discoveries, I must refer the reader to his work already cited. 

Scattered tlirough its pages are notices giving full particulars of the finding of 
numbers of the weapons, and in M. de Perthes' museum are innumerable speci- 
mens, with the nature of their matrix of soil and the depth at which they were 
found, (many of them under his own eyes,) marked upon them. Proces-verbaux 
of many of the discoveries were taken at the time, and some are printed in the 
volumes referred to. a Nothing could be stronger than M. de Perthes' verbal assur- 
ances to Mr. Prestwich and myself of the finding of these implements in undis- 
turbed gravels and sands, and occasionally clay, sometimes at depths of from 
twenty feet to thirty feet below the surface, and usually in beds at but a slight 
distance above the chalk. The testimony of other French geologists and anti- 
quaries may also be adduced both as to the geological character of the beds and 
the fact of the flint implements being incorporated in them. M. Douchet, M.D., b 
of Amiens, appears to have been the first discoverer of them at St.Acheul, and he 
addressed a memoir to the French Institute, expressing his firm conviction upon 
the subject. The printed testimony of M. de Massy and others is also brought 
forward by M. Boucher de Perthes, in the book above cited ; but the most import - 

Antiquit^s Celtiqnes et Ant^diluviennes, vol. i. p. 263. " Ibid. voL ii. p. 430. c Ibid. vol. ii. p. 459. 



undisturbed Beds of Gravel, Sand, and Clay. 295 

ant evidence is that of Dr. Eigollot, who received the distinction of being elected 
a Corresponding Member of the Institute but shortly before his death in 1856. 
In his " Me"moire sur des Instruments en Silex trouve"s a St.Acheul, pres Amiens," 
published in 1855, he enters fully into the question of the nature of the drift and 
the part of the beds in which the worked flints are found, and states distinctly 
that, after the most careful examination, he came to the conclusion that these im- 
plements are at St.Acheul found exclusively in the true drift, which incloses the 
remains of the extinct mammals, and at a depth of ten feet and more from 
the surface. 

Of the accuracy of all these concurrent statements the experience of Mr. 
Prestwich and myself fully convinced us, and we had, moreover, the opportunity 
of seeing one at least of the worked flints in situ, at the gravel-pit near St.Acheul. 
Mr. Prestwich, who had been there a day or two previously, had left instructions 
with the workmen that in case of their discovering one of these "tongues de chat " 
imbedded in the gravel it was to be left untouched, and he was at once to be 
apprized. The announcement of such a discovery was accordingly telegraphed to 
us at Abbeville, and the following morning we proceeded to Amiens, where we 
were joined by MM. Dufour and Gamier, the President and Secretary of the 
Society of Antiquaries of Picardy, who accompanied us to the pit near St.Acheul. 
There, at a depth of eleven feet from the surface, and about four feet six inches 
from the bottom of the pit, in the bank or wall of gravel, was an implement of the 
second class that I have described, its narrower edge projecting, and itself for the 
greater part dovetailed into the gravel. It was lying in a horizontal position, and 
the gravel around it hard and compact, and in such a condition that it was quite 
impossible that the implement could have been inserted into it by the work- 
men for the sake of reward. The beds above it consisting of rudely stratified 
gravel, sand, and clay, presenting a vertical face, showed not the slightest traces 
of having been disturbed, with the exception of the twelve or eighteen inches 
of surface soil, and the lines of the division between the beds were entirely 
unbroken; so much so that their different characters can be recognised on a 
photograph of the section taken for Mr. Prestwich. Besides the langue de 
chat thus seen in situ, the workmen in the pit supplied us with a considerable 
number of these implements, as well as with some of the oval form, and grate- 
fully received a trifling recompense in return. They shewed us the spots where 
they said several of them had been found ( two of them that morning, at the 
depth of fifteen and nineteen feet respectively from the surface), and there 
appeared no reason to doubt their assertions. I may add, that since our return 

2R2 



296 Occurrence of Flint Implements i,i 

Mr. Prestwich, in company with some other geologists, has revisited Amiens, and 
that one of the party, Mr. J. W. Flower, uncovered and exhumed with his own 
hands a most perfectly worked instrument of the lance-head form, at a depth of 
twenty feet from the surface. The party brought away, as the result of their 
one day's visit, upwards of thirty of the implements, which had been collected 
by the workmen." From the manner in which these pits are worked, there is 
always a " head," or " face," of earth, which shows an excellent section of the 
soil ; and any places where at any former time pits have been sunk or excavations 
made, (as, for instance, in the ancient cemetery of St.Acheul,) are, owing to the 
rough stratification of the beds, readily discovered. The workmen in the pits, 
both at Amiens and Abbeville, gave concurrent testimony of the usually undis- 
turbed nature of the soil, and to the fact of the flint implements being generally 
found in the lower part of the beds, where also the fossil bones and teeth are 
principally discovered. 

It may be observed that in the beds of brick-earth and sand overlying the 
gravel at St.Acheul are numerous freshwater shells, some of them of so fragile a 
character that they must have been destroyed had the soil at any time been moved. 

The fossil bones are of comparatively rare occurrence in the gravel pits, but the 
number of the flint implements that has been found is almost beyond belief. 
Dr. Rigollot states that in the pits of St.Acheul, between August and December 
1854, above four hundred specimens were obtained ; and now, whenever the gravel 
is being extensively dug, hardly a day passes without one or two being found. This 
very abundance, for which however it is difficult to account, affords a secondary 
proof of the undisturbed nature of the drift ; for how could such numbers of flint 
weapons have been introduced at any period subsequent to the formation of the 
drift, and yet leave no evident traces of the manner in which they were buried ? 
They appear, too, to be detached and scattered through the mass of gravel, with no 
indications of their having been buried there with any design, but rather as if their 
positions were the result of the merest accident. Another remarkable piece of 
circumstantial evidence, is the discovery of implements and weapons of similar 
form under precisely similar circumstances, but by different persons, at Abbeville 
and Amiens, some thirty miles apart ; though the discoveries are not limited to 
these two spots, but have also been subsequently made in various localities in that 
district, where there have been excavations in the drift. It is, however, only in 

See Letter in the Times, Nov. 18, 1859 ; and Quarterly Journal of the Geological Society, vol. xvi. 
p. 190. i 



undisturbed Beds of Gravel, Sand, and Clay. 297 

such excavations that they have heen found ; which would not have been the case 
had their presence in the gravel heen owing to their interment by human agency; 
for, supposing it possible that some unknown race of men had been seized with a 
desire to bury their implements at a depth of from ten to twenty feet below the 
surface, they would hardly have selected for this purpose the hardest and most 
impracticable soil in their neighbourhood, a gravel so hard and compact as to 
require the use of a pickaxe to move it. 

In the cultivated soil and made ground above, and at much less depth from the 
surface, ground and polished instruments, evidently belonging to the so-called 
Stone period, have indeed been found ; but this again only tends to prove that the 
shaped flints discovered at a much greater depth belonged to some other race of 
men, and inasmuch as they certainly are not the work of a subsequent people, we 
have here again a testimony that they must be referred to some antecedent race, 
which had perished perhaps ages before the Celtic occupation of the country. The 
similarity in form between the flint implements from the drift, and those found in 
the cave-deposits that I have previously mentioned, is also a circumstance well 
worthy of observation. 

Again, many of the implements have a coating of carbonate of lime forming 
an adherent incrustation upon them : this, as M. Douchet has already remarked, 
is for these weapons what the patina is for bronze coins and statues, a proof 
of their antiquity. The incrustation occurs on all the flints in certain beds 
of the gravel, and is probably owing to the percolation of water among them, 
charged with calcareous matter derived from the chalky sands above, which it 
has gradually deposited upon the flints and pebbles. It has probably been a work 
of time, commencing soon after the formation of the beds, and possibly is still going 
on. If, therefore, the flint implements had been introduced into these beds at a 
subsequent date to the other flints and pebbles which are found with them, we might 
expect them to be either free from incrustation, or at all events with less calca- 
reous matter upon them ; neither of these appears, however, to be the case, but all 
the flints in these particular layers, whether worked or not, are similarly incrusted. 
The presence of the coating upon them also proves that the weapons were really 
extracted by the workmen from the beds in which they state them to have been 
found, and that they are not derived from the upper beds or surface soil. 

Another similar proof is found in the discolouration of the surface of the imple- 
ments. It is well known that flints become coloured, often to a considerable depth 
from their surface, by the infiltration of colouring matter from the matrix in 
which they have been lying, or from some molecular change, due probably to 



298 Occurrence of Flint Implements in 

chemical action. If these implements had been deposited among the beds of 
gravel, sand, or clay at some later period than the other flints adjacent to them, 
it might be expected that some difference in colour would testify to their more 
recent introduction ; but in all cases, as far as I was able to ascertain, these worked 
flints were discoloured in precisely the same way as the rough flints in the same 
positions. Among the more ochreous beds they are stained of a reddish brown 
tint to some depth below their surface ; in the clay they have undergone some 
change of condition, and have become white and in appearance like porcelain; while 
those which have been imbedded in the calcareous sands have remained nearly 
unaltered in colour. 

This evidence, like that of the calcareous coating, is of value in two ways, both 
as proving the length of time that the implements must have been imbedded in 
the matrix, and also as corroborating the assertions of the workmen with regard 
to their positions when found. Some few of the implements present a more or 
less rubbed and water-worn appearance ; a more convincing proof than this, of 
these flint implements having been deposited where found by the drifting action of 
\vater, can hardly be conceived. Apart from this, the chain of evidence adduced 
must I think be sufficient to convince others, as I confess it did me, that the con- 
clusions at which Mons. de Perthes had arrived upon this subject were correct, 
and that these worked flints were as much original component parts of the gravel, 
as any of the other stones of which it consists.* 

But how much more fully was this conviction brought home to my mind, when 
on my return to England I found that discoveries of precisely similar weapons 
and implements had been made under precisely similar circumstances in this 
country, and placed on record upwards of sixty years ago. 

In the 13th Volume of the Archaeologia, p. 204, is an account of Flint Weapons 
discovered at Hpxne in Suffolk, communicated by John Frere, Esq., F.R.S. and 
F.S.A., read June 22, 1797, and illustrated by two Plates showing two of the 

' Since the reading of this paper, Amiens and Abbeville have been visited by many geologists of note, 
and, among others, by Sir Charles Lyell, who, in his address to the Geological Section of the British Asso- 
ciation, at their meeting in 1859 at Aberdeen, expressed himself as fully prepared to corroborate the obser- 
vations of Mr. Prestwich. M. Gaudry, and M. Pouchet, of Rouen, on the part of the French Academic des 
Sciences, and the town of Rouen, have also made researches at Amiens, and have both been successful 

in discovering specimens of the implements in trenches made under their own personal superintendence. 

(Comptes Rendus, torn. 49, No. 18, and Report of M. Pouchet.) See also the Address of Lord Wrottesley to 
the British Association, at Oxford, in 1860. Some few other facts that have come to my knowledge since 
this paper was read have been incorporated in the text. 



undisturbed Beds of Gravel, Sand, and Clay. 299 

weapons, closely resembling in form that from Amiens, Plate XV. No. 2. Those 
engraved, as well as some other specimens, were presented to this Society, and are 
still preserved in our Museum. They are so identical in character with some of 
those from the valley of the Somme, that they might be supposed to have been 
made by the same hand. Mr. Frere remarks, that they are evidently weapons of 
war, fabricated and used by a people who had not the use of metals, and that, if 
not particularly objects of curiosity in themselves, they must be considered in that 
light from the situation in which they were found. He says, that they lay in great 
numbers at a depth of about twelve feet in a stratified soil, which was dug into for 
the purpose of raising clay for bricks, the strata being disposed horizontally, and 
presenting their edges to the abrupt termination of high ground. 

The section is described by him as follows : 

1. Vegetable earth 1 feet. 

2. Argill (brick-earth) 7 feet. 

3. Sand mixed with shells and other marine substances . . 1 foot. 

4. A gravelly soil, in which the flints are found, generally at the rate of 

five or six in a square yard 2 feet. 

The analogy between this section and some that might be adduced from the 
neighbourhood of Abbeville or Amiens is remarkable ; and here also the weapons 
are stated to have been found in gravel underlying brick-earth. 

To make the analogy more complete, " in the stratum of sand (No. 3) were 
found some extraordinary bones, particularly a jaw-bone of enormous size, with 
the teeth remaining in it," which was presented, together with a huge thigh-bone 
found in the same place, to Sir Ashton Lever. 

I at once communicated so remarkable a confirmation of our views to Mr. 
Prestwich, who lost no time in proceeding to Hoxne, to which place I have also 
paid subsequent visits in his company. We found the brick-field there still in 
operation, but the section of course considerably altered since the time when 
Mr. Frere visited it. Where they were digging at the time when we saw the pit 
for the first time the section was as follows : 

1. Surface-soil and a few flints ... . . . 2ft. 

2. Brick-earth, consisting of a light brown sandy clay, divided 

by an irregular layer of carbonaceous clay . . . 12 ft. 

3. Yellow sand and sub-angular gravel . . . . 6 in. to 1 ft. 

4. Grey clay, in places peaty, and containing bones, wood, and 

fresh-water and land shells 2 to 4 ft. 



300 Occurrence of Flint Implements in 

5. Sub-angular flint gravel 2 ft. 

6. Blue clay, containing fresh-water shells . . . 10 ft. 

7. Peaty clay, with much woody matter ... 6 ft. 

8. Hard clay . . 

The thickness of these latter beds we ascertained by boring, as the pit is not 
Avorked below the bed of clay No. 4. The shells are all of existing species of 
fresh-water and land mollusca, such as Unio, Planorbis, Sttccinea, Bithinia, 
Talvata, Pisidium, Cyclas, and Helix ; and are not, as Mr. Frere had supposed, 
of marine origin. 

An old workman in the pit at once recognised one of the French implements 
shown him, and said that many such were formerly found there in a bed of 
gravel, which, in the part of the pit formerly worked, attained occasionally a thick- 
ness of three to four feet. The large bones and flint weapons were found indis- 
criminately mixed up in this bed. Bones are still frequently met with in the 
bed of clay No. 4, and Mr. T. E. Amyot, of Diss, whose father was for many 
years Treasurer of this Society, has an astragalus of an elephant which was found 
here, it is believed in this bed, and also various other mammalian remains from 
this pit. 

During the winter of 1858-59 the workmen had discovered two of the flint 
implements (to which they gave the appropriate name of fighting stones), one of 
which Mr. Prestwich recovered from a heap of stones in the pit. It is more of 
the oval than of the spear-head form. Since that time several other specimens 
have been discovered, principally in the bed of brick-earth No. 2. Numerous 
other weapons which have been exhumed at Hoxne in former years are preserved 
in various collections, but there is no record of the exact positions in which they 
were found. At Hoxne, however, as well as at Amiens, I have had ocular testi- 
mony on this point ; for in the gravel thrown out from a trench dug under our 
own supervision, I myself found one of the implements of the spear-head type, 
from which however the point had been unfortunately broken by the workmen in 
digging. 

It must have lain at a depth of about eight feet from the surface, and the 
section presented in the trench was as follows : 

Ochreous sand and gravel, overlying white sand, with gravelly 

patches and ochreous veins . . . . . . 4 ft. 9 in. 

Fine gravel, about 1 ft. 3 in. 



l'l:,lt JTJY. 




undisturbed Beds of Gravel, Sand, and Clay. 301 

Light grey clay and sand 1 ft. 

Irregular bed of coarse gravel in which the implement was found 1 ft. 
Light grey clay, mottled brown, containing fresh-water shells 

(Bithinia) . . 2 ft. 4 in. 

Boulder clay. 

This trench was sunk at the margin of the deposit, not far from where the beds 
appear to crop out on the side of the hill, the previous section being about eighty 
yards distant, and the surface of the ground at that point higher by some feet. 
It will be observed that the beds of sand, gravel, and clay containing freshwater 
shells and peaty matter there attain a thickness of about twenty-five feet greater 
than in the trench, and therefore that they dip in the opposite direction to the 
slope of the hill. The character of the deposit is evidently fluviatile or lacus- 
trine, and the beds, more especially those of clay, seem to become thicker as we 
approach the middle of the lake or river. The configuration of the surface of 
the country when this deposit was formed, must, however, have been widely 
different from what it is at present, as the high ground surrounding the lake or 
forming the bank of the river, and from which the successive beds must have been 
washed down, has, as Mr. Frere long ago observed, now disappeared ; for skirting 
one side of the brick-field, and at the base of the hill on the slope of which the beds 
of drift crop out, is a valley watered by a small brook, a tributary of the Waveney. 

There can be no question that these beds of drift, like those of similar character 
at Abbeville and Amiens, are entirely undisturbed. At this spot they rest upon 
the boulder clay of geologists, and are consequently of more recent date, though 
probably more ancient than the great mass of superficial gravel of the district, by 
which they in turn seem to be overlaid. 

Hoxne is not, however, the only place in England where flint implements have 
been found under such conditions, for another weapon of the spear-head form has 
been obligingly pointed out to me in the collection at the British Museum, by Mr. 
"Franks, and is thus described in the Sloane Catalogue : 

" No. 246. A British weapon, found with elephant's tooth, opposite to black 
Mary's, near Grayes inn lane Conyers. It is a large black flint, shaped into the 
figure of a spear's point. K. a " This implement is engraved in Plate XVI. and is 

1 This K. signifies that it formed a portion of Kemp's collection ; a rude engraving of it illustrates a letter 
on the antiquities of London by Mr. Bagford dated 1715, printed in Hearne's edition of Leland's Collectanea, 
vol. i. p. Ixiii. From his account it seems to have been found with a tkekton of an elephant in the presence 
of Mr. Conyers. 

VOL. XXXVIII. 2 S 



302 Occurrence of Flint Implements in 

precisely similar in all its characteristics to some weapons found at Hoxne and 
Amiens. It is not a little singular that it too should have heen found in juxta- 
position with a tooth and indeed other remains of an elephant. 

It is satisfactory to find these instances of the discovery of flint implements 
of this class placed on record so long ago, as it places beyond all reasonable doubt 
the fact of their being really the work of man. They have been exhibited as 
weapons in our Museums for many years, and their artificial character has 
never been doubted, nor indeed could it ever have been called in question by 
an unprejudiced observer. 

Other instances have occurred of such implements being found in England, 
but the exact circumstances of their discovery have still to be investigated from 
a geological point of view. In Mr. Bateman's" Catalogue of the Antiquities 
in his collection, No. 787 C, of objects found in 1850, is thus entered " Eight 
instruments found near Long Low, Wetton, including one very large, and like 
some figured in the Archa3ologia, Vol. XIII. p. 204." Mr. Bateman informs me 
that these were found near the surface, a circumstance which in no way affects the 
question of their antiquity. In the collection of Mr. Warren of Ixworth are also 
two specimens of implements of the spear-head type (one of them broken), which 
were found at Icklingham, Suffolk, in the gravel dug in the valley of the Lark. 
I have visited the spot where they were found in company with Mr. Prestwich, but 
owing to the hurried nature of our visit further investigation is necessary before 
determining this to be a conclusive instance of the implements having been dis- 
covered in undisturbed drift. There appears, however, to be nothing in the 
character of the drift of that district, in which also we found traces of mammalian 
bones, to militate against such an hypothesis. 

In France, similar implements, both of the simple and more elaborate forms, 
have been discovered by M. Gosse in the gravel-pits of La Motte Piquet near Paris, 
together with the remains of the mammoth and other animals ; and I must not 
omit to record that this very spot had been pointed out by M. de Perthes, some 
years ago, as one in which such a discovery was more than probable. 

I have no doubt that before many years have elapsed various other instances 
of the finding of similar implements, under similar circumstances with those from 
Hoxne and from the valley of the Somme, will have been placed on record, and 
that the existence of man upon the earth previously to the formation of these drift 
deposits will be regarded by all as a recognised fact. 

Bakewell, 1855. p. 59. 



undisturbed Beds of Gravel, Sand, and Clay. 303 

Who were the race of men by whom these implements were fashioned, and at 
what exact period they lived, will probably be always a matter for conjecture. 
Whether the existence of man upon the earth is to be carried back far beyond the 
limits of Egyptian or Chinese chronology, or whether the formation of these beds 
of drift, and the period when the mammoth and rhinoceros, the great cave bear 
and its tiger-like associate, roamed at large through this country, should be 
brought down nearer to our own days than has hitherto been supposed, are 
questions that will not admit of a hasty decision. 

It must, however, I think be granted that we have now strong, I may almost 
say conclusive, evidence of the co-existence of man with these extinct mammalia. 
The mere fact that the flint implements have been found as component parts of a 
gravel also containing the bones or teeth of the mammoth or rhinoceros does not of 
course prove that the men who fashioned them lived at the same period as these 
animals. Their bones might, under certain circumstances, have been washed out 
of an older gravel, (as, for instance, by the action of a flooded river,) have then been 
brought into association with relics of human workmanship, and re-deposited in 
their company in a re-constructed gravel. But there does not appear to be 
any probability of this having been the case at Hoxne or in the valley of the 
Somme. The bones are many of them but little if at all worn, as they would have 
been under such circumstances ; especially as the only alteration in structure that 
they have undergone is the loss of their gelatine ; but, above all, there is the 
fact that in the lower beds of the sand-pits at Menchecourt, those in which the 
flint implements have been found, the skeleton of a rhinoceros a was discovered 
nearly entire ; which could not possibly have been the case in a re-constructed 
drift. The bones of the hind leg of a rhinoceros, all in their proper positions, as 
if the ligaments had still been attached at the time of its becoming imbedded, were 
found in the same place. 

I have already remarked on the possibility of the Menchecourt beds which con- 
tained these remains being rather more recent than those at a higher level; but under 
any circumstances the presence of the nearly perfect frames and limbs of the extinct 
mammalia in them is a matter of the highest significance in the present inquiry. 

But there is another argument in favour of the co-existence of man with these 
extinct animals which must not be overlooked. If there had been but a single 
instance of the discovery of the flint implements in conjunction with the bones 
and teeth of the animals, the assumption that the implements and the mammalian 

See M. Ravin's Me'moire GeV>logique sur le Hassin d'Amiens, in the M&noires du la Soci&d d'EmuIa- 
tion .1' Abbeville, 1838, p. 196. 

2s2 



304 Occurrence of Flint Implements in 

remains were derived from different sources and belonged to two entirely distinct 
periods, would be difficult of disproof ; but when we consider that the instances 
of such discoveries are already numerous, and have, moreover, taken place in such 
widely distant localities, that assumption is untenable. 

We have at various places round Abbeville the flint implements found asso- 
ciated with the remains of the mammoth, rhinoceros, and other extinct animals ; 
at St. AcheuJ, near Amiens, we have the like ; in the pits of La Motte Piquet 
they are found with the remains of the mammoth, the Cervw tarandus priscus, 
the Bos primigenins, and probably the cave-lion ; at Hoxne with the mammoth 
and other remains ; and in Gray's Inn Lane with remains of an elephant. This 
constant association of the two classes of relics affords certainly strong presump- 
tive evidence that the animals to which the bones belonged were living at the 
same period as the race of intelligent beings who fashioned the weapons of flint. 

An argument has been raised against their having co-existed, upon the assump- 
tion that human bones have never been discovered in company with those of the 
extinct quadrupeds. But neither are they recorded to have been found in com- 
pany with those implements which are acknowledged by nearly all to be of human 
workmanship. 

It appears to me, moreover, very doubtful, in point of fact, whether human 
bones have not been really found associated with those of the extinct mammalia, 
more especially in cave-deposits. At all events it is a negative very difficult to 
prove. But, assuming the fact to be as stated, are there not reasons why it is 
probable that human remains should be of extremely rare occurrence, if not 
entirely absent, in such drifts as those of the valley of the Somme and at Hoxne ? 
The mammalian remains found in them are probably mainly those of animals 
whose dead bodies had been reduced to skeletons, and were lying on the face of 
the earth before being carried off by the water, whether of an overwhelming 
cataclysm, or the torrent of a flooded river, and not simply those of animals 
drowned by its action. Whereas it may safely be assumed that the natural 
instincts of man would have led them to " bury their dead out of their sight," 
and thus place them beyond the reach of the currents of water. 

It must also be borne in mind that there is no appearance of the drift at any of 
the places mentioned having been caused by anything like a general submergence 
of the country, or an universal deluge, as it does not extend over the highest 
points of ground ; so that there is no reason for supposing the waters from which 
the drift was deposited to have caused any great loss of human life. 

It is somewhat curious that we have already instances of the existence of 



undisturbed Beds of Gravel, Sand, and Clay. 305 

living creatures being proved to demonstration by other evidence than that of their 
actual remains (for those have never been discovered) in some of the chelonians, 
saurians, and batrachians of the new red-sandstone and other formations. Foot- 
prints of these animals, or ichnolites, are found in abundance, but the bones of 
the various species which have left these records of themselves " upon the rock 
for ever " have still to be found. Dr. Hitchcock enumerates no less than fifty- 
three species from the Jurassic, liassic, or triassic beds of the valley of the Con- 
necticut, of which the existence has been determined by their foot-prints alone. 

In the case of the Pfahlbauten lately discovered in the lakes of Switzerland and 
elsewhere, though implements of all kinds have been found in great abundance, 
yet human remains are of excessively rare occurrence. It is, however, almost 
beyond the bounds of probability to suppose that the flint implements from the 
drift are relics of a race of men who in like manner placed their dwellings upon 
artificial islands, though in far more remote antiquity than those who constructed 
the Pfahlbauten. 

The question of the contemporaneous existence of man with the mammoth and 
other animals of the same age is of great importance, as the best if not the only 
means of fixing some approximate date to these flint implements, though from the 
nature of all geological evidence, and the possibility of the same results upon the 
earth's surface being attained in a greater or less period of time according to the 
greater or less energy of the agent producing them, any estimate of their age will 
always be liable to objections. But if the co-existence of man with this now 
extinct fauna be proved, then the basis of induction is enormously extended for 
arriving at some estimate of the antiquity of man : for the condition and probable 
age of drift-beds containing the mammalian remains alone, and unassociated with 
human relics, will then fairly enter as elements into the calculation. It is, however, 
at present premature to say more upon this point. 

I will only add that the presence, in the drift of the valley of the Somme, of the 
Cyrena consobrina, or triyonula, a bivalve no longer European, though still found 
in the waters of the Nile, and which is frequently associated with elephant remains 
in the drift of our valleys, is also of significance in considering the question of the 
age of these implement-bearing beds. 

If we are compelled to leave the mammalian remains out of the question, it 
seems to me by no means easy, in the present state of our knowledge, to assign 
even an approximate age to these deposits. Ranging as they do all the way up the 
slopes of the valley of the Somme near Amiens and Abbeville, there is great diffi- 
culty in arriving at any exact conception of the conditions under which they were 



306 Occurrence of Flint Implements in 

formed, far more so of the period of their formation. The clays, the sands, and the 
gravels, all appear to be such as would be formed by the action of a river 
occasionally in rapid motion, and then again dammed up so as to form as it 
were a lake, or series of lakes. 

But that this could not have been effected in the present configuration of the 
valley of the Somme, or of the country near Hoxne, is apparent. There must 
indeed have been a considerable difference in the land-surface at those places, at 
some former time, for it to have been possible for such deposits to have been 
formed ; but what the configuration was at the time of their formation, and how long 
a period must have elapsed for it to have become changed into what it is at present, 
are questions for the geologist rather than the antiquary, and even he would 
require more facts than are at present at his command to speak with confidence 
on these points. 

Thus much appears to be established beyond a doubt ; that in a period of anti- 
quity, remote beyond any of which we have hitherto found traces, this portion of 
the globe was peopled by man ; and that mankind has here witnessed some of 
those geological changes by which these so-called diluvial beds were deposited. 
Whether they were the result of some violent rush of waters such as may have 
taken place when " the fountains of the great deep were broken up, and the 
windows of heaven were opened," or whether of a more gradual action, similar in 
character to some of those now in operation along the course of our brooks, 
streams, and rivers, may be matter of dispute. Under any circumstances this 
great fact remains indisputable, that at Amiens land which is now one hundred 
and sixty feet above the sea, and ninety feet above the Somme, has since the 
existence of man been submerged under fresh water, and an aqueous deposit from 
twenty to thirty feet in thickness, a portion of which at all events must have 
subsided from tranquil water, has been formed upon it ; and this too has taken 
place in a country the level of which is now stationary, and the face of which has 
been but little altered since the days when the Gauls and the Romans con- 
structed their sepulchres in the soil overlying the drift which contains these 
relics of a far earlier race of men. 

How great was the lapse of time that separated the primeval race whose relics 
are here found fossilized, from the earliest occupants of the country to whom his- 
tory or tradition can point, I will not stay longer to speculate upon. My present 
object is to induce those who have an opportunity of examining beds of drift in 
which mammalian remains have been found, to do so with a view of finding also 
flint implements in them " shaped by art and man's device." 



undisturbed Beds of Gravel, Sand, and Clay. 307 

That instruments so rude should frequently have escaped observation cannot be 
a matter of surprise, especially when we consider that those educated persons who 
have been in the habit of examining drift deposits have been more on the alert for 
organic remains than for relics of human workmanship ; while the workmen 
whose attention these implements may for the moment have attracted have proba- 
bly thrown them away again as unworthy of further notice. I may mention as 
an instance of this, that in a pit near Peterborough, where Mr. Prestwich showed 
one of the Abbeville specimens to the workmen, they assured him that they had 
frequently found them there, and had regarded them as sling-stones ; but none 
had been retained, nor on visiting the spot have I been able to find any traces of 
them. 

As to the localities in England where mammaliferous drift, of a character likely 
to contain these worked flints, exists, it would occupy too much time and space to 
attempt any list of them. Along the banks of the Thames, the eastern coast of 
England, the coast of western Sussex, the valleys of the Avon, Severn and Ouse, 
and of many other rivers, in fact in nearly every part of England, have remains of 
the Elephas primigenius and its contemporaries been found. Almost every one 
must be acquainted with some such locality : there let him search also for flint 
implements such as these I have described, and assist in determining the impor- 
tant question of their date. A new field is opened for antiquarian research, and 
those who work in it will doubtless find their labours amply repaid. 

JOHN EVANS. 

Nash Mills, 
Hemel Hempsted. 



:;us 



XXI. An Account of the Latter fears of James Hepburn, Earl of Bothwell : his 
Imprisonment and Death in Denmark, and the Disinterment of his presumed 
Remains ; in a Letter to Sir HENRY ELLIS, K.H., F.S.A., from the Rev. 
R. S. ELLIS, M.A., Chaplain to Her Majesty's Legation at Copenhagen. 



Read December 1, 1859. 



Copenhagen, November 9, 1859. 

MY DEAR UNCLE, For some years past I have occupied my leisure time in 
collecting information of such of my countrymen as have dwelt in Denmark, or of 
whom memorials may here he found. These have been partly made use of in a 
small work entitled "Copenhagen and its Environs," published by me a few years 
ago for the use of English travellers. 

The turbulent and ambitious Earl Bothwell naturally came within the sphere 
of such research, in which I availed myself of the information contained in a MS. 
of the late learned Icelander, Mr. Thorliefr Gudmundson Repp, kindly placed by 
him at my disposal. This MS. was, by the command of Queen Caroline Amalie 
of Denmark, grand-daughter of the sister of George III., compiled from documents 
discovered by Mr. Repp in the Royal Privy Archives of Copenhagen; and a 
summary of this MS. concludes the book above alluded to. 

As an introduction to the principal subject of this letter it may be advisable 
again to make use of this summary : 

" After parting with Queen Mary on Carberry Hill, near Edinburgh, Earl 
Bothwell wandered about in the west and north of Scotland, probably in disguise, 
but, at all events, so as to elude the search of the Regent Murray's party, and at 
last reached the Orkneys and Shetland isles, where, as bearing the title of Duke 
of Orkney, conferred on him by the Queen, which carried with it seignorial rights, 
it would appear he deemed concealment less necessary. Bothwell soon found, 
however, that he had deceived himself in supposing that he was safer in the 
Orkneys than on the Scottish continent ; for, the regent having despatched some 
ships of war in pursuit of him, he narrowly escaped capture by hurriedly 
embarking with some of his moveables on board of two vessels which, lying at 
Ounst in Shetland, he hired to convey him to Denmark. For this country he 
set sail; but, being driven by stress of weather to the coast of Norway, he was 



Latter Years of James Hepburn, Earl of Bothwell. 309 

there regarded as a pirate, and detained a mistake arising from the circumstance 
of one of the vessels belonging to a noted pirate, David Wodt, of Hamburg. 
However, after a strict examination at Bergen, in which Bothwell's rank and 
marriage with Queen Mary were disclosed, the magistrate of that place, Erik 
Rosenkrantz, decided upon not dismissing Bothwell, but sending him, with a 
report of the examination, to Denmark, that the king, Frederik the Second, might 
deal with him according to his pleasure. 

" Bothwell arrived in Denmark about the close of the year 1567, and was at 
first lodged in the Palace at Copenhagen, where, although regarded as a prisoner, 
he was treated honourably and as a person of high rank ; the king even sending 
him valuable presents and advancing him money. Bothwell now lost no time in 
representing to the king in a memorial that he was sent by Queen Mary, his 
consort, to demand Frederik' s aid and assistance against her rebellious subjects ; 
that, in return, he was authorised by her to restore to the King of Denmark the 
isles of Orkney and Shetland (which had been pledged to the crown of Scotland 
in lieu of a pecuniary dowry that should have been paid at a former period on 
the marriage of a Danish princess with a Scottish king) ; and that, as soon as the 
object of his mission to Denmark was accomplished, he wished immediately to 
proceed to France, being charged with a similar mission to the French Court. 
But, just about this time, envoys from the Regent Murray arrived at Copenhagen, 
accusing Bothwell of parricide (i.e. the murder of Darnley) and other heinous 
crimes, and demanding that he should be delivered up to them to be taken back 
to Scotland, there to suifer death, or that he should be capitally punished in 
Denmark. The regent, moreover, strengthened his demand by representing 
himself as the bulwark of the Protestant cause in Scotland, and that Denmark 
ought to make common cause with England and Scotland against the Catholic 
powers, Spain and France, which aimed at the total extermination of Pro- 
testantism. 

" Frederik, thus acted upon by powerful motives on both sides, resolved to do 
nothing hastily, but, in the first place, to remove Bothwell from Copenhagen to 
the Castle of Malmo, in Sweden, which at that time belonged to Denmark ; and 
there he was detained from the beginning of the year 1568 till the year 1573. At 
Malmo Bothwell was still honourably treated, and, although great care was taken 
that he should not escape, much liberty was granted him, and free intercourse 
with such of his countrymen as chose to visit him. In the meanwhile the 
successive Scottish regents were indefatigable in sending envoys to Denmark 
claiming Bothwell at the hands of Frederik, whose claims even Queen Elizabeth 
supported in several energetic letters to the Danish king. On the other hand, 

VOL. XXXVIII. 2 T 



,'ttO An Account of the Latter Years of 

tin* King of France and the queen dowager (Catherine del Medici) ceased not 
through their envoy at Copenhagen, Chevalier de Dantzay, to entreat Frederik by 
no means to deliver up Bothwell to the Scotch ; and Dantzay actually obtained a 
promise from Frederik that Botbwell should not be delivered i\p without previous 
notice being given to the King of France. At this time Dantzay \\ritcs to 
Catherine, ' Bothwell has promised to surrender to King Frederik his claims to 
the isles of Orkney and Shetland,' and adds, ' For this reason I think that the 
King of Denmark will not easily deliver him up ' 

" As long as there seemed to be any chance of Mary being restored to power in 
Scotland, it appears certain that Frederik was fully determined not to deliver up 
Bothwell, and even to treat him like a prince. But, although Frederik lay under 
some obligations to Queen Mary, inasmuch as she had permitted him to levy 
troops in Scotland for his late wars in Sweden, yet he would not by any positive 
act interfere for her restoration, lest by so doing he should be regarded as 
unfaithful to the Protestant cause, which would in those days have been such a 
stigma on his reign and memory as would be viewed with abhorrence by every 
Protestant prince. Yet, could Mary be restored by some other agency, he had 
then only to surrender to the queen her husband, and receive the isles of Orkney 
and Shetland in return. During the period between 1568 and 1572 Mary's party 
in Scotland was still so strong that her cause seemed to contemporary politicians 
by no means hopeless ; it was not till the month of August in the latter year that 
it was considered as totally lost. The St. Bartholomew Massacre in France put 
an end to every chance which Mary might have had, because her connection with 
the league indeed, that she was in some measure the author of it was strongly 
suspected by the princes and nations of Europe, which suspicion the letters lately 
collected by Prince Labanoff have clearly proved was not without foundation. 
This event had great influence on the fate of Bothwell in Denmark. On the 28th 
of June, 1573, Dantzay wrote to the King of France, 'Le Roy de Dannemarck 
auoit jusques a present assez bien entretenu le Conte de Baudouel. Mais depuis 
pen de jours il 1'a faict mettre en un fort mauluaise et estroite prison :' by which 
he meant the Castle of Drachsholm, in Sealand, where he died about five years 
later. After the removal of Bothwell to this last prison he seems to have been 
deprived of all communication beyond the castle walls ; and from this period one 
of the chief reasons for his not being delivered up may have been the promise 
given through Dantzay to the King of France. 

" Owing to the close confinement of Bothwell after his removal to Drachsholm, 
his history is involved in so great obscurity that even contemporary accounts 
widely vary as to the date of his decease. Dantzay, in a letter which he wrote to 



Jatnea Hepburn, Earl of Botlncell. 311 

the Court of France the 24th of November, 1575, reports him to be dead in that 
year, while others have stated that he died in 1576, and this seems to have been 
the opinion of Queen Mary herself. The best authorities, however, Danish" as well 
as Scottish, appear to establish it as a fact that Bothwell died on the 14th of 
April, 1578, at the Castle of Drachsholm, and that his remains were consigned to 
a vault in the parish church of Faareveile. It seems, too, that the Danish govern- 
ment, wearied by the Scottish and English demands on the one hand, and the 
French entreaties on the other, willingly permitted the report to be spread abroad 
that Bothwell died in 1575 : this would put an end to a course of diplomacy 
which was beginning to run unsmoothly, and the Danish government had it in 
its power to keep him so closely confined at Drachsholm that he might, as 
regarded foreign powers, be the same as dead to all intents and purposes. 

" For an analogous reason some doubt may be entertained, although Dantzay's 
veracity is entirely unimpeachable, whether Bothwell was harshly treated after his 
removal to Drachsholm ; but such a report would in some measure be agreeable 
and conciliatory to the Scottish government, which had repeatedly complained of 
the too great lenity shewn to him at Malmo. The chief object of his removal to 
Drachsholm seems to have been that of more certain seclusion. 

" With respect to the great discrepancies regarding the date of Bothwell's 
death, it is proper to observe that they may partly arise from a contemporary 
Danish Memorandum Book b of some authority and often referred to, in which we 
find the following notes : ' In the year 1575, the 14th of April, died John, the 
chaplain of Drachsholm, and was buried in the church of Faareveile, near 
Drachsholm.' ' In the year 1578, the 14th of April, died the Scottish earl at 
Drachsholm, and was buried in the same church. His name was James Hep- 
hune (sic, Hepburn is meant), Earl of Bothwell.' Here, it should be observed, 
that these notices or memoranda are arranged according to the days of the month, 
not according to the years : and thus, events which occur on the same day, 
although in different years, are placed in juxta-position." 

In the hope, therefore, of seeing with my own eyes the cotfin and the remains 
of this notorious earl, I made an excursion to the north-west part of this island 
in the summer of 1857, and bent my steps to Faarevcile Church, prettily situated 

" Kong Frederik den Andens Kriinicre samlet og sammensk revet af adskillige Codicibus MSS. fra 
1559 til 1588, af Poder Hanson Kosen." 1680. The passage may be thus translated : "At the same time 
also died the Scottish Earl Bothwell after a long imprisonment at Dragsholm, and was buried at Faareveile.'' 

b " Magnzin til den Danske Adels Historie udgivet af Det Kongelige Danske Selskab for Fredrelandcts 
Historic og Sprog." 1824. This work is the commencement of the publication of a Manuscript in the col- 
lection or library of Karen Brahe at the Nunnery (Fruhcnkloster) at Odense, the chief town of the island of 
Fyen, and contains only the entries relating to the months January to April. 

2x2 



312 



An Account of the Latter Years of 



on an eminence overlooking the Lamme Fjord. But I was then doomed to disap- 
pointment. The vault which contained the coffin was in an unused so-called side 




The Castle of Drachtholro, now Adelcriborg, the residence of Baron X.utphen Adeler. 



chapel, the opening of which would be attended with much time, labour, and 
expense. About three miles from the church lies Drachsholm (now a baronial 
residence called Adelersborg) in a sequestered spot, partly surrounded by a small 
wood : before it is the Great Belt, behind it the Lamme Fjord : the country about 
open and bleak. The exterior of the castle, with its moat, is precisely the same 
as when Bothwell was its inmate. Baron Zutphen Adeler received me kindly and 
hospitably, and showed me the dungeon (now a wine-cellar) which tradition tells 
was Bothwell's prison, with a large iron ring in the wall, to which the prisoner 
was bound. 

Aware of the great interest taken by his present Majesty in endeavouring at 
this time to ascertain the authenticity of the remains of some of the early kings 
of Denmark, I, on my return, memorialised his Majesty to use his influence in the 
present highly interesting case to obtain the consent of Baron Adeler to the 
opening of the vault in Faareveile Church. The king graciously entertained my 



James Hepburn, Earl of Bothwell. 313 

request, and the baron as kindly met the wishes of the king. On the 30th of May, 
1858, by invitation of Baron Adeler, I went to Adelersborg, where, on the follow- 
ing morning, we were joined by Professor Worsaae (R. of D. and D. M. Professor 
extr. in Northern Antiquities at the University, &c. &c.) and Professor Ibsen 
(R. of D. Lecturer in Medical Science at the University), both appointed by his 
Majesty to be present at the opening of the vault. At noon we proceeded to the 
church of Faareveile, and found that the workmen, six in number, had just 
completed their task, on which they had been engaged since 4 p.m. of the day 
before. It was soon evident that there were but two coffins in the vault, of a 
date as ancient as the latter end of the sixteenth century ; and, as Professor 
Ibsen pronounced the remains in one of them to be those of a female, all our 
attention and interest were concentrated on the other. 

This coffin was of simple deal, without ornament or date, in perfect preserva- 
tion, of a high square form, somewhat resembling a large trunk, and such as was 
commonly used in Denmark at the close of the sixteenth century. This very coffin 
had, several years ago, been pointed out to Professor Worsaae by the aged school- 
master of Faareveile as the coffin of Bothwell, stating in addition that his prede- 
cessor had also informed him that such had always been the tradition in the parish. 

The remains of the shroud proved it to have been of a rich texture. The pillow 
was of white satin. The coffin, shroud, &c. were such as would appertain to a man 
of rank, although poor, and corresponding exactly to that of a prisoner of state. 

The skeleton was that of a strong, square-built man, from 5ft. Sin. to 5ft. Tin. 
long ; light hair mixed with grey remained attached to the skull ; the forehead 
was low and sloping ; the cheek-bones high ; the nose prominent ; and the hair and 
teeth agreed with Bothwell's age. 

On opening the coffin no skull was visible ; but Professor Ibsen found it under 
the shoulders of the skeleton, and it was the professor's opinion that, at a previous 
examination, the skull had fallen off, and was then placed as now discovered ; 
"for," added the professor, "the man, whose skeleton this is, was not beheaded." 

After a thorough investigation of coffin, shroud, and skeleton, the conclusion 
come to, was " Nothing absolutely certain of its being Bothwell's remains, but 
nothing as yet against it." The coffin with its contents was then removed to a 
vault in the chancel of the church for further investigation at a future time, if 
necessary. 

Since the foregoing occurrence I have tried at various sources, but unsuccess- 
fully, to gain some description of Bothwell's personal appearance, in the hope of 
its tallying with the above. Perhaps if you would bring this subject before a 



314 An Account of (he Latter Tears of 

meeting of the Society of Antiquaries, it might lead, one way or another, to the 
solution of the mystery. 

I remain, my dear Uncle, your affectionate Nephew, 

To Sir Henry Ellis, K.H. &c. R. S. ELLIS. 

POSTSCRIPT. Since writing to you the above I have been fortunately able to 
find some additional evidence as to the date of the incarceration of Bothwell in 
Drachsholm Castle. The only evidence that had been hitherto obtained was the 
allusion by the Chevalier Dantzay, in a dispatch to the King of France dated 
June 28th, 1573, where he states that Bothwell had been placed in "un fort 
mauluaise et etroite prison." Now, however, thanks to Professor Kall-Rasmussen, 
I am in possession of further and more conclusive proof of Bothwell' s incarceration 
at Drachsholm. 

I have before referred to a MS. in the library of Karen Brahe at the nunnery 
of Odense in Fyen as containing the entry relating to Both well's interment at 
Faareveile. A portion only of this MS., containing the entries relating to the four 
first months of the year, had been published ; but Professor Kall-llasmussen has 
kindly obtained for me a copy of an entry relating to June 16, which is as follows: 
"Anno 1573, den 16 Junii, bleff den Schottske Greffne indsat paa Dragsholm;" 
that is, " in the year 1573, on the 16th of June, the Scottish Earl was placed at 
Drachsholm." 








James Hepburn, Earl of Both well. 315 



APPENDIX. 



THE accompanying documents, copies from the originals in the State Paper 
Office at Westminster, not hitherto printed, bearing upon the foregoing narrative, 
will doubtless be acceptable, and increase the interest which all will naturally feel 
in this epoch of Scottish history. 

(1.) Domestic Corresp. Eliz. vol. xiii. art. 73. A Note of Occurrences in Scot- 
land, 15th to 24th June, 1567. Among them is the following : 

" The Earl of Bothwell's escape : with a statement that Bothwell was present 
at the King's (meaning Darnley's) murder." This Note it appears is corrected by 
Sir William Cecill : 

[State Paper Office, Scotland, Elizabeth, vol. xiii. art. 73.] 

Note. The corrections and additions to this paper marked by brackets [ ] are in the handwriting of Lord Burghley. 
The words erased in the original are here printed in Italics. 

1567. Sonday the xv th of June tharles of Atholl, Moretou, Glencarne, Marr, w th other lordes 
[the L. Hume, L. Lyndsaye, L. Byron, L. Symm, L. Sacqwhar] confederate for the psecuting 
of the late kinges murther, and for the safety of the prince, having gotten the towne and castle of 
Cdenburgh, w"' eerten other tcncmltipps thereaboutes at their devotion, went towards Du'barr to 
take, [and y e good will of sodry borough tow's, understanding that] the Erie Bothwell, if the;/ 
might, being confessed Ity others whom they had. apprehended to be the principall doer of the mtir~ 
ther, w' k being understood the same Erie 13., [who was certenly know'e to be y 6 pryncipitll 
murderer of y kyng cum] w th the quenc there and such company as they had, mctt w" 1 the 
lordes in the feildes not fiirr from [Musselbourgh], where there was not any slawghter don 
to ether pte, for that diverse that came w" 1 the Q. went to the lordes side, wherupon therle B. 
escaped to Diibar, but the Q. remayncd still in the feildes, of whom the lordes demanded justice to 
be don upon the said Erie B. for the murder, w cl ' she denied ; and thorupon those lordes conveyed 
her to Kdenburgh, and so to Loghlevin, where it is saycd they meane to detcin her untill justice 
?nay be don upon the murtherers for the hono r of that controy, etc. [for which purpooss the 
lordes make c-otynuall sute to hir, offryg to hir all libty and otlicr dutyes, but as yet she will not 
agree to have any thyg doone wherby the Erie Bothwell shuld be in any dager]. 

Tlicrle B (as it is sayed) hath joyned him self w th the Hamhletons, who were in the wayc to 
have come to the Q. before that meting w* the lordcs [and y e Hamiltos make ther, a j?ty 
ngeynst y e other lordes, to the cd to more cyvill treble, and to, wishyg nether to y Quene nor y e 
Prynce well in respect of ther own interest to y e crown.] 

The xxiiij th of June Captain Blacketer was hanged, hedded, and his armes and legges broken for 
the murder. A Fleming w ch was his man is also apphended for that matter. 



316 An Account of the Latter Years of 

One Capten Vallen (is sayed) to be likewise executed for tfiat murder. And that a servant of 
therle Bothwclles shuld be taken who shuld [hatli] confessed that] therle [was] to be in pson 
at the murder, and that he did cary[ed] in two trukes made for apparell only [certen gon] powder 
therin for the purpose. 

[Sondry others ar also taken who confess y Erie Bothwelle being at y e murdre, w' some 
other very strag thyges frome other noble me that now joyne w' the Hamiltos, were pve that 
the kynge shuld be rydd out of his liff, but not pve of y e mane'.] 

(In dorso,) A note of the courrentes in Scotland, 
sence the xiiij" 1 of June. 

(2.) Vol. xiv. art. 53 A Letter from William Kyrkcaldy, Laird of Grange, to 
the Earl of Bedford, dat. Edinburgh, Aug. 10, 1567 : informs him of Bothwell's 
arrival at Orkney, and of his (Kyrkcaldy's) appointment with Tullibardine to go 
in pursuit of him : 

[State Paper Office, Scotland, Elizabeth, vol. xiv. art 53.] 

This is to geve yo r L. maist hartly thankes for yo r gentill Ire. At this pnte I have letell or 
nothyng to writ unto yo r L. but y* me Lordes here, beyng surlie advtised y l the erll bothell is passit 
be see w* fyve shipis to Orkenay, they have causit ppare w' all possible haist iij shipis to go thither 
to psew hym. And for the mair sure execution of the same tharc LL. is contented y* the Lard 
of Tullibarne and 1 accept the charge to be the psewars of hym, the q'lk maist willingly we have 
tainc upon us. And for my owne pt, albeit I be no gud see ma, I promess unto yo r L. gyff I may 
anes enconter W 1 hym, eyther be see or land, he sail eyther carie me w 1 hym or ellis I sail bryng 
hym dead or quik to Edinbru, for I take God to witnes the onlye occasion that movet me eyther 
to procure or joyne my self to the Lords of this y e lait enrpryse was to restore my natyve cutrye 
againe to libertye and hono r , for yo r L. knawis weill eneutht how we wer spoken of amonges all 
nations for y l tressonabill and horrobiir deed q'lk was cofhitted be y l traito r Bothell. In this I can 
writ no mair at this pSt, 3it and I gett so mekill leaser I sail writ ance agcne er I dept, q'lk I trust 
salbe upon thirsday nixt. I maist hublie tak my leave. At Edb. the x of August. 

Yo r L. awne to comand, 

W. KYRKCALDY. 
(In dorso,) X th of August, 1567. 

Kyrcaldy to my lard of Bedf. 

(Addressed,) To the Ry l hon"*" and his verye gud Lord the Erll of Bedford, 

Lord Govno r of Berwik. 

(3.) Same volume, art. 82. Letter from David Sincler to the Earl of Bedford, 
Sept. 15, 1567. Entry of the regent (Murray) and the lords into the Castle of 
Edinburgh. Escape of Both well in Shetland from the Laird of Grange, and the 
capture of one of his ships : 

[State Paper Office, Scotland, Elizabeth, vol. xiv. art. 82.] 
My Lord, Ef? my maist humyll comendatioriis of ^vise. I reprewid syndrye of you r lordshippes 



James Hepburn, Earl of Bothwell. 317 

ould acquetants that they wer so unkynd in wryteing to you r 1. and patlye becaus of my ?vandes 
repareing towart they partis I thocht goud to let your 1. haif knowlege that my lord regent, with 
the rest of the lordes, dynitt in the castell this Fryday, and it was dely9itt to my lord regent thair 
ane shippe cuit from the laird of Grange and hes schawyn, that y Erll Bothell hes escapit narrolye" 
in schytland, and left his shippis, and followeing so neir the unecorne one of the pryncepall shippis 
q'lk the laird of grange had is brokkin, and y e men saif, and yc laird of grange w l ye Costabill of 
Dunde is landit in Schytland, and hes tain ye pryncepall ma of ye cutre, and hes takin ane of the 
lord Bothelles shippis, and two spetiall mariners callit David Willye and Georde fogo : y laird of 
Tillebairn hes followit the rest of y 6 shippis. This comytt you' 1. to the protection of y* eternall 
God. Fra your 1. ever at power to comand, 

(In dorso,) R d in September, 1567, DAVID SYNCLER. 

David S'cler to therle of Bedford. 

(Addressed,) To the ryth wyrshippull my lord off Bedford. 

(Also,) To M r Secretary. 

(4.) Same volume, art. 97. "The King of Denmark to the King of Scotland, 
in answer to a letter of his Majesty respecting the murder of the late King Henry, 
and requesting that the Earl of Bothwell, who was stated to be the author of the 
murder, and had been arrested m Norway, might be sent back to Scotland. 
Stating that, inasmuch as the Earl of Bothwell had legally been acquitted of the 
charge, and for other reasons, he hopes to satisfy the King of Scotland's expec- 
tation by keeping Bothwell in safe and stricter custody. Dated Dec. 30th, 1567. 
Latin :" 

[State Paper Office, Scotland, Elizabeth, vol. xiv. art. 97.] 

Fredericus secundus Dei gratia Daniae, Norwagiae, Gothorum, Vandalorumque rex, Dux Slcsvici, 
Holsatiae, Stormariae, ac Diethmariae, comes in Oldenbourgh et Delmenherst, Serenissimo Principi 
Domino Jacobo Scotorum regi consanguineo et fratri nostro charissiino, salutem ac continuum 
felicitatis incrementum. Serenissime Princeps consanguinee et frater charissime, Reddidit nobis die 
xvhujus mensis literas Serenitatis vestrae ultima Septembris Strivelingi scriptas presentium exhibitor 
foecialis vester. Quibus nos de miserabili casu Illustrissimi Principis domini Henrici Scotorum 
Regis patris Serenitatis vestnc bone recordationis iterum certiores facit. Ac comitem Bothuallum 
non ita pridem a prefecto nostro in Noruagia captum, quem crudelissimae cadis istius reum et 
authorem facit, ad supplicium deposcit eumque sibi a nobis dedi, et si ita nobis videatur tempus 
certum constitui petit quo is nostra ex jurisdictione in Scotiam reduci et poena adfici possit. His 
nos amice jam respondemus, nos sicut superioribus literis nostris testati sumus tragicum istum et 
plane miserandum casum optimi Principis tanto maiore cum animi dolore percepimus quanto magis 
nota fuerunt omnibus Serenitatis ipsius varia et animi ct corporis dona et ornamenta, prasscnsquc 
Serenitatis vestrae etas et rerum in Scotia status parentem et moderatorem talem requirere videbantur. 
Ideoque pro communi nostra regnorumque nostrorum necessitudine mortem Christiani et vicini regis 

* This word is either struck out or has been blotted. 
VOL. XXXVIII. 2 U 



318 An Account of the Latter Years of 

et vicem Serenitatis vestrse et universae reipublicse Scotiae, quae non bene inde incommodum percepit, 
vehementer dolemus et deploramus. Ac Deum precamur ut Serenitatis vestrae Imperium ea prc- 
sertim state susceptum laetioribus auspiciis promoveat confirmetque ac presentibus tandem regnorum 
tumultibus remedium tempestivum adhibeat. 

Quantum vero ad comitem Bothuallum pertinet, cognovimus eum nuper cum in regno nostro 
Norvagiae vagaretur et nonnullam suspitionibus causam praebuisset cum navibus sociisque a nostris 
captuin et in castrum nostrum Bcrgense deductum, indeque in regnum nostrum Daniac transmissum 
esse. Is si caedem istam aliaque de quibus scribit Serenitas vestra horrenda flagitia commisit dignus 
profecto foret in quern pro scelerum autoritate graviter animadvertatur. Intelleximus autem ex 
relatione nostrorum eum cum de hiis argueretur purgandi sui causa plurima in medium adduxisse. 
Inter caetera purgationem cjus cujus insimularetur criminis in Scotia a se legitime factam. Ideoque 
in decisorio judicio per sententiam absolutum, se Regem Scotorum, serenissimam Reginam con- 
sanguineam nostram conjugem suam, contrariam factionem subditos rebellos asserens, nee ullam hac 
in causa Reginse accusationem intervenire. 

Cumque ea cum literis Serenitatis vestrae et narratione fcecialis ejusdem (cui nihil cert dero- 
gandum esse duximus) plane non convenirent ; Negotium vero ipsum inaximi ut apparebat 
moment! et prejudicii altiorem indaginem maturamque deliberationem postulare videretur, Minime 
nobis committendum esse judicavimus ut in causa de cujus circumstantiis et forma nondum penitus 
nobis constaret certi aliquis decerneremus. 

Ut autem ex sententia Serenitatis vestrae nostra ex potestate et custodia in Scotiam abducendum 
Bothuallum tradi permittamus, eo difficultatcm aliquam inesse nee sine labefactatione regiae juris- 
dictionis nostrae prestari jam posse visum est. Ideoque latius nobis de eo deliberandum. Memorato 
vero Serenitatis vestrae fceciali, cui persecutionem hujus causae et rei accusationem commissum esse 
literse Serenitatis vestrae testabantur, potestatem fecimus in proximo procerum nostrorum conventu 
legitimo judicio contra eundem experiundi disceptandique. Cumque is, propter alicujus temporis 
moram quam ob instauratam expeditionem nostram Sueticam et quorumdara consiliariorum 
nostrorum absentiam intervenire oportuit, reditum ad Serenitatcm vestram maturaret, presertim quia 
se in itinere adversa tempestate impeditum quereretur, Existimavimus officio nostro regio et 
Serenitatis vestrae expectation! nos in hac parte jam satisfacturos esse si comitem Bothuallum tuta 
et arctiori in custodia tantisper apud nos asservandum demandaremus, donee de negotii istius cir- 
cumstantiis legitime edocti hoc decemere possimus, quod et juris et equitatis norma mutuorum 
fcederum ratio ac res denique ipsa postulare videatur et requirere. Quod ad diligenter curaturi 
simus omnino confidimus Serenitatem vestram hanc responsionem nostram benigne accepturam, 
inque solita erga nos benevolentia perseveraturam esse. Cui valetudinem prosperam et felices 
salutarium consiliorum sucessus ex animo precamur. Ex Regia nostra Haffnia xxx Dec. 1567. 

(Indorto,) 30 December, 1567, 

Copy of the K. of Denmarkes Letters to the K. of 
Scottes for answer of his towching y e delivery 
and sending into S[c]otland of th'erle Bothwell. 

(5.) Vol xv. art. 7. Murray to Cecill. Begs his assistance in obtaining the 



James Hepburn, Earl of Bothwell. 319 

queen's letters to the King of Denmark for the return of the Earl of Bothwell to 
Scotland to suffer for the murder of the late king. Dat. Edinb. March 7, 1568 : 

[State Paper Office, Scotland, Elizabeth, vol. XT. art. 7.] 

After my maist hertlic comendations presentlie as alwayes quhen I have to do I mon burdyn 
jou, seing I find sic furtherance at jour handes. My pnt sute is this, The Earle Boithuile, cheif 
raurtheare of the King of gude memory, fader to the king my maister, being fugitive fra the lawes, 
is now deteint in Denmark. And howbeit be a herald I have requirit him to be send in Scotland 
thare to suffer according to his desving, jit find I na apparece to get the same gdiscendit unto, 
onles the Queins Ma 11 * jo r soverane will direct hir effectuus trej to the King of Denmark thairfore, 
in respect of the horrible cryme corhittet in the personn of a prince, and that he quha wes 
murtherit had the hono r to be sa neir of hir Ma te blude. To the furtherance and expedition 
quhairof I will maist hertlie pray jou extend joure gudewill & crydett, and that hir Ma de will 
require the Ambassad of France and Hispainje resident thair to procure of thair soverains the 
like tres to be send in Denmark, qm as je jail do a godlie werk and declare jour affection to 
justice, sa in particular ue mon grant we to ressave a speall gude turn at jour handes in this amangis 
mony ma thinges q ch God offer the occasion that ue may worthelie acquite jour benevolence. Sua, 
referring to jour 9tinewall gudewill & wisdome, we comit jou to Almightie God. At Edinburgh 
the dayofMarche, 1567. 

Jour richt assurit freind, 

JAMES, REGENT. 
(In dorso,) Martii, 1567. 

Therle of Murrey to M r . Sec 7 for the L. tres to y 8 K. of 

Derhark to send therle Bothwell into Scotland. 

(Addressed?) To my verie assurit freind S r Willm Cecill, knyght, 
principal! Secretary to the Q. Ma"" of England. 

(6.) Vol. xvi. art. 10. Feb. 21, 15G9. Earl of Murray writes again to Cecill. 
Forwards letters. Reminds him of her Majesty's letter to be sent to the King of 
Denmark about the Earl of Bothwell : 

[State Paper Office, Scotland, Elizabeth, vol. xvi. art. 10.] 

After my maist hertlie commendationes. I have na new occasioun pntlie to write to jow sen my 
last tre of the xix of this present, quhareof I luke be jour good meanys to ressave confortable 
an?. I have sent heirwith a tre of my awin to my lord the Cardinall of Chastillon, quhilk I pray 
jow hertlie cause be conveyed to him, as alsua that jc will pnt thir twa tres of my lord & uncle 
the Erie of Mar and my ladic his wiff to the queins Ma u . And last that je wilbe myndfull of hir 
hienes tre to be direct to the King of Denmark for Bothvile, quhilk culd not be readie at my 
departur be resoun of M r Ascamis deceise. In all my triffles je see I am bauld and hamlie with 
jow, as I will effectuuslie dealer jow to be with me, and gif it stand in my possibilitie in ony respect 
to aliaw jow pleas assure your self of satisfactioun. Thus I wish jow weill as myself. At Striveling 
the xxj of Februar, 1568. 

Yo r richt assurit freind, 

JAMES, REGENT. 
2u2 



320 An Account of the Latter Years of 

(7.) Vol. xx. art. 5. A Letter from Thomas Buchanan to Cecill, dated from 
Copenhagen, Jan. 19, 1571. Informs him of the daily correspondence between 
the murderer Bothwell and the Queen of Scots. The reason of BothwelTs 
detention in Denmark ; his other practices ; communication with England, &c. : 

[State Paper Office, Scotland, Elizabeth, vol. xx. art. 5.] 

My Lord, efter my verray hairty commendaciouns. Being in thir pairtes of Dennemarke, w" 1 
commissioun from my maister the Kinges Ma te of Scotland to the Kinges grace of this realme 
annent the delivery of the mordorer Bothwell to justice ; and apparsaving the particular practises 
that the said mordorer Bothwell daylie hes w* the Kinges Majestes moder of Scotland who pntlie 
is in your country, I culd no les hot of my dewty for the weilfair of both our countryes geve your 
honor advertysement thairof, w r thro sum ordour myght be taken thairin as your honour thinketh 
expedient, and that the persons travellours betwix thame my' be in all tymes herefter stoppet, 
pwnisched. Heerfore it may pleis your lordschip this to beleif and surly credit (yf men of great 
estimacioun in thir pairtes who heth reported the same to me be wordy of trust,) that the Kinges 
grace moder of Scotland hes send certane wretinges to this cuntry to Bothwell, desyring hym to be 
of good confort, w" 1 sondry other purposes, who alsue theth w r tin, to the great jyudice and hort of 
ane gentelman nemmed Capitane Johane Clark, be reassone that he at the comand of the Kinges 
Ma Ue my maister dyd diligentlie procuir and labour to have haid the said mordorer Bodwell 
delivered to hym to have bene sent in Scotland. Whairthrou and by utheres unjust accusacions 
he is imprisoned, and as yit small hoip of his delyvere, altho the Quenes Ma 1 * of Ingland heth wretin 
letters in hys favo r . The caus whoy the said Bothwell is not deliveret is judget to be, be reassone 
thay ar heir informet of certane devisiones to be in Scotland and Ingland, and thay dayle a wattching 
thairon be the mcanes of one nemed Maister Horsey, who is send in England pairtlie be Bothwell 
and als be the cheifest of this land to espy whou all mattars doeth proceed both in England and 
Scotland; thairefter to bring here advertysement w 111 tres of favour from the Kynges moder to this 
Kyng that the mordorer Bothwell be not delivered to be punisched, w" 1 sum promes of kyndnes to 
hym thairfore of the yles of Orknay and Schetland ; whairfore I earnestlie request your lordschip to 
have er hento, and as your wysdome thinketh expedient to caus put ordour heirin, w r throu the said 
Mr Horsey be not licenced to have entres to that woman whair sche remaned, nathe }it in lykmaner 
any uther stranger, for as I do understand thair is alsua ane page of Bothwelles send by hym in 
England w th certane wretinges two months ago to the same woman for the same effect and purpos, 
w* h page is a Danish borne, }it not easilie to be knowin by a Scott be reasone he speketh perfyet 
Scottes, w** wretings yf thay cum to hyr handes may be prejudiciall and hortfull to both our 
countreyes and to the discontentment of the Quenes Ma 1 "* of England ; whairfore I doubt not but 
your honor wyll that hir hynes have knowledge heirof, and suche ordour to be takyne heiranent as 
hyr grace shall thynk nedfull. It may alsua plcis your honor to wytt that I have wrettin certane 
wrettinges to my Lord Regentes hynes in Scotland, the w* h wretinges I earnestlie desyre to be con- 
veyed be your honor to hys hynes w th the first comoditie. And thus bauldlie of small acquentance 
have I presumed to wreit unto your Lordschip, not dowbting your honores goodwyl and diligens to 
be had herunto, for the amitie, friendschip, and concord that remaneth betuix our countreyes, 



James Hepburn, Earl of Bothwell. 321 

the w* 11 God of goodnes long to continew, w to your lordschipes good helth and honour. Wretin 
at Copinahanen in Dannemark the 19 of Janner, 1571. 

Be 3O r at power, 

TH. BUCHANAN. 
(Indorso,) 19 Januar, 1570. 

buckhana fro demark, 
y Erl BothwelL 

A. a. 

(Addressed,) To the ryght worschipfull Schir Wylliame Cicile, knyght, 

and secretar to the Queues Maieste of England. 



XXII. Petitions to Charles II. from Elizabeth Cromwell, Widow of (he Pro- 
tector, and from Henry Cromicell : communicated by Mrs. M. A. EVERETT 
GREEN : in a Letter to JOHN BRUCE, Esq. V.P.S.A. 



Read 9 June, 1859. 



State Paper Office, 
MY DEAR SIR, May 28, 1859. 

I understand that the Society of Antiquaries plumes itself somewhat upon 
being possessor of what has been supposed to be the only known autograph of 
Elizabeth Cromwell, the Protectress. However, amongst an immense mass of 
petitions, which poured in, torrent-like, on the Restoration of Charles II., I 
have discovered one from this lady, signed by herself, though not written 
with her own hand. I inclose you a copy of the petition ; the date is not given, 
but it can be proximately determined by the circumstance that the endorsement, 
a very characteristic one, is in the handwriting of Sir Edward Nicholas, whose 
period of secretaryship terminated in October, 1662. I doubt whether the prayer 
of the petition was ever granted, for I find no reference upon it, and in a large 
index to the warrants and other documents of the period, which exists in the 
State Paper Office, no notice occurs of a warrant for the solicited protection. 

The same index book does contain a notice of a pardon granted to Henry 
Cromwell in October, 1660, but the warrant books for that year are missing, and 
therefore I cannot give you the document itself. 

I send you also a copy of a petition from Henry Cromwell, the original of 
which is in his own handwriting, with a report annexed, from which it would 
appear that his petition met with consideration, and was probably granted. The 
referees on his petition are, Sir John Clotworthy, created Viscount Massareen 
21 Nov. 1660, for his services in promoting the Restoration, a privy councillor 
in Ireland, and a little later made one of the Commissioners for settling Claims 
on Lands there, and Sir Audley Mervyn, made prime serjeant-at-law for Ireland 
by Privy Seal 20 Sept. 1660. 

I think these papers will possess some interest for the Society, and I have 
much pleasure in sending them. 

I am, my dear Sir, 

Very sincerely yours, 

MART ANNE EVERETT GREEN. 



Petitions to Charles II. from Elizabeth and Henry Cromwell. 323 

I. 

Petition of Elizabeth Cromwell. 

[From the Original in the State Paper Office, Domestic Papers, Charles II., vol. xxii. No. 144.] 

To the King's most Excellent Majestic. 

The humble petition of Elizabeth Cromwell, widowe, 

Sheweth, 

That among the many sorrowes wherewith it hath pleased the All-wise God to exercise y r 
Petitioner, she is deeply sensible of those unjust imputations whereby she is charged of detaining 
jewels and other goods belonging to y r Majestie, which, beside the disrepute of it, hath expos'd 
her to many violences and losses under pretence of searching for such goods, to the undoing of 
her in her Estate, and rend'ring her abode in any place unsafe : she being willing to depose upon 
oath that she neither hath nor knowes of any such jewels or goods. And whereas she is able to 
make it appeare by sufficient testimony that she hath never intermedled in any of those publike 
transactions w cb have been prejudiciall to your Majestie's Royall Father or y r selfe, and is ready to 
yeild all humble and faithfull obedience to y r Majestie in y r government, 
She therefore humbly prayes : 

That your Ma"* would be pleased to distinguish betwixt the concernm u of your petitioner, 
and those of her relations whoe have been obnoxious, and out of y r prince[ly] goodnesse 
vouchsafe her a protection, without w ch she cannot expect now in her old age a safe retire- 
ment in any place of y r Ma tie ' s Dominions. 

And she shall ever pray. 





Endorsed, [by Sir Edward Nicholas,] " Old Mrs. Cromwell, Nol's wife, petition." 

II. 
Petition of Henry Cromwell. 

[From the Original in the State Paper Office, Domestic Papers, Charles II., vol. xxxi. No. 72.] 
To y e Kings most excellent Ma Ue . 

The humble peticon of Col" Henry Cromwell 

Sheweth, 

That your Pet r doth heartily acquiesce in y* Providence of God for restoring your Ma^ to y 
gouernment of these nacons. 



324 Petitions to Charles II. from Elizabeth Cromwell 

That all his actings haue been w^out malice either to y 6 Person or interest of your Ma iy , &c., 
but onely out of naturall duty to his late Father. 

That your pet r did all y e time of his power in Ireland study to preserue y peace, plenty, and 
splendor of that kingdome, did encourage a learned ministry, giuing not onely protection but 
maintenance to severall BPI* there, placed worthy persons in y" seates of judicature and magistracy, 
and (to his owne great prejudice) upon all occasions was fauorable to your Ma" professed freinds. 
Hee therefore humbly beseeches your Ma de that y 6 tender consideration of y* premisses, and of y* 
great temptacons and necessities your peticoner was under, may extenuate your Ma" displeasure 
against him ; and that your Ma* 5 ', as a great instance of your clemency, and an acknowledgm' of y* 
great mercy which your Royall selfe hath receiued from Almighty God, would not suffer him, his 
wife, and children, to perish from y* face of y earth, but rather to Hue and expiate what hath 
been done amisse, with their future prayers and services for your Ma**. 

In order wherunto y Pet r humbly offers to yo r Ma" most gracious consideration, that since hee 
is already outed of about 2,000/. per Ann. which hee held in England, and for which 4,0001. 
porcon was payd by your pet wives freinds to his late father, hee may obtaine your Ma u grant 
for such lands already in his possession upon a common accompt w" 1 many others in Ireland, as 
shall by law bee adjudged forfeited and in your Ma u dispose. 

And forasmuch as your Pef hath layd out neere 6,0001. upon y* premisses, that yo r Ma w would 
recomend him to y* next Parlam* in Ireland to deale fauorably with him concerning y e same, and 
according to your pet deportm' for y e common good of y' place. And lastly yo* Pef most 
humbly beseeches your most Excell' Ma^ that no distinction between himselfe and other your Ma u 
good subjects may be branded on him to posterity, that so hee may without feare, and as well out 
of interest as duty, serue your Ma ty all his dayes. 

Who shall euer pray, &c. 




WHEREAS we were desired to testify our knowledge concerning y value of y lands to bee 
confirmed to Col. Henry Cromwell, We doe hereby certifie as followeth, viz': 

That y e lands in Ireland possessed by y said Col. Cromwell on y* 7 th of May, 1659, were in 
satisfaction of twelve thousand pounds in Debentures, or neere thereabouts. 

That Debentures were commonly bought and sold for fower, five, and six shillings in y pound, 
few yielding more even in the dearest times. According to w " Rates y e said lands might have 
been had for between three and fower thousand pounds. Which said sum, with the emprovements 
by him made thereupon, is as much as the same is now worth to bee sold. And is all we know hee 
hath to subsist upon for himselfe and family. Given under our hands this 23"' of February, 1660. 

MASSEREENE. 
Au: MEBVTN. 



and from Henry Cromwell. 325 

The letter alluded to by Mrs. Green as being in the Society's collection of 
manuscripts is contained in the volume of State Papers relating to Cromwell 
known as the Milton State Papers, and the greater part of which were published 
by John Nickolls, jun. F.S.A. in 1743, where this letter may be found at p. 40. 
It appears desirable to append a copy of this curious letter,* together with a 
fac-simile of the signature, in order to compare the latter with the signature to 
the petition. The whole letter is evidently in the same hand as the signature. 



III. 

Letter from Elizabeth Cromwell to her husband. 

My deerist, 

I wonder you should blame me for writing nowe oftnire when i haw sent thre 
for one : i cane not but thenk thay ar miscarid. truly if i knog my one hart i showld ase soune 
neglect my self ase to haw [?] the least thought towards you hoe in douing of it i must doe it to 
my self but when I doe writ my dear i seldome haw any satisfactore anser wich makse me 
thenk my writing is slited as well it mae ; but i cane not but thenk your loue couerse my 
weknisis and infermetis. i should reioys to hear your desire in seing me but I desire to submet 
to the prouedns of god howping the lord houe hath separated vs and hath oftune brought vs 
together agane, wil in heis good time breng vs agane to the prase of heis name, truly my lif is 
but half a lif in your abseinse deid not the lord make it vp in heimself wich i must ackoleg to 
the prase of heis grase. i would you would thenk to writ sometims to your deare frend me lord 
schef iustes b of horn i haw oftune put you in mind : and truly my deare if you would thnk of 
what i put you in mind of sume it might be to ase much purpos ase others writing sum tims a 
letter to me presednt and sumetime to the spekeir. d indeid my dear you cane not thenk the 
rong you doue your self in the whant of a letter though it wer but seldume. i prai thenk of and 
soe rest yours in al fathfulnise 




desember 
the 27, 1605 [tic for 1650]. 

The letter is also printed in Noble's Memoirs of the House of Cromwell, vol. i. p. 311; and in Harris'i 
Life of Oliver Cromwell, p. 6. 

b St. John, Chief Justice of Common Pleas. c Bradshaw. * Lenthall. 

VOL. XXXVIII. 2 X 



326 Petitions to Charles II. from Elizabeth and Henry Cromwell. 

The particular circumstances alluded to in the petition of Elizabeth Cromwell, 
communicated by Mrs. Green, do not seem to have been commemorated by any 
historical writer ; but there are many traces in the Journals of the Houses of 
Lords and Commons, of the anxiety with which the property of the late King in 
the possession of the Cromwells was sought after. Charles II. was proclaimed 
on the 8th May, 1660. On the day following a Committee was appointed by the 
House of Lords to receive information respecting any of the King's goods, jewels, 
or pictures, and to advise of some course how the same might be restored to 
his Majesty. The Committee consisted of the Earls of Northumberland, 
Berkshire, Dorset, and Oxford, with Lords Maynard, Hunsdon, Morley, and 
Grey.* 

The Committee entered on their labours without delay. On the day following 
their appointment power was given to them to order the seizure of all royal property 
which they might discover. 11 Two days afterwards it was ordered that all persons 
who had in their possession any of the King's goods, jewels, or pictures, should 
bring them in to the Committee within seven days ; c and on the 14th May a stay 
was put upon the conveyance over seas of all pictures and statues belonging to 
his Majesty.* 

It seems probable that some of these orders had direct reference to Elizabeth 
Cromwell, for Kennet registers on May 16, that " Information had been given that 
there were several of his Majesty's goods at a fruiterer's warehouse near the 
Three Cranes in Thames Street, London, which were there kept as the goods of 
Mrs. Elizabeth Cromwell, wife to Oliver Cromwell deceased, sometimes called 
Protector ; and it being not very improbable that the said Mrs. Cromwell might 
convey away some such goods, the Council ordered persons to view the same, and 
there were discovered some pictures and other things belonging to his Majesty, 
and the remainder lay attached in the custody of Lieutenant-Colonel Cox." 

The last notice of the Protector's widow in the Journals occurs under 
date of July 9. It is an order of the House of Lords, that " Elizabeth Cromwell, 
widow of Oliver Cromwell, Richard Cromwell, Esquire, and Henry Lord Herbert, 
should deliver to the Marquis of Worcester many deeds in their possession 
belonging to him." 

Lords' Journals, xi. 19. " Ibid. 23. Ibid. 26. ' Ibid. xi. 27. 

e Kennel's Register, p. 150. t Lords' Journals, xi. 85. 



XXIII. Report on Researches in an Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Long Wittenham, 
Berkshire, in 1859. By JOHN YONGE AKERMAN, Esq., Secretary. 



Read November 24, 1859. 



THE Valley of the Thames had naturally many attractions for our Saxon fore- 
fathers. Their cattle found in its meadows abundant pasturage, its marshes were 
the resort of myriads of wild fowl, while the stream itself afforded the means of 
transit between the towns and villages on its banks, many of which retain in their 
names evidence of their Anglo-Saxon origin. 

It is not however in local nomenclature only that we discern traces of the early 
settlement of the Saxons in this valley. Still more certain evidence is furnished 
to us by the discovery of their cemeteries, proofs beyond all question of the occu- 
pation of the various sites by a people in undisturbed possession of the land. 
Before proceeding to describe the most recent of these discoveries, at Wittenham, 
it may be well to enumerate briefly all the instances which have come under my 
notice in that district. 

These Anglo-Saxon cemeteries have been brought to light at the following 
places : 

1. At Kemble, Wiltshire, an account of which may be found in the Archse- 
ologia, Vol. XXXVII. p. 113. 

2. Near Cirencester, the existence of which I ascertained by personal inquiry. 

3. At Fairford, Gloucestershire, which has furnished numerous remains. See 
Archseologia, Vol. XXXIV. p. 77, and Vol. XXXVII. p. 145 ; also the volume 
entitled " Fairford Graves," by "W. M. Wylie, Esq., F.S.A. ; see also Proceedings 
of the Society of Antiquaries, [1st Series,] vol. ii. pp. 122, 125, 132, 137, 186 ; 
vol. iii. p. 105. 

4. and 5. At Filkins and at Broughton Poggs, Oxfordshire, two closely adjoin- 
ing cemeteries, noticed in the Archseologia, Vol. XXXVII. p. 140. 

6. At Cote, five miles S.W. of Witney, the existence of which came to my 
knowledge during the autumn of 1858. 

7. At Brighthampton, five miles south of Witney, an account of which is given 
in the Archseologia, Vol. XXXVII. p. 391. 

2x2 



328 Researches in an Anglo-Saxon Cemetery 

8. At Stanton Harcourt, in Oxfordshire, of the existence of which I was 
informed in the neighbourhood. 

9. At Ensham, in Oxfordshire, which I ascertained to exist through inquiries 
there in the autumn of 1858. 

10. At Milton, near Ahingdon. In the fields around this village I have ascer- 
tained the existence of at least three cemeteries of the Anglo-Saxon period. I 
caused in the month of August last some excavations to be made which resulted 
in the finding of seven graves. Only two of them contained relics, although it 
was close to this spot that was found the beautiful circular fibula encrusted with 
garnets, which is preserved in the British Museum. 

11. At Streatley, in Berkshire, as we may infer from the notice of Sir Richard 
Colt Hoare, although he describes the remains as Roman. b 

12. At Cookham, Berkshire. See Archa3ological Journal, Vol. XV. p. 287. 

13. At Long Wittenham, in Berkshire, which forms the subject of this report. 

14. At Dorchester, in Oxfordshire, where a pair of large dish-shaped fibulae and 
other objects were found by labourers a short time since. 

There are probably others which have not come under my notice ; but this list, 
extending from the source of the Thames nearly to Maidenhead, is sufficient to 
show how extensive a population must have occupied this valley in Saxon times, 
and suggests that much light might be thrown on the habits, manners, and 
history of our ancestors by investigating the antiquities of the district. 

The first thing which drew my attention to the cemetery which I have men- 
tioned at Wittenham was an account given by the Rev. J. C. Clutterbuck, in the 
Archaeological Journal, Vol. V. p. 291, of the discovery there of the skeleton of a 
man accompanied by a sword, spear, knife, and shield, with other indications of 
Saxon sepulture, by labourers engaged in excavating the foundations for a cottage 
at the southern entrance of the village. 

A visit to Long Wittenham in March last led more particularly to the under- 
taking which is the subject of this report, for on that occasion Mr. Clutterbuck 
was induced at my suggestion to make a further investigation of the spot ; his 
excavation succeeded beyond our expectations, and resulted in the almost imme- 
diate discovery of three more graves, one of them containing the skeleton of a 
woman, with a pair of circular fibulae, a hair pin, and a glass bead. 

Engraved in my Pagan Saxondom, PL iii. Another fibula very similar in design was found in 
1882 near the same spot, and is now in the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford ; see Archaeological Journal, vol. iv. 
p. 253. 

b Hoare's Ancient Wiltshire, vol. ii. part i. p. 53. 



at Long Wittenham, Berkshire, in 1859. 329 

The Society will readily understand with what pleasure I viewed the con- 
tinuance of these discoveries, confirming as they did so remarkably my own 
anticipations, and will believe how anxious I was to make further and more 
careful researches on a spot which had already proved so prolific in ancient 
remains. I had, indeed, good reason for supposing that Mr. Clutterbuck had 
lighted on the ancient Saxon cemetery of the village. It was therefore with no 
small personal satisfaction that, with the approval and support of the Society of 
Antiquaries, who placed the necessary funds at my disposal, and by the kind 
permission of Mr. Joseph Hewett, the owner of the land, I commenced the 
excavations towards the close of August last, and continued them till the 22d of 
October. 

Long Wittenham is situated on the right bank of the Thames, about five miles 
below Abingdon. Many traces of British and Roman occupation have been 
accidentally discovered in this parish, as well as in the adjoining one of Little 
Wittenham, well known for its remarkable intrenchment called Sinadon Hill, 
which commands a view of the ancient town of Dorchester on the opposite bank 
of the stream. There was once a ford, near which a small bronze buckler 
was found, now in the British Museum.* The village of Long Wittenham 
is of easy access from Oxfordshire by an ancient ferry at Clifton. The greater 
part of the parish lies at the foot of a low range of hills, of the upper green- 
sand formation, and consists superficially of a Gault clay covered by a dirt-bed 
of calcareous pebbles, with a soil easy of cultivation and very fertile. 

The spot where the Anglo-Saxon graves were discovered is to the south of the 
centre of the village, in a field bounded on one side by the road to Wallingford, 
usually known as the Cross Lane, a name derived from the ancient village cross, 
which stands in an open space where the above-named road intersects the village 
street. The drift-gravel at this spot is reached at about two or three feet below 
the surface, and it was to this depth that the graves were usually sunk, the 
bodies generally resting upon it. This piece of land has been known as the 
Free-acre, and is so called at the inclosure of the parish in 1809. It is surrounded 
on all sides by leasehold and copyhold property held under St. John's College, 
Oxford, the President and Fellows of which are the lords of the manor, and 
possess nearly the whole property in the parish. 

I exhibit this evening all the results of these researches, together with a plan 
drawn to scale by Mr. Clutterbuck. From this the Society will I hope be 
able to obtain a clear and satisfactory idea of the nature of the ground itself, 

Engraved in the Archseologia, Vol. XXVTI. PI. xxii. 



330 Researches in an Anglo-Saxon Cemetery 

and of the course I was compelled to take in carrying out these explorations. I 
must not omit here to express publicly my grateful thanks to this gentleman 
for the steady assistance he uniformly gave me during the whole of the time 
I was thus employed ; a co-operation I feel to have been the more disinterested, 
as he was the first to ascertain what hidden archaeological treasures were pre- 
served under the soil of his parish. It would be of course impossible for me 
here to give a minute detail of the progress made in each day's diggings, or to 
narrate how little I sometimes met with, how occasionally I was quite cast down 
at my apparent want of success, and how, when often I least expected it, I 
stumbled on remains the most valuable, both as proving the abundance of the 
Anglo-Saxon interments, and as corroborating some of the views I have long held 
on this subject. I propose therefore to call attention to the more important of 
these results, and to leave the description of the more minute details for the 
catalogue which accompanies this report.* 

I commenced my excavations by opening trenches in a barley field, near to the 
spot where the first discoveries to which I have alluded were made, in a 
line extending from south to north and at intervals of three feet ; my reason 
for adopting this plan being the certainty that, if the skeletons were placed, 
as is usually the case with the Anglo-Saxon interments, from east to west, I 
should by this means intersect any graves that might happen to be there. My 
discoveries at first were not very promising ; but, assuming from previous ex- 
perience that such interments were likely to occur in groups, I continued my 
researches without desponding, and the results fully justified my anticipations. 

The majority of the skeletons were found deposited at an average depth of 
about three feet in a dark alluvial soil, reposing on a bed of gravel ; on this the 
bodies would seem in most instances to have been laid, and, in fact, whatever 
variation there was in the depth of the individual graves appears to have arisen 
from the desire of reaching this bed of gravel. 

The disposition of the bodies was the same as that generally observable in other 
cemeteries of the Anglo-Saxon period, the heads being in most cases so raised 
that the pressure of the superincumbent earth had, in some instances, caused 

4 I may add, that, for convenience of reference, the objects have been labelled as follows : 

(1) The Arabic numerals from 1 to 127 indicate the graves in which skeletons have been found. 

(2) Letters of the alphabet have been placed upon the urns that once contained burnt bones, proceeding 
from a onwards. 

(3) Those urns that were found in connexion with the skeletons bear the same numbers as the graves 
from which they have been taken. I need not add that these urns were empty. 



at Long Wittenham, Berkshire, in 1859. 331 

violent dislocation : this curious fact was strikingly exemplified in the case of 
grave No. 3, in which the head had been depressed upon the shoulder so much as 
to force one of the fibulae into the mouth. In another, the head had actually been 
forced from the body, and lay beneath the left shoulder. I mention these facts 
simply to guard others against concluding that the bodies had been decapitated/ 

In general, though not in every case, the heads of the skeletons were laid 
towards the south-west ; but I noticed this remarkable fact, that, as I carried 
forward my diggings towards the north end of the field, the inclinations of the 
bodies became more and more easterly, till at length the direction, as in an 
instance hereafter to be more fully described, of the boy who was found with the 
Christian stoup in grave No. 93, was strictly from east to west. It has been 
suggested that I began upon the burial-place of a people semi-pagan, but that, as 
I went on, I came upon that of a population which had been subsequently con- 
verted to Christianity. If such was the case, these graves may perhaps be con- 
sidered to indicate a transition period. 

The skeletons themselves, from the remarkable size of their bones, were evidently 
those of a large robust race, the thigh bones of the men varying from 2Q inches 
to 17i inches long, while those of the women varied from 18 to 14 inches. In one 
especial instance, I found the thigh-bone of a female skeleton exceeding 20 inches 
in length, but this was clearly an exceptional proportion, and its owner must have 
been a giantess in her day. With the remains of the men I generally found spears, 
umbos of shields, and knives, and in one instance a sword ; with those of the 
women, fibulae, often ornamented with well-known Saxon patterns, glass and 
amber beads, toothpicks, earpicks, tweezers, and occasionally bunches of keys. 

The position of the skeletons of children differed generally from that of the 
adults, being usually from north to south. 

I may add that the teeth were for the most part in a sound condition, and that 
there were fewer instances of caries than in the skeletons discovered in the Kentish 
graves. 

The number of urns containing burnt bones, discovered in situ, appear to 
supply us with evidence that, in this neighbourhood, the earliest mode of burial 
practised by the Anglo-Saxons was by cremation, a conclusion to which I have 
been led by the fact of my finding different modes of interment prevailing in 

Examples of the crania are preserved in the Museum at Oxford. I am indebted to John Thurnam, 
Esq., M.D., F.S.A., and J. B. Davis, Esq., F.S.A., the authors of the Crania Britannica, for some notes on 
these remains, which are appended to this communication. 



332 Researches in an Anglo-Saxon Cemetery 

different portions of the same field. The urns with the burnt bones were placed 
at a greater depth than those which I discovered at Brighthampton, and the 
destruction of so many of them must, I believe, be ascribed to a different cause 
from that of the plough. It is worthy of remark that even those urns of which 
the bases alone were left contained calcined bones. My belief, therefore, derived 
from a careful study of the position in which these fragments have been dis- 
covered, is, that they were broken in pieces when, at a somewhat later period, 
cremation fell into disuse, and that they who were employed in digging the 
ordinary graves that followed desisted as soon as they had uncovered and 
damaged one of these urns. 

With regard to the actual date of these interments, it is hardly possible to say 
more than that they would seem, generally, to have taken place at two different 
periods, between which many years may have elapsed ; about one thing we may, 
however, be certain, from the number of mortuary urns discovered, viz., that this 
portion of the valley of the Thames was occupied at an early period by the Pagan 
Saxons. Whether the burial of the body unburnt was or was not the distinction 
between Heathen and Christian among this tribe (and of this I am willing to 
admit that we yet want complete and undoubted evidence,) we have, at least, the 
fact recorded by Bede of the baptism of Cynegils at Dorchester in the year 
A.D. 635, which demonstrates clearly enough at what time the light of Chris- 
tianity dawned upon this portion of our island. 

How long the remains of Heathens and Christians continued to be intermingled 
in one common cemetery, is a problem in Archaeology which it will need further 
discoveries to solve satisfactorily. Much stress has been laid upon the words of 
the Capitulary of Charlemagne, bearing -the date of the year A.D. 789 ; but it 
should be borne in mind that this edict refers expressly to the observances of the 
old Saxons, and not to those of the Pranks. It is valuable, however, in one 
respect, inasmuch as it shows that, at this period, in France at least, cemeteries 
had been attached to churches ; a state of things, which, at any rate, had not then 
become universal in England, since we find in the laws of Edgar, and yet later 
in those of Canute, that some Anglo-Saxon churches were still without burial- 
grounds. 

It is very clear from these laws that the contest between Heathenism and 
Christianity was obstinately prolonged in England, and that among the people 
Paganism was not quickly eradicated, especially in their funereal rites and cere- 
monies. A desire to lie among their kindred may long have prevailed over the 



at Long Wittenham, Berkshire, in 1859. 333 

remonstrances of the Christian priests : and such a feeling may, I think, be pre- 
sumed to have influenced a considerable portion of the ancient population of Long 
Wittenham. 

Having said thus much on the general conclusions which may, I believe, fairly 
be deduced from these excavations, I will mention briefly the contents of a few of 
the more remarkable graves. 

In grave No. 21 the ferrule of the spear was found in the lap, perhaps 
because this weapon had in this instance been too long to be laid by the side of 
the corpse, and had been therefore broken. In grave No. 25 I met with a 
bucket of very unusual dimensions, and differing much in its construction from 
those usually found in Anglo-Saxon graves, the hoops being composed of iron. 
It is true that no traces of the staves could be discovered, but the form of 
these pieces of iron left no doubt as to the purpose for which they had been 
employed. 

In grave No. 26 I found an unusual number of relics, among which was a 
shallow bronze dish, which is probably of a period antecedent to the advent of the 
Saxons. It has been rudely mended. Vessels of this description have been 
found thus patched, in confirmation of which I need only refer to the bronze dish 
engraved in the Archajologia, Vol. XXX. p. 132, and to the pail found at Cud- 
desden, which I have described in my " Pagan Saxondom." Besides this dish, I 
found also a cylindrical bronze object vandyked at the end (see p. 339.) This 
was in all probability the ferrule of a spear, which, like the spear noticed in a 
former grave, may have been broken on purpose. 

The urn marked v contained an object of considerable interest, viz., a 
small knife with a blunt blade (see p. 342). In shape and general character 
it bears some resemblance to an example in the collection of the British 
Museum, which was discovered at Eye, in Suffolk." From the unfinished and 
unsharpened edge it is clear that it could not have been intended for actual 
use. I am inclined, therefore, to think that it must have had a symbolical 
meaning an opinion which derives some confirmation from the constant occur- 
rence of undoubted knives in Anglo-Saxon interments. 

Grave No. 57 exhibited some other peculiarities ; thus, at the waist of the dead 
person was a bronze buckle (PI. XIX. fig. 10), ornamented with dragons' heads 
of very bold execution, and above the right shoulder was a small urn of black 
pottery (PL XX. fig. 2), bearing a stamped ornament, of a pattern not hitherto 
observed. I may remark, too, that in this instance the body lay with the head 

1 Engraved in my Pagan Saxondom. PI. xxii. fig. 3. 
VOL. XXXVIII. 2 Y 



''<:', I Researches in an Anglo-Saxon Cemetery 

to the south. On the other hand, in grave No. 59 the body lay with the head 
to the west, a small black but unornamented urn being placed to the right of 
the head. A similar urn was also found in grave No. 99, but in neither of these 
cases was there any trace of knives or other relics. 

In each of the urns q and x was found, among the bones, a minute bronze pin, 
and in the former instance the pin had been bent back so as probably to form the 
fastening of a cloak. These are most likely the relics of women, and will remind 
the classical student of the sagum spind consertum of Tacitus. 

Grave 71 was remarkable for the great number of amber beads (more than 270 
in number) found in it, and for the unusual size of two dish-shaped fibulae 
(PI. XIX. fig. 2) ; these resemble very much a pair found at Dorchester in 
Oxfordshire, and now in the possession of Joseph Latham, Esq. who has kindly 
lent them to me for exhibition this evening ; one is represented in the accom- 
panying woodcut. By the side of this skeleton was also placed a bunch of large 




SAXON FIBULA POL-SD AT DORCHESTER. 
FULL SIZE. 



rude keys, which may be regarded as the insignia of a mistress of a household. 
There is a curious passage in the Laws of Canute, c. 77, in which the sanctity 
of the keys of the mistress of a house, which were evidently placed under her 
especial custody, is remarkably described. It seems not unlikely that it is mainly 
owing to the prevalence of this feeling among the Saxon population that these 



at Long Wittenham, Berkshire, in 1859. 335 

keys have been found buried beside the skeleton of a woman ; and I may add, 
as an additional illustration, the fact mentioned by Ducange,* viz. that it was 
customary in cases of divorce to give up the keys. 

Finally, I may notice among the more miscellaneous objects of interest dis- 
covered in the course of these excavations a crystal spindle-whirl, cut in facets, 
from grave No. 100, and which, from the manner in which it has been cut, bears 
much resemblance to one I found at Brighthampton. b Another and very unusual 
object is a silver bracelet (PL XIX. fig. 6) from grave No. 113 : it is formed of a 
thin spiral band, and has been ornamented with figures stamped with a punch, 
as in the case of the dagger-sheath I discovered at Brighthampton. c I may also 
state that in grave No. 30, which was that of a young woman, I found a collar 
composed of a spiral strip of silver, which had evidently been worn round the 
neck, after the manner of a torquis. 

I have reserved for the last a description of what I believe to have been really 
the most important relic I had the good fortune to discover, the stoup (PL XVII.), 
found in grave 93, to which I have already alluded, and the character of which is 
so unlike anything yet met with, as in my mind to mark a peculiar epoch, and 
to make this particular grave altogether sui generis. 

The occupant of the grave was a mere boy, and his tomb was only 3 feet 
8 inches long ; his head lay to the west. At his feet was a bronze kettle, which 
had originally rested on a block of wood, the fibres of which were still discernible. 
On the breast was a small iron knife ; and on the right of the head this remarkable 
stoup, 6 inches in height by 4 inches in diameter, formed of hoops and staves, 
like the well-known Anglo-Saxon buckets. On the outer surface it is covered 
with plates of metal, on which are stamped en repousse" the monogram of Our 
Saviour between the letters A and n, the whole inclosed in a circle, together 
with scenes from the life of Our Lord, such as the Annunciation, the Baptism, 
and the Marriage in Cana of Galilee. 

Besides this curious vessel, the Christian nature of which every one will admit, 
I found also close to the right foot a spear-head with the point turned downwards. 
Now, although this weapon is sometimes found thus placed in the graves of the 
Franks, I am not aware that it has ever been noticed in Anglo-Saxon sepultures. 
What then does it imply ? Are we to infer from its being found in that position 
that the child was devoted to some religious office, and that, though buried with 

Under claves remittere. 

" Archieologia, Vol. XXXVIII. p. 97. PI. III. fig. 8. 

Ib. fig. 6. 

2Y2 



336 Researches in an Anglo-Saxon Cemetery 

the national observances as one of the "spear-half," this arm was reversed to 
signify his renouncement of the weapon of a layman ? Or must we regard this 
reversed spear as an indication that he was the last male member of his family ? 
Whatever our theory may be, we can scarcely, I think, consider this arrangement 
accidental. 

It is the stoup, however, which will prove, I believe, of most interest to the 
antiquary, especially if we carefully consider the purposes to which it is probable 
that it was applied. Now, the use to which it was consecrated seems to me 
obvious, for it will scarcely be doubted that it was intended for holy-water. 
Viewed in this light, we need no longer wander in the dream-land of conjecture, 
and the error into which we have so long fallen with respect to the buckets so 
frequently found in Saxon interments is in some degree dissipated. I had always 
expressed doubts as to the truth of the usual theory that these buckets were 
fashioned for holding wine; and I confess that my own conjecture that they 
were designed to hold food was opposed to the fact that they were of too fragile a 
construction to be applied to the ordinary purposes of domestic life. If, however, 
we look upon these vessels as consecrated to a religious service, we shall thereby 
obtain a glimpse at the purposes to which other well-known objects were also 
adapted I consider, therefore, the other bronze vessels found in these and 
similar graves to be simply mortuary, and probably, like the buckets, to have 
been wrought by the hands of the Anglo-Saxon priests, who, according to the 
ecclesiastical canons, were enjoined to occupy their leisure time in handicraft. 3 

To the same purpose, also, I believe were assigned certain peculiarly-shaped glass 
vases, having attached to them salient knobs. b These were, I think, fabricated 
with an especial view to their subsequent use in interments, while other glass 
vessels were perhaps occasionally adopted and consecrated to the same purpose. 

In conclusion, I have but one other object to which I should wish to call the 
attention of the Society, because, in my mind, directly connected with this 
question of mortuary relics, although I have not actually met with one during 
my own excavations at Long Wittenham, I mean the spoon with a perforated 
bowl. It is, indeed, of rare occurrence, and so far as I know only three examples 
have been discovered, and these are all from the graves of women. Their use has 

* Ancient Laws and Institutes of England, ed. Thorpe, vol. ii. p 404. 

b See my Pagan Saxondom, pi. ii.; Archseologia, Vol. XV. pi. xxxvii. fig. 1, p. 402; Wylie's Fairford 
Graves, p. 17, pi. i.; Lindenschmit, Germaniache Todtenlager bei Selzen; Collectanea Antiqua, vol. ii. pi. Ii. 

c See Arcbffiologia, Vol. XXXVI. pi. xvi. p. 179; Pagan Saxondom, pi. xxxiii.; Douglas, Nenia 
Britannica, pi. ii. fig. 9. 



at Long Wittenham, Berkshire, in 1859. 337 

always been an enigma to antiquaries ; but if it be admitted that we have 
obtained evidence from these graves that a portion at least of our Anglo-Saxon 
forefathers, though buried among Pagans, had been brought within the pale of 
the Church, I think we need hardly doubt that these spoons were designed for 
the administration of some rite no longer observed, and the memory of which is 
shrouded in oblivion. 



Detailed Account of tJie contents of each Grave at Long Wittenham. 

1. Skeleton of a child with two amber beads at the neck. 

2. Skeleton of a man, lying on the left side ; the head to the south-west ; the 
knees bent ; both hands in the lap, in which were a knife, a buckle, and a pair of 
tweezers, all of iron. The femur measured 18 inches. 

3. A young woman. Head south-west. Femur 16 inches. The hands by the 
side. Remains of two circular fibulae, one on the shoulder, the other forced into 
the mouth by the pressure of the superincumbent earth. They are not of the 
ordinary type, the decorative portion having been originally formed by a thin 
embossed plate, now perished." At the right side an ear-scoop, two amber beads, 
and what are probably the fittings of a purse. 

4. Male. Femur 18 inches. The head south-west. The hands by the sides ; 
on the left hip a knife. 

5. A young woman. Head south-west. Hands in the lap ; a gilt dish-shaped 
circular fibula on the breast; a knife and beads on the left hip (PI. XIX. 
fig. 3.) 

6. Girl. Head west. A plain circular fibula on the left breast. 

a. Near this grave was discovered an urn without ornament, containing calcined 
human bones, and apparently a fragment of a fibula, which had been destroyed 
by the action of fire. 

b. On the following day the greater part of an ornamented urn was discovered 
(PI XX. fig. 1), containing the bones of a child. 

7. Woman. The head south-west. On the shoulders the remains of two cir- 
cular fibuku once ornamented with embossed plates ; on the breast several beads 
and a defaced third-brass Roman coin pierced for suspension. In the lap a knife. 
The hands were placed in the lap, and the femur measured 16 inches. 

See for similar fibula;, Archicologia, Vol. XXXV. pi. xii. fig. 9; Proceedings of the Society, 
Vol. IV. p. 38. 



338 Researches in an Anglo-Saxon Cemetery 

8. A male. The head to the west. Femur 18J inches. The left hand in the lap, 
the right by the side. A knife on the breast, and above the right shoulder the 
head of a spear. 

9. Male. Head to the west. Femur 18 inches. In the lap the umbo of a 
shield ; on the breast a knife ; at the feet another knife ; above the left shoulder 
a bucket of the usual form ; and above the right shoulder the head of a spear. 

10. A child. The head to the north. A fragment of iron. 

c. Fragments of an ornamented urn, with the calcined bones of a young person. 

11. Child, north-west. No relic. 

Near this grave were found the fragments of a half-baked urn, of light coloured 
pottery. 

12. Young woman. Head south-west. Femur 16 inches. The right hand on 
the hip ; the left on the breast. On the shoulders two flat circular fibulae with 
punched ornaments ; on the breast a knife. 

13. Male. The head west. Femur 18 inches. The hand in the lap ; a knife 
at the waist. 

d. An ornamented urn, with the bones of a young person. 

14. Child. Head south-west. No relic. 

e. A plain urn, with the bones of an adult. 

15. Girl. Head south-west. The hands in the lap, in which lay a knife. At 
the neck a bronze buckle. 

16. Young person. The head south-west. No relic. 

17. Child. No relic. 

18. Young woman. Head south-west. On the shoulders two penannular ring 
fibulae of bronze, of which the pins appear to have been of iron;* at the neck a 
glass bead ; in the lap a knife. 

19. Child. No relic. 

/. Urn of reddish pottery, containing calcined bones, crushed by a large stone. 

20. Young woman. Head south-west. On the shoulders two gilt dish-shaped 
fibulae representing rude faces (Plate XIX. fig. 1) ; at the waist a clasp and other 
relics. 

21. Man. Head north-west. Femur 16$ inches. At the waist a pair of 
bronze tweezers, the iron ferrule of a spear, and a knife. Above the right 
shoulder the head of a spear. The hands by the side. 

22. Female child. The hands in the lap, in which were eight glass beads. The 
head north-west. 

A similar instance occurred at Harnham; Archseologia, Vol. XXXV. pi. xii. fig. 16. 



at Long Wittenham, Berkshire, in 1859. 339 

23. Female child. The head north-west. At the neck three glass beads. 

24. Man. The head west. The femur 17 inches. The hands in the lap, in 
which was a knife ; above the right shoulder the head of a spear. 

25. Man. The head west. The femur 18 inches. At the feet the remains of a 
large bucket with four iron hoops. On the breast a knife. An umbo of a shield 
covering the left knee. Above the left shoulder an iron spear-head. At the head 
of the grave two large stones. 

g. A plain urn, with the bones of a child. 




Bronre Ferrule. Grave 26. Fall die. 



26. Man. The head west. The femur measuring 19 1 inches. On the right 
foot a shallow bronze dish patched and mended, 13 inches in diameter. At the 
right shoulder a bucket (PL XVIII. fig. 1) and a bronze vessel. On the right 
of the head a spear-head. In the lap the umbo of a shield, a pair of bronze 
tweezers, and the bronze ferrule of a spear, represented in the accompanying 
woodcut The hands by the sides. 

27. Man. The head to the south. The femur 18 inches. Legs crossed. Tlu> 
right hand in the lap ; the left on the thigh. No relic. 

28. Young girl. Head to the west. Legs crossed ; the hands in the lap. 

29. Young woman. The head to the south-west. In the lap a knife and pin 
of bronze. On the shoulder a circular fibula with punched ornaments. 

30. Young woman. On the left side a knife ; near the right arm a spindle- 
whirl of Kimmeridge coal. On the breast a bronze ear- 
scoop and pin hung together on a ring. Hound the neck 

a collar, composed of a plain spiral strip of silver; and 
four amber beads. 

31. Woman. The head to the west. Femur 15 inches. 
The left hand in the lap, in which was a bead and a 
bronze ring. On the shoulders two flat circular fibulae of 
bronze, one of which is represented in the accompanying 

WOod-CUt. Bro^eFlbuU. 

32. A child, with the head to the south, and a knife only. Onn " Fu " " 




340 Researches in an Anglo-Saxon Cemetery 

33. Woman. The head south-west. The femur 16^ inches. The right hand 
in the lap ; the left by the side. A knife on each side of the body. On the 
left breast twelve amber and two glass beads; on the right breast a defaced 
Roman coin pierced for suspension ; on the shoulders a pair of flat circular 
fibulae, a large ornamented glass bead, a bronze pin, &c. 

34. An old woman. Head to the west. The hands by the sides. On the breast 
the remains of an iron pin. 

35. Woman. Head to the west. Femur 18 inches. On the shoulders a pair 
of circular fibulae of bronze tinned ; on the left side a spindle-whirl of dark green 
glass with white ornaments (PL XIX fig. 9) ; on the breast a bead. 

36. Man. Head south-west. Femur 20 inches; the tibia 17 inches. The 
umbo of a shield in the lap ; above the left shoulder two spears ; above the right 
shoulder a bronze kettle ; in the lap a knife. 

37. Woman. The head south-west. The femur 16 inches ; the knees bent to 
the left. No relic. At the head of the grave two large stones. 

38. Old man. The head to the south. A slender spear-head, 13 inches long, 
above the left shoulder ; the arms folded on the breast. 

A. A small urn, containing bones. 

i. Another urn with bones, among which a fragment of bronze. 

j. Another urn with a fragment of bronze. 

39. Young person. The head south. No relic. 
k. Another urn with bones. 

/. The same. 

m. An ornamented urn with bones. 

40. A child. Head to the south. A knife on the breast. 

41. Skeleton with the head to the south-west. No relic. 

42. Man. Head to the west. Femur 17 inches. The right hand by the side ; 
an umbo above the knees. The left hand in the lap, in which lay a knife ; above 
the right shoulder a spear-head, or javelin-head, 8f inches long, with depressions 
on the alternate sides of the blade, so as to produce a rotatory motion when 
thrown. 3 

43. Man. Head to the west. Femur 17 inches. On the right side a knife ; 
and on the right shoulder a buckle. 

44. Boy. Head to the west. The right hand on the breast ; the left by the 
side ; near which was a knife ; above the right shoulder a small spear-head 6| 
inches long. 

See Archeologia, Vol. XXXV. pi. x. figs. S. and 6 ; Pagan Sazondom, Introduction, p. x. 



at Long Wittenham, Berkshire, in 1859. 



341 




stud of Bronze. 
Grave 45. Fnll >izr. 



n. A plain urn, with the bones of an adult. 

o. The same. 

p. The same. 

q. A plain urn with bones, among which was a small bent bronze pin. 

r. An ornamented urn with bones. 

s. An urn, in better preservation. (PI. XX. fig. 4.) 

45. Man. Head to the west. An umbo above the right knee ; 
the edge of the umbo serrated ; five large iron studs to fasten it to 
the shield. The ornament on the apex of the umbo appeared to have 
been of tinned bronze ; two detached studs of tinned bronze formed, 
no doubt, part of the shield one of them is represented in the 
accompanying wood-cut ; at the waist a bronze buckle and a knife. 
No spear. 

t. An ornamented urn with bones, nearly perfect. (PI. XX. fig. 3.) 

46. Old woman. Head to the south-west. The femur 16 inches. On the 
left side a knife; on the shoulders a pair of gilt dish-shaped fibulae (Plate XIX. 
fig. 4). 

47. Old woman. The head south-west. On the left side a knife; on the 
breast a single flat circular fibula; a pin attached to a ring, connecting it, no 
doubt, originally with an ear-scoop, of which a portion only was found. 

48. Man. Head to the west. The femur 20^- inches. The tibia 16| inches ; 
the right hand by the side ; the left in the lap, in which lay an umbo ; above the 
right shoulder a spear-head. No knife. 

49. Child. Head to the south. Three beads on the breast. 

50. Old woman. Head to the west. On the breast an iron buckle. No knife. 

51. Young woman. The head south-west. On the breast the fragments of an 
iron pin. 

52. Woman. Head south. Near the left arm forty glass 
beads ; on the shoulders two flat circular fibulae with punched 
triangular ornaments one of them is represented in the 
accompanying wood-cut ; on the right breast a knife. 

53. Woman. Head south-west. Within. the left arm a 
knife ; near the right arm ten glass beads, and one of crystal. 
On the shoulders two small dish-shaped fibulae. 

54. Woman. Head to the west. A knife in the lap ; 
the right hand on the breast. 

. The fragments of an urn containing bones. 

VOL. XXXVIII. 2 Z 




r.ripn/c Fibula. 
Grave M. Fnll l. 



342 Researches in an Anglo-Saxon Cemetery 

55. Child. Head to the south. No relic. 

56. Man. Head to the south. A knife and an umbo in the lap ; above the 
left shoulder a spear-head. The femur 18 inches ; the arms folded on the breast. 

v. A broken urn containing human bones, among which was a small iron knife 
with a blunt edge. 




Iron Knife, from Urn r . Foil size. 

57. Woman (?) Head to the south. The femur 16 inches. A knife at the 
right hip ; at the waist a large bronze buckle (PI. XIX. fig. 10) ; at the right 
shoulder an ornamented urn (PI. XX. fig. 2). The grave 3 feet 8 inches deep. 

58. Young woman. Head to the south. The femur 17 inches. The legs 
crossed ; at the neck fifteen amber and three glass beads ; on the breast an iron 
pin ; on the left shoulder a flat circular fibula, showing marks of the cloth with 
which it was covered. 

to. A plain urn with bones. 

59. Old woman of very small stature. Head to the west. Grave 3 feet 6 inches 
deep. On the right of the head a small black urn 3 inches high and 6 inches in 
diameter. 

60. Boy. Head south-west. In the lap a knife. On the right side of the 
head a bucket and a spear-head 6 inches long. 

61. Man. Head south-west. The femur 19 J inches ; tibia 15^. The hands by 
the sides ; in the lap a knife and a pair of bronze tweezers ; above the left 
shoulder a spear-head of elegant form 11 inches long. 

62. Child. Head to the south. No relic. 

x. A shattered urn with bones, among which was a minute bronze pin. 
y. A plain urn with bones. 

63. Woman. Head to the west. The femur 19 inches. At the neck several 
beads ; at the shoulders a pair of fibulae ; on the breast a knife. 

64. Boy. Head south-west. Above the right shoulder the head of a spear 
7 inches long. 

65. Woman. Grave 4 feet deep. Head to the south. Femur 15J inches. 
Left hand in the lap, in the which was a buckle. On the shoulders a pair of 
flat circular fibulae of bronze tinned, one of which is represented in the accom- 
panying wood-cut ; on the breast a knife. 




at Long Wittenham, Berkshire, in 1859. 343 

66. Boy. Head south-west. In the lap a knife. Ahove 
the right shoulder a spear-head 7 inches long. 

z. A plain urn with bones. 

67. Man. The head to the west. The femur 19 inches ; 
the tibia 15^ inches. On the right side an umbo resting 
on its edge. Near the right hand a small bronze buckle ; 
above the right shoulder a spear-head 16 inches long. 
On the left side a sword, the pommel under the arm-pit. 

68. Woman. Head south-west. The legs crossed at the Bron " FibaU - 

Grave 65. Full Ue. 

ankles. The right hand by the side ; the left in the lap. 

On the breast three worn third-brass Roman coins pierced for suspension, one 
of them of Constantine the Great, glass and amber beads, and a bronze pin ; 
under the left arm-pit a knife ; on the shoulders two flat circular fibulae, a spiral 
iron ring, and a small ferrule or tube of bronze. 

69. Old Man. Head south-west. Above the right shoulder the head of a 
small spear 6 inches long. 

aa. A plain urn with burnt bones. 
bb. An ornamented urn with bones. 

70. Old woman. Head south-west. On the shoulders two fibulae. 

71. Woman. Head west. At the waist a bronze buckle; the right arm 
extended by the side ; between it and the body two hundred and eighty amber 
beads of various sizes ; on this arm lay a bunch of iron keys. A spiral ring on the 
third finger of the left hand ; in the lap a knife. On the shoulders two large 
dish-shaped fibulae. (PL XIX. fig. 2.) 

cc. A plain urn with burnt bones, about 9 inches high. 

72. Young woman. Femur 15 inches. The knife in the lap ; an iron buckle 
at the waist. 

73. A child. No relic. 

dd. An ornamented urn with bones. 
ee. A plain urn with bones. 

74. Boy. Head west. A knife on the breast, and above the left shoulder a 
small spear-head 4f inches long. 

75. Girl. Head west. Two fibulae, a pin, and beads. 

76. Young man. Head south-west. The femur 16 inches. On the left side 
a knife ; above the right shoulder the head of a spear 6 inches long. 

77. Young man. Head south-west. The femur 17 inches. No relic. 

78. Woman. Head south-west. Femur 1& inches. The legs bent to the 
right. In the lap a large iron key ; on the shoulders two circular fibulae. 

2z2 



341 



Researches in an Anglo-Saxon Cemetery 



79. Woman. Head south-west. The legs crossed at the knees. The femur 
inches. Right hand in the lap ; the left by the side ; on the shoulder a 

circular fibula ; on the breast a spindle-whirl. 

80. Old woman. Head south-west. Femur 16 inches; on the left hip a 
knife; on the breast a bronze pin attached to a ring, and a pair of scales, 
represented in the accompanying wood- cut ; on the shoulders two circular fibula} 
ornamented with embossed plates, of which fragments only remained. 





PAIR OF SCALES FROM ORATE 80. 

Fall die. 



ff. An ornamented urn with bones. 

81. Old man. Head west. The femur 17^ inches ; at the waist an iron buckle ; 
on the left side a knife ; on the body an umbo ; above right shoulder a spear-head. 

82. Man. Head west. The femur 17 inches ; near the left knee the umbo of 
a shield resting on its edge ; the hands in the lap ; above the right shoulder the 
head of a spear ; above the left shoulder a bucket 4 inches high with bronze hoops 
and iron handle. 

83. Man. Head west. Femur 16 inches ; by the side of the lap an umbo ; the 
right hand on the breast, the left by the side ; above the right shoulder a spear- 
head. 

84. Young woman. Head south. On the breast three amber beads ; on the 
shoulders two flat circular fibulae. 



at Long TFittenham, Berkshire, in 1859. 345 



85. Man. Head south-west. Femur 18 inches; tibia 16 inches; at the 
waist an iron buckle ; on the breast bronze tweezers, a knife, and an umbo crushed 
by the weight of the earth ; above the right shoulder a spear-head. 

86. Two interments, with the heads to the west ; the bones in disorder. An 
urn of the usual character had been disturbed when this grave was formed. 

gg. An ornamented urn with bones. 

87. Woman. Head west. Femur 17 inches ; on the right breast a knife ; 
on the left breast what appeared to be a large iron key, which fell to pieces. 

88. Man. Grave 3 feet 6 inches. Head west. Femur 18 inches ; the hands 
in the lap. No relic. 

89. Woman (?). Head south-west. No relic. 

90. Woman. Head west ; legs crossed ; hands in the lap. No relic. 

91. Man. Head south-west. Femur 17| ; the hands in the lap, in which lay 
an umbo ; above the right shoulder a spear-head and a bucket ; on the breast, 
immediately beneath the chin, an object formed of iron and strips of bronze. 

hh. An ornamented urn with bones. 

92. Man. Head west. The femur 17 inches ; the hands on the hips ; in the 
lap an umbo ; above the right shoulder a small bucket 3f inches high, with bronze 
hoops and handle, and the head of a spear. 

93. A boy. The head to the west. The grave 3 feet 8. At the feet a bronze 
kettle (PI. XVIII. fig. 2) resting on a slab of wood ; by the side of the vessel 
the head of a spear 5| inches long, with the point downward ; on the breast a 
small iron knife ; and on the right of the head a stoup, 6 inches in height and 
4 inches in diameter (PI. XVII.), formed of hoops and staves like the well- 
known buckets, but the outer surface covered with plates of metal, on which are 
stamped en repousst the monogram of Christ between the letters A and n, the 
whole encircled by a nimbus, and three scenes from the life of our Lord, namely, 
the Annunciation, the Baptism, and the Miracle at Cana. 

94. Child. Head west. No relic. 

95. Young woman. Head west. At the feet a fragment of bronze ; on the 
shoulders two circular fibulae, one of them dish-shaped, the other once orna- 
mented with a thin embossed plate ; on the left arm some minute glass beads ; 
on the breast a spindle-whirl of bone," and three iron rings lying one on the 
other, the handles of keys which had perished ; under the chin other beads. 

96. Woman. Head north-west. Femur 16f inches ; by the left arm beads ; 

Similar to one found at Harnham. See Archmologia, Vol. XXXV. pi. xi. fig. 8; Pagan Sxondom, pi. 
x xxvi. fig. 4. 



346 Researches in an Anglo-Saxon Cemetery 

at the neck other beads ; on the shoulders two bronze fibulae of the cruciform 
type, 2^ inches long. 

97. Old woman. Head west. Femur 16 inches ; hands in the lap. No relic. 

98. Girl. Head south-west. At the neck beads. A small bronze pin. 
ii. A plain urn with bones. 

jj. Another urn of plain form, 7 inches high, containing the bones of an adult, 
among which was an iron buckle. 

99. Young person. Grave 4 feet deep. Head west. The legs crossed ; at the 
back of the head a small black urn. 

100. Old woman. Head west ; femur 16$ inches. Grave 4 feet deep ; right 
hand by the side ; left in the lap ; in the lap a chrystal spindle- whirl cut in facets, 8 
an iron buckle, and a finger-ring of bronze set with glass or enamel (PL XIX. 
fig. 12) ; on the breast amber beads and toilet implements, consisting of an ear- 
scoop and two pins of bronze, attached to a ring ; b at the neck more beads ; on 
the shoulders two flat circular fibulae ; a knife on the left side. 

101. Young woman. Head west. Grave 4 feet 5 inches. Femur 16 inches ; 
both hands in the lap. No relic. 

102. Woman (?). Head west ; right hand on the hip ; left in the lap. No relic. 

103. Old man. Head west ; femur 19 inches. At the right hip a knife ; at the 
waist an iron buckle. 

104. "Woman. Head north-west. On the shoulders a pair of long fibulae. 

105. Man (?). Head west. Femur 17 inches; tibia 14 inches; legs crossed at 
the ankles. A knife and an umbo of a shield on the breast. 

106. A young man. Head south-west. Femur 18 inches. An umbo covering 
the left knee ; above the right shoulder the heads of two spears, one of them 
8 inches, the other 7 inches long ; above the left shoulder fragments of a bronze 
vessel which had been in all probability destroyed by a fold-stake. 

107. Young man." Head south-west. Femur 18 inches ; on the breast an 
umbo ; above the right shoulder a spear-head. 

108. Girl. Head north-west. Grave 3 feet 8 inches. At the left hip a knife ; 
at the left wrist two glass beads ; on the shoulders two circular fibulae orna- 
mented with thin embossed plates, fastened to the surfaces by a composition that 
had perished. (PL XIX. fig. 7.) 

109. Girl. Head south-west. No relic. 

A similar spindle-whirl was found at Brighthampton. See Archaeologia, Vol. XXXVUI. pi. iii. fig. 8. 
k A similar set of implements was found at Harnham; Archaeologia, Vol. XXXV. pi. xii. fig. 13. 
c A photograph was taken of this skeleton, which shows the way in which it was lying, and the position 
of the weapons. 



at Long Wittenham, Berkshire, in 1859. 



347 




Spiral Ring of Silver. 
Grave 111. Full size. 




Bronze Oriumcni 
Grave 111. Full ize. 



110. Young woman. Head west. On the breast amber and glass 
beads, tweezers, and pin ; on the shoulders a pair of flat circular 
fibulae ; in the lap two knives. 

111. "Woman. Head west. At the left wrist amber beads ; on 
the left hand two rings of silver, one spiral, the other plain ; in the 
lap a number of amber beads, a knife, three iron rings, the handles 
of keys that had perished ; on the left breast a bronze pin, and a 
brass coin of Constantino the Great pierced for suspension, bearing 
the very common legend and type SOLI . INVICTO COMITI ; the sun 
standing. On the shoulders two gilt dish-shaped fibulae. Among 
the relics in this grave was a triangular plate of bronze, represented 
in the wood-cut. 

112. Young man. Head. west. Femur 16^ inches. The hands in the lap ; a 
spear over the head. No knife. 

113. Child. Head west. At the right hip a fragment of what was probably a 
bronze clasp. Throughout this and other graves there were traces of charcoal. 

114. Boy. Head west. Hands in the lap ; on the breast an iron pin ; above 
the right shoulder a spear-head 7^ inches long. 

115. Young woman. Head west. Right hand in the lap ; left by the side. 
No relic. 

116. Young person. Head west. In the lap a knife. 

117. Young woman. Head west. In the lap a bronze buckle. (PI. XIX. 
fig. 11.) Hands in the lap, in which was a single amber bead. No knife By 
the right side of this skeleton lay that of an infant. 

118. Young man. Head west. Femur 17 inches ; tibia 14 inches. Grave 
3 feet 6. Left hand on the breast ; 

a spear-head lOf inches long. 

119. Young person. Head west. 

120. Young person. Head west. 

121. Young woman. Head west. 



right by the side ; above the right shoulder 



on 



No relic. 
No relic. 

Femur 17 inches. Hands in the lap 
the shoulders two gilt dish-shaped fibulae. 

This grave was between and exactly in a line with the two former. 

122. Young woman. Head west. Femur 15f inches. Hands in the lap ; the 
legs crossed at the ankles ; on the breast a small bronze pin. 

123. Woman. Head south-west. Femur 17 inches ; tibia 14| inches. Near 
the left arm amber beads ; in the lap amber beads ; at the waist a dish-shaped 
fibula (PL XIX. fig. 5) ; on the left breast the companion fibula ; on the left wrist 
a silver bracelet (PI. XIX. fig. 6) with punched ornaments. 



348 Researches in an Anglo-Saxon Cemetery 

124. Young person. Head west. Right hand in the lap. No relic. 

125. Old woman. Head west. Femur 17 inches. On the breast an iron 
purse-guard (?) ; near the right arm a knife ; on the shoulders a pair of flat 
circular fibulae. 

126. Man. Head west. Femur 18 inches ; tibia 14 inches. On the breast 
the umbo of a shield ; above the left shoulder the head of a spear. 

127- Young girl. Head south-west. In the lap a knife ; on the left wrist 
a bronze bracelet, formed of a flat band. 



Notes on Skulls from Long Wittenham. By JOHN THUKNAM, JBttq., M.D., F.S.A. 

Grave No. 2. From the small capacity of this skull, it might have been taken 
for that of a female ; but the very prominent glabella and frontal sinuses, the high 
cheek bones and deeply impressed jaws, lead us to regard it as that of a man 
about 45 years of age. The small calvarium is of a tolerably regular ovoid form ; 
the narrow forehead rising to a moderately elevated coronal region. The nose 
has projected very abruptly. The teeth are much eroded, and one of the molars 
carious ; none of the wisdom teeth had been developed. 

Grave No. 7. A well developed female skull, very smooth, and of remarkably 
regular ovoid form, typically Anglo-Saxon. Age about 35. Teeth slightly 
eroded. 

Grave No. 8. Ovoid skull of a male of moderately large size, aged perhaps 30. 
The frontal suture is persistent ; the frontal sinuses and glabella moderately 
developed. The teeth are thickly encrusted with tartar, a condition observed in 
the five other skulls from this cemetery. The crowns of the teeth are slightly 
eroded ; the upper incisors and their alveolar processes large and prominent. 

Grave No. 25. Skull of a man, aged about 50. The form inclines to the 
lengthened oval. The glabella and frontal sinuses very prominent. The nasal 
bones project very abruptly. Of the wisdom teeth only that on the right side of 
the lower jaw had been developed. Crowns of teeth much eroded, in the flattened 
form so distinctive of Anglo-Saxon skulls. 

Grave No. 26. Skull deeply stained with aerugo on the left temple, from 
contact with some object of bronze or brass. It is that of a person of middle 
age. There may be a doubt as to the sex, though the full size and rather 
prominent frontal sinuses point to the male. The form is a tolerably regular 



at Long Wittenham, Berkshire, in 1859. 349 

ovoid. The frontal suture is persistent. This skull deserves notice, from the great 
degree of distortion after burial, the left temporal region being pushed a full 
inch in advance of the right, and the upper jaw being so much dislocated that it 
is impossible to bring the upper and lower teeth in apposition. The lower jaw is 
rather small and shallow. 

Grave No. 35. The full-sized skull of a female, aged about 50. The general 
form corresponds with that of No. 7. It has, however, been slightly distorted 
after burial, by the unequal pressure of the incumbent earth. 



Notes on the Anglo-Saxon Skulls from Long Wittenham. By J. B. DAVIS, Esq., 

M.R.C.S., F.S.A. 

No. 61 is the cranium of a man of advanced age, probably not less than 70 
years. It is thin and light, the latter, in some measure, by reason of its anti- 
quity. Its sutures are almost wholly effaced. The teeth, thickly crusted with 
tartar, are much ground down by severe use. They have all been present in dis- 
interment, save an upper wise tooth, and the two central incisors of the lower 
jaw. This latter is a deficiency so singular, and the alveolus at the spot presents 
such a striking similarity to the jaws of Australians, Kanakas, and other aborigi- 
nal races who adopt the practice of punching out the front teeth, that we are led 
to the conclusion that, if the two central incisors were not congenitally absent, 
they were lost by some accident in early life. 

The caharium is well filled out, capacious, equable, and of the platycephalic 
form ; the forehead squarish, ample, and upright ; and the nasal bones appear to 
have proceeded from it at a small angle. The face is of good size, the horizontal 
arch of the jaws well rounded, and the chin upright and expressed. The whole 
features give the idea of an agreeable, if not handsome, countenance. 

The skull appertains to what we regard as the typical series of Anglo-Saxon 
crania, and has probably belonged to a tall, well-proportioned man. This idea is 
confirmed by the femora and tibia, which are long, robust, and of good form. 
The thigh bones, when measured to the extreme length, vary ; the right is a little 
under, and the left a little over, nineteen inches ; a difference which is compen- 
sated for by a reciprocated diversity of length in the shin bones, the right being a 
little more than fifteen inches and a half, and the left a little less. 

Of the three other skulls, one, that of a man of about GO years of age, presents 
the next common form of the Anglo-Saxon cranium the ovoid which has de- 
scended to the. modern English race. The face is rather long, and the nose 

VOL. xxxviii. 3 A 



350 Researches in an Anglo-Saxon Cemetery 

aquiline, which was not a common feature among the Anglo-Saxons. The two 
other crania have belonged to persons of the female sex. That with which the 
280 amber beads were found (No. 71), is the skull of a young woman, and is of 
beautiful form and proportions. It will be figured, of full size, in the " Crania 
Britannica," as the representative of the female sex among the Anglo-Saxon 
race. The other has belonged to a girl of about 16 years of age. It has under- 
gone so much distortion, after burial, that it is difficult to recover its true 
form. It is, however, remarkable for the great prominence of the parietal pro- 
tuberances a feminine peculiarity. 



Description of the Plates. 

Plate XVII. 

This Plate represents, of the actual size, the stoup found in Grave No. 93. The 
subjects in the three quadrangular compartments appear to be 1. The Annuncia- 
tion. 2. The Baptism of our Lord, above which appears an attempt to form the 
word inANNHC. 3. The Marriage of Cana. The prototype of these representa- 
tions was not improbably Byzantine, modified perhaps by successive copies ; but 
there can be little doubt of the Saxon origin of this vessel and its ornaments. 
The only object that I have met with at all similar to it in workmanship is a 
cylindrical relic, perhaps a portion of a circular box, or the mounting of a horn, 
found with other remains at Strood in Kent. It is engraved in Mr. C. Roach 
Smith's Collectanea Antiqua, vol. ii. pi. xxxvi. p. 159, where it is thus de- 
scribed : " It is a small bronze coffer or box made of two thin plates of bronze 
riveted together, and bound round at the lower part with a narrow band of the 
same metal. The cover and bottom of the box are lost. On one side a ring is 
attached, from which it would seem that the box had been carried about the 
person, and suspended for security to the girdle or some part of the dress. Round 
the outer plate is stamped in low relief a group of three figures six times repeated ; 
it consists of three personages, the middle one seated and nimbed, the others 
standing one on each side with their arms crossed upon the breast ; above the head 
of one is a cross, and over the other a bird carrying a wreath. Below is a border 
of foliage, and birds partially concealed by the band." This curious object seems 
somewhat later in date than the stoup from Long Wittenham. It now forms part 
of the valuable Museum belonging to Joseph Mayer, Esq. F.8.A. at Liverpool. 



at Long Wittenham, Berkshire, in 1859. 351 



Plate XVIII. 

Fig. 1. A bucket, 5 inches high, the staves of which are of wood, discovered 
above the shoulder of the skeleton of a man in grave No. 26. It resembles in 
general form and construction relics of a similar kind, representations of which 
may be found in Douglas's Nenia Britannica, pi. 12, fig. 11 ; Faussett's Inven- 
torium Sepulchrale, p. 13 ; Hoare's Ancient Wiltshire, vol. ii. pi. vi. ; Pagan 
Saxondom, pi. xxvii. p. 54 ; Wylie's Fairford Graves, pi. viii. fig. 2 ; Neville's 
Saxon Obsequies, pi. 17 ; Archaeological Journal, vol. xi. p. 96 ; Smith's Collec- 
tanea Antiqua, vol. ii. p. 161 ; Proceedings of the Bury and West Suffolk Archaeo- 
logical Institute, vol. i. p. 328 ; ArchaBologia, Vol. XXXVIII. p. 87. For notices 
of foreign examples see MuseumSchoepflini, tab. xvj. fig. 1 ; Houben, Romisches 
Antiquarium, taf. xlviij.; Cochet, Sepultures Gauloises, &c., p. 282; Smith's 
Collectanea Antiqua, vol. ii. pi. xlv. ; Peigne'-Delacourt, Recherches sur le 
lieu de la Bataille d'Attila, p. 55. 

Fig. 2. A bronze vessel discovered at the feet of the skeleton of a boy in grave 
No. 93. It resembles in form a vessel found in the Saxon cemetery at Fairford ; 
see Wylie's Fairford Graves, pi. viii. fig. 1. Others of the same form have been 
found at Little Wilbraham (Neville's Saxon Obsequies, pi. 16) ; and at Sawston, 
in Cambridgeshire (Archaeologia, Vol. XVIII. pi. xxv. fig. 4). 

Plate XIX. 

Fig. 1. One of a pair of dish-shaped fibulae of gilt bronze, with full-faced 
human faces, from grave No. 20. Specimens of a similar type have been found 
in Kent, Wilts, and the Isle of Wight. It is worthy of remark that in most 
cases one of the pair is of inferior execution to the other ; in the present instance 
the human face can scarcely be distinguished in one of them. ( S^ee Douglas, 
Nenia Britannica, pi. ii. ; Remains of Pagan Saxondom, pi. xxxiv. figs. 2 and 3 ; 
Archa3ologia, Vol. XXXV. pi. xii. figs. 3 and 4; Vol. XXXVIII. pi. iii. fig. 7.) 

Fig. 2. One of a pair of dish-shaped fibulae of bronze gilt from grave No. 71. 

Fig. 3. A small dish-shaped fibula of bronze gilt from grave No. 5. 

Fig. 4. One of a pair of dish-shaped fibulae of bronze gilt from grave No. 46. 
Compare with it one of the silver discs, ornamented with feet of dragon-like 
figures, found at Caenby in Lincolnshire, engraved in Pagan Saxondom, pi. xv. 
p. 30 ; see also Archaeological Journal, vol. vii. p. 38. 

3A 2 



352 Researches in an Anglo-Saxon Cemetei*y at Long Wittcnham. 

Fig. 5. One of a pair of dish-shaped fibulae of bronze gilt, from grave No. 123. 

Fig. 6. Bracelet of silver, found on the left arm of the skeleton in grave 
No. 123. The punched ornaments upon it resemble in workmanship those on 
the knife-sheath found at Brighthampton, engraved in this volume, pi. iii. fig. 6. . 

Fig. 7. Fragment of a circular fibula, from grave No. 108, the surface of which 
has been ornamented with a thin plate of bronze, on which is embossed a cross 
fleury, a type often found on Saxon coins; the body of the fibula is a plate of 
bronze, which appears to have been covered with cement, so as to attach to it 
the ornamental plate. See for similar fibulae Pagan Saxondom, pi. xix. fig. 2 ; 
Archasologia, Vol. XXXIV. pi. x. fig. 4; XXXV. pi. xii. fig. 9; XXXVII. 
p. 146 ; XXXVIII. pi. iii. fig. 9 ; Proceedings Soc. Ant. vol. iv. p. 38. 

Fig. 8. one of the numerous button-like fibulae of bronze, ornamented with 
circles and other patterns made with a punch, and of which the surfaces 
appear to have been tinned. The present example is from grave No. 29. 

Fig. 9. A spindle-whirl of dark green glass, with a pattern of a lighter colour ; 
it is from grave No. 35. 

Fig. 10. A bronze buckle, found at the waist of skeleton in grave No. 57. 

Fig. 11. A bronze object, found near the waist in grave No. 117. 

Fig. 12. A bronze finger-ring, inlaid with blue paste, or enamel, from grave 
No. 100. It resembles the finger-rings of the later Roman period. 

Plate XX. 

In this plate are represented four urns from the cemetery at Long Wittenham. 
Nos. 1, 3, and 4 contained calcined human bones. 

No. 2 was found empty at the right shoulder of the skeleton, apparently that 
of a woman, in grave No. 57, and was perhaps devoted to the same purpose as 
the buckets. 







->^w _,' <l J JJ. 




Full 










ANGLO SAXOH STOTTP FOTJMD AT LONG "WIT TEN HAM. BERKS 



iVJli; 




A f. .. i 



Scale 



. 



. 



Plate ZTXlp 352 




Full size 



ANGLO SAXON ORNAMENTS FROM LONG W1TTKNHAM. BERKS 



ol XXXV11I Plate XX p 362 







r T 



Scale 



8 Iiickta 



.7 f.Lrirr Jel 



ANGLO SAXON TTRJJS FROM LONG "WrrTENHAM BERKS 



XXIV. Inventory of the Goods of Dame Agnes Hungerford, attainted of 
Murder 14 Hen. VIII. ; with Remarks thereon by JOHN GOTJGH NICHOLS, 
Esq., F.S.A., and the Rev. JOHN EDWARD JACKSON, M.A., F.S.A. 



Read May 19, 1859. 

BY the kindness of the Rev. Edgar Edimlnd Estcourt, M.A., Fellow of the 
Society, we are presented with a transcript of an Inventory," of which the 
original is now preserved in H. M. Record Office, bearing the following title : 
" Inventory of the goods belonging to the King's grace by the forfeiture of 
the Lady Hungerford, attainted of murder in Hilary term Anno xiiij. Regis 
Henrici VIII." 

The fact of a lady of this name having suffered execution at Tybourn on 
the 20th of February, 1523, has been handed down by the chronicle of Stowe, 
and it is stated by that historian that she died for murdering her husband. 
Stowe cites in his margin the Register of the Grey Friars, meaning a volume 
now preserved in the British Museum, and including among its other contents 
a London chronicle, which in the year 1852 was printed for the Camden Society 
under my editorship, and entitled, "The Chronicle of the Grey Friars of 
London." 

"We find that the body of the convicted lady was buried in the church of 
the Grey Friars ;" and that circumstance evidently occasioned the notice taken 
of her execution in their chronicle. The passage is as follows : 

The transcript, having been made at Mr. Estcourt's expense, was offered by him for the use of the 
Gentleman's Magazine, and transferred, with his consent, by John Henry Parker, Esq. F.S.A., to the 
Society. 

b " In media navis Ecdesice. Redeundo juxta coluinpnam in piano jacet domina Alicia Hungerforthe, 
Qua: obijt 20 die mensis February anno Domini 1523. (In a side note, written by a later, but old, hand,) 
Suspendit apud Tyborne." (Register of the Grey Friars of London, MS. Cotton. Vitellius, F. xii. p. 294 b.) 

The only other place in which any mention of Lady Hungerford's execution has been found, is a local 
chronicle of Ludlow in Shropshire, which contains the following entry: " 1522. The Lady Hungerford 
hanged." (Wright's History of Ludlow, 1852, p. 490.) Whether this is due to any connection of the 
unhappy woman with that part of England remains to be ascertained : but the Corbels (see the Inventory, 
p. 864,) were numerous in Shropshire. 



354. Inventory of the Goods of Dame Agnes Hungerford. 

" And this yere in feverelle the xxti day was the lady Alys Hungrford was 
lede from the Tower unto Holborne, and there put into a carte at the churchyard 
with one of her servanttes, and so caryed unto Tyhorne, and there both hongyd, 
and she burryed at the Grayfreeres in the nether end of the myddes of the 
church on the North syde." (Chronicle of the Grey Friars of London, p. 31.) 

Besides Stowe, the only author whom I could find offering any information 
in illustration of this passage was Sir Richard Colt Hoare, who printed, in 1823, 
a small octavo volume entitled " Hungerfordiana." The tragic event was there 
connected with that branch of the Hungerfords which resided at Cadenham, in 
Wiltshire ; but, as Sir Richard Hoare's conjecture in that respect did not appear 
to be satisfactory, I appealed to the Rev. John Edward Jackson, M.A., F.S.A., 
Rector of Leigh Delamere, and the zealous Secretary of the Wiltshire Archaeo- 
logical and Natural History Society, by whom I knew that large collections 
relative to the Hungerfords had been formed. 

Mr. Jackson was able to say decisively that Sir R. C. Hoare was wrong. 
There were no knights in the Cadenham branch of the Hungerfords before 
a Sir George, who died in the year 1712 ; and the only knights of the family 
living at the date of the execution in 1523 were Sir Walter Hungerford of 
Farley Castle and Heytesbury, and Sir John Hungerford and Sir Anthony his 
son, both of Down Ampney, whose wives had other names and are otherwise 
accounted for. 

No other Alice Lady Hungerford, identifiable with the culprit, could be 
discovered but the second of the three wives of Sir Walter, who was summoned 
to parliament as Lord Hungerford of Heytesbury in 1536 ; and, considering 
that the extreme cruelty of that person to all his wives is recorded in a letter 
written by the third and last of them,' and that his career was at last ter- 
minated with the utmost disgrace hi 1640, b when he was beheaded (suffering at 

Printed in the collection of the Letters of Royal and Illustrious Ladies, by Miss Wood (now Mrs. 
Green), 1846, vol. ii. p. 271. 

b " Cromwelle for tresone and lorde Hungerforthe for bockery." (Chronicle of the Grey Friars of 
London, p. 44.) '' The eight and twentith of Julie the lord Cromwell was beheaded, and likewise with 
him the lord Hungerford of Heitesburie, who at the houre of his death seemed unquiet, as manic judged 
him rather in a frensie than otherwise: he suffered for buggerie." (Holinshed's Chronicle.) In contra- 
diction to this hateful charge, however, we find that in the survey of his lands he is described as " Walter 
Hungerford knyght, late lord Hungerford, of hyghe treason attaynted." (Hoare's Modern Wiltshire, 
Hundred of Heytesbury, p. 104.) It is also stated that part of his offence was maintaining a chaplain 
named William Bird, who had called the King a heretic, and that he had procured certain persons, by 
conjuration, to know how long the King should live. (Dugdale's Baronage, ii. p. 212.) 



Inventory of the Goods of Dame Agnes Htmgerford. 355 

the same time as the fallen minister, Thomas Crumwell, Earl of Essex), it was 
deemed not improbable that the unfortunate lady might have been condemned 
for some desperate attempt upon the life of so bad a husband which had not 
actually effected its object, or even that her life and character had been 
sacrificed to a false and murderous accusation. 

In this state the mystery has remained until the discovery of the present 
inventory ; when, although the particulars of the tragedy remain still un- 
developed, we find that the culprit must have been a different person from the 
lady already noticed ; and the murdered man, if her husband, of course not the 
lord Walter. 

It is ascertained by the document before us that the Lady Hungerford who 
was hung at Tybourn on the 23d of February, 1523, was really a widow, and 
that she was certainly attainted of felony and murder; moreover, that her 
name was Agnes, not Alice, as was stated in the Grey Friars Chronicle. This 
inventory further shows, by the mention it contains of Heytesbury, Farley 
Castle, and other places, as well as by the great amount of personal property 
described, that the parties were no other than the heads of the Hungerford 
family. The initials E and A placed upon some of the articles point to the 
names of Edward and Agnes. In short, it is made evident that the lady 
was the widow of Sir Edward Hungerford, the father of Walter Lord Hunger- 
ford already mentioned ; and we are led to infer that it was Sir Edward himself 
who had been poisoned or otherwise murdered by her agency. 

It is a remarkable feature of the inventory, that many items of it are 
described in the first person, and consequently from the lady's own dictation ; 
and towards the end is a list of " The rayment of my husbond's, which is in 
the keping of my son in lawe." By this expression I understand step-son, 
and that the person so designated was Sir Walter Hungerford, Sir Edward's 
son and heir. From this conclusion it follows that the lady was not Sir 
Walter's mother, who appears in the pedigree as Jane daughter of John lord 
Zouche of Haryngworth, but a second wife, whose name has not been recorded 
by the genealogists of the family. 

To this circumstance must be attributed much of the difficulty that has 
hitherto enveloped this investigation. The lady's origin and maiden name 
are still unknown : but Mr. Jackson has favoured me with some particulars 
which clearly identify her as the widow of Sir Edward Hungerford. His obser- 
vations are as follow : 



356 Inventory of the Goods of Dame Agnes Hungerford, 

" So long as the Christian name of the Lady Hungerford executed at Tybourn 
in 1523 was understood to have been Alice, it was impossible to do anything 
more than vaguely conjecture whose wife she might have been. The present 
inventory, under the light of other documents, appears to leave no longer 
room for any reasonable doubt. It describes her as ' Agnes Lady Hungerferd, 
wydowe." It does not, indeed, mention the husband by name : nor do the 
pedigrees of the family give us at this period any lady bearing the Christian 
name of Agnes. But that she was the second wife of Sir Edward Hungerford, 
of Heytesbury, may now be safely declared upon the evidence following. 

" Of this Sir Edward very little is known. But it is quite certain that he 
was twice married, and that his first wife was a Zouche. The pedigrees uniformly 
call her Jane ; and the arms of Hungerford impaling Zouche were found by 
myself some years ago on stained glass, in a cottage near Farley Castle, and 
were transferred to the church of that parish. By this first wife Sir Edward 
had one only son, Walter, afterwards created Lord Hungerford of Heytesbury. 
The date of the first wife's death is not known. The name of the second wife 
is found in Sir Edward's last will. He resided chiefly at Heytesbury ; and, 
from the circumstance of the eleven witnesses' names all belonging to that 
immediate neighbourhood, it is most likely that he died there. The will is short, 
and is dated 14th December, A.D. 1521 ; 13 Hen. VIII. He describes himself 
as ' of hole and perfite mynde and of good memory, being sike in body ;' and 
desires to be buried ' in my parish church of Heightesbury.'" After bequeathing 
small legacies to various churches and friends, it concludes thus : ' The residue 
of all my goodes, detts, catalls, juells, plate, harnesse, and all other moveable 
whatsoever they be, I freely geve and bequeth to Agnes Himgerforde my wife : 
And I make, ordeyn, and constitute of this my present last wille and testament 
the said Agnes my wife my sole executrice.' 

" Sir Edward must have died very soon afterwards, as the will was proved 
in London ' on the oath of Robert Colett, Clerk, proctor for the Lady Agnes, 
relict and executrix,' on the 29th January, 1521-2. 

" After an interval of twelve months comes the fact supplied by the heading 
of the present ' Inventory :' that ' Agnes Lady Hungerford, tcydowe, was atteynted 

She is the Jane Zouche mentioned in her grandmother's (Lady Dynham) will, 1496; Testamenta 
Vetusta, p. 432. 

b There is no visible memorial to him in Heytesbury church ; whether there is any accessible vault that 
might contain a coffin-plate I do not know. 



Inventory of the Goods of Dame Agnes Hungerford. 357 

of felony and murder in Hillary Term xiiij Henry 8 :' i.e. between January 11 
and January 31, A.D. 1523. And on the 20th February following (as the 
Grey Friars Register and Chronicle state), Lady Hungerford, whom those 
documents call Alice, was executed at Tybourn. That the name of Alice in 
that Register and Chronicle is a mistake for Agnes, there can now scarcely 
be a doubt. But, should any remain, it seems to be quite dispelled by the next 
and last link in the evidence following in due order of time. Five months 
after the execution at Tybourn, viz. ' on 15th July, 1523, Walter Hungerford, 
Esquire, son and heir of Edward Hungerford, Knight, obtained the royal 
license to enter upon all the lands and tenements of which the said Sir Edward 
was seised in fee, or which Agnes, late wife of Sir Edward, held for term of her 
life.' (Addit. MSS. 6364, fol. 39.) 

" The inventory agrees with the will in another point. By the will, all 
the goods, debts, chattels, jewels, plate, harness (i.e. armour), and all other 
moveables whatsoever, were ' freely given ' to Agnes the wife. These are pre- 
cisely the articles specified in the inventory ; and that they were the absolute 
property of Agnes the widow is clear, from their being forfeited to the Crown, 
which would not have been the case had they been hers only for her life. 

" But though this inventory assists materially in clearing up three points 
in this transaction, viz. 1. The lady's Christian name ; 2. Whose wife she had 
been ; and 3. That her crime was ' felony and murder ;' the rest of the story 
remains as much as ever wrapped in mystery. It is not yet certain who was 
the person murdered, and of the motives, place, time, and all other particulars, 
we are wholly ignorant. John Stowe, the chronicler, who repeats what he found 
in the Grey Friars Chronicle, certainly adds to that account the words, ' for 
murdering her husband.' But as Stowe was not born until two years after Lady 
Hungerford's execution, and did not compile his own chronicle until forty years 
after it, and as we do not know whether he was speaking only from hearsay or on 
authority, the fact that it was the husband still remains to be proved. 

" Excepting on the supposition that the Lady Agnes was a perfect monster 
among women, it is almost inconceivable that she should have murdered a hus- 
band who, only a few weeks, or days, before his death, in the presence of eleven 
gentlemen and clergymen known to them both, signed a document by which he 
made to her (besides the jointure from lands, above alluded to,) a free and abso- 
lute gift of all his personal property, including the accumulated valuables of an 
ancient family : and this, to the entire exclusion of his only son and heir ! When 
the character of that son and heir, notoriously cruel to his own wives, and subse- 

VOL. XXXVIII. 3 B 



358 Inventory of the Goods of Dame Agnes Hungerford. 

quently sent to the scaffold for an ignominious offence, is considered ; and when it 
is further recollected that he was not the son, but only step-son, of this lady, 
certain suspicions arise which more than ever excite one's curiosity to raise still 
higher the curtain that hides this tragedy. We have also yet to learn of what 
family this lady was ; for so far we have only just succeeded in obtaining 
accurately her Christian name. It is to be hoped that the particulars of the trial 
may hereafter come to light among the Public Records." 

The Inventory, as already remarked, is one describing an extraordinary 
accumulation of valuable property, and is therefore proportionately curious in 
illustration of the manners and habits of the times, and useful towards the 
elucidation of other documents of the like character. 

It commences with a list of "Plate and Jewels." Much of the former 
was adorned with the Hungerford arms, and with the knot of three sickles 
interlaced, which was used as the family badge or cognisance.* A spoon was 
inscribed with the motto " Myn assuryd truth : " which same motto, under the 
form Myne trouth assured, occurs also on the beautiful seal of Margaret Lady of 
Hungerford and of Botreaux (ob. 1476), engraved in Hoare's Hundred of 
Heytesbury, plate viii. b 

The vestments and ornaments of the Chapel are next described ; and then the 
furniture of the Hall, Parlour, an adjoining Chamber, the Nursery, the Queen's 
Chamber, the Middle Chamber, the Guest Chamber, the Chapel Chamber, the 

The ancient badge of the Hungerfords was a single sickle or, handled gules. (Collectanea Topogr. 
et Geneal. iii. 71.) The sepulchral brass in Salisbury Cathedral of Walter Lord Hungerford (ob. 1449) 
and his wife, and another supposed to be that of his grandson Robert Hungerford (ob. 1463), were both seme 1 
of sickles : see their despoiled slabs or matrices engraved in Cough's Sepulchral Monuments, vol. ii. plate Ivii. 
The Hungerford knot was formed by entwining three sickles in a circle. Three sickles and as many garbs, 
elegantly disposed within the garter, formed one of the principal bosses of the cloisters to St. Stephen's 
Chapel, Westminster. The standard of Sir John Hungerford of Down Ampney (temp. Hen. VIII.) was as 
follows : Red and Green, in the first compartment, out of a coronet or, a garb of the same (charged with a 
mullet), between two sickles erect argent, handled gules, banded or ; and in the same compartment three 
similar sickles, each charged on the blade with a mullet ; in the second compartment, three sickles interlaced, 
around a mullet ; in the third, three like knots of sickles between two single sickles charged as before. (MS. 
Coll. Arm. I. 2, and Excerpta Historica, 8vo. 1831, p. 317.) The Hungerford crest was a garb between two 
sickles, all within a coronet ; the garb is supposed to have come from the family of Peverel, one of whose 
coheirs married Walter Lord Hungerford, K.G. who died in 1449. By that alliance the silver sickles 
met the golden wheatsheuf. 

" Also inserted in Nicolas's Testamenta Vetusta. 



Inventory of the Goods of Dame Agnes Hungerford. 359 

Lily Chamber, the Knighton Chamber, the Wardrobe Chamber, the Gallery, 
the chamber within the Gallery, the Women's Chamber, the Cellar, the Buttery, 
the Kitchen, the Storehouse, and the Brewhouse. After which follows a list 
of the agricultural stock " belonging to the Grange Place," and the particulars 
of some parcels of arms and armour " left in the Castle of Farley." 

A long and curious catalogue of the lady's own dress and personal ornaments 
is next given ; with a list of some obligations or bonds for money, some items 
of household stuff remaining at her husband's house at Charing Cross (where the 
Hungerford name still lingers in the market and bridge), and, lastly, the rai- 
ment of her husband, which was in the keeping of her son-in-law, as before 
alluded to. 

The particular dwelling-house at which the principal part of the goods and 
furniture here described lay, is not positively mentioned by name; but, as 
from the expression above quoted regarding the arms and armour it would seem 
not to have been Farley Castle, there is every probability that the document 
chiefly relates to the manor-house of Heytesbury, where Sir Edward Hungerford 
died. This manor was thus described in a survey made upon the attainder of 
Walter Lord Hungerford in 31 Hen. VIII. :- 

"The sayde lordship standeth very pleasauntly, in a very swete ayer, and 
there ys begon to be buylded a fayre place, whiche, yf it had bene fynyshed, 
had bene able to have receyved the Kynges highnes ; a fayre hall, with a goodly 
new wyndow made in the same ; a new parlor, large and fayre ; iiij fayre cham- 
bers, wherof one is gylted, very pleasant ; a goodlie gallerie, well made, very 
long ; new kitchen ; new larder, and all other howses of office belonging unto 
the same ; moted round aboute ; whereunto dot lie adjoyne a goodly fayre 
orchard, with very pleasaunte walkes in the same." 

This account seems to describe a house that had been erected by Walter 
Lord Hungerford within the space of the last few years. However, it is certain 
that his father Sir Edward had also resided at Heytesbury, and the present 
document shows that in his time the Manor Place was already one of " good 
receipt " and ample furniture. 

JOHN GOUGH NICHOLS. 



Sir E. C. Hoare's Modern Wiltshire, Hundred of Heyteabury, p. 105. 

3B2 



360 I limitary of the Goods of Dame Agnes Hnngerford. 

Inventory of the Goodes belongyng to the Kynges Grace by the forfettoure of 
the Lady Hungerford, atteynted of murder in Hillary Terme, Anno xiiij. 
Regis Henrici viif. 

Theis parcelles of plate and goodes belongyng unto Dame Agnes Hunger- 
forde, wydoe, late atteynted of felony and murder. 

Plate and Juele. 

In primis, a basen and an ewer of sylver parcell gylte, with Hungerford annes in the bothom. 

Item, a standyng cuppe of sylver with a cover, dobble gylte, with Hungerford armcs in the bothom. 

Item, too wrethed a salts with one cover, dobble gylte. 

Item, too grett bolles of sylver, dobble gylte, inbossed. 

Item, too flate boolles of sylver, parcell gylte, with knottes of sykelles b in the bothom. 

Item, too wrethed pottes of sylver, parcell gylte, of galons a pece, with Hungerford armes in the 
bothom. 

Item, too plane pottes of sylver, of galons a pece. 

Item, a basen and an ewer of sylver, parcell gylte, with knottes of sykylles in the bothome. 

Item, a payre of salts, with a cover, dobble gylte, with rosys. 

Item, iij flate suites, one of them parcell gylte, inbossed. 

Item, a bolle of sylver of a quarte, dobble gylte, with a cover. 

Item, ij bolles of sylver, of quartes a pece, doble gylte, inbossed. 

Item, iiij er flate bolles of sylver, with a cover, parcell gylte, with knottes of sykkyles in the bothom. 

Item, ij standyng cuppes of sylver with ther covers, doble gylte, inbossed. 

Item, a payre of flagons of sylver, parcell gylte, with knottes of sykyls in the syde, of iij quartes 
and a pynte a pece. 

Item, a shavyng basyn of sylver, with an ewer. 

Item, ij goblettes of sylver, parcell gylte. 

Item, a goblet of sylver with a cover, doble gylte, with a childe of sylver on the hed of the cover. 

Item, a ewer of sylver, parcell gylte, inbossed. 

Item, a leyer c of sylver, doble gylte, with a straibere d on the topp. 

Wrethed. Ornamented with a twisted or wreath pattern. In the Inventory of the Regalia and Gold 
Plate of Henry VIII. (Kal. and Inv. of the Exchequer, ii.) we find several entries containing this term, for 
instance (p. 289), "A litelle salte of golde chasid, wrethyn w* litelle perles." 

b Knottet ofsykellet. Three sickles interlaced, the Hungerford knot, as already described in the note, 
p. 358. A good example of them may be seen in paving-tiles in Canninge's House, Bristol: see Shaw's 
Specimens of Tile Pavements, pi. xlii. &c. 

' Leyer. A vessel, the exact form of which is not known. It appears to have been intended to hold 
water, to have had a cover, and to have been frequently made of rich materials. See Inventory of Regalia 
and Gold Plate of Henry VJIl. sec. xi., " Layers, ewars, and basones of golde, &c." (Kal. and Inv. of 
Exchequer, ii. p. 294.) See also Inventory of the Goods of Henry Fitzroy, Duke of Richmond, in the 18th 
Henry VIII. (Camden Society,) p. 10. In the Inventory of Jewels of James IH. of Scotland (1488) we find 
" a lewar of sylver overgilt, with a cover." * Straibere. A strawbery. 



Inventory of the Goods of Dame Agnes Hungerford. 361 

Item, a lytell botell of sylver, with a cheyn, doble gylte. 
Item, iij dossen of sylver sponys, with knottcs of sykyls on the hed. 
Item, a dossen of sylver spounys with knoppes, gylte. 

Item, halfe a dossen of sylver spounys, with mayden heedes on the end, gylte. 
Item, a dossen of sponys with akornes on the end. 

Item, a gret spone of sylver, doble gylte, with the Hungerford armes on the end. 
Item, v spones, doble gylte. 

Item, one spone of sylver, wryten on the ende, "tttgtu a00UtJ)tl ttutf)." 
Item, one spoyne of sylver, parcell gylte, with & graved in the ende. 
Item, too forkes with ther spones, doble gylte, to eete grene gynger with all.' 
Item, one forke, with hys spone, parcell gylte, to eete grene gynger with all. 
Item, a rounde salte of sylver, parcell gylte, with a knote of sykylles in the syde. 
Item, a potte of sylver of a quarte, with a knote of sykylles on the cover. 
Item, a forke of sylver, doble gylte, graved with lybertes" on the end. 
Item, halfe a dossen of spones with (blank) . . 
Item, thre chales c of sylver, doble gylte. 
Item, vj cruettes of sylver, parcell gylte. 

Item, thre candylstykes of silver with the pykes, with ther sokettes* to set vj candyls in. 
Item, a pax of sylver, with a crusyfyxe with Mary and John in the same paxe, doble gylte. 
Item, a sakryng bell of sylver. 

Item, a halywater stokke of sylver, with a knott of sykkyls in the syde, with a halywater styke 
of sylver. 8 

Thes be the gere belong to the Chaple. [i.e. Furniture of the Chapel.] 

Item, ij masse bookes of parchement, with claspys of sylver gylte. 
Item, a grette Frenche booke of parchement, with ij claspis of sylver. 

n To eete grene gynger withall. Such is the usual destination of the forks mentioned in English inven- 
tories. Thus, in an inventory of plate belonging to Edward III., Richard II. &c., taken in the first year of 
Hen. IV. we find the following entries:" Item, j. fourche de berille garniz d'or pur vert gyngivre garnise 
d'un baleys, j. saphir, ij. petites perles pris xxs. Item, ij. furches pur zinziber vert d'argent ennorrez. Item, 
j. petit fourche pur grenginger d'argent. Item, j. large fourche d'argent endorez pur ginger vert poisant j. 
unc." (Kal. and Inv. Exchequer, vol. iii. pp. 339, 343, 351, 353.) In an inventory of the plate of the 
Duchess of Kent, 1 May, 1415, we find " j. forke pur vert zz." (Kal. and Inv. Exch. vol. iii. p. 367.) The 
forks in the inventory under consideration are mentioned as spoons as well ; they may have either had prongs 
at one end and a bowl at the other, or have been made like the folding spoons of a more recent period, 
where a bowl fits over the prongs of the fork. 

b Lybertes. Leopards. 

Chales. Chalices. 

d Soktttes. These candlesticks were evidently prickets, like most of those of the middle ages, and over 
them was fitted a double branch terminating in sockets. 

Halywater ttyke ofnylver. Sprinkler. 



362 Inventory of the Goods of Dame Agnes Hungerford. 

Item, a fronte to the auter of rede damaske with a crucyfyx imbrodered, with Mary and 
John. 

Item, a pere of vestiments and a coope of rede daraaske. 

Item, a fronte of white damaske, with a pere of vestiments of white damaske, with a blewe 
coppe. 

Item, a fronte for the auter of red and grene saten of burges,* inbrodered with the garter. b 

Item, a pere of vestments to the same. 

Item, a fronte of cremesen velvet, velvet apon velvet (sic) rased with golde. 

Item, a corprax of velvet a pon velvet. 

Item, a corprax of cremesyn velvet and gren, inbrodered in letters of golde with E and A. 

Item, ij. fronts of lynyn cloth with blake letters. 

Item, ij pare of vestments to the same. 

Item, a canabe of russet velvet frynged with red and grene sylke, with all sylke thynke (things) 
belonging to the sepulker. d 

Item, viij auter clothes. 

Item, iiij er towels to the same. 

Theis be the parcelles belongying to the Halle. 

In primis, thre peses of red and grene say panyd to hange the hall with all. 
Item, iiij er tabulles with iiij er fourmes longyng to them. 
Item, a cubbe borde. 

In the Parlour. 

Item, in the parlure a sprays table* with ij jonyd fourmmes. 

Item, a dosen of jonyd stoylles. 

Item, a joned cube borde f in the same parlur. 

Item, in chamber (sic) a trnssyng bede the (blank) 

Bwges. Bruges. 

b Garter. Walter Lord Hungerford, who died in 1449, was a Knight of the Garter. If this frontal 
had been made in his time, it was nearly a century old when this inventory was taken. 
c Canabe. Canopy. 
d Sepulker. The Easter Sepulchre. 

A spruys table. A table of spruce (or Prussian) fir, or deal. See Unton Inventories, p. 39. 

' A joned cube borde. A joined cup-board. It must be remembered that cupboards were not, as they 
are now, closets set even into the walls, but literally a board or table on which plate was set out, more like 
the modern sideboard. A considerable list of cupboard cloths may be found in the Inventory of the 
Wardrobe Stuff of Katharine of Arragon (Camden Society), p. 28. See also Notes by Sir Harris Nicolas 
to Privy-purse Expenses of Henry VTU. p.313; Inventory of the Goods of the Countess of Leicester, 1634-5, 
edited by J. O. Halliwell, p. 53 ; and Unton Inventories, p. 41. 



Inventory of the Goods of Dame Agnes Himgerford. 363 

Item, a spurver* to the same bed, red and grene sarcenet, new, with curteyns of the same to the 
same bedd. 

Item, an olde sperver of red and grene sarcenet, with curteyns to the same. 
Item, a joned cubborde in the same chamber. 

[The Nursery.] 

Item, in the nursare [a hanging] of red and grene say. 

Item, a sparver to the same in the nursare, with curteyns to the same. 

Item, a cubbord in the same chamber. 

[The Queen's Chamber.] 

Item, in the quenys chamber a hangyng of red say with a hundurt peyre of pyn apples inbrodered 
with golde to put on the same hangyng. 

Item, a sperver of blake velvet with the gronde golde, and the curteyns to the same of red and 
tawney sarcenet 

Item, a joned cupborde in the same chamber. 

[The Middle Chamber.] 

Item, in the midle chamber a hangyng of new arres. 
Item, viij peces and the counterpeyn to the same in the same chamber. 

Item, a sparver payned with cremesyn tynsyn, b and blake velvet, with curteyns of red and grene 
sarcenet to the same. 

Item, for vj pesys of arres, with the sperver of the same. 

Item, a cownterpeyn to the same, and a spruse horde in the same. 

Item, a joned cubborde. 

The Grete Chamber. 

Item, in the gret chamber a hangying of arres. 
Item, vj peces with rosys, and the counterpayn to the same. 
Item, a syller and tester of arres to the same chamber. 

Item, a cheste in the same chamber, and within that chest ij spervers of sarcenet, rede and 
grene, and curteyns to the same. 

Item ij copbordes in the same chamber, one joyned and the other pleyne. 

Spurver. The canopy of a bed. " Some have curteynes, some sparvers, about the bedde, to kepe 
aweygnattes: conopeum lecto circumspergunt." (Herman's Vulgaria.) " Padiglione, a pavilion, or the 
sparviour of a bedde." (W. Thomas, Italian Dictionary, 1548.) See also Notes by Sir Harris Nicolas to 
Privy-purse Expenses of Elizabeth of York, p. 256; Inventory of Plate, &c. in Kenilworth Castle, 1588, 
edited by J. O. Halliwell, p. 129; and Union Inventories, p. 46. 

b Tyusyn. A kind of satin. 



364 Inventory of the Goods of Dame Agnes Hungerford. 

In the Chapelle Chamber. 

Item, in the chappelle chaumber a hangyng of red say inbrodered with braunches of iiij cr peces 
and a sparver of rede and grene sarcenet, and curteyns of the same. 
Item, a counterpaynt of verder and a pleyn cubborde. 

Lilly Chamber. 

Item, in the lylly chamber a hangyng of rede say, of iiij er peces. 

Item, a sperver of the same. 

Item, a playne cubborde in the same chamber. 

Knyghton Chamber. 

Item, in the knyghton chamber a hangyng of redde say, v. peces. 

Item, syler* and tester of whyte set apon with cornys choyghes b and the conterpoynte of the 
same and a quylte of whyte to the same bede, and a joyned cubberd to the same chamber, and a 
carpett. 

Wardrope Chamber. 

Item, in the wardrope chamber in a presse vij en kuowshynes of velvet of dyvers colers inbrodered 
with golde with C and A, and sum of them an elle lenghe and sume of a yerde of lenghe. 
Item, iiij er quyshynges of russet damaske, inbrodered with golde with E. C. A. 
Item, one quyshyn of blake velvett and white payned, inbrodered with A and E. 
Item, one quyshyn of blake sarcenet, set apon with dropis of white velvet. 
Item, iiij er quyshyns of tawney sarcenet inbrodered with branchis. 
Item, iiij er quyshyns of fyne arres with rosys. 
Item, halfe a dosen quyshyns of fyne arres pleyn. 
Item, a dosen of quyshyns of verder. 
Item, vj gret quyshyns of arres. 
Item, vj fyne carpettes for cobburds. 

Item, iij e gret kerpettes for tables, ij of them of fyne arres and the other of verder. c 
Item, vij bastard d carpettes for cubbords and tables. 
Item, a qnylte of rede and yelo sylke. 
Item, ij cownterpoyntes of sylke arres. 
Item, ij gret cownterpoyntes of verder. 
Item, iiij er gret cownterpoyntes of tapstre werke. 
Item, lyeng in the wardrope chamber, a hangyng for the chaple of red and grene say ; Item, iiij er 

* Syler. The ceiler or roof of the bed; the tester was the back part, behind the head. 

'' Cornys choyghts. Cornish choughs, corbies, or corbeaux : the cognisance of the Corbet family. 

c Verder. A kind of tapestry representing foliage. 

" Bastard. A mixed cloth. 



Inventory of the Goods of Dame Agnes Hungerford. 365 

peces of sperver red and gren say, and xxiii fatherbeddes in the place, vi of them beddes of downe, 
the whiche one of them vj persons may lye in. 

Item, ther ar ij fetherbeddes at the Blakefrers at Salysbury. 

Item, vij palett beddes in the place of Hachebery, every bedde and palet his bolster and cownter- 
peyn. 

Item, x pare of blankettes. 

Item, too redd mantelles. 

Tlie Galere. 

Item, in the galere a gret chest, bonde with iron and coverd with letlier, with ij lokkes, and 
within that chest xxxiiij. pare of sheyttes of fyne Normandy canvas ; x pare of them of thre bredes, 
xxx elles, in a pare ; and all the residue of ij breydes et di. 

Item, in the same galare standyth iiij er chests with old wrytyng, and a spruse table and a bastard 
carpet on the same. 

Item, iij e fourmnes and iiij er joyned stoles. 

Item, a cubborde with a carpet on hym. 

And in the same galare hangyth a pece of red and grene say, and in the same galare in a 
wyndoe standys a grett glasse, and under the glasse lyes a carpet. 

A Chamber within the Galare. 

Item, in the same chamber is a trussyng bedd ; the sperver of the same bedd is of whyte and 
blake damaske payned, inbrodered in golde with A and D, and the curteyns of the same. 

Item, in the same chamber standith a chest covered with lether with iij e lokkes, and within that 
chest xxv pare of sheyttes of Normande canvas, x pare of them new, never wette, of ij breddes, x 
elles in a pare, and the residue of ij breydes et di. 

Item, in the same chest ix scoore eeles of fyne Normandy canvas. 

Item, in the same chest an image of ivere, the gymalles of hit of sylver. 

Item, by the bed syde stondys a coffer full of broken sylke, and in the same coffer is a pare of 
fyne shets, of ij bredys and a halfe. 

And also in the same coffer is a tabylcloth of dyapure, of v eelles of lenghe and ij eelles of brede. 

And also the hangyng of the same chamber is of redde say. 

Also a pleyn cubborde in the same chamber with a carpett. 

Item, a glasse standyng in the wyndoe, with a knotte of sykelles in the cover; within the same 
chamber a closett hanged with grene say, ther on standyng a prase,* and within the prasse lyeng a 
pece of Normandy canvas of xlj cells, and in the same prasse ij peces of pnst, b inbrodurt with letters 
of golde with C and A, and one pece of paste inbrodered with knottes of sykylles, and in the same 
prasse a newe horse harnes of blake velvett, with the byttc and the bosse} gylte. 

Prase. Press, or smaller closet. 

b Past. A paste or passement of gold lace, &c. made for ladies' head-dresses ; also called occasionally 
a bride paste. See Sussex Archaeological Collections, viii. p. 137. See also note below (p. 869) on the 
word aegge. 

VOL. XXXVIII. 3 C 



366 Inventory of the Goods of Dame Agnes Hungerford. 

Item, a nother horse harnes of blake velvet that is olde. 

And also an other horse harnes of velvet frynged with blake sylke and golde. 

Item, a syde sadle covered with blake velvet, with a pece of blake lynyng in the same prassc. 

Item, a pare of storroppes parcell gylte and a pare of sporres parcell gylte. 

Item, in the forseyd closet a sugre stue, and in the same stue a hundredth bagges of white sooppe. 

Item, in the same clossett standyth an other prasse full of glasses with waters in them. 

Item, in the same closet hangys ij crosbowes with their raks. 

Item, in the same closet standyth a coffer with spice}. 

And in the prasse a new tyke of a beedd. 



The Wemens Chamber. 

Item, in the same chamber is a hangyng of rede say and a sparver to the same. 

Item, in that chamber is standyng a gret chest, and in that chest is xxxiiij pyloos of downe, of 
eelles and yerdes of lenghe. 

Item, in that chest ij spervers of white clothe and curteyns to the same. 

Item, in the same chest is xij payre of fustyans of iij breids and ij breids and a halfe. 

Item, in the same chest is a payre of bryggyn irons" with knottes of sykkylle gylte. 

Item, in the same chest ij horse harnes of cremesyn velvett 

Item, in the same chest is x payre of palett sheyttes. 

Item, in the same chamber stondith iij coffers with sheetes and nap'pere, and in one of them is xj 
payre of palet sheyts. 

Item, in an other is ij dyaper clothys of damaske warke for tables. 

Item, in the same coffer is iij e dyapure towelles of damaske warke. 

Item, in the same is halfe a dossen napkyns of dyapure werke, of an elle of lenghe. 

Item, in the same coffer is a paire of fyne sheyttes of ij breds et di. 

Item, in the same coffer is a dossen of napkyns of Normandy canvas. 

Item, in the same coffer is a dossen and a halfe dyapur napkyns. 

Item, in the same coffer is x bordclothys for the halle of canvas, of iiij cells of lenghe. 

Item, in the same coffer is ij dossen and a balfe of lokeram b napkyns. 

Item, in the thyrde chest is xv cubberde clothes of Normandy canvas, of an elle et di. lenghe. 

Item, in the same coffer is v new bordeclothes for the halle, of canvas. 

Item, in the same coffer is vj payre of shettes of ij bredes and a halfe. 

Item, xij payre of shettes that were left abrode in dyvers chamburs. 

Item, v payre of them were ij breides et di. and the other vij payre were palett shettes. 

Item, in a chest underneyth my weryng geyre, is viij borde clothes of dyapur, of v ells of lenghe. 

Item, in the same chest is x dyapure towelles and vj fyne cupberd clothes. 

Item, ix dossen of fyne dyapur napkyns. 

Bryggyn irons. Possibly another form of the word brigand ints? 

b Lokeram. A kind of linen, go named from the j>lace of its manufacture, Lokeren in East Flanders. 



Inventory of the Goods of Dame Agnes Hungerford. 367 

Item, a dossen of fyne pleyn napkyns of an elle of lenghe. 

Item, in the same chest is viij fyne tabulle clothis pleyn, of ij breides, same of them of v elles of 
lenghe and others of iij of lenghe. 

Item, in a coffer that is covered with lether and in hym is xx pare of fyne shettes of fyne Holan 
and raynes, and vj payre of them is iiij breides and all the rest iij bredes. 

Item, in the same coffer is x fyne cubbord cloths of dyapure. 

Item, in the same coffer is a pece of dyapur of xij eells. 

Item, in the same coffer is Hungerford petagre. 

Item, in a pleyne chest ther is xxj payre of fyne shetts of Hollande of ij bredds et di. 

Item, in the same chest is a grett whyte boxe with the sykkylle on hym ; and in hym is all the 
writyngs of my joynter and husbondes testament, and his father's, with many other writyngs in the 
same boxe. In the foreseid chest ther be xxx tl pare of fyne pyllos beeres. 

Item, iiij fyne coverpeyns, ij of them of fyne dyaper, and other. 

The Seller. 

Item, left in the sellar halfe a tonne of gaskyn wyne and xii torches of clene waxe wroght with 
golde. 

The Buttre. 

Item, laft in the buttre vj tabull clothes, ij of them of ij breides. 
Item, in the same buttre a dossen and a halfe of lokkeram napkyns. 
Item, a dossen et di. belle candylstykes. 
Item, a sheth of carvying knyffes with every b haftys. 
Item, iiij buttre towelles and cubbord clothes. 
Item, a dossen et di. lether poots. 

Theis be the parcells left in the kechyn. 

Item, in the kechyn v garnyshe pewder vesselle. 
Item, vj brochis rounde and square. 
Item, iiij rakkes. Item, dryppyng pannes. 

T7t Stoore house. 

Item, in the stoore house xxj potts, gret and smalle. 

Item, iiij er chaffers. 

Item, xx pannes and kettelles, vj of them of ij bushels a pece. 

Item, ij fryyng panns. Item, ij gyrde irons. 

Item, iiij cr dressyng knyves. 

Item, iiij bolles for the larder. 

Pyllos beeres. Pillow cases. 
k Every. Ivory. 

3c2 



368 Inventory of the Goods of Dame Agnes Hungerford. 

Item, a straynyng basen of laten. 

Item, vj other pleyn basens. 

Item, a pype of bay salte laft in the larder. 

Item, a gret brasen morter and a lytell brasen morter, with ther pestelles. 

Theis ben the parcelles left in the bruhowse. 

Item, in the bruhowse a furnes. Item, iiij gret fattes. 

Item, vii grett kelders" of a huiidreth galons. 

Item, xxx li beer barelles. Item, iiij boolles. 

Item, iiij bokettes. Item, xj sakes. 

Item, ij wyndoyng shettes, one of sake clothe and the other of canvas. 

Item, ij heyrys b for the kylne. 

All maner of greyn. 

Item, of all maner of greyn that wer sawen belongyng to the place extendeth to CC and xl 
acres and more, and of that wer vj scoore of whete, and ther was left iiij M acres of medoe 
grounde. 

Theis be the parcelles belongyng to the Grange place. 

Item, x gret cart horses, x smale carte horse}. 

Item, ij plowe oxen. 

Item, a gret grey colte for the sadle. 

Item, a bay colte for the sadle. 

Item, a bay amlyng geldyng. 

Item, iij e comyng c sadells of white boffe lether, the whiche wer all newe. 

Item, ij cart iron bondes. 

Item, a yaggyn d with iiij er whelis iron bond, with all that belongyth therto. 

Item, all maner of geyr belongyng to ploughe, and also CC. of yewes with ther lambes. 

Theis be the parcelles left in the Castelle of Farley. 

Item, in the same castelle sex score pare of harnes of Alman ryvetts e and brygendens/ with 1. 
shefte of arrows. 

Item, four score bylles, a pype full of male of apurnes and gorgettes, CC. saletts, and a pavylyan. 

* Kelders. Coolers. 

b Heyrys. Hair-cloths used in malting. See Promptorium Parvulorum, voce Hayyr. Its more usual 
sense was the hair-shirts worn for mortification. 

c Comyng. Query, common ? 

d A yaggyn. A wagon. 

e Alman ryvetls. Armour imported from Germany. 

' Brygendens. Brigandine armour was formed of small plates of metal quilted within linen or other 
tissue. See Archaeological Journal, xiv. p. 345 ; Archaeologia, Vol. XXL p. 271 ; Hewitt's Ancient 
Armour, iii. p. 550. 



Inventory of the Goods of Dame Agnes Hungerford. 369 

Thes be the parcelles of rayment. 

Item, longyng to myne awne body, a gown of cremesyn velvet with Frenche sleeves, lyned 
with tyncell and horded with the same. 

Item, a gowne of russet velvet with French sieves, lyned with tyncell and bordyd with the same. 

Item, a gowne of hlake velvet with Frenche sleeves, lyned with right cremesyn saten. 

Item, a gowne of blake velvet with narrowe sieves, bordet with blake saten. 

Item, a gowne of tawney chainlet with a depper purselle * of cremesen velvet. 

Item, a gowne of tawney chainlet, furred. 

Item, a kyrtell of purpell saten. 

Item, a kyrtle of blake saten. 

Item, a kyrtle of popynjay coler. 

Item, a kyrtle of tawney chainlet 

Item, a payre of sieves of cremesen tynsselle. 

Item, a payre of sieves of cloth of gold a damaske. 

Item, a payre of sieves of grene tynsselL 

Item, a payre of sieves of yelo saten. 

Item, a quarter of an elle of cloth of golde a damaske. 

Item, a quarter of a yerde of grene tyncell. 

Item, ij eelles of sarcenett for [of?] cypurs of dyvers colors. 

Item, halfe a dossen of rybens, a gret blew ryben. 

Item, a corse of golde a damaske, resyd, ijyerds of lenghe. 

Item, a frontlet of golde lynyd with tawney velvet. 

Item, a frontlet of golde lyned with cremesen saten. 

Item, a frontlet of gold, reysed, lyned with cremesyn saten. 

Item, a frontlet of golde lynyd with whyte saten. 

Item, a frontlet of grene saten with a cawle of golde and flate golde underneythe. 

Item, a frontlet of right cremesen velvet, lyned with creraesen saten. 

Item, a garneshed bonet of velvett ; a playn of velvet. 

Item, an oegge b of golde smy}the wyrke for a past set with perle, the weyght ix pounde. 

Item, ij egges of goldo of damaske for the same past, xiiij. scoore perles of viij d every j>erle. 

Item, xxiiij rooppes of smalle perle. 

Item, xxxiiij knottes of smale perle with trulufe e knottes. 

Item, a gret flowre of golde, and in the same is a suffer, an amytys. and a gret perle. 

Item, a flowre of golde with a saffeir and iij perles. 

Punelle. Purfle? 

b CEgge. An edge or edging of goldsmith's work, its weight no doubt being of the value of 9 sterling 
in gold. In an inventory taken on the death of James III. of Scotland (1488) we find among the Queen's 
jewels " ane ege of gold w l foure grete diamantes pointit and xxviij grete perils about thame." Also " ane 
uther grete ege w* viij rubies and xxxvj perlis grete." (Thomson's Scotch Inventories, p. 10.) In the 
sumptuary law of 33 Henry VIII. c. 5, is the following passage : " Any Frenche hood or bonnet of velvett 
with any habiliment, past, or egge of gold, perle, or stone." 

Trvlufe. True-love. 



370 Inventory of the Goods of Dame Agnes Hungerford. 

Item, a flowre of fyn rub vis with a trulufe. 
Item, iij oryant perls hangyng by (blank) 

Item, a flowre of golde, fulle of sparkes of dyamondes set abowte with perles, and the Holy 
Gost in the mydste of yt. 

Item, a table of golde with the pyktor of Seynt Christofer in hym. 

Item, a harte of golde inhand with a wyd chene, inameled with white and blewe. 

Item, a gret broiche of golde with a man and a woman in hym, the valure iiij 

pounde ....... iiij 11 . 

Item, ij broches of golde with the pykter of Seynt Kateren in them, the value 

of them v marcs . . . . . v marc. 

Item, xxxv payre of aglettes of golde, which coste . . . iiij 1 ' xiij iiij d . 

Item, vj buttons of golde with herts inameled in them. 
Item, vj buttons of golde with E and A. 
Item, vj buttons of golde of blewe in aneeled. 
Item, a cheyne of fyne golde weyng xlj li. 
Item, a small cheyne of golde, weyng vij li. 
Item, a tabulle of golde, hangyng of hit the Passion of Crist. 
Item, xx fyne kerchers of elles a pece. 
Item, xx fyne ralys" of elles et di. a pece. 

Item, x fyne kerchers, one of Holand and the other fyne cameryke. 
Item, ij fyne smoks of cameryke wroight with golde. 
Item, xij smokes of holand cloth. 

Item, x pare of slevys of fyne cameryke, an ele of every sieve. 

Item, viij partlettes of Sypers, b iij of them garnyshed with golde and the rest with Spanyshe warke. 
Item, iij partlettes of whyte, garnyshed and wroght with stole werke. 

Item, iiij partlettes, one of cremesyn saten, and one of blake saten, furred with blake lambe, 
and another of russet velvet 

Item, x yerdes of doble Sypers, egged with blake sylke. 

Item, a casket of saweng sylke in hyme and in the same xxiiij quarterons of Venyse golde. 

Item, iij pypes of damaske golde, in the same casket. 

Item, v a. of boyde money c to divers seyntes. 

11 Ralys. " Rayle for a woman's necke, crevechief, en quarttre doubles." (Palsgrave.) See Halliwell's 
Archaic Dictionary, tub voce. 

b Partlettee of sypers. The partlet was a gorget for woman ; the present instances seem to have been of 
Cyprus cloth. 

c Boyde money. Bent money. In the will of Sir Edward Howard, Knight, Admiral of England, 1512, 
(Test. Vetusta, p. 633,) " I bequeath him [Charles Brandon] my rope of bowed nobles that I hang my 
great whistle by, containing ccc. angels." Money was often bent or bowed when intended to serve as love- 
tokens, a custom perpetuated to the days of Butler: 

" Like commendation Ninepencc bent, 
With ' from and to my love ' he went." 

In the present instance it appears to have been bowed for offerings to saints. 



Inventory of the Goods of Dame Agnes Hungerford. 371 

Item, ij ryggs of golde, one of them with an emrolde with iiij sparkes of dyamondes in the medle 
of it, and the other rounde. 

Item, ij hoopes of golde wroight lyke a strawbere. 

Item, a gawberdyn b of scarlet gardyd with velvet. 

Item, an obligacion of dett of dame Anne Sawers, in the countee of Wilteshire, of CO. marcs, due 
to me at Cristenmes next commyng. 

Item, an obligacion of William Bonnames," dwellyng in Wyshford, in the countee of Wyltes, 
of xx li., due to me the day expyred and paste. 

Item, an obligacion of William Jonnes younger, dwellyng in Marleborowe in the same county, 
of x marc., due to me at Michalmes last past. 

Item, Robert Temmes, gentleman, dwellyng in Red Aston, d in the same countie, owyng to me 
xviij li. and more, to be payd at Penticost last paste. 

Item, John Stanlake, dwellyng in Warnloft, in the same countie, owyng me for wodsale v IS. and 
more. 

Item, Richard Inge, 8 dwellyng in Hachebery, in the same countie, for wode of myne that he solde, 
that drays to the some of x li. and more money. 

Item, lafte in the tenauntes hands at the lordeship of Hachebery of my rent for the halfe yeres 
rent, so that I receyved vj li. 

Item, remayning in my husbond house f at Charyng Crosse vij beddes, with all thyng longyng 
therto. 

Item, remanyng in the same house other housholde stuffe. 

Item, iiij er potts, iiij er pannys, ij kettylles, a garnyshe et di. vesselle, with other stuff not in my 
remembrance. 

Theis parcelles left at Grenwyche Parke. 

Item, in Grenwyche Parke with Thomas Trossel. 

Item, ij nagges, one of them donne, g and other skewed, 11 remaynyng with the same man. 

Ryggs. Query rings? 

b Oawberdyn. A cloak, from the Spanish gavardina. 

c William Bonnamet. Of the Bonham family, of Great Wishford, Sir R. C. Hoare gives some particulars 
in his History of Modern Wiltshire, Hundred of Branch and Dole, p. 49. 

* Red Aston. Rood Ashton, in the parish of Steeple Ashton, in North Wilts, was formerly a small distinct 
property of itself: and from about A.D. 1440 to about 1598 belonged to the Tetnys family. Robert, mentioned 
above, was the elder brother of Joan Temys, the last Abbess of Lacock. Rood Ashton subsequently merged 
in the larger estates of the Long family, and is now the principal residence of Walter Long, Esq. M.P. 

e Richard Inge. The family of Inge formerly flourished in the neighbourhood of Heytesbury and Stockton. 
f My husbond house. Hungerford House, in the Strand, was converted into a market temp. Charles II. 
See its history in the Gentleman's Magazine for 1832, part ii. p. 113. 
' Donne. Dun. 
h Skewed. Skew-bald, a variety of pie-bald. 



372 Inventory of the Goods of Dame Agnes Hungerford. 

Item, ij syde saddles, one of them coverd with blake velvet, with the harnes of the same. 
Item, the other covered with fustyon in apys, with the harnes of the same. 
And also delyvered to the seid Thomas, xxx" and a golde ryng. 

Item, remaynyng in the place of Fayrley, a C loode of hay. 

The rayment of my husbondes, which is in the kepyng of my son in 
lawe. 

Item, a gowne of blake velvet lynede with sarcenet and the forquarters lyned with tyncelle. 
Item, a doblet of yeloe saten, and the forsleves of it of cloth of golde, and the plagarde " of the 
same. 

Item, a jakett of blake tyncell, the whiche cost ...... xv li. 

Item, a cote of cremesen velvet leyde under with cloythe of silver. 

Item, a doblet of blake satten, the forsleves and the plagarde of tyncell. 

Item, a coote of blake saten garded with iij . . . . b of blake velvet furred. 

Item, a bonnet of blake velvet and a broyche on hym, cost v marc. 

[For the greater part of the notes to this Inventory I am indebted to A. W. 
Franks, Esq., Director of the Society. J. G. N.] 



* Plagarde- The stomacher. b Illegible. 




I I Ik-LJkJJ Z I* 



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E11K?I F Att 



XXV. On a Historical Tablet of the Reign o/* THOTHMES III. recently discovered 
at Thebes. By SAMUEL BIRCH, Esq., F.S.A. 



Read June 14, 1860. 



I AM enabled by the kindness of Mr. Perry to lay before the Society an 
impression in paper from a large tablet, dated in the reign of Thothmes III., 
which has been recently discovered at Thebes. The impression of it was made 
by Lord John Hay, when on a visit to Thebes, and has only just reached this 
country. The tablet contains a text of twenty-four lines of hieroglyphs, accom- 
panied by a scene representing Thothmes in adoration to the principal Theban 
deities. The purport of the text is religious, announcing the benefits conferred 
by the god Amen Ha on the monarch, but it contains several historical allusions 
of importance to the history of this reign. As it helps to complete the " Annals 
of Thothmes III." of which I have already given some account to the Society, 
I trust the short accompanying notice of the inscription and its contents may 
prove acceptable. 

The tablet is of the usual rounded Egyptian form at the top, called in the 
hieroglyphs hai, or hutu. Above is the winged disk, the supposed Hutu, or Sun, 
as the Lord of Edfu, with the ordinary title of " great god, lord of the Heaven." 
On the right side stands Amen Ra, with his usual type and attributes; and 
before him is Thothmes, wearing an uraeus on his head, and offering two small 
globular vases, containing, no doubt, water, as the inscription below states that 
he " gives water." Above the head of the monarch are his titles, " the good god, 
lord of the earth, lord of diadems, Sun establisher of creation, Thothmes giver of 
life." Immediately before him is part of another inscription, " Who gives life 
like the Sun." Behind Thothmes stands the goddess of the "West, wearing the 
emblem of that region on her head, and holding five arrows in her left hand and 
a bow in her right. This goddess was an especial protectress of Thothmes. She is 
called " Keft, the Mistress of the West." This scene is divided from the next by 
a vertical line of hieroglyphs, containing the usual Pharaonic titles, " Giver of 
life, health, like the Sun," applying to both scenes. The second scene exactly 
resembles the first; the only difference being that Thothmes "offers incense," 

VOL. XXXVIII. 3 D 



374 On a New Historical Tablet 

represented by two vases with fire, instead of water. The name of the god "Amen 
Ra, king of the gods, lord of the Heaven," remains, and the name of the goddess 
is encircled by a representation of a square-walled enclosure, as if she were 
resident in some precinct belonging to this monarch. 

The text reads 

(1.) Says Amen Ra, lord of the thrones of the world, Come rejoicing; behold 
my goodness, my son, my defender, Sun establisher of creation, ever living ! I 
shine as thou wishest, my heart 

(2.) dilates at thy good coming to my temple, directing thy arms with life, thy 
rejoice to my 

(3.) I am set up in my hall, I reward thee, I give to thee victory, and power 
over all foreign lands. I give thy spirits and thy terrors in all lands, thy terrors 
over all 

(4.) up to the props of the Heaven increasing thy fear in their bellies. I 
cause the roarings of thy majesty to turn back the Libyans ; all the chiefs of the 
evil lands are entirely in thy grasp. 

(5.) I stretch my own arms to tow thee, I subdue the Libyans (an put) for 
tens of thousands and thousands, the north by millions of 

(6.) I cause thy insulters to fall under thy sandals ; thou hast scared and turned 
back the cowards ; likewise I ordered for thee the earth in its length and breadth, 
the west and east, under thy seats. 

(7.) Thou treadest in all lands elated, no one can resist before thy majesty. I 
am leading thee and making thee approach to them, thou hast gone round the 
great river 

(8.) of Naharana with power and strength. I have ordered to thee that they 
listen to thy roarings, going in their recesses. I have deprived their nostrils of the 
breath of life. 

(9.) I have made the victories of thy majesty turn their hearts ; my light is 
on thy head dazzling them, leading captive the wicked shepherds ; 

(10.) it burns all those who belong to them with its flame, decapitating the 
heads of the Amu ; none of them escape, their children fall into its power. 

(11.) I allow thy force to go round all lands ; my head shines on thy body ; 
thou hast no weakness at the orbit of heaven; they come bearing tribute on 
their backs, beseeching 

(12.) thy majesty as I have ordered them. I place the weak bound before 
thee, their hearts and their limbs burn [or roast] led along. 

(13.) I have come ; I give thee to afflict the chiefs of the Gaha ; I place them 



of the Reign of Thothmes III. 375 

under thy feet ; the foreign lands turn back. I let them see thy majesty as their 
lord ; thy light gleams above their heads as my image. 

(14.) I have come. I grant to thee to afflict those who belong to the Senktt, 
to lead captive heads of the Amu of the Ruten. I let them see thy majesty 
equipped in thy decorations, taking thy weapons, fighting in thy chariot. 

(15.) I have come. I grant thee to afflict the East ; thou treadest upon those 
who are in the confines of Taneter [the Holy Land]. I let them see thy majesty 
like a burning star, shedding the heat of its flames, giving its stream. 

(16.) I have come. I give thee to afflict the land of the West, the Kefa, the 
Asi under thy sandals (?). I let them see thy majesty as a young bull, resolute, 
pointing his horns, irresistible. 

(17.) I have come. I give thee to afflict those who are in all the submissive 
lands of the Maten, dragged under thy terror. I let them see thy person in all 
fearful wrath, as a stream that cannot be checked. 

(18.) I have come. I let thee afflict those who are in the isles of the ocean 
with thy roarings. I let them see thy majesty as a sacrificer raised on the back 
of his victim. 

(19.) I have come. I let thee afflict the Tahnu, the Rutennu, as thy spirits 
prevail. I let thy majesty be seen as a vexed lion leaping on their bodies, 
raging in their valleys. 

(20.) I have come. I have let thee afflict the ends of earth, and the confines 
of ocean are bound in thy grasp. I let them behold thy majesty as a swooping 
hawk, taking at a glance what it chooses. 

(21.) I have come. I let thee afflict those who are before ; thou bindest the 
Herusha, (those in the midst of the desert,) as captives. I let them behold 
thy majesty as a southern jackal, which has doubled and escaped a great 
hunter. 

(22.) I have come. I let thee afflict the Libyan, the Remen of . . . t are in 
thy grasp. I let them behold thy majesty like thy two brothers. I have joined 
their hands to thee in 

(23.) thy two sisters, I let them place their hands over thy majesty behind 
for protection, terrifying the evil. I made them protect thee, my beloved son, as 
the mighty bull rising from Western Thebes. I have begotten thee as the King 
of Upper and Lower Egypt. 

(24.) Thothmes, the ever-living, I have done all my will wishes; my hall 
thou hast set up with eternal constructions, elongated and made broader than 

ever, where is a great gate 

3D 2 



376 On a New Historical Tablet 

(25.) all best. . . Amen Ra, greater giver than any king, doing what 

I ordered thee, taking thy delight in it, set up on the throne of millions of years, 
thou passest a life 

It will be seen from the above translation that the text of the new in- 
scription found at Karnak contains several points of historical interest of a 
nature similar to those already detailed in the "Annals." The whole is the speech 
of the god Amen Ra, the Theban Jupiter, who in measured language of a poetic 
nature, resembling that of the Hebrew prophets, announces to the king the 
various benefits and conquests he has conferred upon him. The contents of the 
speech of the god are a sacerdotal bulletin of victory addressed to a victorious 
monarch on his return from a career of conquest Comparing it with the his- 
torical texts in the vicinity of the granite shrine, it appears to have been placed at 
a late period of the king's reign, probably as late as the fortieth regnal year cer- 
tainly later than the erection of the obelisk of the Atmeidan, although close upon 
that period, as the first fact mentioned on the tablet is the passage of the 
Euphrates. Undoubtedly this was the extreme point reached by the arms of 
Egypt, which alone accounts for its constant repetition in the inscriptions of the 
period. The arms of Aahmes, the founder of the dynasty, had been directed to 
the expulsion of the Shepherds from Avaris : the regent Hatasu had recovered the 
ancient mines of the Wady Magarah in Arabia Petrsea, but it was reserved for 
Thothmes III. to transport the arms of Egypt to the Euphrates, and extort a 
tribute from Nineveh and Babylon. The other people, who are subsequently 
mentioned, are the Amu,* or Asiatics in general, or, at all events, so large a 
geographical extent of territory, or of races, that they cannot be identified with any 
particular people or tribe. It will, however, be seen from the 14th line, that they 
are called the Amu, or nation of the Ruten. In the Amu it is now generally 
agreed to recognise the Gentiles, or Gojim of the Hebrews. The name is 
already well known as designating the Asiatics in the ethnic representations of 
the four races in Hades. 

In the 13th line the king is reminded of his conquest of the Gaha. At 
one time I had thought that the Gaha, or Taha, meant the Scythic people of the 
Dahae ; but, notwithstanding the supposed identification of the people of Gaza in 
another name, I incline to the notion that the Gaha are really the latter people. 
The first mention of them occurs in b the fifth campaign of the twenty-ninth year 

In one text they are mentioned, antithetic to the whole world, as " thou hast cut down the world, thou 
hast smitten the Amu, or nations." Champollion, Not. Descr. p. 348. 
" See Archteologia, XXXV. p. 116, 140, 162. . ' 



of the Reign of Thothmes III. 377 

of Thothmes III., on which occasion the monarch attacked the land of Tunp and 
the city of Artut, or Aradus, and in his 35th regnal year the monarch again 
marched into the land of Gaha, and plundered the fortress of Ar-ana, on his 
march to Mesopotamia ; and in the thirty-eighth, or a later year, the king was 
still in that district, and various objects, the work of that people, were received as 
tribute during the same reign. These people supplied works of art and cattle to 
Egypt, and this shows that they must have been an artistic as well as an agricul- 
tural people. Some, indeed, have thought to recognise in the Gahai, or Tahai, 
the people of Damascus, or Da-Meshek, especially as they continue to be men- 
tioned in the hieroglyphical texts as late as the Ptolemies.* At all events, the 
Gahai, are to be placed in Northern Palestine. 1 * 

In the 14th line are mentioned the Se[nke~\t, i^% ^^ , who in all the ethnic 

lists form one of the largest sub-divisions, and were evidently a great and powerful 
nation. They are mentioned as early as the twelfth dynasty in the Sallier 
Papyrus, where Amenemha I. says, " I led the Ua, I took the Matai, I prevailed 
over Se[nk]ti who go like dogs (tasem)." c This land has been placed amongst 
the southern neighbouring states of Egypt in connection with the An, or Anmt, 
the People of the Plains, and is often preceded by the expression mena nu, 
the Shepherds, or Nomads, of the Senkett. d The phonetic name of this region 
has now been determined : the hieroglyph represents a bracelet,* and is 
used in connection with a metal, supposed to be iron, in two passages ; one 

mentioning " a door of true acacia wood inlaid with iron," t ^ ^^^ > f 

i*w fsi>*wk!f TLV.-r.rj -y :: w. - 

consecrated to him many tables of silver, gold, brass, and iron. They repay thee 
with life.""? On a tablet of the British Museum h a serpent is called "^* 

"iron-faced;" and as the word for iron is ba, the root of the Coptic Kemum. 
perhaps the baenpc, "heavenly wood," the probability is that this word was pro- 
nounced ba. It was not, however, by any means particularly a southern country, 

See Arclueologia, XXXV. p. 158; Brugsch, Die Geographic der Nachbarlaender .lEgyptens, 4to. Leipzig, 
1858, ss. 35, 36; Champollion, Notice Descriptive, p. 158. 

b The idea of the Dahae, the old name of the Daiae, Herodot. I. 125, does not appear to me to answer the 
geographical conditions, and I therefore abandon it. Select Papyri, pi. xi. xii. 

d Brugsch, Geogr. ii. 5, taf xiii. 8. taf. xvii. 1-8. 

Kosellini, M.d. c. ii. 3; Rect. Sarc. Eg. Room, Brit. Mus. 6,665. 

' Brugsch, Geogr. iii. taf. xviii. 188; Lepsius, Deukiu. iii. 130. 

Lepsius, Denkm. iii. 111. " Egyptian Gallery, Brit. Mus. 808. 



378 On a New Historical Tablet 

for the Ruten are stated in the 13th line of the present inscription to belong to 
the race of the ^^^ ' m wn i cn the w rd is determined by a pool, showing that 
its root is to be referred to the idea of plains, or marshes, while at a later period 
the goddess Anka, or Anucis, the Egyptian Hestia, appears as the eponymous 

goddess of the region ^^ @." At a later period in the reign of Rameses III. 

the monarch is particularly mentioned as leading captive the Se[nk]ti, and it was 
against them that the campaign was directed, and the Se[nk]ti were made to retreat, 
driven out of their evil lairs, and not going to Egypt itself. Many of the Egyptian 
monarchs attacked these people, and Amenophis III. is particularly described as 
smiting them. b At Medinat Haboo, Rameses III. is said in the text to have 
"slaughtered the Mena en Se[nk~\ti," while the prisoners dragged before him are 
the Philistine Gakrru and the Rabu. c In the conquests of Seti I. at Karnak, the 
Mena nu Set precede the Khita in the sequence of prisoners ; and in his tri- 
umphal picture at Karnak the king is represented " smiting the chiefs of the 
Amu, the shepherds, mna, all distant, and numerous lands, the seats, hem, of the 
Mena nu Set, Shepherds of the Waste going round the Ocean. d Here they are 
placed antithetic to the Sea, as if the other limit of conquest ; all tending to 
prove their great distance from Egypt/ This word appears to be Sati, the name 
of the goddess mentioned by Brugsch as Sati, mistress of Pan, or Phoenicia/ of 
which country Bes was also the god. It will be remembered, that the goddess 
Anuka, or Anucis, who wears the same head attire as the Pulusata, or Philistines, 
is" called the mistress of Sat, the land in question. From the variants of the word 
setu, the sun's arrows or beams, which occur on the later monuments, the phonetic 
value of Set had been already correctly deduced by M. Brugsch.* The product 
of this land was especially hesti, or iron,' 1 with which the doors and other parts of 
religious edifices were plated. In the magical Papyrus of Harris, Shu is said to 
slaughter the Mena and the Setu. 1 

Egyptian Gallery, Brit. Mus. 370. 

b Greene, Fouilles a Thebes, pi. i. line 4. Champollion, Not. Descr. 165. Tablet of Phile. 

c Rosellini, Mon. Real, cxxxiv. In a subsequent part of the inscription the Sea and Isles are mentioned. 

d Rosellini, Mon. Real. Ixi. 

e Under Amenophis II. they are described " as coming on horses," Brugsch, Geogr. torn. i. taf. viii. 807 ; 
and at a later period identified with the Persians, ibid. taf. Iviii. 

1 Geographic, ii. taf. xvii. No. 32. g Geographic, iii. taf. xvii. No. 146, 14, 147 a, s. 56. 

h Geographic, iii. taf. xvii. No. 158. It is remarkable that the Coptic for steel is stahli ; hesti might be 
read gtahi; and then, as in Bennippe, the U might be some qualificative added ; but the word stahli seems 
borrowed from a foreign source. The form ba en pe, perhaps for " iron," occurs Lepsius, Denkm. iii. 194, 10. 

1 Chabas, Le Papyrus Magique Harris, 4to. Chal.'1860, p. 49, 50. 



of the Reign of Thothmes III. 379 

In the series of inscriptions of the Ptolemaic period given by M. Brugsch, the 
Sat are mixed up with others, although not in any regular sequence. In the 
first they precede the lonians or Greeks, 8 the Tamahu or Northern Libyans, and 
the Ruten or B/egines. In the second, the monarch is said to draw them by the 
hair of their head ; h in the third the Menti, or Shepherds, and Sati are divided, 
as if distinct nations. Another gives a more distinct reference, which states that 
the Ptolemy " is on the throne, dwelling in the land of Ra, Heliopolis, in Kenus 
[Derri], smiting the Setu, cutting the Mena, or Shepherds. " c A still more 
important text, apparently the speech of a deity, states,* 1 " I gave to him the 
valleys, an, of the Setu, they follow his breath ; I gave to him the Shepherds of 
Setu, they touch with their foreheads the earth before him." Repetitions of 
these texts afford no further information, but the last quoted show that 
the Setu was a country of plains, occupied by pasturing nomads, and quite in 
accordance with the historical facts of the occupation of Palestine by the kings of 
Egypt. 

There is great reason for believing that it was pronounced Senk or Se[nk]ti. In 
the interior of the coffin of Ankhsensaneferhat, the wife of Amasis II., containing a 
long ritualistic formula of address to the gods, occur two parallel passages, 6 in which 
the word Senkti is phonetically substituted for this word. In the first it says, 



i i^r-^* *-_ ii i i~t/~~ ri i 1 1-^ \\ 
naham ten su em kahab { hat mshni en Amu, Hesu, Senkti-u neb en Kam. 

" Save ye her from the hardener of the hearts of the enemies, the Amu, the 
Hes, the Se[nk]ti, of Egypt." 

In the second passage the form occurs as usual, 



men kahab hat en net en kam Amu, Hcs, Senkti, ar ar tui er. 

" Not hardening the hearts of the men of Egypt, of the Amu, the Hes, and 
the Se[nk]ti to oppose her." 

Another phonetic variant of this word reads simply set, apparently in the sense 

Brugsch, Geogr. iii., vii. 3. k Brugsch, Geogr. iii. taf. vii. 4. 
c Brugsch, Geogr. viii. 6. <* Brugsch, Geogr. ix. 10. 

Brugsch, Geogr. ii. s. 5. Eg. Gallery, Brit. Mus. No. 32. 

' This word kahab, determined either by an oryx or a horn, is probably XH.fi.> to sharpen, harden, render 
proud. It will be found in the Inscription of Rameses II., Prissc, Mon. xxi., Kahab tu er ta Nehsi, " Giving 
sharp words to the negroes ;" and in two passage* of the Ritual the name of the demon of the fifth gate. 
Lepsius, Todt. Ixi. 145e, Ixviii. 147, 15, Nebt her kahab hat, " Fuming face, exciting time." 



380 On a New Historical Tablet 

of a cake,* in a list of offerings ; and this tends to prove the following philological 
fact, the constant equation of sen and set, both of which had only the value of S ; 
and the determinative value of the bowl, or K, which has no phonetic value in 
certain words. The word s[enk]ti is, in fact, only sti, " sunbeams," the n not 
being pronounced, and the bowl k being a determinative. b 

The term " Shepherds," mena, was also applied to other races, as in the inscrip- 
tion at Elephantine, " The collector of all the Shepherds of his Majesty of the 
Island of Elephantine. 

The next region mentioned which has its geographical position better denned A 
by this inscription, is Ta-neter, the Holy Land of Egyptian geography, here 
distinctly placed to the east of Egypt. In the conquests of Seti I. the legends 
assert that " the lands bring loads of silver, gold, lapis of Taneter, and all the 
excellent spices, anta, and fine wood of Taneter, " d or Holy Land. This name has 
been principally found in the inscriptions of Rameses II., but it is also men- 
tioned at this age in the statistical tablet. In an inscription, cited by Brugsch, 
Amon says to Rameses II., " I give to thee, that they shall bring their tribute 
loads of silver, gold, and lapis lazuli, and all noble stone of the land of Ta- 
neter." In a second inscription of the age of Rameses X. the text declares 
that " he has conquered to the land of Taneter ; its road was never known before." 6 
In the celebrated inscription of the reign of Rameses XII., when the king was in 
Nehar or Naharaina, " the places offered tribute, each one outvying the other 
gold, silver, lapis, copper, and all the good wood of Taneter on their backs. " f In 
the inscription cited by Mr. Harris, the peculiar contribution of Taneter was 
khcslet, or " lapis lazuli," a stone principally found east of the Euphrates in 
Persia and Cisgangetic India, and it appears hence highly improbable that 
Taneter can be a country so near Egypt as Kanana or Canaan, to which the 
Phoanicians applied the term of the Holy Land. Nor could Rameses X. 
have been properly said to have been the first to arrive at the borders of 
Canaan, as that country had been often traversed by the monarchs of the 
eighteenth dynasty. 

Lepsius, Denkm. ii. 19. 

b Many examples show that in monosyllables the second consonant was not pronounced : thus, the well- 
known ses-mu, "mare," is written sem-sem in Lepsius, Denkm iii. 276 e, and repeated with the syllabic 
form sam-sam on a Ptolemaic monument, Clarac, Mus. de Sculpt, pi. 242, No. 369; and the word ba-ba, the 
" roof," " cap," or " tip," of an obelisk, is indifferently ben-ben, Lepsius, Denkm. iii. 97 e, 24 w ; or ber-ber, 
Lepsius, Denkm. iii. 237: Brugsch, Geogr. xlvii. 1249-53. 

c Charapollion, Not. Descr. p. 223. * Roeellini. Mon. Real. bti. 

e Brugsch, Geogr. ii. 8. 17. f Transact. Roy. Soc. Lit. vol. iv. 230. 



of the Reign of Thothmes III. 381 

The next regions are the Kefa and the Asi : these are placed by the 16th line 
to the west of Egypt, which corresponds with the position of Cyprus. 1 But 
the position of the Asi is unexpected ; for their product was pitch, or bitumen, b 
which had given rise to the idea that they were the people of the ancient Is in 
Mesopotamia, where naphtha springs are still found. The Asi must consequently 
have been situated in Libya, perhaps in the northern part, or in the west ; either 
in the Cyrenaica, or beyond it to the west ; and we must probably recognise in 
their productions the kedrion, supposed to be either the cedar oil or pyroligneous 
acid used for the purpose of embalming. The name resembles in sound that of 
the Asii or Asians, but it is not possible to determine without further data the 
people intended to be described. 

In the 19th line are mentioned the Tahnu ^ * *.., *& an unusual form, and 
also the ^"'^^"Vi^J' Ruten nu - The three pools at the commencement, 
however, of the latter name are found with the phonetic Ru, "^ m c or * >d , the 
mouth of a river, or valley ; for instance, ru an, a name applied to Eileithyia. 6 In 
a Ritual, the form Ru, with the determinative of a drop, appears as the equivalent 
of the word She, a pond or pool, in the Turin papyrus/ The form of Ruu seems 
also to replace, or be the phonetic name of, " isles" in the description of conquests 
of Barneses III.* In the word Ruten nu the initial form is written quite distinct 
from the usual word Ta, the earth, and is by no means to be confounded with it. 

In the 21st line, one of the people conquered by the monarch is called the 

<< "Till D^3 * 

^> j" r j I > hru sha, the two words composing which are known to mean " over 
the food ;" but, as such a sense is quite inadmissible in the present inscription, it 
must be intended for the name or position of a people. The first word, hru, 
besides the sense of "over," has often that of "in" or "among;" and the word 
shd is probably put for the Coptic jxju), " sand " or Desert. One of the people 

1 Cf. Brugsch, Geogr. ii. 87 ; and Birch, M&noire sur une Pater* Egyptienne du Louvre, p. 24. Thia 
position cannot be shaken by the list of a private tomb, such lists being often irregularly drawn up. 

b Why Brugsch, Geogr. ii. 51, asserts that it is iron, I do not know; the word sefl is both the ancient 
and modern word for pitch or bitumen, and appear in lists of substances as an oily, not mineral, substance, 
used in embalming (Leemans, Mon. xxxviii. 15 ; Lepsius, Denkm. ii. 42 e.) See also the sefi em arp, " lees (?) 
of wine." Champ Not. Descr. 195. 

c Lepsius, Denkm. iv. 67 d. * Eg. Gallery, Brit. Mug. 221. 

Cf. for example, Champollion, Not. Descr. p. 270; and Lepsius, Denkm. iii. 80 e. 
f Papyrus Salt, 828, loco Lepsius, Todt. c. 125, 1. 53. 

* Rosellini, Mon. Real, cxxxii. 

VOL. XXXVIII. 3 E 



382 On a New Historical Tablet 



hostile to Egypt are called the "^^-^-j **^ a an ^ tne people of the Desert 
would naturally be conquered by the king. 

The last nations mentioned as conquered are the An, or people of the Libyan 

and Arabian " valleys," and the ^^ A ~*Nv 7 ^ sl '-*-' Renien, either the Armenians 
or the people of the Libanus ; the bird's claw ^, i being already known in the 

ethnic lists as indicating the name of a separate people. The earliest appearance 
of this last form, followed by the eagle and purse, is in the ethnic lists of 
Thothmes IV. ; b it recurs in the list of captives of Sethos I., while the 
Ermenn or Remonn are mentioned with the usual phonetic name. d The con- 
quests of Egypt in this direction were for the sake of the cedars which 
grew there, and which were used for various sacred purposes. At the time of 
Thothmes IV. the sacred barge of the god Amen Ra at Thebes was made of the 
cedar-wood, ash, cut by the monarch in the land of the Ruten," which comprised 
the Ermenn. The name of Ruten corresponds with the Regines of Josephus, who 
are placed amongst the Aschanaioi/ which connects them with the Assakanoi, or 
Assakeni of Strabo and Arrian, h and which correspond with the Ashenaz, called 
by the Greeks " Regines," who are placed in Northern India, and may have been 
intended for the Raj-poots. The connection of the Remenn and the Herusha, or 
Helusha, perhaps the Elisha, is found as late as the Ptolemies, these people 
being mentioned together in the pylon of Ptolemy Philometor at Philae. The 
text asserts that the " Nine bows are fallen, the Tamahu are cut up before Thee, 
the Kheta are turned back at my blows, the Sam have been decapitated, the 
Tahennu have been chastised, the Herusha are at the block, the Remen are 
annihilated, the Seti are destroyed by my sword." The form, indeed, may be the 
Remen of ...... at, if the last group is a separate word, in which case the phonetic 

value has still to be discovered ; for the bird's claw is limited to this name, and 
that of the Egyptian <nri8ap.r), or " span," indicating that measure in several 
ancient cubits. There is some reason for thinking, however, that the span was 

Lepsius, Denkm. iv. 52 d. 

b Wilkinson, Mat. Hier. pi. viii. 2 ; Champollion, Not. Descr. p. 486, Mon. civil. 
c Rosellini, Mon. Real. Ixi. d Rosellini, Mon. Real, cclii. 

Ungarelli, Interpretatio Obeliscorum. Obel. Lateran, tab. i col. 2. 

' Fouapdi/ W rfiiiv vidiv yeyofievuv 'AayavaZriv fttv 'Aa\avatos unmri. dl vvv Pqylves VTO ri>v 

v icaXovKrcu. Josephus, Antiq. i. 67. 

XT. 698. h Anab. iv. 50; Ind. i. 80. 

1 Champollion, Not. Descr. 207. 



of the Reign of Thothmes III. 383 

called ermen. Mr. Edwin Smith has communicated to me the following passages 
from his index of the ritual, in which the group EKMEN occurs, followed by the 
determinative of one or two arms : Ch. 17, 1. 52, "Save me from that god whose 
form is secret, his eyebrows are the arms (ermen) of the balance ; the night of 
judging the spoiler." And again, in 1. 88 of the same chapter, " I have shouldered 
or touched millions." In the 71st chapter, llth line, there is an invocation, " Oh, 
seven lords over," or " upon, the arms of the balance the day of judgment." The 
sense of " hand " seems to correspond with the same group in ch. 105, 1. 5, and 
the same sense will apply to ch. 124, 1. 4, 5. 

I shall now proceed to discuss the values of some new hieroglyphical groups 
which appear in this inscription, and which are interesting and important for the 
interpretation of this and other texts. The first word to which I shall refer is 

fc^^Jp^n, an ,in, or rather au, "hall," " hypaethral court," which occurs in 

the 3rd and 24th lines. 8 It is doubtful in this group whether the two undulating 
lines are phonetic or determinative. On a tablet of the Xllth dynasty in the 
British Museum the same group, determined by three lines of water and a boat, 
signifies to " go " or " return." But in other inscriptions this word occurs in the 

.A JWVMV m 

form ^^J (\ n auni.t* in the sense of a "hall" or "colonnade," or with the 

variant only of a cord for the bird in the same word. This word may be the Coptic 
overfT, or " recess," or egorrf, " within" or " interior." A less correct and less 

full form of the same word is i^^^f^] aui.t* in which form it occurs on a 

tablet of Amenophis II. at Amada, to designate the great hypaethral court or 
colonnade, for the inscription states that the monarch " made a great propylseon 

of hewn stone a hall of festivals in the great ami" or " a hypsethral 

court surrounded by columns of hewn stone," e a phrase which proves the mean- 
ing of the word. The next word to consider is I H -j|^ T .-* <fei , bait, which imme- 
diately follows it. This word appears to signify "reward," as the reward of Victory, 
the Coptic &A.I. In one of the legends of Seti I. occurs the phrase Bai nak 
nahamu en neb neteru,* "thou hast imparted joy to all the gods," which shows 
that bai had the sense of a " gift " of some kind. In the legends of the kings this 

Deveria,SurleBasilicogrammateThouthouTeti, 8vo, Paris, 1817, for the valued of the initial of this-group. 
b Lepsius, I Vukm. abth. iii. bl. 65. c Lepsius, iii. 72. 

d Sel. Pap. xix. 2. Tabl. Eg. Gallery, Brit. Mus. 589, haa " let me be like the dogs (du) of the court 
(di.f)." Cf. De Roug6, D'Orbiney Pap. viii. 1. 8. 

Champollion, Not. Descr. p. 106. ' Rosellini, Mon. Real. IxL 

3E2 



384 On a New Historical Tablet 

word occasionally occurs ; here the sense evidently requires " gift " or " present," 
and it is remarkable that in a ritual of the British Museum this group replaces the 
form I \l N , baft, apparently in the sense of " clod " or "matter," probably from the 

fourth character, the sledge, being the synonym of the material it transported. The 
next group to consider is ^^ "^ || V^ ,aui, "to stretch," the initial hieroglyph being 
the variant of the calf, or A. b The word is here determined by the man striking, a 
form of the verbal determinative common in the hieratic, but rarer in the hiero- 
glyphical texts. This initial occurs only in a limited number of words, and has 
till recently had the value KH attributed to it, from its appearing in later texts 
as the initial of khaui.t, " altar ." c It often occurs, determined by the heart, in the 
sense of "magnanimous" or "generous," if not "all gracious;" the BA2IAET2 FLAT 
XAPHS of the translation of Hermapion/ being the NeB AuTof the hieroglyphical 

//// "1 ^ * 

texts. The other forms with this initial are, (ff^ j ^, , au.t, some kind of "food"or 
" bread;"* and ^^ J SJ "** / ausu, the "scale" or " balance," perhaps a form of the 
word J^4^AJA> b a k* u > w hich i g use d i n the same sense. In the negative con- 
fession, the deceased says, nen uah her mu t enti ausu, " I do not throw up the 
weight of the scale ;" s the wordA meaning " to throw," h to spoil, or to augment,' 
and alludes to the deceased either not weighing out unfairly from his balance, or 
being found wanting in the balance of the Great Judgment. In these texts the 
word "weight," mut is expressed by a vulture, according to Horapollo a didrachm, 
and in the inscription of Phila? the mut is a submultiple of the mna. 

The group ^^ ^ *Jt?' khaku, is of frequent occurrence in the texts, 
and is apparently the Coptic tyoucjutse "to wound," or "hurt;" or possibly 
tux " fool," being always accompanied by the determinative of the heart, as in 
the text cited by Brugsch, k ^^T*f khak; and in the later inscription published 
by Lepsius .'^^ *i* khak, where it is accompanied by the packet, determinative 
of a corpse; and again, in the ritual m ^^ _ "fr^y-i' with the determinatives 



a Determined by a block of stone. De Rouge 1 has given the same sense. 
b Deveria, loc. cit. e Salvolini, An. Gram. 

a Animian. Marcellin. xvii. c. 4, pp. 121-127. Lepsius, Denkm. iii 135 a, 89. 

' Pap. Salt, Brit. Mus. 828, loco Lepsius, Todt. c. 145; in the corresponding place, Pap. E. R. 9900, the 
determinative of a branch of wood is replaced by a balance. 

Lepsius, Todt. 125, 1. 8, 9. h De Rouge", D'Orbiney Papyrus, pL i. 1. 6, pi. x. 1. 1. 

1 De Rougd, Stele Egyptienne, Journal Asiatique, p. 241. 

k Geographie, Taf. xxir. No. xvii. ' Denkm iv. 74 e. m Lepsius, Todt. Ixii. 145, 20. 



of the Reign of Thothmes III. 385 

of the heart and body, and in all cases applied to the enemies of the Good, or the 
Egyptians. 

The monarch is said in some inscriptions "to strike off the heads of the khaka" 
or foolish. 8 In the texts of the coffin of the Queen Ankhsensaneferhat, the 
khaka are classed with the mes betsh, those born depraved, and ihesbau, as, " Ye 
do not attack her ; ye do not do her ill ; ye do not prevail against her ; ye make 
the profane, the depraved, the foolish, the agitators fall to your faces." 1 ' The 
term is, however, too general to attach to it a special meaning. 

The word fl^ ^7^j stma, in the same line, " to make to grasp," is only 
remarkable for the after the p , of which it forms a kind of non-phonetic 
adjunct, in the same manner as - , which in (1,*, or p^ simply expresses 
the form u, " they ;" and for the If, usual ter, "quiver," being here employed in 
a determinative and non-phonetic sense as the equivalent of " the sword." This 
verb, in the same form, occurs on the Flaminian obelisk, and the determinative 
of the quiver is replaced by the trap -ft in the ritual/ as determinative of the 
same word. 

In the 7th line occurs a variant of the word Uat-ur, or Ocean, ^^^J? 
the Egyptian victories on which may be traced as early as the Xllth dynasty, 8 
and continued till the time of the Persians/ when mention is made of the defeat of 
the lonians, or Greeks, on that element. In the 8th line the king is said to go 

in, or approach the J^tll^lf^!*! babau, or caves. The word occurs in many 
senses, as II 1 9^ , baba t, to exhale,* which is logically connected with the 
idea of depriving the enemies of Egypt of the breath of life. Another form 
J-^.JX. , babu, b occurs in some rituals as the equivalent of the ordinary word 
, bu, "place," in which case it would mean "going in their places;" while 
the circle is found attached as determinative to the word \^9, auj "a place." 
A form I rl - * a * a ' f un( l m tne r itual, k also has the signification of 



Lepsius, Denkm. iii. 128. b Eg. Gallery, Brit. Mus. No. 32. 

The verb tern, Ungarelli, i. iv. 16, 19; khesr, to disperse, has the sword (Rosellini, Mon Real, cxxxix.) 
and the quiver (Lepsius, Denkm. iv. 85 a) for its determinatives. 
Lepsius, Todt. xlvi. 124, 9. Cf. Champ. Mon. 228 c. 

Lepsius, Denkm. ii. 149 g. f Brugsch, Geogr. taf. Iviii. 12, 13. 

Lepsius, Todt. liv. 138, 8. " Papyrus Salt, 828, loco Lepsius, Todt. 149, 27. 

1 Sharpe, Eg. Inscr. 28, B. k Lepsius, Todt. xvii. 38, 1. 



386 On a New Historical Tablet 

" place " or " cavern," and the name of the Destroying God appears under a similar 
form. The same line has also the unusual group 7 ^ > f , ka, " to deprive ;" and 

in the following line is the form ajj** jfr > akht or khut, followed by the deter- 
minative of the serpent placed upon a basket fa. which expresses in the Rosetta 
stone the idea of " diadem ;" it is here placed after the head ^~ Jfr, api, in the 
llth line, and follows words expressing the head or its parts. In the same line 
is the word PP^"^* Man, " to burn," or "dazzle," the form nn^CL j^TS**, 1 ' 
s'sannn, "torment," elsewhere occurring. In the groups following this expres- 
sion, the phonetic form > J . " to twist," is probably the abridged 

/ """lJ"'5l^5<' nebt, " the twisted," or " depraved," as it occurs on the 

coffin of the Queen Ankhsenraneferhat ; b the sense here being twisting 
or catching in a noose, from its radical form nebt, "plait" or "lock" of 
hair, which occurs in the Romance of the Two Brothers/ and which is the Coptic 

rfOV&T. The following word, \^", kat, A expresses either the especial name of the 
foreign nation afflicted in this manner by the monarch, or the confederates or 
subordinates the ^ 7^ - e The unusual determinative of the ring or circle which 
accompanies this group occurs in another inscription/ possibly in the same sense. 
The word P"*^^*"^^- 1 , s-tens, in the llth line, is applied to the decapitation of 

I /****A. 4* 

enemies; it consists of the preformant and the verbal root tens, the Coptic 
TOYJte, to " remove," and is literally " causing to remove their heads."* In the ex- 
pression " on thy body," the undulating line is interposed between the preposition 
and the verbal root, a common occurrence in the texts. In the following line 

^j^^j , tekk-u, a form which rarely occurs, apparently expresses " attached," 
or " bound; " it is similar to the verb ^ _ ^ , tek, h often applied to the " attaching" 
or destroying the frontier of the lands hostile to Egypt. In the same line the 

Cf. Lepsius, Todt. xvii. 32, 10. b Lepsius, Todt. xviii. 40, 2. 

Egypt. Gallery, Brit. Mus. No. 32. 
d D'Orbiney Papyrus, ii. 10, xi. 3. 

11 Brugsch, Mon. iii.; Lepsius, Todt. xxxvii. 100, 4; Lepsius, Denkm. iv. 52 a. Lately it appears 
M. Deveria reads this group Sat. 
' Lepsius, Denkm. ii. 106, 7. 

The verbal root occurs in the Chapter of the Net, Lepsius, Todt. 153, 3. 
b Lepsius, Denkm. iii. 129. 



of the Reign of Thothmes III. 387 



verb "to lead along," P *VJV'*'V> *^' w > has the unusual determinative of a 
vulture, as referring to victory and conquest. The expression ta ta, J T , repeated 

in almost every line, is only a variant of the form, at at, to attack, or afflict.* 
The form at at, in the sense of to "overthrow," is generally accompanied 
by the determinative of a man wearing the pschent, and holding in each 
hand a weapon, as in the exploits of Seti I. at Karnak, " overthrowing (at at} 
the Mena nu Set, trampling on the numerous lands, striking their chiefs 
dead in their blood, he goes among them like a flame of fire, making them 
no more."" In another text occurs the phrase, "the hour or moment of 
overthrowing," atat. e Sesh, in the same line, apparently in the sense of 
"to open," here corresponds to that of "to pass," as "I pass them under 
thy feet." d The word uu, which appeared to me formerly to be the "mounds," 
is evidently here in the sense of "the edge," or "border" of the enemies' 
countries. The king is compared in this same line to the star fl^^V-K*, sesht, 

and in this case some particular burning or fiery star must be intended, such as a 
comet; the phonetic root of this word is already known as to "pierce" or "pene- 

trate, "and the present group may be only a variant of fl*"^ M , sesht, " the orbit " of 

the sun, or its tropical path, of the inscription of Medinat Haboo/ where it speaks 
of the monarch running like the planets in their orbits or " combustions," the 
Coptic CAgTe. This sentence is again repeated in the speech of Amen Ra to Seti I. 
in the scene of his conquests at Karnak. The god there says, ta a tnaa su snin 
k kha s'shet set basf- em khet taf- attf-. "I let them see thy majesty, or person, 
like a comet shedding its heat of fire which causes its train." e This last word 
j_. yjj^ a ^^ . g p ro b a biy synonymous with ei*.T, dew, or urrg, to knit, 

either of which ideas might be conveyed as the Egyptian expression of the 
comet's tail. In the inscription of Rameses III. at Medinat Haboo, the same 
form sesht is determined by a disk shedding its rays of light, and has been inter- 
preted "orbit" or "sphere." The king is said to be "a courser, strong on his 
feet, running like the stars in their course (sesht) on high." f But this interpre- 
tation does not correspond with the present passage, where the king is compared 
to the sesht itself. The final part of the inscription occurs in a speech of Amen 

* Rosellini, Mon. Real. Iviii. h Ibid. Uii. Lepsius, Denkm. iii. 128. 

* Chabas ; Greene, Fouilles, i. 3. * Rosellini, Mon. Real. I x ii . 

' Greene, Fouilles 4 Thebes, p. 4, pi. i. 3; M. de Rouge\ L'Athen. Fr. 1856. The phrase is kha sitt her 
tetht, like stars in their combustion. 



388 On a New Historical Tablet of the Reign of Thothmes III. 

Ra to Seti I., in which the god again declares, " I let them see thy majesty as the 
flame of fire Pasht makes in her train."* 

The word p -&F, set, " to pour forth," is the earlier form of the same verb 
""/* set. which is found at the Ptolemaic period. b In the 18th line occurs 

& \\: <-** 

--^?^y sma or mas, "calf" or "victim;" and in the 20th the form ^7 ~ , 

tma.t, " to swoop," found also in the inscription of the coffin of the Queen of 
Amasis. c 



* Kosellini, Mon. Real. Ixi. 
b Champollion, Not. Descr. 183. 

Eg. Gallery, No. 32; llorus is also called the tema nekht, the "powerful swooper," i.e. as a hawk. 
Champollion, Not. Descr. p. 241. 



XXVI. .Notices of John Lord Stanhope of Harrington, with reference to 
certain Letters to him, communicated to the Society by the EARL STANHOPE, 
PRESIDENT, and by RICHARD ALMACK, Esq. F.S.A. ; together with some 
Account of Sir Thomas Holcroft and Sir John Wotton, the writers of two of 
those Letters. By GEORGE R. CORNER, Esq., F.S.A. 



Read January 26th, 1860. 

ON the 17th of June, 1858, several interesting original letters of and to 
members of the Stanhope family, in the time of Queen Elizabeth and King 
James I., were communicated to the Society of Antiquaries by Richard Almack, 
Esq. F.S.A., but, being produced late in the evening of the last meeting of the 
season, I think they hardly received so much attention as they deserved. Among 
those letters were several to John Lord Stanhope of Harrington, to whom was 
addressed the highly interesting letter communicated to the Society by our noble 
President, and read, with observations by Robert Lemon, Esq. E.S.A., on the 
22nd December last." 

The production of these letters has induced me to think that some notices of 
John Lord Stanhope of Harrington may be acceptable to the Society, although 
not pretending to be a regular memoir of that nobleman; they are merely a 
collection of particulars respecting him, from various sources, which may serve to 
give a notion of the character and career of one of Queen Elizabeth's courtiers, 
who seems to have preserved her favour to the last, and to have been equally 
if not more highly honoured by her successor. 

Mr. Almack is good enough to allow me to append to this communication five 
letters from his collection, four of them addressed to Lord Stanhope of Harring- 
ton. Of the writers of two of these letters, Sir Thomas Holcroft and Sir John 
Wotton, I have added some few particulars. 

John Lord Stanhope of Harrington. 

Sir John Stanhope, afterwards Lord Stanhope of Harrington, was the third son 
of Sir Michael Stanhope, the King's Steward of Holderness and Cottingham, 

See this volume, p. 246. 
VOL. XXXVIII. 3 F 



390 Notices of John Lord Stanhope of Harrington. 

Lieutenant-Governor of Hull in the reign of King Henry VIII. and Chief Gentle- 
man of the Privy Chamber to King Edward VI. Sir Michael's sister of the half 
blood, Anne Stanhope, was wife of the Protector Somerset, in whose ruin Sir 
Michael became unfortunately involved, and, being attainted after a mock trial, 
was beheaded on Tower Hill, 26th February, 1552. The wife of Sir Michael, and 
mother of Sir John, was Anne Rawson, daughter of Nicholas Rawson, Esq. of 
Aveley, Essex, who was son of Alured, or Averey, Rawson, eldest son of Richard 
Rawson, citizen and mercer of London, sheriff of that city in 1476, and alderman 
of the Ward of Farringdon Without. 

Sir Michael left his wife with five sons and three daughters, all of whom she 
brought up and settled well. The Nottinghamshire estates of Sir Michael, (which 
had been granted to him by King Henry VIII. " in consideration of his good, 
true, and faithful service," by letters patent in the 29th, 30th, 31st, and 32nd 
years of that king's reign,) were granted to Sir Michael and his wife Anne, and 
the heirs male of Sir Michael. After her husband's attainder Lady Stanhope 
obtained a demise of those estates, by letters patent of 21 April, 6th Edward VI. 
for forty-four years, at the rent of twenty pounds ; and in the 1st and 2nd of 
Philip and Mary she had a grant of the reversion of the same estates, and others 
in Derbyshire and Yorkshire, in exchange for the prebend of St. Michael in 
Beverley Minster, and the collegiate chapel of St. James at Sutton in Yorkshire, 
which had been settled upon Lady Stanhope for her life, in augmentation of her 
jointure, and which ecclesiastical property she surrendered to the Crown. And 
by letters patent of the llth May, 1 and 2 Philip and Mary, the reversion of the 
estates in Nottinghamshire, Derbyshire, and Yorkshire was granted to Lady 
Stanhope for her life, with remainder to all her sons successively in tail general ; 
and on her decease they descended to Thomas, her eldest son ; who, by Act of 
Parliament of the 1st of Mary, Sess. ii. c. 6, was restored in blood and made 
capable of inheriting. 

Lady Stanhope was connected through her mother, Beatrice, sister of Sir 
Thomas Cooke, with Sir William Cecil, Lord Burghley, whose wife, Mildred, was 
one of the daughters of Sir Thomas Cooke, and therefore a cousin-german of Lady 
Stanhope ; a connection which no doubt enabled her to obtain for her sons advan- 
tageous positions about the court. She died in 1588, having survived her husband 
thirty-five years ; and was buried * at Shelford, Notts, where there is a monument 
to her memory, with her effigy recumbent and a long inscription. By her will, 

Sec a long letter from her son, Sir Thomas Stanhope, to Lord Burghley respecting her funeral, in the 
possession of Mr. Almack, printed in the Archseologia, vol. xxzi. p. 212. 



Notices of John Lord Stanhope of Harrington. 391 

dated 16th Sept. 1583, she bequeathed to each of her sons and daughters, and their 
respective wives and hushands, a ring, with the motto " Vinclum caritatis in- 
dissolubile," and she charged them, before the tribunal seat of God, to love 
each other as God hath loved us, having always in their minds the holy prophet 
David's saying, " Behold, how good and comfortable a thing it is for brethren 
to dwell in unity and love together." She constituted the Lord Treasurer of 
England (Burghley) supervisor and overseer of her will, giving to him a ring of 
ten shillings, with these words, " Blessed be the peacemakers," requesting him 
that, as she and hers had always been bound and beholden to him in her lifetime, 
so now, being called away, as her hope was into a better life, from her children, 
he would be as a father to her fatherless children, (and especially to her youngest 
son, Michael, whom she last provided for), desiring him also to cease and order 
all strifes and debates, if any should arise betwixt any of her other children, 
either for legacies or other debt or duty, and straightly charging all her children, 
upon God's blessing and hers, to be ruled and ordered by the good advice of her 
supervisor, then their father. Also she gave to her good lady and cousin, the 
wife of the said supervisor, a ring of value and price like unto her husband's, 
with the words, " I die to live." a 

In November, 1556, John Stanhope matriculated as a Pensioner of Trinity 
College, Cambridge; 1 * and in the same year he was admitted a member of Gray's 
Inn (of which society as many as eighteen members of the Stanhope family were 
admitted between 1556 and 1654) ; and on the 26th January, 1568, he became an 
Ancient of that society. 

In 1572 he was returned as M.P. for Marlborough to the Parliament which 
met 8th May. d 

In 1578 he occurs as a Gentleman of the Queen's Privy Chamber. 

In 1585 he was elected M.P. for Beverley in the Parliament which met 23rd 
November ; e and in 1586 he was elected M.P. for Truro in the Parliament which 
met 29th October.' 

In 1588-9 he was returned to the Parliament which met on the 4th February 
as Member for Rochester.* 

Proved in Exchequer Court, York, 10 Oct. 1588. 

b C. H. Cooper, Esq. F.S.A. Cambridge, to whom I am indebted for much of this information. 
MS. Harl. 1912. Willis's Not. Parl. voL ii. p. 96. 

Willis's Not. Parl. vol. ii. p. 101. f Ibid. p. 109. 
Ibid. p. 121. 

3F2 



392 Notices of John Lord Stanhope of Harrington. 

June 20, 1590, he was constituted by patent Postmaster of England for life, 
with a fee of 66/. 13. 4c?. per annum." 

Sept. 27, 1592, he was elected M.A. at Oxford, the Queen then being there. b 

He married on the 6th May, 1589, at Chelsea/ Margaret Macwilliams, other- 
wise Cheke, daughter and heir of Henry Macwilliams, Esq. of Stambourne, 
Essex, one of the Queen's Gentlemen Pensioners, and Governor of Colchester 
Castle, by Elizabeth, daughter and heiress of Richard Hill, serjeant of the wine- 
cellar to King Henry VIII. and widow of the learned Sir John Cheke, school- 
master and secretary of state to King Edward VI. 

In the previous year (March, 1588) he had obtained a grant from the Queen 
of the manor of Chelsea 6 for his life, at the rent of twenty marks : he had however 
surrendered it in 1592, when it was granted by the Queen to Catherine Lady 
Howard, wife of the Lord Admiral, upon the like terms. The Lord Admiral 
dated letters from Chelsea in 1589, 1691/ and 1597 . g It would seem, however, 
that Mr. Stanhope was resident at Chelsea until 1595, for his daughter Elizabeth 
was baptized there in 1593, h and his son Charles in 1595. 

In Lodge's Illustrations of British History, Biography, and Manners, from the 
MSS. of the Howards, Talbots, and Cecils, at the College of Arms, (published in 
1791,) there are some letters of John Stanhope ; the first of which is from him 
to Lord Talbot, dated at Richmond, 22nd December, 1589, conveying thanks for a 
Sherwood hind, praises of Lady Talbot, and foreign news. He adds the following 
postscript : " The Queen is so well as I assure you six or seven gallyards in a 
morning, besides music and singing, is her ordinary exercise." ' 

Another letter, in Lodge's Illustrations, is from John Stanhope to the Earl 
of Shrewsbury, dated Richmond 9th Dec. 1590, as to the Queen's letter of con- 
dolence to the earl on the death of his father, and disposal of the lieutenancy of 
Derby, Notts, Stafford, and Warwickshire, &c. in which he says, " God be thanked, 
she is better in health this winter than I have seen her before ; her favour holdeth 

Pat. 32 Eliz. pt. 2, m. 40. Report of Secret Committee on Post Office to House of Commons, 1844, 
Appendix, p. 86. " C. H. Cooper, Esq. 

c In Collins's Peerage, 1741, iii. p. 308, Sir John Stanhope is stated to have first married Joan, daughter 
and heiress of Sir William Knowles of Bilton in Holdemess : but, as this marriage is omitted in the 3rd 
edition of Collins, 1756, ii. 335, the editor had probably ascertained that it belonged to another John 
Stanhope. See Poulson's History of Holderness, 4to. 1841, ii. 250. 

d Lysons's Environs of London, vol. ii. p. 118. e Lord Burghley's Notes, Murdin's State Papers, p. 794. 

r Harl. MSS. iii. pp. 476-478. Lansd. MSS. Ixxxiv. 66. 

h Lysons's Environs of London, ut supra. ' Lodge, vol. ii. p. 410. 



Notices of John Lord Stanhope of Harrington. 393 

in reasonable good terms to the Earl of Essex. I hope you shall hear that my 
cousin Robert Cecil shall be sworn secretary before Christmas; whether Mr. 
Woutton, or who else, is yet uncertain." a 

There is also a long and interesting letter from him to Lord Talbot, written in 
1590, containing a jocular excuse for not having written before, and giving an 
account of the Queen's entertainment of Viscount de Turenne at Windsor, in 
which we read, "This night, God willing, she will go to Richmond, and on 
Saturday next to Somerset House ; and, if she could overcome her passion against 
my Lord of Essex for his marriage, no doubt she would be much the quieter ; yet 
doth she use it more temperately than was thought for, and, God be thanked, 

doth not strike all she threats." " The favours of the Court be disposed as 

you left them ; and I assure you never a man that I know hath cause to brag of 
any. My Lord Treasurer hath been ill of his gout of long, and so continues ; our 
new maid, Mrs. Vavasour, b flourisheth like the lily and the rose." He then 
notices the foreign news, return of Sir John Hawkins, prizes taken at sea, and 
concludes with professions of attachment, &c. c 

Mr. Lodge gives also another letter from John Stanhope to the Earl of Shrews- 
bury, dated 10th March, 1590. d 

July 5, 1596, he was sworn Treasurer of the Chamber, and he was knighted in 
the same year. 6 

In 1597 he was elected M.P. for Preston, in the Parliament which met 24th 
October/ 

On the 3rd November, 1598, Sir John Stanhope writes to Sir Robert Cecil : 
" I have been reading Mr. Edmonds's letter and yours to Her Majesty, which 
came not to my hands till six o'clock ; for I was all the afternoon with Her 
Majesty at my book ; and then, thinking to rest me, went in again with your 
letter. She was pleased with the philosopher's stone, and hath been all tliis day 
reasonably quiet, and hath heard at large the discourse of the calamities in Kerry 
French news and visitors to the Queen."* 

In 1601 he was appointed Vice-Chamberlain of the Queen's Household," 

Lodge, vol. iii. p. 23. 

b Mrs. Anne Vavasour, a lady of a Yorkshire family, and one of the Queen's Maids of Honor. She was 
a very beautiful woman, but the subject of much mirth and scandal on account of her attachment to the old 
but gallant Sir Henry Lee. Note by Lodge. 

Lodge, vol. iii. p. 15. * Ibid. vol. iii. p. 26. 

e C. H. Cooper, Esq. f Willis's Not. Parl. p. 140. Lodge, vol. iii. p. 95. 

b Mr. Chamberlain to Mr. Carleton, Feb. 3, 1600-1 : " In the absence of the Lord Chamberlain (Lord 



394 Notices of John Lord Stanhope of Harrington. 

which office he retained in the following reign ; and in June or July of the same 
year he was sworn of the Privy Council." 

In 1601 he was elected M.P. for the county of Northampton, in the Parliament 
which met 7th October. 1 " 

June 17th, 1602, he was named in a Commission to reprieve felons, and to 
commit them to serve in the galleys. 

29th January, 1602-3, he was named in a Commission touching Jesuits and 
Seminary Priests. 

In 1603-4 he was Member for Newton in the Isle of Wight, in the Parliament 
which met 19th March. 6 

The style of his letters is very easy, and free from the affectation and extravagant 
phrases common at that period. They seem to me to approach more to the lively 
character of Horace Walpole's epistolary writings than any I have ever seen of 
the time of Elizabeth. 

There are numerous letters and documents of and referring to Lord Stanhope 
of Harrington in the State Paper Office, as we learn from Mrs. Green's admirable 
calendar. 

On his accession King James granted, June 21, 1603, to Sir John Stanhope 
and Charles his son the office of Keeper of Colchester Castle for life. d Sir 
John also retained the offices of Vice-Chamberlain and Master of the Posts under 
King James. 

In the State Paper Office is a letter, dated 19th October, 1603, from Mercury 

Hunsdon), Sir John Stanhope was appointed to serve as Vice-Chamberlain, which most men interpret to be 
a goode step to the place." Chamberlain's Letters, (Camden Society, 1861,) p. 100. In the same volume 
are the following earlier passages respecting Sir John Stanhope's expectations of preferment: 

" Aug. 30, 1598. The Lord Cobham, the Lord Thomas Howard, Sir Walter Raleigh, and Sir John 
Stanhope, are in speech to be sworne shortly of the Counsaile." (p. 18.) 

" Oct. 3, 1598. Here hath been much speech of new Counsaillours, and some have been very neere it, 
and appointed to be sworne: but the contrarietie of opinions, the number that stand for it, and the difficultie, 
or rather impossibilitie, to please both sides, kepes all backe; yet it is certainly thought that Sir John Stan- 
hope shalbe shortly Vice-Chamberlain." (p. 21.) 

" June 28, 1599. We have yet no Chauncellor of the Duchie; there be so many competitors that they 
hinder one another, and there be three that pretend an absolute promise, Sir Edward Stafford, Sir John 
Stanhope, and Dr. Harbert." (p. 52.) 

" Oct. 10, 1600. It is every day expected that Sir John Stanhope shalbe made Chancellor of the Duchie." 
(p. 89.) 

"July 8, 1601. We had lately a new call of Counsaillors, the Erie of Shrewsbury, who is likewise 
named to be President of Wales, the Erie of Worcester, Master of the Horse, and Sir John Stanhope, Vice- 
Chamberlain." (Ibid. p. 112.) Willis's Not. Parl. p. 150. 
c Willis's Not. Parl p. 163. d State Papers, Dom. James I. vol. ii. No. 12. 



Notices of John Lord Stanhope of Harrington. 395 

Patten to Sir John Stanhope, Vice-Chamberlain, concerning Raleigh's conference, 
soon after he got into trouble, with Parks, of the Stannary, about Lord Cecil, where 
he desires Parks may be questioned about it. a 

1604. February 5. A Commission was issued to the Lord Chamberlain, Lord 
Cecil, Sir John Stanhope, and Sir George Hume, to make an inventory of all 
robes or apparel left by the King's progenitors. b 

1604. October 14. A warrant was issued to Sir John Stanhope, Vice- 
Chamberlain, to preserve the game in the hundreds of Rowell, Orlingbury, 
Gilsborough, Hookeslow, and Fawsley, in Northamptonshire. 

As steward of the manor of Eltham he had a residence at that royal palace ; 
and in the State Paper Office there is a letter dated 22nd October, 1604, to the 
Lord Treasurer and Sir John Stanhope, steward of the manor of Eltham, to com- 
pound with owners of land to be added to the Middle Park there. d 

1605, March. Sir John Stanhope writes to Viscount Cranbourne, inclosing 
him two letters out of France from Furtado the Spanish friar, and a note from 
Lady Adeline Nevill, sister of the late Earl of Westmoreland." 

1605, April 19. There is a letter from Sir John Stanhope, Sir John Fortescue, 
and Lord Chief Justice Popham, to Sir Julius Caesar, from which it appears that 
the aldermen of London were " so obstinate and tied to their own will," that 
they would neither attend to the petition of Thomas Stanley and others about the 
House of Correction, nor reimburse their expenses. There would be no way to 
deal with them, unless the King were to write to the mayor and aldermen ; 
they inclose the draft of a letter which they think suitable/ 

In the same year (1605), 4th May, Sir John Stanhope was created by King 
James I. Baron Stanhope, of Harrington, in the county of Northampton, 8 being 
the first of his family who was raised to the peerage. 

1605, May 21. A warrant to pay to Lord Stanhope 2,000?. for the expenses of 
his office as Treasurer of the Chambor. h 

On the 3rd June, 1605, a Commission had issued from the Court of Exchequer, 
directed to Lord Stanhope as High Steward, Sir Edward Cooke (Attorney-General), 
Sir Thomas Walsingham (of Mottingham), Sir Percival Hart (of Lullingstone), 
Sir Oliff Leigh, John Doddridge (Solicitor-General), Sir Francis Bacon, one of the 
King's Council, and others, to make a perfect survey of the royal manor house 

State Papers, Dom. James I. vol. iv. No. 22. * Ibid. vol. vi. No. 51. 
c Ibid. vol. ix. No. 75. * Ibid. vol. be. No. 83. 

Ibid. vol. xiii. No. 51. ' Ibid. vol. xiii. No. 74. 
Ibid. vol. xiv. No. 1 (Grant Book, p. 14.) h Ibid. vol. xiv. No. 11. 



396 Notices of John Lord Stanhope of Harrington. 

and demesne of Eltham, which was commenced on the llth July in the same 
year, and resulted in a very full and particular description of the palace, manor, 
and the crown lands and woods. The Survey is still preserved among the Records 
of the Court of Exchequer.* 

During his lordship's residence at Eltham he is frequently mentioned in the 
parish books, particularly as a communicant. 

" 1605. Paid for the communyon, the syext of October, when my Lord Stannope 
received, for bread and wyne . . . ;. r . . . . xx d. 

" Item, paid for a communion ,the ix of September, 1G06, for wyne and breade, 
when my Lorde Stanhop and others receyved ij s. j d. 

' " 1610. Payd for brede and wyne for ij communions for my Lo r Stanup's i s. ix d." 

King James /visited again Lord Stanhope at Eltham in the year 1611, as 
appears from the following entry in the churchwardens' accounts : 

" Paied for ryngers, when the Kinges Ma 8 came to lye at Ealtham . xij d." 

The last notice of Lord Stanhope at Eltham that I find in the parish books is 
in 1611 

" Recefed of the honorabell Lord Stanhope, at a communione, the 4th of 
September, for wine !-*.;> is." 

Oct. 10, 1605. Warrant for increase of payment to Lord Stanhope, Treasurer 
of the Chamber, because of his being ordered to discharge the salaries of 
the Prince's chamber servants. Annexed is a list of the Prince's servants and 
their salaries. b 

In 1607, April 7th, the King granted to John Lord Stanhope and Charles his 
son the custody of Colchester Castle, as theretofore held by Thomas Lord D'Arcy, 
John Earl of Oxford, Henry Macwilliams (Lord Stanhope's father-in-law), and, Sir 
John, then Lord, Stanhope." 

In the same year, July 26, the King, on the surrender of the former patent, 
granted to John Lord Stanhope and Charles his son the office of Postmaster in 
England for their lives. d 

1608, June 5th. A letter from Lord Stanhope to the Earl of Salisbury ; in 
which he states that he purposes to go to Northamptonshire for the benefit 
of his health, and prays the earl's favour if any prejudice should arise against 
him for his absence. 6 

In August 1608, the King wrote to Lord Stanhope reproving him for negligence 

1 Queen's Remembrancer's Records, formerly First Secondary's, No. 34. 

b State Papers, Dom. James I. vol. xv. No. 83. c Ibid. vol. xxvii. No. 4. 

l Ibid. vol. xxviii. No. 26. Ibid. vol. xxxiv. No. 8. 



Notices of John Lord Stanhope of Harrington. 397 

in allowing spoil of game near the house at Eltham, of which he had the charge, 
and exhorting him to greater vigilance, and to proclaim the execution of the laws 
with all severity against the offenders. 8 

August 30, 1608. Lord Stanhope wrote to the Earl of Salisbury from Eltham, 
with thanks for the view of occurrences in the Low Countries, and states that 
he is ready for service when commanded. 11 

August 31. Another letter from Eltham soliciting licence for his nephew, son 
of Sir Edward Stanhope of York, to travel. 

In this year he appears to have had some transactions with Sir Thomas 
Holcroft respecting, most probably, a mortgage on the lands of the latter, to 
which refer the two letters in Mr. Almack's collection, printed at the end of this 
communication (Nos. III. and IV.). 

In 1609, June 14, he was named in a Commission to raise an aid on Prince 
Henry being made a knight. 

In 1610, June 14, he was in a Commission for banishment of Jesuits and 
Seminary Priests. 

In 1616, May 31, he was named in a Commission for the rendition to the 
States General of Flushing, Ramakins, and Brill. 

In 1617, April 6, he was in a Commission to enlarge certain prisoners from 
the Gatehouse. 

In 1618, June 23, he was in a Commission for banishment of Jesuits and 
Seminaries. 

In 1620, April 29, he was nominated a Commissioner for Causes Ecclesiastical. 

And November 17, in the same year, he was named in the Commission for 
repair of St. Paul's Cathedral. 

Lord Stanhope resigned his office of Vice-Chamberlain in the 14th James I. 
(1617), but he retained the office of Postmaster until his death, as appears by 
his will, in which he styles himself Master and Comptroller-General of all his 
Majesty's Posts, and one of the Lords of the Privy Council. It is dated 6th October, 
1620, and he therein expressed his desire to be buried in the chancel of St. Martin's 
in the Fields, because he had lived in that parish thirty years and more. He 
desired his wife not to display any pomp at his funeral, but only to remember the 
poor. He gave to the poor of St. Martin's five pounds, to the poor of Harrington 
five pounds, and to the poor of Eltham forty shillings. He gave to his son Sir 
Charles Stanhope all his furniture and household stuff in his house at Harrington, 

State Papers, Dom. James L vol. xxxv. No. 75. b Ibid. vol. xxxv. No. 73. 

Ibid. vol. xxxv. No. 74. 
VOL. XXXVIII. 3 G 



398 Notices of John Lord Stanhope of Harrington. 

and all his armour, pistols, calivers, and instruments of war in a little chamber in 
his house at St. Martin's called the Armoury Chamber ; and he also gave him all 
the plate which he brought with him from court when he was a courtier (speci- 
fying the articles) ; he gave to his daughter the Lady Tollemache a piece of 
plate, value ten pounds ; and to his daughter the Lady Cholmondeley a piece of 
plate of like value. He gave to his wife, Margaret Lady Stanhope, his house in 
St. Martin's, with all the furniture therein, and all his furniture remaining in the 
steward's house at Eltham, and in the house there occupied by Mr. Dyer. He 
also gave her, with many expressions of affection, all his plate, some of which had 
been called her plate, or her cupboard plate, and all his jewels, chains, and 
carcanets, and his best diamond ring, which he wore daily on his finger, and 
which had been given to him by her, and all the residue of his personal estate. 
And he constituted her sole executrix of his will ; which she proved on the 14th 
April, 1621." 

His lordship died March 9, 1620-1, leaving by his first wife one son, Charles, 
second Lord Stanhope of Harrington 1 " (who died in 1675, without issue, when 
this title became extinct) ; and by his second marriage, two daughters, Elizabeth, 
who married Sir Lionel Tollemache, Bart, of Helmingham, ancestor of the Earls 
of Dysart ; and Catherine, who married Sir Robert Cholmondeley, Bart, after- 
wards created Viscount Cholmondeley of Kells, in Ireland, and Earl of Leinster. 

By an inquisition taken after the death of John late Lord Stanhope, 29 March, 
3 Charles I., it was found that he died seized of Harrington Park, Northamp- 
tonshire ; the site of the late College of Stoke, in Suffolk ; the manors of Roth- 
well and Ardingworth; the parsonage, rectory, and advowson of Rothwell, in 
Northamptonshire ; lands in Wittlesea, Cambridgeshire ; a mansion house at 
Charing Cross, in the parish of St. Martin-in-the-Fields, Middlesex ; and other 
lands in Harrington and elsewhere in Northamptonshire; and that he died 
9th March, 1620. c 

Harrington Park and manor had been acquired in the 41st Elizabeth. On 
the front of the house are the arms of Stanhope with three other quarterings 
(probably Maulovel, Longvilliers, and Lexington, as borne by Sir Michael Stanhope, 
his father). After the death of Charles Lord Stanhope, the Harrington estate 
descended to his sister, Elizabeth Lady Tollemache. 

Prerog. Office, 31 Dale. * See a letter from him, p. 16. 

c Additional MS. 6073. In 1672-3, Stanhope House " near Whitehall" was occupied by the Duke of 
Albemarle, as appears from an advertisement of a trunk cut off from the duke's carriage, in the London 
Gazette, No 748, reprinted in Cunningham's Handbook for London, 1849, p. 772. 



Notices of John Lord Stanhope of Harrington. 399 

Lord Stanhope's house in St. Martin's was probably where Stanhope Court 
formerly was, i.e. on the west side of the highway at Charing Cross, to the north 
of Buckingham Court, and between that and Spring Gardens. 

Lord Stanhope was buried at St. Martin's (where his father-in-law and mother- 
in-law, Mr. Macwilliams and his wife, were buried), but I do not find mention 
of any monument in Strype's Stowe, although he describes a memorial there 
for Mr. and Mrs. Macwilliams, with an inscription recording the alliances of their 
daughters.' 

His widow, Margaret Lady Stanhope, died on the 7th April, 1640, at Stanhope 
House, Charing Cross, and was also buried in the chancel of St. Martin's church, 
as appears by her funeral certificate in the College of Arms. 



I. 

Letter from Charles Howard, Lord High Admiral of England, to Sir John 

Stanhope, addressed 

To my verry lovyng frend Sir Jhon Stanhop, Tresorer of the Chamber. 
(Below, in another hand,} My Lo. Admyrall. 

My good Jhon, Howsoever it shall fall out, I must ever thynk myselfe most 
beholdyng unto you, and wyll ever in all afection show it to the uttermost of my 
poure, if it fal not owt as I know you wyshe it shuld. I assure you, w th me the 
disc is caste ; and yet, whersoever I shal be, you shal have poure to youse me ; 
and wyll ever rest, 

Your (torn) trew and lovyng frend, 

C. HOWARD. 

I met my wyfe yesterday at Horset b w th her dawghter Sowthwell : the most 
wekest woman that I ever saw w h lyfe. God helpe her. I browght my wyfe 
away a more sorroful woman. If this day she escape her feet c ther may be 
some hope, if not ther wyll rest no hope. 

I pray you comend me to Mr. Secretary. I wyll wryt to him tomorro. 

[Wafer-seal, with arms of Howard, quartering Brotherton, Warren, and 
Mowbray, within a garter.] 

Strype's Stow, vol. ii. book vi. p. 70. 

b Probably Horsehcath, in Cambridgeshire, the seat of Sir Giles Allington, who married Lady Dorothy Cecil. 

Fit of illness. 

3o2 



400 Notices of John Lord Stanhope of Harrington. 

Note by R. Almack, Esq. F.S.A. 

Charles Howard succeeded his father as second Lord Howard of Effingham 
in 1573 ; he was created Knight of the Garter in December, 1574, and was 
appointed Lord High Admiral 1584-5. After his successful expedition against 
Cadiz, Queen Elizabeth raised him on the 22nd October, 1597, to the earldom of 
Nottingham. He died 14th December, 1624, aged 87. 

The letter has no date, but it was probably written in 1596 or 1597, for Sir 
John Stanhope is addressed as Treasurer of the Chamber, an office conferred on 
him for life, July 5th, 1596, and from its signature the letter may be presumed to 
be anterior to the writer's becoming Earl of Nottingham, in 1697." 

The first wife of Charles Howard was Catherine Gary, daughter of Henry Gary, 
Lord Hunsdon, and she died (one month before Queen Elizabeth) 25th Feb. 
1602." Their eldest daughter, Frances, married Sir Robert Southwell, and died 
1608. It is of Catherine Countess of Nottingham that the story is related, that 
Queen Elizabeth shook her on her death-bed for having withheld the ring which 
the Earl of Essex had given in charge to her for the Queen, as a token which 
entitled him to her forgiveness whenever sent back by him. 



II. 

Sir John Wotton, Knight, to Sir John Stanhope, Knight, addressed 
To the right Wo r my sp'iall good Cosen S r John Stanhopp, Knight. 

My good Cousen, I have wrytten so often unto you and receyved no answere, as 
nowe the estate of my body is growen so weake that nowe I am dryven to 
entreate others to wryte for me. 

Of my former request I know not what became, for that I never hearde reporte 
of any pte therof. But nowe to my last request. My good Cousen, so handle the 
matter w h her Majestic that Mr. Arthur Hopton may by her Ma u favo r be 
pmytted to agree w h me for my penconer's roome. The mony shall burye me. The 
gent, shall appeare freshe in my place, and of a stocke that her Majestie affectith 
well. 

Once agayne, my good Cosen, fayle me not, I beseche you, in thies things. They 

A letter from him signed " Notingham" may be found in Lansd. MSS. Ixxxvii. 13. It is written to 
Mr. Michael Hickes in consequence of the death of Sir Robert Southwell, and dated 26 Oct. 1 598. 
b Lysons's Environs of London, 1795, ii. 120. 



Notices of John Lord Stanhope of Harrington. 401 

are the last you shall doo for me. Lyving, I shall love you. Dead, my soule shall 
remebre you. And so, my honn'able Cousen, farewell. Froome, the xxij th of 
January, 1596. 

Yo r deade Cousen, 

JOHN WOTTON. 
Seal : a coat of arms, containing a saltire engrailed. 

Note respecting Sir John Wotton. 

Sir John Wotton was the third son of Thomas Wotton of Boughton Malherhe, 
Kent, by his first wife, Elizabeth, daughter of Sir John Rudstone, Lord Mayor of 
London in 1528. He was born at Boughton 11 April, 1550, and married Lady 
Lucy Percy, daughter of Henry Earl of Northumberland. Lodge a states that he 
" was elder brother of the famous Sir Henry, and his equal in parts and accom- 
plishments. Elizabeth knighted him soon after (1590), and intended to have 
placed him among her ministers, but he died in the prime of his age, about the 
year 1592 ;" but that is an error, he died without issue in 1597, and by his will, 
dated 31 December, 1596, he desired to be buried in the church of Temple Combe, 
Somerset ; he gave to Edward Earl of Oxford and Duke Brooke, Esq. of Temple 
Combe a rent-charge or annuity of 66. 13s. 4<d., charged upon the lands of his 
father, Thomas Wotton ; he gave to Edward Earl of Oxford and Lord Bulbeck b 
(Bolebec, a barony then vested in the De Veres) his pension of 100J. per annum ; 
and he appointed the Earl of Oxford and Duke Brooke, Esq. executors of his will. 
It was proved in the Prerogative Court of Canterbury, 7 May, 1597. 

The letter now printed shows his reduced fortunes at the time of his death. He 
was desirous to obtain a price for the resignation of his " roome " of a Gentleman 
Pensioner ; and the purchaser in view was Mr. Arthur Hopton. This gentleman 
was of Witham, in Somersetshire, for which county he served sheriff in 1583. He 
was made a knight of the Bath at the coronation of James the First, and was 
uncle of Ralph Lord Hopton, a distinguished cavalier in the army of Charles the 
First. 

Sir John Wotton's eldest brother, Sir Edward Wotton, after having distin- 
guished himself in several embassies, was Comptroller and at last Treasurer of the 
Household to James the First ; and was created Lord Wotton of Marley, or 
Merley, in Kent. And he was half-brother to the learned Sir Henry Wotton, 
who was his father's son by his second wife. 

Illustrations of British History, iii. 25. 

h The will is expressed to have been made after the execution of two deeds between the testator ami the 
Earl of Oxford and Lord Bulbeck. 



402 Notices of John Lord Stanhope of Harrington. 

III. 

Letter from Sir Thomas Holcroft to Lord Stanhope of Harrington, addressed 

To the right Honorable my verie good Lord the L d Stanhop, Vice-Chamber- 
lain to the Kgs Matie, thes bee d d . 

I doe humblye praye yo r 1'p that, since it is so harde for me to conclude w th yo r 
1'p, & w th yo r brother S r Mighell, you beinge both a sunder, that yo r 1'p would be 
plesed to appointe some spedy tyme ffor me to attend e you both together, that I 
might know yo r resolutions, I have w* quiet and w th letle adoo my owne, & 
ffor itt paye in some conveniente tymes my moneye where and when I ought> and 
shal be apointed to doe itt, ffor w th continuinge in this state of uncertentie I 
cannott but offende yo r 1'p & yo r brother, and I doe also in my mynde nourishe 
an excedinge greefe & disquiett & in my estate no letle scandale, and for yo r 1'p's 
favour to me in this my trouble I will ever rest, 

Your 1'p's most assured to my power, 

April 28th, 1608. THO. HOLCROFT. 



IV. 

Letter from Sir John Stanhope of Elvaston, to his Uncles Lord Stanhope (of 
Harrington) and Sir Michael Stanhope, addressed 

To the right ho ble my very loving uncles, the Lo. Stanhope, one of the 
Lo^ of his Ma tie * most ho ble privie counsell, and the right wor" S r 
Michael Stanhope, Knight, Gent., of his highnes privie chamber. 

My honnorable and lovinge Uncles Accordinge to the Agreement betweext 
you and myself at London, and your privity and consent synce, there have passed 
writings betweext me and S r Thomas Holcroft, for the reassuringe of his land, but 
I have not acknowledged them to bee inrolled untill he shall first geeve you 
securyty for payment of the 800 U w ch by the said agreemente he is to pay unto 
you twoe. And, touchinge the matter of Mr. Purefy whereof you writ to me, I 
have scince written my answere thereunto (what succes soever it hath had in the 
deliv'y) wherein I not havinge spoken at that tyme w th Mr. Purefye did write 
what I thought and was advised touchinge my right. And, Mr. Purefy havinge 
scince come unto mee about that matter, I have geven him new dayes for payment 
of his money unto mee, and reestated his land uppon him, w 1 *, beeinge meerely my 
right wi th out any collor to the contrary, I hope in your wisdomes that neyther 
of you will mislyke any more thea I doe those great fortunes w ch it hath pleased 



Notices of John Lord Stanhope of Harrington. 403 

God by the same meanes to lay uppon you, w ch I will ever pray to Almighty God 
to blesse and increase w th all manner of contentment and happines in the enjoy- 
inge thereof to his good pleasure. And soe doe humbly take leave. 

Y r assured loving Nephew, 

Elvaston, the xxj of October, 1608. JHON STANHOPE. 

The letter in another hand, the signature and " Y r assured loving nephew," 
autograph. 

Notice of Sir Thomas Holcroft. 

Sir Thomas Holcroft, of Vale Royal, in Cheshire, was a gentleman of the 
privy chamber to King James the First. His sister Isabella having married 
Edward third Earl of Rutland (who died in 1597), he was also uncle to the Lady 
Elizabeth Manners, the sole daughter and heiress of that Earl, who was married 
to William Cecil the grandson of the great Lord Burghley, and became mother 
of William Cecil, Lord Roos. 

Sir Thomas Holcroft' s father was Sir Thomas Holcroft, who, with his elder 
brother, Sir John Holcroft, K.B., distinguished himself in the Scotish campaign in 
1548, and became Receiver* of the Duchy of Lancaster. Queen Mary gave 
him the post of Knight Marshal, in which his noble conduct to Dr. Sandys, 
afterwards archbishop of York, who had been committed to his custody by 
Gardiner, is celebrated by Foxe and others. b 

After the dissolution of the monasteries, Sir Thomas Holcroft, then Thomas 
Holcroft, Esq., of Holcroft, Lancashire, in 31st Henry VIII. had obtained a grant 
of lands in Lancashire formerly belonging to Whalley abbey ; in 32 Henry VIII. 
he had a grant of the priory of Cartmel and lands belonging thereto, and in 35th 
Henry VIII., he obtained a grant of part of the possession of the monastery of 
Vale Royal, in the parishes of Whitegate, Weverham, and Over ; and in 38th 
Henry VIII. (having been knighted in the interval,) he purchased of the King 
other parts of the possessions of the same monastery, and also property in Lan- 
cashire. 

His son's letter to Lord Stanhope seems to refer to a mortgage of these lands, or 
some of them, to Lord Stanhope and his brother Sir Edward. 

A pedigree of the Holcroft family will be found in Ormerod's History of 
Cheshire, vol. ii. p. 75. 

He was disgraced with Sir John Thynne and Whalley, the Receiver of the duchy of Lancaster, in 1552. 
"Holcroft hath surrendered his office of receivership of the Duchie." Lodge, Illustrations of British History, 
i. 140. 

b Lodge's Illustrations, vol. i. p. 70. 



404 Notices of John Lord Stanhope of Harrington. 

V. 

Letter from Charles Lord Stanhope of Harrington to his Sister Elizabeth Lady 

Tollemache. 

Most lovinge and dear Sister, Whereas you desyre soe earnestly y 1 I should 
signe y* release for your howse at Chayringe Crosse, I shall onely desyre you 
before you send your commissioner to mee, with that writinge to seal, y' you 
would bee pleased to send y 6 conveyance made to you by my mother, for till my 
councell have seen that, they can give mee noe positive answer. After w ch I shall 
bee readdy to serve you in all thinges, as beinge, 

Dear Sister, 

Your affectionate brother and servant, 

CHARLES STANHOPE. 

At Haringeton, February y e 20 ttetb , 1647. 

To my noble and woorthy sister y e Lady Tallmatch, these present. 



XXVII. On the Examination of a Chambered Long-Barroio at West Kennet, 
Wiltshire. By JOHN THTTRNAM, Esq., M.D., F.S.A. 



Read 15th March, 1860. 



THE investigation described in the following paper may perhaps throw some 
light on the nature of those remarkable sepulchral mounds, known as "long 
barrows," which as yet remain the crux and problem of the barrow-digger and 
archaeologist. Many of the long barrows of South Wiltshire were examined at 
the beginning of this century by Mr. Cunnington and Sir Richard Colt Hoare ; 
but with so little return for the pains bestowed on them, that, though Sir Richard 
was satisfied of their high antiquity, he was utterly at a loss to determine 
the purpose for which such immense mounds had been raised.* In another 
part of his "Ancient Wiltshire," he tells us that he and his colleague " had at 
length given up all researches in them, having for many years in vain looked for 
that information which might tend to throw some satisfactory light on their 
history." b In the various long barrows which were opened by these investi- 
gators, we find that, with very few exceptions, human skeletons were discovered 
on the floor of the barrow, at the broad, or east end, " lying in a confused and 
irregular manner, and generally covered with a pile of stones or flints." The 
total absence of bronze weapons, of all personal ornaments, and of urns of 
pottery, such as were constantly found by them in the circular barrows of the 
same district, is repeatedly noticed by Sir Richard Hoare, who observes that 
" their original purport is still involved in obscurity, and a further explanation of 
them would be a great desideratum." 

In his second volume " Ancient North Wiltshire" Sir Richard points out 
that in this district many of the long barrows have a cistvaen, or stone chamber, 

Ancient Wilts, Tol. i. p. 21. 

b Ibid. p. 93. Mr. Cunnington's own observation^ on the Long Barrows will be found in the Archteologia, 
vol. xv. p. 345. 

Ancient Wilts, vol. i. loc.cit. vol. ii. p. 110. Modern Wilts; Hundreds of Ambresbury, Everley, &o 
1826, pp. 54, 57. Tumuli Wiltunenses, 1829, p. 5. 

VOL. xxxvm. 3 H 



106 



Examination of a Chambered Long Barrow 



constructed at the eastern end ; "and, referring to North Wiltshire and Somerset- 
shire, he observes, that in those counties where stone abounds we frequently 
find a cromlech, or cistvaen, at the east end, which, in general, is the highest part 
of the barrow. b In a paper in the Archaeologia, Sir Richard proposes to denomi- 
nate this species of tumulus the " stone barrow ;" observing, however, that it 
differs from the long barrow, " not in its external, but its internal construction. 
None of this kind," he proceeds, " occurred to me during my researches in South 
Wiltshire, for the material of stone, of which they were partly formed, was 
wanting. But some I have found in North Wiltshire, and will be described in 
my Ancient History of that district." In 1816 the zealous baronet assisted in 




LOKC BAJUWW . 

fig. 1 Plan showing the position of the Long Barrow at Weft Rennet, in relation to the circles at Arebory. SUbnry HOI. tc. 

the exploration of the remarkable chambered tumulus at Stoney Littleton in 
Somersetshire, which elicited these remarks ; and, in 1821, of that at Littleton 
Drew ; d but, with the last exception, he made no excavations in the long stone 
barrows of North Wiltshire. 

" Ancient Wilts, vol. ii. pp 99, 116. 

h Ancient Wilts, Roman Era, p. 102. 

c Archajologia, vol. xix. p. 43. Account of a Stone Barrow at Stoney Littleton. The Chambered 
Tumulus at Uley, Gloucestershire, described by the writer in the Archaeological Journal, 'vol. xi. p. 315^ 
closely resembles that at Stoney Littleton. 

a Gentleman's Magazine, vol. xcii. Feb. 1822, p. 160. See Wilts Archaeological and Natural History 
Afagazine, 1856, vol. iii. p. 164, for the completed account, by the writer, of this long barrow, with its 
contained cists and the remarkable trilith still standing at its east end. 




at West Kennet, Wiltshire. 107 

I will now proceed to describe the results of the examination of a chambered 
tumulus at West Kennet, made in the autumn of last year under the auspices 
of the Wiltshire Archaeological and Natural History Society. I hope on some 
future occasion to report the result of similar researches in other long barrows 
in this part of Wiltshire ; and then to make some general observations in regard 
to their age and period, and to the people by whom they were probably erected. 

The long barrow near West Kennet is situated on the brow of a hill which 
commands a view of Avebury to the north, and St. Anne's Hill and Wansdyke 
to the south, being about two miles distant from each. It has often been 
described: John Aubrey, in his " Monumenta Britannica," a written between 
1663 and 1671, gives a rude sketch of it, accompanied by a brief and inaccurate 
description : " On the brow of the hill, south from West Kynnet, is this monu- 
ment, but without any name : It is about the length of the former, (four perches 
long sic), but at the end only rude 
grey-wether stones tumbled to- 
gether. The barrow is about half 
a yard high." So far as it can be 
relied upon, Aubrey's sketch is in- 

, .. ., , ,, , . , . Fig. 2. The Long Barrow at West Kennet. 

.terCSting, aS It SIIOWS that in nlS (From a rude sketch by John Aubrey, circa 1660). 

time the whole of the barrow was set round at its base with stones, which formed 
a complete peristalith. 

Dr. Stukeley's description was written about 1725, in which year, probably, his 
sketch of the barrow, which he absurdly designates that of an Arch-Druid, was 
made. b Stukeley gives it the name of South Long Barrow, from its situation in 
respect to Silbury Hill, and the circles of Avebury. He says : " It stands east 
and west, pointing to the dragon's head on Overton-hill. A very operose 
congeries of huge stones upon the east end, and upon part of its back or ridge, 
piled one upon another, with no little labour doubtless in order to form a suffi- 
cient chamber for the remains of the person there buried not easily to be dis- 
turbed. The whole tumulus is an excessively large mound of earth, 180 cubits 
long (i. e. 320 feet), ridged up like a house. And we must needs conclude the 

* Since 1836, the MS. of this unpublished work of Aubrey's has been preserved in the Bodleian Library 
at Oxford. 

b Abury, p. 46. Tab. xxxi. compare Tab. xx'x. for the date ; and Tab. xxi. and xxu. or distant views 
of the barrow. In a collection of unpublished sketches and papers of Stukeley's, which fell into the hands of 
Gough and are now in the Bodleian, are two or three plans and drawings of South Long Barrow, showing 
the position of the stones on the surface at the east end, much as they still remain. 

3 H 2 



408 Examination of a Chambered Long Barrow 

people that made these durable mausolea had a very strong hope of the resurrec- 
tion of their bodies, as well as souls, who thus provided against their being dis- 
turbed." Stukeley's large view, taken from the south, shows no peribolus of 
stones on that side ; but in two distant views six or eight standing stones 
appear at the east end. The rest of these stones, figured by Aubrey sixty years 
previously, had probably been removed by that great depredator of the Avebury 
circles and avenues, " Farmer Green," who, about the year 1710, as we learn 
from Stukeley, removed similar stones from a neighbouring barrow, " to make 
mere-stones withal" the boundaries probably of his own sheep-walks. Among 
the unpublished papers of Stukeley's, referred to in a previous note, is a further 
notice of this tumulus, as to which he says, "Dr. Took, as they call him,* 
has miserably defaced South Long Barrow by digging half the length of it. It 
was most neatly smoothed up to a sharp ridge, to throw off the rain, and some of 
the stones are very large." 

Sir Richard Hoare's researches in this neighbourhood were made about the 
year 1814. He speaks of this tumulus as one of the most remarkable of 
several stupendous long barrows in the neighbourhood of Abury. " According 
to the measurement we made," he adds, " it extends in length 344 feet ; it 
rises, as usual, towards the east end, where several stones appear above ground ; 
and here, if uncovered, we should probably find the interment, and perhaps a 
subterraneous kistvaen. b " 

In 1849 it was visited and described by the late Dr. Merewether, Dean of Here- 
ford, who very much underrates the length of the barrow, but whose description 
in other respects is both more full and more accurate than those of his pre- 
decessors. " At the east end," says he, " were lying in a dislodged condition at 
least thirty sarsen stones, in which might clearly be traced the chamber formed by 
the side uprights and large transom stones, and the similar but lower and smaller 
passage leading to it ; and below, round the base of the east end, were to be seen 
the portion of the circle or semicircle of stones bounding it." c 

South Long Barrow has suffered much at the hands of the cultivators of the 
soil. Whilst the " Farmer Green " of Stukeley's days seems to have removed 
nearly all the stones which bounded its base, two being all which remain 

Meaning no doubt the Doctor Toope, whose letter to Aubrey is preserved in his " Monuments 
Britannica." 

b Ancient Wilts, vol. ii. p. 96. 

c Proceedings Arch. Inst. at Salisbury, 1849, p. 97. A very similar description is that by Mr. Long, 
in his paper on Abury in the Wilts Arch, and Nat. Hist. Mag. vol. iv. p. 342. Mr. Long's measurements, 
however, are much more accurate than those of the Dean. 



at West Kennet, Wiltshire. 409 

standing, later tenants, even in the present century, have stripped it of its 
verdant turf, cut a waggon-road through its centre, and dug for flints and chalk 
rubble in its sides, by which its form and proportions have been much injured. 
In spite of all this, however, the great old mound, with its grey, time-stained 
stones, among which bushes of the blackthorn maintain a stunted growth, 
commanding as it does a view of a great part of the sacred site of Avebury, has 
still a charm in its wild solitude, disturbed only by the tinkling of the sheep-bell, 
or perhaps the cry of the hounds. Shade, too, is not wanting ; for on the north 
side of the barrow, occupying the places once filled by the encircling upright 
stones, are, what are rarely seen on these downs, several ash and elm trees, of 
from fifty to seventy years' growth. At the foot of the hill, half a mile away to 
the east, lies one of those long combs or valleys, where the thickly scattered 
masses of hard silicious grit, or sarsen stone, still simulate a flock of " grey 
wethers," which, as Aubrey says, "one might fancy to have been the scene 
where the giants fought with huge stones against the gods." From this valley 
there can be little doubt were derived the natural slab-like blocks, of which our 
" giant's chamber " and its appendages were formed. 



i 




Fig. a. Plan of the Chambered Long Barrow at West Kennet (Scale, 60 feet to an inch.) 

On proceeding to examine the barrow we found it to be 336 feet long, 40 feet 
wide at the west end, 8 and 75 at the east. Its elevation was somewhat less at the 
west than at the east end, which at the highest point was about eight feet. b The 
stones projecting from and scattered over the mound, are all within 60 feet from 
its eastern end. Three large flat stones, those most to the west, and lying in a row, 

A considerable excavation was made near the West end of the Barrow, but without discovering any 
trace of interment. 

b In taking these measurements and in the accompanying plans, the writer had the valuable assistance 
of Mr. W. Hillier, Mr. J. Robinson, architect, and the Rev. W. C. Lukis, F.S A. 



Examination of a Chambered Long Barrow 

appeared to form the covering of a chamber, the uprights of which jutted up 
below them. To the east of these was a space, whence the cap-stones seemed to 
have been removed, two or three, of large size, perhaps these very stones, lying 
on the mound at some distance. Nearer to the east the stones were scattered in a 
confused heap, but beneath them appeared the tops of two projecting uprights, sepa- 
rated by little more than a foot's space, and probably indicating the narrowest 
part of the gallery leading to the chamber. At the very end of the barrow, 
scarcely, if at all, raised above the natural level, was a large flat slab, nearly twelve 
feet square, partly buried in the turf. Near the north-east and south-east angles 
of the tumulus two stones remain standing, and we found traces of two or three 
others, which had fallen or been broken away, and were partially buried in the turf. 
These stones, doubtless, formed part of a peristalith, by which the entire barrow 
was originally surrounded, just as was the great chambered cairn of New Grange 
in Ireland. Some of the chambered long barrows of the West of England, such as 
those of Stoney Littleton and Uley, have been inclosed by a dry walling of stone 
in horizontal courses, carried to a height of from two to three feet." The peristalith 
of the long barrow at West Kennet, as the writer has found was the case with 
similar tumuli in the same district^ seems to have united both methods, and to have 
been formed by a combination of ortholithic and horizontal masonry. This was 
ascertained by digging between the stones at the north-east angle of the tumulus. 
Here, at one spot, were several tile-like oolitic stones, the remains, no doubt, of 
a dry walling, by which the spaces between the sarsen ortholiths had been filled 
up, after the manner shown in the accompanying wood-cut, (fig. 4.) though 

carried, probably, to a greater height. In the pre- 
sent year the writer made an excavation in a long 
harrow on Walker's Hill (Alton Down), about 
t h r ee miles to the south of West Kennet. At the 

Fig. 4. Peri^th. (Scale ,0 fe to in inch.) ^^ Q f ^ ^^ mOU nd, HBaT the Bast Cttd, is OH 

upright of sarsen, and below the turf, at a little distance on each side, another fallen 
ortholith was uncovered. Between these, on each side of the remaining upright, 
was a horizontal walling of oolitic stones, neatly faced on the outside, five or six 
courses of which remained undisturbed. Long barrows of the large proportions 
of those near Avebury, finished with a peristalith of this description, must in their 
original condition have possessed a certain barbaric grandeur. Though apparently 
more important monuments, they call to mind the tumuli of ancient Greece, such 

* Ante, p. 406, note c. For a description of the inclosing wall of the tumulus at Stoney Littleton, see the 
Rev. H. M. Scarth's paper, in Proceedings of Somerset Archaeological Society, vol. viii. p. 52. 




at West Kennet, Wiltshire. 



Ill 



as that on Mount Sepia in Arcadia, in Homer's time regarded as the burial- 
place of .(Epytus, and which is described by Pausanias as a tumulus of earth, 
inclosed at the base by a stone wall set round it in a circle.* 

Permission had not been given to move any of the stones on the surface, and 
our operations were confined to the neighbourhood of the presumed chamber, and 
to disrging on the east and west sides of the three large cap-stones."' West- 
ward of these was a considerable hollow in the mound, marking the site of some 
ancient digging, which the discovery of a bit of well-fired pottery, the foot 
of a small vessel, seemed to connect with the Roman period. The west wall of the 
chamber was soon exposed, formed by four large sarsen stones, each about a ton 
in weight, placed horizontally; below these were two larger uprights, one of 
which had been split, perhaps by the weight of the covering stone. Entrance to 
the chamber was obtained by the removal of the upper flat stones, by the use of 




Fig. . View In the Gallery looking towanls the Clumber. 



Fig. 6. View In the Ch 



oking through the entrance. 



"screw-jacks" and rollers of timber; a process afterwards applied with great 

Homer, 11. lib. ii. 604. Pausan. lib. viii. c. 16., \iOov n-pt)iri&t iv nrvicXy wtpte\6ftevoy. 
b For the sanction to excavate, the writer must express his obligation to the proprietor, the Rev. R. M. 
Ashe, of Langley Burrell, near Chippenham. 



412 Examination of a Chambered Long Barrow 

dexterity by our men to the removal from the chamber, and subsequent replace- 
ment, of the second cap-stone, weighing more than three tons, which had fallen 
in during the excavations. By the opening thus obtained, the chamber was in 
part cleared, and two days later another party of men entered it from the opposite 
side, having successfully tunneled under the large eastern cap-stone. The portion 
of the gallery which was cleared out was nearly fifteen feet in length, and averaged 
three feet six inches in width. Its walls are formed of rude upright blocks, four 
or five feet in height, and above these by smaller blocks placed horizontally, 
giving an additional height of from two to three feet. The entrance to the chamber 
is formed by two large uprights, that on the south, which projects most into the 
gallery, being nearly eight feet in height, whilst that on the north, being of less 
elevation, is made up at the top by two horizontal stones, somewhat over- 
hanging the whole, forming with the large incumbent stone a perfect but narrow 
doorway. This opens into a chamber of nearly quadrangular form, measuring about 
eight feet in length from east to west, and nine feet in breadth. It is about seven feet 
nine inches in clear height : the construction of its east and west ends has 
already been described. The north and south sides are each formed of one large 
upright slab, about nine feet in full height, and somewhat more than five feet 
wide. The angles between the uprights are completed above by flat overhanging 
blocks, below which the chalk rubble, of which the barrow consists, fills up the 
interspaces. At two points, however, within the chamber, on its very floor, and 
at two in the gallery, just without the entrance, these angles, to the height of 
one foot, are filled up with dry walling, of tile-like stones of calcareous grit, a 
stone not to be found within a less distance 
than the neighbourhood of Calne, about 
seven miles to the west. A bit of the 
coarse oolitic stone called coral rag, pro- 
bably from the same locality, was also 
found. The floor of the chamber and 
gallery consisted of the gravelly clay, which 
here forms the natural subsoil ; and the 
upright stones, which had been sunk a Fig . 7 . Oroiind . plan of lhe Clumber and o.,, erT , , 

,, ,, , at West Kennel. (Scale 10 feet to an inch.) 

foot or two in the earth, were supported 

by small blocks of sarsen stone, closely rammed down in the floor. 

Both the gallery and chamber were filled with chalk rubble, covered at the top, 
to the depth of about a foot, with recent rubbish, which had found its way under 
the cap-stones. In clearing out the gallery, a few scattered bones of animals, 




at West Kennet, Wiltshire. 413 

flakes and knives of flints, and fragments of British pottery, of various patterns, 
were picked up. There were also part of a rude bone pin, and a single bead of 
Kimmeridge shale, roughly made by hand. At the depth of five feet in the 
chamber, and extending slightly into the gallery, was a layer, three to nine 
inches in thickness, of a blackish, sooty, and greasy-looking matter, mixed 
with the rubble, and most marked on the south side of the chamber. This blackish 
stratum, the nature and origin of which are by no means clear, was so defined 
that it could never have been disturbed since its original formation or deposit.* 
At this level the flint flakes and implements and bones of animals were much 
more numerous than above. The bones were nearly all those of animals likely to 
have been used for food, the sheep or goat, ox of a large size, roebuck (of which 
there was part of a horn), swine of various ages, including boars with tusks of 
large size. There were also some of the bones of a badger b , an animal still some- 
times eaten by the peasantry. 

Beneath the black stratum, the chalk rubble, of a dirty white colour, extended 
to a depth of two feet ; and in this were found four human skeletons, and 
parts of two others, all resting on the floor of the chamber. The exact position in 
which the bodies had been deposited was by no means evident ; the bones, without 
being scattered, were further apart than usual, as if the chalk rubble had fallen 
down gradually on the decaying bodies and separated the bones. 

No. 1. In the south-east angle of the chamber, to the left of the entrance, was the 
skeleton of a youth of about seventeen years of age, apparently in a sitting 
posture. The skull was extensively fractured at the summit by what appeared to 
have been the death-blow. The thigh-bones measured about sixteen and a half 
inches. The crowns of the large teeth were slightly eroded. The wisdom teeth 

* A layer of black earth was very commonly found at or near the bottom of the long barrows without 
chambers which were examined by Sir R. C. Hoare, and gave rise to various conjectures. Some of the black 
earth was analysed by Mr. Hatchett and Dr. Gibbes, eminent chemists of that day. Dr. Gibbes was of opinion 
that " it arose from the decomposition of vegetable matter ; if," it was said, " it had undergone the process 
of fire, the colour would have been converted into red, and not black." Sir Richard conjectured that it con- 
sisted of the decayed turf on which these mounds had been raised ; though, if this were the case, it would 
be difficult to explain the absence of such a stratum in the circular barrows. Ancient Wilta, vol. i. p. 92. 
Mr. Cunnington appears to have regarded it as consisting of '' charred wood and ashes," with which, he 
says, the floor of the long barrow which he opened at Sherrington was covered. Archax>logia, vol. xv. 
p. 344. Ancient Wilts, vol. i. p. 100. 

b Bones of the badger have been previously found in barrows. See Archssologia, vol. xxxii. pp. 358, 3d. 
As, however, the badger is a burrowing animal, it is not always easy to determine whether its remains, so 
found, formed part of the original deposit. They, perhaps, rarely if ever do so. 

3 I 



-A1-1 Examination of a Chambered Long Sorrow 

had not penetrated the gums. Behind this skeleton, and in the very angle of the 
chamber, was a pile of fragments of pottery. 

No. 2. Almost in the centre of the floor was the skeleton of a man of about fifty 
years of age, of large and powerful frame, the humerus thirteen inches and the 
thigh-bone twenty inches in length. The teeth were very much eroded, the bones 
thick and heavy. A fracture, probably the death-wound, extended from one 
temple to the other, through the forehead into the right cheek, entirely severing 
the malar bone, which had fallen off below the skull, and was preserved by the 
clay in which it was embedded, of an ivory-like hardness, contrasting strongly 
with the light friable character of the bones from which it had been separated." 
The skull, somewhat large and flat, was of an elongated oval form. 

No. 3. Behind the last, and near the south-west corner of the chamber, was the 
skeleton of a man of medium stature, from thirty to thirty-five years of age. The 
skuD, which bears no marks of injury, is of a beautifully regular and somewhat 
lengthened oval form. The lower jaw was found at the distance of a foot or more 
from the skull, and at a lower level. 

No. 4. In the north-west angle of the chamber was the skeleton of a man of middle 
size, about the same age as the last. The legs were flexed against the north wall. 
The thigh-bone measured seventeen and three-quarter inches. The skull faced the 
west, and the lower jaw was found about a foot nearer to the centre of the 
chamber, as if it had fallen from the skull in the process of decay. Being 
imbedded in the clayey floor, the jaw was singularly well preserved, of an ivory 
whiteness and density, and even retained distinct traces of the natural oil or 
medulla. The form of the skull is a decidedly elongated and narrow oval, differing 
much from that usual in ancient British skulls from the circular barrows of Wilts 
and Dorset. All its characteristics are more marked ; but it bears a singular 
resemblance, especially in the face, to skull No. 3 ; and, like that, presents no marks 
of violence. Lying over this skull was a small slab of sarsen stone, and beneath 
this two fragments of a fine and peculiar black pottery, (see wood-cut, fig. 8,) 
neatly marked with lattice lines, corresponding fragments of which were found in 
a distant part of the chamber. Near the skull, was a curious implement of black 
flint, a sort of circular knife with a short projecting handle, the edges elaborately 
chipped. b (wood-cut, fig. 11.) This skeleton was perhaps that of the chief for 

That the malar bone had really been severed before burial, and probably during life, is curiously 
proved by an angular fragment of this bone, which remains attached to the superior maxillary, and has the 
same yellow colour and friable character as the rest of the skull. 

* This implement is that referred to in the Archaeological Journal, vol. xvii. p. 170. It is slightly concave 



at West Kennet, Wiltshire. 415 

whose burial this chamber and tumulus were erected, and in honour of whom 
certain slaves and dependants were immolated. 

No. 5. Between and behind the two last skeletons, close to the middle of the 
west wall of the chamber, were parts of the skeleton of a man of middle age, 
consisting of the occiput, temporal bones, lower jaw, cervical vertebrae, sternum, 
and bones of the arm. Close to these was a portion of a curious saucer of 
coarse pottery, perforated with a series of holes at the bottom, so as to form a 
kind of strainer (see woodcut, fig. 9.) and with a hole at each side by which it 
might have been suspended : another fragment of the same vessel was found at 
the opposite side of the chamber. 





Fig. 8. Fragment of Black Pottery. (Actiul sli.) Fl. 9. Fragment of Perforated Vessel. (Two-thirds lze.) 

No. 6. Very near the last, and between the sides of the two upright stones 
forming the west wall, was the chief part of the skull of an infant about a year 
old, with no other part of the skeleton, but which perhaps might have been found 
outside the chamber. With the skull-bones were three sharp flint flakes, and a 
large heap of fragments of pottery. 

A third heap of pottery was found in the north-east angle of the chamber. A 
morsel of decayed wood was picked up near this part of the floor, which two 
skilled microscopic observers have ascertained to be oak, as Professor Queckett 
believes, of the now less common species, Quercus sessiliflora. In the south-west 
corner, between the two adjacent uprights, was a curious ovoid sarsen stone 
(hard silicious grit) weighing 4f Ibs. ; it was tinged of a red colour, from 

on one side, and has some resemblance to the objects of flint found in Ireland and Denmark, which have 
been compared to spoons by Professor Worsaae (Afbildninger, 1854, p. 15, No. 60), and by Mr. Wilde 
(Catalogue of Antiquities, 1857, p. 16, fig. 8), who describes them as " of a very unusual shape, pre- 
senting the appearance of a circular disc, with a prolonged handle, not unlike a short spoon." Like 
other less perfect objects of a similar kind, (see wood-cut, p. 416, fig. 12,) they are probably knives, the pro- 
longed thick ends of which were intended for handles, to be held between the finger and thumb, or 
possibly for attachment to a short wooden shaft. 

3 I 2 



Examination of a Chambered Long Barrow 



exposure to fire, was broken at one end, and chipped and battered at the other. 
It had obviously been used as a mallet, perhaps for breaking the flints of which 
the numerous flakes and knives found in the chamber were formed. A globular 
nodule of flint, one pound in weight, chipped all over, appeared to have been used 
for the same purpose. A very large number of flint flakes, with sharp cutting 
edges, were obtained from the black stratum, and from near the floor of the 
chamber. Nearly three hundred were collected ; but of these perhaps two-thirds 
might be regarded as refuse, but clearly not as accidental. Some flint nodules, such 
as abound in the chalk, appeared to have been broken and the resulting flakes 
used as knives, probably at a funeral feast on the spot. Three or four cores, 
from which such flakes had obviously been broken off, were found. The surfaces 






Fig. U. 



Fig. 8. 



Fig. 10. Fig. 11. >- i if. it. 

Flint Implement! (knives, i.) from the Chambered Long Barrow, West Kennet. (Two-third* die.) 

of the flakes are almost all stained of a milky white ; some throughout, others 
only in patches, perhaps from having parted with much of their water of crystal- 
lization. 8 These white stains do not extend very deep into the substance of the 
flakes. Some of them retain their original black surfaces almost unchanged ; and 
one in particular, found with the skull of the infant (No. 6), near shards of 
black pottery, and among clean chalk rubble, is actually transparent. Most of 

" It is a peculiarity of fractured chalk flints to become deeply and permanently stained and coloured, 
or to be left unchanged, according to the nature of the matrix in which they are imbedded. In most 
clay beds they become outside of a bright opaque white or porcelainic ; in white calcareous or silicious 
sand their fractured black surfaces remain almost unchanged ; whilst in beds of ochreous and ferruginous 
sands the flints are stained of a light yellow or deep brown colour." Prestwich, On Flint Implements, &c. 
Proceedings Royal Society, 1859, vol. x. p. 55. 



at West Kennet, Wiltshire. 417 

them are as struck from the nodules, having the sharp smooth edges resulting 
from the original conchoidal fracture ; and these have mostly an elongated or 
blade-like shape (see woodcut, fig. 10). Ten or twelve of a round form have been 
carefully chipped by repeated blows at the edges, by which means a serrated edge 
has been obtained ; a more useful, perhaps, than a smooth edge for dividing the 
coarse and gristly fibres of the food. b The regularly serrated edge of one of the 
oblong flakes may be compared to that of a saw, very similar to one figured in 
the Proceedings of the Society ; the chief difference being that the teeth of the 
saw in our example are not so deep or defined. Only one of the flint implements 
had been ground at the edges ; and this is a beautiful thin ovoidal knife, three and 
a half inches long, which may have been used for flaying the animals slaughtered 
for the funeral feast (see woodcut, fig. 13). A portion of a whetstone, on 
which it may have been ground, was found at no great distance from skeleton 
No. 4. It was of Pennant or coal-measure sandstone, probably from the valley 
of the Somersetshire Avon. 

The quantity of coarse native pottery was very remarkable. At first it was 
thought that the heaps in the angles of the chamber would prove to be the frag- 
ments of vases, deposited entire when the funeral rites were completed. This, 
however, was not the case, and whence the fragments came, and why here depo- 
sited, must be matter of conjecture. They at least remind us of the " shards, 
flints, and pebbles," which our great dramatist connects with the graves of 
suicides (Hamlet, v. 1), and the use of which in mediaeval times may have been a 
relic of paganism. That the fragments found in the chamber were those of domestic 
vessels required for the funeral feast, is by no means clear ; for in such case, had 
the mass of fragments been deposited, it would have been possible to have recon- 

These are the implements referred to in a preceding note, p. 418. In excavating what was probably a 
hut-circle, about two miles from Kennet, Dean Merewether, in 1849, found numerous flint objects of this 
description, two of which he has figured in the Salisbury Volume of the Archaeological Institute, p. 106. 
He describes them as " pieces of flint of about 1 \ inch across, evidently chipped into form, as if to be held 
in the hand or fastened to some handle." 

b Knives were but little used for this purpose by the rude Celtic tribes, down to a late period. In the 
century before our era, Posidonius describes those of South Gaul, in their feasts, as " taking up whole joints, 
like lions, biting off portions, and if any part proved too hard to be torn off by the teeth, they cut it with 
a small knife, which they had beside them in a sheath." Athenteus, lib. iv. c. 86. The knife, ^ayaifiiof, 
referred to by Posidonius, was probably of bronze ; but at an earlier period, and by the ruder tribes, 
knives of flint would doubtless be those employed. Rough flakes and implements of this material, Worsaae 
tells us, are found in Denmark among heaps of the broken bones of animals, shells of oysters, &c , the 
remains, no doubt, of the feasts of the primitive Scandinavian people. Athenaeum, Dec. 81, 1859. 

c Found at Brighthampton, Oxon. See Proceedings, vol. iv. p. 233. 



Examination of a Chambered Long Barrow 

structed at least some of the vessels. As it is, the variety of form and ornament, 
of colour and texture displayed by them is even more remarkable than their 
number. In hardly more than three cases were two or more fragments of the 
same vessel met with. In stating that there were parts of not fewer than fifty 
different vessels, we shall probably be very much within the truth. They have 
been of every size, from that of a small salt-cellar to a vase holding a couple of 
gallons. That the pottery had been formed of the " plastic clay " of the district, 




Fig 14. 





FiK. 1C Fl!?. 17. 

Fragments of Uritish Pottery from the Chambered Long Barrow, Wet Kennet. (Fig. 14, actual Ue i flgs. 15, 16, 17, two-tlilrdi size.) 

of which bricks are still made, appears from the amount of flint, in the shape of 
angular fragments white from the fire, which the black or red paste contains. It 
is needless minutely to describe the character of the pottery, which is unequivo- 
cally hand-made, and of the British or Celtic type. It appears, however, to have 
been more profusely covered with ornament, impressed or scored, than the cinerary 
urns in the barrows of South Britain usually are. In this respect it assimilates 
more to the style of the "drinking cups" of these barrows, and to that of the 



at West Kennet, Wiltshire. 419 

vases found in the Celtic barrows of North Britain and Ireland. There are parts 
only of one small vessel found in the chamber, respecting which it may be ques- 
tioned whether it is strictly British and Celtic. These are the pieces found on 
the skull No. 4>, corresponding fragments of which were met with in another part 
of the chamber (fig. 8) : they were composed of a fine black paste, which has been 
imperfectly baked, and is easily cut with a knife, contrasting in this respect with 
the fragment of undoubted Roman pottery found on the outside of the chamber. 
The scored, lattice-like lines with which the exterior is ornamented are not 
parallel ; but, on the other hand, are not in the prevailing British taste. Still, 
as somewhat obscure traces on the inner surface appear to show, the vessel itself 
was perhaps formed on the wheel ; and, on the whole, we think it must be referred 
to the Roman period. If this be admitted, the conclusion that the chamber had 
been opened during the same period, seems necessarily to follow. The piece of 
Roman pottery found to the west of the chamber is probably an indication of the 
same fact, and also that it had been entered from that end.* By whomsoever 
it was opened, its contents were but partially disturbed, as is proved by the condi- 
tion and order of the skeletons, and by the defined character of the layer of black 
matter immediately above them. 

It is worthy of remark that not a bit of burnt bone or other sign of cremation 
was met with ; that there were no traces of metal, either bronze or iron ; or of any 
arts for the practice of which a knowledge of metallurgy is essential. 

It has been already suggested that some of the skeletons in the chamber, on the 
skulls of which marks of violence are evident, are those of slaves or dependants, 
immolated on the occasion of the burial of their chief. That this was the custom 
of the Celtic tribes at one period, cannot be doubted ; as Caesar tells us that, only a 
little before his time, the Gauls devoted to the funeral pile the favourite slaves and 
retainers of the dead. Mela even speaks of these immolations as being voluntarily 
performed, with the hope of joining the dead in a future life. b These remarks apply 
to cremation, the usual though perhaps not universal concomitant of burial 
among the Gauls in the times of Ca3sar and Mela. There can, however, be little 
doubt that they are equally applicable to burial unaccompanied by combustion 
of the body. It may likewise be inferred that, as in the case of cremation the 
devoted persons would be burnt with the body of their dead lord, so, where 
burning was not practised, they would be simply slaughtered, and consigned with 

If not at that end, it had probably been entered by raising the central cap-stone, which is much smaller 
than the two others, and appears to have been broken at one side. 
B. G. lib. vi. c. 19 ; Mela, lib. iii. c. 2. 



420 Examination of a Chambered Long Barrow 

him to a common grave. Such, at least, is probable, from the description, by 
Herodotus, of the funerals of the kings of the Scythians, who by modern critics 
are regarded as an Indo-European people," and perhaps as nearly allied to 
the Celtic as to the Teutonic races. From this passage, also, we may perhaps 
derive some light as to the mode of burial among those rude Celtic tribes, by 
whom probably the long-chambered barrows of Western Britain were raised. This 
applies not merely to the immolation of victims, practised alike by both people, 
but also to the thatched roof erected by the Scythians over the body of the king, 
a similar structure to which, when decayed, may have given rise to the black 
stratum of earth observed in the chambered barrow at Kennet, and in most of 
the long barrows of Wiltshire. 11 From the same historian it is known that among 
some of the Thracian tribes, the wife supposed to have been most loved by the 
deceased was slain on the sepulchral mound, and buried in it with her husband. 
In what manner the Thracian widows were slain is not described. Those of the 
Scythian chiefs were strangled ; whilst the condition of at least two skulls in the 
Kennet tumulus makes it probable that among these Western Celts death was 
caused by cleaving the skull with a sword d or hatchet, perhaps of stone. Evidence 
had been previously obtained from the barrows of Wiltshire of this mode of 
immolation of funereal victims ; and it is remarkable that two out of three 
instances which may be cited are in the case of long barrows. In 1801 Mr. 
Cunnington opened the long barrow near Heytesbury, called " Bowls' Barrow," in 
which he found several skeletons crowded together at the east end, the skull of 
one of which " appeared to have been cut in two by a sword." 6 In a circular 

Rawlinson's Herodotus, 1858, voL iii. Essay 2, Ethnography of the European Scyths. 

b The passage in Herodotus (lib. iv. c. 71), though often quoted, deserves to be here given. After 
describing the rough embalmment of the body, and the savage cutting and maiming practised by the 
Scythians in token of mourning, the historian thus proceeds : " The body of the dead king is laid in the 
grave prepared for it, stretched upon a mattress ; spears are fixed in the ground on either side of the corpse, 
and rafters stretched across above it to form a roof, which is covered with a thatching of osier twigs. 
In the open space around the body of the king, they bury one of his concubines, first killing her by 
strangling her, and also his cup-bearer, his cook, his groom, his lacquey, his messenger, some of his horses, 
firstlings of all his other possessions, and some golden cups, for they use neither silver nor brass. After 
this they set to work and raise a vast mound above the grave, all of them vying with each other, and seek- 
ing to make it as high as possible.'' 

c Herod, lib. v. c. 5. 

1 The human victims of the Gauls, from the observation of whose death-throes future events were 
predicted, were slaughtered by striking with a sword on the back, above the diaphragm. Diodorus, lib. v. 
c. 31 ; Strabo, lib. iv. c. 4, s. 5. 

Iloare, Ancient Wilts, vol. i. p. 87. 



at West Kennet, Wiltshire. 421 

barrow near Stonehenge, Sir R. C. Hoare found " a skull, which appeared to have 
been cut in two by some very sharp instrument, and as nicely as any instrument 
of Savigny could have effected." 1 In 1855 the writer found in a cist in the curious 
long barrow near Littleton Drew, the fragments of a skull, " the fractured 
edges of which were very sharp, suggesting the idea of having been cleft during 
life." 11 Attention having been directed to the subject, other instances of skulls 
thus cleft and fractured may perhaps be observed and described. Such appear- 
ances may easily be overlooked, or, if noticed, misinterpreted ; but it will be 
admitted that their occurrence is curious, and has an important bearing on the 
estimate to be formed of the general grade of civilization of those who must be 
regarded as our remote ancestors. 

* Archffiologia, vol. xix. p. 48 ; Ancient Wilts, vol. i. p. 163. 

" Crania Brit. No. 24, p. 3. Wilts Arch. & Nat. Hist. Mag. vol. iii. p. 172. 



VOL. XXXVIII. 3 K 



XXVIII. Notes on the Origin and History of the Bayonet. By JOHN YONGE 

AKERMAN, Esq., F.S.A., Secretary. 



Read 3rd May, 1860. 



IN attempting to investigate the origin and history of the bayonet, we en- 
counter, at the outset, considerable difficulty ; even the derivation of its name is 
involved in obscurity. In the dictionary of Cotgrave, first published in 1611, 
we find, " Bayonnette, a kind of small flat pocket-dagger, furnished with knives ; 
or a great knife to hang at the girdle, like a dagger." The same authority gives 
us " Bayonnier, as arbalestier* (an old word)." In the " Glossaire de la Langue 
Romane," of Roquefort, " Baionier " is explained as a crossbow-man. Neither 
of these words occurs in the dictionary of Palsgrave, published in 1530. 

In the " Dictionnaire des Origines," a recent edition of which was published at 
Paris in 1833, we are told that the bayonet was first used by the French at the 
battle of Turin, in 1692, and that it was first adopted by the English in the fol- 
lowing year. According to the same authority, the first regiment in Prance which 
was armed with bayonets, was that of the Fusiliers, afterwards the Royal Artil- 
lery. These statements are, however, liable to some objections, as will be here- 
after shown. The use of the bayonet as a weapon of war must be referred to a 
date much earlier than those there given. In the Memoirs of M. de Puy- 
segur, we find the following notice of this arm : " Pour moi, quand je com- 
mandois dans Bergues, dans Ypres, Dixmude, et Laquenoc, tous les partis que 
j'envoyois, passoient les canaux de cette faon. II est vrai que les soldats ne 
portoient point d'e'pe'es, mais ils avoient des bayonnettes qui avoient des manches 
d'un pied de long, et les lames des bayonnettes e"toient aussi longues que les 
manches, dont les bouts e"toient propres k mettre dans les canons des fusils 
pour se deTendre, quand quelqu'un vouloit venir a eux apres qu'ils avoient 
tireV' b 

a " Arbalestier" he explains as " a crosse-bow-man, that shoots in, or serves with, a crosse-bow ; also a 
crosse-bow maker.'' 

b Les M^moires de Messire Jacques de Chastenet, Chevalier, Seigneur de Puysegur. Paris, 1747, 
torn. ii. p. 306. 



Notes on the Origin and History of the Bayonet. 423 

This relates to the year 1647; but, notwithstanding the obvious advantage of 
the contrivance, it appears for a time to have been utterly neglected. Thus, in 
the " Mareschal de Bataille," of Lostelneau, which was published in the same 
year, 1647, we find no mention of the bayonet, and the musketeers are uniformly 
armed with swords.* 

More than twenty years afterwards, the invention mentioned by Puysegur 
appears to have been revived. Sir James Turner, writing in the year 1670-71, 
thus recommends its adoption : " And, indeed, when musketeers have spent their 
powder, and come to blows, the butt-end of their musket may do an enemy more 
hurt than these despicable swords which most musketeers wear at their sides. In 
such medleys, knives whose blades are one foot long, made both for cutting and 
thrusting (the haft being made to fill the bore of the musket), will do more exe- 
cution than either sword or butt of musket. " b 

In a treatise on " English Military Discipline," published by Robert Harford 
in 1680, the author observes : " The bayonet is much of the same length as 
the poniard [12 or 13 inches] ; it hath neither guard nor handle, but onely 
a haft of wood, eight or nine inches long. The blade is sharp-pointed and 
two-edged, a foot in length, and a large inch in breadth. The bayonet is very 
useful to dragoons, fusiliers, and souldiers that are often commanded out on 
parties ; because that, when they have fired their discharges, and want powder 
and shot, they put the haft of it into the mouth of the barrel of their pieces, 
and defend themselves therewith, as well as with a partizan." (p. 13.) " "We 
remark also," says he, " that except on the occasions of which I am about to 
speak (viz., in field engagements), the pike-men are altogether useless, not 
being eligible for advanced posts, where, in order to give the alarm, it is ne- 
cessary to make a noise." He further observes, "that in the attack and assault 
of places, soldiers should be armed with weapons easy to be handled, and which 
make a great noise, the effect of which is to intimidate those who are attacked." 
" These reasons," he adds, " and many others have led to the giving this year, to 
some musqueteers, bayonets to fix in the muzzles of their pieces when attacked 
by cavalry, thus having the effect of pikes, the use of which will, ere long, no 
doubt, be abandoned." 

To the foregoing contemporary notices of the bayonet and its application may 
may be added the following : " Bayonette (f.), a dagger, or knife dagger-like, such 

The cumbrous musket then in use was, in reality, the true cause of the bayonet being so long neglected. 
The adoption of the lighter arm, the fusil, rendered it at once available. 
b Pallas Armata, London, 1683, p. 175. 

3 K 2 



424 Notes on the Origin and History of the Bayonet. 

as the dragoons wear." Miege, Great French Diet., London, 1688. " Bayonette, 
a long dagger, much in use of late, and carried by the grenadiers." Phillips's 
World of "Words, 1696. " Sayonette (Fr.), a broad dagger, with a round taper 
handle, to stick in the muzzle of a musket." Dictionarium Anglo-Britannicum; or, 
a General Eng. Diet., by John Kersey, 1715. " Bayonette, a broad dagger, without 
a guard, made with a round taper handle, to stick in the muzzle of a musket, so 
that it may serve instead of a pike, to receive the charge of horse." New World 
of W T ords, by Edwd. Phillips, fol. 1720. We do not learn much from these descrip- 
tions; but in the "Travaux de Mars," by M. Manusson-Mallet, published in 
1685, we find, not only a description, but also an engraving of the bayonet then 
in use. It appears to have been formed on the model of that mentioned by Puy- 
segur, and is thus described : " Une bayonette, ou une petite lame montde dans 
un manche de bois ; le soldat s'en sert dans quelques occasions comme une demi- 
pique, en mettant son manche dans le canon de son mousquet ou son fusil."* 

The accompanying engraving (plate xxi. fig. 3) exhibits this weapon without a 
guard, and of the simplest form, as described in the " Treatise on English Mili- 
tary Discipline," above mentioned. 

In the following year, the form of the bayonet appears to have been changed, 
and, in this country at least, a uniform or regulation pattern to have been 
adopted. An example of one of superior execution and finish is exhibited, 
which has inscribed on the blade, in four lines, GMJD . SAVE . KINO . IAMES . 2 : 
1686. b 

This new species of arm, the introduction of which soon led to the disuse of the 
pike, was found most effective ; but it was attended with inconvenience, which 
led to the adoption of a contrivance whereby the soldier could discharge his 
musket, and retain his bayonet fixed. When this was first adopted does not 
appear ; but it was clearly resorted to by the forces under Mackay in the Scottish 

Les Travaux de Mars, ou 1'Art de la Guerre. Par A. Manusson Mallet. Amst. 1685. Tome iii. p. 80. 

b This bayonet was kindly sent for exhibition by Mr. Joseph Clarke, of Saffron Walden, who states that 
it was found on the demolition of an old house in that town. An example is preserved in the Tower 
Armoury. (See No. 1 in our plate.) Mr. John Hewitt informs me that 2,025 plug-bayonets were 
destroyed in the Great Fire at the Tower in 1841. I believe all the bayonets of this pattern to have been 
made in Germany. The greater part of them bear the Solingen forge-mark, a crowned head in profile. 

c In a communication with which I have been favoured by Mr. W. J. Bernhard Smith, he remarks : 
" When I was at Rome, in 1835, it was the fashion to have plug-shaped handles for the knives used in 
boar- hunting, so as to fit into the muzzle of the rifle ; a very injudicious arrangement, as a very slight 
thrust will often set the knife so firmly into the barrel as to render its removal by the hand alone imprac- 
ticable." 



Notes on the Origin and History of the Bayonet. 425 

war in 1G89, who says : " All our officers and souldiers were strangers to the High- 
landers' way of fighting and embattailing, which mainly occasioned the consterna- 
tion many of them were in ; which to remedy for the ensuing year, having taken 
notice on this occasion that the Highlanders are of such a quick motion, that if a 
battalion keep up his fire till they be near to make sure of them, they are upon it 
before our .men can come to their second defence, which is the bayonet in the 
musle of the musket : I say, the general having observed this method of the 
enemy, he invented the way to fasten the bayonet so to the musle without, by 
two rings, that the soldiers may safely keep their fire till they pour it into their 
breasts, and then have no other motion to make but to push as with a pick."* 

The merit of this contrivance, however, cannot be claimed for Mackay, for 
Puysegur mentions that he had seen before the Peace of Nimeguen (1678) a 
regiment which was armed with swords without guards, but furnished with brass 
rings, one at the junction of the blade and the handle, the other at the pommel. 
But he does not state that the regiment thus armed was a French one, and 
we have sufficent evidence that the plug-bayonet continued in use for some years 
afterwards. That it was not quickly adopted by the French, is very clear from 
the same author, who says in his "Art de la Guerre," chap, viii., "Durant la 
guerre de 1688 on avoit propos6 au feu Roi de supprimer les piques et les 
mousquets ; il fit me"me faire une e"preuve de bayonnettes a douille a peu pres 
comme celles d'aujourd'hui sur les mousquets de son regiment ; mais comrne les 
bayonnettes n'avoient pas 6t6 faites sur les canons qui dtoient de differentes 
grosseurs, elles ne tenoient pas bien ferme, de sorte que dans cette epreuve qui 
fut faite en presence de S. M. plusieurs bayonnettes en tirant tomboient, 
a d'autres la balle en sortant cassoit le bout, cela fit qu' elles furent rejettdes. 
Mais peu de temps apres des nations contre lesquelles nous avons &<$ en guerre 
quitterent les piques pour prendre les fusils avec des bayonnettes a douille, 
ausquelles nous avons 6t6 obliges de revenir. 

At any rate, we have in Mackay's account the fact of its application in actual 
warfare, so early as the year 1689 ; but how shall we reconcile it with the reten- 
tion of the old method of screwing the bayonet into the muzzle of the musket ? 
for this is directed in a book of exercises, published by royal authority in the 
following year. 

Grose, in his history of the English army, b says, " I have in vain endeavoured to 
ascertain the precise time when the bayonets of the present form were first adopted 

Mackay's Memoirs of the Scottish War, p. 52, 4to. Edinb. 1833. b Lond. 1801. Vol. i. p. 162. 



426 Notes on the Origin and History of the B>/oitcl. 

here; that improvement, as well as the original invention, is of French extrac- 
tion. The following anecdote respecting that weapon was communicated to me 
by Lieutenant-Colonel Christopher Maxwell, of the 30th Regiment of Foot, who 
had it from his grandfather, formerly lieutenant-colonel of the 25th Regiment 
of Foot. " In one of the campaigns of King William III. in Flanders, in an 
engagement the name of which he had forgotten, there were three French 
regiments, whose bayonets were made to fix after the present fashion, a contri- 
vance then unknown in the British army. One of them advanced against the 
25th Regiment with fixed bayonets ; Lieutenant-Colonel Maxwell who com- 
manded it, ordered his men to screw their bayonets into their muzzles to 
receive them, thinking they meant to decide the affair point to point ; but to his 
great surprise, when they came within a proper distance, the French threw in a 
heavy fire, which, for a moment, staggered his people, who by no means expected 
such a greeting, not conceiving it possible they could fire with fixed bayonets : they 
nevertheless recovered themselves, charged, and drove the enemy out of the line. 

" Notwithstanding this instance," he adds, " of the superiority of the socket 
bayonet, it seems as if that invention was not immediately adopted, but that the 
old bayonets underwent a mutation or two before they arrived at their present 
form. One of them was a couple of rings fixed into their handle, for the purpose 
of receiving the muzzle of the piece, like the socket of the present bayonet, by 
which means the soldier was enabled both to fire and load his musket without 
unfixing it. The late Rev. Mr. Gostling, of Canterbury, who was extremely 
inquisitive respecting military affairs, told me he remembered to have seen two 
horse grenadiers ride before the coach of Queen Anne, with their bayonets fixed, 
by means of the rings here described." 

Daniel, in his " Histoire de la Milice Francoise," says, " Cette arme est tres 
moderne dans les troupes. Je croi que le premier corps qui en ait e'te' arme est 
le Regiment des Fusiliers, cre"6 en 1671, et appele" depuis Regiment Royal- 
Artillerie. Les soldats de ce regiment portoient la bayonette dans un petit 
fourreau a c6te de Pe'pe'e. On en a donne" depuis aux autres regimens pour le 
meme usage, c'est-a-dire, pour la mettre au bout du fusil dans les occasions."" 

Voltaire, speaking of Louis XIV., says, " L' usage de la baionnette au bout du 
fusil est de son institution. Avant lui on s'en servait quelquefois ; mais il n'y 
avait que quelques compagnies qui combattissent avec cette arme. Point d' usage 
uniforme, point d'exercice : tout e"tait abandonne" & la volonte" du ge"nral. Les 

" Daniel, Histoire de la Milice Fran9oise. Paris, 1721, tome ii. p. 592. In tome i. pi. 22, p. 415 of 
the game work is a representation of a plug bayonet, .and in pi. 33, p. 466, of a socket bayonet 



Notes on the Origin and History of the Bayonet. 427 

piques passaient pour 1'arme la plus redoutable. Le premier regiment qui eut des 
baionnettes, et qu'on forma a cette exercice, futcelui des fusiliers e"tabli en 1671."* 

The sword was, in fact, retained till the commencement of the eighteenth 
century, according to the Marquis de Feuquiere : 

" On conserve encore au soldat, outre sa bayonnette, une e'pe'e large et pesante, 
et un ceinturon large et pesant : e'en est trop, il 1'accable par son poids. La 
gargouche qu'on passe dans ce ceinturon large devient aussi trop incommode au 
soldat, lorsqu'il faut qu'il se baisse souvent, ou qu'il dorme sous les armes. Mon 
avis seroit qu'une bonne baionnette un peu longue et tranchante suffiroit, dont le 
soldat put se servir a la main et au bout de son fusil, et que cette arme fut pendue 
a un ceinturon moins large, dans lequel la gargouche seroit passe"e. II seroit 
beaucoup moins charge", et embarrass^, et par consequent beaucoup plus agile, et 
vif dans toutes ses fonctions. 

" On s'est aussi enfin defait des piques, et on a reconnu qu'un bataillon fre'ze' de 
bayonnettes, et dont il sortoit un grand feu, e"toit plus capable de register a la 
cavalerie en plaine, que mal fre'ze' du peu de piques, qu'on pouvoit conserver dans 
la suite d'une campagne." b 

The precise period of the adoption of the socket bayonet in the English army is, I 
believe, unknown, but it was doubtless in the early part of the eighteenth century. 

Cannon, in his " Records of the Army," quotes the following document in the 
State Paper Office : 
" 2 April, 1672. 
" CHARLES R. 

" Our will and pleasure is, that a Regiment of Dragoones which we established and ordered to be 
raised in Twelve Troopes of four score in each besides officers, who are to be under the command 
of Our most deare and most intirely beloved Cousin Prince Rupert, shall be armed out of Our 
stoares remaining within Our office of the Ordinance, as followeth : that is to say, three corporalls, 
two Serjeants, the gentlemen-at-armes, and twelve souldicrs of each of the said twelve Troopes, are 
to have and carry each of them one halbard, and one case of pistolls with holsters ; and the rest of 
the souldiers of the several Troopes aforesaid, are to have and carry each of them one match-lockc 
musquet with a collar of bandaliers, and also to have and to carry one bayonet, or great knife. 
That each lieutenant have and carry one partizan ; and that two drums be delivered out for each 
Troope of the said Regiment." 

It will be observed that the date of this document is scarcely a year later than 

Siecle de Louis XIV. (CEuvres Completes, Basle, 1785, torn. xxi. p. 205, chap, xxix.) 
b M&noires de M. le Marquis de Feuquiere, Lieutenant-General des Armees du Roi. A Londres, 1 736, 
p. 68. 

c First Dragoon Guards, Introduction, p. x. 



428 Notes on the Origin and History of the Bayonet. 

that in which Pere Daniel and Voltaire state that the bayonet was first 
introduced into the French army. It may be noticed, too, that the order 
directs the regiment to be armed out of the stores remaining in the Office of 
Ordinance, showing that the efficacy of this weapon had been recognised by 
military men in this country almost, if not actually as early as in France. 

Puysegur (Art de la Guerre, chap, vi.) says, " Lorsque cette guerre commen9a, 
il y avoit deja quelques re"gimens qui avoient quitte les piques, le reste avoit tou- 
jours le cinquieme des soldats arme's de piques ; mais 1'hyver de 1703 a 1704 elles 
furent entierement abandonees et les mousquets le furent aussi peu de terns 
apres. Durant cette guerre les officiers ont etc" arm6s d'espontons de huit picds 
de long ; les sergens d'hallebardes de six pieds et demi, et tous les soldats de fusils 
avec des bayonnettes a douille, pour pouvoir tirer avec la bayonnette au bout du 
fusil." 4 

I have sought in vain for the origin and source of the tradition that the bayonet 
was invented at Bayonne. The story runs, that in a battle which took place in a 
small hamlet in the environs of that city, in the middle of the seventeenth century, 
between some Basque peasants and a band of Spanish smugglers, the former, 
having exhausted their ammunition, defeated their opponents by charging them 
with their long knives, fastened in the muzzle of their muskets. 

Such an event may have occured, but it requires authentication, and the rela- 
tion begets a suspicion that the mere similarity of name has laid the foundation 
of the supposed connexion of the bayonet with Bayonne. 

True or false, the story is immortalized in the verse of Voltaire, who, in the 
eighth book of the "Henriade," thus alludes to this weapon : 

" Cette arme, que jadis, pour de'peupler la terre, 
Dans Bayonne inventa le demon de la guerre, 
Rassemble en meme temps, digne fruit de Fenfer, 
Ce qu'ont de plus terrible et la flamme et le fer." 

Voltaire, however*, was not the inventor of the figment, if it is really to be 
regarded as such, for we find " bayonet" thus glossed in the dictionary of Me'nage, 
published in 3,694 : "Bayonette, sorte de poignard, ainsi appele"e de la ville de 
Baionne." 

In thus attempting to give the true history of this formidable weapon, I may, 
in conclusion, be permitted to refer to its common appellation of " bagonet." 
This is at once a vulgarism and an archaism, for it was so designated by men and 

* Art de la Guerre, par le Marechal de Puysegur, mis a, jour par M. le Marquis de Puysegur, son fils. 
Paris, 1748. Tome i. ch. vi. p. 57. 



Notes on the Origin and History of the Bayonet. 429 

officers in the English army almost coeval with its introduction. In a small 
MS. volume in my possession, written in the latter half of the seventeenth 
century, the exercise of the dragoons (for, as has been already shown, it was 
not confined to the foot soldier,") is thus described. It is stated to be the 
" Exercize of Dragoons, composed for his Ma ts Roy 1 Regiment by y e R ht Hon ble 
Louis, Earle of Feversham, Colonel!." Among other instructions, I find 

" handle yo r baggonnetts. 

" draw out yo r baggonnetts." 

" mount your baggonetts altogether." 

" fasten them in to y* mussells of your musket." 

They are further instructed to "march through a towne with musketts 
advanced and through a quarter w th baggonetts in y* mussells of y e musketts."" 

A review of the evidence here cited gives us the following results : 

1st. That " bayonette" was the name of a knife, which may probably have been 
so designated, either from its having been the peculiar weapon of a crossbow-man, 
or from the individual who first adopted it. 

2nd. That its first recorded use as a weapon of war occurs in the Memoirs of 
Puysegur, and may be referred to the year 1647. 

3rd. That it is first mentioned in England by Sir J. Turner, 1670-71. 

4th. That it was introduced into the English army in the first half of the year 
1672. 

5th. That before the Peace of Nimeguen, Puysegur had seen troops on the 
continent armed with bayonets furnished with rings which would go over the 
muzzles of muskets. 

6th. That in 1686 the device of the socket bayonet was tested before the French 
King and failed. 

7th. That in 1689 Mackay, by the adoption of the ringed bayonet, successfully 
opposed the Highlanders at the battle of Killiecrankie. 

Among the Harleian MSS. (No. 6,844) is a copy of a " Treaty between the Sovereign of this kingdom 
and the Duke of Sax Gotha, Nov. 6, 1691," by which there are "delivered in service to His Majesty of 
Great Brittaigne, three Eeigments," one of which is " a Regim' of Dragoons of nine Companys, provided 
with good Horses, Carabins, Pistols, Sabels (tc), Bajonetts, and all the same clothing." A regiment of foot 
is to "be provided with good Musquetts, fire-Locks, and Swine-feathers." 

b Even so late as the year 1735 the name was written and printed " bagonet." " Bayonet is a short 
broad dagger, made with iron handles and rings that go over the muzzle of the firelock, and arc screwed 
fast ; so that the soldier fires with the bagonet on the muzzle of the piece, and is ready to act against 
horse." Glossary appended to " Memoirs Historical and Military of the Marquis de Feuquiere." Trans- 
lation from the French. London, 1735. 

VOL. XXXVIII. 3 L 



430 Notes on the Origin and History of the Bayonet. 

8th. Lastly, that the bayonet with the socket was in general use in the year 
1703. 

I must, in conclusion, offer my thanks to the various exhibitors who have 
contributed specimens to illustrate this communication. By the kindness of the 
Council of the United Service Institution, I am enabled to exhibit examples of the 
bayonet in their museum. I am also indebted to Captain Tupper, Mr. Joseph 
Clarke, F.S.A. Mr. Robert Porrett, F.R.S. Mr. J. W. Bernhard Smith, Mr. Robert 
Pritchett, Mr. Charles Reed, F.S.A. Mr. T. Godfrey Faussett, F.S.A. and Mr. 
Charles Spence, for the loan of interesting specimens in their possession, some of 
which are engraved in the accompanying plate. 



Description of Plate XXII, 

No. 1. A plug-bayonet, with the following inscription engraved on the blade : 
GOD . SAVE . KING . IAMBS . THE . 2 : 1686. (Tower Armoury.) 

No. 2. The bayonet of an officer in its leather scabbard, with small knife 
and fittings. On the blade is engraved the Royal Arms, and the inscription 

GOD . SAVE . KING . WILLIAM . AND . QVEEN . MART. (Mr. R. Pritchett.) 

No. 3. A bayonet of the same period as the two former, without ornament. 

No. 4. A sword, the guard of which is so adapted that it may be screwed into 
the muzzle of a musket, and thus used as a bayonet. This specimen bears evident 
marks of its having been frequently so used. An example in the Tower Armoury 
has lost the finger-guard. (Museum of the United Service Institution.) 

No. 5. Bayonet, probably of a Spanish officer, with its scabbard, on which is 
engraved "Soi de d n Manuel Monsalve." (Tower Armoury.) 

No. 6. A large two-edged bayonet, the guard terminating at one end in a 
hammer, and in the other in a turnscrew. (Tower Armoury.) 

No. 7. A long sword-bayonet, probably of Italian workmanship. (Tower 
Armoury. 

No. 8. The plug-bayonet of a Croat mercenary, engraved on both sides with 
figure of one of the band, and the words " Vivat Pandur." Purchased in Venice. 
(Captain Tupper.) 

No. 9. A plug-bayonet, with a fluted handle and flamboyant blade, which 
appears to be of foreign workmanship. (Captain Tupper.) 

No. 10. A socket bayonet of very rude workmanship, formerly in the collection 
at Alton Towers. (Tower Armoury.) 



Vol.XJUWlU Plat* XXE .p 430. 







BAYONETS. 



XXIX. On Mural Paintings in Chalgrove Church, Oxfordshire. Communicated 
through J. -ST. Parker, Esq. F.S.A. by WILLIAM SURGES, Esq. 



Read March 1st, 1860. 



WERE we to believe the general run of antiquaries, the interior of every old 
building invariably glowed with the richest gold and colour, and every village 
church was a Sainte Chapelle, or a St. Stephen's, Westminster. Few, however, 
appear to have thought of supporting their theory by carefully taking off the 
whitewash of some of our smaller churches, on the chance of finding a rich 
polychromy underneath. Of late years the mania for church-restoration has been 
performing this office, and the old painters are found to have been no less con- 
sistent in their profession than were the old architects. 

Thus the latter did not build imitations of Westminster Abbey when a parish 
church was required, neither did the former employ gilding and bright colours 
when their turn came to complete the edifice. On the contrary, we find that the 
artists who executed the paintings in our village churches, during the thirteenth 
and fourteenth centuries, generally contented themselves with lamp-black and 
red and yellow ochre. The outlines were made with the red ochre mixed with 
a little black, and the draperies filled in with broken tints of the three colours, 
for they generally avoided employing a pure colour in any position, and preferred 
breaking it up with other tints in the same manner as was done in the ornaments 
of illuminated manuscripts, which are always shaded ; a tint of that kind giving 
variety and relief to the eye 5 which a flat one never does. In the fifteenth century 
a demand occurred for a greater variety of colours, and most of the paintings of 
that period, even in village churches, are very much more gaudy than those of the 
preceding centuries. The reason was probably this : in the thirteenth and four- 
teenth centuries coloured glass was perhaps more expensive than it afterwards 
became, and in a village church, and indeed in some cathedrals, such as Salisbury, 
it was thought sufficient to have all the windows, excepting the eastern and 
western ones, executed in grisaille. Now paintings in a few broken tints would 
harmonise far better with grisaille than those executed with many colours, and 
this in all probability accounts for the Early English and Decorated paintings 

3 L 2 



432 Mural Paintings in Chalgrove Church, Oxfordshire. 

being so simple. When, however, in the Perpendicular period, highly coloured 
windows became cheaper, or more fashionable, it was doubtless considered 
necessary to work up the paintings to the same key of colour as the surrounding 
windows; but, except in a few instances, these Perpendicular paintings are 
barbarous in style, when compared with those of the Early English and Decorated 
times, and, after going from bad to worse, they were finally stopped by the 
Reformation, when our churches received the whitewash which has continued to 
the present day. 4 

But to return to the paintings of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. It 
would take far too great a space to attempt to mention every instance where 
portions or fragments have been discovered. They have generally been destroyed 
as soon as exposed to view, and a short notice in some archaeological publication, 
with perhaps an outline woodcut, is the only record of their existence. Some few, 
however, have been preserved, thanks to the general spread of archa3ological 
knowledge among the clergy ; such are those over the chancel arch at Preston 
Church, near Brighton ; the subjects of which (the Martyrdom of St. Thomas a 
Becket, and St. Michael weighing the souls of the departed), will be found en- 
graved in Vol. XXIII. of the Archaeologia. 

A very perfect series has lately been brought to light in Charlwood Church, 
Surrey, by the care of the rector, who removed the whitewash with his own hands, 
and has likewise had the good sense to keep them in statu quo. The stories 
represented were Lea Trois Morts et lea Trois Vlfs, and the legends of St. Nicholas, 
St. Eulalia, St. Margaret, &c. 

In Arundel Church, Sussex, may be seen The Seven Acts of Mercy, represented 
in the compartments of a circle, with the Angel of Mercy standing in the middle ; 
but this interesting painting has unfortunately been restored. 1 " 

In all these instances the paintings are only parts of a series, and indeed it 
is very doubtful whether any perfect series has ever been discovered before that 
which now covers the internal walls of Chalgrove Church, Oxfordshire. 

These last were brought to light in 1858, and have been preserved by the per- 
severance of the vicar, the Rev. Robert Lawrence, and his family. 

The chancel of Chalgrove Church is of Decorated architecture, with two 
windows on each side, and a larger one at the east end, all with flowing 

A fair series of paintings of the Perpendicular period, from the chapel of the Holy Trinity in the church 
at Stratford-on-Avon, has been published by Thomas Fisher. 

b In some cases the churchwardens insist either on the restoration or the demolition of the paintings ; here 
I think we can hardly quarrel with the restoration, however much we may disapprove of it as Archaologists. 



Mural Paintings in Chalgrove Church, Oxfordshire. 433 

tracery ; there are also sedilia and a piscina of a somewhat uncommon type ; 
but besides this there is nothing at all unusual in the architecture to dis- 
tinguish it from hundreds of similar chancels of the same date. The mason 
having finished his work, and brought up the rubble walling to a surface 
with rough mortar, the plasterer, or perhaps the mason himself, went over the 
whole of the church with a coating of fine stun about one-eighth of an inch 
thick ; this was edged off at the stone dressings until it became little more than a 
slight wash, the object being to make the whole, i. e. the walls and dressings, of 
a uniform colour.* 

The painter now began his work. He left the tracery of the windows quite 
white ; the rear arches (those which support the rubble) were also left white ; the 
scoinson arches (the internal window arches) received a series of red stars on their 
mouldings and soffits, but their labels were left white. The jambs of the windows 
had on each of them a figure, these figures being considerably larger than those 
in the other subjects. 

The artist next proceeded to divide the whole height of the walls above the 
window string into three bands by means of horizontal red lines, serving as 
ground lines for the various groups, which had no vertical separation between 
them, except where they were divided by the windows or architecture. 

He then proceeded to sketch in the outlines of his figures, &c. with charcoal, 
which outlines he afterwards went over carefully with red ochre. 

The following notes, taken with some care on the spot, will perhaps give an 
idea of his manipulation and resources, although some things are a little doubtful 
by reason of the damage caused by the whitewash and its subsequent removal. 
There is no trace of diapering on the back-grounds. 

Flesh. The ground is red ochre mixed with white until it became very light ; 
indeed, in some cases, as in the figure of St. Helena, the face would appear 
to have been left white designedly. A little red was used for the cheeks and 
mouth. The outlines of the features in red lines, as usual. Pupils of eyes light 
black or slate colour. 

Hair. Yellow ochre worked over with red lines. 

Black Drapery. The lamp-black was mixed with white until it became slate 
colour, and the lines of drapery put in with white. In some cases it would appear 
that the slate-coloured drapery was shaded with black mixed with red. Black is 
also used in two distinct ways, viz. : 1, as black with very little white; and 

The internal dressings and the surface of rubble walling were on the same face, or nearly so. 



434 Mural Painfinys in Chalgrove Church, Oxfordsldre. 

2, as slate colour, i.e. with a great deal of white ; hut the latter was hy far the 
more usual, as the dark black would have been too prominent and have made 
patches in the composition. 

WTiite Drapery. The white drapery has the usual red lines, and is sometimes 
shaded with very light red. Occasionally it was left quite plain, with little 
or no shading ; but then its under side is painted of a very light red colour, 
giving the same effect as a general shading, more especially when the drapery is 
rather complex. 

Yellow Drapery. Yellow ochre with red lines, and apparently shaded with 
white. 

Red Drapery. Some draperies have light red ground, red lines, and white 
high lights. It is probable that the pure red drapery had white high lights, and 
cither white or black lines. Occasionally it would appear to have been shaded 
with yellow. 

Having thus far endeavoured to give an idea of the manipulation of the artist, 
it now remains to consider what his subjects were, and how he arranged them. 

They are divisible into two parts, viz. : those relating to the Life of our Lord, 
and those relating to the Death and Assumption of the Blessed Virgin.* Now, 
according to the general rule of Christian iconography, when there are two series 
of subjects, one of which is of a higher character than the other, the higher subject 
is placed on the south side and the other on the north. Thus the Apostles are 
placed on the south side in the glass at Fairford Church, and their persecutors on 
the north. When, however, it happens that the two subjects are to be placed in an 
eastern wall, or in a picture, then the heraldic dexter, i.e. the left side of the spec- 
tator, is the place assigned for the more worthy one. In the present instance we 
have both the north, south, and east walls ; but, the eastern wall being more 
important than the others, and the subjects on it being parallels such as the 
Assumption of the Blessed Virgin and the Ascension of our Lord the north 
and south walls give way to the claims of the east wall, and consequently the 
north wall has the life of our Lord (the worthier subject), because it was necessary 
to place the most important stories forming its termination on the dexter or 
northern side of the eastern wall. 

The subjects from not being divided by lines are not always easily distinguished 
from each other, but their disposition will be best shown by the accompanying 
plan, on which will be found the numbers referred to in the following description. 

The paintings over the east side of the chancel arch are destroyed. 

See Ecclesiologi^t, No. cxix. p. 91. 



Mural Paintings in Chalgrove Church, Oxfordshire. 



435 



NORTH. 



9. Betrayal. / 


/\ 


10. Xt. before 11. Xt. 
\ Pilate. mocked. 


12. Xt. 

scourged. 


13. Bearing 
the Cross. / 


/\ 


\ 14. CrucifUion. 




















i 


15. Descent 


1, 2, 


jj 







7. Innocents. 


8. Presentation. 


c 






from Cross. 









^ 










& 




of Jesse. 


d 

3 




a 

4 


S. Nativity. 


6. Magi. 


cc 
17 




18 


16. Entomb- 
ment. 



98 '! 'W 



C3AI3MI "A 'a '(K 



96 



ronoqj. 'S '8t 



,va 



_ 


i 


5 


i! 


f 1 


! 


r" 


a 


o 


g S.Peter. 


\ 


g S. Paul. 


| 


f 


B * 








P 


1 



Hinos 

1 and 2 form one subject, representing the radix Jesse, the vine, in its twisting 
forms. It consists of only two oval compartments, in the upper of which is the 
Blessed Virgin, and in the lower David. On each side of the vine are two 
prophets, pointing to scrolls in their hands. The subject it will be seen is so 
treated as not to interfere with the general arrangement of the other pictures. 

3. A large figure of St. Gabriel on the jamb of the window; he forms a 
pendant to 

4. A large figure of the Blessed Virgin ; these two figures consequently repre- 
sent the Annunciation. 

5. The Birth of our Lord ; the Virgin is on a couch, behind which is a hand- 
maid holding the Child ; at the foot of the couch is seated St. Joseph. 

6. The adoration of the Magi; one king is kneeling, the second is turned 
towards the third king or an attendant. 

7. This evidently represented the Slaughter of the Innocents. It is much 
defaced ; but the hand of a soldier is still to be distinguished holding the dead body 
of a child upon the top of his spear. On one side of the subject is Herod seated. 

8. The Presentation in the Temple. 

The series is now continued along the uppermost row, where we find : 

9. The Betrayal of our Lord. The subject is much mutilated, but the figure of 
St. Peter can clearly be distinguished, who is cutting off the ear of Malchus. 



436 Mural Paintings in Chalgrove Church, Oxfordshire. 

10. Christ led before Pilate. 

11. The Saviour mocked by the Jews ; which is much mutilated. 

12. The Scourging of our Lord. 

13. Christ bearing the Cross. 

14. The Crucifixion ; of which but a small portion remains. 

15. The Descent from the Cross. 

16. The Entombment. 

On the jambs of the window near these subjects are two large figures, viz. : 

17. St. Helena holding the Cross. 

18. A female Saint, possibly St. Mary Magdalene. 

These two Saints, it will be observed, are appropriately placed near the last 
scenes of the Passion. 
We now come to the east wall, where we find : 

19. The descent into Hades. 

20. The Resurrection. 

21. The Ascension. 

22. A large figure of St. Peter on the window-jamb. 

23. Another of St. Paul. 

Here this series of subjects stops, and we must go to the west end of the 
south wall, where we find 

24 26. The General Resurrection and Last Judgment, which occupy the space 
usually allotted to three pictures ; the design is however arranged in three tiers, 
so as not to interfere with the general order. 

27. In the window-jamb is a large figure of St. Bartholomew ; and opposite to it 

28. A saint in deacon's dress, probably St. Lawrence, holding a book. 

We now come to the second series of subjects, viz. the Death and Assumption 
of the Blessed Virgin. Our authority for their explanation will be the account of 
the Assumption of the Blessed Vifgin given by Jacobus de Voragine, in his 
Golden Legend. After the Ascension of our Lord, the Blessed Virgin lived with 
St. John, or rather in his house, for twenty-four years, as some say, or only twelve 
years, according to others. One day she was seized with a violent desire to see 
her son again, and suddenly an angel appeared, bringing her a shining branch of 
a palm-tree from paradise, who announced to her the approach of death, and 
ordered her to have the branch borne before her bier. 

29. Represents this subject. 

30. In a great measure destroyed by a modern monument. It is almost 
impossible to suggest the subject, as only two figures remain, one on either side of 






Cfe/H I 




WALL . 







. Plate. \ 



E.AST WALL. 



- 

' 





s\ 

m 
$0. 



MURAL FAINTING- ir-r THE CHANCEL or 
CMALGROVE CHUKCH, 

OX ON. 



;->\, iir.i by 'tir Sector of 



Xauln,. JMI 



Mural Paintings in Chalgrove Church, Oxfordshire. 437 

the monument ; that on the dexter is a female wearing a wimple, and that on the 
sinister is the Blessed Virgin kneeling. It is just possible that it may be the first 
of the series, and represent the desire of the Blessed Virgin to see her son ; or it 
may allude to an earlier portion of the legend in which St. Dionysius expressed a 
wish to see the Virgin, from which we learn that her oratory had a little window 
with a purple curtain ; this window may possibly be indicated by the two little 
shafts from which hangs a purple curtain. 

31. The Blessed Virgin announces her departure to the Apostles, who were 
miraculously conveyed to Jerusalem for the occasion. 

32. The death of the Blessed Virgin. Our Lord takes her soul. 

33. The funeral procession of the Blessed Virgin. "We see the bier of the 
Blessed Virgin earned by the Apostles ; at the upper part of which is the high 
priest, with his hands attached to the bier which he had impiously touched ; the 
two little figures below are perhaps Jews who had been struck blind. 

34. The repentant high priest is being sprinkled with holy water by St. John, 
and further on he is healing the Jews who had been struck blind. 

35. In the window-jamb is a large figure of St. John the Evangelist holding a 
palm-branch. 

36. A corresponding figure of St.. John the Baptist. 

37. The entombment of the body of the Blessed Virgin. 

38. This is out of its place as regards the order of tune ; but, as the artist wanted 
to put the Assumption on the east wall, to form a parallel with that of the 
Resurrection, he consequently placed the present subject here. St. Thomas was 
absent from the Assumption, and, not being willing to believe the fact, the girdle 
attached to the dress of the Blessed Virgin was sent down to him from above. 
He is represented in the painting as showing this girdle to the Apostles as they 
sit at supper. 

39. This is destroyed in toto. 

40 41 form one compartment. At the bottom of the picture is the tomb, 
and above the reception into heaven of the body of the Blessed Virgin. 

42. The Coronation of the Blessed Virgin. This completes these very curious 
paintings, which are certainly some of the most perfect, if not the most perfect, 
we have remaining in this country. The chancel of Chalgrove Church is probably 
the only place where an idea can be formed of the general effect of the more 
humble class of paintings of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. The figures 
have not the wonderful action and fine proportions of those of the thirteenth 
century (for instance, those in Charlwood in Surrey) ; but the drawing is more 

VOL. XXXVIII. 3 M 



138 Mural Paintings in Chalgrove Church, Oxfordshire. 

equal, and their preservation much better. Full-sized and coloured tracings of 
the whole series have been obtained by J. H. Parker, Esq., F.S.A., and drawings 
of them have been executed by Charles A. Buckler, Esq., from which the accompa- 
nying Plates (XXIII. and XXIV.) have been prepared." There seems further 
to be every probability that the originals will be allowed to remain uncovered, 
so as to furnish to archaeologists a good example of the mode of decoration 
adopted in one of our humbler village churches during the middle ages. 

A communication on these paintings by Mr. Buckler was read before the Oxford Architectural Society, 
and has been printed in the Gentleman's Magazine, June I860, p. 547. 



XXX. On the Discovery of Australia by the Portuguese in 1601, Five Years before 
the earliest hitherto known Discovery : with Arguments in favour of a previous 
Discovery by the same Nation early in the Sixteenth Century. By RICHARD 
H. MAJOR, Esq., F.S.A., in a Letter to Sir HENRY ELLIS, K.H., F.S.A. 



Read 7th March, 1861. 



MY DEAR SIR HENRY, 

IP any doubt could be entertained of the importance of collecting and em- 
bodying in our literature the scattered relics of the early history of geographical 
discovery, the doubt might find its answer in the eager curiosity with which the 
more cultivated Anglo-Saxon inhabitants of America look back to every minute 
particular respecting the early history of their adopted country. 

A vast field of colonization, second only to America, is rapidly developing itself 
in the South ; and we may naturally presume that it will be a question of no 
inconsiderable interest to those who shall have chosen Australia as the birthplace 
of their children, to know who were the earliest discoverers of a land so vast in its 
dimensions, so important in its characteristics, and yet whose very existence had 
for so many thousands of years remained a secret. 

In the year 1859 I had the honour of editing for the Hakluyt Society a work 
entitled " Early Voyages to Terra Australis," comprising a collection of documents 
and extracts from early manuscript maps illustrative of the history of discovery on 
the coasts of that vast Island from the beginning of the sixteenth century to the 
time of Captain Cook. In my introduction to that work it became my duty to 
show that in the early part of the sixteenth century there were indications, on 
maps, of Australia having been already discovered, but with no written documents 
to confirm them ; while, in the seventeenth century, there was authoritative docu- 
mentary evidence that its coasts were visited by the Dutch in a considerable 
number of voyages, although the documents immediately describing these voyages 
had not been found. The earliest of these Dutch voyages was made in 1606, and 
it consequently stood before the world as an unquestioned point in history that in 
that year the first authenticated discovery of Australia was made by the Dutch. 

It is my purpose in this paper to announce that, within the last few days, I 
have met with a document in the British Museum which unequivocally transfers 

3 M 2 



440 On the Discovery of Australia 

that honour from Holland to Portugal, inasmuch as it gives to the latter country 
an advantage over the former of five years in unquestionable priority. The fact 
that Australia had been in reality discovered more than sixty years earlier, and in 
all probability also by the Portuguese, does not, I think, set aside the importance 
of this further fact which I now wish to record as for the first time made known 
to the world that the earliest known voyage to Australia to which a date and 
the discoverer's name can be attached, was made by the Portuguese in 1601. Were 
I, however, to confine myself to the bald enunciation of this fact, without showing 
the position which it will take in the history of supposed and authenticated 
Australian discovery, I fear my announcement would prove as uninteresting to 
you as it would be unsatisfactory to myself. In order, therefore, fairly to state 
my case, I feel it my duty to lay before you a summary of that which I have 
already written in ample detail in the introduction to my " Early Voyages to 
Australia," premising that for brevity's sake I have omitted the minuter details, 
and in some cases remodelled my language ; but that, where no advantage was to 
be gained thereby, I have not pretended for the mere sake of appearances to alter 
the language in which I had written before. Such a proceeding seemed to me 
to be disingenuous and therefore unworthy. 

I spoke of supposed indications of Australia, because, as in the case of America, 
so in that of Australia, surmises of the existence of these respective countries can 
be traced in the writings of the ancients, in geographical monuments of the 
middle ages, and still more palpable evidences of Australia individually on well 
delineated manuscript maps of the early part of the sixteenth century. 

Among the very early writers, the most striking quotation that I am able to 
supply in connection with the Southern Continent, is that which occurs in the 
Astronomicon of Manilius, lib. i. lin. 234 238, where, after a lengthy disserta- 
tion, he says : 

Ex quo colligitur terrarum forma rotunda: 
Hanc circum varise gentes hominum atque ferarum 
Aeriseque colunt volucres. Pars ejus ad arctos 
Eminet, Austrinis pars eat habitabilis oris, 
Sub pedibusque jacet nostris. 

The date at which Manilius wrote, though not exactly ascertained, is supposed, 
upon the best conclusions to be drawn from the internal evidence supplied by his 
poem, to be of the time of Tiberius. 

At a later period, the belief in the existence of a great Southern Continent 
anterior to the discoveries of the Portuguese in the Pacific Ocean, is shown from 



by the Portuguese in 1601. 441 

manuscript maps and other geographical monuments brought together hy the 
researches of my lamented friend, the late learned and laborious Vicomte de San- 
tarem, in his "Essai sur 1'Histoire de la Cosmographie et de la Cartographic du 
Moyen Age." In vol. i. p. 229 of that work, he informs us that " D'autres carto- 
graphes du moyen-age continuerent a repre"senter encore dans leurs mappemondes 
PAntichthone, d'apres la croyance qu'au dela de la ceinture de 1'Ocean Home"- 
rique il y avait une habitation d'hommes, une autre region temperee, qu'on appe- 
lait la terre oppose'e, ou il etait impossible de pe"ne"trer a cause de la zone torride." 

The earliest assertion of the discovery of a land bearing a position on early maps 
analogous to that of Australia, has been made in favour of the Chinese, who have 
been supposed to have been acquainted with its coasts long before the period of 
European navigation to the East. 

Thdvenot, in his " Relations de divers Voyages Curieux," part i. preface, Paris, 
1663, says : " La Terre Australe, qui fait maintenant une cinquieme partie du 
monde, a este' de"couverte a plusieurs fois. Les Chinois en ont eu comiaissance il 
y a long temps ; car Ton voit que Marco Polo marque deux grandes isles au sud- 
est de Java, ce qu'il avait appris apparemment des Chinois." 

Marco Polo's statement describes a country in the direction of Australia, con- 
taining gold, elephants and spices, a description which clearly does not apply to 
Australia. An error was doubtless made in the direction of the course suggested, 
and there is little doubt that the country intended to be described was Cambodia. 
I do not here stop to dilate upon the various blunders to which this statement 
gave rise on the face of the early engraved Dutch maps of the latter part of the 
sixteenth century. I have spoken of them in detail in my Hakluyt volume. They 
are interesting in connection with the important country to which they appeared 
to refer, and they are really amusing from their nature, variety, and number. 

The earliest discovery of Australia to which claim has been laid by any nation, 
is that of a Frenchman, named Binot Paulmier de Gonneville, a native of Honfleur, 
who sailed from that port in June, 1503, on a voyage to the South Seas. After 
doubling the Cape of Good Hope, he was assailed by a tempest which drove him 
on an unknown land, in which he was hospitably entertained, and whence, after a 
stay of six months, he returned to France, bringing with him the son of the king 
of the country. Unfortunately Gonneville's journals on his return fell into the 
hands of the English and were lost ; but a priest, a descendant of one of the 
natives of this southern region, who had married a relative of Gonncville's, col- 
lected from the traditions and loose papers of his family, and also from a judicial 
declaration which had been made before the French Admiralty under date of the 



442 On the Discovery of Australia 

19th of June, 1505, materials for a work, which was printed at Paris by Cramoisy 
in 1663, entitled, " Me"moire touchant 1'Etablissement d'une Mission Chre'tienne 
dans la Terre Australe ; par un Eccle'siastique, originaire de cette mesme terre." 
The author, in fact, was animated by a strong desire of preaching the gospel in the 
country of his ancestors, and spent his life in endeavouring to prevail on those who 
had the care of foreign missions to send him there, and further, in some sort to 
fulfil a promise that had been made by the original French navigator, that he 
would visit that country again. The friendly intercourse with the natives, de- 
scribed by Gonneville, who speaks of them as having made some advances in 
civilisation, is quite incompatible with the character for treachery and barbarous 
cruelty which we have received of the natives of North Australia from all the more 
recent voyagers. " Let the whole account," says Burney, " be reconsidered without 
prepossession, and the idea that will immediately and most naturally occur is that 
the Southern India discovered by Gonneville was Madagascar. Having passed 
round the Cape, he was driven by tempests into calm latitudes, and so near to this 
land that he was directed thither by the flight of birds. Another point deserving 
of notice, the refusal of the crew to proceed to the Eastern India, would scarcely 
have happened if they had been so far advanced to the east as New Holland." 

A more reasonable claim than the preceding to the discovery of Australia in the 
early part of the sixteenth century, may be advanced by the Portuguese from the 
evidence of various MS. maps still extant, although the attempt made recently to 
attach the credit of this discovery to Magalhaens, in the famous voyage of the 
Victoria round the world in 1520, is, as I shall endeavour to show, perfectly 
untenable. The claim of this honour for Spain is thus asserted in the " Com- 
pendio Geografico Estadistico de Portugal y sus posesiones ultramarinas," by 
Aldama Ayala, 8vo., Madrid, 1855, p. 482: "The Dutch lay claim to the 
discovery of the continent of Australia in the seventeenth century, although 
it was discovered by Fernando Magalhaens, a Portuguese, by order of the 
Emperor Charles V., in the year 1520, as is proved by authentic documents, 
such as the atlas of Fernando Vaz Dourado, made in Goa in 1670, on one of 
the maps in which is laid down the coast of Australia. The said magnificent 
atlas, illuminated to perfection, was formerly preserved in the Carthusian Library 
at Evora." 

A similar claim was also made for their distinguished countryman, though the 
voyage was made in the service of Spain, in an almanack published at Angra, in 
the island of Terceira, by the government press, in 1832, and composed, it is 
supposed, by the Viscount Sa' de Bandeira, the present Minister of Marine at 



by the Portuguese in 1601. 443 

Lisbon. In the examination of this subject, I have had the advantage of the 
assistance of Dr. Martin, of Lisbon, the editor of " Mariner's Tonga Islands," whose 
examination of Dourado's map leads me to the conviction, that the tract laid down 
on the map as discovered by Magalhaens is in fact a memorandum or cartogra- 
phical side-note of the real discovery by Magalhaens of Tierra del Fuego, and that 
from its adopted false position on the vellum it was subsequently misapplied by 
Mercator to that part of the world now recognized as Australia, and hence the 
claim in question. 

But I now pass to a more plausible indication of a discovery of Australia by the 
Portuguese in the early part of the sixteenth century, which ranges between the 
years 1512 and 1542. This indication occurs in similar form on several MS. 
maps, all of them French, on which, immediately below Java, and separated from 
that island only by a narrow strait, is drawn a large country stretching southwards 
to the verge of the several maps. This country is called Jave la Grande. In 
most of these maps this large country is continued all along the southern portion 
of the world, forming the great Terra Australis, which from time immemorial had 
been so extensively believed in, and again joining the known world at Tierra del 
Fuego. But in one of these maps a striking exception to this rule occurs, the 
coastline both on the east and west side of Jave la Grande ceasing at points which 
present remarkable evidence that they represent actual discoveries. For example, 
the southernmost point at which the western coastline terminates is in 35 degrees, 
the real latitude of the south-western point of Australia. The eastern coastline 
is not so correct, but extends far lower even than the southernmost point of Van 
Diemen's Land, but from its distant position it would be the part least likely 
to be explored, and, though incorrectly delineated, it accords with the general 
fact that the southing of the eastern coastline is much greater than that of the 
western. As regards the longitude of this Great Java, it may be advanced that, 
with all the discrepancies observable in the maps, there is no other country but 
Australia lying between the same parallels, and of the same extent, between the 
east coast of Africa and the west coast of America, and that Australia does in 
reality lie between the same meridians as the great mass of the country here laid 
down. As regards the contour of the coast, a single glance of the eye will suffice 
to detect the general resemblance on the western side, but on the eastern the 
discrepancies are, as might be expected, much more considerable. 

On the most fully detailed of these maps are inscribed some names of bays and 
coasts which were noticed in the first instance by Alexander Dalrymple, the 
hydrographer to the Admiralty and East India Company, to bear a resemblance 



444 On tlie Discovery of Australia 

to the names given by Captain Cook to parts of New Holland which he had 
himself discovered. In his memoir concerning the Chagos and adjacent islands, 
1786, p. 4, speaking of this map, he says : " The east coast of New Holland, as 
we name it, is expressed with some curious circumstances of correspondence to 
Captain Cook's MS. What he names Bay of Inlets is in the MS. called Bay 
Perdue ; Bay of Isles, R. de beaucoup d'Isles ; where the Endeavour struck, 
Coste Dangereuse. So that we may say with Solomon, ' There is nothing new 
under the sun.' ' 

The unworthy insinuation met with a sensible refutation, I am happy to record, 
from the pen of a Frenchman, M. Frederic Metz, in a paper printed at p. 261, 
vol. xlvii. of " La Revue, ou Decade Philosophique, Litte*raire et Politique," Nov. 
1805, who very shrewdly observes : " If Cook had been acquainted with the maps 
in question, and had wished to appropriate to himself the discoveries of another, 
will any one suppose him so short-sighted as to have preserved for his discoveries 
the very names which would have exposed his plagiarism, if ever the sources 
which he had consulted came to be known. The ' dangerous coast ' was so named 
because there he found himself during four hours in imminent danger of ship- 
wreck. We must suppose, then, that he exposed himself and his crew to an almost 
certain death, in order to have a plausible excuse for applying a name similar to 
that which this coast had already received from the unknown and anonymous 
navigator who had previously discovered it. Moreover, names, such as ' Bay of 
Islands,' ' Dangerous Coast,' are well known in geography. We find a Bay of 
Islands in New Holland ; and on the east coast of the island of Borneo there is a 
C6te des Herbages.' " 

The sound sense of this reasoning, apart from all question of honour on the part 
of a man of the high character of Captain Cook, would seem conclusive ; yet this 
similarity of the names has, to my own knowledge, been remarked upon by persons 
of high standing and intelligence in this country, though without any intention of 
disparaging Captain Cook, as an evidence that this country was identical with 
Australia. The similarity of the expression, " C6te des Herbages," with the name 
of Botany Bay, given to a corresponding part of the coast by Captain Cook, has 
been particularly dwelt upon, whereas it ought to be known that this bay, origi- 
nally called Stingray, but afterwards Botany Bay, was not so named on account of 
the fertility of the soil, but from the variety of plants new to the science of botany 
which were discovered on a soil otherwise rather unpromising. It is plain that 
early navigators would assign such a designation as "C6te des Herbages," to a 
shore remarkable for its rich growth of grass or other vegetation, rather than from 



by the ^Portuguese in 1601. 44-5 

the appreciation of any curious botanical discovery.* Had the similarity of the 
names " Riviere de beaucoup d'Isles," and " C6te Dangereuse," with Cook's " Bay 
of Isles," and the place "where the Endeavour struck," names descriptive of 
unquestionable realities, been advanced by Dalrymple as evidence of the high 
probability that the country represented on the early map was New Holland, 
without volunteering an insinuation against the merit of his rival, we should have 
accepted the reasonable suggestion with deference and just acquiescence. 

That New Holland was the country thus represented, became an argument 
supported by a variety of reasonings by more than one of our French neighbours. 
Mr. Coquebert Montbret, in a memoir printed in No. 81 of the " Bulletin des 
Sciences," 1804, quotes Dalrymple's injurious observation, and silently allows it 
to have its deceptive effect on the mind of the incautious reader. 

An atlas now in the possession of Sir Thomas Phillipps, containing similar 
indications to those I have described, fell into the possession of Prince Talleyrand 
at the beginning of this century ; and attracting the attention of the celebrated 
geographer M. Barbie du Bocage, drew from him a long notice, which was read at 
a public session of the Institute on the 3rd of July, 1807. In this he says that 
" we must come to the conclusion that these atlases have been copied from Por- 
tuguese maps, and consequently that the discovery of New Holland belongs to the 
Portuguese. This is the opinion," he continues, "of MM. Dalrymple, Pinkerton, 
De la E-ochette, and several others ; and I do not believe that any good reason 
can be alleged in refutation of an opinion so well founded." M. Barbie du 
Bocage, however, follows up this expression of his conviction by an attempt to fix 
the period of the discovery, in which attempt he has fallen into errors which I 
have endeavoured to refute, but which it would be tedious here to allude to. 

The evidence which these maps afford of having been based on Portuguese disco- 
veries, is as follows. They are all French ; and that they are all repetitions, 
with slight variations, from one source, is shown by the fact that the inaccuracies 
are alike in all of them. The indications of Portuguese occur in some of the 
names, such as " terre ennegade," a gallicized form of "tierra anegada," i.e. 
"land underwater," or "sunken shoal;" " Gra9al," and "Cap de Fromose." 
The question then arises, judging from such evidence as this, Were the French 
or the Portuguese the discoverers ? In reply, I offer the following statement. 

In the year 1629, a voyage was made to Sumatra by Jean Parmenticr of Dieppe, 

This unanswerable reason was supplied to me by the late distinguished Dr. Brown, who not only, as 
Humboldt has described him, was " Botunicorum facile princcps," but himself acquainted with the locality of 
which he spoke. 

VOL. XXXVIII. 3 N 



446 On the Discovery of Australia 

and in this voyage he died. Pannentier was a poet and a classical scholar, as well 
as a navigator and good hydrographer. He was accompanied in this voyage hy 
his intimate friend the poet Pierre Crignon, who, on his return to France, pub- 
lished, in 1531, the poems of Pannentier, with a prologue containing his eulogium, 
in which he says of him, that he was " le premier Francois qui a entrepris <n 
estre pilotte pour mener navires a la Terre Ame'rique qu'on dit Bresil, et sem- 
blablement le premier Fra^ois qui a descouvert les Indes jusqu'a 1'Isle de 
Taprobane, et, si mort ne 1'eust pas preVenu, je crois qu'il eust e'ste' jusques 
aux Moluques." This is high authority upon this point, coming as it does 
from a man of education, and a shipmate and intimate of Pannentier himself. 
The French, then, were not in the South Seas beyond Sumatra before 1529. 
The date of the earliest of our quoted maps is not earlier than 1535, as it 
contains the discovery of the St. Lawrence by Jacques Cartier in that year ; but 
even let us suppose it no earlier than that of B-otz, which bears the date of 1542, 
and ask, what voyages of the French in the South Seas do we find between the 
years of 1529 and 1542 ? Neither the Abbe* B/aynal, nor any modern French 
writer, nor even antiquaries who have entered most closely into the history of 
early French explorations, as, for example, M. Leon Gue"rin, the author of the 
" Histoire Maritime de France," Paris, 1843, 8vo. ; and of "Les Navigateurs 
Francais," Paris, 1847, 8vo. offer the slightest pretension that the French made 
voyages to those parts in the early part or middle of the sixteenth century. 

It is certain, moreover, that France was at that time too poor, and too much 
embroiled in political anxieties, to busy herself with extensive nautical explorations. 
Had she so done, the whole of North America and Brazil might now have belonged 
to her. At the same time, however, we know that the Portuguese had establish- 
ments before 1529 in the East Indian Islands, and the existence of Portuguese 
names on the countries of which we speak, as thus delineated on these French 
maps, is in itself an acknowledgment of their discovery by the Portuguese, as 
assuredly the feelings entertained by the French respecting the covetousness 
and exclusiveness of the Portuguese would not only have made the former most 
ready to lay claim to all they could in the shape of discovery, but would have 
prevented any gratuitous insertion of Portuguese names on such remote coun- 
tries had they themselves discovered them. In torn. 3 of Ramusio's Collec- 
tion, in the account of the Discorso d'un gran Capitano di Mare Francese del 
luogo di Dieppa, etc., now known to be the voyage of Jean Parmentier to 
Sumatra in 1529, and in all probability written by his companion and eulogist 
the poet Pierre Crignon, occurs this expression : " lo penso che li Portoghesi 



by the Portuguese in 1G01. 117 

debbano haver bevuto della polvere del cuore del Re Alessandro . . . e credo che si 
persuadino che Iddio non fece il mare ne la terra, se non per loro e che 1'altre 
nation! non siano degne di navigare e se fosse nel poter loro di mettere termini 
e serrar il mare del Capo di Finisterre fin in Hirlanda, gia molto tempo saria che 
essi ne haveriano serrato il passo." But, further, as an important part of this 
argument, we must not overlook the jealousy of the Portuguese in forbidding the 
communication of all hydrographical information respecting their discoveries in 
these seas. It is stated by Humboldt, " Histoire de la Geographic du Nouveau 
Continent," torn. iv. p. 70, upon the authority of the letters of Angelo Trevigiano, 
secretary to Domenico Pisani, ambassador from Venice to Spain, that the kings of 
Portugal forbad, upon pain of death, the exportation of any marine chart which 
showed the course to Calicut. "We find also in Ramusio, "Discorso sopra el 
Libro di Odoardo Barbosa," and the " Sommario delle Indie Oriental!," torn i. p. 
2876, a similar prohibition implied. He says that these books "were for many 
years concealed and not allowed to be published, for convenient reasons that I 
must not here describe." He also speaks of the great difficulty he himself had 
in procuring a copy, and even that an imperfect one, from Lisbon. "Tanto 
possono," he says, " gli interessi del principe." 

A notion may be formed of the knowledge possessed by the Spaniards in the 
middle of the sixteenth century, on the part of the world on which we treat, from 
the following extract from a work entitled " El Libro de las Costumbres de todas 
las Gentes del Mundo y de las Indias," translated and compiled by the Bachelor 
Francisco Thamara, Antwerp, 1556 : " A treynta leguas de Java la menor, estd el 
Gatigara a nueve y diez grades de la Equinocial de la otra parte azia el Sur. Desde 
aqui adelante no ay noticia de mas tierras, porque no se ha navegado por esta 
parte mas adelante, y por tierra no se puede andar por los muchos lagos y grandes 
y altas montanas que por aqui ay. Y aim dizese que por aqui es el parayso ter- 
renal." Although this was not originally written in Spanish, but was translated 
from Johannes Bohemus, it would scarcely have been given forth to the Spaniards 
had better information on such a subject existed among that people. 

The facts which I have thus been able to bring together lead me to the con- 
clusion that the land described as La Grande Jave on the French maps to which 
I have referred, can be no other than Australia ; and that it was discovered before 
1542 may be almost accepted as a demonstrable certainty, but how long before is 
not clear. I hope also that I have succeeded in showing the high probability that 
the discoverers were the Portuguese. 

In a map to illustrate the voyages of Drake and Cavendish by Jodocus Hondius, 

3 N 2 



448 On (he Discover of Australia 

New Guinea is made a complete island, without a word to throw a doubt on the 
correctness of the representation ; while the Terra Australis, which is separated 
from New Guinea only by a strait, has an outline remarkably similar to that of 
the Gulf of Carpentaria. These indications give to this map an especial interest, 
and the more so that it is shown to be earlier than the passage of Torres through 
Torres' Straits in 1606, by its bearing the arms of Queen Elizabeth, before the 
unicorn of Scotland had displaced the dragon of the Tudors. 

In the article " Terra Australis," in Cornelius Wytfliet's " Descriptions 
Ptolemaicae Augmentum," Louvain, 1598, we find the following passage : " Aus- 
tralis terra omnium aliarum terrarum australissima tenuique discreta freto Novam 
Guineam Orienti objicit, paucis tantum hactenus littoribus cognitam, quod post 
unam atque alteram navigationem, cursus ille intermissus sit, et nisi coactis 
impulsisque nautis ventorum turbine rarius eo adnavigetur. Australis terra 
initium sumit duobus aut tribus gradibus sub sequatore, tantseque a quibusdam 
magnitudinis esse perhibetur, ut si quando integre detecta erit, quintam illam 
mundi partem fore arbitrentur." The above significant statement was printed, 
it will be remembered, before any discovery of Australia of which we have an 
authentic account. 

But while examining these indications of a discovery of Australia in the sixteenth 
century, it will be asked what explorations had been made by the Spaniards in 
that part of the world in the course of that century. From the period of the 
voyage of Don Alvaro de Saavedra to the Moluccas in 1527, we meet with no 
such active spirit of exploration on the part of the Spaniards in the South Seas. 
Embarrassed by his political position, and with an exhausted treasury, the emperor, 
in 1529, definitely renounced his pretensions to the Moluccas for a sum of money, 
although he retained his claim to the islands discovered by his subjects to the 
east of the line of demarcation now confined to the Portuguese. In 1542 an 
unsuccessful attempt to form a settlement in the Philippine Islands was made 
by Ruy Lopez de Villalobos ; but its failure having been attributed to misma- 
nagement, a new expedition in 1564 was dispatched with the like object under 
Miguel Lopez de Legaspi, which was completely successful, and a Spanish colony 
was established at Zebu. It is not impossible that this settlement gave rise 
to voyages of discovery about this time by the Spaniards, of which no accounts 
have been published. In 1567 Alvaro de Mendana sailed from Callao on a voyage 
of discovery, in which he discovered the Solomon Islands and several others. 
There are great discrepancies in the different relations of this voyage. In 1595 he 
made a second voyage from Peru, in which he discovered the Marquesas, and the 



by the Portuguese in 1601. 451 

Santo was an island, and then continued his course westward in pursuance of the 
exploration. In about the month of August, 1606, he fell in with a coast in 11 
degrees south latitude, which he calls the beginning of New Guinea apparently the 
south-eastern part of the island, afterwards named Louisiade by M. de Bougain- 
ville, and now known to be a chain of islands. As he could not pass to wind- 
ward of this land, Torres bore away along its south side, and himself gives the 
following account of his subsequent course: "We went along three hundred 
leagues of coast, as I have mentioned, and diminished the latitude 2 degrees, 
which brought us into 9 degrees. From hence we fell in with a bank of from 
three to nine fathoms, which extends along the coast above one hundred and 
eighty leagues. We went over it, along the coast, to 7 degrees south latitude ; 
and the end of it is in 5 degrees. We could not go farther on for the many shoals 
and great currents, so we were obliged to sail south-west, in that depth, to 11 
degrees south latitude. There is all over it an archipelago of islands without 
number, by which we passed ; and at the end of the eleventh degree the bank 
became shoaler. Here were very large islands, and there appeared more to the 
southward. They were inhabited by black people, very corpulent and naked. Their 
arms were lances, arrows, and clubs of stone ill-fashioned. We could not get any 
of their arms. We caught, in all this land, twenty persons of different nations* 
that with them we might be able to give a better account to your Majesty. They 
give much notice of other people, although as yet they do not make themselves 
well understood. We were upon this bank two months, at the end of which time 
we found ourselves in twenty-five fathoms, and 5 degrees south latitude, and ten 
leagues from the coast ; and, having gone four hundred and eighty leagues here, 
the coast goes to the north-east. I did not search it, for the bank became very 
shallow. So we stood to the north." 

The very large islands seen by Torres in the llth degree of south latitude, are 
evidently the hills of Cape York ; and the two months of intricate navigation 
were passed in the passage through the strait which separates Australia from New 
Guinea. A copy of this letter of Torres was fortunately lodged in the archives of 
Manilla ; and it was not till that city was taken, in 1762, by the English, that the 
document was discovered by Dalrymple, who paid a fitting tribute to the memory 
of this distinguished Spanish navigator, by giving to this dangerous passage the 
name of Torres Strait, which it has ever since retained. 

De Quiros himself reached Mexico on the 3rd of October, 1606, nine months 
from his departure from Callao. Strongly imbued with a sense of the importance 
of his discoveries, he addressed various memoirs to Philip III. advocating the 



450 On the Discovery of Australia 

Cordova (a work which I have not had the good fortune to meet with), the disco- 
very of a large island in twenty-eight degrees south latitude, which latitude is 
farther south than Quiros or his companions are otherwise known to have made in 
any voyage. Thirdly, the printed memoirs of Quiros bear the title of " Terra 
Australis Incognita," while the southern Tierra Austral, discovered by Quiros 
himself, and surnamed by him " del Espiritu Santo," is none other than the " New 
Hebrides " of the maps of the present day. 

To both Quiros and Dalrymple we are in fact indirectly indebted for the earliest 
designation which attaches in any sense to the modern nomenclature connected 
with Australia, viz. for the name of Torres Strait. That Quiros, whether by 
birth a Portuguese or a Spaniard, was in the Spanish service, cannot be doubted. 
The viceroy of Peru had warmly entertained his projects, but looked upon its 
execution as beyond the limits of his own power to put into operation. He there- 
fore urged Quiros to lay his case before the Spanish monarch at Madrid, and fur- 
nished him with letters to strengthen his application. Whether Philip III. was 
more influenced by the arguments of De Quiros, as to the discovery of a Southern 
Continent, or rather by the desire to explore the route between Spain and America 
by the east, in the hope of discovering wealthy islands between New Guinea and 
China, we need not pause to question. It is possible that both these motives had 
their weight, for Quiros was despatched to Peru, with full orders for the carrying 
out of his plans, addressed to the Viceroy, the Count de Monterey ; and he was 
amply equipped with two well-armed vessels and a corvette, with which he sailed 
from Callao on the 21st of December, 1605. Luis Vaez de Torres was commander 
of the Almirante, or second ship, in this expedition. The voyage was looked upon 
as one of very great importance ; and Torquemada, in his account of it in the 
" Monarquia Indiana," says that the ships were the strongest and best armed 
which had been seen in those seas. The object was to make a settlement at the 
island of Santa Cruz, and from thence to search for the Tierra Austral, or Southern 
Continent. 

After the discovery of several islands, Quiros came to a land which he named 
Australia del Espiritu Santo, supposing it to be a part of the great southern 
continent. At midnight of the llth of June, 1606, while the three ships were 
lying at anchor in the bay which they had named San Felipe and Santiago, 
Quiros, for reasons which are not known, and without giving any signal or 
notice, was either driven by a storm, or sailed away from the harbour, and was 
separated from the other two ships. 

Subsequently to the separation, Torres found that the Australia del Espiritu 



by the Portuguese in 1601. 451 

Santo was an island, and then continued his course westward in pursuance of the 
exploration. In about the month of August, 1606, he fell in with a coast in 11| 
degrees south latitude, which he calls the beginning of New Guinea apparently the 
south-eastern part of the island, afterwards named Louisiade by M. de Bougain- 
ville, and now known to be a chain of islands. As he could not pass to wind- 
ward of this land, Torres bore away along its south side, and himself gives the 
following account of his subsequent course: "We went along three hundred 
leagues of coast, as I have mentioned, and diminished the latitude 2 degrees, 
which brought us into 9 degrees. From hence we fell in with a bank of from 
three to nine fathoms, which extends along the coast above one hundred and 
eighty leagues. We went over it, along the coast, to 7 degrees south latitude ; 
and the end of it is in 5 degrees. We could not go farther on for the many shoals 
and great currents, so we were obliged to sail south-west, in that depth, to 11 
degrees south latitude. There is all over it an archipelago of islands without 
number, by which we passed ; and at the end of the eleventh degree the bank 
became shoaler. Here were very large islands, and there appeared more to the 
southward. They were inhabited by black people, very corpulent and naked. Their 
arms were lances, arrows, and clubs of stone ill-fashioned. We could not get any 
of their arms. We caught, in all this land, twenty persons of different nations* 
that with them we might be able to give a better account to your Majesty. They 
give much notice of other people, although as yet they do not make themselves 
well understood. We were upon this bank two months, at the end of which time 
we found ourselves in twenty-five fathoms, and 5 degrees south latitude, and ten 
leagues from the coast ; and, having gone four hundred and eighty leagues here, 
the coast goes to the north-east. I did not search it, for the bank became very 
shallow. So we stood to the north." 

The very large islands seen by Torres in the llth degree of south latitude, are 
evidently the hills of Cape York ; and the two months of intricate navigation 
were passed in the passage through the strait which separates Australia from New 
Guinea. A copy of this letter of Torres was fortunately lodged in the archives of 
Manilla ; and it was not till that city was taken, in 1762, by the English, that the 
document was discovered by Dalrymple, who paid a fitting tribute to the memory 
of this distinguished Spanish navigator, by giving to this dangerous passage the 
name of Torres Strait, which it has ever since retained. 

De Quiros himself reached Mexico on the 3rd of October, 1606, nine months 
from his departure from Callao. Strongly imbued with a sense of the importance 
of his discoveries, he addressed various memoirs to Philip III. advocating the 



452 On the Discovery of Australia 

desirableness of further explorations in these unknown regions ; but, after years 
of unavailing perseverance, he died at Panama in 1614, leaving behind him a 
name which, for merit though not for success, was second only to that of Colum- 
bus ; and with him expired the naval heroism of Spain. " lleasoning," as Dal- 
rymple says, "from principles of science and deep reflection, he asserted the 
existence of a Southern Continent, and devoted with unwearied though contemned 
diligence the remainder of his life to the prosecution of this sublime conception." 
In a document addressed to the King of Spain by the Fray Juan Luis Arias, is 
given an account of De Quiros' earnest advocacy of the resuscitation of Spanish 
enterprise in the southern seas, and especially with reference to the great Southern 
Continent. 

But, while the glory of Spanish naval enterprise was thus on the wane, the very 
nation which Spain had bruised and persecuted was to supplant her in the career 
of adventure and prosperity. The "War of Independence had aroused the energies 
of those provinces of the Netherlands which had freed themselves from the 
Spanish yoke; while the cruelties perpetrated in those provinces which the 
Spaniards had succeeded in again subduing, drove an almost incredible number 
of families into exile. The majority of these settled in the northern provinces, 
and thus brought into them a prodigious influx of activity. Among these 
emigrants were a number of enterprising merchants, chiefly from Antwerp a 
town which had for many years enjoyed a most considerable though indirect share 
in the transatlantic trade of Spain and Portugal, and was well acquainted with its 
immense advantages. These men were naturally animated by the bitter hatred of 
exiles, enhanced by difference of faith and the memory of many wrongs. The 
idea which arose among them was to deprive Spain of her transatlantic commerce, 
and thus to cripple her resources and strengthen those of the Protestants, and by 
this means eventually to force the southern provinces of the Netherlands from 
their oppressors. This idea, at first vaguely entertained by a few, became general 
when the Spaniards forbad Dutch vessels to carry on any traffic with Spain. This 
traffic had existed in spite of the wars, and had furnished the Dutch with the 
principal means of carrying it on. 

Being thus violently thrust out of their share in transatlantic commerce, the 
Dutch determined to gain it back with interest. Geography and hydrography 
now became the subjects of earnest study and instruction ; and the period was 
distinguished by the appearance of such men as Ortelius, Mercator, Plancius, 
De Bry, Hulsius, Cluverius, etc. whom we are now bound to regard as the 
fathers of modern geography. Among these, the most earnest in turning the 



by the Portuguese in 1601. 453 

resources of science into a weapon against the oppressors of his country, was 
Peter Plancius, a Calvinist clergyman, who opened a nautical and geographical 
school at Amsterdam for the express purpose of teaching his countrymen how to 
find a way to India, and the other sources whence Spain derived her strength. 
We do not here dwell on their efforts to find a northern route to the East. Their 
knowledge of the direct route to that wealthy portion of the world had hecome 
greatly increased by the appearance of Jan Huyghen van Linschoten's great work 
(Amst. 1595-96). Linschoten had for fourteen years lived in the Portuguese 
possessions in the East, and had there collected a vast amount of information. 
The Dutch East India Company was established in 1602 ; and, in 1606, we find 
a vessel from Holland making the first authenticated discovery of that great south 
land to which they gave the name of New Holland. In our own time that desig- 
nation has been exchanged, at the suggestion of Matthew Flinders, to whom we are 
so largely indebted for our knowledge of the hydrography of that country, for the 
distinct and appropriate name of Australia. 

Of the discoveries made by the Dutch on the coasts of Australia, our ancestors 
of a hundred years ago, and even the Dutch themselves, knew but little. That 
which was known was preserved in the " Relations de divers Voyages Curieux " of 
Melchisedech Thevenot (Paris, 1663-72, fol.) ; in the " Noord en Oost Tartarye " 
of Nicolas Witsen, (Amst. 1692-1705, fol.) ; in Valentyn's " Oud en Nieuw Oost 
Indien " (Amst. 1724-26, fol.) ; and in the " Inleidning tot de algemeen Geogra- 
phic" of Nicolas Struyk, (Amst. 1740, 4to.). We have, however, since gained 
a variety of information, through a document which fell into the possession 
of Sir Joseph Banks, and was published by Alexander Dalrymple (at that time 
hydrographer to the Admiralty and the East India Company), in his collection 
concerning Papua. This curious and interesting document is a copy of the 
instructions to Commodore Abel Jansz Tasman for his second voyage of disco- 
very. That distinguished commander had already, in 1642, discovered not only 
the island now named after him, Tasmania, but New Zealand also ; and, passing 
round the east side of Australia, but without seeing it, sailed on his return voyage 
along the northern shores of New Guinea. In January, 1644, he was des- 
patched on his second voyage; and his instructions, signed by the Governor- 
General Antonio Van Diemen and the members of the council, are prefaced by 
a recital, in chronological order, of the previous discoveries of the Dutch. 

From this recital, combined with a passage from Saris, given in Purchas, vol. i. 
p. 385, we learn that, " On the 18th of November, 1605, the Dutch yacht, the 
Duyfhen (the Dove), was despatched from Bantam to explore the islands of New 

VOL. XXXVIII. 3 O 



454 On the Discovery of Australia, 

Guinea, and that she sailed along what was thought to be the west side of that 
country, to 19f degrees of south latitude." This extensive country was found, for 
the greatest part, desert ; but in some places inhabited by wild, cruel, black savages, 
by whom some of the crew were murdered ; for which reason they could not learn 
any thing of the land or waters, as had been desired of them ; and for want of 
provisions, and other necessaries, they were obliged to leave the discovery un- 
finished. The furthest point of the land, in their maps, was called Cape Keer 
Weer, or " Turn again." As Flinders observes, " The course of the Duyfhen from 
New Guinea was southward, along the islands on the west side of Torres Strait, 
to that part of Terra Australis a little to the west and south of Cape York. But 
all these lands were thought to be connected, and to form the west coast of New 
Guinea." Thus, without being conscious of it, the commander of the Duyfhen 
made the first authenticated discovery of any part of the great Southern Land 
about the month of March, 1606 ; for it appears that he had returned to Banda 
in or before the beginning of June of that year. 

The honour of that first authenticated discovery, as hitherto accepted in history, 
I am now prepared to dispute. Within the last few days I have discovered a 
MS. Mappemonde in the British Museum, in which on the north-west corner 
of a country, which I shall presently show beyond all question to be Australia, 
occurs the following legend : " Nuca antara foi descuberta o anno 1601 por mano 
(sic) elgodinho de Evedia (sic) por mandado de (sic) Vico B-ey Aives (sic) de 
Saldaha," (sic) which I scarcely need translate, " Nuca Antara was discovered 
in the year 1601, by Manoel Godinho de Eredia, by command of the Viceroy 
Ayres de Saldanha." 

The misfortune is that this map is only a copy, but I think I shall be able to 
answer from internal evidence any doubt that might be thrown upon the authen- 
ticity of the information which it contains. The original was made about 1620, 
after the discovery of Eendraght's Land, on the west coast of Australia, by the 
Dutch in 1616, but before the discovery of the south coast by Pieter Nuyts in 
1627. So far from its author suspecting the existence of a south coast, he conti- 
nues the old error which had obtained throughout the sixteenth century, of repre- 
senting the Terra Australis as one vast continent, of which the parts that had 
been really discovered were made to protrude to the north as far as the parallel 
in which these discoveries respectively lay. Thus in this map we have Australia, 
as already described, on the right side of the map ; and the Island of Santa Cruz 
in the New Hebrides, there called Nova Jerusalem, discovered by Quiros, on the 
left side ; but both connected and forming part of the one great Southern Continent. 



by the Portuguese in 1601. 



455 



ns&UX5 




Facsimile of a portion of a MS. Map in the British Museum. 

Now, it may be objected that this map, being only a copy made at the beginning 
of the present or close of the last century, the statement which forms the subject 
of the present paper may have been fraudulently inserted. But to give such a 
suggestion weight, a motive must be shown, the most reasonable one being that 
of assigning the honour of the first authenticated discovery to Portugal instead of 
to Holland. For this purpose we must suppose the falsifier to have been a Por- 
tuguese. To this I reply, that while all the writing of the map is in Portuguese, 
the copy was made by a person who was not only not a Portuguese himself, but 
who was ignorant of the Portuguese language. For example, the very legend in 
question, short as it is, contains no less than five blunders all showing ignorance 

3o2 



456 On the Discovoy of Australia 

of the language : thus, the words " por Manoel " are written " por mano el," 
"Eredia" is written "Evedia," "do" is written " de, " "Ayres" is written 
" Aives," " Saldanha" is written " Saldaha " without the circumflex to imply an 
abbreviation. 

But further, if we attribute to such supposed falsification the ulterior object of 
claiming for the Portuguese the honour of a prior discovery, whence comes it 
that that object has never been carried out ? It is not till now that the fact is 
made known, and those most interested in the ancient glory of the Portuguese 
nation are ignorant of the discovery which this map declares to have been made. 
That it never became matter of history, may be explained by the comparatively 
little importance which would at the time be attached to such a discovery, and 
also by the fact that the Portuguese, being then no longer in the fulness of their 
prosperity, were not keeping the subject before their attention by repeated 
expeditions to that country, as the Dutch shortly after really began to do. 

Again, the speculation might be hazarded that, as this map is a copy, the date 
of the discovery may have been carelessly transcribed ; as, for example, 1601 may 
easily have been written in the original 1610, and erroneously copied. For- 
tunately, the correctness of the date can be proved beyond dispute. It is 
distinctly stated that the voyage was made by order of the Viceroy Ayres de Sal- 
danha, the period of whose viceroyalty extended only from 1600 to 1604, thus 
precluding the possibility of the error suggested, and terminating before the period 
of the earliest of the Dutch discoveries. 

But yet, again, it may be objected that a country so vaguely and incorrectly 
laid down may not have been Australia. The answer is equally as indisputable 
as that which fixes the date. Immediately below the legend in question is 
another to the following effect : " Terra descuberta pelos Holandeses a que cha- 
marao Enduacht (sic) au Cocordia" (land discovered by the Dutch, which they 
called Endracht or Concord). Eendraghtsland, as we all know, was the name 
given to a large tract on the western coast of Australia, discovered by the Dutch 
ship the Eendraght, in 1616. 

Moreover, if the legend in question were not a genuine copy from a genuine 
ancient map, how came the modern falsifier to be acquainted with the name of a 
real cosmographer who lived at Goa at a period which tallies with the state 
of geographical discovery represented on the map, but none of whose manu- 
script productions had been put into print at the time when the supposed 
fictitious map was made or the legend fictitiously inserted ? 

I think these arguments are conclusive in establishing the legitimacy of the 



by the Portuguese in 1601. 457 

modern copy from the ancient map. As regards the discoverer, Manoel Godinho 
de Eredia (or rather Heredia, as written by Barbosa Machado and by Figaniere), 
I find the following work by him : " Historia do Martyrio de Luiz Monteiro 
Coutinho que padeceo por ordem do Rey Achem Raiamancor no anno de 1588, 
e dedicada ao illustrissimo D. Aleixo de Menezes, Arcebispo de Braga;" which 
dedication was dated Goa, llth of November, 1615 ; fol. MS. with various illus- 
trations. 

Barbosa Machado calls him a distinguished mathematician ; and Figaniere, a 
cosmographer resident at Goa. It follows as a most likely consequence that the 
original map was made by himself. The copy came from Madrid, and was pur- 
chased by the British Museum, in 1848, from the Senor de Michelena y Roxas. 
It will be matter of interest to discover at some future day the existence of the 
original map, but whether that be in the library at Madrid, or elsewhere, must be 
a subject for future inquiry. 

In a scarce pamphlet entitled " Informacao da Aurea Chersoneso, ou Penin- 
sula e das Ilhas Auriferas, Carbunculas e Aromaticas, ordenada por Manoel 
Godinho de Eredia, Cosmographo," translated from an ancient MS. and edited by 
Antonio Lourenco Caminha, in a reprint of the "Ordenacoes da India, do Senhor 
Rei D. Manoel," Lisbon, Royal Press, 1807, 8vo., occurs a passage, which may 
be translated as follows : 

" Island of Gold. While the fishermen of Lamakera in the Island of Solor * were 
engaged in their fishing, there arose so great a tempest that they were utterly 
unable to return to the shore, and thus they yielded to the force of the storm 
which was such, that, in five days, it took them to the Island of Gold, which lies 
in the sea on the opposite coast, or coast outside of Timor, which properly is called 
the Southern Coast. "When the fishermen reached the Land of Gold, not having 
eaten during those days of the tempest, they set about seeking for provisions. 
Such happy and successful good fortune had they, that, while they were searching 
the country for yams and batatas, they lighted on so much gold, that they loaded 
their boat so that they could carry no more. After taking in water and the neces- 
sary supplies for returning to their native country, they experienced another storm, 
which took them to the Island of Great Ende ; b there they landed all their gold, 

The inhabitants of the coast of Solor are specially mentioned as fishermen by Crawfurd, in his " Dictionary 
of the Indian Islands." 

b This is the Island of Flores. In a " Li&t of the principal gold mines obtained by the explorations 
(curiosidade) of Manoel Godinho de Heredea, Indian cosmographer, resident in Malaca for twenty years and 
more," also published with the " Ordena96es da India," Lisbon, 1807, the same story is told, but the Island 
Ende is there called Ilha do Conde. 



458 On the Discovery of Australia 

which excited great jealousy amongst the Endes. These same Endes therefore 
proposed, like the Lamacheres fishermen, to repeat the voyage ; and, when they 
were all ready to start, both the Endes and Lamacheres, there came upon them so 
great a trepidation that they did not dare, on account of their ignorance, to cross 
that Sea of Gold. 

" Indeed it seems to be a providential act of Almighty God, that Manoel 
Godinho de Eredia, the cosmographer, has received commission from the Lord 
Count- Admiral, the Viceroy of India within and beyond the Ganges, that the said 
Eredia may be a means of adding new patrimonies to the Crown of Portugal, and 
of enriching the said Lord Count and the Portuguese nation. And therefore all, 
and especially the said Lord, ought to recognize with gratitude this signal service, 
which, if successful, will deserve to be regarded as one of the most happy and for- 
tunate events in the world for the glory of Portugal. In any case, therefore, the 
discoverer ought for many reasons to be well provided for the gold enterprize. 
First, On account of the first possession of the gold by the crown of Portugal. 
Secondly, For the facility of discovering the gold. Thirdly, Because of the gold 
mines being the greatest in the world. Fourthly, Because the discoverer is a 
learned cosmographer. Fifthly, That he may at the same time verify the descrip- 
tions of the Southern Islands. Sixthly, On account of the new Christianity. 
Seventhly, Because the discoverer is a skilful captain who proposes to render 
very great services to the King of Portugal, and to the most happy Dom Fran- 
cisco de Gama, Count of Vidigueira, Admiral and Viceroy of the Indies within 
and beyond the Ganges, and possessor of the gold, carbuncle, and spices of the 
Eastern Sea belonging to Portugal." 

Short of an actual narrative of the voyage in which the discovery, which is the 
main subject of this paper, was made, we could scarcely ask for fuller confirmation 
of the truth of that discovery than that which is supplied by the above extract. 
Manoel Godinho de Eredia is there described as a learned cosmographer and 
skilful captain, who had received a special commission to make explorations for 
gold mines, and at the same time to verify the descriptions of the Southern Islands. 
The Island of Gold itself is described "as on the opposite coast, or coast outside 
of Timor, which properly is called the Southern Coast." It is highly probable 
from this description that it is the very Nuca Antara of our MS. map, which 
does lie on the southern coast opposite to Timor. It is still further most 
remarkable that, by the mere force of facts, the period of the commission here 
given to Eredia is brought into proximity with the date of his asserted dis- 
covery of Australia. The viceroy Francisco de Gama, who gave that commission, 



by the Portuguese in 1601. 151) 

was the immediate predecessor of Ayres de Saldanha. His viceroyalty extended 
only from 1597 to 1600, and the asserted discovery was made in 1601, though we 
know not in what month. A more happy confirmation of a discovery, unrecorded 
except in a probably unique map, could scarcely have been hoped for. 

In laying this letter before a Society of Antiquaries, who venerate the past, I 
would not close without one word of reverent tribute to the ancient glories of a 
once mighty nation. The true heroes of the world are the initiators of great ex- 
ploits, the pioneers of great discoveries. Such were the Portuguese in days when 
the world was as yet but a half known and puny thing. To Portugal, in truth, 
we owe not only a De Gama, but, by example, a Columbus, without whom the 
majestic empire of her on whose dominions the sun never sets might now have 
been a dream, instead of a reality. England, whose hardy mariners have made 
a thoroughfare of every sea, knows best how to do justice to the fearlessness of 
their noble predecessors, who, in frail caravels and through an unmeasured wilder- 
ness of ocean, could cleave a pathway, not only to the glory of their own nation, 
but to the civilization and the prosperity of the entire world. 

I remain, 

My dear Sir Henry, 

Yours very truly, 

R. H. MAJOR. 



INDEX. 



Abbeville, discovery of flint implements near, 283 

284 

section of strata at Menchecourt near, 285 

Acreman, Richard, grants advowson of chantry in 

St. Paul's London to guild of Armourers of 

London, 135 

Acremen or Akermen, origin of the name, 136 
Africa, memoir on ortholithic vestiges in North, 

252271 
AKERMAN, JOHN YONOE, F.8.A., Secretary, his 

memoir on capital punishments of Furca et Fossa, 

5465 

Report on an Anglo- 
Saxon Cemetery at Brighthampton, Oxon, 84 

97 
Report on Researches in 



an Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Long Wittenham, 
Berks, 1859, 327352 
Notes on the Origin and 



History of the Bayonet, 422 430 
Albano, ancient vases discovered near, 188 192 
Algeria, cromlechs and other similar remains in, 

252271 
ALMACK, RICHARD, F.S.A. Letters to John Lord 

Stanhope of Harrington, in his collection, 399 

404 
Amiens, discovery of flint implements at St. Acheul 

near, and section of strata, 284 
Ampulla or leaden pouches worn by pilgrims, 129 
Anglo-Saxon cemeteries in Valley of the Thames, 

list of, 327, 328 
Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Brighthampton, Oxon, 

report on, 84 97 
at Long Wittenham, Berks, 

report on, 327352 

VOL. XXXVIII. 3 P 



Annadown Castle, co. Galway, 168 
Anne, Q. Political parties during her reign, 1 18 
Ardekellin Lough, Roscommon, crannoge in, 185 
Armada, Spanish, communications relative to, 246 

251 

Armourers of London, Observations on a grant to 
the guild of St. George belonging to them, 136 
148 

Foundation of the guild, 140 

Common seal, 142 

Arundel Church, Sussex, mural painting in, 432 
Athenry Castle, co. Galway, 165 
Aughnanure Castle, co. Galway, 171 
Australia, memoir on the discovery of, by the Por- 
tuguese in 1601, 439 459 

B. 

Baal-Hamon, a Phoenician god, 217 220 

Bainam, Algeria, cromlechs at, 253 

Ballinagheah near Athenry, co. Galway, 170 

Ballincolig Castle near Cork, 164 

Ballinduff Castle, co. Galway, 172 

Ballygruffan Castle near Bruff, 169 

Ballynahow Castle near Thurles, 167 

Barrow, chambered, at West Rennet, Wilts, exami- 
nation of, 405 421 

Bastard of Bedford, Richard, his seal, 147 

Bayonet, history and origin of the, 422 430 

Becket, St. Thomas a, Leaden signs representing him, 
132 

BELDAM, JOSEPH, F.S.A. his Remarks on Ancient 
Pelasgic and Latian Vases, 188 195 

Bernay, Normandy, excavations in a Lazar ceme- 
tery at, 6676 

Beul6, Professor, his excavations at Carthage, 233 
236 



fc62 



INDEX. 



Bienne, Lake of, dwellings discovered near Nidau 
and Moringen on, 179 

BIRCH, SAMUEL, F.S. A. Memoir on Historical Tablet 
of the Reign of Thothmes III., 373 388 

Blarney Castle, co. Cork, 170 

Bonstetten, Baron de, Vases in his collection, 191 

Borris Castle near Thurles, co. Tipperary, 166 

Bothwell, James Hepburn, Earl of, Acconnt of the 
latter years of his life, his imprisonment and 
death in Denmark, and disinterment of his pre- 
sumed remains, 308 314 

. Documents relating to 

his escape and imprisonment, 315 321 

Boucher de Perthes, Mons, his discoveries of flint 
implements noticed, 281 et seq. 

Boxley, " Rood of Grace" at, 133 

Brighthampton, Oxon. Report on researches in an 
Anglo-Saxon cemetery there, 84 97 

British pottery from barrow at West Kennet, Wilts, 
418 

Brixham Care, Devonshire, excavations in, 282 

BRUCE, JOHX, V.P.S.A. his Observations on a MS. 
Relation of the Proceedings of the last Session of 
Parliament, 4 Charles I., 237245 

Bruff Castle, 170 

Buchanan, Thomas, letter to Sir W m Cecill re- 
specting Bothwell, 320 

Bucket, Anglo-Saxon, from Brighthampton, Oxon, 
87 

Buckingham, Henry Duke of, Deed with his seal, 275 

Bullock Castle, 163 

BURGES, WILLIAM, his communication on Mural 
Paintings in Chalgrove Church, 431 438 

Burial alive used as a punishment, 63 



C. 



Cage, house so called in Southwark, 40 
Canterbury, pilgrimage to St. Thomas's shrine at, 

130 

Capital punishments in the middle ages, 54 65 
Cardano, Girolamo, notes communicated to him by 

Sir John Cheke, 99, 114, 115 



Carrigrohan Castle near Cork, 170 

Carthage, memoir on recent excavations at, 202 

236 
Cashel, chapel of Cormac MacCarthy at, 157 

castle of, 164 

Castle Banks, Galway, 175 

Cecill, Sir William, memorandum on Bothwell's 

escape corrected by, 315 
Chalgrove Church, Oxon, mural paintings in, 431 

438 
Charles I. Relation of proceedings of last session of 

parliament in his fourth year, 237 245 
Charlwood Church, Surrey, mural paintings in, 432 
Chaucer, his allusion to pilgrims' signs, 130 
Cheke, Sir John, additions to the biography of, 98 

103 

His letter to the Duchess of Somerset, 115 

Churchyard Alley, Southwark, 46 

Clare-Galway Castle, 172 

Clinton Family, account of the, 272274 

William de, Earl of Huntingdon, Deed with 

his seal, 272 

John, Baron de, Deed with his seal, 273 

Clondalkin, round tower at, 151 

Clutterbuck, Rev. J. C. his researches at Long 

Wittenham noticed, 328 
COCHET, THE Asei, Hon. F.S.A. his Memoir on 

Excavations in a Lazar Cemetery at Bernay, Nor- 
mandy, 66 76 

Coins found in tombs of the middle ages, 73 
cut into halves and quarters, discoveries of, 74 

76 

Commonwealth, great seals of the, 77 82 
Coningsby, Lord, his account of the state of jwlitical 

parties during the reign of Queen Anne, 1 18 
COOPER, WILLIAM DURRANT, F.S.A. his memoir on 

the Great Seals of England used after the Depo- 
sition of Charles I., 77 83 
CORNER, GEORGE RICHARD, F.S.A. his Observations 

on the Remains of an Anglo- Norman Building in 

Southwark, 37 45 
His notices of 

John, Lord Stanhope of Harrington, 389 404 
Corr Castle, Hill of Howth near Dublin, 172 



INDEX. 



403 



Crannoges of Ireland, notice of, 184 186 

Cromlechs in North Africa, 252271 

Cromwell, Elizabeth, wife of the Protector, Petition 
from her to Charles II. with her signature, 323 ; 
Letter from her to her hnsband, with her signa- 
ture, 325 

Henry, Petition from him to Charles II. 



323 



Oliver, his great and private seals, 77 82 
Richard, great seal of, 82 



D. 



Dalkey, buildings in the town of, 162 

DAVIS, J. B., M.R.C.8., F.S.A. Notes by him on 

Anglo-Saxon skulls from Long Wittenham, 349 
the Rev. Nathan, his excavations at Car- 
thage, 206236 
Denmark, memoir on the imprisonment and death 

of Bothwell in, 308321 
D'EYNCOURT, Rt. Hon. C. TENNYSON, F.R.8., F.S.A. 

Notice of a Portrait of John, King of France, 

196201 

Domestic architecture of Ireland, 149 176 
Dorchester, Oxon, Saxon fibula found at, 334 
Dowth Castle, co. Meath, 166 

Hill of, Ireland, entrance to chamber in, 151 

Drachsholm Castle, Sealand, now Adelereborg, view 

of, 312 
Drift, on discovery of flint implements in the, 280 

307 

Drimnagh Castle near Dublin, 173 
Drowning, punishment by, 55 et seq. 
Drumaleague Lough, Leitrim, crannoge in, 185 
Dundrum Castle in Blackrock near Cork, 170 
Dutch voyages to Australia, 439 et seq. 



E. 



Edward, St., leaden signs of, 133 
Eliot, Sir John, his speech in parliament, 4 Chas. I. 
240 



ELLIS, SIB HENRY, K.H. F.S.A. his communication 

of Lord Coningsby's Account of Political Parties 

under Queen Anne, 1 18 
ELLIS, REV. R. S. his memoir of the Disinterment of 

the Remains of the Earl of Bothwell, 308321 
Erasmus notices in his Colloquies the use of pilgrims' 

signs, 131 
EVANS, JOHN, F.S.A. his memoir on Occurrence of 

Flint Implements in undisturbed Beds of Gravel, 

&c. 280307. 



F. 



Faareveile church, Sealand, view of, 314 

Fanstown Castle near Kilmallock, 169 

Flint implements, memoir on their discovery in un- 
disturbed beds of gravel &c. 280307 

found in a barrow at West Kennet, 

416 

FRANKS, AUGUSTUS WOLLASTON, M.A., Director, 
his memoir on Recent Excavations at Carthage, 
202236 

Frederick II. K. of Denmark, Letter of, respecting 
Bothwell to James VI. of Scotland, 317 

" Furca et Fossa," Memoir on Punishment so called, 
5465 



G. 



Galway, buildings in the town of, 174 

Gatehouse, Southwark, 43 

Girard d'Orleans, painter to John King of France, 
198201 

Glendalough, St. Kevin's Kitchen at, 155 

Godwin, Earl, his house in Southwark, 38 

Gonneville, Binot Paulmier dc, his voyage to the 
South Seas, 441 

Gralla Castle near Thurles, co. Tipperary, 166 

Grays Inn Lane, flint implement discovered with 
remains of elephant in, 301 

GREEN, MRS. M. A. EVERETT, communicates Peti- 
tions of Elizabeth and Henry Cromwell, 322 32G 

Guildable Manor, Southwark, 39 



3r2 



INDEX. 



( iiiikl of St. George of the Armourers of London, 
Grant of an advowson to them, 34 Henry VI., 135 

Guilds, religious, Purpose for which they were estab- 
lished, 139 



H. 



Haraldskiaer, Jutland, discovery of a body at, 63 

Harley, Robert, afterwards Earl of Oxford, 6 17 

Hcredia, Manoel Godinho de, discoverer of Australia 
in 1601, 454 458 

Heyman, Sir Peter, 244 

Hiram, tomb of, 267 

Holcroft, Sir Thomas, notice of, 403 

Howard, Charles, Lord High Admiral, notice of, 
400 

HOWARD, JOSEPH JACKSON, LL.D. F.S.A. his ex- 
hibition of a grant relating to the Armourers' 
Company, 135 

exhibits deeds relating 

to Maxstoke Castle, 272 

Howth Castle near Dublin, 173 

Hoxne, Suffolk, flint implements found at, 298 ; 
sections of strata at, 299 301 

HUGO, REV. THOMAS, M.A. F.S.A. his notes on 
Pilgrims' Signs of the 13th, 14th, and 15th Cen- 
turies, 128 134 

Htmgerford, Dame Agnes, Inventory of her goods, 
14 Hen. VIII. 352372 



I. 



Inventory of goods belonging to Dame Agnes Hun- 
gerford, 14 Hen. VIII. 360372 

Ireland, observations on the ancient domestic archi- 
tecture of, 149 176 

Italy, Central, Pelasgic and Latian vases found in, 
188 195 

Ivory ring found at Brighthampton, Oxon, 89 



J. 



JACKSON, Rev. J. E., M.A., F.S.A. his Remarks 
on Dame Agnes Hungerford, 356 358 



Jave la Grande, a name for Australia, 443 

Jerpoint Abbey, battlements of, 154 

Jesus, brotherhood of, in Southwark, 49 

John, King of France, Notice of his portrait, and of 

his residence in England, 196 201 
Junto, Political party so called, 7 



K. 



Kells, co. Meath, St. Columbkill's House at, 157 
Kempe, John Alfred, F.S.A. a communication by 

him, noticed, 37 

Kenelm, St., leaden sign of, 133 
Kilmallock, buildings at, 169 vU- 
KINO, THOMAS WILLIAM, F.S.A., York Herald, his 

Observations on Four Deeds from Maxstoke 

Castle, co. Warwick, 272 279 
Kyrkcaldy, William, Laird of Grange, Letter to the 

Earl of Bedford, 1567, 316 



Lake Dwellings, memoir on, 177 187 
Lamps of terra cotta found at Carthage, 232 
Latian vases found in Central Italy, remarks on, 

188195 
Lazar Cemetery at Bernay, Normandy, excavations 

at, 6676 
LEMON. ROBERT, F.S.A. Communication from him 

respecting the equipment of the Spanish Armada, 

247251 
Lenthall, Sir Roland, 41. Inquisition taken at his 

death, 50 

Leonard, St. Leaden sign of him, 133 
Lewes, hostelry of the Prior of, in Southwark, 

37 

London Bridge, view of, 46 
Long Wittenham, Berks, researches in Anglo-Saxon 

cemetery at, 327 352 
Lords Marchers, origin of, 25 
Loughmore Castle, co. Tipperary, 163 
Lynch Castle, Galway, 174 



INDEX. 



465 



M. 



Mackay, General, mentions use of bayonet, 1689, 
425 

MAJOR, RICHARD H., F.8.A. his Memoir on the 
Discovery of Australia by the Portuguese in 1601, 
439459 

Malahide Castle near Dublin, 173 

Malta, Phffinician inscription discovered at, 213 

Map in the British Museum representing a portion 
of Australia, 455 

Marino near Albano, vases discovered at, 188 
192 

Mark, or March, definition of, 20 

Marlborough, John Churchill, Duke of, 7 17 

Masham, Lady, her influence with Q. Anne, 7 

Maxstoke Castle, co. Warwick, observations on 
deeds relating to, 272279 

Maynooth Castle, 160 

Meilen, Lake of Zurich, lake-dwellings found at, 
178 

Menchecourt near Abbeville, section of strata at, 
285 

M i I.M \N, HENRY SALCSBURY, M.A. F.S.A. his Me- 
moir on Political Geography of Wales, 19 36 

Mississippi, flint weapons found in the valley of the, 
292 

Monalty, co. Monaghan, crannoge in lake of, 185 

Months, representations of the, in mosaic pave- 
ments, 228230 

Moosseedorf, Lake of, dwellings found in, 183 

Moringen, Lake of Bienne, lake-dwellings found 
near, 180 

Morocco, megalithic remains in, 257 

Mortmain, difficulties in granting land in, 138 

Mosaic pavement* found at Carthage, 222 232 
. Mode of removing them, 223 

Mural paintings in the Castle of Vaudreuil, Nor- 
mandy, contract for, 200 

in Chalgrove Church, Oxon, 431 

438 

Murray, the Regent, letters from him to Sir William 
Cecill respecting Bothwell, 319 

Mycarkey Castle near Thurles, 167 



N. 



Neuchatel, Lake of, lake-dwellings found in, 181 

NICHOLS, JOHN GOUGH, F.S.A. his Memoir on Sir 
John Cheke and Sir Thomas Smith, 98 127 

His remarks on the 

Inventory of the Goods of Dame Agnes Hunger- 
ford, 352359 

Nidau- Steinberg, Lake of Bienne, lake-dwellings 
found at, 179 

Nottingham, Heneage Finch, Earl of, 4 



0. 



Odingsells, William de, Deed with his seal, and 

account of his family, 272 
Offa's Dyke, the boundary between England and 

Wales, 19 et seq. 



P. 



Paintings, mural, at the Castle of Vaudreuil in Nor- 
mandy, 1355, specification of, 200 
in Chalgrove Church, Oxon, 431 

438 
PARKER, JOHN HENRY, F.S.A. his Observations on 

the ancient Domestic Architecture of Ireland, 149 

176 
Parliament, proceedings of the last session of, 4 

Charles I., 237245 
Parmentier, Jean, of Dieppe, his voyage to the 

South Seas, 445 
Pelasgic Vases found in Central Italy, remarks on, 

188^195 
Phojnician inscriptions found at Carthage, 207 

221 
found in the Regency of 

Tunis, 232 
Phoenician origin of megalithic remains discussed, 

261268 
Pilgrims' signs of 13th, 14th, and 15th centuries, 

memoir on, 128 134 



166 



IXDEX. 



Portrait of John, King of France, 19C 201 
Portuguese, discovery of Australia by them in 1601, 

439_459 
Pottery, vessels of, found in tombs of the middle 

ages, 69 et seq. 

Prasias, Lake of, in Pseonia, 177 
Pritchett, Robert, bayonet from his collection, 480 
Ptiysegur, M. de, earliest mention of bayonet by him, 

422 



Q- 



Quekett, Professor, his report on skulls found in 

Anglo-Saxon cemetery at Brighthampton, Oxon, 

9396 
His report on composition of 

vases found near Albano, 191 
Quiros, Pedro Fernandez de, his voyage in the 

South Seas, 449 



B. 



RHIND, A. HENRY, F.S.A. his Memoir on Ortho- 
lithic Vestiges in North Africa, 252 271 

Rhyddlan, statute of, 28 

Rokewood, J. Gage, F.S.A. his account of a Norman 
building in Southwark noticed, 37 

Ross, co. Galway, east window of church, 152 



S. 



St. Acheul near Amiens, section of strata at, 284 

St. Donlough's church, near Dublin, 159 

iSaldanha, Ayres de, Portuguese Viceroy, 1600 

1604. Voyage to South Seas undertaken by his 

command, 456 
Schorn, Sir John, Leaden sign possibly representing 

him, 134 
Seal of the Armourers of London, 142 

of Richard Bastard of Bedford, 147 

of William de Odingsells, 272 

of members of the Clinton Family, 273 
of Stafford Duke of Buckingham, 273 



Seals, Great, Memoir on those used after the depo- 
sition of Charles I. and before the restoration in 
1660, 6676 

Seasons represented in mosaic pavements &c. 231 

Seven Churches, co. Wicklow, doorway of, 156 

Shires, division of Wales into, 28 

Shrewsbury, Duke of, 3, 4 

Sincler, David, Letter to the Earl of Bedford, 316 

Smith, Sir Thomas, additions to the biography of, 
103114 

His autobiographical notes, 116 

120 

His defence of his conduct and 

character, addressed to the Duchess of Somerset, 
120127 

Somerset, Duchess of, Letter to her from Sir John 
Cheke, 115 

-^ Memoir addressed to her by 

Sir Thomas Smith, 120127 

Somerton Castle, imprisonment of John, King of 
France at, 196 

Southwark, Anglo-Norman building in parish of 
St. Olave, 3745 

Spain, probable existence of megalithic remains in, 270 

Spaniards, their knowledge of the Southern Ocean in 
the 16th century, 447 

Spindle-whirls, Notices of their discovery in Anglo- 
Saxon graves, 91 

Spoons, Anglo-Saxon, with perforated bowls, 336 

Stafford, Humphry Earl of, seal of, 273 

STANHOPE, EABL, President, communicates a Letter 
to Mr. John Stanhope respecting the Armada, 
2467 

Charles, Lord Stanhope of Harrington, 

letter of, 404 

Sir John, of Elvaston, letter of, 402 

Sir John, afterwards Lord Stanhope of 

Harrington, Letter to him respecting the Armada, 
246 

Biographical Notices of, 389 



399 



Sir Michael, 390 



Stoup with bronze ornaments and Christian symbol*, 
335 



INDEX. 



467 



Strongford Castle, co. Galway, 174 
Sweating Sickness, epidemic so called, 107 
Switzerland, lake-dwellings of, 177 187 
Swords, Anglo-Saxon, rarely discovered, 90 
Swords Castle near Dublin, 173 
Symon, Thomas, seals engraved by, 78 82; his 
appointment to be medal-maker, 81 



T. 



Tanith, a Phoenician goddess, 213220 
Terra Australis, discoveries of, 439 et seq. 
Tiaret, Oran, extraordinary cromlech at, 257 
Thames, pilgrims' signs found in the, 128 134 
Thebes, Egypt, tablet of Thothmes III. found at, 

373 
Thomas a Becket, Leaden signs representing him, 

132 
Thothmes III. Memoir on historical tablet of his 

reign discovered at Thebes, 373388 
Thurles, co. Tipperary, buildings at, 168 
THURNAM, JOHN, M.D. F.S.A. Notes by him on 

Anglo-Saxon skulls from Long Wittenham, 348 
His account of the examination of 

a barrow at West Kennet, 405 421 
Torres, Luis Vacz de, his voyages in the South 

Seas, 450 

Tower Armoury, bayonets from the, 430 
Trim Castle, 161 

Tripoli, megalithic remains in, 259 
Tupper, Captain, Bayonets from his collection, 430 
Turner, Sir James, notice of bayonet by, 423 



U. 



United Service Institution, Bayonet from their mu- 
seum, 430 



V. 



Vaudreuil in Normandy, paintings in the Castle of, 

executed for the Duke of Normandy in 1355, 200 
Veii, Etruscan vase found at, 195 
Verulam, Earl of, MS. relation of proceedings of 

last session of parliament 4 Charles I. belonging 

to him, 237 
Virgin, death and burial of the, represented in 

mural paintings in Chalgrove Church, 436 
Visconti, Alessandro, his account of discovery of 

ancient vases near Albano, 189 

W. 

Wales, memoir on political geography of, 19 36 

Princes of, 27 

WALFOBD, WESTON STYLEMAN, F.S.A. his Obser- 
vations on a Grant of an Advowson of a Chantry 
to a Guild in 34 Henry VI., 135148 

Walsingham, shrine of Our Lady at, 133 

Warren, Earls of, their Manor House in Southwark, 
37 

Walls of Carthage, discovery of, 234 

West Kennet, Wilts, long-barrow at, 405 421 

Wingham, Kent, discovery of part of a distaff in 
Anglo-Saxon cemetery at, noticed, 91 

Wokyndon, Joan, wife of Sir Nicholas de, foundress 
of chantry in St. Paul's London, 144 

^ family of, 145 

Wotton, Sir John, notice of, 400, 401 

Wretham Hall near Thetford, remains of pilt>- 
buildings found at, 187 

WYLIE, WILLIAM MICHAEL, M.A., F.S.A. Memoir 
on Lake-dwellings by, 177 187 



Y. 



Yelford, Oxon. bone disc found in Anglo- Saxon 
cemetery at, 97 



ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS. 



Page 311, line 24. The original Danish of this passage is as follows: "Anno 1578 den 14 Aprilis 
dode den Schotteke Greffne paa Dragsholms, bleff ooh begraffuen i samme Kircke. Han heed James Hep- 
hune Greve af Bottwell." 

Page 311, Note a. The original passage in Peder Hanson Resen's work is as follows : " Samme Tid dode 
ocsaa den Skotske Greffve Botuell udi sit langrarendis Foengsel paa Dragsholm, og bleff begrafven udi 
Faareveile. Anno 1578." 

Page 311, Note b. For " Froheukloster " read " Froken-kloster." 

Page 312, line 8. Insert after "inmate," " Excepting that in his time an additional tower and turret 
or two, gave the building a more castellated and romantic appearance. 

Page 314, Postscript, line 6. For " etroite " read " estroite." 



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