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Presented  to  the 
LIBRARY  of  the 

UNIVERSITY  OF  TORONTO 

by 

Ontario 
Legislative  Library 


PUBLICATIONS 


OF 

Colonial  £>ocfet  of 


TRANSACTIONS 
1919 


Committee  of  publication 


FRED  NORRIS  ROBINSON 
ALBERT  MATTHEWS 
HENRY  HERBERT  EDES 
GEORGE  LYMAN  KITTREDGE 
CHESTER  NOYES  GREENOUGH 


Cmtor  of  publications 

ALBERT  MATTHEWS 


fy' 


PUBLICATIONS 


OF 


Colonial  g>ocietp  of 


•   „.!**."  « 

s*»  - 1 


VOLUME  XXI 


TRANSACTIONS 
1919 


at  tije  Cfjarge  of  tfje  Robert  Cljarlta  TOHintfjrop,  Jr.,  tftmfc 


BOSTON 

PUBLISHED    BY   THE    SOCIETY 
1920 


*i  ^*     j 

.5 


JOHN  WILSON  AND  SON,  CAMBRIDGE,  U.S.A. 


PREFACE 


T  VOLUME  XXI,  now  completed,  contains  the  Transactions 
*     of  the  Society  at  four  meetings,  from  March  to  Decem- 
ber, 1919,  in  continuation'  of  Volume  XX. 

The  committee  gratefully  acknowledges  the  Society's 
indebtedness  to  several  institutions,  and  to  friends  and 
members  of  this  Society,  for  permission  to  reproduce  docu- 
ments in  their  possession,  for  the  gift  of  plates,  or  for  other 
courtesies,  namely :  to  Mr.  Charles  Fitch  Bates,  Miss  Ada 
Bouve*,  Mr.  Charles  William  Jenks,  Dr.  Charles  Lemuel 
Nichols,  the  American  Antiquarian  Society,  the  Boston 
Public  Library,  the  Corporation  of  Harvard  College,  the 
Dedhain  Historical  Society,  the  Harvard  College  Library, 
the  Library  of  Congress,  the  Massachusetts  Historical  So- 
ciety, and  the  Commonwealth  of  Massachusetts  (Archives 
Department). 

For  the  Committee  of  Publication, 

FRED  NORRIS  ROBINSON, 

Chairman. 
BOSTON,  1  March,  1920. 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 


PACT 

PREFACE v 

LIST  OP  ILLUSTRATIONS be 

OFFICERS,  1  MARCH,  1920 xi 

RESIDENT  MEMBERS xii 

HONORARY  MEMBERS xiv 

CORRESPONDING  MEMBERS xiv 

MEMBERS  DECEASED ,  xv 


PAPERS,   NOTES,  REMARKS,  AND  DOCUMENTS 

Dr.  Robert  Child  the  Remonstrant,  by  GEORGE  LYMAN  KITTREDGE        1 
Comenius  and  Harvard  College,  by  ALBERT  MATTHEWS      .   .   .     146 

Catalogue  of  John  Harvard's  Library,  by  ALFRED  CLAGHORN 

POTTER 190 

John  Dunton  Again,  by  CHESTER  NOTES  GREENOUGH    ....     232 

Remarks  by  SAMUEL  CHESTER  CLOUGH,  in  exhibiting  a  Map  of 

Boston  in  1648 251 

A  Charter  Party,  dated  22  October,  1659,  exhibited  by  JOHN 

WHITTEMORE  FARWELL 254 

A  Water-Color  View  of  Harvard  College,  made  about  1807,  ex- 
hibited by  WALDO  LINCOLN 257 

Comment  by  WILLIAM  COOLJDGE  LANE 257 

Remarks  by  JULIUS  HERBERT  TUTTLE,  on  certain  Names  in  the 

Dedham  Church  Records     258 

Early  Sunday  Schools  in  Boston,  by  ALBERT  MATTHEWS    .    .    .     259 
Is  there  a  Mark  Baskett  Bible  of  1752?  by  CHARLES  LEMUEL 

NICHOLS 285 


viii  TABLE   OF  CONTENTS 

PAGB 

Land  Warrants  issued  under  Andros,  1687-1688,  communicated 

by  JULIUS  HERBERT  TUTTLE 292 

The  Harvard  College  Charter  of  1672,  by  ALBERT  MATTHEWS  .     363 

Remarks  by  WILLIAM  COOLIDGE  LANE,  in  exhibiting  a  Water- 
Color  View  of  Harvard  College  made  by  Houdin  d'Orge- 
mont  in  1795 410 

New  England  Town  Mandates,  communicated  from  KENNETH 

COLEOROVE 411 

Remarks  by  JULIUS  HERBERT  TUTTLE,  on  a  Tradition  relating 

to  the  Regicides  Goffe  and  Whalley 449 

Receipts  of  the  Record  Books  and  Papers  of  the  Middlesex 
Registry  of  Deeds,  1776,  communicated  by  HENRY  HER- 
BERT EDES 452 

BUSINESS  PROCEEDINGS 

Members  Elected 1,231 

Committee  to  Nominate  Officers  appointed 231 

Committee  to  Examine  the  Treasurer's  Accounts  appointed  ...  231 

Committee  on  Memorials  appointed 231 

Report  of  the  Council 403 

Report  of  the  Treasurer 406 

Report  of  the  Auditing  Committee 408 

Officers  Elected 408 

Annual  Dinner 409 

Death  of  Member  announced 410 

Delegates  to  the  Annual  Conference  of  Historical  Societies  ap- 
pointed    410 

INDEX ,     455 


LIST   OF  ILLUSTRATIONS 


PAGE 

PORTRAIT  OF  HENRY  LEE  HIGGINSON Frontispiece 

PORTRAIT  OF  JOHN  AMOS  COMENIUS 146 

TITLE-PAGE  OF  JOHN  DOWNAME'S  CHRISTIAN  WARFARE  AGAINST 

THE  DEVILL,  WORLD  AND  FLESH,  1633 206 

WATER-COLOR  VIEW  OF  HARVARD  COLLEGE,  MADE  ABOUT  1807  256 

FACSIMILE  OF  ENTRIES  IN  THE  DEDHAM  CHURCH  RECORDS  .  .  258 

TITLE-PAGE  OF  THE  MARK  BASKETT  BIBLE,  1761 286 

FACSIMILE  OF  PASSAGES  IN  THE  ALLEGED  MARK  BASKETT  BIBLE, 

1752 288 

TITLE-PAGE  OF  THE  MARK  BASKETT  BIBLE,  1763 290 

TITLE-PAGE  OF  THE  ALLEGED  MARK  BASKETT  BIBLE,  1752  .  .  292 

DRAUGHT  OF  THE  HARVARD  COLLEGE  CHARTER  OF  1672,  I  .  388 

DRAUGHT  OF  THE  HARVARD  COLLEGE  CHARTER  OF  1672,  II  .  392 

DRAUGHT  OF  THE  HARVARD  COLLEGE  CHARTER  OF  1672,  HI  .  396 

DRAUGHT  or  THE  HARVARD  COLLEGE  CHARTER  OF  1672,  IV  .  400 
WATER-COLOR  VIEW  OF  HARVARD  COLLEGE,  MADE  BY  HOUDIN 

D'ORGEMONT,  1795 410 

FACSIMILES  OF  TWO  DOCUMENTS  RELATING  TO  THE  RECORD 

BOOKS  OF  MIDDLESEX  COUNTY,  MASSACHUSETTS,  DATED 

26  AND  30  APRIL,  1776 452 

FACSIMILE  OF  AN  ENTRY  IN  THE  DIARY  OF  THE  REV.  JONATHAN 

TOWNSEND,   DATED   17  JULY,    1737       453 


COUNCIL 


OF 


Colonial  Society  of 

1  MARCH,  1920 


present 
FRED  NORRIS  ROBINSON,  Pn.D  ........     CAMBRIDGE 


ANDREW  McFARLAND  DAVIS,  A.M.'  ......     CAMBRIDGE 

HON.  ARTHUR  PRENTICE  RUGG,  LL.D  .....    WORCESTER 


R*corbin0 
HENRY  WINCHESTER    CUNNINGHAM,  A.B.   .     .    .     MILTON 


REV.  CHARLES  EDWARDS  PARK,  D.D  ......    BOSTON 

ftrea^urtr 
HENRY  HERBERT  EDES,  A.M  .........    CAMBRIDGE 

» 
JUgi^trar 

ALFRED  JOHNSON,  Lnr.D  .....     .....    BROOKLINE 


tfrecuttoe 

CHARLES  LEMUEL  NICHOLS,  M.D.,  Litt.D.      .    .    .  WORCESTER 

MARK  ANTONY  DsWOLFE  HOWE,  Litt.D.      .    .    .  BOSTON 

SAMUEL  WILJJSTON,  LL.D  ..........  BELMONT 

tfbitor  of  publication^ 

ALBERT  MATTHEWS,  A.B  ...........  BOSTON 


RESIDENT  MEMBERS 

IN  THE  ORDER  OF  THEIR  ENROLMENT 


1899 

HBNRT  HERBERT  EDES,  A.M. 
ANDREW  MCFARLAND  DAVIS,  A.M. 
HBNRT  WINCHESTER  CUNNINGHAM,  A.B. 
CHARLES  SEDGWICK  RACKEMANN,  A.M. 

1893 

GEORGE  WIGGLESWORTH,  A.M. 
WALDO  LINCOLN,  A.B. 
CHARLES  MONTRAVILLE  GREEN,  M.D. 
GEORGE  LTMAN  KITTREDGE,  LL.D. 
CHARLES  WARREN  CLIFFORD,  A.M. 
CHARLES  PICKERING  BOWDITCH,  A.M. 
WALTER  CABOT  BAYLIES,  A.B. 
FRANK  BREWSTER,  A.M. 
GEORGE  LINCOLN  GOODALE,  M.D.,  LL.D. 

1894 
GEORGE  NIXON  BLACK,  Esq. 

1895 
LINDSAY  SWIFT,  A.B. 

1896 

CHARLKS  FRANCIS  MAKIN,  A.B. 
RICHARD  MIDDLECOTT  SALTONSTALL,  A.B. 
ALBKRT  MATTHEWS,  A.B. 
CHARLES  ARMSTRONG  SNOW,  A.B. 

1897 

WILLIAM  COOLIDGE  LANE,  A.B. 
Hon.  WILLIAM  GUSHING  WAIT,  A.M. 

1898 
JOHN  ELIOT  THATER,  A.M. 

1899 
FREDERIC  HAINES  CURTISS,  Esq. 


1901 

Hon.  JAMES  MADISON  MORTON,  LL.D. 
JAMES  ATKINS  NOTES,  A.B. 

1902 

Rev.  JAMES  HARDY  ROPES,  D.D. 
FRANCIS  APTHORP  FOSTER,  Esq. 

1903 
JOHN  NOBLE,  LL.B. 

Hon.  WlNTHROP  MURRAT  CRANE,  LL.D. 
WlNTHROP   HOWLAND    WADE,  A.M. 

Hon.  AUGUSTUS  PBABODT  LORING,  LL.B. 

1906 

WILLIAM  VAIL  KELLEN,  LL.D. 
ROBERT  DICKSON  WESTON,  A.B. 
HENRY  LEFAVOUR,  LL.D. 
FRANCIS  RANDALL  APPLETON,  LL.B. 
ARTHUR  LORD,  A.B. 

1908 

Rev.  WILLIAM  WALLACE  FENN,  D.D. 
JULIUS  HERBERT  TUTTLE,  Esq. 
Rev.  CHARLES  EDWAUDS  PARK,  D.D. 
OGDEN  CODMAN,  Esq. 

1909 

WORTHIUGTON   CHAUNCET  FoRD,  Litt.D. 

WILLIAM  LOWELL  PUTNAM,  LL.B. 

HAROLD  MURDOCK,  A.M. 

Rev.  EDWARD  CALDWELL  MOORE,  D.D. 


RESIDENT    MEMBERS 


Xlll 


1910 

AKCHIBALD  CART  COOLIDGE,  LL.D. 

EZRA  HKXKY  BAKER,  A.B. 

JOHN  WHITTEMORE  FARWILL,  Litt.B. 

FREDERICK  JACKSON  TURNER,  LL.D. 

JOHN  WOODBURT,  A.B. 

Hon.  JOHN  ADAMS  AIKEN,  LL.D. 

Rev.  GEORGE  FOOT  MOORE,  LL.D. 

EDWARD  PERCIVAL  MERHITT,  A.B. 

Hon.  ARTHUR  PRENTICE  RUGG,  LL.D. 

1911 

MARK  ANTONT  DeWoLFB  HOWE,  Litt.D. 
MELVILLE  MADISON  BIGKLOW,  LL.D. 

1919 

CLARENCE  SAUNDERS  BRIGHAM,  A.M. 
FRED  NORRIS  ROBINSON,  Ph.D. 
ROGKR  BIGKLOW  MERRIMAN,  Ph.D. 
CHESTER  NOTES  GBJBENOUGU,  Ph.D. 
LINCOLN  NEWTON  KINNICUTT,  Esq. 
SAMUEL  ELIOT  MORISON,  Ph.D. 
Hon.  ROBERT  GRANT,  Ph.D. 
BARRETT  WENDELL,  Litt.D. 

1913 

ALLAN  FORBES,  A.B. 

CHARLES  LEMUEL  NICHOLS,  M.D.,  Litt.D. 

SAMUEL  CHESTER  CLOUGH,  Esq. 

Hon.  CHARLES  GRENFILL  WASH  BURN,  A.B. 

ALFRED  CLAGHORN  POTTER,  A.B. 

FRANCIS  HENSHAW  DEWET,  A.M. 

WILLIAM  ROSCOE  THATBR,  LL.D. 

EDWARD  KENNAKD  RAND,  Ph.D. 

1914 

CHARLES  HALL  GRANDGENT,  L.H.D. 
Hou.  CHARLES  JOHN  MC!NTIRE 


1915 

FRANCIS  RUSSELL  HART,  Esq. 
SAMUEL  HENSHAW,  A.M. 
AUGUSTUS  GEORGE  BULLOCK,  A.B. 
Hon.  WINSLOW  WARREN,  LL.B. 
EDWARD  CHANNING,  Ph.D. 
Rev.  HENRT  WILDER  FOOTE,  A.M. 
STEPHEN  WILLARD  PHILLIPS,  LL.B. 
ALFRED  JOHNSON,  Litt.D. 

1916 

GEORGE  PARKER  WINSHIP,  Litt.D. 
LAWRENCE  SHAW  MATO,  A.M. 
RICHARD  CLIPSTON  STURGIS,  A.B. 
NATHANIEL  THATER  KIDDER,  B.A.S. 

1918 

Hon.  HENRT  CABOT  LODGE,  LL.D. 
WILLIAM  CROWNINSHIELD  ENDICOTT,  A.B. 
FREDERICK    CHEEVER    SHATTUCK,  M.D., 

LL.D. 
Hon.  JAMES  PARKER  PARMENTER,  A.M. 

1919 

CHARLES  ROCKWELL  LANMAN,  LL.D. 

HENRY  GODDARD  PICKERING,  A.M. 

ROBERT  GOULD  SHAW,  A.M. 

SAMUEL  WILLISTON,  LL.D. 

MORRIS  GRAY,  LL.B. 

RCT.  HOWARD  NICHOLSON  BBOWW,  D.D. 

JOHN  LOWELL,  A.B. 

1920 

Hon.  CHARLES  FRANCIS  JENNET,  LL.B. 
GEORGE  HENRT  HATNES,  Ph.D. 
EDWABD  MUSSET  HARTWELL,  LL.D. 


HONORARY  MEMBERS 


1910 
Hon.  ELIHU  ROOT,  LL.D. 


1913 
Hon.  WILLIAM  HOWARD  TAW,  LL.D.  * 


CORRESPONDING  MEMBERS 


1898 

JOHN  FRANKLIN  JAMESON,  LL.D. 
Hon.  SIMEON  EBKN  BALDWIN,  LL.D. 

WlLBBRFORCB   EAMES,  A.M. 

Rev.  WILLIAM  JEWKTT  TUCKER,  LL.D. 
FRANKLIN  BOWDITCH  DEXTER,  Litt.D. 

1899 

EDWARD  FIELD,  A.B. 

Hon.  JAMES  PHINNET  BAXTER,  Litt.D. 

ARTHUR  TWINING  HADLET,  LL.D. 

1903 

Rev.  WILLISTON  WALKER,  D.D. 
GEORGE  ARTHUR  PLIMPTON,  LL.D. 

1904 
HERBERT  PUTNAM,  LL.D. 

1905 

Rev.  JOHN  CARROLL  PERKINS,  D.D. 
CLARENCE  WINTUROP  BOWEN,  LL.D. 
APPLETON  PRENTISS  CLARK  GRIFFIN,  Esq. 

1906 

WILLIAM  LOGAN  RODMAN  QIFFORD,  A.B. 
ROBERT  HALLOWELL  GARDINER,  A.B. 

1907   ' 
THOMAS  WILLING  BALCH,  L.H.D. 


1908 

JAMES  KENDALL  HOSMER,  LL.D. 
FRANK  WARREN  HACKKTT,  A.M. 

1910 
EDWARD  ROBINSON,  LL.D. 

1918 
EDWARD  YANDERHOOF  BIRD,  Esq. 

1913 
EDGAR  HUIDEKOPER  WELLS,  A.B. 

1915 
CHARLES  MCLEAN  ANDREWS,  L.H.D. 

EVARTS  BOUTELL  GREENE,  Ph.D. 

1917 

EDMUND  BURKE  DELABARRE,  Ph.D. 
WILLIAM  MACDONALD,  LL.D. 
GEORGE  BURTON  ADAMS,  Litt.D. 

1918 

Hon.  FREDERIC  ADRIAN  DELANO,  A.B. 
OTIS  GRANT  HAMMOND,  A.M. 

1920 
GEORGE  RUSSELL  AGASSIZ,  A.B. 


MEMBERS    DECEASED 


Members  who  have  died  since  the  publication  of  the  preceding  volume 
of  Tramactions,  with  the  Date  of  Death 


KtfitHtnt 

MOSES  WILLIAMS,  A.B  ..........  21  August,       1919 

HENKT  ERNEST  WOODS,  A.M  ........  11  October,       1919 

HENRY  LEE  HIGGINSON,  LL.D  .......  14  November,  1919 


FRANKLIN  CARTER,  LL.D  .........     22  November,  1919 


TRANSACTIONS 
1919 


TRANSACTIONS 

OF 

THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS 


MARCH   MEETING,   1919 

A  STATED  MEETING  of  the  Society  was  held  at  the  house 
^~*-  of  the  American  Academy  of  Arts  and  Sciences,  No.  28 
Newbury  Street,  Boston,  on  Thursday,  27  March,  1919, 
at  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  HENRY  HERBERT  EDES, 
A.M.,  in  the  chair. 

The  Records  of  the  last  Stated  Meeting  were  read 
and  approved. 

The  CORRESPONDING  SECRETARY  reported  that  a  letter 
had  been  received  from  Mr.  ROBERT  GOULD  SHAW  ac- 
cepting Resident  Membership. 

Mr.  MORRIS  GRAY  of  Newton,  and  Mr.  SAMUEL 
WILLISTON  of  Belmont,  were  elected  Resident  Members. 

Mr.  GEORGE  L.  KITTREDGE  read  the  following  paper: 

DR.  ROBERT  CHILD  THE  REMONSTRANT 

My  original  purpose  in  this  paper  was  to  throw  together  a  few 
facts  about  Dr.  Robert  Child  that  seem  to  have  escaped  the  notice 
of  New  England  historians,  such,  for  instance,  as  the  date  of  his 
M.D.  at  Padua,  his  friendly  relations  with  Boyle  and  Hartlib,  cer- 
tain details  of  his  travels  on  the  Continent,  his  acquaintance  with 
the  celebrated  Harvard  alchemist  George  Stirk,  his  authorship  of 
two  important  treatises  on  agriculture  (which  include  a  number  of 
observations  on  America),  his  interest  in  the  development  of  Ire- 
land under  the  Commonwealth,  and  the  date  of  his  death.  As  to 


2  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS          [MARCH, 

his  historic  clash  with  the  governing  forces  of  the  Bay  Colony,  I 
supposed,  in  my  guileless  ignorance,  that  the  ins  and  outs  of  the  con- 
troversy had  been  long  ago  traced  by  the  students  of  our  early 
annals,  and  that  I  could  pass  over  that  portion  of  his  life  that  makes 
him  so  conspicuous  a  figure  in  our  constitutional  development  with 
a  brief  reference  to  standard  authorities.  But  it  soon  appeared  that 
I  had  reckoned  without  my  host.  Nowhere  was  there  discoverable 
an  account  of  the  famous  Remonstrance  of  1646,  and  of  the  two  re- 
sultant prosecutions,  that  assembled  all  the  res  gestae  or  established 
the  chronology  of  the  affair.  It  became  necessary,  therefore,  to 
study  this  episode  afresh,  with  an  open  mind,  and  to  weigh  the  evi- 
dence as  judicially  as  might  be  practicable;  and  thus,  in  an  un- 
guarded moment,  I  found  myself  taking  up  arms  against  a  sea  of 
troubles. 

These  troubles,  in  the  main,  are  of  rather  recent  origin.  In  an 
earlier  generation,  when  Palfrey  composed  his  masterly  sketch  of 
the  Remonstrant  imbroglio,  it  was  assumed  that  two  men,  or  two 
parties,  could  disagree  and  come  to  grips  without  imposing  upon  us 
the  duty  of  inf  erring  that  either  of  them  was  altogether  in  the  wrong. 
But  of  late  —  at  least  in  the  case  of  our  Remonstrant  —  animum 
non  caelum  mitiamus.  Generalities  have  elbowed  concrete  partic- 
ulars into  the  limbo  of  the  discredited.  Scholars  no  longer  regard 
Robert  Child  as  what  he  was,  —  an  ardent  Presbyterian,  a  disciple 
of  Robert  Baylie,  eager  to  extend  to  all  his  countrymen  the  bless- 
ings of  a  rigid  conformity,  —  but  as  an  advocate  of  general  religious 
toleration  and  freedom  of  conscience,  principles  which  he  and  his 
party  abhorred  with  all  the  strength  of  their  earnest  souls  as  the 
devil's  latest  device  for  the  rum  of  society  and  the  damnation  of 
mankind.  And,  on  the  other  hand,  I  find  the  fathers  of  our  Com- 
monwealth no  longer  looked  at,  in  this  instance,  as  the  shrewd  and 
valorous  (if  severe)  upholders  of  a  well-conceived  plan  of  civic  de- 
velopment, but  as  a  little  oligarchy  of  bigots,  conscientiously  re- 
pressive of  everything  that  we,  their  descendants,  hold  to  be  the 
inalienable  heritage  of  a  freeborn  man.  The  contest  between  the 
Remonstrants  and  the  government  of  the  Bay  cannot  be  understood 
if  we  approach  the  subject  with  any  such  prejudices.  Free  speech, 
the  right  of  petition  and  appeal,  resistance  to  arbitrary  rule,  equality 
before  the  law,  the  separateness  of  church  and  state,  "  I  am  the  cap- 


1919]  DR.   ROBERT  CHILD  THE  REMONSTRANT  3 

tain  of  my  soul"  —  these  are  principles  that  may  or  may  not  be 
involved  in  the  controversy  of  1646  and  1647;  but  that  controversy 
was  not  conducted  upon  those  principles,  either  by  Child  and  his 
associates  on  the  one  side  or  by  the  Governor  and  Company  of  the 
Massachusetts  Bay  on  the  other. 

Two  parties  were  struggling  for  the  control  of  England  —  the 
Presbyterians  and  the  Independents.  Both  were  right  and  both 
were  wrong,  as  is  always  the  case  with  partisans;  but,  in  the  long  run, 
it  has  appeared  —  and  is  admitted  —  that  the  triumph  of  Inde- 
pendency made  for  the  progress  of  freedom.  It  was  a  closely  fought 
match,  and  never  more  hotly  contested  than  at  precisely  that  time 
when  Child  and  the  Remonstrants  struck  their  blow  for  the  Pres- 
byterian party.  Of  course,  the  Independents,  who  bore  sway  in 
Massachusetts,  countered  with  all  their  strength.  They  could  not 
abandon  then*  friends  who  were  fighting  for  their  very  existence  in 
the  mother  country.  Principiis  obsta  was  of  necessity  their  motto. 
The  question  was  not  —  Shall  liberty  or  bigotry  prevail  in  Massa- 
chusetts? It  was  —  Shall  Presbyterianism  (as  it  was  then,  with  all 
its  faults)  or  Independency  (as  it  was  then,  with  all  its  faults)  pre- 
vail as  a  political  system  among  English-speaking  men  on  both 
sides  of  the  sea?  Robert  Child  is  a  singularly  attractive  —  even  a 
charming  —  figure  in  the  life  of  his  tune;  he  fought  valorously  for 
his  own  side  when  neutrality  was  a  crime;  he  deserves  all  honor. 
But  he  cannot  be  judged,  in  this  matter  of  the  Remonstrance,  as  an 
individual:  he  must  stand  or  fall  with  his  party;  and  what  that 
party  was,  the  bare  facts,  when  we  reach  them,  should  determine 
without  argument.  It  was  a  party  that  did  not  wish  either  to  toler- 
ate or  to  be  tolerated.  Its  one  great  principle  was  domination,  for 
it  knew  that  it  was  of  God  and  that  all  other  parties  were  of  the 
devil.  Let  us  admit,  if  one  insists,  that  the  Independents  were  as 
bigoted  as  the  Presbyterians.  So  be  it,  they  were  not  more  bigoted, 
and  there  could  be  no  advantage  to  the  Colony  in  undergoing  a 
revolution  that  should  merely  substitute  one  bigotry  for  another. 

That  the  state  of  things  was  as  I  have  described  it,  as  to  parties, 
needs  no  argument,  for  such  is  the  consensus  of  historians.  It  re- 
mains to  show  that  the  Remonstrance  was  in  truth  a  party  affair. 
For  this  we  may  leave  the  case  to  the  facts  of  record,  to  which  we 
will  now  turn. 


4  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS      s    [MARCH, 

Robert  Child  was  born  in  1613  in  Kent,  probably  at  Northfleet, 
where  his  father,  John  Child,  appears  to  have  had  a  comfortable 
estate.1  At  all  events,  the  Child  family  was  of  long  standing  in  the 
county  *  and  both  Robert  Child  and  his  brother,  Major  John,  were 
well-to-do.  Robert  was  regarded  by  our  ancestors  as  a  "gentle- 
man" and  a  "person  of  quality."  *  Robert  Child  was  matriculated 
at  Bene't  College  (Corpus  Christi),  Cambridge,  at  Easter  Term, 
1628,  as  a  Pensioner,  took  his  A.B.  in  1631-2,  and  proceeded  A.M. 
in  1635.4  He  went  immediately  to  the  University  of  Leyden,  where 
he  entered  as  a  Student  of  Medicine  on  May  23,  1635,  at  the  age  of 
twenty-two.6  How  long  he  remained  at  Leyden  we  do  not  know, 
but  it  is  certain  that  he  finished  his  medical  studies  at  Padua. 

Child  claimed  to  have  the  degree  of  M.D.  from  Padua,6  and, 

1  The  date  of  Child's  birth  is  inferred  from  his  age  (22)  when  he  entered  the 
University  of  Leyden  on  May  23,  1635  (see  note  5,  below).  His  county  (Kent)  is 
mentioned  in  the  record  of  his  admission  to  Corpus  Christi  (List  appended  to 
Part  i  of  Robert  Mastere's  History  of  the  College  of  Corpus  Christi,  1753,  p.  12), 
and  he  describes  himself  in  an  agreement  of  August  23,  1650,  as  "Robert  Child 
of  Northfleet  in  the  County  of  Kent  Doctor  in  Physicke"  (Suffolk  Deeds,  i.  216). 
His  (presumably  elder)  brother,  Major  John  Child,  was  also  of  Northfleet  (see  p.  94, 
below) .  His  father's  name  is  given  in  the  Padua  record  (see  p.  5  note  4,  below) . 

1  The  name  of  Child  (Peter  de  la  Child)  occurs  hi  Kent  as  early  as  1262 
(Archaologia  Cantiana,  iii.  252;  cf.  x.  40;  xiii.  209,  305,  308,  426;  xviii.  355,  364; 
xxvii.  45-47,  221).  I  suspect  that  Robert  Child  belonged  to  that  branch  of  the 
family  that  in  the  sixteenth  century  held  the  manor  of  Parrocks  (Porrocks,  Pad- 
docks) in  the  parish  of  Milton-juxta-Gravesend  (John  Harris,  History  of  Kent, 
1719,  pp.  136-137;  Hasted's  Kent,  2d  ed.,  iii.  339-341  [1797];  Cruden,  History 
of  the  Town  of  Gravesend,  1843,  pp.  284,  387).  The  John  Child  who,  on  April 
27,  1637,  was  appointed  administrator  of  the  estate  of  Thomas  Child,  his  brother, 
of  "Milton  next  Gravesend"  (Archseologia  Cantiana,  xx.  26)  may  have  been 
Robert  Child's  brother  the  Major.  The  John  Childe  of  Kent  who,  about  1626, 
was  reported  by  the  Commissioners  for  the  Loan  as  conformable  and  as  having 
given  assurance  to  pay  (Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Domestic,  1625-1626,  p.  521), 
may  have  been  the  father.  The  persons  mentioned  by  Waters,  Gleanings,  i.  762, 
seem  to  belong  to  quite  a  different  family,  but,  as  Kentishmen,  may  have  been 
related. 

•  Winthrop,  ii.  358  (294). 

4  Savage,  3  Massachusetts  Historical  Collections,  viii.  247;  Venn,  Book  of 
Matriculations  and  Degrees,  i.  147  (in  the  record  of  matriculation  the  name  is 
spelled  Chiles).  The  county  (Kent),  which  identifies  this  student  as  our  man,  is 
given  in  the  List  printed  by  Masters  (see  note  1,  above). 

1  Album  Studiosorum  Academiae  Lugduno  Batavae,  Hague,  1875,  col.  271 
("Robertus  Child  Anglus"). 

•  Cf.  note  1,  above.    Major  John  Child  calls  him  "my  Brother  Robert  Child 
Doctor  of  Physick"  (New-Englands  Jonas,  p.  1). 


1919]  DR.   ROBERT  CHILD  THE  REMONSTRANT  5 

though  modern  writers  have  usually  taken  his  word,  a  slight  shadow 
still  rests  upon  his  title.  For  this,  the  language  of  the  Declaration 
of  the  General  Court  (November,  1646)  in  answer  to  the  Remon- 
strance seems  to  be  primarily  responsible:  "The  first  ...  is  a 
Paduan  Doctor  (as  he  is  reputed)."1  The  words  seem  deliberately 
chosen  to  cast  a  doubt  on  Child's  pretensions.  Their  tone,  at  all 
events,  had  that  effect  upon  Hutchinson,  who  remarks  that  "Child 
was  a  young  gentleman,  just  before  come  from  Padua,  where  he 
studied  physic,  and  as  was  reputed,  had  taken  the  degree  of  doctor."  2 
Winslow,  in  adverting  to  the  subject,  uses  a  tantalizing  "  however," 
which,  while  appearing  to  admit  the  fact,  has  really  the  effect  of 
leaving  one's  judgment  in  suspense:  "However  he  tooke  the  degree 
of  Doctor  in  Physick  at  Padua,  yet  doth  not  at  all  practise,  though 
hee  hath  beene  twice  in  the  Countrey  where  many  times  is  need 
enough."3  I  am  glad  to  be  able  to  set  the  matter  at  rest.  The 
archives  of  the  University  of  Padua  testify  that  "Robertus  Child, 
anglus  films  Johannis,"  passed  his  examinations  for  the  degree  of 
M.D.  on  Friday,  August  13,  1638. 4 

Child  probably  went  home  soon  after  getting  his  medical  degree, 
for  what  seems  to  have  been  his  first  absence  from  England  lasted 
"two  or  three  years,"  as  appears  from  a  curious  passage  in  his 
treatise  entitled  "A  large  Letter  concerning  the  Defects  and  Reme- 
dies of  English  Husbandry,"  written  in  1651  and  forming  the  bulk 
of  "Samuel  Hartlib  his  Legacie"  published  in  that  year.5  This  same 


1  Hutchinson  Papers  (Prince  Society),  i.  239. 

-  History  of  Massachusetts,  2d  ed.,  1765,  i.  145. 

*  New-Englands  Salamander,  p.  7. 

4  University  Archives,  vol.  cclxxv,  p.  179.  Some  years  ago,  I  asked  Mr. 
William  C.  Lane,  who  was  writing  to  Padua,  to  ask  the  University  Librarian  if 
he  could  find  any  entries  relating  to  Robert  Child,  George  Si  irk,  or  Nathaniel 
Eaton.  In  his  reply  (January  12,  1914),  the  Head  of  the  University  Library, 
Dr.  Gaetano  Buryada,  wrote:  "Ho  fatto  le  ricerche  da  Lei  desiderate,  ma 
posso  dirLe  che  solo  di  Robertus  Child,  anglus  filius  Johannis,  qui  si  trova  notizia. 
Nel  nostro  archivio  universitario,  nel  volume  275  che  si  riferisce  ai  Dottori  e 
licenziati  in  chirurgia  dal  1629  al  1640,  a  p.  179  e  proprio  nelT  anno  1638,  mese  di 
agosto,  giorno  di  Venerdl,  13,  dava  gli  esami  il  Child  per  addottorarsi  in  medicina. 
Di  Nat.  Eaton  e  dello  Stirk  non  trovo  ricordo  alcuno,  ma  debbo  pure  aggiungere 
che  i  nostri  atti  di  archivio  hanno  molte  lacune." 

•  "There  are  two  wayes  of  making  Cider  and  Perry:  one,  by  bruising  and 
beating  them,  and  then  presently  to  put  them  into  a  vessel  to  ferment  or  work 
(as  it  is  usually  called)  of  themselves:  The  other  way  is  to  boil  the  juice  with 


6  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  [MARCH, 

treatise  gives  much  incidental  information  about  his  travels;  but 
some  of  the  notes  may  refer  to  other  visits  to  the  Continent,  for 
after  his  return  he  probably  visited  France  again  some  years  later, 
perhaps  in  1642.1  "  I  have  travelled  twice  through  France"  he  says 
in  the  Large  Letter,2  and  his  agricultural  observations  show  acquaint- 
ance with  almost  every  part  of  the  country  from  Normandy  to  the 
Spanish  border.8  Probably  he  visited  Spain,4  and  perhaps  Flanders  6 
and  Germany.6  Italy  he  of  course  knew  well.7  Winslow  in  a  some- 
what insinuating  passage,  to  which  we  shall  return,  declares  that 
"as  for  Doctor  Childe,  hee  is  a  Gentleman  that  hath  travelled  other 
parts  before  hee  came  to  us,  namely  Italy,  confesseth  hee  was  twice 
at  Rome,  speaketh  sometimes  highly  as  I  have  heard  reported  in 
favour  of  the  Jesuites."  8  It  was  fortunate  for  Child's  reputation 
that  he  did  not  confide  to  the  fathers  of  the  Bay  Colony  an  incident 
of  his  Italian  experiences  that  he  mentions  in  another  treatise: 
"As  concerning  the  extraordinary  bignesse  of  Goose  livers,  it  is  in 
Italy  amongst  the  Jews,  where  I  have  eaten  of  them,  highly  esteemed, 
but  at  present  not  much  in  credit  amongst  the  Italians,  and  to  my 
Palate  it  is  not  so  excellent  a  dainty."  9  Jews  and  Jesuits  would 
have  made  a  fine  alliteration  for  the  author  of  New-Englands  Sala- 
mander to  play  with.10  Wherever  Child  went,  he  kept  his  eyes 
open,  and  he  returned  to  England  not  only  with  a  medical  degree 

some  good  spices,  by  which  the  rawnesse  is  taken  away,  and  then  to  ferment  it 
with  some  yest,  if  it  work  not  of  it  self,  this  is  the  best  way:  and  I  have  tasted 
Cider  thus  made  of  an  excellent  delicate  taste.  Neither  let  any  complaine  of  the 
windinesse;  for  it  is  onely  want  of  use:  When  I  had  for  2  or  3  years  continually 
drunk  wine  beyond  Sea,  the  strongest  beer  for  2  or  3  weeks  was  as  windy  to  me, 
as  Cider  will  be  to  any;  and  afterwards  when  I  went  to  Parts,  the  wine  of  that 
place  was  as  troublesome  as  English  beer  for  a  little  time"  (2d  ed.,  1652,  p.  20; 
3d  ed.,  1655,  p.  20).  As  to  Child's  authorship  of  this  Large  Letter,  see  p.  107, 
below. 

1  See  the  passage  quoted  in  p.  5  note  5,  and  cf .  p.  9,  below. 

.*  Legacie,  2d  ed.,  1652,  p.  23;  3d  ed.,  1655,  p.  23. 

«  Legacie,  2d  ed.,  pp.  1-3,  5,  14,  26,  28,  47;  3d  ed.,  pp.  1-3,  5,  14,  26,  28, 48. 

1  Legacie,  2d  ed.,  p.  44;  3d  ed.,  p.  45. 

1  Legacie,  2d  ed.,  p.  45,  47;  3d  ed.,  p.  46,  48. 

•  Legacie,  2d  ed.,  pp.  29,  51;  3d  ed.,  pp.  29,  52.  Cf.  p.  102  note  1,  below. 
Legacie,  2d  ed.,  pp.  5,  27,  28,  51,  52;  3d  ed.,  pp.  5,  27,  28,  52,  53. 

•  New-Englands  Salamander,  p.  7.    Cf.  p.  102  note  1,  below. 

•  An  Answer  to  the  Animadversor  on  the  Letter  to  Mr.  Samuel  Hartlib  of 
Husbandry  (in  Samuel  Hartlib  his  Legacy  of  Husbandry,  3d  at,  1655,  p.  168). 

10  See  p.  61,  below. 


1919]  DR.   ROBERT  CHILD  THE  REMONSTRANT  7 

but  with  a  vast  store  of  exact  knowledge  on  agriculture  and  kin- 
dred matters.  Something  led  him  to  think  of  visiting  New  England, 
and  thither  he  went  sometime  between  1638  and  1641. 

Nothing  exists  in  the  way  of  evidence  as  to  the  moment  when 
Child  made  the  acquaintance  of  the  younger  John  Winthrop.  Their 
friendship  may  have  begun  in  England  when  Winthrop  was  there  in 
1634  and  1635,  or  even  as  early  as  1631,  the  year  of  his  first  embarka- 
tion for  America;  but  Winslow's  language  suggests  that  Child  was  a 
stranger  to  the  New  Englanders  until  he  presented  letters  of  intro- 
duction.1 After  all,  it  is  a  question  of  idle  curiosity;  for,  if  they  had 
not  met  before,  they  certainly  became  intimate  when  Child  visited 
the  Bay  the  first  time. 

Most  authorities  have  overlooked  Child's  first  visit  to  this  coun- 
try,2 but  the  evidence  is  decisive.  Winslow,  writing  in  1647,  is  per- 
fectly clear: 

Hee  hath  beene  twice  in  the  Countrey.  ...  At  his  first  coming  to 
New-England  he  brought  letters  commendatory,  found  good  accepta- 
tion by  reason  thereof  with  the  best;  fab  upon  a  dilligent  survey  of  the 
whole  Countrey,  and  painefully  traveUs  on  foot  from  Plantation  to 
Plantation;  takes  notice  of  the  Havens,  situation,  strength,  Churches, 
Townes,  number  of  Inhabitants,  and  when  he  had  finished  this  toylesome 
taske,  returnes  againe  for  England,  being  able  to  give  a  better  account 
then  any  of  the  Countrey  hi  that  respect.  Hee  comes  a  second  time, 
and  not  onely  bestoweth  some  Bookes  on  the  Colledge,  as  Sir  Kenelme 
Digby*  and  many  others  commendably  did,  but  brings  second  Letters 
commendatory,  having  put  in  some  stock  among  some  Merchants  of 
London,  and  for  the  advancement  of  Iron  workes  in  the  Countrey, 
which  through  Gods  goodnesse  are  like  to  become  very  profitable  to 
them;  but  hath  no  more  to  doe  in  the  managing  of  them  then  any  here 
who  have  other  their  Agents  being  expert  in  the  worke.  This  Gentle- 
mans  carriage  is  now  changed,  and  is  not  onely  ready  to  close  with  such 
as  are  discontented,  but  to  bee  a  leader  of  such  against  the  government, 
affront  the  Authentic  God  hath  hitherto  honored  with  his  blessing, 
appeale  from  their  justice,  and  thereby  seeke  to  evade  any  censure.4 

1  Cf.  p.  30,  below. 

1  It  is  noted  by  Felt  (Ecclesiastical  History  of  New  England,  i.  583)  and  by 
W.  T.  R.  Marvin,  New-England's  Jonas,  1869  (Introduction,  p.  xxiv  note  41). 

'  A  list  of  the  books  given  to  Harvard  College  by  Digby  is  on  record  in  College 
Book  i.  259,  but  this  remark  appears  to  be  the  only  allusion  to  Child's  benefaction. 

4  New-Englands  Salamander,  pp.  7-8. 


8  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS          [MARCH, 

And  ChUd  himself,  in  his  first  extant  letter  to  John  Winthrop,  Jr., 
written  in  May,  1641,1  speaks  of  his  intention  to  "returne"  to  New 
England.2  This  fixes  the  date  of  his  first  visit  within  the  limits  just 
defined.  At  the  end,  Child  sends  his  regards  to  several  eminent  per- 
sons in  the  Colony,  both  lay  and  clerical:  "Remeber  my  service 
to  yor  father  [,]  Mr  Dudley,  Mr  Bellingham,  Mr  Huphreys —  Mr 
Cotton,  Mr  Wilson,  Mr  Peters  —  uto  whome  I  am  much  beholde." 
In  a  later  letter,  also  written  before  his  second  visit,  he  sends  his 
best  respects  to  Mr.  Maverick,8  with  whom  he  was  afterwards  asso- 
ciated in  the  Remonstrance.  Manifestly,  as  Winslow  has  already 
told  us,  the  letters  commendatory  had  been  effective  on  Child's  first 
visit,  and  he  had  indeed  "found  good  acceptation  with  the  best." 
Child's  perambulation  of  the  settlements,  undertaken  in  the  same 
spirit  that  had  guided  his  European  travels,  had  satisfied  him  that 
the  new  country  had  resources  worth  developing,  and  he  was  ready 
to  invest  something  in  the  plantation. 

It  is  astonishing,  in  view  of  this  letter  of  1641,  —  even  if  there 
were  no  other  testimony  available,  —  that  Child  should  more  than 
once  be  styled  an  Episcopalian  by  recent  writers  on  New  England.4 
He  calls  it  good  news  that  Laud  is  in  the  Tower  and  sure  to  be 
punished  severely,  rejoices  that  "Lord  p'lates  —  deanes,  prebends, 
are  fallen,"  and  looks  forward  hopefully  to  a  like  fate  for  the  bishops.6 


1  Winthrop  Papers,  iii.  148-151.  This  letter  must  have  been  written  between 
May  8  and  12,  for,  in  a  brief  budget  of  "good  newes,"  Child  informs  Winthrop 
that  "y*  deputy  [Strafford]  in  codemed  by  both  houses,"  but  does  not  mention 
his  execution.  What  he  says  of  a  fine  of  £100,000  on  canons  to  help  toward  the 
payment  to  the  Scots  sounds  like  an  incorrect  rumor  based  on  the  debate  of  May 
11  in  the  House  of  Commons  (W.  A.  Shaw,  History  of  the  English  Church  dur- 
ing the  Civil  Wars  and  under  the  Commonwealth,  i.  59). 

"I  intend  when  I  returne  to  you  (god  willing)  to  prosecute  y*  planting  of 
vines  throwly"  (Winthrop  Papers,  iii.  150). 

1  March  1,  1644[-5]  (iii.  155).  In  quoting  the  Winthrop  Papers,  I  have  in 
almost  every  instance  gone  back  to  the  manuscripts.  This  will  explain  a  number  of 
divergences  from  the  printed  text. 

4  Drake,  History  and  Antiquities  of  Boston,  1856,  pp.  292,  299;  Marvin,  with 
a  "probably,"  in  his  edition  of  New-Englands  Jonas,  1869,  p.  xxii  note  40; 
Whittier,  1  Massachusetts  Historical  Proceedings,  xviii.  390,  392;  C.  E.  Banks 
in  his  edition  of  Henry  Gardener's  New-Englands  Vindication,  p.  32  note  34 
(Gorges  Society,  No.  1,  1884);  Augustine  Jones,  Life  and  Work  of  Thomas 
Dudley,  1899,  p.  337. 

•  Winthrop  Papers,  iii.  150,  151. 


1919]  DR.   ROBERT  CHILD  THE  REMONSTRANT  9 

In  fact,  he  was  a  high  Presbyterian,  as  appears  abundantly  in  his 
later  history. 

Child's  letter  of  1641  offers  several  other  points  of  interest.  It 
has  much  to  say  of  books,  especially  of  those  relating  to  chemistry, 
encloses  a  catalogue  (now,  alas !  no.  more)  of  his  "  chymicall  bookes," 
asks  Winthrop  to  send  a  list  of  such  works  on  the  subject  as  he 
possesses,  reports  on  certain  volumes  which  Winthrop  had  asked 
him  to  procure,  and  announces  the  sending  of  several  works  "from 
myne  own  library  ...  to  pvse  till  I  come  to  New  England."  Al- 
chemy was  a  subject  to  which  both  Child  and  Winthrop  devoted 
much  study,  and  it  is  continually  mentioned  in  their  correspondence. 
In  due  season  we  shall  revert  to  this  topic.  The  following  passage  is 
too  important  to  be  abridged:  "I  Intend,  if  I  haue  leysure,  to  goe  to 
Burdeau,  from  thence  to  Tholouse  to  salute  Faber  1  —  to  procure 
vines  and  a  vigneron,2  who  can  likewise  manage  silkewormes  if  it 
be  possible  —  if  I  can  doe  you  any  pleasure  there,  pray  let  me  heare 
from  you  speedily.  I  intend  when  I  returne  to  you  (god  willing)  to 
prosecute  ye  planting  of  vines  throwly,  to  try  somewhat  cocerning 
silkewormes,  and  would  to  my  power  helpe  forward  ye  digging  of 
some  good  mine,  if  you  haue  found  any  in  ye  coutrey."  3  Of  Child's 
interest  in  American  mines,  which  cost  him  dear,  we  shall  hear  more 
as  we  proceed.  Whether  he  went  to  France  again  before  returning 
to  New  England  we  cannot  tell,  but  a  sentence  hi  his  Answer  to  the 
Animadversor 4  may  refer  to  such  a  visit:  "I  lived  in  Charanton 
two  leagus  from  Paris,  a  whole  Vintage,  purposely  to  see  how  wine 
was  made  in  France."  6 

Undoubtedly  Winthrop  received  the  letter  of  1641  before  he 
sailed  for  England  by  way  of  Newfoundland  on  August  3  in  the  same 


1  Pierre  Jean  Fabre,  the  celebrated  French  physician  and  chemist,  who  died 
in  1650  (see  Ferguson,  Bibliotheca  Chemica,  i.  259-260).  He  was  a  correspondent 
of  the  younger  Winthrop  (Cromwell  Mortimer,  dedication  of  vol.  xl  of  the  Phil- 
osophical Transactions,  1741). 

1  Cf.  Child's  essay  on  the  Defects  of  English  Husbandry:  "Yet  I  counscll 
to  get  a  Vigneron  from  France,  where  there  are  plenty,  and  at  cheaper  rates  than 
ordinary  servants  here,  and  who  will  be  serviceable  also  for  Gardening  "  (Samuel 
Hartlib  his  Legacie,  2d  ed.,  1652,  p.  28;  3d  ed.,  1655,  p.  28). 
v  •  Winthrop  Papers,  iii.  150. 

*  See  p.  109,  below. 

1  Samuel  Hartlib  his  Legacy,  3d  ed.,  1655,  p.  148. 


10  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS          [MARCH, 

year.1  He  arrived  at  Bristol  on  September  28 2  and  remained  in 
Europe  more  than  a  year  and  a  half,  in  the  course  of  which  he  visited 
the  Continent  and  may  have  attended  a  few  medical  lectures  or 
anatomical  demonstrations  at  a  Dutch  or  German  university.3  One 
of  the  main  objects  of  his  sojourn  in  the  mother  country  was  to 
promote  the  establishment  of  iron  works  in  Massachusetts.  He 
raised  a  thousand  pounds  for  this  project,4  Child  being  one  of  the 
investors,5  and  the  congenial  pair  must  have  had  many  a  confabu- 
lation. One  of  these  has  left  a  record,  for  we  know  that  Winthrop 
told  Child  of  his  discovery  of  black  lead  at  Tantousq,6  and  that 
Child  promised  to  stand  a  quarter  part  of  the  expense  in  develop- 
ing the  mine.7  We  shall  hear  more  of  this  speculation  presently. 

In  May,.  1643,  Winthrop  set  sail  for  Boston  in  the  ship  "An 
Cleeve"  of  London,  with  "many  workmen  servants  &  materialls" 
for  iron  works.  He  had  lain  "many  daies  at  Gravesend,"  waiting  to 
be  cleared,  and,  when  this  formality  was  over,  had  been  further  de- 
tained by  a  scrupulous  or  interfering  port-officer  named  Robinson, 
so  that  he  missed  a  favorable  wind  and  was  kept  beating  about  on 
the  English  coast  above  six  weeks.  After  a  voyage  of  more  than 
fourteen  weeks  he  arrived  at  Boston  "neere  winter."  It  was  too 
late  to  begin  operations,  and  Winthrop  had  to  maintain  the  im- 
ported workmen  in  idleness  until  spring.8  On  the  way,  he  had 
touched  at  the  Isle  of  Wight,  where  some  of  them  seem  to  have  de- 

1  Winthrop,  ii.  38  (31). 

1  John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  to  his  wife,  October  8,  1641  (Winthrop  Papers,  iv.  35). 

»  Sir  William  Boswell  to  De  Vic,  November  1,  1642  (Winthrop  Papers,  iii. 
323).  We  learn  from  this  letter  that  Winthrop  was  travelling  under  the  style  of 
"Student  La  Physic." 

4  Under  1645  Winthrop  notes  that  "Mr.  John  Winthrop,  the  younger,  com- 
ing from  England  two  years  since,  brought  with  him  1000  pounds  stock  and 
divers  workmen  to  begin  an  iron  work"  (ii.  261  [212]).  One  concrete  trace  of 
the  collection  of  English  capital  for  this  project  remains  in  the  form  of  a  receipt 
given  by  Winthrop,  Emanuel  Downing,  and  Hugh  Peter  to  Nicholas  Bond  for 
£100  "for  the  Iron  worke,"  March  23,  1642[-3]  fWinthrop  Papers,  i.  516). 

•  See  pp.  11,  60-61,  65,  below. 

•  See  pp.  11,  14-15,  92,  99,  112-115,  below. 

7  Child  to  Winthrop,  March  1,  1644h5]  (Winthrop  Papers,  iii.  153-155). 

•  Winthrop's  draught  of  a  petition  to  Parliament,  perhaps  never  presented 
(Winthrop  Papers,  iv.  36-37;  cf.  2  Massachusetts  Historical  Proceedings,  viii. 
13,  14  note).    He  alleged  that  he  was  damnified  above  £1000  for  delay  and  for 
wear  and  tear  of  workmen.    Emanuel  Downing,  who  was  also  interested  in  the 
iron  works,  seems  to  have  been  on  the  same  ship  (iii.  152). 


1919]  DR-   ROBERT  CHILD  THE  REMONSTRANT  11 

•erted.  On  this  and  other  matters  he  wrote  from  the  Isle  to  Child, 
whose  reply,  dated  Gravesend,  June  27,  1643,  has  been  preserved. 
He  hopes  the  rest  of  the  voyage  to  New  England  "hath  bin  both 
spedy  and  pspous"  but  fears  Winthrop  will  not  have  time  to  get  the 
works  started  so  late  in  the  season.  "These  times  put  me  to  my 
wits  ends  well  if  or  Iron  busines  goe  on,  all  is  well."  "Pray  re- 
member to  send  me  word  cocerning  ye  black  lead  mines."  When  he 
wrote  this  letter,  Child  meant  to  sail  for  Massachusetts  in  the  next 
spring.1 

On  February  25, 1644[-5],  Emanuel  Downing  wrote  to  the  younger 
Winthrop  from  London:  "Dr.  Child  purposeth  to  come  over  with 
me,  and  writes  by  this  shipp  of  all  his  owne  affaires  vnto  you."2  This 
letter  of  Child's  is  extant  and  is  dated  March  1  of  the  same  year. 
He  means  to  sail  for  New  England  soon,  perhaps  by  the  following 
ship.  He  sends  five  or  six  sorts  of  vines,  some  prune  grafts,  and 
various  plants  and  seeds.  When  he  comes  over,  he  will  "vndertake 
a  vineyard  wth  all  care  and  industry,"  for  he  is  "confident  in  3  yeares 
wine  may  be  made  as  good  as  any  in  France."  (These  remarks  are 
worth  noting  in  connection  with  Child's  distinguished  essay  on  the 
Defects  of  English  Husbandry,  to  which  we  shall  come  in  due  season.) 
He  is  glad  to  hear  that  "y*  Iron  workes  doe  goe  on,  and  y*  or  hopes 
encrease,"  and  reports  some  changes  in  the  personnel  of  the  English 
adventurers  in  the  project.  Money  is  scarce,  but  "we  are  taking 
care  to  provide  moneys  according  to  yor  bills."  Mr.  Leader,  whom 
Winthrop  knows  well,  has  been  invited  to  go  over  as  manager.3 
In  fact,  though  Child  did  not  know  it,  owing  to  absence  from  Lon- 
don, the  bargain  with  Richard  Leader  had  been  struck.  He  was  to 
serve  the  company  for  seven  years  from  March  25  at  an  annual 
salary  of  £100.4 

Meanwhile  the  iron  works  were  in  progress,  though  not  yet  a 
going  concern.  Braintree  had  been  selected  by  the  younger  Win- 


1  Winthrop  Papere,  iii.  151-152. 

1  Winthrop  Papers,  i.  60.  Downing  had  left  Massachusetts  again  late  in 
1644  or  early  in  1645  (id.,  i.  89),  bringing  a  letter  from  Winthrop  to  Child,  to 
which  Child's  letter  of  March  1,  1644[-5],  is  a  reply. 

»  Winthrop  Papers,  iii.  153. 

4  Emanuel  Downing  (from  London)  to  John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  February  25, 
1644-[5]  (Winthrop  Papers,  i.  61;  cf.  i.  62-64,  and  2  Massachusetts  Historical 
Proceedings,  iii.  190-197). 


12  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  [MAKCH, 

throp  as  the  most  suitable  situation,1  and  here,  on  January  19,  1644, 
the  town  of  Boston  had  granted  to  him  and  his  "partners"  three 
thousand  acres  of  common  land  "for  the  encouragement  of  an  iron 
worke,  to  be  set  up  about  Monotocot  River."  These  were  to  be  laid 
out  "  in  the  Land  next  adjoyning  and  most  convenient  for  their  said 
Iron  works."2  This  looks  as  if  the  site  of  the  works  had  already 
been  acquired.  Another  site  was  procured  at  Lynn,  at  a  place  called 
Hammersmith,  on  the  Abousett  or  Saugus  River.  At  which  of  the 
two  foundries  iron  was  first  manufactured  is  a  vexed  question,  which 
we  may  leave  to  the  local  antiquaries.3  Both  belonged  to  the  same 
company,  however,  which  received  a  monopoly  from  the  General 
Court  in  March,  1644.4  Somewhere  and  somehow  £1000  had  been 
spent  by  the  following  November;  a  furnace  had  been  set  up,  but 
the  forge  and  "finery"  were  not  ready.5  The  management  passed 
from  Winthrop  to  Richard  Leader,  an  expert,  in  1645 6  and  from 
Leader  to  John  Gifford  in  1650.7 

*  2  Massachusetts  Historical  Proceedings,  viii.  13-14 

1  Town  Records  (Boston  Record  Commissioners'  Reports,  ii.  77;  cf.  pp. 
91-92,  127);  Suffolk  Deeds,  i.  73. 

1  Lewis  and  Xewhall,  History  of  Lynn,  index,  s.  v.  iron  works;  Pattee,  His- 
tory of  Old  Braintree  and  Quincy,  pp.  450-472;  E.  P.  Robinson,  Essex  Institute 
Historical  Collections,  xviii.  241-254;  N.  M.  Hawkes,  Register  of  the  Lynn  His- 
torical Society  for  1902,  pp.  46-60. 

4  Massachusetts  Colony  Records,  ii.  61-62;  Winthrop,  ii.  261  (212-213).  The 
Company's  privileges  were  afterwards  extended  or  otherwise  modified  in  their 
favor  (Records,  ii.  81-82,  125-128,  185-186). 

1  Massachusetts  Colony  Records,  ii.  81-82. 

•  On  June  4,  1645,  nine  persons  (including  Robert  Child),  adventurers  for 
the  iron  works,  wrote  to  Winthrop  introducing  "our  agent,"  Mr.  Richard  Leader, 
now  sent  over  (2  Massachusetts  Historical  Proceedings,  viii.  15-16).    Emanuel 
Downing,  writing  to  Winthrop  from  England  on  February  25,  March  3,  and 
May  5,  1645,  has  many  suggestions  as  to  what  compensation  Winthrop  should 
receive  for  his  past  services  (Winthrop  Papers,  i.  61-64). 

7  Records  and  Files  of  the  Quarterly  Courts  of  Essex  County,  Essex  Insti- 
tute, i.  294.  Emanuel  Downing  wrote  from  Salem  to  John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  Feb- 
ruary 24,  1650[-1]:  "I  suppose  you  haue  heard  how  Mr.  Leddar  hath  left  the 
Iron  works  .  .  .  Here  is  one  Jeffries  come  in  Mr.  Leddars  place"  (Winthrop 
Papers,  i.  76).  In  1651  Leader  was  in  trouble  for  "threatening  and  slandering 
the  courts,  magistrates,  and  government"  of  Massachusetts,  and  for  "affront- 
ing" the  constable  in  the  execution  of  his  duty.  He  made  his  peace  by  means 
of  an  apology  in  writing  (Massachusetts  Colony  Records,  iii.  227-228).  There 
is  a  good  brief  sketch  of  him  by  Dr.  Charles  E.  Banks  in  Tuttle  and  Dean,  Cap- 
tain John  Mason  (Prince  Society,  1887),  p.  92  note  180;  but  it  is  comical  to  read 
that  his  severing  his  connection  with  the  iron  works  before  the  expiration  of  his 


1919]  DR.   ROBERT  CHILD  THE  REMONSTRANT  13 

We  need  not  pursue  the  annals  of  this  ill-starred  speculation,  but 
a  few  names  and  dates  must  be  mentioned  to  make  future  references 
intelligible.  At  first  everybody  had  high  hopes,  and  in  May,  1645, 
the  General  Court  issued  a  call  for  Massachusetts  subscriptions 
which  reads  like  a  promoter's  prospectus.1  But  the  concern  was 
under-capitalized  and  never  made  any  money.  Serious  trouble 
began  in  1652.  Three  of  the  New  England  owners  —  Captain 
Robert  Bridges,  Henry  Webb,  and  Joshua  Foot  —  were  acting  as 
commissioners  for  the  undertakers,  and  John  Beex  or  Becx  was  the 
leading  proprietor  in  London.  Neither  the  Londoners  nor  the  local 
executive  committee  were  pleased  with  Gifford's  management,  and 
Gifford  was  dissatisfied  with  the  state  of  his  accounts.2  To  secure 
Gifford  and  two  large  creditors  (Webb  himself  and  Jeremy  Howchin), 
the  committee,  on  May  24,  1653,  gave  them  a  mortgage  of  the  whole 
property,  real  and  personal  —  houses,  lands,  wharves,  forges,  fur- 
naces, tools,  fuel,  iron,  cattle,  boats,  bills  receivable,  and  "all  the 
seruants  Scotts  or  English."  3  A  whirlwind  of  litigation  followed, 
which  lasted  for  several  years.  Gifford  sued  the  company  and  the 
company  sued  Gifford;  countless  suits  were  brought  against  the 
company,  or  Gifford  as  its  agent,  by  creditors,  and  some  judgments 
were  obtained.4  Gifford  was  for  a  tune  in  prison  for  his  debt  to  the 


contract  was  "a  change  which  had  its  beginning,  doubtless,  in  a  lack  of  sympathy 
with  the  religious  views  of  his  employers."  William  Awbrey  of  London,  mer- 
chant, was  engaged  by  the  adventurers  as  their  agent  on  August  23,  1650,  and 
soon  came  to  Massachusetts  (Suffolk  Deeds,  i.  216-218).  He  was  acting  in  this 
capacity  in  January,  1651  [-2],  and  for  some  time  thereafter  (Suffolk  Deeds,  i. 
178-180,  227,  232).  Apparently  he  cooperated  with  Gifford.  One  Mr.  Dawes, 
"a  grave  man  of  good  fashion,"  had  come  over  in  1648  "to  oversee  Mr.  Leader," 
but  "they  could  not  agree"  and  he  returned  before  September  30  (John  Winthrop 
to  his  son  John,  August  14  and  September  30,  1648,  in  Savage's  Winthrop,  1853, 
ii.  434-J35). 

1  Massachusetts  Colony  Records,  ii.  103-104;  cf.  iii.  31. 

*  See  Beex's  letter  to  the  committee,  September  28,  1652,  and  Webb's  letters 
to  Beex,  November  6  and  December  14,  1653;  letter  from  John  Beex  and  Thomas 
Foley  to  Josias  Winslow  and  Captain  Keayne,  December  26,  1654  (Records  and 
Files  of  the  Quarterl.  Courts  of  Essex  County,  i.  400-401,  ii.  75-91). 

»  Suffolk  Deeds,  i.  306. 

«  Records  and  Files,  i.  284,  286,  289-295,  300,  309-310,  319,  332,  335,  336, 
347-348,  372-374,  378,  385-386,  393-594,  398-402,  417,  425-426;  ii.  130,  193; 
Suffolk  Deeds,  ii.  266, 271-272;  iii.  3,  30,  137;  Massachusetts  Colony  Records,  iii. 
351,  369-372,  379,  381,  406;  iv.  i.  155-156,  188,  194-195,  216-220,  237,  241-244, 
251-254,  268,  330-331. 


14  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS          [MARCH, 

company,  but  in  May,  1656,  he  was  released  by  the  General  Court 
at  the  request  of  the  Londoners,  who  had  changed  their  minds  about 
him,1  and  he  went  home  to  tell  his  story,  whereupon,  on  July  16, 
1657,  eight  of  the  English  partners,  for  themselves  and  the  others, 
attorneyed  to  their  associate  John  Beex,  and  Beex  in  turn  entrusted 
the  whole  business  to  Gifford  (August  25),  who  came  back  to 
Massachusetts,2  full  of  fight.  In  October,  1657,  though  the  works 
were  still  in  operation  both  at  Braintree  and  at  Hammersmith,  the 
Court  declared  that  they  were  "not  like  long  to  continew,"  not 
being  properly  supported  by  the  London  undertakers,  and  gave 
privileges  to  other  parties.8  They  went  on,  nevertheless.  In  1658 
Gifford  got  a  verdict  against  Webb  for  defaming  him  to  the  London 
partners  and  for  unjust  imprisonment,4  and  as  late  as  1662  he  was 
attempting  to  recover  damages  from  the  estate  of  Keayne  (deceased) 
on  a  similar  complaint.5  Soon  after  the  Restoration,  the  English 
adventurers  were  on  hand  with  a  petition  to  the  King  to  right  their 
wrongs,  but  nothing  came  of  it.6  The  best  summary  of  the  whole 
matter  is  Captain  Edward  Johnson's  choice  piece  of  unconscious 
humor:  "Divers  persons  of  good  rank  and  quality  in  England,  were 
stirred  up  by  the  provident  hand  of  the  Lord  to  venture  their  estates 
upon  an  iron  work,  which  they  began  at  Braintree,  and  profited  the 
owners  little,  but  rather  wasted  their  stock."  7  Child  was  one  of 
those  who  wasted  their  stock:  he  lost  £450,  as  we  shall  see  presently. 
Meantime  we  may  return  to  Child's  letter  of  March  1,  1644[-5]. 
A  considerable  portion  is  taken  up  with  a  learned  excursus  on  black 
lead,  in  criticism  of  an  essay  that  Winthrop  had  sent  him.  He  ad- 
vises Winthrop  to  "dig  lustily,"  and  is  still  quite  ready  to  "bear  the 
fourth  part"  of  the  expense,  but  "Pray  let  not  out  too  much  cost, 
till  you  haue  more  certainty  then  as  yet  you  haue."  Child  had  been 
talking  the  matter  over  with  Emanuel  Downing  and  Winthrop's 
brother  Stephen,  both  then  in  England,  and  he  even  thinks  of  "set- 
Massachusetts  Colony  Records,  ill.  406,  iv.  i.  268. 

Suffolk  Deeds,  iii.  155-161. 

Massachusetts  Colony  Records,  iv.  i.  311. 

Records  and  Files,  ii.  71-72,  74-97,  116.    Cf.  Lords'  Journals,  jri.  38,  41; 
Historical  Manuscripts  Commission,  Seventh  Report,  Appendix,  p.  87. 

Records  and  Files,  ii.  389. 

Calendar  of  State  Papers,  America  and  West  Indies,  1661-1668,  p.  17. 

Wonder-working  Providence,  1654,  bk.  iii.  chap.  6,  p.  207. 


1919]  DR.   ROBERT  CHILD  THE  REMONSTRANT  15 

tling  himself"  where  the  mine  is,  if  he  finds  the  place  agreeable.1 
This  might  lead  one  to  infer  that  the  mine  he  had  his  eye  on  was  that 
at  Nashawake  (Lancaster),  for  in  June,  1644,  the  General  Court  had 
granted  permission  for  a  plantation  there  to  Robert  Child  and 
others.2 

"I  thanke  you,"  Child  continues,  "for  engaging  me  in  the  Lake 
discovery,  and  Misticks  mines,  though  as  yet  we  receive  no  pfit." 
The  mines  in  question,  I  suppose,  were  at  Mistick  in  Connecticut, 
where  Winthrop  had  discovered  Iron  ore;  he  had  received  authority 
in  1644  "to  make  a  plantation  in  the  .  .  .  Pequott  country  .  .  . 
&  also  to  lay  out  a  convenient  place  for  iron  works."  3 

By  the  Lake  discovery  Child  means  the  project  formed  in  1644  by 
certain  Boston  merchants  to  find  the  great  lake  supposed  to  lie  in 
the  northwest  region  of  the  Massachusetts  patent  and  to  engage 
in  the  beaver  trade,  thought  to  originate  there,  "which  came  to  all 
the  eastern  and  southern  parts."  At  the  March  court  in  4644  this 
company  obtained  a  monopoly  for  that  purpose  for  twenty-one 
years  and  in  May  "they  set  out  in  a  pinnace,  .  .  .  which  was  to 
sail  up  Delaware  river"  as  far  as  possible,  whence  the  expedi- 
tion was  to  be  continued  in  skiffs  or  canoes  under  the  guidance  of 
William  Aspinwall;  they  were  stopped  by  the  Dutch  and  reached 
Boston,  on  then*  return,  on  July  20.4  Darby  Field  thought  he  saw 
this  great  lake  from  the  White  Hills  in  1642,5  and  years  before, 
in  1632,  Edward  Howes  had  written  with  enthusiasm  of  this 
body  of  water,  expressing  the  fear  that  the  Dutch  would  an- 
ticipate the  English  in  exploring  it.6  Another  company  for  the 


1  Winthrop  Papers,  iii.  153-155. 

1  Massachusetts  Colony  Records,  ii.  75  (after  May  29).  Child  mentions  the 
Nashaway  mine  in  his  Answer  to  Boot  (see  p.  112,  below). 

'  Massachusetts  Colony  Records,  ii.  71;  Winthrop  Papers,  i.  517-518.  Cf. 
Winthrop's  1661  will  (Waters,  Sketch  of  the  Life  of  John  Winthrop  the  Younger, 
p.  70). 

•  Massachusetts  Colony  Records,  ii.  60;  Winthrop,  ii.  193-194  (160-161),  218 
219."(178-179),  229  (187).    The  adventurers  were  Valentine  Hill,  Robert  Sedgwick, 
William  Tinge,  Francis  Norton,  Thomas  Clarke,  Joshua  Hewes,  and  William 
Aspinwall. 

1  Winthrop,  ii.  82  (68). 

•  See  his  letter  of  November  23,  1632  (Winthrop  Papers,  i.  480-481),  and  a 
note  in  Howes's  hand  in  a  copy  of  Sir  Dudley  Digges's    essay  Of  the  Circum- 
ference of  the  Earth,  or  A  Treatise  of  the  North-east-passage  (1612)  which 


16  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS          [MARCH, 

Lake  discovery  received  similar  privileges  at  the  October  Court  in 
1645.1 

Summer  came,  and  still  Child  had  not  sailed  for  New  England, 
but  his  departure  was  imminent,  for  on  June  23,  1645,  Hugh  Peter 
wrote  from  Deal  to  the  elder  Winthrop:  "Dr  Child  is  come  y*  honest 
man  who  will  bee  of  exceeding  great  vse  if  the  Country  know  how 
to  improue2  him,  indeed  he  is  very  very  vsefull,  I  pray  let  vs  not 
play  tricks  with  such  men  by  our  ielousyes."3  This  is  a  tantalizing 
passage.  By  "jealousies"  Peter  means,  of  course,  suspicions.  I 
cannot  avoid  the  inference  that  Child's  high  Presbyterianism  had 
attracted  the  attention  of  the  leading  men  in  the  Colony  with  whom 
he  associated  on  his  former  visit,  and  that  some  report  had  reached 
Peter  which  made  him  fear  that  the  Doctor  might  be  looked  at 
askance.  His  warning  words,  it  seems  likely,  were  penned  just 
before  Child  embarked  and  perhaps  came  over  by  the  same  ship.  At 
all  events,  Child  was  in  New  England  in  the  following  September, 
and  had  been  here  long  enough  to  strike  a  bargain  with  Richard 
Vines,  for,  on  the  30th  of  that  month,  Vines  conveyed  to  Child 
all  his  rights  under  the  Saco  patent,  and  in  October  he  gave  him 
livery  and  seisin.4  Whether  Child  viewed  his  new  possessions  at  this 

Howes  sent  to  Winthrop  in  1632  and  which  is  in  the  library  of  the  Massachusetts 
Historical  Society  (Winthrop  Papers,  i.  480  note) :  see  Ford,  Massachusetts  His- 
torical .Proceedings,  lii.  278.  In  a  letter  of  September  3,  1636,  Howes  asks 
"What  newes  of  the  Lake?"  (Winthrop  Papers,  i.  503). 

1  Massachusetts  Colony  Records,  iii.  53-54.  The  original  petition  of  the 
adventurers  (Richard  Saltonstall,  Simon  Bradstreet,  Samuel  Symonds,  Richard 
Dummer,  William  Hubbard,  William  Hathorne,  and  William  Payne)  is  in  the 
Massachusetts  Archives,  cxix.  5. 

1  I.  e.,  utilize.  *  Winthrop  Papers,  i.  108. 

*  James  Graham  in  his  report  of  title,  1688,  declares:  "I  do  Also  find  that 
.  .  .  Richard  Vines  by  his  Certaine  Writing  under  his  hand  and  Scale  Bearing 
Date  y*  Last  Day  of  September  one  thousand  Six  hundred  fourty  five  did  convey 
and  SelTunto  Robert  Child  Phisicion  his  heires  and  Assignee  all  that  Parcell  of 
Land  on  y*  South  Side  of  y*  River  Swackadock  Alias  Saco  in  the  Province  of 
Maine  as  is  Said  in  the  Above  Graunt  but  find  No  Conveyance  from  said  Child 
or  from  any  Vnder  him"  (Documentary  History  of  the  State  of  Maine,  iv.  443). 
For  the  Vines  patent  see  Documentary  History  of  the  State  of  Maine,  vii.  121- 
125.  "I  Richard  Vines  of  Saco  gent  haue  barganed  and  Sould  the  patent  aboue 
Specified  vnto  Robert  Childe  Esqr  Doct°:  of  phisick  and  given  him  livery  and 
seasin.  '.Vpon  the  [  ]  day  of  8***  1645  in  the  presence  of  Mr  Addam  Winthorpe 
and  Mr  Beniamin  Gillam"  (York  Deeds,  i.  ii.  9;  Folsom,  History  of  Saco  and 
Biddeford,  1830,  pp.  74,  319).  On  October  22,  1645,  William  Aspinwall  "  attested  a 
Copie  "  of  Vines's  deed  to  Child  (Boston  Record  Commissioners'  Reports,  xxxii.  10). 


1919]  DR.    ROBERT  CHILD  THE   REMONSTRANT  17 

time,  or  whether  he  had  surveyed  them  on  his  previous  visit,  we 
cannot  tell.  At  any  rate,  he  did  visit  Saco  at  least  once  in  his  life, 
now  or  formerly,  as  we  shall  see  when  we  examine  his  agricultural 
writings. 

From  October,  1645,  to  May,  1646,  we  l^par  nothing  of  Child. 
Then,  however,  he  emerges  —  Remonstrance  hi  hand.  At  the  risk 
of  repeating  many  familiar  things,  I  shall  run  through  the  history  of 
the  Remonstrance,  for  all  the  facts  have  never  been  brought  together 
in  one  place,  though  the  story  has  been  told  again  and  again,  some- 
times with  scant  regard  to  accuracy  in  detail.1 

The  "Remonstrance  and  humble  Petition"  of  Robert  Child, 
Thomas  Burton,  John  Smith,  Thomas  Fowle,  David  Yale,  Samuel 
Maverick,  and  John  Dand  was  submitted  to  the  General  Court,  with 
a  request  for  an  immediate  answer,  on  May  19, 1646,2  which  was  near 
the  close  of  that  session,  but  its  consideration  was  postponed  until 
the  autumn.3  Major  John  Child,  the  Remonstrant's  brother,  asserts 

1  The  fullest  account  of  the  whole  affair  is  that  by  W.  T.  R.  Marvin  in  hia 
reprint  of  New-Englands  Jonas  (Boston,  1869).  This  is  so  detailed,  and  —  in 
the  main  —  so  clear  and  accurate,  that  my  review  of  the  facts  may  seem  a  work 
of  supererogation.  Still,  there  are  a  good  many  points  in  which  Marvin's  narra- 
tive needs  correction  or  supplement,  and  some  of  them  are  of  much  significance. 
It  was  impossible  to  indicate  these  points  and  to  enforce  their  bearing  on  the 
subject  without  telling  the  whole  story.  Palfrey's  treatment  of  the  episode 
(History  of  New  England,  book  ii,  chapter  4)  is  admirable,  especially  for  the 
lucidity  with  which  the  relations  of  the  Remonstrance  to  English  politics  are 
brought  out;  but  it  is  not  quite  full  enough  for  my  purpose.  Besides,  his  argu- 
ments have  been  treated  so  cavalierly  by  some  recent  writers  that  a  reopening 
of  the  case  is  at  least  excusable.  Bancroft  (History  of  the  United  States,  19th  ed., 
1862,  chap,  x.,  i.  437-444)  is  also  excellent,  but  his  plan  does  not  call  for  details. 
Most  or  all  of  the  other  important  accounts  are  cited  in  the  course  of  this  paper. 
Winthrop  is  naturally  our  chief  authority;  he  is  supplemented  by  John  Child's 
New-Englanda  Jonas,  Winslow's  New-Englands  Salamander,  and  Johnson's 
Wonder-working  Providence.  Hubbard  depends  entirely  upon  Winthrop,  but 
does  not  always  follow  him  with  due  care  (chap.  55,  ed.  1848,  pp.  500,  512-518). 
Hutehinson  is  of  some  use,  since  he  apparently  had  access  to  documents  now 
lost  (see  p.  41  note  1,  [below),  but  he  unfortunately  confused  the  Remonstrants 
with  the  Hingham  petitioners  (see  p.  25,  below)  —  an  error  found  also  in  Old- 
mixon's  British  Empire  in  America  (2d  ed.,  1741,  i.1  88-90),  in  Neal's  History 
of  New-England,  1720,  i.  213-218,  and  in  Chalmers's  Political  Annals  of  the 
Present  United  Colonies,  1780,  i.  179-181.  From  one  of  these  sources  it  has 
made  its  way  into  Grahame'a  History  of  the  Rise  and  Progress  of  the  United 
States,  1827,  i.  320-325. 

*  New-Englands  Jonas,  p.  13. 

»  Winthrop,  ii.  320-321  (261-262).    The  Court  convened  on  May  6  (Mi 


18  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS          [MARCH, 

(no  doubt  truthfully)  that  it  was  "in  a  peaceable  way  presented, 
only  by  two  of  the  Subscribers,"1  implying,  it  seems,  a  contrast 
to  the  riotous  goings-on  that  had  accompanied  the  presentation 
of  certain  petitions  to  the  Long  Parliament  in  recent  years.  We 
shall  have  occasion  to  examine  the  contents  of  this  Remonstrance 
presently.*  Meantime,  suffice  it  to  say  that  it  painted  a  dismal 
picture  of  the  civil  and  religious  condition  of  Massachusetts,  de- 
scribed the  inhabitants  as  poverty-stricken  and  discontented,  ac- 
cused the  magistrates  of  arbitrary  and  tyrannical  conduct,  and 
foretold  the  utter  rum  of  the  Colony  unless  certain  thoroughgoing 
reforms  were  put  into  operation  immediately.  The  reforms  con- 
templated may  be  summed  up  under  three  heads:  (1)  that  the 
fundamental  laws  of  England  and  "such  others  as  are  no  wayes 
repugnant  to  them"  should  be  forthwith  established  in  Massa- 
chusetts; (2)  that  the  rights  of  freemen  should  be  extended  to  "all 
truely  English"  (whether  church-members  or  not);  and  (3)  that  all 
well-conducted  members  of  the  Church  of  England  should  be  re- 
ceived without  further  tests  or  covenants  into  the  New  England 
churches,  or  else  be  allowed  "to  settle  [themselves]  here  in  a  church 
way,  according  to  the  best  reformations  of  England  and  Scotland," 
that  is,  of  course,  on  the  Presbyterian  model.  If  their  prayers  were 
not  granted,  the  Remonstrants  declared  that  they  should  feel'  con- 
strained to  appeal  to  Parliament  for  redress. 

This  document  naturally  disturbed  the  magistrates,  coming  as 
it  did  immediately  after  the  efforts  of  William  Vassall  to  get  up 
petitions  to  Parliament  against  the  New  England  government,8  and 


chusetts  Colony  Records,  iii.  61;  Winthrop,  ii.  316  [258])  and  "lasted  near  three 
weeks"  (Winthrop,  ibid.). 

1  New-Englands  Jonas,  p.  14. 

1  The  text  of  the  Remonstrance  may  be  found  in  New-Englands  Jonas,  pp. 
6-13,  and  in  the  Hutchinson  Papers,  i.  214-223.  There  is  a  very  brief  abstract, 
summing  up  the  mam  complaints  and  demands,  in  the  Massachusetts  Archives, 
cvi.  6  (printed  by  Sumner,  History  of  East  Boston,  pp.  101-102). 

1  See  Winthrop,  ii.  319,  340,  391  (260-261,  278,  321);  Winslow,  New-Englands 
Salamander,  pp.  i.  16-18,  23.  The  history  of  VassalTs  activity  is  obscure.  It  is 
certain,  however,  that  he  carried  to  England  certain  petitions  against  the  colonial 
government  (one  apparently  from  the  Bay  and  another  from  Plymouth)  by  the 
Supply,  which  sailed  from  Boston  November  9,  1646  (see  p.  33,  below),  and 
that  he  had  been  occupied  with  these  before  Child's  Remonstrance  was  pre- 


1919]  DR.   ROBERT  CHILD  THE  REMONSTRANT  19 

at  a  time  when  Gorton  and  some  of  his  associates  had  been  in  Eng- 
land for  at  least  half  a  year,1  extending  their  alliance  among  the 
most  turbulent  sectaries  there  and  pressing  their  case  before  the 
Commissioners  for  Plantations.  Nor  was  the  discomposure  les- 
sened by  the  conduct  of  the  Remonstrants,  who,  in  the  interval 
between  the  May  and  the  October  Court,  in  1646,  had  so  indus- 
triously circulated  their  manifesto  in  the  neighboring  colonies  that, 
by  the  end  of  the  year,  it  had  reached  "the  Dutch  Plantation,  Vir- 
ginia, and  Bermudas."2  Soon  after  the  petition  was  presented, 
Winthrop  received  a  letter  from  Winslow  (dated  June  30,  1646)  8 
which  shows  how  serious  the  Remonstrance  looked  to  the  Plymouth 
Colony.  "A  2d  thing,"  writes  Winslow,  "wch  moved  me  to  put  pen 
to  pap  is  to  entreate  you  to  be  better  preped  (at  lest  to  staue  off 
prejudice  against  yor  Goverm*  in  the  Comittee  of  Parliam*)  in  re- 
gard of  the  peticoners  &  many  others  who  are  very  busie,  who  not 
onely  threaten  us  as  well  as  you,  but  grossly  abuse  us  &  insult  & 
boast  as  if  the  victory  were  attayned  before  the  enterprise  is  begun 
if  I  may  so  say:  ffor  I  confesse  I  r[eceive]d  a  very  proud  If  lately 
wch  makes  me  feere  things  are  not  to  begin."4  By  "better  pre- 
pared" I  suppose  Winslow  means  better  prepared  than  the  Bay 
had  shown  itself  in  Gorton's  case,  in  which  the  malcontents  had  the 
advantage  in  their  first  application  to  the  English  Commissioners.5 
Before  the  October  meeting  of  the  General  Court,  the  administra- 
tion had  received  from  the  Commissioners  for  Plantations  an  order 
(dated  May  15,  1646)  which  favored  the  Gortonians  and  appeared 
to  assert  such  jurisdiction  over  the  Colony  as  the  magistrates  re- 
garded as  a  violation  of  their  chartered  rights,  as  well  as  an  encour- 
agement of  appeals  to  the  home  authorities.6 

On  May  15,  1646,  the  General  Court  passed  a  vote  recommend- 
ing a  synod  of  the  New  England  churches,7  and  it  has  been  thought 

rented.  On  VassalTs  character,  see  the  defence  of  him  in  1  Massachusetts  His- 
torical Proceedings,  vi.  471-479. 

See  p.  44,  below. 

Winslow,  New-Englands  Salamander,  p.  6. 

Winthrop  Papers,  i.  182. 

I.  e.,  "are  well  advanced." 

See  Winthrop,  ii.  332  (272). 

Winthrop,  ii.  342-344  (280-282). 

Massachusetts  Colony  Records,  ii.  154-156;  iii.  70-73;  Winthrop,  ii.  323- 
324  (264-265). 


20  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  [MARCH, 

that  their  action  was  influenced  by  the  Remonstrance,1  but  this  was 
not  presented  until  the  19th,2  as  it  happens,  and,  anyhow,  the  elders 
had  brought  in  a  bill  proposing  the  synod  at  the  previous  session, 
in  October,  1645,  several  months  before  the  Remonstrance  was 
drawn  up.8  However,  at  the  November  session  in  1646  the  Court 
did  adopt  two  measures  which  bear  some  relation  to  that  document. 
The  first  of  these  was  the  appointment  of  a  committee  to  "  examine  " 
and  "compose  in  good  order"  the  laws  already  in  force  and  to  sug- 
gest others  —  since  we  wish  to  "manifest  our  vtter  disaffeccon  to 
arbitrary  goument."  True  this  committee  was  but  to  finish  a  piece 
of  work  begun  in  1645,  but  the  mention  of  arbitrary  government 
undoubtedly  glances  at  the  Remonstrance.  The  second  measure 
was  a  plan  to  avoid  "  all  complaints  by  reason  of  vnaequall  rates,"  * 
and  this,  too,  was  a  point  that  Child  and  his  associates  had  made. 
Per  contra,  a  bill  enlarging  the  privileges  of  non-freemen,  which  was 
ready  to  pass  at  the  May  session  in  1646,  was  postponed  on  account, 
it  seems,  of  the  presentation  of  the  Remonstrance  at  that  time,5 
but  it  became  a  law  at  the  May  session  in  1647.6 

The  persons  whom  Child  induced  to  join  him  as  signatories  were 
of  various  opinions  in  religion,  and  doubtless  had  —  most  of  them  — 
no  clear  idea  of  his  main  design,  the  chief  bond  of  union  among  them 
being  dissatisfaction  with  the  dominant  party.  The  colonial  au- 
thorities made  much  of  this  divergence  of  sentiment.  Johnson, 
who,  La  his  Wonder-working  Providence,  1654,  sides  with  the  mag- 
istrates, remarks  with  some  humor,  that  "the  persons  were  of  a 
Linsiwolsie  disposition,  some  for  Prelacy,  some  for  Presbytery,  and 
some  for  Plebsbytery,  but  all  joyned  together  in  the  thing  they 
would,  which  was  to  stir  up  the  people  to  dislike  of  the  present 
Government."7 

The  colonial  authorities  were  not  spoiling  for  a  fight,  and  "an 


1  Palfrey,  History  of  New  England,  1860,  ii.  170;  Marvin,  New-Englanda 
Jonas,  pp.  xxvii-xxviii. 

John  Child,  New-Englands  Jonas,  p.  13. 

Winthrop,  ii.  323  (264). 

Massachusetts  Colony  Records,  ii.  109,  128,  157,  196;  iii.  26-27,  46-47, 
74-75,  84-85,  87-88. 

Winthrop,  ii.  321  (262). 

Massachusetts  Colony  Records,  ii.  197;  iii.  109-110. 

Bk.  iii.  chap.  3,  p.  202. 


19193  DR.   ROBERT  CHILD  TILE  REMONSTRANT  21 

eminent  person"1  made  some  attempt  to  satisfy  the  Remonstrants 
in  "a  private  conference,"  which  seems  to  have  taken  place  in  1646, 
before  the  October  court  came  in.  We  owe  our  account  of  the  in- 
cident to  Winslow.  The  eminent  person  asked  the  petitioners 
"what  Church  government  it  was  they  would  have?  One  of  them 
answered,  he  desired  that  particular  government  which  Mr.  John 
Goodwin  in  Colemanstreet2  was  exercised  in.  Another  of  them  said, 
hee  knew  not  what  that  was:  but  hee  for  his  part  desired  the  Pres- 
byterian government.  A  third  of  them  said  hee  desired  the  Epis- 
copall  government  if  it  might  bee,  if  not,  the  Presbyterian:  And  a 
fourth  told  mee  himselfe  that  hee  disclaimed  anything  hi  the  Peti- 
tion that  was  against  the  government  of  the  Churches  in  New- 
England,  &c.  resting  and  liking  what  was  there  done  in  that  kind."3 
No.  1  in  this  list  sounds  as  if  it  were  John  Dand,  whom  the  General 
Court  describes  as  an  "ould  grocer  of  London"  with  a  failing  intel- 
lect.4 Whoever  desired  the  particular  government  that  Mr.  Goodwin 
was  exercised  in,  ought  in  all  conscience  to  have  been  content  with 
New  England  Congregationalism,  for  Goodwin  was  one  of  the  lead- 
ing lights  of  Independency.  He  had  been  sequestered  from  St. 

1  Perhaps  the  Governor  (Winthrop)  or  the  Deputy  Governor  (Thomas  Dudley). 

1  This  was  the  famous  preacher  whose  book  justifying  the  trial  of  Charles  I 
("TppiffToSUcu.  The  Obstructours  of  Justice.  Or  A  Defence  of  the  Honourable 
Sentence  passed  upon  the  late  King,  by  the  High  Court  of  Justice.  London, 
1649)  had  the  honor  to  be  burned  by'the  common  hangman  in  1660  along  with 
Milton's  Defensio  pro  Populo  Anglicano  and  Eucoi^xXdo-Tr/s  (Chalmers,  Supple- 
mental Apology,  1799,  pp.  7-9;  Masson,  Life  of  Milton,  vi.  181-182,  193).  He 
became  Vicar  of  St*  Stephen's,  Coleman  Street,  London,  December  18,  1633, 
succeeding  John  Davenport,  who  had  resigned  (Newcourt,  Repertorium,  i.  537; 
Hennessy,  Novum  Repertorium,  p.  385),  and  he  was  sequestered  May  22,  1645 
(Hennessy,  p.  cliv  note  u  1;  cf..  p.  470),  by  the  Committee  for  Plundered  Minis- 
ters (Freshfield,  Some  Remarks  upon  the  Book  of  Records,  etc.,  from  Archaoologia, 
vol.  1.  p.  8)  but  was  reinstated  by  Parliament  in  1649  (Freshfield,  pp.  10-11). 
Meantime  he  had  been  minister  of  a  private  congregation,  which  was  now  received 
very  hospitably  by  the  vestry:  the  details  of  the]arrangement  are  extremely  curious 
(Freshfield,  pp.  11-12;  W.  A.  Shaw,  History  of  the  English  Church  during  the 
Civil  Wars  and  under  the  Commonwealth,  1900,  ii.  134-136).  Neal  describes  him 
succinctly  as  "a  learned  Divine,  and  a  quick  Disputant,  but  of  a  peculiar  Mould, 
being  a  Republican,  an  Indcpendant,  and  a  thorough  Arminian"  (History  of  the 
Puritans,  iii.  391,  ed.  1736);  cf.  Burnet,  Own  Time,  ed.  Airy,  1897,  i.  283-284. 
See  also[Baylie,  Dissuasive,  1645,  p.  56;  Cotton,  The  Way  of  Congregational 
Churches  Cleared,  1648,  pt.  i.  pp.  23-28. 

•  New-Englands  Salamander,  p.  3. 

4  Declaration,  November,  1646  (Hutchinson  Papers,  i.  240). 


22  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS          [MARCH, 

Stephen's,  Coleman  Street,  in  1645,  by  the  (Presbyterian)  Parlia- 
mentary Committee  "because  he  refused  to  baptize  the  Children  of 
his  Parishioners  promiscuously,  and  to  administer  the  Sacrament  to 
his  whole  Parish,"1  and  was  at  this  moment  the  minister  of  an 
Independent  church  in  London.  It  was  a  similar  refusal  on  the  part 
of  the  Massachusetts  churches  that  the  Remonstrants  alleged  as 
their  great  ecclesiastical  grievance.  Dand,  then,  was  badly  mixed 
in  his  mind,  and  a  mere  statement  of  his  position  by  Winslow  was 
enough  to  label  him  (for  every  intelligent  contemporary)  as  an 
almost  imbecile  Mr.  Facing-both-ways. 

No.  2  must  have  been  Child  himself.  No.  3  was  assuredly  Mave- 
rick.2 What  Maverick  wanted  it  is  easy  to  discover.  Having  been 
admitted  as  a  freeman  before  church-membership  was  made  a  pre- 
requisite, he*  was  under  no  political  disabilities,  but  he  did  not  like 
the  administration,  and  —  not  having  been  in  England  since  the 
Presbyterian  party  had  borne  sway  —  he  may  have  fondly  imagined 

1  Neal,  History  of  the  Puritans,  iii.'  391-392  (1736).  The  New  England  In- 
dependents, the  Remonstrants  complained,  would  not  admit  sober  and  godly 
members  of  the  [Presbyterated]  Church  of  England  to  the  Lord's  table  (or  their 
children  to  baptism)  without  their  previous  assent  to  the  covenant  of  some  local 
church  (Hutchinson  Papers,  pp.  193-194,  Prince  Society,  i.  220-221).  As  to 
baptizing  the  children  of  non-church-members  (in  the  New  England  sense), 
there  was,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  great  diversity  of  practice.  This  is  clearly  set 
forth  in  the  resolutions  of  the  General  Court  in  May,  1646,  recommending  the 
Cambridge  assembly  or  synod  of  1646  (Massachusetts  Colony  Records,  iii.  TO- 
TS; cf.  Winthrop,  ii.  323-324  [264-265],  329-332  [269-271]).  As  to  communion, 
it  seems  clear  (from  a  kind  of  agreement  discernible  in  the  gingerly-conducted 
debate  on  this  point  in  Hypocrisie  Unmaskrd,  New-Englands  Jonas,  and  New- 
Englands  Salamander)  that  Presbyterians  were  sometimes  allowed  to  com- 
municate without  actually  joining  a  New  England  church.  We  should  note, 
further,  that  to  extend  the  right  of  communion. to  all  parishioners  indiscrimi- 
nately was  no  more  a  principle  of  Presbyterian  than  of  Congregational  discipline. 
On  the  contrary,  the  Presbyterian  system  required  that  only  such  parishioners 
should  communicate  as  had  passed  a  catechetical  test  and  were  also  certified  by 
the  elders  as  of  moral  and  godly  conduct.  This  principle,  indeed,  was  regarded 
as  so  vital  by  the  Presbyterian  clergy  in  England  that,  when  a  parish  declined 
to  assent  to  it,  they  in  many  instances  refused  to  administer  the  sacrament  at 
alL  On  the  whole  subject  see  the  excellent  discussion  in  Dr.  William  A.  Shaw's 
History  of  the  English  Church  during  the  Civil  Wars  and  under  the  Common- 
wealth, London,  1900,  ii.  142-164. 

*  "A  freeman,  but  no  member  of  any  church,  and  the  reason  hath  beene  his 
professed  affection  to  the  hierarchic"  (Declaration  of  the  General  Court,  No- 
vember, 1646,  Hutchinson  Papers,  i.  239). 


1919]  DR.   ROBERT  CHILD  THE  REMONSTRANT  23 

that  direct  Parliamentary  control  under  a  General  Governor  or  a 
board  of  Commissioners  would  be  less  oppressive  than  the  rule  of 
the  little  commonwealth.  He  was  frankly  an  Episcopalian,  but 
church  matters  were  not  his  chief  concern:  what  he  desired  was  to 
abolish  the  quasi-independence  of  the  Bay  Colony,  and  with. this 
end  in  view  he  was  quite  ready  to  join  hands  with  a  high  Presby- 
terian like  Child,  the  deadly  enemy  of  prelacy.  Neither  he  nor 
Child,  of  course,  had  the  slightest  sympathy  with  general  toleration 
or  with  liberty  of  conscience,  the  two  betes  noires  alike  of  Episcopa- 
lians and  of  Presbyterians  and  of  New  England  Congregationalists. 

No.  4  must  have  been  Fowle,  whom  Brewster  doubtless  talked 
with  in  London.  He  is  described  by  the  General  Court  as  a  church- 
member  who  "will  be  no  freeman"  since  "he  likes  better  to  be 
eased  of  that  trouble  and  charge."1  Politics,  then,  were  not  his 
object;  and,  since  he  liked  the  Congregational  system,  he  can  have 
had  no  wish  to  introduce  Presbyterianism  for  its  own  sake.  In  1645 
he  had  been  a  petitioner  "for  ye  abrogacon  or  alteracon  of  y*  lawes- 
agnt  y*  Anabap*',  and  y*  lawe  y*  requires  speciall  allowance  for 
new  come's  residing  here."2  This  shows  where  he  stood:  he  was 
really  and  truly  an  advocate  for  liberty  of  conscience  or  at  least  for 
a  large  toleration.  As  such,  he  is  the  first  of  his  kind  that  we  have  so 
far  discovered  hi  the  little  band,  and  we  may  well  ask  what  on  earth 
he  was  doing  dans  cette  galere.  John  Smith,  whom  Brewster  does  not 
characterize,  was  doubtless  of  similar  sentiments,  for  he  was  a 
Providence  man.  At  all  events,  his  objects  can  hardly  have  been 
political,  since  he  was  not  an  inhabitant  of  the  Bay. 

Thomas  Burton  and  David  Yale  are  likewise  omitted  in  Brewster's 
catalogue  of  opinions.  They  are  both  compared,  in  the  Declaration 
of  the  General  Court,  to  "those  who  were  called  by  Absalom  to 

1  Declaration  of  November,  1646  (Hutchinson  Papers,  i.  239).  It  is  he,  un- 
doubtedly to  whom  the  same  document  refers  in  the  following  sentence:  "These 
remonstrants  are  now  come  to  the  church  doore,  when  one  of  theire  companie 
gives  them  the  slipp,  not  dareing  (it  seemes)  to  enter  for  feare  of  an  admonition" 
(i.  241).  This  accords  with  what  Winslow  says  of  his  approving  the  New  England 
church  system. 

*  Massachusetts  Colony  Records,  in.  51;  cf.  iii.  64.  Emanuel  Downing  was 
one  of  the  petitioners.  Cf.  p.  29  note  1,  below.  The  counter-petition  of  1646  — 
"that  such  Lawee  or  orders  as  are  in  force  amongst  vs  against  Anabaptists  or 
other  erronious  persones  .  .  .  may  not  be  abrogated  .  .  .  nor  any  waies  weakned" 
—  is  in  the  Massachusetts  Archives,  x.  210-211. 


24  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS          [MARCH, 

accompany  him  to  Hebron"1  —  an  allusion  that  escaped  nobody 
in  those  Scripture-reading  days:  "And  with  Absalom  went  two 
hundred  men  out  of  Jerusalem,  that  were  called;  and  they  went  in 
their  simplicity,  and  they  knew  not  anything."5 

Of  Thomas  Burton  little  is  known.  He  is  described  by  the  Court 
as"aclarkeof  the  prothonotaries  office,  a  sojournour  .  .  .,  and  of  no 
visible  estate  in  the  country,  one  who  hath  never  appeared  formerly 
in  such  designe,  however  he  hath  been  drawne  into  this."3  The 
prothonotary  was  the  Chief  Clerk  of  the  King's  Bench  or  the  Com- 
mon Pleas  in  England.  Burton  had  been  in  the  country  for  not  less 
than  six  years  and  his  connections  were  certainly  respectable,  for  he 
had  married  Margaret,  daughter  of  John  Otis,  great-grandfather  of 
the  Patriot.4  Apparently  he  was  not  a  church-member,  or  he  would 
doubtless  by  this  time  have  been  admitted  a  freeman;  besides,  his 
membership  would  surely  have  been  mentioned  in  the  passage  that 
describes  him  in  the  Declaration  of  the  Court.  He  lived  at  Hingham, 
and  the  baptism  of  his  five  daughters  is  on  record  there  (1641-1649)  .5 
Such  a  record  would  usually  suffice  to  show  that  he  belonged  to  the 
Hingham  church,  but  the  pastor  of  that  town,  the  Rev.  Peter 
Hobart,  did  not  believe  in  restricting  baptism  to  the  children  of 
church-members.6  Since  Burton  had  been  prothonotary's  clerk,  he 
was  doubtless  a  member  of  the  Church  of  England,  and  probably, 
like  Mr.  Hobart,7  he  had  Presbyterian  sentiments.  His  legal  train- 

Hutchinson  Papers,  i.  239-240. 

2  Samuel,  xv.  11. 

Declaration  of  the  General  Court,  November  session,  1646,  Hutchinson 
Papers,  i.  239. 

History  of  Hingham,  ii.  112,  iii.  101-102. 

ii.  112. 

"Hee  refuseth  to  baptize  no  children  that  are  tendred  to  him  (although  this 
liberty  stands  not  upon  a  Presbyterian  bottom)"  writes  Winslow,  Hypocrisie 
Unmasked,  p.  100.  Major  Child  thus  challenges  Winslow:  "Dares  Mr.  Winslow 
say  that  Mr.  Hubard  was  not  punished  neither  directly  nor  indirectly,  for  bap- 
tizing some  children  whose  parents  were  not  members  of  their  Churches,  and 
that  his  sharp  fines  &  disgracefull  being  bound  to  the  good  behaviour,  had  no 
influence  from  the  baptism  of  those  children?"  (New-Englands  Jonas,  p.  [22]). 
Winslow  replies:  "For  answer,  I  doe  and  dare  affirme  in  my  conscience,  that  I 
am  firmly  perswaded  hee  was  not"  (New-Englands  Salamander,  p.  28).  If ,  as  it 
would  seem,  Burton's  children  were  among  those  for  whose  baptism  Hobart 
was  blamed,  Burton's  impulse  to  join  the  Remonstrants  would  have  been 
especially  powerful. 

»  Winthrop,  ii.  288  (235);  Hypocrisie  Unmasked,  p.  99. 


1919]  DR.   ROBERT  CHILD  THE  REMONSTRANT  25 

ing,  too,  must  have  predisposed  him  to  favor  the  extension  of  the 
laws  of  England  to  the  Colony.  Here,  then,  for  the  first  time,  we 
have  a  petitioner  whose  sentiments  accorded  almost  exactly  with 
those  of  Robert  Child,  and,  in  truth,  Burton  seems  to  have  acted  as 
the  Doctor's  right-hand  man  in  the  whole  case.1 

But  Burton  probably  had  another  reason  for  joining  in  the  Re- 
monstrance. The  troubles  incident  to  a  military  election  at  Hingham 
were  a  cause  celebre  in  1645,  and  it  is  quite  possible  that  Burton, 
like  his  pastor,  was  among  the  eighty-one  petitioners  who  thought 
themselves  harshly  treated  by  the  General  Court.  The  Hingham 
affair  was  still  in  hot  controversy  when  Child  presented  the  Remon- 
strance in  May,  1646,  for  it  was  on  the  18th  of  March  preceding  that 
Mr.  Hobart  had  objected  to  the  validity  of  the  Marshal's  warrant, 
as  not  being  made  out  in  the  King's  name,  had  declared  that  he  and 
the  other  Hingham  petitioners  "had  sent  into  England  unto  his 
Friends  the  busines,  and  expected  shortly  an  answer  and  advice 
from  thence,"  and  had  criticized  the  government  for  exceeding  its 
powers,  alleging  that  it  was  "not  more  then  a  Corporation  in  Eng- 
land."2 These  points,  or  most  of  them,  were  also  made  in  Child's 
Remonstrance,  and  likewise  (it  would  seem)  in  Vassall's  petition, 
and  the  magistrates  therefore  regarded  the  Hingham  case  as  closely 
connected  with  that  of  the  Child  party,  and  believed  that  the  two 
groups  were  not  only  acting  in  concert  but  were  also  in  league  with 
Vassall.3  So  convinced  were  they,  indeed,  of  such  an  alliance  that 
at  the  October  court  in  1646,  when  they  were  about  to  consult  the 
elders  about  the  business  of  Gorton  and  Child,  Mr.  Hobart  was 
accused  of  having  a  hand  in  Vassall's  petition,  and  though  he  denied 
all  knowledge  of  it,  was  required  to  withdraw  from  the  conference 
on  the  ground  that  he  had  shown  himself  opposed  to  authority  and 
was  at  that  moment  under  bonds  for  his  good  behavior.4  In  sub- 
stance, though  perhaps  not  in  detail,  the  magistrates  were  not  far 
astray  in  their  belief,  for  among  the  documents  carried  by  Vassall 
and  Fowle  to  England  in  the  Supply  for  use  in  their  campaign  in 


1  Winthrop,  ii.  367  (302),  justifies  such  an  inference. 

1  From  the  official  Relation  (New-Englands  Jonas,  p.  4);  Winthrop,  ii.  271- 
288,  312-313  (221-236,  255-256).    Cf.  New-Englanda  Salamander,  pp.  4-6,  28. 
1  Cf.  New-Englands  Salamander,  p.  5. 
4  Winthrop,  ii.  340  (278-279). 


26  THE   COLONIAL  SOCIETY   OF  MASSACHUSETTS  [MARCH, 

Parliament  were  copies  of  the  Hingham  petition  of  1645,  of  the 
complaint  against  Mr.  Hobart  for  his  acts  and  speeches  on  March 
18,  1646,  of  the  verdict  against  him  returned  on  June  2,  1646,  and 
of  his  sentence  to  pay  a  fine  of  £20.1  Nothing  was  more  natural, 
then,  than  for  Burton's  name  to  appear  among  the  signatures  of 
the  Remonstrants.  In  fact,  he  showed  much  energy  in  their  cause, 
and  was  particularly  zealous  in  collecting  a  number  of  special  prov- 
idences to  show  that  God  was  against  the  government,  until  his 
efforts  were  checked  by  a  providence  on  the  other  side,  as  all  may 
read  in  Winthrop's  narrative.2  What  became  of  Burton  after  the 
final  sentence  was  passed  on  the  Remonstrants  in  November,  1647, 
we  have  no  means  of  knowing,  for  there  is  no  mention  of  him  be- 
tween that  date  and  May  13,  1649,  when  his  daughter  Sarah  was 
baptized  at  Hingham,  and  with  that  he  disappears  from  the  records.3 
I  suppose  he  died  soon  after.  His  health  had  suffered  a  severe  shock 
in!646.4 

David  Yale,  the  father  of  the  founder  of  Yale  College,  came  to 
this  country  in  Davenport's  company  with  his  stepfather,  Theo- 
philus  Eaton,  it  appears,  in  1637,  and  was  one  of  the  first  settlers  of 
New  Haven.  He  was  perhaps  an  inhabitant  there  in  March,  1641,  but 
on  June  21  in  the  same  year  is  described  as  "  now  resident  in  Boston."5 
Children  were  born  to  him  and  his  wife  Ursula  in  Boston,  according 
to  the  town  records,  in  1644,  1645,  and  on  January  14,  1651  [-2]. 
Elihu,  his  second  son,  was  born  in  New  England  (probably  in  Boston) 
in  1648  or  1649.6  On  August  23,  1645,  David  Yale  bought  of  Ed- 


1  New-Englands  Jonas,  pp.  3-5. 

*  Winthrop,  ii.  367-368  (302). 

*  History  of  Hingham,  ii.  112. 

*  Winthrop,  ii.  367  (302).    John  Otis,  Burton's  father-in-law,  died  on  May 
31,  1657,  and  in  his  will,  dated  May  30,  left  "to  my  daughter  Margaret  Burton 
and  her  three  children  twenty  shillings  amongst  them,  a  small  brasse  pot,  and  a 
canvass  skillet"  (History  of  Hingham,  iii.  102). 

*  New  Haven  Colony  Records,  i.  27,  50,  91;  F.  B.  Dexter,  Papers  of  the  New 
Haven  Colony  Historical  Society,  iii.  227;  Lechford's  Note  Book,  p.  224  (cf. 
p.  232),  hi  American  Antiquarian  Society  Transactions  and  Collections,  vii.  414 
(cf.  p.  426);  Winthrop,  i.  272  (228). 

6  Boston  Record  Commissioners'  Reports,  ix.  17,  20,  33;  Du  Card's  MS., 
excerpted  in  2  Notes  and  Queries,  ix.  101,  and  New  England  Historical  and 
Genealogical  Register,  xiv.  201;  Dexter,  as  above,  iii.  228-232.  Cf.  Waters, 
Gleanings,  i.  65.  On  July  17,  1644,  Israel  Stoughton  in  his  will,  drawn  up  in 


1919]  DR.   ROBERT  CHILD  THE  REMONSTRANT  27 

ward  Bendall  a  fine  estate  on  Cotton  Hill  in  Boston,1  but  in  1651  he 
seems  to  have  returned  to  London,2  where  he  spent  the  rest  of  his 
life,  though  he  visited  Boston  for  a  short  time  in  1659.3  His  Boston 
estate  was  sold  by  his  attorneys  in  1653.4  His  will  is  dated  July, 
1665  (the  great  Plague  Year),  but  was  not  proved  (by  his  son  Elihu) 
for  thirty-four  years.5 

Nothing  in  this  biography  suggests  Presbyterianism,  and  the 
only  visible  reason  that  emerges  for  Yale's  joining  the  Remonstrants 
is  the  fact  that,  not  being  a  church-member,  he  was  a  non-freeman 
and  could  not  have  his  children  baptized.  Perhaps  that  was  reason 
enough,  but  I  wonder  whether  Yale's  signing  was  induced  by  the 
trial  of  his  mother,  the  wife  of  Governor  Theophilus  Eaton,  by  the 
New  Haven  Church  in  1644  for  "divers  scandalous  offences."  By 
toying  with  Anabaptist  doctrines  she  had  come  to  entertain  scruples 
which  interfered  with  conformity  in  church  practices.  Besides,  she 
had  struck  her  mother-in-law,  and  slandered  her  stepdaughter, 
and  declared  that  "Anthony  the  neager"  had  bewitched  the  beer. 
In  short,  she  was  a  little  insane 6  and  had  made  her  house  an  uncom- 
fortable place  for  the  family.  She  received  a  public  admonition, 
and  in  1645  she  was  excommunicated  for  contumacy  and  falsehood.7 
Her  treatment  by  the  church  cannot  have  been  pleasing  to  her  son, 
and  he  may  well  have  thought  some  change  in  the  New  England 
system  desirable.  True,  the  Presbyterian  model,  for  which  Child 
was  so  eager,  would  have  handled  the  case  with  quite  as  much 
severity,  but  Yale  was  young,  and  —  so  the  fathers  thought  —  was 
as  ignorant  of  what  he  was  about  as  Absalom's  recruits  who  went  to 
Hebron  "  in  their  simplicity." 


England,  made  David  Yale  one  of  his  overseers  (New  England  Historical  and 
Genealogical  Register,  iv.  52). 

Suffolk  Deeds,  ii.  47.    Cf.  our  Publications,  xx.  264. 

Suffolk  Deeds,  i.  192. 

Winthrop  Papers,  ii.  501. 

Suffolk  Deeds,  ii.  48. 

Dexter,  as  above,  iii.  231-232. 

Her  daughter,  the  wife  of  Governor  Edward  Hopkins,  was  insane  for  many 
years  (Waters,  Gleanings,  p.  64;  Winthrop,  ii.  265-266  [216-217]). 

1  The  report  of  the  trial,  from  the  Church  Records,  is  in  the  Papers  of  the 
New  Haven  Colony  Historical  Society,  v.  133-148;  cf.  Leonard  Bacon,  Thirteen 
Historical  Discourses,  1839,  pp.  296-306;  F.  B.  Dexter,  Historical  Catalogue  of 
the  Members  of  the  First  Church  in  New  Haven,  1914,  pp.  2-3. 


28  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  [MARCH, 

I  have  dwelt  at  some  length  on  the  extreme  diversity  of  views 
among  the  seven  Remonstrants,  because  this  has  been  thought  to 
explode  the  theory  that  we  are  dealing  with  a  Presbyterian  move- 
ment. The  diversity  is,  at  first  sight,  a  little  disconcerting  to  that 
theory;  but  a  moment's  reflection  shows  that  it  is  equally  discon- 
certing to  any  theory  that  would  strive  to  explain  the  united  action 
of  this  ill-assorted  group.  Two  separate  questions  are  really  in- 
volved: (1)  What  did  the  Remonstrants  try  to  do?  and  (2)  Why 
did  they  try  to  do  it?  * 

The  first  question  admits  of  an  immediate  and  strictly  definite 
reply:  —  They  tried  to  subvert  the  Massachusetts  government,  to 
bring  the  Colony  under  the  thumb  of  a  Presbyterian  Parliament,  to 
impose  the  Solemn  League  and  Covenant  upon  all  the  inhabitants, 
and  to  procure  the  establishment  of  the  (Presbyterian)  Church  of 
England  as  a  state  church. 

Why  did  they  try  to  do  this?  That  is  not  so  easily  answered. 
There  were  seven  Remonstrants,  and  only  two  of  them  were  Pres- 
byterians, Child  and  Burton.  These  two  we  can  understand  with- 
out difficulty,  for  they  strove  to  accomplish  exactly  what  they  be- 
lieved in  —  the  extension  to  Massachusetts  of  all  the  blessings  of  a 
Presbyterian  national  church  established  in  a  Presbyterian  state. 
They  signed  the  Remonstrance  with  full  comprehension  of  what  it 
meant  and  in  hearty  agreement  with  all  its  principles.  The  other 
five  were  united  only  in  desiring  to  see  the  autonomy  of  the  Bay 
overthrown;  and  to  bring  this  about  they  consented  to  sacrifice  — 
Maverick  his  Episcopal  tenets,  Dand  and  Fowle  and  Smith  their 
Congregationalism,  Fowle  and  Smith  their  principle  of  toleration  or 
of  liberty  of  conscience.  Maverick,  perhaps,  knew  what  he  was 
about,  for  he  was  certainly  a  thorough  Royalist  at  heart,  and  he 
may  have  realized  that  the  King's  sole  hope  lay  in  the  triumph  of 
the  Presbyterian  party  over  the  Independents.  If  so,  his  action  is 
quite  intelligible.  He  was  willing  to  embark  with  the  Presbyterians 
in  order  to  save  the  Church  and  the  King,  for  he  could  not  doubt 
that  the  King  would  throw  them  overboard,  if  God  gave  him  strength, 
as  soon  as  they  had  served  his  turn.1  Thus  Maverick,  a  Presbyterian 

1  Maverick,  whatever  his  wrongs  and  his  virtues,  was  not  always  law-abiding. 
Witness  his  punishment  for  "confederacy"  with  Thomas  Owen  in  the  tatter's 
escape  from  prison  in  1641  (Massachusetts  Colony  Records,  i.  335;  Winthrop, 


1919]  DR.   ROBERT  CHILD  THE  REMONSTRANT  29 

for  the  nonce,  ranges  with  Child  and  Burton,  and  three  out  of  our 
seven  are  accounted  for.  The  others,  Dand  and  Fowle  and  Yale 
and  Smith,  belonged  in  the  group  only  by  virtue  of  their  discontent 
with  the  administration,  which  was  the  sole  binding  element  com- 
mon to  all  the  Remonstrants.1  The  guiding  spirit  was  undoubtedly 

ii.  61-62  [51-52]).  In  that  same  year  he  was  also  thought  to  be  "privey  to  the 
flight  of  one  Bell,"  who  had  jumped  his  bail  (Maverick  to  Winthrop,  March  1, 
1640[-1],  Winthrop  Papers,  ii.  308-309);  nor  was  this  the  first  time  that  he  had 
been  suspected  of  harboring  shady  characters  (Massachusetts  Colony  Records, 
i.  140,  cf.  i.  159).  The  administration  had  another  ground  of  offence  against  him 
of  very  recent  date.  In  1644  Madame  la  Tour  had  got  judgment  in  £2000  damages 
in  a  Massachusetts  court  against  Alderman  Barclay  of  London;  and  in  the  next 
year  Barclay  had  attached  Thomas  Fowle's  ship  and  had  brought  suit  against 
Stephen  Winthrop,  Recorder  of  the  court  that  found  for  Madame  la  Tour,  and 
Captain  John  Weld,  one  of  the  jurymen  (Winthrop,  ii.  244-248  [198-202];  letters 
of  Stephen  Winthrop,  March  1,  1644 [-5],  and  March  27,  1646,  Winthrop  Papers, 
iv.  200,  205).  A  mainstay  of  his  case  was  "a  certificate  of  the  proceedings  of  the 
[Massachusetts]  court  under  the  hands  of  divers  persons  of  good  credit  here, 
who  although  they  reported  truth  for  the  most  part,  yet  not  the  whole  truth, 
being  somewhat  prejudiced  in  the  case."  "These  persons,"  adds  Winthrop, 
"were  called  in  question  about  it  after,  for  the  offence  was  great,  and  they  had 
been  censured  for  it,  if  proof  could  have  been  had  for  a  legal  conviction."  Who 
they  were,  he  does  not  inform  us,  but  we  learn  from  another  source  that  one  of 
them  was  Maverick,  for  Stephen  Winthrop  writes  to  his  brother  John  from 
London,  March  1,  1644[-5]:  "Major  Sedgwick,  Mr  Rusell,  Mr  Maverick  & 
Trerise  were  they  y*  did  informe  ag1  y°  country  vnder  theire  hands"  (Winthrop 
Papers,  iv.  200).  Barclay's  efforts  were  in  vain,  but  he  put  Fowle,  Weld,  and 
Stephen  Winthrop  to  considerable  expense,  and  their  petitions  to  the  General 
Court  in  1645  for  reimbursement  were  unavailing  (Massachusetts  Colony  Records, 
ii.  135,  iii.  49-50).  The  original  petitions  are  in  the  Massachusetts  Archives,  ii. 
489  (Winthrop  and  Weld),  be.  142  (Fowle).  See  also  Lords'  Journals,  vii.  352, 
366,  400;  Historical  Manuscripts  Commission,  Sixth  Report,  Appendix,  pp.  58, 
59,  61,  63;  3  Massachusetts  Historical  Collections,  vii.  98-99,  105-106. 

1  Fowle  and  Yale  (and  apparently  Dand)  were  merchants  and  as  such  were 
doubtless  influenced  by  the  feeling  that  the  severity  of  the  colonial  government 
discouraged  immigration  and  was  damaging  to  trade.  Thus  their  wish  for 
greater  freedom  in  religious  matters  may  have  rested  in  part  (by  no  means  dis- 
creditably) on  a  sound  commercial  basis.  If  so,  they  were  under  a  singular  mis- 
apprehension in  supposing  that  the  establishment  of  a  Presbyterian  regime 
would  foster  liberty.  There  is  plenty  of  evidence  that  friends  of  New  England 
felt  that  the  harshness  toward  the  Anabaptists  and  other  sectaries  was  bad  for 
the  Colony.  On  March  1,  1644[-5],  Stephen  Winthrop  wrote  from  London  to 
his  brother  John:  "Heere  is  great  complaint  ag*  vs  for  or  severetye  ag*  Ana- 
baptist. It  doth  discourag  any  people  from  coming  to  vs  for  fear  they  should  be 
banished  if  they  disent  from  vs  in  opinion"  (Winthrop  Papers,  iv.  200).  On 
September  4,  [1646,]  Hugh  Peter  wrote  to  the  younger  Winthrop:  "None  will 
come  to  you  because  you  persecute"  (Winthrop  Papers,  i.  109),  and  Coddington 


30  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS          [MARCH, 

Child,  who  was  the  only  man  of  first-rate  intellectual  qualities  in 
the  coterie.  The  diversity  of  views,  then,  by  no  means  disproves  the 
Presbyterian  character  of  the  movement.1  It  proves  only  that,  as 
in  all  such  movements,  some  are  leaders  and  some  are  led. 

Anyhow,  the  private  reasonings  of  the  "eminent  person"  with 
the  Remonstrants  were  of  no  effect,  and  the  business  was  taken  up 
again  when  the  General  Court  assembled  on  October  7,  1646.  A 
committee  was  appointed  to  draw  up  an  answer  to  Child  and  his 
associates,  and  Edward  Winslow  was  selected  to  go  to  England  as  the 
agent  of  the  Colony  in  the  Gorton  business,  as  well  as  in  any  troubles 
that  might  grow  out  of  the  Remonstrance.  The  committee  consisted 
of  Winthrop,  Thomas  Dudley,  Richard  Bellingham,  and  Nathaniel 
Duncan,2  the  first  three  of  whom  had  become  personal  friends  of 
Child  when  he  visited  the  Colony  for  the  first  time.3 

In  November,  1646,  at  an  adjourned  session,  which  began  on  the 
4th,  at  1  p.  M.,4  the  Court  tackled  V affaire  Child  in  earnest.  The 
Elders  were  consulted,  and  gave  their  opinion  of  the  Remonstrance, 


refers  to  this  remark  in  a  letter  of  November  11,  1646,  to  the  elder  Winthrop: 
"Mr  Fetters  writes  in  y*  yow.  sent  to  yor  sonn,  y*  yowpsecute"  (Charles  Deane, 
Some  Notices  of  Samuel  Gorton,  Boston,  1850,  p.  41).  Again,  on  May  5,  1647, 
Peter  writes  to  John  Winthrop,  Senior:  "Ah  sweet  New  England!  &  yet  sweeter 
if  diuisions  bee  not  among  you,  if  you  will  giue  any  incouragement  to  those  that 
are  godly  and  shall  differ  etc.  I  pray  doe  what  you  can  herin,  &  know  that 
your  example  swayse  here"  (Winthrop  Papers,  i.  Ill;  cf.  1  Massachusetts  His- 
torical Proceedings,  x.  19).  Giles  Finnin  writes  to  the  elder  Winthrop  on  July 
1,  1646,  with  regard  to  Hugh  Peter:  "I  could  wish  hee  did  not  too  much  counte- 
nance the  Opinionists,  which  wee  did  so  cast  out  in  N.  England.  I  know  he 
abhorrs  them  in  his  heart,  but  hee  hath  many  hang  vpon  him,  being  a  man  of 
such  vse.  I  hope  God  will  preserue  him  spottlesse,  notwithstanding  vile  aspersions 
cast  vpon  him,  but  I  perceiue  it  is  by  the  Presbyterians,  against  whom  sometime 
hee  lets  dropp  a  sharp  word"  (Winthrop  Papers,  ii.  277).  Cotton,  in  The  Way 
of  Congregational  Churches  Cleared  (London,  1648),  pt.  i.  p.  22,  remarks: 
"Surely  the  way  which  is  practised  in  New-England  cannot  justly  be  taxed  for 
too  much  connivence  to  all  kinde  of  Sects:  wee  here  doe  rather  heare  ill  for  too 
much  rigour." 

1  Dr.  H.  M.  Dexter  describes  the  Remonstrants  accurately  enough  as  "a 
little  cabal  of  Presbyterians  and  others  in  Massachusetts  —  undertaking  to 
work  with  the  aid  of  the  very  large  number  who  by  this  time  were  in  the  country 
resident,  who  were  not  members  of  the  churches,  and  so  were  debarred  from  the 
privileges  of  freemen"  (Congregationalism,  New  York,  1880,  p.  435). 

*  Massachusetts  Colony  Records,  ii.  162;  Winthrop,  ii.  346  (283). 

1  See  p.  8,  above. 

4  Massachusetts  Colony  Records,  iii.  79. 


1919]  DR.   ROBERT  CHILD  THE  REMONSTRANT  31 

but  offered  no  advice  as  to  what  judgment  should  be  passed  on  the 
petitioners,  leaving  that  question  to  the  Court.1  Yet  it  is  still  the 
vogue  to  call  the  Colony  a  theocracy  I  The  Answer  had  been  pre- 
pared in  the  interim.2  It  is  an  elaborate  document,  and  skilfully 
drawn,  but  is  too  well  known  to  invite  comment.3  This  was  adopted 
by  the  Court,  not,  as  Winthrop  explains,  "by  way  of  answer"  to  the 
Remonstrance,  because  that  "was  adjudged  a  contempt,"  but  "in 
way  of  declaration  of  the  Court's  apprehension  thereof,"  and  was 
afterwards  made  public  4  and  somewhat  widely  circulated. 

A  ship,  the  Supply,5  was  about  to  sail  for  England,  on  which 
Fowle  had  engaged  passage,  and  Smith,  who  lived  in  Providence, 
was  likely  soon  to  return  to  his  home.  They  were  therefore  —  so 
the  Records  inform  us  —  summoned  to  Court  and  asked  if  they 
"sawe  any  evill"  in  the  Remonstrance  "which  they  would  retract." 
When  they  replied  that,  on  the  contrary,  "they  stood  to  justify  v* 
same,"  they  were  required  to  give  securities  in  £100  each  "to  be 
responsall  to  ye  judgm*  of  ye  Courte,"  since  they  might  be  out  of 
the  jurisdiction  when  the  matter  came  up.  Both  of  them  refused 
and  appealed  to  the  Commissioners  for  Plantations,  declaring  that 
they  would  "engage"  themselves  to  prosecute  the  appeal.  They 
were  taken  out  of  the  courtroom,  but  were  called  in  again  after  a 
brief  interval  and  were  once  more  required  to  give  security  "  to  answer 
y*  matter  of  ye  peticon,"  but  they  "refused  to  answer,"  and  Fowle 
argued  that  the  Court  was  not  competent  to  judge  them  for  any 
alleged  offence  against  itself,  as  being  a  party  interested;6  "therfore 
they  stood  to  their  appeale  for  competent  justice."  Accordingly 
they  were  committed  to  the  Marshal  until  they  should  furnish  the 
security  required.7  Winthrop  affords  further  details,  from  which  we 


1  Winthrop,  ii.  347  (284). 

«  Winthrop,  ii.  346  (284). 

'  Hutchinson  Papers,  i.  223-247.  The  manuscript  is  in  the  Massachusetts 
Archives,  x.  321-337. 

4  Winthrop,  ii.  346  (284). 

1  New-Englands  Jonas,  p.  2;  Winslow,  New-Englands  Salamander,  p.  3. 

•  Cf.  the  language  of  Henry  Gardener,  New-Englands  Vindication,  1660: 
"What  Law  can  we  have  or  expect  that  be  of  the  Church  of  England,  they  In- 
dependents, so  our  Antagonists,  incompetent  Judges,  being  parties  in  action, 
and  opposite  in  Religion  [?]"  (pp.  6-7;  p.  36,  ed.  Banks,  Gorges  Society). 

7  Massachusetts  Colony  Records,  iii.  88-89  (session  of  November  4,  1646). 


32  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS         ^[ 

learn  that  Fowle  and  Smith  complained  that  the  other  Remon- 
strants had  not  also  been  sent  for.  Thereupon  these  were  summoned, 
and  all,  except  Maverick,  appeared.  Probably  the  Marshal  had 
failed  to  find  him,  since  there  is  no  evidence  that  he  attempted  to 
escape,  and  since  his  absence  was  not  counted  against  him  later.1 
Child,  "being  the  chief  speaker,"  demanded  to  know  what  they  were 
accused  of,  and  was  informed  that  "their  charge"  was  not  yet  ready, 
but  should  be  forthcoming  in  due  season,  and  that  the  present  busi- 
ness had  to  do  only  with  the  question  of  securities  for  Fowle  and 
Smith.  The  Doctor  again  asked  "what  offence  they  had  com- 
mitted, for  which  they  should  find  sureties,"  and  he  was  accommo- 
dated by  the  reading  of  one  particularly  offensive  clause  in  the  Re- 
monstrance. He  took  a  high  tone  —  being  young  and  ardent,  and 
manifestly  feeling  some  scorn  for  this  picayune  Parliament  —  and 
replied  that  he  and  his  associates  had  acted  beneath  their  dignity 
in  petitioning  the  Court  in  the  first  place,  whereupon  he  appealed 
to  the  Commissioners.  The  Governor  refused  to  admit  any  appeal, 
as  being  contrary  to  the  Charter,  and  "the  Court  let  them  know 
that  they  did  take  notice  of  their  contemptuous  speeches  and  be- 
havior, as  should  further  appear  in  due  time."  All  were  then  dis- 
missed, with  an  injunction  to  appear  when  summoned,  except  Smith 
and  Fowle,  who  had  been  "committed  to  the  Marshal,"  as  we  have 
already  seen,  but  they  soon  found  sureties,  and  were  released  before 
nightfall.2  Though  Child's  appearance  on  this  occasion  is  not  men- 
tioned in  the  record,  we  may  be  confident  that  Winthrop  is  accurate,8 
for  the  appeal  before  sentence  was  later  in  this  same  session  made  an 
especial  ground  of  accusation  against  him  and  all  the  other  Remon- 
strants except  Maverick. 

There  is  an  important  remark  of  Winthrop  in  a  letter  to  his  eldest 
son  (November  16,  1646),  which  seems  to  have  been  overlooked  by 
investigators  of  these  events.  He  writes:  "I  had  thought  we  should 


The  exact  date  cannot  be  determined,  but  it  was  between  November  4,  when 
the  Court  came  in,  and  November  9,  when  the  Supply  sailed. 

1  See  p.  38,  below. 

1  Winthrop,  ii.  347-348  (284-285);  cf.  New-Englands  Salamander,  p.  12. 

1  It  will  be  noted  that  the  Record  testifies  that  there  was  an  intermission  in 
the  hearing  or  examination  of  Smith  and  Fowle.  Doubtless  it  was  caused  by  the 
time  it  took  to  summon  Child  and  the  others. 


1919]  DR.   ROBERT  CHILD  THE  REMONSTRANT  33 

onely  haue  declared  or  apprehensions  concerning  the  Petition,1 
wthout  questioning  the  Petitioners  but,  the  Deptyes  called  vpon  it, 
whereupon  mr  Fowle  was  forced  to  putt  in  bond  to  ansr,  &c,  &  the 
rest  being  called,  did  p'sently  appeale  to  the  Parl*,  etc.:  so  as  we 
are  like  to  proceed  to  some  Censure  for  their  appeal,  if  not  for  the 
Petition."2  This  shows  that  the  magistrates  had  not  planned  to 
bring  the  Remonstrants  to  the  bar,  but  that  the  Deputies  were  de- 
termined to  have  them  appear.  Their  bearing  when  summoned, 
and  the  momentous  questions  raised  by  their  appeal,  made  "cen- 
sure" (that  is,  the  passing  of  some  judgment)  inevitable. 

Soon  after  this  hearing,  Fowle  went  to  England  in  the  Supply,  as 
he  had  intended,  and  he  seems  never  to  have  returned  to  America. 
The  ship  sailed  on  November  9,  1646.3  The  passenger  list4  included 
Richard  Sadler,  Captain  Thomas  Harding,  John  Leverett,  Herbert 
Pelham, — who,  at  his  own  request,  was  relieved  of  the  duty  of  serv- 
ing as  agent  of  the  Colony  in  association  with  Winslow,5  —  William 
Vassall,  —  whom  Winslow  regards  as  the  chief  fomeoter  of  the 
whole  trouble  and  the  constant  adviser  of  the  Remonstrants,  — 
Captain  William  Sayles  (late  Governor  of  Bermuda)  and  William 
Golding  (a  minister  in  that  colony),  who  were  charged  with  the  mis- 
sion of  pleading  the  cause  of  the  Independent  churches  of  the  islands 
with  the  Bermuda  Company,  and,  if  necessary,  with  Parliament.6 
The  voyage  was  tempestuous  and  full  of  peril;  but,  after  an  almost 

1  The  allusion  is  to  the  Declaration  of  the  General  Court,  session  of  November 
4,  1646  (see  p.  31,  above). 

•  John  Winthrop  to  John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  November  16,  1646,  printed  in  the 
Appendix  to  Savage's  Winthrop,  ii.  430. 

1  John  Winthrop  to  John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  May  14,  1647:  "Captain  Harding 
arrived  at  Bristol  19  (10).  They  went  from  here  9  (9),  and  had  a  very  tempes- 
tuous voyage,  and  were  carried  among  the  rocks  at  Scilly,  where  never  ship  came  " 
(Savage's  Winthrop,  ii.  432).  Cf.  Winslow,  New-Englands  Salamander,  pp. 
4,  19. 

4  Winslow  is  our  authority  for  the  names  that  follow  (New-Englands  Sala- 
mander, pp.  17,  18,  20). 

•  Winthrop  Papers,  ii.  138-139.    The  petition  of  Herbert  Pelham  and  Richard 
Saltonstall  (who  also  wished  to  be  relieved  of  this  duty)  is  dated  November  17, 
1646,  and  must  have  been  presented  to  the  court  by  the  latter,  since  Pelham 
sailed  on  the  9th.    Yet  it  is  all  in  Pelham's  hand  (date  included)  except  Salton- 
Bt  all's   signature.     For   Salt-oust  all's   appointment    (1645),   see   Massachusetts 
Colony  Records,  iii.  48. 

•  See  the  Rev.  Patrick  Copland's  letter  to  John  Winthrop,  September  30, 
1647  (Winthrop  Papers,  iii.  351). 


34  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS          [MARCH, 

miraculous  escape  from  shipwreck  on  the  Stilly  rocks,  the  Supply 
reached  Bristol  on  December  19,  1646.1 

A  number  of  documents  that  concern  us  went  over  on  the  Supply, 
and  their  presence  occasioned  a  characteristic  incident  on  the  voyage. 
A  few  days  before  the  ship  set  sail,  Mr.  Cotton  of  Boston,  in  his 
Thursday  lecture  (November  5,  1646)  had  mentioned  the  imminent 
departure  of  the  Supply  and  of  another  vessel  that  was  soon  to 
follow.  "  If  there  bee  any  amongst  you  my  brethren,"  he  had  said, 
"as  'tis  reported  there  are,  that  have  a  Petition  to  prefer  to  the 
High  Court  of  Parliament  .  .  .  that  may  conduce  to  the  distrac- 
tion, annoyance  and  disturbance  of  the  peace  of  our  Churches  and 
weakning  the  Government  of  the  land  where  wee  live,  let  such  know, 
the  Lord  will  never  suffer  them  to  prosper  in  their  subtill,  malicious 
and  desperate  undertakings  against  his  people."  He  declined  to  ad- 
vise the  passengers,  "when  the  terrors  of  the  Almightie  shall  beset 
the  Vessell  wherein  they  are,  the  Heavens  shall  frowne  upon  them, 
the  billowes  of  the  Sea  shall  swell  above  them,  and  dangers  shall 
threaten  them,  (as  I  perswade  my  selfe  they  will),"  to  "take  such  a 
person,"  as  the  sailors  in  the  Bible  took  Jonah,  "and  cast  him  into 
the  Sea;  God  forbid:  but,"  he  continued,  "I  would  advise  such  to 
come  to  a  resolution  in  themselves  to  desist  from  such  enterprises, 
never  further  to  ingage  in  them,  and  to  cast  such  a  Petition  into  the 
Sea  that  may  occasion  so  much  trouble  and  disturbance."5  The 
Rev.  Thomas  Peters  (Hugh's  brother)  was  so  much  stirred  by  this 
appeal,  that,  "having  shipped  his  goods  and  bedding  to  have  gone 
in  the  Ship  with  them,  amongst  other  arguments  this  was  the  maine, 
that  he  feared  to  goe  in  their  company  that  had  such  designer,  and 
therefore  tooke  passage  to  goe  rather  by  way  of  Spaine."3 


1  Winthrop's  letter  (p.  33  note  3  above) ;  New  Englands  Salamander,  pp.  4, 
18-20  (cf.  New-Englands  Jonas,  pp.  [18-19]).  Cf.  Copland  to  Winthrop,  Sep- 
tember 30,  1647:  "Our  friends  [Sayles  and  Golding]  write  they  had  a  miserable 
voyage  from  you  to  old  England,  but  at  last  they  safely  arrived  at  their  native 
Country;"  he  is  giving  news  contained  in  their  letters  of  March  15,  1647  (Win- 
throp Papers,  iii.  351-352). 

*  New-Englands  Salamander,  pp.  14-17.    The  petition  was  Vassall's. 

'  So  he  told  Winelow  in  London,  with  permission  to  print  the  fact  in  his  New- 
Englands  Salamander  (p.  18).  John  Winthrop,  in  a  letter  to  John  Winthrop,  Jr., 
November  16, 1646,  says  that "  Mr  Peters  is  resolued  to  goe  by  Malago,  wth  Cap* 
Hawkins"  (Savage's  Winthrop,  2d  ed.,  Appendix,  ii.  430).  This  ship  "loosed 
fro  Nantasket"  on  December  19,  1646,  and  arrived  at  Malaga  on  January  19, 


1919]  DR.   ROBERT  CHILD  THE   REMONSTRANT  35 

Storms  did,  indeed,  descend  upon  the  ship;  the  passengers  re- 
membered Mr.  Cotton's  warning,  and  Fowle,  in  the  midst  of  the 
tempest,  when  two  hundred  leagues  short  of  Land's  End,  in  com- 
pliance with  the  request  of  "a  godly  &  discreet  woman,"  took  a  copy 
of  the  Remonstrance  out  of  his  trunk  and  gave  it  to  her,  and  "re- 
ferred it  to  the  discretion  of  others  to  doe  withall  as  they  should  see 
good."  This  was  after  midnight,  when  all  were  "wearied  out  and 
tired  in  their  spirits."  The  woman  showed  the  paper  to  Richard 
Sadler  and  others.  They  saw  at  once  that  "it  was  not  the  right 
Petition,"  that  is,  not  Vassall's  petition  to  Parliament,  but  "because 
they  judged  it  also  to  bee  very  bad,  having  often  scene  it  in  New 
England,  but  never  liked  the  same,  cut  it  in  peeces  as  they  thought 
it  deserved,  and  gave  the  said  peeces  to  a  seaman  who  cast  them  into 
the  sea."  Next  day  the  wind  abated,  but  they  had  divers  storms 
afterward.  In  short,  Winslow  tells  us,  it  was  "  the  terriblest  passage 
that  ever  I  heard  on  for  extremitie  of  weather,  the  mariners  not  able 
to  take  an  observation  of  sunne  or  star  in  seven  hundred  leagues 
sailing  or  thereabouts." 1  This  incident  suggested  the  title  for  Major 
John  Child's  New-Englands  Jonas  Cast  up  at  London,  to  which  we 
shall  recur.  Though  one  copy  of  the  Remonstrance  had  thus  gone 
overboard,  there  was  another  hi  the  ship,  and  Vassall  had  with  him 
his  own  petitions  to  Parliament.2  These,  however,  must  be  sharply 
distinguished  from  Child's  appeal.  It  does  not  appear  that  this 
appeal  was  carried  to  England  on  the  Supply,  though  that  is  possi- 
ble. It  was  Child's  intention,  as  we  shall  see  in  a  moment,  to  go  to 
England  in  a  few  days,  and  to  bring  the  matter  to  the  attention  of 
Parliament  himself.  Fowle's  copy  of  the  Remonstrance,  as  well  as 
certain  other  pertinent  documents,  —  such  as  transcripts  of  the 
Hingham  petition  and  the  proceedings  against  the  Rev.  Peter  Hobart, 
the  Capital  Laws  of  Massachusetts,  and  the  Freeman's  Oath,  all  of 


1647  (Thomas  Peters  to  Governor  Winthrop,  from  Malaga  Road,  February  17, 
1646[-7],  Winthrop  Papers,  ii.  428).  Peters  was  in  London  as  early  as  April  27, 
1647  (ii.  431). 

I  l  I  have  followed  Winslow's  account  of  this  Jonah  incident,  which  is  based  on 
inquiries  made  'among  the  passengers  —  particularly  on  information)  furnished 
by  Captains  Sayles,  Leverett,  and  Harding,  and  Mr.  Richard  Sadler.  The 
account  in  New-Englands  Jonas  does  not  differ  in  any  essential  respect,  but  is 
lees  careful  and  less  circumstantial. 

*  See  Winthrop,  ii.  340,  391  (279,  321). 


36  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS          [ 

which  (and  other  papers  unspecified)  were  taken  over  in  the  Supply,1 
—  was  obviously  intended  to  be  used  either  in  support  of  Vassall's 
petitions,  or  in  influencing  public  opinion  in  preparation  for  Child's 
arrival,  or  hi  both  ways.  Nothing  of  any  consequence,  however, 
was  done  by  Fowle  or  Vassall  in  England  until  after  the  arrival  of 
Winslow,  which  took  place  in  January,  1647. 

But  we  must  return  to  the  proceedings  of  the  November  Court  of 
1646.  At  that  session,  the  24th  of  December  was-  set  apart  for  a 
day  of  humiliation  "wth  respect  to  ye  hazordous  estate  of  our  native 
country,  y*  trowbles  thereof,  ye  sad  condicon  of  ye  church  at  Bar- 
muda,2  &  ye  weighty  cases  in  respect  of  our  churches  &  comonwealth, 
10th  reference  to  any  that  seeke  to  vndermyne  ye  libertyes  of  Gods  people 
here  in  either  or  both."3  This  was  particularly  directed  against  the 
Remonstrants,  and  was  so  understood;  and  therefore  Mr.  Peter 
Hobart,  "the  pastor  at  Hingham,  and  others  of  his  church  (being  of 
their  party)  made  light  of  it,  and  some  said  they  would  not  fast 
against  Dr.  Child  and  against  themselves."4  Hobart,  Winthrop 
asserts,  was  "of  a  Presbyterial  spirit,"  that  is,  he  was  disposed  to 
"manage  all  affairs  without  the  church's  advice,"  contrary  to  the 
Congregational  principle.5 


1  New-Englands  Jonas,  p.  [19]. 

1  See  Lefroy,  Bermudas,  i.  569-587,  594-595,  600-633,  711-713;  Winthrop, 
ii.  408-409  (334-336);  Sibley,  Harvard  Graduates,  i.  137-140;  Winthrop  Papers, 
iii.  340-342,  350-354;  unpublished  letter  of  the  Rev.  Patrick  Copland  to  Win- 
throp, August  25,  1646,  Davis  Papers,  fol.  7  (Massachusetts  Historical  Society, 
O.  12,  3);  Colonial  Society  Publications,  xiii.  53-55;  A  declaration  of  the  Right 
Honourable  Robert,  Earle  of  Warwick,  .  .  .  Governour  of  the  Company  of 
London  for  the  Plantation  of  the  Summer  Islands;  And  of  the  said  Company:  To 
the  Colony  and  Plantation  there.  October  23,  1644  (Harvard  College  Library). 
What  might  have  happened  in  Massachusetts,  had  Child's  conspiracy  not  been 
frustrated,  Winthrop  was  able  to  read  in  the  Bermuda  case  in  a  letter  from 
William  Rener  (March  31,  1647)  which  he  may  have  received  before  Child  was 
sentenced:  "The  Honr11  Companye  in  London  for  o*  Hands,  hathe  sent  a  newe 
Gouernor.  At  his  Arriuall  called  an  Assemblye,  and  by  multiplicitye  of  vote 
chose  suche  Burgesses  as  serued  for  the  ende  p'tended,  the  greatest  pte  of  the 
Counscell  were  independants  (as  they  call  them)  but  by  this  Assemblye  to  be 
caste  of,  ipso  facto;  haueinge  not  else  against  them;  Our  Elders  not  suffered  to 
teache  the  worde,  nor  anye  of  that  (soe  called)  independant  waye  to  beare  anye 
office  in  Comonwealthe "  (Winthrop  Papers,  iii.  340). 

1  Massachusetts  Colony  Records,  iii.  86. 

,«  Winthrop,  ii.  372  (305). 

•  Winthrop,  ii.  288  (235).    Cf.  Hypocrisie  Unmasked,  p.  99. 


1919]  DR.   ROBERT  CHILD  THE  REMONSTRANT  37 

About  the  middle  of  November,  or  a  little  later  —  near  the  end 
of  the  session,  at  all  events,  —  all  the  Remonstrants  (except  Fowle J) 
were  summoned  and  "in  the  open  court,  before  a  great  assembly" 
they  heard  their  petition  read  and  listened  to  the  charge  against 
them,  which  a  committee  had  prepared  in  the  interval.  They  were 
accused,  (1)  on  the  basis  of  various  expressions  in  the  Remon- 
strance, of  defaming  the  government  and  slandering  the  churches, 
with  attempting  to  weaken  the  authority  of  the  laws  and  fomenting 
sedition,  and  (2)  on  the  basis  of  their  behavior  when  previously 
summoned,  with  "publickly  declaring  their  disaffection"  to  the  gov- 
ernment in  that  they  refused  to  answer,  and  "  disclaiming  its  juris- 
diction" by  appealing  "before  they  knew  whether  the  Court  would 
give  any  sentence  against  them  or  not."  The  charges  were  dis- 
tributed under  twelve  heads.2  The  defendants  asked  time  to  com- 
pose an  answer,  which  they  presented  in  writing  later  in  the  same 
day,  probably  in  the  afternoon,  the  Court  reassembling  and  the  at- 
tendance of  the  people  still  being  large.  This,  as  was  to  be  expected, 
was  part  defence,  part  excuse,  and  part  denial,  and  "the  court  re- 
plied" to  it  clause  by  clause  "extempore,"  as  it  was  read.3  The 
appeal,  which,  as  we  have  seen,  was  brought  to  their  charge  as  an 
offence  quite  distinct  from  their  contempt  and  the  seditious  char- 
acter of  the  Remonstrance,  they  justified4  as  their  right;  but  they 
did  not  answer  the  important  point  raised  in  the  Charge  —  namely, 
that  they  had  appealed  before  sentence,  and  in  such  terms  as  to 
deny  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Court.  This  point  the  presiding  officer 
did  not  neglect  to  emphasize  in  replying  to  the  defendants'  answer.5 
Whatever  may  be  thought  of  the  case  of  the  Remonstrants,  nobody 
who  has  read  the  documents  can  hold  that  they  improved  it  mate- 
rially by  their  rejoinder.  They  were  found  guilty  and  sentenced  — 
Child  to  a  fine  of  £50,  Smith  to  £40,  Maverick  to  £10,  and  the  rest 
to  £30  each;  but  were  informed  that  "an  ingenuous  &  publicke 

1  The  Record  says  expressly  that  Fowle  was  "at  sea"  when  judgment  was 
passed  (ill.  94). 

1  Winthrop,  ii.  348-350  (285-287);  Massachusetts  Colony  Records,  Hi. 
90-91. 

»  Winthrop,  ii.  350-355  (287-291). 

4  Winthrop's  words  (ii.  354  [290]),  "they  make  an  apology  for  their  appeal," 
must  not  be  misconstrued:  apology  is  used  in  its  original  meaning,  "defence." 

•  Winthrop,  ii.  354  (290). 


38  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS          [MARCH, 

acknowledgmen*  of  their  misdemean°rs"  would  be  "accepted  as 
satisfaccon  for  their  offences,  &  their  fines  not  taken."  They  re- 
jected this  offer,  and  the  Court  declared  their  sentence.1  "Three 
of  the  magistrates,  viz.,  Mr.  Bellingham,  Mr.  Saltonstall,  and  Mr. 
Bradstreet,  dissented,  and  desired  to  be  entered  contradicentes  in  all 
the  proceedings  (only  Mr.  Bradstreet  went  home  before  the  sen- 
tence),"2 and  five  of  the  Deputies  were  also  recorded  as  contradi- 
centes, two  of  whom  had  been  leaders  in  the  Hingham  disturbances.8 
The  smallness  of  Maverick's  fine  was  due  to  his  not  having  appealed 
in  November.4  Child's  sentence  runs  as  follows:  "Doctor  Childe,  as 
being  guilty  not  only  of  his  offence  in  the  matter  of  appeale  &  remon- 
strance, but  also  in  chardging  ye  Coute  wth  breaches  of  p*viledges 
of  Parliament,  &  contemptuous  speeches  &  behaviou'  towards  them, 
is  fined  ffiffty  pounds."6  This  refers  to  his  demeanor  at  the  Novem- 
ber hearing,  for  there  is  no  indication  that  he  misbehaved  at  the 
actual  trial.  After  sentence  they  all  appealed  again.2 

The  trial  seems  to  have  occupied  one  day,  and  the  sentence  was 
almost  the  closing  act  of  the  session.6  The  exact  date  cannot  be  de- 
termined, since  all  the  proceedings  of  the  session  that  began  on 
November  4,  1646,  are  recorded  under  that  single  date,  but  it  was 
certainly  later  than  the  16th,7  and  probably  several  days  later. 

The  sentence,  we  observe,  says  nothing  about  imprisonment  or 
about  security  for  payment.8  This  silence  is  significant.  The  cul- 
prits were  set  at  liberty,  as  the  course  of  events  proves,  but  they 
were  liable  to  arrest  at  any  time  for  then*  unpaid  fines.9  The  object 

1  Massachusetts  Colony  Records,  iii.  94;  Winthrop,  ii.  355-356  (291-292). 
1  Winthrop,  ii.  356  (292). 

•  Massachusetts  Colony  Records,  iii.  94  (Richard  Russell,  Henry  Bartholmew, 
Bozon  Allen,  Joshua  Hubbard,  Edward  Carleton).    Allen  and  Hubbard  (Hobart) 
were  the  Hingham  men,  and  the  latter  was  the  minister's  brother. 

•  Ibid.;  Winthrop,  ii.  355  (291). 

•  Massachusetts  Colony  Records,  iii.  94. 

•  This  may  be  inferred  not  only  from  its  place  in  the  record,  but  also  from 
the  words  of  Winthrop,  ii.  356  (292):  "So  the  court  was  dissolved." 

7  On  November  16,  1646,  John  Winthrop  wrote  to  his  son  John,  respecting 
the  Remonstrants:  "We  are  like  to  proceed  to  some  Censure  [i.  e.,  judgment] 
for  their  appeal,  if  not  for  the  Petition"  (letter  in  Savage's  Winthrop,  ii.  430). 

•  Contrast  the  language  of  the  sentence  imposed  in  May,  1647,  when  it  was 
expressly  provided  that  the  defendants  should  be  imprisoned  until  their  fines 
were  paid  or  security  given  (Massachusetts  Colony  Records,  iii.  113). 

•  Winslow  says:    "Though  they  were  fined,  yet  the  fines  were  not  levied" 


1919]  DR.   ROBERT  CHILD  THE  REMONSTRANT  39 

of  this  apparent  leniency  seems  obvious,  —  to  give  the  offenders 
plenty  of  rope.  The  magistrates  suspected  a  Presbyterian  con- 
spiracy against  the  Charter  and  the  Independent  churches,  and  they 
kept  a  sharp  eye  on  Child  and  his  associates. 

Child,  even  before  the  trial,  seems  to  have  had  the  intention  of 
paying  a  visit  to  England  in  the  autumn,1  and  this  purpose  must  have 
been  well-known  to  the  leading  men  in  the  Colony,  with  whom  he 
had  until  recently  been  on  friendly  terms.  After  the  trial,  he  made 
haste  to  get  ready  to  go  in  a  ship  which  was  to  sail  in  about  a  week,2 
and  he  seems  to  have  talked  incautiously  about  what  he  expected  to 
accomplish  by  prosecuting  his  appeal.  The  evening  before  his  de- 
parture, the  Council  (Bellingham  dissenting)  decided  "to  stay  the 
Doctor  for  his  fine,  and  to  search  his  trunk  and  Mr.  Dand's  study," 
whereupon,  as  Winthrop  tells  us,  "we  sent  the  officers  presently  to 
fetch  the  Doctor,  and  to  search  his  study  and  Dand's  both  at  one 
instant."  The  officers  brought  Child,  and  his  trunk,  which  con- 
tained nothing  contraband,  "but  at  Dand's  they  found  Mr.  Smith" 
and  also  certain  papers  —  some  of  them  in  Chikfs  handwriting3  — 
which  deserved  all  the  attention  that  the  fathers  of  the  Colony  gave 
them. 

The  fact  is,  Winthrop  and  his  associates  had  been  too  clever  for 
Dr.  Child.  They  had  given  him  every  opportunity,  since  his  trial, 
to  prepare  such  documents  as  he  thought  would  be  most  effective  in 
England,  knowing  full  well  that  he  would  (if  liberty  of  action  were 
allowed  him)  get  these  ready  before  he  sailed,  in  order  to  fortify  them 


(New-Englands  Salamander,  p.  2).  Child's  letter  to  John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  May 
14,  1647,  shows  that  none  of  the  fines  had  been  paid  at  that  date:  "I  am  in  some 
measure  streightned  for  things  necessary,  esp.  if  or  fines  be  demaunded"  (Win- 
throp Papers,  iii.  158). 

1  He  writes  to  John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  May  14,  1647:  "I  neglected  to  write  to 
my  freinds  for  a  supply  [of  money]  this  yeare,  because  my  Intentions  were  for 
England"  (Winthrop  Papers,  iii.  157-158). 

*  Winthrop,  ii.  356  (292).  I  suppose  this  was  Major  Nehemiah  Bourne's  ship, 
which,  on  November  16,  1646,  was  expected  to  be  ready  to  sail  within  "  this  14 
dayes"  (John  Winthrop  to  John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  in  the  Appendix  to  Savage's 
Winthrop,  2d  ed.,  ii.  430).  Marvin  says  inadvertently  that  Child  "was  hastily 
preparing  to  return  to  England  with  Vassal  and  Fowle"  (New-Englands  Jonas, 
Introduction,  p.  xxxix). 

»  Winthrop,  ii.  356-357  (292-293).  Winthrop,  ii.  358  (294),  says  that  "the 
writings"  were  in  Child's  hand.  Winslow  says  that  one  of  the  "Coppice"  was 
in  Child's  hand,  another  in  Dand's  (New-Englands  Salamander,  p.  13).  A 


40  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS          [MARCH, 

with  signatures.  This  was  manifestly  their  object  in  postponing  his 
afrest  to  the  eve  of  sailing.  Indeed,  their  original  purpose  had  been 
to  wait  until  he  had  actually  embarked:  why,  Winthrop  does  not  tell 
us,  because  he  supposes  we  shall  be  shrewd  enough  to  infer  that  any 
documents  seized  on  shipboard  would  be  not  only  the  last  results  of 
the  Doctor's  activities  but  would  also,  from  the  circumstances  of 
their  seizure,  require  no  proof  that  they  were  intended  for  use  in  the 
mother  country.  I  should  be  ashamed  to  make  so  obvious  a  sugges- 
tion, were  it  not  that  an  eminent  New  Englander  has  interpreted 
the  action  of  the  vigilant  guardians  of  our  independence  hi  quite 
another  fashion.  "One  striking  characteristic  of  the  theocracy," 
writes  Mr.  Brooks  Adams,  "was  its  love  for  inflicting  mental  suffer- 
ing upon  its  victims.  The  same  malicious  vindictiveness  which  sent 
Morton  to  sea  in  sight  of  his  blazing  home,  and  which  imprisoned 
Anne  Hutchinson  in  the  house  of  her  bitterest  enemy,  now  suggested 
a  scheme  for  making  Childe  endure  the  pangs  of  disappointment,  by 
allowing  him  to  embark,  and  then  seizing  him  as  the  ship  was  setting 
sail."1 

The  papers  thus  impounded  were  three  in  number.  There  was  a 
petition  to  the  Commissioners  for  Plantations  from  some  twenty- 
five  "non-freemen"  calling  for  liberty  of  conscience  and  for  a  general 
governor.  This  was  of  no  great  consequence.  Far  more  significant 
was  another  petition,  signed  by  the  original  Remonstrants,  hi  which, 
after  reciting  the  harsh  treatment  they  had  received,  they  ask  not 
only  for  "settled  churches  according  to  the  reformation  of  England," 
—  that  is,  the  Presbyterian  reformation,  —  and  for  the  appointment 
of  a  "general  governor"  or  commissioners  to  regulate  the  Colony, 
but  for  the  imposition  of  "the  oath  of  allegiance  and  such  other 
covenants"  as  the  Parliament  may  decide  on  to  test  the  sentiments 
of  the  colonists  "to  the  state  of  England  and  true  restored  Prot- 
estant religion,"  i.  e.,  of  course,  the  Presbyterian  system.  This 
clause,  we  note,  calls  for  the  imposition  of  the  Covenant  on  the 
whole  Colony!  The  petition  also  asked  for  judgment  on  the  Remon- 
strance and  for  answers  to  certain  queries.  These,  which  made  up 
the  third  document,  were  openly  revolutionary.  They  concerned, 

document  in  the  Massachusetts  Archives,  cvi.  6  a  (printed  below,  p.  55),  says 
that  "the  foule  draughts  both  of  Petition  &  Queris  are  like  his  [Child's]  hand." 
1  Emancipation  of  Massachusetts,  Boston,  1887  [really  1886],  p.  92. 


1919]  DR.   ROBERT  CHILD  THE  REMONSTRANT  41 

amongst  other  things,  the  validity  of  the  charter,  inquiring  "  how  it 
might  be  forfeited,  and  whether  such  and  such  acts  or  speeches  in 
the  pulpits  or  in  the  courts  were  not  high  treason."1  The  revolu- 
tionary nature  of  the  seized  documents  admits  of  no  question. 
William  Pynchon,  on  March  9,  1646[-7],  wrote  from  Springfield  to 
"Winthrop,  on  the  receipt  of  certain  "extracts,"  which  he  sent  on 
(as  requested)  to  Edward  Hopkins:  "I  cannot  but  be  much  affected 
with  that  malignant  spirit  that  breathes  out  in  their  endeuors,  be- 
c[ause]  by  their  manner  of  proceedinge  (though  they  pretend  honest 
reformation,  yet)  it  seemes  to  me  they  would  destroy  both  Church 
&  Comonwealth:  in  laboring  for  a  generall  Governor,  &  in  charging 
treason  by  Conniuence  vppon  ye  Court."2 

Child,  on  being  brought  before  the  Governor  and  Council,  "fell 
into  a  great  passion,  and  gave  big  words,  but  being  told,  that  they 
considered  he  was  a  person  of  quality,  and  therefore  he  should  be 
used  with  such  respect  as  was  meet  to  be  showed  to  a  gentleman 
and  a  scholar,  but  if  he  would  behave  himself  no  better,  he  should  be 
committed  to  the  common  prison  and  clapped  in  irons,  —  upon  this 
he  grew  more  calm;  so  he  was  committed  to  the  marshal,  with  Smith 
and  Dand,  for  two  or  three  days,  till  the  ships  were  gone."  He  was 
"  very  much  troubled  to  be  hindered  from  his  voyage,  and  offered  to 
pay  his  fine,"  but  the  authorities  refused  to  accept  this  as  sufficient 
to  discharge  him,  since  they  "  now  had  new  matter  and  worse  against 
him."3  He  was  bound  over  to  the  next  Court  of  Assistants.  He 
was  not  imprisoned,  however,  but  was  allowed  to  lodge  at  the  house 
of  his  friend  Richard  Leader,  manager  of  the  iron  works,  on  giving 
bond  in  £800  (with  three  sureties)  not  to  leave  the  town  limits.4 

1  Winthrop,  ii.  357-358  (293).  Hutchinson  (2d  ed.,  1765,  i.  147-149),  gives  the 
fullest  account  of  the  contents  of  the  seized  documents,  but  he  speaks  of  only  one 
petition,  a  portion  of  which  was  the  request  for  the  answers  to  certain  queries. 
Winthrop,  ii.  359  (295),  says  that  the  "petitions  and  queries  intended  for  Eng- 
land" are  in  the  records  of  "that  court,"  but  they  are  not  now  to  be  found  there 
nor  have  the  originals  been  discovered. 

*  Winthrop  Papers,  i.  381.  Pynchon  goes  on  to  suggest  certain  measures  which 
the  Colony  may  well  take  to  obviate  criticisms  made  by  the  Remonstrants. 

»  Winthrop,  ii.  358  (294). 

4  So  I  understand  the  combined  testimony  of  Child's  letter  to  the  younger 
Winthrop,  March  15,  1646[-7]  (Winthrop  Papers,  iii.  156),  and  of  New-Englands 
Jonas,  p.  (22).  Winthrop,  ii.  358  (294),  says  merely:  "Yet,  upon  tender  of  suffi- 
cient bail,  he  was  set  at  liberty,  but  confined  to  his  house,  and  to  appear  at  the 
next  court  of  assistants." 


42  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS          [MARCH, 

Smith  and  Dand,  refusing  to  be  examined,  were  not  bailed,  but 
committed  to  prison,  "yet  lodged  in  the  keeper's  house,"  with 
liberty  to  receive  visits  from  their  friends.1 

At  the  Court  of  Assistants,  in  March,  1647,  the  whole  matter  was 
referred  to  the  next  General  Court,  partly  because  that  Court  had 
dealt  with  the  former  case  (that  of  the  Remonstrance  itself),  and 
partly  because  the  new  grounds  of  complaint  against  the  defendants 
were  so  momentous,  concerning  "the  very  life  and  foundation  of 
our  government."  Smith  and  Dand  were  released  on  bail,  after 
giving  security  to  pay  within  two  months  the  fine  imposed  on  each 
of  them  in  the  preceding  November.  Maverick,  who  had  been 
fined  only  £10  on  that  occasion,  had  exerted  himself  in  the  interim 
to  get  signatures  to  the  petition  to  the  Commissioners  —  the  same 
of  which  a  copy  was  found  hi  Band's  study.  He  was  therefore  sum- 
moned to  the  Court  of  Assistants,  charged  with  this  offence  (which, 
in  the  view  of  the  Court,  involved  a  breach  of  his  Freeman's  Oath), 
and  likewise  bound  over  to  the  General  Court.  "Mr.  Clerk,"  of 
Salem,  a  freeman  and  a  church  member,  was  also  summoned  and 
bound  over  for  the  same  reason :  —  he  had  not  signed  the  original 
Remonstrance,  but  "had  been  very  active  about  the  petition  to  the 
commissioners  in  procuring  hands  to  it."  Dr.  Child,  regarded  as 
the  chief  offender,  "was  offered  his  liberty,  upon  bail  to  the  general 
court,  and  to  be  confined  to  Boston;  but  he  chose  rather  to  go  to 
prison,  and  so  he  was  committed."  2 

We  are  now  in  a  position  to  understand  Child's  letter  of  March  15, 
1646[-7],  written  from  Boston  to  John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  "at  Pequat 
River,"  immediately  after  this  action  of  the  Assistants: 

I  should  willingly  haue  come  along  wth  yor  man,  but  yor  father  (I  thanke 
him)  hath  bin  ye  especiall  occasion  of  my  stoppage  here  and  impris- 
onm*,  for  now  I  am  at  Mallins  house,  chusing  rather  to  abide  there, 
than  to  Accept  of  his  ptended  Courtesy  of  Confinem*  to  Boston  necke, 
vnder  3  suretys  &  800*  bond,  wch  Confinem*  I  haue  patiently  endured 
this  3  months.  Imprisonm*  I  must  expect  as  long 3  viz  to  y°  General 
Court,  or  till  y6  Parliam*  releive  me:  y«  busines  you  know,  namely  ya 
petition  &  remonstrance,  for  y"  wch  I  was  fined  50*,  Mr.  Smith,  40*, 
Mr.  Yale  30*. 

1  Winthrop,  ii.  358-359  (294-295);  cf.  New  Englanda  Salamander,  p.  13. 

*  Winthrop,  ii.  367  (301). 

»  I.  e.,  three  months  more  (in  reality,  about  two  months). 


1919]  DR.   ROBERT  CHILD  THE  REMONSTRANT  43 

He  asks  payment  of  £40  which  he  had  lent  Winthrop,  for  "this  fine 
&  other  businesses  may  cause  me  to  want  moneys."  l  "Mallins,"  I 
suppose,  was  George  Munnings,  keeper  of  the  Boston  prison.2  Child, 
like  Smith  and  Dand,  was  obviously  lodged  in  the  keeper's  house,3 
not  in  the  prison  itself. 

Here  we  must  pause  to  draw  an  obvious  distinction,  which  has 
sometimes  been  overlooked  or  ignored.  The  authorities  had  two 
separate  cases  against  Child:  (1)  that  which  grew  directly  out  of  the 
Remonstrance  itself  and  his  conduct  when  summoned  to  answer  to 
it,  and  (2)  that  concerning  the  papers  found  in  Dand's  study.  The 
first  was  finished  at  the  November  Court  in  1646  by  the  imposition 
of  a  fine  of  £50,  which  still  hung  over  his  head,  being  unpaid;  the 
second,  which  involved  a  conspiracy  to  subvert  the  government, 
was  now  pending  and  was  to  be  tried  at  the  spring  session  of  the 
General  Court  in  1647.  It  was  the  fact  that  the  fine  of  £50  had  not 
been  paid  which  gave  the  Council  a  valid  ground  for  arresting  Child 
in  November,  1646,  when  he  was  about  to  sail  for  England,  and 
doubtless  (as  already  suggested)  the  neglect  to  exact  payment  and 
the  liberty  of  a  week  or  more  accorded  to  the  Doctor  before  the 
date  of  his  intended  sailing  (in  November,  1646)  had  been  a  piece 
of  policy  on  the  part  of  the  magistrates,  who,  suspecting  a  con- 
spiracy against  the  government,  wished  to  give  the  plotters  every 
opportunity  to  take  such  measures  and  prepare  such  documents  as 
should  make  their  ultimate  purposes  clear. 

The  Court  of  Elections  was  held  on  May  26,  1647.  Winthrop  was 
chosen  Governor  by  a  plurality  of  two  or  three  hundred,  and  the 
only  new  magistrate  elected  was  Captain  Robert  Bridges.  Yet  there 
had  been  "great  laboring"  by  "the  friends  of  the  petitioners  to  have 
one  chosen  governor  who  favored  their  cause,  and  some  new  magis- 
trates to  have  been  chosen  of  their  side."  4  Only  a  few  days  before, 
Child  was  still  looking  for  good  news  from  England.  "I  hope,"  he 

1  Winthrop  Papers,  iii.  156.  I  infer  from  this  letter  that  Child  had  for  three 
months  been  under  bonds  not  to  leave  the  town  limits,  and  that  he  refused  to 
renew  his  bond  and  went  to  prison. 

*  See  Massachusetts  Colony  Records,  ii.  148. 

*  Our  associate  Mr.  Samuel  C.  ('lough  states  that  this  house  was  on  the  westerly 
side  of  the  prison  land,  fronting  Court  Street,  now  covered  in  part  by  the  annex 
to  the  City  Hall. 

4  Winthrop,  ii.  374-375  (307). 


44  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS          [MARCH, 

wrote  to  John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  on  May  14,  "when  we  heare  from 
England  to  be  comaunded  from  hence,  to  prosecute  or  Appeale  before 
y*  Parliam*  &  y*  or  Cause  may  be  heard  before  indifferent  Arbiters, 
till  woh  time  I  suppose  I  shall  remayne  in  my  ould  Lodging  in  y* 
prison."  *  But  no  such  summons  arrived,  for  Winslow  had  been 
busy  in  the  interim. 

Before  Winslow  sailed  for  England,  Gorton  with  his  two  asso- 
ciates, John  Greene  and  Randall  Holderi,  had  accomplished  much. 
They  had  left  Rhode  Island  about  the  middle  of  August,  1645,  had 
arrived  in  England  (it  seems)  toward  the  end  of  the  year,2  had  pre- 
sented then*  case  to  the  Commissioners  for  Plantations,  and  on  May 
15,  1646,  had  procured  two  orders  for  reinstatement  in  their  Narra- 
gansett  lands.3  Holden,  arriving  at  Boston  on  September  13,  had 
presented  the  first  of  these  orders,  which  served  him  as  a  passport 
through  the  Massachusetts  jurisdiction,  and  the  other  had  been  sent 
over  by  the  Commissioners  and  had  reached  the  hands  of  the  magis- 
trates.4 Winslow's  mission  in  England  was  to  reopen  the  Gorton 
case,  as  the  agent  of  the  Bay,  and  incidentally  to  bring  the  Child 
affair  to  the  attention  of  the  Commissioners,  or  to  oppose  the  efforts 
of  the  Remonstrants  if  they  had  got  the  start  of  him.  Gorton  had  not 
returned  to  America  with  Holden.  He  doubtless  expected  some 
further  move  on  the  part  of  the  Massachusetts  Court,  and  he 
remained  in  England  to  fortify  his  case.  His  famous  book,  Sim- 

1  Winthrop  Papers,  iii.  157. 

1  Gorton  and  his  comrades  left  Rhode  Island  for  "the  Dutch  plantation" 
about  the  middle  of  August,  1645;  there  they  "lay  long,"  waiting  for  a  ship, 
then  sailed  to  Holland,  where  they  "lay  long"  again  before  they  could  get  pas- 
sage for  England.  These  details  (but  not  the  date)  come  from  the  letter  of 
August  22,  1661,  from  the  inhabitants  of  Warwick  to  the  General  Court  of 
Massachusetts  (Rhode  Island  Historical  Society  Collections,  ii.  228).  The  best 
criterion  for  the  date  of  Gorton's  departure  from  Rhode  Island  is  the  letter  of 
J[ohn].  W[arner].,  November  20,  1645,  printed  in  Simplicities  Defence,  pp.  93- 
94.  In  tolling  Gorton  the  news  from  America,  Warner  begins  by  informing  him 
that  the  Bay  authorities  had  provided  an  army  against  the  Narragansetts,  but 
that,  upon  Captain  Harding' s  warning  them  of  the  difficulty  of  the  enterprise, 
they  had  sent  Harding  and  Wylbour  to  deal  with  the  savages,  associating  with 
them  Benedict  Arnold  as  interpreter.  Now  these  events  took  place  hi  August, 
1645  (Plymouth  Colony  Records,  ix.  32  ff,  ii.  90),  and  the  commission  of  Hard- 
ing, "Welborne,"  and  Arnold  is  dated  August  18  (ix.  41— 12). 

1  Winthrop  gives  both  orders  in  full,  ii.  333,  342-344  (272-273,  280-282);  see 
also  Rhode  Island  Colonial  Records,  i.  367-369. 

•  Winthrop,  ii.  333-334,  342  (273,  280). 


1919]  DR.   ROBERT  CHILD  THE  REMONSTRANT  45 

plicities  Defence  against  Seven-headed  Policy,  addressed  to  the 
Commissioners,  was  licensed  on  August  3,  1646,  and  published  as 
early  as  November  7th.1 

Winslow  sailed  from  Boston  about  the  middle  of  December,2  and 
"had  a  comfortable  passage  and  landfall,"  so  that  he  must  have 
reached  London  in  January,  1647.  He  did  not  get  a  hearing  before 
the  Commissioners  until  sometime  between  May  5  and  July  22.3 
Meanwhile,  his  facile  pen  was  kept  busy.  Gorton's  Simplicities  De- 
fence was  waiting  for  him  on  the  bookstalls,  and  he  dashed  off  a 
reply,  Hypocrisie  Unmasked,  also  addressed  to  the  Commissioners, 
which  was  issued  between  February  22  and  March  25.4  This  was 
answered  in  its  turn  by  Major  John  Child,  in  his  New-Englands 
Jonas,  which  was  also  written  (at  least  in  part)  before  the  latter 
date,5  though  not  published  until  after  the  legal  new-year,  as  its 

1  "Imprimatur  August  3,  1646."  Thomason  bought  his  copy  on  November 
7  (Thomason  Catalogue,  i.  473). 

1  New-Englands  Salamander,  p.  20;  Winthrop,  ii.  387  (317).  Seccombe 
(Dictionary  of  National  Biography,  Ixii.  202)  says  that  "Winslow  sailed  from 
Boston  in  October  1646,"  apparently  following  Jacob  B.  Moore's  statement 
("about  the  middle  of  October")  in  his  Memoirs  of  American  Governors,  i.  123. 
Moore  was  no  doubt  misled  by  Winthrop's  "lOber",  thinking  that  he  should 
count  January  as  the  first  month  instead  of  March.  The  error  would  not  de- 
serve a  word  if  it  had  not  passed  from  Seccombe  into  a  note  in  the  fine  edition  of 
Bradford  published  by  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  ii.  394  note  1. 

1  On  May  5,  1647,  Herbert  Pelham  wrote  from  London  to  Winthrop:  "For 
the  ftusines  of  the  Countrie  yow  will  be  more  fully  inf ormed  by  my  Cosen  Wins- 
low,  who  takes  great  payns,  but  as  yet  can  not  come  to  a  hearing"  (Winthrop 
Papers,  ii.  140).  On  the  same  day  Hugh  Peter  wrote  to  Winthrop:  "Appealea 
will  hardly  bee  ouerthrowne  nor  doe  I  mynd  it  much  as  a  thing  you  should  bee 
troubled  about"  (Winthrop  Papers,  i.  111).  Cf.  p.  64,  below. 

•  The  date  in  the  title-page,  1646,  proves  that  the  book  was  printed  before 
March  25,  1647,  and  it  was  certainly  written  after  Winslow's  arrival,  which 
must  have  taken  place  in  January.  It  was  entered  in  the  Stationers'  Register  on 
February  22,  1646[-7]  (Stationers'  Register,  1640-1708,  Roxburghe  Club,  i. 
263).  Winslow  himself  dates  it  (p.  77)  "not  much  above  two  moneths"  after  his 
departure  from  New  England.  Thomason  dated  it  October  2  (Thomason  Cata- 
logue, i.  467),  which  is  manifestly  wrong,  for  Winslow  did  not  leave  New  Eng- 
land until  about  the  middle  of  December,  and  he  states  expressly  that  he  first 
saw  Gorton's  book  hi  England:  "When  I  came  over,  I  found  that  Gorton  had 
enlarged  his  complaint  by  publishing  a  booke  called  Simplicities  defence  against 
Seven-headed  Policy"  (New-Englands  Salamander,  p.  22;  cf.  Hypocrisie  Un- 
masked, p.  63). 

1  Major  Child  speaks  of  1646  as  "this  year"  (p.  [18]).  This  is  in  the  body  of 
liis  tract.  His  reply  to  Hypocrisie  Unmasked  is  in  the  form  of  a  "Post-Script," 


46  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  [MARCH, 

imprint  (1647)  shows.    Thomason  bought  it  on  April  15,1  which  was 
perhaps  the  very  day  of  publication.     Winslow  instantly  retorted 
with  New-Englands  Salamander,  which  was  also  issued  in  1647- 
as  early  as  May  29.2 

Major  Child,  being  a  high  Presbyterian,8  had  no  sympathy  for 
Gorton,  whom  he  describes  as  "a  man  notorious  for  heresie,"  4  but, 
in  advocating  the  cause  of  his  brother,  he  felt  bound  to  oppose  Wins- 
low's  doctrine  of  No  Appeal.6  Besides,  there  were  some  passages  in 
Hypocrisie  Unmasked  that  alluded  to  the  Remonstrants.  In  par- 
ticular, Winslow  had  contended  that  Presbyterians,  as  such,  were 
under  no  disabilities  in  Massachusetts,6  and  this  point  the  Major 
thought  it  desirable  to  controvert  in  the  interest  of  his  brother  and 
the  other  petitioners.7 


which  may  have  been  written  after  the  rest  of  the  book  was  in  type.  New-Eng- 
lands Jonas  is  reprinted  in  part  in  2  Massachusetts  Historical  Collections,  iv. 
107-120,  and  in  its  entirety  by  W.  T.  R.  Marvin  (Boston,  1869)  with  a  good 
introduction.  It  may  also  be  found  in  Force's  Tracts,  iv,  no.  3.  I  have  used  a 
copy  of  the  original  in  the  Boston  Athenaeum. 

1  Thomason  Catalogue,  i.  504. 

1  This  is  Thomason's  date  (Catalogue,  i.  513)  and  must  be  close  to  the  day  of 
publication.  When  Winslow  wrote,  he  had  not  yet  been  heard  by  the  Com- 
missioners, for  he  says  that  he  has  been  sent  over  by  "the  government  of  the 
Massachusets"  to  "render  a  reason"  to  the  Commissioners  with  reference  to 
the  Gorton  business,  "which  I  still  attend  till  their  more  weighty  occasions  will 
permit  them  to  heare"  (Salamander,  p.  22).  This  passage,  then,  was  certainly 
written  before  May  25,  the  date  of  their  preliminary  answer,  which  was  so  favor- 
able that  Winslow  could  hardly  have  refrained  from  alluding  to  it  if  it  had  already 
been  given  when  he  wrote.  The  tract  is  reprinted  in  3  Massachusetts  Historical 
Collections,  ii.  110-145.  I  have  used  the  copy  of  the  original  in  the  Harvard 
College  Library. 

*  See  p.  87,  below. 

*  New-Englands  Jonas,  p.  13  [i.  e.,  21]. 

*  See  Winslow's  Epistle  Dedicatory  to  Hypocrisie  Unmasked. 

*  Hypocrisie  Unmasked,  pp.  99-100. 

7  In  the  title-page  of  New-Englands  Salamander,  Winslow  describes  New- 
Englands  Jonas  as  "an  irreligious  and  scornefull  Pamphlet,  .  .  .  Owned  by 
Major  lohn  Childe,  but  not  probable  to  be  written  by  him."  He  ascribes  the 
book  to  "New-Englands  Salamander,"  that  is,  as  we  learn  from  Winthrop  (ii. 
391  [321]),  to  William  VassalL  At  all  events,  he  is  convinced  that  Vassall  was 
Major  Child's  "chief  animator  to  this  undertaking"  (p.  1),  and  the  Post-Script 
he  "verily  beleeves"  the  Salamander  "penned  every  word"  (p.  13).  In  fact, 
Child's  tract  (except  for  this  Post-Script)  is  mostly  occupied  by  copies  of  docu- 
ments (the  Hingham  Petition,  with  the  record  of  subsequent  proceedings  in 
that  affair;  the  Remonstrance;  the  Capital  Laws  of  Massachusetts;  the  Oath 


1919]  DR.    ROBERT  CHILD  THE   REMONSTRANT  47 

Just  what  was  being  done  by  Thomas  Fowle  (the  only  Remon- 
strant then  in  England)/  by  William  Vassall  (also  there),  and  by 
English  friends  of  the  cause,  to  get  the  business  before  the  Par- 
liament or  the  Commissioners,  we  cannot  make  out  with  certainty.1 
Fowle  and  Vassall  had  been  in  England  ever  since  December  19, 
1646,  and  something  had  doubtless  been  attempted  in  the  way  of 
bringing  influence  to  bear  on  individual  Commissioners  or  Members 
of  Parliament.  Vassall,  who  believed  in  universal  toleration,2  prob- 
ably joined  forces  with  Gorton,  but  Major  Child  and  his  circle  would 
have  gone  to  the  stake  before  they  would  have  cooperated  with  a 
Familist.  We  know  that  Vassall  took  over  with  him  in  the  Supply 
one  or  more  petitions  to  Parliament  which  called  for  certain  reforms 
that  were  also  demanded  by  the  Remonstrants,  but  these  were 
drawn  up,  it  seems,  before  the  Remonstrance  was  prepared,  and 
were  certainly  neither  in  the  name  nor  in  the  behalf  of  Child  and  his 
associates.3  Vassall's  petition,  a  copy  of  the  Remonstrance,  and 
other  pertinent  documents,  as  Major  Child  informs  the  world  in  his 
New-Englands  Jonas,  arrived  safely  on  the  Supply,  "and  are  here 
in  London  to  be  seen  and  made  use  of  in  convenient  time."  4  The 
Major's  present  tense  applies,  of  course,  to  the  moment  of  writing, 
that  is,  to  some  time  between  February  1  and  March  25,  1647  — 
certainly  before  the  latter  date.  His  language  indicates,  I  think, 
that  the  friends  of  the  Remonstrance  had  not  yet  submitted  their 
case  to  the  Commissioners. 

Before  this  time,  however,  Winslow,  though  he  had  not  yet  got  a 

of  a  Freeman)  and  by  the  story  of  throwing  the  petition  overboard,  which  he 
says  (p.  2)  is  given  "verbatim,  as  it  was  delivered  to  me  in  writing  by  a  Gentle- 
man that  was  then  a  passenger  in  the  Ship."  Vassall  was  a  passenger. 

1  See  pp.  42-44,  above. 

1  See  Winslow's  letter  to  Winthrop,  November  24,  1645  (Hutchinson  Papers, 
i.  172-175).  This  letter  is  generally,  and  doubtless  rightly,  thought  to  refer  to 
Vassall  (Palfrey,  History  of  New  England,  ii.  167  note  4).  The  proposition  which 
Winslow  says  was  brought  before  the  Plymouth  Court  was  "to  allow  and  main- 
taine  full  and  free  tollerance  of  religion  to  all  men  that  would  preserve  the  civill 
peace  and  submit  unto  government;  and  there  was  no  limitation  or  exception 
against  Turke,  Jew,  Papist,  Arian,  Socinian,  Nicholaytan,  Familist,  or  any 
other."  Cf.  1  Massachusetts  Historical  Proceedings,  vi.  476-479. 

1  No  copy  of  Vassall's  petition  or  petitions  is  known.  See  Winthrop,  ii.  319- 
320,  340,  391  (260-261,  278-279,  321);  New-Englands  Jonas,  p.  12  [error  for  181; 
New-Englands  Salamander,  pp.  16,  18,  23. 

4  New-Englands  Jonas,  p.  13  [error  for  19]. 


48  THE   COLONIAL  SOCIETY   OF  MASSACHUSETTS  [ 

formal  hearing,  must  have  filed  his  documents.  These  included 
copies  not  only  of  various  Gorton  papers,  but  also  of  Child's  Re- 
monstrance and  the  General  Court's  Declaration  in  reply;  and  with 
them  went  the  protest  of  December,  1646,  addressed  to  the  Com- 
missioners by  the  Governor  and  Company  in  answer  to  their  order 
of  May  15,  1646.  This  protest  covered  both  cases,  Gorton's  and 
Child's.  It  asserted,  with  a  masterly  union  of  deference  and  frank 
courage,  the  doctrine  of  No  Appeal  under  the  Charter,  and  called 
upon  the  Commissioners  to  recognize  that  doctrine,  not,  to  be  sure, 
by  affirming  it  in  set  terms  but  "by  leaving  delinquents  to  our  just 
proceedings,  and  discountenancing  our  enemies  and  disturbers  of 
our  peace,  or  such  as  molest  our  people  .  .  .  upon  pretence  of  in- 
justice." *  Vassall's  petitions  may  or  may  not  have  been  before 
the  Commissioners  when  Winslow  submitted  his  papers,  but,  if  so, 
they  were  a  thing  apart,  and  not  a  branch  or  member  of  the  Child 
agitation,  nor  did  they  involve  the  question  of  appeal.  We  know 
nothing  of  their  history  before  the  Parliament  or  the  Commissioners, 
except  that  they  were  rejected.2 

Meanwhile,  as  we  have  seen,  Robert  Child  was  in  confinement  at 
Boston,  awaiting  the  May  session  of  the  General  Court  and  looking 
anxiously  for  a  summons  from  Parliament  that  should  call  him  to 
England  to  "prosecute  his  appeal."  3  By  an  odd  coincidence,  on 
May  25,  1647,  the  very  day  before  the  Court  of  Elections  was  held 
in  Massachusetts,  the  English  Commissioners,  who  must  have  given 
Winslow  at  least  a  preliminary  hearing,  indited  a  letter  to  the  Gov- 
ernor and  Company  which  sounded  the  death  knell  to  all  Child's 
hopes. 

In  this  letter  the  Commissioners  acknowledge  the  receipt  from 
Winslow  of  the  Petition  and  Remonstrance  of  the  Governor  and 
Company  in  the  Gorton  case,  and  continue  in  these  highly  signifi- 
cant terms: 

Though  we  have  not  yet  entered  into  a  particular  consideration  of  the 
matter,  yet  we  do,  in  the  general,  take  notice  of  your  respect,  as  well 


1  Winthrop,  ii.  360-364  (295-298). 

*  Aa  Winthrop,  ii.  391  (321),  puts  it,  "Mr.  Vassall,  finding  no  entertainment 
for  his  petitions,  went  to  Barbados."  This  news  seems  to  have  reached  Boston 
in  May,  1648. 

1  See  p.  44,  above. 


1919]  DR.  ROBERT  CHILD  THE  REMONSTRANT  49 

to  the  parliament's  authority,  as  your  own  just  privileges,  and  find  cause 
to  be  further  confirmed  in  our  former  opinion  and  knowledge  of  your 
prudence  and  faithfulness  to  God  and  his  cause.  And  perceiving  by  your 
petition,  that  some  persons  do  take  advantage,  from  our  said  letter,1  to  de- 
cline and  question  your  jurisdiction,  and  to  pretend  a  general  liberty  to  ap- 
peal hither,  upon  their  being  called  in  question  before  you  for  matters  proper 
to  your  cognizance,  we  thought  it  necessary  (for  preventing  of  further  incon- 
veniences in  this  kind)  hereby  to  declare,  that  we  intended  not  thereby  to 
encourage  any  appeals  from  your  justice,  nor  to  restrain  the  bounds  of  your 
jurisdiction  to  a  narrower  compass  than  is  held  forth  by  your  letters  patent, 
but  to  leave  you  with  all  that  freedom  and  latitude  that  may,  in  any  respect, 
be  duly  claimed  by  you;  knowing  that  the  limiting  of  you  in  that  kind  may  be 
very  prejudicial  (if  not  destructive)  to  the  government  and  public  peace  of 
the  colony.2 

The  passage  here  italicized  refers  in  the  plainest  way  to  the  appeal 
of  Child  and  his  associates,  and  is  a  direct  and  favorable  reply  to 
certain  dignified  and  outspoken  sentences  in  the  petition  of  the 
Governor  and  Company  which  Winslow  had  delivered  to  the  Com- 
missioners. This  declares  that  if  Gorton  be  upheld  by  the  Com- 
missioners, it  will  endanger  the  peace  of  the  Colony. 

For  some  amongst  ourselves,  men  of  vnquiett  spiritts,  affecting  rule  & 
innovacoh,  haue  taken  bouldnes  to  .pferr  scandalous  &  seditious  peti- 
cons  for  such  libertyes  as  neither  our  charter,  nor  reason,  nor  religion 
will  allawe;  &  being  called  before  vs  in  open  Courte  to  give  accomp*  of 
their  miscarriage  therein,  they  have  threatned  vs  wth  yor  honno's  au- 
thority, &  before  they  knew  whether  wee  would  Accede  to  any  sentence 
agnt  them  or  not,  have  refused  to  answer,  but  appealed  to  yor  honno's. 
Ye  coppy  of  their  petition,  &  our  declaration  therevpon,  our  comission' 
hath  ready  topsent  to  yow.  .  .  .  Their  appeals  wee  have  not  admitted, 
being  assured  y*  they  cannot  stand  wth  ye  liberty  &  power  graunted  vs 
by  our  charter,  nor  willbe  allowed  by  yor  honno's,  who  well  know  it 
would  be  destructive  to  all  goument,  both  in  ye  honnor  &  also  in  y* 
power  of  it,  if  it  should  be  in  ye  liberty  of  delinquents  to  evade  y«  sen- 
tence of  justice,  &  force  vs,  by  appeales,  to  ffollow  them  into  England, 
where  the  evidences  &  circumstances  of  facts  cannot  be  so  cleerely  held 


1  I.  e.,  the  Commissioners'  order  of  May  15,  1646,  printed  in  Winthrop,  ii. 
342-344  (280-282). 

»  Winthrop,  ii.  389-390  (319-320). 


50  THE   COLONIAL  SOCIETY   OF  MASSACHUSETTS  [M.\RCH, 

forth  as  in  their  .pper  place.     Besids  the  insupportable  chardges  wee 
must  be  at  in  y*,psecution  thereof.1 

The  action  of  the  English  Commissioners,  however,  —  as  it  could 
not  be  known  to  the  Magistrates  and  Deputies  at  the  May  session 
of  the  General  Court,  so  it  was  not  needed  to  spur  them  to  decisive 
action  in  the  case  of  Child  and  his  associates,  for  they  were  con- 
fident that  they  were  acting  legally  and  they  never  lacked  courage. 
Undoubtedly  they  expected  a  favorable  reply  from  England,  but 
their  action  on  subsequent  occasions  —  for  example,  in  their  treat- 
ment of  the  Commissioners  of  Charles  II  in  1665  —  shows  that  they 
were  quite  ready  to  defy  the  Parliamentary  Commissioners  now, 
should  these  claim  any  power  which  the  Charter,  as  our  forefathers 
interpreted  it,  had  lodged  in  the  hands  of  the  Massachusetts  au- 
thorities. 

And  so  the  May  court  of  1647  began  its  session  on  the  26th,  and 
the  trial  of  the  Remonstrants  was  reached  in  due  course.  It  is  im- 
portant, in  view  of  the  prevalent  confusion  on  this  subject,  to  define 
the  issue.  The  first  case,  that  of  the  Remonstrance  itself,  was  over 
and  done  with,  and  the  penalties  had  been  imposed.  The  present 
case,  though  it  had  grown  out  of  the  former,  was  quite  distinct,  and 
depended  on  acts  discovered  and  in  part  committed  subsequently 
to  the  former  trial.  These  acts,  in  the  opinion  of  the  magistrates, 
amounted  to  a  conspiracy  against  the  government  on  the  part  of 
Robert  Child,  John  Smith,  Samuel  Maverick,  John  Dand,  and 
Thomas  Burton.  Two  of  the  original  Remonstrants  were  not  in- 
volved in  this  second  proceeding  —  Thomas  Fowle  and  David  Yale. 
Fowle  had  gone  to  England  before  the  former  trial,  and  had  conse- 
quently had  no  part  in  the  subsequent  activities  that  led  to  the 
present  prosecution.  His  sureties  (whoever  they  were)  were,  of 
course,  bound  to  produce  him  or  settle  up,  if  the  Court  should  call 
him  to  bar  on  the  former  offence,  for  which  he  had  never  been  tried; 
but  it  seems  clear  that  the  matter  was  never  pressed.  How,  when, 
and  why  Yale  dropped  out  of  the  case  is  a  mystery.  I  should  be  in- 
clined to  think  he  had  not  signed  the  petition  seized  in  Dand's  study 
but  for  the  fact  that  Wmthrop  says  expressly  that  it  was  "from  Dr. 


1  Massachusetts  Colony  Records,  iii.  97  (session  of  November  4,  1646);  Win- 
throp,  ii.  362-363  (297). 


1919]  DR.   ROBERT  CHILD  THE  REMONSTRANT  .">! 

Child  and  the  other  six  petitioners."  1  Perhaps  this  is  a  slip  of  the 
pen.  At  all  events  the  list  of  culprits  given  in  a  contemporary  memo- 
rial omits  his  name,2  and  he  is  not  mentioned  in  the  record  of  the 
sentence.3 

One  new  culprit  was  expected  to  stand  trial  with  the  rest,  having 
been  bound  over  at  the  Court  of  Assistants  in  March,  1647.  This 
was  "Mr.  Clerk  of  Salem  the  keeper  of  the  ordinary  there  and  a 
church  member."  His  offence  is  equated  with  Maverick's  by  Win- 
throp,  for  both  were  freemen:  "These  having  taken  an  oath  of 
fidelity  to  the  government,  and  enjoying  all  liberties  of  freemen, 
their  offence  was  far  the  greater."  They  "had  been  very  active 
about  the  petition  to  the  commissioners"  (that  revolutionary  docu- 
ment found  in  Dand's  study)  "in  procuring  hands  to  it."4  In  the 
opinion  of  the  magistrates,  then,  they  had  been  guilty  of  perjury  as 
well  as  of  conspiracy.  William  Clark  had  been  chosen  by  the  in- 
habitants of  Salem  to  keep  the  town  ordinary  on  April  7,  1645, B  and 
in  the  following  October  the  General  Court  appointed  him  Lieutenant 
of  the  Military  Company  of  Salem  and  Lynn.6  But  alas!  at  the 
Quarter  Court  held  at  Salem  on  February  18,  1646,  he  was  "advised 
to  forbear  being  offensive  in  suffering  a  shuffling  board  in  his  house, 
occasioning  misspending  of  time."7  We  are  not  obliged  to  infer  that 
this  incident  threw  him  into  the  arms  of  the  malcontents,  but 
thought  is  free.8  He  died  before  May  26,  1647,  thus  escaping  trial 


1  Winthrop,  ii.  357  (293). 
1  See  pp.  53-55,  56,  below. 

•  Massachusetts  Colony  Records,  ill.  113. 
«  Winthrop,  ii.  367  (301). 

•  Felt,  Annals  of  Salem,  1827,  p.  166.     The  General  Court  of  November, 
1646,  granted  him  a  license  at  the  rate  of  £15  a  year  (Massachusetts  Colony 
Records,  ii.  173). 

1  Massachusetts  Colony  Records,  ii.  133  (cf.  ii.  110). 

7  Records  and  Files  of  the  Quarterly  Courts  of  Essex  County,  i.  91.  He  was 
not,  as  Felt  (p.- 172)  asserts,  fined,  for  the  law  against  playing  "shovelboard" 
in  public  houses  was  not  passed  until  the  May  26  session  of  the  General  Court, 
1647  (Massachusetts  Colony  Records,  ii.  195). 

•  He  had  other  troubles,  for  on  August  4,  1646,  he  was  "discharged  of  his 
presentment  for  affronting  the  constable,  having  confessed  publicly."     It  ap- 
pears that  he  had  twice  affronted  this  officer,  once  when  the  latter  had  visited 
his  house  on  an  errand  about  a  "hew  and  crye,"  and  again  when  he  demanded 
( 'lark's  "measure"  to  compare  it  with  the  town  standard,  thinking  the  land- 
lord's measure  too  small  (Records  and  Files  of  the  Quarterly  Courts  of  Essex 


52  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS          £MARCH, 

for  conspiracy,  and  his  widow  was  allowed  to  continue  the  ordinary 
at  Salem.1 

The  exact  date  of  the  trial  of  the  conspirators  is  not  determinable. 
The  Court  assembled  on  May  26,  1647,  but  the  trial  certainly  took 
place  hi  June,2  and  sentence  was  not  pronounced  until  after  the  9th.3 
There  was  more  or  less  public  sentiment  in  favor  of  the  defendants, 
and  an  escape  or  rescue  was  feared,  as  is  shown  by  the  following 
entry  in  the  records  of  this  session : 

In  regard  of  y"  weaknes  of  ye  prison,  &  y*  to  have  iustice  now  de- 
luded by  any  escape,  would  reflect  much  dishono'  upon  y*  Co'te,  & 
minist'  matt'  of  insulting  to  ye  adverse  pty,  it  is  ord'ed,  by  authority 
of  this.  Co'te,  y  *  ye  keeper  shall  huire  2  able  men,  such  as  may  be  trusted 
wth  a  matter  of  so  great  moment,  &  if  he  cannot  huire  any  such,  then 
upon  sight  hereof  ye  cunstables  of  Boston,  or  any  of  them,  shall  from 
time  to  time  impresse  2  such  men,  who  shall  assist  ye  keeper  in  guarding 
y*  prisoners  day  &  night,  &  when  they  go  to  ye  publike  meetings,  &  they 
shalbe  alowed  3  sh8  p  day  &  night,  each  of  them,  out  of  ye  fines  of  y* 
prisoners. 

It  is  furthr  ordained,  y*  if  all  y*  prison's  of  D'  Childs  conspiracy 
shalbe  once  discharged  out  of  prison,  except  one  or  2,  y«  keeper  shall 
keepe  such  one  of  two  of  them  in  irons,  except  they  wilbe  at  charge  of 
such  guarde  as  y*  matrato8  of  Boston  shall  appoint  ovr  them.4 

A  very  interesting  memorial,  hitherto  unprinted,  was  submitted 
to  the  Court  shortly  (as  it  would  seem)  before  a  decision  was  reached. 
It  is  docketed,  in  a  hand  contemporary  with  the  text:  "Deputy": 
motions,  1647,"  6  and  is  signed  by  fourteen  members  of  the  House 

County,  i.  101).  He  had  lawsuits  in  1640,  1642,  and  1643  (i.  20,  22,  49,  55), 
but  anyhow  our  forefathers  were  a  litigious  lot. 

1  Felt,  Annals  of  Salem,  p.  175;  Massachusetts  Colony  Records,  ii.  193.  The 
inventory  of  his  estate  (sworn  to  by  his  widow,  Katherine  Clark)  is  dated  June 
25,  1647  (Records  and  Files,  as  above,  i.  119). 

»  Winthrop,  ii.  359  (295)  says  that  the  trial  was  in  June  —  "  (4)  47."  Se« 
p.  58,  below. 

1  On  June  9,  1647,  Mr.  Ezekiel  Rogers  of  Rowley  preached  at  the  Cambridge 
Synod,  the  Magistrates  and  Deputies  being  present,  and  he  "took  occasion  to 
speak  of  the  petitioners,  (then  in  question  before  the  court,)  and  exhorted  the 
court  to  do  justice  upon  them,  yet  with  desire  of  favor  to  such  as  had  been  drawn 
in,  etc.,  and  should  submit"  (Winthrop,  ii.  376  [308]). 

4  Massachusetts  Colony  Records,  ii.  195-196. 

*  The  second  word  is  very  indistinct,  but  seems  to  be  meant  for  "motions"  or 
"Notions." 


1919]  DR.   ROBERT  CHILD  THE  REMONSTRANT  53 

of  Deputies.  The  document  proves  that  there  was  considerable 
difference  of  opinion  in  the  Court  itself,  and  contains  so  many  curious 
details  that  I  reproduce  it  in  full  from  the  original  in  the  Archives: l 

Concerninge  the  matter  about  the  Petitioners,  we  finde  that  this  may 
be  legally  Charged  on  them. 

For  Mr  Dan 

1  That  the  Petitioners  2  &  Queres  were  found  in  his  Custody  &  soe 
must  be  Charged  wth  them  till  he  p'oduce  an  other  Author 

2:  y1:  he  purposly  raised  slanders  on  the  Country  &  this  Appeares 
by  his  owne  letters 

3.  he  went  about  to  nurrish  &  Cherrish:  discontented  psons,  amongest 
vs  to  the  disturbinge  of  ye  Libertiies  amongest  vs.  both  in  Church  & 
Commonwelth,  &  this  appeares,  in  the  two  Petitions  he  gaue  to  Foy  & 
Barlo  the  Coppis  of  wch  were  found  wth  him  8 

For  Mr:  Mauerick. 

1:  He  Countenaunced  this  Petition  that  was  witnessed  to  in  such  a 
dangero8  &  disturbinge  way  &  that  appeares  by  his  owninge  of  it  from 


1  Massachusetts  Archives,  cvi.  6  a. 

*  Error  for  Petitions. 

*  Foy  and  Barlow  were  apparently  sea-captains  engaged  in  the  carrying  trade 
between  England  and  the  Colony,  who  testified  that  Dand  had  given  them  copies 
of  both  of  the  seized  petitions  to  take  to  England.    When  this  delivery  was  made 
— whether  before  or  after  the  raid  on  Dand's  study — does  not  appear,  nor  is  it 
clear  whether  the  petitions  were  actually  taken  to  England  by  Foy  and  Barlow. 
The  Foy  mentioned  can  hardly  have  been  the  Captain  John  Foy  (e)  so  well-known 
in  Boston  from  1672  (Suffolk  Deeds,  vii.  317)  till  his  death  in  1715  (SewalTs  Diary, 
iii.  68),  but  may  have  been  an  older  relative.    Captain  John  Foy  bought  a  house 
here  in  1673  (Suffolk  Deeds,  viii.  133),  took  the  oath  of  allegiance  in  1678  (Boston 
Record  Commissioners'  Reports,  xxix.  165),  and  had  by  his  wife  Dorothy  (died 
1724:  SewalTs  Diary,  iii.  328)  nine  children  born  in  Boston  1672-1689  (Record 
Commissioners'  Reports,  ix.  123, 132, 145, 151, 157, 165, 174, 184).   He  is  often  men- 
tioned in  Sewall's  Diary  and  Letter-Book  and  elsewhere  (Massachusetts  Colony 
Records,  v.  267,  382,  391,  497;  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Domestic,  1693,  p.  428; 
Hinckley  Papers,  p.  206;  Lawrence  Hammond's  Diary,  2  Massachusetts  Historical 
Proceedings,  vii.  157,  159,  168;  our  Publications,  x.  112,  xiv.  143;  indexes  to 
Toppan's  Edward  Randolph,  iii,  iv,  vi;  Suffolk  Deeds,  x-xiv;  Boston  Record 
Commissioners'  Reports,  i;  Mather  Papers;  Winthrop  Papers,  iv,  vi);  but  is  easily 
confused  with  his  son,  the  younger  Captain  John  Foy  (1674-1730),  who  was  of 
Charlestown  (Wyman,  Genealogies  and  Estates  of  Charlestown,  i.  372-373; 
Boston  Record  Commissioners'  Reports,  iii.  210,  211,  ix.  250;  Sewall'e  Diary, 
i.  480,  493,  ii.  279, 327;  Sewall's  Letter-Book,  i.  193, 203;  Winthrop  Papers,  iv.  527, 
545,v.  SIS';  New  England  Historical  and  Genealogical  Register,  xxiv.  7,131, 132). 


54  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS          [MARCH, 

Bushnel  &  sendinge  it  for  England  l  Conterrary  to  his  Ingagen*  to 
this  Commowealth.2 

For  Mr  Smith 

1:  He  Countenaunced  Mr  Dan  &  Resisted  Authority  &  that  Ap- 
peares  in  his  endeuero'g  to  keepe  these  papers:  from  Authority  that 
had  sent  for  them  to  Mr  Dans  studdy.  &  in  sayinge  he  hoped  to  haue 
Commission  to  Rannsick  the  Gouerno's  Studdy  eare  Longe  * 

ForM'Burtton: 

It  is  Cleare  that  he  knew  of  the  former  petition  sent  for  England: 
first  Foy  sayes  hee  was  prsent  &  cons[ent]4ed  to  the  deliuery  of  it  to  him6 

2:  by  Mr  Parker  &  his  wiues  Testimony  which  sayes  he  hope  to  haue 
the  best  at  last  which  must  be  by  this  Petition  or  a  worse  way  Alsoe 
he  spake  slightly  of  Authority  &  Contemnd  it  in  oppen  Courte  by  his 
words  &  Carriages 

For  the  Doctor 

It  may  be  feared  &  is  somethinge  profile  that  he  was  acquainted  with 
both  Petitions  &  Queres,  &  therefor  Authority  did  well  to  sease  on  him 
to  secure  themselues  &  to  keepe  him  in  Costody  for  future  Euidence 


1  This  was  the  petition  "from  some  non-freeman,"  in  getting  signatures  to 
which  Maverick  had  been]  "very  active."  See  Winthrop,  ii.  358,  367  (293-294, 
301).  This  memorandum  is  the  only  evidence  we  have  that  it  was  actually 
"sent  for  England."  One  copy  was  seized  in  Band's  study  —  perhaps  the  "foule 
draught"  mentioned  below.  It  appears,  however,  that  the  authorities  had  a 
copy  with  twenty-five  signatures  that  was  seized  in  the  raid  on  Dand  (Winthrop, 
as  above),  and  this  can  hardly  have  been  the  foul  draught.  What  "owninge  of 
it  from  Bushnel "  means  is  a  puzzle.  The  word  owninge  is  very  clear  in  the  MS. 
It  was  first  written  owinge  and  the  n  is  above  the  line  with  a  caret.  Perhaps 
"from  Bushnel"  belongs  in  sense  with  "appears,"  —  i.  e.  that  Maverick  coun- 
tenanced the  petition  appears  from  Btishnel's  testimony  that  he  acknowledged  it 
(as  a  document  that  he  approved). 

1  I.  e.,  contrary  to  his  oath  as  a  freeman. 

*  This  outburst  on  Smith's  part  gave  particular  offence  in  those  days  as  being 
1  gross  disrespect  to  authority.    Times  have  changed.    See  Winthrop,  ii.  357  (293) : 

"But  at  Band's  study  they  [the  officers]  found  Mr.  Smith,  who  catched  up  some 
papers,  and  when  the  officer  took  them  from  him,  he  brake  out  into  these  speeches, 
viz.  we  hope  shortly  we  shall  have  commission  to  search  the  governour's  closet." 
4  Hole  in  the  paper. 

•  This  seems  to  mean  the  Remonstrance.    It  cannot  refer  to  Vassall's  petition, 
for  Vassall  took  that  over  with  him  on  the  Supply  (see  p.  34,  above),  nor  does 
Burton  seem  to  have  had  anything  to  do  with  it.    As  to  the  Remonstrance,  it  is 
clear  that  two  copies  were  on  board  the  Supply.    One  of  them  was  thrown  over- 
board, the  other  was  used  for  the  text  printed  in  New-Englands  Jonas  (see  pp. 
35,  45,  above). 


1919]  DR.   ROBERT  CHILD  THE  REMONSTRANT  55 

wch  mjght  appeare  in  ye  examinatio  of  the  Cause;  &  this  feare  is  grounded, 
first  the  foule  draughts  both  of  Petition  &  Queris  are  like  his  hand 

2:  he  had  mentioned  his  discontente  &  said  some  Queres  would 
Quiett.1 

3:  He  adioyntly  Joyned  in  all  former  greuances  &  Complaints  to 
this  Courte  wth  the  rest 

Therefore  we  humbly  Craue  that  these  or  earnest  breathings  for 
peace  both  in  Courte  &  Conscyence  may  be  taken  as  fauorably:  as  the 
rule  of  loue  will  giue  leaue  wch  we  haue  no  Cause  to  doubt  of,  &  there- 
fore we  pfess  we  doe  not  this  to  direct  the  Courte  but  throughinge  or 
might 2  to  Cleare  or  selues  from  some  Jelosyes  that  may  seeme  to  arise 
from  or  Conterary  desent  pdone  or  boldnes.  we  hope  not  tedio":  for  we 
are  yo":  as  God  Inable  vs. 

Ric  Dumer  Edward  Gibons  Robert  Payne 

Brian  Pendleton  Edward:  Carlton 

[On  the  back  Robert  Clements 

of  the  sheet]  William  Barthollmew 

Jacob  Barney 

Steuen  Kinsley 

Obadiah  Bruen 

William  Pelham 

Tho:  Lowthroppe 

William  Inglish 

William  Fiske 8 

1  I.  e.,  apparently  "would  quiet  it."  The  passage  seems  to  mean  that  Child, 
in  conversation,  had  been  heard  to  say  that  certain  queries  that  were  to  be  sent 
to  England  would  put  an  end  to  his  grievances.  This  remark  was  thought  to 
refer  to  the  queries  afterwards  seized  in  Dand's  study. 

1  If  the  text  is  right,  the  phrase  must  mean  "exerting  all  our  abilities."  In 
that  case,  we  have  an  example  of  the  verb  to  through  (to  "  carry  through,"  "  carry 
out"),  hitherto  known  only  as  a  Scottish  word.  Perhaps,  however,  throughing  is 
a  scribe's  error  for  through  and  the  phrase  means  "to  the  best  of  our  ability." 

1  Dummer  was  deputy  from  Salisbury;  Gibbons  from  Boston;  Pendleton 
from  Watertown;  Payne  from  Ipswich;  Carlton  from  Rowley;  Clements  from 
Ilaverhill;  Bartholomew  from  Ipswich;  Barney  from  Salem;  Kinsley  from  Brain- 
tree;  Bruen  (or  Brewen)  from  Gloucester;  Pelham  from  Sudbury;  Lothrop  from 
Salem;  English  from  Hampton;  Fiske  from  Wenham  (see  Massachusetts  Colony 
Records,  iii.  42,  62,  121-122,  147,  202,  297).  Their  names  all  appear  in  the 
list  of  Deputies  for  1647  (Records,  ii.  186,  iii.  105).  Four  of  the  persons  who 
were  contradicentes  in  the  previous  sentence,  1646  —  Richard  Russell,  now 
Treasurer,  Bozon  Allen,  Joshua  Hobart  (Hubbard),  and  Edward  Carlton  (see  p. 
38,  above)  —  were  members  of  the  1647  Court,  but  only  one  of  them  (Carlton) 
now  appeared  as  an  objector. 


56  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS          [MARCH, 

Of  the  fourteen  signers,  one  alone  —  Jacob  Barney  of  Salem  —  ap- 
pears as  flatly  " contradicens "  to  the  final  sentence  of  the  Court; 
Dummer,  Pendleton,  Payne,  Carlton,  Clements,  Pelham,  and  Lothrop 
are  recorded  as  "somewhat  differing  from  ye  sentence  of  ye  Courte, 
in  degree  only,"  and  as  "desiring  their  contradicentes  might  stand 
on  record  only  as  they  differed."  They  were  in  favor  of  lighter 
fines,  and  their  several  opinions  are  entered.1  Pendleton,  Payne,  and 
Carlton  thought  Child  had  been  already  punished  enough  by  his 
imprisonment.2  The  sentence  (which  was  probably  followed  by  an 
appeal3)  runs  as  follows: 

The  Courte  having  taken  into  serious  consideracoh  the  crimes  chardged 
on  Doc*  Rob*  Child,  Mr  John  Smith,  Mr  Thomas  Burton,  Mr  John 
Dand,  &  Mr  Samuell  Mauericke,  &  whereof  they  have  binn  found  guilty 
vpon  full  evidence  by  the  former  judgment  of  this  Courte,4  have  agreed 
upon  y*  sentence  here  ensewing  respectively  decreed  to  each  of  them. 

Doctor  Child,  tuo  hundred  pounds,  &  imprison- 
ment vntill  it  be  payd  or  security  given  for  it  .  2001'  00s  00d 

Mr  John  Smith,  one  hundred  pounds,  &  imprison- 
ment as  before 100  00  00 

M'  John  Dand,  tuo  hundred  pounds,  &  imprison- 
ment as  before 200  00  00 

Mr  Tho:  Burton,  one  hundred  pounds,  &  imprison- 
ment as  before 100  00  00 

Mr  Sam:  Mauericke,  ffor  his  offence  in  being  ftty  to 
ye  conspiracy,  one  hundred  pounds,  &  imprison- 
ment as  before 100  00  00 

Mr  Sam:  Mauericke,  ffor  his  offence  in  breaking  his 
oath,  &  in  appealing  ag118*  ye  intent  of  his  oath  of 
a  freeman,  mfty  pounds,  &  imprisonment  as 
before 050  00  00 

Jacob  Barney  contradicens  to  ye  sentence  of  y*  Courte.5 

John  Dand,  being  unable  to  pay  his  fine  and  unwilling  to  apolo- 
gize, was  put  in  prison.6  He  petitioned  the  November  Court  (1647) 

1  Massachusetts  Colony  Records,  iii.  114.  Lothrop,  however,  agreed  with  the 
Court  as  to  Child  and  Dand. 

1  The  formula,  in  each  case,  is:  "Doctor  Child  he  could  not  pceed  to  sentence 
besids  his  imprisonment." 

*  See  pp.  67,  81-82,  below. 

4  That  is,  earlier  in  this  same  session.    The  judgment  is  not  recorded. 

•  Massachusetts  Colony  Records,  iii.  113.  •  Winthrop,  ii.  359  (295). 


1919] 


DR.   ROBERT  CHILD  THE  REMONSTRANT 


57 


to  remit  the  penalty,  and  it  was  voted  that  if,  before  or  at  the  next 
Quarter  Court,  he  shall  tender  "such  acknowledgement"  as  shall  be 
approved  by  that  court  and  by  all  or  a  majority  of  a  committee  of 
seven  Deputies  [named],  and  shall  also  give  security  to  the  Auditor 
General  for  £50  "to  be  paid  into  ye  Treasurer  wthin  6  months  now 
next  coming,  he  shall  yn  be  discharged."1  Dand,  however,  still 
refused  to  offer  a  satisfactory  apology  and  remained  in  jail  until 
May,  1648,  when,  having  made  the  requisite  amende,  he  was  "ffreed 
from  his  imprisonm*,  &  his  fine  readyly  remitted  him."  2 

Maverick  was  allowed  his  liberty  for  about  a  month  after  sentence, 
but  then,  not  having  paid  his  £150,  he  was  imprisoned.3  From  a 
curious  petition  presented  by  his  daughter  to  Andros  in  1688,  it 
appears  that  he  was  resolved  not  to  pay  at  all,  and  that;  fearing  that 
the  authorities  would  seize  his  estate  of  Noddle's  Island,  "he  made 
a  deede  of  Gift  of  the  sd  Island  to  his  Eldest  sonne,"  Nathaniel,  "not 
wth  any  designe  to  deliver  the  sd  Deede  to  him  but  only  to  p'vent  the 
seizure  of  itt."  4  After  twelve  days'  confinement,  however,  he  paid 
his  fine  and  was  discharged.3 

At  the  November  session  of  the  General  Court  in  this  same  year 
(1647)  Maverick  petitioned  for  "a  review  of  his  Tryall,  the  reparacoh 
of  his  Creditt,  and  remittm*  of  fines 6  imposed  on  him,"  but  got  no 
answer.6  He  repeated  his  application  in  October,  1648,  whereupon 

1  Massachusetts  Colony  Records,  ii.  205. 

1  Massachusetts  Colony  Records,  ii.  241,  iii.  125-126;  cf .  Winthrop,  ii.  359  (295). 

1  Samuel  Maverick's  petition,  May  8,  1649  (Massachusetts  Archives,  B 
nrviii.  228,  printed  by  Sumner,  History  of  East  Boston,  p.  110). 

4  Petition  of  Mary,  the  wife  of  Francis  Hooke,  of  Kittery,  Maine,  "Daughter 
and  Heiresse  of  Samuel  Mavericke,  deceased "  (Massachusetts  Archives,  cxxviii. 
45;  New  England  Historical  and  Genealogical  Register,  viii.  334;  Sumner,  His- 
tory of  East  Boston,  p.  107).  Mary  Maverick  married  (1)  John  Palsgrave, 
February  8,  1655-6,  and  (2)  Francis  Hooke,  September  20,  1660  (Boston  Record 
Commissioners'  Reports,  ix.  53,  76).  There  are  several  errors  in  the  petition,  but 
there  seems  to  be  no  reason  to  doubt  the  execution  of  the  deed  of  gift,  which  is 
consistent  with  the  fact  that,  in  1650,  Samuel  Maverick  and  his  wife,  con- 
jointly with  their  son  Nathaniel,  conveyed  the  island  to  Captain  George  Briggs 
of  Barbados  for  40,000  Ibs.  of  good  white  sugar  (Suffolk  Deeds,  i.  122-123;  Sumner, 
History  of  East  Boston,  p.  178). 

1  The  plural  is  used  because  two  fines  were  imposed  in  June,  1647,  £100  for 
conspiracy  and  £50  for  perjury  (see  p.  56,  above). 

•  So  Maverick  recites  in  a  petition  submitted  in  October,  1Q48  (Massachusetts 
Archives,  B  xxxviii.  227).  No  copy  of  the  1647  petition  has  been  found,  nor  is  it 
mentioned  in  the  Court  records. 


58  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS          [MARCH, 

the  Deputies  voted  that  he  ought  to  be  heard  and  the  Magistrates 
(October  25)  consented.1  The  result  was  a  vote  of  the  Deputies 
"that  on  Mr  Samuell  Mauerickes  acknowledgment  of  his  error  his 
fine  shalbe  Remitted,"  but  apparently  the  Magistrates  refused  to 
concur.2  The  matter  came  up  again  at  the  May  Court  in  1649,  and 
on  the  4th,  in  response  to  Maverick's  "request"  for  "a  review  of  his 
cawse,  whereby  he  might  either  cleere  himself  or  be  satisfyed  in  the 
evidence  formlly  pduced  against  him,"  the  General  Court  appointed 
May  9  "for  hearing  him."3  There  is  no  record  concerning  the 
business  on  the  9th,  but  Maverick's  petition  of  May  8,  1649,  is  in 
the  Archives.  It  alleges  that  he  was  charged  with  "  conspiracy  and 
periury"  at  a  court  held  in  May  and  June,  1647,  protests  his  inno- 
cence, and  asks  that  his  fine  of  £150  may  be  repaid.4  In  another 
document  of  May  8,  1649,  Maverick  specifies  wrhat  he  conceives  to 
be  a  number  of  errors  in  a  record  of  the  trial  of  1647  which  had  been 
furnished  him  by  the  Secretary.5  Again  there  was  no  result,  and  ap- 


1  The  original  of  this  1648  petition  is  in  the  Massachusetts  Archives,  B  xxxviii. 
227;  and  the  approval  of  a  rehearing  (signed  by  William  Torrey)  and  the  consent 
of  the  Magistrates  (in  Governor  Winthrop's  hand,  signed)  are  appended  on  the 
same  sheet.    The  only  date  given  is  that  noted  by  Winthrop  after  his  signature: 
"25  (8)  48". 

2  This  note  of  the  Deputies  (in  William  Torrey's  hand,  signed)  is  preserved 
on  a  scrap  of  paper  in  the  Archives  (B  xxxviii.  227  a)  which  is  docketed  "Mr  S: 
Mavericks  Petition  1648."    The  same  scrap  shows  a  memorandum  in  Winthrop's 
hand:  "An  Answr  to  this  Petn  will  appear  in  the  Record  of  the  Court  holden 
Nov:  19;"  but  nothing  is  to  be  found  in  the  Court  Records. 

*  Massachusetts  Colony  Records,  iii.  153. 

*  Massachusetts  Archives,  B  xxxviii.  228  (Stunner,  History  of  East  Boston, 
p.  110). 

*  Massachusetts  Archives,  B  xxxviii.  228  a.    I  append  this  memorial  (hitherto 
imprinted)  since  it  furnishes  some  curious  details  of  the  prosecution: 

Errors  (as  I  conceiue,  in  the  Coppie  of  those  reco'ds  I  receiued  from  mr  Secretarie) 

First  yor  whole  pceeding  agst  vs  seemes  to  depend  on  or  refusall  to  answer 
Intergatories  vpon  oath,  whereas  the  Comittie  of  mag'*8  and  deputies,  had  sate 
diiise  dayes  &  made  returne  to  the  Corte  before  eu  wee  were  called  as  appeares 
by  the  reco'ds. 

Further  whereas  it  is  declared  in  the  recco'ds  that  at  or  appearance  when  wee 
were  sentenced  wee  had  nothinge  further  to  aleage  to  hinder  the  Corts  pceedings 
against  vs  vnder  fauor  wee  all  then  desired  to  see  those  testimonies  vpon  wch  op 
sentence  was  grounded  And  I  in  my  pticuler  answer  to  the  charge  against  mee 
desired  to  haue  libertie  to  make  additionall  answers  for  the  further  Clearing  vp 
of  my  inocencie  w**  I  could  not  obtaine 

Further  where  as  it  is  affirmed  in  the  recco'ds  that  wee  brought  in  to  the 


1919]  DR.   ROBERT  CHILD  THE  REMONSTRANT  59 

parently  the  Court  was  displeased  with  the  high  tone  of  the  peti- 
tioner, for  a  "second  petition,"  much  humbler  in  style,  came  before 
it  on  May  16th.  Maverick  now  throws  himself  upon  the  Court's 
'mercy:  "  Being  confident  and  experimentally  assured  of  yor  clemency 
to  others  in  the  like  kind,  I  am  bold  rather  to  crave  yor  mercy  in  the 
favorable  remittance  of  my  fines  then  to  stand  either  to  justify 
myself  or  pceedings,  wch,  as  they  have  (contrary  to  my  intencons) 
prouved  pjudicyall  and  very  offencive,  so  it  hath  binn,  is,  &  willbe, 
my  greife  and  trouble."  The  Deputies  voted  to  abate  £100,  but  the 
Magistrates  did  not  concur,  for  they  "cannot  finde  that  the  peti- 
tioner hath  so  fair  acknouledged  himself  guilty  of  his  offence  ...  as 
doth  give  them  such  satisfacon  as  might  moove  them  to  take  of  any 
parte  of  his  fine."  1  In  the  June  court  of  1650  Maverick  petitioned 
again  "for  the  remittinge  or  mitigation"  of  his  fine  of  £150,  and  this 
time  the  Court  voted  to  abate  it  £75.2 

As  to  Smith  and  Burton,  we  have  no  record  that  proves  the  pay- 
ment of  their  fines,  but  Maverick  asserts,  in  his  Briefe  Description  of 
New  England,3  that  the  Remonstrants  "were  fined  1000H,  a[nd] 
Notw*standing  they  Appealled  to  England,  they  were  forced  to  pay 
the  same."  4  One  notes,  by  the  way,  that,  in  his  venomous  arraign- 
ment of  the  Colony  in  this  paper,  he  suppresses  the  fact  that  Dand's 
£100  was  remitted  and  that  £75  of  his  own  £150  was  finally  returned 


Co'te  or  seuall  answers  to  or  seuerall  Charges  (vnder  fauor)  It  was  not  soe 
neither  was  it  in  the  publique  meeting  howse,  but  or  answrs  were  sent  for  to  vs 
by  the  marshal!,  by  whom  after  oure  deniall  the  second  time  wee  sent  them 

Further  the  last  clawse  now  on  reccord  of  or  sentence  Concerning  the  kecpe- 
ing  of  one  or  twoe  in  Irons  was  noe  pte  of  or  publique  sentence  as  will  appeare 
by  a  Coppie  of  the  sentence  vnder  the  Secretaries  hand  w**  I  had  six  dayes  after 
the  Corte  was  ended  and  affirmed  vnder  his  hand  to  bee  a  true  Coppie  fiue  weekes 
after 

DiQse  other  both  materiall  &  Circumstantiall  erro's  I  conceuie  there  are 
w**1  for  want  of  time  I  omitt 

Samuell  Mauerick 

The  8.  of  the  3d  m°  1649 

The  "last  clawee"  to  which  Maverick  refers  seems  to  have  embodied  the 
substance  of  the  order  printed  on  p.  52,  above. 

1  Massachusetts  Colony  Records,  iii.  166-167. 

1  iii.  200;  iv.  i.  18. 

•  Egcrton  MS.  2395,  fob.  397-411  (British  Museum). 

4  2  Massachusetts  Historical  Proceedings,  i.  240;  New  England  Historical  and 
Genealogical  Register,  xxxix.  41. 


t'.'i  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS          [MARCH, 

to  him.  Still,  his  statement  that  the  fines  were  exacted  is  certainly 
true  (though  not  the  whole  truth)  in  his  own  case,  and  probably  also 
with  respect  to  Child's  £200.  This  inference  is  confirmed  by  Child's 
expressed  wish,  soon  after  his  return  to  England,  that  his  fines  might 
be  "restored"  or  "returned."1  He  even  commissioned  Richard 
Leader,  agent  and  manager  of  the  Lynn  and  Braintree  iron  works  — 
a  venture  in  which  Child  was  one  of  the  original  partners 2  •- to 
approach  the  authorities  on  the  subject.3  And  he  returns  to  the 
matter  in  his  last  extant  letter  to  the  younger  Winthrop,  August  26, 
1650.4  We  may  be  sure,  then,  that  Child  was  not  allowed  to  leave 
Massachusetts  until  he  had  paid  his  £200.  His  former  fine  of  £50, 
however,  was  still  unpaid  when  he  departed.  It  has  been  thought 
that  John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  stood  security  for  this  sum.  The  facts, 
however,  are  rather  more  complicated,  and  illustrate,  in  an  amus- 
ing fashion,  how  scarce  cash  was  in  old  New  England.  Winthrop 
had  borrowed  forty  pounds  of  Child  in  London.  On  March  15, 1647, 
Child  asked  for  the  money,  explaining  why  he  needed  it;  he  re- 
peated his  request  on  May  14,  offering  to  accept  whatever  Winthrop 
could  send  in  lieu  of  coin,  "as  peage,  if  it  be  good,  &  other  kinds  of 
provisions  at  price  currant."  Finally,  writing  from  Gravesend,  on 
May  13,  1648,  he  approves  of  Winthrop's  act  in  having  "paid  in  ye 
40*  to  Mr  Leader"  and  adds,  "We  are  now  totally  euen."  5 

Meanwhile,  in  October  or  November,  1647,  the  Court  had  passed 
the  following  vote: 

Whereas  Doctor  Rob't  Child  oweth  for  a  fine  due  to  the  country  the 
sume  of  50*  of  lawfull  mony  charged  upon  him  by  the  Gen'all  Cote  in 
the  9th  m,  1646,  wch  is  unpaid,  &  himselfe  gone  out  of  this  Jurisdiction 
into  Europe,  &  whereas  he  hath  a  stock  going  in  the  iron  workes,  under 
the  managment  of  Mr  Leader,  to  the  value  of  450*,  it  is  therefore  ordered 
by  this  Co'te,  that  the  audito*  gen'all  hath  hereby  powp  &  authority 
given  unto  him  to  make  sale  of  so  much  of  the  said  stock  of  450*  as  will 
$>sently  yeild  ye  50*  due  to  ye  country.6 


1  Child  to  John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  from  Gravesend,  May  13,  1648  (Winthrop 
Papers,  iii.  159). 

1  See  pp.  10-14,  above. 

•  See  p.  92  note  2,  below. 

4  Winthrop  Papers,  iii.  162. 

•  iii.  156,  157,  159. 

•  Massachusetts  Colony  Records,  ii.  199. 


1919]  DR.   ROBERT  CHILD  THE  REMONSTRANT  61 

The  iron  works  were  far  from  profitable,  and  such  a  sale  would 
undoubtedly  have  been  at  a  great  loss.  To  prevent  this,  I  conjecture, 
and  to  square  his  debt  to  Child,  Winthrop  guaranteed  to  the  Colony 
£40  of  Child's  first  fine,  and  had  Leader,  as  Child's  agent,  credit  him 
with  that  amount.1  The  Bay  was  an  indulgent  creditor  —  and  very 
properly  so  —  to  the  younger  Winthrop,  who  also  claimed  a  set-off 
on  account  of  a  payment  he  had  made  in  England  for  the  Colony;  2 
and  it  appears  by  the  records  that  he  was  still  indebted  for  that  por- 
tion of  Child's  fine  in  October,  1650,3  and  also  in  October,  1651,  when 
the  debt  was  forgiven  him  as  a  recompense  for  his  services  in  Eng- 
land.4 Whether  the  odd  £10  was  ever  collected  from  Child  we  have 
no  means  of  knowing. 

Mr.  Brooks  Adams  remarks  with  a  certain  vagueness,  that  "though 
the  elders  accused  Childe  of  being  a  Jesuit,  there  is  some  ground  to 
suppose  that  he  inclined  toward  Geneva."6  I  have  too  much  respect 
for  our  forefathers'  common  sense  and  knowledge  of  the  world  to 
believe  that  they  seriously  took  Child  —  who  they  knew  was  a  high 
Presbyterian  —  for  an  emissary  from  the  Jesuits.  But  they  may 
have  been  willing  to  dally  with  this  surmise,  and  perhaps  even  to 
repeat  it  as  a  ground  for  odium.  That  there  was  suspicion  in  some 
minds  is  indubitable  from  what  Winslow  told  Major  Child  viva  wee 
and  afterwards  printed  in  New-Englands  Salamander,6  and  from  the 


1  Leader's  receipt  is  preserved  among  the  Winthrop  MSS.,  xiv.  104: 

Rec  of  John  Winthrop  Jnr  Esqr  the  sume  of  forty  pounds  by  the  order  &  for 
the  vse  of  doc  Robt  Childs  witnes  my  hand  the  12th  day  of  September  1647 

P  Richard  Leader. 

An  order  to  Winthrop  from  Leader  in  favor  of  Goodman  Arnold  for  any  sum 
not  exceeding  £6,  dated  Boston,  July  16,  1646,  is  also  preserved  among  these 
manuscripts  (xiv.  124).  On  the  back  Winthrop  has  written:  "Mr  leaders  note 
for  G  Arnold  6  >« — w**  accordingly  Mr  Leader  paid  Dr  Child  in  full  of  all  y°  mony 
I  re[c]ived  of  him  in  England  &c." 

1  Petition  printed  by  Waters,  A  Sketch  of  the  Life  of  John  Winthrop  the 
Younger,  pp.  31-32. 

*  Massachusetts  Colony  Records,  iii.  219. 
4  iii.  256,  iv.  i.  65. 

1  Emancipation  of  Massachusetts,  p.  95. 

*  "I  freely  imparted  to  you  the  Countries  colorable  grounds  of  suspecting  his 
agency  for  the  great  Incendiaries  of  Europe,  .  .  .  yea  that  the  very  yeare  hee 
came  over,  a  gentleman  in  the  country  (Mr.  Peters  by  name)  was  advised  by 
letters  from  a  forraign  part  that  the  Jesuits  had  an  agent  that  Sommer  in  New- 
England.     And  that  the  Count  roy  comparing  his  practise  with  the  intelligence 


62  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS          [MARCH, 

Apostle  Eliot's  entry  (1646)  in  the  records  of  the  First  Church  in 
Roxbury:  "This  yeare  arose  a  great  disturbance  in  the  country  by 
such  as  are  called  the  Petitioners  a  trouble  raised  by  Jesuited  agents 
to  molest  the  peace  of  the  churches  &  Com.w."1  To  be  sure,  the 
same  session  of  the  General  Court  that  sentenced  Child  in  June, 
1647,  passed  a  law  excluding  Jesuits  from  the  Colony;2  but  this 
action  may  well  have  been  due  to  general  fears  of  the  Pope  and  of 
"Papists,"  sharpened  by  reports  which  had  often  come  from  Por- 
tugal and  the  Azores.  Cotton,  writing  in  1647,  informs  his  English 
readers  that  "some  of  the  Jesuites  at  Lisborn,  and  others  in  the 
Western  Islands  have  professed  to  some  of  our  Merchants  and 
Mariners,  they  look  at  our  Plantations,  (and  at  some  of  us  by  name) 
as  dangerous  supplanters  of  the  Catholick  cause."  3  One  of  the  mer- 
chants in  question,  as  we  learn  from  Winthrop,  was  a  Mr.  Parish, 
who  arrived  at  Boston  from  the  Madeiras  in  1642.  He  had  lived  in 
those  islands  "many  years  among  the  priests  and  Jesuits,  who  told 
him,  when  he  was  to  come  hither,  that  those  of  New  England  were 
the  worst  of  all  heretics,  and  that  they  were  the  cause  of  the  troubles 
in  England."  4  Into  the  criss-cross  intrigues  in  which  the  King  and 
his  supporters  entangled  themselves  in  1645  and  1646  —  with  the 
Presbyterians  of  Scotland,  with  the  English  Presbyterians  (both 
orthodox  and  Erastian),  with  the  Roman  Catholics  of  Ireland  and 


were  more  jealous  of  him  then  any;  (though  to  mee  he  was  a  meere  strariger)" 
(New-Englands  Salamander,  p.  2).  Cf.  p.  7:  "Hee  is  a  Gentleman  that  hath 
travelled  other  parts  before  hee  came  to  us,  namely  Italy,  confesseth  hee  was 
twice  at  Rome,  speaketh  sometimes  highly  as  I  have  heard  reported  hi  favour  of 
the  Jesuites."  In  his  first  extant  letter  to  the  younger  Winthrop,  1641,  Child 
reveals  his  reading  of  the  Jesuit  Relations,  but  he  certainly  does  not  express  ap- 
proval: "  From  myne  owne  library  I  likewise  send  you  to  pvse  till  I  come  to  New 
England,  Dr  Dauisons  workes;  y°  French  Jesuits  voyages  hi  Canada  in  3  Volues, 
that  you  may  see  how  they  proceede  in  the  cversion  of  those  Heathen,  and  how 
little  the  Lord  hath  blessed  them  in  there  proceeding"  (Winthrop  Papers,  iii. 
150).  Cf.  p.  102  note  1,  below. 

1  New  England  Historical  and  Genealogical  Register,  xxxiii.  65. 

1  Massachusetts  Colony  Records,  ii.  193,  iii.  112.  Felt  thinks  that  "one  in- 
ducement for  the  passage  of  such  an  act  was  probably  the  strong  suspicion  that 
Dr.  Child  .  .  .  was  on  his  second  tour  in  this  country  as  a  spy  from  the  Jesuits 
of  Europe"  (Ecclesiastical  History  of  New  England,  i.  597). 

*  The  Way  of  Congregational  Churches  Cleared,  London,  1648   (imprimatur, 
January  1,  1647-[8]),  part  i.  pp.  21-22. 

*  Winthrop,  ii.  Ill  (92). 


1919]  DR.   ROBERT  CHILD  THE  REMONSTRANT  63 

France,  and  even  with  the  Pope,  —  we  need  not  enter; *  but  the 
effect  of  those  intrigues  on  the  public  mind  was  unsettling.  So 
ramified  and  intertwined  were  they  that,  as  some  of  them  came  to 
light  from  time  to  time  and  others  were  imagined  or  guessed  at, 
either  of  the  two  great  Protestant  parties,  the  Presbyterians  and  the 
Independents,  might  naturally  suspect  the  other  of  negotiating  with 
Rome.  It  is  just  possible,  then,  that  our  fathers  imagined  Child  an 
intermediary  between  the  Presbyterians  and  the  Jesuits,  but  they 
can  hardly  have  fancied  in  their  wildest  moments  that  he  was  actually 
a  member  of  that  society. 

Exactly  when  Child  left  New  England  we  do  not  know.  On  July 
14,  1647,  he  was  still  hi  this  country,  for  on  that  date  he  gave  to 
Richard  Bonighton  a  deed  for  one  hundred  acres  of  his  Saco  pur- 
chase from  Vines  in  exchange  for  a  like  quantity  in  another  patent,2 
but  by  ca.  October  27  he  had  departed  "into  Europe,"  as  the  Court 
order  proves.3  I  think  he  sailed  before  September  12th.4  An  odd 
detail  of  his  passage  to  England  may  be  mentioned,  because  it  has 
escaped  the  curiosity  of  previous  students.  In  his  Large  Letter  on 
Husbandry,  1651,  Child  remarked:  "I  should  thank  any  Merchant 
that  could  inform  me  in  some  trivial  and  ordinary  things  done  be- 
yond Sea,  (viz.)  how  they  make  Caviare  out  of  Sturgeons  Rowes? 
in  Muscovia,  how  they  boil  and  pickle  their  Sturgeon,  (which  we 
English  in  New-England  cannot  as  yet  do  handsomely?)."  6  In  his 
comments  on  this  Letter,  Dr.  Arnold  Boot  declared  that  the  receipt 
for  caviare  may  be  found  in  Purchas  his  Pilgrims,  "second  Tome, 
page  1420."  '  Replying,  Child  says: 

1  See,  for  example,  Gardiner,  History  of  the  Great  Civil  War,  ed.  1893,  ii. 
170-176,  258-260,  285-286;  iii.  1-57,  62-63,  70-76. 

1  York  Deeds,  i.  i.  40;  Folsom,  History  of  Saco  and  Biddeford,  p.  74.  Folsom 
quotes  an  undated  letter  from  Vines  to  Child  concerning  a  hundred-acre  lot 
purchased  by  Joseph  Bowles. 

*  P.  60,  above.    William  White,  an  expert  miner,  seems  to  have  been  left 
stranded  by  Child's  withdrawal:  see  White's  confused  letter  to  Governor  Win- 
throp,  July  24,  1648  (2  Massachusetts  Historical  Collections,  iv.  199):   "I  was 
promised  5s  a  day  by  Doctor  Child  for  myselfe  and  my  sonn." 

4  See  Leader's  receipt  of  that  date  (p.  61  note  1,  above).  John  Winthrop,  Jr., 
wrote  to  Child,  apparently  to  England,  on  October  25,  1647  (Winthrop  Papers, 
iii.  158). 

1  Samuel  Hartlib  his  Legacie  of  Husbandry,  2d  ed.,  1652,  p.  62  (3d  ed.,  1655, 
p.  71).  On  Child's  authorship  of  a  large  portion  of  this  volume,  see  p.  107,  below. 

•  Legacie,  p.  112  (3d  ed.,  1655,  p.  127).    See  p.  108,  below. 


•  •• 


... 


64  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS          [MARCH, 

I  am  certain  that  Purchase  himself,  never  saw  the  making  of  Caveare, 
nor  the  Merchant  perhaps  that  wrote  it,  and  therefore  I  must  question 
the  Process,  and  know  that  in  New-England  where  there  are  abundance 
of  Sturgeon,  whose  rows  are  ordinarily  accounted  the  Material  of  it, 
yet  never  any  ever  so  much  as  attempted  to  make  it,  though  divers 
Fishmongers  were  there,  and  attempted  to  pickle  Sturgeon,  though  with 
ill  success;  for  in  the  ship  in  which  I  returned  from  New-England,  many 
Scores  of  Cags  of  Sturgeon  were  sent  to  London,  which  were  all  naught, 
and  cried  about  the  Stree[t]s,  under  the  notion  of  Holy  Sturgeon.1 

When  Child  reached  home,  if  not  before,  he  must  have  learned  of 
the  action  of  the  Commissioners  in  the  Gorton  case.  Their  two 
letters  to  the  Colony,  dated  May  25  and  July  22,  1647,  had  virtually 
settled  the  fate  of  the  Remonstrance.  In  the  first,  they  advert 
plainly  enough  to  Child  and  his  associates,  declaring  that  they  have 
no  wish  to  encourage  appeals  or  to  limit  the  jurisdiction  of  Massa- 
chusetts, and  admitting  that  the  contentions  of  the  Bay  have  been 
in  defence  of  legal  privileges  under  the  Charter.  The  second  and 
final  letter  reaffirms  these  expressions:  "We  did  by  our  said  letter 
declare  our  tenderness  of  your  just  privileges,  and  of  preserving  en- 
tire the  authority  and  jurisdiction  of  the  several  governments  in 
New  England,  whereof  we  shall  still  express  our  continued  care."  2 

After  this,  it  might  well  have  seemed  hopeless  for  Child  to  prose- 
cute his  appeal.  But  he  was  an  ardent  soul,  and  no  doubt  received 
help  from  his  family  and  friends,  especially  his  brother  the  Major. 
At  all  events,  by  March  or  April,  1648,  Child  had  given  up  the  fight, 
for  in  May  three  ships  arrived  from  England  in  one  day,  bringing 
word  by  the  passengers,  and  also  by  letters  from  Winslow,  that  the 
struggle  was  over.  Child  had  "preferred  a  petition  to  the  com- 
mittee [i.  e.,  the  Commissioners  for  Plantations]  against  us,  and  put 
in  Mr.  Thomas  Fowle  his  name  among  others;  but  he,  hearing  of  it, 
protested  against  it,  (for  God  had  brought  him  very  low,  both  in  his 
estate  and  his  reputation,  since  he  joined  in  the  first  petition)." 
This  application  to  the  Commissioners  had  come  to  nothing.  News 
also  came  of  an  encounter  on  the  Exchange,  in  which  Child  had  told 
Francis  Willoughby  that  the  people  of  New  England  "were  a  com- 
pany of  rogues  and  knaves." 

»  Legacie,  3d  ed.,  1655,  p.  168.    See  p.  109,  below. 
«  Winthrop,  ii.  387-390  (318-320). 


1919]  DR.    ROBERT   CHILD  THE   REMONSTRANT  65 

Mr.  Willoughby  answered,  that  he  who  spake  so,  etc.,  was  a  knave, 
whereupon  the  Doctor  gave  him  a  box  on  the  ear.  Mr.  Willoughby  was 
ready  to  have  closed  with  him,  etc.,  but  being  upon  the  exchange,  he 
was  stayed,  but  presently  arrested  him.  And  when  the  Doctor  saw  the 
danger  he  was  in,  he  employed  some  friends  to  make  his  peace,  who 
ordered  him  to  give  five  pounds  to  the  poor  of  New  England,  (for  Mr. 
Willoughby  would  have  nothing  of  him,)  and  to  give  Mr.  Willoughby 
open  satisfaction  in  the  full  exchange,  and  to  give  it  under  his  hand,  never 
to  speak  evil  of  New  England  men  after,  nor  to  occasion  any  trouble  to 
the  country,  or  to  any  of  the  people,  all  which  he  gladly  performed;  and 
besides  God  had  so  blasted  his  estate,  as  he  was  quite  broken.1 

In  consequence,  perhaps,  of  his  reverses  of  fortune,  Child  seems 
to  have  sold  Vines's  Saco  patent,  about  this  time,  to  John  Becx  and 
associates,  the  proprietors  of  the  iron  works,2  in  which  he  still  re- 
tained an  interest.3 

It  was,  of  course,  largely  the  efforts  of  Winslow  in  gaining  the 
support  of  men  of  influence,  as  well  as  in  presenting  the  Gorton  case, 
along  with  Child's,  to  the  Commissioners  before  the  Doctor's  arrival, 
that  had  doomed  Child's  final  attempt.  Four  pieces  of  contem- 
porary testimony  may  close  this  episode  in  our  hero's  career.  The 
Apostle  Eliot  wrote  in  the  Records  of  his  church  at  Roxbury  under 
1647:  "God  so  graciously  prospered  mr  Winslows  indeavours  in 
England,  against  Gorton  &  his  complices,  y*  all  theire  great  hopes 
were  dashed ;  and  they  among  vs,  a  little  pulled  in  theire  heads,  and 
held  theire  peace."  4  Bradford,  under  1647,  thus  records  the  facts 
as  he  saw  them: 

This  year  Mr.  Edward  Winslow  went  into  England,  upon  this  occa- 
tion:  some  discontented  persons  under  the  govermente  of  the  Massa- 
chusets  sought  to  trouble  their  peace,  and  disturbe,  if  not  innovate, 

1  Winthrop,  ii.  391-392  (321-322). 

1  In  1659  the  lands  included  in  this  patent  were  conveyed  to  Lt.  William 
Phillips  of  Boston,  vintner,  by  William  Hathorne  of  Salem  as  attorney  for  John 
Jeffard  (Gifford)  in  behalf  of  Mr.  Beex  and  Company  (York  Deeds,  i.  i.  82;  Fol- 
som,  History  of  Saco  and  Biddeford,  p.  103).  Child  had  purchased  the  patent 
in  1645  (see  p.  16,  above).  James  Graham,  who  reported  on  the  title  in  1688, 
could  find  no  record  of  any  conveyance  from  Child  or  "from  any  under  him" 
(p.  16  note  4,  above). 

1  Child  as  one  of  the  proprietors  of  the  iron  works  joins  with  Becx  and  others 
in  an  agreement  with  John  Gifford,  August  23,  1650  (Suffolk  Deeds,  i.  216). 

4  New  England  Historical  and  Genealogical  Register,  xxxiii.  238. 


66  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS          [MARCH, 

their  govermente,  by  laying  many  scandals  upon  them;  and  intended  to 
prosecute  against  them  in  England,  by  petitioning  and  complaining  to 
the  Parlemente.  Allso  Samuell  Gorton  and  his  company  made  com- 
plaints against  them;  so  as  they  made  choyse  of  Mr.  Winslow  to  be 
their  agente,  to  make  their  defence,  and  gave  him  comission  and  in- 
structions for  that  end;  in  which  he  so  carried  him  selfe  as  did  well 
answer  their  ends,  and  cleared  them  from  any  blame  or  dishonour,  to 
the  shame  of  their  adversaries.1 

On  July  14, 1648,  Herbert  Pelham  wrote  from  England  to  Winthrop: 

I  doubt  but  you  are  fully  informed,  by  my  Cosen  Winslow  in  those 
things  that  concerne  the  affayrs  of  the  Collonies,  the  care  of  wch  busines 
you  have  coinitted  to  him;  who  as  he  was  fitly  chosen  by  your  selfe  & 
the  rest,  soe  he  hath  as  faythfully  discharged  that  trust  you  have  re- 
posed in  him.  I  could  from  my  owne  observation  say  much  concerning 
his  care  &  dilligence  in  improveing  every  opportunitie  and  his  many 
wearisome  journeys  and  attendancys  for  the  dispatch  of  the  Busines 
he  came  about  .  .  .  but  I  shall  leave  it  to  the  relation  of  some  now 
returning  to  you.2 

Maverick,  about  1661,  in  a  paper  drawn  up  to  serve  as  ammuni- 
tion in  his  campaign  against  the  liberties  of  New  England,  shall  be 
the  last  witness,  for  the  proverb  says  that  losers  must  have  leave  to 
talk:8 

7  persons  of  Quality  about  12  years  since  for  petitioning  for  themselves 
&  Neighbo™  that  they  might  have  votes  in  Elections  as  freeholders  or 
be  ffreed  from  publick  Charge,  and  be  admitted  to  the  Sacrament  of  the 
Lords  Supper  and  theire  Children  to  Baptisme  as  Members  of  the 
Church  of  England,  and  have  liberty  to  have  Ministers  among  them- 
selves learned  pious  and  Orthodox,  no  way  dissonant  from  ye  best  Re- 
formation in  England,  and  desireing  alsoe  to  have  a  body  of  Lawes  to 
be  Established  and  published  to  prevent  Arbitrary  Tiranny,  For  thus 
desireing  these  three  reasonable  requests  besids  imprissonement  and 
other  indignitys,  they  were  fined  1000 H,  a[nd]  Notw*standing  they 


1  History  of  Plimmoth  Plantation,  1912,  ii.  391-393. 

*  Winthrop  Papers,  ii.  144-145. 

*  The  proverb  was  familiar  to  our  forefathers.    It  is  used  with  dignified  in- 
dulgence in  the  Court's  letter  to  the  adventurers  for  the  iron  works,  1646:  "Wee 
find  yor  stile  more  sharpe  &  your  conclucohs  more  peremptory  then  rationall, 
(as  wee  conceave,)  but  wee  consider  yow  have  binn  hitherto  loosers,  &  therefore 
may  take  leave  to  speake"  (Massachusetts  Colony  Records,  iii.  91). 


1919]  DR.   ROBERT  CHILD  THE  REMONSTRANT  67 

Appealled  to  England,1  they  were  forced  to  pay  the  same,  and  now  also 
at  great  Charges  to  send  one  home  to  prosecute  their  appeall  which  proved 
to  no  Effect,  That  dismall  Change  falling  out,  Just  at  that  time  And 
they  sending  home  hither  one  Edward  Winslow  a  Smooth  toungued 
Cunning  fellow,  who  soon  gott  himselfe  into  Favor  of  those  then  in 
Supreame  power,  against  whom  it  was  in  vaine  to  strive,  and  soe  they 
remained  sufferers  to  this  day.2 

"Now,"  in  the  passage  that  I  have  italicized,  must  refer  to  the 
time  of  writing.  If  so,  we  have  merely  an  assertion  that  Maverick 
himself  has  come  to  England  as  the  representative  of  the  petitioners, 
whose  cause  has  languished  for  all  these  years;  but  he  can  hardly 
have  meant  to  pose  as  agent  for  the  seven  Remonstrants,  for  Child 
and  Burton  were  dead,  Fowle  and  Yale  had  dropped  the  business 
years  before,  and  Maverick  and  John  Dand  seem  to  have  been  the 
only  members  of  the  group  who  were  pursuing  the  affair.  At  about 
this  same  tune,  thirteen  persons  who  found  themselves  aggrieved 
by  the  New  England  authorities  petitioned  the  Council  for  Foreign 
Plantations  for  redress.  Among  them  were  Edward  Godfrey  (for- 
merly Governor  of  Maine),  John  Gifford  (agent  for  the  iron  works),3 
John  Baxe  (one  of  the  chief  adventurers  in  the  same  specula- 
tion), and  our  old  friend  John  Dand  the  Remonstrant.4  On  March 
4,  1661,  the  Council  directed  the  attendance  (on  the  llth)  of  God- 
frey and  Gifford,  as  well  as  Maverick  and  Captain  Breedon,  "with 
such  papers  and  writings  as  together  with  their  own  particular 
knowledge  may  give  information  of  the  present  condition  and  gov- 
ernment ...  of  New  England."  5  We  are  at  liberty  to  conjecture 
that  Maverick's  Briefe  Description  was  one  of  the  papers  submitted 
on  the  llth,  when  the  hearing  was  duly  held  and  the  same  four  per- 
sons, with  Captain  [John]  Leverett,  Thomas  Bell,  and  Mr.  [Joshua] 
Wollnough  were  ordered  to  attend  on  the  14th.6  After  this  there 

1  This  indicates  that  there  was  an  appeal  after  the  second  trial. 

*  Egerton  MS.  2395,  British  Museum  (2  Massachusetts  Historical  Proceed- 
ings, i.  240;  New  England  Historical  and  Genealogical  Register,  xxxix.  41). 

*  Gifford  at  this  same  time  was  full  of  projects.   He  was  trying  to  convince  the 
English  authorities  that  copper  and  precious  stones  might  be  found  in  New  Eng- 
land (Calendar  of  State  Papers,  America  and  West  Indies,  1661-1668,  pp.  25-26). 

«  Pp.  16-17.  •  P.  15. 

*  P.  16.    On  the  14th  this  order  is  repeated  for  the  18th  as  to  Godfrey,  Gif- 
ford, Maverick,  Breedon,  and  Leverett,  and  Leverett  is  to  bring  a  copy  of  the 
"patent  for  New  England"  (p.  16). 


68  TIIE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS          ([MARCH, 

seems  to  have  been  a  lull  for  a  couple  of  years,  but  Maverick  did 
not  despair.  On  August  1,  1663,  he  petitions  the  King,  alleging  that 
he  has  lived  many  years  in  New  England,  "and  with  many  others 
suffered  great  wrongs  from  those  who  have  the  rule,"  and  on  the 
30th  he  renews  his  application,  in  behalf  of  himself  and  "many 
thousand  loyal  subjects  there."1  He  has  "for  near  three  years  been 
a  constant  solicitor  for  relief  from  his  Majesty,"  and  now  "prays 
that  some  persons  may  be  speedily  sent  over  to  regulate  all  things 
there  now  out  of  order,  being  assured  that  if  relief  appear  not  they 
will  either  rise  in  arms  one  part  against  the  other  or  remove  to  the 
Dutch  or  other  places."2  We  may  have  all  the  sympathy  we  choose 
for  Maverick's  grudge  without  crediting  him  with  cautious  veracity 
in  this  prognostication.  Commissioners  were  in  fact  appointed  in 
1664,  with  Maverick  as  one  of  them,  and  they  did  their  best  to  regu- 
late New  England  —  with  what  success  in  Boston  everybody  knows. 
Soon  after  his  appointment,  Maverick  petitioned  again,  thanking 
the  King  for  the  honor,  and  acknowledging  the  receipt  of  £250 
"towards  his  setting  forth."  He  asked  for  somewhat  more  of  the 
royal  bounty,  however,  since  he  had  expended  at  least  £500.8  I 
mention  this  because  it  throws  some  light  on  the  passage  just  quoted 
from  the  Briefe  Description,  in  which  Maverick  appears  to  repre- 
sent himself  as  one  "now  sent  home  [to  England]  at  great  Charges" 
by  the  Remonstrants  to  prosecute  their  old  appeal.4  Clarendon's 
letter  of  March  5,  1665,  warning  him  not  to  indulge  his  personal  en- 
mities in  his  official  acts  would  be  good  reading  at  this  point,  but  is 
too  long  to  quote.6  On  May  31,  of  that  same  year,  Governor  Bel- 
lingham,  in  the  name  and  by  the  order  of  the  General  Court,  wrote  to 
Sir  William  Morrice  complaining  against  Maverick  "  for  calling  them 
traitors  again  and  again,  and  [for]  threats  destructive  to  them."  ' 
I  have  always  been  unable  to  understand  why  our  ancestors  should 
be  so  much  glorified  for  resisting  and  thwarting  Maverick  and  his 
fellow-conspirators  hi  1664  and  1665,  when  they  are  so  much  blamed 
for  resisting  and  thwarting  Maverick  and  his  fellow-conspirators  in 


Calendar,  as  above,  p.  151. 

P.  157. 

P.  204. 

P.  67,  above. 

New  York  Colonial  Documents,  iii.  92. 

Calendar,  as  above,  p.  302. 


1919]  DR.   ROBERT  CHILD  THE  REMONSTRANT  69 

1646  and  1647.  On  both  occasions  they  proved  their  quality  as  clever 
and  courageous  administrators  at  a  moment  of  crisis.  The  political 
points  at  issue  were  precisely  the  same,  and  we  ought  not  to  judge 
the  earlier  case  like  sentimentalists  and  reserve  our  common  sense 
for  the  later. 

In  estimating  rights  and  wrongs  in  the  controversy  between  the 
Bay  and  the  Remonstrants,  it  is  inevitable  that  historians  should 
take  sides.  Maybe  it  is  likewise  inevitable  that,  in  so  doing,  many 
of  them  should  instinctively  espouse  that  cause  which  appears,  at 
first  face,  to  embody  resistance  to  a  narrow  and  provincial  tyranny 
and  to  represent  civic  freedom  and  liberty  of  conscience;  but  I  am 
inclined  to  think  more  caution  might  have  been  used  hi  accepting 
the  Remonstrants  as  authentic  champions  of  these  noble  principles. 
Certain  it  is,  at  all  events,  that  we  cannot  pass  judgment  as  if  the 
antithesis  were  between  liberality  on  the  one  hand  and  bigotry  on 
the  other.  Our  ancestors  of  the  Bay  believed  —  on  good  grounds  — 
that  they  were  grappling  with  a  conspiracy  to  overthrow  the  gov- 
ernment, both  civil  and  ecclesiastical,  under  which  they  desired  to 
live.  This  they  suspected  from  the  outset,  and  their  initial  suspi- 
cions were  completely  justified  by  the  documents  which,  in  the 
second  stage  of  the  affair,  they  seized  at  Dand's  lodgings,  for  these 
proved  beyond  a  peradventure  that  Child  hoped  to  procure  from 
Parliament  the  abrogation  of  the  Charter  (as  forfeited  for  non- 
fulfilment  of  its  conditions),  the  trial  of  the  magistrates  for  high 
treason,  the  supersession  of  the  Governor  and  Company  by  a  General 
Governor  under  the  immediate  control  of  Parliament  in  all  things 
(without  chartered  privileges)  or  by  a  Board  of  Parliamentary 
Commissioners,  and  the  establishment  of  Presbyterianism  as  the 
state  church.  These  objects,  all  of  them  plainly  avowed  in  the  seized 
documents,  were  for  the  most  part  expressed  or  implied  in  the 
original  Remonstrance,1  as  the  magistrates  were  not  slow  to  discern, 
though  their  modern  critics  hav*  been  less  keen  of  sight.  In  short, 

1  The  Remonstrance  practically  accuses  the  colonial  authorities  of  having 
violated  the  Charter  (whence  it  was  an  unavoidable  inference  that  they  had 
forfeited  it),  and  with  having  broken  their  oath  of  allegiance  (Hutchinson  Papers, 
i.  217,  lines  27-28).  The  signers  express  in  set  terms  their  objection  to  that 
measure  of  independence  which  the  Colony  arrogates,  maintaining  that  it  shpuld 
reduce  itself  to  its  proper  position,  which  is  not  that  of  a  "free  state,"  but  that 
of  "a  colonie  or  corporation  of  England"  (i.  219,  lines  13-14).  They  hope  for 


70  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS          [MAKCH, 

the  object  of  the  Remonstrants,  from  the  beginning,  was  to  abolish 
the  independence  of  the  Bay  Colony,  and  the  object  of  the  General 
Court,  from  the  beginning,  was,  in  opposing  them,  to  maintain  that 
independence,  which  they  regarded  as  vital  to  their  happiness  and 
prosperity. 

We,  their  descendants,  who  enjoy  the  fruits  of  that  independence, 
need  not  be  too  harsh  in  criticizing  those  who  founded  and  trans- 
mitted it.  But  let  us  not  get  ahead  of  our  reasoning.  I  am  not 
maintaining  that  the  Colony  was  the  abode  of  liberty  for  the  in- 
dividual, as  we  understand  it.  That  is  another  question,  which  does 
not  logically  arise  at  any  stage  of  the  present  discussion.  The  issue 
was  quite  different.  Child  desired  to  bring  the  Colony  under  the 
Parliamentary  thumb;  he  desired  to  reduce  it  to  the  position  of  a 
civic  corporation  in  the  mother  country  —  to  that  of  London,  for 
example,  though  without  the  chartered  privileges  and  immunities 
which  that  city  enjoyed.  To  the  colonists,  on  the  other  hand,  it 
was  a  prime  object,  though  remaining  a  part  of  the  Empire,  to 
achieve  the  position  of  an  independent  state,  something  like  Canada 
now-a-days,  for  example,  or  New  Zealand.  On  this  issue  there  was, 
of  course,  no  possibility  of  compromise,  nor  can  there  be  any  doubt 
which  of  the  two  objects  was  the  more  desirable  hi  the  long  run. 
The  logic  of  events  has  settled  that  problem,  and  theoretical  con- 


such  changes  as  may  bring  the  Colony  under  the  immediate  and  minutely  ex- 
ercised control  of  the  Parliament  (i.  222,  lines  19-20).  And,  if  the  colonial  au- 
thorities do  not  voluntarily  undertake  such  measures  as  shall  bring  about  these 
ends,  they  threaten  to  endeavor  to  force  the  changes  by  an  appeal  to  Parliament 
itself  (i.  221,  lines  28-30). 

It  may  be  held,  perhaps,  that  the  danger  from  Child  was  not  so  great  as  the 
colonists  imagined,  but  that  consideration,  even  if  it  is  sound  —  as  by  no  means 
appears  —  neither  alters  the  fact  of  his  revolutionary  purposes  nor  renders  the 
magistrates  blameworthy  for  resisting  them  with  all  their  strength.  If  they  were 
nervous,  they  had  every  reason  to  be  nervous.  The  autonomy  of  the  Colony  had 
been  continually  attacked,  and  they  knew  that  their  enemies  were  numerous  in 
England  and  elsewhere.  When  we  read  Maverick's  Briefe  Description,  drawn  up 
ca.  1661,  and  note  his  bitter  assault  upon  the  Bay  (2  Massachusetts  Historical 
Proceedings,  i.  239-242),  we  are  apt  to  think  that  his  enmity  resulted  from  the 
treatment  he  had  experienced  in  the  matter  of  the  Remonstrance.  This  may  be 
true  in  part,  but  what  seems  to  have  eluded  the  observation  of  some  scholars 
is  the  fact  that  what  Maverick  was  alleging  and  what  he  was  attempting  in 
1661-1665  accord  perfectly  with  what  we  know  of  the  allegations  and  attempts 
of  the  Remonstrants  in  1646  and  1647. 


1919]  DR.   ROBERT  CHILD  THE  REMONSTRANT  71 

siderations  have  no  standing.  We  may  admit  that  the  little  com- 
monwealth that  our  ancestors  were  establishing  was  narrow  and 
bigoted  at  the  moment;  and  that  some  of  the  changes  that  Child  be- 
lieved hi  would  have  been  salutary  may  also  —  for  argument's 
sake  —  be  conceded.  Still,  it  remains  true  that  it  was  better,  in  the 
long  run,  to  keep  that  commonwealth  independent  and  to  let  it 
work  toward  the  light  in  its  own  way,  however  slowly,  than  to  de- 
stroy its  autonomy  at  one  blow,  even  if  such  destruction  brought 
about  the  reform  of  certain  abuses.  We  honor  our  ancestors,  I  re- 
peat, for  successfully  resisting  the  royal  Commissioners  of  1664, 
who  came  hither  with  just  such  powers  as  Child's  proposed  Com- 
missioners of  Parliament  would  have  wielded  if  they  had  been  ap- 
pointed, and  again  in  1689  for  ousting  Andros,  who  realized  at 
length  the  alternative  desire  of  Child  for  a  General  Governor.  How 
then  can  we  condemn  them  for  thwarting  a  similar  attempt  at  sub- 
jugation in  1646  and  1647?  We  shall  not,  I  trust,  be  deluded  by  the 
mere  name  of  a  Parliament,  for  the  Long  Parliament  in  1646  was  far 
more  arbitrary  in  its  temper  than  Charles  II  in  1664,  and  every  bit 
as  arbitrary  as  James  II,  who  appointed  Andros. 

Winslow  four  times  asserts  in  plain  terms  that  permission  to 
form  Presbyterian  churches  was  offered  to  the  Remonstrants  in 
open  court.  In  Hypocrisie  Unmasked  he  writes:  "Not  long  before 
I  came  away  certaine  discontented  persons  in  open  Court  of  the 
Massachusets,  demanding  that  liberty,1  it  was  freely  and  as  openly 
tendred  to  them;  shewing  their  former  practices  by  mee  mentioned; 
but  willed  not  to  expect  that  wee  should  provide  them  Ministers 
&c.  for  the  same,  but  getting  such  themselves  they  might  exercise 
the  Presbyterian  Government  at  their  libertie,  walking  peaceably 
towards  us  as  wee  trusted  we  should  doe  towards  them.";i  Major 
Child  did  not  venture  to  deny  this  allegation,  but  he  tried  to  throw 
doubt  upon  it.  "This,"  he  retorted,  "is  strange  news  to  us  here,  for 
we  hear  not  one  word  of  that  offer  from  those  Petitioners,  although 
here  are  letters  from  some  of  them  dated  since  Mr.  Winslaws  com- 
ming  from  thence,  that  relates  that  Dr.  Child  &  others  of  them 
remained  still  in  prison,  save  that  D.  Child  hath  the  liberty  to  be  con- 
fined to  M.  Leders  house  upon  security  of  800.1.  bond  given  for  his 

1  That  is,  to  "  be  suffered  to  exercise  their  Presbyteriall  government  amongst  us." 
1  Hypocrisie  Unmasked,  p.  100. 


72  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS          [MARCH, 

abiding  there."  1  And  so,  in  New-Englands  Salamander,  Winslow 
reiterated  his  assertion:  "I  heard  them  demand  in  Court  the  Pres- 
byterian government,  and  it  was  granted  them." :  And  again: 
"Let  the  Reader  know  that  the  Presbyterian  Government  was  as 
freely  tendered  them  by  the  Governour  in  the  open  Court  without 
any  contradiction  of  any  the  Assistants  or  other,  as  ever  I  heard 
any  thing  hi  my  life."  8  And  finally,  —  "For  .  .  .  the  late  tender 
of  the  Court  of  the  Massachusets  to  their  Petitioners  for  the  en- 
joyment of  it 4  at  present,  themselves  providing  for  it,  't  is  not  so 
strange  as  true:  But  whereas  they  say,  they  hear  not  of  the  latter 
(being  since  they  came  away:)  'T  is  false;  I  have  told  them,  and  they 
may  heare  it  by  many  others."  5 

Let  it  not  be  forgotten  that  at  this  very  moment  the  utmost  that 
the  moderate  Presbyterians  in  England  were  willing  to  grant  was 
that,  when  the  Presbyterian  system  had  been  established  by  law, 
such  Independents  as  wished  might  be  allowed  to  form  and  support 
their  own  separate  churches,  whereas  the  thoroughgoing  Presby- 
terians (like  the  Scottish  Baylie,  whom  Major  Child  quotes  with 
approval 6)  wished  to  withhold  even  that  degree  of  toleration  and, 
reviving  the  Laudian  practice  under  another  name,  to  force  the  In- 
dependents to  conform  or  take  the  consequences.  All  this  was 
better  known  to  the  rulers  of  the  Bay  than  it  seems  to  be  to  many 
of  their  critics  now.  They  knew  also  (and  so  did  Child  when  he  pre- 
sented his  Remonstrance  on  May  19,  1646)  that  on  the  5th  of  March 
the  House  of  Commons  had  passed  an  ordinance  establishing  Pres- 
byterianism  in  England,7  and  they  may  well  have  known  also  that 
the  Lords  had  assented  on  the  14th.8  They  were  well  aware  that 
bare  toleration  was  all  that  Congregationalism  could  expect  of  a 


New-Englands  Jonas,  p.  [22]. 

New-Englands  Salamander,  p.  3. 

New-Englands  Salamander,  pp.  12-13. 

I.  e.,  "their  liberty  in  the  exercise  of  the  Presbyterian  government." 

New-Englands  Salamander,  p.  28. 

See  p.  87,  below. 

Commons'  Journals,  iv.  463-465. 

Lords'  Journals,  viii.  209.  As  Gardiner  points  out  (Great  Civil  War,  ed. 
1893,  iii.  77),  the  Lords  had  amended  the  ordinance,  and  it  therefore  had  to  go 
back  to  the  Commons;  but  that  was  a  mere  detail:  nobody  doubted  any  longer 
that  the  Church  of  England  was  to  be  Presbyterian. 


1919]  DR.   ROBERT   CHILD  THE   REMONSTRANT  73 

Presbyterian  Church  of  England,  and  that  it  would  have  to  fight 
hard  to  achieve  even  that  measure  of  freedom.  They  would  have 
been  weak  indeed  if  they  had  not  stood  to  their  guns  in  America. 
And  why  should  we  be  offended  at  them  for  thinking  that  they  were 
doing  Presbyterians  full  justice  if  they  allowed  them  precisely  the 
same  privileges  in  Massachusetts  that  the  Congregationalists  in 
England,  in  the  most  favorable  prospect,  might  hope  to  receive  from 
the  Presbyterians  there?  It's  a  poor  rule  that  won't  work  both  ways  I 

Winslow  did  not  miss  this  point:  there  is  very  little  in  this  whole 
affair  that  he  did  miss.  In  Hypocrisie  Unmasked,  addressing  an 
English  (not  a  colonial)  audience,  after  explaining  how,  some  years 
before,  certain  Scottish  Presbyterians  had  received  permission  to 
settle  in  Massachusetts  and  to  organize  their  own  churches  in  their 
own  way,  he  remarks  that  by  this  it  "will  easily  appeare  how  wee 
are  here  wronged  by  many;  and  the  harder  measure  as  wee  heare 
imposed  upon  our  brethren  for  our  sakes,  nay  pretending  our  ex- 
ample for  their  president  [precedent]."  Then,  when  he  has  told  of 
the  offer  to  Child  and  the  Remonstrants,  he  concludes  with  a  tren- 
chant suggestion,  though  moderately  and  even  ironically  put:  "So 
that  if  our  brethren  here  [i.  e.,  in  England]  shall  bee  restrained  they 
walking  peaceably,  the  example  must  not  be  taken  from  us,  but 
arise  from  some  other  principle."1  From  what  other  principle,  he 
tellingly  refrains  from  specifying. 

Of  course,  the  magistrates,  with  a  passionate  interest  quite  justi- 
fied by  the  crisis,  were  watching  the  life-and-death  struggle  in  Eng- 
land, both  hi  Parliament  and  out,  between  the  Presbyterians  and 
the  Independents;  and  they  were  well  aware  that  Massachusetts 
was  deeply  and  even  essentially  involved  in  the  contest.  New  Eng- 
land was  regarded  by  the  Presbyterian  party  in  the  mother  country 
as  the  true  nidus  of  the  Independent  germ,  and  to  New  England  the 
English  Independents  looked  for  cooperation  and  effective  aid. 
Only  four  years  before,  in  1642,  an  appeal  had  come  from  "divers 
Lords  of  the  upper  house,  and  some  thirty  of  the  house  of  commons 
and  others  from  the  ministers  there,  who  stood  for  the  independ- 
ency of  churches,"  begging  for  the  presence  of  Cotton,  Hooker,  and 
Davenport  to  advance  the  cause  in  England.  And  in  the  very  year 


1  Hypocrisie  Unmasked,  p.  100. 


74  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY   OF  MASSACHUSETTS  [MARCH, 

(1645,  July  1)  that  preceded  Child's  Remonstrance,  the  elders  of 
the  churches  throughout  the  United  Colonies  met  at  Cambridge  to 
"examine  the  writings  which  some  of  them  had  prepared"  hi  answer 
to  many  books  from  England,  a  part  of  which  were  "  in  maintenance 
of  the  Presbyterial  government  (agreed  upon  by  the  Assembly  of 
Divines  in  England)  against  the  Congregational  way,  which  was 
practised  here."  l  Child  himself  arrived  in  that  same  summer  or 
in  the  autumn,  and  lost  no  time  in  identifying  himself  with  the 
Presbyterian  opposition,  for  his  Remonstrance  was  presented  to  the 
General  Court  in  the  following  May.  At  home  the  parties  seemed 
almost  to  counterbalance,  but  in  the  Colony  the  Independents  were 
at  present  hi  control.  The  issue  was  well  defined  hi  England,  and 
our  Massachusetts  forefathers  were  better  informed  than  some  of 
their  descendants  as  to  what  it  was.2  They  would  have  been  not 
only  cowards,  but  traitors  to  their  friends  in  England  as  well  as  to 
themselves,  if  they  had  not  opposed  all  such  movements  as  that  of 
Child  and  his  associates;  and  they  would  have  been  blind  leaders 
indeed  if  they  had  failed  to  see  the  purpose  and  significance  of  the 
particular  agitation  in  which  Child  was  taking  the  lead. 

So  much  for  generalities  —  now  for  one  or  two  concrete  matters 
involved  in  the  case  of  the  Remonstrants  —  or  rather,  in  their  two 
cases,  for  we  must  never  forget  that  there  were  two  distinct  trials 
for  different  (though  connected)  acts,  and  two  distinct  sentences. 

It  is  continually  asserted,  or  implied,  that  Child  and  his  friends 
were  punished  for  petitioning  the  General  Court,3  and  much  rhetoric 

1  Winthrop,  ii.  91-92  (76),  304  (248).  Cf .  Cotton,  The  Way  of  Congregational 
Churches  Cleared,  1648,  pt.  i.  p.  68:  "If  none  of  us  have  been  willing  to  reply  to 
the  Books  written  against  us,  how  come  it  to  passe  that  Mr.  Hooker  hath  written 
a  large  answer  to  Mr.  Rutherford,  Mr.  Davenport  to  Mr.  Paget,  Mr.  Mader  to 
Mr.  Rathbone,  Mr.  Shepard  and  Mr.  Allen  to  Mr.  Ball,  Mr.  Norton  in  Latino  to 
Mr.  Appollonii;  my  self  to  Mr.  Williams,  both  to  his  examination  of  my  Letter, 
and  to  his  bloody  Tenent?  " 

1  In  1645  Stephen  Winthrop  wrote  to  his  brother  John:  "Only  the  pres- 
beterian  Goverm*  is  resolved  on  &  y°  other  are  at  a  Losse:  &  cannot  tell  where 
they  shall  find  rest"  (Winthrop  Papers,  iv.  202). 

8  Dr.  C.  E.  Banks,  in  his  edition  of  Henry  Gardener's  New  Englands  Vindica- 
tion, avers  that  the  Remonstrants,  whom  he  calls  Episcopalians,  "were  heavily 
fined  for  presuming  to  petition  for  freedom  of  worship"  (Gorges  Society,  1884, 
p.  32,  n.  34).  Whittier  remarks  that  the  colonial  authorities  "imprisoned  Dr. 
Child,  an  Episcopalian,  for  petitioning  the  General  Court  for  toleration  "  (1  Massa- 
chusetts Historical  Proceedings,  xviii.  390). 


1919]  DR.   ROBERT  CHILD  THE  REMONSTRANT  75 

has  been  expended  (not  to  say  wasted)  in  denouncing  our  fathers  for 
such  a  violation  of  one  of  the  most  precious  of  all  civic  rights.  Many 
scholars  seem  to  forget  that  the  right  of  petition,  as  we  understand 
it,  has  got  itself  defined  and  established  by  dint  of  a  long  course  of 
development.  Let  us  give  all  credit  to  Child  and  the  Remonstrants 
for  doing  their  part  —  though  with  motives  quite  different  from  those 
of  constitutional  reformers  —  to  advance  the  ideas  of  the  world  on 
this  vital  question  of  republicanism;  but  let  us  not  be  too  hasty  in 
condemning  our  forefathers  for  observing  the  only  rules  they  knew 
or  could  know.  Their  Court  was  a  little  Parliament,  and  they  fol- 
lowed Parliamentary  precedents  in  this  regard.  Again  and  again, 
in  the  critical  years  between  1640  and  1646,  the  House  of  Commons 
had  rebuked  or  punished  petitioners  for  breach  of  privilege  in  cases 
in  which  to-day,  with  our  present  principles,  such  action  would  seem 
monstrous.  To  petition  at  all,  on  some  subjects,  was  thought  offen- 
sive, and  no  matter  how  proper  the  subject  of  any  given  petition, 
Parliament  always  showed  extreme  sensitiveness  to  anything  in  the 
manner  of  expression,  or  in  the  bearing  of  the  petitioners,  that  might 
be  actually  or  technically  a  contempt.  It  was  even  a  contempt,  and 
therefore  punishable,  to  criticize  the  character  or  conduct  of  a  mem- 
ber of  the  House.  There  can  be  no  question  what  would  have  hap- 
pened to  any  group  of  petitioners  who  had  dared  to  present  to  the 
Commons  a  document  embodying  the  assertions  and  conceived  in 
the  style  that  Child  ventured  upon  in  his  Remonstrance.  They 
would  have  been  sent  to  the  Tower  incontinently  and  would  hardly 
have  got  off  without  heavy  fines.  And,  apart  from  language  and 
matter,  there  was,  in  this  case,  such  conduct  on  the  part  of  the 
Remonstrants  when  called  before  the  magistrates,  though  not  when 
brought  into  Court  for  their  judgment,  as  the  most  lenient  of  modern 
judges  could  hardly  have  refrained  from  treating  as  contempt  of 
court.  In  this  regard,  we  must  not  forget  that  the  General  Court 
was  not  merely  a  legislative  body,  but  actually  a  court  of  judicature, 
civil  and  criminal,  and  that  —  whatever  liberties  are  accorded  to 
petitioners  before  a  legislative  assembly  to-day  —  our  judges  are 
still  sensitive,  and  have  a  power  to  punish  for  contempt  which  is 
quite  as  arbitrary  as  that  which  Parliament  exercised  in  the  seven- 
teenth century  —  be  it  the  English  Parliament  or  our  little  parlia- 
ment of  the  Massachusetts  Bay. 


76 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS          [MARCH, 


Child's  party,  of  course,  complained  that  they  were  punished  for 
petitioning,  but  our  forefathers  knew  better.  Child  was  himself 
informed  by  the  Court,  at  a  preliminary  examination,  when  he 
contended  that  "it  was  no  offence  to  prefer  a  petition,"  that  the 
Remonstrants  "were  not  questioned  for  petitioning,  but  for  such 
miscarriages,  etc.,  as  appeared  in  their  petition  and  Remonstrance."  l 
Winslow,  in  defending  the  Colony,  points  out  with  perfect  clearness 
the  necessary  distinction:  "There  were  none  committed  for  petition- 
ing, but  for  then*  Remonstrance  and  the  many  false  charges  and  sedi- 
tious insinuations  tending  to  faction  and  insurrections  sleighting 
the  government  &c."  2  And  he  then  particularizes,  so  that  there  can 
be  no  doubt  what  expressions  were  contemptuous  and  seditious. 
Winslow  was  addressing  not  a  colonial  but  an  English  circle,  and 
he  knew  well  that  every  intelligent  reader  would  see  at  a  glance 
how  such  a  series  of  expressions  as  he  quotes  or  cites  would  have 
been  regarded  by  Parliament.  So  much  for  the  right  of  petition 
and  the  question  of  contempt.8 

The  second  point  is  that  of  the  appeal  to  Parliament,  or  to  the 
Commissioners  for  Plantations  —  which  amounts  to  the  same  thing. 
Here  Child  and  his  friends  made  a  bad  mistake  in  tactics,  of  which 
the  magistrates  took  instant  advantage.  They  put  in  their  first 
appeal  at  the  wrong  moment  and  in  a  wrong  way,  and  thus  got  into 
an  altogether  false  position.  Without  waiting  for  the  decision  of 
the  Court  on  the  charges  of  contempt  and  sedition,  or  even  for  a 
formal  arraignment,  they  "refused  to  answer"  and  appealed  to  the 
Commissioners  in  England,  and  this  was  of  course  construed  as  a 
denial  of  jurisdiction,  as  in  fact  it  was  and  was  meant  to  be.  In  the 
language  of  the  charge  brought  against  them  in  the  first  case,  they 
"publicly  declared  their  disaffection  [to  our  government],  in  that, 
being  called  by  the  Court  to  render  an  accompt  of  their  misappre- 
hensions and  evil  expressions  in  the  premises,  they  refused  to  answer; 
but,  by  appealing  from  this  government,  they  disclaimed  the  juris- 

1  Winthrop,  ii.  347  (284). 

J  New-Englands  Salamander,  p.  9. 

1  Chief  Justice  Marshall,  in  his  brief  account  of  the  affair,  brings  out  this 
point,  as  might  be  expected,  with  proper  emphasis:  "Their  plea  that  the  right 
to  petition  government  was  sacred,  was  answered  by  saying  that  they  were  not 
accused  for  petitioning,  but  for  using  contemptuous  and  seditious  expressions" 
(History  of  the  Colonies,  Philadelphia,  1824,  pp.  119-120). 


1919]  DR.   ROBERT  CHILD  THE  REMONSTRANT  77 

diction  thereof,  before  they  knew  whether  [the  court]  would  give  any 
sentence  against  them,  or  no."1  This  point  was  also  made  with  per- 
fect distinctness  in  the  official  letter  of  the  Governor  and  Company 
to  the  Commissioners.2 

Whether  or  not  an  appeal  would  lie  from  the  General  Court  to 
Parliament  was  a  question  on  which  the  magistrates  had  made  up 
their  minds.8  They  held  that  under  the  Charter  the  judgment  of 
the  General  Court  was  final,  and  they  regarded  the  establishment 
and  maintenance  of  this  principle  as  necessary  to  the  safety  of  their 
plantation.  Of  course  they  knew  that  it  was  a  ticklish  point,  but 
they  were  quite  right  in  supposing  that  it  was  vital,  and  they  were 
bold  accordingly  in  its  assertion,  though  they  had  until  very  recently 
avoided  raising  it  directly.  Almost  at  the  beginning  they  had  been 
accused  of  setting  up  a  separate  state  and  renouncing  the  laws  of 
England  as  well  as  its  Church,4  and  throughout  the  pre-Parlia- 
mentary  period  they  had  lived  in  constant  danger  of  having  their 
power  superseded  or  nullified  by  Commissioners  or  a  commissioned 
Governor. 

With  the  coming-in  of  Parliament  the  situation  became  pecul~ 
iarly  embarrassing,  both  with  regard  to  sovereignty  in  general  and 
with  regard  to  the  right  of  appeal.  Fears  were  past  from  King  and 
Council,  and  the  Parliament  was  friendly.  It  was  requisite,  there- 
fore, to  keep  its  favor  and  at  the  same  time  to  maintain  the  position 
that  appeals  could  not  be  made.6  Nervousness  on  this  point  showed 
itself  in  1640  (or  1641)  when  the  authorities  declined  to  accept  the 
well-meant  advice  of  friends  hi  England  that  they  should  petition  for 


1  The  Charge,  in  Massachusetts  Colony  Records,  iii.  91;  Winthrop,  ii.  350 
(287). 

1  In  Massachusetts  Colony  Records,  iii.  97;  Winthrop,  ii.  362  (297). 

1  There  was,  of  course,  some  difference  of  opinion,  and  therefore  a  certain 
sentiment  favoring  a  petition  to  Parliament  for  a  new  charter  with  enlarged 
powers;  but  wiser  counsels  prevailed,  for  it  was  feared  that  Parliament  might 
reduce  rather  than  increase  the  local  authority  (Winthrop,  ii.  341-342  [280]). 
The  elders  gave  their  opinion  that  there  was  no  appeal  (ii.  345  [282-283]). 

«  Winthrop,  i.  119,  122  (100,  102-103). 

1  One  notes  that  Winthrop,  while  recording  with  obvious  relief  the  action  of 
the  House  of  Lords  in  1641  in  reviving  the  Charter,  takes  care  to  add  that  the 
petition  which  resulted  in  this  action,  though  presented  by  "some  of  our  people 
being  then  in  London,"  was  "preferred  without  warrant  from  our  court"  (ii. 
50  [42]). 


78  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  [MARCH, 

additional  privileges.  "We  declined  the  motion,  for  this  considera- 
tion, that  if  we  should  put  ourselves  under  the  protection  of  the 
parliament,  we  must  then  be  subject  to  all  such  laws  as  they  should 
make,  or  at  least  such  as  they  might  impose  upon  us."  1  This  pas- 
sage in  Winthrop  led  Governor  Trumbull,  "  one  of  the  most  deliberate 
assertors  of  the  American  revolution,"  to  remark,  most  pertinently, 
as  it  happens,  to  our  present  purpose:  "Here  observe,  that  as  at 
this  time,  so  it  hath  been  ever  since,  that  the  colonies,  so  far  from 
acknowledging  the  parliament  to  have  a  right  to  make  laws  binding 
on  them  in  all  cases  whatsoever,  they  have  ever  denied  it  in  any 
case."  2  Through  the  help,  at  first,  of  friends  in  England,  and  later 
by  a  Fabian  policy  of  no  less  courage  than  shrewdness,  they  had 
managed  to  retain  their  Charter,  in  spite  of  attempts  to  procure  its 
recall  by  Order  in  Council  in  1632  3  and  1634,4  of  its  abrogation  by 
quo  warranto  hi  1635,5  and  of  continual  demands  to  surrender  it  (in 
1634,6  1638,7  1639  8),  until  Parliament  took  up  the  reins  of  govern- 
ment and  in  effect  reaffirmed  it  in  1641. 9  And  during  all  this  period 
they  had,  when  occasion  rose,  shown  themselves  ready  to  resist  a 
Commission  or  a  commissioned  Governor  by  force  of  arms  if  need 
were.10  Thus  by  tract  of  time,  improved  with  rare  political  skill  at 
every  turn,  the  colonists  had  succeeded  in  establishing  a  de  facto 


i  Winthrop,  ii.  29-30  (25). 

1  Savage's  note,  ibid.  The  passage  is  in  TrumbulTs  letter  to  Van  der  Capellan, 
August  31,  1779  (1  Massachusetts  Historical  Collections,  vi.  156). 

«  Winthrop,  i.  119,  122-123  (100,  102-103);  Hutchinson  Papers,  i.  57-59; 
Bradford,  ii.  141-145;  Acts  of  the  Privy  Council,  Colonial  Series,  i.  183;  C.  F. 
Adams,  1  Massachusetts  Historical  Proceedings,  xx.  81-85. 

•  Winthrop,  i.  161,  163  (135,  137);  ii.  233-234  (190-191). 

6  Brought  in  Trinity  Term,  11  Charles  I  (Hutchinson  Papers,  i.  114-116); 
decree,  Michaelmas  Term  (i.  116-118). 

•  Winthrop,  i.  163  (137). 

7  Hutchinson  Papers,  i.  118-119;  Winthrop,  i.  323-324  (269),  329-330  (274); 
Hubbard,  ch.  36,  ed.  1848,  pp.  268-271. 

»  Winthrop,  i.  359-360  (298-299),  367  (305). 

•  Winthrop,  i.  50  (42). 

10  Winthrop,  i.  171,  183,  280-281  (143-144,  154,  234-235).  As  to  the  first  of 
these  occasions,  see  Laud's  commission  of  1634  in  American  Antiquarian  Society 
Proceedings,  xiii.  213-220.  These  signs  of  promptitude  in  resistance  were,  soon 
after  the  Restoration,  made  a  ground  of  attack  on  the  Colony  by  Samuel  Maver- 
ick in  his  Briefe  Description  of  New  England  preserved  in  Egerton  MS.  2395 
(2  Massachusetts  Historical  Proceedings,  i.  240-241;  New  England  Historical 
and  Genealogical  Register,  xxxix.  41-42). 


1919] 


DR.   ROBERT  CHILD  THE  REMONSTRANT 


79 


rule  (which  they  were  prepared  to  defend  de  jure)  that  there  was  no 
appeal  to  England  against  sentences  or  judgments  passed  in  Massa- 
chusetts; but  they  had  so  far  contrived  (except  in  the  Gorton  case) 
to  prevent  this  question  from  coming  to  a  direct  issue  in  the  mother 
country.  That  they  had  such  points  in  mind  at  the  outset  is  shown 
by  Winthrop's  remark  that  Winslow,  in  1635,  was  ill-advised  in 
petitioning  the  Council  "for  a  commission  to  withstand  the  intru- 
sions of  the  French  and  Dutch,"  since  "such  precedents  might  en- 
danger our  liberty,  that  we  should  do  nothing  hereafter  but  by 
commission  out  of  England."  1 

As  the  Civil  War  progressed,  however,  and  as  Parliament  became 
more  and  more  nearly  absolute,  —  while,  in  the  strife  of  parties  on 
both  sides  of  the  water,  disaffection  or  dissatisfaction  with  the 
colonial  government  increased  with  the  growth  of  a  mixed  popula- 
tion, —  the  moment  was  inevitably  approaching  when  this  doctrine 
of  N*o  Appeal  must  be  decided.  It  came  up  in  the  case  of  Captain 
Stagg  when  he  made  prize  of  «,  Bristol  ship  in  Boston  harbor,  and 
was  asserted  as  undoubtedly  sound  "in  causes  of  judicature,"  but 
here  a  conflict  of  authority  was  avoided  by  some  very  close  reason- 
ing, into  which  we  need  not  enter.2  And  then,  in  Child's  Remon- 
strance, presented  in  May,  1646,  the  Court  found  itself  confronted 
with  a  distinct  threat  to  appeal  to  "the  honourable  houses  of  Par- 
liament" if  the  petitioners  should  not  receive  a  satisfactory  response; 
and,  before  the  matter  had  been  taken  up  by  the  Court,  the  dis- 
quieting news  came  that  Samuel  Gorton  and  two  of  his  fellows  who 
had  gone  to  England  and  appealed  to  the  Commissioners  for  Planta- 
tions against  their  treatment  by  the  Bay  authorities,  had  met  with 
a  large  measure  of  success.  For  there  arrived  by  Captain  Wall's 
ship  on  September  13,  1646,  shortly  after  the  presentation  of  the 
Remonstrance  to  the  May  Court,  a  letter  from  the  Commissioners 
(dated  May  15  in  that  year),  which  was  instantly  sent  to  the  Gov- 
ernor by  Randall  Holden,  its  bearer.  It  was  an  order  to  allow  the 
Gortonians  to  land  and  to  proceed  unmolested  to  their  settlement 
on  Narragansett  Bay.  By  the  same  ship,  or  immediately  after, 
came  another  order  from  the  Commissioners,  dated  ten  days  later 
(May  25,  1646),  to  reinstate  the  Gortonians  in  their  settlement, 


•  Winthrop,  i.  205  (172). 

1  Winthrop,  ii.  222-225  (180-183). 


80 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS          [MARCH, 


The  first  of  these  orders,  after  some  hesitation,  was  quietly  obeyed 
in  so  far  that  Holden,  who  seems  to  have  come  alone,  was  allowed  to 
go  in  peace,  but  the  second  —  Gorton  himself  being  still  in  England 
-  was  made  the  special  subject  of  Winslow's  commission,  as  we  have 
already  seen.1 

The  Gortonian  petition,  which  the  Commissioners  had  received 
and  on  which  they  had  taken  provisional  action,  was  to  all  intents 
and  purposes  an  appeal  from  the  Bay  to  Parliament;  and  the  fathers 
of  the  Colony  were  shrewd  enough,  in  forwarding  their  own  protest 
to  the  Commissioners  by  the  hands  of  Winslow,  in  December,  1646, 
to  bring  this  Gorton  appeal  into  connection  with  the  case  of  Child. 
For,  since  Child  had  not  appealed  (in  November,  1646)  until  the 
Commissioners'  action  hi  the  Gorton  matter  had  become  known  in 
Boston,  it  was  reasonable  to  assert  that  his  boldness  in  appealing 
before  judgment  had  been  encouraged,  if  not  suggested,  by  that 
action.  And  the  two  cases  were  particularly  advantageous  ones, 
from  the  Massachusetts  point  of  view,  on  which  to  raise  the  general 
question.  For  the  Gortonians  were  sectaries  of  a  sort  that  Parlia- 
ment would  be  unlikely  to  encourage  when  all  the  documents  were 
laid  before  it,  particularly  that  extraordinary  manifesto  of  Randall 
Holden  addressed  "To  the  great  and  honoured  Idol  Generall,  now 
set  up  in  the  Massachusets."  :  This  was  a  paper  which  the  Com- 
missioners must  at  once  recognize  as  the  kind  of  thing  no  legislative 
or  judicial  body  could  be  expected  to  accept  with  patience.  And  as 
to  Child,  the  fact  that  in  his  Remonstrance  he  had  also  used  offen- 
sive language  (though  of  a  different  kind)  and  had  included  the 
threat  of  an  appeal,  as  well  as  the  error  in  tactics  he  had  committed 
in  appealing  before  judgment  and  in  expressing  his  contempt  for 
the  jurisdiction,  would  go  far  to  put  him  out  of  court  with  Par- 
liament and  the  Commissioners.  Thus  this  crisis,  as  it  demanded 
that  the  Massachusetts  authorities  should  at  last  make  a  firm  stand 


1  Winthrop,  ii.  332-334,  340-346,  359-367  (272-273,  278-284,  295-301). 

1  Hypocrisie  Unmasked,  pp.  28-36.  Two  specimens  of  the  diction  of  this  doc- 
ument will  suffice:  "Out  of  the  abovesaid  principles,  which  is  the  kingdome  of 
darknesse  and  of  the  devill;  you  have  writ  another  Note  unto  us,  to  adde  to 
your  former  pride  and  folly."  "But  we  know  our  course,  professing  the  king- 
dome  of  God  and  his  righteousnesse,  renouncing  that  of  darknesse  and  the 
devill,  wherein  you  delight  to  trust  .  .  .  O  yee  generation  of  vipers,  who  hath 
fore-warned  you,  or  fore-stalled  your  mindes  with  this,  but  Satan  himselfe." 


1919] 


DR.    ROBERT   CHILD   THE   REMONSTRANT 


81 


on  the  invalidity  of  appeals,  and  should  state  their  doctrine  with 
perfect  clearness,  so  it  afforded  them  an  uncommonly  favorable 
opportunity  to  do  both.  As  we  have  noted,  their  representations, 
under  the  skilful  handling  of  the  astute  Winslow,  elicited  a  reply 
from  the  Commissioners  which  practically,  though  not  in  express 
terms,  conceded  the  point  and  established  the  doctrine  of  No  Appeal, 
which  the  Colony  had  long  cherished  as  one  of  the  most  valuable  of 
its  chartered  rights.  And  this  reply  coincided  almost  to  a  day 
with  Child's  appeal  after  conviction  on  the  second  case  against  him, 
at  the  May  Court  in  1647.  That  appeal,  therefore,  was  a  practical 
nullity  at  the  moment  when  it  was  made. 

As  it,  has  sometimes  been  asserted  —  how  erroneously  we  have 
seen  —  that  the  Remonstrants  were  fined  and  imprisoned  for  peti- 
tioning the  General  Court,  so  we  hear  now  and  again  that  they  were 
punished  for  appealing.  The  late  Mr.  Charles  Francis  Adams,  as  I 
understand  him,  avers  that  an  appeal  to  Parliament,  in  this  and 
other  cases,  "was  looked  upon  and  treated  in  Massachusetts  as  a 
crime,  and  as  such  was  punished."  And,  though  he  acknowledges 
that  "the  stubborn  spirit  of  independence  behind  "  this  denial  of  right 
was  "what  made  New  England,"  he  cannot  refrain  from  the  query: 
"Yet  would  Verres  have  dared  to  make  a  crime  of  the  complaint  a 
Roman  citizen  had  proffered  to  the  Senate  and  People  of  Rome?"  ! 
The  implied  comparison  does  not  please  me,  nor  am  I  altogether 
satisfied  with  the  classical  allusion.  For  I  cannot  forget  the  climax 
of  Cicero's  terrific  denunciation  of  the  wicked  proconsul  —  the 
case  of  that  Gavius  of  Consa  who,  because  he  threatened  to  take  his 
wrongs  to  Rome,  was  scourged  and  tortured,  though  he  protested 
his  Roman  citizenship,  and  finally  was  crucified.  "Nullus  gemitus, 
nulla  vox  alia  illius  miseri  inter  dolorem  crepitumque  plagarum 
audiebatur,  nisi  haec,  'Civis  Romanus  sum!'"  And  Verres  set  up 
the  cross  on  the  Strait  of  Messina,  that,  since  Gavius  said  he  was  a 
Roman  citizen,  he  might  see  Italy  and  his  home  as  he  hung  there 
dying.  "Monumentum  sceleris  audaciaeque  suae  voluit  esse  in 
conspectu  Italiae,  vestibule  Siciliae,  praetervectione  omnium  qui 
ultro  citroque  navigarent."2 


1  Three  Episodes  of  Massachusetts  History,  pp.  349-350. 
•  In  Verrem,  Actio  ii.  lib.  v,  61-66. 


82  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS          [MARCH, 

Thus  I  vindicate  Verres  from  the  charge  that  he  would  have  re- 
spected the  right  of  appeal  to  Rome.  Our  ancestors,  in  the  cases  of 
Child  and  Maverick,  the  record  will  also  vindicate  from  the  charge 
of  treating  an  appeal  to  Parliament  as  a  crime.  Child  appealed  twice 
once,  in  his  first  case,  before  sentence,  with  contemptuous  denial  of 
the  Court's  jurisdiction.  In  this  appeal  Maverick  was  not  con- 
cerned, and  Child,  as  we  have  seen,  was  not  punished  for  appealing, 
but  for  appealing  at  such  a  moment  and  in  such  a  way  as  to  make 
himself  guilty  of  high  contempt.  The  second  appeal,  in  which  both 
shared,  was  at  the  end  of  the  first  case.  It  was  treated  as  an 
offence  in  Maverick's  case  only,  because  it  violated  his  oath  as  a 
freeman.1 

Note  that  Samuel  Maverick,  who  knew  at  least  as  much  about 
these  transactions  as  our  local  iconoclasts,  was  under  no  misappre- 
hension about  the  charges  against  him.  Referring,  in  a  formal  docu- 
ment, to  the  second  trial  (on  the  first,  he  had  escaped  with  a  mulct 
of  only  £10),  he  avers  that  he  was  convicted  of  "conspiracy  and 
perjury."  And  he  was  quite  correct.  Child's  actions  —  after  the 
first  case,  that  of  the  Remonstrance  itself,  had  been  disposed  of  — 
amounted  to  a  plot  against  the  government,  and  therefore  the  records 
speak,  with  stern  but  exact  judgment,  of  "Dr.  Child's  conspiracy," 
and  in  this  conspiracy  Maverick  was  unquestionably  implicated. 
As  to  perjury,  all  one  has  to  do  is  to  read  the  Freeman's  Oath,  which 
Maverick  had  taken,  to  determine  that  question.2 

The  prevalent  opinion  seems  to  be  that  Child  presented  his  Re- 
monstrance of  1646  in  good  faith  and  with  a  sincere  desire  to  procure 
from  the  colonial  authorities  the  blessings  of  civil  liberty  and  free- 
dom of  worship.  One  plain  fact  has  often  been  strangely  over- 
looked: namely,  that  Robert  Child,  who  was  no  fool,  did  not  intend 
that  his  Petition  and  Remonstrance  should  be  favorably  considered 
by  the  General  Court.  Merely  to  read  the  document  —  a  tempta- 
tion which  some  scholars  appear  to  have  resisted  —  will  convince 
anybody  that  he  could  have  had  no  such  hope  or  purpose. 


1  There  was  probably  an  appeal  after  the  second  trial  also  (see  pp.  67, 81,  84) .  If 
so,  Maverick's  sentence  (p.  54,  above)  may  apply  to  this  occasion;  but,  in  any  event, 
Child  was  punished  for  no  appeal  except  that  at  the  November  hearing  in  1646.  ' 

*  It  is  printed  in  New-Englands  Jonas,  p.  [17],  to  show  that  the  Colony  was 
setting  up  a  commonwealth  independent  of  the  mother  country. 


1919]  DR.   ROBERT  CHILD  THE  REMONSTRANT  83 

For  the  Court  to  give  the  petition  a  favorable  hearing  would  have 
been  to  admit  that  the  colonists  had  violated  their  Charter  and 
neglected  their  oath  of  allegiance,  inasmuch  as  they  had  not  yet 
established  "  a  setled  forme  of  government  according  to  the  lawes  of 
England;"  that  the  inhabitants,  under  the  system  that  prevailed, 
could  not  have  "a  sure  and  comfortable  enjoyment  of  [their]  lives, 
liberties,  and  estates,  according  to  [their]  due  and  naturall  rights 
as  freeborne  subjects  of  the  English  nation;"  that  the  magistrates 
appeared  to  cherish  "an  overgreedy  spirit  of  arbitrary  power,"  such 
as  was  "detestable  to  our  English  nation  and  to  all  good  men"  and 
was  "at  present  a  chief  cause  of  the  intestine  warre"  in  the  mother 
country,  —  in  short,  a  disposition  like  that  of  Charles  I  himself; 
that  the  people  lived  in  constant  fear  of  "  illegal  commitments,  un- 
just imprisonments,  taxes,  rates,  customes,  levyes  of  ungrounded  and 
undoing  assessments,  unjustifiable  presses,  undue  fynes,  unmeasur- 
able  expenses  and  charges;"  that  the  limitations  on  the  franchise 
and  on  eligibility  to  office  were  causing  "  many  great  inconveniences, 
secret  discontents,  murmurings,  rents  in  the  plantations,"  and  even 
"fears  of  perpetual  slavery  and  bondage;"  that  the  church  polity  of 
Massachusetts  occasioned  "an  ocean  of  inconveniences,  dishonor 
to  God  and  to  his  ordinances,  .  .  .  encrease  of  anabaptisme  and  of 
those  that  totally  contemn  all  ordinances  as  vaine,  fading  of  Chris- 
tian graces,  decrease  of  brotherly  love,  heresies,  [and]  schismes;"1 
that  "all  things  in  the  Colony"  were  "growing  worse  and  worse, 
even  to  the  threatning  ...  of  no  less  than  final  ruin"  —  "the 
Gospel  much  darkened,"  "Christian  charity  and  brotherly  love 
almost  frozen,"  "secret  discontents  fretting  like  cankers,"  "mer- 
chandizing and  shipping  by  speciall  providence  wasted,"  "hus- 
bandry now  withering,"  "villages  and  plantations  much  deserted," 
credit  "almost  lost,"  "strife  and  contention  now  rife,"  and  our 
brethren  in  England  in  "just  indignation"  and  "flying  from  us  as  a 
pest."  Furthermore,  for  the  Court  to  grant  the  specific  requests 

1  It  passes  my  comprehension  how  anybody  who  had  read  this  passage  could 
straightway  characterize  Child  as  a  champion  of  religious  liberty  or  freedom  of 
conscience.  Perhaps  nobody  who  has  read  the  passage  has  ever  so  characterized 
him. 

*  This  particular  passage  was  read  to  the  Remonstrants  by  the  Court  at  the 
first  hearing  as  a  specimen  of  the  offensiveness  of  the  document  (Winthrop,  ii. 
347  [284)). 


84 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS          [MARCH, 


or  demands  embodied  in  the  Remonstrance  would  have  meant  that 
the  whole  body  of  English  laws  should  be  substituted  for  the  colonial 
code;  that  the  Colony  should  cease  to  regard  itself  as  a  free  state,  and 
should  reduce  itself  to  the  condition  of  "other  corporations  of  Eng- 
land;" that  all  English  denizens  not  now  admitted  to  full  rights 
should  be  forthwith  accorded  them,  or  released  from  the  liability 
to  taxation;  that  members  of  the  Church  of  England  should  enjoy 
all  the  privileges  of  church-members  in  the  Colony  without  being 
required  to  take  the  covenants  of  the  colonial  churches,  or  else  should 
be  allowed  to  "settle  themselves"  in  accordance  with  the  Presby- 
terian system.1 

We  need  not  here  inquire  whether  the  allegations  were  true  or 
false,  and  the  requests  reasonable  or  unreasonable,  for  that  is  not 
the  point.  The  point  is  rather  that  Child,  who  was  on  his  second 
visit  to  the  Colony  and  was  intimately  acquainted  with  its  leading 
men,2  must  have  known  perfectly  well  that  his  petition  would  be 
refused  —  that  the  administration  could  not  grant  it  without  giv- 
ing up  principles  and  purposes  which  they  held  most  tenaciously, 
and  for  whose  sake  they  had  emigrated  in  the  first  place.  His  in- 
tention clearly  was,  not  to  persuade  the  government  to  adopt  cer- 
tain reforms  which  would  be  equivalent  to  a  revolution,  but  to 
furnish  himself  with  a  grievance  which  should  enable  him  to  appeal 
to  Parliament  with  telling  emphasis.  This  appeal  he  meant  to  urge 
in  person,  backed  by  the  whole  Presbyterian  party,  then  in  the 
majority  in  the  House  of  Commons  —  a  party  of  which  his  brother 
Major  John  Child  was  an  important  member. 

When,  at  the  end  of  the  Remonstrance,  he  declared  that,  in  case 
the  petition  were  rejected,  he  and  his  associates  should  "be  necessi- 
tated to  apply  [their]  humble  desires  to  the  honourable  Houses  of 
Parliament,"  he  was  not  indulging  in  a  mere  threat:  he  was  express- 
ing, none  too  guardedly,  the  real  purpose  that  he  had  in  mind  in 
presenting  his  Remonstrance.  And  the  threat  itself  would  be  a 
powerful  argument  when  he  went  to  the  Commons.  "You  see, 
gentlemen,"  so  he  could  argue,  "how  slightly  these  rebellious  colo- 
nists hold  your  authority.  I  assured  them  that  I  should  appeal  to 
you  if  they  were  not  just  to  me,  and  they  threw  out  my  petition  all 

1  Hutchinson  Papers,  i.  214-223. 
1  See  pp.  7-8,  above. 


1919]  DR.   ROBERT  CHILD  THE  REMONSTRANT  85 

the  same!"  Indeed,  the  whole  Remonstrance,  if  read  with  all  the 
circumstances  in  mind,  reveals  itself  at  once  as  a  paper  intended, 
from  the  first,  for  the  eyes  of  the  Presbyterian  party  in  England, 
both  in  the  Parliament  and  out,  who  had  long  looked  askance  at 
New  England  as  a  stronghold  of  Independency.  Only  in  form  was 
it  addressed  to  our  General  Court.1 

And  the  nature  of  the  petition  that  was  to  come  before  Parlia- 
ment, on  the  basis  of  the  clearly  foreseen  rejection  of  this  extraor- 
dinary Remonstrance,  is  not  a  matter  of  conjecture,  for  we  know 
the  contents  of  the  papers  seized  in  Band's  study  on  the  eve  of 
Child's  intended  sailing.  After  a  recital  of  their  bitter  experiences, 
the  Remonstrants  petition  the  Commissioners  not  only  for  the  ex- 
tension to  Massachusetts  of  the  laws  of  England  and  for  liberties 
like  those  of  English  freeholders,  but  "for  settled  churches  accord- 
ing to  the  reformation  of  England,"  —  that  is,  for  the  introduction 
of  the  Presbyterian  system,  —  for  the  appointment  of  "a  General 
Governor  or  some  honorable  Commissioners"  to  take  charge  of  the 
Colony,  and  for  the  imposition  upon  all  of  the  oath  of  allegiance 
"and  other  covenants  which  the  Parliament  shall  think  most  con- 
venient, to  be  as  a  touchstone  to  try  our  affections  to  the  state  of 
England  and  true  restored  Protestant  religion."  This  last  re- 
quest is  particularly  notable.  What  Child  had  in  mind  was  that  the 
colonists  should  be  forced  to  take  the  Covenant!  After  this,  one  thinks, 
we  should  hear  no  more  of  Child  as  one  of  the  noble  army  of  martyrs 
to  liberty  of  conscience  and  freedom  of  speech.2  Along  with  this 


1  Captain  Edward  Johnson,  who  is  a  good  witness  as  to  contemporary  opinion 
in  the  Bay,  was  in  no  doubt  on  this  point  (Wonder-working  Providence,  1654, 
bk.  iii.  chap.  3,  p.  202).  Bancroft  states  the  facts  in  brief  and  trenchant  terms: 
"An  entire  revolution  was  demanded."  "The  document  was  written  in  a  spirit 
of  wanton  insult"  and  "was  evidently  designed  for  English  ears."  Child  "de- 
uired  only  an  excuse  for  appealing  to  England"  (History  of  the  United  States, 
chap,  x,  19th  ed.,  1862,  i.  438,  439).  Chalmers  writes  amusingly:  "A  petition, 
which  would  now  appear  so  humble  and  so  reasonable,  we  ought  naturally  to 
infer,  met- with  the  most  gracious  attention.  But  no  conclusion  however  would  be 
more  erroneous"  (Political  Annals,  1780,  i.  179). 

1  Grahame  makes  a  pretty  keen  observation:  "The  discovery  of  the  intoler- 
ance meditated  by  these  persons  served  to  exasperate  the  intolerance  which  they 
themselves  were  experiencing  from  the  society  of  which  they  formed  but  an 
insignificant  fraction"  (History  of  the  Rise  and  Progress  of  the  United  States, 
London,  1827,  i.  324). 


86  THE   COLONIAL  SOCIETY   OF  MASSACHUSETTS  [MARCH, 

petition  was  to  go  a  copy  of  the  original  Remonstrance,  which  was 
a  sweeping  denunciation  of  the  Colony  and  its  whole  government, 
both  civil  and  ecclesiastical.  There  was  also  a  paper  of  queries,  in- 
tended for  the  Commissioners,  asking,  among  other  things,  "about 
the  validity"  of  the  Massachusetts  patent,  "and  how  it  might  be 
forfeited,"  and  whether  certain  specified  "acts  or  speeches  in  the 
pulpits  or  in  the  Court  were  not  high  treason."  1 

These  papers,  it  may  be,  were  drawn  up  after  the  Remonstrance 
had  been  rejected  and  its  subscribers  fined,  and  may  have  been  more 
drastic  on  that  account,  but  there  is  every  reason  to  suppose  that, 
so  far  as  the  petition  to  the  Commissigners  is  concerned,  it  repre- 
sents substantially  what  Child  had  originally  intended  to  bring  before 
Parliament,  though  he  had  since  decided  to  bring  the  matter  before 
the  Commissioners.2  It  is  impossible  not  to  infer  that,  from  the  be- 
ginning, Child's  design  was,  if  he  could,  to  impose  Presbyterianism 
on  the  Colony  as  the  legally  established  system  as  well  as  to  effect 
such  a  radical  change  in  the  colonial  government  as  should  abolish 
the  Charter  and  put  an  end  to  the  large  degree  of  independence 
which  the  Bay  had  thus  far  enjoyed.  The  Remonstrance  itself  was 
simply  a  means  to  this  end. 

Nor  were  the  fathers  of  our  commonwealth  in  doubt,  even  before 
they  seized  Child's  and  Dand's  papers,  that  the  Remonstrants  (or 
their  ringleaders)  intended  to  nullify  the  Charter  and  to  reduce  the 
Colony  to  a  condition  of  absolute  dependence  on  the  will  of  a  Pres- 
byterian majority  in  Parliament.  When  Child  told  the  Court,  in 
November,  1646,  "that  they  [the  Remonstrants]  did  beneath  them- 
selves in  petitioning  to  us,  etc.,  and  in  conclusion  appealed  to  the 
Commissioners  in  England,"  the  Governor  replied  that  "he  would 
admit  no  appeal,  nor  was  it  allowed  by  our  charter,  bid  by  this  it 
appeared  what  their  aim  was  in  their  petition;  they  complained  of 
fear  of  perpetual  slavery,3  etc.,  but  their  intent  was,  to  make  us  slaves 


1  Winthrop,  ii.  357  (293). 

1  Whether  one  petitioned  the  Parliament  or  the  Commissioners  was  a  mere 
detail  of  procedure,  for  any  petition  to  the  Parliament  from  the  colonies  was  sure 
to  be  referred  to  the  Commissioners  for  advice,  if  not  for  final  action. 

1  Cf.  the  Remonstrance:  "Whence  issue  forth  .  .  .  also  jealousies  of  too 
much  unwarranted  power  and  dominion  on  the  one  side,  and  of  perpetual  shivery 
and  bondage  on  the  other"  (Hutchinson  Papers,  i.  218). 


1919]  DR.   ROBERT   CHILD  THE  REMONSTRANT  87 

to  them  and  such  as  themselves  were,  and  that  by  the  parliament  and 
commissioners."  1  There  could  be  no  clearer  pronouncement.  The 
Court  understood  that  the  Remonstrance  was  a  move  in  the  Pres- 
byterian campaign,  and  that  it  was  intended  from  the  outset  for 
presentation  to  the  Parliamentary  authorities  in  England.  Its  re- 
jection was  a  foregone  conclusion :  it  was  drawn  up  to  be  rejected  and 
thus  to  serve  as  the  basis  of  an  appeal. 

That  Robert  Child's  sentiments  were  violently  anti-Independent 
comes  out  clearly  in  the  papers  already  examined.  Their  testimony 
is  corroborated  by  the  pamphlet  issued  by  his  brother  the  Major. 
Note,  for  instance,  the  closing  words :  "  I  shall  desire  the  Reader  by 
ah*  that  hath  been  said,  to  observe  how  Independents  are  all  of  a 
peece,  for  subtilitie,  designs,  fallacies,  both  in  New-England  and  hi 
Old."  2  Or  take  the  following  dictum,  which  discloses  the  actual 
personage  whose  tenets  ruled  the  Major's  life  and  opinions:  "We 
have  cause  heartily  to  pray,  That  (as  Mr.  Batty  sets  forth  in  his 
book  of  Disswasive  from  the  Errors  of  the  times)  as  from  New-England 
came  Independencie  of  Churches  hither,  which  hath  spread  over  all 
parts  here;  that  from  thence  also  (in  time)  Arbitrary  Government  in 
the  Commonwealth  may  not  come  hither."8 

Major  Child's  citation  of  Mr.  Baily  seems  to  have  made  slight 
impression  upon  the  minds  of  the  more  recent  investigators  of  New 
England  history,  but  it  deserves  a  moment's  pause,  for  it  shows  us 
where  he  stood  and  thus  gives  the  plainest  indication  of  the  real 
purpose  of  the  whole  agitation.  A  quotation  or  two  from  Baylie's 
famous  Dissuasive  will  be  more  than  enough: 

The  fruits  of  Independency  may  be  seen  in  the  profession  and  prac- 
tices of  the  most  who  have  been  admitted,  as  very  fit,  if  not  the  fittest 
members  of  their  Churches.  These  have  much  exceeded  any  of  the 
Brownists  that  yet  we  have  heard  of:  first,  in  the  vilenesse  of  their 
Errours;  secondly,  in  the  multitude  of  the  erring  persons;  thirdly,  in 
the  hypocrisie  joyned  with  their  errours;  fourthly,  in  malice  against 
their  neighbours,  and  contempt  of  their  Superiours,  Magistrates  and 
Ministers  for  their  opposition  to  them  in  their  evil  ways;  and  lastly,  in 
their  singular  obstinacie,  stiffly  sticking  unto  their  errours,  in  defiance 


1  Winthrop,  ii.  347  (285). 

*  New-Englands  Jonas,  p.  [22]. 

1  P.  12  [error  for  20J. 


88 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS          [MARCH, 


of  all  that  any  upon  earth  could  do  for  their  reclaiming,  or  that  God 
from  heaven,  almost  miraculously,  had  declared  against  them.1 

These  Five  last  yeers,  the  chief  of  that  party,  both  from  Arnhem, 
Rotcrdam  and  Neio-England,  have  kept  their  residence  at  London,  to 
advance,  by  common  counsels  and  industry,  their  Way,  in  these  days 
of  their  hopes  .  .  .  But  three  things  seem  to  be  clear,  which  make  their 
way  at  London  no  more  lovely  then  in  the  places  mentioned.  First, 
they  have  been  here  exceeding  unhappie  in  retarding,  and  to  their  power 
crossing  the  blessed  Reformation  in  hand.2  Secondly,  they  have  preg- 
nantly occasioned  the  multiplication  of  Heresies  and  Schisms,  above 
all  that  ever  was  heard  of  in  any  one  place  in  any  former  Age.  Thirdly, 
they  have  occasioned  such  Divisions  in  the  State,  that,  had  it  not  been 
for  the  extraordinary  mercies  of  God,  the  Parliament  and  all  that  follow 
them,  had  long  ago  been  laid  under  the  feet  of  their  enraged  enemies, 
and  the  whole  Isle,  long  before  this,  totally  ruined.8 

After  this  we  are  not  surprised  to  find  the  excellent  Baylie  (whom 
I  greatly  admire  for  his  clearness  and  force  of  style,  and  for  the 
frankness  with  which  he  joins  issue  with  everything  that  makes  for 
liberty  of  conscience  and  freedom  of  speech)  spending  a  whole 
chapter  to  prove  that  "  Independencie  is  contrary  to  the  Word  of 
God."4  "Liberty  of  Conscience,"  he  declares,  "and  Toleration  of 
all  or  any  Religion  is  so  prodigious  an  impiety,  that  this  religious 
Parliament  cannot  but  abhorre  the  very  naming  of  it."  6  After 
digesting  these  tough  morsels  of  Presbyterian  doctrine,  one  can 
hardly  read  with  a  straight  face  the  strictures  passed  upon  our 
fathers  by  those  scholars  who  maintain  that  Child  and  his  fellows 
were  contending  for  free  speech  and  religious  liberty.6  But,  lest 


1  Robert  Baylie,  A  Dissuasive  from  the  Errours  of  the  Time,  London,  1645, 
pp.  60-61. 

1  I.  e.,  the  establishment  of  the  complete  Presbyterian  system,  including  the 
inquisitorial  power  over  manners  and  morals  in  private  life. 

1  P.  90. 

4  Chap.  x.  pp.  196-223. 

1  Epistle  Dedicatory,  p.  [iv]. 

*  Among  writers  who  think  or  seem  to  think  that  Robert  Child  was  an  ad- 
vocate of  toleration  or  of  liberty  of  conscience  may  be  mentioned  Whittier 
(Preface  to  Snow-Bound;  1  Massachusetts  Historical  Proceedings,  xviii.  390); 
C.  F.  Adams,  Massachusetts  its  Historians  and  its  History,  p.  60,  and  Three  Epi- 
sodes of  Massachusetts  History,  i.  333;  Brooks  Adams,  Emancipation  of  Massa- 
chusetts, p.  95;  W.  T.  R.  Marvin,  New-Englands  Jonas,  p.  1;  Peter  Oliver,  Puritan 


1919]  DR.   ROBERT  CHILD  THE   REMONSTRANT  89 

some  one  may  think  that  Baylie's  arguments  were  academic  —  that 
he  was  upholding  a  theoretical  system,  not  aiming  to  establish  a 
social  and  political  tyranny  —  let  me  quote  from  a  sermon  which  he. 
delivered  in  this  same  year  (1645)  before  the  House  of  Lords,  and 
which  he  published  at  their  request.1  First,  note  his  opinion  as  to 
the  propriety  of  tolerating  "errors,"  that  is,  divergencies  from  the 
Presbyterian  doctrine  and  discipline: 

It  is  more,  at  least  no  lesse  unlawfull  for  a  Christian  State  to  give  any 
libcrtie  or  toleration  to  Errours,  then  to  set  up  in  every  Citie  and  Parish 
of  their  Dominions,  Bordels  for  Uncleannesse,  Stages  for  Playes,  and 
Lists  for  Duels.  That  a  libertie  for  Errours  is  no  lesse  hatefull  to  God 
no  lesse  hurtfull  to  men,  then  a  freedome  without  any  punishment, 
without  any  discouragement,  for  all  men,  when  and  wheresoever  they 
pleased,  to  kill,  to  steal,  to  rob,  to  commit  adultery,  or  to  do  any  of 
these  mischiefs,  which  are  most  repugnant  to  the  Civill  law,  and  de- 
structive of  humane  societie.2 

But  what  are  "Errours"?  Baylie  leaves  us  in  no  doubt  on  this 
point,  for  he  enumerates  several  aberrant  sects  that  appear  to  him 
equally  dangerous:  —  the  Canterburians  (i.e.,  High  Churchmen  of 
Laud's  temper),  the  Antinomians,  the  Anabaptists,  the  Libertines, 
and  the  Independents.  And,  as  he  puts  the  Independents  at  the  top 
of  the  climax,  so  he  does  not  hesitate  to  explain  their  bad  eminence: 


Commonwealth,  p.  420;  C.  E.  Banks,  reprint  of  Henry  Gardener's  New-Englands 
Vindication,  p.  32,  n.  34;  Sumner,  History  of  East  Boston,  p.  99;  Barry,  History  of 
Massachusetts,  1855,  i.  339. 

It  must  be  admitted  that  one  of  the  petitions  to  the  Commissioners  seized  in 
Dand's  study  (signed  by  a  number  of  non-freemen)  did  ask  for  "liberty  of  con- 
science" as  well  as  for  a  General  Governor  (p.  40,  above).  How  Child  meant 
to  utilize  such  a  paper,  which  was  glaringly  inconsistent  with  his  own  request  for 
tho  imposition  of  the  Covenant  and  the  establishment  of  Presbyterianism,  does 
not  appear:  probably,  however,  merely  as  evidence  of  general  discontent,  for  only 
BO  could  it  serve  his  turn  and  back  up  the  requests  that  he  had  draughted  to 
submit  to  the  Commissioners.  Such  discontent,  if  proved,  might  encourage  the 
Presbyterian  party  in  England  to  attempt  the  overthrow  of  the  Massachusetts 
regime,  and,  if  that  were  once  abolished,  the  Presbyterian  regime  would  of  course 
be  decreed  as  its  successor,  no  matter  what  wishes  these  non-freemen  might 
cherish  for  universal  toleration. 

1  Errours  and  Induration,  are  the  Great  Sins  and  the  Great  Judgements  of 
the  Time.  Preached  in  a  Sermon  Before  the  .  .  .  House  of  Peers,  .  .  .  July 
30.  1645  (London,  1645). 

«  Preface. 


90  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY   OF  MASSACHUSETTS  [MARCH, 

"That  so  much-extolled  Independency,"  he  calls  it,  "wherein  many 
Religious  souls  for  the  time  do  wander,  which  is  the  chief  hand  that 
opened  at  first,  and  keepeth  open  to  this  day  the  door  to  all  the 
other  Errours  that  plague  us."  Still,  he  has  hope:  Independency 
is  likely  to  be  suppressed  by  the  strong  hand  of  the  law,  and  Pres- 
byterianism,  which  alone  is  of  God,  will  soon  be  established  by  God's 
mighty  arm  throughout  the  land.  "Yet  here  is  our  Comfort,  That, 
in  answer  to  our  Supplications,  the  Lord  hath  stirred  up  the  hearts 
of  those  who  have  power  effectually  to  minde  that  which  we  are 
confident  will  prove  the  Remedy  of  these  and  many  more  of  our 
present  Evils:  I  mean,  The  setting  up,  without  further  Delay,  of 
the  Lords  Government  in  his  own  House,  over  all  the  Land." 

All  this,  to  be  sure,  is  in  the  Preface  to  the  printed  sermon,  but 
the  actual  discourse  addressed  to  the  Lords  breathes  the  same 
sentiments: 

Understand  the  Language  of  them  who  plead  for  liberty  of  errours; 
If  you  beleeve  Christ,  or  the  Doctrine  of  Paul  attested  by  Peter,  and  the 
rest  both  Prophets  and  Apostles  .  .  .;  they  invite  you  to  permit  raven- 
ing Woolfs  freely  to  enter  your  streets,  and  tear  in  peeces  all  they  meet 
with;  to  come  into  your  Houses  and  Chambers,  to  devour  the  souls  of 
your  best  beloved  Wives,  Sons,  Daughters,  Servants,  and  Friends;  to 
lead  them  all  out  to  a  ditch,  and  drown  them;  yea,  which  is  infinitely 
worse,  to  cast  them  all  in  the  pit  of  damnation.  .  .  . 

Would  you  count  him  a  gracious  parent,  who  should  wink  at  any  who 
brought  into  his  house  Vipers  and  Serpents,  Woolfs  and  Tigers,  to  de- 
stroy his  Children?  who  brought  in  Boxes  of  Pestiferous  Cloaths,  and 
boldly  spread  them  on  the  Beds,  and  about  the  Table  where  he  himself 
and  family  were  to  sit  and  lie?  This  is  the  office  and  onely  exercise  of 
all  our  Hereticks  and  Patrons  of  errour.1 

Among  these  heretics  and  patrons  of  error,  be  it  understood,  the 
Independents  have  a  chief  place  in  Baylie's  mind  —  "  the  Inde- 
pendents," he  says,  "the  Brownists,  or  the  Anabaptists,  or  any  of 
the  Heterodox  Societies." 2  One  more  quotation  may  suffice;  it 
gives  the  practical  application  of  all  that  precedes:  "All  Christians 
are  obliged  to  the  uttermost  of  their  power  to  quench  the  fire  of 
Heresie  and  Schism;  but  above  all  other,  we  have  a  speciall  obliga- 

1  P.  26. 

»  Pp.  22-23. 


1919]  DR.   ROBERT  CHILD  THE   REMONSTRAOT1  91 

tion  for  this  duty."  1  What  he  particularly  wishes  to  quench  —  if 
we  had  any  doubt  about  it  —  we  could  learn  from  a  clause  in  the 
Dissuasive:  "that  lamentable  Independency  which  in  Old  and  New- 
England  hath  been  the  fountain  of  many  evils  already,  though  no 
more  should  ensue."  2  Away  with  Independency,  and  the  other 
heresies  and  schisms  will  be  easily  crushed! 

Baylie's  Dissuasive  appeared  the  year  before  the  Remonstrance 
was  presented.  All  such  books  came  to  New  England  without  delay 
and  the  task  of  answering  them  devolved  hi  large  measure  upon  the 
Massachusetts  divines.  Indeed,  John  Cotton  was  penning  his  reply 
to  Baylie  and  Rutherford  3  at  the  very  tune  that  the  troubles  with 
the  Remonstrants  were  in  full  -swing.4  Our  ancestors  knew  what 
high  Presbyterianism  meant  and  they  recognized  it  when  they  saw 
it.  Some  of  their  descendants  and  critics  are  not  so  well-informed  or 
not  so  vigilant.  Otherwise,  Child  would  never  have  been  glorified 
as  a  champion  of  religious  liberty.  Why,  Major  Child  rejects  this 
imputation  as  a  "false  report"  invented  by  Winslow  and  the  New 
Englanders  to  injure  the  repute  of  the  Remonstrants  in  the  mother 
country!  "They  give  out  of  my  Brother  and  others,"  he  exclaims 
with  indignation,  "that  they  desire  a  Toleration  of  all  Religioun."5 
Nothing  could  have  seemed  a  worse  slander  to  a  conscientious  Pres- 
byterian of  Baylie's  school.6 

The  friendship  between  Child  and  the  younger  John  Winthrop 
was  not  disturbed  even  by  the  outcome  of  the  trial  of  June,  1647.7 

1  P.  26. 
1  P.  17. 

*  The  Way  of  Congregational  Churches  Cleared.    London,  1648  (Imprimatur, 
January  1,  1647[-8]). 

*  Winthrop,  ii.  304-305  (248-249);  Palfrey,  History  of  New  England,  1860, 
ii.  84-92,  173,  n.  1. 

1  New-Englands  Jonas,  p.  1. 

*  The  Remonstrance  itself  ascribes  to  New  England  Congregationalism  "an 
ocean  of  inconveniences,  dishonor  to  God  and  to  his  ordinances,  little  profit  by 
the  ministry,  encrease  of  anabaptisme,  and  of  those  that  totally  contemn  all 
ordinances  as  vaine,  fading  of  Christian  graces,  decrease  of  brotherly  love,  heresies, 
tchismes,  Ac."  (Hutchinson  Papers,  i.  221). 

7  Winthrop  is  mentioned  in  the  list  of  those  present  at  the  opening  of  the 
spring  session  of  the  General  Court  on  May  6,  1646  (Massachusetts  Colony 
Records,  ii.  146).  It  was  at  this  session  (on  May  19)  that  the  Remonstrance 
was  presented,  but  it  was  not  taken  up  until  November  (see  p.  30,  above), 
when  he  was  in  Connecticut  (John  Winthrop  to  John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  October  26, 


92 


THE   COLONIAL  SOCIETY   OF  MASSACHUSETTS  [MARCH, 


Soon  after  Child  left  America,  Winthrop  sent  him  a  letter  (dated 
October  25,  1647)  informing  him  that  he  had  paid  Leader  the  bor- 
rowed £40.  Child  replied,  but,  fearing  his  letter  might  miscarry,  he 
wrote  again  on  May  13,  1648,  lest  "intelligence  betwixt  us"  might 
be  broken.  "If  I  had  not  quarrelld  in  ye  country,"  he  writes,  "I 
should  have  bin  willing  to  haue  ventured  an  1001  or  two  vpon  yo* 
mine  of  b  ,*  but  shall  not  haue  any  thing  to  doe  with  y  *  country 
hereafter  in  this  kind,  vnles  my  fines  be  restored,  wch  I  had  desti- 
nated  to  this  end,  &  yet  will  adventure  them  wth  you,  if  they  be 
returned.  I  am  not  so  offended  wth  y«  country  but  I  may  be  recon- 
ciled, &  passe  by  such  iniuryes  as  I  haue  there  received,  knowing  to 
doe  good  for  evil  is  Xian-like."  The  tone  of  the  letter  is  affectionate 
and  he  sends  his  "best  respects  to  yor  wife,  brother,  father,  &  all  o* 
freinds."2  Winthrop's  reply  (March  23,  1648[-9])  mentions  the 
black  lead  but  avoids  the  subject  of  the  fines:  "I  have  not  beene  at 
Boston  since  last  Spring:3  have  done  nothing  yet  about  the  b 
mine;  because  of  ye  difficulty  in  ye  beginning  exept  a  plantation  were 
neere,  or  a  good  stocke.  It  can  be  well  forborne  a  yeare  or  2,  wch 
because  of  your  departure  I  have  not  minded  to  raise  by  other 
adventure."  4 

Child's  letter  of  1648  is  dated  at  Gravesend,  but  he  was  then 


November  16  and  19,  1646,  in  Savage's  Winthrop,  2d  ed.,  Appendix,  ii.  429-431). 
He  was  also  in  Connecticut  in  May,  1647  (Winthrop  Papers,  iii.  157-158,  iv. 
222-223),  and  probably  also  in  June,  when  the  second  trial  of  the  Remonstrants 
took  place.  However,  he  attended  meetings  of  the  Commissioners  of  the  United 
Colonies,  at  Boston,  perhaps  in  July  and  certainly  in  August,  1647  (Acts  of  the 
Commissioners,  i.  96-97,  101),  and  may  therefore  have  seen  Child  before  the 
latter  sailed  for  England  (see  p.  63,  above).  Winthrop  was  an  uncommonly 
charming  person  and  never  quarrelled  with  anybody,  even  with  Samuel  Gorton 
(Winthrop  Papers,  ii.  627);  his  success  in  dealing  with  the  English  government 
after  the  Restoration  has  astonished  all  students  of  our  early  history. 

1  I.  e.,  [black]  lead. 

*  Winthrop  Papers,  iii.  158-161.  On  August  21,  1648,  Richard  Leader  writes 
to  Winthrop  on  the  same  subject:  "I  have  lately  received  from  the  Doc,  whoe 
remembers  his  love  to  you  and  hath  ordered  me  to  see  if  his  fine  can  be  remitted; 
which  he  will  venture  in  your  black  lead  myne,  in  case  you  approve  of  it"  (2 
Massachusetts  Historical  Proceedings,  iii.  192). 

s  This  may  be  a  kind  of  excuse  for  having  nothing  to  say  about  the  fines. 

4  Winthrop  Papers,  iv.  41.  The  sheet  is  endorsed  "Letter  intended  to  Dp 
Child."  We  cannot  be  sure,  therefore,  whether  this  letter  was  ever  sent,  but 
Child's  letter  of  August  26,  1650,  shows  that  Winthrop  had  written. 


1919]  DR.   ROBERT  CHILD  THE  REMONSTRANT  93 

lodging  at  the  house  of  one  Dr.  Garbet  at  Hogsdon,  which  was  close 
by  and  was  also  in  the  neighborhood  of  Northfleet,  where  he  was 
born  and  where  his  elder  brother  the  Major  still  lived,  doubtless  on 
the  hereditary  estate.  Manifestly  Garbet  was  an  alchemist,  and  he 
was  an  old  friend  of  Winthrop's.1  Child  was  tranquilly  working  at 
a  "few  experiments,"  probably  chemical,  and  when  they  were  fin- 
ished he  thought  he  should  "settle  in  Kent,  and  follow  [his]  calling, 
being  almost  weary  of  rambling."  In  his  budget  of  news  we  find 
one  significant  item:  "The  army  is  much  divided,  ye  people  much 
displeased  wth  ye  Parliam*8  proceedings.  Essex  hath  lately  de- 
clared so  much,  &  other  Countyes  begin  to  speake  higher  language." 
One  of  these  counties,  though  Child  does  not  say  so,  was  Kent  itself, 
and  his  brother  the  Major  was  in  the  thick  of  the  troubles.  At  the 
end  of  this  very  month  the  Kentishmen  rose  in  arms  against  the 
Parliament  and  so  bestirred  themselves  that  their  defeat  was  cele- 
brated by  their  opponents  as  a  great  victory;  as  indeed  it  was,  for 
they  threatened  London,  and  if  London  had  fallen  into  Royalist 
hands,  what  would  have  become  of  English  history?2  Only  one  in- 
cident in  the  short  campaign  concerns  us  here,  but  that  is  lively 
enough  and  made  some  noise  at  the  time.  We  have  several  reports 
about  it  from  the  field  —  for  there  were  war  correspondents  even  in 
those  days,  and  news-pamphlets  took  the  place  of  the  modern  extra. 
The  following  account  is  from  a  tract  printed  June  2,  1648: 

His  Excellency 8  had  Intelligence,  That  a  party  of  the  Kentish  Rebels 
(not  Browns  Rebels)  had  fortified  and  barricadoed  a  Bridge  which  led 


"He  remembers  his  love  to  you,  he  hath  not  bin  Idle,  these  many  yeares,  yet 
I  canot  see  he  had  done  much  in  this  great  busines"  (Winthrop  Papers,  iii.  160). 

*  On  the  whole  matter  see  A  Perfect  Diurnall,  no.  253  (May  29-June  5, 1648), 
pp.  2034-2040;  Rushworth,  Historical  Collections,  vii.  1133-1137,   1130  bis- 
1131  bis;  Clarendon,  bk.  xi  (ed.  1826,  vi.  25-31,  38-41,  56-62);  Heath,  Brief 
Chronicle,  2d  impression,  1663,  pp.  314-317;  C.  R.  Markham,  Life  of  Fairfax, 
pp.  305-309;  Archax>logia  Cantiana,  ix.  31-49;  Gardiner,  History  of  the  Great 
Civil  War,  chap,  bcii  (ed.  1893,  iv.  132-142).    The  Rev.  Thomas  Peters  (Hugh's 
younger  brother),  writing  from  Falmouth,  England,  on  June  26,  1648,  gives  his 
friend  John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  a  brief  Account  of  the  revolt  (Winthrop  Papers,  ii. 
432).     Nehemiah  Bourne  mentions  "the  rebellion  of  Kent,  Essex,  and  other 
parts "  in  a  letter  to  Governor  Winthrop,  August  12,  1648  (Winthrop  Papers,  ii. 
303).    Winthrop  mentions  the  affair  in  a  letter  to  his  son  John,  September  30, 
1648  (Savage's  Winthrop,  2d  ed.,  Appendix,  ii.  434). 

•  Fairfax. 


94  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS          [MARCH, 

towards  Gravesend;  a  commanded  party  was  sent  forth  under  the  con- 
duct of  Major  Husbands,1  and  Capt.  Bransons  Troop,  in  all  about  300 
horse,  who  mounted  about  an  hundred  foot  behinde  them:  when  they 
drew  towards  the  Bridge,  the  enemy  fired  thick  upon  them;  our  men 
notwithstanding  fell  on,  and  the  horse  swam  through  the  water,  and  so 
got  over;  by  this  time  the  enemy  perceiving  in  what  danger  they  were, 
fled:  Major  Childe  who  commanded  them  and  was  very  active,  hardly 
escaped,  having  his  Horse  shot,  whereupon  he  forsook  it;  his  Son  was 
shot  in  the  back,  and  taken.  There  were  about  twenty  slain  in  the 
place,  divers  wounded,  and  thirty  Prisoners  taken,  many  escaped,  by 
hiding  themselves  in  the  Corn  fields  and  houses.  The  enemies  party 
consisted  of  the  Countrey-men  thereabouts,  the  Seamen,  and  some 
London  Apprentices.2 

A  letter  of  June  2,  1648,  runs  as  follows:  "On  Thursday  the  first 
of  June,  our  Army  marched  towards  Rochester,  whereby  the  way 
we  found  a  passage  over  a  Bridge  neare  Norfleel  maintaind  by  about 
600.  foot,  whereof  Major  Child  had  command,  his  Excellency  com- 
manded out  a  party  of  200  horse,  100.  foot  mounted  behind  them; 
Major  Husbands  having  the  command  of  them,  and  after  some 
dispute,  we  gained  the  passe,  and  the  enemy  fled,  about  20.  killed, 
and  30.  prisoners  taken."3  A  report  dated  Rochester,  June  5,  1648, 
states  succinctly:  "On  June  1  Major  Husbands  with  300  tooke  Nor- 
fleete  bridge,  from  Major  Child,  killed  20  and  took  30  prisoners."4 

What  became  of  Major  Child  after  this  defeat  we  do  not  know, 
but  he  escaped  on  foot,  unwounded  —  as  we  have  seen  —  and  prob- 
ably managed  to  make  his  peace  with  the  authorities.  Anyhow,  we 
hear  no  more  of  him  for  a  couple  of  years.6  Meanwhile  we  must 


1  Azariah  Husbands,  a  well-known  officer  in  the  Parliamentary  army  (see 
Clarke  Papers,  ed.  by  C.  H.  Firth,  Camden  Society,  i.  57,  ii.  274). 

1  The  Lord  Generals  Letter  In  Answer  to  the  Message  of  the  Kentish-men, 
May  31,  1648.  Imprimatur  June  1,  1648.  London,  Printed  June  2,  1648  (Har- 
vard College  Library),  pp.  6-7.  The  extract  is  not  from  Fairfax's  letter,  but 
from  another  letter  dated  Mapham,  1  June,  1648,  and  printed  in  the  tract.  The 
same  letter,  with  slight  variations,  is  included  in  A  Perfect  Diurnall  for  May  29- 
June  5,  1648,  no.  253,  pp.  2037-2038  (Harvard  College  Library). 

1  Letter  dated  Maidstone,  June  2,  1648,  in  A  Perfect  Diurnall,  as  above, 
p.  2039;  also  in  Rushworth,  vii.  1137. 

4  A  Narrative  of  the  Great  Victory  obtained  by  the  Lord  Generall  in  Kent 
(London,  1648),  p.  6  (Harvard  College  Library). 

•  The  Christian  name  of  Major  Child  is  not  mentioned  in  any  of  the  con  tern- 


1919]  DR.   ROBERT  CHILD  THE   REMONSTRANT  95 

turn  a  leaf  backward.  In  1645  one  "Major  Childe,"  obviously  the 
same  man  that  we  have  just  seen  fighting  hard  amongst  the  Royalists, 
had  been  a  trusted  officer  on  the  Parliamentary  side,  and  his  soldier- 
ing had  not  been  confined  to  his  own  county.  On  April  14  of  that 
year  the  Committee  of  Both  Kingdoms  sent  him  orders:  "Upon 
information  just  received  of  commotions  in  Kent,  ...  to  march 
back  with  the  trained  bands  of  Kent  under  your  command,  and  there 
obey  such  further  directions  as  you  shall  receive  from  this  Committee 
or  that  of  Kent."1  We  ought  never  to  wonder  that  anybody  — 
anybody!  —  should  have  changed  sides  in  England  between  1645 
and  1648.  But  Major  Child  had  not  changed  sides.  He  was  a  high 
Presbyterian  in  1645,  when  he  fought  under  Parliamentary  orders; 
he  was  a  high  Presbyterian  in  1647,  when,  in  New-Englands  Jonas, 
he  quoted  Robert  Baylie,  the  most  thoroughgoing  of  Scottish  doc- 
trinaires, against  the  Independents,  and  wound  up  his  tract  with 
the  pregnant  sentence,  "I  shall  desire  the  Reader  ...  to  observe 
how  Independents  are  all  of  a  peece,  for  subtilitie,  designs,  fallacies, 
both  in  New-England  and  in  Old;"  and  he  was  a  high  Presbyterian 
when,  in  1648,  he  led  his  troop  against  the  Parliamentary  forces  in 
the  Royalist  uprising.  Times  had  changed,  but  the  Major  was 
still  the  same.  His  party,  in  its  hatred  of  Independency  and  its  fear 
of  the  growing  power  of  the  army,  which  was  Independency's  strong- 
hold, was  ready  to  throw  itself  into  the  arms  of  the  King,  but  its 
representatives  in  Parliament  still  hesitated,  and  the  Major,  like 
many  other  gentlemen  in  his  county  and  elsewhere,  thought  that  the 
time  for  debate  was  past  and  the  moment  for  action  had  come. 
Technically,  then,  he  was  fighting  against  the  Parliament;  in  reality, 
however,  he  was  supporting,  wisely  or  unwisely,  the  reaction  which 
his  own  party  in  Parliament  longed  for,  but  which  it  was  too  weak, 
too  timid,  or  too  politic  to  bring  to  the  arbitrament  of  the  sword.  A 


porary  accounts  of  the  skirmish,  but  it  is  given,  with  his  place  of  residence,  in  the 
"information"  brought  by  John  Bulfinch  against  "Major  John  Childe,  or  Chiles, 
Northfleet,  Kent,"  on  November  2, 1650,  which  declares  that  "he  was* a  commis- 
sioned officer  in  arms  against  Parliament  in  the  Kentish  insurrection  of  1648" 
(Calendar  of  the  Proceedings  of  the  Committee  for  Advance  of  Money,  iii.  1274). 
The  Doctor's  brother,  the  Major  John  Child  of  New-Englands  Jonas,  was  (aa 
Winthrop  tells  us)  "a  Major  of  a  regiment  in  Kent"  (ii.  391  [321]),  and  Northfleet 
was  undoubtedly  his  home. 

1  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Domestic,  1644-1645,  p.  407  (cf.  p.  406). 


96 


THE   COLONIAL  SOCIETY   OF  MASSACHUSETTS  [MARCH, 


contemporary  tract  entitled  A  Letter  from  a  Gentlemen  in  Kent,1 
written  to  exculpate  the  insurgents  and  to  claim  indulgence  for  them 
on  the  part  of  the  authorities,  describes  the  revolt  as  directed  not 
against  Parliament  but  against  the  Independent  faction.2  Major 
Child's  share  in  the  Kentish  insurrection,  then,  is  most  instructive. 
It  dispels  any  doubts  that  may  linger  in  our  minds  as  to  the  real 
politics  of  his  brother  Robert's  conspiracy  against  the  civil  and 
ecclesiastical  government  of  Massachusetts.  We  do  not  need  this 
evidence,  but  it  comes  to  hand  unsought,  in  welcome  confirmation 
of  the  inferences  that  the  documents  in  the  case  have  already  forced 
us  to  draw. 

Before  we  return  to  the  Doctor,  we  may  as  well  follow  his  brother's 
fortunes  so  far  as  they  appear  in  the  records.  If  the  Major's  offence 
was  overlooked  for  a  time,  he  was  at  all  events  not  relieved  from  sus- 
picion. On  November  20,  1650,  a  certain  John  Bulfinch  laid  an 
information  against  him,  alleging  that  he  had  been  "a  commissioned 
officer"  in  the  Kentish  revolt  and  had  aided  the  Royalists  on  other 
occasions.  Accordingly  an  order  was  issued  (January  1,  1651)  that 
his  estate  should  be  "seized  and  secured"  and  that  the  rents 
should  remain  in  the  tenants'  hands.  But  the  Major  clearly  had 
powerful  friends  and,  though  his  activity  in  the  uprising  was  noto- 
rious, he  was  able  to  put  up  a  good  fight  pro  domo.  On  the  7th  of 
January  he  got  permission  to  "hold  his  estate  on  security,"  to  have 
a  copy  of  the  charge,  and  to  examine  witnesses  before  the  County 
Committee.3  The  law,  we  should  remember,  obliged  the  informer  to 

1  London,  1648  (Harvard  College  Library). 

1  According  to  this  writer  the  county  was  loyal  to  Parliament  but  had  been 
driven  to  revolt  by  the  oppressive  acts  of  the  Committee  for  Kent.  It  was,  he 
alleges,  "a  plaine  Committee-war,  without  the  least  premeditate  designe  Or  plot 
against  the  Parliament,  or  their  present  peace  and  security"  (p.  8).  "On  the 
one  side  you  have  a  whole  County,  represented  by  all  the  Knights,  Gentlemen, 
and  Yeomen  thereof,  by  many  of  the  Deputy  Lieutenants  themselves,  the  Cap- 
taines  and  other  Officers  of  Horse  and  Foot  ever  wel-aff ected  to  the  Parliament  .  .  . 
On  the  other  side,  you  have  about  six  or  seven,  or  few  more  busie  pragmaticatt 
Committee-men,  having  neither  honour  nor  honesty,  patronizing  the  Separatists  and 
Sectaries  of  the  Country,  by  them  alone  had  in  veneration,  as  favourers  of  consci- 
entious Professours;  and  elsewhere  by  persons  of  greater  power  and  place  held  to 
be  zealous  members  of  the  Independant  Churches  ...  six  or  seven  Committee-men 
with  so  many  hundred  perhaps  of  their  schismaticall  Adherents"  (pp.  12-13). 

1  Calendar  of  the  Proceedings  of  the  Committee  for  Advance  of  Money,  Hi. 
1274. 


1919]  DR.    ROBERT   CHILD   THE   REMONSTRANT  97 

prosecute  the  case  himself.  Soon  after,  it  seems,  fresh  charges  of 
"  delinquency  "  were  "  instigated  "  by  a  neighbor,  one  Henry  Payne  of 
Milton-juxta-Gravesend,1  and  the  Major  was  imprisoned.  We  have 
the  order  for  his  release  passed  by  the  Council  of  State  on  May 
20,  1651.  Colonel  Twisleton  and  Mr.  Parker  of  Gravesend  are  in- 
structed as  follows:  "Upon  some  information  received,  we  thought 
fit  to  restrain  the  liberty  of  Major  John  Child  of  Northfleet,  but 
upon  considering  his  petition,  we  are  inclined  to  discharge  him  on 
security;  you  are  to  take  his  recognizance  in  1,000/.,  with  two  sureties 
in  500/.  each,  to  appear  before  the  Council  when  commanded,  and  to 
be  of  good  behaviour."  2  On  the  28th  Child  petitioned  that  two 
witnesses  might  be  summoned  to  invalidate  Payne's  testimony: 
his  own  "fidelity,"  he  declares,  "is  known  by  his  constant  employ- 
ment for  the  State,  as  commander  of  towns,  etc."  On  June  llth  he 
once  more  asked  "to  be  made  responsible  on  good  security  for  his 
estate,  it  being  seized,  and  his  rents  in  the  tenants'  hands,  whereby 
he  and  his  family  are  in  some  want."  The  request  was  granted.  On 
October  8,  Bulfinch  the  informer,  begged  for  a  hearing  in  the  case, 
and  this  was  ordered.3  Here  the  record  ends,  but  it  is  clear  that  Child 
managed  to  keep  his  estate  until  the  Act  of  Oblivion  came  to  his 
relief  in  1652.  This  appears  from  the  lament  of  Colonel  Nicholas 
Devereux  of  Westminster,  March  24,  1652.  This  gallant  warrior 
"  complains  that  though  he  has  entered  27  cases  in  the  book  of  infor- 
mation, yet  the  Act  of  Oblivion  has  cut  him  off  from  the  benefit  of 
his  discoveries,  though  many  cases  had  been  entered  two  years,  and 
were  ready  for  judgment;  that  of  Major  John  Child,  of  Kent,  was  1,0001. 
to  his  prejudice."  *  In  1654  Child  was  again  in  confinement,  for  in 
that  year  the  petition  of  "Mary,  wife  of  Major  John  Child,  prisoner 
in  Upnor  Castle,  Kent,  for  her  husband's  release,"  was  referred  to 
the  appropriate  committee5  —  result  unknown.  Five  years  later, 
on  the  eve  of  the  Restoration,  he  appears  in  the  Government  service. 
On  August  2,  1659,  the  Council  of  State  issued  a  warrant  for  the 
payment  of  £20  to  "Major  Child"  (doubtless  the  same  man)  "for 

1  Calendar  of  the  Proceedings  of  the  Committee  for  Advance  of  Money,  iii.  1274. 
Perhaps  these  charges  were  part  of  the  same  Bulfinch  case. 

•  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Domestic,  1651,  p.  211  (cf.  p.  208). 
1  Calendar,  Committee  for  Advance  of  Money,  iii.  1274. 

•  Id.,  ii.  870. 

•  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Domestic,  1655-1656,  p.  94. 


98  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS          [MARCH, 

intelligence"  and  the  Committee  for  Examinations  was  to  confer 
with  him;1  on  August  5th  the  Council  voted  that  he  should  "secure 
suspected  persons."2  This  is  the  last  we  hear  of  our  Major,  but  we 
may  hope  that  King  Charles  forgave  these  lapses,  in  view  of  what 
had  gone  before. 

We  must  now  return  to  Dr.  Robert  Child,  whom  we  left  in  May, 
1648,  at  Dr.  Garbet's  house  in  Hogsdon,  Kent,  busy  with  chemical 
experiments  and  contemplating  the  life  of  a  general  practitioner  in 
his  native  county.  He  was  on  friendly  terms  with  the  scientific 
circle  to  which  Boyle  and  Hartlib  belonged,  and  was  deeply  en- 
gaged, as  we  shall  see  presently,  in  alchemical  speculations,  as  well 
as  in  the  more  practical  study  of  agriculture,  then  attracting  much 
attention  in  England.  In  this  same  letter  to  Winthrop  he  men- 
tions "an  Ingenuous  young  man  of  my  acquaintance"  who  "hath 
newly  invented  double  writing,  so  y*  a  man  can  write  2  or  3  Copyes 
or  more  as  soone  &  as  fairely  as  one,  he  hath  a  pattent  graunted  in 
ye  Parliam*  for  14  yeares,  by  ye  next  ye  invention  will  be  comon.  "8 
This  was  Dr.  (later  Sir)  William  Petty,  destined  to  be  one  of  the 
founders  of  the  science  of  political  economy,  whose  "pentograph" 
was  then  a  new  thing.  Petty  speaks  of  the  contrivance  in  a  little 
tract  entitled  The  Advice  of  W.  P.  to  Mr.  Samuel  Hartlib,  for  The 
Advancement  of  some  particular  Parts  of  Learning,  published  early 
in  1648.4  Child's  letter  also  contains  some  thrilling  alchemical  news, 
to  which  we  shall  later  return.6 


1  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Domestic,  1659-1660,  pp.  67,  580. 

s  Id.,  1659-1660,  p.  75. 

1  Winthrop  Papers,  iii.  159. 

4  The  Epistle  Dedicatory,  signed  "W.  P.,"  is  dated  "London  the  8. 
January.  164  J."  The  title-page  bears  the  date  1647,  obviously  Old  Style.  There 
is  a  copy  in  the  library  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society  which  may  have 
been  a  present  from  Hartlib  to  the  younger  Winthrop.  Some  copies  appear  to  be 
dated  1648  (see  Dircks,  Biographical  Memoir  of  Samuel  Hartlib,  p.  60).  The 
tract  is  reprinted  in  Oldys,  Harleian  Miscellany,  vi.  1-13  (1745),  ed.  Park,  4to, 
vi.  1-14  (1810),  with  the  later  date.  On  the  pentograph,  which  proved  a  dis- 
appointment, see  Hartlib  to  Boyle,  May  8,  1654  (Boyle's  Works,  v.  264);  Fitz- 
maurice,  Life  of  Sir  William  Petty,  1895,  pp.  10-11,  13.  Hartlib,  writing  to 
Boyle,  November  16,  1647,  speaks  of  "one  Petty,  of  twenty  four  years  of  age, 
not  altogether  a  very  dear  Worsley,  but  a  perfect  Frenchman,"  etc.  (Boyle's 
Works,  ed.  Birch,  1744,  v.  256).  Benjamin  Worsley  and  Robert  Boyle  were 
doubtless  friends  of  Child's  at  this  tune,  as  we  know  they  were  a  little  later. 

•  P.  129,  below. 


1919] 


DR.   ROBERT  CHILD  THE  REMONSTRANT 


99 


On  August  26,  1650,  Child  wrote  again  from  Gravesend.  The 
letter  is  long  and  interesting.  It  expresses  an  eager  hope  that  their 
correspondence  may  continue  and  deplores  the  fact  that  they  can 
"sildome  write."  Heretofore  Child's  extant  letters  have  begun  with 
the  formal  "Sir"  or  "Worthy  Sir,"  but  this  tune  he  addresses  Win- 
throp  as  "Loving  freind."  He  has  not  yet  quite  abandoned  his  wish 
to  return  to  New  England : 

I  am  sorry  you  haue  not  as  yet  attempted  your  blacke  h  mine,  y* 
we  might  know  certaynely  what  it  conteyneth;  I,  for  my  part,  am  more 
than  halfe  weaned  from  New-England,  by  their  discourtesye,  yet  if  they 
would  returne  me  my  fine,  I  would  adventure  it  with  you  &  phaps  might 
see  you.  Otherwise  either  I  shalbe  for  Ireland  where  at  Kilkenny  a 
new  Acadamy  is  to  be  erected  or  I  shall  retreate  to  a  more  solitary  life, 
as  I  can  comaund  myselfe,  with  6  or  7  gentlemen  &  scollars,  who  haue 
resolved  to  live  retyredly  &  follow  their  studyes  &  experiences,  if  these 
troublesome  times  molest  not,  these  gentlemen  for  Curiositye  &  Learn- 
ing scarcely  haue  their  equals  in  England,  next  weeke  we  are  to  meete 
&  conclude  by  my  next  you  may  heare  more:  I  suppose  you  are  to  yor 
Plantacoh,  out  of  the  way,  yet  I  hope  some  times  to  heare  from  you,  & 
if  you  haue  any  thing  that  is  rare,  pray  let  vs  receive  part.  Commaund 
me  Sr',  if  I  can  serve  you,  for  truly  I  am  Your  loving  frend 

Robt  Child 

A  postscript  gives  a  large  budget  of  European  news  and  closes  with  a 
notable  passage: 

Sr  I  desire  to  heare  from  you  sometimes,  &  if  you  meete  with  any 
rare  thing,  vegetable  minerall  &c.  or  any  strange  newes  communicate 
it  to  your  freind:  &  further  if  you  see  a  booke  called  Anthroposophia, 
tell  me,  if  you  can,  what  the  metaphysicall  subject  is,  which  is  the  great 
question  now  amongst  vs  which  is  the  perfection  of  all  things.  —  Sr, 
I  send  not  further  at  prsent  but  to  commit  you  to  the  Almighty  Resting 
Yours,  R  C1 

No  further  letters  on  either  side  are  known  to  be  in  existence,  but 
I  am  glad  to  be  able  to  prove  (as  I  shall  do  shortly)  that  these  two 
choice  and  congenial  spirits  were  never  estranged. 

The  scheme  for  a  society  of  scholars  came  to  nothing,  nor,  so  far 
as  I  can  discover,  did  the  Kilkenny  project  ever  take  shape.  At  all 
events,  Child  did  not  go  to  Ireland  immediately.  William  Codding- 

1  Winthrop  Papers,  iii.  161-164. 


100 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  [MARCH, 


ton,  after  his  return  from  England  with  his  commission  as  "Gov- 
ernor of  Acquedneck,  alias  Rhode  Island,  and  Quinnungate  Island," 
wrote  to  John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  on  February  19,  1651  [-2],  that  he  had 
met  Child  several  times  in  England,  doubtless  in  London  and  prob- 
ably in  1650  or  1651:1  "I  sawe  Do'  Child  who  did  inquire  diuers 
tymes  very  affecshonately  how  the  Pequite  Sachem  did,  &  would 
haue  had  me  for  to  haue  taken  yor  plantation  in  to  my  Comistion 
weh  j  would  not  doe  wtbout  order."  2  Coddington  had  a  short  and 
inglorious  career  in  his  ill-gotten  governorship,  and  I  should  be 
sorry  to  think  that  Child  seriously  advised  him  to  take  Winthrop's 
Connecticut  colony  under  his  a?gis.  The  Doctor  was  certainly 
in  a  jesting  vein  when  he  dubbed  Winthrop  "the  Pequit  sachem,"8 
and  the  advice  he  gave  to  Coddington  must  have  been  part  of  the 
jest.  Whether  the  budding  Governor  was  humorist  enough  to 
understand,  is  a  problem  that  I  must  leave  to  the  Rhode  Island 
pundits,  for  his  words  may  be  taken  either  way. 

We  have  still  further  traces  of  Child  in  1651.  On  March  7,  Elias 
Ashmole  makes  the  following  entry  in  his  Diary:  "I  went  to  Maid- 
stone  with  Dr.  Child  the  physician.  And  3  Hor.  post  mend.  I  first 
became  acquainted  with  Dr.  Flood."4  Ashmole  was  one  of  the  most 
enthusiastic  students  of  alchemy  in  that  age,  and  a  general  virtuoso, 
so  that  he  and  Child  had  much  in  common.  Another  alchemist  in 
Child's  circle  was  young  George  Stirk  (or  Starkey)  of  the  Harvard 
Class  of  1646.  Stirk  was  the  son  of  the  Rev.  George  Stirk  of  Ber- 
muda,5 who  died  in  1637,  and  he  had  been  especially  recommended 

1  Coddington  went  to  England  in  January,  1648-9  (Roger  Williams  to  John 
Winthrop,  Jr.,  January  29,  1648[-9],  in  3  Massachusetts  Historical  Collections, 
ix.  280,  and  Letters  of  Roger  Williams,  ed.  by  J.  R.  Bartlett,  p.  169,  1  Narra- 
gansett  Club  Publications,  vi).  His  commission  was  on  the  stocks  from  March 
6,  1650,  —  when  the  Council  of  State  referred  his  petition  to  the  Committee  of 
the  Admiralty  for  report,  —  until  April  3,  1651,  when  it  was  granted  (Calendar 
of  State  Papers,  Colonial  Series,  1574-1660,  pp.  335-338,  354;  Edward  Winslow's 
letter  of  April  17,  1651,  in  Plymouth  Colony  Records,  ix.  197,  and  Hutchinson 
Papers,  i.  258).  Coddington  seems  to  have  reached  his  home  at  Newport  in 
August,  1651  (see  William  Arnold's  letter  of  September  1,  1651,  in  Hutchinson 
Papers,  i.  267;  cf.  Roger  Williams  to  John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  October  6,  1651,  in 
3  Massachusetts  Historical  Collections,  ix.  294,  and  Letters  of  Roger  Williams, 
p.  228). 

1  Winthrop  Papers,  ii.  282.    »  Cf.  p.  166  note  5,  below. 

*  Lives  of  Ashmole  and  Lilly,  ed.  by  Charles  Burman,  1774,  p.  313. 

1  See  our  Publications,  xiii.  16-59. 


1919]  DR.   ROBERT  CHILD  THE  REMONSTRANT  101 

to  the  care  of  the  elder  Winthrop  by  the  Rev.  Patrick  Copland,  at 
whose  instance,  it  seems,  he  had  come  to  Harvard  for  his  education 
instead  of  going  to  England.1  He  began  to  study  chemistry,  in  his 
spare  hours,  in  1644,  while  still  an  undergraduate,2  and  was  en- 
couraged by  the  younger  Winthrop,  who  lent  him  books  from  his 
well-furnished  library.3  In  1647,  the  year  of  Child's  second  trial, 
we  find  Stirk  practising  medicine,4  presumably  hi  Cambridge  or 
Boston,  and  he  was  certainly  established  in  Boston  in  1 648-1 650.5 
Child  probably  knew  him  in  this  country,  and  when  (in  1650  or  1651) 
Stirk  went  to  England  to  follow  his  profession  there,  it  was  Child 
who  introduced  him  to  Robert  Boyle.  This  appears  from  Stirk's 
own  words  in  dedicating  his  Pyrotechny  Asserted  and  Illustrated 
(London,  1658)  "To  the  Honourable,  Virtuous,  and  most  accom- 
plished Gentleman,  Robert  Boyl,  Esq;  My  very  good  Friend." 
The  address  begins:  "Since  it  was  my  good  fortune  first  by  the 
occasion  of  our  mutual  Friend,  Dr.  Robert  Child,  (whose  memory 
being  a  man  most  learned  and  ingenuous,  I  honour,)  to  kiss  your 
Honours  hand,  your  love  to  me  hath  ever  continued  so  real  and 
constant,  that  if  I  should  not  take  such  notice  of  it,  as  to  my  power 
to  acknowledge  it,  I  should  worthily  deserve  the  black  note  of  in- 
famy." The  introduction  apparently  took  place  in  1651.'  In  this 


1  Copland  to  Winthrop,  December  4,  1639  (Winthrop  Papers,  iii.  279). 
1  "In  the  Year  of  Our  Lord  1644.     I  first  began  the  studie  of  Chemical  Phi- 
losophic" (Stirk,  Pyrotechny  Asserted,  London,  1658,  p.  76). 

*  Stirk  to  John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  [from  Boston],  August  2, 1648  (Winthrop  Papers, 
iii.  359-360). 

4  Copland  to  Winthrop,  September  30,  1647  (Winthrop  Papers,  iii.  353). 
'  These  dates  appear  from  an  entry  in  William  AspinwalTs  Notarial  Records 
(Boston  Record  Commissioners'  Reports,  xxxii.  304). 

•  The  exact  dates  are  not  determinate,  but  we  know  that  Stirk  was  in  this 
country  as  late  as  May  31, 1650  (Massachusetts  Colony  Records,  iv.  i.  15),  and 
there  is  every  reason  to  believe  that  he  went  to  England  with  his  maternal  grand- 
father, Stephen  Painter,  who  arrived  in  Boston,  en  route  for  London,  on  August 
6,  1650  (Increase  Mather,  in  the  Dunster  MS.,  M.  H.  S.;  our  Publications,  xiii. 
53-55).    Painter  waa  in  London  before  July  19,  1651  (Lefroy,  Bermudas,  ii.  24), 
and  that  Stirk  was  there  in  1652  is  proved  by  an  entry  in  his  own  hand  in  Sloane 
MS.  3708,  fol.  78  a.    Boyle  went  to  Ireland  in  1652  (Life,  by  Birch,  in  Boyle's 
Works,  i.  30),  and  in  January,  1653,  his  letter  to  John  Mallet  shows  that  he  had 
already  been  there  for  some  time  (Works,  i.  31).    In  either  1651  or  1652  Stirk 
collaborated  with  Boyle  in  an  experiment  in  medical  chemistry:  by  a  misprint 
the  date  is  given  both  ways  in  his  tract  entitled  George  Starkey's  Pill  Vindicated, 
and  Boyle  does  not  give  it  at  all  (Works,  i.  510-511,  563-565).    Child  may  have 


102  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS          [MARCH, 

same  year  (or  more  probably  in  1650)  Dr.  John  French  dedicated  to 
Child  his  English  translation  of  Agrippa's  Occult  Philosophy,1  one  of 
the  most  famous  of  all  works  on  natural  magic. 


gone  to  Ireland  in  the  latter  part  of  1651,  and  he  certainly  was  there  in  1652 
(see  p.  119  note  5,  below).  On  the  whole,  it  is  safe  to  infer  that  Stirk  went  to 
England  in  the  latter  part  of  1650,  and  that  in  1651  he  was  introduced  to  Boyle. 

1  Three  Books  of  Occult  Philosophy,  written  by  Henry  Cornelius  Agrippa  .  .  . 
Translated  out  of  the  Latin  into  the  English  Tongue,  By  J.  F.  London,  1651. 
As  to  the  identity  of  the  translator,  see  Ferguson  (Bibliotheca  Chemica  i.  293); 
the  question  is  settled  definitely  by  two  entries  (unknown  to  Ferguson)  in  the 
Stationers'  Register  (Roxburghe  Club,  i.  341,  342).  The  same  J.  F.  translated 
Sendivogius  (London,  1650).  Child  speaks  of  both  translations  in  a  letter  to 
Winthrop  (p.  125,  below),  but  says  nothing  about  J.  F.  and  does  not  mention  the 
dedication.  Some  account  of  Dr.  French  (16167-1657)  may  be  found  in  the 
Dictionary  of  National  Biography,  xx.  251-252. 

Dr.  French's  dedication  of  his  translation  of  Agrippa's  Occult  Philosophy  has 
just  been  transcribed  for  me  from  a  copy  in  the  British  Museum.  It  is  so  inter- 
esting that  I  append  it  entire.  The  volume  is  dated  1651  in  the  imprint,  but 
Thomason  bought  it  on  November  24,  1650  (Thomason's  Catalogue,  i.818).  The 
book  was  entered  in  the  Stationers'  Register  on  April  23, 1650  (Roxburghe  Club, 
i.  342),  and  Child  mentions  it  in  a  letter  of  August  26,  1650,  as  "coming  out" 
(Winthrop  Papers,  iii.  162). 

To  my  most  honorable,  and  no  less  learned  Friend,  Robert  Chttde,  Doctor  of 
Physick. 

Sir!  Great  men  decline,  mighty  men  may  fall,  but  an  honest  Philosopher  keeps 
his  Station  for  ever.  To  your  self  therefore  I  crave  leave  to  present,  what  I  know 
you  are  able  to  protect;  not  with  sword,  but  by  reason;  &  not  that  only,  but 
what  by  your  acceptance  you  are  able  to  give  a  lustre  to.  I  see  it  is  not  in  vain 
that  you  have  compassed  Sea  and  Land,  for  thereby  you  have  made  a  Proselyte, 
not  of  another,  but  of  your  self,  by  being  converted  from  vulgar,  and  irrational 
incredulities  to  the  rational  embracing  of  the  Sublime,  •Hermeticall,  and  Theomagi- 
call  truths.  You  are  skilled  in  the  one  as  if  Hermes  had  been  your  Tutor;  have 
insight  in  the  other,  as  if  Agrippa  your  Master.  Many  transmarine  Philosophers, 
which  we  only  read,  you  have  conversed  with:  many  Countries,  rarities,  and 
antiquities,  which  we  have  only  heard  of,  and  admire,  you  have  seen.  Nay  you 
have  not  only  heard  of,  but  seen,  not  in  Maps,  but  in  Rome  it  self  the  manners 
of  Rome.  There  you  have  seen  much  Ceremony,  and  little  Religion;  and  in  the 
wilderness  of  New  England,  you  have  seen  amongst  some,  much  Religion,  and 
little  Ceremony;  and  amongst  others,  I  mean  the  Natives  thereof,  neither  Cere- 
mony, nor  Religion,  but  what  nature  dictates  to  them.  In  this  there  is  no  small 
variety,  and  your  observation  not  little.  In  your  passage  thither  by  Sea,  you 
have  seen  the  wonders  of  God  in  the  Deep;  and  by  Land,  you  have  seen  the  as- 
tonishing works  of  God  in  the  unaccessible  Mountains.  You  have  left  no  stone 
unturned,  that  the  turning  thereof  might  conduce  to  the  discovery  of  what  was 
Occult,  and  worthy  to  be  known.  It  is  part  of  my  ambition  to  let  the  world  know 
that  I  honor  such  as  your  self,  &  my  learned  friend,  <fe  your  experienced  fellow- 
traveller,  Doctor  Charlet,  who  have,  like  true  Philosophers  neglected  your  worldly 


1919]  DH.   ROBERT  CHILD   THE   REMONSTRANT  103 

In  1651,  at  the  request  of  Milton's  friend  Samuel  Hartlib,  who  had 
a  passion  for  issuing  little  books  and  was  particularly  interested  in 
projects  for  the  improvement  of  English  agriculture  and  industry, 
Robert  Child  composed  an  essay  entitled  "A  Large  Letter  concern- 
ing the  Defects  and  Remedies  of  English  Husbandry  written  to 
Mr.  Samuel  Hartlib,"  which  forms  the  bulk  of  a  volume  published 
in  that  same  year  under  the  title,  Samuel  Hartlib  his  Legacie.1 


advantages  to  become  masters  of  that  which  hath  now  rendered  you  both  truly 
honorable.  If  I  had  as  many  languages  as  your  selves,  the  rhetoricall  and  patheti- 
call  expressions  thereof  would  fail  to  signifie  my  estimation  of,  and  affections 
towards  you  both.  Now  Sir!  as  in  reference  to  this  my  translation,  if  your  judge- 
ment shall  finde  a  deficiency  therein,  let  your  candor  make  a  supply  thereof. 
Lot  this  Treatise  of  Occult  Philosophy,  coining  as  a  stranger  amongst  the  English, 
be  patronized  by  you,  remembering  that  your  self  was  once  a  stranger  in  the 
Country  of  its  Nativity.  This  stranger  I  have  dressed  in  an  English  garb;  but 
if  it  be  not  according  to  the  fashion,  and  therefore  ungrateful  to  any,  let  your 
approbation  make  it  the  mode;  you  know  strangers  most  commonly  induce  a 
fashion,  especially  if  any  once  begin  to  approve  of  their  habit.  Your  approbation 
is  that  which  it  will  stand  in  need  of,  and  which  will  render  me, 

SIR, 

Most  obligedly  yours, 

J.  F. 

1  Samuel  Hartlib  his  Legacie:  or  An  Enlargement  of  the  Discourse  of  Hus- 
bandry used  in  Brabant  &  Flaunders,  London,  1651.  In  my  references  I  have 
used  the  second  and  third  editions,  1652,  1655  (which  are  in  the  Harvard  College 
Library),  but  I  have  examined  the  New  York  Public  Library's  copy  of  the  first 
edition  (1651).  Except  for  the  Appendix  (added  in  the  second  edition),  the  con- 
tents of  the  first  and  the  second  edition  are  identical,  and  there  is  only  one  tri- 
fling difference  in  arrangement:  the  errata  and  the  brief  advertisement  about 
clover,  which  in  the  first  edition  come  at  the  end  of  the  front  matter,  are  in  the 
second  edition  transferred  to  the  penultimate  page  of  the  volume.  As  to  the 
Appendix  in  the  second  edition,  see  p.  108,  below.  The  Large  Letter  is  on  pp. 
1-108  in  the  first  edition,  pp.  1-81  in  the  second,  pp.  1-96  in  the  third.  The 
subtitle  (An  Enlargement,  etc.),  dropped  in  the  third  edition,  is  a  little  mis- 
leading. It  means  that  this  book  was  issued  as  an  addition  to  the  material  on 
this  practical  art  contained  in  a  tract  already  published  by  Hartlib  in  1650  —  A 
Discours  of  Husbandrie  used  in  Brabant  and  Flanders  (of  which  a  second  edition 
appeared  in  1652  and  a  third  in  1654).  Of  this  earlier  tract  the  author  was  Sir 
Richard  Weston,  as  Hartlib  informs  us  in  the  preface  to  the  Legacie,  as  well  as 
in  the  second  and  third  editions  of  the  Discours  itself.  When  he  first  published 
the  Discours,  he  was  ignorant  of  the  author's  name. 

The  Large  Letter  in  the  third  edition  of  the  Legacy  shows  a  few  additions.  I 
have  noted  the  following:  P.  38  of  ed.  3  (a  philosophical  discussion  of  "the  true 
causes  of  Fertility")  is  not  in  ed.  2;  "Instructions  for  the  increase  and  planting 
of  Mulberry-trees,"  pp.  63-68,  ed.  3,  is  not  in  ed.  2  (this  is  reprinted  from  a  tract 
"printed  by  Eliaz.  Edgar,  in  the  year  1609:"  see  p.  55);  there  is  a  slight  addition 


104 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS          [MABCH, 


This  essay  gives  one  a  highly  favorable  impression  of  Child's  powers 
as  an  observer  and  a  practical  man  of  science.  Interpreting  the 
word  "husbandry"  in  a  large  sense,  he  treats  not  only  of  every  de- 
partment of  farming  and  gardening  —  implements,  fertilizers,  the 
chemistry  of  soils,  rotation  of  crops,  methods  of  sowing  and  plant- 
ing, diseases  of  wheat  with  their  cause  and  cure  —  but  of  stock- 
raising,  vine-growing,  wine-making,  orchards,  forestry,  fishponds, 
mines,  clay  for  pottery,  building  stone,  mineral  springs,  bee-keeping, 
and  silkworms.  He  deplores  the  neglect  of  meadows,  the  existence 
of  so  much  waste  land  which  might  be  brought  under  cultivation, 
the  remissness  of  farmers  in  acquainting  themselves  with  foreign 
methods,  their  ignorance  of  many  useful  plants  that  are  native  to 
the  country,  their  reluctance  to  try  experiments  and  compare  notes. 
Many  plants  and  some  animals  might  be  introduced  into  England 
with  profit.  Black  foxes,  musk-cats,  sables,  minks,  martens,  and 
the  "musk-squash"  might  be  raised  for  their  fur.  Even  elephants 
might  be  useful  as  traction-engines.  He  dilates  particularly  on  the 
silkworm,  which,  as  he  thinks,  experience  has  shown  will  thrive  in 
England.  "Divers  Ladies,  Gentlewomen,  Scholars,  Citizens,  &c. 
have  nursed  up  divers  wormes  to  perfection,  though  they  have  had 
little  skil  in  the  managing  of  them;  and  likewise  not  such  accommo- 
dations as  are  necessary  for  them;  and  more  would  they  have  done, 
if  they  could  have  had  Mulberry-leaves.  I  am  informed  that  one 
near  Charing-Crosse  maketh  a  good  living  by  them:  as  also  another 
by  Ratliffe-Crosse;  and  therefore  if  we  can  bring  up  an  100,  why  not 
a  1000,  yea  100000,  if  we  had  food  for  them?"  1  The  silkworm,  by 
the  way,  was  a  timely  topic.  It  was  in  the  very  next  year  that 
Hartlib  put  forth  that  fascinating  little  volume  in  which,  on  the 
strength  of  Virginia  Ferrar's  experiment,  an  attempt  was  made  to 
convince  the  planters  of  Virginia  that  silkworms  would  pay  better 
than  tobacco.2  Elephants  and  silkworms  may  not  be  suited  to  the 


in  ed.  3,  p.  82,  as  against  ed.  2,  p.  72;  most  of  pp.  91-92  in  ed.  3  is  new;  the  passage 
beginning  "Lastly,  for  a  Corollary,"  on  p.  93  of  ed.  3,  and  ending  "I  leave  to 
them  at  the  Helme  of  the  State,"  p.  95,  is  not  in  ed.  2.  The  total  increase  amounts 
to  about  eleven  pages,  six  of  which  (63-68)  are  reprinted  from  the  Edgar  tract. 

1  Samuel  Hartlib  his  Legacie,  2d  ed.,  1652,  p.  54.  The  3d  ed.  (1655)  adds 
(after  "Ratcliffe-Crosse")  "yea,  even  in  Cheshire  at  Duckenfield  they  thrive  <fe 
prosper"  (p.  55). 

1  A  Rare  and  New  Discovery  of  A  speedy  way,  and  easie  means,  found  out 


1919]  DR.   ROBERT  CHILD  THE  REMONSTRANT  105 

British  climate,  but  very  few  of  Child's  suggestions  are  vagaries. 
His  essay  is  full  of  good  things,  and  was  highly  commended  by  no 
less  an  authority  than  the  Rev.  Walter  Harte,  the  author  of  the 
celebrated  Essays  on  Husbandry  (1764) l  which  Thomas  Hollis 
characterizes  in  a  manuscript  note2  as  "Written  like  a  Good  man,  a 
Scholar,  and  a  Gentleman." 

Child's  treatise  is  a  kind  of  index  to  his  European  travels,  and  we 
have  already  resorted  to  it  for  information  on  that  score.8  He  often 
refers  to  New  England.  "Bees  thrive  very  much"  there,  he  tells 
us.4  There  is  a  kind  of  oats  "  which  in  New  England  serveth  well  for 
Oatmeal  without  grinding,  being  beaten  as  they  come  out  of  the 
bam."6  Summer  wheat  "is  sowen  abundantly"  there  "in  April 
and  May,  and  reaped  ordinarilly  in  3  moneths."  6  He  had  observed 
the  "Palmer-worms,  which  is  a  kind  of  great  black  Cater-piUer, 
(which  I  have  seen  destroying  much  in  New-England) ; "  7  this  was  in 
July,  1646.8  "In  New-England,  where  there  is  no  Chalk  nor  Lime- 
stone, they  are  compelled  to  burn  Oyster-shells,  Cockles,  to  make 
Lime',  or  else  they  could  hardly  build  any  houses."  9  This  reminds  us 
of  the  ordinance  passed  in  1705  by  Dangerfield,  now  Truro,  that 
"inasmuch  as  great  damage  is  done  by  persons  digging  shells  out  of 
the  proprietors'  lands,  to  sell  and  transport,  which  shells  might 

by  a  young  Lady  in  England,  she  having  made  full  proof  thereof  in  May,  Anno 
1652.  For  the  feeding  of  Silk-Worms  in  the  woods,  on  the  Mulberry-Tree- 
leaves  in  Virginia  (London,  1652:  Boston  Public  Library).  Child  refers  to  this 
tract  in  his  answer  to  Boot  (Samuel  Hartlib  his  Legacy,  3d  ed.,  1655,  pp.  151- 
152) :  "  Moreover,  a  Lady  (Virginia  F.)  as  I  have  lately  seen  in  print,  hath  hatched 
worms  in  England,  and  then  turned  them  forth  to  the  Mulberry-trees,  exposed  to 
the  cold  and  moysture  of  the  Air,  and  yet  they  have  done  well,  yea  better  then 
those  within  doors." 

Essay  i,  p.  129  (also  in  the  ed.  of  1770). 

In  the  copy  of  the  1764  edition  which  he  gave  to  the  library  of  Harvard 
College. 

P.  5,  above. 

2d  ed.,  p.  49;  3d  ed.,  p.  50. 

2d  ed.,  pp.  68-69;  3d  ed.,  p.  78. 

2d  ed.,  p.  68;  3d  ed.,  pp.  77-78. 

2d  ed.,  p.  10;  3d  ed.,  p.  10.  The  parenthetical  clause  about  New  England  is 
added  in  the  third  edition. 

•  Winthrop,  ii.  327  (267-268);  William  Pynchon  to  Winthrop,  July  7,  1646 
(Winthrop  Papers,  i.  378);  John  Eliot,  Records  of  First  Church  in  Roxbury 
(New  England  Historical  and  Genealogical  Register,  xxxiii.  65). 

•  2d  ed.,  p.  67;  3d  ed.,  p.  76. 


106 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS          [MARCH, 


otherwise  be  of  use  to  the  inhabitants  to  make  lime,  a  fine  be  im- 
posed of  6d.  pr.  bushel."  *  Among  the  animals  that  Child  wishes  to 
have  introduced  for  their  fur,  we  recognize  the  American  muskrat, 
under  its  Indian  name  —  so  he  spells  it  —  of  Musk-Squash?  and  may 
recall,  if  we  like,  the  strange  story  of  the  musquash  and  the  cat 
which  Cotton  Mather  sent  to  the  Royal  Society  in  1716.3  Two 
longer  extracts  may  serve  as  their  own  apology: 

In  New-England  they  fish  their  ground,  which  is  done  thus:  In  the 
spring  about  April,  there  cometh  up  a  fish  to  the  fresh  Rivers,  called  an 
Alewife;  because  of  it's  great  belly:  and  is  a  kind  of  shade,  full  of  bones; 
these  are  caught  in  wiers,  and  sold  very  cheap  to  the  planters,  who 
usually  put  one  or  two  cut  in  pieces  into  the  hill  where  their  Come  is 
planted,  called  Virginia-Wheate,  for  they  plant  it  in  hils,  5  graines  in 
an  hill,  almost  as  we  plant  Hops  (in  May,  or  June;  for  it  wil  not  endure 
frosts)  and  at  that  distance;  it  causeth  fertility  extraordinary  for  two 
years,  especially  the  first:  for  they  have  had  50  or  60  bushels  on  an  Acre, 
and  yet  plough  not  their  land,  and  in  the  same  hils  do  plant  the  same 
Corne  for  many  years  together,  and  have  good  crops :  besides  abundance 
of  Pompions,  and  French  or  Kidney  beanes.  In  the  North  parts  of  New 
England,  where  the  fisher-men  live,  they  usually  fish  their  ground  with 
Cods-heads;  which  if  they  were  in  England  would  be  better  imployed.  I 
suppose  that  when  sprats  be  cheap,  men  might  mend  their  Hop-grounds 
with  them,  and  it  would  quit  cost:  but  the  dogs  will  be  apt  to  scrape 
them  up,  as  they  do  in  New-England,  unlesse  one  of  their  legs  be  tyed  up.4 

We  will  onely  fall 6  upon  our  Northern  Plantations,6  Verginia,  New- 
England,  and  instance  in  a  few  things.  Why  may  not  the  Silk-grasse 
of  Verginia,  the  Salsaperilla,  Sassarfas,  Rattlesnake-weed  (which  is  an 
excellent  cordial) 7  be  beneficial  to  us,  as  also  their  Cedars,  Pines,  Plum- 
trees,  Cherries  great  Strawberries  and  their  Locusts  (which  is  a  prickly 
plant,  a  swift  grower,  and  therefore  excellent  for  hedges)  be  usefull  to 
us?  So  for  New  England,  why  should  we  think  that  the  Indian  corn,  the 


1  Freeman,  History  of  Cape  Cod,  ii.  545. 
2d  ed.,  p.  72;  3d  ed.,  p.  82. 

American  Antiquarian  Society  Proceedings,  xxvi.  37. 
2d  ed.,  pp.  35-36;  3d  ed.,  pp.  35-36. 
Misprinted  "sail"  in  ed.  2. 
In  distinction  from  "the  Southern  Plantations,  as  Barbadoes,  Antego,  Saint 
Croix[,]  Christopher,  Mevis,  Monferate"  (ed.  2,  p.  60;  ed.  3,  p.  69). 

*  See  our  Publications,  xiv.  151,  183-184;  American  Antiquarian  Society  Pro- 
ceedings, xxv.  359,  xxvi.  23-24,  42. 


1919] 


DR.   ROBERT  CHILD  THE  REMONSTRANT 


107 


Marsh1  wheat,  that  excellent  Rie,  the  Pease  (which  never  are  eaten  with 
magots,)  the  French,  or  Kidney  Beans,  the  Pumpions,  Squashes,  Water 
mcUons,  Musk-mellons,  Hurtleberries,  wild  Hemp,  Fir,  &c.  of  those  parts 
are  altogether  uselesse  for  us?  as  also  the  Cramberries,  (which  are  so 
called  by  the  Indians,  but  by  the  English,  Bear-berries,  because  it  is 
thought  the  Bears  eat  them  in  Winter;  or  Barberries,  by  reason  of  their 
fine  acid  tast  like  Barberries,)  which  is  a  fruit  as  big  and  as  red  as  a 
Cherry,  ripe  onely  in  the  winter,  and  growing  close  to  the  ground  in 
bogs,  where  nothing  else  will  grow?  They  are  accounted  very  good 
against  the  Scurvie,  and  very  pleasant  in  Tarts.  I  know  not  a  more 
excellent  and  healthfuller  fruit.2 

This  essay  of  Child's  —  the  Large  Letter  —  is  dated  at  the  end 
"Anno  1651 "  in  the  first  edition  3  and  signed  in  blank: 

Your, 


lor  is  the  author's  name  mentioned  anywhere  in  the  volume.  The 
same  is  true  of  the  second  edition  (1652),4  but  in  the  third  (1655) 
the  signature  is  — 

Your  faithful  Friend, 
and  Servant 

ROB.  CHILD.5 

Even  without  this,  however,  we  should  be  able  to  identify  the  author, 
for  Hartlib  himself  ascribes  the  essay  to  Dr.  Child  in  a  letter  to 
Boyle,  May  8,  1654.6  The  connection  of  this  interesting  treatise 


The  3d  ed.  reads  (correctly)  March. 
2d  ed.,  pp.  60-61;  3d  ed.,  pp.  69-70. 
P.  108. 
P.  81. 
P.  96. 

Boyle's  Works,  v.  262.  Harte,  Essays  on  Husbandry,  1764  (also  in  the 
lition  of  1770),  speaks  of  "Robert  Child,  the  true  author  of  the  famous  Treatise 
Husbandry,  commonly  called  HARTLIB'B  LEGACT"  (Essay,  i.  p.  129;  cf.  Essay 
p.  23;  Essay  ii.,  p.  54),  and  Sir  Egerton  Brydges  (Censura  Literaria,  2d  ed., 
117)  quotes  Harte.  Dircks  (Biographical  Memoir  of  Samuel  Hartlib,  p.  69) 
disposed  to  credit  the  Large  Letter  to  Cressy  Dymock,  though  he  was  aware 
its  ascription  to  Child  by  Harte  and  in  the  Gentleman's  Magazine,  Ixxii.  12; 
but  Dircks  had  overlooked  both  Hartlib's  letter  to  Boyle  and  the  plain  signature 
in  the  third  edition  of  the  Legacy.  The  paper  in  the  Gentleman's  Magazine 
(signed  "Ferd.  Stanley")  is  by  Brydges  (see  Censura  Literaria,  ed.  2,  vii.  201). 


108  THE   COLONIAL  SOCIETY   OF  MASSACHUSETTS 

with  Robert  Child  the  Remonstrant  seems  to  have  escaped  the 
notice  of  most  New  England  historians  and  antiquaries;  but  I  am 
sure  it  was  known  to  our  lamented  associate  Frederick  Lewis  Gay, 
for  the  Harvard  College  copy  of  the  third  edition  of  the  Legacy, 
which  prints  the  signature,  came  from  his  library. 

Child  wrote  the  Large  Letter  before  he  went  to  Ireland.1  The 
volume  that  contains  it  (Samuel  Hartlib  his  Legacie)  was  published 
in  1651,  and  came  out  before  July  1,  for  on  that  date  Dr.  Arnold 
Boot,  a  distinguished  Dutch  physician  and  Hebraist,  then  living  in 
Paris,  wrote  to  Hartlib,  thanking  him  for  a  copy  and  highly  com- 
mending the  tract,  which  he  had  "perused  instantly  &  capite  ad 
calcem."  Boot  followed  up  this  letter  with  nine  others,  dated  from 
July  |f,  1651,  to  January  ^,  1652,  and  the  series  formed  a  running 
commentary  on  Child's  essay.  His  notes,  in  the  main,  touched 
points  in  which  he  disagreed  with  some  matter  of  detail,  but  he 
praised  the  whole  book  as  "a  most  excellent  piece;  and  from  the 
beginning  to  the  end  fraught  with  most  excellent  observations  and 
experiments." 

Hartlib  instantly  published  a  second  edition  (1652),  in  which  he 
reprinted  Child's  Large  Letter  and  the  other  contents  of  the  first 
edition,  with  an  Appendix  containing  (1)  Boot's  ten  letters  (or  ex- 
tracts from  them)  under  the  title  of  Annotations  upon  the  Legacie 
of  Husbandry  and  (2)  An  Interrogatory  Relating  more  particularly 
to  the  Husbandry  and  Naturall  History  of  Ireland.2  To  the  Anno- 
tations he  prefixed  a  signed  epistle  "To  his  worthy  and  very  much 
Honoured  Friend,  the  Author  of  the  large  letter  of  Husbandry," 
from  which  it  appears  plainly  that  Child  was  now  in  Ireland.  He 
calls  Boot's  letters  (which  follow)  to  Child's  notice,  and  continues: 

And  least  you  should  imagine,  that  you  are  at  this  distance  forgotten 
by  us,  give  me  leave  to  present  you  with  another  taske  proper  for  your 


1  This  is  proved  by  what  Hartlib  says  in  a  letter  "To  his  worthy  and 
much  Honoured  Friend,  the  Author  of  the  large  Letter  of  Husbandry,"  pr 
to  the  Appendix  that  appears  in  the  second  edition  of  the  Legacie,  1652. 

*  Besides  the  general  title-page  (Samuel  Hartlib  his  Legacie  .  .  .  The  secoi 
Edition  augmented  with  an  Appendix)  there  is  a  title-page  for  the  Appenc 
(An  Appendix  To  The  Legacie  of  Husbandry:  or,  A  Seed-plot  of  Annotatioi 
upon  the  Legacie  aforesaid.    With  an  Interrogatorie,  Relating  more  partici 
to  the  Husbandry,  and  Naturall  History  of  Ireland)  and  another  for  the 
terrogatory.    Each  of  the  three  title-pages  bears  the  date  1652. 


1919]  DR.   ROBERT  CHILD  THE  REMONSTRANT  109 

thoughts  in  the  place  where  now  you  are,  that  the  advantages  of  Nature, 
which  God  hath  bestowed  upon  Ireland,  may  not  lie  undiscovered,  and 
without  improvement,  at  this  season  wherein  the  Replanting  of  the 
wast  and  desolate  places  of  that  Countrey,  is  seriously  laid  to  heart 
by  many:  I  shall  therefore  desire  you  to  look  upon  this  Alphabet  of 
Interrogatories,  and  consider  what  Answers  your  Observatious  [sic] 
will  afford  unto  them;  or  what  you  can  learne  from  the  Observations  of 
others  to  clear  them.1 

Child  responded  by  composing  a  series  of  observations  on  Boot's 
critique,  which  were  printed  by  Hartlib  in  the  third  edition  of  the 
Legacy  (1655)  under  the  title  "An  Answer  to  the  Animadversor  on 
the  Letter  to  Mr.  Samuel  Hartlib  of  Husbandry."  2  This  Answer 
comes  immediately  after  Boot's  letters,  which  are  headed  "Dr. 
Arnold  Beati's,  Annotations  upon  the  Legacy  of  Husbandry."8 
Beati  is  a  mere  misprint  for  Boate,  the  English  method  of  spelling 
the  Doctor's  surname.4  There  is  no  possible  doubt  about  the  writer. 
In  the  Table  of  Contents  he  is  called  Dr.  Arnold  Boat,  and  in  a  letter 
to  Boyle  (May  8,  1654),  Hartlib  thus  announces  this  third  edition: 

I  could  give  you  likewise  several  accounts  concerning  la  Lucerne,  and 
St.  Foyne ; 5  but  my  legacy  of  husbandry  being  to  be  printed  the  third  time, 
you  shall  find  them  all  in  that  edition  with  the  Answer  of  the  late  Dr. 
Child  to  the  animadverter,  Dr.  Boate,  upon  his  large  letter  of  husbandry, 
wherein  there  are  divers  excellent  observations  and  experiments,  which, 
by  God's  blessing,  are  like  to  enrich  these  nations,  if  their  industry  be 
not  wanting.6 


1  P.  [102J. 

1  Legacy,  3d  ed.,  pp.  132-172.  This  Answer  is  neither  signed  nor  dated,  but 
no  signature  is  needed  to  assure  us  that  it  is  the  work  of  the  writer  of  the  Large 
Letter.  The  author  uses  the  first  personal  pronoun  continually  in  referring  to 
statements  made  in  that  essay. 

1  They  are  on  pp.  118-132.  In  the  second  edition  (1652),  when  Boot's  anno- 
tations first  saw  the  light  (pp.  103-118),  their  author's  name  is  not  given. 

4  Both  Dr.  Arnold  Boot  and  his  brother  Dr.  Gerard  (see  p.  116,  below)  used 
this  spoiling  of  their  name  (Boate)  when  writing  English,  to  preclude  the  other- 
wise inevitable  mispronunciation.  See,  for  example,  Arnold  Boot's  letters  to 
Uasher  in  Usaher's  Whole  Works,  ed.  Ellington  and  Todd,  vol.  xvi. 

1  These  two  kinds  of  forage,  then  much  in  favor  in  France,  were  just  beginning 
to  interest  agriculturalists  in  England  and  Ireland.  See  Samuel  Hartlib  his 
Legacie,  2d  ed.,  1652,  pp.  1-4,  84-89;  3d  ed.,  1655,  pp.  1-4,  98-104,  250-255. 

•  Boyle's  Works,  v.  262. 


no 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS          [MARCH, 


In  this  Answer  to  Boot  Child  has  a  good  deal  to  say  about  New 
England  products.  A  few  extracts  are  worth  making.1  We  may 
begin  with  a  curious  medical  note: 

As  for  the  Pox,  ...  I  will  not  long  discourse,  whether  it  proceeded 
from  eating  mans  flesh  at  Naples,  (as  Lord  Bacon 2  and  others  seem  to 
affirm)  or  from  the  Indyes,  which  is  most  likely;  but  how  it  first  came 
amongst  them,  is  very  difficult  to  know,  its  most  probable  from  their 
base  corrupt  dyet,  eating  mans  flesh,  not  using  salt,  or  any  thing  of 
high  tast,  as  I  have  observed  amogst  the  Indias  of  New  England,  where 
i[t]  abounds,3  or  perhaps  from  Bestiality s* 

There  was  an  outbreak  of  this  disease  in  Boston  in  1646  5  while  Child 
was  here,  and  he  alludes  to  the  cases  in  the  Remonstrance  as  a  sign 
that  God  is  displeased  with  the  administration.6 

Here  is  a  remark  which  points  a  moral  for  the  dry  days  that  are 
coming.  Child  is  speaking  of  making  beer  without  malt: 

Yea  7  know  that  Potatoes  maketh  excellent  drink  in  Barbadoes;  also  in 
New-England  the  stalks  of  Virginian  wheat,  as  it  is  usually  called. 
Squashes  or  Gourds,  Pumpions  boyled  make  considerable  drink;  Pars- 
nips make  that  which  is  accounted  rare;  therefore  much  more  the  Grains 
above  mentioned  [namely,  wheat,  barley,  peas,  etc.].7 

Henry  Stubbe,  however,  the  Warwick  physician,  gives  a  rather 
alarming  account  of  this  potato  tipple: 

When  I  was  at  Barbadoes  we  carried  off  several  poor  English  thence  to 
Jamaica,  where  many  of  them  falling  sick,  and  some  being  well,  were  let 
blood:  I  observed  that  in  those  poor  people,  which  live  upon  nothing  al- 
most but  Roots,  and  drink  Mobby  (a  liquor  made  of  Potatoes  boyl'd  and 
steep 'd  in  water,  and  so  fermented)  that  their  blood  did  stream  out  yellow, 
and  in  the  Porringer  did  scarce  retain  any  show  of  red  in  the  coagulated 


1  See  also  Legacy,  3d  ed.  (1655),  pp.  140,  154,  157,  163,  168.  Child  also  men- 
tions things  he  has  seen  in  Ireland  (pp.  163,  164,  166,  169;  cf.  p.  152).  In  the 
Large  Letter  in  this  3d  ed.  are  two  mentions  of  Ireland  (pp.  82,  91)  not  found 
in  the  2d  ed. 

1  I  have  not  found  this  in  Bacon. 

1  Cf.  our  Publications,  xiv.  151,  185-186;  American  Antiquarian  Society  Pro- 
ceedings, xxvi,  42, 

4  P.  138. 

•  Winthrop,  ii.  315-316  (258). 

*  Hutchinson  Papers,  i.  215. 
'  P.  142. 


1919]  DR.   ROBERT  CHILD  THE  REMONSTRANT  111 

mass:  yet  are  they  well  and  strong,  but  look  pale  and  freckled:  such  per- 
sons (which  are  frequent  in  Barbadoes)  are  called  Mobby-faces.1 

The  following  notes  confirm  what  Winslow  says  about  Child's 
peregrination  of  New  England,  though  we  cannot  be  sure  to  which 
of  his  two  visits  they  apply.  They  derive  additional  interest  from 
the  fact  that  in  1645  Child  purchased  Vines's  Saco  patent.2 

I  am  sure  that  Sassafras  groweth  in  the  Northern  Plantations  of 
New-England,  even  as  far  North  as  Sacho,  where  the  Snow  usually  lyeth 
five  moneths,  and  the  Winter  extream  bitter  in  respect  of  England:  and 
further  this  Sassafras  is  not  a  small  plant  or  shrub  easily  nipt  with  the 
frost,  but  a  great  Tree,  so  that  boards  of  ten  inches  Diameter  have  been 
made  thereof;  and  further,  where  it  once  groweth,  hardly  to  be  de- 
stroyed :  so  that  it  much  annoyeth  the  Corn  by  its  young  shoots,  and  the 
Mower  in  Harvest  more  then  any  other  Tree  that  I  heard  of  in  that 
Countrey.  I  was  informed  that  the  Native  Indians  of  the  place,  when 
they  lose  themselves  in  the  Woods,  presently  run  to  these  small  shoots, 
and  thereby  know  which  is  North  and  South.  Indeed  I  have  observed 
that  one  side  is  more  speckled  then  another,  and  perhaps  other  small 
shoots  of  plants  are  so,  but  not  as  yet  observed  (for  ought  I  know)  of 
any. 

And  he  goes  on  to  show  how  sassafras  is  not  sufficiently  described 
by  any  botanist,  so  far  as  he  knows.3 

I  know  that  in  New-England  the  wild-Bays  (which  is  like  our  common 
bays  in  smell  and  leaves)  casteth  its  leaf  in  Winter,  as  also  a  kind  of  Fir 
about  Casho-bay,  (out  of  which  is  extracted  a  very  odoriferous  gum) 
and  others  in  like  manner,  &c.  In  New-England  divers  in  the  be- 
ginning of  their  plantations,  used  this  Plant 4  in  their  Beer,  hoping  that 
it  would  have  served  both  for  rnault  and  spice,  but  it  deceived  their 
expectations.  For  in  my  apprehension  it  giveth  a  taste  not  pleasant, 
and  also  they  that  accustomed  themselves  to  this  drink,  especially  in 
the  Summer  found  themselves  faint  and  weak,  not  able  to  endure  labour.6 


1  The  Lord  Bacons  Relation  of  the  Sweating-Sickness  Examined,  in  a  Reply 
to  George  Thomson,  Pretender  to  Physicke  and  Chymistry  (London,  1671), 
p.  117  (Harvard  College  Library). 

1  P.  16,  above. 

*  Legacy,  3d  ed.,  1655,  p.  153. 
4  Sassafras. 

•  Pp.  153-154. 


112  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS          [MARCH, 

In  New-England  I  have  seen  Pines  above  four  foot  Diameter,  and  the 
length  accordingly,  even  in  the  most  Northern  places  .  .  . :  so  concerning 
Cedars,  they  grow  of  a  very  great  heighth  and  bignesse  in  the  Northern 
parts  of  New-England,  where  snow  lyeth  five  or  six  months.1 

Snakeweed,  supposed  to  be  a  cure  for  the  venom  of  the  rattle- 
snake, attracted  much  attention  from  naturalists  and  physicians 
in  the  seventeenth  and  eighteenth  century,  as  one  may  see,  for  in- 
stance, in  the  Philosophical  Transactions  and  in  the  writings  of 
Cotton  Mather.2  Child  regarded  this  plant  as  likely  to  flourish  in 
England: 

When  I  was  in  New-England  I  was  acquainted  with  an  ancient  Gen- 
tleman, who  also  was  a  Scholer,  and  had  lived  ten  years  in  Virginia, 
who  certified  me  that  there  were  two  sorts  of  Eattle-sndke-weeds,  the 
greater,  and  the  less.  That  which  he  called  the  greater  I  casually  had 
in  my  hand,  ...  I  ...  have  far  greater  hopes  of  the  flourishing 
of  this  wild  plant,  that  [read  than]  of  Tobacco,  (either  of  that  which  in 
New-England  is  called  Poak,  much  differing  from  the  Virginian,  or  of 
that  other  commonly  used  and  sown  in  Virginia). ,3 

The  following  extract  concerning  black  lead  is  of  quite  peculiar 
interest  —  personal  as  well  as  historical: 

I  think  it  likewise  not  amiss  to  certifie  that  in  New-England  this 
Material  is  found  in  divers  places ;  as  at  Nashaway  about  forty  miles  from 
Boston,  as  also  on  Pequat  River  about  eighty  miles  from  Boston:  this 
last  was  given  from  the  Court  of  Boston  to  a  friend  of  yours  and  mine, 
viz.  Mr.  John  Winthrop,  this  Gentleman  sent  divers  pieces  thereof  to 
me,  that  I  might  enquire  of  some  Dutch  Merchants  what  price  it  bare 
in  Holland,  and  how  much  might  be  vendible,  which  accordingly  I  did, 
and  also  shewed  it  to  the  two  Gentlemen  above  named,4  who  were  very 
inquisitive  where  I  had  it,  and  how  much  might  be  procured  thereof, 
and  desired  that  I  would  leave  one  of  the  greater  pieces  with  them,  that 
they  might  try  it  which  I  did;  and  the  next  morning  enquiring  again 
what  they  said  to  my  black  lead;  they  told  me  it  was  nothing  worth, 
because  it  would  not  endure  the  Saw,  they  hoping,  as  I  after  found  to 


1  P.  156. 

»  See  p.  106,  above. 
«  P.  155. 

4  Namely,  "Master  Bolton  and  Master  Bret,  who  live  in  CornhU  nigh  the 
Exchange,  and  sell  Colours"  (p.  132). 


1919]  DR.   ROBERT  CHILD  THE  REMONSTRANT  113 

have  had  enough  for  to  have  furnished  Europe  with  black  Combs,  which 
are  very  rare  and  dear,  a  small  one  usually  sold  at  twenty  or  thirty 
shillings:  My  friend  Mr.  W.  hoped  that  this  material  had  been  Plum- 
bago Cisalpini,  which  he  also  calleth  Mater  Argcnti.1  But  I  suppose  in 
this  particular  he  was  mistaken,  yet  upon  Examination  we  found  pure 
silver  amongst  it,  which  by  calculation  might  amount  to  15/.  per  tun, 
though  the  black  lead  sent  me,  was  found  onely  on  the  surface  of  the 
earth:  I  am  the  longer  on  this  discourse,  because  this  material  hath 
been  little  considered  as  yet  by  learned  men  that  I  can  find,  and  also 
because  my  friend  would  be  glad  to  have  some  ingenious  men  to  joyn 
with  him  in  a  Work,  which  hath  very  great  probabilities  of  very  great 
profit  to  the  undertakers. 

The  common  uses  of  black-lead,  are  first  to  make  black-lead  pens  for 
Mathematicians,  &c.  2.  For  Painters  and  Limners.  3.  For  those  that 
work  in  Copper  to  make  their  hammer  go  glib.  And  lastly,  if  any  great 
pieces  be  found,  which  is  rare  in  Cumberland  Mine,  to  make  Combes  of 
them,  because  they  discolour  gray  hairs,  and  make  black  hair  of  a  Raven- 
like,  or  glittering  blacknesse,  much  desired  in  Italy,  Spain,  &c? 

In  tracing  Child's  career  we  have  several  times  encountered 
references  to  the  younger  Winthrop's  black  lead.3  Winthrop,  when 
in  England  in  1641-1643,  had  roused  his  interest  in  the  mine.4  It 
was  at  Tantousq  or  Tantiusques,  in  the  southern  part  of  the  present 
town  of  Sturbridge  in  Worcester  County,  and,  as  Child  remarks  in 
the  passage  just  quoted,  was  given  to  Winthrop  by  the  General 
Court  of  Massachusetts.  There  is  a  record  of  this  action  at  the 
session  of  November  13,  1644:  "Mr  lohn  Winthrope,  lunior,  is 
granted  ye  hill  at  Tantousq,  about  60  miles  westward,  in  which  the 
black  leade  is,  and  liberty  to  purchase  some  land  there  of  the  In- 
dians." 6  In  the  next  year,  just  before  he  visited  the  Bay  for  the 

1  Child  is  referring  to  the  treatise  De  Metallicis  by  Andreas  Crosalpinus 
(Cesalpino).  Plumbago  is  treated  in  book  iii,  chap.  22  (Niirnberg  edition,  1602 
pp.  211-212),  where  much  is  said  about  silver,  though  I  do  not  find  the  phrase 
"mater  argenti."  In  his  letter  of  March  1,  1644[-5],  in  a  little  excursus  on  this 
same  subject  (see  p.  14,  above),  Child  also  refers  to  Csesalpinus,  having  his  eye 
apparently  on  book  i,  chap.  9,  pp.  28-29,  and  book  iii,  chap.  8,  pp.  186-187,  as 
well  as  on  the  passage  just  cited. 

»  Samuel  Hartlib  his  Legacy,  3d  ed.,  1655,  pp.  133-134. 

•  See  pp.  10,  11,  14-15,  92,  99,  above. 

4  See  Child's  letter  of  June  27,  1643  (Winthrop  Papers,  iii.  152). 

*  Massachusetts  Colony  Records,  ii.  82.    This  action  was  in  general  though 
not  exact  accord  with  a  policy  adopted  at  the  session  of  June  2,  1641:  "For  in- 


114  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS          [MARCH, 

second  time,  Child  was  eager  to  invest  money  in  the  project.  He 
wrote  to  Winthrop  on  March  1,  1645,  after  talking  with  Emanuel 
Downing  and  Stephen  Winthrop,  and  warned  him  not  to  expect  too 
much  from  the  enterprise,  but  he  expressed  his  readiness  to  stand  a 
quarter  of  the  expenses.  He  adds  a  learned  discourse  on  the  sub- 
ject, quoting  "Cesalpine,"  as  in  the  extract  just  given  from  the  reply 
to  Boot.1  Downing  and  Winthrop's  brother  Stephen  were  at  this 
time  acting  as  promoters  in  the  mother  country.2  On  June  16  of 
the  same  year,  Richard  Hill  writes  to  Winthrop  from  London  on 
the  subject.  He  has  heard  from  Winthrop  by  letter,  and  has  also 
been  talking  with  Downing  and  Stephen  Winthrop:  "I  ...  am 
glad  to  heare  you  haue  soe  well  spent  your  time  as  I  vnderstand  you 
haue,  in  ffinding  out  that  mine  of  black  Lead."  Specimens  had  been 
sent  to  England  and  Hill  had  tested  them.  The  substance  yielded 
about  a  shilling  a  ton  in  silver.  "  If  itt  yealded  any  Lead  mettle  itt 
would  bee  somthing  like,  but  as  itt  is,  it  is  only  to  bee  gathered  by 
Quicksiluer  as  I  conceaue."  A  larger  quantity,  some  four  or  five 
hundredweight,  is  needed  for  a  definitive  test.3  Later,  during  his 
troubles  in  New  England  and  thereafter,  Child  returns  more  than 
once  to  the  subject  of  the  Tantousq  mine.  He  was  still  eager  to  in- 
vest in  it  in  1650,  if  the  authorities  of  the  Bay  would  apply  his  fines 
to  that  object,  and  his  letter  of  August  26,  1650,  proves  that  Win- 
throp had  so  far  done  nothing  to  develop  the  property.4  Winthrop's 
letter  of  1649  shows  no  great  alacrity  in  proceeding,5  but  later,  in 
1658  and  1659,  there  was  a  vigorous  though  troubled  attempt  to  get 
to  work.6  The  subsequent  history  of  the  mine  down  to  the  begin- 


curagment  of  such  as  will  adventure  for  the  discovery  of  mines,  it  is  ordered, 
that  whosoever  shalbee  at  the  charge  for  discovery  of  any  mine  wthin  this  iuris- 
diction  shall  enioy  the  same,  w*11  a  fit  portion  of  land  to  the  same,  for  21  years 
to  their  «pp.  vise"  (i.  327). 

1  Winthrop  Papers,  iii.  153-155. 

1  Stephen  Winthrop  writes  to  his  brother  John  from  London  on  March  1, 
1644 [-5]:  "We  are  inquiring  a  chapm  for  yor  black  lead.  There  is  some  of  it 
sent  into  France  for  triall.  We  hope  we  shall  setle  al  yor  busines  &  or  returne 
in  y*  Cambridg  shipp  a  month  after  this"  (Winthrop  Papers,  iv.  200-201). 

*  Winthrop  Papers,  iii.  336. 

«  Winthrop  Papers,  iii.  162  (cf.  pp.  156-157,  159). 
1  See  p.  92,  above. 

•  William  Paine's  letters  to  John  Winthrop,  Jr.  (Winthrop  Papers,  ii.  404- 
410).    In  1662  at  a  meeting  of  the  Royal  Society  (December  31)  "Mr.  Winthrop 


1919]  DR.   ROBERT  CHILD  THE  REMONSTRANT  115 

ning  of  the  present  century,  when  (in  1902)  a  fresh  attempt  was 
made  to  operate  it,  has  been  told  in  a  very  interesting  paper  by 
Professor  George  H.  Haynes.1  I  am  informed  that  the  mine  has 
now  lain  idle  for  several  years. 

We  should  have  more  of  Child's  observations  on  American  natural 
history  but  for  an  accident  in  transportation:  "In  New-England  I 
have  seen  a  Plant  with  good  success  used  for  Sarsaperilla,  .  .  .  but 
concerning  this  plant  and  divers  others,  which  grow  in  New-England, 
I  cannot  give  you  that  account  I  desire,  because  my  seeds  and 
papers  unhappily  miscarried."  2 

The  Interrogatory  which  Hartlib  prepared  for  Child's  use  in  gath- 
ering materials  for  a  natural  history  of  Ireland  covers  most  things 
in  nature  and  includes  some  matters  of  curious  interest.  Under 
Maccamboy  is  the  inquiry  "Whether  there  be  such  a  thing  at  ah1, 
that  this  herb  should  purge  the  body  meerly  by  external  touch,  or 
whether  it  be  a  fable,  what  particular  observations  have  been  taken 
for  or  against  it,  ...  and  hi  what  place  it  groweth?"  Under  Poisons,' 
Hartlib  asks,  of  course,  for  "particular  observations  of  the  Anti- 
pathy of  the  Irish  earth  and  Aire,  against  all  poisonous  creatures." 
Under  Patricks-Purgatory,  he  requests  a  "perfect  description  of 
the  Logh,  Island,  Caves,  and  the  whole  proceedings  there,  durhig 
the  Justiceship  of  the  Earle  of  Corke,  and  the  Lord  Chancellour 
Loftus."  Under  Barnacles  are  several  questions,  all  directed  toward 
an  elucidation  of  the  venerable  legend  of  the  geese  that  develop  out 
of  these  marine  crustaceans.  Sir  Kenelm  Digby,  who  was  probably 
a  friend  of  Child,  as  he  was  of  Hartlib  and  Boyle  and  the  younger 
Winthrop,  could  have  answered  the  questions  authoritatively.  So 
at  least  Lady  Fanshawe  thought  in  January,  1649: 

When  we  came  to  Calais  we  met  the  Earl  of  Strafford  and  Sir  Kenelm 
Digby,  with  some  of  our  countrymen.  We  were  all  feasted  at  the  Gov- 
ernor's of  the  Castle,  and  much  excellent  discourse  passed;  but,  as  was 
reason,  most  share  was  Sir  Kenelm  Digby's,  who  had  enlarged  some- 
what more  in  extraordinary  stories  than  might  be  averred,  and  all  of 


remarked  that  there  was  no  right  black-lead  any  where  except  in  England  and 
New  England"  (Birch,  History  of  the  Royal  Society,  i.  167). 

1  "The  Tale  of  Tantiusques,"  American  Antiquarian  Society  Proceedings 
riv.  471-197. 

*  Samuel  Hartlib  his  Legacy,  3d  ed.,  1655,  p.  154. 


116  THE   COLONIAL  SOCIETY   OF  MASSACHUSETTS  [MARCH, 

\ 

them  passed  with  great  applause  and  wonder  of  the  French  then  at  table. 
But  the  concluding  was  that  barnacles,  a  bird  in  Jersey,  was  first  a  shell- 
fish to  appearance,  and  from  that,  sticking  upon  old  wood,  became  in 
time  a  bird.  After  some  consideration,  they  all  unanimously  burst  out 
into  laughter,  believing  it  altogether  false;  and,  to  say  the  truth,  it  was 
the  only  thing  true  he  had  discoursed  with  them.  This  was  his  infirm- 
ity, though  otherwise  a  person  of  most  excellent  parts  and  a  very  fine- 
bred  gentleman.1 

The  learned  world  was  particularly  interested  in  these  bemicle 
geese.  The  very  learned  Father  Athanasius  Kircher  —  pace  tanti 
viri  dixerim  —  communicated  a  high-fantastical  theory  on  the 
subject  to  Robert  Southwell  in  166 1.2  But  later  in  that  same  year 
Dr.  Worthington  was  able  to  tell  Hartlib  that  the  great  naturalist 
Ray  and  his  company  had  recently  visited  "the  Bass  Island,  and 
both  saw  and  fed  on  the  Soland  geese,  but  they  found  all  was  not 
true  which  is  usually  reported  of  them."  3  The  modern  inquirer 
may  slake  his  thirst  with  Mr.  Henry  Lee's  exposition  in  Sea  Fables 
Explained.4  As  for  St.  Patrick's  Purgatory,  Hartlib's  appetite  for 
facts  had  been  whetted  by  Gerard  Boot's  brief  account  of  this 
celebrated  place  of  pilgrimage  and  of  its  destruction  in  1632  by 
Loftus  and  Cork.  The  documents  that  he  desired  may  now  be 
found  in  Canon  O'Connor's  book.5 

Gerard  Boot,  the  elder  brother  of  that  Dr.  Arnold  Boot  who  wrote 
Animadversions  on  Child's  Large  Letter,  was  a  native  of  Gorin- 
chem  in  Holland 6  and  an  M.D.  of  Leyden.7  He  removed  to  England 


1  Memoirs  of  Ann  Lady  Fanshawe,  London,  1907,  p.  50. 

*  Southwell  to  Boyle,  Rome,  March  30,  1661  (Boyle's  Works,  v.  405).    In  the 
eame  year  (April  3)  Dr.  William  Petty  was  desired  by  the  Royal  Society  "to  in- 
quire in  Ireland  concerning  the  petrification  of  wood,  the  bernacles,"  etc.  (Birch, 
History  of  the  Royal  Society,  i.  20). 

*  Worthington  to  Hartlib,  October  7,  1661  (Diary  and  Correspondence  of  Dr. 
John  Worthington,  ed.  Crossley,  Chetham  Society,  ii.  51). 

4  Pp.  98-122,  International  Fisheries  Exhibition,  London,  1883,  Literature, 
vol.  iii. 

1  Rev.  Daniel  O'Connor,  St.  Patrick's  Purgatory,  Lough  Derg  (Dublin,  1895), 
pp.  132-140.  Cf .  the  Earl  of  Cork's  Diary,  September  8, 1632  (Lismore  Papers, 
ed.  by  A.  B.  Grosart,  1st  Series,  iii.  159);  Dorothea  Townshend,  Life  and  Letters 
of  the  Great  Earl  of  Cork,  1904,  pp.  192-193. 

*  Van  der  Aa,  Biographisch  Woordenboek  der  Nederlanden,  ii.  (iii.)  892. 

7  The  Leyden  Album  Studiosorum  registers  his  admission  as  a  student  of 


1919]  DR.   ROBERT  CHILD  THE  REMONSTRANT  117 

ca.  1630  l  and  for  nearly  twenty  years  was  established  as  a  general 
practitioner  in  London,  where  in  16*48  he  had  a  house  in  "Crooked 
Friars."  2  In  1646  he  was  admitted  a  licentiate  of  the  College  of 
Physicians.3  His  interest  in  Ireland  arose  partly  from  his  having 
invested  a  large  share  of  his  estate  in  the  Irish  forfeited  lands4  — 
the  so-called  Irish  adventure  in  which  so  much  money  was  made  and 
lost  in  the  latter  part  of  the  seventeenth  century.6  Arnold  Boot,  who 
was  two  years  his  junior,6  practised  in  Dublin  with  much  success 
from  1636  to  1644,7  having  Strafford  and  Archbishop  Ussher  among 
his  patients,8  when  he  went  to  Paris  and  settled  there.9  In  1644, 
on  his  way  to  France,  the  Dover  boat  in  which  he  had  embarked 

medicine  (aged  25)  on  June  21,  1628  (col.  211),  describing  him  as  "Gorcko- 
miensis."  See  also  note  6,  below. 

1  Van  der  Aa,  ii.  (iii.)  892. 

1  Letter  from  Arnold  Boot  (Boate)  to  Ussher,  March  5,  1648  (Ussher's  Whole 
Works,  ed.  by  Ellington  and  Todd,  xvi.  554). 

1  November  6,  1646  (Munk,  Roll  of  the  Royal  College  of  Physicians  of  Lon- 
don, i.  243-244).  Munk  says  he  was  "entered  in  the  physic  line  at  Leyden,  21st 
June,  1628,  being  then  twenty-five  years  of  age,  and  graduated  a  doctor  of  medi- 
cine there,  the  3rd  July,  1628." 

4  Arnold  Boot's  prefatory  letter.  Cf .  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Ireland,  Ad- 
venturers for  Land,  1642-1659,  p.  129;  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Ireland,  1647- 
1660,  pp.  410,  416,  535. 

1  "And  the  Adventurers  after  10  years  being  out  of  their  Principal  Mony, 
which  now  ought  to  be  double  by  its  Interest,  they  sold  their  Adventures  for 
under  10  s.  per  I.  anno  1652,  in  open  and  free  Market"  (Sir  William  Petty,  Politi- 
cal Survey  of  Ireland,  2d  ed.,  1719,  p.  23). 

•  Gerard  was  born  in  1604,  Arnold  in  1606  (van  der  Aa,  ii.  [iii.]  892,  893). 
The  Leyden  Album  Studiosorum  registers  the  admission  of  "Arnoldus  Boot 
Gorichomiensis,"  aged  22,  as  a  student  of  medicine  on  April  23,  1629  (col.  217). 

7  Gerard  Boot,  Irelands  Naturall  History,  chap,  xxiii,  section  4  (Collection  of 
Tracts  and  Treatises,  i.  143) ;  Arnold  Boot's  prefatory  letter.  His  earliest  extant 
letter  to  Ussher  is  dated  Dublin,  October  30,  1638  (Ussher's  Whole  Works,  xvi. 
39-40). 

1  The  Rev.  Alexander  Clogie,  writing  of  Ussher,  says:  "The  speech  of  his  own 
physitian,  D.  Bootius,  a  learned  Dutchman  (who  was  also  physitian  to  the 
e.  of  Strafford),  is  very  remarkable;  Si  Armachanus  nosier  esset,"  etc.  (Speculum 
Episcoporum,  §  49,  printed  in  Two  Biographies  of  William  Bedell,  Bishop  of 
Kilmore,  ed.  by  E.  E.  Shuckburgh,  1902,  p.  118). 

1  Van  der  Aa,  ii.  (iii.)  893.  We  can  locate  him  hi  Paris,  on  the  evidence  of 
his  correspondence  with  Ussher  and  Hartlib,  from  April  if,  1648,  to  October  18, 
1653  (Ussher's  Whole  Works,  xvi.  126-130,  581-582,  and  passim;  Samuel  Hart- 
lib  his  Legacie,  2d  ed.,  1652,  pp.  103-118,  3d  ed.,  1655,  pp.  118-132;  Boyle's 
Works,  v.  258).  On  December  22,  1650,  Evelyn,  then  in  Paris,  notes  in  his 
Diary:  "Came  the  learned  Dr.  Boet  to  visite  me"  (ed.  Wheatley,  1906,  ii.  20). 


118  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY   OF  MASSACHUSETTS  [MARCH, 

was  captured  by  a  privateer  in  the  Parliamentary  service,1  and  he 
was  detained  in  London  from  early  in  May  to  late  in  October.2 
Probably  he  lodged  with  Dr.  Gerard.  At  all  events,  they  had  many 
talks  about  Ireland,  and  Dr.  Gerard,  who  had  never  visited  that 
country,  wrote  the  First  Book  of  his  Naturall  History  in  1645  on 
the  basis  of  their  conversations  and  of  subsequent  intercourse  with 
several  gentlemen  who  had  been  driven  out  by  the  "bloody  com- 
bustions" there.  He  meant  to  add  three  more  books,  but  he  never 
carried  out  his  plan.  He  sent  the  manuscript  to  Dr.  Arnold,  who  re- 
turned it  with  editorial  improvements.8  In  1647  (July  16)  the  House 
of  Commons  ordered  that  Dr.  Gerard  be  appointed  "Physician  of 
the  Army  in  Ireland"  and  be  sent  to  Dublin; 4  but  there  was  some 
delay.  Finally,  in  1649,  he  was  appointed  State  Physician  for  Ire- 
land and  "Doctor  to  the  hospital  at  Dublin,"  and  he  went  over  late 
in  the  year.6  He  died  at  Dublin  on  January  -3^,  1649-50.2 

Hartlib  was  eager  to  have  Gerard  Boot's  fragmentary  work  com- 
pleted, for  he  thought  such  a  treatise  would  be  of  great  benefit  to 
the  "improvers"  of  Ireland  under  the  Commonwealth.  His  Inter- 
rogatory was  meant  to  encourage  the  gathering  of  material  for  this 
purpose.  He  looked  to  Arnold  Boot  as  the  natural  continuator, 
and  in  1653  his  hopes  were  high,  for  towards  the  end  of  that  year  the 
Doctor  started  from  Paris  for  England.6  His  final  destination,  ap- 
parently, was  Dublin,  where  he  may  have  expected  to  succeed  his 
brother  as  State  Physician.  He  reached  Dieppe  —  but  I  must  let 


1  In  the  House  of  Commons,  April  25,  1644,  "the  humble  Petition  of  Dr. 
Arnold  Boole  and  Mr.  Ben.  Worseley,  in  the  Behalf  of  themselves,  and  other  poor 
Protestant  Passengers,  taken  by  some  Ships  in  the  Parliament's  Service,  in  their 
Passage  upon  a  Vessel  of  Dover,  was  this  Day  read;  and  referred,  and  in  an  es- 
pecial Manner  recommended  unto  the  Consideration  of  the  Adventurers,  that 
set  forth  the  Ships  that  took  the  said  Passengers;  to  inquire  into  the  Condition 
and  Affection  of  the  said  Passengers;  and  to  do  therein  as  they  shall  think  fit; 
and  to  report  their  Doings  therein  to  the  House"  (Commons'  Journals,  iii.  469). 

1  Arnold  Boot's  prefatory  letter  in  Irelands  Naturall  History. 

1  Arnold  Boot's  prefatory  letter. 

4  Commons'  Journals,  v.  247.  Benjamin  Worsley  was  named  as  General  Sur- 
geon to  the  Army  in  Ireland  in  the  same  order. 

1  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Domestic,  1649-1650,  pp.  66,  588;  Arnold  Boot's 
prefatory  letter. 

6  His  last  letter  to  Hartlib  from  Paris  (October  18,  1653)  expressed  his  in- 
tention of  bringing  a  book  to  Boyle,  who  was  then  in  Ireland  (Hartlib  to  Boyle, 
February  28,  1653-4,  Boyle's  Works,  v.  258). 


1919]  DR.   ROBERT  CHILD  THE  REMONSTRANT  119 

Hartlib  tell  the  $tory  —  he  is  writing  to  Boyle,  February  28,  1653-4: 
"I  need  not  tell  you  again  (for  I  hear,  that  you  know  it  already) 
that  Dr.  Boat,  when  he  was  come  as  far  as  Diepe  towards  England, 
being  let  blood  by  those  common  butchers  of  human  kind,  departed 
this  world:  which  really  is  a  very  great  loss  to  the  commonwealth 
of  learning."  *  The  butchers  thus  pilloried  are  merely  those  physi- 
cians or  surgeons  who  followed  the  old  drastic  method  of  treatment. 
Hartlib  favored  the  new  school,  which  walked  in  the  footsteps  of 
Paracelsus  and  van  Helmont,  eschewing  huge  doses,  violent  purges, 
and  phlebotomy,  and  relying  on  so-called  chemical  remedies.2  Dr. 
Boot's  death  may  safely  be  referred  to  the  latter  part  of  1653.3  It 
left  Hartlib  in  doubt  how  to  procure  the  completion  of  Gerard  Boot's 
work,  and  his  thoughts  turned  instinctively  to  Child.  He  writes  to 
Boyle  (February  28,  1653-i)  that  he  is  "utterly  at  a  loss"  how  to 
go  on  "except  Dr.  Child  from  Ireland  succeed  him  [Arnold  Boot] 
in  the  pursuit  of  that  weighty  subject,"  and  again,  in  the  same 
letter,  he  protests:  "I  must  now  most  solemnly  call  upon  you,  on 
the  behalf  of  the  Natural  History  of  Ireland,  which,  if  yourself  and 
Dr.  ChUd  do  not  take  professedly  to  task,  I  fear  will  never  be  per- 
fected to  any  purpose;  at  least,  if  so  much  could  be  done  in  it,  as  to 
have  all  the  interrogatories  judiciously  answered  ...  it  would  be 
a  considerable  addition  to  a  second  edition  of  this  imperfect  work."  4 
Child  certainly  went  to  Ireland  either  in  1651  or  more  probably 
in  1652.5  What  was  his  particular  inducement  we  do  not  know, 
though  it  is  a  good  guess  that  he  was  invited  by  a  certain  large 
landowner  with  whom,  as  we  shall  see  presently,  he  was  afterwards 
associated  there.  Perhaps,  however,  the  design  of  the  Common- 
wealth for  "planting"  that  country  with  English  settlers  is  reason 

1  Hartlib  to  Boyle,  February  28,  1653-4  (Boyle's  Works,  v.  258). 

*  His  son-in-law  Clod  (Clodius,  Claudius)  was  a  fashionable  London  prac- 
titioner of  the  chemical  persuasion  (see  Hartlib  to  John  Pell,  April  1,  1658,  in 
Robert  Vaughan,  Protectorate  of  Oliver  Cromwell,  ii.  454). 

1  Van  der  Aa  says  1653  (p.  893).  The  author  of  Boot's  life  in  the  Dictionary 
of  National  Biography  (J.  T.  Gilbert)  says  the  date  of  his  death  has  not  been 
ascertained  (v.  284),  but  gives  it  as  1653  with  a  query.  Neither  of  them  knows 
of  the  passage  in  Hartlib's  letter.  • 

*  Boyle's  Works,  v.  259. 

1  We  know  that  he  was  still  in  England  during  a  good  part  of  1651  (see  pp. 
100-103,  107-108,  above),  and  that  he  was  in  Ireland  when,  in  1652,  the  second 
edition  of  Samuel  Hartlib  his  Legacie  was  published  (see  p.  108,  above). 


120 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  [MA  urn, 


enough,  for  Ireland  was  at  this  time  a  land  of  promise  for  all  the 
investors,  speculators,  and  projectors  in  England.  Child's  friend, 
Robert  Boyle,  who  had  large  Irish  estates,  went  over  in  1652.1  Two 
other  friends  of  his,  Dr.  (afterwards  Sir)  William  Petty  and  Ben- 
jamin Worsley  went  over  to  take  government  positions  in  1652  — 
Petty  to  be  physician  to  the  army  and  Worsley  to  act  as  Secretary 
to  the  Commissioners.2  Worsley  was  already  well  acquainted  with 
Ireland,  where  he  had  been  Surgeon-General  to  the  Army  from  1(1 11 
to  1645.3  Child's  friend  Richard  Leader,  with  whom  he  seems  to 
have  lodged  in  Boston  and  at  whose  house  there  he  was  certainly 
at  one  time  confined.4  had  been  in  Ireland  before  his  appointment  as 
manager  of  the  iron  works,  and  must  have  spoken  favorably  of  that 
kingdom.  Leader,  at  all  events  was  an  enthusiast  on  the  subject. 
In  1650  he  wrote  to  John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  from  Barbadoes:  "For 

1  Birch's  Life  of  Boyle  in  Boyle's  Works,  i.  30;  cf .  Boyle's  letter  to  John  Mallet, 
January,  1652-3  (Works,  i.  31). 

1  Child  was  certainly  acquainted  with  Petty  (p.  98,  above),  and  it  may  be 
assumed  that  he  also  knew  Worsley,  who  was  an  intimate  friend  of  both  Boyle 
and  Hartlib.  Petty  and  Worsley  went  over  on  the  same  ship,[arriving  at  Water- 
ford  on  September  10,  1652  (Petty,  History  of  the  Down  Survey,  ed.  Larcom, 
Dublin,  1851,  p.  2;  Petty's  will,  Transactions  of  the  Royal  Irish  Academy,  vol. 
xxiv,  Antiquities,  p.  110).  Worsley  was  Secretary  to  the  Commissioners  for  the 
Affairs  of  Ireland  as  early  as  February  4,  1653  (Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Ire- 
lajid,  1647-1660,  p.  391),  and  I  assume  that  he  had  this  appointment  before  he 
left  England. 

1  Worsley  was  "Chirurgeon-General  of  the  whole  Army"  in  Ireland  from 
1641  to  1645  (Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Ireland,  1633-1647,  pp.  776,  780,  787; 
Manuscripts  of  the  Marquess  of  Ormonde,  Historical  Manuscripts  Commission, 
New  Series,  ii.  256-257,  284;  Lords'  Journals,  vii.  401,  424;  Historical  Manu- 
scripts Commission,  6th  Report,  Appendix,  pp.  61,  63). 

4  See  pp.  41,  71,  above.  On  August  26,  1650,  Child  wrote  to  the  younger 
Winthrop:  "Mr  Leader  hath  more  curious  booke[s]  than  I;  especially  about 
Divinity  businesses;  where  you  may  see  them"  (Winthrop  Papers,  iii.  162).  I  am 
indebted  to  Mr.  Clough  for  the  following  note: 

Although  Richard  Leader's  place  of  residence  was  chiefly  at  Lynn,  he  was  the 
owner  of  at  least  two  parcels  of  real  estate  in  Boston.  One  of  these,  the  one  referred 
to  in  the  text,  he  sold,  October  10,  1655,  for  £200,  to  Mr.  William  Paine:  ;"all 
that  my  Mansion  house  (now  in  possession  of  Mr.  Robert  Patershall,  merchant) 
at  Boston,  togither  with  ye  Orchard,  gardens,  tymber  yeards,  wharfes  wayes, 
water  courses,  Grounds,"  etc.  (Suffolk  Deeds,  ii.  210.)  The  site  of  this  property 
is  in  part  now  numbered  350-360  on  the  west  side  of  North  Street,  between  Harris 
Street  and  Hanover  Avenue.  In  Leader's  time,  this  estate  included  also  the  cop- 
responding  frontage  on  the  easterly  side  of  North  Street  to  the  water's  edge.  Cf. 
Savage,  Genealogical  Dictionary,  iii.  67,  68;  Aspinwall,  Notarial  Records,  p.  367. 


1919]  DR.    ROBERT   CHILD   THE   REMONSTRANT  121 

my  owne  part  I  see  no  place  so  good  as  Ireland,  either  for  p'fitt  or 
pleasure;  Where  I  intend  to  steere  my  course  so  sone  as  I  cann 
withdraw  what  I  have  oute  of  this  westerne  parte  of  the  world."  l 
The  agricultural  and  industrial  possibilities  of  the  new  plantations 
would  have  been  a  strong  attraction  to  a  man  of  Child's  tastes,  and 
his  fortunes  needed  repairing. 

Soon  after  Child's  death,  Hartlib  wrote  to  Boyle:  "By  that, 
which  I  read  concerning  Dr.  Child's  husbandries  in  the  work  of 
Ireland,  I  see  what  a  good  foundation  of  life  he  hath  laid  for  that 
honest  country  calling.  But  I  doubt  the  colonel  cannot  shew  us 
any  more  observations  or  directions  of  his  in  writing,  besides  what 
is  extant  already  from  his  own  hand;  though  this  would  have  un- 
proved clover,  flax  and  woad,  upon  many  more  lands  than  his  own."  2 
These  sayings  are  uncommonly  Orphic,  even  for  Hartlib,  but  luckily 
his  remark  in  a  letter  to  Winthrop  —  that  Child  at  the  time  of  his 
death  was  "living  with  Esquire  Hill"3  —  gives  us  the  answer  to 
the  riddle  and  thus  enables  us  to  understand  what  Child's  occupa- 
tion was  in  Ireland.  Esquire  Hill  and  the  Colonel  are  manifestly 
one  and  the  same  person  —  to  wit,  Colonel  Arthur  Hill,  son  and 
successor  of  Sir  Moyses  Hill  of  County  Down.  Colonel  Hill  had 
been  appointed  one  of  the  Commissioners  of  Revenue  for  Ulster  in 
1G51,4  and  his  duties  were  much  concerned  with  the  sequestration  of 
forfeited  estates  and  the  repeopling  of  the  county  with  new  planters. 
In  this  capacity  he  had  a  strong  interest  in  husbandry.  He  had  also 
every  motive  to  study  the  subject  on  his  own  account,  for  he  had 
succeeded  to  the  family  estates  and  was  a  great  landholder.  The 
Marquesses  of  Downshire  are  his  descendants,6  and  their  holdings 
in  Ireland  and  England  were  worth  nearly  £100,000  a  year  in  1883.6 

1  Leader  to  John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  January  16,  1659-60  (2  Massachusetts  His- 
torical Proceedings,  iii.  196). 

•  Hartlib  to  Boyle,  May  8,  1654  (Boyle's  Works,  v.  262). 
1  See  p.  123,  below. 

4  Letter  from  Major  George  Rawdon  to  Lord  Conway,  November  20,  1651 
(Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Ireland,  1647-1660,  p.  383);  R.  Dunlop,  Ireland 
under  the  Commonwealth,  vol.  i.  pp.  cxrvii.  40  note  (cf.  i.  71-73,  127,  131;  ii. 
329.  339,  655,  658,  670). 

•  Burke' a  Peerage,  under  Downshire.    The  head  of  the  family  was  created 
Viscount  Hillsborough  in  1717,  Earl  of  Hillsborough  in  1751,  and  Marquess  of 
Downshire  in  1789. 

•  Complete  Peerage,  by  G.  E.  C.,  iv.  461  (1916). 


122  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OP  MASSACHUSETTS  [MARCH, 

Even  in  the  lifetime  of  his  father,  Arthur  Hill  had  distinguished 
himself  as  a  progressive  landlord,  for  Sir  William  Brereton,  in  1635, 
records  a  visit  to  "a  brave  plantation"  which  he  held  on  a  long 
lease  from  Lord  Chichester:  "This  plantation  is  said  doth  yield 
him  a  £1000  per  annum.  Many  Lanckashire  and  Cheshire  men  are 
here  planted;  with  some  of  them  I  conversed.  They  sit  upon  a  rack 
rent,  and  pay  5s.  or  6*.  an  acre  for  good  ploughing  land,  which  now 
is  clothed  with  excellent  good  corn."  l 

Child,  as  we  may  now  infer,  was  serving  Colonel  Arthur  Hill  as 
agricultural  expert,  with  his  headquarters  perhaps  at  what  is  now 
Hillsborough  Castle,  near  Belfast.2  Boyle  had  doubtless  been  writ- 
ing to  Hartlib  about  the  value  of  Child's  services  to  Hill  in  the  great 
enterprise  of  planting  Ulster.  Probably  Child  had  himself  invested 
something  in  Irish  lands.  A  Robert  Child  subscribed  £50  for  the 
Irish  adventure  on  July  19,  1642,  and  there  is  a  reference  to  this 
same  transaction  in  a  record  of  March  10,  1651-2,3  which  must  be 
close  to  the  time  when  our  Robert  Child  went  to  Ireland.  The 
name  occurs  again  in  a  list  of  adventurers  dated  July  20, 1653,  shortly 
before  his  death.4 

Child  died,  it  seems,  between  February  and  May,  1654.  In  a 
letter  to  Boyle,  dated  February  28,  1653-4,  Hartlib  expresses  the 
hope  that  Child  will  finish  Gerard  Boot's  Natural  History  of  Ire- 
land,5 but  in  writing  to  Boyle  on  May  8  he  speaks  of  him  as  "the 

1  Sir  William  Brereton's  Travels,  Chetham  Society,  1844,  pp.  128-129. 

1  There  is  a  possible  trace  of  Child  in  this  part  of  Ireland  in  a  passage  in  his 
Answer  to  Boot  (Samuel.Hartlib  his  Legacy,  3d  ed.,  1655,  p.  164):  "I  have  seen 
long  pices  of  yellow  transparent  Stone,  or  Amber  found  in  a  Fountain  nigh  Lake 
Neagh,  about  six  miles  from  Antrims  which  the  Irish  say  (though  vainly)  that  it 
is  found  only  there  on  May-day,  and  doe  use  it  superstitiously  about  divers 
things."  Cf.  Birch,  History  of  the  Royal  Society,  ii.  60. 

1  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Ireland,  Adventurers  for  Land,  1642-1659,  p.  92; 
cf.  pp.  91,  352. 

4  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Ireland,  1647-1660,  p.  405. 

1  Boyle's  Works,  v.  259.  In  the  same  letter  Hartlib  remarks:  "Sir,  you  com- 
plain of  that  barbarous  (for  the  present)  country,  wherein  you  live;  but  if  you 
would  but  make  a  right  use  of  yourself,  from  the  place  where  you  live,  towards 
Dr.  Child,  Mr.  Worsley,  Dr.  Petty,  major  Morgan  (not  to  mention  others)  they 
would  abundantly  cherish  in  you  many  philosophical  thoughts,  and  encourage 
you,  perhaps  more  vigorously  than  I  can  do  at  this  distance  and  uncertainties,  to 
venture  even  upon  divers  choice  chemical  experiments,  for  the  advancement  both 
of  health  and  wealth."  The  letter  was  written  in  reply  to  a  letter  from  Boyle 
dated  Youghal,  January  10,  1653-4. 


1919]  DR.   ROBERT  CHILD  THE  REMONSTRANT  123 

late  Dr.  Child."  1  His  friend  the  younger  Winthrop  did  not  hear  of 
his  death  till  some  years  later,  for  in  1661  Hartlib  wrote  to  him,  ap- 
parently in  response  to  something  in  a  letter  of  Winthrop's,  perhaps 
an  inquiry:  "I  wonder  that  you  have  not  heard  of  Dr  Rob.  Child 
who  dyed  in  Ireland  about  3.  yeares  agoe  living  with  Esquire  Hill. 
He  was  a  singular  lover  of  your  Person  and  a  most  vseful  honest 
Man  in  his  kind."  2  Child  seems  never  to  have  married.  He  was 
certainly  a  bachelor  when  he  was  in  New  England,3  and  we  hear 
nothing  that  would  lead  us  to  infer  that  he  ever  took  a  wife. 

I  have  passed  lightly  over  Child's  alchemical  pursuits  in  order 
not  to  complicate  too  much  our  study  of  this  remarkable  man.  They 
did  not  interfere  with  his  practical,  every-day  interests  —  medicine, 
mining,  agriculture,  speculation  in  colonial  iron  works;  nor  were 
they  inconsistent  with  mundane  engrossment,  for  a  time,  in  English- 
American  politics.  This  observation  is  not  without  significance. 
Why  somebody  has  not  paid  serious  attention  to  the  alchemical 
studies  of  the  early  New  Englanders  4  —  Winthrop  and  Child  and 
Stirk  and  Brewster  and  Avery,  not  to  mention  later  investigators, 
like  President  Stiles  and  Judge  Danforth  and  Dr.  tineas  Munson  6 
- 1  do  not  know;  but  I  suspect  it  is  because  alchemy  ranges  with 
witchcraft  in  the  thoughts  of  most  of  us  and  we  feel  that  this  is  a 
case  hi  which  "  least  said,  soonest  mended  "  is  a  sane  maxim.  In  fact, 
however,  there  is  no  connection  between  the  two  subjects.  Witch- 
craft looks  backward:  it  reverts  to  the  abysm  of  time;  it  reminds  us 
(not  much  to  our  self-satisfaction)  of  the  pit  of  primeval  savagery 


1  Boyle's  Works,  v.  262.  In  this  same  letter  (v.  264)  Hartlib  writes:  "I  am 
intending  ...  to  write  to  the  possessors  of  the  late  Dr.  Boole's  papers,  to  publish 
those  in  print  beyond  the  seas,  which  contain  the  Natural  History  of  Ireland, 
written  in  Low-Dutch  originally,  as  he  told  me  in  his  life-time."  This  must 
refer  to  Dr.  Arnold  Boot,  but  no  such  publication  is  known. 

*  Hartlib  to  Winthrop,  September  3,  1661  (1  Massachusetts  Historical  Pro- 
ceedings, xvi.  213).    It  will  be  noted  that  Hartlib  underestimates  the  lapse  of 
time. 

1  Declaration  of  the  General  Court,  November,  1646  (Hutchinson  Papers,  i. 
239). 

*  Lowell  devotes  a  few  pages  to  the  subject  in  his  essay  on  New  F.nglnnH  Two 
Centuries  Ago,  1865  (Works,  Standard  Library  edition,  ii.  46-^56). 

*  For  Munson  (1734-1826)  see  Stiles,  Literary  Diary,  ed.  F.  B.  Dexter,  iii. 
345,  471,  472;  Henry  Bronson,  Papers  of  the  New  Haven  Colony  Historical 
Society,  ii.  263-274. 


124 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY   OF  MASSACHUSETTS  [MARCH, 


out  of  which  we  are  digged,  of  the  miry  clay  that  still  adheres  to  the 
hem  of  our  rationalistic  garments;  it  is  our  vital  link  with  Ashantee 
and  the  juju-men  of  the  West  Coast.  But  alchemy  looks  forward: 
it  is  experimental  science  in  the  making  —  science  that  does  not  \vt 
acknowledge  its  finite  bounds,  but  aspires  star-eyed  to  the  illimi- 
table possibilities.  Child's  lifetime  coincided  with  the  eager  stirrings 
of  the  scientific  instinct  in  England.  Had  he  lived  a  few  more  years, 
he  might  well  have  been  one  of  the  founders  of  the  Royal  Society, 
like  his  friends  Boyle  and  the  younger  Winthrop.  For  a  physician 
not  to  study  alchemy  in  those  days  was  a  sign  that  he  was  either  a 
reactionary  or  a  fossil. 

We  have  slight  occasion,  then,  to  take  the  defensive,  and  none  at 
all  to  apologize  for  our  great-grandfathers  as  if  their  zeal  in  alchemy 
were  merely  a  picturesque  and  amiable  weakness.  It  is  much  to 
the  credit  of  New  England  intellectual  life  in  the  seventeenth  cen- 
tury that  the  younger  Winthrop  could  meet  Robert  Child  and  Sir* 
Kenelm  Digby  on  their  own  ground  in  these  speculations;  that 
George  Stirk  could  go  to  London  in  1650  with  so  thorough  a  knowl- 
edge of  alchemical  principles  and  processes  that  he  was  able  to  im- 
pose on  the  world  his  splendid  fiction  of  the  adept  Eirenseus  Phila- 
lethes,  who  still  rules  royally  in  the  counsels  of  occultists;  that 
Jonathan  Brewster,  our  Plymouth  elder's  son,  was  in  1657  in  hot  and 
sanguine  pursuit  of  the  grand  elixir  in  his  cabin  on  the  Connecticut 
frontier  with  the  Indians  howling  at  his  kitchen  door; *  that  William 
Avery  at  Boston  in  1684  was  patiently  searching  for  the  alkahest  or 
universal  solvent  and  had  taught  his  son  Jonathan  to  be  "an  as- 
siduous labourer  at  the  chemical  fire."  2 


1  Brewster  was  at  a  trading  post  at  Manheken  (Monhegen),  afterwards  a 
part  of  Norwich,  Connecticut.  See  his  letters  to  the  younger  Winthrop,  January, 
1656[-7]  (Winthrop  Papers,  ii.  72-75,  77-81).  He  writes:  "It  is  5. yeares  want- 
ing two  monthes  befor  the  red  Elixer  be  pfected,  and  4.  yeares  before  the  white, 
Boe  that  my  worke  will  be  yet  till  December  next,  befor  the  coullers  bee  &  5 
monthes  after  before  the  white  apeare,  and  after  the  white  standee  a  working 
till  pfected  by  the  hott  fyerey  imbibitiones,  one  whole  year  after  till  September. 
I  ffeare  I  shall  not  live  to  see  it  finished,  in  regard  ptly  of  the  Indianes  who  I 
feare  will  raise  warres:  as  also  I  haue  a  conceite  y*  God  sees  me  not  worthy  of 
such  a  blessing,  by  reason  of  my  manifold  miscariadges"  (ii.  79). 

J  See  William  Avery's  two  letters  to  Boyle  (November  9,  1682,  and  May  1, 
1684),  printed  in  Boyle's  Works,  v.  614-617;  cf.  our  Publications,  xiv.  147, 
162-165. 


1919]  DR.   ROBERT  CHILD  THE   REMONSTRANT  125 

Child's  interest  in  alchemy  and  in  the  occult  appears  in  the  earliest 
letter  of  his  that  we  possess  —  that  addressed  to  his  friend  Win- 
throp  in  1641 l  —  and  it  emerges  unabated  in  his  latest  extant  letter 
to  the  same  correspondent,  that  of  August  26,  1650 :2  "Cornel. 
Agrippa  de  Occult  pliio  [Philosophia]  is  coming  forth  in  English,8 
&  Sendivogius," 4  so  he  notes  as  an  item  of  scientific  intelligence, 
along  with  an  announcement  of  the  great  Harvey's  book  de  Genera- 
tione6  and  Dr.  Bate's  treatise  on  the  rickets.6  And  he  mentions 
Thomas  Vaughan  twice:  —  first,  by  way  of  literary  news,  "One 
Vaughan  an  Ingenuous  young  man  hath  written  Anthroposophia,  & 
is  printing  pftio  Adamitica,"  7  and  again,  near  the  end,  in  a  kind  of 
intellectual  S.O.S.:  "If  you  see  a  Booke  called  Anthroposophia,  tell 
me,  if  you  can,  what  the  metaphysicall  subiect  is,  which  is  the  great 
question  now  amongst  vs  which  is  the  perfection  of  all  things." 
Thomas  Vaughan,  brother  of  the  mystical  poet,  killed  himself 
accidentally  by  exploding  a  mercurial  compound.8  Experimenta- 
tion and  occultism,  since  (as  we  fondly  think)  divorced,  were  then 
joined  hi  loving  union.  John  Heydon  (the  friend  of  George  Stirk, 
who  was  the  friend  of  Robert  Child)  was  an  attorney  who  cast 
figures  by  geomancy  and  astromancy  for  the  benefit  of  his  clients, 
and  found  they  served  to  increase  his  practice.9  Much  later,  Presi- 


1  Winthrop  Papers,  iii.  148-151. 

•  iii.  161-164. 

»  See  p.  102,  above. 

4  A  New  Light  of  Alchymie  .  .  .  Written  by  Micheel  Sendivogius  .  .  . 
Translated  .  .  .  by  /.  F.  M.D.  London,  1650.  On  Sendivogius  see  Ferguson, 
Bibliotheca  Chemica,  ii.  364-370.  As  to  the  translator,  see  p.  102,  above. 

•  Exercitationes  de  Generatione  Animalium,  London,  1651. 

•  Francis  Glisson,  George  Bate,  and  Ahasuerus  Regemorter,  De  Rachitide 
.  .  .  Tractatus,  London,  1651. 

1  Anthroposophia  Theomagica:  Or  A  Discourse  of  the  Nature  of  Man  and 
his  state  after  death;  Grounded  on  his  Creator's  Proto-Chimistry,  and  verifi'd 
by  a  practicall  Examination  of  Principles  in  the  Great  World.  By  Eugenius 
Philalethes.  London,  1650.  Magia  Adamica:  or  The  Antiquitie  of  Magic,  and 
The  Descent  thereof  from  Adam  downwards,  proved.  Whereunto  is  added  a 
perfect,  and  full  Discoverie  of  the  true  Coalum  Terrse,  or  the  Magician's  Heav- 
enly Chaos,  and  first  Matter  of  all  Things.  By  Eugenius  Philalethes.  London, 
1650. 

•  See  p.  142,  below. 

•  "Although  our  self  is  not  of  the  Theomagical  Order  of  the  Holy  Rone  frogs', 
yet  we  have  been  very  studious  and  curious  in  searching  out  their  secret  Myste- 
rious Learning  near  twenty  years:  besides,  we  have  served  as  a  Clerk  five  years 


126  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS          [MARCH, 

dent  Stiles  of  Yale  was  reputed  to  know  the  great  secret,  but  felt 
constrained  to  protest  (with  coram  Deo  veritas)  that  he  was  ignorant 
whether  such  a  thing  was  even  possible.1 

As  to  the  younger  John  Winthrop,  he  began  these  studies  early 
in  life,  for  they  loom  large  in  the  letters  he  received  from  the  friend 
of  his  youth,  Edward  Howes,  from  1628  to  1644.2  When  he  met 
Child,  then,  Winthrop  was  doubtless  already  well  versed  in  the 
science,  and  we  have  no  reason  to  suppose  that  his  faith  was  ever 
shaken.  When  he  died,  hi  1676,  he  had  long  enjoyed  the  reputation 
of  having  discovered  the  mighty  secret  of  the  Hermetic  sages.  This 
comes  out  plainly  in  the  Funeral  Tribute  published  in  that  year  by 


in  Cliffords-Inne,  and  now  in  Terme-time  we  follow  the  practice  of  an  Atturney 
in  the  Kings-bench  at  Westminster.  But  this  is  our  Vacation-Recreation,  and  it  is 
profitable  to  our  Practice  in  the  Law;  and  by  these  Arts  we  gain  credit:  for  we 
will  undertake  no  cause  that  shall  go  against  us;  let  the  Plaintiff  or  Defendant 
pretend  what  they  will,  we  know  before-hand  what  good  or  evil  will  end  the 
business;  and'  so  we  (contrary  to  others)  endeavour  peace,  save  money  and 
trouble;  yet  we  do  not  profess  our  self  a  Scholar,  but  a  Gentleman,  and  that  very 
few  Artists  can  do"  (John  Heydon,  Theomagia:  or,  The  Temple  of  Wisdome, 
Spiritual,  Ccelestial,  and  Elemental,  bk.  iii.  chap.  19,  p.  125,  London,  1663, 
1664). 

1  "Interspersed  among  my  miscellaneous  Writings  may  perhaps  be  found 
Things  respecting  the  Rosacrucian  Philosophy,  which  may  induce  some  to 
imagine  that  I  have  more  Knowledge  of  that  matter  than  I  really  have.  I  h^ave 
no  Knowledge  of  it  at  all;  I  neyer  saw  Transmutation,  the  aurific  Powder,  nor  the 
Philosophers  Stone;  nor  did  I  ever  converse  with  an  Adept  knowing  him  to  be 
such.  The  only  Man  that  I  ever  suspected  as  a  real  &  true  Adept  was  Rabbi 
Tobias  of  Poland,  but  he  evaded  my  Interrogatories  &  communicated  to  me 
nothing  —  I  believe  he  was  only  a  conjectural  speculative  Philosopher.  I  have 
known  2  or  3  Persons  (as  Judge  Danforth  &  Rev.  Mr.  West)  who  believed  the 
reality  of  the  Philosophers  Stone,  but  neither  of  them  ever  obtained  it.  They 
are  only  conjectural  &  speculative  Philosophers  —  and  of  such,  Dr  Franklin 
told  me  there  were  several  at  Philad*  &c.  who  were  loosing  then*  Time  hi  chemical 
Experiments  to  no  Effect.  I  never  had,  or  made  an  Exp*  with,  a  Furnace  or 
Alembic  in  all  my  Life.  I  am  not  versed  in  the  Books  of  the  Adepts;  I  have  seen 
but  few  of  those  authors,  &  read  less  —  perhaps  all  the  little  I  have  read  collec- 
tively would  not  equal  a  common  Octavo  Volume.  I  am  infinitely  less  acquainted 
with  that  than  any  other  of  the  Sciences  in  the  whole  Encyclopaedia  of  Litera- 
ture. I  never  absorbed  the  extracted  Sulpher  of  Gold  in  Terra:  I  have  no  prac- 
tical Knowl.  of  the  Matter:  the  few  Ideas  I  have  about  it  are  only  imaginary, 
conjectural  &  speculative.  Coram  Deo  Veritas"  (Stiles,  Literary  Diary,  July  1, 
1777,  ii.  173-174;  cf.  ii.  183,  216;  iii.  345,  348,  471-472). 

•  3  Massachusetts  Historical  Collections,  ix.  240-245,  252-258;  Winthrop 
Papers,  i.  467-513. 


1919]  DR.   ROBERT  CHILD  THE  REMONSTRANT  127 

Benjamin  Tompson,  "Learned  Schoolmaster  &  Physician  &  y*  Re- 
nowned Poet  of  N.  Engl.:"  l 

Projections  various  by  fire  he  made 

Where  Nature  had  her  common  Treasure  laid. 

Some  thought  the  tinct  ire  Philosophick  lay 

Hatcht  by  the  Mineral  Sun  in  Winthrops  way, 

And  clear  it  shines  to  me  he  had  a  Stone 

Grav'd  with  his  Name  which  he  could  read  alone.1 

The  epitaph  in  Mather's  Magnalia  also  testifies  to  Winthrop's  rep- 
utation as  a  successful  alchemist: 

Non  Periit,  scd  ad  Ccelestem  Societatem 

Regia  Magis  Regiam, 

Vere  Adeptvj, 

Abiit: 
WINTHROPUS,  Non  minor  magnis  Majoribus.  » 

This  signifies  that,  whether  or  not  Winthrop  was  really  an  adept  in 
alchemy  (that  is,  whether  or  not  he  had  found  the  philosopher's 
stone),  he  was  "an  adept  in  the  true  sense"  because  he  had  now 
learned  the  secrets  of  the  heavenly  kingdom.  The  same  belief  is 
hinted  at  in  Mather's  interminable  epitaph  on  Four  Winthrops,  in 
his  "Hades  Look'd  into,"  1717,  a  funeral  sermon  on  Wait  Winthrop: 

Cinis  tegitur  hoc  Marmore, 

Dignus  Lapide  Philosophorum  tegi. 
Quatuor  conduntur  in  hoc  Tumulo 
WINTHROPI.4 

But  the  most  striking  of  all  tributes  is  a  vivid  passage  in  President 
StiJes's  Diary,  June  1,  1787.  Stiles  is  speaking  of  "the  Governors 
Ring,  as  it  is  called,  or  a  Mountain  in  the  N.  W.  corner  of  East 
Haddam:" 

Govr  Trumbull  has  often  told  me  that  this  was  the  Place  to  which 
Gov.  Winthrop  of  N.  Lond.  used  to  resort  with  his  Servant;  and  after 


1  So  runs  the  inscription  on  his  tombstone  in  Roxbury  (Hazard,  5  Massa- 
chusetts Historical  Collections,  ii.  19). 

1  A  black-letter  broadside,  reprinted  by  Waters,  Sketch  of  the  Life  of  John 
Winthrop  the  Younger,  p.  75;  cf.  S.  A.  Green,  John  Foster,  p.  127;  2  Massa- 
chusetts Historical  Proceedings,  x.  270-271. 

*  Magnalia,  1702,  bk.  ii.  chap.  11,  p.  33. 

«  P.  43. 


128  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS          [MARCH, 

spend*  three  Weeks  in  the  Woods  of  this  Mountain  in  roast8  Ores  & 
assaying  Metals  &  casting  gold  Rings,  he  used  to  return  home  to  N. 
l.ond.  with  plenty  of  Gold.  Hence  this  is  called  the  Gov.  Winthrop's 
Ring  to  this  day.  Gov.  Winthrop  was  an  Adept,  in  intimate  Corre- 
spond, with  Sir  Knelm  Digby  and  first  chemical  &  Philosophical  Char- 
acters of  the  last  Century  —  as  may  be  seen  in  the  Dedic'  of  40th  Vol. 
Phil.  Transactions  1740.1 

The  younger  Winthrop  had  more  than  a  thousand  books  "in  a 
chamber"  in  Boston  in  1640.  We  owe  our  knowledge  of  the  extent 
of  his  library  to  the  fact  that  there  was  "corn  of  divers  sorts"  in  the 
same  chamber  and  that  the  mice  were  busy.  One  of  the  volumes 
consisted  of  "the  Greek  testament,  the  psalms,  and  the  common 
prayer  .  .  .  bound  together.  He  found  the  common  prayer  eaten 
with  mice,  every  leaf  of  it,  and  not  any  of  the  two  other  touched, 
nor  any  of  his  other  books,  though  there  were  above  a  thousand."  * 
Many  volumes  that  belonged  to  him  I  have  examined  in  the  New 
York  Society  Library 3  and  in  the  libraries  of  Yale  University  and 
the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society.  His  collection  was  rich  in 
alchemical  and  occult  books,  which  he  lent  freely  to  other  investi- 
gators. One  volume,  a  German  translation  of  the  Antimonii  Mys- 
teria  Gemina  of  the  famous  Alexander  von  Suchten,4  bears  Child's 
autograph  on  the  title-page:  "Rob  Child  his  booke  1636."  John 
Winthrop  (H.  C.  1700)  has  also  written  his  own  name  with  Dee's 
famous  monadic  symbol  (likewise  used  by  John  the  Connecticut 
governor)  on  the  same  page.  Child  and  his  friend  Winthrop  ex- 


1  Literary  Diary,  iii.  266. 
1  Winthrop,  ii.  24  (20). 


•  There  is  an  imperfect  list  of  that  portion  of  them  that  went  to  this  cor- 
poration in  the  Alphabetical  and  Analytical  Catalogue  of  the  New  York  Society 
Library,  1850,  pp.  491-505. 

4  Antimonii  Mysteria  Gemina.  Alexandri  von  Suchten.  Das  ist:  Von  den 
grossen  Geheimnussen  des  Antimonij  .  .  .  Durch  Johann  Tholden,  Leipzig, 
1604  (Society  Library,  No.  240).  On  von  Suchten,  see  Ferguson,  Bibliotheca 
Chemica,  ii.  415—417.  Antimony  in  Winthrop's  time  was  an  equally  enthralling 
subject  to  the  would-be  adept  and  to  the  physician.  Dr.  William  Douglass,  in 
recording  the  death  of  the  younger  Winthrop,  April  5,  1676,  remarks:  "He  was 
much  given  to  experimental  Philosophy  and  Medicine;  several  of  his  Recipe's  are 
still  used  by  that  Family  in  Charity  to  the  Poor;  some  of  his  Pieces  are  to  be  found 
amongst  the  first  Philosophical  Transactions  of  the  London  Royal  Society;  he 
was  a  great  Admirer  of  Van  Helmont,  and  dealt  much  in  Aniimonials  "  (Summary, 
Boston,  1751,  ii.  159  note  f). 


1919]  DR.   ROBERT  CHILD  THE  REMONSTRANT  129 

changed  their  treasures  from  time  to  time,  by  way  of  loan  or  gift, 
and  it  is  pleasant  to  be  able  to  read  von  Suchten's  treatise  in  a  copy 
that  has  been  reverently  handled  by  these  two  eager  students  of 
Hermetic  philosophy. 

The  most  exciting  of  Child's  utterances  on  occult  subjects  occurs 
in  a  letter  to  Winthrop,  written  on  May  13, 1648,  soon  after  his  return 
to  England : 

I  had  letters  from  a  freind  in  Scotland,  who  hath  pfected  Helmonts 
menstruu,  &  made  many  excellent  expim*'  by  it  for  transmutacon  he 
did  send  a  sheet  writen  to  me  of  all  of  the  &  some  things  else  but  ye  ship 
was  cast  away  &  his  freind  who  brought  these  things,  hardly  eschaped 
wth  life.  I  dayly  expect  to  heare  from  him,  or  else  I  resolve  to  see  him 
if  peace  continue  betwixt  ye  2  Kingdomes,  woh  is  much  to  be  feared: 
Sr  I  desire  you,  if  you  meet  wth  any  sorts  of  seeds  or  stones,  wch  are 
not  comon  to  make  me  ptaker  of  some  of  them ;  &  I  shall  willingly  doe 
you  service  in  this  or  any  other  way.  Its  reported  by  diverse,  y*  y* 
Empor  of  Germany  hath  found  a  secret  to  turne  C  into  O  l  by  ye  wch 
he  pays  his  Army  y*  Duke  of  Holstein  is  turnd  a  great  Chymist.  Some 
say  (y*  haue  good  intelligence)  y*  Helia  Artista  is  borne.  I  saw  letters 
y*  came  to  a  learned  Dr  from  ye  Fratres  R  C  to  y4  purpose  but  he  is 
not  of  Or  nacon.2 

This  reveals  Child  as  in  close  contact  with  the  latest  scientific  news 
from  the  Continent.  The  "fratres  R.  C."  are,  of  course,  the  Rosi- 
crucians,  who  ever  since  1614  had  been  making  a  vast  stir  in  Europe. 
One  of  the  greatest  of  them  was,  like  Child,  a  Kentishman  —  Dr. 
Robert  Fludd,  who  died  in  London  in  1637.  I  should  like  to  think 
that  Child  knew  him  and,  indeed,  nothing  is  more  probable.  Both 
Winthrop  and  Edward  Howes  were  deeply  interested  in  Fludd's 
works,  of  which  Howes  gives  Winthrop  a  catalogue  in  1632:  he  calls 
him  "the  famous  and  farre  renouned  English  man  of  our  tymes."  3 
At  first  sight  Fludd  seems  a  likely  candidate  for  identity  with  the 
mystical  doctor  whom  Howes  mentions  so  reverently  in  1635: 

I  haue  bin  2  or  3  tymes  since  wth  the  Dr  and  can  gett  but  small  satis- 
facc8n  about  yor  queries,  I  doubt  he  hath  some  piudicate  conceipt  of 


1  I..e.,  "silver  into  gold." 
1  Winthrop  Papers,  iii.  159-160. 

»  Howes  to  Winthrop,  November  24,  1632  (Winthrop  Papers,  i.  483-485; 
of.  i.  496,  497,  and  3  Massachusetts  Historical  Collections,  ix.  255). 


130  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS          [MARCH, 

one  of  vs,  or  both;  yet  I  must  confesse  he  seemed  verie  free  to  me,  only 
in  the  maine  he  was  misticall,  this  he  said  that  when  the  will  of  God  is 
you  shall  knowe,  what  you  desire,  it  will  come  wth  such  a  light,  that  it 
will  make  a  harmonic  amonge  all  yor  authors,  causing  them  sweetly  to 
agree,  and  putt  you  for  euer  after  out  of  doubt  &  question.  To  discerne 
the  fratres  scientific  I  cannot  as  yet  learne  of  him.1 

But  it  is  pretty  certain  that  the  person  meant  is  one  "Dr.  Euer."  2 

The  report  that  Child  quotes  about  the  Emperor  of  Germany 
was  founded  on  a  strange  occurrence  at  Prague  in  January,  1648. 
A  certain  Johann  Conrad  von  Richthausen  (so  runs  the  tale)  dis- 
played to  the  Emperor  Ferdinand  III  a  grain  of  red  powder  which 
he  averred  was  the  true  philosopher's  stone.  With  this  one  grain, 
in  the  Emperor's  presence,  three  pounds  of  quicksilver  were  trans- 
muted into  about  two  pounds  and  a  half  of  pure.  gold.  From  this 
alchemic  gold  the  Emperor  caused  a  medal  to  be  struck  of  the  value 
of  three  hundred  ducats,  and  upon  Richthausen  he  bestowed,  some- 
what later,  the  grotesque  title  of  Baron  Chaos  —  Freiherr  von 
Chaos.3 


1  Howes  to  Winthrop,  August  21,  1635  (Winthrop  Papers,  i.  499).  See  also 
Howes's  letters  of  August  4,  1636,  and  March  21,  1637 [-8]  (i.  501-502,  504-505), 
which  are  in  a  strain  of  exalted  mysticism.  The  earliest  of  all  Howes's  letters  to 
Winthrop  (January  22,  1628)  has  a  distinctly  mystical  tinge  (Winthrop  Papers, 
i.  467-468). 

1  Cf.  Winthrop  Papers,  i.  500,  502,  507. 

1  The  medal  is  figured  in  J.  J.  Becher,  Oedipus  Chemicus,  Frankfurt,  1664, 
ad  p.  168;  J.  F.  Helvetius,  Vitulus  Aureus,  Amsterdam,  1667  (2d  ed.,  Hague, 
1702),  frontispiece;  Johann  Zwelfer,  Mantissa  Spagyrica,  pt.  i.  cap.  1  (Phar- 
macopoeia Augustana  Reformata  cum  eius  Mantissa  &  Appendice,  Dordrecht, 
1672,  p.  796;  cf.  Gabriel  Clauder,  Dissertatio  de  Tinctura  Universal!,  Altenburg, 
1678,  pp.  84-88);  W[illiam].  C[ooper].,  A  Philosophicall  Epitaph,  London,  1673, 
opposite  pp.  34,  41;  Musseum  Hermeticum,  Frankfort,  1677,  p.  830  (The  Hermetic 
Museum,  London,  1893,  ii.  281);  J.  J.  Manget,  Bibliotheca  Chemica  Curiosa, 
Geneva,  1702,  i.  200;  J.  F.  Buddeus,  Exercitatio  Politica  An  Alchemistae  sint 
in  Republica  Tolerandi  (in  his  Commentatio  Academica  de  Concordia  Re- 
ligionis  Christianae  Statusque  Civilis,  etc.,  Halle,  1712),  fig.  iv.  ad  p.  549  (Ger- 
man translation,  Historisch-  und  Politische  Untersuchung  von  der  Alchemic, 
in  Friedrich  Roth-Scholtz,  Deutsches  Theatrum  Chomicum,  Niirnberg,  1727,  i.  78, 
fig.  iv);  Lenglet-Dufresnoy,  Histoire  de  la  Philosophic  Hermetique,  Paris,  1742, 
ii.  36-37;  Kiesewetter,  Geschichte  des  Occultismus,  Leipzig,  1895,  ii.  135.  See 
also  Journal  dee  Voyages  de  Monsieur  de  Monconys,  2*  Partie,  Lyons,  1666, 
pp.  378-380  (Voyage  d' Allemagne) ;  D.  G.  Morhof,  De  Metallorum  Transmuta- 
tione,  Hamburg,  1673,  p.  164;  Wilhelm  Freiherr  von  SchrSder,  Nothwendiger 
Unterricht  vom  Goldmachen,  1684  (Roth-Scholtz,  Deutsches  Theatrum  Chemi- 


1919] 


DR.   ROBERT  CHILD  THE   REMONSTRANT 


131 


The  Duke  of  Holstein  mentioned  in  Child's  budget  of  alchemical 
news  was  Frederick  III  of  Holstein-Gottorp,  a  rather  magnificent 
personage  in  his  day,  who  succeeded  in  1616  and  died  in  1659.  He 
appears  to  have  been  .a  correspondent  of  the  younger  Winthrop's, 
doubtless  on  scientific  topics.1 

The  rumor  which  Child  mentions,  that  "  Helia  Artista  is  born," 
signified  the  appearance  of  a  divinely  enlightened  adept  to  whom 
was  revealed  the  secret  of  the  elixir.  There  was  a  saying,  derived 
from  Jewish  tradition,  "When  Elias  shall  come,  he  shall  make  all 
things  plain,"2  —  "That  Proverbial  Prediction  of  the  Jews"  as 
Henry  More  calls  it,  "touching  their  expected  Elias,  Elias  cum 
venerit  soket  omnia." 3  Elias  Artista,  therefore,  became  a  term 


cum,  1727,  i.  232-233);  G.  W.  Wedel,  Introductio  in  Alchimiam,  Jena,  1705, 
p.  14;  K.  C.  Schmieder,  Geschichte  der  Alchemie,  Halle,  1832,  pp.  397-401;  Louia 
Figuier,  L' Alchemie  et  lea  Alchemistes,  3d  ed.,  Paris,  1860,  pp.  247-248;  A. 
Bauer,  Chemie  und  Alchymie  in  Oesterreich,  Vienna,  1883,  pp.  35-36;  H.  Kopp, 
Die  Alchemie  in  alterer  und  neuerer  Zeit,  Heidelberg,  1886,  i.  89-90,  195  n.; 
A.  E.  Waite,  Lives  of  Alchemystical  Philosophers,  London,  1888,  pp.  182-183; 
H.  C.  Bolton,  Contributions  of  Alchemy  to  Numismatics,  New  York,  1890, 
pp.  19-20  (also  in  American  Journal  of  Numismatics,  xxiv.  82);  Ferguson, 
Bibliotheca  Chemica,  ii.  572;  J.  C.  Creiling,  Die  Edelgeborne  Jungfer  Alchymia, 
Tttbingen,  1730,  pp.  84-92  (with  figure). 

1  Among  the  letters  addressed  to  John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  still  remaining  in  the 
hands  of  his  grandson,  John  Winthrop,  F.  R.  S.  (H.  C.  1700)  in  1741,  there  was 
at  least  one  from  "FRED.  Princeps  Holsatise  &  D.  Slesvic"  (Cromwell  Mor- 
timer's dedication  to  vol.  xl  of  the  Philosophical  Transactions).  The  Harvard 
College  copy  of  the  volume  was  given  to  the  library  by  this  John  Winthrop  and 
contains  an  inscription  in  his  beautiful  handwriting: 
Presented, 

To    the    publick    Library 

of     Harvard     College,     at 

Cambridge  in  New-England; 

by  their  very  Affectionate 

and  most  Obedient,  humble 

Servant 

J:  Winthrop. 

Like  his  grandfather,  many  of  whose  alchemical  books  he  inherited,  this  John 
Winthrop  was  a  spagyric  philosopher.  "The  extraordinary  Knowledge,"  writes 
Mortimer  in  the  dedication,  "you  have  in  the  deep  Mysteries  of  the  most  secret 
Hermetic  Science,  will  always  make  you  esteemed  and  courted  by  learned  and 
good  Men." 

*  See  Malachi,  iv.  6-6;  Matthew,  xi.  14,  xvii.  10-12;  Mark,  ix.  11-13;  John,  i. 
21,  25. 

•  Divine  Dialogues,  1668,  ii.  361  (2d  ed.,  1713,  p.  473). 


132  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS          [MARCH, 

among  alchemists  for  him  who  should  solve  their  desperate  problem. 
Paracelsus  gave  wide  currency  to  the  phrase.1  For  an  English  ex~ 
ample,  take  the  work  called  "Cheiragogia  Heliana.  A  Manuduc- 
tion  to  the  Philosopher's  Magical  Gold:  by  Geo.  Thor.  Astromagus" 
(London,  1659).  "  Theophrastus,"  writes  Thor,  "sayes  thus:  That, 
That  is  not  In  It,  we  may  attain  by  the  help  of  the  Other:  by,  It, 
meaning  the  magnetick  Spirit  of  the  World,  which  is  the  Philosophers 
True  Magnesia.  And  That  (sayes  he)  will  follow  the  Captain  of  Art 
(that  is,  Helios  the  Artist)  close."  Works  were  published  under 
the  name  of  Elias  Artista.3  In  1666,  Johann  Friedrich  Helvetius, 
an  eminent  physician,  was  visited  at  the  Hague  by  a  nameless  wan- 
derer who  gave  him  a  little  bit  of  the  philosopher's  stone,  by  means 
of  which  Helvetius  was  able  (so  he  thought)  to  succeed  once  in  mak- 
ing gold  out  of  lead.  He  published  his  experiences  in  a  tract  called 
The  Golden  Calf,4  and  throughout  he  calls  his  mysterious  visitor 
Elias  Artista.  With  reference  to  this  incident,  William  Cooper,  in 
his  Philosophicall  Epitaph  (1673),  addresses  Child's  friend  Elias 
Ashmole  in  a  lofty  strain: 

However  Sir,  give  me  leave  to  tender  you  these  small  Reliques  of  my 
obsequious  obsequy,  as  Burnt  Offerings,  Reviving  and  describing  Aarons 
Calf  ground  to  dust  by  Moses,  with  Helvetius  his  Golden  Calf,  burnt 
to  a  stone  or  Pouder,  by  the  Teutonic  Elias  Artista,  and  I  wish  you  might 
prove  another  Elias  (as  your  name  imports)  in  this  Fiery  Chariot,  or 
Transfiguration  for  the  benefit  of  this  our  English  nation,  and  of  the 
whole  world,  to  glorifie  him  who  is  the  giver  of  all  good  things. 

Indeed,  this  same  Cooper,  in  the  same  dedication,  unconsciously 
bestows  the  title  Elias  the  Artist  upon  George  Stirk  also.  For  he 
cites  "our  late  English  Phcenix,  or  Elias  Artisto  Anonymon,  in  his 
book  of  The  open  entrance  to  the  shut  Pallace  of  the  King."  This  is 
the  Introitus  Apertus,  the  most  famous  of  the  treatises  of  Philalethes, 
—  and  Philalethes,  as  I  am  prepared  to  prove,  was  George  Stirk 
and  none  other,  though  Cooper  did  not  know  it. 


1  See  the  references  in  Hermann  Kopp,  Die  Alchemic  in  iilterer  und  neuerer 
Zeit,  Heidelberg,  1886,  i.  250-251. 

•  P.  5. 

1  See  Ferguson,  Bibliotheca  Chemica,  i.  236-237. 

4  Vitulus  Aureus,  Quern  Mundus  adorat  &  orat.  Amsterdam,  1667  (2d  ed., 
the  Hague,  1702). 


1919]  DR.   ROBERT  CHILD  JTHE  REMONSTRANT  133 

This  little  excursus  on  Elias  the  Artist  will,  I  trust,  be  forgiven 
when  I  point  out  its  pertinency.  We  have  it  on  Child's  own  word, 
as  the  letter  shows,  that  he  was  not  Helias  Artista  himself  and  that 
he  had  never  solved,  or  pretended  to  solve,  the  momentous  problem 
of  transmutation.  This  testimony  may  suffice  to  quiet  forever  a 
strange  and  romantic  rumor  which  was  current  in  scientific  circles 
on  the  Continent  soon  after  Child's  death  and  which  still  echoes 
dimly  among  students  of  the  occult  and  the  pseudonymous.  This  is 
the  report  that  Child  was  Eirenseus  Philalethes  (or  Philaletha),  that 
mysterious  adept  who  discovered  the  secret  of  transmutation  in  1645 
at  the  age  of  twenty-three,  wrote  several  books  on  the  subject,  — 
including  the  thrice-famous  Introitus  Apertus  ad  Occlusum  Regis 
Palatium,  —  and  wandered  for  years  about  Europe  in  disguise, 
occasionally  performing  the  miracle  of  transmutation. 

About  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth  century  there  occurred,  on  the 
Continent,  three  supposed  cases  of  the  successful  transmutation  of 
metals.  Each  was  attested  by  a  perfectly  reputable  witness  who  was 
then  (and  should  be  now)  above  suspicion  of  fraud  or  lying.  Just 
what  actually  happened  in  a  chemical  way,  or  just  what  tricks  were 
played  by  the  transmuters,  we  are  not  called  upon  to  explain.  It  is 
enough  for  us  to  feel  sure  that  something  did  occur  each  time,  and 
that  silver  or  gold  was  found  in  the  crucible. 

The  earliest  of  the  three  cases  is  that  of  Claude  Berigard,  an  emi- 
nent French  physician,  born  in  1578,  who  spent  a  good  part  of  his 
life  as  Professor  of  the  Aristotelian  Philosophy  in  Italy,  first  at  Pisa, 
afterwards  at  Padua.  Berigard  himself  gives  an  account  of  the 
affair  in  his  Circulus  Pisanus,  a  commentary  on  Aristotelianism  pub- 
lished in  1643.  When  he  was  living  in  Pisa,  he  received  from  an  ajc- 
quaintance  one  dram  of  a  powder  resembling  wild  poppy  in  color. 
Berigard  worked  the  experiment  in  person,  and  took  every  precau- 
tion against  being  deluded,  for  he  well  knew  that  in  many  former 
instances  gold  had  been  secretly  introduced  into  either  the  materials 
or  the  utensils.  The  result  was  convincing,  for  by  means  of  the 
powder  he  turned  ten  drams  of  mercury  into  fine  gold.1  The  second 
experiment  took  place  on  February  24,  1649,  at  Chur  in  Switzerland, 
in  the  presence  of  the  apothecary  Michael  Morgenbesser;  it  was 


1  Circulus  Pisanus  Claudii  Berigardi  (Utini,  1643),  chap.  xxv.  p.  154. 


134  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OP  MASSACHUSETTS          [MABCH, 

worked  by  a  traveller  from  Genoa  and  produced  silver  from  lead.1 
The  third  transmutation  was  effected  in  1650  at  Geneva  in  the 
presence  of  Pastor  Gross;  the  adept  was  an  Italian,  who  turned  a 
mixture  of  tin  and  mercury  into  gold.2  On  the  basis  of  these  and 
other  similar  events,  many  scientific  men,  it  seems,  soon  came  to 
believe  that  a  mysterious  adept  was  adrift  on  the  Continent,  who 
used  various  disguises,  and  from  time  to  time  introduced  himself  (now 
by  one  name,  now  by  another)  to  some  student  of  the  art  and  either 
effected  transmutation  or  furnished  the  powder  (known  as  the  philos- 
opher's stone)  which  enabled  one  to  work  the  chemical  miracle. 

Now  George  Stirk,  soon  after  his  removal  from  Boston  to  London, 
which  took  place  hi  1650  or  1651,  had  exhibited  various  alchemical 
manuscripts  in  Latin  which  he  said  were  the  work  of  an  adept  who 
chose  to  call  himself  Eirenceus  Philalethes.  Stirk's  story  was  that 
these  had  been  given  to  him  in  New  England  by  a  friend  of  his  who 
knew  the  adept  well.  This  story  he  printed  in  1654  in  the  preface 
to  Part  I  of  a  versified  treatise,  The  Marrow  of  Alchemy,8  a  work 
which  he  then  pretended  was  written  by  the  friend  in  question,  but 
which  he  afterwards  acknowledged  as  his  own  composition.4  Stirk 
allowed  copies  of  the  manuscripts  to  circulate  among  students  of 
alchemy,  and  they  excited  a  lively  interest,  both  in  England  and  on 
the  Continent.  He  died  in  1665,  and  two  years  later  Johann  Lange 
published  at  Amsterdam  the  most  important  document  of  the 
group,  the  Introitus  Apertus  ad  Occlusum  Regis  Palatium,  ascrib- 

1  Morgenbesser's  letter  dated  Wahlau,  October  14,  1672,  as  quoted  from  the 
original  by  Samuel  Reyher,  Dissertatio  de  Nummis  quibusdam  ex  Chymico 
Metallo  factis  (Kiel,  1692),  pp.  138-140. 

1  Gross's  own  account,  as  communicated  by  him  to  J.  J.  Manget  and  reported 
by  the  latter  in  his  Bibliotheca  Chemica  Curiosa,  Geneva,  1702,  Preface,  pp. 
[iv-v]. 

*  The  Marrow  of  Alchemy,  Being  an  Experimental  Treatise,  Discovering  the 
secret  and  most  hidden  Mystery  of  the  Philosophers  Elixer.  .  .  .  By  Eiracncus 
Philoponos  Philalethes.  London,  Printed  by  A.  M.  for  Edw.  Brewster  .  .  .  1654. 
The  Second  Part  appeared  in  1655. 

4  The  complete  evidence  for  this  acknowledgment  is  too  long  and  com- 
plicated to  be  given  here.  One  decisive  fact,  however,  may  be  cited.  Stirk  pre- 
fixed a  Latin  poem,  with  an  English  translation,  to  John  Heydon's  Idea  of  the 
Law,  1660,  and  another  Latin  poem  (dated  May  4,  1663)  to  the  same  author's 
Theomagia,  1664,  and  on  both  occasions  he  added  his  pseudonym  "Eirenseus 
Philoponus  Philalethes"  to  his  own  signature  —  George  (in  the  second  case 
Georgiua)  Starkey. 


1919]  DR.   ROBERT  CHILD  THE  REMONSTRANT  135 

ing  it  on  the  title-page  to  "an  anonymous  philosopher  Philaletha." 
In  this  work  the  concealed  author  describes  himself  as  a  true  adept 
who  had  discovered  the  art  of  gold-making  in  1645  at  the  age  of 
twenty-three.  Other  editions  and  other  tracts  followed,  appearing 
at  different  places,  and  under  various  editorship,  and  conjectures 
were  freely  emitted  as  to  the  identity  of  Philalethes,  who  was  gen- 
erally regarded  as  an  authority  of  the  first  rank.  Inquiries  directed 
by  Continental  scholars  to  learned  friends  in  England  elicited  much 
information  about  George  Stirk,  who  had  been  a  familiar  figure  in 
London  scientific  circles,  as  well  as  divers  guesses  as  to  Philalethes 
and  Stirk's  relations  with  him.  It  was  the  current  opinion  that 
Eirenseus  Philalethes  was  an  Englishman,  now  wandering  incognito 
in  foreign  parts. 

In  the  course  of  this  lively  interchange  of  learned  chitchat,  Stirk's 
known  friendship  with  the  much-travelled  Dr.  Robert  Child,  coupled 
with  the  fact  that  they  had  met  in  America,1  was  likely  at  any  mo- 
ment to  suggest  the  attachment  of  Child's  name  to  these  tracts  in 
some  fashion;  but  the  first  extant  testimony  to  any  such  connec- 
tion dates  from  1677.  In  that  year  (or  perhaps  in  1676)  a  dis- 
tinguished Moravian  physician,  Johann  Ferdinand  Hertodt  von 
Todtenfeld  —  an  ominous  name  for  a  doctor!  —  sent  to  the  Breslau 
Ephemerides  a  Latin  epistle  on  Philalethes,  including  an  extract 
from  a  letter  received  from  an  English  colleague.  The  extract  may 
be  closely  translated  as  follows: 

Philaletha  Anonymus  was  really  named  George  Starkey.  He  was  an 
Englishman  by  nation.  Having  made  the  acquaintance  of  a  certain 
adept  called  Dr.  Childe  in  America  or  the  West  Indies  (called  New 
England)  he  received  from  him  an  ounce  of  the  White  Elixir,  one  part 
of  which  transmuted  a  thousand  times  a  thousand  parts  of  lead,  tin, 
or  common  mercury  into  the  best  silver.  And  without  doubt,  if  George 
Starkey  had  not  so  quickly  shown  his  hypocrisy,  he  would  have  obtained 
complete  knowledge  of  the  art.  Wherefore,  he  then  returned  to  England 
with  his  tincture,  and  carried  with  him  the  names  or  titles  of  twelve 
small  tracts  on  chemistry  composed  by  the  learned  Childe,  the  names 
of  which  I  do  not  remember  well  but  they  will  be  found  in  the  preface 
of  the  Marrow  of  Alchemy  written  in  English,  and  I  do  remember  the 
following,  which  are  Introiha  Apertua  ad  Occlufum  Regis  Palatium, 

1  See  p.  101,  above. 


136 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY   OF  MASSACHUSETTS  [MARCH, 


Brevis  manuductio  ad  Rubinum  ccelestem,  Fons  Chymicce  Philosophise, 
Brevis  via  ad  vitam  longam,  Elenckus  errorum  in  arte  chymica  deviantium, 
'  Brevis  manuductio  ad  campum  Sophias.  These  six  tracts  were  first 
written  in  English.  Of  all  of  them  I  have  had  a  copy  in  my  hands,  copied 
from  Starkey's  autograph,  before  they  were  published  in  Latin,  and  so 
Starkey  was  the  real  author  of  those  twelve  tracts,  and  he  carried  with 
him  only  those  twelve  titles  [of  tracts]  which  Dr.  Childe  had  promised 
that  he  would  later  send  to  him.  But  when  Starkey  saw  that  Dr.  Childe 
would  not  write  to  him  further,  then  he  composed  twelve  tracts  under 
those  titles  which  Dr.  Childe  had  given.  And  so  he  has  been  the  cause 
of  many  evils  by  means  of  his  deceptions.  He  died  of  the  plague  in 
1665  while  confined  in  the  prison  of  London  for  his  debts.  At  the  time 
when  he  received  the  tincture  from  Dr.  Childe  he  was  twenty-three  years 
old,  and  in  the  following  year  I  made  his  acquaintance.  But  I  did  not 
come  to  know  him  well  until  he  had  used  up  all  he  had.  Then,  at  my  ex- 
pense and  that  of  certain  friends  of  mine,  we  discovered  the  emptiness 
of  his  words.  Now  let  it  suffice  to  say  concerning  him  in  death,  "  May 
he  rest  in  peace!" 1 

Thus  wrote  Hertodt's  English  correspondent.  Hertodt  himself 
had  nothing  to  add  as  to  the  identity  of  Philalethes,  but  he  did 
assert  that  he  had  found  his  works  a  deceptive  guide,  and  this  utter- 
ance soon  elicited  an  anonymous  reply,  also  published  in  the  Ephe- 
merides:  "I  will  not  quarrel  with  anybody,"  says  the  apologist, 
"  as  to  whether  Starkey  or  Childe  was  the  author  of  the  tracts  which 
circulate  under  the  name  of  Philaletha,  .  .  .  but  I  do  maintain  that 
nobody  can  have  written  them  qui  non  habuerit  penitissimam  Chemice 
arcanorum  notitiam."  Hertodt's  paper  and  the  reply,  appearing 
as  they  did  in  the  transactions  of  an  important  academy,  attracted 
instant  attention.  There  are  three  contemporary  (or  almost  con- 
temporary) copies  of  both  communications,  in  three  different  hands, 
in  Sloane  MS.  646  in  the  British  Museum,3  and  Manget  reprinted 
them  both  in  1702.4  In  1683  Johann  Otto  von  Helbig  defended  the 

1  Miscellanea  Curiosa,  sive  Ephemerides  Medico-Physicse  Germanic®  Aca- 
demise  Naturae  Curiosorum,  for  1677,  Breslau,  1678,  viii.  384-386.  This  was 
the  official  journal  of  the  Breslau  Academia  Naturae  Curiosorum  (later  the 
Leopoldina),  of  which  Hertodt  was  a  Fellow. 

1  Miscellanea  Curiosa,  as  above,  viii.  389. 

»  Fols.  2-6,  llb-13b,  23-24. 

4  Johann  Jakob  Manget,  Bibliotheca  Chemica  Curioea,  Geneva,  1702,  ii.  697- 
700. 


1919]  DR.   ROBERT  CHILD  THE  REMONSTRANT  137 

works  of  Philalethes  against  Hertodt,  but  admitted  that  he  knew 
nothing  of  the  author  except  that  a  London  friend  had  lately  in- 
formed him  that  he  believed  the  adept  to  be  still  living  in  one  of  the 
islands  under  English  rule.1  In  1684  Wilhelm  Freiherr  von  Schroder 
mentioned  Hertodt's  attack  on  Philalethes  without  approval.2 

From  the  publication  of  Hertodt's  letter  until  the  present  time, 
the  name  of  Child  has  continued  to  be  associated,  off  and  on,  with 
the  works  of  Philalethes.  In  Sloane  MS.  2558  there  is  a  copy  of 
Stirk's  Marrow  of  Alchemy  (made  from  the  printed  book)  which 
has  "Dr.  Child"  written  in  an  eighteenth-century  hand 3  at  the  foot 
of  the  title-page  under  the  imprint,  and  (in  the  same  hand)  there  is 
a  note  on  the  blank  page  opposite  the  title-page:  "it  is  supposed 
Eireneus  Philalethes  name  was  Bartlet  who  was  acquainted  with 
Dr.  Child."  4  Fuchs  in  his  Repertorium,  1806-8,  identifies  Phila- 
lethes with  "Childe."  5  The  same  notion  is  mentioned,  though  the 
writer  does  not  commit  himself,  in  the  ludicrously  incorrect  account 
of  George  Starkey  (Stirk)  in  the  Dictionary  of  National  Biography.6 

There  is  a  curious  piece  of  evidence  which  shows  that  the  erroneous 
identification  of  Eireneeus  Philalethes  with  Child  made  its  way  to 
America  and  that  scientific  men  in  Boston  about  the  beginning  of 
the  nineteenth  century  had  recognized  this  Child  as  the  Remon- 
strant. I  find  the  evidence  in  certain  alchemical  books  that  once 
belonged  to  Judge  Samuel  Danforth. 

1  Dni.  de  Helbig  judicium  de  Philalethse  introitu  ad  apertum  Regis  palatium,  <fc 
Pantaleone  (appendix  to  Johann.  Ottonis  de  Helbig,  Magnse  Britannise  Equitis, 
.  .  .  Judicium  de  Duumviris  Hermeticis  Fcederatis,  Jena,  1683,  pp.  42-45): — 
"  Licet  amicus  qvidam  Londini,  cum  nuper  in  Anglia  essem,  suam  de  Philaletha 
euppicionem,  &  qvod  sub  Imperio  Britannico,  in  Insula  quadam  Anglicana  adhuc 
viv«Tet,  mihi  dixerit"  (p.  42).  There  is  an  English  translation  (in  the  hand  of 
Samuel  Bellingham,  M.D.)  of  the  passage  about  Philalethes  in  Sloane  MS.  633 
(fol.  234a).  It  begins:  "As  Concerning  Philalethes  Introitus  I  know  not  the 
Author  Although  a  friend  at  London  w°  I  was  Lately  in  England  told  mee  hee 
beleeued  hee  yet  Lived  in  Some  of  y*  English  Islands  or  Plantations." 

1  Nothwendiger  Unterricht  vom  Goldmachen,  1684  (in  Friedrich  Roth-Scholtz, 
Deutsches  Theatrum  Chemicum,  Theil  i.,  Nurnberg,  1727,  p.  273). 

»  Not  Sloane's. 

4  Both  these  notes  are  in  the  same  hand  as  the  text.  The  discrepancy  is  ac- 
counted for  if  we  conjecture  that  the  copyist  transcribed  scribbles  (in  different 
hands)  found  in  the  printed  volume  from  which  he  copied. 

•  Georg  F.  C.  Fuchs,  Repertorium  der  chemischen  Litteratur,  p.  199  (Fergu- 
son, Bibliotheca  Chemica,  ii.  194). 

•  liv.  108. 


138  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS          [MARCH, 

Judge  Danforth's  career  as  a  public  man  is  well-known.  He  was 
the  son  of  the  Rev.  John  Danforth  of  Dorchester,  and  was  born  in 
that  town  in  1696.  He  graduated  at  Harvard  College  in  1715,  was 
Selectman  of  Cambridge  1733-1734,  1737-1739,  Representative  to 
the  General  Court  1734-1738,  Member  of  the  Council  1739-1774, 
Register  of  Probate  for  Middlesex  County  1731-1745,  Judge  of 
Probate  1745-1775,  Judge  of  the  Inferior  Court  of  Common  Pleas 
for  Middlesex  1741-1774.  He  was  also  a  Special  Justice  of  the  Court 
of  Common  Pleas  in  1735  and  of  the  Superior  Court  in  1753.1  For  a 
long  time  (at  least  from  1743  to  1768)  he  was  one  of  the  Commis- 
sioners of  the  Land  Bank.2  It  is  interesting  to  remember  that  he  was 
on  the  committee  appointed  by  the  General  Court  for  the  rebuild- 
ing of  Harvard  Hall  after  the  fire  of  1764.8  He  died  at  Cambridge 
on  October  2,  1777.  The  Judge  was  a  Tory,  and  as  such  he  re- 
ceived the  appointment  of  Mandamus  Councillor  on  August  9, 
1774,  which  he  was  forced  to  resign  on  September  2.  This  he  did  in 
Harvard  Square,  Cambridge,  in  the  presence  of  a  crowd  of  some 
four  thousand  people,  who  listened  quietly  to  the  old  man's  feeble 
voice.  The  scene  is  described  in  a  letter  from  Dr.  Thomas  Young 
to  Samuel  Adams  written  two  days  later.4  Danforth's  alchemical 
studies  have  attracted  less  attention.  Dr.  John  Eliot  remarks  with 
dry  brevity:  "He  was  said  to  be  a  great  natural  philosopher  and 
chymist."  6  More  to  the  point  is  the  testimony  of  President  Stiles, 
who  thus  records  his  death  under  date  of  October  3,  1777: 6  "Last 
week  the  Hon.  Samuel  Danforth  Esq.  of  Cambridge  died  in  Boston, 


1  Paige,  History  of  Cambridge,  pp.  461,  465;  Whitmore,  Civil  List,  pp.  56-63, 
73,  79,  88,  90;  Emory  Washburn,  Sketches  of  the  Judicial  History  of  Massa- 
chusetts, 1840,  p.  342;  W.  T.  Davis,  History  of  the  Judiciary  of  Massachusetts, 
1900,  pp.  137,  140;  New  England  Historical  and  Genealogical  Register,  vii.  319. 

1  Our  Publications,  iv  (index). 

1  Id.,  riv.  13,  16,  17. 

4  Wells,  Life  and  Public  Services  of  Samuel  Adams,  ii.  237-238;  our  Publica- 
tions, xi.  36  and  n.  3.  Cf.  Thomas  Newell's  Diary,  September  2,  1774  (1  Massa- 
chusetts Historical  Proceedings,  iv.  222,  xv.  357);  New  England  Historical  and 
Genealogical  Register,  xxviii.  61-62,  xxix.  63-64,  xliii.  146-147.  In  1775  Dan- 
forth's house  in  Cambridge  was  protected  by  a  guard:  see  Col.  William  Hen- 
Shaw's  Orderly  Book,  April  22,  1775  (1  Massachusetts  Historical  Proceedings, 
xv.  90). 

*  Biographical  Dictionary,  1809,  p.  148  note. 

1  Literary  Diary,  ii.  216. 


1919]  DR.   ROBERT  CHILD  THE  REMONSTRANT  139 

set.  81  &  supra.  He  was  deeply  studied  in  the  Writings  of  the  Adepts, 
believed  the  Philosophers  Stone  a  Reality  and  perhaps  for  Chemical 
knowledge  might  have  passed  among  the  Chemists  for  a  DC^  7^3-"  * 

Convincing  testimony  to  Danforth's  alchemical  ardor  exists 
(though  heretofore  overlooked)  in  a  fragment  of  his  library  still  pre- 
served in  the  Boston  Athenaeum.2  He  was  in  the  habit  of  annotating 
his  books.  His  marginalia  exhibit  his  hand  as  it  was  at  different 
periods  of  his  life,  and  sometimes  the  same  volume  shows  con- 
siderable differences  in  both  ink  and  penmanship,  so  that  these  com- 
ments represent  a  long  course  of  study,  begun  when  he  was  a  young 
man.  Some  of  the  books  were  obviously  used  as  laboratory  manuals. 
In  Stirk's  Pyrotechny,3  in  particular,  the  stains,  and  the  brittle 
leaves  at  the  end,  show  plain  traces  of  the  action  of  the  Judge's 
chemicals.  The  Opus  Tripartitum 4  also  exhibits  signs  of  constant 
thumbing,  and  all  three  of  its  tracts  are  plentifully  underlined  and 
annotated  in  the  Judge's  hand.  Several  other  volumes  have  Dan- 
forth's manuscript  notes,  some  of  which  are  highly  interesting: 
I  hope  to  return  to  them  some  day.  Meantime  our  immediate  con- 
cern is  with  the  next  possessor  of  these  volumes,  the  Judge's  eldest 
son,  Samuel  Danforth,  M.D.,  who,  like  his  father,  was  a  Royalist.5 
He  was  born  at  Cambridge  in  1740,  graduated  at  Harvard  College 
in  1758,  and  practised  medicine  for  many  years  in  Boston,  where  he 
died  in  1827.6  His  eminence  as  a  chemist  was  locally  celebrated. 
He  received  the  degree  of  M.D.  from  Harvard  in  1790. 

Dr.  Danforth  inherited  his  father's  alchemical  library,7  and  I 
think  that  he  too  once  believed  in  the  philosopher's  stone.8  His 

1  Ba'al  Shc;i!.  "Master  of  the  Name:"  a  term  applied  to  an  adept  in  secret 
learning;  properly,  one  who  can  work  wonders  by  virtue  of  knowing  the  true  name 
of  God  (see  Ginsberg,  Jewish  Encyclopaedia,  ii.  382-383).  Our  associate  Professor 
George  F.  Moore  has  helped  me  here. 

1  These  books  came  to  the  Athenaeum  by  gift  of  Judge  Danforth's  son  Dr. 
Samuel  Danforth  (H.  C.  1758)  and  grandson  Dr.  Thomas  Danforth  (H.  C.  1792). 

'  Pyrotechny  Asserted  and  Illustrated.    By  George  Starkey.    London,  1658. 

4  Opus  Tripartitum  de  Philosophorum  Arcanis,  London,  1678. 

1  Our  Publications,  v.  260. 

•  Thacher,  American  Medical  Biography,  ii.  233-238;  New  England  His- 
torical and  Genealogical  Register,  vii.  319-320. 

T  Judge  Danforth's  library  was  valued  in  the  inventory  of  his  estate  at  £300; 
he  bequeathed  one  half  of  it  to  his  son  Samuel  (Suffolk  County  Probate  Files). 

1  See  his  manuscript  note  in  the  Judge's  copy  of  Urim  and  Thummim,  p.  71: 
"The  Author  of  the  above  written  Urim  and  Thummim  was  an  adept." 


140 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS          [MAECH, 


signature  —  "Sam1  Danforth's  1799"  —  occurs  in  the  Judge's  copy 
of  Opus  Tripartitum  (1678),  a  collection  of  three  tracts.  The  printed 
title-page  designates  the  writer,  in  the  ablative,  as  "  Autore,  Anonymo 
sub  Nomine  ^Eyrensei  Philalethes,  natu  Angli,  Habitatione  Cos- 
mopolite." Under  the  last  two  words  Dr.  Danforth  has  written 
"Dr  Robert  Child."  On  the  special  title-page  of  the  Experimenta 
de  Preparatione  Mercurii  Sophici  (in  the  same  volume)  we  have 
the  following  state  of  things: 

[Printed]  Ex  Manuscripto  Philosophici  Americani,  alias 

[Written]  Dr  Robert  Child  sub  Nomine 

[Printed]  ^YREN^I  PHILALETHES,  natu  An- 

[Printed]  gli,  habitatione  Cosmopolite.1 

Again  in  the  same  volume,  after  the  printed  words  "Catalogus 
Librorum  editorum  Authore  ^Eyrenseo  Philalethe  Cosmopolita,"  2  is 
written  "anglice  Dr  Robert  Child."  At  the  end  of  the  last  tract  in 
the  volume  (the  Vade-Mecum  Philosophicum)  is  written  "Script 
in  Boston  Nov-Angliae." 3  Again,  under  the  words  "Authore 
Anonymo  Philaletha  Philosopho"  printed  in  the  half-title  of  the 
Introitus  Apertus  in  the  Musseum  Hermeticum,4  occurs  the  manu- 
script entry:  "or  Dr  Robert  Child  sometime  a  resident  in  Boston." 
Finally,  under  the  name  Eyraeneus  Philaletha  Cosmopolita  on  the 
title-page  of  Secrets  Reveal'd,5  the  Doctor  has  written  "Dr  Robert 
Child"  and  in  the  margin:  "he  fled  to  New  England  where  he  was 
persecuted  as  a  Church  of  England  man  —  see  Hutchinsons  History.' 
All  these  scribbles  appear  to  be  in  the  same  hand  that  wrote  "  Sam1 
Danforth's  1799"  in  the  Opus  Tripartitum,  and  if  so,  they  show 
that  Dr.  Danforth  had  got  hold  of  the  erroneous  idea,  common  in' 


.»  P.  181. 

1  P.  [223]. 

»  P.  222. 

4  Musseum  Hermeticum  Reformatum  et  Amplificatum  (Frankfort,  1677), 
p.  647.  This  copy  has  no  indication  of  having  been  Judge  Danforth's,  but  it 
certainly  belonged  to  his  son  the  Doctor,  who  gave  it  to  the  Athenseum  in  1812. 

6  Secrets  Reveal'd:  or,  An  Open  Entrance  to  the  Shut-Palace  of  the  King  .  .  . 
Composed  by  a  most  famous  English-man,  Styling  himself  Anonymus,  or 
Eyrseneus  Philaletha  Cosmopolita:  Who,  by  Inspiration  and  Reading,  attained 
to  the  Philosophers  Stone  at  his  Age  of  Twenty  three  years,  Anno  Domini,  1645 
(London,  1669).  This  volume  has  the  Doctor's  autograph  on  the  title-page: 
"Samuel  Danforth's." 


1919]  DR.   ROBERT  CHILD  THE  REMONSTRANT  141 

the  seventeenth  and  eighteenth  centuries,  that  the  right  name  of 
Philalethes  was  Child,  and  that  he  identified  this  Child  with  the 
celebrated  Remonstrant. 

By  1698,  however,  another  identification  had  come  before  the 
public,  for  in  that  year  Georg  Wolfgang  Wedel,  in  the  preface  to  his 
edition  of  the  Introitus  Apertus,  declared  that  Philalethes  was  com- 
monly thought  to  have  been  an  Englishman  named  Thomas  de 
Vagan.1  The  error  is  patent.  Thomas  Vaughan  (1621-1665),  twin 
brother  of  Henry  the  poet,  wrote  under  the  name  of  Eugenius  (not 
EireruBus)  Philalethes,  and  all  his  works  are  well  known.  We  have 
already  found  Child  citing  two  of  them  in  a  letter  to  Winthrop.2 
But,  absurd  as  it  is,  the  error  had  considerable  currency.  It  is  re- 
peated, for.  example,  in  the  title-page  of  a  German  translation  of 
the  Introitus  Apertus  published  at  Hamburg  in  1705; 3  and  it  is 
mentioned  in  1742  by  the  abbe  Lenglet-Dufresnoy,  who,  however, 
does  not  commit  himself,  remarking  of  Philalethes  that  "son  nom, 
sa  personne,  sa  vie,  ses  ouvrages,  tout  est  chez  lui  un  paradoxe  in- 
dechiffrable." 4  The  confusion  between  Eugenius  and  Eirenaeus 
Philalethes,  though  often  rectified,5  has  persisted  to  very  recent  times. 
One  finds  "Philalethe  Irenee"  in  Larousse  (1874)  unhesitatingly 
equated  with  "Thomas  de  Vaughan  ou  Waghan."  6  Hermann  Kopp, 
in  1886,  remarked  that  it  has  not  been  determined  whether  Phila- 
lethes was  really,  "as  most  have  supposed,"  an  Englishman  named 
Thomas  Vaughan; 7  and  as  late  as  1896,  Mr.  E.  K.  Chambers,  though 


1  Introitus  Apertus  ad  Occlusum  Regis  Palatium,  authore  Anonymo  Phila- 
letha  Philosopho,  .  .  .  denuo  publicatus,  cum  Indice  &  noua  prsefatione  Georgii 
Wolffgangi  Wedelii,  Jena,  1699.  Ad  Lectorem,  p.  15.  This  preface  is  dated  Sep- 
tember 21,  1698.  Wedel  does  not  repeat  the  statement,  however,  in  his  Intro- 
ductio  in  Alchimiam  (Jena,  1705),  though  he  often  refers  to  Philaletha,  whom 
he  reckons  among  authorities  who  are  "classici,  veri,  principes"  (p.  19). 

1  See  p.  125,  above. 

1  Abyssus  Alchymiae  Exploratus  .  .  .  von  Thoma  de  Vagan,  Einem  En- 
glischen  Adepto  .  .  .  gezeiget  und  beschrieben,  Hamburg,  1705. 

4  Histoire  de  la  Philosophic  Hermetique,  i.  403.  Lenglet-Dufresnoy  adds  (i. 
480):  "Eyrende  Philalethe  se  nommoit  a  ce  qu'on  croit,  Thomas  de  Vagan" 

'  Anthony  a  Wood  in  his  Athene  Oxonienses,  first  published  in  1691  and  1692, 
distinguishes  Eirenseus  from  Eugenius  (Vaughan)  and  both  from  the  author  of 
The  Marrow  of  Alchemy.  See  Bliss's  edition,  iii.  725  (370). 

•  Dictionnaire  Universel,  xii.  801. 

1  Alchemic  in  alterer  und  neuerer  Zeit  (Heidelberg,  1886),  i.  200. 


142  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS          [MARCH, 

not  convinced  that  Eirenseus  (as  well  as  Eugenius)  was  Thomas 
Vaughan,  was  yet  by  no  means  sure  that  he  was  not.1 

The  real  Thomas  Vaughan,  a  devout  and  highly-esteemed  occult 
philosopher,  was  born  in  1622  and  killed  himself  by  an  alchemical 
accident  in  1665,  but  neither  his  record  nor  the  known  limits  of  his 
career  could  preserve  his  name  from  an  astonishing  profanation  in 
1895,  when  Leo  Taxil 2  made  him  a  choregus  of  Satanism.  Accord- 
ing to  the  spurious  Memoires  d'une  ex-Palladiste,  ascribed  to  "Miss 
Diana  Vaughan,"  high  priestess  of  the  Luciferians,  but  really  con- 
cocted by  Taxil,  and  published  in  monthly  numbers  by  the  Librairie 
Antimaconnique  at  Paris,  Vaughan  was  fourth  successor  to  Faustus 
Socinus  as  Grand  Master  of  the  Fraternity  of  the  Rose  Cross  and 
was  the  organizer  of  "  la  Franc-Ma^onnerie,  telle  qu'elle  est  aujourd'- 
hui."  In  1645  he  got  himself  substituted  at  the  last  moment  for  the 
regular  headsman  at  the  execution  of  Laud,  offered  to  Lucifer  the 
blood  of  that  "noble  martyr"  (with  which  he  had  soaked  a  sacred 
corporal),  and  secured  in  return  a  contract,  signed  by  Lucifer  and* 
himself,  enabling  him  to  make  gold  and  assuring  him  of  a  life  of 
Hermetic  knowledge  for  thirty-three  years.  After  this  infernal  con- 
secration he  wrote  the  Introitus  Apertus.  On  the  25th  of  March, 
1678,  his  term  was  up  and  he  was  carried  off  by  the  devil.3  The 
extraordinary  hoax  of  which  these  memoirs  formed  a  part  extended 
over  a  period  of  twelve  years  and  affords  one  of  the  most  amazing 
instances  of  human  gullibility  on  record,  but  does  not  here  concern 
us.  Taxil  owned  up  in  a  public  address  of  unexampled  cynicism 
delivered  on  April  19,  1897 .4  What  makes  his  fiction  pertinent  to 


1  Poems  of  Henry  Vaughan,  ed.  by  E.  K.  Chambers,  vol.  ii.  pp.  xxxiii-lvi. 

*  Taxil's  real  name  was  Gabriel  Jogand-PagSs. 

»  Memoirs  d'une  ex-Palladiste,  pp.  110,  130-133,  172,  176-178,  240. 

4  There  is  a  full  report  of  his  address  (based  chiefly  on  that  in  Le  Frondeur  of 
April  25,  1917)  in  H.  Gruber,  Betrug  als  Ende  eines  Betruges,  Berlin,  1897,  pp. 
9-28,  and  a  briefer  report  in  Braeunlich,  Der  neueste  Teufelsschwindel,  Leipzig, 
1897,  pp.  96-101.  Cf.  Journal  des  DSbats,  April  24,  1897,  cix.  782-784; 
L'  Univers  (Paris)  for  April  23, 25,  and  27, 1897.  Taxil  had  previously  been  exposed 
by  A.  E.  Waite,  Devil-Worship  in  France  (London,  1896);  by  F.  Legge  in  The 
Contemporary  Review  for  October,  1896,  Ixx.  466-483  (cf.  Ixi.  694-710);  by  Pour- 
tales  in  Etudes  publides  par  des  Peres  de  la  Compagnie  de  Je"sus,  34*  anne"e,  Janu- 
ary-March, 1897,  Ixx.  162-174  (cf.  L'Universfor  March  12, 1897);  and  by  Gruber, 
Leo  Taxil's  Palladismus-Roman  (Berlin,  1897),  but  many  believed  in  him  until 
the  very  moment  of  his  impenitent  confession.  For  copies  of  several  journals 


1919]  DR.   ROBERT  CHILD  THE  REMONSTRANT  143 

our  present  study  is  that  it  is  founded,  to  a  large  extent,  on  the  ac- 
ceptance of  Thomas  Vaughan  as  Eirenseus  Philalethes.  Undoubt- 
edly the  blunder  has  had  its  effect  in  developing  the  notion  that  our 
mysterious  adept  changed  his  name  whenever  the  fancy  took  him, 
and  thus  has  fostered  the  idea  that  a  number  of  successful  trans- 
mutations in  the  seventeenth  century  were  worked  by  Eirenseus 
Fhilalethes  in  disguise.  Petrseus,  in  1717,  declared  that  "the  late 
Baron  Urbiger"  (himself  a  very  shadowy  personage,  thought  by 
many  to  have  been  a  Borghese1)  asserted  stoutly  that  King  Charles 
II  had  told  him  that  Eirenaeus  Philalethes  made  projection  in  his 
own  royal  presence; 2  and  Lenglet-Dufresnoy,  in  1742,  mentioned  an 
opinion  that  he  was  the  wandering  stranger  who  gave  Helvetius  the 
powder  of  projection  in  1666.3  This  idea  Taxil  utilized  in  his  Lucife- 
rian  romance,  including  the  incident  in  his  account  of  Thomas 
Vaughan  and  adding  the  statement  that  Vaughan  forthwith  initiated 
Helvetius  as  a  Luciferian.4 

But  we  are  not  at  the  end  of  our  comedy  of  errors.  In  a  singular 
work,  with  a  singular  title,  Die  Edelgebojne  Jungfer  Alchymia,  by 
Johann  Conrad  Creiling,5  which  appeared  anonymously  at  Tubingen 
in  1730,  the  author  avers  that  the  writings  of  Philaletha  have  be- 
come "as  familiar  to  alchemists  as  their  daily  bread,  and  have  met 
with  general  applause  from  the  majority.  .  .  .  By  some  (among 
them  Wedel)  his  name  is  given  as  Thomas  de  Vagan;  by  others 
(Hertodt,  for  instance)  as  Childe  or  Dr.  Zcheil,  residing  in  America. 
Certain  it  is  that  Georgius  Sterkey,  an  apothecary  in  London,  who 


containing  important  material  on  Taxil's  imposture  I  am  indebted  to  the  staff 
of  St.  John's  Ecclesiastical  Seminary  at  Brighton  and  to  the  Maurist  Fathers 
in  Boston. 

1  See  Ferguson,  Bibliotheca  Chemica,  ii.  487-^88. 

1  "Der  Irenseus  1.  Anonym.  Philaletha  aber  soil  Projection  ver  KOnig  Carls 
II .  gethan  haben,  wie  dann  der  sel.  B.  Urbiger  aus  dieses  grossen  Konigs  Munde 
Bolches  selber  gehdret  zu  haben  sehr  versichert  hat"  (Fr.  Basilii  Valentini  .  .  . 
Chymische  Schriften:  Samt  einer  neuen  Vorrede  .  .  .  begleitet  von  Bened.  Nic. 
Petraeo,  Med.  D.,  6th  ed.,  Leipzig,  1760,  sig.  f  v°).  The  first  edition  of  Petraeus'a 
book  appeared  at  Hamburg  in  1717  (Roth-Scholtz,  Deutsches  Theatrum  Chemi- 
cum,  Nurnberg,  1727,  i.  656).  The  Urbiger  yarn  owes  what  plausibility  it  has 
to  King  Charles's  well-known  interest  in  alchemy  (Burnet,  Own  Time,  ed.  1833, 
i.  169). 

1  Histoire  de  la  Philosophic  Hermetique,  i.  405.    See  p.  132,  above. 

4  Mdmoires  d'une  ex-Palladiste,  pp.  215-217. 

1  On  the  authorship,  see  Ferguson,  Bibliotheca  Chemica,  i.  182-183. 


144  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS          [MARCH, 

died  ...  of  the  plague  in  1665,  published  the  tracts  in  question, 
and  perhaps  wrote  some  of  them  himself.  In  the  tract  Medulla 
Alchymise  he  ...  gives  information  which  shows  that  he  did  not 
obtain  these  writings  (much  less  any  of  the  tincture)  directly  from 
the  adept,  .  .  .  but  that  the  adept  Childe  gave  some  of  the  incom- 
parable tincture,  in  English  America,  to  Thomas  de  Vagan,  or  Vagan 
to  Childe  or  to  some  other  person,"  and  so  on.1  Creiling,  one  sees, 
had  been  consulting  George  Stirk's  Marrow  of  Alchemy,  and,  una- 
ware of  the  elaborate  mystification  which  that  book  involves,  he  has 
rigged  an  ingenious  combination.  Since  both  Vaughan  and  Child 
had  been  put  forward,  by  different  authorities,  as  the  real  Phila- 
lethes,  he  inferred  that  one  of  the  two  (probably  Child)  was  the 
anonymous  adept  celebrated  by  Stirk  in  his  preface,  and  that 
the  other  (probably  Vaughan)  was  the  friend  mentioned  ibidem  as  the 
disciple  of  this  adept  and  as  the  author  of  the  Marrow  itself.  The 
outlandish  name  Dr.  Zcheil  is  merely  Creiling's  gallant  attempt  to 
spell  Child  phonetically  in  German. 

Creiling's  combinations  have  met  with  all  the  success  that  their 
irresponsible  ingenuity  deserves.  In  1832  Karl  Schmieder,  Professor 
at  Cassel,  published  his  famous  History  of  Alchemy.  Schmieder 
believes  that  it  is  possible  to  transmute  base  metals  into  silver  and 
gold,  and  that  the  secret  was  passed  down  from  generation  to  gen- 
eration among  a  select  circle  of  initiates.  He  is  inclined,  therefore, 
to  ascribe  the  three  famous  cases  just  mentioned  —  those  of  Beri- 
gard,  Morgenbesser,  and  Gross  —  to  one  and  the  same  philosopher, 
who  may  well  have  been  identical  with  a  certain  unnamed  adept 
from  whom  the  great  chemist  van  Helmont  received  the  philosopher's 
stone.  And  this  personage  Schmieder  would  like  to  think  was  the 
mysterious  wanderer  Eirenaeus  Philalethes.  For  him  he  constructs 
a  wild  biography,  which  is  a  patchwork  made  up  of  all  the  blunders 
and  credulous  guesses  that  I  have  briefly  registered.  It  is  very 
likely,  Schmieder  thinks,  that  Philalethes  passed  under  five  names 
in  his  travels  —  Thomas  de  Vaughan,  Thomas  Vagan,  Childe,  Dr. 
Zheil,  and  Cacnobie;  when  he  was  in  America,  where  he  met  Starkey, 
he  called  himself  Childe.2 

So  splendid  a  piece  of  constructive  fiction,  fortified  in  its  details 

1  Chap.  ii.  §  xxxi,  pp.  195-197. 

«  Schmieder,  Geschichte  der  Alchemic,  Halle,  1832,  pp.  389-392. 


1919]  DR.   ROBERT  CHILD  THE  REMONSTRANT  145 

by  so  much  citation  of  learned  authors,  the  world  has  not  willingly 
let  die.  Figuier  repeats  it,  almost  word  for  word,  with  additions,  in 
his  vastly  entertaining  book  L'Alchimie  et  les  Alchimistes.1  Kiese- 
wetter,  in  1895,  goes  over  the  same  ground  in  his  Geschichte  des 
Occultismus,2  with. the  same  string  of  names,  including  Childe  and 
Zheil,  and  so  does  Gessmann  in  1900.3  Mr.  A.  E.  Waite,  in  The 
Real  History  of  the  Rosicrucians  (1887),  informs  us  that  Yaughan 
"adopted  various  pseudonyms  in  the  different  countries  through 
which  he  passed  in  his  wanderings  as  an  alchemical  propagandist. 
Thus  in  America  he  called  himself  Doctor  Zheil,  and  in  Holland 
Carnobius."  4  None  of  these  scholars  seems  to  recognize  Child  and 
Z(c)heil  as  the  same  name  differently  spelled.5  Caillet,  who  equates 
our  adept  with  Vaughan,  remarks  with  solemn  caution:  "On  a 
pretendu  que  Vaughan  s'etait  fait  appeler  en  Amerique  fle  Docteur 
ZHEIL'  et  en  Hollande  'CARNOBE.'  II  n'a  pas  laisse  d'ecrits  sous  ces 
noms,  a  ma  connaissance."  '  An  unverifiable  reference  in  Fergu- 
son's Bibliotheca  Chemica  (1906)  introduces  another  factor  into 
the  confused  equation  :-"Bacstrom  says  distinctly  that  his  [Eirenseus 
Philalethes'j  name  was  Winthorp  and  that  he  was  Starkey's  patron."  7 
Who  Bacstrom  was  I  cannot  discover.8  He  deserves  our  gratitude, 
however,  for  bringing  in  the  name  of  the  younger  Winthrop,  who,  as 


1  2d  ed.,  Paris,  1856,  chap,  vi,  pp.  276-286.  He  gives  liberal,  but  not  too 
liberal,  acknowledgment  to  Schmieder  in  his  preface. 

*  ii.  130-132. 

*  G.  W.  Gessmann,  Die  Geheimsymbole  der  Chemie  und  Medicin  des  Mittel- 
alters,  Munich,  1900,  p.  11. 

4  P.  309.  In  his  Lives  of  Alchemystical  Philosophers,  1888,  pp.  187-189, 
Waite  gives  up  the  identification  of  Eirenseus  with  Vaughan,  but  in  his  edition 
of  The  Magical  Writings  of  Thomas  Vaughan,  1888,  he  still  contemplates  the 
mysterious  adept  as  wandering  "over  a  large  portion  of  the  habitable  globe, 
performing  astounding  transmutations  under  various  names  and  disguises" 
(p.  vii). 

*  Ferguson  saw  the  identity  of  the  names  (Bibliotheca  Chemica,  ii.  194). 

*  Albert  L.  Caillet,   Manuel  Bibliographique  des  Sciences  Psychiques  ou 
Occultes,  Paris,  1912,  iii.  669. 

7  Ferguson,  Bibliotheca  Chemica,  ii.  194. 

'  He  may  have  been  that  Johann  Friedrich  Bachstrom,  German  physician  and 
preacher,  of  whom  Adelung  gives  an  account  in  his  continuation  of  Jocher  (Fort- 
setzung  und  Erganzungen  zu  Jochere  Allgemeinem  Gelehrten  Lexico,  i  [1784]. 
1323-1325).  This  Bachstrom  lived  in  the  first  half  of  the  eighteenth  century  and 
visited  England,  where  he  is  said  to  have  become  an  F.  R.  S.,  though  this  claim  is 
not  substantiated  by  the  list  in  Records  of  the  Royal  Society,  2d  ed.,  1901. 


146 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  [MARCH, 


we  know,  was  a  friend  of  both  Stirk  and  Child,  who  were  also  friends 
of  each  other.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  as  I  hope  to  prove  when  time 
serves,  Eirenaeus  Philalethes  was  the  creation  of  George  Stirk's 
teeming  brain  and  not  too  scrupulous  conscience,  and  the  works 
ascribed  to  him,  so  far  as  they  ever  existed,  were  of  Stirk's  own 
composition. 

My  task  is  finished.  I  have  followed  the  career  of  Robert  Child 
from  his  birth  to  his  death,  and  have  even  ventured  to  register  the 
posthumous  fictions  that  have  associated  themselves  with  his*  name. 
Few  characters  in  our  colonial  annals  are  so  multifariously  inter- 
esting, and  none,  I  think,  appeals  more  congenially  to  a  modern 
student. 

Mr.  ALBERT  MATTHEWS  read  the  following  paper: 

COMENIUS  AND  HARVARD  COLLEGE 

More  than  two  centuries  ago  it  was  asserted  that  John  Amos 
Comenius,  the  famous  Bohemian  scholar,  was  offered  the  presidency 
of  Harvard  College.  This  somewhat  startling  statement,  twice  made 
by  Cotton  Mather,  apparently  slumbered  unnoticed  by  writers  on 
either  Comenius  or  the  College  for  over  a  century  and  a  hah*.  It  was 
dug  out  of  the  Magnalia  in  1860,  again  lost  sight  of,  then  once  more  — 
twenty-five  years  later  —  came  to  light,  and  the  stirring  events  in 
Europe  during  the  past  five  years  have  called  renewed  attention  to 
it.  Mather's  passage  in  the  Magnalia  deserves  a  more  careful  con- 
sideration than  has  been  accorded  it.  It  reads  as  follows: 

Mr.  Henry  Dunster,  continued  the  President  of  Harvard-College,  until 
his  unhappy  Entanglement  in  the  Snares  of  Anabaptism;  fill'd  the  Over- 
seers with  uneasie  Fears,  lest  the  Students  by  this  means,  should  come  to 
be  Ensnared :  Which  Uneasiness  was  at  length  so  signified  unto  him,  that 
on  October  24,  1654.  He  presented  unto  the  Overseers,  an  Instrument 
under  his  Hands;  wherein  he  Resigned  his  Presidentship,  and  they  ac- 
cepted his  Resignation.  That  brave  Old  Man  Johannes  Amos  COM- 
MENIUS,  the  Fame  of  whose  Worth  hath  been  Trumpetted  as  far  as 
more  than  Three  Languages  (whereof  every  one  is  Endebted  unto  his 
Janua)  could  cany  it  was  indeed  agreed  withall,  by  our  Mr.  Winthrop 
in  his  Travels  through  the  Low  Countries,  to  come  over  into  New-Eng- 
land, and  Illuminate  this  Collcdge  and  Country,  in  the  Quality  of  a 


~v  r      f  •/"'   r  *  r 

Jjjc^kcre  an   c.K//r  ._wnc  te  lew 

Cftatfi  Jiarjrfc  > 

]kel:  Icr.muirtfPtch/,  d  tntf  nvrtn,  uruw 
'authc  rvpru^ maf&f   all  the  world   ftu  cn> 


jT 


. 
rfffinf"  --  -.i 


1919] 


COMENIUS  AND  HARVARD   COLLEGE 


147 


President:  But  the  Solicitations  of  the  Swedish  Ambassador,  diverting 
him  another  way,  that  Incomparable  Moravian  became  not  an  American. 
On  November  2,  1654.  Mr.  Richard  Mather  and  Mr.  Norton,  were  em- 
ployed by  the  Overseers,  to  tender  unto  Mr.  Charles  Chancey  the  Place 
of  President,  which  was  now  become  Vacant;  who  on  the  Twenty  Seventh 
Day  of  that  Month,  had  a  solemn  Inauguration  thereunto.1 

There  is  no  mention  of  this  episode  in  the  histories  of  Harvard 
College  by  Peirce  (1833),  Quincy  (1840),  Eliot  (1848),  or  William  R. 
Thayer  (1890),  nor  in  later  works  relating  to  the  College.  Before 
examining  the  passage  in  the  light  of  contemporary  evidence,  it  will 
be  well  to  bring  together  some  remarks  that  have  been  called  out 
by  it  in  the  past  fifty-nine  years.  In  an  article  printed  in  1860 
we  read : 

After  the  resignation  of  President  Dunster,  John  Amos  Comenius,  of 
Moravia,  received,  through  the  younger  Winthrop,  overtures  to  accept 
the  office,  but  he  was  induced  to  bestow  his  educational  labors  in  Sweden 
and  Transylvania.  .  .  .  Had  Comenius  made  either  Old  or  New  Eng- 
land his  permanent  residence,  it  is  not  too  much  to  suppose  that  his 
publications  and  earnest  personal  efforts  would  have  introduced  the 
same  educational  reform  which  he  inaugurated  in  Germany.2 

1  Magnalia,  1702,  bk.  iv.  pt.  ii.  §  5,  p.  128;  1820,  ii.  10;  1853,  ii.  14.  The  punctu- 
ation of  this  passage  is  obviously  at  fault,  the  comma  after  Dunster' s  name  being 
unnecessary  and  misleading. 

1  American  Journal  of  Education,  September,  1860,  ix.  135.  The  article, 
called  "Harvard  College.  1636-1654,"  fills  pp.  129-166.  A  note  on  p.  129  says: 
"This  sketch  will  follow  substantially  Eliot's  'History  of  Harvard  College'"  — 
that  is,  Samuel  A.  Eliot's  Sketch  of  the  History  of  Harvard  College,  published  in 
1848.  I  have  been  unable  to  ascertain  whether  this  article  was  prepared  by 
Eliot  himself,  or,  as  perhaps  is  more  probable,  by  or  under  the  direction  of  Henry 
Barnard,  the  editor  of  the  American  Journal  of  Education.  As  stated  in  our  text, 
Eliot's  Sketch  does  not  mention  Mather's  story.  A  footnote  on  p.  135  of  the 
article  refers  to  "John  Amos  Comenius,"  translated  from  the  German  of  Karl 
von  Raumer,  in  the  American  Journal  of  Education  for  June,  1858,  v.  257-298; 
but  that  memoir  contains  no  allusion  to  Mather's  story. 

Dr.  Charles  W.  Eliot  kindly  writes  me  as  follows:  "  It  is  highly  improbable  that 
my  father  had  anything  to  do  with  the  article  published  in  Henry  Barnard's 
American  Journal  of  Education  for  September,  1860,  for  his  health  was  at  that 
time  already  impaired;  but  I  am  by  no  means  able  to  assert  that  he  did  not  write 
that  article.  I  am  sure,  however,  that  my  father  never  alluded  in  conversation 
with  me  to  the  supposed  invitation  to  Comenius  to  become  President  of  Harvard. 
He  would  have  been  likely  to  do  so  if  he  had  accepted  that  statement;  because  I 
entered  the  service  of  Harvard  College  in  1854,  and  my  father  knew  that  I  had  a 
etrong  interest  in  the  history  of  the  College." 


148 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  [MARCH, 


In  1885  Edmund  de  Schweinitz,  Bishop  of  the  Unitas  Fratrum, 
said: 

While  on  his  way  to  Lissa  [in  1642]  in  order  to  consult  with  his  col- 
leagues, prior  to  his  going  to  Sweden,  he  [Comenius]  met  probably  in 
Holland,  with  Governor  John  Winthrop  of  the  Massachusetts  Colony, 
who  tried  to  induce  him  to  come  to  America  and  accept  the  presidency 
of  Harvard  College,  which  had  been  founded  at  Cambridge  in  1638. 
This  overture  Comenius  declined,  as  also  an  invitation  which  reached 
him  from  France  to  visit  that  country.1 

"It  may  not  be  generally  known,"  remarked  William  H.  Payne 
in  1886,  "  that  Comenius  was  once  solicited  to  become  the  president 
of  Harvard  College.  .  .  .  This  was  on  the  resignation  of  President 
Dunster,  in  1654." 2 

In  1892  Professor  Paul  H.  Hanus  —  who,  however,  later  changed 
his  opinion  —  wrote: 

While  yet  in  the  full  vigor  of  his  maturity,  Comenius  was  invited  to 
come  to  America  and  become  the  president  of  Harvard  College.  .  .  .  Had 
"  our  Mr.  Winthrop "  prevailed  upon  Comenius  to  accept  the  invitation 
to  become  President  of  Harvard  College,  who  can  doubt  that  some  of  the 
improvements  we  are  now  so  earnestly  seeking  to  introduce  into  our 
schools,  would  have  been  adopted  many  years  ago,  and  America  and  not 
Europe  would  lead  the  world  in  the  excellence  of  its  educational 
facilities.3 

Comenius,  asserted  Samuel  G.  Williams  in  1892,  "was  summoned 
to  England,  to  Sweden,  and  to  Hungary  for  aid  in  the  bettering  of 
learning  and  improvement  of  schools;  and  in  1654  he  was  offered  and 
declined  the  presidency  of  Harvard  College,  his  fame  having  reached 
even  far  distant  America."4 


1  History  of  the  Church  known  as  the  Unitas  Fratrum,  p.  580.  A  footnote 
says:  "Our  authority  for  the  interesting  fact  that  Comenius  received  an  offer 
of  the  presidency  of  Harvard  University,  as  it  is  now  called,  is  Cotton  Mather  in 
his  Magnalia,  ...  At  that  time  Mr.  Henry  Dunster  was  President,  who  'fill'd 
the  Overseers  with  uneasie  Fears,'  on  account  of  'his  unhappy  entanglement  in 
the  snares  of  Anabaptism.' " 

*  Gabriel  Compaq's  History  of  Pedagogy,  2d  ed.,  1890,  p.  125  hote. 

1  The  Permanent  Influence  of  Comenius,  in  Educational  Review  for  March, 
1892,  iii.  234-236.  See  p.  151,  below. 

4  History  of  Modern  Education,  2d  ed.,  1896,  pp.  164-165. 


1919]  COMENIUS  AND  HARVARD  COLLEGE  149 

In  1896  James  P.  Munroe  remarked: 

Wide  as  were  the  wanderings  of  this  pious  old  man,  they  narrowly 
missed  extension  even  to  America.  .  .  .  What  a  fertile  source  of  specu- 
lation is  this  paragraph !  If  Comenius  had  yielded  to  "  our  Mr.  Winthrop," 
and  if  thereby  Dunster  had  been  succeeded  by  this  vigorous  reformer 
instead  of  by  the  testy  yet  pliable  Chauncy,  what  might  not  have  been 
the  difference  of  result.  How  unlike  its  real  history  might  have  been 
the  growth,  not  alone  of  Harvard  College,  but  of  the  whole  country  I 
Throwing  off  the  shackles  of  English  tradition  two  hundred  years  earlier 
than  it  in  fact  did,  what  might  not  this  university  have  accomplished  I 
The  chief  leader  of  New  England  thought,  its  early  emancipation  from 
the  humanities  would  have  altered  the  whole  course  of  American  history. 
The  great  Oxenstierna  ought,  perhaps,  to  be  added  to  the  list,  already 
too  long,  of  conservative  forces  governing  New  England.1 

In  the  same  year  (1896)  Count  Liitzow  said : 

Though  he  remained  some  months  in  England,  Komensky  seems  al- 
most immediately  to  have  recognized  that  he  had  then  no  hopes  of 
carrying  out  his  plans  in  that  country.  He  meditated  for  some  time 
accepting  an  invitation  to  North  America.  His  exceptional  linguistic 
and  educational  talents  and  his  eloquence  had  suggested  the  idea  of 
sending  him  there  as  a  missionary.  Numerous  Bohemian  Brethren, 


1  The  Educational  Ideal,  pp.  76-77. 

"I  have,"  says  Mr.  Monroe,  "examined  with  some  care  the  numerous  lives 
of  Comenius  printed  in  the  German  language,  and  a  Bohemian  friend  has  examined 
those  printed  in  Czech;  and  although  we  find  less  noteworthy  distinctions  recorded, 
there  is  no  mention  of  a  call  to  Harvard  College  or  America"  (Educational 
Review,  1896,  xii.  379).  In  a  book  published  in  German  since  this  passage  was 
written,  Dr.  Jan  Jakubec,  "Professor  an  der  k.  k.  Bohm.  Karl-Ferdinand-Uni- 
vereitat  in  Prag,"  has  said:  "Aus  Amerika  wurde  ihm  die  Leitung  des  Harvarder 
Kollegiums  angeboten"  (Geschichte  der  £echischen  Litteratur,  Leipzig,  1909,  p. 
98;  1913,  p.  114).  Mr.  Monroe  owns  the  Korrespondence  Jana  Amose  Komen- 
ak^ho,  published  in  three  volumes  by  the  Cech  Academy  of  Arts  and  Science  in 
Prague,  and  writes  me  that  his  "good  friend  Professor  Frantisek  Cad  a  of  the 
University. of  Prague  had  collated  them  with  some  care  without  finding  any  justi- 
fication for  Mather's  statement." 

I  have  myself  examined  most  of  the  books  and  articles  relating  to  Comenius 
printed  in  the  English  language  listed  in  the  bibliographies  in  Mr.  Monroe's 
Comenius's  School  of  Infancy  (1896,  pp.  91-95),  in  Mr.  Monroe's  Comenius  and 
the  Beginnings  of  Educational  Reform  (1900,  pp.  175-180),  and  in  Mr.  Capek's 
Bohemian  (Cech)  Bibliography  (1918).  So  far  as  I  have  noted,  Count  LQtzow 
and  Dr.  Jakubec  are  the  only  writers  not  Americans  who  have  alluded  to  America 
or  to  Harvard  College.  But  see  p.  150  note  3,  below. 


150  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS          [MARCH, 

or  "Moravians"  as  they  were  called  In  foreign  lands,  had  sought  a  new 
home  in  North  America.1 

Finally,  in  1899,  Count  Liitzow,  ignoring  his  previous  statement 
that  Comenius  had  had  thoughts  of  coming  to  this  country  as  a 
missionary,  repeated  the  familiar  story,  but  with  curious  variations: 

In  June  1642  Komensky  left  England,  and  first  proceeded  to  Holland. 
It  is  a  proof  of  the  great  celebrity  that  he  had  already  attained  that  he 
here  received  yet  another  invitation.  While  travelling  in  Holland, 
Komensky  met  Richard  Charles  Winthrop,  formerly  Governor  of  Mas- 
sachusetts, who  suggested  to  him  that  he  should  proceed  to  America 
and  become  rector  of  Harvard  College,  that  had  been  founded  six  years 
before.  Komensky,  who  was  bound  by  his  agreement  with  the  Swedish 
Government,  in  the  name  of  which  De  Geers  had  negotiated  with  him, 
declined  the  offer.2 

In  all  the  above  accounts,  as  well  as  in  numerous  other  accounts 
that  have  appeared  since  1896,  the  sole  authority  given  for  the  state- 
ment is  Mather's  Magnalia,  and  no  other  authority  has  apparently 
ever  been  cited.3  The  first  person  to  question  the  accuracy  of  the 


1  Bohemia,  an  Historical  Sketch,  p.  408.  Count  Lutzow  gives  no  authority 
for  his  statement.  The  Moravians  did  not  come  to  America  until  about  1735. 

1  History  of  Bohemian  Literature,  pp.  268-269.  Again  no  authority  is  given. 
Count  Lutzow  must  have  relied  on  some  writer  who  confused  Governor  John 
Winthrop  of  Massachusetts  with  the  late  Robert  Charles  Winthrop,  who  edited 
the  letters  by  and  to  Governor  John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  of  Connecticut,  printed  in 
1  Proceedings  Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  xvi.  206-251. 

s  In  their  Bohemian  (Cech)  Bibliography,  1918,  Thomas  Capek  and  Anna 
Vostrovsk^  Capek  say:  "From  Cotton  Mather  we  learn  (a  fact  which  is  con- 
firmed by  other  sources)  that  Governor  Winthrop  offered  to  Komensk^-  the 
Presidency  of  Harvard  College"  (p.  43).  In  reply  to  a  query  as  to  the  "other 
sources,"  Mr.  Capek  kindly  writes  me  as  follows: 

"In  the  Ottuv  Nau6n£  Slovnik  (Cech  Encyclopedia),  xiv.  627,  Dr.  J.  Novak 
says:  'Having  been  provided  with  funds  by  Lawrence  de  Geer,  he  [Komensk^] 
returned  from  England  to  the  Continent.  He  stopped  at  Leyden  and  he  received 
at  that  time  an  offer  from  America  to  take  charge  of  a  college  there;  thereafter 
in  August,  1642,  he  proceeded  to  Norrkoping,'  etc. 

"On  p.  437  of  Pisemnictvi  Cesk6  (Cech  Literature),  by  Dr.  Vaclav  Flajshans, 
published  at  Prague,  1901,  the  statement  is  repeated;  but  it  adds,  that  it  was  the 
Swedish  Ambassador  who  prevented  Komensk^  from  accepting." 

A  tradition  in  regard  to  the  alleged  offer  of  the  presidency  might  have  come 
down  from  three  wholly  independent  sources:  (1)  in  America  from  Winthrop; 
(2)  in  England  from  Hart  lib ;  and'(3)  in  Bohemia  from  Comenius.  The  sole  person 
to  record  the  first  source  is  Cotton  Mather,  and  no  one  records  either  the  second 


1919]  COMENIUS  AND  HARVARD  COLLEGE  151 

statement  was  Professor  Will  S.  Monroe.  In  an  article  on  Comenius 
written  in  1892,  Mr.  Monroe  made  no  allusion  to  the  story,  though  he 
then  certainly  knew  about  it.1  Soon,  however,  his  doubts  were 
aroused;  and  in  1894,  in  an  article  called  "At  Comenius'  Grave," 
he  said :  "  Whether  he  taught  in  twenty  cities,  as  Michelet  maintains, 
and  whether  he  was  called  to  the  presidency  of  Harvard  College,  as 
Cotton  Mather  asserts  (but  which  the  present  writer  seriously  doubts), 
does  not  concern  the  limits  of  this  article."  2  The  "doubts"  s6on 
became  certainties,  and  in  an  article  printed  in  18963  and  in  a  book 
published  in  19004  Mr.  Monroe  gave  his  reasons  for  concluding 
that  the  alleged  invitation  had  never  been  extended  to  Comenius. 
These  reasons  were  not  considered  conclusive  by  Mr.  James  H. 
Blodgett  in  1898,6  but  Professor  Hanus  was  convinced  by  them  and 
in  1899  retracted  his  former  opinion: 

There  is  a  tradition  that  Comenius,  while  yet  in  the  full  vigor  of  his 
maturity,  was  invited  to  come  to  America,  and  become  the  president 
of  Harvard  College.  ...  A  diligent  search  among  the  archives  of 
Harvard  University  has  failed  to  confirm  this  tradition.  There  are 
also  reasons  for  doubting  Cotton  Mather's  statement  quite  apart  from 
the  absence  of  any  existing  record  of  the  alleged  invitation  to  Comenius.6 

Disappointing  as  are  the  early  records  of  Harvard  College,  from 
their  meagreness  and  from  the  haphazard  way  in  which  they  were 
kept,  it  so  happens  that  they  throw  important  light  on  the  resigna- 
tion of  Dunster  and  the  election  of  his  successor.  As  both  Mr.  Hanus 
and  Mr.  Monroe  content  themselves  with  merely  stating  that  the 
records  do  not  corroborate  Mather's  story  about  Comenius,  and  as 

source  or  the  third  source.  Nor,  apparently,  did  any  European  writer  allude  to  the 
offer  previous  to  1896.  Hence  it  seems  pretty-  <clear  that  the  "other  sources" 
referred  to  by  Mr.  Capek  are  in  reality  derived  froin^American  sources. 

1  Comenius,  the  Evangelist  of  Modern  Pedagogy,  in  Education  for  December, 
1892,  xiii.  212-219.  Mr.  Monroe  cites  Mr.  Hanus's  article  quoted  in  our  text. 

*  Journal  of  Education,  November  15, 1892,  xl.  324.  These  words  are  repeated 
in  Monroe's  Comenius'  School  of  Infancy,  1896,  p.  xiii. 

1  Was  Comenius  Called  to  the  Presidency  of  Harvard?  in  Educational  Review 
for  November,  1896,  xii.  378-382. 

4  Comenius  and  the  Beginnings  of  Educational  Reform,  1900,  pp.  78-81. 

1  Was  Comenius  Called  to  the  Presidency  of  Harvard?  in  Educational  Review 
for  November,  1898,  xvi.  391-393. 

'  The  Permanent  Influence  of  Comenius,  reprinted  in  Educational  Aims  and 
Educational  Values,  1899,  pp.  195-211. 


152  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS          [MAKCH, 

Mather's  own  account,  though  correct  enough  so  far  as  it  goes,  is 
not  complete,  the  evidence  is  here  given  in  full. 

Dunster's  resignation,  addressed  "  To  the  worshipful  and  honored 
Richard  Bellingham,  Esq.  Governor  of  the  Massachusetts  Colony, 
with  the  rest  of  the  honored  Assistants  and  Deputiec  hi  General 
Court  at  Boston  now  assembled,"  and  dated  June  10,  1654,  con- 
cluded as  follows: 

Therefore  I  here  resign  up  the  place  wherein  hitherto  I  have  labored 
with  all  my  heart,  (blessed  be  the  Lord  who  gave  it)  serving  you  and 
yours.  And  henceforth  (that  you  in  the  interim  may  be  provided)  I 
shall  be  willing  to  do  the  best  I  can  for  some  few  weeks  or  months  to 
continue  the  work,  acting  according  to  the  orders  prescribed  to  us;  if 
the  society  in  the  interim  shall  not  fall  to  pieces  in  our  hands;  and  what 
advice  for  the  present  or  for  the  future  I  can  give  for  the  public  good, 
in  this  behalf,  with  all  readiness  of  mind  I  shall  do  it,  and  daily  by  the 
grace  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  pray  the  Lord  to  help  and  counsel  us 
all,  in  whom  I  rest.1 

Tn  the  College  records,  under  the  same  date  (June  10,  1654),  we 
read : 

mr  Henry  Dunster  President  made  a  Resignation  of  his  place  in 
writing  under  his  hand  &  delivered  the  same  to  the  Overseers  of  the 
Colledge,  wch  being  prsented  unto  the  Gen11  Court  then  sitting,  The 
Court  made  thereupon  their  Order  as  followeth. 

In  Answer  to  a  writing  presented  to  this  Court  by  mp  Henry  Dunster, 
wherin  amongst  other  things  therin  conteyned,  he  is  pleased  to  make  a 
resignation  of  his  place  as  President,  This  Court  doth  order  that  it  shall 
be  left  to  the  care  &  discretion  of  the  Overseers  of  the  Colledge  to  make 
provision  (in  case  he  persist  in  his  Resolution  more  then  one  month  & 
informe  the  Overseers)  for  some  meet  prson  to  carry  an  end  that  work 
for  the  p'sent  &  also  to  act  in  whatever  necessity  should  call  for  untill 
the  next  Sessions  of  this  Court,  when  wee  shall  be  better  enabled  to 
settle  what  will  be  needfull  in  all  respects  with  reference  to  the  Colledge: 
and  that  the  Overseers  will  be  pleased  to  make  returne  to  this  Court  at 
that  time  of  w*  they  shall  do  herein.2 


1  Peirce,  History  of  Harvard  University,  Appendix,  pp.  79-80. 

1  College  Book  iii.  17-18.  The  second  paragraph  in  this  entry  was  doubtless 
copied  from  Massachusetts  Colony  Records,  iii.  352,  or  vol.  iv.  pt.  i.  pp.  196- 
197. 


1919]  COMENIUS  AND  HARVARD  COLLEGE  153 

At  a  meeting  of  the  Overseers  held  October  24,  1654: 

Mr  Henry  Dunster  after  sundry  conferences  that  had  passed  be- 
tween the  Overseers  &  himself  made  his  finall  Resignation  in  these 
following  words. 

To  the  hond  Magistrates  &  Revd  Elders  of  Harvard  Colledge. 

J  Henry  Dunster  President  of  Harvard  Colledge:  ffor  &  upon  diverse 
considerations  &  weighty  Reasons  me  thereunto  moving,  do  relinquish 
&  resigne  up  my  Presidentship  into  the  hands  of  yo'selvs  the  hond 
Overseers  of  the  sd  Colledge.  Heartily  praying  God  graciously  tp  pro- 
vide for  the  sd  Society  a  suitable  supply  for  the  publick  weal  thereof, 
&  of  the  whole  country 

Henry  Dunster 

This  Resignation  of  Mr  Dunsters  was  voted  &  consented  to  by  the 
Overseers  the  24th  of  the  8th  1654.1 

At  the  same  meeting  of  the  Overseers,  on  October  24,  1654: 

Jt  is  agreed  by  the  Overseers  that  the  Revd  mr  Richard  Mather  and 
the  Revd  mr  John  Norton  speak  with  the  Revd.  mr  Charles  Chauncey 
and  as  they  shall  see  cause  encourage  him  to  accept  of  an  Jnvitation  to 
the  Presidentship  of  the  Colledge,  in  case  the  Overseers  shall  give  him 
a  call  thereto. 

The  Care  and  Governement  of  Harvard  Colledge  for  the  present 
time  &  untill  a  President  shall  be  orderly  elected  and  confirmed  is 
committed  by  the  Overseers  unto  the  ffellows  of  the  Colledge.2 

At  a  meeting  of  the  Overseers  held  November  2,  1654: 

mr  Mather  and  mr  Norton  are  desired  by  the  Overseers  of  the  Col- 
ledge to  tender  unto  the  Revd  mr  Charles  Chauncy  the  place  of  Presi- 
dent, with  the  Stipend  of  One  hundred  pound  per  annum  to  be  payd 
out  of  the  Country  Treasury:  And  withall  to  signify  to  him,  that  it  is 
expected  and  desired  that  he  forbeare  to  disseminate  or  publish  any 
Tenets  conc'ning  the  necessity  of  immersion  in  Baptisme  &  Celebra- 
tion of  the  Lords  Supper  at  Evening,  or  to  oppose  the  received  Doc- 
trine therein.8 

The    condition    having    been    accepted,    "The   Revd    mr  Charls 
Chauncy  was,"  on  November  27, 1654,  at  a  "meeting  of  the  Hond  & 

1  College  Book  ill.  18. 
1  iii.  39. 
1  iii.  39. 


154 


THE   COLONIAL  SOCIETY   OF  MASSACHUSETTS  [MARCH, 


Revd  Overseers  of  Harvard  Colledge,  at  the  College  Hall  in  Cam- 
bridge," "solemnly  inaugurated  into  the  place  of  President."1 

It  thus  appears  that  Dunster's  resignation  was  first  presented  on 
June  10,  1654;  that  it  was  not  immediately  accepted;  that  the  Over- 
seers were  empowered  by  the  General  Court  to  make  provision,  in 
case  Dunster  persisted  in  his  resolution  more  than  one  month,  for 
some  "meet  person"  to  carry  on  the  college  work,  etc.;  that  on 
October  24  Dunster,  after  conferences  with  the  Overseers,  made  his 
final  resignation,  which  was  accepted  on  the  same  day;  that  on  the 
same  day  (October  24)  the  Overseers  appointed  Richard  Mather  and 
John  Norton  to  confer  with  Chauncy  with  a  view  of  offering  the 
presidency  to  him,  and  also  committed  the  care  and  government  of 
the  College  to  the  Fellows;  and  that  on  November  2  the  Overseers 
instructed  Mather  and  Norton  to  tender  the  place  to  Chauncy, 
who  accepted  and  was  inaugurated  on  November  27.  It  is  obvious, 
therefore,  that  if  Cotton  Mather  meant  that  the  presidency  was 
offered  to  Comenius  in  1654 — and  that  is  the  interpretation  always 
placed  on  Mather's  words2  —  the  statement  cannot  possibly  be  true. 
It  is  conceivable  that  immediately  after  June  10  the  Overseers 
placed  themselves  in  correspondence  with  Comenius,  but  there  is 
no  evidence  that  this  was  done,  and  Dunster  clearly  remained  in 
charge  of  the  College  until  his  final  resignation  on  October  24,  since 
it  was  not  until  then  that  the  College  was  committed  to  the  care  of 
the  Fellows.  Besides,  even  if  Comenius  had  been  written  to  in  June, 
a  reply  could  hardly  have  been  received  before  October  24. 

But  because  Comenius  could  not  have  been  offered  the  presidency 
in  1654,  must  Mather's  story  therefore  be  wholly  rejected?  It  could 
hardly  have  been  invented,  and  must  have  had  some  basis.  What 
was  this  basis? 

1  College  Book  iii.  39. 

1  Is  this  interpretation  a  necessary  one?  As  printed,  the  passage  (p.  146, 
above)  appears  to  have  that  meaning.  It  is  to  be  remembered,  however,  that 
Mather  did  not  see  his  work  through  the  press,  as  it  was  printed  in  London,  and 
that  many  errors  in  the  Magnalia  are  doubtless  due  to  that  fact.  The  single  sen- 
tence about  Comenius  is  preceded  by  a  sentence  about  Dunster's  resignation 
and  is  followed  by  a  sentence  about  Chauncy*s  election.  Hence  the  sentence 
about  Comenius  is  really  parenthetical,  and,  had  Mather  been  able  to  see  proof 
sheets,  might  have  been  placed  within  parentheses.  Both  in  the  Magnalia  and 
in  the  Ratio  Discipline  (quoted  on  p.  155,  below),  Mather  mentions  Sweden, 
showing  that  he  had  in  mind  Comenius's  "diversion"  to  that  country  in  1642. 


1919]  COMENIUS  AND  HARVARD  COLLEGE  155 

"Comenius,"  said  Mather  in  1702,  "was  indeed  agreed  with- 
all,  by  our  Mr.  Winthrop  in  his  Travels  through  the  Low  Coun- 
tries, to  come  over  into  New-England,  and  Illuminate  this  Colledge 
and  Country,  in  the  Quality  of  a  President:  But  the  Solicitations  of 
the  Swedish  Ambassador,  diverting  him  another  way,  that  Incom- 
parable Moravian  became  not  an  American."  By  "Swedish  Am- 
bassador," Mather  apparently  meant  Count  Axel  Oxenstiern,  who, 
born  in  1583,  became  Chancellor  in  1611,  and  died  on  August  28, 
1654.  But  the  passage  just  quoted  is  not  the  only  one  in  which 
Mather  told  the  story.  A  quarter  of  a  century  later  —  to  be  exact, 
in  1726  —  he  again  returned  to  the  subject,  using  words  which 
hitherto  have  escaped  notice.  Speaking  of  the  churches  of  New 
England,  he  said: 

We  will  proceed  then  to  Describe  the  PRACTICES  in  which  they 
generally  manage  and  uphold  their  Principles.  And  that  the  Story  may 
be  the  less  Insipid,  we  will  take  the  leave  to  Salt  it  now  and  then  with 
Interspersed  <Notes  of  what  we  find  practised  in  other  Churches;  espe- 
cially the  Primitive:  .  .  .  Which  will  be  the  more  easily  pardoned,  when 
'tis  remembered  that  in  our  brief  Remarks,  we  shall  a  little  imitate  what 
was  done  in  the  RATIO  DISCIPLINE  FRATRUM  BOHEMORUM,1 
written  by  that  Incomparable  Comenius,  who  once  had  resolved  upon 
coming  over,  at  an  Invitation  to  become  President  of  Harvard-College 
in  this  Country,  if  he  had  not,  by  being  invited  unto  Sueden,  been 
diverted  from  it.8 

Here,  it  will  be  observed,  there  is  no  allusion  either  to  "our  Mr. 
Winthrop"  or  to  the  Low  Countries,  but  the  reference  to  Sweden  is 
repeated.  Now  it  is  known  with  certainty  that  in  1642  Comenius, 
then  in  England,  was  "diverted"  to  Sweden. 

Before  pursuing  this  episode,  let  us  inquire  into  the  identity  of 
"our  Mr.  Winthrop,"  who  travelled  in  the  Low  Countries.  He  has 
been  identified  as  Governor  John  Winthrop  of  Massachusetts,*  as  Gov- 


1  The  work  of  Comenius  published  under  this  title,  imitated  by  Cotton  Mather 
was  between  1664  and  1738  mentioned  by  four  generations  of  Mathers:  see  pp. 
189-190,  below. 

'  "Ratio  Discipline  Fratnun  Nov-Anglorum.  A  Faithful  Account  of  the 
Discipline  Professed  and  Practised;  in  the  Churches  of  New-England,"  Boston, 
1726,  Introduction,  pp.  5-6. 

1  See  p.  148,  above. 


156  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS          [MABCH, 

ernor  John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  of  Connecticut,1  and  as  Wait  Winthrop,2 
the  son  of  Governor  John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  of  Connecticut.  Gover- 
nor John  Winthrop  of  Massachusetts  was  never,  so  far  as  is  known, 
on  the  Continent,  he  came  to  this  country  in  1630,  he  never  returned 
to  Europe,  and  he  died  in  1649.  Wait  Winthrop  was  born  on 
February  27,  1642.  Hence  those  two  Winthrops  must  be  eliminated. 
There  can  be  no  reasonable  doubt  that  "our  Mr.  Winthrop"  was 
Governor  John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  of  Connecticut.8  Born  on  February 
12, 1606,  in  1627  he  joined  the  ill-fated  expedition  under  Buckingham 
to  the  Isle  of  Rhe,  and  in  1628  and  1629  he  travelled  on  the  Con- 
tinent. Mather  says  of  him: 

His  Glad  Father  bestowed  on  him  a  liberal  Education  at  the  University, 
first  of  Cambridge  in  England,  and  then  of  Dublin  in  Ireland;  and  be- 
cause Travel  has  been  esteemed  no  little  Accomplisher  of  a  Young  Gentle- 
man, he  then  Accomplished  himself  by  Travelling  into  France,  Holland, 
Flanders,  Italy,  Germany,  and  as  far  as  Turky  it  self;  in  which  places  he 
so  improved  his  Opportunity  of  Conversing  with  all  sorts  of  Learned  Men, 
that  he  returned  home  equally  a  Subject  of  much  Experience,  and  of 
great  Expectation.* 

Winthrop  was  not  at  Cambridge  University,5  nor  was  he,  in  1628- 
1629,  either  in  France  or  in  Germany,  though  he  had  been  in  the 
former  country  earlier  and  was  in  the  latter  country  in  1642.6 

1  See  p.  147,  above. 

*  This  suggestion,  rightly  rejected  by  Mr.  Monroe,  was  made  to  him  by  the 
late  Rev.  Dr.  Edward  Everett  Hale  (Educational  Review,  xii.  379-380). 

*  Hereafter  in  this  paper  called  either  John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  or  the  younger 
Winthrop,  when  it  is  necessary  to  distinguish  him  from  his  father. 

4  Magnalia,  1702,  bk.  ii.  chap.  xi.  p.  30. 

'  It  was  Governor  John  Winthrop  of  Massachusetts  who  studied  at  Cambridge 
University,  though  he  did  not  take  a  degree:  see  R.  C.  Winthrop,  Life  and  Letters 
of  John  Winthrop,  i.  58-59.  The  Adam  Winthrop  who  matriculated  at  Mag- 
dalene College,  Cambridge,  at  Michaelmas,  1567  (Venn,  Matriculations  and 
Degrees,  1913,  p.  740),  was  no  doubt  the  father  of  Governor  John  Winthrop; 
Governor  John  Winthrop  matriculated  at  Trinity  at  Easter,  1603  (ibid.);  and 
Forth  Winthrop,  a  younger  brother  of  John  .Winthrop,  Jr.,  matriculated  at 
Emmanuel  at  Easter,  1626  (ibid.).  All  three  left  without  taking  degrees.  John 
Winthrop,  Jr.,  and  Forth  Winthrop  were  fitted  for  college  at  the  Free  Grammar 
School  at  Bury  St.  Edmund's,  the  former  going  to  Dublin  in  1622  and  the  latter 
to  Cambridge  in  1626  Adam  Winthrop  was  auditor  of  Trinity  College  for 
sixteen  or  seventeen  years,  resigning  in  1610  (R.  C.  Winthrop,  Life  and  Letters 
of  John  Winthrop,  i.  32-33). 

*  See  p.  164,  below. 


1919] 


COMENIUS  AND  HARVARD  COLLEGE 


157 


Leaving  London  about  June  11,  1628,  he  went  by  sea  to  Leghorn, 
thence  by  sea  to  Constantinople,  thence  by  sea  to  Venice,  thence  by 
sea  to  Amsterdam,  thence  to  Flushing,  and  thence  by  sea  to  London, 
which  he  reached  in  August,  1629.1  Early  in  1628  Comenius  went 
to  Lissa,  Poland,  and  there  remained  certainly  until  1640.2  In  1629 
Winthrop  was  a  young  man  of  twenty-three,  while  Comenius  had 
not  yet  attained  fame;  but  even  if,  of  which  there  is  no  evidence,  the 
two  met  in  that  year,  obviously  nothing  could  have  been  said  about 
the  presidency  of  an  institution  that  did  not  come  into  existence 
until  seven  or  eight  years  later.  Two  years  after  his  return  to  Eng- 
land from  Holland,  Winthrop  came  to  New  England,  reaching 
Boston  in  November,  1631  ;3  and  in  New  England  he  remained, 
with  the  exception  of  an  occasional  trip  to  Europe,  until  his  'death 
on  April  5,  1676.  It  has  been  stated  that  "  his  public  duties  obliged 
him  repeatedly  to  visit  England,"4  but  this  is  an  exaggeration,  since- 

1  Winthrop  Papers,  iv.  9-20.  In  a  letter  dated  July  28,  1629,  he  wrote: 
"I  am  yesterday  safely  arrived  in  this  citty  of  Amsterdam.  ...  I  am  heere 
without  acquaintance  &  our  long  passage  hath  eaten  out  all  the  money  that  I 
receyved  at  Venice,  .  .  .  therefore  I  pray  you  to  send  me  a  letter  of  credit  from 
some  merchant  to  some  man  in  Flushing,  or  Middleborough,  .  .  .  because  the 
longer  I  stay  heere  the  more  I  shall  runn  in  debt.  Therefore  I  would,  as  soone  as 
I  can  receive  answeare  from  you  .  .  .  returne  with  all  speede  home.  ...  If  you 
write  to  me,  I  pray  conscribe  it  to  be  delivered  in  Flushing  at  the  house  of  Mr. 
Henry  Kerker,  for  I  purpose,  God  willing,  to  goe  shortly  thither,  where  I  shalbe 
neere  to  take  my  passage  upon  all  occasions"  (iv.  18-19). 

On  August  8,  1629,  his  aunt  Lucy  Downing  (the  wife  of  Emanuel  Downing) 
addressed  a  letter  as  directed  (iii.  7).  In  a  letter  dated  "Aug:  Friday,  1629," 
he  said:  "I  am  (God  be  thanked)  yesterday  safely  arrived  in  London"  (iv.  19); 
and  in  his  next  letter,  dated  "Lond.,  Aug.  21,  1629"  (iv.  21),  he  acknowledged 
having  received  letters  on  the  previous  Wednesday  (August  19).  Hence  he  must 
have  reached  London  on  Thursday,  August  13  or  20,  and  obviously  could  not 
have  gone  to  Germany. 

1  My  information  about  Comenius  is  derived  from  the  following  sources: 
R.  H.  Quick,  Essays  on  Educational  Reformers,  1868,  pp.  43-67;  M.  W.  Keatinge, 
The  Great  Didactic  of  John  Amos  Comenius,  1896,  pp.  1-101;  W.  S.  Monroe, 
Comenius  and  the  Beginnings  of  Educational  Reform,  1900,  pp.  38—82;  Count 
Liitzow,  Comenius's  Labyrinth  of  the  World  and  the  Paradise  of  the  Heart, 
1901,  pp.  11-52;  Ltitzow,  Bohemia,  an  Historical  Sketch,  1896,  pp.  392-416; 
Liitzow,  History  of  Bohemian  Literature,  1899,  pp.  249-253.  It  is  of  course 
possible  that  Comenius,  though  living  at  Lissa  from  1628  to  1640,  took  an  un- 
recorded flying  trip  to  Holland  in  1629  or  in  1634-1635. 

1  J.  Winthrop,  Journal,  1908,  i.  70.  He  came  in  the  Lyon,  which  reached 
Nantasket  November  2. 

4  Winthrop  Papers,  iv.  3  note. 


158  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS          [MARCH, 

in  the  forty-five  years  he  lived  in  New  England  he  visited  Europe 
only  three  times,  though  apparently  other  trips  were  contemplated.1 
As  he  had  relatives  and  friends  living  in  the  Low  Countries,  and  as 
he  had  already  once  been  there  himself,  we  should  naturally  expect 
him  to  visit  them  again,  and  this  he  certainly  did  on  at  least  two  of 
his  three  trips. 

Winthrop's  first  visit  was  made  in  1634-1635.  Leaving  Boston  in 
October,  1634,2  he  had  an  eventful  experience,  which,  under  date 
of  October,  1635,  his  father  thus  related: 

Another  providence  was  in  the  voyage  of  Mr.  Winthrop,  the  younger, 
and  Mr.  Wilson  3  into  England,  who,  returning  [to  England]  in  the  winter 
time,. in  a  small  and  weak  ship,  bound  for  Barnstaple,  were  driven  by 
foul  weather  upon  the  coast  of  Ireland,  not  known  by  any  in  the  ship, 
and  were  brought,  through  many  desperate  dangers,  into  Galloway, 


1  In  a  letter  to  Winthrop  dated  Salem,  February  24,  1651,  Emanuel  Downing 
wrote:  "Wee  heare  that  Mr.  Damport  and  Mr.  Eaton  are  goeing  for  England. 
I  cannot  give  much  creditt  thereto,  I  hope  you  will  not  resolve  to  goe  before  you 
give  your  freinds  a  visit  here"  (Winthrop  Papers,  i.  76). 

A  document  dated  October  22,  1670,  says:  "About  y*  peace  between  y* 
Maquaes  and  Mahicanders,  To  leave  this  in  suspense,  Untill  y*  Certainty  of 
Govern'  Winthrops  Voyage  to  England  bee  knowne  &  the  Returne  of  Mr.  Mayo' 
from  Albany"  (New  York  Colonial  Documents,  xiii.  458).  I  have  found  no  other 
allusion  to  this  trip,  which  certainly  was  not  undertaken.  But  in  1675  Winthrop 
did  intend  to  go  to  England,  though  the  intention  was  not  carried  out:  see  Win- 
throp Papers,  iv.  166-169;  Connecticut  Colonial  Records,  ii.  263,  344. 

In  a  letter  to  Winthrop  undated  but  assigned  to  "May,  1647,"  his  brother 
Adam  Winthrop  said:  "Youer  letter  off  the  2  of  Desember  I  receaued,  but  it 
had  a  very  longe  passage.  We  were  glad  to  heer  of  youer  safe  arivall,  and  that 
you  have  bene  in  health  since"  (Winthrop  Papers,  iv.  222).  The  "very  longe 
passage"  might  imply  that  John  Winthrop  had  lately  been  in  England,  but 
actually  it  means  only  that  he  was  at  Pequot,  wherle  he  had  been  granted  a 
plantation  and  where  he  was  living  late  in  1646:  see  Massachusetts  Colony 
Records,  ii.  71,  160,  241;  Winthrop  Papers,  iv.  38;  R.  C.  Winthrop,  Life  and 
Letters  of  John  Winthrop,  ii.  356-361.  Writing  to  Winthrop  from  Ipswich  on 
February  26,  1636,  his  sister  Mary  Dudley  said:  "I  am  sorry  that  I  shall  not  se 
you  before  you  take  your  journey  to  Coneticott,  but  I  wish  you  a  prosperous 
viage"  (Winthrop  Papers,  iii.  65).  In  those  days  any  trip  by  sea,  however  short, 
was  called  a  "voyage." 

*  He  was  present  at  a  court  held  October  6,  1634  (Massachusetts  Colony 
Records,  ii.  132),  but  on  November  8  his  father  wrote:  "I  hope  the  Lord  hath 
carried  you  safe  to  England  "  (R.  C.  Winthrop,  Life  and  Letters  of  John  Winthrop, 
ii.  123). 

»  Rev.  John  Wilson  (1588-1667)  of  Boston. 


1919]  COMENIUS  AND  HARVARD  COLLEGE  159 

where  they  parted,  Mr.  Winthrop  taking  his  journey  over  land  to 
Dublin,  .  .  . 

Mr.  Winthrop  went  to  Dublin,  and  from  thence  to  Antrim  in  the 
north,  and  came  to  the  house  of  one  Sir  John  Clotworthy,1  the  evening 
before  the  day  when  divers  godly  persons  were  appointed  to  meet  at  his 
house,  to  confer  about  their  voyage  to  New  England,  by  whom  they 
were  thoroughly  informed  of  all  things,  and  received  great  encourage- 
ment to  proceed  on  their  intended  course.  From  thence  he  passed  over 
into  Scotland,  and  so  through  the  north  of  England;  and  all  the  way  he 
met  with  persons  of  quality,  whose  thoughts  were  towards  New  England, 
who  observed  his  coming  among  them  as  a  special  providence  of  God.2 

The  younger  Winthrop  was  in  London  on  July  7,  1635,3  embarked 
on  the  Abigail  on  July  10,4  and  reached  Boston  about  October  6, 
"with  commission,"  as  his  father  wrote,  "from  the  Lord  Say,  Lord 
Brook,  and  divers  other  great  persons  in  England,  to  begin  a  planta- 
tion at  Connecticut,  and  to  be  governor  there."5  On  this  journey 
he  did  not,  so  far  as  is  known,  go  to  the  Continent,  though  he 
may  have  done  so.6  Comenius  was  living  at  Lissa  at  that  time,  and 


1  In  a  letter  to  John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  dated  (as  printed)  "Antrim,  5th  Ju:  1634," 
Sir  John  Clotworthy  says  that  "I  shall  request  yu,  when  yu  are  freede  from  y* 
distractions  w**  a  werisom  jorney  may  phapps  afford,  to  consider  of  these 
pticulars"  (Winthrop  Papers,  iii.  203-204),  the  particulars  relating  to  those 
mentioned  by  Governor  John  Winthrop,  and  the  letter  clearly  indicates  that 
John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  was  then  in  Europe.  As  he  was  in  New  England  in  June 
and  July,  1634,  it  is  obvious  that  the  printed  date  is  wrong;  and  an  examination 
of  the  original  letter  shows  that  it  is  dated  "Antrim,  5th  Jn:  1634"  —  that  is, 
January  5, 1634-5.  Clotworthy,  afterwards  first  Viscount  Massereene,  either  knew 
or  was  interested  in  Hartlib,  for  on  April  2,  1647,  "Sir  John  Clotworthy  carried 
to  the  Lords  the  vote  for  Three  hundred  pounds,  out  of  Haberdasher's  Hall,  for 
Mr.  Hartlib"  (H.  Dirck,  Biographical  Memoir  of  Samuel  Hartlib,  p.  12). 

J.  Winthrop,  Journal,  i.  164. 

Winthrop  Papers,  iii.  482. 

Hotten,  Original  Lists,  p.  100. 

J.  Winthrop,  Journal,  i.  161. 

Not  a  single  letter  written  by  Winthrop  during  this  journey  has  been  pre- 
served. But  his  movements  can  be  followed  fairly  well  by  letters  written  to  him, 
and  from  these  it  would  appear  that  he  visited  Ireland,  Scotland,  and  England 
only.  In  a  letter  to  Winthrop  dated  Rotterdam,  March  7,  1635,  his  brother-in- 
law  Col.  Thomas  Reade  said:  " I  cane  not  chooes  but  trobell  you  withe  thes  feaue 
leynes,  to  let  you  for  to  vnder  stand  that  I  should  a  bean  very  glad  for  to  a  spoke 
withe  you  at  London,  but  the  shipes  coming  a  way  so  sone  that  I  could  not 
inquier  you  ought.(thoe  I  was  at  deyveres  places  to  heare  of  you) "  (Winthrop 
Papers,  ii.  113). 


160 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS          [MARCH, 


certainly  was  not  in  England.  But  even  if  Winthrop  and  Comenius 
met  or  corresponded,  nothing  could  have  been  said  or  written  about 
the  presidency  of  a  college  that  was  not  founded  until  1636. 

Winthrop's  third  visit  was  made  in  1661-1663.1  He  sailed  in 
July,  and  reached  England  late  in  September,  166 1.2  He  signed  a 
document  in  London  on  April  7,  1663,3  left  there  April  9,4  and  was 
back  in  Connecticut  in  June.6  About  1647  Comenius  returned  to 
Lissa,  but  in  1650  settled  at  Saros-Patak  in  Hungary,  where  he  re- 
mained until  1654,  when  he  once  more  returned  to  Lissa.  On  April 
29,  1656,  that  town  was  sacked  by  the  Poles,  and  Comenius's  books, 
writings,  and  property  were  destroyed.  He  himself  went  to  Silesia, 
then  to  Frankfort  on  the  Oder,  then  to  Stettin,  then  to  Hamburg, 
and  finally  to  Amsterdam,  where,  under  the  protection  of  Laurence 
de  Geer,  the  son  of  his  former  patron,  he  lived  from  1656  until  his 
death  on  November  15, 1670.6  Did  Winthrop  visit  the  Low  Countries 


1  Mr.  Monroe  says:  "Winthrop  visited  briefly  in  England  during  the  early 
months  of  1661,  and  the  only  reference  to  Comenius  in  connection  with  the  names 
of  any  of  the  Winthrops  occurs  in  a  letter  from  Samuel  Hartlib  written  at  'Axe- 
Yard  in  Westm.  Sept.  3,  1661,'  to  Governor  Winthrop  at  Hartford,  shortly  after 
the  tatter's  return  from  London"  (Educational  Review,  xii.  380-381).  Hartlib's 
letter  of  September  3  was  written  not  after  Winthrop's  return  from  London,  but 
before  he  had  reached  London,  which,  as  stated  in  our  text,  was  in  September. 
Hartlib's  letter  of  September  3  addressed  to  New  England,  and  another  letter 
of  October  9  addressed  to  Winthrop  "Next  to  the  Church  in  Colman  Street," 
London,  are  printed  in  1  Proceedings  Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  xvi. 
212-216.  And  Winthrop's  visit  was  not  "during  the  early  months  of  1661,"  but 
lasted  from  September,  1661,  to  April,  1663. 

1  In  a  letter  to  Winthrop  dated  "Brereton,  Cheshire,  October  the  Second, 
1661,"  William  Brereton  said:  "I  was  very  glad  to  find  in  our  good  friend  Mr. 
Hartlibs  letter  that  you  were  come  to  London  and  that  you  intend  to  make  some 
stay  in  England"  (1  Proceedings  Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  xvi.  215). 
Evidently,  therefore,  Winthrop  must  have  reached  London  in  September. 

1  Winthrop  Papers,  iv.  83. 

4  In  a  letter  to  Winthrop  dated  February  15,  1664,  his  aunt  Lucy  Downing 
said:  "  Yrt  of  April  9th  1663  I  had,  but  perceiuing  therein  y*  you  was  that  day 
to  set  out  of  London  to  meet  yr  'ship  at  y°  Downs,  I  had  noe  hopes  to  recouer 
any  to  you"  (Winthrop  Papers,  iii.  58). 

1  Winthrop  Papers,  i.  526, 535;  1  Proceedings  Massachusetts  Historical  Society, 
xvi.  216. 

•  Keatinge,  The  Great  Didactic  of  Comenius,  pp.  62,  70,  83,  84,  85,  87,  89. 
In  a  letter  to  an  unknown  person  dated  July  17-27,  1656,  John  Pell  said: 

"Five  days  ago,  I  received  from  you  a  letter  dated  Dantzic,  Junii  17th,  con- 
taining a  letter  from  Mr.  Comenius,  dated  the  22nd  of  May,  wherein  he  describes 


1919]  COMENIUS  AND  HARVARD   COLLEGE  1G1 

in  1661-1663?  In  a  letter  to  Governor  Stuyvesant  dated  June  21, 
1661,  Winthrop  said: 

It  being  my  purpose  (Deo  volente)  to  make  a  voyage  into  Europe, 
and  having  information  of  a  good  ship  that  is  shortly  to  saile  from 
New  Netherlands  thither,  I  have  sent  one  purposely  to  know  the  cer- 
tainty thereof,  &  the  very  vttermost  limited  period  that  it  may  be 
certaine  that  ship  or  ships  may  stay.  I  have  written  of  these  queeries  & 

the  sad  estate  of  those  Protestants  that  escaped  from  Lesna,  where  he,  for  his 
own  part,  besides  his  writings,  lost  in  money,  books,  and  household  stuff,  above 
three  thousand  reich-dalers,  (near  seven  hundred  pounds  sterling.)  ...  I  hear 
he  is  sixty-five  years  old;  and,  it  seems,  hath  nothing  left  but  the  clothes  on  his 
back"  (in  R.  Vaughan's  Protectorate  of  Oliver  Cromwell,  1838,  ii.  430). 

A  letter  from  'Comeniua  dated  Stettin,  June  14-24,  1656,  is  printed  in 
Thurloe's  State  Papers  (1742),  v.  118.  (Cf.  C.  H.  Firth,  Last  Years  of  the 
Protectorate,  1909,  ii.  244.)  Another,  dated  Amsterdam,  September  1,  1656,  is 
printed  in  Monumenta  Germaniae  Paedagogica,  1903,  xxvi.  322-323. 

In  a  letter  to  John  Pell  dated  August  7,  1656,  Samuel  Hartlib  wrote:  "I  have 
also  received  from  Mr.  Comenius  fresh  letters  dated  at  Hamburg,  .  .  .  Mr 
Dury  has  returned  to  Amsterdam,  and  promises  with  all  possible  expedition  to 
hasten  unto  us,  and  it  is  very  like  Mr.  Comenius  will  come  along  with  him" 
(Vaughan,  ii.  432,  433).  Comenius,  however,  did  not  go  to  England  after  1642. 

The  Rev.  Dr.  John  Pell,  whose  correspondence  is  printed  in  Vaughan's  vol- 
umes, was  unquestionably  known  to  Winthrop,  quite  possibly  as  early  as  1642. 
His  brother  Thomas  Pell  came  to  this  country  about  1635,  served  as  a  surgeon 
in  the  Pequot  war  of  1637  and  1638  (Elizabeth  H.  Schenck,  History  of  Fairfield, 
1889,  i.  68),  is  mentioned  in  a  letter  written  to  Winthrop  by  Theophilus  Eaton 
on  January  4,  1656  (Winthrop  Papers,  ii.  476),  and  on  July  2,  1666,  himself 
wrote  a  letter  to  Winthrop  (Winthrop  Papers,  iii.  410).  He  left  his  estate  to  his 
nephew  John  Pell,  son  of  Dr.  John  Pell.  In  a  letter  to  Lord  Brereton,  in  whose 
family  Dr.  Pell  was  then  living,  dated  October  10,  1670,  Winthrop  said:  "I 
was  at  Boston  in  the  Massachusets  colony  when  Mr  John  Pell  arrived,  by  whom 
I  had  the  great  favour  of  your  Lordships  letter  of  the  23  of  June  last.  He  came 
into  that  harboure  very  opportunely  for  his  advantage  in  the  expedition  of  his 
businesse;  for  Mr  Banckes,  a  neighboare  of  Mr  Pell  deceased,  &  one  of  those 
whom  he  had  intrusted  WA  the  estate,  was  in  a  vessell  of  Fairfeild  (the  place 
where  Mr  Pell  lived)  returning  thither  &  mett  the  ship,  coming  in  &  came  back 
w*11  Mr  John  Pell  to  Boston,  where  I  spake  w*11  them  both"  (Winthrop  Papers, 
iv.  138;  a  letter  to  the  same  purport  from  Winthrop  to  Boyle,  dated  Octobor  27, 
1670,  is  printed  in  Boyle's  Works,  1772,  vi.  581-582).  Dr.  John  Pell  was  a 
Fellow  of  the  Royal  Society;  in  1643  he  was  at  Amsterdam  through  the  influence 
of  Sir  William  Boswell;  and  his  Idea  of  Mathematics,  written  about  1639,  was 
sent  by  Hartlib  to  Mersennes  and  Descartes  and  published  in  1650  in  John 
Durie's  Reformed  Library  Keeper:  see  the  notice  of  Pell  in  the  Dictionary  of 
National  Biography.  Pell  and  Sir  William  Boswell  were  in  correspondence  as 
early  as  1640  (Vaughan,  Protectorate  of  Oliver  Cromwell,  ii.  379,  380).  For 
John  Dune,  see  p.  172  note  5,  below. 


162  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS          [MABCH, 

other  matters  necessary  for  my  accomodation  for  such  a  des5gne,  to  my 
worthy  friend,  Capt:  Willet.  I  am  bold  to  request  this  favour  of  your 
Honr,  that  I  may  obtaine  liberty  to  take  passage  in  y*  ship.1 

In  his  reply,  dated  New  Amsterdam,  July  5, 1661,2  Stuyvesant 
wrote: 

By  the  bearer,  and  letters  delivered  vnto  mee,  I  see  your  honnors 
jnclination  for  Europe,  which  giues  mee  hoopes  off  your  honnors  longe 
desyred  and  expected  presencie.  Vpon  sight  off  your  honnors  letter,  I 
sent  jmmediately  for  the  masters  of  the  ships,  and  desiered  off  them  the 
vttermost  period  of  theire  stay.  There  answears  was,  that  they  all 
three  weare  reddy  to  sett  sayle  in  companie  one  with  another,  desyreinge 
and  expectinge  only  our  lettrs  off  dispach.  Afterwards,  I  did  speacke 
pryvately  with  the  master  and  marchant  of  the  biggest  ship  called  the 
Trowe,  which  I  thincke  will  bee  most  convenient  for  your  honnor;  soe  in 
regard  off  the  ship  Mr,  which  speackes  good  English.  His  answer  was 
that  hee  was  reddy  to  sett  sayle  this  weecke;  but  for  your  honnors  sacke 
hee  woulde  stay  vntill  the  middle  or  latter  end  off  the  followinge  weecke, 
provyded  that  I  woulde  detayne  the  other  ships  soe  longe,  which  I  did 
promise.8 

In  a  letter  dated  July  23, 1663,  Thomas  Willett  reminded  Winthrop 
that  "ate  yowar  going  for  Holland,  thar  was  a  parshall  of  wampon 
sente,  and  allso  som  lefte  bey  yowar  selfe  when  you  went  awaey."  4 
The  presumption  that  Winthrop  sailed  from  New  Amsterdam  to 
Holland  in  1661  is  made  a  certainty  by  the  account  of  "Issues  debtor 
to  Powder  delivered  from  the  first  May,  A°  1661,  to  the  last  of  Novem- 
ber, as  appears  by  the  Gunner's  Delivery  Book,"  which  shows  that 
one  hundred  and  fifty-nine  pounds  of  powder  were  expended  at  the 
time  of  his  departure:5 

1  Winthrop  Papers,  iv.  73. 

*  It  should  be  borne  in  mind  that  Stuyvesant's  dates  are  no  doubt  New 
Style,  while  Winthrop's  are  Old  Style,  and  that  hence  an  allowance  of  ten  days 
must  be  made.    Thus  June  21  Old  Style,  was  July  1  New  Style;  while  July  5 
and  July  23  New  Style,  were  June  25  and  July  13  Old  Style. 

*  Winthrop  Papers,  iii.  391. 
4  Winthrop  Papers,  iii.  396. 

1  New  York  Colonial  Documents,  ii.  460.  On  January  27,  1662,  the  Directors 
of  the  Dutch  West  India  Company  wrote  a  letter  to  Stuyvesant  describing 
an  "  interview  between  gov.  Winthrop  of  Connecticut  and  the  directors  at  Amster- 
dam "  (Calendar  of  New  York  Historical  Manuscripts,  Dutch,  1865,  i.  297).  Win- 
+arop's  expected  arrival  at  Amsterdam  was  thus  announced  in  the  Haerlemse 


1919]  COMENIUS  AND  HARVARD  COLLEGE  163 

July  18.   To  powder,  27  Ibs.,  to  salute  Governor  Winthrop,  coming  here  from 

the  Fresh  river  l  to  proceed,  in  the  Trou,  to  Fatherland,   ...     27 
21.   To  powder,  18  Ibs.,  to  salute  the  ships  Arent,  Hope  and  Trouw,  when 

they  sailed  hence  for  Fatherland, 18 

To  powder,  50  Ibs.,  issued  to  the  Burgomasters  for  the  Burghers 

who  were  under  arms  to  escort  Governor  Winthrop, 50 

23.   To  powder,  10  Ibs.,  issued  to  the  inhabitants  of  Breuckelen  to 
salute  Governor  Stuyvesant,  who  escorted  the  above  named 

Governor  Winthrop, 10 

To  powder,  25  Ibs.,  to  fire  at  the  above  named  Winthrop's  de- 
parture        25 

To  powder,  29  Ibs.,  issued  to  58  soldiers,  %  Ib.  per  man,  who  also 
escorted  the  above  named  Winthrop, 29 

That  Winthrop  and  Comenius  met  in  September,  1661,  is  pos- 
sible, even  probable;  but  even  if  they  did,  no  formal  offer  of  the 
presidency  of  Harvard  could  have  been  made  to  Comenius,  since 
there  was  no  vacancy  in  the  office  from  the  inauguration  of  Chauncy 
on  November  27,  1654,  to  his  death  on  February  19,  1672,  fifteen 
months  after  the  decease  of  Comenius.  Moreover,  in  1661  Winthrop 
had  no  official  connection  with  Harvard,  while  Comenius  was  then  a 
man  of  nearly  seventy.2 

There  remains  to  be  considered  Winthrop's  second  visit  hi  1641- 
1643.  Leaving  Boston  August  3,  1641, 3  he  was  a  fortnight  in  reach- 
ing Newfoundland,  where  he  spent  three  weeks,  and  then  sailed  for 
Bristol,  arriving  there  on  September  28,  164 1.4  Returning,  he  left 
England  in  May,  1643,  but,  owing  to  untoward  circumstances,  did 
not  reach  Boston  until  about  September.6 


Saterdaeghse  Courant  of  September  17,  1661:  "Amsterdam,  September  16.  On 
Monday  last  arrived  in  the  Texel  the  ship  Arent,  from  New-Netherlands,  laden 
with  tobacco  and  some  peltry.  The  ship  Trou  and  the  ship  Klock  lay  ready  to 
sail,  [intending]  daily  to  depart,  and  may  now  be  daily  expected,  having  been 
seen,  as  is  supposed,  near  Fairhill.  In  the  Trou  comes  passenger  Mr.  Winthrop, 
Governor  of  Connecticut,  together  with  the  Rev.  Mr.  Stone,  as  agents  to  his 
Majesty  of  England"  (2  New  York  Historical  Society  Collections,  i.  456).  Thus 
Winthrop  reached  Amsterdam  soon  after  Monday,  September  2-12,  1661. 

The  Dutch  name  for  the  Connecticut  River. 

Comenius  was  born  March  28,  1592. 

J.  Winthrop,  Journal,  ii.  32. 

\Yinthrop  Papers,  iv.  35. 

Sec  Winthrop's  petition,  undated,  in  which  he  says  that  he  sailed  in  May, 
1643,  but  was  "kept  above  six  weekes  vpon  the  coast  of  England,  and  by  reason 
thereof  was  above  14  weekes  before  he  could  attaine  the  port  in  New  England " 
(Winthrop  Papers,  iv.  36-37).  At  the  session  beginning  September  7,  1643,  the 


164 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OP  MASSACHUSETTS  [MABCH, 


Besides  being  the  son  of  the  Governor  of  Massachusetts,  the 
younger  Winthrop,  then  thirty-five  years  of  age,  was  already  a  man 
of  note  on  his  own  account;  he  had  gone  to  England  on  public  busi- 
ness in  1634-1635,  returning  with  a  commission  from  Lord  Saye 
and  Sele,  Lord  Brooke,  and  "divers  other  great  persons  in  England, 
to  begin  a  plantation  at  Connecticut,  and  to  be  governor  there;" 
he  was  in  correspondence  with  many  celebrated  persons  in  Eu- 
rope; and  during  his  stay  in  Europe  from  September,  1641,  to 
May,  1643,  he  must  have  met  many  distinguished  men,  though  un- 
fortunately only  one  of  his  letters  during  that  long  period  has  been 
preserved.1  Moreover,  he  then  was,  had  been  for  some  years  before, 
and  continued  to  be  for  some  years  afterwards,  a  magistrate  of 
Massachusetts.2  Finally,  it  can  be  shown  that  in  the  autumn 
of  1642  he  visited  both  Germany  and  the  Low  Countries  —  a  fact  of 
which  we  should  be  ignorant  but  for  the  accident  that  the  goods  and 
books  he  shipped  from  Hamburg  to  Amsterdam  were  captured  by  a 
Dunkirker.  In  a  letter  dated  at  the  Hague,  November  1,  1642,  Sir 
William  Boswell,  British  resident  at  that  place,  wrote  to  Sir  Henry 
De  Vic,  British  agent  at  Brussels,  as  follows: 

There  is  one  Mr  John  Wenthrop,  a  Suff :  gentlem.  and  student  in 
Physiq.,  who  coming  lately  fro  Hamburgh  into  these  pts,  by  land, 
embarqd  vpon  a  shippe  of  y*  towne,  bownd  for  Amstrdam,  a  chest,  con- 
teyning  in  it  apparell,  books,  &  other  ncies  appertaining  soly  to  him,  & 
his  personal!  vse,  no  way  contrebanded,  wch  a  ship  of  Dunikerk  (or  other 
place  of  Flaridres)  toke  at  sea,  &  haue  brought  into  y*  or  other  port  of 
Flandres.  Whereupon  my  earnest  suit  vnto  you  is  to  lend  Mr  Wenthrope 
yor  aduise  &  assistance,  as  shalbe  requisit,  for  ye  recouery  of  his  sd  goods, 
for  wch  himself  (if  possible)  or  frend,  whom  he  employes  for  this  end,  will 
wait  vp5  you.3 

General  Court  voted  to  pay  his  bill  of  £50,  "  except  what  is  already  paid  "  (Massa- 
chusetts Colony  Records,  ii.  47). 

1  This  is  the  letter,  dated  Bristol,  October  8, 1641,  cited  above,  p.  10  note  2. 

1  He  was  elected  a  magistrate  in  1632,  and  for  the  years  1634-1649,  both 
included:  see  Massachusetts  Colony  Records,  i.  95,  118,  145,  174,  195,  228,  256, 
288,  319,  ii.  33,  66,  97,  146,  187,  238,  265,  iii.  2,  9,  61,  104,  121,  146.  His  friends 
in  England  did  not  fail  to  note  this  honor.  "I  understand,"  wrote  Francis 
Kirby  on  March  26,  1633,  "that  you  are  an  Assistant  and  so  have  a  voice  in  the 
weighty  affaires  of  that  Commonwealth"  (3  Massachusetts  Historical  Collections, 
ix.  260). 

1  Winthrop  Papers,  iii.  323. 


1919]  COMENIUS  AND  HARVARD  COLLEGE  165 

It  has  already  been  said  that  Comenius  was  in  England  in  1642. 
What  took  him  there  can  best  be  told  in  his  own  words: 

After  the  Pansophus  Prodromus  had  been  published  and  dispersed 
through  various  kingdoms  of  Europe,  many  of  the  learned  approved  of 
the  object  and  plan  of  the  work,  but  despaired  of  its  ever  being  accom- 
plished by  one  man  alone,  and  therefore  advised  that  a  college  of  learned 
men  should  be  instituted  to  carry  it  into  effect.  Mr.  S.  Hartlib,  who  had 
forwarded  the  publication  of  the  Pansophioe  Prodromus  in  England,1 
laboured  earnestly  in  this  matter,  and  endeavoured,  by  every  possible 
means,  to  bring  together  for  this  purpose  a  number  of  men  of  intellectual 
activity.  And  at  length,  having  found  one  or  two,  he  invited  me  also, 
with  many  very  strong  entreaties.  As  my  friends  consented  to  my 
departure  [from  Lissa],  I  proceeded  to  London,  and  arrived  there  on  the 
day  of  the  autumnal  equinox,  1641,  and  I  then  learned  that  I  had  been 
called  thither  by  an  order  of  Parliament.  But  in  consequence  of  the 
King's  having  gone  to  Scotland,  the  Parliament  had  been  dismissed  for 
three  months,  and  consequently  I  had  to  winter  in  London,  my  friends 
in  the  meantime  examining  the  "Apparatus  Philosophicus,"  small 
though  it  was  at  that  time.  ...  At  length  Parliament  having  assembled, 
and  my  presence  being  known,  I  was  commanded  to  wait  until  after  some 
important  business  having  been  transacted,  a  Commission  should  be 
issued  to  certain  wise  and  learned  men,  from  amongst  themselves,  to 
hear  me,  and  be  informed  of  my  plan.  As  an  earnest,  moreover,  of  then* 
intentions,  they  communicated  to  me  their  purpose  to  assign  to  us  a 
college  with  revenues,  whence  some  men  of  learning  and  industry, 
selected  from  any  nation,  might  be  honourably  sustained,  either  for  a 
certain  number  of  years,  or  in  perpetuity.  The  Savoy  in  London,  and 
beyond  London,  Winchester,  and  again  near  the  city,  Chelsea,  were 
severally  mentioned,  and  inventories  of  the  latter,  and  of  its  revenues, 
were  communicated  to  me.  So  that  nothing  seemed  more  certain  than 
that  the  design  of  the  great  Verulam  to  open  a  Universal  College  of  all 
nations,  devoted  solely  to  the  advancement  of  the  sciences  was  now  in 
the  way  of  being  carried  into  effect.  But  a  rumour  that  Ireland  was  in  a 
state  of  commotion,  and  that  more  than  200,000  of  the  English  there  had 
been  slaughtered  in  one  night,  the  sudden  departure  of  the  King  from 
London,  and  the  clear  indications  that  a  most  cruel  war  was  on  the 
point  of  breaking  out,  threw  all  these  plans  into  confusion,  and  com- 
pelled me  and  my  friends  to  hasten  our  return.* 

1  This  had  been  published  by  Hartlib  at  London  in  1639. 

1    R.  H.  Quick,  Essays  on  Educational  Reformers,  1868,  pp.  47-49. 


166  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  [MARCH, 

The  object  of  Comenius's  visit  to  England  having  failed,  "his 
position  was  unpleasant.  On  the  strength  of  Hartlib's  invitation 
and  assurance  that  funds  would  be  forthcoming,  he  had  given  up 
his  post  in  Lissa.  Hopes  of  universal  colleges  and  pecuniary  support 
were  now  vanishing  into  thin  air,  and  he  found  himself  with  baffled 
expectations,  a  wife  and  daughters  to  support,  and  a  rapidly  empty- 
ing purse."  1  At  this  time  he  is  said,  but  perhaps  on  uncertain  au- 
thority, to  have  been  asked  by  Marin  Mersenne 2  to  go  to  France, 
but  declined.  But  an  invitation  to  go  to  Sweden,  given  by  Ludwig 
de  Geer,  a  Dutch  merchant  then  living  at  Norrkoping,  Sweden,  was 
accepted.  Leaving  London  in  June,  1642,  Comenius,  apparently 
by  way  of  Holland  and  Germany,  reached  Norrkoping  in  August, 
and  was  almost  at  once  summoned  to  Stockholm  by  Chancellor 
Oxenstiern,  after  which  he  took  up  his  residence  at  Elbing  in  Prussia, 
which  he  reached  in  November.3  Though  there  is  no  proof  that 
Comenius  and  Winthrop  met  in  1641-1642,  yet  attention  should 
be  called  to  certain  coincidences.  They  both  reached  England  in 
the  same  month  —  September,  1641.  The  former  had  come  on  the 
invitation  of  Samuel  Hartlib,  who  later  was  a  personal  friend  and 
correspondent  of  Winthrop's  and  may  well  have  been  so  in  1642.4 
Both  remained  in  England  some  seven  months,  both  were  in  Hol- 
land and  Germany  in  the  summer  or  autumn  of  1642.6  Indeed,  it 


1  Keatinge,  The  Great  Didactic  of  Comenius,  pp.  47-48. 

1  Mersenne  is  mentioned  in  letters  of  Sir  Charles  Cavendish  to  Dr.  Pell, 
February  5,  1642  (Vaughan,  Protectorate  of  Oliver  Cromwell,  ii.  346);  of  Sir 
William  Petty  to  Dr.  Pell,  November  8,  1645  (id.  ii.  367-368);  and  of  Boyle 
to  Hartlib,  March  19,  May  8,  1647  (Boyle's  Works,  1772,  vol.  i.  pp.  xxxviii, 
xli). 

1  According  to  Keatinge  (The  Great  Didactic  of  Comenius,  pp.  49,  50-51, 
53),  Comenius  apparently  returned  from  Stockholm  to  Norrkoping,  then  made  a 
preliminary  visit  to  Elbing,  then  went  to  Lissa  "to  take  final  leave  of  his  scholastic 
and  clerical  duties,"  etc.,  and  finally  settled  at  Elbing  in  November. 

«  See  pp.  171-174,  below. 

5  John  Humfrey  left  Boston  in  the  autumn  of  1641  and  hi  a  letter  to  Winthrop 
dated  Weymouth,  England,  July  21,  1642,  said:  "You  are  a  thousand  times  well- 
come  home,  ...  I  beseech  you  if  you  see  the  wind  chops  about  contrarie,  & 
hold  there,  come  downe,  I  will  beare  your  charges  of  the  Post,  &  you  shall  doe 
no  worse  (but  as  much  better  as  you  will  &  I  can  helpe  it)  then  I.  Indeede  I  thinke 
you  should  have  beene  with  us  before.  .  .  .  Good  deare  loving  Sagamore,  let 
us  have  your  companie  if  possible"  (Winthrop  Papers,  i.  18-19).  This  would 
seem  to  indicate  that  Winthrop  was  in  London  in  July,  1642.  On  the  other  hand, 


1919]  COMENIUS  AND  HARVARD  COLLEGE  167 

is  quite  within  the  bounds  of  possibility  that  they  were  travelling 
companions  for  a  portion  of  Comenius's  journey  from  London  to 
Norrkoping. 

Before  the  decision  of  Comenius  to  accept  the  invitation  to  Sweden 
was  reached,  may  not  Winthrop  have  suggested  to  Comenius  his 
coming  to  America?  No  formal  offer  of  the  presidency  of  Harvard 
could  have  been  made,  because  no  vacancy  occurred  in  the  office 
from  the  time  of  Dunster's  appointment  on  August  27,  1640,  to  his 
resignation  on  October  24,  1654.  But  this  does  not  preclude  the 
possibility  that  the  matter  was  discussed  between  Comenius  and 
Winthrop,  the  latter  suggesting  that  when  a  vacancy  did  occur  the 
place  might  be  offered  to  the  former.  It  has  been  objected  that 
Winthrop  had  no  authority  to  make  an  offer.  "I  fail  to  find,"  says 
Mr.  Monroe,  "that  he  had  anything  to  do  with  the  management  of 
Harvard  College." l  This  objection  is  not  so  serious  as  it  seems. 
The  first  board  of  Overseers,  appointed  on  November  20,  1637,  con- 
sisted of  six  magistrates,  among  them  Governor  John  Winthrop  of 
Massachusetts,  and  six  ministers;  and  on  September  27,  1642,  the 
board  was  reorganized  so  as  to  include  the  magistrates  and 
the  teaching  elders  of  the  six  next  adjoining  towns.  Thus  from 
that  date  until  1650,  the  younger  Winthrop  was  entitled  as  a  magis- 
trate2 to  take  his  seat  as  an  Overseer,  though  whether  he  ever  did 
so  is  not  known.  But  it  is  to  be  remembered  that  in  the  early  days 
of  the  College,  the  legislature  constantly  took  a  hand  in  the  man- 
agement of  its  affairs,8  even  to  the  ignoring  of  the  College  charter 
itself.  By  that  instrument,  dated  May  31,  1650,  the  Corporation 
consisted  of  a  President,  a  Treasurer,  and  five  Fellows,  and  the 
Corporation  was  authorized  "to  elect  a  new  President,  Fellows,  or 
Treasurer,  so  oft,  and  from  time  to  time,  as  any  of  the  said  persons 


Winthrop's  letter  to  Humfrey  announcing  his  own  arrival  in  England  may  have 
been  written  weeks  before  its  receipt  by  Humfrey.  All  we  know  for  certain  of 
Winthrop's  movements  in  the  summer  and  autumn  of  1642  is  that  he  was  in 
Germany  and  the  Low  Countries  in  October  and  November. 

1  Educational  Review,  xii.  380. 

1  See  p.  164  note  2,  above. 

1  On  October  18,  1654,  the  General  Court  (Massachusetts  Colony  Records, 
iii.  204)  appointed  as  Overseers  John  Allin  of  Dedham,  John  Norton  of  Boston, 
Samuel  Whiting  of  Lynn,  and  Thomas  Cobb«t  of  Lynn,  though  none  of  them 
were  eligible  under  the  act  of  1642. 


168 


THE   COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  [MARCH, 


shall  die  or  be  removed."  Nevertheless,  as  we  have  already  seen, 
Dunster's  final  resignation  in  1654  was  made  to  the  Overseers,  the 
selection  and  the  election  of  his  successor  was  placed  by  the  General 
Court  wholly  in  the  hands  of  the  Overseers,  and  even  Chauncy's 
successor  in  1672  may  have  been  elected  not  by  the  Corporation 
but  by  the  Overseers.1  Indeed,  nearly  a  quarter  of  a  century  went 
by  before  the  Corporation  exercised  what  now  is  its  unquestioned 
right  "to  elect  a  new  President."  Thus  the  influence  of  the 
younger  Winthrop  as  a  magistrate  and  as  the  son  of  the  Governor 
of  Massachusetts  would  have  been  much  greater  than  as  a  Fellow, 
had  he  held  that  position,  since  for  many  years  the  Fellows  were 
practically  merely  Tutors. 

The  pastime  of  picking  flaws  in  Cotton  Mather's  statements  is 
too  easy  to  afford  much  amusement.  The  passage  under  discussion, 
it  seems  to  me,  is  distinctly  one  the  basis  for  which  is  to  be  found  in 
a  tradition.  A  college  boy  of  thirteen  when  the  younger  Winthrop 
died  in  1676,  Mather  of  course  could  not  have  derived  the  informa- 
tion from  Winthrop  himself.  But  Mather  was  an  intimate  friend 
of  the  younger  Winthrop's  sons  John  and  Wait  and  of  Wait's  son 
John,2  preaching  a  funeral  sermon  on  each  of  the  two  former  (in 
1707  and  1717  respectively3);  through  his  father  Increase  Mather 
and  his  grandfather  Richard  Mather,  the  latter  of  whom  became  an 
Overseer  in  1642  and  took  an  active  part  in  the  selection  of  Dunster's 
successor  in  1654,  he  must  have  been  saturated  with  all  the  gossip 
pertaining  to  Harvard  College;  and  he  appears  to  have  made  rather 
a  specialty  of  the  traditions  of  the  Winthrop  family.  This  was 
readily  acknowledged  by  the  late  Robert  C.  Winthrop,  who  in  1864 
wrote:  "Now,  Cotton  Mather  was  certainly  in  the  way  of  knowing 
something  about  the  facts  which  he  states  in  regard  to  the  Winthrop 


1  See  p.  367,  below. 

*  In  a  letter  to  John  Winthrop,  F.R.S.,  dated  December  10,  1707,  Cotton 
Mather  said:  "If  there  be  a  Family  in  the  World,  which  I  have  endeavoured 
alwayes  to  treat  with  all  possible  service  and  Honour,  tis  the  Winthropian.  If 
there  be  a  person  in  that  Family,  for  whose  welfare,  I  have  even  travailed  with 
Agony  tis  You;  whereof  the  walls  of  a  certain  Biblioihecula  in  the  World,  are  but 
some  of  the  many  witnesses"  (Mather  Papers,'p.  405). 

*  These  sermons,  after  the  fashion  of  their  kind,  contain  no  biographical  data 
of  value. 


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COMENIU&  AND   HARVARD  COLLEGE 


169 


Family.  .  .  .  The  family  traditions,  at  least,  must  thus  have  been 
abundantly  familiar  to  him."  l 

I  have  endeavored  to  set  forth,  of  course  merely  as  a  conjecture, 
a  possible  explanation  of  Mather's  story  that  may  be  plausible. 
It  should  be  added  that  another  suggestion  has  been  made  in  a  ques- 
tion recently  asked  me  by  a  correspondent.  "  Do  you  not  think," 
he  writes,  "that  the  projected  college  at  New  Haven  was  the  one 
really  concerned?  "  Sporadic  efforts  to  found  a  college  at  New  Haven 
were  made  between  1648  and  about  1660,2  after  which  nothing 
further  is  heard  of  the  affair  for  many  years.3  Cotton  Mather  was 
not  born  until  1663,  and  it  is  doubtful  in  the  extreme  whether  he  had 
ever  heard  of  these  abortive  efforts.  At  all  events,  there  can  be  no 
possible  doubt  that  in  his  mind  it  was  Harvard  College  over  which 
Comenius  was  asked  to  preside.  His  exact  words  are,  "and  Illumi- 
nate this  Colledge"  —  that  is,  Harvard  College,  of  which  (and  which 
alone)  he  was  writing  the  history,4  which  was  the  only  college  in 
existence  not  only  in  New  England  but  in  this  country  6  during  the 


1  Life  and  Letters  of  John  Winthrop,  i.  12.  With  regard  to  one  story,  told 
by  Mather  about  the  younger  Winthrop,  Mr.  Winthrop,  though  pointing  out 
errors  hi  detail,  concludes  that  "doubtless  it  must  have  had  some  foundation  in 
fact"  (i.  27).  And  of  the  same  story  the  late  Frederick  J.  Kingsbury  said:  "Of 
late  years,  however,  it  has  become  the  fashion  to  throw  doubt  on  anything 
related  by  Cotton  Mather.  But  it  should  be  remembered  that  Mather  did  not 
write  as  a  historian  but  as  a  collector  of  interesting  events  which  in  any  way 
had  come  to  his  knowledge  illustrating  the  life  of  his  times.  Doubtless  Mather 
had  heard  this  story  and  there  is  no  reason  why  it  should  not  be  true"  (Proceed- 
ings American  Antiquarian  Society,  April,  1898,  xii.  306). 

1  See  New  Haven  Colonial  Records,  i.  376,  ii.  141,  141  note,  370;  B.  Trumbull, 
History  of  Connecticut,  1797,  i.  305-306,  566-571;  Palfrey,  History  of  New 
England,  i.  237,  373;  HoUister,  History  of  Connecticut,  ii.  567-568,  577;  E.  E. 
Atwater,  History  of  the  Colony  of  New  Haven,  pp.  271-285;  B.  C.  Steiner, 
History  of  Guilford  and  Madison,  pp.  394-395. 

*  Yale  College  was  incorporated  October  19,  1701,  but  was  not  established  hi 
New  Haven  until  October,  1716  (F.  B.  Dexter,  Historical  Papers,  1918,  pp.  366- 
381).    For  the  controversy  that  occurred  over  the  will  of  Governor  Hopkins,  see 
Charles  P.  Bowditch's  "Account  of  the  Trust  administered  by  the  Trustees  of 
the  Charity  of  Edward  Hopkins"  (1889). 

4  The  title-page  of  Book  IV  reads  in  part  as  follows:  "The  Fourth  Book  of  the 
New-English  History.  Containing  An  Account  of  the  University,  From  whence  the 
Churches  of  New-England,  (and  many  other  Churches)  have  been  Illuminated." 
And  the  heading  on  p.  125  reads,  "The  History  of  Harvard-Colledge."  In  1728 
Mather  specifically  stated  "Harvard  College:"  see  p.  155,  above. 

•  William  and  Mary  College  was  founded  in  1693. 


170 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS          [MARCH, 


lifetime  of  the  younger  Winthrop,  and  the  only  one  in  New  England 
at  the  time  when  Mather's  passage  *  was  written.2  In  1634-1635 
and  in  1641-1643  Winthrop  could  hardly  have  invited  Comenius  to 
be  head  of  an  institution  which  was  not  thought  of  until  1648. 
John  Davenport  was  one  of  those  who  pushed  the  scheme  hi  1660, 
at  which  tune  Winthrop  was  Governor  of  Connecticut3  and  must 
have  known  about  his  friend's  cherished  plan.  But  hi  1661  Comenius 
was,  as  already  stated,  a  man  of  nearly  seventy. 

Three  other  questions  may  be  asked,  the  replies  to  which  will  not 
be  without  interest.  First,  was  Comenius  personally  known  to  any 
of  his  New  England  contemporaries?  So  far  as  direct  evidence  is 
concerned,  this  question  must  be  answered  hi  the  negative.4  Never- 

1  Though  not  published  until  1702,  the  Magnalia  was  finished  on  August  20, 
1697,  and  sent  to  London  on  June  8,  1700  (C.  Mather,  Diary,  i.  226,  229,  255, 
352-353). 

1  Even  had  Mather  spoken  merely  of  "the  College,"'  there  could  be  no  possible 
doubt  of  his  meaning  Harvard.  In  his  Life  of  Theophilus  Eaton,  Mather  says: 
"His  Eldest  Son  he  maintained  at  the  Colledge  until  he  proceeded  Master  of  Arts  " 
(Magnalia,  bk.  ii.  chap,  be,  §  9,  p.  28),  the  allusion  being  to  Samuel  Eaton,  who 
graduated  at  Harvard  in  1649.  In  1690  was  published  Mather's  "The  Wonderful 
Works  of  God  Commemorated.  ...  In  a  Thanksgiving  Sermon:  Delivered  on 
Decemb.  19,  1689."  The  epistle  dedicatory  to  Sir  Henry  Ashurst  contains  the 
words:  "And  Sir,  .  .  .  you  will  pardon  it  if  One  born  in  that  Countrey,  and  a 
Son  of  the  Colledge  there,  take  the  Liberty  to  acquaint  you,  Thai  we  are  not  in- 
sensible," etc. 

In  September,  1644,  the  Rev.  Thomas  Shepard  presented  to  the  Commission- 
ers of  the  United  Colonies  a  proposition  "for  the  mayntenance  of  poore  Schollers 
at  the  Colledg  at  Cambridge,"  whereby  "euery  famyly  (wch  is  able  and  willing 
to  giue)  throughout  the  plantacons  to  giue  yearely  but  the  fourth  part  of  a  bushell 
of  Corne,  or  somethinge  equivolent  therevnto"  (Plymouth  Colony  Records, 
ix.  20-21).  This  proposition  was  recommended  by  the  Commissioners  and  was 
favorably  acted  on  by  various  of  the  "plantations."  On  November  11,  1644, 
the  New  Haven  Colony  "fully  approved  off"  "the  propositio  for  the  releife  of 
poore  schollars  att  the  colledge  att  Cambridg;"  on  March  16,  1646,  "It  was 
propownded  that  the  free  gift  of  corne  to  the  colledge  might  be  continued  as  it 
was  the  last  year; "  and  thereafter  are  various  allusions  to  "corne  to  the  colledge" 
or  to  "the  colledge  corne,"  where  "the  college"  meant  not  the  proposed  college 
at  New  Haven  but  Harvard  College  (New  Haven  Colonial  Records,  i.  149,  210, 
225,  311,  318,  354,  357,  382).  See  also  Connecticut  Colonial  Records,  i.  112, 
139,  250. 

*  Winthrop  was  elected  Governor  of  Connecticut  in  1657  and  in  1659-1675, 
both  included.  He  resigned  in  1667,  1670,  and  1675  (Winthrop  Papers,  iv.  121, 
137,  168-169),  but  his  resignation  was  not  accepted  in  the  two  former  years 
(Connecticut  Colonial  Records,  ii.  62,  64,  145). 

4  In  a  matter  of  this  sort,  negative  evidence  must  be  received  with  caution. 


1919] 


COMENIUS  AND  HARVARD  COLLEGE 


171 


theless,  it  is  not  only  possible  but  probable  that  Comenius  was  known 
personally  to  the  younger  Winthrop,  and  he  may  well  have  met, 
especially  during  his  residence  at  Amsterdam  from  1656  to  1670, 
other  New  Englanders. 

Secondly,  did  Comenius  correspond  with  any  of  his  New  England 
contemporaries?1  It  was  Samuel  Hartlib  who  had  invited  Comenius 
to  come  to  England  in  1641,  and  less  than  twenty  years  later  Hartlib 
and  Winthrop  were  on  terms  of  intimate  friendship.  How  long  had 
this  friendship  lasted?  On  April  15,  1661 — or  several  months 
before  he  went  to  England  in  that  year  —  Winthrop  wrote  to  Thomas 
Lake :  "  I  make  bold  w^  you  to  transmitt  by  your  hand  to  Colonell 
Temple  those  books  .  .  .  wch  you  will  receive  heerwth  (want  of  fitt 
artists  heere  must  be  my  excuse  that  they  appeare  in  that  dessolate 
forme) ;  they  were  sent  me  before  winter,  from  the  great  intelligence 
of  Europe,  Mr  Samuell  Hartleb,  a  Germa  gentlema,  as  conteinig 
something  of  novelty."  In  a  letter  to  William  (afterwards  Lord) 
Brereton  dated  November  6, 1663,  Winthrop  spoke  of  some  proposals 
"wch  I  had  formerly  hinted  to  Mr  Hartlib  in  a  letter  fro  home"3  — 
that  is,  before  his  departure  for  England  in  1661.  In  a  letter  to 
W'inthrop  dated  September  3,  1661,  Hartlib,  evidently  not  knowing 
that  his  correspondent  would  arrive  in  London  that  very  month,4 
said:  "Our  Publique  Miseries  and  my  privat  condition  (to  speak  of 
no  Particulars  at  present)  are  such  that  yet  I  must  answer  briefely 
your  most  loving  Letters  of  Octob.  25,  1660  &  May  10,  1661.  I 
heartily  thank  you  again  for  ye  barrel  of  Cramburies  wch  was  very 
safely  delivered  to  mee.  The  present  of  the  Indian  Come  I  have  not 
received  to  this  day,  but  professe  mys.  highly  oblieged  to  your  gener- 
ous courtesy."6  In  a  letter  to  Winthrop  dated  August  11,  1660, 
John  Davenport  said : 

It  has  already  been  pointed  out  that  very  few  letters  written  by  the  younger 
Winthrop  during  his  three  tripe  to  Europe  have  been  preserved,  and  in  those 
extant  there  is  not  the  slightest  allusion  to  his  having  been  in  Holland:  yet  we 
know  with  certainty  that  he  was  there  in  1642  and  1661. 

1  It  need  scarcely  be  pointed  out  that  in  those  days,  as  in  these,  New  England 
scholars  had  an  extensive  correspondence  with  foreign  scholars  whom  they  never 
met,  a  notable  instance  being  Cotton  Mather  himself,  who  never  left  America. 

1  Winthrop  Papers,  iv.  73-74. 

1  iv.  86. 

*  See  p.  160,  above. 

'  1  Proceedings  Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  xvi.  212. " 


172  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY   OF  MASSACHUSETTS  [MARCH, 

My  Brother  Hooke  l  is  valetudinarious,  .  .  .  His  letter  I  send  in- 
closed, with  some  others,  and  one  from  Mr  Hartlib,  who  thinckes  you 
live  in  this  plantacon,  and  hath  sent  a  large  wrighting  unsealed,  that  I 
might  peruse  it,  which  though  I  want  time  to  read  over,  I  choose  rather 
to  send  it  to  you,  then  to  detaine  it.  He  hath  sent  also  sundry  wrightings, 
and  bookes,  some  to  your  selfe,  some  to  me.  But  I  cannot  heare  of  them, 
in  the  pinnases,  which  makes  me  doubt,  they  are  stayed  in  the  Bay, 
at  Mr  Usher's,2  which  I  the  rather  suspect,  because  Mr  Hartlib,  and 
brother  Hooke  certifie  me  that  Mr  Dury 3  also  hath  sent  some  papers 
and  bookes  to  the  2  Teaching  Elders  at  Boston,  and  to  me.4 

Thus  Winthrop  and  Hartlib  were  in  correspondence  before  August, 
1660,  in  which  year  Winthrop  wrote  "most  loving  letters,"  clearly 
showing  that  the  two  men  must  have  been  friends  of  long  standing. 
In  a  letter  to  Winthrop  dated  August  19,  1659,  Davenport  wrote: 

I  shall  onely,  at  present,  add  that  since  my  wrighting  to  you,  I  have 
received  letters  &  bookes,  &  written  papers  from  my  ancient  and  hon- 
oured freinds  Mr.  Hartlib,  &  Mr.  Durie,6  wherein  I  finde  sundry  rarities 


1  Rev.  William  Hook  (1600-1677). 

1  Hezekiah  Usher. 

1  This  name  is  printed  "Drury,"  but  an  examination  of  the  original  letter 
shows  that  Davenport  plainly  wrote  "Dury."    See  the  next  note  but  one. 

*  3  Massachusetts  Historical  Collections,  x.  38. 

6  The  Rev.  John  Durie  (or  Dury),  though  he  never  came  to  this  country,  was 
well  known  to  the  New  England  clergy,  and  may  well  have  been  known  per- 
sonally to  Winthrop,  —  if  so,  he  would  be  another  link  connecting  Winthrop  and 
Hartlib.  ("This  day  Mrs.  Dury  with  her  husband  went  from  hence  to  ... 
Chester;  from  whence  they  intend  to  give  a  visit  to  Sir  Richard  Saltonstatt  at 
Wrexham:"  Hartlib  to  Dr.  Keffler,  August  10,  1658,  in  Boyle's  Works,  1772,' 
vi.  113.)  The  Rev.  John  Norton  of  Boston  died  in  1663,  and  the  next  year  was 
published  at  our  Cambridge  "Three  Choice  and  Profitable  Sermons,"  to  which 
was  appended  "A  Copy  of  the  Letter  Returned  by  the  Ministers  of  New-England 
to  Mr.  John  Dury  about  his  Pacification.  Faithfully  Translated  out  of  the 
Original  Manuscript  written  in  Latine,  By  the  Reverend  Author  of  the  Three 
former  Sermons."  The  preface,  which  mentions  "the  late  Synod  1662,"  is  signed 
by  forty-four  persons  —  President  Chauncy,  four  Fellows  of  Harvard  College, 
and  thirty-nine  ministers.  Mather  says:  "The  Three  Sermons  thus  Published 
.  .  .  are  accompanied  with  the  Translation  of  a  Letter,  which  was  composed  in 
Latin  by  Mr.  Norton,  and  subscribed  by  more  than  Forty  of  the  Ministers,  on 
this  Occasion.  The  famous  John  Dury  having  from  the  Year  1635.  been  most 
indifatigably  labouring  for  a  Pacification,  between  the  Reformed  Churches  in 
Europe,  communicated  his  Design  to  the  Ministers  of  New-England,  requesting 
their  Concurrence  and  Countenance  unto  his  Generous  Undertaking.  In  answer 
to  Him,  this  Letter  was  written"  (Magnalia,  bk.  iii.  pt.  i.  chap.  ii.  §  25,  p.  39). 


1919] 


COMENIUS  AND   HARVARD   COLLEGE 


173 


of  inventions,  &  projects  for  common  good,  of  sundry  kindes,  which  I 
long  for  an  opportunitie  to  communicate  to  your  selfe,  might  your  first 
leasure  give  us  an  occasion  of  personal  discourse  together.  They  are 
too  many  to  be  transmitted  unto  you  by  passengers,  &  yet  such  as,  I 
beleive,  will  affoard  singular  contentment  to  your  publick  spirit,  &  prob- 
ably you  will  finde  some  particularities  among  them,  which  may  be 
advantagious  to  your  private  proffit,  in  the  improvement  of  your 
Fishers  Island,  &C.1 

And  on  December  6,  1659,  Davenport  again  referred  to  the  books 
mentioned  in  the  letter  just  quoted : 


Norton's  original  letter  was  written  before  1661  (in  which  year  the  Rev.  Ezekiel 
Rogers,  one  of  the  signers,  died),  and  in  1738  was  in  the  possession  of  Samuel 
Mather.  Extracts  from  it  were  quoted  by  Cotton  Mather  in  the  Magnalia 
(see  the  reference  above),  and  it  was  reprinted  in  full  by  Samuel  Mather  in  his 
Apology  for  the  Liberties  of  the  Churches  in  New  England  (1738),  pp.  151-166. 
Davenport  called  Durie  his  "ancient  and  honored  friend."  They  had  doubt- 
less met  in  Holland  in  1633-1636.  Durie  was  the  son  of  Robert  Durie,  who  in 
1609  became  the  first  pastor  of  the  English  Presbyterian  Church  at  Ley  den; 
on  August  3,  1611,  at  the  age  of  twelve,  he  was  admitted  a  student  at  Leyden 
University  (3  Massachusetts  Historical  Collections,  x.  58) ;  after  the  death  of  his 
father  in  1616  he  returned  to  England;  from  1628  to  1633  he  was  in  Germany  and 
Holland;  on  December  17,  1633,  he  was  in  London  (Calendar  of  State  Papers, 
Domestic,  1633-1634,  p.  329);  in  1634  he  was  in  Germany,  then  again  in  England, 
and  in  July,  1635,  he  started  for  the  Continent  and  "laboured  for  a  year  in  the 
Netherlands:"  see  the  notice  of  him  in  the  Dictionary  of  National  Biography. 
Durie's  daughter  married  Henry  Oldenburg,  a  friend  of  the  younger  Winthrop's. 
Davenport  took  refuge  in  November,  1633,  in  Holland,  where  he  remained  until 
late  in  1636  or  early  in  1637,  and  reached  Boston  in  June  of  the  latter  year:  see 
tho  notices  of  him  in  the  Dictionary  of  National  Biography,  and  in  F.  B.  Dexter's 
Historical  Papers  (1918),  pp.  31-58.  In  1738  Samuel  Mather  wrote:  "I  might 
fitly  subjoin  to  the  Letter  foregoing  [Norton's  letter  to  Durie]  another  Letter 
of  the  famous  Mr.  JOHN  DAVENPORT  Batchelor  of  Divinity,  who  was  Minister 
of  New  Haven  and  afterwards  Pastor  of  the  first  Church  in  Boston  New-England, 
to  the  pious  DURT  upon  the  same  Occasion  that  the  foregoing  Letter  was  written; 
which  Letter  was  signed  by  the  Ministers  of  Connecticut  Colony.  .  .  .  But,  lest 
the  Appendix  should  swell  too  much  upon  us,  I  consent  to  the  dropping  it. 
N.  B.  As  I  signified  concerning  the  former  Letter;  so  I  would  advertize  concern- 
ing this,  that  if  any  Gentleman  or  others  desire  to  see  the  Original  Copy  of  it,  I 
have  it  at  their  Service"  (Apology,  etc.,  p.  166).  Portions  of  Davenport's  letter 
were  quoted  by  Cotton  Mather  in  the  Magnalia,  bk.  iii.  pt.  i.  chap.  iv.  §  9, 
pp.  54-55. 

It  may  be  added  that  Davenport,  while  in  Holland,  corresponded  with  Sir 
William  Boswell:  see  Proceedings  Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  xlii.  228, 
234;  and  cf.  p.  164,  above. 
1  Winthrop  Papers,  ii.  504-505. 


174 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS          [MARCH, 


The  booke  concerning  bees,  which  you  desired,  I  now  send  you,  l.y 
John  Palmer,1  &  with  it  3  others,  viz.,  1.  An  Office  of  Address,  2.  An 
Invention  of  Engines  of  Motion,  3.  A  Discourse  for  divisions  &  setting 
out  of  Landes  in  the  best  forme,  &c.  These  3  are  small  bookes  in  4*°: 
I  shall  add  unto  them  a  4th  booke  in  8°,  called  Chymical,  Medicinal,  & 
Chirurgical  Addresses.  These  are  a  few  of  many  more  which  are  sent 
to  me.  I  hoped  for  an  opportunity  of  shewing  them  to  you  here,  & 
shall  reserve  them  for  you  til  a  good  opportunity.* 

The  "booke  concerning  bees,"  which  Winthrop  "desired,"  was  no 
doubt  Hartlib's  Reformed  Common-Wealth  of  Bees,  and  the  other 
four  books  were  all  edited  or  published  by  him.3 

Hence  in  1659  Hartlib  was  an  "ancient  and  honored  friend"  of 
Davenport's.  May  he  not  also  have  been  an  "ancient  and  honored 
friend"  of  Winthrop's?  Various  facts  indicate  that  such  a  conclu- 
sion is  highly  probable.  Winthrop  himself  spoke  of  Hartlib  as  "the 
great  intelligence  of  Europe,"  a  position  acquired  by  him  soon  after 
his  coming  from  Germany  to  England  about  1628;  and  "no  person," 
as  our  associate  Professor  Kittredge  puts  it  in  a  letter  to  me,  of  "  John 
Winthrop,  Jr.'s  scientific  interests,  family  position,  and  character, 
if  in  England  at  all,  could  have  escaped  Hartlib's  acquaintance." 
It  will  be  recalled  that  in  1642  Sir  William  Boswell  characterized 
Winthrop  not  as  an  American  colonist,  not  as  a  New  Englander,  not 
even  as  the  son  of  the  Governor  of  Massachusetts,  but  as  "a  Suffolk 
gentleman  and  student  in  physic."*  Winthrop's  studies  had  begun 
at  an  early  age.  In  1628  he  was  giving  medical  advice; 5  before  he  left 
England  in  1631  he  was  corresponding  with  Edward  Howes  on  medical 
and  chemical  subjects;6  immediately  on  his  arrival  here  he  was  re- 
quested to  send  over  some  "Indian  creatures  alive;"7  by  1636  he 
was  known  to  the  Kefflers  (or  Kufflers),  who  were  correspondents 


GO 


That  is,  John  Palmer  was  the  bearer  of  the  books. 

Winthrop  Papers,  ii.  509. 

See  H.  Dirck,  Biographical  Memoir  of  Samuel  Hartlib  (1865),  pp.  58,  59, 

65,  77,  82,  83. 


See  p.  164,  above. 
Winthrop  Papers,  iv.  7. 
Winthrop  Papers,  i.  468-472. 

Henry  Jacie  to  Winthrop,  January  9,  1632   (3  Massachusetts  Historical 
Collections,  i.  235). 


1919]  COMENIUS  AND  HARVARD  COLLEGE  175 

of  Hartlib;1  and  before  1641  he  was  well  known  to  Dr.  Robert  Child,2 
who  was  also  a  personal  friend  of  Hartlib 's.3  In  a  letter  to  Winthrop 
dated  January  31,  1655,  Sir  Kenelm  Digby,  who  knew  all  the  scien- 
tific men  in  England,  declared  that  he  would  not  let  "  the  fauourable 
conueyance  of  Mr  Downing  .  .  .  escape  me  without  saluting  you, 
to  reuiue  me  in  yr  remembrance,  and  to  wittnesse  that  j  retaine  faith- 
fully the  respects  j  haue  euer  had  for  you  since  j  haue  had  the  happi- 
nesse  to  be  acquainted  wth  yr  great  worth,"  hoped  that  "att  my 
coming  into  England,4  j  should  haue  had  the  comfort  of  finding  you 
here,"  urged  Winthrop  "to  delay  no  further  time  in  making  yr  owne 
country  happy  by  returning  to  it,"  and  expressed  his  "great  affec- 
tion."6 Obviously,  the  friendship  here  had  been  of  long  standing. 


1  Winthrop  Papers,  ii.  17,  18.  A  letter  from  Abraham  Keffler  (written  in 
1639)  is  printed  in  Winthrop  Papers,  iii.  270-271;  and  one  from  Dr.  John  Sibert 
Keffler  (written  in  1659)  in  iii.  382-383.  Both  men  are  referred  to  in  Digby's  letter 
of  January  26, 1656  (3  Massachusetts  Historical  Collections,  x.  16),  and  the  latter 
in  Winthrop's  letter  of  November  12,  1668  (Winthrop  Papers,  iv.  136).  Mr. 
Kittredge,  to  whom  I  am  indebted  for  information  about  the  Kefflers,  thinks  that 
Winthrop  must  have  met  Abraham  Keffler  in  the  Rochelle  expedition,  in  which 
both  men  were  engaged  —  Keffler  as  an  expert  in  explosives  (Calendar  of  State 
Papers,  Domestic,  1628-1629,  pp.  148,  161;  1629-1631,  pp.  212,  215).  In  1638 
the  latter  received  a  grant  of  denization  in  England  (id.  1638-1639,  p.  176). 

1  In  a  letter  undated  but  written  on  or  shortly  after  May  2,  1641,  Child  ac- 
knowledged letters  from  Winthrop,  and  wished  to  be  remembered  to  "yor  father, 
Mr  Dudley,  Mr  Bellingham,  Mr  Humphreys,  Mr  Cotton,  Mr  Wilson,  Mr  Peters, 
unto  whome  I  am  much  beholde"  (Winthrop  Papers,  iii.  149,  151),  showing  that 
he  was  well  acquainted  with  many  of  the  chief  men  in  New  England  before 
Winthrop's  visit  to  Europe  in  1641.  He  had  first  come  to  this  country  between 
1638  and  1641  (see  p.  7,  above).  If,  as  Savage  thinks  (3  Massachusetts  Historical 
Collections,  viii.  247;  Genealogical  Dictionary,  i.  379),  the  Robert  Child  who 
matriculated  at  Corpus  Christi  College,  Cambridge,  at  Easter,  1628,  and  pro- 
ceeded A.  B.  in  1631-2  and  A.  M.  in  1635  (Venn,  Matriculations  and  Degrees, 
p.  147),  was  our  Dr.  Robert  Child,  then  the  latter  and  Forth  Winthrop  (the 
brother  of  John  Winthrop,  Jr.)  may  well  have  met  at  Cambridge;  for  Forth 
Winthrop  entered  Emmanuel  College  in  1626  (see  p.  156  note  5,  above)  and  re- 
mained there  during  1627  and  a  part  of  1628.  From  a  letter  to  his  brother  undated 
but  written  in  the  spring  of  1628  (Winthrop  Papers,  iv.  192-195),  it  appears  that 
Forth  Winthrop  was  still  at,Emmanuel. 

*  In  a  passage  published  in  1655  but  written  as  early  as  1653  or  1654,  Child 
calls  Winthrop  "our"  —  that  is,  his  and  Hartlib's  —  friend:  see  p.  112,  above. 

4  Digby  had  returned  to  England  for  a  time  in  January,  1654:  see  T.  Longue- 
ville,  Life  of  Sir  Kenelm  Digby  (1896),  p.  278.  He  was  at  Hartlib's  house  on 
May  14,  1654  (Boyle's  Works,  1772,  vi.  89). 

1  3  Massachusetts  Historical  Collections,  x.  5-6.    In  a  letter  to  Winthrop 


176 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS          [MARCH, 


Another  early  link  between  Winthrop  and  Hartlib  is  found  in  George 
Stirk,  afterwards  famous  in  Europe  under  the  name  of  Starkey. 
When  sent  here  from  Bermuda,  he  was  committed  to  the  special  care 
of  Governor  Winthrop  of  Massachustts;1  he  graduated  from  Har- 
vard College  in  1646;  he  was  practising  medicine  in  Boston  in  1647 
and  1648;2  while  here  he  doubtless  made  the  acquaintance  of  Dr. 
Robert  Child  through  the  younger  Winthrop;  on  going  to  England  he 
met  Robert  Boyle  certainly  as  early  as  1652,  perhaps  in  165 1,8 
having  been  presented  to  him  by  Child;4  almost  immediately  after 
his  arrival  in  England  Stirk,  as  Cardilucius  testifies,6  made  Hartlib's 
acquaintance  (which  is  also  acknowledged  by  Hartlib  in  letters 
written  hi  1654);6  and  in  1655  Stirk  contributed  two  letters  to 
Hartlib's  Reformed  Common- Wealth  of  Bees.7 

In  his  letter  to  Winthrop  of  September  3,  1661,  Hartlib  said:  "Mr. 
Comenius  is  continualy  diverted  by  particular  Controversies  of  So- 
cinians  &  others  from  his  main  Pansophical  Work,  but  some  weekes 
agoe  hee  wrote  that  hee  would  no  more  engage  hims.  in  any  Particu- 
lar Controversy,  but  would  refer  yem  all  to  his  Pansophical  Worke."  8 


dated  March  3,  1655,  Hugh  Peters  said  that  "Sir  Kenelme  Digby  .  .  .  longs 
for  you  here "  (Winthrop  Papers,  i.  116).  It  is  worth  noting  that  in  a  letter  dated 
Leghorn,  July  14,  1628,  Winthrop  wrote:  "there  is  newes  .  .  .  from  Marseilea 
that  the  Duke  de  Guise  is  come  to  sea  with  4  gallioones  &  12  sailes  of  gallies,  it 
is  supposed  to  meete  with  Sir  Chillam  Digby,  who  hath  taken  3  or  4  Frenchmen, 
hath  beene  at  Algiers,  &  redeemed  some  20  or  30  Christian  slaves,  hath  mand 
his  prizes,  &  is  gone  againe  towards  the  bottom"  (Winthrop  Papers,  iv.  10). 

Winthrop  Papers,  iii.  279. 

iii.  353,  359. 

George  Starkey 's  Pill  Vindicated. 

Stirk's  dedication,  to  Boyle,  of  Pyrotechny  Asserted,  published  in  1658. 

Cardilucius  calls  Hartlib  his  "good  friend:"  "Und  hat  ihn  [a  certain  Latin 
tract]  Heir  G.S.  [i.e.  George  Stirk]  vom  Authore  mit  aus  West-Indien  bracht, 
und  solchen  alsofort  meinem  guten  Freunde  Herrn  S.H.  ubergeben,  von  dannen 
ich  ihn  etliche  Jahr  hernach  bekommen  "  (Magnalia  Medico-Chymica  Continuata, 
1680,  Vorbericht,  p.  4). 

•  Hartlib  to  Boyle,  February  28,  1654,  December  8,  1657,  in  Boyle's  Works, 
vi.  78-83,  97. 

7  For  this  information  about  Stirk  I  am  again  indebted  to  Mr.  Kittredge. 

8  1  Proceedings  Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  xvi.  213.    This  is  the  only 
reference  to  Comenius  in  either  the  Proceedings  or  the  Collections  of  the  Massa- 
chusetts Historical  Society.    His  name  does  not  occur  in  A.  P.  C.  Griffin's  Bibliog- 
raphy of  American  Historical  Societies  (1907).    Mr.  Monroe  says  (Educational 
Review,  xii.  381)  that  "the  only  reference  to  Comenius  in  connection  with  the 


1919] 


COMENIUS  AND  HARVARD   COLLEGE 


177 


It  is  reasonable  to  suppose  that  Comenius  and  Winthrop  met  in 
1661,  for  both  were  then  at  Amsterdam,  the  former  was  famous, 
while  the  latter  was  the  most  distinguished  American  then  living; 
and  it  is  probable  in  the  extreme  that  they  met  in  1642.  But  however 
that  may  be,  we  are  not  left  to  conjecture  as  to  the  fact  of  Winthrop 's 
having  corresponded  with  Comenius  as  well  as  with  Hartlib.  The 
John  Winthrop  who  graduated  from  Harvard  College  in  1700  is 
usually,  to  distinguish  him  from  others  of  the  same  name,  called 
John  Winthrop,  F.R.S.,  though  no  fewer  than  three  John  Winthrops 
were  Fellows  of  the  Royal  Society.1  The  Harvard  graduate  of  1700 
was  the  son  of  Wait  Winthrop,  who  was  the  son  of  John  Winthrop,  Jr.2 
In  1741  was  published  the  fortieth  volume  of  the  Philosophical 
Transactions,  with  a  dedication  written  by  Dr.  Cromwell  Morti- 
mer, then  Secretary  of  the  Royal  Society.  This  dedication  "To  the 


names  of  any  of  the  Winthrops  occurs"  in  the  letter  quoted  in  our  text,  but  there 
is  one  other  important  reference:  see  p.  178,  below. 

1  These  were  John  Winthrop,  Jr. ;  John  Winthrop,  who  graduated  at  Harvard 
in  1700;  and  John  Winthrop,  who  graduated  at  Harvard  in  1732.  The  last  is 
usually  called  Professor  John  Winthrop,  but  sometimes  John  Winthrop,  LL.D., 
because  he  was  the  first  person  to  receive  (hi  1773)  that  degree  from  Harvard 
College:  see  our  Publications,  vii.  321-329. 

*  The  following  table  shows  the  relationships  at  a  glance: 

JOHN  WINTHROP 

1587-1649 
Governor  of  Massachusetts 


JOHN  WINTHROP,  Jr.,  F.R.S.                          ADAM  WINTHROP 
1606-1676                                                1620-1652 
Governor  of  Connecticut 
1                                                                  1 

JOHN  WINTHROP                   WAIT  WINTHROP 
1638-1707                                 1642-1717 
Governor  of  Connecticut 

ADAM  WINTHROP 
1647-1700 
H.  C.  1668 
1 

P 

JOHN  WINTHROP,  F.R.S. 
1681-1747 
H.  C.  1700 

ADAM  WINTHROP 
1676-1743 
H.  C.  1694 

JOHN  WINTHROP,  LL.D.,  F.R.S. 
1714-1779 
H.  C.  1732 

Hollis  Professor  of  Mathematics  and 
Natural  Philosophy 


178  THE   COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  [MARCH, 

Honourable  John  Winthrop,  Esq;  Fellow  of  the  Royal  Society,  &c. 
&c.,"  reads  in  part  as  follows: 

SIR, 

PERSONAL  Friendships  and  Favours  are  become  the  trite  Topics 
of  Dedications  and  public  Addresses,  as  if  it  concerned  the  Public 
to  have  upon  Record  the  mutual  Regard,  private  Persons  may 
have  to  each  other:  Therefore  without  expatiating  here,  so  far  as  Grati- 
tude might  lead  me,  on  the  many  Favours  you  have  honour'd  me  with,  I 
shall  confine  myself  to  the  Relation  Your  Illustrious  Grandfather  had, 
and  Yourself  have,  to  the  ROYAL  SOCIETY. 

No  sooner  were  the  Sciences  revived  at  the  Beginning  of  the  last 
Century,  and  that  Natural  Knowledge  began  to  be  thought  a  Study 
worthy  a  real  Philosopher,  but  the  ingenious  JOHN  WINTHROP,  Esq; 
your  Grandfather,  distinguish'd  himself  in  the  highest  Rank  of  learned 
Men,  by  the  early  Acquaintance  he  contracted  with  the  most  Eminent 
not  only  at  Home,  but  in  his  Travels  all  over  Europe,  by  the  strict  Corre- 
spondence he  afterwards  cultivated  with  them,  and  by  several  learned 
Pieces  he  composed  in  Natural  Philosophy;  which  indeed  his  innate 
Modesty  would  not  suffer  him  to  publish  immediately,  and  when  pre- 
vailed on  by  Friends  to  impart  some  of  them  to  the  Public,  he  concealed 
his  Name,  not  being  solicitous  of  the  Reputation  they  might  reflect  on 
their  Author.1 

And  in  a  footnote  to  the  words  "the  strict  Correspondence  he  after- 
wards cultivated,"  Dr.  Mortimer  adds:  "As  might  appear  from  the 
great  Treasure  of  curious  Letters  on  various  learned  Subjects  still  in 
your  Hands,  E.  gr.  from  .  .  .  Ds.  Comenius.  .  .  .  Many  of  which 
you  have  given  me  the  Pleasure  of  perusing;  besides  a  great  Number 
which  it  would  take  up  too  much  Room  here  to  recite."  Dr.  Mortimer's 
list  of  Winthrop's  correspondents  contains  the  names  of  no  less  than 
eighty-two  distinguished  persons,  among  them  Boyle,  Lord  Brooke, 
Clarendon,  Charles  II,Cromwell,"SirKenelmDigby,  Galileo,  Glauber, 
Hartlib,  van  Helmont,  Kepler,  Dr.  J.  S.  Kuffeler,2  Milton,  Sir  Isaac 
Newton,  Oldenburg,  Dr.  Pell,3  Prince  Rupert,  Lord  Saye  and  Sele, 
Dr.  George  Starkie,  and  Sir  Christopher  Wren.  As  Galileo  died  in 


1  My  attention  was  called  to  this  dedication  by  Mr.  Kittredge. 
*  See  p.  175  note  1,  above. 
1  See  p.  161,  above. 


1919]  COMENIUS  AND  HARVARD  COLLEGE  179 

1642,  van  Helmont  in  1644,  and  Kepler  in  1630,  Winthrop  must 
have  begun  early  to  correspond  with  celebrated  men. 

The  succession  of  the  Winthrop  papers  was  presumably  from  Gov- 
ernor John  Winthrop  of  Massachusetts  to  his  son,  John  Winthrop,  Jr. ; 
from  John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  to  his  son,  John  Winthrop;  from  the  lat- 
ter John  Winthrop,  who  had  no  son,  to  his  brother  Wait  Winthrop; 
and  from  Wait  Winthrop  to  his  son,  John  Winthrop,  F.R.S.  If  the 
letter  or  letters  that  passed  between  the  younger  John  Winthrop 
and  Comenius  —  letters  which  were  in  existence  in  1741,  which 
very  likely  had  been  seen  by  Dr.  Mortimer,  and  which  may  perfectly 
well  have  been  seen  by  Mather  —  are  ever  recovered,  who  knows 
but  what  they  will  corroborate  Cotton  Mather's  discredited  story 
at  least  to  the  extent  of  proving  that  a  discussion  or  correspondence 
took  place  between  Winthrop  and  Comenius  in  regard  to  the  latter's 
coming  to  this  country  and  becoming  President  of  Harvard  when  a 
vacancy  occurred? 

Thirdly,  to  what  extent  were  Comenius's  works  known  to  New 
England  scholars  and  used  in  New  England  schools  and  colleges  in  the 
seventeenth  century  and  early  in  the  eighteenth  century?  Did  his 
fame,  as  was  asserted  in  1892,  reach  "even  far  distant  America"?1 
On  this  point  there  is  an  abundance  of  evidence.  "  Though  Comenius 
himself  did  not  come  to  America,"  remarks  Mr.  Hanus,  "his  text- 
books, especially  the  Janua,  did  come.  They  seem  to  have  been  used 
as  text-books  here  in  Massachusetts;  perhaps  in  Harvard  College 
itself,  more  probably  in  the  Boston  Latin  School."8  It  was  not 
the  text-books  alone,  however,  that  early  found  their  way  across  the 
Atlantic.  John  Harvard,  as  is  well  known,  came  to  New  England  in 
1637  and  died  in  1638,  leaving  half  of  his  estate  and  all  of  his  books 
to  the  infant  College.  In  the  list  of  the  latter  is  "Anchorani  porta 
linguanim."4  Our  associate  Mr.  Potter6  thinks  that  this  was  un- 
doubtedly the  copy  of  Comenius's  Porta  Linguarum  Trilinguis  pub- 


1  It  is  only  fair  to  add  that  Tycho  Brahe,  whose  name  occurs  in  the  list,  died 
in  1601,  and  hence  that  letters  from  him  which  were  in  the  possession  of  John 
Winthrop,  F.R.S.,  could  not  have  been  addressed  to  John  Winthrop,  Jr. 

1  See  p.  148,  above. 

1  Educational  Aims  and  Educational  Values,  p.  209. 

«  College  Book  i.  264. 

•  See  p.  195,  below. 


180;  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  [MARCH, 

lished  at  London  in  1631  and  listed  in  the  Catalogue  printed  in  1723, 
where  (as  in  the  above  list)  it  is  entered  under  the  name  of  the  editor, 
Joannes  Anchoranus.1  Thus  within  two  years  after  the  founding 
of  the  College  and  within  one  year  after  its  actual  beginning,  the 
College  owned  at  least  one  of  Comenius's  works.  The  Catalogue 
of  1723  gives  three  other  books  by  Comenius,2  but  of  course  it  is 
impossible  to  say  how  long  they  had  been  in  the  library.  In  the  in- 
ventory of  the  estate  of  William  Tyng,  made  on  May  25,  1653,  is 
found  a  copy  of  "  Janua  Linguarum."  8  The  Rev.  Samuel  Lee,  who 
died  in  1691  and  whose  library  was  sold  in  Boston  in  1693,  owned 
two  of  Comenius's  works  —  "Comenij  Physica"  and  "History  of 
the  Bohemian  Persecution."4  Jn  his  letter  to  Winthrop  of  Septem- 
ber 3,  1661,  which,  it  will  be  remembered,  contained  an  allusion  to 
Comenius,5  Hartlib  said : 

I  beseech  you  to  remember  my  most  hearty  respects  &  services  to  that 
Reverend  &  most  pretious  Servant  of  God  Mr.  Davinport,  to  whom  I 
cannot  write  for  the  present,  but  have  sent  him  by  these  ships  a  smal 
Packet  directed  to  his  name  with  a  Book  or  two  of  the  Bohemian  Ch- 
Government,  &  some  Prophetical  Papers,  wch  were  sent  to  mee  from  my 
deare  friend  Mr.  Dury,6  who  is  now  at  Amsterdam  .  .  .  The  fore-said 
Booke  is  called  —  De  Bono  Unitatis  et  Ordinis  Disciplinceq.  ac  Obedientics 
In  Ecclesia  rede  constituta  vel  constituenda.  Ecclesice  Bohemicce  ad  Angli- 
canam  Parcenisis.  Cum  prcemissa  Ordinis  ac  Disciplines  in  Ecclesiis 
F.  F.  Bohem.  Usitatae  Descriptione."1 

This  book  by  Comenius  was  published  at  Amsterdam  in  1660.  A 
copy  of  the  same  book  was  bought  by  Increase  Mather  in  London, 
was  sent  to  his  father  in  January,  1661,  and  is  now  owned  by  the 


1  Catalogus  Librorum  Bibliothecae  Collegij  Harvardini  (1723),  p.  67. 

*  Janua  Linguarum  Reserata,  2d  edition,  Lissa,  1632;  Janua  Linguarum  Gr. 
&  Lat.,  Amsterdam,  1642;  Janua  Linguarum  Trilinguis,  London,  1662  (Catalogus, 
p.  74). 

1  New  England  Historical  and  Genealogical  Register,  xxx.  432.  This  refer- 
ence came  to  me  from  Mr.  Thomas  G.  Wright. 

4  The  Library  of  the  Late  Reverend  and  Learned  Mr.  Samuel  Lee  (1693), 
pp.  11,  13.  The  History  of  the  Bohemian  Persecution,  London,  1650,  was  a 
translation  of  Comenius's  Historia  Persecutionum  Ecclesiae  Bohemicse,  published 
in  1648. 

1  See  p.  176,  above. 

*  See  p.  172  note  5,  above. 

T  1  Proceedings  Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  xvi.  212,  213. 


1919] 


COMENIUS  AND  HARVARD   COLLEGE 


181 


American  Antiquarian  Society.1    It  bears  on  a  fly-leaf  the  following 
inscription:2 


1  In  Proceedings  American  Antiquarian  Society,  xx.  322,  the  title-page  is 
said  to  be  wanting  and  the  title  is  wrongly  given  —  a  mistake  due  to  the  fact 
that  the  book  is  in  two  parts,  separately  paged,  and  the  title-page  is  bound  in  in 
the  wrong  place.  There  being  some  doubt  as  to  the  identity  of  the  book,  Mr. 
Brigham  kindly  sent  it  to  me  for  my  inspection. 

A  translation  of  Comenius's  De  Bono  Unitatis  et  Ordinis,  etc.,  was  published 
in  London  in  1661  under  the  title  of  An  Exhortation  of  the  Churches  of  Bohemia 
to  the  Church  of  England,  etc.  There  is  a  copy  in  the  Yale  University  Library, 
but  with  no  clues  to  ownership. 

1  To  those  who  have  struggled  with  Increase  Mather's  small  and  difficult 
handwriting,  the  inscription  will  seem  surprisingly  large  and  legible.  The  Me 


182 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS          [MARCH, 


Many  books  by  Comenius  have  found  their  way  to  American 
libraries,  some  of  which  are  worthy  of  notice.1  Several  were  owned 
by  different  members  of  the  Mather  family.2  In  the  Boston  Athe- 

chusetts  Historical  Society  owns  a  copy  of  the  Bible  printed  at  London  in  1599, 
one  of  the  fly-leaves  of  which  is  nearly  filled  with  memoranda  in  the  hand  of 
Increase  Mather.  First  comes  the  signature  "Crescentius  Mather;"  thentheworda 
"I  was  marryed  y8  6  day  of  y6  1  moneth  being  y*  fifth  day  of  ye  week  166J;" 
then  other  entries  coming  down  as  late  as  1710.  The  signature  at  the  top  is  nearly 
as  large  as  that  of  the  facsimile,  after  which  the  hand  dwindles  in  size. 

With  regard  to  the  words  "ccelu  non  solu,"  found  in  the  inscription,  Mr. 
Kittredge  writes  me:  "Horace  says,  'Caelum  non  animum  mutant  qui  trans 
mare  currunt,'  and  this  became  so  proverbial  that  'caelum  non  animum'  by 
itself  was  an  intelligible  motto.  I  take  it  that '  caelum  non  solum '  imitates  this. 
'I  have  changed  climate  (or  clime),  but  am  still  an  Englishman,  not  having 
changed  my  natale  solum,  since  New  England  is  really  England.' " 

1  I  have  examined  those  owned  by  the  Boston  Athenaeum,  the  Boston  Public 
Library,  the  Congregational  Library,  the  Harvard  College  Library,  and  the 
Massachusetts  Historical  Society.  Our  associate  Mr.  Brigham  has  sent  informa- 
tion about  those  owned  by  the  American  Antiquarian  Society.  The  late  Mr. 
Thomas  G.  Wright  of  New  Haven,  at  my  request,  kindly  examined  those  in  the 
Yale  University  Library.  Some  of  the  copies  contain  notes  or  signatures  not  with- 
out interest  —  showing,  for  instance,  that  the  books  were  apparently  used  at  the 
English  universities  —  but  which  have  no  bearing  on  the  question  under  dis- 
cussion. 

•  Professor  Hanus  describes  (Educational  Review,  iii.  235  note;  Educational 
Aims  and  Educational  Values,  p.  209  note)  several,  but  by  no  means  all,  of  the 
copies  in  the  Harvard  College  Library.  In  an  article,  quoted  by  Mr.  Hanus,  on 
"Boston  as  an  Educational  Centre,"  the  late  Arthur  Oilman,  speaking  of  Co- 
menius, said: 

"The  connection  of  the  great  pioneer  among  pedagogical  reformers  with 
Boston  is  not  fanciful,  though  it  may  at  first  sight  appear  so.  The  writer  has 
before  him  a  copy  of  the  'Gate  of  Languages,'  printed  in  London  in  1670.  Fifty 
years  after  its  publication  it  was  the  property  of  the  writer's  great-grandfather, 
a  graduate  of  Harvard  College  in  the  Class  of  1724.  Following  the  family  line, 
it  belonged  in  1813  to  one  of  the  writer's  uncles,  who  graduated  from  Phillips 
Academy,  at  Exeter,  in  that  year,  and  went  out  of  Harvard  a  member  of  the 
Class  of  1818.  It  seems  to  have  been  a  text-book  in  the  college,  and  there  are 
other  worn  and  stained  copies  in  the  library"  (Christian  Union,  July  4,  1891, 
xliv.  53  note). 

Mr.  Oilman's  relatives  were  the  Rev.  Nicholas  Gilman  (1708-1748,  H.  C. 
1724),  who  "went  to  the  Latin  School  at  Newburyport,  at  eight  years  of  age," 
and  Joseph  Gilman  (1792-1823,  H.  C.  1818):  see  A.  Gilman,  Gilman  Family 
(1869),  pp.  55-64,  166. 

J  Two  of  these,  besides  the  De  Bono  Unitatis  et  Ordinis,  etc.,  are  now  in  the 
American  Antiquarian  Society  (Proceedings,  xx.  322).  The  Massachusetts 
Historical  Society  owns  a  volume  once  the  property  of  Cotton  Mather  containing 
Physicse  ad  Lumen  divinum  Refonnatse  Synopsis  (1643),  Pansophue  Prodromua 


1919]  COMENIUS  AND  HARVARD  COLLEGE  183 

nseum  is  a  copy  of  Historia  Revelationum  (1659),  which  has  three 
signatures  on  the  title-page:  "J  G  Percival,"  who  of  course  was 
James  Gates  Percival;  "Richard  Salters,"  which  is  the  autograph  of 
the  Rev.  Richard  Salter  who  graduated  at  Harvard  College  in  1739; 
and  "John  Norton,"  here  reproduced:1 


The  Boston  Public  Library  has  a  copy  of  Janua  Linguarum 
Trilinguis  (London,  1685)  which  has  on  the  title-page  the  words 
"Ex  libris  Thomse  Berry  1710;"  and  on  the  first  page  of  the  Praefatio, 
in  the  hand  of  Judge  Sewall,  the  words  "August.  17.  1703;"  and 
also  the  signatures  "losephum  Sevallum,"  "John  Rogers,"  and 
"Josephum  Sevallum"  again,  the  last  two  with  a  line  through  each. 
Thomas  Berry  of  the  Class  of  1685  married  Margaret  Rogers, 
daughter  of  President  John  Rogers  (H.  C.  1649),  and  their  son 
Thomas  Berry  graduated  at  Harvard  in  1712.2  Perhaps  the  book 
belonged  to  the  elder  Thomas  Berry  and  passed  from  him  to  his 
brother-in-law  John  Rogers  of  the  Class  of  1684,  or  to  the  latter's 
son,  John  Rogers  of  the  Class  of  171 1.3  Joseph  Sewall  entered  the 
Boston  Public  Latin  School  in  1696  4  and  graduated  at  Harvard 
in  1707.  Judge  Sewall  describes  how  he  took  his  son  to  Cambridge: 

Second-day  of  the  week,  Aug*  16,  1703.  In  the  Afternoon  I  had 
Joseph  in  a  Calash  from  Charlestown  to  Cambridge,  carried  only  his 
little  Trunk  with  us  with  a  few  Books  and  Linen;  Went  into  Hall  and 
heard  Mr.  Willard6  expound  the  123  [Psalm].  "Tis  the  first  exercise 


(1644),  and  De  Sermonis  Latin!  Studio  (1644);  and  also  a  copy  of  De  Zelo  Sine 
Bcientia  &,  charitatc,  Admonitio  Fraterna  J.  A.  Comenii  ad  D.  Samuelem  Mare- 
sium  (1659),  which  once  belonged  to  Cotton  Mather  or  to  his  son  Samuel  Mather 
or  to  both. 

1  This  is  not  the  autograph  either  of  the  Rev.  John  Norton  of  Boston  or  of 
his  nephew  the  Rev.  John  Norton  (H.  C.  1671)  of  Hingham,  and  I  have  been 
unable  to  identify  the  writer. 

*  Sibley,  Harvard  Graduates,  iii.  334-335.    After  the  death  of  the  elder 
Thomas  Berry  in  1695,  his  widow  Margaret  married  in  1697  John  Leverett 
(H.C.  1680). 

*  Or,  of  course,  the  book  may  originally  have  belonged  to  John  Rogers  of  the 
Class  of  1684,  and  then  have  come  into  the  possession  of  the  elder  Thomas  Berry. 

«  Catalogue  of  the  Boston  Public  Latin  School  (1886),  p.  41. 

1  Rev.  Samuel  Willard  (H.  C.  1659),  then  Vice-President  of  the  College. 


184 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS          [MARCH, 


of  this  [College]  year,  and  the  first  time  of  Joseph's  going  to  prayer  in 
the  Hall. 

Aug*  23. 1703.  I  went  to  Cambridge  to  see  Joseph  settled  in  his  study, 
help'd  to  open  his  Chest.1 

The  Judge  may  have  taken  the  book  out  to  Joseph  on  August  23. 

A  copy  in  the  Yale  University  Library  of  Janua  Linguarum 
Reserata  (London,  1672)  has  on  a  fly-leaf  the  words  "Timothy 
Stevens  his  Book,  Anno  1681."  It  is  a  fair  guess  that  this  was  the 
Rev.  Timothy  Stevens  who  graduated  at  Harvard  in  the  Class  of 
1687  and  settled  at  Glastonbury,  Connecticut.2 

In  the  same  library  is  a  copy  of  "A  Reformation  of  Schooles,  De- 
signed in  two  excellent  Treatises:  .  .  .  translated  into  English,  and 
published  by  Samuel  Hartlib,  for  the  general  good  of  this  Nation" 
(London,  1642),  on  a  fly-leaf  of  which  are  the  words  "Sam1  Andrews, 
his  booke."  This  may  well  have  belonged  to  the  Rev.  Samuel 
Andrew  who  graduated  at  Harvard  in  1681,  settled  at  Milford, 
Connecticut,  and  became  Rector  of  Yale  College;3  or  to  his  son 
Samuel  Andrew,  who  graduated  at  Yale  in  171 1;4  or  to  the  latter 's 
son  Samuel  Andrew,  who  graduated  at  Yale  in  1739  and  to  whom 
his  grandfather  in  1717  left  by  will  his  library.6 

It  is  the  Harvard  College  Library,  however,  that  owns  the  largest 
number  of  books  by  Comenius,  most  of  which  were  given  to  the 
College  soon  after  the  destruction  of  the  library  by  fire  in  1764.6 
The  chief  benefactors  in  this  line  were  the  Rev.  John  Barnard  of 
Marblehead  of  the  Class  of  1700,  and  Middlecott  Cooke  of  the  Class 
of  1723.  The  latter  was  a  son  of  Elisha  Cooke  (H.  C.  1697),  who  was 
a  son  of  Elisha  Cooke  (H.  C.  1657),  who  was  a  son  of  Richard  Cooke. 


Diary,  ii.  87. 

Sibley,  Harvard  Graduates,  iii.  386-388. 

Sibley,  Harvard  Graduates,  ii.  457-462. 

F.  B.  Dexter,  Yale  Annals  and  Biographies,  i.  101-102. 

i.  621. 

Besides  the  books  mentioned  in  the  text,  the  fly-leaf  at  the  end  of  a  copy  of 
Janua  Linguarum  Reserata  (London,  1673)  contains  the  entry:  "This  belonged 
to  Middlecott  Cooke  the  G.  Son  of  the  immortal  Elisha  Cooke  &  son  of  Elisha 
Cooke,  a  family  that  guided  Mass,  for  80  years  by  their  virtue  and  patriotism. 
One  of  the  best  of  Books  in  itself  considered."  This  book  was  "The  Gift  of 
Edward  Soley,  of  Charlestown,  Senior  Sophister.  1827,"  who  graduated  in 
1828. 


1919]  COMENIUS  AND   HARVARD  COLLEGE  185 

A  copy  of  Janua  Linguarum  Reserata  (London,  1650)  has  on  a  fly- 
leaf "Elisha  Cooke  his  Booke;"  in  another  place  "Elkanah  Cooke 
his  B;"  on  another  fly-leaf  "Elkanah  Cooke;"  and  finally,  on  the 
same  fly-leaf  as  the  last,  the  following: 


Elkanah  Cooke  was  a  younger  brother  of  the  first  Elisha  Cooke, 
and  no  doubt  the  book  was  used  by  them  at  the  Boston  Public  Latin 
School.1  Born  in  1640  or  1641, 2  Elkanah  Cooke  signed  documents  in 
1656,  1658,  and  1660,3  after  which  all  trace  of  him  is  lost,  and,  as  he 
is  not  mentioned  in  the  will  of  his  father,  dated  December  18, 
1673,4  the  presumption  is  that  he  died  young. 

Among  the  many  Comenius  books  given  by  the  Rev.  John  Bar- 
nard is  a  copy  of  Physicse  ad  Lumen  divinum  Reformat®  Synopsis 
(Amsterdam,  1645),  on  the  fly-leaves  of  which  are  written  "John 
Barnard  Ejus  Liber  Anno  Domini  1693;"  and  "John  Barnard  His 
Book  Anno  Dom  1696;"  and  also  the  following: 


1  The  name  of  Elkanah  Cooke  is  not  found  in  the  Catalogue  (1886)  of  the 
School,  but  the  early  records  are  very  defective.  The  two  Elisha  Cookes  and 
Middlecott  Cooke  are  entered  under  the  years  1646,  1686,  and  1712,  as  probable 
scholars  (pp.  40,  41,  43). 

*  New  England  Historical  and  Genealogical  Register,  ii.  78;  Savage,  Genea- 
logical Dictionary,  i.  445,  449;  Boston  Record  Commissioners'  Reports,  ix.  10. 

1  New  England  Historical  and  Genealogical  Register,  viii.  277,  353,  nod.  105; 
Suffolk  Deeds,  iii.  413. 

«  Suffolk  Probate  Files,  no.  670. 


186 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS          [MARCH, 


John  Barnard  entered  the  Boston  Public  Latin  School  in  1689,1 
and  graduated  at  Harvard  in  the  Class  of  1700.  John  Swift  gradu- 
ated at  Harvard  in  1697. 

On  a  fly-leaf  at  the  beginning  of  a  copy  of  Janua  Aurea  Linguanim 
(Amsterdam,  1649)  is  inscribed: 

Davenport:  Sr  these  are  to  entreat  you  to  step  up  to  Swans  study  and 
drink  a  glass  of  ale 

So  I  rest  yours  to  serve 

JN°  PHILLIPS 

"From  the  Quinquennial  Catalogue,"  remarks  Mr.  Hanus,  "it  ap- 
pears that  John  Phillips  was  a  member  of  the  class  of  1735,  John 
Davenport  [who  graduated  in  1721]  was  a  tutor  from  1728  to  1732, 
and  Josiah  Swan  was  a  member  of  the  class  of  1733.  If  these  are  the 
worthies  named  on  the  fly-leaf  it  looks  as  if  the  freshman  was  in- 
duced to  ask  the  tutor  to  step  up  to  the  junior's  study  for  liquid 
refreshments.  Those  must  have  been  happy  times!" 

On  fly-leaves  at  the  end  of  the  same  book  is  written: 


We  have  here  what  is  perhaps  the  only  extant  autograph  2  of  an 
Indian  student  at  Harvard  College  in  the  seventeenth  century  —  a 
student,  moreover,  of  whom,  oddly  enough,  the  younger  Winthrop 
himself  gave  a  very  interesting  account.  In  a  letter  to  Robert  Boyle 
dated  November  3,  1663,  Winthrop  wrote: 

I  make  bold  to  send  heere  inclosed  a  kind  of  Rarity,  the  first  perhaps 
that  your  honor  hath  scene  of  that  sort  from  such  hands :  it  is  two  papers 
of  latin  composed  by  two  Indians  now  scollars  in  the  Colledge  in  this 
Country,  &  the  writing  is  wth  their  owne  hands.  If  your  hon*  shall 

1  Catalogue  (1886),  p.  41. 

1  The  names  of  "Joel  Jacoomis"  and  "Caleb  Chesecheamuck "  are  attached 
as  witnesses  to  a  deposition  dated  January  20,  1664,  in  Massachusetts  Archives, 
lix.  186;  but  that  document  is  a  copy,  and  hence  the  names  are  not  autographs. 


1919] 


COMENIUS  AND  HARVARD  COLLEGE 


187 


iudge  it  worth  the  notice  of  the  Gentleme  of  the  honbto  Corporation  l 
&  ye  Royall  Society,  you  may  be  pleased  to  give  y™  a  view  of  it.  Possibly 
as  a  novelty  of  that  kind  it  may  be  acceptable,  being  a  reall  fruit  of 
that  hopefull  worke  that  is  begu  amongst  them,  and  therewth  may 
please  to  give  me  leave  to  have  my  humble  service  presented  to  them, 
testifying  thus  much  that  I  received  them  of  those  Indians  out  of  their 
owne  hands,  &  had  ready  answers  fro  them  in  latin  to  many  questions 
that  I  propounded  to  them  in  y*  language,  &  heard  them  both  expresse 
severall  sentences  in  Greeke  also.  I  doubt  not  but  those  honorable 
fautores  Scientiaru  will  gladly  receive  the  intelligence  of  such  vestigia 
dodrince  in  this  Wildernesse  amongst  such  a  barbarous  people :  I  humbly 
crave  your  excuse  for  deteining  your  honr  with  these  Indian  matters, 
it  is  but  fit  once  this  being  ye  first  of  such  kind  y*  has  beene  represented 
from  this  remote  p*  of  y*  world,  otherwise  should  not  have  presumed 
upon  your  patience.1 

The  two  Indians  whose  exercises  were  thought  worthy  of  being 
sent  to  the  Royal  Society,  though  apparently  not  hitherto  identified, 
were  unquestionably  Caleb  Cheeshahteaumuck  and  Joel  Jacoomis, 
both  of  the  Class  of  1665.  The  former  duly  graduated,  being  the 
only  Indian  whose  name  adorns  the  Quinquennial  Catalogue,  though 
by  that  fatality  which  seemed  to  pursue  the  educated  Indians  he 
died  of  consumption  the  following  year;  while  Joel  met  with  a  tragic 
death  shortly  before  the  Commencement  at  which  he  was  to  have 
graduated.  Their  story,  as  written  by  Daniel  Gookin  in  1674,  is 
worth  repeating: 

At  the  island  of  Nope,  or  Martha's  Vineyard,  about  the  year  1649, 
one  of  the  first  Indians  that  embraced  the  Christian  religion  on  that 
island,  named  Hiacoomes'  who  is  living  at  this  day,  and  a  principal 


1  Corporation  for  Propagating  the  Gospel  in  New  England,  now  known  as 
the  New  England  Company,  of  which  Boyle  was  then  Governor.  For  the  many 
names  by  which  this  society  has  been  called,  see  our  Publications,  vi.  180  note  2. 

*  1  Proceedings  Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  xvi.  218-219.    It  is  also 
printed,  with  slight  differences,  in  Winthrop  Papers,  iv.  84-85. 

*  Cotton'  Mather  speaks  of,  this  Indian,  calling  him  "I-a-coomes"  (Magnalia, 
bk.  vi.  chap.  vi.  sect,  ii,  p.  63).    Elsewhere  he  is  called  "Hiacombs,"  "Hiacoms," 
"lacomoes,"  "Jacomes,"  "Jacoms,"  and  "Sacomas"  (Plymouth  Colony  Records, 
x.  167,  210,  245,  262,  277,  405,  405  note).     Cf.  p.  260,  below. 

It  will  be  observed  that  Joel  spells  his  name  "  J:acoomis,"  and  "  Jacomis."   In 
the  list  of  temporary  students  at  Harvard  College  printed  in  our  Publications 


188  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS          [MARCH, 

teacher  among  them,  and  is  a  grave  and  serious  Christian,  and  hath  had 
a  great  blessing  since  upon  his  posterity;  for  his  sons  and  his  daughters 
are  pious,  and  one,  if  not  more  of  his  sons,  teachers  to  them;  and  his  eldest 
son,  called  Joel,  of  whom  we  shall  speak  afterwards,  was  bred  a  scholar 
at  Cambridge  in  New-England,  and  was  not  only  a  good  and  diligent 
student,  but  a  pious  man,  —  though  he  was  taken  away  by  death,  before 
he  came  to  maturity.  .  .  . 

There  was  much  cost  out  of  the  Corporation  stock  expended  in  this 
work,  for  fitting  and  preparing  the  Indian  youth  to  be  learned  and  able 
preachers  unto  their  countrymen.  Their  diet,  apparel,  books,  and 
schooling,  was  chargeable.  In  truth  the  design  was  prudent,  notable, 
and  good;  but  it  proved  ineffectual  to  the  ends  proposed.  For  several 
of  the  said  youth  died,  after  they  had  been  sundry  years  at  learning,  and 
made  good  proficiency  therein.  Others  were  disheartened  and  left 
learning,  after  they  were  almost  ready  for  the  college.  .  .  . 

I  remember  but  only  two  of  them  all,  that  lived  in  the  college  at 
Cambridge;  the  one  named  Joel,  the  other,  Caleb;  both  natives  of 
Martha's  Vineyard.  These  two  were  hopefull  young  men,  especially 
Joel,  being  so  ripe  in  learning,  that  he  should,  within  a  few  months,  have 
taken  his  first  degree  of  bachelor  of  art  in  the  college.  He  took  a  voyage 
to  Martha's  Vineyard  to  visit  his  father  and  kindred,  a  little  before  the 
commencement;  but  upon  his  return  back  in  a  vessel,  with  other  passen- 
gers and  mariners,  suffered  shipwreck  upon  -the  island  of  Nantucket; 
where  the  bark  was  found  put  on  shore;  and  in  all  probability  the  people 
in  it  came  on  shore  alive,  but  afterwards  were  murthered  by  some 
wicked  Indians  of  that  place;  who,  for  lucre  of  the  spoil  in  the  vessel,  which 
was  laden  with  goods,  thus  cruelly  destroyed  the  people  in  it;  for  which 
fault  some  of  those  Indians  was  convicted  and  executed  afterwards.1 
Thus  perished  our  hopeful  young  prophet  Joel.  He  was  a  good  scholar 
and  a  pious  man,  as  I  judge.  I  knew  him  well ;  for  he  lived  and  was  taught 
in  the  same  town  where  I  dwell.2  I  observed  him  for  several  years, 
after  he  was  grown  to  years  of  discretion,  to  be  not  only  a  diligent 


(xvii.  285  note),  the  name  appears  as  "  Jacoms,"  that  being  the  form  found  in  a 
monitor's  bill  of  the  period:  see  1  Proceedings  Massachusetts  Historical  Society, 
x.  403-408;  F.  B.  Dexter,  Historical  Papers,  pp.  1^5. 

1  In  a  document  dated  May  11,  1665,  Edward  Rawson  said:  "there  are 
eight  Indian  youths,  one  whereof  is  in  the  colledg,  &  ready  to  comence  batchiler 
of  art,  besides  another,  in  the  like  capacity,  a  few  months  since,  Vth  seuerall 
English,  was  murdered  by  the  Indians  at  Nantucket"  (Massachusetts  Colony 
Records,  vol.  ii.  pt.  ii.  p.  198). 

1  Cambridge. 


1919]  COMENIUS  AND  HARVARD  COLLEGE  189 

student,  but  an  attentive  hearer  of  God's  word;  diligently  writing  the 
sermons,  and  frequenting  lectures;  grave  and  sober  in  his  conver- 
sation. 

The  other  called  Caleb,  not  long  after  he  took  his  degree  of  bachelor  of 
art  at  Cambridge  in  New-England,  died  of  a  consumption  at  Charles- 
town,  where  he  was  placed  by  Mr.  Thomas  Danforth,  who  had  inspection 
over  him,  under  the  care  of  a  physician  in  order  to  his  health;  where  he 
wanted  not  for  the  best  means  the  country  could  afford,  both  of  food 
and  physick;  but  God  denied  the  blessing,  and  put  a  period  to  his 
days.1 

Finally,  the  New  York  Society  Library  owns  two  of  Comenius's 
books  which  no  doubt  were  once  in  the  possession  of  the  younger 
Winthrop  —  indeed,  may  possibly  have  been  given  to  him  by  Co- 
menius  himself.  These  are  Physicse  ad  Lumen  divinum  Reformatse 
Synopsis  (Amsterdam,  1645),  and  Janua  Linguarum  (London, 
1652).* 

Nor  were  the  scholars  of  New  England  content  with  merely  buying 
the  works  of  Comenius  or  with  using  them  at  school  or  college,  — 
they  also  studied  them  and  quoted  them  in  their  own  books.  Thus 
in  "A  Defence  of  the  Answer  and  Arguments  of  the  Synod  Met 
at  Boston  in  the  Year  1662.  Concerning  The  Subject  of  Baptism 
and  Consociation  of  Churches,"  published  at  our  Cambridge  in 
1664,  Richard  Mather  more  than  once  cited  Comenius's  Ratio 
Discipline.3  In  his  Discourse  Concerning  the  Subject  of  Baptisme, 
published  at  Cambridge  in  1675,  Increase  Mather  wrote: 


1  Historical  Collections  of  the  Indians  in  New  England,  in  1  Massachusetts 
Historical  Collections,  i.  154-155,  172,  173.  For  Caleb,  see  also  Sibley,  Harvard 
Graduates,  ii.  201-204. 

1  Alphabetical  and  Analytical  Catalogue  of  the  New  York  Society  Library 
(1850),  p.  494,  to  which  my  attention  was  called  by  Mr.  Wright.  The  so-called 
Winthrop  Library  is  catalogued  on  pp.  491-505,  there  being  269  titles.  "  This 
Ancient  and  Curious  Collection  of  Books  was  presented  by  the  late  Francis  B. 
Winthrop,  Esq;  they  were  the  property  of  his  distinguished  ancestor,  John  Winthrop, 
the  Founder  of  Connecticut"  (p.  491).  This  statement  is  not  strictly  accurate,  for 
I  have  noted  at  least  fifteen  books  which  were  not  published  until  after  the 
death  of  John  Winthrop,  Jr:  Nevertheless,  it  is  reasonable  to  suppose  that  the 
two  books  in  question  did  belong  to  the  younger  Winthrop,  though  Mr.  F.  B. 
Bigclow  (the  librarian)  kindly  informs  me  that  "The  two  volumes  of  Comenius 
contain  no  mss.  notes." 

»  Pp.  20,  28. 


190  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS          [MARCH, 

n  Ratio  ordin.  As  for  those  pure  Churches,  which  (n)  for  a 

Pratr.  Bohem.  p.  j^g  tjme  flourished  in  Bohemia,  Commenius 


tesifyeth  concerning  them,  that  (discipline 
subjacent  omnes  a  sine  ad  Infantem)  even  Chil- 
dren as  well  as  others  were  under  discipline.1 

How  Cotton  Mather  in  a  book  published  in  1726  imitated  in  his  title 
the  same  work  by  Comenius  has  already  been  pointed  out.2  And 
in  1738  Samuel  Mather  cited  the  same  work.8 

Whatever  may  be  thought  of  the  views  expressed  in  this  paper, 
at  least  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  fame  of  Comenius  did  indeed 
reach  "even  far  distant  America." 

Mr.  ALFRED  C.  POTTER  made  the  following  communi- 
cation : 

CATALOGUE  OF  JOHN  HARVARD'S  LIBRARY 

In  the  Record  Book  of  Harvard  College  known  as  College  Book 
No.  I  there  occurs  on  pages  264-258  a  list  of  the  books  bequeathed 
to  the  College  by  John  Harvard.4  This  list,  formerly  erroneously 
supposed  to  be  in  the  handwriting  of  President  Dunster,  bears  the 
following  heading: 

Catalogus  Librorii  quos  dedit  Dominus  n^Suif  CoUePJ* 
hujus  Patronus. 

The  change  from  "Hervertus"  to  "Harvardus"  shows  a  curious 
uncertainty  in  the  mind  of  the  writer  as  to  at  least  the  Latin  form  of 
the  benefactor's  name.  The  list  comprises  250  entries,  each  num- 
bered in  pencil  in  a  later  hand.  These  are  very  brief,  usually  con- 
fined to  a  single  line,  but  on  the  other  hand  often  including  several 
works  by  an  author  and  occasionally  books  by  more  than  one  author. 
The  entries  are  made  usually  under  the  author  but  sometimes  under 
the  title,  with  no  attempt  at  uniformity.  The  arrangement  is  alpha- 

1  P.  29.  In  some  preliminary  words  "To  the  Reader,"  Mather  said:  "The 
Judicious  Reader  will  remember  that  this  was  written  .  .  .  tn  America;  where  I 
could  not  by  any  means  come  by  the  sight  of  some  Books  more  fully  discovering  the 
practice  of  Antiquity  respecting  the  controverted  Question.  Yet  such  as  I  had,  I 
have  spared  no  pains  in  revolving." 

1  See  p.  155,  above. 

*  Apology  for  the  Liberties  of  the  Churches  in  New  England,  p.  174, 

4  See  our  Publications,  xv.  158-166. 


1919]  CATALOGUE  OF  JOHN  HARVARD'S  LIBRARY  191 

betical  only  under  the  first  letter.  The  nature  of  many  of  the  entries 
would  indicate  that  the  binder's  titles  were  used,  and  some  of  the 
errors  make  at  least  plausible  the  suggestion  that  the  list  was  taken 
down  by  dictation. 

Some  years  ago  our  colleague  Mr.  Andrew  McF.  Davis  printed 
this  list,  with  identification  of  many  of  the  baffling  titles.1  But  for 
his  excellent  pioneer  work  the  present  writer  would  never  have  under- 
taken the  task  of  compiling  a  catalogue  of  John  Harvard's  library. 
The  Catalogue  of  the  College  Library  published  in  1723  2  has  been 
one  of  the  main  sources  of  identification,  for  it  is  a  fairly  safe  assump- 
tion that  if  a  title  given  in  the  Harvard  list  reappears  in  this  Cata- 
logue it  Is  the  book  and  edition  that  John  Harvard  owned.  Rather 
over  half  of  the  titles  have  thus  been  found.  Unfortunately,  this 
Catalogue  gives  only  the  briefest  of  titles,  often  hard  to  recognize 
owing  to  abbreviation,  and  has  many  misprints,  especially  in  the 
dates.  Beyond  these  sources,  the  usual  library  catalogues  and 
bibliographies  have  been  used,  e.g.,  the  catalogues  of  the  British 
Museum,  the  Bodleian,  Trinity  College  (Dublin),  the  Bibliotheque 
Nationale,  and  the  bibliographies  of  Lowndes,  Watt,  Jocher,  etc. 
And  occasionally  some  bookseller's  catalogue  would  by  chance 
furnish  a  clue  to  a  cryptic  title.  But  there  still  remain  some  forty 
titles  that  are  either  wholly  unidentified  or  whose  identification  is 
uncertain.  Some  of  these  are  from  entries  that  are  so  vague  as  to 
render  any  attempt  to  discover  the  book  out  of  the  question:  see 
" Christianity  "  (no.  58), " H  "  (no.  15), and  " N.  Test. Lat."  (no.  157). 
Others,  "  Chareus  in  Epist."  (no.  61),  or  "  Household  Phys."  (no.  104), 
ought  to  be  found,  but  so  far  have  eluded  my  researches. 

The  size  of  Harvard's  library  has  been  variously  estimated. 
Quincy  8  said  there  were  260  volumes;  Mr.  Davis  in  1888  4  gave  the 
number  as  "evidently  over  300,"  but  twenty  years  later  revised  his 
figures  and  said  there  were  373  volumes.6    This  confusion  arises 
partly  from  counting  titles  rather  than  volumes  and  partly  from  the 

1  A  few  Notes  concerning  the  Records  of  Harvard  College.  Library  of  Harvard 
University,  Bibliographical  Contributions,  No.  27,  1888,  pp.  7-13. 

1  Catalogus  Librorum  Bibliothecse  Collegij  Harvardini  quod  est  Cantabrigia 
in  Nova  Anglia.  Bostoni  Nov-Anglorum:  MDCCXXIII. 

»  History  of  Harvard  University  (1840),  i.  10. 

4  A  few  Notes,  etc.,  p.  6. 

1  John  Harvard's  Life  in  America,  in  our  Publications,  xii.  33  n. 


192  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS          [MARCH, 

uncertainty  in  the  list  itself.  A  count  made  from  the  present  attempt 
at  a  catalogue  shows  that  there  were  400  volumes,  representing  329 
titles. 

But  one,  or  at  most  two,  of  John  Harvard's  books  escaped  the 
fire  that  destroyed  the  Library  in  1764:  Downame's  Christian  War- 
fare against  the  Devill,  World  and  Flesh  (no.  78),  and,  possibly, 
the  English  Statutes  of  1587  (no.  69).  But  many  of  the  others  have 
been  replaced  from  time  to  time,  until  now  the  Library  (including 
the  Andover-Harvard  Theological  Library)  has  over  sixty  per  cent 
of  the  identified  titles.  Attempts  have  been  made  of  recent  years 
to  pick  up  the  rest,  but  without  much  success.  Lists  have  been  sent 
the  rounds  of  the  English  booksellers  with  only  meagre  results.  One 
dealer  told  me  he  recognized  many  of  the  titles  as  those  of  books  he 
had  sold  for  waste  paper.  Of  the  books  now  represented  in  the  Li- 
brary, 111  are  the  same  editions  that  Harvard  had  and  85  are  in  other 
but  contemporary  editions. 

A  few  words  may  be  given  to  the  general  character  of  the  books  as 
revealed  by -the  catalogue.  Nearly  three-quarters  of  the  collection 
is  theological.  About  half  of  these  consist  of  biblical  commentary, 
about  equally  divided  between  the  Old  and  the  New  Testaments, 
and  mainly  in  Latin.  While  there  are  a  number  of  volumes  of  ser- 
mons, there  is  comparatively  little  of  religious  controversy.  The 
works  of  several  Jesuit  writers  stand  out  among  those  of  Puritan 
divines.  The  classics  are  well  represented,  —  often,  rather  curiously, 
in  English  translations,  as  Chapman's  Homer,  Holland's  Pliny,  and 
North's  Plutarch.  There  are  a  number  of  grammars  and  dictionaries, 
Greek,  Hebrew,  and  English,  and  half  a  dozen  books  of  extracts,  or 
phrases,  as  Ocland's  Anglorum  Prselia,  La  Primaudaye's  French 
Academy,  and  Peacham's  Garden  of  Eloquence.  These  last  are 
probably  among  the  books  of  Harvard's  schoolboy  days.  English 
literature  and  history  find  scanty  place  in  this  library,  —  Bacon's 
Essays  and  the  poems  of  Quarles  and  Wither  representing  the  former, 
and  Camden's  Remaines  and  a  tract  on  the  Plague  and  another  on 
the  Gunpowder  Plot  (see  nos.  132  and  158)  covering  the  latter  field. 
There  is  some  science,  some  scholastic  philosophy,  and  several  medi- 
cal books.  A  few  books  on  logic  and  two  on  law  are  also  to  be  found 
in  the  collection.  It  is  worth  noting  that  86  books,  or  over  one- 
fourth  of  the  whole  library,  were  printed  in  or  after  1630. 


1919J  CATALOGUE   OF  JOHN  HARVARD'S  LIBRARY  193 


CATALOGUE1 

1  Ambrosij  Dixionariu. 

CALEPINUS,  AMBROSIUS.  Dictionarium  undecim  linguarum. 
Ed.  7.  Basile*:  1627.  f°.  (Cat.  1723) 

There  were  many  other  editions.   H.  C.  L.  has  Basileae,  n.  d,  2  v.    f°. 

2  Antonius  &  Gralerus  in  Seneca. 

SENECA.  L.  Annaei  Senecse  philosophi  et  M.  A.  Senecse  rhetoris 
quae  extant  opera.  Parisiis:  1619.  f°.  (Cat.  1723) 

The  "Antonius"  in  the  List  probably  stands  for  M.  Antonius  Muretua, 
and  the  "Gralerus "  is  intended  for  Gruterus.  Both  of  these  commentators 
were  among  the  editors  of  the  edition  of  Seneca  noted  above  from  the  Cata- 
logue of  1723,  and  it  seems  at  least  probable  that  this  is  the  work  meant 
by  the  compiler  of  the  List. 

3  Abernethyes  physick  for  the  soule. 

ABERNETHY,  JOHN.  *A  Christian  and  heavenly  treatise,  con- 
taining physicke  for  the  soule.  3d  ed.  London:  1630.  8°.  (Cat. 
1723) 

Entered  twice  in  the  List,  —  under  both  author  and  title:  see  no.  185. 

4  Analysis  Apocalypsews. 

GRASERUS,  CONRADUS.    Plaga  regia,  hoc  est  Commentarium  in 
Apocalypsin  Sancti  Johannis.    Tiguri:  1600.    4°.    (Cat.  1723) 
This  identification  is  not  certain. 

5  Angloru  prcelia. 

OCLAND,  CHRISTOPHER.  *Anglorum  pnelia.  Londini:  1582. 
16°.  (Cat.  1723) 

This  work  was  appointed  by  Queen  Elizabeth  and  her  Privy  Council  to 
be  received  and  taught  in  every  grammar  and  free-school  within  the 
kingdom,  "for  the  remouing  of  such  lasciuious  poets  as  are  commonly 
reade  and  taught  in  the  said  grammar  schooles." 


1  The  following  catalogue  is  arranged  in  the  order  of  the  original  List,  and  the 
first  line  of  each  entry  reproduces  the  original  verbatim.  Then  follow  the  fuller 
titles  as  far  as  found,  with  any  necessary  notes. 

Where  a  title  has  been  found  in  the  printed  Catalogue  of  1723,  it  is  indicated 
by  the  words  "Cat.  1723"  after  the  entry. 

When  the  same  edition  of  any  work  is  now  in  the  Harvard  Library,  an  asterisk 
precedes  the  title.  If  the  book  is  now  in  the  Library,  but  in  a  different  edition, 
the  facts  are  given  in  a  note. 


194  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  [MARCH, 

6  Aquinatis  Opa.  Conclusiones. 

AQUINAS,  St.  THOMAS.  Opera  omnia.  Venetiis:  1593.  17  v. 
f°.  (Cat.  1723) 

This  is  entered  twice  in  the  List:  see  no.  232. 

AQUINAS,  St.  THOMAS.  Totius  summse  conclusiones.  Lugduni: 
1613.  8°.  (Cat.  1723) 

H.  C.  L.  has  edition  of  1622. 

7  Aynsworts  workes. 

AINSWORTH,  HENRY.  *Annotations  upon  the  five  bookes  of 
Moses,  the  booke  of  the  Psalms,  and  the  Song  of  Songs,  or  Can- 
ticles. London:  1627.  3  pts.  in  1  v.  f°.  (Cat.  1723) 

Each  part  has  a  separate  title-page,  dated  1626,  which  is  the  date  given 
in  the  Catalogue  of  1723. 

8  Amesij  Theologiae  Medulla.     De  Consc:  In  Epistolas  Petrj. 

contra  Armin :  Bellarminus  Enervatus. 

AMES,  WILLIAM.  *Medulla  theologise.  Amstelodami.  n.  d. 
(Cat.  1723) 

AMES,  WILLIAM.  *De  conscientia,  libri  quinque.  Amstelodami: 
1630.  4°.  (Cat.  1723) 

AMES,  WILLIAM.  *Utriusque  Epistolae  divi  Petri  Apostoli  ex- 
plicatio  analytica.  Amstelodami:  1635.  12°. 

There  was  also  an  edition  of  1625.  The  Catalogue  of  1723  gives  one  of 
the  date  of  1650. 

AMES,  WILLIAM.  Coronis  ad  collationem  Hagiensium,  qua 
argumenta  pastorum  Hollandise  adversus  remonstrantium  quinque 
articulos  de  divine  prsedestinatione.  Lugd.  Bat.  1618.  4°. 

This  is  probably  the  work  meant  by  the  brief  entry  in  the  List  "Contra 
Armin."  There  were  also  editions  of  1628  and  1630.  The  Catalogue  of 
1723  quotes  one  of  1650.  H.  C.  L.  has  edition  of  1664. 

AMES,  WILLIAM.  *Bellarminus  enervatus.  3d  ed.  4  torn,  in  2. 
Oxonise:  1629.  12°.  (Cat.  1723) 

9  Augustinj  meditationes.    Opa. 

AUGUSTINE,  Saint.    Meditationes.    Colonise:  1614.    12°. 

There  were  also  editions  of  1631,  etc.  The  work  does  not  appear  hi  the 
Catalogue  of  1723. 

AUGUSTINE,  Saint.  Opera.  Paris:  1635-37.  11  vols.  f°. 
(Cat.  1723) 

H.  C.  L.  has  an  edition  of  Basel,  1556.    10  v.    f°. 


1919] 


CATALOGUE  OF  JOHN  HAR\^JEU>  8  LIBRARY 


195 


10  Alstedij  Physica  Hannonia.  Compendiu  Thelogiae. 

ALSTED,  JOHANN  HEINRICH.  Physica  harmonica.  Herbornae: 
1616.  12°. 

This  title,  although  clearly  indicated  in  the  List,  does  not  appear  in 
the  Catalogue  of  1723,  which  gives  his  Logics  systema  harmonicum, 
1628. 

ALSTED,  JOHANN  HEINRICH.  Compendium  theologicum.  Hano- 
vi«:  1624.  8°.  (Cat.  1723) 

11  Apeius  in  Nov.  Testam*. 

.  I  have  found  no  writer  whose  name  resembles  "Apeius."  It  has  been 
suggested  that  it  is  an  error  for  Alexander  Alesius,  author  of  several  com- 
mentaries on  different  books  of  the  New  Testament.  He  does  not  appear 
in  the  Catalogue  of  1723. 

12  Anatomy  Arminianisme. 

Du  MOULIN,  PIERRE.  *The  anatomy  of  Arminianisme:  or  the 
opening  of  the  controversies  lately  handled  in  the  Low-Countryes, 
concerning  the  doctrine  of  providence,  of  predestination,  of  the 
death  of  Christ,  of  nature  and  grace.  London:  1620.  sm.  8°. 

13  Anchorani  porta  linguarum. 

COMENIUS,  JOHANN  AMOS.  Porta  linguarum  trilinguis.  London: 
1631.  8°.  (Cat.  1723) 

This  was  edited  by  Joannes  Anchoranus,  under  whose  name  the  com- 
piler of  the  List  enters  it.  H.  C.  L.  has  the  3d  edition,  London,  1637. 


14  Actus  Synodi  Nationalis. 

DORT,   Synod  of.     *Acta  synodi  nationalis 
1620.    f°.     (Cat.  1723) 


Lugd.   Bat. 


15  Acta  Synodalia. 

DORT,  Synod  of.  *Acta  et  scripta  synodalia  Dordracena  Mi- 
nistrorum  remonstrantium  in  Fosderato  Belgio.  Herderwiici. 
1620.  sm.  4°.  (Cat.  1723) 

16  Aschamj  Epistolae. 

ASCHAM,  ROGER.  Familiarum  epistolarum  libri  tres.  Londini: 
1578.  8°.  (Cat.  1723) 

H.  C.  L.  has  the  edition  of  1590. 

The  Catalogue  of  1723  includes  with  this  his  "Apologia  pro  Cosna  Domi- 
nica," and  so  Davis  in  his  List,  but  there  is  no  other  evidence  that  it  was 
in  Harvard's  library. 


196 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS          [MARCH, 


17  Arraingm*  of  the  whole  Creature. 

[JEROME,  STEPHEN.]    *Arraignement  of  the  whole  creature  at 
the  barre  of  religion.    London:  1631.    sm.  4°.     (Cat.  1723) 

18  Alicalj  Emblemata 

ALCIATI,  ANDREA.    Emblemata  cum  commentariis  per  Claud. 
Minoem.    Parisiis:  1583.    8°.     (Cat.  1723) 
H.  C.  L.  has  the  Paris  edition  of  1589. 


19  jEsopi  fabulse. 

Fabulae. 


London:  1624.    8°.     (Cat.  1723) 


20  jEgidius  in  Arist.  Philos.  &  Metaph. 

COLONNA,  EGIDIO.  Commentatiqnes  physicce  et  metaphysicce. 
Urseliis:  1604.  8°.  (Cat.  1723) 

21  Academia  Gallica. 

LA  PRIMAUDATE,  PIERRE  DE.  *The  French  academic,  wherein 
is  discoursed  the  institution  of  maners,  and  whatsoever  els  con- 
cerneth  the  good  and  happie  life.  .  .  .  Translated  into  English 
by  T.  B.  London:  1594.  4°.  (Cat.  1723) 

Entered  in  the  List  under  a  Latin  title,  "Academia  Gallica."  This 
work  was  written  in  French  and  does  not  appear  ever  to  have  been  trans- 
lated into  Latin.  This  English  translation  (by  Thomas  Bowes)  is  in  the 
Catalogue  of  1723,  and  furthermore  is  a  work  that  frequently  is  included 
hi  the  inventories  of  colonial  libraries. 

22  Bao-tXucop  b&pov. 

JAMES  I.     *Ba<ri\iKov  5a>pov,  Or,  His  maiesties  instructions  to 
his  dearest  sonne,  Henry  the  prince.     London:  1603.     12°. 
There  were  several  other  editions. 

23  Bezffi  Test.  N.  cu  Aimotat.  Test.  Greec.  Lat.  In  Epist.  ad  Galat:. 

Epfce. 

BEZE,  THEODORE.  Novum  Testamentum.  Greece  &  Latine. 
Ed.  T.  Beza.  [Geneva]:  1565.  8°. 

The  Andover-Harvard  Theological  Library  has  a  copy.  The  Catalogue 
of  1723  has  "Biblia  S.  Vet.  Test.,  Junii  et  Tremellii,  et  Nov.j  Testam, 
Bezse.  Amstel.  1628.  8°."  See  no.  43. 

BEZE,  THEODORE.    In  Epist.  ad  Galat. 
BEZE,  THEODORE.    In  Epist.  ad  Ephe. 


1919]  CATALOGUE  OF  JOHN  HARVARD'S  LIBRARY  197 

24  Baynes  on  Collos:.    Ephes. 

BAYNES,  PAUL.  Commentarie  upon  the  first  and  second  chap- 
ters of  S.  Paul  to  the  Collossians.  London:  1635.  4°.  (Cat. 
1723) 

H.  C.  L.  has  1634  edition. 

BAYNES,  PAUL.  Commentarie  on  Ephesians.  London:  1618. 
4°. 

The  Catalogue  of  1723  has  1658  edition,  probably  a  misprint  for  the 
above. 

25  Bethneri  Gram:  Hebraea. 

BYTHNER,  VICTORINUS.  Grammatica  Hebraea.  Londini:  1635. 
(Cat.  1723) 

Title  of  1638  edition  now  in  H.  C.  L. :  "  Lingua  eruditorum;  hoc  est,  nova 
et  methodica  institutio  linguae  sanctae." 

26  Berchetj  Catechismus. 

CALVIN,  JOHN.  *Elementaria  traditio  Christianorum  fidei,  aut 
Catechismus  .  .  .  et  precum  formulae.  Omnia  ...  in  Latinum 
conversa  .  .  .  per  T.  Berchetum.  Hanovise:  1628.  8°. 

27  Buxtorfi.  Dixionar.  Hebr:.  Gram:  hebr:. 

BUXTORF,  JOHANN.  *Lexicon  Chaldaicum  et  Syriacum.  Ba- 
silese.  1622.  4°.  (Cat.  1723) 

BUXTORF,  JOHANN.  *Thesaums  grammaticus  linguae  sanctae 
hebraeae.  Ed.  4*.  Basileae:  1629.  8°. 

There  were  also  several  other  editions  before  1637. 

28  Beton  displaying  of  ye  popish  Masse. 

BECON,  THOMAS.  The  displaying  of  the  popish  masse.  London: 
1637.  12°. 

29  Bellarmin.  de  faelicitate  sanctorii.    In  Psalm.    In  !•  &  2s  Epist: 

ad  Thessalon.     Conciones. 

BELLARMINO,  ROBERTO.  De  aeterna  felicitate  sanctorum,  libri 
quinque.  Amstelodami:  1616.  8°. 

The  Catalogue  of  1723  gives  an  edition  without  place  or  date.  There 
were  other  editions  besides  that  quoted  above. 

BELLARMINO,  ROBERTO.  Expositio  in  Psalmos.  Colon:  1611. 
4°.  (Cat.  1723) 

BELLARMINO,  ROBERTO.     In  l*m  &  2*™  Epist.  ad  Thessalon. 

BELLARMINO,  ROBERTO.  Conciones  habitae  Lovanii  ante  annos 
circiter  quadraginta.  Cameraci:  1617.  4°.  (Cat.  1723) 


198  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS          [MARCH, 

30  Bolton  in  4  volumnes. 

BOLTON,  ROBERT.  *A  discourse  about  the  state  of  true  happi- 
nesse.  6th  ed.  London:  1631.  4°.  (Cat.  1723) 

BOLTON,  ROBERT.  ""Instructions  for  a  right  comforting  afflicted 
consciences,  with  antidotes  against  some  grievous  temptations. 
London:  1631.  4°.  (Cat.  1723) 

BOLTON,  ROBERT.  "Three-fold  treatise:  containing  the  saints 
sure  and  perpetuall  guide.  London:  1634.  4°.  (Cat.  1723) 

BOLTON,  ROBERT.  Some  generall  directions  for  a  comfortable 
walking  with  God.  Ed.  4.  London:  1634.  8°.  (Cat.  1723) 

H.  C.  L.  has  the  third  edition,  1630. 

31  Ball  on  faith. 

BALL,  JOHN.    Treatise  on  faith.   London:  1637.  4°.  (Cat.  1723) 
H.  C.  L.  has  an  edition  of  1632. 

32  Bastingius  on  Palatines  Catechisme. 

BASTINGIUS,  JEREMIAS.  Exposition  or  commentarie  vpon  the 
Catechisme  of  the  Christian  religion  ...  in  the  Countie  Palatine. 
Cambridge:  1595.  (Cat.  1723) 

33  Brerewood  on  the  Sabbath. 

BREREWOOD,  EDWARD.  A  learned  treatise  of  the  Sabaoth.  Ox- 
ford: 1630.  4°. 

There  were  also  editions  in  1631  and  1632. 

34  Bacons  advancem*.    Essayes. 

BACON,  FRANCIS.    *Two  bookes  of  the  proficience  and  advance- 
ment of  learning  divine  and  humane.    Oxford:  1633.    sm.  8°. 
There  were  three  editions,  1605,  1629,  1633. 

BACON,  FRANCIS.  *Essayes  or  counsels,  civill  and  morall.  .Newly 
enlarged.  London:  1629.  8°. 

There  were  twelve  editions  from  1597  to  1632.  It  seems  probable  that 
Harvard's  copies  of  the  Essays  and  the  Advancement  of  Learning  were 
bound  together:  in  this  case  they  would  be  likely  to  have  been  the  Essays 
of  1629  or  1632  and  the  Advancement  of  1629  or  1633. 

.35  Bannes  in  Arist:  de  Gen:  &  Corrup. 

BANEZ,  DOMINGO.  Qusestiones  &  commentaria  in  duos  libros 
Aristotelis  de  generatione  &  corruptione.  Colonise:  1616.  4°. 
(Cat.  1723) 


1919]  CATALOGUE  OF  JOHN  HARVARD'S  LIBRARY  199 

36  Bovilij  Adagia. 

*Adagia,  id  est:  proverbiorum,  paroemiarum  et  parabolarum 
omnium,  quse  apud  Graecos,  Latinos,  ...  in  usu  fuerunt,  collec- 
tio.  ...  In  qua  continentur  .  .  .  Caroli  Bovilli  proverbia. 
[Frankofurti  a.  M.]     1629.    f°. 

The  work  was  edited  by  Johann  Jacob  Grynaeus.  It  is  entered  in  the 
List  under  Carolus  Bovillus,  the  last  of  several  authors  mentioned  on  the 
title-page.  It  does  not  appear  in  the  Catalogue  of  1723. 

37  Bedse  Axiomata  Philosophica. 

BEDE.  *Axiomata  philosophica,  ex  Aristotele  &  alijs  preestanti- 
bus  philosophis  diligenter  collecta.  Colonise:  1609.  sm.  12°. 

38  Brentius  de  parabolis. 

BRENTZ,  JOHANN.    De  parabolis. 

39  Beards  theatre  of  Gods  judgm*". 

BEARD,  THOMAS.  "Theatre  of  God's  judgements.  3d  ed. 
London:  1631.  4°. 

Other  editions  appeared  in  1597,'  1612,  and  1648.  The  Catalogue  of 
1723  gives  the  date  1651,  probably  a  misprint. 

40  Brerewoods  Tractatus  Logicus. 

BREREWOOD,  EDWARD.  *Tractatus  quidam  logici  de  prsedi- 
cabilibus  et  preedicamentis.  Oxford:  1628.  4°.  (Cat.  1723) 

41  Brentij  Pericopse  &c. 

BRENTZ,  JOHANN.  Pericopse  Evangeliomm.  Francofurti:  1559. 
8°.  (Cat.  1723) 

H.  C.  L.  has  the  edition  of  1556. 

42  Bullingerus  in  Isaj. 

BULLINQER,  HEINRICH.  Isaias  excellentissimus  Dei  propheta 
.  .  .  expositus  .  .  .  authore  H.  B.  Tiguri:  1567.  f°. 

43  Biblia  Tremelij  &  Junij. 

*Testamenti  Veteris  Biblia  sacra  .  .  .  ab  Imanuele  Tremellio, 
&  Francisco  Junio  .  .  .  Novi  Testament!.  .  .  .  Ed.  7*.  Hanoviae 
1624,  '23.  f°.  (Cat.  1723) 


200 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS          [MABCH, 


44  Bucani  Institutiones.  • 

BUCANUS,  GUUELMUS.  *Institutiones  theologicse,  seu  Locorum 
communium  christianee  religionis  analysis.  Ed.  postrema.  Ge- 
neva;: 1617.  sm.  8°. 

There  were  also  editions  in  1609  and  1630. 

45  Bradshewes  p'paration  for  the  Sacram*. 

BRADSHAW,  WILLIAM.    A  preparation  to  the  receiving  of  Christs 
body  and  bloud.    7th  ed.     London:  1627.     12°. 
The  Catalogue  of  1723  has  an  edition  of  1643. 


46  Broughton  on  the  revelat:  on  Eccles.    Positions  on  the  Bible.    On 

Daniel,     texts  of  Script,  chronol.  pamphlets. 

BROUGHTON,  HUGH.  Revelation  of  the  holy  Apocalypse.  Lon- 
don: 1610.  4°. 

BROUGHTON,  HUGH.  A  comment  upon  Coheleth  or  Ecclesiastes. 
London:  1605.  4°. 

BROUGHTON,  HUGH.  Principall  positions  for  grounds  of  the 
holy  Bible.  London:  1609.  4°. 

BROUGHTON,  HUGH.  *Daniel,  with  a  brief  explication.  Hanaw: 
1607.  sm.  4°. 

There  were  also  several  earlier  editions  published  in  London. 

BROUGHTON,  HUGH.    Texts  of  scripture.    London:  1591.    4°. 
•    BROUGHTON,  HUGH.     Sundry  workes  defending  the  certaintie 
of  the  holy  Chronicle,    n.  p.    n.  d.    4°. 

The  Catalogue  of  1723  has  Broughton's  Works  in  one  volume,  folio,  1615. 

47  Baylyes  directions  for  health. 

[VAUGHAN,  SIR  WILLIAM.]  'Directions  for  health.  6th  ed. 
Whereunto  is  annexed  Two  treatises  of  approved  medicines  for  all 
diseases  of  the  eyes  .  .  .  the  first  written  by  Doctor  Baily.  Lon- 
don: 1626.  4°. 

As  Walter  Bayley's  name  is  the  only  one  on  the  title-page,  the  entry  in 
the  List  is  easily  explained.  The  book  does  not  appear  in  the  Catalogue 
of  1723,  and  the  above  edition,  which  is  now  in  H.  C.  L.,  may  not  be  the 
same  one  that  John  Harvard  had. 

48  Calvinus  in  Pent  &  Joshua.     Sermons  vpon  Job  in  English. 

prlectiones  in  Ezechiel.  Institut.  Religio.  Christ.  Tomus  4Ui 
opu  Theologicoru.  Harmonia.  In  Prophetas  min:  I  loin  ilia 
in  Samuelem.  In  Epistolas  Paulj.  In  Psalm. 


1919]  CATALOGUE  OF  JOHN  HARVARD'S  LIBRARY  201 

CALVIN,  JOHN.  In  quinque  Libros  Mosis  Commentarii  .  .  . 
ejusdem  ...  in  Librum  losue  Commentarius.  [Heidelberg.] 
1595.  f°.  (Cat.  1723) 

CALVIN,  JOHN.  Sermons  upon  the  booke  of  Job.  Translated 
out  of  French  by  A.  Golding.  London:  1574.  f°.  (Cat.  1723) 

H.  C.  L.  has  an  edition  of  1584. 

CALVIN,  JOHN.  Pralectiones  in  Ezekielem.  Geneva:  1616.  f°. 
(Cat.  1723) 

CALVIN,  JOHN.  Institutio  Christiana  religionis.  n.  p.  1607. 
f°.  (Cat.  1723) 

There  is  a  copy  of  the  edition  of  1609  in  the  Andover-Harvard  Theolog- 
ical Library. 

CALVIN,  JOHN.  Operum  omnium  theologicorum  tomus  quartus. 
Geneva;:  1617.  f°.  (Cat.  1723) 

CALVIN,  JOHN.  Harmonia  e*  tribus  Evangelistis  composita 
Matthoo,  Marco,  et  Luca.  n.  p.  1572.  f°.  (Cat.  1723) 

There  is  a  copy  of  the  Geneva  edition  of  1582  in  the  Andover-Harvard 
Theological  Library. 

CALVIN,  JOHN.  Prselectiones  in  duodecim  Prophetas  minores. 
Geneva:  1610.  f°.  (Cat.  1723) 

CALVIN,  JOHN.  "Homilies  in  primum  librum  Samuelis.  Geneva: 
1604.  1°.  (Cat.  1723) 

CALVIN,  JOHN.  *Commentarii  in  omnes  Pauli  apostoli  epistolas. 
Geneva:  1580.  f°. 

CALVIN,  JOHN.  In  Librum  Psalmorum commentarius.  [Geneva?]: 
1564.  8°.  (Cat.  1723) 

49  Camararij  meditationes  histor. 

CAMERARIUS,  PHILIPP.  Meditationes  historicae.  Francofurti: 
1624.  (Cat.  1723) 

50  Corradj  Casus  Consc. 

CORRADUS,  JOANNES  BAPTISTA.  Responsa  ad  cujuscunque  pene 
generalis  casuum  conscientia.  Perusia:  1596.  8° 

51  Church  his  God  &  man.     Good  mans  treasure. 

CHURCH,  HENRY.  Miscellanea  philo-theologica:  or,  God  and 
man.  London:  1637.  2  pts.  4°. 

CHURCH,  HENRY.  Of  the  good  mans  treasury.  London:  1636. 
12°.  (Cat.  1723) 


202  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS          [MARCH, 

52  Camdens  remaines. 

CAMDEN,  WILLIAM.  *Remaines  concerning  Britaine.  London: 
1637.  4°.  (Cat.  1723) 

53  Cleonardi 

CLENARDUS,  NICOLAUS.  *Institutiones  meditationes.  Paris: 
1566.  4°.  (Cat.  1723) 

The  identification  of  this  title  is  by  no  means  certain;  the  entry  has  been 
trimmed  off  by  the  binder,  so  as  to  be  almost  illegible.  The  title  is  gone 
entirely,  as  well  as  the  upper  portion  of  the  author's  name. 

54  Chysostinj  homilia. 

CHRYSOSTOM,  Saint.  Homiliae  ad  populum  Antiochenum  habitae. 
London:  1590.  8°.  (Cat.  1723) 

55  Castanej  Distinctiones. 

CHASTEIGNER,  HENRI  Jx>uis.  Synopsis  distincrionum  turn 
philosophicarum,  turn  theologicanun.  Col.  Allobr.:  1618.  8°. 
(Cat.  1723) 

56  Calliopseia. 

DRAXE,  THOMAS.  Calliepeia;  or,  a  rich  store-house  of  proper, 
choise  and  elegant  Latine  words  and  phrases,  collected  for  the 
most  part  out  of  all  Tullies  works.  The  second  impression,  en- 
larged. London:  1613.  8°. 

The  Catalogue  of  1723  includes  a  copy  marked  "Title  page  gone." 
Other  editions  were  published  in  1612,  1618,  1625,  1631,  and  1643.  There 
is  a  copy  of  the  last  in  H.  C.  L.  This  work  may  be  entered  a  second 
tune  in  the  List  under  the  heading  "Elegant  Phrases,"  no.  89. 

57  Chrystopolitanj  opa. 

This  entry  in  the  List  is  probably  meant  for  Zacharias,  Chrystopolitanus. 
His  name  does  not  appear  in  the  Catalogue  of  1723,  nor  do  his  Opera  seem 
to  have  been  published.  His  principal  work  was  "In  unum  ex  quatuor, 
sive  de  concordia  evangelistarum  opus  ab  Ammonio  redacta,"  1535. 

58  Christianity. 

59  Corner j  Psalteriu  Lat:. 

CORNERUS,  CHRISTOPHORUS.  Psalterium  Latinum.  n.  p.  1578. 
8°.  (Cat.  1723) 

60  Curiel  in  Epist.  Thomee. 

CUMEL,  FRANCISCUS.  Variarum  disputationum  tomi  tres  .  .  . 
primus  in  primam  partem  S.  Thomee  .  .  .  Lugduni:  1609.  f°. 
(Cat.  1723) 


1919]  CATALOGUE   OF  JOHN   HARVARD'S   LIBRARY  203 

61  Chareus  in  Epist. 

62  Cornelius  de  artibus  &  Scientijs.    InEccles:.    Prophetas  majores, 

&  minoresi  in  Pent,  in  Epist:  Paulj.  in  Acta.    In  Prov.  in 
7vol. 

The  compfler  of  the  List  has  confused  the  German  theologian  and 
mystic,  Cornelius  Agrippa,  and  the  Jesuit,  Cornelius  a  Lapide. 

AGRIPPA,  HEINRICH  CORNELIUS.  De  incertitudine  et  vanitate 
omnium  scientiarum  et  artiurn  liber,  n.  p.  1609.  8°.  (Cat. 
1723) 

H.  C.  L.  has  editions  published  at  Colonise  in  1531  and  1575. 

LAPIDE,  CORNELIUS  A.  Commantaria  in  Ecclesiasticum.  Lug- 
duni:  1634.  f°.  (Cat.  1723) 

H.  C.  L.  has  an  edition  of  1638. 

LAPIDE,  CORNELIUS  A.  Commentaria  in  Prophetas  majores. 
Paris:  1622.  f°.  (Cat.  1723) 

H.  C.  L.  has  an  edition  of  1625. 

LAPIDE,  CORNELIUS  A.  Commentaria  in  duodecim  Prophetas 
minores.  Paris:  1630.  f°.  (Cat.  1723) 

H.  C.  L.  has  an  edition  of  1628. 

LAPIDE,  CORNELIUS  X.    Commentaria  in  Pentateuchum  Mosis. 
LutetiffiParisiorum:  1637.    f°.     (Cat.  1723) 
.  H.  C.  L.  has  an  edition  of  1618. 

LAPIDE,  CORNELIUS  A.  In  omnes  divi  Pauli  Epistolas  commen- 
taria.  Paris:  1631.  f°.  (Cat.  1723) 

H.  C.  L.  has  an  edition  of  1692. 

LAPIDE,  CORNELIUS  A.  Commentaria  in  Acta  Apostolorum 
.  .  .  et  Apocalypsin.  Paris:  1631.  f°.  (Cat.  1723) 

H.  C.  L.  has  an  edition  of  1627. 

LAPIDE,  CORNELIUS  A.    Commentaria  in  Proverbia  Salomonis. 
Antverpise:  1635.    f°.     (Cat.  1723) 
H.  C.  L.  has  an  edition  of  1645. 

63  Clavis  grsec:  Linguee. 

LUBIN,  EILHARD.    Clavis  grsecse  linguae.    London:  1620.    8°. 
There  was  also  an  edition  of  1629.    H.  C.  L.  has  London,  1647. 

64  Comentariu  in  Horatiu  in  Fol. 

65  Coment:  in  4  Euangel.  &  Acta  Apost.  On  the  Prov. 


204  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  [MARCH, 

66  Cottons  concordance. 

COTTON,  CLEMENT.  ""Concordance  to  the  Bible.  London: 
1631.  f°. 

67  Coment  in  Arist.  Phys.  de  anima. 

ZABARELLA,  JACOPO.  Commentarii  in  Aristotelis  libros  de 

anima.  Venetiis:  1605.  f°.  (Cat.  1723) 

ZABARELLA,  JACOPO.  Commentarii  in  Aristotelis  libros  physi- 

corum.  Venetiis:  1605.  f°.  (Cat.  1723) 

The  Catalogue  of  1723  gives  the  date  as  "  1650,"  —  probably  a  mis- 
print. The  identification  of  the  above  two  titles  is  not  positive,  as  the  entry 
in  the  List  is  by  title  only.  The  second  work  may  have  been  "Commen- 
tariorum  collegii  Conimbricensis  Societis  Jesu  in  octo  libros  physicorum 
AristoteUs  prima  [secunda]  pars.  Coloniac:  1616.  4°."  This  is  also  in 
the  Catalogue  of  1723. 


68  Cartwright  in  Eccles.  &  Prov. 

CARTWRIGHT,  THOMAS.  *Metaphrasis  et  homilise  in  librum 
Salomonis  qui  inscribitur  Ecclesiastes.  Marpurgi  Cattorum: 
1604.  16°. 

CARTWRIGHT,  THOMAS.  *Commentarii  succincti  &  dilucidi  in 
Proverbia  Salomonis.  Amstelodami:  1638.  sm.  4°.  (Cat.  1723) 

69  Collection  of  statutes. 

The  whole  volume  of  statutes  at  large  .  .  .  since  Magna 
Charta  untill  the  29th  yeere  of  Ladie  Elizabeth.  London:  1587. 
f°.  (Cat.  1723) 

The  Catalogue  of  1723  also  gives  a  later  volume  of  the  Statutes  from 
35th  of  Elizabeth  to  4th  of  Charles;  but  as  the  List  does  not  indicate  more 
than  one  volume  I  quote  only  the  former.  The  copy  of  this  now  in  the 
Harvard  College  Library  was  in  the  Library  before  the  fire  of  1764,  and 
may  be  John  Harvard's  own  copy.  But  there  are  no  marks  of  ownership 
hi  the  book,  nor  is  there,  as  in  the  case  of  Downame's  Christian  Warfare, 
any  tradition  connecting  it  with  him. 

70  Conradus  in  Apocalyp. 

CONRADUS,  ALFONSUS.  In  Apocalypsim  .  .  .  Commentarius. 
Basile«e:  1560.  8°.  (Cat.  1723) 

71  Carlton  ag"*  Pelag.  &  Armin. 

CARLETON,  GEORGE.  *Examination  of  those  things  wherein  the 
author  of  the  late  Appeale  holdeth  the  Doctrines  of  the  Pelagians 
and  Arminians  to  be  the  Doctrines  of  the  Church  of  England. 
London:  1626.  4°. 


1919]  CATALOGUE  OF  JOHN  HARVARD'S  LIBRARY  205 

72  Chytreus  in  Apocal.  in  Levit.  in  Genes.  Numer.  in  Deut.  Ester. 

Judices  in  6  Tom. 

CHYTILEUS,  DAVID.  Enarratio  in  Apocalypsin.  Vitebergee: 
1575.  8°.  (Cat.  1723) 

CHYTILEUS,  DAVID.  *Tertius  Liber  Moysis  qui  inscribitur 
Leviticus.  Vitebergae:  1575.  8°. 

CHYTREUS,  DAVID.  In  Genesin  enarratio,  recens  recognita. 
Vitebergae:  1568.  8°.  (Cat.  1723) 

CHYTREUS,  [DAVID.  Enarratio  in  Numeros  et  Josuam.  Vite- 
bergse:  1568.  8°.  (Cat.  1723) 

CHYTREUS,  DAVID.  Enarratio  in  Deuteronom.  Vitebergae: 
1575.  8°.  (Cat.  1723) 

CHYTREUS,  DAVID.    In  Ester. 

CHYTREUS,  DAVID.  Enarratio  in  Judic.  et  Evangel.  Joannis. 
Francofurti:  1589.  8°.  (Cat.  1723) 

i 

73  Characciolus  his  life. 

[BALBANI,  NICCOLO.]  *Newes  from  Italy  of  a  second  Moses,  or 
the  Life  of  Galeacius  Caracciolus,  the  noble  marquisse  of  Vico. 
Containing  the  story  of  his  admirable  conversion  from  popery. 
Written  first  in  Italian,  thence  translated  into  Latin  by  the  Reve- 
rend Beza,  and  for  the  benefit  of  our  people  put  into  English  by 
William  Crashaw.  London:  1608.  4°. 

The  Catalogue  of  1723  gives  the  date  as  1639,  obviously  too  late  to  have 
been  in  Harvard's  library.  Other  editions  were  printed  in  1612  and  1635. 

74  Catin.  Phrases. 

Possibly  this  may  be  meant  for  some  edition  of  the  Dicta  Catonis.  An 
English  translation  by  Sir  Richard  Baker  was  published  in  1636  under 
the  title  "Cato  variegatus,  or  Gate's  Morall  distichts:  translated  and 
paraphrased  with  variations  of  expressing  in  English  verse."  It  does  not 
appear  in  the  Catalogue  of  1723,  and  the  identification  is  more  than 
doubtful. 

75  Danej  opa  Theolog.  Questiones.  de  salutaribus  dej  donis.  in 

Math,  his  comon  Ethicks. 

DANEAU,  LAMBERT.  *Opuscula  omnia  theologica.  [Geneva]: 
1583.  f°.  (Cat.  1723) 

DANEAU,  LAMBERT.  Isagoges  Christian®  in  Christanorum 
theologorum  locos  communes  Pars  quarta.  Genevee:  1586.  8°. 
(Cat.  1723) 

Entered  in  the  List  as  "Questiones  de  salutaribus  Dei  donis,"  which  ia 
contained  in  the  fourth  part  of  this  work. 


206 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  [MARCH, 


DANEAU,  LAMBERT.  In  Evangelium  domini  nostri  Jesu  Christ! 
secundum  Matthaeum  commentarii  brevissimi.  Rupellae:  1590. 
8°.  (Cat.  1723) 

H.  C.  L.  has  an  edition  of  1593. 

DANEAU,  LAMBERT.    His  common  ethicks. 

Perhaps  his  "Ethices  christianae  libri  tres.    Genevae.    1614.    8°." 
find  no  English  translation. 

76  Dickson  on  hebr. 

DICKSON,  DAVID.  *A  short  explanation  of  the  Epistle  of  Paul 
to  the  Hebrewes.  Aberdene:  1635.  24°. 

77  Dictionariu  Anglic.  HistoricQ.  Geograp.  Poeticu.  Lat.  Grcec. 

ESTIENNE,  CHARLES.     *Dictionarium  historicum,  geographic 
poeticum.    Genevse:  1633.    f°. 

The  Catalogue  of  1723  gives  only  an  edition  of  Oxford,  1671.  The 
Bibliotheque  Nationale  has  17  editions  from  1561  to  1620.  The  copy  of 
the  1633  'edition  [now  in  H.  C.  L.  bears  the  autograph  of  President  Ben- 
jamin Wadsworth. 

78  Douna  his  warfare. 

DOWNAME  (DOWNHAM),  JOHN.  *Christian  warfare  against  the 
devill,  world  and  flesh.  4th  edition.  London:  1634-33.  4  pts. 
inlv.  f°. 

The  copy  now  hi  the  Harvard  College  Library  is  probably  the  only  one 
of  John  Harvard's  books  that  survived  the  fire  that  destroyed  the  Library 
in  1764.  After  this  item  in  the  List  is  written  in  pencil  "Escaped  when 
the  Library  was  burnt."  Although  there  is  no  autograph  or  any  other 
early  indication  of  his  ownership,  long  tradition  has  held  it  to  be  Harvard's 
own  copy,  and  as  such  it  is  treasured.  When  the  Library  was  moved  into 
the  Widener  Memorial  Building  in  1915,  this  was  the  first  book  to  be  car- 
ried into  the  Library's  new  home.  It  is,  however,  possible  that  the  "Vol- 
ume of  Statutes"  of  1587  (no.  69)  may  also  have  been  one  of  John  Har- 
vard's books. 

79  Davenantius  in  Epist.  ad  Collos. 

DAVENANT,  JOHN.  *Expositio  epistolae  Pauli  ad  Colossenses. 
Cantabrigise:  1630.  f°.  (Cat.  1723)  .  . 

80  Duns  Scotus  in  8  Libros  Arist.  Phys.  «••  • 

DUNS  SCOTUS,  JOANNES.  In  viii.  libros  Physicorum  Aristotelis 
qusestiones.  Coloniae  Agrippinae:  1618.  4°.  (Cat.  1723) 

81  Dove  on  the  Cant. 

DOVE,  JOHN.  The  conversion  of  Solomon,  being  a  commentary 
on  the  book  of  the  Canticles.  London:  1613.  f°. 


..'\'.M 


: 


1919] 


CATALOGUE  OF  JOHN  HARVARD  S   LIBRARY 


207 


82  Dike  on  the  hart,  his  mischeife  of  Scandalls. 

DYKE,  DANIEL.  *The  mystery  of  selfe-deceiving,  or  a  discourse 
and  discoverie  of  the  deceitf ulnesse  of  man's  heart.  London :  n.  d. 
4°.  (Cat.  1723) 

DYKE,  JEREMIAH.  *The  mischief  and  miserie  of  scandals  both 
taken,  and  given.  London:  1632.  sm.  8°.  (Cat.  1723) 

83  Death  subdued. 

CROOKE,  SAMUEL.  Death  subdued.  London:  1619.  (Cat. 
1723) 

84  Elton  on  the  Comandmt§. 

ELTON,  EDWARD.  *Gods  holy  mind  ...  or  tenne  commande- 
ments.  London:  1625.  8°.  (Cat.  1723) 

85  Epictetj  Enchyridion. 

EPICTETUS.    Enchiridion,    n.  p.    n.  d.    (Cat.  1723) 
Probably  in  Latin.    H.  C.  L.  has  an  edition  of  1585,  etc. 

86  Eustachij  Philosophia. 

EUSTACHIUS,  o  S.  Paulo.  Summa  Philosophise  quadripartita, 
de  rebus  dialecticis,  ethicis,  physicis,  &  metaphysicis.  Colonise: 
1629.  8°. 

There  were  several  other  early  editions:  H.  C.  L.  has  one  printed  at 
Cambridge  in  1648. 

87  Euphoranius. 

BARCLAY,  JOHN.     Euphonnionis]  lusinini  sive  satyricon  partes 
quinque.    Amstelodami:  1629.    24°.    (Cat.  1723) 
H.  C.  L.  has  an  edition  of  1637. 

88  Erasmj  Colloquia. 

ERASMUS,  DESIDERIUS.  *Colloquia  mine  emendatiora.  Lugd. 
Bat.  1636.  24°. 

This  is  not  given  in  the  Catalogue  of  1723.  There  were  many  other 
editions. 

89  Elegant  Phrases. 

Davis  suggests  that  this  may  be  meant  for  the  following  title  from  the 
Catalogue  of  1723:  "Hewes,  John.  Survey  of  the  English  tongue  and 
phrases.  London:  1632."  It  might  also  possibly  be  "  Valla,  Lorenzo.  De 
I  .:it  in:!'  lingua;  elcgantia.  Basileae:  1545,"  also  in  the  Catalogue  of  1723. 
But  it  is  more  probably  a  duplicate  entry  for  "Draxe,  Thomas.  Callie- 
peia,"  no.  56. 


208  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS          [MARCH, 

90  Garden  of  Eloquence. 

PEACHAM,  HENRY.  Garden  of  eloquence,  containing  the  figures 
of  grammar  and  rhetorick.  London:  1577.  4°. 

91  Exon  his  meditations. 

HALL,  JOSEPH.  Occasional  meditations.  By  Jos.  Exon.  Lon- 
don: 1630.  12°. 

There  was  also  an  edition  of  1633. 

92  Essayes  morall  &  Theol. 

TUVIL,  DANIEL.    *Vade  mecum:  a  manuall  of  essayes,  morall, 
theological,  etc.    London:  1631.     12°. 
An  edition  had  also  been  published  in  1609. 

93  Francklin  6p9oTovlas  lib. 

FRANCKLIN,  RICHARD.  *'Qp6oTovla,  seu  Tractatus  de  tonis  in 
lingua  gnecanica.  Londini:  1630.  24°.  (Cat.  1723) 

94  Funebres  Conciones l  15. 

SPANGENBERG,  JOHANN.  Funebres  contiones  quindecim.  Fran- 
cofurti:  1548.  8°.  (Cat.  1723) 

The  Catalogue  of  1723  gives  the  place  as  above,  but  no  date.  The  edi- 
tion here  quoted  is  in  the  British  Museum;  an  edition  of  1564  is  in  the 
Mather  collection  in  the  American  Antiquarian  Society. 

95  Fabritius  in  Hosea. 

FABRITITJS,  STEPHANTTS.  Conciones  in  Hoseam.  Bernse:  1623. 
(Cat.  1723) 

96  Felthoms  resolues. 

FELLTHAM,  OWEN.  *Resolues,  a  duple  century,  the  VI.  ed. 
London:  1636.  sm.  8°.  (Cat.  1723) 

97  Fuebernes  lapidua  Pasmaliensis. 

98  Fayus  in  Epist.  ad  Timoth. 

LA  FAYE,  ANTOINE  DE.  Commentarii  in  priorem  epistolam  ad 
Timotheum.  Geneva; :  1609.  8°.  (Cat.  1723) 

The  entry  in  the  Catalogue  of  1723  seems  to  indicate  that  this  was  bound 
with  the  same  author's  Commentarium  in  Psalmos  XLIX  et  LXXXVII. 

99  Feuardensius  in  Epist.  ad  Philemonem. 

FEU-ARDENT,  FRANgois.  Commentarii  in  Epistolam  ad  Phile- 
monem. Parisiis:  1587.  8°.  (Cat.  1723) 


1  Altered  from  "Consiones." 


1919] 


CATALOGUE   OF  JOHN   HARVARD  S   LIBRARY 


209 


100  Gualterus  in  Marcu. 

WALTHER,  RUDOLPH.  *In  Evangelium  Jesu  Christ!  secundum 
Marcum  homiliae  CXXXIX.  Tiguri:  1570.  f°.  (Cat.  1723) 

101  Golij  Ethicae. 

GOLIUS,  THEOPHILUS.  Epitoma  doctrinse  moralis  ex  decem 
libris  Ethicorum  Aristotelis  collecta.  Argentorati:  1621.  8°. 
(Cat.  1723) 

H.  C.  L.  has  an  edition  of  1631. 

102  Griners  in  Dan. 

GRYN^JUS,  JOHANN  JACOB.  Explanatio  Danielis  Prophet® 
quinque  primorum  capitum.  Basileae:  1583.  8°.  (Cat.  1723) 

103  Goodwins  Aggravation  of  sin. 

GOODWIN,  THOMAS.  Aggravation  of  sinne.  London:  1638. 
8°.  (Cat.  1723) 

H.  C.  L.  has  edition  of  1637. 

104  Household  Phys: 

105  Haxions  prelections. 

106  The  honest  man. 

FARET,  NICOLAS.  The  honest  man:  or,  the  art  to  please  in  court. 
Translated  into  English  by  E.  G[rimestone].  London:  1632.  12°. 

107  Hunnius  in  Joh:  Evangel. 

HUNNIUS,  EGIDIUS.  Commentarius  in  Evangelium  secundum 
Joannem.  Ed.  3.  Francofurti  ad  Meen. :  1595.  8°.  (Cat.  1723) 

108  Hindersham  of  fasting.    On  the  Psal.  on  John  4.  2  Tom. 

HILDERSAM,  ARTHUR.  The  doctrine  of  fasting  and  praier  and 
humiliation  for  sinne.  2  pt.  London:  1633.  8°. 

HILDERSAM,  ARTHUR.  *CLII  lectures  upon  Psalme  LI.  Lon- 
don: 1635.  f°. 

HILDERSAM,  ARTHUR.  *CVIII  lectures  upon  the  fourth  of  John. 
2ded.  London:  1632.  f°.  (Cat.  1723) 

109  Hieronus  in  Haddanu  in  Isai. 

OSORIO,  JERONIMO.  *In  Gualterum  Haddonum,  de  religione 
libri  tres.  Ed.  3*.  Dilingse:  1576.  8°. 

The  Catalogue  of  1723  gives  the  edition  of  1574,  with  a  slightly  different 
title:  "Adversus  Gualterum  Haddonum." 

OSORIO,  JERONIMO.  Paraphrasis  in  Isaiam.  Colonice  Agrip- 
pime:  1579.  8°.  (Cat.  1723) 


210  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  [MARCH, 

110  Horatius  cu  Stephanj  notis. 

HORACE.  *Poemata,  novis  scholiis  et  argumentis  ab  Henr. 
Stephano  illustrata.  Ed.  3*.  [Geneva]:  1575.  8°. 

There  were  several  other  editions  with  the  notes  of  Stephanus.  The 
edition  given  in  the  Catalogue  of  1723  (Basilese:  1580),  however,  did  not 
contain  them. 

111  Hemmingius  in  84  Psalm,  in  Epist.  ad  Collos:. 

HEMMINGSEN,  NIELS.  The  faith  of  the  church  militant,  most 
effectualie  described  in  this  exposition  of  the  84.  Psalme,  trans- 
lated by  T.  Rogers.  London:  1581.  16°. 

The  List  does  not  indicate  whether  it  was  the  original  or  the  above 
translation. 

HEMMINGSEN,  NIELS.    In  Epist.  ad  Colloss. 

112  Homers  workes  in  English. 

HOMER.  *Whole  works;  translated  by  Geo.  Chapman.  London: 
n.  d.  f°.  (Cat.  1723) 

Chapman's  Whole  Works  of  Homer  was  first  issued  about  1616,  and 
again  in  1620  (?)  and  1625  (?),  all  in  folio.  Several  editions  of  parts  of  the 
Iliad  and  Odyssey  had  been  printed  previously. 

113  History  of  the  Church. 

SIMSON,  PATRICK.  *The  historic  of  the  church.  Third  edition 
inlarged.  London:  1634.  f°.  (Cat.  1723) 

114  Haylins  Geography. 

HEYLYN,  PETER.     Microcosmos,  or  Little  description  of  the 
great  world.    Ed.  5.    Oxford:  1631.     (Cat.  1723) 
*      H.  C.  L.  has  6th  edition,  1633. 

115  H 

This  line,  C9ming  at  the  top  of  a  page,  is  trimmed  off,  the  letter  "H" 
only  being  legible. 

116  Hutton  agst  Comon  prayer  booke. 

HUTTON,  THOMAS.  Reasons  for  refusal  of  subscription  to  the 
Booke  of  Common  Praier.  Oxford:  1605.  4°.  (Cat.  1723) 

117  Henshaws  meditations. 

HENSHAW,  JOSEPH.  Howe  succesivse,  or  Spare-houres  of 
meditations.  3d  ed.  London:  1632.  12°.  (Cat.  1723) 

118  Jackej  Instit.  Philos: 

JACK,  GILBERT.  *Prim»  philosophise  institutiones.  Lugd.  Bat.: 
1628.  8°.  (Cat.  1723) 


1919]  CATALOGUE  OF  JOHN  HARVARD'S  LIBRARY  211 

119  Juvenalis. 

JUVENAL.  *Iunii  luvenalis  et  Auli  Persii  Flacci  Satyrae.  Lon- 
dini:  1615.  12°. 

There  were  many  other  editions,  any  one  of  which  might  equally  well 
have  been  in  John  Harvard 's  library.  H.  C.  L.  has  the  one  noted  above. 

120  Isocratis  Oat:  Grsec  &  Latin. 

ISOCRATES.  Scripta  quse  quidem  nunc  extant,  omnia  Graecola- 
tina  postremb  recognita;  H.  Wolfio  interprete.  ("Tit.  deest." 
Cat  1723) 

Title  taken  from  H.  C.  L.  copy,  Basileae,  1571. 

121  Judic:  Synodi  Nationalis. 

DORT,  Synod  of.  *Judicium  Synodi  Nationalis  Reformatarum 
Ecclesiarum  Belgicanun.  Dordrechti:  1619.  4°. 

122  Keckermannj  Philos.  Disput. 

KECKERMANN,  BARTHOLOMAUS.  Disputationes  philosophic®. 
Hanovi*:  1611.  8°. 

123  Keckennanj  contemplat.  de  loco,  et  de  terrae-motu. 

KECKERMANN,  BARTHOLOMAUS.  Contemplatio  gemina,  prior 
ex  generali  physica  de  loco;  altera,  ex  special!,  de  terra;  motu. 
Hanovia;:  1607.  8°. 

The  Catalogue  of  1723  does  not  give  these  two  works  of  Keckermann's, 
but  does  list  his  Operum  omnium  torn.  I-1I,  1614. 

124  Lutherus  in  Genesin.    Tomus  lui,  2U«,  3U',  4ui,  5U>,  6tti,  7Ui. 

LUTHER,  MARTIN.  Tomus  primus-septimus  operum  omnium. 
Vitebergse:  1582,  '62,  '83,  '84,  '85,  '80,  '58.  7  vols.  f°.  (Cat 
1723) 

From  the  way  in  which  the  dates  of  the  different  volumes  are  given 
in  the  Catalogue  of  1723,  this  would  seem  to  have  been  a  set  made  up  of 
various  editions.  The  "In  Genesin"  in  the  List  is  the  special  title  of  vol. 
Ill  of  the  Opera. 

125  LukeAngl. 

This  is  apparently  meant'for  a  translation  of  the  Gospel  of  Luke  into 
English;  but  1  find  no  record  of  any  separate  translation  as  early  as  1637. 

126  Loscij  Annotationes  Scolasticae. 

Loss,  LUCAS.  Annotationes  in  epistolas  Dominicales.  Franco- 
furti:  1560.  8°.  (Cat.  1723) 


212  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS          [MARCH, 

127  Lightfoots  Miscelanes. 

LIGHTFOOT,  JOHN.  *Erubhin,  or  Miscellanies  Christian  and 
Judaicall,  and  others.  London:  1629.  16°.  (Cat.  1723) 

12S  Lucanus. 

LUCAN.  De  bello  civili  vel  Pharsalise  libri  decem,  .  .  .  studio 
.  .  .  emendati  .  .  .  G.  Bersmani  .  .  .  illustrati.  Lipsiae:  1589.  8°. 
(Cat.  1723) 

129  Lewes  right  vse  of  pmises. 

LEWIS,  JEREMIAH.  The  right  use  of  promises.  London:  1631. 
8°.  (Cat.  1723) 

130  Lexicon  Graeco  Lat:. 

SCAPULA,  JOHANN.  ""Lexicon  Graeco-Latinum  novum.  Lon- 
dini:  1637.  f°.  (Cat.  1723) 

Entered  in  the  List  by  title  only,  but  the  above  entry  in  the  Catalogue 
of  1723  seems  to  identify  the  book. 

131  Lemnius  medicus  de  complexione. 

LEMNIUS,  LEVINUS.  *De  habitu  et  constitutione  corporis 
quam  .  .  .  complexionem  vocant.  Francofurti:  1619.  12°. 

132  Londons  complaint. 

SPENSER,  BENJAMIN.  *Vox  civitatis;  or,  Londons  complaint 
against  her  children  in  the  countrey.  London:  1625.  4°. 

This  tract  relates  to  the  plague  that  visited  London  in  1625.  Among 
its  victims  were  the  father  and  four  brothers  and  sisters  of  John  Harvard. 

133  Lamentations. 

While  positive  identification  of  this 'entry  is  impossible,  it  seems  prob- 
able that  "The  Lamentations  of  Jeremy.  Translated  by  Hugh  Brough- 
ton.  London:  1615,"  is  the  work  called  for. 

134  Lord  Verul:  Nat:  History. 

BACON,  FRANCIS.  Sylva  sylvarum,  or  A  naturall  history.  Lon- 
don: 1631.  f°.  (Cat.  1723) 

H.  C.  L.  has  the  edition  of  1627. 

f 

135  Livellj  Vita  &  in  Harding. 

HUMPHREY,  LAURENCE.  *Joannis  Juelli  vita  et  mors  .  .  .  cum 
refutatione  quorundam  objectorum  T.  Hardingi.  Londini:  1573. 
sm.  8°.  (Cat.  1723) 

The  Catalogue  of  1723  misprints  the  date  as  1673. 


1919]  CATALOGUE  OF  JOHN  HARVARD'S  LIBRARY  213 

136  Leigh  on  ye  pmises. 

LEIGH,  EDWARD.  *A  treatise  of  the  divine  promises.  London: 
1633.  4°.  (Cat.  1723) 

137  Lumberds  Justice. 

LAMBARDE,  WILLIAM.  Eirenarcha,  or  Of  the  Office  of  the  jus- 
tices of  peace.  London:  1588.  16°. 

There  were  at  least  a  dozen  editions  of  this  book;  many  of  them  are  in 
the  library  of  the  Harvard  Law  School. 

138  Lycosthenjs  Apophthegmata.  Similia. 

LYCOSTHENES,  CONRADUS.  *Apophthegmata.  Genevse:  1633. 
8°. 

LYCOSTHENES,  CONRADUS.  Similia.  n.  p.  1602.  8°.  (Cat. 
1723) 

139  Loscij  Questiones. 

Loss,  LUCAS.  Quffistiones  in  Evangelia  Dominicalia.  n.  p. 
1568.  8°.  (Cat.  1723) 

140  Laurentij  opa. 

Du  LAURENS,  ANDR£.  Opera  omnia,  anatomica  et  medica. 
Francofurti:  1628.  2  vols.  f°. 

The  Catalogue  of  1723  has  his  "Historia  anatomica  human!  corporis. 
Francofurti:  1602.  8°."  H.  C.  L.  has  the  edition  of  1615  of  this.  The 
title  given  above  corresponds  more  nearly  to  the  entry  in  the  List. 

141  Mollerus  in  Psalmos. 

MOLLER,  HEINRICH.  Enarrationes  Psahnorum  Davidis.  Ge- 
nevse:  1591.  f°. 

The  Catalogue  of  1723  mentions  the  edition  of  Geneva,  1639,  which 
H.  C.  L.  has.  There  was  also  an  edition  of  1603. 

142  Marloratj  Thesaurus  Scripture. 

MARLORAT,  AUOUSTIN.  ""Thesaurus  sacrce  scripture  prophetic® 
et  apostolicse.  Genevse:  1613.  8°. 

There  were  several  other  editions  of  this  work.  It  is  entered  twice  in 
the  List:  see  no.  145. 

143  Musculus  in  Psalmos.  Matthaeu. 

MUSCULUS,  WOLFGANG.    In  Davidis  Psalterium  sacrosanctum 
commentarii.    Basileae:  1589.    !°.     (Cat.  1723) 
H.  C.  L.  has  an  edition  of  1618. 


214  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS          [MARCH, 

MUSCULUS,  WOLFGANG.  Commentarij  in  Matthseum  Evan- 
gelistam  tribus  tomis  digesti.  Basilese:  1611.  f°.  (Cat.  1723) 

There  is  a  copy  of  the  edition  of  1569  in  the  Andover-Harvard  Theolog- 
ical Library. 

144  Mollinaeus  contra  Anninios. 

Du  MOULIN,  PIERRE.  *Anatome  arminianismi  seu,  Enucleatio 
controversiarum  quae  in  Belgio  agitantur.  Lugd.  Bat.  1619.  4°. 

145  Marlotj  Thesaurus  Scripture. 

See  no.  142. 

146  Magirj  Physica.  Anthropologia. 

MAGIRUS,  JOANNES.   Physiologies  peripateticce  libri  sex.  Franco- 
f\irti:  1619.    8°.     (Cat.  1723) 
H.  C.  L.  has  edition  of  1610. 

MAGIRUS,  JOANNES.  Anthropologia,  hoc  est  commentarius  in 
P.  Melanchtonis  libellum  de  anima.  Francofurti:  1603.  8°. 

147  Maxes  Sermons. 

MAXEY,  ANTHONY.  *Certaine  sermons  preached  before  the 
King's  Miesty.  7th  ed.  London:  1636.  8°.  (Cat.  1723) 

148  Melanchj  Logica. 

149  Minshej  Dictionariu. 

MINSHEU,  JOHN.  *Ductor  in  linguas.  The  guide  into  tongues. 
London:  1617.  f°.  (Cat.  1723) 

The  identification  in  this  case  is  not  certain.  The  entry  in  the  List  may 
be  for  the  above  work,  which  was  a  dictionary  of  eleven  languages;  or  it 
may  be  for  "Percyvall,  Richard.  A  dictionarie  in  Spanish  and  English. 
Enlarged  by  J.  Minsheu.  London:  1599.  f°."  This  is  also  in  the  Cata- 
logue of  1723. 

150  A  Manuduction  to  Divinity. 

JAMES,  THOMAS.  *A  manuduction,  or  introduction  unto  divi- 
nitie.  Oxford:  1625.  4°. 

It  does  not  appear  in  the  Catalogue  of  1723. 

151  Martinij  Gram:  Hebr. 

MARTINIUS,  PETRUS.    Grammatica  Hebrcea  cum  Coddai  notis. 
Amstelodami:  1621.    8°.     (Cat.  1723) 
H.  C.  L.  has  an  edition  of  1612. 


1919J  CATALOGUE   OF  JOHN  HARVARD'S  LIBRARY  215 

152  Micomius  in  Marcii. 

MYCONIUS,  OSWALD.  In  Evangelium  Marci.  .  .  .  Expositio. 
BasUece:  1538.  8°.  (Cat.  1723) 

153  Montanj  in  Psal.  Prov*  Comt.  &  Hebr. 

ARIAS  MONTANUS,  BENEDICTUS.    Commentarium  in  31  Psalmos 
priores.     Antverpia;:  1605.    4°.     (Cat.  1723) 
ARIAS  MONTANUS,  BENEDICTUS.    Prov.  Comt 
ARIAS  MONTANUS,  BENEDICTUS.    Hebr. 
The  Catalogue  of  1723  gives  "Comment,  in  Nov.  Test.  Antv.  1575." 

154  Moses  Vayled. 

GUILD,  WILLIAM.  *Moses  unvailed:  or,  Those  figures  which 
served  unto  the  patterne  and  shaddow  of  heavenly  things,  pointing 
out  the  Messiah,  Christ  Jesus,  briefly  explained.  London:  1626. 
sm.  8°. 


155  X.  Test.  Catholicj  Expositio  Eccles: 

156  Xichols  mirrour  for  Magistrates. 

The  mirour  for  magistrates;  newly  enlarged,  with  a  last  part 
[by  Richard  Niccols].  4  pt.  London:  1610.  4°. 

Niccols's  edition  of  the  Mirour  for  Magistrates  appeared  first  in  1610 
as  above;  it  was  reissued  in  1619,  1620,  and  1621.  H.  C.  L.  has  a  copy  of 
the  earlier  edition  of  1587. 

157  X.  Test.  Lat. 

158  Xonee  Xovemb.  seternitatj  consecrate. 

COOPER,  THOMAS.  *Nonae  Xovembris  cetemitati  consecrate 
in  memoriam  admirandse  illius  h'berationis  principis  &  populi  an- 
glicani  a  proditione  sulphurea.  Oxonise:  1607.  4°. 

The  copy  of  this  tract  on  the  Gunpowder  Plot  that  is  now  in  H.  C.  L. 
was  formerly  in  the  Bindley  and  Huth  libraries. 

159  Natales  Comes,  in  29 l  Tomis. 

This  entry  is  obviously  wrong.  Natale  Conti  (Natalia  Comes),  although 
a  somewhat  voluminous  writer,  does  not  appear  to  have  published  as 
many  as  29  volumes,  nor  were  his  collected  works  issued.  The  Catalogue 
of  1723  gives  his  Mythologia,  1681,  2  v.  H.  C.  L.  has  an  edition  of  1616. 

160  Osiandri  Psalm. 

OSIANDER,  LUCAS.   Explications  in  Psalmos.   Vitebergse:  1579. 
8°.     (Cat.  1723) 
1  This  number  has  been  altered. 


216 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS          [MARCH, 


161  Philosophers  Banquet. 

SCOTT,  SIR  MICHAEL.  "The  philosopher's  banquet.  Newly 
furnished  and  decked  forth  with  much  variety  of  many  sen-nil 
dishes.  3d  ed.  London:  1633.  24°. 

Originally  issued  in  Latin,  this  work  appeared  in  English  translation 
also  in  1614. 

162  Pfaltsgraues  Church. 

A  declaration  of  the  Pfaltzgraves:  concerning  the  faith  and  cere- 
monies proposed  in  his  churches.  London:  1637.  4°. 

There  is  a  copy  in  the  Prince  collection  in  the  Boston  Public  Library. 

163  Polanj  Syntagma  Theologice.    De  Legendo  cu  fructu. 

POLANUS,  AMANDUS.  Syntagma  theologicse  christiance.  Hano- 
vi»:  1615.  f°.  (Cat.  1723) 

H.  C.  L.  has  an  edition  of  1625. 

POLANUS,  AMANDUS.  De  ratione  legendi  cum  fructu  authores 
sacros  tractatus.  Basilese:  1604.  8°. 

164  Piscator  17  Tomis. 

No  edition  of  the  complete  works  of  Johann  Piscator  seems  to  have 
been  published.  He  was  the  author  of  many  volumes  of  biblical  com- 
mentary; at  least  fifteen  volumes  of  commentaries  on  the  various  books 
of  the  New  Testament  are  credited  to  him  between  1594  and  1613.  As 
the  Catalogue  of  1723  lists  only  five  titles  under  his  name,  as  noted  below, 
it  is  impossible  to  identify  the  seventeen  volumes  of  his  writings  that  were 
in  the  library  of  John  Harvard: 

Aphorismi  doctrinae  Christianae.    Herbornae:  1599.    8°. 

Commentarius  in  Genesim.    n.  d.    n.  p.    f°. 

Commentarius  in  Jobum.     n.  d.     n.  p.    f°. 

Commentarius  in  Novum  Testamentum.     Herbornse:  1658(7).    f*. 

Epitome  operum  D.  Augustini.  Agust.    Vend.:  1537(?).     f°. 

The  last  two  dates  are  probably  misprints  in  the  Catalogue  of  1723. 

165  Pelagius  redivivus  Prin. 

[FEATLEY,  DANIEL.]  *Pelagius  redivivus,  or  Pelagius  raked  out 
of  the  ashes  by  Arminius  and  his  schollers.  London:  1626.  4°. 

The  List  seems  to  attribute  this  to  Prynne;  or,  possibly,  Prynne's  tract 
"The  church  of  England's  old  antithesis  to  new  Arminianisme,  1629," 
was  included  with  this. 

166  Plin.  Nat.  Hist. 

PLINY,  the  Younger.  *Historie  of  the  world,  commonly  called 
Naturall  historic;  translated  by  P.  Holland.  London:  1601.  f°. 
2  v.  (Cat.  1723) 


1919]  CATALOGUE   OF  JOHN  HARVARD'S   LIBRARY  217 

167  Plutarchj  Vitse  Angl.    Moralia  Angl. 

PLUTARCH.  *The  lives  of  the  noble  Grecians  and  Romanes 
compared  together.  .  .  .  Translated  ...  by  Thomas  North.  Lon- 
don: 1595.  f°.  (Cat.  1723) 

PLUTARCH.  *The  philosophic  commonly  called,  the  Morals. 
Translated  by  P.  Holland.  London:  1603.  f°.  (Cat.  1723) 

168  Philippi  Homil :  in  Jonam. 

Can  this  be  "Philipp  Mclanchthon,  In  Evangelium  Joannis  Annota- 
tiones.  Tubingse:  1523.  8°."  ? 

169  Pike  his  worthy  worthy  comunicant. 

DYKE,  JEREMIAH.  A  worthy  communicant:  or,  A  treatise  shew- 
ing the  due  order  of  receiving  the  sacrament  of  the  Lord's  supper. 
London:  1636. 

The  Catalogue  of  1723  gives  the  edition  of  1689,  probably  a  misprint. 

170  Pareus  de  doctrina  XIan*. 

PAREUS,  DAVID.  Operum  theologiconim  exegeticorum  pars 
1  [&  2],  1628.  f°.  (Cat.  1723) 

This  is  probably  the  work  meant  by  the  compiler  of  the  List.    The 
.  Andover-Harvard  Theological  Library  has  vol.  i  of  this  edition.    H.  C.  L. 
has  the  edition  of  1640-50. 

171  Phochenius. 

PFOCHEN,  SEBASTIAN.    Diatribe  de  linguae  Grsecae  Novi  Test- 
menti  puritate.    Amstelodami:  1633.    8°.     (Cat.  1723) 
H.  C.  L.  has  a  copy  of  an  edition  of  1629. 

172  Plautus. 

PLAUTUS.    Comoediee.    Amstelodami.    1619.    8°.    (Cat.  1723) 

173  Porcensis  orationes. 

174  Pet.  Martyr,  in  Epist.  ad  Rom.    Loci  Comunes. 

MARTYR,  PETER.  In  Epistolam  ad  Romanes  .  .  .  commen- 
tarii.  Basilese:  1574.  1°.  (Cat.  1723) 

MARTYR,  PETER.  Loci  communes.  London:  1583.  f°.  (Cat 
1723) 

H.  C.  L.  has  Heidelberg,  1622. 

175  Piccolominej  Philos. 

PICCOLOMINI,  FRANCISCO.  Universa  philosophia  de  moribus. 
Venet.:  1594.  f°.  (Cat.  1723) 


218 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS          [MABCH, 


176  Patresius  de  Regin.  &  reg:  Institutione 

PATRIZZI,  FRANCESCO.  De  regno  et  regis  institutione  libri  IX. 
Parisiis:  1582.  8°.  (Cat.  1723) 

177  Persij  Satyrce. 

PERSIUS.    *Satyrse  sex.    Londini:  1614.     12°. 

It  is  to  be  noted  that  over  260  editions  of  Pereiua  had  been  printed 
before  1637;  as  the  Catalogue  of  1723  does  not  help  us  to  identify  the  one 
in  Harvard's  library,  the  above  has  been  selected  almost  at  random  as  one 
likely  to  have  been  in  his  possession. 

178  Politianj  Epist. 

POLIZIANO,  ANGELO.  Epistolarum  libri  13.  Antverpiee:  1567. 
8°.  (Cat.  1723) 

H.  C.  L.  has  an  edition  of  Basilese,  1522. 

179  Passoris  Lexicon.  Grace.  Lat. 

PASOR,  GEORQ.  Lexicon  Grceco-Latinum  in  Novum  Testa- 
mentum.  Herbornae:  1637.  8°.  (Cat.  1723) 

Editions  of  1644  and  1702  are  in  the  Andover-Harvard  Theological 
Library. 

180  Pellegronj  Sylva. 

PELEGROMIUS,  SIMON.  Synonymorum  sylva.  London:  1619. 
8°.  (Cat.  1723) 


*Illustrium  poetarum  flores.    Lon- 


181  Poetaru  flores. 

MlRANDULA,  OCTAVIANUS. 

dini:  1598.     12°. 

This  work,  a  thick  little  volume  of  over  800  pages,  was  probably  used 
as  a  school  reading  book,  and  passed  through  many  editions.  It  does  not 
appear  in  the  Catalogue  of  1723,  and  the  edition  noted  above  is  quoted 
only  as  a  probable  conjecture. 

182  ParsWorkes. 

PARR,  ELNATHAN.  *Works.  3d  ed.  London:  1632.  f°.  (Cat. 
1723) 

183  Pembles  workes.    de  origine  formarii. 

PEMBLE,  WILLIAM.  Works.  3d  ed.  London:  1635.  f°.  (Cat. 
1723) 

H.  C.  L.  has  an  edition  of  1659. 

PEMBLE,  WILLIAM.  *De  fonnarum  origine.  Cantabrigise: 
[1631.]  sin.  8°. 

There  was  also  an  edition  of  1629. 


1919]  CATALOGUE   OF  JOHN   HARVARD'S   LIBRARY  219 

184  Preston  on  ye  Attributes.    4  Sermons. 

PRESTON,  JOHN.  *Life  eternall,  or  a  treatise  of  the  knowledge 
of  the  divine  essence  and  attributes.  4th  ed.  London:  1634. 
4°.  (Cat.  1723) 

PRESTON,  JOHN.  Sermons  preached  before  his  majestic.  .  .  . 
The  fourth  impression  corrected  and  amended.  London:  1634. 
4°.  (Cat.  1723) 

II.  C.  L.  has  an  edition  of  1631. 

185  Physick  for  y«  Soule. 

See  no.  3. 

186  Pavenij  Ethicae. 

PAVONE,  FRANCESCO.    Summa  ethicae.    Morgunt.:  1621.     8°. 
(Cat.  1723) 
H.  C.  L.  has  Oxford,  1633. 

187  Quirbj  coment:  in  Psalmos  &  Prophetas. 

QUIROS,  AUGUSTIN  DE.  Commentarii  exegetici  litterales  in 
postremum  canticum  Moysis  .  .  .  prophetas  Nahum  et  Mala- 
chiam,  etc.  Lugduni:  1623.  4°. 

The  work  does  not  appear  in  the  Catalogue  of  1723,  and  the  above 
identification  is  by  no  means  certain. 

188  Quarles  Poems. 

QUARLES,  FRANCIS.  *Divine  poems;  containing  the  history  of 
Jonah,  Ester,  etc.  London:  1634.  8°. 

There  were  also  editions  in  1630  and  1633;  the  work  does  not  appear  in 
the  Catalogue  of  1723. 

189  Reinolds  Vanity  of  ye  Creature.     Conference  wth  ye  hart. 

REYNOLDS,  EDWARD.  The  vanitie  of  the  creature,  and  vexa- 
tion of  spirit.  London:  1637.  12°. 

RAINOLDS,  JOHN.  *The  summe  of  the  conference  betweene 
John  Rainoldes  and  John  Hart.  London:  1609.  4°.  (Cat.  1723) 

190  Rogers  on  Luke  y6 15. 

ROGERS,  NEHEMIAH.  The  true  convert,  or  an  exposition  upon 
the  XV.  chapter  of  St.  Lukes  Gospell.  London:  1632.  4°.  (Cat. 
1723) 

191  Rami  Grseca  Gram:  Lat.    Logica  cu  Talsej  Rhetorica,  Molinej 

Log.  vno  volum: 
RAMUS,  PETRUB.    Grammatica  grseca.    Parisiis:  1562.    8°. 


220  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS          [MARCH, 

RAMUS,  PETRUS.  Grammaticse,  libri  quatuor.  Avenion:  1559. 
8°.  (Cat.  1723) 

The  British  Museum  Catalogue  describes  this  as  a  Latin  grammar,  and 
it  is  no  doubt  the  work  indicated  in  the  List. 

RAMUS,  PETRUS.    Dialectic®  libro  duo.    Parisiis:  1560.    8°. 

Probably  the  work  indicated  in  the  List  by  the  entry  "Logica."  There 
were  several  other  editions. 

TAI^EUS,  AUDORAMUS.    Rhetorica.    Lutetiae:  1552.    8°. 
There  were  several  other  editions  of  this  work. 
Du  MOULIN,  PIERRE.    Elementa  logica.   7th  ed.  Parisiis:  1618. 
8°.     (Cat.  1723) 

H.  C.  L.  has  an  edition  of  1622. 

192  Robinsons  Essayes. 

ROBINSON,  JOHN.  Essays  moral  and  divine,  n.  p.  1628.  4°. 
(Cat.  1723) 

H.  C.  L.  has  edition  of  1638. 

193  Royardus  in  Epist:  Domin. 

ROYARDUS,  JOANNES.  Homiliarum  in  Epistolas  Dominicales 
Pars  sestiva. —  Pars  hyemalis.  Anverpiae:  1543.  8°.  (Cat.  1723) 

194  Rogers,  his  Divinity.    On  Loue. 

ROGERS,    RICHARD.      *Seaven   Treatises,   London:    1610.     f°. 

(Cat.  1723) 

Possibly  this  is  the  work  indicated  in  the  List  under  "  his  Divinity." 
ROGERS,  JOHN.    A  treatise  of  love.    London:  1629.    12°.    (Cat 

1723) 

195  Roxanae  Tragedia. 

ALABASTER,  WILLIAM.  Roxana.  Tragoedia  olim  Cantabrigise 
acta  in  Col.  Trin.  nunc  primum  in  lucem  edita.  Londini:  1632. 
12°.  (Cat.  1723) 

This  is  a  surreptitious  edition;  an  authorized  edition  was  published 
later  in  the  same  year.  There  is  a  copy  of  the  latter  in  H.  C.  L.  This 
play  was  acted  at  Trinity  College  while  John  Harvard  was  a  student  at 
Emmanuel.  Its  author,  William  Alabaster,  was  a  first  cousin  of  John 
Winthrop. 

196  Reinoldi  Liber  de  Idololatria. 

RAINOLDS,  JOHN.  *De  Romanse  ecclesise  idololatria  libri  duo. 
Oxonise:  1596.  8°. 


1919]  CATALOGUE  OF  JOHN  HARVARD'S  LIBRARY  221 

197  StolainLuca. 

ESTELLA,  DIEGO  DE.  In  Evangelium  secundum  Lucam  enarra- 
tionum  toinus  primus  [et  secundus],  Antverpise:  1622.  f°.  (Cat. 
1723) 

H.  G.  L.  has  1612  edition. 

198  Scultetj  opa. 

SCULTETUS,  ABRAHAM.  Annalium  Evangelii  .  .  .  per  Europam 
xv  salutis  partfie  seculo  renovati  decas  prima  (secunda).  Heidel- 
berg: 1628.  8°.  (Cat.  1723) 

SCULTETUS,  ABRAHAM.  *Ethicorum  libri  |duo,  tertium  editi. 
Argentina;:  1614.  8°.  (Cat.  1723) 

SCULTETUS,  ABRAHAM.  Exercitationes  Evangelicse.  Amstelo- 
dami:  1624.  4°.  (Cat.  1723) 

The  Andover-Harvard  Theological  Library  has  a  copy. 

SCULTETUS,  ABRAHAM.  In  Epistolam  ad  Hebrseos  concionum 
idese.  Hanovise:  1606.  8°.  (Cat.  1723) 

This  title  is  somewhat  doubtful;  the  Catalogue  of  1723  gives  merely 
"Conciones,"  with  this  place  and  date.  The  fuller  title  is  taken  from  an 
edition  of  Franckfurt,  1616,  in  the  Andover-Harvard  Theological  Library. 

SCULTETUS,  ABRAHAM.  Medulla  theologise  patrum.  Ambergse: 
1603-9.  2  v.  f°.  (Cat.  1723) 

The  List  merely  gives  "Sculteti  Opera,"  but  as  the  above  five  works  by 
this  author  all  appear  in  the  Catalogue  of  1723,  it  is  fairly  probable  that 
they  were  all  hi  Harvard's  library. 

199  Schriblerj  metaphorse. 

SCHEIBLER,  CHRISTOPH.  Opus  Metaphysicorum.  Marpurgi: 
1627.  8°.  (Cat.  1723) 

200  Schickardi  gram.  hseb. 

SCHICKARD,  WILHELM.  *Horologium  hebraeum.  Tubing® : 
1625.  24°. 

The  work  went  through  many  editions.  The  Catalogue  of  1723  has 
only  an  edition  of  1646. 

201  Sibbs  fountaine  sealed. 

SIBBES,  RICHARD.  *A  fountain  sealed;  or,  the  Duty  of  the 
sealed  to  the  spirit,  and  the  work  of  the  spirit  in  sealing.  London: 
1637.  12° 

202  Spongia  contra  Jesuit.  Goloniu  cu  alijsopibus  vno  vol.  compressis. 

Spongia  qua  absterguntur  convitia  et  malt-dicta  Equitis  Poloni 
contra  Jesuitas.  Cracoviee:  1590.  4°. 


222 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS          [MARCH, 


203  Sphinx  Philosophy. 

HEIDFELD,    JOHANN.      *Octavum    renata    sphinx    theologico- 
philosophica.     Herbornse:  1621.     sm.  8°. 
There  was  also  an  earlier  edition. 

204  Speeds  clowde  of  wittnesses. 

SPEED,  JOHN.  A  clowd  of  witnesses,  and  they  the  holy  genealo- 
gies of  the  Sacred  Scriptures,  confirming  unto  us  the  truth  of  the 
histories  in  Gods  most  holie  word.  London  :n.d.  8°.  (Cat.  1723) 

Many  editions  were  published.  H.  C.  L.  has  several  bound  in  editions 
of  the  Bible. 

205  Scalliger  de  subtilitate. 

SCAIIGER,  JULIUS  CAESAR.  Exotericarum  exercitationum  Liber 
XV  de  subtilitate  ad  Hieronymum  Cardanum.  Francofurti:  1601. 
8°.  (Cat.  1723) 

H.  C.  L.  has  an  edition,  Hanover,  1620. 

206  Scheibleri  philosoph.  compend. 

SCHEIBLER,  CHRISTOPH.  Philosophia  compendiosa.  Ed.  4*. 
Oxonice:  1628.  8°. 

H.  C.  L.  has  6th  edition,  Oxford,  1639. 

207  Sebati  Phys: 

208  Setonj  Dialectica. 

SETON,  JOHN.  Dialecta.  Emendatissime  excusa.  Canta- 
brigian 1631.  8°. 

This  work,  first  published  in  1572,  was  issued  in  five  or  six  editions;  it 
does  not  appear  in  the  Catalogue  of  1723. 

209  Sarcerj  Postilla. 

SARCERIUS,  ERASMUS.  In  evangelia  dominicalia  postilla.  Fran- 
cofurti: 1561.  (Cat.  1723) 

210  Soules  preparation. 

[HOOKER,  THOMAS.]    The  soules  preparation  for  Christ;  or,  a 
Treatise  of  contrition.    London:  1632.    4°.     (Cat  1723) 
H.  C.  L.  has  edition  of  1638. 

211  Schenblerj  sententiae. 

SCHEIBLER,  CHRISTOPH.  Liber  sententiarum.  Giessse:  1615. 
8°. 

There  were  several  other  editions  besides  that  noted  above. 


1919]  CATALOGUE  OF  JOHN  HARVARD'S  LIBRARY  223 

212  Salustius. 

SALLUST.  Opera  omnia  quce  extant.  London:  1601.  8°. 
(Cat.  1723) 

213  Smiths  Logicke. 

SMITH,  SAMUEL.  *Aditus  ad  logicam.  Ed.  4».  Oxonise:  1634. 
24°. 

214  Scarfij  Symphonia. 

SCHARP,  JOHANN.  *Symphonia  prophetamm,  et  apostolarum, 
Geneva:  1625.  2  pts.  in  1  v.  4°.  (Cat.  1723) 

215  Saluthij  Schola. 

CAMBI  DA  SALUZZO,  BARTOLOMMEO.  Schola  divini  amoris. 
Colonise:  1610.  8°.  (Cat.  1723) 

216  Sceiblerj  Synopsis  Philos. 

SCHEIBLER,  CHRISTOPH.  Synopsis  totius  philosophise.  Giessense: 
1610. 

217  Saints  Legacyes. 

F.,  A.    The  saints  legacies,  or  A  collection  of  certaine  premisses 
out  of  the  word  of  God.    Oxford:  1631.     16°. 
This  has  been  attributed  to  Anthony  Farindon. 

218  Test.  N.  Grsec. 

Testamentum  Novum  Grsecum.    n.  p.    n.  d.    8°.    (Cat.  1723) 

219  Tossanj  Diction.  Hebr. 

TOSSANUS,  PAUL.  Syllabus  dictionum  hebraicarum,  in  Psal- 
terio  occurrentium.  Basiliae:  1615.  12°. 

220  Terentius. 

TERENCE.  Comoedise  sex.  Amstelodami:  1622.  8°.  (Cat. 
1723) 

221  Touchstone  of  truth. 

[WARRE,  JAMES.]  The  touchstone  of  truth,  wherein  veritie  by 
scripture  is  plainely  confirmed  and  error  confuted.  London:  1624. 
8°. 

Another  edition  appeared  in  1630. 


o. 

• 

» 
» 

.. 
• 


224 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS          [MARCH, 


222  Thrapuntij  rhetorica. 

GEORGIUS  TRAPEZUNTIUS.  *Rhetoricorum  libri  quinque.  Pari- 
siis:  1532.  8°. 

The  Catalogue  of  1723  gives  the  edition  of  Lugduni,  1647,  —  possibly 
a  misprint  in  the  date. 

223  Thesaurus  poeticus. 

BUCHLER,  JOANNES.  Thesaurus  poeticus.  Antwerp:  1618.  8°. 
(Cat.  1723) 

224  Textoris  Epitheta.  Epist. 

RAVISIUS  TEXTOR,  JOHANN.  *Epithetorum  epitome.  London: 
1617.  8°. 

RAVISIUS  TEXTOR,  JOHANN.  Epistoke.  Geneva:  1623.  8°. 
(Cat.  1723) 

H.  C.  L.  has  an  edition,  London,  1683. 

225  Test. 

The  rest  of  this  entry  is  trimmed  off;  presumedly  it  is  some  edition  of 
the  New  Testament. 

226  Twissus  de  gratia,  potestate  &  Providentia. 

TWISSE,  WILLIAM.  *Vindiciae  gratia  potestatis  ac  providentice 
Dei.  Amstelodami:  1632.  f°.  (Cat.  1723) 

227  Taylour  on  Titus,    on  Revel.  12. 

TAYLOR,  THOMAS.  *Commentarie  upon  the  epistle  of  S.  Paul 
written  to  Titus.  [London:]  1612.  4°.  (Cat.  1723) 

TAYLOR,  THOMAS.  *Christs  victorie  over  the  dragon,  or  Satans 
downfall;  exposition  of  the  twelfth  chapter  of  S.  Johns  Revelation. 
London:  1633.  sm.  4°. 

228  Trunesse  of  X*°  religion. 

MORNAY,  PHILIPPE  DE.  *A  worke  concerning  the  trunesse  of 
Christian  religion.  [4th  ed.]  London:  1617.  4°.  (Cat.  1723) 

229  Turnerj  Orationes. 

TURNER,  ROBERT.  Orationes  et  epistolae.  Coloniae  Agrippinse: 
1615.  8°.  (Cat.  1723) 

230  Terus  in  Exod.  Num.  Deut.  Josh.  Jud. 

TIRIN,  JACQUES.  Commentarius  in  Sacram  Scripturam.  Ant- 
verpice:  1632.  3  vols.  f°.  (Cat.  1723) 


1919]  CATALOGUE   OF  JOHN  HARVARD'S  LIBRARY  225 

The  entry  in  the  List  is  very  blind,  and  the  author's  name  has  been  read 
as  "Terns,"  "Terus,"  and  "Teius."  The  Catalogue  of  1723  gives  vols.  2 
and  3  only.  H.  C.  L.  has  an  edition  of  1702. 

231  Thesaurus  linguae  rom:  &  Brittanicse  in  fol. 

COOPER,  THOMAS.  Thesaurus  linguae  Romance  &  Brittanicae. 
n.  p.  n.  d.  f°.  (Cat.  1723) 

The  first  edition  was  1565;  H.  C.  L.  has  1578. 

232  Thomas  Aquinatis  opa. 

See  no.  6. 

233  Tullij  opa  in  2  Tomis.    de  officijs. 

CICERO.  Operum  omnium  torn.  1-3.  Basilece:  1528.  3  v.  in  2. 
f°.  (Cat.  1723) 

CICERO.  De  officiis  libri  tres.  Lugduni:  1557.  8°.  (Cat 
1723) 

234  Tyme  well  spent. 

CULVERWELL,  EZEKIEL.  Time  well  spent  in  sacred  medita- 
tions, divine  observations,  and  heavenly  exhortations.  London: 
1634.  8°.  (Cat.  1723) 

H.  C.  L.  has  an  edition  of  1635. 

235  Treasury  of  God. 

B.,  F.  Gods  treasurie  displayed:  or,  The  promises  and  threat- 
nings  of  Scripture  &c.  methodically  composed  for  the  help  of 
weake  memories:  and  contrived  into  question  and  answere,  etc. 
[By  F.  B.  With  prefaces  by  J.  Rogers  and  J.  Dyke.]  London: 
1630.  12°. 

This  title,  taken  from  the  British  Museum  Catalogue,  may  not  be  the 
one  called  for  in  the  List.  In  its  notice  of  John  Rogers  (1572-1636),  the 
Dictionary  of  National  Biography  says  that  "He  prefaced  'Gods  Treasurie 
displayed,'  &c.,  1630, 12mo,  by  F.  B.  (Francis  Bunny?);"  but  in  its  notice 
of  Bunny  that  work  is  not  listed. 

236  Vorsius  de  Deo. 

VORST,  CONRAD.  Tractatus  theologicus  de  deo.  Steinfurt: 
1610.  4°.  (Cat.  1723) 

237  Vdalls  Heb'  Gram:. 

UDALL,  JOHN.  Key  of  the  holy  tongue,  wherein  is  conteined, 
first  the  Hebrew  grammar  (in  a  manner)  woord  for  woord  .  .  . 
out  of  P.  M.  Martinius.  ...  All  englished  by  I.  Udall.  Leyden: 
1593.  8°.  (Cat.  1723) 


226  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS       [MARCH, 

238  VALERIUS  MAX:. 

VALERIUS  MAXIMUS.     *Dictorum   factorumque  memorabilium 
libri  nouem.    Francofurti:  1627,    8°.    (Cat.  1723) 
The  Catalogue  of  1723  has  "Lib  10,  tit.  deest." 

239  Vocatio  Judseoru. 

GOUGE,  WILLIAM.  Of  the  calling  of  the  jews.  London:  1621. 
4°.  (Cat.  1723) 

This  title,  taken  from  the  Catalogue  of  1723,  may  not  be  the  work  in- 
dicated by  the  entry  in  the  List. 

240  Warwicks  Meditations. 

WARWICK,  ARTHUR.  Spare  minutes,  or  Resolved  meditations 
and  premeditated  resolutions.  4th  ed.  London:  1635.  12°. 
(Cat.  1723) 

H.  C.  L.  has  the  6th  edition,  1637. 

241  Wall  on  Acts  18.  V-  28. 

WALL,  JOHN.  The  watering  of  Apollos.  Delivered  in  a  sermon 
on  Acts  xviii.  28.  Oxford:  1625.  8°. 

242  Withers. 

WITHER,  GEORGE.  *Abuses  stript  and  whipt.  London:  1613. 
8°.  (Cat.  1723) 

WITHER,  GEORGE.  The  shepheards  hunting.  London:  1615. 
8°.  (Cat.  1723) 

H.  C.  L.  has  an  edition  of  1622. 

Both  the  above  works  of  George  Wither  are  in  the  Catalogue  of  1723, 
and  presumedly  it  is  one  or  both  of  them  that  John  Harvard  owned. 

243  Weames  4th  Vol.  of  ye  Image  of  God  in  man.    on  the  Lawes 

morall,  ceremoniall,  Judiciall. 

WEEMSE,  JOHN.  *A  treatise  of  the  foure  degenerate  sonnes 
.  .  .  Being  the  fourth  volume  of  his  workes.  London:  1636.  4°. 

The  Catalogue  of  1723  has  Weemse's  Works  in  4  volumes,  1636-37. 
An  examination  of  the  set  now  in  H.  C.  L.  shows  it  to  have  been  made  up 
of  various  books  published  from  1632  to  1636,  each  with  its  special  title- 
page.  It  seems  not  improbable  that  the  general  title-pages  were  lacking 
in  all  but  the  fourth  volume  of  Harvard's  copy  and  that  the  compiler  of 
the  List  therefore  gave  the  separate  titles. 

WEEMSE,  JOHN.  The  portraiture  of  the  image  of  God  in 
man.  London:  1632.  4°. 


1919]  CATALOGUE  OF  JOHN  HARVARD'S  LIBRARY  227 

WEEMSE,  JOHN.  *An  exposition  of  morall  law.  London:  1632. 
2v.  4°. 

WEEMSE,  JOHN.  *An  explanation  of  the  ceremoniall  lawes  of 
Moses.  London:  1632.  4°. 

WEEMSE,  JOHN.  *An  explication  of  the  iudiciall  lawes  of  Moses. 
London:  1632.  4°. 

244  Willsons  XM  Dictionary. 

WILSON,  THOMAS.  A  Christian  dictionary  of  the  chief  words 
in  the  Old  and  New  Testament,  n.  p.  n.  d.  4°.  (Cat.  1723) 

The  first  edition  was  in  1612,  and  the  second  in  1616,  both  in  quarto; 
the  third  edition  was  in  1622  and  in  folio.  H.  C.  L.  has  a  cony  of  the 
latter. 

245  Watsonj  animse  Gaudia. 

WATSON,  THOMAS.    Amintce  gaudia.    London:  1692.    4°. 

246  Whakly  his  new  birth. 

WHATELY,  WILLIAM.  The  new  birth,  or  a  treatise  of  regenera- 
tion. London:  1635.  4°.  (Cat.  1723) 

247  Wygandus  de  psec.  piortl  exilijs. 

WIGAND,  JOHANN.  De  persccutione  piorum,  exiliis  piomm, 
.  .  .  martyriis  piorum.  Francofurti:  1580.  8°. 

248  Wandelinj  Contemplatio  Phys.  Tom  3. 

WENDELIN,  MARCUS  FRIEDRICH.  Contemplationum  physica- 
rum  sectiones  tres.  Hanovise:  1626-28.  8°.  (Cat.  1723) 

H.  C.  L.  has  sectio  i  in  the  edition  of  1625  and  an  edition  published  at 
Cambridge  (1648). 

249  Wardes  Sermons. 

WARD,  SAMUEL.  *A  collection  of  such  sermons  and  treatises 
as  have  been  written  and  published  by  Samuel  Ward.  London: 
1636.  16°.  (Cat.  1723) 

250  Zanchij  Opa. 

ZANCHI,  GIROLAMO.  Operum  omnium  tomus  primus-(octavus). 
Geneva:  1619,  '17,  '18.  8  v.  in  4.  f°.  (Cat.  1723) 

The  Andover-Harvard  Theological  Library  has  2  volumes  of  an  edition 
of  1613. 


228 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS          [MARCH, 


ALPHABETICAL  LIST  OF  AUTHORS,  EDITORS,  ETC. 


Abernethy.  John  3  185 
^Esop  19 

Agrippa,   Heinrich   Cor- 
nelius 62 

Ainsworth,  Henry  7 
Alabaster,  William  195 
Alciati,  Andrea  18 
Alesius,  Alexander  11 
Alsted,  Johann  Heinrich 

10 

Ames,  William  8 
Anchoranus,  Joannes  13 
Aquinas,  St.  Thomas  6 

232 
Arias  Montanus,   Bene- 

dictus  153 
Ascham,  Roger  16 
Augustine,  Saint  9 

B.,  F.  235 

B.,  T.     See  Bowes, 

Thomas 
Bacon,    Sir    Francis  34 

134 

Baker,  Sir  Richard  74 
Balbani,  Niccolo  73 
Ball,  John  31 
Bafiez,  Domingo  35 
Barclay,  John  87 
Bastingius,  Jeremias  32 
Bayley,  Walter  47 
Baynes,  Paul  24 
Beard,  Thomas  39 
Becon,  Thomas  28 
Bede  37 

Bellarmino,  Roberto  29 
Berchetus,  Tussanus  26 
Beze,  Theodore  de  23 

73 

Bolton,  Robert  30 
Bovillus,  Carolus  36 
Bowes,  Thomas  21 
Bradshaw,  William  45 
Brentz,  Johann  38  41 
Brerewood,    Edward  33 

40 


Broughton,    Hugh  46 

133 

Bucanus,  Gulielmus  44 
Buchler,  Joannes  223 
Bullinger,  Heinrich  42 
Buxtorf,  Johann  27 
Bythner,  Victorinus  25 

Calepinus,  Ambrosius  1 
Calvin,  John  26  48 
Cambi  da  Saluzzo,  Bar- 

tolommeo  215 
Camden,  William  52  • 
Camerarius,  Philipp  49 
Carleton,  George  71 
Cartwright,  Thomas  68 
Castaneus.      See    Chas- 

teigner 

Cato,  Dionysius  74. 
Chapman,  George  112 
Chasteigner,  Henri  Louis 

55 

Chrysostom,  Saint  54 
Church,  Henry  51 
Chytrseus,  David  72 
Cicero  56  233 
Clenardus,  Nicolaus  53 
Colonna,  Egidio  20 
Comenius,  Johann  Amos 

13 

Conradus,  Alfonsus  70 
Conti,  Natale  159 
Cooper,    Thomas  158 

231 
Cornerus,  Christophorus 

59 
Corradus,  Joannes  Bap- 

tista  50 

Cotton,  Clement  66 
Crashaw,  William  73 
Crooke,  Samuel  83 
Culverwell,  Ezekiel  234 
Cumel,  Franciscus  60 

Daneau,  Lambert  75 
Davenant,  John  79 


Dickson,  David  76 
Dort,    Synod    of  14  15 

121 

Dove,  John  81 
Downame     (Downham), 

John  78 

Draxe,  Thomas  56  89 
Du  Laurens,  Andre"   140 
Du    Moulin,    Pierre  12 

144  191 

Duns  Scotus,  Joannes  80 
Dyke,  Daniel  82 
Dyke,  Jeremiah  82  169 

235 

Elton,  Edward  84 
Epictetus  85 
Erasmus,  Desiderius  88 
Estella,  Diego  de  197 
Estienne,  Charles  77 
Estienne,  Henri  110 
Eustachius  86 

Fabritius,  Stephanus  95 
Faret,  Nicolas  106 
Farindon,  Anthony  217 
Featley,  Daniel  165 
Felltham,  Owen  96 
Feu-ardent,  Frangois  99 
Francklin,  Richard  93 

Georgius  Trapezuntius 

222 

folding,  Arthur  48 
Golius,  Theophilus  101 
Goodwin,  Thomas  103 
Gouge,  William  239 
Graserus,  Conradus  4 
Grimstone,  Edward  106 
Gruterus,  Janus  2 
Grynams,  Johann  Jacob 

36  102 
Guild,  William  154 

Hall,  Joseph  91 
Heidfeld,  Johann  203    ' 
Hemmingsen,  Niels  111 


1919] 


CATALOGUE  OF  JOHN  HARVARD  S  LIBRARY 


229 


Henshaw,  Joseph  117 
Hewes,  John  89 
Heylyn,  Peter  114 
Hildersam,  Arthur  108 
Holland,  Philemon  167 
Homer  112 
Hooker,  Thomas  2JO 
Horace  110 
Humphrey,     Laurence 

135 

H mm ius.  Egidius  107 
Hutton,  Thomas  116 

Isocrates  120 

Jack,  Gilbert  118 
James,  Thomas  150 
James  I  22 
Jerome,  Stephen  17 
Junius,  Francis  23  43 
Juvenal  119 

Keckermann,  Bartholo- 
maus  122  123 

La  Faye,  Antoine  de  98 
Lambarde,  WiUiam  137 
Lapide,  Cornelius  a  62 
La    Primaudaye,    Pierre 

de  21 

Leigh,  Edward  136 
Lemnius,  Levinus  131 
Lewis,  Jeremiah  129 
Lightfoot,  John   127 
Loss,  Lucas  126  139 
Lu!  .in.  Eilhard  63 
Lucan  128 
Luther,  Martin  124 
Lycosthenes,     Conradus 

138 

Magirus,  Joannes  146 
Marlorat,   Augustin  142 

145 
Martinius,   Petrus  151 

237 

Martyr,  Peter  174 
Maxey,  Anthony  147 
Melancthon,  Philipp  168 
Mignault,  Claude  18 


Minois,    Claudius.      See 

Mignault,  Claude 
Minsheu,  John  149 
Mirandula,  Octavianus 

181 

Moller,  Heinrich  141 
Montanus.      See    Arias 

Montanus 

Mornay,  Philippe  de  228 
Muret,  Marc  Antoine  2 
Musculus,  Wolfgang  143 
Myconius,  Oswald  152 

Niccols,  Richard   156 
North,  Sir  Thomas  167 

Ocland,  Christopher  5 
Osiander,  Lucas  160 
Osorio,  Jeronimo  109 

Pareus,  David  170 
Parr,  Elnathan  182 
Pasor,  Georg  179 
Patrizzi,  Francesco  176 
Pavone,  Francesco  186 
Peacham,  Henry  90 
Pelegromius,  Simon  180 
Pemble,  William  183 
Perceval     (Percyvall), 

Richard   149 
Persius   119  177 
Pfochen,  Sebastian  171 
Piccolomini,    Francisco 

175 

Piscator,  Johann  164 
Plautus  172 
Pliny,  the  Younger  166 
Plutarch   167 
Polanus,  Amandus  163 
Poliziano,  Angelo  178 
Preston,  John  184 
Prynne,  William   165 

Quarles,  Francis    188 
Quiros,  Augustin  de  187 

Rainolds,  John  189  196 
Ramus,  Petrus  191 
Ravisius  Textor,  Johann 
224 


Reynolds,  Edward   189 
Robinson,  John  192 
Rogers,  John  194  235 
Rogers,  Nehemiah  190 
Rogers,  Richard   194 
Rogers,  Thomas  111 
Royardus,  Joannes  193 

Sallust  212 

Sarcerius,  Erasmus  209 

Scaliger,     Julius    Caesar 

205 

Scapula,  Johann  130 
Scharp,  Johann  214 
Scheibler,  Christoph  199 

206  211  216 
Schickard,  Wilhehn  200 
Scott,  Sir  Michael  161 
Scultetus,  Abraham  198 
Seneca  2 
Seton,  John  208 
Sibbes,  Richard  201 
Simson    (Symson),   Pat- 
rick 113 

Smith,  Samuel  213 
Spangenberg,  Johann  94 
Speed,  John  204 
Spenser,  Benjamin  132- 
Stephanus.   See  Estienne 

Talseus,  Audoramus  191 
Taylor,  Thomas  227 
Terence  220 
Tirin,  Jacques  230 
Tossanus,  Paul  219 
Tremellio,    Immanuele 

23  43 

Turner,  Robert  229 
Tuvil,  Daniel  92 
Twisse,  William  226 

Udall,  John  237 

Valerius  Maxim  us  238 
Valla,  Lorenzo  89 
Vaughan,  Sir  William  47 
Vorst,  Conrad  236 

Wall,  John  241 
Walther,  Rudolph  100 


230 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS          [MARCH, 


Ward,  Samuel  249 
Warre,  James  221 
Warwick,  Arthur  240 
Watson,  Thomas  245 
Weemse       (Weemes, 
Wemyss),  John  243 


Wendelin,  Marcus  Fried- 
rich  248 

Whately,  William  246 
Wigand,  Johann  247 
Wilson,  Thomas  244 
Wither,  George  242 


Wolfius,  Hieronymus 
120 

Zabarella,  Jacopo  67 
Zacharias,   Chrystopoli- 

tanus  57 
Zanchi,  Girolamo  250 


THE  FOLLOWING  NUMBERS  ARE  UNIDENTIFIED,  OR  ARE 
IMPERFECTLY  IDENTIFIED 

4  11  23  29  38  53  57  58  61  64  65  67  72  74  75  89  97  104  105  111  115 
125  133  148  149  153  155  157  159  164  168  170  173  181  187  191  194 
198  207  230  235  239 


NOTE 

Since  the  above  paper  was  in  type,  an  English  bookseller,  Mr.  Alfred  Bull,  haa 
identified  two  of  the  doubtful  entries.  Chareus  (No.  61)  should  undoubtedly  read 
Pareus.  David  Pareus,  who  also  appears  in  the  Last  under  No.  170,  was  the 
author  of  commentaries  on  the  Epistles  of  St.  Paul  to  the  Hebrews,  to  the  Gala- 
tians,  and  to  the  Romans,  published  separately  between  1609  and  1617.  Which 
one  of  them  John  Harvard  had,  or  if  he  had  all  of  them,  cannot  be  told,  as  none 
appear  in  the  Catalogue  of  1723.  The  Andover-Harvard  Theological  Library  has 
"In  divinam  ad  Hebrseos  S.  Pauli  Epistolam  Commentarius.  Genevse.  1614. 
8°."  The  other  identification  is  No.  230:  Tents  should  read  Ferns,  i.  e.  Joannes 
Ferus  (anglick  Wild).  His  work  "  Annotations  in  Exodum,  Numeros,  Deutero- 
nomium,  Librum  Joshuae,  Librum  Judicium.  Colonise  Agrippini:  1571.  8°."  was 
in  the  Catalogue  of  1723,  and  a  copy  is  now  in  the  Andover-Harvard  Theological 
Library. 

ALFRED  C.  POTTER. 


1919]  APPOINTMENT  OF  COMMITTEES  231 


APRIL  MEETING,  1919 

A  STATED  MEETING  of  the  Society  was  held,  at  the 
*"*•  invitation  of  the  President,  at  his  house  in  Longfellow 
Park,  Cambridge,  on  Thursday,  24  April,  1919,  at  eight 
o'clock  in  the  evening,  FRED  NORRIS  ROBINSON,  Ph.D., 
in  the  chair. 

The  Records  of  the  last  Stated  Meeting  were  read  and 
approved. 

The  CORRESPONDING  SECRETARY  reported  that  letters 
accepting  Resident  Membership  had  been  received  from 
Mr.  SAMUEL  WILLISTON  and  Mr.  MORRIS  GRAY. 

The  Rev.  Dr.  HOWARD  NICHOLSON  BROWN  of  Boston, 
and  Mr.  JOHN  LOWELL  of  Newton,  were  elected  Resident 
Members. 

The  PRESIDENT  appointed  the  following  Committees  in 
anticipation  of  the  Annual  Meeting: 

To  nominate  candidates  for  the  several  offices,  — 
Messrs.  CHESTER  NOYES  GREENOUGH,  HENRY  ERNEST 
WOODS,  and  JAMES  ATKINS  NOYES. 

To  examine  the  Treasurer's  accounts,  —  Messrs. 
ROBERT  GOULD  SHAW  and  HENRY  GODDARD  PICKERING. 

The  PRESIDENT  announced  that  he  had  been  requested 
by  the  Council  to  appoint  a  Committee  on  Memorials, 
whose  duty  it  shall  be  to  identify  interesting  and  impor- 
tant historical  sites,  especially  in  Boston,  and  to  solicit 
the  owners  to  mark  them;  and  that  accordingly  he  had 
appointed  the  following:  Mr.  CHARLES  SEDGWICK  RACKE- 
MANN,  Chairman,  and  Messrs.  SAMUEL  CHESTER  CLOUGH, 
ROBERT  HALLOWELL  GARDINER,  HENRY  GODDARD  PICKER- 


232  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS         [APRIL, 

ING,  RICHARD  CLIPSTON  STURGIS,  JOHN  ELIOT  THAYER, 
GEORGE  WIGGLESWORTH,  and  JOHN  WOODBURY. 
Mr.  CHESTER  N.  GREENOUGH  read  the  following  paper: 

JOHN  DUNTON  AGAIN 

Seven  years  ago,  in  a  paper  read  before  this  Society,1  I  tried  to 
vindicate  John  Dunton  from  the  charge  of  attempting  to  write  his- 
tory. I  now  offer  a  short  supplement  to  that  earlier  paper. 

Dunton,  it  will  be  remembered,  was  a  London  bookseller,  pub- 
lisher, and  miscellaneous  writer,  who  at  the  age  of  twenty-seven 
came  to  Boston  in  January,  1686,  and  remained  there  or  thereabouts 
until  the  following  July.  In  1705,  as  a  part  of  his  Life  and  Errors, 
he  published  a  short  account  of  his  trip.  In  1867  the  Prince  Society 
published  a  very  much  more  extended  account  of  Dunton's  visit 
drawn  from  manuscripts  in  the  Bodleian  Library,  —  the  so-called 
Letters  from  New  England.  Of  these  letters,  eight  in  all,  six  purport 
to  be  written  from  New  England  and  were  formerly  regarded  by 
some  as  "unique  sketches  of  New  England  life,  honestly  drawn,  and 
defective  rather  than  erroneous."  2  Unique  they  not  improbably 
are;  but  they  come  so  far  short  of  being  honestly  drawn  or  free  from 
error  that  they  cannot  safely  be  used  by  anyone  who  fails  to  realize 
Dunton's  extraordinary  propensity  for  borrowing  material.  His 
accounts  of  people  and  of  places  are  particularly  untrustworthy, 
since  for  the  latter  he  relies  upon  Josselyn  and  for  the  former  upon 
various  seventeenth  century  writers  of  "characters,"  from  whom  he 
copies  almost  verbatim,  though  he  takes  considerable  pains  to  make 
his  work  seem  original. 

The  second  of  Dunton's  eight  letters,  supposedly  written  to  his 
brother  from  Boston,3  and  dated  February  17,  1685-6,  is  an  account 
of  the  voyage.  In  the  course  of  this  voyage  Dunton  either  saw  or 
just  missed  seeing  a  most  remarkable  variety  of  sea  animals,  —  a 
whale,  flying-fish,  shark,  tortoise,  dolphin,  musculus,  torpedo,  sea- 
calf,  sea-horse,  swordfish,  thresher,  sunfish,  porpoise,  and  alligator. 


1  Publications,  xiv.  213-257. 

1  William  H.  Whitmore,  Introduction  to  Dunton's  Letters  from  New  Eng- 
land, p.  xriv. 

1  "To  my  only  Brother  Mr.  Lake  Dunton.  Lately  Return'd  from  Surat  in 
the  East  Indies."  The  letter  occupies  pp.  20-55  of  the  Prince  Society  edition. 


1919]  JOHN  DUNTON  AGAIN  233 

Each  of  these  he  describes,  usually  to  the  length  of  about  half  a 
page. 

In  these  descriptions  there  are  several  suspicious  features.  When, 
for  example,  we  find  Dunton  writing  of  the  captured  whales,  "When 
the  victory  is  got  over  'em,  and  the  mighty  victim  lies  at  their  Con- 
quering Feet,  they  fearless  then  survey  his  huge  and  massy  Body, 
and  tell  all  his  goodly  Fins,  which  like  so  many  Oars  in  a  great  Gaily 
do  serve  to  row  his  Carcase  through  the  Seas  at  his  own  pleasure,"  * 
we  feel  that  the  style  is  obviously  unlike  Dunton's.  Then  there  are 
expressions  which  suggest  either  an  earlier  date  than  1686  or  a  differ- 
ent kind  of  book  from  his:  "equalizeth,"  for  instance,  in  the  sense  of 
"is  equal  to,"  "chaps,"  for  "jaws,"  and  such  forms  as  "swimmeth," 
"hath,"  "writeth,"  "saith,"  "massy,"  and  such  expressions  as  "in 
this  his  large  dominion"  and  "except  they  be  affrighted  with  the 
sound  of  Drums  and  Trumpets."  Nor  is  one's  confidence  in  Dunton 
increased  by  his  references  to  DuBartas  and  Munster,  for  with  him 
such  apparent  ingenuousness  usually  means  not  that  he  has  used 
the  originals,  but  that  he  has  been  reading  someone  who  cites  them. 
Moreover,  the  descriptions  of  the  musculus,  dolphin,  flying-fish, 
sunfish,  and  sea-horse  conclude  with  moral  applications  which  sug- 
gest not  only  an  earlier  date  than  Dunton's,  but  also  a  more  clerical 
point  of  view.8  On  the  musculusf  for  instance,  which  swims  before 
the  whale  as  a  guide,  Dunton  moralizes  thus:  "Which  office  of  that 
little  Fish,  may  serve  as  a  fit  Emblem  to  teach  Great  Ones  that  they 
ought  not  to  contemn  their  Inferiours;  There  may  come  a  time 
when  the  meanest  Person  may  do  a  Man  some  good."  Then  too 
the  descriptions  follow  one  another  rather  in  the  formal  order  of  a 
treatise  than  in  the  casual  manner  to  be  expected  in  an  epistolary 
account  of  a  voyage.  Again,  the  inclusion  of  the  alligator  in  the 
fauna  of  the  North  Atlantic  in  January  gives  considerable  ground 
for  skepticism  about  the  whole  account;  while  the  conclusion  of 
Dunton's  description  of  the  Tortoise  —  "it  is  observable  that  if  any 
of  these  Sea-Fowl  be  taken  on  the  land,  .  .  .  they  will  never  give 


1  P.  43. 

1  See  Andrew  D.  White,  History  of  the  Warfare  of  Science  with  Theology 
in  Christendom,  i,  chap.  1,  for  a  popular  account,  with  many  references,  of  the 
Physiologus  and  similar  books.  See  also  the  article  "Physiologus"  in  the  En- 
cyclopaedia Britannica. 


234  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  [APRIL, 

over  sighing,  sobbing,  and  weeping,  .  .  .;  yea,  even  Tears  will 
trickle  from  their  Eyes  in  great  abundance"  —  certainly  looks  like 
one  of  those  statements  which  caused  Joseph  Addison  mildly  to  ob- 
serve of  Ferdinand  Mendez  Pinto  that  he  was  "  a  person  of  infinite 
adventure,  and  unbounded  imagination." 

Altogether,  there  seemed  justification  enough  for  suggesting,  as, 
without  conclusive  proof,  I  did  seven  years  ago,  that  the  various 
sailors  who  told  Dunton  so  much  about  the  fish  that  they  had  met 
had  managed  to  commit  to  memory  large  portions  of  some  not  very 
reliable  work  on  natural  history. 

At  any  rate,  such  now  appears  to  be  the  fact,  and  my  confidence 
in  Dunton  was  not  in  the  least  misplaced.  In  fact,  I  underestimated 
his  powers,  for  he  has  woven  together  passages  almost  literally 
copied  from  three  books. 

The  first  of  these  books  is  a  volume  of  travels,  not  to  New  Eng- 
land, but  to  the  East  Indies,  containing  the  "familiar  letters"  con- 
cerning his  travels  which  Pietro  della  Valle  wrote  to  his  friend  Mario 
Schipano.  They  were  published  in  folio  at  London  in  1665,  trans- 
lated by  one  G.  Havers.1  To  them  is  appended  an  account  of  Sir 
Thomas  Roe's  voyage  to  the  East  Indies,  and  it  is  from  this  part  of 
the  book  that  Dunton  borrows.2 

1  The  /  Travels  /  Of  /  Sig.  Pietro  della  Valle,  /  A  Noble  Roman,  /  Into  /  East- 
India  /  And  /  Arabia  Deserta.  /  In  which,  the  several  Countries,  together,with 
the  /  Customs,  Manners,  Traffique,  and  Rites  both  /  Religious  and  Civil,  of 
those  Oriental  Princes  /  and  Nations,  are  faithfully  Described:  /  In  Familiar 
Letters  to  his  Friend  /  Signior  Mario  Schipano.  /  Whereunto  is  Added  /  A  Rela- 
tion of  Sir  Thomas  Roe's  Voyage  /  into  the  East-Indies.  /  London,  /  Printed  by 
J.  Macock,  for  John  Martin,  and  James  Attestry;  and  /  are  to  be  sold  at  their 
Shop,  at  the  Bell  in  S*  Paul's  /  Church-yard.  1665. 

The  Epistle  Dedicatory  to  the  Earl  of  Orrery,  concludes  thus  concerning  the 
relation  of  Sir  Thomas  Roe's  voyage: 

"The  other  Piece  hath  been  judg'd  fit  to  be  adjoyned,  as  one  of  the  Exactest 
Relations  of  the  Eastern  parts  of  the  World  that  hitherto  hath  been  publish' d 
by  any  Writer,  either  Domestick  or  Forreign;  having  been  penn'd  by  one  that 
attended  Sir  Thomas  Roe  in  his  Embassy  to  the  Great  Mogol;  Than  whom,  'tis 
acknowledgM  by  one  of  that  Country  that  trades  most  into  those  parts,  none 
ever  gave  a  more  faithful  Account  thereof." 

This  dedication  is  signed  by  G.  Havers. 

For  a  life  of  Pietro  della  Valle  (1586-1652)  and  a  bibliographical  account  of 
his  Viaggi,  see  Edward  Grey's  edition  of  The  Travels  of  Pietro  della  Valle  in 
India,  2  vols.,  London,  1892  (Hakluyt  Society  Publications,  Nos.  84  and  85). 

»  There  is  an  account  of  Sir  Thomas  Roe  (1580  or  1581-1644)  in  the  Die- 


1919]  JOHN   DUNTON   AGAIN  235 

The  second  of  Dunton's  sources  is  a  curious  work  called  Speculum 
Mundi,  by  one  John  Swan.1 

The  third  and  principal  source  of  Dunton's  borrowings  is  a  most 
extraordinary  work  by  Daniel  Pell,  which  may  be  called  for  short 
An  Improvement  of  the  Sea.2 


tionary  of  National  Biography  by  Stanley  Lane-Poole,  who  does  not  mention 
this  relation.  S.  R.  Gardiner  mentions  Roe  frequently  and  with  much  respect: 
see  the  general  index  in  the  tenth  volume  of  his  History  of  England,  1603-1642. 

1  Speculum  /  Mundi.  /  Or  /  A  Glasse  Re-  /  presenting  The  Face  /  Of  The 
World;  /  Shewing  both  that  it  did  begin,  and  must  also  end:  /The  manner 
How,  and  time  When,  being  /  largely  examined.  /  Whereunto  Is  /  Joyned  /  an 
Hexameron,  or  a  serious  discourse  of  the  causes,  /  continuance,  and  qualities  of 
things  in  Nature;  /  occasioned  as  matter  pertinent  to  the  /  work  done  in  the  six 
dayes  of  the  /  Worlds  creation.  /  The  second  Edition  enlarged.  /  Aug.  in  Ser.  de 
Ascen.  /  Qui  se  dicit  scire  quod  nescit,  temerarius  est.  /  Qui  se  negat  scire  quod 
tcii,  ingraius  est.  /  Printed  by  Roger  Daniel  Printer  to  the  /  Universilie  of  Cam- 
bridge, 1643.  /  For  Troylus  Adkinson,  Stationer  in  Cambridge. 

Swan's  Speculum  Mundi  was  rather  popular:  the  British  Museum  catalogue 
has  editions  as  follows,  —  Cambridge  1635,  Cambridge  1643,  London  1665,  and 
London  1670.  A  recent  bookseller's  catalogue  advertises  a  copy  of  the  Cam- 
bridge edition  of  1643  with  a  "fine  frontispiece  by  W.  Marshall."  This  is,  of 
course,  the  well  known  William  Marshall,  on  whom  see  the  Dictionary  of  National 
Biography.  Possibly  this  frontispiece  is  the  "second  title-page,  engraved"  re- 
ferred to  by  the  British  Museum  cataloguer  in  describing  their  copy  of  the 
second  edition. 

The  author  of  the  Speculum  Mundi  may  be  the  John  Swan  who  entered 
Emmanuel  College,  Cambridge,  as  a  sizar  in  the  Lenten  term  of  1626-7  and  pro- 
ceeded A.B.  in  1630-1  and  A.M.  in  1634.  Another  John  Swan  entered  Queens 
College,  Cambridge,  as  a  pensioner  in  1627  and  was  A.B.  in  1630-1  and  A.M.  in 
1634.  Still  another  entered  Trinity  in  1622  and  was  A.B.  in  1625-6  and  A.M. 
in  1629.  (Venn,  Book  of  Matriculations  and  Degrees,  1913,  p.  651.) 

1  The  copy  of  Pell  in  the  Harvard  College  Library  is  imperfect,  the  first  six 
words  of  the  title  having  been  supplied  in  manuscript.  The  words  so  supplied 
are  indicated  below  within  square  brackets.  It  appears,  however,  from  the 
British  Museum  catalogue,  Watt,  the  Thomason  Catalogue,  and  other  sources, 
that  the  first  word  of  the  title  should  be  lUXa-ye*,  in  part  chosen,  no  doubt,  for 
the  sake  of  the  pun  upon  the  author's  name.  The  full  title  of  Pell's  book  should 
be,  then,  as  follows: 


Nee  inter  Vivos,  nee  inter  Mortuos]  Neither  Amongst  the  living, 
nor  /  amongst  the  Dead.  /  Or,  An  /  Improvement  /  of  the  Sea,  /  Upon  the  Nine 
Nautical  Verses  in  the  /  107.  Psalm;  /  Wherein  is  handled  /  I.  The  several,  great, 
and  many  hazzards,  that  Ma  /  rinere  do  meet  withatt,  in  Stormy  and  Tempestuous  /( 
Seas.  II.  Their  many,  several,  miraculous,  and  stupen  /  dious  deliverances  out  of 
all  their  helpless,  and  /  shiftless  distresses.  /III.  A  very  full,  and  delightful  de- 
scription of  all  those  /  many  various,  and  multitudinous  objects,  which  /  they  behold 
in  their  travels  (through  the  Lords  /  Creation)  both  on  Sea,  in  Sea,  and  on  Land. 


236 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS 


[APRIL, 


The  extent  of  these  borrowings  and  the  curious  way  in  which 
passages  from  different  authors  are  often  combined  make  it  seem 
worth  while  to  reproduce  in  full  Dunton's  fourteen  descriptions  of 
sea  animals  and  his  sources,  arranged  in  parallel  columns.  These 
follow. 

THE  FLYING  FISH 


DUNTON'S  SOUBCE 


It  hath  wings  like  Reere-mice,  but 
of  a  silver  hue;  they  are  much  per- 
secuted of  the  other  fishes,  and  for  to 
escape  they  flic  in  flockes,  like  Stares, 
or  Sparrowes.  (A  Treatise  of  Brasill, 
in  Purchas  his  Pilgrims,  Glasgow,  1906, 
xvi.  487.) 

.  .  .  the  Flying-fish,  whom  God  out 
of  wisdom  has  given  wings  unto,  (like 
a  foul)  for  the  preservation  of  its  life 
in  the  great  waters.  This  poor  creature 
is  often  hunted,  chased,  and  pursued, 
by  the  Boneto,  Porpise,  and  other  rav- 
enous fish,  which  follow  it  with  as 
much  violence  as  the  hungry  hound 
does  the  poor  silly  and  shelterless  Hare. 
Insomuch  that  it  is  forced  one  while 
to  fly,  and  another  while  to  swim;  .  .  . 
It  is  observed  by  the  Mariners,  that 
this  fish  rather  than  it  will  bee  taken 
by  its  enemies  in  the  waters,  it  will 


DUNTON 

Here  we  saw  great  quantities  of 
Sea-fowl  flying,  which  seem'd  strange 
to  me  so  far  off  of  Land,  tho'  not  quite 
out  of  sight  of  it.  But  the  Mariners 
told  me,  that  was  very  ordinary,  even 
when  out  of  sight  of  Land;  for  that 
these  Fowls  live  generally  upon  Fishes, 
and  indeed  they  wou'd  be  often-times 
popping  at  'em:  While  we  were  thus 
observing  the  Flying  Fowles,  one  of 
the  Seamen  affirm'd  that  he  had  seen 
Flying  Fishes,  and  that  they  had  wings 
like  a  Here-Mouse,  but  of  a  silver- 
colour;  and  that  under  the  Tropick  of 
Capricorn  they  fly  in  shoals  like  stares. 
Nature  has  given  this  fish  Wings  (as 
he  affirm'd)  for  the  preservation  of  its 
Life,  for  being  often  pursued  by  the 
Beneto,  Porpoise,  and  other  ravenous 
Fish,  with  the  same  Eagerness  as  the 
hungry  Hound  pursues  the  timorous 
Hare,  it  is  oftentimes  forced  to  save 
it  self  by  flying.  It  is  observed  by  the 
Mariners,  That  this  fish  will  rather 
chuse  to  fly  into  a  Ship  or  Boat,  if  any 


viz.  /  All  sorts  and  kinds  of  Fish,  Foul,  and  Beasts,  /  Whether  wilde,  or  tame;  all 
sorts  of  Trees,  and  /  Fruits;  all  sorts  of  People,  Cities,  Towns,  and  /  Countries;  / 
With  many  profitable,  and  useful  rules,  and  /  Instructions  for  them  that  use  the 
Seas.  /  By  Daniel  Pell,  Preacher  of  the  Word.  /  London,  Printed  for  Livewett 
Chapman,  and  are  to  be  /  sold  at  the  Crown  in  Popes-head  Alley.  1659. 

Pell  dates  his  preface  from  his  Study  "at  my  Lady  Hungerfords  in  Hunger- 
ford  house  upon  the  Strand,  May  4,  1659."  This  was  Lady  Margaret  Hunger- 
ford,  wife  of  Sir  Edward  Hungerford.  He  died  before  1659,  as  appears  from 
Pell's  separate  dedicatory  epistle  to  Lady  Hungerford. 

The  publication  of  the  book  presumably  occurred  in  November  of  1659,  accord- 
ing to  the  Thomason  Catalogue,  ii.  268. 

i  A  Daniel  Pell,  who  may  be  our  author,  entered  St.  John's  College,  Cambridge, 
as  a  sizar,  in  Easter  term  1651.  (Venn,  Book  of  Matriculations  and  Degrees, 
p.  520.) 


1919] 


JOHN  DUNTON  AGAIN 


237 


many  times  betake  it  self  in  its  flight 
into  ships,  or  boats.  And  alas  this 
makes  the  Proverb  good,  Out  of  the 
frying-pan  into  the  fire.  (Pell,  p.  199.) 


be  near,  than  be  taken  by  its  Enemies; 
tho'  this  only  makes  good  the  Proverb, 
Out  of  the  Frying-Pan  into  the  Fire. 
(Dunton,  p.  24.) 


THE  SEA-HOG 


DUNTON'S  SOURCE 


DUNTON 


The  Sea-hog,  or  Swine.  This  crea- 
ture is  headed  like  an  Hog,  toothed, 
and  tusked  like  a  Boar,  .  .  .  These 
beasts  take  such  delight  in  one  an- 
others  company,  that  they  are  to  be 
seen  in  greater  troops  and  herds,  than 
the  greatest  land-herds  of  Swine  that 
ever  were  seen,  for  they  are  not  com- 
parable unto  the  multitudes  that  bee 
of  them,  and  are  in  the  Seas.  (Pell, 
p.  222.) 

The  Porpisces  or  Hogfish  .  .  .  are 
(as  if  they  came  of  the  race  of  the 
Gadaren  Swine,  that  ran  violently  into 
the  Sea)  very  swift  in  their  motion, 
and  like  a  company  marching  in  rank 
and  file;  They  leap  or  mount  very 
nimbly  over  the  waves,  and  so  down 
and  up  again,  making  a  melancholy 
noise,  when  they  are  above  the  water. 
These  are  usually,  when  they  thus 
appear,  certain  presagers  of  very  foul 
weather.  (Roe,  p.  329.) 

I  have  observed,  that  when  this  fish 
hath  been  wounded  by  shot  or  Harp- 
ing-iron,  that  hee  is  no  sooner  peirced, 
and  mortally  wounded,  but  every  one 
of  the  same  kinde  will  follow  him  with 
the  greatest  violence  that  can  bee, 
striving  and  contending  who  should 
beat  him  first,  and  have  their  teeth 
and  mouthes  the  deepest,  and  fastest 
in  his  carkass.  (Pell,  p.  223.) 


The  weather  being  a  little  clear, 
several  Fishes  were  seen  playing  above- 
water,  not  far  from  our  Ship,  which 
made  me  do  my  utmost  with  the  as- 
sistance of  Palmer  and  another  of  the 
Passengers,  to  get  above  deck  again; 
and  indeed  I  did  not  lose  my  labour, 
for  I  saw  a  vast  number  of  Fishes 
called  Sea-hogs,  or  Porpoises.     They 
were  headed  much  like  a  Hog,  and 
tout  KM  and  tusk'd  much  like  a  Boar; 
These  Sea-hogs  take  such  delight  in 
one  anothers  Company,  that  they  swim 
together  in  great  Numbers,  exceeding 
the  largest  herd  of  Swine  I  ever  saw 
by  Land,  for  those  by  Land  are  far  in- 
ferior for  multitude,  to  those  that  are 
in  the  Seas.    These  Porpoises,  or  Hog- 
fish,  are  very  swift  in  their  motion  (as 
if  they  came  of  the  race  of  the  Gadaren 
swine  that  ran  violently  into  the  sea) 
—  and  are  like  a  company  marching  in 
rank  and  file;  they  leap  or  mount  very 
nimbly  over  the  waves  and  so  down 
and  up  again,  makeing  a  melancholy 
noyse  when  they  are  above  the  water: 
when  they  appear  they  are  certain 
presagers  of  foul  weather.   There  is  one 
thing  very  remarkable  about  this  Fish, 
and  that  is,  That  if  one  of  them  happen 
to  be  wounded,   either  by  shott  or 
Harping  Iron;  the  whole  Herd  pursue 
him  with  the  greatest  fury  and  violence 
that  may  be,  seeming  to  contend  who 
shou'd  fall  upon  him  first,  and  have 
their  Teeth  deepest  in  his  Carcase. 
(Dunton,  p.  32.) 


238 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS 


[Apan, 


THE  SHABK 


DUNTON'S  SOURCE 


They  have  in  the  Salt-water  a  fre- 
quent aspect  of  the  ravenous,  feral, 
and  preying  sort  of  fish  called  a  Shark, 
of  whom  the  Mariner  is  more  afraid 
than  of  all  the  fish  in  the  Sea  besides. 
This  Pickroon,  if  hee  can  but  take  any 
of  them  bathing  themselves  .  .  .  hee 
will  tear  them  limb  from  limb,  so  great 
a  lover  hee  is  of  the  flesh  of  man. 
Some  have  observed  of  this  fish,  that 
they  have  not  stuck  to  clammcr  up 
upon  their  ship  sides,  out  of  a  greedi- 
ness to  feed  upon  the  Sailors.  ...  To 
describe  you  this  creature,  I  must  tell 
you,  that  he  is  of  very  great  bulk, 
and  of  a  double  or  treble  set  ...  of 
teeth,  which  are  as  sharp  as  needles, 
but  God  out  of  his  infinite  wisdom  con- 
sidering the  fierceness,  and  violence  of 
the  creature,  has  so  ordered  him,  that 
hee  is  forced  to  turn  himself  upon  his 
back,  before  hee  can  have  any  power 
over  his  prey,  or  otherwise  nothing 
would  escape  him.  (Pell,  p.  206.) 


DUNTON 

My  constant  indisposition  would  not 
suffer  me  to  stay  long  upon  the  Deck 
at  a  time,  and  therefore  having  view'd 
those  Sea-Hogs,  I  was  forc'd  to  retire 
again  into  my  Cabin:  but  Palmer  after- 
wards brought  me  word  that  they  had 
seen  a  FisL  called  Shark,  a  very  danger- 
ous and  ravenous  Fish,  as  the  Mariners 
told  me,  of  whom  they  are  more  afraid 
than  of  all  the  Fishes  in  the  Sea  beside; 
for  if  he  chance  to  meet  with  any  of 
them  in  the  Water,  he  seldom  suffers 
them  to  Escape  without  the  loss  of  a 
Limb  at  least  and  many  times  devours 
the  Whole  Body;  so  great  a  Lover  is 
this  Fish  of  Humane  Flesh;  insomuch 
that  some  have  observ'd  that  they  have 
endeavour'd  to  clamber  up  the  sides 
of  the  Ship,  out  of  a  greedy  desire  of 
Preying  on  the  Sailors:  This  Fish,  it 
seems,  is  of  a  very  great  Bulk,  with  a 
double  or  treble  set  of  Teeth,  as  sharp 
as  Needles:  But  Nature  has  so  order'd 
it,  that  as  an  allay  to  his  Devouring 
Nature,  he  is  forc'd  to  turn  himself 
upon  his  Back,  before  he  can  take  his 
prey,  by  which  means  many  escape 
him  which  else  would  fall  into  his 
Clutches.  It  is,  my  Brother,  from  the 
Devouring  Nature  of  this  Fish,  that 
we  call  those  Men  Sharks;  who  having 
nothing  of  their  own,  make  it  their 
business  to  live  upon  other  Men,  and 
devour  their  Substance.  (Dunton, 
p.  33.) 


THE  SUN-FISH 


DUNTON'S  SOURCE 


.  .  .  whose  usual  property  is  to 
come  out  of  the  depths  in  the  sweetest 
and  calmest  weathers,  to  lye  sleeping 


DUNTON 

Being  a  little  better,  I  got  upon  the 
Deck  again,  and  the  weather  being 
pretty  clear,  the  mariners  discovered 
a  Fish  called  the  Sun-fish,  of  a  lovely 
bright  and  shining  colour,  whose  prop- 
erty it  is  in  Calm  weather  to  come  out 
of  the  Depths,  and  lie  sleeping  and 


1919] 


JOHN  DUNTON  AGAIN 


239 


and  beaking  [sit]  of  himself  upon  the 
Surface  of  the  Seas,  .  .  .  Mariners 
sometimes  will  hoyse  out  their  boats 
and  take  them  up. 

It  brought  into  my  mind,  that  it  is  a 
very  perilous  thing  for  a  Christian  to 
bee  found  asleep  (by  that  mortal  and 
deadly  enemy  Satan)  when  and  whilst 
hee  is  standing  Sentinel  upon  his 
guard.  The  Devil  is  of  an  indefatiga- 
ble spirit,  6  T«pd£ojf,  in  the  present 
tense,  which  reports  him  not  to  bee 
lazy  but  busy,  not  a  loyterer  but  a 
stickler,  and  a  stirrer  in  his  pernicious 
work;  .  .  .  (Pell,  p.  202.) 


basking  itself  upon  the  Surface  of  the 
Waters,  by  which  means  often-times 
the  Mariners  have  an  opportunity  of 
taking  them.  This,  my  Brother,  made 
me  reflect  how  dangerous  a  thing  it  is 
for  any  one  to  sleep  unguarded  in  the 
midst  of  Enemies,  especially  so  in- 
dustrious and  indefatigable  an  Enemy 
as  the  Scripture  represents  the  Great 
Enemy  of  our  Souls  to  be,  who  goes 
about  continually  like  a  roaring  Lion, 
seeking  whom  he  may  devour.  (Dun- 
ton,  p.  34.) 


THE  ALLIGATOR 


DUNTON'S  SOUBCB 


They  have  a  frequent  aspect  of  that 
wonderful  and  impenetrable  sort  of 
Beasts  which  the  Mariners  call  an 
Alligator.  .  .  .  This  Beast  is  of  a  vast 
longitude  and  magnitude  (some  say 
many  yards  in  length)  in  colour,  hee 
is  of  a  dark  brown,  which  makes  him 
the  more  invisible,  and  indiscernable 
when  hee  lyes  his  Trapan  in  the 
waters.  ...  Of  such  strength  is  this 
beast,  that  no  creature  is  able  to  make 
his  escape  from  him,  if  hee  get  but  his 
chaps  fastened  in  them.  .  .  .  This 
beast  hath  his  three  tyer  of  teeth  in 
his  chaps,  and  so  firmly  scaled  and 
armed  with  coat  of  Male,  that  you  may 
as  well  shoot,  or  strike  upon  or  at  a 
Rock  and  Iron,  as  offer  to  wound  him. 
(Pell,  pp.  228-229.) 


DUNTON 

Being  laid  down  upon  the  Bed  one 
Day  to  repose  my  self,  Palmer  cornea 
down  to  me,  and  tells  me,  I  had  lost 
the  sight  of  a  very  great  and  strange 
Creature,  which  our  Captain  call'd  an 
Alligator;  this  Creature  is  of  a  vast 
length  and  breadth,  (some  say  many 
yards  in  length:)  in  colour  he  is  of  a 
dark  brown,  which  makes  him  the  more 
imperceptable  when  he  lies  as  a  Trapan 
in  the  Waters.  He  is  of  so  vast  a 
strength  that  no  Creature  is  able  to 
make  his  Escape  from  him,  if  he  gets 
but  his  Chaps  fastened  in  them;  for  he 
has  three  Tere  of  Teeth  in  his  Chape 
and  so  firmly  sealed  [sic]  and  armed 
with  Coat  of  Male,  that  you  may  as 
well  shoot  at  a  Rock,  or  strike  against 
Bars  of  Iron,  as  offer  to  wound  him. 
(Dunton,  p.  35.) 


DUNTON'S  SOUBCB 


They   oftentimes  have  a  frequent 
sight  of  that  sociable  &  companionable 


THE  DOLPHIN 

DUNTON 

I  must  acquaint  you,  That  whilst 
I  thus  lay  musing  in  my  Cabin,  one  of 
the  Seamen  came,  and  told  me  that 
they  had  had  a  Dolphin  swiming  a 
pretty  while  by  the  Ship  side,  as  if  it 
did  intend  to  vye  with  them  in  sailing: 


240 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS 


[APRIL, 


Sea-fish,  called  the  Dolphin.  Natural- 
ists tell  us  that  these  creatures  do  take 
great  delight  to  accompany  the  swift- 
Bailing  ships  that  come  through  the 
Seas.  ...  I  have  seen  them  accom- 
panying of  us  for  a  long  time  together, 
.  .  .  some  swimming  on  head,  some  on 
stern,  some  on  the  Starbord-side  of  us, 
and  othersome  on  the  Larbord,  like  BO 
many  Sea-pages,  or  Harbingers  riming 
before  our  wooden  horses,  as  if  they 
were  resolved  by  the  best  language  that 
fish  could  give  us,  to  welcome  us  into 
and  through  the  waters,  and  telling  us 
that  they  would  go  along  with  us. 
(Pell,  p.  203.) 

.  .  .  not  so  much  I  think  'for  the 
love  they  bear  unto  man,  (as  some 
write,)  as  to  feed  themselves  with  what 
they  find  cast  overboard:  whence  it 
comes  to  pass,  that  many  times  they 
feed  us;  for  when  they  swim  close  to 
our  ships,  we  often  strike  them  with  a 
broad  instrument,  full  of  barbs,  called 
an  Harping-iron,  .  .  .  This  Dolphin 
may  be  a  fit  Emblem  of  an  ill  race  of 
people,  who  under  sweet  countenances, 
carry  sharp  tongues.  (Roe,  pp.  328- 
329.) 


I  made  what  haste  I  cou'd  upon  the 
deck,  but  came  too  late  to  see  it,  for 
the  sociable  Fish  had  now  withdrawn 
himself:  But  the  account  I  had  of  it 
from  them  that  saw  it,  was,  This  Fish 
takes  great  Delight  in  sailing  along 
by  those  Ships  that  pass  through  the 
Seas;  and  one  of  the  mariners  affirm'd 
that  in  some  voyages  he  had  seen  sev- 
eral of  them  accompanying  their  ship, 
for  a  long  tune  together;  some  swim- 
ming a  head,  and  some  a  stern,  some 
on  the  Starboard,  and  others  on  the 
Larboard  side,  like  so  many  Sea-Pages 
attending  them,  seeming  to  tell  us  we 
were  welcome  into  their  Territories; 
or  as  if  they  were  resolved  to  be  our 
safe-conduct  thorow  'em.  But  this  is 
not  so  much,  I  think,  for  the  love  they 
bear  unto  man,  (as  some  write,)  as  to 
feed  themselves  with  what  they  find 
cast  overboard,1  whence  it  comes  to 
pass,  that  many  times  they  feed  us,  for 
when  they  swim  close  to  our  ships  we 
often  strike  them  with  a  broad  instru- 
ment, full  of  barbs,  called  an  Harp- 
ing-iron.  The  Dolphin  may  be  a  fit 
emblem  of  an  ill  race  of  people  who 
under  sweet  countenances  carry  sharp 
tongues.  As  to  their  being  generally 
represented  as  a  Crooked  Fish,  I  en- 
quir'd  about  it,  and  am  informed  it  if 
only  a  vulgar  errour  of  the  Painters,* 
for  'tis  a  straight  a  Fish  as  any  swims 


1  The  contrary  opinion  is  expressed  in  Dunton's  Athenian  Mercury,  ii,  No.  5, 
Question  5,  where  the  question  "Why  a  Dolphin  follows  a  Ship  until  he  is 
frightened  away"  is  thus  answered:  "'Tis  not  from  the  same  reason  as  Sharif 
and  other  ravenous  Fishes  do,  who  expect  a  dead  Body,  or  a  Prey,  but  from  the 
great  love  and  kindness  which  these  sort  of  Fishes  bear  unto  Man." 

*  This  passage  may  indicate  that  Dunton  had  looked  into  Sir  Thomas  Browne's 
Pseudodoxia  Epidemica,  bk.  y.  chap.  2  ("Of  the  Picture  of  Dolphins"),  wherein 
we  read:  "That  dolphins  are  crooked,  is  not  only  affirmed  by  the  hand  of  the 
painter,  but  commonly  conceived  their  natural  and  proper  figure,  which  is  not 
only  the  opinion  of  our  tunes,  but  seems  the  belief  of  elder  times  before  us.  ... 
Notwithstanding,  to  speak  strictly,  in  their  natural  figure  they  are  straight,  nor 
have  their  spine  convexed,  or  more  considerably  embowed,  than  sharks,  porpoises, 
whales,  and  other  cetaceous  animals"  (Works  of  Sir  Thomas  Browne,  ed.  Simon 
Wilkin,  London,  1852,  ii.  4-5). 


1919] 


JOHN  DUNTON  AGAIN 


241 


Plinie  hath  written  much  of  this 
fish,  .  .  .  affirming  that  he  is  not 
onely  sociable  and  desirous  of  mans 
company,  but  delighted  also  in  sweet 
and  sense-charming  musick. 

Amongst  the  fishes  that  did  swiftly  throng 
To  dance  the  measures  of  his  mournftUl 

song, 

There  was  a  Dolphin  did  the  best  afford 
His  nimble  motions  to  the  trembling 

chord. 

But  whether  that  in  the  stone  of 
Arion  be  true,  I  am  not  able  to  say.  .  .  . 

Howbeit  this  scruple  may  not  take 
away  the  love  of  the  Dolphin  towards 
man.  For  besides  those  things  related 
in  Plinie,  of  a  boy  feeding  a  Dolphin, 
and  carried  on  his  back  over  the  waters 
to  school,  .  .  .  others  also  have  in  a 
manner  written  to  the  same  purpose. 
And  amongst  the  rest,  .-Elian  tells  a 
storie  of  a  Dolphin  and  a  boy:  this  boy 
being  very  fair,  used  with  his  com- 
panions to  play  by  the  sea  side,  and 
to  wash  with  them  hi  the  water,  prac- 
tising likewise  to  swimme:  which  being 
perceived  by  a  Dolphin  frequenting 
that  coast,  the  Dolphin  fell  into  a  great 
liking  with  this  boy  above  the  rest,  and 
used  very  familiarly  to  swimme  by 
him  side  by  side:  .  .  .  sometimes  the 
boy  would  get  upon  the  Dolphins  back, 
and  ride  through  the  waterie  terri- 
tories of  Neptunes  kingdome,  as  upon 
some  proud  pransing  horse,  and  the 
Dolphin  at  all  times  would  bring  him 
safely  to  the  shore  again.  ...  At  last 
it  chanced  that  the  boy,  not  carcfull 
how  he  sat  upon  the  fishes  back,  but 
unadvisedly  laying  his  belly  too  close, 
was  by  the  sharp  pricks  growing  there, 
wounded  to  death.  And  now  the  Dol- 
phin perceiving  by  the  weight  of  his 
bodie,  and  by  the  bloud  which  stained 


the  Ocean:  If  I  am  in  an  Errour, 
Brother,  I  hope  you'll  rectifie  me,  for 
I  am  sure  you  must  have  seen  of  'em 
in  your  Voyage  to  Suratt:  Dubartas 
records  of  this  Fish,  that  he's  a  great 
Delighter  in  Musick:  on  which  he  has 
these  Verses: 

Among  the  Fishes  that  did  swiftly 
throng 

To  dance  the  measures  of  his  Mourn- 
ful Song, 

There  was  a  Dolphin  that  did  best 
afford 

His  Nimble  Motions  to  the  Trembling 
Chord: 

But  whether  that  in  the  Story  of 
Arion  be  true  I  cannot  say:  —  How- 
ever, very  remarkable  is  the  Story  re- 
lated by  Pliny,  of  a  Boy  feeding  a 
Dolphin,  and  carried  on  his  back  over 
the  Waters  to  School:  They  did  swim 
sometimes  side  by  side,  and  at  last, 
grew  so  familiar,  that  sometimes  the 
Boy  would  get  upon  the  Dolphin's 
Back,  and  ride  in  Triumph  through 
Neptunes  Wat'ry  Kingdom,  as  upon 
some  proud  Prancing  Horse:  At  last, 
it  so  unhappily  fell  out,  that  the  Boy 
careless  how  he  sat  upon  the  Fishes 
Back,  was  by  his  Sharp  and  brisly  Fins 
wounded  to  Death:  which  the  com- 
miserating Dolphin  straight  perceiving 
swam  to  the  Land,  and  there  laid  down 
his  wounded  Burden,  and  for  very 
sorrow  Died.  In  memory  whereof,  a 
Poet  writes, 

The  Fish  would  Live,  but  that  the  Boy 
must  Dye, 

The  Dying  Boy,  the  Living  Fish  Tor- 
ments: 

The  Fish  tormented  hath  no  time  to 
cry, 

But  with  his  Grief,  his  Life  he  sadly 
vents. 

(Dunton,  pp.  37-39.) 


242 


THE   COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS 


[APEIL, 


the  waters,  that  the  boy  was  dead, 
speedily  swimmeth  with  all  his  force 
to  the  land,  and  there  laying  him  down, 
for  very  sorrow  died  by  him.  In  mem- 
orie  whereof,  let  these  few  lines  be 
added, 

The  fish  would  live,  but  that  the  boy  must 

die: 

The  dying  boy  the  living  fish  torments. 
The  fish  tormented  hath  no  time  to  crie; 
But  with  his  grief  his  life  he  sadly  vents. 

(Swan,  372-373.) 


THE  SWORD-FISH  AND  THE  THRESHER 


L>ONTON'S  SOURCE 


They  have  many  times  a  frequent 
sight  of  that  pleasurable,  and  most 
delightful  fish-combat  that  is  betwixt 
the  Sword-fish,  the  Whale,  and  the 
Thresher  .  .  .  the  Sword-fish  is  so 
weaponed,  and  well  armed  to  encoun- 
ter his  enemy,  that  hee  has  upon  his 
head  a  fish-bone  that  is  as  long,  and  as 
like  to  a  two-edged  sword,  as  any  two 
things  in  the  world  resemble  one  an- 
other, save  onely  that  there  bee  amany 
of  sharp  spikes  .  .  .  upon  either  edge 
of  it,  and  the  property  of  this  Fish  is 
to  get  underneath  the  Whale,  and  there 
to  riple  him,  and  rake  him  all  over  the 
belly,  which  will  cause  him  to  roar, 
and  exclaim  upon  the  Theeves  that  be- 
set him,  as  if  there  were  a  dart  in  the 
heart  of  him,  and  the  Thresher  playes 
his  part  above  table,  for  when  his 
partner  forces  him  upwards,  hee  layes 
on  to  purpose  upon  the  Whales  back, 
insomuch  that  his  blows  are  audible 


DUNTON 

The  Mariners  discover'd  two  Fishes 
of  a  different  sort  and  size,  which  they 
inform'd  us  were  the  Sword-fish  and 
the  Thresher:  and  told  us  they  belief  d 
the  Whale  was  not  far  off;  and  when  I 
ask'd  what  reason  they  had  to  suppose 
BO,  they  told  me,  That  those  two 
Fishes  were  always  at  a  Truce  between 
themselves,  but  always  at  open  Wars 
with  the  Leviathan:  And  that  nothing 
was  more  pleasant,  than  to  sec  the 
combat  between  the  Three,  i.e.  The 
Sword-fish  and  the  Thresher  upon  one 
side,  and  the  Whale  on  the  other.  For 
this  Sword-fish  is  so  wellt  weapon' d, 
and  ann'd  for  an  Incounter  with  its 
mighty  Enemy,  that  he  has  upon  his 
Head  a  Fish-Bone,  that's  both  as  lot 
and  as  like  to  a  two-edged  sword, 
any  two  things  can  resemble  one  an- 
other, save  only  that  there  are  a  great 
many  sharp  spikes  on  either  edge  of  it: 
Nature  has  it  seems  instructed  this 
Fish  what  use  to  make  of  it;  for  being 
thus  ann'd  the  property  of  this  Fish 
is  to  get  underneath  the  Whale,  and 
with  his  Two-edg'd  Sword  to  rake  and 
riple  him  all  over's  Belly,  which 
causes  him  to  roar  and  bellow  at  such 
a  prodigious  rate,  as  if  a  Thousand 
Darts  were  sticking  in  his  heart,  and 
then  the  Thresher,  (when  by  the 


1919] 


JOHN  DUNTON  AGAIN 


243 


two,  or  three  miles  in  distance,  and 
their  rage  and  fury  is  so  great  against 
the  Whale,  that  one  would  think  they 
would  cut  him,  and  thrash  him  to 
peeces.  (Pell,  pp.  221-222.) 


bellowing  of  the  Whale  he  under- 
stands the  Sword-fish  is  assaulting 
him  below)  straight  get  a  top  of  him 
and  there  plays  his  part,  assaulting 
him  with  such  thick  and  massy  blows, 
as  may  be  plainly  heard  at  two  or 
three  miles  distance;  and  this  rage 
and  fury  is  so  great  against  the  Whale, 
that  one  wou'd  think  they'd  cut  and 
thrash  him  all  to  pieces.  (Dunton, 
pp.  39-40.) 


THE  WHALE 


DUNTON'B  SOURCE 


DUNTON 


Verse  32.  Hee  makes  a  path  to  shine 
after  him,  one  would  think  the  deep  to 
bee  hoary.  .  .  .  The  Whale  puts  as 
admirable  a  beauty  upon  that  part  of 
the  Sea  his  body  swims  in,  as  the  Sun 
does  upon  the  Rainbow,  by  gilding  of 
it  with  its  golden,  and  irradiating 
beams.  (Pell,  p.  219.) 


I  have  seen  .  .  .  them  .  .  .  send- 
ing forth  such  strange,  and  prodigious 
smoaks  and  fumes,  as  if  there  were 
Borne  Town  or  Village  of  smoaking 
chimneys  in  the  Seas.  (Pell,  p.  217.) 


Now  may  they  take  a  view  of  his 
head,  in  which  are  eyes  as  large  as  some 


Whilst  we  all  were  walking  up  and 
down,  it  was  my  hap  to  fix  my  Eye 
on  something  I  knew  not  what,  which 
unto  me  seem'd  like  a  moving  Rock; 
and  shewing  of  it  to  a  Seaman,  we  soon 
discover'd  it  to  be  one  of  those  float- 
ing Mountains  of  the  Sea,  the  Whale: 
As  we  came  nearer  him,  I  saw  his  very 
Breath  put  all  the  Water  round  in 
such  a  ferment,  as  made  the  very  sea 
boyl  like  a  Pot.  I  do  confess  I  had 
a  very  great  desire  to  take  a  more 
particular  view  of  him,  because  GOD 
gives  him  such  an  Elaborate  and  accu- 
rate Description  in  the  41st  of  Job: 
And  this  I  particularly  observed,  That 
the  Sun  shining  upon  him,  cast  a  very 
orient  Reflection  upon  the  Water; 
which  is  also  confirm'd  by  the  De- 
scription given  of  him,  Job  41:32. 
He  maketh  a  path  to  shine  after  him, 
one  wou'd  think  the  Deep  to  be 
hoary:  Another  thing  I  observ'd  was, 
That  there  was  so  great  a  smoak  where 
he  was,  that  it  seem'd  to  me  as  if 
there  had  been  a  Town  full  of  Smoak- 
ing Chimneys  in  the  midst  of  the  Sea. 
I  do  confess  I  never  saw  so  large  and 
formidable  Creature  in  my  Life.  He 
appear'd  to  me  as  big  as  either  of  the 
Holmes's,  two  little  Islands  that  lie  at 
the  mouth  of  the  Severn,  near  Bristol 
in  England.  It  was  impossible  for 
me  to  take  the  True  Dimensions  of 


244 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS 


[APRIL, 


pewter  dishes,  and  room  enough  in  his 
mouth  for  many  people  to  sit  in.  Now 
may  they  look  upon  his  terrible  teeth, 
and  handle  his  great  and  free-like 
tongue,  which  is  upwards  of  two  yards 
in  breadth,  and  in  length  longer  and 
thicker  than  the  tallest  man  that  is 
upon  the  earth.  Out  of  which  part 
the  Marines  extract  above  an  Hogs- 
head of  Oyle.  (Pell,  p.  216.) 

This  creature  is  of  such  an  incredible 
.  .  .  strength  .  .  .  that  in  Greenland 
(that  great  TFAoJe-elaughtering  place 
of  the  world)  when  they  come  once  to 
dart  an  Harping-Iron  into  him,  hee 
will  so  rage,  rend,  and  tear,  that  if 
there  were  an  hundered  .  .  .  shallops 
neare  unto  him,  hee  would  make  them 
fly  in  a  thousand  shivers  into  the 
Bkyes.  (Pell,  p.  214.) 

When  the  victory  is  got  over  the 
Whale,  then  they  may  go  round  about 
him,  and  tell  all  his  goodly  fins,  which 
are  as  so  many  Oars  upon  his  sides,  to 
row  his  great  and  corpulent  carkass  to 
and  again  in  the  Seas  at  his  pleasure, 
which  are  reckoned  to  bee  three  hun- 
dered and  upwards,  and  by  these  hee 
goes  at  what  rate  hee  pleases  in  the 
waters,  as  violently  as  an  arrow  out  of 
a  bow,  or  a  bullet  out  of  a  peece  of 
Ordnance.  (Pell,  p.  216.) 


In  smooth  water,  warm,  and  calm 
weather,  they  are  now  and  then  to  bee 
seen  sporting  ...  of  themselves,  and 
shewing  their  great  and  massy  bodies 
above  the  waters,  unto  the  aspect  of 
the  ships  that  sail  hard  by  them  in  the 
Seas.  One  while  rising  up,  and  an- 
other while  falling  down,  one  while 
appearing,  and  by  and  by  disappear- 
ing. (Pell,  p.  217.) 

.  .  .  Some  Whales  ...  in  calm 
weather  often  arise  and  shew  them- 
selves on  the  top  of  the  water,  where 
they  appear  like  unto  great  Rocks,  in 
their  rise  spouting  up  into  the  Air  with 


him:  His  Eyes  are  as  large  as  two 
great  Pewter-Dishes,  and  there's  room 
enough  in  his  Mouth  for  many  People 
to  sit  round  in,  as  those  that  have  been 
at  the  Taking  of  them  affirm.  His 
teeth  are  terrible,  and  his  Tongue  is 
above  two  yards  in  breadth,  and  in 
length  exceeds  the  tallest  man  on 
Earth,  out  of  which  they  extract 
above  a  Hogshead  of  Oyl.  Ex  pede 
Hercules.  I  have  been  told  that  the 
Whale  is  of  such  incredible  strength, 
that  in  Greenland  (where  most  of 
them  are  taken)  when  they  come  once 
to  dart  an  Harping-iron  into  'em,  they 
rage  and  rend  at  so  extravagant  a 
rate,  that  if  there  were  an  hundred 
Shallops  near  him,  he'd  make  'em  fly 
into  a  thousand  shivers,  and  send  'em 
up  into  the  Skies.  When  the  victory 
is  got  over  'em,  and  the  mighty  victim 
lies  at  their  Conquering  Feet,  they 
fearless  then  survey  his  huge  and 
massy  Body,  and  tell  all  his  goodly 
Fins,  which  like  so  many  Oars  in  a 
great  Gaily  do  serve  to  row  his  Car- 
case through  the  Seas  at  his  own 
pleasure:  and  they  are  reckoned  by 
the  most  curious  Anatomists  of  him 
to  be  above  three  hundred,  and  by 
these  he  can  go,  if  he  pleases,  with 
that  swiftness  and  violence,  as  Arrows 
scarce  fly  swifter  from  a  Bow,  nor 
Bullet  from  a  piece  of  Ordnance.  The 
Seamen  tell  me,  That  in  smooth  Water 
and  calm  weather,  they  are  often  seen 
sporting  of  themselves,  and  shewing 
their  great  and  massy  Bodies  upon 
the  Surface  of  the  Waters,  easily  dis- 
cernible by  Ships  that  sail  hard  by 
'em  in  the  Seas,  one  while  rising  up, 
and  in  a  little  time  fall  down  again 
and  disappear.  Some  whales  in  calm 
weather  often  arise  and  shew  them- 
selves on  the  top  of  the  water,  where 
they  appear  like  unto  great  Rocks, 
in  their  rise,  spouting  up  into  the 
Ayr  with  noyse,  a  great  quantity  of 
water  which  falls  down  again  about 


1919] 


JOHN  DUNTON  AGAIN 


245 


noise,  a  great  quantity  of  water,  which 
falls  down  again  about  them  like  a 
showre.  The  Whale  may  well  chal- 
lenge the  Principality  of  the  Sea,  yet  I 
suppose  that  he  hath  many  enemies  in 
this  his  large  Dominion;  for  instance, 
a  little  long  Fish  called  a  Thresher, 
often  encounters  with  him;  who  by  his 
agility  vexeth  him  as  much  in  the  Sea, 
as  a  little  Bee  in  Summer,  doth  a  great 
Beast  on  the  shore.  (Roe,  p.  327.) 

Munslcr  writeth,  that  near  unto 
Ireland  there  be  great  whales  whose 
bigness  equalizeth  the  hills  and  mightie 
mountains,  .  .  .  and  these  (saith  he) 
will  drown  and  overthrow  ships  except 
they  be  affrighted  with  the  sound  of 
trumpets  and  drummes  .  .  .  (Swan, 
p.  360.) 


them  like  a  showr.  The  Whale  may 
well  challenge  the  Principalitie  of  the 
Sea,  yet  I  suppose  that  he  hath  many 
enemies  in  this  his  large  Dominion; 
for  instance,  a  Little  long  Fish  called 
a  Thresher  often  encounters  with  him, 
who  by  his  agilitie  vexeth  him  as 
much  in  the  Sea,  as  a  little  Bee  in 
Summer,  doth  a  great  Beast  on  the 
shore.  Munster  writeth,  That  near 
unto  Ireland,  there  be  great  Whales 
whose  Bigness  equalizeth  the  Hills  and 
mighty  Mountains;  and  these,  saith  he, 
will  drown  and  overthrow  the  greatest 
ships,  except  they  be  afrighted  with 
the  sound  of  Drums  and  Trumpets. 
(Dunton,  pp.  42-44.) 


THE  MUSCULUS 


DUNTON'S  SOURCE 
Plinie  writeth  of  a  little  fish  called 
Muscidus,  which  is  a  great  friend  to  the 
whale:  for  the  whale  being  big  would 
many  times  endanger  her  self  between 
rocks  and  narrow  straits,  were  it  not 
for  this  little  fish,  which  swimmeth  as 
a  guide  before  her.  Whereupon  Du 
Bartas  descants  thus, 


A  little  fish  that  swimming  still  before 
Directs  him  safe  from  rock,  from  shelf 

and  shore: 

9Much  like  a  child  that  loving  leads  about 
His  aged  father  when  his  eyes  be  out; 
StUl  wafting  him  through  ev'ry  way  so 

right,  ' 
That  reft  of  eyes  he  seems  not  reft  of  sight. 


Which  office  of  that  little  fish,  may 
serve  as  a  fit  embleme  to  teach  great 
ones  and  superiours,  that  they  ought 
not  to  contemne  their  inferiours;  for 
they  are  not  alwayes  able  so  to  subsist 
of  themselves,  that  they  never  stand 


DUNTON 

Pliny  writes  of  a  little  Fish  called 
Musculus,  which  is  a  great  Friend  to 
the  Whale;  for  the  Whale  being  big, 
wou'd  many  times  endanger  her  self 
between  Rocks  and  narrow  straits, 
were  it  not  for  this  little  Fish  which- 
swimmeth  as  a  Guide  before  her. 
Whereupon  Dubartus  descants  thus: 

A  little  Fish,  that  swimming  still  be- 
fore, 

Directs  him  safe,  from  Rock,  from 
Shelf,  from  Shore-. 

Much  like  a  Child,  that  living  Leads 
about 

His  Aged  Father  when  his  eyes  are  out: 

Still  wafting  him  through  every  way 
so  right, 

That  reft  of  Eyes,  he  seems  not  reft  of 
sight. 

Which  office  of  that  little  Fish,  may 
serve  as  a  fit  Emblem  to  teach  Great 
Ones  that  they  ought  not  to  contemn 
their  Inferioure:  There  may  come  a 
time  when  the  meanest  Person  may 
do  a  Man  some  good;  and  therefore 


246 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY   OF  MASSACHUSETTS 


[APRIL, 


in  need  of  their  helps  who  are  but  mean 
and  base  in  the  eyes  of  greatnesse:  there 
may  come  a  time  when  the  meanest 
person  may  do  some  good,  and  there- 
fore there  is  no  time  wherein  we  ought 
to  scorn  such  a  one,  how  mean  soever 
he  be.  (Swan,  p.  362.) 


there  is  no  time  wherein  we  ought  to 
scorn  such  a  one.  To  conclude,  my 
Brother,  and  sum  up  all  I  have  to  say 
of  him  in  one  word,  That  what  the 
Spirit  of  God  says  of  Behemoth,  I 
may  say  of  the  Leviathan,  as  to  the 
Sea  at  least,  He  is  the  Chief  of  the 
Ways  of  God.  (Dunton,  p.  44.) 


THE  CALAMORIE 


DUNTON'S  SOURCE 


The  Calamarie  is  sometimes  called 
the  Sea-clerk,  having  as  it  were  a  knife 
and  a  pen.  Some  call  him  the  Ink-horn- 
fish,  because  he  hath  a  black  skinne 
like  ink,  which  serveth  him  in  stead  of 
bloud.  And  of  these  fishes  there  be 
more  kinds  than  one:  for  the  Cuttle 
hath  also  an  inkie  juice  in  stead  of 
bloud.  .  .  .  Plinie,  .  .  .  affirmeth  that 
both  male  and  female,  when  they  find 
themselves  so  farre  forth  discovered, 
that  if  they  cannot  be  hid  they  must 
be  taken,  do  then  cast  this  their  ink 
into  the  water;  and  so  by  colouring  it, 
they  obscure  and  darken  it:  and  the 
water  being  darkened,  they  escape. 

For  through  the  clouds  of  this  black  inkie 

night, 
They  dading  passe  the  greedie  fishers 

sight. 
(Swan,  pp.  378-379.) 


DUNTON 


About  this  time  we  discover'd  an- 
other Sea-Wonder,  to  wit,  a  Fish 
called  a  Calamorie;  which  some  call 
the  Ink-horn-Fish,  because  he  hath  a 
black  Skin  like  Ink,  which  Serveth 
him  instead  of  Blood;  When  they  are 
like  to  be  taken,  they  then  cast  their 
Ink  into  the  Water,  and  so  by  colour- 
ing it,  they  obscure  and  darken  it, 
and  the  Water  being  darken'd,  they 
escape. 


For  through  the  Clouds  of  this  dark 

Inky  Night, 
They  dazling  pass  the  greedy  Fishers 

Sight. 
(Dunton,  pp.  45-46.) 


THE  TORPEDO 


DUNTON'S  SOURCE 


The  Torpedo,  or  the  Cramp-fish, . . . 
is  indued  with  a  very  prodigious  & 
clandestine  quality,  if  it  be  but  touched, 
or  handled,  the  body  is  presently 
stunned,  and  benummed,  as  an  hand 
or  leg  that  is  dead,  and  without  all 
feeling.  I  have  known  some  that  have 
taken  of  this  kinde  at  unawares  .  .  . 
They  have  been  for  some  hours  in  a 


DUNTON 


During  the  time  that  we  were  loll- 
ing and  rowling  thus  upon  the  restless 
Ocean,  our  Mariners  discover'd  that 
admirable  Wonder  of  the  Torpedo,  or 
Cramfish,  a  Fish  much  better  to  behold 
than  handle,  for  it  has  this  prodigious, 
yet  clandestine  quality,  that  if  it  be 
but  touch'd  or  handled,  the  person 
touching  it  is  presently  benummed,  as 
a  Hand  or  Leg,  that  is  Dead,  and  with- 
out feeling:  In  which  condition  they 


1919] 


JOHN  DUNTON   AGAIN 


247 


very  desponding  estate,  whether  they 
should  ever  recover  their  pristine  con- 
stitution, and  health  again,  or  no? 
(Pell,  p.  226.) 


sometimes  continue  for  two  or  three 
Days  together;  and  with  difficulty  ob- 
taining the  use  of  their  Limbs  again. 
(Dunton,  p.  46.) 


THE  SEA-HORSE 


DUN-TON'S  SOUBCE 


DUNTON 


In  their  voyages  to  Greenland  .  .  . 
they  have  .  .  .  hot  disputes  and  skir- 
mishes with  the  great  and  warlike 
Horses  of  the  Seas,  which  .  .  .  range 
upon  the  land,  in  great,  and  (almost) 
innumerable  Troops.  Sometimes  by 
three  or  four  hundred  in  a  flock;  some- 
times more,  and  sometimes  less.  Their 
great  desire  is  to  roost  themselves  on 
land  in  the  warm  Sun;  and  whilst  they 
adventure  to  fall  asleep,  by  their  ap- 
pointment, they  give  orders  out  to  one 
of  the  company  to  stand  sentinel  his 
hour,  or  such  a  certain  time,  and  upon 
the  expiration  of  it,  another  takes  his 
turn  upon  the  watch  whilst  the  rest 
sleep,  during  such  time  till  it  goes 


But  that  which  brought  us  the  first 
Dawning  of  Hope,  with  respect  to  the 
Discovery  of  Land,  was  the  Discovery 
which  one  of  the  Seamen  made,  of 
three  or  four  great  Fishes,  which  he 
call'd  Sea-Horees;  and  not  without 
reason,  for  their  fore-parts  were  the 
perfect  figure  of  a  Horse,  but  their 
hinder  parts  perfect  Fish;  when  the 
rest  of  the  Seamen  saw  these  Creatures, 
they  all  rejoyc'd,  and  said  we  were  not 
far  from  Land;  the  reason  of  which 
was,  That  these  Sea-Horees  were 
Creatures  that  took  a  great  delight  hi 
sleeping  on  the  Shore,  and  therefore 
were  never  seen  but  near  the  Shore: 
This  was  but  a  collateral  Comfort,  for 
tho'  these  Sea-Horses  delight  in  Sleep- 
ing on  the  Shore,  yet  they  might  swim 
two  or  three  hundred  Leagues  into 
the  Sea  for  all  that:  But  we  that  look'd 
upon  our  selves  in  a  perishing  Condi- 
tion, were  willing  to  lay  hold  on  any 
little  Twigg  of  Hope,  to  keep  our 
Spirits  up.  One  of  the  Seamen  that 
had  formerly  made  a  Greenland  Voyage 
for  Whale-Fishing,  told  us  that  in 
that  Country  he  had  seen  very  great 
Troops  of  those  Sea-Horses  ranging 
upon  Land,  sometimes  three  or  four 
hundred  in  a  Troop:  Their  great  de- 
sire, he  says,  is  to  roost  themselves  on 
Land  in  the  Warm  Sun;  and  Whilst 
they  sleep,  they  appoint  one  to  stand 
Centinel,  and  watch  a  certain  time; 
and  when  that  time's  expir'd,  an- 
other takes  his  place  of  Watching,  and 
the  first  Centinel  goes  to  sleep,  &c. 
observing  the  strict  Discipline,  as  a 
Body  of  Well-regulated  Troops.  And 
if  it  happen  that  at  any  time  an  Enemy 


248 


tHE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS 


[APRIL, 


round  amongst  them.  And  provided 
any  enemy  approach  them,  the  Sen- 
tinel will  neigh,  beat,  kick,  and  strike 
upon  their  bodies,  and  never  leave  till 
In  c  hath  rowsed  them  up  out  of  theii 
snorting  slumbers  to  shift  for  them- 
selves, and  betake  themselves  to  the 
Seas.  But  Sailors  being  too  cunning 
for  them,  get  betwixt  them  and  the 
Sea,  and  fall  a  beating  out  the  brains 
of  the  first  that  comes  to  hand  .  .  . 
and  .  .  .  many  .  .  .  have  averred 
that  they  have  killed  of  them  whilst 
they  have  been  no  longer  able  for 
want  of  breath  and  strength.  And 
the  reason  why  they  kill  so  many  of 
these  creatures  is,  because  their  teeth 
is  of  great  worth  and  value,  and  very 
vendable  in  the  Southern  parts  of  the 
world-. 

From  this  Creature  I  have  learned 
to  apply  thus  much  unto  my  self  in 
particular,  That  it  is  a  very  dangerous 
thing  for  a  man  to  bee  out  of  his 
general  and  particular  Calling.  (Pell, 
p.  209.) 


approach,  the  Centinel  will  neigh,  and 
beat,  and  kick,  and  strike  upon  their 
Bodies,  and  never  leave  till  he  has 
wak'd  'em;  and  then  they  run  to- 
gether into  the  Seas  for  shelter.  But 
for  all  this  Caution,  the  Sailors  are,  it 
seems  too  cunning  for  them;  and  get 
between  them  and  the  Sea,  and  beat 
out  the  Brains  of  the  first  that  comes 
to  hand;  and  so  have  done,  till  they 
have  kill'd  so  long,  that  they  have 
wanted  strength  to  kill  another;  and 
that  which  moves  the  Seamen  to  this 
cruelty,  is,  because  their  Teeth  are  of 
great  worth  and  value,  and  are  a  very 
vendible  Commodity  in  the  Southern 
parts  of  the  World.  And  since  it  is  the 
Shore  on  which  these  Creatures  meet 
with  this  Destruction;  and  that  if 
they  had  kept  at  Sea,  they  had  been 
safe:  I  cou'd  not  but  reflect,  That 
those  who  leave  their  settled  stations, 
whether  out  of  Principles  of  Profit  or 
of  Pleasure,  and  will  be  trying  New 
Experiments,  and  putting  of  New 
Projects  on  the  Tenters,  do  often  times 
make  very  poor  Returns;  and  are  con- 
vinc'd  it  had  been  better  for  'em  to 
have  kept  that  station  which  Provi- 
dence at  first  had  put  'em  ia.  (Dun- 
ton,  pp.  47-48.) 


THE  SEA-CALF 


DTJNTON'S  SOURCE 


They  are  not  without  a  frequent 
sight  of  that  admirable  fish  called  the 
Sea-calf,  which  is  both  headed  and 
haired  like  a  Calf,  swiming  oftentimes 
with  his  head  above  water.  There  be 
very  many  of  this  kinde,  in,  and  about 
the  several  Islands  in  Scotland  .  .  ., 
at  night  they  will  come  on  shore  to 
sleep  and  rest  themselves,  and  early 
in  the  morning,  they  will  betake  them- 
selves to  the  Sea,  not  daring  to  stay  on 


DtTNTON 

The  next  day  after  our  Codfishing 
was  over,  and  they  were  all  gone  out 
of  sight,  I  know  not  whither,  we  dis- 
cover'd  a  Fish  call'd  the  Sea-calf, 
whose  Head  and  Hair's  exactly  like  a 
Calf's:  This  Creature's  an  amphibious 
Animal,  living  sometimes  at  Sea,  and 
sometimes  on  Land:  I  am  told  there 
are  several  of  this  kind  of  Creatures 
in  the  Islands  about  Scotland,  (but 
more  of  that  in  my  rambles  thither,) 
and  that  at  night  they  will  come  on 
Shore  to  sleep  and  rest  themselves; 
and  early  in  the  morning  return  to 


1919] 


JOHN  DUNTON   AGAIN 


249 


land  for  fear  of  surprizals.     (Pell,  p. 
224.) 


Sea,  not  daring  to  stay  on  Land,  for 
fear  of  surprisals.  This  Fish  was  a 
further  Inducement  to  our  Sea-men 
to  believe  that  we  were  upon  the  Coast 
of  America,  and  very  neer  Land:  And 
these  distant  Hopes  we  Emprov'd  for 
our  support  the  beet  we  cou'd.  (Dun- 
ton,  p.  48.) 


THE  TORTOISE 


DUNTON'S  Sotmcu 


They  are  not  destitute  of  a  frequent 
aspect  of  that  wonderful,  and  Jehovah- 
extolling-creature  called  the  SettrTurtle, 
or  the  Tortoise.  This  Bird-fish  at  the 
time  of  the  year  constantly  leaves  the 
Sea,  and  betakes  her  self  to  the  shore, 
where  shee  will  shoot  an  infinite  num- 
ber of  Eggs,  and  cover  them  in  the 
sand,  and  as  soon  as  ever  she  hath 
done,  shee  departs  the  place,  and 
makes  for  the  Sea  again,  not  daring  to 
stay  and  brood  them,  as  other  birds 
will  do,  because  shee  hath  no  wings  to 
flye  withall,  and  to  help  her  self,  if  in 
case  shee  should  bee  set  at.  And  when 
her  young  ones  are  once  hatched  (which 
come  to  that  maturity  by  reason  of 
that  warmth  that  is  in  the  sand)  they 
will  go  as  directly  towards  the  Sea,  as 
if  they  had  been  in  it  many  a  time 
before  they  had  their  being,  and  al- 
though the  Sea  bee  a  mile  or  two  from 
the  place,  the  old  one  left  her  Eggs  in, 
out  of  a  natural  instinct  they  will  finde 
the  Sea,  although  it  bee  out  of  sight. 

It  is  observable,  that  if  any  of  these 
Sea-fowl  bee  taken  on  land  (as  often- 
times they  are  by  Sea-men)  that  they 
will  never  give  over  sighing,  sobbing, 
weeping,  and  bewayling  of  their  Cap- 
tivity as  long  as  life  is  in  them,  tears 
will  drill,  and  trickle  from  their  Eyes 
as  from  children,  in  great  abundance. 
(Pell,  pp.  224-225.) 


DTTNTON 

This  morning  we  saw  a  Sea-Turtle, 
or  Tortoise,  (which  it  seems  are  fre- 
quent on  the  New-England  Coast:) 
And  its  flesh  is  a  very  delicious  Food. 
It  is  the  property  of  this  Creature  at 
one  time  in  the  year  constantly  to 
leave  the  Seas,  and  betake  her  self  to 
the  Shore,  where  she  will  lay  an  in- 
finite number  of  Eggs,  and  cover  them 
in  the  Sand;  and  as  soon  as  she  has 
done,  she  leaves  them,  and  goes  to 
Sea  again,  not  daring  to  sit  and  hatch 
them,  as  other  Birds  will  do,  because 
she  has  no  wings  to  fly  away,  in  case 
of  an  attack.  And  when  her  young 
ones  by  the  Heat  of  the  Sun  are  hatch'd 
they'll  all  go  as  directly  to  the  Sea, 
as  if  they  had  been  there  before,  or 
that  they  had  been  bred  in't;  yea, 
tho'  sometimes  the  old  one  leaves  her 
eggs  a  mile  or  two  from  Sea,  and  quite 
out  of  sight  on't;  such  is  the  mighty 
Power  of  Natural  Instinct.  It  is  ob- 
servable, that  if  any  of  these  Sea-fowl 
be  taken  on  the  Land,  as  oftentimes 
they  are  by  Sea-Men,  that  they  will 
never  give  over  sighing,  sobbing,  and 
weeping,  as  long  as  Life  is  in  them; 
yea,  even  Tears  will  trickle  from  their 
Eyes  in  great  abundance.  (Dunton, 
p.  52). 


These  borrowings  amount  in  all  to  twenty-one,  —  one  from  Pur- 
chas,  three  from  Roe,  four  from  Swan,  and  thirteen  from  Pell.    If 


250 


THE   COLONIAL  SOCIETY   OF  MASSACHUSETTS 


[APRIL, 


to  these  we  add  the  eighty-four  cases  previously  indicated,1  John 
Dunton's  total  score  of  passages  incorporating  borrowed  material 
reaches  the  not  inconsiderable  figure  of  one  hundred  and  five.  The 
relative  proportions  of  original  and  borrowed  matter  in  the  passages 
referred  to  in  this  article  are  approximately  as  follows:  of  matter 
borrowed  from  Roe,  seven  per  cent;  from  Swan,  fourteen  per  cent; 
from  Pell,  fifty-eigjht  per  cent;  and  of  matter  apparently  original, 
twenty-one  per  cent.2 

The  way  in  which  these  sources  came  to  my  notice  prompts  me 
to  make  two  observations  that  may  perhaps  be  of  interest  to  those 
engaged  in  similar  investigations.  After  having  spent  many  hours 
in  fruitless  efforts  to  find  these  authors  by  turning  over  such  books 
of  voyages  as  I  could  think  of,  and  after  having  with  similar  lack  of 
success  pursued  the  search  from  the  point  of  view  of  zoology,8  I  at 
length  remembered  that  Dunton  is  a  person  who  copies  not  merely 
ideas  but  also  words.  I  accordingly  made  a  short  list  of  unusual 
words  used  by  Dunton  in  these  descriptions.  Two  of  these  words 
were  "  harping-iron  "  (i.e.,  harpoon)  and  "  calamorie. "  Looking  up  the 
first  of  these  in  the  invaluable  Oxford  Dictionary,  I  found,  ascribed 
to  Pietro  della  Valle,  a  sentence  which  I  remembered  in  Dunton; 
and  similarly  the  article  on  "calamorie"  in  the  Oxford  Dictionary 
led  me  to  John  Swan.  To  those,  therefore,  who  deal  with  authors 
that  are  in  the  habit  of  borrowing  without  much  change  of  phrasing, 
I  recommend  the  Oxford  Dictionary. 

Pell  was  much  harder  to  find.  Indeed  I  should  probably  have 
missed  Pell  altogether  if  it  had  not  been  for  the  late  Daniel  Butler 
Fearing.  There  could  hardly  be  a  severer  test  of  the  range  of  Mr. 
Fearing's  great  collection  of  books  on  angling  than  to  search  in  it 
for  such  a  book  §,s  Pell's.  Fortunately,  the  officials  of  the  Harvard 
Library,  to  which  Mr.  Fearing's  collection  came  in  1915,4  have  ar- 
ranged in  chronological  order  some  of  the  older  angling  books.  As 


1  Our  Publications,  xiv.  253. 

*  I  have  not  taken  into  account  the  single  sentence  borrowed  from  Purchas. 

1  Here  I  received  the  most  generous  assistance  from  our  associate  Mr.  Samuel 
Henshaw. 

4  See  an  article  on  the  Fearing  Collection,  by  our  associate  Mr.  George  P. 
Winship,  in  the  Harvard  Alumni  Bulletin  of  November  3, 1915,  xviii.  92-94;  and 
an  article  by  Mr.  Fearing  in  the  Harvard  Graduates'  Magazine  for  December, 
1915,  xxiv.  263-274. 


1919]  TOPOGRAPHY  OF  BOSTON,    1648  251 

a  result  I  found  Pell  within  an  hour  after  the  notion  of  looking 
through  the  Fearing  Collection  first  occurred  to  me.  This  seems  to 
me  a  striking  illustration  of  the  help  that  a  great  collection  of  "dead" 
books  may  give  to  workers  hi  fields  apparently  remote  from  that  of 
their  collector. 

These  passages  about  the  sea-animals  in  John  Dunton  —  par- 
ticularly since  the  more  misleading  parts  of  his  letters  have  been 
cleared  up  —  were  perhaps  not  so  likely  to  mislead  historians  of 
New  England  as  to  justify  the  labor  of  discovering  their  sources. 
Nor  has  any  zoologist,  so  far  as  I  know,  ever  been  tempted  to  cite 
Dunton  as  evidence  that  alligators  formerly  abounded  in  the  North 
Atlantic.  But  to  trace  Dunton's  sources  is  at  least  an  amusing 
pastime,  and  it  throws  some  additional  light  on  his  methods.  These 
methods  are  so  extraordinary  that  I  have  long  since  ceased  to  be 
astonished  at  anything  he  does.  Yet  I  do  confess  to  some  surprise, 
in  view  of  these  revelations  concerning  Dunton,  at  one  sentence  in 
his  account  of  the  whale:  he  was  particularly  glad  to  see  a  whale,  he 
says,  "because  GOD  gives  him  such  an  Elaborate  and  accurate 
Description  hi  the  418t  of  Job."  I  must  say  that  when  Dunton 
ventures  to  comment  on  the  accuracy  of  God,  he  seems  to  me  to  be 
going  pretty  strong,  even  for  him. 

Mr.  SAMUEL  C.  CLOUGH  exhibited  a  map  of  Boston  in 
1648,  measuring  nine  by  five  feet,  drawn  by  himself,  and 
spoke  as  follows: 

When  I  became  interested  in  the  history  of  Boston,  some  twenty 
years  ago,  my  study  fell  naturally  into  line  with  that  of  my  profession 
as  an  engineer,  draughtsman,  and  cartographer.  Although  there  was 
a  great  deal  of  published  matter  in  the  form  of  histories,  guide  books, 
pamphlets  and  brochures,  very  little  had  been  done  to  visualize  this 
information.  The  absence  of  such  data  and  the  reason  for  this 
absence  so  excited  my  curiosity  that,  hi  an  effort  to  supply  the 
deficiency,  I  at  once  became  a  willing  and  enthusiastic  student  of  our 
topography.  In  Mr.  Whitmore's  Introduction  to  the  second  volume 
of  the  Boston  Record  Commissioners'  Reports  he  thus  refers  to 
George  Lamb's  map  of  Boston  founded  on  the  Book  of  Possessions: 
"  It  is  a  very  creditable  beginning,  but  the  boundary  lines  are  purely 
imaginary,  and  will  require  almost  entire  revision.  This  must  be  the 


252 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS 


[APRIL, 


work  of  years,  if  correctness  is  attainable  at  all."  This  challenge 
alone,  at  the  outset  of  my  work,  acted  as  an  incentive  more  powerful 
than  any  prize  which  might  have  been  offered.  Research  of  this  kind 
had  always  appealed  to  me,  and  surveying  and  mapping  became  a 
hobby  as  well  as  a  business;  yet  after  a  thorough  investigation  of  what 
would  constitute  a  reliable  map  of  Boston  at  this  early  period,  my 
ardor  was  somewhat  cooled  and  for  a  time  I  abandoned  all  idea  of 
producing  one. 

My  estimate  of  the  requirements  was  as  follows: 

(1)  A  good,  dependable  base-map  as  a  starting-point. 

(2)  The  correction  of  this  base-map,  by  street  changes,  back 
John  G.  Hales's  survey  of  1814,  thence,  further  back,  to  Osgood 
Carleton's  survey  of  1795.    From  that  date  all  the  street  changes 
would  have  to  be  gleaned  from  the  numerous  Reports  of  the  Record 
Commissioners,  and  from  such  plans  as  were  available  in  the  office 
of  the  City  Engineer. 

(3)  The  copying  or  abstracting  at  the  Suffolk  Registry  of  Deeds  of 
all  such  data  as  would  verify  and  establish  the  street  and  property 
lines.    My  first  intention  was  to  abstract  thirty  volumes;  the  work 
has  required  the  abstracting  of  more  than  seventy-six  volumes. 

(4)  Abstracting  all  data  affecting  real  estate  found  in  the  Town 
Records,  the  Suffolk  Probate  Office,  the  Note  Books  of  Lechford  and 
Aspinwall,  and  the  Diaries  of  Chief-Justice  Sewall  and  others.  The 
Records  of  the  First  Church  also  would  have  to  be  copied. 

(5)  Aside  from  this  copying  or  abstracting  would  be  the  systematic 
filing,  sorting  and  arranging  necessary  to  bring  all  this  information 
into  line  for  any  particular  date  or  period,  which  would  also  require 
a  vast  amount  of  indexing  and  cross-referencing.    Truly,  I  felt  that 
Whitmore  had  stated  the  case  none  too  strongly  when  he  said  "this 
must  be  the  work  of  years." 

My  interest  in  the  study  of  the  topography  of  Boston,  however, 
was  by  no  means  lost,  but  merely  arrested,  and  I  soon  began  to  plot, 
on  a  50-foot  scale,  two-thirds  of  the  estates  listed  in  the  United  States 
Direct  Tax  of  1798.1  This  led  to  the  harder  task  of  making  a  set  of 
yearly  plans  (from  1630  to  1800)  of  the  district  known  as  the  Town 
Dock,  embracing  the  area  between  the  present  North  Street,  Dock 


1  Boston  Record  Commissioners'  Reports,  xxii. 


1919]  TOPOGRAPHY  OF  BOSTON,   1648  253 

Square,  Washington  Street,  State  Street  and  the  water.  It  was  the 
success  of  this  undertaking  which  impelled  me  to  revert  to  my 
original  project  of  treating  the  entire  town  in  the  same  manner,  and 
to-day  I  am  happy  to  say  that  I  have  completed  this  task  and  have 
my  information  so  systematized  that  I  can  not  only  exhibit  this  map 
of  the  town  as  it  was  in  1648,  but  can  produce  a  similar  map  of 
Boston  at  any  other  date  prior  to  1800. 

The  work  has  entailed  plottings  of  50  feet  to  the  inch,  by  decennial 
periods,  of  a  good  part  of  the  town,  in  some  instances  using  as  large 
a  scale  as  20  feet  to  the  inch. 

Shortly  before  making  this  map  I  compiled  a  plan  of  the  entire 
town  in  1678  on  a  scale  of  50  feet  to  an  inch.  This  was  done  in  sec- 
tions, as  there  is  no  paper  wide  enough  to  plot  the  entire  town  on 
that  scale,  which  would  make  a  map  twice  the  size  of  the  one  now 
exhibited. 

The  map  before  you  is  based  entirely  on  information  drawn  from 
what  are  recognized  as  original  and  reliable  sources  and  in  no  instance 
has  any  similar  work  been  used  in  its  production.  Our  knowledge  of 
the  size  and  location  of  the  several  buildings  on  the  lots  in  1648  is 
meagre,  but  such  references  as  are  found  in  the  public  records,  and 
in  notations  in  subsequent  deeds  wherein  these  properties  have  been 
divided  or  alienated,  have  been  carefully  followed  in  order  to  produce, 
as  nearly  as  possible,  a  correct  map  of  this  period. 

The  irregularities  which  appear  in  many  of  the  property  lines  are 
the  result  of  plotting  the  actual  dimensions  recorded  in  deeds  and 
proved  by  conveyances  of  the  abutting  properties:  in  fact,  the  plot- 
ting of  the  estates  has  been  done  by  piecing  together  an  enormous 
picture-puzzle  in  which  each  piece  has  a  definite  place,  and  all 
together  form  a  perfect  whole. 

There  are  about  350  buildings  shown  on  this  map,  315  being 
dwellings;  of  the  remainder,  there  are  two  churches,  a  schoblhouse, 
jail,  three  tide  mills  and  two  wind  mills;  the  other  buildings  are  stables, 
warehouses  and  shops. 

In  conclusion,  let  me  say  that  it  is  through  the  plotting  of  such 
maps  as  this  that  one  realizes  under  what  a  handicap  some  of  our 
hard-working,  conscientious  historians  have  labored  in  the  past. 
There  are  many  instances  where  deeds  and  notations  have  been  mis- 
located  and  I  myself,  in  sorting  my  data,  have  been  at  times  per- 


254  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  [APRIL, 

plexed  by  the  fact  that  some  long-standing  popular  opinion  did  not 
fit  the  topographical  conditions.  These  erroneous  opinions,  in  many 
cases,  were  due  to  centering  partial  or  inaccurate  information  around 
some  specific  landmark,  —  the  mistake  of  treating  separately  some 
particular  section  of  the  town  instead  of  dealing  with  the  subject  in 
its  entirety.  There  are  many  reasons  for  these  misplacements, 
which  it  would  take  too  much  time  now  to  explain,  among  the 
principal  ones  being  the  numerous  separate  holdings  by  the  same 
person,  misinterpretation  of  street  appellations,  and  in  many  in- 
stances mistakes  or  twists  in  the  compass-points  used  in  the  deeds. 

As  already  said,  the  plan  before  you  is  merely  a  rough,  working, 
base-map  to  be  used  only  in  plotting  the  different  sections  of  the 
town  upon  a  larger  scale,  and  upon  this  I  am  now  engaged. 

Mr.  JOHN  W.  FARWELL  exhibited  a  charter  party  dated 
at  Boston,  22  October,  1659,  between  John  Jackson  of 
Boston,  master  of  the  ketch  Rebecca,  and  Mahalaleel 
Munnings  of  Boston,  merchant,  in  behalf  of  John  Allen  of 
Barbados.  As  Munnings  died  before  the  completion  of 
the  voyage,  and  as  Allen  refused  to  pay  the  amount  due 
in  Barbados,  a  suit  was  brought  against  John  Wiswall  and 
Hannah  Munnings  (a  daughter  of  Wiswall  and  the  widow 
of  Munnings),  the  administrators  of  Munnings's  estate.1 
The  document  follows: 

This  Charter  party  Indentid  of  a  fraightment  made  the  two  and 
twentieth  day  of  October,  in  the  yeare  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  six 
hundred  fifty  and  nine,  Betweene  John  Jackson  of  Boston  in  the  Massa- 
chusetts Colonie  of  New-England  Master  of  the  Catch  Called  or  Knowne 
by  the  name  of  the  Rebecca,  now  rideing  at  Anchor  in  the  River  of  the 
said  Boston  burthen  about  sixty  tuns,  In  behalfe  of  the  owners  of  the 
said  catch  of  the  one  part,  And  Mahalaleell  Munnings  of  the  said  Boston 

1  Born  in  or  about  1632,  Munnings  was  brought  to  this  country  in  1635; 
married  Hannah  Wiswall  in  1656;  and  was  drowned  in  Boston  on  February  27, 
1660.  See  Records  and  Files  of  the  Quarterly  Courts,  Essex  County,  ii.  203-204; 
Boston  Record  Commissioners'  Reports,  iii.  21,  iv.  3,  15,  26,  29,  38,  80,  105, 
xxi.  5;  New  England  Historical  and  Genealogical  Register,  i.  132,  vi.  73,  vii. 
273-274,  x.  176-177,  xiv.  316,  xviii.  270,  xxxvii.  378;  Suffolk  Deeds,  iii.  298-299; 
Robbins,  History  of  the  Second  Church,  p.  265;  History  of  Dorchester  (1859), 
pp.  137-138;  Orcutt,  Good  Old  Dorchester,  p.  60. 


1919]  A  CHARTER  PARTY,   1659  255 

Merchant  in  the  behalfe  of  Mr  John  Allen  of  Barbadoes  Merchant  on 
the  other  part,  Witnesseth  that  the  said  John  Jackson  hath  leaten  the 
said  catch  with  all  her  furniture,  to  fraight  to  the  said  Mahalaleell  Mun- 
nings  And  that  the  said  Mahalaleell  Munnings  in  the  behalfe  of  the  said 
Allen,  hath  hired  the  said  Catch  for  a  voyage  with  her  to  be  made  by 
Gods  grace  from  the  said  Boston  to  Puscataque,  there  to  take  in  her  full 
ladeing,  and  from  thence  to  the  Maderes,  from  the  Maderes  to  the 
Barbadoes,  and  from  hence  to  the  Luard  Islands  (if  the  said  merchant 
see  cause),  and  so  to  the  said  Boston  as  her  last  port  of  discharge,  which 
said  Catch  is  to  be  ymployed  in  the  service  of  the  said  merchant  his 
factors  agents  or  assignes  for  six  months  certayne  and  eight  months 
vncertayne,  from  the  twenty  fourth  Day  of  this  present  October.  And 
that  the  said  John  Jackson  the  said  master  in  behalfe  of  the  said  owners, 
doth  covenant  and  grannt  to  and  with  the  said  Marchant,  That  they 
the  said  owners  shall  and  will  sufficiently  victuall  and  man  the  said 
Catch  during  the  whole  voyage,  untill  she  com  to  her  said  last  discharging 
Port.  The  Seamen  belonging  to  the  said  Catch  with  the  said  Master 
to  be  eight  in  number,  and  one  boy,  And  that  the  said  Master  and 
owners  shall  provide  all  other  things  necessary  for  the  said  Catch  in  all 
the  said  voyage  from  Port  to  Port  as  a  aforesaid,  for  and  in  consideration 
of  which  the  said  Mahalaleell  Munnings  the  said  Merchant  doe  by  these 
presents  for  himselfe  his  executors  and  administrators  covenant  and 
grannt  to  and  with  the  said  John  Jackson  the  said  Master  his  executors 
administrators  and  assignes,  That  he  the  said  merchant  his  executors 
administrators  agents  or  assignes,  shall  and  will  pay  or  cause  to  be  paid 
vnto  him  the  said  Master  in  behalfe  of  the  said  owners  their  executors 
or  assignes  the  sume  of  seauventy  pounds  p  month  at  some  convenient 
stoore  house  in  S*  Michaells  towne  in  the  said  Barbadoes  in  good  drey 
well  cured  m'chantable  muscavadoe  sugar  at  three  pence  per  pound, 
within  twenty  days  after  the  paid  Catches  arrivall  at  the  said  place  in  the 
Barbadoes  aforesaid.  And  what  is  not  paid  at  the  said  place  of  the 
Barbadoes,  To  be  here  paid  in  the  said  Boston  as  her  last  Port  of  Dis- 
charge within  tenn  Dayes  after  her  arrivall  and  Discharge  as  aforesaid, 
vidett  one  third  part  thereof  in  money  and  coyne  of  New  England,  one 
third  in  merchantable  provisions  at  currant  price  and  the  other  third 
pte  thereof  in  English  goods,  The  said  vessell  to  enter  in  pay  on  the  said 
twenty  fourth  Day  of  this  present  October.  And  the  fsaid  John  Jackson 
the  said  Master  in  the  behalfe  of  the  said  owners,  doth  by  these  presents 
covenant  and  grannt  to  and  with  the  said  Merchant  his  executors  ad- 
ministrators Agents  or  assignes,  That  he  the  said  Merchant  his  executors 
administrators  agents  or  assignes,  shall  and  may  haue  the  said  Catch 


250 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS 


[APRIL, 


seamen  and  boate,  ready  vpon  all  occasions  to  serue  the  said  inch1  his 
executors  administrators  agents  or  assignes  to  and  from  land  in  any 
navigable  river  or  rivers  in  any  of  the  said  Port  or  Ports  During  the 
whole  tyme  of  the  said  voyage,  according  to  the  Custome  of  the  said 
place  or  places  aforesaid.  And  the  said  John  Jackson  the  said  Master 
in  behalfe  of  the  said  owners  of  the  said  Catch,  doth  by  these  prsents 
for  himselfe  covenant  promise  grannt  and  warrant  That  the  said  Catch 
shalbe  During  the  whole  tyme  of  the  said  voyage  as  aforesaid  strong  and 
stanch  and  well  and  sufficiently  tackled  calked  apparrelled  and  furnished, 
with  masts  sayles  sayle  yards  Anchors  cables  ropes  cords  tackle  apparrell 
boate  and  furniture  meete  and  convenient  for  such  a  vessell  and  such  a 
voyage  And  to  all  and  singular  the  covenants  grannts  and  agrem*1  herein 
specified  which  on  the  part  of  the  said  John  Jackson  the  said  master  in 
behalfe  of  the  said  owners  ar  to  be  kept  and  pfonned  in  all  things  as 
aforesaid,  he  the  said  John  Jackson  doth  bind  the  said  Catch  with  all  her 
furniture  vnto  the  said  merchant  his  executors  and  administrators  in 
the  penalty  &  sume  of  fiue  hundred  pounds  sterling  payable  in  Boston 
aforesaid,  And  in  like  manner  the  said  Mahalaleell  Mannings  the  said 
merchant  to  all  the  covenants  and  agrem*8  herein  specified  which  on  his 
part  ar  to  be  pformed  and  kept,  he  binds  himselfe  his  executors  and 
administrators  vnto  the  said  John  Jackson  the  said  Master  in  the  like 
sume  of  fiue  hundred  pounds  sterling  payable  in  Boston  as  aforesaid. 
In  Witness  whereof  the  said  John  Jackson  the  said  Master  in  behalfe  of 
the  said  owners  on  the  one  part  and  the  said  Mahalaleell  Munnings  the 
said  merchant  on  the  other  part  have  herevnto  interchangably  put  their 
hands  and  seales  the  day  and  yeare  first  above  written. 


MAHALALEEL  MUNNINGS  [Seal] 


Signed  sealed  and  deliued 
in  the  p'sence  of 

JOHN  DAVIS 

his  O  marke 

Ita  Attest  jj  ROBERT  HOWARD  Not:  pubh 
[On  the  back] 

These  p'sents  Witnesseth  That  I  John  Jackson  of  Boston  the  within 
mentioned  Master  of  the  Ketch  Rebecca  Doe  assigne  over  this  Charter 
ptie  Writen  one  the  other  side  my  right  &  Title:  the  full  extent  thereof 
in  all  pticulers  vnto  Mr  Christopher  Chark  in  the  behalf  of  himself  & 
owners:  to  be  &  remaine  to  them  their  executors  &  assignes  To  their 
sole  vse  &  behoof  forever  Witnes  my  hand  the  one  and  twentie  daye  of 
Aprell  Anno:  one  thousand  six  hundred  &  sixtie 

Witnes  heereunto  JOHN  JACKSON  . 

WILLIM  HOWARD 


K        I 

a , 


:   N 
- 

N 


.    S     ^      ' 


1919]        A  WATER-COLOR  VIEW  OF  HARVARD  COLLEGE,   1807  257 

June  11  1660 

John  Jackson  did  acknowledge  this  assignem*  and  subscribed  to  the 

same  his  hand 

Ri.  BELLINGHAM  dep*  gov* 

These  p'esents  Witneseth  That  I  Christopher  Clark  of  Boston  haue- 
ing  this  Instrument  or  Charter  ptie  assigned  vnto  mee  by  John  Jack- 
son now  of  Boston  as  is  aboue  sayd  ffor  &  in  Consideration  that  Mr 
Willim  Browne  of  Salam  is  the  Cheife  &  prinsiple  owner  of  the  ketch 
abouesayd,  I  doe  therefore  assign  ouer  this  sayd  Charter  ptie  writen 
as  one  the  other  side  the  full  extent  thereof  in  all  pticulers,  as  it  was 
assigned  vnto  mee  as  aboue  To  be  &  remaine  to  him  the  sayd  Willim 
Browne  In  the  behalf  of  himself  and  the  rest  of  the  owners,  their  execu- 
tors &  assignes  To  his  &  their  sole  vse  &  behoof  for  ever  Witnes  heerevnto 
my  hand  this  eight  of  May  Anno:  one  thousand  six  hundred  and  six  tic 

Witnes  heereunto  CHRISTOPHER  CLARKE 

JN°  PAINE 
WM  HOWARD 

June  11  1660 

Christofer  Clarke  did  acknowledge  this  his  assignem*  affd  y*  that  he 
did  subscribe  the  same 

Ri.  BKLLINGHAM  dep*.  govr 

W™  Hayward  came  before  me  this  11°.  4'.  1660  and  did  testifie  upon 
oath  that  he  see  the  above  named  John  Jackson  and  Christofer  Clarke 
when  each  of  them  did  subscribe  their  names  to  these  several  assigne- 
ments 

Ri.  BELLINGHAM  Dep*  Govr 

[Endorsed] 

The  papers  yt  Conserena  Charter  pty  Mahalaleel 

Mr  Browns  Action  Mannings  to  John  Jackson 

Mr.  WALDO  LINCOLN  exhibited  a  water-color  view  of 
Harvard  College,  made  about  1807,  and  remarked  upon 
some  features  of  the  buildings  portrayed.  It  belongs  to 
the  American  Antiquarian  Society,  by  whose  courtesy  it 
is  here  reproduced. 

Mr.  WILLIAM  C.  LANE  has  written  the  following 
comment: 

In  connection  with  this  early  view  of  Harvard  University,  it  is 
interesting  to  note  that  a  print  of  the  same  view  has  been  in  the 
possession  of  the  Harvard  Library  since  June,  1888,  when  it  was 


258  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY   OF  MASSACHUSETTS       •      [APRIL, 

received  from  the  "heirs  of  Eliza  M.  Judkins."1  The  Harvard 
copy  of  this  print,  which  so  far  as  is  now  known  seems  to  be  unique, 
has  been  colored  and  is  much  darkened  by  age.  It  is  the  same  size 
as  the  original,  and  is  a  close  copy  except  for  a  few  small  figures 
introduced  in  the  foreground  and  for  the  inscription  beneath  — 
"VIEW  OF  HARVARD  UNIVERSITY  IN  CAMBRIDGE,  MAS- 
SACHUSETTS." Just  below  the  margin,  in  small  letters,  and  at 
the  left,  are  the  words  "Painted  by  a  Student,"  and  at  the  right 
"Snyder,  Sculp.,"  while  the  names  of  the  several  buildings  — 
Stoughton  Hall,  Holden  Chapel,  Hollis  Hall,  Harvard  Hall,  Massa- 
chusetts Hall  —  are  engraved  beneath  the  respective  buildings. 
Under  the  title,  in  script  letters,  is  the  line  "This  view  is  Respect- 
fully Dedicated  to  the  President2  of  the  University." 

Stauffer's  American  Engravers  upon  Copper  and  Steel  speaks  of 
H.  W.  Snyder  as  engraving  in  New  York  in  1797  to  1805,  while  in 
1811  he  made  some  good  stipple  portraits  for  the  Polyanthos  of 
Boston.  He  also  made  line  illustrations  for  the  American  Builders' 
Companion,  published  in  Boston  in  1816. 

The  Harvard  view  could  not  have  been  made  before  1805,  when 
Stoughton  Hall  was  built,  nor  later  than  1812,  the  date  of  Holwor- 
thy  Hall.  No  mention  is  made  of  it  in  the  records  of  the  Corpora- 
tion or  in  the  files  of  Harvard  College  Papers  between  1805  and 
1810,  where  some  clue  to  the  original  artist  might  be  expected.  The 
Librarian's  correspondence  for  1888  also  contains  nothing  that 
throws  further  light  on  the  plate.  The  letter  accompanying  the 
plate  in  1888  speaks  of  its  being  "published  by  Act  of  Congress 
June  17,  1807."  I  have  not,  however,  myself  found  these  words  in 
the  plate,  but  they  give  a  clue  to  the  date  of  publication.  A 
search  of  the  Boston  papers  for  1807  might  perhaps  reveal  some 
advertisement  and  settle  the  date  of  the  plate  more  accurately. 

MR.  JULIUS  H.  TUTTLE  spoke  as  follows: 

Many  of  the  surnames  found  in  early  records  of  towns  and  churches 
in  the  Bay  Colony  are  known  to-day  in  their  original  forms,  some 

1  Miss  Judkins  was  of  Cambridge,  and  was  a  great-granddaughter  of  Jonathan 
Hastings  (H.  C.  1730;  College  Steward,  1755-1779). 

1  Samuel  Webber  was  President  from  May  6,  1806,  to  July  17,  1810.  He 
succeeded  Joseph  Willard  (1781-1804),  and  was  succeeded  by  John  Thornton 
Kirkland  (1810-1828). 


L 


v 


•      /  .  •  .•••  •  **•>  -T  y 


/ 

^ 


J  *  •     *1     v>      « 


EXTRACTS  FROM  THE  DEDHAM  CHURCH  RECORDS 

ENGRAVED    FOR    THE    COLONIAL    SOCICTY    OF    MASSACHUSETTS 


1919]  EARLY  SUNDAY  SCHOOLS  IN  BOSTON  259 

have  undergone  a  change,  and  others  have  disappeared.  It  may  be 
of  some  interest  to  record  in  our  Transactions  the  mention  of  two 
surnames  among  the  early  settlers  of  Dedham. 

The  records  of  the  Church  of  Christ  there  were  kept  with  great 
care  by  the  Rev.  John  Allin,  a  graduate  of  Cambridge  University, 
who  settled  in  Dedham  in  July,  1637,  and  became  the  first  minister. 
The  records  began  with  the  gathering  of  the  church  in  November, 
1638,  and  were  continued  by  him  to  the  end  of  his  pastorate  at  his 
death  in  1671. 

The  names  to  which  attention  is  called  are  "  Damat "  and 
"Checkery,"' which  appear  in  the  entries  reproduced  in  facsimile 
facing  page  258. 

In  1648  and  1649  a  "John  Damant"  was  listed  in  the  town  rates, 
but  no  further  trace  is  found  of  the  "Damatt"  family  in  Dedham  or 
elsewhere,  nor  has  the  surname  been  found  in  any  lists.  However, 
the  modern  name  of  "  Damant "  is  known. 

"Henry  Checkery"  was  later  Henry  Chickering,  and  became  the 
first  deacon  of  the  church.  He  had  a  grant  of  land  hi  Salem  in  1640, 
but  the  fact  that  his  grant  hi  Dedham  was  next  to  the  minister's  leads 
to  the  supposition  that  he  was  won  away  from  Salem  by  the  desire 
for  his  church  service  in  Dedham.1 

Mr.  ALBERT  MATTHEWS  communicated  the  following 
paper: 

EARLY  SUNDAY  SCHOOLS  IN  BOSTON 

Here  and  there  can  be  found  a  bit  of  evidence  that  religious  in- 
struction was  given  in  New  England  to  children  or  others  on  Sun- 
day in  the  seventeenth  century.  Thus  on  June  10,  1644,  an  order 
relating  to  Indians  was  passed  by  the  Massachusetts  General  Court: 

Whereas  it  is  ye  earnest  desire  of  this  Courte,  that  these  natiues  .  .  . 
should  come  to  y*  good  knowledge  of  God,  &  bee  brought  on  to  subiect 
to  ye  scepter  of  ye  Lord  Jesvs,  it  is  therefore  ordred,  that  all  such  of  y* 
Indians  as  haue  subjected  themselues  to  or  goum1*  bee  henceforward 
enioyned  (&  y*  they  fayle  not)  to  meete  att  such  seuall  places  of  ap- 
poyntmta  as  shalbee  most  convenient  on  y*  Lords  day,  where  they  may 

1  In  documents  dated  1665,  Henry  Chickering's  name  appears  as  "Chickerol," 
"Chickrol,"  and  "Chickerin:"  see  our  Publications,  rx.  260,  262,  263. 


260  THE   COLONIAL  SOCIETY   OF  MASSACHUSETTS  [APEIL, 

attend  such  instrucdn  as  shalbee  giuen  them  by  those  whose  harts  God 
shall  stirr  vpp  to  y*  worke;  and  it  is  hereby  further  declared  .  .  .  y1 
those  townes  that  lye  most  conuenient  to  such  places  of  mee tinge  of  ye 
Indians  would  make  choyce  of  some  of  theire  brethren  (whome  God 
hath  best  quail  if  led  for  y*  worke)  to  goe  to  them,  ...  &  instruct 
them,  .  .  .  yl  if  possible  God  may  haue  ye  glory  of  ye  conusion  (at 
least)  of  some  of  them  in  ye  vse  of  such  meanes  God  giues  vs  to  afoard 
them.1 

To  what  extent  religious  instruction  was  actually  given  to  In- 
dians on  Sunday  in  the  early  days  here,  I  do  not  know;  but  at  least 
it  is  certain  that  in  1660  a  payment  of  £10  was  made  "To  hiacoms 
an  Indian  Scoolmaster  and  Teacher  of  them  on  the  Lords  day"  at 
Martha's  Vineyard.2  Another  early  allusion  to  instruction  on 
Sunday  occurs  in  an  entry  made  by  the  Apostle  Eliot  on  Sunday, 
December  6,  1674,  in  reference  to  the  First  Church  in  Roxbury: 

This  day  we  restored  or  primitive  practice  for  the  training  up  o* 
youth,  first  or  male  youth  (in  fitting  season,  stay  every  sab:  after  the 
evening  exercize,  in  the  Pub:  meeting  house,  where  the  Elders  will  ex- 
amine theire  remembrance  y*  day,  &  any  fit  poynt  of  catechise.  Sec- 
ondly y*  or  female  youth  should  meet  in  one  place,  where  the  Elders 


1  Massachusetts  Colony  Records,  iii.  6-7. 

*  Plymouth  Colony  Records,  -x.  245.  Hiacoms  (Hiacombs,  I-a-coomes,  Ja- 
comes,  Jacoms,  Sacomas)  was  a  man  of  note.  His  son  Joel  was  in  the  Harvard 
Class  of  1665,  but  was  murdered  shortly  before  Commencement  Day  in  that 
year:  see  pp.  187-189,  above.  Of  Hiacoms  Cotton  Mather  wrote: 

The  first  Indian  embracing  the  Motion  of  forsaking  their  gods,  and  praying  to 
the  true  God,  was  called  I-a-coomes;  Esteemed  by  the  Indians  as  a  contemptible 
Person  among  themselves:  Unto  this  Man,  God  who  ordereth  all  things  for  his 
own  Glory,  gave  so  great  a  Measure  of  Faith  and  Confidence  in  his  Power,  that 
he  is  soon  beyond  the  fear  of  concealing  his  Contempt  of  their  Gods:  The  Sachems 
and  Powaws  being  much  inraged,  threaten  his  Life;  the  Powatos  or  Wizzards  told 
him  (a  thing  publickly  known)  that  he  could  not  be  ignorant,  that  they  could 
kill  such  as  displeas'd  them,  viz.  by  Witchcraft. 

He  answers  for  himself  before  the  Sachems,  Witches,  and  a  great  Assembly; 
acknowledges  the  god  they  worshipp'd  had  great  Power,  but  limited,  and  was 
subservient  to  the  God  he  now  had  chosen  :  Therefore  although  by  their  means 
many  had  suffer'd  much,  and  some  were  killed,  he  despis'd  their  Power,  as  being 
himself  a  servant  of  Him,  whose  power  over-Tided  all  Powers,  and  ordered  all 
things:  The  Expecting  Multitude  wait  the  Event,  which  while  they  concluded  to 
be  Sickness  or  Death;  the  good  Man  remains  wholly  sound  to  their  Astonishment 
(Magnalia,  bk.  vi.  chap.  vi.  sect.  ii.  p.  53). 


1919] 


EARLY   SUNDAY  SCHOOLS   IN   BOSTON 


261 


may  examine  ym  of  theire  remembrance  yesterday.  &  about  catechise, 
or  what  else  may  be  convenient.1 

Quoting  this  passage  in  1899,  the  Rev.  Dr.  James  De  Normandie 
remarked: 

While  in  such  records  and  religious  experiences  these  churches  were, 
I  take  it,  much  the  same,  the  First  Church  in  Rockesburgh  was  dis- 
tinguished from  the  others  apparently  by  two  interests.  Its  care  for 
the  young  was  most  marked.  Here,  as  far  as  any  records  can  be  found, 
was  the  first  Sunday-school  in  the  New  World;  but  its  work  is  hardly 
that  which  would  commend  itself  to  the  members  of  our  Young  People's 
Religious  Union.2 

Eliot,  it  will  be  observed,  stated  that  "our  primitive  practice"  was 
restored.  By  "primitive  practice"  he  may  only  have  meant  the 
practice  of  catechizing  children.  If  he  meant  catechizing  them  on 
Sunday,  it  would  be  interesting  to  know  exactly  when  it  began, 
but  until  that  is  determined  precedence  must  be  given  to  the  In- 
dians of  Martha's  Vineyard  for  having  established  "the  first  Sunday- 
school  in  the  New  World." 

On  March  22,  1675-6,  the  Church  in  Norwich,  Connecticut,  de- 
clared : 

We  do  therefore  this  Day  Solemnly  Covenant  to  Endeavour  uprightly 
by  dependance  upon  the  Grace  of  God  in  Christ  Jesus  our  only  Saviour. 

First,  That  our  Children  shall  be  brought  up  in  the  Admonition  of 
the  Lord,  as  in  our  Families,  so  in  publick;  that  all  the  Males  who  are 
eight  or  nine  years  of  age,  shall  be  presented  before  the  Lord  in  his 
Congregation  every  Lords  Day  to  be  Catechised,  until  they  be  about 
thirteen  years  in  age.* 

And  in  1694  at  the  Church  in  Plymouth,  — 


1  Boston  Record  Commissioners'  Reports,  vi.  191. 

*  The  Second  Church  in  Boston:  Commemorative  Services  held  on  the  com- 
pletion of  Two  Hundred  and  Fifty  Years  since  its  Foundation  (1900),  p.  73. 

1  "The  Covenant  Which  was  Solemnly  Renewed  by  the  Church  in  Norwich 
in  Connecticut  Colony  in  New-England,  March  22.  1675,"  in  the  Rev.  James 
Fitch's  An  Explanation  of  the  Solemn  Advice,  Recommended  by  the  Council  in 
Connecticut  Colony,  to  the  Inhabitants  in  that  Jurisdiction,  Respecting  the 
Reformation  of  those  Evils,  which  have  been  the  Procuring  Cause  of  the  late 
Judgments  upon  New-England  (1683),  p.  69. 


262  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  [APBIL, 

Notice  being  before  given  of  it,  on  May  13 :  the  Pastor  began  againe 
to  Catechise  the  children  of  the  chh  in  the  shorter  Catechisme  of  the 
Assembly  of  Divines,  in  the  publick  meeting  house  between  the  morning 
&  evening  worship,  the  males  one  sabbath  &  the  females  another  suc- 
cessively &  then  preached  on  each  head  of  Divinity  as  they  lye  in 
order  in  that  Catechisme;  this  course  was  constantly  attended  for  more 
than  3  yeares,  till  August,  1697:  from  Sabath  to  Sabbath,  only  on 
Sacrament  dayes  &  in  the  short  winter  dayes  &  very  unseasonable 
weather,  there  was  a  necessary  omission  thereoff.  Many  of  the  congre- 
gation did  heare  the  sermons  preached  at  the  catechising;  &  God 
strengthned  &  encouraged  in  the  work.1 

1  Mayflower  Descendant,  xiv.  191.  The  extracts  dated  1644,  1660,  and  1694 
have  not  hitherto,  so  far  as  I  am  aware,  been  cited.  There  are  to  be  found, 
however,  in  several  works  on  Sunday  schools,  two  or  three  extracts  which  are 
either  misleading  or  actually  erroneous.  In  an  address  delivered  before  the 
Society  of  Alumni  of  Williams  College,  August  16,  1843,  the  Rev.  Dr.  Thomas 
Robbins  remarked:  "A  distinguished  gentleman  in  New  York,  not  long  since, 
said,  without  qualification,  .  .  .  that  the  first  Sabbath  school  in  the  United 
States  was  established  at  Hanover,  in  Virginia,  by  Bishop  Asbury,  in  the  year 
1785.  There  were  Sabbath  schools  in  New  England  before  that  Bishop  or  John 
Wesley  were  born."  And  in  a  footnote  he  added:  "The  earliest  Sabbath  school 
of  which  I  have  seen  an  authentic  account,  was  at  Plymouth,  commenced  in  No- 
vember, 1669"  (pp.  39-40).  Dr.  Robbins  gave  no  authority  for  that  statement, 
but  no  doubt  it  was  derived  from  John  Cotton's  "Account  of  the  Church  of  Christ 
In  Plymouth,  The  first  Church  in  New  England,  From  it's  Establishment  to  the 
present  Day,"  appended  to  the  Rev.  Philemon  Robbins's  Sermon  Preached  at 
the  Ordination  Of  the  Reverend  Mr.  Chandler  Robbins,  To  the  Pastoral  Office  over 
the  First  Church  and  Congregation  In  Plymouth,  January  30th  1760,  Appendix, 
p.  17.  Instead  of  quoting  Cotton's  words  (which  are  substantially  correct),  I 
give  the  passage  as  it  appears  in  the  church  records  themselves,  written  by  the 
then  pastor,  the  Rev.  John  Cotton  (H.  C.  1657) :  "Also  in  November  [1669], 
began  the  Catechizing  of  the  children  by  the  Pastor,  (the  Elder  also  accompanying 
him  therein  constantly)  once  a  fortnight,  the  Males  at  one  time  &  the  females 
at  the  other:  the  catechisme  then  used  was  Mr:  Perkins"  (Mayflower  Descend- 
ant, iv.  214).  Mr.  Cotton  is  silent  as  to  the  day  of  the  week  on  which  this  cate- 
chizing took  place,  and  Dr.  Robbins  was  unwarranted  in  assuming  that  it  was 
Sunday. 

In  his  Dictionary  of  Congregational  Usages  and  Principles,  published  in  1852, 
under  the  heading  "  INTERMISSIONS,  Sabbath,  how  spent  in  New  England," 
Preston  Cummings  quoted  a  passage  from  Cotton  Mather  and  remarked:  "Thus 
they  were  in  advance  of  Raikes  in  devising  virtual  Sabbath-schools"  (p.  45). 
Mather's  statement  is  as  follows  r 

"The  Hours  taken  from  the  two  Meetings  on  the  Lord's  Day,  are  such  as 
they  Judge  may  most  suit  their  Edification.  Where  any  number  of  the  People 
have  their  living  very  remote  from  the  Meeting-  House,  the  Time  of  Intermission 
between  the  two  Meetings  is  usually  shortened  for  their  sake;  and  they  stay 


1919]  EARLY  SUNDAY  SCHOOLS  IN   BOSTON  263 

However,  such  Sunday  schools  —  if,  indeed,  they  can  properly  be 
called  by  that  term  —  were  occasional  and  sporadic,  and  there  does 

in  or  near  it.  But  how  do  they  spend  this  Time?  The  more  faithful  and  watch- 
ful Pastors,  are  put  upon  using  their  best  Contrivances,  that  their  Employments 
may  be  most  agreeable,  and  most  serviceable  to  the  Interests  of  Hol[i]ness.  It 
has  been  proposed  That  Repititions  of,  or  Conferences  on,  the  Word  of  Christ 
may  be  some  of  the  Employments"  (Ratio  Discipline  Fratrum  Nov-Anglorum, 
1726,  p.  45). 

This  passage  does  not  warrant  Cummings'a  deduction  about  "  virtual  Sabbath- 
schools." 

In  his  Rise  and  Progress  of  Sunday  Schools,  published  in  1863,  John  C.  Power 
said: 

"  Many  places  in  America  claim  the  honor  of  having  Sabbath  schools  prior  to 
1781.  In  fact,  as  early  as  1680,  (a  century  before  their  general  introduction,) 
the  records  of  the  Pilgrim's  Church,  at  Plymouth,  Massachusetts,  then  under 
the  care  of  the  Rev.  John  Robinson,  show  that  a  Sabbath  School  was  organised 
at  that  time  in  connexion  with  the  church. 

"A  vote  of  the  church  in  the  form  of  a  request  is  as  follows  —  "That  the  Dea- 
cons of  the  church  be  requested  to  assist  the  minister  in  teaching  the  children 
during  the  intermission  on  the  Sabbath  '"  (p.  22). 

It  is  obvious  at  a  glance  that  there  is  something  wrong  about  this  passage. 
First,  the  Plymouth  Church  was  "under  the  care"  not  of  a  "minister"  but  of  a 
"pastor."  Secondly,  the  only  John  Robinson  who  was  ever  connected  with  the 
Pilgrims  was  the  famous  English  divine  who  died  in  1625  and  who,  it  is  needless 
to  add,  never  came  to  this  country.  Thirdly,  the  pastor  of  the  Plymouth  Church 
in  1680  was  the  Rev.  John  Cotton.  And  finally,  the  church  records  themselves 
for  1680  yield  no  such  passage  nor  anything  resembling  it:  see  the  Mayflower 
Descendant,  xii.  28.  Apparently  the  only  Rev.  John  Robinson  who  flourished 
in  New  England  in  the  early  days  was  the  one  who  graduated  at  Harvard  Col- 
lege in  1695  and  became  pastor  of  the  Duxbury  Church  in  1702. 

The  Rev.  John  Cotton  was  ordained  pastor  of  the  Plymouth  Church  on  June 
30,  1669,  and  during  the  nearly  thirty  years  of  his  pastorate  there  are  in  the 
church  records  several  allusions  to  the  catechizing  of  children.  The  first  of  these  is 
the  one  under  date  of  1669,  already  quoted  in  this  note,  though,  as  above  stated, 
there  is  no  evidence  that  this  then  took  place  on  Sunday.  A  second  is  under 
the  year  1678:  "  Catechizing  .was  againe  begun,  December  4:  in  the  Assemblies 
Catechisme"  (Mayflower  Descendant,  xii.  27).  Now  December  4,  1678,  was  a 
Friday.  A  third  is  under  the  year  1693  (or  possibly  1694):  "At  a  chh-meeting 
Feb:  4:  the  chh  voted  to  sing  the  spirituall  songs  in  scripture  as  translated  into 
meeter  in  our  new  Psalm-booke  the  chh  was  then  desired  to  warne  their  children 
4  servants  not  to  depart  the  Assembly  before  the  Blessing,  as  also  to  acquaint 
them,  that  the  ordinance  of  c[atech]izing  them  should  shortly  be  revived,  the 
chh  unanimously  agreed  hereunto"  (xiv.  189).  A  fourth  is  the  one  under  date 
of  May  13,  1694,  quoted  in  our  text.  A  fifth  is  under  the  year  1696:  "July, 
26:  at  the  conclusion  of  the  sacrament,  the  Pastor  called  upon  the  chh,  desiring 
them  after  the  example  of  Abraham,  Gen:  18: 19:  to  command  their  children  etc 
to  attend  more  upon  <fe  not  neglect  the  ordinance  of  publick  catechiaing,  wherein 


264  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  [APRIL, 

not  appear  to  be  any  historical  connection  between  them  and  the 
modern  system  of  Sunday  schools  which,  as  is  well  known,  began  in 
England  towards  the  end  of  the  eighteenth  century.  With  this 
movement  the  name  of  Robert  Raikes  is  indissolubly  connected, 
though  there  are  other  claimants  to  the  honor  of  having  established 
the  first  Sunday  school  in  England.1  The  differences  between  the 
old  system  and  the  new  system  will  be  patent  to  every  one  who 
reads  the  extracts  about  to  be  presented.  What  pastors  did  here 
before  1790  was  merely,  so  far  as  the  evidence  indicates,  to  cate- 
chize on  Sunday  (though  more  often  on  a  week  day)  the  children 
of  their  own  parishes.  Very  different  was  the  aim  of  Raikes,  whose 
purpose  was  to  give  secular  instruction  on  Sunday  to  poor  children 
who  otherwise  would  be  running  about  the  streets  and  who,  because 
employed  at  work,  were  unable  to  go  to  school  on  week  days.1 
That  there  was  a  Sunday  school  of  the  modern  type  in  Philadelphia 
in  1791  is  well  authenticated,3  and  that  is  generally  regarded  as  the 

of  late  there  had  bin  some  remisness,  upon  which  followed  a  Reformation  hi 
that  respect"  (xv.  22). 

For  the  references  to  the  Plymouth  Church  Records  taken  from  the  Mayflower 
Descendant,  I  am  indebted  to  Mr.  George  E.  Bowman. 

1  Raikes's  first  school  was  opened  in  1780  or  1781.  Others  had  certainly  been 
opened  earlier.  See  the  notices  of  Joseph  Alleine  (1634-1668),  Hannah  Ball 
(1734-1792),  Theophilus  Lindsey  (1723-1808),  and  Robert  Raikes  (1735-1811) 
in  the  Dictionary  of  National  Biography. 

1  "Consequently,"  writes  Marianna  C.  Brown,  "the  few  Sunday-schools  dat- 
ing back  to  the  seventeenth  century  .whose  names  have  come  down  to  us  belong 
to  an  entirely  different  movement  from  the  Sunday-schools  started  at  the  close 
of  the  eighteenth  century  "  (Sunday-School  Movements  in  America,  1901,  p.  19. 
Though  Miss  Brown  accepts  without  examination  two  or  three  doubtful  state- 
ments, her  account  of  early  Sunday  schools  in  this  country  is  much  more  accu- 
rate than  that  found  in  the  Rev.  Dr.  Edwin  W.  Rice's  "The  Sunday-School 
Movement,  1780-1917,  and  the  American  Sunday-School  Union,  1817-1917," 
1917,  pp.  42-44, 153).  Between  1791  and  about  1819  a  still  further. change  took 
place  in  this  country:  instruction,  at  first  secular,  became  religious;  and  the 
children  of  the  wealthy  as  well  as  poor  children  attended.  Finally,  so  far  as 
Boston  is  concerned,  between  1815  and  about  1830  a  Sunday  school  became 
attached  to  a  particular  parish  and  was  attended  by  the  children  of  that  parish 
only. 

1  "On  recurring  to  the  records  it  appears,  that  from  the  third  month  March, 
1791,  to  the  first  month  January  1800,  there  had  been  expended  on  the  education 
of  children  3968  dollars  and  56  cents"  (Constitution  of  the  Society  for  the  In- 
stitution and  Support  of  First-Day  or  Sunday  Schools  in  the  City  of  Philadel- 
phia, and  the  Districts  of  Southwark  and  the  Northern  Liberties,  1810,  p.  18). 
Preliminary  meetings  having  been  held  on  December  19  and  26,  1790,  that  soci- 


1919] 


EARLY  SUNDAY  SCHOOLS  IN  BOSTON 


265 


earliest  in  this  country.1  It  has  been  claimed  that  the  first  in  New 
England  was  begun  at  Pawtucket,  Rhode  Island,  hi  1791  or  1792, 
though  the  earliest  certain  date  that  can  be  assigned  to  ft  is  1797;2 
and  that  the  earliest  one  in  Massachusetts  was  started  at  Beverly 
in  1810.3  But  these  knotty  matters  are  beyond  the  scope  of  this 


ety  was  organized  on  January  11,  1791  (Marianna  C.  Brown,  Sunday-School 
Movements  in  America,  pp.  26-27). 

1  For  other  earlier  or  early  schools  in  this  country  see,  under  the  titles  "First 
Sunday  Schools"  and  "Sunday-School  History,  Middle  Period  of,"  the  En- 
cyclopedia of  Sunday  Schools  and  Religious  Education  (1915),  ii.  411-416,  iii. 
1025-1033. 

1  Rev.  Edward  H.  Randall,  A  Discourse  commemorative  of  the  Fiftieth 
Anniversary  of  the  Consecration  of  St.  Paul's  Church,  Pawtucket,  R.  I.,  de- 
livered on  Sunday,  October  20th,  A.D.  1867  (1868),  pp.  18-27;  Rev.  Massena 
Goodrich,  Historical  Sketch  of  the  Town  of  Pawtucket  (1876),  pp.  128-129. 

1  "The  sabbath-school  system  originated  by  Robert  Raikes  in  England,  for 
the  benefit  of  the  neglected  children  of  his  neighborhood,  now  began  to  attract 
public  notice,*  and  one  of  the  earliest  trials  of  it  in  New  England  was  made  in 
this  town.  In  1810,  two  ladies  of  the  first  church  (Miss  Joanna  Prince,  now 
Mrs.  Ebenezer  Everett,  of  Brunswick,  Me.,  and  Miss  Hannah  Hill,)  collected  a 
number  of  children  and  commenced  a  Sunday-school.  Their  efforts  were  crowned 
with  entire  success,  and  they  before  long  enjoyed  the  pleasure  of  witnessing  the 
establishment  of  similar  institutions  in  each  of  the  religious  societies  in  town" 
(E.  M.  Stone,  History  of  Beverly,  1843,  pp.  299-300).  In  some  reminiscences 
written  between  1848  and  1858,  Robert  Rantoul  (1778-1858)  epoke  of  this 
school:  see  Essex  Institute  Historical  Collections,  vi.  89-90. 

But  three  years  before  the  Beverly  school  is  supposed  to  have  started,  a  Sun- 
day school  was  certainly  projected  at  Salem,  though  whether  it  actually  came 
into  existence  I  have  been  unable  to  ascertain.  The  following  advertisement  is 
copied  from  the  Salem  Gazette  of  September  4,  1807  (p.  3/4) : 

Sunday  School. 

rilirE  subscriber  respectfully  advertises  the  public,  that  he  proposes  to  open 
-L  a  SUNDAY  SCHOOL  for  the  benefit  of  any  children  who  may  wish  to 
profit  by  such  an  establishment. 

It  is  essential  to  the  success  of  this  plan  to  state,  that  the  pupils  will  be  ex- 
posed to  no  expence,  except  for  bibles,  blank-books,  Ac. 

The  exercises  will  commence  at  the  subscriber's  school-room,  on  Sabbath  day 
next,  the  6th  inst.  . 

Hours  of  instruction  from  half  past  6  to  8,  A.M.  and  from  half  past  4  to 
6P.M. 

Salem,  sept.  4.  8.  Cleveland  Blydon. 

Stephen  Cleveland  Blyth  was  born  at  Salem  on  January  29,  1771;  entered 
Harvard  College  in  the  class  of  1790,  but  did  not  graduate;  had  a  varied  and 
interesting  career  in  the  West  Indies  and  in  Europe;  in  1807  changed  his  name 
to  Blydon;  in  1809  became  a  Roman  Catholic;  later,  but  exactly  when  is  not 


266  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  [APRIL, 

paper,  the  purpose  of  which  is  to  bring  together  some  scattered  notes 
on  Sunday  schools  in  Boston  previous  to  1819. 

Four  years  ago  the  notice  board  in  front  of  the  Park  Street  Church 
contained  this  statement:  "First  Sunday  School  in  Boston,  1817."  1 
In  1918  this  read  "Sunday  School  Organized  1817."  There  is  now 
no  reference  at  all  on  the  notice  board  to  the  Sunday  School.  From 
an  historic  sketch  of  the  Park  Street  Church,  printed  in  a  volume 
published  in  1861,  is  taken  the  following: 

SABBATH  SCHOOL,  in  the  Orthodox  churches  in  Boston,  it  is  sup- 
posed, originated  in  a  meeting  of  members  of  Park  Street  Church,  in 
the  year  1817.  .  .  . 

A  -free  conversation  was  held,  in  which  objections  were  raised,  viz: 
that  it  might  be  a  desecration  of  the  Sabbath;  that  children  ought  to 
be  instructed  at  home  by  their  parents;  and  that  professing  Christians 
ought  to  be  at  home,  engaged  in  reading,  meditation,  and  prayer,  in- 
stead of  going  abroad  to  f  teach  the  children  of  other  families,  on  the 
Sabbath.2 


known,  changed  his  name  back  to  Blyth;  and  practised  medicine  at  Boucher- 
ville,  Canada,  where  he  died  in  1844. 

1  Boston  Transcript,  March  23,  1915,  p.  12. 

*  "The  first  mention  of  Sabbath  schools  in  this  country,  in  the  'Boston  Re- 
corder,'" wrote  the  Rev.  Asa  Bullard  in  1876,  "so  far  as  we  can  find,  was  in 
vol.  xi.,  for  1817,  in  an  article  by  Thomas  Vose,  Secretary  of  the  Boston  Society 
for  the  Moral  and  Religious  Instruction  of  the  Poor"  (Fifty  Years  with  the 
Sabbath  Schools,  p.  46).  That  article  was  printed  in  the  issue  of  October  7, 1817, 
ii.  173  (not  xi).  This  religious  paper,  first  published  under  the  name  of  The 
Recorder  on  January  3,  1816,  contains  many  references  to  Sunday  schools  in  this 
country  before  the  article  in  question  appeared.  The  paper  was  at  first  opposed 
to  their  establishment  hi  New  England,  an  editorial  in  the  issue  of  September  4, 
1816,  reading  in  part  as  follows: 

"It  has  been  suggested,  that  the  notices  which  we  have  occasionally  published 
of  the  establishment  and  success  of  Sunday  Schools  in  the  southern  and  western 
States  might  induce  the  idea  that  similar  institutions  would  be  equally  advan- 
tageous in  this  part  of  the  country.  This  is  far  from  our  intention.  —  The  design 
of  Sunday  Schools  is,  and  ought  to  be,  the  gratuitous  instruction  of  poor  chil- 
dren whose  parents  are  unable  to  spare  them  from  labor  or  pay  for  their 
instruction  during  the  week.  In  the  populous  manufacturing  districts  of  Great- 
Britain,  where  large  numbers  of  poor  children  are  confined  to  manual  labor  for 
six  days  in  the  week,  such  schools  are  an  invaluable  blessing.  .  .  .  But  in  New- 
England,  where  Schools  are  brought  to  every  man's  door,  and  where  the  chil- 
dren of  the  poor  may  be  educated  without  expence  during  the  week,  there  are 
few  cases  where  Sunday  Schools  would  be  attended  with  any  solid  advantage. 


1919]  EARLY  SUNDAY  SCHOOLS  IN  BOSTON  267 

To  this  it  was  answered,  that  Sabbath-day  teaching  was  a  missionary 
work,  designed  to  gather,  from  the  streets  and  wharves,  children  who 
were  neglected  by  their  parents,  and  suffered  to  go  abroad  on  the  Sab- 
bath, when  they  were  generally  engaged  in  play  or  mischief.  It  was  for 
this  purpose  that  they  were  established  in  England,  by  ROBERT  RAIKES, 
and  they  had  there  been  the  means  of  doing  great  good. 

It  was  finally  determined,  at  that  meeting,  that  a  school  of  that  de- 
scription should  be  commenced;  and  WILLIAM  THURSTON,  Esq.,  (the 
first  name  attached  to  the  covenant  of  Park  Street  Church,)  .  .  .  was 
requested  to  act  as  superintendent  of  the  school.  This  school  was 
established  in  the  Town  Schoolhouse,  on  Mason  Street. 

Schools  similar  to  this  were  afterwards  established  in  other  sections 
of  the  town.  The  "Society  for  the  Moral  and  Religious  Instruction  of 
the  Poor,"  being  organized  about  that  time,  took  the  general  super- 
intendence of  all  the  schools,  appointed  the  superintendents  when 
vacancies  occurred,  visited  and  examined  the  schools,  by  committees, 
quarterly,  and  contributed  to  their  pecuniary  wants.  .  .  . 

In  the  fall  of  1829,  two  members  of  the  Park  Street  Church,  —  a  lady 

They  might  even  prove  injurious,  by  inducing  a  neglect  of  common  schools" 
(i.  143). 

But  in  an  editorial  in  the  issue  of  October  14,  1817,  Sunday  schools  were 
"vindicated"  (ii.  177).  In  the  Columbian  Centinel  of  August  21,  1816,  appeared 
the  following: 

Sunday  Schools  —  are  found,  on  experiment,  to -succeed  in  N.  York,  .  .  .  We 
wish  them  success.  In  Massachusetts,  we  desire  to  be  thankful,  these  institutions 
are  not  needed,  and  our  youths  can  [attend  the  public  worship  of  God  without 
any'  impediment  to  their  education.  Our  laws  —  cheerfully  obeyed  —  make 
ample  provision  for  the  education  of  all  classes  of  the  community,  the  children 
of  the  poor  particularly.  The  teachers  are  liberally  endowed  —  at  least  this  is 
the  case  in  Boston,  and  other  places  within  the  circuit  of  our  knowledge;  and 
the  schools  are  kept  constantly  filled  with  pupils  of  both  sexes,  at  separate  times; 
and  exhibitions  are  given  in  those  schools  of  reading,  writing,  arithmetic,  gram- 
mar, composition,  and  eloquence,  which  are  not  excelled  at  the  best  academies 
(p.  1/4-5). 

The  complacent  view  that  the  Boston  schools  furnished  "'ample  provision  for 
the  education  of  all  classes  of  the  community  "  was  not  shared  by  others,  and  at 
a  town  meeting  held  May  25,  1818,  "  The  application  of  a  number  of  the  Inhab- 
itants for  the  establishment  of  Schools  for  the  instruction  of  children  under  seven 
years  of  age"  was  read  and  the  matter  was  placed  in  the  hands  of  a  committee. 
The  report  of  this  committee,  dated  June  3,  was  read  at  a  town  meeting  held 
June  11,  its  recommendations  were  adopted,  money  was  appropriated,  and  thus 
the  primary  schools  were  established:  "Most  of  the  Schools  were  opened  in 
August,  and  all  by  the  first  week  in  September,"  1818  (Boston  Record  Commis- 
sioners' Reports,  xxxvii.  100,  105-106,  124-126). 


268  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS         J    [APRIL, 

and  a  gentleman,  —  after  conversation  on  the  subject,  determined  to 
attempt  the  establishment  of  a  Sabbath  school  in  Park  Street  Lower 
Vestry,  to  be  gathered  principally  from  the  congregation.  .  .  .  The 
first  meeting  of  the  school  was  held  "Sunday,  December  13,  1829."  .  .  . 
At  the  time  that  Park  Street  School  was  established,  many  teachers 
and  scholars  belonging  to  Park  Street  congregation  were  engaged  in 
other  schools,  from  which  they  were  not  disposed  to  withdraw.  It  was 
stated  at  the  time,  that  about  one  hundred  members  of  Park  Street 
Church,  of  both  sexes,  were  thus  engaged.1 

In  1890  Hamilton  A.  Hill,  referring  to  the  year  1817,  said: 

On  Wednesday  afternoon,  October  8,  Mr.  Huntington  preached  at 
the  Old  South,  in  behalf  of  the  Society  for  the  Moral  and  Religious  In- 
struction of  the  Poor.  A  large  number  of  Sunday-school  children  were 
present.  This  society  .  .  .  was  founded  in  1816,  and,  as  its  original 
name2  indicates,  began  as  a  Sunday-school  society;  during  the  first 
year  of  its  existence,  it  gathered  five  hundred  children  into  its  two 
schools,  one  of  them  in  Mason  Street,  the  other  in  School  Street.1 

The  Rev.  Joshua  Huntington  was  at  that  tune  pastor  of  the  Old 
South  Church  and  also  president  of  the  Boston  Society  for  the  Moral 
and  Religious  Instruction  of  the  Poor,  while  William  Thurston  was 
its  vice-president.  In  its  first  Report,  presented  October  8,  1817, 
we  read: 

The  field  to  which  we  allude,  and  which  we  now  earnestly  recommend 
to  the  cultivation  of  all  classes,  is  presented  to  us  in  the  form  of  Sunday 
Schools.  Two  of  these  schools  have  been  established  by  the  Board  in 
the  town  school  houses,  one  in  Mason  and  another  in  School  Street, 
the  use  of  which  has  been  granted,  on  application  for  that  purpose,  by 
the  selectmen  and  school  committee.4  Into  the  first  336  children  have 


1  Semi-Centennial  Celebration  of  the  Park  Street  Church  and  Society;  held 
on  the  Lord's  Day,  February  27,  1859  (1861),  pp.  162-164. 

1  The  Seventeenth  Annual  Report  (1834)  was  the  last  published  by  the  Bos- 
ton Society  for  the  Moral  and  Religious  Instruction  of  the  Poor  under  that  name. 
The  operations  of  the  society  were  suspended  from  January,  1838,  to  January, 
1841,  when  it  began  a  new  career  under  the  name  of  the  City  Missionary  Society, 

1  History  of  the  Old  South  Church,  ii.  406. 

4  June  4,  1817:  "An  application  was  made  for  the  use  of  the  school  houses  for 
the  accommodation  of  Sunday  schools.  —  referred  to  the  School  Committee" 
(Boston  Record  Commissioners'  Reports,  xxxviii.  234). 

March  18,  1818:  "On  the  application  of  the  Rev.  Mr.  Huntington  &  Mr. 


1919]  EARLY  SUNDAY  SCHOOLS  IN  BOSTON  269 

been  admitted,  and  into  the  latter  164 — making  together  500.  The 
first  mentioned  school  was  opened  on  the  llth  of  May  last,  and  has 
been  constantly  attended  by  about  20  instructors,  besides  a  super- 
intendant.  The  latter  school  was  commenced  on  the  15th  of  June,  and 
has  one  superintendant  with  ten  teachers;  the  boys  being  taught  by 
male,  and  the  girls  by  female  instructors.  .  .  .  All  that  apply  above 
five  years  of  age  are  admitted  and  equally  entitled  to  this  gratuitous 
instruction;  .  .  . 

The  Board  of  Directors  of  this  Society  have  published  their  intention 
of  supplying  with  their  books  and  papers  any  religious  society  or  in- 
dividuals in  this  town,  that  may  hereafter  think  proper  to  establish 
Sunday  Schools,  and  provide  them  with  superintendants  and  teachers, 
and  have  aided  in  this  way  a  Sunday  School  established  at  South  Bos- 
ton 1  upon  the  plan  above  described. 

We  have  already  observed,  that  into  the  two  schools  opened  under 
the  sanction  of  the  Board,  and  supported  by  the  funds  of  this  society, 
500  children  have  been  admitted.  Of  336  received  into  the  Mason- 
street  school,  none  of  whom  are  under  five  years  of  age,  not  one  fourth 
could  read  words  of  one  syllable  when  admitted,  and  most  of  them  did 
not  know  their  letters.2 

From  subsequent  Reports  it  is  learned  that  a  school  was  estab- 
lished in  North  Bennet  Street  about  March  1,  1818,3  and  another 
in  Hawkins  Street  on  April  5,  1818  ;4  that  in  1828  no  fewer  than 
eighteen  schools  were  under  the  society's  patronage; 5  and  that  in 


Thurston  leave  was  granted  to  occupy  the  North  School  house  and  the  school 
house  in  Mason  street  for  Sunday  schools"  (id.  p.  279). 

1  An  account  of  this  was  printed  in  the  Boston  Recorder  of  April  24,  1818, 
beginning  as  follows:  "During  the  latter  part  of  last  summer,  a  Sabbath  School 
was  established  in  the  Congregational  Society  at  South  Boston,  under  the  super- 
intendence of  the  Instructor  of  the  public  school  there,  assisted  by  the  Sabbath 
School  Society  in  Boston;  into  which  about  60  children  were  received  and  in- 
structed in  the  elements  of  Reading,  and  the  Holy  Scriptures,  about  three 
months"  (iii.  67). 

1  Report  of  the  Boston  Society  for  the  Moral  and  Religious  Instruction  of 
the  Poor,  October  8,  1817,  pp.  2-3,  4.  This  Report  was  also  printed  in  the 
Boston  Recorder  of  October  28,  1817,  u.  183. 

'  "The  School  in  North-Bennet  street  was  opened  about  seven  months  since" 
(Second  Annual  Report  of  the  Boston  Society,  etc.,  October  22,  1818,  p.  8). 

4  "The  School  in  Hawkins-street  was  commenced  on  Sunday,  April  5th" 
(Second  Annual  Report,  etc.,  p.  9). 

•  Twelfth  Annual  Report,  etc.,  December  4,  1828,  p.  21. 


270 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS 


[APRIL, 


1829  its  Sunday  schools  were  "resigned  to  the  care  of  an  appro- 
priate institution."  * 

Very  recently  it  has  been  claimed  that  the  Park  Street  Church 
Sunday  School  was  in  existence  at  the  outbreak  of  the  War  of  181 2,2 


1  Thirteenth  Annual  Report,  December  30,  1829,  p.  4.  In  a  footnote  the 
name  of  the  "appropriate  institution"  is  given  as  "The  Massachusetts  Branch 
of  the  American  Sabbath  School  Union."  In  the  Fifth  Annual  Report  of  the 
Massachusetts  Sabbath  School  Union,  May  27,  1830,  it  is  said:  "These  difficul- 
ties were  foreseen  by  the  Board  and  other  friends  of  the  Union,  before  the  ex- 
periment was  tried;  but  it  was  not'  then  known,  that  each  denomination  was 
willing  to  be  organized  into  Unions  by  themselves.  As  soon  as  this  fact  was 
ascertained,  the  Board  were  unanimous  in  the  wish  that  all  their  schools  might 
be  formed  into  Auxiliary  Unions,  in  connection  with  each  Association  of  Ministers, 
or  Conference  of  Churches,  in  the  whole  State"  (p.  3).  A  long  notice  in  the 
Boston  Recorder  of  April  16,  1829,  reads  in  part  as  follows:  "It  is  well  known 
that  the  Congregational  Evangelical  Sabbath  Schools  in  this  city  have  hitherto 
been  under  the  care  of  the  Society  for  the  Religious  and  Moral  Instruction  of 
the  Poor.  .  .  .  Recently  ...  it  was  determined  that  the  management  of  these 
schools  should  be  entrusted  to  those  who  were  engaged  as  instructors  in  them. 
.  .  .  The  design  of  relinquishing  the  schools  having  been  communicated  to  the 
Superintendents  and  teachers;  they  held  a  meeting,  accepted  the  trust,  formed 
themselves  into  a  union  under  the  style  of  the  Boston  Sabbath  School  Union, 
auxiliary  to  the  Massachusetts  Sabbath  School  Union,  adopted  a  constitution, 
and  chose  the  following  persons  as  officers"  (xiv.  62).  The  first  article  of  the 
new  society's  constitution,  adopted  March  10,  1829,  reads:  "This  Society  shall 
be  known  by  the  name  of  the  BOSTON  SABBATH  SCHOOL  UNION,  and  shall  be 
auxiliary  to  the  Massachusetts  Sabbath  School  Union"  (First  Annual  Report 
of  the  Board  of  Managers  of  the  Boston  Sabbath  School  Union,  February  20, 
1830,  p.  28:  cf.  p.  5). 

1  Letter  of  Harry  J.  Jaquith  dated  December  30,  1918,  in  Boston  Transcript 
of  December  31,  1918.  Mr.  Jaquith  says  in  part: 

"The  records  of  Park  Street  Church  were  in  my  possession  in  the  early  '70i 
and  while  hi  my  possession  I  had  frequent  talks  with  original  members  of  the 
church,  one  of  them,  my  venerable  friend  Peter  Hobart,  in  telling  of  the  gather- 
ing of  the  church  narrated  that  when  the  split  came  between  the  Trinitarian  and 
Unitarian  wings  of  the  Congregational  Church,  many  families  withdrew  from  the 
Unitarian  churches  and  for  years  maintained  a  Sunday  school  for  their  children 
and  youth  in  Deacon  Bumstead's  house  on  Beacon  Hill.  Finally,  out  of  the 
Sunday  school  grew  the  organization  of  Park  Street  Church  and  the  erection  of 
the  present  (altered)  structure.  Mr.  Hobart  was  an  original  member  of  the 
Sunday  school  and  later  of  the  church.  He  told  me  of  the  boys  of  the  Sunday 
school  organizing  a  drum  and  fife  corps  and  parading  the  streets  upon  the  out- 
break of  the  War  of  1812;  so  it  is  easy  to  fix  the  date  as  five  or  six  years  earlier 
than  the  Christ  Church  School,  and  add  to  that  the  fact  that  its  services  were  not 
discontinued  but  removed  into  the  church  edifice  as  soon  as  the  building  was 
ready  for  occupancy. 


1919]  EARLY  SUNDAY  SCHOOLS  IN  BOSTON  271 

but  the  data  presented  above  show  conclusively  that,  as  stated  in 
the  historic  sketch  of- the  Park  Street  Church  published  in  1861,  it 
was  not  organized  before  1817. 
In  1899  the  Rev.  Nathan  E.  Wood  wrote: 

Wednesday,  Sept.  4,  1816,  a  society  was  organized  and  called  "The 
Sabbath  School  Society  of  the  First  Baptist  Church  and  Congregation 
for  the  Instruction  of  Indigent  Boys."  They  were  to  be  instructed  "in 
reading  and  spelling,"  and  were  to  be  "provided  with  books  and  Cloth- 
ing." Within  a  year  the  range  of  instruction  was  increased,  and  "  the 
instructors  are  to  teach  the  children,  spelling,  reading,  the  catechism 
&  the  doctrines  &  duties  of  the  Christian  Religion."  This  school  was  not 
intended  for  boys  from  families  of  the  church,  but  for  neglected  and 
indigent  boys.  The  officers  and  instructors  were  all  men,  and  it  was  their 
duty  to  take  these  boys  to  the  public  worship  on  Lord's  Days  and 
sit  with  them  (usually  in  the  gallery)  to  preserve  order.  .  .  .  The  first 
Sunday-school  organized  in  the  vicinity  of  Boston,  for  the  religious 
instruction  of  the  young,  seems  to  have  been  the  one  in  Beverly,  in 
1810,  in  the  First  Parish  Church.1  The  first  one  in  Boston  was  begun 
in  June,  1816,  in  the  Third  Baptist  Church  (afterward  known  as  the 
Charles  Street),  and  was  in  two  divisions,  a  "Female  Sabbath  School" 
and  a  "  Sabbath  School  for  Indigent  Boys."  In  the  next  month  a  "  Fe- 
male Sabbath  School"  was  begun  in  the  Second  Baptist  Church  (Bald- 


" There  are  no  'if a,  ands  or  huts'  about  these  facts.  I  do  not  state  them  to 
claim  'first'  for  any  Sunday  school,  indeed,  Mr.  Hobart  did  not  speak  of  the 
school  as  anything  new  or  novel  and  it  is  my  impression  that  we  would  have  to 
go  back  many  years  to  correctly  apply  the  label,  'first.'  "^ , 

Mr.  Peter  Hobart  was  born  on  November  19,  1806,  and,  consequently,  lacked 
five  months  of  being  six  years  old  at  the  outbreak  of  the  War  of  1812  (June  18): 
aee  New  England  Historical  and  Genealogical  Register,  xxxiv.  107-108.  Ob- 
viously, what  he  told  Mr.  Jaquith  cannot  be  accepted  as  anything  more  than 
the  hazy  recollections  one  would  naturally  expect  sixty  years  or  more  after  the 
event.  Moreover,  the  historic  sketch  printed  in  1861  was  "chiefly  from  copious 
statements  prepared"  by  three  persons,  one  of  whom  was  Mr.  Hobart  (p.  131). 
"Of  my  first  three  or  four  years,"  a  distinguished  psychologist  has  recently  writ- 
ten, "...  I  have  managed  to  preserve  only  one  dim  fragmentary  impression, 
that  of  mounted  horsemen  splashing  through  our  street,  on  the  occasion,  without 
doubt,  of  an  exceptionally  high  tide.  But  who  can  say  what  those  first  so-called 
impressions  really  mean:  whether  they  are  in  part  at  least  true  memories  of 
things  seen  by  us  refreshed  from  time  to  time,  or  merely  reverberations  of  tales 
repeatedly  told  us  by  our  elders?"  (James  Sully,  My  Life  and  Friends,  1918, 
p.  10). 

1  See  p.  265  note  3,  above. 


272  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  j_ 

win  Place).  It  was  soon  after  the  settlement  of  Mr.  Winchell  that  the 
question  of  organizing  a  Sunday-school  in  the  First  [Baptist]  Church 
was  agitated,  but  no  decision  was  reached  until  August,  1816,  when  a 
"Female  Sabbath  School"  was  commenced  in  the  vestry.  It  enrolled 
eighty-seven  members,  seventy-five  of  whom  were  in  attendance  in 
October,  1818.  The  records  of  this  school  cannot  be  found,  but  it  was 
conducted  by  women  exclusively.  In  the  next  month,  September,  1816, 
"the  Sabbath  School  for  Indigent  Boys"  was  begun,  and  more  than  one 
hundred  boys  were  enrolled,  seventy  of  whom  remained  in  October, 
1818.  In  November,  1816,  the  First  African  Baptist  Church  began  a 
school  with  about  fifty  pupils.1  Thus  from  June  to  November  in  1816 
all  of  the  four  Baptist  churches  in  Boston  equipped  themselves  with 
Sabbath-schools.2 

In  an  historic  sketch  of  the  First  Parish  Sabbath  School,  Charles- 
town,  published  in  1867,  we  read : 

A  half  century  has  passed  since,  in  October,  1816,  two  societies  were 
formed  in  connection  with  this  our  old  and  honored  church.  One, 
called  "The  Charlestown  Sabbath-school  Society,"  was  composed  of 
gentlemen;  the  other,  composed  of  ladies,  called  "The  Charlestown 
Female  Society  for  the  Promotion  of  Sabbath  Schools." 

The  officers  of  the  first  named  were  chosen  Oct.  25,  1816,  .  .  .  The 
officers  of  the  female  society,  chosen  the  same  year,  but  probably  a 
little  earlier,  were  .  .  . 

The  object  of  these  societies,  as  designated  by  their  "constitutions," 
was  "to  ascertain  the  situation  of  the  children  and  youth  of  this  town 
within  the  Neck,  in  regard  to  moral  and  religious  instruction ;  to  provide 
suitable  places,  where  those  of  them  who  are  disposed  may  meet  on  the 
Sabbath  to  receive  such  instruction;  to  provide  a  sufficient  number  of 
proper  instructors;  and  to  make  the  necessary  arrangements  for  the 
decent,  orderly  attendance  of  the  scholars  on  public  worship."  Also 

1  "An  attempt  was  made  to  establish  a  Sunday  School  for  children  of  color 
in  the  African  Meeting-house  in  Belknap-street  in  the  month  of  November, 
1816"  (Boston  Recorder,  November  25,  1817,  ii.  200,  from  an  account  "fur- 
nished by  the  Rev.  Thomas  Paul,  Pastor  of  the  African  Church,  Belknap- 
street").  ."„". 

1  History  of  the  First  Baptist  Church  of  Boston,  pp.  306-307,  353.  "Ex- 
tracts from  the  Report  of  the  Union  Committee  of  the  Sabbath  Schools  in  the 
three  Baptist  Societies  in  Boston"  were  printed  in  the  Boston  Recorder  of  No- 
vember 25,  1817,  ii.  200,  where  it  is  stated  that  "It  was  in  June,  1816,  that  the 
females  of  the  Third  Baptist  Church  and  Congregation,  formed  the  first  Sunday 
School  in  this  town." 


1919] 


EARLY   SUNDAY  SCHOOLS  IN   BOSTON 


273 


(as  incorporated  in  the  constitution  of  the  Female  Society),  "  to  furnish 
the  indigent  with  such  clothing  and  books  as  may  enable  them  to  at- 
tend the  schools  and  public  worship  in  the  house  of  God." 

These  societies  resulted  in  the  formation  of  three  schools,  —  one  for 
girls  (first  formed),  one  for  boys,  and  another  to  be  held  at  the  Point. 

The  records  of  these  two  societies,  written  in  a  clear  and  beautiful 
hand  by  the  secretaries,  with  the  list  of  officers  chosen,  and  the  general 
minutes  relating  to  their  action,  are  in  the  possession  of  the  school  at  the 
present  time.  We  have  also  the  names  of  the  teachers  and  scholars  of 
the  girls'  school.  The  record  of  the  boys'  school,  and  of  the  school  at 
the  Point,  is  either  mislaid  or  wholly  lost.1 

Charlestown  was  of  course  at  that  tune  a  separate  town,  as  it  was 
not  annexed  to  Boston  until  1874. 

The  Christ  Church  Sunday  school  was  begun  on  June  4,  1815. 
The  following  account  was  written  in  18?6  by  Joseph  W.  Ingraham, 
then  the  superintendent  of  the  school: 

A  school  of  this  description  was  projected  in  1808  or  1809,  when  it 
was  contemplated  by  some  of  the  proprietors  of  Christ  Church  to  erect, 
on  the  land  belonging  to  the  church,  a  school  house  for  the  children  of 
those  who  worshipped  there.  It  was  at  that  time  a  subject  of  con- 
versation between  the  rector  o£  the  church  2  and  the  late  Shubael  Bell, 
Esq.,  a  gentleman  whose  zealous  exertions  in  the  cause  of  benevolence 
entitle  him  to  a  high  rank  among  the  useful  members  of  society,  and 
whose  memory  should  ever  be  retained  by  us  in  grateful  remembrance. 
It  was  owing  to  his  zealous  co-operation  with  the  Rector  of  the  church 
that  our  school  was  commenced;  and  it  is  an  interesting  fact,  in  the 
history  of  these  institutions,  that  these  gentlemen  were  the  founders  of 
the  first  Sunday  school  opened  in  New  England.  They  had  long  felt 
the  importance  of  having  a  school  on  Sundays  for  the  religious  in- 
struction of  the  children  attending  Christ  Church;  but  as  the  vestry 
was  not  large  enough,  and  it  was  not  convenient  to  have  the  school  in 
the  body  of  the  church,  the  execution  of  their  plan  was  postponed  till 
circumstances  should  be  more  propitious  to  the  undertaking.  And 
when  Mr.  Bell  so  zealously  engaged  in  the  design  of  erecting  the  acad- 
emy, he  was  stimulated  in  a  great  measure  by  the  hope  of  having  a  Sun- 


1  Semi-Centennial  Celebration  of  the  First  Sabbath-School  Society  in  Massa- 
chusetts, and  the  First  Parish  Sabbath  School,  Charlestown,  held  on  the  Lord's 
Day,  October  14,  1866,  at  the  First  Church,  Charlestown  (1867),  pp.  47,  48. 

•  Rev.  Dr.  Asa  Eaton. 


274  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  [APRIL, 

day  school  kept  in  the  same  building.  But  circumstances  not  proving 
favorable,  the  execution  of  the  design  was  postponed  till  May,  1815, 
when  Mr.  John  R.  Cotting  became  preceptor  of  [the]  academy,  and 
consented  to  take  charge  of  the  Sunday  school.  It  was  opened  on  the 
Sunday  after  he  commenced  his  duties  as  preceptor,  being  the  first 
Sunday  in  June,  1815. 

At  this  time  no  other  Sunday  school  was  known  to  have  been  opened  in 
America; 1  and  this  was  therefore  modelled  on  the  'plan  of  those  estab- 
lished by  the  Church  in  England.  While  the  subject  of  the  school  was 
under  discussion,  the  rector  of  the  church  prepared  for  publication  a 
small  tract  entitled  the  Youth's  Manual,  which  was  enlarged  in  several 
editions,  with  a  view  to  its  introduction  into  the  school  whenever  it 
should  be  established.  The  first  edition  of  the  Manual  was  published 
in  1808.  .  .  . 

As  soon  as  the  establishment  of  the  school  became  known,  children 
flocked  from  all  parts  of  the  town,  to  enjoy  its  privileges;  and  as  there 
was  no  other  institution  of  the  kind  in  town,  it  was  not  thought  ex- 
pedient to  confine  its  benefits  to  the  children  of  those  who  worshipped 
at  Christ  Church.  Its  doors  were  therefore  opened  for  the  admission 
of  all  who  might  apply,  and  it  was  consequently  soon  filled.  .  .  . 

Early  in  1816,  a  new  edition  of  the  Youth's  Manual  was  printed  for 
the  use  of  the  school;  in  which  some  alterations  were  made  by  Mr.  Bell, 
who  added  "  A  Form  of  Prayer  for  Sunday  Schools."  z 

In  June,  1816,  the  second  Sunday  school  hi  this  town  was  established 
by  the  ladies  of  the  third  Baptist  society;  and  soon  after,  others  were 
opened,  by  other  congregations.  Our  number  of  scholars  consequently 
greatly  diminished,  as  the  parents  of  many  of  them  naturally  preferred 
sending  their  children  to  their  own  schools. 

Previously  to  April,  1817,  the  school  was  supplied  only  with  occa- 
sional teachers.  At  that  tune,  however,  it  was  thought  advisable,  for 
the  benefit  of  the  scholars,  to  devise  some  means  to  procure  more  regular 
assistance.  A  meeting  of  several  members  of  the  Church  was  accord- 
ingly held  on  the  17th  April,  1817,  which  resulted  in  the  organisation 

1  Evidently  news  about  Sunday  schools  travelled  with  extreme  slowness,  but 
it  is  certainly  surprising  that  an  Episcopal  parish  in  Boston  in  1815  should  have 
known  nothing  of  the  society  that  had  been  organized  in  Philadelphia  twenty- 
four  years  before  and  of  which  William  White,  Episcopal  Bishop  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, was  the  first  president.  Cf.  p.  264  note  3,  above. 

1  The  Boston  Athenseum  owns  a  copy,  the  title  reading  in  part:  "The  Youth's 
Manual.  Containing  the  Catechism,  of  the  Protestant  Episcopal  Church.  .  .  . 
To  which  is  prefixed  A  Form  of  Prayer,  for  the  Use  of  Sunday  Schools.  Poston: 
.  .  .  1816."  It  is  a  pamphlet  of  54  pages,  but  "The  Form  of  Prayer"  is  lacking. 


1919] 


EARLY   SUNDAY  SCHOOLS  IN  BOSTON 


275 


of  the  Salem  Street  Sunday  School  Society.1  This  name  was  adopted  for 
several  reasons.  As  the  school  was  not  confined  to  members  of  Christ 
Church,  but  was  open  for  the  admission  of  children  of  all  denominations, 
it  was  thought  inexpedient  to  adopt  a  name  which  might  have  even 
the  appearance  of  an  exclusive  spirit;  and  as  the  school  was  kept  in 
Salem  Street  Academy,  it  was  thought  most  convenient  to  adopt  that 
title,  particularly  as  it  would  designate  its  location  to  any  person  who 
might  be  seeking  for  it.  These  reasons  not  now  existing,  the  name  has 
been  changed;  and  our  school  will  hereafter  be  known  as  the  Christ 
Church  Sunday  School* 

In  a  letter  dated  April  22,  1915,  the  Rev.  Harold  L.  Hanson 
stated  that  "the  Sunday  school  of  the  First  Baptist  Church  in 
Charlestown  has  had  a  continuous  existence  since  1813.  It  cele- 
brated its  102d  anniversary  last  Sunday  [April  18]."  3  The  Rev. 


1  "Salem  Street  Sunday  School.  List  of  the  Officers  of  the  Society,  and  of 
the  Scholars  belonging  to  the  School,  Dec.  14,  1817,"  copied  from  a  manuscript 
(now  framed  and  hanging  in  the  vestry  of  Christ  Church),  will  be  found  in  Bos- 
tonian  Society  Publications  (1913),  x.  119-125. 

1  Report  of  the  Superintendent  of  the  Christ  Church  Sunday  School,  [Late 
Salem  Street  Sunday  School,]  presented  .  .  .  April  6,  1826,  pp.  10-12. 

"In  June,  1815,  Dr.  Eaton,  with  the  concurrence  and  help  of  his  Wardens 
Shubacl  Bell  and  Thomas  Clark,  established  the  first  Sunday  School  in  this 
region.  ...  It  was  at  first  called  the  Salem  street  Sunday  School.  Its  sessions 
.  .  .  were  held  in  the  Academy  that  stood  next  to  the  Church  on  the  north 
side"  (Rev.  Henry  Burroughs,  Historical  Account  of  Christ  Church,  1874, 
pp.  33-34). 

"On  June  14,  1815,  the  church  organized  the  first  Sunday-school  known  in 
this  part  of  the  world"  (Charles  Downer,  A  Visit  to  the  'Old  North  Church,' 
Boston,  1893,  p.  18). 

In  a  sermon  preached  on  December  29,  1898,  the  Rev.  Charles  W.  Duane 
stated  that  "In  June,  1815,  Dr.  Eaton  .  .  .  established,  as  claimed  by -some, 
the  first  Sunday  school  in  New  England"  (Historical  Sermon,  1901,  p.  12). 

"The  church  was  part  owner  of  the  [Salem  Street]  Academy,  and  on  June  14, 
1815,  organized  the  first  Sunday-school  known  in  this  part  of  the  world,  if  we 
except  Samuel  Slater's  private  Sunday-school  at  Pawtucket,  established  in 
1793"  (Charles  K.  Bolton,  Christ  Church,  Salem  Street,  Boston,  1912,  p.  15). 
For  the  Pawtucket  school,  see  p.  265  note  2,  above. 

The  date  June  14  is  an  error  for  June  4,  since  Mr.  Ingraham  states  that  Mr. 
dotting  became  preceptor  of  the  Salem  Street  Academy  in  May,  1815,  and  that 
the  Sunday  school  was  "opened  on  the  first  Sunday  after  he  commenced  his 
duties  as  preceptor,  being  the  first  Sunday  in  June,  1815  "  —  that  is,  June  4th. 

•  Boston  Transcript,  April  23,  1915,  p.  12.  In  1915,  in  1917,  and  in  1918 
discussions  took  place  in  the  Boston  Transcript  as  to  the  earliest  Sunday  school 
in  Boston.  See  the  editorial  pages  of  the  following  issues:  March  22,  April  10, 


276 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS 


[APRIL, 


William  Collier  became  pastor  of  the  church  on  April  15,  1804.  In 
a  sermon  preached  on  April  15,  1888,  the  Rev.  George  E.  Horr,  Jr., 
said: 

Mr.  Collier  .  .  .  soon  after  his  settlement  here,  gathered  the  chil- 
dren of  the  families  connected  with  the  church  together  at  his  house 
Saturday  afternoons.  He  catechised  the  children  and  required  them  to 
recite  verses  of  Scripture  they  had  learned  during  the  week.  .  .  .  The 
year  the  school,  which  met  at  the  pastor's  house  Saturday  afternoon, 
became  a  Sunday-school,  is  not  certain.  Sunday-school  records  were 
not  kept  until  1825.  It  was  probably  about  1809  or  1810,  the  year  the 
meeting  house  was  erected  in  Austin  Street.  But  by  general  consent 
the  year  1813  has  been  fixed  upon  as  the  time  from  which  to  date  the 
anniversaries,  a  date  which,  however,  is  probably  too  late  by  a  year  or 
two.  But  1813  makes  this  school  the  oldest  hereabouts.  The  school 
connected  with  the  First  Parish  of  Charlestown  was  organized  Oct. 
25,  1816.1  The  First  Sabbath-school  in  Boston  was  formed  by  the 
women  of  the  Charles  Street  Baptist  Church  in  June,  1816,  .  .  .  The 
school  connected  with  the  First  Parish  Church  in  Beverly,  (now  Uni- 
tarian), was  probably  organized  in  1810,  but  it  seems  to  have  been 
without  systematic  organization  and  unconnected  with  the  minister  or 
parish,  and  was  not  held  in  the  meeting  house  until  18 19.2  Our  claim 
then  is  a  fair  one,  even  upon  the  basis  of  1813,  to  be  regarded  as  one  of 
the  oldest  Sunday-schools  in  these  parts,  «and  perhaps  the  oldest.8 

It  thus  appears  that  the  date  1813  is  conjectural. 

16,  23,  26,  1915,  and  December  28,  31,  1918;  and  the  Notes  and  Queries  de- 
partment, no.  3504,  July  21,  28,  August  4,  September  8,  1917. 

1  See  pp.  272-273,  above. 

*  See  p.  265  note  3,  above. 

1  Sermon  on  the  Seventy-fifth  Anniversary  of  "the  First  Baptist  Sunday- 
School,  Charlestown,  .  .  .  preached  .  .  .  April  15,  1888,  pp.  8-9.  Mr.  Collier, 
a  graduate  of  Brown  University  in  1797,  had  taught  at  the  Pawtucket  school: 
cf.  p.  265  note  2,  above.  Mr.  Hanson  kindly  sends  me  a  pamphlet  entitled, 
"Centennial  of  the  First  Baptist  Sunday  School  of  Charlestown,  Mass.  Histor- 
ical address  by  Rev.  Arthur  Warren  Smith,  Librarian,  New  England  Baptist 
Library.  Sunday,  April  27,  1913."  Mr.  Smith  says: 

"Like  many  important  beginnings  the  exact  date  when  there  began  to  be  a 
Baptist  Sunday  school  in  Charlestown  can  not  be  determined.  The  probable 
reason  for  this  is  that  the  pastor  and  deacons  of  that  early  day  followed  a  natural 
impulse  in  gathering  together  a  company  of  twenty  persons  for  religious  instruc- 
tion. But  their  plan  which  proved  so  efficient  probably  had  little  organisation 
for  some  years,  though,  doubtless,  carried  on  with  consecrated  energy.  Then 
in  1813  other  local  occurrences  in  the  interest  of  great  moral  influences  gave 


1919]  EARLY  SUNDAY  SCHOOLS  IN  BOSTON  277 

In  a  letter  to  the  Rev.  Dr.  Ezra  S.  Gannett  dated  September  28, 
1831,  the  Rev.  Dr.  Charles  Lowell  wrote: 

You  request  me  to  give  you  an  account  of  the  origin  of  the  West 
Parish  Sunday  school,  the  oldest,  as  far  as  I  know,  in  this  city.  In  1811, 
a  charity  school  was  established  in  the  west  part  of  Boston,  chiefly 
through  the  exertions  of  Mr.  Bartlett,  then  chaplain  at  the  almshouse, 
now  one  of  the  ministers  of  Marblehead.  In  October,  1812,  the  teacher 
of  that  school,  Miss  Lydia  K.  Adams,  then  a  member  of  the  West  Parish, 
having  learned,  on  a  visit  to  Beverly,  that  some  young  ladies  of  that 
town  were  in  the  practice  of  giving  religious  instruction  to  poor  chil- 
dren on  the  sabbath,1  consulted  her  minister  on  the  expediency  of 
giving  like  instruction  to  the  children  of  her  school,  and  to  those  who 
had  been  members  of  it,  on  the  same  day.  The  project  was  decidedly 
approved,  and  immediately  carried  into  effect.  In  December  of  the 
same  year,  Miss  Adams  was  compelled  by  ill  health  to  leave  the  school, 
and  ladies  of  the  West  Church  took  charge  of  it,  and,  in  turn,  instructed 
the  children,  both  on  the  week  days  and  the  sabbath,  till  a  suitable 
permanent  teacher  could  be  obtained.  On  this  event,  they  relinquished 
the  immediate  care  of  the  week  day  school  but  continued  the  instruc- 
tion of  the  Sunday  school,  till  it  was  transferred  to  the  church,  and  was 
enlarged  by  the  addition  of  the  children  of  a  different  description.1 

larger  significance  to  the  school  more  or  less  informal  hitherto.  This  probably 
explains  how  it  was  that  leaders  in  the  'church  years  ago  always  spoke  of  this 
school  as  in  operation  as  early  as  1813.  Consequently  the  long  series  of  school 
anniversaries,  which  are  known  to  have  been  a  regular  feature  ever  since  as  early 
as  1849,  has  fixed  the  above  date  as  the  latest  which  can  be  assigned  for  the 
founding  of  this  school.  But  there  is  full  reason  to  recognise  the  actual  origin 
to  have  taken  place  years  earlier.  It  is  a  question  if  there  was  ever  a  time  after 
1804,  when  Pastor  Collier,  with  his  [definite  Sunday  school  experience  in  Paw- 
tucket  and  New  York,  had  not  a  practical  interest  hi  the  religious  instruction  of 
the  youth  of  his  parish.  Therefore,  in  (this  'observance  you  have  a  reasonable 
right  to  think  of  this  school  as  more  than  a  hundred  full  years  old  "  (pp.  3-4). 

1  See  p.  265  note  3,  above. 

1  E.  S.  Gannett,  Address  delivered  before  the  Boston  Sunday  School  Society, 
on  the  celebration  of  the  Fiftieth  Anniversary  of  the  Sunday  School  Institution, 
at  the  Federal  Street  Church,  September  14,  1831,  p.  40.  Dr.  Lowell  says  that 
the  "ladies  of  the  West  Church  .  .  .  continued  the  instruction  of  the  Sunday 
school,  till  it  was  transferred  to  the  church,"  but  does  not  state  when  that  trans- 
ference took  place.  It  must  have  been  between  May  26  and  November  6,  1822. 
The  Boston  Society  for  the  Religious  and  Moral  Instruction  of  the  Poor  contem- 
plated "  the  establishment  of  another  [Sunday  school]  at  West  Boston  "  in  1820, 
but  had  been  obliged  to  defer  it  "from  want  of  ...  a  (Sufficient  number  of  suit- 
able Teachers  "  (Fourth  Annual  Report,  October  11,  1820,  p.  6).  The  Fifth 
Annual  Report,  October  17,  1821,  stated  that  "No  new  School  has  been  founded 


278 


THE   COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS 


[APRIL, 


A  more  detailed  account  was  given  by  the  Rev.  Dr.  Cyrus  A. 
Bartol  in  1856: 

For  some  time  prior  to  the  year  1811,  a  society  of  young  ladies  had 
been  formed,  under  the  name  of  the  "  Gleaning  Circle,"  for  the  purposes 
of  mutual  entertainment  and  improvement  by  literary  exercises,  and 
of  contributing,  by  their  needles  and  otherwise,  to  the  relief  of  the  poor, 
consisting  of  members  from  various  religious  societies,  but  chiefly  from 
that  under  Dr.  Lowell's  pastoral  charge,  .  .  .  Early  in  that  year,  the 
Rev.  John  Bartlett,  afterwards  settled  at  Marblehead,  was  chaplain 
of  the  almshouse  in  Leverett  Street;  and  .  .  .  perceiving  the  destitu- 
tion of  all  means  of  education  for  the  very  young  children  of  the  poor 
to  prepare  them  for  entering  the  public  schools,  he  established  by  sub- 
scriptions two  charity-schools  —  one  at  the  North  End,  and  one  at  the 
western  part  of  the  town  —  for  that  purpose,  and  also  for  the  instruc- 
tion of  the  female  children  in  sewing,  there  being  then  no  primary 
schools;  .  .  .  The  one  last  named,  of  course,  soon  attracted  the  atten- 
tion and  interest  of  Dr.  Lowell,  .  .  .  who  commended  it  to  the  benevo- 
lence of  the  "Gleaning  Circle."  Several  of  its  members  immediately 
took  the  school  under  their  patronage;  became  themselves,  and  after- 
wards procured  others  to  become,  contributors  for  its  support;  and  as- 
sisted in  the  instruction  of  the  children,  and  in  the  clothing  of  those 
the  most  destitute.  In  a  short  time,  it  fell  entirely  into  the  hands  of  the 
ladies  of  the  West-Boston  Society,  including  many  besides  the  members 
of  the  Circle,  and  was  wholly  maintained  and  managed  by  them.  In 
the  year  1813,  while  Miss  Lydia  Adams  was  the  matron  of  the  school, 
she,  being  on  a  visit  in  Beverly,  saw  the  children  of  the  Society  then 


the  past  year,  although  two  more  might  be  established  with  every  prospect  of 
doing  good — the  one  to  accommodate  adults  at  the  Seamens'  meeting,  and  the 
children,  who  attend  there  —  and  the  other  at  West  Boston,  where  it  has  been 
so  long  needed.  Hitherto,  however,  the  want  of  suitable  Teachers  in  sufficient 
numbers  has  prevented  these  labours  of  love"  (p.  14).  But  in  the  Sixth  Annual 
Report,  November  6,  1822,  we  read:  "The  subject  of  a  new  Sabbath  School  at 
West  Boston,  hi  connection  with  the  Society's  place  of  worship  there,  has  been 
repeatedly  mentioned  in  preceding  Reports.  The  Directors  have  now  the  pleas- 
ure to  state,  that  one  is  at  length  established,  and  is  ...  conducted  under  the 
superintendence  of  Mr.  William  G.  Lambert,  .  .  .  who  observes  in  his  Report: 
"The  Sabbath  School  in  the  Mission-house  was  organized  the  26th  of  May 
last.  .  .  .  Soon  after  we  commenced,  a  school  was  opened  in  a  neighboring  con- 
gregation, and  as  a  number  of  our  scholars  belonged  to  that  society,  they  have 
generally  gone  from  this  to  that  school '"  (p.  14).  And  a  footnote  states  that 
the  "neighboring  congregation"  was  "The  Rev.  Mr.  Lowell's,"  which  w&p  also 
alluded  to  on  pp.  5-6  of  the  same  Report. 


1919] 


EARLY   SUNDAY  SCIIOOLS   IN  BOSTON 


279 


under  the  charge  of  Rev.  Dr.  Abbot,1  and  now  under  that  of  the  Rev. 
Mr.  Thayer,2  assembled  after  service  for  religious  instruction  by  mem- 
bers of  the  Society;  thus  constituting,  as  is  believed,  the  first  Sunday 
school  in  America.  Being  greatly  impressed  with  the  utility  and  effect 
of  such  a  school  as  there  exhibited,  upon  her  return  she  communicated 
her  views  to  the  ladies  then  in  charge  of  her  school,  who,  uniting  in  senti- 
ment with  her,  immediately  made  arrangements  for  the  religious  in- 
struction of  the  children  under  her  care,  on  Sunday,  by  the  attendance 
of  two  of  them,  in  regular  rotation,  for  that  service.  At  that  time  there 
were  about  fifteen  children  in  the  school,  all  of  whom  were  girls,  and 
who  attended  church,  and  were  seated  together  in  the  gallery.  The 
number,  however,  was  gradually  increased  by  the  accession  of  chil- 
dren of  members  of  the  Society,  who  had  become  sensible  of  its  great 
utility;  and  the  name  was  changed,  from  being  the  "West-Boston 
Charity  School,"  to  that  of  the  "West-Parish  Sewing  School."  It  con- 
tinued to  flourish  until  the  establishment  of  the  public  primary  schools 
for  the  same  ends  entirely  superseded  its  necessity,  when  it  was  given 
up.  ...  It  was  the  parent  of  the  Sunday  school  of  the  West-Boston 
Society,  the  first  established  in  Boston.  .  .  .  The  ladies  who  had  thus 
undertaken  the  religious  instruction  of  the  children  on  Sunday  became 
so  deeply  interested  in  their  work,  and  rendered  their  ministrations  so 
attractive,  that  other  children,  not  connected  with  the  school,  were  in- 
duced to  partake  of  the  benefits  of  them,  until  the  number,  at  the  time 
of  its  dissolution,  amounted  to  about  fifty,  with  a  complement  of  about 
eight  teachers,  who  were  accustomed  to  assemble,  in  mild  weather,  in 
the  room  under  the  belfry,  and,  in  winter,  in  the  galleries,  and  subse- 
quently, as  the  school  increased,  at  the  Derne-street  Schoolhouse.  And 
thus  was  formed  the  first  of  those  institutions  in  this  city,  which  are  now 
esteemed  an  essential  department  in  most  of  the  religious  societies 
throughout  the  United  States.8 

Writing  in  October,  1794,  Thomas  Pemberton  said: 

Whatever  plan  may  appear,  on  deliberate  examination,  to  be  of 
publick  utility,  should  be  undertaken  and  promoted.  It  is  worthy  of 
consideration  whether  Sunday  schools  would  not  be  a  very  beneficial 
institution  in  this  town.  Many  children  are  kept  from  attending  pub- 
lick  worship  through  the  inability  of  their  parents  suitably  to  clothe 
them;  and  their  parents  not  being  able  to  keep  them  within  doors,  they 

1  Rev.  Abiel  Abbot  (H.  C.  1792). 

*  Rev.  Christopher  Toppan  Thayer  (H.  C.  1824). 

1  The  West  Church  and  its  Ministers,  pp.  214-219,  221. 


2M) 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS 


[APRIL, 


repair  to  the  wharves  and  alleys  to  recreate  themselves  as  on  other 
days,  to  the  great  disturbance  of  the  families  in  the  vicinity  of  such 
places,  and  the  profanation  of  the  day.  If  Sunday  schools  were  insti- 
tuted, both  these  evils  might  be  prevented.  The  only  requisites  for 
attending  the  schools  are  clean  hands  and  faces  and  combed  hair.  The 
master  or  mistress  should  refuse  none  who  are  sent  to  them;  and  the 
school  committee  might  appoint  such  hours  for  the  children  to  attend, 
AS  they  may  think  proper.  Portions  of  scripture  should  be  read  by  those 
scholars  who  can  read,  and  those  who  cannot  should  be  taught  to  read. 
A  catechism  suitable  for  their  ages,  should  also  be  a  part  of  their  employ- 
ment at  these  schools.  ...  In  1790  Sunday  schools  were  established 
in  Philadelphia;  and  in  1791,  some  patriotick  gentlemen  of  this  town, 
by  a  liberal  subscription,  enabled  the  late  Mr.  Oliver  Lane  to  open  a 
Sunday  school.  It  embraced  in  its  object  both  sexes  under  a  certain 
age.  The  writer  hopes  such  an  establishment  will  not  be  wholly  laid 
aside;  and  if  it  cannot  be  continued  by  voluntary  subscription,  that  the 
publick  will  take  it  into  consideration,  as  perhaps  publick  monies  can- 
not be  appropriated  to  a  more  useful  design.1 

The  school  mentioned  by  Pemberton  was  opened  on  Sunday, 
April  17,  1791,  as  appears  from  a  notice  printed  in  the  Columbian 
Centinel  of  Wednesday,  April  20,  1791 : 

A  SUNDAY  SCHOOL, 

Established  by  the  liberal  subscription  of  a  number  of  patriotick 
Gentlemen  of  this  Metropolis,  was  opened  on  Sunday  last.  It  is  under 
the  management  of  Mr.  OLIVER  W.  LANE,  and  embraces  in  its  object, 
those  of  both  sexes,  under  a  certain  age,  whom  habits  of  industry  or 
other  causes,  debar  from  instruction  on  week-days  (xv.  43). 

Under  date  of  April  25,  1791,  is  found  this  passage: 

On  a  letter  received  from  the  Gentlemen  Proprietors  of  the  Duck 
Manufactory  requesting  the  approbation  of  the  Selectmen  for  their 
opening  a  Sunday  School  and  their  Opinion  on  the  subject  —  The 
Selectmen  are  of  opinion  that  however  eligible  the  measure  may  be  the 
Law  respecting  Schools  had  not  in  contemplation  such  as  is  requested 
and  therefore  does  not  authorise  them  to  approbate  it.2 

Whether  the  "Gentlemen  Proprietors  of  the  Duck  Manufactory" 
were  identical  with  the  "patriotick  Gentlemen  of  this  Metropolis" 

1  1  Massachusetts  Historical  Collections,  iii.  266-267. 
*  Boston  Record  Commissioners'  Reports,  xxvii.  147. 


1919]  EARLY  SUNDAY  SCHOOLS  IN  BOSTON  281 

who  liberally  subscribed  to  Mr.  Lane's  school,  as  seems  not  im- 
probable, or  whether  they  desired  to  establish  still  another  Sunday 
school,  I  have  been  unable  to  ascertain.  Nor  do  I  know  exactly 
how  long  Mr.  Lane's  Sunday  school,  assuming  that  it  survived  the 
adverse  decision  of  the  selectmen,  remained  in  existence,  though 
certainly  this  could  not  have  been  for  a  longer  period  than  about 
two  years  and  a  half.  A  brief  sketch  of  (so  far  as  now  known)  the 
first  Sunday  school  teacher  in  Boston  will  not  be  out  of  place,  es- 
pecially as  Oliver  Wellington  Lane  1  was  a  man  of  some  local  re- 
pute in  his  day.  The  son  of  James  and  Mary  (Wellington  2)  Lane  of 
Bedford,  he  was  born  there  on  October  27,  1751; 3  in  1768  he  en- 
tered Harvard  College,  graduating  in  1772;  at  the  outbreak  of  the 
Revolution  he  entered  the  army,  and  in  May,  1775,  was  "reported 
recruiting"4  —  facts  no  doubt  accounting  for  his  not  taking  that 
year  his  A.M.,  which  was  given  him  out  of  course  in  1779.  On 
October  23,  1784,  he  married  Susanna  Newman,5  who  survived 
him,  and  was  then  —  or  soon  after  became  —  a  schoolmaster.  In 
the  Boston  Directory  of  1789  he  is  entered  as  "Lane  Oliver  Wil- 
lington,  school-master,  Staniford-street." 6  Glimpses  of  him  are 
obtained  about  that  time  from  two  pupils  —  General  William  H. 
Sumner  and  Lucius  Manlius  Sargent,  the  noted  temperance  writer. 
In  "Some  Recollections  of  Washington's  Visit  to  Boston"  in  October, 
1789,  written  sixty-one  years  later,  General  Sumner  said:  "I  will 
remark  that  I,  then  a  boy  of  between  nine  and  ten  years  of  age,  was 
a  pupil  at  Master  Lane's  West  Boston  writing-school.  .  .  .  Master 
Lane's  boys  were  placed  in  front  of  Mr.  Jonathan  Mason's  hard- 
ware store,  near  the  bend  hi  Washington  Street  (then  Cornhill) 
opposite  Williams  Court.  I  well  remember  the  laugh  which  our 
salute  created,  when,  as  the  General  passed  us,  we  rolled  in  our 

1  His  middle  name  sometimes  occurs  as  "Willington." 

1  O.  W.  Lane's  mother  was  presumably  that  Mary  Wellington  who  was  born 
at  Lexington  on  October  20,  1732  (Lexington  Vital  Records,  p.  84;  C.  Hudson, 
History  of  the  Town  of  Lexington,  ii.  728). 

*  Bedford  Vital  Records,  p.  36.    The  Faculty  Records  (iii.  119)  give  his  name 
as  "Oliver  Lane,"  the  date  of  his  birth  as  November  7,  1752,  and  his  age  as 
"16-8"  —  that  is,  sixteen  years  and  eight  months  —  on  June  7,  1769,  "about" 
which  time  the  Freshman  class 'was  placed. 

4  Massachusetts  Soldiers  and  Sailors  of  the  Revolutionary  War,  ix.  482. 
1  Boston  Record  Commissioners'  Reports,  xxx.  90. 

•  x.  190. 


2S2 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY   OF  MASSACHUSETTS 


[APRIL, 


hands  our  quills  with  the  longest  feathers  we  could  get."  l  Mr. 
Sargent,  according  to  his  biographer,  "was  then  sent  to  Master 
Lane's  school,  in  West  Boston,  which  he  reached  by  going  up  Han- 
cock Street  and  round  by  the  Beacon  monument,  on  the  sides  of 
which  were  four  historic  tablets.  He  says  that  in  1793  it  was  'a 
lonely  spot  to  travel.'  The  master  was  'harsh;'  he  did  not  like 
him.  One  mode  of  his  punishment  was  to  make  a  boy  stand  on  a 
very  narrow  log,  with  scarcely  any  foothold,  with  a  large  chip  in 
his  mouth,  for  an  example;  yet  if  any  urchin  lifted  up  his  eyes  to 
look  at  him,  he  was  condemned  to  a  similar  punishment."  Such 
a  whimsical  and  tantalizing  punishment  naturally  seemed  "harsh" 
to  a  boy  of  seven.  Mr.  Lane  was  an  ardent  Universalist,  and  when 
the  noted  John  Murray  was  installed  pastor  of  the  First  Universal- 
ist Church  on  October  23,  1793,  it  was  Deacon  Lane  who  "intro- 
duced" him  and  delivered  an  address.3  That  must  have  been  one 
of  Mr.  Lane's  last  appearances  in  public,  for  he  died  on  November 
3d  following,  as  appears  from  an  obituary: 

On  Sunday  evening,  at  half  past  9  o'clock,  Master  OLIVER  WILLING- 
TON  LANE,  one  of  the  Deacons  of  the  first  Universal  Church,  departed 
this  life,  aged  42. 

The  Religious  Society,  in  which  he  had  attained  unto  a  good  degree, 
have  met  with  an  afflictive  bereavement  by  the  death  of  Mr.  LANE. 
The  Civil  Community,  of  which  he  was  a  valuable  and  useful  member, 
will  long  regret  the  loss  of  an  excellent  Preceptor,  whose  modes  of  in- 
struction gained  the  confidence  of  the  Parent,  and  won  the  affections 
of  the  child.  •  A  widow,  a  widow  indeed,  whose  husband  is  dead,  and  six 
small  children,  lament  the  kindest  of  husbands  and  the  best  of  fathers. 

ttdp3  Mr.  LANE'S  funeral  will  move  from  his  late  dwelling  house  at 
West-Boston,  to-morrow  afternoon,  at  three  o'clock.  The  Church, 
Congregation  and  Society  are  respectfully  invited  to  attend.  The 
pupils  of  the  now  departed  are  requested  to  pay  the  last  tribute  of  re- 
gard; and  all  the  relatives  and  numerous  friends  of  the  deceased,  are 
called  to  the  house  of  mourning. 

How  blest,  is  our  BROTHER  bereft 

Of  all  that  could  burthen  his  mind! 
How  easy  the  soul  that  hath  left 
This  wearisome  body  behind! 

1  New  England  Historical  and  Genealogical  Register,  xiv.  261,  262. 
1  John  H.  Sheppard,  Reminiscences  of  Lucius  Manlius  Sargent,  id.  xxv.  211. 
«  See  the  Columbian  Centinel  of  October  23,  p.  2/3,  and  October  26,  p.  3/1. 


1919]  EARLY  SUNDAY  SCHOOLS  IN  BOSTON  283 

This  earth  is  affected  no  more 

With  sickness,  or  shaken  with  pain: 
The  war  in  the  members  is  o'er, 

And  never  shall  vex  him  again.1 

Our  extracts  may  appropriately  end  with  what  is,  so  far  as  I  am 
aware,  the  earliest  known  allusion  to  Sunday  schools  in  a  Boston 
newspaper,  taken  from  the  Massachusetts  Centinel  of  August  27, 
1785  (p.  4): 

Preparation  for  SUNDAY. 

TT  has  been  before  observed,  that  the  "  want  of  Piety  arises  from  the  want 
•*•  of  sensibility"  —  That  the  vulgar,  when  arrived  at  a  state  of  manhood, 
are  either  infidels  or  bigots,  experience  has  reduced  to  a  certainty  —  But 
asks  the  judicious  observer,  what  remedy  is  there  for  the  fault  —  Ignorance 
is  the  attendant  on  poverty;  and.  the  poor  form  a  large  proportion  of  the  peo- 
plef  The  Preparationalist  cannot  answer  the  enquiry  but  with  the  pro- 
posal for  the  institution  of  SUNDAY  SCHOOLS.  This  benevolent 
measure  has  been  lately  adopted  in  England  and  Ireland,  and  is  highly 
worthy  of  imitation  here  —  Fas  est  etiam  ab  hoste  doceri.  Experience 
has  fully  evinced  that  the  more  enlightened  nations  are,  the  more  amenable 
are  they  to  the  laws,  to  order,  and  to  police;  and  the  less  frequently  do  they 
perpetrate  those  species  of  violence  and  barbarity,  which  reduce  humanity 
to  a  level  with  the  brute  creation.  What  good  can  be  reasonably  expected, 
from  that  part  of  the  community,  whose  infancy  and  youth  are  consumed  in 
one  uninterrupted  scene  of  idleness,  villainy,  and  all  kinds  of  low  craft  and 
theft  (in  which  they  are  but  too  often  countenanced  and  encouraged  by  their 
parents)  untinctured  by  the  very  elements  of  cultivation  and  knowledge; 
and  who,  of  course,  can  hardly,  when  arrived  at  maturity,  be  supposed 
capable  of  a  relish  but  for  dissipation,  drunkenness,  blasphemy,  and  de- 
bauchery f  That  this  is  the  case  with  too  many  in  all  countries,  their  prison 
calendars  will  afford  irrefragable  proofs. 

To  various  sources  may  this  evil  be  traced.  Of  these  perhaps  the  following 
is  not  the  least :  The  lower  classes  of  people,  generally  speaking,  can  hardly 
afford  their  children  an  education;  and  it  frequently  happens,  that,  from  the 
most  mercenary  motives,  they  debar  them  of  schooling,  if  they  can  hope  to 
derive  any  emolument,  however  paltry,  from  employing  them  in  the  vilest 
drudgery.  Now,  if  Sunday  Schools  were  established,  where  children  would 
be  instructed  gratis,  —  both  the  foregoing  part  to  the  improvement  of  the 

1  Mercury,  Tuesday,  November  5,  1793,  p.  3/3.  The  inscription  on  his  tomb- 
stone in  the  Granary  Burying  Ground  is  given  in  T.  Bridgman's  Pilgrims  of 
Boston  (1856),  p.  118. 


284 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS 


[APRIL, 


people  would  be  removed,  —  and  we  might  entertain  a  well  founded  hope 
that  the  rising  generation  (of  the  above  classes,)  would  prove  very  different 
from  their  fathers. 

But  should  this  institution  take  place  —  a  consummation  devoutly  to 
be  wished  —  great  caution  will  be  requisite  to  guard  against  the  abuses  it  it 
liable  to  from  party,  civil  and  relegious.  Bigotry,  superstition,  fanaticism, 
and  intolerance,  have  too  long  lorded  it  over  mankind,  who  bent  a  supplient 
knee  to  the  demons.  Should  Sunday  schools  be  opened  here,  it  is  to  be  hoped 
they  will  steer  clear  of  them.  If  religion  be  made  a  part  of  instruction,  let 
it  be  confined  to  those  points  in  which  the  various  professors  of  Christianity 
agree,  whether  of  credence  or  practice  —  such  as,  the  creation,  the  fall  of 
man,  the  flood,  the  election  of  the  Jews,  the  redemption,  that  the  base  on 
which  Christianity  has  been  founded,  is  "  Love  of  God  above  all  things  — 
and  love  of  our  neighbour  similar  to  what  we  feel  for  ourselves"  •  —  the  last 
judgment,  —  a  future  state  of  rewards  and  punishments,  <fcq.  &c.  But  let 
those  speculative  points,  wherein  they  differ,  and  which  have  for  centurie* 
past,  drenched  the  earth  with  the  gore  of  her  children,  be  taught  by  the  various 
pastors  to  their  respective  flocks.  Would  to  Heaven,  that  they  exerted  them- 
selves to  instil  therewith  that  universal  benevolence,  which  embraces  all  man- 
kind in  the  bands  of  brotherhood,  and  which  truly  fulfils  the  law  and  the 
gospel! 

A  chronological  list  of  Boston  Sunday  schools  before  1819  is 
appended : 

Oliver  W.  Lane's  school,  p.  280. 
West  Church,  p.  277. 

First  Baptist  Church,  Charlestown,  p.  275. 
Christ  Church,  p.  273. 
Third  Baptist  Church,  p.  271. 
Second  Baptist  Church,  p.  271. 
First  Baptist  Church,  p.  272. 
First  Church,  Charlestown,  p.  272. 
First  African  Baptist  Church,  p.  272. 
Mason  Street,  p.  269. 
School  Street,  p.  269. 
South  Boston,  p.  269. 
Park  Street  Church,  p.  266. 
1818     March        North  Bennet  Street,  p.  269. 
April    5      Hawkins  Street,  p.  269. 

With  two  exceptions,  the  dates  here  given  are  either  exact  or 
approximately  so,  having  been  drawn  from  contemporary  or  nearly 


1791 

April  17 

1812? 

1813? 

1815 

June    4 

1816 

June 

July 

August 

Oct. 

Nov. 

1817 

May  11 

June  15 

Summer 

1919]  IS  THERE  A  MARK  BASKETT  BIBLE  OF   1752?  285 

contemporary  sources.  But  the  dates  assigned  to  the  West  Church 
and  to  the  First  Baptist  Church  of  Charlestown  require  further 
inquiry  before  they  can  be  accepted. 

These  notes  are  submitted  in  the  belief  that  they  will  afford  a 
useful  summary  of  facts  as  at  present  known,  and  in  the  hope  that 
they  will  bring  out  further  information  on  an  obscure  but  interest- 
ing subject.  It  will  perhaps  be  objected  that  some  of  the  extracts 
are  quoted  at  too  great  length,  but  this  seems  justifiable  in  view  of 
the  extraordinarily  conflicting  statements  and  of  the  difficulty  in 
obtaining  exact  data. 

Dr.  CHARLES  L.  NICHOLS  communicated  the  following 
paper: 

IS  THERE  A  MARK  BASKETT  BIBLE  OF   1752? 
In  1810  Isaiah  Thomas  wrote: 

Kneeland  and  Green  printed,  principally  for  Daniel  Henchman,  an 
edition  of  the  Bible  in  small  4to.  This  was  the  first  Bible  printed,  in  the 
English  language,  in  America.  It  was  carried  through  the  press  as  pri- 
vately as  possible,  and  had  the  London  imprint  of  the  copy  from  which 
it  was  reprinted,  viz:  "London:  Printed  by  Mark  Baskett,  Printer  to 
the  King's  Most  Excellent  Majesty,"  in  order  to  prevent  a  prosecution 
from  those,  in  England  and  Scotland,  who  published  the  Bible  by  a  pat- 
ent from  the  crown;  or,  Cum  privUegio,  as  did  the  English  universities  of 
Oxford  and  Cambridge.  When  I  was  an  apprentice,  I  often  heard  those 
who  had  assisted  at  the  case  and  press  in  printing  this  Bible,  make  men- 
tion of  the  fact.  The  late  governor  Hancock  was  related  to  Henchman,1 
and  knew  the  particulars  of  the  transaction.  He  possessed  a  copy  of 
this  impression.  As  it  has  a  London  imprint,  at  this  day  it  can  be  dis- 
tinguished from  an  English  edition,  of  the  same  date,  only  by  those  who 
are  acquainted  with  the  niceties  of  typography.  This  Bible  issued  from 
the  press  about  the  time  that  the  partnership  of  Kneeland  and  Green  ex- 
pired. The  edition  was  not  large;  I  have  been  informed  that  it  did  not 
exceed  seven  or  eight  hundred  copies.* 

This  statement  of  Thomas  has  been  given  in  full  as  it  contains, 
in  detail,  all  that  is  known  of  this  important  alleged  fact,  that  a  Bible 

1  John  Hancock  (1737-1793)  was  the  nephew  of  Thomas  Hancock  (1704- 
1764),  who  married  Lydia  Henchman,  a  daughter  of  Daniel  Henchman  (1689- 
1761),  the  Boston  bookseller.  Cf.  our  Publications,  vi.  321. 

•  History  of  Printing  in  America,  1810,  i.  305;  1874,  i.  107-108. 


2SG 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS 


was  printed  in  Boston  in  the  English  language  about  the  year  1752. 
No  public  interest  seems  to  have  been  awakened  to  this  until 
1852,  when  George  Bancroft  wrote:  "And  yet  to  print  that  Bible  in 
British  America  was  prohibited  as  a  piracy;  and  the  Bible,  except  in 
the  native  savage  dialects,  was  never  printed  there  till  the  land  be- 
came free."  1  In  a  note  on  the  same  page  is  the  following:  "My 
friends,  Mr.  James  Lenox  and  Mr.  J.  G.  Cogswell,  agree  with  me, 
that  no  trace  of  an  American  edition  of  the  Bible,  surreptitious  or 
otherwise,  previous  to  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  has  been 
found."  In  a  later  statement  Bancroft  said:  "Till  a  copy  of  the  pre- 
tended American  edition  is  produced,  no  credit  can  be  given  to  the 
second-hand  story."  2 

At  this  time,  1852,  there  were  already  a  number  of  eager  collectors 
of  Americana,  like  James  Lenox,  John  Carter  Brown,  George  Brin- 
ley,  and  George  Livermore,  who  would  have  gladly  added  a  copy  of 
this  Bible  to  their  libraries  but  who  searched  in  vain  for  it.  George 
Livermore,  however,  manifested  his  disagreement  with  Mr.  Ban- 
croft's conclusions;3  yet  he  wrote  Mr.  Lenox  on  March  4,  1853,  that 
careful  search  by  the  Hancock  family  failed  to  find  the  Governor's 
copy,  thus  destroying  one  more  hope  of  success. 

At  the  sale  of  the  Thomas  J.  McKee  library  in  1902,  appeared  a 
Bible  with  the  imprint  as  described  by  Thomas  and  with  date  1752.4 


1  History  of  the  United  States,  1852,  v.  266. 

1  History  of  the  United  States,  1855,  v.  266. 

*  On  January  13,  1853,  Livermore  "read  a  series  of  remarks  pointing  out 
sundry  errors  in  the  fifth  volume  of  Mr.  Bancroft's  'History  of  the  United  States,' 
in  relation  to  the  printing  of  the  Bible  in  this  country  before  the  Revolution" 
(1  Proceedings  Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  ii.  510-511:  cf.  x.  450-451). 
Presumably  the  remarks  were  identical  with  those  printed,  under  the  heading 
"The  Bible  before  the  Revolution.  Mr.  Bancroft  and  his  Authorities,"  in  the 
Boston  Daily  Advertiser  of  January  18,  1853,  p.  1/8.  Livermore  pointed  out 
that  the  Bible  had  been  printed  here  in  the  German  language  before  1776,  and 
in  later  editions  of  his  History  of  the  United  States  Bancroft's  sentence  reads: 
"And  yet  to  print  that  Bible  in  British  America  would  have  been  a  piracy;  and 
the  Bible,  though  printed  in  German  and  in  a  native  savage  dialect,  was  never 
printed  there  in  English  till  the  land  became  free"  (Centenary  Ed.,  1876,  iii.  464). 
With  regard  to  the  alleged  Bible  printed  by  Kneeland  &  Green,  Livennore  could 
only  quote  Thomas  at  length  —  a  clear  begging  of  the  question. 

4  Catalogue  of  the  Library  of  the  late  Thomas  Jefferson  McKee,  pt.  vi,  May 
12-13,  1902,  no.  4714,  pp.  881-882.  Cf.  E.  B.  O'Callaghan,  List  of  Editions  of 
the  Holy  Scriptures  and  Parts  thereof,  printed  in  America  previous  to  1860  (1861), 


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1919]  IS  THERE  A  MARK  BASKETT  BIBLE  OF  1752?  287 

This  Bible  was  claimed  to  be  a  copy  and  the  only  known  copy  of  that 
issue  and  advanced  as  proof  positive  of  the  truth  of  Thomas's  state- 
ment. It  was  bought  by  Mr.  McKee  several  years  before,  of  George 
P.  Philes,  a  bookseller  of  New  York.  This  claim  was  first  made  by 
John  Anderson,  Jr.,  but  there  is  no  record  of  any  publicity  to  it  until 
the  statement  in  the  sale  catalogue  of  1902.  The  Bible  was  purchased 
by  George  C.  Thomas  of  Philadelphia  for  $2025,  and  held  a  prom- 
inent position  in  his  choice  library.  In  1910,  after  the  death  of 
George  C.  Thomas,  the  Bible  was  advertised  for  sale  in  the  catalogue 
of  George  H.  Richmond,  and  later  in  that  of  the  Rosenbach  Com- 
pany in  1913  and  again  in  1917. 

If  this  Bible  is  genuine,  it  holds  an  important  position  in  the  history 
of  Americana  because  its  evidence  confirms  the  truth  of  the  state- 
ment of  Isaiah  Thomas.  If,  on  the  contrary,  this  evidence  is  not 
worthy  of  credence,  it  should  not  be  allowed  to  stand  and  the  Bible 
should  be  relegated  to  a  place  where  it  can  no  longer  mislead  us  in  our 
search  for  the  solution  of  this  problem. 

An  opportunity  of  examining  this  Bible  was  courteously  afforded 
the  writer  in  1910  by  Mr.  Richmond  and  again  in  1917  by  Dr.  Rosen- 
bach,  and  it  is  writh  regret  that  my  conclusions  oblige  me  to  set  aside 
its  value  in  the  evidence  towards  which  my  prejudice  in  favor  of  the 
Isaiah  Thomas  story  had  led  me  to  investigate  the  book. 

In  1907  a  careful  study  was  made  by  me  of  the  Mark  Baskett 
Bibles  in  the  Bodleian  Library,  in  the  British  Museum,  and  in  the 
British  and  Foreign  Bible  Society,  with  the  hope  that  familiarity 
with  the  English  editions  of  this  Bible  would  enable  me  to  confirm 
the  statements  in  the  McKee  catalogue  and  to  recognize  other  copies 
of  the  Boston  edition  if  any  such  should  come  into  the  market. 
When  the  opportunity  was  offered  me  in  1910  by  Mr.  Richmond  of 
examining  the  Bible,  it  appeared  to  me  that  the  date  was  not  as  clear 
as  it  should  be,  but  a  decision  upon  such  an  important  matter  seemed 
outside  my  province.  In  1917,  however,  a  careful  study  of  the  text 
was  made  by  me  in  comparison  with  several  other  Baskett  Bibles; 
notably  a  copy  of  the  1763  edition  in  the  Harvard  College  Library, 
one  dated  1761  in  my  own  possession,  and  a  1766  edition  belonging 
to  the  American  Antiquarian  Society. 

pp.  xiii-xvi;  J.  Wright,  Early  Bibles  of  America  (1892),  pp.  55-58  (1894), 
pp.  60-63;  J.  Wright,  Historical  Bibles  in  America  (1905),  pp.  69-72. 


288  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  [APRIL, 

In  looking  over  the  New  Testament  a  curious  typographical  error 
was  discovered  in  St.  Matthew,  Chapter  17.  In  the  second  line  of 
the  chapter  heading  the  letter/  in  the  word  foretelleth  had  fallen  down 
because  of  loss  or  misplacement  of  a  lead.  In  verse  1  the  letter  e  in 
the  second  word,  after,  was  misplaced  upward.  In  verse  3,  second 
line,  the  letter  /  in  Elias  had  fallen  down  and  had  separated  the  letters 
of  the  word  then  in  the  next  line  and  verse.  Such  a  typographical 
error  would  be  practically  impossible  of  duplication  and  would  be 
positive  proof  that  all  copies  in  which  it  occurred  were  of  the  same 
edition,  although  it  might  not  be  found  in  the  whole  edition  as  it 
could  have  been  discovered  and  rectified  during  printing.1  See  the 
facsimile,  facing  this  page.  Examination  of  three  copies  of  the  New 
Testament  with  title-page  dated  1763  revealed  the  same  error  in 
each,  which  had  been  found  in  the  1752  copy,  the  New  Testament 
of  which  lacked  title-page,  and  seemed  to  prove  conclusively  that 
this  part  of  this  Bible  was  dated  1763  also. 

This  fact  did  not,  however,  prove  the  date  of  the  Old  Testament 
part  to  be  of  this  date,  as  it  was  customary  to  bind  different  editions 
together. 

A  somewhat  careful  study  of  the  typography  of  the  Old  Testament 
of  this  1752  Bible  was  made  with  the  discovery  of  a  number  of  inter- 
esting facts. 

In  Exodus,  Chapter  14,  verse  18,  the  word  Egyptians  is  spelled  Epyp- 
tians.  See  the  facsimile,  facing  this  page. 

In  Genesis,  Chapter  4,  verse  6,  the  letter  t  in  thou  has  fallen  out  into 
the  space  at  the  side.  See  the  facsimile,  facing  this  page. 

In  Leviticus,  Chapter  5,  verse  6,  the  letter  i  in  his  is  missing. 

In  Psalms,  Chapter  21,  verse  7,  the  letter  i  in  high  is  missing. 

In  Psalms,  Chapter  33,  verse  3,  the  letter  s  in  noise  is  missing. 

More  than  two  dozen  cases  of  broken  letters,  irregularities  of  type 
or  of  line  were  found,  in  addition  to  the  above  noted  omissions. 

In  all  these  cases,  these  omissions,  errors  and  broken  letters  were 
identical  in  the  1752  copy  and  in  the  copy  dated  1763  belonging  to 
the  Harvard  College  Library.  In  addition  to  this  positive  evidence, 
none  of  these  errors  occurred  in  the  1761  edition  or  in  that  of  1766,  the 
inference  being  that  the  1761  edition  had  been  correct  and  the  errors 

1  The  New  York  Public  Library  owna  a  copy  in  which  this  error  has  been 
rectified. 


CHAP.    XVH. 

i  Tit  travfatra  tion  0f  Chriji :  1 4  li*  **>?'**>  **< 
lunatick,  ^^  ^rtteUcth  bis  ffutnpqju*,  14  and 
paytth  tribute. 

•  u«k  9.     A  N  D  •  alt^r  fix  days,  Jefus   uketh  Peter, 
J[\  James,  and  John  his  brother,  andbnnge.h 
*      them  up  into  an  h'gh  mountain  apart, 

^  And  was  transfigured  before  them:  and  his 
face  d«d  (hine  as  the  fun,  and  his  raiment  was 
white  as  the  light. 

3  And  behold,  there  appeared  unto  them  Mo- 
les and  E,\as  talking  with  him. 

4  Then  anfwered  Peter,  and  faid  umo  Jefus, 
Lord,  it  is  good  tor  us  to  be  here  :  if  thou  w.lt, 
let  us  make  here  three  tabernacles ;  one  for  tUec, 
and  one  for  Mofes,  and  one  for  Elias.  _ 


ST.  MATTHEW.  XVII.  1-4 


.7  And  I,  bebokL  I  wffl  harden  the  _ 
„*  Egyptians,   and  they  fliall   fctiow  them  : 
and  I  will  get  me  honour  upon  Pharaoh,  and 
upon  all  his  hoft,  upon  his  chariots,  and  upon 
his  horfemen. 

1 8  And  the  Epymmns  (hall  know  that  I  am 
the  LORD,  when  i  have  gotten  Hat  honour  upon 
Pharaoh,  upon  his  chariots,  and  upon  his  hoffc- 


EXODUS.  XIV.  17-18 


But  unto  Cain  and  to  his  offering  he  had  not  •  Hctr.  n. 
ctt.     And  Cain  was  very  wru'h,  and  his  * 
countenance  fell. 

6  And  the  LORD  faid  unto  Cain,  Why  art 
t  hou  wroth  ?  and  why  is  thy  countenance  fallen  f 

7  If  thou  docft  well,  (halt  thou  not  |  be  ac-  J^JCT. 
ccptcd  ?  and  if  thou  doeft  not  well,  fin  lieth  at  „. 

the  door.    And  f  unto  thcc  /ball  bt  his  defirt,  |OrJijrff 
and  thou  (halt  rule  over  him. 

GENESIS.  IV.  5-7 
EXTRACTS  FROM  THE  ALLEGED  1752  BIBLE 

CNGRAVCO   FOB  THC   COLONIAL  fOCIITY  OF   HAISACHUSCTTt 


1919]  IS  THERE   A   MARK   BASKETT   BIBLE   OF   1752?  289 

in  the  1763  edition  had  been  rectified  in  the  1766  edition  by  new 
type. 

Turning  to  the  title-page,  the  word  TESTAMENTS  on  the  fourth 
line  contains  two  letters  S  of  a  different  font  and  they  are  put  in 
with  the  wide  end  at  the  top.  In  addition  the  first  S  has  the  hair  line 
of  that  upper  part  broken  near  the  serrif.  This  applies  to  the  1761 
edition,  but  the  two  letters  S  in  the  1752  and  the  1763  copies  have 
been  turned  so  that  their  position  is  correct  and  the  broken  hair  line, 
still  present,  is  at  the  bottom.  In  the  1766  edition  new  letters  are 
used  in  this  word. 

The  letter  D  in  the  ninth  line  of  the  title-page  in  the  last  word  has 
an  imperfection  in  the  1761,  1763,  and  1752  copies,  but  new  type  is 
found  in  the  1766  copy. 

These  typographical  similarities  between  the  1752  and  the  1763 
Bibles  seem  to  be  sufficient  evidence  that  by  some  error  the  date  of 
the  McKee-Thomas  Bible  was  misprinted  or  changed  and  should  be 
1763.  In  corroboration  of  this  suggestion,  it  is  to  be  noted  that  the 
date  M.DCC.LXIII  is  not  exactly  centered,  being  about  -£s  of  an 
inch  too  far  to  the  left;  and  that  in  the  alleged  1752  edition  the  date, 
though  containing  two  figures  less,  begins  at  precisely  the  same  point 
and  so  is  still  more  out  of  centre,  being  about  \  of  an  inch  too  far  to 
the  left. 

The  watermarks  in  the  paper  used  in  both,  indeed  all,  of  the  Mark 
Baskett  Bibles  seen,  are  identical,  showing  that  the  paper  came  from 
the  same  manufacturer.  This,  however,  cannot  be  used  as  positive 
evidence  of  the  identity  in  edition  of  these  books  because  the  same 
paper  might  have  been  imported  by  Kneeland  &  Green  for  this  special 
work,  although  no  such  watermarks  have  been  found  in  the  books  of 
this  firm  which  have  been  examined. 

If  from  this  examination  of  the  1752  Bible  and  comparison  with 
the  editions  of  1761,  1763,  and  1766  it  is  proved,  as  it  seems  to  be, 
that  this  Bible  is  not  what  it  was  supposed  to  be,  then  the  inference 
is  that  it  cannot  be  used  as  positive  evidence  of  the  truth  of  the  story 
printed  by  Isaiah  Thomas.  Because  of  the  removal  of  this  evidence, 
we  can  go  one  step  further  and  show  that  the  imprint  could  not  have 
been  "Mark  Baskett." 

Thomas  wrote,  "This  bible  issued  from  the  press  about  the  time 
that  the  partnership  of  Kneeland  and  Green  expired"  (which  was 


290 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY   OF  MASSACHUSETTS 


[APEIL, 


the  year  1752  *) ;  and  again,  "As  it  has  a  London  imprint,  at  this  day, 
it  can  be  distinguished  from  the  English  edition  of  the  same  date  only 
by  those  who  are  acquainted  with  the  niceties  of  typography." 
Mark  Baskett  printed  Bibles  in  London  from  1761  to  1769  and  then 
sold  the  family  patent  to  print  Bibles  to  Charles  Eyre,2  whose  firm 
continues  to  print  them  at  the  present  day.  It  is  certain  that  Mark 
Baskett  did  not  print  Bibles  in  1752  and  it  is  improbable  that  the 
Boston  printers  would  have  used  the  name  of  a  man  who  had  not 
printed  such  books.  It  is  also  certain  that  if  they  had  used  the  name 
of  another  printer,  in  the  Boston  Bible,  the  officers  of  the  Crown  would 
have  discovered  the  fact.  Moreover,  Thomas  expressly  states  that 
the  authorized  and  the  unauthorized  editions  could  only  be  distin- 
guished from  each  other  by  one  skilled  in  the  niceties  of  typography, 
the  change  in  name  not  requiring  such  skill. 

How,  then,  did  Thomas  make  the  mistake  of  using  the  name 
"Mark"?  It  can  be  said,  with  strong  probability,  it  was  because  he 
had  at  hand  to  consult  only  a  copy  of  the  Mark  Baskett  Bible.  It 
must  be  remembered  that  the  History  of  Printing  was  written  in 
1810,  forty  years  after  the  Baskett  Bibles  had  ceased  to  be  printed 
and  before  either  any  study  of  printers  or  any  collection  of  Bibles  had 
been  undertaken,  so  that  he  had  few  data  for  reference  and  few  books 
for  examination. 

Like  all  pioneer  works  it  was  impossible  for  such  a  history  to  be 
written  without  errors  of  detail  due  to  the  fact  that  it  was  the  first 
in  that  field  of  investigation.  As  an  illustration,  let  me  cite  the 
following  mistake  in  the  History  of  Printing.  Thomas  states 3  that 
the  New  Hampshire  Gazette,  Number  1,  was  published  "Friday, 
August,  1756."  Examination  of  the  only  known  copy  of  the  first 

1  The  partnership  between  Samuel  Kneeland  (d.  1769)  and  Timothy  Green 
(d.  1763)  was  dissolved  on  or  a  few  days  after  December  26,  1752:  cf.  our  Pub- 
lications, ix.  443. 

1  "  He  [John  Baskett]  received  afterwards  a  new  grant  from  George  II.  for 
sixty  years,  with  the  additional  privilege  of  serving  Parliament  with  stationary. 
In  this  manner  Baskett's  right  would  have  endured  from  1709  to  1799;  but  the 
last  thirty  years  of  this  patent  were  conveyed  to  Charles  Eyre  and  his  heirs  for 
£10,000.  Eyre  took  possession  of  hia  reversion  in  1769,  and  assumed  William 
Strahan  as  his  partner.  When  the  term  of  this  patent  expired,  a  new  one  was 
granted  to  the  same  family  "  (John  Lee,  Memorial  for  the  Bible  Societies  in 
Scotland,  1824,  p.  180  note). 

1  History  of  Printing  in  America,  1810,  ii.  280;  1874,  ii.  93. 


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1919] 


IS  THERE  A  MARK  BASKETT  BIBLE   OF   1752? 


291 


number  shows  that  it  was  published  on  Thursday,  October  7th,  and 
continued  to  be  published  on  Thursday  for  several  months  and  then 
the  day  of  publication  was  changed  to  Friday.  Thomas  had  in  his 
possession  a  copy  of  this  newspaper  after  the  day  of  issue  had  been 
changed  to  Friday  and  had  evidently  never  seen  an  earlier  number. 
This  error,  unfortunate  though  it  was,  does  not  prove  that  the  New 
Hampshire  Gazette  was  never  printed  but  that  the  change  in  the  day 
of  printing  had  escaped  him.  So  in  the  case  of  the  Baskett  Bible, 
Thomas  was  evidently  ignorant  of  the  fact  that  Thomas  Baskett 
printed  the  Oxford  and  London  Bibles  from  1742  to  1761  and  that 
Mark  Baskett  did  not  print  them  until  the  last  date.  This  igno- 
rance, however,  while  throwing  doubt  on  the  Boston  imprint,  does  not 
militate  against  the  fact  that  a  Bible  was  printed  there.  It  would 
seem,  therefore,  that  the  name  of  Mark  Baskett  should  be  eliminated 
from  this  question  and  that  Thomas  Baskett,  the  bible  printer  of  that 
period,  whose  death  occurred  in  1763,  was  the  one  whose  name  will 
be  found  in  the  imprint  of  the  Kneeland  &  Green  Bible.1 

While  Isaiah  Thomas  made  errors  of  detail  in  his  descriptions  be- 
cause of  circumstances  beyond  his  control,  he  has  not  been  found  at 
fault  in  his  essential  facts,  and  no  chance  of  error  can  exist  in  regard 


»  Apparently  the  only  Bible  published  by  Thomas  Baskett  in  1752  was  printed 
not  at  London  but  at  Oxford  (T.  D.  Darlow  and  H.  F.  Motile,  Historical  Cata- 
logue of  the  Printed  Editions  of  Holy  Scripture  in  the  Library  of  the  British  and 
Foreign  Bible  Society,  1903,  i.  280,  285-286).  The  title-page  of  that  edition, 
taken  from  a  copy  in  the  Boston  Public  Library,  is  as  follows,  the  capital,  small 
capital,  and  italic  letters  being  as  here  given: 

THE  HOLY 

BIBLE, 
Containing  the  OLD  and  NEW 

TESTAMENTS: 
Newly  Translated  out  of  the 

Original  Tongues, 

And  with  the  former 

TRANSLATIONS 

Diligently  COMPARED  and  REVISED. 

l&p  Jl)i&  jfttajestp's  Special  Commanb. 

Appointed  to  be  read  in  CHURCHES. 

OXFORD: 

Printed  by  THOMAS  BASKETT,  Printer  to  the 
UNIVERSITY.    M  DCC  LIT. 


292 


THE   COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS 


PHIL, 


to  the  Kneeland  &  Green  Bible  because  of  his  circumstantial  de- 
scription. 

It  would  seem  to  me  that  the  solution  of  this  important  problem 
can  only  be  attained  by  an  extensive  examination  and  comparison 
of  copies  known  to  have  been  in  this  country  at  that  tune  with  the 
same  imprints  from  England  by  a  person  skilled  in  the  study  of  the 
ornaments,  types,  and  style  of  printing  found  in  the  books  of  Knee- 
land  &  Green. 

Mr.  TUTTLE  also  made  the  following  communication: 

LAND  WARRANTS  ISSUED  UNDER  ANDROS,   1687-1688 

The  State  Archives  contain  a  volume  bearing  on  a  fly-leaf  the 
words,  "Sr  Edmund  Andros,  Once  a  Governor,  and  rascally  petty 
Tyrant,  under  the  King,  and  grand  Tyrant  of  Britain."  It  con- 
tains 118  warrants  to  survey  lands,  issued  by  Andros  from  June  17, 
1687,  to  July  28,  1688.1  In  the  name  of  the  King  he  claimed  the 
title  in  all  our  lands,  and  obliged  the  payment  of  a  quit  rent  to  se- 
cure a  new  survey  and  grant  to  confirm  all  former  titles.  During 
his  short  administration  he  had  only  time  to  make  a  beginning  in 
his  new  order  of  government.  While  light  charges  were  at  first 
made,  the  way  was  opened  for  great  extortion  later. 

These  warrants  are  but  the  expression  of  one  feature  of  the  op- 
pressive rule  of  Andros,  and  they  furnish  some  interesting  informa- 
tion as  to  the  ownership  of  property  in  various  places.  The  Colony 
charter  had  been  vacated  in  1684,  and,  following  the  presidency  of 
Joseph  Dudley  in  1686,  the  King  had  granted  commissions  to  Andros 
on  June  3,  1686,  and  again  on  April  7,  1688,  as  Governor  of  the 
Territory  and  Dominion  of  New  England.  These  warrants,  here 
printed  for  the  first  tune,  do  not  cover  the  closing  months  of  his 

1  The  volume  is  labelled  on  the  back  of  the  cover  (which  is  not  old):  "Sir  Ed 
Andros  Land  Warrants.  1687  and  1688."  The  pages  containing  the  warrants 
are  numbered  from  2  to  137,  and  at  the  beginning  there  is  an  alphabetical  list 
of  names.  Many  documents  relating  to  the  warrants  are  in  vols.  cxxvi-cxxix  of 
the  Massachusetts  Archives,  and  other  information  will  be  found  in  vol.  ii  of  the 
Council  Records,  in  the  Dudley  Records  (2  Massachusetts  Historical  Proceedings, 
xiii.  226-286),  in  the  Andros  Records  (Proceedings  American  Antiquarian  Society, 
xiii.  239-268),  and  in  Toppan's  Edward  Randolph  (Prince  Society).  The  hand- 
writing, which  appears  to  be  that  of  two  clerks,  is  singularly  legible  for  that 
period,  though  occasionally  a  proper  name  is  obscure. 


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1919]        LAND  WARRANTS  ISSUED  UNDER  ANDROS,   1687-1688  293 

administration.  The  disturbance  caused  by  his  arbitrary  methods 
ended  with  his  seizure  on  April  18,  1689,  and  his  subsequent  de- 
parture for  England. 

Appended  to  the  warrants  is  an  alphabetical  list  of  grantees  and 
of  locations,  containing  129  names  of  persons.  Some  of  the  grantees 
were  distinguished  men  like  Dudley,  Sewall,  Stoughton,  and  vari- 
ous members  of  Andres's  Council.  Others  were  men  of  note,  but 
difficult  to  identify  with  certainty  either  because  their  places  of  resi- 
dence are  not  given,  or  because  there  were  several  of  the  same  name. 
Others,  however,  were  settlers  in  the  towns  of  Falmouth,  North 
Yarmouth  (now  Freeport),  Saco,  and  Scarborough,  many  of  whom 
it  is  quite  out  of  the  question  to  identify,  and  a  few  of  whom  are  not 
even  mentioned  by  Savage  in  his  Genealogical  Dictionary  of  New 
England.  For  these,  the  reader  should  consult  Willis's  History  of 
Portland,1  Goold's  Portland  in  the  Past,  Russell's  History  of  North 
Yarmouth,2  Folsom's  History  of  Saco  and  Biddeford,  and  South- 
gate's  History  of  Scarborough.3 

Finally,  a  word  should  be  said  in  regard  to  the  locations  of  grants. 
It  will  be  remembered  that  the  Narragansett  Country  or  King's 
Province  is  now  that  part  of  Rhode  Island  west  of  Narragansett 
Bay;  that  the  Nipmug  (Nipmuck)  Country  was  in  the  neighborhood 
of  Worcester,  Mendon,  Sutton,  Oxford,  etc.,  then  in  Massachusetts 
but  now  partly  in  Connecticut;  that  in  1658  Black  Point  and  Blue 
Point  were  established  as  a  town  under  the  name  of  Scarborough ; 4 
and  that  in  the  same  year  Casco  Bay  and  Spurwink  were  estab- 
lished as  a  town  under  the  name  of  Falmouth,  now  Portland,  Maine.4 
The  frequent  changes  in  English  names;  the  conflicting  claims  of 
New  Hampshire,  Massachusetts,  New  Plymouth,  Rhode  Island,  and 
Connecticut  in  the  matter  of  jurisdiction,  claims  which  about  the 
middle  of  the  eighteenth  century  were  invariably  settled  by  the 
Privy  Council  adversely  to  Massachusetts;  the  extraordinary  vari- 
ety of  forms  in  which  Indian  names  occur,  and  the  reduplication  of 
such  names  throughout  New  England  —  all  combine  to  make  exact 

1  Facing  p.  94  is  a  map  of  "Ancient  Falmouth,  from  1630  to  1690,"  which 
shows  the  locations  of  most  of  the  grants  mentioned  in  the  warrants. 

1  Collections  Maine  Historical  Society  (1847),  ii.  165-188. 

*  Collections  Maine  Historical  Society  (1853),  iii.  1-237.  At  the  beginning 
of  the  volume  are  maps  of  Black  Point  and  of  Blue  Point. 

4  Massachusetts  Colony  Records,  iv.  i.  359. 


294 


THE   COLONIAL  SOCIETY   OF  MASSACHUSETTS 


[APRIL, 


identification  of  localities  difficult, 
spect  is  not  claimed. 


Hence  infallibility  in  this  re- 


LAND  WARRANTS  ISSUED  UNDER  ANDROS,  1687-1688 

1 

Warrant  to  lay  out  Land  for  Mr  Symon  Lynde1  at  Paucatuck  neck.1 
S*  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Generall  and  Governour  in  Chiefe  of 
his  Majestyes  Territory  and  Dominion  of  New  England  To  Mr  Phillip 
Welles3  Surveyor  Whereas  Symon  Lynds  of  Boston  Merchant  hath  by 
his  Peticon  desired  a  grant  &  Confirmacon  of  a  certaine  parcell  of  Land 
upon  Paucatuck  or  Squamacack  neck  neer  Paucatuck  River  conteining 
Eight  hundred  seventy  four  Acres  whereon  he  hath  already  setled  and 
improved  with  a  further  addicon  thereunto  These  are  therefore  to  au- 
thorize &  require  yow  forthwith  to  survey  and  lay  out  the  said  parcell  of 
Lands  with  an  addicon  thereto  adjoyneing  if  vacant  to  make  in  ye 
whole  One  thousand  Acres  and  that  yow  make  due  returne  thereof  to 
the  Secryes  Office  accordingly.  And  for  so  doing  this  shall  be  yor  warr* 
Given  undr  my  hand  and  scale  at  Boston  the  17th  day  of  June  in  the 
third  yeare  of  his  Majestyes  Reigne  Annoq  Dom  1687 


Warrant  to  survey  the  Land  of  Narraganset 
By  His  Excellency 

Yow  are  with  the  first  Conveniency  to  make  a  generall  survey  and 
draught  of  the  Narraganset  Countrey  or  Kings  Province  and  therein  to 

1  Though  nominated  a  Councillor  on  November  4,  1687,  Simon  Lynde  did 
not  serve,  as  he  died  on  the  22d  of  the  same  month. 

1  Pawcatuck  River  separates  Westerly,  R.  I.,  from  Stonington,  Ct.  Pawcatuck 
Neck  is  the  neck  of  land  at  Watch  Hill,  Westerly.  "Squamacack"  occurs  in 
various  forms:  Ascomicutt,  Misquamicoke,  Misquamicuck,  Misquamicuk,  Mis- 
quamicut,  Squamicut,  Squamocuck,  etc. 

1  Philip  Wells  had  been  Andros's  steward,  and  may  have  come  with  him  to 
New  York  in  1674  or  in  1678.  At  all  events,  he  was  there  on  October  16,  1680, 
and  on  December  2  following  a  lot  was  surveyed  for  him  in  New  York  City.  On 
August  30,  1683,  he  was  appointed  deputy-surveyor  in  New  Jersey,  and  in  June, 
1686,  he  was  one  of  the  surveyors  who  ran  the  line  between  New  Jersey  and 
New  York.  On  June  17,  1687,  then  described  as  of  Boston,  he  was  appointed  by 
Andros  to  the  "Office  of  Surveyor  within  y*  Territory  and  Dominion"  of  New 
England.  In  March,  1700,  he  was  one  of  the  commissioners  to  run  the  line  be- 
tween 'New  York  and  Connecticut.  (New  York  Colonial  Documents,  iii.  302, 
312  note,  iv.  630;  Calendar  of  Council  Minutes,  1668-1783  [1902],  pp.  40,  45,  49 
60,  61,  86,  122;  Minutes  of  the  Common  Council  of  the  City  of  New  York,  i.  87; 
New  Jersey  Archives,  i.  517,  518,  521,  ii.  22,  23,  24,  iv.  412,  413,  414,  vi.  148,  149, 
viii.  205,  227,  247,  249,  xiii.  105,  111;  Massachusetts  Archives,  cxxvi.  341.) 


19193        LAND   WARRANTS  ISSUED  UNDER  ANDROS,    1687-1688  295 

observe  and  marke  the  severall  settlements  Claimes  and  pretencona 
made  by  any  person  or  persons  to  the  same  or  any  parte  or  parcells 
thereof  of  which  to  make  Returne  to  me  with  all  possible  speed  And  for 
so  doing  this  shall  be  yor  Warrant  Dated  at  Boston  the  22th  day  of 
June  1687 
To  Mr  John  Smith1  D.  Survey' 

3 

Warrant  to  survey  the  Lands  at  ffeversham.* 

By  His  Excellency  the  Govern1" 

Whereas  John  Maxson8  and  William  Champlain4  have  in  behalf e  of 
themselves  and  the  Town  of  ffeversham  in  the  Kings  Province  by  their 
Peticon6  prayed  that  A  survey  may  be  made  of  the  Lands  in  sdrTowne 
and  that  the  same  may  be  granted  and  confirmed  to  them  These  are 


1  On  June  22, 1687,  John  Smith,  described  as  of  "New  Bristol!  in  y*  County  of 
Bristoll,"  was  appointed  by  Andros  "Deputy  Surveyor  of  Land  within  this  his 
Maties  Territory  and  Dominion  "  of  New  England  (Massachusetts  Archives,  cxxvi. 
341). 

1  At  that  time  there  were  three  townships  in  the  Narragansett  Country  — 
Kingston,  Westerly,  and  Greenwich.  On  May  25,  1686,  Joseph  Dudley  was  in- 
augurated President  of  the  Council  for  New  England,  and  on  June  23  following 
a  court  was  held  at  Kingston  by  "his  Majesty's  Commissioners  and  Justices  .  .  . 
in  the  King's  Province,"  Dudley  himself  and  three  other  members  of  the  Council 
being  present.  The  names  of  Kingston,  Westerly,  and  Greenwich  were  changed 
respectively  to  Rochester,  Feversham,  and  Deptford  —  doubtless  after  the  three 
places  so  called  in  Kent,  England.  A  curious  error  is  sometimes  made  in  regard 
to  the  name  of  Feversham.  In  the  document  printed  in  our  text;  in  documents 
dated  July  18,  1687,  and  July  15,  1688  (Massachusetts  Archives,  cxxvi.  392, 
cxxix.  51-52);  and  in  a  letter  dated  September  13,  1687,  from  John  Rodman  to 
John  Usher  (in  the  Jeffries  Family  Papers,  Massachusetts  Historical  Society), 
the  name  is  clearly  "Feversham."  But  the  old  spelling  "ff,"  merely  of  course  a 
capital  F,  has  misled  some  copyists,  and  in  1  Massachusetts  Historical  Collec- 
tions, v.  247;  in  the  Rhode  Island  Colonial  Records,  iii.  201,  202;  in  Arnold's 
History  of  the  State  of  Rhode  Island  (1878),  1-485;  and  in  the  New  England 
Historical  and  Genealogical  Register,  xxxv.  182,  the  name  is  wrongly  given  as 
"Haveraham."  Similarly  the  name  Deptford,  sometimes  in  the  old  documents 
written  "Dedford,"  has  in  the  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  America  and  West 
Indies,  1685-1688,  no.  925,  p.  261,  been  misread  as  "Bedford." 

»  The  Rev.  John  Maxson  died  December  17,  1720. 

*  William  Champlin  died  December  1,  1713. 

1  The  petition,  dated  July  18,  1687,  of  "the  subscribers  for  our  seluels  and  in 
behatfe  of  the  Towne  weeterle  allias  ffeversham  in  Kings  Province,"  is  in  Massa- 
chusetts Archives,  cxxvi.  392-393.  It  is  signed  by  five  persons,  among  them  John 
Maxson  and  William  Champlin. 


21)0 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS 


[APRIL, 


therefore  to  authorize  &  Impower  yow  to  survey  the  Lands  whereon  the 
inhabitants  of  the  said  Towne  are  settled  &  have  improved  and  likewise 
such  Lands  as  are  conveniently  adjoyning  to  them  and  thereof  to  make 
a  due  returne  that  right  may  be  done  to  the  Peticoners  therein  accord- 
ingly Dated  at  Boston  the  24th  day  of  June  1687 
To  AT  Jn°  Smith  D  Survey' 


Warrant  to  lay  out  50  Acres  of  Land  for  Jn°  Swarton1  in  North- 
yannouth  in  Caskobay 

By  His  Excellency 

Whereas  John  Swarton  hath  by  his  Peticon  Desired  to  have  a  parcell 
of  Land  surveyed  and  layd  out  to  him  in  the  Towne  of  Northyarmouth 
in  Casco  bay  for  his  p'sent  settlement  &  improvem*  These  are  therefore 
to  authorize  &  impower  yow  to  Lay  out  for  the  sd  John  Swarton  the 
quantity  of  fifty  acres  of  Land  in  some  Convenient  place  within  the  sd 
Towne  and  thereof  to  make  returne  to  the  SecTyes  Office  that  the  same 
may  be  Patented  to  him  accordingly  and  for  so  doing  this  shall  be  yop 
warrant  Given  undr  my  hand  at  Boston  the  29th  day  of  June  1687 

To  Cap*  Walter  Gendall 

5 

Warrant  to  survey  a  fanne  at  Charlestoune  for  Charles  Ledgett* 
S*  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Generall  &  Govern'  in  Chiefe  of  his 
Majestyes  Territory  and  Dominion  of  New  England  To  Phillip  Welles 
Esq  Surveyo*  of  the  Territory  &  Dominion  aforesaid  Whereas  Charles 
Ledgett  Esq  hath  by  his  Peticon  desired  a  grant  &  confirmation  of  a 
certaine  fanne  or  parcell  of  Land  lyeing  in  Charlestoune  and  to  have 
an  addicon  of  some  vacant  land  adjoyning  to  the  same  These  are  there- 
fore to  authorize  and  require  yow  forthwith  to  make  a  survey  and  draft 
of  the  sd  fanne  or  parcell  of  Land  and  of  the  Lands  adjoyneing  to  or 
about  the  same  and  thereof  to'make  due  Returne  that  such  grant  &  con- 
firmacon  may  be  given  to  the  Peticoner  as  shall  be  thought  requisite 
and  for  so  doing  this  shall  be  yo*  warr*  Given  undr  my  hand  and  scale 

1  John  Swarton's  name  is  wrongly  printed  "Swanton"  in  Toppan's  Edward 
Randolph  (Prince  Society),  ii.  33  note  70.  In  his  own  petition,  dated  June  16, 
1687  (Massachusetts  Archives,  cxxvi.  358),  in  other  documents  (id.  cxxvi.  375, 
cxxvii.  132),  and  in  the  present  warrant,  the  name  is  clearly  "Swarton,"  though 
the  "r"  is  of  the  old  fashioned  kind  that  might  easily  be  mistaken  by  a  careless 
copyist  for  "n." 

1  Charles  Lidgett  died  in  1698. 


1919]        LAND  WARRANTS  ISSUED  UNDER  ANDROS,   1687-1688  297 

at  Boston  the  5th  day  of  July  in  the  third  year  of  his  Majestyes  Reigne 
Annoq  Dom  1687 

6 

Warrant  to  lay  out  Lands  in  Charlestoune  for  Jn°  Cutler  Jun*1 
Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Generall  &  Govern'  in  Chiefe  of  his 
Majestyes  Territory  &  Dominion  of  New  England  To  Mr  Phillip  Welles 
Surveyor  Whereas  John  Cutle  Junr  of  Charlestoune  hath  desired  his 
Majestyes  Patent  of  confinnacon  for  severall  peeces  and  parcells  of  land 
within  the  Bounds  of  Charlestoune  aforesd  whereon  he  hath  built 
planted  and  improved  and  being  herein  possessed  that  is  to  say  a  peece 
of  wharfe  Land  conteining  fifteene  pooles  another  peece  of  ground  con- 
teining  seven  poole  and  three  quarters  Eleven  Acres  of  meadow  at 
wormers  point  two  acres  and  halfe  of  Land  in  ye  westfield  two  Orchards 
in  the  Eastfield  conteining  twenty  five  Acres  of  Land  in  the  Comon 
called  the  stinted  pasture  and  sixty  four  acres  of  woodland  in  the  Com- 
mon behinde  Cap*  Wades2  farme  these  are  therefore  to  Authorize  and 
require  yow  to  survey  &  lay  out  for  the  said  John  Cutler  the  before- 
menconed  severall  peeces  &  parcells  of  Land  and  p'misses  according  to 
the  severall  Ord"  Deeds  &  conveyances  for  the  same  &  inclosures  and 
to  make  due  Returne  with  a  platt  or  Draft  thereof  into  the  Secryes 
office  that  the  sd  Lands  may  be  confirmed  to  him  accordingly  and  for  so 
doing  this  shall  be  yor  warr*  Given  under  my  hand  and  scale  at  Boston 
the  20th  Day  of  July  1687 

7 

Warrant  to  lay  out  Land  at  Charlestoune  for  Samuell  Ballatt8 
Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Generall  &  Govern'  in  Chiefe  of  his 
Majestyes  Territory  &  Dominion  of  New  England  to  M*  Phillip  Welles 
Survey'  Whereas  Samuell  Ballatt  of  Charlestoune  shipwright  hath  by 
his  Peticon  Desired  his  Majestyes  Confirmacon  of  severall  peeces  or  par- 
cells  of  ground  within  Charlestoune  aforesd  on  which  are  severall  houses 
warehouses  and  wharfes  built  &  Erected  and  which  for  many  yeares  he 
hath  peaceably  possessed  and  Enjoyed  These  are  therefore  to  authorize 
&  require  yow  forthwith  to  survey  and  lay  out  for  the  said  Samuell 
Ballatt  the  sd  severall  Deeds  &  Conveyances  for  the  same  buildings  & 
improvem**  made  and  to  make  Due  Returne  with  a  platt  or  Draft 
thereof  into  the  Secryes  Office  that  the  said  ground  may  be  Confirmed 

1  John  Cutler,  Jr.,  died  August  12,  1708. 

*  Probably  Jonathan  Wade,  who  died  November  24,  1689. 

1  Samuel  Ballatt  died  November  12,  1708. 


298  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY   OF  MASSACHUSETTS  [APRIL, 

to  him  by  Patent  accordingly  and  for  so  Doeing  this  shall  be  yor  warr* 
Given  undr  my  hand  and  scale  at  Boston  the  20th  day  of  July  1687 

8 

Warrant  to  survey  Land  for  Joseph  Dudley  Esq  in  Roxbury 
Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  GenH  &  Governour  in  Chiefe  of  his 
Majestyes  Territory  and  Dominion  of  New  England  to  Mr  Phillip 
Welles  Surveyor  Whereas  CoH  Joseph  Dudley  hath  Desired  his  Majes- 
tyes Patent  of  Confirmacon  for  severall  houses  &  parcells  of  Land  within 
the  towneship  of  Roxbury  (that  is  to  say)  for  his  mansion  house  and 
Land  thereunto  belonging  Conteining  about  seven  Acres  the  Greyhound 
inn  with  the  Land  &  Orchard  thereunto  adjoyneing  Conteining  about 
four  Acres  About  Eight  acres  of  meadow  by  the  Land  of  Thomas  Weld 
about  seven  Acres  of  pasture  by  the  schoolland  about  nine  Acres  more  of 
pasture  by  the  highway  About  One  Acre  of  salt  marsh  by  the  sea,  a 
farme  called  Smithfield  conteining  about  One  hundred  &  forty  Acres 
About  four  Acres  more  of  salt  marsh  by  Jacob  Pepper  about  twenty 
Acres  of  woodland  by  Samuell  Weld  a  parcell  of  land  Conteining  about 
One  hundred  &  thirty  Acres  by  Nathaneel  Garey l  A  tenem*  and  about 
thirteene  Acres  of  Land  in  the  Road  to  Dedham  and  the  halfe  of  a  house 
barne  &  thirty  Acres  of  Land  by  Gyles  Payson2  And  alsoe  One  other 
peece  of  woodland  at  Muddy  River3  being  about  sixteene  Acres  all 
which  he  hath  long  beene  and  now  is  in  the  actuall  possession  and  en- 
joyment off,  These  are  therefore  to  Authorize  and  require  yow  to  survey 
and  lay  out  for  the  said  Joseph  Dudley  the  beforemenconed  severall 
houses  &  parcells  of  Land  according  to  the  severall  Deeds  made  and 
given  for  the  same  and  inclosures  and  to  make  due  returne  with  a  Platt  or 
Draft  thereof  into  the  Secryes  office  that  the  sd  Lands  may  be  con- 
firmed to  him  by  Patent  Accordingly  And  for  so  doing  this  shall  be  yor 
warr*  Given  undr  my  hand  &  scale  at  Boston  the  22th  day  of  July  in 
the  third  yeare  of  his  Majestyes  Reigne  annoq  Dom  1687 

9 

Warrant  to  lay  out  for  Charles  Ledgett  Esq  150  Acres  of  Land  as  an 
addicon  to  his  farme  at  Charlestoune 

Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Generall  &  Govern*  in  Chiefe  of  his 
Majestyes  Territory  and  Dominion  of  New  England  to  Mr  Phillip 
Welles  Surveyor  Whereas  by  the  survey  and  draft  by  yow  made  of  the 

1  Nathaniel  Gary  was  one  of  the  Roxbury  men  to  whom  New  Roxbury  in  the 
Nipmug  Country  was  granted. 

1  Giles  Payson  died  January  28,  1689.  »  Now  Brookline. 


1919]        LAND  WARRANTS  ISSUED  UNDER  ANDROS,   1687-1688  299 

farme  belonging  to  Lieu*  Colt  Charles  Ledgett  in  Charlestoune  and  of 
the  vacant  lands  adjoyneing  Pursueant  to  warrant  of  the  fifth  of 
July  past  there  appeares  to  be  a  parcell  of  of  Common  vacant  &  unim- 
proved land  part  of  which  the  sd  Charles  Ledgett  hath  desired  may  be 
granted  to  him  as  an  addicon  to  the  said  farme  these  are  therefore  to 
authorize  &  require  yow  to  survey  and  stake  out  for  the  sd  Charles 
Ledgett  the  Quantity  of  One  hundred  &  fifty  Acres  of  the  sd  Common 
vacant  &  unimproved  land  as  an  addicon  to  his  sd  fanne  to  beginn  at 
the  Corner  of  the  sd  farme  by  Mistick  bridge  and  to  runn  a  streight 
line  to  the  road  or  way  that  goes  to  Monotomyes  bridge  as  will  include 
about  the  Quantity  of  Acres  which  Road  yow  are  likewise  to  survey  and 
lay  out  as  straight  to  the  sd  bridge  as  the  Land  will  permitt  and  thereof 
to  make  Returne  into  the  Secfyes  Office  that  a  Patent  may  be  Given 
for  the  same  accordingly  Dated  at  Boston  the  first  day  of  August  1687 

10 

Warrant  to  Survey  210  Acres  of  Land  for  Daniel  Wilcock.1 
Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Gener11"  and  Governour  in  Chiefe  of  his 
Majestyes  Territory  and  Dominion  of  New  England  To  John  Smith 
Deputy  Surveyor  Whereas  Daniel  Wilcock  of  Litle  Campton2  in  ya 
County  of  Bristoll  hath  by  his  Peticon  desired  a  graunt  &  Confirmation 
for  One  hundred  &  sixty  Acres  of  Land  on  seconct*  and  for  fifty  Acres 
of  Land  on  a  small  neck  thereto  adjoyneing  Called  Nasinnah*  for 


1  In  1680  the  "lands  att  Pocassett  and  places  adjacent,"  in  the  Plymouth 
Colony,  were  bought  by  eight  persons,  among  them  Benjamin  Church  "of 
Puncatest,"  Daniel  Wilcox  of  "  Portsmouth,  in  the  Colony  of  Rhode  Island,"  and 
Thomas  Waite  "of  Puncatest"  (O.  Fowler,  History  of  Fall  River,  1862,  p.  61: 
cf.  Plymouth  Colony  Records,  vi.  29-30). 

1  On  June  6,  1682,  Sakonnet  (Seaconet,  Seconet,  etc.)  was  incorporated  as 
Little  Compton  (Plymouth  Colony  Records,  vi.  88). 

1  The  clerk's  error  for  "Seconet:"  see  the  next  note. 

4  Perhaps  "Natinnah."  It  should  be  "Natimnah."  In  a  petition  undated 
but  referred  to  John  Walley  and  Nathaniel  Byfield  on  June  6,  1687  (Massachu- 
setts Archives,  cxxvi.  339-340),  Daniel  Wilcox  said:  "That  in  Julij  1679;  There 
was  granted  by  the  seuall  Courts  holden  att  Plymouth  vnto  Samuell  Leonard 
and  John  Lennard  in  right  of  their  father  Solomon  Lennard  the  Quantity  of  One 
Hundred  and  fifty  Acres  of  Land  And  that  the  second  day  of  July  1686  Yor  Petr 
for  a  Valuable  Consideracon  purchased  of  the  said  Samuell  and  John  all  their 
right  and  title  in  and  to  the  said  grant  and  Whereas  yor  Petr  the  Three  &  Twenty- 
eth  of  June  1683  [altered  from  1686,  or  1686  altered  from  1683]  Did  for  a  valuable 
Consideracon  Likewise  purchase  of  Mamanewatt  Cheife  Sachem  of  Seconett  and 
the  Lands  Adjacent;  One  Hundred  acres  of  Land  being  part  of  a  Large  Neck 
of  Land  called  Seconett  butted  and  bounded  as  in  the  Deed  thereof  is  Expressed 


300  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS 

which  he  hath  satisfyed  the  Indians  p'tences  and  on  parte  thereof 
settled  and  improved  These  are  therefore  to  Authorize  and  Require  yow 
to  survey  and  lay  out  for  the  sd  Daniel  Wilcock  the  sd  Parcells  of  Land 
and  to  make  a  platt  or  draft  thereof  and  the  same  to  returne  into  the 
Secryes  Office  at  Boston  with  all  convenient  speed  that  the  same  may  be 
Graunted  and  Confirmed  to  him  accordingly  and  for  so  Doing  this  shall 
be  yor  warrant  Given  under  my  hand  and  scale  att  Boston  the  17th  day 
of  August  1687 

11 

Warrant  to  survey  Land  on  Boston  neck1  for  Francis  Brinley1 
Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Generall  and  Governour  in  Chiefe  of 
his  Majestyes  territory  and  Dominion  of  New  England  To  Mr  John 
Smith  Deputy  Surveyor  Whereas  ffrancis  Brinley  of  Road  Island  Mer- 
chant Hath  by  his  Peticon  sett  forth  that  for  severall  yeares  past  he 
hath  beene  possessed  of  a  certame  tract  of  Land  or  farme  on  the  souther- 
most  end  of  Boston  neck  in  the  Narragansett  Countrey  which  according 
to  its  knowne  bounds  conteines  about  Eight  or  nine  hundred  Acres 
whereon  he  hath  made  Considerable  settlement  &  improvement  pray- 
ing that  the  same  may  be  Granted  &  confirmed  to  him  These  are  there- 
fore to  authorize  &  require  yow  to  survey  and  lay  out  for  the  said 
ffrancis  Brinley  the  sd  Tract  of  Land  or  farme  according  according  to 
its  knowne  bounds  and  Contents  with  an  Addicon  of  ninety  acres  more 
And  to  make  a  Platt  or  Draft  thereof  and  the  same  to  Returne  into  the 
Secryes  Office  with  all  Convenient  speed  that  A  Pattent  may  be  Granted 
therefore  accordingly  And  for  so  doeing  this  shall  be  yor  warrant  Given 
under  my  hand  and  scale  at  Boston  the  18th  day  of  August  1687 

12 

Warrant  to  Lay  out  Lands  at  Pocassett3  for  Tho:  Waite4 
Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Generall  and  Govern'  in  Chiefe  of  his 
Majestyes  Territory  And  Dominion  of  New  England  To  Mr  John  Smith 

And  Likewise  the  21th  of  June  1686  Hath  also  purchased  of  another  Indian  called 
Kewegue  ate  Chackamuck  brother  to  the  said  Mamanewatt  for  a  Like  Valuable 
Conracon  ffifty  acres  of  Land  Lying  on  a  Small  neck  within  the  sd  Large  Neck 
called  Natimnah  butted  and  bounded  as  in  the  deed  thereof  is  sett  forth."  Cf. 
Plymouth  Colony  Records,  vi.  18,  202,  245. 

1  Boston  Neck  is  still  so  called,  lying  between  Wickford  and  Narragansett 
Pier,  R.  I. 

•  Francis  Brinley  (1632-1719). 

*  In  June,   1694,   Pocasset  was  incorporated  as  Tiverton   (Massachusetts 
Province  Laws,  i.  174),  but  in  January,  1747,  was  reincorporated  by  Rhode 
Island  (Rhode  Island  Colonial  Records,  v.  204). 

4  Cf.  p.  299  note  1,  above. 


1919]        LAND  WARRANTS  ISSUED   UNDER  ANDROS,   1687-1688  301 

Deputy  Surveyor  Whereas  Thomas  Waite  of  Little  Compton  hath  by 
his  Peticon  sett  forth  that  he  being  One  of  the  Purchasers  of  the  Lands 
called  Pocassett  in  the  County  of  Bristoll  hath  layd  out  a  Considerable 
Estate  In  building  &  improvement  on  parte  thereof,  &  thereby  praying 
that  the  same  may  be  confirmed  to  him  with  an  Addicon  of  so  much 
Land  adjoyneing  thereto  as  will  make  up  in  the  whole  the  Quantity  of 
three  hundred  Acres  with  Eight  Acres  of  meadow  now  in  his  possession 
lyeing  on  the  southward  end  of  Punckatest  neck1  These  are  therefore 
to  Authorize  &  require  yow  to  survey  and  Lay  out  for  the  said  Thomas 
Waite  the  said  Quantity  of  three  hundred  Acres  of  land  in  manner 
aforesd  together  with  the  said  Eight  Acres  of  meadow  And  to  make  a 
Platt  or  Draft  thereof  and  the  same  to  returne  into  the  Secryes  Office 
Att  Boston  with  all  convenient  speed  that  a  Pattent  may  be  Granted 
therefore  accordingly  Given  under  my  hand  &  scale  at  Boston  the  18th 
day  of  August  1687 

13 

Warrant  to  Lay  out  Land  at  Shawomett2  for  Ralph  Chapman. 

Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap1  Generall  &  Governour  in  Chiefe  of  his 
Majestyes  Territory  &  Dominion  of  New  England  to  Mr  John  Smith 
Deputy  Surveyor  Whereas  Ralph  Chapman  of  Newport  in  Road  Island 
Shipwright  hath  for  the  Conveniency  &  Accomodacon  of  building  of 
ships  and  other  Vessells  prayed  that  about  two  hundred  Acres  of  Land 
might  be  granted  to  him  on  a  certaine  neck  of  Land  called  Shawwomett 
ats  wickopinsett  on  the  westside  of  Taunton  River  These  are  therefore 
to  Authorize  &  Require  yow  (in  Case  yow  in  case  yow  shall  finde  the  sd 
neck  of  Land  to  be  vacant  &  unappropriated)  to  survey  and  lay  out  for 
the  said  Ralph  Chapman  in  some  Convenient  place  there  the  said  Quan- 
tity of  two  hundred  Acres  of  Land  and  to  make  a  platt  or  Draft  thereof 
and  Returne  the  same  into  the  Secryes  Office  att  Boston  with  all  con- 
venient speed  that  A  Pattent  may  be  Granted  therefore  Accordingly 
Given  under  my  hand  and  scale  at  Boston  the  18th  day  of  August  1687 

14 

Warrant  to  Survey  severall  houses  and  Ground  in  Boston  for  Cap1 
Benjamin  Davies* 

S*  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Gen1*  And  Governour  in  Chiefe  of  his 
Majestyes  Territory  &  Dominion  of  New  Engld  To  Mr  Phillip  Welles 

1  Puncatest  Neck  was  in  Sakonnet  now  Little  Compton,  R.  I.  See  p.  299  note 
1,  above. 

1  Now  Somerset.  •  Benjamin  Davis  died  November  26,  1704. 


302 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY   OF  MASSACHUSETTS 


[APRIL, 


Surveyor  Whereas  Benjamin  Davies  of  Boston  Merchant  hath  by  his 
Peticon  sett  forth  that  for  many  yeares  past  he  and  those  under  whome 
he  Claymes  have  beene  possessed  of  a  Certaine  house  Outhouses  & 
Garden  wherein  he  now  dwelleth  a  house  &  Garden  thereto  adjoyneing 
two  Warehouses  joyneing  to  Mr  Parsons  &  Mr  Eyers  and  two  more 
joyneing  to  Mr  Shippen  and  some  Ground  and  wharf e  by  him  made  out 
of  the  sea  within  the  Towne  of  Boston  aforesd  praying  that  the  same 
may  be  Granted  and  Confirmed  to  him  These  are  therefore  to  Author- 
ize &  Require  yow  to  measure  &  survey  for  the  said  Benjamin  Davies 
the  said  severall  houses  outhouses  Gardens  warehouse  Ground  and 
wharfe  before  menconed  and  to  make  platts  or  Drafts  thereof  and  the 
same  to  Returne  into  the  Secryes  Office  with  all  Convenient  speed  that 
a  Pattent  may  be  Granted  therefore  Accordingly  And  for  so  doing  this 
shall  be  yor  warrant  Given  under  my  hand  and  scale  att  Boston  the  4th 
day  of  Sep*  1687 

15 

Warrant  to  Survey  2000  Acres  of  Land  neere  Punkeponge  in 
Dorchester 

Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Gen*  &  Govern'  in  Chiefe  of  his  Maj- 
esty es  Territory  &  Dominion  of  New  England  to  Mr  Phillip  Welles  Sur- 
veyor Whereas  Richard  Thair  hath  by  his  Peticon  sett  forth  that  by 
vertue  of  a  lease  from  Wompatuck  Josias  and  Indian  Sachem  he  is 
possessed  of  a  certaine  tract  of  Land  lyeing  neere  Punkapange  pond  on 
the  south  side  thereof  conteyneing  about  two  thousand  Acres  thereby 
praying  that  the  same  may  be  surveyed  &  Graunted  unto  him  which 
lyeing  within  the  bounds  of  Dorchester  and  Constable  of  sd  towne 
having  upon  my  Order  to  view  the  same  reported  that  the  sd  Land  is 
vacant  &  unimproved  These  are  therefore  to  authorize  and  require  yow 
to  make  a  survey  and  draft  of  the  sd  Tract  or  parcell  of  Land  And 
WTiereas  Rodger  Clap1  layes  Clayme  to  five  hundred  Acres  of  Land 
and  meadow  which  is  parte  of  or  adjoyneing  to  the  Land  before  men- 
coned  for  which  he  hath  likewise  prayed  a  Graunt  Yow  are  therefore  to 
make  a  particular  survey  and  draft  thereof  And  the  same  to  Returne 
into  the  Secryes  office  with  all  convenient  speed  that  such  further  ord™ 
may  be  Given  therein  as  may  be  necessary  and  for  so  Doeing  this  shall 
be  yor  warrant  Given  under  my  hand  and  scale  att  Boston  the  12th  day 
of  Sep*  1687 


Roger  Clap  died  February  2,  1691. 


1919]        LAND  WARRANTS  ISSUED  UNDER  ANDROS,   1687-1688 


16 


303 


Warrant  to  survey  severall  houses  &  Land  in  Boston  for  Edward 
Shippen l 

Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Gentt  and  Govern'  in  Chiefe  of  his 
Majestyes  Territory  &  Dominion  of  New  England  To  Mr  Phillip  Welles 
Surveyor  Whereas  Edward  Shippen  of  Boston  Merchant  hath  by  his 
Peticon  sett  forth  that  for  many  yeares  past  he  and  those  under  whome 
he  Claymes  have  beene  possessed  of  a  certaine  house  and  Ground 
wherein  he  now  liveth  One  other  house  &  Ground  in  ye  Occupacon  of 
Thomas  Savage  One  other  house  and  ground  in  the  occupacon  of  George 
Dansen  severall  warehouse  and  ground  belonging  thereto  and  about 
four  acres  of  ground  hi  pasture  all  within  the  Towne  of  Boston  aforesaid 
praying  that  the  same  may  be  Granted  and  confirmed  to  him  These  are 
therefore  to  Authorize  and  Require  yow  to  measure  and  survey  for  the 
said  Edward  Shippen  the  sd  severall  houses  warehouses  and  ground  be- 
foremenconed  and  to  make  platts  or  Drafts  thereof  and  the  same  to 
return  into  the  Secryes  Office  with  all  convenient  speed  that  a  Pattent 
may  be  Granted  therefore  accordingly  and  for  so  Doeing  this  shall  be 
yor  warrant  Given  under  my  hand  &  scale  att  Boston  the  12th  day  of 
Sep*  1687 

17 

Warrant  to  lay  out  Land  in  Worcester2  for  George  Danson8 
Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Gen*  and  Governour  in  Chiefe  of  of  his 
Majestyes  Territory  &  Dominion  of  New  England  to  Mr  John  Gore4 
Deputy  Surveyor  whereas  George  Danson  of  Boston  Baker  hath  by  his 
Peticon  prayed  my  confirmacon  of  a  certaine  pcell  of  Land  lyeing  within 
the  bounds  of  Worcester  whereon  he  hath  settled  &  unproved  conteyne- 
ing  about  two  hundred  &  forty  Acres  with  fifteene  Acres  of  meadow  and 
that  as  an  addicon  to  the  same  I  would  grant  unto  him  one  hundred  and 
fifty  Acres  more  out  of  the  vacant  lands  that  lye  to  the  Eastward  thereof 
&  adjoyneing  To  the  same  These  are  therefore  to  Authorize  and  Re- 
quire yow  to  survey  and  lay  out  the  said  two  hundred  and  forty  acres 


1  Edward  Shippen  moved  to  Philadelphia  about  1693  and  died  October  2, 1712. 
Cf.  our  Publications,  xx.  266. 

*  On  October  15,  1684,  it  was  ordered  that  the  "plantation  at  Quansigamond 
be  called  Worcester"  (Massachusetts  Colony  Records,  v.  460). 

1  The  will  of  George  Danson  was  dated  December  10, 1689,  and  proved  July  29, 
1696.  (Suffolk  Probate  Files,  no.  1956).  The  name  sometimes  wrongly  appears 
as  Dawson. 

4  John  Gore  of  Roxbury  died  June  26,  1705.    Cf.  p.  306  note  1,  below. 


304  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  [APRIL, 

of  upland  &  fifteen  acres  of  meadow  with  the  Addition  of  One  hundred 
and  fifty  Acres  more  to  the  Eastward  thereof  &  adjoyneing  to  the  same 
of  which  yow  are  to  make  due  Returne  with  a  platt  or  Draft  into  the 
Secryes  Office  that  such  further  Order  may  be  Given  therein  for  accomo- 
<  hit  ing  the  Petitioner  as  may  be  propper  and  for  so  doeing  this  shall  be 
yor  warrant  Given  under  my  hand  &  seale  att  Boston  the  19th  day  of 
Sep*  1687 

18 

Warrant  to  lay  out  Lands  in  the  Napmuge  Country  for  Joseph  Dud- 
ley Esq  &  at. 

Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Generall  and  Govern*  in  Chiefe  of  his 
Majestyes  territory  and  Dominion  of  New  England  To  Mr  John  Gore 
Deputy  Surveyor  Whereas  Joseph  Dudley  and  William  Stoughton  Esqrs 
have  in  behalfe  of  themselves  Major  Robert  Thompson1  and  Doctor 
Daniel  Cox2  Desired  a  grant  and  confirmacon  for  a  certaine  tract  of 
land  In  the  Nipmuge  Country  of  the  Contents  of  Eight  myles  square 
which  was  granted  to  them  in  the  yeare  1683,8  by  the  Genw  Assembly 
of  the  late  Massathusetts  Collony  These  are  therefore  to  Authorize  & 
Require  yow  to  survey  and  lay  out  for  the  sd  Joseph  Dudley  William 
Stoughton  Robert  Thompson  &  Daniell  Cox  the  said  tract  of  Land  con- 
teyneing  Eight  myles  square  in  the  Nipmuge  Country  aforesd  neere 
Worcester  and  to  make  returne  thereof  with  a  platt  or  Draft  Describing 
the  same  into  the  Secryes  Office  that  the  same  may  be  Granted  and 
Confirmed  to  them  Accordingly  and  for  so  Doing  this  shall  be  yor  war- 
rant Given  under  my  hand  &  seale  att  Boston  this  19th  day  of  Sep*  1687 

19 

Warrant  to  lay  out  Lands  in  Worcester  for  Charles  Crossthwaithe 
Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Gen**  &  Govern*  in  Chiefe  of  his  Majes- 
tyes territory  and  Dominion  of  New  England  to  Mr  John  Gore  Deputy 
Surveyor  Whereas  Charles  Crossthwaite  of  Road  Island  hath  by  his 


1  Major  Robert  Thompson  was  of  London. 

1  For  Dr.  Daniel  Coxe  (1640-1730)  of  London,  see  Pennsylvania  Magazine, 
vii.  317-337. 

*  On  May  16, 1683,  the  General  Court,  "hauing  information  that  some  gentle- 
men in  England  are  desirous  to  remoove  themselues  into  this  colony,  &  (if  it  may 
be)  to  setle  themselues  vnder  the  Massachusetts;  for  the  incouragement  of  such 
persons,  .  .  .  this  Court  doth  grant  to  Major  Robert  Thompson,  Willjam 
Stoughton,  &  Joseph  Dudley,  Esq,  and  such  others  as  they  shall  associate  to 
them,"  the  tract  mentioned  in  the  warrant  (Massachusetts  Colony  Records, 
v.  408). 


1919]        LAND  WARRANTS  ISSUED   UNDER  ANDROS,    1687-1688  305 

Peticon  prayed  my  confinnacon  for  a  certaine  Parcell  of  Land  lyeing 
within  the  bounds  of  Worcester  at  a  place  there  called  and  knowne  by 
the  name  of  Burntcoat  Playne  conteyneing  one  hundred  Acres  And  that 
as  an  Addicon  to  the  same  I  would  Grant  unto  him  One  hundred  and 
fifty  acres  more  adjoyneing  These  are  therefore  to  Authorize  and  Re- 
quire yow  to  survey  and  lay  out  the  sd  One  hundred  acres  of  land  with 
the  Addicon  of  One  hundred  &  fifty  acres  more  adjoyneing  to  the  same 
if  so  much  vacant  &  unappropriated  And  to  make  a  due  Returne 
thereof  with  a  platt  or  Draft  into  the  Surveyors  Office  that  such  further 
order  may  be  given  therein  as  shall  be  thought  propper  for  the  accomo- 
dacon  of  the  Peticoners  and  for  so  doeing  this  shall  be  yor  warrant 
Given  under  my  hand  and  scale  at  Boston  the  19th  day  of  Sep*  1687 

20 

Warrant  to  survey  the  vacant  Land  about  Worcester. 

Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Gen1*  and  Govern'  in  Chiefe  of  his 
Majestyes  territory  and  Dominion  of  New  England  to  Mr  John  Gore 
Deputy  Surveyor  Yow  "having  finished  the  severall  surveyes  of  Land  in 
the  Nepmuge  Country  &  within  the  bounds  of  Worcester  according  to 
the  particular  Warrants  for  the  same  These  are  to  Authorize  &  Require 
yow  to  make  a  Generall  survey  of  the  Lands  lyeing  to  the  Eastward  of 
Worcester  &  Oxford  &  betweene  these  places  and  the  severall  townes 
of  Malborough  Wrensham  &  Mendham  And  likewise  to  the  westward  of 
the  towne  of  Worcester  and  betweene  that  and  Quinnebague  River  and 
to  import  as  well  the  Quality  as  Quantity  of  the  sd  Lands  And  to  Re- 
turne the  particular  platt  or  Draft  thereof  in  the  performance  of  which 
all  Officers  and  persons  whatsoever  are  hereby  required  to  be  ayding 
assisting  &  helpfull  to  Yow  therein  as  yow  shall  have  occacon  or  see 
cause  to  Require  the  same  and  for  so  Doeing  this  shall  be  your  warrant 
Given  under  my  hand  and  scale  att  Boston  the  20th  day  of  Sept  1687 

21 

Warrant  to  Survey  nonsuch  farme1  in  the  Province  of  Mayne 
Claymed  by  Sarah  Jourden2  &  John  Hincks.3 

Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Generall  &  Govern'  in  Chiefe  of  his 
Majestyes  Territory  and  Dominion  of  New  England  To  Mr  Richard 

1  Nonsuch  farm  was  in  Scarborough. 

*  Sarah  Jordan  was  the  daughter  of  John  Winter  and  the  widow  of  the  Rev. 
Robert  Jordan,  who  had  died  in  1679. 
'  John  Hinckes  was  a  member  of  the  Council:  cf.  our  Publications,  xvii.  39. 


306 


THE   COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS 


Clements 1  Deputy  Surveyor  Whereas  Sarah  Jorden  widdow  and  John 
Hincks  have  by  their  Peticon  sett  forth  that  the  Predecessors  of  the 
said  Sarah  Jorden  now  the  first  possessors  of  a  certaine  farme  or  neck  of 
Land  lyeing  about  six  myles  from  the  water  side  in  the  Province  of 
Mayne  Comonly  called  and  knowne  by  the  name  of  Jordens  or  nonsuch 
farme  on  which  in  the  life  time  of  her  husband  severall  improvements 
were  made  and  that  since  his  Decease  the  sd  John  Hincks  for  a  valuable 
consideracon  is  become  Intituled  to  one  moyety  of  the  same  which  they 
desire  joyntly  to  improve  praying  the  same  may  be  confirmed  to  them 
by  Pattentt  under  his  Majestye  These  are  therefore  to  authorize  &  Re- 
quire yow  to  make  a  survey  &  draft  of  the  sd  ffarme  or  neck  of  Land  and 
the  same  to  Returne  to  the  surveyors  Office  at  Boston  that  Orders  may 
be  given  therein  for  accomodateing  Of  the  Peticoners  And  for  so  doeing 
this  shall  be  your  warrant  Given  under  my  hand  and  scale  att  Boston 
the  6th  day  of  October  1687 

22. 

Warrant  to  survey  severall  parcells  of  Land,  in  Cascobay  for  Cap* 
Silvanus  Davies.2 

Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Gen*  &  Governour  in  Chiefe  of  his 
Majestyes  Territory  &  Dominion  of  New  England  To  Mr  Richard 
Clements  Deputy  Surveyor  Whereas  Sylvanus  Davies  of  ffalmouth  in 
the  Province  of  Maine  Gentt  and  James  English  of  Boston  Marriner 
have  by  their  Peticon  sett  forth  that  for  severall  yeares  past  they  have 
been  possessed  of  severall  messuages  or  Tenements  Mills  Lands  &  Isl- 
ands in  the  sd  Province  of  Maine  (that  is  to  say,)  A  mossuage  and  lott 
of  Ground  in  which  the  said  Davies  now  liveth  neer  the  ffort3  being 
about  One  Acre  Another  lott  belonging  to  the  sd  messuage  Qt  about  six 
Acres  and  a  small  Island  Called  Little  Chabawk4  Qt.  about  sixty  acres 
Alsoe  another  house  lot  on  the  west  side  the  Cove  neer  the  ffort  about 
One  Acre  A  lott  on  the  neck  q*  six  Acres  and  sixty  Acres  of  Outland 
neer  their  great  saw  mill  Alsoe  sixty  Acres  of  Land  lyeing  to  the  West- 
ward of  Mr  Thaddeus  Clarke  Alsoe  another  parcell  of  Land  at  Kippi- 
sick6  being  a  myle  square  whereon  is  a  dwelling  house  &  sawmill  and 


1  Richard  Clement  (Clemente,  Clements)  was  appointed  deputy  surveyor 
September  16-19,  1687  (Massachusetts  Archives,  cxxvii.  106).  On  the  order  is 
written  "The  like  warr*  for  Jn°  Gore  to  be  Deputy  Surveyor." 

1  Silvanus  Davis  died  in  1703. 

*  Fort  Loyal,  Falmouth. 
4  Little  Chebeag. 

•  Capisick,  a  small  stream  flowing  into  Casco  River. 


1919]        LAND  WARRANTS  ISSUED  UNDER  ANDROS,    1687-1688 


307 


six  or  Eight  Acres  of  meadow  adjoyneing  thereto  Alsoe  another  parcel! 
of  Land  about  three  hundred  Acres  and  about  six  Acres  of  fresh  meadow 
in  nonsuch  meadowes  with  a  streame  of  water  on  which  is  a  house  saw- 
mill and  Gristmill,  Alsoe  another  parcell  of  land  att  Long  Creeke  about 
two  hundred  Acres  with  a  streame  whereon  is  two  houses  &  a  sawmill 
and  another  parcell  of  Land  att  nonsuch  point  and  neere  adjoyneing  to 
it  with  about  fifteene  Acres  of  fresh  meadow  att  nonsuch  mashes  whereon 
is  severall  buildings  and  other  improvem*'  praying  that  the  same  may 
be  Granted  and  confirmed  to  them  These  are  therefore  to  Authorize  & 
Require  yow  to  survey  and  lay  out  for  the  sd  Sylvanus  Davies  And 
James  English  the  said  severall  lotts  peeces  and  parcells  of  Land  meadow 
&  prmisses  and  to  make  Platts  or  Drafts  thereof  and  the  same  forthwith 
to  Returne  into  the  Surveyors  Office  att  Boston  that  the  same  may  be 
Granted  &  Confirmed  to  them  accordingly  and  for  so  doeing  this  shall 
be  yr  warrant  Given  under  my  hand  and  scale  at  Boston  the  6th  day  of 
October  1687 

23 

Warrant  to  survey  severall  parcells  of  Claymed  by  Walter  Barefoot1 
in  Kittery. 

Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Gen**  and  Govern'  in  Chiefe  of  his  Maj- 
estyes  Territory  and  Dominion  of  New  England  to  Mr  Richard  Clements 
Deputy  Surveyor  Whereas  Walter  Barefoot  Esq  hath  by  his  Peticon 
sett  forth  that  for  severall  yeares  past  he  hath  been  possessed  of  a  par- 
cell  of  upland  and  swamp  in  Kittery  in  the  Province  of  Maine  att  a 
place  there  called  spruce  Creeke  Conteyning  two  hundred  and  sixteene 
Acres  Alsoe  another  parcell  of  Land  adjoyneing  in  length  upon  the  Bath 
Conteyning  five  hundred  Acres  Alsoe  another  parcell  of  Land  att  a 
place  Called  the  mill  Creeke  or  point  conteyneing  about  one  thousand 
Acres  And  alsoe  one  other  parcell  of  Land  lyeing  by  the  harbours  mouth 
on  the  Eastside  of  Piscataqua  River  Conteyneing  five  hundred  Acres 
upon  which  he  hath  made  considerable  settlem**  and  improvements 
And  praying  to  have  confirmacon  for  the  same  under  his  Majestye 
These  are  therefore  to  Authorize  &  Require  yow  to  make  a  survey  and 
Draft  of  the  said  severall  parcells  &  quantityes  of  Land  and  the  same 
to  Returne  to  the  Surveyors  Office  att  Boston  that  Orders  may  be  given 
therein  for  accomodateing  the  Peticoner  as  Desired  And  for  so  doeing 
this  shall  be  your  warrant  Given  under  my  hand  and  seale  att  Boston 
the  6th  day  of  October  1687 

1  Walter  Barefoot,  Deputy-Governor  of  New  Hampshire,  died  late  in  1688  or 
early  in  1689. 


308 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS 


24 


[APRIL, 


Warrant  to  Survey  the  Lands  claymed  By  Robert  Lawrence1  in 
Cascobay 

S*  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Gen**  and  Govern'  in  Chiefe  of  his 
Majestyes  territory  And  Dominion  of  New  England  to  Mr  Richd 
Clements  Deputy  Surveyor  jWhereas  Rob*  Lawrence  of  ffalmouth  in 
Cascobay  hath  by  his  Peticon  sett  forth  that  for  severall  yeares  past  he 
hath  beene  possessed  of  a  Certaine  tract  of  Land  &  marsh  lyeing  at 
sapissick*  on  the  northerne  side  of  the  River  to  Extend  to  the  River 
side  of  Amencongen3  whereon  he  now  lives  and  hath  made  consider- 
able settlement  &  improvement  Praying  to  have  confirmacon  for  the 
same  under  his  Majestye  (Excepting  therout  a  parcell  of  Land  about  a 
myle  square  where  on  Cap*  Silvanus  Davies  hath  built  a  sawmill)  These 
are  therefore  to  Authorize  &  Require  yow  to  make  a  survey  and  Draft 
of  the  sd  tract  of  land  &  marsh  (Except  before  Excepted)  and  the  same 
to  Returne  to  the  Surveyors  Office  att  Boston  That  further  Orders  may 
be  given  therein  for  accomodateing  of  the  Peticoner  And  for  so  doeing 
this  shall  be  yor  warrant  Given  under  my  hand  &  scale  att  Boston  the 
6th  day  of  October  1687 

25 

Warrant  to  survey  severall  parcells  of  Land  at  Cascobay  for  Edward 
Ting4  Esq 

Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Generall  and  Govern'  in  Chiefe  of  his 
Majestyes  Territory  and  Dominion  of  New  England  to  Mr  Richard 
Clements  Deputy  Surveyor  Whereas  Edward  Tyng  Esq  hath  by  his 
Peticon  sett  forth  that  in  his  own  Right  and  by  severall  grants  from 
diverse  persons  and  from  the  towne  of  ffalmouth  he  is  possessed  of  a 
messuage  or  Tenement  and  halfe  an  Acre  of  Land  lyeing  neere  ffort 
Loyall  As  alsoe  three  Acres  of  upland  belonging  to  the  said  Tenement 
And  alsoe  another  house  &  barne  with  forty  two  Acres  of  upland  And 
one  hundred  Acres  of  Land  lyeing  betweene  the  Land  of  Thaddeus 
Clarke  and  Ralph  Turner  &  four  Acres  of  marsh  adjoyning  to  the  sd 
Land  being  Divided  from  the  marsh  of  the  sd  Thaddeus  Clarke  by  a 


1  Robert  Lawrence  was  killed  by  Indians  in  May,  1690. 

1  Capisick. 

1  Ammoncongin  (variously  spelled),  "now  universally  called  Congin,  was  ap- 
plied to  a  portion  of  Presumpscot  river  around  the  falls  next  below  Saccarappa" 
(Willis,  History  of  Portland,  p.  242  note). 

4  Edward  Tyng,  a  member  of  the  Council,  died  about  1701. 


1919]        LAND  WARRANTS  ISSUED  UNDER  ANDRO8,   1687-1688  309 

certaine  Creeke  called  Buck  Creeke  And  alsoe  one  halfe  of  Barbary 
Creeke  marsh  the  whole  conteyning  Eight  Acres  next  adjoyneing  to  the 
Land  of  Peter  Bodwin l  all  in  the  Province  of  Maine  praying  that  the 
same  may  be  Granted  and  Confirmed  to  him  These  are  therefore  to 
Authorize  and  Require  Yow  to  Survey  &  lay  out  for  the  said  Edward 
Tyng  the  said  severall  peeces  &  parcells  of  land  meadow  &  premisses 
and  to  make  platts  or  drafts  thereof  and  the  same  forthwith  to  Returne 
into  the  Surveyors  Office  att  Boston  that  a  Pattent  may  be  granted  to 
the  sd  Edward  Tyng  accordingly  and  for  soe  Doeing  this  shall  be  yo' 
warrant  Given  under  my  hand  and  scale  att  Boston  the  6th  day  of 
October  1687 

26 

Warrant  to  Survey  110  Acres  of  Land  in  Cascobay  for  Richard 
Sacombe1 

Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Generall  &  Govern'  in  Chiefe  of  his 
Majestyes  Territory  &  Dominion  of  New  England  To  Mr  Richard 
Clements  Deputy  Surveyor  Whereas  Richard  Sacombe  hath  by  his  Pe- 
ticon  sett  forth  that  he  is  possessed  of  a  certaine  parcell  of  Land  or  farme 
lyeing  in  the  back  Cove  in  ffalmouth  in  Cascobay  Conteyneing  One 
hundred  Acres  of  upland  and  tenne  Acres  of  marsh  where  he  Hath  beene 
at  Great  Charge  in  building  ffenceing  and  improvement  the  same  being 
betweene  the  Land  of  John  Smeath3  and  the  Land  of  James  Rosse4 
praying  the  same  may  be  Granted  &  Confirmed  to  him  under  his  Majes- 
tye  These  are  therefore  to  Authorize  &  Require  yow  to  survey  and  lay 
out  for  the  said  Richard  Sacombe  the  said  hundred  Acres  of  land  and 
tenne  Acres  of  marsh  in  the  ffresh  marsh  at  the  Easterne  End  belonging 
to  the  sd  ffarme  and  to  make  a  Draft  thereof  and  Returne  the  same  to 
the  Surveyors  Office  Att  Boston  That  a  confirmacon  may  be  Granted 
thereupon  to  the  Peticoner  as  Desired  and  for  so  doeing  this  shall  be  yor 
warrant  Given  under  my  hand  and  scale  att  Boston  the  6th  day  of 
October  1687 

27 

Warrant  to  survey  100  Acres  of  Land  in  Caskobay  for  David 
Phippen.6 

Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Generall  &  Govern'  in  Chiefe  of  his 
Majestyes  Territory  and  Dominion  of  New  England  to  Mr  Richard 

1  Peter  Bowdoin:  see  no.  29. 

*  Richard  Seacomb  (Seccomb,  etc.)  died  in  1694. 

*  John  Smith:  see  no.  41. 

4  See  no.  39.  *  David  Phippen  was  killed  by  Indians  in  August,  1703. 


310  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  [APRIL, 

Clements  Deputy  Surveyor  Whereas  David  Phippen  of  Salem  in  the 
County  of  Essex  shipwright  hath  by  his  Peticon  sett  forth  that  his 
father  Joseph  Phippen l  sen'  about  thirty  seven  yeares  since  purchased 
of  George  Cleve2  a  parcell  of  Land  in  Caskobay  Conteyneing  One 
hundred  Acres  the  which  by  himselfe  &  Children  was  quietly  possessed 
and  buildings  and  other  improvements  made  thereon  untill  disturbed 
and  Destroyed  by  the  late  Indian  warr  And  that  the  fifth  day  of  August 
last  past  his  said  father  did  by  Deed  Give  and  Grant  the  same  to  the 
peticoner  And  praying  a  confirmacon  for  the  same  under  his  Majestye 
These  are  therefore  to  Authorize  and  Require  yow  to  survey  &  lay  out 
for  the  said  David  Phippen  the  said  One  hundred  Acres  of  Land  and  to 
make  a  Platt  or  Draft  thereof  and  the  same  to  Returne  to  the  Sur- 
veyors Office  at  Boston  that  a  Confirmacon  may  be  there  upon  granted 
to  the  Petitioner  as  Desired  and  for  so  Doeing  this  shall  be  yor  warrant 
Given  under  my  hand  and  seale  at  Boston  the  8th  day  of  October  1687 

28 

Warrant  to  Survey  200  Acres  of  land  at  Blackpoint  for  Joshua 
Scottow.8 

S*  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap1  Generall  and  Governour  in  Chiefe  of 
his  Majestyes  Territory  &  Dominion  of  New  England  to  Mr  Richard 
Clements  Deputy  Surveyor  Whereas  Joshua  Schottow  Esq  hath  by  his 
Peticon  sett  forth  that  about  twenty  seven  yeares  since  He  did  purchase 
of  Abraham  Josseline4  a  parcell  of  upland  and  marsh  conteyneing 
about  two  hundred  Acres  lyeing  in  the  Towne  of  Scarburough  ais 
Black  point  praying  to  have  a  confirmacon  for  the  same  under  his  Maj- 
estye These  are  therefore  to  authorize  and  Require  yow  to  survey  and 
lay  out  the  sd  parcell  and  quantity  of  upland  &  marsh  and  to  make  a 
platt  and  draft  thereof  And  the  same  to  returne  to  the  surveyors  office 
att  Boston  That  a  Confirmacon  may  be  thereupon  Granted  to  the  Peti- 
coner accordingly  and  for  so  doeing  this  shall  be  your  warrant  Given 
under  my  hand  and  seale  att  Boston  the  8th  day  of  October  1687 

29 

Warrant  to  Survey  100  Acres  of  Land  in  Cascobay  for  Pierre  Baudouin6 

Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Generall  &  Govern'  in  Chiefe  of  his 

Majestyes  territory  and  Dominion  of  New  England  to  Mr  Richard 

1  Joseph  Phippen  made  his  will  July  21,  1687,  and  died  soon  after. 

*  George  Cleeves  died  between  1666  and  1671. 

•  Joshua  Scottow  died  January  20,  1698. 

4  Abraham  Jocelyn  was  a  brother  of  Henry  Jocelyn  and  of  John  Josselyn. 
1  Peter  Bowdoin  died  in  September,  1716. 


1919]        LAND  WARRANTS  ISSUED   UNDER  ANDROS,    1687-1688  311 

Clements  Deputy  Surveyor  Whereas  Pierre  Baudowin  hath  by  his  Pe- 
ticon  Desired  a  Grant  of  One  hundred  Acres  of  vacant  Land  in  Casco- 
bay  for  his  present  settlement  &  improvement  these  are  therefore  to 
authorize  &  Require  yow  to  survey  and  lay  out  for  the  sd  Pierre  Bau- 
douin  the  sd  Quantity  of  one  hundred  Acres  of  vacant  Land  in  Casko- 
bay  aforesaid  in  such  place  there  as  yow  shall  be  directed  to  by  Edward 
Wing1  Esq  One  of  his  Majestyes  Council. and  to  make  a  Platt  or  Draft 
thereof  &  Returne  the  same  into  the  Surveyors  office  att  Boston  that  a 
Pattent  may  be  Granted  to  him  Accordingly  And  for  so  doeing  this 
shall  be  yor  warrant  Given  under  my  hand  and  scale  att  Boston  the  8th 
day  of  October  1687 

30 

Warrant  to  survey  severall  parcells  of  Land  in  Caskobay  for  Walter 
Gendall.1 

S*  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Generall  &  Governour  in  Chiefe  of  his 
Matyes  Territory  and  Dominion  of  New  England  to  Mr  Richard  Clem- 
ents Deputy  Surveyor  Whereas  Walter  Gendall  of  North  Yarmouth 
hath  by  his  Peticon  sett  forth  That  by  Purchase  and  Allottment  he  is 
possessed  of  a  certaine  parcell  of  Land  in  North  Yarmouth  conteyne- 
ing  about  four  hundred  Acres  whereon  he  now  Liveth  and  hath  made 
Considerable  improvement  and  likewise  of  another  parcell  of  Land  in 
the  Towne  of  Scarburough  conteyneing  One  hundred  And  fifty  Acres 
Praying  a  Grant  &  confirmacon  for  the  same  These  are  therefore  to 
Authorize  &  Require  yow  to  survey  and  lay  out  for  the  said  Walter 
Gendall  the  said  parcells  of  Land  and  to  make  platts  or  Drafts  thereof 
and  the  same  forthwith  to  Returne  into  the  Surveyors  Office  att  Boston 
that  the  same  may  be  Granted  &  Confirmed  to  the  Peticoner  accord- 
ingly and  for  so  doeing  this  shall  be  Your  warrant  Given  under  my 
hand  &  scale  att  Boston  the  Eight  day  of  October  1687 

31 

Warrant  to  Survey  1000  Acres  of  Land  in  Watertowne. 

Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Gen*  and  Govern*  in  Chiefe  of  his 
Majestyes  Territory  and  Dominion  of  New  England  To  Mr  Phillip 
Welles  Surveyor  Whereas  Mary  Sherman  the  widdow  of  John  Sherman* 


1  Error  for  "Tyng." 

1  Walter  Gendall  was  killed  by  Indians  in  September,  1688. 
1  The  Rev.  John  Sherman,  who  died  July  8,  1685,  married  for  his  second  wife 
Mary  Launce. 


312 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS 


[APRIL, 


late  of  watertowne  Deceased  hath  by  her  Peticon  sett  forth  that  the 
said  Towne  Granted  to  her  husband  who  was  Minister  there  for  about 
forty  yeares  a  certaine  Remainder  of  Land  after  a  Division  made  which 
amounted  to  about  one  thousand  Acres  which  when  surveyed  was  by 
some  of  the  Towne  thought  too  much  for  him  and  difference  ariseing 
about  the  same  for  A  Peaceable  Issue  the  Peticoners  husband  was  by  a 
Comittee  psuaded  to  conten^  himselfe  with  One  third  parte  thereof  to 
be  forthwith  divided  which  being  hitherto  refused  to  be  Done  she  prayed 
a  Grant  for  the  whole  One  thousand  Acres  of  which  Peticon  notice  being 
Given  to  the  Inhabitants  of  Watertowne  aforesd  severall  appeared  be- 
fore the  Councill  the  seven  &  twentyeth  July  past  &  acknowledged  that 
there  was  about  One  thousand  Acres  of  vacant  Land  within  the  said 
Towne  of  which  the  Peticoners  husband  was  to  have  a  third  parte  but 
not  the  whole  as  Desired  whereupon  after  full  hearing  and  Debate  of 
the  matter  It  was  Ordered  that  the  sd  vacant  Tract  of  Land  be  sur- 
veyed and  that  the  Peticoner  have  about  a  third  parte  thereof  Granted 
to  her  accordingly  These  are  therefore  to  Authorize  &  Require  yow  to 
survey  the  said  Vacant  tract  of  Land  in  Watertoune  aforesd  and  to 
make  a  Platt  or  Draft  thereof  having  reguard  to  the  Quality  as  well  as 
Quantity  of  the  same  And  thereof  to  make  returne  to  the  SecTyes  Of- 
fice that  a  parte  may  be  granted  to  the  sd  Peticoner  And  for  so  doeing 
this  shall  be  yor  warrant  Given  under  my  hand  and  seale  att  Boston  the 
12th  day  of  Sep*  1687 

32 
Warrant  to  survey  107  Acres  of  Land  at  Saco  for  Thomas  Sheppard 

S*  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Generall  &  Governour  in  Chiefe  of  his 
Majestyes  Territory  and  Dominion  of  New  England  To  Mr  Richd 
Clements  Deputy  Surveyor  Whereas  Thomas  Sheppard  Gentr  hath  by 
his  Peticon  prayed  a  Grant  &  Confirmacon  for  seven  Acres  of  land  at 
Saco  River  in  the  Province  of  Maine  which  he  hath  lately  purchased 
and  One  hundred  Acres  more  of  upland  lyeing  between  Little  River  & 
Goose  faire  adjoyneing  to  the  said  Land  These  are  therefore  to  author- 
ize &  Require  yow  to"  survey  and  lay  out  for  the  sd  Thomas  Shippard 
the  said  seven  Acres  and  one  hundred  Acres  of  Upland  and  meadow 
proportionable  if  vacant  there  and  to  make  a  Platt  or  Draft  thereof  and 
Returne  the  same  into  the  surveyors  Office  att  Boston  That  a  Grant 
may  be  Given  to  the  Peticoner  Accordingly  Given  under  my  hand  and 
seale  att  Boston  the  13th  day  of  October  1687 


1919]        LAND  WARRANTS  ISSUED   UNDER  ANDROS,    1687-1688  313 

33 

Warrant  to  Survey  &  lay  out  300  Acres  of  Land  to  Humphrey  Johnson 
Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Gen*  and  Govern'  in  Chief e  of  his 
Majestyes  Territory  and  Dominion  of  New  England  To  Mr  Phillip 
Welles  Surveyor  Whereas  Att  a  Councill  held  the  two  &  twentyeth  of 
June  last  past  it  was  Resolved  that  Humphrey  Johnson  had  three 
Rights  of  Land  in  the  towne  of  scituate  to  be  ascertained  to  him  accord- 
ingly These  are  therefore  to  Authorize  &  Require  yow  to  survey  and  lay 
out  for  the  said  Humphrey  Johnson  for  his  said  three  Rights  the  Quan- 
tity of  three  hundred  Acres  of  vacant  Land  within  the  bounds  of  the  sd 
Towne  in  three  severall  parcells  or  places  where  he  shall  direct  and  yow 
shall  fino!e  it  convenient  and  not  prejudiciall  to  other  settlements  and 
to  make  a  Platt  or  Draft  thereof  and  Returne  the  same  into  the 
Secfyes  office  att  Boston  that  a  Pattent  may  be  Granted  thereupon 
and  for  so  Doeing  this  shall  be  yor  warrant  Given  under  my  hand  & 
scale  att  Boston  the  25th  day  of  November  1687 

34 

Warrant  to  survey  and  lay  out  Mayanexit  farme  in  the  Nipmug 
Country  in  the  County  of  Suffolke  for  Joseph  Dudley  and  Wm  Stough- 
ton  Esqrs 

Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Generall  and  Govr  in  Chiefe  of  his 
Majestyes  Territory  &  Dominion  of  New  England  to  M*  Phillip  Welles 
Surveyor  Whereas  Cofr  Joseph  Dudley  and  Wm  Stoughton  Esqrs  have 
desired  his  Majestyes  Pattent  of  confirmacon  for  a  certaine  tract  of 
Land  or  farme  called  or  knowne  by  the  name  of  Mayanexit1  lyeing 
and  being  in  the  Nipmug  Country  within  the  County  of  Suffolke  Con- 
teineing  three  thousand  Acres  These  are  therefore  to  authorize  and  Re- 
quire yow  to  survey  and  lay  out  for  them  the  said  Joseph  Dudley  and 
William  Stoughton  the  said  tract  of  Land  and  to  make  due  Returne 
with  a  platt  or  draft  thereof  into  the  Secryes  Office  that  the  same  may 
be  confirmed  to  them  by  Pattent  accordingly  and  for  so  doing  this  shall 
be  yor  warrant  Given  under  my  hand  and  scale  Att  Boston  the  second 
day  of  January  in  the  third  yeare  of  his  Majestyes  Reigne  Annoq  Dom 
1687 

£  ANDROS 

By  his  Kxcdt  comand 

JOHN  WEST  D:Scry 
1  The  source  of  Mayanexit  River  ia  now  in  Leicester. 


314 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY   OF  MASSACHUSETTS 


[APRIL, 


35 

Warrant  to  survey  and  lay  out  Manchaog  farme  for  Joseph  Dudley 
and  William  Stoughton  Esqrs 

S*  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Gen**  Govern*  in  Chiefe  of  his  Maj- 
estyes  Territory  and  Dominion  of  New  England  to  M*  Phillip  Welles 
Surveyor  Whereas  Coft  Joseph  Dudley  and  Wiftm  Stoughton  Esqrs  have 
desired  his  Majestyes  Pattent  of  confinnacon  for  a  certaine  tract  of 
Land  or  farme  called  or  knowne  by  the  name  of  Manchaog1  lyeing 
and  being  in  the  Nipmug  Country  within  the  County  of  Suffolke  con- 
teineing  two  thousand  acres  These  are  therefore  to  authorize  and  re- 
quire yow  to  survey  and  lay  out  for  them  the  sd  Joseph  Dudley  and 
William  Stoughton  the  said  tract  of  Land  and  to  make  due  returne 
with  a  platt  or  draft  thereof  into  the  Secryes  Office  that  the  same  may 
be  confirmed  to  them  by  Pattent  accordingly  and  for  so  doeing  this 
shall  be  yor  warrant  Given  under  my  hand  and  seale  att  Boston  the  2d 
day  of  January  in  the  third  yeare  of  his  Majestyes  Reigne  Annoq  1687 

By  Comand  of  his  Excel*  E  AlWKO9 

JOHN  WEST  D  Scry 

36 

Warrant  to  survey  and  lay  out  a  farme  in  Sherbome  and  4?  Acres 
of  meadow  in  Mi<Hx  County  for  Coll  Joseph  Dudley 

ST  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Generall  and  Govern'  in  Chiefe  of  his 
Majestyes  Territory  and  Dominion  of  New  England  to  Mr  Phillip 
Welles  Surveyor  Whereas  Coll  Joseph  Dudley  hath  desired  his  Maj- 
estyes Pattent  of  confirmacon  for  a  certaine  farme  lyeing  in  Sherborne 
within  the  County  of  Mid3x  conteineing  about  two  hundred  and  thirty 
Acres  with  four  acres  and  a  halfe  of  meadow  lyeing  distinct  from  the 
said  farme  in  Medfield  bounds  within  the  Lands  of  George  ffayerbanke 
These  are  therefore  to  authorize  and  require  yow  to  survey  and  lay  out 
for  the  said  Joseph  Dudley  the  said  farme  and  meadow  and  to  make 
due  returne  with  a  platt  or  draft  thereof  into  the  Secryes  office  that  the 
same  may  be  confirmed  to  him  by  Pattent  according  and  for  so  doeing 
this  shall  be  yor  warrant  Given  under  my  hand  and  seale  att  Boston  the 
Second  day  of  January  in  the  third  yeare  of  his  Majestyes  Reigne 

Annoq  Dom  1687 

_    ,.   _     „.  „  _     ,  E  ANDBOS 

By  his  Exceir  Comand 

JOHN  WEST  D  Scry 
1  Probably  in  Sutton. 


1919]        LAND  WARRANTS  ISSUED   UNDER  ANDR08,   1687-1688  315 

37 

Warrant  to  survey  the  great  bay  Called  the  Narrogansett  Bay  &c: 
S*  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  General!  and  Governour  in  Chiefe  of 
his  Majesty es  Territory  and  Dominion  of  New  England  To  Mr  John 
Smith  Deputy  Surveyor  Whereas  by  my  warrant  of  the  two  and  twen- 
tyeth  June  last  past  I  did  order  and  appoint  yow  to  make  a  Generall 
survey  and  draft  of  the  Narrogansett  Country  or  Kings  Province  These 
are  further  to  appoint  and  Authorize  yow  forthwith  to  make  the  like 
survey  &  Draft  of  the  Lands  and  shoare  round  ye  great  Bay  Called 
Narrogansett  Bay  &  of  all  the  Necks  of  Lands  Islands  &  Isletts  within 
or  neere  the  same  and  of  all  the  Land  and  shoare  along  to  Cape  Codd 
therein  observing  and  markeing  the  severall  settlements  Claymes  & 
ptencons  made  by  any  person  or  persons  to  any  parte  or  parcell  thereof 
of  which  yow  are  to  make  returne  to  me  with  all  possible  speed  and  for 
so  doing  this  shall  be  yor  Warrant  Given  under  my  hand  and  scale  att 
Boston  the  18th  day  of  January  in  the  third  year  of  his  Matyes  Reigne 
Annoq  Dom  1687 


Warrant  to  Survey  Land  at  Spurwinck  for  Dominicus  Jourden l 

Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Gen**  and  Govern'  in  Chiefe  of  his 
Majestyes  Territory  &  Dominion  of  New  England  to  Mr  Phillip  Welles 
Surveyor  or  to  any  of  the  Deputy  Surveyors  Whereas  Dominicus  Jour- 
den  of  Spurwinck  in  the  Province  of  Maine  hath  by  his  peticon  sett 
forth  that  Robert  Jourden  his  late  father  Diced  did  by  his  Last  will 
and  testament  bequeath  unto  him  One  thousand  Acres  of  Land  besides 
meadow  thereto  belonging  lyeing  upon  the  river  of  Spurwinck  aforesaid 
And  that  By  virtue  thereof  he  hath  possessed  the  same  for  the  space  of 
tenne  yeares  past  and  hath  built  and  improved  a  considerable  parte 
thereof  and  settled  five  or  six  tennants  thereon  praying  his  Majestyes 
confirmacon  for  the  same  I  do  therefore  hereby  require  and  authorize 
yow  to  survey  and  lay  out  for  the  said  Dominicus  Jourden  the  said  One 
thousand  Acres  of  land  and  meadow  thereto  belonging  and  to  make  a 
platt  or  draft  thereof  and  the  same  to  returne  into  the  Secryes  Office  att 
Boston  that  a  Pattent  may  be  granted  to  him  accordingly  and  for  so 
doing  this  shall  be  your  warrant  Given  under  my  hand  and  seale  att 
Boston  the  Eightenth  day  of  January  in  the  third  yeare  of  his  Maj- 
estyes Reigne  annoq  Dom  1687 

1  Dominicus  Jordan,  a  son  of  the  Rev.  Robert  Jordan,  was  killed  by  Indians 
in  1703. 


316 


THE   COLONIAL  SOCIETY   OF  MASSACHUSETTS 


[APRIL, 


39' 

Warrant  to  Survey  Land  in  Falmouth  for  John  Rosse l 
Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Gen*  and  Governour  in  Chiefe  of  his 
Majestyes  Territory  and  Dominion  of  New  England  To  Mr  Phillip 
Welles  Surveyor  or  to  any  of  the  Deputy  Surveyors  Whereas  John  Ross 
of  Falmouth  in  the  Province  of  Maine  hath  by  his  peticon  sett  forth 
that  for  about  thirty  yeares  past  his  father  and  himselfe  have  been  pos- 
sessed of  a  certaine  parcell  of  Land  in  the  said  Towne  lyeing  att  the 
Back  Cove  Betweene  the  Land  Claymed  By  Richard  Sacombe  and  Ed- 
mund Gale  containing  One  hundred  and  forty  Acres  and  about  tenne 
Acres  of  marsh  att  the  westward  end  of  the  great  marsh  adjoyning  to 
the  said  Land  and  have  beene  at  great  Charge  in  the  improvement 
thereof  praying  his  Majestyes  Confirmacon  for  the  same  I  do  hereby 
require  and  authorize  yow  to  survey  and  lay  out  for  the  said  John  Ross 
the  said  Land  and  marsh  and  to  make  a  platt  or  draft  thereof  and  to 
returne  the  Same  into  the  SecTyes  office  att  Boston  that  a  Pattent  may 
be  granted  unto  him  accordingly  and  for  so  doing  this  shall  be  your 
warrant  Given  under  my  hand  and  scale  att  Boston  the  eightenth  day 
of  January  in  the  third  yeare  of  his  Matyes  Reigne  Annoq  Dom  1687 

40 

Warrant  to  survey  Land  in  Falmouth  for  Thomas  Sanford  et  at 
Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Generall  and  Governour  in  Chiefe  of 
his  Majestyes  Territory  and  Dominion  of  New  England  To  Mr  Phillip 
Welles  Survey'  or  to  any  of  the  Dep*  Surveyors  Whereas  Thomas  San- 
ford  and  Robert  Sanford2  of  ffalmouth  in  the  Province  of  Maine  have 
by  their  Peticon  sett  forth  that  for  about  five  and  thirty  yeares  past 
they  have  beene  and  now  are  possessed  of  a  certaine  parcell  of  Land  in 
the  said  Towne  on  the  Southward  side  of  Casco  River  over  against  the 
fforte  conteining  about  two  hundred  and  forty  Acres  with  about  twenty 
Acres  of  meadow  lyeing  att  the  great  marsh  on  that  side  the  said  River 
and  thereon  have  made  very  large  improvement  Praying  his  Majestyes 
Confirmacon  for  the  same  I  do  hereby  require  and  authorize  yow  to 
survey  and  lay  out  for  the  said  Thomas  Sanford  and  Robert  Sanford 
the  said  Land  and  meadow  and  to  make  a  platt  or  draft  thereof  and  the 
same  to  returne  into  the  SecTyes  Office  att  Boston  that  a  Pattent  may 
be  granted  to  them  accordingly  and  for  so  doing  this  shall  be  yor  war- 

1  John  Ross  was  a  son  of  James  Ross. 

1  This  name  appears  variously  as  Samford,  Stamford,  Standford,  Stanfort, 
and  Stamford.   The  last  form  is  the  one  usually  employed  by  Willis. 


1919]        LAND  WARRANTS  ISSUED  UNDER  ANDROS,   1687-1688  317 

rant  Given  under  my  hand  &  scale  att  Boston  the  Eightenth  day  of 
January  in  the  third  yeare  of  his  Majestyes  Reigne  Annoq  Dom  1687 

41 

Warrant  to  survey  Land  in  Falmouth  for  John  Smith 
Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Gen*  &  Govern'  in  Chiefe  of  his  Maj- 
estyes Territory  and  Dominion  of  New  England  To  Mr  Phillip  Welles 
Survey'  or  to  any  of  the  Dep*  Surveyors  Whereas  John  Smith  of  Fal- 
mouth in  the  Province  of  Maine  hath  by  his  peticon  sett  forth  that  for 
many  yeares  past  he  hath  beene  and  now  is  possessed  of  a  certaine  par- 
cell  of  Land  in  the  said  Towne  lyeing  neere  the  Back  Cove  Conteining 
fifty  Acres  whereof  he  hath  made  considerable  improvement  praying 
his  Majestyes  confinnacon  for  the  same  and  grant  of  an  Addicon  of 
fifty  Acres  more  of  vacant  Land  adjoyning  with  four  Acres  of  marsh  att 
the  great  fresh  marsh  I  do  hereby  require  and  authorize  yow  to  survey 
and  lay  out  for  the  said  John  Smith  the  said  fifty  Acres  of  Land  and  if 
there  be  vacant  Land  adjoyning  to  enlarge  the  same  to  One  hundred 
Acres  with  the  said  four  Acres  of  marsh  if  vacant  and  to  make  a  platt 
or  draft  thereof  and  to  returne  the  same  into  The  Secfyes  Office  att 
Boston  that  a  Pattent  may  be  granted  unto  him  accordingly  and  for  so 
doing  this  shall  be  your  warrant  Given  under  my  hand  and  seale  att 
Boston  the  Eightenth  day  of  January  in  the  third  yeare  of  his  Maj- 
estyes Reigne  Annoq  Dom  1687 

42 

Warrant  to  survey  Land  in  Falmouth  for  Samuel  Ingersell.1 
Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Gen*  &  Govern'  in  Chiefe  of  his  Maj- 
estyes Territory  and  Dominion  of  New  England  To  Mr  Phillip  Welles 
Survey'  or  to  any  of  the  Dep*  Surveyors  Whereas  Samuel  Ingersell  of 
Falmouth  in  the  Province  of  Maine  hath  by  his  peticon  sett  forth  that 
for  severall  yeares  he  hath  beene  and  now  is  possessed  of  severall  par- 
cells  of  Land  in  the  said  Towne  that  is  to  say  a  house  lott  neere  the 
fforte  a  three  acre  lot  upon  the  neck  and  about  two  hundred  acres  of 
Land  on  the  north  side  of  Stroudwater  River  adjoyning  to  the  Land  of 
Cap*  Davyes  whereon  he  hath  beene  att  great  charge  in  improvement 
Praying  his  Majestyes  confinnacon  for  the  same  I  do  hereby  require 
and  authorize  yow  to  survey  and  lay  out  for  the  said  Samuel  Ingersell 
the  said  severall  perils  of  Land  and  to  make  a  platt  or  draft  thereof  and 
the  same  to  returne  into  the  Secryes  Office  att  Boston  that  a  Pattent 

1  Samuel  Ingereoll  was  a  son  of  George  Ingersoll,  Sr. 


318 


THE   COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS 


[APRIL, 


may  be  granted  unto  him  accordingly  and  for  so  doing  this  shall  be  yo* 
warrant  Given  under  my  hand  and  seale  at  Boston  the  Eightenth  day 
of  Jan'7  in  the  third  yeare  of  his  Matyes  Reigne  annoq  Dom  1687 

43 

Warrant  to  survey  Land  in  Scarborough  for  John  Howell 
Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap1  Gen*  &  Govern'  in  Chiefe  of  his  Maj- 
estyes  Territory  and  Dominion  of  New  England  to  M'  Phillip  Welles 
Survey'  or  to  any  of  the  Dep*  Survey"  Whereas  John  Howell  of  Scar- 
borough Planter  hath  by  his  peticon  sett  forth  that  for  about  thirty 
yeares  past  he  hath  beene  possessed  of  a  parcell  of  upland  and  meadow 
to  the  quantity  of  about  fifty  acres  lyeing  in  Scarborough  aforesaid  ad- 
joyning  to  land  Claymed  by  Joshua  Scottow  thereby  praying  his  Maj- 
estyes  Confirmacon  for  the  same  I  do  therefore  Require  and  authorize 
yow  to  survey  and  lay  out  for  the  said  John  Howell  the  said  upland  and 
meadow  and  to  make  a  platt  or  draft  thereof  and  the  same  to  returne 
into  the  Secryes  office  att  Boston  that  a  Pattent  may  be  granted  to  him 
accordingly  and  for  so  doing  this  shall  be  your  warrant  Given  under  my 
hand  and  seale  att  Boston  the  Eightenth  day  of  January  in  the  third 
yeare  of  his  Majestyes  Reigne  Annoq  Dom  1687 

44 

Warrant  to  survey  Land  att  Scarborough  for  Richard  Hum  well1 
Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Generall  and  Governour  in  Chiefe  of 
his  Majestyes  Territory  and  Dominion  of  New  England  To  M'  Phillip 
Welles  Survey'  or  to  any  of  the  Dep*  Survey"  Whereas  Richard  Hum- 
well  of  Scarborough  hath  by  his  peticon  sett  forth  that  for  many  yeares 
past  he  hath  beene  and  now  is  possessed  of  about  sixty  Acres  of  Land 
and  about  tenne  Acres  of  salt  and  fresh  marsh  in  the  said  Towne  and 
thereon  hath  built  a  very  fair  house  thereby  praying  his  Majestyes  Con- 
firmacon for  the  same  with  the  grant  of  an  Addicon  of  One  hundred 
Acres  more  I  do  therefore  require  and  authorize  yow  to  survey  and  lay 
out  for  the  said  Richard  Humwell  the  said  sixty  acres  of  Land  and 
tenne  Acres  of  marsh  and  if  there  be  vacant  Land  sufficient  adjoyning 
yow  are  to  enlarge  the  same  to  the  Quantity  of  One  hundred  and  fifty 
acres  and  to  make  a  Platt  or  draft  thereof  and  the  same  to  returne  into 
the  SecTyes  Office  att  Boston  that  a  Pattent  may  be  granted  to  him 
accordingly  and  for  so  doing  this  shall  be  yor  warrant  Given  under  my 


Richard  Hunnewell  was  killed  by  Indians  in  1703  or  1713. 


1919]        LAND  WARRANTS  ISSUED   UNDER  ANDRO8,    1687-1688 


319 


hand  and  seale  att  Boston  the  Eightenth  day  of  January  in  the  third 
yeare  of  his  Majesty es  Reign  Annoq  Dom  1687 

45 

Warrant  to  survey  Land  in  Scarborough  for  William  Bun-age 
Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Gen11  and  Governour  in  Chiefe  of  his 
Majestyes  Territory  and  Dominion  of  New  England  to  Mr  Phillip 
Welles  Survey'  or  to  any  of  the  Dep*  Survey"  Whereas  William  Burrage 
of  Scarborough  Planter  hath  by  his  peticon  sett  forth  that  for  many 
yeares  before  and  since  the  late  indian  warr  he  hath  beene  possessed  of 
a  small  peece  of  Land  conteining  about  fifty  acres  with  some  addicon 
of  meadow  which  he  purchased  of  One  Henry  Watts  thereby  praying 
his  Majestyes  Confirmacon  for  the  same  I  do  therefore  require  and 
Authorize  yow  to  survey  and  lay  out  for  the  said  William  Burrage  the 
said  peece  of  Land  and  meadow  and  to  make  a  platt  or  draft  thereof 
and  the  same  to  Returne  into  the  Secryes  Office  att  Boston  that  a  Pat- 
tent  may  be  granted  to  him  accordingly  and  for  so  doing  this  shall  be 
yor  warrant  Given  under  my  hand  and  seale  att  Boston  the  Eightenth 
day  of  January  in  the  third  yeare  of  his  Majestyes  Reigne  Annoq  Dom 
1687 

46 

Warrant  to  Survey  houses  &  Land  in  Boston  and  att  Rumley  Marsh 
for  Liev*  Coll.  Nich:  Page1 

Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Gen11  &  Govern'  in  Chiefe  of  his  Maj- 
estyes territory  and  Dominion  of  New  England  To  M'  Phillip  Welles 
Survey'  or  to  any  of  the  Dep*  Survey"  Whereas  Liev*  Coll  Nicholas 
Page  and  Anna  his  wife  have  by  their  peticon  sett  forth  that  they  Are 
seized  of  certaine  houses  and  Lands  in  Boston  and  Rumley  Marsh2  as 
rightly  descended  to  the  said  Anna  from  Cap*  Robert  Keayne3  her 
Grandfather  she  being  the  only  child  descended  from  him  that  is  to  say 
their  dwelling  house  in  Boston  wi$h  some  tenements  and  outhouses 
about  it  and  the  ground  thereto  belonging  a  Certaine  farme  in  the  oc- 
cupacon  of  Benja :  Mosey  att  Rumley  marsh  Conteining  about  seven  or 
Eight  hundred  acres  and  a  small  farme  in  the  occupacon  of  Isaac  Luwes 
at  the  same  place  conteining  about  One  hundred  and  fifty  Acres  Pray- 
ing that  they  may  have  a  Pattent  of  Confirmacon  for  the  same  These  are 

1  Nicholas  Paige  died  in  1717. 
1  Rumley  or  Rumney  Marsh,  now  Chelsea. 

1  Anna  (Keayne)  Paige  was  a  daughter  of  Benjamin  Keayne,  a  son  of  Robert 
Keayne. 


320 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS 


[APRIL, 


therefore  to  require  and  authorize  yow  to  survey  for  the  said  Nicholas 
Page  and  Anna  his  wife  the  said  dwelling  house  tenements  and  out- 
houses about  it  and  ground  thereto  belonging  and  also  the  said  farmes 
att  Rumley  marsh  aforesaid  and  to  make  a  Platt  or  draft  thereof  and 
returne  the  same  into  the  Secryes  office  att  Boston  that  Confirmacon 
may  be  granted  accordingly  and  for  so  doing  this  shall  be  your  warrant 
Given  under  my  hand  and  scale  att  Boston  the  Eightenth  day  of  Jan- 
uary in  the  third  yeare  of  his  Majestyes  Reigne  Annoq  Dom  1687 

47 

Warrant  To  Survey  Land  in  Falmouth  in  the  Province  of  Maine, 
for  John  Spencer. 

Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Generall  and  Governour  in  Chiefe  of 
his  Majesties  Terrytory  and  Dominion  of  New  England  To  Mr  Phillipp 
Wells  Surveyor  or  any  of  the  Deputy  Surveyo's  Whereas  John  Spencer 
of  ffalmouth  in  the  Province  of  Maine  hath  by  his  Peticon  desired  a 
grant  of  One  Hundred  Acres  of  Vacant  Land  for  his  p'sent  Settlem* 
and  Improvement  adjoyning  to  Stroud  water  River  and  fronting  to 
Cascoe  River  over  against  Cape  Sick1  with  Six  or  Eight  Acres  of 
Swamp  or  meadow  neere  the  same  if  to  be  had  These  are  Therefore  to 
require  and  Authorize  you  to  Survey  and  lay  out  for  the  said  John 
Spencer  ye  sd  100  Acres  of  Land  wth  and  Addicon  of  100  Acres  more  if 
to  be  had  in  ye  Said  place  &  Twelve  acres  of  Swamp  or  Meadow  neere 
the  same  if  to  be  had  And  to  make  a  platt  or  Draft  thereof  and  ye  Same 
to  returne  into  the  Sec'ys  Office  att  Boston  y*  a  Pattent  maybe  Granted 
to  him  accordingly  And  for  soe  Doeing  this  shall  be  your  Warrant 
Given  vndr  my  hand  &  Scale  att  Boston  the  Eighteenth  day  of  Jan'y 
in  ye  3d  yeare  of  his  Majesties  Raigne  Annoq  Dni  1687 


48 

Warrant  to  Survey  Land  in  Falmouth  in  the  Province  of  Maine  for 
Richard  Powsley2 

Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Grail  and  Governour  in  Cheife  of  his 
Majesties  Territory  and  Dominion  of  New  England  to  Mr  Phillipp 
Wells  Surveyor  Or  to  any  of  the  Deputy  Surveyo's  Whereas  Richard 
Powsley  of  ffalmouth  in  the  Province  of  Maine  hath  by  his  Peticon  sett 
forth  that  for  this  Thirteen  or  foureteene  yeares  past  hee  hath  beene  in 


1  Capisick. 

*  Richard  Powsland. 


1919]        LAND   WARRANTS  ISSUED   UNDER  ANDROS,    1687-1688 


321 


possion  of  about  Seaventy  Acres  of  Land  and  Marsh  within  the  said 
Towne  and  hath  made  Considerable  Improvement  thereon  by  building 
ffenceing  and  planting  thereby  praying  his  Majesties  Confinnacon  for 
the  same  according  to  the  bounds  already  Settled  I  Doe  therefore  re- 
quire and  Authorize  you  to  Survey  and  lay  Out  for  the  said  Richard 
Powsley  the  said  Land  and  Marsh  according  to  the  bounds  already 
Settled  and  to  make  a  platt  or  Draft  thereof  and  the  same  to  returne 
into  the  Sec'ys  Office  att  Boston  that  a  Pattent  may  be  granted  to  him 
accordingly  aad  for  soe  doeing  this  shall  be  your  Warrant  Given  vnder 
my  hand  &  Scale  att  Boston  the  Eighteenth  day  of  January  In  the 
Third  yeare  of  his  Ma*ies  Raigne  Annoq  Dni  1687 

49 

Warrant  to  Survey  Land  in  ffalmouth  in  the  Province  of  Maine  for 
Mr  George  Ingersolld  Junr  l 

Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Grail  and  Governour  in  Cheife  of  his 
Majesties  Territory  and  Dominion  of  New  England  To  Mr  Phillipp 
Wells  Surveyor  Or  to  any  of  the  Deputy  Surveyors  Whereas  George 
Ingersolld  Junr  of  ffalmouth  in  the  Province  of  Maine  hath  by  his  Pe- 
ticon  Sett  forth  that  for  many  yeares  past  hee  hath  beene  and  now  is 
possessed  of  Seuall  peeces  &  pcclls  of  Land  in  ye  sd  Towne  (that  is  to 
say)  A  house  Lott  neere  the  ffort  of  about  two  acres  a  three  acre  Lott 
vpon  ye  Neck  neere  the  back  Cove  fourty  acres  of  Land  att  the  head 
of  Barbary  Creeke  abovt  a  hundred  acres  of  Land  adjoyning  to  Stroud- 
water  River  next  the  Land  of  Cap*  Silvanus  Davis  and  about  Tenn 
acres  of  Marsh  In  Nonsuch  Marshes  whereon  he  hath  made  greate  Im- 
provement praying  his  Maties  Confirmacon  for  the  same  I  Doe  hereby 
require  and  Authorize  you  to  Survey  &  lay  out  for  ye  Sd  George  Inger- 
soll y*  sd  seuall  peeces  of  Land  and  Marsh  and  to  make  a  platt  or  Draft 
thereof  and  the  same  to  returne  into  y*  Secry's  Office  att  Boston  y*  a 
Pattent  may  be  granted  to  him  accordingly  and  for  soe  doeing  this  shall 
be  your  Warrant  Given  vndr  my  hand  and  Scale  at  Boston  the  Eigh- 
teenth day  of  January  In  the  3d  yeare  of  his  Majesties  Raigne  Annoq 
Dni  1687 

50 

A  Warrant  to  Survey  Land  in  Falmouth  in  y*  Province  of  Maine  for 
Mr  John  Browne  Sen' 

Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Grail  &  Governour  in  Cheife  of  his  Maj- 
esties Territory  &  Dominion  of  New  England  To  Mr  Phillipp  Wells 

1  George  Ingersoll,  Jr.,  was  a  son  of  George  Ingersoll,  Sr.,  and  died  about  1730. 


322 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS 


[APBIL, 


Surveyor  or  to  any  of  the  Deputy  Surveyo's  Whereas  John  Browne 
Sen'  of  ffalmouth  in  the  Province  of  Maine  hath  by  his  Peticon  Sett 
forth  y*  for  seuall  yeares  past  hee  hath  beene  and  now  is  possessed  of  a 
Certaine  parcell  of  Land  in  the  Said  Towne  Lyeing  att  Back  Cove  Con- 
taineing  Sixty  Acres  and  alsoe  another  parcell  of  Land  lyeing  neere  the 
Greate  Marsh  Containeing  two  Hundred  and  fifty  Acres  Alsoe  a  house 
Lott  neere  the  ffort  about  halfe  an  Acre  whereon  att  his  great  Charge 
hee  hath  made  seuall  buildings  and  other  Improvements  praying  his 
Majesties  Confirmation  for  the  Same  and  grant  of  Three  Acres  of  Land 
on  the  Neck  for  an  Accomodation  to  his  house  and  Lott  neere  the  ffort 
and  ffive  Acres  of  Marsh  in  the  said  Great  Marsh  I  Doe  hereby  require 
and  authorize  you  to  Survey  and  Lay  out  for  the  said  John  Browne  the 
said  seuall  parcells  of  Land  with  the  addition  of  Land  and  Meadow  as 
desired  if  vacant  and  to  make  a  Platt  or  Draft  thereof  and  the  same  to 
returne  into  the  Secretaryes  Office  att  Boston  that  a  Pattent  may  be 
Granted  vnto  him  accordingly  And  for  soe  doeing  this  shall  be  your 
Warrant  Given  vnder  my  hand  and  Scale  att  Boston  the  Eighteenth 
day  of  Janry  In  the  Third  yeare  of  his  Majesties  Raigne  Annoq  Dm  1687 

51 

A  Warrant  to  Survey  Land  in  ffalmouth  In  the  Province  of  Maine 
for  Mr  Thomas  Clayce1 

Sr  Edmvnd  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Grail  and  Governour  in  Cheife  of  his 
Majesties  Territory  and  Dominion  of  New  England  to  Mr  Phillipp 
Wells  Surveyo*  Or  to  any  of  the  Deputy  Surveyors  Whereas  Thomas 
Clayce  of  ffalmouth  in  the  Province  of  Maine  hath  by  his  Peticon  sett 
forth  that  for  many  yeares  past  hee  hath  beene  and  now  is  in  possession 
of  seuall  peeces  and  parcells  of  Land  within  the  said  Towne  (that  is  to 
say)  a  house  Lott  att  the  head  of  the  Cove  neere  the  ffort  being  about 
two  acres  and  a  Six  acre  Lott  vpon  the  Neck  and  alsoe  a  parcell  of 
Land  Lyeing  neere  Cap*  Davyes  Sawmill  att  Cape  Sick  betwixt  the 
Land  Claymed  by  Joseph  Ingersell  &  John  Ingersell  Containeing  about 
One  Hundred  acres  with  two  or  Three  Small  Coves  of  Salt  Marsh 
and  Creeke  thatch  within  the  bounds  thereof  whereon  att  his  greate 
Charge  hee  hath  made  Considerable  Improvem*  Praying  his  Matieg 
Confirmation  for  the  Same  I  Doe  hereby  require  and  Authorize  you  to 
Survey  and  lay  out  for  ye  Said  Thomas  Clayce  ye  Sd  Seuall  peeces  and 
parcells  of  Land  and  Marsh  and  to  make  a  platt  or  Draft  thereof  and 
to  returne  ye  Same  into  the  Sec'ys  Office  att  Boston  that  a  Pattent  may 


Thomas  Cloice  (Clayce,  Cloyse,  Cloyes)  was  killed  by  Indians  in  1690. 


1919]        LAND  WARRANTS  ISSUED  UNDER  ANDROS,   1687-1688  323 

be  granted  vnto  him  accordingly  and  for  Soe  doeing  this  Shall  be  your 
\Yarrt  Given  vnd*  my  hand  and  Scale  att  Boston  the  Eighteenth  day 
of  January  In  the  3d  yeare  of  his  Majesties  Ilaigne  Annoq  Dni  1687 

52 

A  Warrant  to  Survey  Land  in  Falmouth  in  the  Province  of  Maine 
for  Mr  John  Lane. 

Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Grail  &  Governo*  in  Cheife  of  his  Maj- 
esties Territory  and  Dominion  of  New  England  To  Mr  Phillipp  Wells 
Surveyor  or  to  any  of  the  Deputy  Surveyo's  Whereas  John  Lane  of 
Falmouth  in  the  Province  of  Maine  hath  by  his  Peticon  Sett  forth  that 
in  Seuall  yeares  past  hee  hath  beene  and  now  stands  possessed  of  Seuall 
peeces  and  parcells  of  Land  in  the  said  Towne  (that  is  to  say)  a  Lott 
wherein  hee  Dwelleth  being  on  the  South  side  of  Cascoe  River  neere 
Papadock1  of  seaven  Acres  and  a  parcell  of  Marsh  and  Swamp  belong- 
ing thereto  Att  the  North  Marsh  being  about  Tenne  Acres  Alsoe  Sixty 
Acres  of  Land  att  a  place  called  pond  Cove  without  Portland2  and  Six 
acres  more  of  Swamp  neere  adjoyning  and  thereon  hath  made  Consider- 
able Improvement  Praying  his  Majesties  Confirmation  for  ye  same  with 
y*  Grant  of  ffourty  Acres  of  Vacant  Land  to  be  added  to  the  Said  Sixty 
Acres  I  Doe  hereby  require  and  Authorize  you  to  Survey  and  Lay  out 
for  the  Said  John  Lane  ye  Said  Seuall  peeces  and  parcells  of  Land  and 
Marsh  wth  the  Addicon  aforesaid  if  Vacant  and  to  make  a  platt  or 
Draft  thereof  And  ye  Same  to  returne  into  ye  Secrys  Office  att  Boston 
that  a  Pattent  may  be  granted  vnto  him  accordingly  And  for  Soe  doe- 
ing  this  shall  be  your  Warrt  Given  vndr  my  hand  &  Scale  att  Boston 
y*  Eighteenth  day  of  January  In  ye  3d  yeare  of  his  Matiei  Raigne  Annoq 
Dni  1687 

53 

A  Warr*  to  Survey  Land  in  Falmouth  in  the  Province  of  Maine  for 
Mr  Edward  Davies. 

Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Generall  and  Governour  in  Cheife  of 

Majesties  Territory  and  Dominion  of  New  England  To  Mr  Phillipp 

Wells  Surveyo'  or  any  of  the  Deputy  Surveyo's  Whereas  Edward  Davis 

•  •f  fTalmouth  in  the  Province  of  Maine  hath  by  his  Peticon  Desired  a 

Grant  of  ffive  hundred  acres  of  vacant  Land  and  Meadow  for  his  Settle- 


1  Purpooduck  Point  is  at  the  mouth  of  Casco  River. 

1  Portland  Head  is  south  of  Purpooduck  Point,  and  Pond  Cove  is  between 
Portland  Head  and  Cape  Elizabeth. 


324 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS 


[APRIL, 


ment  and  Improvement  within  y*  Townes  of  ffalmouth  or  Scarborough 
These  are  therefore  to  require  and  Authorize  you  to  Survey  and  Lay 
out  for  the  said  Edward  Davis  the  said  Quantity  of  five  Hundred  acres 
of  Vacant  Land  in  some  convenient  place  within  either  of  the  said 
Towshipps  with  about  twenty  acres  of  meadow  neere  therevnto  and  to 
make  a  Platt  or  Draft  thereof  and  the  same  to  returne  into  ye  Secre- 
taryes  Office  att  Boston  that  a  Pattent  may  be  granted  to  him  accord- 
ingly And  for  soe  doeing  this  shall  be  your  Warrant  Given  vndr  my 
hand  and  Scale  att  Boston  the  18th  day  of  January  In  the  Third  yeare 
of  his  Majesties  Raigne  Annoq  Dni  1687 

54 

A  warrant  to  survey  Land  in  Falmouth  in  the  Province  of  Maine  for 
Richd  Sacombe 

Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Generall  and  Governour  in  Chiefe  of 
his  Majestyes  Territory  and  Dominion  of.  New  England  To  Mr  Phillip 
Wells  Survey'  or  to  any  of  the  Dep*  Surveyors  Whereas  Richard  Sa- 
combe of  Falmouth  in  the  Province  of  Maine  hath  by  his  petition  sett 
forth  that  he  is  possessed  of  two  severall  lotts  of  ground  in  the  said 
Towne  that  is  to  say  a  house  lott  neere  the  Fort  about  halfe  an  acre 
and  about  six  Acres  upon  the  neck  and  thereon  hath  beene  at  a  great 
charge  in  buildings  and  other  improvements  desireing  his  Majestyes 
Confinnacon  for  the  same  I  do  hereby  require  and  authorize  yow  to 
survey  and  lay  out  for  the  said  Richard  Sacombe  the  said  two  severall 
lotts  of  ground  and  to  make  a  platt  or  draft  thereof  and  the  same  to 
returne  into  the  Secryes  Office  att  Boston  that  a  Patent  may  be  granted 
unto  him  accordingly  and  for  so  doing  this  shall  be  yor  warrant  Given 
under  my  hand  and  scale  att  Boston  the  nintenth  day  of  January  in 
the  third  yeare  of  his  Majestyes  Reigne  annoq  Dni  1687 

55 

A  Warrant  to  survey  Land  in  Falmouth  in  the  Province  of  Maine 
for  Joseph  Webber1 

Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Generall  and  Governour  in  Chiefe  of 
hisj  Majestyes  Territory  and  Dominion  of  New  England  To  Mr  Phillip 
Welles  Surveyor  or  to  any  of  the  Deputy  Surveyors  Whereas  Joseph 
Webber  of  Falmouth  in  the  Province  of  Maine  hath  by  his  peticon  sett 
forth  that  he  is  possessed  of  severall  peeces  of  Land  In  the  said  Towne 
(that  is  to  say)  a  house  lott  neere  the  fforte  of  about  one  acre  and  half 

1  Joseph  Webber  was  probably  the  son  of  Mary  Webber:  see  no.  56. 


1919]        LAND  WARRANTS  ISSUED   UNDER  ANDROS,   1687-1688  325 

a  three  acre  lott  neere  adjoyning  and  about  Eighteen  acres  of  Land  neere 
Stroud  water  mill  adjoyning  to  the  Claymes  of  George  Ingersell  Whereon 
he  hath  beene  at  Charge  in  building  and  making  other  improvements 
praying  his  Matyes  confirmacon  for  the  same  and  grant  of  so  much 
vacant  Land  as  will  make  his  said  Eighteen  acres  Lott  One  hundred 
These  are  therefore  to  require  and  authorize  yow  to  survey  and  lay  out 
for  the  said  Joseph  Webber  the  said  severall  parcells  of  Land  with  the 
addicon  aforesaid  &  to  make  a  Platt  or  draft  thereof  and  the  same  to 
returne  into  the  Secryes  Office  in  Boston  that  a  Pattent  may  be  granted 
to  him  accordingly  and  for  so  doing  this  shall  be  yor  warr*  Given  under 
my  hand  and  scale  att  Boston  the  four  and  twentyeth  day  of  January  in 
the  third  yeare  of  his  Majestyes  Reigne  Annoq  Domini  1687 


56 

A  Warrant  to  survey  Land  in  ffalmouth  in  the  Province  of  Maine 
for  Mary  Webber 

Sp  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Generall  &  Govern'  in  Chiefe  of  his 
Majestyes  Territory  &  Dominion  of  New  England  to  Mr  Phillip  Welles 
Surveyor  or  to  any  of  the  Dep*  Surveyors  Whereas  Mary  Webber  of 
Falmouth  in  the  Province  of  Maine  hath  by  her  peticon  sett  forth  that 
for  severall  yeares  past  she  hath  beene  and  now  is  in  possession  of  sev- 
erall peeces  and  parcells  of  Land  in  ye  said  Towne  that  is  to  say  a  house 
lott  neere  the  Fort  of  about  halfe  an  Acre  and  about  two  acres  belong- 
ing thereto  next  Cap*  Da  vies  lott  and  also  a  parcell  of  Land  lyeing  on 
the  Eastward  side  of  Long  Creeke  at  the  head  of  nonsuch  point  adjoyn- 
ing to  Cap*  Davies  containing  about  sixty  acres  whereon  she  hath 
beene  at  great  charge  in  buildings  and  other  improvements  thereby 
praying  his  Majestyes  confirmacon  for  the  same  and  that  to  the  said 
sixty  Acres  an  Addicon  of  vacant  Land  might  be  granted  to  make  it 
One  hundred  These  are  therefore  to  require  and  Authorize  yow  to  sur- 
vey and  lay  out  for  the  said  Mary  Webber  the  said  severall  parcells  of 
Land  with  the  Addicon  aforesaid  and  to  make  a  platt  or  draft  thereof 
and  the  same  to  returne  into  the  Secryes  Office  at  Boston  that  a  Pattent 
may  be  granted  to  her  accordingly  And  for  so  doing  this  shall  be  yor 
warrant  Given  under  my  hand  and  seale  att  Boston  the  four  and  twen- 
tyeth day  of  January  in  the  third  yeare  of  his  Majestyes  Reigne  Annoq 
Dom  1687 


326 


TUB  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS 


[APRIL, 


57 

A  Warrant  to  survey  Hog  Island  In  the  Province  of  Maine  for  Vines 
Ellicott 

Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Generall  and  Govern'  in  Chief e  of  his 
Matyes  Territory  and  Dominion  of  New  England  to  Mr  Phillip  Welles 
Surveyor  or  to  any  of  the  Dep*  Surveyors  Whereas  Vines  Ellicott  of 
Hog  Island  in  the  Province  of  Maine  hath  by  his  peticon  sett  forth  that 
Cap*  Richd  Vines1  his  Grandfather  about  fifty  yeares  since  was  pos- 
sessed of  the  said  Island  called  Hog  Island  lyeing  in  Cascobay  and  that 
he  as  heir  to  his  said  Grandfather  is  now  in  possession  and  improvem* 
thereof  praying  his  Majestyes  Confirmacon  for  the  same  I  do  hereby 
require  and  authorize  yow  to  survey  and  lay  out  for  the  said  Vines 
Ellicott  the  sd  Island  called  Hog  Island  and  to  make  a  platt  or  draft 
thereof  and  the  same  to  returne  into  the  Secryes  Office  att  Boston  that 
a  Patent  may  be  granted  unto  him  accordingly  and  for  so  doing  this 
shall  be  yor  warrant  Given  under  my  hand  and  scale  at  Boston  the 
nintenth  day  of  January  in  the  third  yeare  of  his  Majestyes  Reigne 
annoq  Dom  1687 

58 

A  Warrant  to  survey  land  In  Scarborough  in  ye  Province  of  Maine 
for  Robert  Tydye  and  others. 

Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Gen*  and  Govern'  in  Chiefe  of  his 
Majestyes  Territory  and  Dominion  of  New  England  To  Mr  Phillip 
Welles  Survey'  or  to  any  of  the  Dep*  Surveyors  Whereas  Robert  Tydye 
Thomas  Bickford  Henry  Lybbey2  David  Libbey  Daniel  Hogg  Matthew 
Libbey  Daniel  Libbey  John  Libbey  Thomas  Leatherby  Thomas  Backer 
John  Slaughter  Anthony  Row  and  Moses  Durant  all  of  Scarborough  in 
the  Province  of  Maine  have  by  their  peticon  sett  forth  that  for  many 
yeares  they  have  been  inhabitants  within  the  said  Towne  and  severall 
of  them  have  great  familyes  which  they  are  not  able  to  mantaine  and 
support  by  reason  of  the  small  quantity  of  land  they  are  confined  to  not 
having  above  six  or  Eight  Acres  a  peece  and  no  meadow  and  that  there 
is  great  quantityes  of  Lands  and  meadows  neere  adjoyning  which  lye 
vacant  and  unimproved  praying  that  their  said  small  Letts  of  Land 
may  be  made  up  to  Each  of  them  about  fifty  or  sixty  acres  and  that 
they  may  have  about  tenne  acres  of  meadow  Each  These  are  therefore 
to  Require  and  Authorize  yow  to  repayre  to  the  dwellings  Of  the  said 

1  Richard  Vines  died  in  1651. 

*  Daniel,  David,  Henry,  John,  and  Matthew  Libbey  were  brothers. 


1919]        LAND  WARRANTS  ISSUED   UNDER  ANDROS,   1687-1688  327 

severall  persons  and  view  the  lotts  they  now  live  on  and  what  vacant 
Land  and  meadows  is  adjoyneing  thereto  or  lyes  convenient  for  them 
and  how  they  may  have  their  said  lotts  Enlarged  as  desired  and  to  make 
a  platt  or  draft  thereof  and  returne  the  same  into  the  Secryes  Office  att 
Boston  that  such  further  Orders  may  be  given  therein  for  the  accomo- 
dation  of  the  Peticoners  as  may  be  propper  and  for  so  doing  this  shall 
be  yor  warrant  Given  under  my  hand  and  seale  att  Boston  the  nintenth 
day  of  January  in  the  third  yeare  of  his  Matyes  Reigne  Annoq  Dom 
1687 

59 

A  Warrant  to  survey  Land  in  Scarborough  in  the  Province  of  Maine 
for  Edward  Bennett 

Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Gen*  &  Govr  in  Chiefe  of  his  Maj- 
esty es  Territory  and  Dominion  of  New  England  To  Mr  Phillip  Welles 
Survey'  or  to  any  of  the  Dep*  Surveyors  Whereas  Edward  Bennett  of 
Scarborough  in  the  Province  of  Maine  hath  by  his  Peticon  sett  forth 
that  for  severall  yeares  past  he  hath  beene  possessed  of  a  certaine  par- 
cell  of  Land  in  the  said  Towne  containing  about  thirty  acres  whereon 
he  hath  made  a  considerable  settlement  and  Improvement  praying  his 
Majestyes  confirmacon  for  the  same  with  an  Addicon  of  so  much 
vacant  Land  adjoyneing  as  will  make  the  whole  to  be  One  hundred 
acres  I  do  hereby  require  and  impower  yow  to  survey  and  lay  out  the 
said  parcell  of  Land  with  such  addicon  as  may  make  up  the  same  One 
hundred  acres  and  to  make  a  platt  and  draft  thereof  and  the  same  to 
returne  into  the  Secryes  Office  att  Boston  that  a  Pattent  may  be  granted 
unto  him  accordingly  and  for  so  doing  this  shall  be  your  Warrant  Given 
under  my  hand  and  seale  att  Boston  the  nintenth  day  of  January  in 
the  third  yeare  of  his  Majestyes  Reigne  Annoq  Dm  1687 

60 

A  Warrant  to  Survey  Land  in  Scarborough  in  the  Province  of  Maine 
for  John  Teney 

Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Gen**  and  Govern*  in  Chiefe  of  his 
Majestyes  Territory  and  Dominion  of  New  England  to  Mr  Phillip 
Welles  Survey'  or  to  any  of  the  Dep*  Survey™  Whereas  John  Teney  of 
Scarborough  in  the  Province  of  Maine  hath  by  his  peticon  sett  forth 
that  for  many  yeares  both  before  and  since  the  Late  Indian  warr  he 
hath  beene  possessed  of  a  certaine  parcell  of  Land  in  the  said  Towne 
on  the  westerly  side  of  Spurwinck  River  containing  about  fifty  acres 


328 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS 


[APRIL, 


and  thereon  made  considerable  improvement  praying  his  Matyes  con- 
firmacon  for  the  same  and  grant  of  an  Addicon  of  fifty  Acres  more  I  do 
hereby  require  and  authorize  yow  to  survey  and  lay  out  for  the  said 
John  Teney  the  said  parcell  of  Land  at  Spurwinck  River  aforesaid  and 
fifty  acres  more  if  vacant  And  to  make  a  platt  or  draft  thereof  and  the 
same  to  returne  in  the  Secryes  office  at  Boston  that  a  Pattent  may  be 
granted  unto  him  accordingly  and  for  so  doing  this  shall  be  yor  warrant 
Given  under  my  hand  and  scale  att  Boston  the  nintenth  day  of  Jan- 
uary in  the  third  yeare  of  his  Matyes  Reigne  Annoq  Dom  1687 


61 

A  Warrant  to  survey  land  att  Blewhills 

Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Generall  &  Governour  in  Chiefe  of  his 
Majestyes  Territory  and  Dominion  of  New  England  to  Mr  Phillip 
Welles  Survey'  or  to  any  of  the  Dep*  Surveyors  Whereas  there  is  a 
parcell  of  Vacant  Land  conteining  about  three  thousand  Acres  lyeing 
neere  the  blew  hills  within  the  County  of  Suffolke  for  parte  of  which 
severall  persons  have  by  their  peticons  Desired  grants  I  do  hereby 
authorize  and  require  yow  to  make  a  generall  survey  and  Draft  of  all 
the  said  parcell  of  Land  and  to  inspect  as^well  the  Quality  as  quantity 
thereof  and  to  returne  the  same  to  me  accordingly  For  which  this  shall 
be  your  warrant  Given  under  my  hand  and  scale  att  Boston  the  third 
day  of  february  Annoq  Dom  1687 

62 

A  Warrant  to  survey  Land  in  Casco  Bay  in  the  Province  of  Maine 
for  Maj:  Earth:  Gidney1 

Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Gen**  and  Govern'  in  Chiefe  of  his 
Majestyes  Territory  and  Dominion  of  New  England  To  Mr  Phillip 
Welles  Surveyor  or  to  any  of  the  Dep*  Surveyors  Whereas  Major 
Bartholomew  Gidney  One  of  his  Majestyes  Councill  hath  by  his  peticon 
desired  his  Majestyes  Grant  &  confirmacon  of  One  thousand  Acres  of 
vacant  Land  on  the  west  side  of  a  River  called  Wesgustagoe  att  the 
head  of  Casco  Bay  in  the  Province  of  Maine  neere  the  Entrance  of  the 
River  and  alsoe  five  hundred  acres  of  more  of  vacant  Land  higher  up 
on  the  said  River  with  One  hundred  Acres  of  meadow  being  parte  of  a 
greater  tract  by  him  said  to  be  many  yeares  since  purchased  in  that 
place  and  whereon  before  the  late  Indian  warr  he  hath  beene  at  great 

1  Bartholomew  Gedney,  a  member  of  the  Council,  died  March  1,  1698. 


1919]        LAND  WARRANTS  ISSUED   UNDER  ANDROS,    1687-1688  329 

charge  in  improvement  I  do  hereby  authorize  and  require  yow  to  survey 
and  lay  out  for  the  said  Bartholomew  Gidney  the  said  parcells  of  Land 
and  meadow  and  to  make  a  platt  or  draft  thereof  and  the  same  to  re- 
turne  into  the  Secryes  Office  att  Boston  that  a  Pattent  may  be  granted 
unto  him  accordingly  and  for  so  doing  this  shall  be  yor  warrant  Given 
under  my  hand  and  scale  att  Boston  the  fourth  day  of  febmary  in  the 
third  yeare  of  his  Matyes  Reigne  annoq  Dom  1687 

63 

A  Warrant  to  survey  Land  in  Falmouth  in  the  Province  of  Maine  for 
John  Skilling 

S'  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Generall  and  Govern'  in  Chiefe  of  his 
Matyes  Territory  and  Dominion  of  New  England  To  Mr  Phillip  Welles 
Survey'  or  to  any  of  the  Dep*  Surveyors  Whereas  John  Skilling  of  Fal- 
mouth in  the  Province  of  Maine  hath  by  his  peticon  sett  forth  that  for 
severall  yeares  past  he  hath  beene  possessed  of  severall  peeces  and  par- 
cells  of  Land  within  the  said  Towne  (that  is  to  say)  a  house  lott  about 
seven  acres  and  about  two  acres  and  a  halfe  of  ground  neere  adjoyning 
about  seventy  acres  of  Land  at  the  Back  Cove  and  about  sixty  acres 
neere  Cap*  Davies  mill  about  three  acres  and  halfe  of  salt  marsh  neere 
the  said  mill  and  about  tenne  acres  of  fresh  meadow  in  nonsuch  meadow 
and  thereon  hath  beene  at  great  charges  in  buildings  and  other  im- 
provements praying  his  Majestyes  Confirmacon  for  the  same  I  do 
hereby  authorize  and  Require  yow  to  survey  and  lay  out  for  the  said 
John  Skilling  the  said  severall  peeces  of  Land  meadow  and  Marsh  and 
to  make  platts  and  drafts  thereof  and  the  same  to  returne  unto  the 
Secryes  Office  att  Boston  that  a  Patent  may  be  granted  unto  him  ac- 
cordingly and  for  so  doing  this  shall  be  your  warrant  Given  under  my 
hand  and  scale  att  Boston  the  seventh  day  of  february  in  the  fourth 
yeare  of  his  Majestyes  Reigne  Annoq  Dom  1687 

64 

A  Warrant  to  Survey  Land  in  Falmouth  hi  y*  Province  of  Maine  for 
Walter  Gendall 

S'  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Generall  and  Governour  in  Chiefe  of 
his  Matyes  Territory  and  Dominion  of  New  England  to  Mr  Phillip 
Welles  Survey'  or  to  any  of  the  Dep*  Surveyors  Whereas  Walter  Gen- 
dall of  Northyarmouth  hath  by  his  peticon  sett  forth  that  he  hath 
beene  about  five  and  twenty  yeares  in  the  possession  of  a  certaine  par- 
cell  of  Land  lyeing  on  the  East  side  of  Spurwinck  River  in  the  Towne 


330 


THE   COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS 


CAPBIL, 


of  Falmouth  containing  about  fifty  acres  and  thereon  hath  made  con- 
siderable buildings  and  other  improvements  praying  his  Majestyes 
confirmacon  for  the  same  with  an  addicon  of  fifty  acres  more  I  do  there- 
fore authorize  and  require  yow  to  survey  and  lay  out  for  the  said  Walter 
Gendall  the  said  fifty  acres  of  Land  with  an  addicon  of  fifty  acres  more 
if  vacant  and  to  make  a  platt  or  draft  thereof  and  the  same  to  returne 
into  the  Secryes  Office  att  Boston  that  a  Patent  may  be  granted  unto 
him  accordingly  and  for  so  doing  this  shall  be  your  warrant  Given  under 
my  hand  and  seale  att  Boston  the  seventh  day  of  february  in  the  fourth, 
yeare  of  his  Majestyes  Reigne  Annoq  Dni  1687 

65 

A  Warrant  to  Survey  Land  at  Blackpoint  River  in  the  Province  of 
Maine  for  Rob*  Elliot1 

Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Generall  and  Governour  in  Chiefe  of 
his  Majestyes  Territory  and  Dominion  of  New  England  To  Mr  Phillip 
Welles  Surveyor  or  to  any  of  the  Dep*  Surveyors  Whereas  Robert  El- 
liot of  Portsmouth  in  the  Province  of  Hampshire  hath  by  his  petition 
sett  forth  that  for  severall  yeares  past  he  hath  beene  possessed  of  a 
certaine  parcell  of  Land  or  fanne  lyeing  in  the  Westerne  side  of  Black- 
point  River  in  the  Province  of  Maine  conteining  about  two  hundred 
and  twenty  acres  and  also  of  another  parcell  of  Land  or  fanne  lyeing 
at  Dunston  on  the  west  side  of  of  the  said  River  Containing  about  two 
hundred  and  thirty  acres  and  hath  made  considerable  improvement  on 
the  said  parcells  of  Land  praying  his  Majestyes  confirmacon  for  the 
same  I  do  hereby  authorize  and  Require  yow  to  survey  and  lay  out  for 
the  said  Robert  Elliott  the  said  parcells  of  Land  or  farmes  and  to  make 
platts  or  drafts  thereof  and  the  same  to  returne  into  the  Secryes  Office 
att  Boston  that  a  Patent  may  be  granted  unto  him  accordingly  and  for 
so  doing  this  shall  be  yor  warrant  Given  under  my  hand  and  Seale  at 
Boston  the  seventh  day  of  february  in  the  fourth  yeare  of  his  Maj- 
estyes Reigne  Annoq  Dom  1687 

66 

A  Warrant  to  survey  Land  at  Cascoe  River  for  John  Wallis8 

Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Generall  and  Govern'  in  Chiefe  of  his 

Majestyes  Territory  and  Dominion  of  New  England  to  Mr  Phillip 

Welles  Surveyor  or  to  any  of  the  Dep*  Surveyors  Whereas  John  Wallis 

of  Falmouth  in  the  Province  of  Maine  hath  by  his  peticon  sett  forth 

1  Robert  Elliot  died  in  1720. 
•  John  Wallis  died  in  1690. 


1919]        LAND  WARRANTS  ISSUED  UNDER  ANDROS,    1687-1688  331 

that  he  and  those  under  whome  he  claymes  have  beene  possessed  of  a 
certaine  paroell  of  Land  in  the  said  Towne  on  the  south  side  of  Cascoe 
River  att  a  place  there  called  Papadock  lyeing  between  the  Land 
Claymed  by  Sampson  Penly  and  Joel  Madiford1  containing  two  hun- 
dred acres  and  of  about  seventeene  Acres  of  meadow  &  Swamp  att  a 
place  called  the  great  marsh  and  about  fifteen  acres  att  two  Other 
small  marshes  called  the  little  marshes  and  have  beene  at  great  charge 
in  the  improvement  thereof  praying  his  Majestyes  Confinnacon  for  the 
same  I  do  therefore  Require  and  authorize  yow  to  survey  and  lay  out 
for  the  said  John  Wallis  the  said  Land  meadow  and  marshes  and  to 
make  a  platt  or  draft  thereof  and  the  same  to  returne  into  the  Secfyes 
Office  att  Boston  that  a  Pattent  may  be  granted  unto  him  accordingly 
and  for  so  doing  this  shall  be  yor  warrant  Given  under  my  hand  and 
scale  att  Boston  the  seventh  day  of  february  in  the  fourth  yeare  of  his 
Majestyes  Reigne  annoq  Dm  1687 

67 

A  Warrant  to  Survey  Land  for  Suball  Dummer2  neere  yorke  Rivers 
mouth 

S*  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Generall  and  Governour  in  Chiefe  of 
his  Majestyes  Territory  and  Dominion  of  New  England  To  Mr  Phillip 
Welles  Surveyor  or  to  any  of  the  Dep*  Surveyors  Whereas  Suball 
Dummer  of  Yorke  in  the  Province  of  Maine  hath  by  his  peticon  sett 
forth  that  for  severall  yeares  past  he  hath  beene  in  y*  actuall  possession 
and  Enjoyment  of  the  One  halfe  or  moyety  of  the  neck  of  Land  comonly 
knowne  by  the  name  of  Alcocks  neck  lyeing  in  Yorke  aforesaid  neere 
Yorks  River  mouth  conteining  about  sixty  Acres  as  also  a  parcell  of 
meadow  lyeing  on  the  Westerne  branch  of  said  River  knowne  by  the 
name  of  Alcocks  marsh  containing  about  four  Acres  whereon  he  now 
liveth  and  hath  made  considerable  improvement  Praying  his  Majestyes 
Confirmacon  for  the  same  I  do  hereby  Require  and  authorize  yow  to 
survey  and  lay  out  for  the  said  Suball  Dumer  the  said  Land  and  meadow 
and  to  make  a  platt  or  draft  thereof  and  the  same  to  returne  into  the 
Secryes  Office  att  Boston  that  a  Patent  may  be  Granted  unto  him  ac- 
cordingly and  for  so  doing  this  shall  be  your  warrant  Given  under  my 
hand  and  scale  at  Boston  the  seventh  day  of  february  in  the  fourth 
yeare  of  his  Majestyes  Reigne  Annoq  Dom  1687 


1  See  no.  96. 

*  The  Rev.  Shubael  Dummer  (H.  C.  1656),  a  son  of  Richard  Dummer  (d. 
December  14,  1678),  was  killed  by  Indians  on  January  25,  1692. 


332 


TUB   COLONIAL  SOCIETY   OF  MASSACHUSETTS 


68 


[APRIL, 


A  Warrant  to  survey  Land  in  Falmouth  in  the  Province  of  Maine 
for  James  Andrews.1 

Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Gen*  and  Governour  in  Chiefe  of  his 
Majestyes  Territory  and  Dominion  of  l^ew  England  To  Mr  Phillip 
Welles  Surveyor  or  to  any  of  the  Dep*  Surveyors  Whereas  James 
Andrews  of  Falmouth  in  the  Province  of  Maine  hath  by  his  Peticon 
sett  forth  that  for  about  forty  or  fifty  yeares  he  hath  beene  possessed 
of  severall  parcells  of  Land  within  the  said  Towne  (that  is  to  say)  a 
parcell  of  Land  lyeing  neere  A  place  called  Monticko2  containing  about 
one  hundred  and  twenty  acres  another  parcell  of  Land  neere  Mussell 
Cove  of  about  One  hundred  acres  which  he  Claymes  in  right  of  his 
Grand  Child  and  another  parcell  of  Land  lyeing  betweene  John  Tucker 
and  Cap*  Gendall  of  about  One  hundred  acres  whereon  he  hath  made 
severall  buildings  and  other  improvements  praying  his  Majestyes  Con- 
firmation for  the  same  and  grant  of  One  hundred  acres  of  vacant  Land 
to  be  added  to  the  first  mentioned  parcell  These  are  therefore  to  require 
and  authorize  yow  to  survey  and  lay  out  for  the  said  James  Andrews 
the  said  severall  parcells  of  Land  with  the  Addition  aforesaid  and  to 
make  a  platt  or  draft  thereof  and  the  same  to  returne  into  the  Secryes 
Office  att  Boston  that  a  Patent  may  be  granted  unto  him  accordingly 
and  for  so  doing  this  shall  be  yop  warrant  Given  under  my  hand  and 
seale  att  Boston  the  seventh  day  of  february  in  the  fourth  yeare  of  his 
Majestyes  Reigne  annoq  Dom  1687 


A  warrant  to  survey  Land  at  Blew  point  for  Edward  Shippen 
Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Generall  and  Governour  in  Chiefe  of 
his  Majestyes  Territory  and  Dominion  of  New  England  to  Mr  Rhichard 
Clements  Dep*  Surveyor  Whereas  Edward  Shippen  of  Boston  Mer- 
chant hath  by  his  peticon  desired  a  grant  and  Confirmacon  under  his 
Majesty  for  a  Certaine  farme  or  parcell  of  Land  lyeing  at  Blewpoint  in 
the  Province  of  Maine  conteining  One  hundred  and  sixty  acres  butting 
&  bounding  upon  the  north  East  side  of  the  River  being  in  breadth 
sixty  Rodd  with  forty  acres  of  meadow  adjoyning  to  the  same  upon  the 
west  side  thereof  the  which  was  taken  upon  Execution  as  the  Estate  of 
Robert  Edmunds  Deced  for  satisfaccon  of  a  Judgement  of  two  hundred 


1  James  Andrews  died  in  1714. 
*  Perhaps  "Monticke." 


1919]        LAND  WARRANTS  ISSUED  UNDER  ANDROS,   1687-1688  333 

pounds  one  from  him  to  the  said  Shippen  and  by  vertue  thereof  he  is 
now  possessed  of  the  same  These  are  therefore  to  authorize  and  re- 
quire yow  to  survey  and  lay  out  for  the  said  Edward  Shippen  the  said 
parcell  and  quantity  of  upland  &  meadow  and  to  make  a  platt  or  draft 
thereof  and  returne  the  same  into  the  Surveyors  Office  att  Boston  that 
a  confirmacon  may  be  granted  thereupon  to  the  peticoner  as  desired 
and  for  so  doing  this  shall  be  yor  warrant  Given  under  my  hand  and 
scale  att  Boston  the  tenth  day  of  October  1687 

70 

A  Warrant  to  survey  Land  by  Back  Cove  at  Cascoe  Bay  in  y*  Prov- 
ince of  Maine  for  Edmund  Gale 

Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Generall  &  Governour  in  Chiefe  of  his 
Matyes  Territory  and  Dominion  of  New  England  To  Mr  Phillip  Welles 
Surveyor  or  to  any  of  the  Dep*  Surveyors  Whereas  Edmund  Gale  of 
Beverly  Marriner  hath  by  his  humble  peticon  prayed  his  Majestyes 
Grant  and  Confirmacon  for  two  hundred  and  fifty  acres  of  vacant  Land 
in  Cascoe  Bay  by  Back  Cove  in  ye  Province  of  Maine  whereon  he  doth 
intend  to  settle  and  improve  I  do  hereby  authorize  and  require  yow  to 
survey  and  lay  out  for  the  said  Edmund  Gale  two  hundred  and  fifty 
acres  of  Land  as  abovesaid  next  unto  the  Land  to  be  layd  out  for  John 
Rosse  of  Falmouth  in  the  Province  of  Maine  aforesaid  with  tenne  acres 
of  marsh  in  the  fresh  marsh  if  to  be  had  and  to  make  a  platt  or  draft 
thereof  and  the  same  to  returne  into  the  Secryes  office  att  Boston  that 
a  Patent  may  be  granted  unto  him  accordingly  and  for  so  doing  this 
shall  be  yor  warrant  Given  under  my  hand  and  seale  att  Boston  the 
fiftenth  day  of  february  in  the  fourth  yeare  of  his  Matyes  Reigne  Annoq 
Domini  1687 

71 

A  warrant  to  Survey  Clarkes  Island  for  Mr  Nathan**  Clarke1 
Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Gen*1"  and  Govern'  in  Chiefe  of  his 
Majestyes  Territory  and  Dominion  of  New  England  To  Mr  Phillip 
Welles  Surveyor  or  to  any  of  the  Dep*  Surveyors  Whereas  Mr  Nathan- 
iell  Clarke  of  Plymouth  hath  by  his  Peticon  desired  that  a  certaine 
small  Island  Called  Clarkes  Island2  lyeing  neer  New  Plymouth  being 
vacant  and  unappropriated  may  be  granted  to  him  for  the  better  settle- 


1  Nathaniel  Clark  died  January  31,  1717. 

*  Clark's  Island  was  the  summer  home  of  our  late  associate,  Professor  William 
W.  Goodwin:  see  our  Publications,  xiv.  299. 


334 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS 


[APIUL, 


men t  and  improvement  thereof  I  do  hereby  authorize  and  require  yow 
to  survey  and  lay  out  for  the  said  Nathaniel  Clarke  the  said  Island 
called  Clarkes  Island  and  to  make  a  platt  or  draft  thereof  and  the  same 
to  returne  into  the  Secryes  Office  att  Boston  that  a  Patent  may  be 
granted  unto  him  accordingly  and  for  so  doing  this  shall  be  yor  warrant 
Given  under  my  hand  &  seale  att  Boston  the  23th  day  of  february  in 
the  fourth  yeare  of  his  Majestyes  Reigne  annoq  Dni  1687 


72 

A  Warrant  to  Survey  a  tract  of  Land  in  or  neere  the  Nipmug  Coun- 
trey  for  Mrs  Margu  Corwin  widdow1  &  Mri  Ann  Winthrop2 

Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Gen*  and  Govern'  in  Chiefe  of  his 
Majestyes  Territory  and  Dominion  of  New  England  To  Mr  Phillip 
Welles  Surveyor  or  any  of  the  Deputy  Surveyors  Whereas  M"  Mar- 
garett  Corwin  widdow  and  M"  Ann  Winthrop  have  By  their  Petition 
Desired  his  Matyes  Grant  and  Confirmacon  for  a  certaine  tract  or  par- 
cell  of  vacant  Land  lyeing  in  or  neere  the  Nipmug  Countrey  of  the  Con- 
tents of  seven  miles  Square  which  they  alleadge  in  the  first  settlement  of 
the  Countrey  was  granted  to  their  Grandfather3  by  the  Indyan  Pro- 
prietor thereof  and  beginning  att  the  Northward  End  is  bounded 
Easterly  by  the  whole  length  of  Chapnocongo  pond  and  runs  south- 
ward seven  miles  and  Westward  square  betweene  the  northerne  and 
Southerne  line  till  seven  miles  square  be  compleated  I  do  hereby  au- 
thorize and  Require  yow  to  survey  and  lay  out  for  the  said  Margarett 
Corwin  and  Ann  Winthrop  the  said  Tract  or  parcell  of  Land  and  to 
make  a  platt  or  draft  thereof  and  the  same  to  returne  into  the  Secryes 
Office  att  Boston  that  a  Patent  may  be  granted  unto  them  accordingly 
and  for  so  doing  this  shall  be  your  sufficient  warrant  Given  under  my 
hand  &  seale  att  Boston  the  fifth  day  of  march  in  the  fourth  yeare  of 
his  Majestyes  Reigne  Annoq  Dni  1687 


1  Margaret  Corwin,  a  daughter  of  the  younger  John  Winthrop  and  the  widow 
of  John  Corwin  (d.  July  12,  1683),  died  November  30,  1711. 

*  Ann  Winthrop,  a  daughter  of  the  younger  John  Winthrop,  married  John 
Richards  in  1692,  and  died  June  27,  1704. 

*  According  to  a  deposition  dated  May  14,  1684,  the  land  was  given  to  Gov. 
John  Winthrop  by  Tacomus;  and  on  May  2,  1685,  was  deeded  by  John  and  Wait 
Winthrop  to  their  sisters  Margaret  Corwin  and  Ann  Winthrop:  see  Suffolk  Deeds, 
xiii.  344,  429-430. 


1919]        LAND  WARRANTS  ISSUED  UNDER  ANDROS,   1687-1688  335 

73 

A  warrant  to  survey  Land  Comonly  called  Quobeague  afe  Brook- 
field  &c: 

Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Gen**1  and  Govern*  in  Chiefe  of  his 
Majestyes  Territory  &  Dominion  of  New  England  To  Mr  Phillip  Welles 
Surveyor  or  any  of  the  Dep*  Survey*'  Whereas  there  is  a  certaine  tract 
or  parcell  of  Land  within  this  Dominion  att  and  neere  to  a  place  called 
and  knowne  By  the  severall  names  of  Quoboague  ais  Brookfield  con- 
venient for  settlement  and  improvement  These  are  therefore  to  au- 
thorize and  require  yow  forthwith  to  repayre  to  the  said  place  and  make 
a  survey  and  draft  of  the  said  lands  called  Quoboague  afe  Brookfield 
and  of  all  such  Lands  as  yow  shall  finde  or  discover  Betweene  that  and 
Connecticutt  River  or  neere  or  adjoyneing  thereunto  fitt  and  conven- 
ient for  settlement  and  what  persons  settled  there  or  improvements 
made  and  thereof  to  make  a  due  returne  into  the  Secryes  Office  att 
Boston  that  further  Order  may  be  Given  for  the  effectual  settling  and 
better  improving  thereof  Accordingly  in  the  doing  whereof  all  Officers 
and  persons  whatsoever  are  to  be  helping  ayding  and  assisting  to  yow 
as  occasion  and  for  so  doing  this  shall  be  yo*  warrant  Given  under  my 
hand  and  scale  att  Boston  the  nintenth  day  of  march  1687 


74. 

A  warrant  to  survey  Land  in  Brantry  for  William  Veazie 
S*  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Generall  &  Governour  hi  Chiefe  of  his 
Majestyes  Territory  and  Dominion  of  New  England  To  Mr  Phillip 
Welles  Surveyor  or  to  any  of  the  Dep*  Surveyors  Whereas  William 
Veazie  of  Brantry  hath  by  his  peticon  sett  forth  that  for  many  yeares 
past  he  hath  beene  an  inhabitant  within  the  said  Towne  and  settled 
and  improved  there  a  lott  of  Land  of  about  tenne  acres  whereon  his 
dwelling  house  standeth  about  twenty  six  acres  of  pasture  and  tenne 
acres  of  fresh  meadow  all  within  fence  and  in  his  possession  praying  his 
Matyes  confirmacon  for  the  same  and  grant  of  two  hundred  acres  more 
of  vacant  and  unappropriated  Land  lyeing  by  a  Brooke  called  Sirketts l 
Ordinary  about  four  miles  from  said  Towne  but  within  the  bounds 
thereof  of  which  publiq  notice  having'  beene  given  to  the  inhabitants 
there  severall  persons  have  made  pretences  but  know  not  the  certainty 
thereof  These  are  therefore  to  authorize  and  require  yow  to  survey  and 
lay  out  the  said  severall  peeces  and  parcells  of  Land  and  to  make  a 

1  Perhape  "Sicketta." 


336  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  [APRIL, 

plate  or  draft  thereof  and  the  same  to  returne  into  the  Secryes  Office 
att  Boston  that  the  certainty  thereof  may  be  knowne  and  such  further 
Order  given  therein  as  shall  be  necessary  and  for  so  doing  this  shall  be 
your  warrant  Given  under  my  hand  and  scale  att  Boston  the  three  and 
twentyeth  day  of  march  in  the  fourth  yeare  of  his  Majestyes  Reigne 
annoq  Dni  1687 

75 
A  Warrant  to  survey  Land  in  Brantry  for  John  Yardly 

Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Generall  and  Govern*  in  Chiefe  of  his 
Majestyes  Territory  and  Dominion  of  New  England  To  Mr  Phillip 
Welles  Survey'  or  to  any  of  the  Dep*  Surveyors  Whereas  John  Yardly 
of  Brantry  hath  by  his  peticon  prayed  his  Majestyes  Grant  of  two 
hundred  acres  of  vacant  and  unappropriated  Land  lyeing  on  the  east 
side  of  Monatinitt  River  att  a  place  there  called  and  knowne  by  the 
name  of  Cutchecoe  about  a  mile  distant  from  the  Saw  mill  for  his  pres- 
ent settlement  and  improvement  of  which  publiq  notice  having  beene 
given  to  the  inhabitants  there  severall  persons  have  made  pretences  but 
know  not  the  certainty  thereof  These  are  therefore  to  authorize  and  re- 
quire yow  to  survey  and  lay  out  the  said  Land  and  to  make  a  platt  or 
draft  thereof  and  the  same  to  returne  into  the  Secryes  Office  att  Boston 
that  the  certainty  thereof  may  be  knowne  and  such  further  Order  may 
be  given  therein  as  may  be  necessary  and  for  so  doing  this  shall  be  yor 
warrant  Given  under  my  hand  and  seale  att  Boston  the  three  and 
twentyeth  day  of  March  in  the  fourth  yeare  of  his  Majestyes  Reigne 
annoq  Dni  1687 

76 

A  Warrant  to  survey  Land  in  Brantry  for  Samuell  Niell1 
Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Generall  and  Governour  in  Chiefe  of 
his  Majestyes  Territory  and  Dominion  of  New  England  To  Mr  Phillip 
Welles  Surveyor  or  to  any  of  the  Dep*  Surveyors  Whereas  Samuell  Niel 
of  Brantry  hath  by  his  peticon  sett  forth  that  he  is  by  purchase  pos- 
sessed of  sixty  seven  acres  of  Land  in  the  said  Towne  and  thereon  hath 
built  and  improved  praying  his  Majestyes  confirmacon  for  the  same  and 
grant  of  one  hundred  acres  of  Waste  Land  adjoyneing  on  the  north- 
east side  thereof  and  fifty  acres  more  on  the  northeast  side  of  the  litle 

1  In  his  petition  (Massachusetts  Archives,  cxxvi.  421)  the  name  is  "Niles," 
and  is  so  entered  in  the  index  to  that  volume;  but  the  petition  is  not  in  the  hand 
of  Niell,  and  his  autograph  signature  reads  "Samuell  Nielld."  In  documents 
dated  April  11,  1689,  he  is  called  "Niel"  (id.  cxxix.  364). 


1019]        LAND  WARRANTS  ISSUED   UNDER  ANDROS,   1687-1688  337 

pond  about  three  miles  from  the  said  Towne  of  which  publiq  notice 
having  beene  given  to  the  inhabitants  there  severall  persons  have  made 
pretences  but  know  not  the  certainty  thereof  These  are  therefore  to 
authorize  and  require  yow  to  Survey  and  lay  out  the  said  severall  peeces 
of  Land  and  to  make  a  platt  or  draft  thereof  and  the  same  to  returne 
into  the  SecTyes  Office  att  Boston  that  the  Certainty  thereof  may  be 
knowne  and  such  further  Order  may  be  given  therein  as  may  be  neces- 
sary and  for  so  doing  this  shall  be  your  warrant  Given  under  my  hand 
and  scale  att  Boston  The  three  and  twentyeth  day  of  March  in  the 
fourth  yeare  of  his  Majestyes  Reigne  annoq  Dni  1687 


77 

A  Warrant  to  survey  Land  in  Brantry  for  John  Cleverly. 

Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Generall  and  Govern'  in  Chiefe  of  his 
Majestyes  Territory  and  Dominion  of  New  England  To  Mr  Phillip 
Welles  Surveyor  or  to  any  of  the  Dep*  Survey™  Whereas  John  Cleverly 
of  Brantry  hath  by  his  peticon  sett  forth  that  for  many  yeares  past  he 
hath  beene  an  inhabitant  within  the  said  Towne  and  settled  and  im- 
proved there  a  home  lott  of  about  two  acres  where  his  house  standeth 
forty  acres  of  Land  more  and  about  Eight  acres  of  salt  meadow  all 
within  fence  and  in  his  possession  praying  his  Majestyes  confirmacon 
for  the  same  and  grant  of  fifty  acres  of  vacant  Land  neere  Babell  brooke 
and  One  hundred  and  fifty  acres  more  beyond  a  place  called  Moores 
farme  within  the  bounds  of  the  said  Towne  of  which  publiq  notice 
having  beene  given  to  the  inhabitants  there  severall  persons  have  made 
p'tences  but  know  not  the  certainty  thereof  These  are  therefore  to 
authorize  and  require  yow  To  survey  and  lay  out  the  said  severall 
peeces  &  parcells  of  Land  and  meadow  and  to  make  a  platt  or  draft 
thereof  and  the  same  to  returne  into  the  SecTyes  Office  att  Boston  that 
the  certainty  thereof  may  be  knowne  and  such  further  Order  may  be 
given  [therein  as  may  be  necessary  and  for  so  doing  this  shall  be  your 
warrant  Given  under  my  hand  and  scale  att  Boston  the  three  and 
twentyeth  day  of  march  in  the  fourth  yeare  of  his  Majestyes  Reigne 
annoq  Dom  1687 

78 

A  Warrant  to  survey  Land  in  Cascobay  for  Peter  Houseing 
Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Generall  and  Governo'  in  Chiefe  of  his 
Majestyes  Territory  &  Dominion  of  New  England  to  Mr  Phillip  Welles 
Surveyor  or  to  any  of  the  Dep*y  Surveyors  Whereas  Peter  Houseing 


338 


T1IE   COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS 


[APRIL, 


hath  by  his  peticon  sett  forth  that  there  is  a  certaine  parcell  of  land  on 
the  westside  Pesumpscott  River  in  Falmouth  in  Cascobay  contain- 
ing about  sixty  acres  whereof  his  father  Peter  Houseing '  Deceased  was 
in  his  lifetime  for  many  yeares  possessed  Praying  his  Majestyes  confir- 
mation for  the  same  with  the  Grant  of  fifty  acres  of  vacant  and  unappro- 
priated Land  neere  adjoyning  I  do  hereby  authorize  and  require  yow 
to  survey  and  lay  out  for  the  said  Peter  Houseing  the  said  sixty  acres 
with  the  said  Addition  if  vacant  and  to  make  a  platt  or  draft  thereof  and 
the  same  to  returne  into  the  Secryes  Office  att  Boston  that  a  Patent 
may  be  granted  unto  him  accordingly  and  for  so  doing  this  shall  be  yor 
warrant  Given  under  my  hand  and  scale  att  Boston  the  tenth  day  of 
Aprill  in  the  fourth  yeare  of  his  Majestyes  Reigne  annoq  Dm  1688 


79 

A  Warrant  to  survey  Land  in  the  Province  of  Maine  for  Walter 
Gendall. 

Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Generall  and  Governour  in  Chiefe  of 
his  Majestyes  Territory  and  Dominion  of  New  England  To  Mr  Phillip 
Welles  Surveyor  or  to  any  of  the  Depty  Surveyors  Whereas  Walter 
Gendall  of  Northyarmouth  in  the  Province  of  Maine  hath  by  his  peti- 
con sett  forth  that  he  is  possessed  of  a  certain  messuage  or  tenement 
and  a  small  parcell  of  Land  about  tenne  acres  lyeing  neere  Maines 
point2  on  the  southside  of  Ryalls  River  in  the  said  Towne  as  alsoe  four 
Acres  of  meadow  in  Cozins  River  belonging  thereto  alsoe  one  other  mes- 
suage or  tenement  lyeing  neere  Fort  Loyall  next  to  Cap*  Tings  and 
three  severall  parcells  of  meadow  belonging  to  his  fanne  at  Spurwinck 
on  the  eastside  of  the  said  River  conteining  about  twenty  acres  and  also 
a  parcell  of  meadow  att  the  head  of  the  great  cove  being  about  six  acres 
and  one  other  peece  in  Cozins  River  of  about  twelve  acres  which  be- 
longs to  his  fanne  att  Northyarmouth  Praying  his  Majestyes  confirm- 
acon  for  the  same  and  grant  of  and  addicon  of  fifty  acres  of  vacant  Land 
adjoyning  to  his  said  tenne  acres  as  alsoe  a  grant  of  two  hundred  acres 


1  The  elder  Peter  Housing  died  about  1673. 

*  Russell  says  that  "in  1652,  John  Maine  lived  on  the  Foreside;  and  a  point 
which  yet  retains  his  name,  directs  us  to  the  place  of  his  settlement "  (History  of 
North  Yarmouth,  p.  171).  In  a  petition  not  dated  but  referred  to  Walter  Gendall 
on  June  10, 1687,  John  Maine  said  that  "about  thirty  yeares  since  [he]  purchased 
an  house  in  Casco  Bay,  with  sixty  Acres  of  Land  adjoyneing  Scittuate  neare  the 
Middle  of  Casco  Bay;  on  the  Westerly  side  of  Westgostuggo  River;  at  a  Certaine 
place  there,  Comonly  Called  and  knowne  by  the  name  of  Maines  Point"  (Massa- 
chusetts Archives,  cxxvi.  347-348). 


1919]        LAND  WARRANTS  ISSUED   UNDER  ANDROS,    1687-1688 


339 


more  or  vacant  Land  att  Arriscott1  where  the  Illutherean  people2 
were  lately  settled  but  deserted  with  twelve  acres  of  meadow  if  cann  be 
found  convenient  and  alsoe  sixty  acres  of  Land  more  against  little  Clap- 
board Island  formerly  layd  out  to  John  Ockman  I  Doe  hereby  au- 
thorize and  require  yow  to  Survey  and  lay  out  for  the  said  Walter  Gendall 
the  said  severall  peeces  and  parcells  of  Land  and  meadow  with  the  ad- 
dicons  as  desired  if  vacant  and  to  make  platts  or  drafts  thereof  and  the 
same  to  returne  into  the  Secryes  office  att  Boston  that  a  Patent  may  be 
granted  unto  him  accordingly  and  for  so  doing  this  shall  be  yor  warrant 
Given  under  my  hand  and  scale  att  Boston  the  tenth  day  of  Aprill  in 
the  fourth  yeare  of  his  Matyes  Reigne  annoq  Dni  1688 


80 

A  Warrant  to  Survey  Land  in  the  Province  of  Maine  for  Nathaniell 
Wallis.' 

Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Generall  and  Governour  in  Chiefe  of 
his  Majestyes  Territory  and  Dominion  of  New  England  to  Mr  Phillip 
Welles  Surveyor  or  to  any  of  the  Depty  Survey'8  Whereas  Nathaniell 
WTallis  of  Falmouth  in  the  Province  of  Maine  hath  by  his  peticon  sett 
forth  that  for  many  yeares  past  he  hath  beene  possessed  and  made  im- 
provements on  severall  parcells  of  Land  in  the  said  Towne  of  Falmouth 
and  Northyannouth  (that  is  to  say)  fifty  Acres  of  Land  lyeing  att  the 
Back  cove  betweene  the  Land  Claymed  by  John  Smith  and  John 
Browne  One  hundred  acres  of  Land  lyeing  on  the  westside  of  Pesump- 
scott  River  Betweene  the  Lands  claymed  by  Mr  Jones  and  John  Nicolls 
with  tenne  acres  of  meadow  or  swamp  belonging  to  it  where  was  for- 
merly his  gristmill  and  housing  one  hundred  acres  of  Land  in  the  great 
Cove  in  North  Yarmouth  neere  to  Cap*  Gendalls  with  tenne  acres  of 
swamp  or  meadow  neere  adjoyning  And  alsoe  one  hundred  acres  of  Land 
and  four  acres  of  meadow  lyeing  on  the  eastside  of  Cozins  River  in 


1  Russell  gives  Harriseket  as  the  Indian  name  of  the  present  Freeport  (History 
of  North  Yarmouth,  p.  167).  What  is  called  Arriscicott  River  in  no.  90  and 
Arrisicket  River  in  no.  92,  elsewhere  appears  as  Harriseeket  River  (Collections 
Maine  Historical  Society,  iv.  105)  and  even  as  "Henery  Sickett  his  River"  (York 
Deeds,  iii.  53). 

*  Eleuthera,  one  of  the  Bahama  Islands,  was  laid  waste  by  the  Spaniards,  and 
in  1686  some  of  the  inhabitants  came  to  Boston  and  were  settled  at  North  Yar- 
mouth, which,  however,  they  "were  forced  to  desert"  because  they  "had  not 
food  to  subsist  there  to  or  great  damage  &  vndoing:"  see  2  Proceedings  Maroa- 
chusetts  Historical  Society,  xiii.  15-16, 265.    Cf .  our  Publications,  iii.  421  note  2. 

•  Nathaniel  Wallis  died  October  18,  1709. 


340  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  [APRIL, 

Northyarmoiith  aforesaid  praying  his  Majestyes  confirmacon  for  the 
same  and  Grant  of  an  addicon  of  fifty  acres  of  vacant  land  adjoyning 
to  the  fifty  acres  aforemenconed  att  Back  cove  with  four  acres  of 
meadow  in  the  great  fresh  marsh  if  vacant  and  two  hundred  acres  of 
vacant  Land  neere  adjoyning  to  tb^  said  hundred  acres  neere  Cap* 
Gendalls  I  Doe  hereby  authorize  and  require  yow  to  survey  and  lay  out 
for  the  said  Nathaniell  Wallis  the  said  severall  Parcells  of  Land  and 
meadow  with  the  said  Addicons  as  desired  if  vacant  and  to  make  a 
platt  or  draft  thereof  and  the  same  to  returne  into  the  Secryes  Office  att 
Boston  that  a  Patent  may  be  granted  unto  him  accordingly  And  for  so 
doing  this  shall  be  yor  warrant  Given  under  my  hand  and  scale  att 
Boston  the  tenth  day  of  Aprill  in  the  fourth  yeare  of  his  Majestyes 
Reigne  annoq  Dm  1688 

81 

A  Warrant  to  survey  Land  in  the  Province  of  Maine  for  Abraham 
Collings. 

Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Generall  &  Governour  in  Chiefe  of  his 
Majestyes  territory  and  Dominion  of  New  England  To  Mr  Phillip  Welles 
Surveyor  or  to  any  of  the  Deputy  Survey"  Whereas  Abraham  Collings 
of  Falmouth  in  the  Province  of  Maine  hath  by  his  humble  peticon 
prayed  his  Majestyes  Grant  and  confirmacon  of  about  sixty  acres  of 
vacant  and  unimproved  land  in  the  southside  of  Casco  river  next  ad- 
joyning on  the  east  of  the  Claymes  of  Isaac  Davies  neere  Silvanus 
Da  vies  sawmill  and  Gristmill  with  tenne  acres  of  swamp  where  the  same 
may  be  found  convenient  and  vacant  I  doe  hereby  authorize  and  re- 
quire yow  to  survey  and  lay  out  for  the  said  Abraham  Collings  the  said 
sixty  acres  of  Land  and  tenne  acres  of  swamp  if  vacant  and  to  make 
platts  or  drafts  thereof  and  the  same  to  returne  into  the  Secryes  office 
att  Boston  that  a  Patent  may  be  granted  unto  him  accordingly  and  for 
so  doing  this  shall  be  yor  warrant  Given  under  my  hand  and  seale  att 
Boston  the  eightenth  day  of  Aprill  in  the  fourth  yeare  of  his  Matyes 
reigne  annoq  Dni  1688 

82 

A  Warrant  to  survey  Land  in  the  Province  of  Maine  for  Matthew 
Palling.1 

Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Generall  and  Governour  in  Chiefe  of 
his  Majestyes  Territory  and  Dominion  of  New  England  To  Mr  Phillip 

1  Matthew  Paulling  married  a  daughter  of  John  Wallia. 


1919]        LAND  WARRANTS  ISSUED   UNDER  ANDROS,   1687-1688  341 

Welles  Surveyor  or  to  any  of  the  DeptJP  Surveyors  Whereas  Matthew 
Palling  Of  Falmouth  in  the  Province  of  Maine  hath  by  his  peticon  sett 
forth  that  he  is  possessed  of  a  house  lott  of  about  halfe  an  acre  neere  the 
ffort  whereon  he  hath  a  dwelling  house  and  about  thirty  acres  belonging 
to  the  said  house  lott  on  the  west  side  of  Pesumpscot  river  betwixt  the 
lands  claimed  by  John  Nicolls  &  Nathaniell  Wallis  And  alsoe  of  about 
Eight  acres  of  land  given  him  by  his  father  in  Law  and  whereon  he 
hath  erected  two  dwelling  houses  and  made  other  improvements  pray- 
ing his  Majestyes  confirmacon  for  the  same  with  the  Grant  of  the  ad- 
dicon  of  seventy  acres  of  vacant  Land  neere  maiden  Cove  neere  unto 
the  Land  Claimed  by  Nathan*  White  and  Eight  acres  of  swamp  neere 
adjoyning  to  the  little  marsh  I  doe  hereby  authorize  and  require  yow 
to  survey  and  lay  out  for  the  said  Matthew  Palling  the  said  severall 
parcells  of  Land  and  premisses  with  the  addicon  desired  if  vacant  and 
to  make  platts  or  drafts  thereof  and  the  same  to  returne  into  the  Secryes 
Office  att  Boston  that  a  Patent  may  be  granted  unto  him  accordingly 
And  for  so  doing  this  Shall  be  your  warrant  Goven  under  my  hand  and 
seale  att  Boston  the  eightenth  day  of  April  in  the  fourth  yeare  of  his 
Matyes  Reign  annoq  Domini  1688 

83 

A  Warrant  to  survey  Land  in  the  Province  of  Maine  for  Nathan** 
White. 

S*  Edmund  Andres  Kn*  Cap*  Generall  and  Governour  in  Chiefe  of 
his  Majestyes  Territory  and  Dominion  of  New  England  to  Mr  Phillip 
Welles  Surveyor  or  to  any  of  the  Depty  Survey™  Whereas  Nathaniell 
White  of  Falmouth  in  the  Province  of  Maine  hath  by  his  humble  pe- 
ticon sett  forth  that  he  is  possessed  of  one  hundred  acres  of  Land  neere 
maiden  cove  in  ffalmouth  abovesaid  whereon  are  two  houses  and  sun- 
dry other  improvements  alsoe  tenne  acres  of  marsh  and  swamp  in  a 
place  called  the  Northmarsh  praying  his  Majestyes  confirmation  for  the 
same  I  Doe  hereby  authorize  and  require  yow  to  survey  and  lay  out  the 
same  for  the  said  Nathan*  White  and  to  make  platts  or  drafts  thereof 
and  the  same  to  returne  into  the  Secryes  office  att  Boston  that  a  Patent 
may  be  granted  unto  him  accordingly  and  for  so  doing  this  shall  be  yor 
warrant  Given  under  my  hand  and  seale  att  Boston  the  Eightenth  day 
of  Apr  ill  in  the  fourth  yeare  of  his  Majestyes  Reigne  annoq  Dni  1688 


342 


TUB   COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS 


[APRIL, 


A  Warrant  to  survey  Land  in  the  Province  of  Maine  for  George 
Bremhall.1 

Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Generall  and  Govern'  in  Chiefe  of  his 
Majestyes  Territory  and  Dominion  c  /  New  England  to  Mr  Phillip  Welles 
Surveyor  or  to  any  of  the  Depty  Surveyors  Whereas  George  Bremhall 
of  Falmouth  in  the  Province  of  Maine  hath  by  his  peticon  sett  forth 
that  for  many  years  past  he  hath  beene  and  now  is  possessed  of  a  house 
and  house  lott  in  the  Towne  aforesaid  neere  the  ffort  of  about  halfe  an 
acre  and  alsoe  of  a  certaine  tract  or  parcell  of  Land  in  the  said  Towne 
on  the  north  side  of  Casco  river  next  adjoyning  on  the  west  side  of  a 
tract  of  Land  belonging  to  Cap*  Silvanus  Davies  in  quantity  about  four 
hundred  acres  whereon  Att  his  great  charge  and  expence  he  hath  made 
considerable  buildings  and  other  improvements  praying  his  Majestyes 
confirmacon  for  the  same  I  Doe  hereby  authorize  and  require  yow  to 
survey  and  lay  out  for  the  said  George  Bremhall  the  said  house  lott  and 
tract  of  Land  or  so  much  as  can  be  conveniently  layd  out  for  him  in  the 
said  place  and  to  make  platts  or  drafts  thereof  and  the  same  to  returne 
into  the  Secryes  office  att  Boston  that  a  Patent  may  be  granted  unto 
him  accordingly  and  for  so  doing  this  shall  be  yor  warrant  Given  under 
my  hand  and  seale  att  Boston  the  Eightenth  day  of  Aprill  in  the  fourth 
yeare  of  his  Majestyes  Reigne  annoq  Dni  1688 

85 

A  Warrant  to  survey  land  in  the  Province  of  Maine  for  John  Harris. 

S*  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Genw  and  Govern*  in  Chiefe  of  his 
Matyes  territory  and  Dominion  of  New  England  to  Mr  Phillip  Welles 
Surveyor  or  to  any  of  the  Depty  Surveyors  Whereas  John  Harris  of 
Falmouth  in  the  Province  of  Maine  hath  by  his  humble  peticon  sett 
forth  that  he  is  possessed  of  a  certaine  tract  of  Land  in  the  said  Towne 
next  adjoyning  to  the  Land  of  Mp  Peter  Bodwin  on  the  South  side  of 
Casco  River  conteining  about  sixty  acres  whereupon  is  Erected  a  dwell- 
ing house  alsoe  of  a  house  and  house  lott  neere  the  ffort  of  the  quantity 
of  about  three  fourth  parts  of  an  acre  And  alsoe  of  about  three  acres  of 
Land  upon  the  neck  praying  his  Majestyes  confirmacon  for  the  same 
together  with  an  addicon  of  forty  acres  more  to  the  first  menconed  par- 
cell  adjoyning  to  the  same  att  the  head  of  Silvanus  Davies  lott  att  the 
head  bounds  of  nonsuch  point  towards  Scarborough  I  doe  hereby  au- 


1  George  Bramhall  was  killed  by  Indians  in  September,  1690. 


1919]        LAND  WARRANTS  ISSUED  UNDER  ANDROS,   1687-1688  343 

thorize  and  require  yow  to  survey  and  lay  out  for  the  said  John  Harris 
the  said  severall  parcells  of  Land  with  the  addicon  if  vacant  and  to 
make  platts  or  drafts  thereof  and  the  same  to  returne  into  the  Secryes 
Office  att  Boston  that  a  Patent  may  be  granted  unto  him  accordingly 
and  this  shall  be  your  warrant  Given  under  my  hand  and  scale  att 
Boston  the  Eightenth  day  of  Aprill  in  the  fourth  yeare  of  his  Majestyes 
Reigne  annoq  Dni  1688 


A  Warrant  to  survey  land  in  the  Province  of  Maine  for  John  Ilollman 
Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Generall  and  Govern'  in  Chiefe  of  his 
Majestyes  territory  and  Dominion  of  New  England  to  Mr  Phillip  Welles 
Surveyor  or  to  any  of  the  Depty  Surveyors  Whereas  John  Holhnan  of 
Falmouth  in  the  Province  of  Maine  hath  by  his  petition  sett  forth  that 
for  many  yeares  past  he  hath  beene  and  now  is  possessed  of  severall 
peeces  and  parcells  of  Land  in  the  said  Towne  (that  is  to  say)  about 
four  acres  att  a  place  there  called  Sandfords  point  about  seventeen 
acres  on  the  Soutside  of  Cascoe  river  adjoyning  to  Lawrence  Davies 
and  alsoe  a  certaine  parcell  of  Land  in  North  yarmouth  on  the  east- 
ward side  of  the  great  cove  against  Ellicotts  Island  whereon  he  hath 
beene  att  great  charge  and  expence  in  building  and  other  improvements 
praying  his  Majestyes  Confinnacon  for  the  same  and  Grant  of  one  hun- 
dred acres  more  of  vacant  Land  and  tenne  acres  of  swamp  or  meadow 
if  vacant  in  the  said  Towne  of  Falmouth  neere  the  sd  seventeene  acres 
on  Casco  river  I  Doe  hereby  authorize  and  require  yow  to  survey  &  lay 
out  for  the  said  John  Holhnan  the  said  severall  peeces  and  parcells  of 
Land  with  the  addicon  of  Land  and  meadow  desired  if  vacant  and  to 
make  platts  or  drafts  thereof  and  the  same  to  returne  into  the  Secryes 
office  att  Boston  that  a  Patent  may  be  granted  unto  him  accordingly 
and  for  so  doing  this  shall  be  yor  warrant  Given  under  my  hand  and 
scale  att  Boston  the  one  and  twentyeth  day  of  Aprill  in  the  fourth  yeare 
of  his  Majestyes  Reigne  annoq  Dni  1688 


87 

A  Warrant  to  survey  land  in  the  Province  of  Maine  for  George  Inger- 
soll  senior.1 

Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Generall  and  Governour  in  Chiefe  of 
his  Majestyes  Territory  and  Dominion  of  New  England  To  Mr  Phillip 

1  George  Ingersoll,  Sr.,  who  was  living  at  Salem  in  1694,  was  the  father  of 
Joseph,  Samuel,  and  George  Ingersoll,  Jr. 


344 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS 


[APRIL, 


Welles  Surveyor  or  to  any  of  the  Depty  Surveyors  Whereas  George 
Ingersoll  senr  of  Falmouth  in  the  Province  of  Maine  hath  by  his  humble 
peticon  sett  forth  that  he  is  in  the  actuall  possession  of  a  certaine  par- 
cell  of  Land  lyeing  in  the  said  Towne  fronting  to  Thames  streete  con- 
teining  about  one  acre  alsoe  a  tb'iee  acre  lott  neere  to  Laev*  Coll  Tings 
and  alsoe  about  five  acres  of  Swamp  on  the  north  side  of  Pesumpscott 
river  praying  his  Majestyes  confirmacon  for  the  same  with  the  grant  of 
an  addic. m  of  one  hundred  acres  of  vacant  land  on  the  south  side  of 
Casco  river  backward  from  Liev*  Colt"  Tings  land  neere  Barberry  Creeck 
I  Doe  hereby  authorize  and  require  yow  to  survey  and  lay  out  for  the 
said  George  Ingersoll  the  said  severall  parcells  of  land  with  the  addicon 
desired  if  vacant  and  to  make  platts  or  drafts  thereof  and  the  same  to 
returne  into  the  Secryes  office  att  Boston  that  a  Patent  may  be  granted 
unto  him  accordingly  and  for  so  doing  this  shall  be  yor  warrant  Given 
under  my  hand  and  scale  att  Boston  the  one  and  twentyeth  day  of 
Aprill  in  the  fourth  yeare  of  his  Majestyes  Reigne  annoq  Dni  1688 

88 

A  Warrant  to  survey  Land  in  the  Province  of  Maine  for  John 
Ingersoll.1 

Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Generall  and  Govern'  in  Chiefe  of  his 
Majestyes  Territory  and  Dominion  of  New  England  To  Mr  Phillip 
Welles  Surveyor  or  to  any  of  the  Dep*y  Surveyors  Whereas  John 
Ingersoll  of  Falmouth  in  the  Province  of  Maine  hath  by  his  peticon 
sett  forth  that  for  many  yeares  past  he  hath  beene  and  now  is  possessed 
of  a  house  lott  in  the  said  towne  neere  the  fforte  fronting  to  Thames 
streete  of  about  two  acres  and  another  parcell  of  ground  neere  adjoyn- 
ing  fronting  to  Queens  streete  being  about  six  acres  And  alsoe  a  cer- 
taine tract  or  parcell  of  Land  lyeing  in  the  said  Towne  on  the  North 
side  of  Casko  river  Betweene  the  Lands  of  Richard  Powsley  and  Thomas 
Cloyce  over  against  Stroud  water  mills  conteining  about  one  hundred 
and  sixty  acres  whereon  he  hath  beene  att  greate  Charge  and  Expence 
in  buildings  and  other  improvements  praying  his  Majestyes  Confirmacon 
for  the  same  And  grant  of  forty  acres  of  vacant  Land  adjoyning  to  the 
said  tract  I  Doe  hereby  authorize  and  require  yow  to  survey  and  lay 
out  for  the  said  John  Ingersoll  the  said  severall  peeces  or  parcells  of  Land 
with  the  addicon  desired  if  vacant  and  to  make  platts  or  drafts  thereof 
&  the  same  to  returne  into  the  Secryes  office  att  Boston  that  a  Patent 
may  be  granted  unto  him  accordingly  and  for  so  doing  this  shall  be  yo* 

1  John  Ingersoll,  a  brother  of  George  Ingersoll,  Sr.,  died  about  1716. 


1919J        LAND  WARRANTS  ISSUED   UNDER  ANDROS,   1687-1688  345 

warrant  Given  under  my  hand  and  scale  att  Boston  the  one  and  twen- 
tyeth  day  of  Aprill  in  the  fourth  yeare  of  his  Majestyes  Reigne  Annoq 
Dm  1688 

89 

A  Warrant  to  survey  Land  in  the  Province  of  Maine  for  John  Jones 
&  Isaac  Jones.1 

S'  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Generall  and  Govern'  in  Chiefe  of  his 
Majestyes  Territory  and  Dominion  of  New  England  to  Mr  Phillip 
Welles  Surveyor  or  to  any  of  the  Depty  Survey"  Whereas  John  Jones 
and  Isaac  Jones  of  Falmouth  in  the  Province  of  Maine  have  by  there 
peticon  sett  forth  that  for  many  yeares  they  have  beene  and  now  are 
possessed  of  a  certaine  parcell  of  land  lyeing  on  Pesumpscott  river 
neere  the  ffalls  conteining  one  hundred  acres  where  They  have  made 
considerable  improvements  praying  his  Majestyes  confirmacon  for  the 
same  and  grant  of  an  addlcon  of  two  hundred  acres  more  of  vacant  land 
adjoyning  to  and  in  the  reere  of  the  said  One  hundred  acres  with  a 
house  lott  in  the  said  Towne  neere  the  ffort  of  about  halfe  an  acre  and 
a  six  acre  lott  over  against  the  Back  cove  formerly  layd  out  to  him  if 
vacant  I  doe  hereby  authorize  and  require  yow  to  survey  and  lay  out 
for  the  sd  John  Jones  and  Isaack  Jones  the  said  Land  and  premisses 
with  the  addicons  as  desired  if  vacant  and  to  make  platts  or  drafts 
thereof  and  the  same  to  returne  into  the  Secryes  office  att  Boston  that 
a  Patent  may  be  granted  unto  them  accordingly  and  for  so  doing  this 
shall  be  yor  warrant  Given  under  my  hand  and  seale  att  Boston  the 
one  and  twentyeth  day  of  Aprill  in  the  fourth  yeare  of  his  Majestyes 
Reigne  annoq  Dni  1688 

90 

A  Warrant  to  survey  Land  for  John  Leane  Henry  Leane  Samuell 
Leane  and  Job  Leane  of  Nortyarmouth  in  the  Province  of  Maine. 

Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Generall  &  Governour  in  Chiefe  of  his 
Majestyes  Territory  And  Dominion  of  New  England  To  Mr  Phillip 
\Vflles  Survey'  or  to  any  of  the  Depty  Surveyors  Whereas  John  Leane 
Henry  Leane  Samuell  Leane  and  Job  Leane  of  North  yarmouth  in  the 
Province  of  Maine  have  by  their  peticon  sett  forth  that  for  many  yeares 
past  they  have  beene  and  now  are  possessed  of  a  certaine  tract  or  par- 
cell  of  Land  in  the  Towne  aforesaid  lyeing  betweene  the  Lands  claymed 

1  John  and  Isaac  Jones  were  probably  brothers.  They  were  of  Charlestown, 
aad  both  died  about  1690. 


346 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS 


[APRIL, 


by  Mr  Wiswell1  on  the  east  and  that  Claymed  by  m*  Atwatter2  on 
the  west  conteining  about  one  hundred  acres  with  a  small  Island  joyn- 
ing  thereto  of  about  twenty  five  acres  and  also  two  other  small  Islands 
fronting  against  the  said  Land  called  by  the  name  of  Mosiers  Islands8 
conteining  about  one  hundred  v$ces  and  two  peeces  of  meadow  att  the 
head  of  Arriscicott  river  conteining  about  Eight  acres  alsoe  another 
tract  or  parcell  of  Land  lyeing  in  the  east  side  of  Cozens  river  to  the 
westward  of  Mr  Atwaters  Claymes  conteining  about  sixty  acres  and  a 
small  peece  of  Land  on  the  west  side  of  the  said  River  being  about 
twenty  acres  with  tenne  acres  of  meadow  thereto  adjoyning  whereon 
they  have  beene  att  greate  charge  In  buildings  and  other  improve- 
ments praying  his  Majestyes  Confirmacon  for  the  same  and  grant  of 
forty  acres  of  vacant  Land  adjoyning  to  the  said  sixty  acres  I  Doe 
hereby  authorize  and  require  yow  to  survey  and  lay  out  for  the  said 
John  Leane  Henry  Leane  Samuell  Leane  and  Job  Leane  the  said  sev- 
erall  parcells  of  Land  and  meadow  with  the  addicon  desired  if  vacant 
and  to  make  platts  or  drafts  thereof  and  the  same  to  returne  into  the 
Secryes  office  att  Boston  that  a  Patent  may  be  granted  unto  them 
accordingly  And  for  so  doing  this  shall  be  yor  sufficient  warrant  Given 
under  my  hand  and  seale  att  Boston  the  One  and  twentyeth  day  of 
Aprill  in  the  fourth  yeare  of  his  Majestyes  Reigne  annoq  Dni  1688 


91 

A  Warrant  to  survey  Land  in  the  Province  of  Maine  for  John  Skilling. 

Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Gen*  and  Governour  in  Chiefe  of  his 
Majestyes  Territory  and  Dominion  of  New  England  to  Mr  Phillip 
Welles  Survey'  or  to  any  of  the  Depty  Surveyors  Whereas  John  Skilling 
of  Falmouth  in  the  Province  of  Maine  hath  by  his  peticon  prayed  his 
Majestyes  Grant  for  a  certaine  tract  or  parcell  of  vacant  Land  adjoyn- 
ing to  his  marsh  in  nonsuch  marshes  conteining  about  two  hundred 
and  Eighty  acres  I  Doe  hereby  authorize  and  require  yow  to  survey 
and  lay  out  for  the  said  John  Skilling  the  said  tract  or  parcell  of  vacant 
Land  and  to  make  a  platt  or  draft  thereof  and  the  same  to  returne  into 
the  Secryes  Office  att  Boston  that  a  Patent  may  be  granted  unto  him 


1  Doubtless  Enoch  Wiswall  (Massachusetts  Archives,   cxxviii.   284,  cxxix. 
95). 

*  Doubtless  J.  Atwater  (Massachusetts  Archives,  cxxviii.  214). 

*  John  and  James  Mosier,  sons  of  Hugh  Mosier  (d.  about  1666),  "occupied 
two  islands,  now  in  Freeport,  called  great  and  little  Mosier's,  but  since,  by  cor- 
ruption, the  Moges"  (Willis,  History  of  Portland,  p.  60). 


1919]        LAND  WARRANTS  ISSUED  UNDER  ANDROS,    1687-1688  347 

accordingly  and  for  so  doing  this  shall  be  your  warrant  Given  under 
my  hand  and  scale  att  Boston  the  one  and  twentyeth  day  of  Aprill  in 
the  fourth  yeare  of  his  Majesty es  Reigne  annoq  Dni  1688 

92 

A  Warrant  to  survey  land  in  the  Province  of  Maine  for  William 
Gilbert. 

Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Generall  and  Governour  in  Chiefe  of 
his  Majestyes  Territory  And  Dominion  of  New  England  To  Mr  Phillip 
Welles  Surveyor  or  to  any  of  the  Depty  Surveyors  Whereas  William 
Gilbert  of  North  yarmouth  in  the  Province  of  Maine  hath  by  his  pe- 
tition sett  forth  that  he  is  possessed  of  a  peece  or  parcell  of  Land  in  the 
great  cove  neere  Cap*  Gendalls  in  the  east  side  of  the  falls  called  ffelter 
ffalls  whereon  he  hath  a  dwelling  house  Erected  and  made  severall 
other  improvements  conteining  about  tenne  acres  praying  his  Majestyes 
Confirmation  for  the  same  with  a  grant  of  an  addition  of  one  hundred 
and  fifty  acres  of  vacant  Land  adjoyning  and  neere  his  dwelling  house 
also  a  lott  of  meadow  in  the  said  townshipp  conteining  about  six  acres 
if  the  same  be  to  be  found  in  Cozens  river  or  arrisicket  river  vacant 
and  alsoe  fifteene  acres  of  swamp  to  make  meadow  if  to  be  found  va- 
cant and  convenient  I  doe  hereby  authorize  and  require  yow  to  survey 
and  lay  out  for  the  sd  William  Gilbert  the  sd  parcell  of  land  with  the 
several  additions  as  desired  if  found  vacant  and  convenient  and  to  make 
platts  or  drafts  thereof  and  the  same  to  returne  into  the  Secryes  office 
att  Boston  that  a  Patent  may  be  granted  unto  him  accordingly  and  for 
so  doing  this  shall  be  yor  warrant  Given  under  my  hand  and  seale  att 
Boston  the  one  and  twentyeth  day  of  Aprill  in  the  fourth  yeare  of  his 
Matyes  Reigne  annoq  Dni  1688 

93 

A  Warrant  to  survey  Land  in  the  Province  of  Maine  for  Joseph 
Ingersoll.1 

Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Generall  and  Governour  in  Chiefe  of 
his  Majestyes  Territory  &  Dominion  of  New  England  To  Mr  Phillip 
Welles  Surveyor  or  to  any  of  the  Depty  Surveyors  Whereas  Joseph 
Ingersoll  of  Falmouth  in  the  Province  of  Maine  hath  by  his  humble 
petition  sett  forth  that  he  is  possessed  of  severall  tracts  of  Land  (that  is 
to  say)  a  house  lott  upon  the  neck  neere  the  forte  fronting  to  Thames 

1  Joseph  Ingersoll  (1646-1700)  was  a  son  of  George  Ingersoll,  Sr. 


348 


THE   COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS 


[APRIL, 


Streete  conteining  about  three  acres  also  a  three  acre  lott  neere  to  Liev* 
Coft  Edward  Tings  also  one  hundred  acres  of  Land  lying  betweene 
Thomas  Cloyce  and  Silvanus  Davies's  Sawmill  att  Capisick  whereon 
the  said  Joseph  hath  made  sundry  buildings  and  other  improvments 
and  alsoe  two  hundred  acres  o*;Land  and  seven  acres  of  meadow  att 
the  back  cove  betweene  John  Skillings  land  and  fall  Cove  the  seven 
acres  of  meadow  being  in  the  great  marsh  which  two  hundred  acres  of 
Land  and  seven  acres  of  meadow  Did  belong  to  his  Grandfather  Thomas 
Walkley1  and  father  in  law  Matthew  Cooe  who  were  thereupon  killed 
by  the  Indians  in  the  warr  time  praying  His  Majestyes  confirmacon  for 
the  same  I  doe  hereby  authorize  and  require  yow  to  survey  and  lay  out 
the  same  and  to  make  platts  or  drafts  thereof  and  the  same  to  returne 
into  the  Secryes  office  att  Boston  that  a  Patent  may  be  granted  unto 
him  accordingly  and  for  so  doing  this  shall  be  yor  warrant  Given  under 
my  hand  and  scale  att  Boston  the  one  and  twentyeth  day  of  Aprill  in 
the  fourth  yeare  of  his  Majestyes  reigne  annoq  Dm  1688 


94 

A  Warrant  to  survey  Land  in  the  Province  of  Maine  for  Robert 
Nicholson. 

Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Generall  &  Governour  in  Chiefe  of  his 
Matyes  Territory  &  Dominion  of  New  England  to  Mr  Phillip  Welles 
Surveyor  or  to  any  of  the  Depty  Surveyors  Whereas  Robert  Nicholson 
of  Falmouth  in  the  Province  of  Maine  hath  by  his  humble  petiicon  sett 
forth  that  he  is  possessed  of  a  certaine  house  lott  neere  the  forte  front- 
ing to  ffleetstreete  conteining  about  two  acres  alsoe  a  tract  of  Land 
lyeing  upon  the  westward  side  of  Pesumpscott  river  betweene  the 
claymes  Of  John  Nicholson*  and  Robert  Gresem3  conteining  about 
sixty  acres  praying  his  Majestyes  confirmacon  for  the  same  with  the 
grant  of  the  addicon  of  one  hundred  acres  of  land  and  tenne  acres  of 
swamp  where  it  may  be  found  most  convenient  and  vacant  I  Doe  hereby 
authorize  and  require  yow  to  survey  and  lay  out  for  the  said  Robert 
Nicholson  the  sd  severall  parcells  of  Land  with  the  addicon  as  desired 
if  found  vacant  and  to  make  platts  or  drafts  thereof  &  the  same  to  re- 
turne into  the  Secryes  office  att  Boston  that  a  Patent  may  be  granted 
unto  him  accordingly  and  for  so  doing  this  shall  be  yor  warrant  Given 


1  Joseph  Ingersoll  married  a  daughter  of  Matthew  Coe,  whose  wife  was  Eliza- 
beth Wakely,  daughter  of  Thomas  Wakely. 
z  John  and  Robert  Nicholson  were  brothers. 
*  Robert  Greason  was  captured  by  Indians  in  1690. 


1919]        LAND  WARRANTS  ISSUED   UNDER  ANDROS,.  1687-1688  349 

under  ray  hand  and  scale  att  Boston  the  one  and  twentyeth  day  of 
Aprill  in  the  fourth  yeare  of  his  Majestyes  Reigne  annoq  Dni  1688 

• 

95 

A  Warrant  to  survey  land  in  the  Province  of  Maine  for  Thomas 
Bacor. 

Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Generall  &  Govern'  in  Chiefe  of  his 
Matyes  Territory  and  Dominion  of  New  England  To  Mr  Phillip  Welles 
Surveyor  or  to  any  of  the  Depty  Surveyors  Whereas  Thomas  Bacor  of 
Falmouth  in  the  Province  of  Maine  hath  by  his  humble  peticon  prayed 
his  Majestyes  grant  of  one  hundred  acres  of  vacant  Land  upon  the 
northside  of  Back  cove  next  adjoyning  to  the  head  of  Nathaniell  Wallis 
Claymes  whereupon  he  is  willing  to  improve  and  settle  a  Plantacon  I 
Doe  hereby  authorize  and  require  yow  to  survey  and  lay  out  for  the 
said  Thomas  Bacor  the  sd  one  hundred  acres  of  vacant  Land  as  desired 
and  to  make  a  platt  or  draft  thereof  and  the  same  to  returne  into  the 
Secryes  Office  att  Boston  that  a  Patent  may  be  granted  unto  him  ac- 
cordingly and  for  so  doing  this  shall  be  your  warrant  Given  under  my 
hand  and  scale  att  Boston  the  one  and  twentyeth  day  of  Aprill  in  the 
fourth  yeare  of  his  Majestyes  Reigne  annoq  Dni  1688 

96 

A  Warrant  to  survey  Land  in  the  Province  of  Maine  for  Joell 
Madiford.1 

Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Generall  and  Governour  in  Chiefe  of 
his  Majestyes  Territory  &  Dominion  of  New  England  To  Mr  Phillip 
Welles  Surveyor  or  to  any  of  the  Dep*y  Surveyors  Whereas  Joell  Madi- 
ford Senr  of  Falmouth  in  the  Province  of  Maine  hath  by  his  humble 
peticon  sett  forth  that  he  is  possessed  of  a  certaine  tract  of  Land  and 
marsh  on  the  southside  of  Casco  river  betweene  the  Lands  of  John 
Wallis  and  Thomas  Sandford  the  Land  conteining  one  hundred  acres 
and  the  marsh  being  about  seven  acres  lyeing  in  the  great  marsh  ad- 
joyning to  John  Wallis  marsh  and  whereon  he  hath  made  considerable 
improvement  praying  his  Matyes  confirmacon  for  the  same  I  doe  hereby 
authorize  and  require  yow  to  survey  and  lay  out  for  the  sd  Joell  Madi- 
ford the  said  Land  and  marsh  and  to  make  a  platt  or  draft  thereof  and 
the  same  to  returne  into  the  Secryes  Office  att  Boston  that  a  Patent 
may  be  granted  unto  him  accordingly  and  for  so  doing  this  shall  be  yor 

1  Joel  Madiver  was  killed  by  Indians  in  August,  1703. 


350 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS 


warrant  Given  under  my  hand  and  scale  att  Boston  the  one  and  twen- 
tyeth  day  of  Aprill  in  the  fourth  yeare  of  his  Majestyes  Reigne  annoq 
Dnil688 

97 

A  Warrant  to  survey  land  for  Robert  Morrell  in  the  Province  of 
Maine 

Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Generall  and  Governour  in  Chiefe  of 
his  Majestyes  Territory  &  Dominion  of  New  England  To  Mr  Phillip 
Welles  Surveyor  or  to  any  of  the  Depty  Surveyors  Whereas  Robert 
Morrell  of  Falmouth  in  the  Provence  of  Maine  hath  by  his  humble 
peticon  sett  forth  that  he  is  possessed  of  severall  tracts  of  Land  within 
sd  Towne  (that  is  to  say)  of  a  house  lott  neere  the  forte  fronting  to 
Thames  streete  whereon  is  a  dwelling  house  conteining  about  two  acres 
alsoe  a  three  acre  lott  next  adjoyning  to  Silvanus  Davies's  six  acre 
lott  upon  the  neck  fronting  to  Back  cove  And  also  Eighty  acres  neere 
stroudwater  mills  of  sd  Silvanus  Davies  whereon  is  a  dwelling  houses 
and  severall  other  houses  praying  his  Majestyes  confirmacon  for  the 
same  with  the  grant  of  an  addicon  of  fifty  acres  of  vacant  Land  neere 
adjoyning  if  to  be  found  I  doe  hereby  authorize  and  require  yow  to 
survey  and  lay  out  for  the  said  Robert  Morrell  the  said  severall  tracts 
of  Land  with  the  addicon  of  vacant  Land  Desired  if  to  be  found  and 
to  make  platts  or  drafts  thereof  and  the  same  to  returne  into  the  Secryes 
office  att  Boston  that  a  Patent  may  be  granted  him  accordingly  and  for 
so  doing  this  shall  be  yor  warrant  Given  under  my  hand  and  scale  att 
Boston  the  one  and  twentyeth  day  of  Aprill  in  the  fourth  yeare  of  his 
Majestyes  Reigne  annoq  Dni  1688 

98 

A  Warrant  to  survey  Land  in  the  Province  of  Maine  for  George  ffelt 
Samuell  ffelt  and  Jonathan  ffelt.1 

Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Generall  and  Governour  in  Chiefe  of 
his  Majestyes  Territory  and  Dominion  of  New  England  to  Mr  Phillip 
Welles  Surveyor  or  to  any  of  the  Depty  Surveyors  Whereas  George  ffelt 
Sam11  ffelt  and  Jonathan  ffelt  all  of  ffalmouth  in  the  Province  of  Maine 
have  by  their  peticon  sett  forth  that  they  and  their  father  have  beene 
for  many  years  possessed  of  a  certaine  parcell  of  Land  in  a  place  called 
The  mussell  cove  betweene  their  uncle  Mr  James  Andrews2  and 
Samuell  Pykes  conteining  about  one  hundred  acres  with  two  small  par- 

1  George,  Jonathan,  and  Samuel  Felt  were  the  sons  of  George  Felt,  who  was 
killed  by  Indians  on  September  23,  1676. 

1  The  elder  George  Felt  married  a  sister  of  James  Andrews. 


1919]        LAND  WARRANTS  ISSUED  UNDER  ANDROS,   1687-1688  351 

cells  of  marsh  one  called  the  little  broad  marsh  and  the  other  called 
Morris  Marsh  praying  his  Majestyes  confirmacon  for  the  same  with  a 
grant  of  the  addicon  of  one  hundred  acres  of  vacant  Land  adjoyning  to 
the  aforesaid  parcell  as  neere  as  it  may  be  found  also  an  Island  neere 
to  their  improvements  called  and  knowne  by  the  name  of  Lower  Clap- 
board Island  which  was  formerly  granted  to  their  father  by  a  Towne 
Grant  I  Doe  hereby  authorize  and  require  yow  to  survey  and  lay  out 
for  the  said  George  Felt  Samuell  Felt  and  Jonathan  Felt  the  said  parcell 
of  Land  and  marsh  Island  and  premisses  with  the  addicon  as  desired 
and  to  make  platts  or  drafts  thereof  and  the  same  to  returne  into  the 
Secryes  Office  att  Boston  that  a  Patent  may  be  granted  unto  them  ac- 
cordingly and  for  so  doing  this  shall  be  your  warrant  Given  under  my 
hand  and  scale  att  Boston  the  one  and  twentyeth  day  of  Aprill  in  the 
fourth  yeare  of  his  Majestyes  Reigne  annoq  Dni  1688 

99 

A  Warrant  to  Survey  a  House  and  Ground  in  Boston  for  John  Eyres1 
Merchant. 

Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Captaine  Gen4*  and  Governour  in  Cheife  of 
his  Maj*ie§  Territory  and  Dominion  of  New  England  To  Mr  Philip 
Wells  Survey'  or  to  any  of  the  Deputy  Survey"  Whereas  John  Eyres 
of  Boston  Merchant  hath  by  his  Petition  sett  forth  that  att  his  great 
Charge  and  Expence  he  hath  built  a  faire  Brickhouse  in  Prison  Lane  in 
Boston  aforesaid  on  ground  which  he  before  had  purchased  but  sub- 
mitted praying  his  Majesties  grant  for  the  said  house  with  a  small  way 
or  passage  on  the  West  Side  thereof  Leading  into  his  backside.  I  Doe 
hereby  Authorize  and  Require  you  forthwith  to  make  a  Suruey  and 
Draft  of  the  said  House  and  Ground  thereunto  belonging  with  the  said 
way  or  passage  and  the  same  to  returne  into  the  Secretaryes  Office  that 
a  grant  may  be  passed  to  him  Accordingly  And  for  soe  Doeing  this 
shall  be  your  Warrant  Giuen  under  my  hand  and  scale  att  Boston  the 
22d  Day  of  June  in  the  fourth  yeare  of  his  Majesties  Reigne  Annoq 
Domini  1688. 

100 

A  Warrant  to  Survey  Land  neere  a  place  Called  Weymesitt  for 
Jonathan  Tyng  Esq.* 

Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Gen**  and  Governour  in  Cheife  of  his 
Majesties  Territory  and  Dominion  of  New  England  To  mr  Philip 

1  John  Eyre  died  June  17,  1700. 

1  Jonathan  Tyng,  a  member  of  the  Council,  died  January  19,  1724. 


352 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS 


[APRIL, 


Welles  Surueyor  or  to  any  of  the  Deputy  Suruey"  Whereas  Jonathan 
Tyng  Esq  one  of  the  Memb"  of  his  Majties  Councill  hath  by  his  Peti- 
tion prayed  his  Majesties  Grant  and  Confirmation  for  a  Certaine  par- 
cell  of  Improued  Land  Lyeing  on  the  West  Side  of  Concord  Riuer  neere 
a  place  there  Called  Weymesitt1  £ontaineing  about  Seauenty  Acres 
whereof  he  is  possess'd  I  doe  hereby  Authorize  and  Require  you  to 
Survey  and  Lay  out  for  the  said  Jonathan  Tyng  the  said  parcell  of 
Land  and  make  a  platt  or  Draft  thereof  and  Returne  the  same  into  the 
Secretarys  Office  That  a  Pattent  may  be  granted  to  him  accordingly 
And  for  soe  Doeing  this  shall  be  your  Warrant  Giuen  under  my  hand 
and  scale  att  Boston  the  Sixth  Day  of  July  in  the  fourth  yeare  of  his 
Mat§  Reigne  Annoq  Domini  1688. 


101 

A  Warrant  to  Survey  Noddles  Island  for  Coir.  Samuell  Shrimpton8 
Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Captaine  Gen4*  and  Governour  in  Cheife  of 
his  Majtie8  Territory  and  Dominion  of  New  England  To  Mr  Philip 
Wells  Suruey'  or  to  any  of  the  Deputy  Suruey"  Whereas  Coit  Samuell 
Shrimpton  one  of  the  Members  of  his  Majtie"  Councill  hath  by  his  Peti- 
tion sett  forth  that  for  many  yeares  past  amongst  other  Estate  he  hath 
beene  and  now  is  possessed  hi  his  owne  Right  of  a  Certaine  Island  Com- 
monly Called  Noddles  Island  ate  Notles  Island  Lyeing  neare  the  Towne  of 
Boston  Whereon  att  his  great  Costs  &  Charge  he  hath  made  severall 
buildings  and  other  Improvements  praying  his  Majties  grant  and  Con- 
firmation for  the  same  I  Doe  hereby  Authorize  &  Require  you  to  suruay 
and  Lay  out  for  the  said  Samuell  Shrimpton  the  Island  aforesaid  and 
make  a  platt  or  Draught  thereof  and  Returne  the  same  into  the  Sec- 
retaryes  Office  That  a  Pattent  may  be  granted  to  him  Accordingly  and 
for  soe  Doeing  this  shall  be  your  Warrant  Giuen  under  my  hand  and 
scale  at  Boston  the  Sixth  Day  of  July  in  the  fourth  yeare  of  his  Majtie§ 
Reigne  Annoq  Domini  1688. 

102 

A  Warrant  of  Suruay  for  severall  Houses  Wharfes  and  Warehouses 
for  Cott-  Sam11  Shrimpton. 

S*  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Captaine  Generall  and  Governour  in  Cheife 
of  his  Mats  Territory  and  Dominion  of  New  England  To  mr  Philip 
Wells  Survey'  or  to  any  of  the  Deputy  Suruey"  Whereas  Cofr  Samuell 

1  Now  Chelmsford. 

*  Samuel  Shrimpton,  a  member  of  the  Council,  died  February  8,  1698. 


1919]        LAND  WARRANTS  ISSUED   UNDER  ANDROS,   1687-1688  353 

Shrimpton  one  of  the  Members  of  his  Mat1'1  Councill  hath  by  his  Pe- 
ticon  set  forth  That  for  many  years  past  he  hath  bin  and  now  is  pos- 
sessed in  his  own  right  of  Severall  Houses  &  Lands  within  the  Town  of 
Boston  for  which  prays  his  MatieB  grant  and  Confirmation  (That  is  to 
say)  his  now  Dwelling  house  and  ground  thereunto  belonging  a  piece  of 
ground  adjoyning  to  the  house  of  John  Usher  Esq  Whereon  is  a  small 
Brick  house  and  a  Larger  building  A  Warehouse  by  the  Dock  ag*  Benj* 
Murfords l  A  House  Bakehouse  and  ground  att  the  bottom  of  Shrimp- 
ton's  Lane  a  Stable  Coachhouse  and  ground  by  Samuell  Philips  a  peece 
of  Land  on  the  Side  of  Beacon  Hill  another  peece  of  Land  att  the  North 
End  of  the  Towne  next  Edward  Ransfords  Another  peece  of  land  att 
the  South  end  of  the  Towne  next  Mr  Ransfords  a  Small  House  and 
ground  att  the  North  end  of  the  Towne  next  mr  Atkins  and  a  Wharf e 
and  ground  adjoyning  to  Samuell  Nowells  Warehouse.  I  doe  hereby 
Authorize  and  Require  you  tc  Suruay  and  Lay  out  for  the  said  Samuell 
Shrimpton  the  said  sevall  Houses  Lands  and  ground  and  to  make  a 
platt  or  Draft  thereof  and  Returne  the  same  into  the  Secretary's  Office 
That  a  Pattent  may  be  granted  him  accordingly  and  for  so  doeing  this 
shall  be  your  Warr*  Giuen  under  my  hand  and  seale  at  Boston  the  6th 
Day  of  July  in  the  fourth  yeare  of  his  Majesties  Reigne  Annoq  Dom 
1688. 

103 

A  Warrant  to  Suruey  a  Certaine  Tract  of  Land  Lyeing  betweene 
Spye  pond  and  Saunders  brooke 

Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Captn  Gen*  and  Governour  in  Cheife  of  his 
Matie*  Territory  and  Dominion  of  New  Engld  To  mr  Phillip  Wells 
Suruey'  or  to  any  of  the  Deputy  Suruey"  Whereas  Edward  Randolph 
Esq  by  his  Petition  sett  forth  that  there  is  a  Certaine  parcell  or  Tract 
of  Vacant  and  unapproprieted  Land  Containeing  about  Seauen  hun- 
dred Acres  Scituate  Lyeing  and  being  betweene  Spy  pond  and  Saunders 
Brooke  neere  Water-Towne  in  the  County  of  Middlesex  for  the  which 
prayed  his  Majtu"  Grant,  I  Do  hereby  Authorize  and  Require  you 
forthwith  to  make  a  Suruey  and  Draft  of  the  said  parcell  of  Land  and 
other  Vacant  Lands  thereto  adjoyneing  and  Returne  the  same  into  the 
Secretaryes  Office  that  the  quality  and  Scituation  thereof  as  well  as 
quantity  may  be  knowne  and  such  Order  giuen  for  the  Dispossall 
thereof  as  shall  be  proper  for  which  this  shall  be  your  Warrant.  Giuen 
under  my  hand  and  seale  at  Boston  the  Seaventh  Day  of  July  in  the 
forth  yeare  of  his  Majtlfl"  Reigne  Annoq  Domini  1688. 

1  Benjamin  Munford  (Mountfort,  Mumford)  died  in  1714. 


354 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS 


104 


[APRIL, 


A  Warrant  to  Suruey  a  Certaine  Tract  of  Land  Nigh  the  Towne  of 
Lyn  called  Nahant  neck. 

Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Capfr-jne  Gen*  and  Governour  in  Cheife  of 
his  Majtie8  Territory  and  Dominion  of  New  England  To  Mr  Philip 
Wells  Suruey'  or  to  any  of  the  Deputy  Suruey"  Whereas  Edward  Ran- 
dolph Esq  hath  by  his  Peticon  sett  forth  that  there  is  a  Certaine  Tract 
of  Land  Nigh  the  Towne  of  Lyn  in  the  County  of  Essex  out  of  ffence 
and  undevided.  Containeing  about  fiue  hundred  acres  Commonly  Called 
Nahant  Neck  for  woh  prayes  his  Majties  Grant  And  Whereas  Severall 
persons  Inhabitants  within  the  said  Towne  of  Lynn  haue  Likewise  pe- 
titioned for  the  grant  of  the  said  Land.  I  Doe  hereby  Authorize  and  Re- 
quire you  forthwith  to  make  a  Suruey  and  Draft  thereof  and  other 
Vacant  Lands  thereto  adjoyneing  and  Returne  the  same  into  the  Secre- 
taryes  Office  That  the  Quality  and  Scituation  thereof  as  Well  as  the 
quantity  may  be  knowne  And  such  Orders  giuen  for  the  Disposall  thereof 
as  shall  be  proper  for  which  this  shall  be  your  Warrant  Giuen  under 
my  hand  and  scale  att  Boston  the  Seauenth  Day  of  July  in  the  forth 
yeare  of  his  Majesties  Reigne  Annoq  Domini  1688 


105 

A  Warrant  of  Suruey  for  a  House  and  Land  in  Boston  for  Savill 
Simpson 1 

Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Captn  Gen*  and  Governour  in  Cheife  of  his 
Maj*ie"  Territory  and  Dominion  of  New  England  To  mr  Philip  Welles 
Suruey'  or  to  any  of  the  Deputy  Suruey'8  Whereas  Savill  Simpson  hath 
by  his  Petitition  Sett  forth  that  he  is  in  the  Actuall  possession  of  a 
Certaine  house  and  ground  thereto  belonging  Lyeing  neere  the  South 
Meeting-house  in  Boston  in  his  owne  Right  praying  his  Majesties 
Grant  and  Confirmation  for  the  same  I  Doe  hereby  Authorize  and  Re- 
quire you  to  survey  and  Lay  out  for  the  said  Savill  Simpson  the  said 
house  and  Land  thereto  belonging  and  to  make  a  platt  or  Draft  thereof 
and  the  same  to  Returne  into  the  Secretaryes  Office  That  a  Pattent 
may  be  granted  to  him  Accordingly  for  which  this  shall  be  your  War- 
rant Giuen  under  my  hand  and  scale  att  Boston  the  13th  Day  of  July 
in  the  forth  yeare  of  his  Majesties  Reigne  Annoq  Domini  1688 

1  Savill  Simpson  died  in  1725. 


19193        LAND  WARRANTS  ISSUED   UNDER  ANDROS,   1687-1688  355 

106 

A  Warrant  to  Suruey  a  Certaine  Tract  of  Land  neere  Magaguncock 
hill l  for  Savill  Simpson 

Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*"  Gen11  &  Gouernour  in  Cheife  of  his 
Majesties  Territory  and  Dominion  of  New  England  To  mr  Philip  Wells 
Suruey'  or  to  any  of  the  Deputy  Suruey"  Whereas  Savill  Simpson  of 
Boston  Cordwainer  hath  by  his  Petition  Sett  forth  that  he  is  Possess'd 
of  a  Certaine  Tract  or  parcell  of  Land  Lyeing  and  being  neere  a  place 
Called  Magaguncock  Hill  by  the  Cold  Spring  in  the  County  of  Middle- 
sex on  the  South  Side  of  a  Branch  of  Sudbury  Riuer  about  Nine  Miles 
distant  from  the  Towne  Containeing  about  fiue  hundred  Acres  with  a 
Small  Peece  of  Meadow  Adjoyning  Containemg  about  Seaven  Acres  on 
which  Some  Improuement  hath  beene  already  made  and  he  is  Desirous 
to  make  further  praying  his  Majesties  Grant  and  Confirmaon  for  the 
same  I  Doe  hereby  Authorize  and  Require  you  to  Suruey  and  Lay  out 
for  the  said  Savill  Simpson  the  said  Parcell  of  Land  and  Meadow  and 
to  make  a  platt  or  Draft  thereof  and  the  same  to  Returne  into  the 
Secreys  Office  that  a  Pattent  may  be  granted  to  him  Accordingly  for 
which  this  shall  be  your  WTarrant  Giuen  under  my  hand  and  seale  in 
Boston  the  13th  Day  of  July  in  the  fourth  yeare  of  his  Majesties  Reigne 
Annoq  Domini  1688 

107 

A  Warrant  to  Suruey  forty  Nine  Acres  of  Land  in  Charlestowne 
Called  the  Stinted  Pasture  for  Joseph  Lynde.2 

Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Captn  Generall  and  Governour  in  Cheife  of 
his  Majestyes  Territory  and  Dominion  of  New  England  To  mr  Philip 
Wells  Suruey'  or  to  any  of  the  Deputy  surv"  Whereas  Joseph  Lynde 
of  Charlestowne  in  the  County  of  Middlesex  hath  by  his  Petition 
prayed  his  Maj*lM  grant  of  about  forty  Nine  Acres  of  Land  within  the 
bounds  of  Charlestowne  aforesd  att  a  place  there  Called  the  Stinted 
pasture  I  doe  hereby  Authorize  and  Require  you  forthwith  to  Suruey 
and  Lay  out  the  said  parcell  of  Land  and  make  a  platt  or  Draft  thereof 
and  Returne  the  same  into  the  Secrys  Office  att  Boston  that  a  Patent 
may  be  granted  to  him  Accordingly,  for  wch  this  shall  be  yo'  Warrant 
Giuen  under  my  hand  &  Seale  att  Boston  aforesd  the  23d  Day  of  July 
1688. 


1  Now  called  Magunco  Hill,  in  Ashland.    Cf.  Hurd,  History  of  Middlesex 
County  (1890),  iii.  535;  Handbook  of  American  Indians  (1907),  i.  786. 
1  Joseph  Lynde  died  January  29,  1727. 


356 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY   OF  MASSACHUSETTS 


108 


[APHIL, 


A  Warrant  to  Survey  Seuerall  Messuages  &  tenements  in  Charles- 
towne  for  Andrew  Belcher.1 

Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap  -f  Gentt  and  Govern'  in  Cheife  of  his 
Majtl*§  Territory  &  Dominion  of  New  England  To  mr  Philip  Welles 
Suruey*  or  to  any  of  the  Deputy  Surueyors  Whereas  Andrew  Belcher 
of  Charlestowne  Marriner  hath  by  his  Petition  sett  forth  that  for  Sev- 
erall  yeares  past  he  hath  beene  possessed  of  a  Certaine  Messuage  and 
Lott  of  ground- Lyeing  in  Charlestowne  aforesaid  neere  the  meeting 
house  And  of  an  other  Messuage  and  Lott  of  ground  in  the  said  Towne 
neere  the  house  of  Edward  Collins,2  and  alsoe  of  an  other  Messuage 
and  Lott  of  Ground  in  the  Towne  of  Cambridge  adjacent  to  the  Land  of 
Nathaniell  Greene  all  within  the  County  of  Middlesex  praying  his 
Majties  grant  for  the  same,  I  Doe  hereby  Authorize  and  Require  you 
forthwith  to  suruey  the  said  Severall  Messuages  and  Lotts  of  ground 
and  make  a  platt  or  Draft  thereof  And  Returne  the  same  into  the  Sec- 
retaryes  Office  att  Boston  that  they  may  be  granted  to  him  Accord- 
ingly for  which  this  shall  be  your  Warrant.  Giuen  under  my  hand  and 
scale  att  Boston  the  23d  Day  of  July  1688. 


109 

A  Warrant  to  Survey  Severall  houses  &  parcells  of  Land  within  the 
Townes  of  Dorchester  Milton  &  Boston  for  William  Soughton  Esqr 

Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Captn  Gen1*  and  Governour  in  Cheife  of  his 
Majesties  Territory  &  Dominion  of  New  England  To  mr  Philip  Welles 
Suruey*  or  to  any  of  the  Deputy  Survey'8  Whereas  William  Stoughton 
Esq  hath  Desired  his  Majtie8  Patent  of  Confirmation  for  Severall  houses 
and  parcells  of  Land  within  the  Townes  of  Dorchester  Milton  and 
Boston  (That  is  to  say)  his  Mention  house  in  the  Towne  of  Dorchester 
with  Barns  Dovehouse  &  other  out  houses,  Orchards  and  Lands  ad- 
joyning  Lyeing  all  within  one  outside  fence,  and  Containeing  about 
Thirty  Acres,  One  small  lott  in  the  Towne  field  behind  his  house  of 
two  Acres  Three  quarters  One  small  lott  in  the  Common  feild  neere  the 
bunying  place  about  two  Acres,  A  Close  before  his  house  part  Salt 
Marsh,  part  upland  of  about  Eight  Acres  and  halfe  Lakes  Hill  Pasture 
Containeing  four  Acres  and  Three  quarters,  Glouers  Hill  Pasture  with 
other  Inclosed  grounds,  adjoyning  Lyeing  within  one  outside  ffence  of 
about  Thirty  Seauen  Acres,  Severall  other  Inclosed  grounds  butting  on 


»  Andrew  Belcher  (1647-1717). 


1  Edward  Collins  died  in  April,  1689. 


19193        LAND  WARRANTS  ISSUED  UNDER  ANDROS,   1687-1688  357 

the  Road  Leading  to  Napousett  Mill  Joyning  all  one  to  another  on  part 
Whereof  stands  a  Dwelling  house  and  Barne  Containeing  Ninety  Eight 
Acres  Another  pasture  on  the  Same  abouesd  Road  about  Twenty  one 
Acres  two  small  lotts  Lyeing  on  the  Little  Necke  of  one  Acre  &  a  quarter 
A  parcell  of  salt  Meadow  with  upland  adjoyning  thereunto  Lyeing  on 
the  North  side  of  the  Little  Necke  Containing  fourteen  Acres  A  parcell 
of  Salt  Meadow  with  a  Skirt  of  upland  lyeing  on  the  South  side  of  the 
little  Necke  of  Seauenteene  Acres  A  parcell  of  Salt  Meaddow  lyeing  on 
the  great  Neck  at  the  Nooke  Containing  fiue  Acres  &  an  halfe,  A  par- 
cell  of  Salt  Meaddow  in  the  great  Lotts  about  four  Acres  A  parcell  of 
Salt  Meadow  with  a  Skirt  of  upland  lyeing  in  the  upper  Calue  pasture 
Meaddow  fiue  Acres  and  an  halfe  and  neare  thereunto  another  parcell 
with  upland  adjoyning  of  three  Acres  A  parcell  of  Meaddow  in  the 
Lower  Calue  pasture  Meaddow  Containeing  Six  Acres  One  Woodlott  in 
the  Third  Diuissions  Thirty  Acres  One  Woodlott  neare  Mother  Brookes 
of  ab*  fifty  one  Acres,  One  Small  Woodlott  of  Three  Acres  and  an  halfe 
with  an  other  of  two  Acres  Three  quarters  Twenty  Eight  Rodd  A  fanne 
Containeing  upland  and  Meaddow  Lyeing  upon  Dedham  bounds,  the 
greater  part  Whereof  belongs  to  his  Sister  Tayler1  quantity  uncer- 
taine  within  the  bounds  of  Milton  a  peece  of  Woodland  Containeing 
Two  hundred  and  ffifty  Acres,  within  the  Towne  of  Boston  Three  par- 
cells  of  Lands  with  the  Tenments  thereon  Standing  (Viz*)  The  Greene 
Dragon  Tenments  Gills  house  and  Kanes  house.  All  wch  he  hath  beene 
and  now  is  in  the  Actuall  possession  and  Injoyment  off.  These  are 
Therefore  to  Authorize  and  Require  you  to  Survey  and  Lay  out  for  the 
said  Wm  Stoughton  the  before  mentioned  houses  And  parcells  of  Land 
According  to  the  severall  Deeds  and  Writeings  made  and  giuen  for  the 
same  and  Inclosures  and  to  make  a  platt  and  Draft  thereof  and  Returne 
the  same  into  the  Secrys  Office  without  Delay  That  a  Patent  may  be 
granted  Accordingly,  And  for  soe  Doeing  this  shall  be  your  Warrant 
Giuen  under  my  hand  and  seale  att  Boston  the  23d  Day  of  July  in  the 
fourth  yeare  of  his  MajtlM  Reigne  Annoq  Dom  1688. 

110 

A  Warrant  to  Suruey  a  Certaine  Messuage  and  fanne  with  some 
small  parcells  of  Land  adjoining  in  Charlestowne  for  James  Russell.2 

S*  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Captn  Geri**  &  Governour  in  Cheife  of  his 
Majtlei  Territory  and  Dominion  of  New  England  To  Mr  Philip  Wells 

1  Stoughton'a  sister  Rebecca  married  William  Taylor  (d.  1682),  and  was  the 
mother  of  Lt.-Gov.  William  Tailer. 
1  James  Russell  died  April  28,  1709. 


358 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS 


[APRIL, 


Surrvey'  or  to  any  the  Deputy  Suruey's  Whereas  James  Russell  of 
Charlestowne  Mrchant  hath  by  his  Petition  prayed  his  Majesties  Grant 
for  a  Certaine  Messuage  and  farme  with  some  small  parcells  of  Land 
adjoyning  Lyeing  within  the  bounds  of  Charlestowne  aforesd  in  his  pos- 
session being  in  all  about  forty  a-Tes  and  Whereon  he  hath  made  Con- 
siderable Improuement.  I  doe  Hereby  Authorize  and  Require  you  to 
make  a  Suruey  and  Draft  of  the  said  Messuage  farme  and  parcells  of  of 
Land  adjoining  and  make  Retume  thereof  into  the  Secretaryes  Office 
that  the  same  may  be  granted  Accordingly  and  for  soe  Doeing  this 
shall  be  your  Warrant  Giuen  under  my  hand  and  scale  att  Boston 
aforesd  the  23d  Day  of  July  1683- 

111 

A  Warrant  to  Survey  300  Acres  of  Vacant  Land  on  Road  Island  for 
Thomas  Newton  Gen*. 

S*  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Captn  Generall  and  Governo'  in  Cheife  of 
his  MajtieB  Territory  and  Dominion  of  New  England  To  mr  Phillip 
Wells  Suruey'  or  to  any  of  the  Deputy  Suruey"  Whereas  Thomas 
Newton  Gent,  hath  by  his  Petition  Prayed  his  Majties  Grant  for  Three 
hundred  Acres  of  Vacant  and  unlmproued  Land  Lyeing  and  being  on 
Road  Island  within  the  Limitts  of  Portsm0  betweene  the  Lands  pos- 
sess'd  by  the  Widdow  Martha  Layes  and  Robert  Denis  or  Adjoining 
thereto.  I  doe  hereby  Authorize  and  Require  you  forthwith  to  make  a 
Suruey  and  Draft  of  the  said  quantity  of  Land  and  such  other  vacant 
Lands  as  you  shall  find  there  adjoineing  and  make  Returne  thereof 
into  the  Secretaryes  Office  att  Boston  And  you  are  Likewise  to  giue 
Notice  in  the  said  Towne  That  if  any  person  or  persons  haue  any  Title 
Clayme  or  pretence  to  the  said  Land  or  any  part  thereof  they  forth- 
with Shew  the  same  unto  me  that  such  Order  may  be  giuen  thereupon 
as  shall  be  proper  Whereof  you  are  not  to  faile,  And  for  soe  Doeing  this 
shall  be  yor  Warrant  Giuen  under  my  hand  and  seale  att  Boston  the 
23d  Day  of  July  1688. 

112 

A  Warrant  to  Suruey  400  Acres  of  Vacant  Lands  neere  the  Blew  Hills 
for  Captn  Rauenscroft1 

Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Capta  Genw  and  Governour  in  Cheife  of  his 
Majtu"  Territory  and  Dominion  of  New  England  To  mr  Philip  Welles 
Suruey*  or  to  any  of  the  Deputy  Sum™  Whereas  Samtt  Rauencrof2 


1  The  "s"  was  perhaps  inserted  later. 
*  Apparently  altered  from  "Rauenscrof." 


1919]        LAND  WARRANTS  ISSUED  UNDER  ANDROS,    1687-1688  359 

hath  by  his  Petition  prayed  a  grant  of  some  Vacant  and  unappropriated 
Land  lyeing  neere  the  Blew  Hills  adjoyning  unto  Unkety  line  for  his 
prsent  Settlem*  &  Improuem*  These  are  therefore  to  Authorize  and  Im- 
power  you  to  Survey  and  Lay  out  for  the  sd  Samuell  Rauencroft  the 
quantity  of  four  hundred  Acres  of  Land  in  the  sd  Place  if  vacant  and  to 
make  a  platt  thereof  and  Returne  the  same  into  The  Secretaryes  Office 
att  Boston  that  a  Pattent  may  be  passed  Accordingly  for  woh  this  Shall 
be  yor  Warrant  Giuen  under  my  hand  and  scale  att  Boston  the  25th 
Day  of  July  1688. 

113 

A  Warrant  to  Survey  and  lay  out  600  acres  of  land  in  Casco  bay  for 
Mr  George  Turfrey l 

Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Genal  and  Govern*  in  Chief  of  his 
Matiei  Territory  and  Dominion  of  New  England  To  Mr  Philip  Wells 
Survey*  or  to  any  of  the  Deputy  Survey"  Whereas  George  Turfrey 
hath  by  his  Peticon  prayed  his  Mat'8'  grant  of  Six  hundred  acres  of 
unimproved  Lands  lying  on  the  Westward  Side  of  Saco  River  at  a  place 
there  called  Salisbury  brook  for  his  present  Settlement  and  improvment. 
I  do  hereby  Authorize  and  require  you  to  Survey  and  lay  out  the  said 
quantity  of  Land  and  make  return  with  a  Plat  or  Draft  thereof  into  the 
Secretaries  Office  and  a  report  of  the  Lands  and  Meadows  adjoyning  or 
neer  the  same  That  such  Order  may  be  given  therein  as  shall  be  proper 
for  which  this  shall  be  your  Warrant  Given  under  my  hand  and  Seal  at 
Boston  the  27th  day  of  July  1688: 

By  his  Exny>  Comand  E  ANDROS 

JOHN  WEST  Dscry 

114 

A  Warrant  to  Survey  a  Certaine  Tract  of  Land  Called  New  Roxbury. 

S*  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Captn  Generall  and  Governour  in  Cheife  of 
his  Maj*'M  Territory  and  Dominion  of  New  England  To  M*  Philip 
Wells  Suruey*  or  to  any  the  Deputy  Survey's.  Whereas  Nathaniell 
Johnson  and  John  Chandler2  in  behalfe  of  themselues  and  others  the 
Planters  &  Settlers  of  the  Plantation  Called  New  Roxbury8  and  Sev- 

1  George  Turfrey  died  in  1714. 

1  John  Chandler  died  April  15,  1703. 

1  Now  Woodstock,  which  became  a  part  of  Connecticut  about  1750.  Under 
date  of  March  18,  1690,  Sewall  wrote:  "I  gave  New-Roxbury  the  name  of  Wood- 
stock because  of  its  nearness  to  Oxford,  for  the  sake  of  Queen  Elizabeth"  (Diary, 
i.  315). 


:;tio 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS 


[APRIL, 


erall  other  persons  Desireous  to  Settle  there  haue  by  their  Petitions 
prayed  his  Majtiei  Grant  for  the  Seuerall  quantityes  and  parcells  of 
Land  there.  I  doe  therefore  hereby  Authorize  and  Require  you  forth- 
with to  make  a  Suruey  and  Draft  of  the  whole  Tract  or  parcell  of  Land 
Called  and  knowne  by  the  Name  of  New  Roxbury  and  Returne  the 
same  into  the  Secrys  Office  att  Boston  with  an  Account  of  the  severall 
Settlements  and  Improuem11  there  &  quality  thereof  That  such  further 
Orders  may  be  giuen  for  Settleing  &  Disposeing  the  same  as  shall  be 
proper,  And  for  soe  Doeing  this  shall  be  your  Warrant  Giuen  under  my 
hand  &  scale  att  Boston  the  27th  Day  of  July  1688. 

115 

A  Warrant  to  Survey  a  farme  in  Rumny  Marsh  with  30  Acres  of 
Marsh  on  hogg  Island  for  Nathan1*  Newgate l 

S*  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Captn  Gentt  and  Governour  in  Cheife  of  his 
MajtiM  Territory  and  Dominion  of  New  England  To  Mr  Philip  Wells 
Survey*  or  to  any  of  the  Deputy  Survey"  Whereas  Nathaniell  Newdi- 
gate  ais  Newgate  hath  by  his  Petition  Prayed  his  Majesties  Grant  for  a 
Certain  Messuage  and  farme  Lyeing  in  Rumny  Marsh  Joyning  unto  the 
farme  of  Cott  Nicholas  Page  Containeing  about  fiue  hundred  Acres,  and 
about  Thirty  Acres  of  Marsh  or  Meaddow  on  Hogg  Island  of  the  which 
he  is  in  Actuall  possession  I  doe  Therefore  Authorize  and  Require  you 
to  make  a  Survey  and  Draft  of  the  sd  farme  and  Meaddow  and  Re- 
turne the  same  into  the  Secretaryes  Office  That  such  further  Order  may 
be  giuen  thereupon  as  shall  be  proper  And  for  soe  Doeing  this  shall  be 
your  Warrant  Giuen  under  my  hand  and  scale  att  Boston  the  27th  Day 
of  July  1688. 

116 

A  Warrant  to  suruey  a  Certaine  Island  Called  Hogg  Island  for 
Samuell  Sewall. 

Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Captaine  Generall  and  Governeur  in  Cheife 
of  his  Majtie§  Territory  and  Dominion  of  New  England  To  Mr  Philip 
Welles  Suruey'  or  to  any  the  Deputy  Suruey"  Whereas  Samuell  Sewall 
hath  by  his  Petition  sett  forth  That  he  and  those  under  whom  he 
Claymes  haue  for  the  space  of  forty  yeares  or  upwards  by  past  beene 
Possessed  of  a  Certaine  Island  Called  Hogg  Island  prayeing  his  Majties 
Confirmacon  for  the  same  I  doe  hereby  Authorize  &  Require  you  forth- 
with to  make  a  suruey  and  Draft  of  the  said  Island  and  Returne  the 

1  This  was  the  second  Nathaniel  Newgate,  a  London  merchant:  see  Chamber- 
lain, History  of  Chelsea,  i.  166-168. 


1919]        LAND  WARRANTS  ISSUED  UNDER  ANDROS,    1687-1688  361 

same  into  the  Secrys  Office  That  such  further  Orders  may  be  giuen 
thereupon  as  shall  be  proper  And  for  soe  Doeing  this  shall  be  your  War- 
rant Giuen  under  my  hand  and  scale  att  Boston  the  27th  Day  of  July 
1688. 

117 

A  Warrant  to  Suruey  200  Acres  of  Vacant  Land  in  Charlestown 
Comon  for  George  farwell  Gent1" 

Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*0  Gen**  and  Governour  in  Cheife  of  his 
Majties  Territory  &  Dominion  of  New  England  To  mr  Phillip  Welles 
Suruey'  or  to  any  the  Deputy  Suruey"  Whereas  George  ffarewell  Gent* 
hath  by  his  Petition  sett  forth  that  in  the  Common  of  Charlestowne  in 
the  County  of  Middlesex  there  is  a  Certaine  parcell  of  vacant  Land  Con- 
taineing  ab*  Two  hundred  Acres  bounded  part  by  the  Road  Leading  to 
Menotomy  part  by  the  line  of  Lieuten*  Cofr  Lidgetts  farme  and  part  by 
Mistick  Riuer  prayeing  his  Majtie§  grant  for  the  same,  These  are  There- 
fore to  Authorize  and  Require  you  forthwith  to  make  a  suruey  And 
Draft  of  the  said  parcells  of  Land  and  Returne  the  same  into  the  Secrys 
Office  That  such  further  Orders  may  be  giuen  thereupon  as  shall  be 
proper  for  weh  this  shall  be  your  Warrant  Giuen  under  my  hand  and 
scale  att  Boston  the  27th  Day  of  July  1688. 

118 

A  Warrant  to  suruey  a  Tract  of  vacant  Land  in  the  Nipmug  Country 
Containeing  about  two  Thousand  acres 

Sr  Edmund  Andros  Kn*  Cap*  Genw  and  Govr  in  Cheife  of  his  Maj*1" 
Territory  and  Dominion  of  New  England  To  Mr  Philip  Wells  suruey' 
or  to  any  the  Deputy  Survey"  Whereas  Samuell  Rugles  Thomas  Curtis 
Jonnathan  Curtis  and  Sam11  Rice  haue  by  their  humble  petition  prayed 
his  Majtie*  grant  of  a  Certaine  Tract  or  parcell  of  vacant  Land  Lyeing 
in  the  Nipmug  Country  Neer  new  Roxbury  containeing  about  Two 
Thousand  acres  Whereon  they  are  Desirous  to  make  present  settlement 
and  Improuement  I  Doe  hereby  Authorize  and  Require  you  to  sur- 
uey and  lay  out  for  the  sd  Samuell  Rugles  Thomas  Curtis  Jonathan 
Curtis  and  Samuell  Rice  the  sd  Two  Thousand  acres  of  Land  and  to 
make  a  platt  or  Draft  thereof  and  the  same  to  Returne  into  the  Secrys 
office  att  Boston  that  a  Pattent  may  be  granted  unto  them  accordingly 
and  for  soe  Doeing  this  shall  be  yo'  Warrant  Giuen  under  my  hand  and 
scale  att  Boston  the  28th  July  in  the  4th  yeare  of  his  Mau  Reigne  Annoq 
Dom  1688 


302 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS 


[APRIL, 


LIST  OF  GRANTEES  AND  OF  LOCATIONS  * 


Andrews,  James  68 

Baker,  Thomas  58  95 
Ballatt,  Samuel  7 
Barefoot,  Walter  23 
Belcher,  Andrew  108 
Bennett,  Edward  59 
Bickford,  Thomas  58 
Black  Point  28  65 
Blue  Hills  61  112 
Blue  Point  69 
Boston  14  16  46  99 

102  105  109 
Boston  Neck  11 
Bowdoin,  Peter  29 
Braintree  74-77 
Bramhall,  George  84 
Brinley,  Francis  11 
Brookfield  73 
Browne,  John  50 
Burrage,  William  45 

Cambridge  108 

Casco  Bay  22  24-27  29 

30  62  66  70  78  113 
Champlin,  William  3 
Chandler,  John  114 
Chapman,  Ralph  13 
Charlestown  5-7  9  107 

108  110  117 
Clap,  Roger  15 
Clark,  Nathaniel  71 
Clark's  Island  71 
Cleverly,  John  77 
Cloice,  Thomas  51 
Ceilings,  Abraham  81 
Corwin,  Margaret  72 
Coxe,  Daniel  18 
Crossthwaite,  Charles  19 
Curtis,  Jonathan  118 
Curtis,  Thomas  118 
Cutler,  John,  Jr.  6 

Danson,  George  17 
Davis,  Benjamin  14 
Davis,  Edward  53 


Davis,  Silvanus  22 
Dorchester  15  109 
Dudley,  Joseph  8  18 

34-36 

Dummer,  Shubael  67 
Durant,  Moses  58 

Ellicott,  Vines  57 
Elliot,  Robert  65 
English,  James  22 
Eyre,  John  99 

Falmouth  39-42  47-^56 

63  64  68  80-89  93-98 
Farwell,  George  117 
Felt,  George  98 
Felt,  Jonathan  98 
Felt,  Samuel  98 
Feversham  3 

Gale,  Edmund  70 
Gedney,  Bartholomew  62 
Gendall,  Walter  30  64 

79 
Gilbert,  William  92 

Harris,  John  85 
Hinckes,  John  21 
Hog  Island,  Mass.  115 

116 

Hog  Island,  Me.  57 
Hogg,  Daniel  58 
Holman,  John  86 
Housing,  Peter  78 
Howell,  John  43 
Hunnewell,  Richard  44 

Ingersoll,  George,  Sr.  55 

87 

Ingersoll,  George,  Jr.  49 
Ingersoll,  John  88 
Ingersoll,  Joseph  93 
Ingersoll,  Samuel  42 

Johnson,  Humphrey  33 
Johnson,  Nathaniel  114 


Jones,  Isaac  89 
Jones,  John  89 
Jordan,  Dominicus  38 
Jordan,  Sarah  21 

King's  Province.    Set 

Narragansett 
Kittery  23 

Lane,  John  52 
Lawrence,  Robert  24 
Leane,  Henry  90 
Leane,  Job  90 
Leane,  John  90 
Leane,  Samuel  90 
Leatherby,  Thomas  58 
Libbey,  Daniel  58 
Libbey,  David  58 
Libbey,  Henry  58 
Libbey,  John  58 
Libbey,  Matthew  58 
Lidgett,  Charles  5  9 
Lynde,  Joseph  107 
Lynde,  Simon  1 

Madiver,  Joel  96 
Magaguncock  Hill  106 
Manchaog  35 
Maxson,  John  3 
Milton  109 
Morrell,  Robert  97 

Nahant  104 
Narragansett  1-3  11 
Narragansett  Bay   37 
Newgate,  Nathaniel  115 
NewRoxbury  114  118 
Newton,  Thomas  111 
Nicholson,  Robert  94 
Niell,  Samuel  76 
Nipmug  18  34  35  72  118 
Noddle's  Island  101 
Nonsuch  21  91 
North  Yarmouth  4  30 
79  80  90  92 


1  Not  all  place-names  mentioned  in  the  warrants  are  given  in  this  list,  but  only 
those  which  hi  a  general  way  indicate  the  location  of  the  grants. 


1919] 


THE  HARVARD  COLLEGE   CHARTER   OF   1672 


Paige,  Anna  46 
Paige,  Nicholas  46 
Paulling,  Matthew  82 
Phippen,  David  27 
Pocasset  12 
Portsmouth,  R.  I.  Ill 
Powsland,  Richard  48 

Quobeague  73 

Randolph,  Edward  103 

104 

Ravenscroft,  Samuel  112 
Rice,  Samuel  118 
Ross,  John  39 
Row,  Anthony  58 
Roxbury  8 
Ruggles,  Samuel  118 
Rumney,  Marsh  46  115 
Russell,  James  110 

Saco  32 
Sakonnet  10 
Scarborough  30  43-45 
58-60 


Scituate  33 
Scot  t  ow,  Joshua  28 
Seacomb,  Richard  26  54 
Sewall,  Samuel  116 
Shawomet  13 
Sheppard,  Thomas  32 
Sherborn  36 
Sherman,  Mary  31 
Shippen,  Edward  16  69 
Shriinpton,  Samuel  101 

102 

Simpson,  Savill  105  106 
Skilling,  John  63  91 
Slaughter,  John  58 
Smith,  John  41 
Spencer,  John  47 
Spurwink  38 
Spy  Pond  103 
Staniford,  Robert  40 
Staniford,  Thomas  40 
Stoughton,  William  18 

34  35  109 
Swarton,  John  4 


Teney,  John  60 
Thayer,  Richard  15 
Thompson,  Robert  18 
Turfrey,  George  113 
Tydye,  Robert  58 
Tyng,  Edward  25 
Tyng,  Jonathan  100 

Veazie,  William  74 

Waite,  Thomas  12 
Wallis,  John  66 
Wallis,  Nathaniel  80 
Watertown  31 
Webber,  Joseph  5 
Webber,  Mary  56 
Weymesitt  100 
White,  Nathaniel  83 
Wilcox,  Daniel  10 
Winthrop,  Ann  72 
Worcester  17  19  20 

Yardly,  John  75 
York  67 


Mr.  MATTHEWS  also  communicated  the  following 
paper: 

THE  HARVARD  COLLEGE  CHARTER  OF  1672 

The  administration  of  Leonard  Hoar,1  though  it  lasted  only  two 
years  and  three  months,  presents  more  puzzling  questions  than  that 
of  any  other  President  of  Harvard  College.  Born  in  England  in  or 
about  1630,  he  was  brought  to  this  country  at  an  early  age,  graduated 
at  Harvard  in  1650,  took  his  A.M.  in  1653,  and  in  the  same  year  went 
to  England,  where  he  became  rector  of  Wanstead,  Essex,2  but  was 
ejected  in  1662.  Shortly  after  the  death  of  Chauncy,  which  occurred 
February  19,  1672,  Dr.  Hoar  *  came  to  Boston  at  the  invitation  of 
the  Third  or  Old  South  Church,  but  also,  apparently,  with  an  eye 
to  the  presidency.  At  all  events,  he  brought  letters  of  recommenda- 


1  For  Hoar,  see  Sibley's  Harvard  Graduates,  i.  228-252,  587-590. 

1  Hoar's  patron  was  Sir  Henry  Mildmay  (died  about  1664)  of  Wanstead, 
the  father  of  William  Mildmay  (H.  C.  1647):  cf.  our  Publications,  xviii.  309 
note  2. 

•  Hoar  received  the  degree  of  M.D.  from  Cambridge  University  in  1671. 


364  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  [APRIL, 

tion  for  that  office  and,  reaching  here  July  8, 1672,1  was  in  the  same 
month  elected  President.  Yet  the  exact  date  of  his  election  is  un- 
known with  certainty;  we  are  left  in  some  doubt  as  TO  whether  he  was 
chosen  by  the  Corporation  or  by  the  Overseers;  the  date  of  his  in- 
auguration is  variously  given;  the  mystery  surrounding  his  failure  has 
never  been  cleared  up;  and  the  charter  which  was  granted  by  the 
General  Court  in  October,  1672,  has  been  completely  misunderstood 
by  the  historians  of  the  College  since  1812. 

The  object  of  this  paper  is  not  to  attempt  the  apparently  hopeless 
task  of  reconciling  the  discrepancies,  or  of  elucidating  the  exact  pur- 
pose of  the  charter  of  1672.  But  there  are  in  existence  some  data 
that  have  been  previously  overlooked,  and  as  they  throw  much  light 
on  the  vexed  problems,  particularly  that  of  the  charter,  no  apology 
is  needed  for  presenting  them.  Before  taking  up  the  charter  itself, 
let  us  glance  at  some  of  the  other  questions. 

First,  as  to  the  date  of  Hoar's  election  and  inauguration.  In  a 
passage  written  about  1697  and  published  in  1702,  Cotton  Mather 
said: 

After  the  Death  of  Mr.  Chancey,  which  was  at  the  latter  End  of  the 
Year  1701.2  The  Alma  Mater  Academia,  must  look  among  her  own  Sons, 
to  find  a  President  for  the  rest  of  her  Children;  and  accordingly  the 
Fellows  of  the  Colledge  with  the  Approbation  of  the  Overseers,  July  13. 
1672.  elected  Mr.  Leonard  Hoar,  unto  that  Office;  whereto,  on  the  Tenth 
of  September  following  he  was  Inaugurated.* 

At  College  Book  I.  75  John  Davis,  who  was  Treasurer  of  the  College 
from  1810  to  1827,  has  written:  "Mem0  President  Hoar  was  elected 
July  30.  and  inaugurated  10.  Sept'  1672.  J.D."  At  the  right  of  this 
entry  Sibley  wrote  in  pencil:  "No:  it  was  10  December.  J.L.S." 
And  underneath  the  entry  President  Quincy  wrote:  "This  mem°  was 
made  by  Treasurer  Davis  within  the  present  century.  His  authority 
must  have  been  College  Book  N°.  3.  P.  54.  —  J.Q."  That  September 

1  Under  date  of  July  8, 1672,  William  Adams  (H.  C.  1671)  wrote:  "Dr.  Hoare 
came  in  from  England"  (4  Massachusetts  Historical  Collections,  i.  17). 

*  This  is  of  course  a  misprint  for  1671.    As  March  was  then  the  first  month, 
Chauncy's  death  was  "  at  the  latter  End  of  the  Year  1671,"  Old  Style.    As  Mather 
did  not  see  proofs  of  his  magnum  opus,  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  various  errors 
in  the  Magnalia,  like  the  date  1701,  are  due  not  to  the  author  but  to  the  printer. 
Cf .  p.  154  note  2,  above. 

*  Magnalia,  bk.  iv.  pt.  i,  §  5,  pp.  128-129. 


1919]  THE  HARVARD  COLLEGE  CHARTER  OF   1672  365 

10  is  an  impossible  date  is  made  certain  by  the  fact  that  on  October  8 
the  General  Court,  — 

hauing  duely  considered  of  the  motion  *  in  refference  to  allowance  to  be 
given  to  the  maintenance  of  a  president  at  the  colledge,  &  the  settlement 
of  what  may  give  due  encouragement  to  that  worke,  doe  judge  meet  & 
order,  that  there  be  allowed  one  hundred  &  fifty  pounds  p  anum.  to  be 
pajd  in  money  by  the  country  Treasurer  out  of  such  revenues  as  are 
payd  in  money  into  the  treasury,  provided  Doctor  Hoare  be  the  man  for 
a  supply  of  that  place,  nowe  vacant,  &  that  he  accept  thereof,  and  that 
when  this  order  of  one  hundred  &  fifty  pounds  p  anu  takes  place,  the 
former  order  of  one  hundred  a  yeare  setled  vpon  the  president,  in  the 
printed  law,  be  made  voyd,  &  that  this  allowance  be  continued  vntill 
the  Generall  Court  or  ouerseers  shall  finde  some  other  way  for  the  making 
it  good,  and  that  the  annuall  allowanc  be  payd  quarterly.8 

In  a  passage  dated  July  8,  but  obviously  written  some  months  later, 
John  Hull  stated  in  his  Diary  that  "Dr.  Leonard  Hoar  arrived  at 
Boston  from  London,  being  sent  for  by  the  third  church  in  Boston: 
but,  the  President  of  the  College  being  dead,  it  was  the  earnest  desire 
of  the  ministers  and  magistrates  that  they  would  spare  him  for  that 
work;  and,  upon  Nov.  15,  they  did  yield  him  up  to  that  service."  * 
Under  the  year  1672,  Hull  also  noted:  "llth,  10th.  Dr.  Leonard  Hoar 
constituted  President  of  the  College."  4  This  date  might  be  either 
December  11, 1672,  or  January  10, 1673,  according  as  to  whether  the 
first  figure  stands  for  the  month  or  for  the  day.  More  satisfactory 
is  an  entry  in  the  Diary  of  William  Adams,  then  a  resident  graduate 


1  From  an  unexpected  source  it  is  learned  that  this  "motion"  originated  with 
the  Overseers — a  fact  which  appears  to  have  escaped  the  attention  of  the  histo- 
rians of  the  College.  In  the  Index  to  College  Books  i-vi,  compiled  by  President 
Wadsworth,  are  these  entries:  "When  y*  President's  place  was  offerM  to  mr 
Chauncey.  A.D.  1654.  an.  100"  salary  was  offer'd  at  y*  same  time.  B.  2.  p.  15. 
.  .  .  President's  Salary  (An.  1654.  B.  2.  p.  3)  p.  7,  Judg'd  by  y*  overseers.  1672. 
ehd  be.  150»  at  least  y*  General  Court  to  be  address'd  about  it.  B.  2.  p.  47.  49." 
Evidently  the  order  of  October  8,  1672,  was  in  response  to  an  address  from  the 
Overseers.  College  Book  ii  was  destroyed  in  the  fire  of  1764,  and  those  particular 
entries  were  not  (like  many  others)  copied  into  College  Book  iii. 

*  Massachusetts  Colony  Records,  iv.  ii.  535. 

1  American  Antiquarian  Society  Transactions  and  Collections,  iii.  233.  Cf. 
Hill's  History  of  the  Old  South  Church,  i.  182-190. 

4  American  Antiquarian  Society  Transactions  and  Collections,  iii.  235.  The 
preceding  entry  is  dated  "  Dec.  7,"  and  the  entry  after  is  dated  "  1673,  21st  of  1st." 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS 


[APRIL, 


at  the  College:  "Anno  1672.  .  .  .  Dec.  ...  10.  Leonardus  Hoare, 
Medicinse  Doctor,  .  .  .  Collegii  Harvardini  Freses,  Cantabr.  N.A. 
inauguratus." l  In  a  letter  to  Robert  Boyle  dated  "  Cambridge,  New- 
England,  December  the  13th,  1672,"  Hoar  himself  wrote:  "It  hath 
pleased  even  all  to  assign  the  college  for  my  Sparta.  I  desire  I  may 
adorn  it;  and  thereby  encourage  the  country  in  its  utmost  throws  for 
its  resuscitation  from  its  ruins.  And  we  still  hope  some  helpers  from 
our  native  land;  of  which  your  honoured  self,  Mr.  A.2  and  some  others 
have  given  a  pledge."  8  It  is  a  fair  assumption  that  he  was  already 
President.  In  College  Book  I.  75-78,  are  entered,  in  the  hand  of 
Hoar  himself,  the  "Acts  of  ye  Corporation  since  ye  10th  of  Decembr 
1672"  —  clearly  indicating  that  he  became  President  on  that  day. 
Finally,  in  his  Index  to  College  Books  I-VI,  which  must  have  been 
compiled  while  he  was  President  from  1725  to  1737,  Wadsworth  made 
this  entry:  "Dr  Hoar  Inaugurated  President.  10.  10.  1672." 4  It  is 
certain,  then,  that  Hoar  was  inaugurated  on  December  10,  1672;  and 
this  is  the  date  now  given  in  the  Quinquennial  Catalogue.6 

As  for  the  date  of  Hcar's  election,  Cotton  Mather  gave  it  as  July  13, 
1672.  The  entry  at  College  Book  III.  54,  referred  to  by  Quincy, 
ought,  one  would  think,  to  be  decisive.  The  entry  itself,  in  the  hand 
of  Thomas  Danforth,  though  when  made  is  not  known,  clearly  reads: 
"Docto*  Leonard  Hoar  was  elected  President  of  the  Colledge.  The 


1  4  Massachusetts  Historical  Collections,  i.  18. 

*  Henry  Ashurst  (d.  1680). 

1  Boyle's  Works  (1772),  vi.  653.  In  reprinting  this  interesting  letter,  Sibley 
says  that  it  was  written  "a  few  weeks  after  Hoar's  inauguration  as  President n 
(Harvard  Graduates,  i.  588),  forgetting  that  he  had  previously  (p.  235)  given 
the  date  as  December  10,  and  overlooking  his  own  pencilled  note  in  College  Book 
i.  75  (though  that  note  may  have  been  made  after  the  publi cation  of  his  Harvard 
Graduates). 

4  So  far  as  I  have  noted,  this  is  the  only  entry  in  the  Index  to  which  no  reference 
is  attached.  The  omission  is  unfortunate;  but  since  neither  College  Book  iii  nor 
College  Book  iv  contains  such  an  entry,  it  is  a  fair  assumption  that  the  entry  in 
question  was  taken  from  College  Book  ii  (not  now  extant).  Though  Wadsworth 
notejf  Hoar's  inauguration  and  resignation,  he  did  not  note  Hoar's  election. 

•  Down  to  and  including  1827,  the  Triennial  Catalogues  gave  only  the  years 
in  which  a  President  was  inaugurated  or  died  or  left  office.    In  the  1830  Triennial 
full  dates  were  given  for  the  first  time,  and  from  1830  to  1885,  both  included, 
the  Triennial  and  Quinquennial  Catalogues  gave  September  10  as  the  date  of 
Hoar's  accession  to  office.    In  the  1890  Quinquennial,  the  correct  date  of  Decem- 
ber 10,  1672,  appeared  for  the  first  time. 


1919]  THE  HARVARD  COLLEGE  CHARTER  OF   1672  367 

which  he  accepting  he  was  inaugurated.  10.  7.  1672." l  But  the 
heading  to  this  entry  is,  unfortunately,  somewhat  blind.  It  appears 
to  read:  "At  a  meeting  of  the  Overseers  July.  30.  1672."  But 
the  date  may  not  be  "July  30,  1672,"  though  apparently  both 
Davis  and  Quincy  so  read  it,  since  "July"  is  written  over  another 
word,  perhaps  "June;"  and  "30"  is  written  over  other  figures, 
perhaps  "27."  Attention  should  be  called  to  a  letter  written  to  John 
Winthrop,  Jr.,  dated  "Cambr.  1.  6.  1672"  —  that  is,  August  1,  1672 
—  in  which  Thomas  Danforth  said: 

As  for  Dr.  Hoare,  He  came  over  under  some  (though  not  severe) 
obligattion  to  y*  new  church.  Himselfe  seems  to  referr  ye  matter  to  y* 
Determination:  yet  do  not  in  ye  least  decline  ye  motion  made  in  behalf 
of  y*  colledge.  but  as  his  disposition  of  mind  is  thought  to  be  y*  way, 
so  also  it  is  app'hended  y*  he  will  be  a  better  prsidl,  yn  a  pulpitt  man 
(at  least)  as  to  vulgr  acceptation,  yet  I  perceiue  ye  church  do  not  freely 
come  of  in  ye  matter,  nor  do  I  apprhend  y*  anything  will  be  fully  con- 
cluded on  before  ya  Gefiall  court  meet.2 

Finally,  on  this  point,  we  may  quote  Hutchinson's  statement  that 
"Doctor  Leonard  Hoar  .  .  .  returned  [to  New  England]  not  long 
before  he  was  elected  July  30,  1672." 8  Hoar's  election  must  have 
been  between  July  8  (the  date  of  his  arrival)  and  August  1. 

Secondly,  Was  Hoar  elected  President  by  the  Corporation  or  by 
the  Overseers?  Cotton  Mather,  as  we  have  seen,  states  that  he 
was  elected  by  "the  Fellows  of  the  Colledge  with  the  Approbation 
of  the  Overseers."  By  the  charter  of  1650  the  Corporation  was 
empowered  "to  elect  a  new  president,  ffellowes,  or  treasurer,  so  oft 
and  from  time  to  time  as  any  of  the  sajd  persons  shall  dye  or  be 
remooved." 4  This  method  of  election  had  not  been  established  in 
1672,  and  it  is  by  no  means  certain  that  it  was  followed  in  the  case 
of  Hoar.  "At  a  meeting  of  the  Magistrates  and  Elders  at  Boston. 
27.  of  August.  1640.  The  Reverend  mr  Henery  Dunstar  was  by 
them  invited  to  accept  the  place  of  President  of  the  Colledge,  which 
he  accordingly  accepted."6  In  the  charter  of  1650,  the  members 

1  Danforth,  it  will  be  observed,  gives  the  date  of  the  inauguration  as  September 
10.  Perhaps  this  was  Mather's  authority  for  the  same  date. 

*  1  Massachusetts  Historical  Proceedings,  xiii.  235. 

*  History  of  Massachusetts  (London,  1765),  i.  174  note. 
<  See  p.  396,  below.  •  College  Book  iii.  3. 


368 


of  the  Corporation  were  of  course  named  by  the  General  Court. 
Dunster's  final  resignation  in  1654  was  made  not  to  the  Corporation 
but  to  the  Overseers,  who  presented  it  to  the  General  Court,  and  both 
the  selection  and  the  election  of  his  successor  Chauncy  was  placed 
by  the  General  Court  wholly  in  the  hands  of  the  Overseers.1  The 
entry  at  College  Book  I.  75  ought  to  be  decisive,  but  it  again  fails  us; 
for  though  the  heading  appears  to  read  "  At  a  meeting  of  the  Over- 
seers," the  word  "Overseers"  is  written  over  the  word  "Corpora- 
tion"—  making  it  impossible  to  say  with  absolute  certainty  by 
whom  Hoar  was  elected.2 

Thirdly,  it  is  pertinent  to  the  discussion  to  ask,  Who  were  the 
members  of  the  Corporation  early  in  the  year  1672?  Even  this 
question,  simple  as  it  seems,  cannot,  owing  to  the  meagreness  of  the 
early  College  records,  be  answered  with  absolute  certainty.  But 
apparently  the  make-up  of  the  Corporation  at  the  beginning  of  1672 
was  as  follows: 

Charles  Chauncy, 

John  Richards, 

Samuel  Danforth, 

Alexander  Nowell, 

Joseph  Browne, 

John  Richardson, 


President 
Treasurer 

Fellows 


It  will  be  observed  that  there  were  only  four  Fellows,  instead  of 
the  five  called  for  in  the  charter  of  1650.3  But  for  all  practical  pur- 
poses, there  were  only  three  Fellows,  for  in  the  early  years  the  work 
of  the  Corporation  appears  to  have  been  done  chiefly  by  the  Presi- 
dent, the  Treasurer,  and  the  three  resident  Fellows  who,  recent 
graduates,  were  Tutors  and  had  actual  charge  of  the  classes.  Grad- 
uating in  1643,  Samuel  Danforth  was  a  Tutor  from  about  1644  to 
about  1649;  in  1650  he  was  named  a  Fellow  in  the  charter;  on 
September  24, 1650,  he  was  ordained  pastor  of  the  church  at  Roxbury ; 

1  See  pp.  152-154,  above. 

1  In  his  Index  to  College  Books  i-vi,  President  Wadsworth  made  the  entry, 
"D*  Hoar  resign'd  his  Presidentship.  15-1.  1675.  B.  2.  p.  63;"  but  made  no 
entry  in  regard  to  Hoar's  election. 

*  Thomas  Shepard  was  elected  a  Fellow  on  November  27,  1654  (College 
Book  iii.  39),  and  the  Quinquennial  Catalogue  states  that  he  held  the  position 
until  1673.  I  cannot  help  thinking  that  this  is  a  mistake,  and  that  he  was  not 
a  Fellow  early  in  1672:  see  p.  396  note  4,  below. 


1919]  THE  HARVARD  COLLEGE  CHARTER  OF   1672 

he  ceased  to  be  a  Fellow  about  1654;  and  in  1668  his  name  again 
appears  in  the  list  of  Fellows,  though  there  is  no  record  of  his  election. 
Alexander  Nowell,  who  graduated  in  1664,  was  elected  a  Fellow  on 
November  28,  1664.1  Joseph  Browne  and  John  Richardson,  both  of 
whom  graduated  in  1666,  are  supposed  to  have  been  elected  Fellows 
in  1671,  though,  curiously  enough,  there  is  no  record  of  their  election.* 
But  that  they  were  Fellows  early  in  1672  is  proved  by  a  letter  sent 
to  John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  thanking  him  for  a  gift  of  astronomical  instru- 
ments, etc.,  made  to  the  College.  This  letter,  dated  February  2, 
1672,  is  signed  by  Nowell,  Browne,  and  Richardson,  who  say:  "Our 
reverend  President  (who  has  been  sickly  of  late)  does  present  his 
service  to  your  Worship,  and  renders  you  many  thankes  for  that 
extraordinary  care  and  respect  manifested  in  this  case."  And  the 
letter  is  endorsed  by  Winthrop:  "Mr  Alexander  Nowell  &  the  other 
Fellows  of  the  Colledge.  Rec:  Feb:  10: 1671." 8 

In  his  letter  to  Boyle,  already  quoted,  Hoar  expressed  his  desire 
to  "adorn"  the  College,  and  "thereby  encourage  the  country  in 
its  utmost  throws  for  its  resuscitation  from  its  ruins."  The  allusion 
is  to  the  low  condition  into  which  the  College  had  fallen  in  the  years 
1671-1672  and  which  had  given  great  concern  to  the  friends  of  the 
College  on  both  sides  of  the  Atlantic.4  This  condition  was  to  sink 
still  lower,  for  on  February  19, 1672,  Chauncy  died,  and  was  buried  on 
the  21st,  when  "Mr.  Oakes  turned  his  lecture  into  a  funeral  sermon 


1  College  Book  ill.  43. 

1  Joseph  Browne  was  probably  a  Fellow  before  1671,  for  in  a  letter  dated 
February  14  or  15,  1672,  Sewall,  who  entered  College  in  1667,  said:  "Prethee 
present  my  service  to  Mr.  Nowell,  Mr.  Richardson;  and  in  special,  to  Mr.  Brown 
my  Tutor"  (Letter-Book,  i.  19).  The  editors  say  in  a  footnote  that  this  letter 
"was  written  March  16,  1672;"  but  the  letter  is  dated  "Newbury;  16.  Calend. 
Martij,  1671,"  which  was  not  March  16  but  February  14  or  15,  1672. 

1  2  Massachusetts  Historical  Proceedings,  iv.  266. 

4  On  May  1,  1671,  the  Rev.  John  Knowles,  then  in  England,  wrote  to  the 
Overseers  in  regard  to  the  condition  of  the  College.  That  letter  has  not  been 
preserved,  but  the  letter  of  the  Overseers  in  reply,  dated  August  21,  1671,  is 
printed  in  our  Publications,  xi.  336-341.  This  last  letter,  in  its  turn,  drew  from 
thirteen  ministers  in  and  about  London  a  letter  dated  February  5, 1672,  which  is 
printed  in  Hutchinson's  Collection  of  Original  Papers  (1769),  pp.  429-431. 
This  letter  contains  a  recommendation  of  Dr.  Hoar,  as  does  also  a  letter  written 
by  the  Rev.  John  Collins  (H.  C.  1649)  to  Governor  Leverett  (printed  in  id.  pp.  435- 
436).  In  March,  1672,  Richard  Saltonstall  wrote  a  letter  recommending  the 
Rev.  John  Knowles  for  the  presidency  (printed  in  our  Publications,  viii.  193-198). 


370 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS 


[APRIL, 


on  y*  2.  Kings  2.  12,"  and  "Mr.  Nowell  Soci.  made  a  funeral  oration 
in  ye  Hall." 1  He  was  soon  followed  by  the  orator,  as  on  July  13 
"Died  Mr.  Alexander  Nowel  Senr  Fellow  2  of  Harv.  Coll.  he  lay  sick 
of  (as  is  conjectured)  an  hectic  fever  above  a  quarter  of  a  year  being 
most  of  ye  time  distempered  in  his  head,  yet  rational  a  little  before 
his  death."  *  Thus  within  five  days  after  the  arrival  of  Hoar  and  on 
the  very  day  when,  according  to  Mather,  Hoar  was  elected  President 
by  the  Corporation,  that  body  was  reduced  to  three  active  members 
—  Treasurer  Richards,  the  two  resident  Fellows  or  Tutors  Joseph 
Browne  and  John  Richardson  —  and  one  nominal  Fellow,  Samuel 
Danforth.4  Is  it  not  highly  questionable  whether,  in  such  a  serious 
condition  of  affairs,  three  or  even  four  men  would  have  taken  upon 
themselves  the  grave  responsibility  of  electing  a  President  and  two 
Fellows?  Indeed,  would  they  have  been  allowed  to  do  so?  In  1654, 
as  already  stated,5  the  Corporation  had  no  hand  at  all  in  the  selection 
or  election  of  Dunster's  successor;  and  it  seems  to  me  far  more  prob- 
able that  in  1672  Chauncy's  successor  was  elected  by  the  Overseers 
than  by  the  Corporation.  But  however  that  may  have  been,  it  is 
certain  that  in  the  end  it  was  the  General  Court  which  filled  up  the 
Corporation. 

And  thus  we  are  brought  to  the  charter  of  1672.  The  allusions  to 
this  instrument  are  apparently  so  few  that  they  may  well  be  given 
practically  in  full.  Previous  to  1812  that  charter  was,  so  far  as  I  am 
aware,  mentioned  in  print  only  twice:  by  Nathan  Prince  hi  a  pamphlet 
written  in  1742  and  published  late  in  that  year  or  early  in  1743,  and 
by  Hutchinson  in  1764,  both  of  whom  will  be  quoted  later.6  With 
a  single  exception,  also  to  be  quoted  later,7  there  appears  to  be  no 
mention  of  the  charter  hi  the  College  records  until  January  27,  1812. 

1  W.  Ames,  4  Massachusetts  Historical  Collections,  i.  15-16. 

f  During  the  time  when  there  were  three  resident  Fellows  or  Tutors,  they 
were  called  respectively  "Senior"  Fellow,  "Second"  or  "Middle"  Fellow,  and 
"Third"  Fellow.  By  the  charter  of  1672,  the  number  of  resident  Fellows  or 
Tutors  was  reduced  from  three  to  two:  see  p.  396,  below. 

*  W.  Ames,  4  Massachusetts  Historical  Collections,  i.  17. 

4  I  should  also  be  inclined  to  think  that  Samuel  Danforth  could  not  have  been 
a  Fellow  early  in  1672,  were  it  not  for  the  peculiar  way  in  which  he  is  spoken  of 
in  the  charter  of  1672:  see  p.  396,  below. 

1  See  p.  368,  above. 

•  See  pp.  382,  379,  below. 
7  See  p.  381,  below. 


1919]  THE  HARVARD  COLLEGE  CHARTER  OF   1672  371 

On  January  14,  1812,  the  Legislature  ordered  the  President  and 
Fellows  to  lay  before  it  "a  true  copy  of  the  Charter  of  the  College, 
together  with  all  the  Laws,  Bye  Laws,  Rules  and  Regulations,  which 
have  at  any  time  been  made  or  passed  and  are  now  hi  force,"  etc.1 
On  January  27  President  Kirkland  laid  this  order  before  the  Corpora- 
tion, which  "  took  the  said  request  into  their  respective  consideration 
and  voted  the  following  statement."  2  In  that  statement  occurs  this 
passage: 

It  ought  however  to  be  remembered  that  after  the  two  ordinances 
above  referred  to  establishing  the  Corporation  that  is  to  say  the  Charter 
of  Sixteen  hundred  and  fifty,  and  the  Appendix  of  Sixteen  hundred  and 
fifty  seven,  the  Colonial  General  Court  passed  an  Ordinance  in  October 
Sixteen  hundred  and  seventy  two,  now  in  the  Records  of  the  Court, 
providing  for  a  new  Charter  for  the  College,  with  very  extensive  and 
important  powers,  both  civil  and  collegiate;  and  enacting  that  the 
Provisions  of  that  Ordinance  should  be  Law,  any  Law,  Grant  or  Usage  to 
the  contrary  notwithstanding.  —  But  in  fact  there  remains  no  evidence 
that  the  Corporation  ever  accepted  this  Charter,  or  exercised  any  of  the 
powers  therein  granted;  and  it  is  not  on  the  records  of  either  the  Over- 
seers or  Corporation.8 

There  was  then  pending  a  bill  for  repealing  the  act  of  March  6, 1810, 
reorganizing  the  Board  of  Overseers,  and  on  February  18,  1812,  the 
Corporation  voted  "That  the  President  —  the  Treasurer,4  and  Mr 
Lowell,6  be  a  Committee  to  defend  the  rights  of  the  College  against 
any  attempt  of  the  Legislature  to  alter  or  annul  the  Constitution  of 
the  present  Board  of  Overseers  and  for  this  purpose  that  they  be 
authorized  to  prepare  and  present  any  Memorial  that  the  said  Com- 
mittee may  think  proper  and  at  such  tune  as  they  may  think  best."  * 
On  February  24  the  committee  "appointed  to  defend  the  rights  of 
the  College  &e  presented  the  following  report  which  being  read  was 
accepted.  In  pursuance  of  a  Vote  of  the  Corporation  passed  Feb* 
18th  —  the  Committee  preferred  the  following  Memorial,  which  they 
procured  to  be  printed,  and  distributed  among  the  members  of  the 
General  Court."  7  In  this  memorial,  after  alluding  to  the  act  of  1642, 


1  College  Records,  x.  67.  •  x.  68. 

•  x.  70.  «  John  Davis  (H.  C.  1781). 

•  John  Lowell  (H.  C.  1786).  •  College  Records,  x.  80. 
T  x.  80. 


372  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  [APRIL, 

reorganizing  the  Board  of  Overseers,  the  charter  of  1650,  and  the 
appendix  to  the  charter  passed  in  1657,  occur  the  words,  "Your 
Memorialists  conceive,  that  these  are  the  legislative  and  public  Acts, 
on  which  the  Foundation  and  Government  of  the  College  rest.  The 
Colonial  General  Court,"  etc.,1  the  remainder  of  the  passage  being  in 
precisely  the  same  words  as  in  the  statement  voted  by  the  Corpora- 
tion on  January  27, 1812. 

Notwithstanding  this  memorial,  the  act  of  March  6,  1810,  was 
repealed  by  an  act  of  February  29, 1812,  and  by  a  vote  of  the  Corpora- 
tion on  April  15  2  there  was  published  by  the  College  a  36-page 
pamphlet  entitled  "The  Constitution  of  the  University  at  Cambridge, 
with  an  Appendix." 3  In  this  are  printed  the  act  of  1642,  the  charter 
of  1650,  the  appendix  to  the  charter  passed  in  1657,  the  articles  of 
the  State  Constitution  of  1780  relating  to  the  College,  and  the  act 
of  1810  reorganizing  the  Board  of  Overseers,  with  the  acceptances 
of  this  last  act  by  the  Corporation  and  by  the  Overseers  (on 
March  16,  April  12,  1810,  respectively).  The  Appendix  contains 
a  sketch  of  what  may  be  called  the  constitutional  history  of  the 
College,  and  in  it  are  printed  various  documents,  among  them  the 
charter  of  1672.  This  is  preceded  and  followed  by  the  following 
statements: 

Afterwards  the  general  court  of  the  colony  of  Massachusetts  Bay 
appear  to  have  intended  a  new  college  charter  with  much  larger  powers, 
including  a  measure  of  civil  jurisdiction;  and  passed  the  ordinance  of 


1  College  Records,  x.  83. 

*  x.  101. 

*  The  genesis  of  this  pamphlet  is  as  follows.   On  January  9, 1811,  the  Corpora- 
tion voted  "That  the  President  &  Chief  Justice  be  a  Committee  to  prepare  & 
cause  to  be  printed  five  hundred  copies  of  the  documents,  which  relate  to  the 
foundation  &  existing  powers  of  the  Corporation  &  Overseers  of  Harvard  College" 
(College  Records,  x.  12-13).    On  April  15,  1812,  the  Corporation  voted  "That 
the  Committee  (The  President  and  Chief  Justice  Parsons)  appointed  to  prepare 
and  print  the  Constitution  of  the  College  with  the  history  of  the  Proceedings 
under  it,  be  requested  to  cause  to  be  printed  One  thousand  Copies"  (x.  101). 
Chief  Justice  Theophilus  Parsons  (H.  C.  1769)  was  a  Fellow  from  1806  to  1812. 
At  the  bottom  of  p.  33  of  the  pamphlet  are  the  words: 

The  foregoing  charters  and  acts  relating  to  the  constitution  of  Harvard  College 
with  the  appendix  are  printed  by  vote  of  the  corporation. 

JOHN  T.  KIRKLAND,  President. 
Cambridge,  April  18,  1812. 


1919]  THE  HARVARD  COLLEGE  CHARTER  OF   1672  373 

1672  —  a  copy  of  which  here  follows.  .  .  .  But  there  is  no  evidence  that 
the  President  and  Fellows  ever  accepted  this  charter,  or  acted  under  it. 
They  never  assumed  the  name  there  designated  of  President,  'Fellows, 
and  Treasurer  of  Harvard  College,  but  acted  under  the  name  by  which 
they  were  originally  incorporated.1 

Writing  about  1831  Peirce  said: 

An  ordinance  was  passed  by  the  General  Court  October  8,  1672, 
which  was  intended  as  a  substitute  for  the  existing  charter.  It  altered 
the  name  of  the  Corporation  from  "President  and  Fellows"  to  that  of 
"President,  Fellows,  and  Treasurer  of  Harvard  College";  it  modified 
their  powers  in  some  respects,  and  granted  important  additional  ones, 
civil  and  collegiate;  but  the  Corporation  do  not  appear  to  have  accepted 
this  charter;  and  it  is  regarded  as  never  having  possessed  any  validity.1 

In  1840  Quincy  wrote: 

In  the  ensuing  October,  the  General  Court  passed  also  a  new  College 
charter.  By  this  act  the  name  of  the  Corporation  was  changed  from 
"The  President  and  Fellows"  to  that  of  "The  President,  Fellows,  and 
Treasurer."  The  number  of  its  members  was  not  increased.  It  was 
permitted  to  hold  personal  property  to  any  amount  whatsoever,  and  real 
estate  to  the  value  of  five  hundred  pounds  per  annum.  Ten  menial 
servants  of  the  Corporation  were  exempted  from  all  civil  and  military 
exercises,  and  the  personal  estates  of  the  members  of  the  Corporation 
and  their  officers,  not  exceeding  one  hundred  pounds  a  man,  were 
exempted  from  taxes;  and  any  three  of  the  Corporation,  of  which  the 
President  was  to  be  one,  had  committed  to  them  full  power  to  fine, 
sconce,  or  otherwise  correct  any  officer  or  member  of  said  Society, 
according  to  the  laws  of  the  country;  and  for  this  purpose,  taking  aeon- 
stable,  to  enter  into  any  house  licensed  for  public  entertainment,  where 


1  Constitution  of  the  University  at  Cambridge,  pp.  19,  21. 

The  first  edition  of  the  Harvard  University  Catalogue  to  contain  a  section  on 
"The  Government  of  the  University"  was  that  for  the  year  1872-73,  where 
appears  (p.  15)  a  paragraph  of  twelve  lines  about  the  charter  of  1672,  practically 
taken  from  Quincy's  History.  This  paragraph  appeared  in  every  succeeding 
edition  of  the  Catalogue  down  to  and  including  that  for  1882-83;  but  no  edition 
of  the  Catalogue  issued  since  that  for  1882-83  has  contained  any  allusion  to  the 
charter  of  1672. 

1  History  of  Harvard  University  (1833),  p.  43.  In  a  footnote  Peirce  refers  to 
"Constitution  of  the  Univ.,  App.  p.  27."  In  that  pamphlet  the  memorial  pre- 
sented  to  the  Legislature  by  the  Corporation  on  February  24,  1812,  is  printed 
on  pp.  25-32. 


374  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  [APRIL, 

they  should  be  informed,  or  have  reason  to  suspect,  enormities  were 
plotting  or  acting  by  any  members  of  said  Society. 

Although  this  charter  is  entered  at  large  in  the  journal  of  the  General 
Court,  it  does  not  appear  in  the  records  of  the  seminary;  nor  is  any 
notice  taken  of  it  in  those  records,  nor  in  the  general  history  of  the 
times.  The  probability  is,  that  it  was  the  work  of  President  Hoar, 
and  had  some  connexion  with  that  evanescent  influence,  which  he 
seemed,  in  the  year  1672,  to  have  acquired  among  the  members  of  the 
General  Court;  and,  in  consequence  of  that  unpopularity,  which  imme- 
diately followed  his  entering  upon  the  government  of  the  institution,  its 
authority  was  never  recognised  by  the  Corporation.  It  is  certain,  that 
they  never  assumed  the  name  given  by  the  act,  and  there  exists  no 
evidence  of  their  having,  in  a  single  instance,  modified  their  proceedings 
according  to  its  provisions.1 

In  1864  Palfrey,  speaking  of  Hoar,  said: 

The  General  Court  shared,  or  caught,  the  enthusiasm  of  the  London 
ministers.  They  voted  to  raise  the  President's  annual  allowance  from 
a  hundred  to  a  hundred  and  fifty  pounds,  "  provided  Dr.  Hoar  were  the 
man  for  a  supply  of  that  place  now  vacant,  and  that  he  accepted 
thereof";  and  they  offered  to  the  College  a  new  charter  (which,  however, 
did  not  take  effect)  embracing  some  extension  of  its  privileges.2 

In  1874  Sibley  remarked  that  "At  the  same  time,  probably  in 
conformity  with  Hoar's  wishes,  the  General  Court  granted  to  the 
College  a  new  charter;"  and,  after  quoting  the  passage  in  the  charter 
conferring  on  the  Corporation  "the  ffull  power  of  sconsing,  fineing,  or 
otherwise  correcting  all  inferiour  officers  and  members,"  etc.,  declared 
that  "This  charter,  however,  never  went  into  effect."  3 

Finally,  in  1894  our  associate  Mr.  Andrew  McF.  Davis  said: 

There  were  no  other  incorporations  or  attempts  at  incorporation  until 
after  the  promulgation  of  the  Province  Charter,  with  the  exception  that 
in  1672,  in  President  Hoar's  day,  there  is  an  alleged  new  charter  for  the 
College  extended  in  the  Colonial  Records.  Whether  the  act  passed  is  not 
known.  No  recognition  of  it  appears  to  have  been  made  by  the  College. 
It  does  not  appear  in  the  published  laws  of  the  Colony.  No  stress,  how- 
ever, can  be  laid  upon  this  omission,  inasmuch  as  the  Charter  of  1650,  as 

1  History  of  Harvard  Universit}',  i.  32-33. 
*  History  of  New  England,  iii.  94. 
1  Harvard  Graduates,  i.  234,  235. 


1919]  THE  HARVARD   COLLEGE  CHARTER  OF   1672      ,  375 

I  have  already  stated,  is  also  conspicuous  in  its  absence  from  the  same 
publications.  If  this  Charter  was  actually  enacted  to  be  a  law,  it  was  at 
best  merely  a  substitute  for  the  Charter  of  which  it  was  practically  an 
amendment.  .  .  . 

The  draft  of  a  charter  which,  in  1672,  appears  in  the  Colony  Records 
is  so  inconsistent  with  any  theory  of  the  needs  of  the  College,  and  the 
total  omission  of  reference  to  it  in  the  records  at  Cambridge  so  peculiar, 
that  I  have  no  explanation  to  offer  for  it.  If  it  was  passed  it  violates 
my  idea  that  there  was  a  persistent  effort  to  avoid  cumbering  the  records 
with  needless  conflicts  with  the  Crown  on  law  points,  although  it  may 
of  course  be  said  that  this  act  being  in  effect  a  mere  amendment  of  an 
existing  charter,  its  passage  would  not  have  been  regarded  in  the  same 
way  as  the  creation  of  a  new  corporation  would  have  been.1 

It  is  at  once  obvious  that  all  later  statements,  though  in  some  cases 
amplified,  were  based  on  the  statement  voted  by  the  Corporation  on 
January  27,  1812.  These  various  statements  may  be  summarized  as 
follows:  (1)  that  the  charter  of  1672  was  intended  as  a  substitute  for 
the  charter  of  1650;  (2)  that  the  charter  of  1672  was  never  accepted 
by  the  Corporation;  (3)  that  the  charter  was  never  recognized  by 
the  Corporation ;  (4)  that  the  Corporation  never  assumed  the  name 
of  President,  Fellows,  and  Treasurer,  designated  in  the  charter;  (5) 
that  the  Corporation  never  exercised  any  of  the  powers  granted  in 
the  charter;  (6)  that  no  notice  is  taken  of  the  charter  in  the  general 
history  of  the  times;  (7)  that  the  number  of  the  Corporation  was  not 
increased  by  the  charter;  (8)  that  the  charter  is  not  on  the  records 
either  of  the  Corporation  or  of  the  Overseers;  (9)  that  no  notice  is 
taken  of  the  charter  in  the  College  records;  and  (10)  that  the  charter 
was  without  validity. 

Before  commenting  on  these  points,  let  us  examine  Quincy's 
analysis  of  the  provisions  of  the  charter  of  1672. 

(a)  The  Corporation,  he  said,  "was  permitted  to  hold  personal 
property  to  any  amount  whatsoever."  A  similar  clause  is  in  the 
charter  of  1650:  see  page  397,  below. 

(6)  The  Corporation,  he  said,  was  permitted  to  hold  "real  estate 
to  the  value  of  five  hundred  pounds  per  annum."  A  similar  clause  is 
in  the  charter  of  1650;  see  page  397,  below. 

(c)  "Ten  menial  servants  of  the  Corporation,"  he  said,  "were 

»  Our  Publications,  i.  201-202,  204-205. 


376 


THE   COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS 


[APRIL, 


exempted  from  all  civil  and  military  exercises."  A  similar  clause  is 
in  the  charter  of  1650:  see  page  400,  below.  Quincy's  statement, 
however,  that  all  ten  servants  belonged  to  the  Corporation  is  not 
quite  accurate.  In  the  charter  of  1650  the  words  are:  "the  serv- 
ants and  other  necessary  officers  to  the  sajd  president  or  colledge 
appertajning,  not  exceeding  ten,  viz.,  three  to  the  praesident,  and 
seven  to  the  colledge  belonging."  And  in  the  charter  of  1672  the 
words  are:  "the  sayd  President,  ffellowes  and  Schollars  together 
wth  then*  maMiiall  servants  and  other  necessary  officers  (not  ex- 
ceeding the  number  of  Ten)." 1 

(d)  "The  personal  estates  of  the  members  of  the  Corporation  and 
then-  officers,"  he  said,  "not  exceeding  one  hundred  pounds  a  man, 
were  exempted  from  taxes."    A  similar  clause  is  in  the  charter  of 
1650:  see  page  400,  below. 

(e)  "Any  three  of  the  Corporation,"  said  Quincy,  "of  which  the 
President  was  to  be  one,  had  committed  to  them  full  power  to  fine, 
sconce,  or  otherwise  correct  any  officer  or  member  of  said  Society," 
etc.    There  is  no  similar  clause  in  the  charter  of  1650.    The  Court 
order  of  September  27,  1642,  reorganizing  the  Board  of  Overseers, 
gave  that  body  "full  power  &  authority  to  make  &  establish  all  such 
ordrs,  statutes,  &  constitutions  as  they  shall  see  necessary  for  the 
instituting,  guiding,  &  furthering  of  the  said  colledge  &  the  sevrall 
memb's  thereof  from  time  to  time  in  piety,  morality,  &  learning."  2 
In  the  earliest  code  of  College  laws,  "published  to  ye  Scholars"  in 
the  years  1642-1646,  it  was  provided  that  "If  any  Scholar  shall  tran- 
gresse  any  of  ye  Lawes  of  God  or  the  House  out  of  perversnesse  or 
apparent  negligence,  after  twice  admonition  hee  shall  bee  liable  if  not 
adultus  to  correction,3  if  Adultus  his  name  shall  bee  given  up  to  ye 
Overseers  of  ye  Colledge  that  he  may  be  publikely  dealt  with  after 
ye  desert  of  his  fault  but  in  grosser  offences  such  graduall  proceeding 
shall  not  be  expected  "  4  —  thus  leaving  to  the  Overseers  the  mode  of 
punishment.    The  College  laws  drawn  up  on  March  28, 1650,  specified 
that  for  certain  offences  the  scholars  "shall  bee  punished  threepence 


1  See  p.  400,  below.  *  Massachusetts  Colony  Records,  ii.  30. 

*  By  "correction,"  Sibley  (Harvard  Graduates,  i.  12,  15  note)  appears  to 
understand  whipping;  but  that  does  not  seem  to  be  a  necessary  interpretation  of 
the  word. 

«  College  Book  i.  43. 


19193  THE  HARVARD   COLLEGE  CHARTER  OF   1672  377 

but  more  at  the  Presidents  discretion  if  perversnes  appear." l  This 
is  apparently  the  earliest  allusion  to  fines.  On  October  14,  1656,  the 
General  Court  ordered  — 

that  the  psident  &  fellowes  of  Harvard  Colledge,  for  the  time  beinge, 
or  the  major  pt  of  them,  are  hereby  empowred,  accordinge  to  their  best 
discretion,  to  punish  all  misdemeno's  of  the  youth  in  their  societie,  either 
by  fine  or  whippinge  in  the  hall,  openly,  as  the  nature  of  the  offence  shall 
require,  not  exceedinge  ten  shillinges  or  ten  stripes  for  one  offence,  & 
this  law  to  contynue  in  force  vntill  this  Court,  or  the  oiiseers  of  the 
colledge,  pvide  some  other  order  to  punish  such  offences.2 

This  is  apparently  the  earliest  specific  allusion  to  whipping.  The 
appendix  to  the  charter  of  1650  passed  in  1657  ordered  that  — 

the  corporation  shall  haue  power  from  tjme  to  tjme  to  make  such  orders 
&  by  lawes  for  the  better  ordering  &  carrying  on  of  the  worke  of  the 
colledge,  as  they  shall  see  cawse,  wthout  dependance  vpon  the  consent 
of  y"  ouerseers  foregoing;  provided,  alwajes,  that  the  corporation  shall 
be  responsable  vnto,  &  those  orders  &  by  lawes  shallbe  alterable  by» 
the  ouerseers  according  to  theire  discretion.3 

Thus  the  clause  in  the  charter  of  1672  committing  to  the  Corpora- 
tion "full  power  to  fine,  sconce,  or  otherwise  correct  any  officer  or 
member  of  said  Society,"  etc.,  was  merely  a  reaffirmation  of  powers 
granted  by  the  General  Court  between  1650  and  1672.  There  is 
some  uncertainty  with  regard  to  the  word  "sconce."  As  entered 
in  the  Court  Records,  IV.  708,  the  passage  reads:  "shall  haue  the 
ffull  power  of  sconsing  fineing  or  otherwise  correcting  all  Inferiour 
office's  or  membe's  to  the  sajd  Society;"  and  in  the  margin  are  the 
words:  "Their  power  to  sconse  fine  &c."  And  the  word  "sconcing" 
also  is  found  in  a  draught  of  the  charter.4  But  in  a  copy  of  the 
charter  attested  by  Edward  Rawson,  the  word  is  not  "sconsing" 
but  "scourging."6  If  "scourging"  is  the  word  intended,  then  the 
Corporation  was  given  full  power  to  whip  as  well  as  to  fine. 


1  College  Book  i.  50. 

*  Massachusetts  Colony  Records,  iii.  417;  iv.  i.  279-279.  In  1644  two  studenta 
were  whipped  by  President  Dunster  himself:  see  Winthrop,  Journal  (1908), 
ii.  170. 

1  Massachusetts  Colony  Records,  iv.  i.  315. 

4  For  this  draught,  see  pp.  395-402,  below. 

1  For  this  copy,  see  pp.  395-401,  below. 


378 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS 


[APRIL, 


Let  us  now  return  to  the  ten  points  summarized  above. 

(1)  Peirce  said  that  the  charter  of  1672  was  "intended  as  a  sub- 
stitute .for"  the  charter  of  1650.     In  1723  the  Corporation  char- 
acterized the  charter  of   1672  as  "for  the   Perpetuation  of  the 
Charter  of  1650; "'  in  1742  Nathan  Prince  called  the  charter  of 
1672  "the  most  proper  Appendix  to  the  Charter  of  50; "2  and  in 
1894  Mr.  Davis  said  that  the  charter  of  1672  was  "in  effect  a  mere 
amendment  of  an  existing  charter"  —  that  is,  the  charter  of  1650.8 

(2)  "The  Corporation,"  said  Peirce,  "do  not  appear  to  have 
accepted  this  charter."    But  all  who  were  members  of  the  Corpora- 
tion in  December,  1672,  owed  their  existence  as  such  to  the  charter. 
See  also  under  (8),  (9),  and  (10),  below. 

(3)  The  authority  of  the  charter,  said  Quincy,  "was  never  recog- 
nised by  the  Corporation."    It  was  recognized  by  the  Corporation 
in  its  representation  of  August  23,  1723:  see  under  (9),  below;  and 
cf.  under  (8)  and  (10),  below. 

(4)  It  may  be  true  that  the  Corporation,  as  Quincy  said,  "never 
assumed  the  name  given  by  the  act;"  but  the  fact  would  be  difficult 
to  prove,  and  the  point,  even  if  well  taken,  is  of  slight  importance. 
At  all  events,  the  corporate  name  appears  to  have  been  a  matter 
with  regard  to  which  the  College  officials  were  for  many  years  de- 
cidedly indifferent.    Though  under  the  charter  of  1650  the  corporate 
name  was  "  President  and  Fellows  of  Harvard  College,"  yet  appar- 
ently that  name  was  never  once  used  in  the  headings  of  the  Cor- 
poration meetings  previous  to  1708,  those  meetings  being  invariably 
headed  (when  headed  at  all)  "At  a  meeting  of  the  Corporation," 
or  words  to  that  effect.4    The  heading  "  At  a  meeting  of  the  Presi- 
dent and  Fellows  of  Harvard  College"    first  occurs,  apparently, 
on  January  26,  1708,5  and  was  frequently  employed  by  Leverett, 


See  p.  386,  below. 


1  See  p.  381,  below. 

»  See  p.  375,  above. 

4  So  far  as  I  have  noted,  only  two  meetings  before  1672  had  any  heading  at 
all:  "At  the  meeting  of  the  Corporation,  June  10,  1659  "  (College  Book  iii.  36); 
and  "At  a  Corporation  meeting  held  June  17,  1667"  (iii.  28).  When,  on  be- 
coming President,  Hoar  made  the  entry  "Acts  of  y*  Corporation  since  y6  10th 
Decembr  1672,"  and  continued  to  use  the  word  Corporation,  he  was  following 
what  little  precedent  there  was. 

6  Though  the  words  "President  and  Fellows  of  Harvard  College"  are  not 
found  in  the  heading  of  any  meeting  before  1708,  yet  on  November  25,  1685, 


1919]  TUE  HARVARD  COLLEGE  CHARTER  OF   1672  379 

though  he  also  often  used  the  words  "At  a  meeting  of  the  Corpor- 
ation of  Harvard  College."  Wadsworth  followed  Leverett's  practice 
of  using  either  form  of  words,  while  Holyoke  almost  invariably 
wrote  "At  a  meeting  of  the  President  and  Fellows  of  Harvard 
College."1 

(5)  "There  exists  no  evidence,"  said  Quincy,  speaking  of  the 
Corporation,  "of  then*  having,  in  a  single  instance,  modified  their 
proceedings  according  to  its  provisions."    It  is  difficult  to  see  wherein 
the  charter  of  1672,  so  closely  did  it  resemble  the  charter  of  1650, 
required  a  modification  of  the  Corporation's  proceedings. 

(6)  "Nor  is  any  notice  taken  of"  the  charter,  said  Quincy,  "in  the 
general  history  of  the  times."    Even  if  this  statement  were  strictly 
accurate,  it  would  amount  to  little,  since  there  were  so  few  who 
wrote  on  "  the  general  history  of  the  tunes."    But  as  a  matter  of  fact, 
as  already  pointed  out,  the  charter  was  mentioned  hi  two  books 
printed  before  the  Revolution.     The  extract  from  Nathan  Prince 
will    be   given   presently.2     "The  college  at  Cambridge,"  wrote 
Hutchinson  in  1764,  "became  more  and  more  an  object  of  atten- 
tion, and  in  the  year  1650  was  made  a  body  corporate,  by  act  of  the 
general  court,  and  received  a  charter  under  the  seal  of  the  colony." 
And  in  a  footnote  he  added :  "  Under  this  charter  the  college  was 
governed  until  the  year  1685,  when  the  colony  charter  was  va- 
cated; saving  that  in  1673,  by  an  order  of  the  general  court,  some 
addition  was  made  to  the  number  of  the  corporation."  * 

(7)  Quincy's  statement  that  "  the  number  of  its  members  was  not 
increased  "  is  true  —  that  is,  the  Corporation  still  consisted  of  seven 
persons :  a  President,  a  Treasurer,  and  five  Fellows.   What  Hutchinson 
meant  when  he  said  that  "some  addition  was  made  to  the  number 
of  the  corporation,"  was  not  that  the  total  number  of  the  Corporation 
was  made  more  than  seven  by  the  charter,  but  merely  that  the 

"It  was  then  agreed  by  the  President  A  ffellows,"  etc.  (College  Book  i.  95),  and 
on  April  25,  1686,  it  was  "Ordered  by  y*  president  A  Fellows,"  etc.  (iii.  96). 

1  It  need  scarcely  be  pointed  out  that  very  often  the  words  "President  and 
Fellows  of  Harvard  College"  meant  not  the  corporate  name  but  the  particular 
persons  who  were  holding  the  positions  of  President  and  Fellows  at  the  time. 

1  See  pp.  386-387,  below. 

1  History  of  Massachusetts,  i.  171.  Hutchinson's  dates  are  a  trifle  inaccurate. 
The  Colony  charter  was  vacated  in  1684,  but  the  College  continued  to  be  gov- 
erned under  the  College  charter  of  1650  until  July  23,  1686.  The  date  1673 
should  of  course  be  1672. 


380 


TIIE   COLONIAL  SOCIETY   OF  MASSACHUSETTS 


[APRIL, 


charter  filled  the  vacancies  that  had  occurred  and  brought  the 
number  of  the  Corporation  up  to  its  full  complement  of  seven. 

(8)  Admitting  that  "this  charter  is  entered  at  large  in  the  journal 
of  the  General  Court,"  Quincy  yet  asserted  that  "it  does  not  appear 
in  the  records  of  the  seminary."    If  by  "records"  Quincy  meant,  as 
is  probable,  those  of  the  Corporation  or  of  the  Overseers,  the  state- 
ment is  correct.    But  neither  was  the  appendix  to  the  charter  of  1650 
passed  in  1657  entered  hi  the  Corporation  Records  (though  it  may 
have  been  entered  in  the  Overseers'  Records1),  yet  no  historian  of  the 
College  has  ventured  to  assail  its  validity.    But  if  by  "records" 
Quincy  meant  what  are  now  commonly  called  the  College  archives, 
then  the  statement  is  inaccurate  and  is  of  interest  as  tending  to  show 
that  many  documents  now  in  those  archives  were  either  not  in  the 
possession  of  the  College  in  1840  or  were  then  overlooked.     For 
to-day  there  are  in  the  College  archives  no  fewer  than  five  copies  of 
the  charter  of  1672.    These  will  be  described  later.2 

(9)  " Nor  is  any  notice,"  said  Quincy,  "taken  of  it  hi  those  records," 
—  that  is,  the  College  records,  presumably  meaning  the  records  of 
the  Corporation  or  of  the  Overseers.     During  the  years  1721-1723 
occurred  the  noted  controversy  hi  regard  to  the  claim  of  Nicholas 
Sever  and  William  Welsteed,  then  Tutors,  to  seats  at  the  board  of 
Corporation.    The  culmination  came  at  a  meeting  before  Lieutenant- 
Go  vernor  Dummer  and  the  Council  on  August  23,  1723,  which  is 
described  by  President  Leverett  in  his  Diary.    From  this  it  appears 
that  the  Rev.  Benjamin  Colman,  a  Fellow,  —     . 

read  in  his  Place  the  Representation  of  the  Corporation,  and  laid  it 
down  upon  the  Board.    After  which  Mr  Sever  read  a  long  argum*  for 

1  See  p.  386  note  2,  below.  On  November  15,  1866,  a  committee  consisting 
of  President 'Walker,  Chief  Justice  Lemuel  Shaw,  and  Charles  G.  Loring  made  a 
report  to  the  Corporation  in  which,  referring  to  the  appendix  passed  in  1657, 
they  said:  "it  is  never  mentioned,  as  they  believe,  in  any  subsequent  record 
[i.  e.,  record  subsequent  to  1657]  of  the  doings  of  either  Board,  nor  in  any  of  the 
legislative  enactments  concerning  the  College,  excepting  in  one  instance  of  a  ref- 
erence to  it  by  the  Corporation,  in  a  vote  of  July  20,  1722,  relating  to  an  order 
or  by-law,  and  in  one  by  the  Overseers  hi  December,  1778,  relating  to  appoint- 
ments "  (Report  on  the  Rights  and  Duties  of  the  President  and  Fellows  of  Har- 
vard College  in  relation  to  the  Board  of  Overseers,  1856,  pp.  29-30).  The  ap- 
pendix is  twice  mentioned  in  the  Corporation  Records:  once  on  July  30  (not  20, 
as  misprinted  in  the  Report),  1722;  and  again  on  August  23,  1723:  see  College 
Book  iv.  79,  89.  »  See  pp.  388-389,  below. 


1919]  THE   HARVARD   COLLEGE   CHARTER   OF   1672  381 

the  Support  of  the  Petition  he  with  Mr  Welsted  had  prefer'd  to  the 
Court,  and  laid  it  upon  the  board.  The  Presid*  and  all  the  Members 
of  the  Corporation  Except  Mr  Flynt l  and  Mr  Treasurer 2  in  their  turns 
Speak  and  offer'd  their  Answers  and  remarks  upon  the  argum*1  and 
records  offer'd  by  Mr  Sever,  and  then  the  Corporation  .  .  .  Agreed, 
That  The  Representation  to  be  Entred  in  the  College  Book  of  Records, 
and  it  is  accordingly  Entred,  fol.8 

In  the  representation  so  entered  in  College  Book  IV.  87-92,  occur 
these  words: 

That  the  Charter  of  ye  College  was  never  Interpreted  or  understood, 
that  we  know  of,  by  our  Worthy  Predecess™  in  the  State  or  in  the 
Church,  to  mean  —  That  the  Tut™  &  Instruct™  in  ye  College  must 
necessariely  be  Fellows  of  the  Corporacon.  None  of  o*  Gen1  Courts, 
or  Boards  of  Overseers  have  so  ludged,  that  we  can  hear  of.  The 
Charter  of  1672  requires  no  Such  thing,  nor  seems  at  all  to  look  that 
way;  wch  Act  is  for  the  Perpetuation  of  the  Charter  of  1650.4 

The  argument  of  Sever,  not  entered  in  the  College  records,  and 
of  which  there  is  apparently  no  copy  in  the  College  archives,  has 
since  Quincy's  day  come  to  light,  and  contains  the  following  passages: 

And  I  would  observe  that  in  the  year  1650  the  College  was  first  founded 
upon  a  charter,  which  it  subsisted  upon  for  twenty-two  years,  till  1672; 
that  in  that  year  there  was  an  additional  grant  of  charter,  and  the 
College  subsisted  upon  them  both  for  twelve  years  longer,  till  1684; 
and  about  that  time  the  old  country  charter  was  vacated,  and  the 
College  charter  was  supposed  to  fall  of  course  with  it.  ...  And  this 
(with  submission)  is  the  common  method  in  the  University,  and  the  only 
regular  and  effectual  method  that  can  be  taken  for  the  service  of  a 
college  in  its  advanced  state.  And  this  method  has  already  been  taken 
in  this  College.  Witness  the  charter  of  1672,  which  made  out  some 
further  powers  for  the  College  than  it  did  possess  by  the  charter  of  1650.5 

1  Henry  Flynt  (H.  C.  1693). 

*  Edward  Hutchinson  (d.  1752). 

*  Leverett's  Diary,  p.  262.    Leverett's  omission  to  give  the  number  of  the 
folio  was  supplied  by  Quincy,  who  has  here  written  in  ink  "v.  iv.  P.  86"  —  that 
is,  College  Book  iv.  86. 

*  College  Book  iv.  89-90.    This  representation  is  printed  in  full  by  Quincy 
in  his  History,  i.  546-556,  the  extract  quoted  in  the  text  appearing  on  p.  551. 
Thus  when  Quincy  stated  that  "nor  is  any  notice  taken  of  it  in  those  records," 
he  overlooked  a  document  printed  by  himself. 

1  1  Massachusetts  Historical  Proceedings,  xvi.  54,  61. 


382 


THE   COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS 


Though  the  only  reference  to  the  charter  of  1672  in  College  Books  I, 
HI,  and  IV  is  in  the  extract  dated  August  23, 1723,  quoted  above,  yet 
there  are  in  the  College  archives  several  documents  in  which  that 
charter  is  alluded  to.1 

(10)  Though  Peirce  and  Quincy  admitted,  the  former  that  the 
charter  of  1672  "was  passed  by  the  General  Court"  and  the  latter 
that  it  "is  entered  at  large  in  the  journal  of  the  General  Court,"  yet 
Peirce  declared  that  it  "is  regarded  as  never  having  possessed  any 
validity,"  while  Quincy  asserted  that  "its  authority  was  never 
recognised  by  the  Corporation;"  and  even  Mr.  Davis  writes  "if  it 
was  passed,"  implying  that  there  may  be  some  doubt  on  that  point. 
In  no  other  instance,  so  far  as  I  am  aware,  has  the  validity  of  a  law 
entered  hi  the  Court  Records  been  questioned.  Nor,  in  the  present 
instance,  will  the  contention  that  the  charter  of  1672  was  invalid  for 
a  moment  bear  examination.  The  extracts  already  given  or  referred 
to  under  (8)  and  (9)  prove  beyond  the  possibility  of  a  doubt  that  the 
charter  was  passed,  that  it  was  accepted  by  the  College,  and  that  it 
was  recognized  by  the  Corporation.  But  there  is  other  proof  of  the 
validity  of  the  charter.  This  is  to  be  found  partly  in  a  pamphlet 
written  by  Prince  in  1742,  and  partly  in  documents  some  of  which 
are  in  the  College  archives  and  others  in  the  Massachusetts  Archives. 

Prince's  pamphlet  is  both  interesting  in  itself  and  important  as 
being  the  only  extended  account  of  the  government  of  the  College 
printed  before  1812.2  The  circumstances  under  which  it  was  written 
were  so  peculiar  that  they  may  be  briefly  given.  Graduating  hi  1718, 
Nathan  Prince  was  chosen  a  Tutor  on  February  25,  1723,3  and  was 
elected  a  Fellow  on  December  30,  1728,4  retaining  that  position  until 
1742,  when,  "on  Account  of  Sundry  Crimes  &  Misdemean™  whereof 
He  was  Convicted  before"  the  Overseers,  he  was  on  February  18 
removed  by  the  Overseers.6  The  Corporation  on  April  5  committed 


1  There  are  many  documents  (most  of  which  appear  to  be  in  the  hand  of  Sever) 
in  the  College  archives  (Harvard  College  Papers,  i;  Supplement,  i)  relating  to 
this  controversy,  in  several  of  which  there  are  allusions  to  the  charter  of  1672 
(Harvard  College  Papers,  i.  88,  117,  119,  125).  A  careful  examination  of  these 
documents  would  doubtless  yield  many  other  references  to  that  charter. 

1  Quincy  devotes  nearly  a  page  to  the  pamphlet  (History,  ii.  34-35),  but  makes 
no  mention  of  Prince's  discussion  of  the  charter  of  1672. 

«  College  Book  iv.  84.  «  iv.  135.    V 

6  iv.  238. 


1919]  THE  HARVARD  COLLEGE  CHARTER  OF   1672  383 

Prince's  pupils  to  Henry  Flynt;  on  April  27  acquiesced  in  the  action 
of  the  Overseers,  electing  Joseph  Mayhew  a  Fellow  and  Belcher 
Hancock  a  Tutor  in  place  of  Prince;  on  May  10  and  June  7  assigned 
Prince's  chamber  to  Hancock;  on  June  7  ordered  Prince  to  "remove 
out  of  the  Chamber  He  now  Possesses"  on  or  before  June  23;  and 
on  June  24  warned  Prince,  who  still  refused  to  budge,  to  remove  by 
June  30  on  pain  of  having  his  doors  broken  open  and  his  goods 
removed.  Finally,  the  vote  of  June  24  was  executed  on  July  2  "  by 
the  President  Tut"  &  Professors  all  together  &  Mr  Prince's  goods 
carried  over  to  Henry  Prentice's,  where  a  room  was  hired  to  recieve 
them,  upon  the  College  Acc°  at  five  shillings  p  Week."  l  Smarting 
under  these  indignities  and  holding  that,  as  a  member  of  the  Corpora- 
tion, he  could  legally  be  dismissed  only  by  the  Corporation  itself, 
Prince  was  naturally  incensed  and  wrote  "The  Constitution  and 
Government  of  Harvard-College.2  "The  subsequent  Collection  of 

1  College  Book  iv.  237,  238-239,  239,  241,  242,  243.  The  following  document 
is  in  Harvard  College  Papers,  i.  171: 

This  may  Certify  whom  it  may  concern,  That  I  the  Subscriber  have,  (upon 
the  Account  of  Harvard  College)  hired  a  Chamber  of  Henry  Prentice  of  Cam- 
bridge in  the  County  of  Middlesex  hi  New-England  Cooper,  at  the  rate  of  three 
pounds  five  shillings  ^*  the  Quarter  of  a  Year,  in  Order  to  put  therein  the  Goods, 
of  Mr  Nathan  Prince,  late  a  Fellow  of  Harvard  College  affored,  &  hereby  I 
promise,  that  I  will  indemnify,  the  sd  Henry  Prentice,  from  any  Loss  or  Damage 
to  Him  on  Account  of  the  Premises,  as  Witness  my  hand 
Sign'd  in  Presence  of  Us 

BELCHER  HANCOCK  EDWD  HOLTOKB 

THO*  MARSH 

Copy 

This  document  is  in  the  hand  of  President  Holyoke,  who  has  written  on  the 
back:  "Copy  of  my  Note  to  Henry  Prentice  to  pay  for  his  Chamber."  It  is 
endorsed  in  a  different  hand:  "Holyokes  indemnification  against  Nathan  Prince 
about  1740."  The  note  was  of  course  written  in  1742. 

*  Prince  had  evidently  begun  writing  his  pamphlet  long  before  his  chamber 
was  broken  into.  As  the  pamphlet  presents  some  curiosities,  bibliographical  and 
otherwise,  and  has  apparently  never  been  described,  an  account  of  it  will  be 
pertinent.  Neither  date,  nor  place  of  publication,  nor  author's  name,  nor  pub- 
lisher's name  appears  on  the  title-page.  It  is  assigned  to  1743  by  Sabin,  but 
to  1742  by  Evans.  The  following  advertisement  was  printed  in  the  Boston 
News  Letter  of  January  13,  1743: 

JUST    published,   a  Piece    entitled    "The    Constitution   and   Government   of 
Harvard  College."    Wherein  its  CHARTER  and  all  the  Laws  that  constitute 
the  Government  of  that  College  are  laid  together  and  compared;  and  the 
acveral  Powers  belonging  to  the  Corporation  and  Overseers  of  said  College  are 


» 

p 


384  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  L 

Laws,"  he  begins,  "which  founded  the  Government  of  Harvard- 
College,  was  made  on  a  late  extraordinary  Case,  wherein  the  Overseers 

considered;  and  what  Powers  over  it  still  remain  in  the  General  Court.  And  from 
the  whole  'tis  argued  that  the  Court  alone  are  the  Visitors  of  that  College.  A 
work  useful  to  all  Persons  related  to  that  Society,  and  in  particular  to  those 
whose  Children  are  Educated  in  it.  To  be  sold  by  Rogers  and  Fowle  at  their 
Printing  House,  and  by  J.  Blanchard  Bookseller  at  the  Head  of  the  Town-Dock 
Boston',  &  by  Deacon  Samuel  Whittemore  Shopkeeper  in  Cambridge  (p.  2/2). 

Two  editions  were  published,  one  containing  28  pages  and  a  later  edition 
containing  44  pages.  The  title-page  and  the  first  twenty-four  pages  are  identical 
in  both  editions,  even  to  misprints.  The  title-page,  which  has  an  ornamental 
line  above  it  and  below  it,  the  whole  being  in  the  middle  of  the  page  (thus  more 
like  a  half-title  than  an  ordinary  title-page),  reads  as  follows: 

THE 
Constitution  and  Government 

OF 

Harvard-College. 

As  already  stated  the  first  twenty-four  pages  are  identical  in  both  editions. 
All  of  the  text  on  p.  25  of  the  first  edition  also  appears  on  p.  25  of  the  second 
edition.  But  two  footnotes  on  p.  25  of  the  first  edition  are  omitted  in  the  second 
edition;  and  their  place  is  taken  by  four  lines  of  text  which  are  not  in  the  first 
edition.  Prince  had  evidently  written  to  the  end  of  p.  25  when  his  chamber  was 
broken  into.  The  two  footnotes  on  that  page  are  somewhat  wild  in  tone,  and  the 
text  on  p.  26  is  still  wilder.  It  reads  as  follows: 

The  Writer  of  this  Paper  was  going  on  to  exhibit  to  View  the  Management  of 

the  College-Stock  from  Age  to  Age And  how  it  was  scarce  looked  into  [here 

the  word  but  is  interlined  in  Prince's  hand]  once  or  twice  in  an  Age!  .  .  .  And 
thereon  the  Writer  of  this  Paper  proposed  to  give  Instances  of  some  general 
and  perpetual  Grievances,  and  particularly  the  enormous  Grievance  of  abusing 
Gentlemen's  SONS  in  the  Arbitrary  fixing  them  below  their  Just  Place  in  College- 
Classes,  There  to  stand  degraded  (for  ever!)  in  the  publick  Catalogues.  .  .  . 

But  while  the  Writer  of  this  Paper  (who  is  absolutely  RESOLVED  to  set  his  Name 
to  it,  and  at  the  End  to  stile  himself  Nathan  Prince)  was  Demonstrating  how  the 

College  Constitution  provided  Such  Remedy He  received  a  College-Vote,  as 

he  Thinks,  (though  by  the  very  Words  of  the  Vote  it  self  it  can  be  no  College 
Vote  at  all!)  whereby  "The  President,  TUTORS  and  Professors  [Poor  Professors  t ' 
"settled  by  Vote  below  Tutors!]  were  empowered  and  directed  to  break  open  or 
"cause  to  be  broken  open  the  Doors  of  his  Chamber  and  Studies,  and  to  remove 
"out  of  them  the  said  Prince's  Goods."  And  so  to  SEIZE  all  his  Books  and  Plate 
and  Papers  to  then-  OWN  Use  and  Behoof  (for  ought  any  Thing  he  knew  by  This 

Vote!) He  Flung  his  Pen  aside and  cared  not  what  became  of 

such  an  iNGRATEFtjL  Society Till  it  was  RESTORED  to  a  Better  Government 

Nor  of  all  the  &c.  &c.  ****  Tr !    D !    H !    C I 

A !    C !    F !    D !    G !    B C ! 

ge» AMEN.  But  KAI  and  again  and  again. all  in  DUE 

Time. 

t  Dr.  W.  is  degraded  below  2  Ms.  and  an  H.    "What  are  Things  coming  to/ 


1919]  THE  HARVARD  COLLEGE  CHARTER  OF   1672  385 

of  said  College  assumed  to  themselves  a  SOVEREIGN  Power  over  that 
College,  and  the  SOLE  Right  to  judge  and  censure  and  dismiss  the 


This  extraordinary  outburst,  coming  at  the  end  of  twenty-five  pages  of  per- 
fectly rational  argument,  would  be  inexplicable  but  for  some  words  written  at 
the  bottom  of  p.  25  in  a  copy  of  the  pamphlet  in  the  Boston  Public  Library. 
There  the  Rev.  Thomas  Prince  has  written:  "My  Dear  Brother's  Hardships 
growing  upon  Him;  He  begins  to  grow  Disordered  in  his  Brain,  &  continues  so 
for  a  week  or  two."  The  initials  at  the  end  of  the  outburst  stand,  I  suppose,  for 
various  Overseers  or  members  of  the  Corporation  or  Tutors. 

"Dr.  W."  is  Edward  Wigglesworth;  "2  Ms.  and  an  //."  are  Joseph  Mayhew, 
Thomas  Marsh,  and  Belcher  Hancock. 

The  text  of  the  first  edition  ends  on  p.  26  with  the  passage  quoted  above. 
There  is,  however,  a  second  footnote  on  that  page,  which  ends  about  the  middle 
of  p.  27.  The  signatures  of  this  first  edition  are  B,  C,  D,  E,  F,  G. 

Upon  his  recovery,  Nathan  Prince  completed  his  pamphlet  in  a  second  edition 
of  44  pages.  The  above  passage  is  omitted  and  the  text  ends  on  p.  43  as  follows: 

As  to  any  indecent  Reflections  in  this  Piece,  which  might  be  occasioned  by  the 
Unexampled  Treatment  he  has  lately  met  with,  he  would  only  say,  that  "He  has 
not  the  Inhumanity  to  wish  the  most  malicious  of  his  UNREASONABLE  Enemies 
to  change  Circumstances  with  him,  and  then  be  put  upon  the  Trial  to  write  a 
Piece  on  this  Subject  with  fewer  Reflections  in  it.  But  with  These  and  all  Other 
Defects  in  the  Piece  itself,  it  may  still  be  of  publick  Service  to  Harvard  College, 
whose  Treasury!  Whose  Constitution!  Whose  very  BEING/  it  so  nearly  concerns. 
He  therefore  offers  it  to  the  serious  Perusal  of  ALL  the  true  Friends  to  that 
Society;  and  subscribes  himself 

Nathan  Prince." 

Then  follows  a  list  of  Errata,  also  on  p.  43.  The  signatures  of  the  second 
edition  are  B,  C,  D,  E,  F,  F,  H,  I,  K,  L.  On  p.  26  is  an  allusion  to  "this  present 
Day  July  7.  1742." 

An  advertisement  inserted  by  Prince  in  the  Boston  papers  in  March  and  April, 
1743,  is  here  given  because  it  shows  that,  many  months  after  his  ejection  from  his 
chamber,  he  still  called  himself  a  Fellow: 

r  I  THESE  may  inform  the  Public,  that  Nathan  Prince,  Fellow  of  Harvard 
1  College  proposes,  on  suitable  Encouragement,  to  open  a  School  in  this 
Town  for  the  instructing  young  Gentlemen  in  the  most  useful  Parts  of  the 
Mathematicks,  Natural  Philosophy  and  History.  Particularly  in  the  Elements  of 
GEOMETRY  and  ALGEBRA;  in  TRIGONOMETRY  and  NAVIGATION;  in  GEOGRAPHY  and 
ASTRONOMY;  with  the  Use  of  the  Globes  and  the  several  Kinds  of  Projecting  the 
Sphere:  In  the  Arts  of  SURVEYING,  GAUGING  and  DIALING;  and  in  the  General 
Rules  of  FORTIFICATION  and  GUNNERY.  To  these  will  be  added,  LECTURES  on 
History  and  natural  Philosophy. 

The  Terms,  on  which  the  said  Nathan  Prince  would  engage  to  instruct  young 
Gentlemen  in  the  above-mentioned  Arts  and  Sciences,  may  be  seen  at  his  Lodgings 
at  the  House  of  Seth  Gushing  in  Exchange  Lane,  Boston  (Boston  News  Letter, 
March  3,  p.  2/2,  March  10,  p.  2/2;  Boston  Evening  Post,  March  14,  Supplement, 
p.  1/1,  March  21,  p.  2/2,  March  28,  p,  2/2,  April  4,  Supplement,  p.  2/2). 


386 


THE   COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS 


[APBIL, 


PRESIDENT  or  ANT  Member  of  the  Corporation  of  said  College, 
without  the  Consent  or  any  Act  of  that  Corporation  for  the  same." : 
After  quoting  the  act  of  1642  reorganizing  the  Board  of  Overseers, 
the  College  charter  of  1650,  and  the  appendix  to  the  charter  passed 
in  1657,  Prince  goes  on  to  say: 

This  APPENDIX,  or  the  greater  Part  of  it,  seems  to  be  NULLED 
by  a  succeeding  Law  of  the  Colony  (called  the  College  Charter  of  1672) 
which  ends  with  this  Sanction  of  the  Court.  "All  and  every  of  which 
"Premsies  we  do  ordain  and  enact  to  be  FULLY  established  for  LAW;  any  Law, 
"GRANT,  or  Usage  to  the  CONTRARY,  in  any  wise  notwithstanding."  Now 
the  greater  Part  of  said  Appendix  is  contrary  to  this  posteriour  Law  of  72. 
And  indeed  this  latter  Law  is  the  most  proper  Appendix  to  the  Charter 
of  50;  for  in  express  Terms  'tis  grounded  on  said  Charter  as  on  its  Founda- 
tion; nor  does  it  alter  any  Thing  in  that  Charter  but  in  some  few  Cases. 
So  there  is  no  Occasion  to  insert  it  here,  Reference  being  had  thereto  in  the 
Court  Records.  The  greatest  Alteration  it  makes  in  said  Charter  of  50 
is  that  in  some  Things  it  gives  more  Power  to  the  Corporation  of  said 
College,  and  less  to  the  Overseers,  than  the  Charter  of  50  does.  Which 
may  be  one  Reason  why  this  Law  of  72  was  not  entered  in  due  Form 
into  some  College  Records,  as  the  said  Appendix  of  50  has  been.2  .  .  . 

The  four  proceeding  Laws  of  42,  50,  57,  72,  were  all  the  standing  Laws, 
on  which  the  Government  of  said  College  was  founded,  in  old  Charter 
Times.  .  .  . 

After  the  vacating  the  old  Colony  Charter  of  the  Massachusets  in 
1684,  there  were  some  new  Laws  or  College-Charters  made  by  the 
general  Court  of  this  Province.  But  these  Laws  (as  all  others  made 
under  our  present  Province-Charter)  were  of  Course  to  be  sent  Home 
for  the  Royal  Approbation;  And  they  all  were  sent  Home  accordingly, 
and  have  been  disallowed.  So  that  no  Laws  whatever  remain,  but  the 
four  proceeding  Laws  of  42,  50,  57  and  72,  as  the  Foundation  on  which 


It  is  well  known  that  soon  after  this  Nathan  Prince  went  to  England  to  receive 
Anglican  orders,  became  an  Episcopal  missionary,  and  died  July  25,  1748:  cf. 
our  Publications,  xviii.  335  note  1,  xix.  332  note  3. 

1  Constitution  and  Government  of  Harvard  College,  p.  3. 

*  The  College  charter  of  1650  was  twice  entered  "in  due  Form"  —  once  in 
College  Book  i.  59-60,  and  again  in  College  Book  iii.  12-14,  both  of  which  are 
noted  in  Wadsworth's  Index.  The  appendix  to  the  charter  of  1650  passed  in  1657 
was  not  entered  in  College  Books  i,  iii,  or  iv,  and  is  not  noted  in  Wadsworth's 
index.  If  Prince's  statement  is  correct,  and  there  is  no  reason  for  thinking  that 
he  was  mistaken,  the  appendix  was  probably  entered  in  College  Book  ii,  which 
was  destroyed  by  fire  in  1764. 


1919]  THE  HARVARD  COLLEGE  CHARTER  OF  1672  387 

the  Government  of  the  said  College  now  stands.  And  all  or  some  of 
these  Laws  are  valid  to  this  Day  on  the  following  Grounds.  1.  These 
Laws  were  made  in  old  Charter  Times,  when  it  was  not  requisite  to  send 
them  Home  for  Approbation;  and  so  they  never  were  disapproved  at 
Home.  2.  As  they  never  were  disapproved  at  Home,  so  they  never 
were  repealed  by  the  General  Court  who  made  them;  Only  so  far  as  the 
succeeding  do  interfere  with,  supersede  or  repeal  the  Proceeding,  or  any 
Clauses  in  the  Proceeding,  and  in  such  a  Case  the  succeeding  take 
Place;  and  particularly  the  Charter  of  50,  and  the  last  of  these  Laws 
made  in  the  Year  1672  which  is  properly  an  APPENDIX  to  the  said 
Charter  of  50.  And  3.  What  of  those  Laws  remained  valid,  in  old 
Charter  Times,  was  virtually  and  implicitely  confirm'd  by  a  Clause  in 
our  present  Province-Charter  and  by  a  declarative  Order  of  the  General 
Court  in  1707  respecting  the  College  Charter  of  50;  BOTH  of  which  here 
follow  as  the  last  Regulation  made  of  the  Constitution  and  Government 
of  said  College.  .  .  . 

2.  It  appears  in  particular  that  the  Overseers  and  Corporation  of 
said  College  owe  their  Being  and  all  the  standing  Powers  They  now  have, 
or  ever  had  over  the  said  College,  To  Four  Laws  of  the  General  Court 
which  were  made  in  the  Year  1642,  1650,  1657  and  1672.  The  First  of 
which  Laws  originally  constituted  Overseers  of  said  College;  The  Second 
incorporated  the  said  College,  and  is  called  the  Charter  of  50;  The  Third 
is  called  an  Appendix  to  said  Charter;  And  the  Fourth  confirmed,  added 
to  or  altered,  some  or  all  of  these  proceeding  Laws.  So  that  no  Powers 
can  now  belong  to  the  Overseers  and  Corporation  of  said  College  but 
those  Powers  which  the  Court  granted  to  them  in  some  or  all  of  these 
four  Laws.  3.  That  in  the  two  latter  Laws  of  57  and  72,  the  Court  gave 
to  the  Overseers  of  College  no  l  New  Powers  of  any  Importance  over 
the  said  Corporation;  And  so  there  is  no  Occasion  to  consider  any  of 
these  four  Laws,  but  the  two  First,  in  order  to  determine  whether  the 
Overseers  of  said  College  have  an  Independent  and  Sovereign  Power 
over  the  said  Corporation.2 


1  Most  of  the  copies  of  Prince's  pamphlet  I  have  seen  have  corrections  in  ink 
in  his  own  hand.  In  several  such  copies,  after  the  word  "no"  is  a  caret  and  in 
the  margin  are  the  words  "Independent  or." 

*  Constitution  and  Government,  pp.  8,  9,  13,  15.  In  Harvard  College  Papers 
i.  88,  is  a  document  thus  described  by  Mr.  Brown  in  his  Calendar  (see  p.  392 
note  1,  below)  of  those  Papers: 

"A  series  of  statements,  extracts,  &c.,  from  various  proposed  charters,  & 
concerning  the  government  of  the  college,  apparently  set  down  with  a  view  to 
a  forensic  use  of  them.  The  purpose  of  the  whole  is  not  clear. 


388  THE   COLONIAL  SOCIETY   OF  MASSACHUSETTS  [APRIL, 

Prince  had  been  a  Tutor  for  six  months  before  the  controversy 
over  Sever  and  Welsteed  was  finally  decided  in  August,  1723,  and 
consequently  was  thoroughly  conversant  with  all  the  details  of  that 
dispute;  for  fourteen  years  he  was  himself  a  member  of  the  Corpora- 
tion; and  had  there  been  the  slightest  doubt  as  to  the  validity  of  the 
charter  in  the  mind  of  any  College  official  at  that  period,  Prince 
certainly  would  have  recorded  it.  But  apart  from  Prince's  failure 
to  record  such  a  doubt,  the  documents  already  alluded  to  furnish 
irrefragable  proof  that  the  charter  was  regarded  as  valid  by  the 
officials  of  the  Colony  when  the  charter  was  passed,  by  the  officials 
of  the  Province  when  the  Sever- Welsteed  controversy  was  raging, 
and  by  the  officials  of  the  College  during  the  same  period.  These 
documents  consist  of  no  less  than  ten  copies  of  the  charter:  five  now 
in  the  College  archives,  three  now  in  the  Massachusetts  Archives, 
and  two  which  formerly  must  have  existed  but  are  not  now  known  to 
be  extant.  For  the  sake  of  convenience  these  will  be  lettered  from 
(A)  to  (J). 

(A)  This  copy,  in  the  College  archives,  is  in  an  unknown  but  con- 
temporary hand  and  is  preceded  and  followed  by  these  entries,  both 
in  the  hand  of  Edward  Rawson,  who  was  Secretary  of  the  Colony  hi 
1672:  "At  A  Generall  Court  held  at  Boston,  the  8th  of  octobw  1672. 
.  .  .  That  this  is  A  true  Copie  taken  out  of  the  Courts  Records. 
Attests.   Edward  Rawson  Secfety."  1 

(B)  This  copy  was  entered  in  his  Diary  by  President  Leverett.   The 
copy  begins,  "At  the  Second  Sessions  of  the  Gen1  Court  for  Elections 
held  at  Boston  8th  of  Octob*  1672  On  their  Adjournment;"  and  at 
the  end  Leverett  has  written:  "This  is  Transcribed  here  from  A 
True  Copy  as  of  Record.    Attested  ^  J  Willard  Seer  Vid.  Countrey 
Records  p.  707."  2  LeVerett's  Diary,  which  is  really  a  book  of  College 
records  and  was  sometimes  referred  to  by  President  Wadsworth  as 
"College  Book  V  in  Quarto,"  was  given  to  the  College  in  1797 3  and 

"Note.  —  My  conjecture  is  that  the  paper  was  used  by  one  of  the  contro- 
yersialists  about  1721,  on  the  question  of  admitting  Tutors  to  the  corporation." 

This  document  is  in  the  hand  of  Nathan  Prince,  a  fact  which  escaped  Mr. 
Brown,  and  without  doubt  it  was  compiled  while  Prince  was  preparing  his 
pamphlet  in  1742. 

1  Harvard  College  Papers,  Supplement,  i.  16. 

*  Leverett's  Diary,  pp.  265-262. 

1  In  1912  I  wrote:  "In  addition  to  this  'College  Book  V  in  Folio'  [Treasurer 


ss  1^>  L*  »  is  K5  *v 


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1919]  THE  HARVARD  COLLEGE  CHARTER  OF   1672  389 

was  well  known  to  Quincy; l  hence  it  is  singular  that  the  copy  of  the 
charter  entered  by  Leverett  should  have  been  overlooked  by  all  the 
College  historians. 

(C)  This  copy,  in  the  College  archives,  is  wholly  in  the  hand  of 
Benjamin  Wadsworth,  then  a  member  of  the  Corporation.    It  begins, 
"At  the  second  sessions  of  ye  General  Court  for  Elections,  held  at 
Boston  8th  of  oct.  1672.  on  then*  Adjournment;"  and  at  the  end 
Wadsworth  has  written:  "Apr.  15.  1722.    I  transcrib'd  y*  above 
Instrument  or  Law,  from  a  writing  I  borrow'd  of  ye  Revnd  President 
Leverett,  wch  writing  was  thus  subscrib'd,  viz.  a  true  Copy  as  of 
Record,  P'  J.  Willard  Secretary.    Page.  707."  2 

(D)  This  copy,  in  the  College  archives,  is  hi  an  unknown  and 
modern  hand  and  has  written  at  the  end:  "Page  707.    J  Willard 
Sec'y,"  though  these  words  are  not  in  Willard's  hand.8 

(E)  This  copy,  in  the  College  archives,  is  in  an  unknown  hand  and 
has  at  the  end:  "A  true  Copy  as  of  Record  V"  J  Willard  Seer7" 
(though  these  words  are  not  in  the  hand  of  Willard) ;  and  is  endorsed, 
"Act  of  1672    Coll.  charter,  in.  1672,"  the  words  "Act  of  1672" 
being  in  the  same  hand  as  that  of  the  copy,  and  the  words  "Coll. 
charter,  in.  1672"  being  in  the  hand  of  Wadsworth.4 

(F)  This  copy  is  in  the  Court  Records,  IV.  707-709,  where  it  was 
entered  by  Rawson  himself.6 

(G)  This  copy,  made  by  Rawson,  is  hypothetical  since  it  is  not 
known  to  be  extant;  but  that  such  a  copy  must  once  have  existed 
seems  pretty  certain  from  what  is  said  under  (I),  below. 

(H)  This  copy,  made  by  Josiah  Willard  (who  was  Secretary  of  the 
Province  from  1717  to  1756),  is  not  known  to  be  extant:  but  that  it 


Brattle's  Account  Book,  1693-1713],  there  was  also  atone  time  a  volume  known  as 
'College  Book  V  in  Quarto,'  as  appears  from  various  references  to  it  by  Wadsworth 
in  the  marginal  entries  in  the  Corporation  Records.  This  volume  was  either 
burned  in  the  fire  of  1764,  or  has  disappeared,  or  cannot  now  be  identified" 
(our  Publications,  xiv.  314  note  1).  I  have  since  identified  the  volume  as  Presi- 
dent Leverett's  Diary  (cf.  id.  xiv.  316). 

1  Quincy  prints  extracts  from  it  hi  his  History,  i.  291,  292,  295,  520,  522, 
546.  Cf .  p.  388  note  3,  above. 

1  Harvard  College  Papers,  Supplement,  i.  17. 

•  Harvard  College  Papers,  Supplement,  i.  18. 

4  Harvard  College  Papers,  i.  20.    Possibly  this  copy  is  in  the  hand  of  Sever. 

•  This  is  of  course  the  copy  printed  in  Massachusetts  Colony  Records,  iv.  ii. 
635-537. 


390 


THE   COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS 


[APRIL, 


once  existed  is  proved  by  what  is  said  under  (B-E)  above,  and  under 
(I)  below. 

(I)  This  copy,  in  the  Massachusetts  Archives,  LVTII.  86-87,  is 
wholly  in  the  hand  of  Nathan  Prince,  and  presumably  was  made  by 
him  either  hi  1723  (when  the  Sever-Welsteed  controversy  was  at  its 
height)  or  in  1742  (when  Prince  was  writing  his  pamphlet).  In 
making  this  copy,  Prince  used  (F),  (G),  and  (H),  for  he  has  collated 
all  three.  In  the  margin  he  notes  certain  variations  and  generally 
labels  these  "W."  (H),  though  one  is  labelled  "Rec."  (F),  and  sev- 
eral are  not  labelled  at  all.  Prince's  copy  (I)  begins: 

At  the  Second  Sessions  of  the  General  Court  for  Elections  held  at 
Boston  Oct.  8.  1672.  on  their  Adjournment.    J.W. 
At  a  General  Court  held  at  Boston  Oct.  8th  1672.    E.R.  {p.  550. 

The  second  heading  appears  to  indicate  that  Rawson's  copy  (G) 
was  entered  on  page  550  of  some  volume,  though  what  that  volume 
was  is  not  known  as  it  apparently  no  longer  exists.1  Prince's  copy  (I) 
ends: 

That  This  is  a  true  Copy  taken  out  of  the  Court  Records,  Attests 
Edward  Rawson  Secretary 
A  True  copy  as  of  Record  "F  J.  Willard  Secretary    Pag.  707  2 

(J)  This,  in  the  Massachusetts  Archives,  LVTII.  82-85,  is  not  a 
copy  of  the  completed  instrument,  but  is  a  draught  of  the  charter. 
For  that  reason  it  has  particular  value.  It  is  written,  in  an  unknown 
hand,  on  a  folio  sheet,  the  main  portion  of  the  charter  filling  the  first 
and  second  pages.  In  this,  however,  there  are  notable  omissions,  and 
these  are  supplied  on  the  third  and  fourth  pages.  Thus,  the  members 
of  the  Corporation  are  not  named  on  the  first  page,  but  their  names 
are  given  on  the  fourth  page.  There  are  throughout  various  inter- 


1  It  may  have  been  one  of  those  destroyed  when  the  Town  House  was  burned 
in  1747:  cf.  our  Publications,  vol.  ii.  pp.  xviii-xbc.  On  the  other  hand,  the  hy- 
pothetical copy  (G)  may  never  have  existed,  and  Prince  may  have  used  for  colla- 
tion the  Rawson  copy  (A)  now  in  the  College  archives.  But  if  that  was  the 
case,  it  is  impossible  to  explain  the  reference  to  "p.  550."  Besides,  copy  (A) 
contains  the  word  "sconsing,"  while  Rawson's  copy  (G)  evidently  had  "scourg- 
ing:" see  p.  398  note  3,  below. 

*  Prince's  copy  (I)  is  endorsed,  apparently  in  a  different  hand,  "Votes  about 
College  Oct'1672." 


1919]  THE  HARVARD   COLLEGE  CHARTER  OF   1672  391 

lineations,  some  of  which  appear  to  be  in  a  hand  different  from  that 
in  which  the  main  portion  of  the  charter  is  written.  It  is  possible 
that  these  interlineations  were  made  by  Hoar.  An  entry  on  the  third 
page  reads:  "Mem  whatever  materiall  passage  is  newly  inserted  is 
lined  underneath."  Probably  this  and  three  other  entries  on  the 
same  page  were  also  written  by  Hoar.1  The  memorandum  appears 
to  show  one  of  two  things:  either  that,  in  drawing  up  the  draught, 
the  charter  of  1650  was  used  as  a  basis  and  certain  passages  not  in 
that  charter  were  underscored  to  show  exactly  what  was  "newly 
inserted;"  or  else  that  the  present  document  is  a  revised  draught, 
the  underlined  passages  not  being  in  the  original  draught.  Not  all 
the  passages  "newly  inserted"  were  accepted  by  the  General  Court, 
for  a  good  many  words  have  been  crossed  out.  On  an  attached  slip 
of  paper  (numbered  84a  in  Volume  LVIII  in  the  Massachusetts 
Archives),  Rawson  has  given  the  names  of  all  the  members  of  the 
Corporation  except  those  of  Joseph  Browne  and  John  Richardson, 
the  two  Tutors;  and  it  also  bears  the  entry,  "21  JL  1672  past 
E  R  S"  — thus  giving  us  the  exact  date  (October  21,  1672),  not 
hitherto  known,  of  the  passing  of  the  charter. 

In  view  of  the  evidence  presented  in  the  present  paper,  it  may  be 
wondered  how  the  historians  of  the  College  could  have  gone  so  far 
astray  about  the  charter  of  1672.  Perhaps  the  following  explanation 
will  account  for  this.  As  already  pointed  out,  the  historians  have  all 
relied  on  the  statement  adopted  by  the  Corporation  on  January  27, 
1812,  and  on  the  pamphlet  published  three  months  later.  College 
Books  I,  III,  and  IV,  as  printed  in  Volumes  XV-XVI  of  our  Publica- 
tions, will  fill  864  pages.  It  is  not  surprising  that  a  single  allusion  to 
the  charter  in  such  an  extensive  amount  of  material  should  have 
eluded  the  committees  which  drew  up  that  statement  and  prepared 
that  pamphlet.  As  for  the  numerous  copies  of  the  charter  here 
described,  it  cannot  be  said  with  certainty  that  more  than  one  of 
them  was  in  the  possession  of  the  College  in  1812.  That  was  the  one 

1  Apparently  not  many  specimens  of  Hoar's  handwriting  have  been  preserved. 
A  letter  of  his  (printed  in  1  Massachusetts  Historical  Collections,  vi.  100-108) 
dated  March  27, 1661,  is  in  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society.  Another,  dated 
January  7,  1675,  is  reproduced  in  facsimile  in  Hill's  History  of  the  Old  South 
Church,  i.  184.  Entries  from  1672  to'  1674  on  pp.  75-78  of  College  Book  i  are 
in  his  hand.  The  most  characteristic  feature  of  his  writing  is  the  letter  "1," 
which  is  made  with  an  odd  twist  in  the  downward  stroke. 


392 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS 


CAPRIL, 


entered  by  Leverett  in  his  Diary.  This  is  a  small  volume,  not  one 
of  the  regular  books  of  College  records,  and  262  pages  must  be  turned 
over  before  the  charter  can  be  found.  The  members  of  the  1812 
committees,  even  if  they  knew  of  the  existence  of  the  Diary,  might 
well  be  excused  for  thinking  that  it  could  contain  nothing  to  their 
purpose.  Nor  would  it,  had  it  not  been  for  the  Sever- Welsteed  con- 
troversy, for  no  doubt  it  was  solely  on  that  account  that  Leverett 
copied  into  his  Diary  the  charter  of  1650,  the  appendix  to  the  charter 
passed  in  1657,  and  the  charter  of  1672.  As  for  the  four  other  copies 
of  the  charter  of  1672  now  in  the  College  archives,  one  (E)  was 
certainly  there  in  1852,  but  how  long  it  had  then  been  in  the  posses- 
sion of  the  College  cannot  be  determined.1  The  remaining  three  copies 
—  (A),  (C),  and  (D)  —  were  apparently  acquired  by  the  College 
after  1852.2 

1  Copy  (E)  is  in  Harvard  College  Papers,  i.  20.  How  the  volumes  so  called 
came  to  be  collected  is  explained  at  the  beginning  of  the  first  volume: 

At  a  Special  Meeting  of  the  President  and  Fellows  of 
Harvard  College,  February  6th  1850. 

"Voted,  That  the  President  cause  to  be  examined  and  arranged  all  the  manu- 
script papers  relating  to  the  College,  .  .  .  and  procure  such  as  are  worthy  of 
preservation  to  be  substantially  bound." 

Harvard  College,  October,  1852. 

In  compliance  with  the  above  order,  a  thorough  inquiry  and  examination  have 
been  made.  AH  the  papers  that  could  be  found  relating  to  the  history  and  general 
affairs  of  the  College  have  been  collected,  arranged,  &  bound  in  the  following 
volumes. 

JARED  SPARKS, 

Presd* 

The  papers  then  arranged  were  bound  in  eleven  volumes.  Over  forty  years 
later  other  documents  were  arranged,  called  Supplements  to  vols.  i-vii,  and 
bound  in  four  volumes.  (The  book-plate  pasted  into  vol.  i  says  that  that  volume 
was  received  March  4,  1893.)  The  late  William  G.  Brown  compiled  in  one 
volume,  presumably  while  he  was  Deputy  Keeper  of  the  University  Archives 
from  1896  to  1901,  a  Calendar  to  both  series,  adding  notes.  These  notes  are 
valuable,  but  Mr.  Brown  occasionally  went  astray  in  assigning  dates  to  undated 
documents. 

1  Copies  (A),  (C),  and  (D)  are  in  Harvard  CoUege~Papers,  Supplement,  i.  16, 
17,  18. 

It  is  of  course  "well  known  that  certain  important  books  of  College  records 
(among  them  Treasurer  Richards's  Account  Book,  1669-1693;  Treasurer  Brattle's 
Account  Book,  1693-1713;  and  Treasurer  Hutchinson's  Account  Book,  1721- 
1752)  were  carried  off  by  John  Hancock  while  he  was  Treasurer  (1773-1777) 
and  were  not  restored  to  the  College  until  about  1862:  cf.  1  Massachusetts 


cf      • 
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1919] 


TIIE   HARVARD   COLLEGE  CHARTER  OF   1672 


393 


Finally,  a  word  as  to  the  purpose  of  the  charter  of  1672.  Mr. 
Davis  thinks  that  it  is  "  inconsistent  with  any  theory  of  the  needs  of 
the  College."  It  seems  to  me  that  the  historians,  in  considering  this 
charter,  have  had  in  mind  too  much  the  nineteenth  century  and  too 
little  the  seventeenth  century.  The  unquestionable  right  of  the 
Corporation,  under  the  charter  of  1650,  to  elect  a  new  President  is 
now  so  well  established  that  it  is  taken  as  a  matter  of  course;  yet  that 
right  was  not  established  until  the  election  of  Leverett  in  1707. 
Not  only  was  Dunster's  successor  not  elected  by  the  Corporation, 
but  apparently  the  Corporation  was  not  even  consulted  in  the 
matter.  In  the  numerous  charters  either  actually  passed  or  proposed 
between  1692  and  1700,  in  every  case  the  members  of  the  Corporation 
were  appointed  by  the  General  Court.  And  when  the  election  of 
Leverett  was  consented  to  by  the  General  Court  and  the  College 
was  once  more  placed  on  the  charter  of  1650,  the  number  of  the 
Corporation,  which  under  the  proposed  charter  of  1700  consisted  of 
a  President,  a  Vice  President,  and  fifteen  Fellows,  was  reduced  to 
the  seven  called  for  in  the  charter  of  1650  by  Governor  Dudley 
himself. 

The  situation  with  which  Hoar  found  himself  confronted  on  his 
arrival  in  July,  1672,  was  a  difficult  one.  The  College  had  sunk  so 
low  that  at  the  Commencement  on  August  13  not  a  single  candidate 
for  the  degree  of  A.B.  presented  himself.  The  Corporation  was 
reduced  to  a  Treasurer  (Richards),  two  Tutors  (Browne  and  Richard- 
son), and  a  nominal  Fellow  (Danf orth) ;  and,  in  addition,  the  powers 
granted  to  the  Corporation  by  the  charter  of  1650  had  been  repeatedly 
infringed  on  by  the  Overseers.  •  Is  it  surprising  that  Hoar  desired  a 
new  charter  which  should  confirm  the  powers  granted  to  the  Corpora- 
tion by  the  charter  of  1650  and  by  laws  passed  between  1650  and 
1672;  or  that  the  filling  up  of  the  Corporation  to  its  full  complement 
of  seven  was  imperative?  The  charter  of  1672  accomplished  both 
of  those  objects.  One  was  emphasized  by  the  Corporation  in  1723, 
when  it  declared  that  the  charter  of  1672  was  "for  the  perpetuation" 
of  the  charter  of  1650;  and  the  other  by  Hutchinson  in  1764,  when 


Historical  Proceedings,  vi.  337,  342-343.  And  documents  that  once  actually  or 
properly  belonged  to  the  College  but  had  fallr.n  into  private  hands,  are  constantly 
being  returned  to  the  College. 


394 


THE   COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS 


[APRIL, 


he  said  that  the  charter  of  1672  made  "some  addition  to  the  number 
of  the  corporation." 

A  consideration  of  the  causes  which  led  to  the  failure  of  President 
Hoar's  administration  does  not  come  within  the  scope  of  this  paper, 
which  may  fittingly  conclude  with  the  reproduction  in  parallel 
columns,  for  purposes  of  comparison,  of  the  charter  of  1650,  of 
the  draught  of  the  charter  of  1672,  and  of  the  completed  charter 
of  1672.  As,  owing  to  interlineations,  erasures,  etc.,  the  draught 
is  difficult  to  reproduce  in  type,  it  is  also  reproduced  in  facsimile. 


1919] 


THE  HARVARD  COLLEGE  CHARTER  OF   1672 


395 


396 


THE   COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS 


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1919]  REPORT  OF  THE   COUNCIL  403 


ANNUAL  MEETING,  NOVEMBER,   1919 

ANNUAL  MEETING  of  the  Society  was  held  at  the 
Algonquin  Club,  No.  217  Commonwealth  Avenue, 
Boston,  on  Friday,  21  November,  1919,  at  half-past  six 
o'clock  in  the  evening,  the  President,  FRED  NORRIS 
ROBINSON,  Ph.D.,  in  the  chair. 

The  Records  of  the  last  Stated  Meeting  were  approved 
without  being  read. 

The  Annual  Report  of  the  Council  was  presented  on 
behalf  of  the  Rev.  Dr.  CHARLES  EDWARDS  PARK. 

REPORT  OF  THE  COUNCIL 

In  an  age  which  manifests  an  increasing  tendency  to  value  all 
human  activity  by  the  pragmatic  test,  and  which  looks  with  indiffer- 
ence, not  to  say  scorn,  upon  all  efforts  to  cultivate  the  quieter  inter- 
ests and  refinements  of  life,  it  needs  a  certain  degree  of  courage  to  call 
attention  to  such  a  Society  as  ours,  and  to  advertise  the  fact  that  we 
have  completed  our  twenty-seventh  year  without  any  perceptible 
departure  from  the  calm  and  even  tenor  of  our  way.  The  genius  of 
industrial  unrest  has  thrust  no  inflamed  visage  inside  our  door. 
Bolshevism  has  dropped  no  bomb,  literal  or  figurative,  into  our 
occasions.  International  diplomacies  have  left  unruffled  the  deep 
tranquillity  of  our  deliberations.  The  high  cost  of  living  has  wrought 
no  confusion  in  our  economies. 

If  it  requires  some  courage  to  make  these  admissions,  it  also  en- 
genders a  profound  satisfaction.  There  is  more  in  life  than  its  tem- 
poral storms  and  superficial  upheavals.  Your  Council  conceives  it  to 
be  the  function  of  the  Colonial  Society  to  maintain  a  due  share  of 
interest  in  the  deeper  aspects  of  our  life,  and,  like  a  Benedictine 
monastery  of  the  Dark  Ages,  to  conserve  so  far  as  it  may  some  under- 
standing of  the  subtler  continuities  which  bind  age  to  age,  and  make 
all  history  one. 


404  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  [Nov. 

And  in  fact  to  more  than  one  of  our  members  the  meetings  of  the 
Society  have  been  retreats  of  almost  a  monastic  sanctity,  whither 
they  could  resort  to  find  respite  from  the  outward  passions  of  life, 
and  to  indulge  undisturbed  the  interests  and  affections  that  are  dear 
to  them.  There  have  been  the  usual  five  stated  meetings;  four  of 
them  held  in  the  quiet  comfort  of  the  house  of  the  American  Academy 
of  Arts  and  Sciences;  one  of  them  held  under  the  hospitable  roof  of 
our  President,  Professor  Robinson.  Papers  and  communications  of 
solid  value  have  been  presented  at  these  meetings,  which  will  all  go 
to  the  permanent  enrichment  of  our  publications. 

The  present  condition  of  the  Society's  Publications  is  as  follows: 

Volumes  XV  and  XVI,  containing  the  Corporation  Records  of 
Harvard  College  down  to  1750,  are  well  advanced,  and  will,  it  is 
hoped,  be  completed  in  1921. 

Volume  XIX,  containing  the  Transactions  from  November,  1916, 
to  November,  1917,  was  distributed  last  April. 

The  text  of  Volume  XX,  containing  the  Transactions  from  Decem- 
ber, 1917,  to  February,  1919,  is  wholly  completed,  the  index  is  in 
type,  and  the  volume  will  be  ready  for  publication  early  in  1920. 

The  text  of  Volume  XXI,  containing  thus  far  the  Transactions  for 
March  and  April,  1919,  is  at  present  in  type  to  page  402,  and  the 
volume  will  no  doubt  be  ready  for  publication  in  the  spring  of  1920. 

Volume  XXII,  projected  last  spring,  will  contain  the  Plymouth 
Church  Records.  The  preparation  of  the  material  is  well  advanced, 
and  the  volume  will,  it  is  expected,  be  completed  in  the  fall  of  1920. 

During  the  year  the  following  gentlemen  have  been  elected  to 
Resident  Membership  in  the  Society: 

JAMES  PARKER  PARMENTER, 
CHARLES  ROCKWELL  LANMAN, 
HENRY  GODDARD  PICKERING, 
ROBERT  GOULD  SHAW, 
SAMUEL  WILLISTON, 
MORRIS  GRAY, 

HOWARD  NICHOLSON  BROWN, 
JOHN  LOWELL. 

And  during  the  year  the  Society  has  lost  from  its  membership  by 
death: 

SAMUEL  SWETT  GREEN,  Librarian  Emeritus  of  the  Worcester 
Public  Library,  a  lover  of  good  books,  and  of  all  to  whom  good  books 


1919]  REPORT  OF  THE   COUNCIL  405 

are  dear,  whose  eighty-two  years  of  life  were  crowded  full  of  a  quiet, 
happy  usefulness  in  making  more  available  to  all  the  rich  stores  of 
human  knowledge  and  the  companionship  of  great  minds. 

FRANKLIN  PIERCE  RICE,  an  enthusiast  by  nature  in  the  local  his- 
tory and  antiquities  of  his  surroundings,  whose  timely  solicitude  and 
personal  industry  have  rescued  many  a  valuable  town  record  from 
oblivion;  and  whose  chief  claim  to  his  reputation  for  eccentricity 
consisted  in  an  unusual  diligence  in  the  work  he  loved,  and  a  life- 
long devotion  to  his  mother. 

HORACE  EVERETT  WARE,  publisher  of  the  Old  Farmer's  Almanac, 
an  accurate  and  painstaking  investigator,  to  whom  carelessness  in 
fact  or  judgment  was  sin,  and  who  embodied  in  his  own  simplicity, 
courtliness  and  generosity  the  grace  and  charm  of  the  by-gone  days 
which  he  loved  to  study  and  understand. 

HENRY  AINSWORTH  PARKER,  clergyman  and  soldier,  rich  in  spirit- 
ual graces,  who  enjoyed  prosperity  with  humble  and  grateful  appre- 
ciation while  it  lasted,  and,  when  adversity  came,  bore  it  without  a 
word  of  complaint  or  bitterness,  with  cheerful  fortitude  and  uncon- 
quered  faith. 

MOSES  WILLIAMS,  lawyer  and  trustee,  a  man  of  wide  interests  and 
large  usefulness,  whose  opinions  commanded  respect,  and  whose 
moral  integrity  inspired  universal  confidence;  to  whose  nature  pas- 
sions of  every  kind  were  strangers,  and  whose  only  enthusiasms  were 
those  that  survived  the  analysis  of  a  singularly  clear  and  searching 
judgment. 

HENRY  ERNEST  WOODS,  State  Commissioner  of  Public  Records, 
who  dignified  his  office  by  his  own  faithfulness  and  worth;  whose  life, 
both  public  and  private,  was  an  uphill  battle.  He  had  the  reserve  of 
suffering,  the  loneliness  of  bravery,  the  modesty  of  self -sacrifice;  and 
his  real  value  as  a  friend  and  a  public  servant  is  fully  revealed  only  by 
his  death. 

HENRY  LEE  HIGGINSON,  Fellow  of  Harvard  College,  whose  name 
will  ever  stand  as  a  synonym  for  American  citizenship  in  its  fulness 
and  beauty.  His  patriotism  did  not  end  on  the  battlefield,  but  made 
him  a  life-long  warrior  against  every  form  of  wrong  and  injustice;  a 
life-long  champion  of  every  refinement  of  heart  and  nobility  of  soul. 
Wealth  to  him  was  a  stewardship,  and,  with  spiritual  insight,  he 
employed  it  to  ennoble  our  American  life  by  enriching  that  life  at  its 


406 


TUB  COLONIAL  SOCIETY   OF  MASSACHUSETTS 


[Nov. 


sources.  In  war  and  in  peace,  in  great  things  and  in  small,  he  walked 
humbly  and  joyously  in  the  footsteps  of  Him  who  came  not  to  be 
ministered  unto  but  to  minister. 

The  TREASURER   submitted   his  Annual   Report,   as 
follows: 

REPORT  OF  THE  TREASURER 

In  accordance  with  the  requirements  of  the  By-Laws  the  Treasurer 
submits  his  Annual  Report  for  the  year  ending  17  November,  1919. 


CASH  ACCOUNT 

RECEIPTS 

Balance,  18  November,  1918 $31.03 

Admission  Fees $80.00 

Annual  Assessments 590.00 

Sales  of  the  Society's  Publications 93.10 

Sales  of  the  Society's  paper 1.86 

Contribution  from  a  member 5.00 

Editor's  Salary  Fund,  subscriptions 1,300.00 

Interest 4,091.34 

Henry  H.  Edes,  demand  loan  without  interest 500.00 

Mortgages,  discharged  or  assigned 11,700.00 

Horace  Everett  Ware  Fund,  interest  on  Mr.  Ware's  be- 
quest, received  from  his  executors 53.34    18,414.64 

$18,445.67 

DISBURSEMENTS 

The  University  Press $1,676.77 

A.  W.  Elson  &  Co.,  photogravure 192.05 

Folsom  Engraving  Company 206.28 

Photostating  documents  and  records .  301.47 

Consolidated  Index  to  Volumes  1-20 50.00 

Salary  of  the  Editor 1,000.00 

Women's  Educational  and  Industrial  Union 40.16 

Andrew  Stewart,  auditing 10.00 

Postage,  stationery,  and  supplies 93.62 

Clerk  hire 111.45 

American  Academy  of  Arts  and  Sciences,  fuel,  light  and 

janitor  service 20.00 

Boston  Storage  Warehouse  Company 24.00 

J.  Franklin  Jameson,  annual  subscription  toward  the 

Bibliography  of  American  Historical  Writings  ....  50.00 

Miscellaneous  incidentals  .  .  .  f 578.50 

Mortgages  on  improved  real  estate  in  Boston 3,750.00 


1919] 


REPORT  OF  THE  TREASURER 


407 


Interest  in  adjustment $167.12 

Henry  H.  Edes,  demand  loan 500.00 

Western  Telephone  and  Telegraph  Company's  5%  Bonds 

of  1932,  $10,000  face  value 8,890.00  $17,661.42 

Balance  on  deposit  in  State  Street  Trust  Company,  17      

November,  1919 784.25 

$18,445.67 


The  Funds  of  the  Society  are  invested  as  follows: 

$68,000.00  in  First  Mortgages,  payable  in  gold  coin,  on  improved  property  in 

Greater  Boston 

8,890.00  in  Western  Telephone  and  Telegraph  Company's  5%  Bonds  of  1932 
($10,000  face  value)  guaranteed  by  the  American  Telephone  and 
Telegraph  Company 
200.00  on  deposit  in  the  Provident  Institution  for  Savings  in  the  Town  of 

Boston 
$77,090.00 


TRIAL  BALANCE 

DEBITS 

Cash $784.25 

Mortgages $68,000.00 

Provident  Institution  for  Savings 200.00 

Western  Telephone  and  Telegraph  Company's  5%  Bonds, 

$10,000  face  value 8,890.00    77,090.00 

$77,874.25 

CREDITS 

Income $784.25 

Editor's  Salary  Fund $600.00 

Publication  Fund 10,000.00 

Benjamin  Apthorp  Gould  Memorial  Fund 10,000.00 

Edward  Wheelwright  Fund 20,000.00 

Robert  Charles  Billings  Fund 10,000.00 

Robert  Noxon  Toppan  Fund 5,000.00 

Robert  Charles  Winthrop,  Jr.  Fund 3,000.00 

Andrew  McFarland  Davis  Fund 2,000.00 

William  Watson  Fund 1,000.00 

Horace  Everett  Ware  Fund 658.34 

General  Fund 14,831.66    77,090.00 

$77,874.25 


HENRY  H.  EDES 

Treasurer 


BOSTON,  17  November,  1919 


408  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  [Nov. 

REPORT  OF  THE  AUDITING  COMMITTEE 

The  undersigned,  a  Committee  appointed  to  examine  the  Accounts 
of  the  Treasurer  for  the  year  ending  17  November,  1919,  have  at- 
tended to  their  duty  and  report  that  they  find  the  accounts  correctly 
kept  and  properly  vouched,  and  that  proper  evidence  of  the  invest- 
ments and  of  the  balance  of  cash  on  hand  has  been  shown  to  them. 

This  Report  is  based  on  the  examination  of  Andrew  Stewart,  Cer- 
tified Public  Accountant. 

HENRY  G.  PICKERING 
ROBERT  G.  SHAW 

Committee 
BOSTON,  19  November,  1919 

The  several  Reports  were  accepted  and  referred  to  the 
Committee  of  Publication. 

On  behalf  of  the  Committee  appointed  to  nominate 
officers  for  the  ensuing  year,  Mr.  CHESTER  N.  GREENOUGH 
presented  the  following  list  of  candidates;  and,  a  ballot 
having  been  taken,  these  gentlemen  were  unanimously 
elected: 

PRESIDENT 
FRED  NORRIS  ROBINSON 

VICE-PRESIDENTS 

ANDREW  McFARLAND  DAVIS 
ARTHUR  PRENTICE  RUGG 

RECORDING  SECRETARY 

HENRY  WINCHESTER  CUNNINGHAM 

[CORRESPONDING  SECRETARY 

CHARLES  EDWARDS  PARK 

TREASURER 

HENRY  HERBERT  EDES 

REGISTRAR 

ALFRED  JOHNSON 

MEMBER  OF  THE  COUNCIL  FOR  THREE  YEARS 

SAMUEL  WILLISTON 


1919] 


GUESTS   AT   THE   ANNUAL   DINNER 


409 


After  the  meeting  was  dissolved,  dinner  was  served. 
The  guests  of  the  Society  were  Dr.  Elbridge  Gerry  Cutler, 
the  Rev.  Dr.  Kirsopp  Lake,  and  Messrs.  George  Hubbard 
Blakeslee,  Frederick  Cornwallis  Conybeare,  William  Brad- 
ford Homer  Dowse,  John  Henry  Edmonds,  Franklin 
Tweed  Hammond,  Charles  Francis  Jenney,  John  Doug- 
lass Merrill,  James  Duncan  Phillips,  Arthur  Stanwood 
Pier,  William  Bernard  Reid,  Eliot  Dawes  Stetson,  Harry 
Walter  Tyler,  Arthur  Gordon  Webster,  and  Irvah  Lester 
Winter.  The  PRESIDENT  presided. 


410  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY   OF  MASSACHUSETTS*  [DEC. 


DECEMBER  MEETING,   1919 

A  STATED  MEETING  of  the  Society  was  held  at  the 
***.  house  of  the  American  Academy  of  Arts  and 
Sciences,  No.  28  Newbury  Street,  Boston,  on  Thursday, 
18  December,  1919,  the  President,  FRED  NORRIS  ROB- 
INSON, Ph.D.,  in  the  chair. 

The  Records  of  the  Annual  Meeting  hi  November  were 
read  and  approved. 

The  CORRESPONDING  SECRETARY  reported  the  death 
on  the  twenty-second  of  November  of  Mr.  FRANKLIN 
CARTER,  a  Corresponding  Member. 

The  PRESIDENT  announced  his  appointment  of  Messrs.1 
EDWARD  CHANNING,  WILLIAM  ROSCOE  THAYER,  and 
FREDERICK  JACKSON  TURNER  as  delegates  from  this 
Society  to  the  annual  Conference  of  Historical  Societies 
to  be  held  in  Cleveland  this  month  in  connection  with 
the  meeting  of  the  American  Historical  Association. 

MR.  WILLIAM  C.  LANE  exhibited  a  water-color  view  of 
Harvard  College  made  by  Houdin  d'Orgemont  in  1795, 
and  spoke  as  follows : 

This  early  water-color  view  of  Harvard  College  is  the  property  of 
Miss  Ada  Bouve  of  Hingham,  who  inherited  it  from  her  mother,  Mrs. 
Thomas  Tracy  Bouve,  to  whom  it  had  come  from  her  grandfather, 
Mr.  Nathan  Thayer  of  Hingham. 

Mrs.  Bouve  sent  a  photograph  of  the  drawing  to  the  Library  in 
1895,  and  at  that  time  communicated  the  following  information  in 
regard  to  it: 

It  was  painted  in  1795  by  Houdin-d'Orgemont,  a  young  Frenchman, 
who  fled  from  Guadeloupe,  one  of  the  French  West  Indies,  in  fear  for 
his  life  during  the  troublous  times  preceding  and  subsequent  to  the 
execution  of  Louis  XVI  and  his  Queen  Marie  Antoinette.  He  found 
refuge  hi  Hingham,  Mass.,  where  he  lived,  with  a  younger  brother,  at  the 


1919]  NEW  ENGLAND  TOWN  MANDATES  411 

house  of  Mr.  Nathan  Lincoln.  Upon  the  restoration  of  order  in  France, 
he  was  called  home;  but,  not  being  permitted  to  land  when  he  reached 
the  island,  returned  to  Hingham,  where  he  resided  some  time  longer. 

The  two  brothers  were  young  men  of  considerable  culture,  and 
probably  went  to  sketch  many  places  in  the  vicinity,  though  I  do 
not  learn  that  any  other  of  their  sketches  have  remained  in  the 
family  of  their  friends  in  Hingham. 

Mr.  ALBERT  MATTHEWS  read  the  following  paper, 
written  by  Professor  Kenneth  Colegrove  of  Northwestern 
University: 

NEW  ENGLAND  TOWN  MANDATES 
INSTRUCTIONS  TO  THE  DEPUTIES  IN  COLONIAL  LEGISLATURES? 

One  of  the  characteristics  of  the  New  England  town-meeting  sys- 
tem in  colonial  days  was  the  practice  of  voting  instructions  to  the 
deputies  in  the  popular  assemblies.  By  means  of  these  votes  of  in- 
structions, the  freemen  in  the  towns  attempted  to  control  the  action 
of  their  representatives  upon  measures  of  both  local  and  general  in- 
terest. This  practice  began  concurrently  with  the  establishment  of 
representative  government  in  the  Puritan  colonies;  and  it  continued 
until  the  third  decade  after  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States,  being  abandoned  about  the  same  time  that  New  Eng- 
land Federalism  expired.  During  tJus  extensive  period,  the  initiative 
and  the  referendum  were  also  frequently  employed  by  the  towns  as 
means  of  controlling  their  deputies;  and  occasionally  the  recall. 

I 
THE  RISE  OP  REPRESENTATIVE  GOVERNMENT  IN  NEW  ENGLAND 

The  first  Charter  of  Massachusetts  provided  that  the  governor, 
magistrates  and  freemen  of  the  Company  of  Massachusetts-Bay 
should  hold  a  Great  and  General  Court  four  tunes  each  year  for  the 
management  of  the  affairs  of  the  corporation.  At  the  Easter  session 
of  the  General  Court,  the  freemen  were  to  elect  the  governor  and 


1  This  paper  is  a  brief  survey  of  material  collected  by  the  writer  several  years 
ago  when  a  member  of  the  seminar  in  American  History  of  Professor  Frederick 
Jackson  Turner  in  Harvard  University. 


412 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS 


[DEC. 


magistrates  for  the  ensuing  year.  The  Court  also  possessed  the 
power  to  admit  individuals  to  the  freedom  of  the  Company.  The 
original  grantees  had  intended  that  the  administration  of  the  Com- 
pany should  remain  in  London.  Eventually,  however,  the  seat  of 
government  was  removed  to  Boston,  thereby  producing  a  chain  of 
events  remarkable  in  the  history  of  free  government. 

Apparently  the  Charter  had  created  a  pure  democracy,  for  all 
the  freemen  possessed  the  right  to  attend  the  General  Court,  and 
all  had  a  voice  in  making  the  laws  and  electing  the  rulers.  In  reality, 
however,  the  government  for  several  years  was  what  John  Winthrop 
called  a  "mixed  aristocracy."  The  magistrates  and  the  elders  of 
the  churches  overawed  the  simple  freemen  of  the  Bible  common- 
wealth and  carried  measures  in  the  quarterly  Courts  according  to 
their  own  notions. 

John  Winthrop,  the  first  governor  of  Massachusetts,  had  come  to 
the  New  England  "wilderness"  hi  the  year  1630,  bringing  with  him 
the  original  copy  of  the  Company's  Charter.  Of  him  the  poet  has 
tunefully  sung  — 

Why  leaves!  thou,  John,  thy  station,  in  Suffolk,  thy  own  soile, 
Christ  will  have  thee  a  pillar  be,  for's  people  thou  must  toyle; 

He  chang'd  thy  heart,  then  take  his  part,  'gainst  prelates  proud  invading 
His  Kingly  throne  set  up  alone,  in  wildernesse  their  shading.1 

Deeply  imbued  with  the  stern  spirit  of  Puritanism,  the  lord  of  the 
manor  of  Groton  in  old  Suffolk  heartily  took  up  the  burden  of  found- 
ing "Christ's  glorious  Kingdome"  in  New  England;  and,  rejoicing 
in  his  task,  he  started  out  to  govern  this  commonwealth  without 
much  reference  to  the  opinions  of  the  governed. 

In  the  meanwhile  the  Puritan  settlers  were  pushing  out  along  the 
coast  and  into  the  interior  parts  of  Massachusetts.  Salem,  Dorches- 
ter, and  Charlestown  had  been  settled  even  before  the  "City-like 
Towne  of  Boston"  was  founded.  Watertown,  Roxbury,  Lynn,  Cam- 
bridge, Ipswich,  and  Newbury  were  soon  established;  and  Marblehead 
gained  the  notice  of  the  Court  in  the  year  1632.  It  was  incon- 
venient for  the  freemen  in  the  more  remote  settlements  to  attend  the 
General  Court  in  Boston  four  times  each  year;  and  quite  likely  these 
freemen  would  have  remained  for  a  considerable  time  unrepresented 


1  Johnson's  Wonder- Working  Providence  (ed.  J.  F.  Jameson),  p.  76. 


1919]  NEW  ENGLAND  TOWN  MANDATES  413 

in  the  General  Court,  had  not  this  body  levied  a  tax  upon  all  the 
plantations.  The  freemen  of  Watertown  immediately  protested 
against  the  principle  of  taxation  without  representation;  and  their 
protest  was  the  beginning  of  a  movement  which  led  to  a  revolution 
in  the  Bible  commonwealth.1 

In  the  spring  of  1634  the  outlying  towns  took  the  unusual  step  of 
appointing  deputies  to  attend  the  May  session  of  the  General  Court. 
Upon  arriving  in  Boston  these  defenders  of  constitutional  liberty  de- 
manded a  "sight"  of  the  royal  patent,  and  Winthrop  was  compelled 
to  comply  with  this  demand.  Eagerly  scanning  the  parchment  which 
bore  the  great  seal  of  England,  the  deputies  found  that  its  legal 
phraseology  confirmed  their  assumption  that  the  legislative  and  ap- 
pointive power  of  the  Company  lay  within  the  grasp  of  the  majority 
of  the  freemen.  Accordingly,  when  the  General  Court  was  convened, 
the  discontented  freemen  boldly  claimed  their  rights.  They  ousted 
the  Governor,  elected  in  his  place  a  man  of  their  own  choice,  and 
passed  a  law  permitting  the  towns  to  send  two  or  three  deputies  to 
the  General  Court  with  power  to  make  laws  and  grant  lands.2  Thus 
began  the  system  of  representative  government  in  Massachusetts, 
which  was  copied  in  time  by  Rhode  Island,  Connecticut,  and  New 
Hampshire.3 

II 

THE  TOWN-MEETING  SYSTEM 

Several  years  before  the  revolution  of  1634  the  system  of  town 
government  in  Massachusetts  had  already  appeared.  As  soon  as  a 
new  settlement  was  established,  the  proprietors  and  other  inhabitants 
would  meet  from  time  to  time  in  town-meeting  to  transact  the  busi- 

1  Massachusetts  Colony  Records,  i.  93;  Winthrop,  Journal  (ed.  J.  K.  Hosmer), 
i.  74,  122.  The  standard  treatise  upon  the  beginnings  of  the  representative 
system  of  Massachusetts  is  Professor  George  H.  Haynes's  Representation  and 
Suffrage  in  Massachusetts,  in  Johns  Hopkins  University  Studies,  Twelfth 
Series,  viii. 

*  Massachusetts  Colony  Records,  i.  117;  Winthrop,  i.  125.    The  law  of  1634 
did  not  give  the  deputies  power  to  cast  the  vote  of  their  townsmen  in  the  election 
of  the  magistrates  of  the  Company.    The  freemen  were  still  required  to  bring  in 
their  votes  personally.    In  1636  the  freemen  of  the  outlying  towns  were  permitted 
by  law  to  send  their  votes  by  proxy.    (Massachusetts  Colony  Records,  i.  166.) 
Thus  arose  the  system  of  proxy  voting. 

•  Rhode  Island  Colonial  Records,  i.  147,  149;  Early  Records  of  the  Town  of 
Providence,  xv.  9;  Staples,  Annals  of  the  Town  of  Providence,  p.  64;  Connecticut 
Colonial  Records,  i.  24. 


414  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  [DEC. 

ness  of  the  town.  The  freemen,  however,  soon  found  it  convenient 
to  appoint  selectmen  to  execute  the  orders  of  the  town-meetings. 
These  officials  were  carefully  instructed  as  to  what  to  do  and  how  to 
do  it;  and  they  were  required  to  make  a  detailed  report  of  their 
actions  to  the  town.  The  voting  of  instructions  to  the  selectmen  and 
the  hearing  of  the  report  of  the  selectmen  was  the  most  important 
business  that  usually  came  before  the  town  for  discussion  and  de- 
cision.1 This  mode  of  government  was  very  convenient  for  a  small 
democracy,  and  the  New  England  people  took  pride  in  the  possession 
of  a  system  whereby,  for  purposes  of  efficiency,  they  delegated  the 
exercise  of  certain  powers  to  a  committee  of  their  fellow-citizens  while 
at  the  same  time  they  kept  these  officers  constantly  under  their 
thumb.  When  the  towns  began  to  send  deputies  to  the  General 
Court,  they  treated  their  deputies  as  they  treated  their  selectmen, 
and  not  only  voted  instructions  to  govern  their  conduct  in  the  colonial 
assembly  but  also  required  the  deputy  upon  his  return  from  Boston 
to  make  a  report  concerning  the  business  which  had  been  transacted 
at  the  General  Court. 

m 

EARLIEST  EVIDENCE  OF  TOWN  INSTRUCTIONS 

The  practice  of  voting  instructions  for  the  deputies  began  almost 
immediately  upon  the  establishment  of  representative  government 
in  Massachusetts.  In  Plymouth  Colony,  as  early  as  September,  1640, 
a  law  was  passed  providing  for  instructions  to  the  deputies.  The 
General  Court  enacted  "That  the  Constables  of  euery  Towne  wthin 
the  Gou*  shall  warne  the  townes  men  whereof  they  are  to  come  to- 
gether as  they  doe  for  other  townes  businesse  when  the  Committees 
[the  deputies  of  the  towns]  shall  think  it  fitt,  as  well  to  acquaint  them 
with  what  is  ppounded  or  enacted  at  the  Court,  as  to  receive  instruo 
cbns  for  any  other  busbies  they  would  haue  donne."  2  In  Massa- 
chusetts, the  General  Court  in  the  June  session  and  in  the  Oc- 
tober session  of  the  year  1641  asked  the  towns  to  instruct  their 
deputies  upon  two  projects.3  One  of  these  projects  was  a  proposal 

1  Cf .  Boston  Record  Commissioners'  Reports  (hereafter  cited  as  Boston  Rec- 
ords), ii.  103,  114,  150,  154;  Records  of  Town  of  Cambridge,  1630-1703,  pp.  11, 
13,  99;  Watertown  Records,  i.  1-5;  Braintree  Records,  pp.  5,  11,  22.  , 

8  Plymouth  Colony  Records,  xi.  36. 

8  Massachusetts  Colony  Records,  i.  333,  340,  346;  Winthrop,  i.  223,  ii.  48. 


1919]  NEW  ENGLAND  TOWN  MANDATES  415 

to  change  the  method  of  electing  magistrates,  the  other  was  the 
adoption  of  a  new  code  of  legal  procedure.  From  Winthrop's  ac- 
count we  learn  that  the  deputies  returned  to  the  General  Court 
at  the  following  sessions  with  the  mandates  of  their  towns  upon 
these  questions. 

In  the  year  1642  the  towns  appear  to  have  initiated  action  in  the 
case  of  Sherman  versus  Keayne.  This  celebrated  episode  concerning 
the  lost  pig  of  Goody  Sherman  has  furnished  considerable  merriment 
for  historians;  but  the  Great  and  General  Court  gravely  considered 
the  case  for  seven  days,  while  an  extraordinary  meeting  of  the  Gov- 
ernor, magistrates,  deputies,  and  elders  was  convened  for  the  purpose 
of  putting  an  end  to  the  bitter  quarrel  which  had  so  violently  upset 
the  Puritan  commonwealth.  The  story  of  a  poor  woman  robbed  of 
her  pig  by  a  rich  and  grasping  merchant  of  Boston,  denied  justice 
by  the  magistrates,  and  fined  twenty  pounds  sterling  for  having  at- 
tempted to  recover  her  property,  resounded  from  one  end  of  the  little 
colony  to  the  other,  and  seriously  undermined  all  respect  for  law  and 
magistracy.  The  country  was  greatly  agitated.  And  Winthrop, 
who  was  now  back  in  the  graces  of  the  freemen  and  serving  as  Gov- 
ernor, indicates  in  his  diary  that  the  towns  commanded  their  depu- 
ties to  see  that  justice  was  done.1  The  end  of  the  affair  was  that 
Goody  Sherman  and  the  Boston  merchant  came  to  an  understanding 
in  regard  to  her  claim  for  damages.  But,  in  the  meantime,  a  pro- 
found change  had  occurred  in  the  constitutional  organization  of  the 
colony.  The  deputies  no  longer  sat  with  the  magistrates  in  the  Great 
and  General  Court.  Hereafter  they  met  in  separate  rooms;  and 
thus  arose  the  two  houses  of  the  General  Court. 

While  the  Massachusetts  Colony  Records  prove  that  the  practice 
of  voting  instructions  had  begun  at  least  as  early  as  1641,  there  is  no 
evidence  of  these  votes  to  be  found  in  the  records  of  the  towns  for 
this  year.  Unlike  the  minutes  of  the  proprietors'  meetings,  the  rec- 
ords of  the  town-meetings  in  the  early  days  were  not  kept  with  the 
same  care  which  marked  a  later  generation,  and  in  many  cases  these 
documents  have  been  totally  lost.  From  such  scant  records  as  re- 
main, however,  we  have  considerable  evidence  of  votes  of  instruc- 
tions after  the  middle  of  the  century.  Thus  the  Boston  Records  show 
that  Boston  gave  a  mandate  to  its  representatives  on  March  14, 1653. 

1  Winthrop,  ii.  118.s, 


416  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  [DEC. 

Altogether,  there  are  records  of  eighteen  votes  of  instructions  by 
Boston  town-meetings  previous  to  the  Revolution  of  1689.1  In  1655 
the  town  of  Hampton  in  New  Hampshire  (which  then  acknowledged 
the  jurisdiction  of  Massachusetts  and  sent  a  deputy  to  the  General 
Court  at  Boston)  instructed  its  representative  to  demand  from  the 
General  Court  permission  to  hold  a  market  once  each  week.2  In  1658 
another  New  Hampshire  town,  Dover,  commanded  its  deputy  to 
oppose  any  interference  by  the  General  Court  with  the  freedom  of  the 
beaver  trade.  The  deputy  was  also  instructed  to  "Bring  all  such 
lawes  as  are  macked  at  this  Cortt  as  other  Debeties  do."  Hereafter, 
Dover  voted  instructions  to  its  deputy  once  every  year  immediately 
upon  his  election.3  Among  other  Massachusetts  towns,  evidence  of 
the  early  use  of  instructions  can  be  found  in  the  published  records  of 
Salem,  Scituate,  Hingham,  Springfield,  Plymouth,  Ipswich,  and 
Duxbury.4 

The  epoch  of  the  Revolution  of  1689  saw  considerable  activity  on 
the  part  of  the  towns  in  the  matter  of  instructing  their  deputies. 
Votes  of  instructions  were  employed  not  only  to  resist  the  usurpations 
of  the  Stuart  despotism  in  1683-1686,  but  also  for  the  purpose  of 
establishing  the  provisional  government  of  the  colony  after  the  down- 
fall of  Sir  Edmund  Andros.5  In  this  connection  it  is  worthy  of  note 
that  in  the  year  1689  the  town  of  Newton  instructed  its  deputy  to 
demand  for  the  new  government  a  more  liberal  franchise  with  the 
abolition  of  religious  qualifications  —  "an  enlargement  of  freemen,  — 
that  all  free-holders,  that  are  of  an  honest  conversation  and  com- 
petent estate,  may  have  their  vote  in  all  civil  elections."  6 


1  Boston  Records,  ii.  114, 118, 132, 159,  vii.  6, 15, 20, 26, 48, 103, 110, 128, 133, 
142,  160,  169,  177. 

2  J.  Dow,  History  of  Hampton,  p.  50. 

•  A.  H.  Quint,  Historical  Memoranda  concerning  Persons  and  Places  in  Old 
Dover,  pp.  50,  66,  70,  94. 

4  Salem  Town  Records,  1659-1680,  in  Essex  Institute  Historical  Collections, 
xl.  277;  Deane,  History  of  Scituate,  p.  100;  S.  Lincoln,  History  of  Hingham,  p.  81; 
Burt,  First  Century  of  History  of  Springfield,  ii.  131;  Records  of  Town  of  Plym- 
outh, i.  170;  Felt,  History  of  Ipswich,  123;  Winsor,  History  of  Duxbury,  109. 

•  Massachusetts  Archives,  cvii.  8,  44,  52;  Boston  Records,  vii.  160,  177;  T.  F. 
Waters,  Ipswich  in  the  Massachusetts  Bay  Colony,  p.  234;  Felt,  History  of  Ips- 
wich, p.  123;  Felt,  Annals  of  Salem,  pp.  280,  282;  Winsor,  History  of  Duxbury, 
p.  109;  Deane,  History  of  Scituate,  p.  101. 

•  S.  F.  Smith,  History  of  Newton,  p.  51. 


1919]  NEW  ENGLAND  TOWN  MANDATES  417 

IV 

PROCEDURE  FOR  THE  VOTING  or  INSTRUCTIONS  m  TOWN-MEETINGS 

On  March  14,  1653,  the  town  of  Boston  appointed  a  committee  to 
draw  up  instructions  for  her  newly  elected  members.1  This  procedure 
was  generally  adopted,  not  only  in  Boston,  but  throughout  New 
England.  After  the  annual  election  of  deputies  a  committee  on  in- 
structions would  be  named.  This  committee  would  then  retire,  while 
the  town-meeting  gave  its  attention  to  other  business;  or  else  the 
meeting  would  adjourn  to  a  later  date.  In  either  case  the  committee 
reported  their  instructions  to  the  town-meeting;  and  this  report  was 
debated  by  the  town  —  not  infrequently  for  several  days  —  and 
adopted,  amended,  or  rejected  as  the  town  saw  fit.  Throughout  the 
year,  other  town-meetings  might  be  summoned,  on  the  demand  of 
ten  freemen,  to  vote  new  instructions  to  the  representatives.  As  a 
rule,  free-speech  seems  to  have  dominated  the  assemblies.  Sometimes 
there  was  too  much  of  it.  "Each  individual,"  said  the  Rev.  William 
Gordon  in  his  description  of  the  town-meetings  on  the  eve  of  the 
American  Revolution,  "has  an  equal  liberty  of  delivering  his  opinion, 
and  is  not  liable  to  be  silenced  or  browbeaten  by  a  richer  or  greater 
townsman  than  himself."  2  Samuel  Sewall,  the  worthy  jurist  of 
witchcraft  fame,  has  left  us  a  picture  of  the  "contentions"  and  "fer- 
ments" which  prolonged  the  Boston  town-meeting  through  the 
afternoons  until  candles  had  to  be  lighted  to  finish  the  business. 
And  William  Pyncheon  has  given  us  a  glimpse  of  similar  meetings  in 
Salem.3  Although  every  freeman  in  Boston,  even  in  the  early  nine- 
teenth century  when  they  numbered  seven  thousand,  had  a  right  to 
express  his  opinion  in  town-meeting,  the  exigencies  of  a  large  as- 
sembly naturally  limited  the  exercise  of  his  legitimate  powers.  And 
the  humble  freeman  in  Boston  was  not  so  apt  to  ventilate  his  opinions 
in  a  speech  to  his  fellow-citizens  as  was  the  freeman  hi  the  smaller 
towns  like  Groton,  or  Hadley,  or  Braintree,  where  two  or  three  score 
was  a  goodly  number  at  any  town-meeting. 


1  Boston  Records,  ii.  114. 

1  History  of  the  Rise,  progress,  and  Establishment  of  the  Independence  of  the 
United  States  (London:  1788),  i.  382. 

•  Diary,  i.  125,  424,  473,  478,  ii.  8,  74,  275,  iii.  257;  W.  Pyncheon,  Diary,  pp. 
24,  75, 122. 


418  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  [DEC. 


A  TYPICAL  BOSTON  ELECTION  IN  THE  EIGHTEENTH  CENTURY 

The  month  of  May  was  the  usual  time  for  the  Speaker  of  the 
House  of  Representatives  to  send  out  writs  for  the  election  of  the 
members  to  the  Great  and  General  Court.  By  the  Charter  of  1691 
Boston  was  entitled  to  return  four  deputies.  The  election  of  deputies 
took  place  in  the  freemen's  meeting;  and  the  duty  of  issuing  the  war- 
rants to  summon  the  freemen's  meeting  devolved  upon  the  selectmen. 
Frequently  the  warrants  contained  a  clause  declaring  that  a  vote 
would  be  taken  upon  the  question  of  instructing  the  deputies.1 

As  Boston  grew  in  size  the  number  of  voters  greatly  increased.  At 
the  election  of  deputies  in  1696,  Sewall  noted  that  134  ballots  were 
cast.2  Under  date  of  February  16,  1703,  he  records  the  following: 
"2  p.m.  Town-Meeting  at  Boston  to  chuse  Representatives.  Mr. 
Colman  pray'ed.  Chose  S.  Sewall  Moderator.  Voters  459.  .  .  . 
This  was  the  most  unanimous  Election  that  I  remember  to  have  seen 
in  Boston,  and  the  most  Voters."  3  In  the  May  election  of  1744  there 
were  532  votes  cast;  in  the  election  of  1754  there  were  603  votes.4 

The  great  increase  in  the  number  of  freemen  invited  the  applica- 
tion of  new  methods  of  democratic  control;  and  hi  1763  a  promising 
young  lawyer,  John  Adams,  who  in  later  years  was  to  succeed  Wash- 
ington as  President  of  the  United  States,  complained  that  the  manage- 
ment of  Boston's  politics  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  a  "clique  of 
intriguers." 5  Adams  made  this  complaint  after  he  had  ferreted  out 
the  secret  of  the  Caucus  Club,  which  met  in  the  garret  of  the  mansion 
of  Tom  Dawes.6  Dawes  was  a  master-mason,  or,  better  say,  archi- 
tect and  contractor.  He  designed  the  Brattle  Street  Church  built 
in  1772-1773,  drew  plans  of  the  parsonage  and  other  property 
owned  by  the  Old  South  Church,  and  was  one  of  three  commission- 
ers appointed  in  1795  to  erect  the  State  House  on  Beacon  Hill.7  He 

1  Boston  Records.  *  Diary,  i.  424.  8  ii.  74. 

4  Boston  Records,  xiv.  45,  255.  '  Works,  ii.  144. 

8  Mr.  Samuel  C.  Clough  states  that  this  locus,  now  numbered  214  to  228 
Purchase  Street,  is  on  the  southerly  side  of  that  street,  between  Summer  and 
Congress  Streets.  When  owned  by  Dawes,  the  estate  ran  to  the  water's  edge, 
which  was  then  north  of  the  present  Atlantic  Avenue.  It  is  owned  to-day  by 
Mr.  William  A.  Gaston. 

7  Cf.  H.  W.  Holland,  William  Dawes  and  his  Ride  with  Paul  Revere  (1878), 
pp.  23,  60-36;  H.  A.  Hill,  History  of  the  Old -South  Church,  i.  347,  ii.  135  note, 


1919]  NEW  ENGLAND   TOWN  MANDATES  419 

owned  considerable  property  in  houses,  held  the  position  of  adjutant 
of  the  Boston  regiment,  and,  when  his  bones  were  at  last  laid  to  rest 
in  King's  Chapel  Burying-Ground,  he  well  deserved  the  following 
epitaph  which  his  descendants  in  a  later  generation  bestowed  upon 
him! 

Of  his  taste  for  the  Grecian  Simplicity 
in  ARCHITECTURE  there  are  many  Monuments 
which  he  raised  when  that  Art  was  new  to  us. 

The  Records  of  Massachusetts  shew 
that  he  was  one  of  her  active  LEGISLATORS 

....  and  discharged  various  trusts 
To  his  own  honor  and  the  PUBLIC  WEAL.* 

The  garret  of  the  Dawes  mansion  on  Purchase  Street  was  large  and 
comfortable,  and  here  the  Caucus  Club  was  accustomed  to  hold  its 
meetings.  Among  other  associates  came  John  Ruddock,  a  lawyer 
and  selectman,  William  Story,  the  Deputy  Register  of  the  Court  of 
Vice-Admiralty,  William  Cooper,  for  forty-nine  years  the  town-clerk 
of  Boston,  William  Fairfield,  an  assessor  of  long  standing,  and  Samuel 
Adams,  the  maltster,  the  good-natured,  careless,  eloquent  Master  of 
Arts  of  Harvard  College,  a  man  so  well-beloved  by  his  fellow-citizens 
that  his  negligence  as  tax-collector  was  forgiven  by  vote  of  the  town. 
Among  these  cronies,  John  Adams  complained,  the  policies  of  the 
town  were  determined  upon,  prior  to  every  town-meeting,  and 
"selectmen,  assessors,  collectors,  wardens,  fire-wards,  and  representa- 
tives were  regularly  chosen  before  they  were  chosen  in  the  town." 
Having  discussed  their  plans  in  secret,  the  Caucus  Club  frequently 
came  to  an  understanding  with  the  Merchants'  Club,2  which  was 
composed  of  such  men  as  John  Hancock,  John  Rowe,  Thomas  Cush- 
ing,  James  Otis,  and  Josiah  Quincy,  and  frequently  united  with  this 
organization  upon  a  ticket  of  candidates.  The  ticket  was  often 

33G-338;  J.  G.  Palfrey,  Sermon  Preached  to  the  Church  in  Brattle  Square, 
July  18,  1824  (1825),  p.  64.  The  "  architect  of  the  State  House"  was  Charles 
Bulfinch,  and  not  Dawes  (as  stated  by  Holland,  p.  60).  Dawcs's  plans  of  the 
Old  South  property  are  reproduced  by  Hill  (i.  347,  ii.  134-135).  In  1765  Dawes 
received  from  the  Province  the  sum  of  £2439.12.6  for  "the  Mason's  work  and 
sundrys  which  he  paid  by  order  of  the  Committee"  in  the  erection  of  the  present 
Harvard  Hall  (Publications  of  this  Society,  xiv.  17). 

1  Bridgman,  Memorials  of  the  Dead,  p.  125. 

*  For  the  Merchants'  Club,  see  Publications  of  this  Society,  xix.  159-259. 


420  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  [DEC. 

printed  and  distributed  as  a  broadside.    Sometimes  it  was  published 
in  the  newspapers,  as  in  the  Boston  Evening  Post  for  May  14,  1764. 

The  student  of  Boston's  government  may  obtain  a  vivid  picture 
of  election  proceedings  by  a  perusal  of  the  Boston  Records.  On  the 
day  of  election  at  ten  o'clock  in  the  morning,  the  selectmen  call  the 
freemen  to  order  in  Faneuil  Hall.  A  minister  of  the  gospel  is  requested 
to  "pray  with  the  town."  Then  the  town-clerk  reads  the  warrant  for 
summoning  the  meeting  and  sundry  election  laws  of  the  Great  and 
General  Court;  whereupon  the  chairman  of  the  selectmen  proposes 
that  the  town  shall  proceed  to  elect  four  representatives  by  ballot. 
A  motion  to  this  effect  is  carried  by  unanimous  consent,  and  the 
chairman  announces  that  the  poll  will  close  at  twelve  o'clock.  The 
voters  write  the  names  of  their  candidates  upon  slips  of  paper  and 
hand  them  to  the  selectmen.  Throughout  the  morning  the  crowd  of 
freemen  come  and  go.  At  noon  the  hall  is  filled  with  excited  spec- 
tators and  the  result  of  the  poll  is  announced.  Technically  the  free- 
men's meeting  is  now  at  an  end,  but  the  assembly  does  not  break  up. 
There  is  further  business  to  transact,  and  a  town-meeting  will  be 
held.  The  selectmen  call  for  nominations  for  moderator;  and  after 
the  election  of  this  presiding  officer  an  adjournment  is  usually  taken 
for  dinner. 

The  worthy  freeman  who  has  assiduously  attended  the  freemen's 
meeting  finds  that  the  election  of  representatives  has  consumed  the 
best  part  of  the  morning  unless  he  has  returned  to  his  business  imme- 
diately after  casting  his  vote,  and  the  town-meeting  will  take  the 
greater  part  of  his  afternoon.  It  is  in  the  afternoon  meeting  that  the 
question  of  instructing  the  representatives  will  come  up.  If  the  motion 
to  instruct  the  deputies  is  passed  in  the  affirmative,  the  procedure  will 
be  to  appoint  a  committee  to  draw  up  the  instructions.  To  the  ob- 
scure freeman  this  may  appear  to  be  a  cut  and  dried  performance;  for 
the  committee  will  be  composed  of  a  bare  hah*  dozen  of  the  "most  re- 
spectable characters,"  and  the  paper  which  they  draft  will  sometimes 
be  adopted  at  the  end  of  the  town-meeting  without  any  alterations. 
There  will  not  be  lacking  those  who  complain  that  the  instruc- 
tions are  secretly  drawn  up  in  dark  corners,  whereas  the  liberties  of 
freemen  require  that  instructions  to  representatives  should  be  framed 
in  an  open  assembly.1  But,  oftentimes,  the  substance  of  the  instruc 

1  Cf .  a  communication  in  the  Boston  Evening  Post,  October  28,  1765. 


1919]  NEW  ENGLAND  TOWN  MANDATES  421 

tions  will  evoke  a  sharp  debate,  and  the  simple  freeman  will  thus  hear 
the  affairs  of  the  town  and  of  the  commonwealth  discussed  by  the 
keenest  wits  of  the  province;  while,  if  his  boldness  gets  the  better  of 
his  prudence,  he  will  attempt  to  gam  the  floor  to  express  his  own 
sentiments  on  the  question  before  the  meeting. 

It  is  not  only  at  the  annual  election  of  representatives  that  instruc- 
tions may  be  voted.  The  selectmen,  upon  their  own  motion,  may  call 
a  meeting  for  this  purpose  at  any  time  during  the  year.  Or,  if  the 
selectmen  fail  to  call  such  a  meeting,  and  any  ambitious  or  discon- 
tented citizens  think  that  the  selectmen  are  delinquent  in  their  duty, 
they  may  circulate  a  petition  about  town  praying  the  selectmen  to 
summon  a  special  town-meeting.  If  the  petition  bears  a  goodly  num- 
ber of  names  the  selectmen  will  grant  the  request.1  In  fact,  there  is  a 
law  upon  the  statute-books,  enacted  in  the  fourth  year  of  the  reign 
of  King  William  and  Queen  Mary  (1692),  which  requires  the  select- 
men to  include  in  the  warrant  for  calling  the  next  town-meeting  any 
proposition  which  ten  freeholders  may  petition  to  have  submitted  to 
the  town.2  And  should  the  selectmen  refuse  the  demand  of  the  peti- 
tioners, the  aggrieved  freemen  may  complain  to  the  justices  of  the 
peace  at  the  next  session  of  the  County  Court  and  there  obtain  a 
warrant  addressed  to  the  constable,  commanding  him  to  summon  a 
meeting  of  the  town  for  the  purpose  of  voting  upon  the  proposals  of 
the  petitioners. 

VI 
CORPORATE  CAPACITY  or  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  TOWNS 

The  corporate  capacity  of  the  constituencies  was  one  of  the  features 
which  distinguished  the  New  England  representative  systems  from 
those  of  the  middle  and  southern  colonies.  In  the  former  systems  the 
town  was  the  basis  of  representation;  in  the  latter  systems,  the  county 
or  shire  or  parish  was  the  basis.8  As  we  have  already  seen,  town- 

1  Boston  Records,  xvii.  77,  xiv.  57. 

1  Acts  and  Resolves  of  His  Majesty's  Province  of  the  Massachusetts-Bay, 
(Boston,  1759),  p.  18. 

»  In  Massachusetts,  by  the  law  of  1634,  the  towns  were  to  send  two  or  three 
deputies  to  the  Great  and  General  Court.  Ten  years  later  the  General  Court  re- 
ferred to  the  towns  a  proposal  for  a  law  to  abolish  the  representation  by  towns 
and  to  substitute  in  its  place  representation  by  shires  or  counties.  (Massachusetts 
Colony  Records,  i.  118,  ii.  88;  Winthrop,  i.  125,  ii.  170.)  The  proposal,  however, 
did  not  pass  into  law.  Under  the  State  Constitution  of  1780  the  townships  were 


422  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  [DEC. 

meeting  government  was  highly  conducive  to  the  growth  of  the  prac- 
tice of  instructing.  An  orderly  meeting  was  at  the  disposal  of  the 
electors,  summoned  at  least  once  a  year,  and  generally  several  times 
in  each  season  of  the  year;  and  by  means  of  this  incorporated  as- 
sembly the  freemen  were  able  to  address  their  representatives  with 
considerable  show  of  authority.  On  the  other  hand,  the  members  of 
the  popular  assemblies  in  the  middle  and  southern  colonies  were 
elected  at  the  hustings,  as  in  England,  where  the  sheriff  took  the 
"view  of  hands"  on  the  open  green  before  the  court  house,  or  else 
checked  the  voters'  names  off  a  list  as  they  filed  past  his  table.1  The 
freemen  of  the  counties  and  shires  were  not  organized  in  any  corporate 
capacity;  and,  accordingly,  no  meeting  of  freemen  at  the  hustings 
could  claim  to  be  anything  else  than  an  extra-legal  mass-meeting  of 
citizens.  It  was  not  until  the  year  1765,  at  the  beginning  of  the 
American  Revolutionary  era,  that  the  freemen  of  the  middle  and 
southern  colonies  undertook  to  meet  in  an  organized  manner  and  to 
vote  instructions  to  their  deputies  in  the  popular  assembly.2 

In  the  motherland,  a  similar  tendency  to  employ  instructions  and 
positive  mandates  was  a  consequence  of  the  corporate  nature  of  cer- 
tain constituencies.  The  freemen  of  the  English  shires  seldom  under- 


retained  as  the  election  districts  of  the  lower  house  of  the  legislature.  Finally,  by 
the  constitutional  amendment  of  1857  the  districts  were  re-arranged  without  pre- 
serving the  old  townships  as  units. 

1  The  English  statute  of  1696  (7  and  8  William  III,  C.  25)  was  widely  copied  in 
the  colonies.    The  preamble  of  the  Maryland  election  law  of  1716  contained  the 
following:  "And  foreasmuch  as  the  safest  and  best  Rule  for  this  Province  in  elect- 
ing .  .  .  Delegates  and  Representatives  is  the  Precedents  of  the  Proceedings  in 
Parliament  in  Great  Britain,  as  near  as  the  Constitution  of  this  Province  will 
admit  .  .  ."    (Compleat  Collection  of  the  Laws  of  Maryland,  Annapolis,  1727, 
p.  174.)    Cf.  Hening,  Virginia  Statutes  at  Large,  iii.  172,  236;  Colonial  Laws  of 
New  York,  i.  405;  Allinson,  Acts  of  the  General  Assembly  of  the  Province  of  New 
Jersey  (Burlington,  1776),  p.  69;  Statutes  at  Large  of  Pennsylvania  from  1682  to 
1801,  ii.  212;  Laws  of  the  Government  of  New-Castle,  Kent  and  Sussex  Upon 
Delaware  (Philadelphia,  1741),  p.  76. 

2  There  were  a  few  exceptions.    In  1652  a  meeting  in  Northampton  County, 
Virginia,  voted  a  paper  of  instructions.    (William  and  Mary  College  Quarterly, 
i.  191.)    Professor  Charles  W.  Spencer  has  called  my  attention  to  a  pamphlet  in 
the  British  Public  Record  Office  entitled  "To  the  Inhabitants  and  Freeholders 
of  Westchester  County  (New  York)"  issued  by  Lewis  Morris,  the  leader  of 
the  Governor's  party,  who  proposed  that  the  towns  of  the  county  should  ap- 
point delegates  "to  joyn  with  me  in  drawing  up  necessary  Instructions  to  our 
Representative." 


1919]  NEW  ENGLAND  TOWN  MANDATES  423 

took  to  instruct  their  knights  in  Parliament.  But  the  corporations 
of  the  boroughs  frequently  instructed  the  burgesses.  In  1681  the 
freemen  of  the  City  of  London  in  Common  Hall  instructed  the  four 
members  in  Parliament  to  refuse  their  assent  to  money  grants  until 
security  against  Popery  was  obtained;  in  1696  to  urge  an  investiga- 
tion of  the  conspiracy  against  the  monarchy  and  the  adoption  of 
measures  to  safe-guard  merchant  ships  from  falling  into  the  enemy's 
hands;  in  1697  to  pursue  a  strong  policy  against  France;  in  1714  to 
impeach  the  ministry  for  mismanagement  of  the  war  against  Louis 
XIV;  and  in  1740,  to  reduce  the  number  of  "placemen"  in  the  House 
of  Commons.1  The  practice  of  voting  instructions  was  not  limited  to 
London.  In  1742,  for  instance,  when  the  clamor  for  the  impeachment 
of  Sir  Robert  Walpole  was  at  its  height,  the  boroughs  of  London, 
Stirling,  Aberdeen,  York,  Hereford,  and  Coventry,  among  other 
cities,  sent  instructions  to  their  burgesses  demanding  that  the  ex- 
minister  be  brought  to  punishment.2 

Thus,  both  in  the  motherland  and  in  the  colonies,  wherever  the 
constituencies  of  the  legislative  assembly  were  organized  in  a  cor- 
porate capacity  there  appeared  a  tendency  to  control  the  representa- 
tives by  means  of  authoritative  mandates. 

vn 

THE  INITIATIVE  AND  REFERENDUM 

By  means  of  a  vote  of  instructions  the  inhabitants  of  any  town 
could  initiate  such  legislation  as  they  saw  fit.  In  one  feature,  how- 
ever, there  was  a  difference  between  this  colonial  practice  and  the 
modern  initiative.  Our  Puritan  forefathers  in  the  town-meetings  did 
not  as  a  rule  draw  up  the  exact  wording  of  the  new  laws  which  they 
demanded.  They  merely  stated  in  more  or  less  general  terms  what 
they  desired  in  the  way  of  legislation;  it  was  seldom  that  the  con- 
stituents of  a  deputy  actually  undertook  to  frame  the  law  which  they 

1  W.  Maitland,  History  and  Survey  of  London  (London,  1760),  i.  469,  500, 
602,  518,  600.  The  Common  Council  of  London  very  frequently  voted  instruc- 
tions. (Id.  i.  548,  623,  624,  628;  H.  Chamberlain,  History  and  Survey  of  the 
Cities  of  London  and  Westminster,  London,  1769,  i.  378;  Addresses  Presented 
from  the  Court  of  Common  Council  to  the  King  .  .  .  [and]  Instructions  at  Differ- 
ent Times  to  the  Representatives  of  the  City  in  Parliament,  London,  1778,  pp. 
20,  30.) 

1  These  documents  were  reprinted  in  the  Boston  Evening  Post,  March  7, 1743. 


424 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS 


[DEC. 


desired  to  be  put  on  the  statute-book.  With  the  initiative  went  the 
referendum.  In  Rhode  Island,  during  the  years  1647  to  1663,  every 
law  passed  by  the  General  Assembly  had  to  be  referred  to  the  towns 
for  acceptance  or  rejection.1  But  this  requirement  was  exceptional. 
The  referendum  hi  New  England  was  more  frequently  a  specialized 
form  of  instruction  of  deputies,  a  practice  by  which  the  members  of 
the  lower  house  had  recourse  to  their  constituents  for  instructions  or 
advice  upon  particular  bills  or  questions  of  policy. 

The  first  use  of  the  referendum  hi  Massachusetts  appears  to  have 
been  in  the  year  1641,  seven  years  after  the  freemen  from  the  out- 
lying towns  had  overturned  the  aristocratic  regime  of  John  Winthrop 
and  inaugurated  the  representative  system.  In  the  June  session,  as 
we  have  already  mentioned  in  another  place,  the  General  Court  sub- 
mitted to  the  towns  a  new  plan  for  collecting  the  annual  vote  for 
magistrates.  On  this  occasion  the  deputies  were  ordered  to  carry 
copies  of  the  proposed  law  to  the  towns  and  to  "  make  returnes  at  the 
next  Court,  what  the  minds  of  the  freemen  are  hearin,  that  the  Court 
may  pceede  accordingly."  :l  Governor  Winthrop  tells  us  hi  his  diary 
that  the  greater  number  of  the  towns  "refused"  the  proposed  law.3 
In  the  October  session,  in  the  same  year,  another  referendum  was 
ordered,  this  time  upon  the  question  of  the  adoption  of  a  newly 
drafted  legal  code.4  As  a  result  of  this  referendum,  the  curious  mix- 
ture of  Scripture,  Puritan  political  notions,  and  the  Common  Law 
of  England,  known  as  the  "  Body  of  Liberties,"  was  voted  to  be  "  the 
law  of  the  land,"  as  we  learn  from  the  scribbling  in  the  hand-writing 
of  Governor  Winthrop  upon  the  last  yellow  page  of  the  first  volume 
of  the  Massachusetts  Colony  Records  preserved  in  the  State  House  in 
Boston. 

Hereafter  the  referendum  was  frequently  used  throughout  the 
colonial  period.  No  unusual  constitutional  process,  therefore,  was 
required  when  the  House  of  Representatives  in  1776  desired  to  ascer- 
tain the  will  of  the  commonwealth  upon  the  question  of  independence 
from  Great  Britain.  On  May  10,  1776,  the  following  resolution  was 
adopted : 


1  Rhode  Island  Colonial  Records,  i.  148, 229,  401,  429. 

1  Massachusetts  Colony  Records,  i.  334. 

»  Winthrop,  ii.  223. 

*  Massachusetts  Colony  Records,  i.  340. 


1919]  NEW  ENGLAND  TOWN  MANDATES  425 

Resolved,  As  the  Opinion  of  this  House  that  the  inhabitants  of  each 
town  in  this  Colony,  ought  in  full  Meeting  warned  for  that  Purpose,  to 
advise  the  Person  or  Persons  who  shall  be  chosen  to  Represent  them  in 
the  next  General  Court,  whether  that  if  the  honorable  Congress  should, 
for  the  Safety  of  the  said  Colonies,  declare  them  Independent  of  the 
Kingdom  of  Great-Britain,  they  the  said  Inhabitants  will  solemnly  engage 
with  their  Lives  and  Fortunes  to  Support  the  Congress  in  the  Measure.1 

In  response  to  this  referendum  or  appeal  to  the  country,  the  towns  of 
Massachusetts  held  meetings  in  May  and  June,  and,  after  electing 
their  deputies  for  the  next  General  Court,  instructed  them  in  vigorous 
terms  to  support  the  Continental  Congress  in  any  of  its  measures 
looking  towards  independence.2  Many  of  the  towns  on  this  occasion 
drew  up  elaborate  instructions,  which  reviewed  the  grievances  of  the 
American  colonies  and  gave  the  history  of  the  controversy  with  Great 
Britain. 

During  the  four  years  following  the  Declaration  of  Independence 
the  referendum  was  employed  upon  several  occasions,  particularly 
when  the  question  of  making  a  State  constitution  was  referred  to  the 
towns.3  The  Constitution  of  1780  was  adopted  as  the  result  of  these 
votes.  Throughout  the  colonial  history  of  Massachusetts,  as  well  as 
in  the  Revolutionary  epoch,  there  had  been  a  tendency  to  confine 
the  use  of  the  referendum  to  constitutional  questions.  And  after 
the  establishment  of  the  Federal  Government,  the  referendum  was 
strictly  limited  to  questions  of  fundamental  law. 

VIII 
THE  RECALL 

Our  Puritan  forefathers  attempted  to  use  the  recall,  with  varying 
degrees  of  success.  In  1644,  the  townsmen  of  Gloucester  "  dismissed  " 
William  Stevens  who  represented  them  in  the  General  Court  and 
chose  another  in  his  place.  The  General  Court,  however,  refused  to 
seat  the  new  deputy,  and  an  order  was  sent  to  the  town  of  Gloucester 

1  Massachusetts  House  Journal,  pp.  266,  276. 

1  Massachusetts  Archives,  clvi.  98-120. 

1  Cf .  E.  M.  Hartwoll,  Referenda  in  Massachusetts  and  Boston,  in  the  City  of 
Boston,  Monthly  Bulletin  of  the  Statistics  Department  (1909),  ri.  151-160;  H.  A. 
Gushing,  History  of  the  Transition  from  Provincial  to  Commonwealth  Govern- 
ment in  Massachusetts,  in  Columbia  University  Studies,  vol.  vii.  chaps,  vii,  viii. 


426  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  [DEC. 

for  the  return  of  Stevens.  The  town  was  informed  that  it  might 
bring  complaint  against  their  deputy,  and,  if  they  were  able  to  show 
that  he  was  "  vnfitt  for  ye  service  of  this  Courte,  y *  then  this  howse 
shall  acc°  it  theire  dutie  to  deale  wth  him  as  an  offending  member 
thereof."  *  Against  this  decision  of  the  General  Court  the  town  was 
unable  to  prevail.  In  the  year  1686,  however,  Salem  asserted  the 
right  to  withdraw  her  deputies  at  the  General  Court.2  And  in  the 
following  year,  the  town  of  Fairfield  in  Connecticut  stripped  its  depu- 
ties of  their  offices  for  having  weakly  yielded  to  the  demands  of  Sir 
Edmund  Andros  at  the  memorable  meeting  of  the  Council  whereat 
the  popular  leaders  are  said  to  have  plucked  the  charter  out  of  the 
hands  of  the  Stuart  despot  and  hid  it  in  the  hollow  of  an  oak.3 

A  century  later,  at  another  constitutional  crisis,  the  New  England 
towns  very  generally  exercised  the  right  of  recall,  without  objection 
on  the  part  of  the  legislature.  In  1774,  among  other  instances,  the 
town  of  Rehoboth  summarily  dismissed  Captain  John  Wheeler  as 
their  delegate  to  the  Provincial  Congress  and  elected  a  more  enthu- 
siastic patriot  in  his  place.4  Four  years  later,  when  the  adoption  of 
a  State  constitution  was  under  discussion  in  Massachusetts,  the 
same  town  proposed  as  one  of  the  fundamental  laws  a  provision 
"  enabling  each  town  in  this  State  at  any  time,  to  elect  a  Representa- 
tive or  Representatives  to  represent  them  in  the  General  Court,  and 
thereby  to  recall  their  former  Representative  or  Representatives  as  the 
pleasure  of  any  town  may  be. " 6  Other  towns  likewise  urged  the  adop- 
tion of  the  recall  as  a  part  of  the  new  constitution.  The  suggestion 
was  not  followed  by  the  Conyention  which  framed  the  Massachu- 
setts Constitution  of  1780.  But,  on  the  other  hand,  the  Conven- 
tion retained  a  feature  of  the  old  Massachusetts  system,  which  was 
practically  as  effective  as  the  recall  would  have  been  in  controlling 
the  representatives  of  the  towns.  This  was  the  provision  for  annual 
elections,  a  habit  so  deeply  rooted  in  Massachusetts  political  life  that 
the  people  have  been  loath  to  abandon  it  even  in  the  twentieth  cen- 
tury when  the  inconvenience  of  a  yearly  contest  for  governor  and 

Massachusetts  Colony  Records,  iii.  3. 
Felt,  Annals  of  Salem,  p.  282. 
Schenck,  History  of  Fairfield,  i.  237-239. 
Bliss,  History  of  Rehoboth,  pp.  145,  146. 

Continental  Journal   (Boston),  February  4,  1779.    The  town  voted  the 
resolution  on  June  1,  1778. 


1919]  NEW  ENGLAND  TOWN  MANDATES  427 

representatives  has  become  very  distressing.  John  Adams  and  the 
revolutionary  patriots  of  Massachusetts  considered  the  annual  return 
of  public  officials  to  the  status  of  simple  citizens  as  a  panacea  for  the 
majority  of  political  ills.1  They  believed  in  the  maxim:  "Where 
annual  elections  end,  there  tyranny  begins."  So  they  would  have  all 
great  men  — 

Like  bubbles  on  the  sea  of  matter  borne, 
They  rise,  they  break,  and  to  that  sea  return. 

This  would  teach  them  the  great  political  virtues  of  humility,  patience 
and  moderation,  without  which,  in  John  Adams's  opinion,  every  man 
in  power  becomes  a  ravenous  beast  of  prey! 

A  few  years  after  the  adoption  of  the  first  State  Constitution  the 
town  of  Cambridge  passed  a  resolution  in  town-meeting  succinctly 
describing  the  Massachusetts  system  which  had  then  been  in  existence 
for  nearly  two  centuries,  and  which,  under  the  influence  of  modern 
life,  was  soon  to  become  somewhat  modified.  "The  Constitution  of 
Massachusetts,"  said  the  townsmen  of  Cambridge,  "has  provided 
for  the  annual  choice  of  every  branch  of  the  Legislature,  and  that 
the  people  in  the  several  towns  may  assemble  to  deliberate  on  public 
grievances,  and  to  instruct  their  Representatives.  By  annual  elections 
there  are  frequent  opportunities  to  change  the  Representatives  if 
their  conduct  is  disapproved."  2 

IX 

GENERAL  AND  LOCAL  CHARACTER  or  TOWN  MANDATES 

The  instructions  voted  by  the  various  towns  reflected  the  economic 
and  social  conditions  of  each  particular  locality.  For  instance,  the 
towns-people  of  Scituate  in  1665  experienced  some  hardship  with 
reference  to  the  ease  with  which  debtors  defrauded  their  creditors, 
and  in  this  year  the  town  commanded  their  deputy  to  move  the  Court 
for  a  new  law  to  prevent  debtors  from  paying  their  debts  "with  old 
rusty  barrels  of  guns  that  are  serviceable  for  no  man,  unless  to  work 
up  as  old  iron."8  Boston,  the  metropolis  of  New  England,  where 
strangers  could  easily  come  and  go,  was  frequently  compelled  to  in- 

1  J.  Adams,  Works,  iv.  197;  5  Massachusetts  Historical  Collections,  iv.  377. 

*  Paige,  History  of  Cambridge,  p.  166. 

*  Deane,  History  of  Scituate,  p.  100. 


428  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OP  MASSACHUSETTS  [DEC. 

struct  her  deputies  to  secure  laws  guarding  the  town  from  the  charge 
of  paupers  who  flocked  in  from  the  smaller  towns  or  from  the  neigh- 
boring colonies.  The  Boston  deputies  were  also  often  reminded  by 
the  town  of  the  need  for  promoting  trade  and  commerce.1  Salem, 
another  sea-port  town  which  was  chiefly  interested  in  the  fishing  and 
whaling  industries,  was  not  content  to  rely  upon  the  "ancient  repre- 
sentation of  a  cod  fish"  mounted  on  a  mahogany  board  and  hung 
back  of  the  Speaker's  chair  in  the  Hall  of  the  Representatives  as  a 
constant  reminder  that  New  England's  farm  was  on  the  seas;  but  we 
find  the  town,  among  other  occasions,  instructing  its  deputies  in  1735 
to  move  the  General  Court  to  send  an  appeal  to  England  against  the 
acts  of  Parliament  which  hampered  the  American  trade  in  fish.2  On 
the  other  hand,  an  inland  town  like  Worcester  was  more  interested  in 
promoting  agriculture  than  in  fostering  commerce  or  fishing.  Worces- 
ter was  near  the  centre  of  the  interior  district  which  became  the  scene 
of  Shays's  Rebellion  in  1786.  During  this  period  of  agricultural  dis- 
content a  hundred  or  more  instructions  were  voted  by  various  towns 
in  the  middle  and  western  part  of  Massachusetts,  demanding  relief 
for  the  debtor  class  by  increasing  the  circulation  of  paper  money,  and 
for  the  encouragement  of  farmers  by  a  deduction  in  the  land  tax  and 
a  shifting  of  the  burden  of  taxation  upon  the  population  engaged  in 
commerce.  Some  small  towns  made  even  more  radical  demands, 
calling  upon  then*  deputies  to  exterminate  the  profession  of  lawyers, 
to  abolish  the  quarterly  sessions,  and  to  remove  the  State  House  out 
of  the  wicked  city  of  Boston  into  some  more  democratic  and  accessible 
inland  town!3 


1  Boston  Records,  vii.  134,  viii.  135,  xii.  122,  146,  198,  226,  xiv.  12,  277,  xxxv. 
117. 

»  Felt,  Annals  of  Salem,  p.  410. 

•  Among  other  examples,  the  town  of  Sutton  on  January  24, 1787,  voted  "that 
our  Representative  be  instructed  to  use  his  influence  in  the  General  Court  that 
any  man  may  be  permitted  to  keep  a  half  score  of  sheep  that  they  may  not  be 
liable  to  be  taken  from  him  by  Warrant  or  Execution"  (Benedict  and  Tracy, 
History  of  Sutton,  p.  127).  Concord  instructed  its  deputy  in  May,  1787,  "to 
provide  some  way  for  raising  some  supplies  for  the  public  expense,  which  shall 
be  less  burdensome  on  the  landed  interest "  (Shattuck,  History  of  Concord,  p.  142). 
Worcester  demanded  in  October  1786,  "the  annihilation  of  the  courts  of  common 
pleas  and  general  sessions"  (Worcester  Town  Records,  1784-1800,  pp.  24,  89). 
Among  other  radical  instructions,  see  Smith,  History  of  Pittsfield,  p.  412;  Free- 
man, History  of  Cape  Cod,  ii.  135;  Hudson,  History  of  Marlborough,  p.  195* 
Weston,  History  of  Middleboro,  p.  577;  Braintree  Records,  p.  567.  For  the 


1919]  NEW  ENGLAND  TOWN  MANDATES  429 

Thus,  local  opinions,  prejudices,  and  interests  found  expression  in 
the  mandates  voted  by  the  freemen  to  their  deputies  in  the  lower 
house  of  the  colonial  assembly.  Like  the  cahiers  of  the  French,  these 
documents  were  the  voice  of  the  people.  It  was  not  alone  upon  mat- 
ters of  local  interest  that  the  deputies  were  instructed.  The  whole 
realm  of  colonial  legislation  was  covered  by  the  freemen  in  town- 
meeting.  Particularly  in  the  struggle  over  the  revocation  of  the 
Charter  hi  1684-1689  and  in  the  contest  over  the  governor's  salary 
in  1728-1733,  the  towns  stood  out  for  the  liberties  of  the  colony.  In 
both  of  these  conflicts  Boston  led  the  way  in  arousing  concerted  ac- 
tion. In  the  year  1684,  when  the  House  of  Representatives  was 
greatly  disturbed  by  the  demand  of  the  British  Crown  for  the  sur- 
render of  the  Massachusetts  Charter,  the  deputies  of  Boston  applied 
to  their  town  for  instructions  in  the  matter.  A  town-meeting  was 
accordingly  summoned,  and  the  leaders  of  the  popular  party  invited 
the  celebrated  divine,  Mr.  Increase  Mather,  to  address  the  meeting 
and  give  "  his  Thoughts  on  the  case  of  Conscience  before  them."  x 
Mather  came,  bursting  with  eloquence;  and  in  a  passionate  harangue 
he  reminded  the  freemen  of  Boston  that  their  forefathers  had  pur- 
chased the  Charter  at  great  sacrifice.  "And  would  they  deliuer  it 
up,  even  as  Ahab  required  Naboth's  Vineyard:  0h,  their  Children 
would  be  bound  to  curse  them! "  The  orator  called  attention  to  the 
manner  in  which  the  Stuarts  had  lately  treated  the  city  of  London, 
and  in  closing  he  drew  a  warning  therefrom  for  the  metropolis  of  New 
England.  "  Upon  this  pungent  Speech,  many  of  the  Freemen  fell  into 
Tears;  and  there  was  a  General  Acclamation,  'We  thank  you,  Sire! 
We  thank  you,  SireP"  The  question  of  sustaining  the  deputies  in 
their  refusal  to  surrender  the  Charter  was  then  put  to  a  vote,  and 
carried  nemine  contradicente.3  This  action  on  the  part  of  Boston,  of 
course,  was  not  without  effect  upon  the  country,  as  the  pious  son  of 
the  eloquent  divine  tells  us  in  his  Parentator.  The  deputies  of  Ips- 
wich, for  instance,  were  informed  by  their  constituents  that  every 

action  taken  by  the  "instructed"  members  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  see 
House  Journal  (Massachusetts  Archives),  v.  90,  vi.  471,  vii.  297,  317,  459,  viii. 
66,  70,  110,  111,  266,  289,  496,  505;  Massachusetts  Centinel,  March  29,  1788. 

1  Cotton  Mather  gives  an  account  of  this  affair  in  his  Parentator  (1724),  p.  91. 

1  The  above  quotation  is  from  "  Extract  of  a  Letter  from  New  England  to  Mr. 
Randolph.  Reed.  30  May  [16]84  "  in  Edward  Randolph  (Prince  Society),  iii.  283. 

*  Boston  Records,  vii.  164. 


430  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY   OF  MASSACHUSETTS  [Dec. 

freeman  at  the  town-meeting  voted  to  instruct  them  never  to  resign 
the  liberties  of  Massachusetts.1  These  spirited  resolutions  of  the 
towns,  however,  did  not  immediately  save  New  England  from  the 
despotism  of  the  Stuarts.  The  Charter  was  annulled  in  the  King's 
Court,  and  in  1687  the  Council  of  Sir  Edmund  Andros  prohibited  the 
holding  of  all  town-meetings  save  the  annual  freemen's  meeting  for 
electing  officers.2  But  as  we  have  already  seen,  after  the  downfall  of 
the  Stuarts  an  interim  government  was  set  up  by  the  authority  of 
town  mandates. 

Another  occasion  when  town  mandates  were  employed  in  the 
struggle  with  the  Crown  was  in  the  year  1728,  when  the  House  of 
Representatives  and  the  Governor  were  at  odds  over  the  question  of 
making  a  permanent  settlement  of  the  Governor's  salary.  Under 
the  leadership  of  the  astute  politician,  Elisha  Cooke,  the  House  issued 
a  circular  letter  to  the  towns,  calling  upon  them  for  instructions  as  to 
future  action  in  the  conflict.3  A  town-meeting  was  immediately  sum- 
moned in  Boston,  at  which  the  Rev.  Joseph  Sewall  offered  prayer  and 
Jonathan  Belcher  presided  as  moderator.  After  the  freemen  had 
listened  to  the  speeches  of  the  Governor's  opponents,  they  voted  to 
resist  the  settlement  of  a  permanent  salary  upon  the  King's  repre- 
sentative.4 As  soon  as  he  was  informed  of  the  action  of  the  Boston 
town-meeting,  Governor  Burnet  sent  a  message  to  the  General  Court 
bitterly  complaining  of  Boston's  "unnecessary  forwardness,"  which 
had  set  an  "  Example  of  doing  the  like  to  the  Towns  in  the  Country."  5 
And  he  arbitrarily  adjourned  the  Court  to  meet  a  week  later  in  Salem. 
The  tragic  death  of  the  Governor  in  1729  as  the  result  of  a  fever 
which  he  contracted  when  his  coach  fell  into  the  Charles  River  as  he 
was  passing  from  Cambridge  to  Boston,  did  not  end  the  conflict. 
His  successor  Belcher  also  urged  the  grant  of  a  permanent  salary; 
and  in  the  summer  of  1731  the  House  sent  another  appeal  to  the 
towns  for  support.6  In  response,  town-meetings  were  summoned 


1  Waters,  Ipswich  in  the  Massachusetts  Bay  Colony,  234;  Felt,  History  of 
Ipswich,  123. 

1  Connecticut  Colonial  Records,  iii.  427. 

•  Massachusetts  House  Journal,  1728,  pp.  61,  64,  67;  Hutchinson,  History  of 
Massachusetts  (London,  1767),  ii.  345. 

4  Boston  Records,  viii.  226,  xiii.  178. 

•  House  Journal,  1728,  pp.  103,  105. 

•  Id.,  1731,  p.  119. 


1919]  NEW  ENGLAND  TOWN  MANDATES  431 

throughout  the  colony  and  the  deputies  were  again  instructed  to 
oppose  the  Governor.1 

X 

PUBLICITY  IN  COLONIAL  NEW  ENGLAND 

Publicity  was  not  lacking  even  in  the  earliest  colonial  period  when 
roads  were  few  and  wretchedly  kept.  In  1632,  Governor  Winthrop 
paid  a  visit  to  Governor  Bradford.  It  took  him  two  days  to  make 
the  journey  of  forty-six  miles,  over  unbridged  streams  and  danger- 
ous swamps  between  Boston  and  Plymouth.2  Soon,  however,  each 
settlement  had  a  highway  of  some  sort  leading  to  Boston  or  Plym- 
outh. In  certain  seasons  of  the  year,  the  freemen  who  lived  hi  the 
inland  towns  were  accustomed  to  haul  their  wheat  or  corn  by  wagon 
as  far  as  Boston,  stopping  at  the  way-side  inns  when  night  overtook 
them  on  then*  journey  to  or  from  market.  The  Puritan  farmers  thus 
learned  at  first  hand  the  gossip  of  the  metropolis.  Frequently  the 
ministers  and  elders  travelled  to  Boston  for  spiritual,  fraternal  or 
other  reasons;  and  the  deputies  made  the  trip  sometimes  four  times 
a  year.  After  attending  the  sessions  of  the  Great  and  General  Court 
the  deputies  would  return  to  then*  homes,  bringing  with  them  copies 
of  the  laws  passed  at  the  Court  and  the  news  of  the  province  which 
they  had  gathered  as  they  wined  and  dined  at  the  good  Ship  Tavern 
on  North  Street,  or  as  they  attended  with  becoming  reverence  the 
weekly  lecture  at  the  First  Church.  It  was  only  the  remote  and  re- 
cently settled  towns  that  elected  deputies  who  were  not  inhabitants 
of  their  jurisdictions  and  who  thus  did  not  come  back  to  their  small 
constituencies  at  the  adjournment  of  the  legislature.  John  Hull,  the 
coiner  of  the  pinetree  shilling,  and  the  indulgent  parent  who  is  said 
to  have  dowered  his  daughter  with  the  amount  of  her  weight  in  silver, 
served  seven  years  in  the  General  Court  as  a  deputy  for  Wenham, 
Westfield,  Concord,  and  Salisbury  at  the  same  tune  that  he  was  a 
resident  of  Boston.8  But  such  representation  was  rare. 

1  Boston  Records,  xii.  26;  Hi-Centennial  Book  of  Maiden,  p.  206;  Felt,  History 
of  Ipswich,  Essex  and  Hamilton,  p.  127;  Watertown  Records,  iii.  62;  Hazen, 
History  of  Billerica,  p.  226;  Weston,  History  of  Middleboro,  p.  572;  Benedict  and 
Tracy,  History  of  Button,  p.  44;  Braintree  Town  Records,  p.  166;  Brooks,  History 
of  Medford,  p.  105. 

•  Winthrop,  i.  94. 

*  American  Antiquarian  Society  Transactions  and  Collections,  iii.  121;  Massa- 
chusetts Colony  Records,  iii.  147,  297,  iv.  ii,  362,  485,  507,  561,  v.  2,  98,  260. 


432  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  [DEC. 

Upon  the  return  of  the  deputy,  it  was  customary  to  have  the  clerk 
read  aloud  in  town-meeting  the  acts  which  had  been  passed  by  the 
General  Court,  while  the  deputies  were  called  upon  to  explain  any 
ambiguities  in  the  laws  or  to  make  a  report  upon  their  efforts  in  carry- 
ing out  the  instructions  of  the  town.1  In  a  later  period,  when  trans- 
portation facilities  had  greatly  increased,  many  of  the  towns  carried 
on  a  correspondence  with  their  deputies  throughout  the  session  of  the 
Great  and  General  Court.2 

In  case  the  freemen  of  any  town  were  suspicious  as  to  the  conduct 
of  their  deputy  at  Boston  they  had  recourse,  in  the  eighteenth  cen- 
tury, to  the  printed  Journals  of  the  House  of  Representatives.  The 
custom  of  publishing  these  journals  began  in  the  last  days  of  the 
governorship  of  Joseph  Dudley,  the  Massachusetts  politician  and 
courtier,  of  whom  Thomas  Hutchinson  well  said:  "Ambition  was 
his  ruling  passion,  and  perhaps,  like  Caesar,  he  had  rather  be  the  first 
man  in  New  England  than  second  in  Old."  In  1715,  a  controversy 
between. the  Governor  and  the  House  of  Representatives  led  the 
deputies  to  order  the  printing  of  their  Journals  for  the  purpose  of 
vindicating  themselves  before  their  constituents.  The  precedent 
thus  established  was  followed  consistently  until  after  the  American 
Revolution.3 

Even  before  the  beginning  of  the  publication  of  the  printed  Jour- 
nals of  the  House  of  Representatives,  newspapers  had  appeared  in 
Massachusetts.  As  early  as  1704  the  Boston  News-Letter  was  estab- 
lished; and  in  1719  a  rival  sheet  called  the  Boston  Gazette  came  out. 
Both  of  these  papers  began  their  existence  at  a  time  when  the  royal 
instructions  of  the  Governors  still  contained  a  demand  for  the  censor- 
ship of  the  press,  and  when  no  one  in  the  province  could  legally  print 


Springfield,  Andover,  and  Oxford  for  a  few  years  elected  non-resident  deputies. 
(Burt,  First  Century  of  the  History  of  Springfield,  L  34;  Bailey,  Historical 
Sketches  of  Andover,  p.  136;  Daniels,  History  of  Oxford,  p.  12;  Freeland,  Records 
of  Oxford,  p.  147.) 

1  Massachusetts  Colony  Records,  iii.  204,  iv.  i.  22,  182,  v.  4,  562;  Quint,  His- 
torical Memoranda  concerning  Old  Dover,  p.  144;  Green,  Historical  Sketch  of 
Groton,  p.  198;  Shattuck,  History  of  Concord,  p.  142. 

*  Worcester  Town  Records  from  1753  to  1783,  p.  244;  Essex  Gazette  (Salem), 
June  7, 1774;  Shattuck,  History  of  Concord,  p.  142. 

1  See  the  introduction  to  W.  C.  Ford's  edition  of  Journals  of  the  House  of 
Representatives,  1715  (Boston,  1902). 


1919]  NEW  ENGLAND  TOWN  MANDATES  433 

a  book  or  a  pamphlet  without  "  license  first  obtained."  l  Thus,  both 
of  the  papers  were  cautious  journals,  without  any  political  complexion; 
and  both  announced  the  fact  that  they  were  "  Published  by  Author- 
ity." 2  In  1721,  the  New  England  Courant  began  its  career.  The 
publisher  was  James  Franklin,  the  elder  brother  of  Benjamin  Franklin 
who  at  this  time  served  in  his  brother's  office  as  an  apprentice.  James 
Franklin  was  a  radical.  He  attacked  the  theologians;  and  was  con- 
sequently assigned  by  one  worthy  divine  to  the  "  Hell-Fire  Club  of 
Boston."  He  also  assailed  the  Governor  and  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives. This  impudence  resulted  in  his  arrest  and  imprisonment, 
but  the  failure  of  the  House  to  secure  a  conviction  against  him  for 
libel,  greatly  encouraged  the  freedom  of  the  press  throughout  New 
England.  The  New  England  Weekly  Journal  followed  in  1727;  and 
in  1731  the  Weekly  Rehearsal  was  printed  by  John  Draper,  but  in 
1732  was  transferred  to  Thomas  Fleet,  who  in  1735  changed  its  name 
to  the  Boston  Evening  Post.  Thus,  soon  a  large  array  of  newspapers, 
pamphlets,  and  broadsides  provided  the  freemen  of  the  province  with 
every  variety  of  political  information.3  The  inhabitants  of  the  towns 
were  not  unaware  of  the  importance  of  this  literature  as  a  political 
asset.  In  1751,  a  writer  declared  that  the  Massachusetts  freemen 
were  jealous  of  the  "Liberty  of  the  Press"  because  it  enabled  them 
"  to  come  to  the  Knowledge  of  what  their  Delegates  are  about."  4 

XI 

THE  EXCISE  BILL  OF  1754 

The  growth  of  the  means  of  publicity  hi  New  England  was  inti- 
mately connected  with  the  practice  of  voting  mandates  to  the  depu- 
ties. We  have  already  seen  how  the  popular  party  in  Massachusetts 

1  Concerning  the  censorship  of  the  press  in  Massachusetts,  see  C.  A.  Duni- 
way,  Freedom  of  the  Press  in  Massachusetts,  ch.  v. 
1  Cf.  Publications  of  this  Society,  ix.  422,  441. 

*  For  an  account  of  this  remarkable  increase  in  publishing,  see  Thomas,  His- 
tory of  Printing  in  America,  ii.  309;  Narrative  and  Critical  History  of  America, 
v.  120;  Memorial  History  of  Boston,  ii.  387;  S.  N.  D.  North,  History  and  Present 
Condition  of  the  Newspaper  and  Periodical  Press  of  the  United  States,  Tenth 
Census  of  the  United  States,  viii.  passim;  J.  L.  Bishop,  History,  of  American 
Manufactures  from  1608  to  1860,  vol.  ii.  ch.  vii;  Tyler,  History  of  American 
Literature,  1607-1765,  ii.  93. 

*  Appendix  to  Massachusetts  in  Agony  (Boston,  1751),  in  A.  McF.  Davis, 
Colonial  Currency  Reprints  (Prince  Society),  iv.  464. 


434  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  [DEC. 

from  time  to  time  appealed  to  the  towns  in  order  to  win  support  in 
the  contest  with  the  Governors.  But  it  was  not  alone  in  the  struggles 
with  the  British  Crown  that  resort  was  had  on  a  general  scale  to  the 
town-meetings  for  instructions.  Frequently  when  the  contest  be- 
tween the  sea-port  towns  and  the  country  towns,  or  between  the  paper 
money  party  and  the  sound  money  party  waxed  hot,  the  representa- 
tives carried  the  disputed  issue  to  the  towns  for  local  advice.  An 
incident  of  this  sort  occurred  in  1754,  after  William  Shu-ley  had  per- 
suaded the  General  Court  to  fall  into  line  with  the  British  imperial 
policy  and  to  send  another  expedition  against  the  French  hi  Canada. 
More  money  was  needed  for  the  undertaking  in  hand,  and  the  depu- 
ties from  the  agricultural  regions  proposed  that  the  new  tax  should 
be  a  duty  on  wines  and  spirits,  which,  in  their  ignorance  of  economic 
laws,  they  believed  would  fall  entirely  upon  the  rich  dwellers  in  the 
sea-port  towns  and  upon  the  inn-keepers  everywhere.  The  New 
England  farmers  always  had  a  grudge  against  the  dispensers  of  hos- 
pitality at  the  cross-roads;  while  the  unpopularity  of  rich  men  has 
not  been  limited  to  colonial  days. 

The  proposed  Excise  Bill  contained  a  provision  authorizing  excise- 
men to  search  the  cellars  of  inns  and  houses.  This  was  a  necessary, 
but  very  aggravating  provision;  and  the  deputies  from  the  sea-port 
towns  made  the  most  of  it  to  discredit  the  bill,  taunting  the  country 
members  with  having  proposed  a  measure  which  was  inquisitorial 
and  highly  objectionable  to  the  free  people  of  Massachusetts.  They 
moved  that  the  bill  should  be  printed  and  sent  to  the  towns  for  their 
consideration.  The  country  members  could  hardly  refuse  to  accept 
this  challenge;  and  accordingly  the  new  tax  was  referred  to  the  towns 
for  their  instructions.1  The  contest  which  followed  was  very  close, 
and  before  it  was  ended  the  weakness  of  the  Massachusetts  system 
had  been  exposed  in  its  most  vulnerable  point.  For,  what  was  there 
to  prevent  a  member  from  quietly  putting  his  instructions  in  his 
pocket  and  voting  as  he  saw  fit?  When  the  Court  convened  after 
the  recess,  the  commercial  party  believed  that  they  had  secured 
the  larger  number  of  instructions,  and  consequently  they  moved 
that  the  returns  from  the  towns  should  be  canvassed  in  a  public 
sitting  of  the  House.2  This  motion  to  lay  the  town  votes  before 

1  House  Journal,  1754,  p.  45. 
«  Id.  p.  60. 


1919]  NEW  ENGLAND   TOWN  MANDATES  }.°>.~> 

the  General  Court  was  not  to  the  liking  of  the  country  members, 
and  was  voted  down;  while  the  Excise  Bill  was  passed  by  a  narrow 
majority.1 

The  refusal  of  the  country  members  to  disclose  their  instructions 
was  the  occasion  of  much  gossip.  An  opponent  of  the  Excise  Bill 
published  a  pamphlet  in  which  he  declared  that  the  bill  had  been 
carried  in  the  House  against  instructions  from  the  majority  of  the 
towns.2  Another  writer  in  the  Boston  Gazette  for  December  31, 1754, 
maintained  that  a  large  number  of  the  towns  had  failed  to  vote  in- 
structions, thereby  leaving  their  deputies  free  to  vote  as  they  pleased. 
A  war  of  pamphlets  and  broadsides  ensued,  which  was  ultimately 
checked  when  one  particularly  provoking  scribbler  penned  a  satire 
called  The  Monster  of  Monsters,  and  was  summarily  punished  by  the 
scandalized  House  of  Representatives.3 

It  may  have  been  that  upon  this  occasion  a  few  deputies  violated 
their  instructions.  As  a  rule,  there  were  means  whereby  a  constitu- 
ency could  test  the  faithfulness  of  its  representative,  namely,  by  an 
examination  of  the  "printed  journals."  The  instructions  which  the 


1  House  Journal,  1754,  pp.  61,  62,  101.  I  have  not  examined  the  unpublished 
town  records  for  action  taken  upon  the  Excise  Bill.  Among  the  published  'rec- 
ords, and  in  the  Massachusetts  Archives,  I  have  found  only  five  town  votes  in 
favor  of  the  bill.  Cf.  Barry,  History  of  Framingham,  p.  48;  Paige,  History  of 
Hardwick,  p.  47;  Marvin,  History  of  Lancaster,  p.  266;  Bi-Centennial  Book  of 
Maiden,  p.  207;  Pierce,  Town  of  Weston,  p.  38.  A  copy  of  the  vote  of  the  town 
of  Weston  is  in  the  Massachusetts  Archives,  cxix.  475a.  Twenty-one  town 
votes  against  the  Excise  Bill  have  been  found.  Cf.  Boston  Records,  xiv.  260; 
Felt,  Annals  of  Salem,  p.  444;  Worcester  Town  Records  for  1753-1783,  p.  19;  Bab- 
son,  History  of  Gloucester,  p.  344;  Felt,  History  of  Ipswich,  p.  128;  Brooks,  His- 
tory of  Medford,  p.  109;  Hadley  Town  Records  (MS.  in  Town  Clerk's  house), 
August  5,  1754;  Records  of  the  Town  of  Plymouth,  iii.  p.  63;  Early  Records  of 
Lunenburg,  p.  166;  Braintree  Records,  p.  337;  Coffin,  Sketch  of  Newbury,  p.  221; 
Frothingham,  History  of  Charlestown,  p.  263;  Barry,  Historical  Sketch  of  Han- 
over, p.  170;  Washburn,  Historical  Sketches  of  Leicester,  p.  65;  Merrill,  History 
of  Amesbury,  p.  220;  Roads,  History  of  Marblehead,  p.  63.  The  Boston  Ga- 
zette, August  20, 1754,  stated  that  Dorchester  and  Weymouth  had  voted  instruc- 
tions against  the  Excise  Bill.  The  Boston  Post-Boy,  September  23,  1754,  re- 
ported similar  action  taken  by  the  town  of  Kittery.  The  instructions  of 
Eastham  and  Stoughton  are  in  the  Massachusetts  Archives,  cxix.  474,  475. 

1  The  Relapse  (Boston,  1754) .  Copies  of  this  pamphlet  are  in  the  library  of  the 
Massachusetts  Historical  Society  and  in  the  Boston  Athenaeum.  The  author  is 
unknown.  Other  'pamphlets  on  the  subject  are  The  Eclipse,  The  Review,  and 
The  Crisis,  the  last  by  the  Rev.  Samuel  Cooper. 

»  House  Journal,  1754,  pp.  63,  67,  72. 


436  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  [DEC. 

deputies  received  as  a  result  of  a  referendum  were  occasionally  turned 
over  to  the  Speaker  or  Secretary  of  the  Commonwealth  and  preserved 
in  the  archives  of  the  House  of  Representatives.1  On  the  other  hand, 
no  official  record  was  made  of  the  instructions  which  had  been  re- 
ceived without  a  referendum  having  been  ordered;  and  this  sort  of 
mandate  was  the  greater  in  number.  Notwithstanding  the  oppor- 
tunities for  disregarding  the  commands  of  the  towns,  I  have  failed  to 
find  another  case  of  disobedience  on  the  part  of  any  deputy  previous 
to  the  American  Revolution.  And  in  this  later  epoch,  as  we  have 
already  seen,  the  towns  created  their  own  remedy  for  disobedience  by 
successfully  reviving  their  claim  of  the  right  to  recall  their  deputies. 

XII 
THE  AMERICAN  REVOLUTION 

On  the  eve  of  the  American  Revolution  the  practice  of  voting  in- 
structions in  the  town-meetings  of  New  England  was  a  century  and 
a  half  old.  As  a  means  of  arousing  public  opinion  and  as  an  instru- 
ment for  voicing  the  will  of  the  people,  it  was  an  institution  whose 
usefulness  had  already  been  thoroughly  tested.  Accordingly,  in  the 
struggle  for  independence  (and  the  formation  of  the  new  State  gov- 
ernments, instructions  from  the  towns  constituted  one  of  the  chief 
weapons  of  the  patriots  of  the  Revolution.  Samuel  Adams,  the  Man 
of  the  Town-Meeting  and  the  Father  of  the  American  Revolution, 
pinned  his  faith  to  these  votes  of  the  towns.  His  ablest  state  papers 
were  the  mandates  which  he  composed  as  chairman  of  the  Boston 
committee  on  instructions  in  the  years  1764  and  1765;  and  in  a  letter 
to  Arthur  Lee  he  said:  "It  is  a  ivery  common  practice  for  this  town 
to  instruct  their  representatives;  which  among  other  good  purposes 
serves  to  communicate  their  sentiments  and  spirit  to  the  other  towns, 
and  may  be  looked  upon  as  fresh  appeals  to  the  world."  ;|  Another 
patriot,  John  Adams,  then  a  young  lawyer  residing  in  Braintree,  first 

1  On  November  5,  1765,  the  House  ordered:  "That  the  Instructions  of  the 
several  towns  fo  their  Representatives,  relative  to  the  Stamp  Act,  be  printed  in 
the  Journal  of  the  House;  and  that  the  Boston  Members  place  them  in  proper 
Order  for  that  end"  (House  Journal,  p.  167.  Of.  Boston  Evening  Post,  Novem- 
ber 11,  1765).  These  instructions  were  not  the  returns  of  a  referendum.  The 
order  of  the  House  was  never  carried  out. 

1  R.  H.  Lee,  Life  of  Arthur  Lee,  ii.  204;  Gushing,  Writings  of  Samuel  Adams, 
iii.  37. 


1919]  NEW  ENGLAND  TOWN  MANDATES  437 

came  into  public  notice  as  a  leader  in  the  popular  cause  by  penning 
the  instructions  of  his  native  town  against  the  Stamp  Act.  The  Brain- 
tree  instructions  of  1765  were  adopted  a  few  days  after  an  enthusias- 
tic meeting  in  Faneuil  Hall  had  voted  upon  the  instructions  which 
Samuel  Adams  had  drawn  up  for  the  guidance  of  the  Boston  depu- 
ties.1 Both  of  these  bold  and  eloquent  documents  were  printed  in 
the  Boston  newspapers;  and  within  a  month,  a  hah*  hundred  and  more 
Massachusetts  towns  had  called  town-meetings  and  adopted  instruc- 
tions which  were  couched  in  the  same  words  as  those  used  by  the 
Adamses.2 

Throughout  the  period  of  transition  from  colony  to  statehood  the 
revolutionary  leaders  relied  upon  town  mandates  as  the  constitutional 
basis  for  their  political  action.  In  1774,  the  towns  of  Massachusetts 
established  the  first  Provincial  Congress  by  means  of  their  votes  of 
instructions.  The  circumstances  were  as  follows.  General  Gage  had 
summoned  the  House  of  Representatives  to  meet  at  Salem  on  Octo- 
ber 5.  In  September  the  town  of  Boston  instructed  its  deputies  to 
refuse  to  recognize  the  Mandamus  Council,  "  and,  as  we  have  Reason 
to  believe  that  a  Conscientious  Discharge  of  your  Duty,  will  produce 
your  Dissolution,  as  an  House  of  Representatives  —  We  do  hereby 
impower  &  instruct  you  to  join  with  the  Members  [from  the  other 
towns  in  forming  a  Provincial  Congress]."  8  A  considerable  number 
of  towns  copied  the  action  of  Boston;  and  as  a  result  the  deputies, 
having  met  in  Salem  on  October  5,  withdrew  to  Concord  and  set  up 
the  First  Provincial  Congress  of  Massachusetts. 

1  Works,  ii.  x,  152,  ix.  610,  616;  Gushing,  Writings  of  Samuel  Adams,  i.  7; 
Braintree  Records,  p.  404;  Boston  Records,  xvi.  155. 

*  The  instructions  of  the  Boston  town-meeting  of  September  18,  1765,  were 
published  in  the  Boston  Gazette  on  September  23.    The  Braintree  instructions 
were  adopted  'on  September  24,  but  not  published  until  October  14.    I  find  a 
record  of  mandates  voted  by  the  following  towns:  Andover,  Beverly,  Boston,  Box- 
ford,  Braintree,  Bridgewater,  Byfield,  Cambridge,  Charleatown,  Danvers,  Ded- 
ham,  Duxbury,  Framingham,  Gloucester,  Groton,  Haverhill,  Ipswich,  Leicester, 
Lexington,   Maiden,   Marblehead,    Marshfield,    Medfield,    Medford,   Medway, 
Mendon,  Middleboro,  Milton,  Newburyport,  Newton,  Norton,  Oakham,  Pem- 
broke, Plymouth,  Quincy,  Reading,  Rowley,  Roxbury,  Salem,  Sandwich,  Shirley, 
Southampton,  Stoughton,  Westborough,  Westford,  Weston,  Weymouth,  Worces- 
ter and  Yarmouth. 

*  Boston  Records,  xviii.  192.    Cf.  the  instructions  of  Barnstable,  Billerica, 
Bn><>k lim-,   Cambridge,   Danven,  Framingham,  Gorham    (Maine),    Hardwiok, 
Middleboro,  Portland  (Maine),  Weymouth. 


438  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  [DEC. 

The  constitutional  struggle  with  the  British  Crown  and  Parlia- 
ment, like  the  Revolution  of  1689,  quickened  the  civic  life  of  the 
New  England  towns.  The  freemen  vigorously  exercised  their  right 
to  instruct.  The  question  of  the  adoption  of  a  State  constitution 
occasioned  a  deluge  of  town  mandates.  Moreover,  the  horizon  of  the 
New  England  towns  was  not  limited  by  the  boundaries  of  their  re- 
spective States.  They  took  under  consideration  all  the  problems  of 
the  Confederacy,  and  frequently  instructed  their  deputies  to  move  the 
State  legislature  to  instruct  its  delegates  in  Congress  to  pursue  certain 
policies.  Thus  the  town  of  Mendon  in  1784  demanded  the  repeal  of 
the  Impost  Act.1  And  in  1781,  when  ugly  rumors  were  afloat  con- 
cerning the  malfeasance  of  Silas  Deane,  Weymouth  and  Medway 
instructed  their  deputies  to  move  the  General  Court  to  instruct  the 
delegates  in  Congress  "to  demand  of  their  foreign  ministers,  com- 
missioners and  agents  a  faithful  account  of  their  management  and 
expense  of  public  money,  and  that  no  character  however  great,  be 
screen'd  from  public  scrutiny."  :  In  the  same  year  the  town  of 
Stoughton,  after  instructing  its  deputy  to  vote  for  the  repeal  of  a 
Massachusetts  currency  act  which  was  not  consistent  with  the  orders 
of  Congress,  admonished  him:  "And  you  are  instructed  to  be  very 
cautious  hi  giving  your  vote  .  .  .  for  any  Law  or  Resolve,  until  you 
are  well  informed  that  they  are  not  repugnant  to  the  authority  of 
Congress."  3  In  1778  the  Great  and  General  Court  ordered  a  refer- 
endum on  the  question  of  ratifying  the  Articles  of  Confederation  and 
Perpetual  Union.4 

Until  a  late  day  the  town  of  Boston  continued  to  play  its  role  of 
leader.  In  1781  the  freemen  in  Faneuil  Hall  voted  to  instruct  the 
deputies  to  move  the  General  Court  to  urge  upon  Congress  the  neces- 
sity of  including  an  article  in  the  impending  treaty  of  peace  to  secure 
American  rights  in  the  Newfoundland  fisheries.  The  town,  further- 
more, ordered  that  a  circular  letter  be  sent  to  other  Massachusetts 
towns  urging  them  to  take  similar  action.5  As  a  result,  many  towns 

1  Metcalf,  Annals  of  the  Town  of  Mendon,  p.  417. 

*  Jameson,  History  of  Medway,  p.  58. 

'  Huntoon,  History  of  the  Town  of  Canton,  423.  Sutton  passed  a  similar  vote: 
Benedict  and  Tracy,  History  of  Sutton,  p.  93. 

4  House  Journal,  1777,  pp.  143,  206,  208;  Massachusetts  Archives,  clvi.  294- 
303. 

6  Boston  Records,  xxvi.  211-219. 


1919]  NEW   ENGLAND   TOWN  MANDATES  439 

like  Plymouth  ordered  their  deputies  to  conform  with  the  require- 
ments of  the  Boston  instructions.1  In  1783,  after  the  publication  of 
the  Treaty  of  Paris,  Boston  again  led  the  way  in  eliciting  a  flood  of 
instructions  directed  against  the  policy  of  leniency  to  the  Loyalists.1 

XIII 
TOWN  MANDATES  AS  EVIDENCE  OF  POLITICAL  CAPACITY 

After  the  American  Revolution  John  Adams  declared  that  town 
instructions  had  been  one  of  the  most  important  means  by  which  the 
independence  of  the  colonies  was  won.  In  his  opinion,  the  birth  of 
American  liberty  lay  in  the  town-meetings  where  the  freemen  met 
"  to  deliberate  upon  the  public  affairs  of  the  town,  or  to  give  instruc- 
tions to  their  representatives  in  the  legislature."  "The  consequences 
of  these  institutions,"  he  went  on  to  say,  "have  been,  that  the  in- 
habitants, having  acquired  from  their  infancy  the  habit  of  discussing, 
of  deliberating,  and  of  judging  of  public  affairs,  it  was  in  these  assem- 
blies of  towns  or  districts  that  the  sentiments:  of  the  people  were 
formed  in  the  first  place,  and  their  resolutions  were  taken  from  the 
beginning  to  the  end  of  the  disputes  and  the  war  with  Great  Brit- 
ain." 8  Adams  always  delighted  to  discourse  on  the  beauties  of  the 
town-meeting  government,  where  — 

every  man,  high  and  low,  every  yeoman,  tradesman,  and  even  day- 
laborer,  as  well  as  every  gentleman  and  public  magistrate,  had  a  right 
to  vote,  and  to  speak  his  sentiments  upon  public  affairs,  to  propose  meas- 
ures and  to  instruct  the  representatives  .  .  .  This  right  was  constantly 
used  under  the  former  government  and  is  now  much  more  frequently 
used  under  the  new.  The  world  has  seen  some  hundreds  of  sets  of  in- 


1  Records  of  Town  of  Plymouth,  iii.  439.  Cf.  Chamberlain,  History  of  Chelsea, 
ii.  549;  Hanson,  History  of  Danvers,  p.  100;  Felt,  Annals  of  Ipswich,  p.  123; 
Smith,  History  of  Newburyport,  120;  Willis,  History  of  Portland,  Maine,  ii.  174; 
Felt,  Annals  of  Salem,  p.  513;  W.  Pyncheon,  Diary,  p.  114. 

*  Boston  Records,  xxvi.  310.    Mention  should  also  be  made  of  a  communica- 
tion by  "An  American"  published  in  Thomas's  Massachusetts  Spy  for  May  1, 
1783,  which  advised  the  towns  in  the  county  of  Worcester  to  "bind  by  instruc- 
tions "  their  deputies  elected  to  the  next  General  Court  to  the  end  that  they  vote 
for  no  law  permitting  the  return  of  the  Loyalists  or  for  rendering  them  compensa- 
tion or  restitution  for  confiscated  property. 

*  Defence  of  the  American  Constitutions  (1787),  i.  384;  Works,  v.  495. 


440  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  [DEC. 

structions  to  representatives  under  the  former  government,  wherein  they 
enjoined  an  open  opposition  to  judges,  governors,  acts  of  parliament, 
king,  lords  and  commons  of  Great  Britain.1 

John  Adams  was  right.  The  town-meeting  government  of  New 
England  was  a  school  for  political  thought  and  action.  For  a  century 
and  a  half  the  Puritans  and  their  descendants  had  received  a  political 
education  such  as  few  Englishmen  could  boast.  The  royal  governors 
frequently  complained  of  the  democratic  tendencies  of  the  town- 
meetings;  and  the  British  Crown,  acting  upon  this  advice,  more  than 
once  sought  to  suppress  them.  Sir  Edmund  Andros  when  he  issued 
the  edict  prohibiting  all  town-meetings  save  the  annual  election  meet- 
ing, the  British  Parliament  when  it  passed  the  Regulating  Ordinance 
in  1774,  and  General  Gage  when  he  interdicted  town-meetings,  knew 
that  they  were  striking  at  the  essence  of  the  New  England  democracy. 
It  was  in  these  bodies  that  the  people  dared  to  frame  their  instruc- 
tions which  the  deputies  carried  with  them  to  the  General  Court  to 
the  end  that  when  the  royal  governor  said:  The  King  demands  so 
and  so,  the  representatives  could  reply:  But  our  constituents  demand 
thus  and  thus. 

Our  New  England  forefathers  were  more  extensively  initiated  in 
the  arts  of  self-government  than  were  their  fellow-countrymen  in 
Old  England.  In  1729  Governor  Burnet  had  informed  the  Duke  of 
Newcastle  that  the  people  of  Massachusetts  were  then  aiming  at  in- 
dependence.2 And  although  this  faithful  representative  of  the  Crown 
was  in  error  when  he  made  this  judgment,  yet  it  was  true  that  the 
New  England  town-meeting  system  was  eminently  provocative  of  a 
hardy,  stubborn  and  independent  public  opinion,  and  that  the  colo- 
nial assemblies  were  a  stalwart  political  growth.  The  relationship 
between  these  two  bodies  —  the  towns  and  the  assemblies  —  was  a 
relationship  more  direct  and  more  unimpaired  than  was  that  which 
existed  between  the  English  constituencies  and  the  House  of  Com- 
mons. In  New  England's  representative  system  there  were  no  rotten 
boroughs,  no  nomination  seats,  and  no  "  brute  votes."  And  moreover, 
while  the  middle  class  in  England  was  never  fairly  and  fully  repre- 
sented in  Parliament  until  the  Electoral  Reform  of  1832,  the  middle 

1  Works,  vii.  182-183. 

*  Burnet  to  the  Board  of  Trade,  March  24,  1729,  in  the  Sparks  Manuscripts 
(Harvard  College  Library),  Series  X,  i.  56. 


1919]  NEW   ENGLAND   TOWN  MANDATES  441 

class  in  the  colonies  was  almost  completely  enfranchised.  With  rare 
exception  every  freeholder  and  every  man  with  a  small  estate  pos- 
sessed the  right  to  vote.  And  more  than  this:  the  greater  part  of 
the  population  were  freeholders.  In  other  words,  the  middle  class 
was  in  the  majority.1  A  landless  class,  it  is  true,  had  already  appeared 
in  Boston  and  in  the  sea-port  towns.  And  large  numbers  of  immi- 
grants and  wanderers  were  coming  into  the  country  towns,  only  to 
find  that  all  the  land  was  in  the  hands  of  the  original  proprietors  or 
in  the  hands  of  then*  descendants  who  were  too  frequently  unwilling 
to  grant  a  share  of  the  "common"  to  the  newcomer.  And  year  after 
year  the  selectmen  were  warning  more  poor  and  indigent  wanderers 
out  of  the  bounds  of  the  townships.  But  after  all,  the  landless  and 
property-less  class  was  small  in  comparison  with  this  class  in  Old 
England.  The  man  of  small  means,  or  of  no  means  at  all  save  health 
and  enterprise,  had  the  opportunity  to  join  the  proprietors  of  some 
new  town  in  the  west;  and  there  by  his  industry  and  prudence  it  was 
possible  for  him  to  build  up  an  estate  as  substantial  as  that  of  any 
other  farmer  in  New  England.  Thus,  while  the  Massachusetts  Char- 
ter of  1691  limited  the  franchise  to  forty  shilling  freeholders,  and 
while  Rhode  Island,  Connecticut,  and  New  Hampshire  had  similar 
limitations  of  the  right  to  vote,  the  economic  equality  of  the  citizens 
in  the  country  towns  —  and  in  a  large  measure  in  the  sea-port  towns 
—  removed  the  apparent  unfairness  of  the  qualifications  for  voting, 
while  there  is  considerable  evidence  to  show  that  in  many  towns  the 
legal  requirements  for  voting  were  consistently  ignored  and  all  able- 
bodied  men  gave  then*  voice  in  town-meeting  whether  or  not  they 
were  freemen  in  the  eyes  of  the  law.2 

1  Returns  of  the  tax  assessments  for  the  Massachusetts  towns  are  preserved  in 
the  Archives  in  the  State  House  in  Boston.  I  have  made  an  examination  of  these 
returns  for  a  number  of  typical  towns  in  1738  and  1755,  and  I  have  found  that 
more  than  one  half  of  the  persons  whose  names  appear  on  the  list  of  the  poll  tax 
payers  were  possessed  of,  or  heirs  to,  personal  or  landed  property  of  a  value  suf- 
ficient to  entitle  them  to  vote. 

*  G.  H.  Haynes,  Representation  and  Suffrage  in  Massachusetts,  1620-1691,  in 
Johns  Hopkins  University  Studies,  Twelfth  Series,  viii.  418-429;  C.  F.  Bishop, 
History  of  Elections  in  the  American  Colonies,  in  Columbia  University  Studies, 
iii.  219-223. 


442  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  [DEC. 

XIV 

THE  RIGHT  TO  INSTRUCT  REPRESENTATIVES 

When  the  people  of  Massachusetts  adopted  their  first  State  con- 
stitution they  looked  upon  the  right  to  instruct  representatives  as 
one  of  the  liberties  reserved  to  freemen.  The  Bill  of  Rights  of  the 
Constitution  of  1780  contained  the  following  article:  "The  people 
have  a  right,  in  an  orderly  and  peaceable  manner,  to  assemble  to 
consult  upon  the  common  good;  give  instructions  to  their  representa- 
tives, and  to  request  of  the  legislative  body,  by  way  of  addresses, 
petitions,  or  remonstrances,  redress  of  the  wrongs  done  .them,  and 
of  the  grievances  they  suffer."  Massachusetts,  however,  was  not 
the  first  State  to  include  this  guarantee  in  its  constitution.  On 
September  28,  1776,  the  General  Convention  of  Pennsylvania 
adopted  a  Constitution  and  Declaration  of  Rights,  the  sixteenth 
article  of  which  read:  "That  the  people  have  a  right  to  assemble 
together,  to  consult  for  their  common  good,  to  instruct  their  Repre- 
sentatives, and  to  apply  to  the  Legislature  for  redress  of  grievances, 
by  address,  petition,  or  remonstrance."  l  In  the  following  Decem- 
ber, the  Provincial  Congress  of  North  Carolina  adopted  a  similar 
guarantee  in  its  Declaration  of  Rights.2  It  is  not  remarkable  that 
these  States  which  did  not  have  the  town-meeting  form  of  local 
government  should  have  inserted  in  their  constitutions  these  pro- 
visions upon  the  right  of  the  people  to  instruct  their  representa- 
tives. In  the  Revolutionary  epoch,  New  England's  methods  for 
collecting  public  opinion  were  widely  copied  throughout  the  col- 
onies. In  the  southern  and  middle  colonies,  the  counties,  parishes, 
and  towns  very  generally  began  the  practice  of  voting  instructions 
for  their  representatives.  It  may  have  been,  however,  that  the  in- 
clusion of  a  guarantee  of  the  "right  to  instruct"  in  the  constitution 
of  Pennsylvania  was  due  to  the  suggestion  of  Samuel  Adams,  who 
appears  to  have  had  a  hand  in  the  making  of  this  constitution.3 
There  is  less  reason  for  belief  that  John  Adams  was  responsible  for 

1  Constitution  of  the  Common- Wealth  of  Pennsylvania  (Philadelphia,  1776), 
p.  9;  Proceedings  Relative  to  the  Calling  of  the  Conventions  of  1776  and  1790 
(Harrisburg,  1825),  p.  57. 

1  Colonial  Records  of  North  Carolina,  x.  974,  1004. 

1  Gordon,  American  Revolution,  ii.  369;  Wells,  Life  and  Public  Services  of 
Samuel  Adams,  ii.  438. 


1919]  NEW  ENGLAND  TOWN  MANDATES  443 

the  guarantee  in  the  North  Carolina  constitution,  although  he  gave 
the  people  of  that  colony  some  "thoughts"  on  how  to  draft  a  new 
constitution.1 

As  we  have  already  seen,  in  1780  the  people  of  Massachusetts 
adopted  an  article  safe-guarding  the  "  right  to  instruct "  in  their  Bill  of 
Rights.  Other  States  copied  this  provision  in  their  constitutions.  In 
all,  twenty-one  States  have  adopted  a  constitutional  guarantee  of  this 
right;  besides  those  already  mentioned,  New  Hampshire  in  1784,  Ver- 
mont hi  1786,  Tennessee  in  1796,  Ohio  in  1802,  Indiana  in  1816,  Illi- 
nois in  1818,  Maine  in  1820,  Michigan  in  1835,  Arkansas  in  1836, 
California  in  1849,  Kansas  in  1855,  Oregon  in  1857,  Nevada  in  1864, 
Florida  in  1868,  West  Virginia  in  1872,  and  Idaho  in  1889.2  A  glance 
through  this  list  will  show  that  few  southern  States  made  provision 
for  the  "right  to  instruct,"  and  that  in  the  West  it  was  chiefly  those 
States  settled  by  the  New  England  migration  that  made  provision 
in  then-  constitutions  for  this  right.  In  this  connection  it  is  necessary 
to  note  the  fact  that  in  the  South,  shortly  after  the  Revolutionary 
War,  there  was  a  marked  tendency  to  break  the  chains  which  held  a 
representative  bound  to  serve  the  dictates  of  his  constituency.  This 
tendency  was  instanced  in  the  refusal  of  the  Maryland  Senate  in  1786 
to  pass  a  paper  money  bill  at  the  mandate  of  the  majority  of  the 
constituencies  of  the  legislature.8  On  this  occasion  Samuel  Chase, 
whose  violent  partizanship  as  a  Justice  of  the  federal  Supreme  Court 
resulted  in  his  impeachment  in  1805,  entered  into  a  newspaper  con- 
troversy with  Judge  Alexander  Contee  Hanson  for  the  purpose  of 
upholding  the  "right  to  instruct"  and  the  corresponding  "obligation 
of  obedience"  on  the  part  of  the  representative.4  In  the  battle  of 
wits,  Judge  Hanson  easily  carried  off  the  honors. 


1  Ashe,  History  of  North  Carolina,  vol.  i.  chap,  xxxii;  Works  of  John  Adams, 
i.  208;  iv.  185,  203;  Warren-Adams  Letters,  i.  230. 

1  F.  N.  Thorpe,  Federal  and  State  Constitutions,  pp.  270,  392,  705,  919,  983, 
1059, 1125, 1179, 1648, 1892, 1932,  2403,  2457,  2600,  2788,  2911,  3000, 3084, 3423, 
3754,  4037. 

1  Votes  and  Proceedings  of  the  Senate  of  Maryland,  November,  1786,  pp. 
18,  38,  111;  Maryland  Journal  and  Baltimore  Public  Advertiser,  Novem- 
ber 14,  December  19,  1786;  January  16,  February  2,  9,  13,  March  2,  April  27, 
1787. 

4  Maryland  Journal  and  Baltimore  Advertiser,  February  9,  13,  20,  March  2, 
16,  April  13,  May  18,  June  22,  July  13,  August  3, 14,  31,  1787;  Maryland  Gazette 
(Annapolis),  February  22,  1787. 


444  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  [DEC. 

In  later  years,  the  "  right  to  instruct,"  or  the  Doctrine  of  Instruc- 
tions as  it  was  then  called,  became  one  of  the  chief  principles  of 
the  State  Rights  faction  of  the  southern  Democracy.  The  doctrine 
was  applied  mainly  to  the  relationship  between  the  Senators  of  the 
United  States  and  the  State  Legislature  which  elected  them;  and,  in 
accord  with  this  doctrine,  William  C.  Rives  resigned  from  the  United 
States  Senate  when  the  Virginia  Legislature  in  1834  instructed  him 
to  vote  for  Clay's  resolution  of  censure  upon  President  Jackson.1 
Rives  was  a  Democrat,  and  the  Virginia  Legislature  at  this  time  was 
in  the  hands  of  the  Whigs.  Two  years  later,  John  Tyler  also  resigned 
when  instructed  by  the  Virginia  Legislature  to  vote  against  his  con- 
victions.2 Throughout  the  history  of  the  State  Rights  party,  the 
Doctrine  of  Instructions  occupied  an  important  place.  But  it  is 
sufficient  to  point  out  here  that  this  doctrine  was  not  historically 
related  to  the  New  England  town  mandate. 

XV 

DECLINE  AND  DISAPPEARANCE  OF  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  TOWN 

MANDATE 

With  the  rise  of  the  American  nationality  came  the  decline  of  many 
New  England  provincialisms.  Some  of  these  provincialisms  have 
been  eminently  persistent,  including,  of  course,  the  essential  features 
of  the  town-meeting  government  in  the  small  towns.  The  practice 
of  voting  instructions  to  deputies,  however,  disappeared  in  the  early 
part  of  the  nineteenth  century.  This  did  not  occur  without  a  struggle. 
In  1794,  the  Anti-Federalists  at  a  Boston  town-meeting  attempted  to 
instruct  the  representative  of  Boston's  district  in  the  United  States 
Congress.3  And  a  few  years  later  the  towns  of  Berlin  and  Belfast  in 
Maine  actually  voted  positive  mandates  to  their  congressional  Repre- 


1  Register  of  Debates,  1833-1834,  p.  636;  Congressional  Globe,  1833-1834, 
p.  193;  Richmond  Enquirer,  February  25,  1834. 

*  Register  of  Debates,  1835-1836,  p.  636;  Niles'  Register,  1.  25;  Journal  of 
the  House  of  Delegates  of  the  Commonwealth  of  Virginia,  December,  1835  (Rich- 
mond, 1835),  p.  171;  Richmond  Enquirer,  March  2,  1836;  Richmond  Whig, 
March  4,  1836;  L.  G.  Tyler,  Letters  and  Tunes  of  the  Tylers,  i.  537. 

1  Boston  Records,  xxxi.  347,  348";  Boston  Gazette,  February  10,  24,  1794; 
Columbian  Centinel,  February  12,  15,  26,  March  8, 1794;  Independent  Chronicle, 
February  13,  17,  27,  March  3,  6,  13,  1794. 


1919]  NEW  ENGLAND  TOWN  MANDATES  445 

sentatives.1  The  town  of  Wells  at  the  same  time  undertook  to  disci- 
pline a  member  of  Congress  by  a  vote  of  censure.* 

While  the  extreme  particularism  of  the  New  England  towns  failed 
to  establish  the  custom  of  instructing  Representatives  in  Congress, 
the  exaggerated  ego  of  these  little  democracies  died  hard.  The  New 
England  towns  which,  as  John  Adams  naively  said,  had  made  war 
upon  the  British  "kings,  lords,  commons,  governors,  councils,  repre- 
sentatives, judges,  and  whole  armies,"  could  not  easily  shake  off  their 
excessive  individuality.  And  in  the  early  days  of  our  federal  history 
we  find  them  solemnly  engaged  in  carrying  on  a  correspondence  with 
the  chief  magistrate  of  the  nation.  Many  of  them  made  bold  to 
address  the  President  of  the  United  States  in  rather  haughty  tones; 
and,  as  a  result  of  this  supreme  confidence  in  local  autonomy,  the 
curious  visitor  may  read  to-day  preserved  in  the  archives  of  several 
New  England  villages  the  autograph  letters  of  our  first  Presidents 
answering  in  painstaking  manner  the  protests  of  some  persistent 
town-meeting  against  the  policies  of  the  national  government  or 
explaining  hi  tactful  phrases  the  gravest  matters  of  state.* 

Boston,  hi  particular,  was  loathe  to  abandon  the  exalted  position 
which  the  town  had  occupied  in  the  American  Revolution,  when  the 
Bostonians  had  led  Massachusetts,  and  Massachusetts  had  led  the 
other  States  in  the  contest  with  George  III.  The  town  made  several 
attempts  in  the  first  decades  of  our  federal  history  to  revive  this 
leadership;  notably  in  1808,  when  it  invoked  a  uniform  voting  of 
memorials  to  President  Jefferson  against  the  Embargo;  and  again 
in  1812  by  an  address  to  the  other  towns  of  the  Commonwealth  for 
the  purpose  of  securing  a  strong  public  opinion  back  of  the  movement 
in  the  General  Court  to  oppose  the  war  with  England.4  The  response 
in  the  latter  case  was  not  so  general  as  in  the  year  1808.  Pittsfield,  for 
instance,  passed  a  resolution  to  this  effect:  "That  it  will  conduce 


1  Houghton,  History  of  Berlin,  p.  49;  Williamson,  History  of  Belfast,  p.  696. 

*  Bourne,  History  of  Wells  and  Kennebunk,  p.  592. 

1  Notably  in  the  town  records  of  Andover,  Cambridge,  Duxbury,  Gardner, 
Haverhill,  Ipswich,  Lynn,  Newburyport,  and  Rowley. 

4  Boston  Records,  xxxiii.  380,  xxxv.  237,  239,  316.  Among  other  towns,  Long- 
meadow  on  August  9,  1808,  "Voted  to  send  a  Petition  to  the  President  of  the 
United  States  for  the  Removing  of  the  Embargo  Law,  and  Voted  that  this  Peti- 
tion be  in  form  and  words  conformable  to  a  like  Petition  from  the  Town  of  Boston  " 
(Centennial  Celebration  of  the  Town  of  Longmeadow,  p.  174). 


44G  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  [DEC. 

much  to  the  quiet  of  the  state,  if  the  inhabitants  of  the  town  of  Boston 
would  attend  more  to  their  own  concerns,  and  cease  to  harass  the 
good  people  of  the  commonwealth  with  their  impracticable  'notions' 
and  then*  ambitious  and  illusory  projects."  1 

On  all  sides  nationalism  was  triumphing  over  particularism.  The 
American  people  were  even  beginning  to  think  in  terms  of  empire. 
It  is  true  that  sectionalism  in  America  has  always  produced  demands 
that  the  representative  should  faithfully  reflect  the  opinions  of  his 
constituents.  But  the  new  era  brought  repeated  assertions  of  the 
principle  that  freedom  of  action  should  be  vested  in  the  representa- 
tives of  a  great  and  prosperous  people. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth  century  the  custom  of  voting 
instructions  to  the  members  of  the  State  legislatures  was  on  the  de- 
cline. Town-meetings  still  continued  to  vote  occasional  mandates 
to  their  representatives;  but  these  instructions  were  largely  limited 
to  local  business.  For  example,  the  town  of  Goshen  in  181 1  instructed 
its  representatives  to  prevent  a  proposed  division  of  the  county  of 
Hampshire.2  And  Pelham  in  1821  instructed  its  representatives  to 
oppose  the  setting  off  the  East  Parish  as  a  separate  town.3  Boston 
had  long  since  outgrown  the  town-meeting  system.  There  were  ten 
tunes  as  many  freemen  as  could  crowd  into  Faneuil  Hall  if  all  should 
make  up  then-  minds  to  attend  a  particular  town-meeting.  But  Bos- 
ton traditions  are  stubborn  traditions;  and  it  took  a  long  hard  fight 
on  the  part  of  the  progressives  to  beat  the  antiquarians  and  change 
the  old  town-government  into  a  modern  city.  This  was  finally  ac- 
complished in  1822.4 

Josiah  Quincy,  whose  father  had  been  one  of  the  foremost  oppo- 
nents of  the  movement  for  a  reform  in  the  Boston  government,  has 
left  us  a  vivid  picture  of  the  town-meeting  in  its  last  days  in  Boston : 

When  a  town  meeting  was  held  on  any  exciting  subject  in  Faneuil 
Hall,  those  only  who  could  obtain  places  near  the  moderator  could  even 
hear  the  discussion.  A  few  busy  or  interested  individuals  easily  obtained 
the  management  of  the  most  important  affairs,  in  an  assembly  in  which 
the  greater  number  could  have  neither  voice  or  hearing.  When  the  sub- 


1  Smith,  History  of  Pittsfield,  1800-1876,  p.  231. 

*  Barms,  History  of  Goshen,  p.  27. 

*  Parmenter,  History  of  Pelham,  p.  186. 

4  Cf.  Publications  of  this  Society,  x.  345-356. 


1919]  NEW  ENGLAND  TOWN  MANDATES  447 

ject  was  not  generally  exciting,  town  meetings  were  usually  composed  of 
the  selectmen,  the  town  officers,  and  thirty  or  forty  inhabitants.  Those 
who  thus  came  were,  for  the  most  part,  drawn  from  some  official  duty  or 
private  interest,  which,  when  performed  or  attained,  they  generally 
troubled  themselves  but  little,  or  not  at  all,  about  the  other  business  of 
the  meeting.1 

The  absurdity  of  the  situation  was  illustrated  when  the  lamp-lighters 
of  Boston  were  in  the  majority  at  a  certain  town-meeting  and  carried 
a  vote  to  raise  their  own  wages! 2 

The  venerators  of  tradition,  however,  were  reluctant  to  obliterate 
one  of  the  instrumentalities  by  the  means  of  which  the  American 
Revolution  had  been  won.  Said  one: 

We  earnestly  hope  .  .  .  that  the  Bostonians  may  never  destroy  the 
Temple  of  Democracy,  in  which  was  kindled  the  flame  of  the  revolution 
of  1776,  the  nursery  of  genius,  and  the  bulwark  of  liberty.  It  was  in  the 
town  meetings  of  that  town  we  so  often  witnessed  the  triumph  of  plebian 
genius  over  purse  proud  dulness,  and  the  pedantry  of  the  schools.* 

On  the  other  hand,  the  opponents  of  reform  felt  that  the  abandon- 
ment of  the  town-meeting  government  would  deprive  the  people  of  a 
means  to  express  their  demands  in  authoritative  tones  to  their  repre- 
sentatives in  the  General  Court  and  in  Congress.  A  writer  in  the 
Boston  Patriot  under  the  nom  de  guerre  of  "A  Native  Bostonian"  ex- 
tolled the  town-meeting  as  the  instrument  of  the  people  to  control 
officials,  instruct  representatives,  and  generally  in  a  legal  way  to  ex- 
press the  wishes  of  the  people.  A  town-meeting  in  Faneuil  Hall  was 
the  "organized  capacity  of  the  town"  whereby  the  people  possessed 
not  only  the  means  of  expressing  their  opinions  but  also  of  enforcing 
them.4 

In  reply  to  the  arguments  of  the  "Native  Bostonian,"  the  advo- 
cates of  reform  assured  the  good  people  of  Boston  that  the  incorpora- 
tion of  their  town  would  not  put  an  end  to  the  public  meetings  of 


1  Municipal  History  of  the  Town  and  City  of  Boston,  p.  28.  Cf .  Report  of  the 
Committee  appointed  at  a  Town  Meeting  on  the  22d  day  of  October  (Boston, 
1821),  p.  5;  Journal  of  the  Convention  to  Revise  the  Constitution  of  Massachu- 
setts, 1820,  p.  193. 

f  Boston  Patriot,  December  12,  1821. 

•  New-England  Galaxy,  January  4,  1822. 

«  December  15,  17,  19,  21,  22,  25,  27,  29,  1821. 


448  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  [DEC. 

protest  for  which  Faneuil  Hall  had  been  so  justly  famous.1  The  doors 
of  Faneuil  Hall  would  always  remain  open  for  the  aggrieved  to  as- 
semble there  and  exercise  their  ancient  privilege  of  declaring  their 
wrongs  and  demanding  their  rights. 

Regardless  of  the  merits  of  the  controversy  hi  its  entire  aspect,  the 
modern  student  must  admit  that  there  was  much  truth  in  the  con- 
tention of  the  "Native  Bostonian."  The  act  of  incorporation 
destroyed  the  "organized  capacity  of  the  town  in  Faneuil  Hall 
assembled."  Hitherto  the  pronouncements  of  these  assemblies  had 
been  clothed  with  the  peculiar  effectiveness  conferred  by  the  cor- 
porate nature  of  the  town-meeting.  But  thereafter  the  meetings  of 
inhabitants  hi  Faneuil  Hall  assumed  the  character  of  mere  mass- 
meetings  of  citizens.  The  Cradle  of  American  Liberty  gave  dignity 
and  historic  adornment  to  such  occasions;  but  the  resolutions  de- 
bated and  adopted  in  these  meetings  were  hereafter  no  more  authori- 
tative than  similar  action  taken  by  a  mass-meeting  of  citizens  in 
New  York  City  or  a  gathering  of  farmers  in  some  prairie  church  on 
the  banks  of  the  Mississippi. 

Other  large  towns  in  Massachusetts  followed  Boston's  example  and 
secured  charters  of  incorporation  from  the  General  Court.  But  the 
majority  of  the  towns,  in  fact  all  of  the  small  towns,  made  no  change 
in  then:  form  of  government.  They  have  retained  to  this  very  day 
the  ancient  town-meeting  system,  a  system  which  is  peculiarly  well 
adapted  to  the  needs  of  a  small  community.  In  these  minor  towns 
the  annual  election  of  officers  is  customarily  followed  by  the  general 
town-meeting  at  which  the  selectmen  give  their  report  and  receive 
their  instructions.  But  no  longer  are  instructions  voted  to  the  mem- 
bers of  the  House  of  Representatives.  The  growth  of  political  parties 
and  the  attendant  loyalty  to  party  organization,  the  rapid  develop- 
ment of  legislative  business  which  has  obscured  the  individual 
legislator  in  a  maze  of  committees  and  rules  and  precedents,  the  ap- 
pearance of  a  new  economic  and  social  system  following  upon  the 
industrial  revolution  in  America,  and  finally,  the  redistricting  of  the 
constituencies  of  the  General  Court  in  1857,  have  drawn  the  towns 
more  and  more  away  from  the  old  relationship  with  the  General  Court 
which  was  so  eminently  characteristic  of  the  Massachusetts  system 

1  Cf.  the  articles  signed  "Franklin"  and  "Amicus  Civitatis"  in  the  Boston 
Patriot,  December  19, 1821,  and  the  New-England  Palladium,  December  21, 1821. 


1919]      TRADITION  ABOUT  THE  REGICIDES  GOFFE  AND  WHALLEY       449 

in  the  eighteenth  century.1  And  to-day  the  representative  in  Massa- 
chusetts is  quite  as  independent  of  the  vote  of  a  town-meeting  as  the 
representative  in  any  other  State  is  independent  of  the  resolutions 
passed  by  any  assemblage  of  citizens  within  his  district.  Both  of 
these  votes  are  expressions  of  public  opinion,  but  neither  of  them  im- 
poses an  obligation  of  obedience  upon  the  representative. 

Mr.  JULIUS  H.  TUTTLE  made  the  following  remarks: 

It  is  interesting  when  a  tradition  relating  to  an  event  can  be  veri- 
fied;2 and  the  more  so  when  after  nearly  two  centuries  and  a  half  of 
wandering  the  much  desired  information  about  it  drifts  back  to  the 
vicinity  of  its  source  and  final  resting  place.  An  entry  from  a  diary 
authenticating  such  a  tradition  is  found  pasted  into  a  scrap-book 
which  has  recently  come  into  the  possession  of  the  Dedham  Historical 
Society.  This  tradition  which  has  persisted  in  the  Fisher  family  of 
Dedham  relates  to  Lydia  Fisher  (1652-1737),  who  was  said  to  have 
waited  upon  the  Regicides  Goffe  and  Whalley  for  a  time  while  they 
were  in  hiding  at  Hadley. 

The  entry  in  question  is  from  the  Diary  of  the  Rev.  Jonathan 
Townsend,  and  runs  as  follows: 

Needham .  July  .17.1 737.  This  Day  died  here  M"  Lydia  Chickering 
in  the  Eighty  Sixth  Year  of  her  Age.  She  was  born  at  Dedham  in  New- 
England  on  July  14th  1652,  and  about  the  Year  1671  went  up  thence  to 
Hadley  where,  for  the  space  of  about  a  Year,  she  waited  upon  Col: 
Whalley,  and  Col.  Goffe  (two  of  King  Charles  I8*8  Judges)  who  had 
fled  thither  from  the  men  who  sought  their  life.  She  was  the  Daughter 
of  Capt:  Daniel  Fisher  of  Dedham,  one  of  the  Magistrates  of  this  Colony 
under  the  Old  Charter.  Having  lived  a  virtuous  life,  she  died  univer- 

1  One  instance  of  the  use  of  instructions  as  late  as  the  year  1851  should  be 
cited.  In  the  spring  of  this  year  a  deadlock  in  the  General  Court  prevented  the 
election  of  a  United  States  Senator.  Twenty-three  Democrats  and  all  the  Anti- 
slavery  Whigs  were  opposed  to  Charles  Sumner.  In  a  town-meeting  on  April  12, 
1851,  the  town  of  Fall  River  instructed  its  representative,  Nathaniel  Borden,  to 
vote  for  Sumner.  Mr.  Borden  changed  his  vote  as  instructed;  and  the  shifting  of 
a  few  other  votes  broke  the  deadlock  on  April  24, 1851.  This  secured  the  election 
of  Sumner.  Cf.  Pierce,  Memoirs  and  Letters  of  Charles  Sumner,  iii.  242;  Wilson, 
History  of  the  Rise  and  Fall  of  the  Slave  Power  in  America,  ii.  349.  Mr.  George 
W.  Rankin  has  kindly  verified  for  me  the  vote  of  instructions  in  the  town  records 
of  Fall  River. 

*  For  two  remarkable  cases  of  the  verification  of  family  traditions,  see  Pro- 
ceedings Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  xlii.  193-195. 


450  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  [DEC. 

sally  respected,  and  came  to  her  grave  in  a  full  age  as  a  shock  of  corn 
cometh  in  in  his  season.1 

Lydia  Fisher  was  married  at  Dedham  on  December  3,  1674,  to 
Nathaniel  Checkering,  and  for  twenty  years  they  lived  on  Dedham 
Island.  In  1694,  they  removed  to  that  part  of  Dedham  which  is  now 
Dover,  where  he  died  on  October  21  of  that  year,  leaving  her  with 
six  children.  She  later  moved  across  Charles  River  into  that  part  of 
Dedham  which  became  the  town  of  Needham  in  1711.  In  1720,  the 
Rev.  Jonathan  Townsend  (H.  C.  1716)  was  settled  there  as  the  first 
minister  of  the  church,  and  counted  Lydia  Chickering  as  one  of  his 
parishioners.  His  statement  of  the  fact  of  her  service  to  the  Regicides, 
kept  as  her  long  secret,  was  without  doubt  given  by  her  word  of 
mouth  to  him,  and  is  not  only  of  local  interest,  but  of  wider  historical 
significance.  • 

The  reasons  for  her  undertaking  such  a  perilous  mission  from 
Dedham  to  Hadley  in  1670  or  1671  can  only  be  surmised.  Hadley 
was  then  a  frontier  town  but  recently  settled,  with  the  Rev.  John 
Russell  (H.  C.  1645)  as  its  first  minister,  in  whose  house  the  Regicides 
were  secreted.  It  so  happened  then  that  her  brother,  Sergeant 
Daniel  Fisher,  was  making  journeys  to  the  Pocumtuck  region  about 
twelve  miles  north  of  Hadley.  He  was  one  of  the  Dedham  proprietors 
of  lands  there,  and  went  to  aid  in  the  laying  out  of  the  new  grant  of 
eight  thousand  acres  at  Pocumtuck  to  the  town  of  Dedham  in  place 
of  that  part  of  her  home  plantation  which  the  General  Court  had  set 
apart  for  the  Natick  Indian  township.  On  one  of  these  occasions 
Lydia  Fisher,  then  only  nineteen  years  of  age,  may  have  gone  to 
Hadley  with  her  brother  Daniel;  and  then  later  have  returned  with 
him  to  her  home  in  Dedham. 

There  is  another  tradition  about  Lydia  Fisher  and  the  Regicides: 
that  her  father,  Captain  Daniel  Fisher,  "concealed  the  Regicides 
near  his  house  in  Dedham  for  a  time,  and  that  Lydia  here  minis- 
tered to  them  and  rode  behind  one  of  them  on  a  pillion  to  Hadley." 
Nothing  has  yet  been  found  to  substantiate  this  statement.  Her 
probable  going  with  Daniel  may  have  led  to  the  confusion  in  the 
matter. 

It  was  in  May,  1660,  that  Charles  II  took  steps  to  avenge  the 
execution  of  his  father  in  1649,  which  was  ordered  by  the  High 

1  For  a  facsimile  of  this  entry,  see  p.  453,  below. 


1919]      TRADITION  ABOUT  THE  REGICIDES  GOFFE  AND  WHALLEY      451 

Court  of  Justice.  Of  the  judges  of  this  court  who  escaped  from  Eng- 
land, Goffe,  Whalley,  and  Dixwell  reached  Boston  in  July,  1660,  and 
on  February  26,  1661,  they  began  their  nine  days'  journey  through 
Dedham  to  New  Haven.  If  Captain  Daniel  Fisher  secreted  them  as 
stated,  and  was  interested  in  protecting  them  during  their  sojourn  in 
the  Colony,  there  might  appear  to  be  some  reason  to  influence  Lydia 
Fisher  ten  years  later,  when  Goffe  and  Whalley  had  gone  to  Hadley 
to  live,  to  go  there  on  her  mission. 

The  scrap-book,  the  medium  through  which  this  valuable  entry 
from  the  Townsend  Diary  comes  to  our  hands,  was  originally  an 
account  book  of  "Family  Expenses,"  from  August  10,  1784,  to 
October  12, 1798,  kept  at  Halifax  by  Gregory  Townsend,  the  youngest 
child  and  son  of  the  Rev.  Jonathan  and  Mary  (Sugars)  Townsend, 
of  Needham.  Gregory,  who  was  born  on  November  28,  1732,  and 
died  at  Halifax  on  October  22,  1798,  left  Boston  with  the  loyalist 
refugees  in  1776,  and  was  proscribed  in  1778.  At  the  time  of  his 
death  Horatio  Townsend,  of  Dedham,  his  nephew,  went  to  Halifax, 
and  probably  brought  the  book  back  with  him.  This  book  was  used 
by  Horatio's  daughter,  Mary,  who  married  John  B.  Derby,  from 
about  1818  to  1841,  for  the  purpose  of  pasting  in  cuttings  of  news- 
papers, letters,  and  a  few  pieces  of  the  diary  of  her  great-grandfather, 
the  Rev.  Jonathan  Townsend.  In  this  way  the  cutting  about  Lydia 
Fisher  happened  to  be  saved.  Recent  correspondence  with  a  book- 
seller in  Atchison,  Kansas,  who  wanted  to  sell  the  book  and  who  had 
written  to  me  to  learn  whether  the  book  was  wanted  here  as  it  had 
some  Dedham,  Needham,  and  Medfield  items  in  it,  sent  the  book  for 
examination.  The  discovery  of  the  item  hi  question  quickly  brought 
the  book  into  the  possession  of  the  Dedham  Historical  Society.  It 
was  previously  owned  by  Dr.  F.  D.  Morse,  of  Lawrence,  Kansas, 
who  received  it  from  his  grandfather,  Andrew  Morse,  a  native  of 
Sherborn,  who  probably  obtained  it  from  the  Derby  family. 

Lydia  Fisher  deserves  to  be  remembered  for  her  courageous  and 
it  may  be  timely  service;  and  no  one  can  now  fully  tell  its  importance 
in  behalf  of  the  Bay  Colony. 

Another  passage  in  the  same  diary  is  of  interest  in  connection  with 
Mr.  Matthews's  recent  paper1  on  Early  Sunday  Schools  in  Bos- 

1  See  pp.  259-264  and  notes,  above.  Mr.  Matthews  tells  me  that  since  writing 
his  paper  he  has  found  a  pamphlet  to  which  it  is  worth  calling  attention: "  Report 


452  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS 

ton.  The  extracts  there  quoted  show  that  New  England  pastors 
catechized  the  children  of  their  parishes  during  the  seventeenth 
century.  Under  date  of  April  4, 1737,  the  Rev.  Jonathan  Townsend 
wrote: 

I  began  again  to  Catechize  the  Children  after  it  had  been  discontinued 
for  some  time:  I  propose  to  repair  to  several  parts  of  the  Town  that  the 
Children  may  attend  it  w*11  the  more  ease,  &  conveniency:  about  six  or 
seven  places  may  be  sufficient;  I  begin  with  a  short  prayer,  then  preceed 
to  Catechize,  afterwards  read  part  of  Mr  Vincent's  Explanation  of  y8 
Assembly's  Catechism,1  (or  some  other  instructive  Book)  and  then  make 
a  somewhat  longer  prayer,  &  so  conclude.  I  design  to  attend  it  about 
once  a  month,  more  or  less.  I  made  my  application  to  the  Selectmen 
for  y"  Year  1736,  desiring  'em  to  tell  me  which  they  judg'd  were  the 
most  convenient  places,  &  they  nam'd  to  me  Six  Houses,  viz:  The  Meet- 
ing House,  Jon*  Smith's,  Capt:  Fisher's,  Samuel  Parker's,  Samuel 
Smith's,  &  John  Goodenow's. 

Mr.  HENRY  H.  EDES  read  copies  of  the  two  following 
receipts,  dated  26  and  30  April,  1776,  showing  that  the 
record  books  and  papers  of  the  Middlesex  Registry  of 
Deeds  had  been  lodged  for  safekeeping  at  the  house  of 
John  Reed  of  Bedford: 

CAMBRIDGE  April  26: 1776 
JOHN  REED  of  Bedford  Esq. 

Please  deliver  into  the  hands  of  Thaddeus  Mason  Clerk  of  the  In- 
ferior Court  of  Common  Pleas  for  the  County  of  Middlesex  for  his  safe- 

of  the  Union  Committee  of  the  Sunday  Schools  of  the  three  Baptist  Societies  in 
Boston.  Together  with  an  Address,  delivered  at  the  General  Meeting  of  the 
Schools,  October  29th,  1817.  By  Rev.  Daniel  Sharp,  A.  M.  Boston  .  .  .  1817." 
In  the  Report,  written  by  the  Rev.  James  M .  Winchell,  we  read :  "  It  was  in  June, 
1816,  that  the  females  of  the  Third  Baptist  Church  and  Congregation,  formed 
the  first  Sunday  School  in  this  town"  (p.  5).  In  his  Address,  Mr.  Sharp  said: 
"The  attention  of  some  pious  females  in  this  town,  was  called  to  the  subject,  by 
accounts  which  they  received  in  private  letters  of  the  first  meetings  in  New- 
York.  ...  It  became  the  topic  of  conversation;  and  on  June  1,  1816,  the  first 
female  Sabbath  School  was  organized  in  Boston.  Others  followed  in  succession, 
till  seven  schools  were  formed  among  the  Baptist  "churches  in  this  town.  We 
are  happy  to  say  that  since  these  were  organized,  similar  societies  have  been 
formed  by  the  members  of  the  church  in  Park  Street,  and  of  the  Old  South" 
(p.  12). 

1  The  Rev.  Thomas  Vincent's  Explanatory  Catechism:  or,  an  Explanation 
of  the  Assemblies  Shorter  Catechism,  was  republished  at  Boston  in  1729. 


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1919] 


MIDDLESEX   REGISTRY   OF   DEEDS,    1776 


453 


keeping  at  your  House  Those  Chests  containing  the  Record  Books  for 
ye  County  of  Middlesex  and  you'l  oblige  your  very  H'ble  Servt 

JOHN  FOXCROFT 

BEDFORD  April  30  1776. 

Reed,  into  my  custody  the  chests  above  mentioned]  containing  the 
Record  books  of  the  Registry  of  Deeds  &  Papers  as  now  lodged  in  the 
House  of  the  above  named  John  Reed  Esq. 

Att.  THAD  MASON 
Clerk  of  the  Common  Pleas. 


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t«OM^A».      iw 


INDEX 


INDEX 


Places  are  in  Massachusetts  unless  otherwise  stated 
Name*  of  vessels  are  grouped  under  the  heading  Ships 
Names  of  Indians  are  grouped  under  the  heading  Indiana 


ABBOT,  Rev.  Abiel  (d  1828),  279, 

279  n 
Adams,  Brooks,  88  n;  quoted,  on  New 

England  theocracy,  40;  on  R.  Child's 

religious  connections,  61 

Charles  Francis  (d  1915),  88  n; 

cited,  on  right  of  appeal  to  Parlia- 
ment, in  Massachusetts,  81 

John,  President,  quoted,  on  Boston 

politics,  418,  419;  opinion  of,  on  an- 
nual elections,  427;  writer  of  Brain- 
tree's  instructions  to  deputy,  con- 
cerning the  Stamp  Act,  437;  cited,  on 
importance  of  town  mandates,  439; 
assists  North  Carolina  in  framing 
constitution  of  1776,  442;  quoted,  on 
power  of  New  England  towns,  445 

Lydia  K.,  active  in  establishing 

Sunday  school  in  the  West  Church, 
Boston,  277,  278 

Gov.   Samuel,    138;  member  of 

Caucus  Club,  419;  quoted,  on  system 
of  instructions  to  deputies,  436;  Bos- 
ton instructions  written  by,  436,  437; 
assists  Pennsylvania  in  making  con- 
stitution of  1776,  442 

Rev.    William    (H.    C.    1671), 

quoted,  on  L.  Hoar,  364  n,  365 

Addison,   Joseph,   quoted,   on  F.   M. 

Pinto,  234 

Agrippa,  Henry  Cornelius,  102  n,  125 
Alabaster,  Rev.  William,  220 
Alchemy,    modern    prejudice    against, 

123;   popularity   of,   in  seventeenth 

century,  124 

Alleine,  Rev.  Joseph  (d  1668),  264  n 
Allen,  Bozon,  38  n,  55  n 
John,  of  Barbados,  agreement  in 

behalf  of,  with  J.  Jackson,  254-256 
Alligator,  description  of,  239 


Allin,  Rev.  John  (d  1671),  74  n;  Over- 
seer of  Harvard  College,  167  n;  his 
careful  church  records  in  Dedham, 
259 

Amber,  Irish  superstition  concerning, 
122n 

American,  An,  quoted,  on  Loyalists, 
439  n 

American  Antiquarian  Society,  owns 
book  by  Comenius,  given  to  R.  Ma- 
ther, 1661,  181,  181  n;  water-color 
view  of  Harvard  College,  about  1807, 
belonging  to,  exhibited,  257 

Ammoncongin  River,  Me.,  308,  308  n 

Anabaptists,  23,  27,  90;  harshness 
against,  in  Massachusetts,  believed 
detrimental  to  the  colony,  29  n;  H. 
Dunst cr'b  connection  with,  146,  148  n 

Anchor  anus,  Joannes,  edits  book  by 
Comenius,  180,  195 

Anderson,  John,  Jr.,  287 

Andover,  represented  by  non-resident 
deputy,  432  n 

Andrew,  Rev.  Samuel  (H.  C.  1681), 
184 

—  Samuel  (Y.  C.  1711),  son  of  Rev. 
Samuel  (H.  C.  1681),  184 

Samuel  (Y.  C.  1739),  eon  of  Sam- 


uel (Y.  C.  1711),  184 

—  James  (d  1714),  332  n,  350,  350  n; 

land  grant  to,  1688,  332 

Andros,  Gov.  Sir  Edmund,  71, 416,  426; 
M.  Hooke's  petition  to,  57,  57  n;  land 
warrants  issued  under,  1687-1688, 
communicated  by  J.  H.  Tuttle,  292- 
363,  commissioned  Governor  of  New 
England,  292;  prohibits  town-meet- 
ings, 430,  440 

Anti-Federalists,  444 

Antimony,  interest  of  alchemists  and 
physicians  in,  128  n 


458 


INDEX 


Apollonius,  Willem  (d  1657),  74  n 

Appeal  to  Parliament,  question  of  right 
of,  in  colonies,  32,  48,  49,  64,  76,  77, 
79,  81,  82,  86 

Arnold, ,  61  n 

Benedict,  Governor  of  Rhode  Is- 
land, interpreter,  in  dealings  with 
Indians,  44  n 

Arriscott.    See  Harriseket 

Asbury,  Bishop  Francis  (d  1816),  262  n 

Ashland,  land  grant  in,  1688,  355,  355  n 

Magunco    (Magaguncock)    Hill, 

355,  355  n 

Ashmole,  Elias  (d  1692),  interested  in 
alchemy,  100;  meets  R.  Child  and 
R.  Fludd,  100;  W.  Cooper's  letter  to, 
132 

Ashurst,  Henry  (d  1680),  366  n;  bene- 
factor of  Harvard  College,  366 

Sir  Henry,  son  of.Henry  (d  1680), 

170  n 

Aspinwall,  William,  16  n;  commands 
trading  expedition  to  the  Delaware, 
15  n 

Atkins, ,  353 

Atwater,  John,  346,  346  n 

Avery,  Jonathan,  son  of  William  (d 
1687),  alchemical  studies  of,  124 

William    (d    1687),    alchemical 

studies  of,  123,  124 

Awbrey,  William,  connected  with  iron 
works  in  Massachusetts,  13  n 


&ACHSTROM,  Johann  Friedrich, 
sketch  of,  145  n 

Bacon,  Sir  Francis,  Baron  Verulam  and 
Viscount  St.  Albans,  cited,  regarding 
small-pox,  110,  110  n;  his  design  for 
a  universal  college,  165 

Bacstrom,  ,  unidentified  writer, 

cited  on  Philalethes,  145.  See  also 
Bachstrom 

Baillie,  Rev.  Robert  (d  1662),  2;  atti- 
tude of,  toward  aberrant  sects,  espe- 
cially Independents,  72,  87-91 

Baker,  Thomas,  land  grants  to,  1688, 
326,  349 

Ball,  Rev.  John  (d  1640),  74  n 

Hannah  (d  1792),  264  n 

Ballatt,  Samuel  (d  1708),  297  n;  land 
grant  to,  1687,  297 

Bancroft,  George,  his  treatment  of  the 
Remonstrance  of  1646, 17  n,  85  n;  his 
doubt  of  I.  Thomas's  story  of  Eng- 


BANCROFT  (continued) 
lish  Bible  printed  in  Boston  about 
1752,  286,  286  n 

Banks,  Dr.  Charles  Edward,  89  n; 
quoted,  on  treatment  of  Remon- 
strants of  1646,  74  n 

—  John  (d  1685),  161  n 

Baptism,  of  children  of  non-church- 
members,  22,  22  n;  by  immersion,  153 

Barclay,  Alderman.  See  Berkeley, 
William 

Barefoot,  Walter,  Deputy  Governor  of 
New  Hampshire,  307  n;  land  grant  to, 
1687,  307 

Barlow,  Capt. ,  53,  53  n 

Barnacles,  legend  that  geese  develop 
out  of,  115,  116 

Barnard,  Henry  (d  1900),  probable 
author  of  statement  about  Comenius, 
147  n 

—  Rev.  John  (H.  C.  1700),  186;  gives 
books  by  Comenius  to  Harvard  Col- 
lege, 184,  185;  autograph  of,  185 

Barney,  Jacob,  connection  of,  with  sec- 
ond trial  of  the  Remonstrants  of 
1646,  55,  55  n,  56 

Barry,  Rev.  John  Stetson,  89  n 

Bartholomew,  Henry,  38  n 

—  William,  connection  of,  with  sec- 
ond trial  of   the  Remonstrants  of 
1646,  55,  55  n 

Bartlet, ,  137 

Bartlett,  Rev.  John  (d  1849),  establishes 
charity  schools  in  Boston,  277,  278 

Bartol,  Rev.  Cyrus  Augustus,  his  ac- 
count of  establishment  of  a  Sunday 
school  in  the  West  Parish,  Boston,  278 

Baskett,  John  (d  1742),  printer  of 
Bibles,  290  n 

Mark,  printer  of  Bibles,  1761- 

1769;  I.  Thomas's  statement  of  use 
of  his  name  on  Bible  printed  hi  Bos- 
ton about  1752,  285;  Bibles  of,  in 
various  libraries,  287,  288  n;  period 
of  his  printing,  290;  Thomas's  use  of 
his  name  probable  error  for  Thomas 
Baskett,  291 

Thomas  (d  1763),  son  of  John, 

printer  of  Bibles,  1742-1761,  291; 
title-page  of  his  Bible  of  1752,  291  n 

Baylie.    See  Baillie 

Beaver  trade,  monopoly  for,  granted  by 
Massachusetts  General  Court,  15 

Beex  (Becx),  John,  interested  in  iron 
works  in  Massachusetts,  13,  13  n,  14, 


INDEX 


BEEX  (continued) 

65  n;  buys  interest  in  Saco  patent,  65; 
one  of  thirteen  petitioners  to  the 
Council  for  Foreign  Plantations,  1661, 
67 

Belcher,  Andrew  (d  1717),  356  n;  land 
grant  to,  1688,  356 

Gov.   Jonathan,   son  of   Andrew 

(d  1717),  430 

Belfast,  Me.,  votes  mandate  to  congres- 
sional representative,  444 

Bell,  Shubael,  assists  in  establishing  a 
Sunday  school  in  Christ  Church, 
Boston,  273,  275  n;  revises  the 
Youth's  Manual  for  its  use,  274 

Thomas,  one  of  thirteen  petition- 
ers to  the  Council  for  Foreign  Plan- 
tations, 1661,  67 

William,  jumps  bail,  1641,  29  n 

Bellingham,  Gov.  Richard,  8,  38,  39, 
152,  175  n,  257;  on  committee  to  an- 
swer the  Remonstrance  of  1646,  30; 
complains  of  S.  Maverick  to  Sir  W. 
Morice,  1665,  68 

Dr.  Samuel,  son  of  Gov.  Richard, 

137  n 

Bendall,  Edward,  27 

Bennett,  Edward,  land  grant  to,  1688, 
327 

Berigard,  Claude,  his  alleged  transmu- 
tation of  mercury  into  gold,  133,  144 

Berkeley,  William  (d  1653),  suit  of 
Mme.  la  Tour  against,  29  n 

Berlin,  Me.,  votes  mandate  to  congres- 
sional representative,  444 

Bermuda,  government  and  church  con- 
ditions in,  1647,  36,  36  n 

Berry,  Margaret  (Rogers),  wife  of 
Thomas  (H.  C.  1685).  See  Leverett 

Thomas  (H.  C.  1685),  183,  183  n 

Thomas    (H.    C.    1712),    son   of 

Thomas  (H.  C.  1685),  183 

Beverly,  earliest  Sunday  school  in 
Massachusetts  claimed  for,  265,  265  n, 
271,  276,  277 

Bible,  English,  I.  Thomas's  statement 
of  first  printing  of,  in  America,  about 
1752,  285;  this  doubted  by  G.  Ban- 
croft and  others,  286;  paper  on  the 
question  by  C.  L.  Nichols,  286-292 

Bickford,  Thomas,  land  grant  to,  1688, 
326 

Bigolow,  Frank  Barna,  189  n 

Black  Point,  Me.,  293.  See  alto  Scar- 
borough, Me. 


Blakeslee,  George  Hubbard,  409 

Blanchard,  Joshua,  Boston  bookseller, 
384  n 

Blodgett,  James  Harvey,  151 

Blue  Hills,  survey  of  lands  near,  or- 
dered, 1688,  328;  grant  of  lands  near, 
358 

Blue  Point,  Me.,  293,  332.  See  alto 
Scarborough,  Me. 

Blyth  (Blydon),  Stephen  Cleveland, 
sketch  of,  265  n 

Boate,  Dr.  Arnold,  114,  117  n,  118  n, 
123  n;  cited,  on  caviare,  63;  his  anno- 
tations on  R.  Child's  Large  Letter, 
108,  109,  109  n,  116;  spelling  of  hia 
name,  109,  109  n;  practises  in  Dublin 
and  later  settles  in  Paris,  117;  dies 
when  returning  to  England,  119, 
119  n 

Dr.  Gerard,  brother  of  Dr.  Arnold, 

109  n,  116;  sketch  of,  116,  117  n;  his 
Naturall  History  of  Ireland,  118,  119, 
122;  appointment  as  State  Physician 
for  Ireland,  118;  death  of,  118 

Body  of  Liberties,  adoption  of,  424 

Bolton, ,  112  n 

Bond,  Nicholas,  10  n 

Bonighton,  Richard,  buys  interest  in 
Saco  patent,  63 

Boot.    See  Boate 

Borden,  Nathaniel,  449  n 

Boston,  makes  land  grants  for  iron 
works,  12;  Mauris t  Fathers  in,  ac- 
knowledgment to,  143  n;  map  of,  in 
1648,  by  S.  C.  Clough,  exhibited,  251; 
Early  Sunday  Schools  in,  paper  by  A. 
Matthews,  259-285;  condition  of  edu- 
cation in,  1818,  267  n;  land  grants  in, 
1687,  301,  303;  1688,  319,  351,  352, 
354,  356;  records  of  early  mandates 
to  representatives  of,  415—416,  427; 
committees  appointed  to  prepare 
mandates,  417;  leadership  of,  438, 
445 ;  change  in,  from  town  to  city  gov- 
ernment, 1822,  446 

Baptist  churches,  establishment  of 

Sunday  schools  in,  1816,  271,  272  n, 
276,  452  n 

Brattle  Street  Church,  1773,  archi- 
tect of,  418 

Caucus  Club,  418,  419 

Christ  Church,  Sunday  school, 

270  n;  history  of,  273-275;  first  called 
Salem  Street  Sunday  School  Society, 
275 


460 


INDEX 


BOSTON  (continued) 

City  Missionary  Society,  estab- 
lishment of,  268  TO 

Faneuil  Hall  and  the  town-meet- 
ing, 447-448 

First  African  Baptist  Church, 

Sunday  school  established  in,  1816, 
272,  272  n 

Hell-Fire  Club,  433 

Latin  School,  probably  used  text- 
books by  Comenius,  179,  185 

Merchants'  Club,  419 

Noddle's  Island,  deeded  by  S. 

Maverick  to  his  son,  57;  later  to  G. 
Briggs,  57  n;  granted  to  S.  Shrimp- 
ton,  1688,  352 

Old  South  Church,  invites  L. 

Hoar  to  its  ministry,  but  releases  him 
to  accept  presidency  of  Harvard  Col- 
lege, 363;  early  parsonage  of,  418;  its 
Sunday  school,  452  n 

Park  Street  Church,  Sunday 

school,  claimed  to  be  first  in  Boston, 
266;  history  of,  266-271,  270  n,  271  n, 
452  TO 

St.  John's  Ecclesiastical  Seminary, 

Brighton,  acknowledgment  to  staff 
of,  143  n 

Salem  Street  Academy,  274,  275, 

275  TO 

Salem  Street  Sunday  School  So- 
ciety, 275,  275  n 

Ship  Tavern,  431 

South,  Sunday  school  established 

in,  1817,  269,  269  n 

Town  Dock,  252 

West  Boston  Charity  School,  277, 

278,  279 

West  Church,  Sunday  school,  his- 
tory of,  277-279,  277  n;  claimed  to 
be  first  in  Boston,  279;  Gleaning 
Circle,  278;  Sewing  School,  279 

Boston  Athenseum,  books  by  Come- 
nius in,  182 

Boston  Neck,  R.  I.,  300  TO;  land  grant 
in,  1687,  300 

Boston  Recorder,  quoted,  on  establish- 
ment of  Sunday  schools,  1816,  266  n; 
quoted,  on  care  of  schools,  270  n 

Boston  Sabbath  School  Union,  forma- 
tion of,  270  n 

Boston  Society  for  the  Moral  and  Reli- 
gious Instruction  of  the  Poor,  266  n; 
takes  charge  of  all  Sunday  schools  in 
Boston  about  1817,  267-269,  270  n; 


BOSTON  SOCIETY  (continued) 

its  first  report  quoted,  268;  succeeded 

by  the  City  Missionary  Society,  1841, 

268  TO;  establishes  Sunday  school  in 

West  Boston,  1822,  277  n 
Boswell,  Sir  William,  10  n,  161  n,  173  TO; 

letter  of,  to  Sir  H.  De  Vic,  in  behalf 

of  J.  Winthrop,  Jr.,  164;  quoted,  on 

J.  Winthrop,  Jr.,  174 
Bourne,  Maj.  Nehemiah,  39  n,  93  n 
Bouv6,  Ada,  daughter  of  Thomas  Tracy, 

410 
Emily  Gilbert  (Lincoln),  wife  of 

Thomas   Tracy,    gives   to   Harvard 

College  a  photograph  of  water-color 

view  of  the  College  by  H.  d'Orgemont, 

410 
Bowdoin,  Peter  (d  1716),  309,  309  n, 

310  TO,  342;  land  grant  to,  1687,  310 
Bowles,  Joseph,  buys  land  in  Maine, 

63n 

Bowman,  George  Ernest,  264  n 
Boyle,  Richard,  first  Earl  of  Cork,  with 

Lord  Chancellor  Loftus  destroys  St. 

Patrick's  Purgatory,  1632,  115,  116 
Robert  (d  1691),  son  of  Richard, 


first  Earl  of  Cork,  98,  107,  115, 118  TO, 
119,  120  TO,  122,  161  TO,  166  TO,  366, 
369;  friend  of  R.  Child,  98  TO;  of  G. 
Stirk,  101,  101  TO,  176;  urged  to  assist 
in  continuing  G.  Boate's  Natural! 
History  of  Ireland,  119;  Irish  inter- 
ests of,  120;  one  of  founders  of  Royal 
Society,  124;  correspondent  of  J. 
Winthrop,  Jr.,  178,  186;  Governor  of 
Corporation  for  Propagating  the 
Gospel  in  New  England,  187  TO 

Roger,  first  Earl  of  Orrery,  son  of 

Richard,  first  Earl  of  Cork,  234  TO 

Bradford,  William,  Governor  of  Plym- 
outh Colony,  quoted,  on  E.  Wins- 
low's  conduct  of  case  for  the  Massa- 
chusetts Bay  Colony  against  the 
Remonstrants  of  1646,  65;  visited  by 
Gov.  Winthrop,  431 

Bradstreet,  Gov.  Simon,  16  TO,  38 

Brahe,  Tycho  (d  1601),  letters  of,  in 
Winthrop  papers,  179  TO 

Braintree,  iron  works  at,  11,  14,  60,  61; 
land  grants  in,  1688,  335,  336,  337 

Bramhall,  George  (d  1690),  342  w;  land 
grant  to,  1688,  342 

Breedon,  Capt.  Thomas,  one  of  thirteen 
petitioners  to  the  Council  for  Foreign 
Plantations,  1661,  67,  67  TO 


INDEX 


461 


Brereton,  Sir  William  (d  1661),  quoted, 

on  A.  Hill's  plantation  in  Ireland,  122 
William    (d    1680),    third    Baron 

Brereton  of  Leighlin,  161  n,  171;  let- 
ter of,  to  J.  Winthrop,  Jr.,  quoted, 

160  n 

Bret, ,  112  n 

Brewster,    Jonathan,    son   of   William 

(d  1643),  23;  alchemical  studies  of, 

123,  124,  124  n 

William  (d  1643),  124 

Bridges,  Capt.  Robert,  13,  43 

Briggs,  Capt.  George,  Noddle's  Island 

deeded  to,  57  n 
BRIOHAM,  CLARENCE  SATJNDERS,  A.M., 

181  n,  182  n 
Brinley,  Francis  (d  1719),  300  n;  land 

grant  to,  1687,  300 

George  (d  1875),  286 

Brooke,  Lord.    See  Greville,  Robert 
Brookfield,  survey  of,  ordered,  1688, 335 
Brookline,  Muddy  River  early  name  of, 

298,  298  n 
BROWN,    Rev.    HOWARD    NICHOLSON, 

D.D.,  elected  Resident  Member,  231, 

404 

John  Carter,  286 

Marianna  Catherine,  quoted,  on 

early  Sunday  schools,  264  n 
William  Garrott,  387  n,  388  n;  his 

Calendar  of  Harvard  College  manu- 
scripts, 392  n 
Browne,  John,  339;  land  grant  to,  1688, 

321 
Joseph  (H.  C.   1666),  391,  393; 

Fellow  of  Harvard  College,  368,  369, 

369  n,  370,  396,  396  n,  402 
William,    assignment   of   charter 

party  to,  by  C.  Clarke,  257 
Brownists,  87,  90 
Bruen,   Obadiah,   connection  of,  with 

second  trial  of  the  Remonstrants  of 

1646,  55,  55  n 

Brydges,  Sir  Egerton,  107  n 
Bulfinch,  Charles,  419  n 
John,  95  n;  informs  against  Maj. 

J.  Child,  96;  asks  hearing,  97 
Bull,  Alfred,  identifies  two  books  owned 

by  J.  Harvard,  230  n 
Bullard,  Rev.  Asa,  quoted,  on  first  men- 
tion of  Sunday  schools  in  the  United 

States,  266  n 
Bumstead,   Josiah    (d    1859),   Sunday 

school  in  house  of,  270  n 
Bunny,  Francis,  225 


Burnet,  Gov.  William,  complains  of 
Boston's  action  in  conflict  concerning 
Governor's  salary,  430;  death  of,  430; 
in  1729  declares  Massachusetts  aims 
at  independence,  440 

Burrage,  William,  land  grant  to,  1688, 
319 

Burton,  Margaret  (Otis),  wife  of 
Thomas,  24,  26  n 

Sarah,  daughter  of  Thomas,  bap- 
tism of,  26 

Thomas,  59,  67;  a  signer  of  the 

Remonstrance  of  1646,  17,  24,  24  n, 
25,  26,  28,  29;  tried  and  sentenced, 
37;  with  other  Remonstrants  tried  a 
second  time  for  conspiracy  against 
the  government  and  sentenced,  1647, 
50-56 

Bury  St.  Edmund's,  Eng.,  Free  Gram- 
mar School,  J.  Winthrop,  Jr.,  and  F. 
Winthrop  students  at,  156  n 

Buryada,  Gaetano,  5  n 

Bushnel, ,  54,  54  n 

Byfield,  Nathaniel  (d  1733),  299  n 


C 


ADA,  Frantifiek,  149  n 
Csesalpinus,  Andreas,  R.  Child's  refer- 
ence to  his  De  Metallicis,  113  n 
Caillet,  Albert  L.,  145,  145  n 
Calamorie,  description  of,  246 
Cambridge,  land  grant  in,  1688,  356; 

resolution  of,  describing  Massachu- 
setts political  system,  427 
Capek,  Thomas,  151  n;  quoted,  on  Co- 

menius,  150  n 
Capisick  River,  Me.,  306,  306  n,  308, 

308  n 
Cardilucius,   Johann   Hiskias,   quoted, 

on  association  of  G.  Stirk  and  8. 

Hartlib,  176,  176  n 
Carleton,  Edward,  connection  of,  with 

trials  of  the  Remonstrants  of  1646, 

38  n,  55,  55  n,  56 
Osgood,    his   survey   of   Boston, 

1795,  252 
Carnobie,  name  of  an  alchemist  perhaps 

identical  with  Eiremeus  Philalethee 

(G.  Stirk),  144,  145 
CARTER,  FRANKLIN,   !.!..!>.,  death  of, 

xv,  410 
Casco  Bay,  Me.,  293;  land  grants  at, 

1687,  296,  306,  308,  309,  310,  311; 

1688,328,330,333,337,359.   Seeabo 

Falmouth;  North  Yarmouth 


4C2 


INDEX 


Cavendish,  Sir  Charles  (d  1654),  166  n 

Caviare,  discussed  by  R.  Child,  63 

Chalmers,  George,  quoted,  on  the  Re- 
monstrance of  1646,  85  n 

Chambers,  Edmund  Kerchever,  cited, 
on  identity  of  Philalethes,  141 

Champlin,  William  (d  1713),  295  n; 
land  grant  to,  1687,  295 

Chandler,  John  (d  1703),  359  n;  land 
grant  to,  1688,  359 

CHANNING,  EDWARD,  Ph.D.,  appointed 
delegate  to  annual  Conference  of 
Historical  Societies,  Cleveland,  410 

Chapman,  Ralph,  land  grant  to,  1687, 
301 

Charles  I,  King  of  England,  21  n,  83, 
165,  449 

Charles  II,  King  of  England,  71,  143, 
450;  colonial  attitude  toward,  50;  ap- 
points royal  commissioners  to  regu- 
late affairs  in  New  England,  1664,  68, 
71;  interest  of,  in  alchemy,  143  n; 
correspondent  of  J.  Winthrop,  Jr., 
178 

Charlestown,  land  grants  in,  1687,  296, 
297,  298;  1688,  355,  356,  357,  361 

Female  Society  for  the  Promotion 

of  Sabbath  Schools,  272 

First  Baptist  Church,  Sunday 

school,  275 

First  Parish  Church,  history  of 

Sunday  school  work  in,  272,  276 

Stinted  Pasture,  355 

Charter  Oak  incident,  426 

Chase,  Samuel  (d  1811),  upholds  right 
to  instruct  representatives,  443 

Chauncy,  Rev.  Charles,  President  of 
Harvard  College,  149,  172  n,  368; 
inauguration  of,  1654,  147,  154,  163; 
preceding  negotiations,  153;  death  of, 
363,  364,  364  n,  369;  his  salary  as 
President  of  Harvard  College,  365  n 

Checkery.    See  Chickering 

Chelmsford,  352  n;  land  grant  in,  1688, 
351 

Chelsea,  319  n;  land  grants  in,  1688, 
319,  360 

Chichester,  Sir  Edward,  Baron  Chiches- 
ter  of  Belfast  and  Viscount  Chichester 
of  Carrickfergus,  122 

Chickering,  Henry,  259,  259  n 

Lydia  (Fisher),  second  wife  of 

Nathaniel,  her  service  to  the  regi- 
cides, Goffe  and  Whalley,  449-451 

Nathaniel,  nephew  of  Henry,  450 


Child,  John,  4,  4  n 

Maj.  John,  son  of  John,  4,  4  n, 

17  n,  47,  61,  64,  72,  94  n;  quoted,  on 
the  Remonstrance  of  1646,  17;  on 
controversy  regarding  baptism,  24  n; 
his  book,  New-Englands  Jonas,  35, 
45,  45  n,  46,  46  n;  quoted,  on  status 
of  Presbyterians  in  Massachusetts, 
71;  his  importance  in  the  Presby- 
terian party,  84;  quoted,  on  Inde- 
pendents, 87;  on  toleration,  91;  home 
of,  93,  95  n;  commands  an  insurrec- 
tion in  Kent,  1648, 93-96;  later  life  of, 
97 

Mary,  wife  of  Maj.  John,  petitions 

for  husband's  release,  97 

Peter  de  la,  4  n 

Dr.  Robert,  son  of  John,  63  n,  67; 

paper  on,  by  G.  L.  Kittredge,  1-146; 
general  statement  of  Child's  work  and 
his  clash  with  the  government  of 
Massachusetts,  1-3;  sketch  of,  4-8, 
4  n-8  n;  his  religious  connection,  8-9; 
his  interest  in  chemistry,  alchemy, 
vine-growing,  etc.,  9,  9  n;  takes  part 
in  establishment  of  iron  works  in 
Massachusetts,  8-15;  H.  Peter's  let- 
ter concerning,  16;  purchases  rights 
under  Saco  patent,  1645,  16,  16  n, 
65  n;  with  others,  presents  to  the 
General  Court,  in  1646,  a  "Remon- 
strance and  humble  petition,"  de- 
manding rights  of  freemen  for  "all 
truely  English,"  with  extension  of 
church  privileges  and  English  law, 
17-18,  74;  his  associates  in  the  Re- 
monstrance, 20-27;  their  real  purpose 
the  establishment  of  the  Presbyterian 
Church  in  Massachusetts,  28-30,  85, 
86,  96;  summoned  by  the  General 
Court  and  given  opportunity  to  re- 
tract, which  is  refused,  31-32;  tried 
by  General  Court,  1646,  and  sen- 
tenced to  pay  fines,  37-39;  fines  not 
paid  and  Child  arrested  on  eve  of  de- 
parture for  England,  and  revolution- 
ary papers  seized,  39-41;  bound  over 
to  next  Court  of  Assistants,  41;  at 
Court  of  Assistants,  1647,  case  re- 
ferred to  next  General  Court,  and 
Child  imprisoned,  42;  two  cases 
against  him,  43;  his  hopes  dashed  by 
letter  from  the  English  commissioners 
to  the  Governor  and  Company,  48- 
50;  tried,  with  others,  a  second  time, 


INDEX 


•103 


CHILD  (continued) 

for  conspiracy  against  the  govern- 
ment and  sentenced,  1647,  50-56; 
payment  of  his  fine,  60,  61  n;  accused 
of  being  a  Jesuit,  61-63,  61  n;  his 
departure  from  New  England,  63; 
sale  of  his  Saco  lands,  63,  65,  65  n; 
his  discussion  of  caviare,  63;  end  of 
his  fight  over  the  Remonstrance,  64, 
65;  his  quarrel  with  F.  Willoughby, 
64;  his  reverses  of  fortune,  65;  his  pur- 
pose to  procure  abrogation  of  Massa- 
chusetts charter,  69,  70,  86;  wrong 
views  of  Child's  case,  74-76;  not  pun- 
ished for  petitioning,  76;  connection 
of  Child's  Remonstrance  and  the  Gor- 
ton petition,  80;  conspiracy  against 
the  government,  82;  the  Remon- 
strance intended  for  English  eyes, 
82-85,  87;  Child  violently  anti-Inde- 
pendent, 87;  no  champion  of  religious 
liberty,  83  n,  89  n,  91 ;  but  so  regarded 
by  some,  88  n;  his  friendship  with 
J.  Winthrop,  Jr.,  unbroken,  91,  92,  98, 
99;  from  England,  writes  of  lead  min- 
ing projects,  92,  99,  114;  of  political 
disturbances,  93;  interest  of,  in  al- 
chemy, agriculture,  etc.,  93,  93  n,  98, 
100;  J.  French's  book  dedicated  to, 
102,  102  n;  his  Large  Letter  concern- 
ing English  Husbandry  included  in 
Samuel  Hartlib  his  Legacy,  103-108; 
his  answer  to  A.  Boate's  annotations, 
109;  his  observations  on  New  Eng- 
land products,  110-112,  115;  goes  to 
Ireland  and  is  desired  by  Hartlib  to 
continue  G.  Boate's  Naturall  History 
of  Ireland,  99,  108,  119-122;  death 
of,  122;  never  married,  123;  his  al- 
chemical pursuits,  123-126,  128-131; 
rumor  that  he  discovered  secret  of 
transmutation,  133;  belief  that  he 
wrote  the  Philalethes  tracts,  133, 135- 
137,  140,  141,  144;  confusion  of,  with 
G.  Stirk  and  T.  Vaughan,  143-146; 
multifarious  interest  of  his  life,  146; 
acquaintance  of,  with  New  England 
men,  175,  175  n 

Thomas,  4  n 

Church,  Benjamin  (d  1718),  joins  in  pur- 
chase of  lands  at  Pocasset,  R.  I.,  299 n 

Cider,  R.  Child  quoted  on  making  of, 
5n 

Clap,  Roger  (d  1691),  302  n;  request  for 
land  grant  considered,  1687,  302 


Clarendon,  Earl  of.    See  Hyde 

Clark,  Katherine,  wife  of  William  (d 
1647),  52,  52  n 

Thomas,  assists  in  establishing  a 

Sunday  school  in  Christ  Church, 
Boston,  275  n 

William  (d  1647),  of  Salem,  an 

associate  of  the  Remonstrants  of 
1646,  42;  affairs  of,  at  Salem,  51,  51  n; 
active  regarding  petition  to  commis- 
sioners, 51;  death  of,  51 

Clarke,  Christopher,  assignment  of 
charter  party  to,  by  J.  Jackson, 
256,  257;  assigns  it  to  W.  Browne, 
257 

Nathaniel  (d  1718),  333  n;  Clark's 

Island,  Plymouth,  granted  to,  1688, 
333 

Thaddeus  (d  1690),  306,  308 

Thomas,  member  of  fur  trading 

company,  15  n 

Clay,  Henry,  444 

Cleeves,  George,  310,  310  n 

Clement  (Clements),  Richard,  306  n; 
warrants  to,  for  survey  of  land  grants, 
306,  307-312,  332 

Clements,  Robert  (d  1658),  connection 
of,  with  second  trial  of  the  Remon- 
strants of  1646,  55,  55  n,  56 

Cleverly,  John,  requests  land  grant, 
1688,  337 

Clod  (Clodius,  Claudius),  ,  Lon- 
don physician,  119  n 

Clogie,  Rev.  Alexander,  quoted,  on  A. 
Boate,  117  n 

Cloice  (Clayce,  Cloyes,  Cloyse),  Thomas 
(d  1690),  322  n,  344,  348;  land  grant 
to,  1688,  322 

Clotworthy,  Sir  John,  first  Viscount 
Massereene,  J.  Winthrop,  Jr.,  at 
house  of,  159;  letter  of,  quoted,  159  n; 
interested  in  S.  Hartlib,  159  n 

CLOUGH,  SAMUEL  CHESTER,  120  n; 
cited,  on  location  of  house  of  keeper 
of  Boston  prison,  1647,  43  n;  on  Com- 
mittee on  Memorials,  231;  exhibits 
his  map  of  Boston  in  1648,  and  speaks 
on  labor  involved  in  such  work,  251- 
254;  cited,  on  location  of  T.  Dawes's 
house,  Boston,  419  n 

Cobbet,  Rev.  Thomas,  Overseer  of  Har- 
vard College,  167  n 

Coddington,  William,  Governor  of 
Rhode  Island,  29  n,  100  n;  writes  of 
R.  Child,  100 


464 


INDEX 


Coe,  Elizabeth  (Wakely),  wife  of  Mat- 
thew, 348  n 

Matthew,  348,  348  n 

Cogswell,  Joseph  Green  (d  1871),  286 

Colegrove,  Kenneth,  his  paper,  New 
England  Town  Mandates,  411-449 

College,  the,  a  term  often  applied  to 
Harvard  College,  170  n 

Collier,  Rev.  William  (d  1843),  Sunday 
school  work  of,  276,  276  n,  277  n 

Ceilings,  Abraham,  land  grant  to,  1688, 
340 

Collins,  Edward  (d  1689),  356,  356  n 

Rev.  John  (H.  C.  1649),  recom- 
mends L.  Hoar  for  presidency  of  Har- 
vard College,  369  n 

Colman,  Rev.  Benjamin  (H.  C.  1692), 
380,  418 

COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS, 
Annual  Meeting,  403 

Auditing  Committee,  appointed, 

231;  report  of,  408 

Corresponding  Member,  death  of, 

410 

Corresponding  Secretary,  reports 

new  members,  1,  231;  election  of, 
408;  reports  death  of  member,  410. 
See  also  Park,  Charles  Edwards 

Council,  Annual  Report  of,  403- 

406;  member  of,  elected,  408 

Memorials,  Committee  on,  ap- 
pointed, 231 

Nominating  Committee,  ap- 
pointed, 231;  report  of,  408 

President,  231,  403,  410;  election 

of,  408.  See  also  Robinson,  Fred 
Norris 

Publications,  report  of  progress  on, 

404 

Recording  Secretary,  election  of, 

408.  See  also  Cunningham,  Henry 
Winchester 

Registrar,  election  of,  408.  See 

also  Johnson,  Alfred 

Resident  Members,  election  of,  1, 

231,404 

Stated  Meetings,  1,  231,  410 

Treasurer,  Annual  Report  of,  406- 

407;  election  of,  408.  See  also  Edes, 
Henry  Herbert 

Vice-Presidents,  election  of,  408. 

See  also  Davis,  Andrew  McFarland; 
Rugg,  Arthur  Prentice 

Colonies,  middle  and  southern  political 
conditions  in,  422,  442 


Comenius,  John  Amos,  154  n,  155  n, 
160  n;  and  Harvard  College,  paper 
by  A.  Matthews,  146-190;  C.  Math- 
er's statement  that  he  was  offered 
the  presidency  of  Harvard  College 
but  was  diverted  to  Sweden,  146, 155; 
this  not  mentioned  in  histories  of 
the  College,  147;  various  versions  of 
the-story,  147-150;  possible  sources, 
150  n;  Mather  apparently  only  au- 
thority, 148  n,  150,  150  n;  truth  of 
statement  doubted  by  W.  S.  Monroe 
and  P.  H.  Hanus,  151;  formal  offer 
not  possible,  154,  160,  163,  167; 
travels  of  Comenius  and  possibility 
of  meetings  with  J.  Winthrop,  Jr., 
who  may  have  mentioned  Harvard 
presidency  as  future  possibility,  155, 
157,  157  n,  159,  161  n,  163,  165-170, 
166  n;  losses  of,  in  sack  of  Lissa,  1656, 
160,  160  n;  date  of  his  birth,  163  n; 
hia  possible  personal  knowledge  of  or 
correspondence  with  New  England 
contemporaries,  170,  171,  177,  178; 
books  of,  early  owned  and  used  in 
New  England,  with  present  where- 
abouts and  former  owners  of,  179- 
186,  181  n,  182  n,  189 

Concord,  instruction  of,  to  deputy, 
1787,  428  n;  represented  by  non- 
resident deputy,  431 

Conference  of  Historical  Societies,  dele- 
gates to,  appointed,  410 

Congin  River,  Me.,  308  n 

Congregationalism  in  New  England,  as 
described  in  the  Remonstrance  of 
1646,  91  n 

Conti,  Natale,  works  of,  215 

Continental  Congress,  support  of,  voted 
by  Massachusetts  towns,  1776,  425 

Conybeare,  Frederick  Cornwallis,  409 

Cooke,  Elisha  (H.  C.  1657),  son  of 
Richard,  184,  184  n,  185,  185  n 

Elisha  (H.  C.  1697),  son  of  Elisha 

(H.  C.  1657),  184, 184  n,  185  n;  active 
in  politics,  430 

Elkanah,  son  of  Richard,  185 

Middlecott  (H.  C.  1723),  son  of 

Elisha  (H.  C.  1697),  185  n;  gives 
books  by  Comenius  to  Harvard  Col- 
lege, 184,  184  n 

Richard,  184 

family,  184  n 

Cooper,  Rev.  Samuel  (H.  C.  1743),  his 
pamphlet,  The  Crisis,  435  n 


INDEX 


465 


COOPER  (continued) 

William,      English     bookseller, 

quoted,   132 

-  William  (d  1809),  brother  of  Rev. 
Samuel  (H.  C.  1743),  419 

Copland,  Rev.  Patrick,  101 ;  quoted,  on 
voyage  of  the  Supply  to  England,  34  n 

Cork,  Earl  of.    See  Boyle,  Richard 

Corporation  for  Propagating  the  Gos- 
pel in  New  England,  187  n;  work  of, 
for  Indians,  187,  188 

Corwin,  John  (d  1683),  334  n 

Margaret    (Winthrop),    wife    of 

John  (d  1683),  334  n;  land  grant  to, 
1688,334 

Cotting,  John  Ruggles,  teacher  in 
Salem  Street  Academy  and  Salem 
Street  Sunday  school,  274,  275  n 

Cotton,  Rev.  John  (d  1652),  8,  175  n; 
quoted,  on  intolerance  in  New  Eng- 
land, 30  n;  warning  of,  to  persons 
carrying  complaints  to  Parliament, 
34,  35;  quoted,  on  Jesuit  feeling  to- 
ward New  England,  62;  invited  to 
England  to  advance  cause  of  the  In- 
dependents, 73;  controversial  writ- 
ings of,  74  n,  91 

Rev.  John  (H.  C.  1657),  son  of 

Rev.  John  (d  1652),  263  n;  quoted, 
on  catechizing  of  children  in  the 
First  Church,  Plymouth,  262  n,  263  n 

County,  shire,  or  parish,  basis  of  repre- 
sentation in  middle  and  southern 
colonies,  421 

Coxe,  Dr.  Daniel  (d  1730),  land  grant 
to,  1687,  304,  304  n 

Cramp-fish,  description  of,  246 

Cranberries,  R.  Child  quoted  on,  107; 
gift  of,  from  J.  Winthrop,  Jr.,  to  S. 
Hartlib,  171 

Creiling,  Johann  Conrad,  quoted,  on 
Philalethes  and  his  identity,  143 

Crisis,  The,  pamphlet  on  the  Excise 
Bill,  1754,  435  n 

Cromwell,  Oliver,  178 

Crossthwaite,  Charles,  land  grant  to, 
1687,304 

Cummings,  Rev.  Preston,  quoted,  on 
establishment  of  Sunday  schools, 
262  n,  263  n 

CUNNINGHAM,  HENRY  WINCHESTER, 
A.B.,  elected  Recording  Secretary,  408 

Curtis,  Jonathan,  land  grant  to,  1688, 
361 

— —  Thomas,  land  grant  to,  1688,  361 


Cushing,  Seth,  385  n 

Lt.-Gov.  Thomas,  419 

Cutler,  Dr.  Elbridge  Gerry,  409 

John,  Jr.  (d  1708),  297  n;  land 

grant  to,  1687,  297 


AMANT,  John,  259 

Damatt  (Damant),  surname  in  Ded- 
ham,  seventeenth  century,  259 

Dand,  John,  43,  89  n;  a  signer  of  the 
Remonstrance  of  1646, 17, 21,  22,  28, 
29,  67;  tried  and  sentenced,  37;  revo- 
lutionary papers  found  in  possession 
of,  39-41,  53  n,  54  n,  69,  85;  arrested, 
41,  42;  with  other  Remonstrants, 
tried  a  second  time  for  conspiracy 
against  the  government  and  sen- 
tenced, 1647,  50-56;  imprisonment 
and  release  of,  with  remission  of  fine, 
56,  59;  one  of  thirteen  petitioners  to 
the  Council  for  Foreign  Plantations, 
1661,  67 

Danforth,  Rev.  John  (d  1730),  son  of 
Rev.  Samuel  (d  1674),  138 

Rev.  Samuel  (d  1674),  395;  Fel- 
low and  Tutor  of  Harvard  College, 
368,  370,  370  n,  393,  396,  396  n,  401, 
402;  ordained  pastor  at  Roxbury,  368 

— • —  Judge  Samuel  (d  1777),  son  of  Rev. 
John  (d  1730),  137,  138  n,  140  n; 
sketch  of,  138;  a  student  of  alchemy, 
123,  126  n,  138;  his  library,  139 
Dr.  Samuel  (d  1827),  son  of  Judge 


Samuel  (d  1777),  139  n,  140  n;  sketch 
of,  139;  believed  Philalethes  to  be 
R.  Child,  140  , 

Thomas  (d  1699),  brother  of  Rev. 

Samuel  (d  1674),  189,  367  n;  quoted, 
on  L.  Hoar's  election  to  presidency  of 
Harvard  College  and  his  inaugura- 
tion, 366,  367;  named  as  treasurer  in 
Harvard  College  charter  of  1650,  396 

Dr.  Thomas,  son  of  Dr.  Samuel 

(d  1827),  139  n 

Dangerfield.    See  Truro 

Danson,  George,  303,  303  n;  land  grant 
to,  1687,  303 

Davenport,  Rev.  John  (d  1670),  21  n, 
26,  74  n,  158  n,  172  n;  invited  to  Eng- 
land to  advance  cause  of  the  Inde- 
pendents, 73;  anxious  to  have  a  col- 
loRe  founded  at  New  Haven,  170; 
letters  of,  to  J.  Winthrop,  Jr.,  quoted, 
171,  172,  173;  friend  of  J.  Durie  and 


466 


INDEX 


DAVENPORT  (continued) 
Sir  W.  Boswell,   173  n;  S.  Mather 
quoted  on  letter  of,  to  Durie,  173  n; 
book  by  Comenius  sent  to,  by  S. 
Hartlib,  180 

John  (H.  C.   1721),.  at  Harvard 

College,  186 

DAVIS,  ANDREW  MCFARLAND,  A.M., 
195,  207;  prints  from  original  record, 
list  of  books  given  to  Harvard  Col- 
lege by  J.  Harvard,  191;  his  egtimate 
of  their  number,  191 ;  quoted,  on  Har- 
vard College  charter  of  1672,  374, 
378;  his  statements  answered,  382, 
393;  elected  Vice-President,  408 

Benjamin  (d  1704),  301  n;  land 

grant  to,  1687,  301  * 

Edward,  land  grant  to,  1688,  324 

Isaac,  340 

John,  1659,  256 

John  (H.  C.  1781),  367,  371  n; 

quoted,  on  L.  Hoar's  election  to  presi- 
dency of  Harvard  College  and  his  in- 
auguration, 364;  on  committee  (1812) 
to  defend  rights  of  Harvard  College 
before  the  General  Court,  371 

Lawrence,  343 

Silvanus  (d  1703),  306  n,  317,  321, 

322,  325,  329,  340,  342,  350;  land 
grant  to,  1687,  306;  his  sawmill,  308, 
348 

Dawes,  Thomas  (d  1809),  sketch  of,  418, 
418  n,  419  n 

William  (d  1703),  manager  of  iron 

works  in  Massachusetts,  13  n 

Deane,  Silas,  438 

Dedham,  early  surnames  in,  259;  land 
grant  to,  at  Pocumtuck,  450 

Dedham  Historical  Society,  secures 
scrap-book,  originally  an  account  book 
•of  G.  Townsend,  containing  extract 
from  diary  of  J.  Townsend,  relating 
to  Lydia  Chickering,  449 

Denis,  Robert,  358 

De  Normandie,  Rev.  James,  claims 
First  Church,  Roxbury,  had  first 
Sunday  school  in  the  new  world, 
261 

Deptford,  R.  I.,  295  n;  sometimes 
wrongly  called  Bedford,  295  n 

Derby,  John  Barton,  451 

Mary  (Townsend),  wife  of  John 

B.,  scrap-book  made  by,  451 

Devereux,  Col.  Nicholas,  97 

De  Vic,  Sir  Henry,  164 


Dexter,  Rev.  Henry  Martyn,  quoted, 
on  the  Remonstrants  of  1646,  30  n 

Digby,  Sir  Kenelm  (d  1665),  7,  7  n,  128, 
175  n,  178;  extraordinary  stories  told 
by,  115;  his  alchemical  pursuits,  124; 
friend  of  J.  Winthrop,  Jr.,  175 

Dircks,  Henry,  107  n 

Dixwell,  John,  regicide,  comes  to  New 
England,  451 

Dolphin,  description  of,  239 

Dorchester,  land  grant  in,  1687,  302; 
1688,  356 

Douglass,  Dr.  William,  quoted,  on  J. 
Winthrop,  Jr.,  128  n 

Dover,  N.  H.,  instructs  its  deputy,  1658, 
416 

Downame  (Downham),  Rev.  John,  his 
Christian  Warfare,  owned  by  J.  Har- 
vard, now  extant,  192,  204,  206 

Downing,  Emanuel,  175;  his  connection 
with  the  attempt  at  iron  manufacture 
in  Massachusetts,  10  n,  11, 11  n,  12  n, 
14;  signs  petition  for  alteration  of 
laws  against  Anabaptists,  1645,  23  n; 
agent  in  England  for  promoting  lead- 
mining  schemes  of  J.  Winthrop,  Jr., 
114;  letter  of,  to  J.  Winthrop,  Jr., 
quoted,  158  n 

Lucy  (Winthrop),  wife  of  Eman- 
uel, 157  n;  letter  of,  to  J.  Winthrop, 
Jr.,  quoted,  160  n 

Downshire,  Marquesses  of,  descendants 
of  Col.  Arthur  Hill,  121 

Dowse,  William  Bradford  Homer,  409 

Draper,  John  (d  1762),  433 

Duane,  Rev.  Charles  Williams,  quoted, 
on  Christ  Church  Sunday  school, 
275  n 

Du  Bartas,  Guillaume  de  Saluste,  233 

Duck  Manufactory,  gentlemen  proprie- 
tors of,  request  approbation  of  the 
selectmen  of  Boston  for  a  Sunday 
school,  280 

Dudley,  Gov.  Joseph,  son  of  Gov. 
Thomas,  292,  293,  295  n,  304  n,  432; 
land  grants  to,  1687,  298,  304;  1688, 
313,  314 

Mary  (Winthrop),  first  wife  of 

Rev.  Samuel,  son  of  Gov.  Thomas, 
letter  of,  quoted,  158  n 

Gov.  Thomas,  8,  175  n,  393;  mem- 
ber of  committee  to  answer  the  Re- 
monstrance of  1646,  30 

Dummer,  Richard  (d  1678),  16  n;  con- 
nection of,  with  second  trial  of  the 


INDEX 


DUMMER  (continued) 

Remonstrants  of  1646,  55,  55  n,  56, 
331  n 

Rev.  Shubael  (H.  C.  1656),  son  of 

Richard  (d  1678),  331  n;  land  grant 
to,  1688,  331 

Lt.-Gov.  William,  380 

Duncan,  Nathaniel,  on  committee  to 
answer  the  Remonstrance  of  1646, 
30 

Dunster,  Rev.  Henry,  President  of  Har- 
vard College,  149,  154  n,  167,  190, 
395;  his  connection  with  the  Ana- 
baptists, 146,  148  n;  his  resignation, 
1654,  146,  147,  148,  151,  152,  153, 
154,  168;  manner  of  his  election,  367; 
of  his  resignation,  368;  whips  students, 
377  n 

Dunton,  John  (d  1733)  Again,  paper  by 
C.  N.  Greenough,  232-251;  his  visit 
to  New  England,  and  accounts  of  it, 
in  his  Life  and  Errors,  and  Letters 
from  New  England,  232;  suspicious 
character  of  his  descriptions  of  sea 
animals  alleged  to  have  been  seen  on 
his  voyage,  232-234;  much  of  his 
matter  borrowed  from  older  books, 
by  T.  Roe,  J.  Swan,  and  D.  Pell,  234, 
235;  borrowings  shown  by  arrange- 
ment of  parallel  columns,  236-249; 
summary  of  his  indebtedness,  249; 
method  of  finding  his  sources,  250; 
his  extraordinary  methods,  251 

Lake,  brother  of  John,  232 

Durant,  Moses,  land  grant  to,  1688,  326 

Durie  (Dury),  Rev.  John,  son  of  Rev. 
Robert,  friend  of  S.  Hartlib,  161  n, 
180;  in  correspondence  with  New 
England  clergy,  172,  172  n,  173  n; 
sketch  of,  173  n 

Rev.  Robert,  173  n 

Dutch  West  India  Company,  letter  of, 
to  P.  Stuyvesant,  1662,  cited,  162  n 

Dymock,  Cressy,  107  n 


dATON,  Ann  Yale,  second  wife  of 
Theophilus,  tried  by  New  Haven 
church,  1644,  27 

Rev.  Asa,  273  n;  establishes  a 

Sunday  school  in  Christ  Church,  Bos- 
ton, 273,  275  n;  publishes  the  Youth's 
Manual  for  its  use,  274 

Nathaniel,  brother  of  Theophilus, 

5n 


EATON  (continued) 

Samuel,  son  of  Theophilus,  170  n, 

Theophilus,    Governor    of    New 

Haven,  27,  158  n,  161  n,  170  n;  ar- 
rives in  Connecticut,  26 

Eclipse,  The,  pamphlet  on  the  Excise 
Bill,  1754,  435  n 

EDES,  HENRY  HERBERT,  A.M.,  1; 
elected  Treasurer,  408;  reads  two 
papers  regarding  early  record  books 
of  Middlesex  County,  452 

Edgar,  Eliaz.,  103  n,  104  n 

Edmonds,  John  Henry,  409 

Edmunds,  Robert,  332 

Election  law  of  1716,  in  Maryland, 
422n 

Eleuthera,  one  of  the  Bahama  Islands, 
people  from,  settled  at  North  Yar- 
mouth, Me.,  339,  339  n 

Ellas  (Helias)  Artista,  mythical  adept 
in  alchemy,  traditions  concerning, 
129,  131,  132,  133;  title  bestowed  on 
Eirenspus  Philalethes  (G.  Stirk),  132 

Eliot,  Charles  William,  President  of 
Harvard  College,  son  of  Samuel  At- 
kins (d  1862),  quoted,  as  to  S.  A. 
Eliot's  authorship  of  statement  about 
Comenius,  147  n 

Rev.  John  (d  1690),  charges  the 

petitioners  of  1646  with  being  Jes- 
uited  agents,  62;  quoted,  on  E.  Wins- 
low's  conduct  of  the  case,  65;  on  reli- 
gious instruction  of  youth  on  Sunday, 
260,  261 

Rev.  John  (d  1813),  quoted,  on 

S.  Danforth,  138 

Samuel  Atkins  (d  1862),  possible 

author  of  statement  about  Comenius, 
147  n 

Elizabeth,  Queen  of  England,  359  n; 
book  approved  by,  for  schools,  193 

Ellicott,  Vines,  Hog  Island,  Me., 
granted  to,  1688,  326 

Elliot,  Robert  (d  1720),  330  n;  land 
grant  to,  1688,  330 

Embargo  Law,  petitions  against,  1808, 
445,  445  n 

England,  use  of  mandates  to  represent- 
atives in,  seventeenth  and  eighteenth 
centuries,  422 

Commissioners    for    Plantations, 

letters  of,  to  the  Governor  and  Com- 
pany of  Massachusetts,  concerning 
appeals  to  Parliament  in  matters 


468 


INDEX 


ENGLAND  (continued) 

under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Massa- 
chusetts government,  48-50,  64 

Long  Parliament,  71 

Parliament,    electoral    reform   of 

1832,  440 

English,  James,  land  grant  to,  1687, 
306 

William,  connection  of,  with  sec- 
ond trial  of  the  Remonstrants  of 
1646,  55,  55  n 

Euer, ,  130 

Evanson,  Capt. ,  94 

Evelyn,  John,  quoted,  on  A.  Boate, 
117  n 

Everett,  Joanna  (Prince),  wife  of  Eben- 
ezer,  active  in  organizing  a  Sunday 
school  in  Beverly,  1810,  265  n 

Eyers, ,  302 

Eyre,  Charles,  printer  of  Bibles,  290, 
290n 

John  (d  1700),  351  n;  land  grant 

to,  1688,  351 


E 


ABRE,  Dr.  Pierre  Jean,  9,  9  n 

Fairbanks,  George,  314 

Fairfield,  William,  419 

Fairfield,  Ct.,  recalls  deputies,  1687,  426 

Falmouth  (Portland),  Me.,  establish- 
ment of,  1658,  293;  land  grants  in, 
1687,  306,  308,  309;  1688,  316,  317, 
319-325,  329,  330,  332,  337-350 

Fort  Loyal,  306,  306  n,  308,  338 

Fanshawe,  Ann,  Lady,  quoted,  on  Sir 
K.  Digby's  story-telling  habits,  115 

Farwell,  George,  land  grant  to,  1688, 
361 

JOHN  WHITTEMORE,  Litt.B.,  ex- 
hibits charter  party  (dated  1659), 
between  J.  Jackson,  master  of  the 
Ketch  Rebecca,  and  M.  Munnings, 
merchant,  in  behalf  of  J.  Allen,  254- 
257 

Fast  Days,  appointed  by  General  Court, 
1646,  36 

Fearing,  Daniel  Butler,  his  collection  of 
books  on  angling,  in  Harvard  College 
Library,  250,  250  n 

Felt,  George  (d  1676),  350,  351;  mar- 
riage of,  350  n 

George,  son  of  George  (d  1676), 

350  n;  land  grant  to,  1688,  350 

Jonathan,  son  of  George  (d  1676), 

350  n;  land  grant  to,  1688,  350 


FELT  (continued) 

—  Rev.  Joseph  Barlow,  quoted,  on 
fear  of  Jesuits  in  New  England,  62  n 

Samuel,  son  of  George  (d  1676), 

350  n;  land  grant  to,  1688,  350 

Ferdinand  III,  Emperor  of  the  Holy 
Roman  Empire,  his  alleged  use  of 
alchemic  gold,  129,  130 

Ferguson,  John,  145,  145  n 

Ferrar,  Virginia,  experiments  with  silk- 
worms, 104,  105  n 

Feversham,  R.  I.,  land  grants  in,  1687, 
295;  sometimes  wrongly  called  Haver- 
sham,  295  n 

Field,  Darby,  15 

Fiennes,  William,  first  Viscount  Saye 
and  Sele,  with  Lord  Brooke  commis- 
sions J.  Winthrop,  Jr.,  to  found  and 
govern  a  colony  in  Connecticut,  159, 
164;  correspondent  of  Winthrop,  178 

Figuier,  Guillaume  Louis,  his  account 
of  Philalethes,  145,  145  n 

Fines,  as  punishment,  at  Harvard  Col- 
lege, 374,  376-377 

Firmin,  Giles,  quoted,  on  H.  Peter,  30  n 

Fish,  as  fertilizer,  106 

Fisher,  Daniel  (d  1683),  449,  452 

Daniel,  son  of  Daniel  (d  1683), 

450 

Lydia,  daughter  of  Daniel  (d  1683). 

See  Chickering 

Fiske,  William,  connection  of,  with  sec- 
ond trial  of  the  Remonstrants  of  1646, 
55,  55  n 

Flajshans,  V&clav,  cited,  on  Comenius, 
150  n 

Fleet,  Thomas  (d  1758),  433 

Fludd,  Dr.  Robert  (d  1637),  a  Rosicru- 
cian,  100,  129 

Flying  fish,  description  of,  236 

Flynt,  Henry  (H.  C.  1693),  381,  381  n, 
383 

Foley,  Thomas,  13  n 

Foot,  Joshua,  13 

Fowle,  Thomas,  25,  36,  37,  37  n,  39  n, 
50;  a  signer  of  the  Remonstrance  of 
1646,  17,  23,  28,  29,  29  n,  67;  ship  of, 
attached  by  Alderman  Barclay,  of 
London,  29  n;  summoned  to  Court 
in  matter  of  the  Remonstrance,  31- 
32,  32  n,  33;  sails  for  England,  33,  35; 
work  of,  there,  for  the  Remonstrance, 
47;  ill  fortune  of,  64 

Foxcroft,  John  (d  1802),  453 

Foy,  Capt. ,  53,  53  n,  54 


INDEX 


-ill!) 


For  (continued) 

Dorothy,  wife  of  Capt.  John 

(d  1715),  63  n 

Capt.  John  (d  1715),  53  n 

Capt.  John  (d  1730),  son  of  Capt. 

John  (d  1715),  53  n 

Franchise,  in  New  England  colonies, 
441 

Franklin,  Benjamin,  433;  scorns  al- 
chemy, 126  n 

James,  brother  of  Benjamin,  his 

course  as  publisher  of  New  England 
Courant,  433 

Frederick  III  (d  1659),  Duke  of  Hol- 
stein-Gottorp,  129;  correspondent  of 
J.  Winthrop,  Jr.,  131,  131  n 

Freeholders,  in  New  England  colonies, 
proportion  of,  441,  441  n 

Freeman's  oath,  51,  54  n,  82 

Freeport,  Me.,  Indian  name  of,  339  n 

French,  Dr.  John  (d  1657),  dedicates 
book  to  R.  Child,  102,  102  n 

Fresh  River,  Dutch  name  for  the  Con- 
necticut, 163,  163  n 

Fuchs,  Georg  Friedrich  Christian,  137 


"AGE,     Gen.     Thomas,    summons 

House  of  Representatives  to  meet  at 

Salem,  437;  interdicts  town-meetings, 

440 
Gale,   Edmund,   316;   land   grant  to, 

1688,  333 

Galilei,  Galileo,  178 
Gannett,  Rev.  Ezra  Stiles,  letter  of  Rev. 

C.  Lowell  to,  277 

Garbet,  Dr. ,  93,  98 

Gardener,  Henry,  quoted,  on  treatment 

of  Church  of  England  men,  in  Massa- 
chusetts, 31 
GARDINER,  ROBERT  HALLOWELL,  A.B., 

on  Committee  on  Memorials,  231 

Samuel  Rawson,  235  n 

Gary,  Nathaniel,  298,  298  n 
Gaston,  William  Alexander,  418  n 
Gavius  of  Consa,  81 
Gay,  Frederick  Lewis,  his  knowledge  of 

R.  Child's  work,  108 
Gedney,  Bartholomew  (d  1698),  328  n; 

land  grant  to,  1688,  328 
Geer,  Laurence  de,  son  of  Ludwig  de, 

160 
Ludwig  de,  160;  agent  of  Swedish 

government  in  negotiation  with  Co- 

menius,  150,  150  n,  166 


Geese,  legend  that  barnacles  develop 
into,  115,  116 

Gendall,  Walter  (d  1688),  296,  311  n, 
332,  338  n,  339,  340,  347;  land  grant 
to,  1687,  311;  1688,  329,  338 

George  II,  King  of  England,  290  n 

George  III,  King  of  England,  445 

Gessman,  Gustav  W.,  his  account  of 
Philalethes,  145 

Gibbons,  Edward,  connection  of,  with 
second  trial  of  the  Remonstrants  of 
1646,  55,  55  n 

Gifford,  John,  65  n;  manager  of  iron 
works,  12, 13, 13  n,  14;  one  of  thirteen 
petitioners  to  the  Council  for  Foreign 
Plantations,  1661,  67,  67  n;  various 
projects  of,  67^  n 

Gilbert,  William,  land  grant  to,  1688, 347 

Gillam,  Benjamin,  16  n 

Gilman,  Arthur,  quoted,  on  book  by 
Comenius  in  Gilman  family,  182  n 

Joseph  (<f  1823),  182  n 

Rev.  Nicholas  (d  1748),  182  n 

Glauber,  Johann  Rudolf,  178 

Gloucester,  recalls  representative,  1644, 
425;  this  action  not  sustained  by  Gen- 
eral Court,  425 

Godfrey,  Edward,  Governor  of  Maine, 
one  of  thirteen  petitioners  to  the 
Council  for  Foreign  Plantations,  1661, 
67,  67  n 

Goffe,  William,  regicide,  service  of 
Fisher  family  to,  449—451 

Gold,  transmutation  of  other  metals  in- 
to. See  Transmutation  of  metals 

Golding,  Rev.  William,  33,  34  n 

Goodenow,  John,  of  Needham,  452 

Goodwin,  Rev.  John  (d  1665),  a  leader 
of  Independency,  21,  21  n 

William  Watson,  333  n 

Gookin,  Daniel  (d  1687),  his  account  of 
J.  Jacoomis  and  C.  Cheeshahteau- 
muck,  187-189 

Goose  livers,  R.  Child's  opinion  of,  as  a 
delicacy,  6 

Gordon,  Rev.  William,  quoted,  on  town- 
meetings,  417 

Gore,  John  (d  1705),  303  n;  warrants  to, 
for  survey  of  land  grants,  303-305 

Gorton,  Samuel,  references  to  his  quar- 
rel with  the  Massachusetts  Bay  Col- 
ony, 19,  25,  30,  44,  44  n,  45, 46  n,  47, 
48,  49,  64,  65,  66;  Maj.  J.  Child's 
opinion  of,  46;  appeals  to  Commis- 
sioners for  Plantations,  79,  80 


470 


IXDEX 


Goshen,  in  1811,  instructs  represents 
tives,  446 

Governor's  Ring,  mountain,  East  Had- 
darn,  Ct.,  127,  128,  169  n 

Grahame,  James,  quoted,  on  transfer  of 
R.  Vines's  interest  in  Saco  patent  to 
R.  Child,  16  n,  65  n;  on  intolerance  in 
colonial  times,  85  n 

GRAY,  MORRIS,  LL.B.,  404;  elected 
Resident  Member,  1;  accepts,  231 

Greason,  Robert,  348,  348  n 

Great  Britain.    See  England 

GREEN,  SAMUEL  SWETT,  A.M.,  tribute 
to,  404 

Timothy  (d  1763),  partnership  of, 

with  S.  Kneeland,  290  n 

Greene,  John,  associate  of  S.  Gorton,  44 

Nathaniel,  356  . 

GREENOUQH,  CHESTER  NOTES,  Ph.D., 
on  Nominating  Committee,  231,  408; 
his  paper,  John  Dunton  Again,  232- 
251 

Greenwich,  R.  I.,  name  changed  to 
Deptford,  1686,  295  n 

Greville,  Robert,  second  Baron  Brooke, 
with  Lord  Saye  and  Sele  commis- 
sions J.  Winthrop,  Jr.,  to  found 
and  govern  a  colony  in  Connecti- 
cut, 159,  164;  correspondent  of  Win- 
throp, 178 

Gross,  Pastor,  alleged  transmutation  of 
tin  and  mercury  into  gold,  in  presence 
of,  134,  134  n,  144 

Gruterus,  Janus,  193 

Guise,  Charles  de  Lorraine,  Duke  of, 
176  n 


.ADLEY,  refuge  of  regicides,  450 
Hale,   Rev.   Edward  Everett    (H.   C. 

1839),  156  n 

Hales,  John  Groves,  his  survey  of  Bos- 
ton, 1814,  252 

Hammersmith,  iron  works  at,  12,  14 
Hammond,  Franklin  Tweed,  409 
Hampton,  N.  H.,  instructs  representa- 
tive, 1655,  416 

Hancock,  Belcher  (d  1771),  son  of 
Nathaniel  (d  1755),  383  n,  384  n, 
385  n;  elected  tutor  at  Harvard  Col- 
lege, 383 

Gov.  John,  285  n,  419;  Bible  said 

to  have  been  possessed  by,  printed  in 
Boston,  1752,  not  discoverable,  285, 
286;  Harvard  College  record  books 


HANCOCK  (continued) 
carried  off  by,  392  n;  restored  about 
1862,  392  n 

—  Lydia      (Henchman),      wife     of 
Thomas,  uncle  of  Gov.  John,  285  n 

Thomas,  uncle  of  Gov.  John,  285  n 

Hanover,  Va.,  Sunday  school  estab- 
lished in,  1785,  262  n 

Hanson,  Alexander  Contee,  opposes 
right  to  instruct  representatives,  443 

Rev.  Harold  Libby,  276  n;  quoted, 

on  Sunday  school  of  the  First  Baptist 
Church  in  Charlestown,  275 

Hanus,  Paul  Henry,  182  n;  quoted,  on 
Comenius,  148;  doubts  offer  of  presi- 
dency of  Harvard  College  to  him,  151 ; 
quoted,  on  use  of  his  text-books  in 
America,  179;  on  Harvard  College 
customs,  about  1731,  186 

Harding,  Capt.  Thomas,  33,  33  n;  sent 
against  Narragansett  Indians,  1645, 
44  n 

Harris,  John,  land  grant  to,  1688,  342 

Harriseket,  Indian  name  of  Freeport, 
Me.,  339  n 

Harte,  Rev.  Walter,  107  n;  commends 
R.  Child's  Large  Letter  concerning 
English  Husbandry,  105 

Hartlib,  Samuel,  98  n,  115,  116,  120  n, 
172,  172  n,  176;  friend  of  R.  Child,  1, 
98,  175  n;  his  Legacie:  or  Discourse 
of  Husbandry,  including  R.  Child's 
Large  Letter,  5,  6  n,  103,  103  n,  107, 
107  n,  108,  108  n,  109;  letter  of,  to 
Child,  urging  his  consideration  of 
Irish  natural  history  and  husbandry, 
108,  115;  quoted,  on  death  of  A. 
Boate,  119;  desires  Child  and  R. 
Boyle  to  continue  G.  Boate's  Naturall 
History  of  Ireland,  119,  122,  122  n, 
166  n,  175;  Sir  J.  Clotworthy's  inter- 
est in,  159  n;  letter  of,  to  J.  Winthrop, 
Jr.,  cited,  160  n;  letter  of,  to  J.  Pell, 
quoted,  161  n;  association  of,  with 
Comenius,  165,  166,  171 ;  friend  of  J. 
Winthrop,  Jr.,  171, 172, 174, 177, 178; 
of  J.  Davenport,  172,  174;  of  Sir  K. 
Digby,  175  n;  quoted,  on  Comenius, 
176;  sends  book  by  Comenius  to  J. 
Davenport,  180;  issues  English  trans- 
lation of  book  by  Comenius,  184 

Harvard,  Rev.  John,  owned  book  by 
Comenius,  179;  catalogue  of  his  li- 
brary, by  A.  C.  Potter,  190-227;  only 
one  or  two  books  now  extant,  192, 


INDEX 


471 


HARVARD  (continued) 

204,  206;  character  of  his  books,  192; 
list  of  authors,  editors,  etc.,  men- 
tioned in  catalogue,  228-230;  rela- 
tives of  Harvard  victims  of  the  plague 
1625,  212;  a  play  among  his  books, 
acted  while  he  was  a  student  at  Cam- 
bridge, 220 

Harvard  College,  C.  Mather's  statement 
that  presidency  of,  was  offered  to  J.  A. 
Comenius,  146;  this  not  mentioned 
in  the  college  histories,  147;  President 
Dunster's  resignation,  1654,  146,  152, 
153,  154;  C.  Chauncy  inaugurated, 
1654,  147,  154;  New  Haven  Colony 
contributes  to  support  of,  170  n;  often 
referred  to  as  "the  college,"  170  n; 
first  LL.D.  granted  by,  1773,  177  n; 
text-books  by  Comenius  perhaps  used 
in,  179;  original  record  of  books  given 
by  J.  Harvard,  190;  water-color  view 
of,  about  1807,  exhibited  by  W.  Lin- 
coln, 257;  print  of  this  view  in  the 
College  Library,  257;  record  book 
destroyed  in  fire  of  1764,  365  n;  low 
condition  of,  in  1672,  369;  London 
ministers  interested  in,  and  recom- 
mend L.  Hoar  for  President,  369  n; 
punishments  used  at  and  power  of 
punishment,  376;  water-color  view  of, 
by  H.  d'Orgemont,  1795,  exhibited 
by  W.  C.  Lane,  410 

Board  of  Overseers,    152;   elects 

C.  Chauncy  President,  1654, 147, 153, 
154;  accepts  President  Dunster's  res- 
ignation, 153,  154;  composition  of 
first  board  and  its  reorganization,  167; 
powers  given  to,  by  General  Court, 
168;  action  of,  on  President's  salary, 
1672,  365  n;  question  of  election  of 
L.  Hoar  as  President  by,  367-370; 
act  of  General  Court,  1810,  reorgan- 
izing the  board,  repealed,  1812,  371- 
372;  powers  of,  376,  384,  386,  387 

Catalogues,  notes  on,  366  n,  373  n 

Charters:  some  provisions  of  the 

charter  of  1650,  167,  367;  A.  Mat- 
thews's  paper,  The  Harvard  College 
Charter  of  1672,  363-402;  this  char- 
ter first  mentioned  in  College  publi- 
cations in  1812,  370-371 ;  statements 
of  the  Corporation  regarding  the 
charters,  371-372;  quotations  from 
Peirce,  Quincy,  and  others  declaring 
that  the  charter  of  1672  was  not  r«-- 


HARVARD  COLLEGE  (continued) 

corded  by  the  College,  was  without 
validity,  etc.,  373-375;  summary  of 
points  asserted,  375;  these  points  an- 
swered, 375-388;  ten  copies  of  the 
charter  of  1672  described,  388-391; 
error  of  historians  regarding  it,  391; 
purpose  of  this  charter,  393;  draught 
of  charter  of  1672  reproduced,  394; 
text  of  charters  of  1650  and  1672, 
395-402 

Corporation,    168;    provisions   of 

charter  of  1650  concerning,  167,  367; 
members  of,  1672,  368;  question  of 
election  of  L.  Hoar  as  President  by, 
367-370;  statement  of,  1812,  con- 
cerning charters  of  the  college,  371; 
appoints  committee  to  defend  rights 
of  the  College  before  the  General 
Court,  1812,  371 ;  publishes  pamphlet, 
The  Constitution  of  the  University, 
1812,  372,  372  n;  powers  of,  under 
various  charters,  375-377,  386,  387; 
official  name  of,  not  clearly  fixed  in 
early  times,  378,  378  n;  number  of 
members  of,  379;  vote  of,  regarding 
preservation  of  college  documents, 
392  n;  right  of,  to  elect  presidents, 
393;  members  of,  1692-1700,  ap- 
pointed by  General  Court,  393 
—  Fellows,  care  of  the  college  com- 
mitted to,  in  interim  of  presidencies, 
1654,  153,  154;  early  position  of,  168; 
names  of,  1672,  368;  grading  of,  370  n 

Harvard  Hall,  T.  Dawes's  receipts 

for  work  on,  419  n 

Laws,  extract  from  earliest  code 

of,  376 

Library,  books  by  Comenius  in, 

179,  184-186;  J.  Harvard's  books  be- 
queathed to,  remarks  on,  and  cata- 
logue of,  by  A.  C.  Potter,  190-227; 
catalogue  of  library  published,  1723, 
191;  destruction  by  fire,  1764,  192, 
206;  the  Fearing  Collection  on  an- 
gling, 250 

President,   salary  of,   1672,  365, 

365  n,  374 

Widener  Memorial  Building,  book 

given  by  J.  Harvard  the  first  carried 
into,  206 

Hastings,  Jonathan  (H.  C.  1730),  258  n 

Hathorne,  William  (d  1681),  65  n;  pro- 
moter of  fur  trading  company,  1645, 
16  n 


472 


IXDEX 


Havers,  George,  translator  of  the  Viaggi 
of  Pietro  della  Valle,  234,  234  n 

Havereham,  a  name  sometimes  wrongly 
given  to  Feversham,  R.  I.,  259  n 

Hawkins,  Capt.  Thomas  (d  1648),  34  n 

HAYNES,  GEORGE  HENRY,  Ph.D.,  115 

Hayward,  William,  256-257 

Helbig,  Johann  Otto  von,  136  n;  cited, 
on  the  Philalethes  tracts,  136;  pas- 
sage quoted,  in  Dr.  S.  Bellingham's 
translation,  136  n 

Helmont,  Jan  Baptista  van,  119,  128  n; 
alchemist,  129,  144;  correspondent  of 
J.  Winthrop,  Jr.,  178,  179 

Helvetius,  Johann  Friedrich,  143;  his 
alchemical  work,  and  tract,  The  Gol- 
den Calf,  132  . 

Henchman,  Daniel  (d  1761),  285,  285  n 

Lydia,    daughter    of    Daniel    (d 

1761).    See  Hancock 

HENSHAW,  SAMUEL,  A.M.,  250  n 

Hertodt,  Johann  Ferdinand.  See  Tod- 
tenfeld,  Johann  Ferdinand  Hertodt 
von 

Hewes,  Joshua,  15  n 

Heydon,  John,  practices  astromancy 
and  geomancy,  125,  125  n 

HIGGINSON,  HENRY  LEE,  LL.D.,  death 
of,  xv,  405 

Hill,  Col.  Arthur,  son  of  Sir  Moyses, 
Irish  landowner  and  friend  of  R. 
Child,  121-123 

Hamilton   Andrews,    quoted,    on 

the  Boston  Society  for  the  Moral  and 
Religious  Instruction  of  the  Poor,  268 

Hannah,   active  in  organizing  a 

Sunday  school  in  Beverly,  1810,  265  n 

Sir  Moyses,  121 

Richard/writes  to  J.  Winthrop,  Jr., 

on  black  lead  in  New  England,  114 
-  Valentine  (d  1662),  15  n 

Hillsborough,  Viscounts  and  Earls  of, 
descendants  of  Col.  Arthur  Hill,  121  n 

Hinckes,  John,  305  n;  land  grant  to, 
1687,  305 

Hingham,  troubles  incident  to  a  mili- 
tary election  at,  17  n,  and  petition 
sent  to  England,  1645,  25,  26 

Hoar,  Rev.  Leonard,  President  of  Har- 
vard College,  363  n,  378  n,  391,  396, 
401,  402;  questions  connected  with 
his  administration,  363;  sketch  of, 
363;  invited  to  ministry  of  Old  South 
Church,  but  released  to  accept  presi- 
dency of  Harvard  College,  363,  365; 


HOAR  (continiied) 

his  election  and  inauguration,  364, 
366,  366  n,  367,  374;  his  salary,  365; 
quoted,  on  accepting  the  position, 
366,  369;  question  of  the  manner  of 
his  election,  364,  367-370;  difficulties 
confronting  him  and  his  probable  de- 
sire for,  and  work  upon,  a  new  char- 
ter, 1672,  374,  393;  handwriting  of, 
391  n 

Hobart.    See  also  Hubbard 

—  Joshua,    brother   of   Rev.    Peter 
(d  1679),  38  n,  55  n 

—  Rev.  Peter  (d  1679),  practice  of, 
concerning  baptism,  24,-  24  n;  takes 
part  in  quarrel  about  a  military  elec- 
tion in  Hingham  and  joins  in  petition 
to  England,  1645,  25,  26,  35;  refuses 
to  observe  fast  day  appointed  in  De- 
cember, 1646,  36 

Peter  (d  1879),  271  n;  cited,  on 


early  history  of  Park  Street  Church 

and  Sunday  school,  270  n 
Hogg,  Daniel,  land  grant  to,  1688,  .326 
Hogg  Island,   Mass.,  land  grants  on, 

1688,360 
Hog  Island,  Me.,  grant  of,  to  V.  Ellicott, 

1688,  326 
Holden,  Randall,  associate  of  S.  Gorton, 

44,  79,  80;  manifesto  of,  quoted,  80  n 
Hollman,  John,  land  grant  to,  1688,  343 
Holyoke,  Rev.  Edward,  President  of 

Harvard  College,  379;  statement  of, 

concerning   storage   of   N.    Prince's 

goods,  383  n 

Hook,  Rev.  William  (d  1677),  172, 172  n 
Hooke,  Francis  (d  1694),  marriage  of, 

57  n 
Mary  (Maverick)  Palsgrave,  wife 

of  Francis  (d  1694),  petition  of,  to 

Andros,  57,  57  n 
Hooker,  Rev.  Thomas  (d  1647),  74  n, 

invited  to  England  to  advance  cause 

of  the  Independents,  73 
Hopkins,  Ann,  wife  of  Gov.  Edward, 

27  n 
Edward,  Governor  of  Connecticut, 

27  n,  41,  169  n 
Horace,  quoted,  182  n 
Horr,  Rev.  George  Edwin,  quoted,  on 

Sunday  school  of  the  First  Baptist 

Church  of  Charlestown,  276 
Housing,  Peter  (d  c  1673),  338,  338  n 
Peter,  son  of  Peter  (d  c  1673),  land 

grant  to,  1688,  337 


INDEX 


473 


Howard,  Robert,  256 

William.    See  Hayward,  William 

Howchin,  Jeremy  (d  1670),  13 

Howell,  John,  land  grant  to,  1688,  318 

Howes,  Edward,  15,  15  n;  friend  of  J. 
Winthrop,  Jr.,  and  student  of  alchemy, 
126,  129,  174 

Hubbard.    See  also  Hobart 

William,  member  of  fur  trading 

company,  1645,  16  n 

Rev.  William  (d  1704),  son  of 

William,  17  n 

Hull,  John,  quoted,  on  L.  Hoar's  invi- 
tation to  Old  South  Church,  Boston, 
and  his  appointment  as  President  of 
Harvard  College,  365;  represents  sev- 
eral towns  while  resident  of  Boston, 
431 

Humfrey,  John  (d  1651),  8, 167  n,  175  n; 
letter  of,  to  J.  Winthrop,  Jr.,  quoted, 
166  n 

Hungerford,  Sir  Edward,  236  n 

Lady  Margaret,  wife  of  Sir  Ed- 
ward, 236  n 

Hunnewell,  Richard,  318  n;  land  grant 
to,  1688,  318 

Hunting! on,  Rev.  Joshua,  268  n;  presi- 
dent of  the  Boston  Society  for  the 
Moral  and  Religious  Instruction  of 
the  Poor,  268 

Husbands,  Maj.  Azariah,  94  n;  puts 
down  insurrection  in  Kent,  Eng., 
1648,94 

Hutchinson,  Anne,  40 

Edward  (d  1752),  381,  381  n 

Gov.  Thomas,  17  n,  41  n,  370; 

quoted,  on  R.  Child's  medical  studies, 
5;  on  L.  Hoar,  367;  on  Harvard  Col- 
lege, 379,  379  n;  on  J.  Dudley,  432 

Hyde,  Edward,  first  Earl  of  Clarendon, 
178;  cited,  on  S.  Maverick,  68 


.INDEPENDENTS,  struggle  of,  with 

Presbyterians,  for  control  of  England, 
3,  72-74;  Maj.  J.  Child  and  R.  Baillie 
quoted  on,  87.  See  also  Presbyterians 

Indian  corn,  J.  Winthrop,  Jr.,  sends  gift 
of,  to  S.  Hartlib,  171 

Indians:  at  Harvard  College,  186-189; 
order  of  General  Court  for  religious 
instruction  of,  1644,  259;  Sunday 
school  for,  on  Martha's  Vineyard, 
perhaps  first  in  the  new  world,  260, 
261 


INDIANS  (continued) 

Chackamuck.    See  Kewegue 

—  Cheeshahteaumuck,  Caleb  (H.  C. 
1665),  186  n;  sketch  of,  187-189 

Hiacooms.    See  Jacoms 

Jacoms  (Hiacooms,  lacomoes), 

187,  187  n;  teaches  Sunday  school  for 
Indians  at  Martha's  Vineyard,  1660, 
260;  C.  Mather  quoted  on,  260  n 

Jacoomis  (Jacoms),  Joel,  son  of 

Jacoms,  186  n,  260  n;  autograph  of, 
186;  student  at  Harvard  College,  187; 
D.  Gookin's  account  of,  187-189 

Kewegue,  land  bought  of,  300  n 

—  Mamanewatt,    land    bought    of, 
299n 

—  Mohawks  (Maquaes),  158  n 
Mohicans,  158  n 

—  Narragansett  tribe,  trouble  with, 
1645,  44  n 

Tacomus,  gives  land  to  J.  Win- 
throp, 334  n 

Wompatuck,  Josias,  302 

Ingersoll,  George,  317  n,  321  n,  343  n, 

344  n,  347  n;  land  grant  to,  1688, 

343 
George  (d  c  1730),  son  of  George, 

321  n,  325;    land   grant  to,   1688, 

321 
John  (d  1716),  brother  of  George, 

322,  344    n;  land  grant    to,    1688, 

344 
Joseph  (d  1700),  son  of  George, 

322,  343  n,  347  n,  348  n;  land  grant 

to,  1688,  347 

Samuel,  son  of  George,  317  n;  land 


grant  to,  1688,  317 

Ingraham,  Joseph  Went  worth,  his  ac- 
count of  Christ  Church  Sunday 
school,  273-275,  275  n 

Initiative,  in  politics,  use  of,  in  colonial 
New  England,  411,  423 

Ipswich,  instructs  deputies  never  to  re- 
sign liberties,  429 

Ireland,  kind  of  promise  for  English  in- 
vestors and  speculators,  in  seven- 
teenth century,  120 

Irish  forfeited  lands,  money  made  and 
lost  in,  in  seventeenth  century,  117, 
117  n 

Iron  works  in  Massachusetts,  J.  Win- 
throp, Jr.,  and  R.  Child  interested  in, 
7,  9,  10,  10  n,  11,  12  n,  15;  foundries 
at  Braintree  and  Lynn,  11,  12,  14; 
disappointing  results,  13-14,  66  n 


474 


INDEX 


V  ACKSON,  Andrew,  President,  444 
John,  seaman,  257;  and  M.  Mun- 

nings,  agreement  between,  concern- 
ing use  of  a  ship,  1659,  254-256;  as- 
signs right  to  C.  Clarke,  256,  257 
Jakubec,  Jan,  149  n;  quoted,  on  Co- 

menius,  149  n 

James  II,  King  of  England,  71,  292 
Jaquith,   Harry  J.,   quoted,   on   Park 

Street  Church  and  Sunday  school, 

270  n 

Jeffarel,  John.  See  Gifford,  John 
Jefferson,  Thomas,  President,  445 
Jeffries, ,  manager  of  iron  works  in 

Massachusetts,  12  n 
JENNET,    HON.    CHARLES    FRANCIS, 

LL.B.,  409 
Jesuits,  in  New  England,  61,  61  n,  62; 

their  feeling  toward  New  England, 

62 
Jocelyn,  Abraham,  310,  310  n 

• Henry,  brother  of  Abraham,  310  n 

Jogand-Pages,  Gabriel  Antoine  (d  1907), 

extraordinary  hoax  of,  concerning  T. 

Vaughan,  142,  142  n,  143,  143  n 
JOHNSON,    ALFRED,    Litt.D.,    elected 

Registrar,  408 
Capt.  Edward  (d  1672),  17  n,  85  n; 

quoted,  on  iron  works  at  Braintree, 

14;  on  signers  of  the  Remonstrance 

of  1646,  20 
Humphrey,  land  grant  to,  1687, 

313 

Nathaniel,  land  grant  to,  1688,  359 

Jones,  Isaac  (d  c  1690),  339,  345  n;  land 

grant  to,  1688,  345 
John  (d  c  1690),  345  n;  land  grant 

to,  1688,  345 
Jordan,  Dominicus  (d  1703),  son  of  Rev. 

Robert,  315  n;  land  grant  to,  1688, 

315 
Rev.  Robert  (d  1679),  305  n,  315, 

315  n 
Sarah    (Winter),    wife    of    Rev. 

Robert,  305  n;  land  grant  to,  1687, 

305 
Josselyn,   John,  brother  of  Abraham 

Jocelyn,  310  n 
Judkins,  Eliza  M.,  258,  258  n 


K 


EATINGE,  Maurice  Walter, 
quoted,  on  movements  of  Comenius, 
166  n 


Keayne,  Anna,  daughter  of  Benjamin. 
See  Paige 

Benjamin,  son  of  Robert,  319  n 

Robert  (d  1656),  13  n,  14,  319, 


319  n 

Keayne,  Sherman  vs.,  415 
Keffler,   Abraham,   friend  of  J.   Win- 

throp,  Jr.,  174,  175  n 

Dr.  John  Sibert,  friend  of  J.  Win- 


throp,  Jr.,  172  n,  174,  175  n,  178 

Kent,  Eng.,  insurrection  in,  1648,  93- 
96,  96  n 

Kepler,  Johann,  178,  179 

Kerker,  Henry,  157  n 

Kiesewetter,  Joannes  Augustinus,  his 
account  of  Philalethes,  145 

Kilkenny,  Ireland,  project  for  new 
academy  at,  99 

King's  Province,  location  of,  293;  sur- 
vey of,  ordered,  1687,  294;  land  grant 
in,  1687,  295.  See  also  Narragansett 
Country 

Kingsbury,  Frederick  John,  quoted,  on 
C.  Mather,  169  n 

Kingston,  R.  I.,  name  changed  to 
Rochester,  1686,  295  n 

Kinsley,  Steven,  connection  of,  with 
second  trial  of  the  Remonstrants  of 
1646,  55,  55  n 

Kirby,  Francis,  letter  of,  to  J.  Win- 
throp,  Jr.,  quoted,  164  n 

Kircher,  Rev.  Athanasius,  his  fantastic 
theory  of  barnacles  and  geese,  116 

Kirkland,  Rev.  John  Thornton,  Presi- 
dent of  Harvard  College,  258  n,  371; 
with  T.  Parsons,  prepares  pamphlet, 
The  Constitution  of  the  University, 
372  n 

Kittery,  Me.,  land  grant  in,  1687,  307 

KlTTREDGE,     GEORGE     L.YMAN,     LL.D., 

174,  175  n,  176  n,  178  n;  his  paper, 

Dr.  Robert  Child  the  Remonstrant, 

1-146;  quoted,  on  inscription  by  I. 

Mather,  182  n 
Kneeland,  Samuel  (d  1769),  partnership 

of,  with  T.  Green,  290  n 
Kneeland  &  Green,  alleged  printing  of 

Bible  by,  at  Boston,  about  1752,  285, 

286  n,  289,  291,  292 
Knowles,  Rev.  John,  reference  to  letter 

of,   1671,  to  Overseers  of  Harvard 

College,    369    n;   recommended   for 

presidency,  369  n 
Kopp,  Hermann,  quoted,  on  Philalethes, 

141 


INDEX 


475 


±JAKE,  Rev.  Kirsopp,  409 

Thomas,  171 

Lake  discovery,  15,  16 

Lamb,  George,  his  map  of  Boston,  251 

Lambarde,  William  (d  1601),  his  Jus- 
tice, 213 

Lambert,  William  G.,  superintends  Sun- 
day school  in  West  Boston,  278  n 

Lamp-lighters,  majority  in  a  Boston 
town-meeting,  447 

Lancaster,  iron  mine  at,  15 

Land  warrants,  issued  by  Gov.  Andros, 
1687-1688,  292-361;  list  of  grantees 
and  locations,  362 

Landholders,  proportion  of,  in  New 
England  colonies,  441,  441  n 

Lane,  James,  281 

John,  land  grant  to,  1688,  323 

Mary  (Wellington),  wife  of  James, 

281,  281  n 

Oliver  Wellington,  son  of  James, 

283  n;  his  Sunday  school,  at  Boston, 
1791,  280;  sketch  of,  281,  281  n; 
obituary  notice  of,  282 

Susanna  (Newman),  wife  of  Oliver 

Wellington,  281 

WILLIAM  COOLIDGE,  A.B.,  5  n; 

describes  print  in  Harvard  College 
Library,  from  water-color  view  of 
the  college,  about  1807,  257;  exhibits 
water-color  view  of  Harvard  College, 
made  by  H.  d'Orgemont,  1795,  410 

Lange,  Johann,  134 

LANMAN,  CHARLES  ROCKWELL,  LL.I  >., 
404 

La  Tour,  Mme.,  suit  of,  against  Alder- 
man Barclay,  of  London,  29  n 

Laud,  William,  Archbishop  of  Canter- 
bury, 8,  142 

Launce,  Mary.    See  Sherman 

Lawrence,  Robert  (d  1690),  308  n;  land 
grant  to,  1687,  308 

Layes,  Martha,  358 

Lead  mines  in  Massachusetts,  92,  92  n, 
99,  112-115;  R.  Child  quoted  on, 
113 

Leader,  Richard,  comes  to  Massachu- 
setts as  manager  of  iron  works,  11, 
12,  12  n,  13  n;  R.  Child  confined  in 
house  of,  1646,  41,  71;  represents 
Child  in  financial  matters,  60,  61, 
61  n,  92,  92  n;  interest  of,  in  Ireland, 
120;  residences  of,  in  Massachusetts, 
120  n 


Loane,  Henry,  land  grant  to,  1688,  345 

Job,  land  grant  to,  1688,  345 

John,  land  grant  to,  1688,  345 

Samuel,  land  grant  to,  1688,  345 

Leatherby,  Thomas,  hind  grant  to, 
1688,  326 

Lee,  Arthur  (d  1792),  436 

Henry,  cited,  on  legend  of  geese 

and  barnacles,  116 

Rev.  Samuel  (d  1691),  180 

Lenglet-Dufresnoy,  Nicolas,  143; 
quoted,  on  Philalethes,  141,  141  n 

Lenox,  James,  286 

Leonard,  John,  son  of  Solomon,  land 
grant  to,  1679,  299  n 

Samuel,    son    of    Solomon,    land 

grant  to,  1679,  299  n 

Solomon,  299  n 

Leverett,  Gov.  John,  33,  67,  67  n,  369  n 

John,  President  of  Harvard  Col- 
lege, 378,  381  n,  389,  393,  399;  mar- 
riage of,  183  n;  quoted,  on  contro- 
versy concerning  claims  of  N.  Sever 
and  W.  Welsteed  to  seats  in  Harvard 
College  Corporation,  380;  on  the 
College  charter  of  1672,  388;  his 
Diary,  388, 392 ;  identification  of ,  389  n 

Margaret  (Rogers)  Berry,  wife  of 

President  John,  183,  183  n 

Lewis,  Isaac,  319 

Libbey,  Daniel,  326  n;  land  grant  to, 
1688,  326 

David,  brother  of  Daniel,  326  n; 

land  grant  to,  1688,  326 
—  Henry,  brother  of  Daniel,  326  n; 
land  grant  to,  1688,  326 
—  John,  brother  of  Daniel,  326  n; 
land  grant  to,  1688,  326 

Matthew,  brother  of  Daniel,  326  n; 


land  grant  to,  1688,  326 
Liberty  of  conscience,  not  sympathised 

with  by  colonial  Congregationalists, 

or  by  Presbyterians  or  Episcopalians 

of  the  time,  23,  88,  89  n 
Lidgett,  Charles  (d  1698),  296  n,  361; 

land  grants  to,  1687,  296,  298 
Lime,  making  of,  in  New  England,  105 
Lincoln,  Nathan,  411 
WALDO,  A.B.,  exhibits  water-color 

view  of  Harvard  College,  about  1807, 

257 

Lindsey,  Theophilus  (d  1808),  264  n 
Liquor,  various  material''  uwd  for,  aa 

observed  by  R.  Child,  in  his  travels, 

110 


476 


INDEX 


Lissa,  Poland,  Back  of,  1656,  160,  161  n 
Little  Chebeag,  island,  Me.,  306,  306  n 
Little  Corapton,  R.  I.,  incorporation  of, 

299  n;  land  grant  in,  1687,  299 
Livermore,    George,    on    printing    of 
Bibles  in  America  before  the  Revolu- 
tion, 286,  286  n 

Loftus,  Adam,  first  Viscount  Loftua  of 
Ely,  with  the  Earl  of  Cork,  destroys 
St.  Patrick's  Purgatory,  115,  116 
Longmeadow,  vote  of,  1808,  concern- 
ing Embargo  Law,  445  n 
Lord's  Supper,  quarrels  over  right  to 
partake  of,  22,  22  n;  time  of  celebrat- 
ing, 153 

Loring,  Charles  Greely  (d  1867),  380  n 
Losers,  proverb  concerning,  66,  66  n 
Lothrop,  Thomas,  connection  of,  with 
second  trial  of  the  Remonstrants  of 
1646,  55,  55  n,  56,  56  n 
Louis  XIV,  King  of  France,  423 
Lowell,   Rev.   Charles    (d   1861),   278, 
278  n;  letter  of,  to  E.  S.  Gannett,  on 
Sunday  school  of  West  Church,  Bos- 
ton, 277 

John  (H.  C.  1786),  brother  of  Rev. 

Charles  (d  1861),  371  n;  on  committee 
to  defend  rights  of  Harvard  College 
before  the  General  Court,  1812,  371 

JOHN,     A.B.,     elected    Resident 

Member,  231,  404 
Lower  Clapboard  Island,  Me.,  351 
Loyalists,  Boston's  feeling  toward,  439; 

An  American  quoted  on,  439  n 
Lucerne,  a  forage  plant,  109,  109  n 
Lfitzow,  FranteSek,  Count,  149  n,  150  n; 

quoted,  on  Comenius,  149,  150 
Lynde,  Joseph  (d  1727),  355  n;  land 
grant  to,  1688,  355 

Simon  (d  1687),  294  n;  land  grant 

to,  1687,  294 
Lynn,  iron  works  at,  12,  60,  61 


M, 


.ACCAMBOY,  115 
McKee,  Thomas  Jefferson,  owned  Bible 

claimed  to  be  the  Mark  Baskett  Bible 

of  1752,  described  by  I.  Thomas,  286, 

287-289 

Mader,  Wilhelmus,  74  n 
Madiver,  Joel  (d  1703),  331,  349  n;  land 

grant  to,  1688,  349 
Magunco    (Magaguncock)    Hill.      See 

Ashland 
Maine,  John,  338  n 


Maine's  Point,  Me.,  338,  338  n 

Mallet,  John,  101  n 

Manchaog  Farm,  grant  of,  to  J.  Dud- 
ley, 1688,  314 

Mandates.  See  New  England  Town 
Mandates 

Manget,  Johann  Jakob,  134  n,  136 

Marblehead,  founding  of,  412 

Marsh,  Thomas  (H.  C.  1731),  383  n, 
384  n,  385  n 

Marshall,  Chief-Justice  John,  opinion 
of,  on  Remonstrance  of  1646,  76  n 

William,  English  engraver,  235  n 

Martha's  Vineyard,  Christian  Indians 
on,  187;  Sunday  school  for  them, 
1660,  260,  261 

Marvin,  William  Theophilus  Rogers, 
46  n,  88  n;  his  treatment  of  the  Re- 
monstrance of  1646,  17  n;  quoted,  on 
R.  Child,  39  n 

Maryland,  election  law  of  1716,  422  n; 
Senate,  refuses  to  obey  mandate  of 
constituencies,  1786,  443 

Mason,  Jonathan,  281 

Thaddeus  (d  1802),  452,  453 

Massachusetts,  first  use  of  referendum 
in,  1641,  424;  later  use,  425;  annual 
elections  in,  426;  Excise  Bill,  1754, 
433^36 

Colony,  contest  of,  with  the  Re- 
monstrants, 1646,  2 

Colony   Charter,   vacated,    1684, 


292,  429,  430;  provisions  of,  for  ses- 
sions of  General  Court,  and  its  pow- 
ers, 411 

Constitution  of  1780,  425;  provides 

for  instructing  representatives,  427, 
442,443 

General  Court,  grants  monopoly 

for  iron  works  to  J.  Winthrop,  Jr., 
and  others,  12;  issues  call  for  sub- 
scriptions, 13;  declares  works  not 
likely  to  continue  and  grants  other 
privileges,  14,  15;  grants  monopoly 
for  beaver  trade,  15;  recommends  a 
synod  of  the  New  England  churches, 
19,  22  n;  appoints  committee  to  ar- 
range the  laws,  20;  other  measures 
which  may  have  been  influenced  by 
the  Remonstrance  of  1646,  20;  ap- 
points a  fast  day,  1646,  as  a  reproof 
of  the  Remonstrants,  36;  tries  the 
Remonstrants,  37-39;  tries  them  a 
second  time  for  conspiracy  against 
the  government,  50-56;  order  of,  on 


INDEX 


477 


MASSACHUSETTS  GENERAL  COURT  (con- 
tinued) 

resignation  of  H.  Duns  tor  as  Presi- 
dent of  Harvard  College,  152,  168; 
takes  important  part  in  early  man- 
agement of  the  College,  167;  Over- 
seers of,  appointed  by,  1654,  167  n; 
order  of,  for  religious  instruction  of 
Indians,  1644,  259;  1672,  concerning 
salary  of  President  of  Harvard  Col- 
lege, 365;  fills  vacancies  in  Harvard 
Corporation,  370;  orders  to  be  laid 
before  it  the  charter  of  the  college, 
with  all  laws,  regulations,  etc.,  371; 
repeals,  1812,  act  of  1810,  reorganiz- 
ing Board  of  Overseers,  371-372; 
grants  powers  to  Overseers,  1642, 
376;  to  Corporation,  1650,  1656, 
1657,  1672,  377;  laws  of,  relating  to 
Harvard  College,  387;  general  powers 
of,  as  granted  by  Colony  charter,  411; 
in  1641  asks  towns  to  instruct  depu- 
ties, 414;  establishment  of  two  houses 
in,  1642,  415;  does  not  sustain  recall 
of  representative  by  town  of  Glouces- 
ter, 425;  passes  Excise  Bill,  1754, 
433-435;  orders  referendum  on  rati- 
fication of  Articles  of  Confederation, 
438 

House  Journal,  publication  of,  432 

Province  Charter,  franchise  pro- 
vision of,  441 

Provincial  Congress,  437 

Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  owns 
Bible  containing  memoranda  by 
I.  Mather,  181  n 

Massachusetts  Sabbath  School  Union, 
report  of,  1830,  quoted,  270  n 

Massereene,  Viscount.  See  Clotworthy, 
Sir  John 

Mather,  Cotton,  son  of  Rev.  Increase, 
106,  112,  147  n,  150  n,  151,  154  n, 
168,  169,  169  n,  170  n,  171  n,  173  n, 
179,  183  n,  367  n;  his  tribute  to  the 
alchemical  knowledge  of  J.  Winthrop, 
Jr.,  127;  states  that  presidency  of 
Harvard  College  was  offered  by  J. 
Winthrop,  Jr.,  to  J.  A.  Comenius, 
146,  154,  155;  sole  authority  for  this 
tradition,  148  n,  150,  150  n;  possible 
explanation  of  it,  154-168;  errors  in 
his  Magnalia  perhaps  due  to  printer, 
154  n,  364  n;  imitates  title  of  work 
by  Comenius,  155,  155  n,  190;  his 
intimacy  with  Winthrop  family,  168, 


MATHER  (continued) 
168  n;  quoted,  on  J.  Norton's  letter 
to  J.  Durie,  about  1661,  172  n;  quo- 
ted, on  Hiacoms,  260  n;  on  use  of 
intermission  between  Sunday  serv- 
ices, 262  n;  quoted,  on  L.  Hoar's 
election  to  presidency  of  Harvard 
College,  and  inauguration,  364,  366, 
367 

Rev.  Increase,  son  of  Rev.  Rich- 
ard, 168,  190  n;  sends  to  his  father, 
1661,  book  by  Comenius,  180;  fac- 
simile of  inscriptions  in  the  book,  181 ; 
handwriting  of,  181  n;  cites  Come- 
nius, 189;  addresses  Boston  town- 
meeting,  1684,  on  surrender  of  the 
colony  charter,  429 
—  Rev.  Richard,  147, 168;  appointed 
by  Overseers  of  Harvard  College  to 
confer  with  C.  Chauncy  concerning 
the  presidency,  153,  154;  book  by 
Comenius  presented  to,  1661,  180; 
cites  Comenius,  189 

Rev.  Samuel  (d  1671),  son  of  Rev. 

Richard,  395 

Rev.  Samuel,  son  of  Rev.  Cotton, 

183  n;  quoted,  on  letters  of  J.  Norton 
and  J.  Davenport  to  J.  Durie,  173  n; 
cites  Comenius,  190 

MATTHEWS,  ALBERT,  A.B.,  411,  451  n; 
his  paper,  Comenius  and  Harvard 
College,  146-190;  his  paper,  Early 
Sunday  Schools  in  Boston,  259-285, 
451;  his  paper,  The  Harvard  College 
Charter  of  1672,  363-402 

Maverick,  Mary,  daughter  of  Samuel. 
See  Hooke 

Nathaniel,  son  of  Samuel,  Noddle's 

Island  deeded  to,  57,  57  n 

Samuel,  8,  32,  51,  54  n,  78  n;  a 

signer  of  the  Remonstrance  of  1646, 
17,  22,  28;  not  always  law-abiding, 
28  n;  charged  with  being  an  in- 
formant against  his  country,  29  n; 
tried,  with  other  Remonstrants,  and 
sentenced,  37,  38;  charged  with 
breach  of  his  freeman's  oath,  42; 
tried  a  second  time,  with  othrr  Re- 
monstrants, for  conspiracy  against 
the  government,  and  sentenced,  50- 
56,  82  n;  transfer  of  Noddle's  Island 
in  effort  to  avoid  payment  of  fine, 
and  final  payment,  57;  petitions  Gen- 
eral Court  for  review  of  his  trial,  57- 
59,  57  n,  58  n;  quoted,  on  exaction  of 


478 


INDEX 


MAVERICK  (conliiwed) 
fines  from  himself  and  other  Re- 
monstrants, 59;  paper  of,  concerning 
the  Remonstrance  of  1646,  66;  one  of 
thirteen  petitioners  to  the  Council  for 
Foreign  Plantations,  1661,  67,  67  n; 
petitions  the  King,  1663,  68;  ap- 
pointed one  of  commissioners  for  reg- 
ulation of  New  England  affairs,  1664, 
68 

Maxson,  Rev.  John  (d  1720),  295  n; 
land  grant  to,  1687,  295 

Mayanexit  River,  313  n 

Mayhew,  Joseph  (d  1782),  384  n,  385  n; 
elected  Fellow  of  Harvard  College, 
383 

Medal,  struck  by  command  of  Emperor 
Ferdinand  III,  from  alchemic  gold, 
130 

Medfield,  land  grant  in,  1688,  314 

Medway,  instruction  of,  to  deputy,  438 

Mendon,  demands  repeal  of  Impost 
Act,  1784,  438 

Merrill,  John  Douglass,  409 

Mersenne,  Marin,  166,  166  n 

Michelet,  Jules,  151 

Middlesex  Registry  of  Deeds,  housing 
of  records  of,  1776,  452 

Mildmay,  Sir  Henry,  of  Wanstead, 
Essex,  Eng.,  patron  of  L.  Hoar,  363  n 

William  (H.  C.  1647),  son  of  Sir 

Henry  of  Wanstead,  363  n 

Milton,  John,  book  of,  burned,  21  n; 
correspondent  of  J.  Winthrop,  Jr., 
178 

Milton,  land  grants  in,  1688,  356 

Mines  in  New  England,  legislation  con- 
cerning, 1641,  113  n 

Mitchell,  Rev.  Jonathan  (H.  C.  1647), 
Fellow  of  Harvard  College,  396 

Mobby,  a  liquor,  110 

Mobby-faces,  111 

Moges,  islands,  Me.,  346  n 

Monroe,  Will  Seymour,  156  n;  doubts 
that  presidency  of  Harvard  College 
was  offered  to  Comenius,  149  n,  151, 
167;  quoted,  on  Comenius  and  the 
Winthrops,  160  n,  176  n 

Monster  of  Monsters,  The,  pamphlet 
on  the  Excise  Bill,  1754,  1754,  435 

MOORE,  Rev.  GEORGE  FOOT,  LL.D., 
139  n 

Jacob  Bailey,  error  of,  concerning 

date  of  arrival  of  E.  Winslow  in  Eng- 
land, 45  n 


Moravians,  settlement  of,  in  America, 
150,  150  n 

Morgan,  Maj. ,  122  n 

Morgenbesser,  Michael,  alleged  trans- 
mutation of  lead  into  silver,  in  pres- 
ence of,  133,  134  n,  144 

Morice,  Sir  William  (d  1676),  68 

Morrell,  Robert,  land  grant  to,  1688, 
350 

Morrice.    See  Morice 

Morris,  Lewis,  422  n 

Morse,  Andrew,  451 

Dr.  Frederic  D.,  451 

Mortimer,  Dr.  Cromwell,  179;  quoted, 
on  J.  Winthrop  (H.  C.  1700),  131  n; 
his  dedication  of  Philosophical  Trans- 
actions, vol.  xl,  to  J.  Winthrop  (d 
1747)  quoted,  177 

Morton,  Thomas,  40 

Mosey,  Benjamin,  319 

Mosier,  Hugh  (d  c  1666),  346  n 

James,  son  of  Hugh,  346  n 

John,  son  of  Hugh,  346  n 

Mosiers  Islands,  Freeport,  Me.,  346, 
.346  n 

Muddy  River,  early  name  of  Brookline, 
298,  298  n 

Munford  (Mountfort,  Mumford),  Ben- 
jamin (d  1714),  353,  353  n 

Munnings  (Mallins),  George  (d  1658), 
R.  Child  confined  in  house  of,  42,  43 

Hannah,  wife  of  Mahalaleel,  254, 

254  n 

Mahalaleel  (d  1660),  257;  and  J. 

Jackson,  agreement  between,  con- 
cerning use  of  a  ship,  1659,  254-256; 
sketch  of,  254  n 

Munroe,  James  Phinney,  quoted,  on 
Comenius,  149 

Munson,  Dr.  JDneas,  interest  of,  in  al- 
chemy, 123 

Munster,  Sebastian,  233 

Muret,  Marc  Antoine,  193 

Murray,  Rev.  John  (d  1815),  282 

Musculus,  description  of,  245 

Muskrat,  106 

Mystic,  Ct.,  iron  found  at,  15 

IN  AHANT  Neck,  survey  of,  ordered, 

1688,  354 
Nantucket,  shipwreck  and  murder  at, 

1665,  188,  188  n 
Narragansett  Bay,  survey  of,  ordered, 

1688,  315 


INDEX 


179 


Xarragansett  Country,  location  of,  293; 
survey  of,  ordered,  1687,  294;  land 
grant  in,  1687,  295.  See  also  King's 
Province 

Nashawake  (Lancaster),  iron  mine  at, 
15,  15  n 

Natick,  450 

Natimnah  (Nasinnah),  Little  Comp- 
ton,  R.  I.,  299,  299  n,  300  n 

Native  Bostonian,  cited,  on  power  of 
the  town-meeting,  447 

Neal,  Rev.  Daniel,  quoted,  on  J.  Good- 
win, 21  n 

Needham,  establishment  of,  and  first 
minister,  450 

Negroes,  Sunday  school  for,  Boston, 
1816,  272,  272  n 

New  England  Company,  187  n 

New  England  Town  Mandates,  paper 
by  K.  Colegrove,  411-449;  practice 
of  voting  mandates  to  deputies  a 
characteristic  of  town-meeting  sys- 
tem and  concurrent  with  establish- 
ment of  representative  government, 
411-414;  earliest  evidence  of  town  in- 
structions, 414-416;  procedure  for 
voting  instructions,  417;  a  typical 
18th  century  Boston  election,  418- 
421;  corporate  capacity  of  New  Eng- 
land towns  as  giving  authority  to 
instructions,  and  comparison  with 
conditions  in  middle  and  southern 
colonies  and  in  England,  421-423; 
initiative  and  referendum,  423-425; 
recall,  425-427;  specific  examples  of 
mandates,  427-431;  publicity  given 
to  proceedings  of  General  Court  a 
means  of  ensuring  fidelity  to  man- 
dates, 431-433;  infidelity  to  instruc- 
tions charged  in  case  of  Excise  Bill 
of  1754,  433-436;  importance  of  the 
mandate  system  during  the  American 
Revolution,  436-440;  the  town-meet- 
ing a  school  of  politics,  440;  extent  of 
the  franchise  in  colonial  New  Eng- 
land, 441;  right  to  instruct  repre- 
sentatives declared  in  many  state 
constitutions,  442—444;  decline  and 
disappearance  of  the  town  man- 
date, 444-449;  late  instance  of  use  of, 
449  n 

New-England's  Jonas,  naming  of,  35 
Newgate,  Nathaniel,  360  n;  land  grant 

to,  1688,  360 
New  Hampshire  Gazette,  290 


New  Haven,  Ct.,  a  college  projected  at, 
1648-1660,  169,  169  n,  170  n 

New  Haven  Colony,  contributes  to  sup- 
port of  Harvard  College,  170  n 

New  London,  Ct.,  Fishers  Island,  173 

Newman,  Susanna.    See  Lane 

New  Roxbury,  Ct.,  land  grants  in, 
1688,  359;  name  changed  to  Wood- 
stock, 359  n 

Newspapers  in  colonial  Massachusetts, 
432 

Newton,  Sir  Isaac,  178 

Thomas,  land  grant  to,  1688,  358 

Newton,  in  1689,  instructs  its  deputy 
to  demand  more  liberal  franchise,  416 

New  York  Society  Library,  owns  books 
by  Comenius,  189,  189  n 

NICHOLS,    CHARLES    LEMUEL,    M.D., 
Litt.D.,  his  paper,  Is  there  a  Mark 
Baskett  Bible  of  1752?  285-292 
—  John,  339,  341 

Nicholson,  John,  348,  348  n 

Robert,  brother  of  John,  348  n; 


land  grant  to,  1688,  348 

Niell  (Nielld,  Niles),  Samuel,  336  n; 
land  grant  to,  1688,  336 

Nipmug  (Nipmuck)  Country,  location 
of,  293;  land  grants  in,  1687,  304; 
1688,  313,  314,  334,  361 

Nonsuch  Farm,  Scarborough,  Me., 
granted  to  S.  Jordan  and  J.  Hinckes, 
305 

Nonsuch  marshes,  Me.,  346 

Nope,  island.    See  Martha's  Vineyard 

North  Carolina,  Declaration  of  Rights, 
1776,  442 

North  Yarmouth,  Me.,  land  grants  in, 
1687,  296,  311;  1688,  338,  339,  343, 
345,  347;  refugees  from  Eleuthera  in, 
339  n 

Norton,  Francis,  member  of  fur  trad- 
ing company,  1644,  15  n 

Rev.  John  (d  1663),  74  n,  183  n; 

appointed  by  Overseers  of  Harvard 
College  to  confer  with  C.  Chauncy 
concerning  the  presidency,  147,  153, 
154;  Overseer  of  Harvard  College, 
167  n;  letter  of,  for  New  England 
clergy,  to  J.  Durie,  172  n,  173  n 

Rev.  John  (H.  C.  1671),  nephew 

of  Rev.  John  (d  1663),  183  n 

—  John,  unidentified,  autograph  of, 

183 

Norwich,  Ct.,  First  Church,  catechis- 
ing of  children  in,  261 


480 


INDEX 


Novak,  J.,  quoted,  on  Comenius,  150  n 

Nowell,  Alexander  (d  1672),  brother  of 
Samuel  (d  1688),  370;  Fellow  of  Har- 
vard College,  368,  369,  369  n;  his 
funeral  oration  on  C.  Chauncy,  370; 
death  of,  370 

Samuel  (d  1688),  353 

NOTES,  JAMES  ATKINS,  A.B.,  on  Nom- 
inating Committee,  231 


'AKES,  Rev.  Urian,  President  of 
Harvard  College,  his  funeral  sermon 
on  C.  Chauncy,  369;  named  as  a  Fel- 
low of  Harvard  College  in  charter  of 
1672,  396,  396  n,  401 

Ockman,  John,  339 

Ocland,  Christopher,  his  Anglorum 
Prselia  appointed  by  Queen  Elizabeth 
to  be  used  in  schools,  193 

O'Connor,  Rev.  Daniel,  116 

Oldenburg,  Henry  (d  1677),  173  n,  178 

Orgemont,  Houdin  d',  his  water-color 
view  of  Harvard  College,  1795,  ex- 
hibited, 410;  sketch  of,  410 

Orrery,  Earl  of.    See  Boyle,  Roger 

Otis,  James  (d  1783),  24,  419 

John,  24;  will  of,  26  n 

Margaret,  daughter  of  John.  See 

Burton 

Owen,  Thomas,  28  n 

Oxenstiern,  Count  Axel,  149;  invites 
Comenius  to  Sweden,  147,  155,  166 

Oxford,  represented  by  non-resident 
deputy,  432  n 


_L  ADUA,  Italy,  University  of,  con- 
fers degree  on  R.  Child,  5,  5  n 

Paget,  Rev.  John,  74  n 

Paige,  A"nna  (Keayne),  wife  of  Nicholas 
(d  1717),  319,  319  n 

Nicholas  (d  1717),  319  n,  360; 

land  grant  to,  1688,  319 

Paine,  John,  257 

Painter,  Stephen,  101  n 

Palfrey,  Rev.  John  Gorham  (d  1881),  2; 
his  treatment  of  the  Remonstrance 
of  1646,  17  n;  quoted,  on  L.  Hoar, 
and  the  Harvard  College  charter  of 
1672,  374 

Palmer,  John,  174,  174  n 

Palsgrave,  John,  marriage  of,  57  n 

Mary  (Maverick),  wife  of  John. 

See  Hooke 


Papists,  fear  of,  in  New  England,  62 

Paracelsus,  Philippus  Aureolus,  119. 
132 

Pareus,  David,  230  n 

Parish, ,  62 

PARK,  Rev.  CHARLES  EDWARDS,  D.D., 
Annual  Report  of  Council,  presented 
on  behalf  of,  403;  elected  Correspond- 
ing Secretary,  408 

Parker, ,  54 

Rev.  HENRY  AINSWORTH,  A.M., 

tribute  to,  405 

John,  of  Gravesend,  Eng.,  97 


Samuel,  of  Needham,  1737,  452 

PARMENTER,     Hon.     JAMES    PARKER, 

LL.B.,  404 

Parsons, ,  302 

Chief    Justice    Theophilus,    with 

Pres.  Kirkland,  prepares  pamphlet, 

The  Constitution  of  the  University 

at  Cambridge,  372  n 
Patershall,  Robert,  120  n 
Paucatuck  Neck,  Westerly,  R.  I.,  land 

grant  at,  1687,  294,  294  n 
Paul,  Rev.  Thomas,  quoted,  on  Sunday 

school  for  colored  children,  272  n 
Paulling,  Matthew,  340  n;  land  grant 

to,  1688,  340 
Pawtucket,    R.    I.,    earliest    Sunday 

school  in  New  England  claimed  for, 

265,  275  n,  276  n 
Payne,  Henry,  instigates  charges  against 

Maj.  J.  Child,  97 

Robert,  connection  of,  with  sec- 
ond  trial   of   the   Remonstrants   of 

1646,  55,  55  n,  56 

William,  16  n,  120  n 

William  Harold,  quoted,  on  offer 


of  presidency  of  Harvard  College  to 
Comenius,  148 

Payson,  Giles,  298,  298  n 

Peirce,  Benjamin  (d  1831),  quoted,  on 
Harvard  College  charter  of  1672, 
373;  his  statements  answered,  378, 
382 

Pelham,  Herbert,  33;  petition  of,  to 
General  Court,  1646,  33  n;  quoted, 
on  progress  of  colonial  matters,  in 
London,  45  n;  on  E.  Winslow's  con- 
duct of  the  case  of  the  Massachusetts 
Bay  Colony  against  the  petitioners 
of  1646,  66 

William,  connection  of,  with  sec- 
ond trial  of  the  Remonstrants  of 
1646,  55,  55  n,  56 


INDEX 


481 


Pelham,  instructs  representative,  1821, 
446 

Pell,  Daniel,  250;  his  Improvement  of 
the  Sea  borrowed  from  by  J.  Dun- 
ton,  235,  235  n,  236  n,  237-240,  243, 
244,  247-249;  his  identity  uncertain, 
236  n 

—  Rev.  John,  166  n;  quoted,  on  losses 
of  Comenius  in  sack  of  Lissa,  Poland, 

160  n;  friend  of  J.  Winthrop,  Jr., 

161  n,  178 

John,  son  of  Rev.  John,  161  n 

Thomas,  brother  of  Rev.  John, 

sketch  of,  161  n 

Pemberton,  Thomas  (d  1807),  280;  ap- 
peal of,  for  establishment  of  Sunday 
schools  in  Boston,  279 

Pendleton,  Brian,  connection  of,  with 
second  trial  of  the  Remonstrants  of 
1646,  55,  55  n,  56 

Penly,  Sampson,  331 

Pennsylvania,  Constitution  and  Decla- 
ration of  Rights,  1776,  442 

Pentograph,  invention  of  Sir  W.  Petty, 
98,  98  n 

Pepper,  Jacob,  298 

PercivaX  James  Gates,  183 

Perkins,  Rev.  William  (d  1602),  262  n' 

Perry,  R.  Child  quoted  on  making  of, 
5n 

Persius,  works  of,  218 

Peters  (Peter),  Rev.  Hugh,  Overseer  of 
Harvard  College,  8,  10  n,  61  n,  175  n; 
quoted,  on  R.  Child,  16;  on  persecu- 
tion in  the  Massachusetts  colony, 

29  n,  30  n;  G.  Firmin's  opinion  of, 

30  n;  quoted,  on  right  of  appeal,  45  n 
Rev.   Thomas,    brother   of   Rev. 

Hugh,  93  n;  fears  to  sail  for  England 
in  company  of  those  carrying  com- 
plaints to  Parliament,  34,  34  n 

Petraeus,  Benedictus  Nicolaus,  143  n; 
quoted,  on  Eirenseus  Philalethes,  143 

Petty,  Sir  William,  122  n,  166  n;  in- 
vents pentograph,  98,  98  n;  requested 
to  make  inquiries  in  Ireland  for  the 
Royal  Society,  116  n;  government 
position  of,  in  Ireland,  120;  friend  of 
R.  Child,  120,  120  n 

Philadelphia,  Pa.,  earliest  Sunday  school 
of  modern  type  in  America  in,  264, 
264  n,  274  n 

Society  for  the  Institution  and 

Support  of  First-Day  or  Sunday 
Schools  in  Philadelphia,  264  n,  274  n 


Philalethes,  Eirenseus,  name  under 
which  many  alchemical  tracts  were 
issued,  really  by  George  Stirk,  124, 
132,  134,  134  n,  135,  136,  137  n;  but 
attributed  also  to  R.  Child,  133,  135, 
136,  137,  140,  141,  144,  145,  146;  to 
Bartlet,  137;  to  T.  Vaughan,  141, 
141  n,  142,  143,  144,  145.  See  alto 
Stirk,  George 

Philalethes,  Eugenius,  pseudonym  of 
T.  Vaughan,  125  n,  141 

Philes,  George  Philip,  287 

Phillips,  James  Duncan,  409 

John  (H.  C.  1735),  note  of,  quoted, 


186 

Samuel,  353 

William,  buys  Saco  patent,  1659, 

65n 

Philosopher's  stone,  references  to  belief 
in,  126  n,  127,  130,  132,  134,  139, 
140  n,  144 

Phippen,  David  (d  1703),  son  of  Joseph, 
309  n;  land  grant  to,  1687,  309 

Joseph,  310,  310  n 

PICKERING,  HENRY  GODDARD,  LL.B., 
404;  on  Auditing  Committee,  231, 
408;  on  Committee  on  Memorials,  231 

Pier,  Arthur  Stanwood,  409 

Pike,  Samuel,  350 

Pinto,  Ferdinand  Mendez,  J.  Addison 
quoted  on,  234 

Piscator,  Johann,  works  of,  216 

Pittsfield,  resolution  of,  concerning  ac- 
tivity of  Boston,  1812,  445 

Plymouth,  439 

Clark's  Island,  granted  to  N. 

Clarke,  1688,  333;  summer  home  of 
W.  W.  Goodwin,  333  n 

First  Church,  catechizing  of  chil- 
dren in,  261,  262  n;  earliest  Sunday 
school  claimed  for,  by  Rev.  T.  Rob- 
bins,  262  n;  J.  C.  Power  quoted  on 
the  Plymouth  school,  263  n;  proposed 
publication  of  church  records  of,  404 

Plymouth  Colony,  passes  law  providing 
for  instructions  to  deputies,  1640, 
414 

Pocasset,  R.  I.,  sale  of  lands  in  and  near, 
to  B.  Church  and  others,  1680,  299  n; 
land  grant  in,  1687,  300;  incorporated 
as  Tiverton,  300  n.  See  al*o  Tiverton 

PoriiMiturk,  land  grant  to  Dodham  at, 
450 

Pond  Cove,  Me.,  323,  323  n 

Portland,  Me.    See  Falmouth,  Me. 


482 


INDEX 


Portsmouth,  R.  I.,  land  grant  in,  1688, 
358 

POTTER,  ALFRED  CLAQHORN,  A.B., 
identifies  book  by  Comenius,  in  Har- 
vard College  Library,  179;  his  Cata- 
logue of  John  Harvard's  Library, 
190-230 

Power,  John  Carroll,  quoted,  on  early 
Sunday  schools  in  America,  263  n 

Powsland,  Richard,  320  n,  344;  land 
grant  to,  1688,  320 

Prentice,  Henry,  383,  383  n 

Presbyterians,  contest  of,  with  Inde- 
pendents for  control  of  England,  3, 
90;  Remonstrance  of  1646,  in  Massa- 
chusetts, made  in  interest  of,  18,  28, 
39,  40,  69,  86,  87;  standing  of,  hi  New 
England,  22  n,  46,  71,  72,  73;  atti- 
tude of,  toward  toleration  and  lib- 
erty of  conscience,  23,  89  n;  attitude 
of,  toward  Independents  in  England, 
72;  Presbyterianism  established  in 
England,  1646,  72,  72  n 

Press,  censorship  and  freedom  of,  432, 433 

Presumpscot  River,  Me.,  308  n 

Prince,  Joanna.    See  Everett 

Rev.  Nathan,  brother  of  Rev. 

Thomas  (d  1758),  370,  383  n,  387  n, 
388  n,  390,  390  n;  quoted,  on  Har- 
vard College  charter  of  1672,  378;  is 
removed  from  his  tutorship  and  fel- 
lowship at  Harvard  College,  382. 

384  n;  writes  The  Constitution  ana 
Government  of  Harvard  College,  383, 
383  TO,  385  n;  quoted,  on  powers  of 
the  Overseers  and  the  Corporation, 
and  on  the  charters,   384-387;   his 
temporary    derangement    of    mind, 

385  n;  later  life,  385  n,  386  n 

Rev.  Thomas  (H.  C.  1707),  note 

of,  on  N.  Prince,  385  n 
Proxy  voting,  origin  of,  413  n 
Puncatest  Neck,  Little  Compton,  R.  I., 

301,  301  n 

Punkapog,  Dorchester.   See  Dorchester 
Purchas,  Rev.  Samuel,  borrowed  from, 

by  J.  Dunton,  236,  249,  250  n 
Purpooduck  Point,  Me.,  323,  323  n 
Pynchon,  William  (d  1662),  quoted,  on 

R.  Child  and  his  associates,  41,  41  n 
William  (d  1789),  417 

IvJUANSIGAMOND.    See  Worcester 
Quincy,  Josiah  (d  1775),  419 


QUINCY  (continued) 

—  Josiah,  President  of  Harvard  Col- 
lege, son  of  Josiah  (d  1775),  367,  389; 
cited,  on  size  of  J.  Harvard's  library, 
191;  on  L.  Hoar's  inauguration,  364, 
366  n;  quoted,  on  Harvard  College 
charter  of  1672,  373;  his  statements 
answered,  375-382;  quoted,  on  last 
town-meetings  of  Boston,  446 

Quobeague,  survey  of,  ordered,   1688, 
335.    See  also  Brookfield 


ACKEM  ANN,  CHARLES  SEDGWICK, 
A.M.,  on  Committee  on  Memorials, 
231 

Raikes,  Robert  (d  1811),  262  n,  265  n; 
purpose  of  his  Sunday  schools,  264, 
267;  date  of  his  first  school,  264  n 

Randolph,  Sec.  Edward,  land  grant  to, 
1688,  353;  requests  grant  of  Nahant 
Neck,  354 

Rankin,  George  W.,  449  n 

Rathbone,  William,  74  n 

Rattle-snake-weed.    See  Snakeweed 

Raumer,  Karl  von,  147  n 

Ravenscroft,  Capt.  Samuel,  land  grant 
to,  1688,  358 

Rawson,  Sec.  Edward,  quoted,  on  edu- 
cated Indian  youths,  188  n;  attest  of, 
377,  388,  390,  398,  399,  401;  copy  of 
Harvard  College  charter  of  1672,  in 
Court  Records,  and  passages  in  other 
copies,  in  handwriting  of,  389,  395, 
402 

Raynsford,  Edward,  353 

Reade,  Col.  Thomas,  159  n 

Recall,  in  politics,  use  of,  in  colonial 
New  England,  411,  425-427 

Reed,  John  (d  1805),  of  Bedford,  Mid- 
dlesex County  record  books  kept  at 
house  of,  1776,  452,  453 

Referendum,  use  of,  in  colonial  New 
England,  411,  424 

Rehoboth,  dismisses  J.  Wheeler,  dele- 
gate to  Provincial  Congress,  1778, 
426;  proposes  state  law  authorizing 
recall  of  representatives,  1778,  426, 
426  n 

Reid,  William  Bernard,  409 

Relapse,  The,  pamphlet  on  the  Excise 
Bill,  1754,  435  n 

Remonstrance  of  1646,  a  part  of  the 
general  struggle  between  Presby- 
terians and  Independents,  2-3;  sub- 


INDEX 


-183 


REMONSTRANCE  (continued) 
mitted  by  R.  Child  and  others,  17; 
rights  of  freemen  demanded  for  "all 
truely  English,"  with  extension  of 
church  privileges,  and  English  law, 
18;  effect  on  the  magistrates,  18-20; 
attempt  to  satisfy  the  Remonstrants, 
21;  sketches  of  the  signers,  21-27; 
their  diversity  of  views  and  real  pur- 
pose, 28;  committee  appointed  by 
the  General  Court  to  make  answer 
to  the  Remonstrance,  and  E.  Wins- 
low  selected  to  go  to  England  as 
agent  of  the  colony,  30;  Remon- 
strants summoned  and  given  oppor- 
tunity to  retract,  30-33;  copy  of  the 
Remonstrance  carried  to  England, 
33-36;  its  authors  tried  by  the  Gen- 
eral Court,  37-39,  91  n;  second  trial 
of  the  Remonstrants  for  conspiracy 
against  the  government,  1647,  50-56, 
92  n;  review  of  principles  involved, 
69-87 

Rener,  William,  quoted,  on  church  and 
government  conditions  in  Bermuda, 
1647,  36  n 

Review,  The,  pamphlet  on  the  Excise 
Bill,  1754,  435  n 

Rhode  Island,  referendum  in,  1647- 
1663,424 

Rice,  Rev.  Edwin  Wilbur,  264  n 

FRANKLIN  PIERCE,  tribute  to,  405 

Samuel,  land  grant  to,  1688,  361 

Richards,  Ann  (Winthrop),  second  wife 
of  John,  334  n;  land  grant  to,  1688, 
334 

John,  Treasurer  of  Harvard  Col- 
lege, 334  n,  368,  370,  393,  396,  402 

Richardson,  Rev.  John  (H.  C.  1666), 
391,  393;  Fellow  of  Harvard  College, 
368,  369,  369  n,  370,  396,  396  n,  402 

Richmond,  George  H.,  287 

Richthausen,  Johann  Conrad  von, 
transmutes  silver  to  gold,  130 

Rives,  William  Cabell  (d  1868),  444 

Roads  in  New  England  colonies,  431 

Robbins,  Rev.  Chandler  (d  1799),  son 
of  Rev.  Philemon,  262  n 

Rev.  Philemon,  262  n 

-  Rev.  Thomas  (d  1856),  quoted,  on 
first  Sabbath  school  in  the  United 
States,  262  n 

Robinson, ,  10 

FRED  NORRIB,  Ph.D.,  231,  403, 

410;  elected  President,  408 


ROBINSON  (continued) 

-  Rev.  John  (d  1625),  263  n 

Rev.  John  (H.  C.  1695),  263  n 

Rochester,  R.  I.,  295  n 

Rodman,  John,  letter  of,  cited,  295  n 

Roe,  Sir  Thomas,  the  Relation  of  his 
Voyage  into  the  East-Indies,  bor- 
rowed from  by  J.  Dunton  in  his 
letters  from  New  England,  234, 234  n, 
237,  240,  245,  249;  note  on,  234  n 

Rogers,  Rev.  Ezekiel  (d  1661),  173  n; 
quoted,  on  the  Remonstrants  of 
1646,  52  n 

Rev.  John  (d  1636),  225 

John,  President  of  Harvard  Col- 
lege, 183 

Rev.  John  (H.  C.  1684),  son  of 

President  John,  183,  183  n 

Rev.  John  (H.  C.  1711),  son  of 

Rev.  John  (H.  C.  1684),  183 

Margaret,  daughter  of  President 

John.    See  Leverett 

Rogers  &  Fowle,  booksellers,  384  n 

Rosenbach,  Abraham  S.  Wolf,  287 

Rosenbach  Company,  287 

Rosicrucians,  125  n,  126  n,  129, 142, 145 

Ross,  James,  309,  316  n 

John,  son  of  James,  316  n,  333; 

land  grant  to,  316 

Row,  Anthony,  land  grant  to,  1688, 
326 

Rowe,  John,  419 

Roxbury,  land  grants  in,  1687,  298 
—  First  Church,  claims  first  Sunday 
school  in  the  new  world,  260,  261 

Greyhound  Inn,  298 

Ruddock,  John,  419 

RUGG,  Hon.  ARTHUR  PRENTICE,  LL.D., 
elected  Vice-President,  408 

Ruggles,  Samuel,  land  grant  to,  1688, 
361 

Rumney  Marsh,  319  n;  land  grants  in, 
1688,  319,  360 

Rupert,  Prince,  of  Bavaria,  178 

Russell,  James  (d  1709),  357  n;  land 
grant  to,  1688,  357 

—  Rev.  John  (H.  C.  1645),  first  min- 
ister of  Hadley,  450 

—  Richard  (d  1676),  29  n,  38  n,  55  n 
Rutherford,  Rev.  Samuel,  74  n,  91 


AGO,  Me.,  land  gr»t  in,  312 
Saco  patent,  R.  Child's  purchase  and 
sale  of,  16,  16  n,  63,  65,  65  n 


484 


INDEX 


Sacrament  of  the  Lord's  Supper.  See 
Lord's  Supper 

Sadler,  Richard,  33;  destroys  copy  of 
the  Remonstrance  of  1646,  35 

Sainfoin,  a  forage  plant,  109,  109  n 

St.  Patrick's  Purgatory,  Ireland,  115; 
destruction  of,  1632,  116 

Sakonnet,  R.  I.    See  Little  Compton 

Salem,  advertisement  of  projected  Sun- 
day school  in,  1807,  265  n;  asserts 
right  to  recall  deputies,  1686,  426;  in- 
structions of,  to  deputies,  428 

Salisbury,  represented  by  non-resident 
deputy,  431 

Salter,  Rev.  Richard  (H.  C.  1739),  183 

Saltonstall,  Sir  Richard,  172  n 

Richard  (d  1694),  son  of  Sir  Rich- 
ard, 16  n,  38;  petition  of,  to  General 
Court,  1646,  33  n;  recommends  J. 
Knowles  for  presidency  of  Harvard 
College,  369  n 

Sanford.    See  Staniford 

Sargent,  Lucius  Manlius  (d  1867),  281; 
pupil  of  O.  W.  Lane,  282 

Sarsaparilla,  R.  Child  quoted  on,  115 

Sassafras,  11.  Child's  observations  on, 
111 

Savage,  Thomas,  303 

Saye  and  Sele,  Lord.  See  Fiennes, 
William 

Sayles,  William,  Governor  of  Bermuda, 
33,  34  n 

Scarborough,  Me.,  establishment  of, 
293;  land  grants  in,  1687,  305,  305  n, 
309,  310,  311;  1688,  315,  318,  319, 
323,  326,  327,  328,  333,  359 

Schipano,  Mario,  234 

Schmieder,  Karl,  145  n;  his  History  of 
Alchemy,  and  belief  concerning  Phi- 
lalethes,  144-145 

Schroeder,  Wilhelm,  Freiherr  von  (d 
1688),  137 

Schweinitz,  Edmund  de,  Bishop  of  the 
Unitas  Fratrum,  quoted,  on  offer  of 
presidency  of  Harvard  College  to 
Comenius,  148 

Scituate,  land  grant  in,  1687,  313;  in- 
structs deputy  to  move  General 
Court  for  law  regarding  payment  of 
debts,  1665,  427 

Sconce,  use  of  the  word  in  Harvard  Col- 
lege charter  of  1672,  374,  376,  377 

Scottow,  Joshua  (d  1698),  310  n,  318; 
land  grant  to,  1687,  310 

Sea-calf,  description  of,  248 


Seacomb  (Seecomb),  Richard  (d  1694), 
309  n,  316;  land  grant  to,  1687,  309; 
1688,  324 

Sea-hog,  description  of,  237 

Sea-horse,  description  of,  247 

Seamen,  meetings  held  for,  in  Boston, 
about  1821,  278  n 

Seccombe,  Thomas,  error  of,  concern- 
ing date  of  E.  Winslow's  arrival  in 
England,  45  n 

Sedgwick,  Robert  (d  1656),  15  n;  charged 
with  being  an  informant  against  his 
country,  29  n 

Selectmen,  414 

Sendivogius,  Michael,  125 

Sever,  Rev.  Nicholas  (H.  C.  1701), 
382  n,  389  n;  controversy  on  claim 
of,  to  seat  in  Corporation  of  Harvard 
College,  380,  388,  392;  quoted,  on  the 
College  charters,  381 

Sewall,  Rev.  Joseph,  son  of  Judge 
Samuel,  430;  possessed  book  by 
Comenius  when  student  at  Harvard 
College,  183,  184 

Judge  Samuel,  293,  369  n;  book 

by  Comenius  probably  given  by,  to 
his  son  J.  Sewall,  183,  184;  re-namea 
New  Roxbury,  Ct.,  359  n;  Hogg  Is- 
land granted  to,  1688,  360;  cited,  on 
town-meetings,  417,  418 

Shark,  description  of,  238 

Sharp,  Rev.  Daniel,  quoted,  on  estab- 
lishment of  Sunday  schools  in  Boston, 
452  n 

Shaw,  Chief  Justice  Lemuel,  380  n 

ROBERT  GOULD,  A.M.,  404;  ac- 
cepts Resident  Membership,  1;  on 
Auditing  Committee,  231,  408 

Shawomett  (Somerset),  R.  I.,  land  grant 
in,  1687,  301 

Shays's  Rebellion,  428 

Shepard,  Rev.  Thomas  (d  1649),  74  n; 
his  proposition  for  maintenance  of 
poor  scholars  at  Harvard  College,  170  n 

Rev.  Thomas  (d  1677),  son  of 

Rev.  Thomas  (d  1649),  Fellow  of 
Harvard  College,  368  n,  396,  396  n, 
402 

Sheppard,  Thomas,  land  grant  to,  1687, 
312 

Sherborn,  land  grant  in,  1688,  314 

Sherman,  Rev.  John  (d  1685),  311, 311  n 

Mary  (Launce),  second  wife  of 

Rev.  John  (d  1685),  311  n;  land  grant 
to,  1687,  311 


INDEX 


Sherman  vs.  Keayne,  415 

Shippen,  Edward  (d  1712),  302,  303  n; 
land  grants  to,  1687,  303,  332 

Ships:  Abigail,  159;  Ann  Cleve,  10; 
Arent,  163,  163  n;  Hope,  163;  Klock, 
163  n;  Lyon,  157  n;  Rebecca,  254, 
256;  Supply,  18  n,  25,  31,  32  n,  33, 
34,  35,  47,  54  n;  Trowe  (Trou),  162, 
163,  163  n 

Shirley,  Gov.  William,  434 

Shovelboard,  law  against  playing,  in 
public  houses,  51  n 

Shrimp  ton,  Samuel  (d  1698),  352  n; 
Noddles  Island  granted  to,  1688, 
352;  property  in  Boston  granted  to, 
1688,352 

Sibley,  Rev.  John  Langdon,  376  n;  note 
of,  on  L.  Hoar's  inauguration  as 
President  of  Harvard  College,  364; 
quoted,  on  letter  of  L.  Hoar  to  R. 
Boyle,  366  n;  on  Harvard  College 
charter  of  1672,  374 

Silkworms,  104  n;  culture  of,  in  Eng- 
land, recommended  by  R.  Child,  104; 
V.  Ferrar's  experiment  with,  104, 
105  n 

Simpson,  Savill  (d  1725),  354  n;  land 
grants  to,  1688,  354,  355 

Skilling,  John,  348;  land  grants  to, 
1688,  329,  346 

Slater,  Samuel,  his  Sunday  school  in 
Pawtucket,  R.  I.,  275  n 

Slaughter,  John,  land  grant  to,  1688, 
326 

Small-pox,  R.  Child  quoted  on,  110 

Smith,  Rev.  Arthur  Warren,  quoted,  on 
Sunday  school  of  First  Baptist 
Church  in  Charlestown,  276  n 

John,  of  Providence,  R.  I.,  43,  59; 

a  signer  of  the  Remonstrance  of  1646, 
17,  23,  28,  29;  summoned  to  Court, 
31-32,  32  n;  tried  and  sentenced,  37; 
arrested  later,  39,  41,  42;  tried  and 
sentenced,  50-56;  his  disrespect  to 
authority,  54,  54  n 

John,  Deputy  Surveyor,  appoint- 
ment of,  295  n;  warrants  to,  for  sur- 
vey of  land  grants,  295,  296,  299,  300, 
301,  315 

John,  of  Falmouth,  Me.,  309, 

309  n,  339;  land  grant  to,  1688, 
317 

Jonathan,  of  Needham,  452 

Samuel,  of  Needham,  452 

Snakeweed,  R.  Child  quoted  on,  112 


Snyder,  H.  W.,  his  work  as  an  engraver, 
258 

Soland  geese,  116 

Solemn  League  and  Covenant,  Scot- 
land, 1643,  efforts  to  make  it  effective 
in  Massachusetts,  28,  40,  85 

Soley,  Edward  (H.  C.  1828),  184  n 

Somerset  (Shawomett),  R.  I.,  land  grant 
in,  1687,  301 

Southwell,  Sir  Robert  (d  1702),  116 

Sparks,  Rev.  Jared,  President  of  Har- 
vard College,  note  of,  on  preservation 
of  Harvard  College  manuscripts, 
392  n 

Spencer,  Charles  Worthen,  acknowledg- 
ment to,  422  n 
—  John,  land  grant  to,  1688,  320 

Springfield,  represented  by  non-resi- 
dent deputy,  432  n 

Spurwink,  Me.,  293.  See  also  Falmouth, 
Me. 

Spy  Pond,  survey  of  land  near,  ordered, 
353 

Squamacack  Neck,  Westerly,  R.  I., 
land  grant  at,  1687,  294,  294  n 

Stagg,  Capt. ,  seizes  prize  in  Bos- 
ton Harbor,  79 

Stamp  Act,  action  of  Massachusetts 
towns  concerning,  437,  437  n 

Stamford  (Sanford),  Robert,  land  grant 
to,  1688,  316;  various  forms  of  the 
name,  316  n 

Thomas,  land  grant  to,  1688,  316 

Starkey,  George.    See  Stirk 

Starr,  Rev.  Comfort  (H.  C.  1647),  Fel- 
low of  Harvard  College,  396 

State  constitutions,  provisions  of,  con- 
cerning right  to  instruct  representa- 
tives, 442-443 

State  Rights  party,  444 

Stetson,  Eliot  Dawes,  409 

Stevens,  Rev.  Timothy  (H.  C.  1687), 
184 

William,  dismissed  as  representa- 
tive of  Gloucester,  1644,  425 

Stiles,  Rev.  Ezra,  President  of  Yale 
College,  interest  of,  in  alchemy,  123, 
126;  disclaims  alchemical  knowledge, 
126  n;  quoted,  on  S.  Danforth,  138, 
139  n 

Stirk,  Rev.  George  (d  1637),  100 

George    (d    1666),    son   of    Rev. 

George  (d  1637),  5  n,  101  n;  friend  of 
R.  Child,  1,  100,  125,  176;  of  R. 
Boyle,  101, 101  n,  102  n,  176;  student 


486 


INDEX 


STIRK  (continued) 

of  alchemy,  100,  101,  123;  practices 
medicine  in  Boston,  101;  goes  to  Eng- 
land, 1650,  101  n;  his  authorship  of 
the  tracts  on  alchemy  issued  under 
name  Eirenseus  Philalethes,  124,  132, 
134-136,  134  n,  143;  as  Philalethes, 
receives  title  Elias  the  Artist,  132; 
work  of,  confused  with  that  of  R. 
Child  and  T.  Vaughan,  143-146; 
sketch  of,  176;  friend  of  S.  Hartlib, 
176;  of  J.  Winthrop,  Jr.,  178 

Stone,  Rev.  Samuel  (d  1663),  163  n 

Story,  William,  419 

Stoughton,  Israel  (d  1644),  will  of,  26  n 

Rebecca,    daughter   of   Israel    (d 

1644).    See  Taylor 

Lt.-Gov.   William,   son  of  Israel 

(d  1644),  293,  304  n;  land  grant  to, 
1687,  304;  1688,  313,  314;  1688,  356 

Stoughton,  instruction  of,  to  deputy, 
438 

Strafford,  Earls  of.  See  Wentworth,  Sir 
Thomas;  Wentworth,  William 

Strahan,  William  (d  1785),  290  n 

Stubbe,  Dr.  Henry,  quoted,  on  drink 
called  mobby,  110 

STURGIS,  RICHARD  CLIPSTON,  A.B.,  on 
Committee  on  Memorials,  232 

Stuyvesant,  Peter,  Governor  of  New 
Netherland,  161,  162  n;  letter  of,  to 
J.  Winthrop,  Jr.,  162,  162  n;  salute 
to,  163 

Suchten,  Alexander  von,  128, 128  n,  129 

Sugar,  price  of,  in  Barbados,  1659,  255 

Sugars,  Mary.    See  Townsend 

Sully,  James,  quoted,  on  early  impres- 
sions, 271  n 

Sumner,  Charles,  election  of,  as  Sena- 
tor, 1851,  449  n 

William  Hyslop,  89  n,  281 

Sunday  Schools,  in  Boston,  Early,  paper 
by  A.  Matthews,  259-285;  seven- 
teenth century  forerunners  of  the 
modern  Sunday  school,  259-263;  reli- 
gious instruction  of  the  Indians,  259; 
instruction  of  children  in  First  Church 
of  Roxbury,  260,  261;  in  Norwich, 
Ct.,  261;  in  Plymouth,  261;  modern 
Sunday  school  movement  begun  in 
eighteenth  century,  by  R.  Raikes 
and  others,  264,  264  n;  original  pur- 
pose to  give  secular  instruction  to  the 
poor,  264,  264  n;  change  to  religious 
.  instruction,  1791-1819,  264  n;  schools 


SUNDAY  SCHOOLS  (continued} 

claimed  to  be  earliest  in  the  United 
States,  in  New  England,  in  Massa- 
chusetts, 264-266,  265  n;  schools  in 
Boston  before  1819,  266-284;  in  Park 
Street  Church,  266-271,  270  n,  452  n; 
in  North  Bennet  Street  and  in  Haw- 
kins Street,  269;  in  Baptist  churches, 
271,  272  n,  452  n;  in  First  Parish, 
Charlestown,  272;  in  Christ  Church, 
273-275;  in  First  Baptist  Church, 
Charlestown,  275,  275  n;  in  West 
Church,  277-279,  277  n;  in  Old  South 
Church,  452  n;  O.  W.  Lane's  school, 
280;  earliest  known  allusion  to  Sun- 
day schools  in  a  Boston  newspaper, 
283;  chronological  list  of,  before  1819, 
284 

Sutton,  land  grant  in,  1688,  314  n;  in- 
struction of,  to  representative,  1787, 
428  n 

Swan,  John,  250;  his  Speculum  Mun- 
di  borrowed  from  by  J.  Dunton,  235, 
235  n,  242,  245,  246,  249;  his  identity 
uncertain,  perhaps  of  Emmanuel 
College,  Cambridge,  235  n 

John,  of  Queens  College,  Cam- 
bridge, 235  n 

John,  of  Trinity  College,  Cam- 
bridge, 235  n 

Rev.  Josiah  (H.  C.  1733),  186 

Swart  on,  John,  296  n;  land  grant  to, 
1687,  296 

Swift,  Rev.  John  (H.  C.  1697),  186;  au- 
tograph of,  185  , 

Sword-fish,  description  of,  242 

Symonds,  Samuel  (d  1678),  16  n 


AILER,  Lt.-Gov.  William,  357  n 
Tantousq  (Sturbridge),  black  lead  mine 

at,  10,  113-115 

Taxation  without  representation,  pro- 
test against,  in  Watertown,  413 
Taxil,  L6o.    See  Jogand-Pages,  Gabriel 

Antoine 
Taylor,  Rebecca  (Stoughton),  wife  of 

William  (d  1682),  357  n;  real  estate 

belonging  to,  357 

William  (d  1682),  357  n 

Temple,  Sir  Thomas  (d  1674),  171 
Teney,    John,   land    grant    to,    1688, 

327 
Thayer,  Rev.  Christopher  Toppan  (d 

1880),  279,  279  n 


INDEX 


4S7 


THATER  (continued) 

JOHN  ELIOT,  A.M.,  on  Committee 

on  Memorials,  232 

Nathan,  410 

Richard,  request  for  land  grant 

considered,  1687,  302 

WILLIAM  ROSCOE,  LL.D.,  ap- 
pointed delegate  to  annual  Confer- 
ence of  Historical  Societies,  410 

Thomas,  George  Clifford,  287 

Isaiah,  his  statement  that  an  Eng- 
lish Bible  was  published  in  Boston 
about  1752,  285;  this  doubted  by  G. 
Bancroft  and  others,  286;  discussion 
of  the  question,  286-292 

Thomason,  George,  45  n,  46,  46  n, 
236  n 

Thompson,  Maj.  Robert,  304  n;  land 
grant  to,  1687,  304 

Thor,  George,  132 

Thresher,  a  fish,  description  of,  242 

Through,  as  a  verb,  55  n 

Thurston,  William,  268  n;  first  super- 
intendent of  Park  Street  Church 
Sunday  school,  267;  vice-president 
of  Boston  Society  for  the  Moral  and 
Religious  Instruction  of  the  Poor, 
268 

Tinge.    See  Tyng 

Tiverton,  R.  I.,  incorporation  of,  300  n 

Tobacco,  R.  Child  quoted  on,  112 

Tobias,  Rabbi,  of  Poland,  126  n 

Todtenfeld,  Johann  Ferdinand  Hertodt 
von,  136  n,  143;  cited,  on  authorship 
of  Philalethes  tracts,  135-137 

Toleration,  not  sympathized  with  by 
colonial  Congregationalists,  or  by 
Presbyterians  or  Episcopalians  of  the 
time,  3,  23,  88;  W.  Vassall's  efforts 
for,  47,  47  n 

Tompson,  Benjamin  (d  1714),  extract 
from  his  Funeral  Tribute  to  J.  Win- 
throp,  Jr.,  127 

Torpedo  (cramp-fish),  description  of, 
246 

Torrey,  William  (d  c  1691),  58  n 

Tortoise  (sea-turtle),  description  of,  249 

Town,  in  New  England,  basis  of  repre- 
sentation, 421,  421  n;  districts  re- 
arranged, 1857,  422  n 

Town  Mandates,  New  England,  paper 
by  K.  Colegrove,  411-449 

Town-meeting  system  of  New  England, 
411,  413,  417-420,  430,  436-441,  446- 
449 


Towns  of  Massachusetts,  action  of,  on 
the  Stamp  Act,  437,  437  n 

Townsend,  Gregory  (d  1798),  son  of 
Rev.  Jonathan  (d  1762),  sketch  of, 
451;  account-book  of,  recovered,  451 

—  Horatio,  451 

—  Rev.  Jonathan  (d  1762),  451;  ex- 
tract from  diary  of,  relating  to  Lydia 
Fisher's  service  to  the  regicides  Goffe 
and  Whalley,  449;  same  in  facsimile, 
453;  first  minister  of  Needham,  450; 
quoted,  on  catechizing  children,  452 

—  Mary,  daughter  of  Horatio.    See 
Derby 

—  Mary  (Sugars),  wife  of  Rev.  Jona- 
than (d  1762),  451 

Transmutation  of  metals,  alleged  cases 
of,  129,  129  n,  130,  133,  144 

Treaty  of  Paris,  1783,  439 

Trerice,  Nicholas,  29  n 

Trumbull,  Jonathan  (d  1785),  Governor 
of  Connecticut,  127  n;  quoted,  on  re- 
lation of  colonies  to  Parliament,  78 

Truro,  ordinance  passed  in,  regarding 
removal  of  shells  which  might  be  use- 
ful for  lime,  105 

Tucker,  John,   332 

Turfrey,  George  (d  1714),  359  n;  land 
grant  to,  1688,  359 

TURNER,  FREDERICK  JACKSON,  LL.D., 
411  n;  appointed  delegate  to  annual 
Conference  of  Historical  Societies, 
410 

—  Ralph,  308 

TTTTTLE,  JULIUS  HERBERT,  speaks  on 
early  surnames  in  the  Bay  Colony, 
citing  two  from  Dedham  church 
records,  258;  communicates  Land 
Warrants  under  Andros,  1687-1688, 
292-363;  exhibits  scrap-book  con- 
taining extracts  from  a  diary  of  Rev. 
J.  Townsend,  449-452 

Twisleton,  Col.  John,  97 

Tydye,  Robert,  land  grant  to,  1688, 
326 

Tyler,  Harry  Walter,  409 

John,  President,  444 

Tyng,  Edward  (d  c  1701),  nephew  o£ 
William  (d  1653),  308  n,  311,  311  n, 
338,  344,  348;  land  grant  to,  1687, 
308 

Jonathan  (d  1724),  brother  of 

Edward  (d  c  1701),  351  n;  land  grant 
to,  1688,  351 

William  (d  1653),  15  n,  180 


•kss 


INDEX 


NITED  States,  Articles  of  Con- 
federation, a  referendum  on  ratifying, 
ordered  by  Massachusetts  General 
Court,  1778,  438 

Urbiger,  Baron,  143,  143  n 

Usher,  Hezekiah  (d  1697),  172,  172  n 

John  (d  1726),  brother  of  Hezekiah 

(d  1697),  295  n,  353 

Ussher,  James,  Archbishop  of  Armagh, 
117,  117  n 


V  AGAN,  Thomas  de.  See  Vaughan, 
Thomas 

Valle,  Pietro  della,  234  n,  250;  his  Trav- 
els into  East  India,  234 

Vassall,  William,  36,  39  n;  efforts  of,  to 
get  up  petitions  to  Parliament, 
against  New  England  government, 
18,  18  n,  25,  34  n,  35,  54  n;  connec- 
tion of,  with  the  Remonstrance  of 
1646,  33,  47;  authorship  of  New- 
England's  Jonas  ascribed  to,  by  E. 
Winslow,  46  n,  47  n;  petitions  of,  re- 
jected, 48,  48  n;  no  copy  known,  47  n 

Vaughan,  Diana,  alleged  descendant  of 
Thomas,  really  Gabriel  Antoine  Jog- 
and-Pages.  See  Jogand-Pages 

Henry  (d  1695),  brother  of  Thomas 

(d  1665),  141,  141  n 

Thomas  (d  1665),  his  Anthropo- 

sophia,  99,  125;  death  of,  125,  142; 
writing  under  pseudonym  Eugenius 
Philalethes  is  confused  with  Eire- 
IUPUS  Philalethes,  141,  143,  144;  ex- 
traordinary hoax  concerning,  by  L. 
Taxil,  142,  142  n,  143;  J.  C.  Creiling's 
inferences  concerning,  144,  145 

Veazie,  William,  requests  land  grant, 
1688,  335 

Verres,  Caius,  cited,  by  C.  F.  Adams, 
81;  his  treatment  of  Gavius  of  Consa, 
81,  82 

Vines,  Richard  (d  1651),  326,  326  n; 
conveys  interest  in  Saco  patent  to 
R.  Child,  1645,  16,  16  n,  63,  63  n,  111 

Vose,  Thomas,  article  by,  on  Sabbath 
schools  cited,  266  n 


ADE,  Jonathan   (d    1689),   297, 
297  n 

Wadsworth,  Rev.  Benjamin,  President 
of  Harvard  College,  206,  366  n,  379, 


WADSWORTH  (continued) 
388,  389,  389  n;  college  records  com- 
piled by,  365  n;  quoted,  on  L.  Hoar's 
inauguration,  as  President  of  Har- 
vard College,  366;  on  his  resignation, 
368  n 

Waite,  Arthur  Edward,  exposes  L. 
Taxil,  142  n;  quoted,  on  T.  Vaughan, 
145;  on  mysterious  alchemical  adept, 
145  n 

Thomas,   299  n;   land  grant  to, 


1687,  300 

Wakely,  Elizabeth,  daughter  of  Thomas. 

See  Coe 

Thomas,  348,  348  n 

Walker,  Rev.  James,  President  of  Har- 
vard College,  380  n 
Wall,  Capt.  John,  79 
Walley,  John  (d  1714),  299  n 
Wallis,  John  (d  1690),  330  n,  340  n,  349; 

land  grant  to,  1688,  330 

-  Nathaniel  (d  1709),  341,  349;  land 

grant  to,  1688,  339 
Walpole,  Sir  Robert,  first  Earl  of  Or- 

ford,  423 
WARE,  HORACE  EVERETT,  A.B.,  death 

of  and  tribute  to,  405 
Warner,  John,  cited,  on  S.  Gorton,  44  n 
Warrants  to  survey  lands,  issued  by 

Gov.  Andros,  1687-1688,  292-363 
Watertown,  land  grant  in,  1687,  311; 

1688,  353;  early  protest  of,  against 
taxation  without  representation,  413 

Watts,  Henry,  319 
Webb,  Henry  (d  1660),  13,  13  n,  14 
Webber,  Joseph,  son  of  Mary,  324  n; 
land  grant  to,  1688,  324 

Mary,  324  n;  land  grant  to,  1688, 


325 

Rev.  Samuel,  President  of  Har- 
vard College,  view  of  college  dedi- 
cated to,  258,  258  n 

Webster,  Arthur  Gordon,  409 

Wedel,  Georg  Wolfgang,  identifies  Phi- 
lalethes with  T.  Vaughan,  141,  141  n, 
143 

Weld,  Capt.  John,  suit  brought  against, 
by  Alderman  Barclay,  of  London, 
29n 

Samuel,  298 

Thomas,  298 

Wellington,  Mary.    See  Lane 

Wells,  Philip,  warrants  to,  for  survey 
of  land  grants,  294,  296-298,  301- 
303,  311,  313-361;  sketch  of,  294  n 


INDEX 


489 


Wells,  Me.,  censures  member  of  Con- 
gress, 445 

Welsteed,  Rev.  William  (H.  C.  1716), 
controversy  on  claim  of,  to  seat  in 
Corporation  of  Harvard  College,  380, 
388,392 

Wenham,  represented  by  non-resident 
deputy,  431 

Wentworth,  Sir  Thomas,  first  Earl  of 
Straff  ord,  8  n,  117,  117  n 

William,  second  Earl  of  Straff  ord, 

115 

Wesley,  Rev.  John,  262  n 

West,  Dep.-Sec.  John  (d  1691),  signa- 
ture of,  to  documents,  313,  314, 
359 

Rev.  Samuel  (d  1807),  126  n 

Westerly,  R.  I.,  land  grants  in,  1687, 
294,  294  n,  295;  name  changed  to 
Fevershana,  1686,  295  n 

Westfield,  represented  by  non-resident 
deputy,  431 

Weston,  Sir  Richard,  his  Discours  of 
Husbandrie,  103  n 

Weymouth,  instruction  of,  to  deputy, 
438 

Weysemitt,  352  n;  land  grant  in,  1688, 
351 

Whale,  description  of,  243 

Whalley,  Edward,  regicide,  service  of 
Fisher  family  to,  449-451 

Wheeler,  Capt.  John,  delegate  to  Pro- 
vincial Congress,  from  Rehoboth, 
dismissed,  1774,  426 

Whipping,  at  Harvard  College,  376, 
376  n 

White,  Nathaniel,  341;  land  grant  to, 
1688,341 

Rev.  William,  Bishop  of  Penn- 
sylvania, first  president  of  Society 
for  the  Institution  and  Support  of 
First-Day  or  Sunday  Schools  in  Phila- 
delphia, 264  n,  274  n 

William,  miner,  1647,  63  n 

Whiting,  Rev.  Samuel  (d  1679),  Over- 
seer of  Harvard  College,  167  n 

Whitmore,  William  Henry,  cited,  on 
maps  of  early  Boston,  251,  252 

Whittemore,  Samuel,  384  n 

Whittier,  John  Greenleaf,  88  n;  quoted, 
on  treatment  of  R.  Child,  74  n 

Wigglesworth,  Rev.  Edward  (d  1765), 
384  n,  385  n 

GEORGE,  A.M.,  on  Committee  on 

Memorials,  232 


Wilcox,  Daniel,  299  n;  land  grant  to, 
1687,299 

Wild,  John,  230  n 

Willard,  Rev.  Joseph,  President  of 
Harvard  College,  258  n 

Sec.  Josiah,  son  of  Rev.  Samuel 

(H.  C.  1659),  399;  attest  of,  388,  389, 
390 

Rev.  Samuel  (H.  C.  1659),  183, 

183  n 

Willett,  Thomas  (d  1674),  158  n,  162 

William  and  Mary  College,  169  n 

WILLIAMS,  MOSES,  A.B.,  death  of,  xv; 
tribute  to,  405 

Rev.  Roger,  74  n 

Samuel  Gardner,  quoted,  on  Co- 

menius,  148 

WILLISTON,  SAMTTEL,  LL.D.,  404;  elected 
Resident  Member,  1;  accepts,  231; 
elected  Member  of  Council,  408 

Willoughby,  Dep.-Gov.  Francis,  quarrel 
of,  with  R.  Child,  64 

Wilson,  Rev.  John  (d  1667), 8, 158, 175  n 

Winchell,  Rev.  James  Manning,  272, 
452  n 

Wing,  Edward.    See  Tyng 

Winslow,  Edward,  Governor  of  Plym- 
outh Colony,  33,  34  n,  39  n,  44,  45  n, 
47  n,  79;  quoted,  on  R.  Child,  5,  6, 
7;  quoted,  on  Remonstrance  of  1646, 
19,  21;  on  P.  Hobart,  24  n;  goes  to 
England  as  agent  of  the  Massachu- 
setts colony  in  the  Gorton  business, 
30,  36,  45,  45  n;  quoted,  on  voyage 
of  the  Supply,  1646,  35;  on  fines  of 
the  Remonstrants,  38  n;  issues  Hy- 
pocrisie  Unmasked,  45;  New-Eng- 
1  HI  n  Is  Salamander,  46;  quoted,  on 
New-Englands  Jonas,  46  n;  his  con- 
duct of  case  for  the  Colony  against 
8.  Gorton  and  R.  Child,  47-50,  65- 
66,76 

Winslow,  Josiah  (d  1674),  brother  of 
Gov.  Edward,  13  n 

Winter,  Irvah  Lester,  409 

John,  305  n 

Sarah,  daughter  of  John.  Ste 

Jordan 

Winthrop,  Adam,  father  of  Gov.  John 
(d  1649),  156  n 

Adam  (d  1652),  son  of  Gov.  John 

(d  1649),  16  n;  letter  of,  quoted, 
158  n 

Adam  (d  1700),  son  of  Adam  (d 

1652),  177  n 


490 


INDEX 


WINTHBOP  (continued) 

Adam  (d  1743),  son  of  Adam  (d 

1700),  177  n 

Ann,    daughter   of   John,   Jr.    (d 

1676).    See  Richards 

Forth,  son  of  Gov.  John  (d  1649), 

156  n;  may  have  met  R.  Child,  at 
Cambridge,  Eng.,  175  n 

Francis  Bayard,  gives  Winthrop 

Library  to  New  York  Society  Library, 
189  n 

Gov.  John  (d  1649),  8,  26,  40,  43, 

45  n,  58  n,  78,  93  n,  150  n,  159  n,  179, 
220,  415;  quotations  from,  10  n,  29  n, 
33  n,  34  n,  36  n,  39,  41  n,  77  n,  79; 
letters  to,  quoted,  16,  19,  66;  on  com- 
mittee to  answer  the  Remonstrance 
of  1646,  30;  quoted,  on  the  Answer, 
31;  on  conduct  of  the  case,  32,  38  n, 
39,  41  n;  on  P.  Hobart,  36;  re-elected 
Governor,  1647,  43;  quoted,  on  re- 
newal of  charter,  1641,  77  n;  G.  Stirk 
commended  to  care  of,  101,  176;  said 
to  have  met  Comenius,  148,  155;  not 
in  Europe  after  1630,  156;  at  Cam- 
bridge University,  156  n;  on  first 
Board  of  Overseers  of  Harvard  Col- 
lege, 167;  land  given  to,  by  Tacomus, 
334,  334  n;  quoted,  on  early  govern- 
ment of  Massachusetts  Bay  Colony, 
412;  character  of  his  rule,  412-413, 
424;  visits  Gov.  Bradford,  at  Plym- 
outh, 1632,  431 

John,  Jr.   (d  1676),  Governor  of 

Connecticut,  son  of  Gov.  John  (d 
1649),  93,  98  n,  101,  148,  149,  150  n, 
156,  156  n,  161  n,  169  n,  170,  174, 
179,  179  n,  367;  intimacy  of,  with  R. 
Child,  7,  8-11,  91,  92,  98,  99;  sails  for 
Boston,  10;  interest  of,  in  iron  mines 
in  Massachusetts,  10-12,  10  n,  14,  15; 
mention  of,  and  extracts  from,  letters 
to,  33  n,  34  n,  38  n,  39  n,  42,  44,  74  n, 
93  n,  100,  114  n,  120,  120  n,  131  n, 
141;  connection  of,  with  payment  of 
R.  Child's  fine,  60,  61  n;  interest  of, 
in  lead  mines  in  Massachusetts,  92, 
112,  113,  114,  114  n;  friend  of  Sir  K. 
Digby,  115;  alchemical  pursuits  of, 
123-129,  128  n;  a  founder  of  the 
Royal  Society,  124,  178;  his  library, 
128,  128  n,  129;  believed  by  Bacstrom 
to  have  been  Eirenaeus  Philalethes, 
145;  C.  Mather's  statement  that  he 
invited  Comenius  to  become  Presi- 


WINTHKOP  (continued) 

dent  of  Harvard  College,  146,  155; 
confusion  of,  in  this  matter,  with 
other  Winthrops,  150,  150  n,  155; 
education  of,  156,  156  n;  travels  of, 
and  possibility  of  meetings  with  Co- 
menius and  mention  of  Harvard  presi- 
dency as  future  possibility,  156-164, 
157  n,  158  n-160  n,  162  n,  163  n, 
166-168,  166  n,  171,  171  n,  177;  his 
commission  to  found  and  govern 
colony  in  Connecticut,  159,  164; 
duration  of  his  governorship,  170, 
170  n;  friend  of  S.  Hartlib,  171,  172, 

172  n,  174,   180;  of  H.  Oldenburg, 

173  n;  of  many  men  of  note,  175-179, 
175  n,  176  n;  extensive  correspond- 
ence of,  with  distinguished  men,  178; 
letter  of,  to  R.  Boyle,  about  Indian 
students  at  Harvard  College,  1663, 
186;  books  by  Comenius  owned  by, 
189,  189  n;  daughters  of,  334  n;  gift 
of,  to  Harvard  College,  369 

—  John  (d  1707),  Governor  of  Con- 
necticut, son  of  John,  Jr.  (d  1676), 
179;  friend  of  C.  Mather,  168;  deeds 
land  to  sisters,  334  n 

—  John   (d   1747),   son  of  Wait   (d 
1717),  128,  131  n,  177  n,  179,  179  n; 
friend  of  C.  Mather,  168,  168  n;  Fel- 
low   of    the    Royal    Society,    177, 
178 

—  John  (d  1779),  son  of  Adam  (d 
1743),  177  n 

—  Margaret,  daughter  of  John,  Jr. 
(d  1676).    See  Corwin 

—  Richard      Charles,      erroneously 
named  by  Count  Lutzow  as  Governor 
of  Massachusetts,  150,  150  n 

—  Robert  Charles  (d  1894),  150  n; 
quoted,  on  C.  Mather's  knowledge  of 
the  Winthrop  family,  168,  169  n 

—  Stephen,    son   of   Gov.   John    (d 
1649),  14;  suit  brought  against,  by 
Alderman  Barclay  of  London,  29  n; 
quoted,  on  severity  toward  Anabap- 
tists, 29  n;  quoted,  on  establishment 
of  Presbyterian  government  in  Eng- 
land, 74  n;  agent  in  England  for  pro- 
moting lead-mining  schemes  of  his 
brother,  John,  Jr.,  114,  114  n 

Wait  (d  1717),  son  of  John,  Jr. 

(d  1676),  156,  177,  177  n,  179;  friend 
of  C.  Mather,  168;  deeds  land  to  sis- 
ters, 334  n 


INDEX 


491 


WINTHBOP  (continued) 

family,  C.  Mather's  epitaph  on, 

127;  his  special  interest  in,  168, 168  n; 
several  Winthrops  members  of  Royal 
Society,  177;  genealogical  table  of, 
177  n;  papers  of,  179 

Winthrop  Library,  189  n 

Wiswall,  Enoch,  346,  346  n 

John,  254 

Hannah,  daughter  of  John.  See 

Mannings 

Witchcraft,  alchemy  unjustly  associated 
with,  123 

WoUnough,  Joshua,  one  of  thirteen  peti- 
tioners to  the  Council  for  Foreign 
Plantations,  1661,  67 

Wood,  Anthony  a,  cited,  on  Eiren- 
seus  and  Eugenius  Philalethes, 
141  n 

Rev.  Nathan  Eusebius,  quoted, 

on  early  Sunday  schools  in  Boston 
and  vicinity,  particularly  in  the  Bap- 
tist churches,  271 

WOODBURY,  JOHN,  A.B.,  on  Committee 
on  Memorials,  232 

WOODS,  HENRY  ERNEST,  A.M.,  death 
of,  xv,  405;  on  Nominating  Commit- 
tee, 231 

Woodstock,  Ct.,  land  grants  in,  359; 
naming  of,  359  n 

Worcester,  land  grants  in,  1687,  303, 
304,  305;  instructions  of,  to  deputies, 
428,  428  n 

Worsley,  Benjamin,  118  n,  122  n;  friend 
of  R.  Child,  98  n,  120,  120  n;  govern- 
ment position  of,  in  Ireland,  120, 
120  n 


Worthington,  Rev.  John  (d  1671), 
quoted,  on  Soland  geese,  116 

Wren,  Sir  Christopher,  178 

Wright,  Thomas  Goddard  (d  1919), 
180  n,  182  n,  189  n 

Wylbour, ,  sent  against  Narragan- 

sett  Indians,  1645,  44  n 


JL  ALE,   Ann,   wife  of    David.     See 

Eaton 

David  (d  1690),  a  signer  of  Re- 
monstrance of  1646,  17,  26,  27  n,  29, 
29  n,  67;  tried  and  sentenced,  37;  not 
concerned  in  second  case  against  the 
Remonstrants,  50 

Elihu  (d  1721),  son  of  David  (d 

1690),  26,  27 

Ursula,  wife  of  David  (d  1690),  26 

Yale  College,  founding  of,  169  n 

Library,  owns  books  by  Comenius, 

181  n,  182  n 
Yardly,  John,  requests  land  grant,  1688, 

336 

York,  Me.,  land  grant  in,  1688,  331 
Young,  Dr.  Thomas  (d  1777),  138 
Young  People's  Religious  Union,  261 
Youth's    Manual,    published    by    A. 
Eaton  and  revised  by  S.  Bell,  for 
Sunday  school  use,  274;  copy  in  Bos- 
ton Athenaeum,  274  n 


Z 


ACHARIAS,  Chrystopolitanus, 
works  of,  202 

Zcheil,  143,  144,  145.    See  Child,  Dr. 
Robert 


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