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Series I , rvA «r-7
THE
NEW SHAKSPERE SOCIETY'S
TRANSACTIONS.
1877-9.
PUBLISH! FOR THE SOCIETY BY
TRUBNER & CO, 57 & 59, LUDGATE HILL, E.G.,
LONDON.
. /
ho.S-7
i-7
es I. [0,^
BUKOAY: CLAY AND TAYLOR, THE CHAUCER PRESS.
CONTENTS.
NOTICES OF MEETINGS, JAN. 1877 TO DEC. 1879 . . v
TEEASUEER'S CASH ACCOUNTS FOE 1877, xxviii ; 1878-9 xli
«r I THE DIVISION INTO ACTS OF HAMLET. BY EDWARD
ROSE, ESQ .. 1.
APPENDIX: LENGTH or THE ACTS IN SHAKSPEEE'S
PLAYS , . 8
Discussion on Mr Rose's Paper (Mr Furnivall) . . 9
H. ON THE DIVISION OE THE ACTS IN LEAR, MUCH
ADO, AND TWELFTH NIGHT. BY JAMES SPEDDING,
ESQ., M.A., HONOEAEY FELLOW OF TRINITY COLLEGE,
CAMBELDGE, &c. 11
HI. ON THE WITCH-SCENES IN MACBETH. BY THOMAS
ALFEED SPALDING, LL.B. . . . . . . . . . . 27
IT. A NOTE ON THE REV. N. J. HALPIN'S TIME-
ANALYSIS OF THE MERCHANT OF VENICE. BY
P. A. DANIEL, ESQ 41
V. ON THE FIRST QUARTO OF ROMEO AND JULIET:
IS THERE ANY EVIDENCE OF A SECOND HAND IN IT ? BY
THOMAS ALFRED SPALDING, LL.B. . . . . . . . . 58
VI. SHAKSPERE'S "NEW MAP." BY MR C. H. COOTE, OF
THE MAP DEPARTMENT OF THE BRITISH MUSEUM . . 88
EXTRACT FROM DE VEER'S ACCOUNT OF BARENTZ'S
YOYAGE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 99
VII. SCRAPS:
1. TOUCHSTONE'S 'FEATURE' 100
2. IAGO'S 'SQUADRON' 102
3. 'Master LAUNCELOT,' AND ' Goodman DULL' AND *DEL-
YEE,' &c 103
4. FALSTAFF' s * CAEYES ' . . . . . . 105
5. HAMLET'S 'SEAR' 105
6. CLAUDIUS'S ' UNION.'— Hamlet, V. ii. 283 106
7. 'WARN,' MEANING TO 'SUMMON' .. 106
8. EDMUND'S ' VILLAINS BY NECESSITY.' — Lear, I. ii. 132 . . 107
9. .TIME'S 'WALLET.' — Tr. and Ores., III. iii 107
CONTENTS.
PAGE
SCRAPS (continued): .
10. SHYLOCK'S « BAGPIPE AND uWHS.'—Jf«fc*cw|, IV. i. 49-oO 107
11. OPHELIA'S 'CHRISTIAN SOULS' .. •
12. DOGBERRY'S ' COMPARISONS ARE ODOUROUS. —Much Ado
in. v. is . .
13. AN EARLIER ATJTOLYCUS IN Winter s Tale . . .
14. ON LINES 343-4 IN THE Passionate Pilgrim, BY E. G
DOGGETT, ESQ. J AND ON LINE 302 BY E. J. F.
108
108
108
112
113
114
114
, .
15. SHAKSPERE'S ANTICIPATION OF NEWTON
16. SLENDER'S ' CORAM,' AND SHALLOW'S ' CUSTALORUM '
17. BOYET'S 'ANGELS VAILING CLOUDS.' — L. L. Lost
18. CEREMONY'S ' SOUL OF ADORATION.' — Henry V.
EARLIER OR PARALLEL USES OF SOME OF SHAKSPERE'S
WORDS . . . . ...... 10, 40, 115
TIME-ANALYSIS OE THE PLOTS OF SHAKSPEEE'S
PLAYS. BY P. A. DANIEL.
VHL THE COMEDIES ........ 117
IX. THE TEAGEDIES . . . . . . 180
X. THE HISTORIES . . . . . . 257
XI. SOME REMARKS ON THE INTRODUCTORY
SCENE OF THE SECOND PART OF SHAK-
SPERE'S HENRY IV. BY PROF. HAGENA. . . 347
COMMENTARY BY P. A. DANIEL, ESQ. . . . . 351
XH. THE NATURAL HISTORY SIMILES IN HENRY
VI. BY Miss EMMA PHIPSON . . . . . 354
XIII. ANIMAL NATURE VERSUS HUMAN NATURE IN
KING LEAR. BY THE REV. J. KIRKMAN, M.A. 385
APPENDIX : LIST OF ANIMALS IN King Lear, &c. . . 401
Discussion on Mr Kirkman's Paper (Mr Furnivall) . . 408
XIV. ON "YON GREY LINES THAT FRET THE
CLOUDS," IN JULIUS C^SAR, II. i. 103, 104.
BY MR RUSKIN . . . . . . . . 409
XV. ON HAMLET'S "SOME DOZEN OR SIXTEEN
LINES " : AN ATTEMPT TO REBUT THE ARGUMENTS
BOTH OF MR MALLESON AND PROF. SEELEY. BY C.
M. INGLEBY, LL.D. . . . . . . . . 413
Discussion on Dr. Ingleby's Paper . . . . 420
XVI. ON THE DISPUTE BETWEEN GEORGE MALLER,
GLAZIER, AND TRAINER OF PLAYERS TO
HENRY VIII. , AND THOMAS ARTHUR, TAY-
LOR, HIS PUPIL. BY G. H. OVEREND, ESQ., OF
THE PUBLIC RECORD OFFICE 425
CONTENTS. Ill
PAGH
XVII. ON PUCK'S "SWIFTER THAN THE MOON'S
SPHERE," AND SHAKSPERE'S ASTRONOMY.
BY F. J. FURNIVALL, M.A. . . 431
XVIII. ON CHESTER'S LOVE'S MARTYR: ESSEX is NOT
THE TURTLE-DOVE OF SHAKSPERE'S Phoenix and Turtle.
BY F. J. FURNIVALL, M.A. . . . , . 451
Discussion (Miss Phipson) . . . . . . 455
XIX. THE "SPEECH-ENDING TEST" APPLIED TO
TWENTY OF SHAKSPERE'S PLAYS. BY F. S.
PULLING, M.A. . . . . . . . . . . 457
XX. SCRAPS :
1. THE WISE WOMAN OF BRENTFORD . . . . 459
2. BASSANIO'S ARROWS . . . . . . . . 460
3. BREED = INTEREST . . . . . . . . 461
4. TAVERNS IVY-BUSH . . . . . . . . 461
5. CAGE OF RUSHES .. .. .. .. 462
6. DYEING SCARLET . . . . . . . . 464
7. EMERALD AND EYESIGHT . . . . . . 465
8. PAINTING = ROUGE . . . . . . - . 466
9. STEWED PRUNES . . . . . . . . 468
10. SWASHING BLOW .. .. .. .. 468
11. CANNOT WANT . . . . . . . . . . 470
12. THE WORLD A STAGE , . . . . . . . 471
13. BELOW STAIRS .. .. .. .. ..471
ETC. ETC.
XXL SHAKSPERE LITERATURE FROM 1876 TO 1879.
COMMUNICATED BY FRANZ THIMM 473
APPENDIX.
I. THE ONLY 3 LEAVES LEFT OF WILLIAM
WAGER'S CRUELL DEBTTER, 1566 . . . . V
II. SHAKSPERE'S 4| YARDS OF CLOTH ON MARCH
15, 1603-4 .. .. .. .. ..IV
III. PROF. WILSON'S SOLUTION OF THE MYSTERY
OF DOUBLE-TIME IN SHAKSPERE . . .,21*
IV. CONTENTS OF THE GERMAN SHAKSPERE SO-
CIETY'S YEAR BOOK, VOL. XL— XIV. BY F.
D. MATTHEW, ESQ. . . ... . . . . 43'
INDEX. BY Miss ISABEL WILKINSON . . . . . . 69<
SECOND REPORT, AUGUST 1879.
1877-9,
NOTICES OF MEETINGS.
THIRTIETH MEETING. Friday, Jan. 12, 1877.
F. J. FURNIVALL, ESQ., Director, in the Oliair.
THE Director announced the recent death of Mr. Chas. Childs,
the Society's Printer, and liberal helper in its undertakings ; and it
was resolved unanimously : " That a letter be addressed by the Hon.
Secretary, expressing the deep regret of the Members at the death of
Mr Childs, who has, from the first, taken the warm interest of a
scholar in the success of the New Shakspere Society ; and conveying
the sincere sympathy of the Members with the family of the late
Mr Childs in the loss which they have sustained."
The following new Members were reported to have joined the
Society since the 8th of Dec. last : —
Josiah Blackwell. S. D. Hopkinson. Rev. P. A. Lyons.
Beverly Chew. W. G. Stone. Edward Eose.
Chas. S. Sergeant. Mrs F. Wedmore. Alexandra-College.
Lockwood and Co. J. Miland. Shakspere Soc., Dublin.
The Hon. Secretary presented the Income and Expenditure Sheet
for the past year, which had been audited on the 8th inst., by Mr
Saml. Clark, Junr., and Mr IS". D. Chubb, two of the Members ; and a
vote of thanks was passed to the Auditors and to the Hon. Secretary.
The Paper for this evening was contributed and read by Mr
Joseph Knight, being " Some points of resemblance and contrast
between Shakspere and the Dramatists of his country and epoch."
After asserting that the establishment of blank verse as the great
medium of dramatic expression was principally due to Marlowe, and
showing that with him it reached a point at which little room was
left for improvement, Mr Knight compared certain creations of
Marlowe with others of Shakspere. He then instituted comparisons
between Shakspere and Marlowe, Webster, and Beaumont and
Vi NOTICES OF MEETINGS, 1877. JANUARY 12 AND FEBRUARY 9.
Fletcher, contrasting at some length the terrors of realisation in
Webster's Duchess of Malfi and Vittoria Corrombona with those of
suggestion in Macbeth. The absence from early dramatic literature
of °any keen appreciation of domestic life was dwelt upon ; and also
the fact, that throughout the whole range of the Elizabethan drama
there is no attempt to dwell on the beauties of landscape, — of special
flowers, &c., there is much, — and scarcely an instance in which the
mention of the sea shows any sense that it was an object of delight
rather than of terror.
The thanks of the Meeting were unanimously tendered to Mr
Knight for this Paper.
Mr Furnivall, Mr F, P. Matthew, and Miss L. Toulmin Smith
took part in the discussion which followed the reading.
THIRTY-FIRST MEETING. Friday, Feb. 9, 1877.
F. J. FURNIVALL, ESQ., Director, in the Chair.
THE following new Members were announced : —
Win. Harrison. Eev. J. Pierson. Miss N". Outine.
W. H. Gray. Wellesley Coll., Mass. Shakspere Club, Strat-
Geo, W. Ballon. D. B. Brightwell. ford-on-Avon.
T. Sargent Perry. H. J. Bailey.
Eead, a letter from the widow of the late Mr Childs, thanking
the Members for the vote of condolence passed at the last meeting. .
Mr Furnivall stated that Prof. Guizot had suggested that the
source of the speeches of Brutus and Antony over Caesar's dead body
might be found in the englisht Appian's Chronicle of 1578.1 Dr
Ingleby read a paper " On Hamlet's ' some Dozen or Sixteen Lines ' ; "
an attempt to rebut the arguments both of Mr Malleson and Prof.
Seeley (New Shakspere Society's Transactions for 1874, pp. 465 —
498). He contended that Shakspere's only object in mentioning
Hamlet's speech was to give himself the chance of delivering, through
Hamlet's mouth, a lesson in elocution, probably aimed at the faults
of some rival actors. " If Shakspere had intended us to find the
dozen or sixteen lines in the old play, we should have had a sufficient
glance at their purport to serve our purpose. That there is no indi-
cation convinces me that, as soon as Hamlet has instructed the old
Player, the function of the supposed insertion was fulfilled, and that
they had no further part in Hamlet." Mr Malleson said that Dr
Ingleby had in no way moved his (Mr Malleson's) former positions.
The very parallelism of the sub-play and main play needed a sup-
posed alteration by Hamlet to excuse it. Mr Furnivall could only
1 Mr W. Watkiss Lloyd in 1856, referrd to Appian— tho' not the Englisht
version — as one of Shakspere's authorities, in his Essay on Julius Ccesar iu
Singer's Sliuliwcre, p. 4.01 of Lloyd's Crit. Essays, ed. 1875.
NOTICES OP MEETINGS, 1877. FEBRUARY 9 AND MARCH 9. vii
account for Dr Ingleby's argument by supposing that he had
deliberately pasted a piece of paper over Hamlet's words to Horatio,
" if his occulted guilt do not itself unkennel in one speech : " in them
was the very "purport" of the dozen or sixteen lines which Dr
Ingleby had declared was never stated. The latter answered that he
did not consider this " one speech " was the same as Hamlet's ; but
he admitted that if it was, his paper fell to the ground. — The second
paper was by Mr Edward Eose, on "The Division into Acts of
Hamlet" He contended that Act III. was now wrongly divided
from Act IV., in the middle of what should be the fourth scene of
Act III., as the present IV. i. merely ended III. iv. He would end
Act III. at the end of the present scene iii. of Act IV. This would
make Act III. so long that Mr Rose proposed to take from it its
present first scene, and add that to Act II. In the first part of Mr
Rose's argument Mr Furnivall agreed, that the end of Act III. should
be at the end of IV. ii. ; but he declined to alter the end of Act II.,
because, if III. i. were added to Act II., Hamlet's second long
soliloquy, " To be, or not to be," would be brought within fifty-five
lines of his much longer, " Oh, what a rogue and peasant slave am
I," and have to be delivered within two or three minutes after the
attention of the audience had been exhausted by it. This was an
arrangement that Shakspere never could have meant, and that no
stage manager would sanction.
Messrs Bayne, Hetherington, Peto, Spalding, and the Rev. W. A.
Harrison also spoke upon the above Papers : for which the thanks of
the Meeting were given to the respective contributors.
THIRTY-SECOND MEETING. Friday, March 9, 1877.
F. D. MATTHEW, ESQ., in the Chair.
THE following list of new Members was handed in : —
E. W. Cox, Serjeant-at-law. Miss E. H. Hickey.
Sydney Free Public Library. Miss Philippa Bailey.
Margrave Esdaile.
The papers read were : — 1. " On the Witches in Macbeth" by
Mr T. Alfred Spalding.1 The reader contended that the witches
were of the ordinary type seen in the contemporary Scotch trials for
witchcraft, and had nothing to do with the Norni ; also that the
subject was probably treated by Shakspere soon after James I.'s
accession, because witchcraft was one of the king's favourite subjects,
and he had himself been present at the trial of the witches accused
of and condemned for raising the storm in which he and his bride
1 Printed below, p. 27 — 40,
Viii NOTICES OF MEETINGS, 1877. MARCH 9 AND APRIL 13.
were in danger of their lives on their home-coming. 2. A report by
Mr Furuivall of the arguments of Prof. March to prove youthfulness
in the composition of the play of Hamlet. 3. "On the Play of
Troilus and Cressida ; " and 4. " On the Confusion of the Time in
the Action of the Merry Wives, and Shakspere's Devices to Conceal
it," both from the pen of Mr K. Grant White. Troilus and Cressida
is, the writer urged, Shakspere's wisest play in the way of worldly
wisdom. Ulysses pervades the whole serious part of the play : even
the bold and bloody egotist, " the broad Achilles," talks Ulyssean ;
and Ulysses is Shakspere. The play is the only piece of Shakspere's
introspective work. (Mr Furnivall also read his own comment on
the play from proof-sheets.) In the Merry Wives Mr Grant White
showed that no night intervened in Act III. sc. v. between Falstaff's
first and second adventures, but that his second was made to take
place before his first, early in the morning of the same day on the
afternoon of which he had returned from his first ; and this confusion
Shakspere had skilfully concealed from his hearers and readers by
interposing another scene between the two adventures.1 5. Mr
Furnivall then read from the Englisht Appian of 1578, the speeches
of Brutus and of Antony over Csesar's corpse, which had probably or
possibly served Shakspere as the foundation for his own like speeches
in Julius Ccesar,B.nd which Prof. G. Guizot had lately pointed out anew.
The thanks of the Meeting were voted to the contributors and
readers of the several Papers.
In the Discussions on the Papers, Messrs Matthew, Bayne, Hether-
ington, Peto, Spalding, and Furnivall, and Miss Hickey took part.
THIRTY-THIRD MEETING. Friday, April 13, 1877.
PROFESSOR KARL ELZE of Halle, one of the Yice-Presidents of the
Society, on taking the chair, said : — " Ladies and Gentlemen : — Before
entering on the business of the evening, I cannot but express my sense
of the flattering compliment that has been paid to me by the invitation
to take the chair on the present occasion ; for, to preside over a meeting
of an English Shakspere Society in Shakspere's own country is aii
honour of which a foreigner may well be proud. I do not, however,
presume to attribute this honour to myself and my own slight merit,
I rather attribute it to the German sister society, and to German
Shakspere-learning, and German literature at large. I need not dwell
on the well-known fact, which has no parallel in the whole history
of literature, that Shakspere has found a second home in Germany,
and that he is admiied and cherished by us as much as any of our
own great poets. A German critic has said, that Shakspere cradled
our infant drama; and there can be no doubt whatever that within
1 See on this point, Mr Daniel's Papers on the Time or Duration of the
action in Shakspcre's Plays, to be printed in Part II.
NOTICES OF MEETINGS, 1877. APRIL 13. ix
ten years after his death German alterations of some of his plays
were being acted in the principal courts and towns of Germany,
however rude and repulsive those alterations may appear to the
more refined taste of the present age. Since that time Shakspere
has shared all the vicissitudes, all the ups and downs of our litera-
ture, just like our own classic poets. All the foremost poets, critics,
and scholars of Germany have done their best to bring him nearer,
not only to our understanding, but also to our hearts and sympathies.
It is hardly too much to say that the works and names of Lessing,
Goethe, Schlegel, Tieck, Gervinus, and numerous others will be
entwined for ever with the work and name of Shakspere. The
present generation follows in the wake of these great leaders ; and
in some ill-advised quarters it is even a matter of complaint, that
there is now no end in Germany of translations, of editions, of
criticisms and essays on Shakspere. The simple fact that in a few
days the twelfth volume of the German Shakspere Annual will be
ready for delivery, seems to me a sufficient proof, not only of the
earnestness and energy with which these studies are pursued, but
also of the immeasurable compass and the inexhaustible depth of
the subject.
" But it is by no means as an inexhaustible source of textual and
sesthetic criticism, of literary research and antiquarian lore, that we
prize Shakspere most. He would never have taken that prominent
and lasting hold of our stage, where he is a successful competitor
with Goethe and Schiller, if we did not take him for one of the
greatest dramatic poets — if not the greatest dramatic poet — that ever
lived ; for a poet of the liveliest and sweetest imagination, and of an
unparalleled creative power; for a poet of the widest intellectual
grasp ; for a heart-searcher who never had his like ; and last, not
least, for a teacher of mankind who inculcates the noblest and most
elevated moral lessons, who fills our hearts with the love of wisdom,
truth, and virtue, with noble aspirations, with loving-kindness and
charity. He is indeed a Jacob's ladder to everything that is right,
and honest, and true, and beautiful all over the world ; and I am
happy to say, that the conviction of his moral purity and elevation,
in spite of some outward appearance to the contrary, is daily gaining
ground with all civilized nations, and is uniting them in bonds of
sympathy. Thus then Shakspere does not only prove a teacher of
mankind, but also a golden link of human brotherhood. In this
respect, as in many others, he is like nature, whose touch " makes
the whole world kin." And it is in this sense that I may be allowed
to feel myself kin to you and to all Shakspere's countrymen ; and I
should be much afraid of wronging you, if I did not feel convinced
that you reciprocate this feeling."
The new Members announced were : Signor Pagliardini, Prof. J
J. Lias, Prof. E. H. Smith, E. S. Cox, Mrs W. K. Bullock, Brad-
ford Literary Club, and J. Mackenzie Miall.
X NOTICES OF MEETINGS, 1877. APRIL 13.
The Papers read were : —
I. On the Character of Brutus in the play of Julius Ccesar, by
Peter Bayne, Esq.
II. On the Division of the Acts in Lear, Much Ado, and Twelfth
Night, by James Spedding, Esq., M.A., Honorary Fellow of Trinity
College, Cambridge.
I. Setting out with the remark that the impartial dramatic sym-
pathy of Shakspere (which enabled him to enter the heart and speak
from the mouth alike of Cordelia and of lago) made it difficult to dis-
cern his personal sentiments, Mr Bayne suggested one or two criteria
by which his views as a man might be discovered in his works as an
artist. One of these was the general impression left on the mind by
a particular drama : we might generally be sure that what we felt
strongly was what Shakspere intended us to feel. Another was his
choice of subjects, and his mode of deciding between issues pre-
sented on the stage. When, for example, Shakspere chose for treat-
ment " perhaps the most momentous issue ever fought out in this
world, that between Caesar and Brutus," we may believe that his
adhesion to the cause of popular right, as opposed to unlimited per-
sonal sovereignty, was indicated by his decision that the action of
Brutus was heroic. Quoting, as applicable to the early Eomans as
well as to the Greek, these words of Grote — " The hatred of kings
.... was a pre-eminent virtue, flowing directly from the noblest and
wisest part of their nature," — Mr Bayne argued that Shakspere,
though no classical scholar, evinced a more accurate conception of
the moral and patriotic ideal of the ancients in making Brutus the
hero of his play, than those clerical scholars " who, influenced by
modern ideas, affirmed that those who slew Caesar were guilty of a
great crime." Even in his weaknesses, the Brutus of Shakspere was
represented as noble. He expected to find others as good as him-
self, a fatal mistake in practical affairs, and trusted for influence
upon masses of men to reason and logic rather than to rhetorical art.
Antony, therefore, who, as compared with him, was a political char-
latan, got the better of him. Mr Bayne illustrated at some length
the position that Shakspere always represented the multitude as
foolish and childish, but, at the same time, recognized the soundness
of their instincts, and the readiness with which they responded to
any appeal to their gratitude and courtesy. That Shakspere had an
exceptional and superlative regard for the character of Brutus, Mr
Bayne argued, from the careful elaboration of the scenes with Portia
and with the boy Lucius, — scenes to which there is nothing parallel in
Shakspere's treatment of men, — and from the estimate of Brutus put
into the mouth of Antony, his enemy : —
" His life was gentle ; and the elements
So mix'd in him, that Nature might stand up,
And say to all the world, This was a man / "
NOTICES OF MEETINGS, 1877. APRIL 13. xi
II. Mr Furnivall then read : 1, some notes by Prof. Dowden on
the opening bridal song in the Two Noble Kinsmen, showing that
the flowers in it were emblems of wedded life ; 2, a paper, by Mr
James Spedding, " On the Division of the Acts in Lear, Much Ado,
and Twelfth Night"1 Mr Spedding insisted that in Lear time must
be given for the great battle in Act Y. sc. ii. to be fought, and that,
therefore, the end of Act IV. must be moved forward to the exit
Edgar in the present V. ii., while Act V. must begin with Edgar's
re-entrance. In Much Ado, Mr Spedding would end Act I. with its
first scene ; start Act II. with the present I. ii., and end it with II.
ii. ; open Act III. with Eenedick in the garden, the present II. iii. ;
and begin Act IV. in Hero's dressing-room, the present III. iv. In
Twelfth Night, Mr Spedding proposed to end Act I. with the present
I. iv. ; Act II. with the present II. ii. ; and Act III. with the present
III. i., the fourth and fifth Acts ending where they do now. In
Richard the Second, the first Act should end with its third scene
instead of its fourth. By these changes the present incongruities
would be removed.
The thanks of the Meeting were voted to the writers for their
Papers. In the discussion on the first Paper Messrs Furnivall,
Wedmore, Matthew, Hetherington, and Pickersgill took part.
After the other business of the evening was ended, Mr Furnivall
rose and said : ' Altho' it is not customary to return a vote of thanks
to our Chairman when one of ourselves is in the Chair, yet on an
occasion like to-night's, when we are honourd with the presence of
one of the most distinguisht Shakspere scholars of Germany, the editor
of their Shakspere Society's Year-book, the friend of our friend
Professor Delius — who has been twice among us and thrice sent us
Papers for our Transactions, — I feel that you will all wish to return
to Professor Elze your thanks for presiding over us to-night, and
speaking to us those generous words in praise of our great Poet
with which he opend our Meeting. It is a heart-felt pleasure to
every English Shakspere-student, to know that in Germany, the
poet he loves and honours has been made the nation's own, and that
every German scholar who visits our shores, brings with him reverence
and love for Shakspere. Our own Society owes Germany no common
debt. When we started, Germany had for eight years had her
Shakspere Society, which is now in its 12th year, while we are in
our 4th. It was from German ground that our Society mainly
started : — the insisting that Shakspere be graspt and treated as a
whole, the workings of his mind followd from its rise to its fall, and
that, — as our member Miss Hickey puts it, — each Play be studied,
not only as one of Shakspere's works, but as part of his work. Our
Prospectus from the first has contained the paragraph —
* " The profound and generous ' Commentaries ' of Gervinus — an
1 Printed below, p. 11—26.
XU NOTICES OF MEETINGS, 1877. APRIL 13 AND MAY 11.
honour to a German to have written, a pleasure to an Englishman to
read_is still the only book known to me that comes near the true
treatment and the dignity of its subject, or can be put into the hands
of the student who wants to know the mind of SHAKSPERE.'^
'And though now we have works that can stand beside Ger-
vinus's, yet none the less do we still give him the post of honour
among us. Prof. Delius's text of our poet has also just been re-
printed in London. Our Chairman's Essays on Shakspere have been
englisht. And I am sure he knows that no insular narrowness mixes
with the feeling with which we return thanks to him, the first
German scholar who has presided over us, the representative to us
of that nation, great in learning and great in war, our own kith and
kin, which has in our own time so splendidly asserted its love for
its fatherland, as well in the battle-field, as in the realms of literature
and science, the conquests of peace.'
The vote of thanks was carried with applause, and Professor
Eke bowd his acknowledgment.
THIRTY-FOURTH MEETING. Friday, May 11, 1877.
F. J. FURNIVALL, ESQ., Director, in the Chair.
THE Director announced that Mr T. Alfred Spalding, LL.B., had
been elected a Member of Committee.
The following Subscribers were reported to have joined the
Society since the last Meeting : —
A. 1ST. Coupland. "W. Burnside.
F. J. Wildman-Lushington. Jas. Carmichael.
The Rev. J. W. Ebsworth then read a Paper, ' On the Songs of
Shakspere.' Mr. Ebsworth said he had chosen the subject of
Shakspere's songs as one that did not suggest controversy. Except
the single verse in Measure for Measure, " Take, 0 take those lips
away," and the group entitled The Passionate Pilgrim, scarcely
anything had been urged in disproof of Shakspere's authorship of
these songs. T. L. Beddoes, indeed, was "inclined to deny the
authenticity of many smaller pieces and songs, such as that to Silvia
in the Two Gentlemen of Verona. But this doubt was shown to be
without good foundation. W. B. Procter's remarks were cited on
the dramatic character of the lyrics. Shakspere's knowledge of the
contemporary ballad literature was asserted, and several instances
brought forward of his adaptation of such ditties, as well as his
quotation of single lines from ballads which had been preserved.
Some of these, never hitherto identified, were now shown to be referred
to in Twelfth Niyht, &c. The songs in Hamlet were then passed
NOTICES OP MEETINGS, 1877. MAY 11 AND JUNE 9. Xui
in review, the Gravedigger's and Ophelia's, followed by those of Feste
in Twelfth Night, of the Fool in King Lear, in As You Like It, and
of Autolycus in The Winter's Tale. The different character of these
jesters was touched on, as exemplified in their songs. The importance
of the few songs that occur in the later tragedies was asserted,
especially lago's scraps of Bacchanalian revelry, and the Invocation
and Dirge in Gymbeline. After brief mention of others, the paper
concluded with remarks on the Tempest.
The thanks of the Members were unanimously voted for this
Paper, and Mr Ebsworth was asked to prepare it for printing in the
Society's * Transactions.'
Messrs Furnivall, Hetherington, and Jarvis took part in the
discussion which followed.
A Paper by Mr Furnivall was also read, ' On the Triple Endings
in the Fletcher part of Henry VIII.'
Against Mr Swinburne's assertion that there were no triple
endings in the Fletcher additions to Shakspere's play, Mr Furnivall
showed, not only that there were such endings, but that they were
present in almost the same proportion as in the Knight of Malta
(assigned to Fletcher alone by Mr Swinburne), probably of the
same date as Henry VIII, 1613 ; and as in The Little French
Lawyer, which Mr Swinburne had declared to be, "in style and
execution throughout, perfect Fletcher/' Mr Furnivall also showed
that the Fletcher part of Henry VIII. contained his characteristic
heavy eleventh, or final extra syllable, so that Mr Swinburne's
argument against Mr. Spedding's assignment of part of Henry VIII,
to Fletcher was groundless.
Mr Furnivall was thanked for the above Paper.
THIRTY-FIFTH MEETING. Friday, June 9, 1877.
TOM TAYLOR, ESQ., V.P., in the Cliair.
THE following New Members were announced : —
Eev. E. D. Stone. Miss A. Grahame.
A. A. Burd. Kenneth Grahame.
Prof. Lounsbury. F. J. Soldan.
The Director reported that Mr J. W. Hales had been compelled,
by other engagements, to retire from the Committee.
Prof. Hiram Corson, of the Cornell University, Ithaca, U.S.A.,
read a paper on Shakspere's Versification. He divided Shakspere's
verse into two great classes: — 1. The earlier, or recitative; 2. The
later, or spontaneous, while admitting that instances of each occurred
in the other. He contended that the use of ryme in a play depended
Xiv NOTICES OF MEETINGS, 1877. FRIDAY, JUNE 9.
on the special tone or pitch of the play — in one like Midsummer
Night's Dream ryme must needs be largely used — and was, therefore,
no safe guide in the chronology of the plays. In the recitative style,
the pause came, in part of Borneo and Juliet, 226 times after a light
syllable, to 169 times after a complete foot; in selected passages
from 1 Henry IV., 87 times in the middle of a foot, to 44 after
a complete foot; and from Henry V., 50 after the middle, to 36
after the end. The best instances of the recitative style were Act I.
sc. iii. of 1 Henry IV., and Vernon's speech in 1 Henry IV., IV. i.
97 — no. Prof. Corson then dealt with the melody of vowels and
consonants, and contended that alliteration was more frequent in
the recitative than the spontaneous style. In the latter style light
endings were largely found, and in late specimens of it, as in
Cymbelim (Imogen's Milford speech to Pisanio). the standard
measure was quite sunk in the varied measures. The use of extra
end-syllables — before they had lost their dramatic worth, as in
Fletcher, by their continuous use — was, as in Hamlet's great
soliloquies, to give a reflective tone to speeches ; sometimes, also,
to strike a balance between thought and feeling ; and sometimes
to add positiveness to language. Prof. Corson then discussed the
vocabulary of Shakspere — contrasting the Latin of Troilus and
Cressida with the homelier Anglo-Saxon of Lear — and then dwelt
on the effect Shakspere got by using monosyllables, of which the
staccato movement subserved strong feeling, as in John's speech to
Hubert, " Good friend," &c. ; and also the abruptness of strong
feeling, as in Falconbridge's speeches to Salisbury and Hubert. Note
what effect is got by the contrast of the many- and one-syllabled
words in the lines —
" Beyond the infinite and boundless reach
Of mercy, if, thou, didst, this, deed, of, death,
Art, thou, damn'd, Hubert."
The thanks of the Meeting were unanimously voted to Prof.
Corson. Messrs Tom Taylor, Furnivall, and Frank Marshall,
discussed the views put forward in the Paper.
FIFTH SESSION
THIRTY-SIXTH MEETING. Friday, Oct. 12, 1877.
F. J. FURNIVALL, ESQ., Director, in the Chair.
THE following New Members were reported to have joined the
Society since the last Meeting : —
K P. KichardsoiL W. A. Turner.
W. Leighton, Junr. T. W. Gillibrand.
G. H. Howard. C. J. Ridge.
A. F. Bowie. Eev. Prof. Pulling.
H. B. Homer. G. A. Greene.
Arthur Hodgson. H. M. FitzGibbon.
Win. Geo. Black. Mitchell Lib., Glasgow.
The following recent gifts were announced : —
Mrs Richard Simpson, a donation of £2.
Mr A. P. Paton, a pamphlet on ' The Tragedy of Macbeth.'
Mr T. H. H. Caine, a pamphlet on * Richard III., and
Macbeth:
And it was Resolved : —
That the best thanks of the Society be returned to the respective
donors.
Mr Furnivall reviewd the work of the Society and its leading
members during the last year and a half, and insisted that the
Society's first object, the promotion of the chronological and intelligent
study of Shakspere, the bringing-out of his growth in spirit and art,
had made enormous progress. He then read the following papers : — -
1 . By Mr P. A. Daniel, ' On the Mistakes in the late Mr Halpin's
Short-Time Analysis of the Merchant of Venice,'1 showing that at
least eight days were mentioned in the play, with one interval of,
say, a week, and another of at least a few days, or maybe two months
and a-half . Messrs Furnivall, Matthew, Hetherington, Gilman, Jarvis,
Pagliardini, and Rose, discussed Mr Daniel's views ; and Mr Rose
was asked to put his remarks in writing, in order to their being
printed to follow Mr Daniel's Paper. Scraps 2 were also read as
under : — 2. By Mr P. A. Daniel, showing that lago's squadron in
his sneer at Cassio (Othello, I. i. 22) meant a corporal's guard of
20 or 25 men. 3. By Mr W. Wilkins (Trin. Coll., Dublin),
showing that Touchstone's " feature " in As You Like It, III. iii. 3,
meant " facture," making (in the early English sense), composition,
1 Printed below, p. 41.
2 Mostly printed below, p. 105, &c.
Xvi NOTICES OP MEETINGS, 1877. OCTOBER 12 AND NOVEMBER 9.
verses. 4. By Dr Brinsley Nicholson, an illustration, by a
quotation of 1640, of the Tempest line, I. ii. 102, as to one telling
a lie till he believed it ; a quotation from George Withers's Great
Assizes holden in Parnassus, 1645, a trial of Shakspere and other
dramatists and poets.1 5. By Mr Furnivall, (a) confirmation of William
Herbert being possibly the " W. H." of the Sonnets, from Lord
Clarendon's description of the clever plain women he (Lord Pembroke)
loved, suiting Shakspere's dark mistress ; and from Wm. Herbert's
likeness to his mother in Lodge's Portraits, (b) A use in 1570 of
the Hamlet sear (of a pistol-lock) — " whose lungs are tickle o' the
sere.11 — This expression was capitally illustrated by Mr Hetherington,
who quoted a Cumberland farmer's remark to him on a hot-tempered
woman, " She's as tickle as a mouse-trap : touch the spring, and off
she goes ! " (c) Proof that the Duke's " forked arrows " in As You
Like It were barbd and not prongd ones. (d) Illustrations of
" Master " Launcelot in the Merchant of Venice (he, being one of
" the rascability of the popular," claimed to be a gentleman or esquire),
of Goodman Verges, &c., from Sir Thomas Smith, &c.
Dr. Grosart's tracing of a doubtful signature of the dramatist
" Johne Ford, 1641," was exhibited.
The thanks of the Members were voted to each of the Contributors,
and to Mr Furnivall, as reader of the various Papers.
THIRTY-SEVENTH MEETING. Friday, Nov. 9, 1877.
TOM TAYLOR, ESQ., V. P., in the Chair.
THE following new Members were announced : —
H. Morse Stevens. P. J. Hanlon, and the Gray's Inn Library.
Mr Edward Hose read a paper on Shakspere's adaptation of T/ie
Troublesome Reigne of King John.2 He contended that Shakspere's
skill as a practical dramatist had never been really appreciated, and
that yet he owed his universal fame in great measure to this quality, by
virtue of which his plays still kept the stage. To prove this thorough
knowledge by Shakspere of his art, Mr Rose compared the play of
King John, act by act and scene by scene, with the anonymous play
from which it was adapted by Shakspere, and showed how he had
put it into practicable stage-form, compressing scenes, expanding
speeches, reducing the exits and entrances to a minimum, and
making the important characters stand out in bolder relief. At the
same time, play-hearer and reader could not but feel the want of a
strong central character in the play, which was fatal to its success on
1 To be given in the Society's new edition of Ingleby's Century of Praise.
3 This Paper was afterwards accepted for Macmillan's Magazine.
NOTICES OF MEETINGS, 1877. NOVEMBER 9. AND DECEMBER 14. XVli
the stage, and which might, Mr Rose thought, have been overcome,
had Shakspere departed boldly from the lines laid down by the
original author, which, instead, he has followed with singular close-
ness. In the discussion which followed, Mr Tom Taylor said that
the most valuable lessons which a modern dramatist could get in the
representation of character on the stage were still to be drawn from
Shakspere's plays. Mr Furnivall, while glad that Mr Rose had
acknowledged Shakspere's one great and two smaller mistakes in
King John which were not due to the old play — the failing to con-
nect the king's poisoning with his crimes, and to account for the
Bastard's hatred of Austria and opposition to Blanche's marriage —
suggested that Shakspere's strength, development of character, and
especially the characters of the men he admired — like Ealconbridge,
&c., in King John — sometimes led him to sacrifice dramatic pro-
portion to it, and accounted for the weakness of John, &c., and
specially of Henry F, as acting plays. Nothing could make
Henry V. "go " as a play. Mr Peter Bayne, while agreeing in this,
urged that this same being swung-away by delight in a character —
like Scott with Nicol Jarvie — in other plays heightened their
dramatic force as well as their charm. Mr Hetherington, Mr Rose,
and others also spoke.
THIRTY-EIGHTH MEETING. Friday, Dec. 14, 1877.
JAMES GAIRDNER, ESQ., in the Chair.
MRS K. R. DOWD, Mrs A. C. Sanford, and Mr T. 0. Harding,
were reported as having joined the Society during the past month.
A paper on 'The Sources of Henry F.,' by Mr W. G. Stone,
was read.1 After some brief remarks on the editions and dates of
Henry F, the Globe Theatre, in which it was first acted, and the
scenic difficulties involved in its representation, referred to several
times in the prologues, the writer proceeded to compare the play
scene by scene with corresponding passages from the reign or
Henry V. in Holinshed's Chronicles. To this source it appeared
that — with one or two trifling exceptions — Shakspere was indebted
for the historical matter of his play. It was suggested that the
episode of Ancient Pistol and the French soldier (Act IV. iv.) might
have been derived from a somewhat similar scene in the Famous
Victories of Henry the Fifth (Shahspere's Library, pt. 2, i. 368).
The wooing scene in the Famous Victories was also compared with
the similar scene in Henry V. The crux pointed out by Johnson
(Variorum Shakspere, xvii. 440) — namely, that in Act IV. vii.
1 It forms the first part of Mr Stone's Introduction to his revisd edition
of Henry V., which will be issued to Members in 1879.
N. s. soc. TRANS.. 1877-9. &
XVlii NOTICES OF MEETINGS, 1877-8. DECEMBER 14 AND JANUARY 11.
Henry would seem to order his prisoners' throats to be cut again — •
was dealt with, and explained by a reference to the stage directions
in the Folio for Act IV. sc. vi. and vii., and also to the account in
Holinshed of the last phase of the battle. (The latter explanation
had been previously offered by M. Mason, Variorum Shakspere, xvii.
441.) Shakspere was shown to have adhered closely to his authority,
and in only two instances — the most important being the embassy
of Exeter — to have altered the order of events. In the notes to this
paper, which has been written as an Introduction to a revised edition
of Henry V., undertaken by Mr Stone for the New Shakspere
Society, the historical sources of the Chronicles, so far as Henry V.'s
reign is concerned, were traced. The paper concluded with a sketch
of Henry's character as delineated by Shakspere. The general
summing-up of the king's character in the Chronicles was compared
here. In this part of the paper Mr Stone attempted to explain and
justify Henry's questionable utterances in 1 Henry IV., I. ii. 219 — •
241. In the discussion which folio wd, Messrs Gairdner, Hether-
ington, Matthew, Rose, and Furnivall took part.
THIRTY-NINTH MEETING. Friday, Jan. 11, 1878.
F. J. FURNIVALL, ESQ., Director, in the Chair.
THE following new Members were announced : —
Rev. J. L. Carrick. C. J. Dibdin.
Miss G. Phipson. J. D. Sears.
Hy. T. Fuller. Rev. J. C. Hudson.
J. D. Barnett. Miss Ingram.
The Hon. Sec. handed in the Income and Expenditure Sheet of
the past year, as audited on the 9th inst., and it was resolved : —
That the thanks of the Meeting be given to Mr Hy. B. Whcatley,
and Mr Saml. Clark, Jun., two Members of the Society, for their
kindness in acting as Auditors of the accounts for the past year.
A unanimous vote of thanks was also passed to the Council of
University College for their courtesy in allowing the Society to
continue to hold its meetings at the College.
A paper was read by Mr T. Alfred Spalding, LL.B., on 'The
First Quarto °f Romeo and Juliet; is there any Evidence of a
Second Hand1?' The object of the paper was to controvert tho
arguments by which Mr Fleay has sought to show that Peele's work-
manship is to be traced in the first Quarto, and also Mr Grant
"White's opinion that part of it was written by Greene. After pro-
ducing evidence to show that the first Quarto was a pirated edition,
and criticising Mr Fleay's evidence in favour of a contrary view, the
1 Printed below, p. 58.
NOTICES OP MEETINGS, 1878. FRIDAY, JANUARY 11. xix
reader proceeded to deal with what Mr Fleay puts forward as the
distinctive test of Peele's hand, the lines containing an extra strong
syllable that does not occur after a pause, and cannot be slurred.
He pointed out (1) that Peele's works contained remarkably few of
these lines — not so many, in fact, as Greene's ; (2) that such lines
were to be found plentifully in other surreptitious Quartos, illus-
trations being given from the Corambis Hamlet, the 1600 Quarto of
Henry V., and the 1608 Quarto of King Lear ; (3) that the extra
heavy syllable had no necessary place in the line, and could nearly
always be removed without injuring either sense or metre. The
conclusion arrived at, therefore, was that the extra heavy syllable
was evidence of a surreptitiously-obtained manuscript, and was due
to actors' or reporters' faults. The secondary evidence was then
analysed in a similar manner, and shown to point to the same con-
clusion. In commenting on Mr Grant White's view, the reader
pointed out the danger of basing conclusions as to style upon such a
publication as the first Quarto ; for, admitting, as Mr Grant White
does, the piracy, what guarantee is there that .the supposed un-
Shaksperean passages are not the work of a reporter or editor 1
A note by Mr W. Wilkins, on the ' other business ' of Tempest,
I. ii. 115, was then read. The purport of Mr Wilkins's Paper was
as follows : —
The 'business,1 1. 367, was probably some bootless task intended
only as a punishment, like the gathering of sticks (1. 366) when the
woods were wet after the storm, and when Prospero had already
abundance of fuel at his cell (Act I. 314, and Act III. i. 8). But
the ' business ' in line 305, which neither the monster nor Miranda
was permitted to understand, was, Mr Wilkins argued, definite;
and simply this : Caliban was to exhibit his physical and moral
deformity to Miranda, as a foil to set off the approaching beauty and
nobleness of Ferdinand. Prospero's object was twofold : first,
artistic ; secondly, ethical. As the Providence of the play, the
magician foreordains the love-affair ; but he does more : he places
checks upon it, and for two reasons : first, because moral severity
to all the characters is the tone of the play ; and secondly, because
a handfast marriage, like those in As You Like It, would be impolitic
in the extreme, so long as Alonzo's approbation remained doubtful.
Mr Wilkins pointed out, from the notes of time in the play, that
Prospero slept, as was his custom, from about four o'clock till six ;
and hence felt with Friar Laurence (R. $ J., Act II. vi. 36, 37),
that in the situation of the lovers, elevated ethical influences would
be of the utmost importance. So Ferdinand, who, as an Italian
courtier had been exposed to the same influences as lachimo, receives
injunctions to respect his betrothed ; and Miranda, more impulsive
and unsuspecting than her countrywomen, Juliet and Desdemona, is
delicately and trustfully helped in what is becoming, by the masque
(Act IV. i. 87 — 101), and (as Mr Wilkins especially contended) by
b 2
XX NOTICES OF MEETINGS, 1878. JANUARY 11 AND FEBRUARY 8.
Caliban, and the crime which cost him his liberty, being obtruded
on her attention just before the appearance of the prince. In the
ensuing love at first sight she takes Ferdinand for a spirit (1. 409).
Thus the heightening and purifying in Miranda's eyes 'of the
prince's beauty, beside the monster's ugliness, is, Mr Wilkins con-
tended, the 'business' of 1. 315.
Prospero and Polonius give lessons in propriety to their daughters
so differently, that we gather Shakspere's opinion as to the best way
of preaching morality : namely, by example rather than by precept,
by trust rather than by suspicion, and finally, by the stage (Temp.,
IV. i. 60, et seq.) rather than the nunnery (Hamlet, I. iii. 121, and
III. i. 44).
Mr Wilkins's view of the distinction between the two ' other
businesses ' was not endorsed by the Meeting, but a vote of thanks
was passed to him for his paper, and to the Director for reading it.
FORTIETH MEETING. Friday, Feb. 8, 1878.
WM. CHAPPELL, ESQ., F.S.A., in the Chair.
MR WM. CHAPPELL was announced as a New Member.
The Director read a letter from Prof. Pulling on his results after
having applied the speech-ending test to the early Romeo and Juliet,
and the late Cymbeline. These were : —
R. $ J. Cymb.
Single-line verse speeches 135 17
Part-line „ „ ... 86 188
Speeches ending with end of line 332 86
„ „ in middle „ 71 391
The Paper for this evening was written and read by the Eev. J.
Woodfall Ebsworth, on ' Shakspere's Knowledge and Use of Old
Ballads.' First, a passage from Eichard Simpson's School of
Shakspere, ii. 13, was considered and rejected, because it unwarrant-
ably asserted that the poet's career had begun as a ballad-writer, and
" for seven years' space, absolute interpreter to the puppets." The
object of the paper was to show Shakspere's extensive knowledge of
current ballads, and the skilful employment of them, when quoted
appropriately by the dramatis personce, "because he sympathised
with common minds as well as with the loftiest and purest ; he loved
to make acquaintance with the ballad-singer's art : he brightened as
with spots of colour his sombre tragedies with bursts of song. He
lifted his comedies into more intense merriment by snatches of droll
ballads. He gives to his creations the love of music that he held
himself, suiting the individual tastes of each." This was the key-note
NOTICES OF MEETINGS, 1878. FEBRUARY 8 AND MARCH 8. Xxi
struck, and in detail were shown the ballads introduced or mentioned,
but divided from those original songs which the poet himself wrote
for his dramas. Othello, Hamlet, King Lear, the Tempest, and others
passed under review, the various ballads identified being almost all
quoted at full length, or full references given to where they are pre-
served. The scene from Twelfth Night, II. iii., and another from
Winter's Tale, IV. iii., were given to show the ballad-allusions closely
packed therein. A large group of " Lady, Lady, my dear Lady "
ballads, and some others, such as " 0 the twelfth day of December ! "
which had long been supposed to have perished, were produced in
illustration. The- friendships of the poet, his connection with
Marlowe, and the history of the Passionate Pilgrim, were briefly
touched on, but reserved for separate consideration. Several of the
ballads were sung, such as " Fortune, my Foe," " Greensleeves," " Old
Sir Simon, the King."
The thanks of the Meeting were voted to Mr Ebsworth, who, at
the request of the Meeting, undertook to enlarge his Paper into a
separate treatise for the Society.
The discussion on the Paper was opened by the Chairman, and
continued by Mr Furnivall.
FORTY-FIRST MEETING. Friday, March 8, 1878.
FRANK A. MARSHALL, ESQ., in the Chair.
MR H. COURTHOPE BOWEN read a paper on As You Like It. After
a few remarks on the methods we should pursue, and the object we
should have, in fixing the date of a play, Mr Bowen confirmed
Malono's opinion that As You Like It was written (at least in part)
in 1599 ; he also agreed with Mr Aldis Wright that the stay of
publication in 1 600 was probably due to the play's being unfinished.
He then sketched, partly from fact, and partly from fancy, Shakspere's
external life at this time, and endeavoured by means of the play to
catch a glimpse of his inner life, showing that the difference between
town and country, and town-folk and country-folk, occupied his mind
considerably at this period, during which we know he was establishing
himself at Stratford. Mr Bowen then discussed the faults of the
play as a play, pointing out several signs of haste and incompleteness,
especially in the bad characters, and in the last scene. He then
turned to consider the prominent characters in As You Like It, and
dwelt much on the perfect skill and knowledge of human nature
shown in Rosalind, Orlando, Touchstone, and Jaques. The exiled
Duke he considered " an idling sentimentalist," a phrase which called
out some strong protests.
XXli NOTICES OF MEETINGS, 1878. MARCH 8 AND APRIL 13.
The thanks of the Meeting were voted to Mr Bowen for his
contribution.
The discussion was opened by the Chairman, and continued by
Messrs Furnivall, Hetherington, Matthew, Oswald, Rose, and
Harrison, and Mr Bowen replied.
FORTY-SECOND MEETING. April 13, 1878.
HY. COURTHOPE BOWEN, ESQ. (Treasurer), in the Chaii.
THE New Members announced were : —
Miss Porter. Professor Brown.
Judge A. B. Braley. Mercantile Lib. of Philadelphia.
The thanks of the Meeting were voted to Drs Karl Warnke and
Ludwig Proescholdt for their present to the Society of their edition
of the comedy of Mucedorus.
Mr Furnivall announced that he had undertaken the superintend-
ence of a series of Photolithographic Facsimiles by Mr W. Griggs ;
which he hoped would include all the First Quartos of Shakspere's
Plays, and those Second Quartos which were most needed. He added
that the Committee of the Society had sanctioned the series as a help
to the Society's work.
The Papers read were : —
I. < On Love's Labour's Lost,' by W. H. Pater, Esq., M. A., Fellow
and Tutor of Brasenose Coll., Oxford.
II. ' Some Remarks concerning the introductory Scene of the
Second Part of Henry IV.] by Prof. Hagena, of Oldenburg ; with a
Letter thereon by P. A. Daniel, Esq.1
III. ' On Hamlet as the greatest of Shakspere's Plays ; with
some attempt to determine the character of Harnlet/ by the Rev. M.
WyneU Mayow, B.D.
Mr Mayow contended that we should consider as " greatest," that
which, in reference to its excellences (of all kinds), we might
suppose it would take the longest time to reproduce ; and he owned
in his judgment, that as in point of beauty we might look for twenty
Cleopatras before finding another Helen, or ten Homers, or a hundred
Miltons, before another Shakspere, so we might expect to find, if
Macbeth, Othello, Lear, or the Tempest could be reproduced in a
thousand years, that it would take another million before we could
get another Hamlet. He proceeded to give some reasons for this
"belief. And here he divided his points of excellence into two espe-
cial classes. 1. Conception. 2. Execution. Leaving the point of
execution at present out of sight, he stated that in his judgment,
1 These will be printed next year.
NOTICES OP MEETINGS, 1878. APRIL 13.
Hamlflt so exceeded all other dramas in conception, as to make that
Tragedy stand alone, facile princeps, among all competitors. He
explained that in this respect of conception he was not thinking so
much of the supernatural element in the play, as of the natural : that
Hamlet himself was the wonderful creation : — wonderful, as witnessed
in this, that whilst we all admitted Hamlet to be all nature, or all
nature to be in Hamlet, yet no two commentators seemed to agree
in what his nature was : — what were his motives, or what was the
key to his character ; his action, or, if it be so, his inaction.
Mr Mayow then produced his own theory of what Hamlet's real
nature was : — the almost perfection of all faculties, intellectual, moral,
physical ; and traced to this, and the balance of these qualities in
him, his difficulty in carrying into action the command laid upon him
by the Ghost. He then noticed in some detail the way in which it
might be supposed a like command would have influenced many
other characters ; — as, Caliban, lago, Macbeth, Laertes, Brutus,
Cassius, Hotspur, Leonatus, Posthumus, Prospero, Falstoffe, Shylock,
Ulysses ; — and why (said the Reader) do I go through these names,
and ask what they would or would not have done, but to point out
from a host of examples from Shakspere himself, that there is no
other man like Hamlet 1 — no one with the fineness of his organization,
or the amount of his susceptibilities ; and that he consequently saw
objections, arguments, dangers, and even sins, in whatever he might
do, which a blunter intellect, or a duller heart, or a less quickened
feeling, or a less active conscience, would never have seen or felt at
all ; and thus that it was the very greatness of his faculties, and
the balance of his excellencies, and the fineness of his perceptions —
not irresolution or want of nerve — which made him. to be poised in
inactivity.
Enlarging here upon Hamlet's repugnance to the task imposed
upon him, Mr Mayow examined at some length the scene in which,
even after the result of the play had satisfied him of the King's guilt,
finding the King at his prayers, he yet refuses to kill him, under the
plea that to take him then would send him to Heaven, and so be
" hire and salary, not revenge ; " but, in Mr. Mayow's judgment, this
dreadful reason was not the real motive of Hamlet's forbearance. That
scene was only the proof that now when it came to the point, and
there was no other ground at all on which to let the King escape, he
had no mind to kill him ; and so, in the fertility of his imagination,
he immediately invented this, as a reason for deferring the execution
of the task imposed. "The thought served its turn. It made and
brought a respite."
Mr Mayow next turned to the vexed question of Hamlet's
madness ; whether real or feigned. At greater length than we can
here attempt to summarise, the Reader expressed his strong
conviction that Hamlet was not mad in any degree, or upon any
point. If he were, was it not fair to ask, Upon what subject was he
NOTICES OF MEETINGS, 1878. APRIL 13.
under any delusion 1 Of course, it was not to "be taken as a delusion
that he saw the Ghost, or heard him speak. This was a postulate
of the play, as was evident from the others, Horatio, Bernardo,
Marcellus, who also saw him. And this being granted, on what
subject was there any delusion upon his mind? Nay, was it
not manifest, that at any and every moment he could cast off his
semblance of insanity, and resume his manifestly sound mind. Those
four words, in one place, " Now I am alone," spoke volumes as to
this. " Now I am alone ! " The restraint of this shew of madness
is off me ; I know all I have been doing, and now I can unbend, and
commune with my soul, and ask it, why I am so tardy in the work
I have to do ?
Mr Mayow then turned to Hamlet's scene with his mother after the
acting of the play, and pointing out in considerable detail the various
salient points in that dialogue, claimed the whole, (except one piece
of wild rant introduced for a special purpose towards the end of the
colloquy,) as a manifest proof of the sane mind, which Shakspere
attributes to him.
The paper then took into consideration, Hamlet's conduct towards
Ophelia, which was by many supposed to be the strongest mark of
his insanity, inasmuch as it was thought there could be no other
excuse for the harsh, unfeeling, and as it has been said, brutal manner
in which he broke off his love-suit. In fact, (as some averred,) that
the only explanation here is to set his conduct down to madness : — in
short, that it is essential to his character as a gentleman, to give him
up as a lunatic !
In reply, however, to this, it was pointed out, that Hamlet had at
once perceived upon receiving the Ghost's mission, that all thoughts
of happiness and love must be cast aside. He therefore feels it would
be unjust to Ophelia to go on engaging her affections. He cannot simply
withdraw, and clearly he cannot explain. His resource is to make
Ophelia dislike or hate him ; and in breaking his own heart, he over-
looks that he breaks hers also. It was likewise pointed out, that all
the main bitterness of his invective here uttered against woman, is
not really pointed at Ophelia, but by inuendo and double entendre,
against his mother, and her conduct who, as he tells her, had done —
" Such an act
That blurs the grace and blush of modesty ;
Calls virtue, hypocrite ; takes off the rose
From the fair forehead of an innocent love,
And sets a blister there."
Act III. Sc. iv.
After various further illustrations of these views, Mr Mayow
summed up his remarks, and expressed his conviction that the play
of Hamlet must be placed first and foremost among all the Works
of Shakspere himself ; and that in fact there is nothing equal to it
in the whole range of human composition.
NOTICES OF MEETINGS, 1878. APRIL 13 AND MAT 10. XXV
The thanks of the meeting were voted to Mr Pater, Profr.
Hagena, Mr Daniel, and Mr Mayow, for their respective Contributions.
The Discussion on Mr Mayow's Paper was opened by the
Chairman, who dissented from some of Mr Mayow's points ; as did,
strongly, Mr Furnivall and Mr Hetherington. Mr Everett entirely
agreed with Mr Mayow. Mr Spalding against, and Mr Eose and
Miss Peto for Mr Mayow, continued the discussion, and Mr Mayow
replied.
FOURTY-THIRD MEETING. Friday, May 10, 1878.
F. D. MATTHEW, ESQ., in the Chair.
THE New Members announced were : Mr Hendrik Schuck, and
Mr Chas. F. Jervis.
Mr Furnivall stated that the Committee had accepted the offer
of the Clifton (near Bristol) " Shaksperian Reading Society " to send
up a Paper by one of their Members, Mr J. W. Mills, B.A., ' On
the Anachronisms of The Winter's Tale ; ' and that the Paper would
probably be read at the first Meeting of the Society in October.
The Paper read was, * On Elizabethan Demonology,' by T. A.
Spalding, Esq., LL.B. The paper was an attempt to sketch out the
leading features of the belief in evil spirits as it existed during the
Elizabethan epoch, more especially with reference to Shakspere and
his work. The paper was divided into three sections. The first
dealt with the general laws that appear to have operated in creating
and modifying the belief in the existence of good and evil spirits : —
(1) The impossibility of Monotheism; (2) The Manichsean error;
and (3) The tendency to convert the gods of hostile religions into
inferior, or even evil, spirits. This last tendency was traced through
the Greek, Neoplatonic, Jewish, and Christian systems ; with the
difference in this last, that the mediaeval Church in its missionary
efforts compromised to a certain extent with the heathen mythologies,
and identified their purer beliefs with its own. The foundation,
therefore, of the diabolic hierarchy was the exploded beliefs of the
heathen nations ; but the more important of the Teutonic deities are
not to be traced in it on account of this absorption. In the second
section the actual belief of Shakspere's contemporaries was discussed
under three heads: — (1) The Classification; (2) Appearance; and
(3) Powers of the Evil Spirits. Under the first head the reader took
occasion to point out the relation of King Lear to Dr Harsnet's
Declaration of Egregious Popish Impostures. Under the third head
the capacity to assume various forms — human, animal, or Divine —
was discussed, with special reference to the transitional belief of the
Reformation period on the subject of ghosts — the Conservatives
believing in the return of disembodied spirits, the Reformers attri-
buting such appearances to the machinations of the evil one — and
XXVI NOTICES OF MEETINGS, 1878. MAY 10 AND JUXE 14.
the manner in which the transition is reflected in Hamlet. The
second power was that of possession ; and the various methods of
exorcism were also described. The power of causing bodily diseases
and the incubus theory were also alluded to. The reader opened
the third section by pointing out that the only difference between
fairies and devils was the difference in degree of the evil they
wrought — fairies, malicious; devils, malignant. This has an historical
origin. When a nation, as in the pre-Reformation times, has unity
of creed, and its attention is directed to agricultural and domestic
matters chiefly, its spirits take their tone from this — become fairies,
mischievous in homestead and field. When, however, the ancient
creed gets exploded, and men have to encounter for themselves
theological doctrines, the belief is in spirits who are scheming
destruction of body and soul. But the change first occurs in the
towns : the old belief hangs on much longer in country places. Hence
at both ends of Shakspere's work, when he was most influenced by
country life, we find fairy plays — the Dream and the Tempest;
and in the middle, while his life was affected by town-thought, we
get the great tragedies, in which devil-agency is so predominant. But
the Tempest is not a mere return to the Dream. Shakspere's works
seem to bear the impress of a mental struggle that most men have to
undergo. The starting-point for this is the first stage — of hereditary
belief — where a man accepts unhesitatingly what he is taught : the
Dream. The second stage — when doubts arise as to the truth of the
customary belief, the period of scepticism — is illustrated by the great
tragedies, the leading feeling of which is that an overruling evil fate
sweeps good and bad equally to destruction : that man is the toy of
malignant beings. The third period — the period of intellectual belief —
is illustrated by the Tempest, where Shakspere, Prospero-like, teaches
that man, by nobleness of word and work, by self-mastery, may
overcome this evil ; that his great duty is to fight out the cause of
truth and right in the present ; to leave peering into the sleep that
rounds this little life, and make the world happier and better than
he found it,
In the discussion, the Chairman, Mr Furnivall, Mr Peter Bayne,
the Rev. Wynell Mayow, Mr Rose, Mr Pickersgill, and Mr Harrison
joined ; and Mr Spalding replied.
FOURTY-FOURTH MEETING. Friday, June 14, 1878.
F. J. FURNIVALL, Esq., Director) in the Chair.
THE New Members announced were — Mr E. Fitzgerald, and The
Universal Library, Leipsic.
NOTICES OF MEETINGS, 1873. JUNE 14. XXvii
The Director reported that the Committee had this evening elected
Dr Ingleby a Vice- President, and Messrs Peter Bayne and Edward
Rose, Members of the Committee of the Society.
In the absence of Mr Fredk. Wedmore, his Paper — ' On
Caliban ' — was read by Mr Bayne, and thanks were voted to the
writer and reader.
The Speakers upon this Paper were : Mr Furnivall, Mr Bayne,
Dr Brinsley Nicholson, Messrs. Spalding, Hetherington, and Rose,
and the Rev. M. W. Mayow.
The second Paper read this evening was by Mr Coote, of the Map
Department of the British Museum, on Shakspere's ' New Map with
the augmentation of the Indies in Twelfth Night, Act II, So. iii.
(printed below, p 88).
Mr Coote was thanked for his contribution, on which Mr Furni-
vall spoke.
A Paper by Wm. Malleson, Esq., ' On the element of Chance in the
Merchant of Venice,' was also read (by Mr Furnivall) this evening,
and the thanks of the meeting were voted to the writer and reader.
Dr B. Nicholson and the Rev. M. W. Mayow spoke upon the
Paper.
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XXIX
SIXTH SESSION.
FORTY-FIFTH MEETING, Friday, October 11, 1878.
F. J. FUBXIVALL, ESQ., Director, in the Chair.
THE Minutes of the last Meeting were read.
The following new Members were reported to have joined the
Society during the past three months : —
John Morrison. G. J. Macy.
Miss Le Thiere. K. Deightju.
After congratulating the Members on the opening of their 6th
Session, at this, the 45th meeting of the Society, and the firm hold
that their purpose — the chronological and rational study of Shakspere
— had now got on the public mind, the Chairman read the 1st Paper,
" Notes by Professor Rusk in on the word fret in Julius Ccesar, IT,
i. 103-4," ' yon grey lines that/re£ the clouds are messengers of day '
(printed below, p. 409).
Mr F. D. Matthew read a Paper by Mr J. W. Mill*, B.A., of
Clifton, on the anachronisms in the Winter's Tale, dwelling chiefly
on the actual classical games and life in ancient Sicily, as contrasted
with the English ones described by Shakspere, and also recapitulating
the details of the Medley of Puritans and Apollo, the Oracle of
Delphi and Giulio Romano, &c., so well known.
Mr Furnivall next read (1) Mr "Walford D. Selby's extracts from
the Lord Chamberlain's Records, giving the names of James I's
fifteen players at his death, and Charles I's eight comedians on his
ascending the throne, with a note showing that Shakspere, in March,
1604, had not four yards of the better scarlet cloth for his robe, but
only four of the common red cloth.1 (2) Mr W. G. Overend's results
from his searches in the Record Office as to the site of "The
Theatre" (Burbage's), built near Finsbury Fields in 1576-7, pulled
down 1598-9, and its materials removed to Bank Side, Southwark,
to build the Globe Theatre in 1599.
The thanks of the Members having been voted to the writers and
readers of the respective contributions, the Meeting adjourned.
FORTY-SIXTH MEETING, Friday, November 8, 1878
F. J. FUBNIVALL, ESQ., Director, in the Chair.
THE Minutes of the last Meeting were read.
The Director announced that Mr H. C. Bowen having resigned
1 Printed in the Appendix below.
N. S. Soc. TRANS., 1877-9. c
XXX NOTICES OF MEETINGS, 1878. DECEMBER 13 AND JANUARY 10.
the Treasurership of the Society, Mr T. Alfred Spalding had this
evening been appointed in his stead ; and further, that Professor
Storojenko, of Moscow, had been appointed one of the Vice-Presidents
of the Society.
The following list of new Members was handed in : —
Professor Storojenko. Col. C. H. Carlton, U.S. Army.
„ Kovalefsky. Hon. Jas. H. Garfield.
Miss E. M. M. Hitchcock. Lafayette College, Easton, U.S.A.
Notes and Queries Soc., Edmund Eoutledge.
Liverpool.
The Paper for this evening, by Mr P. A. Daniel, was, " On the
Times and Durations of the Actions of Shakspere's Plays. Part I.
The Comedies " (printed below), and was read by Mr Furnivall.
Thanks were voted to the writer and reader.
Mr Eose, Dr Nicholson, Mr Knight, Mr Hetherington, and Mr
Furnivall spoke with reference to different portions of the Paper.
FORTY-SEVENTH MEETING, Friday, December 13, 1878.
F. J. FURNIVALL, ESQ., Director, in the Chair.
THE Minutes of the last Meeting were read.
The Earl of Pembroke and Lady Southampton were reported to
have been elected Yice-Presidents of the Society this evening.
Mr P. A. Daniel's Paper on " The Times or Durations of the
Action of Shakspere's Plays," Part IT. (The Tragedies) was read by
the Director, who stated that Mr Daniel had promised to continue
the Paper with the Histories, for printing in the Transactions, if
not for reading : and the thanks of the Members were given to Mr
Daniel and Mr Eurnivall. (Mr Daniel's Papers are printed below.)
A letter from Mr Marshall in reference to Hamlet was also read.
The speakers in the discussion on the Paper were Dr Nicholson,
Mr Bayne, Mr Rose, Mr J. Knight, Mr Pickersgill, and the Chairman.
FORTY-EIGHTH MEETING, Friday, January 10, 1879.
F. J. FURNIVALL, ESQ., Director, in the Chair.
THE Minutes of the Meeting were read.
The Income and Expenditure Sheet of the Society for the year
ended 31st December last, as audited on the 2nd inst., was handed
in, and it was Eesolved : — " That the thanks of the Society be given
to Messrs. Saml. Clark and H. Smart, the members who had acted
as Auditors, and to the Hon. Secretary."
NOTICES OF MEETINGS, 1879. FEBRUARY 14 AND MARCH 14. XXXI
The Director announced that Signer Carcano of Milan, the Italian
translator of Shakspere, had been elected a Vice-President.
The first Paper for this evening, viz. :— " On the Casket Story in
the Merchant of Venice," by Mr Jas. Pierce, M.A., was read by Sir
Philip Magnay, and the thanks of the Meeting were voted to the
writer and reader respectively. The Members who spoke upon this
Paper were, the Director, Mr William Mallison, Mr H. P. Stokes,
Mr F. D. Matthew, Mr Peter Bayne, and Sir Philip Magnay.
The second Paper was : — " Animal versus Human Nature, in King
Lear" by the Rev. J. Kirkman, M.A., to whom a vote of thanks was
recorded. The Director, Miss Phipson, Miss Hickey, and Messrs
Matthew, Jarvis, Bayne, Mallison, and Stokes, and the Rev. J.
Kirkman spoke in reference to this Paper, which is printed below.
FORTY-NINTH MEETING, Friday, February 14, 1879.
F. J. FURNIVALL, ESQ., Director, in the Chair.
THE Minutes of last Meeting were read.
The Rev. J. S. Thorpe, Miss Redpith, Mr Jas. Hay, Mr Henry
Sedgwick, and Miss Sandell, were the new Members announced.
The first Paper read was " On the Growth of Shakspere, as wit-
nessed by the Characters of his Fools," by Mr J. N. Hetherington ;
and Mr Hetherington received the thanks of the Meeting. Members
who spoke upon this paper were : The Director, Dr Nicholson, Mr
A. J. Ellis, V.P., and W. E. H. Pickersgill. (Mr Hetherington's
Paper was printed in the Cornhill Magazine in the autumn of 1879.)
A further Paper was read by Dr Brinsley Nicholson, " On the
relation between the first Quarto (1600) and first Folio copies of
Henry V" ; and a vote of thanks was passed to Dr Nicholson as
writer and reader of the Paper.
FIFTIETH MEETING, Friday, March 14, 1879.
F. J. FURNIVALL, ESQ., Director, in the Chair.
THE Minutes of the last Meeting were read.
The Director read a letter from Mr Robt. Browning, in reply to
a renewed request to take the Presidency of the Society — such letter
expressing Mr Browning's willingness to be appointed President —
and it was unanimously Resolved : — " That this Meeting receives
with great pleasure the announcement that Mr Browning has accepted
the position of President of the New Shakspere Society."
The thanks of the Society were also voted to Mr Furnivall for
his successful conduct of this matter.
XXXli NOTICES OF MEETINGS, 1879. APRIL 25 AND MAY 9.
The following Members were reported to have joined the Society
since the last Meeting :— Mrs Horace Jeaffreson, Mr Sidney Hering-
ton, and the St. Petersburg Shakspere Circle.
The Paper for this evening WHS — " Which is the next greatest of
Shakspere's Plays after Hamlet ? " By the Kev. M. W. Mayow,
13. D. ; and the thanks of the Meeting were given to Mr Mayow as
writer and reader of the Paper.
The Director, Messrs Spalding, Bayne, Eose, and Tyler, and Miss
Hickey, took part in the discussion which followed the reading.
FIFTY-FIRST MEETING, Friday, April 25, 1879.
F. J. FURNIVALL, ESQ., Director, in the Chair.
THE Minutes of last Meeting were read.
The following new Members were announced : —
J. P. Hinds. Yale College.
Corpus Christi Coll., Oxford. Abram E. Cutler.
Asher and Co. H. I. M. Bell.
Hon. Isaac Dayton. Timothy Holmes.
Edwd. Denham. Mrs Holmes.
The first Paper read this evening was on " Falstaff and his
Satellites from the Windsor Observatory," by the Rev. J. W. Ebs-
worth, M.A. ; and the thanks of the Meeting were unanimously
given to Mr Ebs worth.
A Paper was next read by Miss E. Phipson on " The Natural
History Similes in Henry VI. " (printed below), and a vote of thanks
was also passed to Miss Phipson. Discussions took place on both
Papers.
FIFTY-SECOND MEETING, Friday, May 9, 1879.
F. J. FURNIVALL, ESQ., Director, in the Chair.
THE Minutes of last Meeting were read.
The following new Members were announced : —
Edwin Goadby. John Dunn.
J. 0. Halliwell-Phillips. Miss De Yaynes.
Miss M. Robertson.
The first Paper, by Mr Edward Rose, was " On Sudden Emotion ;
its effect on different characters, as shown in Shakspere;" and the
thanks of the Meeting having been given to Mr Rose, remarks upon
the Paper were made by the Rev. W. A. Harrison and Mr T. A.
Spalding.
A Paper was then read by Mr Wyke Bayliss, suggesting, that
NOTICES OF MEETINGS, 1879. MAY 9. MR TYLER'S PAPER. XXXIU
for the word/<?a?*s in Macbeth, V. v. 9, tears should be read. The
suggestion was rejected by the meeting, but thanks for the Paper
were voted to Mr Bayliss.
Mr T. Tyler, M.A., also read a Paper on " Shakspere's Reconcilia-
tion with the World, as exhibited in the Plays of the Fourth and
Last Period." The following is an abridgment thereof :l —
" Characteristics of the Fourth Period. — The Plays of the Fourth
Period, contrasting with the deep gloom of the Third — the great
tragic period — may be regarded as characterized, not so much by a
feeling of satisfaction as of hope. This difference of sentiment may
be ascribed in part to the change which, at the time, had probably
occurred in the poet's outer life and surroundings ; in part also to
the influence of those hopeful anticipations concerning the future of
mankind, which in the ' Advancement of Learning ' (1605), and in the
* Wisdom of the Ancients ' (Latin text, 1609), Lord Bacon was begin-
ning to publish to the world, setting forth that man may find a relief
for his sorrows and sufferings by attaining a mastery over Nature,
through knowledge of her laws and resources, and through the
application of this knowledge to practical ends and uses, or: — to
employ the Baconian expression — through Art.
" Pericles. — A Baconian element may be recognized in the
description of the physician Cerimon, and in the means which he
employed for the restoration of the Queen (Act III. sc. i. ii.). The
opinion is probably true that the portraiture of Cerimon was the
germ from which the conception of Prospero in the Tempest was
afterwards developed.
"The Tempest. — In this Play the word art is used more fre-
quently than in any other of Shakspere's Plays (11 times) ; and in.
this particular the Winter's Tale comes next (7 times). That Pros-
pero's art symbolised the Baconian philosophy — a view maintained
by Hudson 2 — appears likely on various grounds. Some additional
evidence may be found in the words, — ' Which to you shall seem
probable' (Act Y. sc. i.). These words would be suitable to the
effects attained by a natural philosopher, but would be wholly inap-
plicable to the proceedings of a sorcerer, the means employed in
witchcraft being, as Bacon justly says, ' monstrous.'
" Caliban. — The idea of Caliban was probably moulded by
influences proceeding from two distinct sources ; — from the tales
told by travellers of the savage inhabitants of America and the
adjacent islands, and from the New Testament personifications of
the ' flesh,' the ' old man,' the * natural man.' 3
1 Made by the writer of the Paper.
2 ' Shakespeare's Life, Art, and Character,' vol. i. pp. 429, 430.
3 A good explanation of Caliban's incurable depravity and unteachable
dulness is thus furnished, which accounts at the same time for his not being
deficient in intellect (comp. Act III. sc. ii. ; IV. i.).
XXxiv NOTICES OF MEETINGS, 1879. MAY 9. MR TYLER'S PAPER.
"The theological element supplies an explanation of Caliban's
intention to 'seeJc for grace' (Act V. sc. i.) ; and quite suitably
Prospero seems to have had little confidence in Caliban's resolve.
" Caliban's fish-like attributes, also, are in agreement with the view
just suggested. Trinculo finds Caliban lying flat on the earth, and
judging by the smell — '' a very ancient and fish-like smell' — mistakes
him for a fish, ' a kind of — not of the newest — Poor-John ' (Act II.
sc. ii.). Subsequently he speaks of him as 'half a fish and half a
monster ' (Act III. sc. ii. ) ; and in the last Act, Antonio declares that
he is ' a plain fish, and no doubt marketable' Antonio, however, is
speaking ironically, and is alluding to the strong smell of Caliban.
An illustration of Caliban's fish-like attributes may be drawn from
Hamlet's calling Polonius 'a fishmonger' (Act II. sc. ii.). In the
designation given to Polonius, there is a figurative allusion to the
corrupt moral condition of mankind, as is pretty clearly shown by
the context, — ' to be honest, as this world goes, is to be one man
picked out of ten thousand,' etc. In a similar manner may be ex-
plained the fish-like attributes of Caliban, the l thing of darkness,'
the ' born devil.'
" The name ' Sycorax.' — As Caliban is a transliteration of
'cambal,' so Sycorax is substantially a transliteration of ' sorcery. ' 1
Mere transposition of the letters gives Sycorer. But the word has
thus a masculine form ; and possibly on this account, as well as to
improve the sound, Sycorer was changed to Sycoraz. 2 On this view
of the name — the witch Sycorax becoming a type of the witchcraft
superstition — an explanation is furnished of the difficult passage : —
' For one thing she did
TJiey would not take her life ' (Act I. sc. ii.).
The words of Lord Bacon in the Second Book of the ' Advancement
of Learning ' may be compared : ' Howsoever the practice of such
things (i. e. witchcraft, &c.), is to be condemned, yet from the specu-
lation and consideration of them, light may be taken, not only for
the discerning of the offences, but for the further disclosing of nature.'
Similarly, in the First Book of the ' Advancement,' Bacon says of
Alchemy : ' So assuredly the search and stir to make gold hath brought
to light a great number of good and fruitful inventions and experi-
ments, as well for the disclosing of nature as for the use of man's life.'
" The Tempest may be regarded as a kind of prophetic vision,
1 " Sorcery " is found only in The Tempest, and in the questionable First
Part of Henry VI. But "sorcerer," "sorceress," occur also in The Comedy
of Errors.
'' Heben0ft (Hamlet, Folio, Act I.), changed probably from heben/m
(henbane), may be compared. The construction of anagrams was a somewhat
favourite exercise in Shakspere's time ; and small deviations from the forms
obtained by transliteration were in some cases allowed. Examples may be
found in Disraeli's ' Curiosities of Literature.'
NOTICES OF MEETINGS, 1879. MAY 9 AND JUNE 13. XXXV
predicting man's triumph, through knowledge and art, over nature,
the powers of evil, and his own innate corrupt tendencies, which last
are typified by Caliban.
" Cymbeline. — The evidence of this Play is of less importance,
though, as in the other Plays of this period, the happy ending con-
trasts with the tragic character of the previous action. The happy
ending results in part from the art of Pisanio. But this art differs
widely from that of Cerimon or Prospero, and possesses no Baconian
character.
" The Winter's Tale. — Bacon's conception of art is, however, at
once recalled by the remarkable words of Polixenes —
' This is an art
Which does mend nature, change it rather ; but
Th,e art itself is nature ' (Act IV. sc. iii.).
The last words present a thought allied very closely to the senti-
ments of Bacon with regard to the mutual relations of nature and
art. And it is also worthy of notice that the thought thus expressed
stands in very close proximity to Perdita's floral catalogue, the
similarity of some parts of which to a portion of Bacon's Essay ' Of
Gardens ' was pointed out by Mr Spedding, who tells us he would
have suspected that Shakspere had been reading Bacon's Essay, if
this particular Essay had not been absent from the earlier edition
published in Shakspere's lifetime.1
" The Statue of Hermione (Act Y. sc. iii.). — The statue, the
noble work of art, which was, in fact, the living queen, may be
regarded as an embodiment of the words, ' the art itself is nature/
and also as a symbol of Shakspere's reconciliation with the world,
since the art on which man's hope rests is itself nature."
The thanks of the Members having been given to Mr Tyler, the
Meeting adjourned.
FIFTY-THIRD MEETING, Friday, June 13, 1879.
E. J. EURNIVALL, ESQ., Director, in the Chair.
THE Minutes of last Meeting were read.
Mr Thomas Tyler was announced as a new Member of the
Society.
Signor Carcano, Y.P., having presented the Society with a copy
of his translation of Shakspere's Works, it was Eesolved : — " That
1 ' Bacon's Works,' vol. vi. p. 486. Comp. especially, " lilies of all kinds,
the flower-de-luce being one" (Shaks.), with " flower-de-lices and lilies of all
natures " (Bacon). The possibility that both Shakspere and Bacon may have
been indebted to a work on gardening now unknown is not, however, to be
wholly disregarded.
XXX VI NOTICES OF MEETINGS, 1879. JUNE 13 AND OCTOBER 17.
the receipt of this gift be acknowledged with the best thanks of the
Members."
The following Papers were read :
" On the Genesis of The Tempest" by the Rev, B. F. de Costa
(read by Mr Edwd. Rose).
"On the Times or Durations of the Action of Shakspere's Plays,
Part III. — the Histories " — by P. A. Daniel, Esq. (printed below).
The speakers upon this Paper were, the Director, Mr Rose, and
the Rev. W. A. Harrison.
Notes were read on the following subjects :
" On Hebenon being Henbane," by the Rev. H. N. Ellacombe.
On "What is the Soul of Adoration" in Henry V., by Mr
Sidney Herington. (See Mr Stone's edition of Henry V.)
Scraps — "Marriage by rush-rings," &c. &c., by Mr Hart, Mr
Furnivall, and others.
The Director, Mr T. Tyler, Dr Bayne, and Mr E. Rose, spoke
with reference to the various Notes. A vote of thanks of the
Members was carried, to the Committee of University College for
courteously allowing the Meetings of the New Shakspere Society to
be held during the past year at University College.
FIFTY-FOURTH MEETING, Friday, October 17, 1879.
F. J. FURNIVALL, ESQ., Directory in the Chair.
THE Minutes of last Meeting were read.
Dr Ingleby's gift-book, the 'Centurie of Praise,' having been
recently issued to Members, it was Resolved : — " That the best
thanks of the Society be given to Dr Ingleby for his liberal present."
The Director stated, with regard to this book, that additional
allusions to Shakspere would, as discovered, be issued from time to
time on fly-leaves.
He further reported that Mr Stone's Henry V. and Mr W.
Craig's Cyinbeline were now nearly finished, and that almost all the
* Digby Mysteries ' was in type.
The following new Members were announced :
Messrs. J. J. A. Boase, Robert C. Hope, Ernest Radford, and
J. W. Thompson.
The first subject for consideration this evening was an argument
by Mr J. 0. Halliwell-Phillips, that the Midsummer Night's Dream
was not written before 1596. Mr Halliwell-Phillips's little book
(' Memoranda on the Midsummer Night1 s Dream ') being read by the
Director, the subject was discussed by the following Members : —
The Director, Dr Nicholson, Mr Jas. Knight, Mr Tyler, The Rev. W.
NOTICES OF MEETINGS, 1879. OCTOBER 17. XXXvii
Harrison, and Messrs. Hetherington, F. D. Matthew, and E. Rose ;
but Mr Halliwell-Phillips's views were not accepted by any of the
Members present.
The thanks of the Meeting were voted to him for his gift of 25
copies of his book.
A Paper was next read (by the Director), "On the Dispute
between George Mailer, glazier and Trainer of Players to Henry
VIII., and Thomas Arthur, tailor, his pupil;" by G. H. Overend,
Esq., of the Public Record Office, and Mr Rose and Dr Nicholson
made remarks thereon. (This Paper is printed below.)
Thanks were voted to Mr Overend for this contribution.
Mr H. Beighton then read a Paper " On Shakspere's Immortals :
or the Spirit Creations of Shakspere;" and the thanks of the
Meeting were cordially tendered to him. The following is an
abstract of Mr Beighton's Paper : —
THE FAIRIES ; THE WITCHES ; ARIEL AND CALIBAN.
BY MR HARRY BEIGHTON,
" A general view of the supernatural beings of Shakspere shows
us at once two important respects in which they differ from those of
almost every other poet who has ventured into the same realm of
creation. In the complete dramatisation — forming as they do, in
certain of the Plays, part and parcel of the action, and conversing
with the human actors on equal terms — they are, as far as we know,
absolutely unique ; and they are little short of this also in their com-
plete realization, by which is meant, that in their case there is no dis-
illusion by reason of either of the two great defects which so often
mar the spirit-creations of other poets, causing them to appear either
mere galvanized abstractions of an attribute, or beings of like nature
and passions with ourselves. Shakspere's spirits preserve the middle
course, and are real at the same time that they are unhuman — they
appear in some way essentially distinct and on a different footing
from the human actors, yet of an equally vivid personality.
" The various spirit-creations of Shakspere are by no means on
the same level. They are found chiefly in three groups of Plays of
distinct character and date ; and some proportion, deeper than mere
harmony with the tone of the Play, would appear to be held between
the three groups of supernatural beings, and the three groups of
Plays among which they are found. The Fairies gambol 'in un-
reproved pleasures free ' in A Midsummer's Night's Dream : the Play
was written in the earliest and least meditative and unreflective of its
author's dramatic periods : and we find the Fairies to be in nature
what the Play is — beautiful, sportive, fanciful. They are the spring
of their own being and happiness, untrammelled by obedience to
any higher law or power. The role they play is strictly in keeping.
XXXViii NOTICES OP MEETINGS, 1879. OCT. 17. MR BEIGHTON's PAPER.
Under the guidance of Oberon, the Fairy King, they form a sort of
presiding genius or providence in little over the love affairs of mor-
tals, producing many incongruities by the way, but in the end
apportioning to each — erring lover, wayward Fairy Queen, and
bragging weaver — strict poetic justice and retribution. Such a
system is obviously the conception of a young mind, content to revel
in the beautiful creations of fancy, and not yet aroused to the sterner
problems of human existence, or at least not yet attempting to solve
them.
X " In the second group of Plays — of which Macbeth is one — the
poet's mind had been then aroused ; and we find that the creations of
spirit-life in that Play take a correspondingly earnest and sombre
hue. In the delineation of the three Witches, no detail has been
spared to show us foul deformity and grotesque horror. They are an
embodiment of the mediaeval belief in witchcraft, modified by some
of the attributes and surroundings of classic mythology. An advance
correspondent to the growth of the poet's mind is to be seen in the
role played by the Weird Sisters as compared with that of Oberon
and the Fairies. It is to be observed that the power of the former
over Macbeth is definitely limited by his own nature — its natural
tendencies and bias they influence and develop, but are subject to
the sovereignty of the human will. They tempt and try, but they
cannot make a plaything of the human mind, as do the Fairies in
the earlier Play. Their power is analogous to what may be regarded
as a force in actual existence in the world around us — the power of
external evil answering to, and calling into play, the evil tendencies
within us. There is no actual force thus corresponding to the power
of Oberon over the lovers.
" In The Tempest we reach yet another level of play and of spirit-
creation alike. Written towards the close of Shakspere's (dramatic)
life, and just before his retirement to his native Stratford, the
Tempest breathes an atmosphere of deep calm penetration and
tender kindliness ; but who shall fathom to its depths the signifi-
cance of the supernatural element in the Play 1 We can but note a
few of the prominent features, and feel that there is an infinity of
meaning behind. And, first, we cannot help seeing that the natures
of Ariel and Caliban are each in some sense the complement of the
other. The one a bright, guileless spirit, living a gay, melodious life
in sport among nature's beautiful offspring ; the other a foul, abhorred
monster — they seem to represent two sides of human nature : Ariel
is sensuous, aesthetic, but unmoral (incapable of right and wrong) ;
Caliban is dull, sensual, but capable of morality, though disinclined
to it. The Sprite is mere air, and has feeling and sympathies only,
as it were, under protest. The Monster has a religious instinct that
compels him to be ever worshipping something — be it devil, magician,
or drunkard ; and this, and several other traits which will readily
occur to the student of the Tempestt seem to point to a potentiality
NOTICES OP MEETINGS, 1879. OCTOBER 17 AND NOVEMBER 14. XXxix
of development in Caliban that marks him off absolutely from the
brute, and even from the exquisite spirit, Ariel. We note also that
the role played by the spiritual beings has undergone a second change
as we pass from Macbeth to the Tempest. Here we find the motive-
power of their actions to reside no longer in their own wayward will
(as in A Midsummer Night's Dream), nor in the unseen powers of
evil (as in Macbeth), but in the human mind. For Ariel and his
comrades are under the direct control of Prospero, to whom they
bear the relation of daemonic force or influence — the power of mind
over mind — of the man of will and character over his fellows — the
poet over his reader."
The speakers upon this Paper were the Director, and Messrs
Tyler and H. B. Wheatley.
FIFTY-FIFTH MEETING, Friday, November 14, 1879.
F. J. FURNIVALL, ESQ., Director, in the CJiair.
THE Minutes of last Meeting were read.
Messrs. C. G-. Clement, T. M. Lock wood, William Watson, and
the Rev. J. A. Jacob, were reported to have joined the Society
during the past month.
The following Papers were read this evening : —
I. " On Hebenon in Hamlet, I. v. 62," by Dr Brinsley Nicholson.
II. "Notes " on the same subject, by Mr Frank Marshall.
The Rev. J. Kirk man spoke upon these Papers, and Dr Nicholson
replied.
III. " Shylock defended ; Portia questioned," by a Lady (Mrs
Boole, who also read the Paper).
The speakers hereon were the Director, Dr P. Bayne, Mr F.
Marshall, Mr Hetherington, and Mr Rose.
IV. "Essex is not the Turtle-dove of Shakspere's Phoenix and
Turtle," by F. J. Furnivall, Esq., M.A. (printed below).
Y. " On Professor Ingram's Speech-ending Test applied to 20 of
Shakspere's Plays," by F. Pulling, Esq , M.A. (printed below).
VI. On "Puck's 'Swifter than the 'Moon's Sphere,' and Shak-
spere's Astronomy," by F. J. Furnivall, Esq., M.A. (printed below).
Mr Hetherington contributed some quotations from Bacon, and
one from Milton.
Mr T. Holmes, Dr Nicholson, and Mr Hetherington, stated their
views on these contributions.
At the end of each Paper the thanks of the Members were voted
to its writer.
xl NOTICES OF MEETINGS, 1879. DECEMBER 12. NOTE.
FIFTY-SIXTH MEETING, Friday, December 12, 1879.
F. J. FUBNIVALL, ESQ., Director, in the Chair.
THE Minutes of last Meeting were read.
Mr C. B. Cowper-Coles was reported as having joined the Society
since the last Meeting.
The Director announced that Mr J. Newby Hetherington had
been elected a Member of Committee from January next, in place of
Dr G. H. Kingsley.
The Papers for this evening were :
I. " On the evidence that Shakspere was, in Troilus and Cres-
sida, rewriting an old Play," by J. W. Mills, Esq., B.A. ; and the
thanks of the Meeting were voted to Mr Mills, and to Mr Furnivall
for reading the Paper.
Messrs. Furnivall, Hetherington, Knight, Rose, Dr Nicholson,
and Mr Tyler, expressed their views on the various points raised by
Mr Mills.
II. " Are the Philosophizings of Achilles in Troilus and Cressida,
III. iii. 75 — 111, and of Aufidius in Goriolanus, IY. vi. 37 — 55,
mistakes in Characterization on Shakspere's part1?" by F. J. Fur-
nivall, Esq., M. A. The answer returned was * No.'
Dr B. Nicholson, Mr Hetherington, and the Rev. W. A.
Harrison, spoke upon this Paper.
A Note on Hebenon was also contributed by Mr Tyler.
Note to Musw of the Spheres, p. 431. (Sent by Miss E. PHIPSON.)
Auditus. Are you then deaf ? Do you not yet perceive
The wondrous sound the heavenly orbs do make
With their continual motion ? Hark, hark ! O honey sweet 1
Communis Senses. What tune do they play ?
A\id. Why such a tune as never was, nor ever shall be heard.
Mark now ! Now, mark, now, now !
Phantasies. List, list, list !
And. Hark ! O sweet, sweet, sweet 1
Phant. List ! how my heart envies my happy ears 1
Histl by the gold-strung harp of Apollo,
I hear the celestial music of the spheres
As plainly as ever Pythagoras did.
O most excellent diapason ! good, good.
It plays Fortune my foe, as distinct!}' as may be.
Com,. Sen. As the fool thinketh, so the bell clinketh. I protest, I hear no
more than a post Memory, do you hear this harmony of the spheres 1
Mem. Not now. my Lord; but I remember, about some four thousand
years ago, when the sky was first made, we heard very perfectly
Com. Sen. How comes it we cannot hear it now ?
Mem. Our ears are so well acquainted with the sound, that we never
mark it. 1607. ANTHONY BREWER, Lingna, iii. 7. Hazlitt's Djdsley, ix.
407-9.
I ft
ilfll^wlll
pM|||S|r«|Bg:gf
CORRECTIONS FOR NEW SHAKSPERE SOCIETY'S
TRANSACTIONS, 1875-6, PART II.
p. 208, line 20, for " is not (like " read " is (not like " [or perhaps
better — " is (unlike"], and in next line, 21, for " but" read "and"
p. 209, lines 234, for "in which they would have chosen the
terrible caskets amiss" read "in which they would have had to be
represented as hesitating about their choice of the caskets, and as
finally deciding not to run the risk of a choice" Or something to
this effect.
p. 212, last line but one, for "then" read "they"
p. 214, line 29, for "soldiers" read "soldier and Ross" ; line 30,
for "battle "lend, "the battles" j line 31, for "this battle-scene itself"
read " these battles-scenes "
p. 217, line 4, for " Cordelia's hanging herself" read " the hang-
ing of Cordelia" ; line 19, for "to the new King of Denmark" read
either "from the new King of Denmark" or "to the old King of
Norway "
p. 218, line 13, for "from France" read "for France"
P. A. DANIEL.
I. THE DIVISION INTO ACTS OF HAMLET.
BY EDWARD ROSE, ESQ.
at tlie 3lst Meeting of the Society, Friday ', Feb. 9, 1877.)
IT is a little odd that with the minute study which has been given
to almost every line of the play of Hamlet — after the way in which
all the emendations of every editor have been re-emended by his
successor — this one branch of the subject has been left entirely un-
touched. Though Johnson says that " the play is printed in the old
editions without any separation of the Acts : the division is modern
and arbitrary; and is here" — after Act III. — "not very happy, for
the pause is made at a time when there is more continuity of action
than in almost any other of the scenes," yet he does not attempt to
suggest any happier arrangement j nor, so far as I know, does any
later critic. Mr Frank Marshall, indeed, says that the Act-drop ought
to fall after the soliloquy "How all occasions do inform against
me ; " but this is only in a suggestion that the play should, for stage
purposes, be divided into six Acts.
The earliest edition in which Hamlet is divided into acts is, I
believe, the Quarto of 1676 : in the 1623 Folio, the division runs
as far as Sc. ii. Act II. ; in the earlier Quartos there is no division
at all. That, however, this 1676 arrangement was correct, having
come down by stage tradition from Shakspere himself, there would
be no reason to doubt, were it not for the unquestionable mistake
pointed out by Johnson — the break between Acts III. and IV. cer-
tainly occurs in the middle of a scene : Hamlet drags off the body of
Polonius, leaving the Queen with a final ' Good-night, mother ; ' and
to her enters the King, who says at once —
" There's matters in these sighs, these profound heaves —
You must translate : 'tis fit we understand them. Where is
your sou ?
N. S. SOC. TRANS., 1877-9. 1
2 I. MR E. ROSE ON THE DIVISION OF HAMLET INTO ACTS.
QUEEN. Ah, my good lord, what have I seen to-night !
KING. What, Gertrude ! How does Hamlet]
QUEEN. Mad as the seas and wind, when both contend,"
and so forth. (I quote the first Folio.)
This must be wrong. Moreover, the present arrangement of the
play makes the 4th Act chaotic in the matter of time, and is faulty
in other ways which I will point out. So glaring an error I think
proves Johnson, right in denouncing the division as arbitrary, and
allows us to assume that we do not know how Shakspere himself
arranged the play — and to try, from internal evidence only, to find
out.
But, first of all, I must say a little of Shakspere's method of con-
structing his 4-ctsj his theory of dramatic construction is a grand
question still to be gone into, for which I have not yet time ; but my
impressions about his Acts I must state, very briefly and generally.
This seems to me his method of constructing a tragedy, as a
whole. He begins with an Act of tremendous grasp — a whole play,
one might almost call it — in which he sets before you the entire
position from which his story arises ; the characters, with their
relations to each other, their previous history and present conduct,
fully set out. (See Hamlet itself, Macbeth, Lear, and Othello.)
Then comes an Act of slighter nature, which may be said to show
the first working of the causes given in Act I. In Act III. is the
grand dramatic culmination — the one most striking scene of the play.
(As in Hamlet, however you arrange it, in Lear, Othello, Coriolanus,
and perhaps Macbeth.) In Act IV. the threads are gathered together
for the final catastrophe ; which comes in the last Act, short and
bustling, filled with a constant succession of incidents — generally
fights ; always, of course, deaths.
And each of these Acts is a complete whole : it leaves no bits of
the portion of the story it has to tell straggling into other Acts.
Shakspere does not break off at a point like modern dramatists, but
rounds off his Acts, like nature. In the Merchant of Venice, for
example, the trial scene is immediately followed by that in which
Portia obtains the ring : completing thus the morning's incidents,
and leaving those of the evening for Act V. A change of locality,
I. MR E. ROSE ON THE DIVISION OF HAMLET INTO ACTS. 3
too, I imagine, generally coincides with the beginning of an Act ;
but into this I have not had time to go.
As examples of my theory, I had sketched the construction of
Macbeth, Othello, and King Lear, and adduced Coriolanus as another
example ; but I think I may as well pass at once to Hamlet itself,
whose First Act is so admirable an example of my theory that we
may surely assume that Acts II., III., and IY. will bear it out,
especially as Act V., whose received beginning is no doubt the right
one, most certainly does, with its quick and varied incidents : the
grave-diggers, Hamlet's return, Ophelia's burial, the fight in the grave,
Hamlet's story to Horatio, Osric, the fencing, the deaths, and Fortin-
bras. It is such a perfect acting Act as it stands, that we may be
sure it would be wrong to alter it : the only other possible beginning
for it is where the letters come to Horatio from Hamlet, and this has
many disadvantages, especially the great length it gives to the last
Act — and Shakspere's tragic fifth Acts are always short.
For even in actual length in representation, Shakspere always
observed a certain proportion — in his masterpieces of tragedy at all
events. I have made a little table of the length of the Acts in his
tragedies — stated, as the easiest way, in columns of the Globe
edition — and I found so much regularity that I concluded the two
exceptions — Antony and Cleopatra and Timon of Athens — could not
have been divided by Shakspere ; and on referring to the First Folio
I found I was right. Hamlet and Romeo and Juliet I knew before
I began were not divided in the Folio ; and the other plays left
without division into Acts are Troilus and Cressida, and the Second
and Third Parts of Henry VI.
The proportions of the Acts I will not now go into, beyond
saying that the first is nearly always the longest, the third generally
stands next it, and the last is almost invariably shortest ; all I want
to point out is that the Acts are always pretty well balanced through-
out— that in the five great tragedies on which we can rely,1 there is
never one Act of a play double the length of another — only once one
half as long again — and that of two consecutive Acts there is only one
instance in which one is half as long again as the other.
1 King Lear, Macbeth, Othello, Coriolamts, Julius Ccesar.
4 I. MR E. ROSE ON THE DIVISION OF HAMLET INTO ACTS.
Tliese facts do not tell against the present arrangement of Hamlet
— which indeed seems more of an attempt to cut the play into five
pretty equal portions than anything else — but they may prevent us
from accepting incorrect emendations; and will thus, I think,
materially help us to the right one.
What we want to do is to find out where Shakspere concluded
the 2 ad and 3rd Acts ; the end of the 1st we know, and the accepted
conclusion of the 4th is, as I have said, decidedly the best. The end of
Act III. is the only one which we absolutely know to be wrong ; but
if we alter it I think we shall be obliged to alter the end of Act II.
also.
I have tried to show Shakspere's theory of the construction of
Acts ; if we remember this, and remember also that he was a practical
dramatist and tried to arrange a play so that an audience might
really enjoy it, we shall have something to go upon in reconstructing
the three middle Acts of Hamlet. Also we must try to get the play
chronologically into better shape.
First, let me point out that there are, I think, only two possible
ends for the second Act, and five for the third — not including its
present quite impossible termination. The second Act may end, as
usual, with the soliloquy — " wherewith I'll catch the conscience of
the King ; " or after the next scene, the present III. i., at the line
" madness in great ones must not un watched go."
The third Act might possibly end with Hamlet's soliloquy after
the play-scene — concluding, "to give them seals, .never, my soul,
consent " (the present III. ii.) : or when the King, after his prayer,
goes out with the line, " words without thoughts never to heaven
go " (the present III. iii.) : or with his speech, after the closet-
scene, ending, " 0 come away, My soul is full of discord and
dismay" (the present IV. i.) : or, two scenes further on, with,
" Howe'er my haps, my joys were ne'er begun " (the present IY.
iii.) : or, finally, at the end of the soliloquy, " How all occasions do
inform against me " (the present IY. iv.).
Before considering the more probable of these emendations, I
think we may clear two out of the way as untenable. If Act III.
ended with "to give them seals, never, my soul, consent" (the
I. MR B. ROSE ON THE DIVISION OP HAMLET INTO ACTS. 5
present III. ii.), or even with " words without thoughts never to
heaven go" (the present III. iii.), Act IV. would be an enormous
straggling mass, without unity of any kind, containing Polonius's
death and burial, Hamlet's banishment to England, his return to
the shore of Denmark, Laertes' return, and Ophelia's madness and
death. This would certainly be worse than ending the 3rd Act
with, " My soul is full of discord and dismay " (the present IV. i.),
which is simply what one might call a possible version of the
impossible accepted arrangement.
Perhaps the simplest way now will be to take the arrangement,
which seems to me the best, from Shakspere's point of view, and
show what there is to be said in favour of it, and what against ; and
then give the objections to the five other possible permutations and
combinations of these Acts.
Well, the most likely division seems to me to be at the line
"madness in great ones must not unwatched go " (the present III. i.),
for the second Act, and at " howe'er my haps, my joys were ne'er
begun" (the present IV. iii.), for the third. By this arrangement the
scene with Ophelia ends Act II. ; and Act III., beginning with the
advice to the players, takes in the play-scene, the closet-scene, and
Hamlet's interview with the king, which ends " For England ! " — in
fact, all the events of one night.
Surely such an arrangement is thoroughly Shaksperian; each
Act has its unity — the first is filled by the Ghost, the second by
Hamlet's assumed madness and the king's attempts to fathom it, the
third by the doings of one tremendous night, the fourth contains
miscellaneous intermediate incidents, and the fifth ends all things.
That the second Act is incomplete without the Ophelia scene is,
I think, evident, when we compare it with all other Acts in
Shakspere's tragedies : there is not one anything like so devoid
of incident as this Act, if it ends with the soliloquy — an ending,
besides, not at all like Shakspere : he does not work up to a poiut
and break off. The setting Ophelia to test Hamlet's madness is the
complement of the mission of Eosencranz and Guildenstern, and, as
I have said, gives the Act its unity of purpose. I may add that this
arrangement gives a very fine point to the ' To be or not to be '
6 I. MR E. ROSE ON THE DIVISION OF HAMLET INTO ACTS.
soliloquy — it brings vividly before us the short duration of the
temporary energy into which he lashed himself in the preceding
soliloquy, and the reaction which makes him hopeless, half-resolved
to cut the knot of his difficulties by self-murder. It also obviates
the former unpleasant necessity of bringing him on in very good
spirits, giving a little lecture on the drama, so quickly after his scene
with Ophelia. I think also that this advice to the players makes a
light and pleasant beginning to an Act — a preface not strictly
necessary, like the two grave-diggers' talk in Act V., and the
clown in Act III. of Othello. Altogether, I may say that this
addition makes Act II. a better Act, besides making Act III., as I
hope to show, much better. Indeed, if we add two scenes to
Act III., as I propose, we really must shorten it by giving this
one to Act II.
For Act III. is too long as it stands ; I am sure any one who
has seen it on the stage — at the Lyceum, for example — must have felt
that the strain on one's interest was too great — I used always to
feel worn out before the end of the closet-scene. One had gone
through the scene with Ophelia, the play-scene, and the 'Now could I
do it pat ' scene, and one really wanted a rest. But if, as I have
proposed, the Act began with the play-scene, one would come to
that perfectly fresh, and the excitement, hurrying on through the
King's prayer, would carry one well to the end of the closet-
scene, as it stands at present ; and the rest of the Act, being sharp
and bustling — Hamlet rushing in with < Safely stowed ' and quickly
out again, his half- hysterical satire with Rosen cranz and the King —
would take one easily, without any more deep tragic incident, to the
picturesque ending of the Act, and of the night, ' For England ! '
I think there is such a continuity of feeling here — of late-at-
> night feverish excitement — and so entire a change to the relapse
\of next day in the following scene ("How all occasions do inform
against me "), that it is a very strong argument, in itself, in favour
of the Act ending here.
For the stage, then, I hope I have shown that rny Acts II. and
III. are better than the ordinary ones ; and Act IV. is improved in
this respect at least, that Ophelia's madness does not come at the
I. MR E. ROSE ON THE DIVISION OF HAMLET INTO ACTS. 7
very beginning of the Act : I think any stage-manager would say
that something should precede so strong a scene, to get the audience
settled down and prepared. Chronologically, too, this arrangement
is better than any other, except that which would conclude Act III.
with 'How all occasions,' &c. (the present IV. iv.), and I think
chronology is the only thing in favour of that division : the dispro-
portion in the length of the Acts is far greater adopting it, the For-
tinbras scene is much less in the spirit of Act III. than of Act IV.,
and the placing it in Act III. gives an entire Act in which the hero
is absent — a thing without example in Shaksperian tragedy l : while
giving him a short scene to open it is exactly paralleled in Macbeth,
Act IV.
Certainly, the gap of four or five days — I do not think we need
suppose it longer — is awkward ; but there are precedents in Shak-
spere (as in Act IV. of Lear, and the same Act of Macbeth), and we
have avoided the gap of twelve hours before the entry of Fortinbras.
Besides, we have seen Hamlet started on his journey 2 — perhaps even
at the seashore — and a good deal happens (Ophelia's two mad scenes,
the return of Laertes, the revolt, &c.) before the sailors announce
that, after a voyage of about three days, Hamlet is again on shore.
It must be remembered that this part of the story is very elaborate,
and full of incidents almost better suited, one would think, for a
novel than a play ; and it was perhaps impossible to compress them
into a form as neat and compact as that of Othello or Macbeth.
At all events, this arrangement obviates the gap before as well as
after the Fortinbras Scene, which is in the play as it stands. It
gives — to recapitulate its advantages — a unity to each Act, now .
lacking ; it is therefore, if my theory be right, more Shaksperian ;
and it is better for stage purposes, which is, I think, a strong argu-
ment that it is his. Finally, it makes the balance of the Acts, in
incident and even in actual length, more like that of Othello, King
Lear, Macbeth, Coriolanus, and Julius Ccesar — the five tragedies of
which we know that we have Shakspere's own arrangements.
1 Borneo does not appear in Act IV. ; but we do not, as I have said, know
the original arrangement of the play.
2 Copenhagen is of course a port.
8 I. MR E. ROSE ON THE DIVISION OP HAMLET INTO ACTS.
I am afraid I have not expressed myself as clearly as I could
have wished, but I only want by these rough notes to start a subject,
the thorough discussion of which may throw light on one side at
least of Shakspere's genius, his knowledge of the laws of dramatic
effect, and his theory of dramatic construction ; and may show him
to have been as great in practical and conscious knowledge of his
art, as in inspired poetry and profound philosophy.
APPENDIX.
LENGTH OF THE ACTS IN SHAKSPERE'S PLAYS
(expressed in columns of the Globe Edition).
(Total in 37 plays.) 364 372 379 382 332
King Lear 17 12 11 14 9
Othello 13 12 14 12 10
Macbeth 10 7 9 10 8
Ooriolanus 16 13 13 13 12
Julius Csesar 10 10 11 8 7
Titus Andronicus 9 10 7 10 10
*Hamlet 16 12 16 12 13
*Romeo 11 12 15 8 8
*Antony 10 15 16 13 9
*Troilus 14 10 12 13 13
*Tirnon 11 5 10 12 5
Cymbeline 14 9 14 11 16
Pericles 9 10 6 11 10
K. John 5 10 11 11 10
Richard II. 11 12 11 6 11
1 Henry IV. 11 15 11 7 9
2 Henry IV. 11 14 7 16 10
Henry V. 7 10 12 18 9
1 Henry VI. 12 9 9 10 8
*2 Henry VI. 12 10 15 15 7
*3 Henry VI. 11 13 11 12 10
Richard III. 20 8 16 17 9
Henry VIII. 14 13 12 7 12
Tempest 11 9 7 5 6
As Like It 10 10 12 7 8
12th Night 10 10 12 4 7
Much Ado 7 11 10 7 11
* Not divided into Acts in First Folio.
I. MR E. ROSE ON THE Fl VISION OF HAMLET INTO ACTS.
Merchant Venice
8
12
11
8
6
Merry Wives
10
10
12
10
6
Midsummer N".
6
7
12
5
8
Measure for M.
7
13
9
10
10
All's Well
10
13
9
11
8
Winter's Tale
9
9
7
18
10
2 Gentlemen
7
11
8
8
5
Love's Labour
8
5
3
13
20
Taming Shrew
9
7
6
13
7
Comedy Errors
4
6
6
9
8
In examining the principle on which Shakspere divided his Acts,
I have gone rapidly through most of his plays ; but his construction
of comedy is a question to which I have not yet been able to give
any thought. It seems to me that his purest comedies — e. g. As You
Lilce It and Twelfth Night — can hardly be said to have any climax :
on the other hand, the Merry Wives of Windsor certainly has one —
in Act Y.
I think I can see a method and a completeness in the Acts of
Macbeth, Othello, Lear, Coriolanus, Julius Ccesar, John (noteworthy,
because this is an adaptation, and the original does not show similar
completeness), Richard II, Henry V, Henry VIII, Merchant of
Venice, Winter's Tale, Tempest, Midsummer Night's Dream, Measure
for Measure, Cymbeline, and Pericles.
In Twelfth Night, also, I think the principle of division is fairly
evident \ and certainly in Much Ado about Nothing, except with
regard to the break between Acts II. and III. Into these, how-
ever, I have hardly gone. I fancy, too, that All's Well that Ends
Well will be found to be divided on the principle I have mentioned.
In a hasty survey, I have failed to find any particular reason for
the division of As You Like It, The Merry Wives of Windsor, and
Richard III.
Hamlet, Romeo, Antony and Cleopatra, Timon, Troilus and
Cressida, and the 1st and 2nd Parts of Henry VI, are not divided in
the First Folio.
I have not had time to examine the 3rd Part of Henry VI,
Henry IV, Love's Labour Lost, Comedy of Errors, Taming of the
Shreiv, the Two Gentlemen of Verona, or Titus Andronicus.
10 I. MR E. ROSE ON THE DIVISION OF HAMLET INTO ACTS. SCRAPS.
THE ACTS OF HAMLET : THETR LENGTH, EXPRESSED IN COLUMNS
OF THE GLOBE EDITION.
1.
Ordinary arrangement
1
16
2
3
16}
4
12}
5
13
2.
Second Act ending * unwatched go '
Third „ „ ' joys ne'er begun '
16
16
16
9}
13
3.
Second „ „ ' unwatched go '
Third , „ 'be nothing worth '
16
16
17
8}
13
4.
Second ,
„ ' conscience of the king '
Third ,
„ ' never, my soul, consent '
16
12}
11
18
13
or, ,
„ ' never to heaven go '
16
12}
12}
16}
13
Second ,
„ * conscience of the king '
Third „ „ < Joys ne'er begun '
16
12}
19J
9}
13
DISCUSSION". -
MR FUBNIVALL : — We are all grateful to Mr Rose, I am sure, for
calling our attention again to Johnson's pointing-out of the blemish,
in the division of Act III. from Act IY. of Hamlet. We shall all
agree, I apprehend, that the dividing line must be moved from where
it is, and to the end of Act IY. scene iii., tho' that does shorten Act
IY. so much. But I trust that Mr Rose's proposal to move the end
of Act II. to that of the present Act III. scene i., will find no backers
in this room, or our Society, for it would bring the long soliloquy
" To be or not to be " (36 lines) within 55 lines of the end of the still
longer soliloquy, " Oh what a rogue and peasant slave am I ! " which
is 58 lines. This would be a mistake, not only in art, but also in
stage management, that I cannot believe Shakspere would have been
guilty of in 1603 : 58 lines of soliloquy, 55 of dialogue, and then 36
of soliloquy again, is not business. I therefore support the present
end of Act II. as its right one.
breach, infraction, violation. Henry V, IY. i. 179.
infect, v. t. corrupt, poison. Tempest, I. ii. 208. "But when
wee will not weigh his promised mercies, nor giue our heartes leaue
to thinke of his threatened iudgementes, but headlong in vnfeeling-
nesse1 runne on, and in blinde ignoraunce imagine, that our intentes,
if they bee good, must needes stoppe Gods mouth and make him con-
tented with the breache of his will, this, this is the poyson of ye
whore of Babylon that infecteth our soules to eternall damnation and
wrathe." 1588. — Bp. Babingtoii on the Ten Commandments, p. 113,
114. (See * breach of this commandement,' p. 123.)
1 Cf. 'dull, unfeeling, barren ignorance.' — Rick. II, I. iii. 163.
li
II.
ON THE DIVISION OF THE ACTS IN LEAR, MUCH
ADO, AND TWELFTH NIGHT.
BY JAMES SPEDDING, ESQ., M.A.,
HONORARY FELLOW OF TRINITY COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE, ETC., ETC.
(Read at the 33rd Meeting of the Society, April 13, 1877.)
THE error in the division of the Acts in Hamlet which, though
pointed out long ago by Dr Johnson, has been allowed to rest un-
disturbed till now that Mr Eose has called attention to it, re-
minds me of similar errors in some other plays, which I pointed
out myself, many years ago, in letters to the editor of The Gentle-
man's Magazine. The first appeared in May, 1850, and was followed
by two others ; but they will be as new, probably, to Shaksperian
students of the present day as if they had never been in print : for
the question at issue has never attracted the attention which it
seems to me to deserve.
Every one who has studied the art of composition in any depart-
ment, knows how much depends upon the skilful distribution of
those stages or halting-places which, whether indicated by books,
cantos, chapters, or paragraphs, do in effect mark the completion of
one period and the commencement of another, and warn the reader
at what point he should pause to recover an entire impression of what
has gone before and to prepare his expectation for what is coming.
It is this which enables him to see the parts in their due subordina-
tion to the whole, and to watch the development of the piece from
the point of view at which the writer intended him to stand. Now,
in an acted play, the intervals between the Acts form such decided
interruptions to the progress of the story, and divide it into periods
so very strongly marked, that a writer who has any feeling of his art
will of course use them for the purpose of regulating the development
12 II. MR SPEDDING. DIVISION OF THE ACTS IN SHAKSPERE's PLAYS.
of his plot and guiding the imagination of the spectator j and if he
does so use them, it is manifest that these intervals cannot be shifted
from one place to another without materially altering the effect of
the piece.
That Shakspere was too much of an artist to neglect this source
of artistic effect, will hardly be disputed now-a-days. Easy as he
seems to have been as to the fate of his works after he had cast them
on the waters, it is certain that while he had them in hand he treated
them as works of art, and was by no means indifferent to their merits
in that kind. Far from being satisfied with elaborating his great
scenes and striking situations, he was curiously careful and skilful in
the arts of preparation and transition, and everything which conduces
to the harmonious development of the whole piece. If any one
doubts this, let him only mark the passages which are usually omitted
in the acting, and ask himself why those passages were introduced.
He will always find that there was some good reason for it. And if
the proper distribution of the pauses between the Acts forms no un-
important part of the design of a play, it is no unimportant part of
an editor's duty to recover, if he can, the distribution originally
designed by the writer.
It will be thought, perhaps, — indeed it will be everybody's^^
thought, — that the editors of the Folio have in this respect left their
successors nothing to do. Themselves Shakspere's fellow-players,
familiar with all the practices and traditions of the theatre, and in
possession of the original copies, they have set forth all the divisions
of Act and Scene in the most conspicuous manner ; and what more, it
will be asked, can any editor want ? My answer is, that we want to
know whether these are the divisions designed by Shakspere in his
ideal theatre, — for though he wrote his plays for the stage, we are not
to suppose that he confined his imagination within the material limits
of the Globe on the Bankside, — or only those which were adopted in
the actual representation. Audiences are not critics ; and it is with
a view to their entertainment, together with the capacities and con-
venience of the actors, that stage-managers have to make their
arrangements. "We see that in our own times, not only old plays
when revived undergo many alterations, but a new play written for
II. MR SPEDDING. DIVISION OP ACTS IN SHAKSPERE's PLAYS. 1 3
the modern stage is seldom brought out altogether in the shape in
which its author designed it, — nor often, probably, without changes
which do not appear to him to be for the better. "We may easily
suppose, therefore, that Shakspere's plays, even when first produced,
had to sacrifice something of their ideal perfection to necessities of
the stage, tastes of the million, or considerations of business. But
this is not all. How far the old Folio gives them as they were when
first produced, is a question which I suppose nobody can answer.
Many of them had been acted many times to many different audiences.
Now in these days we find that when a play is once well known, and
its reputation established, people commonly go to see the famous
scenes, and care little in what order they are presented, or how much
is left out of what must have been necessary at first to explain
them to the understanding, or to prepare the imagination for them.
They treat the play as we treat a familiar book ; where we turn at
once to our favourite passages, omitting the explanatory and intro-
ductory parts, the effect of which we already know. I see no reason
for suspecting that it was otherwise in the time of Shakspere ; and if
it was not, a popular play would soon come to be presented in the
shape in which it was found to be easiest for the actors or most
attractive to the audience, without much consideration for the
integrity of the poet's idea. In this manner the original divisions of
the Acts may easily have been forgotten before 1623; and those
which we find in the first Folio may represent nothing more than the
current practice of the theatre or the judgment of the editors ; for
neither of which it has been usual to hold Shakspere responsible.
The critics of the 18th century used to account for every passage
which they thought unworthy of him as an interpolation by the
players; and in this latter half of the 19th, we have gone much
further in the same direction ; handing over entire Acts and half plays
to other dramatists of the time, with a boldness which makes the sug-
gestion of a misplaced inter-Act seem a very small matter, and the
authority of the editors of the Folio an objection hardly worth con-
sidering.
But if the evidence of the Folio on this point is not to be regarded
as conclusive, we must fall back upon the marginal directions, which,
14 II. MR SPEDDING. DIVISION OF ACTS IN SHAKSPEMS's PLATS.
supposing them to be Shakspere's own (as they probably are, for
the original manuscript must have contained such directions, the
action being unintelligible without them, and who else could have
supplied them ?), contain all the information with regard to the stage
arrangements which he has himself left us. These marginal direc-
tions, as we find them in the earliest copies, are generally clear and
careful — better, I think, in most cases, than those which later editors
have substituted for them — but unfortunately they tell us nothing at
all as to the point now in question. That every play was to be in
five Acts appears to have been taken as a matter of course, but there
is no indication of them in the earliest copies. Among Shakspere's
plays that were printed during his life, there is not one, I believe, in
which the Acts are divided. Even among those printed in 1623, — in
which the divisions were introduced, and the first page always begins
with actus primus, sccetia prlma, — there are still four in which they are
not marked at all, and a fifth in which they are not carried beyond
the second scene of the second Act. And as it seems very unlikely
that either printers or transcribers would omit such divisions if they
appeared on the face of the manuscript, I conclude that it was not
Shakspere's habit to mark the end of each Act as he went on, but
to leave the distribution for final settlement when arrangements were
making for the performance, and when, having the whole composition
before him, he could better see what there was to divide. In that
case the end of each Act would be entered in the prompter's copy,
the original MS. remaining as it was, and so finding its way by legiti-
mate or illegitimate channels to the printer. By the dialogue and
the marginal directions together, as exhibited in the printed copy, we
can follow the development of the action, and determine for ourselves
where the periods and resting-places should naturally come in ; and
where these are palpably incompatible with the division of the Acts
in the Folio, we may reasonably conclude that it represents, not the
original design, but the last edition of the prompter's copy.
How little the Folio can be relied on as an authority in this
matter may be shown by a single example, which is itself conclusive.
In King Henry V the changes of scene, time, and circumstance are
so large and sudden, that Shakspere found it expedient to prepare
II. MR SPEDDING ON THE DIVISION OF ACTS IN LEAR. 15
his audience for them by introducing a Chorus before each Act to
explain the case. Here, therefore, we have a play divided into Acts
by himself. But how does it appear in the Folio1? The division
between the first and second Acts has been overlooked, and Actus
primus includes both. Actus secundus, beginning with the second
Chorus, takes the place of the third Act, and Actus tertius of the
fourth. But here the printer seems to have observed that something
must be wrong. There was only one more Chorus, and yet he was
still in the third Act. If the last Act was to be Actus quintus, what
was to become of Actus quartus? Quintus could not follow tertius;
and for a play to end with the fourth Act was against all rule. To
preserve symmetry, he simply ^inserted Actus quartus between the
two, at the end of the nearest scene which left the stage empty ;
though a more unsuitable place for an inter- Act could hardly have
been found.
I attribute this device to the printer rather than the editors,
because an editor, if he had observed the difficulty, could hardly
have failed to discover the cause, and make the proper corrections ;
whereas, if the previous sheet had been already worked off, it would
be too late for the printer to do so. But however that may be, the
fact remains that in the play in which Shakspere's own division of
the Acts was most clearly defined and most important to be observed,
the Folio of 1623 has misplaced two out of the five.
In this instance the errors were so glaring and the correction so
obvious, that succeeding editors have silently removed them all.
But defects of the kind are in most cases more readily perceived in
the acting than in reading, and it was in witnessing the performance
of King Lear at Covent Garden, when it was so finely brought out
by Macready, that I first felt the difficulty of which the following
paper contains the explanation and the solution.
"ON AN ERROR IN THE MODERN EDITIONS OF King Lear.
" Suspicious as I am of all criticisms which suppose a want of
art in Shakspere, I could not but think that there are faults in
King Lear. I could not but think that in the two last Acts tlio
16 II. MR SPEDDING ON THE DIVISION OP ACTS IN LEAR.
interest is not well sustained ; that Lear's passion rises to its full
height too early, and his decay is too long drawn out. I saw
that in Shakspere's other tragedies we are never called on to
sympathize long with fortunes which are desperate. As soon as
all hope for the hero is over the general end follows rapidly. The
interest rises through the first four Acts towards some great crisis ;
in the fifth it pauses for a moment, crests, and breaks ; then falls
away in a few short sad scenes, like the sigh of a spent wave. Eut
it was not so in Lear. The passion seemed to be at its height, and
hope to be over, in the third Act. After that, his prospects are
too forlorn to sustain an interest sufficiently animating; the
sympathy which attends him too dreary and depressing to occupy
the mind properly for half the play. I felt the want of some
coming event, some crisis of expectation, the hope or dread of
some approaching catastrophe, on the turn of which his fortunes
were yet to depend. There was plenty of action and incident, but
nothing which seemed to connect itself sufficiently with him. The
fate of Edgar and Edmund was not interesting enough ; it seemed
a separate thing, almost an intrusion upon the proper business of the
piece : I cared only about the fate of Lear.
" But, though this seemed to be a great defect, I was aware that
the error might be in me ; I might have caught the play in a wrong
aspect, and I waited in the hope of finding some new point of view
round which the action would revolve more harmoniously. In the
mean time there was another defect, of less moment as I then
thought, but so striking that I could not be mistaken in pronouncing
it indefensible upon any just principle of criticism. This was the
battle in the fifth Act : a most momentous battle, yet so carelessly
hurried over that it conies to nothing, leaves no impression on the
imagination, shocks the sense of probability, and by its own unini-
pressiveness makes everything seem insignificant that has reference
to it. It is a mere blank, and though we are told that a battle has
been fought and lost, the mind refuses to take in the idea. How
peculiarly important it was to avoid such a defect in this particular
instance I had not then observed ; I was struck only with the
harshness, unexampled in Shakspere, of the effect upon the eye of a
II. MR SPEDDING ON THE DIVISION OF ACTS IN LEAR. 17
spectator. In other cases a few skilful touches bring the whole
battle before us — a few rapid shiftings from one part of the field to
another, a few hurried greetings of friend or foe, a few short
passages of struggle, pursuit, or escape, give us token of the
conflict which is raging on all sides ; and, when the hero falls, we
feel that his army is defeated. A page or two does it ; but it is
done. As a contrast with all other battles in Shakspere, observe
that of which I am speaking. Here is the whole Scene as it stands
in the modern editions.
1 SCENE II.
A field betioeen the two camps. Alarum within. Enter with
dram and colours LEAR, CORDELIA, and their forces; and exeunt.
Enter EDGAR and GLOSTER.
Edg. Here, father, take the shadow of this tree
For your good host ; pray that the right may thrive ;
If ever I return to you again,
I'll bring you comfort.
Glo. Grace go with you, sir. [Exit EDGAR.
Alarums. Afterwards a retreat.
Re-enter EDGAR.
Edg. Away, old man, give me thy hand, away,'
King Lear hath lost, he and his daughter ta'en ;
Give me thy hand,' &c.
" This is literally the whole battle. The army so long looked for,
and on which everything depends, passes over the stage, and all our
hopes and sympathies go with it. Four lines are spoken. The
scene does not change ; but ' alarums ' are heard, and ' afterwards a
retreat,' and on the same field over which that great army has this
moment passed, fresh and full of hope, reappears, with tidings that
all is lost, the same man who last left the stage to follow and fight
in it.
" That Shakspere meant the Scene to stand thus, no one who has
the true faith will believe. Still less will he believe that, as it
stands, it can admit of any reasonable defence. When Mr Macready
brought out the play at Covent Garden in 1839, he endeavoured to
soften the harshness of the effect by two deviations from the text.
N. S. SOC. TRANS., 1877-9. 2
18 II. MR SPEDDING ON THE DIVISION OF ACTS IN LEAR.
The French army did not pass over the stage, and so some room was
left for imagining the battle already begun ; and during the absence
of Edgar five or six lines transferred from a former scene were put
into the mouth of Gloster, by which some little time was given for
its disastrous issue. Both these alterations are improvements on the
text as it now stands, so far as they go, — but they certainly go a very
little way ; and I think nobody can have seen the play as then
acted without feeling that the effect of that scene was decidedly bad.
" When I saw it myself, the unaccountable awkwardness of this
passage struck me so forcibly, that I tried to persuade myself (all
other appearances notwithstanding) that the play must have been
left in an unfinished state. I had almost succeeded, when it
suddenly occurred to me that by a very simple change in the stage-
arrangement the whole difficulty might be made to disappear.
Upon careful examination I found that every other difficulty dis-
appeared along with it ; and I am now quite satisfied that it was
the true arrangement which Shakspere contemplated.
" My suggestion has this peculiar advantage and presumption in
its favour, that it does not involve the change of a single letter in
the original text. It is simply to alter the division of the Acts ; to
make the fourth Act close, a scene and a half further on, with the
exit of Edgar in the passage just quoted, and the fifth commence
with his re-entrance. Thus the battle takes place between the
Acts, and, the imagination having leisure to fill with anxiety for the
issue, it rises into its proper importance as one of the great periods
and pauses of the story, and a final crisis in the fortunes of Lear.
The first Act closes, as the first burst of Lear's rage is over, with
the final renunciation of Goneril. The second leaves him in utter
desolation, turned forth into the night, the storm gathering, madness
coming on apace. At the conclusion of the third the double tempest
of the mind and of the elements has spent its fury, and the curtain
falls upon the doubtful rumour of a new hope, and distant promise
of retribution. At the point where I think the fourth was meant to
end, suspense has reached its highest pitch; the rumours have
grown into certainties; the French forces have landed: Lear's
phrenzy has abated, and if the battle be won he may yet be restored ;
II. MK SPEEDING ON THE DIVISION OF ACTS IN LEAR. 19
' the powers of the kingdom approach apace ; ' the armies are now
within sight of each other, and ' the arbitrement is like to be bloody.'
Last of all, ' Enter ' (to take the stage-direction as it stands in the
old Quarto, in which the divisions of the Acts are not marked) l Enter
the powers of France over the stage ; Cordelia with her father in her
hand ; ' Gloster alone remains to ' pray that the right may thrive ; '
and as the curtain falls we feel that the ' bloody arbitrement ' is even
now begun, and that all our hopes hang on the event. Eising again,
it discloses * alarums and a retreat.' The battle has been fought.
' King Lear hath lost ; he and his daughter ta'en ; ' and the business
of the last Act is only to gather up the issues of those unnatural
divisions, and to close the eyes of the victims.
" As there is nothing in Shakspere so defective in point of art as
the battle-scene under the present stage-arrangement, so, with the
single change which I have suggested, there is not one of his dramas
conducted from beginning to end with more complicated and
inevitable skill. Under the existing arrangement the pause at the
end of the fourth Act is doubly faulty, both as interrupting the
march and hurry of preparation before it has gathered to a head,
and as making, by the interposition of that needless delay, the
weakness and disappointing effect of the result still more palpable.
Under that which I propose, the pause falls precisely where it
ought, and is big with anxiety and expectation. Let the march
of the French army over the stage be presented with military
pomp and circumstance, * Cordelia with her father in her hand '
following (for thus the dependence of Lear and his fortunes
upon the issue is brought full before the eye), and let the interval
between the Acts be filled with some great battle-piece of Handel,
and nothing more, I think, could be hoped or wished."
On reviewing this paper, which was first written in 1839, 1 find
nothing to add, except that the stage-direction in the Folio which
follows the exit of Edgar, and which I had overlooked, seems to
point at an arrangement much like that which I have suggested.
After both the English armies have appeared on the scene with
drums and colours, and gone out, Edmund returns to report to Albany
20 II. MR SPEDDINQ ON THE DIVISION OF ACTS IN MUCH ADO.
that the ' enemy is in view,' and to hasten his preparations for battle.
Then follows — ' Alarum within. Enter, with drum and colours, Lear,
Cordelia, and soldiers, over the stage, and exeunt' Edgar, following,
leaves Gloster behind the tree, and promising to return if he survive,
exit. Then we have —
1 Alarum and Retreat within?
and then ' enter Edgar ' with news of the battle lost, and the capture
of Lear and Cordelia. There are no ' excursions/ and therefore it is
plain that though all three armies appeared on the stage with drums
and colours immediately before the battle, no part of the battle
itself was to be exhibited even in dumbshow. It was to be made
known only by the noise 'within'; during which the stage was
empty. Whether any curtain was to be drawn I do not know
enough of the scenic arrangements of that time to say. But such an
interval of suspended action, so accompanied with noises of battle in
the distance, would have the same effect as a modern inter- Act with
an orchestra playing appropriate music ; provided only that it were
understood to represent a period of indefinite duration. Considering,
however, that immediately after the exeunt of Cordelia, Kent, the
Doctor, and servants carrying Lear out in his. chair, the stage had to
be ready for three armies to pass over with drums and colours, it is
easy to believe that the stage-manager found it more convenient to
make the next scene the beginning of a new Act, and to use the
interval for drawing up his troops.
ON THE DIVISION OF THE A GTS IN Much Ado about Nothing
AND Twelfth Night.
a. Much Ado about Nothing.
In Much Ado about Nothing , as it stands in the Folio and in the
modern editions, I find two faults, which I do not think Shakspere
was likely to commit.
At the end of the first scene of the first Act, the Prince and
Claudio leave the stage (which represents the open space before
Leonato's house), the Prince having that moment conceived and dis-
II. MR SPEDDING ON THE DIVISION OP ACTS IN MUCH ADO. 21
closed his project of making love to Hero in Claudio's name. Then
the scene shifts to a room in Leonato's house, where the first thing
we hear is that in a thick pleached alley in Antonio's orchard, the
Prince has been overheard telling Claudio that he loved Hero and
meant to acknowledge it that night in a dance, &c. All this is told
to us, while the Prince's last words are still ringing in our ears ; and
it is told, not by the person who overheard the conversation, but by
Antonio, to whom he has reported it. "We are called on therefore to
imagine that, while the scene was merely shifting, the Prince and
Claudio have had time for a second conversation in Antonio's
orchard, and that one of Antonio's men, overhearing it, has had time
to tell him of it. Now this is one of the things which it is impossible
to imagine. I do not mean merely that the thing is physically im-
possible, for art is not tied to physical possibilities. I mean that
the impossibility is presented so strongly to the imagination that it
cannot be overlooked or forgotten. The imagination refuses to be so
imposed upon.
The other fault is of an opposite kind, and not so glaring, because
it does not involve any positive shock to the sense of probability.
Nevertheless it completely counteracts and neutralizes an effect which
Shakspere has evidently taken pains to produce, and which if rightly
considered is of no small consequence. The fourth scene of the
third Act represents the morning of the wedding. The ceremony is
to take place the first thing. The Prince, the Count, and all the
gallants of the town are already waiting to fetch Hero to church ; she
must make haste to go with them. ' Help to dress me, good coz.,
good Meg, good Ursula.' Leonato, intercepted by Dogberry on his
way to join them, is in too great a hurry to listen to him. They
stay for him to give away his daughter : ' he will wait upon them ;
he is ready ; ' and so exit abruptly with the messenger who has been
sent to hasten him ; leaving Dogberry and Verges to take the ex-
amination themselves. The idea that the ceremony is to take place
immediately is carefully impressed, and there was good reason it
should. In a story involving so many improbabilities it was neces-
sary to hurry it on to the issue before the spectator has had time to
consider them. The deception practised on Claudio and the Prince
22 II. MR SPEDDING ON THE DIVISION OF ACTS IN MUCH ADO.
took place between twelve and one at night ; the discovery of it by
the watch followed immediately after. If the wedding do not come
on the first thing in the morning, before Claudio has had time to
reflect, or Dogberry to explain, or rumour to get abroad, it cannot be
but the secret will transpire and the catastrophe be prevented. Yet
precisely at this juncture it is, when Dogberry is about to take the
examinations, and the wedding party are on their way to church,
that the pause between the Acts takes place, — that indefinite interval
during which the only thing almost which one can not imagine is
that nothing has happened and no time passed. When the curtain
rises again, the least we expect to hear is that some considerable
event has occurred since it fell. Yet we find everything exactly
where it was. The party have but just arrived at the church, and are
still in a hurry. " Come, friar Francis, be brief : only to the plain
form of marriage, and you shall recount their particular duties after-
wards." The action has not advanced a step. To me, I confess, this
is a disappointment. Why all that hurry if there was leisure for the
drop-scene to fall 1 or if there was any object in representing that
hurry, why should the drop-scene fall to interrupt it 1
I do not believe that either of these points can be defended ; but
both may be removed, easily and completely, and without altering a
word of the text. Let us only take the 4to. of 1600, in which the
Acts are not divided (but of which the edition of 1623 is in other
respects a mere reprint), and consider into what divisions the action
most naturally falls.
First, then, read on to the end of the first scene, ' In practice let
us put it presently.' Now shut the book. Let ' the curtain fall
upon the fancied stage ; ' consider what is past, and wonder what is
coming. We have been introduced to all the principal persons ; the
wars are over ; the time is of peace, leisure, and festivity. The cha-
racters of Benedick and Beatrice, and their relation to each other — a
relation of attractive opposition — are clearly defined ; both are fancy-
free as yet ; but both boast of their freedom with a careless confidence
that marks them as victims of Nemesis. Claudio has conceived a
passion for Hero ; but it is only an infection of the eye and fancy ;
and the foolish device which in his bashfulness he catches at serves
II. MR SPEDDING ON THE DIVISION OF ACTS IN MUCH ADO. 23
the double purpose of reminding us that his passion is not grounded
in any real knowledge of the woman, and of pointing him out as the fit
victim of some foolish mistake.
Begin the next scene as a new Act. Claudio and the Prince, we
find, have been walking about since we last saw them in orchards
and in galleries, still talking upon the one subject which Claudio can
talk upon with interest. Read on without stopping till you come to
the end of the scene between Don John and Borachio, which stands
in the modern editions as the second scene of the second Act, ' I will
presently go learn their day of marriage.' Then suppose the curtain
to fall again, and proceed as before. We have now seen a threefold
plot laid, the development of which will afford plenty of business for
the following Act. Benedick and Beatrice are each to be tricked
into an affection for the other, and though Claudio's marriage, after
some foretaste of mistakings, is for the present arranged, a design is
on foot for crossing it.
The third Act will open with Benedick in the garden. Read on
again till you have seen the three plots played out, Benedick caught,
Beatrice caught, Claudio caught, and finally Don John caught ; for
the curtain must not fall until Borachio and Conrad have been
taken into custody. At this point a pause is forced upon us, for it
is now the dead of night, and we must wait for the morning before
anything more can be done.
The fourth Act opens in Hero's dressing-room ; all is bustle and
preparation for the marriage. The ceremony is to take place imme-
diately. Dogberry arrives to report the discovery which had been
made in the night, and anybody but Dogberry — even Verges, if he
had been allowed to speak — would have got it reported, and so have
intercepted the impending catastrophe. But we are made to feel
that the wedding-party cannot possibly wait till he has discharged
himself of his message, and that the catastrophe, which can only be
prevented by a word to the purpose from him, is inevitable. Ac-
cordingly, while he is gathering his wits to ' bring some of them to a
non com,' and sending for ' the learned man with his ink-horn to set
down their excommunication,' the marriage-scene is acted and over ;
Hero is accused, renounced, disgraced, and given out for dead; Bciie-
24 II. MR SPEDDING ON THE DIVISION OF ACTS IN TWELFTH NIGHT.
dick and Beatrice are betrayed, by help of the passion and confusion
into an understanding of each others' feelings, and Don John disap-
pears. Finally, the learned man with his ink-horn, coming to the
relief of Dogberry, sees in a moment what the matter is, and hastens
to Leonato's house with the intelligence. Thus everything is ripe for
explanation, and we may pause once more in easy expectation of the
issue. The business of the next Act, which opens at the right place,
is only to unravel the confusion, to restore the empire of gaiety, and
conclude the marriages.
Accord ;ng to this scheme, it seems to me not only that the specific
defects which I have noticed are effectually removed, but that the
general action of the piece develops itself more naturally and grace-
fully. And I have the less hesitation in proposing a new division
between the first and second and between the third and fourth Acts
because the motive of the existing division is easily explained. Be-
tween the first and second the stage had to be prepared for the great
supper and mask in Leonato's house ; between the third and fourth
for the marriage ceremony in the church. My suggestion will hardly
find favour, I fear, with the scene-shifters. But it is with the
imaginary theatre only that I have to deal, in which the * interior of
a church ' requires no more preparation than a ' room in a house.'
/3. Twelfth Night.
The division of the Acts in Twelfth Night is of less importance
than in King Lear and Much Ado about Nothing; for the movement
of the piece is so light and rapid, and the several actions mix so
naturally, without perplexing or confusing each other, that if it were
played from beginning to end without any pause at all, the spectator
would feel no harshness. Nevertheless, though the inter- Acts might
in that case be omitted altogether without injuring the dramatic
effect, the effect is materially injured on two occasions by the
interposition of them in the wrong place.
At the end of the first Ac" Malvolio is ordered to run after
Csesario with Olivia's ring : in the second scene of the second
Act he has but just overtaken him. " Were you not even noio "
II. MR SPEDDING ON THE DIVISION OF ACTS IN TWELFTH NIGHT. 25
(he says) " with the Countess Olivia ? " " Even now, Sir " (she
answers), " on a moderate pace I have since arrived but hither."
Here, therefore, the pause is worse than useless. It impedes the
action, and turns a light and swift movement into a slow and
heavy one.
Again, at the end of the third Act, Sir Andrew Aguecheek
runs after Caesario (who has just left the stage) to beat him; Sir
Toby and Fabian following to see the event. At the beginning
of the fourth, they are all where they were. Sir Andrew's valour
is still warm; he meets Sebastian, mistakes him for Caesario,
and strikes. Here again the pause is not merely unnecessary; it
interrupts what was evidently meant for a continuous and rapid
action, and so spoils the fun.
The first of these defects might be sufficiently removed by
continuing the first Act to the end of what is now the second
scene of the second. The other by continuing the third Act
to the end of what is now the first scene of the fourth. But such
an arrangement would leave the fourth Act so extremely short
that it cannot be accepted for the true one.
I have little doubt that the first Act was meant to end with
the fourth scene — the scene between the Duke and Viola : —
"Whoe'er I woo, myself would be his wife."
the second with Viola's soliloquy upon receiving Olivia's ring : —
" Oh, time, thou must untangle this, not I ;
It is too hard a knot for me to untie." — Act II. sc. ii.
The third might end where, according to the received arrangement,
the second does ; only that the underplot would in that case become
rather too prominent, and the main action stand still too long. To avoid
this, I would not have the curtain fall till after the second interview
between Olivia and Viola, in which Olivia declares her passion : —
" Yet come again ; for thou perhaps may'st move
The heart, which now abhors, to like his love." — Act III. sc. i.
The fourth Act may end where it now does, with the contract
between Olivia and Sebastian ; and the fifth will remain as it is.
26 II. MR SPEDDING ON THE DIVISION OF ACTS IN RICHARD II.
I am not aware of any objection that can be made to this
arrangement, or of any point which requires further explanation.
Imagine the play properly represented (I say properly ; for on the
stage it is always so deformed with burlesque that no true judgment
can be made of it from seeing it acted), with the divisions which I
have proposed, and I think it will be felt that the arrangement
recommends itself.
A closer examination would probably discover many other errors
of the same kind. In Richard //, for example, the first Act ought
clearly to end with the third scene instead of the fourth. As it
stands now, the report of Gaunt's sickness follows too fast upon the
scene immediately preceding, where we have just seen him leave the
stage quite well ; while, on the other hand, the King's visit to him
does not follow fast enough upon the urgent summons of the dying
man, whose death he was so impatient to witness. The pause
between the Acts, the want of which perplexes us in the first case,
is felt as an interruption in the last. I have seldom seen a
piece acted for the first time, however bad the acting, and however
familiar I had been with the play on paper, without seeing much
of it in a new light and with more vivid effect. And in reading
these things, though we may piece out the actor's imperfections
with our thoughts as much as we please, imagining everything
presented to our mind to seem as real and natural as the thing itself
would seem, — real kings and queens, real gentlemen and ladies, real
soldiers, and real fighting, — we must not forget that we are supposed
to be witnessing a succession of scenes passed within our sight and
hearing, and so arranged as to produce their effect upon the imagina-
tion under that condition. Without a clear perception of the period's
of action and repose, we cannot enjoy the full benefit of such arrange-
ment; and therefore, if we wish to have complete enjoyment of
Shakspere's art, we must always take notice of the points which mark
these periods — namely, the intervals between the Acts.
27
III. ON THE WITCH-SCENES IN MACBETH.
(An attempt to rebut some of the Arguments put forward by the Rev. F.
Fleay in a paper read before this Society on June 26th, 1874.)
BY THOMAS ALFRED SPALDING, LL.B.
(Head at the 32nd Meettng, Friday, March 9, 1877.)
NEARLY three years ago Mr Fleay read a paper before this
Society in which he attempted to father certain scenes and sentences
in Macbeth upon Middleton ; and in it he incidentally introduced a
theory with regard to the witches of that drama as extraordinary as it
is (I venture to think) groundless. In this attack he follows, in the
main, the footsteps of the Editors of the ' Cambridge Shakspere,' who
have come to the conclusion that the style of the suspected passage is
not that of Shakspere. But such an opinion is worth little unless
all competent critics assent to the conclusion, and this has not been
by any means the result in this case. My object, however, in this
paper is not to defend the whole of the scenes in question, although
I think I show a presumption in favour of their genuineness ; but
merely to show that there is a good deal of evidence (chiefly his-
torical) proving that Shakspere, and not Middleton, wrote the witch-
scenes upon which doubt has been cast. I shall also show, I think
conclusively, that there is no ground whatever for the marvellous
theory Mr Fleay has advanced concerning the witches themselves.
Mr Fleay's position is shortly this : — Scene i. and also scene iii.
down to line 37 of Act I. ; scene v. of Act III.; and a few lines of the
first scene of the fourth Act are interpolations by Middleton; the
other witch-scenes are from Shakspere's pen. In addition to this he
holds that in scene iii. of Act I. Shakspere intended the characters
there called ' witches ' for supernatural beings, the ' Goddesses of
Destinie,' or, as Mr Fleay prefers to call them, 'Nornse;' and that
28 III. MR SPALD1NG ON THE* WITCH-SCENES IN MACBETH.
in Act IV. scene i. he discarded the ' Goddesses of Destinie,' and
introduced three entirely new characters, which were intended for
real witches.
The actual evidence in support of this ' Nornse ' theory is; first,
that Holinshed, in the passage answering, to Act I. scene in., describes
the apparitions as the 'Goddesses of Destinie, Nymphes or Feiries;'
and secondly, the stage-direction in Act III. scene v., ' enter Hecate and
the other three witches,' when three witches are already on the stage.
These two facts, were there no evidence to the contrary, might
fairly be held to raise a presumption in favour of Mr Fleay's theory.
For although we know that Shakspere altered the details of the story
of Macbeth to a great degree, and even went so far as to incor-
porate portions of another incident into the plot, yet, if there were no
reason for holding that he had intentionally replaced the ' Goddesses
of Destinie' by witches (on the suggestion probably of the passage in
Holinshed answering to Act III. scene i. of Macbeth), the charac-
ters in Act I. scene iii. might possibly pass for the former.
But Mr Fleay seems to rely less upon this evidence than upon
an assertion that the appearance and powers attributed to the beings
in the Shakspere part of scene iii. of Act I. are not those formerly
attributed to witches, and that Shakspere, having once decided to
represent ' Nornse,' would never have degraded them " to three old
women, who are called by Paddock and Gray malkin, sail in sieves,
kill swine, serve Hecate, and deal in all the common charms, illu-
sions, and incantations of vulgar witches. The three ( who look not
like the inhabitants o' th' earth, and yet are on't;' they who 'can
look into the seeds of time, and say which grain will grow ; ' they
who ' seem corporal,' but ' melt into the air ' like ' bubbles of the
earth;' the ' wey ward sisters' who 'make themselves air,' and
have ' more than mortal knowledge,' are not beings of this stamp." l
If Mr Fleay had not advanced this as an argument in favour of
the ' Nornse ' theory, I should have sought to rebut the supposition
that the witches of Act I. scene iii. were intended for the ' God-
desses of Destinie,' by arguing that the description contained in that
1 New Shakspere Society Transactions, p. 342 ; Fleay's Shakspere Manual,
p. 248.
III. MR SPALD1NG ON THE WITCH-SCENES IN MACBETH. 29
scene applied to witches and to witches only. I shall therefore
attempt to answer Mr Fleay's assertions ; and, if I succeed in con-
vincing you of the correctness of my position, I submit that no
weight can be attached to the probably inaccurate stage-direction in
scene v. of Act III.; and that we must hold that the characters in
scene iii. of Act I. and scene i. of Act IV. are one and the same. I
shall then pass on to attempt to show that there are some good
reasons for supposing that the witch-scenes attributed by Mr Fleay
to Middleton were in reality written by Shakspere.
First, then, Mr Fleay objects that the description of the appear-
ance of the ' Nornae ' will not apply to witches. " They look not
like the inhabitants o' th' earth, and yet are on't." But take the
whole description, and then judge : —
" What are these
So withered and so wild in their attire,
That look not like the inhabitants o' th' earth,
And yet are on't? Live you, or are you aught
That man may question? You seem to understand me,
By each at once her chappy finger laying
Upon her skinny lips : you should be women,
And yet your beards forbid me to interpret
That you are so."
Ib is in the first moment of surprise that the sisters, appearing so
suddenly, seem to Banquo unlike the inhabitants of earth. When
he recovers his mental equilibrium, and is able to criticize, he sees
that there is nothing to distinguish them from poverty-stricken,
ugly old women but their beards ; an appendage that tradition, at
any rate, has rendered inseparable from the idea of a witch. What *
could answer better to contemporary descriptions of the poor crea*
tures who were charged with the crime of witchcraft *? Take Scot's,
for instance : — they are " women which commonly be old, lame,
bleare-eied, pale, fowle, and full of wrinkles. — They are leane and
deformed, showing melancholie in their faces,"1 — or Dr Harsnet's: — •
" An2 old weather-beaten crone, having her chin and her knees meet-.
1 Discoverie, Bk. i. cli. 3. Published 1584.
2 Quoted from " Hutchinson's Historical Essay," Dedication, p. 6. Mr
Fleay asserts that Scot's " Discoverie " is the source from which the author
of these scenes derived his information. I can only say that I read
30 III. MR SPALDING ON THE WITCH-SCENES IN MACBETH.
ing for age, walking like a bow, leaning on a staff, hollow-eyed, un-
toothed, furrowed, having her lips trembling with the palsy, going
mumbling in the streets." These are prose descriptions of creatures
whom Shakspere has pictured more graphically in his drama ; but
would he have represented the ' Goddesses of Destinie,' about whom
one would expect a veil of wild grandeur to be thrown, with chappy
fingers, skinny lips, and beards? I think, therefore, that we may
safely conclude that the passage from Macbeth above quoted was in-
tended as a description of witches until it can be shown that it
applies with more force to 'J^ornse.'
The next objection is that the ' N~ornse ' have power that witches
did not possess. They can "look into the seeds of time, and say
which grain will grow, and which will not;" and Mr Fleay implies
that witches could not do this. All I can say in answer is, that the
most cursory perusal of the reports of a few witch-trials will compel
any reader to admit that they could. I imagine that there are very
few witch-trials on record in which charges of having prophesied
future events were not made. Mr Charles Knight, in his biography
of Shakspere,1 has quoted an illustration that might almost have sug-
gested the metaphor used in the last-mentioned passage. I will give
another illustration of this power.
Bessie Roy2 was tried in Scotland in the year 1590 for witch-
craft, and the Dittay charged her in the following manner : — " Ye
ar indytit and accusit that, quhair ye, beand duelland with Williame
King in Barra, be the space of tuel yeiris syne or thairby, and haifing
past to the feild to pluk lint with uthir wemen, in presens of thame
maid ane compas in the eird, & ane hoill in the middis thairof ; &
thairefter, be thy conjuratiounes, thow causit ane grit worme cum
fyrst out of the said hoill, & creip owre the compase ; & nixt ane
ly till worme, quhilk crap owre also : and last causit ane grit worme
cum furth, quhilk could nocht pas owre the compas, nor cum out of
the hoill, bot fell doune & deit. Quhilk inchantment and wich-
craft thou interpreit in this forme : — that the fyrst grit worme that
Scot carefully before I saw Mr Fleay's statement, and I came to an opposite
conclusion, Scot's book must have been very rare, for all obtainable copies
were burnt. — Bayle, ix. 132. It was not reprinted until 1651.
1 page 438. a Pitcairn, I. ii. 207.
III. MR SPALDING ON THE WITCH-SCENES IN MACBETH. 31
crap owre the compas was the guidman Williame King, quha sould
leve ; & the lytill worme was ane barne in the guidwyffe's wamb,
quhilk wes unknawin to ony manne that sche was with barne ; &
that the barne sould leve ; & thrydlie the last grit worme thow inter-
pret to be the guidwyffe, quha sould die : quMUc com to pas eftir
thy speiking" If this be not looking into the seeds of time, and
saying which grain will grow, and which will not, I am at a loss to
know what is !
There is nothing, therefore, in the Shakspere witch-part of Act I.
scene iii. that gives countenance to the supposition that the charac-
ters there called ' witches ' are intended for ' Nbrnse ; ' on the con-
trary, there is a great deal to show that they are meant for witches;
and the latter theory is supported by many other passages on the
play. Banquo, so early as line 106 of the last-mentioned scene,
seems to have come to a decided conclusion upon the point, for when
he hears the fulfilment of one of the witches' prophecies, he says :
"What, can the devil speak true!" an exclamation most applicable
to witches, but hardly so to ' Goddesses of Destinie.' Again, in Act
I. scene v. we find that Macbeth, on his arrival at Forres, made in-
vestigation into the amount of reliance that could be placed on the
utterances of the witches, and " learned by the perfectest report that
they had more in them than mortal knowledge." This would be
probable enough if witches were the subjects of the inquiry, for their
chief title to authority would rest upon the rumours current in the
neighbourhood in which they dwelt; but a most difficult, if not
impossible matter in the case of ' ISTornae,' who, although they
have a name, can scarcely be said to have a local habitation. It is
noticeable too that Macbeth knows exactly where to find the weird
sisters when he wants to consult them, and if it is borne in mind that
the Chronicle mentions the existence of witches in the neighbour-
hood of Torres, these facts would go a long way towards destroying
the presumption that the beings in Act I. scene iii. were intended for
* Nornse,' even if that scene afforded any adequate grounds for it.
Further, when Macbeth says : —
" I will to-morrow
to the weird sisters.
32 III. MR SPALDING ON THE WITCH-SCENES IN MACBETH.
More shall they speak, for now I am bent to know
By the worst means the worst,"
another clear allusion is made to the traffic of witches with the devil;
and I think that I am entitled to ignore Mr Fleay's supposition that
these lines were interpolated by Middleton, so long as it remains
without a particle of evidence to support it.
Mr Fleay notices that the predictions of the ' Nornse ' are
" pithy and inevitable," whilst those of the familiars in Act IV. scene
i. are "ambiguous and delusive." But this proves nothing. The
diabolic purpose is best served by clearness in the one case, and
ambiguousness in the other ;
" For oftentimes, to win us to our harm,
The instruments of darkness tell us truths."
It is true, as Mr Fleay observes, that after Act IV. scene i.
Macbeth speaks of the prophecies as "emanating from the fiend;"
and there is nothing surprising in this ; for now he has had actual com-
munication with the devils, the familiars of the witches, and the
fountains of their supernatural knowledge ; an advantage that he
has not had before; and he naturally refers to the source of his in-
formation rather than to his agents for obtaining it. Immediately
after the witches have vanished,1 in the scene just referred to, Mac-
beth speaks of them as " the weird sisters." Mr Fleay supposes that
this term applies exclusively to 'Nornae;' and he gets over the
difficulty, not by asserting an interpolation by Middleton, but a slip
of the pen by Shakspere ! I think it is a fair conclusion, therefore,
from all this evidence, that the so-called ' Nornae ' are merely witches,
1 When the paper was read, some members questioned whether the power
of vanishing did not distinguish the Macbeth witches from the ordinary
witches of the period. The following receipts may set the question at rest :
" Sundrie receipts and ointments made and used for the transportation of
witches, and other miraculous effects.
" Ex. The fat of yoong children, & seeth it with water in a brazen
vessell, reseruing the thickest of that which remaineth boiled in the bottome,
which they laie up & keepe untill occasion serveth to use it. They put here-
into Eleoselinum, Aconitum, frondes populeas, & Soote.
" Ex. Sium, Acarum Vulgare, Pentaphyllon, the bloud of a Flittermouse,
Solanum Somniferum, & oleum." *
It would seem that fern seed had the same virtue. 1 Henry IV. ii. 1.
* Scot, Bk. 10, ch. 8. The tale Scot gives on p. 46, which is too long, and perhaps too
broad, to repeat, will show how effective these preparations were.
III. MR SPALDING ON THE WITCH-SCENES IN MACBETH. 33
and identical with the characters in Act IY. scene i. ; and that the
stage-direction in Act III. scene v. is incorrect.
I must here add a few words about Hecate. Mr Fleay adduces
as an argument against the Shaksperean origin of this character the
fact that Hecate occurs nowhere else in Shakspere's works. This
will not appear surprising if it be remembered that in no other case
has Shakspere attempted to depict or describe a witches' Sabbath.
Whatever the arguments may be against the Hecate speeches, and
they are stronger against these than any other part of the play, this
is not one of them.
It has always been the tendency of all religions to degrade the
deities of a hostile form of worship to the rank of devils,1 and Chris-
tianity was no exception to the rule. Hence, during the earlier part
of the epidemic of "Witchcraft that raged from the middle of the
sixteenth to the middle of the seventeeth century, a devil variously
known as Hecate, Diana, Sybilla, or Queen of Elfame,2 was always
supposed to be present as presiding genius at the Sabbaths ; and I
see no reason for doubting that the Hecate of Macbeth is intended
for this evil spirit, and not for a fourth witch. The mediaeval history
of Hecate, too, will show that many of the allusions to her in Shak-
spere, quoted by Mr Fleay, will apply to Hecat the devil, as well as,
if not better than, to Hecate the goddess.
I now come to the second part of my task, and shall attempt to
show that there are strong presumptive reasons for holding that all
the witch-scenes are from the same hand; or at any rate were written
at the same time.
My first point is that the first scene of Act I. has a necessary
connection with the rest of the play. In it we are introduced to
the fag-end of a Sabbath, which, if fully represented, would bear a
great resemblance to the commencement of Act IV. scene i. But a
long scene upon such a subject would be tedious and unmeaning at
1 See Histoire de la Magie et 1'Astrologie, par M. Maury.
2 At about the commencement of the seventeenth century the belief about
•witchcraft gradually got much grosser; Hecate disappeared, and the devil him-
self, in some repulsive form or other, presided at the Sabbaths. This, however,
is too slight a matter to hang an argument as to the date of the Hecate pas-
sages upon.
N. S. SOC. TRANS., 1877-9. 3
31 III. MR SPALDING ON THE WITCH-SCENES IN MACBETH.
the commencement of the play. All that is needed is that a hint
should be thrown out to the audience of the probable diabolic inter-
ference, and therefore much is left to the imagination. It is sup-
posed that the familiars have been called up by the incantations of
the witches ; that they have imparted to the weird sisters the in-
formation respecting Macbeth's future career, and commanded them
upon the errand that they subsequently perform in scene iii., when
they retail to Macbeth the knowledge they have thus obtained.
Before, however, this mission is performed the audience is made
acquainted with Macbeth's previous loyalty and unstained reputation;
and then they are in a position to appreciate the full force of the situa-
tion in scene iii., which would, without the two previous scenes, render
Macbeth's character almost incomprehensible. Middleton may have
done this ; but if he did, he imitated Shakspere's art most successfully.
Here I should like to ask Mr Fleay whether these Middleton
witches are not in reality 'Nornse"? If the capacity for looking
into the seeds of time can constitute them such, they are; for they
know for a certainty that they will be able to meet a man, alive and
well, at a certain time, at a given place, who is either then engaged,
or shortly to be engaged, in a struggle that must prove immensely
destructive of human life.
It is perhaps worthy of note, too, that in this first scene the
familiars of the first and second witches, Graymalkin and Paddock,
are mentioned; and in the first scene of Act IY. (undoubtedly
Shaksperian, according to Mr Fleay) the familiar of the third witch,
Harpier, is referred to.
The only evidence, apart from style, that can be produced for re-
jecting scenes i. and ii. is that of Dr Forman, who commences his
account of the play at the entrance of Macbeth and Banquo. The
Cambridge editors acknowledge that this evidence is very nearly
useless; and after all it is purely negative; and if we admit it as
evidence against the scenes in question, we must also admit that in
Shakspere's play Macbeth was created prince of Cumberland, and
that he and Lady Macbeth could not remove the stains of Duncan's
blood from their hands; for Forman's account furnishes positive
evidence of this.
III. MR SPALDIXG ON THE WITCH-SCENES IN MACBETH. 35
But there is another point of greater importance, that tends to
show that all the witch-scenes were written at one period, and
also to fix roughly the date of composition. No one can read
Macbeth without noticing the prominence given to the belief that
witches had the power of creating storms and other atmospheric dis-
turbances. The witches select whether they will meet " in thunder,
lightning, or in rain :" they " hover through the fog and filthy air."
The whole of the first part of the third scene of Act I. is one blast of
tempest with its attendant devastation. The weird sisters describe
themselves as "posters of the sea and land:" the heath they meet
upon is ' blasted,' and they vanish "as breath into the wind."
Macbeth conjures them to answer his questions in these words : —
" Though you untie the winds, and let them fight
Against the churches; though the yesty waves
Confound and swallow navigation up ;
Though bladed com be lodged, and trees blown down;
Though castles topple on their warders' heads ;
Though palaces and pyramids do slope
Their heads to their foundations; though the treasure
Of natures' germens tumble all together
Even till destruction sickens."
Now this command over the elements does not form at all a pro-
minent feature in the English accusations of witchcraft. A few
isolated charges of the kind may be found. In 1565, for instance, a
witch was burnt who confessed that she had caused all the tempests
that had taken place during that year. But we must turn to the
Scotch accounts of trials for witchcraft if we wish to find charges of
this nature made the substantial accusation against the culprits.
There are no doubt physical reasons why this should be the case;
but there is also an historical one. In 1589 King James VI. brought
his bride, Anne of Denmark, from her northern home to her adopted
country. During the voyage an unusually violent storm occurred,
which scattered the vessels composing the royal fleet, and appears to
have placed the king's vessel in particular jeopardy. James, who
seems to have been as convinced of the reality of witchcraft as he
was of his own infallibility, attributed this storm to diabolic in-
terference, and in consequence a great number of persons were tried
36 III. MR SPALDING ON THE WITCH-SCENES IN MACBETH.
for attempting the king's life by witchcraft. James took the greatest
interest in the proceedings, and, undeterred by the apparent impro-
priety of being judge in what was, in reality, his own cause, presided
at many of the trials, condescended to superintend the tortures
applied to the accused in order to extort a confession, and even went
so far in one case as to write a letter to the judges commanding a
condemnation.1
Under these circumstances it is not surprising that the king's
suspicions were fully confirmed by the confessions of the accused.
It is impossible to read the reports of these cases without having the
words of the Middleton part of Act I. scene iii. ringing in the ears as
an echo. One or two instances will suffice to show this. John Fian,
who was the ringleader of the gang, was charged 2 with having caused
the leak in the queen's ship, and with having raised the wind and
created a mist for the purpose of impeding the king's passage. On
another occasion he and several other witches entered into a ship,3
and caused it to perish. Fian was also able by witchcraft to open
locks.4 He visited churchyards at night and dismembered bodies for
purposes of witchcraft; the bodies of unbaptized children being pre-
ferred.
Agnes Sampsoune confessed to the king that to compass his
death she took a black toad and hung it by the hind legs for three
days, and collected the venom that fell from it. She said that if she
could have obtained a piece of linen that the king had worn, she
could have destroyed his life with this venom ; " causing him such
extraordinarie paines as if he had beene lying upon sharpe thornes, or
1 Pitcairn, I. ii. 243. 2 Pitcairn, I. ii. 211.
3 Ib., I. ii. 212. He confessed that Satan commanded him to chase cats
" purposlie to be cassin into the sea to raise windis for destructioune of schip-
pis," I. ii. 212.
4 Fylit for opening of ane loke be his sorcerie in David Seytounis mode-
ris, be blawing in ane woman's hand, himself sittand att the fyresyde. See
also the case of Bessie Roy, I. ii. 208. The English method of opening locks
was more complicated than the Scotch, as will appear from the following
quotation from Scot, Bk. 12, ch. 14, p. 246 :
" A charme to open locks. Take a peece of wax crossed in baptisme, and
doo but print certeine floures therein, and tie them in the hinder skirt of your
shirt; and when you would undoo the locke, blow thrice therein, saieing,
' Arato hoc partioo hoc maratarykin ; I open this doore in thy name that I am
forced to breake, as thou brakest hell gates. In nomine patris etc Amen.' "
III. MB SPALDING ON THE WITCH-SCENES IN MACBETH. 37
endes of needles." 1 She went out to sea to a vessel called ' The
Grace of God,' and when she came away the devil raised a wind, and
the vessel was wrecked.2 She delivered a letter from Fian to another
witch, which was to this effect : " Ye sail warne the rest of the
sisteris to raise the winde this day at ellewin houris to stay the
Queenis cuming in Scotland."3
This is her confession as to how the storm was raised : " She
tooke a cat and christened it, and afterward bounde to each part
of that cat the cheefest parte of a dead man, & several! jointis of
his bodie : and that in the night following the saide cat was con-
vayed into the middest of the sea by all these witches, say ling in their
riddles or cives, and so left the saide cat right before the towne of
Lieth."*
The witches were always going about in sieves. Agnes told the
king that she " with a great many other witches, to the number of
two hundreth,5 all together went to sea, each one in a riddle or cive,
and went into the same very substantially, making merrie, and drink-
ing by the way in the same riddles or cives to the kirke of North
Barrick in Lowthian, & that after they landed they tooke hands
on the lande and daunced a reill or short daunce."6 They then
opened the graves and took the fingers, toes, and knees of the bodies
to make charms of.
It can be easily understood that these trials created an intense
excitement in Scotland. The result of it was that a tract was printed,
containing a full account of all the principal incidents ; and the fact
that this pamphlet was reprinted once, if not twice,7 in London,
1 Pitcairn, I. ii. 218. 2 Ib., I. ii. 235. 3 Ib., I. ii. 236.
4 "Newes from Scotland," reprinted in Pitcairn, I. ii. 218.
6 Referred to in "Newes from Scotland," I. ii. 217. See also the trial of
Ewsame McCalgane, I. ii. 254. 6 Ib., I. ii. 239.
7 One copy of this reprint bears the name of W. Wright, another that of
Thomas Nelson. The full title is —
Newes from Scotland,
Declaring the damnable life of Doctor Fian, a notable sorcerer, who was
burned at Edenborough in Januarie last, 1591 ; which Doctor was Register to
the Deuill, that sundrie times preached at North Barricke Kirke to a number
of notorious witches ; with the true examinations of the said Doctor and witches
as they uttered them in the presence of the Scottish king : Discouering how
they pretended to bewitch and drowne His Majestie in the sea, comming
38 III. MR SPALDING ON THE WITCH-SCENES IN MACBETH.
shows that the interest spread to the south side of the border.1
Eight years after these events James printed his Dcemonologie,
a sign to both England and Scotland that the subject was still
of engrossing interest to him. In 1603 he ascended the English
throne. His first parliament met on the 19th of March, 1604, and on
the 27th of the same month a bill was brought into the House of
Lords dealing with the question of witchcraft, which, after much
debating and revision, passed into law on the 9th of June. Hutch-
inson, in his Essay on Witchcraft, published in 1720, asserts that
this statute was framed to meet the offences exposed by the trials of
1590-1, and there appears, from a comparison of the act and the
Reports, some reason to suppose this to have been the case. At any
rate, all these facts tend to show that these Scotch cases were pro-
minently before the public mind during the period immediately
preceding the date to which nearly all the critics assign Macbeth.
What is more probable, then, than that a poet, having such a
reasonable opportunity to ingratiate himself with the new sovereign
by nattering this known partiality, should have availed himself of it1?
Jonson did so avowedly in the Masque of Queenes; and I believe that
Shakspere did in Macbeth.
If, then, there is anything in my argument, it proves that the whole
of the scenes in question (except the Hecate scene) were written soon
after 1604, and on that ground I say that they were written by
Shakspere. Mr Eleay admits that the supposed Middleton-part
could not have been added until after Shakspere had left the stage;
and with this I entirely agree ; but it seems absurd to assume that the
allusions are to the Scotch trials, and at the same time to hold that the
scenes containing them were interpolated in 1613 or subsequently.
The Scotch cases were quite forgotten by that time, and, if the
report mentioned by Hutchinson be true, namely, that James I.
" came off from these notions in his elder years," it is just possible
from Denmarke, with such other wonderfull matters, as the like hath not
bin heard at anie time.
Published according to the Scottish copie.
Printed for William Wright.
1 These events are referred to in an existing letter by the notorious Thos.
Phelippes to Thos. Barnes, Cal. State Papers (May 21, 1591), 1591-4, p. 38.
III. MR SPALDING ON THE WITCH-SCENES IN MACBETH. 39
that he might not look with favour upon any attempt to bring before
the public the remembrance of his youthful eccentricities.1
Lastly, it seems to me that the argument derived from the fact
that the songs mentioned in the stage-directions of Act III. scene v.
and Act IV. scene i. appear in The Witch of Middleton, so far
from showing that Middleton had any hand in Macbeth, as it
stands in the folio of 1623. actually tells the other way. All that
can be deduced from this fact is that there were passages in the play,
as previously acted, that were written by Middleton. Bat it places
Macbeth in a far different position to any other play contained in
the folio of 1623. Macbeth was not printed from a surreptitious
Quarto, or taken without consideration from the mouths of the actors,
or from their copies. The editors of the folio were aware that cer-
tain portions of the play as it had been acted were not Shakspere's
work, but Middleton's ; and so they set themselves to expunge the
Middleton portions, merely indicating where they had occurred by
stage-directions. We must acknowledge that Heminge and Condell,
having undertaken the task, were far more competent to separate the
Shakspere and Middleton portions than any critic, however able, in
the present day ; and it is hard to see why, when they had once com-
menced the revision, they should have left off until they had entirely
cleared Macbeth from all interpolations.
I therefore conclude : —
First: — That the beings of Act I. scene iii. and of Act IV.
scene i. are identical.
Secondly : — That the witch-scenes were written at the same time
and by the same hand as the rest of the play.2
1 " In 1612-13, the English public was agitated by another series of witch-
trials : — the celebrated case of the Lancashire witches. This is just the time
when Middleton ought to have been adding the witch-scenes to Macbeth,
and yet there is not an allusion to this command over the elements in the re-
ports of them." — Pott's Disco verie, 1613, reprinted by the Chetham Society,
1845.
2 Mr. Furnivall points out, justly, that the historical evidence does not
support Act Til. so. v. as it does the rest of the witch-scenes. He says,
" Hecate's speech in III. v. is doubtful. It's so much weaker than the
witches' talk, and yet is from their ruler. Their speeches are Trochaic,
Hecate's Iambic." This scene has in its favour only the evidence that sup-
ports my third conclusion.
40 III. MR SPALDING ON THE WITCH-SCENES IN MACBETH.
Thirdly : — That there is a presumption in favour of holding that
the whole of Macbeth as it appears in the folio of 1623 is Shak-
spere's work.
P. S. Mr Furnivall tells me that note 1 on the preceding page
does not sufficiently suggest the argument I intend to be derived
from it.
My meaning is this. A belief in a crime like witchcraft, that
has no real foundation in fact, but depends for its existence upon
theological narrowness acting on one side, poverty and despair on the
other, and an utter ignorance of the most elementary laws of natural
science on both, will be constantly varying ; and the variation will
be regulated by the individual peculiarities of the persecutors, the
persecuted, and by pure accident.
I have shown what a bad storm, whilst a credulous king was at sea,
could do to bring a series of accusations into greater prominence than
had been before allowed to them, and how accident kept these to
the front for a considerable period. But after 1604 these cases
gradually fell out of remembrance; and in 1613 the current state of
belief was represented by the cases of the Lancashire witches, who
were not given to raising storms at all.
Now the dramatist who wanted to represent the action of witches,
to make himself intelligible to his audience, was bound to dwell
upon the conception of witchcraft that then occupied the public
mind. Hence I say that if Middleton had added any of the witch-
scenes to Macbeth in 1613, or soon after, the additions would have
contained allusions to the Lancashire cases, and not to the Scotch.
age, sb. period of life attaind, Sonnet vii. 6. " But if eyther,
age, which then was young, or other prouidence of the Lorde, haue
freed mee alwayes from so grosse idolatrie, yet seeke I further whether
with any outwarde thing else whatsoeuer, not warraunted by the word,
I haue thought or sought to serue and please the Lorde." 1588. —
Bp. Babington on the Ten Commandments, p. 122.
bowling, sb. (1 same sense in) Winter's Tale, IV. iv. 338. "I re-
quire it of al that euer shal reade these words, that as they wil
answere me before the face of God and all his Aungels at the sounde
of the last trump, they better wey [= weigh] whether carding, dising,
& tabling, bowling1, and cocking, stage plaies and summer games,
whether gadding to this ale or that, to this bearebaiting & that bul-
baiting, with a number such, be exercises commanded of God for the
sabaoth day or no." 1588. — Bp. Babington on the Ten Command-
ments, p. 190.
IY.
A NOTE ON THE REV. 1ST. J. HALPIN'S TIME- ANALYSIS
OF THE MERCHANT OF VENICE.
BY P. A. DANIEL, ESQ.
(Read at the 36th Meeting of the Society, Oct. 12, 1877.)
"The time is out of joint." — Hamlet.
tf One Errour is so fruitfull, as it begetteth a thousand Children, if the licentious-
nesse thereof bee not timely restrayned." — Raleigh : Hist, of the World, Cap. iii.
IN June last my attention was called to the republication, in the
Transactions of the New ShaTcspere Society,1 of Mr Halpin's Time-
Analysis of The Merchant of Venice. On examination it seemed to
me that Mr Halpin's conclusions were so little justified by the Play
itself, that I was induced to give our Director, Mr Eurnivall, a short
note expressing my dissent from them. At his request I have since
gone more fully into the subject, and the following pages are the
result.
It must be understood at the outset that I do not pretend to
prove that the play satisfactorily accounts for the full period of
rather more than three months which is essential to the plot, and
which the dramatic action is supposed to represent : I am afraid it
must be admitted that in writing these enchanting scenes, the poet
did not, almanack in hand, calculate with any great degree of care
their relative positions in the field of time. And thus it is that in
perusal of his lines difficulties strike us that pass unnoticed in the
visible action of the stage, for which the scenes were primarily in-
tended. Nor do I intend to discuss Mr Halpin's theory of the
Shaksperean system as regards unity of time : I only profess to ex-
amine the grounds on which he theorizes, and I propose to show that
1 For 1875-6, Part IT. The references to Mr Halpin's paper throughout
are to the pages of that volume.
42 iv.
they have very little existence except in his own imagination ; and
that his conclusion that the " dramatic time of the action " is limited
to 39 consecutive hours, is not only not justified by the play, but is
absolutely and manifestly at variance with it.
He divides these 39 hours as follows :
A first period of 10 hours — from 11 A.M. to 9 P.M. — commencing
with the play and ending, Act II. scene vi., with the embarkation of
Bassanio for Belmont.
An interval of 1 1 hours, commencing with the last-named hour,
9 P.M., and ending at 8 o'clock on the following morning, with the
commencement of Act III. scene ii. — the scene in which Bassanio
makes his choice of the caskets.
A second period of 18 hours, commencing at 8 A.M. with Act
III. scene ii., and ending with the play at 2 o'clock the next
morning.
Let us see how far this scheme of time agrees with the play
itself.
Act I. scenes i. and Hi. Venice. In these scenes is concluded all
the business connected with the loan and bond. They represent a
portion of one day presumably before the dinner-hour. We may
accept Mr Halpin's decision that the dinner hour is 12 at noon*
He however limits the whole transaction to one hour, and decides
therefore that the opening scene commences at 1 1 o'clock.
Looking to the Play itself we find that when scene iii. closes, the
ducats have yet to be pursed and the bond drawn, signed, sealed, and
delivered. Allowing only one hour for this business, it is evident
that scene iii. must close at 11 A.M. and that the opening scene must
commence at a much earlier hour. The whole transaction supposes
a morning's work, and I should therefore consider scene i. as com-
mencing not later than 8 A.M. ; giving four hours for the completion
of this part of the story.
The Bond. The Bond being now in existence, it may be well to
say a word as to its nature. It is a bond for three thousand ducats
payable on or before the expiration of three months, and, "in a
merry sport," it is agreed that the penalty for non-payment at the
time of expiration shall be a pound of Antonio's flesh.
TIME ANALYSIS OF THE MERCHANT OF VENICE. 43
Not a syllable is breathed by any soul throughout the play which
can by any effort of ingenuity be tortured into a meaning that could
cast a doubt on this fact. It is the very groundwork of the plot ;
without it the whole fabric must " fall to cureless ruin." I need not
waste my time and that of my readers in proving this certain and
established fact. No one who has ever read the Play can doubt it.
Whether the poet in elaborating his plot on this foundation, has or
has not allowed sufficient time for the expiration of the three months
of the bo ad, is another matter, and may be a legitimate subject for
investigation. Halpin believes that sufficient time has not been
allowed, and he is thereby induced to advance a theory as to the
bond, the boldness of which is perhaps without a parallel in the
history of Shaksperean criticism. In manifest and palpable con-
tradiction to every syllable throughout the play having any con-
nection with the bond, he asserts that the bond for three months was
really never signed at all, but that Shylock managed by some
impossible fraud to substitute for it a bond payable at sight or on
demand. la order to afford an opportunity for the perpetration of
this fraud — of which, by the way, it may be observed that neither
Shylock himself, Antonio, Antonio's friends, nor the Judges appear
to have had the slightest inkling — Halpin makes Shylock proceed
alone to give the notary 'directions for this merry bond' (p. 402).
Now compare this with the evidence of the Play, Act I. scene iii. :
" Ant. Yes, Shylock, I will seal unto this bond.
Shy. Then meet me forthwith at the notary's;
Give him direction for this merry bond,,
And I will go and purse the ducats straight,
See to my house, left in the fearful guard
Of an unthrifty knave, and presently
I will be with you."
From this, if words have any meaning, it is evident that Antonio
himself gives the notary directions for the bond ; and, as it is not to
be supposed that he had any intention of sealing to any other than
a bond for three months, as agreed on, Mr Halpin's theory of a
" real and ostensible bond " is shown, by this circumstance alone, to
be a mere impossible figment, and may be dismissed from all
44 IV. NOTE ON REV. N. J. HALPIN's
further consideration. This point settled, we may now return to the
examination of the play with reference to the main question of time.
Act I. scene ii. At Belmont. In this scene, which comes between
the two Yenice scenes, wherein is figured forth the business con-
nected with the bond, we are introduced to Portia and Nerissa, and
made acquainted with that part of the plot which relates to the
caskets. And here it should be noted, as an important point, that
Portia's suitors are apparently in the habit of sojourning some little
time at Belmont before they decide whether they will, or will not,
risk their fortunes in the choice of the caskets. The conversation
between Portia and Nerissa conclusively proves this. Portia could
not else have obtained the intimate knowledge of her suitors'
peculiarities which she displays. The time at which this scene takes
place may be supposed — and in this I agree with Halpin — concurrent
with the time occupied at Venice with the business of scenes i. and
iii. At the end of the scene the arrival of Morocco's forerunner is
announced ; he brings word that his master will be there that night.
Act I. then, it will be observed, comprises one day ; a forenoon
at Yenice and a portion of the same day at Belmont, ending at night
with the arrival of Morocco.
Act II. scene i. opens at Belmont with the forenoon on which
Morocco determines to try his fortunes at the caskets. His hazard
is to be made after dinner.
Scenes ii. to -vi., in Yenice, comprise the business of an after -
noon, ending with Bassanio's embarkation.
Scene vii. at Belmont, the same afternoon, ends Morocco's venture.
Here then we see at a glance that the Yenice scenes, Act I.
scenes i. and iii., and Act II. scenes ii. to vi., cannot have occurred on
one and the same day. 24 hours, at least, comprising an afternoon
and a forenoon at Belmont, must come between them, if we are to
pay any regard to the sequence of the scenes. But this interval of
24 hours only, by no means satisfies the exigencies of the case.
It is in my opinion quite impossible to read the Yenice scenes ii.
to vi. of Act II., and arrive at any other conclusion than that an
interval of at least several days has elapsed between the signing of
the bond and Launcelot's first appearance. How many days have
TIME-ANALYSIS OF THE MERCHANT OF VENICE. 45
passed I do not pretend to determine ; I am here only concerned to
show that Halpin's theory of ten consecutive hours for that portion
of the Play commencing with scene i. Act I., and ending with
Bassanio's embarkation, is at variance with the manifest intention of
the Play.
Glancing rapidly through these scenes (scenes ii. — vi.), we find
Launcelot lamenting his hard life in Shy lock's service; he knows
that Bassanio, who has been preparing for his journey, gives " rare
new liveries," and with true serving-man instinct he determines to
better himself; he succeeds ; for Bassanio " knows him well," and on
that very day that he makes his petition, Shylock himself has already
preferred him. This fact alone shows that Shylock — however
inwardly he has cherished his hatred — has been at least for some
little time in familiar intercourse with Bassanio and his friends since
the signing of the bond ; and probably in going of errands between
the two establishments, Launcelot has gained his knowledge of the
superior comforts to be obtained in Bassanio's service. We find too
that Shylock has got over his horror of pork, and now accepts an
invitation to eat with the Christians almost as a matter of course.
Bassanio, besides the work of providing his outfit, has engaged his
ship, and is now waiting for a fair wind. He has, however, still
certain liveries (they could not have been those that Launcelot
refers to, unless we suppose Launcelot to be a prophet) to be made,
and it is to be hoped they were completed that afternoon. If not, he
sailed without them.
Lorenzo, too, has been courting Jessica, and persuading her to elope
with him. And Jessica, in Act III. scene ii. 1. 287 — 90, testifies
that when she was with her father, i. e. after the signing of the bond,
she had
"— . heard him swear
To Tubal and to Chus, his countrymen,
That he would rather have Antonio's flesh
Than twenty times the value of the sum
That he did owe him." l
All this manifestly supposes a lapse of time since the signing of
1 It ma}' seem incredible, but Halpin, commenting on this speech, says, —
"We must understand her as speaking of conversations and transactions
to the bond," — when Antonio owed Shylock nothing ! See p. 411.
46 IV. NOTE ON REV. N. J. HALPIN'S
the bond ; but lialpin, on the ten-consecutive-hours theory (contra-
dicted already by the afternoon and forenoon at Belmont, Act I.
scene ii., and Act II. scene i.), leaves absolutely no time whatever,
not a single second, during which these various events could have
taken place. As well as I can make out, his sole and only
foundation for this theory of ten consecutive hours is, that in
Act I. dinner is mentioned, and in these scenes supper is in
question.1
I have only further to remark that the concurrence of the Belmont
scenes, i. and vii. of Act II. (in which are concluded Morocco's
venture) with the scenes ii. to vi. at Venice, does not at all militate
against my supposition of a considerable interval between Acts I. and
II. It obliges us to suppose that before making his choice of the
caskets, Morocco passed in Belmont as large a space of time as
elapsed in Venice between the signing of the bond and the embark-
ation of Bassanio ; but there is nothing improbable in this when we
consider the custom of the suitors.
On the other hand, when we consider the extraordinary, I may
say impossible, positions into which the ten-consecutive-hours theory
gets the personages of the drama, it becomes a matter of extreme
difficulty to understand by what process of reasoning Halpin could
have betrayed himself into adopting it.
He admits that the Venice and Belmont scenes of Act I. occur
on one and the same day. Morocco arrives at Belmont on the night
of that day. Yet by making the Venice scenes ii. — vi. of Act II.
consecutive with the Venice scenes of Act L, he is compelled to
make the Belmont forenoon and afternoon scenes, Act II. scenes i.
and vii., which follow the night of Morocco's arrival, to take place
on that very night.
Mr Halpin's treatment of the evidence of time afforded by these
Belmont scenes is eminently unsatisfactory. (See pp. 406-7.)
1 I am told that the impression that this dinner and supper take place on
one and the same day is very general. If so, I imagine it must have been
caused, not by reading the play, but by seeing the mutilated version of it
usually placed on the stage ; the scenes with Morocco being there omitted.
To the honour of the management of the Prince of Wales theatre, it should
be mentioned that when performed there these scenes were restored.
TIME-ANALYSIS OF THE MERCHANT OF VENICE. 47
We are now at the end of our examination of Halpin's " First
Period," with this result : for his ten consecutive hours, we have
two periods of four and nine hours each, separated by an interval
the length of which must be determined by the reader himself ; but I
suggest a week at the least.
And now Bassanio is on his way to Belmont, and Lorenzo and
Jessica are wandering, Heaven knows where : the stage is clear; and
this perhaps is the best place for determining, if we can, the distance
between Venice and Belmont. It need scarcely be said that the
actual map of Italy will give us no information on this point ; the
play itself is all that we have to depend on, and from that, although
we derive an idea of considerable distance, we get nothing very
definite. Halpin, however, crushing all things for the sake of
his short-time theory, imagined that he had discovered the distance
between the two places to be exactly ten miles.
His argument in favour of this "astounding discovery" is as
follows : —
When in Act III. scene ii. Bassanio, having succeeded in his
choice of the caskets, determines to return to Yenice, to rescue, if
possible, Antonio from Shylock's clutches, he says to Portia : —
'till I come again,
No bed shall e'er be guilty of my stay ;
No rest be interposer 'twixt us twain."
Therefore, says Halpin (improving on his text), he is "under the
positive engagement that he will not sleep till his return ; " there-
fore he must be back in Belmont that same night ; therefore Portia
(who sets out for Venice after him, and returns before him) must
mean, when she says that she has to " measure twenty miles to-day,"
that this twenty miles includes the whole journey to and from
Venice ; argal, the distance between Venice and Belmont is triumph-
antly proved to be no more nor less than a just ten miles.
It is singular how little Halpin appears to understand his author,
or the force of his own arguments : we here see how by means of his
misinterpretation of Bassanio's speech he reduces Portia's " twenty
miles " to ten ; and the " ten miles " in its turn reduces Bassanio's
speech to — nonsense ; for if the distance between Venice and Belmont
48 IV. NOTE ON REV. N. J. HALPIN*S
be no more than ten miles, Bassanio's proposed self-sacrifice has
no motive, becomes in fact a piece of mere bombast. It is as
though he should say, — " My love, I am about to leave you for a
few hours; I shall probably be back to-night, and I assure you I
will not go to bed in the meanwhile " ! — Why, indeed, should he 1 —
Of course the obvious meaning of Bassanio's words is, that he an-
ticipates an absence of at least two or three days : and his anticipa-
tion is realized : two nights at least intervene between his departure
from Belmont and his return to it with Antonio on the night which
ends the play in the garden scene of Act Y. The evidence of the
play on this point is patent and incontrovertible. Scene ii. Act III.
(the choice of the caskets), and scene iii. Act III. (Antonio in custody
in Venice) must certainly1 be supposed coincident in point of time.
Now we learn from Antonio that the trial is to take place on the
morrow : it is clear therefore that one night intervenes between the
day of the caskets, and the day of the trial. We know also that
Antonio and Bassanio do not start on their journey to Belmont 'till
the morning after the trial, we thus get a second night ; and in fact,
unless we allow the intervention of this second night between the
day of the trial and the final night in the garden at Belmont, the
chaff about the rings, which the ladies pretend they have received
from the doctor and his clerk, becomes mere nonsense, and so mani-
festly impossible that neither Bassanio nor Gratiano could for a
moment be taken in by it. "The doctor's clerk," says Nerissa, "in
lieu of this last night did lie with me." How could Bassanio and
Gratiano be deceived, if no last night had passed since they gave
away their rings in Venice 1
We may conclude then that Belmont is about a day's journey
from Venice ; their relative positions and the distance between them
cannot be more strictly defined. But Halpin's " ten miles " may with
a clear conscience be relegated to the limbo to which we have already
consigned his fraudulent bond.
1 "must certainly ; " because scene iii. (Antonio in custody) is enclosed, as
it were, by the Belmont scenes ii. and iv., which undoubtedly are both on one
day. In this way also in Act I. we determine the coincidence in time of the
Belmont scene ii. with the Venice scenes i. and iii. ; and, in Act II., the coin-
cidence of the Venice scenes ii. to vi. with the Belmont scenes i. and vii.
TIME-ANALYSIS OF THE MERCHANT OF VENICE. 49
In this place also it may be proper to correct his assertion
(p. 399) that "it was agreed" that Lorenzo and Jessica should elope
in Bassanio's ship. If this were true, it would be a black stain on
Bassanio's character ; but it is not true. No such agreement is even
hinted at. The flight of the lovers was almost coincident with
Bassanio's departure ; but it was concerted and carried into effect
before it could possibly be known that the wind would come about
and enable him to commence his journey. Lorenzo in fact had no
intention of joining company with him ; and when they do meet at
Belmont (Act III. scene ii.) he tells him : —
" My purpose was not to have seen you here,
But meeting with Salerio by the way,
He did intreat me, past all saying nay,
To come with him along."
This little affair matters nothing as regards short-time or long-
time ; but it should be noted as one of the many proofs of Halpin's
carelessness in studying the play.
And now we have to examine the scenes which fill up what
Halpin calls the interval of eleven hours.
Act II. scene mil. In this scene, in Venice, we meet with Sala-
rino and Salanio acting, as it were, the part of Chorus. How long a
time has elapsed since the departure of Bassanio, it is impossible to
say with certainty. The reference to Bassanio's embarkation, to the
elopement of Lorenzo and Jessica, and to Shylock's rage on its dis-
covery, would seem to connect the time of this scene very closely
with that of the preceding scenes : one might imagine that they
were discussing these events on the morning following their occur-
rence. But another circumstance is mentioned which forbids this
construction. Salarino reports that he had reasoned with a French-
man yesterday, who brought news of the loss of a vessel of their
nation in the narrow seas, and he hopes this may not be one of
Antonio's. This yesterday cannot possibly be supposed the day of
Bassanio's departure ; at the very earliest, then, it could only have
been the following day ; and therefore the time of this scene, at the
N. S. SOC. TRANS., 1877-9. 4
50 IV. NOTE ON REV. N. J. HALPIN's
earliest, would be the second day after Bassanio's embarkation. The
time, however, must be accepted as indefinite j but, interpreting the
poet's words as rigorously as we may, we here see, in the very first
scene that passes in Venice after Bassanio's departure, that Halpin's
interval of eleven hours only is utterly distanced. Here too it may
be as well to correct his misstatement (p. 399) that in this scene
" we find Shy lock in his first agonies of rage at his daughter's flight,"
etc. As we know, Shylock is not in this scene at all.
Act II. scene ix. At Belmont. Again in this scene we cannot
fix the time with precision. We may however reasonably suppose
it concurrent with the previous scene, viii. In it the Prince of
Arragon makes his choice of the caskets : he fails of course ; and as
he takes his leave, a servant enters to announce the arrival of —
" A young Venetian, one that comes before
To signify the approaching of his lord : "
i. e. of Bassanio. Like Morocco, Bassanio's approach is announced
by a forerunner, and probably also, like him, he arrives the same
day that his approach is announced. Halpin says (p. 395) that his
,actual arrival is announced in this scene, but that of course is not
so. I have said that it is reasonable to suppose this scene con-
current with the previous scene, No. viii., at Venice. — In doing so I
favour the short-time theory as much as possible. — Admitting then
that Bassanio arrives at Belmont on the day that his approach is
announced, and that this day is concurrent with the day of scene viii.,
we find that his arrival is fixed at the second day after his departure
from Venice. This journey then would appear to have occupied a
longer time than those mentioned in the attempt to ascertain the
distance of Belmont from Venice. I don't pretend however to
reconcile all the discrepancies of the play ; but neither do I wish to
conceal them.
Act III. scene i. "We are in Venice again. Salanio and Salarino
are still harping on the loss of the ship in the narrow seas ; but now
the rumour is that it is really one of Antonio's, and though the men-
tion of this ship connects the scene with Act II. scene viii., it also
TIME-ANALYSIS OF THE MERCHANT OF VENICE. 51
marks the advance of time. The fact that Shylock, who joins them,
is still brooding over his daughter's flight, does not by any means
necessitate a close approximation between the time of this scene and
that of the elopement, notwithstanding Halpin's emphatic assertion
(p. 400) that " it cannot by any stretch of fancy be supposed to have
taken place later than the first day (or rather morning) after the
event, with the interval only of the intervening night." If we turn
back to Act II. scene viii., we see that this scene must be of a later
date. We find, too, that Shylock is already beginning to talk of
Antonio as a probable bankrupt, and uttering threats in anticipation
of the forfeiture of the bond. A bond too of which — if it were
payable on demand — he might force the forfeiture at once. But
he evidently knows so little of the fraud he has perpetrated, that
notwithstanding his eagerness for revenge he yet proposes to delay
the arrest of Antonio for a fortnight. " Go Tubal, fee me an officer ;
bespeak him a fortnight before."
The way in which Halpin explains away this " fortnight before "
is too good to be left unnoticed : — "I suppose," says he (p. 411),
"that the greedy burst of malice with which Shylock instructs
Tubal to 'bespeak him an officer a fortnight before' will suggest
nothing more than the extreme impatience of the cruel creditor to
glut his revengeful animosity with the utmost certainty and with the
shortest delay."
Not having hampered my imagination with a short-time theory, I
must confess it suggests to me this much more : that all but a fort-
night of the three months of the bond has now expired, and that the
poet gives this note of time to fix the date of the scene ; the more
especially as he has not given us any scenes representing the inter-
vening time. Tubal, however, who makes his appearance as Salanio and
Salarino leave the stage, does account for a considerable portion of this
past time ; and from his conversation with Shylock we learn that he
has just returned from a fruitless pursuit of Jessica, in tracing whom
he has been as far as Genoa. This conversation can in no way be
made to agree with Halpin's " interval of eleven hours " only ; and is
too important to be passed over, so he avoids the difficulty by setting
down poor Tubal as " a manifest liar " ! (p. 409). Against such
52 IV. NOTE ON REV. N. J. HALPlx's
powerful argument as this, criticism collapses : the gods themselves
could not contend with it.
This is the last of the " interval " scenes ; and it may be admitted
that it requires some effort of the imagination to believe that they
very satisfactorily account for the lapse of time necessary to bring
the bond to within a fortnight of maturity ; but that effort seems to
me as nothing compared with the frightful wrench to our sense of
probability which Halpin's theory would require of us. In flat con-
tradiction to the evidences of the passage of time which we have noted
in the scenes in question. Halpin would have us believe that they
all occur on the morning following Bassanio's departure from Venice,
and before eight o'clock of that morning ; for he fixes that hour for
the commencement of the following scene (Act III. scene ii), in
which Bassanio makes his choice of the caskets.
Portia was no doubt as healthy as she was wealthy and wise ; and
no wonder, if she was in the habit of rising as early as she must have
done on this morning to get through the work here cut out for her.
She has to receive the Prince of Arragon ; who of course has to take
the oath in the temple before he can be admitted to take his choice
of the caskets ; then with due solemnity she superintends his choice ;
bids him adieu ; receives Bassanio's forerunner ; receives Bassanio
himself, who having first imparted his love to her, and taken the
oath, is ready to make his choice of the caskets at 8 A.M. exactly.
The morning's work at Venice is still more startling : on this
morning Salarino must have reasoned yesterday with his Frenchman ;
on this morning Tubal must have flown to and from Genoa in
pursuit of Jessica, often coming where he heard of her, but not able
to overtake her in spite of the rapidity of his journeying; on one
night of this same morning Jessica spent in Genoa four-score ducats,
on another occasion she bought a monkey, and then, with " motion
of no less celerity than that of thought," she and her husband flit to
Belmont, arriving there shortly after 8 o'clock on this same morning.
On this same morning Shylock, bespeaking an officer a fortnight
before, rushes instantly to arrest Antonio a fortnight hence, and " plies
the duke at morning and at night " for justice ; " twenty merchants,
the duke himself and the magnificoes of greatest port " all persuade
TIME-ANALYSIS OF THE MERCHANT OF VENICE. 53
with him on this morning, but in vain : so Antonio, being arrested a
fortnight hence, writes his letter to Bassanio on this same morning
and despatches it to Belmont by Salerio, who arrives there with it
very shortly after 8 A.M., and, be it remarked, unlike Macbeth's fore-
runner, with plenty of breath left to "make up his message." If
this is not the triumph of short-time, it must at least be allowed a
triumph of unreason.
And now to return to the Play. In Act III. scene i., then, we
learned that all but a fortnight of the three months of the bond had
expired : and now, in scene ii., we find ourselves again in Belmont.
Now is the day on which Bassanio risks his fortune at the caskets,
and wins his wife : he has scarcely done so when Salerio arrives with
a letter from Antonio telling him that the bond is forfeit, and that
he has fallen into the power of the Jew. More than a fortnight's
interval therefore (allowing of course for Salerio's journey, and the
time passed by him in Venice, after the arrest, during which the
chief citizens interceded with Shylock on behalf of Antonio) must
be supposed between scenes i. and ii. of this Act. There can be no
difficulty in supposing that. The difficulty is to make out what
Bassanio has been about ever since his arrival at Belmont. "We
can't fix the time of his arrival with precision ; but it must evidently
have been at some time long previous to the expiration of the three
months of the bond. Halpin asserts (p. 395) that in this scene ii. of
Act III., he " has his first interview, in the capacity of a suitor, with
Portia " ; but on this point Bassanio himself contradicts him.
Speaking to Portia, he says : —
" When I did first impart my love to you,
I freely told you, all the wealth I had
Ran in my veins, ....
. When I told you
My state was nothing, I should then have told you
That I was worse than nothing;" etc.
No one will contend that in saying this he was referring to the
"fair speechless messages" alluded to in Act I. scene i. 1. 164.
Halpin himself does not pretend this : he merely ignores the lines I
have quoted. Bassanio must therefore refer to some interview after
54 IV. NOTE ON RET. N. J. HALPIN's
liis arrival and previous to this scene. It may have been the inter-
view during which he took his oath ; or it may have been one of
many previous interviews ; for notwithstanding that Portia's words, —
" I pray you tarry : pause a day or two.
I would detain you here some month or two
Before you venture for me," etc.
may seem to argue but a short previous acquaintance, the dialogue
between them is that of two persons who by long intercourse are
mutually certain of each other's love, and tremble lest fate should
divide them. We must suppose that the lovers have been lingering
out the time ; putting off from day to day the dreaded ordeal of the
caskets, the wrong choice of which would blast their happiness.
Bassanio in fact has been following Antonio's advice, and staying
" the very riping of the time " (II. viii., 40) ; but, like Orlando in As
You Like it, he " can live no more by thinking." The uncertainty
of his fate makes him to live upon the rack and to fear the enjoying
of his love : he must venture at last; and now has come the supreme
moment. But Portia and he have not been alone in their wooing :
Gratiano has been hard at it too, wooing 'till he sweat again, and
" at last " Nerissa has promised him her hand if Bassanio achieves
her mistress. The time was short enough to them no doubt, but
they did not slubber up their business in the impossible short time,
or rather no time, to which Halpin would stint them ; nor did the
Poet mean that they should ; though he has not very precisely
accounted for all the days and hours during which he has left them
together.
I might here also adduce another little bit of evidence in favour
of a lengthy sojourn1 for Bassanio at Belmont, before he decides his
fate by the caskets, from Act III. scene v. ; but as it reflects on
Launcdlot's moral character and is decidedly damaging to the reputa-
tion of a Moorish lady, I will pass it in discreet silence. Still it is
strange that Lorenzo should make such a charge against Launcelot if
1 At least twelve weeks, according to Dr. Tanner, Signs and Diseases of
Pregnancy, 1860, p. 65.— F.
TIME-ANALYSIS OF THE MERCHANT OF VENICE. 55
Launcelot had only arrived with his new master at Bf-lmont the day
before this scene takes place.1
With this scene ii. of Act III. commences Halpin's "Second
Period" of 18 hours. As I have, however, already disposed of this
period in the attempt to ascertain the distance between Yenice and
Belmont, it will be sufficient here to recapitulate his scheme and that
sanctioned by the play.
He fixes, quite arbitrarily, the time of the commencement of this
Belmont scene at 8 A.M. By noon of the same day he gets all the
characters — including of course Balthasar, who has been on an errand
to Padua for Portia — into court in Venice, for the trial. Portia and
Nerissa set out on their return to Belmont shortly after the trial. An-
tonio and Bassanio don't start till the following morning, but so early
in the morning that they actually get back to Belmont in time to
finish up the play by 2 A.M. Total time 18 hours. Accepting 8 A.M.
(though I think that too early) for the commencement of scene ii.
Act III., and 2 A.M. for the conclusion of Act V., the very shortest
time that the play can possibly be made to sanction is 66 hours.
Scenes ii. and iv. Act III., at Belmont (choice of the caskets, and
departures of Bassanio and Portia for Yenice), and scene iii. Act III.,
at Yenice (Antonio in custody), are on one and the same day. In
scene iii. we learn from Antonio that the trial is for the morrow : it
follows then that a night intervenes between these scenes and the
Trial scene, Act IY. scene L A night also (the ring night) inter-
venes between the Trial and the final night at Belmont. We have
then (1) 16 hours, (2) two entire days, (3) the two final morning
hours. Total 66 hours. A total differing in rather a remarkable
degree from Halpin's, but the least the play will allow us to tot up.
In this statement I have not noticed scene v. Act III. (Lorenzo,
Jessica and Launcelot, at Belmont, before dinner). In Halpin's
scheme it would of course be coincident with Portia's journey to
Yenice. I should bracket it with the Trial scene in point of time.
1 A further reason for lapse of time was suggested at the Society's Meeting :
what did Bassanio want 3000 ducats for (say £600, worth £4000 now), if he
had not to maintain h'mself for some weeks while he was courting. He
could hardly spend the whole sum in dress, liveries, and a day's sail. — F.
56 IV. NOTE ON REV. N. J. HALPIN'S
Its position however is not important, as it does not interfere in the
main course of the action. Neither have I thought it necessary to
refute Halpin's notion (p. 412) that Antonio's mention of to-morrow
as the day of trial is merely a miscalculation on his part. The
absurdity of this notion is its own sufficient condemnation. Indeed
this censure may he most justly applied to by far the greater part of Mr
Halpin's paper, from its commencement to its end. So astonishing
to me is its whole tenor, that I have sometimes asked myself whether
it really could have been written in good faith, or whether, after all,
it was merely intended as a mystification. In the latter case it must
be considered as a very poor joke, but in the former the ignorance it
supposes of the Play itself is quite incomprehensible.
I shall only notice one more " error," and that chiefly because it
touches on a point of time.
When in Act Y. Portia gets back to Belmont, the moon is
shining, and she says, —
" This night methinks is but the day-light sick ;
It looks a little paler : 'tis a day,
Such as the day is when the sun is hid " (1. 124 — 6).
A few lines later on Gratiano says, —
" By yonder moon I swear," etc. (1. 142).
Later on still Bassanio swears —
"by these blessed candles of the night," i. e. the stars (1. 220).
In the very last lines of the play Gratiano says that it is still " two
hours to day " (1. 303).
It would seem impossible for any one studying this scene, with
special reference to the time at which it takes place, to overlook all
this evidence ; yet Halpin manages to do so. He asserts (p. 398)
that the time is " dusky dawn ; " and for confirmation of his assertion
he calls to witness " the shortness of the Italian summer night."
His science here shows as unhappily as his knowledge of the scene :
a moment's reflection must have told him that the latitude of Italy
was incompatible with shortness of nights \ and in point of fact the
earliest sun-rise on the longest day in Venice is not before 4.10 A.M.
I now leave my readers to form their own opinion of the value
TIME-ANALYSIS OP THE MERCHANT OF VENICE. 57
of Mr Halpin's work, and, with this final specimen of his accuracy,
I conclude a paper which I cannot but fear is already too long for
the importance of the subject of which it treats.
I add a scheme of the time of the Play such as appears to me to
be sanctioned by the text. By one day is, of course, to be understood
the whole or any portion of the twenty-four hours from midnight to
midnight.
1. Act I. sc. i., ii., iii. One day (No. 1). The bond. Morocco
arrives at Belmont.
Interval, say a week.
2. Act II. sc. i. to vii. One day (No. 2). Bassanio starts for Bel-
mont. Conclusion of Morocco's venture.
Interval, a day at least.
3. Act II. sc. viii. and ix. One day (No. 3). Salanio and Salarino
in Venice. Arragon's venture.
Interval, bringing the time to within a fortnight of the ma-
turity of the bond.
4. Act III. sc. i, One day (No. 4). Salanio and Salarino. Shy-
lock and Tubal.
Interval, rather more than a fortnight.
5. Act III. sc. ii., iii., iv. One day (No. 5). Bassanio's choice.
He and Portia start for Venice . Antonio in custody.
•\ One day (No. 6). Lorenzo, Jessica, and
Launcelot at Belmont. The Trial. The
Act IV. sc. i. and n. \
) rings.
7, 8. Act V. sc. i. Two days (Nos. 7 and 8). Night in the Garden
at Belmont.
The days Nos. 5, 6, 7 and 8 are consecutive.
P. A. DANIEL.
1st October, 1877.
58
V.
GIST THE FIRST QUARTO OF ROMEO AND JULIET
IS THERE ANY EVIDENCE OF A SECOND HAND IN IT]
BY T. ALFRED SPALDING, ESQ., LL.B.
{Read at the 39^ Meeting of the Society, Jan. 11, 1878.)
OP the many difficulties that the editors of Shakspere's works
have to encounter, those arising from the differences between the
texts of Romeo and Juliet are not by any means the least important
or the easiest of solution. Let the most recent and perhaps the most
careful editor of the Play, Mr Daniel, speak his experience. "At
every step," he says, " the judgment of the editor is called into play,
in selecting, combining, and correcting; nor can he lay down, in the-
case of this Play, any fixed rules for his guidance in the work : " —
and again : " After all is said and done, and the editor has bestowed
his utmost care, and made use of all his ability in accomplishing his
task, he must rise at its completion with a deep sense of his power-
lessness to right all the wrong he has passed in review, and a profound
regret that the Author himself did not think fit to set forth and
oversee his own writings." l
What man could do to "right the wrong" which all Shakepere
lovers, with Mr Daniel, so profoundly regret, has been done by him,
as his work for our Society abundantly witnesses. There is one
" wrong," however, not necessarily created by the texts, but imported
into them by the ingeniousness of a certain school of critics, with
which I do not find that Mr Daniel has dealt in any part of his
Introductions or Notes : partly, no doubt, because the theories
referred to were not so fully developed when his work was published
1 See Mr Daniel's Introduction to his Eevised Edition. N.S.S., 1875.
V. MR SPALDING. FIRST QUARTO OF ROMEO AND JULIET. 59
as they now are. I refer to the attempt which has been made to
show that Shakspere was not the sole author of Romeo and Juliet,
at any rate in the form in which it first appeared, — the first Quarto.
The first move in this direction with which I am acquainted was
made by Mr Grant White in his edition of Shakspere. This has
been quite recently followed up by an article by the Rev. F. G. Fleay,
published in Macmillarfs Magazine.1 The object of this paper is to
consider the positions of both these critics ; it will be well, therefore,
to state them in their own words at the outset.
Mr Grant White's opinion is that the first Quarto " represents
imperfectly " (that is, is a pirated copy of) " a composition not entirely
Shakspere's; and that the difference between the two" (that is,
between the first and the second Quartos) " is owing partly to the
rejection by him of the work of a co-labourer ; partly to the surrep-
titious and inadequate means by which the copy of the earlier edition
was obtained ; and partly perhaps, though to a very much less degree,
to Shakspere's elaboration of what he himself had written."
Mr Fleay concludes "that the first draft of this Play was made
about 1593, probably by George Peele; that after his death it was
partially revised by Shakspere, and produced at the Curtain Theatre
in 1596 in the shape that we find it as printed in the first Quarto;
and that he subsequently revised it completely as we read it in the
second Quarto."
The exact amount of difference between these two theories must
be carefully noted : Mr Grant White's view is that the first Quarto
is the joint work of Shakspere and another author whose name he
does not mention ; 2 Mr Fleay's, that it is a partial revision by
Shakspere of a Play entirely by Peele : Mr Grant White holds that
the copy was obtained surreptitiously ; Mr Fleay holds the contrary
opinion. JSTow, as it is only in case it can be shown that the first
Quarto was printed from a legitimate source, that its accuracy can be
relied upon as sufficient basis for the metrical criticism upon which
Mr Fleay relies to support his proposition with regard to the second
band, the question of its origin becomes of paramount importance.
This question will therefore be investigated first : the evidence for
1 July, 1877, p. 195. 2 See post., p. 86.
60 V. MR SPALDIXG. CHARACTERISTICS OF A PIRATED QUARTO.
and against the probability of Peele having had any hand in the Play
will then be discussed ; and finally the question of the possibility
of foreign element will be considered from Mr Grant White's point
of view.
First ; — as to the means by which the first Quarto was obtained.
Authority distinctly declares itself in favour of Mr Grant White in
this matter. Until Mr Fleay, not unmoved perhaps by the neces-
sities of the cause of which he had constituted himself the advocate,
propounded the opposite theory, the question was one upon which
Shakspere critics were happily agreed. What, then, is the evidence
that has led to this general agreement of opinion, and by what means
does Mr Fleay attempt to set it aside ]
The chief characteristic of a pirated edition of a Play is the
extreme irregularity of the metre. When plays follow one another
in such rapid succession as they did during the great days of the
Elizabethan Drama, it must be impossible for the actor to commit his
part to memory with anything like complete verbal accuracy, even
if he had any wish to do so. He could but obtain a rough know-
ledge of his role, and trust to the prompter and his own readiness to
carry him through. The comic characters we know took more
deliberate licence, and many a time must the blank verse of Shakspere
have " halted for it " under the determined attempts of the clown to
make the people laugh. All these influences combined to transform
ordinary five-foot lines into monsters unheard of — lines without
heads, tails, or middles ; lines with one, two, three, or more redundant
syllables, halting Alexandrines; and, lastly, sheer prose. These
additions and excisions do not always improve the sense of the
passage operated upon, but they necessarily get repeated in the notes
of the short-hand writer, aggravated of course by slips, faults, and
emendations of his own. A specimen of. the transformation that
one of Hamlet's soliloquies underwent in the process of piracy may
help to illustrate this : —
" To be, or not to be, I, there's the point,
To die, to sleepe, is that all 1 I, all :
No, to sleepe, to dreame, I, mary, there it goes,
For in that dreame of death, when wee awake,
And borne before an everlasting ludge,
V. MR SPALDING. CHARACTERISTICS OF A PIRATED QUARTO. 61
From whence no passenger ever returnd
The undiscovered country, at whose sight
The happy smile, and the accursed damn'd.
But for this the ioyfull hope of this,
Whol'd bear the scornes and flattery of the world.
Scorned by the right rich, the rich curssed of the poore 1
The widow being oppressed, the orphan wrong'd,
The taste of hunger, or a tirant's raigne,
And thousand more calamities besides,
To grunt and sweate under this weary life,
When that he may his full quietus make
"With a bare bodkin."
Five lines out of these sixteen are faulty, to say nothing of the
violations of sense and grammar contained in them.
The following speech of Romeo's will serve to show the presence of
the same faults in the first Quarto of Romeo and Juliet (v. 1,34) : —
" Doo as I bid thee, get me inke and paper,
And hyre those horse : stay not, I say.
• Well Juliet, I will lye with thee to-night
Lets see for meanes. As I doo remember
Here dwells a Pothecarie whom oft I noted
As I past by, whose needie shop is stufft
With beggerlie accounts of emptie boxes :
And in the same an Aligarta hangs
Olde endes of Packthred, and cakes of Eoses,
Are thinly strewed to make up a show.
Him as I noted, thus with myselfe I thought :
And if a man should need a poyson now,
(Whose present sale is death in Mantua)
Here he might buy it. This thought of mine
Did but fore-rumie my need; and here about he dwels."
In fifteen lines six are, from one cause or another, imperfect.
These imperfections of metre will be more minutely investigated
when the metrical tests whereby it is sought to distinguish Peele's
work from Shakspere's are considered : it is sufficient here merely to
refer to, and illustrate them.
In a pirated edition of a Play the following peculiarity will always
be found. Whenever the dialogue flows smoothly, and there is no
element of disturbance in the action, the text proceeds with moderate
correctness ; but directly the dialogue becomes of an exciting nature,
62 V. MR SPALDING. CHARACTERISTICS OF A PIRATED QUARTO.
or complicated from the number of speakers on the stage, the text
immediately falls off in accuracy, and sometimes fails to represent
the scene except in the form of a stage direction. A very good
illustration of this is afforded by the first scene in the fiist Quarto of
Romeo and Juliet. So long as the two serving men of the Capulets
maintain the dialogue between them, there is little fault to be found
with the text ; but when it is complicated by the intervention of the
two Montagues, there is a manifest falling off :—
1 . Moun : Doo you bite your thumbe at us ?
1. I bite my thuinbe.
2 Moun. I but is't at us 1
1. I bite my thumbe, is the law on our side1?
2. No.
1. I bite my thumbe.
1 Moun. But is't at us 1 [Enter Benvolio.
2. Say I here comes my masters kinsman.
Thus far the Reporter was able to follow the dialogue, though
imperfectly ; but when Tybalt, three or four citizens with clubs and
partysons, Capulet exclaiming for a longsword, and his wife for a
crutch, Montague and his wife, and lastly Prince Eskales and his
train, all entered while fifteen unfortunate lines were being spoken,
and perhaps some few improvised speeches from the fools, that had
not been set down for them, and a free fight was going on in addition
to other complications, it is not surprising that the unfortunate man
threw up the pen in despair, and took refuge in the following stage
direction, or rather explanation : —
" They draw : to them enters Tybalt, they fight, to them the
Prince, old Montague, and his wife, old Capulet and his wife
and other citizens and part them."
Similar fallings off in the text, although not so absolute, will be
found where the hue and cry is raised after Mercutio's death ; and,
in the last scene of the Play, when all the actors enter for the final
explanation before the tomb of the Capulets.
A third peculiarity often found in reported Plays is the manner
V. Mil SPALDING. STAGE-DIRECTIONS IN A PIRATED QUARTO. G3
in which the stage directions are worded. It will be frequently
found that these are not so much instructions to the actor or stage
manager, as some striking action upon the stage that is not necessarily
suggested by the text. A few examples will show this.
In the pretty love-scene between Eomeo and Juliet in Laurence's
cell, to which reference will again have to be made, Juliet's entrance
is indicated thus : " Enter Juliet, somewhat fast, & einbraceth
Romeo."
The death of Mercutio is thus indicated : —
" Tybalt under Borneo* 's arme thrusts Mercutio in & flies."
The direction in the second Quarto answering to this is merely,
" Away Tybalt."
Again, we get such directions as these : " Enter Nurse, wringing
her hands, with the ladder of cordes in her lap :" — " He" (Eomeo)
"offers to stab himself, $ Nurse snatches the dagger away: —
Fryer stoopes fy looJces on the blood, $ iveapons;" — and lastly, a
very curious case, after the nurse has counselled Juliet to accept the
County as a second husband and has gone out ; before Juliet begins
those splendid lines —
" Auncient damnation, 0 most cursed fiend," &c.,
we are told that " she looses after Nurse"
Such directions would be of even less use to the actor than the
celebrated one in the first Quarto of Hamlet : " Enter ghost in his
night gowne : " but they are intelligible upon the supposition that
they are the notes made by an observer of passages in the perform-
ance that struck him as remarkable.
Here, then, are three distinct marks of piracy, marks that are
hardly to be explained upon any other theory. There are many
other slighter indications that occur to the reader of a pirated text.
For instance : the name of a character is never prefixed to his speeches
unless his name occurs in the spoken part. Sufficient, however, has
been said to show that the conclusion that the text of the first Quarto
of Romeo and Juliet was surreptitiously obtained was not arrived at
in the absence of strong evidence to support it.
We must now proceed to consider upon what grounds Mr Fleay
64 V. MR SPALDING. MISPRINTS IN ROM. $' JUL. QI.
seeks to dispute this conclusion, and to establish that the first Quarto
was printed from, a legitimately obtained copy of the author's MS.
It is a curious fact that no attempt is made either to show that
the peculiarities of a pirated Play do not appear in this first Quarto,
or to attribute the existence of them to other causes. Instead of
making a direct attack upon his opponents Mr Fleay executes a
flank movement, and entrenches himself in a position the strength of
which he believes will compel his enemy to retire. But the enemy
is hardly likely to do so without a previous reconnaissance in force of
Mr Fleay's parallels. These are two in number : first, the nature of
the misprints in the first Quarto; and second, the nature of the
emendations in the second Quarto.
"With regard to the misprints, Mr Meay points out that they are
few in number in comparison with the ordinary printed productions
of the day ; in comparison indeed with the second Quarto : and that
the misprints that do occur are such as would arise rather from, an
error of the eye than one of the ear ; in the printing house, not in
the Theatre. If this were absolutely true (it is practically), it would
not render our former position untenable, for such a state of things
might occur in a print from a pirated copy. It would be quite
possible for a clever editor so to conceal by emendations any hiatus in
the report as to prevent a reader who was not acquainted with the
original Play from detecting the alteration : and as it is an earlier
form of Romeo and Juliet, not the amended Play as it appears in the
second Quarto, that the Reporter was operating upon, it would be
impossible for the acutest nineteenth-century critic to discover it.
The errors of eye would infallibly arise in printing from the pirated
MS. Bat it is not perfectly clear that all the errors do arise solely
from the eye. Many of them might arise from either source : but
this fact so little affects the main question, that it is hardly worth
while pointing out the few cases about which there may be
doubt.
With regard to the second position, the nature of the emendations
in the second Quarto, I feel that it will be the safest plan to let Mr
Fleay speak for himself. He says: — "That Qi was not a mere
corruption or imperfect representation of Q 2 is demonstrable; for it
V. MR SPALDING. ROM. $ JUL. Ql IS A PIRATED EDITION. G5
can be shown that the correcting process was not finished before Qz
was printed, but only in progress."
Now no one ever contend* d that the first Quarto was a corrupt
representation of the second ; but of an earlier form of the Play.
What is contended for is this. The first Quarto has all the signs of
having been surreptitiously procured : the second bears none of these,
but it does contain evidence of having been revised upon an earlier
play : therefore the second Quarto is a revised edition of the
manuscript of the Play imperfectly represented in the first
Quarto.
"But," says Mr Fleay, " in every instance where we get two ver-
sions of a passage in Q2, the version in Q i lies between them; differing
from either less than they differ from each other. If this is to be
explained on the short-hand note-taking system, either the piratical
reporter must have had a supernatural insight into the corrections
that were to appear in Q2 or the theory of probabilities must be
discarded."
In two of the passages that Mr Fleay gives in illustration of this
peculiar relation between the two Quartos, namely, Act III. sc. iii. 11.
35 — 45, and II. iii. 1 — 4,(1) one of the versions in the second Quarto
is identical with the reading in the first, so no inspiration came to the
note-taker in these cases. In the third the two passages (Y. iii. 108
and 123) in the second Quarto are identical, and only vary from the
corresponding passage in the first Quarto in one word : " quick "
instead of "swift." The fourth passage, as the last prop of an
ingenious theory, deserves fuller investigation : I therefore parallel
the Quartos, (iv. 1.)
First Quarto. Second Quarto.
" And in this borrowed likenes " And in this borrowed likenesse
of shrunke death of shrunke death
Thou shalt remaine full two Thou shalt continue two and
and fortie houres fortie hours,
1 In the passage in the friar's speech here referred to there is a difference of
one word between the second reading of Q2 and the reading of Qi ; and two
other words vary as to spelling. So the second reading in Q,2 differs from the
first exactly as the reading in Qi does : the latter is no mean between the two
readings in Q2.
N. S. SOC. TRANS., 1877-9. 5
66 V. MR SPALDING. BOM. fy JUL. QI IS A PIRATED EDITION.
And when thou art laid in thy
kindreds Vault,
And then awake as from a
pleasant sleepe.
Now when the Bridegroome in
the morning comes, 108
To rowse thee from thy bed
there art thou dead :
Then as the manner of our
countrie is,
In1 thy best robes uncovered on
the Beere,
Be borne to buriall in thy
kindred's grave : 112
Thou shalt be borne to that same
auncient vault 113
Where all the kindred of the
Capulets lie," &c.
He send in hast to Mantua to
thy lord."
The contention is that because the lines in the second Quarto,
from 108 to 112, are not grammatical, therefore line 112 represents
the form of the earliest version (Peele's), the corresponding line in the
first Quarto the result of the first revision, and line 113 the second
revision that was intended as a substitute for both : therefore the
first Quarto cannot be a surreptitious one. Surely this is too
ponderous an argument for such a small line to sustain. It might be
reasonable to say that the "Thou shalt " of line 106 was understood
in the following sentence, or that there was some line that had
dropped out accidentally ; but the greater argument it is surely
incapable of sustaining.
It is therefore quite warrantable, for the purpose of this investiga-
tion, to state as a fact that the first Quarto, if not actually proved to
be a surreptitiously obtained copy, bears all the brand-marks of such
an origin, and that hitherto no successful attempt has been made
either to explain away these marks, or to produce other evidence to
prove that the print had a more legitimate origin. The bearing of
1 " Is " instead of " in » in Q2.
V. MR SPALDING. IS PEELE*S HAND TO BE SEEN IN ROM. $ JUL. Ql ? G7
this upon the value of any metrical tests derived from the first Quarto
is too apparent to need explanation.
We must now pass on to investigate the evidence that has
sufficient strength to convince Mr Fleay that Peele's hand can be
traced in the first Quarto of Romeo and Juliet. This evidence divides
itself into external and internal evidence : the latter subdividing
into three classes, evidence from metre, style, and phraseology.
First, as to the external evidence.
When a writer announces, with a degree of calmness indicative of
great confidence in his cause, that there is external evidence in favour
of his proposition that there are passages by a second author in a Play
generally regarded as Shakspere's, the reader feels a natural agitation
to know what is to come next. Visions of a newly-discovered Meres,
or a hitherto mute inglorious Manningham float before the mind, and
he hurries forward to the unveiling of the mystery with an excusable
mingling of interest and distrust. The latter feeling will in this case
obtain a strong predominance, whilst the former will sink almost to
zero ; for the evidence in question consists of the somewhat well
known fact that Shakspere's name does not appear on the title-page
of any one of the Quartos of Romeo and Juliet, except perhaps, upon
a few copies that were suppressed. If this mode of argument were
generally adopted, and rigorously shutting their eyes to all external
evidence in the true sense, such as that of Meres, the critics were to
dispute the unity of authorship of all the Plays that appeared in
Quarto without the author's name on the title-page, our ideas about
Elizabethan literature would become somewhat confused. There was
a period in Shakspere's life, the earliest, when his name was not
sufficiently known to make it worth while putting it on the title-page,
perhaps when the editor did not even know the name of the author
of the successful Play he had pirated. This soon changed, and
Shakspere's name was a recommendation of the trash that represented
his Play : and subsequently it paid to put his name to Plays he had
never put pen to. It is rather a curious fact that his name did not
appear on the second Quarto : but at this distance of time it seems a-
perilous assumption that it was because he would not claim sole
authorship of a Play partly written by another. This sort of
68 V. MR SPALDING. MR FLEAY's PEELE-THEORY EXAMIND.
guess-work is dangerous to begin upon, and it is wiser sometimes in
Shakspere criticism, as in religious dogmatizing, candidly to admit
the impossibility of knowledge on a point than to invent an
explanation unsupported by fact merely for the sake of explaining
everything. But curiously enough we have an opportunity of putting
this evidence into Mr Fleay's own balance ; and weighed there it is
found very wanting indeed. What would have been the effect on
Mr Fleay's argument had the first Quarto borne the name of
Shakspere on the title-page ] It appears that it would have had no
effect at all. The external evidence as to Shakspere's authorship of
Richard III. is on all-fours with that relating to Romeo and Juliet,
except in the one particular of the name. The second Quarto of the
former Play is an exact reprint of the first, except that it contains
two more lines, and bears Shakspere's name on the title-page : so the
first Quarto may be said to bear the name of Shakspere. Both Plays
are attributed by Meres to Shakspere. But does this prevent Mr
Fleay from doubting Sbakspere's sole authorship of Richard III?
Not in the slightest. Mr Fleay has a pet theory that Peele had a
hand in Richard III. as well as in Romeo and Juliet, and in such a
case the name on the title-page has no weight whatever. If therefore
the presence of Shakspere's name on the title-page of the first Quarto
would have been no evidence of his sole authorship, how can its
absence be " absolutely fatal " to his claim to such authorship 1
So much for the external evidence, from which we pass on to the
internal, which must be investigated with some care, at the risk of
tediousness, so important are its bearings upon the question in hand.
The internal evidence, as was before stated, is divisible into three
heads ; namely, evidence from metre, from style, and from peculiar
phraseology. The metrical evidence subdivides into three classes.
1. Lines deficient by a foot or head syllable.
2. The number of Alexandrines.
3. Lines with a superfluous strong syllable that does not occur
after a pause.
It is true Mr Fleay does not use the first two divisions as
evidence, because these might be due " either to the original writer,-
or to the copyist if the edition were issued without revision. It would
V. MR SPALDING. MR FLEAY*S METRICAL EVIDENCE FROM PROSE LINES. 69
be reasoning in a circle to use these as an argument either one way
or the other." It is clear, therefore, that the first and second classes
come in as confirmatory evidence of Peele's hand if its presence can be
proved by other means ; so I shall consider the crucial test first,
leaving the confirmatory evidence for subsequent remark.
The proposition, then, is that lines containing a superfluous strong
syllable that is not to be disposed of by contraction, and does not
occur after a pause, are evidence of Peele's hand. Mr Fleay finds
fifty-six of these lines in the first Quarto of Romeo and Juliet, and he
instances two :
| Where's he | that slew | Mercu]tio, Ty|balt that Vill|ain|
where the extra syllable must be either -bait, that, or Vill- : and
| When young king |Cophet|ua loved | the beg'gar wench|
where the extra syllable is either "when," "young," or "king."
It is somewhat unfortunate that the only two examples of the
lines in question that are given in illustration should be taken from
passages that are not only printed as prose, but are unscannable as
verse. Take the whole of the passages from which they are derived.
The first is from the part of the first Quarto that answers to Act
III. scene i. 11. 135-6.
Romeo. Ah I am fortune's slave !
[Enter Citizens.]
Watch. Wher's he that slue Mercutio, Tybalt that villaine 1
Benvolio. There is that Tybalt.
Watch. Up sirra goe with us.
This occurs between two passages of verse, but can hardly be called
verse itself, and the line which is relied on as a specimen of Peele's
peculiarity appears to be an Alexandrine if it is anything.
The second example is taken from the part answering to Act II.
scene i. 11. 14 — 22. The former part of the speech, although printed
as prose, is scannable, but from the line quoted it goes on thus : —
" Hee hearer me not. I conjure thee by Rosalindes bright eye, high
forehead, and scarlet lip, her prettie foote, straight leg, and quivering
thigh, and the dernaines that there adjacent lie, that in thy likenesse
thou appeare to us."
70 V. MR SPALDING. IS ROM. $ JUL. PEELE's AS WELL AS SHAKSPERE's?
And Mercutio's speech immediately following is only prose, although
many lines lie imbedded in the passages, indicating that they are
imperfect representations of what should be verse. I am not arguing,
of course, that because these passages are printed as prose they
must be treated as such; but I am merely pointing out that it is
rather unsatisfactory, after ingenuity has been expended to show that
the first Quarto is not a surreptitious print, but a most careful repro-
duction of a copy of the author's MS, to have lines produced from a
piece of unscannable prose in illustration of a peculiarity of the metre
of a writer whose verse is remarkable chiefly for the regularity and
monotony of its rhythm.
This being the case, I have had some difficulty in finding out
which are the fifty-six lines in the first Quarto ; indeed, after admit-
ting many lines that are manifestly susceptible of another explanation,
I have been unable to make up that number ; nevertheless, I have
no doubt that they do exist, and that Mr Fleay could easily sub-
stantiate this statement. But before proceeding to consider how far
this species of verse is a peculiarity of Peele's, it seems necessary to
settle what effect the admission of the accuracy of this test would
have upon the second Quarto; that is, the standard text. It is
necessary to bear in mind the theory concerning the first Quarto that
we are supposing for the sake of the argument to be correct. That
Quarto is a Play of Peele's, partially revised by Shakspere, and printed
from his manuscript. If, therefore, a style of verse peculiar to Peele
alone appears in a given passage, it is fair to conclude that that
passage, if not the scene containing it, has not been subject to
revision. It would be absurd to assert that Shakspere had re-written
all the passage except the line with the extra head syllable. Going
a step further, if one of the passages in question is reprinted in the
second Quarto just as it stands, except for the removal of Peele's
metrical peculiarity, it seems incontestable that it must nevertheless
be credited to Peele, and not to Shakspere. A careful consideration
of the position of the lines in question leads inevitably to the con-
elusion that, if this test is to hold good, Romeo and Juliet must
henceforth be printed in an appendix to Shakspere's works as a Play
produced by him and Peele jointly. A few examples of this will
V. MR SPALDING. NOT THE FAINTEST TRACE OF PEELE IN ROM. fy JUL. 71
show what I mean. The famous Queen Mab speech contains at
least two of these lines : —
|| And || then dreams he of another benefice
This is that Mab || that || makes maids lie on their backs.
In the second Quarto the passage stands almost as it does in the first
Quarto : one or two lines are cut out, including the latter of the two
quoted ; one or two are inserted, and a few slight emendations are
made : but if Peele wrote the speech as it stands in the first Quarto
he is practically the author of it as it appears in the second. One
more example : this time of a whole scene. If Act II. scene ii., the
lovely balcony scene between Romeo and Juliet, be read for com-
parison in Mr Daniel's parallel text edition, it will be seen that,
except for a few additions in the second Quarto, the texts are prac-
tically identical; that is, all the first Quarto is contained in the
second. Yet this scene, besides Alexandrines and other metrical
peculiarities, contains no less than six lines with the extra syllable,
all which are corrected in the second Quarto. Out of 168 lines,
those answering to 47, 76, 83, 92, 123, and 191 in the second Quarto
bear the stamp of George Peele, so it will be seen that they do not
occur all in a heap, but are spread equally through the whole scene.
These are the lines referred to : —
47. Eetaine | the | devine perfection he owes
76. I would not for the world | they | should find thee here.
83. | I | he gave me counsaile, and I lent him eyes
92. Dost thou love me? | ISTay | I know thou wilt say I.
123. It is too rash too sodaine too | unadvised.
191. Yet I should kill thee with much cherishing | thee |
It seems difficult not to conclude that Peele was the author of the
scene as it stands in the first Quarto, and that Shakspere's additions
are confined to the variations in the second Quarto. If this is not
the case, perhaps some critic will have the courage to split this
magnificent scene into parts, pointing out which lines Shakspere
wrote and which Peele. For my part I am unable to distinguish the
faintest trace of the hand of the man whose attempts at pathos move
indeed, but move to laughter.
72 V. MR SPALDING. TEELE AND THE EXTRA STRONG SYLLABLE.
Many other passages might be cited to show that the lines in
question occur in passages retained in the second Quarto, not in
passages for which fresh matter is substituted, as one would expect
if the theory of the gradual elimination of Peele's work by Shakspere's
were correct, but these instances are sufficient.
Let us now pass on to the main question : is this line with the
extra strong syllable a characteristic of Peele, and Peele alone ? I
have no hesitation in saying no : and for the purpose of showing
the justice of this answer let us take Peele's two principal works,
Edward I. and David and JBethsabe, and see how many of these
lines they respectively contain. Of Edward I. Dyce rightly observes
that it is " perhaps the most incorrectly printed of all our old Plays " ;
and yet under circumstances so favourable to the production of
irregularities, I can only find nine lines of the description in question
to set against the fifty-six in the first Quarto of Romeo and Juliet.
These nine are as follows i1
Baliol behold, I give | thee | the Scottish crown.
Tailers Imbroders, | and | men of rare device 2
Madam content | ye | would that were greatest care.
Owen ap Rice, while we stay | for | further force.
| My | lords will you stand to what I shall award.
She vaunts that mighty England | hath | felt her fist.
Proud Edward, call | in | thy Elinor ; be still.3
Farewell | and \ be hanged, half Sinon's sapon's brood.
| Fair | Queen Elinor could never be so false.3
Of these the last but one is absolute nonsense, and reasonable
amendments .may be suggested for most.
David and Hethsabe is much more carefully printed than
Edward /., and consequently is a much better Play to test any
peculiarity of Peele's versification : and curiously enough, it contains
1 Tlie Famous Chronicle of King Edward the First, &c., 4°, 1593. Brit.
Mus. : Press mark C. 34. d. 52.
2 Dyce reads " imbroiderers " for imbroders, thus turning the line into an
Alexandrine.
3 Probably these should be omitted, as Elinor is a dissyllable or trisyllable
as occasion may require. Two lines have been omitted containing the word
." coronation," which is evidently used as a dissyllable. Cf. Richard 111. iii. 4. 2.
V. MR SPALDING. PEELE & THE EXTRA STRONG SYLLABLE. 73
only one line with the extra syllable. It is in Nathan's address to
David. He says : —
" There came a stranger to this wealthy man,
And he refus'd, and spar'd to take his owne,
But tooke the poore mans sheepe, partly, poore mans store,
And drest it for this stranger in his house."1
" Some deep corruption here," says Dyce, in a note on the third line.
" An instance of Peele's metrical peculiarity," Mr Fleay would say.
"Which of the two is right 1
Perhaps Greene has as much if not more right than Peele to be
considered the joint author of Romeo and Juliet, if the extra syllable
be any test.2 Friar Bacon and Friar Bung ay contains 6 of these lines :
James IV. „ 6 „ „
The Looking Glass for London and England, by Greene and
Lodge, contains five, three of which occur in four lines.
Lastly, the efficacy of this test may be well illustrated by apply-
ing it to the two Plays, Alphonsus king of Aragon and George-a-
Greene. The former, a very carefully printed Play, contains only four
of these lines : if " prowess " may be read as a monosyllable, only two :
the latter, which bears the marks of having been pirated, contains at
least twenty-six in addition to lines of every other number of feet.
These facts are surely enough to dispel any idea that the lines in
question are any test of Peele's workmanship, and I shall now pro-
ceed to attempt to account in another manner for their existence.
It is only fair, however, to state here that Mr FJeay says that he has
chosen this test out of several that point to Peele as Shakspere's
coadjutor. It is impossible of course to guess what these tests may
be : but the remark of the master of the feast at the marriage at
Cana in Galilee on tasting the miraculously-produced wine inevitably
occurs to the mind in connection with this assertion.
An examination of a few of these extra syllable lines will disclose
two important facts concerning them. The first is that the extra
syllable has no necessary place in the line. It is not like the double,
1 The Love of King David and Fair Betlisdbe, &c., 4°, 1596. Brit.
Mus. : Press Mark C. 34. d. 54.
2 These statistics are worked from Dyce's edition : probably a perusal of
the original Quartos would furnish one or two more.
74 V. MR SPALDING. THE EXTRA SYLLABLE IN PIRATED PLAYS.
or triple ending, always in one position, but may appear in any
position whatever. It is not, therefore, the result of an attempt to
produce a peculiar and distinctive rhythm ; on the contrary, it has
always the effect of giving an ungainly jolt to the line in which it
occurs. The second fact is that the extra syllable can nearly always
be removed, and the line thereby improved without altering the
sense. These lead me to believe that such lines in the Elizabethan
Dramas arose from two causes : —
1. Actor's errors repeated by the Eeporter.
2. Printer's errors.
There are very few cases of the latter class indeed, as printer's errors
are more generally those of omission than those of commission ; but
they are very frequent in a piratical print. A few illustrations from
the first Quarto will show how probable this is.
I. i. 189. Being vext, a sea raging with | a | lover's tears.
The line preceding is : " Being purdge, a fire sparkling in lover's eyes."
I. i. 207. With Cupid's arrow; she hath Dian]ae]s wit.
I. iv. 75. | And | then dreams he of another benefice.
II. ii. 92. Dost thou love me? | Nay | I know thou wilt say I,
II. iii. 25. For this being smelt | too | with that part cheers each part.
II. v. 4. | Oh | she is lazie, love's heralds should be thoughts.
Or perhaps the Actor said, or the Eeporter misheard, "lazie" for "lame."
III. iii. 110. Murdered her kinsman : | Ah | tell me holy Friar —
III. v. 237. I | and | from my soul, or else beshrew them both.
V. i. 51. Him as I noted, | thus | with myself I thought.
Y. i. 85. Than this which thou hast given me : | go | hie thee hence.
V. iii. 157. But what we talkt of : | but | yet I cannot see : —
I do not say that all the lines can be explained away with equal facility,
but I think those quoted are sufficient to show how they come about.
But Mr Fleay challenges the production of such lines from any
other notoriously pirated Play, and suggests the Corambis Hamlet,
from which he would like to see instances. It would appear that in
fact the Corambis Hamlet contains more of these lines than the first
Quarto of Romeo and Juliet, probably because it was printed from a
V. MR SPALDING. THE EXTRA SYLLABLE IN PIRATED PLAYS. 75
more carelessly prepared copy. If Mr Fleay had looked at the
Corambis Hamlet before writing his article he would probably have
avoided making any reference to it, for the third line in the Play
stands thus : —
| 0 | you come most carefully upon your watch.
I will give a few instances of these lines in this Play, of which I
find at least 39, to show how exactly the remarks I have made about
the Romeo and Juliet lines apply to them.
Who as you know | was | by Fortenbrass of Norway —
My | good | lord I came to see your father's funeral.
| Oh | I pre thee do not mocke me fellow studient.
| And | remember well what I have said to you.
So to seduce my | most | seeming vertuous Queene.
Hie et ubique | nay | then we'll shift our ground.
What have you given him | any | cross words of late ? x
Tell me true ; come ; I know the | good | King and Queene.
Yes faith, this | great | world you see, contents me not.
What is the reason | sir that you worry me thus 1
Who will point out Peele's share in Hamlet ?
In the Quarto of Henry V. printed in 1600 I find at least twenty-
one of these lines, of which the following are examples : —
I. i. 1. 3. Of | some | serious matters touching us and France.
I. ii. 1. 188. | And | we understand him well how he comes ore us.
II. ii. 28. That is mercie, but | too | much securitie.
II. ii. 81. | Should | proceed one spark that might annoy my finger.
II. iiii. 27. My gracious father cut | up | this English short.
It would be interesting to know how much of this Quarto of Henry
V. Peele wrote.
In the Chronicle History of King Lear, 1608,2 without counting
such passages as are hopelessly mangled into prose, I find about 40
of these lines, from which I select the following as illustrations : —
In three our kingdom e ; and tis our | first | intent
How | nothing can come of nothing ; speake againe.
1 So in Folio. 2 Brit. Mus. : press mark C. 34. k. 17.
76 V. MR SPALDING. FAILURE OF MR FLEAY'g DISTINCTIVE TEST.
Shall be as | well | neighbourd pittyed and relieued
Shall | have dread to speake when power to flatterie bowes.
Why fare | thee | well king, since thus thou wilt appeare.
My dutie kneeling, came | there | a reeking post
And clamour moystened her, | then | away she started.
We shall some day perhaps be told how much of Lear was
written by Peele.
I have not carried my investigations of spurious Quartos any
farther than this ; but I think that what I have said is sufficient to
substantiate the following propositions :
1. That extra heavy syllable lines are not characteristic of Peele's
work.
2. That when they exist in any considerable number, they are
characteristic of a print of a Play surreptitiously obtained, and are
due principally to actors' errors, but in a less degree perhaps to the
reporter and the printer.
I therefore conclude that the extra heavy syllable in Romeo and
Juliet is only further evidence of a piracy.
The " distinctive " test having thus fallen to the ground, the
confirmatory tests become of no importance. I shall only mention
them therefore to show that, like their more important relation, they
are strongly indicative of a piracy.
With regard to Alexandrines, it can hardly be said that they form
a distinctive peculiarity of any Dramatic Author of the period : it is
therefore only the exceeding number of such lines that can constitute
a test. The first Quarto of Romeo and Juliet indeed teems with
them : I find about 40, and I do not pretend to have marked all.
But on turning to the Plays of Peele before referred to, nothing like
the number is to be found.1 The Corambis Hamlet however produces
at least 45, and the Chronicle History of King Lear at least 44.
This seems to point to the corruption of an ordinary line by the
improper insertion of two syllables ; and this is borne out by the
fact that lines do occur in pirated Plays which, although they contain
twelve syllables, are nevertheless unscannable as Alexandrines.
1 I have marked 26 in Edward I. and 6 in David and Bethsabc.
V. MR SPALDING. DROPT WORDS AND SPURIOUS QUARTOS. 7f
The second of these confirmatory tests is the line lacking a foot
or head syllable. Of these lines the first Quarto of Romeo and
Juliet and the Chronicle Historie of King Lear contain about 25
each : the Corambis Hamlet about double that number. Edward I.
contains about 20, and David and Bethsabe 6.
The examination of a few of the lines of this description will
disclose two points somewhat analogous to those noticed with regard
to the extra syllable lines.
1. That the hiatus has no fixed place in the line.
2. That the hiatus may be easily filled up without injury to the
sense, and to the improvement of the music of the metre.
A few examples will illustrate this clearly.
II. ii. 104. I should have bin | more \ strange I must confesse . . .
II. v. 17. Oh now she comes | nay \ tell me gentle nurse . . .
III. i. 109. Hath beene my kinsman : Ah | sweet Juliet
III. i. 145. | Oh \ Tybalt, Tybalt : oh my brother's child !
III. iii. 104. Oh she says nothing, but | she \ weepes and pules . . .
V. iii. 40. "Well I'll begone and | will \ not trouble you.
Such lines arise therefore from :
1. Actors' errors.
2. Printers' errors.
The former being by far the most prolific source : but in a very
careless piece of printing the latter may cause a considerable number
of these lines.
It now only remains to glance at the peculiarities of style and
phraseology that have helped to convince Mr Fleay that Shakspere
was not the sole author of Romeo and Juliet.
The first point is the lengthening of r's, 1's and n's into separate
syllables. The only cases of this in the first Quarto that are at all
out of the common, are two mentioned by Mr Fleay : Thursday and
packthread. The word " Thursday " is used thirteen times in this
Play : in eleven of these cases it is a dissyllable, in two only can it
be claimed as a trisyllable. The word "packthread" is never used
by Shakspere again in verse,1 so this form of it can hardly be said to
1 It occurs again in The Shrew, III. ii. 64, in a passage of prose.
78 V. MR SPALDING. PARIS'S ELEGY IN ROM. $ JUL. Ql, 2.
be un-Shaksperean. Besides, all lines of this nature may be explained
away as lines lacking one foot.
The next point is drawn from a comparison of the two versions
of the elegy of Paris at Juliet's grave, which I here parallel (v. 3) :
First Quarto. Second Quarto.
" Sweete Flower, with flowers I " Sweet flower, with flowers thy
strew thy Bridale bed : Bridall bed I strew :
Sweete Tombe that in thy 0 woe, thy Canapie is dust and
ciruite dost containe, stones,
Theperfectmodellofeternitie: Which with sweete water
nightly will I dewe,
Faire Juliet that with angells Or wanting that, with teares
dost remaine, distild by mones,
Accept this latest favour at my The obsequies that I for thee
hands, will keepe :
That living honourd thee, and Nightly shall be to strew thy
being dead grave and weepe,"
With funerall praises doo
adorne thy Tombe."
Of the version in the first Quarto Mr Fleay says :
" Was this lovely bit the production of an obscure note-taker ]
Surely not. Was it an early draft by Shakspere, discarded for ' the
form in the second Quarto ? ' I do not think it possible that he
should either have issued an unfinished dirge, or have substituted
one so very inferior. It seems to me that he objected to the form of
the one he found done to his hand, and found it easier to write a
new one than to remodel the other; thus obtaining the form he
wanted though with inferior matter."
It is to be noted that in the last sentence but one Mr Fleay
states a deliberate opinion that Shakspere could not possibly have
written the form in the second Quarto on the ground of its inferiority
to that in the first ; and in the very next sentence comes to the
conclusion that he did write the second form to save himself trouble.
Such an argument is somewhat difficult to follow : and it must be
enough to say that nobody ever asserted that the elegy in the first
V. MR SPALDING. THE LAMENT OVER JULIETS BODY. 79
Quarto was either the production of a note-taker, or an early draft by
Shakspere. What is contended is that it is an imperfect representa-
tion of an earlier dirge which Shakspere subsequently replaced by
the stanza in the second Quarto : — and this for two reasons.
1. Because, although not a regular rhyming stanza, it contains
evidence of being intended to be one.
2. Because the sense of this " beautiful bit" is, to say the least,
open to question.
The first line is clear enough, and complete in itself. Juliet is
addressed under the metaphor " sweet flower." \ The second line
begins an address to the tomb in which she is buried. .-How far
does this go down ? Clearly it cannot go beyond the end of the
third line ; for then sense and grammar would be equally absurd.
But to put a full stop at the end of " eternitie " gives only a subject
and its enlargement. The Eeporter has made a mess of it.
The third question of style raised by Mr Fleay is upon the
lament over Juliet's body ; which appears in the first Quarto in this
form :
" Cap. Cruel, unjust, impartiall destinies
Why to this day have you preserv'd my life 1
To see my hope, my stay, my joy, my life,
Deprived of sence, of life, of all by death,
Cruell, unjust, impartiall destinies.
Cap. 0 sad fac'd sorrow map of misery
Why this sad time have I desird to see.
This day, this unjust, this impartiall day,
Wherein I hop'd to see my comfort full,
To be deprivde by suddaine destinie.
Moth. Oh woe, alacke, distrest, why should I live ?
To see this day, this miserable day.
Alacke the time that ever I was borne,
To be partaker of this destinie,
Alacke the day, alacke and well-a-day."
This style of composition " is nowhere used by Shakspere, and is
utterly discordant with the genius of his dramatic writings."
Of what author is it characteristic 1 Mr Fleay does not venture
to assert that it is in Peele's style, although both Peele and Greene
were fond of a series of speeches ending up with the same refrain.
The nearest approach to it is the lament of David and his friends on
80 V. MR SPALDING. THE LAMENT OVER JULIET MOCKS KYD.
leaving Jerusalem; where three speeches of 4, 5, and 5 lines of
bombast respectively end up with a similar refrain.
Let us see what Shakspere actually did do in the second Quarto.
According to his usual practice, he has introduced a light bustling
comic scene immediately after the crisis when Juliet takes the
potion, and the comedy is unfortunately carried on into that part of
the scene where the discovery of the death takes place, a blot which,
I venture to think, would not have been allowed to disfigure the Play
had Shakspere revised it in his more mature period. In this scene
the Nurse and old Capulet at any rate, perhaps the Mother too, are
purely comic, and the fun consists of the parody of the ravings of
Hieronimo in that well-abused play, The Spanish Tragedy. The
nurse's ejaculatory bombast is of exactly the same nature as the
speeches Shakspere put in the mouth of Pyramus in a certain
well-known " tedious brief scene ; " and the two lines :
" O love, 0 life, not life, but love in death " —
and,
" 0 childe, 0 childe, my soule and not my childe "...
are only two out of many parodies on Hieronimo's
" 0 eyes ! no eyes, but fountains fraught with tears :
0 life ! no life, but lively form in death :
O world ! no world, but mass of public wrongs." 1
It is clear therefore that there is nothing " discordant with the
genius of Shakspere's Dramatic writings " in the introduction of a
piece of comic satire upon the - style of the elder dramatists at this
point of the Play.
Turning to the passage in the first Quarto, it will be noticed that
the first two speeches are assigned to Capulet ; the second to his
wife. In reprinting the passage in his article Mr Fleay has, without
giving any reason, assigned the second of these to Paris, thus giving
to readers unacquainted with the first Quarto an impression of
regularity which the passage does not -in reality possess. It is possible
that the second " Cap" is wrongly inserted, and that the two speeches
constitute one only : or perhaps a line assigned to some one else has
1 Act III, Hazlitt's Dodsley, Vol. 5, p. 67.
V. MB SPALDING. THE LAMENT OVER JULIET MOCKS KYD. 81
accidentally dropped out. At any rate, if one of the Capulet
speeches has to be assigned to some one, the Nurse has far more
claim to it than Paris ; for Paris has only just finished such mild
regrets as were to be expected from a sorrowing but not over-
encouraged lover } while, if the Nurse is to be excluded in favour of
Paris, she has no opportunity of having her say between the first
announcement of the death, and her exit " strewing Eosemary : " and
the Nurse was hardly the character to content herself with a merely
silent demonstration of affliction.1
If then the Nurse is the speaker of one of these passages, we
have got this far : that all the speakers in the portion in question
may be looked upon as comic characters. The scene therefore is
probably intended to be a comic satire, as its substitute in the second
Quarto manifestly is. This probably comic scene bears a slighi
resemblance to the peculiarities of some of Shakspere's predecessor?
in the Dramatic Art. It therefore represents a piece of satire on
those peculiarities : but it is impossible to say exactly upon what
passages it is a satire, as we only possess the note-taker's version o
what is a very animated and complicated dialogue, which probably
wanted a good deal of touching up before it went to press.
The fourth point that Mr Fleay dwells upon is the fact thai
singulars are made to rhyme with plurals : as " fire " with " liers," &c.
It hardly appears necessary to dwell upon this : the origin of the,
manuscript will be a sufficient explanation.
The last argument is derived from the fact that the first Quarto
of Romeo and Juliet contains lines that can be paralleled from
Richard III. and Henry VI. It will be safe to pass this over also
with the remark that no proof has yet been offered that Peele had
anything to do with Richard III., aud that the most recent critic of
2 and 3 Henry VI. , Miss Jane Lee, is inclined to exclude him from
any share in those Plays.
1 The words "why this sad time have I desired to see : " and " wherein I
hoped to see my comfort full," are not at all unsuitable in the mouth of the
Nurse. She takes the interest of a foster-mother in Juliet, and the only joy
that her limited vision can descry for her is that of marriage. She tells her :
" Might I but live to. see thee married once, I have my wish," I. iii. 61.
The day was evidently one on which she expected to see her " comfort full."
N. s. soc. TRANS., 1877-9. 6
82 V. MR SPALDING. MR FLEAY'g PRACTICAL JOKE. MR GKANT WHITE.
The whole of Mr Fleay's arguments against the entirety of
Shakspere's authorship of Romeo and Juliet have now been passed
in review, and I cannot help thinking that this Society will be of
opinion that doubt has been cast upon the Play without sufficient
reason. The arguments appear to me so utterly without foundation
that once or twice during the preparation of this paper it has
occurred to me that perhaps the whole thing was a practical joke to
test how much the Editor of Macmillaris Magazine and its readers
would swallow without gasping; and this idea was partially con-
firmed by a passage that occurs in Mr Fleay's Guide to Sliciksperean
Study to this effect : " the earlier of these " (the Quartos of Romeo
and Juliet) "is surreptitious, cut down for acting purposes, and
probably obtained from shorthand notes at the theatre." Now the
book and the article must have appeared within very few weeks, if
not days, of one another : and the assertion quoted reads rather
curiously beside the laborious attempt to prove the reverse in the
article. Only one of these statements can be meant seriously, and
it would be wronging Mr Fleay to suppose that he would trifle in a
book intended for young students. The article must therefore be a
joke ; and we may look forward to a speedy denial to Peele of any
part or share in the Play.
Mr Grant White's opinion is, it will be remembered, that the
first Quarto imperfectly represents a Play not entirely Shakspere's.
He does not state whom he considers the coadjutor to have been,
but it is clear that he inclines to the opinion that it was Greene.
As Mr Grant "White's conclusion has been arrived at from a com-
parison of styles chiefly, it cannot be dealt with in the same manner
as Mr Fleay's, which is supported by an array of evidence that it is
possible to bring to the test ; and any opinion expressed by Mr
Grant White is always worthy of careful consideration. But he
himself says, in his Introduction to Romeo and Juliet, that " in the
attempt to decide questions of this kind opinion must of necessity
seem arbitrary, perhaps be so ; " — and it is a duty to scrutinize keenly
the grounds that a man competent to express such an opinion has
for his conclusion before accepting it.
If the first Quarto were printed from manuscript in the ordinary
V. MR SPALDING. MR GRANT WHITE'S VIEW EXAMIND. 83
manner, Mr Grant White would have, unquestionably, strong grounds
for asserting that the style of many of the passages is decidedly
un-Shaksperean. But this is not the case. There have been three
deposits of non-Shaksperean matter over the pure text : —
1 . The Actor's faults.
2. The Eeporter's faults.
3. The Editor's emendations.
Through all these the critic has to look ; and in such a case it is
surely courageous, to say the least of it, for him to say, " I am pre-
pared to distinguish between the faults arising from these sources,
and the portions of the Play that are the product of Shakspere's
coadjutor." If Mr Grant White had the power claimed by Mr
Hugh Junor Browne,1 who has discovered that Shakspere's Plays
"were written by him under inspiration of a band of spirits, whom
he has since met in the spheres, and were corrected and improved
by his friends Bacon and Ben Jonson," he might possibly be able to
speak with equal certainty ; but without the power of clairvoyance
it seems rash to pitch upon any passages in this pirated print, and
say, "this is not Shakspere."
To illustrate the delicacy of the task Mr Grant White has
undertaken, a few quotations from his " Introduction " to Romeo
and Jidiet will be compared.
When he is seeking to prove that the first Quarto is a pirated
print, he points out that the line in the first Quarto, Act IV. scene
v. 1. 40,2
" Death is my sonne in law, to him I give all that I have,"
is merely a summary of the corresponding passage in the second
Quarto ; and says : —
3" The person who provided the copy for the edition of 1597 was
either unable to set down the last two lines and a half, or could not
remember their phraseology well enough to imitate them. But he did
not forget their purport and * lumped it ' after this fashion."
I do not quite know what the exact process of " lumping " is ;
1 The Holy Truth, p. 85. 2 p. 148. 3 pp. 18, 19.
84 V. MR SPALDING. MR GRANT WHITE'S VIEW EXAMIND.
but from the sound I should judge that lines of Shakspere exposed
to such treatment might appear somewhat in disguise afterwards.
Again : when seeking to prove that certain passages in the first
Quarto are not Shakspere's, Mr Grant White says : —
" Any person of ordinary poetic apprehension and discrimination,
on reading the whole of the latter speech, will see clearly, and at
once, that it is none of Shakspere's. Thus it runs : —
' Rom. This morning here she pointed we should meet
And consumate those never parting bands,
Witnes of our harts loue by ioyning hands
And come she will.'
Who will believe that this dribble of tame verse and feeble rhythm
was written by the same man who (according to the same edition)
had written in the first scene of the Play the following passage : —
' Madame, an houre before the worshipt sunne
Peept through the golden window of the East
A troubled thought drew me from companie :
Where underneath the Groue Sicamoure
That Westward rooteth from the Citties side,
So early walking might I see your sonne.' "
It is quite true that the passage cited is poor enough ; but what is
there in it to show that it has not been " lumped " 1 Why is it not
rational to assume, admitting, as Mr Grant White does, that the
reporter would imitate a passage that he could not take down with
verbal accuracy, that in this case he got into a muddle, and then got
out of it in the best way he could 1 It is clear that this cannot be
decided until an accurate distinction between "dribbling" and
" lumped " verse has been drawn.
The three scenes that Mr Grant White points out as the work of
the second author are — Act II. scene vi. : The lament in Act IY.
scene iv., and parts of Laurence's speech in Act V. scene iii. The
lament in Act IV. has already been commented upon sufficiently,
and it is only necessary to add that Mr Grant White looks upon
the form of the second Quarto as a caricature ; but that in the first
Quarto as a serious attempt at magnificent writing. The scene in
'Act II. he seems at first to condemn entirely : but subsequently he
prints it as it is printed below, and it is not clear whether he intends
V. MR SPALDING. MR GRANT WHITE'S VIEW EXAMIND. 85
only to reject the passages italicised, or whether they constitute the
evidence for the rejection of the whole scene. If the former is
intended, it would reveal a somewhat extraordinary method of
co-authorship to have existed in the time of Shakspere : if the latter,
it would appear equally fair to italicise the remaining passages as
proofs of Shakspere's sole authorship.
Enter Romeo and Frier.
Rom. Now, Father Laurence, in thy holy grant
Consists the good of me and Juliet.
Fr. Without more words I will doo all I may,
To make you happie, if in me it lye.
Rom. This morning here she pointed we should meet,
And consumate those never parting bands
Witnes of our harts loue by ioyning hands,
And come she will.
Fr. / gesse she will indeed
Youths loue is quiche, swifter than swiftest speed.
Enter Juliet somewhat fast, andembraceth Romeo.
See where she comes,
So light of foot nere hurts the troden flower :
Of love and joy see, see, the soveraigne power.
Jul. Romeo.
Rom. My Juliet, welcome. As doo waking eyes
(Cloasd in Night's mists) attend the frolike day,
So Romeo hath expected Juliet,
And thou art come.
Jul. I am (If I be day)
Come to my sunne : shine forth, and make me faire.
Rom. All beauteous fairnes dwelleth in thine eyes
Jul. Romeo, from thine all brightnes doth arise.
Fr. Come wantons come, the stealing hours do passe
Defer imbracements till some fitrer time,
Part for a while, you shall not be alone,
Till holy Church haue ioyned ye both in one.
Rom. Lead holy Father, all delay seemes long.
Jul. Make hast, make hast, this lingring doth us wrong.
Fr. Oh, soft and faire makes sweetest worke they say.
Hast is a common hindrer in crosse way.
There seems no justification for assuming either that this scene is
the work of two hands, or, considering the origin of the first Quarto,
of any other single hand than Shakspere's.
,- There seeems nothing in Friar Laurence's speech, apart from
86 V. MR SPALDING. MR GRANT WHITE'S VIEW EXAMIND.
style, which helps Mr Grant White to his conclusion, except the
expression " for to ". This occurs twice in the first Quarto, and Mr
Grant White refers to his Essay on Henry VI., where he uses this
expression as a mark of Greene's authorship. That this expression
is peculiar to Greene can hardly be sustained, although he makes
frequent use of it. An expression that is to be found in the
Authorised version of the Bible can hardly be a distinctive charac-
teristic of style ; and Mr Grant White must have been speaking from
a memory that deceived him when he asserted that it occurred in
Peele only half-a-dozen times. It is much more frequent. The
Play Sir Clyomon and Sir Clamydes contains it at least 61 times;
but perhaps Peele's authorship of that Play is not clearly ascertained.
Mr Grant White's memory deceived him too, when he asserted that
this expression never occurred in Shakspere's undoubted works. The
Folio, in Alls Well that Ends Well, Act Y. scene iii. 1. 181, reads : —
" Let your Highnes
Lay a more noble thought upon mine honour,
Then for to thinke that I would sinke it here."
In the second Quarto of Hamlet we read, in Act I. scene ii. 1. 175 :
" Weele teach you for to drinke ere you depart " :
and in Act III. scene i. 1. 175 : " Which " for to "prevent . . " : and
in The Winter's Tale, Act I. scene ii. 1. 421, the Folio reads : —
" You may as well
Forbid the sea for to obey the moone . ."
There are other instances of this expression in The Passionate
Pilgrim, Pericles, and Titus Andronicus ; and curiously enough it
occurs twice in the Corambis Hamlet :
" For to adorne a king, and guild his crowne."
and
" For to try his cunning."
Why should not this too be an actor's or reporter's importation 1
The argument in favour of the purely Shaksperean origin of
Romeo and Juliet might be carried a great deal farther : the unity
of tone that exists throughout the Play might be pointed out, and
the dissimilarity of the style of the suspected passages to the work
V. MR SPALDING. THERE IS NO SECOND HAND IN ROM. fy JUL. 87
of the men who might have been Shakspere's associates in such an
enterprise commented on. But to do this effectively more space
would be required than the limits of an ordinary paper afford ; and
if it is considered that the attempt to repel the attacks hitherto
made on this beautiful Play have been successful, the further object
will sink into secondary importance. This paper will therefore bo
concluded with two propositions which appear to be fully justified
by what has gone before.
The first is this. A metrical test, to be of any value, must be one
that can be shown to work by law, not by accident. A peculiarity
that cannot be reduced to any regular working may be attributed to
some other cause than the author's individuality of style.
The second is that conclusions upon questions of style are of
little worth when the work upon which these conclusions are base 1
was obtained in a surreptitious manner.
88
VI.
SHAKSPERE'S " NEW MAP."
BY MR 0. H. COOTE,
OP THE MAP DEPARTMENT OF THE BEITISH MUSEUM.
(Read at the Hth Meeting of the Society, June 14, 1878.)
To the student of Shakspere, as also to the bibliographer and
geographer, it has always been a subject of interest and curiosity to
learn what was the particular map referred to by Shakspere in
Twelfth Night, Act III. scene ii., when Maria says of Malvolio —
" He does smile his face into more lines than are in the l new map '
with the augmentation of the Indies" The commentators Steevens,
Knight, Collier, and others, have so far agreed to remark, that the
map referred to was to be looked for in the English translation of
Linschoten's Voyages into the East and West Indies, fol. London,
1598. But it will be observed that with the exception of Knight,
none of them have ventured to fix the identity of this particular
map, either by reference to its title or to the folio in Linschoten,
wherein it is to be found.
Knight, however, in his Pictorial Shakspere of 1838, attempted
to fix the identity of this map by reproducing on a small scale a
section of the map of the Moluccas, to be found on fol. 328 of
Linschoten. (By the way, this reproduction can hardly be called a
success, for in his zeal to show up the multilineal lines the illustrator,
as a comparison of one of the sets of rhumb-lines with the original
will show, has gone far beyond his text, and has multiplied the
points of the compass, which are only 32 in number, into 58 ! as
I count them.)
The only apparent advantage in favour of the map selected by
Knight is, that this map of the Moluccas is peculiar to the English
\
VI. MR COOTE ON THE "NEW MAP " IN TWELFTH NIGHT. 89
edition of Linschoten, and is neither to be found in the original
edition, published in Dutch two years before at Amsterdam, nor in
any of the subsequent German or Latin editions ; notwithstanding
this apparent argument in its favour, and the remarks of many com-
mentators, I venture to question the theory of the " new map " of
Shakspere being identifiable with this of Linschoten.
Knight, in casting about for a map with many lines, evidently
pitched upon this one for the reason above stated, without the
slightest attempt to investigate its claims to be the " new map "
at the time of the appearance of Twelfth Night. These claims,
though they have not been seriously investigated hitherto, so far as I
am aware, constitute in my opinion the most important element in
the case for the " new map."
A close scrutiny of this map of the Moluccas shows beyond a
doubt that it is not a "new map" in any sense, but that, like
some others in the volume, it is an inferior and somewhat reduced
re-engraving of an old one.
A comparison of the western half of it with the " Map of the
Coasts of China," inserted at fol. 33 of Linschoten, shows at a
glance, not only that the geography of the region of the Canton
river on the former map was obsolete, but that it was superfluous for
illustrating the text. Again, a glance at the heading of the chapter
in the text, against which the supposed "new map" is inserted,
shows at once that it was put in by the English editor under an
entire misapprehension, for the chapter itself relates to the straits
of Malacca, whereas the Map — as its title informs us — is one of the
islands of the Moluccas. On the S.E. corner of the map is to be
found the latest geographical discovery recorded upon it, namely,
that of the Salomen Islands, by Alvara de Mendana in 1567, which
discovery at the time of the appearance of Twelfth Night was 30
years old. These awkward facts, I think, not only go a great way to
explain why the map is not to be found in either the earlier or sub-
sequent editions of Linschoten, but also to shake one's faith in the
newness of the supposed " new map."
Steevens's supposed allusion to this map as " the first in which the
Eastern Islands are included " is incorrect and wide of the mark ;
90 VI. MR COOTE ON THE " NEW MAP " IN TWELFTH NIGHT.
for we find these islands laid down more or less perfectly in the
large Mappemonde of Mercator of 1569, a map to which I shall
again refer in the next part of my paper. He would have been more
correct had he called it one of the earliest engraved maps in which
these islands, including those of Salomen with New Guinea, were
delineated on a large scale with some few pretensions to accuracy.
As to its claims as the map with the multilineal lines, I have to add
that it possesses these not only in common with the other maps in the
same volume, but with any number of maps and charts, both MS. and
engraved, executed at various periods, reaching back to more than
half a century. Mercator's map is a case in point, with this difference,
that whereas it shows both the East and West Indies, Linschoten's
map does not. This last fact I think finally disposes of the state-
ment of Steevens before alluded to.
I am in a position to add that I am not alone in my doubts as
to the supposed reference by Shakspere to the map or maps in
Linschoten. The learned Joseph Hunter, in his Illustrations to
Shakspere, says, " I would not assert that there is not an allusion
to these maps of Linschoten, but I doubt it. The turn of the
expression (used by Shakspere) seems to point not to the maps in
Linschoten, but to some single map well known at the time as ' the
new map ; ' and further, that the map alluded to had the words in
its title, — ' with the augmentation of the Indies/ which is not the
case with any of Linschoten's maps " (vol. i. p. 378).
A later writer, the Eev. J. Mulligan of New York, on p. xiii. of
the Introduction to his translation of the De Insulis Nuper Inventis
(or Narrative of the Second Voyage of Columbus), by Nicolaus
Syllacious, also says, " Do not the words, ' with the augmentation of
the Indies,' refer rather to a map representing a larger portion of the
world than merely the East Indian Islands ? " Thus you see I am
not alone in my doubts, which were raised in my mind solely by
an attentive study of Linschoten, before I met with the adverse
quotations of the two distinguished authors above quoted. After a
considerable amount of fruitless research in the direction indicated by
Hunter — that is, for a map with a title containing the words "with
the augmentation of the Indies" — I am not inclined to attach much
VI. MR COOTE ON THE " NEW MAP " IN TWELFTH NIGHT. 91
importance to the suggestion, as I hope before I conclude to be able
to prove to you that the words used by Shakspere are susceptible of
a far more reasonable and satisfactory interpretation.
The whole case as against the supposed map in Linschoten may
be summarized thus : —
(1) The alleged map of the Moluccas was not a " new " one, but a
feebly reduced copy of an old one, the latest geographical information
to be found on it when Twelfth Night appeared being at least 30
years old.
(2) It was not a separate publication well known at the time, as
would seem to be required by the terms used by Shakspere — that is
to say, " the new map."
(3) It showed no portion of the great Indian peninsula, and with
the exception of the Salomen Islands and New Guinea, it afforded no
other geographical information but what was far better supplied by
other maps in the same work.
(4) It had on it four sets of rhumb-lines less than are to be found
on what I believe to be a far more formidable rival.
In order to prepare your minds for the reception of the evidence
in favour of what I believe to be the "new map "alluded to by
Shakspere, it will perhaps be convenient here for me to remind you
that the date assigned to the first performance of Twelfth Night
in the Hall of the Middle Temple is Feb. 1601-2. This date has an
important bearing upon that of the production of the "new map," as
the sequel will show.
It is also desirable that I should draw your attention to one or
two of the most important engraved maps of the 16th century that
preceded our " new " one, and to the true position of the latter in
the history of cartography.
In 1569 was produced that famous large Mappemonde by Mercator
at Duisbourg before alluded to, and many years elapsed before it was
taken into consideration by other map-makers.
In 1570 appeared the well-known map of the world on the
" oval " projection by Ortelius, entitled Typus Orbis Terrarum, which
is to be found at the beginning of all the editions of his well-known
atlas. From this period up to the time of the appearance of our
92 VI. MR COOTE ON THE " NEW MAP " IN TWELFTH NIGHT.
" new map " this one of Ortelius's was regarded as the best general
map of the world for ordinary reference. Not only was it sold
separately, but it was reproduced again and again, and is to be found
inserted in numerous geographical works of the period. A wretched
reproduction of it is inserted in the beginning of the English
Linschoten of 1598, that we have had under our notice.
In 1587 appeared the exceedingly rare map made for Hakluyt's
edition of Peter Martyr's Decades ; it is signed F. G., probably the
Francis Gualle whose name occurs on the section of the " new map "
before you.
The same year saw the light, the map of the world in two
hemispheres, by Mercator's son Kumold, afterwards published in his
well-known atlas.
In 1589 appeared the rare and less known map by Cornelius de
Jode, afterwards published in his Speculum Orbis Terrarum. This
map is remarkable, as showing in all probability the first attempt to
divide the central meridional line after the manner of the then
almost forgotten large map of Mercator.
The last year of the 16th century, and the first year of the 17th,
were remarkable ones in the history of geography and cartography.
During this short period was produced and completed that remark-
able " Prose Epic of the English Nation," Hakluyt's Voyages, in three
vols., folio. In 1599 was also produced by his friend and colleague,
Edward Wright, one of the most learned mathematicians of his time,
a treatise entitled Errors in Navigation, which made an entire revolu-
tion in the art of projecting general maps and charts of the world.
About two years before (1597) was published by Judocus Hondius
(probably in Amsterdam) a map entitled Typus totius orbis terrarum,
etc., at the bottom of which is to be seen an allegorical figure of a
Christian Soldier armed for the fight against all the powers of evil.
This is, I believe, one of the first maps, if not the first, laid down
upon the true projection now known as Mercator's, but which I
prefer to call Wright's, as he, and not Mercator, was the first to
demonstrate the true principles upon which such maps were to be
laid down. Wright, in his preface to the reader in his work, bitterly
complains that he was induced to lend the MS. of it to Hondius,
VI. MR COOTS ON THE "NEW MAP " IN TWELFTH NIGHT. 93
who with its aid, and without the consent of Wright, prepared and
published, as "Wright says,1 several " Mappes of the Word, which
maps had been vnhatched, had not he (Hondius) learned the right
way to lay the ground-work of some of them out of this book."
That this Typus is one of the pirated maps complained of, seems to
be proved beyond question. Although it is not dated, the latest
geographical information to be found on it goes to show that it
must have been published two years before the appearance of
Wright's treatise, or four years before the first performance of Twelfth
Night in 1601. Moreover, Wright's name is to be found upon it.
With the exception of this pirated map by Hondius, the only
one laid down upon the new projection that could have any pre-
tensions to be regarded as a "new map" about 1600 A.D. is the one
to which I have now the honour of drawing your attention, and which
after careful consideration and diligent research I believe to be the
" new map " of Shakspere. Copies of a section of it are now lying
before you, as also a reproduction of the map as a whole, kindly lent
to the Society for inspection this evening by Mr Quaritch. I cannot
do better than introduce it to your notice in the words of the learned
Hallam, which, although written apparently with an imperfect know-
ledge of its real history and antecedents, are on the whole not an
unworthy description of it.
In his Introduction to the Literature of Europe in the I5th,
16th, and 17th Centuries he writes, "The best map of the 16th
century is one of uncommon rarity, which is found in a few copies
of the first edition of Hakluyt's Voyages" In his remarks upon
that portion of it represented in the section before you, he writes,
" Corea is represented near its place, and China with some degree of
correctness." After alluding to the inscription to be seen in the
corner of it he continues, " The ultra-Indian region is inaccurate ;
the sea of Aral is still unknown, and little pains have been taken
with central and northern Asia." He concludes by saying, " But on
the whole it (the complete map) represents the utmost limit of
geographical knowledge at the close of the 16th century, and far
excels the map in the edition of Ortelius at Antwerp in 1588."
1 p. 34, 2nd edition.
94 VI. MR OOOTE ON THE "NEW MAP IN TWELFTH NIGHT.
What Hallam failed to realize was, that it was a new map on a
new projection laid down upon the principles set forth by Wright.
Again, had he examined more attentively that portion of the map repre-
sented in the section before you, he would not have fallen into the error
of associating it exclusively, as he has done, with the first and incom-
plete edition of Hakluyt's Voyages, in one volume, published in 1589.
On the portion of the map now before you, we find the latest
geographical discovery recorded, later by two years than anything to
be found on the pirated map of Hondius, namely, that of Northern
Novya Zembla, by the Dutchman Barentz in his third voyage in
1596. The news of this did not reach Holland until 1598. Allowing
one year for this to reach England and to be worked up into our map,
the conclusion is irresistible that this map had every claim to be
regarded as the " new map," in that it was published on or about 1599,
or within two years of the first performance of Twelfth Night in 1601.
As the Society's limits of space did not admit of reproducing the
" new map " for my paper as a whole, it was not without due delibera-
tion by Mr Furnivall and myself that we selected for reproduction
the section before you. Somehow I am inclined to think that Mr
Furnivall has not been without misgivings as to the wisdom of our
choice, as the section selected gives greater prominence to that
portion of it in proximity to " Greenland's icy mountains " than to
" India's coral strand." In justification of our choice I would ask
this question. To what but to this portion of our " new map," and
the discovery of Barentz recorded upon it, does Shakspere refer,
where, in some fifty lines preceding the words of my text, Fabian
says to Sir Andrew Ague-cheek, You are now sailed into the north of
my lady's opinion, where you will hang like an icicle on a Dutch-
man's beard?1 From whence did Shakspere obtain this knowledge?
Certainly not from the pages of Hakluyt, as they are silent respecting
it. That he obtained it as current oral news is of course quite
possible ; but be this as it may, the most reasonable and natural
explanation of the matter is, that it was suggested to the mind of
Shakspere by a glance at our " new map " with many lines, in all
probability the earliest engraved map produced in England whereon
this important Arctic discovery is to be found.
1 Act III. Sc. ii.
VI. MR COOTE ON THE "NEW MAP " IN TWELFTH NIGHT. 95
I now come to the Gordian knot of my text, namely, the phrase
"augmentation of the Indies." I am free to confess until quite
recently these words had for me all the fascinating charms of a
conundrum. Gradually, however, there dawned upon me what I
conceived to be the true sense of the word " augmentation " as used
by Shakspere. At first I was inclined to limit its meaning to
nothing more nor less than addition, or in other words that the
phrase was intended to refer to some map showing both the East
and West Indies. I soon found I could afford to drop the latter
altogether. A little reflection will show that addition and augment-
ation are not exactly synonymous. That which is added is extrinsic and
retains its individuality. Perhaps the best instance of this on a map
is the record of the discovery of Barentz just mentioned, and which
henceforth I hope will prove a distinguishing feature of our "new map."
On the other hand, that which is " augmented " is intrinsic, and
loses its individuality in assimilation, either by deteriorating or im-
proving that into which it is incorporated.
Now what was the state of things to be seen upon the eastern
portion of our "new map" at the close of the 16th century, as com-
pared with all the best general maps of the world that preceded it 1
A marked development in the geography of India proper, then
known as the land of the Mogores or Mogol, the island of Ceylon,
and the two peninsulas of Cochin China, and the Corea. For
the first time the distant island of Japan began to assume its modern
shape (this last, by the way, is not to be seen on the map in
Linschoten). Turning to the S.E. portion of the "new map''
(unfortunately not shown in the section before you), there were to
be seen traces of the first appearance of the Dutch under Houtman
at Bantam (W. end of Java), synchronizing almost within a year with
that of their fellow-countrymen in Novya Zembla ; and which
within 10 years led to their unconscious discovery, or rather redis-
covery, of Australia.
On all the old maps, including the one of Ortelius's inserted in our
old friend Linschoten, was to be seen the huge Terra Australia of the
old geography. This, as Hallam remarked, had been left out upon
our " new map," and in its place was partly to be traced New Holland.
This of course would be suggestive of nothing to the mind of
96 VI. MR COOTE ON THE "NEW MAP " IN TWELFTH NIGHT.
Shakspere ; but what is so remarkable is, that upon our " new map "
there should have appeared to rise, like a little cloud out of the sea,
like a man's Jiaud, the then unknown continent of Australia.
It is this appreciation of the marked improvement and develop-
ment to be observed in the geography of the eastern portion of our
map, to which I believe Shakspere desired to give expression in his
judicious and happy use of the term "augmentation," which to my
mind seems to add new force and emphasis to the words of my text,
"he does smile his face into more lines than are in the new map
with the augmentation of the Indies.'*
Hallam's error in associating the " new map " with the first edition
of Hakluyt ten years before, is due probably to his misreading of a
portion of the preface to that work, which reads thus : " Nowe,
because peraduenture it would bee expected as necessarie, that the
descriptions of so many parts of the world would farre more easily be
concerned of the Readers, by adding Geographicall and Hydro-
graphicall tables (i. e. maps) thereunto, thou art by the way to be
admonished that I haue contented myself with inserting into the
works one of the best generall mappes of the world onely, untill the
comming out of a very large and most exact terrestriall Globe,
collected and reformed according to the newest, secretest, and latest
discoueries, both Spanish, Portugall, and English, composed by M.
Emmerie Mollineux of Lambeth, a rare Gentleman in his profession,
being therein for diuers yeers greatly supported by the purse and
liberalitie of the worshipfull Marchant, Mr William Sanderson."
" The best generall mappe " referred to here by Hakluyt, it is
evident, could not have been our " new map," as has been assumed
by Hallam and others ; the one referred to was the well-known map
of Ortelius's, which, as I said before, was to be found inserted in many
other geographical works of the period. " The comming out of the
very large . . terrestriall globe" referred to was accomplished in
1592. The only example of it known to exist in England is the one
now preserved in the Library of the Middle Temple, with the date
altered (by the pen) to 1603. We learn from the Comedy of Errors,
Act. III. scene ii., that Shakspere was not unfamiliar with the use of
the Globes, and as the play from which my text is taken is so
VI. MR COOTE ON THE " NEW MAP" IN TWELFTH NIGHT. 97
intimately associated with the noble hall of the same honourable
and learned Society, it may be pardonable to indulge in the thought
that Shakspere himself may possibly have consulted and handled
this precious monument of geography, the first globe made in
England and ~by an Englishman.
Hitherto one of the great obstacles to fixing the identity of this
" new map " has been its anonymous authorship. A careful perusal
of its title, to be seen on the lower part of the map as a whole,
affords us, as I think, the required clue. The title runs thus : " Thou
hast here gentle reader a true hydrographicall description of so much
of the world as hath beene hitherto discouered, and is come to ouu
knowledge, which we have in such sort performed, y* [that] all
places herin set downe haue the same position and distances that
they haue in the globe, being therin placed in same longitudes and
latitudes which they haue in this chart, which by the ordinary sea-
chart can in no wise be performed ; " — evidently a reference to the
then new projection. The globe here referred to is not, as has been
supposed, the globe of the earth, but some particular terrestrial globe,
and is no other than the one made by Mollineux, who is also the
accepted author of our " new map " or chart. In this question of
authorship I am supported by no less an authority than the eminent
geographer, Mr J. G. Kohl of Bremen, who describes our "new
map " as " the excellent map of the world composed by Mr Emmerie
Mollineux, which was partly published on Hakluyt's admonition, and
probably with his assistance."1 He also says in another passage, when
speaking of Mollineux's globe, "Mollineux was a most able geographer,
who made besides this globe a plain map of the world, which is; I be-
lieve, the best and most conscientious plain (globe ?) map of the time."2
As at the outset it was my good fortune to be able to point out
that my doubts respecting the map in Linschoten were anticipated by
no less an authority than the learned Joseph Hunter, so is it now
my good fortune to be able to announce that I am not altogether
unsupported in my belief that the map before us is identical with
that of Shakspere. I allude to the Rev. John Mulligan of New
York. In his learned work before mentioned, after expressing his
1 Maps relating to America in HaMuyt, p. 7. 2 JMd, p. 23.
N. S. SOC. TBANS. 1877-9. 7
98 VI. MR COOTB ON THE "NEW MAP " IN TWELFTH NIGHT.
dissatisfaction with the Linschoteii theory, he proceeds to express his
opinion as to what is required to meet the case in the following
words : " Such a map of the World is found in Hakluyt's Voyages,
London, 1598 — 1600. It has been celebrated by Hallam as the best
map of the 16th century .... This map," he proceeds to say,
" embraces both the East and West Indian Islands, and is quite as
multilineal as that which appears in Linschoten's Voyages" I beg
leave to add and more ; for the twelve sets of rhumb- lines to be found
in Linschoteii, we find sixteen on our " new map " as a whole, without
counting the cross lines of latitude and longitude, to which probably
no reference is intended. Although it affords me much pleasure to
be able to refer you to so distinguished an author in confirmation of
my views, it is also my duty to point out that he, like Hallam, failed
to see that it was a " new map " on a new projection, recording the
latest geographical discovery of Barentz in 1596.
As we have already seen, it would be an anachronism to associate
our " new map " with the first edition of Hakluyt, published in 1589 ;
to do so exclusively with the second would, I venture to think, be
equally a mistake, as in the latter we find no mention of our " new
map," or of the discovery of Barentz. The truth seems to be that
it was a separate map well known at the time, made in all probability
for the convenience of the purchasers of either one or the other of
the two editions of Hakluyt, who although they required a good
modern map, as our " new " one then undoubtedly was, did not care
to be encumbered with copies of the "very large and most exact
terrestriall globe " two feet high, advertised, as we have seen, in the
preface to the first edition.
The whole case for our map may be summarized thus : —
1. It was a " new map " on a new projection made by one of the
most eminent globe-makers of his time, probably under the super-
intendence of Hakluyt.
2. It had upon it as many sets of rhumb-lines as were to be
found on any that preceded it, and four more than the one of the
Moluccas in Linschoten.
3. It showed the whole of the East Indies, including Japan,
which the map in Linschoten did not.
VI. MR COOTE ON THE " NEW MAP " IN TWELFTH NIGHT. 99
4. If not absolutely certain, it is probable in the extreme, that the
thought underlying the words, " you are now sailed into the north of
m\i lady's opinion, where you will hang like an icicle on a Dutchman's
beard" was suggested to the mind of Shakspere by a glance at the
upper portion of our " new map," showing the discovery of Barentz,
which on account of this, and other improved geography to be seen on
the Eastern portion of it, had earned for itself the then probably well-
known title of " the new map with the augmentation of the Indies"
Such is the evidence I adduce in favour of what I believe to be
the "new map;" the greater part of it I believe to be as new to
students of Shakspere as it is to geographers. Although I am not
so sanguine as to suppose that I have won your unanimous assent
to my views, I think I may venture to assert that henceforth both
commentators and illustrators of Shakspere will pause ere they refer
to, or reproduce, any of the maps in Linschoten. Future research may
possibly be able to bring to light a more successful rival to our " new
map," but I doubt the probability of it. I am not without hope that
henceforth our "new map" will be as firmly associated with Shak-
spere's Tivelfth Night, as it has been hitherto with the pages of
Hakluyt.
C. H. COOTE.
After Mr Furnivall's summing-up, strongly in support of the
Paper, Mr Coote read the following extract from de Veer's account of
Barentz's voyage, in order to show how these Dutchmen with icicles
on their beards spent their Tivelfth Night in the Arctic Eegion : —
" Jan. 5, 1596-7. And when we had taken paines al day, we
remembered ourselues that it was Twelf Euen (Drie Conighen
Avondt), Three Kings Euen; and then we prayed our maister
(skipper) that [in the midst of all our troubles] we might be merry
that night, and said that we were content to spend some of the wine
that night which we had spared and which was our share euery
second day, and whereof for certaine daies we had not drunke ; and
so that night we made merry and drunke to the three Kings (lit.
100
VII. SCRAPS. TOUCHSTONES 'FEATURE.
played at kings). And therewith we had two pound of meale
[which we had taken to make paste for the cartridges] whereof we
[now] made pancakes with oyle, and [we laid to] euery man a white
bisket which we sopt in [the] wine. And so supposing that we were
in our owne country and amongst our friends, it comforted vs as well
as if we had made a great banket, in our owne house. And we also
made (distributed) tickets, and our gunner was King of Nona
Zembla, which is at least two hundred [800] miles long and lyeth
between two seas." — Phillip's trans., 1609. Belte, p. 138.
VII. SCRAPS.
1 . Touchstone's feat lire.
2. lago's squadron.
3. Launcelot's Master, &c.
4. Falstaffs carves.
5. Hamlet's sear.
6. Claudius's union.
7. warn.
8. Edmund's Villains by necessity.
9. Time's wallet.
10. Shy lock's bagpipe and urine.
11. Ophelia's Christian Souls.
12. Dogberry's comparisons are odour-
ous.
13. An earlier Autolycus.
14. On Lines 343-4 and 302 of the
Passionate Pilgrim.
1 5. Shakspere's anticipation of Newton.
16. Cor am and Custalorum.
17. Boyet's 'angels vailing clouds.'
18. Ceremony's ' soul of adoration.
1. ON TOUCHSTONE'S 'feature?
In As you like it, III. iii. 3, Touchstone asks Audrey, " Doth my
simple feature content you ? " and the context, — with Touchstone's
calling himself 'a poet' and mentioning his "verses (that) cannot
be understood" — necessitate a comment like Mr Aldis Wright's, in
his Clarendon Press edition, 1876, p. 140. "There is possibly some
joke intended here, the key to which is lost." However, the key is
now found, for one of our members, Mr W. Wilkins of Trinity Coll.,
Dublin, belonging to a quicker-witted race than us Englishmen,
pointed out. at one of our Meetings, that Shakspere has — after his
custom in like cases — made Touchstone use feature in its etymo-
logical sense of 'making', that is, the Early English making or
writing of verses, as we use ' composition,' &c., now.
Ben Jonson seems to use the word in the same sense when he
says of his creature or creation, the play of Volpone, that 2 months
before it was no feature1 : —
1 Cotgrave gives " Faicture, Facture : f. The facture, workemanship,
framing, making of a thing." Florio : " Fattura, a making, a handy worke,
a fashion or workmanship of any thing." D'Arnis : " Factura. — Creatura;
creature , . . pictura textilis ; broderie."
vii. SCRAPS. TOUCHSTONE'S 'FEATURE.' 101
" In all his poems still hath been this measure,
To mix profit with your pleasure
And not as some, whose throats their envy failing.
Cry hoarsely, ' All he writes, is railing : '
And when his plays come forth, think they can flout them,
With saying, he was a year about them.
To this there needs no lie, but this his creature,
Which was two months since no feature ;
And though he dares give them five lives to mend it,
'Tis known, five weeks fully penn'd it,
From his own hand, without a co-adjutor,
Novice, journey-man, or tutor."
1607, Ben Jonson. Prologue to Volpone, p. 174, col. 1, ed. 1838.
Mr W. A. Harrison finds the same sense in Bp. Latimer and
Pliny :—
" Frvitfvll | Sermons | preached by the right Ee|uerend Father,
and constant Martyr | of lesus Christ, Master Hvgh | Latimer, to
the edyfying of all | which will dispose themselves | to the readings
of the same. At London, Reprinted by Valentine Sims — A.D. 1596.
Sig. B. 4, p. 12.
"What a thing was that, that once euery hundred yeare was
brought forth in Rome, by the children of this world, and with how
much policie it was made : Ye heard at Pauls Crosse in the begin-
ning of the last parliament, how some brought forth canonizations,
some expectations, some pluralities and vnions, some tot-quots1 and
dispensations, some pardons and those of wonderful variety, some
stationaries, some jubilaries, some pocularies for drinkers, some
manuaries for handlers of reliques, some pedaries for pilgrimes, some
oscularies for kissers : Some of them ingendred one, some other
Ben Jonson uses feature in the sense of creation, apparition, or form iii his
Masque of Queens, p. 571, col. 2, Moxon. 1838 (see Nares).
" Dame. Stay, all our charms do nothing win
Upon the night : our labour dies,
Our magic feature will not rise. ' '
And in his note (col. 1) on the 4th Charm, he says —
" Here they speak as if they were creating some new feature, which the
devil persuades them to be able to do often, by the pronouncing of words and
pouring out of liquors on the earth" (with quotations from Agrippa and
Apuleius). Cp. too Nares's.
"Bid him
Report the feature of Octavia." — Ant. fy Cl., II. v.
•' She also doft her heavy haberjeon,
Which the fair feature of her limbs did hide."
Spenser, F. Q., III. ix.
1 Tot-quots. " Si in aliqua* ecclesid" sit indulgeutia perennis (sicut in
Ecclesia B. Petri), tune qnoties vadit aliquis, toties indulgentiam consequitur."
— Thomas Aquinas. Sunim. Theol. Supplem. Part III., qusest. 25, Art. II.
Jewel mentions " tot-quots " as an expedient for raising money.
102 VII. SCRAPS. lAGO's 'SQUADRON.1
such features, and euery one in that he was deliuered of was
excellent, politike, wise ; yea so wise, that with their wisedome they
had almost made al the world fooles."
Feture means here ' a thing made ; ' ' a production.' Pliny
(Prasf. Lib. I.) uses fetura figuratively of a literary production, and
calls his work on Natural History, Proxima fetura : "Libros Naturalis
Historic . . natos apud me proxima fetura." — F.
2. ON IAGO'S 'squadron.1
In Othello, Act I. Sc. i. 1. 22, lago derides Cassio as a fellow —
" That never set a squadron in the field,
Nor the division of a "battle knows
More than a spinster."
Most readers — and I confess myself to have been one of them —
pass over this term squadron without any very definite idea of
meaning : those perhaps who have some acquaintance with military
affairs will take it in its modern sense of the principal division of a
regiment of cavalry; but generally by it will be understood that
very uncertain number of soldiers called "a certain number."
My own attention to its significance was awakened not long ago
by reading in Geffray Fenton's translation (1599) of Guicciardini's
Historia d? Italia, Lib. i., the following sentence : —
" his army contained little lesse then a hundreth squadrons of
men at arrnes, accounting xx. men to a squadron."
Further investigation showed me that, according to Florio (Ital.
Die. 1611), a SQUADRA or squadron, besides its general meaning of
"a troupe or band of men," was "properly a1 part of a companie of
souldiers oftwentie or fine and twentie whose chief e is a Corporall."
Cotgrave (ed. 1660) has : — -" SQUADRON : m. A squadron ; a square
troop, or band, or battell of souldiers ; also, in every company, the
troop thats under the command of a Corporall"
At the end of Robt. Barrett's Theoricke and Practicke of moderne
Warres, 1598, is "A Table, shewing the signification of sundry
forraine words, used in these discourses." In it I find : —
" SQUADRA, a Spanish word : and is a certaine part of a company
of some 20, or 25 souldiers, whose chiefe is the Caporall.
SQUADRON, a Spanish word, and is a great number of souldiers
pikemen reduced in arraies to march, and also is a certaine companie
of musketiers framed in order to march of2 fight, and is also a certaine
number of men, aranged in order to march, or charge."
In the body of the work, Barrett uses the terms squadra and
squadron indifferently when speaking of the Corporal's company.
Cf. pp. 16, 17.
1 Properly d], also a certaine, ed. 1598, 2 ?or.
vii. SCRAPS. LAUNCELOT'S 'MASTER,' 'GOODMAN,' ETC. 103
Other lexicographers — as Minsheu, 1626; Gould man, 1669;
Coles, 1679 — translate corporal as manipularis, decurio a com-
mander of ten men only.
In Beaumont and Fletcher's Bonduca Act. I. Sc. ii., Suetonius,
speaking of Bonduca' s army, says, —
" that the proud woman
Is infinite in number better likes me,
Than if we dealt with squadrons."
Here, evidently, squadron is used in the sense of a small number, a
handful.
It is but right to say that Shakspere nowhere in his use of the
word squadron defines the number of men of which it was composed ;
nevertheless it has seemed to me that he may in the instance above,
quoted from Othello, have used it in the sense of the smallest com-
pany, commanded by the lowest officer, and have placed it in lago's
mouth to give additional point to that villain's contemptuous estimate
of Cassio's soldiership. — P. A. DANIEL, 6th Sept. 1877.
Mr Daniel's happy explanation of lago's sarcasm is confirmd by
the Spanish :
" Esquadra, f . a carpenters squire, a squadron of 25. souldiers."
" Esquadron, m. a squadron of souldiers of the whole army,
a great squadron." — Percivale's Spanish Diet., by Jn. Minsheu, 1628.
The termination -on, Ital. -one, here rightly marks the larger
body, though in lago's English but a squad. — F. J. F.
3. ON ' Master LAUNCELOT,' AND ' Goodman DULL ' AND
j,' &o.
In my edition of Harrison (New Shaksp. Soc., 1877), p. 133,
137, are some passages on the use of the words master and goodman
which illustrate well the use of the former word in the Merchant of
Venice, and of the latter in Love's Labour's Lost, Hamlet, &c.
Harrisoii^boiTOw^from^ir Thos. Smith's Commonwealth of England,
and from this I shall quote.
In the Merchant, II. ii. 50, &c., Launcelot Gobbo says to his
sand-blind father who doesn't recognize him :
" Talke you of yong Master Launcelet 1 — marke me now ! now
will I raise the waters !— Talke you of yong Maister Launcelet 1
11 Old Gobbo. No Maister, sir, but a poore mans sonne : his
Father, though I say % is an honest exceeding poore man, and, God
be thanked, well to liue."
Sir Thos. Smith says in his Common-wealth, bk. L, ch. 20 (p. 28,
new ed. 1612),
" as for Gentlemen, they be made good cheap in England. For
104 vn. SCRAPS. LAUNCELOT'S 'MASTER,' l GOODMAN,' ETC.
whosoeuer studieth the laws of the Realm, who studieth in the
Uniuersities, who professeth liberall Sciences : and to be short, who
can line idely, and without manuall labour, and will beare the port,
charge and countenance of a Gentleman, hee shall bee called master,
for that is the tytle which men giue to Esquires, and other Gentle-
men, and shall bee taken for a Gentleman."
The Goodman or Yeoman is treated of in chap. 23 :
" I call him a yeoman whome our lawes doe call Legalem homi-
nem, — a word familiar in writs and En quests, — which is, a free man
borne English, and may di spend of his own free land in yeerely
reuenue to the summe of xLs. sterling. This maketh vi.li. of our
currant money at this present [1565]. This sort of people confesse
themselues to be no Gentlemen . . . These be not called maisters,
for that (as I said) pertaineth to Gentlemen only. But to their
surnames men adde Goodman : as if the surname be Luter, Finch,
White, Browne, they are called ' goodman Luter, goodman Finch,
goodman White1, goodman Browne,' amongst their neighbours
.... amongst the Husbandmen, Labourers, the lowest and rascall
sort of the people, such as be exempted out of the number of the
rascability of the popular, be called and written Yeomen, as in the
degree next unto Gentlemen."
Old Gobbo who had a ' phill-horse,' and could give away doves,
must surely not be reckond among " the rascability of the popular,"
but may take his place with Dull, Verges, Adam, Buff of Parson, the
delver, &c., among the Goodmen or Yeomen, tho' whether the
' goodman boys/ Tybalt and Edmund, are to be put in the same
class is more than doubtful.
As to the ' rascability/ who were not ' respectable/ who did not
keep the gigs of the period, and to whom, according to Harrison, p.
134, the ambitious young Master Launcelot, as a serving-man,
belongd, Sir Thos. Smith says, in Bk. L, chap. 24 :
*f The fourth sort or classe amongst vs, is of those which the old
Romans called capite sensu proletarii or operarii, day laborers, poore
husbandmen, yea Marchants or retailers which haue no free land,
copyholders, and all artificers, as Tailers, Shoemakers, Carpenters,
Brickmakers, Bricklayers, Masons, &c. These haue no voyce nor
authority in our Commonwealth, and no account is made of them,
but only to be ruled, and not to rule other ; and yet they be not
altogether neglected. For in Cities & corporate townes, for default
of Yeomen, enquests and luries are impaneled of such manner of
people. And in Tillages they be commonly made Churchwardens,
Alecunners, and many times Constables, which office toucheth more
the Commonwealth, and at the first was not imployed upon such
low and base persons." — F. J. FURNIVALL.
1 Harrison says also, that they were called "onelie John and Thomas,"
&c., p. 134.
vii. SCRAPS. ON FALSTAFF'S 'CARVES,' HAMLET'S 'SEAR.' 105
4. ON FALSTAFF'S 'carves.'
" I spy entertainment in [Ford's wife] ; she discourses, she carves,
she gives the leer of invitation." Falstaff, in Mer. Wi. W. I.
iii. 41.
craves, Q,3 ; Jackson ; Collier. Steevens and Boswell (in
Variorum) understand this literally of carving at dinner or
supper. Hunter compares a passage from " a Prophecie of Cad-
wallader," by Wm. Herbert, 4to. 1604:
" There might yon Cains Marius carving find,
And martial Sylla courting Venus kind."
New Illustrations, fyc.
Dyce adds: "Her amorous glances are her accusers; her very
lookes write sonnets in thy commendations ; she carues thee at
boord, & cannot sleepe for dreaming on thee in bedde." — Day's He of
Gulls, 1606, Sig. D.
He quotes also a passage from Beaumont's transl. of Ovid's
Remedia Amoris ; but here the word may be possibly taken
literally.
Grant White quotes ' A very woman ' among the * Characters '
published with Sir Thos. Overbury's * Wife,' &c. :
" Her lightness gets her to swim at the top of the table, where
her wrie little finger bewraies carving." — Sig. E 3 (Ed. 1632).
Littleton's Lat.-Eng. Diet. (1675) in Dyce, &c., has :
" A carver = chironomus."
" Chironomus = one that useth apish motions with his hands."
" Chironomia = a kind of gesture with the hands, either in
dancing, carving of meat, or pleading," &c. &c.
I would add to these references a passage in Pepys's Diary, just
brought to light, from the new edition by Mynors Bright, now in
course of publication (vol. ii. p. 292).
II Aug. 6th, 1663. To my cozen Mary Joyce's at a gossiping,
where much company & good cheer Ballard's wife, a pretty
& a well-bred woman, I took occasion to kiss several times, & she
to carve, drink, & show me great respect." — W. A. HARRISON.
5. HAMLET'S 'sear.'
sear, sb. catch of a gunlock, that the trigger frees (tickle o' the
sear (hair-triggers at laughing). — Haml. IT. ii. 337).
" I gather therefore, that even as a Pistole that is ready charged
and bent, will flie off by and by, if a man do but touch the Sea re ;
And as the evill humor in a naturall bodie (being ejected into the
outward partes, and gathered to a boyle, or head) will easily breake,
if it be never so little prickte or launced : So the commons of some
partes of the realme, being at that time [Wat Tyler's] full swolue
106 vn. SCRAPS. ON 'UNION' (PEARL), AND 'WARN* (SUMMON).
with rancor that they had before conceived against their lords, lay
now in await for some opportunitie to cast out their venome : and
therefore, taking occasion at the Taxe of money which touched them
al, they nocked together by and by, and laboured under that covert
to pull their necks cleane out of the collers." — 1570, Wm. Lambarde,
Perambulation of Kent. 1826 reprint, p. 407-8.
At the Meeting at which this was read, Mr Hetherington quoted
the saying of a Cumberland Farmer to him, on a very short-temperd
woman : —
" She's as tickle as a mouse-trap : touch the spring, and off she
goes."— F.
6. CLAUDIUS'S ' union.'1 — HAMLET, V. ii. 283.
See Batman vpon Bartholome, ed. 1583, leaf 263, back : —
"1T Of Margarita, chap. 62.
The On- "WTArgarita, is chiefe of all white precious stones, as Isidforus]
ent perie. JH. savth, and hath that name Margarita, for it is founde in
shells and in shell fish of the sea. It breedeth in flesh of shel fish, and
is sometime found in the braine of the fish, and is gendred of the deaw
of heuen, the which deaw, shell fish receiue in certaine times of the
yeare. Of the which Margarites, some be called Vniones, and haue
a couenable name, for onely one is found, & neuer two or moe
together. And white Margarites are better thaw yelow; & those
that be concerned of the morrow deawe, be made dim me with the
aire of the euen tide. Hue vsque Isidorus, li. 16. And they haue
vertue comfortative, either of all the whole kinde, as some men saye,
or els because they are besprong with certayn specialtie, they comfort
the lyms . . ."— F.
7. ON lwarn] MEANING TO SUMMON.
" They mean to warn us at Philippi here." — Julius Ccesar, V. i. 5.
" And sent to warn them to his royal presence." — Rich. III., I. iii. 39.
" Who is it that hath warned us to the walls 1 " — Kg. John, II. i. 201.
"At his warning . . . the erring spirit hies to his confine." —
Hamlet, I. i. 152.
This use of warn, in the sense of giving notice or summoning,
though common enough in Elizabethan English, is rare at the present
day ; but in the dialect of Cumberland it still survives, especially in
connection with funerals. In many country places there used to be
a custom, now becoming rare, of sending some old person to every
house in the place, to warn the people to attend the funeral. There
was also a peculiar use of the passive voice of this verb, for it was
said that the 'funeral was warned ' for a certain hour, and not the
people. — J. N. HETHERINGTON.
VII. SCRAPS. ON ' VILLAINS BY NECESSITY,' TIME'S ' WALLKT? ETC. 107
8. EDMUND'S ' Villains ly necessity' — LEAR, I. ii. 132.
" Where were become al good ordre amo?zg men, if euery mis-
ordred wretche myght alledge that his mischieuous dede was his
desteny .... they may be then wel aunswered with their owne
wordes, as one was serued in a good towne in Almayn, which, when
he had robbed a man and was brought before ye iudges he could not
deny the dede, but he sayde it was his desteny to do it, and there-
fore thei might not blame hym, thei aunswered him after his owne
doctrine, that yf it were his desteny to steale, & that therfore they
muste holde hym excused, than it was also their desteny to hange
hym, and therfore he must as well hold them excused agayn." —
More's Works, p. 274, ed. 1557.
9. TIME'S ' wallet; TR. AND ORES., III. iii.
One of the cuts to the Ballad of "Poor Robin's Dream;
commonly called, Poor Charity, in the Bagford Collection, I. 46 " (ed.
Ebsworth, Pt. 3, p. 973) illustrates the lines in Troilus and Cressida,
iii. 3 :
" Time hath, my Lord, a wallet at his back,
Wherein he puts alms for oblivion."
J. W. E.
10. SHYLOCK'S ' bagpipe and urine,' MERCHANT, IV. i. 49-50.
" I jumble, as one dothe that can play upon an instrument. Je
brouille, prim. conj. It wolde make one pysse to here him jombyll on
a lute : il feroyt vug Iwmme pisser en ses cliausses louyr brouyller snr
vng lus" — 1530, Palsgrave, p. 595, col. 2.— F.
11. OPHELIA'S Christian Souls,
"We see there [in purgatory] our chyldren too, whome we
loued so well, pype, sing, & daunce, & no more thinke on their
108 VII. SCRAPS. AN EARLIER AUTOLYCUS IN WINTERS TALE, ETC.
fathers soules, then on their olde shone, sailing y* sometime cometh
out, God haue mercy on al christen soules. But it cummeth out so
coldly & with so dull affection, y* it lyeth but in the lippes, & neuer
came nere the hert."— (died 1535) Sir T. More's Workes (1557),
p. 337. — K. EGBERTS.
12. DOGBERRY'S 'comparisons are odour ous? — MUCH ADO, III. v. 18
" Comparationes vero, Princeps, ut te aliquando dixisse recolo,
odiosae reputatantur." — Fortescue, De Laudibus Legum Anglian, fol.
42, ed. 1616.
The Prince was the son of Henry VI. Fortescue was about to
compare the Common and Civil Laws. — W. D. STONE. 1
13. AN EARLIER Autolycm IN Winter's Tale.
" Pedler. Conyskins, maydes ! Conyskins for old pastes !
What lacke you, what buy you ] any good pinnes 1
Knit caps for children, biggens and wastes ?
Come let us bargaine ; bring forth your Conyskins."
1595, The Pedler s Prophecie, 1. 930-3.
" Pedler. And it will please you to help to sing a ballet before
you go,
I will teach you cunningly to make the water.
Arti. I know the Pedler can sing pleasantly,
Both upon the booke, and also without.
Traveller. I will sing, seeing he desireth me so instantly,
But to sing by heart, to agree, I stand in doubt.
Ped. Behold, I have ballet books here,
Truly prickt, with your rests, and where you shall come in.
Then we foure will make an honest quere
I will follow, if the Pedler will begin."— Ib. 11. 957—966.
Hie C^et.— F.
14. ON LINES 343-4 IN THE Passionate Pilgrim, BY EDWD.
G. DOGGETT, ESQ. ; AND ON LINE 302 BY F. J. F.
In the Passionate Pilgrim the verse beginning at line 341, Globe
Edition, p. 1056, col. 1, is marked f, that is, as " corrupt in such a
1 Here was to follow, at first, — as an illustration of Dogberry's Watch, —
Lord Burghley's letter of Aug. 10, 1586, to Sir Francis Walsingham (State
Papers, Domestic, vol. 192), on the dozen stupid watchmen in a lump —
" Lievres morionnez (Sillie Artificers, or cowardlie Trades-men, turned watch-
men), the ordinarie watchmen of good townes." 1611, Cotgrave — standing
under a pentice, and pretending to look out for some of the Babington con-
spirators, by the token that one had a hookt nose ; but as the original of, the
Letter was printed by Mr. Lemon and Mr. J. P. Collier as the first of the old
Shakespeare Society's Papers, a reference to that will do instead of a reprint. — F.
VII. SCRAPS. MR DOGGETT ON THE PASS. PILGRIM, L. 343. 109
way as to affect the sense, no admissible emendation having been
proposed."
According to Malone, vol. x. p. 339, edition 1790, note, the
reading of the original edition is —
" Think women still to strive with men,
To sin and never for to saint ;
There is no heaven by holy then,
When time with age shall them attaint.
"Were kisses all the joys in bed,
One woman would another wed."
The third line of this verse is the one that has caused the
difficulty. The Globe Edition gives the verse thus —
" Think women still to strive with men,
To sin and never for to saint :
There is no heaven, by holy then,
When time with age doth them attaint.
Were," &c.
Malone gives the reading of the original edition, but being unable
to make anything of it, he prints the verse in his text thus —
" Think, women love to match with men
And not to live so like a saint :
Here is no heaven \ they holy then
Begin, when age doth them attaint.
Were " &c.
In his Note, Malone intimates, that in printing the verse he
followed an old MS. copy.
Staunton prints the lines the same as Malone, and in a note says,
"This is the lection of the MS. followed by Malone; it is poor
stuff" (which it certainly is), "but it has the advantage of being
intelligible, which cannot be said of the corresponding stanza in the
Passionate Pilgrim"
The reading adopted by Malone may be intelligible after a
fashion ; but seeing that matrimony is holy, it seems hardly pious to
assert that women only begin to be holy when the first object of
holy matrimony as taught by the Prayer Book is no longer attain-
able through them.
Pickering's Edition, 1825, gives the old reading without any note.
CoUier, 1843, has—
" Think, women still to strive with men,
To sin and never for to saint :
There is no heaven ; be holy then,
When time with age shall them attaint.
Were," &c.
110 VII. SCRAPS. MR DOGGETT ON THE PASS. PILGRIM, L. 343.
The assertion in the third line is startling, and neither Scriptural
nor Shaksperean. And why any one should take the trouble to
be holy because there is no heaven, requires peculiar faculties to
perceive.
Keightley (Bell and Daldy, 1868) follows Collier with the
exception of having no comma after ' Think.'
The variations from the first edition do not strike me as emenda-
tions, which may readily be imagined as I have something different
to offer. I propose to read the verse thus —
' Think women still to strive with men,
To sin and never for to saint 1
There is no heaven, by th' holy ! then,
When time with age shall them attaint.
Were," &c
A note of exclamation in the third line is all that appears to me
to be absolutely necessary to make the sense complete, and com-
pletely in accordance with the rest of the poem.1 As I understand
the passage, the poet means to say, and swear, that there is no
heaven for women in this world when age has deprived them of love.
Every lover, poet, and versifier, vows that love is heaven ; whence it
follows, in love if not in logic, that there is no heaven without love.
It appears to me not unlikely that Shakspere may have written,
'There is no heaven, by holy, then,' omitting the definite article.
The oath ' by the Mass ' had got to be used in his time in the form
of ' Mass ' simply. " Mass, I cannot tell," will occur to every one.
"Yes, by roode, you are the autor of that heresy," is an expres-
sion which I lately met with in Foxe's Actes and Monumentes. It
shews that the definite article was sometimes dropped in swearing
' by the rood ! ' 'By the holy ' is an oath common I believe
with the Irish even now. At all events, I used to hear it as an
Irish oath, sometimes modified into ' By the hokey ! ' It probably
means ' by the holy rood ! ' an oath to be found in Shakspere, or
'by the holy Mass.' I remember seeing it stated that 'By the
holy ' was an abbreviation of the expression, ' By the holy poker of
Hell 2 ! ' I am sorry to say I cannot remember the name of the
work in which I met with this, but it was in some book where the
writer was demonstrating the fact that the Irish are a highly
imaginative and poetical people.
In the first edition of the Passionate Pilgrim there seems to be
no comma after the word holy, so that that word was supposed to
qualify the word then which nobody could understand. It would
be satisfactory to get a facsimile of the first edition so as to be sure
about the exact punctuation in that edition.
1 Steevens thought that perhaps, " by holy the,n," might be equivalent to
a phrase still in use, "by all that's sacred." — F.
2 of Moses, we us't to say at school, — F. J. F.
VII. SCRAPS. MR FURNIVALL ON THE PASS. PILGRIM, L. 302. Ill
The note of exclamation was never, or if ever, it was very
sparingly used in Shakspere's day. For example, take the following
passage from Booth's reprint of The Life and Death of King John, p
12, col. 2—
* 0 Lord, my boy, my Arthur, my faire sonne,
My life, my ioy, my food, my all the world :
My widow-comfort, and my sorrowes cure."
Here there is not one note of exclamation, whilst in the same
passage Malone, Staunton, and the Globe Edition, p. 345, col. 1,
have no less than four, to which more might easily be added. I
instance this to justify my proposal ; which is, I submit, as little of an
interference as can well be, with the earliest text.
P.S. The reprint of the Isham copy of the 1599 edition prints —
" There is no heauen (by holy then)."
ON LINE 4 OF No. xix. OF THE Passionate Pilgrim.
The Globe Editors put an f to line 4 : —
" When as thine eye hath chose the dame,
And stall'd the deer that thou should'st strike, 300
Let reason rule things worthy blame,
f As well as fancy partial might :
Take counsel of some wiser head,
Neither too young nor yet unwed."1
The stanzas following show that the ' things worthy blame ' which
had to be controlld, were men's naughtinesses with women ; and if we
take the poet to advise that these things should be under the impartial
rule of Eeason — a wiser friend's counsel — as well as the partial might
of Fancy — the hot lover's passion — we get a natural meaning for the
line obelized. I should read, then, ' fancy's ' for ' fancy,' and print —
" Let Reason rule things worthy blame,
As well as Fancy's partial might." — F. J. F.
P.S. The Ishani reprint has —
" As well as fancy (partyall might)."
1 A contemporary of Shakspere's says almost the same thing, in Clement
Kobinson's ' Handefull of pleasant delltes, 71584, p. 37-8, ed. Arber, 1878 :
" If Cupids dart do chance to light, Thine owne delay must win the field,
So that affection dimmes thy sfght, Whenlustdoth leade thy heart to yeeld :
Then raise up reason by and by, When steed is stolne, who makes al fast,
With skill thy heart to fortifie : May go on foot, for al his haste :
Where is a breach, In time, shut gate,
Oft times too late doth come the For had-I-wist doth come too late ;
Leach : Fast bind, fast find,
Sparks are put out, Repentance alwaies commeth be-
when fornace flames do raye about. hind."
112 vn. SCRAPS. SHAKSPERE'S ANTICIPATION OF NEWTON.
15. SHAKSPERE'S ANTICIPATION OF XEWTOX.
I do not know that any critic has noticed the lines in Troilus
and Cressida (IV. ii. 109) :
" But the strong base and building of my love
Is as the very centre of the earth
Drawing all things to it."
How did Shakspere know what Newton was going to discover 1
Or, if he did not know it, wrhat do the lines mean ? — EDW. ROSE.
I suppose Shakspere only meant here, and in his ' true as earth
to the centre'1, what Batman says below : —
"Also hereto he [Basilius] saith that ye earth is euen way with
his owne weights, & euery part thereof busieth with his owne weight
to come to the middle of ye earth. By that busieng & inclination of
partes, ye whole earth hangeth in euen weight aboue the middle
point, & is euenly held vnmouable, as it is written
Psa. 19. The heauens declare the glorie of God, and the firma-
ment sheweth his glorious worke.
Psa. 24. The earth is the Lords, and all that therin is, the com-
passe of the world, and they that dwell therin.
For he hath founded it vpon the seas, $ established it vpon theflouds.
" Thou hast founded ye earth vpon his stablenesse, &c. And
therefore Ii. 12. Isi[dorus] calleth ye earth Solum, for it is a sad
element, & bereth vp all ye elements of euery body, be it neuer so
heuie : therfore all heuy things thai be aboue & from the earth, be
without rest till it come to the earth that is sted2fast and stable,
and rest when they come to the earth." — Ed. 1582, Batman vpon
Bartholome, leaf 201, back, col. 2.
"Also though the whole Earth be sounde 3and sad in substaunco
thereof, yet euery part thereof moueth kindly towarde the middle,
point ; and because of meddeling of firie and of airie parts, the earth
is in some parts thereof hollow and dim, and spoungie and smokie."
— ib. leaf 202, foot, and back. The like doctrine is said to be in
Aristotle.— F.
1 " Ores. In that I'll war with you.
Tro. O virtuous fight,
When right with right wars who shall be most right !
True swains in love shall, in the world to come,
Approve their truths by Troilus : when their rhymes,
Full of protest, of oath, and big compare,
Want similes, truth tir'd with iteration, —
' As true as steel, as plantage to the moon,
As sun to day, as turtle to her mate,
As iron to adamant, as earth to the centre' —
Yet, after all comparisons of truth,
As truth's authentic author to be cited,
'As true as Troilus' shall crown up the verse,
And sanctify the numbers." — Tr. fy Cr. III. ii.
2 leaf 202. 3 leaf 202, back.
vii. SCRAPS. BLENDER'S CORAM, AND SHALLOW'S CUSTALORUM. 113
16. SLENDER'S Coram, AND SHALLOW'S Custalorum.
Coram : Merry Wives, I. i. 6. " All the authoritie and power of
these Commissioners of the Peace, floweth out of their Commissions,
and out of the Statutes (as it were from two principall Heads or Foun-
taines,") says Lambarde, Eirenarcha, chap, viii., bk I, ed. 1607, p. 35.
The King's Commission, issued by the Chancellor, first appointed a cer-
tain number of men to be Justices of the Peace in a county, and then
went on in its 2nd Clause, to say that, of them, one of certain Men
specified by name [the most learned,] must be present at the Sessions :
" Assignauimus etiam vos & quoslibet duos, vel plures vestmm
(Quorum aliquem vestrum A. B. C. E. F. &c., vnum esse volumus)
Justiciaries nostros, ad inquirendum per Sacramentum proborum &
legalium hominum de comitatu praedicto (per quos rei veritas melius
sciri potuit) de omnibus, & omnimodis felonijs, veneficijs, incanta-
tionibus, sortilegijs arte magica transgressionibus, forstallarijs, regra-
tarijs, Ingrossarijs & extorsionibus quibuscimque," &c. &c. On
this, Lambarde says, p. 48, " The latter clause (or Assignauimus) of
the Commission, comprehendeth the power giuen to these lustices,
as wel for to enquire of al those offences that be contained therein,
as to precede, heare, and determine thereof, vpon any former (or
future) enditements : So alwayes that two of these lustices at the
least be present thereat, and so that one of these two be of that select
number, which is commonly termed of the Quorum.
" For those of the Quorum were woont (and that not without iust
cause) to bee chosen specially for their knowledge in the Lawes of
the lande ; and that was it which leade the makers of the Statutes
(18 Ed. 3. cap. 2, 34 Ed. 3. cap. 1, and 13 K. 2, cap. 7) expressely
to enact that some learned in the Lawes should bee put into the Com-
mission of the peace ; and (to say the trueth) all statutes that desire
the presence of the Quorum, do secretly signifie such a learned man." —
Lambarde's Eirenarcha, ed. 1607, p. 48. Slender's Coram is got, no
doubt, from the proceedings coramvobis (before you) of the Commission.
Custalorum: Merry Wives, I. i. 7. "Amongst the Officers [at the
Sessions] the Gustos Rotulorum hath worthily the first place, both for
that he is alwaies a Justice of ye Quorum in ye Commission, and
amongst them of the Quorum, a man (for the most part) especially
picked out either for wisdome, countenance, or credite : and yet in
this behalfe he beareth the person of an Officer, and ought to attende
by himselfe, or his deputie. . . .
" This man (as his very name bewrayeth) hath the custodie of the
Holies (or Recordes) of the sessions of the peace : and whether the
custody of the Commission of the peace it self l doe pertaine to him
alone, it hath been made some question. . . [But] it seemeth most
reasonable that hee that is put in trust with the rest of the Records,
should be credited with the custodie of the Commission also.
1 The document seald by the King's Seal appointing the Justices.
N. B. soc. TRANS., 1877. 8
114 vii. SCRAPS. BOYET'S 'ANGELS VAILING CLOUDS.'
" But vnder the name of the ' Recordes of the Sessions of the
peace,' I doe not comprehend all maner of Records concerning the
peace, but those only which ought to be at the Sessions of the peace :
as Bils, Plaints, Informations, Inditements, presentments, the Rolles
of processes, Trials, ludgements, Executions, and all other the Actes
of ye Sessions of the peace themselues : And furthermore, the Ingrosse-
merct of the rates of seruants wages, all Recognusances of the peace
& good Abearing : Recognusances concerning Felonies and Ale-
house keepers, and such like as ought to be certified (or brought) to
the Sessions of the peace, must be nurnbred amongst the Records of
the Sessions of the peace : for of all these there may be vse at the
Sessions, and therefore the Custos Rotulorum, or some for him, ought
to bee readie there to shewe them." — Lambarde's Eirenarcha, ed. 1607,
p. 382-383.
17. BOYET'S 'ANGELS vailing CLOUDS/
The Globe editors put an obelus to Loves Labours Lost, V. ii.
297 ; but if vailing is taken in the sense in which Shakspere uses it
in some dozen passages, that of ' lowering, letting fall,' the meaning
of the line is quite appropriate and plain.
" Boyet [to the Princess and her ladies]. Therefore change favours ;
and, when they [the King and his nobles] repair,
Blow like sweet roses in this summer air.
Princess. How blow 1 how blow 1 speak to be understood.
Boyet. Fair ladies mask'd, are roses in their bud ;
Dismask'd, — their damask sweet commixture [the red and white of
their faces] shown, —
t Are angels vailing clouds [letting fall the clouds that hide their
glory], or roses blown." 297. — F.
18. CEREMONY'S ' soul of adoration?
Another obelus or dagger of the Globe editors may safely be
removed, I think, namely, that to Henry V, IV. i. 262. The Folio,
p. 85, col. 1, prints the context and line thus : —
. " And what art thou, thou Idoll Ceremonie ?
What kind of God art thou 1 that suffer'st more
Of mortall griefes, then doe thy worshippers.
What are thy Rents ? what are thy commings in ]
0 Ceremonie, shew me but thy worth.
What? is thy Soule of Odoration] [262]
Art thou else but Place, Degree, and Forme,
Creating awe and feare in other men ? "
The Globe editors rightly adopt the emendation Adoration for
EARLIER USES OF SOME OP SHAKSPERfi's WORDS. 115
Odoration, and shift the query-mark (1) after What, to the end of
the line, and print :
" f What is thy soul of adoration ? " 262
Now if we interpret this line by the parallel phrase that we all
understand, " What is thy soul of worth (that men should worship
thee) ? " and read it, " What, How much, is thy soul worthy of
Adoration?" — we get the meaning that exactly suits the context,
and the sense needed by the line itself ; and we see that the difficulty
in the line arises simply from our not having kept for (or given to)
the phrase 'of adoration,' the same reflex meaning 'worthy of
adoration from others,' that we have kept for (or give to) the phrase
'of worth,' 'to be esteemd of value by others.' The A.S. wear's is
'worth,' and ^veor!8ung, 'honouring, veneration, worshipping,' is
just Shakspere's ' adoration ' here. — F. J. F.
(EARLIER OR PARALLEL USES OF SOME OF SHAKSPERE'S WORDS.)
fruitfully, adv. All's Well, II. ii. 73. "No we if I woulde
fruitefully meditate and thinke of this commandement secretely and
shortly with my selfe, as I did of the former, then consider I, that as
in other, so in this also, little is said, and much is meant ; part is put
for the whole; and in the negatiue the affirmatiueisimplyed." 1588.
Bp. Babington on the Ten Commandments, p. 120.
purpose : of purpose, with a design ; never us'd by Shakspere :
occurs only in three spurious scenes, 1 Hen. VI, V. iv. 22 ; Timon,
III. i. 26; Henry VIII, V. ii. 14. "The profitable vse and appli-
cation of this commandement, is to wey and duely consider that it is
the Lawe of no man, but of God the chiefest lawegiuer, the wisest,
most righteous, and most able to reuenge, instuted of purpose by
him for these and such like ends." 1588. — Bp. Babington on the Ten
Commandments, p. 196-7.
single, adj. unmarried. M. N. Dream, I. i. 78, 90, 121 : run-
away, M. N. D., III. ii. 405 ; Pax, Hen. Y, III. vi. 42, 47. " Now
where true loue of GOD is, out of it noweth a burning constant care
to keep his commaundementes, not our owne. They [Papists] keepe
their owne, and with fire and fagot doe reuenge the breach of them, but
the Lordes worde not so : with abstayning from this meate and that
meate, this day and that day, with single lyfe, though most impure,
with prayers in an vnknowen tongue, and thus often repeated ouer
and ouer, with crossings and creepings. Paxes and Beades, holie
water and Creame, Ashes and spittle, with a thousande such things
haue they deuised to worshippe the Lorde: and who-so breaketh
these, an Heretike hee is, a runneaway from the Church ; cite him
116 EARLIER USES OF SOME OF SHAKSPERE's WORDS.
and summon him, excommunicate him, and imprison him, burne him
and hang him, yea, away with such a one, for he is not worthie to
Hue upon the earth!" [see tick-tack}. 1588. — Bp. Babington on the
Ten Commandments, p. 118, 119.
snuff : take it in snuff, take offence at it. L. L. Lost, Y. ii 22 ;
1 Hen. IV, I. iii. 41. "And to set vp a picture of God not like
him, whether it be to offende him, and to dishonor him, if other wise
we cannot conceiue it, let vs iudge by our selues, who quickly would
take it in greeat snuffe, if one picturing vs should make either the
eies too great, the nose too long or high, the eares, mouth, armes,
hands, or any thing wrong. Yea, we would burst it in pieces, bid
away with it, not abyde the sight of it. Yet dare we abuse the God
of heauen our creator and maker, and set vp 20. thousand pictures of
him in seuerall places, neuer a whit like him, (for it is vnpossible
they should be,) neither one like another." 1588. — Bp. Babington
on the Ten Commandments, p. 92-93.
soundness, sb. All's Well, I. ii. 24. " Which when I consider, I
neede no further she we of grieuous guilt to cast me down from height
of all supposed soundnes in this law. Mine eyes do see, my heart
acknowledgeth, my conscience crieth, 'my sinne is great.'" 1588. —
Bp. Babington on the Ten Commandments, p. 123.
ungracious, wicked. Rich. II, II. iii. 89. witless, adj. 'Meas.
for Meas., I. iii. 10. " Whether is it better, for the present time, of
marc to be beleeued, & of the Lord for euermore abhorred, or with
light vngratious people, with whom othes be onely truth, to abide
a little deniall, and of God my God euer for my obedience to be
loued? Yet haue I, witlesse wretch, made choise of the former,
manie a time, and neglected the latter." 1588. — Bp. Babington on
the Ten Commandments, p. 155-6.
tick-tack, adj. (sb. in Meas. for Meas., I. ii. 196). "But if he
blaspheme the name of the Lord by horrible swearing, if he offende
most grieuously in pride, in wrath, in gluttonie, and couetousnesse, if
he be a drunken alestake, a ticktack tauerner, keepe a whore or two
in his owne house, and moe abroade at bord with other men, with a
nu??zber such like greeuous offences, what doe they? Either he is
not punished at all, and most commonly so ; or if he be, it is a little
penance of their owne inuenting, by belly or purse, or to say a cer-
taine of prayers, to visit such an image in pilgrimage, &c." 1588. —
Bp. Babington on the Ten Commandments, p. 119. — F.
[Squadron : the Squadron of cavalry is two Troops, of 50 men
each on paper, but several less mounted. (At the cavalry drill this
morning, at Primrose Hill, the Squadrons were 48 men strong, 24
in front.) The Troop corresponds to the Company of infantry, and
is commanded by a Captain. The next division to the Troop is a
Section of 8 men, — 4 in front ; the next, Half-Sections. ' Fours ' are
the unit of a cavalry troop, the solid block which turns on its centre :
it's 'Fours about/ 'Fours right,' &c.— F. 14 Sept. 1878.]
THE
NEW SHAKSPERE SOCIETY'S
TRANSACTIONS.
1877-9.
PART II.
A TIME-ANALYSIS OF THE PLOTS OF
SHAKSPERE'S PLAYS:
I. COMEDIES.
II. TRAGEDIES.
III. HISTORIES.
BY P. A. DANIEL.
PUBLISHT EOR, THE SOCIETY BY
TRUBNER & CO., 57 & 59, LUDGATE HILL, E.G.,
LONDON.
INDEX TO TIME -ANALYSES.
Airs Well, 169.
Antony and Cleopatra, 232.
As You Like It, 156.
Comedy of Errors, 139.
Coriolanus, 183.
Cymbeline, 240.
Hamlet, 208.
i Henry IV., 270.
ii Henry IV., 280.
Jlm^/ F., 290.
i Henry VL, 298.
ii Henry VI. , 306.
in Henry VL, 315.
F///.,337.
JiTt-w/7 JbTm, 257.
197-t
, 215.
Love's Labours Lost, 145.
Macbeth, 201.
Measure for Measure, 135.
Merchant of Venice, 149.
Merry Wives of Windsor, 125.
Midsummer Nigfit's Dream, 147.
140.
, 224.
Pericles, 251.
Richard //., 264.
Richard III., 325.
Romeo and Juliet, 191.*
Taming of the Shrew, 162.
Tempest, 117.
194.
Andronicus, 188.
Troilus and Cressida, 180.
Twelfth Night, 173.
Gentlemen of Verona, 120.
, 177
* CORRECTION. Romeo and Juliet, pp. 193-4, Act IV. sc. iv, should have
been included in Day 4.— P. A. D.
Mr. J. N. Rolfe, in the Notes to his edition of Romeo and Juliet, contends
that the Friar's words in IV. iv. 79-93 show Juliet's funeral to have been
early enough on Wednesday, to allow Balthazar— who witnest it, and ' pre-
sently took post' to Mantua (not 25 miles)— to reach Romeo on \Vednesday
afternoon or evening, and give him time to buy his poison, write his letter to
his father, and post back to Verona late on Wednesday night. Mr. Rolfe thus
saves one day of the action of the play, shortening the friar's 42 hours to 30,
or thereabouts. — F. J. F.
has put the triumph of Caesar which took place early in the October before (B.C.
45), he may have meant to annihilate the one month, Feb.— March 44 (not
directly mentiond in Plutarch's 3 source-Lives), as he did the four months
Oct. 45— Feb. 44. -F. J. F.
117
VIII. TIME-ANALYSIS OF THE PLOTS OF
SHAKSPERE'S PLAYS.
BY1
P. A. DANIEL.
(Read at the <±6th Meeting of the Society, November 8, 1878.)
PAET I,
THE COMEDIES.
Note. — No attempt is here made at Chronological arrangement: the order
taken is that of the First Folio and of the Globe edition : to the latter of
which the numbering of Acts, Scenes and lines refers. By one "Day "
is to be understood the whole or any portion of the twenty-four Itours
from midnight to midnight. All intervals are supposed to include, at
the least, one clear day from midnight to midnight : a break in the
action of the drama from noon one day to noon the next is not here
considered an interval.
THE TEMPEST.
FIEST printed in the Folio ; divided into acts and scenes.
The period of time represented is little more than that required
for the stage performance.
In Act I. sc. ii., the first scene on the Island, which follows
immediately on the shipwreck, Prospero asks Ariel —
"What is the time o' th' day1?
Ari. Past the mid season.
Pros. At least two glasses : the time 'twixt six and now
Must by us both be spent most preciously."
The opening scene, the shipwreck, may therefore be supposed to
commence shortly before 2 p.m., and it is now just past that hour.
N. s. soc. TRANS., 1877-9. 9
118 , VIII. P. A. DANIEL. TIME- ANALYSIS OF THE TEMPEST.
A little later, in sc. ii., Caliban, on being called out by Pros-
pero, grumbles —
" I must eat my dinner."
Caliban, for those times, was a late diner.
At the commencement of the last scene of the play (Act V.
sc. i.) Prospero again asks Ariel, " How's the day ? " and Ariel
replies —
" On the sixth hour : at which time, my lord,
You said our work should cease."
The time, therefore, for the whole action would be, according to
Prospero and Ariel, little more than four hours.
The testimony of Alonzo and the Boatswain is, however, some-
what at variance with this estimate of time.
In this same last scene Alonzo speaks of himself and his
followers as they —
" who three hours since
Were wrack 'd upon this shore.
And he subsequently says that his son's " eld'st acquaintance " with
Miranda " cannot be three hours"
The Boatswain, also, who shortly after enters, says —
" our ship —
Which but three glasses since, we gave out split-
Is tight and yare," etc.
It may be noted here, as a proof that this enquiry into the time
of Shakspere's Plays is not without its value, even as regards the
critical revision of the text, that a want of attention to it has led, in
one instance at least, to an unnecessary alteration of the original.
The passage from Act I. sc. ii., which I have quoted at the
beginning of this article, has been supposed corrupt as regards the
distribution of the dialogue; for, it has been observed, Prospero
asks a question and yet answers it himself. Warburton, adopting
Theobald's conjecture [Upton's conjecture, according to Malone],
read —
" Pros. What is the time o' th' day ?
ATI. Past the mid season at least two glasses.
Pros. The time," etc.
Johnson, though thinking that " this passage needs not be disturbed,
VIII. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF THE TEMPEST. 119
it being common to ask a question which the next moment enables
us to answer," suggested —
" Pros. What is the time o' th' day ? Past the mid season ]
Ari. At least two glasses.
Pros. The time," etc.
Staunton, to obviate the supposed inconsistency and render any
change in the distribution of the speeches unnecessary, pointed
Prospero's speech thus —
" At least two glasses — the time 'twixt six and now —
Must by us both be spent most preciously."
" But," as Mr. Aldis Wright has observed in the Clarendon Press
edition of the Play, "this would make it [the time of the com-,
mencement of the action] four in the afternoon, which hardly
answers to Ariel's * Past the mid season.' "
And it might be added that it would make Caliban's dinner-hour
still more fashionable, and would reduce the time of the play to
little more than two hours, a period at variance with both Prospero's
arid Alonzo's estimates of the time.
It cannot, however, be overlooked in an enquiry into the time
of this play, that though that time is strictly limited to a few hours
of one afternoon, it nevertheless contains touches which possess the
mind of the audience with the idea of a muclj more extended period :
for instance, Ferdinand, addressing Miranda in Act III. sc. i,
says —
" — —'tis fresh morning with me,
When you are by at night."
And yet they have never been in each other's company at morning
or at night.
As a question of time it is desirable to note here the meaning
attached to the word " glass," used by Prospero and the Boa-tswain.
Alonzo's "three hours," followed shortly afterwards by the Boat-
swain's " three glasses," must decide this measure of time for The
Tempest to be a one hour glass.
The lines in 1 Henry VI, IV. ii. 35,—
" For ere the glass, that now begins to run,
Finish the process of his sandy hour "-
9*
120 VIII. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OP THE TEMPEST.
are in accordance with this interpretation ; but in AWs Well that
Ends Well, II. i. 168, the "pilot's glass," unless there is some error
in the text, must be a two hour glass. See the comment on this play.
In Admiral W. H. Smyth's Sailor's Word-Book, 1867, "glass"
is explained as a measure of half an hour. Any interpretation, how-
ever, other than one hour would enormously increase in The Tempest
the already existing discrepancy between Prospero's and Alonzo's
estimate of the time, noticed above.
THE TWO GENTLEMEN OF VERONA.
FIRST printed in Folio ; divided into acts and scenes.
Day 1. Act I. sc. i. Verona. Valentine embarks for Milan.
His servant, Speed, tells Proteus how he had delivered the letter to
Julia, and then follows his master.
Act I. sc. ii. Lucetta, who has received the letter in her mistress's
name, now gives it to Julia. It is dinner-time when this scene ends.
An interval. Time to hear of Valentine's arrival at Milan and of
his success at Court ; time for Julia to acknowledge her love to
Proteus. For a month past Antonio has been hammering on the
question of sending Proteus abroad. We may perhaps allow a
month for this interval ; see, however, the remarks on Act IV. sc. i.
Day 2. Act I. sc. iii. Antonio resolves to send Proteus to the
Emperor's Court, and fixes the morrow for his departure. It may be
noted here that the sovereign of Milan is spoken of in this scene as
an Emperor, and in Act II. sc. iv. 1. 77 he himself seems to assume
that title. Launce also, in Act II. sc. iii., talks of going to the
" Imperial's court." From Act IV. sc. i. to the end of the play he is
only spoken of as "Duke," and the prefix to his speeches throughout
is Duke.
Act II. sc. i. Milan. Speed chaffs his master on being in love.
Silvia declares her love to Valentine by returning to him the letter
which, at her request, he has written in her name to her unknown
friend. I place this scene in day No. 2, though it might equally
VIII. P. A. DANIEL.. TIME-ANALYSIS OF TWO GENTLEMEN OF VERONA. 121
well come in the following day. It must from its position be
coincident in point of time either with Act I. sc. iii. or with Act II.
sc. ii. and iii.
Day 3. Act II. sc. ii. Proteus bids Julia adieu. This is the
morrow of Act I. sc. iii.
Act II. sc. iii. Launce with his dog. Panthino bids him haste
after his master, who is already shipped.
An interval. Proteus's journey to Milan.
Day 4. Act II. sc. iv. Milan. Valentine and Thurio rivals
for Silvia's love. Proteus arrives and is smitten at first sight with
love of Silvia.
Act II. sc. v. Speed welcomes Launce to Milan.
An interval of a few days to allow Proteus to settle at Court.
When he reveals to the Duke Valentine's plot, he excuses himself
for his treachery on the ground of
" your gracious favours
Done to me," etc.
This implies a certain lapse of time since his arrival. Launce, too,
has found time to fall in love and obtain a "cate-log" of his
mistress's conditions.
Day 5. Act II. sc. vi. Proteus tells us that this night Valen-
tine and Silvia intend to elope. He resolves to cross their purpose
by revealing it to the Duke.
Act II. sc. vii. Back in Verona. Julia resolves to follow
Proteus disguised as a page. It may be noticed that in Act I. sc. ii.
Julia has a father ; here she acts as a woman of independent fortune.
The position of this scene, enclosed as it were by scenes which un-
doubtedly occur on one and the same day, determines its coincidence
in point of time with those scenes.
Act III. sc. i. Proteus betrays Valentine to the Duke. The
Duke detects Valentine with the ladder of rope and banishes him.
The Duke has scarcely left the stage when Proteus and Launce
enter with the news that the proclamation of Valentine's banishment
is out, and with a full account of Silvia's grief thereat, and fruit-
122 VIII. P. A. DANIEL. TIME- ANALYSIS OF TWO GENTLEMEN OF VERONA.
less intercession for Mm. Valentine departs ; Proteus sees him to
the gates of the city.
Speed enters, and Launce, after showing him the " cate-log " of
his mistress's conditions, sends him after his master.
Act III. sc. ii. The Duke and Thurio. The lattei complains—
" Since his [Valentine's] exile she [Silvia] hath despised me most,
Foresworn my company and rail'd at me."
From this it might be supposed that some time — days — had passed
since Valentine's departure ; hut it is not so. Proteus, who has
been seeing Valentine off, now enters, and the Duke addresses him —
" How now, Sir Proteus ! Is your countryman,
According to our proclamation, gone 1
Pro. Gone, my good lord."
It is evident that but an hour or two at the utmost can have
elapsed since Valentine's departure. The Duke now persuades
Proteus to undertake -the advocacy of Thurio's love-suit to Silvia,
and Thurio, acting on Proteus's advice, resolves to serenade Silvia
this very night.
The time of this scene is apparently the afternoon : at the end of
it Proteus says to the Duke, with reference to the proposed serenade,
'* We'll wait upon your grace, till after supper ;
And afterward determine our proceedings."
The Duke replies —
" Even now about it ; I will pardon you."
Act IV. sc. i. Valentine is stopped by the outlaws and becomes
their captain.
With this scene we may, I think, end day No. 5.
There is here a note of time which should be considered in con-
nection with the first interval which I have marked in the action of
the play. Valentine, interrogated by the outlaws, says that he has
sojourned in Milan "some sixteen months;" and he also says that
he was banished for killing a man. Some motive for the self-
accusation of murder may be conceived : it would impress the
outlaws with the belief that he was a man of desperate fortunes,
and therefore fit for their purpose ; but why he should deceive them
as to the time of his sojourn in Milan is not so clear. The sixteen
VIII. I*. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF TWO GENTLEMEN OF VERONA. 123
months is not wanted for the plot of the play ; but if accepted, its
place must be in the first " interval."
An interval : for reason of which see account of following scene.
Day 6. Act IV. sc. ii. At night. Thurio serenades Silvia.
This fact would at first sight seem to connect the scene with day
No. 5, and lead us to suppose that Thurio was now putting in
practice his resolution of Act III. sc. ii. There are, however, so
many separating incidents in the scene, that one is fairly driven
to the conclusion that this serenade is one of a later date than that
resolved on in Act III. sc. ii. In the first place we find Proteus, at
the beginning of the scene, speaking as though he had been for
some time — days at least — urging his suit to Silvia, since, by the
Duke's permission, he had obtained access to her. He tells her, too,
he has heard that Valentine is dead : it is a lie, of course, but one
he could not have ventured on if this were only the night of the
day on which Valentine was banished : it implies a lapse of time.
His courtship of Silvia has, in fact, become notorious, and mine host
brings Julia (as Sebastian) — who has apparently arrived in Milan
within the last few hours — to this serenade under Silvia's window,
as to a place to which it is well known Proteus often resorts. The
presence of Julia, too, whose resolution to follow Proteus is only
made known in Act II. sc. vii. (day No. 5), would be a glaring
impossibility if this scene were taken to be the night of that same
day. Time for her journey must be allowed, and an interval sup-
posed between this scene and those preceding it.
Day 7. Act IV. sc. iii. In the early morning following the
last scene, Sir Eglamour attends to receive Silvia's instructions, and
it is arranged that they shall meet " this evening coming " at Friar
Patrick's cell, previous to their flight to Mantua, where Silvia hears
that Valentine makes his abode.
Act IV. sc. iv. Later in the day Launce returns from Silvia
with his dog which she has rejected. Proteus employs Julia, who
has entered his service as Sebastian, to call on Silvia for the portrait
she had promised him last niyht.
124 VIII. P. A. DANIEL. TIME- ANALYSIS OF TWO GENTLEMEN OF VERONA.
Act V. sc. i. " The sun begins to gild the western sky " when Sir
Eglamour and Silvia meet at Patrick's cell and set out on their flight.
Act V. sc. ii. The same evening — for the Duke, speaking of
Silvia, says,
" — She did intend confession
At Patrick's cell this even" etc. —
her flight is discovered, and the Duke, Thurio, Proteus, and Julia
set out in pursuit.
Act V. sc. iii. and iv. In the forest. Silvia is captured by
the outlaws ; rescued by Proteus ; Proteus offers violence, and is
repulsed by Valentine ; Julia is discovered, and Proteus returns to
his first love; the friends are reconciled. The Duke — who with
Thurio is also taken prisoner — consents to his daughter's marriage
with Valentine ; the outlaws are pardoned, and all are made happy,
with the exception of Thurio, who, as a natural fool, can require no
further blessing, and Sir Eglamour, who is heard of no more since
he ran away from Silvia.
It may perhaps be questioned whether these two last scenes
should not be placed in a separate day ; but taking into consider-
ation the extreme rapidity of the action of the play generally, it
seems probable that they were intended to end the day commencing
with Act IV. sc. iii.
The time of this play comprises seven days, represented on this
stage, and intervals.
Day 1. Act I. sc. i. and ii.
Interval : a month, perhaps ; perhaps sixteen months.
„ 2. Act I. sc. iii. and Act II. sc. i.
„ 3. Act II. sc. ii. and iii.
Interval : Proteus's journey to Milan.
„ 4. Act II. sc. iv. and v.
Interval of a few days.
„ 5. Act II. sc. vi. and vii., Act III., and Act IV. sc. i.
Interval, including Julia's journey to Milan.
„ 6. Act IV. sc. ii.
„ 7. Act IV. sc. iii. and iv., and Act V.
VIII. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF MERRY WIVES OF WINDSOR. 125
THE MERRY WIVES OF WINDSOR.
FIRST printed in an imperfect shape in Qo. with no division of
acts and scenes. In the Folio the acts and scenes are numbered.
Day 1. Act I. sc. i. Before Page's house. The altercation
between Shallow and Falstaff, ending with the dinner at Page's.
Act I. sc. ii. Sir Hugh gives Simple a letter to Mrs Quickly,
praying her good services with Anne on behalf of Slender. He
re-enters the house to make an end of his dinner.
Act I. sc. iii. Later in the day at the Garter Inn. Falstaff
considers what to do with his followers. Bardolph turns tapster,
Nym and Pistol, refusing to carry letters to Mrs Ford and Mrs Page,
are discharged, and the letters confided to Eobin. In the course of
the dialogue Falstaff remarks that Page's wife " even now gave me
good eyes." This even now must refer to the dinner at Page's.
Act I. sc. iv. While the preceding scene is in action Simple
delivers Sir Hugh's letter to Mrs Quickly at Dr Caius's house.
Caius finds him there and, enraged at the purpose of his visit, writes
a challenge to Sir Hugh, and entrusts it to Simple. Fenton now has an
interview with Mrs Quickly with reference to his suit to Anne. He says,
" I shall see her to-day," — " if thou see'st her before me, commend me."
Was the interview which Fenton has with Anne in Act III. sc. iv.
intended as the realization of this speech ? However this may be,
the action of the first day ends with this scene.
Days 2 & 3. Act II. sc. i. Mrs Page and Mrs Ford compare
Falstaff 's letters, which they must, or certainly ought to, have received
yesterday. While they consider what course to pursue, Ford and
Page enter with Nym and Pistol, who denounce their late master.
Mrs Quickly comes to visit Anne, and the ladies resolve to make her
their go-between with Falstaff. They retire ; and Page and Ford,
after discussing the information given them by Nym and Pistol, are
joined by mine Host and Shallow, who desire them to come and see
the result of the duel which the Host has ^'s-arranged between Sir
Hugh and Dr Caius; Page goes with them, but Ford, having
obtained a promise from the Host that he will introduce him to
126 VIII. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF MERRY WIVES OF WINDSOR.
Falstaff under the name of Brook, resolves to look further into the
matter of Falstaff's courtship. In the course of the dialogue in
this scene Mrs Page says to her husband, " You'll come to dinner,
George." It is clear, therefore, that this scene takes place in the
morning of the second day ; the arrangement for the duel also sup-
poses the time to be the morning following the challenge, and we
must recollect that Falstaff's first meeting with Mrs Ford is supposed
to take place while the business of the duel is in progress, i. e.
"between ten and eleven." "We must not, however, omit to note a
slip on Shallow's part : when he arrives on the scene with the Host
he addresses Page with " Good even and twenty, good Master Page."
Act II. sc. ii. At the Garter. Mrs Quickly invites Falstaff
to his first interview with Mrs Ford, which is to take place between
ten and eleven. She has but just left when Ford, who has not
waited for mine Host's introduction, makes his appearance as Brook,
and obtains information of the proposed meeting. Falstaff leaves
him to keep the appointment, telling him to come to him soon at
night and hear how it had passed off.
Act II. sc. iii. and Act III. sc. i. end the duel between Sir Hugh
and Dr Caius.
Act III. sc. ii. Ford meets Mrs Page and Eobin, who are on
their way to join Mrs Ford. Then in come Page, Shallow, and the
rest from the fields where the sham duel has been played out. Ford
asks them all home with him to dinner, in order that they may witness
the exposure of Falstaff. Page, Caius, and Evans accept ; Shallow
and Slender go off to court Anne, and the Host returns home.
Act III. sc. iii. In Ford's house. Mrs Ford, Mrs Page, Eobin,
and the servants prepare the buck-basket for FalstafFs first reception.
All but Mrs Ford then retire. Falstaff enters, and after a little
complimenting Mrs Page gives the alarm. Falstaff is crammed into
the basket with the dirty clothes, and the servants are about to carry
him off when Ford and his company arrive. The basket is allowed
to pass, and they search the house without result. Ford affects to be
satisfied and renews his invitation to his guests. Page also invites
them all to breakfast the following morning, after which they are to
go a-birding. The merry wives resolve to play Falstaff another
VIII. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF MERRY WIVES OF WINDSOR. 127
trick, and determine that he shall "be sent for to-morrow, eight
o'clock, to have amends."
Act III. sc. iv. At Page's house. The time of this scene is
singularly elastic. It is prior to, concurrent with, and subsequent
to the preceding scene. Prior to in the interview between Fenton
and Anne ; concurrent with in the arrival of Shallow and Slender,
who left the company in sc. ii. to come here, while the rest of the
company went on to Ford's house ; subsequent to in the return home
of Page and his wife from the dinner at Ford's house, with which
sc. ii. is supposed to end. And Mrs Quickly 1 In modern editions
Mrs Quickly arrives on the scene with Shallow and Slender ; but
there is no authority for this or any other of the entries in this scene
in the Folio. The scene — and so it is with all the scenes throughout
the Play — is merely headed with a list of the actors who appear in
it : the special time at which they enter is not marked. This is the
case not only with this Play but with others, — The Tivo Gentlemen of
Verona, for instance, — and is a common arrangement with the early
editions of plays.
In the " first sketch " of the Play Mrs Quickly enters with Fenton
and Anne ; she is in the confidence of the lovers, and she is here in
her proper place to look out of window, or read on a book, or take a
short nap while the principals are billing and cooing. To her Shallow
naturally addresses himself when he enters, to get her to "break
their talk." But how could she know of the second invitation she
had to take to Falstaff if she was on this scene at its commencement 1
or, indeed, if she only made her first appearance with Shallow and
Slender ? The only solution of the difficulty is to suppose that when
Mrs Page enters she makes a communication to her " aside." She
certainly knows of the invitation for " to-morrow, eight o'clock," for
she concludes the scene with — " Well, I must of another errand to Sir
John Falstaff from my two mistresses : what a beast am I to slack it ! "
It is to be presumed that she slacks it no longer than the time it
takes her to get to the Garter Inn, where, in —
Act III. sc. v., we find Falstaff calling for sack to qualify the cold
water he had swallowed when slighted into the river from the buck-
basket. One would naturally suppose that the time of this scene
128 VIII. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF MERRY WIVES OF WINDSOR.
must be the afternoon of the day of that adventure, and, indeed, it
can be but a little later than the time of the preceding scene ; but
lo ! when Mrs Quickly enters with the invitation for " to-morrow,
eight o'clock," she gives his worship good morrow [= good morning] ;
tells him that Ford goes this morning a-birding, and that Mrs Ford
desires him to come to her once more, between eight and nine.
As Mrs Quickly departs, Falstaff remarks, " I marvel I hear not
of Master Brook ; he sent me word to stay within : I like his money
well. 0, here he comes." And Ford (as Brook), who was to have
visited Falstaff " soon at night " after the adventure which ended
with the buck-basket, makes his appearance to learn the result of the
first interview, and to be told of the second, which is just about to
take place. " Her husband," says Falstaff, " is this morning gone
a-birding : I have received from her another embassy of meeting ;
'twixt eight and nine is the hour, Master Brook." "'Tis past eight
already, sir," says Ford ; and Falstaff replies, " Is it 1 I will then
address me to my appointment," and so he goes out, and Ford
follows, confident this time of taking him in his house.
Act IV. sc. i. A street. Mrs Page, Mrs Quickly, and William.
" Mrs Page. Is he at Master Ford's already, think'st thou?
Quickly. Sure he is by this, or will be presently. . . . Mistress
Ford desires you to come suddenly.
Mrs Page. I'll be with her by and by ; I'll but bring my young
man here to school."
We see the time here follows close upon, is almost coincident in
fact, with the latter part of the preceding scene at the Garter. Sir
Hugh enters ; there is no school to-day ; " Master Slender is let the
boys leave to play." Sir Hugh examines the boy in his learning,
and then Mrs Page and Quickly hurry off to Ford's. " Come, we
stay too long," says Mrs Page.
Act IV. sc. ii. Ford's house. Falstaff and Mrs Ford. She
tells him her husband is a-birding, and for aught she knows she tells
him the truth. A difficulty here presents itself : how did the merry
wives propose to treat Falstaff at this second meeting ? At the first
meeting they had arranged the buck-basket for him ; and though the
unexpected arrival of Ford and his companions added greatly to the
success of that plot, Falstaff would have been, and in fact was,
VIII. P. A. DANIEL. TIME- ANALYSIS OP MERRY WIVES OF WINDSOR. 129
slighted into the Thames quite independently of any interference on
Ford's part. As far as I can make out, all the punishment Mrs
Ford and Mrs Page had devised for Falstaff at this second meeting
was to frighten him out of the house in the disguise of an old woman.
The alarm which Mrs Page gives at this second meeting is, however,
a true alarm ; she actually knows that Ford has drawn her husband
and the rest of their company from their sport to make another
experiment of his suspicion, — she must have learned this in coming
through the streets, — but Mrs Ford does not know that it is true till
after Falstaff has gone upstairs to put on Mother Prat's gown. " But
is my husband coming 1" she asks. " Ay, in good sadness, is he,"
says Mrs Page ; " and talks of the basket too, howsoever he hath
had intelligence." The arrival of Ford with his cudgel was quite
unforeseen by them, and a mere providential addition to their plot.
However, Falstaff is beaten out as an old woman ; Ford and his
companions proceed to search the house ; and the merry wives, left
alone, resolve to reveal to their husbands the tricks they have played
on the fat knight.
Note that in this scene Ford refers to the first meeting as having
taken place yesterday. " Master Page," says he, " as I am a man,
there was one conveyed out of my house yesterday in this basket :
why may not he be there again 1 "
Act IV. sc. iii. During the search in Ford's house we are trans-
ported to the Garter, and in a short scene between Bardolph and
mine Host we learn that the Germans desire to borrow horses to meet
the duke who comes to-morrow to Court. Mine Host assents.
Act IY. sc iv. We are back in Ford's house. The wives have
revealed their plots on Falstaff, and now in general council it is
resolved once more to tempt Falstaff to a meeting. Time and place :
the ensuing midnight at Herne's oak in the park. Page and his
wife resolve (apart from each other) that at the mock fairy scene
which is to take place at midnight their daughter Anne shall be
carried off and married — by Slender, so the husband decides ; the
•wife determines, by the Doctor.
Act IV. sc. v. At the Garter again. This scene follows close
on the preceding one in point of time. Simple, it would seem, has
followed the false Mother Prat through the streets, and has seen her
130 VIII. P. A. DANIEL. TIME- ANALYSIS OF MERRY WIVES OF WINDSOR.
go up to FalstafFs chamber, and he waits till she comes down to
consult her on behalf of his master. In reply to his Host's call,
Falstaff makes his appearance, and acknowledges that there was " an
old fat woman even now with me ; but she's gone." Simple is shifted
off, and Bardolph enters to tell mine Host that the Germans have run
away with his horses ; Evans and Caius follow in quick succession to
warn him, now that it is too late, to beware of these " cozen-germans."
All depart save Falstaff, who wishes all the world might be cozened
as he has been. And now Mrs Quickly appears to tempt him to the
third meeting at Herne's oak. They go up to his chamber together,
and the scene closes,
Act IV. sc. vi. Still at the Garter. Fenton consoles the Host
for his losses, and obtains his assistance for the runaway match which
he intends to make that night with Anne Page ; whom he is to steal
away from the fairy scene prepared for FalstafFs discomfiture at
Herne's oak.
Act Y. sc. i. Falstaff has yielded to Mrs Quickly 's persuasions,
and he promises to be at the place of meeting at the appointed time.
As Mrs Quickly goes out Ford enters, and Falstaff tells him —
" Master Brook, the matter will be known to-night or never. Be you
in the park about midnight, at Herne's oak, and you shall see
wonders." The plot, as we have seen, is hopelessly entangled
already, but Ford now puts the finishing touch to it. Eeferring to
the second meeting, which took place on the morning of the very
day on which he is speaking, he asks Falstaff, " Went you not to her
yesterday, sir, as you told me you had appointed 1 " and Falstaff is
not surprised, but gives him an account of the cudgelling he had
received, as Mother Prat, on the morning of the day on which the
question is asked.
The remaining scenes of the Play — Act V. sc. ii., iii., iv., and v.
— comprise the discomfiture of Falstaff at Herne's oak, and the
results of the plotting with reference to Anne Page, which ends in
her marriage with Fenton.
The confusion which exists in the Play with reference to Falstaff s
meetings with Mrs Ford may be briefly stated as follows : — The first
meeting, which ends with the buck-basket, takes place between ten
VIII. P. A. DANIEL. TIME- ANALYSIS OF MERRY WIVES OF WINDSOR. 131
and eleven on one morning; the second meeting is determined for
the morrow of the first, and actually follows it ; but yet the invita-
tion to it and its actual occurrence are fixed by the Play at an earlier
hour of the same day as that on which the first takes place ; and
when it has thus got in advance of the first, Ford refers to the first
as being before it. And the confusion does not end here, for on the
very day of the second meeting Ford refers to that second meeting
as having taken place on the ' yesterday,' and thus the third meeting,
which is on the night of the day of the second, is driven forward to
the night of the day following it.
So much for the confusion of the Folio version of the Play. In
the Quarto the hours of the two first interviews are transposed : the
first interview takes place between eight and nine, the second between
ten and eleven ; but we do not thereby escape confusion. It should
be noted that after the first interview the merry wives do not, as in
the Folio (Act III. sc. iii.), mention the morrow as the time for the
second, but the invitation to it is delivered, as in the Folio, by Mrs
Quickly just after Falstaff's return from his ducking, and she then
says it is for " to-morrow, sir, between ten and eleven ; " when Ford,
however, enters — immediately after her departure — Falstaff tells him
it is to take place at once, that is, on the same day as the first inter-
view; and yet — as in the Folio — when Ford the second time searches
his house, he refers to the first, or buck-basket adventure, as having
taken place yesterday.
The third, or Herne's oak meeting, is arranged, as in the Folio,
for the night of the day on which the second interview (and the first
too, as it appears) takes place ; but as Ford — although he says he
will — does not call on Falstaff to ascertain if he will keep tryst, we
escape the last touch of confusion, which is given in the Folio by
his referring to the second interview as having occurred ' yesterday.'
Against this, however, we may set a little bit of confusion which is
the exclusive property of the Quarto. "When in Act II. sc. i. the
Host and Shallow come to invite Page and Ford to go with them to
see the fun of the sham duel, neither of them accepts the invitation,
but they both go off to dine together — before eight o'clock in the
morning; but yet in the subsequent scenes we find that they did not
132 VIII. P. A. DANIEL. TIME- ANALYSIS OF MERRY WIVES OF WINDSOR.
go to dinner, for Page is with mine Host and the duellists, and Ford
calls on Falstaff, as in the Folio. It should also be noticed that
Page, after the first search has been made for Falstaff in Ford's house,
invites all the company to dinner with him on the next day, and
proposes that in the morning they shall go a-birding. Mrs Quickly,
however, when she delivers the invitation to Falstaff for the first
interview — between eight and nine — tells him that the birding is for
that morning, when, indeed, the business of the duel is in hand.
In the Quarto the scene in which Fenton has an interview with
Anne Page (Act III. sc. iv. Fo.) comes after the scene in which the
invitation to Falstaff's second interview with Mrs Ford is given, but
before the scene in which it takes place ; in the Folio the Fenton
scene comes before that of the invitation to the second interview.
Mr Grant White in his preliminary remarks on this Play, in his
edition of Shakespeare's works, notices this transposition of scenes
and the introduction in the Folio version of the scene with the
Pedagogue, Act IV. sc. 1, as ' two manoeuvres/ the result of which
" is, that in the perfected Play the important incongruity [the con-
fusion of the days of the first two interviews] ceases to be palpable ; "
and by them he considers that the author " skilfully concealed an
error, to eradicate which would have cost more labour than he cared
to bestow." Mr. White's argument is of course founded on the
supposition that the Quarto represents the author's " first sketch" of
the Play.
I fail utterly to see the force of this argument; for the 'change'
in the Folio does not conceal the error in the slightest degree, that
error manifesting itself in one scene only (Act III. sc. v.), so that no
transposition or addition of scenes before or after can disguise it.
It is important here to consider the condition of the Folio version of
the Play, and on this point the conclusions of the Cambridge editors
(expressed in their notes at the end of the Play) may with great
confidence be received, as being the result of the most thorough
examination of the text that the Play has yet received.
Besides noting minor points on which the Quarto affords evidence
of imperfection in the Folio, they observe, Note iii., " The fact
that so many omissions can be supplied from such mutilated copies
VIII. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF MERRY WIVES OF WINDSOR. 133
as the early Quartos, indicates that there may be many more omis-
sions for the detection of which we have no clue. The text of the
Merry Wives given in Fi was probably printed from a carelessly-
written copy of the author's MS." In Note vii. they remark, " The
meaning of the text may have been obscured by some omission in
the Folio ; " and in Note viii. they say, " No doubt there is an
omission here in the Folio which may be partly supplied from the
Quarto."
The editors of the Cambridge edition do not express any opinion
as to the confusion of time which exists in the Folio version of the
Play, and it will be observed that while noting apparent omissions in
it, they only ascribe them to "a carelessly- written copy of the
author's MS.j" but something more than this, careless compression
and mutilation of the Play are indicated by the extraordinary
entanglement of the plot I have pointed out. I have already, in a
letter published in The Athenaeum, 6th April, 1878, endeavoured to
account for this entanglement, and have suggested the means for its
cure j but it is necessary for the completion of this article that I
should repeat my argument here. The chief error, then, lies in sc. v.
of Act III.; that scene must, I think, have been formed by the
violent junction — I cannot call it fusion — of two separate scenes
representing portions of two separate days. The first part of the
scene — Mrs Quickly and Falstaff — is inseparably connected with the
day of FalstafFs first interview with Mrs Ford ; the second part is
as inseparably connected with the day of the second interview. The
first part clearly shows us Falstaff in the afternoon, just escaped
from his ducking in the Thames ; the second part as clearly shows
him in the early morning about to keep his second appointment with
Mrs Ford.
Cut this actual scene v. into two, ending the first with Mrs
Quickly's last speech — "Peace be with you, sir," — and the main
difficulty vanishes, and the only change required in the text of the
Folio to make it agree with the previous scenes is the alteration of
two words. In her first speech Mrs Quickly says, " Give your
worship good morrow," — 1. 28. For morrow read even. In lines
45-6 she says, "Her husband goes this morning a-birding." For
». s. soc. TRANS., 1877-9. 10
134 VIII. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF MERRY WIVES OF WINDSOR.
this morning read in the morning or to-morrow morning. Not a
syllable need be changed in the Ford part of the scene ; but with
his part we might begin Act IV. The confusion between FalstafFs
first and second interviews with Mrs Ford would be thus absolutely
cured.
To complete our task and make the text of the play perfectly
accordant with its plot we should further alter one word in Act V.
sc. i. Ford there says, " Went you not to her yesterday, sir ? " etc.
For yesterday read this morning.
This is the great change which Mr Grant White imagines " would
have cost" the author "more labour than he cared to bestow;" and
with it — if any editor should be rash enough to make it — would
end the confusion which we all deplore in this delightful Play.
I should add that this important " emendation " is suggested,
and I may say absolutely justified, by the Quarto version of sc. v.
Act III. In that version Mrs Quickly expressly states that the
second interview is for the morrow — as the plot requires — and we
only learn that we have arrived at this morrow when Ford appears.
This glaring incongruity at once suggests that here are two scenes-
run into one, and on examination it will be found that by merely
drawing a line between the Quickly and Ford portions, and without
altering a syllable of the text, the scene splits perfectly into two
scenes representing portions of two separate days, as required by
the plot. On the theory, therefore, that the Quarto represents
the author's first sketch, it will be seen that absolutely no labour
was required to correct the error in that edition, but that a cer-
tain amount of labour was actually bestowed on establishing it in
the ' perfected ; Play. I believe, however, that the error never
existed in the author's MS., but is the result of some managerial
attempt to compress the two scenes into one for the convenience of
the stage representation, and that then the words, which I propose to
alter, were introduced into the Folio version in order to make the
new one-scene self-consistent; that the author himself could have
been so forgetful of his plot as to make the change I hold to be
incredible.
As it is impossible in its present state to make out any time-
III. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF MERRY WIVES OF WINDSOR. 135
division of the Play, I give that which results from the correction I
propose; disentangling Days 2 and 3, and bringing the plot in
accordance with the obvious intention of the author.
Day 1. Act I. sc. i. to iv.
„ 2. Act II. sc. i. to iii., Act III. sc. i. to iv., and the Quickly
portion of sc. v.
Day 3, The Ford portion of Act III. sc. v. to end of the Play.
MEASURE FOR MEASURE.
FIRST printed in Folio ; divided into acts and scenes.
It should, however, be noted that scene ii. of Act I. is divided in
the Folio into two scenes, Scena Tertia commencing with the entry of
Provost, Claudio, etc. Scenes iii. and iv. of this act are accordingly
numbered iv. and v. in the Folio. The Folio also makes the whole
of Act iii. one continuous scene ; here it is divided into two.
Day 1. Act I. sc. i. The Duke gives his commission to Angelo
and Escalus and departs.
A short interval must here be supposed, to allow tne new governors
to settle to their work.
Day 2. In Act I. sc. ii. we see the result, in the arrest of
Claudio. Lucio promises to see Isabella immediately to get her to
intercede for her brother.
Note that in this scene Claudio remarks that the laws under which
he now suffers have been suspended for " nineteen zodiacs ; " in the
following scene the Duke says for "fourteen years"
Act I. sc. iii. The Duke confides to Friar Thomas his purpose
of watching, under the disguise of a monk, the proceedings of his
deputies.
Act I. sc. iv. Lucio has an interview with Isabella, who
promises to call on Angelo at once and endeavour to obtain her
brother's pardon. " Soon at night," says she, " I'll send him certain
word of my success."
Act II. sc. i. Angelo, Escalus, etc., sitting in justice. Angelo
136 VIII. P. A, DANIEL. TIME- ANALYSIS OF MEASURE FOR MEASURE.
gives orders to the Provost that Claudio "be executed by nine
to-morrow morning." Elbow brings Froth and Pompey before the
bench. At the end of the scene it is eleven o'clock, and Escalus
invites the Justice home with him to dinner.
Act II. sc. ii. The Provost returns to Angelo to be reassured
that Claudio is to die to-morrow. Lucio and Isabella now enter to
plead for Claudio. Angelo twice tells Isabella that her brother is to
die to-morrow ; at last, moved by her speech and beauty, he says, " I
will bethink me : come again to-morrow," and again a little later on
he says, " Well : come to me to-morrow." Isabella asks, " At what
hour to-morrow?" and he replies, " At any time 'fore noon."
Act II. sc. iii. In the Prison. The JJuke in disguise as a Friar.
The Provost informs him that Claudio is to die to-morrow. No
respite then has reached the prison in consequence of Isabella's inter-
view with Angelo. The Duke has some discourse with Juliet, which
he ends with " Your partner, as I hear, must die to-morrow, and I
am going with instruction to him."
Act II. sc. iv. Isabella has a second interview with Angelo.
This should be the " morrow 'fore noon " appointed in scene ii. ; but
the time both of the scene which precedes and of that which follows
this binds us still to the day of Claudio's condemnation. In this
scene Angelo makes his attempt on Isabella's virtue and is rejected.
He leaves her to think over what he has said, telling her to answer
him to-morrow. She resolves to acquaint her brother with his
infamous proposals.
Act III. sc. i. The Duke fulfils his intention announced in Act
II. sc. iii., and prepares Claudio for death. Isabella enters ; three
times she tells her brother that he must make up his mind to die on
the morrow ; she tells him of Angelo's proposal ; and strangely enough
she knows that "this night's the time" at which Angelo would have
her accede to it. But Angelo in the preceding scene made no such
suggestion, and Isabella could not have seen him since the second
interview, when he told her to give him her final answer on the
morrow of that interview.
The Duke now intervenes, and concerts with Isabella the plot in
which Mariana is to take her place with Angelo " if for this night he
VIII. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OP MEASURE FOR MEASURE. 137
entreat you to his bed." Isabella departs at once to make the appoint-
ment with Angelo, and agrees to meet the Duke presently at the
moated grange.
Act III. sc. ii. While Isabella is upon this business, Pompey
and then Mrs Overdone are taken into custody. It is evening now.
" Good even, good father," says Escalus to the Duke. Twice again in
this scene reference is made to Claudio's death as fixed for the mor-
row, and at the end of it the Duke refers to his plot on Angelo for
" to-night."
Act IV. sc. i. Mariana in the moated grange. The Duke makes
his appearance, and she says —
" Here comes a man of comfort, whose advice
Hath often still'd my brawling discontent."
Yet she only knows him as a Friar, and it was but this morning that
he assumed the disguise ; for we are still in the first day represented
on the stage since his supposed departure from Vienna.
Isabella now arrives ; she has agreed to meet Angelo " upon the
heavy middle of the night" and they have to make haste, for " the
vaporous night approaches" Mariana consents to the plot.
Act IV. sc. ii. In the Prison. The Provost engages Pompey as
an assistant to the executioner ; for " to-morrow morning are to die
Claudio and Barnadine." He tells Abhorson to provide his block
and axe " to-morrow four o'clock." A little later Claudio enters, and
he says —
" Look, here's the warrant, Claudio, for thy death :
'Tis now dead midnight, and by eight to-morrow
Thou must be made immortal."
Day 3, then, begins here. The Duke enters. " The best and
wholesomest spirits of the night envelope you, good Provost," says
he. He comes to ask if any countermand for Claudio has yet
reached the prison. None has, nor does the Provost expect any, for
" upon the very siege of justice
Lord Angelo hath to the public ear
Profess'd the contrary."
This must refer to Act II. sc. i., and is important as showing that no
order deferring the execution of Claudio has been given by Angelo in
138 VIII. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF MEASURE FOR MEASURE.
consequence of Isabella's interviews with him, and, notwithstanding
that the second interview was appointed for the morrow, it helps
to prove that both those interviews were on the busy day just
ended.
A messenger now arrives with a private note from Angelo to the
Provost that " Claudio be executed by four of the clock ; and in the
afternoon Barnardine ; " and he desires to have Claudio's head sent
him by five. As the messenger departs he says, " Good morrow ; for,
as I take it, it is almost day."
The Duke now persuades the Provost to preserve Claudio's life
and substitute for his head Barnardine's, and he craves but four days'
respite to bring all things to a prosperous conclusion : later on he
assures the Provost that the Duke will be here within these two days;
and, as the scene ends, he remarks, " It is almost clear dawn ; " so that
we are now clearly entered on the third day of the action represented
on the stage j the second since the Duke's supposed departure from
Vienna.
Note tnat in Act II. sc. i. Claudio was to be executed at 9 a.m.
In the scene which has just concluded the block is to be provided for
4 a.m. ; according to the warrant the time is fixed at 8 a.m. ; and
in Angelo's private note it is 4 a.m.
Act IY. sc. iii. follows in time immediately on the preceding
scene. We are still in the Prison. Pompey and Abhorson, and
subsequently the Duke, try to persuade Barnardine to come and be
killed ; he obstinately declines, and then the Provost gets out of the
difficulty by providing the head of the pirate Ragozine, who has
opportunely died that morning. He himself undertakes to carry it
at once to Angelo, for the hour [five] draws on prefixed by him.
Again the Duke tells the Provost that all will be safe
" Ere twice the sun hath made his journal greeting
To the under generation."
The Duke, left alone, says he will now write letters to Angelo,
" whose contents shall witness to him I am near at home." And he
proposes to himself that the Provost shall bear these letters.
Isabella now enters, and the Duke greets her with " Good
morning to you, fair and gracious daughter." He conceals from
VIII. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF MEASURE FOR MEASURE. 139
her her brother's preservation, and informs her that the "Duke
comes home to-morrow," and that one of his convent has already
" carried notice to Escalus and Angelo : " in fact, that the notice
he proposed to send by the Provost has been already delivered
by another person, Friar Peter ; and he gives her a letter to this
Friar in order that he may bring her before the Duke on his entry,
where she may accuse Angelo. Lucio now enters, and salutes them
with " Good even" so that it appears the day has suddenly grown
old during this early morning scene.
Act IV. sc. iv. Angelo and Escalus discuss the Duke's letters
and arrange for his public entrance on the morrow. The order for
the despatch of complaints is to be proclaimed betimes i' the morn,
and Angelo bids Escalus " Good night " when he departs. With
this scene ends the third day of the action.
Day 4. Act IV. sc. v. and vi. and Act V. represent the morn-
ing of the Duke's public entry ; during which Angelo is unmasked,
and all wrongs are righted and faults pardoned.
The time of the Play, then, is four days : —
Day 1. Act I. sc. i. may be taken as a kind of prelude, after
which some little interval must be supposed in order to permit the
new governors of the city to settle to their work. The rest of the
Play is comprised in three consecutive days.
Day 2. Commences with Act I. sc. ii, and ends in Act IV.
sc. ii.
Day 3. Commences in Act IV. sc. ii. and ends with Act IV.
sc. iv.
Day 4. Includes Act IV. sc. v. and vi. and the whole of Act
V., which is in one scene only.
COMEDY OF ERRORS.
FIRST printed in Folio : divided into acts. The scenes not
numbered.
The whole time of the dramatic action is comprised in one day,
ending about 5 p.m.
140 VIII, P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF COMEDY OF ERRORS.
. — When Egeon and his family were floating on the mast two
ships of Corinth and of Epidarus made amain to them. Their mast
being broken on a rock, the family was divided. Egeon supposed
that his wife and the children with her were picked up by the
Corinth ship (Act I. sc. i.). The wife says that she was picked up
by men of Epidamniurn, the children afterwards forcibly taken from
them by the Corinth men, and she left to take to the " fortune that
you see me in " (Act Y. sc. i.).
Egeon is picked up by "another ship," is recognized, and of
course returns home to Syracuse. At eighteen years of age his son,
who was rescued with him, sets out to seek his brother, and has been
seven years wandering about when he arrives at Ephesus (Act V.
sc. i.) ; he is then twenty-five years old. Yet the Abbess, his mother,
declares at the end of the Play —
" Thirty-three years have I but gone in travail
Of you, my sons ; and till the present hour
My heavy burthen ne'er delivered."
Antipholus of Ephesus was brought from Corinth by Duke
Menaphon, at what age does not appear ; but the present Duke has
been his patron for twenty years.
Egeon, after the departure of Antipholus of Syracuse, has been wan-
dering " five summers " in search of him when he arrives in Ephesus.
MUCH ABO ABOUT NOTHING.
FIRST printed in Quarto, with no division of acts and scenes. In
the Folio the acts are numbered, but not the scenes.
Day 1. Act I. and sc. i. of Act II. represent the afternoon and
evening of Don Pedro's arrival at Leonato's. A great supper is pro-
vided, after which at a masked ball the Prince woos Hero for Claudio,
as agreed between them in the first scene of the Play. Claudio wishes
his marriage to take place on the morrow, but Leonato defers it " till
Monday, . . . which is hence a just seven-night." The Prince proposes
that in the interim they shall employ themselves in bringing Beatrice
VIII. P. A DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF MUCH ADO ABOUT NOTHING. 141
and Benedick " into a mountain of affection the one with the other."
These scenes, then, are on a Monday. Note that in the opening
scene the Prince says that their stay with Leonato will be "at the
least a month."
Day 2. Act II. sc. ii. Don John resolves to cross Claudio's
marriage. This scene cannot certainly be later than the second day
of the action, for Don John must have had early news of the pro-
posed marriage. It may possibly be included in the first day. We
have, however, a week to dispose of, and may perhaps employ one
day of the week for this scene, and call it the second day, or Tuesday.
Note that Borachio here professes to have overheard in the musty
room he had been smoking the conversation between the Prince and
Claudio which Antonio's man had overheard in the orchard (Act I,
sc. ii.).
Day 3. Act II. sc. iii. Benedick in the orchard ; he conceals
himself as the Prince, Claudio, and Leonato enter, with music. After
the music they, being aware of his concealment, hold out for him the
lure which is to entice him into the toils of love. Towards the end
of the scene Leonato remarks that " dinner is ready," and Beatrice is
afterwards sent to bid Benedick " come in to dinner." This " dinner "
I am disposed to think must be a slip for " supper ; " the feeling of the
scene — in the early part especially — is that of a quiet afternoon, and
Claudio distinctly marks the time with the charming lines —
" How still the evening is,
As hush'd on purpose to grace harmony."
I place this scene in the third day (Wednesday). The love con-
spirators would scarcely defer their attempt on Benedick's peace of
mind to a later date ; but yet, for the verisimilitude of their descrip-
tion of Beatrice's passion — "she'll be up twenty times a night, and
there will she sit in her smock till she have writ a sheet of paper,"
etc. — we must suppose a night or two to have passed since the
opening scene.
Here, for reasons manifested in the next scene, I am forced to
mark an interval of three days, Thursday, Friday, and Saturday.
Day 4. Act III. sc. i. Hero and Ursula lay a like trap for
142 VIII. P. A. DANIEL. TIME- ANALYSIS OF MUCH ADO ABOUT NOTHING.
Beatrice as that by which Benedick has been caught. That they
should have deferred doing so till now is strange, for we are now
clearly on the eve of the wedding. Ursula asks, " When are you
married, madam 1 " [Why does she ask this question 1 She must
have known, the day.] And Hero replies —
" Why, every day, to-morrow. Come, go in :
I'll show thee some attires, and have thy counsel
Which is the best to furnish me to-morrow."
According to Leonato the first day of the action was a Monday,
and then the wedding was fixed for the next Monday ; as this scene
is on the eve of the wedding it must therefore be Sunday.
Act III. sc. ii. The same day. Don John, being assured that
the marriage is to take place on the morrow, proposes, in pursuance ot
his plot, to prove to the Prince and Claudio, this very night, the
guilt of Hero.
Note, in the opening speech of this scene, Don Pedro says, " I do
but stay till your marriage be consummate, and then go I toward
Arragon." He has changed his mind, then, since the opening day,
when he proposed to stay " at the least a month " with Leonato.
Act III. sc. iii. Late at night. Dogberry and Verges give their
charge to the watch, and in especial pray them to " watch about
Signior Leonato's door; for the wedding being there to-morrow9
there is a great coil to-night.-" Borachio and Conrade enter, and the
former tells how by his wooing of Margaret at Hero's window he has
deceived the Prince and Claudio. They are overheard by the watch
and arrested.
Day 5. Act. III. sc. 4. The wedding day — early morning.
Hero and her maids are attiring for the ceremony. Beatrice joins
them, and we learn that " 'tis almost five o'clock/' At the end of
the scene Ursula announces that "the prince, the count, Signior
Benedick, Don John, and all the gallants of the town, are come to
fetch you to church."
Act III. sc. v. Dogberry and Verges inform Leonato that the
watch have to-night 1 taken " two aspicious persons," and they would
1 to-night = last night. See instances noted in Schmidt's Shakespeare
Lexicon, s. v. To-night.
VIII. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF MUCH ADO ABOUT NOTHING. 143
have them this morning examined before his worship. He tells them
to examine the prisoners themselves, and is then summoned by a
messenger, — " My lord, they stay for you to give your daughter to
her husband."
Act IV. sc. i. In the church. Claudio accuses Hero of her
supposed guilt — witnessed by him " yesternight," " last night," at
her chamber window — and rejects her. She swoons, and after the
departure of Claudio and his friends it is agreed that it shall be
given out that she is dead.
Act IV. sc. ii. Borachio and Conrade are examined by the
watch ; Hero's innocence established ; and we hear that Don John,
the author of the mischief, has " this morning secretly stolen
away."
Act V. sc. i. Leonato and Antonio threaten the Prince and
Claudio with vengeance for Hero's death. Benedick challenges
Claudio. The watch bring in Conrade and Borachio, and the latter
confesses his guilt. Leonato determines that in satisfaction for his
daughter's death Claudio shall
" Hang her an epitaph upon her tomb
And sing it to her bones, sing it to-night"
and that " to-morrow morning " he shall accept as his wife, in lieu of
Hero, a daughter of his brother.
Act V. sc. ii. Benedick has a meeting with Beatrice ; at the end
of the scene they learn that Hero's innocence is established.
Act V. sc. iii. The night has come, and the Prince and Claudio
fulfil their promise of hanging an epitaph upon the monument of
Leonato in honour of Hero.
The night passes into day —
" The wolves have prey'd ; and look, the gentle day,
Before the wheels of Phoebus, round about
Dapples the drowsy east with spots of grey."
" Come, let us hence," says the Prince, " and put on other weeds ;
and then to Leonato's we will go."
In this scene ends the day of the broken-off wedding, and the
day commences which ends the Play in the next scene.
144 VIII. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF MUCH ADO ABOUT NOTHING.
Day 6. Act V. sc. iv. Claudio accepts as his wife Leonato's
supposed niece, who on unmasking is discovered to be the true Hero.
Benedick and Beatrice resolve on marriage, and all ends happily.
It will he seen that in the endeavour to make the action of the
Play agree as far as possible with Leonato's determination in Act II.
sc. i., that the marriage of Claudio and Hero shall take place on
" Monday . . . which is hence a just seven-night, " I have supposed
the following days to be represented on the stage.
Day 1. Monday. Act I. and sc. i. of Act IL
„ 2. Tuesday. Act II. sc. ii.
„ 3. "Wednesday. Act II. sc. iii.
Thursday, v
Friday. Blank.
Saturday. /
„ 4. Sunday. Act III. sc. i. — iii.
„ 5. Monday. Act III. sc. iv. and v., Act IV. sc. i. and ii.,
Act. V. sc. i., ii., and part of iii.
Day 6. Tuesday. Act V. sc. iii. (in part) and sc. iv.
The first Tuesday even in this scheme might very well be left a
blank, and the sc. ii. of Act II. be included in the opening Monday.
I believe, however, that just as the Prince forgets his determina-
tion to stay "at the least a month" at Messina, so the "just seven-
night " to the wedding was also either forgotten or intentionally set
aside, and that only four consecutive days are actually included in
the action of the drama.
Day 1 . Act I. and Act II. sc. i. and ii.
„ 2. Act II. sc. iii. and Act III. sc. i. — iii.
„ 3. Act III. sc. iv. and v., Act IV., Act V. sc. i.; ii., and part
of iii.
Day 4. Act V. part of sc. iii. and sc. iv.
NOTE. — I take this occasion — as the matter is in some degree a
question of time — to endeavour at an explanation of a phrase which
must have made many a reader pause. In Act III. sc. i. where
Ursula asks, " When are you married, madam ? " Hero replies —
"Why euerie [euery Qo.] day to morrow," — Fo.
VIII. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OP MUCH ADO ABOUT NOTHING. 145
The usual punctuation is —
Why, every day; — to-morrow : — Var. ed. 1821, etc.
The Cambridge editors have —
Why, every day, to-morrow. —
Mr. Collier (Notes and Emendations) considers the answer to be
unintelligible, and that " the correction of the Folio, 1632, has made
it quite clear by setting right a misprint : there Hero replies, * Why,
in a day, — to-morrow.' "
Mr. Staunton, as far as I am aware, is the only editor who
attempts an explanation : he prints —
Why, every day to-inorrow : —
and says, — "Hero plays on the form of Ursula's interrogatory,
* When are you married ? '
'I am a married woman every day, after to-morrow.' "
I cannot consider either the emendation or the explanation as
satisfactory : I fancy that " every day " is here used in the sense of
immediately, without delay, as the French incessament.
I have met with one other instance of the use of the phrase, and
I quote it as evidence in favour of the integrity of the text of Much
Ado.
" Goldstone. Fare thee well : when shall^ I see thee at my
chamber, when1?
" Fitzgrave. Every day, shortly."
Middleton, Your Five Gallants, Act IY. sc. v.,
ed. Dyce Vol. II. p. 289.
LOVE'S LABOUR'S LOST.
FIRST printed in Quarto with no division of acts and scenes. The
acts only numbered in the Folio ; where by some error, Acts IV.
and V. are both headed Actus Quartus.
Day 1. The first day of the action includes Acts I. and II. In it
the Princess of France has her first interview with the King of Navarre.
Toward the end of Act II. certain documents required for the estab-
146 VIII. P. A. DANIEL. TIME- ANALYSIS OF LOVtfs LABOUR'S LOST.
lishment of the French claims are stated to have not yet come ; but,
says Boyet, "to-morrow you shall have a sight of them" (1. 166),
and the King tells the Princess — " To-morrow shall we visit you
again " (1. 177).
Day 2. Act III. Armado intrusts Costard with a letter to
Jaquenetta ; immediately afterwards Biron also intrusts him with a
letter for Eosaline, which he is to deliver this afternoon (1. 155).
Act IV. sc. i. The Princess remarks that " to-day we shall have
our dispatch." This fixes the scene as the morrow referred to in the
first day. Costard now enters to deliver, as he supposes, the letter
entrusted to him by Biron. He mistakes, however, and gives up
Armado's letter to Jaquenetta.
Act IY. sc. ii. Costard and Jaquenetta come to Holophernes
and Nathaniel to get them to read the letter, as they suppose, of
Armado to Jaquenetta. It turns out to be the letter of Biron to
Rosaline, and Costard and Jaquenetta are sent off to give it up at
once to the King. It is clear that these scenes from the beginning
of Act III. are all on one day ; but at the end of this scene Holo-
phernes invites Nathaniel and Dull to dine with him " to day at the
father's of a pupil of mine." This does not agree very well with
"this afternoon" mentioned in Act III., and one or the other — the
afternoon, I think — must be set down as an oversight.
Act IV. sc. iii. Still the same day. The King, Longaville, and
Dumain mutually detect each other of love, and Biron triumphs over
all three till his own backslidings are exposed by the entry of
Costard and Jaquenetta with his letter to Eosaline. Finally, all
four resolve to woo their mistresses openly, and determine that —
" in the afternoon
[They] will with some strange pastime solace them " (1. 376-7).
In pursuance of this idea in the next scene, Act Y. sc. i., we find
Armado consulting Holophernes and Nathaniel — who have now
returned from their dinner — as to some masque with which "it is
the King's most sweet pleasure and affection to congratulate the
Princess at her pavilion in the posteriors of this day, which the rude
VIII. P. A. DANIEL, TIME-ANALYSIS OF LOVERS LABOURS LOST. 147
multitude call the afternoon" (1. 92-5). A masque of the Nine
Worthies is determined on.
In the next scene the masque is presented accordingly, and with
this scene the Play ends.
The time of the action, then, is two days : —
' 1. Acts I. and II.
2. Acts III. to Y.
MIDSUMMER-NIGHT'S DREAM.
FIRST printed in Quarto, with no division of acts and scenes.
Divided into acts only in the Folio.
Day 1. Act I. sc. i. Athens. In the first two speeches the
proposed duration of the action seems pretty clearly set forth : —
" Theseus. Now, fair Hippolyta, our nuptial hour
Draws on apace ; four happy days bring in
Another moon :.....
Hippolyta. Four days will quickly steep themselves in nights ;
Four nights will quickly dream away the time j
And then the moon, like to a silver bow
New-bent in heaven, shall behold the night
Of our solemnities."
By this I understand, that four clear days are to intervene between
the time of this scene and the day of the wedding. The night of this
day No. 1 would, however, suppose five nights to come betwesn.
Egeus complains that Lysander has stolen his daughter Hermia's
heart. Theseus counsels her, and gives her 'till
" the next new moon,
The sealing-day betwixt my love and me,"
to consider of her fate.
The lovers agree to steal away from Athens " to-morrow night,"
and meet in the wood a league without the town.
They confide their intention to Helena, who resolves to inform
Demetrius and meet in the wood too.
Act I. sc. ii. The clowns resolve also to meet in the wood to-
morrow night to rehearse their play of Pyramus and Thisbie.
148 VIII. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF MIDSUMMER-NIGHTS DREAM.
Day 2. Act II., Act III., and part of sc. i. Act IV. are on the
morrow night, in the wood, and are occupied with the adventures of
the lovers j with Oberon, Titania, Puck • the clowns and Nick
Bottom. Daybreak being at hand, the fairies trip after the night's
shade and leave the lovers and Bottom asleep.
Day 3. Act IV. sc. i. continued. Morning. Mayday. Theseus,
Hippolyta, etc., enter and awake the lovers with their hunting horns.
Theseus, addressing Egeus, says —
" Is not this the day
That Hermia should give answer of her choice 1
Egeus. It is, my lord."
Egeus's will as to the disposal of his daughter being overborne,
Theseus resolves that
-in the temple, by and by, with us
These couples shall eternally be knit."
And so all return lovingly to Athens.
In Act I. it will be remembered that four days were to elapse
before Theseus's nuptials and Hermia's resolve ; but here we see the
plot is altered, for we are now only in the second day from the
opening scene, and only one clear day has intervened between day
No. 1 and this, the wedding-day.
Bottom now also awakes and returns to Athens.
Act IV. sc. ii. Athens. Later in the day. The clowns lament
the absence of Bottom. Snug enters to tell them that " the Duke is
coming from the temple." Shortly afterwards Bottom makes his
appearance, and tells them that " the Duke hath dined," and that they
must " meet presently at the palace."
Act V. In the Palace. Evening. Theseus asks —
-What masques, what dances shall we have,
To wear away this long age of three hours
Between our after-supper and bed-time 1 "
The clowns' play of Pyramus and Thisbie is then given. After
which, when
" The iron tongue of midnight hath told twelve,"
VIII. P. A. DANIEL. TIME- ANALYSIS OF MIDSUMMER-NIGHT'S DUE AM. 149
all retire, leaving the stage free for the Fairies, who end the play with
a blessing on the house and its occupants.
According to the opening speeches of Theseus and Hippolyta in
Act I., we should have expected the dramatic action to have com-
prised five days exclusive of that Act ; as it is we have only three
days inclusive of it.
Day 1. Act I.
„ 2. Acts II., III., 'and part of sc. i. Act IV.
„ 3. Part of sc. i. Act IV., sc. ii. Act IV., and Act Y.
MERCHANT OF VENICE.
FIRST printed in Quarto, with no division of acts and scenes.
Divided into acts only in the Folio.
Day 1. Act I. sc. i. Venice. Bassanio, desiring to offer him-
self as a suitor to Portia, applies to his friend Antonio for means to
enable him to do so. Antonio's fortunes being all at sea, he offers
Bassanio his credit to raise a loan, and they separate, each to enquire
where money is.
Act I. sc. ii. Belmont. Portia discusses with Nerissa the merits
of her suitors. It is evident, from the intimate knowledge she
displays of their manners and customs, that the suitors generally
sojourn some little time at Belmont before they decide whether they
will or will not risk their fortunes in the choice of the caskets. Four
of them [Nerissa recapitulates six] now seek to take their leave, and
the forerunner of a fifth, the Prince of Morocco, is announced ; he
brings word that his master will be here to-night.
Act I. sc. iii. Venice. Shylock agrees to lend Bassanio three
thousand ducats ; Antonio being bound to repay the sum on or
before the expiration of three months, on pain of forfeiting a pound
of his flesh to the Jew. As, in the beginning of this scene, Bassanio
tells Shylock that he may see Antonio if he will dine with them, the
time of this scene must be supposed the forenoon.
The two Venice scenes in this Act take place presumably on one
and the same day. The position of the Belmont scene, between the
K. 8. SOC. TRANS., 1877-0. 11
150 VIII. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF MERCHANT OF VENICE.
two, fixes it as concurrent with them in point of time. The day
presumably ends with the arrival of Morocco at Belmont.
An interval of some days — say a week — must now be supposed
in the action of the drama, for reasons stated in the comment on the
following scenes.
Day 2. Act II. sc. i. Belmont. Morocco determines to try his
fortune at the caskets. His hazard is to be made after dinner.
Act II. sc. ii. — vi. Venice. These scenes comprise the business
of a portion of one day, ending, at nine o'clock p.m., with the
embarkation of Bassanio for Belmont, and the elopement of Lorenzo
and Jessica.
Act II. sc. vii. Belmont. Morocco makes his choice of the
caskets, and fails.
The position of the two Belmont scenes (i. and yii.) — which
certainly take place on one and the same day — fixes the time of the
Venice scenes (ii. — vi.) as concurrent with them. It is also evident
that the first of these two Belmont scenes taking place in a forenoon,
after the arrival of Morocco, all these scenes (i. — vii.) must be placed
in a separate day from that represented in Act I. The question
remains, are we to consider this as the day following that of Act I.
or are we to imagine an interval between them ? An examination of
the Venice scenes must determine this question. In them we find
Launcelot (sc. ii.) lamenting his hard life in Shylock's service ; he
knows that Bassanio gives "rare new liveries," and we may suppose
that in going of errands between Shylock and Bassanio he has gained
his knowledge of the superior comforts to be obtained in the service
of the latter. He accordingly petitions to be admitted his servant,
and he obtains his end ; for Bassanio u knows him well," and tells him
that this very day Shylock himself has preferred him. This fact alone
shows that Shylock — however inwardly he has cherished his hate —
has been at least for some little time in familiar intercourse with
Bassanio and his friends since the signing of the bond. We find,
too, that he has got over his horror of pork, and now accepts an
invitation to eat with the Christians almost as a matter of course.
The time has been employed by Bassanio in providing his outfit ; he
VIII. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS G^ MERCHANT OF VENICE. 151
has engaged his ship, and is now waiting for a fair wind. Lorenzo,
too, has been courting Jessica, and persuading her to elope with him.
And Jessica, in Act III. sc. ii. 1. 287 — 90, testifies that when she
was with her father, i. e. after the signing of the bond, she had
" heard him swear
To Tubal and to Chus, his countrymen,
That he would rather have Antonio's flesh
Than twenty times the value of the sum
That he did owe him."
All this manifestly supposes a lapse of time since the signing of the
bond, and I should allow an interval of several days — say a week —
between Acts I. and II. It is true that if we allow this interval in
Venice we must also allow it in Belmont, and suppose Morocco to
have sojourned there a week before making his choice of the caskets ;
but there seems to me nothing improbable in this if we consider the
custom of the suitors (see Act I. sc. ii.).
An interval of one day ; for reasons see comment on Day 3.
Day 3. Act II. sc. viii. Venice. Salarino and Salanio discuss
Shylock's rage on discovering the flight of his daughter. Salarino
reports that he had reasoned with a Frenchman yesterday who
brought news of the loss of a Venetian vessel in the narrow seas ;
he hopes it may not be one of Antonio's.
Act II. sc. ix. Belmont. The Prince of Arragon makes his
choice of the caskets, and fails. As he takes his departure Bassanio's
forerunner is announced ; he brings word of the approach of his lord.
I make these two scenes coincident in point of time, and suppose
them to take place on the second day after Bassanio's embarkation.
"We may suppose him to arrive at Belmont on the day his approach
is announced. We cannot allow him longer time for his journey, for
we shall see later in the Play that the distance between Belmont and
Venice is but a day's journey. Neither can we give this day No. 3
an earlier date ; for the yesterday mentioned by Salarino cannot
possibly refer to a time earlier than the first day after Bassanio's
departure from Venice. The only possible scheme of time seems to
me that which I propose, and I must therefore ask the reader to take
152 VIII. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF MERCHANT OF VENICE.
his faith in both hands, and believe in an interval of one day
between these two scenes and those which precede them.
An interval bringing the time to within a fortnight of the
maturity of the bond.
Day 4. Act III. sc. i. Venice. Salanio and Salarino are still
harping on the loss of the ship in the narrow seas ; but now the
rumour is that it is really one of Antonio's, and though the mention
of this ship connects the scene with Act II. scene viii. (Day 3), it
also marks the advance of time. The fact that Shylock, who joins
them, is still brooding over his daughter's flight does not by any
means necessitate a close approximation of the time of this scene and
that of the elopement. As the scene progresses we find him already
beginning to talk of Antonio as a probable bankrupt, and uttering
threats in anticipation of the forfeiture of the bond. Tubal, who
now makes his appearance, accounts for a considerable portion of the
past time, and we learn from his conversation with Shylock that he
has just returned from a fruitless pursuit of Jessica, in tracing whom
he has been as far as Genoa. He brings news, too, of the loss of
another of Antonio's ships, and tells how divers of Antonio's
creditors swear he cannot choose but break. "Whereupon Shylock
gives him this instruction : — " Go, Tubal, fee me an officer ; bespeak
him a fortnight before/' However doubtful we may feel as to its
flight, this distinct note of time leaves us no choice but to believe
in an interval, between this and the preceding scenes, of sufficient
length to bring the three-months bond to within a fortnight of its
maturity.
An interval of rather more than a fortnight must now be
supposed.
Day 5. Act III. sc. ii. Belmont. Bassanio makes his choice,
of the caskets and wins Portia for his wife. Gratiano announces
that he and JSTerissa intend to follow their example. Salerio now
arrives, accompanied by Lorenzo and Jessica; he brings the news
that the bond is forfeit, and that Antonio is fallen into the power of
the Jew. With the assent of their wives Bassanio and Gratiano set
out at once for Venice.
VIII. P. A. DANIEL. TIME- ANALYSIS OF MERCHANT OF VENICE. 153
Act III. sc. iii. Venice. Antonio in custody. We learn from
him that the trial is to take place on the morrow.
Act III. sc. iv. Belmont. Portia confides the care of her
house to Lorenzo, and sets out for Venice with Nerissa, having
previously despatched Balthazar to Padua to receive instructions from
Bellario.
It is evident that the two Belmont scenes, ii. and iv., are on one
and the same day. The position of the Venice scene, iii., fixes it
also on that day. As Bassanio, Portia, etc., are all present at the
trial on the morrow mentioned by Antonio, it follows that the
journey between Belmont and Venice cannot be more than what
could be effected in the interim. We must, in fact, be satisfied
with a rough estimate of the distance as a day's journey.
In Act III. sc. i. (day No. 4) we arrived at the conclusion that
all but a fortnight of the three months of the bond had expired.
More than a fortnight's interval, therefore (allowing for Salerio's
journey, and the time passed by him in Venice after the arrest,
during which the chief citizens interceded with Shylock on behalf of
Antonio), must be supposed between sc. i. and sc. ii. — iv. of this
Act. So far all is clear : the difficulty is to account for Bassanio's
proceedings since his arrival at Belmont. We cannot fix the time of
his arrival with precision; but granting the first week's interval,
spent in Venice in preparing for his journey, and his arrival at
Belmont on the second day after his embarkation, we still are but
nine days from the signing of the bond, and now when he makes his
choice of the caskets more than the full three months of the bond
have expired. We allowed Morocco a week in which to make his
suit to Portia; to Arragon we could only afford one day; but
Bassanio has taken the unconscionable time of some twelve weeks !
And yet when he at last determines to risk his fortunes in the choice
of the caskets, Portia addresses him with —
" I pray you tarry : pause a day or two.
I would detain you here some month or two
Before you venture for me," etc.
This speech apart, however, we need not find much difficulty in
154 VIII. P. A. DANIEL. TIME- ANALYSIS OF MERCHANT OF VENICE.
allowing for a somewhat lengthy sojourn at Belmont of Bassanio and
his suite. The dialogue between him and Portia is that of two per-
sons who by long intercourse are mutually certain of each other's
love, and tremble lest fate should divide them. It is certain also
that Bassanio is now no new-comer, for he refers to the time —
" "When I did first impart my love to you," etc.,
and the mere sound of this line carries us back a long way into time-
past. We must suppose- — and the poet intended we should suppose
— that Bassanio has been following Antonio's advice, and staying
"the very riping of the time" (II. viii. 40). And Portia and he
have not been alone in their wooing ; Gratiano has been hard at it
too, wooing till he sweat again, and "at last" Nerissa has promised
him her hand if Bassanio achieve her mistress. We may even find
some support for our theory of long-time at Belmont in the accusation
which Lorenzo, in Act III. sc. v., brings against Launcelot in con-
nection with the Moor : a period of some twelve weeks, I am told*
would be absolutely necessary before such an accusation could have
any appearance of probability.
Day 6. Act III. sc. v. Belmont. Lorenzo, Jessica, and
Launcelot in the garden, before dinner.
Act IV. sc. i. Venice. The trial. This scene also takes place
before noon : towards the close the Duke invites Portia home with
him to dinner. She excuses herself on the plea that she must away
this night to Padua, and must presently set forth. Bassanio and
Antonio propose to fly toward Belmont early next morning.
Act IY. sc. ii. This scene follows close on the preceding one.
In it Portia and Nerissa obtain their husbands' rings. Portia
proposes —
" We'll away to-night,
And be a day before our husbands home."
Days 7 and 8. Act Y. Belmont. At night in the garden.
Lorenzo and Jessica discourse on music. Portia and Nerissa arrive.
Afterwards Antonio, Bassanio, and Gratiano. The mock quarrel
takes place about the rings, which the ladies pretend they had
VIII. P. A. DANIEL. TIME- ANALYSIS OF MERCHANT OF VENICE. 155
received from the Doctor and his clerk last night, — i. e. on the
shortest time theory, the night of the day of the trial, — and the Play
ends at two hours before day.
Time : eight days represented on the stage ; with intervals.
Total time : a period of rather more than three months.
Day 1. Act I.
Interval — say a week.
„ 2. Act II. sc. i. — vii.
Interval — one day.
„ 3. Act II. sc. viii. and ix.
Interval — bringing the time to within a fortnight of
the maturity of the bond.
„ 4. Act III. sc. i.
Interval — rather more than a fortnight.
„ 5. Act III. sc. ii. — iv.
„ 6. Act III. sc. v., Act IV.
„ 7 and 8. Act V.
KOTE. — Much of this article is unavoidably a repetition of a
paper read before the K S. Soc. on the 12th Oct., 1877, and printed
in the Transactions of that date, prepared by me in refutation of the
Rev. N. J. Halpin's Time- Analysts of The Merchant of Venice, in
which that gentleman endeavoured to prove that the whole " drama-
tic time of the action " was limited to thirty-nine consecutive hours !
About the beginning of the present century Ambrose Eccles
published editions of The Merchant of Venice, King Lear, and
Gymbeline. Part of his plan was to note the supposed time of each
scene and its relation, in this respect, with the rest ; to do in fact for
these three plays what is here attempted for the whole series. My
scheme of time for these plays was completed before I became aware
of his work ; but as he is, so far as I know, the only editor who has
attempted anything of the kind, I have thought it might be of
interest to note here the variations between his scheme of time and
my own.
Of my Day No. 2 he makes two days by bringing together the
Belmont scenes i. and vii., in which Morocco is concerned, and
156 VIII. P. A. DANIEL, TIME-ANALYSIS OF MERCHANT OF VENICE.
placing them as the morrow of Day 1 in Act I. as sc. iv. and v. Of
the Venice scenes ii. to vi. he makes a separate day, and between
the two days thus obtained he places the interval required for
Bassanio's preparations after signing the bond.
He includes in my Day No. 5 the Belmont scene, Act. III. sc. v.
He also makes the whole of Acts IV. and V., beginning with
the Trial in Venice and ending in the garden at Belmont, one dajr.
To do this, however, he is obliged to explain away Bassanio's resolution
of starting for Belmont on the morning after the Trial, and he entirely
overlooks Nerissa's " last night " on which the ring quarrel is
established.
In other respects our divisions of this play are substantially in
agreement.
The editions of Eccles's work that I have seen are King Lear and
Cymbelinej London, 1801, and Merchant of Venice, Dublin, 1805.
Lowndes mentions other editions of the two first plays dated 1793,
1794, and 1805.
AS YOU LIKE IT.
FIRST printed in the Folio ; divided into acts and scenes.
Day 1. Act I. sc. i. Orlando's altercation with his brother
Oliver. Charles, the Duke's wrestler, comes to warn Oliver not to
let Orlando take part in the match which is to come off next day ;
but the affectionate elder brother tells him he had as lief he broke
his neck as not ; indeed encourages him to do so. One might judge
from the talk between the two that the " old Duke's " banishment
was quite a recent event. Nothing new at Court has occurred since
then, and it is only an on dit that " he is already in the forest of
Arden." Oliver confirms this impression by asking if Eosalind be
banished with her father, and Charles tells him, no; the love
between the cousins being so great that Celia would have followed
her exile, or have died to stay behind. This is somewhat at variance
with what follows : in Act I. sc. iii., when the Duke banishes
Rosalind, he says —
VIII. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OP AS YOU LIKE IT. 157
" Ay Celia ; we stay'd her for your sake,
Else had she with her father ranged along.
Celia. I did not then entreat to have her stay,
I was too young that time to value her ;
But now I know her" etc.
Observe, too, that in Act II. sc. i. the banished Duke says, " Hath
not old custom made this life more sweet," etc.
Day 2. . Act I. sc. ii. The wrestling match. Charles is
defeated by Orlando. Orlando and Eosalind fall in love. Le Beau
informs Orlando of the .Duke's displeasure and counsels him to
depart.
Act I. sc. iii. The Duke banishes Rosalind. She and Celia
resolve to fly together, and to take Touchstone with them.
Act II. sc. i. In the forest of Arden, with the banished Duke
and his lords. " Hath not old custom," etc. Description of Jaques
meditating on the wounded deer ; the Duke goes out to seek him.
This scene in our scheme of time may be supposed concurrent
-with the two preceding scenes.
Note that Act II. sc. iii. must also be included in this Day 2.
An interval perhaps might be expected between the day of
Rosalind's banishment and the day (No. 3) on which her flight is
discovered. The Duke allows her ten days for preparation ; but she
and her companions would hardly delay so long, and any delay at
all would throw the scheme of time utterly out of gear. See the
comment on Act II. sc. vi. I believe the author started them on
their journey on the night ensuing the banishment, and made Days
1, 2, and 3 consecutive. In Lodge's Mosatynde, it may be observed,
the Duke, who banishes his daughter as well as his niece, bids them
depart the same night.
Day 3. Act II. sc. ii. The flight of Rosalind and Celia is dis-
covered ; it is believed that Orlando is in their company, and the
Duke orders that he be sent for, and, if absent from his brother's
house, that Oliver himself be brought before him, " suddenly."
Note that Act III. sc. i. must either be included in this Day 3 or
be supposed to occur on the following morning at the latest.
158 VIII. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF AS YOU LIKE IT.
[Act II. sc. iii. Orlando returns home from the wrestling.
Adam warns him not to enter the house, and together they set out
to seek their fortune.
The time of this scene must evidently be the evening of Day No.
2, and I accordingly enclose it in brackets, as being out of place.]
An interval of a few days between Days 3 and 4 must now be
supposed, while Rosalind and her companions, and Orlando and
Adam journey towards Arden.
Day 4. Act II. sc. iv. Rosalind, Celia, and Touchstone arrive
in the forest of Arden. They meet with old Corin and purchase the
Sheepcote for their residence. It is evening when they arrive.
" Good even to you, friend," says Rosalind, addressing Corin.
Day 5. Act II. sc. v. Morning in the forest. Jaques with
Amiens and others join in song, while the Duke's banquet is being
prepared. Amiens tells Jaques that the Duke " hath been all this
day to look you ; " " all this day," as we shall see in the following
scene vii., means only all this morning. Jaques now goes out saying
he will go sleep, and Amiens goes to seek the Duke ; "his banquet
is prepared."
Act II. sc. vi. Orlando and 'Adam arrive in the forest. Ob-
serve, that they set out on their journey on the evening of day
No. 2, but arrive a day later than Rosalind and her companions.
These arrivals are against any interval being allowed between Days
2 and 3.
Act II. sc. vii. A continuation of the preceding scene v. First
Lord telJs the Duke, who has been seeking Jaques —
" My lord, he is but even now gone hence :
Here was he merry, hearing of a song."
Jaques again makes his appearance.; he did not go asleep after all;
he met with Touchstone, and is now full of his new acquaintance.
His mention of Touchstone's consulting his dial and telling it was
ten o'clock fixes the time of the scenes of Day 5 as morning scenes.
The foresters now sit to the table, and Orlando enters with drawn
VIII. P. A. DANIEL. TIME- ANALYSIS OF AS YOU LIKE IT. 159
sword to demand relief. Ho is welcomed, and goes out to return
again with old Adam.
It is a peculiarity of the banished Duke that he is always
seeking for Jaques ; he went out at the end of Act II. sc. i. (Day 2)
with the intention of finding him, and in this sc. vii. he enters
complaining that he can nowhere find him. Was this intended as a
connecting link to the two scenes ? If so, we must bring the earlier
scene to this Day No. 5 ; we can't put scenes v. and vii. of Act II.
back to scene i ; for the arrival in the forest of Touchstone, whom
Jaques has just met, comes between.
As it is not desirable to break the continuity of the dramatic
action with intervals that are avoidable, we may take it that this
meeting is on the first morning following the arrival of Rosalind, etc.,
in the forest ; "and therefore that Days 4 and 5 are consecutive.
[Act III. sc. i. Duke Frederick, in pursuance of his orders
issued in Act II. sc. ii. (Day 3), has now before him Oliver, and
calls on him to produce his brother dead or alive, and in the mean
time seizes on his lands and goods.
The time of this scene must evidently be put back to day No. 3,
or the morning immediately following it at the latest. Like Act II.
sc. iii. it is accordingly placed within brackets.]
An interval of a few days may be allowed between Days 5 and 6,
for reason of which see next scene.
Day 6. Act III. sc. ii. Orlando, who may now be considered
as settled in the banished Duke's service, employs his leisure
hours in hanging verses in praise of Eosalind on the trees ; Touch-
stone, who has now had a little experience of a shepherd's life, dis-
cusses with Corin the relative merits of Court and country. Rosalind
enters reading one of Orlando's sonnets ; Celia meets her reading
another, and tells her of Orlando's arrival Orlando himself now
makes his appearance with Jaques, who, after a little skirmish of
wit, leaves him, and the cousins come forward to " play the knave
with him." Rosalind proposes to cure him of love, and he agrees to
court her as his mistress.
An interval — indefinite in duration — now seems requisite, during
ICO VIII. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OP AS YOU LIKE IT.
which, we may imagine the inhabitants of the forest " fleeting the
time carelessly, as they did in the golden world." The Duke and
his fellows hunting, carousing, and disputing with the melancholy
Jaques ; Orlando calling every day at the Sheepcote, wooing his
mistress under the disguise of Ganymede ; while Touchstone finds
out and courts Audrey. Whether time has progressed or stood
still matters not ; and now on one fine evening in
Day 7. Act III. sc. in., we find Touchstone about to commit
matrimony with Audrey, who is here first introduced to us. Sir
Oliver Martext, however, is but a hedge-priest, and Jaques easily
persuades the couple to defer their marriage for a time.
Day 8. Act III. sc. iv. Rosalind is in distress, for Orlando
" did swear he would come this morning, and comes not." A diver-
sion appears in the shape of Corin, who invites the cousins to witness
the wooing of Phebe by Silvius.
Act III. sc. v. In this scene, accordingly, we find Silvius
pleading his love. Rosalind interferes and chides Phebe for her
cruelty. Phebe is smitten with love of Ganymede (Rosalind), and
determines to write him a letter straight, which Silvius undertakes to
deliver.
Act IY. sc. i. Jaques meets Rosalind and Celia as they return
from witnessing the pageant of love played in the preceding scene.
He departs, however, on the entry of Orlando, who excuses the
neglect complained of in scene iv., as, after all, he comes within an
hour of his promise. Then follows a lesson of love, and Orlando
leaves to attend the Duke at 'dinner, but promises to return by two
o'clock.
Act IV. sc. ii. A short hunting scene, with song. Jaques,
Lords, and Foresters.
Act IV. sc. iii. Rosalind and Celia again. " Past two o'clock ;
and here much Orlando." Silvius delivers Phebe's letter, and is
rallied for his pains. Oliver, who has wandered to the forest and
been rescued from the lioness by Orlando since scene i. of this
Act, now makes his appearance to excuse his brother's broken
promise, and to give Rosalind the napkin dyed in his blood.
VIII. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OP AS YOU LIKE IT. 161
Note that Oliver says —
" When last the young Orlando parted from you
He left a promise to return again
Within an hour" etc.
In Act IV. sc. i. 1. 180, Orlando said two hours.
Act V. sc. i. Touchstone and Audrey meet with William, who
is faced out of his claim to Audrey's hand. It is evening now, and
with this scene we should perhaps conclude the day No. 8.
Day 9. Act V. sc. ii. Oliver acquaints Orlando with his love
for Aliena (Celia), and it is agreed they shall be married " to-mor-
row" Ganymede (Rosalind) tells Orlando that the true Eosalind
shall appear to-morrow, and he shall marry her if he will. Phebo
also agrees to marry Silvius to-morrow if she refuse Ganymede.
Act V. sc. iii. Touchstone and Audrey also agree to be married
to-morrow.
It is possible that these two scenes should be included in the
previous day, No. 8. ; but the plot does not confine us to any par
ticular time, and it will be observed that in the last scene of that day,
as I divide it, evening has already come. We may reasonably allow
Orlando a night's rest after his wound, and suppose these scenes to
take place on the following morning.
Day 10. Act V. sc. iv. concludes the Play, and is the morrow
on which the several couples unite in holy matrimony. Jaques de
Boys enters to announce the restoration of the banished Duke to his
domains, and all ends happily.
The time, then, of this Play may be taken as ten days represented
on the stage, with such sufficient intervals as the reader may
imagine for himself as requisite for the probability of the plot.
Day 1. Act I. sc. i.
„ 2. Act I. sc. ii. and iii., and Act II. sc. i. [Act II. sc. iii.]
„ 3. Act II. sc. ii. [Act III. sc. i.]
An interval of a few days. The journey to Arden.
„ 4. Act II. sc. iv.
„ 5. Act II. sc. v., vi., and vii.
An interval of a few days.
162 VIII. P. A. DANIEL. TIME- ANALYSIS OF AS YOU LIKE IT.
Day 6. Act III. sc. ii.
An interval — indefinite.
„ 7. Act III. sc. iii.
„ 8. Act III. sc. iv. and v., Act IY. sc. i., ii., and iii, and Act
Y. sc. i.
„ 9. Act V. sc. ii. and iii.
„ 10. Act V, sc. iv.
Two scenes of the Play — Act II. sc. iii. and Act III. sc. i. — are
placed, within brackets, out of their actual order in this table. The
first must be referred to day No. 2, the second to day No. 3 [see the
analysis]. Looking to the time of the scenes, they are out of place :
the author seems to have gone back to resume these threads of the
story which were dropped while other parts of the plot were in
hand.
Other instances of this irregularity will be found in Antony and
Cleopatra and in Cymbeline.
THE TAMING OF THE SHREW.
FIRST printed in the Folio. Divided into Acts I, III., IY., and
Y. Act II. not marked. No division of scenes. The division of
the last three acts differs greatly from that of modern editions.
Actus Tertius includes Act III. sc. i. and ii., and Act IY. sc. i.
and ii.
Actus Quartus commences with Act IY. sc. iii., and includes
Act Y. sc. i.
Actus Quintus commences with Act Y. sc. ii.
The Induction. The plot on Christopher Sly need not here engage
our attention. It is carefully elaborated up to the opening scene of
the Play itself, and its characters again appear in halfra-dozen lines of
dialogue at the end of sc. i ; after this it drops away from the Play
altogether, no conclusion to Sly's adventure being given as in the
older Play of " The Taming of a Shrew," 1594.
Day 1. Act I. sc. i. Lucentio and his man Tranio arrive in
Padua. They overhear Baptista's resolution that his younger daughter,
VIII. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF TAMING OF THE SHREW. 163
Bianca, shall not be bestowed until a husband for the elder daughter,
Katharine, is provided ; they also hear the promise of the two suitors
to Bianca, Gremio and Hortensio, to seek out masters for the educa-
tion of the ladies. Lucentio falls in love with Bianca, and, to gain
access to her, determines to offer himself as one of these masters, and
in the mean time he prevails on Tranio to per&onate him in Padua.
Act I. sc. ii. Petruchio arrives and calls on his old friend
Hortensio. Petruchio's purpose is to
" wive it wealthily in Padua ;
If wealthily, then happily in Padua."
Hortensio proposes Katharine to him, and he resolves at once that he
will not sleep till he see her. Hortensio further proposes that his
friend Petruchio shall offer him,
" disguised in sober robes,
To old Baptista as a schoolmaster
Well seen in music, to instruct Bianca."
In the mean time Lucentio has sought out Gremio, and now appears
with him, disguised as " Cambio," a schoolmaster, " well read in
poetry and other books," etc. Tranio (disguised as Lucentio) also
makes his appearance in the character of a third suitor to Bianca.
The three competitors agree to gratify Petruchio equally if he achieves
Katharine, and on the motion of Tranio they all adjourn to quaff
carouses to their mistress' health this afternoon.
Day 2. Act II. sc. i. In Baptista's house. Katharine quarrels
with her sister. Baptista interferes, and his daughters retire. The
conspirators now enter. Petruchio presents himself as a suitor for
Katharine, and presents Hortensio, disguised as the musician " Licio."
Gremio presents Lucentio, disguised as " Cambio j " and Tranio, as
Lucentio, offering himself as a suitor for Bianca, contributes a lute
and a packet of books for the education of the ladies.
Baptista welcomes them all. The " schoolmasters " are sent in to
the ladies, and Baptista proposes that
" We will go walk a little in the orchard,
And then to dinner."
164 VIII. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OP TAMING OF THE SHREW.
But here " Licio " re-enters with his head broken by Katharine.
Baptista consoles him, and all then leave the scene save Petruchio, to
whom Katharine is immediately sent by her father.
Petruchio takes her by storm and, will she nill she, determines
that they shall be married on Sunday. Baptista confirms the
bargain, and Petruchio leaves to go to Venice,
" To buy apparel 'gainst the wedding day.'*
" Sunday," he says, " comes apace ; " but it is not clear what day
of the week before it this scene is supposed to represent.
Gremio and Tranio (as Lucentio) now vie with each other as to
which will assure Bianca the larger dower. Baptista decides that
Bianca shall be married on the Sunday following Katharine's
wedding : to Tranio, if he can make good his assurance ; if not, to
Gremio.
Oddly enough, Hortensio, by gaining access to Bianca as " Licio,'*
drops out of the competition for her hand, and neither Baptista,
Gremio, nor Tranio appear to be at all surprised at his absence. The
company all disperse without going to dinner, as proposed by
Baptista (1. 112).
It is this dinner and the afternoon referred to at the end of Act I.
sc. ii. which have induced me to mark Act II. as the second day of
the action; otherwise there is nothing to prevent Acts I. and II.
being considered as one day only ; indeed, Petruchio's resolve to see
Katharine before he sleeps is in favour of one day, and would be
conclusive but for the afternoon's carouse proposed by Tranio.
Day 3. Act III. sc. i. Bianca with " Cambio " and " Licio."
The false schoolmasters begin to suspect each other. This scene is on
the eve of the wedding. A servant enters with —
" Mistress, your father prays you leave your books
And help to dress your sister's chamber up :
You know to-morrow is the wedding day"
Day 4. Act III. sc. ii. The wedding day. Sunday. How
Petruchio keeps the wedding party waiting, in what mad attire he
makes his appearance at last, and how he behaved at church, need
no description. It is sufficient for our purpose to know that, in
VIII. P. A. DANIEL. TIME- ANALYSIS OF TAMING OF THE SHREW. 165
spite of her resistance, lie carries off his bride without waiting for
the wedding dinner, and Bianca is left to take her sister's room at
the table.
What must strike every reader as remarkable in this scene is the
sudden knowledge Tranio (the supposed Lucentio) manifests of
Petruchio's manners and customs. Neither Lucentio nor Tranio has
any acquaintance with Petruchio, except what both may have gained
from being in his company in Days 1 and 2 — which perhaps after all
are only one day ; yet Baptista addresses himself to Tranio, when
the wedding party is kept waiting, for explanation, and Tranio
answers for Petruchio as if he were quite an old friend.
" Upon my life, Petruchio means but well,
Whatever fortune stays him from his word :
Though he be blunt, I know him passing wise j
Though he be merry, yet withal he's honest."
Again —
" 'Tis some odd humour pricks him to this fashion ;
Yet oftentimes he goes but mean-apparell'd."
And again when Petruchio makes his appearance Tranio always
counsels and addresses him as though he were an intimate of long
standing.
The fact is, all these speeches of Tranio, of and to Petruchio,
should be in the mouth of Hortensio, who is really Petruchio's
familiar; but this wonderful plot of his, of disguising himself as
Licio, — when there was no need for it, — has not only silenced him as
an open competitor for the hand of Bianca, but also as the friend of
Petruchio.
Note that in the old play Polidor [= Hortensio] does not dis-
guise himself as the musician, and it is in his mouth that the speeches
which are the equivalent of Tranio's in this scene are placed.
Act IV. sc. i. ends the wedding day at night at Petruchio's
country house. After balking Katharine of her wedding dinner, and
now of her supper, he conducts her to her chamber, and then returns
to the stage to inform the audience that
" Last night she slept not, nor to-night she shall not."
N. S. SOC. TEAKS., 1877-9. 12
1G6 VIII. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OP TAMING OF THE SHREW.
How did lie know that she didn't sleep last night ? This is the first
night of their wedding. They can't have spent a night on the road,
for the distance from Padua is no more than may be traversed between
dinner and supper-time. See Act IV. sc. iii.
Day 5. Act IV. sc. ii. " Licio " and Tranio overhear the love-
making between "Cambio" and Bianca; "Licio" discloses himself
to Tranio as Hortensio, and they mutually swear to have nothing
more to do with Bianca. Hortensio goes off, vowing to be married to
a wealthy widow ere three days pass. Tranio informs the lovers of
what has passed between him and Hortensio ; but he knows — how,
does not appear — that Hortensio has " gone unto the taming-school "
of which " Petruchio is the master ; " and sure enough we find Hor-
tensio with Petruchio and Katharine in the next scene.
The Pedant now appears, and, in pursuance of the plot concerted
between Tranio and Lucentio, Tranio engages him to personate
Lucentio's father,
" To pass assurance of a dower in marriage
'Twixt me [Tranio-Lucentio] and one Baptista's daughter here."
It is not easy to fix the exact date of this scene. I have marked
it as a separate day, and it may be the morrow of Katharine's marriage,
or it may be two or three days after that event, or it might even be
supposed to occur on the afternoon of the day of Katharine's wedding ;
tho' in this last case we must put it back in time to precede sc. i. of
this Act, which would scarcely be a desirable arrangement.
Day 6. In this, the concluding day of the Play, the scene shifts
from Petruchio's country house in Act IV. sc. iii. to Padua in Act
IV. sc. iv. ; then back to the road between Petruchio's house and
Padua in Act IV. sc. v., and finally to Padua in Act V.
Act IV. sc. iii. Petruchio's house. Katharine is well-nigh
famished, and Grumio torments her with offers of food. Petruchio
brings in her moat., which, on submission, she is allowed to eat. Note
ihat Hovteiisio is now on a visit t«> tliem ; he lias — as Trnnio in Act
IV. sc. ii. said he would — come ij the " taming-BchooU' Ol.sevve,
too, that this and all the remaining scenes of the 1'lay air included
in one day, and that this day must be — if any regard is to be paid to
VIII. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF TAMING OF THE SHREW. 167
Baptista's programme — the Sunday following Katharine's wedding day.
She can't have been a whole week without food, and yet somehow
we get an impression that this is the first meat she has tasted in
Petruchio's house.
The tailor and the haberdasher bring the wares which have been
ordered by Grumio. This incident supposes the lapse of some days
since the marriage day. Petruchio now determines to return to
Baptista's house.
" Let's see," says ho, " I think 'tis now some seven o'clock
And well we may come there by dinner-time.
Keith. I dare assure you, sir, 'tis almost two ;
And 'twill be supper-time ere you come there.
Pet. It shall be seven ere I go to horse :
Look, what I speak, or do, or think to do,
You still are crossing it. Sirs, let 't alone :
I will not go to-day ; and ere I do,
It shall be what o'clock I say it is."
This scene closes then at 2 p.m.
Act IV. sc. iv. Padua. Scene, a street ; Lucentio's house on
one side of the stage, Baptista's on the other. Tranio enters from
Lucentio's house with the Pedant ; Biondello joins them and they
knock at Baptista's door. Baptista enters with " Canibio." Tranio
introduces the Pedant as his (Tranio-Lucentio's) father, and the
match between him and Bianca is agreed on. Biondello is com-
missioned to " fetch the Scrivener presently ; " while Baptista charges
" Cambio " to hie home, " and bid Bianca make her ready straight."
Tranio, Baptista and the Pedant then; adjourn to Lucentio's house.
Left alone, Biondello tells "Cambio" that he is going to bid the
priest at St Luke's be ready for him, and recommends him to carry
off Bianca at once. They depart on their several errands. I have
been particular in describing the business of this scene, because there
is some little confusion in the Fo. exits and entrances, etc., leading to
alterations in our modern text ; the most injudicious of which is the
fliaiigeof <'iufi/>i» to /Unin/f/fn in line (52 — "Oambio, hie you home."
Aft IV. >sc. v. Katharine lias evidently agreed to its hoin<{
"seven o'clock," as Petruchio insisted in Act IV. sc. iii.,for they are
now, with Hortensib, on their way to Padua, They meet with
168 VIII. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OP TAMING OF THE SHREW.
Vincentio, Lucentio's father, and Petruchio tells him — and Hortensio
confirms the fact — that his son by this has married Bianca. By his
son they mean of course Tranio, the supposed Lucentio. The only
ground they can have for this assertion is Baptista's determination, in
Act II. sc. i., that Bianca should be married on the Sunday following
Katharine's marriage. Petruchio's " by this " would seem to imply
that that Sunday afternoon has now arrived. His assertion, however,
that she was to be married to Lucentio is mere conjecture, but Hor-
tensio's confirmation of it is in flat contradiction to the knowledge he
has that both he and Lucentio [Tranio] in Act IV. sc. ii. vowed to
have nothing more to do with Bianca.
Act V. sc. i. This scene is a good illustration of the economy of
the old stage. Its locality is supposed to be the same as in Act IV.
sc. iv. One door represents Lucentio's house ; the other door repre-
sents Baptista's, which " bears more toward the market-place."
Gremio is waiting about Baptista's door — of course with his back
towards it — hoping to see " Cambio " and to hear how his [Gremio's]
suit 'to Bianca is progressing (see lines 145 — 160, Act I. sc. ii.).
" Cambio " and Bianca, accompanied by Biondello, steal out from
Baptista's house, unperceived by Gremio, and hurry off to get
married. Then enter Petruchio, Katharine, Vincentio, etc., and
knock at Lucentio's door, where Tranio and the Pedant are beguiling
Baptista with articles about Bianca's dowry. Gremio's attention is at
once attracted to the new arrivals, and he takes part in the business
which arises on the exposure of the false Vincentio and Lucentio.
The arrival of the true Lucentio and his bride sets all things straight,
and all the company enter Lucentio's house.
Hortensio is not in this scene ; he must have quitted Petruchio
immediately on their arrival at Padua, and have hurried off to get
married to his widow ; for in the next and last scene we find him
with her, a married man.
Act. V. sc. ii. The whole company is assembled in Lucentio's
house at a banquet after supper. The newly-married men bet on
their wives' obedience; Petruchio wins, and it is admitted on all
hands that he has tamed the shrew.
In this Play we have six days represented on the stage ; or if
VIII. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF TAMING OF THE SHREW. 169
Acts I. and II. should be considered as one day, then five days only,
with intervals, the leogth of which it is not easy to determine, but
the entire period cannot exceed a fortnight.
Day 1. Act I.
„ 2. Act II.
Interval of a day or two. Petruchio proposes to go to
Venice to buy apparel.
„ 3. Act III. sc. i. Saturday, eve of the wedding.
„ 4. Act III. sc. ii., Act IV. sc. i. Sunday, the wedding day.
Interval [1 ]
„ 5. Act IV. sc. ii.
Interval^}
„ 6. Act IV. sc. iii., iv., and v., and Act V. [1 The second
Sunday.]
Time, however, in this Play is a very slippery element, difficult
to fix in any completely consistent scheme. In the old Play of the
Taming of a Shrew the whole story is knit up in the course of two
days. In the first, Ferando = Petruchio, woos Kate and fixes his
marriage for next Sunday ; " next Sunday " then becomes to-morrow,
to-morrow becomes to-day, and to-day ends with the wedding night
in Ferando's country house. All the rest of the Play is included in
the second day.
ALL'S WELL THAT ENDS WELL.
FIRST printed in the Folio. Divided into acts only..
Day 1. Act I. sc. i. Eousillon. Bertram takes leave of his
mother and Helena, and proceeds to the French Court with Lafeu
and Parolles.
An interval. Bertram's journey to Court.
Day 2. Act I. sc. ii. At the French Court. The King grants
leave to some of his lords to go to the wars in Italy. Bertram
arrives and is welcomed by the King.
Act I. sc. iii. At Rousillon. Helena confesses her love for
Bertram to the Countess, and obtains leave to go to Paris to try
1 70 vin. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF ALI?S WELL THAT ENDS WELL.
to cure the King's malady. Her departure is appointed for the
morrow.
This scene may be supposed coincident in time with the previous
scene.
An interval. Helena's journey to Court.
Day 3. Act II. sc. i. At Court. The lords for the Florentine
war take leave of the King. Helena arrives and offers her services
to the King for the cure of his malady, which she hopes to effect
" Ere twice the horses of the sun shall bring
Their fiery torcher his diurnal ring,
Ere twice in murk and occidental damp
Moist Hesperus hath quench'd his sleepy lamp,
Or four and twenty times the pilot's glass
Hath told the thievish minutes how they pass. "
Her reward to be the hand of any one of his lords whom she may
choose for her husband. The "pilot's glass" mentioned in the
above lines must be a two-hour glass. See note on glass in Tlie
Tempest.
Act II. sc. ii. At Eousillon. The Countess sends the Clown to
Court with a letter to Helena.
This scene may be bracketed in point of time with the preceding
one.
An interval. In Act II. sc. i. Helena promised to cure the King
within two days. An interval of two days, then, may be supposed
between Days 3 and 4. In the interim the Clown makes his journey
from Rousillon to the Court.
Day 4. Act II. sc. iii., iv., and v. At Court. Helena has
succeeded in restoring the King's health. She claims the hand of
Bertram as her reward. They are married, and the same night he
sends her home to his mother and flies with Parolles to Italy.
In sc. iv. the Clown delivers to Helena the letter from the
Countess, Act II. sc. ii.
An interval. Helena's return to Rousillon. Bertram's journey
to Florence.
VIII. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF All's WELL THAT ENDS WELL. 171
Day 5. Act III. sc. i. At Florence. The Duke welcomes the
French lords who took leave of the King in Act II. sc. i.
Act III. sc. ii. Rousillon. Helena and the Clown are at
home again; they have but just arrived, for the Clown only now
delivers to the Countess a letter from Bertram, telling her of his
flight. Helena introduces two gentlemen who met him on his
way to Florence, and were charged by him with a letter for her.
She resolves to steal away to-night.
Day 6. Act III. sc. iii. At Florence. The Duke welcomes
Bertram.
Act III. sc. iv. At Eousillon. The Steward gives the Countess
a letter from Helena, received from her the last night past. He
says —
" If I had given you this at over-night,
She might have been o'erta'en," etc.
It is clear, then, that Days 5 and 6 are consecutive, and that Bertram's
journey to Florence can have taken him little more time than
Helena's from Paris to Eousillon. I have placed his arrival at
Florence in this day in order to give him as long a time as possible
for his journey ; but, looking to the way in which time and space
are dealt with in dramatic composition, it would be quite admissible
to lift Act III. sc. iii. into day No. 5, and Act III. sc. i. [the arrival
of the first batch of French lords at Florence] from Day 5 to Day 4.
An interval of " some two months." See comment on Act IV.
sc. iii.
Day 7. Act III. sc. v. Helena arrives in Florence as a pilgrim;
she makes the acquaintance of the Widow, Diana, etc.
This day Bertram achieves a great victory, but a drum is lost, to
the grievous vexation of Parolles.
Day 8. Act III. sc. vi. Parolles undertakes the adventure of
the drum, and says he will about it this evening.
Act III. sc. vii. Helena engages the Widow and Diana to assist
in her plot on Bertram, which they agree to put in practice to-night.
Act IY. sc. i. It is ten o'clock, according to Parolles, and he is
1 72 VIII. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF ALL*S WELL THAT ENDS WELL.
now on his venture. He is seized and carried off by the French lords,
who egged him on to the enterprise.
Act IV. sc. ii. While the above practice was in hand, or
probably at an earlier hour, Bertram has an interview with Diana,
who feigns to yield to his suit, obtains from him his ring, and appoints
him to come to her chamber at midnight.
Day 9. Act IV. sc. iii. The time of this scene includes several
hours from before midnight to early morning next day. In it we
learn that peace is concluded, and that Bertram is about to return to
France. When he appears on the scene his meeting with Helena
(with Diana, as he supposes) is completed, and the scene ends with
the exposure of Parolles.
From the way in which Days 7 and 8 are connected it is clear
that they are consecutive days. We learn also in Act IV. sc. iii., from
the conversation of first and second lord, that Helena had fled from
her home " some two months since." An interval, therefore, of this
length must be placed between Days 6 and 7 — ample time for
Helena's wanderings, and for Bertram to achieve military distinction
and lay siege to Diana.
Act IV. sc. iv. This scene may be considered the continuation
of the day which dawned in Act IV. sc. iii. In it Helena, the
Widow, and Diana resolve to proceed to Marseilles, at which place
they expect to find the French King.
An interval. Bertram's return to Bousillon. Helena's journey
to Marseilles.
Day 10. Act IV. sc. v. At Kousillon, The Countess, Lafeu,
and Clown. Bertram's arrival is announced, and we learn that the
King "comes post from Marseilles, and will be here to-morrow"
Act V. sc. i. At Marseilles. Helena arrives and learns that the
King removed hence last night on his way to Eousillon. She
resolves to follow at once.
Day 11. Act V. sc. ii. Eousillon. Parolles entreats the pro-
tection of Lafeu. The trumpets announce the approach of the King.
Act V. sc. iii. ends the play with the reconciliation of Bertram
with Helena.
VIII. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OP All's WELL THAT ENDS WELL. 173
Time of the Play, eleven days represented on the stage, with
intervals.
Bay 1. Act I. sc. i.
Interval. Bertram's journey to Court.
„ 2. Act I. sc. ii. and iii.
Interval. Helena's journey to Court.
„ 3. Act II. sc. i. and ii.
Interval — two days. Cure of the King's malady.
„ 4. Act II. sc. iii., iv., and v.
Interval. Helena's return to Kousillon. Bertram's
journey to Florence.
„ 5. Act III. sc. i. and ii.
„ 6. Act III. sc. iii. and iv.
Interval — " some two months "
„ 7. Act III. sc. v.
„ 8. Act III. sc. vi. and vii., Act IV. sc. i. and ii.
„ 9. Act IV. sc. iii. and iv.
Interval. Bertram's return to Eousillon. Helena's return
to Marseilles,
„ 10. Act IV. sc. v., Act V. sc. i.
„ 11. Act V. sc. ii. and iii.
Total time, about three months.
TWELFTH NIGHT.
FIRST printed in the Folio. Divided into acts and scenes.
Day 1. Act I. sc. i. introduces us to the Duke Orsino and his
love-suit to Olivia. Note that, except in Act I. sc. i., ii., and iv.,
and Act II. sc. iv., the Duke is always spoken of as Count. In
the stage directions and prefixes to his speeches his title is invari-
ably Duke.
Act I. sc. ii. Viola, who has been quite recently rescued from
shipwreck, resolves to enter the Duke's service, disguised as a boy.
Act I. sc. iii. makes us acquainted with Sir Toby, Sir Andrew,
and Maria.
174 V1IL P. A. DANIEL. TIME- ANALYSIS OF TWELFTH K1GST.
These scenes may all be supposed to take place on one and the
same day.
An interval of three days.
Day 2. Act L sc, iv. Viola, as "Cesario," is already in high
favour with the Duke, "He hath known you," says Valentine,
" but three days, and already you are no stranger."
This speech marks an interval of three days between this and the
preceding scenes. u Cesario " is sent by the Duke to plead his love
with Olivia.
Act L sc. Y. At Olivia's house. Viola delivers her message.
Olivia is smitten with love of the supposed young gentleman, and
sends Malvolio after him with a ring, and a request that he will come
again to-morrow.
Act IL sc. L Sebastian, who bad been rescued from the ship-
wreck by Antonio, arrives in Ulyria, " bound to the Count Orsino's
Court" Antonio resolves to follow him. From his speeches we
may judge Sebastian to be still in the first agony of his grief for the
loss of his sister.
Act II. sc. ii Malvolio delivers the ring sent after Viola by
Olivia.
Act n. sc. iii. Late at night Sir Toby, Sir Andrew, and the
Clown are having a drinking bout. My lady has called up her
steward Malvolio to silence their racket After his departure Maria
persuades Sir Toby " to be patient for tonight," for " since the youth
of the Count's was to-day with my lady, she is much out of quiet"
In revenge for Malvolio's insolence, Maria proposes to gmll him by
feigned letters, which shall persuade him that the Countess is in love
with him.
So ends day No. 2, Sir Toby retiring to burn some sack; for "His
too late to go to bed now."
Day 3. From this point to the end of the Play all is but matter
for one May morning.
Act EL sc. iv. The love-sick Duke wishes to hear again
*• That old and antique song we heard fact night."
He then sends Viola on another embassy to Olivia.
VIII. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OP TWELFTH NIGHT. 175
Act II. sc. v. Sir Toby and his companions play their trick of
the letter on Malvolio.
Act III. sc. i. Viola delivers her message to Olivia, who in
her turn avows her love for " Cesario."
Act III. sc. ii. Sir Andrew, jealous of the " Count's youth," is
urged by Sir Toby to challenge him. Maria calls the " competitors "
to witness the effect of their plot on Malvolio.
Act III. sc. iii. Antonio rejoins Sebastian in the Duke's capital.
They separate : Antonio to go to their lodgings at the Elephant ;
Sebastian to wander about the city for an hour.
Act III. sc. iv. Continuation of Malvolio's adventure. Olivia,
thinking him mad, directs her people to take care of him, and leaves
the scene for another interview /with " Cesario," whom she has sent
for again. Sir Andrew confides his challenge to Sir Toby for delivery.
Olivia again with Viola. The duel between Viola and Sir Andrew.
Antonio interferes 011 behalf of Viola, whom he takes for Sebastian ;
he is seized and carried off by the officers.
Act IV. sc. i. Sebastian in his wanderings is taken for " Cesario,"
first by the Clown, then by Sir Andrew, who vents his valour on
him, and is cuffed for his pains. Sir Toby and Sebastian proceed to
fight, when Olivia interferes, and invites the 'supposed " Cesario "
into her house.
Act IV. sc. ii. The competitors continue their practice on
Malvolio, who is confined in a dark room.
Act IV. sc. iii. Sebastian consents to marriage with Olivia.
Act V. sc. i. ends the Play. The comedy of errors occasioned
by Viola's disguise as " Cesario," and her resemblance to her brother
Sebastian, is explained, and Viola gains her prize — the hand of the
Duke.
The time represented by this Play is three days, with an interval
of three days between the first and second.
Day 1. Act I. sc. i. — iii.
Interval of three days.
„ 2. Act I. sc. iv. and v., Act II. sc. i. — iii.
„ 3. Act II. sc. iv. and v., and Acts III., IV., and V.
176 VIII. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OP TWELFTH NIGHT.
There remains to notice in Act V. a statement inconsistent with
the plot of the Play as revealed in the previous scenes. Yiola and
Sebastian both suffered the same shipwreck, and when they arrive in
Illyria it is evident that but a very few days can have elapsed since
their escape. Yet, when Antonio is brought before the Duke in
Act V., he asserts that Sebastian has been in his company for three
months. It might indeed be said that this inconsistency is merely
imaginary, and is founded on too strict an interpretation of the
dialogue in Act I. sc. ii. and Act II. sc. i. ; but the Duke makes a
similar assertion with regard to Viola —
" Three months this youth hath tended upon me."
And this is in absolute contradiction to Valentine's speech on the
second day of the action (Act I. sc. iv.), where he says that the Duke
" hath known you [Viola] but three days."
While we are thus engaged in ferretting out spots in the sun,
attention may also be directed to Fabian's last speech. Speaking of
the plot on Malvolio, he says —
" Maria writ
The letter at Sir Toby's great importance;
In recompense whereof he hath married her."
Now Maria writ the letter at the " importance " of her own love of
mischief; the plot originated entirely with her, though Sir Toby
and the rest eagerly joined in it. And when could Sir Toby have
found time for the marriage ceremony on this morning which has
been so fully occupied by the plots on Malvolio and Sir Andrew
Aguecheek 1 It could not have been since he last left the stage, for
he was then drunk and wounded, and sent off to bed to have his
hurts looked to.
However, Biondello tells us, in The Taming of the Shrew, "I
knew a wench married in an afternoon as she went to the garden for
parsley to stuff a rabbit ; " and perhaps Sir Toby snatched a spare
moment for an impromptu wedding, and so crammed more matter into
this busy May morning.
VIII. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OP WINTERS TALE. 177
WINTER'S TALE.
FIRST printed in the Folio. Divided into acts and scenes.
Day 1. Act I. sc. i. Sicilia. Camillo and Archidamus discuss
the friendship which exists between their respective sovereigns.
Act I. sc. ii. Polixenes proposes to return to Bohemia, but
yielding to the solicitations of Hermione consents to prolong his stay
for another week. Leontes, smitten with jealousy, engages Camillo
to poison Polixenes. Camillo reveals the plot to Polixenes, and
together they fly from Sicilia that same night.
Day 2. Act II. sc. i. Leontes orders Hermione to be imprisoned,
pending the return of Cleomenes and Dion, whom he has despatched
to Delphos to consult the oracle of Apollo as to her guilt.
I am not sure that a separate day should be given to this scene ;
but, on the whole, the proposed departure of Polixenes and Camillo
on the night of the first day, and the mission, since then, of Cleomenes
and Dion to Delphos make this division probable.
An interval of twenty-three days is now to be supposed.
Day 3. Act II. sc. ii. Hermione, in prison, has given birth,
" something before her time," to a daughter. Paulina undertakes to
present the child to Leontes.
Act II. sc. iii. Leontes is brooding over his supposed wrongs.
His baffled revenge on Polixenes, his belief in his wife's guilt, and
the mortal sickness of his boy Mamillius, allow him no rest, " nor
night nor day." Paulina presents him with the now-born babe. In
his belief that the child is none of his, he orders Antigonus to bear
it quite out of his dominions, and expose it in some remote and
desert place.
A servant now announces that Cleomenes and Dion,
" Being well arrived from Delphos, are both landed,
Hasting to Court."
" Twenty-tliree days" says Leontes, "they have been absent : 'tis
good speed," &c. ; and he orders a session to be summoned for the
arraignment of the queen.
178 VIII. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OP WINTER'S TALE.
An interval of iiventy-three days then occurs between Days 2
and 3.
Act III. sc. i. Cleomenes and Dion on their way to Court.
Day 4. Act III. sc. ii. The trial of the queen. The oracle
declares her innocence. A servant announces the death of Mamillius
" with mere conceit and fear of the queen's speed. Hermione swoons
and is carried out j Paulina announces her death, and Leontes, now
too late, laments his jealous cruelty.
An interval of a few days must be allowed for Antigonus's
journey between Days 3 and 5, partly filled with Day 4.
Day 5. Act III. sc. iii. Antigonus exposes the child, Perdita,
on a desert coast of Bohemia. He is destroyed by a bear, and the
ship from which he landed lost at sea. A shepherd and his son find
the child and carry it home.
An interval.
Act IV. sc. i. Time, the Chorus, now announces the lapse of
sixteen years.
Day 6. Act IV. sc. ii. Bohemia — at the Court of Polixenes.
Camillo wishes to return to Sicilia to the penitent king his master ;
Polixenes dissuades him : he is uneasy as to his son the Prince
Florizel, whose frequent resort to the house of a shepherd, who has
a daughter of most rare note, has been made known to him. They
resolve to visit the Shepherd in disguise. JSTote that Camillo makes
his absence from Sicilia to be fifteen years. This is probably a mere
error of the printer or copyist. Besides the sixteen announced by
Time, the Chorus, sixteen years is the period again twice mentioned
in Act V. sc. iii. — 1. 31, " Which let's go by some sixteen years," &c.,
and 1. 50, " Which sixteen winters cannot blow away," &c.
Act TV. sc. iii. Autolycus cheats the Clown [the Shepherd's
foil] of his purse as he is on his way to luiy things for the shepp-
.shearing festival.
This incident suggests the placing of the festival on the following
day.
VIII. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OP WINTER'S TALE. 179
Day 7. Act IV. sc. iv. The festival at the Shepherd's. Florizel
proposes to contract himself with Perdita. Polixenes, who with
Camillo is present in disguise, discovers himself, forbids the contract,
and threatens death in case of disobedience. Florizel determines to
fly with Perdita. Camillo, finding him resolute on this point,
counsels him to take refuge at the Court of Leontes. The old
Shepherd and his son, to clear themselves with Polixenes, propose
to reveal to him the circumstances under which Perdita came into
their hands; Autolycus, however, inveigles them on board the
prince's ship, and all set sail for Sicilia.
An interval for the journey.
Day 8. Act Y. sc. i. Florizel and Perdita arrive in Sicilia and are
received by Leontes, who has scarcely welcomed them when the arrival
of Polixenes and Camillo in pursuit of the fugitives is announced.
Act V. sc. ii. By means of the old Shepherd the parentage of
Perdita is discovered, and the two kings are now as willing for the
union of their children as Florizel is eager for it.
Act V. sc. iii. and last. The two kings, Florizel, Perdita, &c.,
meet at Paulina's house to see the statue of Hermione. The statue
proves to be true flesh and blood, and, the oracle being now fulfilled,
Leontes's long period of repentance ends in the happiness of all.
The time of this Play comprises eight days represented on the
stage, with intervals.
Day 1. Act I. sc. i. and ii.
„ 2. Act II. sc. i.
An interval of twenty-three days.
„ 3. Act II. sc. ii. and iii., and Act III. sc. i.
„ 4. Act III. sc. ii.
An interval. Antigonus's voyage to Bohemia.
„ 5. Act III. sc. iii.
.4?? intcrrn] (Act TY. so. i.) of sixtoon years.
,, fi. A<-t IY. so. ii. and iii.
„ 7. Art IY. sc. iv.
An Inti'i'ntl. Tho journey to Sicilia.
j, 8. Act Y. sc. i. — iii.
180
IX. TIME-ANALYSIS OF THE PLOTS OF SHAKSPEBE'S
PLAYS.
BY
P. A. DANIEL.
(Read at the tfth Meeting of the Society, December 13, 1878.)
PAKT II.
THE TRAGEDIES.
. — No attempt is here made at Chronologica* arrangement: the order
taken is that of the First Folio and of the Globe edition : to the latter of
which the numbering of Acts, Scenes and lines refers. By one "Day"
is to be understood the whole or any portion of the twenty-four hours
from midnight to midnight. All intervals are supposed to include, at
the least, one clear day from midnight to midnight : a breah in the
action of the drama from noon one day to noon the next is not here
considered an interval.
TROILUS AND CRESSIDA.
FIRST printed in Quarto. No division of acts and scenes in
either Quarto or Folio.
Day 1. Act I. sc. i. In Troy. Troilus complains to Pandarus
of the ill-success of his love-suit to Cressida. Pandarus declares he
will have no more to do with the business. Eneas joins Troilus, and
together they go off to join the rest of the combatants who are
already afield.
Act I. sc. ii. Cressida and Pandarus behold the return of the
warriors from the field. Eneas, Antenor, Hector, Paris, Helenus,
Troilus, Deiphobus, &c., pass over the stage.
NOTE. — The reader is requested to keep his eye on Antenor ; he
doesn't speak a word in the Play, but he plays an important part in
this time-analysis of it.
An interval of " dull anji long-continued truce." See next scene.
IX. P. A. DANIEL. TIME- ANALYSIS OF TROILUS AND CRESSIDA. 181
Day 2. Act I. sc. iii. In the Grecian camp. Agamemnon,
Nestor, Ulysses, Menelaus, &c., discuss the position of affairs.
Eneas, from Troy, delivers a challenge from Hector —
" Who in this dull and long- continued truce
Is rusty grown" (1. 262-3).
We must then suppose a considerable interval between this and the
preceding scenes. The challenge is for the morrow, to single combat,
between Hector and some one of the Grecian warriors. The com-
manders, to abate the pride of Achilles, resolve to put forward Ajax
as their champion. In the next scene,
Act II. sc. i., in which Ajax, Thersites, Achilles, and Patroclus
appear, we learn that the time of the combat is to be " by the fifth
hour of the sun" (1. 134).
Act II. sc. ii. In Troy. Priam, Hector, Troilus, Paris, and
Helenas discuss the motive of the war with the Grecians. In con-
clusion Hector tells them of the challenge he has sent to the Grecian
camp. This scene may be supposed coincident in point of time with
that preceding it.
Act II. sc. iii. In the Grecian camp, before the tent of Achilles.
The commanders " rub the vein " of Ajax. Achilles declines to see
them, but through Ulysses informs them that he " will not to the
field to-morrow " (1. 172). At the end of the scene Ulysses remarks —
-to-morrow
We must with all our main of power stand fast" (1. 272-3).
These two passages are somewhat ambiguous, for in fact only the
single combat between Hector and Ajax is resolved on for the
morrow.
Act III. sc. i. We are back again in Troy. Pandarus requests
Paris to excuse Troilus to Priam, should " the king call for him at
supper " (1. 34). In this scene commences an extraordinary entan-
glement of the plot of the Play. It is quite clear that from its
position it must represent a portion of the day on which Hector
sends his challenge to the Greeks : a day on which there could be no
encounters between the hostile forces, and which in fact is but one
day of a long-continued truce ; yet in this scene Pandarus asks
N. s. soc. TRANS., 1877-9. 13
182 IX. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF TROILUS AND CRESSIDA.
Paris, "Sweet lord, who's afield to-day?" Paris replies, "Hector,
Deiphobus, Helenus, Anterior, and all the gallantry of Troy." Paris
himself, it seems, nor Troilus, went not. Towards the end of the
scene a retreat is sounded, and Paris says —
" They're come from field : let us to Priam's hall
To greet the warriors ; "
and he begs Helen to come " help unarm our Hector."
Act III. sc. ii. Pandarus brings Troilus and Cressida together,
and we understand now why in the preceding scene he wished Paris
to excuse Troilus to Priam if the king asked for him at supper.
Act III. sc. iii. In the Grecian camp. The allusions to the
combat which is to come off to-morrow between Hector and Ajax are
numerous in this scene, so that we are clearly still in the day on
which Hector sent his challenge. But the entanglement of the plot
which we noticed in Act III. sc. i. becomes here still more involved.
Calchas says —
" You have a Trojan prisoner, called Anterior,
Yesterday took ; "
and he requests that Antenor may be exchanged for his daughter
Cressida, The commanders assent, and Diomedes is commissioned to
effect the exchange. From this it appears that Antenor, who goes
out to fight on this very day (see Act IIL sc. i.) — when there is no
fighting — was nevertheless taken prisoner the day before, during the
long-continued truce.
With this scene ends the day on which Hector sends his challenge
to the Greeks.
Day 3. Act IV. sc. i. — iv. In Troy. In the early morning
Diomedes arrives with Antenor. The parting of the lovers and the
exchange of Antenor for Cressida is effected in these scenes, which
close with a summons from Hector's trumpet, calling to the field.
Act IY. sc. v. In the Grecian camp. Ajax is armed. " 'Tis
but early days " when Diomedes arrives with Cressida. Hector then
makes his appearance, and the combat with Ajax takes place. The
combat ended, Hector , and the Trojan lords go to feast with
Agamemnon, and afterwards, at night, in
Act Y. sc. i., with Achilles.
IX. P. A. DANIEL. TIME- ANALYSIS OF TROILUS AND CRESSIDA. 183
Act V. sc. ii. Troilus, accompanied by Ulysses, discovers
Cressida's infidelity with Diomedes.
Day 4. Morning has arrived, and
" Hector, by this, is arming him in Troy ; "
when Eneas finds out Troilus, and returns with him to the city.
Act Y. sc. iii. In Troy. Andromache, Cassandra, and Priam in
vain urge Hector not to go a-field to-day.
Act V. sc. iv. — x. In the plains before Troy. " Alarums :
excursions." Hostilities are resumed, Hector is slain, and the
Trojans return to the town, for now
" The dragon wing of night o'erspreads the earth,
And, stickler-like, the armies separates."
Pandarus, disgraced by Troilus, ends the Pky with a kind of
Epilogue.
The duration of the action of this Play is so distinctly marked
by Hector's challenge that, notwithstanding the discrepancies pointed
out in Act II. sc. iii. and Act III. sc. i. and iii., it is impossible to
assign to it more than four days, with an interval between the first
and second.
Day 1. Act I. sc. i. and ii.
Interval ; the long-continued truce.
„ 2. Act I. sc. iii., Act II, and Act III.
„ 3. Act IV., Act Y. sc. i. and first part of sc. ii.
„ 4. Act Y. the latter part of sc. ii. and sc. iii. — x.
CORIOLANUS.
FIRST printed in Folio. Divided into Acts only.
Day 1. Act I. sc. i. In Eome. The citizens in mutiny.
Menenius tells them the fable of the rebellion of the body's members
against the belly. News arrives that the Yolsces are in arms.
Cominius, Titus Lartius, and Marcius are appointed leaders of the
Roman army.
184 IX. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF CORIOLANUS.
An interval — time for news from Rome to reach Corioli.
Day 2. Act I. sc. ii. In Corioli. Aufidius and the Senate.
News has been received of the warlike preparations in Rome. The
Senators undertake to defend Corioli, while Aufidius takes command
of the army in the field.
An interval — time for news from the Roman army to reach Rome.
Day 3. Act I. sc. iii. In Rome. Volumnia and Virgilia are
visited by Valeria, who brings news that Cominius is gone with one
part of the Roman power to attack Aufidius in the field ; . while
Titus Lartius and Marcius are set down before Corioli.
Act I. sc. iv. and v. Corioli. After a first repulse the town is
taken by the Romans. Titus makes good the city, while Marcius
hastens to the assistance of Cominius.
Act I. sc. vi. In the field. Cominius is retiring before the
attack of Aufidius. Marcius joins him, and they prepare to renew
the fight.
Act I. sc. vii. Corioli. Titus Lartius leaves a Lieutenant in
charge of the city and proceeds to the Roman camp.
Act I. sc. viii. and ix. In the field. Aufidius is defeated by
Marcius and Cominius. Titus Lartius joins his comrades after
pursuing the defeated Yolscian army. Marcius is proclaimed by the
surname of Coriolanus. Cominius directs that Lartius take charge
of Corioli while he and Marcius return to Rome.
Act I. sc. x. Aufidius and the Yolscian army in retreat.
The scene in Rome, Act I. sc. iii., and the scenes iv. — x. in
Corioli and in the field, may very well be supposed to take place on
one and the same day, and I accordingly include them in day No. 3.
An interval — Cominius and Marcius return to Rome.
Day 4. Act II. sc. i. In Rome. Menenius chaffs the tribunes,
Sicinius and Brutus. Volumnia, Virgilia, and Valeria enter and
inform Menenius that letters have been received from Coriolanus,
and that he is on his way home. The trumpets sound, and Coriolanus,
IX. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF CORIOLANUS. 185
with Cominius, Titus Lartius,1 etc., enters in triumph. They proceed
to the Capitol.
Here it is to be remarked that in this play the Acts only are
numbered ; the scenes are not otherwise marked than by the entries
and exits of the characters. In this particular place the stage
directions are —
" Flourish. Cornets.
Exeunt in State, as before."
This ends the page in the Folio ed. The next page begins with —
" Enter Brutus and Sicinius"
In all editions since Theobald's, with which I am acquainted,
this last stage direction is altered to — " The Tribunes remain" or
"Brutus and Sicinius come forward" and thus the conversation
between the Tribunes which follows is made part of sc. i. of Act II.
There seems to me no sufficient reason for setting aside the
authority of the Folio in this case, and there is this considerable
objection, that by so doing Coriolanus is made to arrive in Eome, to
stand for Consul, and to be banished on one and the same day. The
scene between the two Tribunes is not necessarily connected with the
day of Marcius's entry into Rome, but it is inseparably connected
with the day of his Consulship ; and that these are two distinct days
is to some extent proved by the fact that Titus Lartius is not present
1 The introduction of Titus Lartius in this scene is an oversight which
has hitherto been unnoticed, but which modern editors might take on
themselves to correct. The Stage direction of the Folio is — " Enter Coininius
the Generall, and Titus Latius (sic} : betweene them Coriolanus," etc.
Lartius does not speak, nor is he mentioned in the dialogue as being present.
In Act 'I. sc. ix. Cominius places him in charge of Corioli. In Act II. sc. ii.
1. 41-2, he is supposed to be still there ; for Menenius says —
" Having determined of the Volsces and
To send for Titus Lartim? etc.
He does not make his appearance in Eome 'till Act III. sc. i., and there we
should understand that he has returned from Corioli without waiting to be
recalled. In answer to Coriolanus, who says —
" Tullus Aufidius then had made new head ? "
he replies —
" He had, my lord ; and that it was which caused
Our swifter composition. "
A note of mine on this subject, and on the division of Act II. sc. i., was
published in the Athenaum, 6th July, 1878.
186 IX. T. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF CORIOLANUS.
during the entry, but is present during the Consulship. (See note on
Titus Lartius, Act I. sc. i.) I therefore venture to restore the arrange-
ment of the Folio, and mark this as a new scene and the commence-
ment of a separate day. In order, however, to avoid confusion of
reference, I continue to the following scenes of this act the numbers
given to them by modern editors, marking this as sc. i. a.
An interval. Ambassadors from Corioli have arrived in Rome
since the return of Cominius and Coriolanus. See in Act I. sc. ix.,
Cominius's instructions to Titus Lartius —
" send us to Rome
The best, with whom we may articulate
For their own good and ours."
Their business has been discussed during this interval, and is settled
in Act II. sc. ii. " Having determined of the Yolsces," etc. 1. 41.
Day 5. Act II. sc. i. a. " Enter Brutus and Sicinius." The
Tribunes determine on a line of policy in the event of Coriolanus
being chosen Consul. They are sent for to the Capitol. At the
end of the preceding scene, it will be remembered, all proceed to the
Capitol, and it is this being sent for to the Capitol now which — as
well as I can make out — is the only, and very insufficient, reason for
connecting this scene with the preceding one. The tone of the con-
versation between the Tribunes marks a lapse of time. " I heard him
swear," says Brutus, "were he to stand for Consul, never would he
appear," etc. When did Brutus hear this vow ? certainly not in the
preceding scene.
Act II. sc. ii. In the Capitol. Coriolanus is chosen Consul by
the Senators.
Act II. sc. iii. He obtains the voices of the people in the
market-place. The Tribunes stir up the people against him.
Act III. sc. i. The Tribunes aided by the people seek to arrest
Coriolanus ; he is rescued by the Patricians. In the end Menenius
promises that he shall meet the people in the market-place to answer
for his conduct.
Act III. sc. ii. His friends persuade Coriolanus to answer mildly
the accusations brought against him.
IX. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF CORIOLANUS. 187
Act III. sc. iii. He meets the Tribunes and the people ; but,
again giving the rein to his fury, he is banished by them.
Act IV. sc. i. His mother, wife, and friends, bid him farewell at
the gate of the city.
Act IV. sc. ii. Volumnia and Virgilia meet the Tribunes and
bestow their curses on them.
An interval — a few days perhaps — including Coriolanus's journey
to Antium.
Day 6. Act IV. sc. iii. Between Rome and Antium. A
Volscian spy going towards Rome to obtain news is met by a Roman
spy bringing news to the army of the Volscians. From the dialogue
it appears that this meeting takes place shortly after the banishment
of Coriolanus. This Day 6 may be supposed part of the last marked
interval.
Day 7. Act IV. sc. iv. and v. Antium. Coriolanus seeks out
Aufidius and accepts from him half of his commission in a proposed
expedition against the Roman state.
An interval.
Day 8. Act IV. sc. vi. Rome. News arrives of the approach
of the Volscian army under the command of Aufidius and Coriolanus.
An interval,
Day 9. Act IV. sc. vii. The Volscian camp. Aufidius mal-
content at the eclipse he suffers from Coriolanus's superior glory.
An interval.
Day 10. Act V. sc. i. Rome. Cominius having failed to
obtain mercy for his country from Coriolanus, Menenius is now
persuaded to go on an embassy to him.
Act V. sc. ii. The Volscian camp. Result of Menenius's
embassy. Coriolanus declines to hold any communication with him.
Act V. sc. iii. Volumnia, Virgilia, etc., come to the camp to
intercede for Rome. Coriolanus gives way before their prayers, and
consents to a peace, resolving, however, not to enter Rome, but to
go back with Aufidius.
188
IX. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF CORIOLANUS.
Act V. sc. iv. and v. The ladies bring back to Eome the
welcome news of the peace they have effected.
An interval.
Day 11. Act V. sc. vi. Antium. Aufidius and Coriolanus
return from the expedition against Eome. Aufidius accuses Corio-
lanus of treason, and he and his friends slay him.
Time of this play, eleven days represented on the stage ; with
intervals.
Day 1. Act I. sc. i.
Interval.
„ 2. Act I. sc. ii.
Interval.
„ 3. Act I. sc. iii. to x.
Interval.
„ 4. Act II. sc. i.
Interval.
„ 5. Act II. sc. i. a (end
of sc. i. in modern editions) to
Act IV. sc. ii.
Interval.
Day 6. Act 1Y. sc. iii.
„ 7. Act IY. sc. iv. and v.
Interval.
, 8. Act IY. sc. vi.
Interval.
„ 9. Act IY. sc. vii.
Interval.
„ 10. Act Y. sc. i. to v.
Interval.
, 11. Act Y. sc. vi.
The actual Historical time represented by this play "com-
prehends a period of about four years, commencing with the
secession to the Mons Sacer in the year of Rome 262, and ending
with the death of Coriolanus, A.U.C. 266." — MALONE.
TITUS ANDRONICUS.
FIRST printed in Quarto, with no division of Acts 'and Scenes.
Divided into Acts only in the Folio. The Folio contains one Scene
(Act III. sc. ii.) not found in the Quartos.
Day 1. Act I. sc. i. Saturninus and Bassianus contend for the
crown. Titus arrives in triumph; with Tamora, her sons, Aaron, etc.,
prisoners. Being chosen umpire he decides in favour of Saturninus.
IX. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF TITUS AXDRONICUS. 189
After much quarrelling, slaughter, etc., Saturninus marries Tamora,
and Bassianus, Lavinia. An apparent reconciliation takes place,
and Titus invites the whole company to a grand hunting for the
morrow.
Act II. sc. i. Demetrius and Chiron quarrel for the love of
Lavinia. Aaron reconciles them, and by his counsel they determine
to effect their villanous purpose during the solemn hunting which is
in hand (1. 112).
As stated above, in the Quartos there is no division of this play
into Acts and Scenes, and in the Quartos the stage direction between
this and the preceding scene is " Exeunt. Sound trumpets, manet
Moore." Johnson is right in saying that "this scene ought to
continue the first Act." The fact that in it Chiron and Demetrius
are already quarrelling for the love of Lavinia is no sufficient reason
for supposing any break in the course of the action : time, through-
out the play, is almost annihilated. There is a sequence of events,
but no probable time is allowed for between them.
Day 2. Act II. sc. ii. The morning of the hunt. Titus awakes
the newly married couples with horns and hounds. They proceed
to the chase.
Act II. sc. iii. and iv. The hunt. During these scenes Tamora,
Aaron, Demetrius, and Chiron plot and execute the murder of
Bassianus, the arrest of Quintus and Martius for the deed, and the
rape and mutilation of Lavinia. Marcus meets and conveys his
niece back to Eome.
Act III. sc. i. Titus pleads in vain for his sons. Marcus brings
Lavinia to him. Under a promise that his sons' lives shall thereby
be saved, Titus cuts off one of his hands and sends it to Saturninus ; he
is rewarded with the heads of his sons and the return of his hand.
Lucius, banished for an attempt to rescue his brothers, sets out to
raise a power among the Goths for revenge on Eome.
Interval.
Day 3. Act III. sc. ii. In Titus's house. Titus, Marcus,
Lavinia, and young Lucius at table.
190 IX. P. A. DANIEL. TIME- ANALYSIS OP TITUS ANDRONICUS.
It is possible to imagine a pause in the action, both before and
after this scene, the whole of which, it may be observed, is omitted in
the Quarto editions of the Play.
Interval.
Day 4. Act IV. sc. i. Lavinia manages to make known the
authors of her rape. Titus resolves to send to them a present of
weapons, with a scroll hinting at their guilt.
Act IV. sc. ii. Young Lucius delivers to Demetrius and Chiron
the weapons sent by Titus. The Empress is delivered of a blacka-
moor child, the fruit of her adultery with Aaron. Aaron saves the
child's life from Demetrius and Charon, and instructs them how to
obtain another child which the Emperor may believe to be his own.
To make all sure Aaron kills the nurse, and carries off his child for
safety with the Goths.
Act IV. sc. iii. Titus provides arrows with letters addressed to
the Gods, calling for justice ; his friends shoot the arrows into the
Court of Saturnine. He then sends a mocking petition to Saturnine
by a clown.
Act IV. sc. iv. Saturninus enraged by the letters found on Titus's
arrows. The clown delivers the petition, and is ordered to be hung.
News arrives of the approach of Lucius with an army of Goths.
Tamora (who has apparently recovered from her confinement) soothes
the rage and fear of Saturnine, and it is resolved to send JEmilius on
an embassy to Lucius requesting a parley at Titus's house.
Act V. sc. i. In the camp of Lucius. Aaron is brought in with
his child in his arms. To save the child's life he reveals the villanies
that he, the Queen, and her sons, have plotted and executed against
the Andronici. ^Emilius arrives on his embassy, to which Lucius
assents on hostages being delivered to his father and to his uncle
Marcus.
The Embassy of ^Emilius and the capture of Aaron connect this
scene too closely with the preceding scenes to allow of any break in
the course of the action since Act IV. sc. i.
Act V. sc. ii. During the time of the preceding scene, Tamora
and her two sons, disguised as Eevenge, Kapine, and Murder, solicit
IX. P. A. DANIEL. TIME- ANALYSIS OF TITUS ANDRONICUS 191
Titus to forward the proposed meeting of Lucius and the Emperor at
his house. Titus sends Marcus to his son to bid him come, and
Tamora, leaving her sons in his hands, departs to inform Saturninus
of the success of her enterprise. Titus causes Demetrius and Chiron
to be seized and then cuts their throats, Lavinia holding the basin
between her stumps to receive their blood. He then gives orders to
have a pasty made of their carcases.
Act V. sc. iii. In Titus's house. Lucius and the Emperor meet.
Titus serves up the pasty, of which Tamora partakes. He then
sacrifices Lavinia and kills Tamora. Saturninus kills him. Lucius
kills Saturninus. Lucius is chosen Emperor, and orders Aaron to be
set breast-deep in earth and to be starved to death, while Tamora's
body is cast forth to beasts and birds of prey.
The period included in this Play is four days represented on the
stage ; with, possibly, two intervals.
Day 1. Act I., Act II. sc. i.
„ . 2. Act II. sc. ii. — iv., Act III. sc. i.
Interval.
„ 3. Act III. sc. ii.
Interval.
4, Acts IV. and V.
ROMEO AND JULIET.
FIRST printed in Quarto. No division of Acts and scenes in
either Quarto or Folio.
Day 1. Act I. sc. i. The quarrel between the servants, joined
in by others of the two factions. The Prince separates the combat-
ants ; orders Capulet to go along with him, and bids Montague come
to him in the afternoon. After the fray Eomeo makes his first
appearance, and the day is still young — "but new struck nine."
Act I. sc. ii. Capulet has been with the Prince, and knows that
Montague is bound as well as himself to keep the peace ; we must
192 IX. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF ROMEO AND JULIET.
therefore suppose this scene to take place in the afternoon, after
Montague's interview with the Prince. He invites Paris to a feast
this night, and gives a list of the guests, who are also to be invited,
to his servant.
The servant applies to Romeo and Benvolio to read the list, and
they resolve to go to the feast.
Act I. sc. iii. Lady Capulet, the Nurse and Juliet. Lady Capu-
let informs Juliet of Paris's love. A servant announces that the
guests are come and supper served up.
Act I. sc. iv. Romeo and his friends on their way to the
feast.
Act I. sc. v. The festival in Capulet's house. Romeo falls in
love with Juliet.
Act II. sc. i. and ii. Late at night, returning from the feast,
Romeo gives the slip to his friends and courts Juliet at her window.
Day 2. Act II. sc. iii. Early the next morning Romeo visits
Friar Laurence to arrange for his marriage this same day.
Act II. sc. iv. At noon Romeo meets his friends, has an inter-
view with the Nurse, and by her sends a message to Juliet to meet
him at the Friar's cell that afternoon to be married.
Act II. sc. v. The Nurse delivers her message to Juliet.
Act II. sc. vi. The lovers meet at Friar Laurence's cell and are
married.
Act III. sc. i. Romeo rejoins his friends, and the fatal broil
occurs in which Mercutio and Tybalt are slain. The Prince banishes
Romeo.
Act III. sc. ii. The Nurse tells Juliet of the tragedy that has
happened, and then goes to seek Romeo.
Act III. sc. iii. Romeo in concealment in the Friar's cell. The
Nurse comes to arrange with him for Ms meeting that night with
Juliet.
Act III. sc. iv. Yery late at night Capulet promises his daugh-
ter's hand to Paris, and (this being Monday) he fixes the wedding
day for next Thursday.
Day 3. Act III. sc. v. At early dawn the lovers part. Lady
IX. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF ROMEO AND JULIET. 193
Capulet enters to announce to Juliet her proposed marriage with
Paris. The quarrel of the parents with their daughter.
Act IV. sc. i. Juliet seeks counsel of the Friar, and obtains from
him the sleeping potion which is to hold her " two and forty hours."
Act IV. sc. ii. Returning home Juliet makes her submission to
her father, who, in his joy at her obedience, resolves that the marriage
shall be " knit up to-morrow morning" (Wednesday).
Act IV. sc. iii. In her chamber, at night, Juliet takes the sleeping
potion.
Act IV. sc. iv. Capulet and his family up all night preparing
for the wedding.
Day 4. Act IV. sc. v. Juliet discovered apparently dead on
her bed. They prepare to carry her to the grave.
Day 5. Act V. sc. i. At Mantua. Balthazar brings news of
Juliet's supposed death. Eomeo obtains poison of an Apothecary,
and resolves to return to Verona that same night.
Act V. sc. ii. Verona. Friar John returns to Friar Laurence
the letter to Romeo which circumstances had prevented him from
delivering. Laurence determines to go alone to the tomb, for
" Within this three hours will fair Juliet wake."
If we suppose Juliet to have taken the sleeping-potion at midnight,
Tuesday- Wednesday, the " two-and-forty hours " should expire on
this day (Thursday) at six p.m., and the time of this scene, there-
fore, would be three p.m. She does not, however, awake 'till a much
later hour.
Act V. sc. iii. In the churchyard, at night. Paris visits the
tomb of Juliet; hearing footsteps he retires; Romeo enters and
opens the vault. Paris attempts to arrest him and is slain. Romeo
enters the tomb, takes the poison, and dies. The Friar comes to take
Juliet from her grave ; she awakes, and, finding Romeo dead, refuses
to leave him. The Friar flies, and Juliet stabs herself. Paris's page
enters with the watch, who apprehend the Friar and Balthazar, and
send to summon up the Prince, the Capulets, and the Montagues,
and all meet at the tomb, to lament the loss of their children and end
their enmity, in the early morning of the sixth day.
194 IX. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF ROMEO AND JULIET.
Day 6. End of Act V. sc. iii. Early morning of the sixth day,
Friday.
Time of this Tragedy, six consecutive days, commencing on the
morning of the first, and ending early in the morning of the sixth.
Day 1. (Sunday) Act I., and Act II. sc. 1 and ii. •
„ 2. (Monday) Act II. sc. iii. — vi., Act III. sc. i.— iv.
„ 3. (Tuesday) Act III. sc. v., Act IV. sc. i.— iv.
„ 4. (Wednesday) Act IV. sc. v.
„ 5. (Thursday) Act V.
„ 6. (Friday) End of Act V. sc. iii
TIMON OF ATHENS.
FIRST printed in the Folio. No division of acts and scenes.
Day 1. Act I. sc. i. and ii. Timon in prosperity, giving and
receiving presents. Among others, the Lord Lucullus entreats his
company to-morrow to hunt with him, and has sent his honour two
brace of greyhounds.
Day 2. Act II. sc. i. and ii. His creditors begin to press Timon
for payment. Returning from hunting, he is pestered by their
servants, who present their bills. Learning from his steward that
his fortune is all spent, he resolves to try his friends, and among
others sends to Lucullus : " I hunted with his honour to-day," says
he. This hunting seems to fix the time of these scenes as the morrow
of Day 1.
Act III. sc. i. — iii. His friends all refuse assistance.
Day 3. Act III. sc. iv. Before nine o'clock, presumably on
the following morning, Timon's hall is full of the servants of his
creditors clamouring for payment. Having got rid of them, he bids
his steward go and invite all his friends again ; once more he will
feast the rascals.
Act III. sc. v. In the Senate. Alcibiades quarrels with the
Senators, and is banished by them.
Act III. sc. vi. In Timon's house. His friends, supposing
IX. P. A. DAXIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF TIMON OF ATHENS. 195
Timon still rich, and that his application to them for money was
merely a feint to try them, have all assembled for this new feast.
The latest news among them is the banishment of Alcibiades. Timon
serves up the banquet, all covered dishes, which are found to
contain nothing but hot water. This, with the dishes, he throws at
his false friends, and beats them out. He then flies from Athens.
Act IY. sc. i. Timon, without the walls of Athens, looks back
and curses the town.
Act IY. sc. ii. Timon's servants take leave of each other.
All these scenes, from Act III. sc. iv. to this point, are evidently
included in the third day of the action.
An interval.
Day 4. Act IY. sc. iii. We may suppose a considerable
interval between this and the preceding scenes. Timon is living in
the woods. Digging for roots he finds gold. Alcibiades, having
raised an army, is marching to attack Athens ; he meets Timon, who
gives him gold to forward his enterprise. Alcibiades's discourse
with Timon is somewhat singular. At first he does not recognise
his friend. Then, without being informed who he is, he declares —
" I know thee well ;
But in thy fortunes am unlearned and strange."
A little later he asks —
" How came the noble Timon to this change 1 "
A few lines further on he says —
" I have heard in some sort of thy miseries."
And again —
"I have heard, and grieved,
How cursed Athens, mindless of thy worth,
Forgetting thy great deeds," &c.
Alcibiades departs, and shortly after Timon is visited by Apemantus.
Timon shows him the gold, and he promises to spread the report of
it. In the course of their conversation Apemantus remarks —
" Yonder comes a poet and a painter ; the plague of company light
on thee ! " Apemantus is no sooner gone than certain banditti enter
196 IX. P. A. DANIEL. TIME- ANALYSIS OP TIMON OF ATHENS.
to try to get some of the treasure of which they have heard Timon
is possessed. How or when they learned this does not appear. We
may, perhaps, suppose these men stragglers from Alcibiades's army,
for he has mentioned that his want of money
" doth daily make revolt
In my penurious band."
After the banditti, Flavius appears, but Timon, though he will not
accept his services, dismisses him with wealth. At the end of this
scene the stage direction is " Exit."
Day 5. Act Y. sc. i. Now at last "Enter Poet and Painter."
They were descried by Apemantus in the preceding scene, but they
only now make their appearance. They know of the gold; for
" Alcibiades reports it ; Phrynia and Timandra had gold of him ; he
likewise enriched poor straggling soldiers with great quantity : 'tis
said he gave unto his steward a mighty sum." All true ; but where,
when, and how did they hear all this 1 How could these inhabitants
of Athens know that Alcibiades, who was marching against their
town, reported this 1 They could not have been within sight of Timon
during his visitations by Apemantus, the brigands, and by Flavius,
notwithstanding Apeniantus's saying. Their knowledge is only from
hearsay, and would suggest that this scene is not a continuation of
the previous one, but takes place on a separate day. Tirnon enters
to them from his cave, and after rallying them, drives them out.
Stage direction is "Exeunt."
Then "Enter Steward and two Senators." The Senators are
deputed by Athens to seek aid from Timon against Alcibiades.
Flavius brings them to his cave. "Enter Timon out of his cave."
He refuses to have anything to do with them, tells them he has made
his grave, and that his epitaph will be Sjeen to-morrow. This inter-
view may possibly take place on the same day as that with the Poet
and Painter ; but it should be numbered as a separate scene.
Act V. sc. ii. -In Athens. The Senators receive news of the
approach of Alcibiades. The deputies return from Timon, and report
that nothing is to be expected from him.
Tay 6. Act V. sc. iii. "Enter a Souldier in the woods, seeking
IX. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF TIMON OP ATHENS. 197
Timon." He reads an inscription importing the death, of Timon,
and finding on his tomb an epitaph in a character unknown to him,
he takes an impression of it in wax for Alcibiades to interpret.
Act V. sc. iv. Alcibiades before Athens. The town surrenders
to him. The soldier brings to him the waxen impression of the
epitaph on Timon's tomb.
These scenes, iii. and iv., may perhaps be supposed on one day.
The time, then, of the Play may be taken as six days represented
on the stage, with one considerable interval.
Day 1. Act I. sc. i. and ii.
„ 2. Act II. sc. i. and ii., Act III. sc. i. — iii.
„ 3. Act III. sc. iv. — vi., Act IY. sc. i. and ii.
Interval.
„ 4. Act IY. sc. iii.
„ 5. Act Y. sc. i. and ii.
„ 6. Act Y. sc. iii. and iv.
JULIUS CAESAR.
FIRST printed in the Folio. Divided into acts only.
Day 1. Act I. sc. i. The Tribunes Flavius and Marullus drive
the holiday-making commons from the streets, and proceed to " dis-
robe the images" "hung with Caesar's trophies."
Act I. sc. ii. Caesar and his train on their way to the Lupercal ;
the Soothsayer bids him "beware the ides of March." Brutus and
Cassius remain. Cassius sounds Brutus as to his disposition towards
Caesar. Caesar and his train return from the games and pass over.
Casca remains with Brutus and Cassius, and relates how Caesar had
refused the crown offered him. by Antony. Cassius agrees to call on
Brutus on the morrow to discuss affairs, and resolves to throw in at his
window, this night, certain writings purporting to come from several
citizens, all glancing at Caesar's ambition.
An interval of a month — from the ides, the 13th Feby, the
Lupercalia, to the ides, the 15th March — should, I think, be allowed
N. s. soc. TRANS., 1877-9, U
198 IX. P. A. DANIEL, TIME-ANALYSIS OF JULIUS C&SAE.
nere. History requires it, and though I would not lay much stress
on that argument, there are in the drama itself sufficient hints of a
lapse of time to justify the separation of the above scenes from those
which follow.
^ote that when we next meet with Brutus in Act II. sc. i, he
has of himself resolved on the death of Caesar ; his speech —
" Since Cassius first did whet me against Caesar
I have not slept.
Between the acting of a dreadful thing
And the first motion, all the interim is
Like a phantasma, or a hideous dream " —
gives a sound as of a long period of mental agony ; and, to come to
more definite evidence, his remark on the sealed paper, which his boy
Lucius has found thrown in at the window —
" Such instigations have been often dropp'd
Where I have took them up " —
is only intelligible on the supposition of a considerable interval
between this Act II. sc. i. and Act I. sc. ii. This paper which Lucius
now finds must be that which Cassius confides to Cinna (Act I. sc. iii.
1. 144), and must not be confounded with those Cassius, talks of at
the end of Act I. sc. ii. in Day No. 1.
Day 2. Act I. sc. iii. A stormy night. Strange portents are
seen in the streets of Borne. Casca and Cicero meet, and we learn
that Caesar intends to be at the Capitol on the morrow. As Cicero
goes out Cassius enters, and enlists Casca in the plot. Cinna then
arrives, and is employed by Cassius to continue the practice by which
he hopes to get Brutus to join them in their conspiracy against Caesar.
It is after midnight when this scene closes, and the conspirators
resolve to call on Brutus yet ere day.
Lay 3. Act II. sc. i. The ides1 of March are come; but it is
1 As these papers relate especially — almost exclusively — to questions
of time, it should be noted that in the Folio Brutus asks the boy —
<f Is not to-morrow, boy, the first of March? " 1. 40.
And in 1. 59 Lucius, after consulting the almanack, replies —
" Sir, March is wasted fifteen days."
These two obvious errors were corrected by Theobald to the ides and fourteen,
at Warburton's suggestion.
IX. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OP JULIUS CAESAR. 199
yet little past midnight when the conspirators, as agreed in the last
scene, call on Brutus, and find him walking restlessly in his orchard.
It is finally resolved that the great deed shall be accomplished in the
day about to dawn, and at three o'clock they separate to meet again
at the eighth hour to accompany Caesar to the Capitol. Portia now
joins her husband. Their discourse is interrupted by the arrival
of Ligarius, with whom Brutus departs for the fulfilment of his
enterprise.
Act II. sc. ii. Eight o'clock, and Caesar, moved by Calpurnia's
terrors and the warnings of the Augurers, determines that he will
not stir out to-day, when Decius and, afterwards, the rest of the
conspirators arrive and induce him to alter his resolve and accompany
them to the Senate-House.
Act II. sc. iii. Artemidorus takes his stand in the street by
which Caesar must pass, with a paper warning him against the con-
spirators.
Act II. sc. iv. About the ninth hour Portia, anxious to hear
what passes at the Senate-House, sends thither the boy Lucius ; she
also meets the Soothsayer who is on his way to warn Caesar of the
unknown danger that threatens him.
Act III. sc. i. Caesar, despite the warnings of Artemidorus and
the Soothsayer, enters the Capitol with the conspirators and others.
Trebonius draws Mark Antony out of the way, and then the rest of
the conspirators slay Cassar. Antony, on a promise of safety from
Brutus, comes to mourn over Caesar, and receives permission to per-
form his obsequies, and to speak to the people in the Forum.
Act III. sc. ii. Brutus speaks to the people and satisfies them of
the justice of Caesar's death ; he then gives way to Antony, who
enters with the body of Caesar, and who, after the departure of
Brutus, stirs up the multitude against the conspirators. At the end
of the scene we learn that Octavius has arrived in Eome, and that
the conspirators have fled the city.
Act III. sc. iii. The people kill Cinna the poet, believing him
to be Cinna the conspirator.
An interval (Historical time : 15 March, B.C. 44, to 27 Novem-
ber, B.O. 43. The reader, however, had better discard all notions of
H*
200 IX. P. A. DANIEL. TIME- ANALYSIS OP JULIUS
historical time in relation to this and the subsequent intervals I have
marked in the dramatic action.)
Day 4. Act IY. sc. i. Antony, Octavius, and Lepidus have
seized the supreme power ; they proscribe their enemies, and prepare
to oppose Brutus and Cassius, who we hear are levying powers.
Interval.
Day 5. Act IV. sc. ii. and iii. Brutus and Cassius join their
forces near Sardis. Some time has elapsed since their flight from
Eome. Their legions are now brim-full, and they resolve early next
morning to march towards Philippi, there to encounter Octavius and
Mark Antony, who have a mighty power afoot. Late at night the
Ghost of Caesar appears to Brutus in his tent.
Interval — one day at least.
Day 6. Act V. sc. i. — v. The plains of Philippi. The hostile
forces meet. The battle rages all day long, and ends with the deaths
of Brutus and Cassius.
One clear day, at least, intervenes between this and the preceding
Act. Brutus says —
" The Ghost of Caesar hath appeared to me
Two several times by night ; at Sardis once,
And, this last night, here in Philippi fields."
Sc. v. 1. 17—19.
Time of the Play, 6 days represented on the stage ; with intervals.
Day 1. Act I. sc. i. and ii.
Interval — one month.
„ 2. Act I. sc. iii.
„ 3. Acts II. and III.
Interval.
„ 4. Act IY. sc. i.
Interval.
„ 5. Act IY. sc. ii. and iii.
Interval — one day at least.
„ 6. Act Y.
" The real length of time in Julius Caesar is as follows : About
the middle of February A.U.O. 709, a frantick festival, sacred to
IX. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF JULIUS CMSAE. 201
Pan, and called Lupercalia, was held in honour of Caesar, when the
regal crown was offered to him by Antony. On the 15 March in
the same year, he was slain. November 27, A.U.C. 710, the trium-
virs met at a small island, formed by the river Ehenus, near Bononia,
and there adjusted their cruel proscription. — A.u.0. 711, Brutus
and Cassius were defeated near Philippi." — UPTON,
MACBETH.
FIRST published in Folio, 1623. Divided into acts and scenes.
The last scene of the folio, Scena Septima, has been variously divided
by modern editors. The Globe editors, following Dyce, divide it
into two, marking a fresh scene (viii) at Macbeth's last entry —
" Why should I play the Roman fool," &c.
Day 1. Act I. sc. i. The Witches. They propose to meet with
Macbeth after the battle, " upon the heath," " ere the set of sun."
Act I. sc. ii. " Alarum within." We are, then, supposed to be
within ear-shot of the battle. Duncan meets a bleeding Captain
[Serjeant in the text] who brings news of the fight — Macbeth has
defeated the Bebels under Macdonwald, and is now engaged with the
king of Norway. Boss and Angus [Mem. Angus does not speak
nor is he mentioned in the text, and is struck out of modern editions]
now enter. They come from Fife, and Boss announces the victory
over Norway and Cawdor. Duncan commissions Boss to pronounce
the present death of Cawdor and to greet Macbeth with his title.
Where is this scene laid 1 Modern editors say, at Forres. I pre-
sume because in the next scene Macbeth, who is on his way to the
king, asks "How far is't called to Forres?" Forres is, then, within
ear-shot of Fife.
Act I. sc. iii. The Witches meet with Macbeth and Banquo
upon the " blasted heath." Time near sunset, it is to be presumed,
as agreed on in sc. i. Boss and Angus come from the King. Boss
describes how the news of Macbeth's success reached the King, by
post after post. He appears to have entirely forgotten that he him-
self was the messenger ; he however greets Macbeth with the title
202 IX. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OP MACBETH.
of Cawdor, and Angus informs Macbeth that Cawdor lies under
sentence of death for " treasons capital," but whether he was in
league with Norway, or with the rebel [Macdonwald], or with both,
he knows not. Ross did know when, in the preceding scene, he
took the news of the victory to the King ; but he also appears to
have forgotten it; at any rate he does not betray his knowledge.
Macbeth's loss of memory is even more remarkable than Boss's.
He doesn't recollect having himself defeated Cawdor but a few short
hours — we might say minutes — ago ; and the Witches' prophetic
greeting of him by that title, and Boss's confirmation of it, fill him
with surprise ; for, so far as he knows, (or recollects, shall we say ])
the thane of Cawdor lives, a prosperous gentleman.
However, Macbeth and the rest now proceed toward the King,
and here we must end the first day of the action, at near sunset.
Day 2. Act I. sc. iv. We are now, it is to be presumed, at
Torres, and on the following morning. Duncan is here with his sons
and with certain Lords. The commissioners charged with the judg-
ment and execution of Cawdor are not yet returned, but news of his
death has been received. Eoss was charged with this business, and
undertook it, but it is evident he can have had no hand in it. He
and Angus now make their appearance, with Macbeth and Banquo,
who are welcomed by the king.
Duncan determines that he will from hence to Inverness ; and
Macbeth, undertaking himself to be his harbinger, departs at once.
" Let's after him," says Duncan.
Act I. sc. v. The scene changes to Macbeth's castle at Inverness.
Lady Macbeth reads a letter from her husband, telling her of his
meeting with the Witches' in the day of his success. This letter
must have been written and despatched at some time between scenes
iii. and iv. A messenger announces the approach of Macbeth, fol-
lowed by the king. Macbeth himself arrives, and confirms the news
that the King comes- here to-night.
Act I. sc. vi. The King arrives, and is welcomed by Lady Mac-
beth. He has coursed Macbeth at the heels, and has had a " day's
hard journey" (see sc. vii., L 62). The scene is headed with the
IX. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OP MACBETH. 203
stage direction, "Hautboys and torches;" yet Banquo talks of the
swallows which have made their nests upon the castle walls, as
though it were still day. The stage direction should surely give way
before the authority of the text : torches is very generally omitted,
but the whole direction was probably caught from the next scene,
which is headed with a like direction.
Act I. sc. vii. "Hautboys and torches." The service of the
King's supper passes over the stage. Macbeth hesitates at the great
crime he and his wife had agreed to commit. She now again con-
firms him, and they settle the details of the King's murder. The
King has almost supp'd when Lady Macbeth comes to her husband.
Day 3. Act II. sc. i. Past midnight. " The moon is down."
" And she goes down at twelve." Banquo and Fleance, retiring to
rest, meet with Macbeth; they tell him that " The King's a-bed."
Banquo mentions that he " dreamt last night of the three weird
sisters." This last night must be supposed between scenes iii. and iv.
of Act I. : there is no other place where it could come in.
They part, and Macbeth proceeds to commit the murder.
Act II. sc. ii. The same. Lady Macbeth is waiting for the
fatal news. Macbeth re-enters with the daggers ; he has done the
deed. In his horror he dares not return to the King's chamber with
the daggers ; Lady Macbeth takes them. Knocking is heard within.
They retire.
Act II. sc. iii. The same. The knocking has aroused the
drunken Porter, who proceeds to open the gate and admit Macduff
and Lennox. It is yet early morning, but they have command to
call timely on the King. Macbeth makes his appearance, and talks
with Lennox while Macduff goes to the King's chamber. Macduff
re-enters with the news of the murder. Macbeth and Lennox go to
see for themselves, while Macduff raises the house. Lady Macbeth
and then Banquo enter. Macbeth and Lennox, with Ross [how came
Ross there ]] return from the King's chamber. The King's sons,
Malcolm and Donalbain, enter, to be informed of their father's
murder, and that Macbeth has slain the grooms of his chamber as
the culprits. All now retire, to meet again presently in the hall
204 IX. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OP MACBETH.
to discuss matters, save Malcolm and DonalbaiD, who resolve on
flight.
Act II. sc. iv. Later in the day Ross and an old man discuss
the events of the past night. Macduff joins them, and we learn that
Malcolm and Donalbain have fled, and that Macbeth has been chosen
King and has gone to Scone to be invested. Ross determines to go
thither, but Macduff will not, he will to Fife.
An interval, the reasons for which are set forth in the comment
on the following scenes, must now be supposed.
Day 4. Act III. sc. i. to iv. Macbeth is now established on
the throne. In these scenes the murder of Banquo is plotted and
effected, and his ghost appears at the banquet. The night is almost
at odds with morning when these scenes end, and Macbeth deter-
mines that he will to-morrow, and betimes, to the weird sisters.
Act III. sc. v. During the same day Hecate meets the Witches
and apprises them of Macbeth's purposed visit.
Between Acts II. and III. the long and dismal period of Mac-
beth's reign described or referred to in Act III. sc. vi., Act IV. sc. ii.
and iii., and elsewhere in the play, must have elapsed. Macbeth
himself refers to it where, in Act III. sc. iv., speaking of his Thanes,
he says :
" There's not a one of them but in his house
I keep a servant fee'd." —
And again —
" I am in blood
Stepp'd in so far, that, should I wade no more,
Returning were as tedious as go o'er."
Yet, almost in the same breath he says, —
" My strange and self-abuse
Is the initiate fear that wants hard use :
We are yet but young in deed."
And the first words with which Banquo opens this Act — " Thou
hast it now," &c. — would lead us to suppose that a few days at the
utmost can have passed since the coronation at Scone ; in the same
scene, however, we learn that Malcolm and Donalbain are bestowed
in England and in Ireland : some little time must have elapsed
IX. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OP MACBETH. 205
before this news could have reached Macbeth. Professor Wilson
suggests a week or two for this interval. Mr. Paton would allow
three weeks.1
Note in sc. iv., quoted from above, Macbeth's reference to Mac-
duff:
" Mac. How say'st thou, that Macduff denies his person
At our great bidding 1 "
" Lady M. Did you send to him, sir 1 "
" Mac. I hear it by the way ; but I will send. "
It is clear then that up to this time Macbeth has not sent to
Macduff,
[Act III. sc. vi. It is impossible to fix the time of this scene.
In it " Lenox and another Lord " discuss the position of affairs. The
murder of Banquo and the flight of Fleance are known to Lenox,
and he knows that Macduff lives in disgrace because he was not at
the feast, but that is the extent of his knowledge. The other Lord
informs him that Macbeth did send to Macduff, and that Macduff
has fled to England to join Malcolm. And that thereupon Mac-
beth "prepares for some attempt of war." All this supposes the
lapse, at the very least, of a day or two since the night of Macbeth's
banquet ; but in the next scene to this we find we have only arrived
at the early morning following the banquet, up to which time the
murder of Banquo could not have been known ; nor had Macbeth
sent to Macduff, nor was the flight of the latter known. The scene
in fact is an impossibility in any scheme of time, and I am compelled
therefore to place it within brackets. — See Professor Wilson's amus-
ing account of this "miraculous" scene in the fifth part of Dies
Borcales : reprinted in N. SJi. Soc. Trans, for 1875-6, part ii. p. 351-8.]
Day 5. Act IV. sc. i. We find ourselves in the witches' cave,
on the morning following the banquet, and Macbeth fulfilling his
purpose, then expressed, of consulting the weird sisters. It seems
1 I have had the advantage, while writing this article, of consulting an
edition of Macbeth, published by Mr. A. P. Paton in 1877, to which is appended
a scheme of time for the play. My division of time agrees generally with Mr.
Paton' s : the chief differences being that I place within brackets Act III. sc.
vi. while he includes it in Day 4, and that Act Y. sc. i. to which he assigns a
separate day I include in Day 7.
206 IX. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF MACBETH.
evident too that lie cannot yet have sent to Macduff; for news is
now brought him that Macduff has anticipated his purpose and has
fled to England. Lenox tells him this news, and Lenox himself
apparently has but just received* it from the " two or three " horse-
men who bring it ; yet Lennox was informed of this and more in
the preceding scene by the other Lord ; he was even informed that
Macbeth was preparing for war in consequence of MacdufFs flight
which he, Macbeth, now in this scene, hears of for the first time.
On hearing of Macduff 's flight, the tyrant resolves immediately to
surprise his castle, and " give to th' edge of the sword / His wife, his
babes, and all unfortunate souls / That trace him in his line," and
accordingly in
Day 6. Act IV. sc. ii. Lady Macduff and her children are
savagely murdered. We may possibly suppose for this scene a
separate day, as I have marked it. Mr. Paton would allow an inter-
val of two days between this and the preceding scene. Professor
Wilson fixes its time at "two days — certainly not more — after the
murder of Banquo " ; but the general breathless haste of the play is,
I think, against any such interval between Macbeth's purpose and
its execution ; the utmost I can allow is, that it takes place on the
day following sc. i. of Act IY.
An interval, for Eoss to carry the news of Lady Macduff 's murder
to her husband in England where, in the next scene,
Day 7. Act IV. sc. iii., we find Malcolm and Macduff. The
latter has not long arrived. Eoss joins them with the dreadful news.
At his departure from Scotland " there ran a rumour / Of many
worthy fellows that were out," and he had himself seen " the tyrant's
power a-foot." In this scene in particular is to be observed the sug-
gestion of a long period of desolation for Scotland from the corona-
tion of Macbeth to the flight of Macduff ; a period, however, which
the action of the play rigorously compresses into two or three weeks
at the utmost.
Malcolm's power is ready, and they have but to take leave of the
English king and start on their expedition.
IX. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF MACBETH. 207
Act V. sc. i. At Dunsinane. Lady Macbeth walks in her sleep.
" Since his majesty went into the field " this has been customary
with her ; but the Doctor has watched two nights and till now has
seen nothing. The time of this scene may be supposed the night
of Day 7. The mention of Macbeth's being in the field must refer
to his expedition against the rebels ; also mentioned by Ross in the
preceding scene, where he says that he had seen " the tyrant's power
a-foot."
An interval. Malcolm returns to Scotland with the English
forces.
Day 8. Act V. sc. ii. The Scotch thanes who have revolted
from Macbeth, march to Birnam to join with the English power led
by Malcolm, which we learn is now near at hand. We also learn
that Macbeth is back in Dunsinane, which " he strongly fortifies ; "
it is clear, therefore, that a considerable interval must be supposed
between sc. i. and ii. of Act V.
Act Y. sc. iii. In Dunsinane Macbeth prepares for his opponents.
We may fairly allow one day for these two scenes ; although no
special note of time is to be observed from here to the end of the
play : they may be supposed to end the last " interval " and serve as
an introduction to
Day 9 and last. Sc. iv. The Scotch and English forces join,
and march to Dunsinane screened with the branches cut in Birnam
wood.
Sc. V. In Dunsinane. The death of the Queen is announced.
Birnam wood is seen to move, and Macbeth sallies out to attack his
foes.
Sc. vi. The combined forces under Malcolm arrive before the
castle and throw down their leafy screens.
Sc. vii. and viii. (one scene only in Folio). The battle in which
Macbeth is slain, and Malcolm restored to his father's throne.
Time of the Play nine days represented on the stage, and intervals-
Day 1. Act I. sc. i. to iii.
„ 2. Act I. sc. iv. to vii.
3. Act II. sc. i. to iv.
208 IX. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OP MACBETH.
An interval, say a couple of weeks. A week or two —
Professor Wilson ; three weeks — Paton.
Day 4. Act III. sc. i. to v.
[Act III. sc. vi., an impossible time.]
„ 5. Act IV. sc. i.
[Professor Wilson supposes an interval of certainly not
more than two days between Days 5 and 6 ; Paton
marks two days. No interval is required in my
opinion.]
„ 6. Act IV. sc. ii.
An interval. Boss's journey to England. Paton allows
two weeks.
„ 7. Act IV. sc. iii., Act V. sc. i.
An interval. Malcolm's return to Scotland. Three
weeks — Paton.
„ 8. Act V. sc. ii. and iii.
9. Act V. sc. iv. to viii.
HAMLET.
FIRST printed in Quarto. No division of acts and scenes in
Quarto ; in the Folio only Act I. and the first three scenes of that
act, and Act II. and the second scene of that act are numbered.
Both Quarto and Folio contain passages independent of each other.
Day 1. Act I. sc. i. On the platform before the castle of
Elsinore. Past midnight. Francisco on guard. He is relieved by
Bernardo, Marcellus, and Horatio. The Ghost of the late king
appears to them. They resolve to impart to Hamlet what they have
seen, and Marcellus knows where this morning they may most con-
veniently meet with him. The morning being come they break up
their watch.
Act I. sc. ii. A room of state in the castle. The King despatches
Cornelius and Voltimand on an embassy to Norway. He also
grants leave to Laertes to return to France. At the entreaties of the
King and his mother, Hamlet consents to give up his intention of
going back to school in Wittenburg. Left alone, he gives way to the
IX. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF HAMLET. 209
bitterness of his soul as he reflects that although his father is yet
not two months dead, his mother is already married again, and to his
uncle, the present King.
Horatio, Marcellus, and Bernardo, interrupt his reflections, and
acquaint him with the vision that has appeared to them. He resolves
that he will watch with them this coming night. It would seem that
Horatio and his companions were not able to find Hamlet, as they
proposed, in the morning. When they now meet with him he salutes
them with "good even."
It is somewhat singular that Horatio, Hamlet's intimate, who
came here to witness the funeral of the late King, should only now
for the first time present himself to his friend.
Act I. sc. iii. Laertes takes leave of Ophelia and his father,
and embarks for France. From the position of this scene it is clear
that it is included in the first day of the action.
Day 2. Act I. sc. iv. and v. On the platform. Past midnight.
Hamlet, with Horatio and Marcellus (Bernardo disappears from the
play after scene ii), comes to watch for his father's Ghost. The
Ghost appears and beckons him away, and on a more remote part of
the platform in sc. v., alone with him, tells him of his foul murder
by his brother, the present king. Day beginning to dawn, the Ghost
disappears, and Hamlet is rejoined by Horatio and Marcellus whom
he swears to secrecy.
An interval ; rather more than two months, the reasons for which
are manifested in the following scenes, must now be supposed in the
action of the play.
Day 3. Act II. sc. i. Polonius despatches Eeynaldo with
money and letters to his son in France. Ophelia acquaints her
father with Hamlet's strange" conduct to her ; they suppose him to
have fallen mad in consequence of his love to her having been
repelled, and Polonius resolves to acquaint the King at once with
this discovery. That Hamlet's "transformation" is not a thing of
yesterday, is clear from what occurs in the next scene.
Act II. sc. ii. The King and Queen welcome Rosencrantz and
Guildenstern, whom they have sent for in the hope that they, as the
210 IX. P. A. DANIEL. TIME- ANALYSIS OF HAMLET.
friends of Hamlet's youth, may induce him to reveal to them the
cause of his griefs. Polonius now introduces Voltimand and Cor-
nelius, who have returned from their embassy to Norway, and this
business despatched, he tells the King and Queen of his supposed
discovery of the cause of Hamlet's madness. Hamlet now entering,
Polonius is left alone with him to pursue his discovery ; but is
treated only with chaff, till Rosencrantz and Guildenstern come to
his relief. They however meet with no better success, and the
scene ends with the arrival of the Players, whose approach they had
announced, and whose services Hamlet resolves to employ in the
representation of a play which shall figure forth the murder of his
father as revealed to him by the Ghost. This play he will have
ready for "to-morrow night."
Day 4. Act III. sc. i. With this scene commences the
" morrow " of the past day. Rosencrantz and Guildenstern tell the
King and Queen of their failure with Hamlet, and announce the play
he has prepared for "this night." Polonius, still hot on his repulsed-
love theory, baits a trap for Hamlet with Ophelia, and that failing,
he advises the King — who now thinks it will be best to ship
Hamlet off to England — to let the Queen first have an interview with
him after the play, to make him show his grief.
Act III. sc. ii. Hamlet instructs the Players. He requests
Horatio to watch the King's countenance narrowly during the play
which is now about to be performed. The King, Queen and court
then enter, and the play begins ; but is soon broken off by the King
starting up conscience-stricken at the scene which so nearly represents
his own guilt. All depart save Hamlet and Horatio, who compare
notes as to the King's behaviour. Rosencrantz and Guildenstern, and
afterwards, Polonius, re-enter to tell Hamlet that his mother desires
to speak with him in her closet ere he go to bed. They leave him,
and he then, in " the very witching time of night," proceeds to his
mother's chamber.
In these two scenes Ophelia gives us two important notes of
time. In sc. i., 1. 91, she addresses Hamlet —
" How does your honour for this many a day."
In sc. ii. 1. 135 when Hamlet wildly says, that his "father died
IX. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OP HAMLET. 211
within these two hours," she exclaims — " Nay, 'tis twice two months,
my lord." As in Act I. Hamlet's father had then been dead not
quite two months, it follows that the interval which I have marked
between Acts I. and II. must be a period of rather more than two
months. The length of this interval receives additional confirmation
from the King's speech in Act IV. sc. vii., 1. 82-3, when concerting
with Laertes the fencing-match : " Two months since, \ Here was a
gentleman of Normandy," &C.1
Act III. sc. iii. The King orders Eosencrantz and Guildenstern
to prepare immediately for England, whither he is now quite resolved
to send Hamlet. Polonius enters to inform the King that Hamlet is
going to his mother's closet. The King left alone kneels in prayer,
and Hamlet, in passing over the stage, thinks to kill him then and
there ; but defers his vengeance for a worser moment, and proceeds
on his way.
Act III. sc. iv. The Queen's closet. Polonius informs the Queen
that Hamlet will come straight, and then hearing him approach,
hides himself behind the arras. The Queen, terrified by Hamlet's
manner, cries for help ; her cry is taken up by Polonius who is slain
by Hamlet. Hamlet then proceeds to reproach his mother with her
conduct; the Ghost again appears, but this time is visible and
audible to Hamlet only. After advice to his mother, and obtaining
a promise from her that she will not reveal the subject of their con-
ference, the following remarkable conversation takes place —
" Ham. I must to England ; you know that ? "
" Queen. Alack,
I had forgot : 'tis so concluded on."
1 It must however be noted that the "twice two months" of Ophelia has
been questioned by some commentators. Hanmer omits twice, and Dr. Ingleby
would substitute for it quite : the reason, no doubt, being that Hamlet in his
reply to Ophelia says, — " 0 heavens ! die two months ago, and not forgotten
yet ! " We have however to consider that Hamlet's is a " mad " speech, and
that the interval between Acts I. and II. must be considerable, for during this
time the embassy to Norway is completed; Rosencrantz and Guildenstern have
been sent for in consequence of Hamlet's unaccountable behaviour; and
Polonius is now found despatching money and letters to his son, which he
could scarcely be expected to do almost immediately after his departure. At
tiie same time one cannot but wonder what Hamlet has been about during this
more than two months interval : he who intended to sweep to his revenge with
wings as swift as meditation or the thoughts of love.
212 IX. P. A. DANIEL. TIME- ANALYSIS OF HAMLET.
11 Ham. There's letters sealed : and my two schoolfellows,
Whom I will trust as I will adders fang'd,
They bear the mandate ; " &c.
When, where, or from whom, could they have had this intelligence 1
The Queen might possibly have known that some such scheme was
in contemplation, but could not know that it had been resolved on ;
and Hamlet himself must have been quite in ignorance of the
matter. The author's knowledge of the plot seems to have cropped
out here prematurely.
Act IV. sc. i. The night still continues. The Queen tells the
King of the death of Polonius. Rosencrantz and Guildenstern are
sent off to find the body, and the King resolves that —
" The sun no sooner shall the mountains touch "
but Hamlet shall be shipped hence.
Act IV. sc. ii. Rosencrantz and Guildenstern meet with Hamlet
and pursue him.
Act IY. sc. iii. Hamlet is brought before the King, who tells
him of his purpose. Hamlet consenting, the King instructs Rosen-
crantz and Guildenstern —
" Follow him at foot ; tempt him with speed aboard j
Delay it not ; I'll have him hence to-night :
Away ! for everything is sealed and done," etc.
Here follows a scene, the time and place of which is somewhat
difficult to determine.
Day 5. Act IV. sc. iv. Young Fortinbras is on the march with
his army when Hamlet, Rosencrantz, Guildenstern, etc., who are on
their way to the ship, meet this power, and Hamlet discourses with
one of the captains. The scene is continuous with the action of the
preceding scenes ; but we must, I suppose, imagine that a new day
has now dawned, and mark this scene as day 5. So far as Hamlet
and his companions are concerned, this scene is not found in the
Folio version of the play.
An interval — a week.
Day 6. Act IV. sc. v. Ophelia since her father's death has
IX. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF HAMLET. 213
gone mad. Her brother Laertes is in secret come from France, and
now, heading a rebellion against the King, breaks in to demand
satisfaction. The King succeeds in calming him with promise of
revenge on Hamlet.
Act IV. sc. vi. Horatio receives letters from Hamlet telling him
that ere he had been two days at sea a pirate had attacked his vessel.
In the fight Hamlet boarded the pirate, and the ships separating,
Bosencrantz and Guild enstern continued their course for England,
Hamlet remaining with the pirates, by some of whom he sends his
letters. How long he had remained with them does not appear ; but
he has now landed, and urges Horatio to join him. In the next scene,
Act IV. sc. vii., we learn from Hamlet's letter to the King,
brought by the same messengers, that he will beg leave to-morrow to
present himself at court. On this news the King concerts with
Laertes the fencing match in which Hamlet is to be slain. The
Queen interrupts their discourse with the news of Ophelia's death by
drowning.
Day 7. Act V. sc. i. Hamlet and Horatio discourse with
the Grave-digger. The funeral of Ophelia takes place, interrupted
with the quarrel of Hamlet and Laertes. The King calms the
latter : —
" Strengthen your patience," says he, " in our last night's speech ;
We'll put the matter to ihe present push."
Act V. sc. ii. and last. Hamlet relates to Horatio his sea ad-
ventures ; Osric brings the challenge for the fencing match. Hamlet
accepts, and the King, Queen, and all the Court enter to see it played.
It ends with the death of the Queen, the King, Hamlet, and Laertes •
young Fortinbras, returning with conquest from Poland, meets the
ambassadors from England, bringing the news of the death of Ilosen-
crantz and Guildenstern, and together they enter to bear out the
bodies with a dead march. A separate day may possibly be assigned
to this last scene ; but I think not.
The materials these scenes, from Act IV. sc. v. to the end, afford
for determining the length of the interval between days 5 and 6 are
somewhat doubtful. The utmost time that can be imagined for
N. s. soc. TRANS., 1877-9, 15
214 IX. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF HAMLET.
Hamlet's absence from Elsinore can not be more than a week. Two
days at sea when attacked by the pirates, and the remainder of the
time in their company, journeying back to Denmark. This time
seems too long ; nevertheless in this supposed week, and apparently
some days before it had expired, Laertes must have been back in
Elsinore, summoned home by the news of his father's death ; and
during that week young Fortinbras marched to Poland, fought, and
marched back. The reader must decide from these data — if he can — •
the length of our second interval.
The time of the Play is seven days represented on the stage —
or eight if the reader prefers to assign a separate day to the last scene
— with two intervals.
Day 1. Act I. sc. i. to iii.
,, 2. Act I. sc. iv. and v.
An interval of rather more than two months.
„ 3. Act II. sc. i. and ii.
„ 4. Act II I. sc. i. to iv., Act IV. sc. i. to iii.
„ 5. Act IV. sc, iv.
An interval — a week?.
„ 6. Act IV. sc. v. to vii.
7. Act V. sc. i. and ii.
. — Since this article was in print my attention has been
directed to Mr. F. A. Marshall's Study of Hamlet, 1875, to which is
appended a scheme of time for the play.
To the end of Act IV. sc. iv. my scheme is substantially in agree-
ment with Mr. Marshall's.
For the interval of one week, which I then allow, Mr. Marshall
has two months, which certainly as regards Fortinbras's expedition
is not excessive, but which seems to me inconsistent with the move-
ments of the principal personage of the drama. Hamlet's " sudden
and more strange return" (IV. vii. 47), and the king's comment
thereon —
" If he be now returned,
As checking at his voyage, and that he means
No more to undertake it," etc. (IV. vii. 62-4) —
IX. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OP HAMLET. 215
are opposed to the notion of a longer period than the lapse of a few
days since his departure. Even the week I have allowed — with
some misgiving — seems too long a time, and but for Fortinbras and
Laertes could not be accepted.
As regards Act IV. scenes v., vi. and vii., my scheme is again in
agreement with Mr. Marshall's ; but the interval of two days which
he then marks, seems to me inconsistent with the notes of time the
play itself presents. See Hamlet's proposal to appear at court to-
morrow (IV. vii. 44), and the king's reference to " our last night's
speech "(V. i. 317).
To Mr. Marshall's arrangement of scenes i. and ii. of Act V. as
separate days, I have no strong objection : I have indeed left it a
moot point for the reader's decision. At the same time the king's
eagerness to "put the matter to the present push" (V. i. 318), and
the fact that in scene ii. Hamlet now, for the first time apparently,
gives Horatio an account of his sea-adventures, make me doubt the
propriety of allowing two days for Act V.
KING LEAR.
FIRST printed in Quarto, with no division of acts and scenes.
Divided into acts in Folio. The numbering of the scenes im-
perfect : in Act II. , scenes iii. and iv. are not numbered. In Act
IV. the Folio omits our present scene iii., which is taken from the
Quarto; the Folio scenes iii., iv. and v. are therefore our scenes iv.,
v. and vi. The Folio numbers no scene vi. Its numbers jump from
v. to vii. Sc. vii. of Folio is also sc. vii. of Globe edition.
Day 1. Act I. sc. i. Lear rejects his daughter, Cordelia, who
is taken to wife by France ; banishes Kent ; divides his kingdom
between his daughters Goneril and Regan, and sets out the same night
to spend the first month of his retirement with Goneril and her
husband Albany.
Editors mark the locality of this scene as Lear's Palace, but it is
somewhat doubtful where he holds his court.
216 IX. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF KING LEAR.
Day 2. Act I. sc. ii. In this scene we are certainly in Glouces-
ter's Castle. Edmund meditates his plot against his father and Edgar.
Gloucester enters, exclaiming —
" Kent banish'd thus ! and France in choler parted !
And the King gone to-night f subscribed his power !
Confined to exhibition ! All this done
Upon the gad ! "
This speech would seem to indicate that the time and place
of these first two scenes were identical. Perhaps it was intended
that they should be; but it must be remembered that the phrase
" to-night " is frequently used in these plays in the sense of the night
last past, and Edmund, who here promises his father full satisfaction
as to Edgar's guilt, " without any further delay than this very evening "
(1. 10), could not say this if the night of the day on which he is
speaking were already come. On the whole I think we must mark
this scene as a separate day, the day following the opening scene.
An interval of something less than a fortnight [see 1. 316-17,
Act I. sc. iv. — "What, fifty of my followers at a clap! Within a
fortnight ! "] must now be supposed in the action of the drama.
Day 3. Act I. sc. iii., iv. and v. In the Duke of Albany's
Palace. Time about mid-day. [See sc. iii., last line, "Prepare for
dinner;" and sc. iv. lines 9-45, "Let me not stay a jot for dinner1'
— "Dinner, ho, dinner."] In these scenes the banished Kent, under
the disguise of Caius, joins his old master, and commences his service
by tripping up the heels of the insolent steward. Goneril breaks
with her father, who resolves to seek refuge with his daughter Regan.
Both despatch letters to Eegan, acquainting her with their intentions.
Goneril, by her steward Oswald ; Lear, by Kent.
Lear, despatching his letters by Kent, says to him (Act I. sc. v.
1. 1-7) -
"Lear. Go you before to Gloucester with these letters. ... If
your diligence be not speedy, I shall be there before you.
Kent. I will not sleep, my lord, till I have delivered your letter."
And Lear follows his messenger immediately.
It will be noticed — and of course the fact has not escaped the
IX. T. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF KING LEAR. 217
commentators, anxious to fix the locality of these scenes — that Lear
sends Kent to Gloucester, and therefore that Cornwall and Eegan
must be supposed to keep their court in that place; the Earl of
Gloucester's residence being elsewhere.
Day 4. Act II. sc. i. In Gloucester's Castle, a solitary resid-
ence : " for many miles about / There's scarce a bush " (Act II. sc. iv.
1. 304-5). The action of the drama, which ceased a little after noon
at the end of the last scene, recommences here towards night of the
following day. Curran announces the approach of Cornwall and
Eegan. Edmund thereupon brings his plot on his father and Edgar
to a crisis, and Edgar flies.
If we were not now clearly separated by about a fortnight from
the day No. 2 when Edmund commenced his practice, we should
suppose this to be the " very evening " of that day ; but we are now
compelled to believe that Edgar has been in hiding in the same house
with his father the whole of that time. And what a fortnight this
has been 1 There are already rumours of " likely wars toward,
'tvvixt the Dukes of Cornwall and Albany" (1. 11, 12), and within
this time— as we shall learn a little later — Cordelia has already landed
at Dover with a power from Erance to redress the wrongs of her old
father.
However, as Curran had announced, Cornwall and Eegan now
make their appearance, and we learn that not wishing to receive Lear
at their own residence, they, on the arrival of the two messengers
(Kent and Oswald), at once set out to take up their abode with
Gloucester, bringing with them the messengers who "from hence
attend dispatch" (1. 127). They have travelled by night, and they
arrive during the night, and this fact must fix the time of the second
scene of this " day,"
Act II. sc. ii., in which the quarrel between Kent and Oswald
takes place. Editors generally would fix the time as early (before
daylight) on the following morning ; because Oswald opens the scene
with the somewhat unusual salute of " Good dawning to thee, friend.'"
The time, however, even if we suppose it to be past midnight, is
certainly not the dawn : " though it be night," says Kent, " yet the
moon shines ; I'll make a sop o' the moonshine of you." Nor is it
218 IX. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF KING LEAR.
reasonable to suppose that Oswald, who arrived with the Duke and
Regan, would wait till dawn to set up his horses. Moreover, " dawn-
ing " is the reading of the Folio only ; the Quartos read " euen " [one
of them " deuen." Can this corruption have had anything to do with
the Folio " dawning " ?] which better suits the time of the action. On
the other hand, in support of " dawning " must be adduced Corn-
wall's speech (1. 141), when .ordering Kent to be set in the stocks —
"There shall he sit till noon," and Regan's exclamation thereat —
"Till noon! till night, my lord, and all night too:" — and when
Kent is thus disposed of, he gives Gloucester "good morrow" (1.
165). But yet again in the last lines of the scene, he says —
" Approach, thou beacon to this under globe,
That by thy comfortable beams I may
Peruse this letter ! "
Editors differ as to whether by this " beacon " is meant the sun
or the moon ; but it may be remarked that if the latter is meant, the
address was unnecessary, as the moon was already shining, and if the
sun is meant it is clear that it has not yet approached ; therefore
no dawn. In conclusion, as he falls asleep, Kent wishes Fortune
"good night"
But be it night or morning, we have yet to determine the time
that has elapsed since Kent set out with Lear's letters to Eegan. It
will be remembered that it was about mid-day in Day 3 that he
tripped up the Steward's heels, and shortly afterwards Lear sent him
on this errand. When in this scene he again meets Oswald, he says,
" Is it two days ago since I tripped up thy heels, and beat thee before
the King*?" (1. 31-3.) We may suppose, then, that about a day and
a-half has been occupied in his journeying to Cornwall's Palace and
from thence to Gloucester's Castle, and that this is the second night,
or early morning, since he set out with Lear's letters : midnight of
Day 4, or 1 or 2 A.M. of Day 5.
Day 5. Act II. sc. iii. Edgar resolves on disguising himself as
mad Tom. The time of this scene may be supposed the morning
following his flight.
Act II. sc. iv. and Act III. sc. i. to vi. commence on this same
IX. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF KING LEAR. 219
morning and end at night ; the scene shifting between Gloucester's
Castle and the adjacent country. Lear arrives, and finds Kent still
in the stocks. After a little time Cornwall and Regan make their
appearance, and to them he bids " Good morrow ; " his irritation is
carefully nursed by Regan until Goneril arrives, and between them
they drive the old King into a fury, in which state he rushes out
into the stormy night — for the night has come on during the progress
of these scenes : " Tis a wild night," says Cornwall, in the last lines
of Act II. sc. iv. Then follow the scenes with Lear, Kent, the Fool,
and Edgar as mad Tom, out in the storm, and in the farm house to
which Gloucester conducts them for shelter, and from which he
presently sends them off for safety to Dover. In his castle in the
mean time Edmund betrays to Cornwall his father's correspondence
with France.
One scene of this day — or night rather — Act III. sc. i., requires
special notice. In it Kent and a gentleman are searching for Lear
while he is out in the storm, on the heath. Kent half reveals him-
self to this gentleman, and — after dropping certain dark hints of
division between the Dukes of Albany and Cornwall, and of spies in
their households who have kept France informed of " the harsh rein
which both of them have borne / Against the old kind king," — tells
him that a power from France is already landed, and begs him to
speed to Dover to make "just report / Of how unnatural and be-
madding sorrow / The king hath cause to plain. If," he continues,
" you shall see Cordelia, — / As fear not but you shall, — show her this
ring ; / And she will tell you who your fellow is / That yet you do
not know." When Kent again meets with this gentleman, in the
French camp near Dover (Act IY. sc. iii.), it would seem that,
besides this verbal message, he also entrusted him with letters to
Cordelia containing special mention of Lear's sufferings in this stormy
night outside Gloucester's Castle. Gloucester also has intelligence
this night of the landing of the French force : — Act III. sc. iii., (l I
have received a letter this night : . . . these injuries the king now
bears will be revenged home ; there's part of a power already footed."
From all this it is clear that before Cornwall and Regan can have
had an opportunity of manifesting their ingratitude, and — as Goneril's
outbreak is yet not more than two days old — before any news at all
220 IX. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OP KING LEAR.
of her aged father's troubles can have reached her, Cordelia is already
landed in England for his relief; for she is careful to tell us (Act IY.
sc. iv.) that that only is the object of her invasion. We must suppose,
then, that from the spies, darkly hinted at by Kent, she had gained
sufficient knowledge of her sister's intentions to convince her that her
return to England was urgently required. Kent, it is to be presumed,
got his knowledge of her movements from the letter from her which
he reads when placed in the stocks. See end of Act II. sc. ii.
Day 6. Act III. sc. vii. Next morning Edmund accompanies
Goneril back to Albany to acquaint him with the landing of the
French army, and to urge him to make preparations for opposing
it. After their departure Cornwall and Regan revenge themselves on
Gloucester by putting out his eyes. One of the servants attempting
to defend his master is slain, but in the scuffle gives Cornwall his
death wound. Gloucester is turned out to wander where he will,
and in
Act IY. sc. i. Edgar, the supposed madman, whom he had seen
"/' the Last night's storm" (1. 34), leads him on his way to Dover.
Day 7. Act IY. sc. ii. Before the Duke of Albany's Palace,
Goneril and Edmund arrive; they find that the Steward, Oswald,
has already acquainted the Duke with the landing of the French,
and he has received that and other news so strangely that Goneril,
after something very like a declaration of love, sends Edmund back
again. Albany now appears, and a scene of mutual recrimination
takes place between him and Goneril, interrupted by a messenger
who brings news of Cornwall's death. I mark this scene as a separate
day, in consideration of the distance which Goneril and Edmund
must have travelled between Gloucester's Castle and Albany's Palace ;
otherwise it contains no special note of time.
An interval.
Day 8. Act IY. sc. iii. The French camp near Dover. Kent
discusses wiih a gentleman the manner of Cordelia's receiving the
letters he had sent her (in Act III. sc. i.). Some short interval
between Days 7 and 8 should probably be supposed; as the news now
IX. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF KINO LEAR. 221
is that the forces of Albany and Cornwall are afoot (1. 50-1), which
was not the case on the former day. Lear is in Dover, and in his
sane moments remembers what has happened ; but his deep shame
keeps him from the presence of Cordelia.
Day 9. Act IV. sc. iv. I am not sure that I am right in
making this scene the commencement of a separate day ; it may pos-
sibly be the continuation of Day No. 8, or it may be separated from
that day by an interval of a day or two. Time is not marked except
by the succession of events, but on the whole they induce me to
suppose this the morrow of Day No. 8. Lear has been met in the
fields, crowned with wild flowers, and Cordelia sends out in search
of him. The news is that " The British powers are marching hither-
ward" (1. 21).
[Act IV. sc. v. The scene shifts to Gloucester's Castle, or, as
some editors make it, Eegan's Palace. Goneril's steward, Oswald,
has arrived with a letter from his Mistress for Edmund ; but " he is
posted hence on serious matter" (1. 8). Albany's troops, it seems,
are already in the field, Regan's are to "set forth to-morrow" (1. 16).
Regan warns the Steward that she intends to take Edmund for her-
self, and she offers him preferment if he can cut off old Gloucester.
The position of this scene should mark it as occurring on the same day
as scenes iv. and vi. \ but the news as to the movement of the troops
favours the notion that it represents an earlier date ; moreover, if it
is allowed to retain its present place, we are called on to believe that
Oswald, who again makes his appearance in sc. vi., is present with
Regan, and is at Dover on one and the same day. Its true place
seems to be in the interval I have marked between Days 7 and 8, and
Eccles actually transposes it to that position, making it, however, the
evening of the day represented in Act IV. sc. ii., my Day 7. On the
whole I think it best to enclose it within brackets, as in other cases
of scenes which I suppose to be out of the due order of time. — See
As You Like it, Antony and Cleopatra, and Cymbeline.]
Act IV. sc. vi. Gloucester and Edgar arrive near Dover. Edgar
persuades his father that he has thrown himself without injury from
the summit of the cliff. While they are discoursing Lear makes
222 IX. P. A. DANIEL, TIME-ANALYSIS OF KING LEAR.
his appearance, crowned with wild flowers. The people sent out by
Cordelia to secure him now enter, and he runs off, pursued by them ;
one gentleman, however, remaining a little behind, informs Edgar
that the English army is "near and on speedy foot; the main
descry / Stands on the hourly thought." I do not pretend to under-
stand this gentleman's language, but no doubt his meaning is that
the English army is expected hourly to make its appearance ; and
indeed, at the end of the scene a drum is heard afar off. After the
departure of this gentleman the Steward enters and attempts the life
of Gloucester, but is himself slain by Edgar.
Day 10. And last. Observe that this must be a separate day
if Act IV. sc. v. is properly placed ; for Regan's troops which then
were to set forth on the morrow are now present, led by Edmund.
Indeed, but for the almost lightning-speed of the action, some little
interval might be supposed between this and Day 9. The tap of
the drum, heard in the last scene, is, however, against such an arrange-
ment of the time.
Act IV. sc. vii. Lear has been found, and after long sleep
(1. 18) awakes, with recovered mind, to be reconciled to Cordelia, on
this the day of battle (see last line).
Act V. sc. i. to iii. For our purpose of ascertaining the " time "
of the plot it is not necessary to trace the course of these scenes,
they are all connected with the battle which now takes place, and
end with the deaths of Regan, Goneril, Cordelia, and Lear ; Gloucester
and Edmund : and the " poor Fool " too, as I think, with Sir Joshua
Reynolds ; though most editors are agreed that this phrase is applied
by the dying Lear in affectionate familiarity to Cordelia.
The longest period, including intervals, that can be allowed for
this Play is one month ; though perhaps little more than three weaka
is sufficient. My division of the time, in days, is as follows : —
Day 1. Act I. sc. i.
„ 2. Act I. sc. ii.
An Interval of something less than a fortnight.
„ 3. Act I. sc. iii., iv. and v.
4. Act II. sc. i. and ii.
IX. F. A. DANIEL. TIME- ANALYSIS OF KING LEAH. 223
Day 5. Act II. so. iii. and iv., Act III. sc. i. — vi.
„ 6. Act III. sc. vii., Act IV. sc. i.
„ 7. Act IY. sc. ii.
Perhaps an Interval of a day or two.
„ 8. Act IV. sc. iii.
„ 9. Act IV. sc. iv., v. and vi. [But see comment on sc. v.]
„ 10. Act IV. sc. vii., Act V. sc. i. — iii.
It is perhaps well to remind the reader that sc. iii. of Act IV.,
to which I assign a separate day (No. 8), is not represented in the
Folio at all. Either version (Quarto and Folio) contains passages
not found in the other; but these passages (now combined in our
modern texts) need no consideration in determining the time of the
action.
I add the scheme of time adopted by my predecessor, Eccles'(see
note at the end of Merchant of Venice).
Day 1. Act I. sc. i.
An interval of many months, during which Lear has
resided alternately with both his daughters. To get
this long interval Ecclea is compelled to consider
Lear's speech, Act I. sc. iv. — "What, fifty of my
followers at a clap ! Within a fortnight ! " — either
as " an unhappy oversight," or as having relation
only to the month he is now spending with Goneril.
He further severs the connection of Act I. sc. ii.
with Act I. sc. i. by consigning to the margin
Gloucester's speech — " the king gone to-night," etc.-
— which I have quoted in Day 2, and transposes
the scene bodily to the beginning of Act II. (my
Day 4), thereby also getting rid of the difficulty I
have noted in sc. i. of that Act, — Edmund's long
concealment in his father's castle.
„ 2. Act I. sc. iii., iv. and v.
„ 3. Act I. sc. ii., Act II. sc. i. to iv., and Act III. sc. i. to vi.
„ 4. Act III. sc. vii., and Act IV. sc. i.
„ 5. Act IV. sc. ii. and sc. v. — See my comment on BC. v.
„ 6. Act IV. sc. iii., iv. and vi.
„ 7. Act IV. sc. vii.
„ 8. Act V.
Mr. Eccles' scheme, however ingenious in some respects, cannot, I
think, be reconciled with the notes of time the Play itself contains.
224 IX. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF OTHELLO.
OTHELLO.
FIRST printed in Quarto (many passages omitted) ; the only
divisions marked are Acts II., IV., and V. In the Folio the play is
divided into acts and scenes ; sc. iii. of Act II. is, hoAvever, not
numbered.
Day 1. Act I. sc. i. to iii. The whole time comprised in this
Act is but an hour or two of one night. It is clear that Othello has
only this night taken Desdemona from her father's house and married
her. He sets out for Cyprus within an hour of the breaking up of
the meeting in the Senate house, leaving to lago to follow him with
Desdemona.
An interval ; the voyage to Cyprus.
Day 2. Act II. sc. i. Cyprus. Cassio, who quitted Venice at
the same time as Othello, but in another ship, is the first to arrive,
lago, with Desdemona, etc., arrives next, and Cassio remarks of him
that—
" his footing here anticipates our thoughts
A se'ennight's speed."
Othello next lands in the Island, with wonder, great as his content,
to find his wife here before him. lago plots with Roderigo the
affray to take place at night, by means of which he hopes to displant
Cassio.
Act II. sc. ii. This same day a herald proclaims " full liberty of
feasting from this present hour of five till the bell have told eleven;"
for besides the beneficial news of the perdition of the Turkish fleet,
it is the celebration of Othello's nuptial.
Act II. sc. iii. At night the quarrel, concerted by lago and
Eoderigo, takes place on the court of guard, and ends in Cassio being
dismissed from his office. Councelled by lago, he resolves to apply
to Desdemona the next morning to obtain his pardon, and lago plots
to make this the occasion of poisoning Othello's mind by bringing
IX. P. A. DANIEL. TIME- ANALYSIS OF OTHELLO. 225
" him jump when he may Cassio find / Soliciting his wife." It is
morning when lago ends this scene. Roderigo, who returns to lago
after the affray is over, complains : — " I do follow here in the chase?
not like a hound that hunts, but one that fills up the cry. My
money is almost spent :" etc. etc. Considering that this is his first
night on the island, this speech is somewhat unreasonable and
embarrassing.
Day 3. Act III. sc. i. Cassio, who has not been a-bed, appears
with musicians before the castle to bid " Good morrow, general."
lago joins him, and sends out Emilia to bring him in to speak with
Desdemona.
Act III. sc. ii. Othello gives letters to lago to be sent off by the
Pilot to the Senate with his duty, and bids him then repair to him
on the fortifications, which he goes off to inspect.
Act III. sc. iii. Cassio has his interview with Desdemona, who
promises to intercede for him. As lago had plotted, he now with
Othello appears on the scene, and Cassio, who dares not yet face his
general, abruptly departs, giving lago occasion to drop a hint at his
stealing away so " guilty-like." For the moment, this hint produces
little effect, and at Desdemona's intercession, Othello promises her
that he will reinstate Cassio, " let him come when he will." On this
promise she leaves him with lago, who at once renews his provoca-
tion of Othello's jealousy, and then departs leaving him to chew the
bitter cud. Desdemona, re-entering with Emilia, disperses his sus-
picions; she comes to call him in to the dinner to which he has
invited the generous islanders. Othello complaining of a pain in the
forehead, she offers him the handkerchief to bind his head. He
puts it from him and it drops, and they go out together. Emilia,
who remains, picks up the handkerchief, which her wayward husband
hath a hundred times [when ?] woo'd her to steal. lago re-entering
obtains it from her and sends her off; he determines to lose it in
Cassio's lodging and let him find it, and by his possession of it afford
a proof to the Moor of Desdemona's guilt. While he is thus
contriving the course of his villainy, Othello — who but a few
minutes before left the scene to feast the generous islanders — •
226 IX. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF OTHELLO.
re-enters, his jealousy revived, and naming mountains high. lago
artfully adds fuel to the fire ; tells him of Cassio's talk in sleep
("I lay with Cassio lately." When] Cassio has not been a-bed
since his arrival in Cyprus), of his possession of the handkerchief, —
yet on his own person — and works him into a state of blind,
murderous rage. He charges Tago with the death of Cassio —
"Within these three days let me hear thee say
That Cassio's not alive ; " —
and withdraws to furnish himself
" with some swift means of death
For the fair devil," — Desdemona.
From the commencement of Act II. — the arrival in Cyprus — up to
this point, the end of sc. iii. Act III., although the dialogue is full
of allusions and statements necessarily supposing and requiring the
lapse of a considerable period of time since the arrival, there is yet
no loop-hole for escape from the fact that we have yet arrived but to
mid-day of the second day in Cyprus, and at this point Desdemona's
fate is sealed. Long time between the effect and cause would now
be inconsistent with the violence of the Moor's passion, and we
shall find that the following scenes only comprise the remainder of
this second day in Cyprus, ending at night with the murder of the
heroine.
Act III. sc. iv. Desdemona, yet unconscious of her husband's
jealousy, sends for Cassio : — " tell him I have moved my Lord on
his behalf." Clearly a reference to her intercession at the beginning
of Act III. sc. iii. ; as also is the dialogue between her and Othello
when he appears in the present scene.
" Des. Come now, your promise.
Oth. What promise, chuck 1
Des. I have sent to bid Cassio come speak with you."
Othello now enters to ascertain for himself whether she has parted
with the handkerchief. "Would he have let an hour elapse," as
Professor Wilson cogently asks, " before making the enquiry 1 " The
certainty of its loss makes him break away in " strange unquietness,"
- as Emilia mildly puts it. Cassio, with lago, now enters to renew
IX. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OP OTHELLO. 227
his suit ; but the time is not propitious, and Desdemona prays him
to "walk hereabout" till she can effect something in his behalf.
Left alone, Cassio is visited by Bianca, who complains that he has
absented himself from her for a week. An attempt has been made
to explain this note of time by supposing it to refer to a previous
connection of Cassio with Bianca in Venice. It must, however, be
confessed that this explanation is not entirely satisfactory. (See
note 9, p. 218, Var. ed. 1821, vol. ix.) Cassio, who — as lago had
plotted — has now got the handkerchief, gives it to Bianca to have
the work taken out, i. e. copied, before its owner shall demand it
from him. She asks him to see her soon at night, and he promises
that he will see her soon.
Act IV. sc. i. lago continues to stir the Moor's jealousy, and
works on his passion till he falls into a fit. At this moment Cassio
enters, and lago telling him that "This is his second fit; he had one
yesterday " (again an impossible note of long time), bids him retire
for a while and return presently, when Othello is gone. The Moor
recovers, and lago places him where he may overhear, unseen, his
conversation with Cassio. Cassio re-entering, lago so manages this
conversation that while they really talk of Bianca, Othello is made
to believe that Desdemona is referred to. Hereupon Bianca returns
with the handkerchief which Cassio had given her even now, in the
preceding scene; she accuses him, in her jealousy, of having received
it from some other mistress ; and flounces out, telling him. angrily,
" An you'll come to supper to-night you may ; an you will not, come
when you are next prepared for." lago sends Cassio off after her,
and agrees to meet him at supper with her. Othello now comes
forward : the sight of the handkerchief has hardened him against
the love and pity yet struggling in his bosom, and he resolves to
strangle Desdemona in her bed this night; while lago undertakes the
death of Cassio. A trumpet now announces the .arrival of Lodovico,
from Venice, with letters from the Duke and Senators to Othello,
commanding him home, and deputing Cassio in his government,
Desdemona enters with Lodovico. Othello, on her expressing
satisfaction at Cassio's promotion, strikes her and drives her in. He
invites Lodovico to sup with him this night.
228 IX. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF OTHELLO.
Act IV. sc. ii. Othello questions Emilia as to her mistress's
conduct ; he then in private with Desdemona directly accuses her of
unchastity, and leaves her; Emilia returns, endeavours to console her
mistress, and fetches lago, who offers his hypocritical condolings.
The trumpets then " summon to supper. / The Messengers of Venice
stay the meat." Exeunt Desdemona and Emilia, and enter Roderigo.
Here again lago makes a cat's-paw of the foolish Roderigo, and
engages him to assassinate Cassio this night as he returns from
supper with Bianca, between twelve and one. Here again, too, Roderigo
embarrasses us mightily with the reproaches with which he assails
lago. Every day, it appears, he has been daffed off with some
device or other ; he will endure it no longer ; he has wasted himself
out of his means j the jewels lago has had from him to deliver to
Desdemona would half have corrupted a votarist ; etc. etc. And
yet this is only the second day of his sojourn in Cyprus.
Act IV. sc. iii. After the supper. " Enter Othello, Lodovico,
Desdemona, Emilia, and Attendants." Othello bids his wife to get to
bed on the instant, and goes out to walk a little way with his guests.
Desdemona, attended by Emilia, prepares for bed. Scene closes.
Act V. sc. i. lago places Roderigo where he may waylay Cassio
on his return from Bianca's. Cassio enters. Roderigo "makes a
pass at Cassio;" Cassio " draws and wounds Roderigo." " lago
from behind wounds Cassio in the leg, and exit." Roderigo and
Cassio both fall, and Cassio calls for help. Othello enters, and
hearing the cries, supposes that lago is about his work, and so goes
out to effect his.
Lodovico and Gratiano enter, attracted by the cries of Cassio and
Roderigo ; lago joins them, as though newly risen from bed, and
slyly gives Roderigo a finishing stab. Bianca enters, and lago tries
to cast suspicion on her. Emilia also arrives. lago sends her to the
Citadel to " tell my Lord and Lady what hath happ'd," and, with
the others, carries off Cassio. It should be remarked that the stage
directions here are not in the Quartos or Folios ; they, however, give
the obvious business of the scene correctly.
Act V. sc. ii. The last. Desdemona asleep in bed. Othello
enters. — No need now to dwell on the details of the dreadful tragedy
IX. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF OTHELLO. 229
which, ensues. The time is insuperably fixed as the night of the
second day in Cyprus.
The time, then, of this tragedy is three days ; with one interval.
Day 1. Act I. in Venice.
Interval ; the voyage to Cyprus.
„ 2. Act II. j .
„ 3. Acts III., IV. and V. j m C^rus'
NOTE.— Professor Wilson (see Tran. N. Sh. Soc. for 1875-6,
part ii. p. 358 — 87) has so ably — and amusingly — discussed the plot
of this play, both as regards long and short time, and decides so
emphatically that the solution of its mystery is only to be found in
the " TREMENDOUS DOUBLE-TIME AT CYPRUS," that it may seem rash
on my part to hint that he has not quite done justice to a theory of
long time at Venice, which would in some degree relieve our
perplexity. He sets up and very ably knocks down again a theory
of long time at Venice after marriage, and I fully agree with him,
that on the night represented in the opening scenes in Venice, Othello
then first takes Desdemona from her father's house and marries her,
and does not consummate the marriage till they arrive in Cyprus;
but he has only a " Pah ! Faugh ! " to bestow on the theory of long
time at Venice before marriage. "I cannot believe," says he, "if
Shakespeare intended an infidelity taking precedency of the marriage,
that he would not by word or hint have said so." He, however,
entirely omits notice of the fact that the very foundation on which
lago builds up Othello's monstrous jealousy is the connection, so
repeatedly referred to, of Cassio with Desdemona before the marriage ;
and of his having been from first to last the confidant of Othello's
wooing, going between the lovers very oft. Surely this is a pretty
strong hint ; and Othello, in Act IV. sc. ii., where he first directly
accuses Desdemona of unchastity, gives another, pretty strong too —
" I cry you mercy, then :
I took you for that cunning wJwre of Venice
That married with Othello"."
Wilson's argument too as regards Emilia can scarcely be considered
satisfactory. He asserts that Othello's request, on going aboard at
Venice, to lago — " I prithee, let thy wife attend on her " — " is
N. S. SOC. TRANS., 1877-9. 16
230 IX P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF OTHELLO.
conclusive evidence to Emilia's being then first placed about Desde-
mona's person. It has no sense else ; nor is there the slightest
ground for supposing a prior acquaintance, at least intimacy. What
had an Ensign's wife to do with a Nobleman's daughter ] " etc. That
he should place this as an argument before his submissive subjects is
"conclusive evidence " of the autocratic power of Christopher North;
but that he should expect the outside world to receive it as such
supposes a belief in human gullibility infinitely amusing. To
anyone not wholly given up to "double-time," Othello's request
might seem reasonable evidence in favour of a prior acquaintance
between Emilia and Desdemona; and such a one would have no
greater difficulty in believing that an Ensign's wife might have to do
with a Nobleman's unmarried daughter than in believing, as he
must, that she has to do with her after her marriage. Rightly
considered, there is, moreover, good ground for supposing a prior
acquaintance, in the very first lines of the Play —
" Tush ! never tell me ; " says Eoderigo, " I take it much unkindly
That thou, lago, who hast had my purse
As if the strings were thine, shouldst know of this," etc.
The speech is unintelligible, Roderigo's whole connection with lago
is impossible, except on the supposition that lago has for some time
previous to the commencement of the action been fooling the poor
gull on the strength of his acquaintance, and therefore probably of
Emilia's acquaintance with Desdemona. It offers the only possible
explanation of the reproaches with which. Roderigo assails lago here
and in subsequent scenes in Cyprus, Act II. sc. iii., Act IV. sc. ii.
The "hundred times" that lago has woo'd his wife to steal the
handkerchief 1 (Act III. sc. iii.) ; Othello's questioning with Emilia
(Act IV. sc. ii.), and numerous incidents of her connection with
Desdemona, are only possible on the supposition of this prior
1 This handkerchief was the Moor's first gift to Desdemona ^see Act ITT.
sc. iii. 1. 2D1 and 436, and Act V. sc. ii. 1. 215) ; a betrothal gift, not a
marriage present: so at least 1 interpret the lines —
"And bid me, when my fate would have me wive,
To give it her." (Act III. sc. iv. 1. 64—5.)
IX. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF OTHELLO. 231
acquaintance, for the belief in which Wilson sees not the slightest
ground.1
But though I think it must be admitted that long time at Venice
before marriage is an element worthy of consideration as affording
some explanation of many otherwise simply impossible incidents of
the play, I am forced to admit that this explanation is far from
satisfactory. Incidents such as the recall of Othello by the Senate
before it could be known that he had landed in Cyprus are not
affected by it in the least. Long time at Cyprus after marriage is
absolutely necessary for the probability of the plot; but before I seek
refuge in the unexplained and inexplicable mystery of "double
time," 2 I should like to be convinced that the author himself did
not provide it. I say, with Professor Wilson, that, "with his
creative powers, if he was determined to have Two Calendar Months
from the First of May to the First of July, and then in One Day
distinctly the first suspicion sown and the murder done, nothing
could, have been easier to him than to have imagined, and indicated,
and hurried over, the required gap of time." Long familiarity with
Shakespeare's work has convinced me, as it must have convinced
most students, that we cannot with certainty affirm that any of his
plays have reached us in the state in which they left his hands : in
some cases their corruption and mutilation for stage purposes can be
proved to demonstration, and it is quite possible that in Othello some
scenes may have been struck out and others so run together as to
confuse the time-plot originally laid down by the author. The links
in the chain of time, the absence of which so startles the reader,
would not be, and indeed are not, missed in the visible action on the
stage; but we should not therefore rashly jump to the conclusion
that they never existed, and therefore that the author deliberately
1 Mr. E. H. Pickersgill, however, calls attention to the time occupied by
the voyage to Cyprus as suggesting a possible explanation with reference to
Emilia's "hundred times."
2 " Talboys. Through that mystery, you alone, sir, are the man to help us
through — and you must.
North. Not now — to-morrow. Till then be revolving the subject occa-
sionally in your minds.*
* Professor Wilson never resumed the subject in Blackwood. — ED."
16*
232 IX. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF OTHELLO.
designed an impossible plot. The play was first printed in an
abridged form in 1622, six years after the death of its author, and
but for the more complete version in the Folio edition of the follow-
ing year, the abridgment in the Quarto could never have been
detected ; and the Folio itself is not above suspicion : with reference
to one passage of this play, Malone notes — " A careful comparison of
the Quartos and Folio incline me to believe that many of the varia-
tions, which are found in the later copy, did not come from the pen
of Shakspeare " (p. 403, vol. ix. ed. 1821).
ANTONY AND CLEOPATRA.
FIRST printed in the Folio, with no division of acts and scenes.
Day 1. Act I. sc. i. Alexandria. Messengers arrive with news
from Borne for Antony; he will not hear them, and disposes
himself for mirth with Cleopatra.
Act I. sc. ii. The same. On the sudden, a Eoman thought hath
struck Antony, and he sends for the Messengers; their news
determines him to depart at once. One item is the death of Fulvia
(B.C. 40).
Act I. sc. iii. The same. Antony takes leave of Cleopatra.
Act I. sc. iv. Eome. Octavius and Lepidus comment on the
disorders of Antony ; they prepare to oppose Pompey and his allies.
This scene in Eome may probably be bracketed in point of time with
the preceding scenes in Alexandria.
An Interval — some forty days.
Day 2. Act I. sc. v. Alexandria. Alexas brings a message
and a present of a pearl to Cleopatra from Antony. On his journey
he has met " twenty several messengers " sent by the Queen to
Antony, and she says,
" He shall have every day a several greeting."
We may suppose then an interval of some forty days between
the departure of Antony from Alexandria and the return to it of
IX. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF ANTONY AND CLEOPATRA. 233
Alexas; but this also requires us to suppose that Alexas quitted
Antony while yet but half way on the journey to Rome, if, as I
suppose, this scene in Alexandria is to be considered coincident with
Act II. sc. ii., Antony's arrival in Eome.
Act II. sc. i. Messina. "Enter Pompey, Menecrates, and
Menas, in warlike manner." Menas has heard that Caesar and
Lepidus are in the field. This news Pompey declares to be false; he
knows they are in Eome looking for Antony. Varrius brings
intelligence that Antony has left Egypt, and is hourly expected in
Rome.
Act II. sc. ii. Rome (B.C. 40). The Triumvirs meet, and Caesar
and Antony are reconciled ; the latter accepting, as a bond of union,
Octavia, Ceesar's sister, for his wife. Antony agrees to join with
Caesar and Lepidus in opposing Pompey. The affair requires haste :
" Yet," says he, " ere we put ourselves in arms, dispatch we
The business [the marriage] that we talk'd of;"
and Caesar leads him straight to view his sister. Enobarbus then
gives Agrippa his famous description of the meeting of Antony with
Cleopatra (B.C. 41 — 40).
Act II. sc. iii. The same. "Enter Antony, Caesar, Octavia
betweene them." The first lines of this scene must represent the
termination of the meeting proposed in the preceding scene. At the
end of it Antony bids Octavia and Caesar good night, and she and
Caesar evidently go out together ; though the only stage direction is
" Exit." We are, then, clearly in Antony's first day in Rome ; yet
his conversation with the Soothsayer, who now enters, would suppose
the lapse of some time since his arrival : he addresses him — " Now,
sirrah, you do wish yourself in Egypt ? " and the Soothsayer admits
it both for his own sake and Antony's ; for he — and Antony himself
— has noted that in Caesar's presence Antony's genius is abashed : at
games of hazard, at cock and quail fighting, he still has been worsted.
Antony resolves that he will return to Egypt ; for
" — though I make this marriage for my peacj,
I' the east my pleasure lies."
He also now commissions Ventidius for Parthia as — immediately
234 IX. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF ANTONY AND CLEOPATRA.
before his meeting with Caesar — he had resolved to do, if things
went well (see 1. 15, Act II. sc. i). This commission also gives a
note as of time past since his arrival in Rome. The fact is, distant
periods of time are brought together in this scene, as in many other
places of the drama. In Plutarch the facts dwelt on by the Sooth-
sayer, and Ventidius's mission, follow the meeting with Pompey
represented in sc. vi. and vii. of Act II. In "'dramatic" time I
conceive that all these scenes, in Alexandria, Messina, and Rome,
from Act I. sc. v. to Act II. sc. iii., should be included in Day No. 2.
Day 3. Act II. sc. iv. Lepidus sets out on the expedition
against Pompey. He prays Mecsenas and Agrippa to hasten their
generals after. Agrippa replies that —
" Mark Antony
"Will e'en but kiss Octavia, and we'll follow."
The morrow of Day 2 may be assigned to this scene, which may also
be supposed the day of Antony's marriage (B.C. 40).
An interval. Time for the news of Antony's marriage to reach
Alexandria; and for the Triumvirs to meet with Pompey near
Misenum.
Day 4. Act II. sc. v. Alexandria. Cleopatra receives the news
of Antony's marriage with Octavia,
Act II. sc. vi. and vii. Near Misenum (B.C. 39). The Triumvirs
meet with Pompey and come to terms. Pompey feasts them on
board his galley. These two scenes may, without much difficulty,
be supposed coincident with the preceding sc. v. in Alexandria.
An interval (?) ; time for the Triumvirs to return to Rome.
Day 5. Act III. sc. i. Syria. Yentidius as it were in triumph ;
having defeated the Parthians (B.C. 38). He sets out for Athens,
whither he hears that Antony purposeth. This Syrian scene and the
Roman scene which follows may, I think, — notwithstanding the
shuffling of the historic dates — be included in the dramatic Day No. 5.
Act III. sc. ii. Rome (B.C. 39). Antony and Octavia take leave
of Cajsar and depart for Athens. Enobarbus commences the scene
with —
IX. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF ANTONY AND CLEOPATRA. 235
" They have dispatch'd with Pompey, he is gone ;
The other three [the Triumvirs] are sealing. Octavia wec-ps
To part from Borne ; Caesar is sad ; and Lepidus,
Since Pompey's feast, as Menas says, is troubled
With the green sickness."
These lines annihilate time and space. Dramatically Misenum
and Eome become one. The treaty with Pompey concluded at
Misenum becomes a Eoman business; and the interval I have
marked between this and the preceding act is of dubious propriety.
It becomes still more so if we include in Day 5 the following scene,
which certainly cannot be later than the morrow of Act II. sc. v.
[Act III. sc. iii. Alexandria. Cleopatra has again before her the
messenger who brought her news of Antony's marriage. She consoles
herself with his depreciatory account of Octavia's beauty. Time is
so shuffled in these scenes that I find it extremely difficult to make
out any consistent scheme ; on the whole I incline to transfer this
scene to Day 4, and accordingly place it within brackets. It might
follow, in stage representation, sc. vi. and vii. of Act II., or, better
perhaps, come between them, thus affording variety to the audience
and an equal distribution of repose and action to the players.]
An interval — much wanted historically — may now be marked.
Day 6. Act III. sc. iv. Athens (B.C. 37 — 35). Dissensions
have broken out between Antony and Ceesar. Octavia offers to
mediate between them, and Antony gives her leave to depart on her
embassy.
Act III. sc. v. The same. Enobarbus and Eros. Further
details of the dissensions between the Triumvirs. Ccesar, after the
new war with Pompey, and the death of the latter (B.C. 35), has
deposed and imprisoned Lepidus.
An interval ; Octavia's journey from Athens to Eome.
Day 7. Act III. sc. vi. Eome (B.O. 36 — 32). The news is
that Antony, whom we last met in Athens, has returned to Alex-
andria and Cleopatra, and is preparing for war with Cassar. Octavia
enters to learn this news, which has arrived before her, and to find
her embassy hopeless.
An interval.
236 IX. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF ANTONY AND CLEOPATRA.
Day 8. Act III. sc. vii. Antony's camp near Actium. Ctesar
with speed beyond belief has arrived with his forces. Antony, led
by Cleopatra, and against the advice of his generals, resolves to fight
• him by sea.
Day 9. Act III. sc. viii. and ix. Alternately in Caesar's and
Antony's camp. Preparations for the sea fight.
Act III. sc. x. The land armies on both sides march over the
stage, one one way, one the other. Noise of the sea fight within
(B.C. 31). Cleopatra flies, followed by Antony, toward Peloponnessus.
Canidius, Antony's land general, resolves, as others have done, to
submit to Caesar. Enobarbus and Scarus follow Antony.
The time of these last four scenes, vii. to x., I have divided
between Days 8 and 9 ; probably the correct " dramatic " time, with
which alone we are concerned.
An interval.
Day 10. Act III. sc. ii. "Enter Antony with Attendants."
He bids them divide his treasure among them, and fly from him for
safety. Cleopatra enters to excuse herself for her flight and to
comfort him. Antony it seems has sent his schoolmaster, as Ambas-
sador to Caesar. " We sent our schoolmaster ; / Is he come back ? "
Editors place this scene at Alexandria, and it was from that place
that he despatched his schoolmaster, Euphronius, as Ambassador. The
chief part of the scene, the distribution of his treasure, and first
meeting with Cleopatra, after the flight from Actium, took place at
Tcenarus, on board Cleopatra's galley. No locality is named in the
Folio. Two distinct periods of time are knit together in this scene.
Act III. sc. xii. Caesar's camp (B.C. 30). Before Alexandria it
is to be presumed ; though Euphronius, who now appears, was sent
to Caesar in Asia. Caesar rejects Antony's petition to be allowed to
live in Egypt or, failing that, as a private man in Athens. To
Cleopatra he promises favor
" so she
From Egypt drive her all-disgraced friend,
Or take his life there."
IX. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF ANTONY AND CLEOPATRA. 237
Euphronius departing, Caesar sends Thyreus to win Cleopatra from
Antony.
Act III. sc. xiii. Alexandria. Euphronius returns to Antony,
who determines to send Caesar a challenge to single combat. Thyreus
arrives on his embassy to Cleopatra. Antony, taking him kissing
the Queen's hand, orders him to be whipped, and sends him back.
He determines to have one more feast to-night. Enobarbus begins
to waver in his loyalty to him.
Act IV. sc. i. Caesar's camp. Csesar reads and treats with
disdain Antony's challenge. He determines that to-morrow he will
fight "the last of many battles."
Act IV. sc. ii. Alexandria. Antony learns the rejection of his
challenge by Caesar. He resolves to fight him to-morrow by sea and
land ; and then, with Cleopatra and his captains, proceeds to supper,
to drown consideration.
Act IV. sc. iii. The same. At night. Soldiers on guard.
They refer to the land and sea fight purposed for to-morrow. They
hear strange music in the air and under the earth, which they
interpret to be the god Hercules, whom Antony loved, now leaving
him.
All these scenes — Act III. sc. ii. to Act IV. sc. iii. — may, with
dramatic propriety, be supposed to represent the business of one day,
No. 10.
Day 11. Act IV. sc. iv. Alexandria. Early morning. Cleopatra
helps to arm Antony. His captains come to bring him to the port.
Act IV. sc. v. Antony's camp. He learns the defection of
Enobarbus, and sends his treasure after him.
Act IV. sc. vi. Caesar's camp. Caesar orders Agrippa to begin
the fight. A soldier informs Enobarbus, who is now with Ceesar's
army, of Antony's bounty. In his shame and grief he resolves to
seek some ditch wherein to die.
Act IV. sc. vii. The field of battle. Antony beats Caesar to
his camp.
Act IV. sc. viii. Antony returns from the field, resolving to
renew the fight to-morrow. He is received into the town by
Cleopatra.
238 IX. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF ANTONY AND CLEOPATRA.
Act IV. sc. ix.- Caesar's camp. At night. The sentinels over-
hear the last words of Enobarbus, who dies of a broken heart. They
carry out his body.
•
Day 12. Act IV. sc. x. and xi. Both Antony and Caesar
prepare for the clay's battle.
Act IV. sc. xii. Antony beholds his fleet yielded to the foe, and
gives up all for lost. Believing himself to be betrayed by Cleopatra,
he resolves to be revenged on her. She flies from him.
Act IV. sc. xiii. Alexandria. Cleopatra takes refuge in the
monument, and sends Mardian to Antony to report that she has slain
herself.
Act IV. sc. xiv. The same. Antony and Eros : Mardian brings
the story of Cleopatra's death. Antony, now convinced of her truth,
resolves not to out-live her, and calls on Eros to fulfil his promise
and slay him. Eros consents, but turns his sword on his own breast
and dies. Antony, thus compelled to be his own executioner, wounds
himself, but not effectually. Dercetas, with the guard, come at his
call, but refuse to complete his work. Dercetas takes his sword,
resolving to carry it to Csesar. Diomedes comes from Cleopatra,
who dreading the effect of the report of her death on Antony, sends
to inform him of the truth. He then, with some of the guard,
carries off the dying Antony to the monument.
Act IV. sc. xv. The monument. Cleopatra and her maids take
up Antony into the monument, where he dies in her arms (B.C. 30).
She and her maids bear him out to burial.
Act V. sc. i. Caesar's camp. Dercetas brings the sword of
Antony and the news of his death. An Egyptian comes from
Cleopatra to learn what intents Caesar bears towards her. Caesar
sends Proculeius and Gallus to her.
Act V. sc. ii. Alexandria. Cleopatra parleys with Proculeius
and Gallus at the gate of the monument. While Gallus holds her
in talk, Proculeius and two of the guard ascend by a ladder, enter
the monument and seize her, to prevent her slaying herself. Gallus
goes with the news of her capture to Caesar, who sends Dollabella to
take charge of her. From him she learns that Coasar intends to
carry her in triumph to Borne. Caesar comes to visit her and sooth
IX. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF ANTONY AND CLEOPATRA. 239
her; she, however, has determined to end her life, and after his
departure gives certain instructions to Charmian. Dolabella re-enters
to inform her that within three days it is Caesar's intention to send
her away. He then bids her adieu. Charrnian returns, and is
quickly followed by a country fellow bearing a basket of figs.
Arrayed in her royal robes, the crown upon her head, Cleopatra and
her maids prepare for death : the means, the aspics contained in the
basket brought in by the Clown. Iras dies fir^t ; then Cleopatra
(B.C. 30), and the Guard rush in as Charmian last of all applies an
asp and dies. Caesar enters to view the scene of death, and orders
the burial of Cleopatra with her Antony.
Much of the business of this scene — not easily to be gathered
from the drama itself — is derived by the Editors from Plutarch's
history of Mark Antony, on which the Play is founded. I am in
some doubt whether a separate day, the morrow of Day 12, should
not be marked for these last two scenes, Act V. sc. i. and ii. ;
historically of course some time elapsed between the deaths of
Antony and Cleopatra ; but all these scenes from Act IV. sc. x. to
the end of the Play are dramatically so closely connected, that in
the absence of any specific note of time which would justify this
division, I have deemed it best to include them all in one day, the
last..
Time of the Play, twelve days represented on the stage; with
intervals.
Day 1. Act I. sc. i. — iv.
Interval — 40 days ?
„ 2. Act I. sc. v., Act II. sc. i. — iii.
„ 3. Act II. sc. iv.
Interval.
„ 4. Act II. sc. v. — vii. [Act III. sc, iii.]
Interval ?
„ 5. Act III. sc. i. and ii.
[Act III. sc. iii. See Day 4.]
Interval.
„ 6. Act III. sc. iv. and v.
Interval.
240 IX. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF ANTONY AND CLEOPATRA.
Day 7. Act III. sc. vi.
Interval.
„ 8. Act III. sc. vii.
„ 9. Act III. sc. viii. — x.
Interval.
,, 10. Act III. sc. xi. — xiii., Act IV. sc. i. — iii.
„ 11. Act IY. sc. iv. — ix.
„ 12. Act IV. sc. x. — xv., Act V. sc. i. and ii.
Historic time, about ten years : B.C. 40 to B.C. 30.
CYMBELINE.
FIRST printed in the Folio. Divided into acts and scenes. In
Act I., however, the Folio commences sc. ii. with the entry of the
Queen, 1. 101 : the subsequent scenes of this Act, ii., iii., iv., v. and vi.
in Globe edition, are therefore numbered in the Folio iii., iv., v., vi.
and vii. In Act II. sc. v. is not numbered in the Folio. In Act
III. the Folio makes scene vii. commence after the entry of Imogen
into the cave. The scene vii. of the Globe edition is therefore
numbered viii. in the Folio.
Day 1. Act I. sc. i. The Garden of Cymbeline's Palace. Two
Gentlemen, by way of Prologue, discuss the position of affairs.
Posthumus has wedded the King's daughter Imogen, for which
offence she is imprisoned, he sentenced to banishment. The King
himself has lately married a widow, to whose only son, Cloten, he
had proposed to marry Imogen. Some twenty years ago the King's
two sons, the eldest of them at three years old, the other in swathing-
clothes, were stolen from their nursery, and have not been heard of
since. The Queen, Posthumus, and Imogen now enter. Posthumus
conies to take leave of his wife. The Queen has favoured their
meeting with the view of more incensing the King against them, and
she now goes out to send him where he may surprise them. They
exchange gifts; Imogen gives him a ring, Posthumus places a
bracelet on her arm. The King enters and reviles them. Posthumus
IX. P. A. DANIEL. TIME -ANALYSIS OP CYMBELINE. 241
departs. The Queen re-entering is charged with the custody of
Imogen. Pisanio, Posthurnus's servant, comes to offer his services to
his mistress ; she sends him to see her husband aboard.
Act I. sc. ii. Cloten boasts his valour in an encounter with
Posthumus, while the latter was on his way to his ship.
Act I. sc. iii. Pisanio gives an account to Imogen of Posthumus's
departure.
An interval. Posthumus's journey to Rome.
Day 2. Act I. sc. iv. Rome. Posthumus arrives at his friend
Philario's house. Provoked by lachimo he wages his ring against
ten thousand ducats on his wife's chastity. lachimo prepares to
depart immediately for Britain to put it to the test.
An interval. lachimo's journey to Britain.
Day 3. Act I. sc. v. In Cymbeline's Palace. The Queen
obtains from Dr Cornelius a drug which she believes to be poison,
but which he, suspecting her intentions, has taken care shall only be
a sleeping potion. She then tries to shake the fidelity of Pisanio to
his master, but finding him firm she presents him. as in friendship,
with the drug as a most sovereign medicine ; hoping that he may
take it and perish by it.
Another possible arrangement in time for this sc. v. would be to
make it concurrent with Day No. 2 ; or again, it might have a
separate day assigned to it, to be placed in the interval marked for
lachimo's journey to Britain. Eccles supposes it to occur at some
time between the arrival of Posthumus in Rome and the arrival of
lachimo in Britain. Its position as the early morning of Day 3,
" whiles yet the dew's on ground," is, however, quite consistent with
my scheme of time.
Act I. sc. vi. Pisanio presents lachimo to Imogen. He brings
letters to her from Posthumus, and after Pisanio's exit at once proceeds
in his attempt on her virtue, and is repulsed. He then satisfies her
that his attempt was only a trial of her fidelity, and begs her to take
charge, for the one night that he can remain in Britain, of a trunk
242 IX. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF CYMBELINE.
supposed to contain valuable presents for the Emperor of Rome. She
promises for its safety to have it placed in her bed-chamber.
Act II. sc. i. Cloten chafes at his losses at a game at bowls. He
is told of the arrival of lachimo, and resolves to see him, hoping to
win from him at night what he has lost to-day at bowls.
Act II. sc. ii. Imogen's chamber : a trunk in one corner of it.
Imogen lies reading in bed. It is almost midnight when she
dismisses her attendant, requesting to be called by four o' the clock,
and falls asleep.
Day 4 begins. lachimo issues from the trunk ; he observes the
furniture and adornments of the room; takes from Imogen's arm her
bracelet, and notes as a voucher of his success, stronger than ever
law could make, a mole cinque-spotted on her left breast. The clock
strikes three as he goes into the trunk. The scene closes. l
Act II. sc. iii. An ante-chamber to Imogen's apartment. Early
morning. Cloten has been gambling all night and has lost again.
With whom has he been playing 1 Certainly not with lachimo as
he proposed to do in Act II. sc. i. He takes advantage of his being
up so late to give his mistress some early morning music ; for, in
expectation of the divorce the King would force on Imogen, he is
now courting her; and music he is advised will penetrate. The
King and Queen find him here and commend his diligence. A
Messenger now announces the arrival of ambassadors from Rome,
one of whom is Caius Lucius. The King bids Cloten, when he has
given good morning to his mistress, attend him, as he has need to
employ him towards this Roman. Left alone, Cloten knocks at
1 Malone remarks on this scene, — " Our author is often careless in his
computation of time. Just before Imogen went to sleep, she asked her
attendant what hour it was, and was informed by her, it was almost midnight.
lachimo, immediately after she has fallen asleep, comes from the trunk, and
the present soliloquy cannot have consumed more than a few minutes : — yet
we are now told that it is three o'clock." Surely the many dramatic-time
camels Malone must have swallowed should have enabled him to pass this
little flie without straining. Stage time is not measured by the glass, and to
an expectant audience the awful pause between the falling asleep of Imogen
and the stealthy opening of the trunk from which lachimo issues would be
note and mark of time enough. Instances of the night of one day passing
into the morning of the next in one unbroken scene are too frequent in these
Plays to need more than a general reference.
IX. P. A. DANIEL. TIME- ANALYSIS OF CYMBELINE. 243
Imogen's door, and tries to bribe one of her women to favour his suit.
Imogen enters and repels his insolent attempts at courtship with
scorn ; she is troubled by the loss of her bracelet. She thinks she
saw it this morning, and is confident last night 'twas on her arm.
She leaves Cloten, who goes out vowing vengeance for his repulse.
An interval. lachimo's return journey to Eome.
Day 5. Act II. sc. iv. Rome. In Philario's house. Philario
gives a note of the time by his reference to the Roman embassy to
Cymbeline.
" By this, your King
Hath heard of great Augustus : Caius Lucius
Will do 's commission thoroughly : " etc.
lachimo arrives. His information is that when he was at the
Britain court, Caius Lucius was then expected, but not approached.
As we have seen above, Caius Lucius arrived there on the day on
which we must suppose that lachimo left Britain. lachiino now
proceeds to the business of his journey, and convinces Posthumus of
his wife's frailty. He acknowledges that he has lost the wager and
gives lachimo the ring.
Act II. sc. v. Posthumus soliloquizes on the deceit of womankind.
An interval; time for Posthumus's letters from Rome to arrive
in Britain.
[Act III. sc. i. Britain. Cymbeline and his Court receive in
state Caius Lucius, the ambassador, who comes to demand the tribute
till lately paid to Rome. The tribute is denied, and Lucius denounces
in the Emperor's name war against Britain. His office discharged,
he is welcomed to the court, and bid " make pastime with us a day
or two, or longer." The time of this scene is so evidently that of
Day No. 4, that I am compelled to place it here within brackets as
has been done in other cases where scenes are out of their due order
as regards time. (See As You Like it, and Antony and Cleopatra.)
Eccles transfers the scene to follow Act II. sc. iii., making it, as I
suppose it to be, part of the day represented in that scene.]
Day 6. Act III. sc. ii. Cymbeline's Palace. Pisanio receives
244 IX. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OP CYMBELINE.
letters from Posthumus ordering him to put Imogen to death. To
enable him to train her forth for this purpose he also sends a letter
to Imogen telling her he is in Cambria, and urging her to meet him
at Milford-Haven. Imogen arranges with Pisanio to set out on the
journey at once.
Act III. sc. iii. In Wales before the cave of Belarius. Enter
Belarius, Guiderius, and Arviragus. Belarius, who now goes by the
name of Morgan, lets us into the secret that the two young men, his
companions — now called Polydore and Cadwall — are, unknown to
themselves, the sons of Cymbeline, whom twenty years ago, when
unjustly banished, he stole from their father's court. They all three
proceed to hunt the deer.
This scene may be supposed concurrent with the preceding
scene ii.
An interval, including one clear day. Imogen and Pisanio
journey into Wales,
Day 7. Act III. sc. iv. The country near Milford-Haven.
Enter Pisanio and Imogen. He reveals to her the purpose of their
journey, and shews her Posthumus's letter commanding her death.
Her first burst of horror and despair at the vile accusation made
against her over, he persuades her to disguise herself as a page and
endeavour to enter the service of the ambassador Lucius, who " comes
to Milford-Haven to-morrow," so that dwelling haply near the
residence of Posthumus she may find the means of unravelling the
web of treachery which has immeshed them both. He provides her
with the necessary disguise, and as a parting gift of value, gives her
the drug received by him from the Queen in Act I. sc. v. He then
hastens back to court.
An interval, including one clear day. Pisanio returns to court.
Day 8. Act III. sc. v. In Cymbeline's Palace. The ambassador
Lucius takes his departure, and desires " a conduct over-land to
Milford-Haven." Lucius has sojourned in Cymbeline's court since
Day No. 4 : since then the space between Rome and Britain has
IX. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF CYMBELINE. 245
been twice traversed — by lachimo going to Home, and by the post
bringing letters from Posthunms to Pisanio — and Lucius himself
appears to have informed the emperor of the failure of his embassy,
and to have received a reply ; for he says —
" My emperor hath wrote, I must from hence."
The " day or two, or longer " during which he was invited to rest at
Court would hardly suffice for this, unless we are to imagine that
Rome is only " behind the scenes, in the green-room." 1 Yet more
than a day or two is inconsistent with Cymbeline's remark immediately
after Lucius's departure. He misses his daughter —
" She hath not appear' d
Before the Roman, nor to us hath tender'd
The duty of the day : " etc.
And this scene, be it observed, can not be put earlier in time, as
with Act III. sc. i. was necessary ; for Imogen's absence now is the
consequence of those journeyings to and from Eome since Lucius's
arrival.
The King sends to seek Imogen, and it then appears that she is
really missing. Cloten remarks that he has not seen Pisanio, her old
servant, these two days. Exeunt all but Cloten. To him enters
Pisanio, who has returned to Court. Cloten bullies him into telling
where his mistress lias gone, and induces him to provide a suit of
Posthumus's garments in which he resolves to set out in pursuit of
Imogen.
Act III. sc. vi. Wales. Before the cave of Belarius. ' Enter
Imogen, in boy's clothes. When Pisanio parted from her Milford
was within ken, but since then for two nights together she has made
the ground her bed, and now on the third evening she arrives
faint with hunger and fatigue, before the cave of Belarius. If
we suppose, as I think we may, this scene to occur on the same
day as the preceding scene, we get — including this day, the day
of her departure from Court, and the two intervals suggested by
the time she has wandered alone — a period of five days, which may
1 See Professor Wilson's Time- Analysis of Othello. JV. S. Soc. Trans.,
1875-6, part ii. p. 375.
N. S. SOC. TRANS., 1877-9. 17
246 IX. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OP CYMBEL1NE.
be considered sufficient, dramatically, for the journeyings to and from
the vicinity of Milford, and not altogether inconsistent with Cymbe-
line's remark as to her not having lately paid him the daily duty she
was bound to proffer. She may have seen him on the day of her
departure (Day 6) ; on the next three days she is absent from his
presence, and on the fourth (this Day No. 8) he notices her absence
and discovers that she has fled. Even Cloteii's remark of his not
having seen Pisanio for these two days need not form any serious
objection to this scheme of time : and all we can say to Pisanio's
remark on quitting Imogen, that Lucius would be at Mil ford-Haven
on the morrow, is, that his prediction has not been verified.
Imogen goes into the cave in search of food, and Belarius,
Guiderius, and Arviragus, returning from hunting, find her there and
welcome her to their rustic hospitality. It is " almost night " when
this scene closes.
[Act III. sc. vii. Eome. Enter two Senators and Tribunes.
We learn that Lucius is appointed general of the army to be
employed in the war in Britain. This army is to consist of the forces
" remaining now in Gallia," supplemented with a levy of the gentry
of Eome. This scene is evidently out of place. In any time-scheme
it must come much earlier in the drama. Eccles, who properly, as I
think, transfers sc. i. of Act III. to follow sc. iii. of Act II., also
transfers this scene to follow sc. v. of Act II. as part of Day 5 : I
rather think it may be supposed to occupy part of the interval I have
marked as " Time for Posthumus's letters from Rome to arrive- in
Britain."]
An interval, including one clear day. This interval is marked on
the principle of allowing to Cloten for his journey into Wales, about
the same time that has been allowed to Imogen and Pisanio.
Day 9. Act IY. sc. i, Wales. Enter Cloten, dressed as
Posthumus. He has arrived near the place where he expects to meet
with Imogen and her husband, and discourses of the vengeance he
means to take on them both.
Act IV. sc. ii. The same. Before the cave of Belarius. Enter
Belarius, Guiderius, Arviragus, and Imogen. Imogen is ill; they
IX. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF CYMBELINE. 247
pray her to remain with, them and rest in the cave while they go
a-hunting. She swallows some of the drug given to her by Pisanio
and goes into the cave. Cloten enters; he is recognized by Belarius,
who fearing an ambush goes out to reconnoitre with Arviragus, leaving
Guiderius to deal with him. Cloten attempts to take him prisoner :
exeunt fighting. Belarius and Arviragus return : they have found no
companies abroad; Guiderius re-enters with the head of Cloten,
whom he has killed in fight. He goes out again to throw it in the
creek. Belarius determines that they will hunt no more to-day and
sends Arviragus into the cave ; Guiderius rejoins him, and Arviragus
comes out of the cave again to them with Imogen in his arms, as
dead. Belarius proposes that Cloten shall be buried with " Fidele,"
and goes out to fetch the body. They lay them together, strew
flowers on them, and exeunt. After a time Imogen awakes from the
sleep into which the drug had cast her, and seeing the headless body
by her side dressed in her husband's clothes, takes it for Posthurnus
and casts herself on the body to die. Then, Enter Lucius, Captains,
and a Soothsayer. A captain informs Lucius —
" — the legions garrison'd in Gallia,
After your will, have crossed the sea, attending
-You here at Milford-Haven with your ships :
They are in readiness."
He also tells him, that the confiners and gentlemen of Italy, under
the conduct of bold lachimo, are expected to arrive with the next
benefit o' the wind.
Lucius finds Imogen lying on the body of Cloten, and after
questioning her as to her fortunes, engages her in his service and
orders the burial of the body.
An interval — a few days perhaps.
Day 10. Act IV. sc. iii. In Cymbeline's Palace. The news is
that the Legions from Gallia are landed,
" with a supply
Of Roman gentlemen, by the Senate sent."
Cymbeline's forces are in readiness, and he prepares to meet the time ;
248 IX. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OP CYMBELINE.
but he is distracted with, domestic afflictions : his Queen is on a
desperate bed ; her son gone, Imogen gone, no one knows whither.
Pisanio does ; but he also is in perplexity at not hearing from them.
He thinks it strange too that he has not heard from his master since
he wrote him Imogen was slain. Decidedly Konie must be behind
the scenes, somewhere.
Day 11. Act IV. sc. iv. Wales. The noise of the war is round
about them, and Guiderius and Arviragus determine to fight for their
country; Belarius consents at last to accompany them. Eccles
supposes a short interval — for preparations for the engagement —
between this and the preceding scene, and begins Act Y. with this
scene as part of the day represented in that act. Its position as a
separate day seems to me to satisfy all the requirements of the plot.
Day 12. Act Y. sc. i. The Roman camp. Posthumus, who
has been brought here among the Eoman gentry, enters with a bloody
handkerchief sent him by Pisanio in token of Imogen's death. He
determines to disguise himself as a Briton peasant and seek for death
fighting on his country's side.
Act Y. sc. ii. The field of battle. "Enter Lucius, lachimo,
and the Romane Army at one doore : and the Britaine Army at
another : Leonatus Posthumus following like a poore Souldier. They
march over, and goe out. Then enter againe in Skirmish lachimo
and Posthumus : he vanquisheth and disarmeth lachimo, and then
leaues him."
lachimo's conscience is heavy with the thoughts of his treachery
to Imogen.
" The Battaile continues, the Britaines fly, Cymbeline is taken :
Then enter to his rescue, Belarius, Guiderius, and Arviragus."
"Enter Posthumus, and seconds the Britaines. They rescue
Cymbeline, and Exeunt."
"Then enter Lucius, lachimo, and Imogen." The Romans are
routed.
Act Y. sc. iii. Another part of the Eield. Posthumus narrates
to a British Lord the manner of the fight. He has resumed again
the part he came in, and on the entry of "two Captaines, and
IX. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF CYMBELINE. 249
Soldiers," he gives himself up as a Roman prisoner. "Enter
Cymbeline, Belarius, Guiderius, Arviragus, Pisanio, and Romane
Captives. The Captaines present Posthumus to Cymbeline, who
delivers him over to a Gaoler." Exeunt omnes.
Act V. sc. iv. Posthumus in prison. He falls asleep, and in a
vision his ancestors and Jupiter appear to him. A Messenger arrives
to bring him before Cymbeline.
Act V. sc. v. In Cymbeline's tent. In this scene all the
surviving characters of the drama are brought together. The death
of the Queen is announced, and her villanies perpetrated and
purposed are revealed. Imogen, as "Fidele," finds favour with.
Cymbeline, and makes lachimo confess his guilt ; Posthumus
discloses himself; Imogen is made known. Belarius reveals the
parentage of Guiderius and Arviragus, and in his joy at the recovery
of his children Cymbeline frees his Roman captives, makes peace
with the Emperor, and resolves to pay the tribute the refusal of
which has caused the war —
" Never was a war did cease,
Ere bloody hands were wash'd, with such a peace."
This last line justifies the placing of the whole of the last act,
including the battle, Posthumus's imprisonment and the final scene,
in one day only.
The time, then, of the drama includes twelve days represented
on the stage; with intervals.
Day 1. Act I. sc. i.— iii.
An Interval. Posthumus's journey to Rome.
„ 2. Act I. sc. iv.
An Interval. lachimo's journey to Britain.
„ 3. Act I. sc. v. and vi., Act II. sc. i. and part of sc. ii.
„ 4. Act II. sc. ii., in part, and sc. iii. [Act III. sc. i. also
belongs to this day.]
An Interval. lachimo's return journey to Rome.
„ 5. Act II. sc. iv. and v.
An Interval. Time for Posthumus's letters from
Rome to arrive in Britain.
[Act III. sc. i. See Day No. 4.]
250 ix. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF CYMBELINE.
Day 6. Act III. sc. ii. and iii.
An Interval, including one clear day. Imogen and
Pisanio journey to Wales.
„ 7. Act III. sc. iv.
An Interval, including one clear day. Pisanio returns
to Court.
„ 8. Act III. sc. v. and vi.
[Act III. sc. vii. In Rome. Time, between Bays 5
and 6.]
An Interval, including one clear day. Cloten journeys
to Wales.
„ 9. Act IY. sc. i. and ii.
An Interval — a few days perhaps.
„ 10. Act IV. sc. iii.
„ 11. Act IV. sc. iv.
„ 12. Act V. sc. i. — v.
NOTE. — This also is one of the plays in which, in the division of
its time, I have been preceded by Ambrose Eccles (see notes at the
end of The Merchant of Venice and King Lear).
My scheme of time for this Play is generally in agreement with
his, but in one instance we differ widely. He proposes to place an
interval between sc. ii. and sc. iii. of Act III. of " some part of a
day, a night, and an entire day and night," and to make scenes iii.,
iv., v. and vi. of that Act all part of one day. By so doing he is
compelled to allow no time for Pisanio to get back to Court after
leaving Imogen in Wales, and is forced to explain her reference to
the two nights she has wandered alone, as being nights passed with
him on her journey into Wales. I fancy he must have been misled
in this instance by the fact that in Act III. sc. iii. Belarius,
Guiderius, and Aviragus go a-hunting, and in Act III. sc. vi. when
they find Imogen in their cave they have just returned from hunting.
But as hunting was their daily occupation, there is no need to imagine
any connection between these two scenes. His scheme of time in
this respect is totally at variance with the requirements of the plot.
IX. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF PERICLES. 251
PERICLES.
FIRST printed in Quarto with no division of acts and scenes. In
the Folio (1664) divided into acts only.
Actus Primus, as in modern editions.
Actus Secundus ends with sc. ii. Act III.
Actus Tertius commences with sc. iii. Act III., and ends with
sc. iii. Act IV.
Actus Quartus commences with sc. iv. Act IV., and ends with
line 240 of sc. i. Act V.
Actus Quintus includes the rest of the Play.
1st CHORUS. Act I. Gower introduces the story of Antiochus
and his daughter.
Day 1. Act I. sc. i. Antioch. Pericles, as suitor to the
daughter, expounds the dreadful riddle, and, fearing for his life, flies
from the Court. Antiochus employs Thaliard to pursue him and
put him to death.
An interval : Pericles' journey to Tyre,
Day 2. Act I. sc. ii. Tyre. Pericles, fearing the vengeance of
Antiochus for himself and his people, places Helicanus in the
government and sets out for Tarsus.
Act I. sc. iii. Thaliard arrives in Tyre and hears of the departure
of Pericles. This and the preceding scene may both be supposed
one day.
An interval : Pericles' voyage to Tarsus.
Day 3. Act I. sc. iv. Tarsus. Cleon laments the misery of
his people perishing with famine. Pericles arrives with store of corn
for their relief.
An interval: time for news from Tyre to reach Tarsus, and for
Pericles' voyage to Pentapolis.
2nd CHORUS. Act II. Goirer, with speech and dumb show, informs
the audience how Pericles (warned by letters from Helicanus that it
252 IX. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OP PERICLES.
was no longer safe for him to remain at Tarsus) puts to sea, is
shipwrecked and cast on shore.
Lay 4. Act II. sc. i. Pentapolis. Pericles, cast up by the sea,
is relieved by fishermen, and sets out for the Court of King Simonides
(half a day's journey from where he landed) in order to be present at
the tournament to take place on the morrow in honour of the Princess
Thaisa's birthday.
Day 5. Act II. sc. ii. The court of Simonides. The knights'
competitors, among them Pericles, present their shields to the Princess
Thaisa and proceed to the lists.
Act II. sc. iii. A banquet after the tournament. Pericles
receives the wreath of victory, and finds favour in the eyes of
Simonides and the Princess.
Act II. sc. iv. Tyre. Helicanus has heard of the deaths of
Antiochus and his daughter, consumed by fire from heaven. The
lords of Tyre in the continued absence of Pericles propose to make
Helicanus their sovereign ; he persuades them to defer their purpose
for a twelvemonth and to go in search of Pericles. This scene may
be supposed to occur on the same day as the two preceding scenes.
Day 6. Act II. sc. v. Pentapolis. Simonides shifts off the
other knights, suitors for the hand of Thaisa, on the plea that she
will not consent to wed for one twelvemonth longer, and then
marries her to Pericles.
An interval : some eight or nine months.
3rd CHORUS. Act III. Gower, with speech and dumb show,
informs the audience how Pericles is recalled to Tyre and takes his
departure with his wife and the nurse Lychorida ; and then introduces
him on board ship in a storm.
Day 7. Act III. sc. i. On a ship at sea, in a storm. Thaisa
gives birth to a daughter, and, being supposed dead, Pericles is
compelled by the mariners to bury her at sea in a chest prepared as
her coffin. He then for the sake of the infant makes for Tarsus,
intending there to leave the babe at careful nursing.
IX. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF PERICLES. 253
Day 8. Act III. sc. ii. Ephesus. In the early morning of the
following day the chest containing the body of Thaisa is cast ashore.
Lord Cerimon, a wealthy and benevolent physician, opens it, and
finding the queen yet alive, takes means for her recovery.
An interval of a few days may here be supposed.
. Day 9. Act III. sc. iii. Tarsus. Pericles, leaving his daughter
Marina and her nurse Lychorida to the care of Cleon and Dionyza,
resumes his voyage to Tyre.
Act III. sc. iv. Ephesus. Thaisa, supposing her husband lost
at sea, determines to devote herself to the service of Diana. This
and the preceding scene may be supposed one day.
An interval of fourteen years is now supposed to elapse. See
Act V. sc. iii. 11. 7—9 :
" She at Tarsus
Was nursed with Cleon ; who at fourteen years
He sought to murder ; " etc.
4th CHORUS. Act IV. Gower tells how Pericles is established at
Tyre; Thaisa at Ephesus; and how Marina, growing up in all
perfection, eclipses Dionyza's daughter, to the envy of the mother,
who plots her death.
Day 10. Act IV. sc. i. Tarsus. Dionyza engages Leonine to
murder Marina. She is saved by Pirates, who carry her off as a
captive.
An interval : the voyage from Tarsus to Mytilene.
Day 11. Act IV. sc. ii. Mytilene. Marina is sold by the
Pirates to the keepers of the brothel.
Act IV. sc. iii. Tarsus. Cleon reproaches Dionyza with her
wickedness. To conceal her crime she has made away with Leonine
and has erected a monument to Marina, — now almost finished, — so
that when Pericles comes to claim his child he may suppose her to
have died a natural death.
This and the preceding scene may be supposed to occur on one
and the same day.
254 IX. P. A. DANIEL. TIME ANALYSIS OF PERICLES.
An interval of a few days.
5th CHORUS. Act IY. sc. iv. [should be V.]. Gower, with speech
and dumb show, tells how Pericles sails to Tarsus to see his daughter,
is shown her monument, and, believing her dead, again embarks, his
course directed by Lady Fortune. The attention of the audience is
then again directed to Marina's adventures in Mytilene.1
Day 12. Act IY. sc. v. and vi. [should be Y. i. and ii.].
Mytilene. Marina's virtue converts the frequenters of the brothel
and reduces its owners to despair. She persuades Boult to get her
honest employment in the city.
An interval of three months is to be supposed since Pericles
beheld his daughter's monument in Tarsus. See Act Y. sc. i. 1. 24 :
" A man who for this three months hath not spoken," etc.
6th CHORUS. Act Y. [should be VI.]. Gower tells of Marina's
success and virtuous life, and of the arrival of Pericles' ship off the
coast of Mytilene.
Day 13. Act Y. sc. i. [should be VI. i.]. Mytilene. On board
Pericles' ship. Lysimachus, the governor of the town, visits the sad
king and sends for Marina to divert his sorrow. Pericles discovers
in her his daughter. Diana appears to him in a vision and commands
him to repair to her temple at Ephesus and relate before her altar
his story.
An interval of some few days for the events narrated in the
following chorus.
1 In these papers I have avoided any reference to emendations of the text
where time was not concerned ; but in this Chorus Steevens's corruption of
lines 13 — 16 has gained such universal acceptance, even in the best editions,
that I feel bound once more to protest against it, and to insist on a restoration
of the original arrangement of the lines. Properly punctuated they stand
thus : —
" Old Helicanus goes along. Behind
Ts left to govern it, you bear in mind,
Old Escanes, whom Helicanus late
Advanced in time to great and high estate."
Whether, in the last line, Sidney Walker's conjecture of in Tyre for in time
should be adopted I do not pretend to decide ; but one minute's study of the
original will convince the reader that Steevens's corruption and topsy-turvy
arrangement must forthwith be expunged.
IX. P. A. DAMEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OP PERICLES. 255
7th CHORUS. Act V. sc. ii. [should be VII.]. Gower tells of the
festivities at Mytilene; of the betrothal of Marina to Lysimachus; of
the departure of Pericles with them and his train, and of his arrival
at Ephesus.
Day 14. Act Y. sc. iii. [should be VII. i.]. Ephesus. In the
Temple of Diana. Pericles narrates his story before the altar and is
recognized by and recognizes his wife Thaisa, the high priestess.
The family thus re-united, Pericles determines to take possession of
the kingdom of Pentapolis, now vacant by the death of his father-
in-law Simonides, and confers the kingdom of Tyre on Lysimachus
and Marina.
8th CHORUS. Gower, by way of Epilogue, shortly recapitulates
and moralizes the story, and informs the audience of the fate of
" wicked Cleon and his wife."
The story of Pericles comprises a period of from fifteen to sixteen
years : of which fourteen days are represented on the stage, the chief
intervals being accounted for in the choruses.
1st CHORUS introducing —
Day 1. Act I. sc. i.
An interval. Pericles returns to Tyre.
„ 2. Act I. sc. ii. and iii.
An interval. Pericles sails to Tarsus.
„ 3. Act I. sc. iv.
2nd CHORUS. An interval : Pericles' sojourn at Tarsus, departure
therefrom, and arrival at Pentapolis.
Day 4. Act II. sc. i.
„ 5. Act II. sc. ii. — iv.
„ 6. Act II. sc. v.
3rd CHORUS. An interval of some eight or nine months : Pericles'
marriage, wedded life, and departure from
Pentapolis.
Day 7. Act III. sc. i.
„ 8. Act III. sc. ii.
An interval of a few days.
9. Act III. sc. iii. and iv.
256 IX. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF PERICLES.
4th CHORUS. An interval of fourteen years : education of Marina
in Tarsus.
Day 10. Act IV. sc. i.
An interval : Marina's voyage from Tarsus to
Mytilene.
„ 11. Act IV. sc. ii. and iii.
5th CHORUS. Act IV. sc. iv. [should be V.]. An interval of
a few days Pericles arrives in Tarsus, and departs
therefrom on learning his daughter's supposed
death.
Day 12. Act IV. sc. v. and vi. [should be V. i. and ii, ].
6th CHORUS. An interval of three months between the departure
from Tarsus of Pericles and his arrival at
Mytilene.
Day 13. Act V. sc. i. [should be VI. i.j.
7th CHORUS. Act V. sc. ii. [should be VII.]. An interval:
sojourn in Mytilene and voyage to Ephesus.
Day 14. Act V. sc. iii. [should be VII. i.].
8th CHORUS : epilogue.
The division of the Play into five acts in the Folio edition has
evidently been made quite at random : Malone's division, adopted by
all subsequent editors, is no doubt much to be preferred : for the
first three acts he follows the chorus-division of the original ; but he
appears to have been hampered by the superstition that no drama
can have more than five acts, and he has accordingly crammed the
4th, 5th, 6th, and 7th chorus-divisions into Acts IV. and V. Of
course in this analysis I have been obliged for the convenience of
reference to follow the general usage j but the Play consists of seven
acts, distinctly marked by the choruses. The original division of the
drama should be restored and the acts and scenes numbered
accordingly.
257
X. TIME-ANALYSIS OF THE PLOTS OF
SHAKSPERE'S PLAYS.
BY
P. A. DANIEL.
(Read, at the 53rd Meeting of the Society -, IWi June, 1879.)
PART III.
THE HISTOKIES.
Note. — No attempt is here made at Chronological arrangement: the order
taken is that of the First Folio and of the Globe edition : to the latter
of which the numbering of Acts, Scenes, and lines refers. By one " Day "
is to be understood the whole or any portion of the twenty-four hours
from midnight to midnight. All intervals are supposed to include, at
the least, one clear day from midnight to midnight : a break in the
action of the drama from noon one day to noon the next is not here
considered an interval.
KING JOHN.
FIRST printed in Folio ; divided into acts and scenes.
Actus primus consists of Sccena prima = tlciQ whole of Act I.,
and Sccena secunda = the whole of Act II.
Actus secundus contains only the first 74 lines of Act III. sc. i.
Actus tertius, Sccena prima, commencing with line 75 of Act III.
sc. i., includes the rest of that scene ; Sccma secunda = sc. ii. and
iii. ; Sccena tertia = sc. iv.
Actus quartus and Actus quintus as in Globe edition, except that
Act V. is wrongly headed Actus quartus.
Day 1. Act I. sc. i. Court of King John. Chatillon, ambas-
sador from France, calls on John to resign the crown in favour of
258 X. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-AXALYSIS OF KING JOHN.
Arthur, and on refusal denounces war. John settles the dispute
between Eobert Faulconbridge and his bastard brother Philip,
recognizing the latter as the son of Eichard Coeur-de-lion. Lady
Faulconbridge confesses to Philip her fault and his parentage.
An interval. Return of the French ambassador and arrival of
John in France.
Day 2. Act II. sc. i. Before Angiers. France and Austria
join their forces and are about to besiege the town in the right of
Arthur, when Chatillon arrives and announces the approach of John.
Adverse winds had delayed his return from England, and enabled the
English army to land as soon as he. John enters with his army,
etc., and after a parley betwesn the kings each summons the town.
The citizens refuse to admit either till one or the other proves his
right. The English and French armies accordingly proceed to fight,
and after an undecisive battle heralds from both parties again
summon the town. The citizens still refusing, the contending
kings agree to join their forces and first destroy the town,
" Then after fight who shall be king of it."
The citizens propose as a medium course an alliance between France
and England, to be confirmed by the marriage of John's niece, the
lady Blanch, with Lewis the Dauphin. This agreed to, France
abandons the championship of Arthur, and the terms of alliance
being settled, all enter the town to solemnize the marriage presently
at St. Mary's chapeL
Act III. sc. i. The French king's pavilion. Salisbury breaks to
Constance and Arthur the news of the alliance. The two kings,
with the newly-married couple, enter to persuade Constance that this
day's proceedings will be to the advantage of Arthur and herself. She
curses the day, and prays to heaven that ere sunset armed discord
may be set betwixt the perjured kings. Her prayer is heard : Pan-
dulph, the Pope's legate, comes to demand of John why he keeps
Stephen Langton from the see of Canterbury, contrary to the Holy
Father's orders. John still refusing obedience, Pandulph excom-
municates him, and induces France to break off the alliance and take
up arms against him, on this the wedding-day (1. 300.)
X. t. A. DANIEL. TIME- ANALYSIS OF KING JOHN. 259
Act III. sc. ii. and iii. The battle ensues, ending in the defeat
of France and Austria, the death of the latter by the hand of the
Bastard, and the capture of Arthur. John sends away the Bastard
to levy forced contributions on the monasteries in England ; gives
Arthur into the custody of Hubert for conveyance to England and
death ; leaves his mother Elinor regent in France, and then himself
departs for Calais.
An interval. See comment on following scene.
Day 3. Act III. sc. iv. In the French king's tent. The King
and the Dauphin lament their defeat. Constance sorrows for the
loss of .her son Arthur. Pandulph consoles the Dauphin^ and in
anticipation of Arthur's murder urges him to invade England and
claim the throne in right of his wife Blanch. Some little time must
be supposed to have elapsed since the battle ; for the French know
that John has fortified the places he has won, and has returned to
England ; from whence also they have intelligence that the Bastard
is ransacking the Church.
An interval. During this interval, the deaths of Constance and
Elinor (28th March and 1st April) must take place (see Act IV.
sc. ii.).
Day 4. Act IV. sc. i. A room in a castle. Hubert prepares to
burn out the eyes of Arthur ; but, moved by the entreaties of the
young prince, resolves to save him and spread a report of his death.
Act IV. sc. ii. King John's palace. John, being new crowned,
gives way to the advice and entreaties of his nobles, and promises the
enfranchisement of Arthur, committing his youth to their direction.
Hubert enters and announces that "Arthur is deceased to-night"
[= last night]. The nobles, believing the King guilty of his death,
leave him in indignation. A messenger announces the landing of
the French tinder the command of the Dauphin, and informs the
King of the deaths of his mother Elinor, on the 1st April, and of
Constance, three days before that date. The Bastard now enters to
give an account of his perquisitions among the clergymen : he brings
with him in custody Peter of Pomfret, who has prophesied that the
King shall deliver up his crown "ere ihe next Ascension Day at
260 X. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OP KING JOHN.
noon." John directs Hubert to carry the prophet to prison, ordering
that he be hang'd on the day when his prediction is to be fulfilled,
and bids him return to him when he has placed him in safe custody.
The Bastard tells him of the news abroad, and how he has met the
nobles " going to seek the grave / Of Arthur, whom they say is kill'd
to-night " [= last night]. John urges him to haste after them and
try to reduce them to their allegiance. Hubert returns ; John
reproaches him with his forwardness in executing his commands
concerning Arthur; Hubert then tells him he has preserved young
Arthur's life, and John bids him also haste after the peers with this
good news and bring them to him.
Act IV. so. iii. Before the castle. Arthur endeavours to escape,
jumps from the castle walls, and dies. The nobles enter ; they have
received — of course during the few minutes that have elapsed since
they left the King — letters from Cardinal Pandulph, brought by the
Count Melun, and they resolve to meet the Dauphin at St. Edmunds-
bury to-morrow morning, or rather then set forward; for "'twill be
two long days' journey " ere they meet with him. The Bastard joins
them, and requests them to return to the King. They find Arthur
lying dead under the castle walls, and refuse obedience. Hubert
enters from the King to tell them that Arthur lives ; they show him
the body, and accuse him of the murder; he declares — "'Tis not an
hour since I left him well" i. e. not an hour since the end of sc. i. of
this Act. The Bastard defends him against the nobles, who depart
to join the Dauphin. Hubert again declares his innocence to tho
Bastard, who bids him
" Bear away that child,
And follow me with speed ; Til to the King :
A thousand businesses are brief in hand,
And heaven itself doth frown upon the land."
To this point it is quite clear that the action of sc. i., ii., and iii. of
Act IY. is on one day, is continuous, and represents little more time
than that required for the stage performance.
An interval should, if possible, be here imagined. See comment
on following scene.
X. P. A. DANIEL. TIME- ANALYSIS OF KING JOHN. 261
Day 5. Act Y. sc. i. King John's palace. Ascension Day.
John yields up his crown to Pandulph, and receives it again from
him, as holding of the Pope. Pandulph, whose breath had blown
the tempest up, promises now to hush again the storm of war, and
departs to make the French lay down their arms. The Bastard
enters with the news that
" All Kent hath yielded ; nothing there holds out
But Dover Castle : London hath received,
Like a kind host, the Dauphin and his powers :
Your nobles will not hear you, but are gone
To offer service to your enemy.
K. John. "Would not my lords return to me again,
After they heard young Arthur was alive 1
Bast. They found him dead. ....
K. John. That villain Hubert told me he did live.
Bast. So, on my soul, he did, for aught he knew."
The Bastard then persuades the King to be prepared for war, in
case the Cardinal should not succeed in making peace. John gives
him the command.
The arrival of Ascension Day, the presence of Pandulph, tho
news of the Dauphin's successes, imperatively demand an interval
between this scene and the preceding Act ; on the other hand, we
find that the Bastard has only now returned from his mission to tho
nobles, and that the King now hears for the first time of Arthur's
actual death : these facts are incompatible with any interval ; they
connect this scene with the scenes of Act IV., as part of Day 4. The
main plot, however, is impossible without a supposed interval, and
we must force the Play to allow it.
An interval, including at least Pandulph's return journey to the
Dauphin ; the Bastard's preparation for defence, and his and King
John's journey, with their army, to Edmundsbury.
Day 6. Act V. sc. ii. The Dauphin's camp at St. Edmunds-
bury. The Dauphin accepts the allegiance of the English nobles.
Pandulph enters to persuade the Dauphin to a peace. The Dauphin
declines to lay down his arms and withdraw from the kingdom
which he has now half conquered. The Bastard comes from the
18
262 X. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OP KING JOHN.
King to learn the result of Pandulph's interference; the English
army is in readiness, and both sides prepare for battle.
Act Y. sc. iii. The field of battle. Time: the evening, "an
hour or two before / The stumbling night did part our weary
powers" (sc. v. 11. 17, 18). King John, stricken with fever, leaves
the field with Hubert, and retires toward Swinstead. A messenger
brings the news that
" the great supply,
That was expected by the Dauphin here,
Are wrack' d three nights ago on Goodwin sands.
The state of the battle is doubtful, —
" The French fight coldly, and retire themselves."
Act Y. sc. iv. The same. The English nobles on the French
side prepare to renew the fight. Melun, wounded to death, informs
them that if the Dauphin wins the day he has vowed this very
night, which now approaches, to put them to death. Thereupon
they resolve to return to their allegiance to King John.
Act Y. sc. v. The same. After sunset. The two armies
separate, the fight yet undecided. News is brought to the Dauphin
of the falling off of the English lords, and of the loss on the Good-
wins of the supply that he had wished so long. He resolves to
renew the fight on the morrow.
So far it seems clear that the action of sc. ii. — v. of Act Y. is
continuous and on one day. It is also apparent in sc. ii. that the
English nobles have not joined the Dauphin many hours : in Act
IY. sc. iii. (Day 4) they reckoned their distance from him "two
long days' journey." If we calculate the time of the plot from their
movements, we can, then, scarcely allow a lapse of more than two
clear days between Day 4 and this Day 6 ; and within this limit of
two days the enormous amount of business indicated in Act Y. sc. i.
(Day 5), in the last interval) and in the scenes (ii. — v.) of this Day
6, must be supposed to have been transacted, and the long time
necessary for it must be supposed to be included. How, witli this
limit placed before us, this is to be imagined I know not.
Day 7. Act Y. sc. vi. Near Swinstead Abbey. Hubert, who
X. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OP KING JOHN. 263
apparently but a short time ago has left King John dying, poisoned
by a monk, meets with the Bastard, to whom he was hastening with
the fatal news. He tells him that " the lords are all come back, /
And brought Prince Henry in their company." The Bastard tells
him that " half his power this night, / Passing these flats, are taken
by the tide ; / These Lincoln Washes have devoured them." Together
they hasten to the King. The time of this scene is at night, but I
suppose we should imagine it to be past midnight, and the commence-
ment of a separate day — the last. Also, notwithstanding distance,
and the immense amount of business transacted since the battle in
Day 6, I think this must be supposed the morrow of that day.
Act V. sc. vii. The orchard in Swinstead .Abbey. Time, early
morning. King John is brought in in a dying state. The Bastard
arrives, and has just time to tell him that " the Dauphin is preparing
hitherward," and that " in a night " he himself has lost the best part
of his power in the Washes, when the King expires. Salisbury then
informs the Bastard that half an hour since Pandulph arrived with
offers of peace from the Dauphin, who is already departing from the
land, leaving
" his cause and quarrel
To the disposing of the Cardinal.
With whom yourself, myself, and other lords,
If you think meet, this afternoon will post
To consummate this business happily."
They then arrange for the funeral of King John at Worcester, and
tender allegiance to Prince Henry.
Time of this Play seven days ; with intervals, comprising in all
not more than three or four months.
Day 1. Act I. sc. i.
Interval.
„ 2. Act II. sc. i., Act III., sc. i. to iii.
Interval.
„ 3. Act III. sc. iv.
Interval.
„ 4. Act IV. sc. i. to. iii.
Interval.
. 5. Act V. sc. i.
2G4 X. P. A. DANIEL. TIME- ANALYSIS OP RICHARD II.
Interval.
Day 6. Act V. sc. ii. to v.
„ 7. Act V. sc. vi. and vii.
Historical time: A.D. 1199 — 1216; the whole of King John's
reign.
BICHAKD II.
FIRST printed in Quarto. First divided into acts and scenes in
Folio. This division is followed by Globe edition, except in Acttis
quintus, where in Folio Sccuna tertia includes sc. iii. and iv., Sccuna
quarta = sc. v., and Sccena quinta = sc. vi.
Day 1. Act I. sc. i. Windsor [29th April, 1398]. "To make
good the boisterous late appeal " [at Shrewsbury, 30th January, 1398],
Bolingbroke and Mowbray appear before the King and mutually
accuse each other of treason. The King decides that they shall
settle their difference by single combat "at Coventry, upon St.
Lambert's day" [17th Sept.].
An interval. About four months and a half? — historic time.
Day 2. Act I. sc. ii. London. Gaunt takes leave of the
widowed Duchess of Gloucester previous to his departure to Coventry.
An interval. Gaunt's journey to Coventry.
Day 3. Act I. sc. iii. Coventry [17th Sept., 1398]. The ap-
pellants enter the lists and are about to fight, when the King inter-
feres, banishes Mowbray for life and Bolingbroke for ten years,
which he afterwards reduces to six. Mowbray departs, and at the
end of the scene Bolingbroke also sets out on his way to exile.
An interval : journey from Coventry to London.
Day 4. Act I. sc. iv. London. The King, with Bagot and
Green, fresh from observing Bolingbroke's courtship to the common
people as he proceeded on his way to exile, is joined by Aumerle,
who tells him that he brought the exile but to the next highway and
there left him.1 It is evident that very few hours can have elapsed
1 It should, however, be noted that after the King's departure in Act I. sc.
iii., Aumerle then bade farewell to Bolingbroke. Was this the leave-taking
to which he now refers 1
X. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF RICHARD II. 265
since his departure, and not many since the close of the last scene,
at Coventry : not more than would suffice for the journey to London,
to which place it seems the scene is now transferred. Having got
rid of Bolinghroke, the King resolves immediately to set out on his
expedition to Ireland, when Bushy enters with the news that " Old
John of Gaunt is grievous sick " at Ely House, where he prays the
King to visit him. The King assents :
" Come, gentlemen, let's all go visit him :
Pray God, we may make haste, and come too late ! "
Act II. sc. i. Ely House [3rd Feb., 1399]. The King comes to
visit the dying Gaunt, who reproaches him with his ill government ;
he is carried out, and Northumberland immediately after enters to
announce his death. The King determines to seize on his wealth
and lands to furnish forth the Irish expedition, on which he proposes
to depart on the morrow [he sailed from Milford Haven 31st May
1399]. The nobles are disgusted at the King's injustice, and on
Northumberland revealing to them that Bolingbroke is already pre-
pared with a fleet and an army to invade England, and is only
delaying his arrival till the King departs for Ireland, they at once
agree to post to Ravenspurgh to welcome him.
The connection of this scene with the preceding one is too close
to allow of more than one day for the two j and here we have a
singular instance of the manner in which the dramatist annihilates
time. It is evident that Bolingbroke cannot yet have quitted the
English coast, while at the same time we hear that he is already pre-
pared to return to it; and that, too, before he could possibly have
heard of his father's death, the ostensible cause of his return. Some
slightly greater degree of apparent probability might be given to the
plot, in stage performance, by dividing this scene ; making a separate
scene of the latter half when the King has left the stage. The
direction of the Folio, however, is — " Manet North. Willoughby, and
Ross" But even with this break in the action we should still have
no probable time for the evolution of the story ; neither would this
arrangement meet the reference to Bolingbroke's sojourn at the
French court during his exile contained in York's speech, where he
266 X. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF RICHARD II.
mentions the ill turn the King has done him in the prevention of his
marriage with the Duke of Bern's daughter (11. 167, 168).
An interval : a day or two.
Day 5. Act II. sc. ii. The palace [Windsor]. The Queen
laments the departure of her husband. Bushy and Bagot en-
deavour to comfort her. Green enters in haste ; he hopes the King
is not yet shipped for Ireland, for news has come that Bolingbroke
has landed at Eavenspurgh [4th July, 1399], and that many of the
nobles have fled to him. York busies himself with preparations for
opposing Bolingbroke, bids the courtiers muster up their men and
meet him presently at Berkeley. Bushy and Green resolve to join
the Earl of Wiltshire in Bristol. Bagot determines to go over to
Ireland to the King.
It is evident from the nature of the dialogue in this scene that
but a very short time can have elapsed since the King's departure,
and that the interval between this and the preceding scenes cannot
be supposed more than a day or two at the utmost.
An interval.
Day 6. Act II. sc. iii. In Gloucestershire, near Berkeley
Castle. Enter Bolingbroke and Northumberland with forces. They
have travelled thus far from Eavenspurgh, and are presently joined
by Henry Percy and by Eoss and Willoughby. Berkeley enters
from the castle, charged by the Eegent York to demand the cause of
their coming; but before Bolingbroke can answer York himself
makes his appearance. Bolingbroke protests that his invasion is
merely to enforce his rights as Duke of Lancaster, and York, too
feeble to oppose him, resolves to remain neuter. He offers them the
hospitality of the castle for the night.
An interval.
Day 7. Act II. sc. iv. In Wales [Conway]. A Welsh captain
informs Salisbury that after staying ten days, and yet hearing no
tidings of the King, his army believes him to be dead, and have
accordingly dispersed.
Johnson believes this scene to be misplaced, and that in the
X. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF RICHARD II. 267
author's draught it was probably the second scene in the ensuing
Act III. Its position there would be more conformable to Holin-
shed ; but the " time " generally of these scenes is so indefinite that
I doubt if anything would be gained by its transposition. For stage
purposes its present position is useful, as affording a pause between
the Berkeley and Bristol portions of Bolingbroke's adventures.
Act III. sc. i. Bristol. Bolingbroke consigns Bushy and Green
to the block, and then determines to set out
" To fight with Glendower and his complices."
We, however, hear nothing more of this proposed expedition.
Day 8. Act III. sc. ii. The coast of Wales. Barkloughly
Castle. Richard, recently returned from his expedition to Ireland
[he landed at Milford Haven 5th August, 1399], is joined by Salis
bury, who tells him that he comes " one day too late."
" 0, call back yesterday, bid time return,
And thou shalt have twelve thousand fighting men :
To-day, to-day, unhappy day, too late,
O'erthrows thy joys, friends, fortune, and thy state ;
For all the Welshmen, hearing thou wert dead,
Are gone to Bolingbroke, dispersed, and fled."
Scroop then enters to tell him of Bolingbroke's successes ; of the
deaths of Bushy, Green, and the Earl of Wiltshire, at Bristol [the
last not mentioned in Act III. sc. i.] ; and that York has joined with
the invader. In alternate fits of hope and despair, Richard disbands
his forces and departs with his friends for Flint Castle.
If Salisbury's " yesterday " is to be accepted literally, the time of
this scene should be the morrow of Act II. sc. iv. For this reason
I bracket Act III. sc. i. with that scene as Day 7, and, setting aside
geographical considerations, with which indeed the author does not
appear to have concerned himself, we may then with dramatic pro-
priety suppose the journey of Salisbury from North Wales and
of Scroop from Bristol to have been simultaneous, bringing them to
Richard's presence within a short time of each other.
An interval.
Day 9. Act III. sc. iii. Before Flint Castle [19th August, 1399],
Richard surrenders to Bolingbroke ; they set on towards London.
268 X. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF RICHARD II.
An interval.
Day 10. Act III. sc. iv. In the garden at Langley. The
Queen overhears the talk of the gardeners, from which it appears that
news has arrived of the deaths of Wiltshire, Bushy, and Green, and
that Richard had fallen into the power of Bolingbroke. She resolves
to post to London
" To meet at London London's king in woe."
An interval.
Day 11. Act IV. sc. i. Westminster HaU [Sept.— Oct., 1399].
Eichard surrenders the crown to Bolingbroke, who fixes next Wed-
nesday for his coronation, and orders the King to be conveyed to the
Tower.
At the end of this scene the Abbot of Westminster, left alone
with Aumerle and the Bishop of Carlisle, invites them home with
him to supper, where he proposes to concert with them in a plot
against Bolingbroke.
Act Y. sc. i. The Queen meets Richard on his way to the Tower.
Northumberland separates them, for Bolingbroke's mind is changed,
and he has now orders to convey the King to Pomfret and send
away the Queen to France.
An interval.
Day 12. Act V. sc. ii. The Duke of York relates to his wife
the manner of Bolingbroke's entry into London with Richard ; their
son Aumerle joins them. York discovers that his son is engaged in
a conspiracy against King Henry. He departs to reveal it to the
King. The Duchess urges her son to post to the King and obtain a
pardon before his father arrives.
Act V. sc. iii. Aumerle arrives in the King's presence, and sues
for pardon. His father, York, enters to denounce him. The
Duchess now joins them, and at her entreaties the King pardons
Aumerle, but resolves that the other conspirators who had purposed
to kill him during certain triumphs to be shortly holden at Oxford
shall die the death of traitors.
At the commencement of this scene the King inquires for his
unthrifty son, whom he has not seen for three months. Putting
X. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF RICHARD II. 269
aside all consideration of historical dates — any attempt to reconcile
•which with the plot of the drama would plunge us into a sea of
contradictions and confusion — this three months mentioned by King
Henry would suppose the lapse of at least that period since his ac-
cession to the throne, that is, between Days 11 and 12 ; and yet, so
long an interval as three months seems quite at variance with the
march of the drama, and to be irreconcilable with York's description
of the entry into London, with which the first scene of this Day 12
commences. I mark an interval between the two days, but am un-
able to determine its length.
Act V. sc. iv. Exton resolves to set out for Pomfret to put
Richard to death. I include this scene in Day 12, as the King's
words, which are his motive, I suppose to have been uttered on the
occasion of the discovery of the plot revealed in the two preceding
scenes.
An interval.
Day 13. Act V. sc. v. Pomfret Castle. Eichard in prison.
His murder by Exton.
An interval.
Day 14. Act V. sc. vi. The Court. In this scene we learn the
defeat of the rebellion against Henry and the death of the chief
conspirators. Exton arrives with the body of Richard. The King
repels him, and resolves to make a pilgrimage to the Holy Land to
cleanse himself from the guilt of Richard's death.
Time of this Play, fourteen days represented on the stage; with
intervals, the length of which I cannot attempt to determine.
Day 1. Act I. sc. i.
Interval.
„ 2. Act I. sc. ii.
Interval.
„ 3. Act I. sc. iii.
„ 4. Act I. sc. iv., Act II. sc. i.
Interval.
„ 5. Act II. sc. ii.
Interval.
270 X. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OP / HENRY IV.
Day 6. Act II. sc. iii.
Interval.
„ 7. Act II. sc. iv., Act III. sc. i.
„ 8. Act III. sc. ii.
Interval.
„ 9. Act III. sc. iii.
Interval.
„ 10. Act III. sc. iv.
Interval.
,,11. Act IV. sc. i., Act V. sc. i.
Interval.
„ 12. Act V. sc. ii., iii., and iv.
Interval.
„ 13. Act V. sc. v.
Interval.
„ 14. Act V. sc. vi.
Historic time from 29th April, 1398, to the beginning of March,
1400, at which time the body of Eichard, or what was declared to
be such, was brought to London.
FIRST PART OF HENRY IV.
FIRST printed in Quarto. First divided into acts and scenes in
Folio ; this division differs from Globe edition in Act us quintus only,
where Scana secunda includes sc. ii. and iii., Sccena tertia = sc. iv.,
Scawa quart a = sc. v.
Day 1. Act I. sc. i. The Court. Henry demands of his council
what steps were taken yesternight to forward his proposed expedition
to the Holy Land determined on a twelvemonth ago (see end of
Richard //.), and we learn that this business was broken off by the
arrival of news importing the defeat and capture of Mortimer by
Glendower, and an engagement at Holmedon, the result of which is
yet unknown, between Harry Percy and the Scots under Douglas.
X. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OP I HENRY IV. 271
The King then introduces Blunt, " new lighted from his horse," who
brings news of Percy's complete victory. The King hears, however,
that Percy refuses to give up the prisoners he has taken, and he has
accordingly sent for him to answer this contempt of his authority :
he decides that the council shall meet again on Wednesday next at
Windsor.
An interval : a week [1] See comment on Act I. sc. iii.
[l Day la. Act I. sc. ii. The Prince of Wales meets Falstaff,
and they are soon after joined by Poins, who comes to tell them of a
proposed highway robbery which is concerted for " to-morrow morn-
ing by four o'clock at Gadshill," and that after the affair he has
" bespoke supper to-morrow night in Eastcheap." The Prince objects
(to Falstaff's great disgust) ; but Poins undertakes to persuade the
Prince, and Falstaff leaves them, telling them they shall find him in
Eastcheap. Poins then proposes to the Prince that Falstaff and his
companions shall commit the robbery, and that he and the Prince in.
disguise shall rob the robbers, Hal consents, and in the subsequent
scenes it appears that Poins's programme is carried out; but the
Prince throws the time into sad confusion by his speech (11. 215 — 217)
— " Well, I'll go with thee ; provide us all things necessary and meet
me to-morrow night in Eastcheap; there I'll sup. Farewell." If
this speech is otherwise correctly given, Capell's emendation, — to-
night— seems necessary; Knight, however, endeavours to overcome
the difficulty by re-arrangement : he prints, — " Well, I'll go with
thee ; provide us all things necessary and meet me.
To-morrow night in Eastcheap, there I'll sup. Farewell."]
Day 2. Act I. sc. iii. The Court. The King has before him
Harry Percy, his father Northumberland, and his uncle Worcester.
The question of the Scottish prisoners taken by Percy at Holmedon
is discussed. The King refuses to ransom Mortimer — the condition
required by Percy before surrendering his prisoners — and departs,
threatening the Percys that they shall hear from him unless they
comply with his demands. Worcester, who in the beginning of the
1 Such of the Falstaffian scenes as cannot be dovetailed into the general
course of the action I have in this, and in the following Play, enclosed in
brackets and numbered their days separately.
272 X. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS- OF I HENRY IV.
scene had been dismissed by the King for his presumption in
reminding him of his obligations to their family, now re-enters and
opens to Northumberland and Percy a plot by which they may
depose the King and set up Mortimer, the rightful heir to the throne,
in his place. Percy is to free his prisoners without ransom and form
an alliance with the Scots ; Northumberland is to join with the
Archbishop of York. Worcester will direct them by his letters how
to proceed, and, says he —
" When time is ripe, which will be suddenly,
I'll steal to Glendower, and Lord Mortimer;
Where you and Douglas and our powers at once,
As I will fashion it, shall happily meet," etc.
The time and place of this scene are somewhat difficult to determine ;
if we go by Act I. sc. i. we should suppose the place " Windsor,"
and the time the " Wednesday next " mentioned by the King, and
the longest interval we could suppose between sc. i. and iii. of this
Act would be a week. This, dramatically considered, may be suffi-
cient as far as Hotspur is concerned, but it supposes uncommon haste
as regards Mortimer's adventures; for during this interval he has
become the son-in-law of his captor Glendower, and the news of his
marriage has reached the King (1. 84). Of course it may be said
that as Mortimer was taken prisoner by Glendower 22nd June, 1402,
and the engagement at Holmedon was not fought till the 14th of the
following September, there was time enough for the marriage, and for
the news of it to reach the King; but we are not dealing with
history : the poet makes both battles to occur about the same time,
and the time-plot of the drama becomes accordingly somewhat
confused. Taking the historic date of Holmedon fight, the time of
this scene might be supposed towards the end of Sept., 1402.
An interval : some three or four weeks. See comment on Act II.
sc. iii.
[Day 2a. Act II. sc. i. Eochester. An inn yard. Carriers
preparing to start on their journey. Time, as they reckon, 4 a.m. ;
though one of them in reply to Gadshill, who now enters, thinks it
be only 2 a.m. They depart, and Gadshill has further conference
X. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF / IIENltY IV. 273
with the chamberlain, with whom he is in league, as to the move-
ments of the travellers who are to be the victims of the robbery.
Act II. sc. ii. The highway near Gadshill. Time, before day-
break. The Prince and Poins, then Falstaff, and subsequently
Gadshill, Bardolph, and Peto, enter. As plotted by Poins, he and the
Prince retire ; the travellers enter and are robbed by Falstaff and his
companions, who in their turn are robbed by the Prince and Poins.
Both these scenes are of course on the morrow of Act I. sc. ii.,
Day la.]
Day 3. Act II. sc. iii. Hotspur's castle; at "Warkworth, so
editors have decided, following Capell. Hotspur solus reading a
letter from some faint-hearted friend whom he has moved to join the
rebellion against the King. Some of his friends have set forward
already, and by the ninth of next month all expect to meet in arms.
He determines to set out to-night. Lady Percy joins him, and seeks
to know the cause of his pre-occupation, which has made her for this
fortnight
" A banish'd woman from her Harry's bed."
He daffs aside her inquiries, but promises —
" Whither I go thither shall you go too ;
To-day will I set forth, to-morrow you."
The plot of the drama can hardly allow us to suppose the lapse of
a longer period than three or four weeks between the time of this
scene and Act I. sc. iii., Day 2 ; yet as Hotspur tells us that the
confederates were all to meet on the " ninth of next month," and as
the final act of the rebellion takes place at Shrewsbury on the 21st
July, 1403, we might be tempted to place the time of this Act II. sc.
iii. in June, 1403. As we have supposed the time of Act I. sc. iii.,
Day 2, to be towards the end of Sept., 1402, this would give us an
interval of some eight or nine months between Days 2 and 3 ; clearly
an impossibly long break in the dramatic action. Even if we
suppose the "ninth of next month" to refer to the meeting at
Bangor, Act III. sc. i., Day 4, we could not materially reduce this
long interval; for according to the drama that meeting must be
supposed to take place within three or four weeks, at the utmost, of
274 X. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OP I HENRY W.
Shrewsbury fight. We must, in fact, brush history aside, and
content ourselves with the indefinite interval of three or four weeks
which I have marked between Days 2 and 3.
An interval: about a week. During this interval Worcester
must be supposed to steal away from Court to join his friends at
Bangor, where, in Day 4, Act III. sc. i., we next meet with him.
[Day 2«, continued. Act II. sc. iv. A tavern in Eastcheap.
As this is the first time we are introduced to Dame Quickly' s resid-
ence, it may as well be stated that the sign of the house, The Boar's
Head, is a mere figment of the editors ; its locality only is mentioned
by Shakespeare : no note of its sign is to be found in any of the old
editions of his Plays, either in the text or in the stage-directions.
Yet Malone says Shakespeare hung up the sign; Boswell, that he
with propriety selected it ; Hunter (New Illustrations), that he gave
the sign to the tavern ; and all editors speak as familiarly of the
" Boar's Head " as if there were no more doubt about its being
O
Shakespeare's creation than there is of his having been the creator of
its jovial frequenter, Falstaff himself. I know not who first fixed on
the Boar's Head as the scene of Falstaff 's exploits,1 but it certainly is
a tradition of ancient date. See Pleasant Notes upon Don Quixot.
By Edmund Gayton, Esq., 1654.
"Sir John of famous memory; not he of the Boares-Head in
East-cheap" p. 277. Quoted in Dr. Ingleby's Centurie of Praise,
etc.
The time of the commencement of this scene is the night of the
day of the robbery at Gadshill (sc. i. and ii. Act II.). The Prince and
Poins amuse themselves with bewildering the waiter, Francis, "to
drive away the time till Falstaff come." Falstaff arrives at length
with the rest of the crew, and gives his account of how he had
"ta'en" and lost "a thousand pound this day morning." A
messenger from the Court is now announced : Falstaff goes out to
question him, and returns with the news that Hotspur, Northumber-
land, Mortimer, Glendower, and Douglas are all up in arms ; that
"Worcester is- stolen away to-night" and that the Prince "must to
1 Theobald was the first editor who introduced it in the stage-directions.
X. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF I HENRY IV. 275
the Court in the morning ; " and so they practise a play in order that
he may he prepared with his reply when he comes to his father's
presence " to-morrow." This amusement is interrupted by the arrival
of the Sheriff, with a " most most monstrous watch," come to seek
for the heroes of Gadshill. They hide, leaving the Prince and Poins
to receive the Sheriff, who, on the assurance of the Prince that they
shall be forthcoming, departs, wishing him
" Good night, my noble lord.
Prince. I think it is good morrow ; is it not 1
Sheriff. Indeed, my lord, I think it be two o'clock"
So that
Day 3« may now be said to have fairly commenced. The Prince
and Poins find Falstaff asleep behind the arras, and, searching his
pockets, find his famous tavern bill. The Prince then announcing
that he will to the Court in the morning, and bidding Poins be with
him betimes, wishes him good morrow, and they depart.1]
Day 4. Act III. sc. i. At Bangor. Hotspur, Worcester,
Mortimer, and Glendower are met to seal to their tripartite division
of the kingdom, and to make their final arrangements for opposing
the King. It is agreed that Hotspur, "Worcester, and Mortimer shall
set out this night to join with Northumberland and the Scottish
forces under Douglas, as appointed, at Shrewsbury; within a fort-
night Glendower is also to meet them there. Lady Percy, it should
be noted, is also in this scene ; and from the dialogue it is obvious
that all the conspirators have been some days in Bangor. We may
suppose perhaps a week's interval between this scene and Act II. sc.
iii., when we last met with Hotspur.
Mortimer, as appears from the subsequent scenes, did not leave
Glendower : we hear of him, indeed, but see him no more after this
scene.
An interval : about a fortnight.
Day 5. Act III. sc. ii. The Court, in London. The Prince,
1 In the latter part of this scene and in Act III. sc. iii. Peto has by some
accident got into the place of Poins in the old copies ; similar errors occur
with reference to other subordinate characters in these Falstaffian scenes ; they
are obvious enough, and are corrected in most modern editions.
276 X. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OP I HENRY IV.
in pursuance of Iiis intention expressed in Act II. sc. iv., has an
interview with his father, promises amendment, and is reconciled
with him. Blunt enters to announce that
" Lord Mortimer of Scotland hath sent word,
That Douglas and the English rebels met,
The eleventh of this month, at Shrewsbury."
The King replies that —
" The Earl of Westmoreland set forth to-day ;
With him my son, Lord John of Lancaster ;
For this advertisement is Jive days old : —
On Wednesday next, Harry, you shall set forward ;
On Thursday, we ourselves will march : our meeting
Is Bridgenorth : and, Harry, you shall march
Through Gloucestershire ; by which account,
Our business valued, some twelve days hence
Oar general forces at Bridgenorth shall meet."
From the news brought by Blunt — old news, as it appears — it is
obvious that a considerable interval, including the five days men-
tioned by the King, must be supposed to separate Days 4 and 5 ;
a fortnight perhaps may be deemed sufficient, dramatically, and I
have accordingly set down that time.
In this scene the Prince Hal and Falstaff days merge into the main
course of time : this Day 5 is the continuation of the bracketed Day
3a,j which commenced in Act II. sc. iv. ; it is therefore the
morrow of Day 2a, itself the morrow of Day la, which opened in
Act I. sc. ii., and all these scenes might be brought down in time
and supposed to occur during the latter part of the interval marked
between Days 4 and 5 ; but — and this obstacle is insurmountable —
Falstaff in Act II. sc. iv. 1. 392 announces that " Worcester is stolen
away to-night" i. e. the night of Days 2 a — 3a, on which he is
speaking; or if by to-night we are to understand the night last past —
a sense in which to-night is very frequently used in these plays — •
then the night of Days la — 2a ; but it is obvious that Worcester
had joined his friends in Wales some weeks before this Falstaffian
night, unless we may suppose it to equal
" a night in Eussia
When nights are longest there."
X. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF I HENRY IV. 277
In fact, we have in this Play two distinct streams of time, flowing
side by side, meeting at last, though in their previous courses pre-
senting irreconcilable elements : on the one hand months of time,
on the other a couple of days.
Day 6. Act III. sc. iii. The tavern in Eastcheap. Falstaff
banters Bardolph on his red nose, and fixes a quarrel on his hostess
with reference to the picking of his pocket when, " the other
night," he fell asleep behind the arras. The Prince enters with
Poins ; he has paid back the money stolen at Gadshill, is reconciled
to his father, and has procured Falstaff a charge of foot. He sends
off letters to Prince John and to Westmoreland by Bardolph, and
then departs with Poins, with whom he has " thirty miles to ride yet
ere dinner-time." Falstaff ends the scene by calling for his break-
fast. The time of this scene must be supposed tolerably early in the
morning of the morrow of Day 5, otherwise Bardolph would have
some difficulty in delivering the letters to Prince John and West-
moreland, who must, even at this time, have proceeded a day's
journey on their march to Shrewsbury.
An interval : a week.
Day 7. Act IY. sc. i. The rebel camp near Shrewsbury. Hot-
spur, Worcester, and Douglas. Letters come from Northumberland,
stating that sickness prevents him from bringing up his forces. Sir
Richard Vernon enters with the further news that Glendower can-
not be ready with his power this fourteen days. Vernon also tells
the confederates that Westmoreland, with Prince John, is marching
hitherwards, and that " The King himself in person is set forth, / Or
hitherwards intended speedily ; " and that the Prince of Wales and
his comrades are all up in arms : he has himself seen " young Harry
with his beaver on." It is obvious from Yernon's news that several
days at least must have elapsed since the London scenes, Act III.
sc. ii. and iii. (Days 5 and 6). I have marked a week, which is per-
haps sufficient dramatically.
An interval : a few days.
Day 8. Act IY. sc. ii. Near Coventry. Falstaff with his
N, S. SOC. TRANS., 1877-9, 10
278 X. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OP I HENRY IV.
ragged regiment. He commissions Bardolph to get him a bottle of
sack, and to bid his lieutenant, Peto, meet him at the town's end :
for he himself determines that he will not inarch through Coventry
with his troops. He proposes to get to Sutton Co'fU' to-night.
Prince Hal and Westmoreland enter. "Westmoreland's forces are
already at Shrewsbury; the King is encamped there, and looks for
.them all, and they must away all night ; 'tis more than time that they
were there. The news contained in. this scene justifies the interval
of a few days marked between it and the preceding scene.
Day 9. Act IV. sc. iii. The rebel camp near Shrewsbury. Sir
Walter Blunt arrives with offers of peace from the King. Hotspur
bids him
" Go to the King ; and let there be impawn'd
Some surety for a safe return again,
And in the morning early shall my uncle [Worcester]
Bring him our purposes."
Act IY. sc. iv. York. The Archbishop bids Sir Michael haste
with letters to his friends, that they may be prepared to resist the
King should Hotspur succumb in the great fight which he under-
stands is to take place at Shrewsbury on the morrow.
It is evident that this and the preceding scene must both be
supposed on one day, which may be taken to be the morrow of
Day 8.
Day 10. Act V. sc. i. The King's camp near Shrewsbury.
Worcester and Yernon come to the King, who renews his offers of
pardon and friendship to the rebels if they lay down their arms.
Act Y. sc. ii. The rebel camp. Worcester determines that it is
not for their safety to place any reliance on " the liberal and kind
offer of the King," and informs Hotspur that " the King will bid
him battle presently." Whereupon Hotspur orders that defiance be
sent to him by Westmoreland, who, it seems, was hostage for Wor-
cester's safe return. They prepare for the fight.
Act Y. sc. iii. and iv. Yarious incidents of the battle, ending in
the death of Hotspur and the defeat of the rebels.
Act Y. sc. v. After the battle. The King disposes of the
X. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF I HENRY IV.
279
prisoners, orders Worcester and Vernon to - execution, and then
determines that Prince John and Westmoreland shall proceed to
York, " to meet Northumberland and the prelate Scroop," while he
himself, with his son Harry, marches to Wales,
" To fight with Glendower and the Earl of March."
Time of this Play, ten " historic" days, with three extra Falstaffian
days, and intervals. Total dramatic time, three months at the outside.
Day 1. Act I. sc. i. London.
News of the battle of Holmedon,
etc.
Interval : a week [?]. Hotspur comes
to Court.
Day 2. Act I. sc. Hi. At Court.
The Percys quarrel with the King.
Their rebellion planned.
Interval : some three or four weeks.
Day 3. Act II. sc. iii. Wark-
worth. Hotspur determines to set
out to join the confederates at
Bangor.
Interval : a week. Hotspur and
Worcester both arrive at Bangor.
Day 4. Act III. sc. i. Bangor.
The confederates make the final
arrangements for their outbreak.
Interval : about a fortnight.
Day 5. Act III. sc. ii. At Court.
Prince Hal has an interview with
his father. News of the insurgents
is received. This Day 5 is also a
continuation of Day 3a, which com-
mences in Act II. sc. iv.
Day 6. Act III. sc. iii. East-
cheap. Prince Hal informs Fal-
staff of his appointment to a
charge of foot for the wars. The
morrow of Day 6.
Interval : a week,
Actl.sc.ii. London. Fal-")
staff, Prince Hal, and ! —. -
Poins. The robbery at T y a'
Gadshill planned.
IL;
T
Act II. sc. i. Inn yard'
at Rochester.
Act II. sc. ii. Gadshill.
The robbery.
Act II. sc. iv. The
Bear's Head, East-
cheap. Prince Hal, Fal-.
staff, etc., at night and
early morning.
= Act III. sc. ii. At
Court.
• Day 2a
• Day 3<v.
280 X. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF II.HEyjtY IV.
Day 7. Act IV. sc. i. Rebel camp
near Shrewsbury.
Interval : a few days.
Pay 8. Act IV. sc. ii. Near
Coventry. Falstaff with his ragged
regiment.
Day 9. Act IV. sc. Hi. The
rebel camp. Blunt comes with
offers of peace from the King.
Act IV. sc. iv. York. The
Archbishop prepares for the good
or ill fortune of the morrow.
Day 10. Act V. sc. i. to v. The
battle of Shrewsbury.
The period of history represented by this Play ranges from the
defeat of Mortimer by Glendower, 22nd June, 1402, to the battle of
Shrewsbury, 21st July, 1403.
SECOND PART OF HENRY IV.
FIRST printed in Quarto. First divided into acts and scenes m
Folio.
The Induction comes under the heading of Actus primus, Sccena
prima. Our scenes i., ii., iii. therefore = ii., iii., iv., Folio.
Actus Quartus, Sccena prima includes sc. i., ii., iii. Sccena
secunda includes sc. iv. and v.
The action of this Play is supposed to commence within a day or
two of the battle of Shrewsbury, with which the first part ends.
INDUCTION. Rumour enters before the castle of old Northumber-
land, and tells how she has spread a false report of the battle of
Shrewsbury, attributing the victory to Hotspur, Accordingly, in
Day 1, Act I. sc. i., Lord Bardolph1 enters to acquaint North-
umberland with these wished -for tidings. He is, however, soon
followed by Travers, who brings true news of the defeat of the
rebels and death of Hotspur. Morton, who has fled from Shrews-
1 In the first draught of this scene the part now taken by Lord Sardolph
was evidently given to Sir Jolm Urn/revile. See on this subject an interesting
paper by Professor Hagena, read at the 42ud meeting of the N. S. Soc., 13th
April, 1878, to be printed in Part III. of Transactions, 1877-9,
X. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF II HENRY IV. 281
bury, now enters, confirms this fatal intelligence, and informs
Northumberland that the King
" hath sent out
A speedy power to encounter you, my lord,
Under the conduct of young Lancaster1
And Westmoreland."
He further tells him that
" The gentle Archbishop of York is up
With well-appointed powers."
They adjourn to counsel, and to decide on
" The aptest way for safety and revenge."
An interval .• time for Lord Bardolph to join the Archbishop at
York.
[Day la. London. Act I. sc. ii, Falstaff, whom we last saw at
Shrewsbury (end of First Part of Henry IV.), is here with his page ;
Bardolph, it appears, is also with him ; though for the moment he has
gone into Smithfield to buy his worship a horse. The Lord Chief
Justice enters with his servant; Falstaff tries to avoid him, but it will
not do, so he brazens it out. The information in this scene as to the
movements of the personages of the drama is important, but at the
same time very perplexing for one engaged in an analysis of its
plot. We need not inquire how it comes about that Falstaff is now
in London, we must be satisfied with the fact that he is here. The
Lord Chief Justice's servant has heard that he " is now going with
some charge to the Lord John of Lancaster." " What, to York 1 "
asks his lordship ; so that it is clear that his lordship's information as
to Prince John's whereabouts is in agreement with the King's com*
mands at the end of the first part of this Play, and with Morton's
intelligence in sc. i. of this second part. His lordship's meaning,
however, is not quite so clear later on in this scene; in 1. 128 he
tells Falstaff, ;< I hear you are going with Lord John of Lancaster
1 It may be as well to note here that " young Lancaster " is Prince John,
afterwards Duke of Bedford in Henry V. and in First Part of Henry VI. The
dramatist sometimes titles him " Lancaster " and " Duke of Lancaster," a
title belonging to the King, and devolving on his eldest son, the Prince of
Wales.
282 X. P. A. DANIEL, TIME-ANALYSIS OP // HENRY IV.
against the Archbishop and the Earl of Northumberland;" and as at
the end of the scene Falstaff sends out his page with letters to
deliver to "my Lord of Lancaster," "to the Prince [of Wales]/' "to
the Earl of Westmoreland," and "to old Mistress Ursula," it would
seem that all these personages are in London, and that the expedition
against Northumberland has been for some reason deferred. And the
expedition of the King and the Prince of Wales against Glendower?
If we are to believe Ealstaff, the Prince is back in London, and so
also is the King; for he tells us (1. 118), " I hear his majesty is
returned with some discomfort from Wales."]
Day 2. Act I. sc. iii. York. The Archbishop's palace. The
Archbishop and the Lords Hastings, Mowbray, and Bardolph con-
sider their position and their ability to cope with the King, wanting
as they yet do the promised power of Northumberland. They deter-
mine that they will on. Their information as to the King's move-
ments is that Ms force is divided into three parts : one led by " the
Duke of Lancaster and Westmoreland " against them ; one led by
the King himself and the Prince of Wales against the Welsh ; and a
third division, the commander unknown, against the French.
It will be observed that Lord Bardolph is ignorant, until informed
by Hastings, that the force directed against them is lead by Prince
John ; yet in sc. i. he was present when Morton informed North-
umberland of this fact (see Note 1, p. 280).
[Day 2a. Act II. sc. i. London. Mistress Quickly of East-
cheap, now a widow, seeks to arrest Falstaff: he owes her money,
and she will be undone by his going. The Lord Chief Justice
interferes, reproaches Falstaff, tells him he ought by this time to
have been well on his way to York, and Falstaff himself desires
deliverance from the officers on the plea that he is upon hasty
employment in the King's affairs. In the end he pacifies Mrs.
Quickly, persuades her to draw her action, cajoles her into pawning
her plate and tapestries in order to lend him more money, and
promises her to come to supper, when Doll Tearsheet is to be of the
company. In the mean time Gower enters with letters for the Chief
Justice, from which it appears that the King and Prince Harry are
X, P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF // HSNRY IV. 283
near at hand ; the King lay at Basingstoke last night ; all his forces
are not come back ; " fifteen hundred foot, five hundred horae / Are
march'd up to niy Lord of Lancaster, / Against Northumberland and
the Archbishop." The time of this scene must be supposed before
midday, as Falstaff asks Gower to come with him to dinner (1. 194).
Mrs. Quickly also, in the beginning of the scene, says that Falstaff
" is indited to dinner to the Lubber' s-head in Lumbert St., to Master
Smooth's the silkman." Yet for a king who was grievous sick the
forty-seven odd miles between Basingstoke and London must have
been a good morning's journey. So much for the time of the day ;
for the day itself there is nothing incompatible with its being
supposed the continuation of the day represented in Act I. sc. ii. ;
Falstaff's knowledge there of the movements of the King and Prince
Hal closely connect the two scenes ; but we shall perhaps satisfy all
the exigencies of the plot if we suppose it not later than the morrow
of that scene. "We must, however, forego all notion of Prince John
and Westmoreland having been in London in Act I. sc. ii., and what
we are to understand by Falstaff sending letters to them by his page,
who has not left London, I know not.
Act II. sc. ii. London. Prince Hal and Poins have just
arrived; they meet Bardolph and the Page. Bardolph tells the
Prince that Falstaff had " heard of your grace's coming to town :
there's a letter for you." The letter, it is to be presumed, confided to
the Page yesterday. The Prince learns that Falstaff is to sup in
Eastcheap with Mrs. Quickly and Doll Tearsheet, and resolves to
steal upon him in disguise, cautioning Bardolph and the Page not to
let him know of his arrival.]
Day 2, continued. Act II. sc. iii. Northumberland's castle.
Northumberland yields to the solicitations of his wife and daughter-
in-law, and resolves to fly to Scotland, there to await the result of the
Archbishop's enterprise. This scene may most conveniently be
supposed on the same day as Act I. sc. iii.
An interval. Includes the Falstaffian Days la and 2a, during
which the King and Prince Hal arrive in London.
[Day 2a, continued. Act II. sc. iv. The tavern in Eastcheap
284 X. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF II HENRY -IV.
After supper Falstaff takes his fruit and wine with the Hostess and
Doll; his Ancient, Pistol, who now makes his first appearance in
these scenes, joins the company, but he and Doll are old enemies : a
quarrel ensues, and Pistol is soon quoited downstairs. The Prince
and Poins, disguised as drawers, then enter, and after a fine scene of
humour Peto comes in haste to tell the Prince that his father is at
Westminster, and that there are twenty weak and wearied posts come
from the north : as he came along he met and overtook a dozen
captains inquiring after Sir John Falstaff. The Prince and Poins
immediately depart, and shortly after Bardolph enters to tell Falstaff
he must away to court presently ; a dozen captains stay at door for
him. And so the party breaks up, very late at night (11. 175, 299).
What important duty unfulfilled it was that caused Prince Hal to
hurry from this scene the drama sayeth not j it could scarcely be to go
a-hunting at Windsor, or to revel it in London " with Poins, and
other his continual followers " (see Act IY. sc. iv.), yet that is all we
hear of his proceedings till he appears again upon the stage in Act IV.
sc. v, after the rebellion in the north is crushed. Poins we see no
more.]
Day 3. Act III. sc. i. Westminster. The King is sick and
sleepless ; he bids his page
" Go, call the Earls of Surrey and of Warwick ;
But, ere they come, bid them o'er-read these letters,
And well consider them : make good speed."
By the time the earls arrive it is " one o'clock, and past. They
discuss the news from the north : the King hears that the Bishop and
Northumberland are fifty thousand strong. But this Warwick
believes to be the mere exaggeration of rumour, and that the powers
the King has sent forth will easily deal with the rebels. He also
informs the King that he has received "a, certain instance that
Glendower is dead."
About the middle of this scene (11. 57 — 65) the King gives us a
note of time from which we must infer that he has now arrived at
the eighth year of his reign, 1407, the fourth after the battle of
Shrewsbury. As we hear no more of Glendower, we must suppose
Warwick's news of his death to be dramatically true; but in fact
X. P. A. DANIEL. TIME- ANALYSIS OP II HENRY IV. 285
Glendower did not cease from troubling the realm till the 20th Sept.,
1415. Now the dramatic time of this scene must, I think, be taken
to be the morrow of the preceding scene, Act II. sc. iv. The letters
on which the King consults Warwick and Surrey must be those
brought by the "twenty weak and wearied posts come from the
north," and this scene therefore — history notwithstanding — must be
supposed within a few days of the battle of Shrewsbury. What
with Falstaffian days and "historic" days, which are utterly sub-
versive of history, the task of ihe " Time- Analyst " is by no means
an easy one.
An interval. Falstaff journeys into Gloucestershire.
Day 4. Act III. sc. ii. In Gloucestershire; before Justice
Shallow's house. Falstaff takes up recruits on his way to the army.
An interval. Sufficient time for Falstaff with his recruits to
travel from Gloucester to Yorkshire.
Day 5. Act IV. sc. i. Yorkshire, Gaultree Forest. The Arch-
bishop of York, Mowbray, Hastings, with their army. The Archbishop
states that he has received " new-dated letters from Northumberland "
announcing his retirement to Scotland, and concluding with prayers
for their success. A messenger brings news that
" West of this forest, scarcely off a mile,
In goodly form comes on the enemy,"
and immediately after Westmoreland enters with offers of peace.
After some discussion the confederates entrust Westmoreland with a
schedule of their grievances ; he departs to submit it to Prince John,
and shortly after returns to invite them to meet the Prince at a just
distance between the two armies.
Act IV. sc. ii. The proposed meeting takes place. The Prince
accepts the conditions of the confederates, promises redress of
grievances, and proposes that both sides shall thereupon dismiss their
armies. Agreed to; and messengers to both armies go out accord-
ingly. The army of the confederates disperses ; the leaders of the
Prince's army have, however, received secret orders from him not to
disband until he in person shall give the word of command. By this
means he is enabled in safety to seize and send to execution the
286 x. p. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF n HEXRY iv.
leaders of the revolt, and pursue and slaughter their scattered forces.
The leaders themselves are a little surprised at the cleverness of this
proceeding, but the Prince triumphantly explains to them that he
had only promised them the redress of their grievances, not the safety
of their persons.
Some of the commentators are rather indignant with Shakespeare
for not having written one word in condemnation of this hideous
piece of treachery ; but he makes the Prince swear, by the honour
of his blood, and upon his soul, that the grievances of the confederates
shall be with speed redressed; he makes him drink and embrace
with them in token of restored love and amity; he makes him
promise, upon his honour, most Christian care in the performance of
the promised redress, and he, moreover, makes him attribute to God
the whole glory of his stratagem. Shakespeare could unpack his
heart with words, but I think he must have felt that any comment
in this case would but tend to weaken the effect produced by his
calm but vivid representation of the crime itself in all its naked
horror and deformity.
Act IV. sc. iii. The " Alarums and Excursions " of the pursuit.
Falstaff arrives on the scene and takes Sir John Colevile of the Dale
prisoner. He then presents himself before Prince John, who
reproaches him that when everything is ended then he comes. The
Prince sends Colevile to York with the other confederates to present
execution, and commissions Westmoreland to go before with the news
to the King. Falstaff requests permission to return home through
Gloucester, where he proposes to visit Master Robert Shallow.
An interval. Time for Westmoreland's journey from Yorkshire
to Westminster.
Day 6. Act IV. sc. iv. Westminster. The Jerusalem Chamber.
The King again refers to his proposed expedition to the Holy Land,^
which is only deferred until the rebels now afoot are brought under.
He questions his son Thomas of Clarence as to the Prince of Wales,
and is told" that he dines in London, accompanied with Poins and
other his continual followers. Westmoreland arrives with the news
of the suppression of the Archbishop's revolt, and is immediately
followed by Harcourt who tells of the overthrow of Northumberland
X. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF II HENRY lV.t 287
and Lord Bardolph by the Sheriff of York. The King swoons on
hearing this good news, and recovering again requests to be carried
into another chamber.
Act IV. sc. v. Another chamber. The King lying on a bed :
Clarence, Gloucester, "Warwick, etc. in attendance. Soft music. The
King falls asleep. The Prince of Wales enters, asks if the King has
heard the good news, and is told of his illness. He undertakes to
watch by his father's bed, and the rest retire. After a time he thinks
the King dead, takes the crown from the pillow, places it on his own
head, and goes out. The King awakes, calls for Warwick and the
rest, misses the crown, is told that the Prince Henry has been at his
bedside, and sends for him. The Prince returns with the crown, is
reproached for his eagerness for the succession and for his wild life,
expresses his repentance and affection, and receives loving advice from
his father. Prince John of Lancaster arrives, and is welcomed by the
King, who, feeling his end to be near, requests to be carried into the:
lodging where he first did swoon, which he now learns is called
Jerusalem; there he will die, in fulfilment of the prophecy that he
should not die but in Jerusalem, which vainly he supposed the Holy
Land. Both these scenes must be supposed on one day : the first is
certainly a morning scene, the second may be the afternoon. The
question of Prince Henry whether his father has heard the good,
news connects them closely, and the arrivals of Westmoreland in the.
one scene and Prince John in the next are sufficiently separated to
be consistent with the stage-time of the history.
[Day 3a. Act Y. sc. i. Gloucestershire. Justice Shallows
house. Shallow welcomes Falstaff and his followers. It is evident
that they have but just arrived. Cf. Davy's speech, 1. 31 : "Doth the
man of war stay all night, sir?" Shallow's, 1. 60: "Come, come,
come, off with your boots ;" and Falstaff s, 1. 67 : "Bardolph, look to
our horses."]
Day 7. Act V. sc. ii. Westminster. Immediately after the
King's death. Cf. the questions of the Lord Chief Justice. " How
doth the King?" .... "I hope, not dead." The new King
Henry V. enters and consoles and reassures his brothers, the Chief
288 X. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OP II HENRY IV.
Justice, etc. by his professions of entire reformation. A morning
scene ; the greetings are " good morrow : " it can therefore hardly be
supposed on the same day as scenes iv. and v. Act IV. ; I take it to
be the morrow of those scenes at the end of which it seems clear that
the King is within a few hours of dissolution.
An interval. Funeral of Henry IV. Preparation for coronation
of Henry V.
[Day 3a, continued. Act V. sc. iii. Gloucestershire. Shallow's
orchard. After supper Falstaff and his followers with their host and
Master Silence take their fruit and wine in an arbour. Pistol
arrives with the news of the King's death. Falstaff determines to
mount at once and ride all night to greet his new sovereign. This
scene is evidently the evening of the day commenced in Act V. sc. i. ;
both must therefore be supposed to occur some time in the last
marked interval.]
Day 8. Act V. sc. iv. London. Enter Beadles, dragging in
Hostess Quickly and Doll Tearsheet. It seems that the man is dead
whom they and Pistol beat amongst them, and prison is their
destination. One would like to know, if it were not to consider
matters too curiously, what had been Pistol's career since he was first
introduced to us. Then (Act II. sc. iv.) he was Falstaff 's ancient ;
but he apparently did not go to the wars with him. He must have
made it up with Doll and served under her banner, and so got
promotion; for when he brought news of the King's death to
Falstaff he was then greeted as Lieutenant.
Day 9. Act V. sc. v. Near Westminster Abbey. Falstaff,
Shallow, etc. have arrived, and await the coming forth of the new
King from the coronation ceremony. They are repulsed by him, and
the Lord Chief Justice, re-entering, orders Sir John and all his
company to be carried to the Fleet.
EPILOGUE, spoken by a Dancer, promising a continuation of the
story, with Sir John in it, etc.
Time of this Play, nine days represented on the stage, with three
extra Falstaffian days, and intervals. The total dramatic time, in-
X. P. A. DANIEL, TIME- ANALYSIS OF II HENRY IV.
289
eluding intervals, is not easily determined; I fancy a couple of
months would be a liberal estimate.
Day 1. Act I. sc. i. Warkworth,
Lord Bardolph with Northumber-
land.
Interval : time for Lord Bardolph to
join the Archbishop at York.
( Act I. sc. Hi. York. Lord
Bardolph with the Arch-
bishop and confederates.
While this scene takes
place at York we may
suppose that in
Day2. <
Act II. SC. Hi. North-
umberland resolves for
• Scotland.
Interval, including the Falstaffian
Days la and 2«, during which the
King arrives in London.
Day 3. Act III. sc. i. West-
minster, The King receives un-
certain news of the rebellion. This
scene must be the morrow of Day
2a.
Interval. Falstaffs journey into
Gloucestershire.
Day 4. Act III. sc. ii. Falstaffi
takes up recruits.
Interval. Falstaffs journey into
Yorkshire to join the army of
Prince John.
Day 5. Act IV. sc. i. to Hi. York-
shire. Suppression of the re-
bellion.
Interval. Westmoreland, followed
by Prince John, returns to London.
Falstaff travels into Gloucester-
shire.
Day 6. Act IV. sc. iv. and v.
Westminster. Westmoreland and
Prince John arrive at Court,
Mortal sickness of the King.
Act I. sc. ii.
London.
Falstaff in
Day 1«.
Act II. sc. i. Falstaffs
arrest. The King and
Prince Hal arrive from
Wales.
Act II. sc. ii. Prince
Hal and Poins.
Act II. sc. iv. Supper
at the Boar's Head.
2a.
290
X. P. A. DANIEL. TIME- ANALYSIS OP II HENRY IV.
rives with news of the
King's death.
Act V. sc. i. Falstaff^
arrives at Justice Shal-
low's.
Day 7. Act V. sc. ii. West-
minster. Immediately after the '
King's death; the morrow, I take )-Day3a.
it, of Day 6.
Interval. Funeral of the late King ; Act- V. sc. Hi. Justice
preparations for the coronation of Shallow's. Pistol ar-
the new. Within this interval
must be supposed Falstaff's arrival
at Justice Shallow's, Pistol's jour-
ney from London with news of the
King's death, and the return of
Falstaff and company to London.
Day 8. Act V. sc. iv. Mrs.
Quickly and Doll Tearsheet in
custody.
Day 9. Act V. sc. v. London.
Arrival of Falstaff and company.
Coronation of Henry V.
To this attempt at fixing the duration of the dramatic action I
append for the convenience of the reader the dates of the chief
historical events dealt with in the Play. Battle of Shrewsbury, 21st
July, 1403 ; suppression of the Archbishop of York's rebellion,
1405; final defeat of Northumberland and Lord Bardolph, 28th
Feb., 1408; death of Henry IY., 20th March, 1413; coronation
of Henry Y., 9th April, 1413 ; death of Owen Glendower, 20th
Sept., 1415.
HENRY V.
FIRST printed in Folio, divided into acts only.
Actus primus includes Acts I. and II.
Actus secundus = Act III.
Actus tertius = Act IY. sc. i. to vi.
Actus quartus = Act IY. sc. vii. and viii.
Actus qidntus = Act Y.
The imperfect Quarto edition, 1600, has no division of Acts or
scenes.
X. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF HENRY V. 291
1st CHORUS. Prologue. Important as setting forth the claims
of the dramatist on the imagination of the audience, especially in
lines 19, 20, and 30, 31.
" Suppose within the girdle of these walls
Are now confined two mighty monarchies."
* * * *
" Turning the accomplishment of many years
Into an hour-glass"
Day 1. Act I. sc. i. Ante-chamber in the King's Palace. The
Archbishop of Canterbury and the Bishop of Ely expatiate on the
wonderful reformation and high qualities of the King, and the
former tells how he has sought to divert his attention from the
temporalities of the Church by encouraging his claim to the throne
of France. The time is four o'clock, at which hour the French
Ambassador is to have audience, and the Bishops go in to be present
at it.
Act I. sc. ii. The Presence Chamber. The King consults with
his lords, spiritual and temporal, touching his claim to the French
crown. The Archbishop sets forth his title, urges him— *
" With blood and sword and fire to win his right,"
and promises a mighty sum in aid. The Ambassadors of France are
then called in : they bring a message from the Dauphin mocking
Henry's claim to France, and offering him in lieu of it a present of
tennis balls. The King dismisses them with a declaration of war,
and bids his lords prepare immediately for his expedition to France.
An interval. — See following chorus.
2nd CHORUS. Tells of the preparations for the war; of the
discovery of the conspiracy against the King, who is set from
London, and that the scene ia now transported to Southampton.
"The chorus, however, ends with the somewhat dubious lines—
*' But till the King come forth, and not till then,
Vnto Southampton do we shift our scene." — Folio.
I guess these two lines to have been added in order to introduce the
following scene, which certainly is not at Southampton, and which,
perhaps, would be better placed, as a separate day, in Act I. Pope, in
292 X. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF HENRY V.
fact, placed it there. It may be remarked that the comic scenes of
this play, like those of the two parts of Henry IV., are in general
very loosely connected with the main story, and render any com-
pletely satisfactory scheme of time difficult of attainment.
Day 2. Act II. sc. i. London. Eastclieap 1 Certainly near
Mrs. Quickly's hostelry. Time, the morning : " Good-morrow,
Lieutenant Bardolph," says Corporal Nym on meeting him. Nym
has a quarrel with Ancient Pistol, and good cause ; for has not the
latter married Nell Quickly, to whom he, Nym, was troth-plight, and
does he not still owe him, and refuses payment of the eight shillings
he won of him at betting1? Bardolph reconciles them, and it is
agreed that they shall all three be sworn brothers to France. Mrs.
Quickly calls them in to comfort poor Sir John Falstaff, who is very
ill, and would to bed, heart-broken at the King's unkindness.
An interval — and the fact that any interval at all should be
required between chorus No. 2 and the King's appearance at South-
ampton is an additional reason for regretting that sc. i. of this Act
cannot be transferred to the end of Act I., and this interval absorbed
in that which necessarily separates the two Acts — must now be
supposed. Less time than one week for poor Sir John's sickness,
death, and burial, cannot well be denied, and, but that Kings must
not be kept waiting, I should have set down at least a fortnight.
Day 3. Act II. sc. ii. Southampton. The King convicts
Cambridge, Scroop, and Grey of treason ; sends them to execution,
and then sets out for France.
Act II. sc. iii. London. Falstaff is dead, " and we must yearn
therefore : " "a' parted even just between twelve and one, even at
the turning o' the tide." 1 On what night is not stated : one night
during our last interval. Pistol, Nym, Bardolph, and the Boy, take
1 Tho tide of time: when time was "dead low water," and the "tide of
the returning day" commenced to flow. — See the late Howard Staunton's
admirable exposition of this passage in The AtliciKeum, 8th November, 1873.
As this is a question of time not generally understood, I may add to the
illustrations there given one more, from Brome's City Wit, I. i. p. 310,
Pearson's reprint —
Crasy [disguised as a doctor]. " Let me see, to-night it will be full moon.
And she 'scape the turning of the next Tyde> I will give her a gentle Vomit in
the morning," &c.
X. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF HENRY V. 293
leave of the Hostess, and depart to join the army. It is more than
time ; for " the King will be gone from Southampton." It will be
observed that Staines lies on their road, and therefore that the
travellers were bound for Southampton. I include this scene in one
day with sc. ii. ; it cannot well be put later, nor can I suppose it to
be so early as the morrow of sc. i. ; hence the necessity of the inter-
val between Days 2 and 3.
An interval : time for the arrival of the English army in France,
and for the further journey of Exeter to the French Court.
Day 4. Act II. sc. iv. France. The King's Palace. The
French King and his Nobles determine on their lines of defence.
Exeter, Ambassador from Henry, who is footed in the land already,
comes to demand the surrender of the crown, and to convey a mes-
sage of scorn and defiance to the Dauphin. The French King
requires a night's reflection, and promises his answer on the morrow.
An interval : see following chorus.
3rd CHORUS. Tells of King Henry's departure from Hampton ;
his arrival at Harfleur, and of the return of his Ambassador with the
offer of the French King's daughter, Katherine, in marriage, dowered
with some petty and unprofitable dukedoms, which oifer likes not,
and the siege of the town is commenced accordingly.
Day 5. Act III. sc. i., ii., and iii. Before Harfleur. Siege of
the town — assaults — the town sounds a parley (sc. ii.), and surrenders
(sc. iii.) ; their expectation of succours from the Dauphin having this
day an end. Henry establishes Exeter as governor, and the winter
coining on, determines to retire to Calais —
" To-night," says he to Exeter, " in Harfleur we will be your guest ;
To-morrow for the march are we addrest."
Pistol and his companions are present at this siege (sc. ii.), and it
appears they did not accompany the King in his direct voyage to
Harfleur ; for " in Calais " Njm and Bardolph " stole a fire-shovel."
An interval. March of King Henry towards Calais.
[Act III. sc. iv. The French King's Palace. The Princess
Katherine takes her first lesson in English ; for, says she, " il faut
N. S. SOC. TRANS., 1877-9. 20
294 X. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF HENRY V.
que j'appronne a parler." Why 1 Clearly with a view to the pro-
posed marriage between herself and King Henry, and this scene
therefore seems out of place ; its time must be supposed within a
day or two of Day 4, Act II. sc. iv. ; for since that time, as we learn
in Chorus 3, the negotiations for this marriage have been broken off.
I accordingly enclose this scene in brackets, and refer it to the inter-
val which follows Day 4.]
Day 6. Act III. sc. v. Rouen. The French King and his
Nobles have heard that Henry has " pass'd the river Somme," and
determine that he shall be fought withal. The King bids them
march upon him and bring him prisoner into Rouen, and orders that
Mountjoy the herald be sent to him at once to defy him and to know
what ransom he will give. He determines that the Dauphin shall
remain with him in Eouen.
An interval : a day or two.
Day 7. Act III. sc. vi. Blangy. The English make them-
selves masters of the bridge, cross the Ternois, and encamp beyond
the river, within sight of the French army, near Agincourt. In the
course of the scene Mountjoy delivers to Henry the message confided
to him by the French King.
In this scene we have a noticeable instance of the method in
which time is frequently dealt with in these Plays ; the progress
of events keeping pace with the dialogue in which they are narrated :
Pistol comes to urge Fluellen to intercede with Exeter * for Bardolph,
who is sentenced to be hanged for stealing a pax of little price.
Fluellen declines to interfere, and almost immediately after — without
his quitting the stage, and without any break in the action which
might assist the spectator in imagining the passage of time — he is
able to inform the King, who enters, that Bardolph's "nose is
executed, and his fire's out."
Time " draws toward night " when this scene ends.
1 The plot of the drama would not lead us to expect the presence of
Exeter in this and subsequent scenes connected with Agincourt ; for in Act
III. sc. iii. Henry establishes him as Governor of Harfleur. According to the
Chronicles, however, Exeter appointed " Jhon Fastolffe " his lieutenant for
that Dlace and accompanied the King on his journey to Calais.
X. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OP HENRY V. 295
Act III. sc. vii. The French camp near Agincourt ; at night.
The French lords long for day that they may prove their valour on
the English host. At "midnight" (I. 97) "Dolphin"1 goes out to
arm himself, and we must suppose, therefore, that
Day 8 begins here. The other lords continue their banter and
bragging. A messenger informs them that the Lord Grandpre" has
measured the ground, and finds that the English lie within 1500
paces of the French tents. Orleans concludes the scene with-*-
" It is now two o'clock : but, let me see, by ten
We shall have each a hundred Englishmen."
4th CHORUS now intimates that it is " the third hour of drowsy
morning ; " describes the different conduct of the two armies, and
then, introducing us to the English camp and King Henry, departs.
Act IV. sc. i. The English camp. Henry visits in disguise the
several divisions of his army. Meets with Pistol, who boasts to him
that he will knock Fluellen's leek about his pate upon St. Davy's
Day. Overhears Fluellen's discourse with Gower on the disciplines
of the wars. Engages in a discussion with the three soldiers, Bates,
Court, and Williams, as morning begins to break (1. 88), and accepts
a challenge from the last, in gage of which they exchange gloves.
His nobles seek him out and he departs \ for the day, his friends and
all things stay for him.
Act IV. sc. ii. The French Camp. Morning has come at last ;
the sun doth gild their armour. The English are embattled, and the
French lords mount their horses, eager for the fray. As they haste
to the field the Constable exclaims : " The sun is high, and we out-
wear the day."
Act IY. sc. iii. The English Camp. Henry and his Nobles pre-
pare for the battle. Once more Mountjoy comes to know if he will
yield and pay ransom, and is once more dismissed.
1 Is this "Dolphin" the Dauphin of France, who in Act III. sc. v. was to
remain with his father in Kouen, and who, according to the chronicles, did
remain there ? Or is he intended for the " Great Master of France, the brave
Sir Guichard Dolphin " who was slain in the battle ? See Act IV. sc. viii.
1. 100. On this point, and others relating to the personages of the drama, see
Introduction to Parallel Texts Edition of Henry V., published for the New
Shakspere Society, 1877.
29 G X. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF HESKY V.
Then follow the " Alarms and Excursions," and the scenes iv. to
viii., which represent the great day of Agincourt, the details of which
it is not necessary for our purpose here to dwell upon. The King
ends the Act with the announcement of his intention to proceed to
Calais, and from thence to England.
After thus briefly dismissing the high acts and deaths of princes,
it may seem inconsistent to make special record of the end of
inferiors ; but as a matter of interest in connection with the comic
portion of the plot, Nym's fate may here be noted. At the end of
sc. iv., after Pistol has gone out with his French prisoner, the Boy
tells us that Nym has shared the fate of Bardolph. It was but
yesterday (Act III. sc. vi.)- that the Lieutenant's vital thread was cut
with edge of penny cord, and now we learn that a like preparation
of the herb Pantagruelion, so celebrated by the learned Alcofribas
Easier, has also stopped the breath of Corporal Njm ; though when
this fatal event occurred we know not. The Boy himself perishes
shortly after — "there's not a boy left alive," says Gower ia the
beginning of sc. vii. — and Pistol alone of all the crew is left alive to
furnish us with one more rich scene of humour in the next Act.
An interval. See following Chorus.
5th CHORUS tells of Henry's journey to England and of his
reception by his people; then, with excuses for passing over time
and history, brings the audience straight back again to France. The
historic period thus passed over by the dramatist dates from 25th
October, 1415, to Henry's betrothal to Katherine, 20th May, 1420;
all representation of the wars which ended in the conquest of France
being omitted in the Play.
[Act Y. sc. i. Yesterday, it seems, was St. David's Day, and
Pistol, in fulfilment of his vow recorded in Act IV. sc. i., had taken
advantage of Fluellen's presence in a place where he "could not
breed no contention," to insult him about his leek. Fluellen now
revenges himself, and cudgels Pistol into eating the leek he loathed.
The locality of this scene is France ; for in his last speech, Pistol
says, " to England will I steal : " its time, dramatically considered,
should probably be imagined within a few days of Day 8. Pistol's
X. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF HENRY V. 297
braggardism had been pretty thoroughly exposed to the world already,
and he could scarcely be expected to maintain the imposture for any
longer time. Johnson, it may be observed, would place the scene at
the end of Act IV., supposing it to occur before the return of the
army to England. At a pinch, perhaps, we might imagine that
Pistol, with Fluellen and Gower, had remained in garrison at Calais
since the great battle, and, if we go by the Almanack, we might
thus lengthen out Pistol's military career by four months and a-half
to this 2nd March, the morrow of St. David's Day. This time and
place, too, might be taken to agree pretty well with the news that
Pistol has received from England that his "Nell is dead i' the
spital ; " but it seems idle to assign any definite position in our time-
plot to this scene, and I enclose it therefore within brackets ; refer-
ring it to some time in the early part of the interval marked by
Chorus 5.]
Day 9. Act Y. sc. ii. France. King Henry and his Lords,
and the French King and Queen, by the mediation of the Duke of
Burgundy, settle terms of peace by which the two kingdoms are
united, and the marriage of Henry with Katherine resolved on.
6th CHORUS. Epilogue.
The period of history included in this Play commences in the
second year of Henry's reign, 1414, and ends with his betrothal to
Katherine, 20th May, 1420.
This period is represented on the stage by nine days, with
intervals.
1st CHORUS. Prologue.
Day 1. Act I. sc. i. and ii.
2nd CHORUS. Intervals
Day 2. Act II. sc. i.
Interval.
„ 3. Act II. sc. ii. and iii.
Interval.
,, 4. Act II. sc. iv.
3rd CHORUS. Interval.
Day 5. Act III. sc. i. to iii.
298 X. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF I HENRY VI.
Interval.
[Act III. sc. iv. Some time of the interval succeeding
Bay 4.]
Day 6. Act III. sc. v.
„ 7. Act III. sc. vi., and first part of sc. vii.
„ 8. Act III. sc. vii., second part. 4th. CHORUS, and Act IV.
sc. i. to viii.
5th CHORUS. Interval.
[Act V. sc. i. Some time in the early part of the last
interval.]
Day 9. Act V. sc. ii.
6th CHORUS. Epilogue.
FIRST PART OF HENRY VI.
FIRST printed in Folio ; divided into acts and partly into scenes.
Actus Primus and Actus Secundus, no division of scenes.
Actus Tertius divided as in Globe edition.
In Actus Quartus, Sccena prima comprises the whole of our Act
IV. ; Sccena secunda = Act V. sc. i. ; and Sccena tertia = Act V.
sc. ii. to iv.
Actus Quintm = Act V. sc. v.
Day 1. Act I. sc. i. Westminster Abbey. Funeral of Henry
V., attended by his brothers, the Duke of Gloucester, Protector, and
the Duke of Bedford, Regent of France; the Duke of Exeter,
governor of the young King; the Bishop of Winchester (Cardinal
Beaufort) and others.1 While they lament the dead King and
1 Among the " others " of this scene the stage direction of the Folio in-
cludes " Warwicke" and the "Duke of Somerset; " neither has any part in
the scene, and it is not perhaps of much importance whether their names
be retained or struck out here ; but it is important that we should understand
whom they were designed to represent by the dramatist, and on this point
there can be no doubt that by the " Earl of Warwick," in the three parts of
Henry VI, he meant Richard Neville, the 'king-maker,' and by the " Duke
of Somerset," in the two first parts, Edmund Beaufort, slain at St. Alban's.
It is of course perfectly true that their "dramatic" existence is often utterly
irreconcileable with history, but if we are to correct the dramatist at the bid-
X. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF I HENRY VL 299
quarrel among themselves, three several messengers arrive with newa
of great disasters in France. Thereupon Bedford goes out to prepare
for his return thither ; Gloucester goes out to proceed to the Tower,
" with all the haste he can," to view the artillery and munition there,
and then to proclaim young Henry VI. King ; Exeter goes out to
take charge of the young King at Eltham ; left alone, with no em-
ployment, "Winchester resolves that he will not long be " Jack out
of office."
Act I. sc. ii. France. The French under the command of
Charles attack the English army under Salisbury at the siege of
ding of history very little of his work would remain intact ; the whole of this
scene, for instance, would have to be demolished. In modern editions
"Warwick" is allowed to remain in this stage direction, and the reader's
historic conscience is soothed with the information that Eichard Beauchamp
is here meant, and in the modern list of dramatis persona prefixed to this
1st Part we are told that Somerset is John, Edmund's elder brother, though
it is perfectly certain (according to the dramatist) that in the 2nd Part he is
Edmund, and that in both 1st and 2nd Parts he is only one individual.
History is an indispensable aid in the study of these " Histories ; " but her
duty is that of a guide, not — except in a few rare cases— that of a corrector.
If the dramatist chooses, for instance, to make Richard Neville, who was born
in 1420, present at the funeral of Henry V. in 1422, a full-fledged Earl with
a title which he only got in 1449, he is in his right ; I think he must be quit
for that : all historical romancists do the like. Marry, there is another in-
dictment upon him for the which I think he should howl. He has not, I
think, any right to announce the loss of Paris in Act I. sc. i., and then in Act
IV. to take young Henry there to be crowned King of France ; but we have
no right to be scandalized at the presence of " Warwicke" and the "Duke of
Somerset " in this scene, and if their names are retained in the stage direction,
it should be with the understanding that they are Eichard Neville and Edmund
Beaufort. It may be added that Edmund, then Earl of Mortayn, did actually
accompany the corpse of Henry V. on its way to England, and therefore, his-
torically, has a better right to be present in this scene than Warwick. While
on this subject it may perhaps be as well to clear up the individuality of the
Somerset introduced in the 3rd Part ; and here again we find that the drama-
tist presents us with a composite personage. Henry and Edmund, sons of the
above-mentioned Edmund, were successively Dukes of Somerset ; the former
did for a time abandon Henry VI. (and we find "Somerset" at Edward's
court in Act IV. sc. i. 3 Henry VI.) ; but he afterwards returned to his
allegiance and lost his life at Hexham, 1463 — a part of history passed over by
the dramatist ; — Edmund, his brother, who succeeded to the title, was always
true to Henry, and lost his life at Tewksbury, 1471. These two form only
one individual in 3 Henry VI., but they make up with their father the three
Dukes referred to — by Eichard in Act V. sc. i. 1. 73, and by Edward in
Act V. sc. vii. 1. 5 — in 3 Henry VI. Whether, after giving us only two
Somersets, the dramatist is justified in referring to them as three, I leave to the
decision of the reader ; but history here certainly explains how it happens that
he did so. This discrepancy is also found in The Contention, &c.
300 X. P. A. DANIEL. TIME- ANALYSIS OF / HENRY VI.
Orleans, and are beaten back. The Bastard of Orleans, Dunois, brings
Joan la Pucelle to Charles j she promises to raise the siege this night.
Act I. sc. iii. London. Before the Tower. Gloucester, with
his men in blue coats, comes " to survey the Tower this day." The
Lieutenant, in obedience to Winchester's commands, denies him
entrance. Winchester himself,1 with his men in tawny coats, arrives
on the scene. The two parties skirmish and are finally separated by
the Lord Mayor.
Act I. sc. iv. On the walls of Orleans. The Master Gunner has
planted a piece of ordnance against a tower in the suburbs which the
English have won, from which he has heard they are wont to over-
peer the city. He leaves his boy in charge to watch for the entrance
of the English into this tower. Salisbury, Talbot,2 Sir William
Glansdale, Sir Thomas Gargrave, and others enter the tower. While
they are discoursing and viewing the city the Master Gunner's boy,
on the walls, fires off his piece and kills Salisbury and Gargrave.
The time "is supper- time in Orleans." News is brought to Talbot
that the Dauphin and Joan have gathered head and have come to
raise the siege.
Act I. sc. v. Alarums. Skirmishes ending in the relief of the
town by the French, and the repulse and retreat of the English under
Talbot.
Act I. sc. vi. In Orleans. The French make merry ; for " Joan
la Pucelle hath performed her word."
Here, with the first Act, I end Day 1. It is quite evident that
the scenes in France are all supposed to take place on one day. The
English scenes i. and iii. — connected as they are by Gloucester's last
speech in sc. i. and his first speech in sc. iii. — must also be supposed
on one day ; and from the manner in which sc. iii. is dove-tailed
into the French scenes, one and the same day may be accepted for
both English and French scenes.
1 It will be observed that Winchester in this scene is a Cardinal. In the
next two scenes in which he appears — Act III. sc. i. and Act IV. sc. i. — he is
still but a Bishop. It is not 'till Act V. sc. i. that he appears newly-invested
in the dignity of Cardinal.
2 Talbot's captivity was announced by one of the messengers in sc. i. ; he
appears to have been released before the news of his capture reached London.
X. T. A. DANIEL. TIME- ANALYSIS OF I HENRY VI. 301
An interval : Time for Bedford to arrive in France j i. e. if time
was required for his journey, which is somewhat doubtful. At any
rate the interval must be short, for Salisbury has yet to be buried in
the following scenes, and possibly our Day 2 should only be supposed
the morrow of Day 1.
Day 2. Act II. sc. i. Before Orleans. At night, probably
past midnight, Talbot, who has been joined by Bedford and Bur-
gundy, scales the walls of Orleans and drives out the Dauphin, Joan,
and the French.
Act II. sc. ii. In Orleans. As day begins to break, Bedford
orders the pursuit of the French to cease. Talbot gives orders for
the obsequies of Salisbury. A messenger invites him to visit the
Countess of Auvergne. He accepts the invitation, but gives secret
instructions to one of his Captains. Exeunt.
Act II. sc. iii. The Countess of Auvergne's Castle. Talbot pays
his promised visit. The Countess thinking him in her power
declares him her prisoner ; he winds his horn, his soldiers break in,
and he convinces her " that Talbot is but shadow of himself." It
seems to me clear that in the drama this scene is supposed to occur
within an hour or two of the preceding one, certainly on the same
day. The Countess of Auvergne's castle must therefore be situated
in the immediate neighbourhood of Orleans. If it be urged that this
is a slighting of geography, I can only reply — So much the worse
for geography.
Act II. sc. iv. London. The Temple garden. Enter Somerset,
Suffolk (William de la Pole, Earl), Warwick, Eichard Plantagenet
(afterwards Duke of York), Vernon, and Lawyer. On a disputed
case in law between Plantagenet and Somerset, their companions take
sides by plucking a white rose for Plantagenet and a red rose for
Somerset. Enmity and defiance on both sides is the result. The
blot on Plantagenet's House, by the treason and execution of his
father, Eichard, Earl of Cambridge (see Henry V.9 Act II. sc. ii.),
urged against him by Somerset, Warwick declares " Shall be wiped
out in the next parliament / Called for the truce of Winchester and
Gloucester" (see Act I. sc. iii.). Time, before noon: Plantagenet
adjourns with his friends to dinner.
302 X. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF I HENRY VI.
Act II. sc. v. The Tower. Kichard Plantagenet visits the aged
and dying Mortimer (the Mortimer of 1 Henry IV.), who tells him
of his own right to the. throne and of his, Richard's, claim as his
nephew and heir. He dies, and Eichard hastes to the parliament,
where he hopes " to be restored to his blood." The time must be
supposed the afternoon of the preceding scene : Richard refers to the
dispute between himself and Somerset as having taken place " this
day." "With Act II. I end Day 2, including both the French and
English scenes, which may very well be supposed coincident in point
of time.
Day 3. Act III. sc. i. London. The Parliament House.
After a great deal of mutual recrimination, and violence on the part
of their respective factions, a seeming reconciliation is effected between
Gloucester and Winchester. "Warwick then presents a bill in favour
of Richard Plantagenet, who, as heir to his uncle York, killed at
Agincourt, is restored to his inheritance and created Duke of York.
Gloucester then proposes that the King shall cross the seas to be
crowned in France, and the parliament adjourns for this purpose.
In Act II. sc. iv., morning, Warwick talked of the meeting repre-
sented in this scene as " the next parliament ; " in the next scene,
afternoon of same day, Plantagenet talked of hasting to this parlia-
ment. From Warwick's speech we might have expected some
interval between Acts II. and III. ; from Plantagenet's speech
we might suppose Act II. sc. v. and Act III. sc. i. to be on the
same day; I split the difference, and mark this scene as the
commencement of Day 3 and the morrow of Day 2.
An interval, during which we are to imagine that the young
King and his Court arrive in Paris.
Day 4. Act III. sc. ii. France. Rouen. By a stratagem La
Pucelle, Charles, etc., capture the town and drive out Talbot, Bed-
ford, Burgundy, and the English. A battle — during which Sir John
Falstaffe runs away — then takes place, the English recapture the
town, thus " lost and recover'd in a day again." Bedford, who is sick
and dying, looks on at the fight from his chair, and in the moment
of victory breathes his last. Talbot then proposes that after seeing
X. P. A. DANIEL. TIME- ANALYSIS OF I HENRY VI. 303
" his exequies fulfilled in Eouen " they shall " depart to Paris to the
King, / For there young Henry with his nobles lie."
Day 5. Act III. sc. iii. The plains near Eouen. Charles, La
Pucelle, etc., with their forces, fresh from their discomfiture in the
preceding scene. Talbot with his forces marches over on his way to
Paris. He is followed by Burgundy with his forces. Charles
desires a parley with Burgundy, who, yielding to the persuasions of
la Pucelle, resolves to abandon the English cause and join with
Charles. We may afford a separate day to this scene, and suppose
it the morrow of sc. ii.
An interval. Talbot's march to Paris.
Day 6. Act III. sc. iv. Paris. " Enter the King, Gloucester,
Winchester, Yorke, Suffolke, Somerset, Warwicke, Exeter j " appar-
ently on their way to the coronation ceremony. " To them, with his
Souldiers, Talbot," who comes to pay his duty to his sovereign.
The King creates him Earl of Shrewsbury, and bids him take his
place in the coronation.
" Senet. Flourish. Exeunt.
Manet, (sic.) Vernon and Basset."
These two take up a former quarrel respecting York and Somerset.
Vernon, an adherent of York (see Act II. sc. iv.), strikes Basset,
who goes out to crave liberty of combat of the King to venge his
wrong. Vernon declares that he will be there as soon as he.
Act IV. sc. i. The Coronation. Sir John Falstaffe enters with
a letter to the King from the Duke of Burgundy, delivered to him
as he rode from Calais. Talbot tears off Falstaffe's garter, and dis-
graces him for his cowardice at the battle of Patay.1 The King
confirms Talbot's act and banishes Falstaffe. Burgundy's letter,
announcing his defection from the English cause, is then read, and
Talbot is commissioned to chastise his treason. Vernon and Basset
now enter to crave liberty of combat. Their quarrel revives that of
their principals, who, however, yield to the remonstrances of the
King and are outwardly reconciled. The King in friendliness adopts
1 Narrated by one of the messengers in Act I. sc. i. It may be noted hero
that the name of this warrior is always given in the Folio as " Falstaffe."
304 X. P. A. DANIEL. TIME- ANALYSIS OF / HENRY VI.
the red rose of Somerset, and creates York regent of these parts of
France, bidding both unite their forces against the common enemy.
He then determines after some respite to return to Calais, and from
thence to England. The connection of this scene with the preceding
one is too close to allow of our assigning more thai; one day to the
two; and, notwithstanding the "authority" of the Folio, I would
suggest that the first (Act III. sc. iv.) would be better placed as the
commencement of Act IV.
An interval. Talbot prepares for and sets out on his new
expedition. King Henry returns to England.
Day 7. Act IV., sc. ii. to vii., concludes Talbot's career. In sc.
ii. Talbot summons the town of Bordeaux to surrender, and is
warned by the Governor that he is surrounded by the army of the
Dauphin. In scenes iii. and iv., in different parts of the plains,
messengers come to York and to Somerset from Talbot, urging them
to come to his assistance. Each throws the blame on the other, but
their mutual jealousy makes them leave Talbot to his fate. In sc.
v. young Talbot joins his father, and resolves to die with him. In
sc. vi. follow the incidents of the battle ending in the deaths of
Talbot and his son, whose bodies Sir William Lucy is permitted by
Charles and La Pucelle to carry from the field. The French then
determine to march on Paris.
Act V. sc. i. London. The King receives ambassadors from
the Pope, the Emperor, and the Earl of Armagnac, to treat of a
peace between England and France, and of the marriage of the King
to the Earl of Armagnac's daughter. He promises to send the
conditions of peace to France by Winchester (now Cardinal), and
sends a jewel to the lady in proof of his affection and intention to
make her his Queen.
Act V. sc. ii. France. Charles, La Pucelle, &c., with their
forces. They are still in the mind to march to Paris (see end of Act
IV. sc. vii.), when a scout enters bo inform them that " The English
army, that divided was / Into two parties, is now conjoin'd in one, /
and means to give you battle presently."
" Exeunt. Alarum. Excursions"
X. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF I HENRY VI. 305
Act Y. sc. iii. La Pucelle enters. "The Regent [York]
conquers and the Frenchmen fly," and she calls up her attendant
spirits to assist her ; they abandon her : then enter York, who takes
her prisoner. "Exeunt" "Alarum." Suffolk enters with Mar-
garet, his prisoner. Enchanted with her beauty, he proposes to her
that she shall become King Henry's Queen. She consents, provided
her father be pleased. Suffolk thereupon craves a parley with
Regnier, who appears on his castle walls. Regnier consents to this
great match for his daughter on condition of his being allowed quiet
possession of Anjou and Maine ; and Suffolk departs to inflame
Henry with an account of the great happiness he has provided for
him. Perhaps it might be well to mark the Suffolk-Margaret
portion of this scene as a separate scene. I include all the scenes,
French and English, from Act IY. sc. ii. to this Act Y. sc. iii., in one
day, No. 7; for it seems evident — geographical considerations not-
withstanding— that the dramatist intended the action of the French
scenes to be continuous.
An interval ; during which we may suppose Wincnester journey
ing to France and Suffolk to England.
o
Day 8. Act Y. sc. iv. York and Warwick with Joan,
prisoner. A shepherd, who claims to be her father, is repudiated by
her. York and Warwick condemn her to death. Cardinal Beaufort
now arrives to inform York of the proposed peace ; to confer on
which the Dauphin is at hand. Then enter Charles and his train.
The conditions are agreed to; Charles swears allegiance to King
Henry, and a hollow peace is proclaimed.
Act Y. sc. v. London. Henry, seduced by Suffolk's account
of Margaret, brushes aside the remonstrances of Gloucester and
Exeter with respect to his contract with the Earl of Armagnac's
daughter, and commissions Suffolk to procure Margaret for his Queen.
These two last scenes may conveniently be supposed on one day.
Time of this play eight days ; with intervals.
Day 1. Act I. sc. i. to vi.
Interval.
„ 2. Act II. sc. i. to v.
306 X. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF II HENRY VT.
Day 3. Act III. sc. i.
Interval.
„ 4. Act III. sc. ii.
„ 5. Act III. sc. iii.
Interval.
„ 6. Act III. sc. iv., Act IV. sc. i.
Interval.
„ 7. Act IV. sc. ii. to vii., and Act V, sc. i. to iii.
Interval.
„ 8. Act V. sc. iv. and v.
Historic period, say from death of Henry V., 31 August,
1422, to the treaty of marriage between Henry VI. and
Margaret, end of 1444.
SECOND PART OF HENRY VI.
FIRST printed in Folio : no division of acts and scenes.
" The First part of the Contention" etc., on which this Play is
founded, has no division of acts or scenes.
The interval between the First and this, the Second Part of
Henry VI. , is supposed to be occupied by Suffolk's negotiations for
the marriage of the King with Margaret of Anjou. In
Day 1. Act I. sc. i. London. The Palace. Suffolk presents
Margaret to the King. The terms of the contract — the cession of
Anjou and Maine to her father, Regnier — are agreed to. The King
rewards Suffolk with the title of Duke ; discharges York " from
being Regent, / I' the parts of France, till term of eighteen months / Be
full expired," and then, with the Queen and Suffolk, retires to pro-
vide with all speed for her coronation. Gloucester, Protector,
laments the blow given to the English power in France by the
King's marriage, and after a few words with the Cardinal, departs.
The Cardinal, after urging on the lords the necessity of ousting
Gloucester from his post of Protector, next goes out to consult with
Suffolk on this business. Somerset and Buckingham follow him,
X. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF II HENRY VI. 307
agreeing to join in procuring the fall of Gloucester, but resolved that
they, and not the Cardinal, shall benefit thereby.
The Nevils, Salisbury1 and his son Warwick, determine to side
with Gloucester ; and York outwardly agrees with them, but resolves
within himself to steer his course solely with the view to his own
advancement to the throne.
An interval. Some considerable time. Perhaps eighteen months.
In sc. i. York is discharged from his office of Regent in France for
that period ; in sc. iii. it is a question of re-appointing him.
Day 2. Act I. sc. ii. Gloucester's house. His wife, Eleanor,
endeavours to excite in him her own desire for regal dignity; he
checks her for her ambition. A messenger enters to bid him " pre-
pare to ride unto St. Alban's / Where as the king and queen do
mean to hawk." The Duchess promises to follow him presently;
but in the mean time calls in Sir John Hume, whom she has com-
missioned to confer with Margery Jourdain and Roger Bolingbroke
about raising a spirit that shall reveal the future to her, and she pro-
poses to consult them on her return from St. Alban's. Left alone,
Hume lets the audience into the secret that he is in the pay of
Suffolk and the Cardinal, whose plot it is to tickle the Duchess's
ambition, and by her attainture to cause the fall of her husband.
Act I. sc. iii. The Court. Divers petitioners await the coming
forth of the Lord Protector. The Queen and Suffolk enter and take
their petitions : one is from an apprentice, Peter, denouncing his
master, Thomas Homer, for saying that the Duke of York was right-
ful heir to the crown. Suffolk orders him in and sends for Homer.
The Queen complains to Suffolk that all the nobles have greater power
than the King, and she is especially irate at the haughty conduct of
Dame Eleanor, the Protector's wife ; Suffolk bids her have patience,
he will, one by one, get rid of them all, and place the helm in her
1 Kichard Neville, eldest son of the second wife of Kalph, Earl of West-
moreland (Henry IV. and Henry V.} ; he was created Earl of Salisbury in
right of his wife Alice, daughter and heiress of Thomas Montacute, killed at
the siege of Orleans, 1428 (1st Part Henry VI., I. iv.). His son, the Earl of
Warwick, got his title in right of his wife Anne, sister of Henry Beauchamp,
the last Earl and Duke of that family, who died 1445, and heiress of her
infant niece Anne, who died 1449.
308 X. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OP II HENRY VI.
hands. The King enters with all the Court, and it is a question
whether York or Somerset shall be appointed to the regentship of
France. After a good deal of quarrelling, Suffolk calls in Homer
and his man Peter, and on the charge which the latter makes against
his master being heard, Gloucester, as Protector, decides that the
regentship shall be conferred on Somerset, and that Peter and
Homer shall settle by single combat, to take place on the last day of
the next month, their truth or falsehood. In the course of this scene
Margaret makes occasion to box Dame Eleanor's ears, and the latter
goes out vowing to be revenged. Buckingham follows her to watch
her proceedings.
Act I. sc. iv. It is to be presumed that the box on the ear
received from the Queen has determined Eleanor not to accompany
the Court to St. Alban's, and has hastened her consultation with the
magicians ; for we now find her with them. They raise a spirit who
predicts the fates of the King, York, Suffolk, and Somerset. While
they are at their incantations, York and Buckingham (who has
" watch'd her well "), with a guard, break in and take them all into
custody. Buckingham sets out at once to carry this news to where
" the King is now in progress towards St. Alban's j " and York
anticipates that it will provide "a sorry breakfast for my lord
protector." He then sends to invite Salisbury and Warwick to sup
with him to-morrow night. The time of this scene appears to be the
night of the day commencing with sc. ii. of this Act ; the place is
generally given as "Gloucester's garden" (Capell) or "the witch's
cave" (Theobald).
Day 3. Act II. sc. i. St. Alban's. The King, Queen,
Gloucester, Cardinal, and Suffolk hawking, and of course quarrelling
as usual. They are interrupted by the townsmen bringing in
Saunder Simcox, who pretends to have been born blind, and to have
recovered his sight after offering at the shrine of St. Alban's ; but
who yet is supposed to be a cripple. Gloucester convicts him of
imposture, and cures his pretended lameness by whipping. Then
Buckingham arrives with the news of the arrest of Eleanor and her
accomplices. The King resolves to repose at St. Alban's this night
X. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF II HENRY VI. 309
and "to-morrow toward London back again / To look into this
business thoroughly." The time of this scene, I presume, is not to
be supposed later than midday : Gloucester and the Cardinal, who are
somewhat restrained by the King's presence, propose to meet in the
evening and settle their difference by the sword • it must, therefore,
be the morrow of the preceding scene.
Act II. sc. ii. London. The Duke of York's garden. Their
"simple supper ended" (see end of Act I. sc. iv.), York exposes to
Salisbury and Warwick his title to the crown. They acknowledge
him as their sovereign, and resolve to assist him in obtaining his
right.
An interval of at least a month must here be supposed.
Day 4. Act II. sc. iii. London. A hall of justice. The
King sentences Eleanor to three days open penance and then to
banishment in the Isle of Man; her accomplices in witchcraft he'
condemns to death. He now also assumes sovereign power, and
abolishes Gloucester's protectorship.
This day is the day appointed for the combat between Homer
and his man Peter, and therefore, at least, a month must have
elapsed since Act I. sc. iii. ; they enter and fight : Horner is
vanquished, confesses his treason, and dies.
An interval ; at least two days.
Day 5. Act II. sc. iv. A street. The third day of Eleanor's
penance has come, and at ten o'clock Gloucester, with his men in
mourning cloaks, meets her and bids her adieu. The Sheriff, her
penance done, delivers her to Sir John Stanley, with whom she
departs for the Isle of Man. A herald summons Gloucester to a
Parliament, "'holden at Bury the first of this next month."
The combat between Horner and Peter was appointed for the last
day of a month ; then followed the three days of Eleanor's penance :
therefore —
An interval of about twenty-seven days, to the Parliament on tho
first of next month, is to be supposed between Bays 5 and 6.
Day 6. Act III. sc. i. At Bury St. Edmund's. The Parlia-
N. S. SOC. TRANS., 1877-9. 21
310 X. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF II HENRY VI.
inent. The Queen, Suffolk, the Cardinal, York, and Buckingham
endeavour to persuade the King of the dangerous character of
Gloucester.1 Somerset comes from France and announces that all is
lost there. Gloucester enters, is accused of treason and committed
to the custody of the Cardinal, the King, though convinced of his
innocence, being too weak to preserve him. Exeunt all but Queen,
Cardinal, Suffolk, and York. Somerset remains apart. They
resolve on the death of Gloucester, which the Cardinal promises to
effect. A messenger announces a rebellion in Ireland. York, after
suggesting that as Somerset has been so lucky in France he should
now try his hand in Ireland, himself undertakes the business, and
desires that his soldiers may meet him within fourteen days at
Bristol, at which port he proposes to embark. Left alone, York
determines while he is away, to employ Jack Cade, under the title
.of Mortimer, to raise commotions in England, whereby he may
" perceive the Commons' mind, / How they affect the house and
claim of York," and then, returning with his army from Ireland,
to take advantage of circumstances as they may favour his ambition.
.4?* interval of perhaps a few days may be allowed here.
Day 7. Act III. sc. ii. Bury St. Edmund's. A room of state.
The assassins engaged by Suffolk to murder Gloucester tell him they
have done the deed. The King enters with the Queen, the Cardinal,
Somerset, &c., and bids Suffolk call Gloucester to his presence for
trial. Suffolk goes and returns with the news of the, Duke's death.
Warwick and Salisbury enter with the Commons in uproar. The
body of Gloucester is brought in ; Warwick accuses Suffolk of the
murder. The Commons insist on his death or banishment, and the
King orders him to depart within three days, on pain of cleath. As
Suffolk and the Queen, left alone, take leave of each other, Vaux
enters and informs them that he is hastening to the King to tell him
that Cardinal Beaufort has been suddenly seized with sickness, and
now lies at point of death.
Act III. sc. iii. Death of the Cardinal.
1 Salisbury and Warwicke are also present, in the stage directions ; but they
take no part in the scene. In 1st Part of Contention they go out with the
King.
X. P. A. DA1SIEL. TIME- ANALYSIS OF // HENRY VI. 311
An interval. Query — three days ] The time allowed for Suffolk's
departure 1 But see comment on the following scene.
Day 8. Act IV. sc. i. The coast of Kent. Alarum. Eight
at sea; then enter Captain of the Pirates, Walter Whitmore and
others, with Suffolk and others, prisoners. Suffolk falls to the lot of
Whitmore, who, in revenge for having* lost an eye in the fight,
instead of ransoming him, resolves to put him to death. Suffolk,
to save his life, reveals himself, but only thereby rouses the anger
of the Pirates, who reproach him with the injuries he has inflicted
on the realm, and put him to death. The time of this scene is after
sunset ; see opening lines. In the course of it we learn that the
Nevils " are rising up in arms " in favour of the House of York, and
that the Commons of Kent are in rebellion. These facts would
suppose a longer interval between Days 7 and 8 than the three days
allowed to Suffolk for his departure from England.
Day 9. Act IY. sc. ii. Elackheath. The rebels who, led by
Jack Cade, "have been up these two days," are encountered by Sir
Humphrey Stafford and his brother with their forces. They prepare
for battle.
Act IV. sc. iii. "Alarums to the fight, wherein both the
Staffords are slain." Cade and his companions resolve to march
towards London.
The time of these two scenes cannot be supposed later than the
morrow of Day 8 ; for then the rebellion was known to the Pirates,
and yet it is not more than two days old.
Day 10. Act IV. sc. iv. London ; the Court. The King
reads a supplication from the Eebels. The Queen mourns over the
head of Suffolk. News comes that the rebels are in Southwark ; then
that they have gotten London Bridge. The King, on the advice of
Buckingham, determines to retreat to Kenil worth, and counsels Lord
Say, whom the rebels hate, to accompany him. Say, however, resolves
to remain in London in secret.
Act IV. sc. v. The Tower. Citizens implore aid of Lord Scales
against the rebels, who "have won the bridge," He bids them
312 X. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF II HENRY VI.
gather head in Smithfield, and promises to send Matthew Goffe to
them.
Act IY. sc. vi. Cannon Street. Cade and his followers. He
strikes his staff on London Stone, and declares himself lord of the
city. Dick tells him that there is an army gathered in Smithfield ;
ho resolves to march there and fight them.
Act IY. sc. vii. Smithfield. Alarums. Matthew Goffe is
defeated and slain by the rebels. Lord Say is taken and beheaded.
His head and that of his son-in-law, Sir James Cromer are borne
before Cade on two poles.
Day 11. Act IY. sc. viii. Buckingham and old Clifford come
to the rebels and offer them a free pardon. They abandon Cade,
who flies. Buckingham bids some follow him, and offers a thousand
crowns for his head ; the rest he tells to come with him to be
reconciled to the King.
The locality of this scene is somewhat doubtful : Cade opens it
by shouting, " Up Fish-street ! down St. Magnus' Corner," &c. ; but
a little later he remonstrates with his followers that they should
leave him " at the White Hart in South wark \ " so that they seem
to be on both sides of the river at one time. Editors decide in
favour of Southwark.
Day 12. Act IY. sc. ix. " Sound Trumpets. Enter King,
Queene, and Somerset on the Tarras." Buckingham and Clifford
bring before the King a multitude of the repentent rebels, with
halters round their necks. The King pardons and dismisses them to
their homes. A messenger then announces that the Duke of York
is newly come from Ireland, and is marching hitherward with a
mighty power, his professed object being only to remove from the
King the Duke of Somerset. The King proposes to Somerset that
he shall be committed to the Tower until York's army is dismissed,
and sends Buckingham to the Duke to satisfy him on this point.
In the Folio and in the 1st Part of the Contention, at the end of
sc. iv. of this Act, the King proposes to retire to Kenilworth, and on
this ground, I presume, the locality of the present scene is given by
the editors as Kenilworth. In the 1st Part of the Contention, how-
X. P. A. DANIEL. TIME- ANALYSIS OF II HENRY VI. 313
ever, in Act IV. sc. viii., when the rebels abandon Cade, Clifford
tells them that he will lead them " to Windsor Castle whereas the
King abides." No indication of any place for this scene ix is given
in The Contention ; but in the Folio it is marked as on the " Tarras "
= Terrace. Independently therefore of any geographical consider-
ations— and against such considerations the reader of these Plays
must carefully guard himself — the weight of " authority " is in
favour of marking this scene as on the terrace at Windsor.
I have distributed these scenes (Act IV. sc. iv. — ix.) in three
consecutive days (10, 11, 12), rather from a feeling of its desirable-
ness, than from any note of time they contain. It is quite possible
the dramatist may have meant them to represent one day only ; it is
more probable that the question of time never engaged his attention
at all. York's return from Ireland is somewhat embarrassing here ;
I can't make out, including intervals, much more than ten days between
this day No. 1 2 and day No. 6 ; yet on that day York calculated that
about fourteen days would elapse before his departure to Ireland.
An interval ; three or four days.
Day 13. Act IV. sc. x. Kent. Cade, who has been hiding in
the woods " these five days," who has " eat no meat these five days,"
ventures into Iden's garden in search of food. Meeting Iden he
fights with and is killed by him.
Day 14. Act V. sc. i. " Fields near St. Alban's. Two camps
pitch'd, the King's and Duke of York's ; on either side one." —
(Capell.) Enter York. Buckingham comes to him from the King.
On learning that Somerset is committed to the Tower, York professes
himself satisfied, bids his army disperse and meet him in St. George's
Fields to-morrow. He then goes with Buckingham to the King's
tent and makes his submission. Iden enters with the head of Cade
and is rewarded with knighthood. The Queen enters with Somerset.
Finding Somerset at freedom, York renounces allegiance and openly
claims the crown. Either side is joined by its partisans — old Cliiford
and his son for the King. York's two sons, Edward and Richard,
and the Earls of Salisbury and Warwick for York. Then follows,
in
314 X. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF II HENRY VI.
Act V. sc. ii., the Battle of St. Alban's, in which old Clifford and
Somerset are slain and, the King's side being defeated, the King,
Queen, and young Clifford fly to London.
Act V. sc. iii. York, with his partisans, resolves to follow the
King to London immediately, or to get there before him if possible.
Out of respect for history, Malone, and most editors after him,
marks the locality of the first scene of this Act as in the fields
between Dartford and Blackheath. The dramatist, however, makes
the battle follow immediately on the defiance, and I accordingly
adopt Capell's stage direction as to the locality.
Time of this Play, fourteen days represented on the stage ; with
intervals, suggesting a period in all of say, at the outside, a couple
of years.
Day 1. Act I. sc. i.
Interval (?) eighteen months.
„ 2. Act I. sc. ii. — iv.
„ 3. Act II. sc. i. and ii.
Interval ; a month at least.
„ 4. Act II. sc. iii.
Interval ; at least two days.
„ 5. Act II. sc. iv.
Interval ; about twenty-seven days.
„ 6. Act III. sc. i.
Interval ; a few days.
,, 7. Act III. sc. ii. and iii.
Interval ; three days or more.
„ 8. Act IV. sc. i.
„ 9. Act IV. sc. ii. and iii.
„ 10. Act IV. sc. iv. — vii.
„ 11. Act IV. sc. viii.
„ 12. Act IV. sc. ix.
Interval ; three or four days.
„ 13. Act IV. sc. x.
„ 14. Act V. sc. i. — iii.
Historic period, 22nd April, 1445, to 23rd May, 1455.
X. P. A. DANIEL. TIME- ANALYSIS OF /// HENRY IV. 315
THIRD PART OF HENRY VI.
FIRST printed in Folio, no division of acts and scenes.
" The True Tragedie" &c., on which this play is founded, has no
division of acts or scenes.
The interval between The Second Part, and this, The Third Part
of Henry VI., is to be supposed no greater than would be required
for the flight and pursuit from St. Alban's to London : Richard
makes his appearance in sc. i. with the head of Somerset, cut off
in the battle.
Day 1. Act I. sc. i. London. The Parliament House. York,
with his adherents, breaks in and takes possession of the throne.
The King, with his followers, enters ; remonstrances and menaces
being of no avail, he ultimately agrees that on being allowed peace-
able possession during his life the inheritance of the crown shall be
settled on York and his heirs. The Northern Lords, Northumber-
land, Clifford, and Westmoreland, disgusted at the King's weakness,
leave him. York and his friends then disperse, leaving the King
with Exeter. The Queen and the young Prince of Wales enter and
reproach the King for the injury he has done himself and them, and,
having in the course of the last two or three hours raised a fresh
army, they depart to join with the Northern Lords.
An interval : march of the Queen from London to join with her
allies and attack the Duke of York in his castle near Wakefield, in
Yorkshire.
Day 2. Act I. sc. ii. Sandal Castle. York yields to the
solicitations of his sons and Montague1 and determines to take
possession of the throne at once. A messenger announces the
approach of the Queen and the Northern Lords. York is joined by
his uncles, the Mortimers, and they resolve to issue forth and fight
with the Queen's army in the field.
1 John Neville, brother to Warwick and nephew to York : York being
married to Cicely, sister to the Earl of Salisbury. In the Folio York addresses
him as brother ; in The True Tragedie both York and his sons address him as
cousin.
316 X. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF III HENRY VI.
Act I. sc. iii. Field of battle between Sandal Castle and Wake-
field. Young Rutland, flying with his Tutor, is seized by Clifford
and slain.
Act I. sc. iv. The same. York's party is defeated. York is
taken. The Queen and Clifford insult over him, crown him with
paper, kill him, and order his head to be placed on York gates,
An interval : rather more than ten days.
Day 3. Act II. sc. i. The marches of Wales. "Enter
Edward, Richard, and their power," newly escaped, apparently from
the battle of Wakefield. They are yet ignorant of their father's
fate when a messenger arrives to tell them of his death. "Enter
one blowing," is the stage direction of the Folio when this messenger
makes his appearance, and we must imagine that he also has but
just fled from the battle ; yet a few minutes afterwards, when War-
wick and Montague join them, we learn that to Warwick the news
of York's death is ten days old; and that since then, with King
Henry in his custody, he has encountered the Queen at St. Alban's
and been defeated — the King escaping to the Queen — and Warwick,
with George of York and the Duke of Norfolk, are come in post-
haste to the marches, having heard that Edward was "making
another head to fight again." George and Norfolk are still some six
miles off when a messenger from them brings the news that the
Queen is coming with a puissant host. They set forward accordingly.
An interval. The march to York.
Day 4. Act II. sc. ii. Before the town of York ; the Duke of
York's head over the gate. Enter the King and Queen with their
forces. They are met by Edward, his brothers, Warwick, &c., with
their army. After mutual defiance they prepare for battle.
Act II. sc. iii. The field of battle. Warwick, Edward, and
George, wearied and disheartened at the course of the action, enter
one after the other, Eichard joins them and infuses fresh spirit
into them.1
1 In this scene, in the Folio, Richard tells Warwick that his toother has just
been killed ; in The True Tragedie he tells him his father, Salisbury, has
X. P. A. DANIEL. TIME- ANALYSIS OF III HENRY VT, 317
Act II. sc. iv. Richard and Clifford meet and fight. Warwick
enters. Clifford flies.
Act II. sc. v. The King, chidden from the battle by the Queen
and Clifford, meditates on the happiness of a shepherd's life. He
beholds and grieves over a son who has killed his father, and a
father who has killed his son. " Alarums : excursions." The Queen,
the young Prince, and Exeter join him ; the day is lost and they fly
towards Berwick.
Act II. sc. vi. Clifford, wounded to death, enters and falls.
Edward, his brothers, Warwick, Montague, &c., enter in triumph.
Clifford groans and dies. They mock his dead body, and order
York's head to be taken down from York Gate, and Clifford's to be
put in its place. They then set out for London where Edward is to
be crowned king, and from whence Warwick purposes to cross to
France to negotiate a marriage for him with the Lady Bona, sister-
in-law of the French king. Edward now creates Richard Duke of
Gloucester, and George Duke of Clarence. The battle here dramatized
is supposed to represent the decisive battle of Towton, 28th— 30th
March, 1461.
An interval; during which we are to suppose the flight of Henry
and Margaret to Scotland ; the departure thence of the latter to
France ; the coronation of King Edward, and the departure of War-
wick on his embassy to France.
Day 5. Act III. sc. i. A forest in the north of England. Two
keepers enter, with cross-bows, and take their stand to shoot at the
deer. King Henry, who has stolen from Scotland in disguise, enters,
is recognized by them and apprehended. In the course of the scene
the King tells us that Margaret and the young Prince of Wales are
gone to France for aid, and he hears that Warwick also " is thither
gone, to crave the French king's sister / To wife for Edward,"
An interval. The journey of the captive King Henry to London.
Day 6. Act III. sc. ii. London. The palace. The Lady
fallen. The historical fact is that a bastard son of the Earl of Salisbury was
here slain. The Earl was taken prisoner at the battle of Wakefield and
beheaded next day at Pomfret, The dramatist does not notice his fate.
318 X. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF III HENRY VI.
Elizabeth Grey has an interview with King Edward, who, failing in
his attempt to make her his mistress, resolves to make her his Queen.
A nobleman announces the arrival of King Henry as a prisoner.
Gloucester now begins to meditate the achievement of the crown.
An inter vol. Marriage of King Edward, and journey of his
messenger to the French court.
Day 7. Act III. sc. iii. France. The King's palace. Queen
Margaret solicits aid of King Lewis. While he considers how he
may help her, Warwick enters and proposes a matrimonial alliance
between King Edward and the Lady Bona. Lewis assents; but
now a post arrives from England — a general post it would seem, for
he brings, with strict impartiality, letters from Edward to Lewis,
from Montague to his brother Warwick, and from he knows not
whom to Queen Margaret. The upshot of them all is the marriage
of Edward with the Lady Grey. Enraged with the slight thus put
upon him, Warwick allies himself with Margaret, and receiving
promise of aid from King Lewis resolves to dethrone Edward and
reinstate King Henry. The time between Days 6 and 7 must be
supposed long enough for the marriage of Edward and the journey
of the impartial post to the French Court ; but a difficulty presents
itself with regard to the journeys of Margaret and Warwick : they
must have set out at some time between Days 4 and 5. Obviously
their arrival has been delayed in order that the whole business with
King Lewis might be knit up in this one scene.
An interval ; return of Edward's messenger from the French
court.
Day 8. Act IV. sc. i. London. The palace. Clarence
and Gloucester speak their mind to Edward with respect to this
" new marriage with the Lady Grey." The Post, returned from
France, delivers to Edward the messages of defiance from Lewis,
Margaret, and Warwick with which he was charged in the preceding
scene. Clarence and Somerset1 leave the King to join with Warwick.
Edward charges Pembroke and Stafford to " levy men, and make
1 Somerset, See note on Act I. sc. i., 1st Pt. Hen. VI., p. 299.
X. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF III HENRY VI. 319
prepare for war ; " for he knows — how does not appear — that " they
[the Warwick party] are already, or quickly will be, landed." He
then, with Gloucester, Montague, and Hastings, proceeds also to
make ready for the encounter with Warwick.
An interval ; a few "dramatic" days, perhaps.
Day 9. Act IV. sc. ii. Enter Warwick and Oxford, with
French soldiers. Clarence and Somerset join them and are welcomed,
Warwick promising to bestow his younger daughter on Clarence.
They propose to surprise Edward in his camp at night.
Act IV. sc. iii. King Edward's tent, guarded. Warwick and
his followers enter and seize the King. Gloucester and Hastings fly.
Warwick sends Edward to the custody of the Archbishop of York,
and then marches to London " to free King Henry from imprison-
ment / And see him seated in the regal throne."
An interval: time for news of these events to reach London.
Day 10. Act IV. sc. iv. London. Queen Elizabeth, who is
now with child, has heard of the defeat and capture of her husband,
and resolves to take sanctuary.
An interval : some weeks probably.
Day 11. Act IV. sc. v. Middleham, Yorkshire. King Edward,
while hunting in the Archbishop's park — an exercise he has often
indulged in during his captivity — is rescued by his brother Gloucester
and others, and flies with them to Lynn, to ship from thence to
Flanders.
An interval : time for news of Edward's escape to reach London.
Day 12. Act IV. sc. vi. London. The Bishop's Palace1 ad-
joining St. Paul's. Henry, replaced on the throne, appoints War-
wick and Clarence protectors of the realm, and requests that Queen
1 I place this scene, and sc. viii. and viii.a. Act IV. in the Bishop of
London's Palace, because it was there that Warwick established the King's
Court when he replaced him on the throne ; and it was there that Edward
again took him prisoner, according to Hall. That also is the place named by
the dramatist. See Act V. sc. i. 1. 45. " You left poor Henry at the Bishop's
palace," etc.
320 X. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSTS OF /// HENRY VI.
Margaret and his young son Edward may be sent for from France.
Seeing the young Earl of Kichmond, he prophesies a regal destiny
for him. By this time, according to the stage directions of the
Folio, Montague has joined with his brother Warwick. A post now
announces the escape of Edward. Somerset, who has charge of the
young Earl of Richmond, resolves to send him away to Britanny to
be out of danger of the civil broils yet likely to ensue.1
An interval. Eeturn of Edward from Flanders.
Day 13. Act IY. sc. vii. Before the gates of York. Edward,
who has obtained aid from Burgundy, has returned to England, and
now with Gloucester and others obtains possession of York from the
Mayor and Aldermen, on the plea that he only comes for his duke-
dom. Sir John Montgomery, with drum and soldiers, comes to offer
him service, but refuses his aid unless Edward proclaims himself
King, which he thereupon agrees to do. They propose for this night
to harbour in York, and to set forward next day to meet with
Warwick and his mates.
An interval.
Day 14. Act IV. sc. viii. London. The Bishop's Palace.
King Henry, in council with Warwick and other lords, determines of
the measures to be taken to oppose Edward, who is now marching
amain to London. Warwick is to muster up troops in Warwick-
shire ; Clarence in Suffolk, Norfolk, and Kent ; Montague in Buck-
ingham, Northampton, and Leicester ; Oxford in Oxfordshire : all
are to meet at Coventry ; the King remaining in London. Exeunt.
An interval.
Day 15. [sc. viii. a.] London. The Bishop's Palace. King Henry
alone with Exeter discusses his position ; he thinks that Edward's
forces should not be able to encounter his. He is interrupted by shouts
of " A Lancaster ! A Lancaster ! " 2 and Edward and Gloucester, with
soldiers, break in and seize him, and send him once more to the Tower.
Edward then determines to march towards Coventry, "where per-
1 So much, of this scene as is given in The True Tragedie is lumped with
the scene corresponding to the Folio scene viii. of Act IV., day 14,
2 Qy. " A. York ! A York ! " Johnson conj.
X. P. A. DANIEL. TIME- ANALYSIS OF III HENRY VI. 321
emptory Warwick now remains." Contrary to modern usage, I divide
Act IV. sc. viii. into two scenes, assigning a separate day (15) to the
latter half (sc. viii.tf). My division is, perhaps, justified by the
stage directions — such as they are — of the Folio and (Quarto) : the
" Exeunt " of Folio and " Exeunt omnes " of (Quarto) which follow
the departure of Warwick and the rest, may mark the termination of
a scene, and though there is no direction marking the re-entry of the
King and Exeter, the probability of the plot absolutely requires a
separate scene here ; otherwise we have Henry talking of his forces
which are not yet levied as in existence, and Edward speaking of
Warwick, who has only just left the stage, as now remaining at
Coventry. I note that the Cambridge Editors, in their reprint of
The True Tragedy, etc., the (Quarto), number this scene of the
seizure of King Henry as a separate scene. The ill contrivance of
the modem sc. viii. has not escaped the notice of the commentators ;
but perhaps editors are more responsible for it than the dramatist.
An interval. The march of Edward from London to Coventry.
Day 16. Act V. sc. i. Coventry. Warwick on the walls
receives messengers who announce the approach of his allies. A
drum is heard, and then enter Edward, Gloucester, and forces. They
parley with Warwick and exchange defiances. Then enter severally
Oxford, Montague, and Somerset, with their forces, and join with
Warwick. Last of all comes Clarence, but he, instead of joining his
father-in-law, Warwick, turns again and makes his submission to
Edward, by whom he is welcomed. Both parties then agree to
march to Barnet, there to fight it out.
An interval. The march from Coventry to Barnet.
Day 17. Act V. sc. ii. Near Barnet. The field of battle.
Alarum and excursions. Enter Edward, bringing forth Warwick
wounded. He leaves him there, and goes out to seek Montague.
The dying Warwick is joined by Oxford and Somerset, who tell him
that "the Queen [Margaret] from France hath brought a puissant
power," and that his brother Montague has been killed. Warwick
urges them to fly to the Queen, and dies.
322 X. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OP III HENRY VI.
Act Y. sc. iii. Another part of the field. Enter King Edward
in triumph ; with Gloucester, Clarence, etc. Victors at Barnet field,
they now resolve to encounter with Queen Margaret, who with her
army holds her course towards Tewksbury. Thither they march
accordingly.
An interval. The march from Barnet to Tewksbury.
Day 18. Act V. sc. iv. Near Tewksbury. Enter Queen
Margaret, Prince Edward, Somerset, Oxford, and soldiers. A mes-
senger announces the approach of King Edward : he enters with his
army. Edward and Margaret severally address their followers.
" Alarum. Eetreat. Excursions."
Act V. sc. v. Another part of the field. Enter Edward,
Gloucester, Clarence, etc., with Margaret, Oxford, and Somerset,
prisoners. Edward sends Oxford away to Hames Castle straight,
and orders Somerset to be beheaded. The young Prince Edward is
brought in by soldiers. After mutual revilings, Edward, Gloucester,
and Clarence stab the young Prince. • Gloucester suddenly departs
for London, where, as Clarence supposes, he means "to make a
bloody supper in the Tower." Edward orders Margaret to be carried
out, and then dismissing his army, marches to London to see his
gentle Queen, who by this time he hopes hath a son for him.
An interval. Gloucester's journey from Tewksbury to London.
Day 19. Act V. sc. vi. London. The Tower. Gloucester
murders King Henry VI.
Notwithstanding Gloucester's intention to make a bloody supper
in the Tower on the night of Tewksbury, I incline to give a separate
day to this scene. The dramatist, perhaps, would not have been
prevented by the odd 130 miles between the two places from in-
cluding this and the preceding scene in one day, but he has suggested
a certain lapse of time by making Henry acquainted, evidently before
the appearance of Gloucester, with the fatal result of Tewksbury
fight, and the murder of his young son which followed it. I mark,
therefore, a separate day for this scene, and an interval between it
and the last.
X. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF III HENRY VI. 323
Having thus disposed of King Henry, Gloucester resolves that
Clarence shall next be got rid of; and with this object in view he
proposes by false prophecies to make Edward fearful of his life, and
then to purge his fear by Clarence's death.
Day 20. Act V. sc. vii. London. Edward is once more seated
on the English throne. His Queen has presented him with a son
and heir. Margaret's father, Regnier, has sent over her ransom, and
Edward orders her away to France. Having, as he believes, his
country's peace and brothers' loves, he now proposes to spend the
time
" With stately triumphs, mirthful comic shows,
Such as befits the pleasure of the Court."
If the reader will be good enough to imagine the business con-
nected with Margaret's ransom to have been transacted by swift
messengers during Edward's march from Tewksbury (the last interval
and Day 19), there will be no need to suppose any interval between
Days 19 and 20. On this Day 20 the dead body of Henry VI. is lying
exposed to the public gaze in Paul's, and on the next day (Day 1 of
Richard III.) we shall find his daughter-in-law, the Lady Anne,
carrying it for burial to Chertsey. It is evident, therefore, that we
cannot place any interval between Days 19 and 20 of this Play, if it
is to be considered in connection with next (Richard III.).
Time of this Play 20 Days represented on the stage ; with inter-
vals : suggesting a period in all of say 12 months.
Day 1. Act I. sc. i.
Interval.
„ 2. Act I. sc. ii. — iv.
Interval.
„ 3. Act II. sc. i.
Interval.
„ 4. Act II. sc. ii. — vi.
Interval.
„ 5. Act III. sc. i.
Interval.
„ 6. Act III. sc. ii.
324 X. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF III HENRY Vl\
Interval.
Day 7. Act III. sc. iii.
Interval.
„ 8. Act IV. sc. i.
Interval.
„ 9. Act IY. sc. ii. and iii.
Interval.
„ 10. Act IV. sc. iv.
Interval.
„ 11. Act IV. sc. v.
Interval.
„ 12. Act IV. sc. vi.
Interval.
„ 13. Act IY. sc. vii.
Interval.
„ 14. Act IY. sc. viii. \
Interval. > one scene in modern editions.
„ 15, Act IY. sc. viii.a. '
Interval.
„ 16. Act V. sc. i.
Interval.
„ 17. Act Y. se. ii and iii.
Interval.
„ 18. Act Y. sc. iv. and v.
Interval.
„ 19. Act Y. sc. vi.
„ 20. Act Y. sc. vii.
The historic period here dramatized commences on the day of the
battle of St. Alhan's, 23rd May, 1455, and ends on the day on which
Henry YL's body was exposed in St. Paul's, 22nd May, 1471.
Queen Margaret, however, was not ransomed and sent to France
till 1475.
X. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OP RICHARD III. 325
RICHARD III.
FIRST printed in Quarto. First divided into acts and scenes in
Folio. This "division differs from that of Globe edition.
In Actus tertius sc. v., vi., and vii. are not numbered.
In Actus quartus iSccena secunda includes sc. ii. and iii.
Sccena tertia = sc. iv. Sccena quarto, = sc. v.
In Actus quintus sc. iii., iv., and v. not numbered,
The connection of this with the preceding Play, 3rd Part of
Henry VI. , in point of time is singularly elastic : not a single day
intervenes, yet years must be supposed to have elapsed. The murder
of Henry VI. is but two days old, — his unburied corse bleeds afresh
in the presence of the murderer; yet the battle of Tewksbury
took place three months ago ; and, stranger still, King Edward's
eldest son and only child, an infant in the Nurse's arms in the last
scene of the former Play, is now a promising youth, with a forward
younger brother, and a marriageable sister older than them both.
Time, however, has stood still with the chief dramatis personce, and
they now step forward on the new scene in much the same relative
position to each other as when in the last Play the curtain fell between
them and their audience.
Day 1. Act I. sc. i. London. Richard meditates on the plots
he has laid to gain for himself the crown. The false prophecies he
has spread abroad (see Act V. sc. vi., 3 Henry VI.) have taken effect,
and Clarence, fallen into suspicion with the King, is carried a pri-
soner to the Tower. Lord Hastings, who this present day has been
delivered from this same prison, greets Richard, and reports the King
grievously sick. Richard considers with himself that if his plots fail
not, " Clarence hath not another day to live : " which done, he prays
that God may take King Edward to his mercy, and leave the world
for him to bustle in ; for then he means to marry Warwick's youngest
daughter, the Lady Anne, widow of Prince Edward, the late King
Henry's only son.
Act I. sc. ii. On what appears to be the same day Richard
meets the Lady Anne with the dead body of the late King, taken
N. S. SOC. TRANS., 1877-9. 22
326 X. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF RICHARD III.
from Paul's to be interred at Chertsey. Its wounds bleed afresh in
the presence of the murderer. Eichard stays the funeral, and, not
waiting, as he purposed in the previous scene, for King Edward's
death, at once woos and wins the gentle lady, whose husband " some
three months since " he, in his angry mood, stabbed at Tewksbury.
She confides the care of the funeral to him, and agrees to meet him
at Crosby Place as soon as it is performed.
An interval should perhaps be allowed here for this funeral and
the subsequent marriage of Eichard with the Lady Anne. The
interval, however, must be short. Besides Eichard's " Clarence hath
not another day to live " of sc. i., note also the reference in Act I.
sc. iii. 1. 91 to Hastings' late imprisonment.
Day 2. Act I. sc. iii. The Court. Queen Elizabeth, her
brother Lord Eivers, her sons Dorset and Grey, the Duke of Buck-
ingham and Lord Stanley, Eichard and Lord Hastings, all meet
and indulge in mutual recriminations. Queen Margaret, who has
come from France, attacks them all, and they in turn all join to
abuse her. The King, it seems, is dangerously ill, and has sent to
warn them to his presence to reconcile them to each other, and
Catesby comes from him to bid them to his chamber. All depart
save Eichard, who has an interview with two murderers, to whom
he gives a warrant for admission to the Tower, whither they are to
proceed at once to despatch Clarence, and then to repair to Crosby
Place to inform Eichard of his death.
Act I. sc. iv. The Tower. Clarence has "passed a miserable
night ; " he relates his dreams to Brackenbury and falls asleep again.
The two murderers enter, and show their commission to Brackenbury,
who goes out to acquaint the King, though apparently he never
reaches him. The murderers put Clarence to death.
Act II. sc. i. The King's chamber. The King has before
him the Queen and the lords of Act I. sc. iii., and achieves his pur-
pose of reconciling them to each other ; Eichard enters and joins in
the universal profession of amity. The Queen then begs that
1 Lord Stanley in this Play is called indifferently by his name and by the
title, Derby, subsequently conferred on him by Henry VII. I name him
Stanley throughout.
X. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OP RICHARD III. 327
Clarence may be restored to favour, whereupon Richard startles them
all with the news of his death. The King, who had reversed the
order for his execution, is stricken down with this intelligence, and
is helped to his closet in great tribulation. This scene must, I take
it, be the continuation of sc. iii. of Act I., but it raises this dilemma :
either the Queen and the lords were a very long time on their way
to the King's chamber, or the murderers were uncommonly quick in
effecting their business. Richard, too, must have gone home to
Crosby Place to await the news of the murder. This, of course,
accounts for his arriving in the King's chamber after the others.
Act II. sc. ii. Enter the old Duchess of York, with the two
children of Clarence, grieving for his death and for the sickness of
the King. The children are in ignorance of their father's death till
by their artless prattle they extort the fatal news from her. Queen
Elizabeth, followed by Rivers and Dorset, now enters " with her hair
about her ears," lamenting the death of King Edward. Richard,
Buckingham, Derby, Hastings, and Ratcliff join them, and it is
decided that the young Prince of Wales shall be immediately fetched
from Ludlow to be crowned King. They adjourn to council to settle
this weighty business. Richard and Buckingham, who linger a
little behind the others, determine that, whoever goes on this journey,
they will be of the party.
It would be possible to assign a separate day to this scene, and
suppose it the morrow of the three preceding scenes — later than the
morrow it can hardly be ; — but the action of this drama is so closely
compacted that I have thought it best to include it in Day No. 2.
Day 3. Act II. sc. iii. A street in London. Certain citizens
meet and discuss the news, the chief item of which is the King's
death ; but this is not yet thoroughly spread abroad. As they salute
each other with " good morrow " = good morning, we may suppose
this scene to take place on the morning after the King's death.
An interval for the journey to Ludlow may now be supposed.
Day 4. Act II. sc. iv. Westminster. Queen Elizabeth with
her younger son the Duke of York, the old Duchess of York, and
328 X. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OP RICHARD III.
the Archbishop of York.1 The Archbishop, referring to the Ludlow
expedition, tells us, " Last night, I hear, they lay at Northampton ; /
At Stony-Stratford will they be to-night : / To-morrow, or next day,
they will be here." A messenger arrives, who informs the Queen
that Lords Rivers and Grey, with Sir Thomas Vaughan, have been
sent as prisoners to Pomfret by the mighty Dukes Gloucester and
Buckingham. Alarmed by this news, the Queen departs to take
sanctuary with the young Duke of York.
An interval of one clear day, not more, might be marked between
this and the following scene ; the Archbishop's " next day " would
justify it ; but as it is not at all necessary to the plot, I prefer to
suppose that the young Prince arrives in town " to-morrow."
Day 5. Act III. sc. i. London. Enter the young Prince of
Wales with Richard, Buckingham, the Cardinal, Catesby, and others.
The Lord Mayor comes to greet him. Hastings brings news that the
Queen has taken sanctuary with the young Duke of York. Buck-
ingham induces the Cardinal to fetch him forth, either by persuasion
or force, to meet his brother. The Cardinal and Hastings accordingly
go out, and presently return with the young Duke. They then set
out to take up their abode in the Tower. Richard, Buckingham,
and Catesby remain behind. Catesby, who is in the plot for raising
Richard to the throne, is commissioned to sound Hastings on the
project, to summon him to-morrow to the Tower to sit about the
coronation of the young King, and to tell him that his ancient
enemies, Rivers, Grey, and Yaughan, "to-morroiv are let blood at
Pomfret Castle." He promises that they shall hear from him before
they sleep, and goes out accordingly. Richard and Buckingham
adjourn to sup betimes.
Day 6. Act III. sc. ii. Before Lord Hastings' house. Upon
1 The prelate of this scene in the Folio is an archbishop ; in the Quarto he
is a cardinal. The prelate of the next scene is a cardinal in both versions.
Editors decide that the first is Archbishop Kotheram of York, and that the
second is Cardinal Bourchier, Archbishop of Canterbury. It may be doubted
whether the dramatist intended to present more than one personage. If
Holinshed was his authority he certainly did not ; for, according to Holinshed,
Kotheram was at that time a cardinal and Lord Chancellor ; it was he who
conducted the Queen to sanctuary, and it was he who afterwards persuaded
her to give up the young Duke of York.
X. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF RICHARD III. 329
the stroke of four in the morning a messenger from Lord Stanley
awakens Hastings to tell him that his master has had bad dreams in
the night ; he has heard that " there are two councils held ; " he likes
it not, and proposes that they shall fly to the north " to shun the
danger that his soul divines." Hastings pooh-poohs his forebodings,
and sends back the messenger to bid Stanley come to him, and they
will go together to the Tower. Catesby, who we must suppose was
unable last night to discharge the commission then entrusted to him,
now enters, and finding Hastings unwilling to join in the plot, pre-
tends to agree with him. Hastings is, however, rejoiced to hear of
the execution which takes place to-day at Pomfret. Stanley enters,
and proceeds with Catesby to the Tower, leaving Hastings lingering
on the road to talk first with a pursuivant and then with a priest
whom he encounters. Buckingham overtakes him, and they go on
their way together to the Tower.
Act III. sc. iii. The scene changes to Pomfret Castle, where we
find Sir Eichard Katcliff conducting Eivers, Grey, and Vaughan to
present execution.
Act III. sc. iv. The Tower. The council is assembled to de-
termine the day of the young King's coronation. Eichard, finding
Hastings firm in his loyalty, picks a quarrel with him, and orders
him to instant execution, swearing he will not dine till he sees his
head. Eatcliff and Lovel are charged with his execution, according
to the Folio version ; in the Quarto Eichard's order is, " Some see it
done," and Catesby undertakes the office, and in the next scene
brings Hastings' head to Eichard. The Quarto, however, is not self-
consistent, for, in this next scene, before he brings in the head he is
addressed by Eichard as being present. The Folio is consistent in
itself as regards the parts taken by Eatcliff, Lovel, and Catesby in
Act III. sc. iv. and v. ; but as these scenes in the Tower take place
on the same day and at about the same time with sc. iii. at Pomfret,
it is difficult to imagine Eatcliff as present in both places. Sundry
alterations, with a view to overcome this difficulty, have been
attempted as regards the parts of Eatcliff and Catesby in sc. iv. and
v. ; none, however, can be considered satisfactory. A very easy cure
might, however, be effected by giving Eatcliff's part in the Pomfret
330 X. P. A. DANIEL, TIME-ANALYSIS OF RICHARD III.
scene to some other personage ; and this change, although the
authority of both Quarto and Folio is against it, would involve less
alteration of the text than any other that has been proposed. If this
is beyond the province of editorial revision, we must be content to
suppose that the Tower and Pomfret are only separated from each
other by the traverse which divides the stage from the tiring-room :
a feat of imagination not unfrequently required of us in these Plays,
and one which is indeed expressly enjoined us in the 1st Chorus of
Henry V.
Act III. sc. v. The Tower walls. " Enter Eichard and Buck-
ingham, in rotten armour, marvellous ill-fauoured ; " their object being
to persuade the world that they go in fear of their lives. Catesby,
who has been sent to fetch the Lord Mayor, now enters with him,
and is followed almost immediately by Lovel and Eatcliff, who bring
Hastings' head. Eichard and Buckingham explain to the Mayor the
necessity of this sudden execution. He, good man, is easily satisfied,
and promises to acquaint the citizens with their just proceedings.
Buckingham goes after him to insinuate with the citizens the desir-
ability of conferring the crown on Eichard, and promises to let him
know the news from Guildhall and bring the citizens with him
towards three or four o'clock at Baynard's Castle, whither Eichard
proposes to adjourn. To the same place Eichard also commissions
Lovel and Catesby to fetch Dr. Shaw and Friar Penker, there to
meet him within this hour.
Act III. sc. vi. A street. Enter a scrivener with a fairly
engrossed copy of the indictment of Lord Hastings to be this day
read over in Paul's. He something more than insinuates that the
whole business is a " palpable device " and a deliberate conspiracy.
The time of this scene, according to the scrivener, is within five
hours of Hastings' death.
Act III. sc. vii. Baynard's Castle. Buckingham gives Eichard
an account of the proceedings at the Guildhall. The Lord Mayor
and citizens approaching, Eichard retires and appears again aloft
between two bishops.1 Then follows the scene in which the idiot
1 " Two bishops : " so they are styled in the stage direction of both Quarto
and Folio ; they are not thus dignified in the text, and the author doubtless
X. P. A. DANIEL. TIME- ANALYSIS OF RICHARD III. 331
mayor and his train, cajoled by Buckingham and Catesby, induce
Richard, seemingly much against his will, to accept the crown. To-
morrow is set down as the coronation day.
Day 7. Act IV. sc. i. Before the Tower. Queen Elizabeth^
her son Dorset, and the old Duchess of York meet the Lady Anne,
Duchess of Gloucester,1 leading in her hand the Lady Margaret,
Clarence's young daughter. All are on their way to pay a visit to the
two young princes; but the Lieutenant of the Tower has strict orders
from " the King " not to admit any visitors. The ladies thus learn
for the first time of the Lord Protector's assumption of the kingly
dignity, and the news is quickly confirmed by Stanley, who comes to
bid the Lady Anne go straight with him to Westminster, " there to
be crowned Richard's royal queen." Anne, no less than the rest, is
surprised and dismayed at this turn of affairs. Dorset, so counselled
by his mother and by Stanley, flies to take refuge with Richmond in
Brittany ; the Queen again goes to sanctuary.
Day 8. Act IY. sc. ii. The palace. " The trumpets sound.
Enter Richard crowned, Buckingham, Catesby, with other Nobles" —
Qq.
" Sound a Sennet. Enter Richard in pompe, Buckingham,
Catesly, Ratcli/e, Louel." — Ff.
Richard mounts the throne. He now hints to Buckingham that
to secure his position he would have the young princes put to death,
and suddenly. Buckingham asks time to consider the matter, and
goes out. Displeased with his lukewarmness, Richard asks a page if
he knows any one who might be bribed to do a deed of death. The
page suggests Tyrrel, and goes out to seek him. Stanley enters and
tells of the flight of Dorset. Richard then instructs Catesby to
rumour it abroad that Anne, his wife, is sick and like to die ; also
to inquire out some mean-born gentleman, to whom he will straight
marry Clarence's daughter. To himself he determines to marry
intended them to be Shaw and Penker, mentioned in the preceding scene
v. of this Act.
1 This is the first intimation we have of the marriage of Anne with
Eichard. In Act I. sc. ii. we witnessed their wooing ; the marriage must
have taken place during the interval I have marked as following that scene.
332 X. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF RICHARD III.
Edward's daughter (the Princess Elizabeth, of whose existence we
are now first made aware). " Murder her brothers, and then marry
her ! " The page re-enters with Tyrrel, who accepts the commission
to murder the princes without a moment's hesitation; he only requires
means to come to them, and Eichard delivers him the needful token.
" Tirrel. Tis done my gracious lord.
Richard. Shall we heare from thee, Tirrel, ere we sleepe 1
Tirrel. Ye shall, my lord." x
So in the Quarto. In the Folio in lieu of these three speeches there
is but one, by Tyrrel : — " I will dispatch it straight." And so he goes
to his work. Buckingham now re-enters; but Eichard no longer
wants him ; will not listen to his demands for the promised reward of
his services ; he is " not in the vein ; " asks him instead, " What's
o'clock1?" (and we learn that it is on the stroke of ten), and so leaves
him. Buckingham, alarmed at the contempt with which he is treated,
thinks of Hastings' fate, and resolves to fly to Brecknock while his
fearful head is on.
The early hour at which this scene closes (" upon the stroke of
ten"), and the fact that it is after the coronation — for Anne is not
present, and Stanley's business is to report the flight of Dorset — sug-
gest the commencement of a new day with this scene ; but as Dorset's
flight could not be long concealed from Eichard, we can scarcely
imagine the time to be later than the morrow of Act IY. sc. i.
Act IV. sc. iii. The palace. Tyrrel has done his work —
smothered the young princes as they lay asleep — and now comes to
inform the King, who bids him come to him again soon at after
supper, and tell the process of their death. The time of this scene 1
Well, just before supper-time, about five or six o'clock p.m. On the
same day as the preceding scene 1 It should be if Tyrrel kept his
promise to a king not prone to let his purpose cool. Then the young
princes were abed early in the afternoon. JSTot impossible; but the
reader must decide for himself on the probabilities of the case. I take
it to be the same day, notwithstanding the astounding celerity of the
march of events of which we gain intelligence when Tyrrel goes off
1 Except in the change of the name Catesby to Tirrel, the two last of these
speeches are a repetition of 11. 188, 189, Act III. sc, i., found in both Quarto
and Folio.
X. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF RICHARD III. 333
to meditate, "between this and after-supper time, how the King may
do him good. We learn that between this time and ten in the
morning Eichard has pent up the son of Clarence close ; that he
has matched the daughter (a mere child on the morning of yesterday)
in a mean marriage ; that " Anne, my wife, hath bid the world good
night," and that being now free, he is about to go, " a jolly thriving
wooer," to young Elizabeth, and so prevent the aims of Breton
Eichmond in that quarter ! And this is not all ; for Catesby comes
in with the intelligence that Ely has fled to Eichmond, and that
Buckingham — here at ten this morning — is in the field, back'd with
the hardy Welshmen, and still his power increaseth !
Eichard ends the scene, determining to make instant preparations
to put down Buckingham's rebellion. Does he wait for supper 1 I
think not. If Buckingham can fly from London to Brecknock,1 levy
an army there, and let the news of his proceedings fly back to Lon-
don all in the course of a few hours, Eichard may surely muster up
his men in ten minutes. He does so.2
Act IV. sc. iv. Before the palace. Queen Margaret, who has
slily lurked in these confines to watch the waning of her adversaries,
is now about to return to France, when Queen Elizabeth and the old
Duchess of York enter, lamenting the death of the young princes,
whose souls they believe to be yet hovering in the air ; she joins
them, and all three sit upon the ground, uniting in a chorus of
execrations and laments. After instructing them how to make their
curses tell, Margaret leaves them, and Eichard enters with his army.
He will not listen to the exclamations of the women, but drowns
their voices with his drums and trumpets. His mother curses him
and leaves him, and he then cajoles the Queen into promising him the
hand of her daughter ; whereupon she leaves him too. Then enter,
in rapid succession, Eatcliff, Catesby, Stanley, and several messengers
1 In a straight line 150 miles.
2 I need hardly say that it is Tyrrel's business which forces sc. ii. and iii.
of Act IV. into one day ; if we could throw him over, or suppose him to have
taken a week or a month in which to fulfil his murderous engagement, so much
time as we allow him might be placed as an interval between these two
scenes ; but the dramatist fixes his time, and in our reckoning I presume we
are bound to accept the definite before the indefinite. Scenes ii. and iii. being
thus brought together, scenes iv. and v. join them as a matter of course.
334 X. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF RICHARD III.
with, the following items of intelligence : Eichmond is on the
western coast with a puissant navy ; in Devonshire Sir Edward
Courtney and his brother, the Bishop of Exeter, are up in arms ;
the army of the Duke of Buckingham is dispersed by sudden floods,
and he himself wandered away alone, no man knows whither ; Sir
Thomas Lovel and Dorset in Yorkshire are in arms ; the Breton navy
is dispersed by tempest; Eichmond in Dorsetshire had thought to land,
but, mistrusting the people there, hoisted sail and made away for
Brittany; at last Catesby, who since his first entrance has posted
to the Duke of Norfolk to bid him muster up his force, re-enters
with the news that Buckingham is taken, but that Eichmond is with
a mighty power landed at Milford. Eichard ends the scene : —
" Away towards Salisbury ! while we reason here
A royal battle might be won and lost ;
Some one take order Buckingham be brought
To Salisbury ; the rest march on with me.
[Flourish. Exeunt"
Act IV. sc. v. Lord Stanley sends letters to his stepson Eich-
mond by Sir Christopher Urswick ; he cannot openly revolt to him,
for his son George is in the tyrant's power, hostage for his fidelity.
He lets him know that the Queen has heartily consented that he
shall marry the Princess Elizabeth her daughter. With this scene I
end the long-short time included in Act IV. sc. ii. — v., Day 8. It
is true that Sir Christopher has intelligence that Eichmond is now
at Pembroke or Ha'rford-west ; 1 but at the rate at which, in the pre-
ceding scene, we have seen events progress and news of them arrive,
we need not suppose any pause here. Stanley must have accom-
panied Eichard on his expedition, or at least have followed him
immediately, and this scene, therefore, may be taken as part of
Day 8.
An interval (1). Eichard's march to Salisbury.
Day 9. Act V. sc. i. Salisbury. Buckingham is led to execu-
tion by the Sheriff; when he enters he asks, " Will not King
Eichard let me speak with him1?" We may therefore suppose
Eichard to be now in the town.
1 Pembroke to the south, Ha'rford-west to the north, of Milford.
X. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF RICHARD III. 335
Aii interval (?). Richard's inarch from Salisbury to Leicester.
Day 10. Act V. sc. ii. Near Tamworth. Richmond with his
adherents has penetrated thus far into the bowels of the land. He
hears that Richard now lies near Leicester, " one day's march " from
Tamworth, and thither he proceeds to join battle with him.
Here, as the author gives us two definite points, with the time
necessary for traversing the space between them, a little digression
may be allowable, with the view of ascertaining the lapse of time —
if any — supposed by the plot of the drama between our Days 8 and
10. From Tamworth to Leicester is "one day's march:" the
distance on the map, in a straight line, is 24 miles. Calculated at this
rate, Richmond has marched from Milford to Tamworth — 160 miles
= six to seven days. Richard has marched from London to Salisbury,
and from Salisbury to Leicester — 190 miles = seven to eight days.
Are we to distribute this time between the two last intervals that I
have doubtfully marked, or are we to go to history, where we find
that Richmond landed at Milford Haven on the 7th August,
1485, and fought the battle of Bosworth Field on the 22nd of the
same month 1 Or are we to be guided by the instances of the anni-
hilation of time and space which this Play elsewhere affords us ? It
seems a fruitless inquiry, but it at any rate leads to the conclusion
that the author himself actually, if not designedly, put aside all such
considerations when constructing the plots of his dramas.
Act V. sc. iii. Bosworth Field. As this place lies about half-
way between Tamworth and Leicester, we may suppose this scene
to be a continuation of the day commenced in the preceding scene.
Enter Richard with his army. They pitch the King's tent on
one side of the stage, and then go out to survey the field for
to-morrow's battle.
Enter Richmond with his army. "The weary sun hath made a
golden set." They pitch his tent on the other side of the stage, and
after giving some orders for the morrow's battle the leaders withdraw
into the tent. Richmond desires that the Earl of Pembroke come
to him by the second hour of the morning.
In Richard's tent. "It's supper-time," " it's nine o'clock" (six
o'clock, Qq.) j but the King will not sup to-night ; he gives sundry
336 X. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF RICHARD III.
orders for the morrow, bids Eatcliif come to him about midnight,
and then desires to be left alone.
In Eichmond's tent. Stanley has a secret interview with his
stepson. Richmond is then left to his repose.
Eichard and Eichmond both sleep.
Then enter, in succession, between the two tents, the ghosts of
Prince Edward, of Henry VI., of Clarence, of Eivers, Grey, and
Vaughan, of Hastings, of the two young princes, of Lady Anne,
and of Buckingham j they address words of hope and comfort to
Eichmond, and bid Eichard despair. The ghosts vanish, and
Eichard awakes in terror from his dream. "It is now dead mid-
night," and
Day 11 begins. Eatcliff enters to Eichard. " The early village
cock hath twice done salutation to the morn ; " but " it is not yet
near day," and they go out together — Eichard to play the eaves-
dropper under the tents, to see if any mean to shrink from him.
Eichmond now awakes, much comforted with his share of the
dream. His friends come to him. It is now " upon the stroke of
four." He makes an oration to his army, and they march out for
the battle.
Eichard re-enters with his friends ; makes his oration to his army,
and they march out to join battle with the enemy.
Act V. sc. iv. €ind v. Alarums and excursions for the battle.
Eichard is slain by Eichmond, who receives on the field the crown
taken from the dead tyrant's head.
Time of this Play 1 1 days represented on the stage j with intervals.
Total dramatic time within one month (?).
Day 1 . Act I. sc. i. and ii.
Interval.
„ 2. Act I. sc. iii. and iv. Act II. sc. i. and ii.
„ 3. Act II. sc. iii.
Interval.
„ 4. Act II. sc. iv.
„ 5. Act III. sc. i.
, 6. Act III. sc. ii. — vii.
X. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF HENRY VIII. 337
Day 7. Act IV. sc. i.
„ 8. Act IV. sc. ii.— v.
Interval.
„ 9. Act V. sc. i.
Interval.
„ 10. Act V. sc. ii. and first half of sc. iii.
„ 11. Act Y. second half of sc. iii. and sc. iv. and v.
Historic dates. The dead body of Henry VI. exposed to public
view in St. Paul's, 22nd May, 1471. Marriage of Eichard with
Anne, 1472. Death of Clarence, beginning of 1478. Death of
Edward IV., 9th April, 1483. Eivers and Grey arrested, 30th
April, 1483. Hastings executed, 13th June, 1483. Rivers, Grey,
Vaughan, and Hawes executed, 15th June, 1483. Buckingham
harangues the citizens in Guildhall, 24th June, 1483. Lord Mayor
and citizens offer Richard the crown, 25th June; he is declared
King at Westminster Hall, 26th June ; and crowned, 6th July,
1483. Buckingham executed, October, 1483. Death of Queen
Anne, 16th March, 1485. Henry VII. lands at Milford Haven, 7th
August, 1485. Battle of Bosworth Field, 22nd August, 1485.
HENRY VIII.
FIRST printed in Folio ; divided into acts and scenes ; and so
divided in Globe edition, except that in the Folio.
Actus quintus, Sccena secunda includes sc. ii. and iii. Sccena
tertia — sc. iv. Sccena quarta = sc. v.
The Prologue.
Day 1. Act I. sc. i. London. An ante-chamber in the palace.
Enter the Duke of Norfolk at one door ; at the other the Duke of
Buckingham and his son-in-law, Lord Abergavenny. Their convers-
ation informs the audience of the course of affairs, commencing with
the glories of the meeting of Henry and Francis I. at the Field of the
Cloth of Gold ; of the league there concluded ; of its subsequent
breach; of the alliance with the Emperor Charles V, and of his
338 X. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OP HENRY VIII.
visit to the English Court : a period ranging from the summer of
1520 to the summer of 1522, but treated as though of yesterday.
In all these affairs Buckingham vigorously denounces the intrigues of
Cardinal Wolsey, and threatens to expose him to the King. Norfolk
advises him to be cautious how he attacks so dangerous an adversary.
In the midst of this conversation Wolsey enters, with his train, on
his way to the King, and " in his passage fixeth his eye on Bucking-
ham, and Buckingham on him, both full of disdain." As he goes
out he has this conversation with his secretary : —
" Wol. The Duke of Buckingham's surveyor, ha ?
Where's his examination ?
Seer. Here, so please you.
Wol. Is he in person ready ?
Seer. Ay, please your grace.
Wol. Well, we shall then know more ; and Buckingham
Shall lessen this big look."
The result is soon apparent in the entry of Brandon with a sergeant-
at-arms and the guard, and in the arrest for high treason of Buck-
ingham and Abergavenny, and their committal to the Tower.
Act I. sc. ii. The council-chamber. The King thanks Wolsey
for the great care he has of his safety, and determines to hear in
person the accusations of Buckingham's surveyor against his master.
The Queen enters, attended by the Dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk ;
she complains to the King of the grievous taxations inflicted on his
subjects by the Cardinal, who excuses himself on the plea that all has
been done in due course of law. The King, however, is not satisfied ;
orders that these extraordinary exactions cease, and that a general
pardon be granted to all recalcitrants. Buckingham's discarded
servant — who we learned in the preceding scene was "in person
ready " — is then introduced, and testifies to the manifold treasons
of his late master. The Queen again attempts to mediate ; but the
Cardinal is here too strong for her, having on his side the King's
fears for his own safety. The King ends the scene, ordering that
Buckingham be called to present trial.
Act I. sc. iii. The palace. The Lord Chamberlain, Lord Sandys
and Sir Thomas Lovell meet. Their talk is of the extravagant
French fashions the Court gallants have adopted since " the late
X. P. A. DANIEL. TIME- ANALYSIS OP HENRY Fill. 339
voyage," and the Proclamation that has been issued for their
reformation. (The author still insists on our being as it were on the
morrow of the " Field of the Cloth of Gold.") All three are about
to proceed to a great supper which the Cardinal gives to-night, and at
which the Chamberlain with Sir Henry Guildford are to be comp-
trollers.
Act I. sc. iv. The supper at the Cardinal's. Sir Henry Guild-
ford and the Lord Chamberlain marshal the guests. Wolsey enters,
takes his state, and welcomes them. A troop of noble strangers
crave admittance ; they enter masked and attired like shepherds, and
take out the ladies to dance. The King, who is among them,
chooses Anne Bullen, one of the guests, for his partner. The Car-
dinal discovers his royal visitants, and they adjourn with the ladies
to another chamber to a banquet. Note, that the King here sees
Anne for the first time.
With these two last scenes, though they are in no way connected
with the preceding two, we may very well conclude Day 1 and Act
I. together.
An interval. It should be short ; for at the end of Act I. sc. ii.
the King orders the present trial of Buckingham ; but as in sc. iv.
Henry first makes the acquaintance of Anne, the following scenes
require it to be long.
Day 2. Act IT. sc. i. Westminster. Two gentlemen, who
act the part of Chorus, meet, and we learn the details of the trial and
condemnation of the Duke of Buckingham, who now enters from
his arraignment on his way back to the Tower, and to execution.
After his departure the" two gentlemen resume their talk, and com-
ment on the rumours heard of late days of the King's intended divorce
from Katherine, and of the arrival of Cardinal Campeius in connec-
tion with the business.
Act II. sc. ii. An ante-chamber in the palace. The Lord
Chamberlain enters ; he has evidently but just left the King, when
the Dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk meet him. Their talk is all of
the intended divorce, the chief blame of which they lay on Wolsey.
The Dukes propose to visit the King, and ask the Chamberlain to
340 X. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF HEXliY VIII.
accompany them. He excuses himself, for " the King hath sent me
otherwhere," and leaves them. A curtain is drawn, and the Dukes
are in the presence • but are roughly received, and contemptuously
dismissed as Wolsey and Campeius make their appearance. This is
the first interview Campeius has with the King, and therefore must bo
supposed to take place shortly after his arrival. As in the preceding
scene his arrival is generally known, we may suppose both these
scenes to be on one day. It would appear that much time must have
elapsed since Act I., for all the learned clerks of Christendom have
been consulted in the matter of the divorce, and Campeius, now sent
by the Pope at the King's invitation, comes as " one general tongue "
to decide the matter. He delivers to the King his commission,
which joins with him, for the judging of the business, Cardinal
Wolsey. The King sends his new secretary, Gardiner, to inform the
Queen of the purpose for which Campeius is come.
Act II. sc. iii. An ante-chamber of the Queen's apartments.
Enter Anne B alien and an old lady. The Lord Chamberlain comes
to them, and informs Anne that the King has been pleased to create
her Marchioness of Pembroke, with an allowance of " a thousand a
year." This, I presume, is the business on which the King had sent
the Chamberlain (see last scene), and I therefore include this scene
in Day 2. The old lady's discourse is full of hints at the approach-
ing elevation of Anne as Queen. Again, therefore, long time since
the end of Act I. is suggested to us.
Day 3. Act II. sc. iv. A hall in Blackfriars. The court is
assembled to try the case of the divorce. The King answers to his
name. The Queen does not answer; but, kneeling to the King,
appeals to his pity and sense of justice, and asks delay till she can be
advised by her friends in Spain. The cardinals oppose any delay ;
whereupon she accuses Wolsey of having blown this coal between
the King and her, denounces him as her enemy, refuses him as her
judge, and, appealing to the higher authority of the Pope for justice,
leaves the court. The King fully clears Wolsey of stirring this business,
admits that, on the contrary, he has ever wished that it should sleep,
and has often hindered the passages made towards it. His own
tender conscience — first startled at some doubts cast on the legitimacy
X. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF HENRY VIII. 341
of Ins • daughter Mary, on the occasion of a proposed treaty of
marriage between her and the Duke of Orleans l — is his only motivo
for wishing this trial ; and he declares that if the court can satisfy
him as to the lawfulness of his marriage with Katherine, nothing
will give him greater content. Campeius, taking advantage of this
profession of love for the Queen, suggests the adjournment of the
court, and that an earnest motion be made to the Queen to withdraw
her appeal to Rome. The King accordingly orders the court to
break up ; but he begins to perceive that the cardinals are trifling
with him, and in an aside he wishes for the return of Cranmer,2
with whose approach he knows his comfort comes along. A separate
day must of course be assigned to this scene, which may, with
dramatic propriety, be supposed the morrow of Day 2.
Day 4. Act III. sc. i. The Queen's apartment. t( Enter
Queene and her Women, as at worke." The two cardinals — Wolsey
forgetting, like a good man, her late censure both of his truth and
him — come to offer their duty and advice to the Queen. She at first
repels them, but at last, soothed by their protestations of friendliness,
begs them to bestow their counsels on her. Beyond a general desire
that she should avoid irritating the King by her obstinacy, and place
her trust in them, they do not in this scene propose any definite
course to her.
A separate day, the morrow of Day 3, should, I think, be assigned
to this scene.
An interval; for reason of which see comment on following scene.
Day 5. Act III. sc. ii. Ante-chamber to the King's apart-
ments. The Dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, the Earl of Surrey, and
the Lord Chamberlain are met, big with expectation of Wolsey's
overthrow ; for it seems his contrary proceedings in the divorce case
1 April, 1527.
2 This is the first time we hear of Cranmer in the Play. He was away
in Italy, France, and Germany, working for the King's divorce from the
close of 1629 to the beginning of 1533, when he returned to be consecrated
Archbishop of Canterbury. The Archbishop of that see, mentioned in the
stage direction of this scene, and addressed by the King, would be his
predecessor, Warham.
N. S. SOC. TRANS., 187 . 23
3-12 X. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF HENRY VIII.
are all unfolded. His letters to the Pope, praying him to stay judg-
ment, and so prevent the Anne Bullen marriage, are come to the
King's eye ; but on this point he is too late, for — though this is yet
a Court secret — the King already hath married the fair lady, and
there's order given for her coronation. Moreover, the King is further
incensed by the fact that Cardinal Campeius, as agent to Wolsey in
this business, is stolen away to Rome, leaving the King's cause
unhandled. Norfolk asks, " When returns Cranmer?" Suffolk
replies —
" He is returned in his opinions ; which
Have satisfied the King for his divorce,
Together with all famous colleges
Almost in Christendom : shortly, I believe,
His second marriage shall be publish'd, and
Her coronation."
And they expect that Cranmer will be rewarded with an archbishopric.
From the above dialogue we are not to understand that Cranmer is
returned in person, but merely, as Tyrwhitt explains, — He is return'd
in effect, having sent his opinions, etc. Norfolk could not be sup-
posed ignorant of Cranmer's actual return any more than Wolsey,
who now enters with his secretary, Cromwell. The nobles stand
apart observing him. Cromwell, it appears, has given to the King a
certain packet from the Cardinal, who now, in obedience to command,
awaits the coming forth of the King. He is moody ; he likes not
the Anne Bullen match ; determines with himself that Henry shall
marry with the French King's sister ; he is troubled too with thoughts
of the arch-heretic Cranmer, who has crawled into the favour of the
King, and so he falls into a brown study. The King enters, " read-
ing of a schedule," and rouses him from his meditations. Beginning
smoothly, he reminds him of the supreme favour he has so long en-
joyed, and then abruptly giving him two papers, and bidding him
" Eead o'er this ; / and, after, this : and then to breakfast, with /
what appetite you have," he goes out frowning upon the Cardinal.
"The nobles throng after him, smiling and whispering." Wolsey
reads the papers : the account of the immense wealth he has drawn
together with which to gain the popedom, and his letter to the Pope
about the King's divorce. He sees that his disgrace is irretrievable.
X. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF HENRY VIII. 343
The nobles return, and in the King's name demand of him the great
seal ; this he refuses to deliver to any but the King himself. They
leave him, after acquainting him with the King's further pleasure,
triumphing in his overthrow. Cromwell comes to him, amazed
at his fall; he tells him that Sir Thomas More is chosen Lord
Chancellor in his place ; that Cranmer is returned, and installed
Archbishop of Canterbury ; and that
" The Lady Anne,
Whom the King hath in secrecy long married,
This day was viewed in open as his queen,
Going to chapel ; and the voice is now
Only about her coronation."
From all which it appears that events which were merely rumoured
or in expectation at the beginning of this scene have now before its
end become openly known and accomplished : they have, in fact,
progressed with the dialogue in which they are narrated. "Wolsey
ends the scene with friendly advice to Cromwell, and a farewell to
all his glory.
An interval.
Day 6. Act IV. sc. i. A street in Westminster. Our two
choric gentlemen, who have not met since they beheld the Duke of
Buckingham come from his trial, are now again in waiting to behold
the Lady Anne pass from her coronation. From them we learn that
Cranmer since his instalment has pronounced the nullity of Henry's
marriage with Katherine, who now remains sick at Kimbolton. The
coronation procession then passes over the stage, and the Chorus is
joined by a third gentleman, who gives some account of the ceremony
as he beheld it in the Abbey. We also learn that Gardiner has been
promoted to the see of Winchester, and is no lover of Cranmer, who,
however, has a staunch friend in Cromwell, a man now much in
esteem with the King.
Act IV. sc. ii. Kimbolton. " Enter Katherine, Dowager, sick ;
led between Griffith, her gentleman usher, and Patience, her woman."
News of the death of Wolsey has reached them ; they discuss his
character. The Queen then falls asleep, and has a vision of angels
presenting to her an immortal garland. Awaking, she receives a visit
344 X. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OP HENRY VIII.
from Capucius, ambassador from her nephew the Emperor, who brings
to her a message of comfort from the King ; to him she confides a
letter to Henry, praying him to be good to her dependants. She
then bids farewell to Griffith, and is helped to her bed by Patience,
anticipating a speedy end.
Both scenes of this act may, I presume, be supposed on one day.
Interval.
Day 7. Act Y. sc. i. London. A gallery in the palace. At
night. Enter Gardiner, a page with a torch before him, met by Sir
Thomas Lovell. One o'clock has struck as Gardiner comes from the
King, whom he has left at primero with the Duke of Suffolk. Lovell
is going to the King with news from Queen Anne, who is in labour,
and whose life is feared. They agree between them that they would
not be sorry if she and Cranmer and Cromwell were in their graves,
and Gardiner informs Lovell that he and the Council have moved
the King as to Cranmer, who is to appear before the Board to-morrow
morning (*'. e. the morning of the twenty-four hours now begun)
to answer for himself. Gardiner departs, and the King enters with
Suffolk from, their play. Lovell delivers his message. The King,
telling Suffolk, " 'Tis midnight, Charles " (past one at the beginning of
the scene), bids him get to bed, and remember the Queen in his
prayers. Suffolk departs, and Sir Anthony Denny brings Cranrner
to the King in accordance with his commands. Lovell guesses that
this must be about the business which Gardiner had confided to
him, and would fain listen to it; but the King orders every one
out of the gallery but Cranmer. Him he tells of the complaints that
are made against him, and that he must appear before the Council in
the morning. Finding him firm in his innocence, he gives him his
signet, and tells him if the Council insist on committing him to the
Tower to show it to them and make his appeal to him. As Cranmer
departs an old lady forces her way in to tell the King of Anne's
happy deliverance of a daughter, and that she prays him to visit her.
Act V. sc. ii. Before the Council-chamber. Morning is come,
and Cranmer is kept waiting at the door ; he is seen there by Dr.
Butts, who hastens to inform the King ; and presently the King and
Butts appear at a window above to view this strange sight.
X, P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF HENRY VIII. 345
Act V. sc. iii. The Council-chamber. The members are set,
and after a little time Cranmer is admitted. Gardiner, who takes
the lead in the business, proposes his committ d to the Tower, and
all assent, Cromwell alone daring to speak in his favour. Finding
them obdurate, Cranmer, to their dismay, produces the King's signet,
and takes his cause out of their hands ; to their still greater dismay,
the King himself now makes his appearance, frowning on them. He
rates them soundly for their behaviour to Cranmer, and insists on
their reconcilement. To mark his own friendship to Cranmer, he
asks him to be godfather to the young maid, who yet wants baptism,
and aoparently they all go out at once to the christening.
" Come, lords, we trifle time away ; I long
To have this young one made a Christian."
Act Y. sc. iv. The palace yard. The porters have great
difficulty in keeping out the crowd assembled to witness the return
of the christening procession.
Act Y. sc. v. The procession enters with the young Princess
Elizabeth from the christening, and is met by the King. Cranmer
predicts the future greatness of the child, and the blessings England
is to enjoy under her rule and that of the King who is to succeed her.
Epilogue.
The time of this Play is seven days represented on the stage,
with intervals, the length of which it is, perhaps, impossible to
determine : see how dates are shuffled in the list below.
Day 1. Act I. sc. i. — iv.
Interval.
„ 2. Act II. sc. i. — iii.
„ 3. Act II. sc. iv.
„ 4. Act III. sc. i.
Interval.
„ 5. Act III. sc. ii.
Interval.
„ 6. Act IY. sc. i. and ii.
Interval.
„ 7. Act Y. sc. i. — v.
3 1C X. P. A. DANIEL. TIME-ANALYSIS OF HE3RY VIII.
HISTORIC DATES, ARRANGED IN THE ORDER OF THE PLAY.
1520. June. Field of the Cloth of Gold.
1522. March. "War declared with France.
„ May — July. Visit of the Emperor to the English Court.
1521. April 16th. Buckingham brought to the Tower.
1527. Henry becomes acquainted with Anne
Bullen.
1521. May. Arraignment of Buckingham. May 17th, his
execution.
1527. August. Commencement of proceedings for the divorce.
1528. October. Cardinal Campeius arrives in London.
1532. September. Anne Bullen created Marchioness of
Pembroke.
1529. May. Assembly of the Court at Blackfriars to try the
case of the divorce.
Cranmer abroad working for the divorce.
1529. Eeturn of Cardinal Campeius to Rome.
1533. January. Marriage of Henry with Anne Bullen.
1529. October. Wolsey deprived of the great seal.
„ „ 25th. Sir Thomas More chosen Lord Chan-
cellor.
1533. March 30th. Cranmer consecrated Archbishop of Can-
terbury.
„ May 23rd. Nullity of the marriage with Katherine
declared.
1530. November 29th. Death of Cardinal Wolsey.
1533. June 1st. Coronation of Anne.
1536. January 8th. Death of Queen Katherine.
1533. September 7th. Birth of Elizabeth.
1544. Cranmer called before the Council.
1533. September. Christening of Elizabeth.
pu^
347
XI.
SOME REMARKS ON THE INTRODUCTORY SCENE OF
THE SECOND PART OF SHAKSPERE'S HENRY IV.
BY
PROF. HAGENA.
WITH A COMMENTARY BY P. A. DANIEL, ESQ.
(Read at the ±2nd Meeting of the Society, April 13, 1878.)
THE following words by me were printed in the " Archiv fiir das
Stadium der neueren Sprachen und Literaturen," edited by L.
Herrig, Vol. 44, 1869 :
" Whenever I read the introductory scene of the 2nd part of
Shakspere's Henry IV., I have been struck by the exceeding beauty
of it. The poet seemed to me to have felt his powers growing under
the great and general applause which had accompanied his triumphant
First Part. But I never could understand how it was that none of
the commentators, at least as far as I know, had pointed out an
incongruity which in this nearly perfect scene (2 Henry IV., I. i.)
disturbs the attentive reader. Lord Bardolph communicates to the
Earl of Northumberland joyful tidings of his son's victory at Shrews-
bury. When Northumberland asks how he came to know of this
victory, whether he himself had been at Shrewsbury (11. 23-4), Lord
Bardolph says that he has this news only at second-hand. Then
Northumberland sees his own servant Travers coming, whom he had
sent to inquire, and hints that some more exact information may be
given by him. But Lord Bardolph answers, * Your servant has his
news from me :
I overrode him on the way ;
And he is furnish'd with no certainties,
More than he haply may retail from me ' (11. 30-2).
N. s. soc. TRANS., 1877-9. 24
348 XI. PROF. HAGENA ON A MISTAKE IN II HENRY IF, I. i.
"At once Travers appears, and says that he has got from Sir
John Umfrevile those very news of which, according to the pre-
ceding speech, Lord Bardolph was the bearer. How is "this to be
explained? Did Travers mistake Lord Bardolph for Sir John
Umfrevile t If so, it ought to have been explained, but it is never
mentioned afterwards. Now the supposition lies at hand that the
representation of the play had been facilitated by uniting the two
parts of Sir John Umf resile and Lord Bardolph into the one of Lord
Bardolph, who also appears in another scene (I. iii.), and that the
writer neglected to correct the contradiction in this first scene. Per-
haps the actor who had to take one of the two parts fell ill shortly
before the representation. In the second speech of Sir John Um-
frevile it was indeed very easy to change
« Tell thou the earl
Sir John Umfrevile doth attend him here ' (I. L 2, 3)
into the text as it now stands —
' Tell thou the earl
That the Lord Bardolph doth attend him here,
and in the first speech of Northumberland —
' What news, Umf revile V (I. i. 7)—
into the present
1 What news, Lord Bardolph 1 '
" But in the first words of Travers —
'My lord, Sir John Umfrevile turn'd me back' (I. i. 34) —
it was not so easy to change ' Sir John Umfrevile ' into ' Lord Bar-
dolph' without spoiling the verse.1 But here Umfrevile does not
speak himself, nor is he addressed ; he is only spoken of in the third
person, and it might be relied on that this incongruity would not be
remarked in the representation. But when the play had once
appeared on the stage in this form, it was not changed afterwards,
for Shakspere had not written for readers.
1 " Your guest, Lord Bardolph," or " Your friend, Lord Bardolph," would
make the verse right. — F, J. F.
XL PROP. HAGENA ON A MISTAKE IN II HENRY IV. I. i. 349
" As I said, this supposition lay very near at hand ; but the most
ingenious critic could not without help have found out that the last
words attributed to Travers in our present editions (1. 161) —
' This strained passion doth you wrong, my lord ' —
do not belong to him, but to Sir John Umfrevile. But fortunately
before this line the Quarto has Urnf. The Folio editions have not
the line, and the editions of later times have reinserted it from the
Quarto. Indeed, the boldest critic would not have taken these words
from Travers and given them to Umfrevile ; but by comparing the
two verses —
'This strained passion doth you wrong, my lord' (1. 161),
and
' Sweet earl, divorce not wisdom from your honour ' (1. 162) —
it must strike us that in their parallelism they will much better suit
two persons of nearly equal rank, than that the first verse should
have been spoken by a servant, and that Lord Bardolph should only
repeat what the servant has said; and we shall thank our good
fortune that just here an outward hint has been given for the recon-
struction of the text as originally given by the poet.
" At the same time we see that the Quarto edition — which was
very likely a furtive one, like all Quarto editions — was not taken
from notes written down during the representation, but from the
manuscripts having been copied out by some one, and then corrupted
perhaps by the bookseller. I think this must have been the origin
of all Quarto editions, as shorthand writing was not to be thought of,
stenography being unknown in Shakspere's time." [A mistake : see
p. 353.]
The rest of my remarks of the year 1869 are now antiquated.
I gave to Sir John Umfrevile the words which I thought he must
have said, and left the remainder to Lord Bardolph. But after some
time a friend, who had found my observations concerning the first
scene correct, called my attention to the fact that, according to the
contents of the third scene of the first act, Lord Bardolph could
not have been present at all in the first scene according to the
350 XI. TROT. HAGENA ON A MISTAKE IN 77 HENRY IV, I. 1.
original intention of the poet. If lie had been present at the first
scene, he would have heard from Morton —
' The sum of all
Is, that the king has won ; and has sent out
A speedy power to encounter you, my lord,
Under the conduct of young Lancaster
And Westmoreland : this is the news at full' (11. 131-5),
In the third scene Lord Bardolph knows nothing of this, but asks
(1. 81)-
' Who, is it like, shall lead his forces hither 1 '
and is answered by Hastings —
* The duke of Lancaster, and Westmoreland/
Thus the case is much simpler. We need not inquire what
words Lord Bardolph might retain in the first scene. According to
Shakspere's original poetical intention, Lord Bardolph was not
present at all in the first scene, but instead of him Sir John
Umfrevile.
1 This strained passion doth you wrong, my lord' (I. i.),
must of course be transferred from Travers to Sir John Umfrevile, as
we also read in the Quarto. But whether the following line —
' Sweet earl, divorce not wisdom from your honour ' —
also belongs to Sir John Umfrevile, or is the beginning of Morton's
speech, I leave to English critics to decide, who can compare the
sources. This point is not clear to me.
Another thing is to be considered. In my remarks of the year
1869 I left to Lord Bardolph everything attributed to him in our
present editions after Travers has made his appearance. But in the
first of these speeches he says (I. i. 51-3) —
' If my young lord your son have not the day,
Upon my honour, for a silken point
I'll give my barony : never talk of it.'
As, according to the third sqene, Lord Bardolph was not present
in the first scene, Sir John Umfrevile has to say these words, and he
is no baron. He very likely said ' my knighthood,' and this could
XI. PROF. HAGENA ON A MISTAKE IN II HENRY IV. T. i. 351
as easily be changed into ' my barony' without spoiling the verse1 as
the changes at the beginning of the first scene mentioned in my
former remarks. Perhaps Shakspere left these changes to be made
by the actor who had to represent the part of Lord Bardolph, not
considering that also in Travers's part the verse
' My lord, Sir John Umfrevile turn'd me back,'
ought to be changed.
We must also consider that in the third scene, in the council
of war held by the Archbishop of York, Lord Bardolph is the cautious
one, and chiefly on account of the uncertainty of the Earl of
Northumberland's taking part in the enterprise. But in the first
scene it is evident that Northumberland is preparing for war.
Whether the words 'my young lord your son' evince that
they are spoken by some one belonging to Northumberland's vassals
I leave for those to decide who are better acquainted than I with the
English manner of speaking.
6, Gray's Inn Square, W. C., 22 March, 1878.
[Revised 12 Feby., 1879.]
DEAR FURNIVALL,
PROF. HAGENA has undoubtedly hit a blot. The
Lord Bardolph of 2nd Pt. Henry IV. has 'got mixed,' and no
English commentator that I know of has disentangled him. Capell
appears to have been the only one who endeavoured to account for
the prefix ' Umfr.1 to the Qo. line (1. 161)—
' This strained passion doth you wrong, my lord.'
Referring to Travers's speech — ' My lord, Sir John Umfrevile turn'd
me back,' etc. (1. 34) — he asserts or supposes [the obscurity of his
language is so great that I cannot speak with certainty of his inten-
tion] that Sir John Umfrevile was titled Lord Bardolph ; that the
two names, in fact, express one and the same person. He never-
theless, somewhat inconsistently, assigned the line 161 to Travers.
He is wrong too in supposing that the two names express one person :
1 But isn't, or wasn't, "barony" an estate that could be parted with at
will, and "knighthood" an honour that couldn't? — F.
352. XI. MR. DANIEL ON THE MISTAKE IN // HENRY IV. I. i.
the Lord Bardolph of this play was Thomas Bardolph, the last of the
family in the male line. Steevens, who notes that ' Umfrevile is
spoken of in this very scene [1. 34] as absent,' — when it is quite
clear, as Prof. Hagena has pointed out, that he is spoken of as being
present, — also suggested, as his own conjecture, that the line 161
should be given to Travers, and Malone adopting his suggestion, it
has remained to Travers ever since.
The families of the Percies and Umfreviles were connected.1
An aunt of our Northumberland, Margaret, sister of his father,
married Eobert, son of Gilbert de Umfraville, Earl of Angus, and
Northumberland himself married for his second wife (the Lady
Northumberland of this play) Maude, sister and heir of Anthony
Lord Lucy, and second wife and widow of the above-mentioned
Gilbert. I am unable to trace any Sir Jolm Umfrevile, but the
family connection considered in relation to the evidence of the
play itself seems to make it more than probable that in Act I.
sc. i. the personage now represented by Bardolph was originally
named Umfremle, and I guess that the change was made (though
imperfectly) in order to bring the play more into agreement with the
Chronicles ; for there we always find Umfrevile of the king's party,
while Bardolph is always spoken of in connection with Northum-
berland's faction.
' Sir Eobert Umfrevile,' 2 says Hall, * was Vice- Admiral of Eng-
land/ and in that capacity did much damage on the Scottish coast in
the year in which the Archbishop of York was entrapped by Prince
John, and in which Northumberland and Bardolph retired to Scot-
land. Holinshed says that 'lord Eobert UmfreviT— no doubt the
same person — was in Prince John's company when the archbishop
was taken. After the capture of that prelate, Bardolph retired with
Northumberland to Scotland. From Scotland they went together
into Wales, to Erance and Elanders, then back again to Scotland,
1 Mr. G. R. French, in his STiakespeareana Genealogica, 1869, was, I
believe, the first to point this out in connection with Shakspere's plays ; his
information, however, on this particular point seems to me doubtful.
2 This Robert was the second son of Thomas, half-brother of the above-
mentioned Gilbert. Thomas succeeded Gilbert : Gilbert's son Robert, who
married Margaret Percy, having died in his father's lifetime without issue.
XI. MR. DANIEL ON THE MISTAKE IN II HENRY IV. I. i. 353
whence they, < in a dismall houre, with a great power of Scots returned
to England/ and were finally defeated on Bramham Moor by Sir
Thomas or Kafe Eokesbie, sheriff of Yorkshire. Northumberland
was slain outright ; Bardolph was taken, but died of his wounds :
their heads were placed on London Bridge.
Prof. Hagena has stated very completely every point which
requires consideration in this matter ; the question remains whether
it is within the competency of an editor either to complete the
change deliberately but imperfectly made in sc. i., or to restore
Bardolph, 's part in it to Umfrevile. That question I do not pretend
to decide; but I have no doubt whatever that the Qo. line 161,
with the prefix Umfr., should be given to the actor who now has
Bardolph's part in the scene; neither should I hesitate for one
moment in giving to Morton, to whom it evidently belongs, as the
beginning of his speech, the line 162 —
' Sweet earl, divorce not wisdom from your honour,'
which now in both Qo. and Fo. has the prefix Bard, or L. Bar.
"The point raised by Prof. Hagena as to the propriety of the
language now placed in Bardolph's mouth, 11. 52, 54 — 'my young
lord/ 'my barony1 — .need not, I think, present any difficulty,
whether the part is given to Lord Bardolph or to Sir John Umfrevile.
By the way, Prof. Hagena is wrong in stating that stenography
was unknown in Shakspere's time : shorthand of one kind or another
is a very ancient invention. Dr Timothy Bright, in 1588, dedicated
a treatise on it to Queen Elizabeth. But on this subject see Mr
Collier's note on Summer's Last Will, etc., p, 41, vol. 8, Dodsley's
Old Plays, ed. Hazlitt.
P. A. DANIEL.
At the meeting. Prof. Hagena's Paper was unanimously approvd,
subject to Mr Daniel's correction as to the shorthand. — F.
neck of, in the, directly after, i Hen. IV, IV. iii. 92. " Coup
sur coup. Often, eftsoones, now and anon, successiuely, one in the
necke of another." 1611. — Cotgrave.
bucking, washing. Merry Wives, III. iii. 140. " Lesdver. To
bucke clothes ; to wash, rince, or secure with lye." 1611. — Cotgrave.
354
XII.
THE NATURAL HISTORY SIMILES IN HENRY VI.
BY
MISS EMMA PH1PSON. -
(Read at the 51st Meeting of the Society, April 25th, 1879.)
IN the discussion following Miss Lee's paper on the " Authenticity
of the Second and Third Parts of Henry VI." attention was drawn to
the unusual number of similes introduced into these plays taken from
natural objects, and it was suggested that a comparison should be
made between Shakspere and his brother dramatists in this respect.
The field of inquiry which this comparison opens is a very interest-
ing one, and the subject might be indefinitely pursued, but as Peele,
Greene, and Marlowe are the writers to whom most critics assign
these plays, in a greater or less degree, the question seems to be,
Were these authors better versed in natural history than Shakspere
was, or did they make a more frequent use of this knowledge
than he did ] Unfortunately, the materials for this comparison are
decidedly limited. The two former dramatists wrote only three plays
each, and the latter five ; that is, plays where poetical similes were
likely to be introduced.
The similes employed may be divided into genuine, — or those
which could only have been written by some one who had lived
long enough in the country to become familiar with the habits of
the animals about him, and artificial, — or those borrowed from writers
on natural history, and .which repeat the superstitious notions of
antiquity which they perpetuated.
One great source from which the dramatists of the day drew
their ideas of birds and animals was Euplmes, published 1579. The
success of this work was so great that in 56 years it passed through
XII. MISS PHIPSON. NATURAL HISTORY SIMILES IN HENRY VI. 355
ten editions, and its phraseology was universally adopted. It is said
that •' all the ladies of the time were Lyly's scholars, she who spoke
not Euphues being as little regarded at Court as if she spoke not
French." Notwithstanding its many absurdities, Euphues abounds
with acute observations and poetical aphorisms, and Kingsley con-
siders its popularity as the best proof of the nobleness and virtue of
the Elizabethan age. Lyly's similes are very seldom of the genuine
class, and mostly refer to the fabulous stories handed down from
antiquity. As a specimen of the exuberant style in which he some-
times piles one simile upon another, take the following panegyric
upon Queen Elizabeth : — " This is that Caesar that first bound the
crocodile to the palm tree, bridling those that sought to rein her j
this is that good pelican that to feed her people spare th not to rend
her person ; this is that mighty eagle that hath thrown dust into
the eyes of the hart, that went about to work destruction to her
subjects, into whose wings, although the blind beetle would have
crept, and so being carried into her nest destroyed her young ones,
yet hath she with the virtue of her feathers consumed fh&tfly in his
own fraud. She hath exiled the swallow that sought to spoil the
grasshopper, and hath given bitter almonds to the ravenous wolves,
that endeavoured to destroy the silly lambs, burning even with the
breath of her own mouth, like the princely stag, the serpents that were
engendered by the huge elephant, so that now all her enemies are as
whist as the bird Attagen, who never singeth any tune after she is
taken, nor she being so overtaken."
In the plays of Peele we have thirteen kinds of animals and
seven birds ; in Edward I. there are eight similes ; in David and
Bethsabe there are fifteen, and in the Battle of Alcazar six. They
are mostly of the artificial order, short and exaggerated. Peele 's
longest simile refers to the eagle, a great favourite with Euphues,
who introduces it perpetually :
" And as the eagle, roused from her stand
With violent hunger, towering in the air,
Seizeth her feathered prey, and thinks to feed,
But seeing then a cloud beneath her feet,
Lets fall the fowl, and is emboldened
356 XII. MISS PHIPSON. NATURAL HISTORY SIMILES IN HENRY VI.
With eyes intentive to bedare the sun,
And styeth close unto his stately sphere."
David and Bethsdbe.
Greene is far more poetical than Peele, and less artificial, especially
in his shorter pieces ; he was a great admirer of Lyly, and continued
the latter's work where he left off. In 1587 Greene published
Euphues, his Censure to Philautus. He followed Lyly in his method
of drawing illustrations from the properties of stones, plants, &c. He
was ranked with Lyly by his contemporaries, and is called by a writer
of the time,, " the ape of Euphues." Imitators usually exaggerate
peculiarities ; Greene's natural history similes, however, are mostly
short and unimportant, and are not drawn from personal observation.
In the three plays there are sixteen animals, and one bird, the
eagle. In Alphonsus of Arragon there are seven similes, in James
IV. twenty-one, and in The Pinner of Wakefield only one. Greene's
longest simile is the following absurdity :
" The silly serpent, found by country swain,
And cut to pieces by his furious blows,
Yet if his head do scape away untouched,
As many write, it very strangely goes
To fetch a herb, with which in little time,
Her batter'd corpse again she doth enjoin ;
But if by chance the ploughman's sturdy staff
Do hap to hit upon the serpent's head,
And bruise the same, though all the rest be sound,
Yet doth the silly serpent lie for dead,
Nor can the rest of all her body serve
To find a salve which may her life preserve."
Alphonsus, King of Arragon.
Marlowe has a still more scanty supply of natural history
illustrations ; his similes too are short, uninteresting, and mostly of
the Euphuistic kind j lions, crocodiles, porcupines, eagles, and flying-
fish. Only two of his similes of any length can be called natural :
" Now Phoebus ope the eyelids of the day,
And for a raven wake the morning lark,
That I may hover with her in the air,
Singing o'er these as she does o'er her young."
Jew of Malta.
XII. MISS PHIPSON. NATURAL HISTORY SIMILES IN HENRY VI. 357
" Must I be vexed like the nightly bird,
Whose sight is loathsome to all winged fowl 'I "
Edward II.
"We may find the origin of the lines,
" The forest deer, being struck,
Runs to a herb that closeth up the wound."
Edward //.,
in the passage in Euphues, (l the hart, being pierced with the dart,
runneth out of hand to the herb dictanwn, and is healed."
Shakspere, too, may have been indebted to Euphues for many
of his notions about such birds and animals as pelicans, ostriches,
crocodiles, basilisks, and scorpions. Mr. Rushton, in his book
Shakspeare's Euphuism, brings forward more than a hundred pas-
sages in the plays on various subjects, taken, more or less directly,
from Lyly's work, though many of them are proverbs and allusions
such as might have occurred to both writers independently. The
better-known animals that Lyly introduces, both in Euphues and in
his dramatic works, are almost always mixed up with some absurd
superstitions or wild exaggeration, and in these too he is followed by
Shakspere. Even the beautiful lines in Cyinbeline,
" Hark ! hark ! the larlc at heaven's gate sings,
And Phoebus 'gins arise." — Cymbeline, IL iii., song;
which are apparentlv taken from the song in Campaspe,
" None but the lark so shrill and cleare
How at heaven's gate she claps her wings,
The morn not waking till she sings,"
Campaspe, Act V., song,
cannot be said to be founded on personal observation. When we
turn, however, to his genuine similes, the contrast between Shak-
spere and his contemporaries is as great as if we had crossed over
to some foreign country. Shakspere had the advantage of passing
his youth and early life among the fields and lanes of a well-wooded
country, and his works bear ample evidence that he had all that love
of animate nature which such surroundings and a kindly disposition
would foster. Like Hosea Biglow, —
" He, country born an' bred, knew where to find
Some blooms that make the season suit the mind."
358 XII. MISS PHIPSON. NATURAL HISTORY SIMILES IN HENRY VI.
No town-bred naturalist, gleaning his knowledge from books,
would have written the lines which haunt us in the woods about
midsummer, —
"He was but as the cuckoo is in June,
Heard, not regarded." — 1 Henri) IV*, III. ii.,
and a hundred others. These early impressions were too deep to be
effaced by his after years of town life, and the similes of his later
plays are as appropriate as those in his earlier ones. He was, as we
might expect, an inland naturalist ; there is scarcely an allusion to
those species, which, in a month's voyage, or a week's sojourn on
the coast, must have attracted his notice. The list of fish mentioned
in the plays is a short one ; they axe mostly inhabitants of fresh
water; what sea-fish are introduced, rather suggest a fishmonger's
counter than their natural element. Of sea-birds, the cormorant,
loon, and dive-dapper are the only three ; the commonest, though the
most beautiful frequenter of our cliffs, the sea-gull, is only used to
denote a dupe, a fool, unless we adopt Mr. Harting's reading of sea-
mells, for " scamells from the rock ; " even in the description of the
cliff in Lear, where we might expect to find them, the more familiar
choughs and crows rise to his mind. The birds which he must have
seen in his daily rambles ; " the gentle lark, weary of rest,"
"The ousel-code, so black of hue,
With orange tawny bill,
The throstle, with his note so true,
The wren with little quill,"
seem to have been special favourites. The introduction, in Macbeth,
of " the guest of summer, the temple-haunting martlet" " with his
lov'd mansionry," serves, not only, as Sir Joshua Eeynolds points
out, to give that repose so necessary to the mind after the tumultuous
bustle of the preceding scenes, but to endear the bird itself to every
country reader. He who has lived for years in the country, with the
same open heart and observant mind that Shakspere had, will best
appreciate these beautiful metaphors ; the allusions to the rural sights
and sounds around him, so apt and yet sometimes so slight that they
may be passed by a casual reader, will give a new interest to these
common objects, and the sweet descriptions of their ways and haunts
XII. MISS PHIPSON. NATURAL HISTORY SIMILES IN HENRY VI. 359
will to use Mr. Harting's expression, " strike him as echoes of his
own experience, sent forth in fitter tones than he could find."1 Mr.
Harting, in his interesting work, The Ornithology of Shalt spear e, points
out the intimate acquaintance that Shakspere had with all kinds of
field sports, with the exception of fishing, to which Mr. Harting
concludes he was indifferent. To deer-hunting he often alludes;
the frequent references to falconry, and the accurate use of the terms
employed exclusively in that sport, prove that he had much practical
knowledge of the subject. That as a country boy of the yeoman class
Shakspere should have taken delight in the pursuit of small birds
seems highly probable, and accordingly we find scattered through his
works frequent allusions to the various methods employed — springes,
gins, bat-fowling, bird-lime, and bird-bolts. We do not find such
knowledge of sport in the other dramatists, nor is there one single
allusion to hawks or falcons in Peele, Greene, or Marlowe. The writer
of the older versions of Henry VI. had also a taste for " birding."
There are four references to the use of bird-lime in the Contention and
True Tragedy. The passage with which II. i. in 2 Henry VI. opens,
contains, according to Mr. Harting, seven technical terms; in the
parallel passage in the Contention only four of these are employed,
but there is another which is not in the revised play :
" And on a sodaine soust the partridge downe."
Contention, page 438.
This expression occurs in King John :
" And like an eagle o'er his aery towers,
To souse annoyance that comes near his nest"
King John, V. ii. 149.
The list of animals introduced into Shakspere's plays includes
nearly all those known at the period at which he wrote : of fabulous
creatures, there are 12; animals, 66; birds, 56; insects, 28; fishes,
28. In the vegetable world he is equally at home. A writer on
Shakspere's garden gives the following list; wild flowers, about 15;
trees and shrubs, 25 ; vegetables, about the same ; spices and medicinal
plants, 20 ; weeds, 20 — about 150 in all ; more than double the
number found in Milton, and exceeding those mentioned by Yirgil.
1 The Ornithology of Shakspere. J. E. Harting, page 2.
3GO XII MISS PHIPSON. NATURAL HISTORY SIMILES IN HENRY VI.
A wonderful list, considering that men and women, not plants and
animals, were his theme.
The number of similes varies considerably with the style of the
play. The Comedy of Errors has but nine ; Love's Labour Lost, 39;
Lear, 48 ; and Troilus and Cressida, 95. In 2 Henry VI. there are
49 similes, and in 3 Henry VI., 53.
The table I have drawn up of the number of similes does not, I
fear, give a correct idea of the relative amount of natural history
contained in each play. Mere strings of epithets, like those used
by Thersites, imply no acquaintance with the creatures beyond the
name ; then, again, every compiler would slightly vary the list.
It is curious that wherever we have a suspicion of Shakspere we
find the natural element conspicuous. Edward II. has 23 similes,
twice the number of any other of Marlowe's plays ; Edward III. 26 ;
the Two Noble Kinsmen has 19, — 14 of which are in the scenes
attributed by Mr. Spalding to Shakspere, — while the doubtful play
of Henry VIII. has but 11, eight of which occur in what Mr.
Spalding and Mr. Hickson consider genuine scenes.
The similes in Henry VI. attract attention principally from the
fact that they lie close together ; in 2 Henry VI. they mostly occur
in Act II. scenes i. and ii., while the first two Acts are entirely
without them. It is not easy to say, supposing Shakspere to have
written these plays, why he should have drawn so largely on his
stock of natural history, except that he may have considered them
dull, and done his best to enliven them. It is, as Miss Lee says,
well nigh impossible to turn bad work into good. More than half of
these passages occur, with more or less alteration, in the Contention
and True Tragedy. The similes as they stand in the earlier plays
are, on the whole, more true to nature than those found in the rival
dramatists, and with only one exception bear a strong resemblance
to those employed by Shakspere.
To go through all the natural illustrations in Henry VI. would
be tedious, but if time permits it may be interesting to notice a few
of them.
" Small curs are not regarded when they grin,
But great men tremble when the lion roars."
2 Henry VI., III. i. (new).
XII. MISS PHIPSON. NATURAL HISTORY SIMILES IN HENRY VI. 3G1
It has been before observed that while he has admiration to bestow
on the " awless lion " and the "princely eagle " Shakspere has in no
one instance mentioned the dog with appreciation. Sporting dogs he
certainly describes with spirit, if not affection, but "to snarl, and
bite, and play the dog," 3 Henry VI., V. vi., seems to be the normal
condition of the domestic animal. He must have been singularly
unfortunate in his experience of the canine race, for his allusions are
almost all of an unfavourable nature :
•" Dogs, easily won to fawn on any man."
Richard II, III. ii.
" I'll spurn thee like a cur out of the way." — Julius Ccesar.
Mr. Kirkman, in his interesting paper on "Animal versus Human
Nature in King Lear" alluded to this want of appreciation, and in
the discussion which followed the paper, it was remarked, the dog
was not considered so much the friend of man in those days as he
has been in later times, but in Chester's Love's Martyr, written at
the same date, there is a higher tribute to his good qualities than
Shakspere anywhere pays :
" The dogge ; a naturall, kind, and loving thing,
As witnesseth our histories of old :
Their maister dead, the poore foole with lamenting
Doth kill himself e before accounted bold :
And would defend his maister if he might,
When cruelly his foe begins to fight." — Page 110.
" Beguiles him as the mournful crocodile."
2 Henry VI. , III. i. (new).
The crocodile appears again in Ant. and Gleo. , and in Othello :
" If that the earth could teem with woman's tears,
Each drop she falls would prove a crocodile."
Othello, IV. i.
It is mentioned by Greene and again by Marlowe ; Euphues refers to
its weeping to attract passengers, " the crocodile shrowdeth greater
treason under most pitifull tears."
" Or as the snake rolled in a flowery bank,
With shining checkered slough, doth sting a child,
That for the beauty thinks it excellent."
2 Henry VL, III. i. (new).
362 XII MISS PHIPSON. NATURAL HISTORY SIMILES IN HENRY VI.
"What, art thou like the adder, waxen deaf? "
2 Henry VI., III. ii. (new).
These familiar objects in the country lanes occur too frequently in
the plays to quote all the passages; in his assent to the current
notions of the adder's deafness, the Uindwowri s sting, and the venom
toad, Shakspere did but adopt without investigation the super-
stitions of the time, which after 300 years still keep their hold on
the country people of to-day.
" Were't not all one, an empty eagle were set
To guard the chicken from an hungry kite.11
2 Henry VI., III. i. (new).
The term " empty eagle " occurs in Greene, and " princely eagle " in
Marlowe ; this bird, so great a favourite with all poets, was probably
known to Shakspere in its wild state only by description, though it
is evident that he must have seen it, either in the " costly aviaries "
mentioned by Harrison, or in the courtyards of some of the country
houses. The term " empty eagle " comes again in 3 Henry VI.,
" And like an empty eagle,
Tire on the flesh of me and of my son."
3 Henry VL, I. i. (new).
And in Venus and Adonis :
" Even as an empty eagle, sharp by fast,
Tires with her beak on feathers, flesh, and bone,
Shaking her wings, devouring all in haste,
Till either gorge be stuffed, or prey be gone."
Venus and Adonis, 56,
"With a fresh Act we have a different style of simile :
" And now loud howling wolves arouse the jades
Who drag the tragic melancholy night,
Who with their drowsy, slow, and flagging wings,
Clip dead men's graves, and from their misty jaws
Breathe foul contagious darkness in the air."
2 Henry VL, IV. i. (new).
This passage Miss Lee gives to Marlowe. There is a very similar
passage in his Jew of Malta :
" Thus like the sad presaging raven, that tolls
The sick man's passport in his hollow beak,
XII. MISS PHIPSON. NATURAL HISTORY SIMILES IN HENRY VI. 363
And in the shadow of the silent night
Doth shake contagion from her sable wings."
Jew of Malta.
The metre of the two other illustrations in Act IV. is also un-Sliak-
perian. In Act V. we have but two similes :
" Yet have I seen a hot o'erweening cur
Run back and bite, because he was withheld ;
Who, being suffered with the bear's fell paw,
Hath clapped his tail between his legs and cried."
2 Henry VL, V. i. (new).
The sport of bear-baiting is often mentioned by Shakspere; Mr.
Furnivall says he may remember what he saw at Kenilworth, but
surely it was too common a pastime for that to be necessary ; he
connects " wakes, fairs, and bear-baitings," as if they had not been
unusual :
"I have seen Sackerson loose twenty times." — Merry Wives, I. i.
In 3 Henry VI. the similes again occur mainly in two scenes, I. iv.
and II. i. :
" Neither the king nor he that loves him best,
The proudest he that holds up Lancaster,
Dares stir a wing, if Warwick shake his bells."
3 Henry VL, I. i. (old).
In the True Tragedy we have " the proudest bird" which the
revisor, not recognizing, perhaps, that this was a hawking expression,
has changed to he :
" With trembling fear, vafoiol hears falcon's bells.1'
Lucrece, 1. 511.
" We bodg'd again , as I have seen a swan
With bootless labour swim against the tide,
And spend her strength with over-matching waves."
3 Henry VI., I. iv. (new).
Shakspere has found the swan very useful in metaphor :
" So doth the swan her downy cygnets save,
Keeping them prisoner underneath her wings."
1 Henry VL, V. iii.
The fabulous power of singing before death is often alluded to.
Mr. Harting says, " The swan has, although no song, a soft and
N S. SOO. TRANS., 1877-9. 25
364 XII. MISS PHIPSON. NATURAL HISTORY SIMILES IN HEXRY VI.
rather plaintive monotonous note, often heard in the spring, when
the bird is swimming about with its young," and surely Shakspere
must have had many opportunities of noticing this bird on his own
Avon, and in the royal parks.
" More inexorable,
0 ten times more than tigers of Hyrcania."
S Henry VI. , I. iv. (old).
"We have " the Hyrcan tiger" in Macbeth, III. iv., and the "Hyrcan-
ian least " in Hamlet, II. ii.
" Our soldiers, like the niglit-owVs lazy flight,
Fell softly down, as if they struck their friends."
3 Henry VI., I. iv. (old).
The writer of the True Tragedy must, like Shakspere, have
watched with admiration, not unmixed with awe, this bird floating
noiselessly through the twilight, like a bunch of thistle-down j for I
do not think it would be easy to find an illustration more appropriate
or true to nature than this in any poet.
" And doves will peck in safety of their brood."
3 Henry VI. , II. ii. (old).
It seems almost unnecessary to suggest that Shakspere must in
his youth have had the charge of pigeons, as there are few boys
living in the country who have not ; but it is only those who are
well acquainted with the habits of these birds who can realize the
almost photographic accuracy with which he has observed them.
The references to their " golden couplets " (Hamlet, V. i.) ; their
peculiar mode of feeding their young (As You Like It, II. ii.) ; their
gentleness (Midsummer Night's Dream, I. ii.) ; courage (2 Henry
IV., III. ii.) ; and jealousy (As You Like It, II. ii.) — all show how
closely he had watched them.
" Unreasonable creatures feed their young ;
And though man's face be fearful in their eyes,
Yet, in protection of their tender ones,
Who hath not seen them even with those wings,
Which sometimes they have used in fearful flight.
Make war with him that climbed unto their nests."
3 Henry VL, II. ii. (old).
XII. MISS PHIPSON. NATURAL HISTORY SIMILES IN HENRY VI. 365
This defence of their young by birds is noticed in the other plays :
" For the poor wren,
The most diminutive of birds, will fight,
Her young ones in her nest, against the oivl."
Macbeth, IV. ii.
" To be furious,
Is to be frighted out of fear, and in that mood,
The dove will peck the ostrich.'1
Antony and Cleopatra, III. xiii.
" Ay, such a pleasure as encaged birds
Conceive, when after many moody thoughts,
At last, by note of household harmony,
They quite forget their loss of liberty."
3 Henry VI., IV. vi. (new).
So in King Lear :
" Come let's away to prison,
We two alone will sing like birds in the eager
Lear, V. iii.
I think it would be an easy task to go through the natural similes
in the Second and Third Part of Henry VI. and find parallel passages
in Shakspere's other plays for every one of them, but perhaps after
all this is not much evidence in favour of their authenticity. As
the challenge has before now been given — "Tell me any fine
sentiment uttered by ancient or modern poet, and I will find
the same,, but better expressed, in Shakspere," — still, when we
come to compare the different spirit in which he writes of all
natural objects, — "from the cedar tree that is in Lebanon, even
unto the hyssop that springeth out of the wall," — from the other
dramatists of the day; when we consider his love of sport and out-
door life, his extensive knowledge of plants and animals, and his
intimate acquaintance with all departments of natural phenomena,
surely we must agree with Miss Lee that there is no other " dramatist
to whom such constant use of animal metaphors can be ascribed as a
special characteristic," and no better answer to Mr. Furnivall's
inquiry, " Wlio is this animal and menagerie man ? " than William
Shakspere.
25*
366 XII. MISS PH1PSOX. NATURAL HISTORY SIMILES IN HENRY VI.
ANIMALS IN SHAKSPERE'S PLAYS.
Lion, Nemean lion. Tiger, Hyrcan tiger. Bear. Hyaena. Wolf.
Leopard. Ounce. Panther. Rhinoceros. Camel. Monkey, ape,
baboon. Crocodile, alligator. Tortoise. Otter. Boar, hog, sow,
swine, pig. Stag, deer, roe, hind, fawn, hart, buck, rascal, pricket.
Cattle, draught oxen, neat, steer, rother, milch-kine, heifer, bull,
bullock, beeves, cow, calf. Dog, greyhound, mastiff, spaniel, brach,
bitch, cur, beagle, lym, bloodhound, shough, water-rug, demi-wolf,
tike, hound, whelp, puppy, mongrel, bandog. Sheep, lamb, ram,
ewe, wether. Horse, colt, foal, jade, gelding, nag, courser, palfrey,
jennet, mare, hackney. Mule. Ass. Rabbit, cony. Fox, dog-fox.
Cat, kitten, gib. Musk-cat, polecat, cat-o-mountain, wild-cat. Squir-
rel. Marmozet. Eat. Mouse. Dormouse. Fitchew. Weazel. Toad.
Frog. Lizard. Adder, viper. Blindworm. Serpent, snake. Newt,
wall-newt, water-newt. Aspic. Mole, moldwarp. Porcupine. Bat,
rereinouse. Hedgehog, urchin. Crab. Snail, slug.
Unicorn. Dragon. Griffin. Cockatrice. Basilisk. Sphinx. Mer-
maid. Hydra. Salamander.
BIRDS.
Eagle. Falcon, haggard, tercel, eyass. Kite, puttock. Raven,
Hawk, staniel. Vulture. Magpie, pie. Chough. Crow. Daw. Rook.
Buzzard. Ostrich. Pelican. Jay. Nightcrow. Nightraven. Owl,
owlet, obscure bird, bird of night. Hernshaw 1 Peacock. Parrot,
paraquito, popinjay. Partridge. Pheasant. Quail. Guinea-hen.
Snipe. "Woodcock. Lapwing. Cuckoo. Thrush, throstle. Ousel-cock.
Finch. Wagtail. Wren. Sparrow. Hedge-sparrow. Starling. Lark.
Bunting. Robin, redbreast, ruddock. Swallow. Martlet. Nightingale,
philomel. Osprey. Cormorant. Gull, scamel. Goose, wild-goose,
gosling. Loon. Swan, cygnet. Duck, mallard. Dive-dapper. Turkey,
turkeycock. Cock, cockerel, chanticleer, bird of dawning, hen, chicken,
capon. Pigeon, dove, turtle-dove, Barbary-pigeon.
Halcyon. Phoenix. Harpy.
XII. MISS PHIPSON. NATURAL HISTORY SIMILES IN HENRY VI. 367
INSECTS.
"Worm, maltworm, canker, grub. Glow-worm. Beetle, black-
beetle. Fly, breeze, flesh-fly, carrion-fly, waterfly, bluebottle. Moth.
Butterfly. Long- spinner 1 Scorpion. Grasshopper. Cricket, winter-
cricket. Bee, drone, humble-bee, red-tailed humble-bee. Wasp. Ant.
Ladybird. Spider. Gnat. Leech, horse-leech. Louse. Flea. Tick.
FISH.
Whale, leviathan. Dolphin. Porpoise. Shark. Salmon. Pike,
luce. Mackerel. Carp. Trout. Dace. Tench. Loach. Cod. Gudgeon.
Herring. Pilchard. Stock-fish. Poor-John. Minnow. Mussel. Barn-
acle. Oyster. Dogfish. Shrimp. Prawn. Sprat. Anchovy. Conger,
eel.
ANIMAL SIMILES IN SHAKSPERE'S PLAYS.
Used as
Species, similes
Used as
Species, similes
24
34
Titus Andronicus
Love's Labour Lost
Comedy of Errors ... 8
Midsummer-Night's Dream 59
Two Gentlemen of Verona 9
Romeo and Juliet ... 37
Venus and Adonis ... 28
Lucrece ... ... ... 34
Passionate Pilgrim
Richard II.
1 Henry VI.
2 Henry VI.
3 Henry VI.
Richard III.
King John
Merchant of Venice
Taming the Shrew
1 Henry IV.
2 Henry IV.
Merry Wives
Henry V.
Much Ado
As You Like It ...
Twelfth Night ...
All's Well
Sonnets 14
Julius Caesar 17
Hamlet 40
Measure For Measure ... 15
25
39
9
31
10
32
15
45
3
23
29
49
53
36
22
44
35
57
40
28
32
32
34
37
20
10
16
47
16
Othello 27
Macbeth... 51
King Lear 57
Troilus and Cressida ... 57
Anthony and Cleopatra ... 30
Coriolanus ... ... 34
Timon of Athens ... 27
Pericles 24
Tempest 41
Cymbeline 44
Winter's Tale 26
Two Noble Kinsmen ... 30
PEELE, ed. Dyce.
Edward 1 8
David and Bethsabe ... 10
Alcazar .. 10
GREENE, ed. Dyce.
Alphonsus of Arragon ... 7 ...
James IV 16 ...
Pinner of Wakefield ... 1 ...
MARLOWE, ed. Cunningham.
1 Tamburlaine 9 ...
2 Tamburlaine 7 ...
Faustus ... ... ... 12 ...
Jew of Malta 13 ...
Edward II. 17 ..
29
35
48
95
25
49
37
18
22
39
15
19
7
24
1
Adjectives, such as bearish, waspish, &c., are not included in this
Table.
368 XII. MISS PHIPSON. NATURAL HISTORY SIMILES IN HENRY VI.
PAEALLEL PASSAGES.
II HENRY VI.
Madam, myself have lini'd a bush for And as for proud Duke Humphrey
her, and his wife,
And plac'd a quire of such enticing Iha,ve set lime-twigs that will entangle
birds, them.
That she will light to listen to their The Contention, p. 429, Hazlitt's ed.
lays.— I. iii. 90.
Believe me, Lords, for flying at the Q. My Lord, how did your grace like
brook, this last flight?
I saw not better sport these seven
year's "day,
Yet, by your leave, the wind was very But as I cast her off the winde did
high, rise,
And, ten to one, old Joan had not And twas ten to one, old Jone had not
gone out. gone out.
King H. But what a point, my Lord, K. Unckle Gloster, how hie your hawke
•your falcon made, did sore ?
And what a pitch she flew above the And on a sodaine soust the partridge
rest ! downe.
Suf. No marvel, an it like your S. No marveil if it please your majestie
Majesty,
My lord Protector's hawks do tower My Lord Protectors hawke done ton-re
so well ; so well.
They know their master loves to be He knows his Master loves to be aloft
aloft,
And bears his thoughts above his
f ale ori s pitch.
Glo. My Lord, 'tis but a base ignoble Faith my Lord, it is but a base minde
mind
That mounts no higher than a bird can That can sore no higher than a falliom
soar. pitch.
Thy heaven is on earth; thine eyes Thy heaven is on earth, thy words and
and thoughts thoughts beat on a crown. — p. 438.
Beat on a crown. — II. i.
This passage follows the Contention very closely, which shows
that the writer of that play was well acquainted with hawking terms.
Of course these are not similes.
Have all lim'd bushes to betray thy Have all lymde lushes to betray thy
wings. — II. iv. 54. wings,
And flie thee how thou can they will
intangle thee. — p. 458.
Small curs are not regarded when they
grin.
But great men tremble when the lion
roars. — III. i. 18.
The fox barks not when he would steal The fox barkes not when he would
the lamb. — III. i. 55. steal e the lambe. — p. 465.
xii. MISS rmrsotf. NATURAL HISTORY SIMILES IN IIESUY n. 3G9
Innocent
As is the sucking lamb or harmless
dove. — III. i. 71.
Seems he a dove ? His feathers are
but borrowed,
For he's disposed as the hateful
raven ;
Is he a la-nib ? His skin is surely lent
him,
For he's inclined as is the ravenous
molf.—m. i. 75.
And caterpillars eat my leaves away.
—III. i. 90.
Thus is the shepherd beaten from thy
side,
And rvolres are gnarling who shall
gnaw thee first.— III. i. 191.
And as the butcher takes away the
calf,
And binds the wretch, and beats it
when it strays,
Bearing it to the bloody slaughter-
house ;
And as the dam runs lowing up and
clown,
Looking the way her harmless young
one went. — III. i. 210.
Beguiles him as the mournful croco-
dile—III. i. 226.
Or as the snaJte, roll'd in a flowering
bank,
With shining checker'd slough, doth
sting a child,
That for the beauty thinks it excellent.
—III. j. 228.
Were't not all one, an empty eag ,
were set
To guard the chicken from a hungry
kite.— III. i. 247.
"Were't not madness, then,
To make the fox surveyor of the fold ?
No ; let him die, in that he is a fox,
By nature proved an enemy to the
flock,
Before his chaps be stained with crim-
son blood.— III. i. 252.
For as the sucking chlldc or harm-
less lambe,
So is he innocent of treason to our
state. — p. 470.
And puts his watchfull shepheard
from his side,
While wolves stand snarring who shall
bite him first. — p. 464.
The fox barkes not when he would
steale the lambe,
But if we take him ere he do the
deed,
We should not question if that he
should live.
No. Let him die, in that he is a
fo.re,
Least that in living lie offend us
more. — p. Hia.
370 XII. MISS PHIPSON. NATURAL HISTORY SIMILES IN HENRY VI.
My brain, more busy than the labour-
ing spider,
Weaves tedious snares to trap mine
enemies.— III. i. 339.
I fear me you but warm the starved
snake,
Who, cherished in your breasts, will
sting your hearts. — III. i. 342.
Were almost like a sharp-quilled
porcupine. — III. i. 364.
Came he right now to sing a raven's Came he even now to sing a ravens
note,
note,
Whose dismal tune bereft my vital And thinkes he that the cherping of a
powers,
wren,
And thinks he that the chirping of a By crying comfort through a hollow
wren,
By crying comfort from a hollow
breast,
Come basilisk,
And kill the innocent gazer with thy
sight.— III. ii. 40.
What, art thou, like the adder, waxen
deaf?
Be poisonous too. — III. ii. 76.
Seek not a scorpion's nest. — III. ii.
86.
The commons, like an angry hive of
bees
That want their leader, scatter up and
down,
And care not who they sting in their
revenge. — III. ii. 125.
Who finds the heifer dead, and bleeding
fresh,
And sees fast by a butcher with an
axe,
But will suspect 'twas he that made
the slaughter?
Who finds the partridge in the
puttocli's nest,
But may imagine how the bird was
dead,
Although the kite soar with unbloodied
beak ? — III. ii. 188.
Were there a serpent seen, with forked
tongue,
That slily glided towards your majesty.
—III. ii. 259.
Their softest touch as smart as lizards'
stings !
voice,
Can satisfie my griefes, or ease my
heart.
Come basalislte
And kill the silly gazer with thy
lookes. — p. 470.
Winds said, seeke not a scorpions
neast. — p. 471.
My lord, the commons, like an angrie
hive of bees,
Run up and downe, caring not whom
they sting. — p. 471.
Who sees a hefer dead and bleeding
fresh,
And sees hard-by a butcher with an
axe,
But will suspect twas he that made
the slaughter ?
Who finds the partridge in the puttocks
neast,
But will imagine how the bird came
there,
Although the kyte soare with un-
bloodie beake ? — p. 473.
Their softest tuch as smart as lyzards
stinsrs.
XII. MISS PHIPSON. NATURAL HISTORY SIMILES IN HENRY VI. 371
Their music frightfull as the serpent's
hiss,
And boding screech owls make the
consort full.— III. ii. 325.
Like lime twigs set to catch my winged
soul.— III. iii. 16.
And now loud howling wolves arouse
the jades
That drag the tragic melancholy
night :
Who with their drowsy, slow, and
flagging wings,
Clip dead men's graves, and from their
misty jaws
Breathe foul contagious darkness in
the air.— IV. i. 3.
Drones suck not eagles' blood, but rob
bee hives.— IV. i. 109.
Call hither to the stake my two brave
bears,
That with the veiy shaking of their
chains
They may astonish these fell-lurking
curs.
Are these thy bears? we'll bait thy
bears to death,
And manacle the bear-ward in their
chains,
If thou dar'st bring them to the baiting
place.
Oft have I seen a hot o'erweening
cur
Eun back and bite, because he was
withheld
Who being suffered with the bear's
fell paw,
Hath clapped his tail between his legs
and cried. — V. i. 148.
Hold, Warwick, seek thou out some
other chase,
For I myself must hunt this deer to
death. — V. ii. 14.
Their musicke frightfull, like the
serpents hys.
And boding scrike-oules make the
consort full. — p. 478.
Call hither to the stake my two rough
beares. — p. 514.
Are these thy beares ? weel bay te them
soon. — p. 515.
Hold Warwick e, and seek thee out
some other chase,
My selfe will hunt this deare to
death.— p. 517.
3 Henry VI.
Neither the king, nor he that loves Neither the king, nor him that loves
him best, him best,
372 XII. MISS PHIPSON. NATURAL HISTORY SIMILES IN HENRY VI.
The proudest lie that holds up Lan- The proudest lurd that holds up Lan-
caster, castre,
Dare stir a wing if Warwick shake Dares stirre a wing if Warwicke
his bells.— I. i. 45. shake his bells.— p. 5.
Such safety finds
The trembling lamb environed with
wolves.— I. i. 242.
And like an empty eagle,
Tire on the flesh of me and of my son.
—I. i. 268.
So looks the pent up lion o'er thn So lookes the pent up lion on the
wretch lambe,
That trembles under his devouring And so he walks insulting over his
paws, praie,
And as he walks insulting o'er his And so he turns again to rend his
prey, limmas in sunder. — p. 20.
And as he comes to rend his limbs
asunder.— I. iii. 12.
Or lambs pursued with hunger-starved
wolves. — I. iv. 5.
We bodged again, as I have seen a
swan,
With bootless labour swim against a
tide,
And spend her strength with over
matching waves. — I. iv. 19.
So doves do peck the falcon's piercing So doves do pecke the ravens piersing
talons. — I. iv. 41. tallents.— p. 22.
What valour were it when a cur doth What valure wore it when a cur re
grin, doth grin,
For one to thrust his hand between For one to thrust his hand bet ween e
his teeth, his teeth,
When he might spurn him with his When he might spume him with his
foot away. — I. iv. 56. foote awaie ? — p. 23.
Ay, ay, so strives the woodcock with I, I, so strives the n'oodcockc with the
the gin, gin.
So doth the coney struggle in the net. So doth the cunnie struggle with the
—I. iv. 61. net— p. 23.
She wolf of France, but worse than She wolfe of France, but worse than
wolves of France, wolves of France :
Whose tongue more poisons than Whose tongue more poison'd than
the adder's tooth. — I. iv. 111. the adders tooth. — p. 25.
0 tiger's heart wrapt in a woman's Oh tygers hart wrapt in a woman's
hide.— I. iv. 137. hide.— p. 26.
O ten times more, than tigers of Oh ten times more than tygers of
Hyrcania. — I. iv. 155. Arcadia, — p. 27.
XII. MISS PHIPSON. NATURAL HISTORY SIMILES IN HENRY VI. 373
As doth a lion in a herd of neat,
Or as a bear encompassed round with
dogs,
Who having pinched a few, and made
them cry,
The rest stand all aloof, and bark at
him.— II. i. 14.
Nay, if thou be that princety eagle's
bird,
Show thy descent by gazing 'gainst
the sun.— II. i. 91.
As doth a lion midst a herd of neat. —
p. 28.
Who like a lambe fell at the butchers
feete.— p. 31. (Not m Henry VI.)
Nay, if thou be that princely eagles
bird,
Shew thy descent by gazing gainst the
suune. — p. 31.
Our soldiers, like the night owl's lazy Our souldiers like the night orvles
flight,
Or like an idle thresher with a flail,
Fell gently down as if they struck
their friends.— II. i. 130.
To whom do lions cast their gentle
looks ?
lasie flight,
Or like an idle thresher with a flaile,
Fel gentlie downe as if they smote
their friends. — p. 34.
To whom do lyons cast their gentle
lookes ?
Not to the beast that would usurp their Not to the beast that would usurp his
den ;
Whose hand is that the forest bear
doth lick ?
den.
Whose hand is that the savage bear
doth licke ?
Not his that spoils her young before Not his that spoils his young before
her face ;
Who scapes the lurking serpent's
mortal sting ?
Not he that sets his foot upon her
back ;
The smallest worm will turn being
trodden on,
And doves will peck in safety of their
brood.
his face.
Whose scapes the lurking serpent es
mortall sting?
Not he that sets his foot upon her
backe.
The smallest morme will turne being
trodden on,
And doves will pecke, in rescue of
their broode. — p. 37.
Unreasonable
young,
creatures feed their
Unreasonable creatures
young,
feed their
And though man's face be fearful to And though man's face be fearfull to
their eyes,
Yet in protection of their tender ones,
Who hath not seen them, even with
those wings,
their eies,
Who hath not seen them even with
those same wings
Which sometimes they have used in Which they have sometime used in
fearful flight,
Make war with him that climbed unto
their nest.— II. ii. 11.
As venom toads or lizards dreadfull
stings.— II. ii. 138.
fearefull flight,
Make war with him, that climes unto
their nest.— p. 38.
As venome todes or lizards fainting
lookes. — p. 43.
When lions war and battle for their Whilst lyons warre and battaile for
dens
their dens
374 XII. MISS PHIPSON. NATURAL HISTORY SIMILES IN HENRY VI.
Poor harmless lambs abide their Poore lawls do feele the rigor of
enmity. — II. v. 74. their wraths. — p. 40.
And Warwick rages like a chafed bull.
—II. v. 126.
Edward and Eichard, like a brace of
greyhounds,
Having the fearful flying hare in sight.
—II. 5. 129.
The common people swarm like sum- The common people swarm like sum-
mer flies, mer flies.
And whither fly the gnats but to the And whither fly the gnats but to the
sun.— II. vi. 8. sun?— p. 52.
Bring forth that fatal screech-owl to Bring forth that fatall scrichowle to
our house, our house,
That nothing sang but death to us and That nothing sung to us but blood
ours, and death,
Now death shall stop his dismal Now his evill boding tongue no more
threatening note. — II. vi. 55. shall speak. — p. 53.
The tiger will be mild while she doth
mourn. — III. i. 39.
Like to a chaos or an unlicked bear
tvhelp,
That carries no impression like the
dam.— III. ii. 161.
I'll slay more gazers than the basilis?*.
—187.
I can add colours to the chameleon. — I can adde colours to the camelion. —
191. p. 64.
But when a fox hath once got in his But when the fox hath gotten in his
nose head,
He'll soon find means to make the Heele quicklie make the bodie follow
body follow.— IV. vii. 25. after.— p. 82.
And when the lion fawns upon the
lamb
The la-nib will never cease to follow
him. — IV. viii. 49.
Whose arms gave shelter to the Whose armes gave shelter to the
princely eagle, priuclie eagle,
Under whose shade the ramping lion Under whose shade the ramping lion
slept.— V. ii. 12. slept.— p. 90.
Go home to bed, and like the owl by Let him to bed, and like the owle by
day, daie
If he arise, be mocked and wondered Be hist, and wondered at if he arise. —
at. — V. iv. 56. p. 93.
And yonder is the wolf that makes And yonder stands
this spoil. — 80. The iwlf tln&t makes all this. — p. 94.
XII. MISS PHIPSON. NATURAL HISTORY SIMILES IN HENRY VI. 375
So flies the reckless shepherd from the
wolf,
So first the harmless sheep doth yield
his fleece,
Arid next his throat unto the butcher's
knife.— V. vi. 7.
The bird that hath been limed in a
bush
With trembling wings misdoubteth
every bush,
And I, the hapless male to one sweet
bird
Have now the fatal object in my eye
Where my poor young was limed, was
caught, and killed. — 13.
The owl shrieked at thy birth, an evil
sign ;
The night-crow cried, aboding luckless
time,
Dogs howled, and hideous tempests
shook down trees,
The raven rooked her on the chimney
top,
And chattering pies in dismal discord
sung. — 44.
The two brave bears, Warwick and
Montague,
That in their chains fettered the kingly
lion,
And made the forest tremble when
they roared.— V, vii. 10.
The birde once limde doth feare the
fatall bush,
And I the hapless maile to one poore
birde,
Have now the fatall object in mine eie,
Where my poor young was limde, was
caught & kild. — p. 98.
The owle shrikt at thy birth, an evil
signe,
The night crow cride, aboding luck-
lesse tune,
Dogs howld and hideous tempests
shooke down trees,
The raven rookt her on the chimnies
top,
And chatting pies in dismall discord
sung. — p. 99.
With them the two rough beares,
Warwike and Montague,
That in their chaiues fettered the
kinglie lion,
And made the forrest tremble when
they roard. — p. 103.
PRINCIPAL SIMILES
PEELE.
"Marry, sir, this mouse would make a foul hole in a fair cheese."
Edward I.
"Away, his sight to me is like the sight of a cockatrice" — Ibid.
" And cursed Mortimer, like a liony leads." — Ibid.
"Now conies my lover tripping like the roe" —
David and Betlisabe.
" Shall, as the serpents fold into their nests
In oblique turnings, wind the nimble waves
About the circles of her curious walks." — Ibid.
37G XII. MISS PHIPSON. NATURAL HISTORY SIMILES IN HENRY VI.
11 The mastives of our land shall worry ye,
And pull the weasals from your greedy throat." — Hit.
"-Like as the fatal raven, that in his voice
Carries the dreadful summons of our deaths,
Flies by the fair Arabian spiceries,
Her pleasant gardens, and delightsome parks,
Seeming to curse them with his coarse exclaims,
And yet doth stoop with hungry violence
Upon a piece of hateful carrion." — Ibid.
" Chafing as she-bears robbed of their whelps." — Ilil.
11 Whose angry heart
Is as a lion's letted of his walk." — Ibid.
" And as the eagle, roused from her stand,
With violent hunger, towering in the air,
Seizeth her feathered prey, and thinks to feed,
But seeing then a cloud beneath her feet,
Lets fall the fowl, and is emboldened
With eyes intentive to bedare the sun,
And stieth close unto his stately sphere." — Ibid.
" 0 fly the sword and fury of the foe,
That rageth as the ramping lioness.
In rescue of her youngling from the bear." — Battle of Alcazar
"Adders and serpents hiss at my disgrace.
And wound the earth with anguish of their stings."
Battle of Alcazar.
u Hold thee, Callipolis, feed and faint no more ;
This flesh I forced from a hungry lioness,
Meat of a princess, for a princess meet ;
Who, when she saw her foragement bereft,
Pin'd not in melancholy or childish fear,
But as brave winds are strongest in extremes,
So she redoubling her former force,
Rang'd through the woods, and rent the breeding vaults
Of proudest savages to save herself,
Feed then and faint not, fair Callipolis.
For rather than fierce famine should prevail
To gnaw thy entrails with her thorny teeth,
The conquering lioness shall attend on thee,
And lay huge heaps of slaughtered carcasses,
As bulwarks in her way, to keep her back.
I will provide thee of a princely, osprey,
That as she flieth over fish in pools,
XII. MISS PHIPSON. NATURAL HISTORY SIMILES IN HKNtcY VI. 377
The fish shall turn their glistering bellies tip,
And them shalt take thy liberal choice of all.
Jove's stately bird with wide commanding wings,
Shall hover still about thy princely head,
And beat down fowl by shoals into thy lap,
Feed then, and faint not, fair Callipolis." — Battle of Alcazar.
Compare this last passage, though it contains no similes, with the
description of the lioness in As You Like It, and elsewhere. The
other natural history allusions are too slight to be worth quoting.
Greene.
" The silly serpent found by country swain,
And cut to pieces by his furious blows,
Yet if his head do scape away untouched,
As many write, it very strangely goes
To fetch a herb, with which in little time,
Her battered corpse again she doth conjoin :
But if by chance the ploughman's sturdy staff
Do hap to hit upon the serpent's head,
And bruise the same, though all the rest be sound,
Yet doth the silly serpent lie for dead,
NOT can the rest of all her body serve,
To find a salve, which may her life preserve."
Alphonsus king of Arragon.
" Like simple sheep, when shepherd absent is
Far from his flock, assailed by greedy wolf,
Do scattering fly about, some here, some there,
To keep their bodies from his ravening jaws." — Ibid.
"The wanton colt is tamed in his youth." — Ibid.
" But as the echinus, fearing to be gored,
Doth keep her younglings in her paunch so long,
That when their pricks be waxen long and sharp
They put their dam at length to double pain."— Ibid.
" Make choice of friends, as eagles of their young,
Who soothe no vice, who flatter not for gain." — James IV.
" What though the lion, king of brutish race,
Through outrage sin, shall lambs be therefore slain 1 " — Ibid.
" 0 English king, thou bearest in thy crest
The king of beasts, that harms not yielding ones." — Ibid.
"I, eagle like, disdain these Hi tie fowls,
And look on none but those that dare resist." — Ibid.
378 XII. MISS PHIPSON. NATURAL HISTORY SIMILES IN HENRY VI.
" The manners and the fashions of this age
Are like the ermine! s skin, so full of spots." — Ibid.
Marlowe.
" That, like a fox in midst of harvest time,
Doth prey upon my flocks of passengers,
And, as I hear, doth mean to pull my plumes." — 1 Tamburlaine.
" As princely lions, when they rouse themselves,
Stretching their paws, and threatening herds of beasts." — Ibid.
" Like crocodiles, that unaffrighted rest,
"While thundering cannons rattle on their skins." — Ibid.
" Their hair as white as milk, as soft as down,
Which should be like the quills of porcupines
As black as jet, and hard as iron or steel." — 2 Tamburlaine.
" His shining chariot gilt with fire,
And drawn with princely eagles through the path." — Ibid.
"An&fisJies, fed by human carcasses,
Amazed, swim up and down upon the waves,
As when they swallow assafsetida,
"Which makes them fleet alofb and gape for air." — Ibid*
" Thus, like the sad presaging raven, that tolls
The sick man's passport in her hollow beak,
And in the shadow of the silent night
Doth shake contagion from her sable wings." — Jew of Malta.
" Now Phoebus ope the eyelids of the day,
And for the raven wake the morning lark,
That I may hover with her in the air,
Singing o'er these as she does o'er her young." — Ibid.
" Now will I show myself
To have more of the serpent than the dove,
That is, more knave than fool." — Ibid.
" As if a goose would play the porcupine,
And dart her plumes, thinking to pierce my breast." — •
Edward II.
" Can kingly lions fawn on creeping ants ? " — Ibid.
11 Fair queen, forbear to angle for the fisli,
Which being caught, strikes him that takes it dead,
I mean that vile torpedo, Gaveston." — Edward II.
XII. MISS PHIPSON. NATURAL HISTORY SIMILES IN HENRY VI. 379
" Pliny reports, there is a fly ing -fish,
Which, all the other fishes deadly hate,
And therefore, being pursued, it takes the air ;
No sooner is it up, but there's a fowl,
That seizeth it."— Ibid.
" Yet, shall the crowing of these cockerels
Affright a lion ? "—Ibid.
" The forest deer, being struck,
Runs to an herb that closeth up the wounds,
But when the imperial lioris flesh is gored,
He rends and tears it with his wrathful paw,
And, highly scorning that the lowly earth
Should drink his blood, mounts up to the air." — Ibid.
" More safety is there in a tiger's jaws,
Than his embracements." — Ibid.
" For now we hold an old wolf by the ears,
That if he slip will seize upon us both.
And gripe the sooner, being gript himself." — Ibid.
" Must I be vexed like the nightly bird,
Whose sight is loathsome to all winged fowl." — Ibid.
" The wren may strive against the lion's strength,
But all in vain." — Ibid.
Henry VIII.
" But spider-like,
"Out ofs self-drawing web."— I. i. 62 (Attributed by Messrs
Spedding and Hickson to Shakspere).
" This butcher's cur is venom-mouthed, and I
Have not the power to muzzle him, therefore best
Not wake him in his slumber." — I. i. 120 (Shakspere).
" Anger is like
A full hot horse, who being allowed his way,
Self mettle tires him." — I. i. 133 (Shakspere).
"This holy fox,
Or wolf, or both, for he is equal ravenous,
As he is subtle." — I. i. 158 (Shakspere).
" A kind of puppy,
To the old dam, treason." — I. i. 158 (Shakspere).
N. s. soc. TRANS., 1877-9. 26
380 XII. MISS PHIPSON. NATURAL HISTORY SIMILES IN HEKRY VI.
" As ravenous fishes do a vessel follow
That is new trimmed, but benefit no further
Than vainly longing." — I. ii. 79 (Shakspere).
" With your theme, I could
O'er mount the lark" — II. iii. 94 (Shakspere).
" There be more wasps that buzz about his nose
Will make this sting the sooner." — III. ii. 55 (Shakspere).
" So looks the chafed lion
Upon the daring huntsman that has galled him." — III. ii. 206
(Fletcher).
•" And dare us with his cap like larks" — III. ii. 282 (Fletcher).
(1) Shakspere. The country boys throw up their caps in passing
through fields, the larks rise thinking they are hawks, and so
betray their nests. — E. P.
" The bird of wonder dies, the maiden phoenix" —
V. iv. 41 (Fletcher).
The Two Noble Kinsmen.
" But touch the ground for us no longer time
Than a dove's motion when the head's pluck'd off." — I. i. (
(Attributed by Mr. Spalding to Shakspere).
" He that will fish
For my least minnow, let him lead his line
To catch one at my heart." — I. i. 116 (Shakspere).
" Your actions
Soon as they move, as ospreys do the fish,
Subdue before they touch."— I. i. 140.
" Unless we fear that apes can tutor us," — I. ii. 43 (Shakspere).
" Either lam
The fore horse in the team, or I am none
That draw i' the sequent trace." — I. ii. 66 (Shakspere).
" Where, phoenix-like,
They died in perfume." — I. iii. 69 (Shakspere).
" Like to a pair of lions smeared with prey." —
I. iv. 18 (Shakspere).
" Before one salmon you shall take a number of minnows"
II. i. 4 (Fletcher).
XII. MISS PHIPSON. NATURAL HISTORY SIMILES IN HENRY VI. 381
" And like young eagles teach them
Boldly to gaze against bright arms." — II. ii. 33 (Fletcher).
" To have my wife as jealous as a turkey" — II. iii. 30 (Fletcher).
" And when they fight like compelled bears, would fly
Were they not tied."— III. i. 68 (Shakspere).
"0 for a prick now, like a nightingale,
To put my breast against."— III. iv. 25 (Fletcher).
"As mad as a March hare."— III. v. 73 (Fletcher).
" And as a heated lion so he looks,
His hair hangs long behind him, black and shining,
Like a raven's wing." — IV. ii. 130 (Fletcher).
« But when he stirs, a tyger."—TV. ii. 130 (Fletcher).
" And dove-like
Bow down your stubborn bodies." — Y. i. 11 (Shakspere).
" Require of him the hearts of lions,
The breath of tigers, yea, their fierceness also." —
V. i. 38 (Shakspere).
" Else wish we to be snails" — V. i. 42 (Shakspere).
" I'd rather see a wren hawk at a fly." — V. iii. 3 (Shakspere).
" I have heard
Two emulous Philomels beat the ear o' the night
With their contentious throats, now one the higher,
Anon the other, then again the first,
And by and by out-breasted, that the sense
Could not be judged between them." — V. iii. 124 (Shakspere).
"P^-like he whines."— V. iv. 69 (Shakspere).
Edward III.
" Like the lazy drone,
Crept up by stealth unto the eagle's nest." — I. i.
" Bid him leave off the lion's case he wears ;
Lest, meeting with the lion in the field,
He chance to tear him piece-meal for his pride." — Ibid.
" Degenerate traitor, viper to the place
Where thou wast fostered in thine infancy." — Ibid.
26"
382 XII. MISS PH1PSON. NATURAL HISTORY SIMILES IN HENRY VI,
" Fervent desire, that sits against my heart,
Is far more thorny-pricking than this blade ;
That, with the nightingale^ I shall be scared." — Ibid.
" But I will make you shrink your snaily horns." — Ibid.
*' What, are the stealing foxes fled and gone,
Before we could uncouple at their heels ?
They are, my liege, but, with a cheerful cry,
Hot hounds, and hardy, chase them at the heels." — I. ii.
" Her voice to music, or the nightingale." — II. i.
" Her hair, far softer than the silk-worm's twist,
Like to a flattering glass, doth make more fair
The yellow amber." — Ibid.
" 0, that I were a honey-gathering bee,
To bear the comb of virtue from his flower ;
And not a poison-sucking envious spider,
To turn the vice I take to deadly venom." — Ibid.
" The lion doth become his bloody jaws,
And grace his foragement, by being mild
When vassal fear lies trembling at his feet" — IL i
" Deck an ape
In tissue, and the beauty of the robe
Adds but the greater scorn unto the beast." — Ibid.
<c Dare he already crop the flower-de luce ?
I hope, the honey being gathered thence,
He, with the spider, afterward approached,
Shall suck forth deadly venom from the leaves." — III. i.
" As when the empty eagle flies
To satisfy his hungry griping maw." — Ibid.
" Fight, Frenchmen, fight ; be like the field of bears,
When they defend their younglings in their caves." — Ibid.
" Ay, so the grass-hopper doth spend the time
In mirthful jollity, till winter come,
And then too late he would redeem his time,
When frozen cold hath nipp'd his careless head. " — III. ii.
" Ransack-constraining war
Sits raven-like upon your houses' tops." — Ibid.
" Thou, like a skittish and untamed colt,
Dost start aside, and strike us with thy heels." — III. iii.
XII. MISS PHIPSON. NATURAL HISTORY SIMILES IN HENRY VI. 383
" Let creeping serpents, hid in hollow banks,
Sting with their tongues ; we have remorseless swords
And they shall plead for us, and our affairs." — Ibid.
" No father, king, or shepherd of thy realm ;
But one that tears her entrails with thy hands,
And, like a 'thirsty tiger, sucks her blood." — Ibid.
" The snares of French, like emmets on a bank,
Muster about him ; whilst he, lion-like,
Entangled in the net of their assaults,
Franticly rends, and bites the woven toil :
But all in vain, he cannot free himself." — III. v.
"And dare & falcon when she's in her flight,
And ever after she'll be haggard-lifte." — Ibid.
" The lion scorns to touch the yielding prey." — IV. ii.
"What bird, that hath escap'd the fowler's gin,
Will not be ware how she's ensnar'd again 1 " — IV. iii
" At Cressy field our clouds of warlike smoke
Chok'd up those French moths, and dissever'd them :
But now their multitudes of millions hide,
Masking as 'twere, the beauteous burning sun." — IV. iv.
384 SCRAPS.
coals: sb. pi. Rom. fy Jtil. I. i. 2 : carry coals. 'Pacific your
conscience, and leaue your imprecations, ivee will beare no coalet,
neuer feare you.' 1596.— T. Nash, Saffron Waldon, H. 4, bk.
cocker : v. t. K. John, V. i. 70 : ' You cocker him to much,
Menedenms' [nimium illi, Menerleme, indulges]. — K. Bernard's
Terence in Frnglish, p. 249, ed. 1607 (1st ed. 1598).
cook, sb. Rom., fy Jul. IV. ii. 6 : ' Celuy gouverne mal le miel qui
n'en taste, fy ses doigts rien leche. Prov. We say, he is an ill Gooke
that lickes not his owne fingers ; One may say, he is vnwise, who, in
the managing of publicke businesse, addes not somewhat vnto his
priuate. ' — Cotgra ve .
cudgel, sb. Merry Wives, IV. ii. 292. ' Pestare, to stampe, to
pound, to bray or pill ia a morter, to bruse, to breake, to bang, be
bebast, to bes waddle with a cudgell' 1598. — Florio.
difference, sb. badge, ' mark of distinction in heraldry.' — Hamlet,
IV. v. 183.
" thes holy men [friars] beyn thus about sperd,
thorow all this lond, in euery sled :
of there awn retenwe they weare the differ ens,
to whom they haue professyd there obediens ;
for euere valeant and worthy warryor,
perde is known by his cote armor ;
there-for this men known must be
by differens, to whom they haue vowyd there chastite."
A.D. 1536-40. Tlie Pilgnjms Tale, p. 80 of my ed. of Thynne's
Animadversions. E. E. T. Soc.
'fool's paradise:' Rom. fy Jul. II. iv. 175 :
" But what are these where fancie seated is,
But lures to loose desires, sin-sugred baits,
That draw men onward to fooles paradice,
Whose best of promises are but deceits ? "
*No Love Lost/ inBrathwaite's Natures Embassie, p. 58, A.D. 1621. — S.
gentleman-like, adv. (used only as adj. by Shakspere, in Two
Gent., Rom. fy Jul., &c.). * In troth, gentleman-like spoken (Recte,
sane)/— E. Bernard's Terence in English, p. 226, ed. 1607, 1st ed.
1598.
gimmal, ring, Henry V., IV. ii. 49. ' Gymmow or ringe to
hange at ones eare as the Egyptians haue. Staloginum, Inauris*
1552. — T. Huloet. Abcedarium.
lie, they (pleonastic}. Ric. II., Ric. III., Cymbeline, &c. ' Syrus,
he whispereth with your sonne : the yong men, they lay their heads
together to take aduise.' — R. Bernard's Terence in English, p. 222,
ed. 1607 (1st ed. 1598).
385
XIII.
ANIMAL NATURE VERSUS HUMAN NATURE IN
KING LEAR.
BY THE REV. J. KIRKMAN, M.A.
(Read at the 48th Meeting of the Society, Friday, Jan. 10, I87&)
SOME time ago, having to deliver a course of lectures on King.
Lear, my attention was attracted by the frequent mention of animals
of various kinds in this play. At first this seemed to be only one of
those features observable in somewhat different degrees in different
plays ; indicating the supreme familiarity of the Master with all
forms of life, and his felicity in employing them to one purpose after
another, in developing the workings of the human heart, the con-
flicts of the higher and lower passions in man, or such ordinary
comparisons between human and lower animal nature : characterised
always, of course, by his own inimitable touch.
To say that many different kinds of creatures are alluded to in
King Lear would be merely to repeat what we might say of many,
even of most, of Shakspere's Plays. This, of itself, would hardly
form a more special study than as a general survey of Natural History
in Shakspere : although even that is a book of the future, of which
we have now only two or three little instalments, and not one very
powerful or adequate : Harting's ' Ornithology of Shakespeare,' 1871 ;
Paterson's 'Insects of Shakespeare/ 1838; and a chapter in Jesse's
'History of the Dog,' 1871.
I will, then, first state the phenomenon in this play, and after-
wards suggest the moral law which underlies and causes it. We
need perhaps hardly, to this audience, urge the principle that we
judge such a play as a perfect work of art. Every detail, particularly
386 XIII. MR. KIRKMAN ON ANIMAL NATURE IN KING LEAR.
in this, which some of us hold to "be the greatest of his plays, must
"be in harmony with the keynote of the whole, and in perfect subor-
dination to its general purpose. Nothing could occur by accident,
without reference to the general harmony. We may have been,
possibly, too often in the past, momentarily betrayed into the error
of supposing some feature casual or unimportant, and therefore are
now more than ever awake to the value and suggestiveness of slighter
traits as parts of the essential structure. I should smile forgivingly
and with pity at the reproach of those simple-minded readers (we
cannot call them students) who say we often put more into many of
Shakspere's words or sentences than he ever saw or intended. I
defy you to put more into the meaning of some writings than they
actually have : as you could hardly imagine depth in a road-side
puddle, or the gay film of a soap-bubble. While, on the other hand,
it would be affectation to say that we exaggerate the greatness of the
depths of the ocean, or the movements of its majestic billows, or the
charms of its innumerable smiles. Most especially we may affirm,
with reference to the subject in hand, we are not enlarging through
a haze of glowing imagination, when we clearly perceive, and now
attempt to describe, the frequent recurrence, the wide-spread preval-
ence, of a feature that occurs in other plays scatteringly, occasionally,
or in no surprising frequency, or harmonised to a different symphony.
We find, then, in King Lear, an extraordinary frequence in the
mention of the lower animals, a constant allusion to animal nature
and its destructive or deceitful instincts, and in a vast majority of
the instances with one special reference, the reference of comparison
with the ways of men, according to resemblance between the two.
Let us state the case arithmetically: for this New Shakspere
Society is mighty at arithmetical calculations ; and our admirable
chairman, I believe, could almost tabulate the rhythmical waves of
a line of some red sentiment in one play, and a violet passage of
another sentiment in some other play. (Mr. Furnivall here echoed
that this — getting at the facts — was the only true and safe foundation
on which to work in the analysis of Shakspere's peculiarities.) There
are 64 different names of animals mentioned, " all well defined," as
Coleridge says of fthe stinks of Cologne : for they are, for the most
XIII. MR. KIRKMAN ON ANIMAL NATURE IN KINO LEAR. 387
•part, mentioned in a morally unsavoury relation. This is by counting
each kind of dog, but the word ' dog ' only once ; and not counting
Tray, Blanche, and Sweetheart. These occur in 133 separate
mentions, and by 12 different persons, indeed by all the chief
persons in the play — Lear, Edgar, Fool, Edmund, Albany, Cornwall,
Kent, Gloucester, Goneril, Eegan, Cordelia, Gentleman. Of these
102, or about 78 decimal something per cent, are from the mouths
of three persons — King, Edgar, and Fool. To this curious fact,
strongly in support of the causation I would suggest, I will draw
particular attention. There are more birds in other plays, as Harting's
Index shews : there may be more beasts in other plays : but on the
whole there is only one play which can compete with King Lear as to
animals. But in no play is there any approach to so many as indica-
tive of the same moral or psychological law as we have here. The
only play which approaches to King Lear in this respect is (as I
anticipated before I searched, and at once found to be the case)
Timon of Athens, the last two Acts. The resemblance may be seen
at a glance, and the overruling law perceived to be precisely the same
as here. The scenery and circumstances of some plays are more laid
in the country, among wild or domesticated creatures, whose presence
naturally asserts itself and gets woven into the drama. In King
Henri/ the Sixth, Part 2, we find 45 names of animals, with 88
separate mentions. In King Henry the Sixth, Part 3, we meet with.
47 names of animals, and 80 separate mentions, generously including
such names as phcenix and stale. In As You Like It, where we
expect to find many country objects, denizens of the forest, and the
structure of the moral drama might lead us to anticipate a comparison
between the capricious cruelties of a palace, and the ungoverned
instincts of those creatures that take
" Their license in the field of time,
Unfettered by the sense of crime,
To whom a conscience never wakes,"
we have 56 names of animals, with 90 separate mentions. But
of these comparatively few lie under the dark law of association
found in King Lear, which the perpetual dawn of hope and love
ruling in As You Like It} makes to be only casual and never
388 XIII. MR. KIRXMAN ON ANIMAL NATURE IN KING LEAR.
dominant. Only one more play need be here mentioned : Midsummer
Night's Dream. This numerically exceeds King Lear, having 65
names of animals, and 146 separate mentions > among, which the very
frequent mention of the Lion (29 times), in connexion with Bottom's
magnanimity and genius for acting, will immediately recur to any
Shaksperian spirit. Midsummer Night's Dream has precisely the
opposite keynote to King Lear. The season and atmosphere of
exuberant life, joy, and fun, shew almost all creatures but serpents
under their kindly genial light. There is a very delight even in
naming things, because of their song, their beauty, their innocent, or
quaint, or industrious ways. It is here that we have Shakspere's
own as well as Theseus's love of hounds, with the lovingly accurate
observation of their professional merits and marks of good breeding,
and that poetical blending of voices and echoes in musical confusion,,
about which possibly the fox or the bear or wolf might have a different
opinion even from Shakspere himself, or the Athenian Duke, so
gently tolerant to such fearful wild-fowl as the rustics when simple-
ness and duty move them. Almost all the allusions to animals here
are pleasant, delightful, pregnant with the pure love of " all things
both great and small." The melody of the play requires this. It
could not be otherwise. It is exactly the opposite condition of
things that rules in King Lear. But, in spite of what may be
indisputably found ruling there, it would be a serious blot on the
sun's disc, if any one could prove by internal evidence that Shak-
spere was deficient, or otherwise than supreme, in his sympathy with
the animal world, or with the display of any animal character, from
serpent's tooth to Philomel's song, while he to one clear harp in such
diverse tones warbled his native wood-notes wild. It would have
been superfluous to insert this caution, had it not been from some
laudably jealous fears heard in the criticisms of some of my friends.
Transferring ourselves to the darker purpose of King Lear, with
the desire of verifying its law under which animals are mentioned,
I have already observed that, as the divines are ever assuring us
(lest we might possibly think otherwise), "nothing happens by
chance," 133 anythings in one play must needs be very suggestive.
There is something in it far more than an arithmetical calculation,
XIII. MR. KIRKMAN ON ANIMAL NATURE IN KING LEAR. 389
more than you get by counting in Mrs. C. Clarke's ' Concordance,'
something deeper than the Talmudic guardians and filagree students
of the Old Testament got by counting the number of verses, the
middle verse, and so on, in the Pentateuch, and in each book thereof.
There was a high wrangler without much soul for music who was
once taken to hear the Messiah at Exeter Hall ; and who found his
enjoyment in counting the number of notes in the Oratorio. But we
have to do more than count animals : so, even the comparison between
two plays may reveal only a casual or superficial fact after all, or not
essential in the moral structure of either of them. We have to ask,
why is this a fact in King Lear ? What beautiful or sad law was it
that was like the igneous rock ever beneath us, cropping up through
all sedimentary strata here and there, often commanding attention by
the height and sharpness of its peaks 1 Mr. Darwin would answer
infallibly without a moment's hesitation, I would venture to predict :
" because of the common nature of man and his lower progenitors in
the scale of creation." I mean, without any allusion to Shakspere
being of "Darwin's views," Darwin would state on biological
grounds precisely the same fact in nature as Shakspere has worked
out on moral or psychological principles. Even daily conversation
or educated speech at every turn betrays it : and in the ordinary
degree it is nothing remarkable ; unless the reason for it be denied,
out of a mistaken notion of man's isolated nobility. In King Lear
it seems to underlie all, to overrule all. Its perpetual reappearance,
sometimes with singular intensity of point, is one of the most pre-
valent colours to be observed in any play whatsoever, like jealousy
in Winter's Tale, or the charming side of forest life in As You Like
It. Indeed, in order of impressiveness, after the primary feature of
the baseness of human nature in Goneril, Eegan, Oswald, and Edmund,
is, next, this paralleled terrible revolting fact of similar villainy, worth-
lessness, and treachery or cruelty, in the lower nature of beasts, birds,
and vermin. Most of the allusions to them point that way. The
law of the play's construction makes this inevitable, if the creatures
are to be mentioned at all ; as the construction of Midsummer Night's
Dream requires that the allusions generally point in the different
direction. To fancy that Shakspere might have given us the evil
390 XIII. MR. KIRKMAN ON ANIMAL NATURE IN KING LEAR
drama of base humanity without bringing in all the other genera of
our " earthborn companions and fellow-mortals," would be no more
reasonable than to fancy one of Mendelssohn's Lieder of heavenly
strivings without certain sequences and harmonies. Animal nature
versus human nature may stand to mean, unless I express it
infelicitously or uncourteously, the toss-up which is worse in the
lovely creations of our sweet Mother Nature herself. " Pompey and
Csesar are very much alike, especially Pompey." You may say,
especially beastly kites, hideous sea-monsters, stealthy foxes, greedy
wolves, gnawing vultures. Lear says, especially daughters : especially
man, Timon says. This is the simplest account of the melody of
King Lear. And it is heard through all the variations of the several
scenes, sometimes with terribly shrill clearness.
Particularly notice the spare allusion made to floivers. In the
chief place of mention, they are under the sentiment contrary to the
joy and beauty of flowers ; where Lear is fantastically
" Crowned with rank f umiter and furrow-weeds,
With burdocks, hemlocks, nettles, cuckoo-flowers,
Darnel, and all the idle weeds that grow
In our sustaining corn."
There is not even the pleasure which those familiar with insanity
find in seeing Ophelia with her rosemary, pansies, and herb o'
grace, or garlanded with
" Crow-flowers, nettles, daisies, and long purples."
For she had her thoughts severed from her griefs, was incapable
of her own distress, and her woes by wrong imaginations lost the
knowledge of themselves. This is not exactly the case with Lear
even in his madness. In the same context the Doctor mentions
the utility of
" Simples operative to close the eye of anguish "
before the days of chloral. Edgar touchingly interjects "Sweet
marjoram ! " at the sight of the ruin of royalty, which flower
grows about Shakspere's cliff at Dover, perhaps in some loving
mystery of sympathy with Shakspere's consecration of it, since he
has mentioned it for us ! There is little or no further employment
X11I. MR. KIRKMAN ON ANIMAL NATURE IN KING LEAR. 391
of the beauty of nature's furniture. The Fool knows how like a crab
is to an apple. Edgar knows the fiend that mildews the white wheat,
and sees what a perilous trade it is to gather samphire. But here
are no daffodils to take the winds of March with beauty, no mari-
golds weeping, or flowers for men of middle age. The heath is like
the tract of humanity, unlovely and stormy, drear and sad.
"We know how indicative is almost always the beginning of a
play. It generally in some suggestive way sounds the keynote of
the whole. This begins by showing as bridged over any moral or
psychological distinction between one conventionally born, and one
of nature's unfortunate hap-hazards. He who apostrophises his deity,
saying, " Thou, nature, art my goddess ! " and grins like Caliban at
the thought of "legitimate Edgar," is the personal link in two
senses, by birth and by inward character, between man with godlike
reverence, love, and fidelity, and man as E. Browning describes him
in < Eabbi Ben Ezra : '
" What is he but a brute,
Whose flesh hath soul to suit !"
And the play doses likewise with Lear's last pangs of reflection in
the same strain, after moral character has been proved all along so
direly identical in woman and wolf, in man and beast, that con-
temptible creatures should still have what for " my poor fool " no
Promethean heat can relume, — the light of LIFE.
" Why should a dog, a horse, a rat have life,
And thou no breath at all ? "
I think this is an exceedingly significant passage. How different
from Othello's passionate reflection upon Desdemona when she will
in a minute be quenched for ever ! Why should dog, horse, rat, be
brought in at that crisis, and in that comparison, unless it were that
animals and animal nature, were the stratum Shakspere was moving in?
As S. T. Coleridge sings on the slimy sea :
" The many men so beautiful !
And they all dead did lie !
And a thousand thousand slimy things
Lived on, and so did I ! "
392 XIII. MR. KIRKMAN ON ANIMAL NATURE IN KING LEAR,
This last allusion in King Lear, by-the-by, is internal evidence
that fool means the Fool in that passage, and not Cordelia, as some
have imagined. For the Fool had much to do with those and other
animals in the way of companionship and observation, and his death
therefore naturally suggests that contrast. Unless we may more safely
say that Shakspeare intentionally leaves a trace of vagueness or con-
fusion of ambiguity there, as if the confusion of poor Lear's tempest-
tost wits led him to confound the one with the other name on his
lips and in his memory.
We may fancy how some things had been going on before the
play began. As Mr. Gosse so quaintly settles that Adam was
created with an omphalos, and about 30 years of age : and that
Genesis i. records a beginning in time as to man without a beginning
in physiology. So that God, if it had pleased him so to do, might
have launched the earth on its orbit at any quasi-stage of its history ;
as it is, for instance, at this moment, with railway-trains running,
telegraphs working, and us sitting here, all with only quasi-antecedents
and not any historical past. So we may imagine, before the play began,
King Lear was fond of animals, and a great observer of animal nature,
then of course for the most part in noble wildness. This inclination
to notice animals was shared by the Fool, as one part of his general
affectionate sympathy for his royal patron. Although we must
acknowledge that there are some anachronisms in this play for the
smell-funguses to detect, as to the flowers named together ; and also
as to the wildness or domesticity of animals in the period in which
Lear lived, especially as distinguished from the time in which
Shakspere wrote of Lear ; and the smell of the bear-garden near which
Shakspere lived is decidedly perceived some centuries aforehand,
in the times of the King. All kings and princes, I believe, have
been fond of animals, down to the present Prince of Wales ; especially
of two, horses and dogs. Illustrations of this fact are innumerable,
and would be superfluous here. Lear was evidently devoted to his
horses and dogs. He cries out frequently for his horses ; he makes
as much impatient allusion to them as to his hundred knights,
included in his regal appanage, and scorns the indignity of being
"sumpter to this detested groom" Oswald; nay he would rather
XIII. MR. KIRKMAN ON ANIMAL NATURE IN KING LEAR. 393
"be a comrade with the wolf and owl. It was Lear's inventive genius
which conceived the delicate stratagem " to shoe a troop of horse
with felt," often in effect adopted since, according to Lord Bacon's
maxim, " There is no secresy equal to celerity." A note says that
this stratagem is recorded as done, in Lord Herbert's ' Life of Henry
VIII.,' published in 1513. Wordsworth was pleased with the idea,
and applies it to the inaudible, soft, ghost-like tread of the ass of
Peter Bell. Lear's mind runs on his horses as possibly useful towards
some sudden recovery of his kingly position : " I'll put it in proof."
The idea is also found in Ariosto. It is only indicative, in King Lear,
that the brain of the insane unconsciously cerebrates about objects
that were before fixed in feelings of strong affection or aversion.
But the last reference to a horse, already alluded to, is far more
significant. There is a good deal more to be considered about dogs.
Lear evidently kept dogs, studied them, loved them. And they
figure, or their nature figures, prominently in this play. And their
noses point almost entirely in one direction, even the very opposite
to what the ardent lovers of dogs would desire. I cannot help this.
It is not my fault. We have to consider what we find in the play,
and elsewhere in Shakspere. It is mere fantastic hyper-criticism
to investigate with " a wish that is father to the thought," how far
dogs had been civilized or Christianised, and how far most dogs were
still wild, vagahond, and wolfish, and had not yet been brought into
the "environment" that should be able to evolve their latent
possibilities of moral excellence in such humiliating contrast with
their masters. The fact is that there is only one allusion here to Mr.
Jesse's " unswerving fidelity, intense affection and unselfish character,
courage, gentleness, and a host of virtues," in that "friend and
companion of man," and that allusion is not over nattering, when
Kent says of such low natures as Oswald's, that they " know nought,
like dogs, but following." Even this is not so reliable as some would
have us believe. There is something infinitely pathetic in that last
touch of humiliation, that the defection and disaffection of the palace
had spread to the dogs.
" The little dogs and all,
Tray, Blanche, and Sweetheart, see they bark at me."
394 XIII. MR. KIRKMAN ON ANIMAL NATURE IN KING LEAR.
It has a deep touch of human distress and disgrace equal to the
bitterness of Anthony's humiliation when the servant Thyreus
derides his orders, and he feels the vile sting which a contemptible
nature can so easily dart : — " Authority melts from me." (Antony
and Cleopatra, III. xiii.) Lear, like Timon, sees but the evil
nature in woman, man, or beast ; his noble heart is " subdued to
what it works in, like the dyer's hand." It would have been abso-
lutely contrary to the tenour of King Lear to find mention of the
" better gifts that bounteous nature hath in them closed : " (although
I may add in passing that those are physical and not moral gifts,
swiftness, scent, breed, &c., and not virtues, not even fidelity).
Dogs are here the most frequent instance of the humiliating, revolting
phenomenon or law that comes over Lear's great heart and his former
observations of nature, " as doth the raven o'er the infected house," —
the phenomenon or fact that man's viler nature and its low animal
propensities, wherein exalted grace so slowly becomes " instinctive,"
and is, as Archbishop Leighton says, " a tender plant in a strange
unkindly soil," are identical with the same elements in the brute
creation. All the allusions but that one to dogs, and to almost every
other animal here, are of the same kind, indicating the common
nature " of the earth, earthy." The lark is but shrill-gorged, so far
from earth, not singing up to heaven's gate. Even the voice of the
nightingale is a foul fiend crying in poor Tom's belly. Authority,
with a glorious power of bitterest sarcasm, is reduced to the image of
a dog feared at a farmer's gate : " the great image of authority : " and
also in the same place (IV. vi.), we have the instinctive snobbishness
of dogs, an undeniable case of " inherited tendencies " inspired f r< m
association with man, as I fancy Mr. Herbert Spencer, Dr. Carpenter,
or any evolutionist would say.
I had written this a few days before Professor Huxley's admirable
little sketch of Hume came out. On page 106, he says : " One of
the most curious peculiarities of the dog mind is its inherent
snobbishness, shown by the regard paid to external respectability.
The dog who barks furiously at a beggar will let a well-dressed man
pass him without opposition. Has he not then a ' generic idea ' of
rags and dirt associated with the idea of aversion, and that of sleek
broad-cloth associated with the idea of liking?"
XIII. MR. K1RKMAN ON ANIMAL NATURE IN KING LEAR. 395
Indeed there is comparatively little in all Shakspere favourable to
that model of the virtues of inherited civilisation through the claims
of long descent. Almost all Shakspere's allusions to dogs relate to
their evil qualities. Those few prominent passages which are of a
favourable tendency are well known to us all. Mi. Jesse is almost
as angry with Shakspere as with everybody else for this lack of
appreciation of the model animal : and he emphatically denounces
that habit of calling a bad man a dog or a cur, which is so colloquial
and common, and of which the instances in Shakspere may be counted
by scores. Yet there must be truth underlying such a habit, and a
truth as inwoven with Shakspere's universal sympathy and knowledge
as any other truth which could not co-exist with carelessness of
language, or mere recklessness of colloquial epithets. Herein Shak-
spere precisely resembles the Scripture, which is dead against dogs,
and only mentions one virtue, that they can bark (Isaiah Ivi. 10).
This does but prove to us that the dogs in Egypt, in Judsea, were wild
scavengers, and very different from the darlings and the " upper ten
thousand " of dog-society in these advanced days of " culture " and
refinement. Even Launce's dog (in Two Gentlemen of Verona, IV.
iv.), is chiefly immortalised by one action : although it is true he had
been " in the company of three or four gentleman -like dogs ; " and
Launce's unselfish willingness to half-die for him, speaks more for
Launce's fondness than for the objective merit of the favourite. Mac-
beth's catalogue of dogs, which only differentiates eight, no more
hints commendation of dogs than of murderers. Edgar individual-
izes ten at least (in III. vi.). And, to pass from considering dogs
exclusively to all the animals whose natures supply the continuous
parallel to the displays of humanity, it is the horrible perception of a
common carnal nature, mere " animal " nature that Lear enlarges on in
IV. vi., which for the black minute seems to give almost an entire
summary of the ruling passions in creatures, which finds its crisis
in that inevitable but vain appeal, such as many another wounded
sensitive spirit sick of this vile world and such humanity as experience
has revealed to him, makes : — " Give me an ounce of civet, good
apothecary, to sweeten my imagination." Lear calls Oswald, that
mongrel, you dog, you cur : Goneril is detested kite ; Kent calls the
N. s. soc. TRANS,, 1877-9, 27
396 XIII. MR. KIRKMAN ON ANIMAL NATURE IN KING LEAR.
two, dog-hearted daughters ; Goneril has a wolfish visage ; it is
sharper than a serpent's tooth to have a thankless child ; now, you
she-foxes, says the mad king ; even Gloucester says he would not
bear to see Goneril in the king's anointed flesh stick boarish fangs.
Twas his royal flesh begot those pelican daughters. Is it not as if
this mouth should tear this hand (like a dog) for lifting food to it 1
Lear goes to the root of the matter when he appeals :
" Is there any cause in nature which makes these hard hearts ?
Let them anatomize Regan ! "
" Allow not nature more than nature needs,
Man's life's as cheap as beast's " —
i. e. even reduced to the same level in other respects besides as to our
tradesmen's weekly bills. This is very close to Hamlet's comparison :
" What is a man,
If his chief good, and market of his time,
Be but to sleep and feed ? a beast, no more," &c.
(Hamlet, IV. iv.)
In duly lauding the passages that Coleridge, Hazlitt, &c., find
so sublime, descriptive of the pitiless storm in sympathy with Lear's
state, we find no reference by them to the howlings of nature in all
the viler and as pitiless outbursts of brute creation that are dis-
tributed through the whole drama, and to which even the storm
leads Lear's familiarity with beast nature to ruminate on :
" Crack nature's moulds ; all germens spill at once
That make ingrateful man ! "
The sympathy of the storm is in two scenes ; the one touch of nature
which makes the whole animal world kin is found everywhere. And
as at first Lear would " unburthened crawl towards death," i.e. like
a cashiered cab-horse, or like a butterfly that has laid its eggs and
crawls to death, so at the last he tries Cordelia's imperceptible breath
with a feather ; he would have found compensation for all woes in
being with Cordelia, to sing together like birds in a cage : and his pang,
the last he can endure on earth, as we have seen, takes the special
form of bitter envy and revolt that any animals should still possess
the unspeakable preciousness of LIFE that Cordelia has lost for ever.
XIII. MR. TURKMAN ON ANIMAL NATURE IN KING LEAR. 397
Look for a moment at the Fool, the finest Fool that ever was, in
imagination or in fact ; "no comic buffoon to make the groundlings
laugh," as Coleridge says, "but his wild babblings and inspired
idiocy articulate and gauge the horrors of the scene." Coleridge is
decidedly below his usual degree of penetration there. " His wild
babblings " are full of wisdom which observation copied there, and
always to the purpose. His idiocy was inspired with the same lore
and study of animal natures and ways that his great Master had. It
cannot be without pregnant intention (on Shakspere's part) that
the Fool so frequently compares the low instincts of animals with the
lower degradation of those bound by all the noblest ties and motives.
Almost all his references are marked by watchfulness of the habits
of creatures. They are seldom mere mentions. At least there is
always some hints of past observation in them. " He's mad that
trusts in the tameness of a wolf, a horse's health, a boy's love, or a
whore's oath." " Winter's not gone yet, if the wild geese fly that
way." He sees resemblances at once to Kent in the stocks among
our repudiated relatives. " Horses are tied by the head, dogs and
bears by the neck, monkeys by the loins, and men by the legs."
" We'll set thee to school to the ant, to teach thee there's no labour-
ing in the winter." And remember it is this personage and no other
who coined that axiom worthy of Hamlet, or of the shrewdest, saddest
sufferer from the " faithless coldness of the times " — " Truth 's a dog
that must to kennel" No better single saying has rescued from
oblivion, or from simply having a name, more than one of ancient Greek
philosophers. There must be antecedent reasons for that selected
illustration, not very profound indeed, but very palpable. And he
entertains Lear by biological inquiries bitterly suggestive :
" Canst tell how an oyster makes his shell 1
Lear. No.
Fool. NOT I neither : but I can tell why a snail has a house :
To put his head in, not to give it away to his daughters."
And there is a little difficulty about the cuckoo, which exceeds
other references elsewhere to the ingratitude of that self-invited
guest :
"The hedge-sparrow fed the cuckoo so long
That it had it head bit off by it young " (I. iv.).
27*
398 XIII. MR. KIRKMAX OX ANIMAL NATURE IN KING LEAR.
Mr. Halting shirks touching this ornithological difficulty, although
he is a naturalist, by a diversion treating us to the philological
curiosity of it head instead of its head. It is only too evident that
the Fool in his measure, and that no superficial one, felt the vile
kinship of man and beast as terribly illustrated by the course of
events.
What is astonishing in Edgar is the rapid succession of animals
mentioned by him : unless it be still more astonishing to us that the
fact has never before been noticed as helping to furnish a key to the
main purpose of the play. See what a number of creatures he names in
two Scenes, iv. and v. of Act III. Observe the steady, set deliberation
with which he speaks of the denizens of the world he has fled to,
from the cruel and unjust and lying world of men. He goes from
the society of men to the society of animals, exactly as Timon goes
from man's feasting to eat roots. Those two scenes would furnish no
mean menagerie, stocked with animals billeted from the Index to any
Moral Science Treatise, or from one of St. Paul's catalogues of
heathen vices. And there are the fourteen distinct terms for dogs,
as if Lear's uncontrollable mortification at the disaffection of the
three pampered pets caught from their mistresses' laps, had touched
one of those cerebral chains of association we all know we possess,
and he must needs run over the links. And in the mere outcast man
Lear he sees " the thing itself," animal stripped of his conventional
position, his sophistications and superiority, and all the homage that
vice pays to virtue : — " Unaccommodated man is no more but such a
poor, bare, forked animal as thou art " (III. iv.). Perhaps some might
insinuate that no one but a censorious spirit or soured misanthropist
could have predisposition enough to notice so emphatically, thus to
estimate, perhaps over-estimate, these hints or evanescent colours
rather than invariably undeniable assertions. I say, we have to study
Shakspere faithfully, and see where he leads us. No one beyond
him fulfilled RicJiter's genial condition: "He has no right to find
fault with any man who does not love all men."
So let us conclude this sketch by. observing that there are two
other persons besides Lear driven into like fearful extremity of
experience and conviction, wherein
XIII. MR. KIRKMAN ON ANIMAL NATURE IN KING LEAR. 399
" Thought's the slave of life, and life Time's fool,"
Hamlet and Timon.
Hamlet has two or three famous utterances which tell full well
how the horrible fact of a common nature in man and beast had sunk
into his great heart.
" What is a man,
If his chief good and market of his time
Be but to sleep and feed ] a beast, no more," &c.
(Hamlet, IV. iv.)
and
" A beast that wants discourse of reason, (not that wants reason,)
Would have mourned longer." (Hamlet, I. ii.)
But the conditions of his mind, and the play laid in palaces and
houses and amid more modern life, rather than in that open-air life and
comparatively primitive civilization of Lear's time, and especially his
ruling tone of looking up to the dark mystery of life itself, that might
be god-like and full of heavenly symphonies, rather than down to the
fact of low-thoughted life ruled by animal passions, — these did not
lead to the perpetual tracing of that analogy we find so dominant in
King Lear. The keynote is altogether different. There is no religion in
King Lear. There is a too terribly subtle principle of religion and
conscience in Hamlet to allow man to be estimated as but a genus of
animals. Moralizing on life, and conscience, and mystery characterizes
Hamlet ; testing the degraded elements of the genus homo as but
one in the succession with genera of wolves, serpents, kites, &c.,
characterizes Lear, and so he pourtrays them accordingly, by their
analogues in a time and country so familiar with hunting, with
animals, and all nature's relationships. The last two Acts of Timon,
who finds
" the unkindest beast more kinder than mankind,"
are very close in resemblance to King Lear. We see what is so similar
in the three plays. The main phenomenon is identical in King Lear
and Timon, Acts iv. and v. Edgar, in some possible soliloquy,
wherein his assumed madness need not have shone, might almost -
have uttered Timon's noble, terrible apostrophe to Nature : — •
4:00 XIII. MR. KIRKMAN ON ANIMAL NATURE IN KING LEAR.
" Common mother tliou,
Whose womb unmeasurable and infinite breast
Teems, and feeds all ; whose selfsame mettle
Whereof thy proud child, arrogant man, is puffed,
Engenders the black toad and adder blue,
The gilded newt, and eyeless venomed worm,
Go great with tigers, dragons, wolves, and bears," &c. ;
or even that other fearful outpouring of the wide law of common
destructiveness and destruction, when he describes Apemantus as a
beast among beasts, and details his beastly ambition, so utterly
without an element of kinship to Timon's inherent nobleness, just as
Samuel told the Israelites all the tyrannies and the taxation, the
spoliation and subjugation, that lay dormant in the glowing, romantic
title of King. We may take Timon, Acts iv. and v., with King Lear,
as confirmation of the theory that so inevitable, so radical, so deep a
consciousness, by moral intuition or perception, as Darwin and the
Evolutionists have since demonstrated biologically, of the common
nature of proud, boastful man, and the creatures he in his religious
exclusiveness scorns to own as his ancestors, was in Shakspere's soul
because it was in Nature herself. And while many scattered allusions
may be found in his plays (as most people daily acknowledge colloqui-
ally what they theoretically deny), declarative of this brotherhood of
all the lower qualities of our nature, in King Lear he lias intentionally
organized it. It is the keynote of the play. There is, perhaps, we
may as well observe, hardly anything in the True Chronicle historie
of King Leir and his three daughters, 1605, to suggest this as a
foundation of his own structure to Shakspere. There are some
stray allusions, but none worthy to rank with Shakspere's own,
except
" fell vipers as they are " (p. 383).
A Natural History companion to Shakspere is still a want : and so
is the extension of the New Shakspere Society, which, perhaps, may
lead to the other.
So, in conclusion, even if we might find' more pleasing delight in
the associations traced in Midsummer Night's Dream, or in As You
Like It, let us, without mawkish hesitation out of love to dogs or
pride in self, see how the ruling melody in King Lear and Timon,
XIII. MR. KIRKMAN ON ANIMAL NATURE IN KING LEAR. 401
the theme of the fugue that reappears through all varieties of harmonies
and sequences, is that although the high moral intuitions attained
through long development from lower nature and organization, as
Mr. Herbert Spencer traces, distinguish man immeasurably from the
ranks below him,
" Life's struggle having so far reached its term :
Thence shall I pass, approved
A man, for aye removed
From the developed brute ; a God, though in the germ."
(Browning : l Ben Ezra?)
Yet, if the nobler qualities of reverence, fidelity, conscience, and
righteousness are foregone, man/aZ^ bacJc to the ranks from which
he came, reasserts his low original : woman is a serpent, a vulture,
and a fox ; man is a dog, a rat, a vermin : just as petals return to
stamens in roses ; as their identical form and colour with green leaves
reassert themselves in the middle of a cherry blossom ; as tribes revert
to savageness ; as dogs and cats would revert from domesticity and
virtues to wildness and villainy : and so any human being individually
knows he could too easily sink, unless he will
tl Look upward, working out the beast,
And let the ape and tiger die." (Tennyson.)
I could have worked out this Shaksperian study in Natural
History more efficiently, but my own menagerie is a busy suburban
parish, wherein are many sweet creatures, harmless as doves, wise as
serpents ; and some of other sorts.
APPENDIX.
LIST OF ANIMALS IN KING LEAH.
Act Scene
Adder, stung jealous of ... ... Edmund V. i. 94*
Ant, set thee to school to ... ... Fool ... II. iv. 42
Ass, on thy back barest thy Fool ... I. iv. 22
Ass, knows when cart draws horse ... Fool ... I. iv. 23,
* Page in ' Clarendon ' Lear.
402 XIII. MR. KIRKMAN ON ANIMAL NATURE IN KING LEAR.
Act
Scen<
>
Asses, thy, are gone about them
Fool
I.
V.
29
Bear, cub-drawn, couch in this night
Gentleman
III.
i.
50
Bear, meat a, in the mouth ...
Lear
III.
iv.
56
Bear, thou 'Idst shun a
Lear
III.
iv.
56
Bear, the head-lugged, lick ...
Albany ...
IV.
ii.
73
Bears, tied by the neck
Fool
II.
iv.
40
Beast, man brought near to
Edgar . . .
II.
iii.
39
Beast, thou owest, no hide
Lear
III.
iv.
58
Boar-ish fangs in anointed flesh
Gloucester
III.
vii.
67
Bird, 0 well flow] i!
Lear
IV.
vi.
82
Birds, sing like, in cage
Lear
V.
iii.
95
Beetles, scarce so gross as
Edgar . . .
IV.
vi.
80
Butterfties, laugh at gilded
Lear
V.
iii.
95
Cat, thou ow'st no perfume ...
Lear
III.
iv.
58
Cat. Pur ! cat is gray !
Edgar . . .
III.
vi.
63
Crows wing midway air
Edgar . . .
IV.
vi.
80
Crow-keeper, handles his bow like
Lear
IV.
vi.
82
Choughs wing midway air
Edgar . . .
IV.
vi.
80
CW-dung for sallets ...
Edgar ...
III.
iv.
59
Cow-ish terror of spirit
Goneril ...
IV.
ii.
72
Cock, fiend walks till first
Edgar . . .
III.
iv.
59
Cuckoo, hedge-sparrow fed
Fool
I.
iv.
23
Dragon, and his wrath ...
Lear
I.
i.
5
DOGS :
Brack, by fire and stink
Fool
I.
iv.
20
Brach, or lym ......
Edgar . . .
III.
vi.
63
Cur, you !
Lear
I.
iv.
19
Cur, and the creature run from
Lear
IV.
vi.
84
Curs, Avaunt you ...
Edgar . . .
III.
vi.
63
Dog you ' ... ... ...
Lear
I.
iv.
19
Dog, Truth's a, must to kennel
Fool ...
I.
iv.
20
Dog, your father's, if I were
Kent ...
IT.
ii.
38
Dog, in madness
Edgar . . .
III.
iv.
59
Dog, how now, you !
Regan . . .
III.
vii.
68
Z%-hearted daughters
Kent ...
IV.
iii.
76
Dog, they flattered me like a
Lear
IV.
vi.
83
Dog 's obeyed in office ...
Lear
IV.
vi.
84
Dog, farmer's, bark at beggar
Lear
IV.
vi.
84
Dog, mine enemy's ...
Cordelia
IV.
vii
89
Dog, why should have life ...
Lear
V.
iii.
106
Dogs, know nought but following . . .
Kent ...
II.
ii.
36
Dogs, tied by the neck ... ...
Fool ...
II.
iv.
40
Dogs, the little, bark at me ... ....
Lear
III.
vi.
63
Dogs leap the hatch ... ...
Edgar . . .
III.
vi.
63
Dogs, a semblance dogs disdained . . .
Edgar . . .
V.
iii.
101
Dog, Tom swallows the ditch-dog . . .
Edgar . . .
III.
iv.
59
XIII. MR. KIRKMAN ON ANIMAL NATURE IN KING LEAR. 403
Act
Scent
>
Greyhound ...
Fid gar
III.
vi.
63
Hound ...
Edaar
III.
"vi.
63
Li j in . .
•^ »7 * * *
Edgar
III.
vi.
63
Mastiff
Edgar
III.
vi.
63
Mongrel, where's that
Lear
I.
iv.
18
Mongrel, grim
Edgar . . .
III.
vi.
63
Mongrel bitch, son and heir of
Kent ...
II.
ii.
34
Spaniel
Edgar
III.
vi.
63
Tike, bobtail
Edgar . . .
III.
vi.
63
Trundle- tail
Edgar . . .
III.
vi.
63
Tray, Blanche, and Sweetheart
Lear
III.
vi.
63
Eels, as cockney did to
Fool ...
II.
iv.
43
Fish, to eat no ...
Kent
I.
iv.
17
Fox, when one has caught her
Fool
I.
iv.
26
Fox in stealth
Edgar
III.
iv.
58
Fox, ingrateful ... ... ...
Regan . . .
III.'
vii.
66
Foxes, now you she- ...
Lear
III.
vi.
62
Foxes, fire us hence like
Lear
V.
iii.
95
Flies, to wanton boys ...
Gloucester
IV.
i.
70
Fly, small gilded
Lear
IY.
vi.
70
Frog, Tom eats the swimming
Edgar . . .
III.
iv.
59
Fitchew, nor soiled horse goes to it ...
Lear
IV.
vi.
59
Goose, if I had you on Sarurn plain . . .
Kent
II.
ii.
36
Geese, wild-, fly that way if ...
Fool
II.
iv.
41
Hedge-sparrow, fed cuckoo
Fool
I.
iv.
23
Halcyon, beaks, turn their ... ....
Kent ...
II.
ii.
36
Herring, Tom cries for two white
Edgar . . .
III.
vi.
62
Hog in sloth ...
Edgar . . .
III.
iv.
58
Horse, nor the soiled
Lear
IV.
vi.
58
Horse, when cart draws the ...
Fool
I.
iv.
23
Horse, in pure kindness to
Fool
II.
iv.
43
Horse, straight took ...
Kent ...
II.
iv.
41
Horse, to ride ...
Edgar . . .
III.
iv.
59
Horse's health, mad that trusts
Fool ...
III.
vi.
62
Horse, shoe a troop of, with felt
Lear
IV.
vi.
84
Horse, why should, have life ...
Lear
V.
iii
106
Horse, and away to ... ... ...
Goneril ...
I.
iv.
27
Horse, ride on a bay, trotting
Edgar . . .
ii r.
iv.
57
Horses, saddle my
Lear
i.
iv.
24
Horses, prepare my
Lear
i.
iv.
25
Horses, for thy mistress get ...
Cornwall
in.
vii.
66
Horses, are the, ready ...
Lear
i.
V.
29
Horses, be my, ready ...
Lear
i.
v.
29
Horses are tied by the heads ...
Fool
ii.
iv.
40
Kite, detested, thou liest
Lear
i.
iv.
25
Larlc, the shrill-gorged
Edgar . . .
IV.
vi.
81
404 XIII. MR. KIRKMAN ON ANIMAL NATURE IN KING LEAR.
Act
Scene
Lion, the, and wolf keep fur dry
Gentleman
III.
i.
50
Lion, in prey ..,
Edr/ar
III.
iv.
58
Mice, and rats, and such small deer . . .
f/ ' ' *
Edgar ...
III.
iv.
59
Mouse, look, look, a ! . . .
Lear
IV.
vi.
82
Monster, sea-, more hideous than
Lear
I.
iv.
25
Monsters of the deep, like
Albany ...
IV.
ii.
73
Neivt, the water-, and the wall-,
Edgar . . .
III.
iv.
59
Nightingale, in voice of, fiend
Edgar . . .
III.
vi.
62
Oyster, how makes his shell
Fool ...
I.
V.
28
Owl, comrade with wolf and ...
Lear
II.
iv.
46
Pelican, those, daughters
Lear
III.
iv.
58
Rat, a, have life, and thou no breath ...
Lear
V.
iii.
106
Mat1 s-bane by his porridge
Edgar . . .
III.
iv.
57
Mats, like, bite holy cords
Kent ...
II.
ii.
36
Rats, mice and, and such small deer ...
Edgar . . .
III.
iv.
59
Snail, why a, has a house
Fool
I.
v.
28
Serpent's tooth, sharper than ...
Lear
I.
iv.
25
Serpent-like, most, her tongue
Lear
It
iv.
45
Serpent, this gilded
Albany ...
V.
iii.
97
Swine, to level thee with
Cordelia
IV.
vii.
89
Sheep, no wool, thou owest
Lear
III.
iv.
58
Sumpter to this detested groom
Lear
II.
iv.
47
Tad-pole, the, Poor Tom eats ...
Edgar . . .
III.
iv.
59
Toad, the, Poor Tom eats
Edgar . . .
III.
iv.
59
ToacZ-spotted traitor
Edgar . . .
V.
iii.
99
Tigers, not daughters ...
Albany ...
IV.
ii.
73
Vermin, and to kill
Edgar . . .
III.
iv.
60
Vulture, a, sharp- tooth'd, unkindness
Lear
II.
iv.
44
Wolf, and owl, comrade with
Lear
IL
iv.
46
Wolf, belly-pinched, keep fur drj
Gentleman
III.
i.
50
Wolf, in greediness ...
Edgar . . .
III.
iv.
58
Wolf, trusts in tameness of
Fool
III.
vi.
62
Wolves, howl'd at thy gate
Gloucester
III.
vii.
67
Worm, no silk, thou owesfc
Lear
III.
iv.
58
Worm, made me think man a
Gloucester
IV.
i.
70
Wagtail, you ! . . .
Kent
II.
ii.
35
Wren, the, goes to it ...
Lear
IV.
vi.
35
Summary :
Sixty-four different names of animals, counting dog only once,
but counting each kind of dog, except Tray, Blanche, and Sweetheart.
The persons who allude to animals , are, Lear, Edgar, Fool,
Edmund, Albany, Cornwall, Gloucester, Kent, Gentleman, Eegan,
Goneril, and Cordelia. Of these, 132 separate mentions : exclusive of
XIII. ME. KIRKMAN ON ANIMAL NATURE IN KING LEAR. 405
such terms as apish, bemonster, gossamer, feathers, eggs, nature's
germens, crawl to death. 102 times by three characters : viz., 44 by
Lear; 39 by Edgar; 19 by Fool.
KING HENRY THE SIXTH: Part 2.
ANIMALS.
Times named
Adder
1
Heifer
Ban-dogs . . .
1
Horse
Basilisk . . .
3
Jades
Bear
4
Kite
Beast
1
Lamb
Bees
4
Lion
Birds
3
Lizard
Bucks
1
Ox
Calf
2
Ostrich ...
Caterpillars
2
Partridge
Chicken ...
2
Puttock
Crocodile
1
Palfrey
Crows
1
Porcupine
Curs
3
Eaven
Dog
o
Snake
Doves
'.'.'. 2
Scorpion ...
Drones . . .
1
Serpent ...
Deer
1
Sheep ...s
Eagles
1
Screech-owl
Falcon . . .
2
Spider "
Fowl
1
Wren ...
Fox
3
"Worm
Hawk ...
2
Wolves
46
names of animals ; 88 separate mentions.
Times named
1
3
1
4
4
2
1
3
1
1
1
1
1
2
2
1
4
3
2
1
1
1
3
KING HENRY THE SIXTH: Part 3.
ANIMALS.
Basilisk . . .
Bear
Bear-whelp
Beast
Times named
1
1
1
1
Bird
Beaver
Bug
Bull
Times named
6
1
1
1
406 XIII. MR. KIRKMAN ON ANIMAL NATURE IN KING LEAR.
Times named
Times named
1
2
1
Chameleon 1 Night-crow
Coney 1 Owl
Cur 1 Night-Owl
Deer 3 Screech Owl
Dogs 2 Neat
Doves ... ... ... 2 Pies
Eagle 3 Phoenix
Ewes 1 Eaven
Falcon 1 Stale
Fowl 1 Steeds
Fox ... ... ... 1 Serpent ...
Flies 1 Sheep
Greyhound 1 Swan ...
Gnats 1 Tiger
Hare ... ... ... 1 Toads ... ... ...
Horse 2 Worm
Lion ... ... ... 7 Woodcock
Lamb ... ... ... 5 Wolves ...
Lizards ... 1 She- Wolf
Mole (-hill) ... 2
47 names of animals, including phoenix ; 80 separate mentions,
A3 YOU LIKE IT.
ANIMALS.
Times named
Ass ...
I
Deer
Ape
1
Doe
Animals on dunghills ...
1
Ewes
Boar
1
Fawn
Bird ...
3
Falcon
Beast
2
Goats
Curs
1
Hyen
Coney
1
Hogs
Cow ...
1
Horse
Chanticleer
1
Hart
Capon
1
Hind
Cock
1
Lion
Civet
2
Lioness
Cat
1
Lambs
Dog
3
Monster
Dog-apes ... ...
1
Mutton
Times named
6
1
3
1
1
2
1
1
5
1
1
1
3
1
1
1
XIII. MR. KIRKMAN OX ANIMAL NATURE IN KING LEAR. 407
Times named
Times named
Monkey ...
1
Rams
2
Oyster
1
Sheep
... 5
Parrot ...
1
Snake
2
Phoenix . . .
1
Swans
1
Horn beasts
1
Sparrow ...
1
Pigeons . . .
3
Stag
1
Ox
2
Wasp
1
Pard
1
Weasel ...
1
Eat
1
Wild-goose
2
Ravens . . .
1
Wolves ...
1
Snail
3
Worms ...
3
Stalking-horse
1
Toad
1
56
names of animals ; 90 separate mentions.
MIDSUMMER NIGHTS DREAM.
ANIMALS,
Times named
Times named
Ass
7
Goose
4
Adder
3
Griffin
1
Ape
1
Glowworm
1
Beasts
3
Hound
5
Wild-beasts
1
Hog
2
Beetles ...
1
Hedgehog
1
Bear
8
Pard
1
Boar
1
Birds
3
Blindworm
1
Hind
1
Bull
2
Humble bees
2
Butterflies
1
Horse
! . . r>
Bat
1
Leviathan
i
Cat
2
Lion
... 29
Colt
1
Lark
2
Crab
1
Mare
1
Choughs ...
Cuckoo . . .
1
1
Monster ...
Mouse
2
'..'. 2
Cur
1
Monkey ...
1
Dog
4
Newts
1
Dolphin ...
Doves
1
3
Nightingale
Owl
1
1
Duck
1
Ousel cock
1
Fox
2
Ounce
1
Finch
1
Philomel
2
Foal
1
Spaniel ...
2
408 XIII. MR. KIRKMAN ON ANIMAL NATURE IN KING LEAR.
Times named Times named
Throstle . 1
Spiders ... ... ... 1
Spinners ... ... ... 1
Snakes ... 2
Serpents ... ... ... 5
Sparrow ... .... ... 1
Screech-owl ... ... 1
Squirrel ... ... ... 1
Snail 1
Tiger ... ... ... 1
Reremice... ... ... 1
Wolf 2
Wood birds 1
Worms 2
Wildfowl 1
Wren 1
66 names of animals : 146 separate mentions.
Mr. EURNIVALL : We all join, I am sure, in thanks to Mr. Kirk man
for his admirably read and happily-written Paper. Besides its value
as an Essay on Lear, it has this further worth : some of us who had
only noted how Shakspere has always made the non-animal Nature
of sun, cloud, and storm, sympathise with man, and harmonise with
the tone of his plays ; we can now add to our notes, that Shakspere
has in like manner made animal nature sympathise, harmonise, with
the motive of each play. One accepts the fact as a matter of course
as soon as it's stated ; but tho' I had in my Leopold- Introduction
comment on Lucrece printed a list of parallelisms to show how its
allusions to rapacious animals suited its tone, as well as that of 2 &
3 Henry VI, I hadn't noted the same fact in Lear, or seen cause
to stretch the principle over all Shakspere's work. But I still make
an exception in the case of non-animal nature in Venus $ Adonis, in
which " from whatever source came the impulse to take from Ovid
the heated story of the heathen goddess's lust, we cannot forbear
noticing how thro' this stifling atmosphere Shakspere has blown the
fresli "breezes of English meads and downs." — Leopold Sh. Intro.
p. xxx.
cousin, sb. Henry V., I. ii. 235. Mihi immortal Has parta est.
I am in heauen : I am now cousen to God almightie. R. Bernard's
Terence in English, p. 105, ed. 1607 (1st ed. 1598).
invent, v. write, compose. As You Like It, IV. iii. 28, " neither
was I Greenes companion any more than for a carowse or two, nor
pincht with any vngenMeman-like want, when I inuented Pierce
Pennilesse" 1592. — T. Nash, Strange Newes, sign. H. 1, back.
jet, vb. Cymbeline, III. iii. 5. Loe. I see here goe letting [incedere
video] that honest fellow Parmeno; but see, a gods name, ho we
carelesse he is. — R. Bernard's Terence in English, p. 176, ed. 1607
(1st ed. 1598).
pass, v. tr. care, care for. 2 Henri/ VI., IV. ii. 136. But thou
perhaps doest little passe [parvi pendis] what becomes of mp, so thou
maist make some shift for him. — R. Bernard's Terence in English, p.
238, ed. 1607 (1st ed. 1598).
409
XIV.
"YON GREY LINES THAT FRET THE CLOUDS,'
IN JULIUS CJESAR, II. i. 103-4.
BY MR. RUSKIN.
(Read at the ±5th Meeting of the Society, Oct. 11, 1878.)
[Mr. EURNIVALL said : " Miss Hickey askt me whether I was
satisfied with Mr. Aldis Wright's meaning of this fret : " that mark
the clouds with interlacing lines like fretwork." * (Clarendon Press
ed., p. 126). She was not : she thought fret here was to eat away,
(for-etan). I said that I couldn't answer her question because I
didn't know enough of Nature to tell what appearance in the clouds
Shakspere meant to describe; and I should therefore refer the point
to Mr. Ruskin. He was good enough to send me the two following
letters on it :]
1 Schmidt gives here, *fret, to variegate.' The word conies from the
Gothic prep, fra, and the verb itan, to eat; fra-itan, to eat up ; just as Germ.
fressen, ver-essen, to eat up (Skeat). The Anglo-Saxon fmtan, is to ' fret, tear,
eat up : ' and its derivatives, fratman, fratmian, are to ' fret, adorn.' In
Layamon, 1. 31677, we have, "let j?u £>a hundes [Englishmen] : hannen (perish}
to-gaderes, eiZerfreten ofcer : swa hund £e$ his broker" (iii. 274). In Genesis
and Exodus, 1. 2101, " $e lene [kine] hauen $e fettefreten." In William and
the Wei-wolf, p. 9, 1. 87, of the Wolf :
" For reuliche gan he rore • and rente all his hide,
kfret oft of )>e erj?e ' & fel doun on swowe."
In Chaucer (description of Diana's temple, in) Knight's Tale. 1. 2008 :
" Then saugh I Attheon / an hart ymaked
For vengeaunce / f>at he saugh Diana all naked
I saugh / how J?at hise houndes / haue hym caught,
Andfreeten hym / for {?at they knewe hym naught.
In 1603, J. Florio. Montaigne (ed. 1634, p. 266). — " The Barbie fishes, if
one of them chance to be engaged, will set the line against their backes, and
with a fin they have, toothed like a sharp saw, presently saw and fret the sumo
asunder."
410 XIV. MR. RUSKIN ON FRET IN JULIUS CAESAR, II. i. 103-4.
" Brantivood,
" Coniston, Lancashire.
" MY DEAR FURNIVALL,
" Of course, in any great writer's word, the question is
far less what the word came from, than where it has come to. Fret
means all manner of things in that place ; primarily, the rippling of
clouds — as sea by wind ; secondarily, the breaking it asunder for
light to come through. It implies a certain degree of vexation — some
dissolution — much order, and extreme beauty. I have myself used
this word substantively, to express the rippled edge of a wing-feather.
In architecture and jewellery it means simply roughening in a
decorative manner.1
" Ever affectionately yours,
" J. EUSKIN."
"Edinburgh, 29th Sept., 1878.
"DEAR FURNIVALL,
" Your kind letter comes to me here, and I must answer
on this paper, for, if that bit of note is really of any use to you, you
must please add this word or two more, in printing, as it wouldn't
do to let it be such a mere fret on the vault of its subject. You say
not one man in 150 knows what the line means : my dear Furnivall,
not one man in 15,000, in the 19th century, knows, or ever can know,
what any line — or any word means, used by a great writer. For most
words stand for things that are seen, or things that are thought of: and
in the 19th century there is certainly not one man in 15,000 who ever
looks at anything, and not one in 15,000,000 capable of a thought.
Take the intelligence of this word in this line for example — the root of
the whole matter is first, that the reader should have seen, what he has
often heard of, but probably not seen twice in his life — ' Daybreak/
Next, it is needful he should think, what ' break ' means in that word
— what is broken, namely, and by what. That is to say, the cloud of
night is Broken up, as a city is broken up (Jerusalem, when Zedekiah
fled), as a school breaks up, as a constitution, or a ship, is broken up ;
in every case with a not inconsiderable change of idea, and addition
1 In modern English 'chasing 'has got confused with it, but should be
separated again,
XIV. MR. RUSKIN ON FRET IX JULIUS C^SAR, II. i. 103-4. 411
to the central word. This breaking up is done by the Day, which
breaks, — out, as a man breaks, or bursts out, from his restraint in a
passion ; breaks down in tears ; or breaks in, as from heaven to earth
— with a breach in the cloud wall of it ; or breaks out — with sense of
outwards — as the sun — out and out, farther and farther, after rain.
Well ; next, the thing that the day breaks up is partly a garment, rent,
more than broken ; a mantle, the day itself " in russet mantle clad " —
the blanket of the dark, torn to be peeped through — whereon instantly
you get into a whole host of new ideas ; fretting, as a moth frets a
garment ; unravelling at the edge, afterwards ; — thence you get into
fringe, which is an entirely double word, meaning partly a thing that
guards, and partly a thing that is worn away on the ground ; the
French Frange has I believe a reminiscence of 0p«cr<7win it — our 'fringe'
runs partly towards frico and friction — both are essentially connected
with frango, and the fringe of ' breakers ' at the shores of all seas,
and the breaking of the ripples and foam all over them — but this
wholly different in a northern mind, which has only seen the sea
4 Break, break, break, on its cold gray stones '—
and a southern, which has seen a hot sea on hot sand break into
lightning of phosphor flame — half a mile of fire in an instant — follow-
ing in time, like the flash of minute guns. Then come the great new
ideas of order and time, and
' I did but tell her she mistook ner frets,'
And bowed her hand,' &c.,
and so the timely succession of either ball, flower, or dentil, in archi-
tecture : but this, again, going off to a totally different and still
lovely idea, the main one in the word aurifn'gium — which roote,d
once in aurifex, went on in Etruscan work, followed in Florence,
into a much closer connection with frigid-its — their style being
always in frosted gold — (see the dew on a cabbage-leaf — or better,
on a grey lichen, in early sunshine) — going back, nobody knows how
far, but to the Temple of the Dew of Athens, and gold of Mycenae,
anyhow ; and in Etruria to the Deluge, I suppose. "Well then, the
notion of the music of morning comes in — with strings of lyre (or
frets of Katharine's instrument, whatever it was) and stops of various
N. s. soc. TUANS, 1877-9. ^8
412 XIV. MR. BUSKIN ON FRET IN JULIUS CAESAR, II. 1. 103-4.
quills ; which gets us into another group beginning with plectrum,
going aside again into plico and plight, and Milton's
' Play in the plighted clouds '
' — (the quills on the fretful porcupine are all thought of, first, in their
piped complexity like rushes, before the standing up in ill temper) —
and so on into the plight of folded drapery, — and round again to our
"blanket. I think that's enough to sketch out the compass of the
word. Of course the real power of it in any place depends on the
writer's grasp of it, and use of the facet he wants to cut with."
In confirmation of Mr. Raskin's view, Mr. HARRISON cited the
parallel lines in Romeo and Juliet, III. v. 7, 8,
' look, love, what envious streaks
Do lace the severing clouds in yonder east,"
where the streaks of light — grey light too, as the " yon grey " of
1. 19 shows — are not like lace on the clouds, but behind and bursting
through the crevices that the severing clouds leave between them,
ragged-edged, fretted and pierced like lace. In colour, form, fact,
the two passages correspond with nature.
Miss HICKEY quoted a line from Greene's Looking Glass for
London,
" Until the Lard unfret his angry brows,"
as showing that (fret '* was used for the lines of the frowning brow.
Mr. J. NEWBY HETHERINGTON said : " I have always taken * fret '
in this Julius Ccesar passage to mean ' eat away/ and hence to
' break through,' and till I saw the note in the Clarendon Press
Edition I never thought of ' Ornament.' So far as my experience
goes, the light does seem to break through the clouds at early dawn,
especially if the sky be overcast after a stormy night ; and the night
referred to had been very stormy. I well remember the gloomy
daybreak, seen from a railway carriage, after the lamps had gone
out, when the first sign of dawn, were grey rents, patches and lines
in the clouds ; these gradually became larger, and the edges of the
clouds were torn or fringed. At last there came a dusky red which,
as the clouds gathered together, soon disappeared. Of course on a
cloudless morning the signs of dawn would be very different, and
I think it is well to bear in mind that the dawn referred to in the
play followed a tempestuous night."
Mr. Juu SANJO said that in crossing the ocean three times in his
journeys from Japan to England and back, he had noticed the lines
of light breaking through the clouds as described by Shakspere,
Mr. Ruskin, and Mr. Hetherington.
Mr. EDWARD ROSE also said that in very early mornings before
dawn he had remarked the same lines.
413
XV.
ON HAMLET'S " SOME DOZEN OE SIXTEEN LINES " :
AN ATTEMPT TO REBUT THE ARGUMENTS BOTH OF
MR. MALLESON AND PROF. SEELEY
(Transactions for 1874, p. 465—498).
BY
C. M. INGLEBY, LL.D.
(Read at the 31st Meeting of the Society, February 9, 1877.)
IN Henry Jones' play of The Earl of Essex, Act V. sc. i., Essex
entrusts his ring (the Queen's gift) to the Countess of Nottingham
for delivery to the royal donor, the " sacred pledge of mercy" serving
to enforce his suit for pardon. In the following scene Elizabeth asks
the treacherous confidante —
" What, said he nothing of a private import ?
No circumstance — no pledge — no ring 3 "
to which the Countess replies, " None, Madam." This was in course
of performance at Drury Lane towards the end of the last century ;
and no sooner had the actress (Mrs. Davenport probably) delivered
this reply, than a man in the gallery, utterly unconscious of the
unreality of the scene, bawled out, " You lying jade ! you know you've
got it on you now."
Mr. Malleson pays Shakspere almost as great a compliment.
Incredible as it appears, he entirely forgets that the inner play is
but a part of Shakspere's Hamlet ; that Hamlet writes no speech
at all — whether of six, twelve, or eighteen lines ; nor recites
such a speech ; that Shakspere simply wrote the entire play as one
continuous whole — certainly making large additions to his first sketch,
but as certainly not writing any addition in persona, Hamleti ;
28 *
414 XV. DR. INGLEBY ON HAMLET* S
still less writing an addition to a play which he had previously
written in the character of the author of an Italian morality 1 I say
it would be incredible, were it not demonstrable, that Mr. Malleson
has repeated the man in the gallery's mistake; but the proof is
patent. Not only does he say of the lines constituting the largest
speech (of the Player-King), " If they are those Hamlet wrote " (p.
467); not only does he suspect that "Hamlet altered the manner
of the murder in the old play " (p. 469) ; not only does he ask
whether the short speech of Lucianus contains " anything to make
us say, ' JSTot by Hamlet ' " (p. 474) ; remarks which are not incon-
sistent with his recollection of the fact that Hamlet really writes
nothing : but he says (p. 480), " When he [Hamlet] sat down with
the play before him he may have written twenty or twenty-six ; "
and asks (p. 481), "May not Hamlet have inserted his lines in sub-
stitution for others which he struck out 1 " and what is still more
conclusive, remarks (p. 471) : "It [Hamlet's addition] contained
probably more than the half-dozen lines which were all Lucianus was
able to deliver, before Hamlet a third time interrupted him, and the
king rose, frighted with false fire." So that we are constrained to
believe that Mr. Malleson had completely lost sight of Shakspere ;
that he unconsciously took the tragedy of Hamlet as a reality ; the
Inner Play only being a drama ; that Hamlet really wrote some lines,
say from twelve to sixteen ; that he inserted them in the Italian
Play ; and that he and the King together stopped the old actor (who
played Lucianus) in his recital of the lines, so that he could get out
only half-a-dozen of them, and we lose the rest in the verbatim report
of the proceedings which has come down to us.
Professor Seeley seems to have received Mr. Malleson's naivete
with the greatest gravity ; and only when his opponent forces upon
him his extraordinary misprision does the Professor gently call Mr.
Malleson's attention to the fact which must have come upon him like
a thunderbolt ; that " Shakspere was in reality the author of both
text and sermon," and that Hamlet's "speech of some dozen or
sixteen lines," was a mock insertion written by Shakspere himself
(p. 488).
But not — the Professor would insist upon this — not by any means
XV. DR. INGLEBY ON HAMLEl's "DOZEN OR SIXTEEN LINES." 415
as an essential part of the Inner Play ; in a word, that Shakspere, in
the course of writing the Inner Play remembered the promised speech
and wrote an addition for Hamlet, incorporating it with one of the
speeches of the Player King. Now certainly this is a little step in
advance ; Professor Seeley has not wholly forgotten where he was,
as Mr. Malleson is proved to have done ; but notwithstanding he
has not the remotest notion of the method upon which a first-class
artist, like Shakspere, constructs and executes any of his dramatic
works.
To trace into its issues every suggestion in the play, so that the
event should justify the hint, is (in Hamlet's phrase), "to consider too
curiously." Why so ? Because the drama is a work of art. It is
indeed a happy imitation of Nature, and reflects the manners of the
time, but it differs from biography and history in this — that it is a
work of Dramatic art, a contrivance for imposing upon the spectator,
so that he shall take no account of the actual and real time, place, and
circumstance, and with conscious cooperation with the play, almost
forget that he is in a play-house, that the duration of the play is a
matter of from two to three hours, that the events are transacted on a
platform, and the other thousand and one (or if you will, dozen or
sixteen hundred), minute absurdities, which are essential to such a
microcosm.
If a real Prince in Hamlet's place were to essay the detection of
guilt by the device of a play performed before the suspected criminal,
he might compose and insert a few lines to add point and force to the
ordeal. If he did so, and we were present at the play, we should
hear the lines recited, and might exercise our ingenuity in finding out
which they were. If we had a short-hand report of the play as
performed, we should the more readily do this. We might then
vivisect the dialogue and speeches ; apply to them all conceivable
tests, qualitative and quantitative ; sesthetic and biographical ;
metrical and verbal j and we might very well succeed in eliminating
the lines in question. If we failed it would be our fault ; for the
lines would be there.
Are we to suppose that Shakspere in composing Hamlet followed
pari passu the course of such a series of events 1 Surely not ! To
416 XV. DR. INGLEBY ON HAMLET'S
do so would be to suppose him wholly deficient in the simplest art of
the play-wright.
The very notion of dramatic art implies contrivance ; a compromise
with facts effected by means of device, with these objects : (1) To
economize natural events, and so to abridge them into the smallest
possible dimensions consistent with their intelligible progress. (2) To
throw them into the " falsely true " perspective of a diorama ; and
make the short and restricted, the " little brief " cluster of events,
which are witnessed on the stage, seem long and large as natural
events. (3) To make them intelligible by pleasing dialogue and
soliloquy, supported by the lower concrete art of dress, situation, and
scenery. The lower the art, the more necessary is the closeness of
imitation ; so that dress, action, and scene, must be as real as possible ;
and the reality is in the specified order. Dress is real, not simulated,
dress ; action is action, but simulated action ; and scene (so far as it
supersedes the ordinary carpentry of the stage), is not scenery at all,
but scene-painting. The closer the imitation of concrete reality, the
lower is the art ; therefore dress is the lowest of all ; and the spoken
drama is the highest.
With these views kept clearly in mind, we shall plainly perceive
to how debased a condition is Shakspere reduced by those who
interpret one of his plays as if he had manufactured it as a dry
imitation of biography or history. On that supposition the following
would be his procedure. As soon as he had found or constructed
his plot for Hamlet, and decided upon the Inner Play scene, he
either composed an original pseudo-antique drama, or he found an
old Italian play suitable to his purpose and adopted it, or adopted
and adapted it. Then he conceived the device of Hamlet's seasoning
to the old dish ; as if Shakspere might not have seasoned it himself,
when he composed, or adapted the old play. Then having played
the part of the old author, he now plays the part of Hamlet, and in
hdc person^ writes just a dozen or sixteen lines to insert in the play,
and that being so, we ought to find them there.
Now I venture to say, that, such a portrait of Shakspere, the
dramatic artist, was never drawn before it fell to the lot of Mr.
Malleson to paint it. How utterly unlike the original is such a
XV. DR. INGLEBY ON HAMLEl's "DOZEN OR SIXTEEN LINES.'1 417
picture ! Sliakspere's procedure, as I understand the matter, was
this. In the course of enlarging the first sketch he conceived the
design of making it the vehicle for the highest possible instruction
in the art of elocution. The play scene was already devised ;
and he had therefore to introduce the players as arriving at the
Court of Elsinore. Here Shakspere found the occasion he wanted.
He would make Hamlet instruct the player ; the first gentleman in
Denmark instruct the vagrant showman. He would here teach the
clown and the tragedian how to behave themselves. But how was
Hamlet to do this ? He would hardly be supposed to know by heart
the roles of a strolling player. So Shakspere makes Hamlet speak as
if he had already recited to the player a speech of his own composition,
and makes Hamlet thereupon give the old man his instructions. But
having made or found the occasion he wanted, he had to prepare the
audience for the supposed recitation. Without any preparation the
audience would be shocked by Hamlet's remarks :
" Speak the speech, I pray you, as I pronounced it to you, trippingly
on the tongue."
But he has not pronounced any such speech ; so then it became
a necessity for Shakspere to represent Hamlet at a former interview,
imparting to the old player his intention of writing a speech of " some
dozen or sixteen lines," for insertion in the murder of Gonzago. So
we have Hamlet asking :
" Can you play the murder of Gonzago ?
1st Player. Ay, my lord.
Hamlet. We'll have it to-morrow night. You could, for a need,
study a speech of some dozen or sixteen lines, which I would set
down and insert in 't 1 could you not 1
1st Player. Ay, my lord."
Observe how naturally the preparation is made. The audience are
not shocked here, they already know that Hamlet intends to make
the old play the instrument of tenting his uncle to the quick, so they
receive the remark about Hamlet's " some dozen or sixteen lines,"
as perfectly natural to the situation. But all the while Shakspere's
object (here kept wholly out of view) was to prepare the audience for
his own lesson (voce Hamleti) on elocution. Moreover, as a further
preparative, he makes Hamlet recite part of the Pyrrhus speech, so
418 XV. DR. INGLEBY ON HAMLEl's
that the audience should not wonder that Hamlet was au fait in
dramatic propriety.
Note, now, that as soon as Hamlet has given the old player his
lesson, the dramatic need of the " speech of some dozen or sixteen
lines" is satisfied, and we can have no further concern in them. The
suggestion served (1) to prepare the way to Hamlet's advice ; (2) to
suggest the probability, vague to the last degree, that Hamlet touched
and tinkered the old play to suit his purpose more completely.
Professor Seeley objects to Mr. Malleson's selection of six lines,
that, "it is not twelve or sixteen" (p. 477) ; but truly nothing can
be vaguer than the phrase u some dozen or sixteen lines." The phrase
"dozen or sixteen "is but a little more than several; the phrase
" dozen or fourteen " means just as much and just as little (cf. Henry
V. II. i., where Mrs. Quickly says :
" No, by my troth, not long ; for we cannot lodge and board a
dozen or fourteen gentlewomen, that live honestly," &c.
Then the qualification of " some " makes the phrase, if anything, one
degree vaguer. All that Hamlet's proposal can mean is, that he
wishes the old player to study an insertion, or several insertions, just
as Hamlet should decide upon. We know nothing as to his decision,
save the fact of some lines being rehearsed.
If Shakspere had intended us to find them in the old play, we
should have had Hamlet's recitation of them, or a sufficient glance
at their purport to serve our purpose. That there is no indication,
convinces me that as soon as Hamlet has instructed the old player,
the function of the supposed insertion was fulfilled, and that they had
no further part in Hamlet.
Shakspere having used the occasion for the advice to the player,
probably proceeded to sketch out his Inner Play, in doing which, I
dare be sworn he never once thought of Hamlet's projected insertion.
If he did, he was a much less capable dramatist than I take him to
be. If he had actually stooped to the servility of making an insertion
for Hamlet, he could have been no artist at a«ll, but a base imitator,
without a spark of imagination. All the same, it may have crossed
his mind that aftercomers, utterly ignorant of dramatic art, might be
concerned about the " speech of some dozen or sixteen lines," and not
XV. DR. INQLEBY ON H.VMLEl's " DOZEN OR SIXTEEN LINES." 419
improbably chuckled over the mare's-nest he was preparing for their
amusement and vexation. Nevertheless, in satisfaction of the most
rigid demands of the rational precisian, he contrived that King
Claudius should take alarm when the performance had been but half
played out ; so that the latter half, to which the said precisian is
bound to relegate Hamlet's " speech of some dozen or sixteen lines,"
and which Professor Seeley calls " the part that was unacted " (p.
475), was unacted only because it was never written at all.
On the whole, I may say, the positions of both Mr. Malleson and
Professor Seeley, each as affecting the arguments of the other, are
unanswerable. No ingenuity will ever storm those eirireixurpaTa.
Mr. Malleson proves that Professor Seeley's selection cannot be the
wanted speech ; and Professor Seeley proves that Mr. Malleson's six
lines are equally out of the question.
To recapitulate my own position ; I say that they should never
have sought for the lines ; that they ought to have known that the
lines could not be in the Inner Play, because Shakspere was an artist.
They ought to have seen that the allusion to them was a dramatic
expedient, which was satisfied as soon as Hamlet had taught the
old player what was doubtless at the time a much needed lesson ; and
was probably a blow at the absurdities of a rival theatre ; for a
dramatic expedient, not essential to the plot, introduced for a collateral
object, is to be left out of account so soon as that object is attained.
Truly, it were scarcely possible to conceive a topic for debate more
intrinsically trifling than this of Hamlet's inserted speech. But it is
not trifling in its issues. If it were possible for two educated gentle-
men to set about groping for a speech which never existed, and which
they ought to have known was not to be found, it is important to
reopen the question, and call attention to that rule of dramatic art,
which must have swayed Shakspere if his talent as a play-wright was
above contempt. He tells us in Hamlet that, " rightly to be great " is
" to find quarrel in a straw when honour's at the stake ; " so rightly
to be critical, is to find quarrel in a question, " not worth an egg,"
when it involves the greater question of Shakspere's dramatic art.
C. M. INGLBBY.
Valentines, Ilford, Essex,
December 17, 1876.
420 XV. MB. F. ON DR. INGLEBY'S VIEW OF THE 12 OR 16 LINES.
MR. FURNIVALL — I can only repeat to-night what I said on Dr.
Ingleby's Sonnet- Dedication Paper, when he read it us, that I reject
his view — of the 12-16 line speech — absolutely and unconditionally ;
and I sincerely hope that he will see reason to withdraw the present
Paper, as he has withdrawn the former one. If Shakspere . ever
" chuckled over" any " mare's-nest," or ever said " Save nie from my
friends ! " he would surely have done both, had he heard to-night's
Paper. A more perverted, yet happily futile, attempt to degrade
Shakspere's art, I never listend to.
The way in which our friend has been led into this lamentable
assault on our great poet's fair fame, is clear. He has simply left
out the main fact of the question, has never notist the condition
precedent to any argument upon it, and has consequently written his
essay entirely beside the point. Alas ! it is neither the first nor
the thousandth time that such things have been done in Shakspere
criticism.
The object of Hamlet's 12-16 line speecn is of course plainly
declard by Shakspere, after Dr. Ingleby would have us suppose that
the poet had not only dismisst it from his thoughts but deliberately
intended that it should never be in them. He says —
" If his occulted guilt
Do not itself unkennel in one speech,,
It is a damned ghost that we have seen,
And my imaginations are as foul
As Vulcan's stithy."
There is "the dramatic need "for Hamlet's speech; there, the
reason for " the speech ... as I pronounced it you," " my lines,"
" a speech of some dozen or sixteen lines which I would set down and
insert in V And of course, if Hamlet's speech is the one speech, Dr.
Ingleby's whole Paper falls to the ground. That this speech is so,
needs no argument. In Shakspere, all is consistent and artistic;
the speech is just casually mentiond at first, then you see that
Hamlet attaches great importance to it,1 then you are told why he
does so — it is to be the turning-point of the drama, just as
Antony's speech was in Julius Ccusar, the play that came next
1 The word ' trippingly,' applied to the speaking of the speech, must be
interpreted by the result it is to produce, the begetting of " a temperance that
may give smoothness," to " the very torrent, tempest, and whirlwind of
passion " which perhaps Hamlet's " one speech uttered." Shakspere himself
stops the interpretation which a shallow objector might give to his " trippingly."
The speech must surely have been one which an actor would have been
tempted to " mouth . . to tear to tatters, to very rags." "Words were Hamlet's
special weakness ; deeds his difficulty. Compare his " Sweep to my revenge,"
" Now could I drink hot blood," &c.
xv. ME. MALLESON'S ANSWER TO DR. INGLEBY. 421
before Hamlet l ; and then the climax is anticipated, as it should be
in Hamlet's case, by the eagerness and want of self-control of him
whose blood and judgment were not well commingled. Moreover,
Shakspere was obliged by his art thus to avoid the repetition of the
climax in Julius Ccesar. Just open your eyes to see the absolute
" dramatic need " of this " one speech" and you then get sufficient
excuse, if not justification, for the introduction of its appendages,
the sneers at contemporary actors and the lesson on the player's art.
But if without this connection of the speech with the turning-point
of the play, you make Shakspere interrupt one of the world's greatest
tragedies — the greatest, many folk would say — just to vent his com-
pany's spleen at their rivals, and lay down rules for the clown, you
degrade him to the dust as Dr. Ingleby has done.
It is hardly an exaggeration to say, that if Dr. Ingleby's view of
the Hamlet-speech is to prevail, we shall have him, or some follower
of his, arguing that the " dramatic need" of Portia's and Kosalind's
chaffing speeches about men's dresses (Merchant, III. iv. 62-78 ;
As You Like It, II. i. 118-124), was the ridiculing of the young
dandies of the time, and that we never ought to expect to see either
lady in ' male attire/ tho the Doctor's dress, and the " doublet and
hose " are afterwards put under our noses, as plainly as the " one
Mr. Malleson may not have sufficiently observed Dr. Ingleby's
distinction between " voce Hamleti " and " in persona Hamleti" but
assuredly, the mote in his eye is as nothing when compared to the
beam in his critic's. Assuredly, neither he nor the author of Ecce
Homo has any loss of critical or artistic reputation to fear, from the
Paper that has been read to-night.
MR. MALLESON — If I had thought that I should have given Dr.
Ingleby so much trouble, I would have taken more pains with my
composition.
I would have written, for example, that Shakspere allows or
encourages us to picture to ourselves Hamlet (not a real person)
sitting down or standing up with the Old (supposed) Play before
him, to make the addition, which Shakspere, in writing his play,
makes the character of Hamlet, say he would insert in the Old Play,
which we are to bear carefully in mind is Shakspere's also.
This would have been clear but clumsy.
I would have gone on to explain, that Shakspere having prepared
our minds to expect great results from the " one speech," which in
persona Hamleti we are to suppose he had added to the Old or Inner
Play, allows us to account for our only hearing a few of the 12 or 16
lines supposed to be inserted, by making Harnlet interrupt Lucianus
1 Note there too how innocently Antony asks as a * suitor,' that he may,
'in the pulpit, as becomes a friend, speak in the order of Cassar's funeral,'
and how Cassius warns Brutus of the importance of Antony's coming speech,
III. i. 232-5.
422 XV. MR. MALLESON ON DR. INGLEBY. MR. FURNESS ON 12 OR 16.
(who is not a real personage, but a dramatis persona feigning to be
an actor in the Inner Play) before the latter has recited more than
half a dozen of the inserted lines.
But tiresome iteration and periphrasis are not necessary. It is a
commonplace to remark, that we all speak of Shakspere's characters
as if they had really lived. It is the universal tribute to his creative
genius. We do not say that Shakspere represents Hamlet as think-
ing, Juliet as feeling, Coriolanus as acting. We say Hamlet thinks,
Juliet feels, Coriolanus acts.
Still further to confute Professor Seeley and myself, Dr. Ingleby
lets his soaring imagination transport him to the very elbow of
Shakspere himself, as he was composing Hamlet, and from that
coign of vantage reveals to us voce Inglebii the exact course of
" Shakspere's procedure."
Speaking thus with authority, he tells us among other interesting
things how he dares be sworn that when Shakspere proceeded to
sketch out his Inner Play, "he never once thought of Hamlet's
projected insertion," never recurred again to the promised "one
speech." At least, if he did, he was " a much less capable dramatist "
than Dr. Ingleby takes him to be ; and his talent as a playwright in
such case is not, in the Doctor's opinion, " above contempt " I
I can only say with Claudio ;
" 0 what men dare do ! "
I may add that Mr. Irving, who must therefore also lie under Dr.
Ingleby 's strictures as " utterly ignorant of dramatic art," evidently
agrees with me as to the inserted lines, and shows by repeating the
words after Lucianus, and by his action and intense excitement, that
he believes Hamlet's contribution to the old Play to begin with : —
" Thoughts black, hands apt, drugs fit, and time agreeing."
The following remarks of Mr. Horace Howard Furness form a
fitting close for this little controversy.
" It is to task the credulity of an audience too severely to repre-
sent the possibility of Hamlet's finding an old play exactly fitted to
Claudius' crime, not only in the plot, but in all the accessories, even
to a single speech which should tent the criminal to the very quick.
In order, therefore, to give an air of probability to what every one
would feel to be thus highly improbable, Shakespere represents Hamlet
as adapting an old play to his present needs by inserting in it some
pointed lines. JS~ot that such lines were actually inserted, but, mind-
ful of this proposal of Hamlet's, the spectator is prepared to listen to
a play which is to unkennel the King's occulted guilt in a certain
speech ; the verisimilitude of all the circumstances is thus maintained.
XV. MR. FURNES3 AND DR. INGLEBY ON THE 12 OR 16 LINES. 423
No matter liow direct or pointed the allusion of the King's guilt may
be, we accept it all, secure under Shakespeare's promise that the play
shall be made to hit Claudius fatally : and we hear the fulfilment of
this promise in Hamlet's cry of exultation over the success of his
attempt at play-writing. The discussion, therefore, that has arisen
over these ' dozen or sixteen lines ' is a tribute to Shakespeare's
consummate art. Ingleby, I think, is right in maintaining that
Shakespeare did not first write The Murder of Gonzago, and then
insert in it certain lines, as though written by Hamlet : and Sievers,
the Clark es, Malleson, and others are also right, I think, in believing
that certain lines of the court-play are especially applicable to
Claudius, and which we may imagine are those that Hamlet told
the Player he would give him. It is the very impression which, I
think, Shakespeare wished to convey. — ED." Furness's Variorum
Hamlet, vol. I. p. 251.
P.S. Mr. Horace H. Furness's view of the matter is, accordingly,
very nearly my own ; much more so than he appears to have thought.
On p. 418 I have said that the suggestion of the inserted speech
raised a vague probability in the hearer's mind " that Hamlet touched
and tinkered the old play to suit his purpose more completely " — (i.e.
the supposed old play) : hence Hamlet's equally vague allusion to " one
speech " in the passage Mr. Furnivall so triumphantly quotes against
me. The truth is, the whole thing is vague to the last degree, and
to seek for the inserted speech is to miss the purport of the incident,
and equally so whether that purport be what I have said, or what Mr.
Furness takes it to be. C. M. I.
' all-hid ' : a boy's game. L. L. Lost, IV. iii. 78. " Sir VaugJian
. . our vnhansome-fac'd Poet does play at bo-peepes with your
Grace, and cryes all-hidde, as boyes doe." 1602. T. Dekker,
Satiro-mastix, Works, 1873, i. 257.
anatomy, sb. skeleton : Errors, V. 238. " Aridelle : f. A leane,
or carrian tit ; an ill fauoured neshlesse iade ; also an Anatamie,
or bodie whereon there is nought left but skin and bone." 1611.
Cotgrave.
assured, a., firm, certain : Cymbeline, I. vi. 159. "if . . that he
dye suddenly, it is to them an assured argument of divine favour."
1603. J. Florio. Montaigne. 1634, p. 292.
levy, sb. : Henry VIII. I. iv. 4. " Cateto, . . a beuie, a knot of
anything of an vncertain number." 1598. Florio. A Worlde of
Wordes.
black, a. : ' die under their (my curses') black weight,' K. John,
III. i. 297. "And I warrant them, many a blacka curse haue
they of the poore commons for their doing." 1583. Ph. Stubbes.
Anatomic, Pt. II. K Sh. Soc., 1880, p. 22.
424 SCRAPS.
bona roba: 2 Henry IV. III. ii. 26. "Bonne robbe. A Bcna
roba; good stuffe, sound lecherie; around, fat, plumpe wench."
1611. Cotgrave.
break = burst through: Meas. for Mea8.,V. 440. " Vn vallet
desgarote. A Kaggamuffian ; and we say, when the toes, or knees
peepe out, they haue broken loose, or broken prison." 1611.
Cotgrave.
breeching scholar: Shrew, III. i. 18. " Donat. The name of
a certaine Grammarian, read in some Schooles ; whence ; Les
didbles estoient encore a leur Donat. The diuells were, as then, but
breeching boyes, like Grammar Schoole boyes, but young in experi-
ence, but Nouices in the world." 1611. Cotgrave.
Cinquepace: Hamlet, Qo 1, ix. 40. "Passa mezzo, a passa-
measure in dancing, or a Cinquepace. 1598. Florio. A Worlds
of Wordes.
Comparisons are Odious. Much Ado, III. v. 18. " Compara-
tiones vero, Princeps, ut te aliquando dixisse recolo, odioscb repnt-
antur." — Fortescue. De Laudibus Legum Anglice, fol. 42, ed. 1616.
The Prince was the son of Henry VI. Fortescue was about to
compare the Common and Civil Laws. — W. D. STONE.
costard, sb. : Richard III. I. iv. 159. "I shall rappe you on the
costarde if you playe the knave ; je vous frapperay sur le coupiau de
la teste si vousfaictez du villayn." 1530. Palgrave, p. 679, col. 1.
debt in L. L. Lost, V. i. 23. Cp. in Eichard Quiney's letter to
Shakspere, '25 octobr 1598': " Yow shall ifrende me muche in
helpeing me out of all the debettes I owe in London, I thancke God,
& muche quiet my mynde, which wolde nott be indebeted." Leo-
pold Shakspere Introduction, p. cv.
drayman : Rich. II. II. I. iv. 32. " Brentadori, wine-porters
that carie wine from place to place, or wine measurers, dreymen."
1598. I. Florio. A Worlde of Wordes.
false gallop: Much Ado, III. iv. 94; As You Like It, III. ii.
119. "In England towards the South, and in the West parts, and
from London to Barwick, vpon the confines of Scotland, Post-horses
are established at euery ten miles or thereabouts, which they ride a
false gallop after some ten miles an hower sometimes," &c. — Fynes
Moryson's Itinerary, 1617, Pt. III. p. 61. — W. D. STONE.
fat-witted with drinking of old sack: 1 Hen. IV. I. ii. 2.
" Sack doth make men fat and foggie, and [is] therefore not to be
taken of young men. Being drunke before meales, it prouoketh
appetite, and comforteth. the spirits maruellously." 1602. W.
Yaughan. Directions for Health, p. 9.
feeze, sb. : cp. pheeze, vb. : Shrew, Ind. Li. " To leape, taking his
race, or fetching his feese. Ex procursu salire." 1580. Baret's
Aluearie, u. Eace, 41.
425
XVI.
ON THE DISPUTE BETWEEN GEORGE MALLER, GLAZIER,
AND TRAINER OF PLAYERS TO HENRY VIII., AND
THOMAS ARTHUR, TAILOR, HIS PUPIL.
BY
G. H. OVEREND, ESQ.
OF THE PUBLIC RECOKD OFFICE.
(Read at the 51th Meeting of the Society, Friday, Oct. 17, 1879.)
AMONG some unindexed records of the Court of Chancery, formerly
kept in the Tower, there is a bill addressed to Cardinal "Wolsey as
Chancellor, which is rather interesting, both as regards the quaint
language of the document and its references to the life of players in
the reign of Henry VIII. The subject of the bill is the complaint
of one George Mailer, a glazier, against Thomas Arthur,, a tailor, whom
he had undertaken to train as a player. The following is a copy of
the greater part of the. document : —
"To the moste Reverende Father in God, Thomas Lorde legate a
latere, Cardinall Archiebisschoppe of Yorke, primate and
Chaunncelor of Englonde.
"Most humbpy] s[hewet]he unto your good grace, your daily
oratour George Mailer that wher one Thomas Arthure, the xxiij day
of November in the x'ix1'1 yer of the reig[n] of our sovereinge lorde
the kynge that nowe is [1528], maide instaunte suete and labor too
your said oratour, hyme too teiche in playinge of interludes and
plaies, wherby he might attayne and come too be one of the Kinges
plaierz, for whiche thinge soo to be doone, the same Arthure faith-
fully promysed, well and truely too serve your seid oratour by the
space of one holl yere than next enseuynge, [he] fyndinge the seid
Arthure meate and drynke and all other charges, gevynge hyme alsoo
iiijd a day duringe the seide yere, whiche Arthure by the space of vij
wekes in the begynnyng of the seid yere, servet your seide oratour
426 XVI. MR. OVEREND. PLAYER AND PLAYER-TRAINER IN 1528-9 A.D.
accordingly, and than he, intendinge untruely and craftely too hynder
your seid oratour in his forseide science of playing, procurede iij of
the covenanted servaunttes of your seid oratour, beinge exparte in
plainge, too goo away with hyme, withoute licence of your s[ei]d
oratour, at whoise request and procurement the seide iij servauntes
wente and departed with the seid Arthure frome your seide oratour
without g[evinge notice], goynge in sundry partiez of Englond in
plainge of many interludes, gittinge and obteanynge diverz sommez
of monye, amountinge to the some of xxx li. whiche they imployed
and convertede too ther owne usse, gevinge unto your seid oratour
nothinge therof, contrary to ther seid covenauntes. And sence the
tyme of whiche departure of the seid Arthur, and other befornamed,
owte of the service of your seide oratour, they have considered them-
selffe together, goynge and perusynge diverz and many partiez of the
Kinges Eealme in utterynge of plaiez and interludes, by meanez wherof
your seid oratour haith not onely loste ther daily service, whiche they
war bounde too doo unto hyme ; but also the seid Arthure and the
other befornaymede have contynually gayned, and yet daily doo,
greate awaill, profet and avauntage, by reason of the f oreseide interludes
and plaiez. All whiche profettes and avauntage therof commynge
and growinge, of veray right ought too come and growe unto your
seid oratour, by the reason of ther seid covenauntt, promyse, a ad
service, whiche they schulde have doone and performed, as is befor
alleged, in consideracion that your seid oratour taught the seid
Arthur and other, whiche seid Arthure was right harde and dull
too taike any lernynge, wherby he was nothinge meate or apte too
bee in service with the Kinges grace too maike any plaiez or inter-
ludes before his highnes. Neverthelesse your seid oratour was
agreable too helpe and further the seid Arthur into the Kinges
service, too the entente too bee one of his seid plaierz, — soo he wolde
have taryed still with your seid oratour, — and wolde have lerned
hyme the feate and connynge therof, whiche he refused to doo, aganst
his seid promes. And so it is, gracious lorde, the seid Arthur, not
regardinge his seid promes, covenauntes, or honesty e, or yet good
right and conscience, intendinge wrongfully too unquyet and treble
your seid oratour — bycause he schulde not taike his remedy against
the seid Arthure for suche wronges and injuriez that the said Arthur
haithe commytted and doon unto your oratour, — haithe sued a feaned
accion of trespace apon his case, befor the Scheriffes of London,
againste your seid oratour in maner and forme folowinge."
Then the plaint, which is in Latin, follows, and the substance of
it is, that on the 20th day of November in the 20th year of Henry
the Eighth [1529], in the parish of Holy Sepulchre without New-
gate, in the suburbs of London, George Mailer, glazier, arranged with
Thomas Arthur, tailor, that for a certain sum of money previously
XVI. MR. OVEREXD. PLAYER AND PLAYER-TRAINER IN 1528-9 A.D. 427
agreed upon, he would bring the said Arthur into the service of the
King, to take a part and portion of all profits and emoluments
distributed among the royal players called " the Kinge's plaierz," l
and that the said Arthur should have the privileges (libertatem) from
the King belonging to the royal players, and the royal mark called
" the Kinge's bage ; " and that by reason of these pretexts of Mailer,
Arthur had undergone great losses amounting to the sum of £26.
The date given here does not agree with that at the commence-
ment of the bill, but it is most likely the correct one. The date of the
bill itself will be some time between this date and 17th October,
1529, when Wolsey resigned the Great Seal.
After reciting Thomas Arthur's plaint, George Mailer's bill
continues : —
" Afore whiche suet of the seid feaned accion, the seid Arthur
1 The pleadings only refer to one set of royal players called " the Kinge's
plaierz." But up to eight or nine years earlier, up to 1521, there were two
sets. In the King's Book of Payments, 9 — 12 Henry VIII, among the entries
on Twelfth Day 1519, there is one " Item to the Kinge's players Ixvjs.
viijd." On 2 January in the same year there is an entry, " To the Kinge's old
players, iiijli." In the next year there is only one entry for the 66s. viijd. ;
but on the following Twelfth Day, payments of the same amount as in 1519
were again made. A rough search through the Book of Payments produced
no further references to the players' fees ; but in an undated paper of the latter
part of the reign printed in the Arcli(eologia, the following occurs, " Item, the
King's pleyers, in reward for loan of garments, 5s."
Besides the payments to the players, there are other entries to Mr.
Cornisshe on Twelfth Day in each of the three years, the amount being the
same in each case. The entry in 1519 is <f To M. Cornisshe in rewarde for
playing afore the King opon New Yere's day at nyght with the Children of
the Kinge's Chapell, vjli xiijs. iiijd."
There are also entries of payments to Mr. Cornisshe for the Children of the
Chapel singing before the King. There were ten of these " Children " under
his control, and he was allowed eight pence a week for their' " borde wages,"
and the amount was paid to him monthly. When they performed plays they
were provided with dresses by the Master of the Revels.
In 1518, £18 2s. \\\d. was paid to Cornisshe "for ij pagentes with all
thinges and necessaries as were made for the same, whiche was shewed
before the King with other nobles and gentilles vjto die Julii anno ixno. "
As the agreement between Mailer and Arthur was made in 1528, the set of
old players may have died out, and a corresponding increase have taken place
in the fees of the others, which would certainly be small while the business of
playing at the Court was divided among three different companies. If the
amount mentioned in the Book of Payments were the total sum which could
be gained from the king, it is not to be wondered at that Arthur preferred
" doing the provinces " to remaining in London, when he once had some
knowledge of his profession.
N. S. SOC. TRANS., 1877-9. 29
428 XVI MU. OVEREND. PLAYER AND PLAYER-TRAINER IN 1528-9 A.D.
did commence and pursue another lyke accion before the seid Scheriffes,
and the proces in the seid former accion contynued unto suche tyme
that the seid partiez warr at issue ; and soo depending, it chaimced
your seid oratour too be in prison in Ludgate, within the citie of
London; and in the meane tyme the jurye that was impanelled
betwix your seid oratour and the seid Arthure, wer soo wilfully set
that they wolde not take any day or tyme too heere the witnes of
your seid oratour to speyke in the premyssez ; but untruely f ounde
your seid oratour in the damage of iiijli. ; hovvbeit, noo jugement
theruppon was gyven, bycause the pleadinge of the seid surmysede
accion was insufficient in the lawe. That, notwithstaundinge, gracious
lord, the enqueste that now is inpanelled too passe betwix your seid
oratour and the seid Arthure in the seid secounde accion, allege and
say that they will lene untoo the seid verdyt gyvene by the other
enqueste, whiche they of right ought not too doo, the same verdite
beinge untrue, as your seid oratour schall by good and sufficient
witnes prove, if he may have grauntede unto hyme the Kinge's write
of subpena aganste the seid witnes, whiche in no wisse will testifye
the trought without they bee compelled by vertue of the same write
too say the trought in the premyssez, notwithstondinge that your
oratour haith diverz tymes required the seid witnes to depose the
truthe therin, whiche they alwaiez haith refused and yet doo."
The bill than prays a writ of certiorari to be directed to the Sheriffs
commanding them to certify and bring up the said action to be tried
in Chancery ; but unluckily the Records do not contain any further
notice of the suit. Still, what we have, shows the social position, the
training, travelling, and gains, of an actor of Henry YIII's time.
MR. FURNIVALL — We all thank Mr. Overend for his interesting
illustration of player- life in Henry YIII's time, from the Records
among which his daily life is spent. We wanted a tailor-player of
old, to match our Robin Starveling of that immortal company who
playd the sweet and lovely Play, the " tedious breefe Scene of yong
Piramus and his loue TMsby : very tragicall mirth," before Theseus
and his bride. But while Shakspere only cast his tailor for Thisby's
mother, and then made him act Moonshine,1 the Records make their
1 The change was due to Quince's second thoughts and Bottom's suggestion
at the rehearsal, III. i. 60-73.
The Six of the Company. Cast for Act
Quince the Carpenter Thislies fatlier Prologue
Snug the loyuer Lyon Lyon
Bottome the Weauer Pyramus Pyramus
Flute the bellowes-rnender Thishie Thisbie
Snout the Tinker Pyramus father Wall
Starueling the Taylor T/dsbles mother Moone-shlne
(7-8. ' Tavvyer (one of the Globe Company), with a Trumpet ' (trumpeter) is
iu the Stage-directions of the First Folio, tho' not named in the cast.)
SCRAPS. 429
tailor take Manager Quince's place, and doubtless* cast the parts,
draw the ' bil of properties/ and write the 'ballet of Bottomes
Dreame,' &c., when needed. At first sight it seems rather comical
that Henry VIII's trainer of Players should be a glazier, and have
a tailor for his pupil ; but when we recollect that the early Mysteries
were regularly acted by the different crafts of towns, and that the
great Captain Cox of Coventry in Elizabeth's time was a mason,
we see how natural it is that George Mailer and Thomas Arthur
should have been tradesmen too. Seven weeks was certainly a short
apprenticeship for Arthur to learn the " science of playing in," but
he was evidently a sharp fellow in more senses than one.
conceited, a. : full of fun and fancy, Winter's Tale, IV. iv. 204.
"An admirable conceited fellow," Autolycus, a very " Gringalet : m.
A merrie grig, pleasant rogue, sportfull knaue, conceited whoreson."
1611. Cotgrave.
forked, adj. barbd : As You Like It, II. i. 24. "A forked
arrow-head. Fer de flesche d oreilles." 1650. Sherwood. " Fer
de fleishe a oreilles. A forked, or barbed arrowe head." 1611.
Cotgrave.
gingerly, adv. carefully: 2 Gent. I. ii. 70. "He first made a
solemne and deuout confession, and then . . he tooke off the
taffata very gingerly wherein the coffer was wrapped." 1607.
E. C. — Hy. Stephen's World of Wonders, englisht, p. 350.
hearten, vb. encourage : 3 Hen. VI. II. ii. 79. " And as he was
emboldened to commit incest with his owne daughter, by the example
of his predecessor; so by his example was Pope Paulus the third
heartened to do the like." 1607. E, C.— Hy. Stephen's World of
Wonders, englisht, p. 338.
hull, sb. : verb in Hen. VIII., II. iv. 199; &c. "The windes
were so contrary, as wee were forced to strike sayles, and lie at hull
(that is, tossed to an[d] fro by the waues.)" 1617. Fynes Moryson,
Itinerary, p. 267.
juror, sb. : Timon, IV. iii. 345, Henry VIII., V. iii. 60 (Fletcher).
"And if 12 lurors (being committed to their keeper) do fall out and
fight, six against six, this maketh no Riot (saith Marrow) because
they were lawfully assembled, and were compelled to bee in company
together." Lambarde's Eirenarcha, bk. ii. chap. 5, ed. 1607, p. 180.
laced mutton, women of easy virtue : Two Gent., I. i. 202. "The
late deceased Archdeacon of Hardas (being at Padua with the
Cardinall of Tournon) . . said, 'The deuill take all those marled
villains who are permitted to eate laced mutton their bellies full ' :
which he spake generally of all the Cleargie, but it arose vpon
29*
430 SCRAPS.
speech had of a Bishop, who was secretly marled, as it was reported."
1607. R. C. englishing of H. Stephen's World of Wonders, p. 167.
lag, a. : Rich. III., ii. i. 90. " Serotino, late, lagge, latewarde,
in the euening." 1598. Florio
love in idleness : M. N. Dream, II. i. 168. " Herbe de la Trinite.
The Paunsie, hearbe Trinitie, Hearts-ease, loue in idlenesse, two faces
vnder a hood; some also call so the hearbe Harefoot, or Harefoot
Trefoile." 1611. Cotgrave. See above, p. 450.
make, vb. i. : have to do, do, Hamlet, II. ii. 277 : l what make you
at ElsinoreT " What make you in these countries, if I may aske
you without offence?" Theod. Truly I came hither to see the
country, people, and nation , . . 1583. Ph. Stubbes, Anatomie,
Part II. ed. F. J. F., E. Sh. Soc. 1880, p. 2.
mammock, v. tr. : tear in bits, Coriol., I. iii. 71. " Lopinet : m.
A bit, mammocke, small gobbit, little peece or parcell of." 1611.
Cotgrave.
needy, a. : Rom. fy Jul. V. i. 54. " Thus fareth the world now.
who that is riche and hye on the wheel, he hath many kynnesmen
and frendes that shal helpe to bere out his welthe. But who that
is nedy and in payne or in pouerte, fyndeth but fewe frendes and
kynnesmen, ffor euery man almost es[c]heweth his company and
waye." 1481. W. Caxton. Reynard the Fox (1878), p. 112.
never at quiet: Macbeth, IL iii. 18. "He setteth men together
by the eares ; the towne was neuer at quiet since he came ; he
teacheth such doctrine as some doo like, and some not, and so they
fall at variance." 1588. J. Udall. The state of the Church of
England (Arber, 1879), p. 31.
stable, sb. : Winter's Tale, II. i. 1 34 — " to lie with their norse-
keeper: is not that against kind?" (said of women). (1608). A
Mad World, my Masters. "An old man to make a young man
cuckold, is one of Hercules' labours. Ar. That was the cleaning of
other men's stables." 1611. Chapman, May Day, III. — H. C. HART.
tricksy, a. : Mids. N. Dr. Tempest, Y. 226 (other sense). " Im-
marzapanato, become or made fine, braue, sweete, or daintie, or smug,
or trickesie, and trim as a marchpane." 1598. I. Florio. A Worlde
of Wordes.
venie, sb. : Merry Wives, I. i. 296. " Imbroccata, a thrust at
fence, or a venie giuen ouer the dagger." 1598. Florio.
whist : Tempest, I. ii. 379. " But how mutch the young Gentle-
man saw him whist and silent, the more he was inflamed." 1567.
Painter's Rhomeo, p. 97, N". Sh. Soc.
loink,, v.i., shut your eyes: Rom. $ Jul, III. ii. 6. "I pray,
Sir, winke; I must wash you." 1596. T. hash's Saffron Walden
(Barber speaking to shavee), sign. C. 2.
431
XYIL
ON PUCK'S < SWIFTER THAN THE MOON'S SPHERE,'
AND SHAKSPERE'S ASTRONOMY.
BY
F. J. FURNIVALL.
(Mead at the 55£& Meeting of the Society, Nov. 14, 1879.)
*' Fai. Ouer hil, ouer dale, through bush, through briar,
Ouer parke, ouer pale, through flood, through fire,
I do wander euerie where, swifter then ye Moons sphere."
A Midsommer nights Dreame, II. i. 2-7. First Folio, p. 148, col. 1.
WHAT does this ' swifter than the Moon's sphere ' mean, asks a
friend : " The moon travels in its sphere, but the sphere is not
supposed to move." True, it isn't by us, but it was by Shakspere
and his fellows in good Queen Bess's days, tho I confess to not
having thought of this till my friend put to me, on October 18, the
question that had occurrd to him the day before.
At the date of the Dream, the Ptolemaic system was believd in,
and the moon and all the planets and stars were supposd to be fixt in
hollow crystalline spheres or globes. These spheres were supposd to
be swung bodily round the earth in 24 hours by the top sphere, the
primum mobile, thus making an entire revolution in one day and night.
I know no authority for the estimate of the length of the moon's orbit
in Shakspere's days, but, if we take her orbit at our present measure,
1,490,000 miles, that gives us about 17 miles a second for the
swiftness of " ye Moons sphere.1 " This would make Puck's pace, say,
20 miles a second. But if he was in fact so slow that it ud take
him "forty minutes" to "put a girdle [round] about the earth,"
1 We the globe can compass soon,
Swifter than the wandering moon. — M. N. Dr. IV. i. 103.
Of course Shakspere didn't think of the calculation above, but one enjoys
the joke of doing sums about Puck.
432 XVII. MR. FURNIVALL ON PUCK'S ' SWIFTER THAN THE
25,020 miles, his pace would have to come down to about 10 J miles
a second ; and we should have to decrease the moon's swiftness to,
say, 8 miles a second, and make her supposd ' sphere ' or globe in
Shakspere's day about 710,000 miles round. As all Shakspere editors
(so far as I know), and probably most Shakspere students, have gone
on repeating Puck's line without realising its meaning and Shak-
spere's conception of the world and the heavens, I reprint from Prof.
Skeat's edition of Chaucer's Astrolabe for the Early English Text
and Chaucer Societies a diagram of the earth and the nine spheres
round it, — I havent the 8-sphere cut, which I want, to cast from —
from the Cambridge University MS. li. 3. 3.
The Earth (with four crescents or eccentrics 1 circling it) is the
centre. Round it are 9 hollow spheres/ of the 7 Planets (1-7), the
Fixt Stars or Firmament (8), and the Primum Mobile (9) : —
1 Three ought to mean Water, Air, Fire. I put the figures here and on
p. 435.
2 Chaucer, like Ptolemy, Aristotle, and Marlowe, had only 8 Spheres, the 8th
being theprimvm mobile or " First Moeuyng," in which the Fixt Stars were : —
" [Bk. I.] The fif the metwr. O Thow makers of the whel tyat bereth J?e sterres /
which \>ai art yfastned to thy perdurable chayer / And tornest the heuene
with a Kauessyng sweyh / And constreynest the sterres to suffryn thi lawe /
Chaucer's Boece. MS. li. 3. 21, Univ. Libr. Camb., ed. F. J. F., Chaucer Soc.
1880, p. 13. Later, 2 (3, 4) more Spheres were added to account for the
irregularities of the motions of the heavenly bodies, &c. " Later theorists add
two more [heavens or spheres], a ninth to make the precession of the equi-
noxes, and a tenth, m primwn mobile, to make the diurnal revolution. All
[XVII.] MOON'S SPHERE,' AND SHAKSPERfl's ASTRONOMY. 433
1. The Moon
2. Mercury
3. Venus
4. The Sun
5. Mars
6. Jupiter
7. Saturn
8. The Fixt Stars
9. Primum Mobile 1
and in or on each of the seven lower spheres was a planet fixt, and
was whirld by that sphere right round the earth in 24 hours, the
driving power being the primum mobile. tl The glorious planet Sol "
was "amidst the other," as Shakspere says,2 in their very middle, 3
planets being above,, and 3 below him : and he movd, fixt, in or on
an actual crystalline sphere, which Cleopatra could rightly call on
beyond this is the empyreal heaven." Penny Cyc. xix. 106, which also says
that the details of the Ptolemaic system are explaind with clearness in Mr.
Narrien's ' Origin and Progress of Astronomy/ London, 1833. But it is clear
that the primum mobile was successively made the 8th, 9th, 10th, & llth
sphere, being always kept outside all the other spheres, as the driving wheel of
the whole machine, next to the Empyreal Heaven, the abode of God, or the
Gods, who supplied the steam-power.
1 He views the clouds, the planets and the stars,
The tropic zones, and quarters of the sky,
From the bright circle of the horned moon
Even to the height of Primum Mobile ;
And whirling round with this circumference,
"Within the concave compass of the pole,
From East to West his dragons swiftly glide.
Doctor Faustnf. Act III, Chorus, p. 69, col. 1, ed. Cunningham.
2 The Heauens themselues, the Planets, and this Center, [Earth]
Obserue degree, priority, and place,
Insisture, course, proportion, season, forme
Office, and custome, in all line of Order :
And therefore is the glorious Planet Sol
In noble eminence, enthron'd and sphear'd
Amidst the other, whose med'ciuable eye
Corrects the ill Aspects of Planets euill,
And postes like the Command'ment of a King,
Sans checke, to good and bad. But when the Planets
In euill mixture, to disorder wander
What Plagues, and what Portents, what Mutiny ?
What raging of the Sea ? shaking of Earth ?
Commotion in the Windes ? Frights, changes, norrors,
Diuert, and cracke, rend and deracinate
The vnity, and married calme of States
Quite from their fixure? — Troylits and Cressida, I. iii. 84—101.
Some of Shakspere's other mentions of spheres are :
And certain stars shot madly from their spheres,
To hear the sea-maid's music. — Dream, II. i. 153.
Two of the fairest stars in all the heaven,
Having some business, do entreat her eyes
To twinkle m their spheres till they return.
Rom. # Jul., II. ii. 15—17. 1°™
434 XVII. MR. FURNIVALL ON PUCK'S ' SWIFTER THAN THE
him to burn when Antony diedf. He was not supposd to revolve
in an imaginary orbit as we Copernicans make him.
Marlowe, in Doctor Faustus, will allow only the old orthodox
8 spheres,1 with a Ninth of the Empyreal Heaven ; but Milton had
Now, now, you stars that move in your right spheres.
Where be your powers ? — K. John, V. vii. 74.
Two stars keep not their motion in one sphere ;
Nor can one England brook a double reign,
Of Henry Percy and the Prince of Wales.
1 Henry IV., V. iv. 65.
And thou. thrice-crowned queen of night, survey
With thy chaste eye. from thy pale sphere above,
Thy huntress' name, that my full life doth sway.
As you like it, III. ii. 3.
In his [her star's, Bertram's] radiance and collateral light
Must I be comforted, not in his sphere. — All's Well, I. i. 100.
She's so conjunctive to my life and soul,
That, as the star moves not but in his sphere,
I could not but by her. — Hamlet, IV. vii. 15.
O sun,
f Burn the great sphere thou mov^st in ! darkling stand
The varying shore * o' the world. — Ant. Sf Cleop., IV. xv. 10.
You are gentlemen of brave mettle ; you would lift the moon out of her
sphere, if she would continue in it five weeks without changing. — Temp. II. i. 183.
In the Lover's Complaint, 1. 23, 'spheres' is probably used for planets aud
stars. In Much Ado, IV. i. 58 (' Dian in her orb '), aud in Ant. % Cleop.,
III. xiii. 146, 'orb' means the sphere of the Moon, and that of the Stars,
respectively, the sphere which movd them round the earth. The metaphorical
use is seen in 1 Hen. IV., V. i. 17 ; Cymb., V. v. 371, and Pericles, I. ii. 122,
as Schmidt notes. I suppose that Shakspere, like Marlowe, &c. held only
8 spheres besides the Empyreal.
1 Faust. Come, Mephistophilis, let us dispute again,
And reason of divine Astrology :
Speak, are there many spheres above the moon ?
Are all celestial bodies but one globe,
As is the substance of this centric earth ?
Meph. As are the elements, such are the heavens,
Even from the moon unto th' empyreal orb,
Mutually folded in each other's spheres,
And jointly move upon one axletree,
Whose terminus is termed the world's wide pole :
Nor are the names of Saturn, Mars, and Jupiter
Feigned, but are erring stars.
Faust. But have they all one motion, both situ et tempore ?
Meph. All move from east to west in four-and-twenty hours upon the
poles of the world ; but differ in their motions upon the poles of the zodiac.
Faust. These slender questions, Wagner can decide ;
Hath Mephistophilis no greater skill ?
* Star=moon : eclipse of sun and moon (Oth. V. ii. 99) — Staunton. But?
[XVII.] MOON'S SPHERE/ AND SHAKSPERE's ASTRONOMY. 435
ten, besides the Empyreal (see p. 449 below), as well explaind by
Prof. M'asson, in the Introductions to his editions of Milton : —
" They pass the Planets Seven, and pass the Fixed, [Stars, no. 8]
And that Crystalline Sphere whose balance weighs [no. 9]
The trepidation talked, and that First Moved." [no. 10]
(Par. Lost, III. 481—483.)
Our member, Mr. A. Macmillan, has kindly let us have a cast of the
10-Sphere cut from Prof. Masson's book, " a copy a little neater than
the original, (but otherwise exact) from a woodcut in an edition in
1610, of the Sphcera of Joannes a Sacrobosco, with commentaries
Who knows not the double motion of the planets ?
That the first is finished in a natural day j
The second thus : Saturn in 30 years ;
Jupiter in 12 ; Mars in 4 ; the Sun, Venus, and Mercury in a year ; The Moon
in 28 days : these are freshmen's questions. But tell md, haih every sphere a
dimiuion or intelligentia ?
Meph. Aye.
Faust. How many heavens or spheres are there ? t°ver
436 XVII. MR. FUKNIVALL ON SHAKSPERE's ASTRONOMY.
and additions by Clavius and others . . it represents the interior of
the Universe as looked down into, in equatorial section, from the pole
of the ecliptic," i. 94.
" It is an enormous azure round of space, scooped or carved out of
Chaos, and communicating aloft with the Empyrean, but consisting
within itself of ten Orbs or hollow Spheres in succession, wheeling one
within the other, down to the stationary rest of our small Earth at
the centre, with the elements of water, air and fire, that are immedi-
ately around it," i. 95.
But our Members will like no doubt to have further contem-
porary authority 1 on the point, especially as nothing has yet been said
about the * music of the spheres.' I therefore print some extracts
from the authority on the subject, the Natural Philosophy of the
Middle Ages, Bartholomeus de Glanvilla de Proprietatilms Rerum
as englisht by Trevisa in Chaucer's day (1397), "printed by Thomas
Barthelet . . 1535. And last of all, augmented & enlarged, as
appeareth, for the commoditie of the learned & well disposed Chris-
tian, by me Stephen Batman, professour in Diuinitie, and printed
by Thomas East, Anno. 1582. the .24. yeare of the reigne of our
most happye and prosperous Souereigne, Queene Elizabeth, whom
God fortifie in the numbers of his mercies for euer." (leaf 426,
back) : —
IF What is the World Cap. 1. [Liber 8.]
wSsofthe • • • Philosophers diuide all the worlde in two parts:
of the which twaine, the more noble and simple is the
1. from the ouer parte, that worketh and stretcheth from the circle of
iMxTstai?6 the Moone to the region of planets. The other part is the
2. from the lower, and suffreth and stretcheth from the circle of the
middle of the Moone downwarde to the middle poynt of the earth.
Mardanus describeth the lower part of the world in this
Meph. Nine : the seven planets, the firmament, and the empyreal heaven.
Faust. But is there no cceluin igneum et crystallium ? [see p. 449].
Meph. No, Faustus ; they be but fables.
Faust. Resolve rne then in this own question : Why are not conjunctions,
oppositions, aspects, eclipses, all at one time 1 but in some years we have more,
some less.
Meph. Per inequalem motum respectu totius [By the unequal motion
of each with respect to the whole].
Faust. Well, I am answered. Now tell me who made the world.
Doctor Faustus, Act II, sc. ii. p. 66. col. 2, ed. Cunningham.
1 It is delightfully confusd, ' manifesting the incertaintie of humane skill,'
as Batman says, below, p. 431).
XVII. HEAVEN MOVES ON ITS AXIS LIKE A WHEEL ROUND AN AXLE. 437
manner wise : The world, he saith, is a circle of foure NO. 2 con-
Elements, which be found all round, in the manner and Scnts4 EIe"
forme of a sphere ; and the earth is placed in the middle : ^.^.^V
and the other deale is rauished about the mouing of Earth, tho
heauen, to the making and forming of this world. — leaf E
118, back, col. 2.
Tf Of the distinction of heauen. Cap. 2.
Heauens be seuen, named in this manner, Aereum, 7 Heavens
JEthereum,1 Olimpeinn, Igneum, Firmamentum, Aqueum,
Empereum celum, heuen of Angels. — leaf 120, col. 1.
. . . the firmament they cal the first heauen and the last, Firmament
as philosophers meane : in the ouermost part wherof be stamhflta
the bodies of starres. For Philosophers set but onely one upper part<
heauen. But as Basilius saith in Exameron, the Philo-
sophers would rather gnaw and fret their owne tongues, then
they would assent, that there be many heauens. Aristotle in
llbro de causis elementorum, describeth that heauen that is
called Firmamentum, in this manner. Heauen (he saith)
is the fift Element, seuered from the nether Elements, and
distinguished by propertie of kinde : for it is not heauie,
for then it might come downward : nor lyght, for then it
should stye and moue vpwarde. For if it wer one of the
foure elements, or compowned of the foure, then corruption
might come therm, in all, or in some part therof. And
as it is sayd there : The creator set it to be well and cause
of generation and coruption. And therefore that heauen it moves
is kindly mouable without rest : and the mouing thereof
is rounde about the middle, vpoii a lyne that is named
Axis, that standeth ther pight vnmouable 2 betweene two star, and the
starres, that be called Polys, that be the most South starre, shipman'a
& the most North starre : the which North starre we call star*
the shipmans starre. [Julius Caesar, III. i. 60.]
And that heauen hath ende touching length and
bredth, & stretching of place : But it is endlesse touching
mouing, for it moueth by a mouer of endlesse might : that
is, by God himselfe, that is most high and glorious without
end. Hetherto speaketh Aristotle lib. de causis Element-
orum. And also he calleth these Poles, two starres, in The 2 Poles
the highest endes of heauen, set in the middle thereof, one aie '2
aboue, and another beneth : the one there of, is set aboue
in middle of the Heauen, North warde, and is called Polus The Arctic
Articus : and that other is set against him Southward, and Antarctic.11'6
1 By that name Ether ea is vnderstood all the space thai is from the Moone
euen to the stars thai be pight, in the which space be roundnesses of circles of
the seauen Planets. — ib. 2 the ever-fixed pole. — Othello, II. i. 13.
438 xvn. THE BTH SPHERE MOVES THE OTHER SEVEN. HARMONY.
Heaven
moves like a
wheel about
the axle-tree.
The Axis
on which
Heaven
moves.
The
Firmament
is round,
and concave
to us.
It moves
round the
earth
Bias or o-
uerthwart
and carries
with it,
in 24 hours,
all the 7
Spheres of
the Planets,
that lie be-
tween it and
the highest
Element,
Fire.
Heaven has
many differ-
ent Circles
iu it,
and from the
moving of
these, and
the opposite
course of the
Planets,
comes the
is called Polus Antccrticus, as it were set afore the starre
that is called Polus Articus. Betweene these two Poles
as it were betweene his two endes, heauen moueth : so
that the greatest Circle of heauen commeth not euen round
ouer our heads : For they two Poles be not lyke high to vs,
and heuen moueth from the East to the West, and from
the West againe till he come to the East, and all that waye
like swifte, lyke as a wheele moueth about the axeltree.1
And therefore Aristotle vnderstandeth a certaine line that
stretcheth from that one Pole to that other Pole in straight
length, and about that line, all the roundnesse of heauen
moueth lyke swifte : and that lyne he calleth Axis, as the
Commentator sayeth there. — leaf 120, col. 2.
[How the Firmament or Primum Mobile swings the
7 Spheres with it daily round the Earth. See p. 440.]
Also the firmament is called heauen, for it is sad and
stedfast, & hath a marke that it maye not passe : and so
for full great abiding of his stedfastnesse, it is incorrup-
tible & vnchaungeable both in substance and in shape.
And the shape thereof is rounde about, and hollow
within to vs warde : and round about toward them which
be aboue heauen, but the roundnes bendeth from them
ward. The mouing thereof is kindly round about, and a
slonte, and rounde about from the East to the west, and
rolleth about, & draweth with him by simple mouing, and
lyke swifte, in the space of a night and a daye, all that is
there vnder, euen to the place of the fire : and so he
rauisheth and leadeth about with himselfe, the roundnes
of the seauen Planets. — leaf 120, back, col. 2.
[Of the sweet Harmony of the Spheres.
See p. 441,- 2,-3,-5,-7.]
Also though heauen in it selfe be lyke in partes : yet
needeth it to haue manye diuers roundnesses and circles
in shape and greatnesse, that differ in length and breadth,
and that of diuers habitations, which be needefull to
things that shall dye, as Aristotle saith in fo'[£er] de causis
Elementorum. . . . Wherefore in shape heuen hath
roundnes, hollownes and vtter roundnesse, with cleernesse
and brightnes, and euennesse in the hollow heauen, and
diuersitie in parts. Wise men tel, that of meeting of
roundnesses, and of contrary mouing of Planets commeth
a sweete harmony : wherof speaketh Macrobius, in lib.
Ciceronis, expounding the dreame of Scipio : In putting &
1 strong as the Axle on which Heaven rides. — Ti-oilus, I. iii. 66.
XVII. THE 9 SPHERES. THE EMPYREAL HEAVEN, THE SEAT OF GOD. 439
mouing of these round worlds commeth the sweet sound
and accord. &c. — leaf 121, col. 2.
[Of the 9 Spheres-, in the First whereof (1 above the Firma-
ment or Primum Mobile) God and the Angels dwell.]
Addition, [by S. Batman and O. CarlileJ]
The varietie of opinions concerning the Heauens, doe
manifest the incertaintie of humane skill : neuerthelesse
wise men espie, that where ther is cause of learning, so
long laborious studies are not spent in vaine, as appeareth
by these three seueralls, per G. Carlile,
The number of spheres, as the truth is, and as Plato
and Aristotle describeth them.
Nouns ! iste orbis, qui fy Firmamentum dicitur, Aris-
totele vocatur i primum mobile] sen ' supremus orbis.'
The first (for lacke of the figures) is the seate of the
holy and blessed Trinitie, God the Father, his Sonne
lesus Christ, and the Holy Ghost the thirde person, the
Archangells, Powers, Potentates, and Angelles, the soules
of the Elect, which are departed in the Lorde and Sauiour
lesus Christ.
The second : the twelue Signes. The third, the
seauen Pianettes : these containe seauen heauens. Then
followeth the foure Elements : whereof the earth is lowest.
The twelue Circuites are vnder, and inclosed of Codum
Emperium. — leaf 122, col. 1.
IT Of heauen Emperio. Cap. 4.
Coelum Empereum is the first and highest heauen, the
place of AngeJls, the Countrey and habitation of blessed
men. And hath that name Empireum, of Pir, that is fire :
"For it is fullye called fire, not for burning, but for light and
shining, as Isidore sayth. For this heauen is most bright
and shining, and gyueth light and shining vnto the heauen
Chris talline, that is next thereto. And this heauen of his
owne kinde is in parts lyke without starres, and shapen all
rounde, as Damascenus saith. And it is round, for to con-
tayne spirituall arid bodely things ; and it is kindly quiet,
immoueable and vnmoued. And so that heauen is not
needfull for continuance of generation of lower thinges :
but, as Alexander saith, For complection and full per-
fection of the worlde, and of bodyes, as certaine endes
Sweet
Harmony of
the Spheres.
Addition.
There are 9
Spheres :
1. The seat of
God, the
Archangels,
ami Souls of
the Elect.
2. Twelve
Signs.
3,4,5,6,7,8,
9: the
Planets.
The Ele-
ments.
The 12 Cir-
cuits.
The Empy-
real Heaven
is the place
of Angels and
Blessed Men.
It is round
and immove-
able,
1 Is this for Nonus, ninth ; or does he mean, that since Aristotle's 8
Spheres (p. 432 n.} a new ninth has been invented, to hold God and his
household ? He can hardly mean to put them in the Primitm Mobile with the
fixt Stars : that should be his 2nd Sphere of the Twelve Signs.
440 XVII. THE SPHERE OF HEAVEN WHIRLS-ROUND THE 7 PLANETS.
dark at one
end, and light
at the other.
It is furthest
from the
middle of the
earth, and is
the dwelling-
place of God.
The 8th
Sphere, or
Firmament,
Sphcera.
Primum
Mobile, or
Sphere of the
Fixt Stars.
According to
Alphraganus,
the Sphere is
the top or
outside round
in which the
Fixt Stars
are.
It turns on
two Poles.
This Sphere
whirls,
with Stars
[Dravven.']
fixt in it,
round the
world in 24
hours.
aske, which are ordayned according to the middle : The
one ende is most darke, as the Earth : The other most
light, as Ccelum imperium. Either bodye, vtfcermost, and
highest, and lowest, is for it selfe vnmouable and quiet.
Rabanus describeth the properties of this heauen, and
taketh the wordes of Basilius in JEzameron., and saith in
this manner : Ccelum Emperium, is the first bodye, most
simple in kinde, and hath least of corpolentnesse : for it is
most subtill in the first firmament, and foundation of the
worlde, most in quantitie, bright in qualytie, round in
shape, highest in place : For it is farthest from the middle
point of the world, and containeth spirites and bodyes,
seene, and vnseene : and is the highest dwellyng place of
God. For though God be in euery place, yet it is sayd
specially, that he is in heauen : For the working of his
vertue shineth most ther. And therfore heauen is speci-
allye called, Gods owne seate : For in the bodye of the
worlde, the kinde of heauen is fayrest, as Damascene
saith, and in heauen the vertue of God worketh most
openly. — leaf 122, col. 2.
IF Of the sphere of heauen. Cap. 6. [See p. 439.]
The sphere of heauen, as Isido. sayth, is a certain e
kinde shapen all round, and moueth all round about the
middle thereof in euen space of times, from one poynt to
the same. Philosophers tell, that this sphere hath neither
end nor beginning : and therefore, because of the moiling
about thereof, it is not soone knowen, where it begin neth,
and where it endeth ; and no shape is so according to
heauen, as the shape of a sphere, both for the simplicitie
thereof, and for conteining and receiuing, and also for
likenes and accord, as Isido. saith. Also Alphraganus
sayth, that the sphere is the round vttermost part of the
heauenly body, in the which the fixed starres be con-
tayned. And this sphere goeth about vppon two Poles,
the one thereof is by North, and goeth neuer downe to vs,
and is called Polus Articus, the North pole : the other is
Polus Antarticus, that is, the South pole, and is neuer
seene of vs : and that is, because it is farre from vs, or els
because the earth is betweene vs and it. Betweene these
two Poles, as it were betweene two endes of the world,
the sphere of heuen moueth and turneth round about,
and with the mouing therof, the starres that be pight
therein, are borne & rauished about, out of the East into
the West, and againe out of the West into the East, in
mouing of a day and a night, in the space of foure &
XVII. THE AXIS AND POWERS OF THE SPHERE OF HEAVEN. 441
twentie houres. And the sphere of heuen moueth about
with so great swiftnes, that, but if the Planets met, and
letted the swif te mouing thereof, and made it moderate : the
shape of the world shoulde fall. And therefore, as Alplira-
(ja.tins saith, the seauen roundnesse of Planets be viider
the sphere, euery one meeting and crossing other. By
the which roundnesse, the Planets passe with couenable
meeting, and meete and come against the rauishing of the
firmament, arid withstandeth and tarieth the swiftnes
thereof. And all the body of the sphere, mooueth a
slont about the middle, that is about the lyne that is
named Axis; and Axis is a certaine line vnderstoode, that
stretcheth straight by the midle of a bal, or of an other
thing, from one Pole to another : by such a line vnderstood
in heuen, the roundnes of heuen moueth as a wheele
moueth about the axiltree. The endes of this line that is
named Axis, be called Cardinales cceli, and be pight in
the foresai-d poles, and are called Cardinales, because they
moue about th& hollo wnesse of the Poles, as the sharpe
corner of a doore moueth in the herre. And those Car-
dinales be hollowe and crooked inward, as Isid. saith.
And halfe the sphere is called Emisperium, that is, the
parte which is all seene of vs ; and for defaulte of our
sight, it seemeth that it toucheth the earth : and the
Circle, to the which the sight stretcheth and endeth, is
called Orizon, as it were the end of the sight, as sayth
Isid. Then knowe thou heereof shortly, that the sphere
of heauen is a bright substance, and shineth euen to the
middle thereof, that is, to the earth x ; and the roundnesse
thereof is most farre from the middle poynt of the earth :
and therfore the substance of those things, which be full
great in heauen, seeme full little to our sight : and that is
for they be far off. And this sphere containeth all the
nether things, and ordaineth and informeth them all, and
is cause effectiue of generation and of liuing, and rauisheth
and draweth to it selfe contrary things : for by violence of
his mouing, it draweth after him the Planets, which mette
with him, and passeth forth with harmonie & accord.2
Its swiftness
is check t by
the 7 Spheral
of the
Planets,
which yet it
carries with
it.
It moves on
an Axis,
(like a wheel
round an
axletreel
whose ends
are calld
Cardinals
because they
turn in tlie
hollow
sockets of the
The
Hemisphere.
The Horizon.
This Sphere
of Heaven is
bright,
and shines
down to the
earth, from
which it is
the most dis-
tant sphere.
But yet it
contains and
quickens all
lower things,
and sweeps
the opposing
Planets along
with.it in its
course.
From which
opposition
come
1 This brave o'erhanging firmament, this majestical roof fretted with
golden fire, Hamlet, II. ii. 312.
2 Olivia. But, would you undertake another suit,
I had rather hear you to solicit that,
Than music from the spheres.— Tw. N. III. i. 121.
Duke S. If he, compact of jars, grow musical,
We shall have shortly discord in the spheres.
As you like it. II. vii. 6. [over
442 XVII. HARMONY OF SPHERES. DOUBLE MOTION OF PLANETS.
Harmony
and Accord.
Macrobius
too says that
these opposite
motions make
' Accordes
and Melodic'
But we
cannot hear
it. (See
Lorenzo's
lines, p. 446.)
The Planets
have a double
motion.
Contrary
mouing.
Saturn's
course is 30
Jears;
upiter's, 12 ;
Mars's, 3.
The Sun's, 1.
Mercury's.
838 days.
Venus's,
348 days.
The Moon's
course is 27
days, 8 hours.
The 7
Planets'
For ATI. saith in li. de proprietatibus JElementorum, of
ordinate mouing of the sphere, and of the contrarye meet-
ing of Planets, in the worlde commeth harmonie and
accord.
And so Macrobius saith : in putting & mouing of the
roundnesse of heauen, is that noyse made, and tempereth
sharpe noyse with lowe noyse, and maketh diuers accordes
and melodie : but for the default of our hearing, and also
. for passing measure of that noyse and melodie, this har-
mony and accord is not heard of vs. In likewise as we
may not perceiue and see the Sunne moue, though he
moue, for the cleerenesse of beames ouercommeth the
sharpnesse of our sight. — leaf 123, col. 1.
Of double mouing of the Planets. . chap. 22.
All the Pianettes moue by double mouing by their owne
kinde, moouing out of the West into the East, against the
moouing of the firmament : And by other mouing out of
the East into the West. And that by rauishing of the
Firmament. By violence of the firmament they bee
rauished euerye daye out of the East into the West. And
by theyr kinde moouing, by the which they labour to
moue against the Firmament, some of them fulfilleth theyr
course in shorter time, and some in longer time.
And that is, for theyr course bee some more and some
lesse. For Satumus abydeth in euery signe thirtie moneths,
and full endeth his course in thirtie yeare. lupiter dwel-
leth in euery signe one yere, and full endeth his course in
. 1 2. yeare. Mars abideth in euery signe . 60.1 dayes, and full
endeth his course in two yeres. The Sunne abideth in
euery each signe 30. dayes and .10. houres and semis, and
ful endeth his course in .CCClxv. daies, and sixe houres.
Mercurius abideth in euery signe .28. dayes and sixe
houres, & full endeth his course in .CCCxxxviii. dayes.
Venus abideth in euerye gigne 29. daies, and full endeth
his course in CCCxlviii. dayes. The Moone abideth in
euery signe two daies and an halfe, & sixe houres, and one
bisse lesse : and ful endeth his course from point to point,
in 27. dayes and eight hours. And by entering and out
passing of these .7. starres, into the .12. signes, and out
His voice was propertied
As all the tuned spheres. — Ant. and deep. V. ii. 83.
The music of the spheres ! List, iny Marina !
Pericles, V. i. 231. •
1 Batman gives 45, but Prof. Adams, the Cambridge Astronomer, says that
it should be 60, as the original Latin has it.
XVIL MOTION OF PLANETS. THE SUN'S QUALITIES.
443
thereof, all thing that is bread and corrupt in this neather
worlde is varyed and disposed : and therefore in the
Philosophers booke, Misalath. chap. 1. it is read in this
manner : ' The highest made the world to the lykenesse of
a sphere, and made the highest circle aboue it moueable in
the earth, pight and stedfast in the middle thereof : not
withdrawing towarde the left side, nor toward the right
side, and sette the other Elementes moueable, and made
them moue by the moouing of seauen Planetes, and all
other starres helpe the Pianettes in their working and
kinde. And therefore the working of the Pianettes is
lyke to the stone Magnas, an Adamant, and to Yron. For
as Yron is drawne to that stone, so euery creature vpon
earth, hath a manner inclination by the mouing of the
Planets.' Couenable sitting, and destruction, commeth by
moouing and working of Pianettes : the working of them
varieth and is diuerse by diuersitie of Climas and
Countryes. — leaf 128, col. 1.
motion dis-
perses cor-
ruption.
The Planets
draw all
other things
to them like
a Magnet
does iron.
Of the Sunne. Cap. 28.
The (*Sunne, is named Sol, Phoebus, & Titan, which
was the elder brother of Saturne : not that the Sun had his
beginning of Scelum : but Coelum, a celando, made and see
by God almightie, and called it the great lyght to rule the
daye : which Sunne is placed among the seauen great Starres, T,ne sun u in
Vi i j-i -i i j-i n j. • the Middle of
called the seauen Planets : so named by the first inuenters the 7 Planets,
of Astronomy, to the ende they might be seuerally dis-
cerned and knowen. The Sunne is the fourth in place, as him<
it were a King in the middest of his throne : for vnder
him is Luna, Mercurius and Venus : and aboue him in
position & place, he hath as many, that is to wit, Mars,
lupiter, Saturne, by the which placing is expressed the
most mightie ordinaunce of God, to the benefite of Nature.)
—leaf 131, lack, col. 1.
The Sunne is the eye of the worlde, and mirth of the
daye, fairenesse of heauen, measure of times, vertue and
strength of all that is gendered, Lord of Planets, fairenesse
and perfection of all the stars. Also Marcianus sayth the
same in this manner : The Sunne is the Well of inwit,
and minde, and of reason : head and well of lyght, king of
kinde, inwit of the world, shiner of heauen, moderatour of
the firmament : for therefore he moueth against the firma-
ment, for to make his mouing moderate and temperate,
and therefore he is called the brightnesse of heauen. — leaf
131, lack, col. 2.
N. S. SOC. TRANS., 1877-9.
The Sun is
the Eye of the
World.
He moves
against the
Firmament
(or Primum
Mobile) to
moderate its
motion.
30
444 XVII. THE MOON : HER CHANGES, AND POWERS OVER MAN, &0.
The sun is in
the pialfetsf
Harmon^,
a *
Luna.
Decor
noctis.
Bona deat
Borecyn-
thya.
Duana.
The Moon's
titles.
The Moon's
changes.
Her 4 shapes.
Her 3 states.
Her horns.
Her influence
on the
humours of
man.
Marciauus saith, and Macrobius also : the Sun is the
middle among the Planets : for to make harmonie and
accord of heauen : the Sunne in his owne circle, maketh
^at *king, ^at ^e middle string maketh in an instrument
of musike. — leaf 132, back, col. 1.
f Of the Moone. Cap. 29
The Moone is called Luna, as it were one of the, lights,
that is to vnderstand, principall & most, for he is most
lyke to the sunne in greatnesse and fairnesse, as Isid. saith.
For as it said in Exameron : the Moone is the fairnesse of
the night, & mother of all humours, minister & Lady of
the sea, measure of times, follower of the sunne, changer
of the aire, and hath no light of hir selfe, but borrow eth
& taketh of the plentie of the Sunne, and taketh forme,
shape, and figure of the Sun, as he is far or neere to the
Sunne ..... Also the Moone chaungeth figure and
shape : for he sheweth towarde the earth a diuers face of
his lyght : for now she showeth hir selfe shaped bow
wise, and now as a circle and round to the sight of men,
now Moynoydus, now Dictotomos, now Amphitricos, now
Pancilenos. And he is Moynoydos, when he is new and
seemeth horned : and is Dictotomos, when he is as it were
halfe full, and is eight dayes olde : & he is Amphitricos,
when it is doubt of his full roundnesse when he is eleuen
or twelue dayes olde : and he is Pansilenos, when he
shineth at f ul, when he is fourteene dayes olde. Also the
Moone sheweth hir selfe in three states : fro he is with the
Sunne in coniunction, when he is next to the Sunne or
aside, when he passeth fro-ward the Sun, or when he is all
afore the Sun. When he goeth first fro-ward the Sun, hee
seemeth with homes as a bowe, & then alway the homes
be tourned Eastward : & when he commeth again to the
coniunction, he receiueth the same figure & shape, & then
the homes be alway turned westward : & in that side that
is turned from-ward the Sun, he seemeth always voyde,
and in the side that is toward the Sun, full of lyght.
The Moone increaseth all humours : for by priuye
passings of kinde, floude and ebbe is increased and multi-
plyed. In hir waning the marrow of ths bones, the braine
of the head, and humoures of the body be made lesse : and
in wexing and increasing of hir, they are increased; and
therefore all thing hath compassion of the default of the
Moone. Also she draweth to hir waters of the sea, for as
the stone Adamas draweth after him yron, so the Moone
moueth and draweth after hir the Occean sea. Therefore
XV11. THE MOON IN HEAVEN'S HARMONY IS DEEPEST BASE. 445
in the rising of the Moone, the sea swelleth and increaseth, Ebb and Flow
and floweth by East, and ebbeth and decreaseth by West :
and againward when the Moone goeth down, the sea
floweth by "West, and ebbeth by East. And as the Moone
hath more lyght or lesse : so the sea stretcheth or with-
draweth in his flowing and ebbing, as Macrobius sayth in
lib. Cireronis. — leaf 133, col. 1.
Also the Moone signifieth and betokeneth chaunging The Moon
of times and of weathers : for (as Beda saith) if the Moone JSmge^of
be redde as golde in the beginning, then he betokeneth xJJsSls
windes : and if ther be black specks in the ouer corner change",
and wemmes, he betokeneth raine in the beginning of the
month : and if he be red in the middle, it betokeneth
faire wether and cleere in the full of the Moone : and in
night rowing, if the Moone lyght spranckleth on the oares, in the
then tempest shall come in short time, as Beda sayth.
Also in the harmonie of heauen, the Moone maketh the
heauiest sowne, as Marcianus sayth : for in the circle of »est bace-
the Moone is an heauie sowne, as a sharp sowne is in the
sphere of heauen thai commeth of ordinate sowne, and of
cherking of the mouing of the circles, and of the round- forming most
nesse of heauen. And as he saith, thereof commeth most melody.
sweete melody & accord Also, as Albumasar saith, The Air is
the Moone cleanseth the aire, for by his continuall mouing, by themotion
he maketh the ayre cleere and thinner and so if mouing oftheMooT
of the sphere of the Moone were not, the ayre should be
corrupt with thicknesse and infection that should come of
outdrawing by night of vapours and moysture, that great
corruption shoulde come thereof. Also Astronomers tell,
that among all Planets, the Moone in rulyng hath most
power ouer disposition of mans body : For as Ptliolomeus
sayth, in libro de iudicijs astrorum. Vnder the Moone The Moon
is contained sicknes, losse, feare and dread, and domage. Jowe^yer
Therefore about the chaunging of mans body, the vertue m0es"tf0JgS~
of the Moone worketh principally : and that falleth through thro its swift
the swiftnesse of his mouing, and for that hee is nigh to n
vs, and also for the priuie power & might that is kindly in
the Moone : and therefore a Phisition knoweth not per-
fectly the chaunging of sicknesse, but if he know the
effectes and workings of the Moone, in mans bodye. — leaf
134, col. 1.
As one is extracting, one may as well add from our
Batman vpon Bart/holome, Book VIII. a few lines about
the Comets, of which Calpurnia says (/. Coesar, II. ii.
30-1) :
30*
446
XVII. OF COMETS.
Comets be-
token the
death or fall
of Kings.
They are in
the Milky
Way,
and are seen
only in the
North of the
Firmament.
" When beggars die, there are no comets seen ;
The heavens themselves blaze forth the death of princes; "
and the Stars, for Lorenzo's lovely lines l (Merchant V
i. 58-62) :
" looke how the floore of heauen
Is thicke inlayed with pattens of bright gold !
There's not the smallest orbe which thou beholdst,
But in his motion like an Angell sings,
Still quiring to the young eyd Cherubims :
Such harmonic is in immortal soules."
But whilst this muddy vesture of decay
Doth grosly close it in, we cannot heare it.
(1st Fol. p. 182, col. 1. See p. 442, above.)
Of the starre Cometa. Chap. 32 (Book VIII.)
Cometa is a Starre beclipped with burning gleames, as
Beda doth say, and is sodeinly bred, & betokeneth chang-
ing of kings, and is a token of Pestilence, or of war, or of
winds, or of great heate. Sometime it seemeth, thai such
stars so beset with biasing beames, moue with the mouing
of Planets : And somtime it seemeth that they be pight
& not inoueable. And alwaye (as Beda saith) they be
seene in a certaine place of heauen : And they passe not
by diuerse parts of the Zodiac, as Planets do, but it seemeth
that they be in the circle that is called Lacteus, or Galaxia,
& they spread their beames toward the North, and neuer
towarde the West. And therefore they be not seene in
the West side. And they be seene but in short space of
time, that is, seauen daies : but sometime it is seene the
space of .80. daies, as Beda telleth. Whereof it is that
this star that is called Cometa commeth and is gendered,
whether it bee of Pianettes, or of starres that bee pight ;
alway he is seene in the firmament in the North side, as
he saith. — leaf 135, col 2.
1 T. C., writing in the Daily News of Nov. 12, 1879, on the last days of
Cambridge's most brilliant scientific man, Professor Clerk Maxwell — lost, alas,
too soon ! — says that " His mind remained perfectly clear to the last, and his
complete freedom from anxiety on his own account left him free to speculate
on questions of general interest. For example, he one day was exercised in
endeavouring to learn why, in The Merchant of Venice, a man of Lorenzo's
character, to whom no one would attribute noble thoughts, was represented as
saying to Jessica :
' Look how the floor of Heaven,' &c." V. i.
This is surely one of the bits of super-characterization, like Achilles's and
Aufidius's moralizings in Troiliis, III. iii. 75-111, and Coriol. IV. vi. 37-55.
XVII. THE FIXT STARS. THEY PURGE THE AIR.
447
Of fixed Starres.1 cap. 33.
Stellce be called starres, and haue that name of Stando
standing : for though they moue alwaye, yet alway it
seemeth that they stande, as Isido. sayth. And they be
called Sidera, and haue that name of Considerando, taking
heede : for of them Astronomers take heede, and by them
giue iudgementes and domes, and knowe what shall befall.
Also they bee called Astra, and haue that name of Austros,
or of Anmtros : for, by opposition, bodies of some starres
be pight in the sphere of the firmament, as nayles in the
roundnesse of a wheele : and that is troth of some, and
namely of the more great, as Isido. sayth. And Alphra-
ganus . . . calleth starres, bearers of lyght, for that they
be bright bodyes, and giue to men & beastes, by night
when it is dark, the comfort of lyght, and ornate & hight 2
'the ouer parte of this worlde; and as far foorth as they
may, they be in steed of the Sunne, of whome they receiue
lyght ; and by continual! sending out of beames, they
cleanse and pourge the aire : by vertue of them, corrup-
tion of pestilence is taken away from the neather worlde.
Also, by vertue of stars, Elements that be contrary each
to other, be conciled and accorded, and lightened with
euerlasting shining of starres. By heate of them all things
be nourished & saued. . . .
Touching their shape, they be most bright, & also
they be round in figure, and be sad [firm], and sound, not
hollowe, not hoaly in the vtter part : they be plaine, and
not rough nor corued : in place they be highest ; in mou-
ing they be most swifte ; in quantitie they be most great
and huge, though they seeme lyttle, for farnesse of place,
in number and tale : onelye he knoweth how many they
be, that numbreth and telleth the starres. In might &
working, the stars be most vertuous among bodies : for
the starres gender, and change and saue the nether things.
The starres, by out-sending of theyr beames, lyghten
the darken esse of the night, & full ende theyr course in
spheres and circles, and moue in one swif [tjenesse, no time
Sidera.
Astra.
Some are
stuck in the
Sphere of the
Firmament,
like nails in
the rim of a
wheel.
They purge
the air and
world of
pestilence.
[If. 135, back,
col. 2]
God alone
knows the
number of
the Stars.
The Spheres
of the Stars.
1 The bay-trees in our countiy are all wither'd,
And meteors fright the fixed stars of heaven . . .
These signs forerun the death or fall of kings. — Ricli. //., II. iv. 9.
Note that it's only in the Sphere of the Fixt Stars, the Firmament, or 8th
Sphere, — Plato's Aristotle's, Chaucer's, and Marlowe's Primum Mobile^ p. 432,
434, — that the Comets and Meteors appear.
I see thy glory, like a shooting star,
Fall to the base earth from the firmament, ib. 1_ 20.
2 ? light.
448 XVII. THE SEVEN-STARS, AND THE GALAXY OR WATLING STREET.
more swiftlye than other . . In theyr comming and
The stars rising, they chaunge the ayre in many maner wise : for
tempest, they make, now tempest, and now fine weather and cleere,
weather? as Beda sayth. Also by chaunging of coulour, and
a^beto'ken sprincklyng of heames, they betoken, nowe good happes,
IIS evil1?8' and nowe euill, as Astronomers tell.
They're Also they be gracious to shipmen, and shewe their
ISpmen!0 waye in the middle of the Sea.
Where starres be coniunct nigh togethe[r]s, they giue
the more lyght, and bee more fayre and bright. As it
fareth in the Seuen Starres,1 & in the stars of the circle
The seven the which is called Gdlaxia, that is, Watlingstrete [by
Galaxy or ° Geoffrey Chaucer, in his Hous of Fame, II. 421-431,
&C.&C.].
1 The Pleiades. The same Hebrew name [Rimali] is used for the constel-
lation englisht Pleiades and Seven Stars in Job ix. 9, xxxviii. 31, and Amos v. 8.
And tho, as Ovid says, six of em only can be seen (with the naked eye), yet
they, not the seven chief stars of the Great Bear or Charles's (Charlemagne's)
Wain, are always meant by " the Seven Stars : ;' 1 Hen. IV. I. ii. 16, Falstaff ;
2 Hen. IV. II. iv. 201, Pistol; Lear, I. v. 38, the Fool. " Cotgrave has
' Pleiade, f. one of the seuen starres.' Minsheu (Spanish Dictionary) gives
'Pleiades, the seuen starres.' Again, Florio, A Worlde of Wordes (1598), has
' Pleiade, the seauen starres about the bull.' I find no evidence of the seven
stars being used to denote the Septemtriones. If you are curious about the
Hebrew word in Job and Amos, you will find a good deal in my article on
Pleiades in Smith's ' Dictionary of the Bible.' — W. ALDIS WRIGHT.
Mr. Daniel sends me the following quotations for the Seven Stars. The 4th
and 5th passages show that writers were getting confused about these Stars : —
No. 1. D" Olive. ... "I was borne Noble, and I will die Noblie :
neither shall my Nobilitie perish with death ; after ages shall resounde the
memorie thereof, while [= until ] the Sunne sets in the East, or the Moone in
the West.
Pacque. Or the Seuen Starres in the North."
Chapman, Monsieur D' Olive, iv. 2, p. 235, Pearson's Reprint.
No. 2. Quadratus. ''Phoebus, Phcebe, sunne, moone, and seaven starres,
make thee the dilling of fortune, my sweet Laverdure," etc.
Marston, WJiat You Will, ii. 1, p. 236, ed. Halliwell.
No. 3. " - we are seven of us,
Like to the seven wise masters, or the planets."
Beaumont and Fletcher, The Beggars' BusJi, ii. 1.
No. 4. Nun. " Here kneel again ; and Venus grant your wishes
Calls. Oh, divinest star of Heaven,
Thou, in power above the seven : " etc.
B. & F. The Nad Lover, v. 3. (vol. 1, p. 307, ed. Moxon.)
No. 5. " The Sun, Moon and the seven Planets are my invoked
witnesses," etc.
Brome, Tlie City Wit, ii. 1, p. 296, Pearson's Eeprint.
No. 6. " To see how soon
Both sun and moon
And the seven stars forgotten be," etc,
Shirley-Poems, Upon the Prince's Birth, p. 424, vol. vi. ed. Gifford, Dyce.
XVII.
THE MUSIC OP THE STARS. CHRISTALLINB HEAVEN.
449
The Har-
mony and
Music of the
Stars.
The Stars
never inter-
fere with one
another,
and never do
wrong to one
another.
They change
times, years,
months, and
days.
. . Mardanus sayth, That starres passe in their circles
with harmony : for all tunes and accord of musike be
found among starres ; nor the weight of the neather bodies
make not discord in the melodye of the ouer bodyes :
neither in melodie of the middle bodyes. Nor againe-
warde, the sharpnesse of sowne of our bodyes, destroy not
the sowne of the neather heauie bodies ....
Also starres be conteined in their owne proper circles
and place : and therfore, though the circle of one meete
sometime with the circle of another, and entreth therein,
they forsake not therfore their own circles and place, nor
let [ = hinder] them that they meete, nor doe wrong, none
of them to other . . .
. . . also Starres chaunge and distinguish times, yeares,
monethes, and dayes. For (as Aristotle sayth, in libro de
proprietatibus Elementorwri) chaunging of time is not but
by chaunging of starres, in diuers signes, and aboue the
seauen Climates and countries [the 7 Spheres of the
Planets], as by chaunge of the Moone in euery xxviii.
dayes, or by chaunging of Mercurius and of Venus in euery
tenth moneth, or in lesse time ....
On the two extra Spheres in the Miltonic heaven, see
The Treasvrie of Avncient and Moderne Times, englisht
by Thomas Miller from Pedro Mexio, Sansovino, Du
Verdier, &c. London, W. laggard, 1613. Book II, chap,
v, p. 120-1, says : —
Next to the [7th"1 Heauen of Saturne, and much aboue
him, there is another [the 8th] called the Firmament, all
filled with Starres, not numberable to Men, and they are
tearmed ' fixed/ because they are seene euermore to keepe
one order, and are constant in their scituation. . . . chri
Aboue the Firmament, is the [9th, the] Heauen Chris- Heauen<
taline, or watry, which learned men are of the minde,
that it was created by God aboue the other Heatiens : to
the ende that it might mitigate the great heat which the
other Heauens acquired by their motion, and by the Stars
being in them ....
" In No. 1 of the above quotations Pacque's speech may be interpreted in
favour of the Pleiades — until the seven stars set in the north ; at present the
Pleiades always set in the west — or it might mean, until the seven stars
(Charles's Wain) in the north, which never set, do set.
In No. 4 Venus is one of the seven stars.
In No. 5 Sun and moon (two of the seven planets) are distinguished from
the seven planets. What does that mean ? " — P. A. DANIEL.
That Bronie didn't know what he was talking about. — F.
The Firma-
ment Heauen
Christalliue
450 XVII. THE ELEVENTH HEAVEN THE SEAT OF GOD.
Againe, more high then the [9th] Christaline or watry
Heauen, is another Heauen called the mooing Heauen
theaofflceanCl [Primum Mobile], which hath no Stars, no more then the
Christaline ; but his office is, to turne it selfe (Spherically)
from the East to the west, by the South, which he dooth
in foure and twenty houres ; and by his strength and
great velocity, he maketh all the other subiacent Heauens
for to turne about.
HeauenU6caid Moreouer, aboue all these fore-named ten Heauens, the
cceium Em- recited Philosophers and Diuines, do tell vs, that there is
yet another Heauen, exempt from all locall motion, & is
before all that which can be called the World : filled with
infinite intelligences and most happy spirits, that were
created all in one place, and thereto deputed for the glory
of God. . . . This is the Seat of God, as his Pallace, where
he is said particularly to dwell ; because that there his
will is fulfilled, and the obedience of the Angels and
blessed Spirits is perfect.
Mr. "W. G. Stone reminds me that a word must be said on
Shakspere's making the orbs — the Fixt Stars of the Eighth Sphere
or Heaven — quire " to the young eyd Cherubims." It was the Cheru-
bim who, according to Dionysius the Areopagite, and Dante, ruled
and guided this Eighth Sphere of the Fixt Stars, and whom Dante
"heard . . sing hosanna choir by choir" (Paradiso, xxviii. 94;
Longfellow, 585). There were three Triads of Angels x who were
the Intelligences of the three Triads of the Heavens or Spheres (on
the 9-Sphere system) thus :
The Seraphin, Prinmm Mobile.
The Cherubim, The Fixt Stars.
The Thrones, Saturn.
The Dominions, Jupiter.
The Virtues, Mars.
The Powers, The Sun.
The Principalities, Venus.
The Archangels, Mercury.
The Angels, The Moon.
These 'nine concentric circles of the Celestial Hierarchy' revolvd
round a point of intense light, God's dwelling, whence the heavens
and all nature hung. But, unlike the corporal spheres of the Planets
and Stars, the inmost circle of Angels revolvd fastest as being the
nearest to God, and the outmost circle slowest, as being furthest from
him. See Longfellow's quotations and notes, Paradiso, p. 702, 612-13.
That Shakspere knew of the supposd connexion between the
Stars and the Cherubim who ruled them, we cannot fairly doubt, tho'
we may not wish to make his idea of the Heavens as clear as Dante's.
1 See Batman on Bartholome, Bk. ii. chap. 6-18, ou these. He doesn't
link the Angelic and Planetary worlds.
451
XVIII.
ON CHESTER'S LOVE'S MAETYE :
ESSEX IS NOT THE TUETLE-DOVE OF SHAKSPERE'S
PHOENIX AND TURTLE.
BY
F. J. FURNIVALL, M.A.
(Read at the 55th Meeting of the Society, November 14, 1879.)
[These Notes were written above a year ago. Chester's hook is so vague, and
by itself of so little worth, that I have not car'd to work much more at
the subject.]
HAVING twice read thro' Chester's Love's Martyr and Dr.
Grosart's Introduction to it, I am, like Prof. Dowden, Mr. P. A.
Daniel, &c., unable to accept the theory that the poem and its
' diuerse poeticall Essaies ' by Shakspere, &c., refer to Queen Eliza-
beth and Essex, and that
" Robert Chester, as a follower — not to say partizan — of Essex,
designed his Love's Martyr as his x message [to Elizabeth] on the
consummation of the tragedy of his2 beheading." (Dedic. p. xlv.)
Now Chester's poem contains his message or "request to the
Phcenix " or supposd Queen Elizabeth, and the message is, that he
thanks her for her " kind acceptance " of Essex, her Turtle-dove :
" Accept my home-writ praises of thy loue,
And kind acceptance of thy Turtle-doue."
Was this then "wrote ironicall?" To judge from his work, Chester
was incapable of that figure of speech. If any one can take it as
Allegory, he may. At any rate, the parts of the body of the
Phoenix described in Rosaliris (Nature's = Q. Elizabeth's) Complaint
1 Chester's, no doubt. 8 Essex's.
452 XVIII. MR, FURNIVALL ON CHESTER'S LOVERS MARTYR.
are flesh and blood, and if any one can suppose that a private gentle-
man would, as a delicate compliment to the Queen, make her rehearse
such a catalogue of her own secret charms l as is given on pages 5-6,
I cannot ; for note, Elizabeth is made to describe them herself, since
Rosalin is Nature, and as Dr. Grosart says, p. xxii, " no one . . . will
hesitate in recognizing her (Q. Elizabeth) as the Rosalin and Phoenix
of Eobert Chester." Then, recollecting, that the supposd Elizabeth's
love " was defeated, or never completed, and that [it] led to such
anguish as only the awful word ' martyr ' could express," let the
reader judge how admirably this awful anguish would be expresst,
or soothd, by nearly 100 pages — out of the 134 of the whole poem,
— of rymed catalogues of the beasts and worms, the birds and plants,
&c., in Paphos, of the cities of England, the life of Arthur, &c.
Again, passing on to the climax, such as it is, of the poem, the
reason why the Phoenix (1 Q. Eliz.) resolves to die and does die with
the male Turtle-dove, Essex, we find that it is because the latter has
lost his own female Turtle-dove, his wife (who was then alive) :
(st. 3)
My teares are for my Turtle that is dead, (1)
My sorrow springs from her want that is gone, (2)
My heauy note sounds for the soul that's fled, (3)
And I will dye for him left all alone : (4)
I am not liuing, though I seeme to go,
Already buried in the grave of wo. — p. 1 25 (1 33 at foot).
It seems clear that him in line 4 is a misprint for her. At any
rate it is plain that the suppos'd Essex is speaking to the suppos'd
Elizabeth about a female mate of his ; and that, in consequence of
her sympathy with him, Essex, in his sorrow for this female mate's
loss, the said Elizabeth goes and dies with him right off.
Now read Dr. Grosart' s comment on this passage, p. 233-49 :
" Meanwhile it is all important to note that the ' wooing ' p dying]
is dated by circumstances in Essex's early time — not later, when he
had married and when Elizabeth was old; st. 3, 1. 1. ' Turtle' =
mate ; 1. 2 ' her want = her loss ; ' 1. 3 ' the soule that's fled] &c.
1 Other poets, like Puttenham, stopt at the parts she herself disclos'd, her
breasts ; but Chester goes on.
XVIII. MR. FURNIVALL ON CHESTER'S LOVE*S MARTYR. 453
How natural all this was in the mouth of Essex on the death of his
noble young brother who fell so miserably at Rouen. See Devereux,
as before."
.N"ow Walter Devereux was killed on Sept. 8, 1591, and Essex
marrid Sidney's widow in 1590; so the result is, that in 1599
Elizabeth visits Essex in Ireland before 1590, and finds him then,
before 1590, mourning the loss of his brother who wasn't killd till
1591 ; and all this happend before Elizabeth, who was 58 in 1591,
was old. Surely the dates have got mixt a little too much for even
Allegory and its interpreter.
Again, out of Elizabeth's and Essex's ashes in 1599 (or 1601,
as the reader pleases) arises another girl, or female Phoenix, a
princely Phoenix, more glorious than "her late burned mother,"
who is filld with love, to Elizabeth evidently, — as her love is "a
perpetuall loue, Sprung from the bosome of the Turtle-Done"
(p. 134); — and this loving girl is, according to Dr. Grosart
(Notes, p. 235, and Introduction), JAMES I. of Scotland, with
whom Essex was intriguing in 1600, and of whom Elizabeth was
suspicious ! So then Elizabeth's torture as " a Phoenix, a prey to the
want of a successor," p. xxiii, is relievd by page 134, where Chester
had provided for her the successor more glorious than herself, whom
she had before appointed. This statement to Elizabeth that her
successor would so far eclipse her, she would of course take as a
most graceful compliment.
Chester's poem seems to me very poor confusd stuff, but Dr.
Grosart, tho' he seems occasionally to be of the like opinion, yet says
of the work :
"Chester interprets with subtlety and power the real 'passion' of
Elizabeth for Essex — the actual feeling on her part, that if ' I dare '
might wait on ' I would,' she should have lifted him to her throne.
Our Poet puts himself in her place, and with a boldness incomparable,
utters out the popular impression that Elizabeth did ' love ' Essex.
Hence — as I think — those stings of pain, throbs of remorse, cries of
self-reproach, 'feeling after' died-out emotion and rapture, that in
most unexpected places come out and lay bare that proud, strong,
prodigious heart as none else has ever done."
To me this paragraph is mere groundless fancy,— a taking of
454 XVIII. MR. FURNIVALL ON CHESTER'S LOVERS MARTYR.
Moses's poetaster's lists of coats,1 &c., for a divine love-poem — but I
quote it for the purpose of saying that Dr. Grosart will not (in his
letters to me) allow the supposition that these expressions apply to
Elizabeth's repentance for having beheaded Essex; he holds that
the poem — which "was substantively written in 1599" — represents
her feelings in 1599 and before, and that the supplementary poems
apply to the same period, and have nothing to do with Essex's
execution. He has protested strongly against any attempt to urge
that he has in anyway imported the post-execution feelings of 1601
into the pre-execution poems of 1599-1601. Yet we find on his
p. Iviii the words
"in the Threnos, Shakespeare regards not the beheaded Essex
only, but his ' Phoenix ' too, as dead."
This being so, and Elizabeth having had Essex's head cut off,
Shakspere writes her a poem saying, in fact, that this head-off-cutting
was an entire delusion; the truth was, that she really so lov'd
Essex, was so one with him, that she died with him, was his wife,
and only had no children by him because of their " married chastity."
In short, to use Dr. Grosart's words, ' Shakspeare, regarding the
beheaded Essex ' — Essex beheaded by Elizabeth — said of the loving
pair —
So they loved, as love in twain
Had the essence but in one ;
calld them " Co-supremes and stars of love," &c., &c.
And yet in Shakspere's glorification of this superb exhibition of
devotion on Elizabeth's part, to " the beheaded Essex " before he
was beheaded, Dr. Grosart says —
" I discern a sense of personal heart-ache and loss [on Shakspere's
part] in these sifted and attuned stanzas, unutterably precious "
(p. xlv), and " I do see that Shakespeare went with Robert Chester
in grief for Essex, and in sad-heartedness that the ' truth of love ' had
not been accomplished. Herein, I find, likewise — I would reimpress
— why it was that Shakspeare, though well-nigh stung to do it in
print, wrote nothing on the death of Elizabeth" (p. Ixi).
Now this seems odd, that because Shakspere had in his Threnos
regarded "the beheaded Essex" as dead, and then extolld Eliza-
1 Has any of our Members ever come across a more muddled and worth-
less bit of Elizabethan work than Chester's 1
XVIII. MR. FURNIVALL ON CHESTER'S LOVERS MARTYR. SCRAPS. 455
beth's perfect love for him, even to dying with him, this same
exhibition of perfect love should have been the reason why Shak-
spere said nothing about Elizabeth after her death.
My object in writing these hasty notes is merely 1. to remind
my fellow-members that there are two sides to this, as to all other
questions, 2. to ask them to be cautious in accepting the theory, as
at present developt, that the Phoenix and Turtle are Elizabeth and
Essex, for it may lead them into the mixture of the man who next
week went last month to find a mare's nest ; and 3. to suggest
that Dr. Grosart's warning on p. 235, may with advantage be ex-
tended beyond the title he gives in inverted commas " %* In the
* Cantoes Alphabet-wise^ that follow, we must not look for ordinary
construction or much sense. The self-imposed fetters hinder both."
But while I cannot at present accept Dr. Grosart's theory, I am
grateful to him for his text and his facts.
F. J. FURlSTIVALL,
October 4, 1878.
Miss PHIPSON : — Another contradiction should be noticed, in the
making Paphos to be Ireland. It was always believed that there
were no venomous serpents in Ireland, and yet in the Paphos which
Dr. Grosart tries to make Ireland, Chester gives us " the Crocodile
. . . the bespeckled Adder . . . the poisonous Viper, and the
poisonous Cockatrice," p. 113.
P. S. I do not feel bound to put forward any theory in place of
Dr. Grosart's, which I reject. The muddle of Chester's poem seems
to me too great to be untangled. But if the poets whose Essaies
follow his, meant Elizabeth by their Phoenix, I believe their Turtle-
Dove was a mythic man, invented to live and die with her. — F. J. F.
appay, v. t. appease, satisfy: Lucrece, 1. 914. "It was a
strange conceit, with our owne affliction to goe about to please and
appay divine goodnesse." 1603. J. Florio. Montaigne, ed. 1632,
p. 292.
atone, v. t. set at one, set at peace : Timon, Y. iv. 58. " Many
have recourse to them, to attone & take up quarrels and differences,
which arise amongst men else where." 1603. J. Florio. Montaigne,
ed. 1632, p. 348.
456 SCRAPS.
buclde with, v. t. wrestle, strive: I Hen. VI. I. ii. 95; IV. iv.
5; V. iii. 28; 3 Hen. VI. I. iv. 50 (the only uses). "No man
undertakes to buckle with, any other man." 1603. J. Florio,
Montaigne, ed. 1632, p. 348.
carouse, v. i. : Macbeth, II. iii. 26. " The Germans . . never
begin to carouse, but when they have well fed." 1603. J. Florio.
Montaigne. 1632, p. 190.
coast, v. i. : Ven. $ Ad., 1. 870. " When I am travelling, I
would rather see a Hare coasting then crossing my way." 1603.
J. Florio. Montaigne. 1632, p. 519.
coming-in, sb. income: Merchant, II. ii. 171; Henry V. IV. i.
260. " I measure my garment according to my cloth, and let my
expenses goe together with my comming in." 1603. J. Florio.
Montaigne. 1632, p. 136.
cope, v. t. encounter adversely : Tr. fy Cres. I. ii. 34. " It is his
[Cupid's] glory, that his power checketh and copes all other might,
and that all other rules give place to his." 1603. J. Florio. Mon-
taigne. 1632, p. 489.
dishorn, v. t. take the horns off: Merry Wives, IV. iv. 63. "It
fortuned that a chiefe Gossip of his had a Goate dishorned." 1603.
J. Florio. Montaigne. 1632, p. 436.
disnature, v. t. : Lear, I. iv. 305, ' disnatured,' unnatural. " In
the Turkish Empire there are many . . . who neuer speake to
any body, who think to honour their nature, by disnaturing them-
selues." 1603. J. Florio. Montaigne. 1632i p. 493.
distemper, v. t. : Othello, I. i. 99. " To swallow it (a potion) . .
so much against his heart . . much distempereth a sicke man."
1603. J. Florio. Montaigne. 1632, p. 433.
fool, v. i. look like, play, the fool : Rich. II. V. v. 60. " Obserue
but how he [Love] staggers, stumbleth and fooleth ; you fetter and
shackle him, when you guide him by arte and discretion." 1603. J.
Florio. Montaigne. 1632, p. 503.
gaudy, a. of jollification: Ant. fy Cleop. III. xiii. 183. "The
Sorbonicall or theologicall wine, and their feasts or gaudy dayes are
now come to bee prouerbially iested at." 1603. J. Florio. Mon-
taigne. 1632, p. 627.
gondolier, sb. : Othello, I. i. 126. "The ignoble are bound to
cry as they walke along, like the Gondoliers or Water men of Venice
along the streetes, least they should justle with them of [nobility]."
1603. J. Florio. Montaigne, 1632, p. 477.
rariety, sb. : Tempest, II. i. 58. " Report followeth not all good-
nesse, except difficulty and rarietie be ioyned thereunto." 1603.
J. Florio. Montaigne, ed. 1632, p. 577.
457
XIX.
THE "SPEECH-ENDING TEST" APPLIED TO
TWENTY OF SHAKSPEKE'S PLAYS.
BY
FREDERICK S. PULLING, M.A.,
LECTURER AT QUEEN'S COLLEGE, OXFORD; LATE PROFESSOR OF MODERN
HISTORY AND LITERATURE AT THE YORKSHIRE COLLEGE, LEEDS.
[Read at the 55t7i Meeting of the Society, Nov. 14, 1879.]
PROFESSOR DOWDEN in his admirable little ' Shakspere Primer,'
after enumerating the different tests which have been applied, with
such interesting results, to determine the chronology of Shakspere's
plays, mentions that two other solvents have "been suggested and
described; one of which is the 'speech-ending test' of Professor
Ingram. This test had only been partially worked out by its
inventor, but it appeared to me that it would be highly desirable
that it should be thoroughly investigated, for the purpose of dis-
covering whether it would not supply additional evidence to enable
us to decide on the much-vexed question of the exact chronology of
the Plays — especially of those of the middle period. Professor
Ingram kindly put me in possession of all the information he had
gathered by means of this test, and, assisted by valuable suggestions
from him and Mr. Furnivall,1 I began the work.
My plan has been to distinguish between single-line and part-line
speeches, as well as between those speeches which end with the end
of a line and those which end in the middle of a line.
This I have done with respect to twenty of the most important
Plays, and the results obtained are, I think, interesting, and none the
less so because they, in the main, tend decidedly to confirm the con-
clusions arrived at by means of the other tests. The text I have used
throughout is the Leopold Edition, and whatever in that text is
1 He has added the Proportion Column to my Table, and the Rev. W. A .
Harrison the Percentage column. These give the same result in inverse order.
458
XIX. MR. PULLING ON THE
printed as ' prose/ I have, with, very rare exceptions, taken to he so ;
of course cases arose in which, especially in short speeches, I had to
exercise my own judgment, and I must ask the leniency of memhers
in dealing with this branch of the subject. But with regard to the
general results obtained, I can vouch for their accuracy, as they
practically ' prove ' themselves.
I must conclude by strongly advocating the adoption of the system
of numbering the speeches instead of the lines ; the advantages of this
system are obvious, as have been ably demonstrated by Mr. A. J.
Ellis and Professor Ingram, and I can only join them in their hopes
that the New Shakspere Society will adopt it in their critical edition
of the Plays.
I regret that my other numerous engagements have prevented my
completing the task I set myself, but I thought it better to lay before
the Society the results I have obtained so far, without waiting for
the time, which may be long distant, when I may have leisure to
finish the work I have begun.
HAMB OF THE PLAY
i|
VERSE
SPEECHES
TOTAL
NO. OF
SPEECHES
PART-LINE
SPEECHES
SINGLE-LINE
SPEECHES
SPEECHES
ENDING
WITH END
OF LINE
SPEECHES
ENDING IN
MIDDLE OF
LINE
PROPORTION
OF MID-LINE-
ENDING
8P : 1 IN
PER CENTAGE
OF MID-LINE
ENDING
SPEECHES
Com. of Errors
120
488
608
42
213
227
6
81.33
1.23
Two Gentlemen
340
517
857
121
136
236
24
21.54
4.64
Richard II.
0
554
554
65
108
343
38
14.57
6.86
King John
0
548
548
67
127
308
46
11.91
8.37
Romeo fy Juliet
205
634
839
86
135
333
71
9.
11.19
Julius Ccesar
97
698
795
197
136
258
107
6.52
15.36
Henry V.
467
261
728
41
45
132
43
6.06
16.09
Mer. of Venice
170
464
634
62
89
234
79
5.87
17.03
As You Like It
560
239
799
46
46
103
44
5.43
18.81
Twelfth Night
671
250
921
66
38
90
56
4.46
22.4
Othello
247
935
1182
352
143
195
245
3.81
26.1
Hamlet
456
679
1135
251
89
134
205
3.31
30.19
Measure for M.
420
479
899
144
58
108
169
2.83
35.28
King Lear
318
742
1060
253
76
123
290
2.55
39.08
All's Well
514
418
932
118
50
86
164
2.54
39.21
Macbeth
56
591
647
194
50
108
239
2.47
4044
Coriolanus
291
817
1108
279
34
66
365
2.23
44.67
Cymbeline
178
651
829
188
17
• 86
391
1.66
60.36
Tempest
231
409
640
104
16
36
253
1.61
61.86
Winter's Tale
217
508
725
120
8
40 340
1.49
66.93
[The plays most out of place in this Table are, Julius Ccesar (1601)
before Henry V. (1599), and The Merchant (? 1596) ;— Othello (? 1604) before
All's Well (1601), &c. The 3 Fourth- Period Plays rightly come last.— F.]
450
XX. SCRAPS.
Painting — rouge, 466.
Stewed Prunes, 468.
Swashing blow, 468.
iwif, 470.
World a Stage, 471.
^ Stairs, 471.
The Wise Woman, 459.
BassaniJs Arrows, 460.
Breed =. interest, 46 1.
Tavern Ivy-bush, 461.
Cage of Rushes, 462.
Dyeing Scarlet, 464.
Emerald and Eyesight, 465. j and many single words.
" The wise woman of Brentford .-" M. W. of Windsor, IV. v. 27,
59 ; "The Old Woman of Brentford," IV. ii. iii.
See " Certaine Workes of Galens called Methodus Medendi
with a brief Decleration of the worth ie Art of Medicine, &c., trans-
lated into English by Thomas Gale Maister in Chirurgerie. At
London, Printed by Thomas East, &c 1586." 4 to. Bl. L. fol. 33.
" I think there be not so few in London as three score women
that occupieth the arte of Physicke and Chirurgerie. These women,
some of them be called wise women, or holie or good women, some
of them be called Witches and useth to call on certaine spirits, and
some of them useth plaine bauderie, and telleth gentlewomen that
cannot beare children how they may haue children. What manner
of other sorts and sects there be of these, as some for sore breastes,
some for the stone and Strangurie, some for paine of the teeth, some
for scald heads, some for sore legges, some cunning in Mother Tom-
son's tubbe, and some to helpe Maids when they haue lost their
maidenhead, when their bellies are growen too greate, to make them
small againe, with a thousand more. Galen in his booke of sectes
did neuer make mention of the fourth part so manie, I thinke, if
this worshipfull rablement were gathered together they would make
a greater profession than euer did ye Monks, the Friers, & the Nuns,
when they did swarme most in London." — fol. 33.
(Ford says : " She workes by Charmes, by Spels, by th' Figure
and such dawbry as this is; beyond our Element; wee know
nothing." — 1st Folio.
The word, " dawbry," here : may it not be a transposition,
bawdry ? l Gale says these women use " plaine bauderie ; " and hints
at their carrying-on the business of a procuress, under cover of white
witchcraft. The jealous Ford's suspicions of the wise woman and
1 I think not. It doesn't suit the context.— F. J. F. [The unsignd
extracts below are, as usual, mine.]
K. S. SOC. TRANS., 1877-9. 31
460 XX. SCRAPS. WISE WOMAN. BASSANIo's ARROWS.
his dislike for her presence in his house are, under those circum-
stances, natural enough. There's more "bawdry" than fortune-
telling, he thinks.) — ALFRED WALLIS.
Stowe, in his Annales, ed. 1605, p. 1277, gives ' A true report of
such reasons and coniectures as caused many learned men to suppose
him [Ferdinando, Earl of Derby] to be bewitched/ in April 1594.
"A homely woman, about the age of fiftie yeeres, was found
mumbling in a corner of his honors chamber; but what, God
knoweth. This wise woman (as they termed her) seemed often to
ease his honor, both of his vomiting and hickocke, but so it fell out,
which was strange, that when so long as hee was eased, the woman
her selfe was troubled most vehemently in the same maner, the
matter which she vomited, being like also vnto that which passed
from him."— F. J. F.
Bassanio's Arrows: Merchant of Venice, I. i., First Folio,
p. 162, col. 1.
" Bass. In my schoole dayes, when I had lost one shaft,
I shot his fellow of the selfesame flight
The selfesame way, with more aduised watch,
To finde the other forth ; and by aduenturing both,
I oft found both."
The following illustrative passage occurs in Quips vpon Qvestions,
or A Clownes conceite on occasion offered .... By Clunnyco de
Curtanio Snuffe [Snuff, the Clown of the Curtain Theatre], 1600,
repr. Ouvry, 1875, sign D3 : —
" How shall I finde it ?
" lie tell thee how to finde that eare againe.
Children, in shooting, when they loose an Arrow
In high growne or deepe grasse, omit no paine,
But with their Bowes end, rake and search it narrow,
And when they bootlesse seeke, and finde it not,
After some sorrow, this amendes is got :
An other shaft they shoote that direct way
As whilome they the first shot ; and be plaine
Twentie to one, as I haue heard some say,
The former Arrow may be found againe.
So, as you lost the first eare, gentle brother,
Venture the second eare, to find the tother.
Nay, soft and faire, to do that I am loth ;
So I may happen for to lose them both.
( Better lost than found : who will beweepe them ?
^ p00iGS liauing eares, yet do want wit to Iceepe them.
XX. SCRAPS. BREED (= INTEREST), TAVERN IVY-BUSH. 461
angle, sb. (rod, line and hook.) Ant fy Cleop. II. v. 10. " Againe,
if a man doe enter vpon the freehold of another, and doe there fish
the waters with an angle, or cut downe the grasse with a sith, or
fell the trees with an axe, or take away any of his goods in his
absence ; this is accounted a disseisin with Force and armes." Lam-
barde's Eirenarcha, bk. ii., chap. 4, ed. 1607, p. 141.
Apple-John: 2 Hen. IV., II. iv. 1—10. "I [Guzman] found
her [Guzman's mother] leane, old, tawny, toothlesse, her face (like
an old Apple-John) all shriueled, and altogether another kinde of
creature." — J. Mabbe's translation of Guzman de Alfarache, 1623.
Part II. p. 310.— W. G. STONE.
an armour: Much Ado, II. iii. 17. " Enfondrer vn harnois. To
make a great dint in an armour." 1611. Cotgrave.
bating: R. $ J. III. ii. 14. " Debatis : m. The bating, or
vnquiet fluttering of a hauke." 1611. Cotgrave.
'breed, sb. interest: Merchant, I. iii. 135. "To conclude: she
•was furnished of the money for a twelvemonth, but upon large
security and most tragical usury. When, keeping her day the
twelvemonth after, coming to repay both the money and the breed
of it — for interest may well be called the usurer's bastard — she found
the hearth in the same order, with a dead fire of charcoal again."
1604. T. M. The Blacke Booke, Dyce's Middleton, v. 520-1. — F.
bruit, sb. : Timon, Y. i. 196. "The brute, or talke, is ouer all
Asia. Sermo est tota Asia dissipatus, Pompeium, &c. Cic." 1580.
Baret's Alvearie.
bush : " Good wine needs no bush," Epilogue to As You Like It.
A holly or an ivy bush was the ancient Ensign of an ale-house or
tavern; thus in Dekker's 'Wonderful Yeare' (1603) occurs "Spied
a bush at the end of a pole (the ancient badge of a country ale-
house)," and plenty of proof may be easily adduced. The origin of
the custom dates perhaps back to the rites of Bacchus, to whom the
ivy was sacred. Holly and ivy would no doubt, from their freshness
and greenness, have been used from the earliest period as symbols of
rejoicing; but in reference to wine, ivy bears a further meaning,
without the knowledge of which the real force of the above proverb
is, I believe, lost. This may be proved from abundant sources, but
the following will suffice :
" In their feasting, they would sometimes separate the water from
the wine that was therewith, as Cato teacheth ' de re rustica ' (c. 3), and
Pliny (1. 16, C. 35), with an ivie cup, would wash the wine in a
bason full of water, then take it out again with a funnel pure as
ever." Rabelais1 Works, Bk. I. ch. 24, Ozell's Translation.
And again : " after that ; how would you part the water from the
wine, and purify them both in such a case 1 I understand you well
31*
462 XX. SCRAPS. TAVERN IVY-BUSH. CAGE OF RUSHES.
enough, your meaning is, that I must do it with an Ivy Funnel."
Ibid. Bk. III. ch. 52.
And Gervase Markham : " If it came to pass that wine have
water in it, and that we find it to be so, ... cause a vessel of
ivie wood to be made, and put therein such quantitie of wine as it
will hold, the water will come forth presently, and the wine will abide
pure and neate." — The Countrie Farme, Bk. VI. ch. 16.
Hence the meaning of the proverb would appear to be, that good
(that is to say, pure or neat) wine would not, like diluted wine,
require ivy to make it drinkable; otherwise the saying means no
more than that humanity has wit enough to find its way to a good
thing without being directed, which is neither a very pointed nor
yet a very true remark. But that this was the meaning of the
Proverb, we are not without actual proof, thus : " The common
saying is, that an ivie bush is hanged at the Taverne-dore to declare
the wine within : But the nice searchers of curious questions afnrme
this the secret cause, for that that tree by his native property
fashioned into a drinking vessel plainly describeth unto the eye the
subtile art of the vintner in mingling licors, which else would lightly
deceive the thirsty drinkers taste." — Accedens of Armorie, Gerard
Leigh, 1591 : Richard Argol to the Reader.
Lilly expressly uses the word * neat.'
" Things of greatest profit are set forth with least price.
"Where the wine is neat, there needs no ivie bush."
Euphues, quoted by Nares.
The proverb itself was very common. It occurs in the Epilogue
to As You Like It, in a note in which Steevens quotes from
Gascoigne's Glass of Government, 1575 : " Now a days the good
wyne needeth none ivye garland." Chaucer alludes to it in his
Prologue to the Canterbury Tales : —
" A gerlond hadde he set upon his hede,
As gret as it were for an ale stake."
Camden gives it in Remaines of Britain; and in Ray's Proverbs
may be found its Italian, French, Latin, and Spanish equivalents. —
H. C. HART.
Cage of rushes. As You Like It, III. ii. 387. The custom of
" marrying with a rush ring " is often mentioned in our old writers.
Instances may be found in Nares's Glossary of Shakspearian Words,
with a short dissertation on the subject. Brand, in his Popular
Antiquities, considers it a " custom chiefly practised by designing
men ; " and see also Mr. Skeat's note on a passage in Shakspere and
Fletcher's Play, The Two Noble Kinsmen, Act IV. sc. i. 1. 88, a
part of the play which is (by Mr. Skeat) attributed to Fletcher.
Chapman alludes to rush rings —
XX. SCRAPS. RUSH-RINGS. CHE7ERIL CONSCIENCE. 403
" Kushes make true love knots, rushes make rings,
Your rush, maugre the beard of winter, springs."
Gentleman Usher, Act II.
And Spencer —
" 0 thou greate Shepheard, Lobbin, how great is thy griefe !
Where bene the nosegayes that she dight for thee ?
The coloured chaplets wrought with a chiefe
The knotted rush rings and gilt rosemaree."
The explanation of a passage in All's Well that ends Well (II. ii.
24, Globe ed.), " as fit as Tib's rush for Tom's fore finger," is, accord-
ing to the commentators, to be found in this custom ; but they pass
over in silence the following passage in As You Like Jt : Kosalind
says (III. ii. 387) : " There is none of my uncle's marks npon you ;
he taught me how to know a man in love ; in which cage of rushes
I am sure you are not prisoner." 'Cage' of course means prison
here ; but if cage of rushes be not taken to mean a rush ring, or
to allude to it, the phrase seems to me to be meaningless and deprived
of its pith. — HENRY CHICHESTER HART.
" Cater-cousins" : Merch. of Ven., II. ii. 139. "I was not halfe
Cater-cousins with him, because by his meanes, I had lost my
Cloake, and sup't vpon a Mule." — Mabbe's Guzman de Alfarache,
1623, part i., p. 62.— W. G. S.
Caviare, sb. : Hamlet, II. ii. 457. Cauidle, Gauidro, a kinde of
salt meate vsed in Italie, like blacke sope : it is made of the roes of
fishes. 1598. Florio. A Worlde of Wordes.
cheveril conscience : Henri/ VIII. II. iii. 32. " in my iudgement,
a man can serue God in no calling better, than in it [Law], if he be
a man of a good conscience ; but in Dnalgne [England] the lawiers
haue such chauerell consciences, that they can serue the Deuill better
in no kind of calling than in that : for they handle poore mens
matters coldly, they execute iustice parcially, and they receiue bribes
greedily, so that iustice is peruerted, the poore beggared, and many a
good man iniured thereby. They respect the persons, and not the
causes; mony, not the poore; rewards, and not conscience. 1583.
PHILLIP STUBBES, Anatomie of Abuses, Part II. ed. F. J. E. (N. Sh.
Soc.), 1880 or 1881, p. 11—12.
cormorant (insatiate), sb. : Rich. II. II. i. 38. " it (want of
iustice) is thorow the corruption of iniquitie, auarice, and ambition
of greedy and insaciable cormorants, who, for desire of gaine, make
hauock of all things, yea, make shipwracke of bodies and soules
to the deuill for euer, unless they repent." 1583. PH. STUBBES,
Anatomie, Part II. (N. Sh. Soc.), p. 17.
decay, v. tr. : cause to decay, waste, destroy, Cymb. I. v. 56.
decay, sb. thing decayd or destroyd, a ruin (concrete for abstract).
464 XX. SCRAPS. DECAY. DYEING SCARLET.
Lear V. iii. 297. "Anno xxxix. Reginse Elizabeths [1597]. IT An
Acte against the decaying of Townes and houses of Husbandrie.
The iirst Chapter . . . And be it also enacted . . if any person or
persons, bodies politique or corporate, at any time since the beginning
of her sayd Maiesties Keigne, and before seuen yeeres now last past,
haue decayed or wasted, or willingly suffered to be decayed or wasted,
any such house of Husbandry, That in euery such case the offendour
in that behalfe shall erect, build, or repaire, vpon some convenient
part of the Scites where the decayes were or bene, or of the lands
to any such houses heretofore belonging, the one halfe in number of
such houses so decayed or wasted."
Dyeing Scarlet, 1 Hen. IV. II. 4, 136.
" They call drinking deep, dyeing scarlet."
In Rabelais' Pantagruel (Book II. chap. XXII., (Euvres de
Rabelais, 1865), the following occurs: "II c'est celluy ruisseau que
de present passe a Sainct Victor, auquel Gobelin tainct V escarlatte,"
and to this in Ozell's translation of M.le du Chat's Edition (Dublin,
1738), I find appended the following note : " Parisiis quando purpura
proeparatur, tune artifices invitant Germanicos milites & studiosos,
qui libenter bibunt; & eis proebent largiter optimum vinum, ea
conditione, ut postea, urinam reddant in ilium lanam. Sic enim
audivi a Studioso Parisiense . loann. Manlii libellus Medicus, page
765 of his commonplaces, Francfort Edit. 1568. 8vo.
How Shakspere may have lit upon the above, I know not ; but
so curious an idea is likely to have spread. The explanation seems
to me too satisfactory to be rejected. — H. C. HART.
Dyeing Scarlet. I have a MS. note by Staunton quoting, without
comment, the following passage from Armin's Nest of Ninnies (p. 55,
ed. Collier, Shak. Soc., 1842) — "where (i.e. in the cellar) if they
please, they may carouse freely, though they die deepe in scarlet, as
many doe,1 till they loose themselues in the open streets." — P. A. D.
Englishmen mad: Hamlet, V. i. 170.
Bil. Mary, my good lord, quoth hee, your lordship shall ever
finde amongst a hundred Frenchmen, fortie hot shottes ; amongst a
hundred Spaniardes, threescore braggarts ; amongst a hundred Dutch-
men, fourescore drunkardes j amongst a hundred Englishmen, fourscore
and ten madmen ; and amongst an hundred Welchmen . . . Eoure-
score and nineteene gentlemen. 1604. Jn. Marston. The Mal-
content, III. i. Works, 1856, ii. 244.
1 Staunton notes in MS. on watering — "Steevens is quite wrong in his
explanation [Var. 1821] : watering is simply drinking." — P. A. D.
In Sen Jonson's verses over the door of The Apollo,
" He the half of life abuses
Who sits watering with the Muses,"
his watering means "drinking water," as contrasted with wine. — H. C. HART.
XX. SCRAPS. EMERALD AND EYESIGHT. XOXNY NONNY. 465
Emerald and eye-sight: A Lover's Complaint, 11. 213, 214 : — •
" The deep-green emerald, in whose fresh regard
Weak sights their sickly radiance do amend."
In 1584, Eeg. Scot (Discover ie ; Booke 13, c. 6.) says : —
" A smarag " (generally spelt with a final d) is good for the eie-
sight, and suffereth not carnall copulation, it maketh one rich &
eloquent." — T. A. SPALDING.
flexure, sb. : Hen. V. IV. i. 72. "I will step forward three
paces ; of the which I will barely retire one ; and, after some little
flexure of the knee, with an erected grace salute her ; one, two, and
three! Sweet lady, God save you!" 1599. Ben Jonson. Every
Man out of his Humour, II. i., Works, i. 83, col. 2.
go to! (encouragingly) : Merry Wives, I. iv. 165. " Horuia, an
aduerb of encouraging, go too, now, away, on, forward, to it." 1598.
Florio. A Worlde of Wordes.
hedge-priest, sb. : L. L. L., V. ii. 545.
" Sinne. In faith, Sir Laurence, I thinke you must play the carter,
Or else you must be a hedge-prest, beggars to marrie ;
Which is an easy living, but you must fare hardly."
1578. T. Lupton. All for Money.- in HalliwelTs Literature of the
IQth $ nth centuries, 1851, p. 158.
Arlotto, a lack-latin or hedge-priest. 1611. Florio.
(hey) nonny nonny : Much Ado, II. iii. 71. "Fossa, a graue, a
pit, a ditch, a trench, any fosse, digging, or mote about a house.
Vsed also for a womans pleasure-pit, nouy-nony, or pallace of pleasure."
1611. Florio.
light, adj. mean, inferior : Twelfth Night, V. 347. " Besides this,
you may see (admitted by the opinion of the Court, 13 H. 7. 10),
that if a man in the night season hant a house that is suspected for
Bawderie, or vse suspicious companie, then may the Constable arrest
him to find suretie of his good Abearing . . . And therefore, it shall
not be amisse at this day (in my slender opinion) to grant Suertie of
the good Abearing against him that is suspected to haue begotten a
Bastard childe, to the end that he may be foorth comming when it
shall be borne . . . And if this medecine might lawfully be applied
to Shoemakers, Tailors, Weauers, and other light persons, that
(without Testimoniall, or other good Warrant) do flic out of one
shire into another : not only that euill of Bastardie, but many other
mischiefs, might be either preuented, or punished therby." Lam-
barde's Eirenarcha, bk. ii. chap. 2, ed. 1607, p. 119.
mad world: King John, II. 561.
" Clowne. Tis a mad world, Maister.
Nobody. Yet this made world shall not make me mad."
1606. Nobody and Somebody, sign. D3.
466
XX. SCRAPS. OLD TRUE-PENNY. PAINTING (ROUGE).
moneyed, well: My. Wives, IV. iv. 88. Pecunieux. . . Well
moneyed, full of money. 1611. Cotgrave.
nose, led by the : Othello, I. iii. 407. " Mendr per il ndso, to
lead by the nose, that is, to make a foole of one." 1611. Florio.
old true-penny: Hamlet, I. v. 150. " Academico. What haue
we here 1 old true-penny come to towne, to fetch away the lining in
his old greasie slops 1 then ile none, the time hath beene when such
a fellow medled with nothing but his plowshare, his spade, and his
hobnailes, and so to a peece of bread and cheese, and went his way :
but now these fellowes are growne the onely factors for preferment."
1602. Tlie Returne from Pernassus, II. iv. p. 15, ed. Arber, 1879.
painting, sb. rouge, cosmetic : Cymbeline, III. iv. 52.
Not farre from these doth stand all in a row
A box with curls, and counterfeited haire,
Flaxen, brown, yellow, some as black's a Crow,
Just under these doth stand thy groaning-chaire,
And close by it, of Chamber-pots a paire.
Then next thy bed, upon another shelfe,
There stands a Pot of painting for thy selfe.
1635. Thomas Cranley, Amanda; or the Converted Courtezan,
st. XLVIII. (I think Schmidt should have put Imogen's word under
his § 3, ' colour laid on,' and not his § 4, ' the practice of laying
colours on the face.' Imogen's 'jay of Italy' was the offspring of a
rouge-pot. — F. )
pensioners, sb. : Midsr. N. Dr., II. i. 10. " Mazziere, Mazzierot
a macebearer, a verger, a sergeant of the mace. Also a halbardier or
poleaxe man, such as the Queene of Englands gentlemen pencioners
are." 1598. Florio. A Worlde of Wordes.
piece: Winter's Tale, IV. iv. 32.
" The sweet Armida tooke this charge on hand,
A tender peece, for beauty, sex and age."
1600. Fairfax's Tasso, iv. 27.— W. G. STONE.
pioneer, sb. miner: Hamlet, I. v. 163. "Pioners or diggers for
mettal, do affirme, that in many mines, there appeare straunge shapes
and spirites, who are apparelled like vnto other laborers in the pit."
1572. R. H. Lavaterus's Ghostes, englisht, p. 73.
it please God : Much Ado, II. iii. 37. A gentleman travelling
in a mysty morning, ask'd of a shephed what weather it would be ]
It will be (saith the shepherd) what weather shall please me : And
being requested to express his meaning : Sir, saith he, it shall be
what weather pleaseth God, and what weather pleaseth God, pleaseth
me. .1660. Thos. Forde. A Theatre of Wits, p. 86.
posted, a., with a motto engravd on it : Lover's Complaint, 1. 45.
XX. SCRAPS. REMUNERATION. SKIRT. 467
" Brew, brief e, short, or compendious : a brief e, a note, a word, a
motto, an emblem, a posie, a briefe in musike." 1598. J. Florio.
A Worlde of Wordes.
Rack : for Mr. Aldis "Wright's emendation of butterwoman's rank
in As you like, it : " To make a Horse racke. There is also a third
pace, which is neither trot nor amble, but is called a racking pace,
that is to say between an amble and a trot ... To bring a Horse
then to this racking pace the only best 1 way is held to be sore and
long travel," &c. Gervase Markham, Gountrie Farme, Book I. chap.
28, fol. 134.
" He's well allied and loved of the best
Well thewed, fair and frank and famous by his crest,
His raindeer racking with proud and stately pace
Give to his flock a right beautiful grace."
Peele, Gratulatory Eclogue to Earl of Essex fy Ewe, 1589. — H.
C. HART.
rest : Hen. V. II. i. 17. " Fourclier . . to stay, or make a stand,
as a Musketier does when he sets downe his rest." 1611. Cotgrave.
restful, a. : Sonnet 66, line 1. " Quoy : m. ye : f. Quiet, still,
peaceable, restfull, ease-affecting, husht, calme." 1611. Cotgrave.
Remuneration, guerdon: Love's Labours Lost, III. i. 137-49,
170-4. ll Rimuneratione, a rewarde, a requitall, a recompence, a
remuneration, a meede, a guerdon." 1598. J. Florio. A Worlde
of Wordes.
ripenes, sb. : Lear, V. ii. 11. " Maturezza, ripenes, iudgement,
prudence, consideration." 1598. Florio.
rubies, sb. pi. : Errors, III. ii. 138. " Couperose: f. Copres ; also,
extreame rednesse of the face, accompanied with many pimples, and
rubies, especially about the nose." 1611. Cotgrave.
ryme, sb. verse, line of metre : L. L. Lost, IY. iii. 139. "As for
their rimes (I meane their rythmes) it is a world to see how rude
and rusticall they were." 1607. E. C. Hy. Stephen's World of
Wonders, englisht, p. 238.
sandblind : Merch. of Yen. II. ii. 37, 77. ' Sandblind. Vide
Bleare eied, & Poreblind.' 'Pooreblind [purblind], or that seeth
dimlie. Lusciosus . , . /*6wt//. Qui ha courte veue.' 1580. Baret's
Alvearie.
sea/old : Hen. V. Prol. 1. 1. 10. " Ptilpitum, Martial. A scaffolde
wheare players stande." Cooper. Lett. Engl. Diet. 1584.
skirt, sb. : As you like it, III. ii. 354; V. iv. 165. La rive d'un
lois. The skirt, edge, or side of a wood. 1611. Cotgrave.
1 Note B. J's and Irish " only best."— H.
4:68 XX. SCRAPS. SLIP. STEWED PRUNES. SWASHING BLOW.
}ip, sb. piece of false money : Ven. fy Ad. 515 ; Rom. fy Jul. IT.
iv. 51. "And whereas heretofore a counterfet peece of gold and a
false peece of siluer (which we call a slip) was neuer so falsified but
that it was worth at least the two thirds of the value : they haue
now deuised a tricke to confound mettals so cunningly together, that
some crownes coyned at this day are not worth eighteene pence,
and some quart d'escus not worth two pence. 1607. B. C. Hy,
Stephen's (H. Estienne's) World of Wonders, englisht, p. 115.
steely, adj. : 3 Hen. VI. II. iii. 16 (Marlowe). " Fer de guerre.
The steely, and sharp head of a Pike, Launce, or horsemans staffe."
1611. Cotgrave.
stewed prunes : a brothel dish, Meas. for Meas., II. i. 93. " Nay,
the sober Perpetuana suited Puritane, that dares not (so much as by
Moone-light) come neere the Suburb-shadow of a house where they set
stewed Prunes befor you, raps as boldly at the hatch, when he
knowes Candlelight is within, as if he were a new-chosen Constable."
1606. T. Decker. The Seven deadly Sins of London (Arber, 1879),
p. 27.
swash "blow : Rom. $ Jul. I. i. 70. ' venie * : Merry Wives, -
I. ii. 296. " M [ora] What ! hath the master of Fence a blow or
venie? P[eter] This wound hurts me not much, for it is giuen
with the hand vpward, but -beware of the swash blow, [Spanish : el
rebes\, for I will draw it with the hand downwards." Minsheu'a
Pleasant and Delightfull Dialogues in Spanish and English, p. 30,
ed. 1623. Senor Mora and Pedro, a muleteer, had been having a
chaffing match. Howes said of the sword-and-buckler men : " neither
would one of twentie strike beneath the waste, by reason they held
it cowardly and beastly." Stow's Annales, ed. 1631, p. 1024,
coL 2. Was a blow beneath the waist a 'swashing blow'? — W.
G. STONE.
tables, writing tablets : Hamlet, I. v. " Table . . a booke, or
register for memorie of thinges : also common writings . . letters
missiue." 1580. Baret's Alvearie. "A paire of writing tables.
Pugillaris . . vel Pugillare . . siue Pugillar . . Plin., TrivaKitiiov
Tablettes a escrire." ib. " Pugillar es. Plinius umor. A paier of
wry ting tables." Cooper, 1584.
taint, v. t. putrefy : Cymbeline, I. iv. 1 48. " What noses they were,
when they could find no goodnesse in wild fowl, and venaison, except
it were tainted a little, that is (to speake plaine English) except it
stunke a little, this stincke seeming to them to be the smell of
the venaison." 1607. E. C. Hy. Stephen's World of Wonders,
englisht, p. 234.
take, on, v.i. talk big and bounce about : Mids. N. Dr. III. ii.
258. "And yet notwithstanding, they will be sure to make price
XX. SCRAPS. TRUE-MEN. MUCH ADO. 469
of their racked cloth, double and triple more than it cost them. And
will not sticke to sweare, and take on (as the other their confrater
before), that it cost them so much, and that they do you no wrong."
1583. Ph. Stubbes, Anatomie, Part II. N. Sh. Soc. 1880 or -81,
p. 24.
tearing a ruff: 2 Henry IV., IV. i.
I am neither Rich, nor Poor,
I was never Miss nor Whore,
I had ne'er my Placket tore,1
Yet no Man comes to wooe me. Come, &c.
1691. The Virgin's Complaint, ed. Ebs worth. Bag ford Ballads
(1878, p. 930).
tick-fade, sb. copulation: Meas.for Meas. I. ii. 196.
What a hurly-burly is here !
Smick smack [— kissing], and all this gear,
You will to tick-tack I tear,
If you had time :
Well, wanton, well ;
Iwis I can tell,
That such smock-smell
Will set your nose out of tune.
ab. 1550. Lusty Juventus. Hazlitt's Dodsley, ii. 85.
tricksy : Tempest. Nettelet : m. ette : f. Prettie and neat ;
minion, briske, smug, tricksie, sinirke. 1611. Cotgrave.
true-men, honest men: Cymb. II. iii. 77. "About ten miles on
this side Abbeuile we entred into a goodly Forrest called Veronne . . .
at the entrance whereof a French man that was in our company,
spake to vs to take our swords in our hands, because sometimes there
are false knaues in many places of the Forrest that lurke vnder trees
and shrubbes, and suddenly set vpon trauellers, and cut their throtes,
except the true men are too strong for them (A.D. 1608)." 1611.
Coryat's Crudities, p. 9, 10.
Much Ado about Nothing : Vne levee de l>ouclier. " Much adoe
aoout nothing; a great shew, or much doings, to little purpose;
mightie preparations for a meane exploit ; a notable coyle, or stirre,
when it needs not." 1611. Cotgrave.
1 The tearing of plackets indicated a " shindy " in a brothel — such as she
had never encountered. Mine Ancient Pistol was given to this mal-practice,
as well as to some others. No wonder that Doll Tearsheet could not abide
him. "Hang him, swaggering Rascall, let him not come hither. It is the
foule-mouth'dst Rogue in England." He himself threatens her, " I will murther
your Ruffe for this." And she also says, "You a Captaine? you slave, for
what? For tearing a poor Whore's Ruffe in a Bawdy-house?" (Second
Part, Henry IV. Act iv. So. 1.)— J. W. EBSWOKTH.
4:70 XX. SCRAPS. VADED. CANNOT WANT. WEAPONED.
ungarterd : Hamlet, II. i. 80. " Triboullet . . a slouenlie fellow,
one that vsually weares his hose vngarterd, and shooes vntyed."
1611. Cotgrave.
vaded: Pass. Pilgrim, 131, 132. " Couleur paste. A vaded or
vnperfect colour, such as that of Box wood is." 1611. Cotgrave.
veney, sb. : Merry Wives, I. i. 296. " Imbroccata, a thrust at
fence, or a venie giuen ouer the dagger.*' 1598. J. Florio. A
Worlde of Wordes. " Coup : m. A blow, stroake ; knocke, rap,
thumpe, cuffe, whirret ; also, a hit, or touch ; a Vennie, in fencing ;
also, a fling, or cast, as at Dice, &c. ; also, a Cuckold." 1611.
Cotgrave. — F. <c This, sir, is call'd, The beating of the Fencer out of
his Schoole. You see, for all your cunning, you may take a knocke
as well as another man. It is but blow for blow ; you haue giuen
me one Venew, and I haue giuen you another." 1623. J. Mabbe's
translation of Guzman de Alfarache, Part I. p. 237. — W. G. STONE.
waggling : Much Ado, II. i. 9. " Triballer. To wagle, or dangle
vp and do wne ; to goe dingle dangle, wig wag." 1611. Cotgrave.
cannot want = can miss, shall miss : Macbeth, III. vi. 8. A
somewhat like use of * cannot lack ' = shall miss, occurs in Roger
Ascham's Letter to Edw. Raven from Augsburg, Jan. 20, 1551 :
" surely this wine of Rhene is so good, so natural, so temperate, so
ever like itself, as can be wished for man's use. I was afraid when
I came out of England, to miss beer ; but I am more afraid, when I
shall come into England, that I cannot lack [= I shall miss] this
wine. " No doubt ' I cannot lack ' can be taken as * I shall never be
able to get on without,' and so made to contradict Shakspere's use ;
but so also can the confirmatory phrases in Prof. Baynes's Edinburgh
article (July 1869), cited by Furness in his Variorum, p. 192. — F.
weaponed, a. : Othello, Y. ii. 266. " Anno XXXIX Reginse Eliza-
bethse, [1597-8] Chap. xvij. IT An Acte against lewd and wandering
persons, pretending themselues to bee Souldiers or Mariners. The
xvij. Chapter. Whereas diuers lewde & licentious persons con-
temning both Lawes, Magistrates, and Religion, haue of late dayes
wandered vp and downe in all parts of the Realme, vnder the name
of Souldiers and Mariners, abusing the title of that honourable pro-
fession to countenance their wicked behauiours, and doe continually
assemble themselues weaponed in the high wayes & elsewhere in
troupes, to the great terror and astonishment of her Maiesties true
Subiects, the impeachment of her Lawes, and the disturbance of the
peace and tranquilitie of this Realme," . . .
whore, sb.: Hamlet, II. ii. 614. " Iniurieux en tripiere. Scolding
like a Butter-whore." 1611. Cotgrave.
the icorlde a stage : As you like it, II. vii. 239.
XX. SCRAPS. WORLD A STAGE. BELOW-STAIRS. 471
" But lie that vertne is without, doth counterfeit the same,
And vnderneath disguised cloke, procures a vertuous name,
Wherefore if thou dost well discerne, thou shalt behold m,
. ine world
and see a stage
This mortall life that here you leade, a Pageant for to play*
bee.
The diuers parts therein declarde, the changing world doth showe,
The maskers are eche one of them with liuely breath that blowe,
For almost euery man now is disguised from his kinde,
And vnderneath a false pretence, they seely soules do binde.
So moue they Gods aboue to laugh with toyes and trifles vaine,
Which here in Pageants fond they passe, while they doe life retaine.
Fame, Glorie, Prayse, and eke Eenowne, are dreames, and profitlesse,
Because with Chaunce they are obtained, and not by Vertuousnesse."
1588. The Zodiake of life, written by the excellent and
Christian Poet, Marcellus Palingenius Stellatus . . . Translated out
of Latine into English, by Barnabie Googe, and by him newly recog-
nished, p. 99.
" For nothing else to be
The life of men on earth doe seeme, then staged Comedie."
p. 51 = 62.
below stairs : Much Ado, V. ii. 10. There is always some hidden
meaning in the phrase * below stairs.' Here are a few samples ; they
seem to me sufficient. " But these are petty engagements, and, as
I said, ' beloiv the stairs ; marry above here, perpetuity of beauty (do
you hear, ladies 1) health," &c. — Ben Jonson, Mercury Vindicated.
" Wei. Yes, sir, let me pray you for this gentleman, he belongs
to my sister, the bride.
Clem. In what place, sirl
Wei. Of her delight, sir, below the stairs, and in public : her
poet, sir." — Every Man in Hum., V. i.
(This is a puzzle, still it is connected with matrimony.)
" Marg. To have no man come over me !
Why shall I always keep below stairs ? "
Much Ado, V. ii. 10.
(Here it evidently means ' unmarried/)
"And in these degrees have they made a pair of stairs to
marriage, which they will climb incontinent, or else be incontinent
before marriage." — As You Like It, V. i. 40.
The phrase " climb to wedlock " occurs :
" But when to equal wedlock, in fit time,
Her fortune and endeavour lets her climb"
B. Jonson, Barriers.
This next is the best ; she is an affluent countess :
" Yet for the honour of our sex boast not this your easy conquest ;
472 XX. SCRAPS. FACE AND FORKS. FULLER OX SIIAKSPERB.
another might have perhaps have stayed longer below stairs, it was
but your confidence that surprised her love." — Chapman, Widow's
Tears, Act 1. — H. C. HART.
Whose face between her forks : Lear, IV. vi. 1 21. " Then followeth
the triming and tricking of the heds in laying out the hair to the
shewe, which of force must be curled, frisled, and crisped, laid out (a
world to see) from one ear to another ; and least it should fall down,
it is underpropped with forks, wyer," etc. 1583. Stubbes, Anatomie
of Abuses.
Does this relieve the obscenity of the passage ? " Snow " equalling
general, not local, chastity ! — H. C. HART.
The Spanish Galleon and ' Wit Combats : ' Centurie of Prayse,
p. 247.
The following is the passage from Sir P. Sidney's Arcadia, which
seems to me to have supplied Fuller with his well-known metaphor :
" Who ever saw a well-manned galley fight with a tall ship,
might make unto himself some kind of comparison of the difference
of these two Knights : a better couple than which the world could
not brag of. Amphialus seemed to excel in strength, the * forsaken
knight' in nimbleness," etc. — Arcadia, Lib. III. p. 295, ed. 1586. —
H. C. HART.
German clock: L. L. Lost, III. 192. "Visitants are like the
German clocks, which seldom goe right," &c. The character of
Visitants, Minshul's Essayes and Characters of a Prison and
Prisoners." 1618, ed. 1821, p. 47.— W. G. STONE.
chopine, sb. : Hamlet, II. ii. 447. " Sappin : m. A Cliiappin, or
Spanish Pantofle ; monstrous high-soled, and most vsed by women."
1611. Cotgrave. See Coryate's account of the Venetian ones, in
his Crudities (1611). Women had to be held-up under one arm,
to be able to walk in the absurd things safely. Coryate saw one
woman, walking alone, have a very bad tumble.
comfortable, a. comforting: Rich. II. IL ii. 76. " Poudre de
due. The name of a most comfortable pouder, made of Aromaticall
drugs, and spices." 1611. Cotgrave.
doing, sb. deed, act, proceeding: Rich. III. II. ii. 90. Like
of, v. like, approve : Much Ado, V. iv. 59. " Many wealthy citizens
of London, not altogither liking of this doing [the deposition of
Henry VI, and election of Edward IV], conueied themselues out of
the city." 1605. Jn. Stow. Annales, p. 688.
embost, pp. foaming at the mouth : Ant. fy Cleop. IV. xiii, 3.
" Anhelanti cani, baying, panting or breathing dogs, embost as an
ouerwearied deere." 1598. Florio. A Worlde of Wordes.
miching, sb. : Hamlet, III. ii. 146. " Hurtillo, m. pilferie,
miching, petie larcenie." Minsheu's Spanish Dictionary, 1623.
473
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Compiled by an Old Soldier. Svo. 1877. King and Co.
S. Scenes and Characters. A Series of Illustrations designed by
Adams, Hofnran, Makart, Pecht, Schweierrc and Sposs, and
SHAKSPEREANA PUBLISHED DURING 1876 — 1879. 477
engraved on steel by Bankel and others. With Explanatory
Text by Dowden. 4to. and Folio. 1876. Macmillan.
Sh. Memorial. History of the S. Memorial. Stratford-on-Avon.
8vo. 1878. Cassell.
S.'s House. From Irving, Fairholt, and others. Illustrated by
etchings by J. T. and W. W. Sabin. New York : 1877. Sabia
and Sons.
S. in Motto Cards. 6 Cards, floral initial letters and quotations
from Sh. 1877. 2s. 6d. Eotte.
Simpson (Richard). The School of S. Including the Life and Death
of Capt. Thomas Stukeley, with a new Life of Stukeley from
unpublished sources. Nobody and Somebody; Histriomas-
tix ; The Prodigal Son; Jack Drum's Entertainment; A
Warning for Fair Woman — with reprints of the account of
the murder; — and Fair Em; edited (with an Introduction)
by F. J. Furnivall. 2 vols. 8vo. 1877. Chatto and Windus.
Smith, C. R. Remarks on S., his Birthplace, etc. 2nd Ed. 8vo.
1877. Bell.
Snider, D. J. The System of S.'s Dramas. 2 vols. 8vo. St.
Louis : Jones and Co.
Spalding, T. A. S.'s Sonnets. (Gentleman's Mag. March, 1878.)
Stokes, H. P. Attempt to determine the chronological order of S.'s
Plays. The Harness Essay for 1877. 12mo. 1877. Mac-
millan.
Supernatural (the) Elements in Shaksp. (Article in the West-
minster Review, October, 1877, by Miss Edith Coleridge.)
Tegg, W. S. S. and his Contemporaries, together with the plots of
his Plays, Theatres, and Actors. 8vo. 1878. 4s. Tegg.
Vaughan, H. H. New Readings and New Renderings of Sh.'s
Tragedies. Vol. I. (King John, Richard II., Henry IV., 1
and 2.) 8vo. 1878. Kegan, Paul, and Co.
Weiss, J. Wit, Humour, and S. Twelve Essays. 12mo. Boston.
1876.
Wliite, James. Falstaff Letters. Originally published in 1796, and
now reprinted verbatim et literatim. 12mo. 1877. Robson.
Wilkes, George. Sh. from an American Point of View. Including
an inquiry as to his religious faith, and knowledge of law : with
the Baconian Theory considered. 8vo. 1877. 16s. Low
and Co.
Winsor (Justin). Bibliography of Original Quartos and Folios of
Shaksp. 4to. Boston. 1876. £6 6s.
Young Men (Shakspere's). Article in the Westminster Ixeview, Oct.
1876, by Miss Constance O'Brien.
478 SHAKSPEREANA PUBLISHED DURING 1876 — 1879.
II. GERMAN.
a. Texts.
Skakspeare's sdmmtliche dramatische Werke, iibersetzt von Schlegel,
Benda und Voss. 3 vols. 16mo. Leipzig, 1876.
WerJcefur Schule und Halts, bearbeitet von A. Hager. Vol. I,
1876. Vol. II, 1877. Freiburg.
dramatische Werke, nach Schlegel fur die deutsche Biihne
bearbeitet von Oechelhauser. Vol. 17, Othello, 1876. Vol. 18,
Konig Johann, 1876. Vol. 19 — 25, 1877 — 78. Weimar,
Huschke.
Werke (English), herausgegeben und erklart von N. Delius.
4te Aufl. 2 vols. 1876. Elberfeld.
dramatische Werke. Nach Schlegel und Tieck sorgfaltig re-
vidirt und herausgegeben von der deutschen Shakspeare-Gesell-
schaft. Redigirt von H. Ulrici. Zweite Auflage. 12 vols.
8vo. 1876—1878.
dramatische Werke, iibersetzt von Schlegel und Tieck. Erste
illustrirte Ausgabe, mit Einleitungen und Anmerkungen von
R. Gosche und Benno Tschischwitz. Mit Holzschnitten. 2te
verbesserte Auflage. 6 vols. 8vo. 1876. Berlin.
sdmmtliche Werlte, iibersetzt von Schlegel, Bodenstedt, Delius,
&c. ; illustrirt von Sir John Gilbert. 2te und 3te Auflage.
Royal 8vo. Stuttgart.
Stilcke. Fiir Schulen herausgegeben von Dr. E. Schmid.
Vol. 1—10. Danzig, 1878.
Works, with critical notes by W. Wagner. 8vo. Vol. I.
Hamburg. 1879.
ausgewahlte Dramen fur Schulen, mit Einleitungen und erkl.
Anmerkungen und Abriss der S. Grammatik von Dr. Karl
Meurer. Vol. I, The Merchant of Venice. 8vo. Coin. 1879.
Antonius und Cleopatra. Nach Delius Ausgabe fur die Biihne iiber-
setzt und bearbeitet von Gisbert Ereiherr von Vincke. 8vo.
Freiburg, 1876.
Repertoirstiicke in neuen Bearbeitungen und Einrichtungen
von F. Wehl. 8vo. Erfurt, 1877.
frei iibersetzt und bearbeitet von Franz Dingelstedt. 8vo.
Wien, 1879.
Erklart von Blumhoff. 8vo. Salzwedel, 1878.
Julius Caesar. Uebersetzt von F. U. Krais. Stuttgart, 1857.
zum Uebersetzen ins Deutsche, mit Anmerkungen von H.
Klose. 2te Aufl. 8vo. Mannheim, 1875.
Konig Lear, fur die Darstellung bearbeitet von E. Possart. Miin-
chen, 1876.
Eine deutsche Buhnen-Au-gabe, mit dramaturgischen, sceni-
SHAKSPEREAXA PUBLISHED DURING 1876 — 1879. 479
schcn und schauspielerischen Anmerkungen. Yon Max Kochy.
8vo. Leipzig, 1878.
Macbeth rendered into Metrical German (with English Text adjoined)
by Gustav Soling. 8vo. Wiesbaden, 1878.
- iibersetzt und kritisch beleuchtet von Messmer. 8vo. 1876.
Merry W. De lostgen "YViewer von "Windsor, en't Plattdietsche
awersett von Eob. Door. Met'nem Yarwort von Klauss Groth.
8vo. Liegnitz, 1877.
Merchant of Venice. Fur den Schulgebrauch erklart von L. Eiechel-
maun. 8vo. Leipzig, 1876.
Othello, erklatt von Sievers. 8vo. Salzwedel, 1878.
Taming of the S. Der Widerspenstigen Zahmung. (Eepertoir-
Stiicke der deutschen Biihne.) Neu bearbeitet von F. Wehl.
Erfurt, 1877.
Winter's Tale. Hermione. Grosse Oper in 4 Aufziigen, von Max
Bruch. Text nach S.'s Wintermarchen, von Emil Hopffer. 8vo.
Berlin, 1876.
b. Shakspereana.
Baaclce, F. Vorstudien zur Einfiihrung in das Yerstandniss S.
4 Yorlesungen. 8vo. Berlin, 1879.
BahrSy H. Die Anakoluthe bei Shakespeare. Jena, 1878.
Baumgart, H. Die Hamlet - Tragodie und ihre Kritik. 8vo.
Konigsberg, 1877.
Delius, N. Abhandlungen zu S. 8vo. Elberfeld, 1878.
Ehrlich, J. R. Der Humor Shakspeare's. Vortrag. 8vo. Wien,
1878.
Elze, Dr. K. William Shakespeare, gr. 8vo. Halle, 1876.
- Abhandlungen zu Shakspeare. gr. 8vo. Halle, 1877.
Eine Auffiihrung im Globe Theater. Yortrag. Weimar, 1878.
Feist, L. Ueber das Yerhaltniss Hamlets und Ophelia's. Eine
asthetische Untersuchung. 2te Aufl. 8vo. Bingen, 1877.
Fries™,, Freih. H. Dr. Karl Elze's William S. 8vo. Leipzig,
1876.
Shakspere Studien, Yol. III. S.'s Dramen bis zum Schlusse
seiner Laufbahn. Wien, 1876.
Gessncr, Th. Yon welchen Gesichtspunkten ist auszugehen, um
einen Einblick in das Wesen des Prinzen Hamlet zu gewinnen.
1877.
Goldschmidt, W. Dramaturgische !N"otizen (in it : Othello — Hamlet —
Macbeth—Lear). Berlin, 1878.
Guenther, M. A defence of S.'s Eomeo and Juliet against modern
criticism. 8vo. Halle, 1876.
Haeusser, S. Julius Caesar. Dramaturgische Tafel. Folio. 1878.
Horst. Koiiig Macbeth, eine Schottische Sage. 12mo. Bremen, 1876.
Humbert, C. Englands Urtheil iiber Moliere, der einzige Neben.
480 SHAKSPEREANA PUBLISHED DURING 1876 — 1879.
bulilcr S.'s und der grbsste Komiker aller Zeiten. 8vo. Biele-
feld, 1878.
Jahrbnch der deutschen ShaTcspeare-Gesellschaft. Jahrgang 1876 —
1879.
Isaak, H. On some particularities of the pronunciation of Shake-
speare. 4 to. Barmen, 1875.
Zu den Sonetten Shakspeare's. (Archiv von Herrig. Vol.
59—60.) 1878.
Klein, J. L. Geschichte des englischen Drama's. Vol. I. 8vo.
Leipzig, 1876.
Knauer, V. W. Shak. der Philosoph der sittlichen Weltordnung.
8vo. Innsbruck, 1879.
Koppel, Dr. R. Textkritische Studien liber S.'s Eichard III. und
King Lear. 8vo. Dresden, 1877.
Krauss, F. S. und seine Sonette. (Nord und Siid. Eebr. 1879.)
Kreyssig, Fr. Vorlesungen iiber Shakspeare, seine Zeit und seine
Werke. 3te Aufl. 2 vols. 8vo. Berlin, 1877.
Krummacher, Dr. M. Geschichtliche und literarische Beziehungen
in S.'s Hamlet. Elberfeld, 1877.
Liebau, G. S. Gallerie. Iste Lief. Abhandlung iiber Romeo und
Julia. 8vo. Berlin, 1876.
Lohse, L. Die Bedeutung S.'s fiir den Erzieher, insbesondere fur
den Lehrer. Anthologie aus seinen Dramen. 8vo. Plauen,
1876.
Meurer, Dr. K. S. Lesebuch. Also Iste Stufe der S.lecture fiir
hohere Lehranstalten. 8vo. Coin, 1876.
Der Sprachgebrauch in S.'s Merchant of Venice, grarnmatisch
dargestellt. 4to. Coin, 1876.
Pfe/er, F. Die Anredepronomina bei S. 8vo. Halle, 1877.
Proescholdt, L. On the sources of S.'s Midsummer Night's Dream.
Diss. Halle, 1878.
Schmidt, R. Hamlet. Ein Commentar fiir Laien. 8vo. Leipzig,
1877.
Schumann, Dr. J. See und Seefahrt, nebst dem metaphorischen
Gebrauche dieser Begriffe in S.'s Dramen. 4to. Leipzig, 1876.
Schakspeare's Geburtstagsbuch. 16mo. Miinchen, 1877.
Semler, Ch. S.'s Hamlet. Die Weltanschauung und der Styl des
Dichters. 8vo. Dresden, 1878.
Struve, H. Hamlet. Eine Charakterstudie. 8vo. Weimar, 1876.
TurJcus, J. F. Eine Studie iiber S.'s Macbeth. 8vo. Leoben, 1877.
Werner, 0. Die Elisabethanische Biihne nach Ben Johnson.
Ister Theil. 8vo. Halle, 1878.
Ziuzow, A. Die Hamletsage an und mit verwandten Sagen erlautert.
gr. 8vo. Halle, 1877.
SHAKSPEREANA PUBLISHED DURING 1876 — 1879. 481
III. FRENCH.
a. Texts.
Oeuvres completes. Traduction nouvelle par Benjamin P. Laroche.
6e Edition. 6 vols. 12mo. 1876.
Oeuvres Traduites par Fran9ois Victor Hugo. Vols. 1 — 9. 24mo.
Paris, 1875—78.
Traduites par Emile Montegut. 2nd Edition. Vols. 1 a 4.
18mo. 1877-8.
Traduction de Benj. Laroche, dessins de Felix Barrias. 2 vols.
4fo. 1876.
Hamlet. Traduction Italienne de C. Rusconi, avec le Fran9ais en
regard. 8vo. Paris, 1876.
Jules Ccesar • English avec Notes par C. Fleming. Paris, 1876.
Macbeth. Explique litteralement par M. Angellier, traduifc en
Frangais par M. E. Montegut. 12mo. Paris, 1876.
Macbeth. Trad. Francaise par E. Letourneur. Revue et corrigee.
18mo. Paris, 1877.
Edit, classique, notice par Sedley. 18mo. Paris, 1877.
Tragedie. Poesies par Ducis. Nouv. edit, publiee par A
Rion. 16mo. 1877.
Text Anglais. Notes par O'Sullivan. 18mo. Paris, 1877.
Trad, de Montegut, avec les text Anglais et des Notes. 12rno.
1876.
Merchant of V. Le juif de Venice, drame par F. Dugue. 4to.
Paris, 1876. Par Letourneur. Revue. 18mo. 1877.
Othello. Traduction Italienne de G. Carcano, avec le Francais en
regard. 8vo. Paris, 1876.
Romeo et Juliette. Trad. Franchise conforme a la representation.
18mo. 1876.
Le Roi Lear. Trad. Frangaisede Letourneur. 18mo. Paris, 1876.
b. ShaTcspereana.
Buechner, A. Les derniers critiques de Sh. 8vo. Caen, 1876.
• Hamlet le Danois. 8vo. 1878.
Charles P. 1'Angleterre au seizieme siecle. 1879.
Depret, L. Chez les Anglais. (Essays on Sh.) 12mo. Paris, 1879.
Jusserand, J. J. Le Theatre en Angleterre depuis laconquete jusqu'aux
predecesseurs immediats de Shakspeare. 8vo. Paris, 1878.
Lacroix, A. Shakspeare et Mons. Pousard. Bruxelles, 1876.
Onimus. La Psychologie dans les drames de Shak. 8vo. Paris,
1876.
Renan, E. Caliban. Suite de La Tempete. Drame philosophique.
8vo. Paris, 1878.
Stapfer, P. Shak. et Tantiquite. Premiere partie : 1'antiquite
grecque et latine dans les ceuvres de Sh. 8vo. Pari^, 1878.
APPENDIX.
2*
APPENDIX. I.
THREE LEAVES OF THE INTERLUDE OF
THE CKUELL DEBTTER,
BY
W. WAGER.
1566.
"Colwell Recevyd of Thomas colwell for his lycense for pryntiDg
of a ballet intituled an interlude the Cruell Detter by
Wager ...... iiijd
Such is the entry of this interlude in the later or 1566 part of the
Stationers' Eegister A, leaf 138, Arber's Transcript, i. 307. The
clerk had been entering licenses — among others, 2 to Colwell, —
for printing of " a ballett intituled " so and so; he began this " inter-
lude " entry in the same way, and forgot to run his pen through the
wrong words when he afterwards wrote the right ones.
Till lately, the only leaf known of The Cruell Deltter was C. iii. in
Bagf ord's collection of title-pages and scraps, among the Harleian MSS.
(Harl. 5919, leaf 18, back, no. 81). The finding, by Mr Edmund
W. Gosse, of the double leaf, D and D 4, among Mr. TV. B. Scott's
black-letter fragments, has induced me to put all three leaves into
type \ not because it is one's duty to print all known scraps of old
plays, but because the memory of Wager is dear to all lovers of
Ballads, from the bits sung by his fool Moros in his " very mery and
Pythie Commedie, called The longer thou liuest, the more foole thou
art" (See my Captain Cox, p. cxxvii.) Among " the foote of many
Songes " sung by Moros, is —
" 1F Com ouer the Boorne, Besse,
My litle pretie Besse,
Com ouer the Bborne, besse, to me,"
APPENDIX i. w. WAGER'S CRUELL DEBTTER, 1566. 3*
of which Shakspere has put the last line into Edgar's mouth in King
Lear, III. vi. 27.
"Wager's third play, " Tis good Sleeping in a whole Skin," is said
to have been destroyd by Warburton's servant (Hazlitt's Handbook).
The Personages of The Cmell DeUter shown in the 3 leaves are 6 : —
Eigor Symulatyon King Basileus, and
Flateri. Ophiletis Proniticus his minister.
Flateri has been to King Basileus's Palace, in hope of finding a home
there, but has been at once exposd, and obliged to leave. His friend
— who seems to have been Rigor's too — advises him to go to some
other folk of whom he and Eigor have talkt ; so they agree to go
together, after first banging the false knave Symulatyon, who was
also to join Flateri in his journey.
On the lost leaf, C 4, Symulatyon has evidently had his banging,
as on leaf D his arms and back are almost made lame. Then to the
three companions enters Ophiletis, a gentleman of King Basileus's
house, ruind by extravagant living, and now not worth an oyster-
shell. He is deeply in debt to the King, owes him 10,000 talents,
and has been summond by Proniticus to pay.
The next leaf is unsignd, but as its paper runs on from D, it is
D 4. In it, Ophiletis is brought before King Basileus, acknowledges
his indebtedness, prays for mercy, and is reprovd. He tells Basileus,
that Eigor who intercedes for him, is Humylytie, so that in the lost
leaves the four comrades Eigor, Flateri, Symulatyon, and Ophiletis,
must have got up some plot to deceive Basileus.
All the leaves are in couplets, except a page and a third of D,
which are in 7-line stanzas. These 2s and 7s are the most general
forms of verse in early plays, though in some the metre varies very
much. In the first two volumes of Hazlitt's Dodsley, the metre of
the plays is mainly as follows 1 : —
1 The rymes have been often spoilt by careless modernization, as Ind,
ryming with find, is printed India, i. 27, 31 foot, 162 ; lere, ryming with
fere, is printed learn, i. 36 ; "be, i. 178, is printed been; forlore, i. 172, is made
forlorn ; benevolous, ryming with plenteous, gracious, is emended into benevo-
lence, i. 306 ; then until, ryming with fill, i. 318, is emended into until then.
Bible names ryming in e, Mesopotamie, Beersabe, &c., appear with a, i. 305,
308, 309, 312, 313, &c.
4* APPENDIX i. w. WAGER'S CRUELL DEBTTER, 1566.
vol. i.
The Four Elements, 1519. Sixes (mainly), 7s, and a few Ss.
Calisto and Melibcea, 1520. Sevens throughout.
Every Man, ab. 1520. Couplets, with alternates, 3s, 6s, 7s, Ss, &c.
Hiskscorner, ab. 1520-30. Couplets, with 3s, 4s, 5s, 6s, 7s, Ss,
9s, 10s, &c.
Jn. Hey wood's Pardoner and Friar, written before 1521 ; printed
April 1533. Couplets, with alternates, &c.
The World and the Child, July 1522. Eights, with alternates, &c.,
many linkt to their followers, cc, cd ; ee, ef; gg, gh, &c.
Jn. Bale's God's Promises, 1538. Sevens (mainly).
Jn. Hey wood's Four P's, ab. 1540. Couplets.
Thersites, Aug. 12, 1537; pr. after 1561. Couplets. Prologue
in 7s.
vol. ii.
Interlude of Youth, 1554. Couplets.
Lusty Juventus, 1547-53. Sevens (mainly : some linkt), 6s,
4s, 2s.
Jack Juggler, 1562-3. Couplets. Prol. and Epil. in 7s.
Nice Wanton, 1560. Couplets. Prologue in 4s.
History of Jacob and Esau. Couplets.
T. Ingelend's Disobedient Child, ab. 1560. Alternates and
couplets.
Marriage of Wit and Science, 1570. Couplets. Prologue,
three 8s.
Shakspere's occasional stanzas in his dialogues, his irregular
metre in Loves Labours Lost, &c., are, I suppose, due to these early
interludes. The first of the Digby Mysteries is written wholly in
stanzas, like other Mysteries are, more or less.
My thanks are due to Mr W. B. Scott for his permission to print
his 2 leaves, and to Mr. E. W. Gosse for kindly copying them.
F. J. FURNIVALL.
7 March, 1878.
APP. I. w. WAGER'S CRUELL DEBTTER, 1566 [sign. C iii. Brit. Mus.\ 5*
The Cruell Debtter.
To them thou shalt be welcome I warant the, [Rigor]
Ha, and in great acceptacyow also (sayd hee.)
Now the thynge whearfore I was so angry & mad,
Was thys, I forgate the councell that of him I had.
IT The goodlyest thing in the world is communication Fiateri.
For what bryngeth thynges to our memeratyon
Thou and I had lyke fortune with Basilieus,
After that maner to thee I wyll playnly dyscusse :
I remembred a sayenge of Seneca in a Tragedy,
Worthy to be prynted of such as loues Flatery
Fraus sullimi regnat in aula
The higher that the court is & the more of nobylytie,
The more falsehed is thearin, &: the more Iniquytie,
More flatery is not in the worlde reygnynge
Then is in the courte of any noble kynge.
Now Basileus is a kynge of most honoration
In whose house I thought to haue my habytacyon,
Bat I came not so sone wythin Basileus Palace,
But they dyclosed me openly vnto my face,
And whan they had once so bewrayed my name
I myght no lenger tary in that court for shame,
Than (as thou dyddest) I toke my freyndes counce
Askyng hym wheare it was best for me to dwell
He named them of whom we hauc spoke before
Sayeng, that wyth them you may dwell euermore.
And euen now my purpose was to go thyther.
IT Of all good fellowshyp let vs go together : Rigor.
I do not passe in kynge Basileus house to dwell
I doubt not but that we shall do euen as well :
But syra, what diddest thou see Simulation ?
U Thys day he and I had communication Fiateri.
He promysed me straight way to come hether
[To visite] our freyndes we shuld go together
C. iii. ln
C* APPENDIX i. w. WAGER'S 1566 [sign. C iii. back].
The Cruell debtter.
In the worlde is not so false a knaue as hee,
For by hym all states of people deceyued bee.
In Byshops and pastors he is humylitie
And yet must be full of pryde and crudelytie :
In all the Clergy he semeth to be holynes,
Whan in them is a multytude of wyckednes.
In Magystrates he semeth to be Affabylitie,
Yet theare lurketh dysdayne and Austerytie,
In the commons he semeth to be neyghbourlynes,
Yet is theare enuye, hate, and coueytousnes.
I dare say that hys deceyte further doth wander
Than all the domynyon of kynge Alexander.
Rigor. ^[ Deceyueth he so, and is neuer deceyued agayne ?
Fiateri 5f Sildome or neuer that I here of, I tel thee plaine.
Rigor. ^ -gy ^g masse it were a g00(j deede to deceyue him
And I will tell thee which way we may do it trym
Thou sayest that he will be here without doubt to day ?
Fiateri. ^f That is wythout question, (truly I dare say.)
Rigor. ^[ Well, whan he corameth, we wyll semble out to fall,
we wil strike one at another as though we did brawl
What we meane by that he wyll greatly wonder,
Than he wyll come intendyng vs to sunder :
Thou shalt stryke at me, and I at thee wyll swacke
But let all the strypes lyght vpon hys backe.
Fiateri. ^ Qf gOO(j fellowshyp let it be so euen indede
Let the semblyng knaue haue somwhat for his mede,
Beg yn^ Harke, by my fayth & trouth I here hym spyt :
Nay holde thy hande, thou mayst not fyght yet.
Rigor. ^ ^ye must De fyghtyng when he doth enter neades,
Or els for the sporte I wyll not geue two threades.
1T Here enter Symylatyon.
Symu- 1T Dominus voliscum, In principio erat verbum.
latyon.
Yea ? are you fyghtyng ? I purpose no nere to cum.
Nemo tute se periculis qfferre potese.
APPENDIX i. w. WAGER, 1566 [sign D. Mr. W. B. Scott]. 7*
The cruell Debtter.
til they spy a time to do one shrewd turne for another
Hange me if I wayte not for you a knauysh towche
Yea, or it shall cost me all that is in my powche,
A vengeance on you for workyng of the same,
For you haue almost made my armes and back lame.
H God requyreth no more but a penytent harte.
IF Mary but he wolde requyre more if he felt smarte.
Here entreth Ophiletis.
IF Peace, no more words, yonder commeth a gentleman.
IF By lesu I wyll be euen wyth you both if I can.
IF Do what thou canst, I set not by thee a louse.
IF It is a gentleman of kyng Basileus house,
He is not mery, some thyng wythout doubt is amysse
If thou wylt be stil you shal know what the cause is.
IF Let us semble our selues to be persons of grauytie.
IF I could fynd in my harte to dysclose your knauitie,
By my fayth if I knew my selfe to scape harmelesse
I wold declare (to your shame) all your wickednesse.
U We may be glad at the harte verely
That thou art as farre furth as we in knauery,
Whearfore if any of our feates thou wylt dysclose,
the worst payne & shame shal light on thy owne nose.
1F A good Lord, I am vndone and all myne, [7-//»<? */.]
I have lyued lyke a gentleman all my lyfe,
But now I am lyke to come to vtter ruyne
Yea, and all my goods, chyldren and wyfe :
He that wolde hange me, or kyll me wyth a knyfe
I wolde forgeue hym, yea, euen wyth a good wyll,
For I am not worthe so much as an Oyestershyll.
The hygher that any man presumeth to clyme
The sorer is hys hurte whan he chau;zceth to fall,
Wolde to god that I had loked upon this in tyme,
Then had I not ben so myserable and thrall :
D. I
[Symu-
latyon]
Flateri.
Symu-
latyon.
Rygor.
Symu.
Rigor.
Flateri.
Rigor.
Symu-
latyon.
Rygor.
8* APPENDIX i. w. WAGER, 15CG [sign. D,
The cruell Debtter.
I had not the grace to be wyse and polytycall,
I neuer mynded to gather any good or treasure
Onely my harte was set to lyue in pleasure.
I thought my selfe so much in favour wyth the kynge
Trustyng in hys goodnes onely from day to day,
Ever thynckyng that I should want nothynge
And also impossyble that euer I should decay,
I spent styll, borowed of the king, promysyng to pay,
But now Proniticus hath summoned me to a compte,
And alas, my debtes do all my goods surmounts.
IF Syrs here you not ? thys is a fyt mater for us,
Spoke amonge your selfes a good way of.
If we had imagined amonge vs a whole yere,
We could not haue such a thyng against Basileus
As we haue occasyon now in thys man here,
Basileus loueth none of vs it doth well appere,
And as it semeth by thys mans behauour,
Unto hym he oweth no very 'great fauour.
Flateri. ^[ Now to talke wyth hym is a tyme conuenyent,
For any man being in sorow and desolation,
To here good councell wyli be glad and dylygent,
Namely in a mater of peryll and dubytation.
k^on ^ ket vs S° vnto hym, and by hys communication
We shall know more, and then as we do in him see
So in our councell freyndly to hym we wyll bee.
Rigor. ^[ God spede you sir, & you ar welcome into this place
By my faith you are welcome as my harte can thinke
Alack, you are not mery (it seemeth by your face,)
Wyll it please you a cup of good wyne to drynke ?
Wyll it please you to go to the goodwyfe of the clinke ? *
To speke of good wyne, in London I dare say
Is no better wyne than thear was once to day.
Flaten. ^f yiro autem defatigato, magnum robur vinum auget.
[* On the Bankside, South wark.]
To
APPENDIX i. w. WAGER, 1566 [sign. D 4. Mr. W. B.Scott]. 9*
The cruell Debtter.
IT It was tyme to haue in a redynes all thynge.
For yonder cowmeth Basileus my Lord and kynge.
IT As far as we can let vs stande asyde,
Tyll he sendeth for you let vs yonder abyde.
IT I thanke you proniticus for your dylygence,
Doubt you not, but your paynes we wyll recompence
I am pleased with the accomptes that you have taken,
None of your bookes nor bylles shalbe forsaken
The moste parte of my debtters haue honestly payed
A[n]d they that weare not redy I have gently dayed.
IF [I]f it plese your grace we haue not finisht your mind
Thear is one of your greatest debtters yet behind,
We haue perused the parcelles in your bookes set,
And we fynd hym ten thousand talents in your debt,
So we assygned hym before your grace to come
And to make a rekenyng for the whole suwme.
IT I wene it be that vnthryfty fellow Ophilitis.
IF Yea truly, if it lyke your grace the same it is,
I commaunded hym to be redy here in place
That we myght brynge hym before your grace.
IT Wyth [in the 1]cytie I wolde haue hym sought
And before myne owne presence to be brought.
IT I perceyue that he is euen here at hand,
I see that in a redynes yonder he doth stand.
^1 Cause him before vs in his owne person to appere.
IT It shall not be longe before he be here.
IT Plucke vp your heart and be of good chere.
I care not I warent you, good fortune is nere.
IT Ophiletis it is the kyng Basileus co;wmaundement
That you come before hys maiesty now incontinent.
IT I am in a redynes truly with all humylytie
To come into the presence of hys maiestye.
IT I pray you syr speke a good word for him to ye king.
1 Here the surface of the paper has been rubbd away.
Ophile-
tis.
Rygor.
Basile-
us.
Proni-
ticus.
Basi.
Proni-
ticus.
Easy.
Proni.
Basile.
Proni.
Rigor.
Proni-
ticus.
Ophilc
tis.
Rigor.
1T He
10* APPENDIX i. w. WAGER, 1566 [sign. D 4, bacTc].
The Cruell debtter.
Prom. IT He knoweth that I am hys owne in all thynge.
Ophile- IT God saue your lyfe the fountayne of nobilitie,
All hayle the very patron of Magnanymytie,
Blessed be you the author of all worthynes,
Honour & prayse to you the head sprynge of goodnes.
Rigor. f O most myghty, most valyant and noble kynge
God saue you, god saue you, of all vertue the sprynge.
Basi. IT whom hast thou brought into our presence with, thee ?
Ophi. ^T If it lyke your grace, hys name is Humylytie.
Rigor. ^f Yea, from hys hatte I am neuer absent,
Nor I thynke neuer shalbe by hys intent.
Basile- IT In our accomptes takew by our stuard you do know
us.
What a sum of money vnto vs you do owe.
Haue you brought hether sufFycient payment
To make your compte, after our coramaundemente
Ophile ^f O syr, I beseche you to be mercyfull to mee,
For I knowledg my selfe so farre in your debt to bee
That all that I haue is not sufFycient
Of a quarter of my debtes to make payment.
Rigor. 5T Weepe, body of god can you not weepe for a neede '
You must loke pyteously if you intende to speede,
Speke If you can not weepe, I wyll weepe for you :
asyde.
Ho, ho, ho, I pray you be good to vs now.
Proni. IT What meane you in this place to play such a parte ?
Rigor. <[f O syr, I declare the effect of this mans weke hart.
Basile- ^f Thear is no more of the mater but onely thys,
Thou art a ryotous person (doubtles Ophyletis,)
Pryde and presumtyon hereto haue thee brought,
Much to spend and lash out, was euer thy thought,
A sumptous table thou woldest keepe euery day,
Beyonde thy degree thou dydest excede in aray.
Rygor. ^T that I may speke one word, please it your maiesty ?
Easy. IT Say whatsoeuer you wyll, we geue you lyberty.
U Hys
11*
APPENDIX II.
SHAKSPERE'S 4£ YARDS OF RED CLOTH
ON MARCH 15, 1603-4.
SHAKSPERE'S fellow, and member of his Company, Lawrence
Fletcher, had acted before James I. of England when James VI. of
Scotland, in that Northern land, between Oct. 1599 and Dec. 1601,
and had had the freedom of the City of Aberdeen granted to him
as "comedian to his Majesty," on Oct. 22, 1601. Accordingly, ten
days after James reacht London,1 in May, 1603, he appointed
as "The King's Players" Fletcher's — that is, Shakspere's, the
Burbages' — Company, which had only been " The Lord Chamberlain's
Players " in Queen Elizabeth's time. The Eoyal Warrant is dated
May 17, 1603, and licenses the Players after-named, tho' in different
order, — " Lawrence Fletcher, William Shakespeare, Richard Burbage,
Augustine Phillippes, John Hemmings, Henrie Condell, William
Sly, Robert Armyn, Richard Cowlye, — and the rest of their associats,
freely to use and exercise the arte and faculty of playing comedies,
tragedies, histories, enterludes, rnoralls, pastorals, stage-plaies, and
such other like ... as well for the recreation of our loving subjects,
as for our solace and pleasure when we shall thinke good to see them,
during our pleasure ; and the said comedies, trajedies, histories, en-
terludes, moralls, pastoralls, stage-plaies, and such like, to shew and
exercise publiquely to their best commoditie, when the infection of
the plague shall decrease, as well within theire now usuall howse
called the Globe, within our county of Surrey, as also within anie
towne halls ... of any other citie," &c.
Now this plague so raged in London " that in the space of one
whole yeare, to wit, from the 23 of December 1602, unto the 22 of
December 1603,2 there died . . of the Plague 30,758" souls. —
Stowe's Annales, 1605, p. 1425. — It therefore stopt "the Pageants
and other showes of triumph, in most sumptuous manner prepared "
1 The Lord Mayor met him at Stamford Hill on May 7, and escorted him
to the Charter House. There Lord Thomas Howard entertaind him 4 days ;
and on May 11 he went by coach to White- Hall, and thence by water to the
Tower. — Stowe, Annales, ed. 1605, p. 1414.
2 It is in this year that I put the writing of Measure for Measure, whose
oppressive tone suits so well the feeling of the time. See my Leopold Shakspere
Introduction, pp. Ixxiv. , cvii.
N. S. SOC. TRANS., 1877-9. B*
12* APPENDIX ii. SHAKSPERE'S 4J YARDS OF RED CLOTH.
for the Procession of the King through the City of London before
his Coronation, like that made by Edward VI. as shown by the
burnt Cowdray picture,1 and many others by other sovereigns. But
before March 13, 1603-4 the Plague had so abated or ended that
the King and his family could go to the Tower of London ; and on
March 15 the Procession took place. A grand affair it was, Ben
Joiison and Thomas Dekker writing the inscriptions for the 7
triumphal Arches, the Speeches delivered at them, &c. Ben Jonson
undertook the 1st Arch, in Fenchurch St, and the 7th, at Temple
Bar, and his "Part of King James's Entertainment in Passing to
his Coronation " is reprinted from his Works, 1616, in Moxon's 1-vol.
royal Svo edition at pp. 527 — 535, and in Cunningham's 3-vol. post
8vo ed. at ii. 555 — 568. Dekker describd2 the whole of the Enter-
tainment— not only the 5 intervening Arches, &c. that he under-
took— in a pamphlet that ran through four' separate editions or
issues in 1604, and was also reprinted at Edinburgh the same year : 3
the original edition was entitled " The 4 / Magnificent / Entertain-
ment : / Giuen to King lames, Queene Anne his wife, / and Henry
Frederick the Prince, vpon the day / of his Maiesties Tryumphant
Passage (from / the Tower) through his Honourable Citie / (and
Chamber) of London, being the / 15. of March. 1603. / As well by
the English as by the Strangers : With /the speeches and Songes,
deliuered in the seue-/rall Pageants. / [Motto from Martial] / Tho.
Dekker. / Imprinted at London by T. C. for Tho. Man / the
yonger. 1604." / It is reprinted inDekker's Works (Pearson, 1873),
i. 267 — 326 ; and as at the 4th Gate, " The Deuice at Soper-lane end,"
on the entry to West-Cheape or Cheapside, a poem explaining the
Device was spoken by " a Boy, — one of the Choristers belonging to
Paules," 5 — which contains lines on the Phoenix Elizabeth who died
in Arabia, and the Phoanix James who rose from her ashes, I quote
the lines for the benefit of those folk who believe with me that Dr
Grosart's theory of Essex being the Turtle of Chester's Loves Martyr
and Shakspere's Bird of loudest Lay is a mere delusion : —
1 I shall give a heliogravure from the Antiquaries' engraving of it, in
Harrison, Pt. III. The plate is already reduced and printed.
2 He probably alludes to Ben Jonson as " an excellent hand, being at this
instant curiously describing all the seuen [Arches, Devices, &c.] and bestow-
ing on them their faire prospectiue limmes," &c. — Works, 1873, i. 279.
3 See W. C. Hazlitt's Collections and Notes, 1876, p. 122, correcting the
entries of Dekker's Device (7), and (8) in his Hand-Book.
4 The 2nd edition has "The Whole," and after 'Pageants' adds, "And
those speeches that before were publish't in Latin, now newly set forthe in
English." For " T. C." it has " 8. Allde."
6 Some 60 or 70 years before, Thomas Tusser was a St Paul's Chorister
too : see Mr S. F. Herrtage's capital edition of the Mue Hundred Pointes for
the English Dialect Society, 1878, p. 207. Harrison was at the Cathedral
School : Pt. I. Forewords, p. Ii.
APPENDIX ii. SHAKSPERE'S 4£ YARDS OF RED CLOTH. 13*
" we figure here,
A new Arabia, in whose spiced nest
A Phoenix liu'd and died in the Sunnes brest,
Her losse, made sight, in teares to drowne her eyes,
The Eare grew deafe, Tastelike a sick-man lyes,
Finding no rellish : euery other Sence,
Forgat his office, worth and excellence,
Whereby this Fount of Yertue gan to freeze,
Threatned to be drunke by two enemies,
Snakie Detraction, and OUiuion ;
But at thy glorious presence, both are gone,
Thou being that sacred Phoenix, that doest rise
From th' ashes of the first : Beames from thine eyes
So vertually shining, that they bring
To Englands new Arabia, a new Spring :
For ioy whereof, Mmphes, Sences, Houres, and Fame,
Eccho loud Hymnes to his imperiall name." — p. 301-2.
Stowe, in his Annales, ed. 1605, pp. 1428-30,1 gives a short account
of this Coronation-Procession on March 15, — after a dog and lion fight2
at the Tower before K.James on March 13, — and I take the opportunity
of adding it below, as a further illustration of the London sights of
Shakspere's time,3 of which one has been given in my Harrison,
Pt II. pp. 9*, 10*. Now it was for this Procession that the whole of
1 The second set of pagings ; the first set is 11 leaves before. Page 1433
is made the second 1413 ; and the real 1437, -38, -39, are made the third
1414, -15, -16.
2 Compare the other like ones reprinted in Harrison, Part II. pp. 42* — 44*.
3 " The 15. of March, King lames, Queene Anne his wife, and
Henry Fredericke the Prince., passed triumphantly from the Towre
of London, through his royall Citie and Chamber of London,
towards Westminster. The companies of the Citie marscialled [The City
according to their degrees, were placed, the first, beginning at the Companies]
vpper end of Marke-lane, and the last reaching to the Conduict in
Fleet-streete, or there about ; their seates being double railed,
vpon the vpper part whereof they leaned ; the streamers, ensignes,
& banners of each perticular company, decently fixed. And
directly against them, quite through the bodie of the citie, so high
as Temple-barre, a single raile, in faire distance from the other,
was likewise erected, to put off the multitude : the king, richly [The King]
mounted on a white Gennet, vnder a rich Canopy, susteined by
eight gentlemen of the Priuie-chamber, for the barons of the
Cinque ports, entered his royall Citie of London, and passed the
same towards Westminster, through 7 gates, of the which the first [The 7 Gates]
was erected at the East end of Fen-church ; ouer the which gate, J^j^JJ^f**8
was represented the true likenesse of the notable houses, Towres
and Steeples within the citie of London.
The second gate, a most sumptuous peece of workemanship gato or
14* APPENDIX ii. SHAKSPERE'S 4J YARDS OP RED CLOTH.
the Household and servants of James I. and his Queen and Son —
and of course among them Shakspere— got allowances of damask
cloth, &c. The materials servd out were of different qualities ; and
Shakspere and his fellow-players got only the poorest and cheapest,
neither Damask nor Skaiiet, but only Red Cloth, tho' doubtless
" good was the worst." Mr Walford D. Selby has been kind enough
to copy out the entries from the Record Office originals, and they
pagiant. was loftely, raised in Grasse-streete [now, by mistake, call'd Grace-
church St] by the Italians [p. 1428, no. Ill, really p. 1451.]
The third gate [p. 1429] The third gate, vpon Cornhill by the Exchange,
representing the 17. Prouiuces of Belgia, or the Dutch nation,
and by them raised.
Close to Saint Mildreds Church in the Poultrie, a scaffold was
erected, where (at the citties cost) to delight the Queene [Anne of
[Danish Denmark] with her owne country Musicke, 9. Trumpets & a
che* Kettle drome, did very actiuely sound the Danish march.
T-iteorartl1 ^ne f°urth &a^e where-through his Maiestie passed, was (at
pagiant. charges of the Citizens) raised in West-cheape [now Cheapside],
at Sopar-lane end.
Adioyning to the East front of the great crosse in Cheape [the
ornamented one in the De-La-Serre view in Harrison II.] was
erected a square low gallory, some 4. foote from the ground, set
round about with Pilistars, where stood the Aldermen, the Cham-
berlaine, Towne Clarke, & councell of the Citie, with sir Henry
Mountague, Recorder of the Citie, who made to his Maiestie a
gratulary Oration, as followeth : —
m^tion^at Me High Imperiall Maiestie, it is not yet a yeare in dayes, since
Crosse in with acclamation of the people, Cittizens, Sf Nobles, auspiciously
eape. here at this Crosse was Proclaimed your true succession to the
Crowne. If then it was ioyous, with hatts, hands, and harts lift
up to heauen, to crie King IAMES, what is it now to see King
IAMES : Come therefore, O worthiest of Kings, as a glorious
Bridgrome through your royall Chamber ! but to come neerer,
Adest quern querimus. Twentie and more are the Soueraignes
we haue served since our conquest ; but, con/][uerours of hearts,
it is you and your posteritie that we haue vowed to loue, and wish
to serue, whilest London is a Citie : In pledge whereof, my Lord
Maior, the Aldermen, fy commons of this Citie, wishing a golden
raigne vnto you, present your Greatnesse, with a little Cup of
gold.
At the end of the Oration, three cups of golde were giuen (in
the name of the Lord Maior, and the whole body of the Citie) to
his Maiestie, the young Prince, and the Queene [Dekker's Works,
1873, i. 304-5].
The fifth gate From thence his Maiestie passed to the little conduit at Paules
or pagiant. ^^ where was placed the fift gate, Arbour-like, and so called the
Arbour of Musicke ; from thence he passed through S. Paules
church-yard, vpon the lower battlements of which church an
Antheme was song by the Quiristers of the church, to the musick
of lowd instruments ; which being finished, a Latin Oration was
deliuered by one of maister Mulcasters Schollers at the doore of
APPENDIX ii. SHAKSPERE'S 4£ YARDS OF RED CLOTH. 15*
follow here. But I first say, that as the whole Household and
Servants who had liveries of Cloth cannot be suppos'd to have gone
in James's Procession, I take for granted that Shakspere was not
in it. Unluckily, neither Dekker nor Ben Jonson notes who
accompanied James ; but only Lords, Knights, Gentlemen-Pen-
sioners, and Squires were likely to have been in his train. — F. J. F.
Lord Chamberlain's Records, Vol. 5S#.
ion cover] The Booke of the Accompte of the royall proceedinge of
our Soueraigne Lord Kinge James through his Honorable Citie of
London.
[leafi] The Accompte of Sr George Howme Knight Waster
of the greate Warederobe to the highe and mightie Prince our
Gracious Soueraigne Lord JAMES by the Grace of God Kinge of
England Scotland Fraunce & Ireland Defendozn* of the Faith &c
aswell of all his Eeceipts as of his Empc/ons & Deliueries of all
manner of furnitures and Provisions whatsoeuer by hym bought and
the free schoole founded by doctor Collet, sometime Deane of
Paules church.
The sixt Arche or Gate of triumph, was erected aboue the Con- The sixt
duict iii Fleetestreete, whereon the Globe of the world was scene gatei£^t
to moue, &c.
At Temple-bar, where his maiestie was vpon the point of The seuewth
giuing a gratious and princely farewell to the Lord Maior and the
Citie, a seauenth arche or gate was erected, the forefront whereof
was proportioned in euery respect like a Temple, being dedicated
to lanus, &c.
The citie of Westminster, and Dutchy of Lancaster at the 4pi,an* at
Strand, had erected the inuention of a Kain-bow, the Moone,
Sunne, & Starres, aduanced between 2. Pyramidies, &c., which
peece of worke was begun and ended in 12. daies : of all which
Pagiants, deuises, speeches & songs delivered in them, yee may {rhomat
read at large in a Booke intituled, The magnificent entertainment account of
giuen to King Tames, &c. vpon the day of his triumphant passage it ail.]
from the Tower through his honourable Citie of London, the 15.
of March 1603. by Thomas Decker."
[Dr Mulcaster, mentiond above, was the well-known author
of the Positions, 1581 ; the Elementarie, 1582 ; Catechismns
Paulinus, 1599, &c. He was made Head Master of St Paul's School
in 1596, resignd the post in 1608, and died at his rectory of Stamford
Rivers, in Essex, on April 15, 1611. He was brought up at Eton,
King's Coll., Cambridge (B.A. 1553-4), then movd to Oxford,
was elected a student of Christ Church, took his M,A., and became
eminent for his skill in Greek. He was chosen Head Master of
the Merchant-Taylors' School (founded 1561), and then of St
Paul's School.— Ant. Wood, Ath. Oxon.~]
16*
APPENDIX ii. SHAKSPERE'S
YARDS OF RED CLOTH.
Provided for his M.aiesties vse and service against his royall Entrye
& proceedinge throughe his honorable Citie of London togeather
wzth. OUT Soueraigne Ladie Queene Anne his wief and the noble
Prince Henrie his Sonne solemnized the xvth daie of March e 1603 &
in the first yeare of his Raigne of England Fraunce & Ireland & of
Scotland the seaven & thirtith.
[leaf si] RED CLOTHE bought of sondrie persons and giuen by his
Maiestie to diuerse persons against his Maiesttes sayd royall proceed-
ing through ye Cittie of London / viz : —
Deaf39] THE HOUSHOULDE.
THE COMPTING Howse &c. &c.
[leaf 65]
THE CHAMBER.
Squire for the Body— Mr Phillip Gawdy
&c. &c.
[Ieaf78] FAWKENERS &C. &C
Skarlet
v yarde^
Red cloth
[1st Folio ; Variorum
(1821), iii. 196]
"buried, Sept. 12, 1608] g
"Fol., Var. iii. 186
*FoL, Var. iii. 182
Fol., Var. iii. 206
Fol., Var. iii. 211'
Fol., Var. iii. 199"
'Fol., Var. iii. 206'
"William Shakespeare iiij yardes di.1
Augustine Phillipps
Lawrence Fletcher
John Hemminges
Richard Burbidge
William Slye
Robert Armyii
Henry Cundell
Richard Cowley
[leaf 82]
OFFICERS TO THE. QUEENE./
Deaf 84] GROME of ye Bowes — Richard Poulhill &c.
PLAYERS
Christopher Beeston
Robert Lee
John Duke
Robert Palante
Richard Purkins
Thomas Haward
James Houlte
Thomas Swetherton
Thomas Grene
Robert Beeston
Red Cloth
iiij yardes di.
1 di = dimidium, half.
APPENDIX ii. SIIAKSPERE'S 4^
ATTORNEY ( Mr Robert
&c.
YARDS OF RED CLOTH.
17*
&c.
[leaf 86]
[leaf 91]
PLAYERS
OFFICERS TO THE PRINCE.
FOOTEMEN to ye Prince
&c. &c.
Edward Allen
William Bird
Thomas Towne
Thomas Dowton
Edward Jubie
Humfry Jeffes
Charles Massey
Anthony Jeffes
Footemen to the Prince
&c. &c.
Samuell Rowley
Skarlet.
v yardca
iiij yardes dl
LISTS OF THE PLAYERS OF K. JAMES I.
AT HIS DEATH, MARCH 27, 1625 ;
AND OF
THE COMEDIANS OF K. CHARLES I.
Lord Chamberlain's Records, No. 71.
[On cover] ' The President of the Funerall of our late Dread Soue-
raigne of Blessed Memory King JAMES.'
[leaf i] THE PARTICULAR ACCOMPT OF ye R* Honoble "William
Earle of Denbeigh Master of the Kings Ma*8 Great Wardrobe in
London : As well of his Receipts Empcons Prouisions and Deliueries
of Black cloth for Liueries Hangings vellvetts and all other Silkes
and furnitures whatsoever Implcyed by diuers Artificers in the
Seruice of ye ffunerall of our late Souera of Blessed Memorie King
James Who Departed this mortal life the xxvijth day of March 1625 :
And was buried in ye Collegiat Church of Westminster the xxth day
of May next following : And in the year of the Reign of our
Gracious Soueraign Lord King Charles : of his Reales of England
Scotland France and Ireland the first.
18*
APPENDIX II. JAMES
PLAYERS.
[leaf 36]
[leaf 48]
The Chamber of our late Soveraigne Lord King James.
I CN— °f Servant,)
Otterhounds
[leaf 48, d.] The Leashe
The Harriers
The Toiles
The game of the beares
and bulles
The Lions
[In the Folio, 1623; Vari-
orum (1821), iii. 186]
[Folio, 1623; Far. iii. 199]
L1 George Burght. Far. iii. 210]
[Far. iii. 210]
[Fol. 1623 ; Far. iii. 220, 210]
Fol. 1623; Far. iii. 220, 210]
Far. iii. 210]
Fol. 1623; Far. iii. 217,210
Fol. 1623; Far. iii. 219, 210
;Fol.l623; Far. iii. 221, 210
[Far. iii. 210]
[Fol. 1623; Far. iii. 207, 210]
a
John Hemmings
Henrie Condoll
Richard Perkins
George Birche1
Richard Sharpe
Richard Robinson
George Vernon
John Schancke
Ellyart Swanstone
Joseph Taylor
Robert Bennfeild
John Rice
James Home
Tho : Pollarde
John Lowen
[leaf 49] The Revills :
Gentlemen
Penconers
[leaf 59, d.]
The King's
Printers
j Names of Servants.
j Names.
[ Bonham Norton
< Robert Barker
John Bill
iiij yards
Servants.
vij yds vj yds
Deaf a, d.] The King's Jester j Archibald Armestrong vij yds iiij yds
APPENDIX II. CHARLES
COMEDIANS.
19*
The Houshold of or now dread Sovereighne Lord King
Charles.
Peaf75]
The Chamber of our Dread Soveraigne Lord King
Charles.
Comsedians -
Yett ye Chamber
Robert Hamlett
Anthonie Smith
William Rowley
William Carpenter
William Penn
John Newton
Gilbert Raison
Thomas Hobbs
Latter Comands.
iiij yards
Walter Quinne who waited (
one the King att the time <
of his Scooling
gervst.
vij yards iiij yards
(Prices of materials per yard from the Lord Chamberlain's Records,58a.)
Velvet blacke
Satten Crimsine
Sarcenett yellowe
Velvet Crimsine
24/- to 26/8
16/- to 17 -
12/-
307-
Damaske Crimsine 17/-
Skarlet 20/- to 50/-
Red clothe 10/- to 22/-
20*
SCRAPS.
jet, sb. : Cymbeline, III. iii. 5. " Loe, I see here goe letting
[incedere video] that honest fellow Parmeno ; but see. a gods name,
ho we carelesse he is." R. Bernard's Terence in English, p. 176, ed.
1607 (1st ed., 1598).
love in idleness, sb. : Mids. N. Dr., I. i. 168. " Herbe davelee.
Paunsie, Harts ease, cull [cuddle], me to you, loue or Hue in
idlenesse, two faces vnder a hood." 1611. Cotgrave. (This name
is not among the meanings of "Herbe de la Trinite ; Paunsie,
Hartsease, two faces vnder a hood," &c.)
momentany, a.: Mids. N. Dr., I. i. 143 (Quartos). "All
things are mutable and momentanie, and the higher that a man
dooth clime, the greater is his fall." Holinshed, iii. 1230, col. 2,
1. 28, A.D. 1585. (See too my Stubbes, p. 115.)
Prologue, sb. speaker of a prologue : Mids. N. Dr., Y. i. 106.
" Avantjoiieur. A Prologue, he that beginneth, or playeth before,
the game, Enterlude, or Commedie." 1611. Cotgrave.
temporal, sb. secular : Henry VIIL, II. ii. 73. " Secolare, a
temporall man." 1548. W. Thomas. Ital. Diet. 1567.
unmannerly, a. : Hamlet, III. ii. 364. " Yea, euen yesterday at
the table, how vnmannerly were you? (quam immodestus fuisti.)"
R. Bernard's Terence in English, p. 229, ed. 1607 (1st ed. 1598).
unsavoury, a. : 1 Henry IV., I. ii. 89. " Those vnsauerie
morsels of vnseemelie sentences passing out of the mouth of a
ruffenlie plaier, doth more content the hungrie humors of the rude
multitude, and carieth better rellish in their mouthes, than the bread
of the worde, which is the foode of the soule." 1580. A second and
third blast of retrait from plaies and Theatres, p. 69.
retire, vb. withdraw : Rich. II. II. ii. 46. " Oure forces faile
us : retire we them, and shut them up into our selves." 1603. J.
Florio. Montaigne's Essaies, 1632, p. 121.
princock-boy : Rom. fy Jul. I. v. 88, ' princox.1 "The shorter
possession we allow it ouer our Hues, the better for us. Behold it's
behauiour. It is a princock-boy, who in his schoole knows not
how far he proceeds against all order." 1603. J. Florio. Mon-
taigne. 1632, p. 503.
roguing, a. : Pericles, IY. i. 97 ; " those counterfeit roguing
Gyptians, whereof so many are daily seene amongst us." 1603.
J. Florio. Montaigne. 1632, p. 132.
salad, sb. : All's Well, IY. v. 18. "What diversitie soever
there be in herbs, all are shuffled up together under the name of a
sallade." 1603. J. Florio. Montaigne. 1632, p. 148.
satiety, sb. : Othello, II. i. 231. " Nothing doth sooner breed a
distaste or satietie, than plentie." 1603. J. Florio. Montaigne.
1632, p. 143.
21*
APPENDIX III.
PROF. WILSON'S SOLUTION OF THE MYSTERY OF
DOUBLE-TIME IN SHAKSPERE.
(For use at the 57t7i Meeting of the Society, January 23, 1880.)
[NOTE by P. A. D. In Appendix I. to our Transactions, 1875-6,
Pt. II., were printed such parts of the Dies Boreales, Nos. V. and
VI., as related to the time-plots of Macbeth and Othello. Having
established the existence of DOUBLE-TIME, Wilson ("Christopher
North ") promised hereafter to help his audience to the solution of
that mystery. By some oversight,1 or mishap, the Editor of our
reprints stated in a note at the end of these two papers, that
" Professor Wilson never resumed the subject in Blackwood" Prof.
Wilson did, however, resume the subject in the next number of the
Magazine, May 1850, in No. VII. of the Dies Boreales, and from the
discourse of " North " and " Talboys " the reader may now gather,
if he can,2 the results of Wilson's "astounding discoveries." After
some preliminary talk, Talboys says :]
T. . . . let us recur to the Question of Short and Long Time.
N. When Shakspeare was inditing the Scenes of the " Decline
and Fall "— " The Temptation" — "The Seduction"— or whatsoever
else you choose to call it — the Sequence of Cause and Effect — the
bringing out into prominence and power the successive ESSENTIAL
MOVEMENTS of the proceeding transformation were intents possessing
his whole spirit. We can easily conceive that they might occupy it
absolutely and exclusively — that is to say, excluding the computation
and all consideration of actual time. If this be an excessive example,
i Mine, I fear. F. J. F.
* See especially p. 24*, 25*, 27*, 28*, 31* 33*. F. J. F.
22* APP. III. PROF. WILSON ON THE DOUBLE-TIME IN SHAKSPERE.
yet I believe that a huddling up of time is a part of the poetical
state ; that you must, and, what is more, may, crowd into a Theatrical
or Epic Day, far more of transaction between parties, and of changes
psychological, than a natural day will hold — ay, ten times over. The
time on the Stage and in Verse is not literal time. Not it, indeed ;
and if it be thus with time, which is so palpable, so selfevidencing
an entity, what must be the law, and how wide ranging, for every
thing else, when we have once got fairly into the Region of Poetry ?
T. The usefulness of the Two Times is palpable from first to last
— of the Short Time for maintaining the tension of the passion — of
the long for a thousand general needs. Thus Bianca must be used
for convincing Othello very potently, positively, unanswerably. But
she cannot be used without supposing a protracted intercourse between
her and Cassio. lago's dialogue with him falls to the ground, if the
acquaintance began yesterday. But superincumbent over all is the
necessity of our not knowing that lago begins the Temptation, and
that Othello extinguishes the Light of his Life all in one day.
N. And observe, Talboys, how this concatenation of the passion-
ate scenes operates. Marvellously ! Let the Entrances of Othello be
four — A, B, C, D. You feel the close connexion of A with B, of B
with C, of C with D. You feel the coherence, the nextness ; and all
the force of the impetuous Action and Passion resulting. But the
logically-consequent near connexion of A, with C, and much more
with D, as again of B with D, you do not feel. Why 1 When you
are at C, and feeling the pressure of B upon C, you have lost sight
of the pressure of A upon B. At each entrance you go back one
step — you do not go back two. The suggested intervals continually
keep displacing to distances in your memory the formerly felt con-
nexions. This could not so well happen in real life, where the
relations of time are strictly bound upon your memory. Though
something of it happens when passion devours memory. But in
fiction, the conception being loosely held, and shadowy, the feat
becomes easily practicable. Thus the Short Time tells for the
support of the Passion, along with the Long Time, by means of
virtuous instillations from the hand or wing of Oblivion. From one
to two you feel no intermission — from two to three you feel none—
APP. III. PROF. WILSON ON THE DOUBLE-TIME IN SHAKSPERE. 23*
from three to four you feel none ; but I defy any man to say that
from one to four he has felt none. I defy any man to say honestly,
that " sitting at the Play " he has kept count from one to four.
T. If you come to that, nobody keeps watch over the time in
listening to Shakspeare. I much doubt if anybody knows at the
theatre that lago's first suggestion of doubt occurs the day after the
landing. I never knew it till you made me look for it —
N. For which boon I trust you are duly grateful.
T. 'Tis folly to be wise.
N. Why, Heaven help us ! if we did not go to bed, and did not
dine, which of us could ever keep count from Monday to Saturday !
As it is, we have some of us hard work to know what happened
yesterday, and what the day before. On Tuesday I killed that
Salmo Ferox 1
T. No — but on Wednesday I did. You forget yourself, my
dear sir, just like Shakspeare.
N. Ay, Willy forgets himself. He is not withheld by the chain
of time he is linking, for he has lost sight of the previous links.
Pat yourself into the transport of composition and answer. But
besides, every past scene — or to speak more suitably to the technical
distribution of the Scenes, in our Editions — every past changed occu-
pation of the Stage by one coming in or one going out, (which different
occupation, according to the technicality of the French Stage, of the
Italian, of the Attic, of Plautus, of Terence, constitutes a Scene) —
every such past marked moment in the progress of the Play has the
effect for the Poet, as well as for you, of protracting the time in
retrospect — throwing everything that has passed further back. As if,
in travelling fifty miles, you passed fifty Castles, fifty Churches, fifty
Villages, fifty Towns, fifty Mountains, fifty Valleys, and fifty Cata-
racts— fifty Camels, fifty Elephants, fifty Caravans, fifty Processions,
and fifty armies — the said fifty miles would seem a good stretch
larger to your recollection, and the five hours of travelling a pretty
considerable deal longer, than another fifty miles and another five
hours in which you had passed only three Old Women.
T. My persuasion is, sir, that nobody alive knows — of the
auditors — that the first suggestion of doubt and the conclusion to
24* APP. III. PROF. WILSON ON THE DOUBLE-TIME IN SHAK3PERE.
kill are in one Scene of the Play. I do, indeed, believe, with you,
sir, that the goings-out and re-enterings of Othello have a strangely
deluding effect — that they disconnect the time more than you can
think — and that all the changes of persons on the stage — all shiftings
of scenes and droppings of curtains, break and dislocate and dilate
the time to your imagination, till you do not in the least know where
you are. In this laxity of your conception, all hints of extended
time sink in and spring up, like that fungus which, on an apt soil, in
a night grows to a foot diameter.
N. You have hit it there, Talboys. Shakspeare, we have seen, in
his calmer constructions, shows, in a score of ways, weeks, months ;
that is therefore the true time, or call it the historical time. Hurried
himself, and hurrying you on the torrent of passion, he forgets time,
and a false show of time, to the utmost contracted, arises. I do not
know whether he did not perceive this false exhibition of time, or
perceiving, he did not care. But we all must see a reason, and a
cogent one, why he should not let in the markings of protraction
upon his dialogues of the Seduced and the Seducer. You can con-
ceive nothing better than that the Poet, in the moment of composition,
seizes the views which at that moment offer themselves as effective —
unconscious or regardless of incompatibility. He is whole to the
present ; and as all is feigned, he does not remember how the fore-
gone makes the ongoing impracticable. Have you ever before,
Talboys, examined time in a Play of Shakspeare] Much more,
have you ever examined the treatment of time on the Stage to which
Shakspeare came, upon which he lived, and which he left 1
T. . . . not at all — except t'other day along with you — in
Macbeth.
N. He came to a Stage which certainly had not cultivated the
logic of time as a branch of the Dramatic Art. It appears to me
that those old people, when they were enwrapt in the transport of
their creative power, totally forgot all regard, lost all consciousness
of time. Passion does not know the clock or the calendar. Intima-
tions of time, now vague, now positive, will continually occur ; but
also the Scenes float, like the Cyclades in a Sea of time, at distances
utterly indeterminate — Most near? Most remote? That is a Stage
APP. III. PROF. WILSON ON THE DOUBLE-TIME IN SHAKSPERE. 25*
of Power, and not of Rules — Dynamic, not Formal. I say again at
last as at first, that the time of Othello, tried by the notions of time
in our Art, or tried, if you will, by the type of prosaic and literal
time, is — -INSOLUBLE.
T. To the first question, therefore, being What is the truth of the
matter ? the answer stands, I conceive without a shadow of a doubt
or difficulty, '* The time of Othello is — as real time — INSOLUBLE."
N. By heavens, he echoes me !
T. Or, it is proposed incongruously, impossibly. Then arises
the question, How stood the time in the mind of Shakspeare 1
N. I answer, I do not know. The question splits itself into
two — first, " How did he project the time ? " Second, " How did he
conceive it in the progress of the Play ] " My impression is, that he
projected extended time. If so, did he or did he not know that in
managing the Seduction he departed from that design by contracting
into a Day 1 Did he deliberately entertain a double design 1 If he did,
how did he excuse this to himself1? Did he say, " A stage necessity,
or a theatrical or dramatic necessity " — namely, that of sustaining at
the utmost possible reach of altitude the tragical passion and interest
— " requires the precipitation of the passion from the first breathing
of suspicion — the ' Ha ! Ha ! I like not that,' of the suggesting Fiend
to the consecrated 'killing myself, to die upon a kiss 1' — all in the
course of fifteen hours — and this tragical vehemency, this impetuous
energy, this torrent of power I will have ; at the same time I have
many reasons — amongst them the general probability of the action —
for a dilated time ; and I, being a magician of the first water, will so
dazzle, blind, and bewilder my auditors, that they shall accept the
double time with a double belief — shall feel the unstayed rushing on
of action and passion, from the first suggestion to the cloud of deaths
— and yet shall remain with a conviction that Othello was for months
Governor of Cyprus — they being on the whole unreflective and
uncritical persons ? "
T. And after all, who willingly criticises his dreams or his
pleasures ?
N. And the Audience of the Globe Theatre shall not — for " I
hurl my dazzling spells into the spungy air," and " the spell shall sit
26* APP. III. PROF. WILSON ON THE DOUBLE-TIME IN SHAKSPERE.
when the curtain has fallen." Shakspeare might, in the conscious-
ness of power, say this. For this is that which he has — knowingly
or unknowingly — done. Unknowingly? Perhaps — himself borne
on by the successively rising waves of his work. For you see,
Talboys, with what prolonged and severe labour we two have arrived
at knowing the reality of the case which now lies open to us in
broad light. We have needed time and pains, and the slow settling
of our understandings, to unwind the threads of delusion in which
we were encoiled and entoiled. If a strange and unexplained power
could undeniably so beguile us — a possibility of which, previously to
this examination, we never have dreamt, how do we warrant that the
same dark, nameless, mysterious power shall not equally blind the
" Artificer of Fraud " 1 This is matter of proposed investigation and
divination, which let whoever has will, wit, and time, presently
undertake.
T. Why, we are doing it, sir. He will be a bold man who treats
of Othello— after Us.
N. Another question is — What is the Censure of Art on the
demonstrated inconsistency in Othello ? I propose, but now deal not
•with it. Observe that we have laid open a new and startling
inquiry. We have demonstrated the double time of Othello — the
Chronological Fact. That is the first step set in light — the first
required piece of the work — done. Beyond this, we have ploughed
a furrow or two, to show and lead further direction of the work in
the wide field. We have touched on the gain to the work by means
of the duplicity — we have proposed to the self-consciousness of all
hearers and readers the psychological fact of their own unconscious-
ness of the guile used towards them, or of the success of the fallacy ;
and we have asked the solution of the psychological fact. We have
also asked the Criticism of Art on the government of the time in
Othello — supposing the Poet in pride and audacity of power to have
designed that which he has done. Was it High Art 1
T. Ay — was it High Art ?
N. I dare hardly opine. Effect of high and most defying art it
his surely ; but you ask again — did he know? I seem to see often
that the spirit of the Scene possessed Shakspeare, and that he fairly
APP. III. PROF. WILSON ON THE DOUBLE-TIME IN SHAKSPERE. 27*
forgot the logical ties which he had encoiled about him. We know
the written Play, and we may, if we are capable, know its power upon
ourselves. There are the Two Times, the Long and the Short ; and
each exerts upon you its especial virtue. I can believe that Shak-
speare unconsciously did what Necessity claimed — the impetuous
motion on, on, on of the Passion — the long time asked by the
successive events ; the forces that swayed him, each in its turn, its
own way.
T. Unconsciously ?
N. Oh heavens ! Yes — yes — no — no. Yes — no. No — yes.
What you will.
" Willingly my jaws I close,
Leave ! oh ! leave me to repose."
T. Consciously or unconsciously 1
N. Talboys, Longfellow, Perpetual Praeses of the Seven Feet
Club, we want Troy, Priam, Achilles, Hector, to have been. Per-
haps they were — perhaps they were not. We must be ready for two
states of mind — simple belief, which is the temper of childhood and
youth — recognition of illusion with self -surrender, which is the
attained state of criticism wise and childlike. At last we voluntarily
take on the faith which was in the goldener age. The child believed ;
and the man believes. But the child believes this ; and the man
who perceives how this is a shadow, believes that beyond. This he
believes in play — that in earnest. The child mixed the two — the
tale of the fairies and the hope of hereafter. Union, my dear Boys,
is the faculty of the young, but division of the old. I speak of
Shakspeare at five years of age : not of Us, whom, ere we can poly-
syllable men's names, dominies instruct how to do old men's work and
to distinguish.
T. My dear sir, I do so love to hear your talkee talkee ; but be
just ever so little a little more intelligible to ordinary mortals —
N. You ask what really happened1? The Play bewilders you
from answering — accept it as it rushes along through your soul, reading
or sitting to hear and see. The main and strange fact is, that these
questions of Time, which, reading the Play backwards, force them-
N. S. SOC. TEAKS , 1877-9. C*
28* APP. III. PROF. WILSON ON THE DOUBLE-TIME IN SHAKSPERE.
selves on us, never occur to us reading straight forwards. Two
Necessities lie upon your soul.
T. Two Necessities, sir?
N. Two Necessities lie upon your soul. You cannot believe
that Othello, suspecting his Wife, folds his arms night after night
about her disrobed bosom. As little can you believe that in the
course of twelve hours the spirit of infinite love has changed into a
dagger-armed slayer. The Two Times — marvellous as it is to say —
take you into alternate possession. The impetuous motion forwards,
in the scenes and in th«e tenor of action, which belong to the same
Day, you feel ; and you ask no questions. "When Othello and lago
speak together, you lose the knowledge of time. You see power and
not form. You feel the aroused Spirit of Jealousy; you see, in the
field of belief, a thought sown and sprung — a thought changed into
a doubt — a doubt into a dread — a dread into the cloud of death.
Evidences press, one after the other — the spirit endures change — you
feel succession — as cause and effect must succeed — you do not com-
pute hours, days, weeks, months ; — yet confess I must, and confess
you must, and confess all the world and his wife must, that the
condition is altogether anomalous — that a time which is at once a
day of the Calendar and a month of the Calendar, does not happen
anywhere out of Cyprus.
T. It has arisen just as you say, sir — because Two Necessities
pressed. The Passion must have its torrent, else you will never
endure that Othello shall kill Desdemona. Events must have their
concatenation, else — but I stop at this the incredible anomaly, that
for Othello himself you require the double time ! You cannot imagine
him embracing his wife, misdoubted false ; as little can you his Love
measureless, between sunrise and sunset turned into Murder.
N. Even so.
T. My dear sir, what really happened 1
N. Oh ! Talboys, Talboys. Well then — not that Othello killed
her upon the first night after the arrival at Cyprus. The Cycle could
not have been so run through.
T. How then in reality did the Weeks pass 1
N. That's a good one ! Why, I was just about to ask you —
APP. III. PROF. WILSON ON THE DOUBLE-TIME IN SHAKSPERE. 29*
and 'tis your indisputable duty to tell me and the anxious world —
how.
T. I do not choose to commit myself in such a serious affair.
N. Suppose the framing of the tale into a Prose Eomance.
Surely, surely, surely, no human romancer, compounding the un-
happy transactions into a prose narrative, could, could, could have
put the first sowing of doubt, and the smothering under the
pillows, for incidents of one day. He would have made Othello
for a time laugh at the doubt, toss it to the winds. lago would
have wormed about him a great deal slowlier. The course of the
transactions in the Novel would have been much nearer the course of
reality.
T. In Cinthio's Novel—
N. Curse Cinthio.
T. My Lord, I bow to your superior politeness.
N. Confound Chesterfield. My dear friend, Eeality has its own
reasons — a Novel its own — and its own a Drama. Every work of
art brings its own conditions, which divide you from the literal
representation of human experience. Ask Painter, Sculptor, and
Architect. Every fine art exercises its own sleights.
T. In the Novel, I guess or admit that they would have been a
month at Cyprus ere lago had stirred. "What hurry ] He would have
watched his time — ever and anon would have thrown in a hundred
suggestions of which we know nothing. Let any man, romancer or
other, set himself to conceive the Prose Novel. He cannot, by any
possibility, conceive that he should have been led to make but a day
of it. Ergo, the Drama proceeds upon its own Laws. No represent-
ation in art is the literal transcript of experience.
N. The question is, what deviations — to what extent — does the
particular Art need. And why 1 The talked Attic Unity of Time
instructs us. But Sophocles and Shakspeare must have one view of
the Stage, in essence. You must sit out your three or four hours.
You must listen and see with expectation intended, like a bow drawn.
To which intent Action and Passion must press on.
T. Compare, sir, the One Day of Othello to the Sixteen Years of
Hermione ! There, intensest Passion sustained ; here, the unrolling
30* APP. III. PROF. WILSON ON THE DOUBLE-TIME IN SHAKSPERE.
of a romantic adventure. Each true to the temper imposed on the
hearing spectator.
N. Good. The Novel is not a Transcript — the Play is not a
Transcript. Ask not for a Transcript, for not one of those who could
give it you, will. A conditioned imitation we desire and demand —
and we have it in Othello.
T. And put up we must with Two Times — one for your
sympathy with his tempest of heart — one for the verisimilitude of the
transaction.
N. Think on the facility with which, in the Novel, lago could
have strewn an atom of arsenic a-day on Othello's platter, to use him
to the taste ; and how, in the Play, this representation is impossible.
Then, the original remaining the same, each manner of portraiture
leaves it, and each, after its own Laws.
T. Did not Shakspeare know as much about the Time which he
was himself making as we do, as much and more *?
N. I doubt it. I see no necessity for believing it. We judge
'him as we judge ourselves. He came to his Art as it was, and
created — improving it — from that point. An Art grows in all its
constituents. The management of the Time is a constituent in the
Art of " feigned history," as Poetry is called by Lord Bacon. But I
contend that on our Stage, to which Shakspeare came, the manage-
ment of Time was in utter neglect — an undreamed entity; and I
claim for the first foundation of any Canon respective to this matter,,
acute sifting of all Plays previous.
T. Not so very many —
N. Nor so very few. Shakspeare took up the sprawling, forlorn,
infant, dramatic Time. He cradled, rocked, and fed it. The bant-
ling throve, and crawled vigorously about on all-fours. But since
then, thou Talloineter, imagine the study that we have made. Count
not our Epic Poems — not our Metrical Romances — not our Tragedies.
Count our Comedies, and count above all our Novels. I do not say
that you can settle Time in these by the almanac. They are the less
poetical when you can do so ; but I say that we have with wonderful
and immense diligence studied the working out of a Story. Time being
here an essential constituent, it cannot be but that, in our more exact
APP. III. PROF. WILSON ON THE DOUBLE-TIME IN SHAKSPERE. 31*
and critical layings-out of the chain of occurrences, we have arrived at
a tutored and jealous respect of Time — to say nothing of our Aris-
totelian lessons — totally unlike anything that existed under Eliza and
James, as a general proficiency of the Art — as a step gained in the
National Criticism.
T. Ay, it must be difficult in the extreme for us so to divest our-
selves of our own intellectual habits and proficiency as to take
up, and into our own, the mind of that Age. But, unless we do
so, we are unable to judge what might or might not happen to any
one mind of that age ; and when we affirm that Shakspeare must
have known what he was doing in regard to the Time of Othello,
we are suffering under the described difficulty or disability —
N. Why, Talboys, you are coming, day after day, to talk better
and better sense — take care you do not get too sensible —
T. "We must never forget, sir, that the management of the Time
was on that Stage a slighted and trampled element — that what Willy
gives us of it is gratuitous, and what we must be thankful for — and
finally, that he did not distinctly scheme out, in his own conception,
the Time of Othello — very far from it.
N. I verily believe that if you or I had shown him the Time, tied
up as it is, he would have said, " Let it go hang. They won't find
it out ; and, if they do, let them make the best, the worst, and the
most of it. The Play is a good Play, and I shall spoil it with
mending it." Why, Talboys, if Queen Elizabeth had required that
the Time should be set straight, it could not have been done. One —
two — six changes would not have done it. The Time is an entangled
skein that can only be disentangled by breaking it. For the fervour
of action on the Stage, lago could not have delayed the beginning
beyond the next day. And yet think of the Moral Absurdity — to
begin — really as if the day after Marriage, to sow Jealousy ! The
thing is out of nature the whole diameter of the globe. His project
was " after a time t' abuse Othello's ear," which is according to nature,
and is de facto the impression made — strange to say — from beginning
to end. But the truth is, that the Stage three hours are so soon gone,
that you submit yourself to everything to come within compass.
Your Imagination is bound to the wheels of the Theatre Clock.
32* APP. III. PROF. WILSON ON THE DOUBLE-TIME IN SHAKSPERE.
T. Yet, in our conversation on Macbeth, you called your dis-
covery an " astounding discovery " — and it is so. The Duplicity of
Time in Othello is a hundred times more astounding —
N. And the discovery of it will immortalise my name. I grieve
to think that the Pensive Public is sadly deficient in Imagination. I
remember or invent that she once resisted me, when I said that
"Illusion" is one constituent of Poetry. Illusion, the Pensive
Public must be made to know, is WHEN THE SAME THING is, AND
is NOT. Pa — God bless him ! — makes believe to be a Lion. He
roars, and springs upon his prey. He at once believes himself to
be a Lion, and knows himself to be Pa. Just so with the Shak-
speare Club — many millions strong. The two times at Cyprus are
there; the reason for the two times — to wit, probability of the
Action, storm of the Passion — is there ; and if any wiseacre should
ask, "How do we manage to stand the Mown together-proceeding
of two times 1 " The wiseacre is answered — " We don't stand it —
for we know nothing about it. We are held in a confusion and a
delusion about the time." We have effect of both — distinct know-
ledge of neither. We have suggestions to our Understanding of
extended time — we have movements of our Will by precipitated
time.
T. We have — we have — we have. Oh ! sir ! sir ! sir !
N. Does any man by possibility ask for a scheme and an exposi-
tion, by which it shall be made luminous to the smallest capacity,
how we are able distinctly all along to know, and bear in mind, that
the preceding transactions are accomplished in a day, and at the same
time and therewithal, distinctly all along to know and bear in mind
that the same transactions proceeding before our eyes take about three
months to accomplish] Then, I am obliged — like the musicians,
when they are told that, if they have any music that may not be
heard, Othello desires them to play it — to make answer, " Sir, we
have none such." It is to ask that a deception shall be not only
seemingly but really a truth ! Jedediah Buxton, and Blair the
Chronologist, would, " sitting at this play," have broken their hearts.
You need not. If you ask me — which judiciously you may — what
or how much did the Swan of Avon intend and know of all this
APP. III. PROF. WILSON ON THE DOUBLE-TIME IN SHAKSPERE. 33*
astonishing legerdemain, when he sang thus astonishingly 1 Was he
the juggler juggled by aerial spirits — as Puck and Ariel 1 I put my
finger to my lip, and nod on him to do the same ; and if I am asked,
" Shall a modern artificer of the Drama, having the same pressure
from within and from without, adopt this resource of evasion]"
I can answer, with great confidence, " He had better look before he
leap." If any spectator, upon the mere persuasion and power of
the Representation, ends with believing that the seed sown and the
harvest reaped are of one day, I believe that he may yet have the
belief of extended time at Cyprus. I should say by carrying the
one day with him on forwards from day to day! Or if you wish
this more intelligibly said, that he shall continually forget the past
notices. Once for all, he shall forget that the first suggestion ivas on
the day after the arrival.
T. Inquire, sir, what intelligent auditors, who nave not gone into
the study, have thought ; for that, after all, is the only testimony
that means anything.
N. Well, Talboys, suppose that one of them should actually say,
" Why, upon my word, if I am to tell the truth, I did take note that
lago began ' abusing Othello's ear ' the day after the arrival. I did,
in the course of the Play, gather up an impression that some good
space of time was passing at Cyprus — and I did, when the murder
came, put it down upon the same day with the sowing of the
suspicion, and I was not aware of the contradiction. In short, now
that you put me upon it, I see I did .that which thousands of us do
in thousands of subjects — keep in different corners of the brain two
beliefs — of which, if they had come upon the same ground, the one
must have annihilated the other. But I did not at the time bring
the data together. / suppose that / had something else to think of."
T. Assume, sir, for simplicity's sake, that Shakspeare knew what
he was doing.
2V. Then the Double Time is to be called — an Imposture.
T. Oh, my dear sir — oh, oh !
JV*. A good-natured Juggler, my dear Talboys, has cheated your
eyes. You ask him to show you how he did it. He does the trick
slowly — and you see. " Now, good Conjurer, do it slowly, and cheat
'34* APP. HI. PROF. WILSON ON THE DOUBLE-TIME IN SHAKSPERB.
us" " I can't. I cheat you by doing it quickly. To be cheated,
you must not see what I do : but you must think that you see."
When we inspect the Play in our closets, the Juggler does his trick
slowly. We sit at the Play, and he does it quick. When you see
the trick again done the right way — that is quick — you cannot con-
ceive how it is that you no longer see that which you saw when it
was done slowly ! Again the impression returns of a magical feat.
T. I doubt, if we saw Othello perfectly acted, whether all our
study would preserve us from the returning imposture.
N. I will defy any one most skilful theatrical connoisseur, even
at the tenth, or twentieth, or fiftieth Eepresentation, so to have
followed the comings-in and the goings-out, as to satisfy himself to
demonstration, that interval into which a month or a week or a day
can be dropped — there is none In comparing Shakspeare and
the Attic Three, we seem to ourselves, but really do not, to exhaust
the Criticism of the Drama. Is Mr. Sheriff Alison right, when he
said that the method of Shakspeare is justified only by the genius of
Shakspeare 1 That less genius needs the art of antiquity 3 Oar own
art inclines to a method between the two ; and we should have to
account for the theatrical success, during a century or more, of such
Plays as the Fair Penitent, Jane Shore, &c.
T. Why, sir, does Tragedy displace often from our contemplation,
Comedy 1 Not when we are contemplating Shakspeare. To me his
method, in reading him, appears justified by the omnipotent Art,
which, despite refractoriness, binds together the most refractory
times, things, persons, events in Unity.
N. Most true. We feel, in reading, the self-compactness and
self-completeness of each Play. Thus in Lear —
T. In Lear the ethical ground is the Relation of Parent to Child,
specifically Father and Daughter. If the treatment of that Relation
is full to your satisfaction, that may affect you as a Unity. Full is
not exhaustive ; but one part of treatment demands another. Thus
the violated relation requires for its compliment the consecrated
relation.
N. In Hamlet]
T. The ethical ground in Hamlet, sir, is the relation of Father
APP. III. PROF. WILSON ON THE DOUBLE-TIME IN SHAKSPERE. 35*
and Son, very peculiarly determined, or specialtied. Observe, sir, how
the like relation between Father and Daughter, the same between
Father and Son, occurs in Polonius's House. Here, too, a slain
Father — a part of the specialty. Compare, particularly, the dilatory
revenge of Hamlet and the dispatchful of Laertes. Again, the
relation of Gertrude the Mother and Hamlet the Son — so many
differences ! And the strange discords upon the same relation — my
Uncle-Father and Aunt-Mother — the tragic grotesque.
N. Eh?
T. Then in Lear the House of Gloster counterparts Lear's. And
compare the ill-disposed Son-in-law Cornwall, and the well-disposed
Son-in-law Albany. The very Fool has a sort of filial relation to
Lear — "IsTuncle" — and "come on, my Boy." At least the relation
is in the same direction — old to young — protecting to dependent —
spontaneous love to grateful, requiting love, and an intimate, fondling
familiarity. Compare in Hamlet, Ophelia's way of taking her father's
death — madness and unconscious suicide — the susceptible girl, — and
the brother's to kill the slayer, " to cut his throat i' the church " —
the energetic youthy man, ferox juvenis — fiery — full of exuberant
strength; — all variations of the grounding thought — relation of
Parent and Child.
N. Of Othello 1
T. The mortal unity of Othello can be nothing but the Connu-
bial Eelation. How is this dealt with] Othello and Desdemona
deserve one another — both are excellent — both impassioned, but very
differently — both frank, simple, confiding — both unbounded in love.
But they have married against the father's wish — privily, and — he
.dies — so here, is from another sacred quarter an influence thwarting
— a law violated, and of which the violation shall be made good
to the uttermost. So somebody remarks that Brabantio involves
the fact in the Nemesis, " She has deceived her Father, and may
thee." Then the pretended corrupt love of her and Cassio is a re-
flection in divers ways of the prevailing relation — for a corrupt
union of man and woman images ex opposite the true union — and
then it comes as the wounding to the death. Again, Kodrigo's wicked
pursuit of her is an imperfect, false reflection. And then there is the
36* APP. III. PROF. WILSON ON THE DOUBLE-TIME IN SHAKSPERE.
false relation — in Cassio and Bianca — woven in essentially when
lago, talking to Cassio of Bianca, makes Othello believe that they
are speaking of Desdemona. Then the married estate of lago and
Emilia is another image — an actual marriage, and so far the same
thing, hut an inwardly unbound wedlock — between heart and heart
no tie — and so far not the same thing — the same with a difference,
exactly what Poetry requires. Note that this image is also par-
ticipant in the Action, essentially, penetratively to the core; since
hereby lago gets the handkerchief, and hereby, too, the knot is
resolved by Emilia's final disclosures and asseverations sealed by her
death. Observe that each husband kills, and indeed stabs his wife —
motives a little different — as heaven and hell.
N. The method of Shakspeare makes his Drama the more absolute
reflection of our own Life, wherein are to be considered two
things
T. First — if the innermost grounding feeling of all our other
feelings is and must be that of Self — the next, or in close proximity,
Sympathy with our life— then by the overpowering similitude of
those Plays to our lives — of the method of the Plays to the method
of our life — that Sympathy is by Shakspeare seized and possessed as
by no other dramatist — the persuasion of reality being immense and
stupendous. Elements of the method are, the mixture of comic and
tragic — the crossing presentment of different interests — presentment
of the same interests from divided places and times — multiplying
of agents, that is number and variety — being of all ranks, ages,
qualities, offices — coming in contact — immixt in Action and Passion.
This frank, liberal, unreserved, spontaneous and natural method of
imitation must ravish our sympathy — and we know that the Plays
of Shakspeare are to us like another world of our own in its ex-
uberant plenitude — a full second humanity.
N. Opposed to this is the severe method of the Greek Stage—
selecting and simplifying.
T. Of the modern craftsmen, to my thinking Alfieri has carried
the Attic severity to the utmost ; and I am obliged to say, sir, that
in them all — those Greeks and this Italian — the severity oppresses me
APP. III. PKOF. WILSON ON THE DOUBLE-TIME IN SHAKSPERE. 37*
— I feel the rule of art — not the free movement of human existence.
That I feel overpoweringly, only in Shakspeare.
N. Ay.
T. Alfieri says that the constituent Element of Tragedy is Con-
flict— as of Duty and Passion — as of Conscious Election in the
breast of Man and Fate.
N. He does — does he ?
T. There is Conflict — or Contrast — or Antithesis — the Jar of two
Opposites — a Discord — a Eending — in Lear ; between his misplaced
confidence and its requital — between his misplaced displeasure and
the true love that is working towards his weaL And, again, between
the Desert and the Eeward of Cordelia — with more in the same
Play.
JV. Schiller says of Tragic Fate,
" The great gigantic Destiny
That exalts Man in crushing him."
Welcker has, I believe, written on the Fate of the Greek Tragedy,
which I desire to see.
T. Are Waves breaking against a Eock the true Image of
Tragedy?
N. Hardly ; any more than a man running his head against a
post or stone wall is. The two antagonistic Forces, Talboys, must
each of them have, or seem to have, the possibility of yielding ; the
Conflict or Strife must have a certain play. Therefore I inquire — Is
the Greek Fate the most excellent of Dramatic means 1 and is the
Greek Fate inflexible1? And, granting that the Hellenic Fate is
thoroughly sublime and fitting to Greek Tragedy, and withal inflex-
ible— does it follow that Modern Tragedy must have a like over-
hanging tyrannical Necessity 1
T. No.
N. No. The Greek Tragedy representing a received religious
Mythology, we may conceive the poetical, or esthetical hardness of a
Fate known for unalterable, to have been tempered by the inherent
Awe — the Holiness. There is a certain swallowing-up of human
38* APP. III. PROF. WILSON ON THE DOUBLE-TIME IN SHAKSPERE.
interests, hopes, passions — this turmoiling, struggling life — in a re-
vealed Infinitude. Our Stage is human — built on the Moral Nature
of Man, and on his terrestrial Manner of being. It stands under
the Heavens — upon the Earth. In Hamlet, the Ghost, with his
command of Revenge, represents the Impassive, Inflexible — with a
breath freezing the moveable human blood into stillness — everything
else is in agitation.
T. Say it again, sir.
N. Beg my pardon and your own, fully and unconditionally,
Talboys, this very instant, for talking slightingly of the Greek
Drama.
T. Not guilty, my Lord. Of all Dramas that ever were drama-
tised on the Stage of this unintelligible world, the Greek Drama
is the most dramatic, saving and excepting Shakspeare's.
N. Ay, wonderful, my dear Talboys, to see the holy affections
demonstrated mighty on the heathen Proscenium. Antigone !
Daughter and Sister. Or in another House, Orestes, Electra.
T. Macbeth murders a King, who happens to be his kinsman ;
but Clytemnestra murders her husband, who happens to be a King —
the profounder and more interior crime.
2V. We see how grave are the undertakings of Poetry, which
engages itself to please, that it may accomplish sublimer aims. By
pleasure she wins you to your greater good — to Love and Intelli-
gence. The heathen Legislator, the heathen Philosopher, the
heathen Poet, looks upon Man with love and awe. He desires and
conceives his welfare — his wellbeing — HIS HAPPINESS.
T. And the Poet, you believe, sir, with intenser love — with
more solemn awe — with more penetrant intuition.
N. I do. And he has his way clearer before him.
T. The Legislator, sir, will alchemise the most refractory of all
substances — Man. His materials are in truth the lowest and grossest,
and most external relations of Man's life.
N. They are.
T. And these he would, with instrumentality of low, gross,
outward means, subjugate or subdue under his own most spiritual
intuitions.
APP. III. PROF. WILSON ON THE DOUBLE-TIME IN SHAKSPERE. 39*
N. A vain task, my dear Talboys, for an impossible. He must
lower Ins intuition — his aim — to his means and materials. The
Philosopher walks in a more ethereal region. Compared to the
Legislator, he is at advantage. But he has his own difficulties. He
must think Feelings!
T. He might as well try, sir, to trace outline and measure
capacity of a mist which varies its form momently, and without
determinate boundary loses itself in the contiguous air. His work is
to define the indefinite.
N. And then he comes from the Schools, which in qualifying dis-
qualify also — from the Schools of the Senses — of the Physical Arts
— of Natural Philosophy — of Logical, Metaphysical, Mathematical
Science. These have quickened, strengthened, and sharpened his wit ;
they have lifted him at last from emotions to notions ; but — Love is.
understood by loving — Hate by hating — and only so ! Sensations —
notions — EMOTIONS ! I say, Talboys, that in all these inferior schools
you may understand a part by itself, and ascend by items to the Sum,
the All. But in the Philosophy of the "Will, you must from the
centre look along the radii, and with a sweep command the cir-
cumference. You must know as it were Nothing, or All.
T. Ay, indeed, sir; looking at the Doctrines of the Moral
Philosophers, you are always dissatisfied — and why?
N. Because they contradict your self-experience. Sometimes they
speak as you feel. Your self-intelligence answers, and from time
to time acknowledges and avouches a strain or two ; but then comes
discord. The Sage stands on a radius. If he looks along the radius
towards the circumference, he sees in the same direction with him
who stands at the centre; but in every other direction, inversely
or transversely. Every work of a Philosopher gives you the notion
of glimpses caught, snatched in the midst of clouds and of rolling
darknesses. The truth is, Talboys, that the Moral Philosopher is
in the Moral Universe a schoolboy; he is gaining, from time to
time, information by which, if he shall persevere and prosper, he
shall at last understand. Hitherto he but prepares to understand.
If he knows this, good ; but if the schoolboy who has mastered
his Greek Alphabet, will for'hwith proceed to expound Homer and
40* APP. III. PROF. WILSON ON THE DOUBLE-TIME IN SHAKSPERE.
Plato, what sort of an ex cathedra may we not expect? Bather,
what expectation can approach the burlesque that is in store !
T. All are not such.
N. The Moral Sage may be the Schoolboy in the Magisterial
Chair. With only this difference, that he of the beard has been
installed in form, and the Doctor's hat set on his head by the hand
of authority. But the ground of confusion is the same. He will
from initial glimpses of information expound the world. He will
— and the worst of it is that — he must.
T. A Legislator, a Philosopher, a Poet, all know that the stability
and welfare of a man — of a fellowship of men — is Virtue. But see
how they deal with it.
N. Don't look to me, Talboys ; go on of yourself and for your-
self— I am a pupil.
T. The Legislator, sir, can hardly do more than reward Yalour
in war ; and punish overt crime. The Philosopher will have Good
either tangible, like an ox, or a tree, or a tower, or a piece of land ;
or a rigorous and precise rational abstraction, like the quantities of a
mathematician. For Good, substantial and impalpable, go to the
Poet. For Good — for Virtue — concrete, go to the Poet.
N. The Philosopher separates Virtue from all other motions and
states of the human will. The Poet loses or hides Virtue in the
other motions and states of the human will. Orestes, obeying the
Command of Apollo, avenges his Father, by slaying his Mother,
and her murderous and adulterous Paramour. So awfully, solemnly,
terribly — with such implication and involution in human affections
and passions, works and interests and sufferings, the Poet demon-
strates Virtue.
T. And we go along with Orestes, sir ; the Greeks did — if our
feebler soul cannot.
N. Yes, Talboys, we do go along with Orestes. He does that
which he must do — which he is under a moral obligation to do —
under a moral necessity of doing. Necessity ! ay, an Ava^r) — stern,
strong, adamantine as that which links the Chain of Causes and
Events in the natural universe — which compels the equable and
unalterable celestial motions beheld by our eyes — such a bounden,
APP. III. PROF. WILSON ON THE DOUBLE-TIME IN SHAKSPERE. 41*
irresistible agency sends on the son of the murdered, with hidden
sword, against the bosom that has lulled, fed, made him ! — HE MUST.
T. Love, hate, horror — the furies of kinned shed blood ready
to spring up from the black inscrutable earth wetted by the red
drops, and to dog the heels of the new Slayer — of the divinely-
appointed Parricide ! So a Poet teaches Virtue.
N. Ay, even so ; convulsing your soul — convulsing the worlds, he
shows you LAW — the archaic, the primal, sprung, ere Time, from the
bosom of Jupiter — LAW the bond of the worlds, LAW the inviolate
violated, and avenging her Violation, vindicating her own everlasting
stability, purity, divinity.
T. Divine law and humble, faithful, acquiescent human Obedi-
ence ! Obedience self-sacrificing, blind to the consequences, hearing
the God, hearing the Ghost, deaf to all other Voices — deaf to fear,
deaf to pity !
N. Now call in the Philosopher, and hear what he has to preach.
Something exquisite and unintelligible about the Middle between
two Extremes !
T. Shade of the Stagyrite !
N. The pure Earth shakes crime from herself, and the pure stars
follow their eternal courses. The Mother slays the children of a
brother for the father's repast. And the sun, stopt in the heavens,
veils his resplendent face. So a Poet inculcates Law — Law running
through all things, and binding all things in Unity and in Sympathy
— Law entwined in the primal relations of Man with Man. To
reconcile Man with Law — to make him its " willing bondsman " — is
the great Moral and Political Problem — the first Social need of the
day — the innermost craving need of all time since the Fall. The
Poet is its greatest teacher — a wily preceptor, who lessons you,
unaware, unsuspecting of the supreme benefit purposed you — done
you — by him, the Hierophant of Harmonia.
42* SCKAPS.
sewer, or shore, sb. : Troilus, V. i. 83. " Sentina, a sinke, a
lakes, a priuie, a common shore, a heape of filth, or any such con-
veyance of filth. Fogna . . a common shore, lakes or sinke."
1598. Florio.
sophisticated, a.: Lear, III. iv. 110. "And truly, Philosophy
is nothing else but a sophisticated poesie." 1603. J. Florio.
Montaigne. 1632, p. 301.
start-up, a. upstart : Much Ado, I. iii. 69. " It is reported that
a new start-up fellow, whom they call Paracelsus, changeth &
subverteth all the order of ancient, & so long time received rules."
1603. J. Florio. Montaigne. 1632, p. 321.
stand-upon, v. t. concern oneself with : Julius Caesar, III. i.
100. "Whether it were profitable or no, I will not now dispute or
stand-upon." 1603. J. Florio. Montaigne. 1632, p. 623.
steepy, a. : Timon, I. i. 74. " Such transcending humours affright
me as much as steepy, high and inaccessible places." 1603. J.
Florio. Montaigne. 1632, p. 630.
strike, v. t.: Coriolanus, II. ii. 17. "What reason is there,
that ^sculapius their patrone must have beene strucken with
Thunder ?" 1603. J. Florio. Montaigne (1632), p. 431.
usurp upon, v. : Titus, III. i. 269 : "in my youth, I ever
opposed my selfe to the motions of love, which I felt to usurp e
upon me, and laboured to diminish its delights." 1603. J. Florio.
Montaigne. 1632, p. 572.
the croaking raven, &c. : Hamlet, III. ii. 264. " In the True
Tragedie of Richard the Third [Old Shaksp. Soc., p. 61], is a
speech of the King to the Lord Lovell, describing the terrors of his
conscience, and his ' hell of life ' : —
* Methinks their ghosts come gaping for revenge
Whom I have slain in reaching for a crown.'
Clarence, and his nephews, and the headless peers, all mankind, all
nature, the sun, moon, birds, beasts, all clamour for revenge : —
' The screeching raven sits croaking for revenge,
Whole herds of beasts comes bellowing for revenge.'
I think that no one can doubt that Hamlet's line —
' The croaking raven doth bellow for revenge,'
is a satirical condensation of these two lines." RICHARD SIMPSON in
Academy, Dec. 19, 1874, p. 658.
frush, v. t. batter : Tr. $ Ores. V. vi. 29 (1 not Shakspere).
" Ammagliare, to waste, to destroy, to bruise, to breake, to clatter,
to frush, to hauocke." 1598. Florio. A Worlde of Wordes.
43*
APPENDIX IV.
CONTENTS OF THE GERMAN SHAKSPERE SOCIETY'S
YEAR BOOK, VOL. XI— XIV.
BY
F. D. MATTHEW.
THE Eleventh Year-book of the German Shakspere Society,
edited by Karl Elze, contains :
1. Shakespeare and Schroder. An address delivered at the
annual meeting by Gisbert Ereih. Yincke.
This is an interesting sketch of the life of Schroder, the first
manager who made any attempt to present Shakspere on the German
stage. He was a man of wonderful gifts and versatility, an actor
of the highest rank, both in tragedy and comedy, besides being
dancer, singer, ballet-master, and dramatist. His first Shakspere
venture was in 1776, when he produced an arrangement of Hamlet.
This was followed by Othello, which was found too tragical, and had
to be altered to a happy ending. By 1792 he had brought out the
Merchant of Venice, Measure for Measure, Lear, Richard II,
Henry IV (both parts), Macbeth, and Much Ado. He died in 1816,
leaving a reputation much like that which in England attaches to
Garrick.
2. Report presented at the meeting, April 23, 1875. It is satis-
factory ; the number of members and sale of the Year-book having
increased.
3. Shakespeare's Coriolanus in its relation to the Coriolanus of
Plutarch, by N. Delius.
The first part of this paper is concerned with the action of the
N. S. SOC. TRANS., 1877-9. D*
44* APP. IV. THE GERMAN SHAKSPERE SOCIETY'S YEAR BOOK, XI.
play. Dr Delius notes the variations from Plutarch, and shows
how freely Shakspere used his materials. The changes are in some
cases slight, in others considerable, but the motive in making them
seems generally to be that of the practical dramatist, who wishes to
make his action clear and direct, and his personages interesting.
The character of Coriolanus, which Plutarch tells us was churlish
and uncivil for lack of education, is made by Shakspere much less
unamiable. His overweening pride is as much the result of his
mother's training as of nature, while his love for mother, wife, and son
soften the harsher traits which are too prominent in Plutarch's hero.
Of the secondary personages Shakspere has done most for Aufidius
and Menenius, and his sketches of the populace have nothing in
Plutarch to suggest them, except it be some moral remarks on the
fickleness of the common people.
In the third part of his paper on language Dr Delius shows in a
series of passages how the bald narration of North's Plutarch is
transfigured in the page of Shakspere. Nothing can be more curious
and instructive than these examples of the way in which Shakspere
" conveys " unsparingly, but sets a stamp on all he takes that forbids
any challenge to his right.
4. On Mucedorus, by Dr Wilhelm "Wagner.
Dr Wagner puts aside the supposition of Tieck that Shakspere
was the author of this play, which he is inclined to attribute to the
joint labour of several hands. He notices that pp. 34 — 36 (Delius
edition) are in a loftier and more Shaksperian style than the rest.
The chief part of the paper is devoted to suggestions for textual
emendation.
5. Emendations and Notes on Martow, also by Dr Wagner.
This paper calls attention to the corrupt state in which Mario w's
^£^fe have come down to us ; the only one which shows his
unaltered work being Edward II. The emendations apply chiefly
(to the text of the 'Jew of Malta.'
6 On Shakespeare's Clowns, by J. Thiimmel.
Herr Thiimmel distinguishes the Clowns from the Fools (whom
he has treated in an earlier volume) by their roughness and ignorance.
The Clown is not necessarily, although most often, of low rank ; and
APP. IV. THE GERMAN SHAKSPEEE SOCIETY'S YEAR-BOOK, XI. 45*
the Justices, Shallow and Silent, may claim a place among the rest.
Herr Thiimmel sorts out his Clowns into classes, and goes through
the whole delightful company in due order, noting their individual
characteristics as he passes.
7. Shakespeare and Giordano Bruno, by "Wilhelm Kbnig.
Herr Konig tries to establish a close relation between Shakspere
and G. Bruno. His argument rests on a series of quotations and
parallels, which lead to the conclusion that Shakspere had studied,
and to some extent adopted, Bruno's philosophical ideas, while
he borrowed some types of character from Bruno's comedies and
dialogues. The proof is of course cumulative, and must be judged
as a whole. Herr Kb'nig tells us he could bring forward much more
material if he had room for it. The doubt with his readers will not
be as to the number of the parallels, but the certainty of them. One
wants to know whether the ideas ascribed to Bruno's influence were
not a part of that general stock of thought which is (so to speak) in
the air of any given period, and makes it hard to distinguish resem-
blances from borrowings. Whatever the final judgment may be, no
one can doubt that Herr Konig makes out a very ingenious case.
8. The Development of the Legend of Romeo and Juliet, by Dr
Karl Paul Schulze.
In this paper Dr Schulze goes carefully through the various
forms of the story on which Shakspere founded his play. There
seems little doubt that it is purely legendary, and has no foundation
in fact. It first takes the shape in which we know it in Luigi da
Porto's novel1 (1530), but a version of it under another name is
found in the 'Novellino of Masuccio,' published in Naples in 1476.
Porto's novel was dramatized by Luigi Groto in 1578.
A poem in four cantos, by Gherardo Boldiero, was published under
the pseudonyme of Clitia, in 1553. An extract from it is given in
the Shakspere Society's publications, vol. iv. (1849.)
Next comes the novel of Bandello, which first popularized the
legend out of Italy He took it from Luigi da Porto, but added
embellishments of nis own. From this novel, through the French
1 Published with an English translation, by G. Pace-Sanfelice. London :
Bell. 1868.
46* APP. IV. THE GERMAN SHAKSPERE SOCIETY'S YEAR-BOOK, XI,
translation by Boaistuau, caine Arthur Brooke's poem, * Eomeus and
Juliet/ and Painter's prose translation, both edited for us by
Mr P. A. Daniel. Dr Schulze notes the variations in the different
versions, and compares each with the play. He also gives a com-
parison with the Spanish forms of the story as dramatized by Lope
de Yega and Eojas.
9. One of the Sources of Midsummer Night's Dream, by Fritz
Krauss.
Herr Krauss finds the original of the enchantment scenes in
Midsummer Nigh? 8 Dream, where the lovers are led astray and
again set straight by spells, in the Diana of Jorge de Montemayor.
Further, he thinks that we have in this play a reference to the love
affairs of Lord Southampton; and sees in Helena and Hermia,
Elizabeth Yernon and Lady Eichmond. In support of these posi-
tions he brings several quotations from the Sonnets, which he
interprets after the theories of Mr Gerald Massey. He adds a note
on Eomeo, in which (under the same guidance) he also sees reference
to Southampton's loves.
10. Polymythy (Polymythie) in Shakespeare's Dramatic Poems,
by C. C. Heuse.
I must confess that this word is new to me, but the paper has
reference to Shakspere's manner of combining several plots or actions
in one play, and so obtaining by likeness or contrast a fulness of
effect which could not have been got by simply setting forth the
main action of the play. The method of the Greek drama allowed
only the single action, and this treatment was brought to perfection
by Sophocles, as the more complex one by Shakspere. It must be
noticed, however, that Shakspere has written plays which are com-
paratively monomythical : as Romeo, Othello, and Macbeth, and still
more, Julius Ccesar and Coriolanus. The peculiar antique effect of
these last two dramas is probably due to Shakspere's following the
simple action of Plutarch's story.
11. Karl Elze's Notes and Conjectures. These ingenious specula-
tions will no doubt receive from all students of Shakspere the
attention they deserve.
12. List of Shakspere performances in the German theatres; 27
APP. IV. THE GERMAN SHAKSPERE SOCIETY'S YEAR BOOK, XII. 47*
plays have been acted. The total number of representations is 460
in 37 theatres.
13. Literary Keview of books, &c., connected with Shakspere.
14. Miscellanies. Two notes by Dr Wagner; one on parallels
between Seneca and Shakspere, the other on " uncouth, unkist."
15. Catalogue of Books in the Library of the German Shakespeare
Society.
16. List of the members of the Society.
THE Twelfth Volume of the German Shakespeare Society's Year-
book contains :
1. The address given at the annual meeting, May 7, 1876, by
Professor N. Delius, on the Epic Elements in Shakspere's Dramas,
translated for our Society, and published in our Transactions, No. 4,
p. 207.
2. Supplement to the Address, translated and published in the
same volume, p. 332.
3. The Yearly Report ; from which we learn that the Society
which began with 123 members, has now 186, while the sale of the
Year-book has grown from 21 of the first volume to 77 of the 10th.
4. ShaJcspeare in Greece, by Wilhelm Wagner.
The first influence of England, Dr Wagner tells us, came with
the foundation of the Corfu University, soon after the Septinsular
Republic had passed under British protection, but no direct relation
between the two literatures was established until the War of Libera-
tion made Lord Byron known to the Greeks.
The first play of Shakspere translated into modern Greek was the
Tempest, by J. Poly las, published in 1855. It was followed by
Julius Ccesar (N. K. lonidis) and Hamlet (J. E Pervanoglu), both
in 1858; Macbeth in 1862. The work is going on; and Cymbeline
and Othello have been published in the feuilleton of newspapers.
Moreover, a general translation was begun in Paris in 1875, the con-
tinuation of which was dependent on the reception given to the first
parts. Most important of all, in Dr Wagner's opinion, because
translated into real modern Greek and not into the artificial literary
48* APP. IV. THE GERMAN SHAKSPERE SOCIETY'S YEAR BOOK, XII.
dialect, is the work of Demetrius Bikelas, a resident in London, who
has made versions of Romeo, Othello, and King Lear.
Dr Wagner criticizes most of these translations, and takes occasion
to express his objection to the academic efforts to remodel the popular
language of Green for literary purposes. To all who care to know
how Shakspere is welcomed in the youngest of European literatures
this paper will be of great interest.
5. Milton A Contrast to Shakespeare, by K. Elze.
The English people have not been successful in their criticism
of Milton. They have, instead of criticizing him, wasted time in
debating whether he or Shakspere were the greater poet.1 Happily
there have been Germans to put us in the right way, and Herder has
remarked that " Milton showed the utmost that reflexion can accom-
plish in poetry." Dr Elze starts from this point, and proceeds to
demonstrate how little reflexion can accomplish.
Milton's human ideal is defective. Adam and Eve are argu-
mentative and steeped in Puritanism ; so much that the only service
they offer God is prayer, whereas " how pretty and childlike it would
have been had they built an altar of flowers and fruits, and there
bowed the knee." The want of a fusing heat of imagination is shown
in numberless awkwardnesses and contradictions which revolt the
reader ; in the use of machinery which looks clumsy compared with
Worlington Irving ; and of similes which remind us painfully how
much better Ossian, or rather Macpherson, would have done.
When we add that Dr Elze, who joins to his other acquirements
those of a learned and original theologian, exposes Milton's defects
as a Christian, we may trust that our readers will turn to the essay
itself for details, and may content ourselves with the conclusion,
which is that, Milton is only a rhetorician or word-poet, and even so
an imperfect one. Else he would not have written of the " branch-
ing palm," when naturalists describe the palm as a tree "with a
straight, UNBRANCHING, cylindric stem." Neither would he have said :
1 Dr Elze cites as evidence and example ' The Debater : A New Theory of
the Art of Speaking,' being a series of Complete Debates, Outlines of Debates,
and Questions for Discussion. By Frederick Eowton. 2nd edition. London :
1850. Many members of our Society will feel thankful to Dr Elze for their
first introduction to this typical organ of the higher criticism.
APP. IV. THE GERMAN SHAKSPERE SOCIETY'S YEAR BOOK, XII. 49*
"champing his iron curb," an impossible action, as any stableman
could tell him. " If the poet would not write ' bit,' the right word»
and the only one he should have used, why did he not say ' his iron
rein ? ' The bit is a part of the rein, or at least of the bridle. Had
Milton chosen the expression rein, there would have been, so to
speak, totum pro parte, and the picture would not have been
impossible and unthinkable."
With all these faults it would seem difficult to account for the
English admiration of Milton, if it were not for the national taste
for moralizing. Milton is given to moralize, and thus he has won
popularity. A striking example is to be found in the concluding
lines of ' Comus,' and Dr Elze aptly ends his paper by telling us what,
instead of the Attendant Spirit's bare moral, Milton would have
written had he known how to learn from the great master,
Shakspere.
6. The Shakespeare booklet of the Poor Man of Toggenlurg ; of
the year 1780. Communicated from the original manuscript by Dr
Ernest Gotzinger.
Ulrich Braker, the poor man of Toggenburg, was born of work-
people in the Commune Toggenburg, Canton St. Gall. He earned
his living by handicraft, with an interval of soldiering, and had little
time for study or self-culture. None the less he felt the great
currents of thought prevalent in his time, and his writings are said,
by Dr Gotzinger, to express most vigorously the spirit of what is
known as the "Storm and Stress" period. Born in 1735, he lived
till 1798.
The " booklet " (printed from the MS. in the public library of
St. Gall) consists of a series of criticisms, or rather expressions of
feeling and opinion, on Shakspere's Plays, taken severally in the
order of Wieland's translations. It is delightful reading. No one
must expect from it philosophical theories, still less critical or philo-
logical details, but its match would be hard to find for frank enjoy-
ment and enthusiasm. Ulrich had read, re-read, and loved his
Shakspere; the characters of the plays were to him living and
breathing beings in whom he took a lively interest, and whom he
judged as he would have done his acquaintance in the flesh. Some-
50* APP. IV. THE GERMAN SHAKSPERE SOCIETY'S YEAR BOOK, XII.
times a shadow of doubt may cross him (not always unreasonably1)
as to the possibility of one or other, but he will not doubt that
Shakspere knew what he was about. Not that his utterance is one
flow of unchequered admiration. There are characters and plays
which fail to delight him, as there are others which raise him to
enthusiasm.
An additional charm of naivete is given to the work by Ulrich's
somewhat individual spelling and grammar. This, among other
reasons, makes me hopeless of representing his racy style in a trans-
lation, so I will not attempt to quote, but advise all readers who have
the opportunity to turn to the original.
7. On Shakespeare's Sources for King Lear, by H. Freih. von
Friesen.
The purpose of this paper is partly to correct an error into
which H. von Friesen had fallen in saying that no recognized source
gave Shakspere the idea of making Lear's daughter insult him by
lessening her suite. This point is found in the poem on the ' Mirrour
for Magistrates.'2 Having made this correction, H. von Friesen
goes on to give Robert of Gloucester's account of King Lear. He
thinks that if we could suppose Shakspere to have seen this, it
would correspond better with the play than the later versions of the
story, which have generally been looked to as authorities.
.8. Shakespeare Representations at Leipzig and Dresden, 1778
—1817.
This is given as an addition to a previous article in the 7th
volume of the ' Jahrbuch.' It completes, as far as the materials will
allow, a list of representations of Shakspere's plays from 1778 to
1871, at Dresden and Leipzig. An account of the Company then
playing in these towns is given, and the list of performances is
arranged in tabular form. It is followed by quotations from con-
temporary criticisms on the actors.
9. The Epilogue to Troilus and Cressida, by Th. Bruns.
It is usual to attribute to this epilogue a worse meaning than it
1 He had no doubt as to the genuineness of Titus Andronicus or
Uenry VI.
2 Printed in Collier's ' Shakspeare's Library.'
APP. IV. THE GERMAN SHAKSPERE SOCIETY'S YEAR BOOK, XII. 51*
really contains. The "aching bones and diseases" are the result
only of the irregular hours which Pandarus' trade makes him keep.
The will which he promises in two months' time is a new play;
" another piece, which is always the newest and last, and forms the
last will of the author." Further, we may doubt whether Shakspere
was the author of the epilogue, which is evidently a casual addition,
and may very probably have been made up by actor or manager.
10. The Historical Plays of Shakespeare, their relation to each
other, and their value for the Stage, by Wilhelm Kb'nig.
The paper points out the thread of political purpose which runs
through all the plays, and finds, moreover, an artistic, one might
almost say artificial, parallelism in their arrangement. King John
is the introduction ; then follows a Lancaster Tetralogy and a York
Tetralogy, 1 with Henry VIII for an epilogue. Even the individual
plays are arranged with a certain parallelism as to the distribution of
scenes, the introduction of comedy, &c.
Passing from this, Hen. Konig deals with certain charges which
have been made against the Histories as acting plays, and points out
that the conditions of the Stage were not then the same as now ; and
that the simpler arrangements of the Elizabethan theatre required
devices which would now be blameable : e. g. the introduction of an
episodic scene to mark a lapse of time between two meetings of the
same characters. Some re-arrangement is therefore required if these
plays are to keep the modern stage.
11. Shakespeare' 's Hamlet, its sources and political allusions, by
Karl Silberschlag.
. Our attention is here directed to the differences between the story
of Hamlet as told by Saxo Grammaticus and its treatment in
Shakspere's play. Among these are :
a. The Queen's complicity in the murder.
b. The manner in which the murder is committed.
c. The character of Hamlet.
d. The introduction of Laertes, of the servant Reynaldo, and of
the madness of Ophelia.
1 Ricliard II counts as a Lancaster play ; Henry P7as three York plays.
5 '2* APP. IV. THE GERMAN SHAKSPERE SOCIETY'S YEAR BOOK, XII.
Herr Silberschlag attributes these changes to the purpose of
making political allusions.
a. and b. The guilty mother has certainly reference to Mary,
Queen of Scots. This political appropriateness was no doubt seized
upon in the older play of Hamlet. With such an allusion in view
the open violent death of the elder Hamlet would have been out of
place. Among other signs of allusion to the Darnley tragedy is the
contrast in the looks of the Queen's two husbands. Beauty would
not generally be thought of in a man who had a grown-up son ;
but Darnley was the handsomest man of his day, and Bothwell
ill-looking.
c. If Mary Stuart is the Queen, it is natural James should be
Hamlet, and the likeness in character is evident. Hamlet is thought-
ful, learned, hesitating, and irresolute, a lover of the arts and the
drama. One who, like Shakspere, was favourably inclined to James
might well have drawn such a portrait of him, and the likeness is
not lessened by a touch of pedantry. For further identification we
may notice the point that Hamlet was fat and scant of breath.
d. Laertes is Alexander Ruthven, Laird of Gowrie. The points
of resemblance are the resemblance of name, Laird being very near
to Laertes ; and that the Gowrie attack upon the King was designed
to revenge the death of Ruthven's father. Like Ruthven, Laertes
shrinks from no treachery to gain his end. To both would the
speech be appropriate :
" Like a woodcock to my own springe, Osric,
I am justly killed with mine own treachery."
In the fight in Ophelia's grave there is a reference to the struggle
between James and Ruthven. Ruthven gripped the King's throat,
and James, though not usually splenitive and rash, ordered Ruthven
to be cut down.
Ruthven's wife, Anna Douglas (with whom James was suspected
of being in love), went mad after the death of her husband, and died
soon after. This suggests the madness of Ophelia. Finally, Ruthven
had a servant, Rhynd, who supplied him with money when his
estates were under forfeiture. Reynaldo (the name is like Rhynd)
carries money to Laertes.
APP. IV. THE GERMAN SHAKSPERE SOCIETY'S YEAR BOOK, XII. 53*
We are not to suppose that the play was meant as a political
allegory, but only that Shakspere, having meditated on these events
and characters, gave poetical form to the ideas in his mind.
The paper concludes with some detailed criticism, chiefly on the
construction and management of the story, and the sources from
which its parts are derived.
12. List of the performances of Shakespeare on German stages.
Twenty-eight plays of Shakspere have been presented. The total
number of performances is 452 in 38 theatres.
13. Account of the recent publications of the New Shakspere
Society, by K Delius.
14. Literary Notices, by Dr Elze and others.
15. Miscellanies. Short notes on John Gee's ' New Shreds of the
Old Snare,' illustrating the " shares " taken by the players ; on
Shakspere in Sweden; on the action of Seleucus in Antony and
Cleopatra ; and on a parallel between AWs Well and the Merchant
of Venice.
16. Albert Cohu's full and valuable Shakespeare Bibliography
for 1875-6. This includes the first translation of a play of Shakspere
into Tamil.
17. List of books added to the Society's Library.
The volume concludes with an Index to the Year-books of the
Society.
THE Thirteenth Volume contains:
1. The address given at the annual meeting, April 20, 1877, by
Julius Thiimmel, on the Miles Gloriosus in Shakespeare.
This type of character is traced from its first appearance in
Menander through the Eoman and Italian comedy. It appears early
in the German and French dramas, although not to be found in
Moliere. Professional soldiership did not flourish in England, but
our connection with the continent made the braggart familiar. He is
to be found in Beaumont and Fletcher, and Ben Jonson, but at his
best in Shakspere. Sir John Falstaff, Parolles, Don Armado, and,
above all, Pistol must be reckoned in this category.
The characteristics of the class are, affectation of soldier-like
54* APP. IV. THE GERMAN SHAKSPERE SOCIETY'S YEAR BOOK, XIII.
manners, want of courage, bombastic speech, audacious lying, and all
this for the purpose of gain. The poverty which is common to them
is a point of difference from the ancient drama, where, especially in
Plautus, the Miles Gloriosus has money to waste. Shakspere has
combined the braggart and the parasite. I cannot here give Herr
Thiimmers remarks on the individuals, but I may notice the point
that they are national types ; Falstaff every inch an Englishman,
Parolles French, Armado Spanish, and Pistol the ideal cosmopoli-
tan braggart, a worthy companion for his Latin and Italian fore-
runners
2. The Yearly Report of the Society, which is satisfactory, and
the report of the annual meeting at Weimar.
3. On the ascription of the ' Two Nolle Kinsmen ' to Shakespeare
and Fletcher, by N. Delius.
This paper aims at showing that neither Shakspere nor
Fletcher had anything to do with the authorship of the play. It
was not attributed to either of them during their lifetime, and the
appearance of their names on the title-page is only a catchpenny
device of the publisher. The resemblance which has been noticed in
style is of no greater weight. It is true that we cannot read a piece
of the play without being reminded of Shakspere and Fletcher, but
such likenesses are too frequent and too striking. We cannot suppose
that two poets of so great inventive power, and such command of
language, would have put together such a mere anthology from their
earlier plays. Many critics have found a pleasure in pointing out
these parallel passages, but they have not noticed that, while the
originals are always fitly and characteristically placed, the plagiarist
has only cared to patch on somehow his pilfered ornaments.1
The true test is to analyze the plan of the play, and its develop-
ment of action and character. Herr Delius goes through it scene by
scene, and declares it utterly unworthy of either of the great drama-
tists to whom it has been attributed. He proves thoroughly (to use
1 Contrast this with Mr Swinburne's judgment. " [The last scene of all] is
opened by Shakespeare in his most majestic vein of meditative or moral verse,
pointed and coloured as usual with him alone by direct and absolute aptitude
to the immediate sentiment and situation of the speaker, and of no man else."
— 'A Study of Shakespeare,' p. 217.
APP. IV. THE GERMAN SIIAKSPERE SOCIETY'S YEAR BOOK, XIII. 55*
Mr Spalding's words) " the heavy and undramatic construction of
the piece, and the want of individuality in the characters." 1
My business is to report, and not to criticize ; but I scarcely
exceed my province in saying, that to English students this paper
will be disappointing. It is comparatively a slight matter that the
vehemence of the argument suggests a doubt, and makes one wonder
what would be the result if, say, Troilus and Oressida were subjected
to an analysis as searching and as hostile. It is of more importance
that Herr Delius avoids the real difficulty, which is not that the play
contains passages reminding us of Shakspere or of Fletcher, but that
whole scenes are so written as to have led critics whose judgment
Englishmen cannot disregard, to attribute them, some to Shakspere,
some to Fletcher. Whatever adverse evidence may point in the
other direction, we find it hard to assign such skill to the nameless
hack of a fraudulent bookseller.
4. Notes and Conjectures, by K. Elze.
a. Mucedorus.
b. Locrine.
c. Edward III.
d. Taming of the Shrew (on the horse diseases enumerated in
III. 2).
e. 2 Henry IV. (on tf foundered nine score and odd posts ").
5. A Midsummer Night's Lh'eam. An address by Bernhard ten
Brink.
The paper is chiefly concerned with the origin of the play.
Herr ten Brink thinks it was written in honour of a marriage, but
declines to guess whose was the wedding, or under what conditions
the drama was represented. On such an occasion tragedy would be
misplaced, and comedy ought not to be serious or cynical. The
appropriate tone is just hit off in the Midsummer Night's Dream,
where the comedy springs not from exaggerated or ill bestowed
passion, but from the fantastic confusion introduced by an enchant-
ment which can be loosed as easily as it is imposed. Herr ten Brink
discusses the sources of the play, the opening of which is suggested
1 These words are quoted by Herr Delius, p. 22.
56* APP. IV. THE GERMAN SHAKSPERE SOCIETY'S TEAR BOOK, XIII.
by Chaucer's ' Knight's Tale ' ; the rival loves by the La Diana of
Montemayer, as already noticed by Herr Krauss.1
In the play of Pyramus we have a sort of burlesque by Shakspere
of his own works (it is in substance the story of Eomeo and Juliet),
and perhaps a kind of comic reply to Spenser's ' Tears of the Muses,'
as though Shakspere would say, " Here is the creature to whom the
modern stage is given up; such barbarians as thip are we playwrights
and actors."
6. On the Repetitions to be found in Shakespeare, by Wilhelm
Kdnig.
Repetition is of three kinds :
a. Of the same motive or situation in different plays.
b. Of the same motive or situation in the same play.
c. Of single thoughts and expressions.
It is with the two former kinds that Herr Kbnig is chiefly con-
cerned. He brings forward a great number of instances, and discusses
the intention of the poet in introducing them.
7. Italian Sketches illustrating Shakespeare, by Th. Elze.
This paper is devoted to showing the correctness of the local
colouring in Shakspere's Italian plays. If we compare the Merchant
of Venice with the ' Pecorone,' on which it is founded, we find that in
the latter Belrnonte is a fabulous harbour, seated on a gulf apparently
in the Apulian coast. Shakspere has placed it on the way to Padua,
among the numerous villas and palaces which lay along the Brenta.
Its position across the " common ferry," from Venice to Fusina, and
the details given at end of III. 4, warrant us in placing it near Dolo,
in which neighbourhood still remain many seats then belonging to
the Venetian nobility. We may even identify the " monastery two
miles off," as that of Benedictine nuns at Saonara. " Anyone," says
Herr Elze, "who has had the good fortune to spend the moonlit
summer night with friends in such a garden on the Brenta, can
recognize the marvellous truth with which Shakspere has depicted
the scenery (V. 1), and given us a sense of the atmosphere in which
the action goes on."
1 See above, p. 45.
APP. IV. THE GERMAN SHAKSPERE SOCIETY'S YEAR BOOK, XIII. 57*
In personal characteristics there is a similar evidence of know-
ledge. Note the description of Portia —
" her sunny locks
Hung on her temples like a golden fleece."
The northern idea of Italian beauty is dark, but this touch recalls
the works of the great Venetian painters.
The name Shylock (Schalach, the German form of Salah) points
to the dialect of the German Jews, the first established in Yenice.
The weight attached to Dr Balthasar's (Portia's) opinion seems
extravagant; but in Shakspere's time there was an "old Bellario,"
Ottonello Discalzio, a celebrated jurist, at Padua, who was often
consulted by the rulers of the Republic. The paper goes on to note
that Padua was at that time a great place of resort of wealthy students,
such as Bassanio, and concludes with a list of Englishmen studying
there, 1591-4. From some of these Shakspere may have got hints.
if he had not visited the country.
8. A Greek Source for two of Shakespeare's Sonnets, by W.
Hertzberg.
Herr Hertzberg, on a hint from Frh. von Friesen, has hunted up
a Greek epigram, the source of Shakspere's Sonnets CLIIL, CLIY.
It is a work of the Byzantine Marianus, a writer probably of the
fifth century, and runs thus : —
" Tpd' virb TUQ Tr\aravovQ aira\^
tvdtv *Epw£ , vvfjiQaiQ XctfjnrdSa
tf d\\r)\y<n, ( ri /ueXXo/uv; cube Sk rovry
(r/3E(T(Ta/w«i/,' tlirov, l 6/iow irvp KpaSLijg fjupoTruv
xai vdara, Srtppov ItctlStv
\ovrpo%otvffiv vdup."
We cannot tell where Shakspere found it, but it had been trans-
lated into Latin in 1529, and several times afterwards.
9. Shakespeare's Measure for Measure, and the History of Primos
and Cassandra, by K. Foth.
A comparison between the play and the story on which it is
founded, and which is the only source we need consider. Mariana,
and her part in the plot, were introduced by Shakspere; but her story
is a stock tradition to be found everywhere. This and other varia-
58* APP. IV. THE GERMAN SHAKSPERE SOCIETY'S YEAR BOOK, XIII.
tions are discussed in detail, with regard to Shakspere's purpose in
making them, and to the drawbacks, in some cases considerable,
which attended them.
10. As You Like It on the Stage, by Gisbert Freih. Yincke.
This is an account of several attempts to recast As You Like It so
as to fit it to the stage requirements and taste of the day. The
frequent changes of scenery, &c., make it impossible to present such
a play exactly as Shakspere wrote it, at a time when there were no
difficulties of scene-shifting. Seven recasts in German are noticed
here. They generally aim at making the action more compact and
intelligible, as well as lessening the changes of scene. Whatever we
may think of the liberties they take with the text, these sink into
insignificance beside the French adaptation, by George Sand, with a
description of which the paper concludes. In her improved version
Jaques accompanies Celia in her flight, and their loves take the
first place in the drama. "Worst of all is the final disgrace of Touch-
stone, who is dismissed contemptuously in favour of his rival
William.
11. The Jolly Goshawk, by K. P. Schulze.
Noting a resemblance between the plot of Romeo and Juliet
and the story of the ballad.1 Herr Schulze regards the ballad as an
echo of the Italian legend.
12. The Representation of Mental Disease in Shakespeare's
Dramas, by C. C. Hense.
Medical men have often admired the truth with which Shakspere
has depicted insanity ; but from an artistic point of view the repre-
sentation of disease, whether physical or moral, cannot be justified
only by its accuracy.
Shakspere loved to deal with passion at its highest, when, as in
the cases of Richard II. and Constance, it seems to spectators like
madness. From this it is but a slight step to actual insanity. The
representation of madness is not however an end, but a means ; it
becomes a heightened expression of conscience. The ground for
1 Printed in Allingham's ' Book of Ballads.' It is to be found also in
Scott's « Minstrelsy of the Scottish Border,' « Motherwell's Minstrelsy,' and
Aytoun's ' Ballads of Scotland.'
APP. IV. THE GERMAN SHAKSPERE SOCIETY'S YEAR BOOK, XIII. 59*
remorse is not difficult to find in Lady Macbeth and Lear. The fault
which weighed upon Ophelia was her duplicity to Hamlet, in obedi-
ence to her father. The words, " Here is [rue] for me," mark a hurt
conscience.
Both in Lear and Hamlet a feigned madness is contrasted with
the real ; but the true madness does not vary more in its manifesta-
tions than the counterfeit. Edgar is perfectly sane and self-control-
led; Hamlet imitates insanity with enjoyment, because it allows him to
indulge his natural melancholy and vent his pessimistic views of life.
13. Metrical, Grammatical, and Chronological Notes on Shake-
speare's Plays, by W. Hertzberg.
The chief purpose of this paper is to call attention to the value of
the double-ending test when properly applied. We must rest our
induction on a sufficiently wide basis, and not content ourselves (as
Herr Hertzberg did at first) with a single act. We need not be
careful about revision. Where the alteration is comparatively slight,
the instinct for style will have led the poet not to vary much from
the original manner. If, on the other hand, the play has been re-
cast, we can only hope to obtain the later date.
The order of the Plays, according to the percentage of hendeca-
syllabic lines, is as follows :
Love's Labours Lost, 4%; 1 Henry IV., 4 '8 ; Titus Andronicus, 5 ;
Midsummer Night's Dream, 6; King John, 6; Romeo and Juliet, 7'26;
1 Henry VI., 7'6; 2 Henry VI., 10*5 ; Richard II., 11-39; Comedy
of Errors, 12; 3 Henry FJ., 12 '3; Two Gentlemen of Verona, 15;
Merchant of Venice, 1 5 ; 2 Henry IV., 1 5 ; Taming of the Shrew, 1 6 ;
Julius Caesar, 17'58; Richard III., 18; Henry V., 18'37; Twelfth
Night^ 19-52; Troilus and Cressida, 20'5; Much Ado, 207; Merry
Wives of Windsor, 21 ; All's Well, 21 ; Measure for Measure, 21-9;
As You Like It, 22-7; Macbeth, 23-47; Timon, 24; Hamlet, 25;
Othello, 26 ; Antony and Cleopatra, 26 ; Lear, 27*36 ; Coriolamis,
28-44; Tempest, 32; Cymbeline, 32; Winter's Tale, 32'5; Henry
VIII., 45-6. If we suppose the Taming of the Shrew to be Love's
Labours Won, the list down to Richard III. gives us all the plays
mentioned by Meres. The only outsiders are Henry VI. and Julius
Ccesar, and the latter comes within J per cent, of the limit.
N. S. SOC. TRANS.. 1877-9. E*
60* APP. IV. THE GERMAN SHAKSPERE SOCIETY'S YEAR BOOK, XIII.
Another point we are to notice is, that speech was changing in
Shakspere's time, and that the change is reflected in the poet's work.
Words were being shortened, as in not pronouncing the final ed, and
in dropping the eth of third person pres. ind.
I have been able to mention but a few points in a paper which
contains a great deal of interesting detail.
14. GarricKs Stage Adaptations of Shakespeare, by Gisbert
Freih. Yincke.
An account of the alterations made by Garrick in Romeo, the
Tempest, Cymbeline, and King Lear.
15. Concluding Remarks to the Stage and Family Shakespeare,
by William Ochelhaiiser.
An apology for the task, which the author has just completed, of
adapting Shakspere's plays to family and stage use, by the omission
of passages unfit to be read in public, and by simplifying the arrange-
ment of the scenes.
16. Hamlet , for the last Hundred Years in Berlin.
A list of the 278 representations of the play from its first intro-
duction on December 17, 1777, to the centenary performance on
December 17, 1877.
17. List of the Performances of Shakespeare on German stages.
Twenty-seven plays have been presented. The total number of
parformances is 428, by 29 companies.
18. On the Last Publications of the New Shakspere Society, by
ISTicolaus Delius.
19. Literary Notices of Books relating to Shakespeare.
20. Miscellanies.
a. An older German adaptation of Shakespeare's King John.
~b. Shakespeare in Holland.
c. On Romeo and Juliet, I. v. 96.
d. On Antony and Cleopatra, I. iii. 44, " feared or deared."
e. Eudolph Lange.
21. Additions to the Library of the German Shakespeare Society.
APP. IV. THE GERMAN SHAKSPERE SOCIETY'S YEAR BOOK, XIV. 61*
THE Fourteenth Volume contains :
1. A Performance at the Globe TJieatre. Opening address at tlio
annual meeting, by Karl Elze.
Herr Elze puts his learning at the service of his fancy, and takes
us with him to see Hamlet acted at the Globe. It is a pleasant
holiday, during which we are able to note many things characteristic
of the Shaksperian stage, and to realize much which our imagina-
tion may be too indolent to grasp when we meet with it in formal
dissertations.
2. The Yearly Eeport, which is as usual satisfactory.
3. Hamlet in Sweden, by Wilhelm Bodin.
An interest in Hamlet was first aroused in Sweden by a criticism
on the play, translated from the German, but published as original
in 1809. A prose translation was produced on the stage in 1819,
and published soon afterwards. An attempt in verse followed in
1820, but the first tolerable translation, by C. A. Hagberg, appeared
in 1847. Besides an account of these versions the paper contains a
summary of the chief criticisms which have appeared on Hamlet, so
showing how the play and its author have been regarded in Sweden.
4. Two newly-discovered Sources for Shakespeare, by Paul "Wis-
licenus.
Every one knows that the Comedy of Errors is, in its main lines,
an adaptation of the 'Mensechmi' of Plautus. One of the most
striking scenes is introduced by Shakspere without warrant from his
original ; that in which Antipholus of Ephesus and his Dromio are
shut out of their home, while their place within is taken by their
counterparts. This very situation is to be found in Plautus, but in
the Amphitruo, which has evidently served as a model for this part
of the comedy.
The other point noted by Herr Wislicenus is, that the story of
yEgeon, his loss of wife and child, and recovery of them after many
years, is the same as that which forms the plot of Pericles.
5. On the c Sentenz1 in Dramatic Poetry, especially in Shalfe-
speare, Goethe, and Schiller. An address, by Julius Thiimmel.
The ' Sentenz,' for which I know no exact English equivalent,
62* APP. IV. THE GERMAN SHAKSPERE SOCIETY'S YEAR BOOK, XIV.
denotes the passages in which some general truth of thought or
observation is expressed. These passages are essentially lyrical, yet
they have a use and purpose in drama which it is Herr Thiimmel's
aim to make clear. He sums up the matter thus: "I should describe
the ' Sentenz ' in drama as the Idea in mastery over the Material, as
the spiritual entry into itself of the Action, as the paraphrase of the
pragmatic, to which it is related as the Scholia to the Text." He
then goes on to notice the different ways in which it is employed by
Shakspere, Goethe, and Schiller, illustrating his views by quotations.
6. Werder's Lectures on Hamlet, by Eobert Prolfs.
Herr Werder has maintained that Hamlet's character is ideally
blameless, and that the reproach of indecision and procrastination
usually cast upon him is unjust. The delay in executing vengeance
is not, he thinks, to be ascribed to Hamlet, but to the necessities of
his task. Against this Herr Prolf maintains vigorously the more
common view, and argues that Werder's apology is not in accordance
with the facts.
7. Italian Sketches illustrating Shakespeare. Second Part, by
Th. Elze.
Herr Elze continues his evidence of Shakspere's accuracy in
describing Venice.
In the ' Pecorone ' the Jew is of Mestre, but Shakspere puts his
Jew in Venice where Jews had been allowed to settle since 1516.
Shakspere's " on the Eialto " suggests rightly the square in front
of St. James' Church, where the merchants were wont to meet, and
where the Government used to publish news of general interest
received from its agents abroad. (" What news on the Rialto," III.
i. 1.) This correctness in a casual mention of the place is in striking
contrast with Coryat's inaccuracies.
The rapidly prepared masquerade of Lorenzo is in keeping with
Venetian manners, where masks were more in fashion than in any
city of Italy.
The testimony to Shakspere's local knowledge borne by the first
act of Othello is brought in support of that from the Merchant of
Venice, and the paper closes with a list of the few unimportant mis-
takes into which Shakspere has fallen.
APP. IV. THE GERMAN SHAKSPERB SOCIETY'S YEAR BOOK, XIV. 63*
8. On the Claim for Fletcher to a share in Shakespeare's King
Henry VIII., by Mcolaus Delius.
English criticism has of late amused itself with giving to Shak-
spere with one hand, and taking with the other. While ascribing
to him foundling plays for which he was not responsible, the critics
have taken from him his recognized offspring, or have claimed for
other men a share in the paternity.
We have an instance of this in the theory that Fletcher had a
hand in Henry VIII. , a complement to the fancy that Shakspere was
part author of the Two Nolle Kinsmen.
Herr Delius begins by examining and rejecting Mr Spedding's
theory as to the manner in which the collaboration was carried out.
Of the metrical evidence he makes very light. If in some scenes the
redundant syllables occur in the ratio of two lines to seven, and in
others are as one to two, or one to three, this shows only that the
irregular lines occur all through the play, and in some scenes more
frequently than in others. Now at the time Shakspere wrote
Henry VIII. , which was one of his last plays, Fletcher had carried
the use of irregular verse further than Shakspere had hitherto done.
Why should not Shakspere, always progressive and sensitive to the
popular taste, have adopted in some scenes the freer metrical system
of his younger contemporaries ?
On the point of style Herr Delius notes, as " an interesting fact,"
that Spedding and Hickson came independently to exactly the same
conclusions, accepting and rejecting the same scenes. He therefore
admits a difference, but argues that metre and style are so closely
connected, that in imitating Fletcher's verse Shakspere naturally fell
into his style. The easier conversational style followed the freer and
more proselike metre.1
1 " It is written that the shoemaker should meddle with his yard," so I may
be excused for leaving my report for a moment to express my surprise that to
any human ear Fletcher's verse, with its smooth and uniform flow, should
seem freer than that of Shakspere's last period. Yet the conclusion is logical,
as thus : verses with double endings are irregular ; Fletcher has more of
these, therefore he has more irregularity, which is freedom. Herr Delius has
good reasons for warning us against hasty dealings with metrical statistics.
I venture further to say a word concerning all theories which, like this
and Mr Swinburne's, suppose that Shakspere in certain scenes was making a
metrical experiment. The special characteristic of Shakspere's style is its
64* AFP. IV. THE GERMAN SHAKSPERE SOCIETY'S YEAR BOOK, XIV.
Turning to the general purpose and plan of the play, we must
notice that since writing the earlier histories Shakspere had come to
care less about the material interests which then formed the subject
of his poetry, while he now thought more deeply on human character
and fate. It is in accordance with the tone of his later plays that
the subject which the history of Henry VIII. presents to him is the
mutability of fortune. The scattered interests of the play find a
central point in the figure of the king ; but in him and his acts no
satisfactory conclusion could be found. This was afforded by look-
ing forward prophetically into the future, by pointing to Elizabeth
as the person who should put an end to all the confusion of her
father's reign.
In accordance with this, a reference to Elizabeth runs through
the whole drama : in the first act by Henry's falling in love with
Anne Bolejm ; in the second by the scene between Anne and the old
lady of the court ; in the third by the mention of the secret marriage ;
in the fourth by the coronation, while the baptism of Elizabeth in
the fifth act crowns the whole.
In conclusion, the structure of the play, the development of the
action and character, shows it to be the work of one hand, and that
Shakspere's.
9. Romeo and Juliet, according to Shakespeare's Manuscript, by
Robert Gericke.
Written to show that in the second quarto of Romeo and Juliet
we have an edition printed from the poet's own manuscript. Herr
Gericke goes through the various readings of the first scene of the
play, and as a rule defends the quarto text against proposed emenda-
tions. He urges that the stage-directions generally are such as
Shakspere would have given, and that the punctuation deserves
more respect than has been shown to it.
That verse is sometimes printed as prose he accounts for by sup-
utter sincerity, its constant aim to make the words fit as a garment or very
skin to the thought. It is this continued progress in directness of expression
and disregard of formal metrical rules which make style and cadence a test of
the period when the plays were written. Is it possible to imagine Shakspere
in his ripe age repressing a crowd of thoughts and images for the sake of a
new metrical effect?
APP. IV. THE GERMAN SHAKSPERE SOCIETY'S YEAR BOOK, XIV. 65*
posing that Shakspere wished the actors to speak the words trip-
pingly, without insistance on the verse pauses. An instance of this
is Mercutio's speech about Queen Mab. Prose, on the other hand, is
sometimes set up like verse to mark a pause, e. g. :
11 Good night, good night !
Parting is such sweet sorrow," &c., II. ii. 185.
A stronger evidence is given by the passages which show traces
of correction, such as " The grey-eyed morne," &c. (II. iii. 1),
Romeo's envy of the flies (II. iii. 33), and his last speech before
drinking the poison (Y. iii. 101).
In all these we see that the copy was printed literally, and that
the corrections were misunderstood. Such corrections could only
have been made by the poet, and most probably in the course of
composition. It is quite enough to suppose a printer stupid enough
to set down faults without question ; we need not gratuitously invent
a still more stupid copyist.
We must note, however, that one passage (I. ii. 46 to I. iii. 36)
is printed from the first quarto. Probably a leaf of the copy was
missing.
10. Fresh Conjectures on the Text of Macedorus, by Wilhelm
"Wagner.
These conjectures, many of which aim at restoring metrical cor-
rectness, have been occasioned by the issue of a critical text of
* Mucedorus,' edited by Messrs Warnke and Proescholdt.
11. Proposed Emendations in Shakespeare, by Wilhelm Wagner.
Dr Ingleby and others have argued against emendation, but when
we have done our best to understand a passage and have failed, what
is left for us to do 1 We must conjecture. Many conjectures will be
made before we get a real correction, but every well-considered con-
jecture is a hint towards the comprehension or amendment of the text.
Herr Wagner accordingly gives us two dozen of them, which he
thinks are enough " for the nonce." If these are well received we
may look for more next year.
12. Edward HI., an Acting Play, by Gisbert Freiherr Yincke.
The great defect in Edward III. is, that the love plot between
the king and the countess of Salisbury is confined to the second act,
6G* Arr. iv. THE GERMAN SHAKSPERE SOCIETY'S YEAR BOOK, xiv.
and is not interwoven with the political or patriotic action. August
Hagen has recast the play with a view to remove this fault. The
alteration is very extensive, the history having been changed into a
tragedy. It may be enough to say here that in the last act the
Countess comes to Sandwich to meet the King on his return from his
victorious campaign. He visits her in the pest-house, where she is
dying of the plague, but the disease is not swift enough for her, and
after blessing the King, and making him promise to pray for her,
she takes a dagger out of a casket and stabs herself. 2s"ews conies
directly afterwards that the Black Prince has died of the plague, and
the tragedy ends.
13. List of Shakespeare performances in Germany. There have
been in all 428 representations. Twenty-seven pieces have been
given by 31 companies.
14. Obituary Notices. Wolf, Count Baudissin, Theodor Boring,
William George Clark.
Count Baudissin, a Dane by birth, took an active part in the
translation of Shakspere, edited by Schlegel and Tieck. He trans-
lated 13 plays, which were published, and still pass, as Tieck' s,
besides Edward III., Thomas Cromwell, Oldcastle, and the London
Prodigal.1 Later he published a book on Ben Jonson and his
School, and has since devoted himself to work in other fields, his last
production of note being a version of Moliere.
Theodor Doring, born 1803, was trained for a merchant, but took
to the stage, on which he made his first appearance, an unsuccessful
one, in 1825. He did not allow himself to be discouraged, and rose
steadily in repute till in 1845 he came to Berlin, where for more than
30 years he was an actor of the first rank, both in tragedy and
comedy. His last performance was in June, 1878, and he died two
months later. Among his chief parts were Richard III., Lear,
Shylock, lago, Falstaff, and Dogberry.
A generous notice of Mr Clark follows, but I need not summarize
the life of one so well known to English Shaksperians.
15. Shakespeare in Iceland, by Hugo Gering.
Three plays, Macbeth, Hamlet, and Lear, have been translated
1 It will be remembered that Tieck believed these plays to be Shakgpere's.
APP. IV. THE GERMAN SHAKSPERE SOCIETY'S YEAR BOOK, XIV. 67*
into Icelandic. Herr Gering gives an extract from each, but I cannot
judge of their merits, and must content myself with recording that he
thinks very highly of them.
16. On the latest publications of the Nevr Shakspere Society.
17. Literary Review. A notice of the chief publications relating
to Shakspere.
18. Miscellanies.
a. English actors at Cassel. Copies from two letters in the
archives at Marburg, relating to English actors who were at Cassel in
1594 and 1607.
b. John Spencer at Eatisbon. Notice of the erection of a stage
in 1612 for John Spencer, the English comedian. He played the
Capture of Constantinople with great success.
c. Hamlet at Eatisbon. A German company played Hamlet at
Eatisbon, and got larger receipts than in any other performance for
two years (1784-6).
d. On Sonnet No. 121. Dr Burgersdijk thinks he finds a key to
the meaning of this sonnet, in supposing it to have reference to the
Puritans, and their abuse of stage plays.
19. Shakespeare Bibliography, 1877, 1878, by Albert Cohn.
This valuable work seems to be executed as usual with wonderful
thoroughness.
20. Additions to the Library of the German Shakespeare
Society.
21. Appeal for aid in replacing the losses of the Birmingham
Library.
SCRAPS.
great coil, sb. : Much Ado, III. iii. 100. " Grand apparat.
Great coyle, stirre, or adoe; much, preparation for." 1611.
Cotgrave.
fop, sb. : Lear, I. ii. 14. " Triboulett . . the name of a famous
foole belonging to King Francis the first ; and thence any fop,
cokes, ridiculous ninniehammer, or laughing-stocke." 1611. Cot-
grave.
riggisli, a.: Ant. fy Chop. II. ii. 245. " Guilon f. a rigge ; a
wanton, or wandering, girle." 1611. Cotgrave.
union, sb., a large pearl : Hamlet, V. ii. 283. " The greatest
Pearles are called in Latine Vniones, because sildome or neuer we
shall light on two, that are alike eyther in greatnesse, roundnesse, or
splendour, or answerable in weight : for wee finde them always
separated one from another, and not ioyned together : And the lesser
sort they vse to call Marguerites" 1619. Treasurie of Auncient
and moderne Times, ii. p. 977, col. 2.
Seare, sb. : Hamlet, II. ii. 337.
" And if thou chance to meete an idle Mate,
Whose tongue goes all too glibbe vpon the scare."
N". Breton's Pasquils Fooles-cappe. 1600.
It may be also worth while to give the quotation referred to by
W. Aldis Wright, in the Clarendon Hamlet, for it has not yet been
given in full.
" finally if it be a crooked stockpiece, to set the same unto the
left side of his breast, retiring his right foot some halfe step behind
the left, or advancing the left foot some halfe pace before the right,
and so to take his due level : & holding the hindermost part of the
stocke betwixt the thumbe and fore finger of his right hand, &
with the other three fingers to draw to the serre, & so to discharge
his piece with agility." . . . [Then he details at some length how
the ' straight stocked piece ' is to be handled, ending] " to raise the
but end of his musket from his thigh unto his breast, and to fasten
the same firme and close unto his right shoulder and briskly, holding
fast the sayd^ hinder part of the stocke betwixt his right thumbe
and fore finger, drawing down the serre with the other three fingers,
and so taking due level to discharge."
1598. Barret's Theorique andPractike of Modern Warres, p. 33 [35].
I would also remark that this word is here plainly equivalent to
. our " trigger," the then composite trigger containing in one piece —
as also has been noticed by Aldis Wright — our present scare and
trigger. It is rather remarkable that no known dictionary contains
the word " serre " or seare, while " trigger " is only found occasionally.
Probably they took these, not as ordinary English words, but as
technicals of a handicraft. — B. NICHOLSON.
69*
INDEX.
BY MISS ISABEL WILKINSON.
All's Well Tint Ends Well:
Time-analysis of (Mr Daniel), 169—
173
'Pilot's Glass,' a two-hour glass, 170
Time-table of, 173
Time of play eleven days, with inter-
vals ; total time three months, 173
Anachronisms in the Winter's Tale (J.
e W, Mills), xxix
Animal versus Human Nature, in King
Lear (Rev. J. Kirkman), xxxi, 385
. — 40.8
Animal Similes in Shakspere's Plays and
in Peele's, Greene's, and Marlowe's,
m Table of (Miss Phipson), 367
Animals in Shakspere's Plays, List of
(Miss Phipson), 366
AH f any and Cleopatra :
Time-analysis of (Mr Daniel), 232 —
240
Act III. scene iii. of doubtful time,
and therefore bracketed, 235
Stage time of play twelve days, with
seven intervals ; historic time ten
years, 239, 240
Time-table of, 239
Historic dates of, 240
Appendix I. The only three leaves
left of William Wager's Orwell
Debtter, 1566 (F. J. Furnivall),
1*— 10*
Appendix II. Shakspere's 4| Yards of
Red Cloth. James I.'s Players.
Charles I.'s Comedians (Mr Furni-
vall), 11*— 19*
Appendix III. Professor Wilson on the
Double-time in Shakspere, 21* —
41*
Appendix IV. Contents of the German
Shakspere Society's Year Book,
vols. xi. — xiv., by F. D. Matthew,
43*— 67*
Appian's Chronicle of 1578, englisht,
the possible source of speeches of
Brutus and Antony over Ctosar's
dead body, vi, viii
As You Like It :
Mr II. C. Bowen on, xxi
Time-analysis of (Mr Daniel), 156—
Act II. scene iii., and Act III. scene
i. are out of place, and therefore
bracketed, 158, 159
Time-table of, 161
Ten days required for play, with three
intervals, 161
Irregularity in placing scenes in As
You Like It, Antony and Cleopatra,
and in Cymbeline, 162
List of Animals in, 56 in 90 separate
mentions, Mr Kirkman on, 406,
407
As You Like It on the Stage, by G. F.
Vincke, 58*
Barentz's Crew, how they spent Twelfth
Night, 99, 100
Batman vpon Bartholome :
The Natural Philosophy of the Middle
Ages, Extracts from (Mr Furnivall),
436—449
BAYLISS, W., on ( fears ' in Macbeth, V.
v. 9, xxxii
BAYNE, D. P., on the Character of Brutus
in Julius Ccesai\ x
BEIGHTON, H., on Shakspere's Immor-
tals, or the Spirit Creations of
Shakspere, xxxvii — xxxix
Birds in Shakspere's Plays, List of
(Miss Phipson), 366
BCTWEN (Mr H. Courthope), on As
You Like If, xxi
Brutus, on the Character of, Shakspere's
regard for it (Dr P. Bayne), x
70*
INDEX.
Caliban, on (Mr F. Wedmore), xxvii
Cash. Society's Accounts, 1877, xxviii ;
1878 and 1879, xli, xlii
Casket-Story in Merchant of Venice,
J. Pierce on the, xxxi
Chaucer's Astrolabe, 432
Chester's Loves Martyr, Mr Furnivall
on, 451 — 455
Comedies, Shakspere's, time-analysis of
(Mr Daniel), 117—179
Comedy of Errors :
Time-analysis of (Mr Daniel), 139,
140
Requires one day only, 139, 140
Nine Animal Similes in, 360
Contention and True Tragedy, Animal
Similes in, 360
COOTE, Mr C. H., on Shakspere's 'New
Map,' with the augmentation of the
Indies, in Twelfth Night, Act II.
scene iii., xxvii, 88 — 100
Linschoten's map reproduced by
Knight, 88, 89 ; the case against it
summarized, 91
Maps by Mercator, Ortelius, "Wright,
and Hondius, 91, 92
'New Map' shows Barentz's discovery
of Novya Zembla in 1596, 94
1 Augmentation of the Indies ' means
the Dutch in Java, 95
Ortelius's map in Hakluyt's first
edition, 1589, 94—96
The first globe made in England,
1592, by E. Mollineux, author of
the 'New Map,' 96, 97
4 New Map ' separate from HaMuyfs
Voyages, 98
Case for the ' New Map ' summarized,
98, 99
Coriolanus :
Time-analysis of (Mr Daniel), 183—
188
Historic dates, and Time-table of, 188
Note on introduction of Titus Lartius,
in Act II. scene i., 185
Division of Act II. scene i.: it requires
two days, 185, 186
Play requires eleven days on stage,
with nine intervals, but historically
about four years, 138
Coriolanus, Shakespeare's, in its relation
to the Coriolanus of Plutarch, by
N. Delius, 43*
CORSON, Prof., on Shakspere's Versifi-
cation, xiii
COSTA, Rev. B. F. de, on the Genesis of
The Tempest, xxxvi
Cruett Debtter, W. Wager's, 5*— 10*
Cymbeline :
Time-analysis of (Mr Daniel), 240—
250
Eccles on place of Act I. sc. v., 241
Act III. scene i. out of order as re-
gards time, therefore bracketed, 243
Confusion of time, 245 — 247
Act III. scene vii. is misplaced, there-
fore bracketed; it should come
earlier, 246
Time-table of, 249
Stage time required twelve days, with
eight intervals, 249, 250
Note on Eccles's time of Cymbeline, 250
DANIEL, P. A., on the Mistakes in the
late Mr Halpin's Short-time Analy-
sis of the Merchant of Venice, xv,
41—57
Plot requires at least three months,
41
The Bond, 42
Halpin's theory of the Bond, 43
Examination of Halpin's ' First
Period,' 44—46
Belmont about a day's journey from
Venice, 48
Halpin's interval of eleven hours, 49,
52
The morning's work at Venice shows
the absurdity of Halpin's theory, 52
Halpin's ' Second Period ' of eighteen
hours is untenable, 53— 55
Length of Italian nights, 56
Scheme of time required by the play ;
really eight days, with four inter-
vals, 57
DANIEL, P. A., time - analysis of the
pilots of Shakspere's Plays, xxx,
xxxvi, 117—346
Comedies, 117—179
Tragedies, 180—256
Histories, 257—346
on a mistake in 2 Henry IV., Act
I. scene i., 351—353
Scrap on lago's squadron, xv, 102,
103
Dante and Dionysius the Areopagite, 450
Demonology, Elizabethan (Mr T. A.
Spalding), xxv
Double-time in Shakspere, Prof. Wilson
on the, App. III. 21*— 41*
DOWDEN, Prof., on the Bridal Song in
the Two Noble Kinsmen, xi
EBSWORTH, Rev. J. W., on Falstaff
and his satellites from the Windsor
Observatory, xxxii
INDEX.
EBSWORTH, Rev. J. W., on Shakspere's
knowledge and use of old ballads,
xx
on the Songs of Shakspere, xii
ECCLES, Ambrose, made Time-analysis of
Merchant of Venice, King Lear,
and Cymbeline, 155
on time of Merchant of Venice,
155, 156
. on time of Cymbeline, 250
on time of King Lear, 223
Edward II. , twenty -three Natural
History similes in (Miss Phipson),
360
Edward III., twenty-six Natural History
similes in (Miss Phipson), 360
Edward III., principal Natural History
similes in (Miss Phipson), 381 —
383
Edward III. an Acting Play, by G. F.
Yincke, 65*
ELLACOMBE, Rev. H. N., on Hebenon
being Henbane, xxxvi
ELZE, Prof. Karl, Speech of, as Chair-
man of Meeting, viii, ix
Notes and Conjectures by, 46*,
55*
, Milton a Contrast to Shakspere, 48*
Falstaff and his satellites from the
"Windsor Observatory (Rev. J. "W.
Ebsworth), xxxii
Falstaffian scenes do not fit into general
action of plays, 271, 273, 274, 281,
282, 283, 284, 287, 288
Fish in Shakspere's Plays, list of (Miss
Phipson), 367
Fleay, Mr, views on the "Witch Scenes
in Macbeth, refuted by Mr Spald-
ing, 27—40
. his practical joke in ' Macmillan'
(Mr Spalding), 82
' Fret; Mr Ruskin on, 409—412
Remarks on, by. Mr Harrison and
Mr Hetherington, 412
FURNIVALL, F. J., on Puck's 'Swifter
than the Moon's Sphere,' and
Shakspere's Astronomy, xxxix, 431
—450
Ptolemaic system, 431
Chaucer's Astrolabe, diagram from it
of the earth and nine Spheres, 432
The nine hollow Spheres, 432, 433
Foot-notes on Shakspere's mention of
Spheres, 433, 434
Marlowe's use of Spheres in Faustus,
434
Milton's Spheres, wood-cut of, 439
Extracts from the Natural Philosophy
of the Middle Ages: Bartholomew
de Glanvilla de Proprietatibus Ser-
um, 436—449
'What is the World,' 436
' Of the distinction of heauen.' The
Seven Heavens, 437, 438
The Firmament or Primuni Mobile
438
Harmony of the Spheres, 438, 441,
442
The nine Spheres, 439
The Empyreal Heaven, 439
The Sphere of Heaven, 440, 441
Double motion of Planets, 442
The Sun, 443
The Moon, her changes, influence
and melody, 444, 445
Comets, 446
The fixed stars, 447—449
The Pleiades, 448
The two extra Spheres in the Miltonic
heaven, 449
Three Triads of Angels connected with
the three Triads of the Heavens or
Nine Spheres, 450
FURNIVALL, F. J., on Chester's Love's
Martyr, xxxix, 451 — 455
Essex is not the Turtle-Dove of Shak-
spere's Phoenix and Turtle, xxxix,
451—455
Dr Grosart's theory untenable, 455
Miss Phipson and Paphos, 455
on Achilles in Troilus and CressiJa,
and on Aufidius in Coriolanus, xl
on Prof. March on Hamlet, viii
on the Triple Endings in the
Fletcher part of Henry VIII., xiii
notes on (a) W. H. of Sonnets ;
(*) the Hamlet 'sear;' (<r) the
Duke's ' forked arrows ' in As You
Like It ; (d] ' Master ' Launcelot,
in the Merchant of Venice, and
Goodman Verges from Sir T. Smith,
xvi (see ' Scraps ').
Discussion on Mr Rose's paper on
Hamlet, 10
on Wager's Cruell Debtter, App.
/., 1*— 3*
on Shakspere's 4£ yards of Red
Cloth, App. II., 11* '
Garrick's Stage Adaptations of Shake-
speare, by G. F. Vincke, 60*
German Shakspere Society's Year Book,
F. D. Matthew on, vols. xi., xii.,
xiii.,xiv., App. IV., 43*— 67*
'Glass,' meaning explained, 119, 120
•o*
INDEX.
GRANT-WHITE, on the Confusion of the
Time in the Action of the Merry
Wives, and Shakspere's Devices to
conceal it, viii
on Merry Wives, 132
views on a second hand in Romeo
and Juliet (Mr Spalding), 82—86
on the play of Troilus and Cressida,
viii
Greene, Had he any share in Romeo
and Juliet? 73
principal Natural History similes in
(Miss Phipson), 377
HAGENA, Prof. Some remarks on the
introductory scene of 2 Henry IV.,
and note by Mr Daniel on same,
xxii, 347—353
In 2 Henry VI., I. i. the parts of
Lord Bardolph and Sir John Um-
f revile are united, 348
Lord Bardolph not present in scene
i. evident by scene iii., 350
Mr Daniel's note on Lord Bardolph
and Sir John Umfrevile, 351 — 353
The families of the Percies and
Umf reviles connected, 352
Stenography not unknown in Shak-
spere's time, 353
Hakluyt's Voyages (Coote), 92
Hallam, on the ' New Map ' (Coote), 93
HALLIWELL-PHILLIPS, J. 0., on the
Midsummer Night's Dream. Dis-
cussion on, xxxvi
HALPIN, Rev. N. J., his theory of thirty-
nine hours required by Merchant of
Venice criticised and refuted by
Mr Daniel, 41—57
Hamlet :
On the Division into Acts of (Mr E.
Rose), vii, 1—10
Hamlet's 'Some Dozen or Sixteen
Lines,' Dr Ingleby on,vi, 413 — 419
The greatest of Shakspere's plays
(Rev. M. W. Mayow), xxii
Time-analysis of (Mr Daniel), 208—
215
Note on ' twice two months' of
Ophelia. Views of Hanmer and
Dr Ingleby, 211
Time-table of, 214
Play requires seven days, or eight if
last scene requires a separate day,
with two intervals, 214
Mr F. A. Marshall's Study of Hamlet,
214, 215
Shakespeare's, its sources and political
allusions, byK. Silberschlag, 51*. 52*
Hamlet -.
For the last hundred years in Berlin,
60*
Werder's Lectures on, by R. Prolfs,
62*
In Sweden, by W. Bodin, 61*
'Harmony of the Spheres.' Batman
•vpon Bartholome, 438, 441
Hazlitt's Dodsley, metre of plays in
(Furnivall), 4*
Hebenon in Hamlet, I. v. 62 (Dr
Nicholson and Mr F. Marshall),
xxxix
1 Henry IV. :
Time-analysis of (Mr Daniel), 270 —
280
Falstaffian scenes that do not fit into
play are bracketed and numbered
separately, 271
Knight's arrangement overcomes diffi-
culty in Prince's speech, Act I.
scene ii., line 215 ; 271
Difficulty of time and place of Act I.
scene iii., 272
Plot of this drama cannot be recon-
ciled with historical time, 273
' The Boar's Head,' 274
Act III. scene ii. Two distinct
streams of time now meet, 276
Time-table of, 279, 280
Time of play ten ' historic ' days,
with three extra Falstaffian days,
and six intervals; total dramatic
time three months, 279, 280
Historic dates of, 280
2 Henry IV. :
Time-analysis of (Mr Daniel), 280—
290
Lord Bardolph, 280, 282
Difficulties of time in Act III. scene i.,
' 284
Time-table of, 289
Time of play nine days represented
on stage, with three extra Falstaffian
days, and six intervals. Dramatic
time about two months, 288—290
Dates of chief historical events dealt
with in play, 290
Act I. scene i. , Professor Hagena on a
mistake in, xxii, 347 — 351
Henry V :
Time-analysis of (Mr Daniel), 290—
298
Foot-note on 'the tide of time,1 Act
II. scene iii., 292
Act III. scene iv. out of place, 294
Foot-note on the presence of Exeter,
294
INDEX.
"3*
Henry V. :
Foot-note on "Dolphin," 295
Nym's fate, 296
Act V. scene i., difficulty in placing it,
297
Historical time of play from 14U
to 1420, represented on stage by
nine days, with six intervals, 297
Time-table of, 297, 298
First Quarto and first Folio of (Dr
B. Nicholson), xxxi
On the Sources of (Mr W. G-. Stone),
xvii
1 Henry VI. :
Time-analysis of (Mr Daniel), 298 —
306
Foot-note on ' Warwick,' and the
« Duke of Somerset,' 298, 299
Foot-note on Winchester as Cardinal
in Act I. scene iii., though still a
Bishop in Acts III. and IV., 300
Time-table of, 305, 306
Time of play eight days represented
on the stage, with, five intervals.
Historic time 1422 — 1444, 305,
306
2 Henry VI. :
Time-analysis of (Mr Daniel), 306—
314
Notes of ' time,' 308, 309
Time of play, fourteen days represented
on stage, with seven intervals,
which include about two years;
historic time 1445 — 1455, 314
Time-table of, 314
The First Part of the Contention,
306, 312
List of animals in, 46 in 88 separate
mentions (Mr "Kirkman), 405
Henry VI., Natural History Similes
in (Miss Phipson), xxxii, 354—379
2 and 3 Henry VI., and Contention,
parallel passages in (Miss Phipson),
368—375
2 Henry VI., forty-nine Natural His-
tory Similes in (Miss Phipson),
360
3 Henry VI. :
Time-analysis of (Mr Daniel), 315 —
324
The True Tragedie, 315, 321
Division into two scenes of Act IV.
scene viii., 321
Time of play, twenty days repre-
sented on the stage, with eighteen
intervals, suggesting in all about
twelve months. Historic time 1455
—1471, 323, 324
3 Henry VI. :
Fifty-three Natural History similes in
_(Miss Phipson), 360
List of animals in, 47 in 80 separate
mentions (Mr Kirkman), 405, 406
Henry VIII. :
On the Triple Endings in the Fletcher
part of (Mr Ftirnivall), xiii
Time analysis of (Mr Daniel), 337
346
Time of play, seven days represented
on stage, with four intervals. Great
^ shuffling of historic dates, 345
Time-tables and historic dates, 345,
346
Principal Natural History Similes in
(Miss Phipson), 361,379
On the claim for Fletcher to a share
in Shakespeare's, by N. Delius.
63*
HERINGTON S., on what is the Soul of
Adoration. Henry V., xxxvi
HETHERINGTON, J. N., on the Growth
of Shakspere, as witnessed by the
characters of his Fools, xxxi
Historic dates of Mr Daniel's 'Time-
analysis7 of plays: Antony and
Cleopatra, 240 ; Coriolanus, 188 ;
1 Henry IV., 280; 2 Henry IV.,
290; Henry V., 297; 1 Henry
VI., 306; 2 Henry VI., 314; 3
Henry VI., 324; Henry VIII.,
346 ; Julius Ccesar, 201 ; King
John, 264; Richard II., 270;
Richard III., 337
Historical Plays of Shakespeare, their
relation to each other, and their
value for the stage, by "W. Konig,
51
Histories, Shakspere's :
Time-analysis of the (Mr Daniel),
257—346
INGLEBY, Dr C. M., on Hamlet's ' some
dozen or sixteen lines,' vi,413 — 419
Mr Malleson and Professor Seeley, 414
Dramatic art implies contrivance, 416
The 12 or 16 'lines' never existed;
the allusion to them was merely a
dramatic expedient, 419
Mr Furnivall's remarks on Dr
Ingleby's view of Hamlet's speech,
420
Mr Malleson' s remarks, 421
Mr Furness's remarks, 422
Dr Ingleby's « postscript,' 423
Insects in Shakspere's plays, list of (Miss
Phipson), 367
74*
INDEX.
Jolly Goshawk, The. by K. P. Schulze,
8*
Jonson wrote the Masque of Queenes to
ingratiate himself with James I.,
38
Julius Caesar :
Time-analysis of (Mr Daniel), 197 —
201
Note on Theobald's correction of
'ides,' 198
Time-table of, 200
Play requires six days, with four
intervals, 200
Upton's note on historical time of
play, 201
Historic dates of, 201
King John :
Time-analysis of (Mr Daniel), 257—
264
Difficulty about interval between Acts
IV. and V., 261
Difficulty of getting through all the
business in the two days allowed by
Act V., 262
Time-table of, 263
Time of play seven days, with five
intervals, comprising three or four
months ; historical time seventeen
years, 263, 264
King Lear : (see Kirkman)
Error in modern editions of Act V.
scene ii. (Mr Spedding), 15—20
Time-analysis of (Mr Daniel), 215—
223
Difficulty of placing Act IV. scene v.,
therefore it is bracketed, 221
Time-table of, 223
Play requires ten days on the stage,
with two intervals ; total time three
or four weeks, 222
Forty-eight Natural History Similes
in (MissPhipson), 360
Animal nature in (Mr Kirkman), 385
—408
List of animals in, 64 in 132 separate
mentions (Mr Kirkman), 401—404
On Shakespeare's Sources for, by H.
Friesen, 50*
King's Players, note on, 427
KIRKMAN, Eev. J., on Animal Nature
versus Human Nature in King
Lear, xxxi, 385—408
Frequent mention of lower animals in
King Lear, and their ways compared
with men's, 386
Sixty-four different names of animals,
KIRKMAN, Rev. J. :
Comparison between King Lear and
Titnon of Athens, 2 and 3 Henry
VI., As You Like It, 387
Midsummer Night's Dream compared
and contrasted with King Lear. 388
Agreement of views between Shakspere
and Darwin, of the common nature
of man and animals, and their base-
ness, 389
Spare allusions to flowers in King
Lear, 390
Fondness of animals shown by King
Lear and his Fool, 392
The unfavourable and evil side of the
nature of dogs shown by Shakspere,
394, 395
The Fool's remarks on animals and the
cuckoo, 397
Edgar's mention of animals, 398
Lear compared with Hamlet and
Timon, 399
Brotherhood of men and animals is
the keynote of King Lear, 400
List of Animals in King Lear, 64 in
132 separate mentions, 401 — 404
List of Animals in 2 Henry VI., 46
in 88 separate mentions, 405
List of Animals in 3 Henry VI., 47
in 80 separate mentions, 405, 406
List of Animals in As you Like It, 56
in 90 separate mentions, 406, 407
List of Animals in Midsummer Night's
Dream, 66 in 146 separate men-
tions, 407, 408
Remarks by Mr Furnivall, 408
Knight's Pictorial Shakspere, the Map
of the Moluccas not the « New Map,'
88, 89
KNIGHT, Joseph, on some points of
resemblance and contrast between
Shakspere and the dramatists of his
country and epoch, v
Lear, Much Ado, and Twelfth Night, on
the Division of the Acts in (Mr
James Spedding), x, 11 — 26
Lear : See King Lear and Kirkman
Lord Chamberlain's Records, 15*
Love's Labours Lost :
Time-analysis of (Mr Daniel), 145 —
147
Two days required for action of play,
and time-table of, 147
W. H. Pater on, xxii
Thirty-nine Natural History similes
in (Miss Phipson), 360
Love's Martyr, Chester's, 261
Mr Furnivall on, 451—455
INDEX.
75'
Macbeth :
Time- analysis of (Mr Daniel), 201 —
208
Mr Paton's scheme of time for Mac-
beth, note on, 205
Act III. scene vi., impossible to fix
the time, and therefore bracketed,
205
Time-table of, 207
Play requires nine days on stage, with
intervals, 207
Different views of Prof. "Wilson and
Mr Paton on intervals of time in
Macbeth, 208
On the Witches in (Mr T. Alfred
Spalding), vii, 27—40
MALLESON, William, on the Element of
Chance in the Merchant of Venice,
xxvii
Marlowe, Emendations and Notes on, by
Dr "Wagner, 44*
Marlowe's Faustus, mention of Spheres
in, 434
Marlowe, principal Natural History
similes in (Miss Phipson), 378
MARSHALL, F. A., Study of Hamlet
(Mr Daniel), 214, 215
MATTHEW, F. IX, on Contents of the
German Shakspere Society's Year
Book, Appendix IV.,vols. xi., xii. ,
xiii., xiv., 43*— 67*
Report pi-esented at meeting, April
23, 1875, 43*
Miscellanies, two notes by Dr Wagner,
Vol. xii., 47*
Address at annual meeting, May 7th,
1876, by Professor N. Delius,
with Supplement on Epic Ele-
ments iii Shakspere's Dramas,
47*
Report, 47*
Literary Notices, 53*
Miscellanies, 53*
Vol. xiii., 53*
Address at annual meeting, April
20, 1877, by T. Thummel, on the
Miles Gloriosus in Shakespeare,
53*
Yearly Report, 54*
Miscellanies, 60*
Vol. xiv., 61*
A Performance at the Globe Theatre,
Address by K. Elze, 61*
The Yearly Report, 61*
Obituary notices, 66*
Literary Review, 67*
Miscellanies, 67*
NEW SH. SOC. TRANS., 1877-9
MAYOAV, Rev. M. Wynell, on Hamlet, as
the greatest of Shakspere's Plays,
with some attempt to determine the
character of Hamlet, xxii
on which is the next greatest of
Shakspere's Plays after Hamlet,
xxxii
Measure for Measure :
Time-analysis of (Mr Daniel), 135 —
139
Time-table of, 139
Four days required with interval
between first and second, 139
Measure for Measure, and the History
of Promos and Cassandra, by K.
Foth, 57*
Meetings, Notices of, v — xxvii, xxix —
xl
Merchant of Venice :
Time-analysis of (Mr Daniel), 149 —
Time-table of, 155
Eccles on Time of, 155, 156
Eight days required for play, with
intervals; total time, rather over
three months, 155
On the element of Chance in (Mr W.
Malleson), xxvii
Halpin's Time-analysis of (Mr Daniel),
xv, 41—57
Merry Wives of Windsor :
On the Confusion of the Time in the
Action of, and Shakspere's Devices
to conceal it (Mr R. Grant White),
viii
Time-analysis of (Mr Daniel), 125—
135
Time of entrance of actors not marked
in early editions of plays, 127
Confusion in Folio, in meetings of
Falstaff and Mrs Ford, 131
Confusion of Quarto only in Act II.
scene i., 131
Grant White on the Confusion ; thinks
Quarto represents the author's ' first
sketch' of play, 132
Cambridge editors on Folio, 133
Division of Act III. scene ii. clears
away the confusion, 133, 134
Error caused by manager's com-
pression of two scenes into one,
134
Time-table of, 135
Three days required for play, 135
Midsummer Night's Dream :
Time-analysis of (Mr Daniel), 147—
149
Time-table of, 149
7G*
INDEX.
Kit/Jit's Dream ;
Throe day* only required for action,
instead' of five, 149
List of animals in, 6G in 146 sepa-
rate mentions (Mr Kirkman), 407,
408
One of the Sources of, by F. Krauss,
46*
A Midsummer Niyht's Dream, by B.
ten Brink, 55*
Miles Gloriosm in Shakespeare, T.
Thiimrael on, 53*
MILLS, J. "W., on the Anachronisms in
the Winters Tale, xxxix
- on the evidence that Shakspere
was in Troilus and Cressida re-
writing an old play, xl
Milton a Contrast to Shakespeare, by
K. Elze, 48*
Milton's Spheres, wood-cut of, 435
Mollineux, the author of the 'New Map '
and Globe (Coote), 96, 97
Mucedorus :
Dr Wagner on, 44*
Fresh Conjectures on the Text of,
by W. Wagner, 65*
Mitch Ado about Noticing :
Time-analysis of (Mr Daniel), 140 —
145
Time-table of, 144
Four consecutive days required for
action of play, 144
Hero's 'every day,' 145
Mr Spedding on, 20—24
Mulligan on the 'New Map' (Coote),
98
Music of the Spheres, note on (Miss E.
Phipson), xl
Natural History Similes in Henry VI.
(Miss E. Phipson), 354—379
'New Map,' Shakspere's (Coote), 88—
100
New Shakspere Society :
Account of the recent publications of
the, by N. Delius, 53*, 60*
NICHOLSON, Dr B., on Hebenon in
Hamlet, I. v. 62, xxxix
on the relation between the First
Quarto (1600) and First Folio of
Henry V., xxxi
an illustration of a line in Tempest,
I. ii. 102, and a quotation from
G. Wither's Great Assizes holden
in Parnassus, xvi
Ornithology of ShaJctpcare, The (Mr
Harting), 359
Othello :
Time-analysis of (Mr Daniel), 224—
232
Time-table of, 229
Time of Tragedy three days, with one
interval, 229
Note on Professor Wilson's ' Tre-
mendous Double- time at Cyprus,'
229—231
Othello probably corrupted and muti-
lated for stage purposes, 231
OVEREND, G. H., on the site of Bur-
bage's ' Theatre/ being notes from
the Public Record Office, xxix
on dispute between George Mailer,
Glazier, and Trainer of Players to
Henry VIII., and his pupil, xxxvi,
425—429
The King's Players and their pay-
ments, 427
Mr FurnivaH's remarks on player-life,
428
Paphos, contradiction in making it
Ireland (Dr Grosart), 455
PATER, W. H., on Love's Labours Lost,
xxii
Peele's Edward J., and David and Beth-
sabe, 72
Peele : had he any share in Romeo and
Juliet, 58—87
Principal Natural History Similes
in (Miss Phipson), 375, 376
Pericles :
Time-analysis of (Mr Daniel), 251-6
Note on Steevens's corruption of Act
IV. scene iv. 11. 13—16, 254
Time-table of, 255
Story of Pericles comprises about
sixteen years. Stage time requires
fourteen days, chief intervals ac-
counted for in Choruses, 255, 256
Play consists of seven Acts, distinctly
marked by Choruses, 256
PHIPSON, Miss E., on the Natural His-
tory Similes in Henry VI., xxxii,
354—383
4 Euphues ' the great source of similes,
355
Peele mentions thirteen kinds of
animals and seven birds, 355
Greene has sixteen animals and one
bird, 356
Marlowe has fewer similes, 356
Mr Rushton in ' Shakapeare1 s Euphu-
ism ' cites over a hundred passages
in plays taken from Lyly's work,
357
INDEX.
PHIPSON, Miss E. :
Shukspcre's youth passed in tlie
country, 357
Shakspere an inland naturalist, only
three sea-birds mentioned in plays.
358
Shakspere's knowledge of field-sports
shown by Mr Ilarting in The Orni-
thology .of Shakspeare, 359
Peele, Greene, and Marlowe show no
knowledge of sport, 359
Contention and True Tragedy refers
four times to bird-lime, 359
The list of animals and plants in
Shakspere double that in Milton,
and more than in Virgil, 359
Number of similes compared in Shak-
spere and Marlowe, 360
The dog in Shakspere, 361
The crocodile, 361
The snake, 361
The eagle, 362
Marlowe, wolf and raven, 362
The bear, 363
The falcon, 363
The swan, 363
The tiger, 364
The owl, 364
Pigeons and their habits, 364
Birds' care of their young, 365
Shakspere's love of Nature shows him
to be ' this animal and menagerie
man,' 365
Lists, in Shakspere's Plays, of animals,
366
Of birds, 366
Of insects, 367
Of fish, 367
Comparative table of Animal Similes
• used in Shakspere's Plays, and in
Peele's, Greene's, and Marlowe's, 367
Parallel passages in 2 and 3 Henry
VI. and Contention, 368—375
Principal Similes in Peele, 375, 376
Principal Similes in Greene, 377
Principal Similes in Marlowe, 378
Principal Similes in Henry VIII. ,
379
Principal Similes in the Two Noble
Kinsmen, 380
Principal Similes in Edward III., 381
—383
Note on Music of the Spheres, xl
PIEUUE, J., on the Casket- Story in the
Merchant of Venice, xxxi.
« Pilot's Glass ' in All's Well That Ends
Well a two hours' glass, Act II.
scene ii., 170
Player and Play-Trainer, dispute between,
1528-9 (Mr Overend), 425—429
Players of James I., and Comedians of
Charle.s I., lists of, 17*— 19*
Pleiades and Seven Stars, foot-notes on
the, 448
Polymythy in Shakspere's Dramatic
Poems, by C. C. House, 46*
Ptolemaic system explained (Mr Furni-
vallj, 432-435
PULLING, Prof., the 'Speech-ending
Test ' applied to Romeo and Juliet,
and Cymbeline, xx
On the « Speech-ending Test ' ap-
plied to twenty of Shakspere's
Plays, xxxix, 457, 458
Table of the plays analysed, 458
Quarto of Romeo and Juliet (Mr Spald-
ing), xviii, xix, 58—87
Richard II. :
Time-analysis of (Mr Daniel), 264—
270
Shakspere's annihilation of time, Act
II. scene i., should be divided, 265
Johnson thinks Act II. scene iv. is
misplaced, it should be Act III.
scene ii., 266
Difficulty of King Henry's three
months, 269
Time-table of, 269, 270
Time of play, fourteen d;iys repre-
sented on the stage, with eleven
intervals, 269, 270
Historic dates of, 270
Mistakes in division of Acts (Mr
Spedding), 26
Richard III. :
Time-analysis of (Mr Daniel), 325 —
337
Elasticity of time in the connection
of Richard III. with 3 Henry VL,
325
Difficulties of ' time,' 326, 327
Foot-note on the prelate of Act IT.
scene iv. and of Act III. scene i.,
328
Notes of < time,' 328, 329
Difficulties of ' time ' at Princes'
murder, 332, 333
Time of marches of Richard and Rich-
mond before battle of Bosworth, 335
Time of play, eleven days repre-
sented on stage, with four intervals.
Dramatic time about a month ; his-
toric time fourteen years, J471 —
1485, 336
78'
INDEX.
Richard III. :
Time-table of, 336, 337
Historic dates of, 337
Romeo and Juliet :
First Quarto (Mr Spalding), xviii, xix,
58—87
Time-analysis of (Mr Daniel), 191—
194
Time-table of, 194
Play requires six consecutive days, 194
Development of the Legend of, Dr
K. P. Schulze on, 45*
According to Shakspere's Manuscript,
by E. Gericke, 64*
EOSE, Edward, on Shakspere's adapta-
tion of the Troublesome Reigne of
King John, xvi
on sudden emotion ; its effect on
different characters, as shown in
Shakspere, xxxii
on the Division into Acts of Ham-
let, vii, 1 —
Hamlet divided into Acts in Quarto of
1676, 1
Shakspere's method of constructing a
tragedy, 2
Proposed alterations in Acts, 4 — 7
Appendix, length of the Acts in Shak-
spere's Plays, 8, 9
The Acts of Hamlet, their length, 10
EUSKIN, J., on * Fret ' in Julius Caesar,
II. i. 103-4, xix, 409—412
Scraps, quotations to illustrate words :
Age, 40
An armour, 461
Anatomy (skeleton), 423
Angle (rod, line, hook), 461
Appay (appease), 4t55
Apple-John, 461
Assured (certain), 423
Atone (set at one), 4-55
* Autolycus,' an earlier (in Winter's
Tale], 108
'Bagpipe and Urine,' Shylock's, 107
Bassanid's Arrows, 460
Sating, 461
Below stairs, 471
Bevy, 423
Black, 423
Bona roba, 424
Bowling, 40
Breach, 10
Break =z burst through, 424
Breeching scholar, 4,24
Breed — interest, 461
Bruit, 461
Bucking (washing), 353
Scraps :
Buckle with (wrestle), 4-56
Bush (Tavern Ivy-bush], 461
Cage of rushes, 46
Cannot want, 470
Carouse, 456
' Carves,' FalstafFs, 105
Cater-cousins, 463
Caviare, 463
Cheveril conscience, 463
Chopine, 472
4 Christian Souls,' Ophelia's, 107
Cinquepace, 424
Coals, 384
Coast, 456
Cocker, 384
Comfortable, 472
Coming-in (income), 456
Comparisons are Odious, 424
' Comparisons are odourous,' Dog-
berry's, 108
Conceited, 429
Cook, 384
Cope (encounter adversely), 456
' Coram,' Blender's, and Custolonim,
Shallow's, 113
Cormorant (insatiate), 463
Costard, 424
Cousin, 408
Croaking Raven, The, 42*
Cudgel, 384
Debt, 424
Decay, 463
Difference (badge), 385
Dishorn (take the horns off), 456
Disnature, 456
Distemper, 456
Doing, 472
Drayman, 424
Dyeing Scarlet, 464
Embost, 472
Emerald and Eye-sight, 465
Englishmen mad, 464
False gallop, 424
Fat-witted with drinking olds.tck, 424
' Feature,' Touchstone's, 100—102
Feeze, 424
Flexure, 465
Fool, 456
Fool's paradise, 384
Fop, s.b., 68*
Forked, 429 ; Face and Forks, 472
' Fruitfully,' 115
Frush, v.t. (batter), 42*
Gaudy, 456
Gentleman-like, 384
German clock, 472
Gimmal (ring), 384
IXDKX.
79*
Scraps :
Gingerly (carefully), 429
Gondolier, 4 06
' Goodman,' 104
Go to, 465
Great coil, s.b., 68*
He, they (pleonastic], 384
Hearten, 429
Hedr/e- priest, 465
(Hei/} nonny-nonny, 465
Hull, 429
Infect, 10
Invent (compose), 408
It please God, 466
Jet, 408
M 20*
Juror, 429
Laced mutton, 429
Z«^, 430
Z^A^ (mean, inferior), 465
Love in idlenesse, 20*, 430
Mad world, 465
Jffl/«?, 430
Mammock (tear in bits), 430
'Master,' Launcelot, 103, 104
M iching, 472
Momentany, 20*
Moneyed, well, 466
Jftt0A ^fffo «£0«^ Nothing, 469
JV«$ o/, m the (directly after), 353
Needy, 430
Necer at quiet, 430
Nose (led by the), 466
Old true-penny, 469
Painti}>ff=rouge, 466
Pass (care for), 408
' Passionate Pilgrim,'1 on lilies 343-4
and 302, 108—111
Pax, 115
Pensioners, 466
Pfcw, 466
Pioneer (miner), 466
Posted, 466
Princock-boy, 'princox,' 20*
Prologue, sb., speaker of a prologue,
"20*
'Purpose' (of purpose), 115
Rack, racking, 467
Rariety, 456
Remuneration, guerdon, 467
-to, 467
2fcrf/W, 467
.#«*«•«, vb. (withdraw), 20*
Riggish, a., 68*
Ripenes, 467
Roguing, 20*
Rubies, 467
Rtmaivay, 115
Scraps :
(verse), 467
20*
Sandblind, 467
&>toty, 20*
Scaffold, 467
,' Hamlet's, 105, 106
, sb., 68*
Sewer or s/jore, sb., 42*
Shakspere's anticipation of Newton.
112
'Single' (unmarried), 115
Skirt, 467
Slip, 468
'Snuff,' take it in snuff (take offence
at it), 116
Sophisticated, a., 42*
' Soul of adoration,' Ceremony's, 114,
'Soundness,' 116
'Squadron,' lago's, 102, 103, 116
Stable, 430
Stand-upon, v.t. ^concern oneself
with), 42*
Start-up, a. (upstart), 42*
/y, 468
, a., 42*
468
Strike, v.t., 42*
fi'wflrsA */o?^, 468
Tables, 468
TVMwf, 468
Take on, 468
Tearing a ruff, 469
Temporal (secular), 20*
'Tick-tack,' 116
Tick-tack, 469
Tricksy, 430
Tricksy, 469
True-men, 469
Vngartered, 470
' Ungracious' (wicked), 116
(Pearl), Claudius'
ius's, 106
TwVwi, sb. (a large pearl), 68*
Unmannerly, 20*
Unsavoury \ 20*
Usurp upon, v., 42*
F«<fed, 470
'Vailing' ('Angels vailing clouds '),
Boyet's, 114
Vt-ney, 470
F<w»>, 430
' Villains by necessity,1 Edmund's, 107
Waogling, 470
' 7Ff//^,'' Time's, 107
' Warn ' (summon), 106
Weaponed, 470
Whist, 430
Whore, 470
80*
INDEX.
Scraps :
Whose face between her forks, 472
Wink, 430
Wise Woman of Brentford, The, 459
'Witless,' 116
World a Stage, The, 471
SELBY, W. D., extracts from the Lord
Chamberlain's Records, xxix
' Seutenz,' on the, in Dramatic Poetry,
especially in Shakespeare, Goethe,
and Schiller, Address by J. Thiim-
mel, 61*
Shakspereana published during 1876 —
1879 (Franz Thimm), 473—481
Shakspere's Animal-Similes : see Kirk-
man and Phipson ; he is only an
inland naturalist, 358
Shakspere's annihilation of time and
space in the construction of the
plots of his dramas, 335
Shakspere's Astronomy (Mr Furnivall),
431—450; 112
Shakspere's Knowledge and Use of Old
Ballads (Rev. J. W. Ebsworth),
xx
Shakspere Bibliography for 1875-6, by
A. Cohn, 53*, 67*
Shakspere and Giordano Bruno, W.
Konig on, 45*
Shakspere's Clowns, Thiimmel on, 44*
Shakspere's Dramas, the Representation
of Mental Disease in, by C. C.
Heuse, 58*
Shakspere and fellow Dramatists, points
of resemblance and contrast between
(Mr J. Knight), v
Shakspere, Proposed Emendations in,
by W. Wagner, 65*
Shakspere, Emotion in (E. Rose), xxxii
' Shakspere's Euphuism,' Mr Rushton's
work on, 357
Shakspere in Greece, by W. Wagner, 47*
Shakspere, on the Growth of, as wit-
nessed by the characters of his Fools
(J. N. Hetherington), xxxi
Shakspere in Iceland by H. Gering, 66*
Shakspere's Immortals, or Spirit Crea-
tions (H. Beighton), xxxvii —
xxxix
Shakspere, Italian Sketches illustrating,
by Th. Elze, 56*, 62*
Shakspere's 'New Map' (Coote), 88 —
100
Shakspere, Literary Notices of Books
relating to, 60*
Shakspere's Plays, Metrical, Gram-
matical, and Chronological Notes
on, by W. Hertzberg, 59*
Shakspere, List of Performances in
Germany, 66*
Shakspere, List of the Performances of,
on German Stages, 53*, 60*
Shakspere, List of Performances in the
German Theatres, 46*
Shakspere's Plays: which is the next
greatest after Samlet (Rev. M. W.
Mayow), xxxii
Shakspere booklet of the Poor Man ot
Toggenburg, 49*
Shakspere's Reconciliation with the
World, as shown in Plays of Fourth
and last Period, xxxiii — xxxv
Shakspere Representations at Leipzig
and Dresden, 1778—1817, 50*
Shakspere, on the Repetitions to be
found in, by W. Koiiig, 56*
Shakspere and Schroder, by G. F.
Vincke, 43*
Shakspere, Songs of (Rev. J. W, Ebs-
worth), xii
Shakspere's Sonnets, a Greek Source
for two of, by W. Hertzberg, 57*
Shakspere, two newly-discovered sources
for, by P. Wislicenus, 51*
Shakspere, Concluding Remarks to the
Stage and Family, by W. Ocliel-
haiiser, 60*
Shakspere's Versification (Prof. Corson),
xiii
Shylock defended, Portia questioned
(Mrs Boole), xxxix
SPALDING, Mr T. A., On Elizabethan
Demonology, xxv
on the Witches in Macbeth, vii, 27
—40
Mr Fleay thinks some of the Witch
Scenes were written by Middleton,
27
Mr Fleay' s theory of ' Nornae,' or
' Goddesses of Destinie ' — they were
not witches, 27
Holiushed describes the witches as
Goddesses of Destinie, Nymphes, or
Feiries, 28
Bessie Roy's trial for witchcraft, 30
Both Banquo and Macbeth consider
them to bewitches, 31
Hecate. Mr Fleay thinks her not
Shakspere's creation, 33
Dr Forman, 34
Witch-scenes written at one period
shown by the witches' power of
raising storms, 35
King James VI. married 1589 : vio-
lent storm during his bride's voy-
age, 35
INDEX'.
81*
SPALDIXG, T. A. :
Trials of witches in Scotland for
raising the storm, 30, 37
Bill on Witchcraft in House of Lords,
1604, 38
Shakspere wrote Macbeth to ingrati-
ate himself with James I, 38
Editors of Folio expunged the Middle-
ton portions in Macbeth, 39
Conclusion of argument : Witches of
Acts I., IV. identical. Shakspere
sole author of all witch -scenes and
of Macbeth in Folio of 1623, 39, 40
Postscript on Note i. p. 39, 40
SI-ALDING, Mr T. A., on the First
Quarto of Romeo and Juliet; is
there any evidence of a Second
Hand in it ? xviii, xix, 58 — 87
Mr Grant White thinks it not entirely
Shakspere's, 59
Mr Fleay's article in Macmillan's
Magazine ; he thinks the play was
written by Peele and reA'ised by
Shakspere, 59
Characteristics of a pirated Quarto, 60
— 62
Stage directions in a pirated Quarto,
63
Misprints in Romeo and Juliet, Ql, 64
Romeo and Juliet, Ql, is a pirated
edition, 65, 66
Is Peele' s hand to be seen in Romeo
and Juliet, Ql ? 67
Mr Fleay's Peele-theory examined, 68
Mr Fleay's metrical evidence from
prose lines, 69
Is Romeo and Juliet Peele's as well as
Shakspere's ? 70
Not the faintest trace of Peele in
Romeo and Juliet, 71
Peele and the extra strong syllable.
72,73
The extra syllable in pirated plays,
74,75
Failure of Mr Fleay's distinctive
test, 76
Dropt words and Spurious Quartos, 77
Paris' s elegy in Romeo and Juliet, com-
pared in First and Second Quartos,
78
The Lament over Juliet's body, 79
The Lament over Juliet mocks Kyd,
80, 81
Lee, Miss Jane, excludes Peele from
any share in 2 and 3 Henry VI., 81
Grant White's views examined, 82 — 86
There is no second hand in Romeo and
Juliet, 87
SPEDDINO, J., on the Division of the
Acts in Lear, Much Ado, and
Twelfth Night, x, 11—26
Division of Acts in First Folio,
13
Shakspere's marginal directions, 14
King Henry F., misplacement of Acts
in First Folio, 15
On error in modern editions of
King Lear, Act V. scene ii., 15 —
20
Much Ado About Nothing, two faults
in modern editions, 20—24
Twelfth Night, inter - Acts wrongly
placed on two occasions, 24, 25
Richard II., first act should end with
third scene, 26
' Speech-ending Test ' (Mr Pulling), 457
—458
Spheres, the nine hollow (Mr Furnivall),
432,433
Stenography, treatise on it dedicated to
Queen Elizabeth in 1588 by Dr
Timothy Bright, 353
STONE, W. G. , on the Sources of Henry
V., xvii
Table of twenty plays analysed for
speech-endings (M"r Pulling), 458
Taming of the Shrew :
Time-analysis of (Mr Daniel), 162—
169
Time-table of, 169
Six days required, with intervals,
169
Tempest :
Time-analysis of (Mr Daniel), 117 —
120
Aldis Wright in Clarendon Press
edition, 119
' Glass' means one hour-glass, 119
Smyth's Sailor's Word -Book, glass,
120
On the Genesis of (Rev. B. F. de
Costa), xxxvi
On the 'other business' of (Mr
Wilkins), xix
THIMM, F., Shakspere Literature from
1876 to 1879,473—481
Time-analysis of the Plots of Shak-
spere's Plays (Mr Daniel), 117—
346
Timon of Athens :
Time-analysis of (Mr Daniel), 194—
197
Time-table of, 197
Play requires six days on stage, with
oiie considerable interval, 197
82*
INDEX.
Titus Andronicm :
Time-analysis of (Mr Daniel), 188—
191
Folio contains one scene (Act ITT.
scene ii.) not found in the Quartos,
188
Time-table of, 191
Play requires four days, with two
intervals, 191
Treasvrie of Avncient and Moderne
Times, 'The, 449
Troilus and Cressida :
Time-analysis of (Mr Daniel), 180 —
183
Antenor plays important part in the
time-analysis of play, 181 — 183
Time-table of, 183
Action of play requires four days,
with one interval, 183
On the play of (Mr R. Grant-White),
viii
Ninety-five Natural History Similes in
(MissPhipson), 360
The Epilogue to Troilus and Cressida,
by Th. Brims, 50*
Troublesome Reigne of King John, on
Shakspere's adaptation of (Mr
Edward Eose), xvi
True Chronicle historic of King Leir
and his three daughters, 1605, 400
Ttvelfth Night :
Time-analysis of (Mr Daniel), 173-6
Time-table of, 175
Time of play three days, with inter-
val of three days between first and
second, 175
Contradiction of time between, " three
months" and "three days," 176
Act III. scene ii, 'New Map,' 88
First performance of, Feb. 1601-2
(Coote), 91
(Mr Spcdding), 24, 25
Two Gentlemen of Verona :
Time-analysis of (Mr Daniel), 120 —
124
Time-table of, 124
Time comprises seven days with four
intervals, 124
Two Noble Kinsmen :
On the bridal song in (Prof. Dowden),
xi
. Nineteen Natural History Similes in
(Miss Phipson), 360
Principal Natural History Similes in
(Miss Phipson), 380
' On the ascription of the, to Shakespeare
and FletvJwr, by N. Delius, 54*
TYLER, T., on Shakspere's Reconcilia-
tion with the World, as exhibited
in the Plays of the Fourth and
Last Period, xxxiii — xxxv
Wager's Cruell Debtter, 5*— 10*
WAGNER, W., on Mucedorus, 44*, 65
Emendations and Notes on Mai-low,
44*
Proposed Emendations in Shake-
speare, 65*
Miscellanies, two Notes, 47*
WEDMORE, Mr Frederick, on Caliban,
xxvii
WILKINS, W., on the 'other business'
of the Tempest, xix
Scrap, Touchstone's feature in As
You Like It, xv, 100, 102
WILSON, Prof., on Macbeth, Act III.
scene vi, 205
on the Double-time in Shakspere,
App. III., 21*— 41*
Note by P. A, Daniel, on Dies Sore-
ales, 21*
Question of Short and Long Time dis-
cussed, 21*
' The time of Othello is — as real time
— insoluble,' 25*
Shakspere projected extended time, 25*
' What is the Censure of Art on
the demonstrated inconsistency in
Othello ? ' 26*
Two Necessities, 28*
Novel and Drama each have their
own laws, 29*
Gradual growth of Art, 30*
' Time ' was little esteemed by the
Elizabethan Dramatists, 31*
Lear and Hamlet compared with
Othello, 34*, 35*
Alfieri, 36*
The Greek Fate, 37*
The Greek Drama, 38*
Winter's Tale :
Anachronisms in the (J. W. Mills),
xxix
• Time-analysis of (Mr Daniel), 177 —
179
Time- table of, 179
Time of play eight days, with four
intervals, 179
Wright's Errors in Navigation (Coote),
92
* Yon grey lines that Fret the Clouds,'
Julius Caesar, II. i. 103-4 (Mr
Kuskin), 409—412
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