Archaeologia, or, Miscellaneous tracts relating to antiquity

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TABLE OF CONTENTS.

PAGE

I. — Lord Coningsby's Account of the State of Political Parties during
the Reign of Queen Anne. Communicated by Sir HENRY ELLIS,
K.H., F.R.S., F.S.A., in a Letter to Augustus W. Franks, Esq.,
M.A., Director - - 1—18

II. — The Political Geography of Wales. By HENRY SALUSBURY

MILMAN, Esq., M.A., F.S.A. 19—36

III. — Observations on the Remains of an Anglo-Norman Building in the
Parish of Saint Olave, Southwark, hitherto assumed to have been
the Hostelry of the Prior of Lewes, but now believed to have been
the Manor House of the Earls of Warren and Surrey in South-
wark. In Two Letters from GEORGE EICHARD CORNER, Esq.,
F.S.A., to John Yonge Akerman, Esq., Secretary - 37 — 53

IV. — " Furca et Fossa :" a Review of certain modes of Capital
Punishment in the Middle Ages. By JOHN YONGE AKERMAN,
Esq., Secretary - - - 54 — 65

V. — Note sur les Fouilles executes a la Madeleine de Bernay (Nor-

mandie} en Fevrier 1858 ; par L'ABBE COCHET, Hon. F.S.A. 66 — 76

VI. — Notes on the Great Seals of England used after the Deposition of
Charles I. and before the Restoration m 1660. By WILLIAM
DURRANT COOPER, Esq., F.S.A. - - - 77 — 83

VII. — Second Report of Researches in a Cemetery of the Anglo-Saxon
period at Brighthampton, Oxon. Addressed to the Earl Stanhope,
President, by JOHN YONGE AKERMAN, Secretary - 84 — 97

VIII. — Some Additions to the Biographies of Sir John Cheke and Sir
Thomas Smith : in a Letter addressed to Charles Henry Cooper,
Esq., F.S.A., one of the Authors of the Athence Cantabrigienses,
by JOHN GOUGH NICHOLS, Esq., F.S.A. - - - 98 — 127

IX. — Notes on a Collection of Pilgrims' Signs of the Thirteenth, Four-
teenth, and Fifteenth Centuries, found in the Thames. By the
Rev. THOMAS HUGO, M.A., F.S.A. - - - 128—134

vi CONTENTS.

PAGE

X. — Observations on a Grant of an Advowson of a Chantry to a Guild
in 34 Henry VI., exhibited by Joseph Jackson Howard, Esq.,
F.S.A. By WESTON STTLEMAN WALFORD, Esq., F.S.A. 135—148

XI. — Observations on the Ancient Domestic Architecture of Ireland :
in a Letter addressed to the Earl Stanhope, President, by JOHN
HENRY PARKER, Esq., F.S.A. .... 149—176
XII. — On Lake-Dwellings of the Early Periods : by WILLIAM MICHAEL

WYLLE, Esq., M.A., F.S.A. 177—187

XIII. — Remarks on certain Ancient Pelasgic and Latian Vases found in
Central Italy. By JOSEPH BELDAM, Esq., F.S.A. : in a Letter
addressed to J. T. Akerman, Esq., Secretary 188 — 195

XIV. — Notice of a Portrait of John, King of France. By the Eight
Hon. CHARLES TENNYSON D'EYNCOTJRT, F.R.S., F.S.A. : in a
Letter to J. Y. Akerman, Esq., Secretary 196 — 201

XV. — On Recent Excavations at Carthage, and the Antiquities discovered
there by the Rev. Nathan Davis. By AUGUSTUS WOLLASTON
FRANKS, Esq., M.A., Director - 202 — 236

XVI. — Observations on a MS. Relation of the Proceedings in the last
Session of the Parliament holden in the Fourth year of King
Charles, A.D. 1628, belonging to the Earl of Verulam. By JOHN
BRUCE, Esq., V.P.S.A. - .... 237 — 245

XVII. — Anonymous Letter to Mr. John Stanhope, Treasurer of the
Chamber to Queen Elizabeth, reporting the dispersion of the
Spanish Armada. Communicated by the Right Hon. the EARL
STANHOPE, President; together with remarks on the same by
ROBERT LEMON, Esq., F.S.A. In Letters addressed to Augustus
W. Franks, Esq., M.A., Director - - 246 — 251

XVIII. — On Vestiges of Ortholithic Remains in North Africa, and their
place in Primeval Archeology . By A. HENRY RHIND, Esq.,
F.S.A. ± 252—271

XIX. — Some Observations relating to Four Deeds from the Muniment
Room at Maxstoke Castle, co. Warwick; exhibited by Joseph
Jackson Howard, Esq., F.S.A. By THOMAS WILLIAM KINO,
Esq., F.S.A., York Herald . - - • - 272—279

XX.— On the Occurrence of Flint Implements in undisturbed Beds of
Gravel, Sand, and Clay. By JOHN EVANS, Esq., F.S.A.,
F.GS. ----..: 280—307

CONTENTS. vii

PAGE

XXI. — An Account of the Latter Years of James Hepburn, Earl of
Bothwell; his Imprisonment and Death in Denmark, and the
Disinterment of his presumed Remains ; in a Letter to Sir
Henry Ellis, K.H., F.S.A., from the Rev. R. S. ELLIS, M.A.,
Chaplain to Her Majesty's Legation at Copenhagen - 308 — 321
XXII. — Petitions to Charles II. from Elisabeth Cromwell, Widow of
the Protector, and from Henry Cromwell. Communicated by
Mrs. M. A. EVERETT GREEN : in a Letter to John Bruce,
Esq. r.P.S.A. 322—326

XXIII. — Report on Researches in an Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Long
Wittenham, Berkshire, in 1859. By JOHN YONGE AKERMAN,
Esq., F.S.A., Secretary - . 327—352

XXIV.— Inventory of the Goods of Dame Agnes Hungerford, attainted

of Murder 14 Hen. Fill. ; with Remarks thereon by JOHN

GOUGH NICHOLS, Esq., F.S.A., and the Rev. JOHN EDWARD

JACKSON, M.A., F.S.A. 353—372

XXV. — On a Historical Tablet of the Reign O/THOTHMES III. recently

discovered at Thebes. By SAMUEL BIRCH, Esq., F.S.A. 373 388

XXVI. — Notices of John Lord Stanhope of Harrington, with reference
to certain Letters to him, communicated to the Society by the
EARL STANHOPE, PRESIDENT, and by RICHARD ALMACK, Esq.,
F.S.A. Together with some Account of Sir Thomas Holcroft
and Sir John Wotton, the writers of two of those Letters. By
GEORGE R. CORNER, Esq., F.S.A. - 389—404

XXVII. — On the Examination of a Chambered Long-Barrow at West

Kennet, Wiltshire. By JOHN THURNAM, Esq. M.D., F.S A. 405—421
XXVIII. — Notes on the Origin and History of the Bayonet. By JOHN

YONGE AKERMAN, Esq., F.S.A., Secretary . . 422 — 430

XXIX. — On Mural Paintings in Chalgrove Church, Oxfordshire. Com-
municated through J. H. Parker, Esq., F.S A., by WILLIAM
SURGES, ify. - 431—438

XXX. — On the Discovery of Australia by the Portuguese in 1601, Five
Years before the earliest hitherto known Discovery : with argu-
ments in favour of a previous Discovery by the same Nation
early in the Sixteenth Century. By RICHARD H. MAJOR, Esq.,
F.S.A., in a Letter to Sir Henry Ellis, K.H, F.S.A. - 439—459

LIST OF PLATES.

PLATE PAGE

I. Plan showing the relative situations of the Norman Buildings in
Southwark, described by Mr. Gage and Mr. C. E. Gwilt, in
Archfeologia, Vols. XXIII. and XXV. - 37

II. Anglo-Saxon Swords found at Brighthampton, Oxfordshire 96

III. Anglo-Saxon remains found at Brighthampton and at Yelford,

Oxfordshire 97

IV> jpilgrims' Signs found in the Thames 134

VI. Views of the Keep of Athenry Castle, co. Galway, and Blarney

Castle, co. Cork - 170

VII. Pelasgic and Latian Pottery
VIII. Portrait of John, King of France - 197

[This illustration is presented by the Right Hon. C. T. D'Eyncourt.]

IX. Plan of a Mosaic Pavement from Carthage 224

X.

"V T

' Portions of a Mosaic Pavement from Carthage -
2LJLJ.*

XIII.

XIV. Seals from Deeds relating to Maxstoke Castle 272

XV. Flint Implements from the Valley of the Somme - 291

XVI. Flint Implement found in Gray's Inn Lane, London 301

[A portion of the two latter illustrations are presented by John Evans, Esq. F.S.A.]

XVII. Anglo-Saxon Stoup

XVIII. Bucket and Bronze Vessel

VTV } Found at Long Wittenham, Berks - 352

XIX. Anglo-Saxon Ornaments

XX. Anglo-Saxon Urns

XXI. Tablet of the Reign of Thothmes III. discovered at Thebes 373

XXII. Examples of Bayonets . 430

XXIII 1

' [Mural Paintings in the Chancel of Chalgrove Church, Oxon

\ A I V . J

iii tJ;e Fourth Year of King Charles the First. 245

The principal points in which this narrative differs from the one generally
received are as follows :

1. It is said that, at the commencement of the sitting, the Speaker, " as soon
;N prayers were ended," went into the chair and delivered the King's command.

The scuffle ensued immediately afterwards ; and then followed Eliot' s speech, and
the attempt to induce the Speaker to put the Remonstrance from the chair. In
the ordinary accounts it will be found that Eliot's speech follows immediately
•: after prayers were ended, and the house sat ;" and that the Speaker sat still in
the chair, without communicating the King's command to adjourn, until after Sir
John Eliot's speech was ended, or, according to some accounts, until he was called
upon to put the Remonstrance to the House.

2. Lord Verulam's MS., Harleian MSS. 2305 and 6800, and Hargrave MS.
299 mention Sir Humphrey May, the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, as
one of those who, with Sir Thomas Edmondes, endeavoured to free the Speaker
from his imprisonment in the chair.

3. Lord Verulam's MS. gives a speech to Strode, which goes to explain more
precisely than has yet been known, why he was prosecuted for his share in that
day's transactions.

4). It is a small matter to note, although not without its curiosity, that this
MS. corrects a singular mis-reading in the speech of Sir Peter Heynian. His
words, addressed to the Speaker, stand as follows in the printed books, in
accordance with all the other MSS. that I have seen : — " Sir Peter Hevman, a

«/

gentleman of his own country (Kent), told him ' he was sorry he was his kinsman,
for that he was the disgrace of his country, and a blot of a noble family.' " Some
years ago I endeavoured in vain to discover what was the degree of relationship
represented by Heyman's word " kinsman." Had I seen Lord Verulam's MS. I
should have been spared my pains, for there we read that the words were " ho
was sorry he was" — not " his kinsman," but— "a Kentish man, and that he was
a disgrace to his country, and a blot to a noble family."

On the other hand, it is observable that Lord Verulam's MS. does not mention
the Resolutions that were put to the House by Holies standing by the Speaker's
chair. The concurrent testimony of a variety of authorities forbids us to doubt
that those Resolutions were really passed in the way described, and that in this
respect Lord Verulam's MS. is defective. I submit it to the Society, therefore,
not as a complete account, but as one which adds several new features, rectifies
blunders which are sufficiently obvious when pointed out, and is in many respects
well worthy of inspection and attention.

VOL. XXXVIII. 2 L

XVII. Anonymous Letter to Mr. John Stanhope, Treasurer of the Chamber to
Queen Elizabeth, reporting the dispersion of the Spanish Armada. Commu-
nicated by the Right Son. the EARL STANHOPE, President ; together icith
remarks on the same by ROBERT LEMON, ESQ., F.S.A. In Letters addressed
to Augustus W. Franks, Esq. M.A., Director.

Read December 22, 1859.

Grosvenor Place,
July 18, 1859.

My DEAR MR. FRANKS,

AMONG several MS. Letters which I purchased at the recent sale of Mr. Dawson
Turner's Library, there is one which I think may have some interest for the Society
of Antiquaries, and which I therefore take leave to send you for exhibition. You
will perceive that it is addressed to one of my family, John Stanhope, who was
created in 1605 Lord Stanhope of Harrington. At the time when this letter
was written he was Treasurer of the Chamber to Queen Elizabeth ; and the letter
is evidently designed for the information of the Government.

Being written from France in time of war, the letter is expressed with great
caution and mystery, and it bears neither signature nor date of year. But it
plainly appears I think to have been written in 1588, on the dispersion of the
Spanish Armada.

Believe me,

Very faithfully yours,

STANHOPE.

S. Althoughe I nether name my selfe nor the place from whence this cometh,
yet by the ij. last in an other langwadge better know here, I writt to yow from
hence, wheir my satisfaction hath bene great, my returne God willinge begininge
to morro the xxj. of Noveber wth yow. Newes I can write yow non but suche of
owr mortalst enemy s as wear comynge to-ofiendc, being 14-0 sa: [sail] for certein

Anonymous Letter to Mr. John Stanhope. 247

\vear sett so far apart apart [sic] as not 10 Sai: are returned hoome to taek breath ;
God sende them every time so good spead or worse, and then, althowghe they hrag
their is a port open for them in Ir: [Ireland] the Bus: [Bishop ?] that is wth
them and other his compaynions will not in haste come thether : it may be the
particulers shalbe at home afore this come to yow, but this Intelligence is Del :
[delivered] me for certein of such as I have reason to beleave ; further Sr. yow
may tel M. Se. [Mr. Secretary] tha[t f]or certein the greatest Englise confessor of
owr Ca. Ene. [Catholic Enemy] is sent from S. [Spain] and hath ben at B..
[Rheinis ?] and is goone for Bruss[els] wth intente if he can to stepp over ; the
cawse of his being set and what effect followed God willinge shal be assone wth
yow as this, I hoope wthin little, yet, lest he showlt be returned, or I fal sic, I
write this. I can butt most devowbtly pray for that wch I desire moor (God doth
know) then my own life, which to doe service to mackes my returne one monthe
longer than I ment. So I rest, as ever,

Yowrs.

I pray S. speack to my L. Ad. [Lord Admiral] that Cap. Gowre may harken after
me a month hence at Deap, wth the awnswer as he promised; from Orl.[eans] and
Paris I will write, God willinge.

(Addressed,) To the R. Worrshipptt Mr. Jhon Stanop, Esquier, Tresorer of
her M. most Honorable p'vye Chaber.

State Paper Office,

21 December, 1859.

DEAR MR. FRANKS,

I have read the interesting letter about the Spanish Armada, put into your
hands by our noble President, and am sorry I cannot give it much elucida-
tion. Long before the actual coming of the Armada upon the English coasts, the
Government received private information from all parts of Flanders, France, and
even Spain itself, of the formation of the Armada, its progress and destination.
Much of this information was derived from agents directly in the pay of Government,
the whole of which was conducted by Secretary Walsynghani. Other infor-
mation was received from gentlemen residing or travelling abroad, and this was
generally conveyed indirectly by means of a third party, who used his own dis-

2 L2

2i8 Anonymous Letter to Mr. John Stanhope,

crction in communicating it, or not, to the Secretary of State. Of this kind
appears to have been the letter in question. It was written evidently on the 20th
of November, 1588, and gives a very fair glimpse of the return of the shattered
Armada. But this intelligence was not the earliest intimation of that event
received by the English Government. On the 7th of November, 1588, Sir John
Gilberte wrote to the Privy Council, informing them that he had received adver-
tisements from one Richard Blackater, a merchant of Totnes, who had just
arrived from Saint Haloes, that by a ship lately come from Spain it was reported
the Duke of Medina had landed, hurt in one of his legs, and being at the Court,
King Philip would not see him, but commanded him to his house ; and his Majesty,
having information that much of the sufferings of the Armada had been owing to
the want of provisions. " had executed sundry of his officers that had the charge
of the victualling of his navy, for that the victual was bad and not the quantity
that ought to have been provided."

In that passage of the letter to Mr. Stanhope which desires him to tell M. Se.
about the English Confessor, there can be no doubt that it refers to Secretary
Walsyngham, in whom all channels of foreign information centered. The men-
tion in the postscript of Captain Gowre probably alludes to Captain Walter Gower,
who commanded the Merlin, of thirty-five men, under Lord Henry Seymour, in
the Narrow Seas, and would evidently have been in a position to convey a message
to any person at Dieppe upon very short notice.

To give a notion of the immense force of the Spanish armament I beg leave
to subjoin a copy of an interesting paper sent to Walsyngham just prior to the
arrival of the Armada : —

[State Paper Office, Domestic Eliz., 1 July, 1588.]

" A Declaration truelic translated out of Frenche into Englishe, of th' Annie
sent fourth by the Kinge of Spaine from Lisborne, of the which is
Cheife General the Duke of Medina Sidonia.

The number of all the vessels of warre.

130 vessels of warre, greate and litle.

46 Gallions, whereof are and other shippes betwixte 8 and 900 tonne.
25 Hulkes, betwixte 500 and 700 tonne.
19 Pataxes, betwixte 80 and 100 tonnei

reporting the dispersion of the Spanish Armada. 249

13 Acabies of great burden and well apointed.

14 Galliasses.
14 Gallies.

20 Carvales, for service of th' armie.
20 Challopes, to land men.

301

Munitions for warres.

2,430 cast pieces of ordnaunce.
15.000 vren bullettes.

9

5,160 firkins of powder.

1,100 ferkins of bullettes of leade.

The number of soldiers in the Armie.

7,050 Spannyshe Soldiers.
2,000 Portingale Soldiers.

160 Common Adventurers.
8,050 Marryners.
160 Boies.

238 Gentlemen Venturers.
130 of their men.
137 of Cannoniers.

85 Doctours of Phisicke, Chirurgeons, and Poticaries.
104 Friers, monckes, and preistes.
22 Squyeres of Dukes howses.
50 of their men.
90 Executioners or hangmen, to hang them selffes.

Of victuels.

Verio well provided for wine, oile, biskett, cheese, powdered beaife, and fishe, for
halfe a yere, and all other thingcs for soldiers sustenaunce.

Cheiffcs of th' Armie.

The Duke of Medina Sidonia, Leiftenant-Generall.

Don Allonso Mertyner de Louba, Generall of the horsscmen of the garrison of
Millan.

Jehan Mortyncr dc Recalde, Adinyrall.

Don Diego Floria de Valdres, generall of the Gallions.

-50 Anonymom Letter to Mr. John Stanhope,

Don Pedro de Valdes, generall of the shippcs of Andolosia.

Michie Dogendo, generall of the armie of the province of Guypuscoa.

Don Ugo, generall of the Galliasses.

Diego de Mederano, generall of the Galliers.

Men of Justice.

Don Jorge Menriges, Comptroller-General!.
Mertin de Aranda, Auditour.
Alanso de Alameda, and Pire Cocon, Treasaurers.
Jehue de Hurta, Paie Master Generall.
Phillip de Porras, Comptroller of the Galliers.

Masters of the Camp.

Don Franco de Bonadelia, Master of the Camp Generall.

Don Augustin Mesqua of the Camp over the Companies of Castilia, Lisborne,
and Andolosia.

Don Diego de Pimentel, Master of the Camp of Celles and Sicillia.
Don Franco de Toledo, Camp Master over the Portingales.
Don Alonso Lucan, Camp Master of Tersiars and Napules.
Nicholas Dista, of the Companies of the Indian Gallies.

A pox upon them all ; if they come into England I trust you will christen them
ere they returne, that their names made be easier to write: never take none
prisoners, for they be but Don beggars, all that goe to stele and become richc,
hane them for ransome."

(Indorsed by WalsynylKurf s Secretary,)

" July 1588,
" Relation of the Spanish arniye."

This curious statement must be taken with some allowance, coming as it docs
through a French medium, and with a thoroughly anti-Spanish bias ; but upon
the whole the numbers, as compared with other contemporary accounts, are rather
under than over stated.

To meet and encounter this overwhelming force, Her Majesty's Navy consisted
of only thirty-four ships, great aud small ; the merchants of various parts furnished
thirty-four ships, and the City of London contributed thirty ships at their own
charges, the greatest of which carried only 120 men. Many of the coast towns

reporting the dispersion of the Spanish Armada. 251

sent out small vessels with a complement of no more than eight or ten men. The
grand total numbered 197 vessels, great and small, of which but three carried 500
men. It is evident therefore that in the destruction of the Armada something
more than mere force formed the principal element. The extraordinary, nay
providential, state of the weather, and the admirable seamanship of our naval
Commanders, consummated a work unparalleled, and likely to remain unexampled,
in history.

The Spaniards came with the direst intentions towards England. In the
examinations of the prisoners taken on board the great ship called Nostra Senora
de Rosaria of Ribadeo, it was elicited that "they were determined to put all to the
sword that should resist them." They came to make war to the knife, and they
realized it, but in a manner contrary to their expectations. After the first dis-
persion of the fleet before Calais by means of the fire-ships, they were chased along
the Flemish coast, in the midst of a tremendous gale of wind. Two of their
largest ships got on shore near Ostend, and were captured by the Hollanders.
There was then a spirit of the fiercest retribution. The Spaniards came as deadly
enemies and were treated as such. In the letter from Mr. Henry Killygrew,
the English agent at the Hague, dated 3 August, 1588, he transmits the
examinations of the Spaniards taken in those two ships. The greater of the two
was captured by the men of Flushing, " wherein were near 800 Spaniards, of
whom 150 were sent to Rotterdam (for ransom) and the rest (too poor to ransom
themselves) were cast overboard."

It would be too long here even to glance at the subsequent sufferings of the
Spaniards on their dismal journey round the Irish coast. Famine and wreck com-
pleted the work, and as the poor wretches reached the land by swimming they
were mercilessly slaughtered by the Irish peasantry : one man alone claiming a
reward for having with his OAvn hand killed eighty of them with Ms gallowglas
axe. The History of the Spanish Armada has yet to be written. Hoping I have
not intruded too much upon you with this detail,

I remain, dear Sir,

Very faithfully yours,

ROBERT LEMON.

XVIII. On Vestiges of Orfholithic Remains in North Africa, and their place in
Primeval Archaology . By A. HENRY RHIXD, Esq., F.S.A.

Read February 10th and 17th, 1859, and February 2nd, 1860.

THE countries washed by the Mediterranean have necessarily been the great
field of research for investigating the remains of the older historic civilizations
with which they are strewn ; and I cannot doubt that the same shores, which,
from their physical peculiarities, have ever been the seat of a large and active
population, retain still for us most significant illustrations of that early sub-
stratum, the pre-classical culture, the widely spread relics of which are the
dements of our primeval archaeology. To some of those elements I have on other
occasions adverted ; and here I propose chiefly to direct attention to another — a
very remarkable group of cromlechs in Algeria, which I have had recently an
opportunity of visiting and examining.

Since the French have occupied that country, and consolidated their posses-
sions, the portion along the seaboard, where their rule has become most firmly
established, has, under the name of the civil territory (to distinguish it from that
under military and quasi military administration) been subdivided for purposes of
local government into communes as in France. In the commune of Cheragas
the remains in question are to be found near the small agricultural colony of
Guyotville, about twelve English miles from the town of Algiers, and standing
towards the western slope of an extensive plateau known as Bainam. I thus
minutely note the site, as an inquirer might have some difficulty in finding the
precise locality.

To give, in the first place, a general idea of the appearance of these monuments,
it is only necessary to say that individually they present no peculiarity of structure,
and that, if we came upon them in any part of the British islands, we should do
so without the least surprise, regarding them as the ordinary congeners of our own
cromlechs. And curiously enough the surrounding scenery might almost recall a
moorland spot in Scotland or Wales. The mountain of Boujareah, flanked by
clustering hills, forms an excrescent tract called the Sahel, about fifteen miles
square, separated from the first range of the Atlas by the wide plain of the
Metidja, and washed on three sides by the sea. Its richly clothed southern and

On Vestiges of Ortholithic Remains in North Africa. 253

eastern slopes, on one of which the white town of Algiers glistens in the sun,
descend to the shore at somewhat abrupt angles. Towards the west the declivities
are more gradual, and terminate in broad strips of table-land gently dipping for
several miles and stretching to the sea. On this side the soil is everywhere
covered with a low jungle of brushwood, dwarf oak, palmetto, oleander, lentiscus,
cistus, and myrtle, all (when in mass) of dark heathery brown, and tinted also
like heather with brighter specks. And so, when standing beside the cromlechs
on one of these plateaux, the cottages scattered around, a village in the distance
nestling in a hilly nook round a modest church spire, the sea shining in front, the
hills behind grouping together, with the bolder peaks of the Atlas towards the
west, the landscape presents to us many of the broad features of form, and
especially the pervading uniformity of colour which characterize our own highland
scenes where the early primeval vestiges have lingered until now.

But with regard to the cromlechs* themselves there is certainly (so far as I
know) no such extensive group in Great Britain ; and I do not remember that,
even in the land of megaliths, Britany, so many are now to be found together at
any one spot. A few years ago, before some were demolished by the neighbouring
colonists of the hamlet of Guyotville, they are said to have been one hundred in
number ; and at present they may approximately be estimated at fully more than
eighty, absolute precision in the enumeration not being attainable from the natur-
ally ruinous condition of some, the recent overthrow of others, and their partial
concealment by tangled brushwood. They are spread over an irregular area of
probably ten or twelve acres, but they do not stand in equally close proximity to
each other over the whole space. In surveying them all from any general point
of view they do not suggest the idea of symmetrical arrangement ; still, at the
north-eastern extremity, towards the outskirts of the group, they take somewhat
the form of four nearly equidistant straight rows ; and it seems not improbable,
although from the numerous gaps and the obliterating vegetation we cannot detect
it, that some general plan was followed where so many monuments were collocated
together. On the other hand, as in some of our older graveyards, regularity of
arrangement at different points might be merely incidental, rather than part of a
general outline definitely adhered to ; but, whatever rule (if any) determined the

• As I write of remains on French territory, it may be well to state that I do not use the word
cromlech as applied in France, but according to its signification in England, where it designates that
which the French call a dolmen, namely, a flat slab raised as a table, so to say, upon other stones set
on edge. It is scarcely necessary to add riiat, according to French nomenclature, a cromlech means a
circle of upright stones with or without another ortholith in the centre.

VOL. XXXVIII. 2 M

251 O» Prestiges of Ortholithic Remains in North Africa,

intervals of space, it would seem that some certain amount was at all events
allotted to each cromlech ; for in no instance do any two stand in close contact.
The nearest degree of mutual proximity which I observed among them was at the
point already referred to, where they might be said to be planted in rows, and there
they were separated from each other by eight and twenty or thirty feet clear in
every direction.

Although the general plan is doubtful, one feature of interest is decided, not
only by the last-mentioned measurement, but also by the appearance of the whole
group, and the outline of the surface of the ground, — that these cromlechs liad
not been covered by mounds of earth, as we sometimes find them in this country,
for the limited proportion of ground between them would not have allowed room
for the raising of hillocks sufficiently large. In short, these cromlechs, as their
weather-worn stones confirm, would seem to have stood exposed originally as
they stand to-day.

In size they vary considerably as regards the cap-stones; but the average
dimensions of these may be stated at 7 feet by 4£, although in some cases
they measure as much as 9 feet by 7. The sides of the covered chamber, in
every instance which circumstances allowed me to examine, were formed of
four monoliths on edge — two for the sides and two for the ends; and the
shape of the cist is invariably oblong, with a breadth of from 2 feet 8 inches
to 2 feet 10, a length of from 5 feet 6 to 6 feet, and a height of 2 feet to the
cap-stone from the hard mould bottom, which is on a level with the surrounding
surface. The general, although not by any means invariable, direction of the
longer measurements of the chambers is east and west ; and there are instances
of deviation to almost every other point of the compass. The stones both of sides
and roofs are in all cases unhewn.

I have already mentioned that many of the cromlechs have been destroyed;
and, the cottage of one of the Spanish colonists from Minorca, who are among the
most active part of the new population, being planted hard by, agricultural opera-
tions are pushing their way in the direction of the field of cromlechs. In this way
some of them have suffered, and many have been opened and damaged from the
usual motives of curiosity which so often hasten the fate of similar remains ; but
quite recently means appear to have been employed to prevent their further
destruction, and, as some seem yet intact, we may hope that care will be taken
to examine their contents under satisfactory auspices. Very shortly before my
visit several had evidently been ruined by the not very discriminating hands, I
presume, of some neighbouring peasants. The bones of the bodies which they
had contained, tolerably well preserved from the dry and elevated site, although

and their Place in Primeval ArcTueology. 255

broken and crumbling, lay strewn about the cists or huddled together in corners.
From one of those small heaps I carried away a cranium, unfortunately very
imperfect, but respecting which the subjoined report,* which I owe to the kindness
of Mr. Barnard Davis, will be of interest as embodying the few practicable
craniographic results deduced by an observer who has made this species of
inquiry his peculiar study. From another I procured a fragment of coarse sun-
baked pottery, being nearly the one-half of a shallow hemispherical cup about
5 inches in diameter.

In the Museum of Algiers there are a few other relics also procured from the
cromlechs of Bainam, as yet kept in a private room of the library awaiting the
ultimate arrangement of this thriving, although recently established, collection.
I was courteously allowed an opportunity of examining them ;b and, besides some
fragments of human bones, I found them to consist of the following objects, viz. : —
three shallow cups, similar in shape, size, and material to that of which I procured
a portion as already mentioned ; fragments of two other fictile specimens likewise
of the rudest workmansliip ; and some cups, 3 inches high, 4 inches in diameter,
having flat bottoms, and each a loop handle. There were also certain metallic ob-
jects, namely, four small penannular armillce, of the simplest manufacture, formed
of thin bronze wire not more than one-tenth of an inch in diameter ; a piece of
similar bronze wire twisted spirally into the shape and about the size of a finger-ring,
with the ends overlapping ; and two plain bronze fibula? not quite perfect, about 2
inches long, the simple form of which will be easily understood by describing the
manner in which it might be fashioned. One end of a moderately stout wire having
been flattened transversely and bent into a semicircular socket, the wire would be
curved like a bow for two or three inches, and then twisted into several convo-
lutions so as to allow the other end, duly sharpened, to come back as a segment
of the curve and rest in the socket, where, when the fibula was closed, it would
firmly remain in consequence of the convolutions acting as a spring. A few years

" This portion of a calvarium is the upper part of the brain-case, and consists of the two parietal bones, one
temporal, the frontal as far as the superciliary ridges, and the occipital to near the foramen magnum. It
has belonged to a man, and, as the sutures are almost wholly effaced both inside and out, of probably sixty
or more years of age. Although this calvarium is rather thick, it is not remarkably so. It does not present
the long narrow Negro form, but when viewed vertically is ovoid and pretty regularly so. It therefore
belongs to the so-called Caucasian series. The measurements, as far as they can be obtained, are: circum-
ference 20'8 inches ; occipito-frontal diameter 7-3 inches ; oocipito-frontal arch, from the broken edge of the
frontal to the foramen magnum, 12-8 inches; interparietal diameter, taken at the parietal bosses, 5%5 inches;
and the arch from the edge of one parietal, across the bosses, to that of the other 10'7 in. [J. B. D.]

b For this I was indebted to M. Berbrugger, the conservateur of the Museum, whose numerous works
and papers, chiefly on the Roman remains in Algeria, testify his diligence and research.

2 M 2

250 On Testigcs of Ortholiffiic Remains in North Africa,

ago an English manufacturer registered this pattern, conceiving himself perhaps
to have invented an ingenious contrivance, hut it was a not unfrequent device
in very ancient jewellery. Fibulae so constructed are found dispersed over a
singularly wide extent of country ; without, however, here entering upon ques-
tions which they suggest, or referring specially to localities, it will he enough
to say that, with the peculiar adaptation of the spring, they have been 'discovered
in early graves in Scandinavia,8 as well as in the sepulchres of Etruria.b In
Italy they would seem to have been not only popular in early times, but
long retained, for quantities of the same general type, and usually small, now in
the Museo Borbonico at Naples, have been dug up from Pompeii.0 The largest
specimens I know (one being fully 7 inches in length) have been found probably in
the south of Trance, for they are preserved in the very interesting Museum of
Avignon.

I perceive by a brief paragraph in a recent number of the Revue Afincaine d
that since I was in Algeria the Museum has made some fresh acquisitions from
the same cromlechs, which are shortly catalogued as fragments of human crania
remarkable for the thickness of the brain-case; three axes, one of jade and two
of a stone not specified ; a flint knife ; and five arrow-heads of the same material.

It will thus be seen that, as well in the general character of their contents as
in their structure and appearance, these monuments correspond with the similar
remains spread over the countries of western Europe, (and not over those countries
alone,) where research has rendered them familiar; and hence, in conjunction with
similar remains in the same territory, they awaken an interest far more compre-
hensive and important than as mere Algerian antiquities. They must form an
element and take a place in wider circles of inquiry, and become landmarks in a
chart of the older ethnography of the western world.

I could not here propose, even if I at present felt warranted, to enter upon the
broad subject of megalithic vestiges and primeval archaeology generally, in con-
nexion with ethnological distribution, which is, in truth, the real question ; but
it may be advantageous to take this opportunity to indicate in outline the nature
and, partially, the amount of materials which North Africa offers for such an
investigation.

* Worsaae's Afbildninger fra del Museum i KjObenliavn, p. 44.

b They are to be seen in most Etruscan collections ; and faithful representations, chiefly of the more
elaborate, may be found in the illustrations of the Museo Gregoriano. — Part 1, Tav. Ixxvii. et seq.

c A few of the most finished are engraved in the work entitled Piccoti Bromi del Afuteo Borbonico da
Carlo Ceci; but there are numerous others, simpler atad coarser.

d Vol. ii. p. 485.

and their Place in Primeval Archeology. 257

Beginning at the shores of the Atlantic, we find a stone circle in the neigh-
bourhood of Tangiers ; and other rude megaliths likewise present themselves in
the empire of Morocco." Proceeding eastwards to the next politico-territorial
division, the French possessions, tombs of analogous character are stated to have
been seen by an Algerian geographer, M. Macarthy,1' at Zebdou, south of the
ancient Arab city of Tlemcen, in the province of Oran. In the same province,
near its eastern boundary, at a place called Tiaret, distant not less than one
hundred miles from the Mediterranean coast/ the existence of a dolmen, or
cromlech, of extraordinary dimensions has been recorded by M. le Commandant
Bernard. He describes its situation as a wild tract covered with the usual
brushwood of the country ; and the measurements which he adds are too remark-
able to be omitted. Reduced to the English standard, they make the cap-stone
to be about 65 feet long, 26 feet broad, and 9 feet 6 inches thick ; and this
enormous block rests upon rock sub-structures, which raise it from 35 feet to
40 feet above the soil, forming what may be called a sufficiently spacious grotto,
whose bearings are east and west. In the upper surface of the platform (the
cap-stone), and towards the west, are cut three square troughs ; that in the
middle measuring about 3 feet on each side, the two others less. The three
communicate with each other by two channels, not so deep as the troughs, and
4 inches broad. In the lower part of the dolmen steps are formed to enable the
platform to be ascended : and in the neighbourhood are to be seen some weather-
wasted standing stones (menhirs).

Unfortunately we have as yet no more minute account of this monument,
whose stupendous size, altogether unequalled in the records of European
megaliths, and remote inland site might lead to the supposition that primarily its
structure was the work of nature. This, however, M. Bernard does not at all
suggest ; and he authenticates the accuracy of his observation by sending to the
Algerian Historical Society what he terms a very faithful sketch of the dolmen,
which they promise eventually to publish."1 It also happens that I can offer an
illustrative fact bearing upon the obviously artificial cuttings which the massive
erection is described to present. Forming a prominent part of the megalithic

• Urquhart's Pillars of Hercules, and Brooke's Spain and Morocco, ii. 36.

b Revue Africaine, vol. i. p. 29.

c There are several maps of Algeria which may be referred to for its topography : the one I have before
me I find the best, being that executed on a large scale, under the direction of the well-known authority on
matters Algerian, General Daumas, and affixed to the Report of the Ministere de la Guerre, viz.: Tableau
de la Situation des Etablitsements Franqais de fAlgerie, issued in 1857.

4 Revue Africaine, vol. i. p. 147.

258 On Vestiges of Ortliolitltic Reinains in Jforih Africa,

ruins of Hagar Kim, in Malta,* a huge stone 20 feet high, undressed, and to all
appearance unhewn, towers above the other ponderous blocks with which it is
in contact. On the portion which thus protrudes I noticed small niches, conve-
niently cut for the toes and hands ; and, on climbing to the top by means of these,
I found it hollowed out into a flat-bottomed basin, 3 feet 8 inches long by 1 foot
broad and 10 inches deep.b

Resuming our cursory enumeration, we pass on to the province of Algiers,
and find our next example on the coast between Cherchell (Julia Ceesarea) and
Tfassed (Tipasa) ; at least, Dr. Shaw, one of the earliest and most observant of
modern travellers in those regions, mentions in his itinerary " having fallen in at
this point with a number of stone coffins of an oblong figure, not unlike those that
are sometimes found in our own island." c Allowing for the antiquarian phrase-
ology current a hundred and twenty years ago, and guided more by the comparison
wliich is instituted, it seems most probable that those "coffins " were of the type
which we have in view. But the province of Algiers offers other examples in the
group of cromlechs at Bainam, already described, and also in a number of
somewhat analogous tombs, at a place called Djelfa, lying towards the south,
about eighty miles in the interior. The design of these last consists of an oblong
inclosure, or rather grave, defined by four slabs, covered by one or, occasionally,
two others, at a height of 8 or 12 inches above the soil. Their dimensions vary
from 6 feet by 2 feet, to 1 foot 7 inches in length, by 9 inches in breadth ; and it
has been suggested that those of the smaller size were the graves of children.
Each tomb is surrounded by a circle of rude stones about 9 inches high ; and some-
times the circle is double. In the construction of these sepulchres, while some of
the features are typical of primeval remains, others are of so general and indefinite
a character as hardly to be limitable to any period or manner of inhumation. In
some respects they might even be Arab ; and their standing at no great distance
from the ruins of a Bx>man station might, on the other hand, suggest that they owed
their origin to its occupants. It is, however, to be remembered, that in a case
of this kind, and especially in a country which has experienced so many vicissi-

* I have referred to these remains, and the sources of information regarding them in the Archaeological
Journal, vol. xiii. p. 397.

b It is also worth noting here, that M. 'Me'rimee describes a cromlech in Corsica with a small trench or
channel (rigole evidemment travaille'c de main d'homme) in the upper stone.— Voyage en Corse, p. 27.
Paris, 1840. The existence of these troughs tends to confirm the artificial character of some of the so-called
Rock Basins observed in connection with ancient remains in Britain. See the careful discussion as to those
on Dartmoor by Sir Gardner Wilkinson in the Journal of the British Archaeological Association, vol. xvi.

c Shaw's Travels in Barbary, vol. i. p. 64.

and their Place in Primeval Arch&oloyy. 259

tudes of conquest and population, of vigour and decay, the proximity of various
vestiges not necessarily homogeneous, cannot be regarded as indicating their
common origin. Likewise it requires to be noticed that Dr. Reboud, who
describes the graves in question, distinguishes them from Roman tombs in their
immediate vicinity, recognising in them the specialities of what in western Europe
are vaguely termed Celtic remains.3 An additional reason for including them in
the category before us, is derived from the circumstance that there was procured
from this very district of Djelfa a stone celt, which I saw in the Museum of
Algiers. This highly curious relic, formed from an elongated water-worn pebble
sharpened at one end and tapering towards the other, of rude manufacture and
imperfect finish, is not stated to have been discovered in any of the graves ;
and the opening of one of them only produced some fragments of bones.

Similar tombs are again met with at Sigus,1' a short distance from Constan-
tino, the ancient Cirta ; and an incidental allusion in the Annuaire of the local
Archaeological Society points to the existence of primeval megaliths (dolmens)
in that province, but I have not been able precisely to ascertain the sites.0

The Beylik of Tunis is the conterminous territory towards the East ; and I
have received personal although not very minute information respecting rude
stone monuments in that country. I likewise remember some notice of them in a
work on those regions, but I am quite unable at present to recall the reference.

As to the Regency of Tripoli, which comes next in order, certain conjectures
advanced in the early part of last century suggested the presence there of what
their author, Dr. Stukeley, termed in his own special phraseology, " a patriarchal
prophylactis, or serpentine temple." d The surmise was based upon a marvellous
story current in those parts, which many of the early travellers had carefully nar-
rated, that six days' journey from the sea a petrified city stood in the Desert, with
its former inhabitants, their camels, their flocks, and their herds, all in their habit
as they lived, but turned into stone. We are now familiar with this legend from
the lips of Scheherazade, in the Arabian Nights' Entertainments ; but, having
been thus localised by the tribes of Tripoli, it excited considerable curiosity in the
times to which I allude. Some were disposed to believe it with slight modifica-
tion ; others imagined it might contain some grains of truth, and set themselves

• Smue Africamt, vol. i. p. 29, et ibid. p. 138.

h Revue Africame, i. 29, note. I have just learned (October 1860) the existence of one or more cromlechs
in Kabyliu, which has been but recently brought under French rule. See Revue Africaine, No. 23.
c Annuaire de la Sotietf Archeologique de la Province de Comtantine. Anne'e 1853, p. 14.
d Shaw, Travels in Barbary, i. 286.

260 On Vestiges of Ortholithic Remains in North Africa,

to conjecture accordingly. Stukeley's guess was of the characteristic nature which
has been stated ; but Dr. Shaw, to whom he communicated it, felt bound to say
that not any of the accounts of the petrified city would afford the least foundation
for it, inasmuch as it required the assumption of circular erections, which none of
the reports countenanced.

Although this particular prodigy could not therefore be converted into a mega-
lithic ruin, and its groundwork, if any, may be to be sought in the geological
phenomena of the African Sahara," still the existing evidence is not opposed to the
discovery of such cyclopean vestiges in the Regency of Tripoli. In the adjoining
district of Zenzur Dr. Earth observed and has described a sufficiently remarkable
object of this character, and which he points to as being similar to the more ela-
borate type which portions of Stonehenge present. It consists primarily of a
base fixed in the ground, on which are reared two quadrangular pillars, 2 feet
square, 10 feet high, 1 foot 7 inches asunder, and surmounted horizontally by
another massive stone about 6 feet 6 inches long and of the same width as the
pillars.1' Elsewhere he refers to corresponding monuments in the same region, but,
looking to their general appearance as developed in the sketch he has furnished
of the example whose measurements I have copied above, and keeping in view
the dilapidated chiselled fragments in juxta-position to it, it seems very probable
that in it and its congeners we have to deal with a very different class of relics
from those here under consideration.

Further east on those coasts I have not been able to trace vestiges of primeval
character. But Cyrenaiea has as yet been only very imperfectly explored and
described : the same may be said of the territory of Barkah, while the nature
of much of its seaboard is not so favourable for the wants of an early popula-
tion as to make it probable that it retains many vestiges of such. Proceeding
to the limits of our range, the soil of the Delta of Egypt is such that relics of
the kind in question could not be expected to be still visible upon it, even if other
considerations did not arise from the developments of civilization in that extraor-
dinary land, and from the whole scope of our subject.

We have however been able to follow these peculiar structures, the greater
part of them more or less of one type, from Tangiers almost to Tripoli along a

* Or perhaps the myth is in gome way connected with one of those singularly perfect Roman towns, such
as exist in the inland territory behind Tunis, and which a friend who made an enterprising expedition
there has described to me as in marvellous preservation. These petrefactive metamorphoses are, how-
ever, common beliefs among Arabs. See an instance in Belzoni's Narrative, p. 43.

" Earth's Travels in Africa, vol. i. 58 — 62.

and tlieir Place in Primeval Archaeology. 261

coast-line of not less than fifteen hundred miles, and dispersed over a tract of at
least one hundred miles in breadth. Of relics found in or near them I know
only of the objects before mentioned as discovered in the cromlechs of Bainam
and the stone celt from Djelfa.

With regard to the interesting subject of the origin of these monuments and
the connection between those of analogous character in Europe and elsewhere,
although I hope eventually to enter on its consideration more fully as part of a
general inquiry, I may venture to endeavour to clear the ground of certain
opinions that have obtained some degree of currency, but which tend to obscure
the true bearings of the case. For example, the tombs at Djelfaa and the crom-
lechs at Bainam11 have been regarded in Algeria as sepulchres erected by Breton
soldiers while serving in that country, as they are known to have done, under the
Romans. The unexpressed argument from which this view has been formed
would seem to have been founded on the very narrow premises that megaliths
are common in Britany ; that Armorican troops were stationed in Numidia or
Mauritania Cacsarensis in the Roman service, and that by them the structures in
question were erected. But a wider survey would speedily have invalidated such
a conclusion; for it would have shown that the great extent over which at
intervals they are spread in North Africa is irreconcilable with such an incidental
introduction ; that the contents of the cromlechs of Bainam point to a different
order of things, from what might reasonably be supposed to have prevailed among
troops in the Roman service; and that, so far from there being any evidence
that the people of Annorica were in those days rearing megaliths at home, there
is much more than a strong probability to the contrary.

Another opinion has sometimes been propounded in which the vestiges before
us have been comprised by implication, though it has not perhaps been directly
applied to them, as hitherto they have not been much known, namely, that their
origin was Phoenician. We have long been familiar with the hypothesis which
assigns to the Tyrian navigators the introduction of megalithic monuments into
Britain; and this hypothesis is in the present day from time to time revived,
either in the same or in a slightly modified form. In various European countries,
including our own, archaeological publications occasionally appear, in which
remains of the kind we are discussing are supposed to be explained by referring
them to Phoenician intercourse, and their presence on Mediterranean coasts,
where that people maintained settlements or traffic, is regarded as so much

• Revue Africaine, vol. i. p. 138. b Barbier, Itineraire de FAlgerie, p. 107.

VOL. XXXVIII. 2 N

On Vestiges of Orlholithic Hemavm in North Africa,

confirmatory evidence. But it cannot fail to be observed that, when this mode of
argument is indiscriminately urged, it is for the most part accompanied by a
liTnif.fl.timi of the field under view to a very narrow portion of the world, and by
an imperfect estimate of the force of the term employed ; for it should be remem-
bered by those who would wish to account for our megalithic remains as
Phoenician, that one of two alternative propositions is bound up in the use of
the word. Of these propositions the first is that the erection of such megaliths
was a special development of Phoenician culture, and was peculiar to it. But let
us see where this, if maintained, would lead. It would imply that until the
spread of Tyrian enterprise the whole of western Europe, for example, was
destitute of even- kind of erection whereby one stone is laid upon another ; and
that until then its people did not possess a cromlech, a circle, a chambered cairn,
a jet test tier, or even a simple cist, all of which exhibit directly or indirectly the
principle of megalithic building. Moreover, were the Phoenicians to be recognised
as the special originators of this constructive method, wide and diffusive as we
know their enterprise to have been, it would be necessary to acknowledge an
extension of their influence, direct or indirect, sufficiently startling, because
limited only by the outlines of the habitable world — an extension from the
mountains of Upper India to the moors of Ireland, from the Scandinavian
peninsula to Peru.*

The second or alternative proposition is that this structural system was common
to other races as well as the Phoenicians. And this admission at once demands
from those who would attribute to the latter the monuments of, let us say, the
West, some distinct proof of what are to be regarded as Phoenician specialities,
to be received as criteria of Phoenician intercourse. As yet, so far as I know,
we have had nothing of this kind presented, nor anything beyond allusions to
mere general points of connexion between this people and megaliths. To these
indeed have been often added deductions from alleged religious conceptions — a
mode of procedure in research into antiquity at all times most unsatisfactory,
except when the mythological intimations are unmistakeably plain; and it is
doubly hazardous in the case of the Phoenician cttltus, since the older fragments
(those of Sanchoniathon), which alone profess directly to shadow it forth, are
vague and inarticulate, beyond even the usual mysticism of such documents;
while the later compilers, such as Strabo, who are too frequently quoted as unim-

* As to the character of the ruder stone monuments of the latter which are less known, see Le Perou
avant la Compute Etpagnoie; by E. Desjardin*. Paris, 1858, p. 131.

and their Place in Primeval Archeology. 263

peachable authorities on foreign or already archaic subjects, as dim perhaps in
their day as ours, obviously write as antiquaries in this matter, rather exploring
and suggesting that which might have been, than narrating that which had
been.'

While thus guarding against erroneous conclusions with reference to the
Tyrian origin of megalithic vestiges, it is desirable to glance at what appears to
me to be the actual points of contact. There is probably no doubt that the
people whom we know as Phoenicians had primevally been accustomed to employ
unhewn megaliths. Apart from the presumption to this effect from the almost
universality of the practice, there are certain more direct intimations of a cor-
roborative character. Thus, in the earliest records of their neighbours and con-
geners of the Semitic race, the Jews, we find mention of such relics as the stone of
Bethel in proof of the once existence of this rude art among them, and we note
what may be called its symbolic retention in the reiterated injunction that the
" altars of the Lord shall be built of whole stones, over which no man hath lift
up iron."b The Phoenicians also retained among their holy things a remem-
brance which may be regarded as an index to that which had gone before. For
they invested certain rude stones with reverential attributes, and within the
historical period paid them the honours of worship0 under the name of Batylia,,A a

8 See, for example, Strabo's discussion on the Cabiri, those very prominent divinities in the Phoenician
Mythology, lib. x.

b Joshua viii. 31 ; also, Exodus xx. 25; and Deuteronomy xxvii. 5.

c This was not, probably, a barbarous fetishism, as indeed what little we know of Phoenician cultus
would serve to indicate. Compare the Peruvian worship of stones at Cuzeo, which coexisted with what
is stated to have been the rendering of homage to an immaterial divinity : " Honorait-on (les pierres)
comme des souvenirs, loin de les adorer comme des Dieux." — Desjardins, Le Perou avant la Conquete,
p. 101.

d Baron Alexander von Humboldt has incidentally referred to Btetylia, as forming " an important part
of the meteor worship of the ancients." (Cosmos. Sabine's ed. vol. i. p. 125.) And the marvellous
accuracy in almost illimitable details which that illustrious philosopher evinces in liis last great work
may well beget hesitation in supposing that any of his statements of fact are not substantially founded.
It is true that among the Phoenicians Bostylia appear to have been held as sacred stones which had come
from heaven (Miinter, Religion der Karthager, 119 el passim). Whether they were actual aerolites, and
first worshipped because thus seemingly divine emanations, or whether in their character of dwelling-place
of God a divine origin was ascribed to them, is by no means plain. But to assume the former and apply
this idea universally as explanatory of the primitive conception which led for instance to the religious
use of unhewn stones among the Jews, as at Bethel, and in the construction of the altar, and inferentially
among the Semitic Phoenicians, would involve casuistical reasoning not to be readily admitted in such
investigations, as requiring the argument to lead up to a supposititiously pre-existing but forgotten esoteric

2N2

264 On Festiges of Ortholithic Remains in North Africa,

word whose radical identity with the Jewish Bethel may be readily observed."
Besides this probable vestige of their primeval past, embalmed so to say amid a
newer order of things, it is possible that megaliths, still extant in their ancient
territory and in other portions of Palestine, are remains of that past.1' But it is
to be remembered that we must not necessarily assume a Phoenician or Semitic
origin for them, as there is room for the alternative that any or all of them may
be referable to preceding occupants, especially if we consider the known fluctua-
tions of population in those regions.

Although objections might perhaps be taken to the validity of deductions
arrived at from any of the foregoing facts considered individually, still the
general tenor of the circumstances which have been stated may be said to esta-
blish that the rearing of unhewn megaliths was at one time common to that
branch of the Semitic family seated on the northern coast of Palestine, but
whether after their national existence under the name of Phoenicians we cannot
say. One thing however is not to be overlooked, that when they come upon the
stage of history what little is revealed to us exhibits a very different condition of
affairs.

It is unfortunately the case that of the remains of this great people we have as
yet discovered but mere traces, partly in consequence of what may have been the
character of their civilization, partly from the vicissitudes through which their
ancient seats of power have passed, and partly, no doubt, because research has
not been very actively directed to their old central home. We are now indeed
recovering a few vestiges, such as the sarcophagus' recently presented to the
Louvre and described by the Due de Luynes, which is altogether Egyptian in
appearance. But the probable date of this relic refers it to the period of their
decadence. Of then1 earlier art we know hardly anything ; and its probable type
has been the subject of very opposite opinions. M. Pulszky, the most recent

conception, of which even the special external symbol (of all things in matters religious apt to be the most
permanent), the meteoric stone, had ceased to be a necessary adjunct.

a It is remarkable that yet another branch of the Semitic race has and retains to this day a relic of
this early reverence, and under the very same name. The goal of Mohammedan pilgrimage, the Kaaba
at Mecca, which covers the sacred stone, is known as Beit Allah, the House of God. — Travels of AH
Bey (Burckhardt), vol. ii. 50.

b See Stanley's Sinai and Palestine, p. 272. A very interesting sketch of a cromlech near Gadara,
east of the Jordan, is now in the library of the Society of Antiquaries, having been presented by Mr.
Robertson Blaine. See Proceedings, 1st Scries, vol. iv. p. 308.

c Another has recently arrived in England ; and from Mr. Davis' researches at Carthage some few probable
traces of old, though not the oldest, time have appeared.

and their Place in Primeval Archaeology. 265

writer a who treats of it, has placed it very much lower than historical allusions
seem to me to warrant, in consequence of founding his opinion too exclusively
upon certain barbarous figures of very doubtful ascription, and whose character,
even if they were distinctly ascertained to be Phoenician, would not justify such
wide conclusions. For instance, I have several times found what in some respects
might be classed with these, the well-known Egyptian shabti or sepulchral figures,
sufficiently rude to have proceeded from untutored savages, and yet deposited in
tombs dating from flourishing periods of mechanical and decorative art, and
associated with objects of skilful finish. Roman and colonial Greek pennies which
are sometimes of the most imperfect execution and inelegant proportions are also
cases in point, and they, in their relation to what Greek or Roman hands did or
could produce, offer a more decided commentary if the rude figures on which
M. Pulszky relies be placed beside a small golden bull of beautiful workmanship
and fair proportions, though constrained in attitude and conventional in design,
which bears on the plinth a Phoenician inscription, and is in the possession of
the Prince of Trabia at Palermo, where I have seen it. In fact, it is taking
a very narrow view of the question to make any decided deductions from such
imagines as those referred to, even although the absence of more numerous and
more certain relics of the Phoenicians may naturally give some prominence to
these trifles. Even of their pottery, — that archaeological harvest usually so
abundant, — the probable examples hitherto detected are few and not always
to be relied on."

But still in the midst of this present comparative void there are sufficient
indicia to leave no room for the conjecture that during the historical period, or
at any time when their condition approached that which the earliest intimations
reveal to us, the Phoenicians were spreading through the world the rude con-
structive method of unhewn megaliths. This would indeed be a remarkable
propagandism simultaneously to proceed from the same people who had not
only given to the western nations a knowledge of alphabetic writing, but whose
fame, already ancient at the birth of European and Hebrew literature, repre-
sents them as constantly carrying on distant maritime enterprises for commer-
cial purposes, that sure evidence of high capacity for material and mechanical
civilization. And in truth, in our oldest records, both sacred and secular, their
name and the staple products of their traffic were associated with the highest
degree of opulent luxury then known, their buildings were described as spacious

• M. Pulszky, in Nott and Gliddon's Indigenous Races of the Earth, p. 135, et teq.
'' See those referred to in Birch's elaborate History of Ancient Pottery, vol. i. p. 154.

266 On Vestiges of OrtholUhic Remains in Nortli Africu,

and magnificent." and their artisans were renowned as "cunning to work" ' in

w * O

the most decorative lands of handicraft. It may be true that contemporaneously
their eultug retained a place for rude stone emblems, but to find in this any argu-
ment that they were then diffusing a inegalithic constructive style would be
nearly equivalent to supposing that the conquests of Ancient Egypt under the
great nionarchs of the eighteenth dynasty had spread the manufacture of stone
tools and weapons, because the Egyptians then used a stone knife c for a special
religious purpose in the process of embalming, having preserved in this peculiar
function the primitive implement in the midst of refined ingenuity and splendid
magnificence. In short, when we speak of the Phoenicians as probably practising
rude megalithic work, it should be remembered that we are almost beyond the
pale of history as regards them. To start therefore with the preconceived
impression and to bring forward isolated allusions in ancient literature without
attending to its general bearing will only produce a misleading result : because
for all practical purposes the question is preliistoric and archaeological, and is an
affair of induction rather than of special testimony.

Looking at it then in this light, there is one broad consideration which is
worthy of attention. Throughout, for example, Western Europe (the whole
subject not being here under discussion) a large proportion of the inegalithic
vestiges are sepulchral. JSTow the earliest remembrances of the Syrian branch of
the Semitic races point to rock burial, either derived from Egypt where it existed
back to, and therefore before, the utmost explored limits of her vast antiquity, or
springing from a common origin or from similar causes. The imagery of the
Hebrew Scriptures, from the Book of Job to the Prophecy of Ezekiel, teems with
allusions to " graves set in the sides of the pit " d — a phrase singularly descriptive
of the deep-sunk shafts of the Nile valley where we know them best. The oldest
traditional memories of the Jews cluster round the same venerable practice;
their very genesis is associated with the sepulchral cave of Macpelah ; and to
this hour many of the mountains of Palestine are honeycombed with tombs.

* Josephus, Antiq. viii. 2, quoting Menander and Dius, and apud eund. Cant. Apion, lib. ii. cited in
Ancient Universal History, vol. ii. 5. Compare Silius Italicus, lib. iii.

b 2 Chronicles ii. 7.

c Herodotus (ii. 86) and Diodorus mention the fact ; and specimens of the knives have been found.
Compare the similar religious use of a stone knife retained by the Jews in the rite of circumcision : and
another curious instance existed in Pern, -where a knife of silex was used to cat the hair of the heir to
the throne of the Incas, at the ceremony of his being weaned.

d Ezekiel, xxxii. 23.

and their Place in Primeval Archceology. 267

But, while there are direct intimations that the Phoenicians followed the same
system, it may be well not to overlook an unique memorial still extant in their
ancient territory, and conventionally known as the " Tomb of Hiram. "a This is
a sarcophagus sufficiently large to hold a single body, covered by a long slab, and
supported on upright unhewn stones.1' Whether it is to be attributed to an
antecedent allophylian population cannot, as I have before observed generally, be
positively asserted or denied, or whether it may be regarded as one of the early
Phoenician developments of the megalithic mode, worked out without reference to
external intercourse, or springing from a partial graft of Egyptian burial practices,
whereby the idea of the stone coffin came to be associated with the pristine ortho-
liths. I am not aware if the latter hypothesis has been advanced by any of those
who doubt the independent growth of structural resemblances, or whether it
has been suggested that cromlechs were the decadence from or a rude copy of
Phoenician sepulchres, held to be represented by such an exemplar as the " Tomb
of Hiram."

In direct discord with any idea of this kind as referable to the Phoenicians, at
any time within the range of our materials relating to them, we have some means
of ascertaining what burial practices they were spreading in the "West. We have
seen from the primeval Semitic use of rock tombs what were the antecedent
probabilities ; and when at Carthage we find a well-known hill hard by so pierced
with tombs that the most recent visitor describes it as "apparently one vast

* See view in Allen's Dead Sea.

h Stanley (Sinai and Palestine, p. 272), who cursorily alludes to this monument, adds with unsatisfactory
brevity: " there are other broken stones in the neighbourhood." It is greatly to be regretted that,
so far I know, it is impossible to find anything like a detailed account of the monuments in Phoenicia.
I have often examined many books of travels with a very intangible result in this respect. Those who
have treated of matters specially Phoenician would seem to have had no greater success ; and there is no
adequate information on this point to be found 1'or example in Mover's laborious work Die Phonizer, which
has not yet, however, reached the strictly archaeological branch of the subject ; or in Gerhardt's Die Kumt
der Phunizer (Abhand. der Konig. Akad. zu Berlin, 1846), where monuments of more than doubtful
ascription, and in other countries than Phoenicia, arc mostly dealt with ; or in Kenrick's careful volume,
Phoenicia, whose archaeological data are indeed chiefly derived from the two works which have just been
named.

I regret that, when in those parts about three years ago, an insurrection at Nablous, and other circum-
stances, prevented my reaching that portion of Palestine. I was once not without hopes of finding a future
opportunity ; but I venture to suggest to those who may have it in their power, that a search, not only in
Phoenicia, but elsewhere in Syria, not only for megalithic, but all other primitive vestiges, and careful
descriptions of them, would be of very great interest and use.

2G8 On Vestiges of Ortholithic Remains in North Africa,

necropolis," a we shall not probably be wrong in thence deducing some proof of
the sepulchral customs which the Phoenicians were then likely to carry towards
the Pillars of Hercules.1' In the island of Malta more distinct evidence has been
met with of the use by that people of some of the very numerous rock catacombs
there.c

All this is not of course to be understood as demonstrating that the Phoenicians
buried their dead only in this manner, and as affording an adequate foundation
for any argument that might be deduced from the assumption of any such
exclusiveness of practice. Indeed, the Egyptians themselves, who were pre-
eminently excavators, did not adhere to the system without any exception ;
neither did the Jews do so invariably ; and reason itself indicates how among any
people diversities in such a matter would readily arise from circumstances indi-
vidually accidental or locally permanent. But, without discussing minutely the
funeral customs of the Phoenicians, my intention has been to specify what must
be held to have been the characteristic development of those within the range of
oui' knowledge, and what is the archaeological teaching on the subject as applied
to the historic period from its very dawn, so that we may know exactly the ground
we tread when we meet with the word Phoenician used in this connexion.

Having thus endeavoured to estimate the distorted historic element which is
often imported into the consideration of various branches of the question before
us, I would wish on the present occasion only to insist, before concluding, on one
broad position in the archaeological investigation of rude megalithic remains, the
neglect of which it is that is most fruitful of inconclusive speculations. This
axiom, if I may so call it, simply is, that the grouping of megaliths is not neces-
sarily a style of arcliitecture, but merely in itself a constructive mode at once so
untutored and natural as to bespeak, if need be, its independent universality. It
is no more a style than is building in strata or courses as such. But, as the latter
has in various centres been developed from its character of crude element into
forms so artificially definite as to become nationally or generically peculiar, so
the ortholithic mode was capable of receiving and perpetuating the impress of
diverse ethnographic idiosyncrasies. It is very possible to conceive that it has
done so, and hence the hope of tracing out by means of its vestiges various secrets
of the primeval world; but hence also the necessity for employing a studious
minuteness in comparing the remains which, so to say, form the alphabet of the

• Blakesley's Four Months in Algeria, p. 407.

" See Histaire de FAcademie des Inscriptions, vol. xlii. pp. 55, 87.

c See Vassallo's brochure, Monumenti Antichi nd Gruppo di Malta.

and their Place in Primeval Arclueology \ 269

inquiry. Instead of dwelling merely on their general resemblances and deducing
comprehensive classifications, it is rather their minute differences which should
first be sought out. All the more essential is this, from the rude simplicity of
this structural method allowing but moderate scope for recognisable variation ;
and, indeed, comparisons will ever be more satisfactory when they can descend
to the most special particulars by including other relics, such as sepulchral
deposits found in juxta-position with the optholiths.

Therefore it is not too much to say, if these views be correct, that speculations
of a very wide scope are as yet altogether premature. When we know better the
precise character of the early remains which central Asia presents, and possess the
results of minuter researches among those which linger on the confines and in
the eastern countries of Europe, we may be in a position to undertake the
solution of very comprehensive problems. But, in the meantime, those ingenious
views* which would trace an influx of primordial population from Asia to western
Europe by merely indicating the presence of megalithic vestiges along, for
instance, the course of some of the great Russian rivers, without considering their
special details, such views must be regarded simply as suggestive hypotheses, not
as adequate deductions — as belonging to that species of doubtful balance of
probabilities which is carefully to be distinguished from true scientific gain.

The time may perhaps come when an ample series of carefully collected facts
may admit of speculations like these being tried by the test of a sufficiently wide
and precise induction, and verified, modified, or dislocated. For each of these
conclusions at present there is verge enough, and each when warrantably arrived
at would open the way for applying the resources of archaeology with effect to the
broadest ethnological questions. But if in this wide field the products of labour
would probably, for many years at least, be unreal, or at best only provisional ;
there is a certain section not too narrow to afford a base of sufficient extent, and
not too comprehensive to preclude the hope, under present circumstances, of
adequately grasping it. The accumulation of materials, and the activity of
research, will, I do not doubt, admit of the whole continent of Europe being
brought under one survey at no distant date. And, while the fundamental
problem of primordial originea and one central diffusive point must for the time
remain in abeyance, or receive only a reflected light from such a survey, there
are other topics of scarcely inferior interest with which it will be very capable of
dealing. It will not only enable a more definite estimate to be formed of the

• Such as are skilfully developed in Worsaae's Zur Alterthumskunde dea Nordens; and in his brochure,
Die Nationale Alterthumskunde in Deutschland.

VOL. XXXVIII. 2 O

270 On Vestiges of Ortholithic Remains in North Africa,

significance of general analogies, but show the nature, extent, and divergence of
special geographical developments in primeval culture throughout the not incon-
siderable area of that which has long been the most important Quarter of the
earth. And, in view of the possibility of arriving at such and allied results which
will readily suggest themselves, it may be permitted to revert to what has been
said at the beginning of this paper, with reference to the shores of the Mediter-
ranean. There, if anywhere — there, where so many historic civilisations have
sprung up, flourished, and withered, we might not unreasonably expect that
similar if ruder plants of still earlier growth would, amid the same natural
conditions, find something to shape and determine a particular development whose
character their traces, if any, might yet exhibit. Nor are these wanting. On a
future occasion I hope to be able to discuss some of them more fully, and in
another form ; but I would venture here to indicate to any who may have oppor-
tunities, that in this field there is much scope for personal inquiry, and many
landmarks not yet recorded. While to every portion of it this remark is more or
less applicable, I would point to the Spanish peninsula as a special illustration.
In primeval archaeology I imagine that at present it exhibits almost a blank.
After some inquiry in the country (which, however, I hope more fully to renew),
as well as elsewhere, I have been able to glean hardly any descriptive materials.
A search in various books of travels, has been almost entirely unproductive ; and
an examination of the available local topographical works of the district, to which
as yet I have been limited, was all but equally barren of result. But it is not to
be conceived in consequence that the peninsula is so destitute of archaic vestiges.
Not only the presence of numerous early remains in the neighbouring Balearic
Islands a would discourage this supposition, but we have some evidence (besides
mere incidental allusions) of their existence in Spain itself. For example, a
remarkable megalithic structure, a long chamber covered by a tumulus, in the
neighbourhood of Antequera (province of Andalucia), has been carefully described
and illustrated by an architect of those parts, in a pamphlet lately published.1'
And in Portugal, as long ago as 1733, Don Mendoza de Pina presented to the
Royal Academy of History a memoir on ortholiths in that country.

But while there are indications of the possible data to be found, it is greatly to
be regretted that we are without even moderately ample details of the early
remains of a territory so important in the ancient world from its mineral wealth,

• See De la Marmora's Le hole BdUare, and Voyage en Sardaiyne, passim.

1 Memoria sobre A Templo Dnuda hallado en -las cercanias de la ciudad de Antequera, by Don Rafael
Mitjana. Malaga, 1847.

and their Place in Primeval Archeology . 271

whose people are historically recorded to have manifested some certain specialities
of culture at a very remote epoch, and whose mountains still protect the relics of
a primitive population. In alluding to this want at the close of this paper, I am
conscious that I may seem to trespass beyond my subject. But I have ventured
to do so from a twofold object : on the one hand, in the hope of being directed
to some additional sources of information which as yet have escaped me ; and
on the other, with the view of urging that antiquaries, whether native or foreign,
who may find themselves favourably circumstanced, would render efficient service
to European archaeology by contributing, through the medium of personal inves-
tigation, to a more systematic knowledge of the vestiges of ancient Iberia.

2o2

272

XIX. Some Observations relating to Four Deeds from the Muniment Eoom at
Maxstoke Castle, co. Warwick; exhibited by JOSEPH JACKSON HOWARD,
Esq., F.S.A. By THOMAS WILLIAM KING, Esq., F.S.A., York Herald.

liead June 9, 1859.

THE earliest of the four Deeds exhibited is without date, but is probably of the
latter half of the thirteenth century; by it William de Oddynggeshel, lord of
the manor of Solihull, gave and confirmed to Kobert Tyberay a piece of land in
Solihull, lying in the township of the borough of Solihull, to him and his heirs.

The seal of green wax appended to this Deed (Plate XIV. fig. 1) has on it a
shield with a fess and in chief two mullets, being the arms of Odingsells ; the
inscription, which is very faint, reads * S* WILLI D6 OVDINGeSBLGS.

William de Odingsells, Lord of Maxstoke, was descended from Galfrid de Oding-
sells, who was Lord of Maxstoke in right of his wife Basilia, daughter and coheir
of Gerard de Limsey, Lord of Maxstoke ; a marriage which took place about the
20 Henry II. The arms borne by this line are those on the seal now exhibited ;
but Hugh de Odingsells, a younger son of Galfrid just mentioned, took the name
of De Flanders from having resided in that country, and he added a mullet to the
two already in the arms, changing their tincture to sable. Ida, one of the
daughters and coheirs of William de Odingsells, became the wife of Sir John de
Clinton, Knight, who was Lord of Maxstoke in her right. He was summoned to
parliament 27 Edward I., and died 8 Edward II. Of this marriage there were
two sons, John Baron Clinton, of Maxstoke, who was summoned to parliament
6 Edward III., and William de Clinton, Earl of Huntingdon.

This William de Clinton, who was created Earl of Huntingdon in 1337, was
the grantor in the second Deed exhibited, by which he gave to John Bertulmeu,
of Maxstoke, a piece of land called Sotecroft, in exchange for a piece of land in the
Ruddynge. On the seal appended to this Deed (Plate XIV. fig. 2) are six crosses
crosslet fitchy, and on a chief two mullets of six points, Clinton : the shield is
inclosed in a foliated circle of nine-foils, and accompanied by the six lions rampant
of Leybourne in the area of the seal, two over the shield, and two on each side,
the Earl having married Juliana, daughter and heir of Sir Thomas Leybourne,
Knight, who had previously married John Lord Hastings of Abergavenny, and Sir
Thomas Blount, Steward of the Household to Edward II. This instrument bears

J.

4.*

SEALS FROM DEEDS BELATOJlVTO MAXSTOKE CASTLE

Observations relating to Four Deeds from Maxstoke Castle. 273

date at Maxstoke on Sunday next after the Feast of St. Barnabas the Apostle in
24 Edw. III. (13th June, 1350). Here I would call attention to the six crosses
crosslets fitchy in the arms, which are not in those of John Baron Clinton, who
was descended from the elder brother of the Earl of Huntingdon, and who
executed the deed next mentioned.

The third Deed, in order of date, was made by John Baron Clinton, 17th May,
16 Hen. VI. (1438). By it he granted to Humphry, Earl of Stafford, and
Anne his wife the castle and manor of Maxstoke, 100 acres of meadow, and
200 acres of pasture in Shistoke and Coleshill within the park of Maxstoke, and
a piece of land called Maydefurlonge, parcel of the manor of Shistoke, and also a
rent of 20 marks in Maxstoke, Merston, and Coton, and also the advowson of the
Priory of St. Michael of Maxstoke ;a to hold the same to the said Earl and Anne
and the heirs and assigns of the said Earl for ever, with power of re-entry into
the same or a proportionate part thereof, in case John Lord Clinton and his wife,
or either of them, or his heirs or assigns, should be evicted, as therein mentioned,
from all or any part of the manors of Wliissheton and Wodeford, in the county of
Northampton, which were to be conveyed to them by the Earl.'1

To this Deed two seals are appended; the first (Plate XIV., fig. 3) bears the
arms of Lord Clinton in a side-standing shield, being the arms of Clinton, repre-
sented as two mullets pierced in chief, and not on a chief, and without any charge
in the field (which I beg to notice particularly), quartering those of Say, viz. :
Quarterly or and gules. The helmet upon which the crest is placed is supported
by two greyhounds. The legend runs thus ;

&igiUn' ioij'is fc'ni lie clnnton & toe fag,

The second seal (Plate XIV., fig. 4) is that of the Earl of Stafford, containing a
side-standing shield of the single coat of Stafford (Or, a chevron gules), the field
of which is beautifully purfled ; probably a rare instance of purfling being used on
a seal. On the helmet is placed the crest, a swan's head and wings issuant from
a coronet, the helmet being supported by two heraldic antelopes. This seal
exhibits in a remarkable degree the exquisite taste and beauty of seals of this
period. The legend runs —

S?igtllu' iBumftfti romitts ftaffortue & $mijte fc'nt

• The Priory of Austin Canons at Maxstoke was founded by William de Clinton, Earl of Huntingdon,
in 133G.

11 This Deed is quoted by Dugdiilc in his Warwickshire, being then in the possession of Sir Thomas Dilke,
ancestor of the present possessor.

274 Observations relating to Four Deeds from the Muniment Rooin

(The remainder of the legend being defective.) The counter seal (fig. 4<?) is a
shield with the arms of Stafford only, surrounded by a cord, in Avhieli three
Stafford knots are elegantly introduced. I am informed by Mr. Howard, through
whose kindness these interesting documents are exhibited, that the Stafford knot
is still to be seen on the gates of Maxstoke Castle, as mentioned by Dugdale.

Humphry Earl of Stafford, whose seal is attached to this Deed, was elected
(while Earl of Stafford) a Knight of the Garter, on the 22d April, 7 Hen. VI.
The single coat and crest of Stafford are upon his Garter-plate, with his style,
" Le Coute de Stafford." He was created Duke of Buckingham 14th September,
1444, and was Earl of Buckingham, Hereford, Northampton, and Perche (the last a
French title), also Lord of Brecknock and Holderness. He was Captain of Calais,
Warden of the Cinque Ports, and Constable of England ; and was slain at the
battle of Northampton on the part of King Henry VI. in 1460. He was
buried at Northampton, but his remains were afterwards removed to Plessy in
Essex.

I proceed now to offer a few remarks upon the Family of the Loi'ds Clinton : —

John de Clinton, Baron Clinton, whom I have before mentioned as elder
brother of William Earl of Huntingdon, had a son, John Baron Clinton, who
was heir to his uncle the said Earl, and married Idonea, eldest daughter of
Geoffrey Baron Say (whose male issue afterwards failed), by whom he had issue
Sir William Clinton, who died in the lifetime of his father, in 7 Richard II.
The father died 20 Richard II. leaving his grandson, William Baron Clinton, of
Maxstoke, his heir, who died in 10 Henry VT. and was father of John Baron
Clinton, who executed the Deed under consideration. The latter appears from
his descent to have used the style of Baron de Say ; but by deed of 1st November,
27 Henry VI. (1448), he released all claim to the name, style, and honour of the
Barony of Say, and the arms of Say, to his cousin James Fenys, Baron Say and
Sele, who was not a coheir to the Barony. Notwithstanding this release, how-
ever, we find that Edward Baron Clinton, his great-grandson, who was created
Earl of Lincoln in 1572, and had been elected a Knight of the Garter in the
5th Edward VI. is called on his Garter-plate "Earl of Lincoln, and Baron
Clinton and Say;" and the arms of Clinton (with the crosses crosslet in the
field) are given quarterly with those of Say, which are in the second quarter.

Whatever pretensions John Baron Clinton had to the Barony of Say, it does
not appear according to the doctrine of later times that he could have been entitled
to the entire barony, taking it in the ordinary acceptation of a barony in fee under

at Maxstoke Castle, co. Warwick. 27;">

a writ of summons to parliament. It is not improbable that in this instance, as
it may have been in other cases, he was coheir to lands originally forming a
barony by tenure, and so assumed the style of Baron de Say. He was attainted
in 1460, but restored to his title and honours in 1461, 1 Edw. IV. . He died in
1464. It is almost needless to say that his Grace the present Duke of Newcastle
is lineally descended from him in the male line ; and that the present Baron
Clinton descends from him through female lines.

The fourth and last Deed is one of Henry second Duke of Buckingham, dated
the 26th February, 20 Edw. IV. (1481), in which he is described as Henry Duke of
Buckingham, Earl of Hereford, Stafford, and Northampton; by it he granted
and confirmed to the Archbishops of Canterbury and York, the Bishops of Ely,
Durham, Lichfield, and Lincoln, the Earl of Essex, the Lords Hastings, Howard,
Ferrers, and sixteen other feoffees, his manors of Wawenswootton, Church
Salforcl, Great "Wolford, Little Wolford, "Whatcote, the castle and manor of
Maxstoke, and Esthall and "Westhall in Sheldon, in the county of "Warwick ; but
for what purpose does not appear.

A mere fragment remains of the seal appended to this Deed, (Plate XIV.
fig. 5,) on which can only be read a portion of the legend " lUjrtijtimutON," So
much of the arms as remain shew that he quartered the coat of Bohun. The
supporters to the helmet are the same as those on his grandfather's seal. The
field or area of the seal seems to have been powdered with Stafford-knots, three
of which may be seen in the remaining portion of the impression.

Henry second Duke of Buckingham succeeded his grandfather Humphry in
1460. He is best known to us by his unsuccessful attempt to dethrone
Richard III. He was beheaded at Salisbury in 1483, and his estates forfeited.
They were however restored by Henry VII. to his son Edward, the third Duke ;
but Maxstoke Castle, with the other estates, were again forfeited to the crown on
the attainder of the latter in 1521. The castle is now the property and residence
of Charles Fetherston Dilke, Esq. whose ancestor Sir Thomas Dilke purchased it,
according to Dugdale, in the 41st of Elizabeth.

I have thus endeavoured to offer a few observations on these interesting
documents, which are given in extemo in the Appendix. The seals, particularly
that of Clinton with the lions of Leybourne, and those attached to the deed
exchange of Maxstoke Castle Avith the Earl of Stafford in 16 Hen. VI. are worthy
of especial notice, not only on account of the chaste and elegant style in which
they are executed, but for the peculiarities they exhibit, as illustrative of the
practice of heraldry at the periods to which they belong.

276 Four Deeds from tlie Muniment Room

APPENDIX,

I.

Grant by William de Oddingsell.

Sciant prescntes ct futuri quod ego Willielmus de Oddynggeshele dominus manerii de Solihulle
dedi conccssi et hac present! carta mea confirmavi Roberto Tyberay unam placeain tcrrc mee cum
pertinenciis in villa burgi de Solihulle jacentem inter cimiterium de Solihulle ct altum vicum, et
continentem sc in latitudine triginta unum pedes, et in longitudine sexaginta et octo pedes,
et aliam placcam terre mee cum pertinenciis jacentem inter terrain Hugonis sutoris ct domum
Williclmi Abel, ct continentem se in longitudine viginti et duo pedes ct in latitudine sexdecim pedes;
Habendas et tenendas de me et lieredibus meis sibi et heredibus suis libere, quietc, bene et in pace,
hereditaric impcrpctuuni, cum omnibus libertatibus dicte tcrre pcrtinentibus, et adeo libcrc in omni-
bus sccundum consuctudines ct libertates liberi 1'ori et mcrcati de foro de Burmisham usitatas;
Reddcndo inde annuatim mihi ct heredibus meis ipse et hercdcs sui vel assignati sui viginti et
duos denarios argenti ad duos anni terminos, videlicet, ad festum Sancti Michaelis undecim denarios,
et ad festum beatc Marie in Marcio undecim denarios, pro omnibus sccularibus serviciis et dcmandis.
Et ego vcro dictus "Willielmus de Oddynggeshele et heredes mei dicto Roberto et heredibus suis
totam prcdictam terrain particularitcr nominatam cum omnibus libertatibus suis contra omnes
homines et feminas warentizabimus, acquietabimus, et imperpctuum defcndemus. In cujus rei
tcstimonium huic present! carte sigillum mcum apposui. Hiis testibus Thoma de Fonte, Hcnrico
Hamond, Roberto Oyen, Willielmo Louell,(?) Thoma clcrico, et aliis.

II.

Grant by William de Clinton, Earl of Huntingdon.

Omnibus Christi fidelibus ad quos prcscns scriptum pervcnerit Willielmus de Clyntone Comes
Iluntyngdonc salutem in Domino. Novcritis nos concessisse, dimisisse, et present! scripto nostro
confirmasse Johanni Bertulmcu dc Maxstoke unam placeam tcrre vocatam Sotecroft in cxcambium
unius placee terre in Le Ruddyng quondam dc novo assarto ; Habcndam et tenendam predictam
placcam terre cum suis pertinenciis predicto Johanni ad totam vitam suam in excambium predictum
dc nobis predicto Comitc libcrc, quiete, bcnc, et in pace ; Rcddendo inde nobis servicia et consuetudines
que prius reddidit. Et nos vero dictus Comes predictam placeam tcrre cum suis pertinenciis
predicto Johanni ad totam vitam suam in excambium predictum contra omncs gcntes waran-
tizabimus ct dcffendemus. In cujus rei testimonium huic present! scripto nostro sigillum nostrum

at Maxstoke Castle, co. Warwick. 277

apposuiinus. Hiis testibus, Willielmo Waldezinc, Edinundo de Alspatlic, Ricardo dc Burbache,
Thoma de Le Holt, Roberto du Boys, et aliis. Datum apud Maxstoke die dominica proxima post
festum Sancti Barnabe apostoli anno regni Regis Edwardi tercii post conquestum vicesimo
quarto.

III.

Grant by John Lord Clinton.

Sciant presentes et futuri quod ego Johannes Dominus de Clyntone dedi, concessi, et hac present!
carta mea indentata confirmavi Humfrido Comiti Stafford et Anne uxori ejus castrum et manerium
de Maxstoke cum pertinenciis in comitatu Warr', ac centum acras prati, ducentas acras pasture in
Shisstoke et Colshille infra parcum de Maxstoke modo inclusas, ac unam parcellam terre vocatam
Maydefurlonge, parcellam manerii de Shisstoke, jacentem in quodam campo vocato Monewode dicto
manerio dc Maxstoke pertinente, necnon viginti marcatas redditus cum pertinenciis in Maxstoke,
Merstone, et Cotone, ac advocacionem prioratus sancti Michaelis de Maxstoke in eodem comitatu;
Habenda et tenenda predicta castrum et manerium, terras, prata, pasturas, redditum, et advocacionem
cum pertinenciis prefato Comiti et Anne, heredibus, et assignatis ipsius comitis imperpetuum. Et
ego prefatus Johannes Dominus de Clyntone et heredes mei predicta castrum et manerium, terras,
prata, pasturas, redditum ct advocacionem cum pertinenciis prefato Comiti et Anne, heredibus, et
assignatis ipsius comitis warantizabimus contra omnes gentes imperpetuum sub condicionibus subse-
quentibus, scilicet, si contingat maneria de Whisshetone et Wodeford cum pertinenciis in comitatu
Xortht' ac alia terras et tenementa cum pertinenciis in villis de Whisshetone et Wodeford in eodem
comitatu, que ego prefatus Johannes Dominus de Clyntone et Johanna uxor mea habebimus nobis
heredibus et assignatis mei prefati Johannis ex dono et feoffamento prefati comitis, post donum ct
f'eoffamentum ilia nobis inde sic facta, recuperari in futurum versus nos dictos Johannem ct Johan-
nam, vel alterum nostrum, heredes, sen assignatos mei prefati Johannis, absque fraude vel malo
ingenio mei predicti Johannis hcredum seu assignatorum meorum, virtute alicujus tituli originem
habcntis ante dicta donum et feoffamentum nobis prefatis Johanni et Johanne heredibus et assig-
natis mei prefati Johannis per prefatum comitcm inde in forma predicta fienda ; aut si contingat nos
prefatos Johannem et Johannam, vel alterum nostrum, heredes, seu assignatos mei prefati Johannis
de eisdem maneriis, terris, et teuementis cum pertinenciis cxpelli vel amoveri per prefatum comitem,
heredes, seu assignatos suos, seu aliquem alium inde titulum habentem capientem originem ante
dicta donum et feoffamentum per prefatum comitem sic fienda, absque fraude vel covina mei
prefati Johannis, heredum, seu assignatorum meorum, quod extunc benc licebit michi prefato Johanni,
heredibus, ct assignatis meis post hujusmodi recupcracionem corundem mancriorum, terrarum, et
tcnemcntorum cum pertinenciis, aut hujusmodi cxpulsionem et amocionem inde in forma predicta
factas, in predicta castrum ct manerium dc Maxstoke, ac terras, prata, pasturas, redditum, ct advo-
cacionem prcdictas cum pertinenciis reintrare, reseisirc, et ilia in pristine statu meo michi ct here-
•libus meis haberc ct possiderc, predictis dono ct feoffamento inde fiendis non obstantibus. Et BI

VOL. XXXVUI. 2 P

278 Four Deeds from the Muniment Boom

contingat aliquam parcellam dictorum mancriorum de Whisshetonc ct Wodcfbrd tcrrarum ct tenc-
mcntorum predictorum cum pertinenciis in villis de Whisshetone ct Wodeford versus preiatum
Johannem et Johannam uxorem meam, seu alterum nostrum, heredes, seu assignatos mci prefati
Johannis, absquc fraude vel malo ingenio mei prefati Johannis, heredum, seu assignatorum ineorum
in futurum recuperari, virtutealicujus tituli originem habentis ante donum et feoffamentum predicta
de eisdem maneriis, terris, ct tenementis per predictum comitem nobis ficnda ; aut si contingat
nos prefatos Johannem et Johannam aut alterum nostrum heredes seu assignatos mei prefati
Johannis de aliqua parcella eorundem maneriorum, terrarum, et tenementorum cum pertinenciis
expelli vel amoveri per prefatum coraitem, heredes, vel assignatos suos, seu aliquem alium inde titulum
habentem capientcm originem ante donum ct feoffamentum predicta inde ficnda, extunc bene licebit
michi prefato Johanni et heredibus nieis in parcellam predictorum castri et manerii de Maxstokc.
terrarum, pratorum, pasturarum, redditus, et advocacionis predictorum cum pertinenciis attingentem
ad valorem illius parcelle maneriorum dc Whisshetone et Wodeford terrarum et tenementorum in villis
de Whisshetone et Wodeford predictis sic versus nos prefatos Johannem et Johannam, vel alterum
nostrum, heredes, seu assignatos mei prefati Johannis recuperate, aut de qua contigcrit nos prefatos
Johannem et Johannam, aut altcrum nostrum, heredes, seu assignatos mei prefati Johannis in forma
predicta expelli seu amoveri, reintrare, et reseisire, et ilia in pristine statu meo michi ct heredibus
meishabere et possidere imperpetuum, predictis dono et feoffamento de castro et manerio de Maxstoke,
terris, pratis, pasturis, redditu et advocacione, predictis factis non obstantibus. In cujus rei testi-
monium utrique parti hujus carte indentate tam ego prefatus Johannes quam prefatus comes
sigilla nostra apposuimus. Datum decimo septimo die Maii anno regni Eegis Henrici sexti post
conquestum sextodecimo.

IV.

Grant of Henry Duke of Buckingham.

Sciant presentes et futuri quod nos Henricus Dux Buk', Comes Herford Staff1 et Northamt', dedi-
mus, concessimus, et hac presenti carta nostra confirmavimus Rcverendo in Christo patri et
domino Thome iniseracionc divina tituli sancti Ciriaci in ThermiB sacrosancte Romano ecclesic
presbitero Cardinal!, Cantuariensi Archiepiscopo, tocius Anglic primati, et Apostolice sedis legato,
Eeverendo in Christo patri et domino Thome miseracione predicta Eboracenri Archiepiscopo,
domino Johanni Lliensi Episcopo, domino Willielmo Dunolmensi Episcopo, domino Johanni Coven-
trensi et Lichfeldensi Episcopo, Johanni Lincomiensi Episcopo, Henrico comiti Essex, Willielmo
domino Hastynges, Johanni domino Howard, Waltero domino Ferrers, Thome Burghe militi, Thome
Vaughane militi, Thome Mountegomery militi, Williehno Knyvet militi, Eicardo Chok militi,
Guidoni Fayrfax militi, Eicardo Pygot, Johanni Catesby servienti ad legem, Johanni Jeffrey
clerico, Williehno Pastone, Johanni Dentone, Willielmo Harpour, Eicardo Harpour, Johanni
Broune, Eicardo Isham, et Andree Dymmok, maneria nostra de Wawenswottonc, Chirchsalford,
Wolford magna,Wolford parva, Whatcote, castrum et manerium de Maxstok, Esthallc et Westhalle

at Maxstoke Castle, co. Warwick. 279

in Sheldone in comitatu Warr' cum suis pertinenciis; Habenda et tenenda omnia predicta maneria,
eastrum, honora (sic), terras, et tenementa cum suis pertinenciia prefatis Archiepiscopis, Episcopis,
Henrico comiti Essex, Willielmo domino Hastynges, Johanni domino Howard, Waltero domino
Fen-era, Thome Burghe, Thome Vaughane, Thome Mountegomery, Willielmo Knyvet, Ricardo
Ohok, Guidoni, Eicardo Pygot, Johanni Catesby, Johanni Jeffrey, Willielmo Pastone, Johanni
Dentone, Willielmo Harpour, Ricardo Harpour, Johanni Broune, Ricardo Isham, et Andree
Dymrnok, heredibus, et eorum assignatis imperpetuum, de capitalibus dominis feodorum
illorum per servicia inde debita et de jure consueta. Et nos prefatus Dux et heredes nostri
omnia predicta maneria, eastrum, honora, terras, et tenementa cum suis pertinenciis prefatis
Archiepiscopis, Episcopis, Comiti, Willielmo domino Hastynges, Johanni domino Howard,
Waltero domino Ferrers, Thome Burghe, Thome Vaughane, Thome Mountegomery, Willielmo
Knyvct, Ricardo Chok, Guidoni, Ricardo Pygot, Johanni Catesby, Johanni Jeffrey, Willielmo
Pastone, Johanni Dentone, Willielmo Harpour, Ricardo Harpour, Johanni Broune, Ricardo
Isham, et Andree, ac heredibus suis contra omnes gentes warrantizabimus imperpetuum
per presentes. Sciatis insuper nos prefatum ducern constituisse dilectos servientes nostros Thomarn
Rogger et Johannem Gunter, Ricardum Boteler et Thomam Draper veros et legitimos attornatos
nostros coujunctim et divisim ad intrandum in omnibus et singulis premissis, plena et pacifica
possessione inde habita, ad deliberandum nomine nostro et pro nobis prefatis Archiepiscopis,
Episcopis, Comiti, Willielmo domino Hastynges, Johanni domino Howard, Waltero domino Ferrers,
Thome Burghe, Thome Vaughane, Thome Mountegomery, Willielmo Knyvet, Ricardo Chok,
Guidoni, Ricardo Pygot, Johanni Catesby, Johanni Jeffrey, Willielmo Pastone, Johanni Dentone,
Willielmo Harpour, Ricardo Harpour, Johanni Broune, Ricardo Isham, et Andree, vel eorum in
hac partc attorn' plenam et pacificam seisinam de et in omnibus predictis maneriis et ceteris pre-
missis cum suis* pertinenciis secundum vim ct effectum hujus carte nostrc, ratum et gratum habentes
«t habituri quidquid dicti attornati nostri conjunction fe[ce]rint, aut eorum aliquis divisim fecerit,
nomine nostro in premissis. In cujus rei tcstimonium presentibus sigillum nostrum duximus
apponcndura. Datum vicesimo sexto die Februarii anno regni suppremi domini nostri Regis
Edwardi quarti viccsimo.

2p2

XX. On the Occurrence of Flint Implements in undisturbed Beds of Gravel,
Sand, and Clay. By JOHN EVANS, Esq. F.S.A., F.G.S.

Read June 2nd, 1859.

THE natural connection between Geology and Archaeology has at various times
been pointed out by more than one writer H on each subject ; and it must, indeed,
be apparent to all who consider that both sciences treat of time past as com-
pared with time present. The one, indeed, merges by almost imperceptible
degrees in the other ; while the object of both is, from the examination of ancient
remains, to recall into an ideal existence days long since passed away, to trace
the conditions of a previous state of things, and, as it were, to repeople the earth
with its former inhabitants.

The antiquary, as well as the geologist, has " from a few detached facts to fill up
a living picture ; so to identify himself with the past as to describe and follow,
as though an eye-witness, the changes which have at various periods taken place
upon the earth." '• Geology is, in fact, but an elder brother of archeology, and
it is therefore by no means surprising to find that the one may occasionally lend
the other brotherly assistance ; although it has been generally supposed that the
last of the great geological changes took place at a period long antecedent to
the appearance of man upon the earth, and that the modifications of the earth's
surface of which he has been a witness have been — with the exception of those
due directly to volcanic agency — but trifling and immaterial.

The subject of the present paper — the discovery of flint implements wrought
by the hand of man, in what are certainly undisturbed beds of gravel, sand,
and clay, both on the continent and in this country — tends to show that such
an opinion is erroneous ; and that in this region of the globe, at least, its
surface has undergone far greater vicissitudes since man's creation than has
hitherto been imagined. A discovery of this kind must of necessity be of great
interest both to the geologist, as affording an approximate date for the formation

• Sec especially an article by the late Dr. Man tell in the Archscological Journal, vol. vii. p. 327.
k Pre*twich, " The Ground beneath us," p. 6.

Flint Implements in Beds of Gravel, Sand, and Clay. 281

of these superficial beds of drift, and as exemplifying the changes which the
fauna of this region has undergone since man appeared among its occupants;
and also to the antiquary, as furnishing the earliest relics of the human race
with which he can hope to become acquainted — relics of tribes of apparently
so remote a period, that —

Antiquity appears to have begun
Long after their primeval race was run.

But beyond the limited circle of those peculiarly interested in geology or
archaeology, this discovery will claim the especial attention of all who, whether
on ethnological, philological, or theological grounds, are interested in the great
question of the antiquity of man upon the earth.

It is, however, mainly from the antiquarian point of view that I intend now to
regard it, though, for the better elucidation of the circumstances under which
these implements have been found, it will be necessary to enter into various
geological details.

It is now some years since a distinguished French antiquary, M. Boucher de
Perthes, in his work, entitled, " Antiquite"s Celtiques et Ante"diluviennes,"a called
attention to the discovery of flint implements fashioned by the hand of man in the
pits worked for sand and gravel in the neighbourhood of Abbeville, in such
positions, and at such a depth below the surface of the ground, as to force upon
him the conclusion that they were found in the very spots in which they had
been deposited at the period of the formation of the beds containing them.
The announcement by M. Boucher de Perthes, of his having discovered these flint
implements under such remarkable circumstances was, however, accompanied by
an account of the finding of many other forms of flint of a much more question-
able character, and by the enunciation of theories which by many may have been
considered as founded upon too small a basis of ascertained facts. It is probably
owing to this cause that, neither in France nor in this country, did the less dis-
putable and now completely substantiated discoveries of M. de Perthes receive
from men of science in former years the attention to which they were justly
entitled.

The question whether man had or had not coexisted with the extinct pachy-
dermatous and other mammals, whose bones are so frequently found in the more
recent geological deposits, had indeed already more than once been brought under

• Paris, 8vo. vol. i. 1847, (printed in 1844-6,) vol. ii. 1857.

282 Occurrence of Flint Implements i,/

the notice of scientific inquirers by the discovery of flint flakes and implements,
and fragments of rude pottery, in conjunction with the remains of these animals
in several ossiferous caverns both in England and on the continent.* Among the
former may be mentioned Kent's Cavern near Torquay, and among the latter those
of Size, of Pondres, and Souvignargues, and those on the banks of the Meuse,
near Liege, explored -by Dr. Schmerling, where human bones were also found,
apparently washed in at the same time as the bones of the extinct quadrupeds.'1
In some ossiferous caves in the Brazils similar discoveries had also been made
by Dr. Lund and M. Claussen, and, from the condition and situation of the human
remains, Dr. Lund concluded that they had belonged to an ancient tribe that was
coeval with some of the extinct mammalia.

But it was always felt that there was a degree of uncertainty attaching to the
evidence derived from the deposits in caverns, owing to the possibility of the
relics of two or more entirely distinct periods becoming intermixed in such
localities, either by the action of water or by the operations of the primitive
human occupants of the caves, which prevented any judgment being firmly
founded upon it.

Attention has however been lately again called to this question by the fact, that,
in the excavations which have been carried on under the auspices of the Royal
and Geological Societies in the cave at Brixham in Devonshire, worked flints,
apparently arrow-heads and spear-heads, have been discovered in juxtaposition
with the bones of the Rhinoceros tichorhimts, Ursus spel&us, Hycena speltea,
and other extinct animals." One flint implement in particular was met with
immediately beneath a fine antler of a reindeer and a bone of the cave bear, which
were imbedded in the superficial stalagmite in the middle of the cave.

In addition to this, investigations have been made by Dr. H. Falconer in the
Grotta di Maccagnone near Palermo, where, imbedded in a calcareous breccia
beneath the stalactitic covering of the roof, he observed " coprolites of the Hya3na,
splinters of bone, teeth of ruminants and the genus Eqtius, together with commi-
nuted fragments of shells, bits of carbon, specks of argillaceous matter resembling
burnt clay, and fragments of shaped siliceous objects." These objects in flint
closely resemble the obsidian knives from Mexico, and the flint knives or flakes so
frequently found in all parts of the world ; and it is to be remarked that, though
they were in considerable abundance in the breccia, any amorphous fragments of

* See Lyell's Principles of Geology, ed. 1853, pp. 737, 738, &c.
b Mantell's Petrifactions and their Teachings, 1851, p. 481.
c Proceedings of Geological Society, June 22, 1859.

widi&turbed Beds of Gravel, Sand, and Clay. 283

flint were comparatively rare, and no pebbles or blocks occurred either within or
without the cave ; so that there could be but little doubt of the flint flakes being
of human workmanship .a

The question of the co-existence of man with the extinct animals of the
Drift period being thus revived, Mr. Joseph Prestwich, F.R.S., a distinguished
geologist, who for years has devoted his principal attention to the more recent
geological formations, determined to proceed to Abbeville and investigate on the
spot the discoveries of M. Boucher de Perthes, and invited me and several other
Fellows of the Geological Society to accompany him. The others were unfortu-
nately prevented from doing so ; but at the end of April, 1859, I joined Mr. Prest-
wich at Abbeville, and with him inspected the collections of M. de Perthes (to
whose courtesy and hospitality we were largely indebted), and also visited in his
company several of the pits worked for gravel and sand in the neighbourhood of
both Abbeville and Amiens, in which the flints in question were asserted to have
been found.

Both these towns are situated upon the upper chalk, which is, however, overlaid,
as is frequently the case, by beds of drift of a much later period. I need hardly say
that drift is the term applied by geologists to those superficial deposits of sands,
gravels, clays, and loams which we find to have been spread out over the older
rocks in many districts by the driving action of currents of water, whether salt or
fresh, or by the drifting action of ice. Though all belonging to a late geological
period (the newer Pleiocene, or Pleistocene), these beds of drift are of various and
distinct ages, and may be said to range from a point of time antecedent to the
Glacial period, when nearly the whole of Britain was submerged beneath an ocean
of arctic temperature, to the time when the surface of the earth received its present
configuration, and even down to the present day ; for the alluvium of existing rivers
may be considered equivalent to the fresh-water drift of an earlier age.

The drift-beds occurring in different localities in the neighbourhood of Abbe-
ville and Amiens, do not appear to have been all deposited at the same time, but
to be of at least two distinct ages; the series on the lower level being distinguished
by the occurrence within it of the bones and teeth of the Elephas primigenim, or
Siberian mammoth, and of other extinct animals. These mammaliferous beds of
sand, loam, and gravel extend over a considerable tract of country on the slopes
of the valley of the Somme, and are worked in several localities for the repair of
the roads and for building purposes.

• Quarterly Journal of the Geological Society, vol. xvi. p. 104.

284 Occurrence of Flint Implements in

The most notable places in the neighbourhood of Abbeville, where the gravel
has been extensively excavated, are at the spot where is now the Champ de Mars,
the pit near the Moulin Quignon, and that near the Porte St.Gilles ; but the beds
of gravel are spread over a large area, and are said to be continuous from the
Moulin Quignon on the south-east of the town, and about ninety feet above the
level of the river Somme, to the suburb of Menchecourt on the north-west of
Abbeville, where the beds assume a much more arenaceous character, and where
sand has been dug in immense quantities at a level but little more than twenty
feet above that of the Somme.

At St. Roch, a suburb of Amiens, the deposit is also at a low level, like
that at Menchecourt, and at both places large quantities of teeth and bones of the
Elephas primigenius, Rhinoceros tichorhinm, and other extinct animals, have
been found.

In another locality, on the opposite side of Amiens to St. Roch, at the pits near
the seminary of St. Acheul, the drift occurs at a higher level, viz. about ninety
feet above the river Somme at that part of its course, or about one hundred and
sixty feet above the sea. The depth of the beds, which consist of brick earth,
sand, and gravel, arranged in layers of variable thickness, but with some ap-
proach to stratification, is here from twenty to twenty-five feet.

The following section was taken by Mr. Prestwich," showing the beds in their
descending order : —

1. Brown brick-earth, loam, and clay, with an irregular bed of flint gravel near
its base. No organic remains. . . . . . . 10 to 15 feet.

(Divisional plane between 1 and 2, very uneven and indented.)

2. "Whitish marl and quartzose sand, with small chalk grit. Land and

fresh-water shells (I/ymnaa, Succinea, Helix, Bithinia, Planorbis,
Pupa, Pisidinm, and Ancylus, all of recent species,) are common;
mammalian bones and teeth are occasionally found. . . 2 to 8 feet.

3. Coarse subangular gravel, white, with irregular ochreous and ferrugi-

nous seams, and with tertiary flint pebbles and sandstone blocks.
Remains of shells similar to those last mentioned in patches of
sand ; teeth and bones of the elephant, and of a species of horse, ox,
and deer, generally in the lower part of the bed. It reposes on
an uneven surface of chalk. . . . . . . 6 to 12 feet.

• Proceedings of the Royal Society, May 2G, 1859.

undisturbed Beds of Gravel, Sand, and Clay. 285

One of the pits occupies the site of a Gallo-Roman cemetery, which appears to
have continued in use for some centuries : large stone coffins, and the iron cramps
of those in wood, are of frequent occurrence, hut personal ornaments are rarely
met with. Roman coins are found from time to time, some as early as the reign
of Claudius, and I purchased from one of the workmen a second-brass coin of
Magnentius, with the letters AMB in the exergue, showing that it had been
struck at AMBIANVM, the name given in late Roman times to the neighbouring
town of Amiens, which by the Gauls was known as SAMAROBRIVA.

At the Moulin Quignon near Abbeville, which is near the summit of a hill of
no great elevation, the beds of drift are more ochreous and more purely gravelly
in their nature than at St. Acheul, and their thickness is about ten or twelve feet.
In this case also they rest upon an irregular surface of chalk ; and in the lower
part of the beds, at but a slight distance above the chalk, occasionally accompa-
nied by the bones and teeth of the Siberian mammoth and other animals, flints
shaped by the hand of man are alleged to have been found. At Menchecourt,
the beds of sand and loam attain a thickness of from twenty to thirty feet ; and in
a layer of flints at their base, among which are found shells, land and fresh water
as well as marine, have also been discovered a number of mammalian remains,
together with flints showing traces of the hand of man upon them.

The following is the section of the pit at Menchecourt, as taken by Mr. Prest-
wich : —

1. A mass of brown sandy clay, with angular fragments of flints and

chalk rubble. No organic remains. Base very irregular and
indented into bed No. 2. 2 to 12 feet.

2. A light-coloured sandy clay ( sable a plaquer of the workmen), ana-

logous to the loess, containing land shells (Pupa, Helix, Clausilia,)

of recent species . . 8 to 25 feet.

3. White sand ( sable aigre) with one to two feet of subangular flint

gravel at base. This bed abounds in land and fresh-water shells of
recent species of the genera Helix, Succinea, Cyclas, Pisidium,
Valvata, Bithinia, and Planorbis, together with the marine Bucci-
num undatum, Cardium edule, Littorina rudis, TelUna solidula, and
Purpura lapillus. With them have also been found the Cyrena
consobrina, and numerous mammalian remains. . . 2 to 6 feet.
4. Light- coloured sandy marl, in places very hard, with Helix, Zonites,

Succinea, and Pupa. Not traversed. 3 feet.

VOL. XXXVIII. 2 Q

286 Occur retwe of Flint Implements in

The flint implements are said also to occur occasionally in the beds of sandy
clay above the white sand, but the pit has of late years been but little worked,
and in consequence the implements but rarely found. In the section of the Menche-
court beds given by M. Boucher de Perthes," the place where two of the worked
flints were found is shown at about thirty feet from the surface, and another was
discovered at about fourteen feet ; they are, however, said to have been most
commonly met with in the lower beds. At the Moulin Quignon, the Porte St.
Gilles, and at other places in the arrondisaement of Abbeville, as for instance at
Yonval, the gravel-pit at Mareuil, the sand-pit at Drucat and at St. Riquier,
similar flint implements are stated by M. de Perthes b to have been found under
similar circumstances ; but these last-mentioned places I have not visited.

The whole of the drift which I have described is of fluviatile origin ; and in
the beds of sand and clay, land and fresh water shells of existing species are
frequently found in abundance, though at Menchecourt, as has been already men-
tioned, they are mixed with others of marine origin, which gives more of an
estuarine character to the deposit at that place.

I think that it is by no means impossible that these arenaceous beds at Menche-
court may eventually be proved to be rather subsequent in date to the higher and
more gravelly beds at the Champ de Mars, and Moulin Quignon, on the opposite
side of Abbeville ; their elevation above the river Somme is not much more than
from twenty to thirty feet, so that under ordinary circumstances it might be con-
sidered by some, that they are due to its action under a state of things not very
materially different from that at present existing, did not the mammalian remains,
found at both Menchecourt and St. Roch, point to an entirely different fauna
from that of the present day. In any case, as it is but reasonable to suppose the
drift deposits on the higher slopes of the valley to be at least coeval with those
at the bottom, even if not of greater antiquity, the mammalian remains of the
lower deposits become of extreme importance, as a means of ascertaining the age of
those at a higher level, from which precisely similar remains may be absent. This
is, however, a purely geological question, into which I need not at present enter.

Mr. Prestwich, in the able Memoir upon this subject which he has communi-
cated to the Royal Society, has gone so fully into tue geological features of this
part of the valley of the Somme, that any further details are needless, and I shall
therefore content myself with this very general sketch of the position of the
drift at Abbeville and Amiens, and refer those who desire further information to

• Ant. Celt, et Ant^diluviennes, vol. i. p. 234. k Ibid. voL ii. p. 118.

undisturbed Beds of Gravel, Sand, and Clay. 287

the paper by Mr. Prestwich in the Philosophical Transactions. I will merely add,
that he considers that the gravel at St. Acheul closely resembles that on some
parts of the Sussex coast, while the beds at the Moulin Quignon are nearly analo-
gous to those near the East Croydon Station, and in many parts of the valley of
the Thames.

Of the animals now for the most part extinct, and most of which have hitherto
been regarded as having ceased to exist before the appearance of man upon the
earth, and the bones of which have been discovered in the drift at Menchecourt,
the following may be mentioned on the authority of M. de Perthes' " Antiquite"s
Celtiques et Ante"diluviennes," and M. Buteux' " Esquisse Ge"ologique du De"-
partement de la Somme :" —

Elcphas primigenius (Siberian mammoth).

Rhinoceros tichorhinus.

Ursus speleeus,

Felis spelcea ?

Hyeena spel&a.

Cervus tarandus priscus.

Cervus Somonensis.

Bos primigenius.

Equusfossilis ?

The mammalian remains from St. Acheul, and other places where bones
have been found in the drift of the valley of the Somme, represent the same
group, though confined to a smaller number of different species in any one
locality. At St. Roch the teeth of the hippopotamus have also been recently
found. The remains of the same group of animals have been met with in the cave
at Brixham, and in that called Kent's Cavern, near Torquay, to which I have
already alluded, and are constantly brought to light in the superficial freshwater
drift which abounds in many parts of this country. The rhinoceros and mammoth
belong to the same species as those whose frozen bodies, still retaining their flesh,
skin, and hair, have been discovered beneath the ice-bound soil of Siberia. Both
species appear to have been adapted for a far colder climate than their present
congeners.

Let us now turn our attention to the flint implements alleged to have been dis-
covered in the drift in company with the remains of what has usually been
regarded an older world ; and consider, first, how far in material, form, and work-
manship they agree with or differ from the stone weapons and implements so
commonly found throughout Europe ; and then enter upon an examination of the

2Q2

288 Occurrence of Flint Implements in

evidence of the circumstances of their finding, and the means at our command for
ascertaining their degree of antiquity.

That they really are implements fashioned by the hand of man, a single glance
at a collection of them placed side by side, so as to show the analogy of form of
the various specimens, would, I think, be sufficient to convince even the most
sceptical. There is a uniformity of shape, a correctness of outline, and a sharpness
about the cutting edges and points, which cannot be due to anything but design ;"
so that I need not stay to combat the opinion that might otherwise possibly have
arisen that the weapon-like shapes of the flints were due to some natural con-
figuration, or arose from some inherent tendency to a peculiar form of fracture.
A glance at the Plates will suffice to satisfy upon this point those who have not
had an opportunity of examining the implements themselves.

The material of which they have been formed, flint derived from the chalk,
is the same as has been employed for the manufacture of cutting implements
by uncivilized man in all ages, in countries where flint is to be found. Its
hardness, and the readiness with which it may be fractured so as to present a
cutting edge, have made it to be much in request among savage tribes for this
purpose ; and in some instances b flint appears to have been brought from a distance
when not found upon the spot. There is therefore nothing to distinguish these
implements from the drift, as far as material is concerned, from those which
have been called celts, except, perhaps, that the flints have not been selected
with such care, nor are they so free from flaws as those from which the ordinary
flint weapons of the Stone period were fashioned. There is, however, this to be
remarked, that the aboriginal tribes of the Stone period made use of other stones
besides flint, such as greenstone, syenite, porphyry, clay-slate, jade, &c., whereas
the weapons from the drift are, as far as has hitherto been ascertained, exclusively
of flint. As to form, the implements from the drift may, for convenience sake,
be classed under three heads, though there is so much variety among them that
the classes, especially the second and third, may be said to blend or run one into
the other. The classification I propose is as follows —

m Since the publication of the report of this Paper in the Athenaeum, there has been gome corre-
spondence in that and other journals upon the question whether these implements were of human or
natural origin, which called forth the following expression of opinion from Professor Ramsay, a thoroughly
competent judge in such a matter: "For more than twenty years, like others of my craft, I have daily
handled stones, whether fashioned by nature or art, and the flint hatchets of Amiens and Abbeville seem
to me as clearly works of art as any Sheffield whittle."— ( Athseneum, July 16, 1859.)

b See Wilson's Prehistoric Annals of Scotland, p. 121.

undisturbed Heds of Gravel, Sand, and Clay. 289

1. Flint flakes, apparently intended for arrow-heads or knives.

2. Pointed weapons, some probably lance or spear-heads.

3. Oval or almond-shaped implements, presenting a cutting edge all round.

In M. de Perthes' museum, and in the engravings of his " Antiquites Celtiques
et Antediluviennes," many other forms of what he considers to be implements may
be seen, but upon them the traces of the hand of man are to my mind less certain in
character. The flints resembling in form various animals, birds, and other objects,
must I think be regarded as the effect of accidental concretion and of the peculiar
colouring and fracture of flint, rather than as designedly fashioned. This is, how-
ever, a question into which I need not enter, as it in no way affects that now before
us. Suffice it that there exists an abundance of implements found in the drift
which are evidently the work of the hand of man, and that their formation cannot
possibly be regarded as the effect of accident or the result of natural causes. When
once their degree of antiquity has been satisfactorily proved, it will be a matter
for further investigation whether there are not other traces to be found of the
race of men who fashioned these implements, besides the implements themselves.

These objects I must now consider in the order proposed, with reference to their
analogies and differences in form, when compared witli those of what, for con-
venience sake, I will call the Stone period.

There is a considerable resemblance between the flint flakes apparently intended
for arrow-heads and knives (the first of the classes into which I have divided
the implements), and those which when found in this country, or on the continent,
are regarded as belonging to a period but slightly prehistoric. The fact is,
that wherever flint is used as a material from which implements are fashioned,
many of the flakes or splinters arising from the chipping of the flint, are certain to
present sharp points or cutting edges, which by a race of men living principally by
the chase are equally certain to be regarded as fitting points for their darts or arrows,
or as useful for cutting purposes; they are so readily formed, and are so well adapted
for such uses without any further fashioning, that they have been employed
in all ages just as struck from off the flint. The very simplicity of their form will,
however, prevent those fabricated at the earliest period from being distinguish-
able from those made at the present day, provided no change has taken place in
the surface of the flint by long exposure to some chemical influence. As also they
are produced most frequently by a single blow, it is at all times difficult, among a
mass of flints, to distinguish those flakes formed accidentally by natural causes,
from those which have been made by the hand of man ; an experienced eye will

290 Occurrence of Flint Implements in

indeed arrive at an approximately correct judgment, but from the causes I have
mentioned, mere flakes of flint, however analogous to what we know to have been
made by human art, can never be accepted as conclusive evidence of the work of
man, unless found in sufficient quantities, or under such circumstances, as to prove
design in their formation, by their number or position. Flint flakes apparently
intended for arrow-heads and knives have been found in the sands and gravel near
Abbeville, and some were dug out of the sand at Menchecourt, in the presence of
Mr. Prestwich, quite at the bottom of the beds of sand. One from this locality
is here engraved : —

Flint Flake from Menchecourt, Abbeville (full size).

Occasionally they are of larger size, and have been chipped into shape at the
point, so as nearly to resemble the implements of the next class.

An argument may be derived in favour of the majority of these arrow-head-
shapcd flakes having been designedly made, not only from their similarity in
form one to another, but also because the existence of more carefully fashioned
flint implements almost necessarily implies the formation and use of these sim-
pler weapons by the same race of men who were skilful enough to chip out the
more difficult forms. But though probably the work of man, and though closely
resembling the flakes of flint which have been considered as affording evidence
of man's existence when found in ossiferous caverns, this class of implements
is not of much importance in the present branch of our inquiry ; because, granting
them to be of human work and not the result of accident, there is little by which
to distinguish them from similar implements of more recent date.

The case is different with the implements of the second class, those analogous in
form to spear or lance heads. Of these there are two varieties, the one with a

I'bite XV.

FLINT IMPLEMENTS FROM THE VALLEY OF THE SOMMK.

undisturbed Beds of Gravel, Sand, and Clay. 291

rounded cutting point, its general outline presenting a sort of parabolic curve
(PL XV. No. 1) ; the other acutely pointed, with the sides curved slightly inwards
(PL XV. No. 2). These have received from the workmen of St. Acheul the name of
langues de chat, from their fancied resemblance in form to a cat's tongue. The sides
of both kinds are brought to an edge by chipping, but are not so sharp as the point,
and altogether these weapons seem better adapted for piercing than for cutting. In
length, they vary from about four inches to eight or even nine inches. Botli
shapes are generally more convex on one side than the other, the convexity in some
cases almost amounting to a ridge ; they are usually truncated at the base, and
not unfrequently at that end show a portion of the original surface of the flint ;
in some specimens the butt-end is left very thick, as if to add impetus to any blow
given with the implement. The remarkable feature about them is, their being
adapted only to cut or pierce at the pointed end ; whereas in the ordinary form of
stone hatchet or celt, the cutting edge is almost without exception at the broad
end, while the more pointed end seems intended for insertion into the handle
or socket, and the sides are generally rounded or flat, and not sharp.

These spear-shaped weapons from the drift are, on the contrary, not at all
adapted for insertion into a socket, but are better calculated to be tied to a shaft
or handle, with a stop or bracket behind their truncated end. Many of them,
indeed, seem to have been intended for use without any handle at all, the rounded
end of the flints from which they were formed having been left unchipped, and
presenting a sort of natural handle. It is nearly useless to speculate on the pur-
poses to which they were applied ; but attached to poles they would prove formid-
able weapons for encounter with man or the larger animals, either in close conflict
or thrown from a distance as darts. It has been suggested by M. de Perthes,
that some of them may have been used merely as wedges for splitting wood, or,
again, they may have been employed in grubbing for esculent roots, or tilling the
ground, assuming that the race who formed them was sufficiently advanced
in civilisation. This much I think may be said of them with certainty, that they
are not analogous in form with any of the ordinary implements of the so-called
Stone period.

The same remark holds good with regard to the third class into which I have
divided these implements, viz. those with a cutting edge all round (PL XV. No. 3).
In general contour they are usually oval, with one end more sharply curved than
the other, and occasionally coming to a sharp point, but there is a considerable
variety in their form, arising probably from defects in the flints from which they
were shaped ; the ruling idea is, however, that of the oval, more or less pointed.

292 Occurrence of Flint Implements in

They are generally almost equally convex on the two sides, and in length vary from
two to eight or nine inches, though for the most part only about four or five inches
long. The implements of this form appear to be most abundant in the neighbour-
hood of Abbeville, where that engraved was found ; while those of the spear-shape
prevail near Amiens, where both the specimens shown in the Plate were procured.

It is to be remarked that among the implements discovered in the cavern called
Kent's Hole, near Torquay, were some identical in form with those of the oval type
from Abbeville.

As before observed, in character they do not resemble any of the ordinary stone
implements with which I am acquainted, though I believe some few of these
also present a cutting edge all round," but at the same time are much thinner,
and more triangular than oval or almond-shaped in their form.

The implements most analogous in their oval form to those now under discus-
sion, are some of those found in the mounds or barrows of the valley of the Mis-
sissippi, in several of which enormous numbers of lance heads and arrow heads have
been discovered. In one of these mounds, within an earthwork on the north fork
of Point Creek, there were found, arranged in an orderly manner in layers, some
thousands of discs chipped out of hornstone, " some nearly round, others in the
form of spear heads ; they were of various sizes, but for the most part about six
inches long by four wide, and three quarters of an inch or an inch in thickness."
From the account given at p. 214, vol. i. of the Smithsonian Contributions to
Knowledge, it would appear that these weapons were merely roughly blocked out,
as if to be afterwards worked into more finished forms, of which many specimens
are found : but in the rough-hewn implements shown by the woodcuts in the
abovementioned work, there is a very close resemblance to some of the Abbeville
forms, though the edges are more jagged.

As to the use which this class of flint implements from the drift was originally
intended to fulfil, it is hard to speculate. The workmen who find them usually
consider them to have been sling-stones, and such some of the smaller sizes may
possibly have been, whether propelled from an ordinary sling or from the end of a
cleft stick ; many, however, seem to be too large for such a purpose, and were more
probably intended for axes cutting at either end, with the handle securely bound
round the middle of the stone, and if so there would be a reason why it might
be desirable to have one end more pointed than the other, so that one instru-
ment could be applied to two kinds of work. M. de Perthes has suggested, that

* Catalogue of the Museum of the Archaeological Institute at Edinburgh, in 185G, p. 7.

undisturbed Beds of Gravel, Sand, and Clay. 293

they might also have been mounted as hatchets by insertion in a socket scooped
out in a handle.

But all this is conjecture. In point of workmanship, I think it will be per-
ceived that the weapons or implements now under consideration differ consi-
derably from those of the so-called Stone period : of these latter, by far the greater
number (with the exception of arrow heads) are more or less ground, and even
polished ; some with the utmost care all over, but nearly all ground sufficiently to
ensure a clean cutting edge. The implements from the drift are, on the contrary
so far as has been hitherto observed, never ground, but their edges left in the
rough state in which they have been chipped from the flint.

The manner in which they have been fashioned appears to have been by blows
from a rounded pebble mounted as a hammer, administered directly upon the
edge of the implements, so as to strike off flakes on either side. At all events I
have by this means reproduced some of the forms in flint, and the edges of the
implements thus made present precisely the same character of fracture as those
from the drift.

In instances where (either from having been left accidentally unfinished, or from
never having been intended to be ground,) the weapons of the Stone period have
remained in their rough-hewn state, it will be observed that, with very few excep-
tions, they are chipped out with a greater nicety and accuracy, and with a nearer
approach to an even surface, than those from the drift, and, rude as they may
appear, point to a higher degree of civilisation than that of the race of men by
whom these primitive weapons or implements were formed.

There is indeed a class of flint implements, which are stated to have been found
in the peat deposits on the banks of the Somme, which in point of rudeness of
workmanship appear to equal these more ancient forms from the beds of drift,
though for the most part essentially different in shape; I have not, however, given
sufficient attention to them to speak with confidence as to their precise character,
and will not complicate the question by making further allusion to them.

I think that enough has been said to make it apparent to all who have made a
study of the stone implements usually found (those of the so-called Stone period)
that the spear-heads and sling-stones, or axes, or by whatever name they are to
be called, which are now brought under their notice, have but little in common
with the types already well known ; they will therefore be prepared to receive
with less distrust the evidence I shall adduce, that they are found under circum-
stances which show that, in all probability, the race of men who fashioned them
must have passed away long before this portion of the earth was occupied by the

VOL. XXXVIII. 2 R

294 Occurrence of Flint Implements in

primitive tribes by whom the more polished forms of stone weapons were fabri-
cated, in what we have hitherto regarded as remote antiquity.

I come, therefore, to the important question, how is it proved that these imple-
ments are actually found in beds of really undisturbed clay, gravel, or sand, and
have not been introduced or buried at some period subsequent to the formation of
the inclosing beds ? The evidence is of two kinds, direct and circumstantial; and
this I will now examine, giving the direct evidence, as being the more valuable,
precedence. We have then, in the first place, that of M. Boucher de Perthes, the
original discoverer of this class of implements, who, through evil report and good
report, has delivered his constant testimony to the fact of their being discovered, in
nearly all cases, in undisturbed drift, and usually at a considerable depth below
the surface. That some few may have been discovered in ground that has been
moved, or near the surface, in no way militates against the fact that the majority
of them have been found in undisturbed soil. It only shows, what might have
been expected, that the soil containing these implements may have been moved
without their having attracted sufficient attention for them to have been picked
out from it, or, in cases where they have occasionally been found in other and
more recent soils, that they had been at some time picked out from the gravel,
sand, or clay, and afterwards thrown away. For M. Boucher de Perthes' detailed
account of his discoveries, I must refer the reader to his work already cited.

Scattered tlirough its pages are notices giving full particulars of the finding of
numbers of the weapons, and in M. de Perthes' museum are innumerable speci-
mens, with the nature of their matrix of soil and the depth at which they were
found, (many of them under his own eyes,) marked upon them. Proces-verbaux
of many of the discoveries were taken at the time, and some are printed in the
volumes referred to.a Nothing could be stronger than M. de Perthes' verbal assur-
ances to Mr. Prestwich and myself of the finding of these implements in undis-
turbed gravels and sands, and occasionally clay, sometimes at depths of from
twenty feet to thirty feet below the surface, and usually in beds at but a slight
distance above the chalk. The testimony of other French geologists and anti-
quaries may also be adduced both as to the geological character of the beds and
the fact of the flint implements being incorporated in them. M. Douchet, M.D.,b
of Amiens, appears to have been the first discoverer of them at St.Acheul, and he
addressed a memoir to the French Institute, expressing his firm conviction upon
the subject. The printed testimony of M. de Massy and others is also brought
forward by M. Boucher de Perthes,0 in the book above cited ; but the most import -

• Antiquit^s Celtiqnes et Ant^diluviennes, vol. i. p. 263. " Ibid. voL ii. p. 430. c Ibid. vol. ii. p. 459.

undisturbed Beds of Gravel, Sand, and Clay. 295

ant evidence is that of Dr. Eigollot, who received the distinction of being elected
a Corresponding Member of the Institute but shortly before his death in 1856.
In his " Me"moire sur des Instruments en Silex trouve"s a St.Acheul, pres Amiens,"
published in 1855, he enters fully into the question of the nature of the drift and
the part of the beds in which the worked flints are found, and states distinctly
that, after the most careful examination, he came to the conclusion that these im-
plements are at St.Acheul found exclusively in the true drift, which incloses the
remains of the extinct mammals, and at a depth of ten feet and more from
the surface.

Of the accuracy of all these concurrent statements the experience of Mr.
Prestwich and myself fully convinced us, and we had, moreover, the opportunity
of seeing one at least of the worked flints in situ, at the gravel-pit near St.Acheul.
Mr. Prestwich, who had been there a day or two previously, had left instructions
with the workmen that in case of their discovering one of these "tongues de chat "
imbedded in the gravel it was to be left untouched, and he was at once to be
apprized. The announcement of such a discovery was accordingly telegraphed to
us at Abbeville, and the following morning we proceeded to Amiens, where we
were joined by MM. Dufour and Gamier, the President and Secretary of the
Society of Antiquaries of Picardy, who accompanied us to the pit near St.Acheul.
There, at a depth of eleven feet from the surface, and about four feet six inches
from the bottom of the pit, in the bank or wall of gravel, was an implement of the
second class that I have described, its narrower edge projecting, and itself for the
greater part dovetailed into the gravel. It was lying in a horizontal position, and
the gravel around it hard and compact, and in such a condition that it was quite
impossible that the implement could have been inserted into it by the work-
men for the sake of reward. The beds above it consisting of rudely stratified
gravel, sand, and clay, presenting a vertical face, showed not the slightest traces
of having been disturbed, with the exception of the twelve or eighteen inches
of surface soil, and the lines of the division between the beds were entirely
unbroken; so much so that their different characters can be recognised on a
photograph of the section taken for Mr. Prestwich. Besides the langue de
chat thus seen in situ, the workmen in the pit supplied us with a considerable
number of these implements, as well as with some of the oval form, and grate-
fully received a trifling recompense in return. They shewed us the spots where
they said several of them had been found ( two of them that morning, at the
depth of fifteen and nineteen feet respectively from the surface), and there
appeared no reason to doubt their assertions. I may add, that since our return

2R2

296 Occurrence of Flint Implements i,i

Mr. Prestwich, in company with some other geologists, has revisited Amiens, and
that one of the party, Mr. J. W. Flower, uncovered and exhumed with his own
hands a most perfectly worked instrument of the lance-head form, at a depth of
twenty feet from the surface. The party brought away, as the result of their
one day's visit, upwards of thirty of the implements, which had been collected
by the workmen." From the manner in which these pits are worked, there is
always a " head," or " face," of earth, which shows an excellent section of the
soil ; and any places where at any former time pits have been sunk or excavations
made, (as, for instance, in the ancient cemetery of St.Acheul,) are, owing to the
rough stratification of the beds, readily discovered. The workmen in the pits,
both at Amiens and Abbeville, gave concurrent testimony of the usually undis-
turbed nature of the soil, and to the fact of the flint implements being generally
found in the lower part of the beds, where also the fossil bones and teeth are
principally discovered.

It may be observed that in the beds of brick-earth and sand overlying the
gravel at St.Acheul are numerous freshwater shells, some of them of so fragile a
character that they must have been destroyed had the soil at any time been moved.

The fossil bones are of comparatively rare occurrence in the gravel pits, but the
number of the flint implements that has been found is almost beyond belief.
Dr. Rigollot states that in the pits of St.Acheul, between August and December
1854, above four hundred specimens were obtained ; and now, whenever the gravel
is being extensively dug, hardly a day passes without one or two being found. This
very abundance, for which however it is difficult to account, affords a secondary
proof of the undisturbed nature of the drift ; for how could such numbers of flint
weapons have been introduced at any period subsequent to the formation of the
drift, and yet leave no evident traces of the manner in which they were buried ?
They appear, too, to be detached and scattered through the mass of gravel, with no
indications of their having been buried there with any design, but rather as if their
positions were the result of the merest accident. Another remarkable piece of
circumstantial evidence, is the discovery of implements and weapons of similar
form under precisely similar circumstances, but by different persons, at Abbeville
and Amiens, some thirty miles apart ; though the discoveries are not limited to
these two spots, but have also been subsequently made in various localities in that
district, where there have been excavations in the drift. It is, however, only in

» See Letter in the Times, Nov. 18, 1859 ; and Quarterly Journal of the Geological Society, vol. xvi.
p. 190. i

undisturbed Beds of Gravel, Sand, and Clay. 297

such excavations that they have heen found ; which would not have been the case
had their presence in the gravel heen owing to their interment by human agency;
for, supposing it possible that some unknown race of men had been seized with a
desire to bury their implements at a depth of from ten to twenty feet below the
surface, they would hardly have selected for this purpose the hardest and most
impracticable soil in their neighbourhood, a gravel so hard and compact as to
require the use of a pickaxe to move it.

In the cultivated soil and made ground above, and at much less depth from the
surface, ground and polished instruments, evidently belonging to the so-called
Stone period, have indeed been found ; but this again only tends to prove that the
shaped flints discovered at a much greater depth belonged to some other race of
men, and inasmuch as they certainly are not the work of a subsequent people, we
have here again a testimony that they must be referred to some antecedent race,
which had perished perhaps ages before the Celtic occupation of the country. The
similarity in form between the flint implements from the drift, and those found in
the cave-deposits that I have previously mentioned, is also a circumstance well
worthy of observation.

Again, many of the implements have a coating of carbonate of lime forming
an adherent incrustation upon them : this, as M. Douchet has already remarked,
is for these weapons what the patina is for bronze coins and statues, a proof
of their antiquity. The incrustation occurs on all the flints in certain beds
of the gravel, and is probably owing to the percolation of water among them,
charged with calcareous matter derived from the chalky sands above, which it
has gradually deposited upon the flints and pebbles. It has probably been a work
of time, commencing soon after the formation of the beds, and possibly is still going
on. If, therefore, the flint implements had been introduced into these beds at a
subsequent date to the other flints and pebbles which are found with them, we might
expect them to be either free from incrustation, or at all events with less calca-
reous matter upon them ; neither of these appears, however, to be the case, but all
the flints in these particular layers, whether worked or not, are similarly incrusted.
The presence of the coating upon them also proves that the weapons were really
extracted by the workmen from the beds in which they state them to have been
found, and that they are not derived from the upper beds or surface soil.

Another similar proof is found in the discolouration of the surface of the imple-
ments. It is well known that flints become coloured, often to a considerable depth
from their surface, by the infiltration of colouring matter from the matrix in
which they have been lying, or from some molecular change, due probably to

298 Occurrence of Flint Implements in

chemical action. If these implements had been deposited among the beds of
gravel, sand, or clay at some later period than the other flints adjacent to them,
it might be expected that some difference in colour would testify to their more
recent introduction ; but in all cases, as far as I was able to ascertain, these worked
flints were discoloured in precisely the same way as the rough flints in the same
positions. Among the more ochreous beds they are stained of a reddish brown
tint to some depth below their surface ; in the clay they have undergone some
change of condition, and have become white and in appearance like porcelain; while
those which have been imbedded in the calcareous sands have remained nearly
unaltered in colour.

This evidence, like that of the calcareous coating, is of value in two ways, both
as proving the length of time that the implements must have been imbedded in
the matrix, and also as corroborating the assertions of the workmen with regard
to their positions when found. Some few of the implements present a more or
less rubbed and water-worn appearance ; a more convincing proof than this, of
these flint implements having been deposited where found by the drifting action of
\vater, can hardly be conceived. Apart from this, the chain of evidence adduced
must I think be sufficient to convince others, as I confess it did me, that the con-
clusions at which Mons. de Perthes had arrived upon this subject were correct,
and that these worked flints were as much original component parts of the gravel,
as any of the other stones of which it consists.*

But how much more fully was this conviction brought home to my mind, when
on my return to England I found that discoveries of precisely similar weapons
and implements had been made under precisely similar circumstances in this
country, and placed on record upwards of sixty years ago.

In the 13th Volume of the Archaeologia, p. 204, is an account of Flint Weapons
discovered at Hpxne in Suffolk, communicated by John Frere, Esq., F.R.S. and
F.S.A., read June 22, 1797, and illustrated by two Plates showing two of the

•' Since the reading of this paper, Amiens and Abbeville have been visited by many geologists of note,
and, among others, by Sir Charles Lyell, who, in his address to the Geological Section of the British Asso-
ciation, at their meeting in 1859 at Aberdeen, expressed himself as fully prepared to corroborate the obser-
vations of Mr. Prestwich. M. Gaudry, and M. Pouchet, of Rouen, on the part of the French Academic des
Sciences, and the town of Rouen, have also made researches at Amiens, and have both been successful

in discovering specimens of the implements in trenches made under their own personal superintendence.

(Comptes Rendus, torn. 49, No. 18, and Report of M. Pouchet.) See also the Address of Lord Wrottesley to
the British Association, at Oxford, in 1860. Some few other facts that have come to my knowledge since
this paper was read have been incorporated in the text.

undisturbed Beds of Gravel, Sand, and Clay. 299

weapons, closely resembling in form that from Amiens, Plate XV. No. 2. Those
engraved, as well as some other specimens, were presented to this Society, and are
still preserved in our Museum. They are so identical in character with some of
those from the valley of the Somme, that they might be supposed to have been
made by the same hand. Mr. Frere remarks, that they are evidently weapons of
war, fabricated and used by a people who had not the use of metals, and that, if
not particularly objects of curiosity in themselves, they must be considered in that
light from the situation in which they were found. He says, that they lay in great
numbers at a depth of about twelve feet in a stratified soil, which was dug into for
the purpose of raising clay for bricks, the strata being disposed horizontally, and
presenting their edges to the abrupt termination of high ground.

The section is described by him as follows : —

1. Vegetable earth 1£ feet.

2. Argill (brick-earth) 7£ feet.

3. Sand mixed with shells and other marine substances . . 1 foot.

4. A gravelly soil, in which the flints are found, generally at the rate of

five or six in a square yard 2 feet.

The analogy between this section and some that might be adduced from the
neighbourhood of Abbeville or Amiens is remarkable ; and here also the weapons
are stated to have been found in gravel underlying brick-earth.

To make the analogy more complete, " in the stratum of sand (No. 3) were
found some extraordinary bones, particularly a jaw-bone of enormous size, with
the teeth remaining in it," which was presented, together with a huge thigh-bone
found in the same place, to Sir Ashton Lever.

I at once communicated so remarkable a confirmation of our views to Mr.
Prestwich, who lost no time in proceeding to Hoxne, to which place I have also
paid subsequent visits in his company. We found the brick-field there still in
operation, but the section of course considerably altered since the time when
Mr. Frere visited it. Where they were digging at the time when we saw the pit
for the first time the section was as follows : —

1. Surface-soil and a few flints ... . . . 2ft.

2. Brick-earth, consisting of a light brown sandy clay, divided

by an irregular layer of carbonaceous clay . . . 12 ft.

3. Yellow sand and sub-angular gravel . . . . 6 in. to 1 ft.

4. Grey clay, in places peaty, and containing bones, wood, and

fresh-water and land shells 2 to 4 ft.

300 Occurrence of Flint Implements in

5. Sub-angular flint gravel 2 ft.

6. Blue clay, containing fresh-water shells . . . 10 ft.

7. Peaty clay, with much woody matter ... 6 ft.

8. Hard clay . . • • •

The thickness of these latter beds we ascertained by boring, as the pit is not
Avorked below the bed of clay No. 4. The shells are all of existing species of
fresh-water and land mollusca, such as Unio, Planorbis, Sttccinea, Bithinia,
Talvata, Pisidium, Cyclas, and Helix ; and are not, as Mr. Frere had supposed,
of marine origin.

An old workman in the pit at once recognised one of the French implements
shown him, and said that many such were formerly found there in a bed of
gravel, which, in the part of the pit formerly worked, attained occasionally a thick-
ness of three to four feet. The large bones and flint weapons were found indis-
criminately mixed up in this bed. Bones are still frequently met with in the
bed of clay No. 4, and Mr. T. E. Amyot, of Diss, whose father was for many
years Treasurer of this Society, has an astragalus of an elephant which was found
here, it is believed in this bed, and also various other mammalian remains from
this pit.

During the winter of 1858-59 the workmen had discovered two of the flint
implements (to which they gave the appropriate name of fighting stones), one of
which Mr. Prestwich recovered from a heap of stones in the pit. It is more of
the oval than of the spear-head form. Since that time several other specimens
have been discovered, principally in the bed of brick-earth No. 2. Numerous
other weapons which have been exhumed at Hoxne in former years are preserved
in various collections, but there is no record of the exact positions in which they
were found. At Hoxne, however, as well as at Amiens, I have had ocular testi-
mony on this point ; for in the gravel thrown out from a trench dug under our
own supervision, I myself found one of the implements of the spear-head type,
from which however the point had been unfortunately broken by the workmen in
digging.

It must have lain at a depth of about eight feet from the surface, and the
section presented in the trench was as follows : —

Ochreous sand and gravel, overlying white sand, with gravelly

patches and ochreous veins . . . . . . 4 ft. 9 in.

Fine gravel, about 1 ft. 3 in.

l'l:,lt JTJY.

undisturbed Beds of Gravel, Sand, and Clay. 301

Light grey clay and sand 1 ft.

Irregular bed of coarse gravel in which the implement was found 1 ft.
Light grey clay, mottled brown, containing fresh-water shells

(Bithinia) . . 2 ft. 4 in.

Boulder clay.

This trench was sunk at the margin of the deposit, not far from where the beds
appear to crop out on the side of the hill, the previous section being about eighty
yards distant, and the surface of the ground at that point higher by some feet.
It will be observed that the beds of sand, gravel, and clay containing freshwater
shells and peaty matter there attain a thickness of about twenty-five feet greater
than in the trench, and therefore that they dip in the opposite direction to the
slope of the hill. The character of the deposit is evidently fluviatile or lacus-
trine, and the beds, more especially those of clay, seem to become thicker as we
approach the middle of the lake or river. The configuration of the surface of
the country when this deposit was formed, must, however, have been widely
different from what it is at present, as the high ground surrounding the lake or
forming the bank of the river, and from which the successive beds must have been
washed down, has, as Mr. Frere long ago observed, now disappeared ; for skirting
one side of the brick-field, and at the base of the hill on the slope of which the beds
of drift crop out, is a valley watered by a small brook, a tributary of the Waveney.

There can be no question that these beds of drift, like those of similar character
at Abbeville and Amiens, are entirely undisturbed. At this spot they rest upon
the boulder clay of geologists, and are consequently of more recent date, though
probably more ancient than the great mass of superficial gravel of the district, by
which they in turn seem to be overlaid.

Hoxne is not, however, the only place in England where flint implements have
been found under such conditions, for another weapon of the spear-head form has
been obligingly pointed out to me in the collection at the British Museum, by Mr.
"Franks, and is thus described in the Sloane Catalogue : —

" No. 246. A British weapon, found with elephant's tooth, opposite to black
Mary's, near Grayes inn lane — Conyers. It is a large black flint, shaped into the
figure of a spear's point. K.a " This implement is engraved in Plate XVI. and is

1 This K. signifies that it formed a portion of Kemp's collection ; a rude engraving of it illustrates a letter
on the antiquities of London by Mr. Bagford dated 1715, printed in Hearne's edition of Leland's Collectanea,
vol. i. p. Ixiii. From his account it seems to have been found with a tkekton of an elephant in the presence
of Mr. Conyers.

VOL. XXXVIII. 2 S

302 Occurrence of Flint Implements in

precisely similar in all its characteristics to some weapons found at Hoxne and
Amiens. It is not a little singular that it too should have heen found in juxta-
position with a tooth and indeed other remains of an elephant.

It is satisfactory to find these instances of the discovery of flint implements
of this class placed on record so long ago, as it places beyond all reasonable doubt
the fact of their being really the work of man. They have been exhibited as
weapons in our Museums for many years, and their artificial character has
never been doubted, nor indeed could it ever have been called in question by
an unprejudiced observer.

Other instances have occurred of such implements being found in England,
but the exact circumstances of their discovery have still to be investigated from
a geological point of view. In Mr. Bateman's" Catalogue of the Antiquities
in his collection, No. 787 C, of objects found in 1850, is thus entered — " Eight
instruments found near Long Low, Wetton, including one very large, and like
some figured in the Archa3ologia, Vol. XIII. p. 204." Mr. Bateman informs me
that these were found near the surface, a circumstance which in no way affects the
question of their antiquity. In the collection of Mr. Warren of Ixworth are also
two specimens of implements of the spear-head type (one of them broken), which
were found at Icklingham, Suffolk, in the gravel dug in the valley of the Lark.
I have visited the spot where they were found in company with Mr. Prestwich, but
owing to the hurried nature of our visit further investigation is necessary before
determining this to be a conclusive instance of the implements having been dis-
covered in undisturbed drift. There appears, however, to be nothing in the
character of the drift of that district, in which also we found traces of mammalian
bones, to militate against such an hypothesis.

In France, similar implements, both of the simple and more elaborate forms,
have been discovered by M. Gosse in the gravel-pits of La Motte Piquet near Paris,
together with the remains of the mammoth and other animals ; and I must not
omit to record that this very spot had been pointed out by M. de Perthes, some
years ago, as one in which such a discovery was more than probable.

I have no doubt that before many years have elapsed various other instances
of the finding of similar implements, under similar circumstances with those from
Hoxne and from the valley of the Somme, will have been placed on record, and
that the existence of man upon the earth previously to the formation of these drift
deposits will be regarded by all as a recognised fact.

• Bakewell, 1855. p. 59.

undisturbed Beds of Gravel, Sand, and Clay. 303

Who were the race of men by whom these implements were fashioned, and at
what exact period they lived, will probably be always a matter for conjecture.
Whether the existence of man upon the earth is to be carried back far beyond the
limits of Egyptian or Chinese chronology, or whether the formation of these beds
of drift, and the period when the mammoth and rhinoceros, the great cave bear
and its tiger-like associate, roamed at large through this country, should be
brought down nearer to our own days than has hitherto been supposed, are
questions that will not admit of a hasty decision.

It must, however, I think be granted that we have now strong, I may almost
say conclusive, evidence of the co-existence of man with these extinct mammalia.
The mere fact that the flint implements have been found as component parts of a
gravel also containing the bones or teeth of the mammoth or rhinoceros does not of
course prove that the men who fashioned them lived at the same period as these
animals. Their bones might, under certain circumstances, have been washed out
of an older gravel, (as, for instance, by the action of a flooded river,) have then been
brought into association with relics of human workmanship, and re-deposited in
their company in a re-constructed gravel. But there does not appear to be
any probability of this having been the case at Hoxne or in the valley of the
Somme. The bones are many of them but little if at all worn, as they would have
been under such circumstances ; especially as the only alteration in structure that
they have undergone is the loss of their gelatine ; but, above all, there is the
fact that in the lower beds of the sand-pits at Menchecourt, those in which the
flint implements have been found, the skeleton of a rhinoceros a was discovered
nearly entire ; which could not possibly have been the case in a re-constructed
drift. The bones of the hind leg of a rhinoceros, all in their proper positions, as
if the ligaments had still been attached at the time of its becoming imbedded, were
found in the same place.

I have already remarked on the possibility of the Menchecourt beds which con-
tained these remains being rather more recent than those at a higher level; but under
any circumstances the presence of the nearly perfect frames and limbs of the extinct
mammalia in them is a matter of the highest significance in the present inquiry.

But there is another argument in favour of the co-existence of man with these
extinct animals which must not be overlooked. If there had been but a single
instance of the discovery of the flint implements in conjunction with the bones
and teeth of the animals, the assumption that the implements and the mammalian

• See M. Ravin's Me'moire GeV>logique sur le Hassin d'Amiens, in the M&noires du la Soci&d d'EmuIa-
tion .1' Abbeville, 1838, p. 196.

2s2

304 Occurrence of Flint Implements in

remains were derived from different sources and belonged to two entirely distinct
periods, would be difficult of disproof ; but when we consider that the instances
of such discoveries are already numerous, and have, moreover, taken place in such
widely distant localities, that assumption is untenable.

We have at various places round Abbeville the flint implements found asso-
ciated with the remains of the mammoth, rhinoceros, and other extinct animals ;
at St. AcheuJ, near Amiens, we have the like ; in the pits of La Motte Piquet
they are found with the remains of the mammoth, the Cervw tarandus priscus,
the Bos primigenins, and probably the cave-lion ; at Hoxne with the mammoth
and other remains ; and in Gray's Inn Lane with remains of an elephant. This
constant association of the two classes of relics affords certainly strong presump-
tive evidence that the animals to which the bones belonged were living at the
same period as the race of intelligent beings who fashioned the weapons of flint.

An argument has been raised against their having co-existed, upon the assump-
tion that human bones have never been discovered in company with those of the
extinct quadrupeds. But neither are they recorded to have been found in com-
pany with those implements which are acknowledged by nearly all to be of human
workmanship.

It appears to me, moreover, very doubtful, in point of fact, whether human
bones have not been really found associated with those of the extinct mammalia,
more especially in cave-deposits. At all events it is a negative very difficult to
prove. But, assuming the fact to be as stated, are there not reasons why it is
probable that human remains should be of extremely rare occurrence, if not
entirely absent, in such drifts as those of the valley of the Somme and at Hoxne ?
The mammalian remains found in them are probably mainly those of animals
whose dead bodies had been reduced to skeletons, and were lying on the face of
the earth before being carried off by the water, whether of an overwhelming
cataclysm, or the torrent of a flooded river, and not simply those of animals
drowned by its action. Whereas it may safely be assumed that the natural
instincts of man would have led them to " bury their dead out of their sight,"
and thus place them beyond the reach of the currents of water.

It must also be borne in mind that there is no appearance of the drift at any of
the places mentioned having been caused by anything like a general submergence
of the country, or an universal deluge, as it does not extend over the highest
points of ground ; so that there is no reason for supposing the waters from which
the drift was deposited to have caused any great loss of human life.

It is somewhat curious that we have already instances of the existence of

undisturbed Beds of Gravel, Sand, and Clay. 305

living creatures being proved to demonstration by other evidence than that of their
actual remains (for those have never been discovered) in some of the chelonians,
saurians, and batrachians of the new red-sandstone and other formations. Foot-
prints of these animals, or ichnolites, are found in abundance, but the bones of
the various species which have left these records of themselves " upon the rock
for ever " have still to be found. Dr. Hitchcock enumerates no less than fifty-
three species from the Jurassic, liassic, or triassic beds of the valley of the Con-
necticut, of which the existence has been determined by their foot-prints alone.

In the case of the Pfahlbauten lately discovered in the lakes of Switzerland and
elsewhere, though implements of all kinds have been found in great abundance,
yet human remains are of excessively rare occurrence. It is, however, almost
beyond the bounds of probability to suppose that the flint implements from the
drift are relics of a race of men who in like manner placed their dwellings upon
artificial islands, though in far more remote antiquity than those who constructed
the Pfahlbauten.

The question of the contemporaneous existence of man with the mammoth and
other animals of the same age is of great importance, as the best if not the only
means of fixing some approximate date to these flint implements, though from the
nature of all geological evidence, and the possibility of the same results upon the
earth's surface being attained in a greater or less period of time according to the
greater or less energy of the agent producing them, any estimate of their age will
always be liable to objections. But if the co-existence of man with this now
extinct fauna be proved, then the basis of induction is enormously extended for
arriving at some estimate of the antiquity of man : for the condition and probable
age of drift-beds containing the mammalian remains alone, and unassociated with
human relics, will then fairly enter as elements into the calculation. It is, however,
at present premature to say more upon this point.

I will only add that the presence, in the drift of the valley of the Somme, of the
Cyrena consobrina, or triyonula, a bivalve no longer European, though still found
in the waters of the Nile, and which is frequently associated with elephant remains
in the drift of our valleys, is also of significance in considering the question of the
age of these implement-bearing beds.

If we are compelled to leave the mammalian remains out of the question, it
seems to me by no means easy, in the present state of our knowledge, to assign
even an approximate age to these deposits. Ranging as they do all the way up the
slopes of the valley of the Somme near Amiens and Abbeville, there is great diffi-
culty in arriving at any exact conception of the conditions under which they were

306 Occurrence of Flint Implements in

formed, far more so of the period of their formation. The clays, the sands, and the
gravels, all appear to be such as would be formed by the action of a river
occasionally in rapid motion, and then again dammed up so as to form as it
were a lake, or series of lakes.

But that this could not have been effected in the present configuration of the
valley of the Somme, or of the country near Hoxne, is apparent. There must
indeed have been a considerable difference in the land-surface at those places, at
some former time, for it to have been possible for such deposits to have been
formed ; but what the configuration was at the time of their formation, and how long
a period must have elapsed for it to have become changed into what it is at present,
are questions for the geologist rather than the antiquary, and even he would
require more facts than are at present at his command to speak with confidence
on these points.

Thus much appears to be established beyond a doubt ; that in a period of anti-
quity, remote beyond any of which we have hitherto found traces, this portion of
the globe was peopled by man ; and that mankind has here witnessed some of
those geological changes by which these so-called diluvial beds were deposited.
Whether they were the result of some violent rush of waters such as may have
taken place when " the fountains of the great deep were broken up, and the
windows of heaven were opened," or whether of a more gradual action, similar in
character to some of those now in operation along the course of our brooks,
streams, and rivers, may be matter of dispute. Under any circumstances this
great fact remains indisputable, that at Amiens land which is now one hundred
and sixty feet above the sea, and ninety feet above the Somme, has since the
existence of man been submerged under fresh water, and an aqueous deposit from
twenty to thirty feet in thickness, a portion of which at all events must have
subsided from tranquil water, has been formed upon it ; and this too has taken
place in a country the level of which is now stationary, and the face of which has
been but little altered since the days when the Gauls and the Romans con-
structed their sepulchres in the soil overlying the drift which contains these
relics of a far earlier race of men.

How great was the lapse of time that separated the primeval race whose relics
are here found fossilized, from the earliest occupants of the country to whom his-
tory or tradition can point, I will not stay longer to speculate upon. My present
object is to induce those who have an opportunity of examining beds of drift in
which mammalian remains have been found, to do so with a view of finding also
flint implements in them " shaped by art and man's device."

undisturbed Beds of Gravel, Sand, and Clay. 307

That instruments so rude should frequently have escaped observation cannot be
a matter of surprise, especially when we consider that those educated persons who
have been in the habit of examining drift deposits have been more on the alert for
organic remains than for relics of human workmanship ; while the workmen
whose attention these implements may for the moment have attracted have proba-
bly thrown them away again as unworthy of further notice. I may mention as
an instance of this, that in a pit near Peterborough, where Mr. Prestwich showed
one of the Abbeville specimens to the workmen, they assured him that they had
frequently found them there, and had regarded them as sling-stones ; but none
had been retained, nor on visiting the spot have I been able to find any traces of
them.

As to the localities in England where mammaliferous drift, of a character likely
to contain these worked flints, exists, it would occupy too much time and space to
attempt any list of them. Along the banks of the Thames, the eastern coast of
England, the coast of western Sussex, the valleys of the Avon, Severn and Ouse,
and of many other rivers, in fact in nearly every part of England, have remains of
the Elephas primigenius and its contemporaries been found. Almost every one
must be acquainted with some such locality : there let him search also for flint
implements such as these I have described, and assist in determining the impor-
tant question of their date. A new field is opened for antiquarian research, and
those who work in it will doubtless find their labours amply repaid.

JOHN EVANS.

Nash Mills,
Hemel Hempsted.

:;us

XXI. An Account of the Latter fears of James Hepburn, Earl of Bothwell : his
Imprisonment and Death in Denmark, and the Disinterment of his presumed
Remains ; in a Letter to Sir HENRY ELLIS, K.H., F.S.A., from the Rev.
R. S. ELLIS, M.A., Chaplain to Her Majesty's Legation at Copenhagen.

Read December 1, 1859.

Copenhagen, November 9, 1859.

MY DEAR UNCLE, — For some years past I have occupied my leisure time in
collecting information of such of my countrymen as have dwelt in Denmark, or of
whom memorials may here he found. These have been partly made use of in a
small work entitled "Copenhagen and its Environs," published by me a few years
ago for the use of English travellers.

The turbulent and ambitious Earl Bothwell naturally came within the sphere
of such research, in which I availed myself of the information contained in a MS.
of the late learned Icelander, Mr. Thorliefr Gudmundson Repp, kindly placed by
him at my disposal. This MS. was, by the command of Queen Caroline Amalie
of Denmark, grand-daughter of the sister of George III., compiled from documents
discovered by Mr. Repp in the Royal Privy Archives of Copenhagen; and a
summary of this MS. concludes the book above alluded to.

As an introduction to the principal subject of this letter it may be advisable
again to make use of this summary : —

" After parting with Queen Mary on Carberry Hill, near Edinburgh, Earl
Bothwell wandered about in the west and north of Scotland, probably in disguise,
but, at all events, so as to elude the search of the Regent Murray's party, and at
last reached the Orkneys and Shetland isles, where, as bearing the title of Duke
of Orkney, conferred on him by the Queen, which carried with it seignorial rights,
it would appear he deemed concealment less necessary. Bothwell soon found,
however, that he had deceived himself in supposing that he was safer in the
Orkneys than on the Scottish continent ; for, the regent having despatched some
ships of war in pursuit of him, he narrowly escaped capture by hurriedly
embarking with some of his moveables on board of two vessels which, lying at
Ounst in Shetland, he hired to convey him to Denmark. For this country he
set sail; but, being driven by stress of weather to the coast of Norway, he was

Latter Years of James Hepburn, Earl of Bothwell. 309

there regarded as a pirate, and detained — a mistake arising from the circumstance
of one of the vessels belonging to a noted pirate, David Wodt, of Hamburg.
However, after a strict examination at Bergen, in which Bothwell's rank and
marriage with Queen Mary were disclosed, the magistrate of that place, Erik
Rosenkrantz, decided upon not dismissing Bothwell, but sending him, with a
report of the examination, to Denmark, that the king, Frederik the Second, might
deal with him according to his pleasure.

" Bothwell arrived in Denmark about the close of the year 1567, and was at
first lodged in the Palace at Copenhagen, where, although regarded as a prisoner,
he was treated honourably and as a person of high rank ; the king even sending
him valuable presents and advancing him money. Bothwell now lost no time in
representing to the king in a memorial that he was sent by Queen Mary, his
consort, to demand Frederik' s aid and assistance against her rebellious subjects ;
that, in return, he was authorised by her to restore to the King of Denmark the
isles of Orkney and Shetland (which had been pledged to the crown of Scotland
in lieu of a pecuniary dowry that should have been paid at a former period on
the marriage of a Danish princess with a Scottish king) ; and that, as soon as the
object of his mission to Denmark was accomplished, he wished immediately to
proceed to France, being charged with a similar mission to the French Court.
But, just about this time, envoys from the Regent Murray arrived at Copenhagen,
accusing Bothwell of parricide (i.e. the murder of Darnley) and other heinous
crimes, and demanding that he should be delivered up to them to be taken back
to Scotland, there to suifer death, or that he should be capitally punished in
Denmark. The regent, moreover, strengthened his demand by representing
himself as the bulwark of the Protestant cause in Scotland, and that Denmark
ought to make common cause with England and Scotland against the Catholic
powers, Spain and France, which aimed at the total extermination of Pro-
testantism.

" Frederik, thus acted upon by powerful motives on both sides, resolved to do
nothing hastily, but, in the first place, to remove Bothwell from Copenhagen to
the Castle of Malmo, in Sweden, which at that time belonged to Denmark ; and
there he was detained from the beginning of the year 1568 till the year 1573. At
Malmo Bothwell was still honourably treated, and, although great care was taken
that he should not escape, much liberty was granted him, and free intercourse
with such of his countrymen as chose to visit him. In the meanwhile the
successive Scottish regents were indefatigable in sending envoys to Denmark
claiming Bothwell at the hands of Frederik, whose claims even Queen Elizabeth
supported in several energetic letters to the Danish king. On the other hand,

VOL. XXXVIII. 2 T

,'ttO An Account of the Latter Years of

tin* King of France and the queen dowager (Catherine del Medici) ceased not
through their envoy at Copenhagen, Chevalier de Dantzay, to entreat Frederik by
no means to deliver up Bothwell to the Scotch ; and Dantzay actually obtained a
promise from Frederik that Botbwell should not be delivered i\p without previous
notice being given to the King of France. At this time Dantzay \\ritcs to
Catherine, ' Bothwell has promised to surrender to King Frederik his claims to
the isles of Orkney and Shetland,' and adds, ' For this reason I think that the
King of Denmark will not easily deliver him up '

" As long as there seemed to be any chance of Mary being restored to power in
Scotland, it appears certain that Frederik was fully determined not to deliver up
Bothwell, and even to treat him like a prince. But, although Frederik lay under
some obligations to Queen Mary, inasmuch as she had permitted him to levy
troops in Scotland for his late wars in Sweden, yet he would not by any positive
act interfere for her restoration, lest by so doing he should be regarded as
unfaithful to the Protestant cause, which would in those days have been such a
stigma on his reign and memory as would be viewed with abhorrence by every
Protestant prince. Yet, could Mary be restored by some other agency, he had
then only to surrender to the queen her husband, and receive the isles of Orkney
and Shetland in return. During the period between 1568 and 1572 Mary's party
in Scotland was still so strong that her cause seemed to contemporary politicians
by no means hopeless ; it was not till the month of August in the latter year that
it was considered as totally lost. The St. Bartholomew Massacre in France put
an end to every chance which Mary might have had, because her connection with
the league — indeed, that she was in some measure the author of it — was strongly
suspected by the princes and nations of Europe, which suspicion the letters lately
collected by Prince Labanoff have clearly proved was not without foundation.
This event had great influence on the fate of Bothwell in Denmark. On the 28th
of June, 1573, Dantzay wrote to the King of France, 'Le Roy de Dannemarck
auoit jusques a present assez bien entretenu le Conte de Baudouel. Mais depuis
pen de jours il 1'a faict mettre en un fort mauluaise et estroite prison :' by which
he meant the Castle of Drachsholm, in Sealand, where he died about five years
later. After the removal of Bothwell to this last prison he seems to have been
deprived of all communication beyond the castle walls ; and from this period one
of the chief reasons for his not being delivered up may have been the promise
given through Dantzay to the King of France.

" Owing to the close confinement of Bothwell after his removal to Drachsholm,
his history is involved in so great obscurity that even contemporary accounts
widely vary as to the date of his decease. Dantzay, in a letter which he wrote to

Jatnea Hepburn, Earl of Botlncell. 311

the Court of France the 24th of November, 1575, reports him to be dead in that
year, while others have stated that he died in 1576, and this seems to have been
the opinion of Queen Mary herself. The best authorities, however, Danish" as well
as Scottish, appear to establish it as a fact that Bothwell died on the 14th of
April, 1578, at the Castle of Drachsholm, and that his remains were consigned to
a vault in the parish church of Faareveile. It seems, too, that the Danish govern-
ment, wearied by the Scottish and English demands on the one hand, and the
French entreaties on the other, willingly permitted the report to be spread abroad
that Bothwell died in 1575 : this would put an end to a course of diplomacy
which was beginning to run unsmoothly, and the Danish government had it in
its power to keep him so closely confined at Drachsholm that he might, as
regarded foreign powers, be the same as dead to all intents and purposes.

" For an analogous reason some doubt may be entertained, although Dantzay's
veracity is entirely unimpeachable, whether Bothwell was harshly treated after his
removal to Drachsholm ; but such a report would in some measure be agreeable
and conciliatory to the Scottish government, which had repeatedly complained of
the too great lenity shewn to him at Malmo. The chief object of his removal to
Drachsholm seems to have been that of more certain seclusion.

" With respect to the great discrepancies regarding the date of Bothwell's
death, it is proper to observe that they may partly arise from a contemporary
Danish Memorandum Bookb of some authority and often referred to, in which we
find the following notes : ' In the year 1575, the 14th of April, died John, the
chaplain of Drachsholm, and was buried in the church of Faareveile, near
Drachsholm.' ' In the year 1578, the 14th of April, died the Scottish earl at
Drachsholm, and was buried in the same church. His name was James Hep-
hune (sic, Hepburn is meant), Earl of Bothwell.' Here, it should be observed,
that these notices or memoranda are arranged according to the days of the month,
not according to the years : and thus, events which occur on the same day,
although in different years, are placed in juxta-position."

In the hope, therefore, of seeing with my own eyes the cotfin and the remains
of this notorious earl, I made an excursion to the north-west part of this island
in the summer of 1857, and bent my steps to Faarevcile Church, prettily situated

• " Kong Frederik den Andens Kriinicre samlet og sammensk revet af adskillige Codicibus MSS. fra
1559 til 1588, af Poder Hanson Kosen." 1680. The passage may be thus translated : "At the same time
also died the Scottish Earl Bothwell after a long imprisonment at Dragsholm, and was buried at Faareveile.''

b " Magnzin til den Danske Adels Historie udgivet af Det Kongelige Danske Selskab for Fredrelandcts
Historic og Sprog." 1824. This work is the commencement of the publication of a Manuscript in the col-
lection or library of Karen Brahe at the Nunnery (Fruhcnkloster) at Odense, the chief town of the island of
Fyen, and contains only the entries relating to the months January to April.

2x2

312

An Account of the Latter Years of

on an eminence overlooking the Lamme Fjord. But I was then doomed to disap-
pointment. The vault which contained the coffin was in an unused so-called side

The Castle of Drachtholro, now Adelcriborg, the residence of Baron X.utphen Adeler.

chapel, the opening of which would be attended with much time, labour, and
expense. About three miles from the church lies Drachsholm (now a baronial
residence called Adelersborg) in a sequestered spot, partly surrounded by a small
wood : before it is the Great Belt, behind it the Lamme Fjord : the country about
open and bleak. The exterior of the castle, with its moat, is precisely the same
as when Bothwell was its inmate. Baron Zutphen Adeler received me kindly and
hospitably, and showed me the dungeon (now a wine-cellar) which tradition tells
was Bothwell's prison, with a large iron ring in the wall, to which the prisoner
was bound.

Aware of the great interest taken by his present Majesty in endeavouring at
this time to ascertain the authenticity of the remains of some of the early kings
of Denmark, I, on my return, memorialised his Majesty to use his influence in the
present highly interesting case to obtain the consent of Baron Adeler to the
opening of the vault in Faareveile Church. The king graciously entertained my

James Hepburn, Earl of Bothwell. 313

request, and the baron as kindly met the wishes of the king. On the 30th of May,
1858, by invitation of Baron Adeler, I went to Adelersborg, where, on the follow-
ing morning, we were joined by Professor Worsaae (R. of D. and D. M. Professor
extr. in Northern Antiquities at the University, &c. &c.) and Professor Ibsen
(R. of D. Lecturer in Medical Science at the University), both appointed by his
Majesty to be present at the opening of the vault. At noon we proceeded to the
church of Faareveile, and found that the workmen, six in number, had just
completed their task, on which they had been engaged since 4 p.m. of the day
before. It was soon evident that there were but two coffins in the vault, of a
date as ancient as the latter end of the sixteenth century ; and, as Professor
Ibsen pronounced the remains in one of them to be those of a female, all our
attention and interest were concentrated on the other.

This coffin was of simple deal, without ornament or date, in perfect preserva-
tion, of a high square form, somewhat resembling a large trunk, and such as was
commonly used in Denmark at the close of the sixteenth century. This very coffin
had, several years ago, been pointed out to Professor Worsaae by the aged school-
master of Faareveile as the coffin of Bothwell, stating in addition that his prede-
cessor had also informed him that such had always been the tradition in the parish.

The remains of the shroud proved it to have been of a rich texture. The pillow
was of white satin. The coffin, shroud, &c. were such as would appertain to a man
of rank, although poor, and corresponding exactly to that of a prisoner of state.

The skeleton was that of a strong, square-built man, from 5ft. Sin. to 5ft. Tin.
long ; light hair mixed with grey remained attached to the skull ; the forehead
was low and sloping ; the cheek-bones high ; the nose prominent ; and the hair and
teeth agreed with Bothwell's age.

On opening the coffin no skull was visible ; but Professor Ibsen found it under
the shoulders of the skeleton, and it was the professor's opinion that, at a previous
examination, the skull had fallen off, and was then placed as now discovered ;
"for," added the professor, "the man, whose skeleton this is, was not beheaded."

After a thorough investigation of coffin, shroud, and skeleton, the conclusion
come to, was " Nothing absolutely certain of its being Bothwell's remains, but
nothing as yet against it." The coffin with its contents was then removed to a
vault in the chancel of the church for further investigation at a future time, if
necessary.

Since the foregoing occurrence I have tried at various sources, but unsuccess-
fully, to gain some description of Bothwell's personal appearance, in the hope of
its tallying with the above. Perhaps if you would bring this subject before a

314 An Account of (he Latter Tears of

meeting of the Society of Antiquaries, it might lead, one way or another, to the
solution of the mystery.

I remain, my dear Uncle, your affectionate Nephew,

To Sir Henry Ellis, K.H. &c. R. S. ELLIS.

POSTSCRIPT. — Since writing to you the above I have been fortunately able to
find some additional evidence as to the date of the incarceration of Bothwell in
Drachsholm Castle. The only evidence that had been hitherto obtained was the
allusion by the Chevalier Dantzay, in a dispatch to the King of France dated
June 28th, 1573, where he states that Bothwell had been placed in "un fort
mauluaise et etroite prison." Now, however, thanks to Professor Kall-Rasmussen,
I am in possession of further and more conclusive proof of Bothwell' s incarceration
at Drachsholm.

I have before referred to a MS. in the library of Karen Brahe at the nunnery
of Odense in Fyen as containing the entry relating to Both well's interment at
Faareveile. A portion only of this MS., containing the entries relating to the four
first months of the year, had been published ; but Professor Kall-llasmussen has
kindly obtained for me a copy of an entry relating to June 16, which is as follows:
"Anno 1573, den 16 Junii, bleff den Schottske Greffne indsat paa Dragsholm;"
that is, " in the year 1573, on the 16th of June, the Scottish Earl was placed at
Drachsholm."

James Hepburn, Earl of Both well. 315

APPENDIX.

THE accompanying documents, copies from the originals in the State Paper
Office at Westminster, not hitherto printed, bearing upon the foregoing narrative,
will doubtless be acceptable, and increase the interest which all will naturally feel
in this epoch of Scottish history.

(1.) Domestic Corresp. Eliz. vol. xiii. art. 73. — A Note of Occurrences in Scot-
land, 15th to 24th June, 1567. Among them is the following :—

" The Earl of Bothwell's escape : with a statement that Bothwell was present
at the King's (meaning Darnley's) murder." This Note it appears is corrected by
Sir William Cecill :

[State Paper Office, Scotland, Elizabeth, vol. xiii. art. 73.]

Note. The corrections and additions to this paper marked by brackets [ ] are in the handwriting of Lord Burghley.
The words erased in the original are here printed in Italics.

1567. Sonday the xvth of June tharles of Atholl, Moretou, Glencarne, Marr, wth other lordes
[the L. Hume, L. Lyndsaye, L. Byron, L. Symm, L. Sacqwhar] confederate for the psecuting
of the late kinges murther, and for the safety of the prince, having gotten the towne and castle of
Cdenburgh, w"' eerten other tcncmltipps thereaboutes at their devotion, went towards Du'barr to
take, [and ye good will of sodry borough tow's, understanding that] the Erie Bothwell, if the;/
might, being confessed Ity others whom they had. apprehended to be the principall doer of the mtir~
ther, w'k being understood the same Erie 13., [who was certenly know'e to be y6 pryncipitll
murderer of y« kyng cum] wth the quenc there and such company as they had, mctt w"1 the
lordes in the feildes not fiirr from [Musselbourgh], where there was not any slawghter don
to ether pte, for that diverse that came w"1 the Q. went to the lordes side, wherupon therle B.
escaped to Diibar, but the Q. remayncd still in the feildes, of whom the lordes demanded justice to
be don upon the said Erie B. for the murder, wcl' she denied ; and thorupon those lordes conveyed
her to Kdenburgh, and so to Loghlevin, where it is saycd they meane to detcin her untill justice
?nay be don upon the murtherers for the honor of that controy, etc. [for which purpooss the
lordes make c-otynuall sute to hir, offryg to hir all libty and otlicr dutyes, but as yet she will not
agree to have any thyg doone wherby the Erie Bothwell shuld be in any dager].

Tlicrle B (as it is sayed) hath joyned him self wth the Hamhletons, who were in the wayc to
have come to the Q. before that meting w* the lordcs [and ye Hamiltos make ther, a j?ty
ngeynst ye other lordes, to the cd to more cyvill treble, and to, wishyg nether to y« Quene nor ye
Prynce well in respect of ther own interest to ye crown.]

The xxiiijth of June Captain Blacketer was hanged, hedded, and his armes and legges broken for
the murder. A Fleming wch was his man is also apphended for that matter.

316 An Account of the Latter Years of

One Capten Vallen (is sayed) to be likewise executed for tfiat murder. And that a servant of
therle Bothwclles shuld be taken who shuld [hatli] confessed that] therle [was] to be in pson
at the murder, and that he did cary[ed] in two trukes made for apparell only [certen gon] powder
therin for the purpose.

[Sondry others ar also taken who confess y« Erie Bothwelle being at ye murdre, w' some
other very strag thyges frome other noble me that now joyne w' the Hamiltos, were pve that
the kynge shuld be rydd out of his liff, but not pve of ye mane'.]

(In dorso,) A note of the courrentes in Scotland,
sence the xiiij"1 of June.

(2.) Vol. xiv. art. 53 — A Letter from William Kyrkcaldy, Laird of Grange, to
the Earl of Bedford, dat. Edinburgh, Aug. 10, 1567 : informs him of Bothwell's
arrival at Orkney, and of his (Kyrkcaldy's) appointment with Tullibardine to go
in pursuit of him :

[State Paper Office, Scotland, Elizabeth, vol. xiv. art 53.]

This is to geve yor L. maist hartly thankes for yor gentill Ire. At this pnte I have letell or
nothyng to writ unto yor L. but y* me Lordes here, beyng surlie advtised yl the erll bothell is passit
be see w* fyve shipis to Orkenay, they have causit ppare w' all possible haist iij shipis to go thither
to psew hym. And for the mair sure execution of the same tharc LL. is contented y* the Lard
of Tullibarne and 1 accept the charge to be the psewars of hym, the q'lk maist willingly we have
tainc upon us. And for my owne pt, albeit I be no gud see ma, I promess unto yor L. gyff I may
anes enconter W1 hym, eyther be see or land, he sail eyther carie me w1 hym or ellis I sail bryng
hym dead or quik to Edinbru, for I take God to witnes the onlye occasion that movet me eyther
to procure or joyne my self to the Lords of this ye lait enrpryse was to restore my natyve cutrye
againe to libertye and honor, for yor L. knawis weill eneutht how we wer spoken of amonges all
nations for yl tressonabill and horrobiir deed q'lk was cofhitted be yl traitor Bothell. In this I can
writ no mair at this pSt, 3it and I gett so mekill leaser I sail writ ance agcne er I dept, q'lk I trust
salbe upon thirsday nixt. I maist hublie tak my leave. At Edb. the x of August.

Yor L. awne to comand,

W. KYRKCALDY.
(In dorso,) Xth of August, 1567.

Kyrcaldy to my lard of Bedf.

(Addressed,) To the Ryl hon"*" and his verye gud Lord the Erll of Bedford,

Lord Govnor of Berwik.

(3.) Same volume, art. 82. — Letter from David Sincler to the Earl of Bedford,
Sept. 15, 1567. Entry of the regent (Murray) and the lords into the Castle of
Edinburgh. Escape of Both well in Shetland from the Laird of Grange, and the
capture of one of his ships :

[State Paper Office, Scotland, Elizabeth, vol. xiv. art. 82.]
My Lord, Ef? my maist humyll comendatioriis of ^vise. I reprewid syndrye of your lordshippes

James Hepburn, Earl of Bothwell. 317

ould acquetants that they wer so unkynd in wryteing to your 1. and patlye becaus of my ?vandes
repareing towart they partis I thocht goud to let your 1. haif knowlege that my lord regent, with
the rest of the lordes, dynitt in the castell this Fryday, and it was dely9itt to my lord regent thair
ane shippe cuit from the laird of Grange and hes schawyn, that y« Erll Bothell hes escapit narrolye"
in schytland, and left his shippis, and followeing so neir the unecorne one of the pryncepall shippis
q'lk the laird of grange had is brokkin, and ye men saif, and yc laird of grange wl ye Costabill of
Dunde is landit in Schytland, and hes tain ye pryncepall ma of ye cutre, and hes takin ane of the
lord Bothelles shippis, and two spetiall mariners callit David Willye and Georde fogo : y« laird of
Tillebairn hes followit the rest of y6 shippis. This comytt you' 1. to the protection of y* eternall
God. Fra your 1. ever at power to comand,

(In dorso,) Rd in September, 1567, DAVID SYNCLER.

David S'cler to therle of Bedford.

(Addressed,) To the ryth wyrshippull my lord off Bedford.

(Also,) To Mr Secretary.

(4.) Same volume, art. 97. — "The King of Denmark to the King of Scotland,
in answer to a letter of his Majesty respecting the murder of the late King Henry,
and requesting that the Earl of Bothwell, who was stated to be the author of the
murder, and had been arrested m Norway, might be sent back to Scotland.
Stating that, inasmuch as the Earl of Bothwell had legally been acquitted of the
charge, and for other reasons, he hopes to satisfy the King of Scotland's expec-
tation by keeping Bothwell in safe and stricter custody. Dated Dec. 30th, 1567.
Latin :"

[State Paper Office, Scotland, Elizabeth, vol. xiv. art. 97.]

Fredericus secundus Dei gratia Daniae, Norwagiae, Gothorum, Vandalorumque rex, Dux Slcsvici,
Holsatiae, Stormariae, ac Diethmariae, comes in Oldenbourgh et Delmenherst, Serenissimo Principi
Domino Jacobo Scotorum regi consanguineo et fratri nostro charissiino, salutem ac continuum
felicitatis incrementum. Serenissime Princeps consanguinee et frater charissime, Reddidit nobis die
xvhujus mensis literas Serenitatis vestrae ultima Septembris Strivelingi scriptas presentium exhibitor
foecialis vester. Quibus nos de miserabili casu Illustrissimi Principis domini Henrici Scotorum
Regis patris Serenitatis vestnc bone recordationis iterum certiores facit. Ac comitem Bothuallum
non ita pridem a prefecto nostro in Noruagia captum, quem crudelissimae cadis istius reum et
authorem facit, ad supplicium deposcit eumque sibi a nobis dedi, et si ita nobis videatur tempus
certum constitui petit quo is nostra ex jurisdictione in Scotiam reduci et poena adfici possit. His
nos amice jam respondemus, nos sicut superioribus literis nostris testati sumus tragicum istum et
plane miserandum casum optimi Principis tanto maiore cum animi dolore percepimus quanto magis
nota fuerunt omnibus Serenitatis ipsius varia et animi ct corporis dona et ornamenta, prasscnsquc
Serenitatis vestrae etas et rerum in Scotia status parentem et moderatorem talem requirere videbantur.
Ideoque pro communi nostra regnorumque nostrorum necessitudine mortem Christiani et vicini regis

* This word is either struck out or has been blotted.
VOL. XXXVIII. 2 U

318 An Account of the Latter Years of

et vicem Serenitatis vestrse et universae reipublicse Scotiae, quae non bene inde incommodum percepit,
vehementer dolemus et deploramus. Ac Deum precamur ut Serenitatis vestrae Imperium ea prc-
sertim state susceptum laetioribus auspiciis promoveat confirmetque ac presentibus tandem regnorum
tumultibus remedium tempestivum adhibeat.

Quantum vero ad comitem Bothuallum pertinet, cognovimus eum nuper cum in regno nostro
Norvagiae vagaretur et nonnullam suspitionibus causam praebuisset cum navibus sociisque a nostris
captuin et in castrum nostrum Bcrgense deductum, indeque in regnum nostrum Daniac transmissum
esse. Is si caedem istam aliaque de quibus scribit Serenitas vestra horrenda flagitia commisit dignus
profecto foret in quern pro scelerum autoritate graviter animadvertatur. Intelleximus autem ex
relatione nostrorum eum cum de hiis argueretur purgandi sui causa plurima in medium adduxisse.
Inter caetera purgationem cjus cujus insimularetur criminis in Scotia a se legitime factam. Ideoque
in decisorio judicio per sententiam absolutum, se Regem Scotorum, serenissimam Reginam con-
sanguineam nostram conjugem suam, contrariam factionem subditos rebellos asserens, nee ullam hac
in causa Reginse accusationem intervenire.

Cumque ea cum literis Serenitatis vestrae et narratione fcecialis ejusdem (cui nihil cert£ dero-
gandum esse duximus) plane non convenirent ; Negotium vero ipsum inaximi ut apparebat
moment! et prejudicii altiorem indaginem maturamque deliberationem postulare videretur, Minime
nobis committendum esse judicavimus ut in causa de cujus circumstantiis et forma nondum penitus
nobis constaret certi aliquis decerneremus.

Ut autem ex sententia Serenitatis vestrae nostra ex potestate et custodia in Scotiam abducendum
Bothuallum tradi permittamus, eo difficultatcm aliquam inesse nee sine labefactatione regiae juris-
dictionis nostrae prestari jam posse visum est. Ideoque latius nobis de eo deliberandum. Memorato
vero Serenitatis vestrae fceciali, cui persecutionem hujus causae et rei accusationem commissum esse
literse Serenitatis vestrae testabantur, potestatem fecimus in proximo procerum nostrorum conventu
legitimo judicio contra eundem experiundi disceptandique. Cumque is, propter alicujus temporis
moram quam ob instauratam expeditionem nostram Sueticam et quorumdara consiliariorum
nostrorum absentiam intervenire oportuit, reditum ad Serenitatcm vestram maturaret, presertim quia
se in itinere adversa tempestate impeditum quereretur, Existimavimus officio nostro regio et
Serenitatis vestrae expectation! nos in hac parte jam satisfacturos esse si comitem Bothuallum tuta
et arctiori in custodia tantisper apud nos asservandum demandaremus, donee de negotii istius cir-
cumstantiis legitime edocti hoc decemere possimus, quod et juris et equitatis norma mutuorum
fcederum ratio ac res denique ipsa postulare videatur et requirere. Quod ad diligenter curaturi
simus omnino confidimus Serenitatem vestram hanc responsionem nostram benigne accepturam,
inque solita erga nos benevolentia perseveraturam esse. Cui valetudinem prosperam et felices
salutarium consiliorum sucessus ex animo precamur. Ex Regia nostra Haffnia xxx° Dec. 1567.

(Indorto,) 30 December, 1567,

Copy of the K. of Denmarkes Letters to the K. of
Scottes for answer of his towching ye delivery
and sending into S[c]otland of th'erle Bothwell.

(5.) Vol xv. art. 7. — Murray to Cecill. Begs his assistance in obtaining the

James Hepburn, Earl of Bothwell. 319

queen's letters to the King of Denmark for the return of the Earl of Bothwell to
Scotland to suffer for the murder of the late king. Dat. Edinb. March 7, 1568 :

[State Paper Office, Scotland, Elizabeth, vol. XT. art. 7.]

After my maist hertlic comendations presentlie as alwayes quhen I have to do I mon burdyn
jou, seing I find sic furtherance at jour handes. My pnt sute is this, The Earle Boithuile, cheif
raurtheare of the King of gude memory, fader to the king my maister, being fugitive fra the lawes,
is now deteint in Denmark. And howbeit be a herald I have requirit him to be send in Scotland
thare to suffer according to his desving, jit find I na apparece to get the same gdiscendit unto,
onles the Queins Ma11* jor soverane will direct hir effectuus trej to the King of Denmark thairfore,
in respect of the horrible cryme corhittet in the personn of a prince, and that he quha wes
murtherit had the honor to be sa neir of hir Mate» blude. To the furtherance and expedition
quhairof I will maist hertlie pray jou extend joure gudewill & crydett, and that hir Made will
require the Ambassad™ of France and Hispainje resident thair to procure of thair soverains the
like tres to be send in Denmark, qm as je jail do a godlie werk and declare jour affection to
justice, sa in particular ue mon grant we to ressave a speall gude turn at jour handes in this amangis
mony ma thinges qch God offer the occasion that ue may worthelie acquite jour benevolence. Sua,
referring to jour 9tinewall gudewill & wisdome, we comit jou to Almightie God. At Edinburgh
the dayofMarche, 1567.

Jour richt assurit freind,

JAMES, REGENT.
(In dorso,) Martii, 1567.

Therle of Murrey to Mr. Sec7 for the L. tres to y8 K. of

Derhark to send therle Bothwell into Scotland.

(Addressed?) To my verie assurit freind Sr Willm Cecill, knyght,
principal! Secretary to the Q. Ma"" of England.

(6.) Vol. xvi. art. 10.— Feb. 21, 15G9. Earl of Murray writes again to Cecill.
Forwards letters. Reminds him of her Majesty's letter to be sent to the King of
Denmark about the Earl of Bothwell :

[State Paper Office, Scotland, Elizabeth, vol. xvi. art. 10.]

After my maist hertlie commendationes. I have na new occasioun pntlie to write to jow sen my
last tre of the xix of this present, quhareof I luke be jour good meanys to ressave confortable
an?. I have sent heirwith a tre of my awin to my lord the Cardinall of Chastillon, quhilk I pray
jow hertlie cause be conveyed to him, as alsua that jc will pnt thir twa tres of my lord & uncle
the Erie of Mar and my ladic his wiff to the queins Mau°. And last that je wilbe myndfull of hir
hienes tre to be direct to the King of Denmark for Bothvile, quhilk culd not be readie at my
departur be resoun of Mr Ascamis deceise. In all my triffles je see I am bauld and hamlie with
jow, as I will effectuuslie dealer jow to be with me, and gif it stand in my possibilitie in ony respect
to aliaw jow pleas assure your self of satisfactioun. Thus I wish jow weill as myself. At Striveling
the xxj of Februar, 1568.

Yor richt assurit freind,

JAMES, REGENT.
2u2

320 An Account of the Latter Years of

(7.) Vol. xx. art. 5.— A Letter from Thomas Buchanan to Cecill, dated from
Copenhagen, Jan. 19, 1571. Informs him of the daily correspondence between
the murderer Bothwell and the Queen of Scots. The reason of BothwelTs
detention in Denmark ; his other practices ; communication with England, &c. :

[State Paper Office, Scotland, Elizabeth, vol. xx. art. 5.]

My Lord, efter my verray hairty commendaciouns. Being in thir pairtes of Dennemarke, w"1
commissioun from my maister the Kinges Mate of Scotland to the Kinges grace of this realme
annent the delivery of the mordorer Bothwell to justice ; and apparsaving the particular practises
that the said mordorer Bothwell daylie hes w* the Kinges Majestes moder of Scotland who pntlie
is in your country, I culd no les hot of my dewty for the weilfair of both our countryes geve your
honor advertysement thairof, wrthro sum ordour myght be taken thairin as your honour thinketh
expedient, and that the persons travellours betwix thame my' be in all tymes herefter stoppet,
pwnisched. Heerfore it may pleis your lordschip this to beleif and surly credit (yf men of great
estimacioun in thir pairtes who heth reported the same to me be wordy of trust,) that the Kinges
grace moder of Scotland hes send certane wretinges to this cuntry to Bothwell, desyring hym to be
of good confort, w"1 sondry other purposes, who alsue theth wrtin, to the great jyudice and hort of
ane gentelman nemmed Capitane Johane Clark, be reassone that he at the comand of the Kinges
MaUe my maister dyd diligentlie procuir and labour to have haid the said mordorer Bodwell
delivered to hym to have bene sent in Scotland. Whairthrou and by utheres unjust accusacions
he is imprisoned, and as yit small hoip of his delyvere, altho the Quenes Ma1* of Ingland heth wretin
letters in hys favor. The caus whoy the said Bothwell is not deliveret is judget to be, be reassone
thay ar heir informet of certane devisiones to be in Scotland and Ingland, and thay dayle a wattching
thairon be the mcanes of one nemed Maister Horsey, who is send in England pairtlie be Bothwell
and als be the cheifest of this land to espy whou all mattars doeth proceed both in England and
Scotland; thairefter to bring here advertysement w111 tres of favour from the Kynges moder to this
Kyng that the mordorer Bothwell be not delivered to be punisched, w"1 sum promes of kyndnes to
hym thairfore of the yles of Orknay and Schetland ; whairfore I earnestlie request your lordschip to
have er hento, and as your wysdome thinketh expedient to caus put ordour heirin, wrthrou the said
Mr Horsey be not licenced to have entres to that woman whair sche remaned, nathe }it in lykmaner
any uther stranger, for as I do understand thair is alsua ane page of Bothwelles send by hym in
England wth certane wretinges two months ago to the same woman for the same effect and purpos,
w*h page is a Danish borne, }it not easilie to be knowin by a Scott be reasone he speketh perfyet
Scottes, w** wretings yf thay cum to hyr handes may be prejudiciall and hortfull to both our
countreyes and to the discontentment of the Quenes Ma1"* of England ; whairfore I doubt not but
your honor wyll that hir hynes have knowledge heirof, and suche ordour to be takyne heiranent as
hyr grace shall thynk nedfull. It may alsua plcis your honor to wytt that I have wrettin certane
wrettinges to my Lord Regentes hynes in Scotland, the w*h wretinges I earnestlie desyre to be con-
veyed be your honor to hys hynes wth the first comoditie. And thus bauldlie of small acquentance
have I presumed to wreit unto your Lordschip, not dowbting your honores goodwyl and diligens to
be had herunto, for the amitie, friendschip, and concord that remaneth betuix our countreyes,

James Hepburn, Earl of Bothwell. 321

the w*11 God of goodnes long to continew, wto your lordschipes good helth and honour. Wretin
at Copinahanen in Dannemark the 19 of Janner, 1571.

Be 3Or at power,

TH. BUCHANAN.
(Indorso,) 19 Januar, 1570.

buckhana fro demark,
y« Erl BothwelL

A. a.

(Addressed,) To the ryght worschipfull Schir Wylliame Cicile, knyght,

and secretar to the Queues Maieste of England.

XXII. — Petitions to Charles II. from Elizabeth Cromwell, Widow of (he Pro-
tector, and from Henry Cromicell : communicated by Mrs. M. A. EVERETT
GREEN : in a Letter to JOHN BRUCE, Esq. V.P.S.A.

Read 9 June, 1859.

State Paper Office,
MY DEAR SIR, May 28, 1859.

I understand that the Society of Antiquaries plumes itself somewhat upon
being possessor of what has been supposed to be the only known autograph of
Elizabeth Cromwell, the Protectress. However, amongst an immense mass of
petitions, which poured in, torrent-like, on the Restoration of Charles II., I
have discovered one from this lady, signed by herself, though not written
with her own hand. I inclose you a copy of the petition ; the date is not given,
but it can be proximately determined by the circumstance that the endorsement,
a very characteristic one, is in the handwriting of Sir Edward Nicholas, whose
period of secretaryship terminated in October, 1662. I doubt whether the prayer
of the petition was ever granted, for I find no reference upon it, and in a large
index to the warrants and other documents of the period, which exists in the
State Paper Office, no notice occurs of a warrant for the solicited protection.

The same index book does contain a notice of a pardon granted to Henry
Cromwell in October, 1660, but the warrant books for that year are missing, and
therefore I cannot give you the document itself.

I send you also a copy of a petition from Henry Cromwell, the original of
which is in his own handwriting, with a report annexed, from which it would
appear that his petition met with consideration, and was probably granted. The
referees on his petition are, — Sir John Clotworthy, created Viscount Massareen
21 Nov. 1660, for his services in promoting the Restoration, a privy councillor
in Ireland, and a little later made one of the Commissioners for settling Claims
on Lands there, and Sir Audley Mervyn, made prime serjeant-at-law for Ireland
by Privy Seal 20 Sept. 1660.

I think these papers will possess some interest for the Society, and I have
much pleasure in sending them.

I am, my dear Sir,

Very sincerely yours,

MART ANNE EVERETT GREEN.

Petitions to Charles II. from Elizabeth and Henry Cromwell. 323

I.

Petition of Elizabeth Cromwell.

[From the Original in the State Paper Office, Domestic Papers, Charles II., vol. xxii. No. 144.]

To the King's most Excellent Majestic.

The humble petition of Elizabeth Cromwell, widowe,

Sheweth,

That among the many sorrowes wherewith it hath pleased the All-wise God to exercise yr
Petitioner, she is deeply sensible of those unjust imputations whereby she is charged of detaining
jewels and other goods belonging to yr Majestie, which, beside the disrepute of it, hath expos'd
her to many violences and losses under pretence of searching for such goods, to the undoing of
her in her Estate, and rend'ring her abode in any place unsafe : she being willing to depose upon
oath that she neither hath nor knowes of any such jewels or goods. And whereas she is able to
make it appeare by sufficient testimony that she hath never intermedled in any of those publike
transactions wcb have been prejudiciall to your Majestie's Royall Father or yr selfe, and is ready to
yeild all humble and faithfull obedience to yr Majestie in yr government,
She therefore humbly prayes : —

That your Ma"* would be pleased to distinguish betwixt the concernmu of your petitioner,
and those of her relations whoe have been obnoxious, and out of yr prince[ly] goodnesse
vouchsafe her a protection, without wch she cannot expect now in her old age a safe retire-
ment in any place of yr Matie's Dominions.

And she shall ever pray.

Endorsed, [by Sir Edward Nicholas,] " Old Mrs. Cromwell, Nol's wife, petition."

II.
Petition of Henry Cromwell.

[From the Original in the State Paper Office, Domestic Papers, Charles II., vol. xxxi. No. 72.]
To ye Kings most excellent MaUe.

The humble peticon of Col" Henry Cromwell

Sheweth,

That your Petr doth heartily acquiesce in y* Providence of God for restoring your Ma^ to y«
gouernment of these nacons.

324 Petitions to Charles II. from Elizabeth Cromwell

That all his actings haue been w^out malice either to y6 Person or interest of your Maiy, &c.,
but onely out of naturall duty to his late Father.

That your petr did all ye time of his power in Ireland study to preserue y° peace, plenty, and
splendor of that kingdome, did encourage a learned ministry, giuing not onely protection but
maintenance to severall BPI* there, placed worthy persons in y" seates of judicature and magistracy,
and (to his owne great prejudice) upon all occasions was fauorable to your Ma" professed freinds.
Hee therefore humbly beseeches your Made that y6 tender consideration of y* premisses, and of y*
great temptacons and necessities your peticoner was under, may extenuate your Ma" displeasure
against him ; and that your Ma*5', as a great instance of your clemency, and an acknowledgm' of y*
great mercy which your Royall selfe hath receiued from Almighty God, would not suffer him, his
wife, and children, to perish from y* face of y° earth, but rather to Hue and expiate what hath
been done amisse, with their future prayers and services for your Ma**.

In order wherunto y Petr humbly offers to yor Ma" most gracious consideration, that since hee
is already outed of about 2,000/. per Ann. which hee held in England, and for which 4,0001.
porcon was payd by your pet™ wives freinds to his late father, hee may obtaine your Mau grant
for such lands already in his possession upon a common accompt w"1 many others in Ireland, as
shall by law bee adjudged forfeited and in your Mau dispose.

And forasmuch as your Pef hath layd out neere 6,0001. upon y* premisses, that yor Maw would
recomend him to y* next Parlam* in Ireland to deale fauorably with him concerning ye same, and
according to your pet™ deportm' for ye common good of y' place. And lastly yo* Pef most
humbly beseeches your most Excell' Ma^ that no distinction between himselfe and other your Mau
good subjects may be branded on him to posterity, that so hee may without feare, and as well out
of interest as duty, serue your Maty all his dayes.

Who shall euer pray, &c.

WHEREAS we were desired to testify our knowledge concerning y« value of y« lands to bee
confirmed to Col. Henry Cromwell, We doe hereby certifie as followeth, viz': —

That ye lands in Ireland possessed by y« said Col. Cromwell on y* 7th of May, 1659, were in
satisfaction of twelve thousand pounds in Debentures, or neere thereabouts.

That Debentures were commonly bought and sold for fower, five, and six shillings in y« pound,
few yielding more even in the dearest times. According to w0" Rates ye said lands might have
been had for between three and fower thousand pounds. Which said sum, with the emprovements
by him made thereupon, is as much as the same is now worth to bee sold. And is all we know hee
hath to subsist upon for himselfe and family. Given under our hands this 23"' of February, 1660.

MASSEREENE.
Au: MEBVTN.

and from Henry Cromwell. 325

The letter alluded to by Mrs. Green as being in the Society's collection of
manuscripts is contained in the volume of State Papers relating to Cromwell
known as the Milton State Papers, and the greater part of which were published
by John Nickolls, jun. F.S.A. in 1743, where this letter may be found at p. 40.
It appears desirable to append a copy of this curious letter,* together with a
fac-simile of the signature, in order to compare the latter with the signature to
the petition. The whole letter is evidently in the same hand as the signature.

III.

Letter from Elizabeth Cromwell to her husband.

My deerist,

I wonder you should blame me for writing nowe oftnire when i haw sent thre
for one : i cane not but thenk thay ar miscarid. truly if i knog my one hart i showld ase soune
neglect my self ase to haw [?] the least thought towards you hoe in douing of it i must doe it to
my self but when I doe writ my dear i seldome haw any satisfactore anser wich makse me
thenk my writing is slited as well it mae ; but i cane not but thenk your loue couerse my
weknisis and infermetis. i should reioys to hear your desire in seing me but I desire to submet
to the prouedns of god howping the lord houe hath separated vs and hath oftune brought vs
together agane, wil in heis good time breng vs agane to the prase of heis name, truly my lif is
but half a lif in your abseinse deid not the lord make it vp in heimself wich i must ackoleg to
the prase of heis grase. i would you would thenk to writ sometims to your deare frend me lord
schef iustes b of horn i haw oftune put you in mind : and truly my deare if you would thnk of
what i put you in mind of sume it might be to ase much purpos ase others writing sum tims a
letter to me presednt ° and sumetime to the spekeir.d indeid my dear you cane not thenk the
rong you doue your self in the whant of a letter though it wer but seldume. i prai thenk of and
soe rest yours in al fathfulnise

desember
the 27, 1605 [tic for 1650].

• The letter is also printed in Noble's Memoirs of the House of Cromwell, vol. i. p. 311; and in Harris'i
Life of Oliver Cromwell, p. 6.

b St. John, Chief Justice of Common Pleas. c Bradshaw. * Lenthall.

VOL. XXXVIII. 2 X

326 Petitions to Charles II. from Elizabeth and Henry Cromwell.

The particular circumstances alluded to in the petition of Elizabeth Cromwell,
communicated by Mrs. Green, do not seem to have been commemorated by any
historical writer ; but there are many traces in the Journals of the Houses of
Lords and Commons, of the anxiety with which the property of the late King in
the possession of the Cromwells was sought after. Charles II. was proclaimed
on the 8th May, 1660. On the day following a Committee was appointed by the
House of Lords to receive information respecting any of the King's goods, jewels,
or pictures, and to advise of some course how the same might be restored to
his Majesty. The Committee consisted of the Earls of Northumberland,
Berkshire, Dorset, and Oxford, with Lords Maynard, Hunsdon, Morley, and
Grey.*

The Committee entered on their labours without delay. On the day following
their appointment power was given to them to order the seizure of all royal property
which they might discover.11 Two days afterwards it was ordered that all persons
who had in their possession any of the King's goods, jewels, or pictures, should
bring them in to the Committee within seven days ;c and on the 14th May a stay
was put upon the conveyance over seas of all pictures and statues belonging to
his Majesty.*

It seems probable that some of these orders had direct reference to Elizabeth
Cromwell, for Kennet registers on May 16, that " Information had been given that
there were several of his Majesty's goods at a fruiterer's warehouse near the
Three Cranes in Thames Street, London, which were there kept as the goods of
Mrs. Elizabeth Cromwell, wife to Oliver Cromwell deceased, sometimes called
Protector ; and it being not very improbable that the said Mrs. Cromwell might
convey away some such goods, the Council ordered persons to view the same, and
there were discovered some pictures and other things belonging to his Majesty,
and the remainder lay attached in the custody of Lieutenant-Colonel Cox." «

The last notice of the Protector's widow in the Journals occurs under
date of July 9. It is an order of the House of Lords, that " Elizabeth Cromwell,
widow of Oliver Cromwell, Richard Cromwell, Esquire, and Henry Lord Herbert,
should deliver to the Marquis of Worcester many deeds in their possession
belonging to him."

« Lords' Journals, xi. 19. " Ibid. 23. ° Ibid. 26. ' Ibid. xi. 27.

e Kennel's Register, p. 150. t Lords' Journals, xi. 85.

XXIII. Report on Researches in an Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Long Wittenham,
Berkshire, in 1859. By JOHN YONGE AKERMAN, Esq., Secretary.

Read November 24, 1859.

THE Valley of the Thames had naturally many attractions for our Saxon fore-
fathers. Their cattle found in its meadows abundant pasturage, its marshes were
the resort of myriads of wild fowl, while the stream itself afforded the means of
transit between the towns and villages on its banks, many of which retain in their
names evidence of their Anglo-Saxon origin.

It is not however in local nomenclature only that we discern traces of the early
settlement of the Saxons in this valley. Still more certain evidence is furnished
to us by the discovery of their cemeteries, proofs beyond all question of the occu-
pation of the various sites by a people in undisturbed possession of the land.
Before proceeding to describe the most recent of these discoveries, at Wittenham,
it may be well to enumerate briefly all the instances which have come under my
notice in that district.

These Anglo-Saxon cemeteries have been brought to light at the following
places :—

1. At Kemble, Wiltshire, an account of which may be found in the Archse-
ologia, Vol. XXXVII. p. 113.

2. Near Cirencester, the existence of which I ascertained by personal inquiry.

3. At Fairford, Gloucestershire, which has furnished numerous remains. See
Archseologia, Vol. XXXIV. p. 77, and Vol. XXXVII. p. 145 ; also the volume
entitled " Fairford Graves," by "W. M. Wylie, Esq., F.S.A. ; see also Proceedings
of the Society of Antiquaries, [1st Series,] vol. ii. pp. 122, 125, 132, 137, 186 ;
vol. iii. p. 105.

4. and 5. At Filkins and at Broughton Poggs, Oxfordshire, two closely adjoin-
ing cemeteries, noticed in the Archseologia, Vol. XXXVII. p. 140.

6. At Cote, five miles S.W. of Witney, the existence of which came to my
knowledge during the autumn of 1858.

7. At Brighthampton, five miles south of Witney, an account of which is given
in the Archseologia, Vol. XXXVII. p. 391.

2x2

328 Researches in an Anglo-Saxon Cemetery

8. At Stanton Harcourt, in Oxfordshire, of the existence of which I was
informed in the neighbourhood.

9. At Ensham, in Oxfordshire, which I ascertained to exist through inquiries
there in the autumn of 1858.

10. At Milton, near Ahingdon. In the fields around this village I have ascer-
tained the existence of at least three cemeteries of the Anglo-Saxon period. I
caused in the month of August last some excavations to be made which resulted
in the finding of seven graves. Only two of them contained relics, although it
was close to this spot that was found the beautiful circular fibula encrusted with
garnets, which is preserved in the British Museum. •

11. At Streatley, in Berkshire, as we may infer from the notice of Sir Richard
Colt Hoare, although he describes the remains as Roman.b

12. At Cookham, Berkshire. See Archa3ological Journal, Vol. XV. p. 287.

13. At Long Wittenham, in Berkshire, which forms the subject of this report.

14. At Dorchester, in Oxfordshire, where a pair of large dish-shaped fibulae and
other objects were found by labourers a short time since.

There are probably others which have not come under my notice ; but this list,
extending from the source of the Thames nearly to Maidenhead, is sufficient to
show how extensive a population must have occupied this valley in Saxon times,
and suggests that much light might be thrown on the habits, manners, and
history of our ancestors by investigating the antiquities of the district.

The first thing which drew my attention to the cemetery which I have men-
tioned at Wittenham was an account given by the Rev. J. C. Clutterbuck, in the
Archaeological Journal, Vol. V. p. 291, of the discovery there of the skeleton of a
man accompanied by a sword, spear, knife, and shield, with other indications of
Saxon sepulture, by labourers engaged in excavating the foundations for a cottage
at the southern entrance of the village.

A visit to Long Wittenham in March last led more particularly to the under-
taking which is the subject of this report, for on that occasion Mr. Clutterbuck
was induced at my suggestion to make a further investigation of the spot ; his
excavation succeeded beyond our expectations, and resulted in the almost imme-
diate discovery of three more graves, one of them containing the skeleton of a
woman, with a pair of circular fibulae, a hair pin, and a glass bead.

• Engraved in my Pagan Saxondom, PL iii. Another fibula very similar in design was found in
1882 near the same spot, and is now in the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford ; see Archaeological Journal, vol. iv.
p. 253.

b Hoare's Ancient Wiltshire, vol. ii. part i. p. 53.

at Long Wittenham, Berkshire, in 1859. 329

The Society will readily understand with what pleasure I viewed the con-
tinuance of these discoveries, confirming as they did so remarkably my own
anticipations, and will believe how anxious I was to make further and more
careful researches on a spot which had already proved so prolific in ancient
remains. I had, indeed, good reason for supposing that Mr. Clutterbuck had
lighted on the ancient Saxon cemetery of the village. It was therefore with no
small personal satisfaction that, with the approval and support of the Society of
Antiquaries, who placed the necessary funds at my disposal, and by the kind
permission of Mr. Joseph Hewett, the owner of the land, I commenced the
excavations towards the close of August last, and continued them till the 22d of
October.

Long Wittenham is situated on the right bank of the Thames, about five miles
below Abingdon. Many traces of British and Roman occupation have been
accidentally discovered in this parish, as well as in the adjoining one of Little
Wittenham, well known for its remarkable intrenchment called Sinadon Hill,
which commands a view of the ancient town of Dorchester on the opposite bank
of the stream. There was once a ford, near which a small bronze buckler
was found, now in the British Museum.* The village of Long Wittenham
is of easy access from Oxfordshire by an ancient ferry at Clifton. The greater
part of the parish lies at the foot of a low range of hills, of the upper green-
sand formation, and consists superficially of a Gault clay covered by a dirt-bed
of calcareous pebbles, with a soil easy of cultivation and very fertile.

The spot where the Anglo-Saxon graves were discovered is to the south of the
centre of the village, in a field bounded on one side by the road to Wallingford,
usually known as the Cross Lane, a name derived from the ancient village cross,
which stands in an open space where the above-named road intersects the village
street. The drift-gravel at this spot is reached at about two or three feet below
the surface, and it was to this depth that the graves were usually sunk, the
bodies generally resting upon it. This piece of land has been known as the
Free-acre, and is so called at the inclosure of the parish in 1809. It is surrounded
on all sides by leasehold and copyhold property held under St. John's College,
Oxford, the President and Fellows of which are the lords of the manor, and
possess nearly the whole property in the parish.

I exhibit this evening all the results of these researches, together with a plan
drawn to scale by Mr. Clutterbuck. From this the Society will I hope be
able to obtain a clear and satisfactory idea of the nature of the ground itself,

» Engraved in the Archseologia, Vol. XXVTI. PI. xxii.

330 Researches in an Anglo-Saxon Cemetery

and of the course I was compelled to take in carrying out these explorations. I
must not omit here to express publicly my grateful thanks to this gentleman
for the steady assistance he uniformly gave me during the whole of the time
I was thus employed ; a co-operation I feel to have been the more disinterested,
as he was the first to ascertain what hidden archaeological treasures were pre-
served under the soil of his parish. It would be of course impossible for me
here to give a minute detail of the progress made in each day's diggings, or to
narrate how little I sometimes met with, how occasionally I was quite cast down
at my apparent want of success, and how, when often I least expected it, I
stumbled on remains the most valuable, both as proving the abundance of the
Anglo-Saxon interments, and as corroborating some of the views I have long held
on this subject. I propose therefore to call attention to the more important of
these results, and to leave the description of the more minute details for the
catalogue which accompanies this report.*

I commenced my excavations by opening trenches in a barley field, near to the
spot where the first discoveries to which I have alluded were made, in a
line extending from south to north and at intervals of three feet ; my reason
for adopting this plan being the certainty that, if the skeletons were placed,
as is usually the case with the Anglo-Saxon interments, from east to west, I
should by this means intersect any graves that might happen to be there. My
discoveries at first were not very promising ; but, assuming from previous ex-
perience that such interments were likely to occur in groups, I continued my
researches without desponding, and the results fully justified my anticipations.

The majority of the skeletons were found deposited at an average depth of
about three feet in a dark alluvial soil, reposing on a bed of gravel ; on this the
bodies would seem in most instances to have been laid, and, in fact, whatever
variation there was in the depth of the individual graves appears to have arisen
from the desire of reaching this bed of gravel.

The disposition of the bodies was the same as that generally observable in other
cemeteries of the Anglo-Saxon period, the heads being in most cases so raised
that the pressure of the superincumbent earth had, in some instances, caused

4 I may add, that, for convenience of reference, the objects have been labelled as follows : —

(1) The Arabic numerals from 1 to 127 indicate the graves in which skeletons have been found.

(2) Letters of the alphabet have been placed upon the urns that once contained burnt bones, proceeding
from a onwards.

(3) Those urns that were found in connexion with the skeletons bear the same numbers as the graves
from which they have been taken. I need not add that these urns were empty.

at Long Wittenham, Berkshire, in 1859. 331

violent dislocation : this curious fact was strikingly exemplified in the case of
grave No. 3, in which the head had been depressed upon the shoulder so much as
to force one of the fibulae into the mouth. In another, the head had actually been
forced from the body, and lay beneath the left shoulder. I mention these facts
simply to guard others against concluding that the bodies had been decapitated/

In general, though not in every case, the heads of the skeletons were laid
towards the south-west ; but I noticed this remarkable fact, that, as I carried
forward my diggings towards the north end of the field, the inclinations of the
bodies became more and more easterly, till at length the direction, as in an
instance hereafter to be more fully described, of the boy who was found with the
Christian stoup in grave No. 93, was strictly from east to west. It has been
suggested that I began upon the burial-place of a people semi-pagan, but that, as
I went on, I came upon that of a population which had been subsequently con-
verted to Christianity. If such was the case, these graves may perhaps be con-
sidered to indicate a transition period.

The skeletons themselves, from the remarkable size of their bones, were evidently
those of a large robust race, the thigh bones of the men varying from 2Q§ inches
to 17i inches long, while those of the women varied from 18 to 14 inches. In one
especial instance, I found the thigh-bone of a female skeleton exceeding 20 inches
in length, but this was clearly an exceptional proportion, and its owner must have
been a giantess in her day. With the remains of the men I generally found spears,
umbos of shields, and knives, and in one instance a sword ; with those of the
women, fibulae, often ornamented with well-known Saxon patterns, glass and
amber beads, toothpicks, earpicks, tweezers, and occasionally bunches of keys.

The position of the skeletons of children differed generally from that of the
adults, being usually from north to south.

I may add that the teeth were for the most part in a sound condition, and that
there were fewer instances of caries than in the skeletons discovered in the Kentish
graves.

The number of urns containing burnt bones, discovered in situ, appear to
supply us with evidence that, in this neighbourhood, the earliest mode of burial
practised by the Anglo-Saxons was by cremation, a conclusion to which I have
been led by the fact of my finding different modes of interment prevailing in

• Examples of the crania are preserved in the Museum at Oxford. I am indebted to John Thurnam,
Esq., M.D., F.S.A., and J. B. Davis, Esq., F.S.A., the authors of the Crania Britannica, for some notes on
these remains, which are appended to this communication.

332 Researches in an Anglo-Saxon Cemetery

different portions of the same field. The urns with the burnt bones were placed
at a greater depth than those which I discovered at Brighthampton, and the
destruction of so many of them must, I believe, be ascribed to a different cause
from that of the plough. It is worthy of remark that even those urns of which
the bases alone were left contained calcined bones. My belief, therefore, derived
from a careful study of the position in which these fragments have been dis-
covered, is, that they were broken in pieces when, at a somewhat later period,
cremation fell into disuse, and that they who were employed in digging the
ordinary graves that followed desisted as soon as they had uncovered and
damaged one of these urns.

With regard to the actual date of these interments, it is hardly possible to say
more than that they would seem, generally, to have taken place at two different
periods, between which many years may have elapsed ; about one thing we may,
however, be certain, from the number of mortuary urns discovered, viz., that this
portion of the valley of the Thames was occupied at an early period by the Pagan
Saxons. Whether the burial of the body unburnt was or was not the distinction
between Heathen and Christian among this tribe (and of this I am willing to
admit that we yet want complete and undoubted evidence,) we have, at least, the
fact recorded by Bede of the baptism of Cynegils at Dorchester in the year
A.D. 635, which demonstrates clearly enough at what time the light of Chris-
tianity dawned upon this portion of our island.

How long the remains of Heathens and Christians continued to be intermingled
in one common cemetery, is a problem in Archaeology which it will need further
discoveries to solve satisfactorily. Much stress has been laid upon the words of
the Capitulary of Charlemagne, bearing -the date of the year A.D. 789 ; but it
should be borne in mind that this edict refers expressly to the observances of the
old Saxons, and not to those of the Pranks. It is valuable, however, in one
respect, inasmuch as it shows that, at this period, in France at least, cemeteries
had been attached to churches ; a state of things, which, at any rate, had not then
become universal in England, since we find in the laws of Edgar, and yet later
in those of Canute, that some Anglo-Saxon churches were still without burial-
grounds.

It is very clear from these laws that the contest between Heathenism and
Christianity was obstinately prolonged in England, and that among the people
Paganism was not quickly eradicated, especially in their funereal rites and cere-
monies. A desire to lie among their kindred may long have prevailed over the

at Long Wittenham, Berkshire, in 1859. 333

remonstrances of the Christian priests : and such a feeling may, I think, be pre-
sumed to have influenced a considerable portion of the ancient population of Long
Wittenham.

Having said thus much on the general conclusions which may, I believe, fairly
be deduced from these excavations, I will mention briefly the contents of a few of
the more remarkable graves.

In grave No. 21 the ferrule of the spear was found in the lap, perhaps
because this weapon had in this instance been too long to be laid by the side of
the corpse, and had been therefore broken. In grave No. 25 I met with a
bucket of very unusual dimensions, and differing much in its construction from
those usually found in Anglo-Saxon graves, the hoops being composed of iron.
It is true that no traces of the staves could be discovered, but the form of
these pieces of iron left no doubt as to the purpose for which they had been
employed.

In grave No. 26 I found an unusual number of relics, among which was a
shallow bronze dish, which is probably of a period antecedent to the advent of the
Saxons. It has been rudely mended. Vessels of this description have been
found thus patched, in confirmation of which I need only refer to the bronze dish
engraved in the Archajologia, Vol. XXX. p. 132, and to the pail found at Cud-
desden, which I have described in my " Pagan Saxondom." Besides this dish, I
found also a cylindrical bronze object vandyked at the end (see p. 339.) This
was in all probability the ferrule of a spear, which, like the spear noticed in a
former grave, may have been broken on purpose.

The urn marked v contained an object of considerable interest, viz., a
small knife with a blunt blade (see p. 342). In shape and general character
it bears some resemblance to an example in the collection of the British
Museum, which was discovered at Eye, in Suffolk." From the unfinished and
unsharpened edge it is clear that it could not have been intended for actual
use. I am inclined, therefore, to think that it must have had a symbolical
meaning — an opinion which derives some confirmation from the constant occur-
rence of undoubted knives in Anglo-Saxon interments.

Grave No. 57 exhibited some other peculiarities ; thus, at the waist of the dead
person was a bronze buckle (PI. XIX. fig. 10), ornamented with dragons' heads
of very bold execution, and above the right shoulder was a small urn of black
pottery (PL XX. fig. 2), bearing a stamped ornament, of a pattern not hitherto
observed. I may remark, too, that in this instance the body lay with the head

1 Engraved in my Pagan Saxondom. PI. xxii. fig. 3.
VOL. XXXVIII. 2 Y

'•'<:', I Researches in an Anglo-Saxon Cemetery

to the south. On the other hand, in grave No. 59 the body lay with the head
to the west, a small black but unornamented urn being placed to the right of
the head. A similar urn was also found in grave No. 99, but in neither of these
cases was there any trace of knives or other relics.

In each of the urns q and x was found, among the bones, a minute bronze pin,
and in the former instance the pin had been bent back so as probably to form the
fastening of a cloak. These are most likely the relics of women, and will remind
the classical student of the sagum spind consertum of Tacitus.

Grave 71 was remarkable for the great number of amber beads (more than 270
in number) found in it, and for the unusual size of two dish-shaped fibulae
(PI. XIX. fig. 2) ; these resemble very much a pair found at Dorchester in
Oxfordshire, and now in the possession of Joseph Latham, Esq. who has kindly
lent them to me for exhibition this evening ; one is represented in the accom-
panying woodcut. By the side of this skeleton was also placed a bunch of large

SAXON FIBULA POL-SD AT DORCHESTER.
FULL SIZE.

rude keys, which may be regarded as the insignia of a mistress of a household.
There is a curious passage in the Laws of Canute, c. 77, in which the sanctity
of the keys of the mistress of a house, which were evidently placed under her
especial custody, is remarkably described. It seems not unlikely that it is mainly
owing to the prevalence of this feeling among the Saxon population that these

at Long Wittenham, Berkshire, in 1859. 335

keys have been found buried beside the skeleton of a woman ; and I may add,
as an additional illustration, the fact mentioned by Ducange,* viz. that it was
customary in cases of divorce to give up the keys.

Finally, I may notice among the more miscellaneous objects of interest dis-
covered in the course of these excavations a crystal spindle-whirl, cut in facets,
from grave No. 100, and which, from the manner in which it has been cut, bears
much resemblance to one I found at Brighthampton.b Another and very unusual
object is a silver bracelet (PL XIX. fig. 6) from grave No. 113 : it is formed of a
thin spiral band, and has been ornamented with figures stamped with a punch,
as in the case of the dagger-sheath I discovered at Brighthampton.c I may also
state that in grave No. 30, which was that of a young woman, I found a collar
composed of a spiral strip of silver, which had evidently been worn round the
neck, after the manner of a torquis.

I have reserved for the last a description of what I believe to have been really
the most important relic I had the good fortune to discover, the stoup (PL XVII.),
found in grave 93, to which I have already alluded, and the character of which is
so unlike anything yet met with, as in my mind to mark a peculiar epoch, and
to make this particular grave altogether sui generis.

The occupant of the grave was a mere boy, and his tomb was only 3 feet
8 inches long ; his head lay to the west. At his feet was a bronze kettle, which
had originally rested on a block of wood, the fibres of which were still discernible.
On the breast was a small iron knife ; and on the right of the head this remarkable
stoup, 6 inches in height by 4£ inches in diameter, formed of hoops and staves,
like the well-known Anglo-Saxon buckets. On the outer surface it is covered
with plates of metal, on which are stamped en repousse" the monogram of Our
Saviour between the letters A and n, the whole inclosed in a circle, together
with scenes from the life of Our Lord, such as the Annunciation, the Baptism,
and the Marriage in Cana of Galilee.

Besides this curious vessel, the Christian nature of which every one will admit,
I found also close to the right foot a spear-head with the point turned downwards.
Now, although this weapon is sometimes found thus placed in the graves of the
Franks, I am not aware that it has ever been noticed in Anglo-Saxon sepultures.
What then does it imply ? Are we to infer from its being found in that position
that the child was devoted to some religious office, and that, though buried with

• Under claves remittere.

" Archieologia, Vol. XXXVIII. p. 97. PI. III. fig. 8.

« Ib. fig. 6.

2Y2

336 Researches in an Anglo-Saxon Cemetery

the national observances as one of the "spear-half," this arm was reversed to
signify his renouncement of the weapon of a layman ? Or must we regard this
reversed spear as an indication that he was the last male member of his family ?
Whatever our theory may be, we can scarcely, I think, consider this arrangement
accidental.

It is the stoup, however, which will prove, I believe, of most interest to the
antiquary, especially if we carefully consider the purposes to which it is probable
that it was applied. Now, the use to which it was consecrated seems to me
obvious, for it will scarcely be doubted that it was intended for holy-water.
Viewed in this light, we need no longer wander in the dream-land of conjecture,
and the error into which we have so long fallen with respect to the buckets so
frequently found in Saxon interments is in some degree dissipated. I had always
expressed doubts as to the truth of the usual theory that these buckets were
fashioned for holding wine; and I confess that my own conjecture that they
were designed to hold food was opposed to the fact that they were of too fragile a
construction to be applied to the ordinary purposes of domestic life. If, however,
we look upon these vessels as consecrated to a religious service, we shall thereby
obtain a glimpse at the purposes to which other well-known objects were also
adapted I consider, therefore, the other bronze vessels found in these and
similar graves to be simply mortuary, and probably, like the buckets, to have
been wrought by the hands of the Anglo-Saxon priests, who, according to the
ecclesiastical canons, were enjoined to occupy their leisure time in handicraft.3

To the same purpose, also, I believe were assigned certain peculiarly-shaped glass
vases, having attached to them salient knobs. b These were, I think, fabricated
with an especial view to their subsequent use in interments, while other glass
vessels were perhaps occasionally adopted and consecrated to the same purpose.

In conclusion, I have but one other object to which I should wish to call the
attention of the Society, because, in my mind, directly connected with this
question of mortuary relics, although I have not actually met with one during
my own excavations at Long Wittenham, I mean the spoon with a perforated
bowl. It is, indeed, of rare occurrence, and so far as I know only three examples
have been discovered,0 and these are all from the graves of women. Their use has

* Ancient Laws and Institutes of England, ed. Thorpe, vol. ii. p 404.

b See my Pagan Saxondom, pi. ii.; Archseologia, Vol. XV. pi. xxxvii. fig. 1, p. 402; Wylie's Fairford
Graves, p. 17, pi. i.; Lindenschmit, Germaniache Todtenlager bei Selzen; Collectanea Antiqua, vol. ii. pi. Ii.

c See Arcbffiologia, Vol. XXXVI. pi. xvi. p. 179; Pagan Saxondom, pi. xxxiii.; Douglas, Nenia
Britannica, pi. ii. fig. 9.

at Long Wittenham, Berkshire, in 1859. 337

always been an enigma to antiquaries ; but if it be admitted that we have
obtained evidence from these graves that a portion at least of our Anglo-Saxon
forefathers, though buried among Pagans, had been brought within the pale of
the Church, I think we need hardly doubt that these spoons were designed for
the administration of some rite no longer observed, and the memory of which is
shrouded in oblivion.

Detailed Account of tJie contents of each Grave at Long Wittenham.

1. Skeleton of a child with two amber beads at the neck.

2. Skeleton of a man, lying on the left side ; the head to the south-west ; the
knees bent ; both hands in the lap, in which were a knife, a buckle, and a pair of
tweezers, all of iron. The femur measured 18 inches.

3. A young woman. Head south-west. Femur 16 inches. The hands by the
side. Remains of two circular fibulae, one on the shoulder, the other forced into
the mouth by the pressure of the superincumbent earth. They are not of the
ordinary type, the decorative portion having been originally formed by a thin
embossed plate, now perished." At the right side an ear-scoop, two amber beads,
and what are probably the fittings of a purse.

4. Male. Femur 18 inches. The head south-west. The hands by the sides ;
on the left hip a knife.

5. A young woman. Head south-west. Hands in the lap ; a gilt dish-shaped
circular fibula on the breast; a knife and beads on the left hip (PI. XIX.
fig. 3.)

6. Girl. Head west. A plain circular fibula on the left breast.

a. Near this grave was discovered an urn without ornament, containing calcined
human bones, and apparently a fragment of a fibula, which had been destroyed
by the action of fire.

b. On the following day the greater part of an ornamented urn was discovered
(PI XX. fig. 1), containing the bones of a child.

7. Woman. The head south-west. On the shoulders the remains of two cir-
cular fibuku once ornamented with embossed plates ; on the breast several beads
and a defaced third-brass Roman coin pierced for suspension. In the lap a knife.
The hands were placed in the lap, and the femur measured 16 inches.

• See for similar fibula;, Archicologia, Vol. XXXV. pi. xii. fig. 9; Proceedings of the Society,
Vol. IV. p. 38.

338 Researches in an Anglo-Saxon Cemetery

8. A male. The head to the west. Femur 18J inches. The left hand in the lap,
the right by the side. A knife on the breast, and above the right shoulder the
head of a spear.

9. Male. Head to the west. Femur 18 inches. In the lap the umbo of a
shield ; on the breast a knife ; at the feet another knife ; above the left shoulder
a bucket of the usual form ; and above the right shoulder the head of a spear.

10. A child. The head to the north. A fragment of iron.

c. Fragments of an ornamented urn, with the calcined bones of a young person.

11. Child, north-west. No relic.

Near this grave were found the fragments of a half-baked urn, of light coloured
pottery.

12. Young woman. Head south-west. Femur 16 inches. The right hand on
the hip ; the left on the breast. On the shoulders two flat circular fibulae with
punched ornaments ; on the breast a knife.

13. Male. The head west. Femur 18 inches. The hand in the lap ; a knife
at the waist.

d. An ornamented urn, with the bones of a young person.

14. Child. Head south-west. No relic.

e. A plain urn, with the bones of an adult.

15. Girl. Head south-west. The hands in the lap, in which lay a knife. At
the neck a bronze buckle.

16. Young person. The head south-west. No relic.

17. Child. No relic.

18. Young woman. Head south-west. On the shoulders two penannular ring
fibulae of bronze, of which the pins appear to have been of iron;* at the neck a
glass bead ; in the lap a knife.

19. Child. No relic.

/. Urn of reddish pottery, containing calcined bones, crushed by a large stone.

20. Young woman. Head south-west. On the shoulders two gilt dish-shaped
fibulae representing rude faces (Plate XIX. fig. 1) ; at the waist a clasp and other
relics.

21. Man. Head north-west. Femur 16$ inches. At the waist a pair of
bronze tweezers, the iron ferrule of a spear, and a knife. Above the right
shoulder the head of a spear. The hands by the side.

22. Female child. The hands in the lap, in which were eight glass beads. The
head north-west.

• A similar instance occurred at Harnham; Archseologia, Vol. XXXV. pi. xii. fig. 16.

at Long Wittenham, Berkshire, in 1859. 339

23. Female child. The head north-west. At the neck three glass beads.

24. Man. The head west. The femur 17£ inches. The hands in the lap, in
which was a knife ; above the right shoulder the head of a spear.

25. Man. The head west. The femur 18 inches. At the feet the remains of a
large bucket with four iron hoops. On the breast a knife. An umbo of a shield
covering the left knee. Above the left shoulder an iron spear-head. At the head
of the grave two large stones.

g. A plain urn, with the bones of a child.

Bronre Ferrule. Grave 26. Fall die.

26. Man. The head west. The femur measuring 19 1 inches. On the right
foot a shallow bronze dish patched and mended, 13 inches in diameter. At the
right shoulder a bucket (PL XVIII. fig. 1) and a bronze vessel. On the right
of the head a spear-head. In the lap the umbo of a shield, a pair of bronze
tweezers, and the bronze ferrule of a spear, represented in the accompanying
woodcut The hands by the sides.

27. Man. The head to the south. The femur 18 inches. Legs crossed. Tlu>
right hand in the lap ; the left on the thigh. No relic.

28. Young girl. Head to the west. Legs crossed ; the hands in the lap.

29. Young woman. The head to the south-west. In the lap a knife and pin
of bronze. On the shoulder a circular fibula with punched ornaments.

30. Young woman. On the left side a knife ; near the right arm a spindle-
whirl of Kimmeridge coal. On the breast a bronze ear-
scoop and pin hung together on a ring. Hound the neck

a collar, composed of a plain spiral strip of silver; and
four amber beads.

31. Woman. The head to the west. Femur 15 inches.
The left hand in the lap, in which was a bead and a
bronze ring. On the shoulders two flat circular fibulae of
bronze, one of which is represented in the accompanying

WOod-CUt. Bro^eFlbuU.

32. A child, with the head to the south, and a knife only. Onn "• Fu" •"«•

340 Researches in an Anglo-Saxon Cemetery

33. Woman. The head south-west. The femur 16^ inches. The right hand
in the lap ; the left by the side. A knife on each side of the body. On the
left breast twelve amber and two glass beads; on the right breast a defaced
Roman coin pierced for suspension ; on the shoulders a pair of flat circular
fibulae, a large ornamented glass bead, a bronze pin, &c.

34. An old woman. Head to the west. The hands by the sides. On the breast
the remains of an iron pin.

35. Woman. Head to the west. Femur 18 inches. On the shoulders a pair
of circular fibulae of bronze tinned ; on the left side a spindle-whirl of dark green
glass with white ornaments (PL XIX fig. 9) ; on the breast a bead.

36. Man. Head south-west. Femur 20 inches; the tibia 17 inches. The
umbo of a shield in the lap ; above the left shoulder two spears ; above the right
shoulder a bronze kettle ; in the lap a knife.

37. Woman. The head south-west. The femur 16 inches ; the knees bent to
the left. No relic. At the head of the grave two large stones.

38. Old man. The head to the south. A slender spear-head, 13 inches long,
above the left shoulder ; the arms folded on the breast.

A. A small urn, containing bones.

i. Another urn with bones, among which a fragment of bronze.

j. Another urn with a fragment of bronze.

39. Young person. The head south. No relic.
k. Another urn with bones.

/. The same.

m. An ornamented urn with bones.

40. A child. Head to the south. A knife on the breast.

41. Skeleton with the head to the south-west. No relic.

42. Man. Head to the west. Femur 17£ inches. The right hand by the side ;
an umbo above the knees. The left hand in the lap, in which lay a knife ; above
the right shoulder a spear-head, or javelin-head, 8f inches long, with depressions
on the alternate sides of the blade, so as to produce a rotatory motion when
thrown.3

43. Man. Head to the west. Femur 17£ inches. On the right side a knife ;
and on the right shoulder a buckle.

44. Boy. Head to the west. The right hand on the breast ; the left by the
side ; near which was a knife ; above the right shoulder a small spear-head 6|
inches long.

• See Archeologia, Vol. XXXV. pi. x. figs. S. and 6 ; Pagan Sazondom, Introduction, p. x.

at Long Wittenham, Berkshire, in 1859.

341

stud of Bronze.
Grave 45. Fnll >izr.

n. A plain urn, with the bones of an adult.

o. The same.

p. The same.

q. A plain urn with bones, among which was a small bent bronze pin.

r. An ornamented urn with bones.

s. An urn, in better preservation. (PI. XX. fig. 4.)

45. Man. Head to the west. An umbo above the right knee ;
the edge of the umbo serrated ; five large iron studs to fasten it to
the shield. The ornament on the apex of the umbo appeared to have
been of tinned bronze ; two detached studs of tinned bronze formed,
no doubt, part of the shield — one of them is represented in the
accompanying wood-cut ; at the waist a bronze buckle and a knife.
No spear.

t. An ornamented urn with bones, nearly perfect. (PI. XX. fig. 3.)

46. Old woman. Head to the south-west. The femur 16£ inches. On the
left side a knife; on the shoulders a pair of gilt dish-shaped fibulae (Plate XIX.
fig. 4).

47. Old woman. The head south-west. On the left side a knife; on the
breast a single flat circular fibula; a pin attached to a ring, connecting it, no
doubt, originally with an ear-scoop, of which a portion only was found.

48. Man. Head to the west. The femur 20^- inches. The tibia 16| inches ;
the right hand by the side ; the left in the lap, in which lay an umbo ; above the
right shoulder a spear-head. No knife.

49. Child. Head to the south. Three beads on the breast.

50. Old woman. Head to the west. On the breast an iron buckle. No knife.

51. Young woman. The head south-west. On the breast the fragments of an
iron pin.

52. Woman. Head south. Near the left arm forty glass
beads ; on the shoulders two flat circular fibulae with punched
triangular ornaments — one of them is represented in the
accompanying wood-cut ; on the right breast a knife.

53. Woman. Head south-west. Within. the left arm a
knife ; near the right arm ten glass beads, and one of crystal.
On the shoulders two small dish-shaped fibulae.

54. Woman. Head to the west. A knife in the lap ;
the right hand on the breast.

«. The fragments of an urn containing bones.

VOL. XXXVIII. 2 Z

r.ripn/c Fibula.
Grave M. Fnll »l«.

342 Researches in an Anglo-Saxon Cemetery

55. Child. Head to the south. No relic.

56. Man. Head to the south. A knife and an umbo in the lap ; above the
left shoulder a spear-head. The femur 18 inches ; the arms folded on the breast.

v. A broken urn containing human bones, among which was a small iron knife
with a blunt edge.

Iron Knife, from Urn r . Foil size.

57. Woman (?) Head to the south. The femur 16£ inches. A knife at the
right hip ; at the waist a large bronze buckle (PI. XIX. fig. 10) ; at the right
shoulder an ornamented urn (PI. XX. fig. 2). The grave 3 feet 8 inches deep.

58. Young woman. Head to the south. The femur 17£ inches. The legs
crossed ; at the neck fifteen amber and three glass beads ; on the breast an iron
pin ; on the left shoulder a flat circular fibula, showing marks of the cloth with
which it was covered.

to. A plain urn with bones.

59. Old woman of very small stature. Head to the west. Grave 3 feet 6 inches
deep. On the right of the head a small black urn 3 inches high and 6 inches in
diameter.

60. Boy. Head south-west. In the lap a knife. On the right side of the
head a bucket and a spear-head 6£ inches long.

61. Man. Head south-west. The femur 19 J inches ; tibia 15^. The hands by
the sides ; in the lap a knife and a pair of bronze tweezers ; above the left
shoulder a spear-head of elegant form 11 inches long.

62. Child. Head to the south. No relic.

x. A shattered urn with bones, among which was a minute bronze pin.
y. A plain urn with bones.

63. Woman. Head to the west. The femur 19 inches. At the neck several
beads ; at the shoulders a pair of fibulae ; on the breast a knife.

64. Boy. Head south-west. Above the right shoulder the head of a spear
7 inches long.

65. Woman. Grave 4 feet deep. Head to the south. Femur 15J inches.
Left hand in the lap, in the which was a buckle. On the shoulders a pair of
flat circular fibulae of bronze tinned, one of which is represented in the accom-
panying wood-cut ; on the breast a knife.

at Long Wittenham, Berkshire, in 1859. 343

66. Boy. Head south-west. In the lap a knife. Ahove
the right shoulder a spear-head 7£ inches long.

z. A plain urn with bones.

67. Man. The head to the west. The femur 19 inches ;
the tibia 15^ inches. On the right side an umbo resting
on its edge. Near the right hand a small bronze buckle ;
above the right shoulder a spear-head 16£ inches long.
On the left side a sword, the pommel under the arm-pit.

68. Woman. Head south-west. The legs crossed at the Bron" FibaU-

Grave 65. Full »Ue.

ankles. The right hand by the side ; the left in the lap.

On the breast three worn third-brass Roman coins pierced for suspension, one
of them of Constantine the Great, glass and amber beads, and a bronze pin ;
under the left arm-pit a knife ; on the shoulders two flat circular fibulae, a spiral
iron ring, and a small ferrule or tube of bronze.

69. Old Man. Head south-west. Above the right shoulder the head of a
small spear 6 inches long.

aa. A plain urn with burnt bones.
bb. An ornamented urn with bones.

70. Old woman. Head south-west. On the shoulders two fibulae.

71. Woman. Head west. At the waist a bronze buckle; the right arm
extended by the side ; between it and the body two hundred and eighty amber
beads of various sizes ; on this arm lay a bunch of iron keys. A spiral ring on the
third finger of the left hand ; in the lap a knife. On the shoulders two large
dish-shaped fibulae. (PL XIX. fig. 2.)

cc. A plain urn with burnt bones, about 9 inches high.

72. Young woman. Femur 15 inches. The knife in the lap ; an iron buckle
at the waist.

73. A child. No relic.

dd. An ornamented urn with bones.
ee. A plain urn with bones.

74. Boy. Head west. A knife on the breast, and above the left shoulder a
small spear-head 4f inches long.

75. Girl. Head west. Two fibulae, a pin, and beads.

76. Young man. Head south-west. The femur 16 inches. On the left side
a knife ; above the right shoulder the head of a spear 6£ inches long.

77. Young man. Head south-west. The femur 17 inches. No relic.

78. Woman. Head south-west. Femur 1&£ inches. The legs bent to the
right. In the lap a large iron key ; on the shoulders two circular fibulae.

2z2

341

Researches in an Anglo-Saxon Cemetery

79. Woman. Head south-west. The legs crossed at the knees. The femur
inches. Right hand in the lap ; the left by the side ; on the shoulder a

circular fibula ; on the breast a spindle-whirl.

80. Old woman. Head south-west. Femur 16£ inches; on the left hip a
knife; on the breast a bronze pin attached to a ring, and a pair of scales,
represented in the accompanying wood- cut ; on the shoulders two circular fibula}
ornamented with embossed plates, of which fragments only remained.

PAIR OF SCALES FROM ORATE 80.

Fall die.

ff. An ornamented urn with bones.

81. Old man. Head west. The femur 17^ inches ; at the waist an iron buckle ;
on the left side a knife ; on the body an umbo ; above right shoulder a spear-head.

82. Man. Head west. The femur 17£ inches ; near the left knee the umbo of
a shield resting on its edge ; the hands in the lap ; above the right shoulder the
head of a spear ; above the left shoulder a bucket 4 inches high with bronze hoops
and iron handle.

83. Man. Head west. Femur 16 inches ; by the side of the lap an umbo ; the
right hand on the breast, the left by the side ; above the right shoulder a spear-
head.

84. Young woman. Head south. On the breast three amber beads ; on the
shoulders two flat circular fibulae.

at Long TFittenham, Berkshire, in 1859. 345

85. Man. Head south-west. Femur 18£ inches; tibia 16£ inches; at the
waist an iron buckle ; on the breast bronze tweezers, a knife, and an umbo crushed
by the weight of the earth ; above the right shoulder a spear-head.

86. Two interments, with the heads to the west ; the bones in disorder. An
urn of the usual character had been disturbed when this grave was formed.

gg. An ornamented urn with bones.

87. Woman. Head west. Femur 17£ inches ; on the right breast a knife ;
on the left breast what appeared to be a large iron key, which fell to pieces.

88. Man. Grave 3 feet 6 inches. Head west. Femur 18£ inches ; the hands
in the lap. No relic.

89. Woman (?). Head south-west. No relic.

90. Woman. Head west ; legs crossed ; hands in the lap. No relic.

91. Man. Head south-west. Femur 17| ; the hands in the lap, in which lay
an umbo ; above the right shoulder a spear-head and a bucket ; on the breast,
immediately beneath the chin, an object formed of iron and strips of bronze.

hh. An ornamented urn with bones.

92. Man. Head west. The femur 17 inches ; the hands on the hips ; in the
lap an umbo ; above the right shoulder a small bucket 3f inches high, with bronze
hoops and handle, and the head of a spear.

93. A boy. The head to the west. The grave 3 feet 8. At the feet a bronze
kettle (PI. XVIII. fig. 2) resting on a slab of wood ; by the side of the vessel
the head of a spear 5| inches long, with the point downward ; on the breast a
small iron knife ; and on the right of the head a stoup, 6 inches in height and
4£ inches in diameter (PI. XVII.), formed of hoops and staves like the well-
known buckets, but the outer surface covered with plates of metal, on which are
stamped en repousst the monogram of Christ between the letters A and n, the
whole encircled by a nimbus, and three scenes from the life of our Lord, namely,
the Annunciation, the Baptism, and the Miracle at Cana.

94. Child. Head west. No relic.

95. Young woman. Head west. At the feet a fragment of bronze ; on the
shoulders two circular fibulae, one of them dish-shaped, the other once orna-
mented with a thin embossed plate ; on the left arm some minute glass beads ;
on the breast a spindle-whirl of bone," and three iron rings lying one on the
other, the handles of keys which had perished ; under the chin other beads.

96. Woman. Head north-west. Femur 16f inches ; by the left arm beads ;

• Similar to one found at Harnham. See Archmologia, Vol. XXXV. pi. xi. fig. 8; Pagan S»xondom, pi.
x xxvi. fig. 4.

346 Researches in an Anglo-Saxon Cemetery

at the neck other beads ; on the shoulders two bronze fibulae of the cruciform
type, 2^ inches long.

97. Old woman. Head west. Femur 16 inches ; hands in the lap. No relic.

98. Girl. Head south-west. At the neck beads. A small bronze pin.
ii. A plain urn with bones.

jj. Another urn of plain form, 7 inches high, containing the bones of an adult,
among which was an iron buckle.

99. Young person. Grave 4 feet deep. Head west. The legs crossed ; at the
back of the head a small black urn.

100. Old woman. Head west ; femur 16$ inches. Grave 4 feet deep ; right
hand by the side ; left in the lap ; in the lap a chrystal spindle- whirl cut in facets,8
an iron buckle, and a finger-ring of bronze set with glass or enamel (PL XIX.
fig. 12) ; on the breast amber beads and toilet implements, consisting of an ear-
scoop and two pins of bronze, attached to a ring ;b at the neck more beads ; on
the shoulders two flat circular fibulae ; a knife on the left side.

101. Young woman. Head west. Grave 4 feet 5 inches. Femur 16 inches ;
both hands in the lap. No relic.

102. Woman (?). Head west ; right hand on the hip ; left in the lap. No relic.

103. Old man. Head west ; femur 19 inches. At the right hip a knife ; at the
waist an iron buckle.

104. "Woman. Head north-west. On the shoulders a pair of long fibulae.

105. Man (?). Head west. Femur 17 inches; tibia 14 inches; legs crossed at
the ankles. A knife and an umbo of a shield on the breast.

106. A young man. Head south-west. Femur 18 inches. An umbo covering
the left knee ; above the right shoulder the heads of two spears, one of them
8£ inches, the other 7 inches long ; above the left shoulder fragments of a bronze
vessel which had been in all probability destroyed by a fold-stake.

107. Young man." Head south-west. Femur 18 inches ; on the breast an
umbo ; above the right shoulder a spear-head.

108. Girl. Head north-west. Grave 3 feet 8 inches. At the left hip a knife ;
at the left wrist two glass beads ; on the shoulders two circular fibulae orna-
mented with thin embossed plates, fastened to the surfaces by a composition that
had perished. (PL XIX. fig. 7.)

109. Girl. Head south-west. No relic.

• A similar spindle-whirl was found at Brighthampton. See Archaeologia, Vol. XXXVUI. pi. iii. fig. 8.
k A similar set of implements was found at Harnham; Archaeologia, Vol. XXXV. pi. xii. fig. 13.
c A photograph was taken of this skeleton, which shows the way in which it was lying, and the position
of the weapons.

at Long Wittenham, Berkshire, in 1859.

347

Spiral Ring of Silver.
Grave 111. Full size.

Bronze Oriumcni
Grave 111. Full »ize.

110. Young woman. Head west. On the breast amber and glass
beads, tweezers, and pin ; on the shoulders a pair of flat circular
fibulae ; in the lap two knives.

111. "Woman. Head west. At the left wrist amber beads ; on
the left hand two rings of silver, one spiral, the other plain ; in the
lap a number of amber beads, a knife, three iron rings, the handles
of keys that had perished ; on the left breast a bronze pin, and a
brass coin of Constantino the Great pierced for suspension, bearing
the very common legend and type — SOLI . INVICTO COMITI ; the sun
standing. On the shoulders two gilt dish-shaped fibulae. Among
the relics in this grave was a triangular plate of bronze, represented
in the wood-cut.

112. Young man. Head. west. Femur 16^ inches. The hands in the lap ; a
spear over the head. No knife.

113. Child. Head west. At the right hip a fragment of what was probably a
bronze clasp. Throughout this and other graves there were traces of charcoal.

114. Boy. Head west. Hands in the lap ; on the breast an iron pin ; above
the right shoulder a spear-head 7^ inches long.

115. Young woman. Head west. Right hand in the lap ; left by the side.
No relic.

116. Young person. Head west. In the lap a knife.

117. Young woman. Head west. In the lap a bronze buckle. (PI. XIX.
fig. 11.) Hands in the lap, in which was a single amber bead. No knife By
the right side of this skeleton lay that of an infant.

118. Young man. Head west. Femur 17£ inches ; tibia 14 inches. Grave
3 feet 6. Left hand on the breast ;

a spear-head lOf inches long.

119. Young person. Head west.

120. Young person. Head west.

121. Young woman. Head west.

right by the side ; above the right shoulder

on

No relic.
No relic.

Femur 17£ inches. Hands in the lap
the shoulders two gilt dish-shaped fibulae.

This grave was between and exactly in a line with the two former.

122. Young woman. Head west. Femur 15f inches. Hands in the lap ; the
legs crossed at the ankles ; on the breast a small bronze pin.

123. Woman. Head south-west. Femur 17£ inches ; tibia 14| inches. Near
the left arm amber beads ; in the lap amber beads ; at the waist a dish-shaped
fibula (PL XIX. fig. 5) ; on the left breast the companion fibula ; on the left wrist
a silver bracelet (PI. XIX. fig. 6) with punched ornaments.

348 Researches in an Anglo-Saxon Cemetery

124. Young person. Head west. Right hand in the lap. No relic.

125. Old woman. Head west. Femur 17 inches. On the breast an iron
purse-guard (?) ; near the right arm a knife ; on the shoulders a pair of flat
circular fibulae.

126. Man. Head west. Femur 18 inches ; tibia 14 inches. On the breast
the umbo of a shield ; above the left shoulder the head of a spear.

127- Young girl. Head south-west. In the lap a knife ; on the left wrist
a bronze bracelet, formed of a flat band.

Notes on Skulls from Long Wittenham. By JOHN THUKNAM, JBttq., M.D., F.S.A.

Grave No. 2. From the small capacity of this skull, it might have been taken
for that of a female ; but the very prominent glabella and frontal sinuses, the high
cheek bones and deeply impressed jaws, lead us to regard it as that of a man
about 45 years of age. The small calvarium is of a tolerably regular ovoid form ;
the narrow forehead rising to a moderately elevated coronal region. The nose
has projected very abruptly. The teeth are much eroded, and one of the molars
carious ; none of the wisdom teeth had been developed.

Grave No. 7. A well developed female skull, very smooth, and of remarkably
regular ovoid form, typically Anglo-Saxon. Age about 35. Teeth slightly
eroded.

Grave No. 8. Ovoid skull of a male of moderately large size, aged perhaps 30.
The frontal suture is persistent ; the frontal sinuses and glabella moderately
developed. The teeth are thickly encrusted with tartar, a condition observed in
the five other skulls from this cemetery. The crowns of the teeth are slightly
eroded ; the upper incisors and their alveolar processes large and prominent.

Grave No. 25. Skull of a man, aged about 50. The form inclines to the
lengthened oval. The glabella and frontal sinuses very prominent. The nasal
bones project very abruptly. Of the wisdom teeth only that on the right side of
the lower jaw had been developed. Crowns of teeth much eroded, in the flattened
form so distinctive of Anglo-Saxon skulls.

Grave No. 26. Skull deeply stained with aerugo on the left temple, from
contact with some object of bronze or brass. It is that of a person of middle
age. There may be a doubt as to the sex, though the full size and rather
prominent frontal sinuses point to the male. The form is a tolerably regular

at Long Wittenham, Berkshire, in 1859. 349

ovoid. The frontal suture is persistent. This skull deserves notice, from the great
degree of distortion after burial, the left temporal region being pushed a full
inch in advance of the right, and the upper jaw being so much dislocated that it
is impossible to bring the upper and lower teeth in apposition. The lower jaw is
rather small and shallow.

Grave No. 35. The full-sized skull of a female, aged about 50. The general
form corresponds with that of No. 7. It has, however, been slightly distorted
after burial, by the unequal pressure of the incumbent earth.

Notes on the Anglo-Saxon Skulls from Long Wittenham. By J. B. DAVIS, Esq.,

M.R.C.S., F.S.A.

No. 61 is the cranium of a man of advanced age, probably not less than 70
years. It is thin and light, the latter, in some measure, by reason of its anti-
quity. Its sutures are almost wholly effaced. The teeth, thickly crusted with
tartar, are much ground down by severe use. They have all been present in dis-
interment, save an upper wise tooth, and the two central incisors of the lower
jaw. This latter is a deficiency so singular, and the alveolus at the spot presents
such a striking similarity to the jaws of Australians, Kanakas, and other aborigi-
nal races who adopt the practice of punching out the front teeth, that we are led
to the conclusion that, if the two central incisors were not congenitally absent,
they were lost by some accident in early life.

The caharium is well filled out, capacious, equable, and of the platycephalic
form ; the forehead squarish, ample, and upright ; and the nasal bones appear to
have proceeded from it at a small angle. The face is of good size, the horizontal
arch of the jaws well rounded, and the chin upright and expressed. The whole
features give the idea of an agreeable, if not handsome, countenance.

The skull appertains to what we regard as the typical series of Anglo-Saxon
crania, and has probably belonged to a tall, well-proportioned man. This idea is
confirmed by the femora and tibia, which are long, robust, and of good form.
The thigh bones, when measured to the extreme length, vary ; the right is a little
under, and the left a little over, nineteen inches ; a difference which is compen-
sated for by a reciprocated diversity of length in the shin bones, the right being a
little more than fifteen inches and a half, and the left a little less.

Of the three other skulls, one, that of a man of about GO years of age, presents
the next common form of the Anglo-Saxon cranium — the ovoid — which has de-
scended to the. modern English race. The face is rather long, and the nose

VOL. xxxviii. 3 A

350 Researches in an Anglo-Saxon Cemetery

aquiline, which was not a common feature among the Anglo-Saxons. The two
other crania have belonged to persons of the female sex. That with which the
280 amber beads were found (No. 71), is the skull of a young woman, and is of
beautiful form and proportions. It will be figured, of full size, in the " Crania
Britannica," as the representative of the female sex among the Anglo-Saxon
race. The other has belonged to a girl of about 16 years of age. It has under-
gone so much distortion, after burial, that it is difficult to recover its true
form. It is, however, remarkable for the great prominence of the parietal pro-
tuberances— a feminine peculiarity.

Description of the Plates.

Plate XVII.

This Plate represents, of the actual size, the stoup found in Grave No. 93. The
subjects in the three quadrangular compartments appear to be — 1. The Annuncia-
tion. 2. The Baptism of our Lord, above which appears an attempt to form the
word inANNHC. 3. The Marriage of Cana. The prototype of these representa-
tions was not improbably Byzantine, modified perhaps by successive copies ; but
there can be little doubt of the Saxon origin of this vessel and its ornaments.
The only object that I have met with at all similar to it in workmanship is a
cylindrical relic, perhaps a portion of a circular box, or the mounting of a horn,
found with other remains at Strood in Kent. It is engraved in Mr. C. Roach
Smith's Collectanea Antiqua, vol. ii. pi. xxxvi. p. 159, where it is thus de-
scribed : " It is a small bronze coffer or box made of two thin plates of bronze
riveted together, and bound round at the lower part with a narrow band of the
same metal. The cover and bottom of the box are lost. On one side a ring is
attached, from which it would seem that the box had been carried about the
person, and suspended for security to the girdle or some part of the dress. Round
the outer plate is stamped in low relief a group of three figures six times repeated ;
it consists of three personages, the middle one seated and nimbed, the others
standing one on each side with their arms crossed upon the breast ; above the head
of one is a cross, and over the other a bird carrying a wreath. Below is a border
of foliage, and birds partially concealed by the band." This curious object seems
somewhat later in date than the stoup from Long Wittenham. It now forms part
of the valuable Museum belonging to Joseph Mayer, Esq. F.8.A. at Liverpool.

at Long Wittenham, Berkshire, in 1859. 351

Plate XVIII.

Fig. 1. A bucket, 5£ inches high, the staves of which are of wood, discovered
above the shoulder of the skeleton of a man in grave No. 26. It resembles in
general form and construction relics of a similar kind, representations of which
may be found in Douglas's Nenia Britannica, pi. 12, fig. 11 ; Faussett's Inven-
torium Sepulchrale, p. 13 ; Hoare's Ancient Wiltshire, vol. ii. pi. vi. ; Pagan
Saxondom, pi. xxvii. p. 54 ; Wylie's Fairford Graves, pi. viii. fig. 2 ; Neville's
Saxon Obsequies, pi. 17 ; Archaeological Journal, vol. xi. p. 96 ; Smith's Collec-
tanea Antiqua, vol. ii. p. 161 ; Proceedings of the Bury and West Suffolk Archaeo-
logical Institute, vol. i. p. 328 ; ArchaBologia, Vol. XXXVIII. p. 87. For notices
of foreign examples see MuseumSchoepflini, tab. xvj. fig. 1 ; Houben, Romisches
Antiquarium, taf. xlviij.; Cochet, Sepultures Gauloises, &c., p. 282; Smith's
Collectanea Antiqua, vol. ii. pi. xlv. ; Peigne'-Delacourt, Recherches sur le
lieu de la Bataille d'Attila, p. 55.

Fig. 2. A bronze vessel discovered at the feet of the skeleton of a boy in grave
No. 93. It resembles in form a vessel found in the Saxon cemetery at Fairford ;
see Wylie's Fairford Graves, pi. viii. fig. 1. Others of the same form have been
found at Little Wilbraham (Neville's Saxon Obsequies, pi. 16) ; and at Sawston,
in Cambridgeshire (Archaeologia, Vol. XVIII. pi. xxv. fig. 4).

Plate XIX.

Fig. 1. One of a pair of dish-shaped fibulae of gilt bronze, with full-faced
human faces, from grave No. 20. Specimens of a similar type have been found
in Kent, Wilts, and the Isle of Wight. It is worthy of remark that in most
cases one of the pair is of inferior execution to the other ; in the present instance
the human face can scarcely be distinguished in one of them. ( S^ee Douglas,
Nenia Britannica, pi. ii. ; Remains of Pagan Saxondom, pi. xxxiv. figs. 2 and 3 ;
Archa3ologia, Vol. XXXV. pi. xii. figs. 3 and 4; Vol. XXXVIII. pi. iii. fig. 7.)

Fig. 2. One of a pair of dish-shaped fibulae of bronze gilt from grave No. 71.

Fig. 3. A small dish-shaped fibula of bronze gilt from grave No. 5.

Fig. 4. One of a pair of dish-shaped fibulae of bronze gilt from grave No. 46.
Compare with it one of the silver discs, ornamented with feet of dragon-like
figures, found at Caenby in Lincolnshire, engraved in Pagan Saxondom, pi. xv.
p. 30 ; see also Archaeological Journal, vol. vii. p. 38.

3A 2

352 Researches in an Anglo-Saxon Cemetei*y at Long Wittcnham.

Fig. 5. One of a pair of dish-shaped fibulae of bronze gilt, from grave No. 123.

Fig. 6. Bracelet of silver, found on the left arm of the skeleton in grave
No. 123. The punched ornaments upon it resemble in workmanship those on
the knife-sheath found at Brighthampton, engraved in this volume, pi. iii. fig. 6. .

Fig. 7. Fragment of a circular fibula, from grave No. 108, the surface of which
has been ornamented with a thin plate of bronze, on which is embossed a cross
fleury, a type often found on Saxon coins; the body of the fibula is a plate of
bronze, which appears to have been covered with cement, so as to attach to it
the ornamental plate. See for similar fibulae Pagan Saxondom, pi. xix. fig. 2 ;
Archasologia, Vol. XXXIV. pi. x. fig. 4; XXXV. pi. xii. fig. 9; XXXVII.
p. 146 ; XXXVIII. pi. iii. fig. 9 ; Proceedings Soc. Ant. vol. iv. p. 38.

Fig. 8. one of the numerous button-like fibulae of bronze, ornamented with
circles and other patterns made with a punch, and of which the surfaces
appear to have been tinned. The present example is from grave No. 29.

Fig. 9. A spindle-whirl of dark green glass, with a pattern of a lighter colour ;
it is from grave No. 35.

Fig. 10. A bronze buckle, found at the waist of skeleton in grave No. 57.

Fig. 11. A bronze object, found near the waist in grave No. 117.

Fig. 12. A bronze finger-ring, inlaid with blue paste, or enamel, from grave
No. 100. It resembles the finger-rings of the later Roman period.

Plate XX.

In this plate are represented four urns from the cemetery at Long Wittenham.
Nos. 1, 3, and 4 contained calcined human bones.

No. 2 was found empty at the right shoulder of the skeleton, apparently that
of a woman, in grave No. 57, and was perhaps devoted to the same purpose as
the buckets.

->^w _,' <l J JJ.

Full

ANGLO SAXOH STOTTP FOTJMD AT LONG "WIT TEN HAM. BERKS

iVJli;

A f. — .. i

Scale

.

.

Plate ZTXlp 352

Full size

ANGLO SAXON ORNAMENTS FROM LONG W1TTKNHAM. BERKS

ol XXXV11I Plate XX p 362

r T

Scale

8 Iiickta

.7 f.Lrirr Jel

ANGLO SAXON TTRJJS FROM LONG "WrrTENHAM BERKS

XXIV. — Inventory of the Goods of Dame Agnes Hungerford, attainted of
Murder 14 Hen. VIII. ; with Remarks thereon by JOHN GOTJGH NICHOLS,
Esq., F.S.A., and the Rev. JOHN EDWARD JACKSON, M.A., F.S.A.

Read May 19, 1859.

BY the kindness of the Rev. Edgar Edimlnd Estcourt, M.A., Fellow of the
Society, we are presented with a transcript of an Inventory," of which the
original is now preserved in H. M. Record Office, bearing the following title :
" Inventory of the goods belonging to the King's grace by the forfeiture of
the Lady Hungerford, attainted of murder in Hilary term Anno xiiij. Regis
Henrici VIII."

The fact of a lady of this name having suffered execution at Tybourn on
the 20th of February, 1523, has been handed down by the chronicle of Stowe,
and it is stated by that historian that she died for murdering her husband.
Stowe cites in his margin the Register of the Grey Friars, meaning a volume
now preserved in the British Museum, and including among its other contents
a London chronicle, which in the year 1852 was printed for the Camden Society
under my editorship, and entitled, "The Chronicle of the Grey Friars of
London."

"We find that the body of the convicted lady was buried in the church of
the Grey Friars ;" and that circumstance evidently occasioned the notice taken
of her execution in their chronicle.0 The passage is as follows :

• The transcript, having been made at Mr. Estcourt's expense, was offered by him for the use of the
Gentleman's Magazine, and transferred, with his consent, by John Henry Parker, Esq. F.S.A., to the
Society.

b " In media navis Ecdesice. Redeundo juxta coluinpnam in piano jacet domina Alicia Hungerforthe,
Qua: obijt 20 die mensis February anno Domini 1523. (In a side note, written by a later, but old, hand,)
Suspendit apud Tyborne." (Register of the Grey Friars of London, MS. Cotton. Vitellius, F. xii. p. 294 b.)

0 The only other place in which any mention of Lady Hungerford's execution has been found, is a local
chronicle of Ludlow in Shropshire, which contains the following entry: " 1522. The Lady Hungerford
hanged." (Wright's History of Ludlow, 1852, p. 490.) Whether this is due to any connection of the
unhappy woman with that part of England remains to be ascertained : but the Corbels (see the Inventory,
p. 864,) were numerous in Shropshire.

354. Inventory of the Goods of Dame Agnes Hungerford.

" And this yere in feverelle the xxti day was the lady Alys Hungrford was
lede from the Tower unto Holborne, and there put into a carte at the churchyard
with one of her servanttes, and so caryed unto Tyhorne, and there both hongyd,
and she burryed at the Grayfreeres in the nether end of the myddes of the
church on the North syde." — (Chronicle of the Grey Friars of London, p. 31.)

Besides Stowe, the only author whom I could find offering any information
in illustration of this passage was Sir Richard Colt Hoare, who printed, in 1823,
a small octavo volume entitled " Hungerfordiana." The tragic event was there
connected with that branch of the Hungerfords which resided at Cadenham, in
Wiltshire ; but, as Sir Richard Hoare's conjecture in that respect did not appear
to be satisfactory, I appealed to the Rev. John Edward Jackson, M.A., F.S.A.,
Rector of Leigh Delamere, and the zealous Secretary of the Wiltshire Archaeo-
logical and Natural History Society, by whom I knew that large collections
relative to the Hungerfords had been formed.

Mr. Jackson was able to say decisively that Sir R. C. Hoare was wrong.
There were no knights in the Cadenham branch of the Hungerfords before
a Sir George, who died in the year 1712 ; and the only knights of the family
living at the date of the execution in 1523 were Sir Walter Hungerford of
Farley Castle and Heytesbury, and Sir John Hungerford and Sir Anthony his
son, both of Down Ampney, whose wives had other names and are otherwise
accounted for.

No other Alice Lady Hungerford, identifiable with the culprit, could be
discovered but the second of the three wives of Sir Walter, who was summoned
to parliament as Lord Hungerford of Heytesbury in 1536 ; and, considering
that the extreme cruelty of that person to all his wives is recorded in a letter
written by the third and last of them,' and that his career was at last ter-
minated with the utmost disgrace hi 1640,b when he was beheaded (suffering at

• Printed in the collection of the Letters of Royal and Illustrious Ladies, by Miss Wood (now Mrs.
Green), 1846, vol. ii. p. 271.

b " Cromwelle for tresone and lorde Hungerforthe for bockery." (Chronicle of the Grey Friars of
London, p. 44.) '' The eight and twentith of Julie the lord Cromwell was beheaded, and likewise with
him the lord Hungerford of Heitesburie, who at the houre of his death seemed unquiet, as manic judged
him rather in a frensie than otherwise: he suffered for buggerie." (Holinshed's Chronicle.) In contra-
diction to this hateful charge, however, we find that in the survey of his lands he is described as " Walter
Hungerford knyght, late lord Hungerford, of hyghe treason attaynted." (Hoare's Modern Wiltshire,
Hundred of Heytesbury, p. 104.) It is also stated that part of his offence was maintaining a chaplain
named William Bird, who had called the King a heretic, and that he had procured certain persons, by
conjuration, to know how long the King should live. (Dugdale's Baronage, ii. p. 212.)

Inventory of the Goods of Dame Agnes Htmgerford. 355

the same time as the fallen minister, Thomas Crumwell, Earl of Essex), it was
deemed not improbable that the unfortunate lady might have been condemned
for some desperate attempt upon the life of so bad a husband which had not
actually effected its object, or even that her life and character had been
sacrificed to a false and murderous accusation.

In this state the mystery has remained until the discovery of the present
inventory ; when, although the particulars of the tragedy remain still un-
developed, we find that the culprit must have been a different person from the
lady already noticed ; and the murdered man, if her husband, of course not the
lord Walter.

It is ascertained by the document before us that the Lady Hungerford who
was hung at Tybourn on the 23d of February, 1523, was really a widow, and
that she was certainly attainted of felony and murder; moreover, that her
name was Agnes, not Alice, as was stated in the Grey Friars Chronicle. This
inventory further shows, by the mention it contains of Heytesbury, Farley
Castle, and other places, as well as by the great amount of personal property
described, that the parties were no other than the heads of the Hungerford
family. The initials E and A placed upon some of the articles point to the
names of Edward and Agnes. In short, it is made evident that the lady
was the widow of Sir Edward Hungerford, the father of Walter Lord Hunger-
ford already mentioned ; and we are led to infer that it was Sir Edward himself
who had been poisoned or otherwise murdered by her agency.

It is a remarkable feature of the inventory, that many items of it are
described in the first person, and consequently from the lady's own dictation ;
and towards the end is a list of " The rayment of my husbond's, which is in
the keping of my son in lawe." By this expression I understand step-son,
and that the person so designated was Sir Walter Hungerford, Sir Edward's
son and heir. From this conclusion it follows that the lady was not Sir
Walter's mother, who appears in the pedigree as Jane daughter of John lord
Zouche of Haryngworth, but a second wife, whose name has not been recorded
by the genealogists of the family.

To this circumstance must be attributed much of the difficulty that has
hitherto enveloped this investigation. The lady's origin and maiden name
are still unknown : but Mr. Jackson has favoured me with some particulars
which clearly identify her as the widow of Sir Edward Hungerford. His obser-
vations are as follow :

356 Inventory of the Goods of Dame Agnes Hungerford,

" So long as the Christian name of the Lady Hungerford executed at Tybourn
in 1523 was understood to have been Alice, it was impossible to do anything
more than vaguely conjecture whose wife she might have been. The present
inventory, under the light of other documents, appears to leave no longer
room for any reasonable doubt. It describes her as ' Agnes Lady Hungerferd,
wydowe." It does not, indeed, mention the husband by name : nor do the
pedigrees of the family give us at this period any lady bearing the Christian
name of Agnes. But that she was the second wife of Sir Edward Hungerford,
of Heytesbury, may now be safely declared upon the evidence following.

" Of this Sir Edward very little is known. But it is quite certain that he
was twice married, and that his first wife was a Zouche. The pedigrees uniformly
call her Jane ;• and the arms of Hungerford impaling Zouche were found by
myself some years ago on stained glass, in a cottage near Farley Castle, and
were transferred to the church of that parish. By this first wife Sir Edward
had one only son, Walter, afterwards created Lord Hungerford of Heytesbury.
The date of the first wife's death is not known. The name of the second wife
is found in Sir Edward's last will. He resided chiefly at Heytesbury ; and,
from the circumstance of the eleven witnesses' names all belonging to that
immediate neighbourhood, it is most likely that he died there. The will is short,
and is dated 14th December, A.D. 1521 ; 13 Hen. VIII. He describes himself
as ' of hole and perfite mynde and of good memory, being sike in body ;' and
desires to be buried ' in my parish church of Heightesbury.'" After bequeathing
small legacies to various churches and friends, it concludes thus : ' The residue
of all my goodes, detts, catalls, juells, plate, harnesse, and all other moveable
whatsoever they be, I freely geve and bequeth to Agnes Himgerforde my wife :
And I make, ordeyn, and constitute of this my present last wille and testament
the said Agnes my wife my sole executrice.'

" Sir Edward must have died very soon afterwards, as the will was proved
in London ' on the oath of Robert Colett, Clerk, proctor for the Lady Agnes,
relict and executrix,' on the 29th January, 1521-2.

" After an interval of twelve months comes the fact supplied by the heading
of the present ' Inventory :' that ' Agnes Lady Hungerford, tcydowe, was atteynted

• She is the Jane Zouche mentioned in her grandmother's (Lady Dynham) will, 1496; Testamenta
Vetusta, p. 432.

b There is no visible memorial to him in Heytesbury church ; whether there is any accessible vault that
might contain a coffin-plate I do not know.

Inventory of the Goods of Dame Agnes Hungerford. 357

of felony and murder in Hillary Term xiiij Henry 8 :' i.e. between January 11
and January 31, A.D. 1523. And on the 20th February following (as the
Grey Friars Register and Chronicle state), Lady Hungerford, whom those
documents call Alice, was executed at Tybourn. That the name of Alice in
that Register and Chronicle is a mistake for Agnes, there can now scarcely
be a doubt. But, should any remain, it seems to be quite dispelled by the next
and last link in the evidence following in due order of time. Five months
after the execution at Tybourn, viz. ' on 15th July, 1523, Walter Hungerford,
Esquire, son and heir of Edward Hungerford, Knight, obtained the royal
license to enter upon all the lands and tenements of which the said Sir Edward
was seised in fee, or which Agnes, late wife of Sir Edward, held for term of her
life.' (Addit. MSS. 6364, fol. 39.)

" The inventory agrees with the will in another point. By the will, all
the goods, debts, chattels, jewels, plate, harness (i.e. armour), and all other
moveables whatsoever, were ' freely given ' to Agnes the wife. These are pre-
cisely the articles specified in the inventory ; and that they were the absolute
property of Agnes the widow is clear, from their being forfeited to the Crown,
which would not have been the case had they been hers only for her life.

" But though this inventory assists materially in clearing up three points
in this transaction, viz. 1. The lady's Christian name ; 2. Whose wife she had
been ; and 3. That her crime was ' felony and murder ;' the rest of the story
remains as much as ever wrapped in mystery. It is not yet certain who was
the person murdered, and of the motives, place, time, and all other particulars,
we are wholly ignorant. John Stowe, the chronicler, who repeats what he found
in the Grey Friars Chronicle, certainly adds to that account the words, ' for
murdering her husband.' But as Stowe was not born until two years after Lady
Hungerford's execution, and did not compile his own chronicle until forty years
after it, and as we do not know whether he was speaking only from hearsay or on
authority, the fact that it was the husband still remains to be proved.

" Excepting on the supposition that the Lady Agnes was a perfect monster
among women, it is almost inconceivable that she should have murdered a hus-
band who, only a few weeks, or days, before his death, in the presence of eleven
gentlemen and clergymen known to them both, signed a document by which he
made to her (besides the jointure from lands, above alluded to,) a free and abso-
lute gift of all his personal property, including the accumulated valuables of an
ancient family : and this, to the entire exclusion of his only son and heir ! When
the character of that son and heir, notoriously cruel to his own wives, and subse-

VOL. XXXVIII. 3 B

358 Inventory of the Goods of Dame Agnes Hungerford.

quently sent to the scaffold for an ignominious offence, is considered ; and when it
is further recollected that he was not the son, but only step-son, of this lady,
certain suspicions arise which more than ever excite one's curiosity to raise still
higher the curtain that hides this tragedy. We have also yet to learn of what
family this lady was ; for so far we have only just succeeded in obtaining
accurately her Christian name. It is to be hoped that the particulars of the trial
may hereafter come to light among the Public Records."

The Inventory, as already remarked, is one describing an extraordinary
accumulation of valuable property, and is therefore proportionately curious in
illustration of the manners and habits of the times, and useful towards the
elucidation of other documents of the like character.

It commences with a list of "Plate and Jewels." Much of the former
was adorned with the Hungerford arms, and with the knot of three sickles
interlaced, which was used as the family badge or cognisance.* A spoon was
inscribed with the motto " Myn assuryd truth : " which same motto, under the
form Myne trouth assured, occurs also on the beautiful seal of Margaret Lady of
Hungerford and of Botreaux (ob. 1476), engraved in Hoare's Hundred of
Heytesbury, plate viii.b

The vestments and ornaments of the Chapel are next described ; and then the
furniture of the Hall, Parlour, an adjoining Chamber, the Nursery, the Queen's
Chamber, the Middle Chamber, the Guest Chamber, the Chapel Chamber, the

• The ancient badge of the Hungerfords was a single sickle or, handled gules. (Collectanea Topogr.
et Geneal. iii. 71.) The sepulchral brass in Salisbury Cathedral of Walter Lord Hungerford (ob. 1449)
and his wife, and another supposed to be that of his grandson Robert Hungerford (ob. 1463), were both seme1
of sickles : see their despoiled slabs or matrices engraved in Cough's Sepulchral Monuments, vol. ii. plate Ivii.
The Hungerford knot was formed by entwining three sickles in a circle. Three sickles and as many garbs,
elegantly disposed within the garter, formed one of the principal bosses of the cloisters to St. Stephen's
Chapel, Westminster. The standard of Sir John Hungerford of Down Ampney (temp. Hen. VIII.) was as
follows : Red and Green, in the first compartment, out of a coronet or, a garb of the same (charged with a
mullet), between two sickles erect argent, handled gules, banded or ; and in the same compartment three
similar sickles, each charged on the blade with a mullet ; in the second compartment, three sickles interlaced,
around a mullet ; in the third, three like knots of sickles between two single sickles charged as before. (MS.
Coll. Arm. I. 2, and Excerpta Historica, 8vo. 1831, p. 317.) The Hungerford crest was a garb between two
sickles, all within a coronet ; the garb is supposed to have come from the family of Peverel, one of whose
coheirs married Walter Lord Hungerford, K.G. who died in 1449. By that alliance the silver sickles
met the golden wheatsheuf.

" Also inserted in Nicolas's Testamenta Vetusta.

Inventory of the Goods of Dame Agnes Hungerford. 359

Lily Chamber, the Knighton Chamber, the Wardrobe Chamber, the Gallery,
the chamber within the Gallery, the Women's Chamber, the Cellar, the Buttery,
the Kitchen, the Storehouse, and the Brewhouse. After which follows a list
of the agricultural stock " belonging to the Grange Place," and the particulars
of some parcels of arms and armour " left in the Castle of Farley."

A long and curious catalogue of the lady's own dress and personal ornaments
is next given ; with a list of some obligations or bonds for money, some items
of household stuff remaining at her husband's house at Charing Cross (where the
Hungerford name still lingers in the market and bridge), and, lastly, the rai-
ment of her husband, which was in the keeping of her son-in-law, as before
alluded to.

The particular dwelling-house at which the principal part of the goods and
furniture here described lay, is not positively mentioned by name; but, as
from the expression above quoted regarding the arms and armour it would seem
not to have been Farley Castle, there is every probability that the document
chiefly relates to the manor-house of Heytesbury, where Sir Edward Hungerford
died. This manor was thus described in a survey made upon the attainder of
Walter Lord Hungerford in 31 Hen. VIII. :-

"The sayde lordship standeth very pleasauntly, in a very swete ayer, and
there ys begon to be buylded a fayre place, whiche, yf it had bene fynyshed,
had bene able to have receyved the Kynges highnes ; a fayre hall, with a goodly
new wyndow made in the same ; a new parlor, large and fayre ; iiij fayre cham-
bers, wherof one is gylted, very pleasant ; a goodlie gallerie, well made, very
long ; new kitchen ; new larder, and all other howses of office belonging unto
the same ; moted round aboute ; whereunto dot lie adjoyne a goodly fayre
orchard, with very pleasaunte walkes in the same." •

This account seems to describe a house that had been erected by Walter
Lord Hungerford within the space of the last few years. However, it is certain
that his father Sir Edward had also resided at Heytesbury, and the present
document shows that in his time the Manor Place was already one of " good
receipt " and ample furniture.

JOHN GOUGH NICHOLS.

• Sir E. C. Hoare's Modern Wiltshire, Hundred of Heyteabury, p. 105.

3B2

360 I limitary of the Goods of Dame Agnes Hnngerford.

Inventory of the Goodes belongyng to the Kynges Grace by the forfettoure of
the Lady Hungerford, atteynted of murder in Hillary Terme, Anno xiiij.
Regis Henrici viif.

Theis parcelles of plate and goodes belongyng unto Dame Agnes Hunger-
forde, wydoe, late atteynted of felony and murder.

Plate and Juele.

In primis, a basen and an ewer of sylver parcell gylte, with Hungerford annes in the bothom.

Item, a standyng cuppe of sylver with a cover, dobble gylte, with Hungerford armcs in the bothom.

Item, too wretheda salts with one cover, dobble gylte.

Item, too grett bolles of sylver, dobble gylte, inbossed.

Item, too flate boolles of sylver, parcell gylte, with knottes of sykellesb in the bothom.

Item, too wrethed pottes of sylver, parcell gylte, of galons a pece, with Hungerford armes in the
bothom.

Item, too plane pottes of sylver, of galons a pece.

Item, a basen and an ewer of sylver, parcell gylte, with knottes of sykylles in the bothome.

Item, a payre of salts, with a cover, dobble gylte, with rosys.

Item, iij flate suites, one of them parcell gylte, inbossed.

Item, a bolle of sylver of a quarte, dobble gylte, with a cover.

Item, ij bolles of sylver, of quartes a pece, doble gylte, inbossed.

Item, iiijer flate bolles of sylver, with a cover, parcell gylte, with knottes of sykkyles in the bothom.

Item, ij standyng cuppes of sylver with ther covers, doble gylte, inbossed.

Item, a payre of flagons of sylver, parcell gylte, with knottes of sykyls in the syde, of iij quartes
and a pynte a pece.

Item, a shavyng basyn of sylver, with an ewer.

Item, ij goblettes of sylver, parcell gylte.

Item, a goblet of sylver with a cover, doble gylte, with a childe of sylver on the hed of the cover.

Item, a ewer of sylver, parcell gylte, inbossed.

Item, a leyer c of sylver, doble gylte, with a straibere d on the topp.

• Wrethed. Ornamented with a twisted or wreath pattern. In the Inventory of the Regalia and Gold
Plate of Henry VIII. (Kal. and Inv. of the Exchequer, ii.) we find several entries containing this term, for
instance (p. 289), "A litelle salte of golde chasid, wrethyn w* litelle perles."

b Knottet ofsykellet. Three sickles interlaced, the Hungerford knot, as already described in the note,
p. 358. A good example of them may be seen in paving-tiles in Canninge's House, Bristol: see Shaw's
Specimens of Tile Pavements, pi. xlii. &c.

' Leyer. A vessel, the exact form of which is not known. It appears to have been intended to hold
water, to have had a cover, and to have been frequently made of rich materials. See Inventory of Regalia
and Gold Plate of Henry VJIl. sec. xi., " Layers, ewars, and basones of golde, &c." (Kal. and Inv. of
Exchequer, ii. p. 294.) See also Inventory of the Goods of Henry Fitzroy, Duke of Richmond, in the 18th
Henry VIII. (Camden Society,) p. 10. In the Inventory of Jewels of James IH. of Scotland (1488) we find
" a lewar of sylver overgilt, with a cover." * Straibere. A strawbery.

Inventory of the Goods of Dame Agnes Hungerford. 361

Item, a lytell botell of sylver, with a cheyn, doble gylte.
Item, iij dossen of sylver sponys, with knottcs of sykyls on the hed.
Item, a dossen of sylver spounys with knoppes, gylte.

Item, halfe a dossen of sylver spounys, with mayden heedes on the end, gylte.
Item, a dossen of sponys with akornes on the end.

Item, a gret spone of sylver, doble gylte, with the Hungerford armes on the end.
Item, v spones, doble gylte.

Item, one spone of sylver, wryten on the ende, "tttgtu a00UtJ)tl ttutf)."
Item, one spoyne of sylver, parcell gylte, with & graved in the ende.
Item, too forkes with ther spones, doble gylte, to eete grene gynger with all.'
Item, one forke, with hys spone, parcell gylte, to eete grene gynger with all.
Item, a rounde salte of sylver, parcell gylte, with a knote of sykylles in the syde.
Item, a potte of sylver of a quarte, with a knote of sykylles on the cover.
Item, a forke of sylver, doble gylte, graved with lybertes" on the end.
Item, halfe a dossen of spones with (blank) . .
Item, thre chalesc of sylver, doble gylte.
Item, vj cruettes of sylver, parcell gylte.

Item, thre candylstykes of silver with the pykes, with ther sokettes* to set vj candyls in.
Item, a pax of sylver, with a crusyfyxe with Mary and John in the same paxe, doble gylte.
Item, a sakryng bell of sylver.

Item, a halywater stokke of sylver, with a knott of sykkyls in the syde, with a halywater styke
of sylver.8

Thes be the gere belong to the Chaple. [i.e. Furniture of the Chapel.]

Item, ij masse bookes of parchement, with claspys of sylver gylte.
Item, a grette Frenche booke of parchement, with ij claspis of sylver.

n To eete grene gynger withall. Such is the usual destination of the forks mentioned in English inven-
tories. Thus, in an inventory of plate belonging to Edward III., Richard II. &c., taken in the first year of
Hen. IV. we find the following entries:—" Item, j. fourche de berille garniz d'or pur vert gyngivre garnise
d'un baleys, j. saphir, ij. petites perles pris xxs. Item, ij. furches pur zinziber vert d'argent ennorrez. Item,
j. petit fourche pur grenginger d'argent. Item, j. large fourche d'argent endorez pur ginger vert poisant j.
unc." (Kal. and Inv. Exchequer, vol. iii. pp. 339, 343, 351, 353.) In an inventory of the plate of the
Duchess of Kent, 1 May, 1415, we find— " j. forke pur vert zz." (Kal. and Inv. Exch. vol. iii. p. 367.) The
forks in the inventory under consideration are mentioned as spoons as well ; they may have either had prongs
at one end and a bowl at the other, or have been made like the folding spoons of a more recent period,
where a bowl fits over the prongs of the fork.

b Lybertes. Leopards.

0 Chales. Chalices.

d Soktttes. These candlesticks were evidently prickets, like most of those of the middle ages, and over
them was fitted a double branch terminating in sockets.

• Halywater ttyke ofnylver. Sprinkler.

362 Inventory of the Goods of Dame Agnes Hungerford.

Item, a fronte to the auter of rede damaske with a crucyfyx imbrodered, with Mary and
John.

Item, a pere of vestiments and a coope of rede daraaske.

Item, a fronte of white damaske, with a pere of vestiments of white damaske, with a blewe
coppe.

Item, a fronte for the auter of red and grene saten of burges,* inbrodered with the garter.b

Item, a pere of vestments to the same.

Item, a fronte of cremesen velvet, velvet apon velvet (sic) rased with golde.

Item, a corprax of velvet a pon velvet.

Item, a corprax of cremesyn velvet and gren, inbrodered in letters of golde with E and A.

Item, ij. fronts of lynyn cloth with blake letters.

Item, ij pare of vestments to the same.

Item, a canabe0 of russet velvet frynged with red and grene sylke, with all sylke thynke (things)
belonging to the sepulker. d

Item, viij auter clothes.

Item, iiijer towels to the same.

Theis be the parcelles belongying to the Halle.

In primis, thre peses of red and grene say panyd to hange the hall with all.
Item, iiijer tabulles with iiijer fourmes longyng to them.
Item, a cubbe borde.

In the Parlour.

Item, in the parlure a sprays table* with ij jonyd fourmmes.

Item, a dosen of jonyd stoylles.

Item, a joned cube borde f in the same parlur.

Item, in chamber (sic) a trnssyng bede the (blank)

• Bwges. Bruges.

b Garter. Walter Lord Hungerford, who died in 1449, was a Knight of the Garter. If this frontal
had been made in his time, it was nearly a century old when this inventory was taken.
c Canabe. Canopy.
d Sepulker. The Easter Sepulchre.

• A spruys table. A table of spruce (or Prussian) fir, or deal. See Unton Inventories, p. 39.

' A joned cube borde. A joined cup-board. It must be remembered that cupboards were not, as they
are now, closets set even into the walls, but literally a board or table on which plate was set out, more like
the modern sideboard. A considerable list of cupboard cloths may be found in the Inventory of the
Wardrobe Stuff of Katharine of Arragon (Camden Society), p. 28. See also Notes by Sir Harris Nicolas
to Privy-purse Expenses of Henry VTU. p.313; Inventory of the Goods of the Countess of Leicester, 1634-5,
edited by J. O. Halliwell, p. 53 ; and Unton Inventories, p. 41.

Inventory of the Goods of Dame Agnes Himgerford. 363

Item, a spurver* to the same bed, red and grene sarcenet, new, with curteyns of the same to the
same bedd.

Item, an olde sperver of red and grene sarcenet, with curteyns to the same.
Item, a joned cubborde in the same chamber.

[The Nursery.]

Item, in the nursare [a hanging] of red and grene say.

Item, a sparver to the same in the nursare, with curteyns to the same.

Item, a cubbord in the same chamber.

[The Queen's Chamber.]

Item, in the quenys chamber a hangyng of red say with a hundurt peyre of pyn apples inbrodered
with golde to put on the same hangyng.

Item, a sperver of blake velvet with the gronde golde, and the curteyns to the same of red and
tawney sarcenet

Item, a joned cupborde in the same chamber.

[The Middle Chamber.]

Item, in the midle chamber a hangyng of new arres.
Item, viij peces and the counterpeyn to the same in the same chamber.

Item, a sparver payned with cremesyn tynsyn,b and blake velvet, with curteyns of red and grene
sarcenet to the same.

Item, for vj pesys of arres, with the sperver of the same.

Item, a cownterpeyn to the same, and a spruse horde in the same.

Item, a joned cubborde.

The Grete Chamber.

Item, in the gret chamber a hangying of arres.
Item, vj peces with rosys, and the counterpayn to the same.
Item, a syller and tester of arres to the same chamber.

Item, a cheste in the same chamber, and within that chest ij° spervers of sarcenet, rede and
grene, and curteyns to the same.

Item ij copbordes in the same chamber, one joyned and the other pleyne.

• Spurver. The canopy of a bed. " Some have curteynes, some sparvers, about the bedde, to kepe
aweygnattes: conopeum lecto circumspergunt." (Herman's Vulgaria.) " Padiglione, a pavilion, or the
sparviour of a bedde." (W. Thomas, Italian Dictionary, 1548.) See also Notes by Sir Harris Nicolas to
Privy-purse Expenses of Elizabeth of York, p. 256; Inventory of Plate, &c. in Kenilworth Castle, 1588,
edited by J. O. Halliwell, p. 129; and Union Inventories, p. 46.

b Tyusyn. A kind of satin.

364 Inventory of the Goods of Dame Agnes Hungerford.

In the Chapelle Chamber.

Item, in the chappelle chaumber a hangyng of red say inbrodered with braunches of iiijcr peces
and a sparver of rede and grene sarcenet, and curteyns of the same.
Item, a counterpaynt of verder and a pleyn cubborde.

Lilly Chamber.

Item, in the lylly chamber a hangyng of rede say, of iiijer peces.

Item, a sperver of the same.

Item, a playne cubborde in the same chamber.

Knyghton Chamber.

Item, in the knyghton chamber a hangyng of redde say, v. peces.

Item, syler* and tester of whyte set apon with cornys choyghesb and the conterpoynte of the
same and a quylte of whyte to the same bede, and a joyned cubberd to the same chamber, and a
carpett.

Wardrope Chamber.

Item, in the wardrope chamber in a presse vijen kuowshynes of velvet of dyvers colers inbrodered
with golde with C and A, and sum of them an elle lenghe and sume of a yerde of lenghe.
Item, iiijer quyshynges of russet damaske, inbrodered with golde with E. C. A.
Item, one quyshyn of blake velvett and white payned, inbrodered with A and E.
Item, one quyshyn of blake sarcenet, set apon with dropis of white velvet.
Item, iiijer quyshyns of tawney sarcenet inbrodered with branchis.
Item, iiijer quyshyns of fyne arres with rosys.
Item, halfe a dosen quyshyns of fyne arres pleyn.
Item, a dosen of quyshyns of verder.
Item, vj gret quyshyns of arres.
Item, vj fyne carpettes for cobburds.

Item, iije gret kerpettes for tables, ij of them of fyne arres and the other of verder. c
Item, vij bastard d carpettes for cubbords and tables.
Item, a qnylte of rede and yelo sylke.
Item, ij cownterpoyntes of sylke arres.
Item, ij° gret cownterpoyntes of verder.
Item, iiijer gret cownterpoyntes of tapstre werke.
Item, lyeng in the wardrope chamber, a hangyng for the chaple of red and grene say ; Item, iiijer

* Syler. The ceiler or roof of the bed; the tester was the back part, behind the head.

'' Cornys choyghts. Cornish choughs, corbies, or corbeaux : the cognisance of the Corbet family.

c Verder. A kind of tapestry representing foliage.

" Bastard. A mixed cloth.

Inventory of the Goods of Dame Agnes Hungerford. 365

peces of sperver red and gren say, and xxiii fatherbeddes in the place, vi of them beddes of downe,
the whiche one of them vj persons may lye in.

Item, ther ar ij° fetherbeddes at the Blakefrers at Salysbury.

Item, vij palett beddes in the place of Hachebery, every bedde and palet his bolster and cownter-
peyn.

Item, x pare of blankettes.

Item, too redd mantelles.

Tlie Galere.

Item, in the galere a gret chest, bonde with iron and coverd with letlier, with ij° lokkes, and
within that chest xxxiiij. pare of sheyttes of fyne Normandy canvas ; x pare of them of thre bredes,
xxx elles, in a pare ; and all the residue of ij° breydes et di.

Item, in the same galare standyth iiijer chests with old wrytyng, and a spruse table and a bastard
carpet on the same.

Item, iije fourmnes and iiijer joyned stoles.

Item, a cubborde with a carpet on hym.

And in the same galare hangyth a pece of red and grene say, and in the same galare in a
wyndoe standys a grett glasse, and under the glasse lyes a carpet.

A Chamber within the Galare.

Item, in the same chamber is a trussyng bedd ; the sperver of the same bedd is of whyte and
blake damaske payned, inbrodered in golde with A and D, and the curteyns of the same.

Item, in the same chamber standith a chest covered with lether with iije lokkes, and within that
chest xxv pare of sheyttes of Normande canvas, x pare of them new, never wette, of ij breddes, x
elles in a pare, and the residue of ij breydes et di.

Item, in the same chest ix scoore eeles of fyne Normandy canvas.

Item, in the same chest an image of ivere, the gymalles of hit of sylver.

Item, by the bed syde stondys a coffer full of broken sylke, and in the same coffer is a pare of
fyne shets, of ij bredys and a halfe.

And also in the same coffer is a tabylcloth of dyapure, of v eelles of lenghe and ij° eelles of brede.

And also the hangyng of the same chamber is of redde say.

Also a pleyn cubborde in the same chamber with a carpett.

Item, a glasse standyng in the wyndoe, with a knotte of sykelles in the cover; within the same
chamber a closett hanged with grene say, ther on standyng a prase,* and within the prasse lyeng a
pece of Normandy canvas of xlj cells, and in the same prasse ij peces of pnst,b inbrodurt with letters
of golde with C and A, and one pece of paste inbrodered with knottes of sykylles, and in the same
prasse a newe horse harnes of blake velvett, with the byttc and the bosse} gylte.

• Prase. Press, or smaller closet.

b Past. A paste or passement of gold lace, &c. made for ladies' head-dresses ; also called occasionally
a bride paste. See Sussex Archaeological Collections, viii. p. 137. See also note below (p. 869) on the
word aegge.

VOL. XXXVIII. 3 C

366 Inventory of the Goods of Dame Agnes Hungerford.

Item, a nother horse harnes of blake velvet that is olde.

And also an other horse harnes of velvet frynged with blake sylke and golde.

Item, a syde sadle covered with blake velvet, with a pece of blake lynyng in the same prassc.

Item, a pare of storroppes parcell gylte and a pare of sporres parcell gylte.

Item, in the forseyd closet a sugre stue, and in the same stue a hundredth bagges of white sooppe.

Item, in the same clossett standyth an other prasse full of glasses with waters in them.

Item, in the same closet hangys ij crosbowes with their raks.

Item, in the same closet standyth a coffer with spice}.

And in the prasse a new tyke of a beedd.

The Wemens Chamber.

Item, in the same chamber is a hangyng of rede say and a sparver to the same.

Item, in that chamber is standyng a gret chest, and in that chest is xxxiiij pyloos of downe, of
eelles and yerdes of lenghe.

Item, in that chest ij° spervers of white clothe and curteyns to the same.

Item, in the same chest is xij payre of fustyans of iij breids and ij° breids and a halfe.

Item, in the same chest is a payre of bryggyn irons" with knottes of sykkylle gylte.

Item, in the same chest ij° horse harnes of cremesyn velvett

Item, in the same chest is x payre of palett sheyttes.

Item, in the same chamber stondith iij coffers with sheetes and nap'pere, and in one of them is xj
payre of palet sheyts.

Item, in an other is ij dyaper clothys of damaske warke for tables.

Item, in the same coffer is iije dyapure towelles of damaske warke.

Item, in the same is halfe a dossen napkyns of dyapure werke, of an elle of lenghe.

Item, in the same coffer is a paire of fyne sheyttes of ij° breds et di.

Item, in the same coffer is a dossen of napkyns of Normandy canvas.

Item, in the same coffer is a dossen and a halfe dyapur napkyns.

Item, in the same coffer is x bordclothys for the halle of canvas, of iiij cells of lenghe.

Item, in the same coffer is ij dossen and a balfe of lokeram b napkyns.

Item, in the thyrde chest is xv cubberde clothes of Normandy canvas, of an elle et di. lenghe.

Item, in the same coffer is v new bordeclothes for the halle, of canvas.

Item, in the same coffer is vj payre of shettes of ij° bredes and a halfe.

Item, xij payre of shettes that were left abrode in dyvers chamburs.

Item, v payre of them were ij breides et di. and the other vij payre were palett shettes.

Item, in a chest underneyth my weryng geyre, is viij borde clothes of dyapur, of v ells of lenghe.

Item, in the same chest is x dyapure towelles and vj fyne cupberd clothes.

Item, ix dossen of fyne dyapur napkyns.

• Bryggyn irons. Possibly another form of the word brigand ints?

b Lokeram. A kind of linen, go named from the j>lace of its manufacture, Lokeren in East Flanders.

Inventory of the Goods of Dame Agnes Hungerford. 367

Item, a dossen of fyne pleyn napkyns of an elle of lenghe.

Item, in the same chest is viij fyne tabulle clothis pleyn, of ij breides, same of them of v elles of
lenghe and others of iij of lenghe.

Item, in a coffer that is covered with lether and in hym is xx pare of fyne shettes of fyne Holan
and raynes, and vj payre of them is iiij breides and all the rest iij bredes.

Item, in the same coffer is x fyne cubbord cloths of dyapure.

Item, in the same coffer is a pece of dyapur of xij eells.

Item, in the same coffer is Hungerford petagre.

Item, in a pleyne chest ther is xxj payre of fyne shetts of Hollande of ij° bredds et di.

Item, in the same chest is a grett whyte boxe with the sykkylle on hym ; and in hym is all the
writyngs of my joynter and husbondes testament, and his father's, with many other writyngs in the
same boxe. In the foreseid chest ther be xxxtl pare of fyne pyllos beeres.

Item, iiij fyne coverpeyns, ij of them of fyne dyaper, and other.

The Seller.

Item, left in the sellar halfe a tonne of gaskyn wyne and xii torches of clene waxe wroght with
golde.

The Buttre.

Item, laft in the buttre vj tabull clothes, ij° of them of ij breides.
Item, in the same buttre a dossen and a halfe of lokkeram napkyns.
Item, a dossen et di. belle candylstykes.
Item, a sheth of carvying knyffes with everyb haftys.
Item, iiij buttre towelles and cubbord clothes.
Item, a dossen et di. lether poots.

Theis be the parcells left in the kechyn.

Item, in the kechyn v garnyshe pewder vesselle.
Item, vj brochis rounde and square.
Item, iiij rakkes. Item, dryppyng pannes.

T7t« Stoore house.

Item, in the stoore house xxj potts, gret and smalle.

Item, iiijer chaffers.

Item, xx pannes and kettelles, vj of them of ij bushels a pece.

Item, ij° fryyng panns. Item, ij gyrde irons.

Item, iiijcr dressyng knyves.

Item, iiij bolles for the larder.

• Pyllos beeres. Pillow cases.
k Every. Ivory.

3c2

368 Inventory of the Goods of Dame Agnes Hungerford.

Item, a straynyng basen of laten.

Item, vj other pleyn basens.

Item, a pype of bay salte laft in the larder.

Item, a gret brasen morter and a lytell brasen morter, with ther pestelles.

Theis ben the parcelles left in the bruhowse.

Item, in the bruhowse a furnes. Item, iiij gret fattes.

Item, vii grett kelders" of a huiidreth galons.

Item, xxxli beer barelles. Item, iiij boolles.

Item, iiij bokettes. Item, xj sakes.

Item, ij° wyndoyng shettes, one of sake clothe and the other of canvas.

Item, ij° heyrysb for the kylne.

All maner of greyn.

Item, of all maner of greyn that wer sawen belongyng to the place extendeth to CC and xl
acres and more, and of that wer vj scoore of whete, and ther was left iiijM acres of medoe
grounde.

Theis be the parcelles belongyng to the Grange place.

Item, x gret cart horses, x smale carte horse}.

Item, ij° plowe oxen.

Item, a gret grey colte for the sadle.

Item, a bay colte for the sadle.

Item, a bay amlyng geldyng.

Item, iije comyngc sadells of white boffe lether, the whiche wer all newe.

Item, ij cart iron bondes.

Item, a yaggynd with iiijer whelis iron bond, with all that belongyth therto.

Item, all maner of geyr belongyng to ploughe, and also CC. of yewes with ther lambes.

Theis be the parcelles left in the Castelle of Farley.

Item, in the same castelle sex score pare of harnes of Alman ryvettse and brygendens/ with 1.
shefte of arrows.

Item, four score bylles, a pype full of male of apurnes and gorgettes, CC. saletts, and a pavylyan.

* Kelders. Coolers.

b Heyrys. Hair-cloths used in malting. See Promptorium Parvulorum, voce Hayyr. Its more usual
sense was the hair-shirts worn for mortification.

c Comyng. Query, common ?

d A yaggyn. A wagon.

e Alman ryvetls. Armour imported from Germany.

' Brygendens. Brigandine armour was formed of small plates of metal quilted within linen or other
tissue. See Archaeological Journal, xiv. p. 345 ; Archaeologia, Vol. XXL p. 271 ; Hewitt's Ancient
Armour, iii. p. 550.

Inventory of the Goods of Dame Agnes Hungerford. 369

Thes be the parcelles of rayment.

Item, longyng to myne awne body, a gown of cremesyn velvet with Frenche sleeves, lyned
with tyncell and horded with the same.

Item, a gowne of russet velvet with French sieves, lyned with tyncell and bordyd with the same.

Item, a gowne of hlake velvet with Frenche sleeves, lyned with right cremesyn saten.

Item, a gowne of blake velvet with narrowe sieves, bordet with blake saten.

Item, a gowne of tawney chainlet with a depper purselle * of cremesen velvet.

Item, a gowne of tawney chainlet, furred.

Item, a kyrtell of purpell saten.

Item, a kyrtle of blake saten.

Item, a kyrtle of popynjay coler.

Item, a kyrtle of tawney chainlet

Item, a payre of sieves of cremesen tynsselle.

Item, a payre of sieves of cloth of gold a damaske.

Item, a payre of sieves of grene tynsselL

Item, a payre of sieves of yelo saten.

Item, a quarter of an elle of cloth of golde a damaske.

Item, a quarter of a yerde of grene tyncell.

Item, ij eelles of sarcenett for [of?] cypurs of dyvers colors.

Item, halfe a dossen of rybens, a gret blew ryben.

Item, a corse of golde a damaske, resyd, ij°yerds of lenghe.

Item, a frontlet of golde lynyd with tawney velvet.

Item, a frontlet of golde lyned with cremesen saten.

Item, a frontlet of gold, reysed, lyned with cremesyn saten.

Item, a frontlet of golde lynyd with whyte saten.

Item, a frontlet of grene saten with a cawle of golde and flate golde underneythe.

Item, a frontlet of right cremesen velvet, lyned with creraesen saten.

Item, a garneshed bonet of velvett ; a playn of velvet.

Item, an oegge b of golde smy}the wyrke for a past set with perle, the weyght ix pounde.

Item, ij egges of goldo of damaske for the same past, xiiij. scoore perles of viijd every j>erle.

Item, xxiiij rooppes of smalle perle.

Item, xxxiiij knottes of smale perle with trulufe e knottes.

Item, a gret flowre of golde, and in the same is a suffer, an amytys. and a gret perle.

Item, a flowre of golde with a saffeir and iij perles.

• Punelle. Purfle?

b CEgge. An edge or edging of goldsmith's work, its weight no doubt being of the value of 9£ sterling
in gold. In an inventory taken on the death of James III. of Scotland (1488) we find among the Queen's
jewels " ane ege of gold wl foure grete diamantes pointit and xxviij grete perils about thame." Also " ane
uther grete ege w* viij rubies and xxxvj perlis grete." (Thomson's Scotch Inventories, p. 10.) In the
sumptuary law of 33 Henry VIII. c. 5, is the following passage : " Any Frenche hood or bonnet of velvett
with any habiliment, past, or egge of gold, perle, or stone."

0 Trvlufe. True-love.

370 Inventory of the Goods of Dame Agnes Hungerford.

Item, a flowre of fyn rub vis with a trulufe.
Item, iij oryant perls hangyng by (blank)

Item, a flowre of golde, fulle of sparkes of dyamondes set abowte with perles, and the Holy
Gost in the mydste of yt.

Item, a table of golde with the pyktor of Seynt Christofer in hym.

Item, a harte of golde inhand with a wyd chene, inameled with white and blewe.

Item, a gret broiche of golde with a man and a woman in hym, the valure iiij

pounde ....... iiij11.

Item, ij broches of golde with the pykter of Seynt Kateren in them, the value

of them v marcs . . . . . v marc.

Item, xxxv payre of aglettes of golde, which coste . . . iiij1' xiij« iiijd.

Item, vj buttons of golde with herts inameled in them.
Item, vj buttons of golde with E and A.
Item, vj buttons of golde of blewe in aneeled.
Item, a cheyne of fyne golde weyng xlj li.
Item, a small cheyne of golde, weyng vij li.
Item, a tabulle of golde, hangyng of hit the Passion of Crist.
Item, xx fyne kerchers of elles a pece.
Item, xx fyne ralys" of elles et di. a pece.

Item, x fyne kerchers, one of Holand and the other fyne cameryke.
Item, ij fyne smoks of cameryke wroight with golde.
Item, xij smokes of holand cloth.

Item, x pare of slevys of fyne cameryke, an ele of every sieve.

Item, viij partlettes of Sypers,b iij of them garnyshed with golde and the rest with Spanyshe warke.
Item, iij partlettes of whyte, garnyshed and wroght with stole werke.

Item, iiij partlettes, one of cremesyn saten, and one of blake saten, furred with blake lambe,
and another of russet velvet

Item, x yerdes of doble Sypers, egged with blake sylke.

Item, a casket of saweng sylke in hyme and in the same xxiiij quarterons of Venyse golde.

Item, iij pypes of damaske golde, in the same casket.

Item, v a. of boyde money c to divers seyntes.

11 Ralys. " Rayle for a woman's necke, crevechief, en quarttre doubles." (Palsgrave.) See Halliwell's
Archaic Dictionary, tub voce.

b Partlettee of sypers. The partlet was a gorget for woman ; the present instances seem to have been of
Cyprus cloth.

c Boyde money. Bent money. In the will of Sir Edward Howard, Knight, Admiral of England, 1512,
(Test. Vetusta, p. 633,) " I bequeath him [Charles Brandon] my rope of bowed nobles that I hang my
great whistle by, containing ccc. angels." Money was often bent or bowed when intended to serve as love-
tokens, a custom perpetuated to the days of Butler:—

" Like commendation Ninepencc bent,
With ' from and to my love ' he went."

In the present instance it appears to have been bowed for offerings to saints.

Inventory of the Goods of Dame Agnes Hungerford. 371

Item, ij ryggs • of golde, one of them with an emrolde with iiij sparkes of dyamondes in the medle
of it, and the other rounde.

Item, ij hoopes of golde wroight lyke a strawbere.

Item, a gawberdyn b of scarlet gardyd with velvet.

Item, an obligacion of dett of dame Anne Sawers, in the countee of Wilteshire, of CO. marcs, due
to me at Cristenmes next commyng.

Item, an obligacion of William Bonnames," dwellyng in Wyshford, in the countee of Wyltes,
of xx li., due to me the day expyred and paste.

Item, an obligacion of William Jonnes younger, dwellyng in Marleborowe in the same county,
of x marc., due to me at Michalmes last past.

Item, Robert Temmes, gentleman, dwellyng in Red Aston,d in the same countie, owyng to me
xviij li. and more, to be payd at Penticost last paste.

Item, John Stanlake, dwellyng in Warnloft, in the same countie, owyng me for wodsale v IS. and
more.

Item, Richard Inge,8 dwellyng in Hachebery, in the same countie, for wode of myne that he solde,
that drays to the some of x li. and more money.

Item, lafte in the tenauntes hands at the lordeship of Hachebery of my rent for the halfe yeres
rent, so that I receyved vj li.

Item, remayning in my husbond house f at Charyng Crosse vij beddes, with all thyng longyng
therto.

Item, remanyng in the same house other housholde stuffe.

Item, iiijer potts, iiijer pannys, ij° kettylles, a garnyshe et di. vesselle, with other stuff not in my
remembrance.

Theis parcelles left at Grenwyche Parke.

Item, in Grenwyche Parke with Thomas Trossel.

Item, ij nagges, one of them donne,g and other skewed,11 remaynyng with the same man.

• Ryggs. Query rings?

b Oawberdyn. A cloak, from the Spanish gavardina.

c William Bonnamet. Of the Bonham family, of Great Wishford, Sir R. C. Hoare gives some particulars
in his History of Modern Wiltshire, Hundred of Branch and Dole, p. 49.

* Red Aston. Rood Ashton, in the parish of Steeple Ashton, in North Wilts, was formerly a small distinct
property of itself: and from about A.D. 1440 to about 1598 belonged to the Tetnys family. Robert, mentioned
above, was the elder brother of Joan Temys, the last Abbess of Lacock. Rood Ashton subsequently merged
in the larger estates of the Long family, and is now the principal residence of Walter Long, Esq. M.P.

e Richard Inge. The family of Inge formerly flourished in the neighbourhood of Heytesbury and Stockton.
f My husbond house. Hungerford House, in the Strand, was converted into a market temp. Charles II.
See its history in the Gentleman's Magazine for 1832, part ii. p. 113.
' Donne. Dun.
h Skewed. Skew-bald, a variety of pie-bald.

372 Inventory of the Goods of Dame Agnes Hungerford.

Item, ij syde saddles, one of them coverd with blake velvet, with the harnes of the same.
Item, the other covered with fustyon in apys, with the harnes of the same.
And also delyvered to the seid Thomas, xxx" and a golde ryng.

Item, remaynyng in the place of Fayrley, a C loode of hay.

The rayment of my husbondes, which is in the kepyng of my son in
lawe.

Item, a gowne of blake velvet lynede with sarcenet and the forquarters lyned with tyncelle.
Item, a doblet of yeloe saten, and the forsleves of it of cloth of golde, and the plagarde " of the
same.

Item, a jakett of blake tyncell, the whiche cost ...... xv li.

Item, a cote of cremesen velvet leyde under with cloythe of silver.

Item, a doblet of blake satten, the forsleves and the plagarde of tyncell.

Item, a coote of blake saten garded with iij . . . . b of blake velvet furred.

Item, a bonnet of blake velvet and a broyche on hym, cost v marc.

[For the greater part of the notes to this Inventory I am indebted to A. W.
Franks, Esq., Director of the Society. — J. G. N.]

* Plagarde- The stomacher. b Illegible.

I I Ik-LJkJJ Z I*

' V*~' — r

/l-t1 1*3=;

-rr-t*>- __ M LV Jt^z.

-^ — > oir/iLi — /yt **•

E11K?I F Att

XXV. On a Historical Tablet of the Reign o/* THOTHMES III. recently discovered
at Thebes. By SAMUEL BIRCH, Esq., F.S.A.

Read June 14, 1860.

I AM enabled by the kindness of Mr. Perry to lay before the Society an
impression in paper from a large tablet, dated in the reign of Thothmes III.,
which has been recently discovered at Thebes. The impression of it was made
by Lord John Hay, when on a visit to Thebes, and has only just reached this
country. The tablet contains a text of twenty-four lines of hieroglyphs, accom-
panied by a scene representing Thothmes in adoration to the principal Theban
deities. The purport of the text is religious, announcing the benefits conferred
by the god Amen Ha on the monarch, but it contains several historical allusions
of importance to the history of this reign. As it helps to complete the " Annals
of Thothmes III." of which I have already given some account to the Society,
I trust the short accompanying notice of the inscription and its contents may
prove acceptable.

The tablet is of the usual rounded Egyptian form at the top, called in the
hieroglyphs hai, or hutu. Above is the winged disk, the supposed Hutu, or Sun,
as the Lord of Edfu, with the ordinary title of " great god, lord of the Heaven."
On the right side stands Amen Ra, with his usual type and attributes; and
before him is Thothmes, wearing an uraeus on his head, and offering two small
globular vases, containing, no doubt, water, as the inscription below states that
he " gives water." Above the head of the monarch are his titles, " the good god,
lord of the earth, lord of diadems, Sun establisher of creation, Thothmes giver of
life." Immediately before him is part of another inscription, " Who gives life
like the Sun." Behind Thothmes stands the goddess of the "West, wearing the
emblem of that region on her head, and holding five arrows in her left hand and
a bow in her right. This goddess was an especial protectress of Thothmes. She is
called " Keft, the Mistress of the West." This scene is divided from the next by
a vertical line of hieroglyphs, containing the usual Pharaonic titles, " Giver of
life, health, like the Sun," applying to both scenes. The second scene exactly
resembles the first; the only difference being that Thothmes "offers incense,"

VOL. XXXVIII. 3 D

374 On a New Historical Tablet

represented by two vases with fire, instead of water. The name of the god "Amen
Ra, king of the gods, lord of the Heaven," remains, and the name of the goddess
is encircled by a representation of a square-walled enclosure, as if she were
resident in some precinct belonging to this monarch.

The text reads —

(1.) Says Amen Ra, lord of the thrones of the world, Come rejoicing; behold
my goodness, my son, my defender, Sun establisher of creation, ever living ! I
shine as thou wishest, my heart

(2.) dilates at thy good coming to my temple, directing thy arms with life, thy
rejoice to my

(3.) I am set up in my hall, I reward thee, I give to thee victory, and power
over all foreign lands. I give thy spirits and thy terrors in all lands, thy terrors
over all

(4.) up to the props of the Heaven increasing thy fear in their bellies. I
cause the roarings of thy majesty to turn back the Libyans ; all the chiefs of the
evil lands are entirely in thy grasp.

(5.) I stretch my own arms to tow thee, I subdue the Libyans (an put) for
tens of thousands and thousands, the north by millions of

(6.) I cause thy insulters to fall under thy sandals ; thou hast scared and turned
back the cowards ; likewise I ordered for thee the earth in its length and breadth,
the west and east, under thy seats.

(7.) Thou treadest in all lands elated, no one can resist before thy majesty. I
am leading thee and making thee approach to them, thou hast gone round the
great river

(8.) of Naharana with power and strength. I have ordered to thee that they
listen to thy roarings, going in their recesses. I have deprived their nostrils of the
breath of life.

(9.) I have made the victories of thy majesty turn their hearts ; my light is
on thy head dazzling them, leading captive the wicked shepherds ;

(10.) it burns all those who belong to them with its flame, decapitating the
heads of the Amu ; none of them escape, their children fall into its power.

(11.) I allow thy force to go round all lands ; my head shines on thy body ;
thou hast no weakness at the orbit of heaven; they come bearing tribute on
their backs, beseeching

(12.) thy majesty as I have ordered them. I place the weak bound before
thee, their hearts and their limbs burn [or roast] led along.

(13.) I have come ; I give thee to afflict the chiefs of the Gaha ; I place them

of the Reign of Thothmes III. 375

under thy feet ; the foreign lands turn back. I let them see thy majesty as their
lord ; thy light gleams above their heads as my image.

(14.) I have come. I grant to thee to afflict those who belong to the Senktt,
to lead captive heads of the Amu of the Ruten. I let them see thy majesty
equipped in thy decorations, taking thy weapons, fighting in thy chariot.

(15.) I have come. I grant thee to afflict the East ; thou treadest upon those
who are in the confines of Taneter [the Holy Land]. I let them see thy majesty
like a burning star, shedding the heat of its flames, giving its stream.

(16.) I have come. I give thee to afflict the land of the West, the Kefa, the
Asi under thy sandals (?). I let them see thy majesty as a young bull, resolute,
pointing his horns, irresistible.

(17.) I have come. I give thee to afflict those who are in all the submissive
lands of the Maten, dragged under thy terror. I let them see thy person in all
fearful wrath, as a stream that cannot be checked.

(18.) I have come. I let thee afflict those who are in the isles of the ocean
with thy roarings. I let them see thy majesty as a sacrificer raised on the back
of his victim.

(19.) I have come. I let thee afflict the Tahnu, the Rutennu, as thy spirits
prevail. I let thy majesty be seen as a vexed lion leaping on their bodies,
raging in their valleys.

(20.) I have come. I have let thee afflict the ends of earth, and the confines
of ocean are bound in thy grasp. I let them behold thy majesty as a swooping
hawk, taking at a glance what it chooses.

(21.) I have come. I let thee afflict those who are before ; thou bindest the
Herusha, (those in the midst of the desert,) as captives. I let them behold
thy majesty as a southern jackal, which has doubled and escaped a great
hunter.

(22.) I have come. I let thee afflict the Libyan, the Remen of . . . t are in
thy grasp. I let them behold thy majesty like thy two brothers. I have joined
their hands to thee in

(23.) thy two sisters, I let them place their hands over thy majesty behind
for protection, terrifying the evil. I made them protect thee, my beloved son, as
the mighty bull rising from Western Thebes. I have begotten thee as the King
of Upper and Lower Egypt.

(24.) Thothmes, the ever-living, I have done all my will wishes; my hall
thou hast set up with eternal constructions, elongated and made broader than

ever, where is a great gate

3D 2

376 On a New Historical Tablet

(25.) all best. . . Amen Ra, greater giver than any king, doing what

I ordered thee, taking thy delight in it, set up on the throne of millions of years,
thou passest a life

It will be seen from the above translation that the text of the new in-
scription found at Karnak contains several points of historical interest of a
nature similar to those already detailed in the "Annals." The whole is the speech
of the god Amen Ra, the Theban Jupiter, who in measured language of a poetic
nature, resembling that of the Hebrew prophets, announces to the king the
various benefits and conquests he has conferred upon him. The contents of the
speech of the god are a sacerdotal bulletin of victory addressed to a victorious
monarch on his return from a career of conquest Comparing it with the his-
torical texts in the vicinity of the granite shrine, it appears to have been placed at
a late period of the king's reign, probably as late as the fortieth regnal year — cer-
tainly later than the erection of the obelisk of the Atmeidan, although close upon
that period, as the first fact mentioned on the tablet is the passage of the
Euphrates. Undoubtedly this was the extreme point reached by the arms of
Egypt, which alone accounts for its constant repetition in the inscriptions of the
period. The arms of Aahmes, the founder of the dynasty, had been directed to
the expulsion of the Shepherds from Avaris : the regent Hatasu had recovered the
ancient mines of the Wady Magarah in Arabia Petrsea, but it was reserved for
Thothmes III. to transport the arms of Egypt to the Euphrates, and extort a
tribute from Nineveh and Babylon. The other people, who are subsequently
mentioned, are the Amu,* or Asiatics in general, or, at all events, so large a
geographical extent of territory, or of races, that they cannot be identified with any
particular people or tribe. It will, however, be seen from the 14th line, that they
are called the Amu, or nation of the Ruten. In the Amu it is now generally
agreed to recognise the Gentiles, or Gojim of the Hebrews. The name is
already well known as designating the Asiatics in the ethnic representations of
the four races in Hades.

In the 13th line the king is reminded of his conquest of the Gaha. At
one time I had thought that the Gaha, or Taha, meant the Scythic people of the
Dahae ; but, notwithstanding the supposed identification of the people of Gaza in
another name, I incline to the notion that the Gaha are really the latter people.
The first mention of them occurs inb the fifth campaign of the twenty-ninth year

• In one text they are mentioned, antithetic to the whole world, as " thou hast cut down the world, thou
hast smitten the Amu, or nations." Champollion, Not. Descr. p. 348.
" See Archteologia, XXXV. p. 116, 140, 162. . '

of the Reign of Thothmes III. 377

of Thothmes III., on which occasion the monarch attacked the land of Tunp and
the city of Artut, or Aradus, and in his 35th regnal year the monarch again
marched into the land of Gaha, and plundered the fortress of Ar-ana, on his
march to Mesopotamia ; and in the thirty-eighth, or a later year, the king was
still in that district, and various objects, the work of that people, were received as
tribute during the same reign. These people supplied works of art and cattle to
Egypt, and this shows that they must have been an artistic as well as an agricul-
tural people. Some, indeed, have thought to recognise in the Gahai, or Tahai,
the people of Damascus, or Da-Meshek, especially as they continue to be men-
tioned in the hieroglyphical texts as late as the Ptolemies.* At all events, the
Gahai, are to be placed in Northern Palestine.1*

In the 14th line are mentioned the Se[nke~\t, i^% ^^ , who in all the ethnic

lists form one of the largest sub-divisions, and were evidently a great and powerful
nation. They are mentioned as early as the twelfth dynasty in the Sallier
Papyrus, where Amenemha I. says, " I led the Ua, I took the Matai, I prevailed
over Se[nk]ti who go like dogs (tasem)." c This land has been placed amongst
the southern neighbouring states of Egypt in connection with the An, or Anmt,
the People of the Plains, and is often preceded by the expression mena nu,
the Shepherds, or Nomads, of the Senkett.d The phonetic name of this region
has now been determined : the hieroglyph represents a bracelet,* and is
used in connection with a metal, supposed to be iron, in two passages ; one

mentioning " a door of true acacia wood inlaid with iron," t ^ ^^^ >f

i*w fsi>*wk!f TLV.-r.rj -y •••::— w. -

consecrated to him many tables of silver, gold, brass, and iron. They repay thee
with life.""? On a tablet of the British Museum h a serpent is called £"^*

"iron-faced;" and as the word for iron is ba, the root of the Coptic Kemum.
perhaps the baenpc, "heavenly wood," the probability is that this word was pro-
nounced ba. It was not, however, by any means particularly a southern country,

• See Arclueologia, XXXV. p. 158; Brugsch, Die Geographic der Nachbarlaender .lEgyptens, 4to. Leipzig,
1858, ss. 35, 36; Champollion, Notice Descriptive, p. 158.

b The idea of the Dahae, the old name of the Daiae, Herodot. I. 125, does not appear to me to answer the
geographical conditions, and I therefore abandon it. ° Select Papyri, pi. xi. xii.

d Brugsch, Geogr. ii. 5, taf xiii. 8. taf. xvii. 1-8.

« Kosellini, M.d. c. ii. 3; Rect. Sarc. Eg. Room, Brit. Mus. 6,665.

' Brugsch, Geogr. iii. taf. xviii. 188; Lepsius, Deukiu. iii. 130.

« Lepsius, Denkm. iii. 111. " Egyptian Gallery, Brit. Mus. 808.

378 On a New Historical Tablet

for the Ruten are stated in the 13th line of the present inscription to belong to
the race of the ^^^ ' m wnicn the w°rd is determined by a pool, showing that
its root is to be referred to the idea of plains, or marshes, while at a later period
the goddess Anka, or Anucis, the Egyptian Hestia, appears as the eponymous

goddess of the region ^^ @." At a later period in the reign of Rameses III.

the monarch is particularly mentioned as leading captive the Se[nk]ti, and it was
against them that the campaign was directed, and the Se[nk]ti were made to retreat,
driven out of their evil lairs, and not going to Egypt itself. Many of the Egyptian
monarchs attacked these people, and Amenophis III. is particularly described as
smiting them.b At Medinat Haboo, Rameses III. is said in the text to have
"slaughtered the Mena en Se[nk~\ti," while the prisoners dragged before him are
the Philistine Gakrru and the Rabu.c In the conquests of Seti I. at Karnak, the
Mena nu Set precede the Khita in the sequence of prisoners ; and in his tri-
umphal picture at Karnak the king is represented " smiting the chiefs of the
Amu, the shepherds, mna, all distant, and numerous lands, the seats, hem, of the
Mena nu Set, Shepherds of the Waste going round the Ocean.d Here they are
placed antithetic to the Sea, as if the other limit of conquest ; all tending to
prove their great distance from Egypt/ This word appears to be Sati, the name
of the goddess mentioned by Brugsch as Sati, mistress of Pan, or Phoenicia/ of
which country Bes was also the god. It will be remembered, that the goddess
Anuka, or Anucis, who wears the same head attire as the Pulusata, or Philistines,
is" called the mistress of Sat, the land in question. From the variants of the word
setu, the sun's arrows or beams, which occur on the later monuments, the phonetic
value of Set had been already correctly deduced by M. Brugsch.* The product
of this land was especially hesti, or iron,'1 with which the doors and other parts of
religious edifices were plated. In the magical Papyrus of Harris, Shu is said to
slaughter the Mena and the Setu.1

• Egyptian Gallery, Brit. Mus. 370.

b Greene, Fouilles a Thebes, pi. i. line 4. Champollion, Not. Descr. 165. Tablet of Phile.

c Rosellini, Mon. Real, cxxxiv. In a subsequent part of the inscription the Sea and Isles are mentioned.

d Rosellini, Mon. Real. Ixi.

e Under Amenophis II. they are described " as coming on horses," Brugsch, Geogr. torn. i. taf. viii. 807 ;
and at a later period identified with the Persians, ibid. taf. Iviii.

1 Geographic, ii. taf. xvii. No. 32. g Geographic, iii. taf. xvii. No. 146, 14, 147 a, s. 56.

h Geographic, iii. taf. xvii. No. 158. It is remarkable that the Coptic for steel is stahli ; hesti might be
read gtahi; and then, as in Bennippe, the U might be some qualificative added ; but the word stahli seems
borrowed from a foreign source. The form ba en pe, perhaps for " iron," occurs Lepsius, Denkm. iii. 194, 10.

1 Chabas, Le Papyrus Magique Harris, 4to. Chal.'1860, p. 49, 50.

of the Reign of Thothmes III. 379

In the series of inscriptions of the Ptolemaic period given by M. Brugsch, the
Sat are mixed up with others, although not in any regular sequence. In the
first they precede the lonians or Greeks,8 the Tamahu or Northern Libyans, and
the Ruten or B/egines. In the second, the monarch is said to draw them by the
hair of their head ;h in the third the Menti, or Shepherds, and Sati are divided,
as if distinct nations. Another gives a more distinct reference, which states that
the Ptolemy " is on the throne, dwelling in the land of Ra, Heliopolis, in Kenus
[Derri], smiting the Setu, cutting the Mena, or Shepherds. "c A still more
important text, apparently the speech of a deity, states,*1 " I gave to him the
valleys, an, of the Setu, they follow his breath ; I gave to him the Shepherds of
Setu, they touch with their foreheads the earth before him." Repetitions of
these texts afford no further information, but the last quoted show that
the Setu was a country of plains, occupied by pasturing nomads, and quite in
accordance with the historical facts of the occupation of Palestine by the kings of
Egypt.

There is great reason for believing that it was pronounced Senk or Se[nk]ti. In
the interior of the coffin of Ankhsensaneferhat, the wife of Amasis II., containing a
long ritualistic formula of address to the gods, occur two parallel passages,6 in which
the word Senkti is phonetically substituted for this word. In the first it says, —

i i^r-^* *-_ ii i i««~t/~~ ri i 1 1-^» \\
naham ten su em kahab { hat mshni en Amu, Hesu, Senkti-u neb en Kam.

" Save ye her from the hardener of the hearts of the enemies, the Amu, the
Hes, the Se[nk]ti, of Egypt."

In the second passage the form occurs as usual,

men kahab hat en net en kam Amu, Hcs, Senkti, ar ar tui er.

" Not hardening the hearts of the men of Egypt, of the Amu, the Hes, and
the Se[nk]ti to oppose her."

Another phonetic variant of this word reads simply set, apparently in the sense

• Brugsch, Geogr. iii., vii. 3. k Brugsch, Geogr. iii. taf. vii. 4.
c Brugsch, Geogr. viii. 6. <* Brugsch, Geogr. ix. 10.

• Brugsch, Geogr. ii. s. 5. Eg. Gallery, Brit. Mus. No. 32.

' This word kahab, determined either by an oryx or a horn, is probably XH.fi.> to sharpen, harden, render
proud. It will be found in the Inscription of Rameses II., Prissc, Mon. xxi., Kahab tu er ta Nehsi, " Giving
sharp words to the negroes ;" and in two passage* of the Ritual the name of the demon of the fifth gate.
Lepsius, Todt. Ixi. 145e, Ixviii. 147, 15, Nebt her kahab hat, " Fuming face, exciting time."

380 On a New Historical Tablet

of a cake,* in a list of offerings ; and this tends to prove the following philological
fact, the constant equation of sen and set, both of which had only the value of S ;
and the determinative value of the bowl, or K, which has no phonetic value in
certain words. The word s[enk]ti is, in fact, only sti, " sunbeams," the n not
being pronounced, and the bowl k being a determinative.b

The term " Shepherds," mena, was also applied to other races, as in the inscrip-
tion at Elephantine, " The collector of all the Shepherds of his Majesty of the
Island of Elephantine.0

The next region mentioned which has its geographical position better denned A
by this inscription, is Ta-neter, the Holy Land of Egyptian geography, here
distinctly placed to the east of Egypt. In the conquests of Seti I. the legends
assert that " the lands bring loads of silver, gold, lapis of Taneter, and all the
excellent spices, anta, and fine wood of Taneter, "d or Holy Land. This name has
been principally found in the inscriptions of Rameses II., but it is also men-
tioned at this age in the statistical tablet. In an inscription, cited by Brugsch,
Amon says to Rameses II., " I give to thee, that they shall bring their tribute
loads of silver, gold, and lapis lazuli, and all noble stone of the land of Ta-
neter." In a second inscription of the age of Rameses X. the text declares
that " he has conquered to the land of Taneter ; its road was never known before."6
In the celebrated inscription of the reign of Rameses XII., when the king was in
Nehar or Naharaina, " the places offered tribute, each one outvying the other —
gold, silver, lapis, copper, and all the good wood of Taneter on their backs. "f In
the inscription cited by Mr. Harris, the peculiar contribution of Taneter was
khcslet, or " lapis lazuli," a stone principally found east of the Euphrates in
Persia and Cisgangetic India, and it appears hence highly improbable that
Taneter can be a country so near Egypt as Kanana or Canaan, to which the
Phoanicians applied the term of the Holy Land. Nor could Rameses X.
have been properly said to have been the first to arrive at the borders of
Canaan, as that country had been often traversed by the monarchs of the
eighteenth dynasty.

• Lepsius, Denkm. ii. 19.

b Many examples show that in monosyllables the second consonant was not pronounced : thus, the well-
known ses-mu, "mare," is written sem-sem in Lepsius, Denkm iii. 276 e, and repeated with the syllabic
form sam-sam on a Ptolemaic monument, Clarac, Mus. de Sculpt, pi. 242, No. 369; and the word ba-ba, the
" roof," " cap," or " tip," of an obelisk, is indifferently ben-ben, Lepsius, Denkm. iii. 97 e, 24 w ; or ber-ber,
Lepsius, Denkm. iii. 237: Brugsch, Geogr. xlvii. 1249-53.

c Charapollion, Not. Descr. p. 223. * Roeellini. Mon. Real. bti.

e Brugsch, Geogr. ii. 8. 17. f Transact. Roy. Soc. Lit. vol. iv. 230.

of the Reign of Thothmes III. 381

The next regions are the Kefa and the Asi : these are placed by the 16th line
to the west of Egypt, which corresponds with the position of Cyprus.1 But
the position of the Asi is unexpected ; for their product was pitch, or bitumen,b
which had given rise to the idea that they were the people of the ancient Is in
Mesopotamia, where naphtha springs are still found. The Asi must consequently
have been situated in Libya, perhaps in the northern part, or in the west ; either
in the Cyrenaica, or beyond it to the west ; and we must probably recognise in
their productions the kedrion, supposed to be either the cedar oil or pyroligneous
acid used for the purpose of embalming. The name resembles in sound that of
the Asii or Asians, but it is not possible to determine without further data the
people intended to be described.

In the 19th line are mentioned the Tahnu ^ * *.., *& an unusual form, and
also the ^"'^^"Vi^J' Ruten nu- The three pools at the commencement,
however, of the latter name are found with the phonetic Ru, "^ mc or * >d, the
mouth of a river, or valley ; for instance, ru an, a name applied to Eileithyia.6 In
a Ritual, the form Ru, with the determinative of a drop, appears as the equivalent
of the word She, a pond or pool, in the Turin papyrus/ The form of Ruu seems
also to replace, or be the phonetic name of, " isles" in the description of conquests
of Barneses III.* In the word Ruten nu the initial form is written quite distinct
from the usual word Ta, the earth, and is by no means to be confounded with it.

In the 21st line, one of the people conquered by the monarch is called the

<•< "Till D^3 *

^> j" r j I > hru sha, the two words composing which are known to mean " over
the food ;" but, as such a sense is quite inadmissible in the present inscription, it
must be intended for the name or position of a people. The first word, hru,
besides the sense of "over," has often that of "in" or "among;" and the word
shd is probably put for the Coptic jxju), " sand " or Desert. One of the people

1 Cf. Brugsch, Geogr. ii. 87 ; and Birch, M&noire sur une Pater* Egyptienne du Louvre, p. 24. Thia
position cannot be shaken by the list of a private tomb, such lists being often irregularly drawn up.

b Why Brugsch, Geogr. ii. 51, asserts that it is iron, I do not know; the word sefl is both the ancient
and modern word for pitch or bitumen, and appear in lists of substances as an oily, not mineral, substance,
used in embalming (Leemans, Mon. xxxviii. 15 ; Lepsius, Denkm. ii. 42 e.) See also the sefi em arp, " lees (?)
of wine." Champ Not. Descr. 195.

c Lepsius, Denkm. iv. 67 d. * Eg. Gallery, Brit. Mug. 221.

• Cf. for example, Champollion, Not. Descr. p. 270; and Lepsius, Denkm. iii. 80 e.
f Papyrus Salt, 828, loco Lepsius, Todt. c. 125, 1. 53.

* Rosellini, Mon. Real, cxxxii.

VOL. XXXVIII. 3 E

382 On a New Historical Tablet

hostile to Egypt are called the "^^-^-j **^»a an^ tne people of the Desert
would naturally be conquered by the king.

The last nations mentioned as conquered are the An, or people of the Libyan

and Arabian " valleys," and the ^^ A~*Nv7^sl '-*-'» Renien, either the Armenians
or the people of the Libanus ; the bird's claw ^, i being already known in the

ethnic lists as indicating the name of a separate people. The earliest appearance
of this last form, followed by the eagle and purse, is in the ethnic lists of
Thothmes IV. ;b it recurs in the list of captives of Sethos I.,° while the
Ermenn or Remonn are mentioned with the usual phonetic name.d The con-
quests of Egypt in this direction were for the sake of the cedars which
grew there, and which were used for various sacred purposes. At the time of
Thothmes IV. the sacred barge of the god Amen Ra at Thebes was made of the
cedar-wood, ash, cut by the monarch in the land of the Ruten," which comprised
the Ermenn. The name of Ruten corresponds with the Regines of Josephus, who
are placed amongst the Aschanaioi/ which connects them with the Assakanoi, or
Assakeni of Strabo« and Arrian,h and which correspond with the Ashenaz, called
by the Greeks " Regines," who are placed in Northern India, and may have been
intended for the Raj-poots. The connection of the Remenn and the Herusha, or
Helusha, perhaps the Elisha, is found as late as the Ptolemies, these people
being mentioned together in the pylon of Ptolemy Philometor at Philae. The
text asserts that the " Nine bows are fallen, the Tamahu are cut up before Thee,
the Kheta are turned back at my blows, the Sam have been decapitated, the
Tahennu have been chastised, the Herusha are at the block, the Remen are
annihilated, the Seti are destroyed by my sword." • The form, indeed, may be the
Remen of ...... at, if the last group is a separate word, in which case the phonetic

value has still to be discovered ; for the bird's claw is limited to this name, and
that of the Egyptian <nri8ap.r), or " span," indicating that measure in several
ancient cubits. There is some reason for thinking, however, that the span was

• Lepsius, Denkm. iv. 52 d.

b Wilkinson, Mat. Hier. pi. viii. 2 ; Champollion, Not. Descr. p. 486, Mon. civil.
c Rosellini, Mon. Real. Ixi. d Rosellini, Mon. Real, cclii.

• Ungarelli, Interpretatio Obeliscorum. Obel. Lateran, tab. i col. 2.

' Fouapdi/ W rfiiiv vidiv yeyofievuv 'AayavaZriv fttv 'Aa\avatos unmri. dl vvv Pqylves VTO ri>v

v icaXovKrcu. Josephus, Antiq. i. 67.

« XT. 698. h Anab. iv. 50; Ind. i. 80.

1 Champollion, Not. Descr. 207.

of the Reign of Thothmes III. 383

called ermen. Mr. Edwin Smith has communicated to me the following passages
from his index of the ritual, in which the group EKMEN occurs, followed by the
determinative of one or two arms : Ch. 17, 1. 52, "Save me from that god whose
form is secret, his eyebrows are the arms (ermen) of the balance ; the night of
judging the spoiler." And again, in 1. 88 of the same chapter, " I have shouldered
or touched millions." In the 71st chapter, llth line, there is an invocation, " Oh,
seven lords over," or " upon, the arms of the balance the day of judgment." The
sense of " hand " seems to correspond with the same group in ch. 105, 1. 5, and
the same sense will apply to ch. 124, 1. 4, 5.

I shall now proceed to discuss the values of some new hieroglyphical groups
which appear in this inscription, and which are interesting and important for the
interpretation of this and other texts. The first word to which I shall refer is

fc^^Jp^n, an ,in, or rather au, "hall," " hypaethral court," which occurs in

the 3rd and 24th lines.8 It is doubtful in this group whether the two undulating
lines are phonetic or determinative. On a tablet of the Xllth dynasty in the
British Museum the same group, determined by three lines of water and a boat,
signifies to " go " or " return." But in other inscriptions this word occurs in the

.A JWVMV m

form ^^J (\ n auni.t* in the sense of a "hall" or "colonnade," or with the

variant only of a cord for the bird in the same word.0 This word may be the Coptic
overfT, or " recess," or egorrf, " within" or " interior." A less correct and less

full form of the same word is i^^^f^] aui.t* in which form it occurs on a

tablet of Amenophis II. at Amada, to designate the great hypaethral court or
colonnade, for the inscription states that the monarch " made a great propylseon

of hewn stone a hall of festivals in the great ami" or " a hypsethral

court surrounded by columns of hewn stone," e a phrase which proves the mean-
ing of the word. The next word to consider is I H -j|^T.-*<fei, bait, which imme-
diately follows it. This word appears to signify "reward," as the reward of Victory,
the Coptic &A.I. In one of the legends of Seti I. occurs the phrase Bai nak
nahamu en neb neteru,* "thou hast imparted joy to all the gods," which shows
that bai had the sense of a " gift " of some kind. In the legends of the kings this

• Deveria,SurleBasilicogrammateThouthouTeti, 8vo, Paris, 1817, for the valued of the initial of this-group.
b Lepsius, I Vukm. abth. iii. bl. 65. c Lepsius, iii. 72.

d Sel. Pap. xix. 2. Tabl. Eg. Gallery, Brit. Mus. 589, haa " let me be like the dogs (du) of the court
(di«.f)." Cf. De Roug6, D'Orbiney Pap. viii. 1. 8.

• Champollion, Not. Descr. p. 106. ' Rosellini, Mon. Real. IxL

3E2

384 On a New Historical Tablet

word occasionally occurs ; here the sense evidently requires " gift " or " present,"
and it is remarkable that in a ritual of the British Museum • this group replaces the
form I \l N , baft, apparently in the sense of " clod " or "matter," probably from the

fourth character, the sledge, being the synonym of the material it transported. The
next group to consider is ^^ "^ || V^ ,aui, "to stretch," the initial hieroglyph being
the variant of the calf, or A.b The word is here determined by the man striking, a
form of the verbal determinative common in the hieratic, but rarer in the hiero-
glyphical texts. This initial occurs only in a limited number of words, and has
till recently had the value KH attributed to it, from its appearing in later texts
as the initial of khaui.t, " altar ."c It often occurs, determined by the heart, in the
sense of "magnanimous" or "generous," if not "all gracious;" the BA2IAET2 FLAT
XAPHS of the translation of Hermapion/ being the NeB AuTof the hieroglyphical

//// "1 ^ *

texts. The other forms with this initial are, (ff^ j ^, , au.t, some kind of "food"or
" bread;"* and ^^ JSJ"** / ausu, the "scale" or " balance," perhaps a form of the
word J^4^AJA> bak*u> which ig used in the same sense. In the negative con-
fession, the deceased says, nen uah her mu t enti ausu, " I do not throw up the
weight of the scale ;"s the word««A meaning " to throw,"h to spoil, or to augment,'
and alludes to the deceased either not weighing out unfairly from his balance, or
being found wanting in the balance of the Great Judgment. In these texts the
word "weight," mut is expressed by a vulture, according to Horapollo a didrachm,
and in the inscription of Phila? the mut is a submultiple of the mna.

The group ^^ ^ *Jt?' khaku, is of frequent occurrence in the texts,
and is apparently the Coptic tyoucjutse "to wound," or "hurt;" or possibly
tux " fool," being always accompanied by the determinative of the heart, as in
the text cited by Brugsch,k ^^T»*f » khak; and in the later inscription published
by Lepsius .'^^ *i* khak, where it is accompanied by the packet, determinative
of a corpse; and again, in the ritual m ^^ _ "fr^y-i' with the determinatives

a Determined by a block of stone. De Rouge1 has given the same sense.
b Deveria, loc. cit. e Salvolini, An. Gram.

a Animian. Marcellin. xvii. c. 4, pp. 121-127. • Lepsius, Denkm. iii 135 a, 89.

' Pap. Salt, Brit. Mus. 828, loco Lepsius, Todt. c. 145; in the corresponding place, Pap. E. R. 9900, the
determinative of a branch of wood is replaced by a balance.

« Lepsius, Todt. 125, 1. 8, 9. h De Rouge", D'Orbiney Papyrus, pL i. 1. 6, pi. x. 1. 1.

1 De Rougd, Stele Egyptienne, Journal Asiatique, p. 241.

k Geographie, Taf. xxir. No. xvii. ' Denkm iv. 74 e. m Lepsius, Todt. Ixii. 145, 20.

of the Reign of Thothmes III. 385

of the heart and body, and in all cases applied to the enemies of the Good, or the
Egyptians.

The monarch is said in some inscriptions "to strike off the heads of the khaka"
or foolish.8 In the texts of the coffin of the Queen Ankhsensaneferhat, the
khaka are classed with the mes betsh, those born depraved, and ihesbau, as, " Ye
do not attack her ; ye do not do her ill ; ye do not prevail against her ; ye make
the profane, the depraved, the foolish, the agitators fall to your faces."1' The
term is, however, too general to attach to it a special meaning.

The word fl^ ^7^j» stma, in the same line, " to make to grasp," is only
remarkable for the • after the p , of which it forms a kind of non-phonetic
adjunct, in the same manner as - , which in (1,*, or p^ simply expresses
the form »u, " they ;" and for the If, usual ter, "quiver," being here employed in
a determinative and non-phonetic sense0 as the equivalent of " the sword." This
verb, in the same form, occurs on the Flaminian obelisk, and the determinative
of the quiver is replaced by the trap -ft in the ritual/ as determinative of the
same word.

In the 7th line occurs a variant of the word Uat-ur, or Ocean, £££^^^J?»
the Egyptian victories on which may be traced as early as the Xllth dynasty,8
and continued till the time of the Persians/ when mention is made of the defeat of
the lonians, or Greeks, on that element. In the 8th line the king is said to go

in, or approach the J^tll^lf^!*! » babau, or caves. The word occurs in many
senses, as II 1 9^ , baba t, to exhale,* which is logically connected with the
idea of depriving the enemies of Egypt of the breath of life. Another form
J-^.JX. , babu,b occurs in some rituals as the equivalent of the ordinary word
, bu, "place," in which case it would mean "going in their places;" while
the circle is found attached as determinative to the word \^9, auj "a place."
A form I £rl £- *a*a '» f°un(l m tne ritual,k also has the signification of

• Lepsius, Denkm. iii. 128. b Eg. Gallery, Brit. Mus. No. 32.

« The verb tern, Ungarelli, i. iv. 16, 19; khesr, to disperse, has the sword (Rosellini, Mon Real, cxxxix.)
and the quiver (Lepsius, Denkm. iv. 85 a) for its determinatives.
« Lepsius, Todt. xlvi. 124, 9. Cf. Champ. Mon. 228 c.

« Lepsius, Denkm. ii. 149 g. f Brugsch, Geogr. taf. Iviii. 12, 13.

« Lepsius, Todt. liv. 138, 8. " Papyrus Salt, 828, loco Lepsius, Todt. 149, 27.

1 Sharpe, Eg. Inscr. 28, B. k Lepsius, Todt. xvii. 38, 1.

386 On a New Historical Tablet

" place " or " cavern," and the name of the Destroying God appears under a similar
form. The same line has also the unusual group 7^>f , ka, " to deprive ;" and

in the following line is the form ajj** jfr > akht or khut, followed by the deter-
minative of the serpent placed upon a basket fa. which expresses in the Rosetta
stone the idea of " diadem ;" it is here placed after the head ^~ Jfr, api, in the
llth line, and follows words expressing the head or its parts. In the same line
is the word PP^"^* Man, " to burn," or "dazzle," the form nn^CL •j^TS**,1'
s'sannn, "torment," elsewhere occurring. In the groups following this expres-
sion, the phonetic form >— J •»». " to twist," is probably the abridged

/"""lJ"'5l^5<' nebt, " the twisted," or " depraved," as it occurs on the

coffin of the Queen Ankhsenraneferhat ; b the sense here being twisting
or catching in a noose, from its radical form nebt, "plait" or "lock" of
hair, which occurs in the Romance of the Two Brothers/ and which is the Coptic

rfOV&T. The following word, \^", kat,A expresses either the especial name of the
foreign nation afflicted in this manner by the monarch, or the confederates or
subordinates — the ^ 7^ -e The unusual determinative of the ring or circle which
accompanies this group occurs in another inscription/ possibly in the same sense.
The word P"*^^*"^^-1, s-tens, in the llth line, is applied to the decapitation of

I /****A. 4*

enemies; it consists of the preformant « and the verbal root tens, the Coptic
TOYJte, to " remove," and is literally " causing to remove their heads."* In the ex-
pression " on thy body," the undulating line is interposed between the preposition
and the verbal root, a common occurrence in the texts. In the following line

^j^^j , tekk-u, a form which rarely occurs, apparently expresses " attached,"
or " bound; " it is similar to the verb ^ _ ^ , tek,h often applied to the " attaching"
or destroying the frontier of the lands hostile to Egypt. In the same line the

• Cf. Lepsius, Todt. xvii. 32, 10. b Lepsius, Todt. xviii. 40, 2.

0 Egypt. Gallery, Brit. Mus. No. 32.
d D'Orbiney Papyrus, ii. 10, xi. 3.

11 Brugsch, Mon. iii.; Lepsius, Todt. xxxvii. 100, 4; Lepsius, Denkm. iv. 52 a. Lately it appears
M. Deveria reads this group Sat.
' Lepsius, Denkm. ii. 106, 7.

» The verbal root occurs in the Chapter of the Net, Lepsius, Todt. 153, 3.
b Lepsius, Denkm. iii. 129.

of the Reign of Thothmes III. 387

verb "to lead along," P«—*VJV'*'V> *^'w> has the unusual determinative of a
vulture, as referring to victory and conquest. The expression ta ta, J T , repeated

in almost every line, is only a variant of the form, at at, to attack, or afflict.*
The form at at, in the sense of to "overthrow," is generally accompanied
by the determinative of a man wearing the pschent, and holding in each
hand a weapon, as in the exploits of Seti I. at Karnak, " overthrowing (at at}
the Mena nu Set, trampling on the numerous lands, striking their chiefs
dead in their blood, he goes among them like a flame of fire, making them
no more."" In another text occurs the phrase, "the hour or moment of
overthrowing," atat.e Sesh, in the same line, apparently in the sense of
"to open," here corresponds to that of "to pass," as "I pass them under
thy feet." d The word uu, which appeared to me formerly to be the "mounds,"
is evidently here in the sense of "the edge," or "border" of the enemies'
countries. The king is compared in this same line to the star fl^^V-K*, sesht,

and in this case some particular burning or fiery star must be intended, such as a
comet; the phonetic root of this word is already known as to "pierce" or "pene-

trate, "and the present group may be only a variant of fl*"^ M , sesht, " the orbit " of

the sun, or its tropical path, of the inscription of Medinat Haboo/ where it speaks
of the monarch running like the planets in their orbits or " combustions," the
Coptic CAgTe. This sentence is again repeated in the speech of Amen Ra to Seti I.
in the scene of his conquests at Karnak. The god there says, ta a tnaa su snin
k kha s'shet set basf- em khet taf- attf-. "I let them see thy majesty, or person,
like a comet shedding its heat of fire which causes its train." e This last word
j_. yjj^ a^^ .g probabiy synonymous with ei*.T, dew, or urrg, to knit,

either of which ideas might be conveyed as the Egyptian expression of the
comet's tail. In the inscription of Rameses III. at Medinat Haboo, the same
form sesht is determined by a disk shedding its rays of light, and has been inter-
preted "orbit" or "sphere." The king is said to be "a courser, strong on his
feet, running like the stars in their course (sesht) on high." f But this interpre-
tation does not correspond with the present passage, where the king is compared
to the sesht itself. The final part of the inscription occurs in a speech of Amen

* Rosellini, Mon. Real. Iviii. h Ibid. Uii. • Lepsius, Denkm. iii. 128.

* Chabas ; Greene, Fouilles, i. 3. * Rosellini, Mon. Real. I x ii .

' Greene, Fouilles 4 Thebes, p. 4, pi. i. 3; M. de Rouge\ L'Athen. Fr. 1856. The phrase is kha sitt her
tetht, like stars in their combustion.

388 On a New Historical Tablet of the Reign of Thothmes III.

Ra to Seti I., in which the god again declares, " I let them see thy majesty as the
flame of fire Pasht makes in her train."*

The word p -&F, set, " to pour forth," is the earlier form of the same verb
""/* set. which is found at the Ptolemaic period.b In the 18th line occurs

& \\: <-**

-»-^?^y sma or mas, "calf" or "victim;" and in the 20th the form ^7 ~ ,

tma.t, " to swoop," found also in the inscription of the coffin of the Queen of
Amasis.c

* Kosellini, Mon. Real. Ixi.
b Champollion, Not. Descr. 183.

0 Eg. Gallery, No. 32; llorus is also called the tema nekht, the "powerful swooper," i.e. as a hawk.
Champollion, Not. Descr. p. 241.

XXVI. .Notices of John Lord Stanhope of Harrington, with reference to
certain Letters to him, communicated to the Society by the EARL STANHOPE,
PRESIDENT, and by RICHARD ALMACK, Esq. F.S.A. ; together with some
Account of Sir Thomas Holcroft and Sir John Wotton, the writers of two of
those Letters. By GEORGE R. CORNER, Esq., F.S.A.

Read January 26th, 1860.

ON the 17th of June, 1858, several interesting original letters of and to
members of the Stanhope family, in the time of Queen Elizabeth and King
James I., were communicated to the Society of Antiquaries by Richard Almack,
Esq. F.S.A., but, being produced late in the evening of the last meeting of the
season, I think they hardly received so much attention as they deserved. Among
those letters were several to John Lord Stanhope of Harrington, to whom was
addressed the highly interesting letter communicated to the Society by our noble
President, and read, with observations by Robert Lemon, Esq. E.S.A., on the
22nd December last."

The production of these letters has induced me to think that some notices of
John Lord Stanhope of Harrington may be acceptable to the Society, although
not pretending to be a regular memoir of that nobleman; they are merely a
collection of particulars respecting him, from various sources, which may serve to
give a notion of the character and career of one of Queen Elizabeth's courtiers,
who seems to have preserved her favour to the last, and to have been equally
if not more highly honoured by her successor.

Mr. Almack is good enough to allow me to append to this communication five
letters from his collection, four of them addressed to Lord Stanhope of Harring-
ton. Of the writers of two of these letters, Sir Thomas Holcroft and Sir John
Wotton, I have added some few particulars.

John Lord Stanhope of Harrington.

Sir John Stanhope, afterwards Lord Stanhope of Harrington, was the third son
of Sir Michael Stanhope, the King's Steward of Holderness and Cottingham,

• See this volume, p. 246.
VOL. XXXVIII. 3 F

390 Notices of John Lord Stanhope of Harrington.

Lieutenant-Governor of Hull in the reign of King Henry VIII. and Chief Gentle-
man of the Privy Chamber to King Edward VI. Sir Michael's sister of the half
blood, Anne Stanhope, was wife of the Protector Somerset, in whose ruin Sir
Michael became unfortunately involved, and, being attainted after a mock trial,
was beheaded on Tower Hill, 26th February, 1552. The wife of Sir Michael, and
mother of Sir John, was Anne Rawson, daughter of Nicholas Rawson, Esq. of
Aveley, Essex, who was son of Alured, or Averey, Rawson, eldest son of Richard
Rawson, citizen and mercer of London, sheriff of that city in 1476, and alderman
of the Ward of Farringdon Without.

Sir Michael left his wife with five sons and three daughters, all of whom she
brought up and settled well. The Nottinghamshire estates of Sir Michael, (which
had been granted to him by King Henry VIII. " in consideration of his good,
true, and faithful service," by letters patent in the 29th, 30th, 31st, and 32nd
years of that king's reign,) were granted to Sir Michael and his wife Anne, and
the heirs male of Sir Michael. After her husband's attainder Lady Stanhope
obtained a demise of those estates, by letters patent of 21 April, 6th Edward VI.
for forty-four years, at the rent of twenty pounds ; and in the 1st and 2nd of
Philip and Mary she had a grant of the reversion of the same estates, and others
in Derbyshire and Yorkshire, in exchange for the prebend of St. Michael in
Beverley Minster, and the collegiate chapel of St. James at Sutton in Yorkshire,
which had been settled upon Lady Stanhope for her life, in augmentation of her
jointure, and which ecclesiastical property she surrendered to the Crown. And
by letters patent of the llth May, 1 and 2 Philip and Mary, the reversion of the
estates in Nottinghamshire, Derbyshire, and Yorkshire was granted to Lady
Stanhope for her life, with remainder to all her sons successively in tail general ;
and on her decease they descended to Thomas, her eldest son ; who, by Act of
Parliament of the 1st of Mary, Sess. ii. c. 6, was restored in blood and made
capable of inheriting.

Lady Stanhope was connected through her mother, Beatrice, sister of Sir
Thomas Cooke, with Sir William Cecil, Lord Burghley, whose wife, Mildred, was
one of the daughters of Sir Thomas Cooke, and therefore a cousin-german of Lady
Stanhope ; a connection which no doubt enabled her to obtain for her sons advan-
tageous positions about the court. She died in 1588, having survived her husband
thirty-five years ; and was buried * at Shelford, Notts, where there is a monument
to her memory, with her effigy recumbent and a long inscription. By her will,

• Sec a long letter from her son, Sir Thomas Stanhope, to Lord Burghley respecting her funeral, in the
possession of Mr. Almack, printed in the Archseologia, vol. xxzi. p. 212.

Notices of John Lord Stanhope of Harrington. 391

dated 16th Sept. 1583, she bequeathed to each of her sons and daughters, and their
respective wives and hushands, a ring, with the motto " Vinclum caritatis in-
dissolubile," and she charged them, before the tribunal seat of God, to love
each other as God hath loved us, having always in their minds the holy prophet
David's saying, " Behold, how good and comfortable a thing it is for brethren
to dwell in unity and love together." She constituted the Lord Treasurer of
England (Burghley) supervisor and overseer of her will, giving to him a ring of
ten shillings, with these words, " Blessed be the peacemakers," requesting him
that, as she and hers had always been bound and beholden to him in her lifetime,
so now, being called away, as her hope was into a better life, from her children,
he would be as a father to her fatherless children, (and especially to her youngest
son, Michael, whom she last provided for), desiring him also to cease and order
all strifes and debates, if any should arise betwixt any of her other children,
either for legacies or other debt or duty, and straightly charging all her children,
upon God's blessing and hers, to be ruled and ordered by the good advice of her
supervisor, then their father. Also she gave to her good lady and cousin, the
wife of the said supervisor, a ring of value and price like unto her husband's,
with the words, " I die to live." a

In November, 1556, John Stanhope matriculated as a Pensioner of Trinity
College, Cambridge;1* and in the same year he was admitted a member of Gray's
Inn (of which society as many as eighteen members of the Stanhope family were
admitted between 1556 and 1654) ; and on the 26th January, 1568, he became an
Ancient of that society.0

In 1572 he was returned as M.P. for Marlborough to the Parliament which
met 8th May.d

In 1578 he occurs as a Gentleman of the Queen's Privy Chamber.

In 1585 he was elected M.P. for Beverley in the Parliament which met 23rd
November ;e and in 1586 he was elected M.P. for Truro in the Parliament which
met 29th October.'

In 1588-9 he was returned to the Parliament which met on the 4th February
as Member for Rochester.*

• Proved in Exchequer Court, York, 10 Oct. 1588.

b C. H. Cooper, Esq. F.S.A. Cambridge, to whom I am indebted for much of this information.
« MS. Harl. 1912. « Willis's Not. Parl. voL ii. p. 96.

• Willis's Not. Parl. vol. ii. p. 101. f Ibid. p. 109.
« Ibid. p. 121.

3F2

392 Notices of John Lord Stanhope of Harrington.

June 20, 1590, he was constituted by patent Postmaster of England for life,
with a fee of 66/. 13«. 4c?. per annum."

Sept. 27, 1592, he was elected M.A. at Oxford, the Queen then being there.b

He married0 on the 6th May, 1589, at Chelsea/ Margaret Macwilliams, other-
wise Cheke, daughter and heir of Henry Macwilliams, Esq. of Stambourne,
Essex, one of the Queen's Gentlemen Pensioners, and Governor of Colchester
Castle, by Elizabeth, daughter and heiress of Richard Hill, serjeant of the wine-
cellar to King Henry VIII. and widow of the learned Sir John Cheke, school-
master and secretary of state to King Edward VI.

In the previous year (March, 1588) he had obtained a grant from the Queen
of the manor of Chelsea6 for his life, at the rent of twenty marks : he had however
surrendered it in 1592, when it was granted by the Queen to Catherine Lady
Howard, wife of the Lord Admiral, upon the like terms. The Lord Admiral
dated letters from Chelsea in 1589, 1691/ and 1597 .g It would seem, however,
that Mr. Stanhope was resident at Chelsea until 1595, for his daughter Elizabeth
was baptized there in 1593,h and his son Charles in 1595.

In Lodge's Illustrations of British History, Biography, and Manners, from the
MSS. of the Howards, Talbots, and Cecils, at the College of Arms, (published in
1791,) there are some letters of John Stanhope ; the first of which is from him
to Lord Talbot, dated at Richmond, 22nd December, 1589, conveying thanks for a
Sherwood hind, praises of Lady Talbot, and foreign news. He adds the following
postscript : " The Queen is so well as I assure you six or seven gallyards in a
morning, besides music and singing, is her ordinary exercise." '

Another letter, in Lodge's Illustrations, is from John Stanhope to the Earl
of Shrewsbury, dated Richmond 9th Dec. 1590, as to the Queen's letter of con-
dolence to the earl on the death of his father, and disposal of the lieutenancy of
Derby, Notts, Stafford, and Warwickshire, &c. in which he says, " God be thanked,
she is better in health this winter than I have seen her before ; her favour holdeth

• Pat. 32° Eliz. pt. 2, m. 40. Report of Secret Committee on Post Office to House of Commons, 1844,
Appendix, p. 86. " C. H. Cooper, Esq.

c In Collins's Peerage, 1741, iii. p. 308, Sir John Stanhope is stated to have first married Joan, daughter
and heiress of Sir William Knowles of Bilton in Holdemess : but, as this marriage is omitted in the 3rd
edition of Collins, 1756, ii. 335, the editor had probably ascertained that it belonged to another John
Stanhope. See Poulson's History of Holderness, 4to. 1841, ii. 250.

d Lysons's Environs of London, vol. ii. p. 118. e Lord Burghley's Notes, Murdin's State Papers, p. 794.

r Harl. MSS. iii. pp. 476-478. « Lansd. MSS. Ixxxiv. 66.

h Lysons's Environs of London, ut supra. ' Lodge, vol. ii. p. 410.

Notices of John Lord Stanhope of Harrington. 393

in reasonable good terms to the Earl of Essex. I hope you shall hear that my
cousin Robert Cecil shall be sworn secretary before Christmas; whether Mr.
Woutton, or who else, is yet uncertain." a

There is also a long and interesting letter from him to Lord Talbot, written in
1590, containing a jocular excuse for not having written before, and giving an
account of the Queen's entertainment of Viscount de Turenne at Windsor, in
which we read, "This night, God willing, she will go to Richmond, and on
Saturday next to Somerset House ; and, if she could overcome her passion against
my Lord of Essex for his marriage, no doubt she would be much the quieter ; yet
doth she use it more temperately than was thought for, and, God be thanked,

doth not strike all she threats." " The favours of the Court be disposed as

you left them ; and I assure you never a man that I know hath cause to brag of
any. My Lord Treasurer hath been ill of his gout of long, and so continues ; our
new maid, Mrs. Vavasour,b flourisheth like the lily and the rose." He then
notices the foreign news, return of Sir John Hawkins, prizes taken at sea, and
concludes with professions of attachment, &c.c

Mr. Lodge gives also another letter from John Stanhope to the Earl of Shrews-
bury, dated 10th March, 1590.d

July 5, 1596, he was sworn Treasurer of the Chamber, and he was knighted in
the same year.6

In 1597 he was elected M.P. for Preston, in the Parliament which met 24th
October/

On the 3rd November, 1598, Sir John Stanhope writes to Sir Robert Cecil :
" I have been reading Mr. Edmonds's letter and yours to Her Majesty, which
came not to my hands till six o'clock ; for I was all the afternoon with Her
Majesty at my book ; and then, thinking to rest me, went in again with your
letter. She was pleased with the philosopher's stone, and hath been all tliis day
reasonably quiet, and hath heard at large the discourse of the calamities in Kerry
— French news and visitors to the Queen."*

In 1601 he was appointed Vice-Chamberlain of the Queen's Household,"

• Lodge, vol. iii. p. 23.

b Mrs. Anne Vavasour, a lady of a Yorkshire family, and one of the Queen's Maids of Honor. She was
a very beautiful woman, but the subject of much mirth and scandal on account of her attachment to the old
but gallant Sir Henry Lee. — Note by Lodge.

0 Lodge, vol. iii. p. 15. * Ibid. vol. iii. p. 26.

e C. H. Cooper, Esq. f Willis's Not. Parl. p. 140. « Lodge, vol. iii. p. 95.

b Mr. Chamberlain to Mr. Carleton, Feb. 3, 1600-1 :— " In the absence of the Lord Chamberlain (Lord

394 Notices of John Lord Stanhope of Harrington.

which office he retained in the following reign ; and in June or July of the same
year he was sworn of the Privy Council."

In 1601 he was elected M.P. for the county of Northampton, in the Parliament
which met 7th October.1"

June 17th, 1602, he was named in a Commission to reprieve felons, and to
commit them to serve in the galleys.

29th January, 1602-3, he was named in a Commission touching Jesuits and
Seminary Priests.

In 1603-4 he was Member for Newton in the Isle of Wight, in the Parliament
which met 19th March.6

The style of his letters is very easy, and free from the affectation and extravagant
phrases common at that period. They seem to me to approach more to the lively
character of Horace Walpole's epistolary writings than any I have ever seen of
the time of Elizabeth.

There are numerous letters and documents of and referring to Lord Stanhope
of Harrington in the State Paper Office, as we learn from Mrs. Green's admirable
calendar.

On his accession King James granted, June 21, 1603, to Sir John Stanhope
and Charles his son the office of Keeper of Colchester Castle for life.d Sir
John also retained the offices of Vice-Chamberlain and Master of the Posts under
King James.

In the State Paper Office is a letter, dated 19th October, 1603, from Mercury

Hunsdon), Sir John Stanhope was appointed to serve as Vice-Chamberlain, which most men interpret to be
a goode step to the place." Chamberlain's Letters, (Camden Society, 1861,) p. 100. In the same volume
are the following earlier passages respecting Sir John Stanhope's expectations of preferment: —

" Aug. 30, 1598. The Lord Cobham, the Lord Thomas Howard, Sir Walter Raleigh, and Sir John
Stanhope, are in speech to be sworne shortly of the Counsaile." (p. 18.)

" Oct. 3, 1598. Here hath been much speech of new Counsaillours, and some have been very neere it,
and appointed to be sworne: but the contrarietie of opinions, the number that stand for it, and the difficultie,
or rather impossibilitie, to please both sides, kepes all backe; yet it is certainly thought that Sir John Stan-
hope shalbe shortly Vice-Chamberlain." (p. 21.)

" June 28, 1599. We have yet no Chauncellor of the Duchie; there be so many competitors that they
hinder one another, and there be three that pretend an absolute promise, — Sir Edward Stafford, Sir John
Stanhope, and Dr. Harbert." (p. 52.)

" Oct. 10, 1600. It is every day expected that Sir John Stanhope shalbe made Chancellor of the Duchie."
(p. 89.)

• "July 8, 1601. We had lately a new call of Counsaillors, — the Erie of Shrewsbury, who is likewise
named to be President of Wales, the Erie of Worcester, Master of the Horse, and Sir John Stanhope, Vice-
Chamberlain." (Ibid. p. 112.) » Willis's Not. Parl. p. 150.
c Willis's Not. Parl p. 163. d State Papers, Dom. James I. vol. ii. No. 12.

Notices of John Lord Stanhope of Harrington. 395

Patten to Sir John Stanhope, Vice-Chamberlain, concerning Raleigh's conference,
soon after he got into trouble, with Parks, of the Stannary, about Lord Cecil, where
he desires Parks may be questioned about it.a

1604. February 5. A Commission was issued to the Lord Chamberlain, Lord
Cecil, Sir John Stanhope, and Sir George Hume, to make an inventory of all
robes or apparel left by the King's progenitors.b

1604. October 14. A warrant was issued to Sir John Stanhope, Vice-
Chamberlain, to preserve the game in the hundreds of Rowell, Orlingbury,
Gilsborough, Hookeslow, and Fawsley, in Northamptonshire.0

As steward of the manor of Eltham he had a residence at that royal palace ;
and in the State Paper Office there is a letter dated 22nd October, 1604, to the
Lord Treasurer and Sir John Stanhope, steward of the manor of Eltham, to com-
pound with owners of land to be added to the Middle Park there.d

1605, March. Sir John Stanhope writes to Viscount Cranbourne, inclosing
him two letters out of France from Furtado the Spanish friar, and a note from
Lady Adeline Nevill, sister of the late Earl of Westmoreland."

1605, April 19. There is a letter from Sir John Stanhope, Sir John Fortescue,
and Lord Chief Justice Popham, to Sir Julius Caesar, from which it appears that
the aldermen of London were " so obstinate and tied to their own will," that
they would neither attend to the petition of Thomas Stanley and others about the
House of Correction, nor reimburse their expenses. There would be no way to
deal with them, unless the King were to write to the mayor and aldermen ;
they inclose the draft of a letter which they think suitable/

In the same year (1605), 4th May, Sir John Stanhope was created by King
James I. Baron Stanhope, of Harrington, in the county of Northampton,8 being
the first of his family who was raised to the peerage.

1605, May 21. A warrant to pay to Lord Stanhope 2,000?. for the expenses of
his office as Treasurer of the Chambor.h

On the 3rd June, 1605, a Commission had issued from the Court of Exchequer,
directed to Lord Stanhope as High Steward, Sir Edward Cooke (Attorney-General),
Sir Thomas Walsingham (of Mottingham), Sir Percival Hart (of Lullingstone),
Sir Oliff Leigh, John Doddridge (Solicitor-General), Sir Francis Bacon, one of the
King's Council, and others, to make a perfect survey of the royal manor house

• State Papers, Dom. James I. vol. iv. No. 22. * Ibid. vol. vi. No. 51.
c Ibid. vol. ix. No. 75. * Ibid. vol. be. No. 83.

• Ibid. vol. xiii. No. 51. ' Ibid. vol. xiii. No. 74.
« Ibid. vol. xiv. No. 1 (Grant Book, p. 14.) h Ibid. vol. xiv. No. 11.

396 Notices of John Lord Stanhope of Harrington.

and demesne of Eltham, which was commenced on the llth July in the same
year, and resulted in a very full and particular description of the palace, manor,
and the crown lands and woods. The Survey is still preserved among the Records
of the Court of Exchequer.*

During his lordship's residence at Eltham he is frequently mentioned in the
parish books, particularly as a communicant.

" 1605. Paid for the communyon, the syext of October, when my Lord Stannope
received, for bread and wyne . . . ;. r . . . . xx d.

" Item, paid for a communion ,the ix of September, 1G06, for wyne and breade,
when my Lorde Stanhop and others receyved ij s. j d.

' " 1610. Payd for brede and wyne for ij communions for my Lor Stanup's i s. ix d."

King James /visited again Lord Stanhope at Eltham in the year 1611, as
appears from the following entry in the churchwardens' accounts : —

" Paied for ryngers, when the Kinges Ma8 came to lye at Ealtham . xij d."

The last notice of Lord Stanhope at Eltham that I find in the parish books is
in 1611—

" Recefed of the honorabell Lord Stanhope, at a communione, the 4th of
September, for wine »!-*.;> is."

Oct. 10, 1605. Warrant for increase of payment to Lord Stanhope, Treasurer
of the Chamber, because of his being ordered to discharge the salaries of
the Prince's chamber servants. Annexed is a list of the Prince's servants and
their salaries.b

In 1607, April 7th, the King granted to John Lord Stanhope and Charles his
son the custody of Colchester Castle, as theretofore held by Thomas Lord D'Arcy,
John Earl of Oxford, Henry Macwilliams (Lord Stanhope's father-in-law), and, Sir
John, then Lord, Stanhope."

In the same year, July 26, the King, on the surrender of the former patent,
granted to John Lord Stanhope and Charles his son the office of Postmaster in
England for their lives.d

1608, June 5th. A letter from Lord Stanhope to the Earl of Salisbury ; in
which he states that he purposes to go to Northamptonshire for the benefit
of his health, and prays the earl's favour if any prejudice should arise against
him for his absence.6

In August 1608, the King wrote to Lord Stanhope reproving him for negligence

1 Queen's Remembrancer's Records, formerly First Secondary's, No. 34.

b State Papers, Dom. James I. vol. xv. No. 83. c Ibid. vol. xxvii. No. 4.

«l Ibid. vol. xxviii. No. 26. • Ibid. vol. xxxiv. No. 8.

Notices of John Lord Stanhope of Harrington. 397

in allowing spoil of game near the house at Eltham, of which he had the charge,
and exhorting him to greater vigilance, and to proclaim the execution of the laws
with all severity against the offenders.8

August 30, 1608. Lord Stanhope wrote to the Earl of Salisbury from Eltham,
with thanks for the view of occurrences in the Low Countries, and states that
he is ready for service when commanded.11

August 31. Another letter from Eltham soliciting licence for his nephew, son
of Sir Edward Stanhope of York, to travel.0

In this year he appears to have had some transactions with Sir Thomas
Holcroft respecting, most probably, a mortgage on the lands of the latter, to
which refer the two letters in Mr. Almack's collection, printed at the end of this
communication (Nos. III. and IV.).

In 1609, June 14, he was named in a Commission to raise an aid on Prince
Henry being made a knight.

In 1610, June 14, he was in a Commission for banishment of Jesuits and
Seminary Priests.

In 1616, May 31, he was named in a Commission for the rendition to the
States General of Flushing, Ramakins, and Brill.

In 1617, April 6, he was in a Commission to enlarge certain prisoners from
the Gatehouse.

In 1618, June 23, he was in a Commission for banishment of Jesuits and
Seminaries.

In 1620, April 29, he was nominated a Commissioner for Causes Ecclesiastical.

And November 17, in the same year, he was named in the Commission for
repair of St. Paul's Cathedral.

Lord Stanhope resigned his office of Vice-Chamberlain in the 14th James I.
(1617), but he retained the office of Postmaster until his death, as appears by
his will, in which he styles himself Master and Comptroller-General of all his
Majesty's Posts, and one of the Lords of the Privy Council. It is dated 6th October,
1620, and he therein expressed his desire to be buried in the chancel of St. Martin's
in the Fields, because he had lived in that parish thirty years and more. He
desired his wife not to display any pomp at his funeral, but only to remember the
poor. He gave to the poor of St. Martin's five pounds, to the poor of Harrington
five pounds, and to the poor of Eltham forty shillings. He gave to his son Sir
Charles Stanhope all his furniture and household stuff in his house at Harrington,

• State Papers, Dom. James L vol. xxxv. No. 75. b Ibid. vol. xxxv. No. 73.

• Ibid. vol. xxxv. No. 74.
VOL. XXXVIII. 3 G

398 Notices of John Lord Stanhope of Harrington.

and all his armour, pistols, calivers, and instruments of war in a little chamber in
his house at St. Martin's called the Armoury Chamber ; and he also gave him all
the plate which he brought with him from court when he was a courtier (speci-
fying the articles) ; he gave to his daughter the Lady Tollemache a piece of
plate, value ten pounds ; and to his daughter the Lady Cholmondeley a piece of
plate of like value. He gave to his wife, Margaret Lady Stanhope, his house in
St. Martin's, with all the furniture therein, and all his furniture remaining in the
steward's house at Eltham, and in the house there occupied by Mr. Dyer. He
also gave her, with many expressions of affection, all his plate, some of which had
been called her plate, or her cupboard plate, and all his jewels, chains, and
carcanets, and his best diamond ring, which he wore daily on his finger, and
which had been given to him by her, and all the residue of his personal estate.
And he constituted her sole executrix of his will ; which she proved on the 14th
April, 1621."

His lordship died March 9, 1620-1, leaving by his first wife one son, Charles,
second Lord Stanhope of Harrington1" (who died in 1675, without issue, when
this title became extinct) ; and by his second marriage, two daughters, Elizabeth,
who married Sir Lionel Tollemache, Bart, of Helmingham, ancestor of the Earls
of Dysart ; and Catherine, who married Sir Robert Cholmondeley, Bart, after-
wards created Viscount Cholmondeley of Kells, in Ireland, and Earl of Leinster.

By an inquisition taken after the death of John late Lord Stanhope, 29 March,
3 Charles I., it was found that he died seized of Harrington Park, Northamp-
tonshire ; the site of the late College of Stoke, in Suffolk ; the manors of Roth-
well and Ardingworth; the parsonage, rectory, and advowson of Rothwell, in
Northamptonshire ; lands in Wittlesea, Cambridgeshire ; a mansion house at
Charing Cross, in the parish of St. Martin-in-the-Fields, Middlesex ; and other
lands in Harrington and elsewhere in Northamptonshire; and that he died
9th March, 1620.c

Harrington Park and manor had been acquired in the 41st Elizabeth. On
the front of the house are the arms of Stanhope with three other quarterings
(probably Maulovel, Longvilliers, and Lexington, as borne by Sir Michael Stanhope,
his father). After the death of Charles Lord Stanhope, the Harrington estate
descended to his sister, Elizabeth Lady Tollemache.

• Prerog. Office, 31 Dale. * See a letter from him, p. 16.

c Additional MS. 6073. In 1672-3, Stanhope House " near Whitehall" was occupied by the Duke of
Albemarle, as appears from an advertisement of a trunk cut off from the duke's carriage, in the London
Gazette, No 748, reprinted in Cunningham's Handbook for London, 1849, p. 772.

Notices of John Lord Stanhope of Harrington. 399

Lord Stanhope's house in St. Martin's was probably where Stanhope Court
formerly was, i.e. on the west side of the highway at Charing Cross, to the north
of Buckingham Court, and between that and Spring Gardens.

Lord Stanhope was buried at St. Martin's (where his father-in-law and mother-
in-law, Mr. Macwilliams and his wife, were buried), but I do not find mention
of any monument in Strype's Stowe, although he describes a memorial there
for Mr. and Mrs. Macwilliams, with an inscription recording the alliances of their
daughters.'

His widow, Margaret Lady Stanhope, died on the 7th April, 1640, at Stanhope
House, Charing Cross, and was also buried in the chancel of St. Martin's church,
as appears by her funeral certificate in the College of Arms.

I.

Letter from Charles Howard, Lord High Admiral of England, to Sir John

Stanhope, addressed —

To my verry lovyng frend Sir Jhon Stanhop, Tresorer of the Chamber.
(Below, in another hand,} My Lo. Admyrall.

My good Jhon, — Howsoever it shall fall out, I must ever thynk myselfe most
beholdyng unto you, and wyll ever in all afection show it to the uttermost of my
poure, if it fal not owt as I know you wyshe it shuld. I assure you, wth me the
disc is caste ; and yet, whersoever I shal be, you shal have poure to youse me ;
and wyll ever rest,

Your (torn) trew and lovyng frend,

C. HOWARD.

I met my wyfe yesterday at Horset b wth her dawghter Sowthwell : the most
wekest woman that I ever saw wh lyfe. God helpe her. I browght my wyfe
away a more sorroful woman. If this day she escape her feet c ther may be
some hope, if not ther wyll rest no hope.

I pray you comend me to Mr. Secretary. I wyll wryt to him tomorro.

[Wafer-seal, with arms of Howard, quartering Brotherton, Warren, and
Mowbray, within a garter.]

• Strype's Stow, vol. ii. book vi. p. 70.

b Probably Horsehcath, in Cambridgeshire, the seat of Sir Giles Allington, who married Lady Dorothy Cecil.

« Fit of illness.

3o2

400 Notices of John Lord Stanhope of Harrington.

Note by R. Almack, Esq. F.S.A.

Charles Howard succeeded his father as second Lord Howard of Effingham
in 1573 ; he was created Knight of the Garter in December, 1574, and was
appointed Lord High Admiral 1584-5. After his successful expedition against
Cadiz, Queen Elizabeth raised him on the 22nd October, 1597, to the earldom of
Nottingham. He died 14th December, 1624, aged 87.

The letter has no date, but it was probably written in 1596 or 1597, for Sir
John Stanhope is addressed as Treasurer of the Chamber, an office conferred on
him for life, July 5th, 1596, and from its signature the letter may be presumed to
be anterior to the writer's becoming Earl of Nottingham, in 1697."

The first wife of Charles Howard was Catherine Gary, daughter of Henry Gary,
Lord Hunsdon, and she died (one month before Queen Elizabeth) 25th Feb.
1602." Their eldest daughter, Frances, married Sir Robert Southwell, and died
1608. It is of Catherine Countess of Nottingham that the story is related, that
Queen Elizabeth shook her on her death-bed for having withheld the ring which
the Earl of Essex had given in charge to her for the Queen, as a token which
entitled him to her forgiveness whenever sent back by him.

II.

Sir John Wotton, Knight, to Sir John Stanhope, Knight, addressed —
To the right Wor my sp'iall good Cosen Sr John Stanhopp, Knight.

My good Cousen, I have wrytten so often unto you and receyved no answere, as
nowe the estate of my body is growen so weake that nowe I am dryven to
entreate others to wryte for me.

Of my former request I know not what became, for that I never hearde reporte
of any pte therof. But nowe to my last request. My good Cousen, so handle the
matter wh her Majestic that Mr. Arthur Hopton may by her Mau favor be
pmytted to agree wh me for my penconer's roome. The mony shall burye me. The
gent, shall appeare freshe in my place, and of a stocke that her Majestie affectith
well.

Once agayne, my good Cosen, fayle me not, I beseche you, in thies things. They

• A letter from him signed " Notingham" may be found in Lansd. MSS. Ixxxvii. 13. It is written to
Mr. Michael Hickes in consequence of the death of Sir Robert Southwell, and dated 26 Oct. 1 598.
b Lysons's Environs of London, 1795, ii. 120.

Notices of John Lord Stanhope of Harrington. 401

are the last you shall doo for me. Lyving, I shall love you. Dead, my soule shall
remebre you. And so, my honn'able Cousen, farewell. Froome, the xxijth of
January, 1596.

Yor deade Cousen,

JOHN WOTTON.
Seal : a coat of arms, containing a saltire engrailed.

Note respecting Sir John Wotton.

Sir John Wotton was the third son of Thomas Wotton of Boughton Malherhe,
Kent, by his first wife, Elizabeth, daughter of Sir John Rudstone, Lord Mayor of
London in 1528. He was born at Boughton 11 April, 1550, and married Lady
Lucy Percy, daughter of Henry Earl of Northumberland. Lodge a states that he
" was elder brother of the famous Sir Henry, and his equal in parts and accom-
plishments. Elizabeth knighted him soon after (1590), and intended to have
placed him among her ministers, but he died in the prime of his age, about the
year 1592 ;" but that is an error, — he died without issue in 1597, and by his will,
dated 31 December, 1596, he desired to be buried in the church of Temple Combe,
Somerset ; he gave to Edward Earl of Oxford and Duke Brooke, Esq. of Temple
Combe a rent-charge or annuity of 66£. 13s. 4<d., charged upon the lands of his
father, Thomas Wotton ; he gave to Edward Earl of Oxford and Lord Bulbeck b
(Bolebec, a barony then vested in the De Veres) his pension of 100J. per annum ;
and he appointed the Earl of Oxford and Duke Brooke, Esq. executors of his will.
It was proved in the Prerogative Court of Canterbury, 7 May, 1597.

The letter now printed shows his reduced fortunes at the time of his death. He
was desirous to obtain a price for the resignation of his " roome " of a Gentleman
Pensioner ; and the purchaser in view was Mr. Arthur Hopton. This gentleman
was of Witham, in Somersetshire, for which county he served sheriff in 1583. He
was made a knight of the Bath at the coronation of James the First, and was
uncle of Ralph Lord Hopton, a distinguished cavalier in the army of Charles the
First.

Sir John Wotton's eldest brother, Sir Edward Wotton, after having distin-
guished himself in several embassies, was Comptroller and at last Treasurer of the
Household to James the First ; and was created Lord Wotton of Marley, or
Merley, in Kent. And he was half-brother to the learned Sir Henry Wotton,
who was his father's son by his second wife.

• Illustrations of British History, iii. 25.

h The will is expressed to have been made after the execution of two deeds between the testator ami the
Earl of Oxford and Lord Bulbeck.

402 Notices of John Lord Stanhope of Harrington.

III.

Letter from Sir Thomas Holcroft to Lord Stanhope of Harrington, addressed —

To the right Honorable my verie good Lord the Ld Stanhop, Vice-Chamber-
lain to the Kgs Matie, thes bee dd.

I doe humblye praye yor 1'p that, since it is so harde for me to conclude wth yor
1'p, & wth yor brother Sr Mighell, you beinge both a sunder, that yor 1'p would be
plesed to appointe some spedy tyme ffor me to attend e you both together, that I
might know yor resolutions, I have w* quiet and wth letle adoo my owne, &
ffor itt paye in some conveniente tymes my moneye where and when I ought> and
shal be apointed to doe itt, ffor wth continuinge in this state of uncertentie I
cannott but offende yor 1'p & yor brother, and I doe also in my mynde nourishe
an excedinge greefe & disquiett & in my estate no letle scandale, and for yor 1'p's
favour to me in this my trouble I will ever rest,

Your 1'p's most assured to my power,

April 28th, 1608. THO. HOLCROFT.

IV.

Letter from Sir John Stanhope of Elvaston, to his Uncles Lord Stanhope (of
Harrington) and Sir Michael Stanhope, addressed —

To the right hoble my very loving uncles, the Lo. Stanhope, one of the
Lo^ of his Matie* most hoble privie counsell, and the right wor" Sr
Michael Stanhope, Knight, Gent., of his highnes privie chamber.

My honnorable and lovinge Uncles — Accordinge to the Agreement betweext
you and myself at London, and your privity and consent synce, there have passed
writings betweext me and Sr Thomas Holcroft, for the reassuringe of his land, but
I have not acknowledged them to bee inrolled untill he shall first geeve you
securyty for payment of the 800U wch by the said agreemente he is to pay unto
you twoe. And, touchinge the matter of Mr. Purefy whereof you writ to me, I
have scince written my answere thereunto (what succes soever it hath had in the
deliv'y) wherein I not havinge spoken at that tyme wth Mr. Purefye did write
what I thought and was advised touchinge my right. And, Mr. Purefy havinge
scince come unto mee about that matter, I have geven him new dayes for payment
of his money unto mee, and reestated his land uppon him, w1*, beeinge meerely my
right without any collor to the contrary, I hope in your wisdomes that neyther
of you will mislyke any more thea I doe those great fortunes wch it hath pleased

Notices of John Lord Stanhope of Harrington. 403

God by the same meanes to lay uppon you, wch I will ever pray to Almighty God
to blesse and increase wth all manner of contentment and happines in the enjoy-
inge thereof to his good pleasure. And soe doe humbly take leave.

Yr assured loving Nephew,

Elvaston, the xxj of October, 1608. JHON STANHOPE.

The letter in another hand, the signature and " Yr assured loving nephew,"
autograph.

Notice of Sir Thomas Holcroft.

Sir Thomas Holcroft, of Vale Royal, in Cheshire, was a gentleman of the
privy chamber to King James the First. His sister Isabella having married
Edward third Earl of Rutland (who died in 1597), he was also uncle to the Lady
Elizabeth Manners, the sole daughter and heiress of that Earl, who was married
to William Cecil the grandson of the great Lord Burghley, and became mother
of William Cecil, Lord Roos.

Sir Thomas Holcroft' s father was Sir Thomas Holcroft, who, with his elder
brother, Sir John Holcroft, K.B., distinguished himself in the Scotish campaign in
1548, and became Receiver* of the Duchy of Lancaster. Queen Mary gave
him the post of Knight Marshal, in which his noble conduct to Dr. Sandys,
afterwards archbishop of York, who had been committed to his custody by
Gardiner, is celebrated by Foxe and others.b

After the dissolution of the monasteries, Sir Thomas Holcroft, then Thomas
Holcroft, Esq., of Holcroft, Lancashire, in 31st Henry VIII. had obtained a grant
of lands in Lancashire formerly belonging to Whalley abbey ; in 32 Henry VIII.
he had a grant of the priory of Cartmel and lands belonging thereto, and in 35th
Henry VIII., he obtained a grant of part of the possession of the monastery of
Vale Royal, in the parishes of Whitegate, Weverham, and Over ; and in 38th
Henry VIII. (having been knighted in the interval,) he purchased of the King
other parts of the possessions of the same monastery, and also property in Lan-
cashire.

His son's letter to Lord Stanhope seems to refer to a mortgage of these lands, or
some of them, to Lord Stanhope and his brother Sir Edward.

A pedigree of the Holcroft family will be found in Ormerod's History of
Cheshire, vol. ii. p. 75.

• He was disgraced with Sir John Thynne and Whalley, the Receiver of the duchy of Lancaster, in 1552.
"Holcroft hath surrendered his office of receivership of the Duchie." Lodge, Illustrations of British History,
i. 140.

b Lodge's Illustrations, vol. i. p. 70.

404 Notices of John Lord Stanhope of Harrington.

V.

Letter from Charles Lord Stanhope of Harrington to his Sister Elizabeth Lady

Tollemache.

Most lovinge and dear Sister, — Whereas you desyre soe earnestly y1 I should
signe y* release for your howse at Chayringe Crosse, I shall onely desyre you
before you send your commissioner to mee, with that writinge to seal, y' you
would bee pleased to send y6 conveyance made to you by my mother, for till my
councell have seen that, they can give mee noe positive answer. After wch I shall
bee readdy to serve you in all thinges, as beinge,

Dear Sister,

Your affectionate brother and servant,

CHARLES STANHOPE.

At Haringeton, February ye 20ttetb, 1647.

To my noble and woorthy sister ye Lady Tallmatch, these present.

XXVII. — On the Examination of a Chambered Long-Barroio at West Kennet,
Wiltshire. By JOHN THTTRNAM, Esq., M.D., F.S.A.

Read 15th March, 1860.

THE investigation described in the following paper may perhaps throw some
light on the nature of those remarkable sepulchral mounds, known as "long
barrows," which as yet remain the crux and problem of the barrow-digger and
archaeologist. Many of the long barrows of South Wiltshire were examined at
the beginning of this century by Mr. Cunnington and Sir Richard Colt Hoare ;
but with so little return for the pains bestowed on them, that, though Sir Richard
was satisfied of their high antiquity, he was utterly at a loss to determine
the purpose for which such immense mounds had been raised.* In another
part of his "Ancient Wiltshire," he tells us that he and his colleague " had at
length given up all researches in them, having for many years in vain looked for
that information which might tend to throw some satisfactory light on their
history."b In the various long barrows which were opened by these investi-
gators, we find that, with very few exceptions, human skeletons were discovered
on the floor of the barrow, at the broad, or east end, " lying in a confused and
irregular manner, and generally covered with a pile of stones or flints." The
total absence of bronze weapons, of all personal ornaments, and of urns of
pottery, such as were constantly found by them in the circular barrows of the
same district, is repeatedly noticed by Sir Richard Hoare, who observes that
" their original purport is still involved in obscurity, and a further explanation of
them would be a great desideratum."0

In his second volume — " Ancient North Wiltshire" — Sir Richard points out
that in this district many of the long barrows have a cistvaen, or stone chamber,

• Ancient Wilts, Tol. i. p. 21.

b Ibid. p. 93. Mr. Cunnington's own observation^ on the Long Barrows will be found in the Archteologia,
vol. xv. p. 345.

0 Ancient Wilts, vol. i. loc.cit. vol. ii. p. 110. Modern Wilts; Hundreds of Ambresbury, Everley, &o
1826, pp. 54, 57. Tumuli Wiltunenses, 1829, p. 5.

VOL. xxxvm. 3 H

106

Examination of a Chambered Long Barrow

constructed at the eastern end ; "and, referring to North Wiltshire and Somerset-
shire, he observes, that in those counties where stone abounds we frequently
find a cromlech, or cistvaen, at the east end, which, in general, is the highest part
of the barrow.b In a paper in the Archaeologia, Sir Richard proposes to denomi-
nate this species of tumulus the " stone barrow ;" observing, however, that it
differs from the long barrow, " not in its external, but its internal construction.
None of this kind," he proceeds, " occurred to me during my researches in South
Wiltshire, for the material of stone, of which they were partly formed, was
wanting. But some I have found in North Wiltshire, and will be described in
my Ancient History of that district."0 In 1816 the zealous baronet assisted in

LOKC BAJUWW .

fig. 1 Plan showing the position of the Long Barrow at Weft Rennet, in relation to the circles at Arebory. SUbnry HOI. tc.

the exploration of the remarkable chambered tumulus at Stoney Littleton in
Somersetshire, which elicited these remarks ; and, in 1821, of that at Littleton
Drew ;d but, with the last exception, he made no excavations in the long stone
barrows of North Wiltshire.

" Ancient Wilts, vol. ii. pp 99, 116.

h Ancient Wilts, Roman Era, p. 102.

c Archajologia, vol. xix. p. 43. Account of a Stone Barrow at Stoney Littleton. The Chambered
Tumulus at Uley, Gloucestershire, described by the writer in the Archaeological Journal, 'vol. xi. p. 315^
closely resembles that at Stoney Littleton.

a Gentleman's Magazine, vol. xcii. Feb. 1822, p. 160. See Wilts Archaeological and Natural History
Afagazine, 1856, vol. iii. p. 164, for the completed account, by the writer, of this long barrow, with its
contained cists and the remarkable trilith still standing at its east end.

at West Kennet, Wiltshire. 107

I will now proceed to describe the results of the examination of a chambered
tumulus at West Kennet, made in the autumn of last year under the auspices
of the Wiltshire Archaeological and Natural History Society. I hope on some
future occasion to report the result of similar researches in other long barrows
in this part of Wiltshire ; and then to make some general observations in regard
to their age and period, and to the people by whom they were probably erected.

The long barrow near West Kennet is situated on the brow of a hill which
commands a view of Avebury to the north, and St. Anne's Hill and Wansdyke
to the south, being about two miles distant from each. It has often been
described: John Aubrey, in his " Monumenta Britannica,"a written between
1663 and 1671, gives a rude sketch of it, accompanied by a brief and inaccurate
description : " On the brow of the hill, south from West Kynnet, is this monu-
ment, but without any name : It is about the length of the former, (four perches
long — sic), but at the end only rude
grey-wether stones tumbled to-
gether. The barrow is about half
a yard high." So far as it can be
relied upon, Aubrey's sketch is in- —

, .. ., , ,, , . , . Fig. 2. The Long Barrow at West Kennet.

.terCSting, aS It SIIOWS that in nlS (From a rude sketch by John Aubrey, circa 1660).

time the whole of the barrow was set round at its base with stones, which formed
a complete peristalith.

Dr. Stukeley's description was written about 1725, in which year, probably, his
sketch of the barrow, which he absurdly designates that of an Arch-Druid, was
made.b Stukeley gives it the name of South Long Barrow, from its situation in
respect to Silbury Hill, and the circles of Avebury. He says : " It stands east
and west, pointing to the dragon's head on Overton-hill. A very operose
congeries of huge stones upon the east end, and upon part of its back or ridge,
piled one upon another, with no little labour — doubtless in order to form a suffi-
cient chamber for the remains of the person there buried — not easily to be dis-
turbed. The whole tumulus is an excessively large mound of earth, 180 cubits
long (i. e. 320 feet), ridged up like a house. And we must needs conclude the

* Since 1836, the MS. of this unpublished work of Aubrey's has been preserved in the Bodleian Library
at Oxford.

b Abury, p. 46. Tab. xxxi. compare Tab. xx'x. for the date ; and Tab. xxi. and xxu. or distant views
of the barrow. In a collection of unpublished sketches and papers of Stukeley's, which fell into the hands of
Gough and are now in the Bodleian, are two or three plans and drawings of South Long Barrow, showing
the position of the stones on the surface at the east end, much as they still remain.

3 H 2

408 Examination of a Chambered Long Barrow

people that made these durable mausolea had a very strong hope of the resurrec-
tion of their bodies, as well as souls, who thus provided against their being dis-
turbed." Stukeley's large view, taken from the south, shows no peribolus of
stones on that side ; but in two distant views six or eight standing stones
appear at the east end. The rest of these stones, figured by Aubrey sixty years
previously, had probably been removed by that great depredator of the Avebury
circles and avenues, " Farmer Green," who, about the year 1710, as we learn
from Stukeley, removed similar stones from a neighbouring barrow, " to make
mere-stones withal" — the boundaries probably of his own sheep-walks. Among
the unpublished papers of Stukeley's, referred to in a previous note, is a further
notice of this tumulus, as to which he says, "Dr. Took, as they call him,*
has miserably defaced South Long Barrow by digging half the length of it. It
was most neatly smoothed up to a sharp ridge, to throw off the rain, and some of
the stones are very large."

Sir Richard Hoare's researches in this neighbourhood were made about the
year 1814. He speaks of this tumulus as one of the most remarkable of
several stupendous long barrows in the neighbourhood of Abury. " According
to the measurement we made," he adds, " it extends in length 344 feet ; it
rises, as usual, towards the east end, where several stones appear above ground ;
and here, if uncovered, we should probably find the interment, and perhaps a
subterraneous kistvaen.b"

In 1849 it was visited and described by the late Dr. Merewether, Dean of Here-
ford, who very much underrates the length of the barrow, but whose description
in other respects is both more full and more accurate than those of his pre-
decessors. " At the east end," says he, " were lying in a dislodged condition at
least thirty sarsen stones, in which might clearly be traced the chamber formed by
the side uprights and large transom stones, and the similar but lower and smaller
passage leading to it ; and below, round the base of the east end, were to be seen
the portion of the circle or semicircle of stones bounding it."c

South Long Barrow has suffered much at the hands of the cultivators of the
soil. Whilst the " Farmer Green " of Stukeley's days seems to have removed
nearly all the stones which bounded its base, two being all which remain

» Meaning no doubt the Doctor Toope, whose letter to Aubrey is preserved in his " Monuments
Britannica."

b Ancient Wilts, vol. ii. p. 96.

c Proceedings Arch. Inst. at Salisbury, 1849, p. 97. A very similar description is that by Mr. Long,
in his paper on Abury in the Wilts Arch, and Nat. Hist. Mag. vol. iv. p. 342. Mr. Long's measurements,
however, are much more accurate than those of the Dean.

at West Kennet, Wiltshire. 409

standing, later tenants, even in the present century, have stripped it of its
verdant turf, cut a waggon-road through its centre, and dug for flints and chalk
rubble in its sides, by which its form and proportions have been much injured.
In spite of all this, however, the great old mound, with its grey, time-stained
stones, among which bushes of the blackthorn maintain a stunted growth,
commanding as it does a view of a great part of the sacred site of Avebury, has
still a charm in its wild solitude, disturbed only by the tinkling of the sheep-bell,
or perhaps the cry of the hounds. Shade, too, is not wanting ; for on the north
side of the barrow, occupying the places once filled by the encircling upright
stones, are, what are rarely seen on these downs, several ash and elm trees, of
from fifty to seventy years' growth. At the foot of the hill, half a mile away to
the east, lies one of those long combs or valleys, where the thickly scattered
masses of hard silicious grit, or sarsen stone, still simulate a flock of " grey
wethers," which, as Aubrey says, "one might fancy to have been the scene
where the giants fought with huge stones against the gods." From this valley
there can be little doubt were derived the natural slab-like blocks, of which our
" giant's chamber " and its appendages were formed.

» i

Fig. a. Plan of the Chambered Long Barrow at West Kennet (Scale, 60 feet to an inch.)

On proceeding to examine the barrow we found it to be 336 feet long, 40 feet
wide at the west end,8 and 75 at the east. Its elevation was somewhat less at the
west than at the east end, which at the highest point was about eight feet.b The
stones projecting from and scattered over the mound, are all within 60 feet from
its eastern end. Three large flat stones, those most to the west, and lying in a row,

• A considerable excavation was made near the West end of the Barrow, but without discovering any
trace of interment.

b In taking these measurements and in the accompanying plans, the writer had the valuable assistance
of Mr. W. Hillier, Mr. J. Robinson, architect, and the Rev. W. C. Lukis, F.S A.

Examination of a Chambered Long Barrow

appeared to form the covering of a chamber, the uprights of which jutted up
below them. To the east of these was a space, whence the cap-stones seemed to
have been removed, — two or three, of large size, perhaps these very stones, lying
on the mound at some distance. Nearer to the east the stones were scattered in a
confused heap, but beneath them appeared the tops of two projecting uprights, sepa-
rated by little more than a foot's space, and probably indicating the narrowest
part of the gallery leading to the chamber. At the very end of the barrow,
scarcely, if at all, raised above the natural level, was a large flat slab, nearly twelve
feet square, partly buried in the turf. Near the north-east and south-east angles
of the tumulus two stones remain standing, and we found traces of two or three
others, which had fallen or been broken away, and were partially buried in the turf.
These stones, doubtless, formed part of a peristalith, by which the entire barrow
was originally surrounded, just as was the great chambered cairn of New Grange
in Ireland. Some of the chambered long barrows of the West of England, such as
those of Stoney Littleton and Uley, have been inclosed by a dry walling of stone
in horizontal courses, carried to a height of from two to three feet." The peristalith
of the long barrow at West Kennet, as the writer has found was the case with
similar tumuli in the same district^ seems to have united both methods, and to have
been formed by a combination of ortholithic and horizontal masonry. This was
ascertained by digging between the stones at the north-east angle of the tumulus.
Here, at one spot, were several tile-like oolitic stones, the remains, no doubt, of
a dry walling, by which the spaces between the sarsen ortholiths had been filled
up, after the manner shown in the accompanying wood-cut, (fig. 4.) though

carried, probably, to a greater height. In the pre-
sent year the writer made an excavation in a long
harrow on Walker's Hill (Alton Down), about
three miles to the south of West Kennet. At the

Fig. 4. Peri^th. (Scale ,0 fe« to in inch.) ^^ Qf ^ ^^ mOUnd, HBaT the Bast Cttd, is OH

upright of sarsen, and below the turf, at a little distance on each side, another fallen
ortholith was uncovered. Between these, on each side of the remaining upright,
was a horizontal walling of oolitic stones, neatly faced on the outside, five or six
courses of which remained undisturbed. Long barrows of the large proportions
of those near Avebury, finished with a peristalith of this description, must in their
original condition have possessed a certain barbaric grandeur. Though apparently
more important monuments, they call to mind the tumuli of ancient Greece, such

* Ante, p. 406, note c. For a description of the inclosing wall of the tumulus at Stoney Littleton, see the
Rev. H. M. Scarth's paper, in Proceedings of Somerset Archaeological Society, vol. viii. p. 52.

at West Kennet, Wiltshire.

Ill

as that on Mount Sepia in Arcadia, in Homer's time regarded as the burial-
place of .(Epytus, and which is described by Pausanias as a tumulus of earth,
inclosed at the base by a stone wall set round it in a circle.*

Permission had not been given to move any of the stones on the surface, and
our operations were confined to the neighbourhood of the presumed chamber, and
to disrging on the east and west sides of the three large cap-stones."' West-
ward of these was a considerable hollow in the mound, marking the site of some
ancient digging, which the discovery of a bit of well-fired pottery, the foot
of a small vessel, seemed to connect with the Roman period. The west wall of the
chamber was soon exposed, formed by four large sarsen stones, each about a ton
in weight, placed horizontally; below these were two larger uprights, one of
which had been split, perhaps by the weight of the covering stone. Entrance to
the chamber was obtained by the removal of the upper flat stones, by the use of

Fig. ». View In the Gallery looking towanls the Clumber.

Fig. 6. View In the Ch

oking through the entrance.

"screw-jacks" and rollers of timber; a process afterwards applied with great

• Homer, 11. lib. ii. 604. Pausan. lib. viii. c. 16., \iOov n-pt)iri&t iv nrvicXy wtpte\6ftevoy.
b For the sanction to excavate, the writer must express his obligation to the proprietor, the Rev. R. M.
Ashe, of Langley Burrell, near Chippenham.

•412 Examination of a Chambered Long Barrow

dexterity by our men to the removal from the chamber, and subsequent replace-
ment, of the second cap-stone, weighing more than three tons, which had fallen
in during the excavations. By the opening thus obtained, the chamber was in
part cleared, and two days later another party of men entered it from the opposite
side, having successfully tunneled under the large eastern cap-stone. The portion
of the gallery which was cleared out was nearly fifteen feet in length, and averaged
three feet six inches in width. Its walls are formed of rude upright blocks, four
or five feet in height, and above these by smaller blocks placed horizontally,
giving an additional height of from two to three feet. The entrance to the chamber
is formed by two large uprights, that on the south, which projects most into the
gallery, being nearly eight feet in height, whilst that on the north, being of less
elevation, is made up at the top by two horizontal stones, somewhat over-
hanging the whole, forming with the large incumbent stone a perfect but narrow
doorway. This opens into a chamber of nearly quadrangular form, measuring about
eight feet in length from east to west, and nine feet in breadth. It is about seven feet
nine inches in clear height : the construction of its east and west ends has
already been described. The north and south sides are each formed of one large
upright slab, about nine feet in full height, and somewhat more than five feet
wide. The angles between the uprights are completed above by flat overhanging
blocks, below which the chalk rubble, of which the barrow consists, fills up the
interspaces. At two points, however, within the chamber, on its very floor, and
at two in the gallery, just without the entrance, these angles, to the height of
one foot, are filled up with dry walling, of tile-like stones of calcareous grit, a
stone not to be found within a less distance
than the neighbourhood of Calne, about
seven miles to the west. A bit of the
coarse oolitic stone called coral rag, pro-
bably from the same locality, was also
found. The floor of the chamber and
gallery consisted of the gravelly clay, which
here forms the natural subsoil ; and the
upright stones, which had been sunk a Fig.7. Oroiind.plan of lhe Clumber and o.,,erT ,„ ,„

,, ,, , at West Kennel. (Scale 10 feet to an inch.)

foot or two in the earth, were supported

by small blocks of sarsen stone, closely rammed down in the floor.

Both the gallery and chamber were filled with chalk rubble, covered at the top,
to the depth of about a foot, with recent rubbish, which had found its way under
the cap-stones. In clearing out the gallery, a few scattered bones of animals,

at West Kennet, Wiltshire. 413

flakes and knives of flints, and fragments of British pottery, of various patterns,
were picked up. There were also part of a rude bone pin, and a single bead of
Kimmeridge shale, roughly made by hand. At the depth of five feet in the
chamber, and extending slightly into the gallery, was a layer, three to nine
inches in thickness, of a blackish, sooty, and greasy-looking matter, mixed
with the rubble, and most marked on the south side of the chamber. This blackish
stratum, the nature and origin of which are by no means clear, was so defined
that it could never have been disturbed since its original formation or deposit.*
At this level the flint flakes and implements and bones of animals were much
more numerous than above. The bones were nearly all those of animals likely to
have been used for food, — the sheep or goat, ox of a large size, roebuck (of which
there was part of a horn), swine of various ages, including boars with tusks of
large size. There were also some of the bones of a badger b, an animal still some-
times eaten by the peasantry.

Beneath the black stratum, the chalk rubble, of a dirty white colour, extended
to a depth of two feet ; and in this were found four human skeletons, and
parts of two others, all resting on the floor of the chamber. The exact position in
which the bodies had been deposited was by no means evident ; the bones, without
being scattered, were further apart than usual, as if the chalk rubble had fallen
down gradually on the decaying bodies and separated the bones.

No. 1. In the south-east angle of the chamber, to the left of the entrance, was the
skeleton of a youth of about seventeen years of age, apparently in a sitting
posture. The skull was extensively fractured at the summit by what appeared to
have been the death-blow. The thigh-bones measured about sixteen and a half
inches. The crowns of the large teeth were slightly eroded. The wisdom teeth

* A layer of black earth was very commonly found at or near the bottom of the long barrows without
chambers which were examined by Sir R. C. Hoare, and gave rise to various conjectures. Some of the black
earth was analysed by Mr. Hatchett and Dr. Gibbes, eminent chemists of that day. Dr. Gibbes was of opinion
that " it arose from the decomposition of vegetable matter ; if," it was said, " it had undergone the process
of fire, the colour would have been converted into red, and not black." Sir Richard conjectured that it con-
sisted of the decayed turf on which these mounds had been raised ; though, if this were the case, it would
be difficult to explain the absence of such a stratum in the circular barrows. Ancient Wilta, vol. i. p. 92.
Mr. Cunnington appears to have regarded it as consisting of '' charred wood and ashes," with which, he
says, the floor of the long barrow which he opened at Sherrington was covered. Archax>logia, vol. xv.
p. 344. Ancient Wilts, vol. i. p. 100.

b Bones of the badger have been previously found in barrows. See Archssologia, vol. xxxii. pp. 358, 3d.
As, however, the badger is a burrowing animal, it is not always easy to determine whether its remains, so
found, formed part of the original deposit. They, perhaps, rarely if ever do so.

3 I

-A1-1 Examination of a Chambered Long Sorrow

had not penetrated the gums. Behind this skeleton, and in the very angle of the
chamber, was a pile of fragments of pottery.

No. 2. Almost in the centre of the floor was the skeleton of a man of about fifty
years of age, of large and powerful frame, the humerus thirteen inches and the
thigh-bone twenty inches in length. The teeth were very much eroded, the bones
thick and heavy. A fracture, probably the death-wound, extended from one
temple to the other, through the forehead into the right cheek, entirely severing
the malar bone, which had fallen off below the skull, and was preserved by the
clay in which it was embedded, of an ivory-like hardness, contrasting strongly
with the light friable character of the bones from which it had been separated."
The skull, somewhat large and flat, was of an elongated oval form.

No. 3. Behind the last, and near the south-west corner of the chamber, was the
skeleton of a man of medium stature, from thirty to thirty-five years of age. The
skuD, which bears no marks of injury, is of a beautifully regular and somewhat
lengthened oval form. The lower jaw was found at the distance of a foot or more
from the skull, and at a lower level.

No. 4. In the north-west angle of the chamber was the skeleton of a man of middle
size, about the same age as the last. The legs were flexed against the north wall.
The thigh-bone measured seventeen and three-quarter inches. The skull faced the
west, and the lower jaw was found about a foot nearer to the centre of the
chamber, as if it had fallen from the skull in the process of decay. Being
imbedded in the clayey floor, the jaw was singularly well preserved, of an ivory
whiteness and density, and even retained distinct traces of the natural oil or
medulla. The form of the skull is a decidedly elongated and narrow oval, differing
much from that usual in ancient British skulls from the circular barrows of Wilts
and Dorset. All its characteristics are more marked ; but it bears a singular
resemblance, especially in the face, to skull No. 3 ; and, like that, presents no marks
of violence. Lying over this skull was a small slab of sarsen stone, and beneath
this two fragments of a fine and peculiar black pottery, (see wood-cut, fig. 8,)
neatly marked with lattice lines, corresponding fragments of which were found in
a distant part of the chamber. Near the skull, was a curious implement of black
flint, a sort of circular knife with a short projecting handle, the edges elaborately
chipped.b (wood-cut, fig. 11.) This skeleton was perhaps that of the chief for

» That the malar bone had really been severed before burial, and probably during life, is curiously
proved by an angular fragment of this bone, which remains attached to the superior maxillary, and has the
same yellow colour and friable character as the rest of the skull.

* This implement is that referred to in the Archaeological Journal, vol. xvii. p. 170. It is slightly concave

at West Kennet, Wiltshire. 415

whose burial this chamber and tumulus were erected, and in honour of whom
certain slaves and dependants were immolated.

No. 5. Between and behind the two last skeletons, close to the middle of the
west wall of the chamber, were parts of the skeleton of a man of middle age,
consisting of the occiput, temporal bones, lower jaw, cervical vertebrae, sternum,
and bones of the arm. Close to these was a portion of a curious saucer of
coarse pottery, perforated with a series of holes at the bottom, so as to form a
kind of strainer (see woodcut, fig. 9.) and with a hole at each side by which it
might have been suspended : another fragment of the same vessel was found at
the opposite side of the chamber.

Fig. 8. Fragment of Black Pottery. (Actiul sli«.) Fl». 9. Fragment of Perforated Vessel. (Two-thirds «lze.)

No. 6. Very near the last, and between the sides of the two upright stones
forming the west wall, was the chief part of the skull of an infant about a year
old, with no other part of the skeleton, but which perhaps might have been found
outside the chamber. With the skull-bones were three sharp flint flakes, and a
large heap of fragments of pottery.

A third heap of pottery was found in the north-east angle of the chamber. A
morsel of decayed wood was picked up near this part of the floor, which two
skilled microscopic observers have ascertained to be oak, as Professor Queckett
believes, of the now less common species, Quercus sessiliflora. In the south-west
corner, between the two adjacent uprights, was a curious ovoid sarsen stone
(hard silicious grit) weighing 4f Ibs. ; it was tinged of a red colour, from

on one side, and has some resemblance to the objects of flint found in Ireland and Denmark, which have
been compared to spoons by Professor Worsaae (Afbildninger, 1854, p. 15, No. 60), and by Mr. Wilde
(Catalogue of Antiquities, 1857, p. 16, fig. 8), who describes them as " of a very unusual shape, pre-
senting the appearance of a circular disc, with a prolonged handle, not unlike a short spoon." Like
other less perfect objects of a similar kind, (see wood-cut, p. 416, fig. 12,) they are probably knives, the pro-
longed thick ends of which were intended for handles, to be held between the finger and thumb, or
possibly for attachment to a short wooden shaft.

3 I 2

Examination of a Chambered Long Barrow

exposure to fire, was broken at one end, and chipped and battered at the other.
It had obviously been used as a mallet, perhaps for breaking the flints of which
the numerous flakes and knives found in the chamber were formed. A globular
nodule of flint, one pound in weight, chipped all over, appeared to have been used
for the same purpose. A very large number of flint flakes, with sharp cutting
edges, were obtained from the black stratum, and from near the floor of the
chamber. Nearly three hundred were collected ; but of these perhaps two-thirds
might be regarded as refuse, but clearly not as accidental. Some flint nodules, such
as abound in the chalk, appeared to have been broken and the resulting flakes
used as knives, probably at a funeral feast on the spot. Three or four cores,
from which such flakes had obviously been broken off, were found. The surfaces

Fig. U.

Fig. »8.

Fig. 10. Fig. 11. >••••-• i if. it.

Flint Implement! (knives, i«.) from the Chambered Long Barrow, West Kennet. (Two-third* die.)

of the flakes are almost all stained of a milky white ; some throughout, others
only in patches, perhaps from having parted with much of their water of crystal-
lization.8 These white stains do not extend very deep into the substance of the
flakes. Some of them retain their original black surfaces almost unchanged ; and
one in particular, found with the skull of the infant (No. 6), near shards of
black pottery, and among clean chalk rubble, is actually transparent. Most of

• " It is a peculiarity of fractured chalk flints to become deeply and permanently stained and coloured,
or to be left unchanged, according to the nature of the matrix in which they are imbedded. In most
clay beds they become outside of a bright opaque white or porcelainic ; in white calcareous or silicious
sand their fractured black surfaces remain almost unchanged ; whilst in beds of ochreous and ferruginous
sands the flints are stained of a light yellow or deep brown colour." — Prestwich, On Flint Implements, &c.
Proceedings Royal Society, 1859, vol. x. p. 55.

at West Kennet, Wiltshire. 417

them are as struck from the nodules, having the sharp smooth edges resulting
from the original conchoidal fracture ; and these have mostly an elongated or
blade-like shape (see woodcut, fig. 10). Ten or twelve of a round form have been
carefully chipped by repeated blows at the edges, by which means a serrated edge
has been obtained ;a more useful, perhaps, than a smooth edge for dividing the
coarse and gristly fibres of the food.b The regularly serrated edge of one of the
oblong flakes may be compared to that of a saw, very similar to one figured in
the Proceedings of the Society ;° the chief difference being that the teeth of the
saw in our example are not so deep or defined. Only one of the flint implements
had been ground at the edges ; and this is a beautiful thin ovoidal knife, three and
a half inches long, which may have been used for flaying the animals slaughtered
for the funeral feast (see woodcut, fig. 13). A portion of a whetstone, on
which it may have been ground, was found at no great distance from skeleton
No. 4. It was of Pennant or coal-measure sandstone, probably from the valley
of the Somersetshire Avon.

The quantity of coarse native pottery was very remarkable. At first it was
thought that the heaps in the angles of the chamber would prove to be the frag-
ments of vases, deposited entire when the funeral rites were completed. This,
however, was not the case, and whence the fragments came, and why here depo-
sited, must be matter of conjecture. They at least remind us of the " shards,
flints, and pebbles," which our great dramatist connects with the graves of
suicides (Hamlet, v. 1), and the use of which in mediaeval times may have been a
relic of paganism. That the fragments found in the chamber were those of domestic
vessels required for the funeral feast, is by no means clear ; for in such case, had
the mass of fragments been deposited, it would have been possible to have recon-

• These are the implements referred to in a preceding note, p. 418. In excavating what was probably a
hut-circle, about two miles from Kennet, Dean Merewether, in 1849, found numerous flint objects of this
description, two of which he has figured in the Salisbury Volume of the Archaeological Institute, p. 106.
He describes them as " pieces of flint of about 1 \ inch across, evidently chipped into form, as if to be held
in the hand or fastened to some handle."

b Knives were but little used for this purpose by the rude Celtic tribes, down to a late period. In the
century before our era, Posidonius describes those of South Gaul, in their feasts, as " taking up whole joints,
like lions, biting off portions, and if any part proved too hard to be torn off by the teeth, they cut it with
a small knife, which they had beside them in a sheath." — Athenteus, lib. iv. c. 86. The knife, ^ayaifiiof,
referred to by Posidonius, was probably of bronze ; but at an earlier period, and by the ruder tribes,
knives of flint would doubtless be those employed. Rough flakes and implements of this material, Worsaae
tells us, are found in Denmark among heaps of the broken bones of animals, shells of oysters, &c , the
remains, no doubt, of the feasts of the primitive Scandinavian people. — Athenaeum, Dec. 81, 1859.

c Found at Brighthampton, Oxon. See Proceedings, vol. iv. p. 233.

Examination of a Chambered Long Barrow

structed at least some of the vessels. As it is, the variety of form and ornament,
of colour and texture displayed by them is even more remarkable than their
number. In hardly more than three cases were two or more fragments of the
same vessel met with. In stating that there were parts of not fewer than fifty
different vessels, we shall probably be very much within the truth. They have
been of every size, from that of a small salt-cellar to a vase holding a couple of
gallons. That the pottery had been formed of the " plastic clay " of the district,

Fig 14.

FiK. 1C Fl!?. 17.

Fragments of Uritish Pottery from the Chambered Long Barrow, We«t Kennet. (Fig. 14, actual «Ue i flgs. 15, 16, 17, two-tlilrdi size.)

of which bricks are still made, appears from the amount of flint, in the shape of
angular fragments white from the fire, which the black or red paste contains. It
is needless minutely to describe the character of the pottery, which is unequivo-
cally hand-made, and of the British or Celtic type. It appears, however, to have
been more profusely covered with ornament, impressed or scored, than the cinerary
urns in the barrows of South Britain usually are. In this respect it assimilates
more to the style of the "drinking cups" of these barrows, and to that of the

at West Kennet, Wiltshire. 419

vases found in the Celtic barrows of North Britain and Ireland. There are parts
only of one small vessel found in the chamber, respecting which it may be ques-
tioned whether it is strictly British and Celtic. These are the pieces found on
the skull No. 4>, corresponding fragments of which were met with in another part
of the chamber (fig. 8) : they were composed of a fine black paste, which has been
imperfectly baked, and is easily cut with a knife, contrasting in this respect with
the fragment of undoubted Roman pottery found on the outside of the chamber.
The scored, lattice-like lines with which the exterior is ornamented are not
parallel ; but, on the other hand, are not in the prevailing British taste. Still,
as somewhat obscure traces on the inner surface appear to show, the vessel itself
was perhaps formed on the wheel ; and, on the whole, we think it must be referred
to the Roman period. If this be admitted, the conclusion that the chamber had
been opened during the same period, seems necessarily to follow. The piece of
Roman pottery found to the west of the chamber is probably an indication of the
same fact, and also that it had been entered from that end.* By whomsoever
it was opened, its contents were but partially disturbed, as is proved by the condi-
tion and order of the skeletons, and by the defined character of the layer of black
matter immediately above them.

It is worthy of remark that not a bit of burnt bone or other sign of cremation
was met with ; that there were no traces of metal, either bronze or iron ; or of any
arts for the practice of which a knowledge of metallurgy is essential.

It has been already suggested that some of the skeletons in the chamber, on the
skulls of which marks of violence are evident, are those of slaves or dependants,
immolated on the occasion of the burial of their chief. That this was the custom
of the Celtic tribes at one period, cannot be doubted ; as Caesar tells us that, only a
little before his time, the Gauls devoted to the funeral pile the favourite slaves and
retainers of the dead. Mela even speaks of these immolations as being voluntarily
performed, with the hope of joining the dead in a future life.b These remarks apply
to cremation, the usual though perhaps not universal concomitant of burial
among the Gauls in the times of Ca3sar and Mela. There can, however, be little
doubt that they are equally applicable to burial unaccompanied by combustion
of the body. It may likewise be inferred that, as in the case of cremation the
devoted persons would be burnt with the body of their dead lord, so, where
burning was not practised, they would be simply slaughtered, and consigned with

• If not at that end, it had probably been entered by raising the central cap-stone, which is much smaller
than the two others, and appears to have been broken at one side.
» B. G. lib. vi. c. 19 ; Mela, lib. iii. c. 2.

420 Examination of a Chambered Long Barrow

him to a common grave. Such, at least, is probable, from the description, by
Herodotus, of the funerals of the kings of the Scythians, who by modern critics
are regarded as an Indo-European people," and perhaps as nearly allied to
the Celtic as to the Teutonic races. From this passage, also, we may perhaps
derive some light as to the mode of burial among those rude Celtic tribes, by
whom probably the long-chambered barrows of Western Britain were raised. This
applies not merely to the immolation of victims, practised alike by both people,
but also to the thatched roof erected by the Scythians over the body of the king,
a similar structure to which, when decayed, may have given rise to the black
stratum of earth observed in the chambered barrow at Kennet, and in most of
the long barrows of Wiltshire.11 From the same historian it is known that among
some of the Thracian tribes, the wife supposed to have been most loved by the
deceased was slain on the sepulchral mound, and buried in it with her husband.
In what manner the Thracian widows were slain is not described. Those of the
Scythian chiefs were strangled ; whilst the condition of at least two skulls in the
Kennet tumulus makes it probable that among these Western Celts death was
caused by cleaving the skull with a sword d or hatchet, perhaps of stone. Evidence
had been previously obtained from the barrows of Wiltshire of this mode of
immolation of funereal victims ; and it is remarkable that two out of three
instances which may be cited are in the case of long barrows. In 1801 Mr.
Cunnington opened the long barrow near Heytesbury, called " Bowls' Barrow," in
which he found several skeletons crowded together at the east end, the skull of
one of which " appeared to have been cut in two by a sword."6 In a circular

• Rawlinson's Herodotus, 1858, voL iii. Essay 2, Ethnography of the European Scyths.

b The passage in Herodotus (lib. iv. c. 71), though often quoted, deserves to be here given. After
describing the rough embalmment of the body, and the savage cutting and maiming practised by the
Scythians in token of mourning, the historian thus proceeds : " The body of the dead king is laid in the
grave prepared for it, stretched upon a mattress ; spears are fixed in the ground on either side of the corpse,
and rafters stretched across above it to form a roof, which is covered with a thatching of osier twigs.
In the open space around the body of the king, they bury one of his concubines, first killing her by
strangling her, and also his cup-bearer, his cook, his groom, his lacquey, his messenger, some of his horses,
firstlings of all his other possessions, and some golden cups, for they use neither silver nor brass. After
this they set to work and raise a vast mound above the grave, all of them vying with each other, and seek-
ing to make it as high as possible.''

c Herod, lib. v. c. 5.

1 The human victims of the Gauls, from the observation of whose death-throes future events were
predicted, were slaughtered by striking with a sword on the back, above the diaphragm. — Diodorus, lib. v.
c. 31 ; Strabo, lib. iv. c. 4, s. 5.

0 Iloare, Ancient Wilts, vol. i. p. 87.

at West Kennet, Wiltshire. 421

barrow near Stonehenge, Sir R. C. Hoare found " a skull, which appeared to have
been cut in two by some very sharp instrument, and as nicely as any instrument
of Savigny could have effected."1 In 1855 the writer found in a cist in the curious
long barrow near Littleton Drew, the fragments of a skull, " the fractured
edges of which were very sharp, suggesting the idea of having been cleft during
life."11 Attention having been directed to the subject, other instances of skulls
thus cleft and fractured may perhaps be observed and described. Such appear-
ances may easily be overlooked, or, if noticed, misinterpreted ; but it will be
admitted that their occurrence is curious, and has an important bearing on the
estimate to be formed of the general grade of civilization of those who must be
regarded as our remote ancestors.

* Archffiologia, vol. xix. p. 48 ; Ancient Wilts, vol. i. p. 163.

" Crania Brit. No. 24, p. 3. Wilts Arch. & Nat. Hist. Mag. vol. iii. p. 172.

VOL. XXXVIII. 3 K

XXVIII. — Notes on the Origin and History of the Bayonet. By JOHN YONGE

AKERMAN, Esq., F.S.A., Secretary.

Read 3rd May, 1860.

IN attempting to investigate the origin and history of the bayonet, we en-
counter, at the outset, considerable difficulty ; even the derivation of its name is
involved in obscurity. In the dictionary of Cotgrave, first published in 1611,
we find, " Bayonnette, a kind of small flat pocket-dagger, furnished with knives ;
or a great knife to hang at the girdle, like a dagger." The same authority gives
us " Bayonnier, as arbalestier* (an old word)." In the " Glossaire de la Langue
Romane," of Roquefort, " Baionier " is explained as a crossbow-man. Neither
of these words occurs in the dictionary of Palsgrave, published in 1530.

In the " Dictionnaire des Origines," a recent edition of which was published at
Paris in 1833, we are told that the bayonet was first used by the French at the
battle of Turin, in 1692, and that it was first adopted by the English in the fol-
lowing year. According to the same authority, the first regiment in Prance which
was armed with bayonets, was that of the Fusiliers, afterwards the Royal Artil-
lery. These statements are, however, liable to some objections, as will be here-
after shown. The use of the bayonet as a weapon of war must be referred to a
date much earlier than those there given. In the Memoirs of M. de Puy-
segur, we find the following notice of this arm : " Pour moi, quand je com-
mandois dans Bergues, dans Ypres, Dixmude, et Laquenoc, tous les partis que
j'envoyois, passoient les canaux de cette fa£on. II est vrai que les soldats ne
portoient point d'e'pe'es, mais ils avoient des bayonnettes qui avoient des manches
d'un pied de long, et les lames des bayonnettes e"toient aussi longues que les
manches, dont les bouts e"toient propres k mettre dans les canons des fusils
pour se deTendre, quand quelqu'un vouloit venir a eux apres qu'ils avoient
tireV'b

a " Arbalestier" he explains as " a crosse-bow-man, that shoots in, or serves with, a crosse-bow ; also a
crosse-bow maker.''

b Les M^moires de Messire Jacques de Chastenet, Chevalier, Seigneur de Puysegur. Paris, 1747,
torn. ii. p. 306.

Notes on the Origin and History of the Bayonet. 423

This relates to the year 1647; but, notwithstanding the obvious advantage of
the contrivance, it appears for a time to have been utterly neglected. Thus, in
the " Mareschal de Bataille," of Lostelneau, which was published in the same
year, 1647, we find no mention of the bayonet, and the musketeers are uniformly
armed with swords.*

More than twenty years afterwards, the invention mentioned by Puysegur
appears to have been revived. Sir James Turner, writing in the year 1670-71,
thus recommends its adoption : " And, indeed, when musketeers have spent their
powder, and come to blows, the butt-end of their musket may do an enemy more
hurt than these despicable swords which most musketeers wear at their sides. In
such medleys, knives whose blades are one foot long, made both for cutting and
thrusting (the haft being made to fill the bore of the musket), will do more exe-
cution than either sword or butt of musket. "b

In a treatise on " English Military Discipline," published by Robert Harford
in 1680, the author observes : " The bayonet is much of the same length as
the poniard [12 or 13 inches] ; it hath neither guard nor handle, but onely
a haft of wood, eight or nine inches long. The blade is sharp-pointed and
two-edged, a foot in length, and a large inch in breadth. The bayonet is very
useful to dragoons, fusiliers, and souldiers that are often commanded out on
parties ; because that, when they have fired their discharges, and want powder
and shot, they put the haft of it into the mouth of the barrel of their pieces,
and defend themselves therewith, as well as with a partizan." (p. 13.) " "We
remark also," says he, " that except on the occasions of which I am about to
speak (viz., in field engagements), the pike-men are altogether useless, not
being eligible for advanced posts, where, in order to give the alarm, it is ne-
cessary to make a noise." He further observes, "that in the attack and assault
of places, soldiers should be armed with weapons easy to be handled, and which
make a great noise, the effect of which is to intimidate those who are attacked."
" These reasons," he adds, " and many others have led to the giving this year, to
some musqueteers, bayonets to fix in the muzzles of their pieces when attacked
by cavalry, thus having the effect of pikes, the use of which will, ere long, no
doubt, be abandoned."

To the foregoing contemporary notices of the bayonet and its application may
may be added the following : " Bayonette (f.), a dagger, or knife dagger-like, such

• The cumbrous musket then in use was, in reality, the true cause of the bayonet being so long neglected.
The adoption of the lighter arm, the fusil, rendered it at once available.
b Pallas Armata, London, 1683, p. 175.

3 K 2

424 Notes on the Origin and History of the Bayonet.

as the dragoons wear." — Miege, Great French Diet., London, 1688. " Bayonette,
a long dagger, much in use of late, and carried by the grenadiers." — Phillips's
World of "Words, 1696. " Sayonette (Fr.), a broad dagger, with a round taper
handle, to stick in the muzzle of a musket." — Dictionarium Anglo-Britannicum; or,
a General Eng. Diet., by John Kersey, 1715. " Bayonette, a broad dagger, without
a guard, made with a round taper handle, to stick in the muzzle of a musket, so
that it may serve instead of a pike, to receive the charge of horse." — New World
of WTords, by Edwd. Phillips, fol. 1720. We do not learn much from these descrip-
tions; but in the "Travaux de Mars," by M. Manusson-Mallet, published in
1685, we find, not only a description, but also an engraving of the bayonet then
in use. It appears to have been formed on the model of that mentioned by Puy-
segur, and is thus described : " Une bayonette, ou une petite lame montde dans
un manche de bois ; le soldat s'en sert dans quelques occasions comme une demi-
pique, en mettant son manche dans le canon de son mousquet ou son fusil."*

The accompanying engraving (plate xxi. fig. 3) exhibits this weapon without a
guard, and of the simplest form, as described in the " Treatise on English Mili-
tary Discipline," above mentioned.

In the following year, the form of the bayonet appears to have been changed,
and, in this country at least, a uniform or regulation pattern to have been
adopted. An example of one of superior execution and finish is exhibited,
which has inscribed on the blade, in four lines, GMJD . SAVE . KINO . IAMES . 2 :
1686.b

This new species of arm, the introduction of which soon led to the disuse of the
pike, was found most effective ; but it was attended with inconvenience, which
led to the adoption of a contrivance whereby the soldier could discharge his
musket, and retain his bayonet fixed.0 When this was first adopted does not
appear ; but it was clearly resorted to by the forces under Mackay in the Scottish

• Les Travaux de Mars, ou 1'Art de la Guerre. Par A. Manusson Mallet. Amst. 1685. Tome iii. p. 80.

b This bayonet was kindly sent for exhibition by Mr. Joseph Clarke, of Saffron Walden, who states that
it was found on the demolition of an old house in that town. An example is preserved in the Tower
Armoury. (See No. 1 in our plate.) Mr. John Hewitt informs me that 2,025 plug-bayonets were
destroyed in the Great Fire at the Tower in 1841. I believe all the bayonets of this pattern to have been
made in Germany. The greater part of them bear the Solingen forge-mark, — a crowned head in profile.

c In a communication with which I have been favoured by Mr. W. J. Bernhard Smith, he remarks :
" When I was at Rome, in 1835, it was the fashion to have plug-shaped handles for the knives used in
boar- hunting, so as to fit into the muzzle of the rifle ; a very injudicious arrangement, as a very slight
thrust will often set the knife so firmly into the barrel as to render its removal by the hand alone imprac-
ticable."

Notes on the Origin and History of the Bayonet. 425

war in 1G89, who says : " All our officers and souldiers were strangers to the High-
landers' way of fighting and embattailing, which mainly occasioned the consterna-
tion many of them were in ; which to remedy for the ensuing year, having taken
notice on this occasion that the Highlanders are of such a quick motion, that if a
battalion keep up his fire till they be near to make sure of them, they are upon it
before our .men can come to their second defence, which is the bayonet in the
musle of the musket : I say, the general having observed this method of the
enemy, he invented the way to fasten the bayonet so to the musle without, by
two rings, that the soldiers may safely keep their fire till they pour it into their
breasts, and then have no other motion to make but to push as with a pick."*

The merit of this contrivance, however, cannot be claimed for Mackay, for
Puysegur mentions that he had seen before the Peace of Nimeguen (1678) a
regiment which was armed with swords without guards, but furnished with brass
rings, one at the junction of the blade and the handle, the other at the pommel.
But he does not state that the regiment thus armed was a French one, and
we have sufficent evidence that the plug-bayonet continued in use for some years
afterwards. That it was not quickly adopted by the French, is very clear from
the same author, who says in his "Art de la Guerre," chap, viii., "Durant la
guerre de 1688 on avoit propos6 au feu Roi de supprimer les piques et les
mousquets ; il fit me"me faire une e"preuve de bayonnettes a douille a peu pres
comme celles d'aujourd'hui sur les mousquets de son regiment ; mais comrne les
bayonnettes n'avoient pas 6t6 faites sur les canons qui dtoient de differentes
grosseurs, elles ne tenoient pas bien ferme, de sorte que dans cette epreuve qui
fut faite en presence de S. M. plusieurs bayonnettes en tirant tomboient,
a d'autres la balle en sortant cassoit le bout, cela fit qu' elles furent rejettdes.
Mais peu de temps apres des nations contre lesquelles nous avons &<$ en guerre
quitterent les piques pour prendre les fusils avec des bayonnettes a douille,
ausquelles nous avons 6t6 obliges de revenir.

At any rate, we have in Mackay's account the fact of its application in actual
warfare, so early as the year 1689 ; but how shall we reconcile it with the reten-
tion of the old method of screwing the bayonet into the muzzle of the musket ?
for this is directed in a book of exercises, published by royal authority in the
following year.

Grose, in his history of the English army,b says, " I have in vain endeavoured to
ascertain the precise time when the bayonets of the present form were first adopted

• Mackay's Memoirs of the Scottish War, p. 52, 4to. Edinb. 1833. b Lond. 1801. Vol. i. p. 162.

426 Notes on the Origin and History of the B«>/oitcl.

here; that improvement, as well as the original invention, is of French extrac-
tion. The following anecdote respecting that weapon was communicated to me
by Lieutenant-Colonel Christopher Maxwell, of the 30th Regiment of Foot, who
had it from his grandfather, formerly lieutenant-colonel of the 25th Regiment
of Foot. " In one of the campaigns of King William III. in Flanders, in an
engagement the name of which he had forgotten, there were three French
regiments, whose bayonets were made to fix after the present fashion, a contri-
vance then unknown in the British army. One of them advanced against the
25th Regiment with fixed bayonets ; Lieutenant-Colonel Maxwell who com-
manded it, ordered his men to screw their bayonets into their muzzles to
receive them, thinking they meant to decide the affair point to point ; but to his
great surprise, when they came within a proper distance, the French threw in a
heavy fire, which, for a moment, staggered his people, who by no means expected
such a greeting, not conceiving it possible they could fire with fixed bayonets : they
nevertheless recovered themselves, charged, and drove the enemy out of the line.

" Notwithstanding this instance," he adds, " of the superiority of the socket
bayonet, it seems as if that invention was not immediately adopted, but that the
old bayonets underwent a mutation or two before they arrived at their present
form. One of them was a couple of rings fixed into their handle, for the purpose
of receiving the muzzle of the piece, like the socket of the present bayonet, by
which means the soldier was enabled both to fire and load his musket without
unfixing it. The late Rev. Mr. Gostling, of Canterbury, who was extremely
inquisitive respecting military affairs, told me he remembered to have seen two
horse grenadiers ride before the coach of Queen Anne, with their bayonets fixed,
by means of the rings here described."

Daniel, in his " Histoire de la Milice Francoise," says, " Cette arme est tres
moderne dans les troupes. Je croi que le premier corps qui en ait e'te' arme est
le Regiment des Fusiliers, cre"6 en 1671, et appele" depuis Regiment Royal-
Artillerie. Les soldats de ce regiment portoient la bayonette dans un petit
fourreau a c6te de Pe'pe'e. On en a donne" depuis aux autres regimens pour le
meme usage, c'est-a-dire, pour la mettre au bout du fusil dans les occasions.""

Voltaire, speaking of Louis XIV., says, " L' usage de la baionnette au bout du
fusil est de son institution. Avant lui on s'en servait quelquefois ; mais il n'y
avait que quelques compagnies qui combattissent avec cette arme. Point d' usage
uniforme, point d'exercice : tout e"tait abandonne" & la volonte" du ge"n£ral. Les

"• Daniel, Histoire de la Milice Fran9oise. Paris, 1721, tome ii. p. 592. In tome i. pi. 22, p. 415 of
the game work is a representation of a plug bayonet, .and in pi. 33, p. 466, of a socket bayonet

Notes on the Origin and History of the Bayonet. 427

piques passaient pour 1'arme la plus redoutable. Le premier regiment qui eut des
baionnettes, et qu'on forma a cette exercice, futcelui des fusiliers e"tabli en 1671."*

The sword was, in fact, retained till the commencement of the eighteenth
century, according to the Marquis de Feuquiere : —

" On conserve encore au soldat, outre sa bayonnette, une e'pe'e large et pesante,
et un ceinturon large et pesant : e'en est trop, il 1'accable par son poids. La
gargouche qu'on passe dans ce ceinturon large devient aussi trop incommode au
soldat, lorsqu'il faut qu'il se baisse souvent, ou qu'il dorme sous les armes. Mon
avis seroit qu'une bonne baionnette un peu longue et tranchante suffiroit, dont le
soldat put se servir a la main et au bout de son fusil, et que cette arme fut pendue
a un ceinturon moins large, dans lequel la gargouche seroit passe"e. II seroit
beaucoup moins charge", et embarrass^, et par consequent beaucoup plus agile, et
vif dans toutes ses fonctions.

" On s'est aussi enfin defait des piques, et on a reconnu qu'un bataillon fre'ze' de
bayonnettes, et dont il sortoit un grand feu, e"toit plus capable de register a la
cavalerie en plaine, que mal fre'ze' du peu de piques, qu'on pouvoit conserver dans
la suite d'une campagne."b

The precise period of the adoption of the socket bayonet in the English army is, I
believe, unknown, but it was doubtless in the early part of the eighteenth century.

Cannon, in his " Records of the Army,"0 quotes the following document in the
State Paper Office :—
" 2 April, 1672.
" CHARLES R.

" Our will and pleasure is, that a Regiment of Dragoones which we established and ordered to be
raised in Twelve Troopes of four score in each besides officers, who are to be under the command
of Our most deare and most intirely beloved Cousin Prince Rupert, shall be armed out of Our
stoares remaining within Our office of the Ordinance, as followeth : that is to say, three corporalls,
two Serjeants, the gentlemen-at-armes, and twelve souldicrs of each of the said twelve Troopes, are
to have and carry each of them one halbard, and one case of pistolls with holsters ; and the rest of
the souldiers of the several Troopes aforesaid, are to have and carry each of them one match-lockc
musquet with a collar of bandaliers, and also to have and to carry one bayonet, or great knife.
That each lieutenant have and carry one partizan ; and that two drums be delivered out for each
Troope of the said Regiment."

It will be observed that the date of this document is scarcely a year later than

• Siecle de Louis XIV. (CEuvres Completes, Basle, 1785, torn. xxi. p. 205, chap, xxix.)
b M&noires de M. le Marquis de Feuquiere, Lieutenant-General des Armees du Roi. A Londres, 1 736,
p. 68.

c First Dragoon Guards, Introduction, p. x.

428 Notes on the Origin and History of the Bayonet.

that in which Pere Daniel and Voltaire state that the bayonet was first
introduced into the French army. It may be noticed, too, that the order
directs the regiment to be armed out of the stores remaining in the Office of
Ordinance, showing that the efficacy of this weapon had been recognised by
military men in this country almost, if not actually as early as in France.

Puysegur (Art de la Guerre, chap, vi.) says, " Lorsque cette guerre commen9a,
il y avoit deja quelques re"gimens qui avoient quitte les piques, le reste avoit tou-
jours le cinquieme des soldats arme's de piques ; mais 1'hyver de 1703 a 1704 elles
furent entierement abandonees et les mousquets le furent aussi peu de terns
apres. Durant cette guerre les officiers ont etc" arm6s d'espontons de huit picds
de long ; les sergens d'hallebardes de six pieds et demi, et tous les soldats de fusils
avec des bayonnettes a douille, pour pouvoir tirer avec la bayonnette au bout du
fusil."4

I have sought in vain for the origin and source of the tradition that the bayonet
was invented at Bayonne. The story runs, that in a battle which took place in a
small hamlet in the environs of that city, in the middle of the seventeenth century,
between some Basque peasants and a band of Spanish smugglers, the former,
having exhausted their ammunition, defeated their opponents by charging them
with their long knives, fastened in the muzzle of their muskets.

Such an event may have occured, but it requires authentication, and the rela-
tion begets a suspicion that the mere similarity of name has laid the foundation
of the supposed connexion of the bayonet with Bayonne.

True or false, the story is immortalized in the verse of Voltaire, who, in the
eighth book of the "Henriade," thus alludes to this weapon : —

" Cette arme, que jadis, pour de'peupler la terre,
Dans Bayonne inventa le demon de la guerre,
Rassemble en meme temps, digne fruit de Fenfer,
Ce qu'ont de plus terrible et la flamme et le fer."

Voltaire, however*, was not the inventor of the figment, if it is really to be
regarded as such, for we find " bayonet" thus glossed in the dictionary of Me'nage,
published in 3,694 : "Bayonette, sorte de poignard, ainsi appele"e de la ville de
Baionne."

In thus attempting to give the true history of this formidable weapon, I may,
in conclusion, be permitted to refer to its common appellation of " bagonet."
This is at once a vulgarism and an archaism, for it was so designated by men and

* Art de la Guerre, par le Marechal de Puysegur, mis a, jour par M. le Marquis de Puysegur, son fils.
Paris, 1748. Tome i. ch. vi. p. 57.

Notes on the Origin and History of the Bayonet. 429

officers in the English army almost coeval with its introduction. In a small
MS. volume in my possession, written in the latter half of the seventeenth
century, the exercise of the dragoons (for, as has been already shown, it was
not confined to the foot soldier,") is thus described. It is stated to be the
" Exercize of Dragoons, composed for his Mats Roy1 Regiment by ye Rht Honble
Louis, Earle of Feversham, Colonel!." Among other instructions, I find

" handle yor baggonnetts.

" draw out yor baggonnetts." •

" mount your baggonetts altogether."

" fasten them in to y* mussells of your musket."

They are further instructed to "march through a towne with musketts
advanced and through a quarter wth baggonetts in y* mussells of ye musketts.""

A review of the evidence here cited gives us the following results : —

1st. That " bayonette" was the name of a knife, which may probably have been
so designated, either from its having been the peculiar weapon of a crossbow-man,
or from the individual who first adopted it.

2nd. That its first recorded use as a weapon of war occurs in the Memoirs of
Puysegur, and may be referred to the year 1647.

3rd. That it is first mentioned in England by Sir J. Turner, 1670-71.

4th. That it was introduced into the English army in the first half of the year
1672.

5th. That before the Peace of Nimeguen, Puysegur had seen troops on the
continent armed with bayonets furnished with rings which would go over the
muzzles of muskets.

6th. That in 1686 the device of the socket bayonet was tested before the French
King and failed.

7th. That in 1689 Mackay, by the adoption of the ringed bayonet, successfully
opposed the Highlanders at the battle of Killiecrankie.

• Among the Harleian MSS. (No. 6,844) is a copy of a " Treaty between the Sovereign of this kingdom
and the Duke of Sax Gotha, Nov. 6, 1691," by which there are "delivered in service to His Majesty of
Great Brittaigne, three Eeigments," one of which is " a Regim' of Dragoons of nine Companys, provided
with good Horses, Carabins, Pistols, Sabels (»tc), Bajonetts, and all the same clothing." A regiment of foot
is to "be provided with good Musquetts, fire-Locks, and Swine-feathers."

b Even so late as the year 1735 the name was written and printed " bagonet." " Bayonet is a short
broad dagger, made with iron handles and rings that go over the muzzle of the firelock, and arc screwed
fast ; so that the soldier fires with the bagonet on the muzzle of the piece, and is ready to act against
horse." — Glossary appended to " Memoirs Historical and Military of the Marquis de Feuquiere." Trans-
lation from the French. London, 1735.

VOL. XXXVIII. 3 L

430 Notes on the Origin and History of the Bayonet.

8th. Lastly, that the bayonet with the socket was in general use in the year
1703.

I must, in conclusion, offer my thanks to the various exhibitors who have
contributed specimens to illustrate this communication. By the kindness of the
Council of the United Service Institution, I am enabled to exhibit examples of the
bayonet in their museum. I am also indebted to Captain Tupper, Mr. Joseph
Clarke, F.S.A. Mr. Robert Porrett, F.R.S. Mr. J. W. Bernhard Smith, Mr. Robert
Pritchett, Mr. Charles Reed, F.S.A. Mr. T. Godfrey Faussett, F.S.A. and Mr.
Charles Spence, for the loan of interesting specimens in their possession, some of
which are engraved in the accompanying plate.

Description of Plate XXII,

No. 1. A plug-bayonet, with the following inscription engraved on the blade : —
GOD . SAVE . KING . IAMBS . THE . 2 : 1686. — (Tower Armoury.)

No. 2. The bayonet of an officer in its leather scabbard, with small knife
and fittings. On the blade is engraved the Royal Arms, and the inscription

GOD . SAVE . KING . WILLIAM . AND . QVEEN . MART. — (Mr. R. Pritchett.)

No. 3. A bayonet of the same period as the two former, without ornament.

No. 4. A sword, the guard of which is so adapted that it may be screwed into
the muzzle of a musket, and thus used as a bayonet. This specimen bears evident
marks of its having been frequently so used. An example in the Tower Armoury
has lost the finger-guard. — (Museum of the United Service Institution.)

No. 5. Bayonet, probably of a Spanish officer, with its scabbard, on which is
engraved "Soi de dn Manuel Monsalve." — (Tower Armoury.)

No. 6. A large two-edged bayonet, the guard terminating at one end in a
hammer, and in the other in a turnscrew. — (Tower Armoury.)

No. 7. A long sword-bayonet, probably of Italian workmanship. — (Tower
Armoury.

No. 8. The plug-bayonet of a Croat mercenary, engraved on both sides with
figure of one of the band, and the words " Vivat Pandur." Purchased in Venice. —
(Captain Tupper.)

No. 9. A plug-bayonet, with a fluted handle and flamboyant blade, which
appears to be of foreign workmanship. — (Captain Tupper.)

No. 10. A socket bayonet of very rude workmanship, formerly in the collection
at Alton Towers. — (Tower Armoury.)

Vol.XJUWlU Plat* XXE .p 430.

BAYONETS.

XXIX. — On Mural Paintings in Chalgrove Church, Oxfordshire. Communicated
through J. -ST. Parker, Esq. F.S.A. by WILLIAM SURGES, Esq.

Read March 1st, 1860.

WERE we to believe the general run of antiquaries, the interior of every old
building invariably glowed with the richest gold and colour, and every village
church was a Sainte Chapelle, or a St. Stephen's, Westminster. Few, however,
appear to have thought of supporting their theory by carefully taking off the
whitewash of some of our smaller churches, on the chance of finding a rich
polychromy underneath. Of late years the mania for church-restoration has been
performing this office, and the old painters are found to have been no less con-
sistent in their profession than were the old architects.

Thus the latter did not build imitations of Westminster Abbey when a parish
church was required, neither did the former employ gilding and bright colours
when their turn came to complete the edifice. On the contrary, we find that the
artists who executed the paintings in our village churches, during the thirteenth
and fourteenth centuries, generally contented themselves with lamp-black and
red and yellow ochre. The outlines were made with the red ochre mixed with
a little black, and the draperies filled in with broken tints of the three colours,
for they generally avoided employing a pure colour in any position, and preferred
breaking it up with other tints in the same manner as was done in the ornaments
of illuminated manuscripts, which are always shaded ; a tint of that kind giving
variety and relief to the eye5 which a flat one never does. In the fifteenth century
a demand occurred for a greater variety of colours, and most of the paintings of
that period, even in village churches, are very much more gaudy than those of the
preceding centuries. The reason was probably this : in the thirteenth and four-
teenth centuries coloured glass was perhaps more expensive than it afterwards
became, and in a village church, and indeed in some cathedrals, such as Salisbury,
it was thought sufficient to have all the windows, excepting the eastern and
western ones, executed in grisaille. Now paintings in a few broken tints would
harmonise far better with grisaille than those executed with many colours, and
this in all probability accounts for the Early English and Decorated paintings

3 L 2

432 Mural Paintings in Chalgrove Church, Oxfordshire.

being so simple. When, however, in the Perpendicular period, highly coloured
windows became cheaper, or more fashionable, it was doubtless considered
necessary to work up the paintings to the same key of colour as the surrounding
windows; but, except in a few instances, these Perpendicular paintings are
barbarous in style, when compared with those of the Early English and Decorated
times, and, after going from bad to worse, they were finally stopped by the
Reformation, when our churches received the whitewash which has continued to
the present day.4

But to return to the paintings of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. It
would take far too great a space to attempt to mention every instance where
portions or fragments have been discovered. They have generally been destroyed
as soon as exposed to view, and a short notice in some archaeological publication,
with perhaps an outline woodcut, is the only record of their existence. Some few,
however, have been preserved, thanks to the general spread of archa3ological
knowledge among the clergy ; such are those over the chancel arch at Preston
Church, near Brighton ; the subjects of which (the Martyrdom of St. Thomas a
Becket, and St. Michael weighing the souls of the departed), will be found en-
graved in Vol. XXIII. of the Archaeologia.

A very perfect series has lately been brought to light in Charlwood Church,
Surrey, by the care of the rector, who removed the whitewash with his own hands,
and has likewise had the good sense to keep them in statu quo. The stories
represented were Lea Trois Morts et lea Trois Vlfs, and the legends of St. Nicholas,
St. Eulalia, St. Margaret, &c.

In Arundel Church, Sussex, may be seen The Seven Acts of Mercy, represented
in the compartments of a circle, with the Angel of Mercy standing in the middle ;
but this interesting painting has unfortunately been restored.1"

In all these instances the paintings are only parts of a series, and indeed it
is very doubtful whether any perfect series has ever been discovered before that
which now covers the internal walls of Chalgrove Church, Oxfordshire.

These last were brought to light in 1858, and have been preserved by the per-
severance of the vicar, the Rev. Robert Lawrence, and his family.

The chancel of Chalgrove Church is of Decorated architecture, with two
windows on each side, and a larger one at the east end, all with flowing

• A fair series of paintings of the Perpendicular period, from the chapel of the Holy Trinity in the church
at Stratford-on-Avon, has been published by Thomas Fisher.

b In some cases the churchwardens insist either on the restoration or the demolition of the paintings ; here
I think we can hardly quarrel with the restoration, however much we may disapprove of it as Archaologists.

Mural Paintings in Chalgrove Church, Oxfordshire. 433

tracery ; there are also sedilia and a piscina of a somewhat uncommon type ;
but besides this there is nothing at all unusual in the architecture to dis-
tinguish it from hundreds of similar chancels of the same date. The mason
having finished his work, and brought up the rubble walling to a surface
with rough mortar, the plasterer, or perhaps the mason himself, went over the
whole of the church with a coating of fine stun0 about one-eighth of an inch
thick ; this was edged off at the stone dressings until it became little more than a
slight wash, the object being to make the whole, i. e. the walls and dressings, of
a uniform colour.*

The painter now began his work. He left the tracery of the windows quite
white ; the rear arches (those which support the rubble) were also left white ; the
scoinson arches (the internal window arches) received a series of red stars on their
mouldings and soffits, but their labels were left white. The jambs of the windows
had on each of them a figure, these figures being considerably larger than those
in the other subjects.

The artist next proceeded to divide the whole height of the walls above the
window string into three bands by means of horizontal red lines, serving as
ground lines for the various groups, which had no vertical separation between
them, except where they were divided by the windows or architecture.

He then proceeded to sketch in the outlines of his figures, &c. with charcoal,
which outlines he afterwards went over carefully with red ochre.

The following notes, taken with some care on the spot, will perhaps give an
idea of his manipulation and resources, although some things are a little doubtful
by reason of the damage caused by the whitewash and its subsequent removal.
There is no trace of diapering on the back-grounds.

Flesh. — The ground is red ochre mixed with white until it became very light ;
indeed, in some cases, as in the figure of St. Helena, the face would appear
to have been left white designedly. A little red was used for the cheeks and
mouth. The outlines of the features in red lines, as usual. Pupils of eyes light
black or slate colour.

Hair. — Yellow ochre worked over with red lines.

Black Drapery. — The lamp-black was mixed with white until it became slate
colour, and the lines of drapery put in with white. In some cases it would appear
that the slate-coloured drapery was shaded with black mixed with red. Black is
also used in two distinct ways, viz. :— 1, as black with very little white; and

• The internal dressings and the surface of rubble walling were on the same face, or nearly so.

434 Mural Painfinys in Chalgrove Church, Oxfordsldre.

2, as slate colour, i.e. with a great deal of white ; hut the latter was hy far the
more usual, as the dark black would have been too prominent and have made
patches in the composition.

WTiite Drapery. — The white drapery has the usual red lines, and is sometimes
shaded with very light red. Occasionally it was left quite plain, with little
or no shading ; but then its under side is painted of a very light red colour,
giving the same effect as a general shading, more especially when the drapery is
rather complex.

Yellow Drapery. — Yellow ochre with red lines, and apparently shaded with
white.

Red Drapery. — Some draperies have light red ground, red lines, and white
high lights. It is probable that the pure red drapery had white high lights, and
cither white or black lines. Occasionally it would appear to have been shaded
with yellow.

Having thus far endeavoured to give an idea of the manipulation of the artist,
it now remains to consider what his subjects were, and how he arranged them.

They are divisible into two parts, viz. : those relating to the Life of our Lord,
and those relating to the Death and Assumption of the Blessed Virgin.* Now,
according to the general rule of Christian iconography, when there are two series
of subjects, one of which is of a higher character than the other, the higher subject
is placed on the south side and the other on the north. Thus the Apostles are
placed on the south side in the glass at Fairford Church, and their persecutors on
the north. When, however, it happens that the two subjects are to be placed in an
eastern wall, or in a picture, then the heraldic dexter, i.e. the left side of the spec-
tator, is the place assigned for the more worthy one. In the present instance we
have both the north, south, and east walls ; but, the eastern wall being more
important than the others, and the subjects on it being parallels — such as the
Assumption of the Blessed Virgin and the Ascension of our Lord — the north
and south walls give way to the claims of the east wall, and consequently the
north wall has the life of our Lord (the worthier subject), because it was necessary
to place the most important stories forming its termination on the dexter or
northern side of the eastern wall.

The subjects from not being divided by lines are not always easily distinguished
from each other, but their disposition will be best shown by the accompanying
plan, on which will be found the numbers referred to in the following description.

The paintings over the east side of the chancel arch are destroyed.

• See Ecclesiologi^t, No. cxix. p. 91.

Mural Paintings in Chalgrove Church, Oxfordshire.

435

NORTH.

9. Betrayal. /

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\ Pilate. mocked.

12. Xt.

scourged.

13. Bearing
the Cross. /

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15. Descent

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7. Innocents.

8. Presentation.

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S. Nativity.

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16. Entomb-
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1 and 2 form one subject, representing the radix Jesse, the vine, in its twisting
forms. It consists of only two oval compartments, in the upper of which is the
Blessed Virgin, and in the lower David. On each side of the vine are two
prophets, pointing to scrolls in their hands. The subject it will be seen is so
treated as not to interfere with the general arrangement of the other pictures.

3. A large figure of St. Gabriel on the jamb of the window; he forms a
pendant to —

4. A large figure of the Blessed Virgin ; these two figures consequently repre-
sent the Annunciation.

5. The Birth of our Lord ; the Virgin is on a couch, behind which is a hand-
maid holding the Child ; at the foot of the couch is seated St. Joseph.

6. The adoration of the Magi; one king is kneeling, the second is turned
towards the third king or an attendant.

7. This evidently represented the Slaughter of the Innocents. It is much
defaced ; but the hand of a soldier is still to be distinguished holding the dead body
of a child upon the top of his spear. On one side of the subject is Herod seated.

8. The Presentation in the Temple.

The series is now continued along the uppermost row, where we find :

9. The Betrayal of our Lord. The subject is much mutilated, but the figure of
St. Peter can clearly be distinguished, who is cutting off the ear of Malchus.

436 Mural Paintings in Chalgrove Church, Oxfordshire.

10. Christ led before Pilate.

11. The Saviour mocked by the Jews ; which is much mutilated.

12. The Scourging of our Lord.

13. Christ bearing the Cross.

14. The Crucifixion ; of which but a small portion remains.

15. The Descent from the Cross.

16. The Entombment.

On the jambs of the window near these subjects are two large figures, viz. :

17. St. Helena holding the Cross.

18. A female Saint, possibly St. Mary Magdalene.

These two Saints, it will be observed, are appropriately placed near the last
scenes of the Passion.
We now come to the east wall, where we find :

19. The descent into Hades.

20. The Resurrection.

21. The Ascension.

22. A large figure of St. Peter on the window-jamb.

23. Another of St. Paul.

Here this series of subjects stops, and we must go to the west end of the
south wall, where we find —

24 — 26. The General Resurrection and Last Judgment, which occupy the space
usually allotted to three pictures ; the design is however arranged in three tiers,
so as not to interfere with the general order.

27. In the window-jamb is a large figure of St. Bartholomew ; and opposite to it

28. A saint in deacon's dress, probably St. Lawrence, holding a book.

We now come to the second series of subjects, viz. the Death and Assumption
of the Blessed Virgin. Our authority for their explanation will be the account of
the Assumption of the Blessed Vifgin given by Jacobus de Voragine, in his
Golden Legend. After the Ascension of our Lord, the Blessed Virgin lived with
St. John, or rather in his house, for twenty-four years, as some say, or only twelve
years, according to others. One day she was seized with a violent desire to see
her son again, and suddenly an angel appeared, bringing her a shining branch of
a palm-tree from paradise, who announced to her the approach of death, and
ordered her to have the branch borne before her bier.

29. Represents this subject.

30. In a great measure destroyed by a modern monument. It is almost
impossible to suggest the subject, as only two figures remain, one on either side of

Cfe/H I

WALL .

. Plate. \

E.AST WALL.

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MURAL FAINTING- ir-r THE CHANCEL or
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Mural Paintings in Chalgrove Church, Oxfordshire. 437

the monument ; that on the dexter is a female wearing a wimple, and that on the
sinister is the Blessed Virgin kneeling. It is just possible that it may be the first
of the series, and represent the desire of the Blessed Virgin to see her son ; or it
may allude to an earlier portion of the legend in which St. Dionysius expressed a
wish to see the Virgin, from which we learn that her oratory had a little window
with a purple curtain ; this window may possibly be indicated by the two little
shafts from which hangs a purple curtain.

31. The Blessed Virgin announces her departure to the Apostles, who were
miraculously conveyed to Jerusalem for the occasion.

32. The death of the Blessed Virgin. Our Lord takes her soul.

33. The funeral procession of the Blessed Virgin. "We see the bier of the
Blessed Virgin earned by the Apostles ; at the upper part of which is the high
priest, with his hands attached to the bier which he had impiously touched ; the
two little figures below are perhaps Jews who had been struck blind.

34. The repentant high priest is being sprinkled with holy water by St. John,
and further on he is healing the Jews who had been struck blind.

35. In the window-jamb is a large figure of St. John the Evangelist holding a
palm-branch.

36. A corresponding figure of St.. John the Baptist.

37. The entombment of the body of the Blessed Virgin.

38. This is out of its place as regards the order of tune ; but, as the artist wanted
to put the Assumption on the east wall, to form a parallel with that of the
Resurrection, he consequently placed the present subject here. St. Thomas was
absent from the Assumption, and, not being willing to believe the fact, the girdle
attached to the dress of the Blessed Virgin was sent down to him from above.
He is represented in the painting as showing this girdle to the Apostles as they
sit at supper.

39. This is destroyed in toto.

40 — 41 form one compartment. At the bottom of the picture is the tomb,
and above the reception into heaven of the body of the Blessed Virgin.

42. The Coronation of the Blessed Virgin. This completes these very curious
paintings, which are certainly some of the most perfect, if not the most perfect,
we have remaining in this country. The chancel of Chalgrove Church is probably
the only place where an idea can be formed of the general effect of the more
humble class of paintings of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. The figures
have not the wonderful action and fine proportions of those of the thirteenth
century (for instance, those in Charlwood in Surrey) ; but the drawing is more

VOL. XXXVIII. 3 M

138 Mural Paintings in Chalgrove Church, Oxfordshire.

equal, and their preservation much better. Full-sized and coloured tracings of
the whole series have been obtained by J. H. Parker, Esq., F.S.A., and drawings
of them have been executed by Charles A. Buckler, Esq., from which the accompa-
nying Plates (XXIII. and XXIV.) have been prepared." There seems further
to be every probability that the originals will be allowed to remain uncovered,
so as to furnish to archaeologists a good example of the mode of decoration
adopted in one of our humbler village churches during the middle ages.

• A communication on these paintings by Mr. Buckler was read before the Oxford Architectural Society,
and has been printed in the Gentleman's Magazine, June I860, p. 547.

XXX. — On the Discovery of Australia by the Portuguese in 1601, Five Years before
the earliest hitherto known Discovery : with Arguments in favour of a previous
Discovery by the same Nation early in the Sixteenth Century. By RICHARD
H. MAJOR, Esq., F.S.A., in a Letter to Sir HENRY ELLIS, K.H., F.S.A.

Read 7th March, 1861.

MY DEAR SIR HENRY,

IP any doubt could be entertained of the importance of collecting and em-
bodying in our literature the scattered relics of the early history of geographical
discovery, the doubt might find its answer in the eager curiosity with which the
more cultivated Anglo-Saxon inhabitants of America look back to every minute
particular respecting the early history of their adopted country.

A vast field of colonization, second only to America, is rapidly developing itself
in the South ; and we may naturally presume that it will be a question of no
inconsiderable interest to those who shall have chosen Australia as the birthplace
of their children, to know who were the earliest discoverers of a land so vast in its
dimensions, so important in its characteristics, and yet whose very existence had
for so many thousands of years remained a secret.

In the year 1859 I had the honour of editing for the Hakluyt Society a work
entitled " Early Voyages to Terra Australis," comprising a collection of documents
and extracts from early manuscript maps illustrative of the history of discovery on
the coasts of that vast Island from the beginning of the sixteenth century to the
time of Captain Cook. In my introduction to that work it became my duty to
show that in the early part of the sixteenth century there were indications, on
maps, of Australia having been already discovered, but with no written documents
to confirm them ; while, in the seventeenth century, there was authoritative docu-
mentary evidence that its coasts were visited by the Dutch in a considerable
number of voyages, although the documents immediately describing these voyages
had not been found. The earliest of these Dutch voyages was made in 1606, and
it consequently stood before the world as an unquestioned point in history that in
that year the first authenticated discovery of Australia was made by the Dutch.

It is my purpose in this paper to announce that, within the last few days, I
have met with a document in the British Museum which unequivocally transfers

3 M 2

440 On the Discovery of Australia

that honour from Holland to Portugal, inasmuch as it gives to the latter country
an advantage over the former of five years in unquestionable priority. The fact
that Australia had been in reality discovered more than sixty years earlier, and in
all probability also by the Portuguese, does not, I think, set aside the importance
of this further fact — which I now wish to record as for the first time made known
to the world — that the earliest known voyage to Australia to which a date and
the discoverer's name can be attached, was made by the Portuguese in 1601. Were
I, however, to confine myself to the bald enunciation of this fact, without showing
the position which it will take in the history of supposed and authenticated
Australian discovery, I fear my announcement would prove as uninteresting to
you as it would be unsatisfactory to myself. In order, therefore, fairly to state
my case, I feel it my duty to lay before you a summary of that which I have
already written in ample detail in the introduction to my " Early Voyages to
Australia," premising that for brevity's sake I have omitted the minuter details,
and in some cases remodelled my language ; but that, where no advantage was to
be gained thereby, I have not pretended for the mere sake of appearances to alter
the language in which I had written before. Such a proceeding seemed to me
to be disingenuous and therefore unworthy.

I spoke of supposed indications of Australia, because, as in the case of America,
so in that of Australia, surmises of the existence of these respective countries can
be traced in the writings of the ancients, in geographical monuments of the
middle ages, and still more palpable evidences of Australia individually on well
delineated manuscript maps of the early part of the sixteenth century.

Among the very early writers, the most striking quotation that I am able to
supply in connection with the Southern Continent, is that which occurs in the
Astronomicon of Manilius, lib. i. lin. 234 — 238, where, after a lengthy disserta-
tion, he says : —

Ex quo colligitur terrarum forma rotunda:
Hanc circum varise gentes hominum atque ferarum
Aeriseque colunt volucres. Pars ejus ad arctos
Eminet, Austrinis pars eat habitabilis oris,
Sub pedibusque jacet nostris.

The date at which Manilius wrote, though not exactly ascertained, is supposed,
upon the best conclusions to be drawn from the internal evidence supplied by his
poem, to be of the time of Tiberius.

At a later period, the belief in the existence of a great Southern Continent
anterior to the discoveries of the Portuguese in the Pacific Ocean, is shown from

by the Portuguese in 1601. 441

manuscript maps and other geographical monuments brought together hy the
researches of my lamented friend, the late learned and laborious Vicomte de San-
tarem, in his "Essai sur 1'Histoire de la Cosmographie et de la Cartographic du
Moyen Age." In vol. i. p. 229 of that work, he informs us that " D'autres carto-
graphes du moyen-age continuerent a repre"senter encore dans leurs mappemondes
PAntichthone, d'apres la croyance qu'au dela de la ceinture de 1'Ocean Home"-
rique il y avait une habitation d'hommes, une autre region temperee, qu'on appe-
lait la terre oppose'e, ou il etait impossible de pe"ne"trer a cause de la zone torride."

The earliest assertion of the discovery of a land bearing a position on early maps
analogous to that of Australia, has been made in favour of the Chinese, who have
been supposed to have been acquainted with its coasts long before the period of
European navigation to the East.

Thdvenot, in his " Relations de divers Voyages Curieux," part i. preface, Paris,
1663, says : " La Terre Australe, qui fait maintenant une cinquieme partie du
monde, a este' de"couverte a plusieurs fois. Les Chinois en ont eu comiaissance il
y a long temps ; car Ton voit que Marco Polo marque deux grandes isles au sud-
est de Java, ce qu'il avait appris apparemment des Chinois."

Marco Polo's statement describes a country in the direction of Australia, con-
taining gold, elephants and spices, a description which clearly does not apply to
Australia. An error was doubtless made in the direction of the course suggested,
and there is little doubt that the country intended to be described was Cambodia.
I do not here stop to dilate upon the various blunders to which this statement
gave rise on the face of the early engraved Dutch maps of the latter part of the
sixteenth century. I have spoken of them in detail in my Hakluyt volume. They
are interesting in connection with the important country to which they appeared
to refer, and they are really amusing from their nature, variety, and number.

The earliest discovery of Australia to which claim has been laid by any nation,
is that of a Frenchman, named Binot Paulmier de Gonneville, a native of Honfleur,
who sailed from that port in June, 1503, on a voyage to the South Seas. After
doubling the Cape of Good Hope, he was assailed by a tempest which drove him
on an unknown land, in which he was hospitably entertained, and whence, after a
stay of six months, he returned to France, bringing with him the son of the king
of the country. Unfortunately Gonneville's journals on his return fell into the
hands of the English and were lost ; but a priest, a descendant of one of the
natives of this southern region, who had married a relative of Gonncville's, col-
lected from the traditions and loose papers of his family, and also from a judicial
declaration which had been made before the French Admiralty under date of the

442 On the Discovery of Australia

19th of June, 1505, materials for a work, which was printed at Paris by Cramoisy
in 1663, entitled, " Me"moire touchant 1'Etablissement d'une Mission Chre'tienne
dans la Terre Australe ; par un Eccle'siastique, originaire de cette mesme terre."
The author, in fact, was animated by a strong desire of preaching the gospel in the
country of his ancestors, and spent his life in endeavouring to prevail on those who
had the care of foreign missions to send him there, and further, in some sort to
fulfil a promise that had been made by the original French navigator, that he
would visit that country again. The friendly intercourse with the natives, de-
scribed by Gonneville, who speaks of them as having made some advances in
civilisation, is quite incompatible with the character for treachery and barbarous
cruelty which we have received of the natives of North Australia from all the more
recent voyagers. " Let the whole account," says Burney, " be reconsidered without
prepossession, and the idea that will immediately and most naturally occur is that
the Southern India discovered by Gonneville was Madagascar. Having passed
round the Cape, he was driven by tempests into calm latitudes, and so near to this
land that he was directed thither by the flight of birds. Another point deserving
of notice, the refusal of the crew to proceed to the Eastern India, would scarcely
have happened if they had been so far advanced to the east as New Holland."

A more reasonable claim than the preceding to the discovery of Australia in the
early part of the sixteenth century, may be advanced by the Portuguese from the
evidence of various MS. maps still extant, although the attempt made recently to
attach the credit of this discovery to Magalhaens, in the famous voyage of the
Victoria round the world in 1520, is, as I shall endeavour to show, perfectly
untenable. The claim of this honour for Spain is thus asserted in the " Com-
pendio Geografico Estadistico de Portugal y sus posesiones ultramarinas," by
Aldama Ayala, 8vo., Madrid, 1855, p. 482: — "The Dutch lay claim to the
discovery of the continent of Australia in the seventeenth century, although
it was discovered by Fernando Magalhaens, a Portuguese, by order of the
Emperor Charles V., in the year 1520, as is proved by authentic documents,
such as the atlas of Fernando Vaz Dourado, made in Goa in 1670, on one of
the maps in which is laid down the coast of Australia. The said magnificent
atlas, illuminated to perfection, was formerly preserved in the Carthusian Library
at Evora."

A similar claim was also made for their distinguished countryman, though the
voyage was made in the service of Spain, in an almanack published at Angra, in
the island of Terceira, by the government press, in 1832, and composed, it is
supposed, by the Viscount Sa' de Bandeira, the present Minister of Marine at

by the Portuguese in 1601. 443

Lisbon. In the examination of this subject, I have had the advantage of the
assistance of Dr. Martin, of Lisbon, the editor of " Mariner's Tonga Islands," whose
examination of Dourado's map leads me to the conviction, that the tract laid down
on the map as discovered by Magalhaens is in fact a memorandum or cartogra-
phical side-note of the real discovery by Magalhaens of Tierra del Fuego, and that
from its adopted false position on the vellum it was subsequently misapplied by
Mercator to that part of the world now recognized as Australia, and hence the
claim in question.

But I now pass to a more plausible indication of a discovery of Australia by the
Portuguese in the early part of the sixteenth century, which ranges between the
years 1512 and 1542. This indication occurs in similar form on several MS.
maps, all of them French, on which, immediately below Java, and separated from
that island only by a narrow strait, is drawn a large country stretching southwards
to the verge of the several maps. This country is called Jave la Grande. In
most of these maps this large country is continued all along the southern portion
of the world, forming the great Terra Australis, which from time immemorial had
been so extensively believed in, and again joining the known world at Tierra del
Fuego. But in one of these maps a striking exception to this rule occurs, the
coastline both on the east and west side of Jave la Grande ceasing at points which
present remarkable evidence that they represent actual discoveries. For example,
the southernmost point at which the western coastline terminates is in 35 degrees,
the real latitude of the south-western point of Australia. The eastern coastline
is not so correct, but extends far lower even than the southernmost point of Van
Diemen's Land, but from its distant position it would be the part least likely
to be explored, and, though incorrectly delineated, it accords with the general
fact that the southing of the eastern coastline is much greater than that of the
western. As regards the longitude of this Great Java, it may be advanced that,
with all the discrepancies observable in the maps, there is no other country but
Australia lying between the same parallels, and of the same extent, between the
east coast of Africa and the west coast of America, and that Australia does in
reality lie between the same meridians as the great mass of the country here laid
down. As regards the contour of the coast, a single glance of the eye will suffice
to detect the general resemblance on the western side, but on the eastern the
discrepancies are, as might be expected, much more considerable.

On the most fully detailed of these maps are inscribed some names of bays and
coasts which were noticed in the first instance by Alexander Dalrymple, the
hydrographer to the Admiralty and East India Company, to bear a resemblance

444 On tlie Discovery of Australia

to the names given by Captain Cook to parts of New Holland which he had
himself discovered. In his memoir concerning the Chagos and adjacent islands,
1786, p. 4, speaking of this map, he says : " The east coast of New Holland, as
we name it, is expressed with some curious circumstances of correspondence to
Captain Cook's MS. What he names Bay of Inlets is in the MS. called Bay
Perdue ; Bay of Isles, R. de beaucoup d'Isles ; where the Endeavour struck,
Coste Dangereuse. So that we may say with Solomon, ' There is nothing new
under the sun.' '

The unworthy insinuation met with a sensible refutation, I am happy to record,
from the pen of a Frenchman, M. Frederic Metz, in a paper printed at p. 261,
vol. xlvii. of " La Revue, ou Decade Philosophique, Litte*raire et Politique," Nov.
1805, who very shrewdly observes : " If Cook had been acquainted with the maps
in question, and had wished to appropriate to himself the discoveries of another,
will any one suppose him so short-sighted as to have preserved for his discoveries
the very names which would have exposed his plagiarism, if ever the sources
which he had consulted came to be known. The ' dangerous coast ' was so named
because there he found himself during four hours in imminent danger of ship-
wreck. We must suppose, then, that he exposed himself and his crew to an almost
certain death, in order to have a plausible excuse for applying a name similar to
that which this coast had already received from the unknown and anonymous
navigator who had previously discovered it. Moreover, names, such as ' Bay of
Islands,' ' Dangerous Coast,' are well known in geography. We find a Bay of
Islands in New Holland ; and on the east coast of the island of Borneo there is a
« C6te des Herbages.' "

The sound sense of this reasoning, apart from all question of honour on the part
of a man of the high character of Captain Cook, would seem conclusive ; yet this
similarity of the names has, to my own knowledge, been remarked upon by persons
of high standing and intelligence in this country, though without any intention of
disparaging Captain Cook, as an evidence that this country was identical with
Australia. The similarity of the expression, " C6te des Herbages," with the name
of Botany Bay, given to a corresponding part of the coast by Captain Cook, has
been particularly dwelt upon, whereas it ought to be known that this bay, origi-
nally called Stingray, but afterwards Botany Bay, was not so named on account of
the fertility of the soil, but from the variety of plants new to the science of botany
which were discovered on a soil otherwise rather unpromising. It is plain that
early navigators would assign such a designation as "C6te des Herbages," to a
shore remarkable for its rich growth of grass or other vegetation, rather than from

by the ^Portuguese in 1601. 44-5

the appreciation of any curious botanical discovery.* Had the similarity of the
names " Riviere de beaucoup d'Isles," and " C6te Dangereuse," with Cook's " Bay
of Isles," and the place "where the Endeavour struck," names descriptive of
unquestionable realities, been advanced by Dalrymple as evidence of the high
probability that the country represented on the early map was New Holland,
without volunteering an insinuation against the merit of his rival, we should have
accepted the reasonable suggestion with deference and just acquiescence.

That New Holland was the country thus represented, became an argument
supported by a variety of reasonings by more than one of our French neighbours.
Mr. Coquebert Montbret, in a memoir printed in No. 81 of the " Bulletin des
Sciences," 1804, quotes Dalrymple's injurious observation, and silently allows it
to have its deceptive effect on the mind of the incautious reader.

An atlas now in the possession of Sir Thomas Phillipps, containing similar
indications to those I have described, fell into the possession of Prince Talleyrand
at the beginning of this century ; and attracting the attention of the celebrated
geographer M. Barbie du Bocage, drew from him a long notice, which was read at
a public session of the Institute on the 3rd of July, 1807. In this he says that
" we must come to the conclusion that these atlases have been copied from Por-
tuguese maps, and consequently that the discovery of New Holland belongs to the
Portuguese. This is the opinion," he continues, "of MM. Dalrymple, Pinkerton,
De la E-ochette, and several others ; and I do not believe that any good reason
can be alleged in refutation of an opinion so well founded." M. Barbie du
Bocage, however, follows up this expression of his conviction by an attempt to fix
the period of the discovery, in which attempt he has fallen into errors which I
have endeavoured to refute, but which it would be tedious here to allude to.

The evidence which these maps afford of having been based on Portuguese disco-
veries, is as follows. They are all French ; and that they are all repetitions,
with slight variations, from one source, is shown by the fact that the inaccuracies
are alike in all of them. The indications of Portuguese occur in some of the
names, such as " terre ennegade," a gallicized form of "tierra anegada," i.e.
"land underwater," or "sunken shoal;" " Gra9al," and "Cap de Fromose."
The question then arises, judging from such evidence as this, Were the French
or the Portuguese the discoverers ? In reply, I offer the following statement.

In the year 1629, a voyage was made to Sumatra by Jean Parmenticr of Dieppe,

• This unanswerable reason was supplied to me by the late distinguished Dr. Brown, who not only, as
Humboldt has described him, was " Botunicorum facile princcps," but himself acquainted with the locality of
which he spoke.

VOL. XXXVIII. 3 N

446 On the Discovery of Australia

and in this voyage he died. Pannentier was a poet and a classical scholar, as well
as a navigator and good hydrographer. He was accompanied in this voyage hy
his intimate friend the poet Pierre Crignon, who, on his return to France, pub-
lished, in 1531, the poems of Pannentier, with a prologue containing his eulogium,
in which he says of him, that he was " le premier Francois qui a entrepris <n
estre pilotte pour mener navires a la Terre Ame'rique qu'on dit Bresil, et sem-
blablement le premier Fra^ois qui a descouvert les Indes jusqu'a 1'Isle de
Taprobane, et, si mort ne 1'eust pas preVenu, je crois qu'il eust e'ste' jusques
aux Moluques." This is high authority upon this point, coming as it does
from a man of education, and a shipmate and intimate of Pannentier himself.
The French, then, were not in the South Seas beyond Sumatra before 1529.
The date of the earliest of our quoted maps is not earlier than 1535, as it
contains the discovery of the St. Lawrence by Jacques Cartier in that year ; but
even let us suppose it no earlier than that of B-otz, which bears the date of 1542,
and ask, what voyages of the French in the South Seas do we find between the
years of 1529 and 1542 ? Neither the Abbe* B/aynal, nor any modern French
writer, nor even antiquaries who have entered most closely into the history of
early French explorations, as, for example, M. Leon Gue"rin, the author of the
" Histoire Maritime de France," Paris, 1843, 8vo. ; and of "Les Navigateurs
Francais," Paris, 1847, 8vo. offer the slightest pretension that the French made
voyages to those parts in the early part or middle of the sixteenth century.

It is certain, moreover, that France was at that time too poor, and too much
embroiled in political anxieties, to busy herself with extensive nautical explorations.
Had she so done, the whole of North America and Brazil might now have belonged
to her. At the same time, however, we know that the Portuguese had establish-
ments before 1529 in the East Indian Islands, and the existence of Portuguese
names on the countries of which we speak, as thus delineated on these French
maps, is in itself an acknowledgment of their discovery by the Portuguese, as
assuredly the feelings entertained by the French respecting the covetousness
and exclusiveness of the Portuguese would not only have made the former most
ready to lay claim to all they could in the shape of discovery, but would have
prevented any gratuitous insertion of Portuguese names on such remote coun-
tries had they themselves discovered them. In torn. 3 of Ramusio's Collec-
tion, in the account of the Discorso d'un gran Capitano di Mare Francese del
luogo di Dieppa, etc., now known to be the voyage of Jean Parmentier to
Sumatra in 1529, and in all probability written by his companion and eulogist
the poet Pierre Crignon, occurs this expression : " lo penso che li Portoghesi

by the Portuguese in 1G01. 117

debbano haver bevuto della polvere del cuore del Re Alessandro . . . e credo che si
persuadino che Iddio non fece il mare ne la terra, se non per loro e che 1'altre
nation! non siano degne di navigare e se fosse nel poter loro di mettere termini
e serrar il mare del Capo di Finisterre fin in Hirlanda, gia molto tempo saria che
essi ne haveriano serrato il passo." But, further, as an important part of this
argument, we must not overlook the jealousy of the Portuguese in forbidding the
communication of all hydrographical information respecting their discoveries in
these seas. It is stated by Humboldt, " Histoire de la Geographic du Nouveau
Continent," torn. iv. p. 70, upon the authority of the letters of Angelo Trevigiano,
secretary to Domenico Pisani, ambassador from Venice to Spain, that the kings of
Portugal forbad, upon pain of death, the exportation of any marine chart which
showed the course to Calicut. "We find also in Ramusio, "Discorso sopra el
Libro di Odoardo Barbosa," and the " Sommario delle Indie Oriental!," torn i. p.
2876, a similar prohibition implied. He says that these books "were for many
years concealed and not allowed to be published, for convenient reasons that I
must not here describe." He also speaks of the great difficulty he himself had
in procuring a copy, and even that an imperfect one, from Lisbon. "Tanto
possono," he says, " gli interessi del principe."

A notion may be formed of the knowledge possessed by the Spaniards in the
middle of the sixteenth century, on the part of the world on which we treat, from
the following extract from a work entitled " El Libro de las Costumbres de todas
las Gentes del Mundo y de las Indias," translated and compiled by the Bachelor
Francisco Thamara, Antwerp, 1556 : " A treynta leguas de Java la menor, estd el
Gatigara a nueve y diez grades de la Equinocial de la otra parte azia el Sur. Desde
aqui adelante no ay noticia de mas tierras, porque no se ha navegado por esta
parte mas adelante, y por tierra no se puede andar por los muchos lagos y grandes
y altas montanas que por aqui ay. Y aim dizese que por aqui es el parayso ter-
renal." Although this was not originally written in Spanish, but was translated
from Johannes Bohemus, it would scarcely have been given forth to the Spaniards
had better information on such a subject existed among that people.

The facts which I have thus been able to bring together lead me to the con-
clusion that the land described as La Grande Jave on the French maps to which
I have referred, can be no other than Australia ; and that it was discovered before
1542 may be almost accepted as a demonstrable certainty, but how long before is
not clear. I hope also that I have succeeded in showing the high probability that
the discoverers were the Portuguese.

In a map to illustrate the voyages of Drake and Cavendish by Jodocus Hondius,

3 N 2

448 On (he Discover of Australia

New Guinea is made a complete island, without a word to throw a doubt on the
correctness of the representation ; while the Terra Australis, which is separated
from New Guinea only by a strait, has an outline remarkably similar to that of
the Gulf of Carpentaria. These indications give to this map an especial interest,
and the more so that it is shown to be earlier than the passage of Torres through
Torres' Straits in 1606, by its bearing the arms of Queen Elizabeth, before the
unicorn of Scotland had displaced the dragon of the Tudors.

In the article " Terra Australis," in Cornelius Wytfliet's " Descriptions
Ptolemaicae Augmentum," Louvain, 1598, we find the following passage : " Aus-
tralis terra omnium aliarum terrarum australissima tenuique discreta freto Novam
Guineam Orienti objicit, paucis tantum hactenus littoribus cognitam, quod post
unam atque alteram navigationem, cursus ille intermissus sit, et nisi coactis
impulsisque nautis ventorum turbine rarius eo adnavigetur. Australis terra
initium sumit duobus aut tribus gradibus sub sequatore, tantseque a quibusdam
magnitudinis esse perhibetur, ut si quando integre detecta erit, quintam illam
mundi partem fore arbitrentur." The above significant statement was printed,
it will be remembered, before any discovery of Australia of which we have an
authentic account.

But while examining these indications of a discovery of Australia in the sixteenth
century, it will be asked what explorations had been made by the Spaniards in
that part of the world in the course of that century. From the period of the
voyage of Don Alvaro de Saavedra to the Moluccas in 1527, we meet with no
such active spirit of exploration on the part of the Spaniards in the South Seas.
Embarrassed by his political position, and with an exhausted treasury, the emperor,
in 1529, definitely renounced his pretensions to the Moluccas for a sum of money,
although he retained his claim to the islands discovered by his subjects to the
east of the line of demarcation now confined to the Portuguese. In 1542 an
unsuccessful attempt to form a settlement in the Philippine Islands was made
by Ruy Lopez de Villalobos ; but its failure having been attributed to misma-
nagement, a new expedition in 1564 was dispatched with the like object under
Miguel Lopez de Legaspi, which was completely successful, and a Spanish colony
was established at Zebu. It is not impossible that this settlement gave rise
to voyages of discovery about this time by the Spaniards, of which no accounts
have been published. In 1567 Alvaro de Mendana sailed from Callao on a voyage
of discovery, in which he discovered the Solomon Islands and several others.
There are great discrepancies in the different relations of this voyage. In 1595 he
made a second voyage from Peru, in which he discovered the Marquesas, and the

by the Portuguese in 1601. 451

Santo was an island, and then continued his course westward in pursuance of the
exploration. In about the month of August, 1606, he fell in with a coast in 11£
degrees south latitude, which he calls the beginning of New Guinea — apparently the
south-eastern part of the island, afterwards named Louisiade by M. de Bougain-
ville, and now known to be a chain of islands. As he could not pass to wind-
ward of this land, Torres bore away along its south side, and himself gives the
following account of his subsequent course: "We went along three hundred
leagues of coast, as I have mentioned, and diminished the latitude 2£ degrees,
which brought us into 9 degrees. From hence we fell in with a bank of from
three to nine fathoms, which extends along the coast above one hundred and
eighty leagues. We went over it, along the coast, to 7£ degrees south latitude ;
and the end of it is in 5 degrees. We could not go farther on for the many shoals
and great currents, so we were obliged to sail south-west, in that depth, to 11
degrees south latitude. There is all over it an archipelago of islands without
number, by which we passed ; and at the end of the eleventh degree the bank
became shoaler. Here were very large islands, and there appeared more to the
southward. They were inhabited by black people, very corpulent and naked. Their
arms were lances, arrows, and clubs of stone ill-fashioned. We could not get any
of their arms. We caught, in all this land, twenty persons of different nations*
that with them we might be able to give a better account to your Majesty. They
give much notice of other people, although as yet they do not make themselves
well understood. We were upon this bank two months, at the end of which time
we found ourselves in twenty-five fathoms, and 5 degrees south latitude, and ten
leagues from the coast ; and, having gone four hundred and eighty leagues here,
the coast goes to the north-east. I did not search it, for the bank became very
shallow. So we stood to the north."

The very large islands seen by Torres in the llth degree of south latitude, are
evidently the hills of Cape York ; and the two months of intricate navigation
were passed in the passage through the strait which separates Australia from New
Guinea. A copy of this letter of Torres was fortunately lodged in the archives of
Manilla ; and it was not till that city was taken, in 1762, by the English, that the
document was discovered by Dalrymple, who paid a fitting tribute to the memory
of this distinguished Spanish navigator, by giving to this dangerous passage the
name of Torres Strait, which it has ever since retained.

De Quiros himself reached Mexico on the 3rd of October, 1606, nine months
from his departure from Callao. Strongly imbued with a sense of the importance
of his discoveries, he addressed various memoirs to Philip III. advocating the

450 On the Discovery of Australia

Cordova (a work which I have not had the good fortune to meet with), the disco-
very of a large island in twenty-eight degrees south latitude, which latitude is
farther south than Quiros or his companions are otherwise known to have made in
any voyage. Thirdly, the printed memoirs of Quiros bear the title of " Terra
Australis Incognita," while the southern Tierra Austral, discovered by Quiros
himself, and surnamed by him " del Espiritu Santo," is none other than the " New
Hebrides " of the maps of the present day.

To both Quiros and Dalrymple we are in fact indirectly indebted for the earliest
designation which attaches in any sense to the modern nomenclature connected
with Australia, viz. for the name of Torres Strait. That Quiros, whether by
birth a Portuguese or a Spaniard, was in the Spanish service, cannot be doubted.
The viceroy of Peru had warmly entertained his projects, but looked upon its
execution as beyond the limits of his own power to put into operation. He there-
fore urged Quiros to lay his case before the Spanish monarch at Madrid, and fur-
nished him with letters to strengthen his application. Whether Philip III. was
more influenced by the arguments of De Quiros, as to the discovery of a Southern
Continent, or rather by the desire to explore the route between Spain and America
by the east, in the hope of discovering wealthy islands between New Guinea and
China, we need not pause to question. It is possible that both these motives had
their weight, for Quiros was despatched to Peru, with full orders for the carrying
out of his plans, addressed to the Viceroy, the Count de Monterey ; and he was
amply equipped with two well-armed vessels and a corvette, with which he sailed
from Callao on the 21st of December, 1605. Luis Vaez de Torres was commander
of the Almirante, or second ship, in this expedition. The voyage was looked upon
as one of very great importance ; and Torquemada, in his account of it in the
" Monarquia Indiana," says that the ships were the strongest and best armed
which had been seen in those seas. The object was to make a settlement at the
island of Santa Cruz, and from thence to search for the Tierra Austral, or Southern
Continent.

After the discovery of several islands, Quiros came to a land which he named
Australia del Espiritu Santo, supposing it to be a part of the great southern
continent. At midnight of the llth of June, 1606, while the three ships were
lying at anchor in the bay which they had named San Felipe and Santiago,
Quiros, for reasons which are not known, and without giving any signal or
notice, was either driven by a storm, or sailed away from the harbour, and was
separated from the other two ships.

Subsequently to the separation, Torres found that the Australia del Espiritu

by the Portuguese in 1601. 451

Santo was an island, and then continued his course westward in pursuance of the
exploration. In about the month of August, 1606, he fell in with a coast in 11|
degrees south latitude, which he calls the beginning of New Guinea — apparently the
south-eastern part of the island, afterwards named Louisiade by M. de Bougain-
ville, and now known to be a chain of islands. As he could not pass to wind-
ward of this land, Torres bore away along its south side, and himself gives the
following account of his subsequent course: "We went along three hundred
leagues of coast, as I have mentioned, and diminished the latitude 2£ degrees,
which brought us into 9 degrees. From hence we fell in with a bank of from
three to nine fathoms, which extends along the coast above one hundred and
eighty leagues. We went over it, along the coast, to 7£ degrees south latitude ;
and the end of it is in 5 degrees. We could not go farther on for the many shoals
and great currents, so we were obliged to sail south-west, in that depth, to 11
degrees south latitude. There is all over it an archipelago of islands without
number, by which we passed ; and at the end of the eleventh degree the bank
became shoaler. Here were very large islands, and there appeared more to the
southward. They were inhabited by black people, very corpulent and naked. Their
arms were lances, arrows, and clubs of stone ill-fashioned. We could not get any
of their arms. We caught, in all this land, twenty persons of different nations*
that with them we might be able to give a better account to your Majesty. They
give much notice of other people, although as yet they do not make themselves
well understood. We were upon this bank two months, at the end of which time
we found ourselves in twenty-five fathoms, and 5 degrees south latitude, and ten
leagues from the coast ; and, having gone four hundred and eighty leagues here,
the coast goes to the north-east. I did not search it, for the bank became very
shallow. So we stood to the north."

The very large islands seen by Torres in the llth degree of south latitude, are
evidently the hills of Cape York ; and the two months of intricate navigation
were passed in the passage through the strait which separates Australia from New
Guinea. A copy of this letter of Torres was fortunately lodged in the archives of
Manilla ; and it was not till that city was taken, in 1762, by the English, that the
document was discovered by Dalrymple, who paid a fitting tribute to the memory
of this distinguished Spanish navigator, by giving to this dangerous passage the
name of Torres Strait, which it has ever since retained.

De Quiros himself reached Mexico on the 3rd of October, 1606, nine months
from his departure from Callao. Strongly imbued with a sense of the importance
of his discoveries, he addressed various memoirs to Philip III. advocating the

452 On the Discovery of Australia

desirableness of further explorations in these unknown regions ; but, after years
of unavailing perseverance, he died at Panama in 1614, leaving behind him a
name which, for merit though not for success, was second only to that of Colum-
bus ; and with him expired the naval heroism of Spain. " lleasoning," as Dal-
rymple says, "from principles of science and deep reflection, he asserted the
existence of a Southern Continent, and devoted with unwearied though contemned
diligence the remainder of his life to the prosecution of this sublime conception."
In a document addressed to the King of Spain by the Fray Juan Luis Arias, is
given an account of De Quiros' earnest advocacy of the resuscitation of Spanish
enterprise in the southern seas, and especially with reference to the great Southern
Continent.

But, while the glory of Spanish naval enterprise was thus on the wane, the very
nation which Spain had bruised and persecuted was to supplant her in the career
of adventure and prosperity. The "War of Independence had aroused the energies
of those provinces of the Netherlands which had freed themselves from the
Spanish yoke; while the cruelties perpetrated in those provinces which the
Spaniards had succeeded in again subduing, drove an almost incredible number
of families into exile. The majority of these settled in the northern provinces,
and thus brought into them a prodigious influx of activity. Among these
emigrants were a number of enterprising merchants, chiefly from Antwerp — a
town which had for many years enjoyed a most considerable though indirect share
in the transatlantic trade of Spain and Portugal, and was well acquainted with its
immense advantages. These men were naturally animated by the bitter hatred of
exiles, enhanced by difference of faith and the memory of many wrongs. The
idea which arose among them was to deprive Spain of her transatlantic commerce,
and thus to cripple her resources and strengthen those of the Protestants, and by
this means eventually to force the southern provinces of the Netherlands from
their oppressors. This idea, at first vaguely entertained by a few, became general
when the Spaniards forbad Dutch vessels to carry on any traffic with Spain. This
traffic had existed in spite of the wars, and had furnished the Dutch with the
principal means of carrying it on.

Being thus violently thrust out of their share in transatlantic commerce, the
Dutch determined to gain it back with interest. Geography and hydrography
now became the subjects of earnest study and instruction ; and the period was
distinguished by the appearance of such men as Ortelius, Mercator, Plancius,
De Bry, Hulsius, Cluverius, etc. whom we are now bound to regard as the
fathers of modern geography. Among these, the most earnest in turning the

by the Portuguese in 1601. 453

resources of science into a weapon against the oppressors of his country, was
Peter Plancius, a Calvinist clergyman, who opened a nautical and geographical
school at Amsterdam for the express purpose of teaching his countrymen how to
find a way to India, and the other sources whence Spain derived her strength.
We do not here dwell on their efforts to find a northern route to the East. Their
knowledge of the direct route to that wealthy portion of the world had hecome
greatly increased by the appearance of Jan Huyghen van Linschoten's great work
(Amst. 1595-96). Linschoten had for fourteen years lived in the Portuguese
possessions in the East, and had there collected a vast amount of information.
The Dutch East India Company was established in 1602 ; and, in 1606, we find
a vessel from Holland making the first authenticated discovery of that great south
land to which they gave the name of New Holland. In our own time that desig-
nation has been exchanged, at the suggestion of Matthew Flinders, to whom we are
so largely indebted for our knowledge of the hydrography of that country, for the
distinct and appropriate name of Australia.

Of the discoveries made by the Dutch on the coasts of Australia, our ancestors
of a hundred years ago, and even the Dutch themselves, knew but little. That
which was known was preserved in the " Relations de divers Voyages Curieux " of
Melchisedech Thevenot (Paris, 1663-72, fol.) ; in the " Noord en Oost Tartarye "
of Nicolas Witsen, (Amst. 1692-1705, fol.) ; in Valentyn's " Oud en Nieuw Oost
Indien " (Amst. 1724-26, fol.) ; and in the " Inleidning tot de algemeen Geogra-
phic" of Nicolas Struyk, (Amst. 1740, 4to.). We have, however, since gained
a variety of information, through a document which fell into the possession
of Sir Joseph Banks, and was published by Alexander Dalrymple (at that time
hydrographer to the Admiralty and the East India Company), in his collection
concerning Papua. This curious and interesting document is a copy of the
instructions to Commodore Abel Jansz Tasman for his second voyage of disco-
very. That distinguished commander had already, in 1642, discovered not only
the island now named after him, Tasmania, but New Zealand also ; and, passing
round the east side of Australia, but without seeing it, sailed on his return voyage
along the northern shores of New Guinea. In January, 1644, he was des-
patched on his second voyage; and his instructions, signed by the Governor-
General Antonio Van Diemen and the members of the council, are prefaced by
a recital, in chronological order, of the previous discoveries of the Dutch.

From this recital, combined with a passage from Saris, given in Purchas, vol. i.
p. 385, we learn that, " On the 18th of November, 1605, the Dutch yacht, the
Duyfhen (the Dove), was despatched from Bantam to explore the islands of New

VOL. XXXVIII. 3 O

454 On the Discovery of Australia,

Guinea, and that she sailed along what was thought to be the west side of that
country, to 19f degrees of south latitude." This extensive country was found, for
the greatest part, desert ; but in some places inhabited by wild, cruel, black savages,
by whom some of the crew were murdered ; for which reason they could not learn
any thing of the land or waters, as had been desired of them ; and for want of
provisions, and other necessaries, they were obliged to leave the discovery un-
finished. The furthest point of the land, in their maps, was called Cape Keer
Weer, or " Turn again." As Flinders observes, " The course of the Duyfhen from
New Guinea was southward, along the islands on the west side of Torres Strait,
to that part of Terra Australis a little to the west and south of Cape York. But
all these lands were thought to be connected, and to form the west coast of New
Guinea." Thus, without being conscious of it, the commander of the Duyfhen
made the first authenticated discovery of any part of the great Southern Land
about the month of March, 1606 ; for it appears that he had returned to Banda
in or before the beginning of June of that year.

The honour of that first authenticated discovery, as hitherto accepted in history,
I am now prepared to dispute. Within the last few days I have discovered a
MS. Mappemonde in the British Museum, in which on the north-west corner
of a country, which I shall presently show beyond all question to be Australia,
occurs the following legend : " Nuca antara foi descuberta o anno 1601 por mano
(sic) elgodinho de Evedia (sic) por mandado de (sic) Vico B-ey Aives (sic) de
Saldaha," (sic) which I scarcely need translate, " Nuca Antara was discovered
in the year 1601, by Manoel Godinho de Eredia, by command of the Viceroy
Ayres de Saldanha."

The misfortune is that this map is only a copy, but I think I shall be able to
answer from internal evidence any doubt that might be thrown upon the authen-
ticity of the information which it contains. The original was made about 1620,
after the discovery of Eendraght's Land, on the west coast of Australia, by the
Dutch in 1616, but before the discovery of the south coast by Pieter Nuyts in
1627. So far from its author suspecting the existence of a south coast, he conti-
nues the old error which had obtained throughout the sixteenth century, of repre-
senting the Terra Australis as one vast continent, of which the parts that had
been really discovered were made to protrude to the north as far as the parallel
in which these discoveries respectively lay. Thus in this map we have Australia,
as already described, on the right side of the map ; and the Island of Santa Cruz
in the New Hebrides, there called Nova Jerusalem, discovered by Quiros, on the
left side ; but both connected and forming part of the one great Southern Continent.

by the Portuguese in 1601.

455

ns&UX5»

Facsimile of a portion of a MS. Map in the British Museum.

Now, it may be objected that this map, being only a copy made at the beginning
of the present or close of the last century, the statement which forms the subject
of the present paper may have been fraudulently inserted. But to give such a
suggestion weight, a motive must be shown, the most reasonable one being that
of assigning the honour of the first authenticated discovery to Portugal instead of
to Holland. For this purpose we must suppose the falsifier to have been a Por-
tuguese. To this I reply, that while all the writing of the map is in Portuguese,
the copy was made by a person who was not only not a Portuguese himself, but
who was ignorant of the Portuguese language. For example, the very legend in
question, short as it is, contains no less than five blunders all showing ignorance

3o2

456 On the Discovoy of Australia

of the language : thus, the words " por Manoel " are written " por mano el,"
"Eredia" is written "Evedia," "do" is written " de, " "Ayres" is written
" Aives," " Saldanha" is written " Saldaha " without the circumflex to imply an
abbreviation.

But further, if we attribute to such supposed falsification the ulterior object of
claiming for the Portuguese the honour of a prior discovery, whence comes it
that that object has never been carried out ? It is not till now that the fact is
made known, and those most interested in the ancient glory of the Portuguese
nation are ignorant of the discovery which this map declares to have been made.
That it never became matter of history, may be explained by the comparatively
little importance which would at the time be attached to such a discovery, and
also by the fact that the Portuguese, being then no longer in the fulness of their
prosperity, were not keeping the subject before their attention by repeated
expeditions to that country, as the Dutch shortly after really began to do.

Again, the speculation might be hazarded that, as this map is a copy, the date
of the discovery may have been carelessly transcribed ; as, for example, 1601 may
easily have been written in the original 1610, and erroneously copied. For-
tunately, the correctness of the date can be proved beyond dispute. It is
distinctly stated that the voyage was made by order of the Viceroy Ayres de Sal-
danha, the period of whose viceroyalty extended only from 1600 to 1604, thus
precluding the possibility of the error suggested, and terminating before the period
of the earliest of the Dutch discoveries.

But yet, again, it may be objected that a country so vaguely and incorrectly
laid down may not have been Australia. The answer is equally as indisputable
as that which fixes the date. Immediately below the legend in question is
another to the following effect : " Terra descuberta pelos Holandeses a que cha-
marao Enduacht (sic) au Cocordia" (land discovered by the Dutch, which they
called Endracht or Concord). Eendraghtsland, as we all know, was the name
given to a large tract on the western coast of Australia, discovered by the Dutch
ship the Eendraght, in 1616.

Moreover, if the legend in question were not a genuine copy from a genuine
ancient map, how came the modern falsifier to be acquainted with the name of a
real cosmographer who lived at Goa at a period which tallies with the state
of geographical discovery represented on the map, but none of whose manu-
script productions had been put into print at the time when the supposed
fictitious map was made or the legend fictitiously inserted ?

I think these arguments are conclusive in establishing the legitimacy of the

by the Portuguese in 1601. 457

modern copy from the ancient map. As regards the discoverer, Manoel Godinho
de Eredia (or rather Heredia, as written by Barbosa Machado and by Figaniere),
I find the following work by him : " Historia do Martyrio de Luiz Monteiro
Coutinho que padeceo por ordem do Rey Achem Raiamancor no anno de 1588,
e dedicada ao illustrissimo D. Aleixo de Menezes, Arcebispo de Braga;" which
dedication was dated Goa, llth of November, 1615 ; fol. MS. with various illus-
trations.

Barbosa Machado calls him a distinguished mathematician ; and Figaniere, a
cosmographer resident at Goa. It follows as a most likely consequence that the
original map was made by himself. The copy came from Madrid, and was pur-
chased by the British Museum, in 1848, from the Senor de Michelena y Roxas.
It will be matter of interest to discover at some future day the existence of the
original map, but whether that be in the library at Madrid, or elsewhere, must be
a subject for future inquiry.

In a scarce pamphlet entitled " Informacao da Aurea Chersoneso, ou Penin-
sula e das Ilhas Auriferas, Carbunculas e Aromaticas, ordenada por Manoel
Godinho de Eredia, Cosmographo," translated from an ancient MS. and edited by
Antonio Lourenco Caminha, in a reprint of the "Ordenacoes da India, do Senhor
Rei D. Manoel," Lisbon, Royal Press, 1807, 8vo., occurs a passage, which may
be translated as follows : —

" Island of Gold. While the fishermen of Lamakera in the Island of Solor * were
engaged in their fishing, there arose so great a tempest that they were utterly
unable to return to the shore, and thus they yielded to the force of the storm
which was such, that, in five days, it took them to the Island of Gold, which lies
in the sea on the opposite coast, or coast outside of Timor, which properly is called
the Southern Coast. "When the fishermen reached the Land of Gold, not having
eaten during those days of the tempest, they set about seeking for provisions.
Such happy and successful good fortune had they, that, while they were searching
the country for yams and batatas, they lighted on so much gold, that they loaded
their boat so that they could carry no more. After taking in water and the neces-
sary supplies for returning to their native country, they experienced another storm,
which took them to the Island of Great Ende ;b there they landed all their gold,

• The inhabitants of the coast of Solor are specially mentioned as fishermen by Crawfurd, in his " Dictionary
of the Indian Islands."

b This is the Island of Flores. In a " Li&t of the principal gold mines obtained by the explorations
(curiosidade) of Manoel Godinho de Heredea, Indian cosmographer, resident in Malaca for twenty years and
more," also published with the " Ordena96es da India," Lisbon, 1807, the same story is told, but the Island
Ende is there called Ilha do Conde.

458 On the Discovery of Australia

which excited great jealousy amongst the Endes. These same Endes therefore
proposed, like the Lamacheres fishermen, to repeat the voyage ; and, when they
were all ready to start, both the Endes and Lamacheres, there came upon them so
great a trepidation that they did not dare, on account of their ignorance, to cross
that Sea of Gold.

" Indeed it seems to be a providential act of Almighty God, that Manoel
Godinho de Eredia, the cosmographer, has received commission from the Lord
Count- Admiral, the Viceroy of India within and beyond the Ganges, that the said
Eredia may be a means of adding new patrimonies to the Crown of Portugal, and
of enriching the said Lord Count and the Portuguese nation. And therefore all,
and especially the said Lord, ought to recognize with gratitude this signal service,
which, if successful, will deserve to be regarded as one of the most happy and for-
tunate events in the world for the glory of Portugal. In any case, therefore, the
discoverer ought for many reasons to be well provided for the gold enterprize.
First, On account of the first possession of the gold by the crown of Portugal.
Secondly, For the facility of discovering the gold. Thirdly, Because of the gold
mines being the greatest in the world. Fourthly, Because the discoverer is a
learned cosmographer. Fifthly, That he may at the same time verify the descrip-
tions of the Southern Islands. Sixthly, On account of the new Christianity.
Seventhly, Because the discoverer is a skilful captain who proposes to render
very great services to the King of Portugal, and to the most happy Dom Fran-
cisco de Gama, Count of Vidigueira, Admiral and Viceroy of the Indies within
and beyond the Ganges, and possessor of the gold, carbuncle, and spices of the
Eastern Sea belonging to Portugal."

Short of an actual narrative of the voyage in which the discovery, which is the
main subject of this paper, was made, we could scarcely ask for fuller confirmation
of the truth of that discovery than that which is supplied by the above extract.
Manoel Godinho de Eredia is there described as a learned cosmographer and
skilful captain, who had received a special commission to make explorations for
gold mines, and at the same time to verify the descriptions of the Southern Islands.
The Island of Gold itself is described "as on the opposite coast, or coast outside
of Timor, which properly is called the Southern Coast." It is highly probable
from this description that it is the very Nuca Antara of our MS. map, which
does lie on the southern coast opposite to Timor. It is still further most
remarkable that, by the mere force of facts, the period of the commission here
given to Eredia is brought into proximity with the date of his asserted dis-
covery of Australia. The viceroy Francisco de Gama, who gave that commission,

by the Portuguese in 1601. 151)

was the immediate predecessor of Ayres de Saldanha. His viceroyalty extended
only from 1597 to 1600, and the asserted discovery was made in 1601, though we
know not in what month. A more happy confirmation of a discovery, unrecorded
except in a probably unique map, could scarcely have been hoped for.

In laying this letter before a Society of Antiquaries, who venerate the past, I
would not close without one word of reverent tribute to the ancient glories of a
once mighty nation. The true heroes of the world are the initiators of great ex-
ploits, the pioneers of great discoveries. Such were the Portuguese in days when
the world was as yet but a half known and puny thing. To Portugal, in truth,
we owe not only a De Gama, but, by example, a Columbus, without whom the
majestic empire of her on whose dominions the sun never sets might now have
been a dream, instead of a reality. England, whose hardy mariners have made
a thoroughfare of every sea, knows best how to do justice to the fearlessness of
their noble predecessors, who, in frail caravels and through an unmeasured wilder-
ness of ocean, could cleave a pathway, not only to the glory of their own nation,
but to the civilization and the prosperity of the entire world.

I remain,

My dear Sir Henry,

Yours very truly,

R. H. MAJOR.

INDEX.

Abbeville, discovery of flint implements near, 283 —

284

section of strata at Menchecourt near, 285

Acreman, Richard, grants advowson of chantry in

St. Paul's London to guild of Armourers of

London, 135

Acremen or Akermen, origin of the name, 136
Africa, memoir on ortholithic vestiges in North,

252—271
AKERMAN, JOHN YONOE, F.8.A., Secretary, his

memoir on capital punishments of Furca et Fossa,

54—65

Report on an Anglo-
Saxon Cemetery at Brighthampton, Oxon, 84 —

97
Report on Researches in

an Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Long Wittenham,
Berks, 1859, 327—352
Notes on the Origin and

History of the Bayonet, 422 — 430
Albano, ancient vases discovered near, 188 — 192
Algeria, cromlechs and other similar remains in,

252—271
ALMACK, RICHARD, F.S.A. Letters to John Lord

Stanhope of Harrington, in his collection, 399—

404
Amiens, discovery of flint implements at St. Acheul

near, and section of strata, 284
Ampulla or leaden pouches worn by pilgrims, 129
Anglo-Saxon cemeteries in Valley of the Thames,

list of, 327, 328
Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Brighthampton, Oxon,

report on, 84 — 97
at Long Wittenham, Berks,

report on, 327—352

VOL. XXXVIII. 3 P

Annadown Castle, co. Galway, 168
Anne, Q. Political parties during her reign, 1 — 18
Ardekellin Lough, Roscommon, crannoge in, 185
Armada, Spanish, communications relative to, 246 —

251

Armourers of London, Observations on a grant to
the guild of St. George belonging to them, 136 —
148

Foundation of the guild, 140

Common seal, 142

Arundel Church, Sussex, mural painting in, 432
Athenry Castle, co. Galway, 165
Aughnanure Castle, co. Galway, 171
Australia, memoir on the discovery of, by the Por-
tuguese in 1601, 439 — 459

B.

Baal-Hamon, a Phoenician god, 217 — 220

Bainam, Algeria, cromlechs at, 253

Ballinagheah near Athenry, co. Galway, 170

Ballincolig Castle near Cork, 164

Ballinduff Castle, co. Galway, 172

Ballygruffan Castle near Bruff, 169

Ballynahow Castle near Thurles, 167

Barrow, chambered, at West Rennet, Wilts, exami-
nation of, 405 — 421

Bastard of Bedford, Richard, his seal, 147

Bayonet, history and origin of the, 422 — 430

Becket, St. Thomas a, Leaden signs representing him,
132

BELDAM, JOSEPH, F.S.A. his Remarks on Ancient
Pelasgic and Latian Vases, 188 — 195

Bernay, Normandy, excavations in a Lazar ceme-
tery at, 66—76

Beul6, Professor, his excavations at Carthage, 233
—236

fc62

INDEX.

Bienne, Lake of, dwellings discovered near Nidau
and Moringen on, 179

BIRCH, SAMUEL, F.S. A. Memoir on Historical Tablet
of the Reign of Thothmes III., 373 — 388

Blarney Castle, co. Cork, 170

Bonstetten, Baron de, Vases in his collection, 191

Borris Castle near Thurles, co. Tipperary, 166

Bothwell, James Hepburn, Earl of, Acconnt of the
latter years of his life, his imprisonment and
death in Denmark, and disinterment of his pre-
sumed remains, 308 — 314

. Documents relating to

his escape and imprisonment, 315 — 321

Boucher de Perthes, Mons, his discoveries of flint
implements noticed, 281 et seq.

Boxley, " Rood of Grace" at, 133

Brighthampton, Oxon. Report on researches in an
Anglo-Saxon cemetery there, 84 — 97

British pottery from barrow at West Kennet, Wilts,
418

Brixham Care, Devonshire, excavations in, 282

BRUCE, JOHX, V.P.S.A. his Observations on a MS.
Relation of the Proceedings of the last Session of
Parliament, 4 Charles I., 237—245

Bruff Castle, 170

Buchanan, Thomas, letter to Sir Wm Cecill re-
specting Bothwell, 320

Bucket, Anglo-Saxon, from Brighthampton, Oxon,
87

Buckingham, Henry Duke of, Deed with his seal, 275

Bullock Castle, 163

BURGES, WILLIAM, his communication on Mural
Paintings in Chalgrove Church, 431 — 438

Burial alive used as a punishment, 63

C.

Cage, house so called in Southwark, 40
Canterbury, pilgrimage to St. Thomas's shrine at,

130

Capital punishments in the middle ages, 54 — 65
Cardano, Girolamo, notes communicated to him by

Sir John Cheke, 99, 114, 115

Carrigrohan Castle near Cork, 170

Carthage, memoir on recent excavations at, 202 —

236
Cashel, chapel of Cormac MacCarthy at, 157

castle of, 164

Castle Banks, Galway, 175

Cecill, Sir William, memorandum on Bothwell's

escape corrected by, 315
Chalgrove Church, Oxon, mural paintings in, 431 —

438
Charles I. Relation of proceedings of last session of

parliament in his fourth year, 237 — 245
Charlwood Church, Surrey, mural paintings in, 432
Chaucer, his allusion to pilgrims' signs, 130
Cheke, Sir John, additions to the biography of, 98

—103

His letter to the Duchess of Somerset, 115

Churchyard Alley, Southwark, 46

Clare-Galway Castle, 172

Clinton Family, account of the, 272—274

William de, Earl of Huntingdon, Deed with

his seal, 272

John, Baron de, Deed with his seal, 273

Clondalkin, round tower at, 151

Clutterbuck, Rev. J. C. his researches at Long

Wittenham noticed, 328
COCHET, THE Asei, Hon. F.S.A. his Memoir on

Excavations in a Lazar Cemetery at Bernay, Nor-
mandy, 66 — 76

Coins found in tombs of the middle ages, 73
cut into halves and quarters, discoveries of, 74

—76

Commonwealth, great seals of the, 77 — 82
Coningsby, Lord, his account of the state of jwlitical

parties during the reign of Queen Anne, 1 — 18
COOPER, WILLIAM DURRANT, F.S.A. his memoir on

the Great Seals of England used after the Depo-
sition of Charles I., 77 — 83
CORNER, GEORGE RICHARD, F.S.A. his Observations

on the Remains of an Anglo- Norman Building in

Southwark, 37 — 45
His notices of

John, Lord Stanhope of Harrington, 389 — 404
Corr Castle, Hill of Howth near Dublin, 172

INDEX.

403

Crannoges of Ireland, notice of, 184 — 186

Cromlechs in North Africa, 252—271

Cromwell, Elizabeth, wife of the Protector, Petition
from her to Charles II. with her signature, 323 ;
Letter from her to her hnsband, with her signa-
ture, 325

Henry, Petition from him to Charles II.

323

Oliver, his great and private seals, 77 — 82
Richard, great seal of, 82

D.

Dalkey, buildings in the town of, 162

DAVIS, J. B., M.R.C.8., F.S.A. Notes by him on

Anglo-Saxon skulls from Long Wittenham, 349
the Rev. Nathan, his excavations at Car-
thage, 206—236
Denmark, memoir on the imprisonment and death

of Bothwell in, 308—321
D'EYNCOURT, Rt. Hon. C. TENNYSON, F.R.8., F.S.A.

Notice of a Portrait of John, King of France,

196—201

Domestic architecture of Ireland, 149 — 176
Dorchester, Oxon, Saxon fibula found at, 334
Dowth Castle, co. Meath, 166

Hill of, Ireland, entrance to chamber in, 151

Drachsholm Castle, Sealand, now Adelereborg, view

of, 312
Drift, on discovery of flint implements in the, 280 —

307

Drimnagh Castle near Dublin, 173
Drowning, punishment by, 55 et seq.
Drumaleague Lough, Leitrim, crannoge in, 185
Dundrum Castle in Blackrock near Cork, 170
Dutch voyages to Australia, 439 et seq.

E.

Edward, St., leaden signs of, 133
Eliot, Sir John, his speech in parliament, 4 Chas. I.
240

ELLIS, SIB HENRY, K.H. F.S.A. his communication

of Lord Coningsby's Account of Political Parties

under Queen Anne, 1 — 18
ELLIS, REV. R. S. his memoir of the Disinterment of

the Remains of the Earl of Bothwell, 308—321
Erasmus notices in his Colloquies the use of pilgrims'

signs, 131
EVANS, JOHN, F.S.A. his memoir on Occurrence of

Flint Implements in undisturbed Beds of Gravel,

&c. 280—307.

F.

Faareveile church, Sealand, view of, 314

Fanstown Castle near Kilmallock, 169

Flint implements, memoir on their discovery in un-
disturbed beds of gravel &c. 280—307

— — found in a barrow at West Kennet,

416

FRANKS, AUGUSTUS WOLLASTON, M.A., Director,
his memoir on Recent Excavations at Carthage,
202—236

Frederick II. K. of Denmark, Letter of, respecting
Bothwell to James VI. of Scotland, 317

" Furca et Fossa," Memoir on Punishment so called,
54—65

G.

Galway, buildings in the town of, 174

Gatehouse, Southwark, 43

Girard d'Orleans, painter to John King of France,
198—201

Glendalough, St. Kevin's Kitchen at, 155

Godwin, Earl, his house in Southwark, 38

Gonneville, Binot Paulmier dc, his voyage to the
South Seas, 441

Gralla Castle near Thurles, co. Tipperary, 166

Grays Inn Lane, flint implement discovered with
remains of elephant in, 301

GREEN, MRS. M. A. EVERETT, communicates Peti-
tions of Elizabeth and Henry Cromwell, 322— 32G

Guildable Manor, Southwark, 39

3r2

INDEX.

( iiiikl of St. George of the Armourers of London,
Grant of an advowson to them, 34 Henry VI., 135

Guilds, religious, Purpose for which they were estab-
lished, 139

H.

Haraldskiaer, Jutland, discovery of a body at, 63

Harley, Robert, afterwards Earl of Oxford, 6 — 17

Hcredia, Manoel Godinho de, discoverer of Australia
in 1601, 454 — 458

Heyman, Sir Peter, 244

Hiram, tomb of, 267

Holcroft, Sir Thomas, notice of, 403

Howard, Charles, Lord High Admiral, notice of,
400

HOWARD, JOSEPH JACKSON, LL.D. F.S.A. his ex-
hibition of a grant relating to the Armourers'
Company, 135

exhibits deeds relating

to Maxstoke Castle, 272

Howth Castle near Dublin, 173

Hoxne, Suffolk, flint implements found at, 298 ;
sections of strata at, 299 — 301

HUGO, REV. THOMAS, M.A. F.S.A. his notes on
Pilgrims' Signs of the 13th, 14th, and 15th Cen-
turies, 128 — 134

Htmgerford, Dame Agnes, Inventory of her goods,
14 Hen. VIII. 352—372

I.

Inventory of goods belonging to Dame Agnes Hun-
gerford, 14 Hen. VIII. 360—372

Ireland, observations on the ancient domestic archi-
tecture of, 149 — 176

Italy, Central, Pelasgic and Latian vases found in,
188 — 195

Ivory ring found at Brighthampton, Oxon, 89

J.

JACKSON, Rev. J. E., M.A., F.S.A. his Remarks
on Dame Agnes Hungerford, 356 — 358

Jave la Grande, a name for Australia, 443

Jerpoint Abbey, battlements of, 154

Jesus, brotherhood of, in Southwark, 49

John, King of France, Notice of his portrait, and of

his residence in England, 196 — 201
Junto, Political party so called, 7

K.

Kells, co. Meath, St. Columbkill's House at, 157
Kempe, John Alfred, F.S.A. a communication by

him, noticed, 37

Kenelm, St., leaden sign of, 133
Kilmallock, buildings at, 169 vU-
KINO, THOMAS WILLIAM, F.S.A., York Herald, his

Observations on Four Deeds from Maxstoke

Castle, co. Warwick, 272 — 279
Kyrkcaldy, William, Laird of Grange, Letter to the

Earl of Bedford, 1567, 316

Lake Dwellings, memoir on, 177 — 187
Lamps of terra cotta found at Carthage, 232
Latian vases found in Central Italy, remarks on,

188—195
Lazar Cemetery at Bernay, Normandy, excavations

at, 66—76
LEMON. ROBERT, F.S.A. Communication from him

respecting the equipment of the Spanish Armada,

247—251
Lenthall, Sir Roland, 41. Inquisition taken at his

death, 50

Leonard, St. Leaden sign of him, 133
Lewes, hostelry of the Prior of, in Southwark,

37

London Bridge, view of, 46
Long Wittenham, Berks, researches in Anglo-Saxon

cemetery at, 327 — 352
Lords Marchers, origin of, 25
Loughmore Castle, co. Tipperary, 163
Lynch Castle, Galway, 174

INDEX.

465

M.

Mackay, General, mentions use of bayonet, 1689,
425

MAJOR, RICHARD H., F.8.A. his Memoir on the
Discovery of Australia by the Portuguese in 1601,
439—459

Malahide Castle near Dublin, 173

Malta, Phffinician inscription discovered at, 213

Map in the British Museum representing a portion
of Australia, 455

Marino near Albano, vases discovered at, 188 —
192

Mark, or March, definition of, 20

Marlborough, John Churchill, Duke of, 7 — 17

Masham, Lady, her influence with Q. Anne, 7

Maxstoke Castle, co. Warwick, observations on
deeds relating to, 272—279

Maynooth Castle, 160

Meilen, Lake of Zurich, lake-dwellings found at,
178

Menchecourt near Abbeville, section of strata at,
285

M i I.M \N, HENRY SALCSBURY, M.A. F.S.A. his Me-
moir on Political Geography of Wales, 19 — 36

Mississippi, flint weapons found in the valley of the,
292

Monalty, co. Monaghan, crannoge in lake of, 185

Months, representations of the, in mosaic pave-
ments, 228—230

Moosseedorf, Lake of, dwellings found in, 183

Moringen, Lake of Bienne, lake-dwellings found
near, 180

Morocco, megalithic remains in, 257

Mortmain, difficulties in granting land in, 138

Mosaic pavement* found at Carthage, 222 — 232
. Mode of removing them, 223

Mural paintings in the Castle of Vaudreuil, Nor-
mandy, contract for, 200

in Chalgrove Church, Oxon, 431 —

438

Murray, the Regent, letters from him to Sir William
Cecill respecting Bothwell, 319

Mycarkey Castle near Thurles, 167

N.

Neuchatel, Lake of, lake-dwellings found in, 181

NICHOLS, JOHN GOUGH, F.S.A. his Memoir on Sir
John Cheke and Sir Thomas Smith, 98 — 127

His remarks on the

Inventory of the Goods of Dame Agnes Hunger-
ford, 352—359

Nidau- Steinberg, Lake of Bienne, lake-dwellings
found at, 179

Nottingham, Heneage Finch, Earl of, 4

0.

Odingsells, William de, Deed with his seal, and

account of his family, 272
Offa's Dyke, the boundary between England and

Wales, 19 et seq.

P.

Paintings, mural, at the Castle of Vaudreuil in Nor-
mandy, 1355, specification of, 200
in Chalgrove Church, Oxon, 431

—438
PARKER, JOHN HENRY, F.S.A. his Observations on

the ancient Domestic Architecture of Ireland, 149

—176
Parliament, proceedings of the last session of, 4

Charles I., 237—245
Parmentier, Jean, of Dieppe, his voyage to the

South Seas, 445
Pelasgic Vases found in Central Italy, remarks on,

188^195
Phojnician inscriptions found at Carthage, 207 —

221
found in the Regency of

Tunis, 232
Phoenician origin of megalithic remains discussed,

261—268
Pilgrims' signs of 13th, 14th, and 15th centuries,

memoir on, 128 — 134

166

IXDEX.

Portrait of John, King of France, 19C— 201
Portuguese, discovery of Australia by them in 1601,

439_459
Pottery, vessels of, found in tombs of the middle

ages, 69 et seq.

Prasias, Lake of, in Pseonia, 177
Pritchett, Robert, bayonet from his collection, 480
Ptiysegur, M. de, earliest mention of bayonet by him,

422

Q-

Quekett, Professor, his report on skulls found in

Anglo-Saxon cemetery at Brighthampton, Oxon,

93—96
• His report on composition of

vases found near Albano, 191
Quiros, Pedro Fernandez de, his voyage in the

South Seas, 449

B.

RHIND, A. HENRY, F.S.A. his Memoir on Ortho-
lithic Vestiges in North Africa, 252 — 271

Rhyddlan, statute of, 28

Rokewood, J. Gage, F.S.A. his account of a Norman
building in Southwark noticed, 37

Ross, co. Galway, east window of church, 152

S.

St. Acheul near Amiens, section of strata at, 284

St. Donlough's church, near Dublin, 159

iSaldanha, Ayres de, Portuguese Viceroy, 1600 —

1604. Voyage to South Seas undertaken by his

command, 456
Schorn, Sir John, Leaden sign possibly representing

him, 134
Seal of the Armourers of London, 142

of Richard Bastard of Bedford, 147

of William de Odingsells, 272

— of members of the Clinton Family, 273
of Stafford Duke of Buckingham, 273

Seals, Great, Memoir on those used after the depo-
sition of Charles I. and before the restoration in
1660, 66—76

Seasons represented in mosaic pavements &c. 231

Seven Churches, co. Wicklow, doorway of, 156

Shires, division of Wales into, 28

Shrewsbury, Duke of, 3, 4

Sincler, David, Letter to the Earl of Bedford, 316

Smith, Sir Thomas, additions to the biography of,
103—114

His autobiographical notes, 116

—120

His defence of his conduct and

character, addressed to the Duchess of Somerset,
120—127

Somerset, Duchess of, Letter to her from Sir John
Cheke, 115

-^— — — — — — — — — Memoir addressed to her by

Sir Thomas Smith, 120—127

Somerton Castle, imprisonment of John, King of
France at, 196

Southwark, Anglo-Norman building in parish of
St. Olave, 37—45

Spain, probable existence of megalithic remains in, 270

Spaniards, their knowledge of the Southern Ocean in
the 16th century, 447

Spindle-whirls, Notices of their discovery in Anglo-
Saxon graves, 91

Spoons, Anglo-Saxon, with perforated bowls, 336

Stafford, Humphry Earl of, seal of, 273

STANHOPE, EABL, President, communicates a Letter
to Mr. John Stanhope respecting the Armada,
246—7

Charles, Lord Stanhope of Harrington,

letter of, 404

Sir John, of Elvaston, letter of, 402

Sir John, afterwards Lord Stanhope of

Harrington, Letter to him respecting the Armada,
246

Biographical Notices of, 389 —

399

Sir Michael, 390

Stoup with bronze ornaments and Christian symbol*,
335

INDEX.

467

Strongford Castle, co. Galway, 174
Sweating Sickness, epidemic so called, 107
Switzerland, lake-dwellings of, 177 — 187
Swords, Anglo-Saxon, rarely discovered, 90
Swords Castle near Dublin, 173
Symon, Thomas, seals engraved by, 78 — 82; his
appointment to be medal-maker, 81

T.

Tanith, a Phoenician goddess, 213—220
Terra Australis, discoveries of, 439 et seq.
Tiaret, Oran, extraordinary cromlech at, 257
Thames, pilgrims' signs found in the, 128 — 134
Thebes, Egypt, tablet of Thothmes III. found at,

373
Thomas a Becket, Leaden signs representing him,

132
Thothmes III. Memoir on historical tablet of his

reign discovered at Thebes, 373—388
Thurles, co. Tipperary, buildings at, 168
THURNAM, JOHN, M.D. F.S.A. Notes by him on

Anglo-Saxon skulls from Long Wittenham, 348
• His account of the examination of

a barrow at West Kennet, 405 — 421
Torres, Luis Vacz de, his voyages in the South

Seas, 450

Tower Armoury, bayonets from the, 430
Trim Castle, 161

Tripoli, megalithic remains in, 259
Tupper, Captain, Bayonets from his collection, 430
Turner, Sir James, notice of bayonet by, 423

U.

United Service Institution, Bayonet from their mu-
seum, 430

V.

Vaudreuil in Normandy, paintings in the Castle of,

executed for the Duke of Normandy in 1355, 200
Veii, Etruscan vase found at, 195
Verulam, Earl of, MS. relation of proceedings of

last session of parliament 4 Charles I. belonging

to him, 237
Virgin, death and burial of the, represented in

mural paintings in Chalgrove Church, 436
Visconti, Alessandro, his account of discovery of

ancient vases near Albano, 189

W.

Wales, memoir on political geography of, 19 — 36

Princes of, 27

WALFOBD, WESTON STYLEMAN, F.S.A. his Obser-
vations on a Grant of an Advowson of a Chantry
to a Guild in 34 Henry VI., 135—148

Walsingham, shrine of Our Lady at, 133

Warren, Earls of, their Manor House in Southwark,
37

Walls of Carthage, discovery of, 234

West Kennet, Wilts, long-barrow at, 405 — 421

Wingham, Kent, discovery of part of a distaff in
Anglo-Saxon cemetery at, noticed, 91

Wokyndon, Joan, wife of Sir Nicholas de, foundress
of chantry in St. Paul's London, 144

— ^— — family of, 145

Wotton, Sir John, notice of, 400, 401

Wretham Hall near Thetford, remains of pilt>-
buildings found at, 187

WYLIE, WILLIAM MICHAEL, M.A., F.S.A. Memoir
on Lake-dwellings by, 177 — 187

Y.

Yelford, Oxon. bone disc found in Anglo- Saxon
cemetery at, 97

ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS.

Page 311, line 24. The original Danish of this passage is as follows: "Anno 1578 den 14 Aprilis
dode den Schotteke Greffne paa Dragsholms, bleff ooh begraffuen i samme Kircke. Han heed James Hep-
hune Greve af Bottwell."

Page 311, Note a. The original passage in Peder Hanson Resen's work is as follows : " Samme Tid dode
ocsaa den Skotske Greffve Botuell udi sit langrarendis Foengsel paa Dragsholm, og bleff begrafven udi
Faareveile. Anno 1578."

Page 311, Note b. For " Froheukloster " read " Froken-kloster."

Page 312, line 8. Insert after "inmate," " Excepting that in his time an additional tower and turret
or two, gave the building a more castellated and romantic appearance.

Page 314, Postscript, line 6. For " etroite " read " estroite."

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