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CHAPTER  I. 

THE  KELATIONS  OF  FILOSTRATO  TO  THE  ROMAN  DE  TROIE 
AND  TO  THE  HlSTORIA  TROIANA. 

THE  earliest  extant  account  of  the  unfortunate  love  of  Troilus 
and  Briseida  l  is  that  contained  in  certain  disconnected  passages  of 
the  Roman  de  Troie2  of  Benoit  de  Sainte-Maure,  written  about 
the  year  1160.3  The  Roman  de  Troie  is  in  the  main4  based 
upon  two  Latin  forgeries  known  as  Dictys  Cretensis  Ephemeris 
Belli  Troiani,5  of  the  fourth  century  A.D.,6  and  Daretis  Phrygii 
De  Excidio  Troiae  Historia?  of  the  sixth  century.8  In  the  part 

1  As  far  as  possible,  I  shall  use  the  spelling  of  this  heroine's  name  prevail 
ing  in  the  work  under  immediate  discussion  from  time  to  time.     On  the 
spelling  of  the  name  by  Boccaccio  and  by  Chaucer,  see  especially  Skeat,  Com 
plete  Works  of  Geoffrey  Chaucer,  II,  Oxford,    1894,    pp.    Ixiv-lxv  ;    G.   L. 
Hamilton,  Chaucer's  Indebtedness  to  Guido  delle  Colonne,  New  York,  1903, 
pp.  134-135;  J.  L.  Lowes,  Publications  of  the  Modern  Language  Association, 
XX  (1905),  823-829  ;    J.  S.  P.  Tatlock,  The  Development  and  Chronology  of 
Chaucer's  Works,  Chaucer  Society,  London,  1907,  pp.  30-32.     For  Boccaccio's 
use   of  the  name  Briseida,  see  Ameto  (Opere   Volgari,   Vol.   XV,   Firenze, 
Moutier,  1833,  p.  136)  and  Filocolo  (Opere  Volgari,  Vol.  VII,  Firenze,  1829, 
p.  278). 

2  In  general,  I  shall  refer  to  the  edition  of  L.   Constans,  of  which  two 
volumes  (Le  Roman  de  Troie  par  Benoit  de  Sainte-Maure,  Paris,  1904-1906), 
containing  lines  1-14958,   are  already  published.     To  the  complete  text  of 
A.  Joly  (Benoit  de  Sainte-More  et  Le  Roman  de  Troie,  Vol.  II,  Paris,  1871) 
I  shall  refer  for  the  part  of  the  poem  not  yet  edited  by  Constans. 

3  On  this  daie  see  especially  G.  Paris,  La  "Litterature  Franfaise  au  Moyen 
Age,  Paris,  1905,  p.  80  ;  G.  Grober,  Grundriss  der  Romanischen  Philologie, 
II,   1,   Strassburg,   1898,  p.   583;   E.   Langlois,  Bibliotheque  de    I'Ecole  des 
Chartcs,  LXVI,  108  ;  L.  Constans,  in  L.  Petit  de  Julleville's  Histoire  de  la 
Langue  et  de  la  Litterature  Franfaise,  Tome  I,  Paris,  1896,  p.  198  ;  P.  Meyer. 
Romania,  XXIII,  16. 

4  On  Benoit's  use  of  Dictys  and  Dares  and  of  supplementary  sources,  see 
Joly,  I,  218-233  j  W.  Greif,  Die  mittelalterlichen  Bearbeitungen  der  Trojan- 
crsage,  Marburg,  1886,  pp.  13-54. 

5  Edited  by  F.  Meister,  Lipsiae,  1872. 

e  See  N.  E.  Griffin,  Dares  and  Dictys,  Baltimore,  1907,  p.  3.  I  owe  much 
to  advance  sheets  of  Dr.  Griffin's  treatise. 

7  Edited  by  F.  Meister,  Lipsiae,  1873.  8  See  Griffin,  p.  5. 

DEV.  TR.  CR.  B 


2  DARES'S    NOTICES    OF   TROILUS,    BRISEIDA,    DIOMEDES.         [CH. 

of  his  poem  recounting  the  episode  of  the  love  of  Troilus  and 
Briseida,1  Benoit  follows  Dares,  whose  fragmentary  information 
concerning  the  chief  characters  involved  may  be  outlined  at-4 
follows  2  :° 

In  the  first  place,  Dares  gives  us  the  "portraits"  of  the 
three  main  figures.  Troilus  is  described  briefly,  as  follows : 

"  Troilum  magnum,  pulcherrimum,  pro  aetate  valentem,  fortem,. 
cupidum  virtutis."  3 

Briseida  is  placed  among  the  Greeks  with  the  following  portrait : 

"  Briseidam  formosam,  non  alta  statura,  candidam,  capillo  flavo 
et  molli,  superciliis  iunctis,  oculis  venustis,  corpore  aequali> 
blandam,  affabilem,  verecundam,  animo  simplici,  piam."4 

Diomedes  is  described  as  follows  : 

"  Diomedem  fortem  quadratum,  corpore  honesto,  vultu  austero, 
in  bello  acerrimum,  clamosum,  cerebro  calido,  impatientem,. 
audacem."  5 

Elsewhere  in  the  Historia  Dares  tells  us  that  in  one  of  his  fights  * 
Troilus  wounds  Diomedes, — • 

"Troilus  Diomedem  sauciat."7 

We  are  told  that  Calchas,  the  Trojan  priest,  met  Achilles  at 
Delphi,  and  by  command  of  the  oracle  joined  the  Greeks.8  These 
few  details  substantially  exhaust  Dares'  contribution  toward  a 
story  of  Troilus  and  Briseida. 

1  Roman  de  Troie,  5211-5224,  5275-5288,  5393-5446,  13086-13120,  13261- 
13866,  14267-14357,  to  which  are  to  be  added  from  the  edition  of  Joly,. 
14927-15112,  15572-15594,  20057-20330,  20591-20670,  21369-21484. 

2  Although   Dictys    gives    an  account  of  the   relations  of  Hippodamia» 
daughter  of  Brises,  to  Achilles  and  to  Agamemnon  (ii,  17,  19,  33,  49,  52  ; 
iv,  15),  he  nowhere  calls  her  Briseida.     Dictys  has  no  equivalent  for  Dares' 
"  portraits  "  of  Diomedes,  Briseida,  and  Troilus  (cap.  xii,  xiii),  to  which  are 
evidently  due  the  corresponding  "portraits  "in  Benoit's  poem  (E.  de   T., 
5211-5224,  5275-5288,  5393-5446).     Dictys  mentions  Troilus  only  in  record 
ing  his  death  : — "  Capti  etiam  Lycaon  et  Troilus  Priamidae,  quos  in  medium 
productos  Achilles  iugulari  iubet  indignatus  nondum  sibi  a  Priamo  super  his, 
quae  secum  tractaverat,  inandatum.     Quae  ubi  animadvertere  Troiani,  tollunt 
gemitus  et  clamore  lugubri  Troili  casum  miserandum  in  modum  deflent  re- 
cordati  aetatem  eius  admodum  inmaturam,  qui  in  primis  pueritiae  annis  cum 
verecundia  ac  probitate,  turn  praecipue  forma  corporis  amabilis  atque  acceptus 
popularibus  adolescebat  "  (iv,  9).     Diomedes  is  mentioned  frequently  in  the 
Ephemeris  (i,  12,  15,  16,  17,  19  ;  ii,  9,  15,  19,  20,  32,  41,  48  ;  iii,  4,  12,  17,    ' 
19  ;  iv,  3,  7  ;  v,  15  ;  vi,  2),  but  never  in  relation  to  Troilus.  __  Calchas  appears 
as  a  Greek  priest,  without  a  daughter  (i,  15,  17,  21  ;  ii,  30  ;*iv,  18  ;  v,  7). 

3  Cap.  xii,  p.  15.  4  Cap.  xiii,  p.  17.  5  Cap.  xiii,  p.  16. 

6  Cap.  xxix,  p.  35  ;  xxxi,  p.  37  ;  xxxiii,  p.  39. 

7  Cap.  xxxi,  p.  37.  8  Cap.  xv,  p.  20. 


NOTICE. 

DURING  the  years  1903-6,  the  Society's  Editors  did  not 
enable  it  to  issue  any  Text  except  the  short  No.  36,  the  Four- 
Days  Journey  from  London  to  Canterbury  and  lack  of  the 
Aragonese  Ambassadors  in  1415.  But  several  Subscribers 
generously  continued  to  pay  their  Subscriptions,  so  that  the 
Society  has  now  rather  more  than  £800  in  hand  to  pay  for  its 
issues  of  1903,  1904,  1905,  1906  and  1907,  five  years.  These 
issues  will  be  dated  1907  or  1908,  &c.,  the  year  in  which 
they  are  sent  out,  but  about  £200  worth  of  work  will  be 
assigned  to  each  of  the  back  years  in  which  no  Text  was  issued. 
The  present  volume,  Prof.  Tatlock's  Development  and  Chronology 
of  Chaucer's  Works,  will  be  taken  as  the  second  Text  for  1903. 
It  is  hoped  that  Prof.  McCormick  will  soon  issue  two  vols.  for 
1904,  and  Miss  Spurgeon  and  Miss  Fox  one — the  Chaucer 
Allusions,  1360-1900,  Pt.  I— for  1905,  with  Prof.  Syphard's 
work  on  The  Hous  of  Fame,  which  has  been  for  some  months 
in  the  printers'  hands.  So  far  as  is  possible,  the  money  paid 
in  for  every  year  will  be  spent  on  Texts  for  that  year;  and 
these  Texts  will  be  sent  to  the  payers  of  the  money. 


The  Announcements  as  to  the  issues  for  1907  on  the  cover 
of  Prof.  Tatlock's  volume  will  be  alterd,  in  future  Texts,  so  as 
to  correspond  with  the  Notice  above. 

F.  J.   FURNIVALL. 

June  14,  1907. 


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BY 

KARL  YOUNG,  PH.D. 

PARKER  FELLOW  OF  HARVARD  UNIVERSITY 


PUBLISHT  FOE  THE  CHAUCER  SOCIETY 

BY  KEGAN  PAUL,  TRENCH,  TRUBNER  &  CO.,  LIMITED, 

DRYDEN  HOUSE,  43,  GERRARD  STREET,  SOHO,  W. 

1908,  for  the  Issue  of  1904- 


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aiCHARD  CLAV   &   SONS,    LIMITED,    LONDON  AND  BUNOAT. 


To 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  PACK 

I.  THE  RELATIONS  OF  FILOSTRATO  TO  THE  ROMAN  DE  TROIE 

AND   TO    THE    HlSTOEIA    TllOIANA         ....  1 

II.  THE  RELATIONS  OF  FILOSTRATO  TO  FILOCOLO        .         .  26 

III.  THE   RELATIONS   OF    TROILUS    AND   GRISEYDE  TO    THE 

ROMAN  DE  TROIE  AND  TO  THE  HISTORIA  TROIANA   .  105 

IY.  THE  RELATIONS  OF  TROILUS  AND  CRISEYDE  TO  FILOCOLO  139 

APPENDICES  182 


PREFACE. 

THIS  study,  in  substantially  its  present  form,  was  presented  in 
1907  to  the  Faculty  of  Arts  and  Sciences  of  Harvard  University  in 
fulfilment  of  one  of  the  requirements  for  the  degree  of  Doctor  of 
Philosophy.  Professor  George  Lyman  Kittredge  suggested  to  me 
the  subject  here  treated,  and  every  step  in  the  investigation  was 
made  under  his  direct  guidance.  In  addition  to  constant  generous 
advice,  I  owe  to  Professor  Kittredge  most  of  the  training  without 
which  I  could  never  have  undertaken  the  investigation  at  all. 
Professor  Ford,  Professor  Schofield,  and  Professor  Eobinson  allowed 
me  to  consult  them  at  all  times.  By  his  kindness  in  criticizing  my 
manuscript  in  detail,  Professor  Sheldon  has  saved  me  from  more 
than  one  inaccuracy.  I  cannot  easily  express  my  indebtedness  to 
Mr.  E.  H.  Wilkins,  who,  with  the  utmost  generosity,  has  com 
municated  to  me  both  the  results  and  the  processes  of  his  investiga 
tion  of  the  biography  of  Boccaccio.  The  occasional  references  to 
Mr.  Wilkins  in  footnotes  are  only  a  slight  indication  of  my 
indebtedness.  Dr.  ]ST.  E.  Griffin  greatly  aided  me  by  allowing  me 
to  use  advance  sheets  of  his  treatise  on  Dictys  and  Dares.  To 
Dr.  G.  L.  Hamilton,  from  whose  published  opinion  I  am  sometimes 
obliged  to  dissent,  I  owe  much  kind  and  helpful  criticism. 


1 


CH.  l]      A    SUPPOSED    ORIGINAL    OF    TROILUS   AND  BRISEIDA's    LOVE.      3 

From  the  brevity,  meagreness,  and  ill-assortment  of  the  informa 
tion  in  Dares'  work  as  we  have  it,  and  from  certain  indications 
found  in  later  writers  who  are  clearly  basing  their  accounts  on 
Dares,  certain  scholars  have  assumed  that  there  must  have  existed 
a  more  extended  form  of  Dares'  Historia,  of  which  our  extant 
text  is  a  mere  epitome.1  It  is  not  our  present  task  to  consider 
the  whole  problem  of  the  possible  relations  of  our  extant  text  of 
Dares  to  an  assumed  more  extended  original,  but  merely  to  inquire 
whether  or  not  any  such  original  would  be  likely  to  contain  a 
love  story  of  Troilus  and  Briseida. 

Those  who  believe  that  such  a  story  existed  in  the  more 
xtended  Dares  text  have  really  accomplished  nothing  beyond 
showing  that  the  Briseida,  Troilus,  Diomedes,  and  Calchas  of 
^Dares'  Historia  lent  themselves  easily  to  such  a  treatment  as 
Benoit  gave  them.2  These  writers  have  assumed,  therefore,  that 
ithese  suggestive  figures  in  our  Dares  must  be  the  detritus  of  a 
former  love  story  resembling  Benoit's  account  of  Troilus  and 
Briseida.  To  such  a  hypothesis  there  are  at  least  the  following 
objections : 

1.  According  to  Dares,  Troilus  is  a  Trojan,  while  Briseida  is 
placed  among  the  Greeks,  and  the  two  characters  are  never 
brought  into  any  relation  whatever.  To  meet  this  difficulty  it 
has  been  suggested3  that,  since  Calchas  was  first  with  the 
Trojans  and  then  with  the  Greeks,  his  daughter  Briseida  might 
naturally  be  listed  with  either  party.  This  suggestion,  however, 
involves  the  unwarranted  assumption  that  Calchas  was  associated 
with  Briseida,  an  association  concerning  which  Dares  gives  no 
suggestion.4 

1  Among  the  advocates  of  a  larger  version  are  G.  Koerting  (Dictys  und 
Dares,  Halle,  1874,  pp.  67-119),  R.  Jaeckel  (Dares  Phrygius  und  Benoit  de 
Sainte-More,  Breslau,  1875),  and  G.  Paris  (Romania,  III,  131-134  ;  Revue 
Critique  d'Histoire  et  de  Literature,  VIII,  9  Mai,  1874,  pp.  289-292).  Their 
view  is  opposed  by  H.  Dunger  (Die  Sage  vom  trojanischen  Kriege,  Leipzig, 
3869,  pp.  12,  17-18),  Joly  (I,  201-203),  F.  Meister  (Daretis  Phrygii  De 
Excidio  Troiae  Historia,  Lipsiae,  1873,  p.  xvi),  Greif  (pp.  54-55),  and 
E.  ^Joseph  (Zeitschrift  fur  Romanische  Philologie,  VIII,  117-119). 

That  such  a  love  story  existed  in  a  larger  Dares  is  unreservedly  believed 


III,  17);  W.  Hertzberg  (id.,  VI,  182-183);  Dunger  (p.  36);  R.  Dernedde 
( Uber  die  den  TtUfranzosisclien  Dichtern  bekannten  epischen  Stoffe  aus  dem 
Altertum,  Erlangen,  1887,  pp.  122-123). 

3  Koerting,  p.  96. 

4  Of.  Joseph,  Zeitschrift /.  Rom.  Philol,  VIII,  119. 


4  BRISEIDA   AND    GUIDO's   DEVELOPMENT   OF   DARES.  [CH.  I 

.  2.  Dares    does  not   hint    that  either   Troihis  or  Briseida  ever 
had  a  love  affair.1 

3.  Dares  mentions  no  relation  "between  Troilus  and  Diomedes 
that  would  not  be  perfectly  natural  between  any  two  warriors  on 
opposing  sides.  In  the  words, 

"Troilus  Diomedem  sauciat,"2 

Dares  gives  no  suggestion  of  any  connection  of  Diomedes  with  a 
hypothetical  love  affair  of  Troilus  and  Briseida.  We  need  see 
no  special  significance  in  a  Trojan  warrior's  wounding  a  Greek.3 
These  difficulties  have  never  been  fairly  met,  and  with  the  evidence 
as  it  stands  at  present,  he  who  assumes  a  story  of  Troilus  and 
Briseida  in  a  hypothetical  larger  Dares  is  allowing  himself  a  mere 
guess.  From  the  facts  before  us,  it  seems  far  more  reasonable  to 
infer  that,  taking  the  promising  materials  provided  by  Dares, — a 
heroine  with  such  attributes  as  "  affabilis  "  and  "  oculis  venustis," 
a  hero  described  as  "  pulcherrimus,  pro  aetate  valens,"  and  a  rival 
who  was  "  cerebro  calido," — taking  these  materials,  Benoit,  writing 
at  a  time  when  love  stories  were  all  the  fashion,  embellished  the 
sober  history  of  Dares  with  a  third  love  story  like  the  other  two 
such  stories  in  his  poem,  that  of  Jason  and  Medea 4  and  that  of 
Achilles  and  Polyxena.5 

In  12876  Guido  delle  Colonne  produced  in  Latin  prose  his 
Historia  Troiana,7  based  mainly  upon  the  Roman  de  Troie  of 
Benoit,  whom  he  does  not  mention.8  From -Dares,  Benoit,  and 
Guido  there  developed  the  huge  body  of  romance  and  pseudo- 
history  concerning  the  Trojan  war  so  well  known  to  Western 
Europe  during  the  Middle  Ages,9  and  from  these  three  authors, 

1  Cf.    Joseph,    loc.    tit.,    pp.    118-119.     To  say  that  the  words    "oculis 
venustis,"  applied  both  to  Briseida  (Dares,  cap.  xiii,  p.  17)  and  to  Polyxena 
(cap.  xii,  p.  16),  imply  that  Briseida,  like  Polyxena,  probably  had  a  love 
affair  of  some  kind,  is  giving  way  to  pure  conjecture.     Cf.  Jaeckel,  p.  44. 

2  Dares,  cap.  xxxi,  p.  37.     Cf.  Jaeckel,  p.  44. 

3  It  is  to  be  noted  that  in  the  Roman  de  Troie  Benoit  tells  of  a  fight 
between  Troilus  and  Diomedes  a  considerable  time  before  he  hints  of  a  love 
affair  between  Troilus  and  Briseida,  and  so  much  the  longer  before  he  connects 
Diomedes  with  this  love  affair.     Cf.  R.  de  T.,  10725-10746. 

4  R.  de  T.,  1211-2044. 

5  Id.  (Joly),  17457-18454,  20679-20852,  21176-21225,  21653-22256. 

6  On  this  date  seeR.  Earth,  Guido  de  Columna,  Leipzig,  1877,  p.  9. 

7  I  use  the  edition  of  Strassburg,  1489. 

8  On  Guide's  relations  to  Benoit  and  to  Dares,  see  Dunger,  pp.  61-64  ; 
Joly,  I,  472-484  ;  E.  Gorra,   Testi  Inediti  di  Storia  Trojana,  Torino,  1887, 
pp.    109-151 ;   Greif,  pp.    57-64  ;   Earth,   pp.    12-32 ;   H.   Morf,   Romania, 
XXI,  18-21.     Cf.  Hamilton,  Chaucer's  Indebtedness,  etc.,  pp.  41-42. 

9  On  this  development  see  Greif,  pp.  57-103  ;  Joly,  I,  397-524  ;  Dunger, 
pp.  21-81. 


CH.  l]  THE   SOURCES   OF   BOCCACCIO'S   FILOSTRATO.  5 

directly  or  indirectly,  Boccaccio  drew  the  materials  for  his 
Filostrato.  As  to  which  of  these  authors  provided  Boccaccio  with 
his  story  and  as  to  the  channels  by  which  it  may  have  reached 
him,  scholars  have  not  agreed.  The  history  of  opinion  on  this 
point  we  may  now  review. 

The  opinions  hitherto  held  regarding  the  source  of  Filostrato1 
may  be  grouped  in  several  classes  : 2 

1.  Le  Clerc  held  that  Filostrato  is  a  mere  development  of  the 
episode  of  Troilus  and  Briseida  as  it  occurs  in  the  Roman  de  Troie.3 

2.  Dunger,4   Bartoli,5   Maniroth,6  and   Barth7  have   held  that 
'  Boccaccio  drew  the  material  for  his  poem  from  Guide's  Historia 

Troiana. 

3.  Joly,8  Gaspary,9  Morf,10  Savj-Lopez,11  Yolpi,12  and  Wiese  and 
Percopo,13   while   admitting   the    possible    supplementary   use   of 

4  Guido,  assign  the  main  influence  to  Benoit. 
•    4.  Hertzberg,14  Landau,15  and  Gorra 16  seem  to  believe  in  the  pre 
ponderance  of  Guide's  influence,  but  do  not  deny  the  possibility  of 
the  supplementary  influence  of  Benoit. 

5.  Moland  and  D'Hericault,17  Sandras,18  Kissner,19  and  Hortis  20 

1  I  use  the  edition  of  Moutier,  Firenze,  1831,  Opere  volgari  'di  Giovanni 
Boccaccio,  Vol.  XIII. 

2  For  part  of  the  bibliography  of  this  subject,  see  V.  Crescini,  Contribute  agli 
Studi  sul  Boccaccio,  Torino,  1887,  p.  195,  note  1  ;  P.  Savj-Lopez,  Eomania, 
XXVII,  445  ;  Hamilton,  p.  67,  note  1. 

3  Histoire  Litteraire  de  la  France,  Vol.  XXIV,  Paris,  1862,  pp.  583-584. 
Of.  F.  Novati,  Istoria  di  Patroclo  e  d'lnsidoria,  Torino,  1888,  pp.  xxvi-xxvii. 

4  Dunger,  pp.  36,  65. 

6  A.  Bartoli,  I  Precursori  del  Boccaccio,  Firenze,  1876,  pp.  65-66. 

6  F.  Mamroth,  Geoffrey  Chaucer,  seine  Zeit  und  seine  AbhangigTceit  von 
Boccaccio,  Breslau,  1872,  p.  54. 

7  Barth,  pp.  32,  34.     Cf.  G.  Koerting,  Dictys  und  Dares,  Halle,  1874, 
p.  94. 

8  Joly,  I,  504. 

9  A.  Gaspary,  Geschichte  der  Italienischen  Literatur,  Bd.  II,  Berlin,  1888, 
p.  638. 

10  Tins  seems  to  be  the  opinion  of  Morf,  Romania,  XXI,  106. 

11  P.  Savj-Lopez,  Eomania,  XXVII,  449. 

12  G.  Volpi,  11  Trecento,  Milano,  n.d.,  p.  99. 

13  B.  Wiese  und  E.  Percopo,  Geschichte  der  Italienischen  Literatur,  Leipzig 
und  Wien,  1899,  p.  154. 

'4  W.  Hertzberg,  Jahrbuchder  DeutschenShakespeare-Gesellschaft,  VI,  200. 

15  M.  Landau,  Giovanni  Boccaccio :  sein  Leben  und  seine    Werke,  Stutt 
gart,  1877,  pp.  90-91. 

16  E.  Gorra,  Testi  Inediti  di  Storia  Trojana,  Torino,  1877,  pp.  339-340. 

17  L.  Moland  et  C.  D'Hericault,  Nouvelles  Francoises  en  prose  du  XIV' 
steclc,  Paris,  1858,  p.  xciii. 

18  E.  G.  Sandras,  Etude  sur  G.  Chaucer,  Paris,  1859,  p.  42. 

19  A.  Kissner,  Chaucer  in  seinen  Beziehungen  zur  Italienischen  Literatur, 
Bonn,  1867,  p.  23. 

20  A.  Hortis,  Studj  sulle  Opere  Latine  del  Boccaccio,  Trieste,  1879,  p.  118. 


6       EELATION    OF   THE  FILOSTRATO    TO    BENOiT   AND    TO   GUIDO.      [CH.  I 

express  no  opinion  as  to  whether  Benoit  or  Guido  is  the  source 
of  Filostrato. 

6.  Koerting,1  Crescini,2  Wager,3  and  Greif,4  without  adducing 
evidence,  merely  suggest  the  possibility  that  Boccaccio's  source  was 
some  Italian  version  either  of  Benoit  or  of  Guido. 

7.  Professor  Skeat,  without   adducing  evidence,  expresses  the 
opinion  that  Boccaccio  followed  "some  recension  of  the  French 
text  of  Benoit."5 

That  either  Benoit  or  Guido  is,  directly  or  indirectly,  the  source 
I  of  Boccaccio's  poem  has  never  been  questioned.     From  the  review 
<\  of  opinion  before  us  it  appears  that  most  scholars  have  held  that 
/  Boccaccio  drew  his  material  directly  from  one  or  from  both  of  these 
*  writers.     An  examination  of   the  pertinent  documents  accessible 
reveals  no  support,  I  think,  for  the  view  of  those  who  surmise  that 
Boccaccio  used  an  Italian  translation  of  Benoit  or  of  Guido,   or 
a  French  redaction  of  Benoit.6     Although  we  conclude  that  Boc 
caccio  dealt  directly  with  Benoit,  or  with  Guido,  or  with  both,  we 
are  still  left  with  varying  opinions  as  to  whether  he  used  either  of 
these  authors  exclusively,  or,  if  he  used  both,  as  to  the  proportions 
in  which  he  drew  from  each.     Since  most  of  the  opinions  hitherto 
expressed   have   been   accompanied   by  no    evidence   at   all,  and 
since  no  complete  examination  of  all  the  accessible  evidence  has 
been  made,7  it  is  necessary  now  to  examine  in  some  detail  the 
relation  of  the  text  of   Filostrato  to  the  text  of   Benoit  and  of 
Guido.     It  is  to  be  noted  at  the  outset  that  Benoit  and  Guido 
agree   so    essentially  in   recounting   the  episode   of   Troilus   and 
Briseida   that   internal   evidence   fails   to   reveal  from   which   of 
the  two   Boccaccio   derived   the   bulk  of   his    story.     In  details, 
'?  however,  the  French  poem  and  the  Latin  "history"  differ  con 
spicuously,  and   an   examination   of   these   differences  may  yield 
indications  as  to  which  of  the  two  Boccaccio  used  in  particular 

1  G.  Koerting,  Boccaccio's  Leben  und  Werke,  Leipzig,  1880,  p.  590. 

2  Crescini,  Contribute,  etc.,  p.  195. 

8  C.  H.  A.  Wager,  The  Seege  of  Troye,  New  York,  1899,  p.  xxii. 

4  Greif,  pp.  65,  69.     Cf.  Gorra,  p.  339. 

5  "W.  W.  Skeat,  The  Complete  Works  of  Geoffrey  Chaucer,  Vol.  II,  Oxford, 
1894,  p.  Ixiii. 

6  My  examination  of  this  point  appears  in  Appendix  A.     It  may  be  said  in 
passing  that  it  does  not  appear  why  no  one  has  made  the  only  remaining 
guess, — that  Boccaccio  used  a  French  redaction  of  the  Historia  Troiana!  See 
P.  Meyer,  Romania,  XIV,  65. 

7  The  most   detailed  study  of  this  question  is  that  by  P.    Savj-Lopez, 
Romania,  XXVII,  442-479.     Savj-Lopez,  as  he  himself  says  (p.  449),  makes 
no  attempt  to  exhaust  the  evidence. 


CH.  l]       BOCCACCIO'S  'BORROWINGS   FROM    GUIDO   DELLE   COLONNE.        7 

instances.1  We  may  first  examine  such  evidence  as  points  to 
Boccaccio's  having  used  the  Historia  Trot  ana. 

According  to  Boccaccio,  when  Troilo  hears  of  the  decision  to 
surrender  Griseida  to  the  Greeks,  he  faints,  and  his  kinsmen  try 
to  comfort  him, — 

" .  .  .  in  tanta  mole 
Di  danno  e  di  periglio,  tramortito 
Li  cadde  Troilo  d'alto  duol  ferito. 

II  quale  Priamo  prese  infra  le  braccia, 
Ed  Ettore  e'  fratei,  temendo  forte 
Dell'  accidente,  e  ciascun  si  procaccia 
Di  confortarlo  .  .  . 

Ma  poco  ancor  valeva  1'  operare."  2 

In  the  absence  of  any  such  incident  in  the  Roman  de  Troie, 
Boccaccio  may  be  following  Guide's  parallel  account, — 

"Troilus  .  .  .  multo  dolore  deprimitur  et  torquetur.  Fundi- 
turque  quasi  totus  in  lacrimis  anxiosis  suspiriis  et  lamentis,  nee  est 
qui  ex  caris  eius  eum  valeat  consolari."  3 

Several  writers4  have  asserted  that  the  somewhat  elaborate 
episode  of  Griseida's  fainting 5  during  her  last  hours  with  Troilo 
must  have  been  suggested  to  Boccaccio  by  Guido's  mention  of  such 
an  occurrence,  since  Benoit  offers  no  such  suggestion.  Guido 
writes, — 

"  Et  dum  sic  earn  consolari  Troilus  anhelat,  Briseida  inter  brac- 
chia  Troili  labitur  saepius  semiviva;  quani  inter  dulcia  basia 
lacrimis  irrorata  flebilibus  ad  vires  sui  sensus  ea  nocte'  reducer  e  est 
conatus."  6 

At  a  later  point  in  this  study7  I  shall  attempt  to  show  that 
Boccaccio  probably  did  not  develop  his  elaborate  treatment  of 
this  occurrence  from  Guido's  scanty  suggestion,  but  that  he 

1  It  should  be  remembered  that  I  have  no  thesis  to  maintain  as  to  Boccac 
cio's  relations  to  Benoit  and  Guido,  respectively,  and  that  the  later  chapters  of 
this  study  in  no  wise  depend  for  their  validity  upon  the  results  reached  in  the 
present  chapter. 

•2  Filostrato,  iv,  18,  6—19,  4  ;  iv,  19,  8.  , 

3  Historia    Troiana,  sig.  i  2   recto,  col.  1.     An  autobiographical  inter 
pretation  of  the  Italian  passage   is   suggested  by   C.  Antona-Traversi,   II 
Propugnatore,  Vol.  XVI,  Parte  II  (1883),  p.  267. 

4  Bartoli,   pp.   65-66  ;   Gorra,  p.  339  ;   Gaspary,  Bd.   II,   p.    638  ;   Savj- 
Lopez,  Romania,  XXVII,  446. 

5  Filostrato,  iv,  117-126. 

6  Historia  Troiana,  sig.  i  2  recto,  col.  2. 

7  See  below,  pp.  66  ff. 


8      BOCCACCIO'S  BORROWINGS  FROM  GUIDO  -DELLB  COLONNE.     [CH.  i 

transferred  it  almost  bodily  from  his  own  Filocolo,  where  the 
scene  is  already  worked  out  in  its  entirety.  Though  my  con 
tention  prove  to  be  valid,  one  might  still  hold,  no  doubt,  that 
the  suggestion  for  the  transference  of  the  scene  from  Filocolo  to 
Filostrato  came  from  Guido. 

Boccaccio  tells  us  that  Griseida  was  delivered  to  the  Greeks  in 
direct  exchange  for  Antenor, — 

"  E  che  Griseida  data  dal  signore 
Alii  Greci  era  in  cambio  d'Antenore." 1 

Of  Boccaccio's  two  sources,  only  Guido  connects  the  heroine 
directly  with  this  exchange.  Benoit  tells  us  that  Antenor  is  given 
in  exchange  for  Thoas.2  Calchas  then  comes  forward  and,  as  a 
separate  request,  begs  the  Greek  chieftains  to  ask  Priam  to  deliver 
up  Briseida  to  them.3  Priam  grants  the  request  of  the  Greek 
chieftains,  in  no  way  connecting  Briseida's  release  with  the  exchange 
of  Antenor  and  Thoas.4  In  Guido's  account  there  is  the  same 
sequence  of  events, — Antenor  and  Thoas  are  exchanged,  and 
Calchas,  through  the  Greek  chieftains,  makes  his  own  separate 
request,5 — but  we  are  explicitly  told  that  Priam  connects  Briseida's 
release  directly  with  the  exchange  of  Antenor  and  Thoas, — 

"  Sed  rex  Prianius  ad  petitionem  Graecorum  inter  commutationem 
Anthenoris  et  regis  Thoas  Breseidam  Graecis  voluntarie  relaxavit."  *' 

It  may  be,  then,  that  Guido  gave  Boccaccio  the  suggestion  for 
dropping  Thoas  from  the  exchange  and  substituting  Griseida,  thus 
involving  his  heroine  more  vitally  in  the  affairs  of  the  Trojan 
war.7 

It  has  been  asserted  8  that  while  Guido  speaks  of  two  meetings  of 
the  lovers  on  the  day  before  the  parting, — one  during  the  day  and 
one  at  night,9 — Boccaccio  and  Benoit  agree  in  making  Troilus  meet 
his  innamorata  only  once,  in  the  evening  of  that  day.10  Beyond 
doubt,  Guido  seems  to  indicate  that  the  lovers  were  together 

1  Filostrato,  iv,  78,  7-8.  2  E.  de  T.,  13079-13085. 

8  Id.,  13086-13098.  4  Id.,  13107713120. 

5  Historia  Troiana,  sig.  i  1  recto,  col.  2. 

6  Id.,   sig.   i    1    verso,    col.    1.     Of.    Hertzberg,   Jahrbucli  der  Deutschen 
Shakespeare-Gesellschaft,    VI,  203  ;   T.    E.    Oliver,    Jacques  Milet's  Drama* 
'  La  Destruction  de  Troye  la  Grant,"  Heidelberg,  1899,  pp.  98-100  ;  Hamilton, 
Chaucer's  Indebtedness,  etc.,  p.  104. 

7  On  the  related  passage  in  Chaucer,  see  below,  pp.  115  ff. 

8  Savj-Lopez,  Romania,  XXVJI,  446. 

9  Historia  Troiana,  sig.  i2  recto,  cols.  1-2. 
10  Filostrato,  iv,  114  ff.  ;  E.  de  T.,  13295  ff. 


CH.  l]       BOCCACCIO'S    BORROWINGS    FROM    GUIDO   DELLE    COLONNE.         9 

before  evening ;  but  such  a  situation  seems  to  be  suggested  also  by 
Benoit,  who  assigns  to  Briseida  during  the  day  an  expression  of 
grief,1  in  the  course  of  which  she  says, 

"  '  Ha  !  Troilus,  quel  atendance 

Ai  faite  en  vos,  beaus  douz  amis  ! '  "  2 

If  these  words  are  a  direct  address  rather  than  an  apostrophe, a 
we  may  say  that  Boccaccio  in  providing  only  an  evening  meeting 
of  the  lovers  is  original  in  departing  both  from  Benoit  and  from 
Guido. 

In  this  part  of  Boccaccio's  poem,  however,  there  are  indications 
that  the  author  is  following  Guido  rather  than  Benoit.  Guido 
gives  us  the  following  account  of  Griseida's  condition  after  she  has 
heard  her  doom : 

"  Briseida  vero,  quae  Troilus  non  minoris  amoris  ardore  diligere 
videbatur,  non  minus  in  voces  querulas  prodiit  suos  dolores,  cum 
tota  sit  fluvialibus  lacrimis  madefacta.  .  .  .  Unguibus  etiam  suis 
sua  tenerrima  ora  dilacerabat,  et  aureos  crines  suos  a  lege  ligaminis 
absolutos  a  lactea  sui  capitis  cute  divellit,  et  dum  rigidis  unguibus 
suas  maxillas  exarat  rubeo  cruore  pertinctas,  lacerata  lilia  laceratis 
rosis  immisceri  similitudinarie  videbantur.  Quae  dum  quaeritur  de 
sua  separatione  a  dilecto  suo  Troilo  saepius  intermoritur  inter  brac- 
chia  eum4  volentium  sustinere  dicens  se  malle  mortem  appetere 
quarn  vita  potiri  ex  quo  earn  ab  eo  separari  necesse  est,  a  cuius  vita 
suae  vitae  solacia  dependebant."  5 

Guido's  vivid  description  here  may  have  suggested  the  similar 
passage  in  Filostrato, — 

"  Erasi  la  dolente  in  sul  suo  letto 
Gittata  stesa,  piangendo  si  forte,' 
Che  dir  non  si  poria ;  e  il  bianco  petto 
Spesso  batteasi,  chiamando  la  morte 
Che  1'uccidesse,  poich£  '1  suo  diletto 
Lasciar  le  convenia  per  dura  sorte ; 
E  i  biondi  crin  tirandosi  rompea, 
E  mille  volte  ognor  morte  chiedea. 

El  vide  lei  in  sul  letto  avviluppata 
Ne1  singhiozzi,  nel  pianto  e  ne'  sospiri ; 

1  R.  de  T.,  13277-13294.  2  Id.,  13286-13287. 

3  Even  if  this  passage  is  actually  an  apostrophe,  Boccaccio  might  easily 
have  understood  it  to  be  a  direct  address. 

4  The  edition  of  Strassburg,  1486  (sig.  i  2  recto,  col.  2),  reads,  earn. 

6  Historia  Troiana,  sig.  i  2  recto,  cols.  1-2.  Of.  Gorra,  p.  340  ;  M.  Landau, 
Giovanni  Boccaccio,  sein  Leben  und  seine  Werke,  Stuttgart,  1877,  p.  91 ; 
Hamilton,  p.  80. 


10     BOCCACCIO'S    BORROWINGS    FROM    GUIDO    DELLE    COLONNE.       [CH.  I 

E  '1  petto  tutto  e  la  faccia  bagnata 
Di  lacrime  le  vide,  ed  in  disiri 
Di  pianger  gli  occhi  suoi,  e  scapigliata, 
Dar  vero  segno  degli  aspri  martirj."1 

Guide's  mention  of  Briseida's  fainting  in  the  arms  of  the  friends  of 
Troilus  2  is  perhaps  paralleled  by  a  line  in  Boccaccio's  account  of 
Griseida's  lament  in  the  presence  of  Pandaro, — 
"  E  questo  detto,  ricadde  supina."3 
In  his  account  of  Briseida's  grief  Benoit  tells  us  merely, 

"  Mout  ot  grant  duel,  mout  ot  grant  ire. 
Des  ieuz  plore,  del  cuer  sospire,"  4 

and  then  gives  us  her  lament.5  On  the  whole,  then,  in  his  account 
of  Griseida's  grief  on  the  day  before  the  parting  Boccaccio  seems 
to  owe  more  to  Guido  than  to  Benoit. 

Boccaccio  gives  us  the  definite  information  that  after  their  last 
night  together  the  lovers  separated  just  at  dawn, — 

"...  perche  s'appressava 
Gia  1'aurora  .  .  ." 6 

This  may  possibly  be  a  rendering  of  Guide's  detail  in  connection 
with  the  same  occurrence, — 

"...  sed  diei  hora  quasi  superveniente  .  .   .,"7 
where  Benoit  is,  perhaps,  somewhat  less  definite, — 

"  La  nuit  orent  ensemble  este, 
Mais  mout  lor  a  petit  dure. 

1  Filostrato,  iv,  87,  1-8  ;  96,  1-6. 

2  If  the  reading  in  the  last  quotation  from  Guido, — "inter  bracchia  earn 
volentium    sustinere," — be   correct,    it    is,    of   course,   not    necessarily  the 
"friends  of  Troilus"  into  whose  arms  Briseida  falls. 

3  Filostrato,  iv,  106, 1.    This  occurrence  is  not  to  be  confused  with  Griseida's 
fainting  during  her  last  hours  with  Troilo.    Of.  above,  pp.  7-8,  and  below, 
pp.  66  if. 

4  R.  de  T.,  13275-13276. 

5  Id.,  13277-13294.    It  is  possible  that  in  his  description  of  Briseida's  grief 
Boccaccio  may  be  influenced  by  his  previous  descriptions  of  Biancofiore's  grief 
in  Filoeolo, — 

"  E  se  son  fosse  che  le  sue  dilicate  mani  erano  con  istretto  legame  legate, 
ella  s'  avrebbe  i  biondi  capelli  dilaniati  e  guasti,  e  '1  bel  viso  senza  niuna  piet4 
lacerate  con  crudeli  unghie  .  .  .  e  i  biondi  capelli  senza  alcun  maestrevole 
legamento  attorti  e  avviluppati  al  capo  "  (Vol.  I,  pp.  176,  188.  Cf.  I,  121. 
I  use  the  edition  of  Filoeolo  in  two  volumes, — Opere  Volgari  di  Giovanni 
Boccaccio,  Vol.  VII-VIII,  Firenze,  Moutier,  1829).  Perhaps  these  passages 
in  Filoeolo,  though,  written  before  the  corresponding  passages  in  Filostrato 
(see  below,  pp.  26-32),  were  influenced  by  Guido.  On  the  possibility  of 
Boccaccio's  having  used  Guido  and  Benoit  in  Filoeolo,  see  below,  pp.  62,  note 
3  ;  69,  note  4  ;  104. 

6  Filostrato,  iv,  167,  2-3. 

7  Historia  Troiana,  sig.  i2  recto,  col.  1.    Cf.  Hamilton,  p.  112,  note  4. 


CH.  l]       BOCCACCIO'S    BORROWINGS    FROM    GUIDO    DELLB    COLONNB.      11 

Assez  fu  gries  li  departirs, 
Gete  i  ot  plainz  e  sospirs ; 
E  I'endemain,  quant  fu  cler  jor, 
Fist  la  pucele  son  ator." l 

When  Pandaro  brings  to  Troilo  his  first  favourable  report  from 
Griseida,  the  two  young  men  walk  out  under  the  lady's  window  in 
the  hope  of  getting  a  glimpse  of  her, — 

"  Ella  si  stava  ad  una  sua  finestra, 
E  forse  quel  ch'avvenne  ell'  aspettava  j 
Non  si  mostro  selvaggia  ne  alpestra 
Verso  di  Troilo  che  la  riguardava."  2 

Any  one  trying  to  advance  the  claims  of  Guido  might  see  a  sugges 
tion  for  such  a  detail  in  an  expression  in  the  Historia  Troiana 
where  the  author  is  denouncing  faithless  women  in  general, — 

"Et  si  forte  nullus  sollicitator  earum  appareat  ipsum  ipsi  dum 
incedunt  vel  dum  vagantur  saepius  in  fenestris  vel  dum  resident  in 
plateis  furtivis  aspectibus  clandestine  sibi  quaerunt."  3 

Certain  of  Boccaccio's  expressions  used  in  connection  with 
Calchas  may  have  verbal  relations  to  parallel  expressions  in  the 
Historia  Troiana.  When  Boccaccio  writes, 

"  Quando  Calcas,  la  cui  alta  scienza 
Avea  gia  meritato  di  sentire 
Del  grande  Apollo  ciascuna  credenza,"  4 

he  may  have  in  mind  Guide's  statements, — 

"  Calcas  .  .  .  multa  peritus  scientia  .  .  .  nuncius  templum  ipsum 
intravit  ut  a  deo  Appolline  scilicet  responsum  eliceret,  quid  de 
bello  Graecorum  Troianis  esset  revera  futurum."  5 

Again,  the  Italian  lines, 

"  Da  lui  sperando  sommo  e  buon  consigtio 
In  ciascheduno  accidente  o  periglio,"6 

may  suggest  some  verbal  connection  with  Guide's  passage,     > 

1  R.  de  T.,  13323-13328.  2  Filostrato,  ii,  82,  1-4. 

3  Historia  Troiana,  sig.  12  recto,  col.  2— verso,  col.  1.      Benoit's  descrip 
tion  of  the  Trojan  women  sitting  in  the  windows  at  the  time  of  the  third 
battle  certainly  has  no  bearing  in  this  case, — 

"Les  dames  sont  par  mi  Ics  estres 
E  es  eutailles  des  fenestres"  (R.  de  T.,  10591-10592). 

4  Filostrato,  i,  8,  1-3. 

6  Historia  Troiana,  sig.  e  6  recto,  col.  1.     E.  de  T.,  5819-5844,  has  the 
same  thought,  without  special  verbal  likenesses  to  Filostrato. 
6  Filostrato,  i,  9,  7-8.     Cf.  iv,  6  7-8. 


12     BOCCACCIO'S  BORROWINGS  FROM  BENOIT'S  ROMAN  DE  TBOIE.  [CH.  i 

"Eris  et  tu  valde  necessarius  Graecis  ipsis  in  tuis  consiliis,   et 
doctrina  donee  ipsi  praedicta  victoria  potiantur." 1 

One  of  Boccaccio's  expressions  used  in  connection  with  Griseida, — 

"  Seco  nel  cuor  ciascuna  paroletta 
Rivolvendo  di  Pandaro,"  2 — 

and  in  connection  with  Troilo, — 

"  E  giva  ciascun  atto  rivolgendo 
ISTel  suo  pensiero  .  .  .," 3 — 

may  be  an  echo  of  Guido's  phrase  concerning  Briseida  when  she  is 
beset  by  Diomede's  offers  of  love, — 

"  multa  tamen  in  sua  mcnte  revolvit."  4 

In  the  foregoing  examination  of  parallels  we  find  indications^ 
however  faint,5  that  Boccaccio  probably  took  from  Guido  some 
details  of  expression  and  some  suggestions  for  incident  that  could 
not  have  come  from  Benoit.  Let  us  now  inquire  into  Boccaccio's 
borrowings  from  the  Roman  de  Troie. 

One  of  the  most  conspicuous  of  these  borrowings, — that  from 
Benoit's  account  of  the  innamoramento  of  Achilles,6 — I  shall 
consider  in  a  later  part  of  this  study.7  At  present  we  may  confine 
our  attention  to  Boccaccio's  relation  to  parts  of  the  French  poem 
directly  connected  with  the  episode  of  Troilus  and  Briseida. 

Boccaccio  gives  us  a  vivid  impression  of  the  effect  of  Calchas* 
desertion  upon  the  Trojans, — 

1  Historia  Troiana,  sig.  e  6  recto,    col.  1.     Benoit  has  the  same  sense  in 
R.  de  T.,  5837-5839.     Perhaps  the  resemblance  between 

"Diliber6  1'antiveduto  e  saggio"  (Filostrato,  i,  9,  2) 
and 

"  Sages  estoit  co  seit  len  bien"  (£.  de  T.,  5822,  variant) 

is  too  slight  for  special  notice. 

2  Filostrato,  ii,  68,  3-4.  3  /^  jjj}  54j  !_2> 

4  Historia,  sig.  1  1  recto,  col.  1.     See  Hamilton,  p.  85.     See  also  Historia, 
sig.  a  7  recto,  col.  2.  where  we  are  told  that  Medea  "multa  inter  se  cogita- 
tioue  revolvit."   Perhaps  the  apparent  link  between  this  commonplace  expres 
sion  in  Filostrato  and  in  the  Historia  is  invalidated  by  an  expression  in  Filocolo 
(I,  323),- 

"...  nella  meiite  tornandole  alcuna  volta  Florio." 

5  I  may  be  permitted  to  say  that  I  am  entirely  aware  of  the  weakness  of  the 
case  for  Boccaccio's  use  of  Guido,  and  that  my  succeeding  argument  in  no  wise 
depends  upon  Boccaccio's  having  used  or  ignored  the  Historia  Troiana.   Those 
who  wish  to  emphasize  Boccaccio's  possible  indebtedness  to  Guido  may  perhaps 
expand  my  paltry  evidence  and  find  in  it  more  significance  than  I  can.     I 
shall  be  more  inclined  to  agree  with  those  who  minimize  this  evidence. 

6  R.  de  T.  (Joly),  17457-18106. 

7  See  below,  pp.  35  ff. 


€H.  l]    BOCCACCIO'S  BORROWINGS  FROM  BENOIT's  ROMAN  DE  TROIE.       13 

"  Fu  romor  grande  quando  f  u  sentito, 
Per  tutta  la  citta  generalmente, 
Che  Calcas  s'era  di  quella  fuggito, 
E  parlato  ne  fu  diversamente, 
Ma  mal  da  tutti,  e  ch'  egli  avea  fallito, 
E  come  traditor  fatto  reamente, 
Ne  quasi  per  la  piu  gente  rimase 
Di  non  andargli  col  fuoco  alle  case."1 

Griseida,  the  beautiful, — 

"  Accorta,  savia,  onesta  e  costumata 
Quanto  altra  che  in  Troia  fosse  nata," 2 — - 

is  in  terror  at  the  rage  of  the  Trojans, — 

"  La  qual  sentendo  il  noioso  romore 
Per  la  fuga  del  padre,  assai  dogliosa, 
Qual'  era  in  tanto  dubbioso  furore."  3 

When  she  seeks  Hector's  protection,  he,  moved  by  her  beauty, 
comforts  her, — 

"Perche  vedendo  di  costei  il  gran  pianto, 
Ch'  era  piu  bella  ch'  altra  creatura, 
Con  pio  parlare  la  conforto  alquanto, 
Dicendo  :  lascia  con  la  ria  ventura 
Tuo  padre  andar,  che  ci  ha  offeso  tanto, 
E  tu  sicura  e  lieta  senza  noia, 
Con  noi  mentre  t'  aggrada  ti  sta'  in  Troia."4 

According  to  Benoit,  Calchas  tells  the  Greeks  what  effect  his 
desertion  will  produce  at  Troy, — 

"  Mais  une  chose  vos  di  bien  : 
Blasme  en  avrai  sor  tote  rien ; 
Tuit  li  Troi'en  m'en  harront 
E  mout  par  s'en  merveilleront, 
Quant  il  orront  qu'o  vos  serai."  5 

Guido  mentions  no  such  declaration.6  Later  in  his  poem  Benoit 
gives  a  much  more  vivid  account  than  Guido  does  of  the  anger  of 
the  Trojans  toward  Calchas,  adding  that  only  her  personal  charms 
saved  Briseida  from  death, — 

"  Calcas  blasmerent  Troi'ien, 
Die'nt  que  plus  est  vis  d'un  chien : 
*  De  toz  hontos  e  de  toz  vis 
Est  il  curaille  li  chaitis, 

1  Filostrato,  i,  10,  1-8.  2  Id.,  i,  11,  7-8.  3  Id.,  i,  12,  1-3. 

4  Id.,  i,  13,  2-8.  5  ^.  de  T.,  5907-5911.     Cf.  13782. 

6  See  Historia,'sig.  e  6  recto,  col.  2 — verso,  col.  1. 


1 4     BOCCACCIO'S  BORROWINGS  FROM  BENOIT'S  ROMAN  DE  TROIE.  [CH.  i 

Qui  riche  e  liaut  ert  entre  nos, 
Puis  nos  guerpi,  s'ala  a  vos.' 
Li  reis  Prianz  jure  e  afie, 
S'aveir  le  puet  en  sa  baillie, 
Qne  male  fin  li  fera  traire, 
C'iert  a  chevaus  rompre  e  detraire : 
'  Se  por  90  non  que  la  pucele 
Est  franche  e  proz  e  sage  e  bele, 
Por  lui  fust  arse  e  desmembree.' " l 

In  the  same  passage  of  Benoit's  poem  may  originate  Troilo's 
bitter  expressions  concerning  the  treacherous  father  of  his 
innamorata, — 

"  0  veccliio  malvissuto,  o  vecchio  insano, 
Qual  fantasia  ti  mosse,  o  quale  sdegiro, 
A  gire  a'  Greci  essendo  tu  Troiano  ? 
Eri  onorato  in  tutto  il  nostro  regno, 
Piu  di  te  nullo  regnicolo  o  strano. 
0  iniquo  consiglio,  o  petto  pregno 
Di  tradimenti,  d'inganni  e  di  noia, 
Or  t'avess'  io  qual  io  vorrei  in  Troia  !  "  2 

According  to  Boccaccio,  Calchas  in  asking  the  Greek  chieftains 
to  secure  Griseida  for  him  makes  a  considerable  speech.3  Con 
cerning  this  occasion  Guido  writes, 

"  Calcas,  autem,  Troianorum  antistes,  qui,  mandantibus  diis, 
relictis  Troianis,  Graecis  adheserat,  quandam  filiam  suam  habebat 
multae  pulchritudinis  et  morum  venustate  conspicuam,  quae  Briseida 
communi  nomine  vocabatur.  Hie  Calcas  pro  praedicta  filia  sua 
Briseida  regem  Agamemnon  et  alios  Graecorum  reges  sollicite  depre- 
catur  ut  praedictam  filiam  suam  a  rege  Priamo,  si  placet,  exposcant, 
Tit  earn  restituat  patri  suo."  4 

Benoit  gives  a  similar  account, — • 

"  Calcas  li  sages,  li  corteis, 
Ot  une  fille  mout  preisiee, 
Bele  e  corteise  e  enseigniee : 
De  li  esteit  grant  renomee, 
Briseida  ert  apelee. 
Calcas  ot  dit  Agamennon, 
As  autres  reis,  a  Telamon, 
Qu'il  la  demandassent  Priant : 

1  R.  de  T.,  13101-13113.      Guido  writes  merely,— "Sed  Troiani  contra 
Calcam  antistitem   multum  impugnant,   asserentes   eum  esse  nequissimum 
proditorem  et  imo  morte  dignum  "  (Historia,  sig.  i  1  verso,  col.  1). 

2  Filostrato,   iv,   38,    1-8.     Cf.    Gaspary,  Gesch.   d.   Ital.   Lit.,   Bd.    II, 
p.  638  ;  Savj-Lopez,  Romania,  XXVII,  445-446,  449. 

3  Filostrato,  iv,  5-11.  4  Historia,  sig.  il  recto,  col.  2. 


, 


CH.  l]    BOCCACCIO'S  BORROWINGS  FROM  BENOIT'S  ROMAN  DE  TROIE.       15 

'  Ne  voleit  pas  d'ore  en  avant 
Qu'ele  fust  plus  en  lor  comune, 
Car  trop  les  het,  90  set,  Fortune ; 
Si  ne  vueut  pas  qu'o  eus  perisse, 
En  1'ost  o  lui  vueut  que  s'en  isse.' " 1 

Manifestly  neither  of  these  accounts  provides  the  material  for 
Calchas'  speech  in  Filostrato.  It  may  appear  to  some  that  Guido's 
words, 

".  .  .  qui,  mandantibus  diis,  relictis  Troianis,  Graecis  adhe- 
serat  .  .  .,"  2 

for  which  Benoit  has  no  parallel  at  this  point,  may  have  given 
Boccaccio  the  suggestion  for  that  part  of  Calchas'  speech  in  which 
the  priest  reminds  the  Greeks  of  his  desertion  from  Troy  and  of 
his  services  to  them, — 

"  Signori,  comincib  Calcas,  i'  fui 
Troian,  siccome  voi  tutti  sapete ; 
E  se  ben  vi  ricorda,  i'  son  colui, 
II  qual  primiero  a  quel  per  che  ci  sete 
Kecai  speranza,  e  dissivi  che  vui 
Al  termine  dovuto  1'otterrete, 
Cioe  vittoria  della  vostra  impresa, 
E  Troia  fia  per  voi  disfatta  e  accesa. 

L'  ordine  e  '1  modo  ancora  da  tenere 
In  cio  sapete,  ch'  io  v'  ho  dimostrato ; 

A  voi,  com'  egli  appar,  ne  son  venuto 
Per  darvi  in  cib  e  consiglio  ed  aiuto."  3 

However,  this  passage  may  have  been  suggested  and  the  entire 
Italian  speech  inspired  by  a  speech  of  Calchas  recorded  by  Benoit 
in  full  in  another  place,4  and  reproduced  by  Guido  only  in  a 
colourless  summary  from  the  mouth  of  Achilles.5  From  this  speech 
in  Benoit's  poem  we  may  quote  the  following  lines  : 

"  '  JSTe  vos  en  quier  lone  conte  faire, 
Mais  90  me  dist  la  voiz  devine 
Qu'a  Athenes  sor  la  marine 
Venisse  9a  a  vos  paiier, 
Por  dire  e  por  amonester 
Que  ne  departisseiz  ja  mais, 
N'as  Troi'ens  n'eiisseiz  pais, 

1  K  de  T.,  13086-13098.     On  the  possible  use  of  13094-13098  elsewhere 
in  Filostrato,  see  below,  pp.  20-21. 

2  Quoted  above.  3  Filostrato,  iv,  5,  1-8  ;  6,  1-2,  7-8. 
4  E.  de  T.,  5871-5920.  5  Historia,  sig.  e  6  recto,  col.  2. 


16     BOCCACCIO'S  BORROWINGS  FROM  BENOIT'S  ROMAN  DE  TEOIB.   [CH.  i 

Devant  que  Troie  fust  fondue 
E  la  gent  ocise  e  vencue.1 
Comande  m'a  qu'o  vos  remaigne 
Por  enseignier  vostre  compaigne  : 
0  vos  m'  estuet  a  Troie  aler 
For  vostre  gent  a  dotriner.'  "  2 

One  circumstance  in  Boccaccio's  account  of  the  parting  of  the 
lovers, — 

"  Si  baciavan  talvolta,  e  le  cascanti 
Lacrime  si  bevean,  senza  aver  cura 
Ch'  amare  fosser  oltre  lor  natura,"  3 — 

is  almost  certainly  due  to  an  expression  used  by  Benoit  in  his  . 
parallel  account, — 

"  Lor  fait  venir  par  mi  la  boche 
Les  lermes  qu'il  lor  chiet  des  ieuz."  4 

Guido  has  nothing  similar.5 

f      According   to   Boccaccio,   Diomede   alone   serves   as   Griseida's 
escort  to  the  Greek  camp, — 

"  Quel  giorno  istesso  vi  fu  Diomede 
Per  volere  a'  Troian  dare  Antenore, 
Perche  Priamo  Grise'ida  li  diede."  6 

At   this   point    Boccaccio    may   follow   Benoit,    who    may   more 
definitely  suggest  that  Diomedes  is  Briseida's  particular  escort, — 

1  The  French  lines, 

' '  Devant  que  Troie  fust  fondue 
E  la  gent  ocise  e  vencue,"  (E.  de  T.,  5895-5896) 

and;  more  especially,  the  lines, 

"  Quar  Troie  iert  prise  e  abatue, 
E  la  gent  destruite  e  vencue,"  (E.  de  T.,  5811-5812) 

may  be  the  source  of  Boccaccio's  lines, 

"  Conobbe  e  vide,  dopo  lunga  guerra 
I  Troian  morti  e  distrutta  la  terra"  (Filostrato  i,  8,  7-8). 

2  R.  de  T.,  5888-5900. 

3  Filostrato,  iv,  115,  6-8. 

4  R.  de  T.,  13306-13307.  Cf.  Savj-Lopez,  Romania,  XXVII,  446-447.  Gorra 
(p.  339)  is  probably  wrong  in  suggesting  Guido  as  the  source  of  the  lines, 

"  E  forte  ibsieme  amendue  si  strignieno, 
Di  lagrime  bagnati  tutti  quanti, 
E  volendo  parlarsi  non  potieno, 
Si  gl'  impedivan  gli  angosciosi  pianti"  (Filostrato,  iv,  115,  1-4). 

R.  de  T.,  13298-13307,  certainly  accounts  for  the  Italian,  as  well  as  does  the 
Historia,  sig.  i  2  recto,  cols.  1-2. 

5  Cf.  Historia,  sig.  i  2  recto,  cols.  1-2. 

6  Filostrato,  v   \,  1-3.     Cf.  v,  4,  2  ;  v,  8,  1-2. 


CH.  l]    BOCCACCIO'S   BORROWINGS    FROM   BENOIT'S   ROMAN  DE  TROIE.    17 

"  Centre  li  vint  Diomedes, 

E  li  fiz  Tydeiis  Ten  meine,"  l— 
than  does  Guido,  who  writes, 

"Et  Graeci  earn  in  sua  recipiimt  comitatu,  inter  quos  dum  esset 
Diomedes.  .  .  .  Qui  cum  collateralis  associando  Briseidam  cum 
ea  insimul  equitaret,  sui  ardoris  flammam  continere  non  valens 
Briseidae  revelat  sui  estuantis  cordis  amorem."  2 

Both  Benoit  and  Guido  represent  Diomedes  as  accompanied  by 
other  Greeks,  as  Boccaccio  does  not. 

In  mentioning  Troilo's  sad  return  to  Troy  after  the  departure  of 
Griseida, — 

"  Troilo  in  Troia  tristo  ed  angoscioso, 
Quanto  neun  fu  mai,  se  ne  rivenne,"  3 — 

Boccaccio  is  evidently  following  Benoit,  who  writes, 

"  En  lui  ne  ra  joie  ne  ris  : 
*  Mout  s'en  torne  trisz  e  pensis."  4 

Guido  provides  no  such  detail.5 

Boccaccio's  account  of  Diomede's  one  long  and  persuasive  con 
versation  with  Griseida 6  is  in  numerous  details  drawn  from  a 
similar  conversation  in  Benoit's  poem,7  a  conversation  so  briefly 
summarized  by  Guido  8  as  to  be  of  little  use  to  the  Italian  poet. 
In  Boccaccio's  poem  Diomede  thus  assures  Griseida  of  the  superior 
gentility  of  the  Greeks,  of  his  own  high  rank,  and  of  his  desire 
to  become  her  loyal  "ami,"- 

"  E  s'ella  \i.  e.,  Troia]  fosse  pur  per  sempre  stare, 
Si  sono  il  re,  e'  figli  e  gli  abitanti 
Barbari  e  scostumati,  e  da  apprezzare 
Poco,  a  rispetto  de'  Greci,  ch'  avanti 
Ad  ogni  altra  nazion  possono  andare, 
D'alti  costumi  e  d'ornati  sembianti ; 


1  R.  de  T.,  13517,  13529. 

2  Historia,  sig.  12  verso,  col.  1.       Savj-Lopez   (Romania,  XXVII,    446) 
thinks  that  Boccaccio  is  perhaps  following   Benoit   here.     Certainly  Gorra 
<p.  340)  and  A.   Bartoli  (/  Precursori  del  Boccaccio,  Firenze,  1876,  p.  66) 
cannot  establish  their  assertions  that  Boccaccio  at  this  point  is  indebted  to 
Onido. 

3  Filostrato,  v,  15,  1-2. 

4  A',  de  T.,  13527-13528.     Of.  Savj-Lopez,  Xomanm,  XXVII,  448. 

5  Historia,  sig.  i2  verso,  col.  1.  6  Filostrato,  vi,  12-32. 
7  R.  de  T.,  13532-13702. 

*  Historia,  sig.  1 2  verso,  col.  1.     Of.  Savj-Lopez,  Romania,  XXVII,  447. 
DEV.  TR.  CR.  C 


18  BOCCACCIO'S  BORROWINGS  FROM  BENOIT'S  ROMAN  DE  TROIE.  [CH.  i 

E  non  crediate  che  ne'  Greci  auiore 
^Ton  sia,  assai  piu  alto  e  piu  perfetto 
Che  tra'  Troiani ;  e  '1  vostro  gran  valore, 
La  gran  belta  e  1'angelico  aspetto 
Trovera  qui  assai  degno  amadore, 
Se  el  vi  fia  di  pigliarlo  diletto ; 
E  se  non  vi  spiacesse,  io  sarei  desso, 
Piu  volentier  che  re  de'  Greci  adesso. 

Se  '1  padre  mio  Tideo  fosse  vissuto, 

Di  Calidonia  e  d'Argo  saria  suto 
Re,  siccom'  io  ancora  essere  intendo ; 

Si  ch'  io  non  son  tra'  Greci  di  men  peso."  l 

In   the   Roman   de    Troie   Diomedes   gives    the    heroine   similar 
assurances, — 

"  Preiee  sereiz  e  requise 
D'amer,  90  sai,  en  mainte  guise, 
Ci  sont  tuit  li  preisie  del  inont 
E  li  plus  riche  qui  i  sont, 
E  li  plus  bel  e  li  meillor, 
Qui  vos  requerront  vostre  amor, 
Mais  sacheiz,  bele,  bien  vos  di, 
Se  de  mei  faites  vostre  ami, 
Yos  n'i  avreiz  se  honor  non. 
Preisiez  deit  estre  e  de  grant  non 
Qui  de  vostre  amor  est  saisiz  : 
Bele,  s'a  vos  me  sui  ofriz, 
Ne  refusez  le  mien  homage. 
Tel  cuer  prenez  e  tel  corage 
Que  mei  prengiez  a  chevalier : 
Leial  ami  e  dreiturier 
Vos  serai  mais  d'ore  en  avant 
A  toz  les  jorz  de  mon  vivant." 2 

Again,  the  Italian  passage, 

"  Quest'  ultimo  parlare  a  Diomede 
Fu  assai  caro,  e  parveli  potere 
Isperar  senza  fallo  ancor  mercede, 
Siccom'  egli  ebbe  poi  a  suo  piacere ; 
E  risposele  :  donna,  io  vi  fo  fede 
Quanto  posso  maggiore,  che  al  volere 
Di  voi  io  sono  e  saro  sempre  presto,"3 

1  Filostrato,  vi,  21,  1-6  ;  22,  1-8  ;  24,  1,  3,  4,  8. 

2  R.  de   T.,  13573-13590.     Cf.  13695-13702.     Of.  Savj-Lopez,  Romania, 
XXVH,  447.  3  Filostrato,  vi,  32,  1-7. 


CH.  l]    BOCCACCIO'S    BORROWINGS   FROM   BENOIl's  ROMAN  LE  TROIE.    19 

seems  to  be  a  rendering  of  the  French  passage, 

"  Diomedes  fu  sage  e  proz  :  l 
Bien  entendi  as  premiers  moz 
Qu'el  n'esteit  mie  trop  sauvage. 
Itant  li  dist  de  son  corage  : 
'  Bele,  90  sacheiz  bien  de  veir 
Qu'en  vos  metrai  mon  bon  espeir : 
Ainerai  vos  d'amor  veraie, 
Tant  atendrai  vostre  manaie 
Que  vos  avreiz  de  mei  merci 
E  que  me  tendreiz  por  ami. 
Quant  Amors  vueut  qu'a  vos  m'otrei, 
Nel  contredi  ne  nel  denei : 
A  son  gre  e  a  son  plaisir 
Li  voudrai  mais  des  or  servir.'  "  2 

Diomede's  words  at  the  beginning  of  his  appeal  to  Griseida, — 

"  Giovane  donna,  s'io  v'  ho  ben  guardato 
Nell'  angelico  viso  da  aggradire 
Piu  ch'altro  visto  mai,  quel  trasformato 
Mi  par  veder  per  noioso  martire,"3— 

seem  to  have  been  suggested  by  similar  expressions  in  the  parallel 
passage  of  the  French  romance, — 

".  .  .  jo  vos  vei  deshaitiee, 
Pensive  e  dotose  e  iriee, 

Qui  vostre  grant  beaute  remire, 
N'est  merveille  se  il  esprent."  4 

Part  of  Griseida's  reply  to  Diomede, — 

"  Che  tu  sia  di  real  sangue  disceso 
Cred'  io  assai,  ed  hollo  bene  inteso. 

E  questo  assai  mi  da  d'ammirazione, 
Che  possi  porre  in  una  femminella, 
Come  son  io,  di  poca  condizione 
L'animo  tuo :  a  te  Elena  bella 
Si  converria  :  io  ho  tribulazione, 
Ne  son  disposta  a  si  fatta  novella  ; 
Non  percio  dico  che  io  sia  dolente 
D'essere  amata  da  te  certamente,"5 — 

1  Of.  the  variant  of  this  line, 

"  Diomedes  ot  joie  grant," 

noted  by  Constans,  and  adopted  by  Joly,  1.  1364$ 

2  R.  de  T.,  13681-13694.     Cf.  Savj-Lopez,  EomamK,  XXVII,  447-448. 

3  Filostrato,  vi,  14,  3-6.  4  R.  de  T.,  13539-13540,  13560-13561. 
5  Filostrato,  vi,  29,  7—30,  8. 


20  BOCCACCIO'S  BORROWINGS  FROM  BENOIT'S  ROMAN  DE  TROIE.  [CH.  i 

we  must  certainly  connect  with  the  parallel  passage  in  Eenoit's 
poem, — 

"  Mais  tant  vos  cuit  de  haut  parage 

E  pro,  solonc  le  mien  avis, 

Bien  afaitie  e  bien  apris, 

Ne  vos  vueil  chose  faire  acreire 

Que  mout  ne  fust  leial  e  veire. 

Soz  ciel  n'a  si  riche  pucele 

Ne  si  preisiee  ne  si  bele, 

Por  90  que  rien  vousist  amer, 

Que  pas  vos  deiist  refuser  : 

Ne  jo  nos  refus  autrement." : 

Part  of  this  same  conversation  of  Diomede  and  Griseida  in 
Filostrato2  may  be  due  to  passages  in  a  conversation  between 
Briseida  and  Calchas  recounted  at  length  by  Benoit,3  and  less 
fully  by  Guido.4  This  latter  conversation  is  omitted  by  Boccaccio 
at  the  point  where  it  would  naturally  have  been  put,5  but  some 
traces  of  it  seem  to  appear  in  the  assurances  regarding  the 
destruction  of  Troy  that  Diomede  gives  to  Griseida,  and  in  his 
disclosing  to  her  that  Calchas'  purpose  in  sending  for  her  is  to  save 
her  from  death, — 

"  Li  Troian  son  si  pub  dire  in  prigione 
Da  noi  tenuti,  siccome  vedete, 
Che  siam  disposti  di  non  mutar  loco 
Senza  disfarla  o  con  ferro  o  con  fuoco  : 

Ne  crediate  ch'  alcun  che  dentro  sia 
Trovi  pieta  da  noi  in  sempiterno. 

E  non  crediate  che  Calcas  avesse 
Con  tanta  istanza  voi  raddomandata, 
Se  cio  ch'  io  dico  non  antivedesse."  6 

This  part  of  Diomede's  assurances,  which  has  no  basis  in  his 
remarks  to  Briseida  in  the  Roman  de  Troie,  may  have  been 
suggested  by  certain  of  Calchas'  words  to  Briseida,  recorded  by 
Benoit  and  Guido  respectively  as  follows, — 

"  Ensorquetot  bien  vei  e  sai 
Que  morz  e  destruiz  les  verrai ; 
Si  nos  vient  mieuz  aillors  guarir 
Que  la  dedenz  o  eus  morir : 

1  E.  de  T.,  13664-13673.  2  Filostrato,  vi,  12-32. 

.    3  R.  de  T.,  13721-13814. 

4  Historia,  sig.  i  2  verso,  col.  2 — i  3  recto,  col.  1. 

5  Of.  Filostrato,  v,  14. 

«  Filostrato,  vi,  15,  5—16,  2 ;  vi,  18,  1-3.     Cf.  vi,  15,  5—20,  8. 


CH.  l]    BOCCACCIO'S    BORROWINGS    FROM   BENOIT's  ROMAN  DE  TROIE.    2 1 

Mort  seront  il,  vencu  e  pris, 
Quar  li  deu  Font  ensi  pramis. 
Ne  puet  mais  90  longes  durer. 
Ne  finoe  hore  de  penser 
Com  9a  vos  en  traisisse  a  mei : 
Jo  n'esteie  d'el  en  esfrei. 
Quant  or  vos  ai,  mout  bien  m'estait : 
N'avrai  mais  ire  ne  deshait "  ; l 

"  Scio  enim  pro  certo  per  infallibilium  promissa  deorum  presentem 
guerram  protendi  non  posse  tempore  diuturno,  et  quod  civitas 
Troiae  brevi  tempore  destruatur  et  ruat,  destructis  eius  omnibus 
nobilibus  et  universis  plebeis  eius  in  ore  gladii  trucidatis.  Quare, 
carissima  filia,  satis  est  melius  nobis  hie  esse  quam  hostili  gladio 
saeviente  perire."  2 

Merely  from  the  passages  before  us,  we  could  hardly  determine 
whether  Boccaccio  is  following  here  the  French  or  the  Latin. 
However,  from  the  fact  that  in  so  much  of  the  remaining  part 
of  Diomede's  utterances  the  Italian  author  follows  Benoit,  we 
may,  perhaps,  infer  that  when  he  uses  Calchas'  remarks  to  Briseida 
he  is  also  following  Benoit.  Moreover,  there  may  be  some 
significance  in  the  verbal  resemblance  between  Griseida's  words  to 
Diomede, 

"  To  amo,  Diomede,  quetta  terra 
Nella  qual  son  cresciuta  ed  allevata, 
E  quanto  puo  mi  grava  la  sua  guerra, 
E  volentier  la  vedrei  liberata,"  3 

and  Briseida's  words  to  Calchas  in  the  part  of  the  French  poem 
that  we  are  considering, — 

"  '  Come  il  destruient  voz  amis 
E  la  terre  dont  estes  nez,"* — 

which  remind  us  of  an  expression  of  hers  in  another  place, — 

"  'Lasse,'  fait  el,  'quel  destinee, 
Quant  la  vile  dont  >jo  sui  nee 
M'estuet  guerpir  en  tel  maniere,' "  5— 

and  of  Diomedes'  words  to  her, — 

"  '  A  la  gent  qui  vos  ont  norrie 
Sai  que  sereiz  toz  jorz  amie.' "  9 

To  these  expressions  Guido  has  no  close  parallel. 

1  R.  de  T.,  13803-13814.  2  Historia,  sig.  i3  recto,  col.  1 

3  Filostrato,  vi,  27,  1-4.  4  R.  de  T.,  13726-13727. 

5  Id.,  13277-13279. 

6  Id.,  13549-13550.     In  connection  with  Griseida's  remarks  concerning  her 
father's  avarice  (Filostrato,  iv,  136,  1-8),  it  may  be  worth  while  to  mention 


22  BOCCACCIO'S  BORROWINGS  FROM  BENOIT'S  ROMAN  DE  TROIE.  [CH.  i 

Boccaccio  tells  us  that  in  spite  of  her  cordial  reception  into  the 
Greek  camp,  Griseida  was  painfully  sad  during  the  first  days  of  her 
separation  from  Troilo.1  The  Italian  author  adds  that  the  worst 
of  her  grief  was  that  she  had  no  one  in  whom  she  could  confide, — 

"  E  quel  che  peggio  ch'  altro  le  facea, 
Era,  con  cui  dolersi  non  avea."  2 

In  the  absence  of  any  similar  sentiment  in  Guide's  Historia,  we 
may,  perhaps,  find  a  source  for  the  Italian  lines  in  the  soliloquy 
that  Benoit  assigns  to  Briseida  after  she  has  decided  to  give  her 
love  to  Diomedes, — 

"  '  Mes  ci  estoie  sanz  conseil, 
Et  sanz  amis  et  sanz  feeil. 
Si  m'ot  mestier  tele  atendance, 
Qui  m'ostast  cl'ire  et  de  pesance. 
Prou  poisse  ci  desirer, 
Et  plaindre,  et  mei  desconforter, 
Et  endurer  jusqu'a  la  mort, 
JN"e  me  venist  de  la  confort.' "  3 

In  the  Italian  poem  we  are  told  that  Troilo  and  Diomede  often 
met  in  single  combat, — 

"  E  spesse  volte  assieme  s'avvisaro 
Con  rimproveri  cattivi  e  villani, 
E  di  r/ran  colpifra  lor  si  donaro, 
Talvolta  urtando,  e  talor  nelle  mani 
Le  spade  avendo.  .  .  ."  4 

Guido  provides  only  a  general  statement  as  a  parallel  for  this 
passage,5  whereas  Benoit,  among  his  vivid  details,  offers  some  verbal 
similarities  to  the  Italian  lines,— 

"  Ala  ferir  Diomedes 
Et  si  li  dist  en  reprovier : 

Et  altretant  espees  nues, 

Qui  sor  hialmes  furent  femes."  G 

Guide's  outbreak,  in  another  connection  (Historia,  sig.  m  4  verso,  col.  1),  against 
the  avarice  of  priests.  Probably,  however,  Boccaccio's  stanza  is  directly 
inspired  by  suggestions  in  Briseida's  remarks  to  her  father,  recounted  by 
Benoit  (E.  de  T.,  13721-13775)  and  by  Guido  (Historia,  sig.  i  2  verso, 
col.  2— i  3  recto,  col.  1). 

1  Filostmto,  vi,  1-7.  2  Id.,  vi,  3,  7-8. 

3  72.  de  T.  (Joly),  20277-20284.  4  Filostrato,  viii,  26,  1-5. 

5  Historia,  sig.  k  6  verso,  col.  2.     Cf.  Landau,  p.  91. 

6  £.  de  T.  (Joly),  20066,  20071,  20107-20108. 


CH.  l]      BOCCACCIO'S   USE   OP   HIS   FILOCOLO    IN   HIS   FILOSTRATO.  23 

"  Atant  i  avint  Troylus 

Li  a  merveillos  colp  done." 1 

Of  Boccaccio's  two  sources  only  the  Roman  de  Troie  speaks 
explicitly  of  Briseida's  giving  up  her  intention  of  returning  to  the 
city  of  Troy, — 

"  Anceis  que  veie  le  quart  seir, 
N'avra  corage  ne  voleir 
De  retorner  en  la  cite."  2 

The  later  development  of  the  story  in  the  Roman  de  Troie  and  in 
the  Historia  Troiana  is  based  upon  the  simple  fact  that  Breseida, 
while  in  the  Greek  camp,  transferred  her  love  from  Troilus  to 
Diomedes,  and,  except  in  the  few  lines  just  quoted  from  Benoit, 
we  have  no  suggestion  of  her  failure  to  return  to  the  city,  a 
thought  which  Boccaccio  develops  extensively  and  beautifully.3 
So  large  a  part  does  this  failure  to  return  play  in  Boccaccio's  poem, 
that  one  writer,  referring  to  Benoit's  lines  above,  asks,  "  Non  pare 
probabile  che  da  questa  frase  abbia  il  Boccaccio  prese  le  mosse  per 
fondare  sopra  un  mancato  ritorno  lo  svolgimento  posteriore  del  suo 
romanzo  1 "  4  No  doubt  this  question  is  well  justified.  I  believe, 
however,  that  from  a  subsequent  part  of  this  study  it  will  appear 
that  in  his  dwelling  upon  the  failure  of  Griseida  to  return  to 
Troy,  Boccaccio  is  under  the  influence  of  his  own  earlier  Filocolo, 
where  the  failure  of  the  heroine  to  rejoin  her  lover  is  abundantly 
treated,  with  numerous  parallels  in  detail  to  the  corresponding  part 
of  Filostrato.5 

According  to  Boccaccio,  Troilo's  final  despair  is  directly  induced 
by  "  uno  ornato  vestimento  "  6  and  "  un  fermaglio,"  7  taken  from 
Diomede  by  Deifebo  and  brought  to  Troy.  When  Troilo  recog 
nizes  the  "  fermaglio  "  as  a  previous  gift  of  his  own  to  Griseida, 
his  proof  of  her  inconstancy  is  complete.8  This  circumstance, 
which  has  no  basis  in  Guido,  is  due  to  the  following  lines  of 
Benoit,  recounting  Briseida's  giving  a  token  to  Diomedes : 

"  La  destre  manche  de  son  braz 
Bone  et  f resche  de  ciclaton 

1  *R.  de  T.  (Joly),  14411,  14414. 

2  R.  de  T.,  13859-13861.    Cf.  Id.,  13758-13761.    Cf.  Savj-Lopez,  Romany, 
XXVII,  448. 

a  See  Filostrato,  iv,  131-141,  155-159;  v,  24,  37  ;  vi,  ]-7,  27;  vii,  1-106; 
viii,  1-7.  4  Savj-Lopez,  Romania,  XXVII,  448. 

5  See  below,  pp.  84  ff.  6  Filostrato,  viii,  8,  5. 

7  Id.,  viii,  9,  7.  8  Cf.  Id.,  viii,  8,  5-8  ;  9,  6—10,  3. 


24  BOCCACCIO'S  BORROWINGS  FROM  BENOIT'S  ROMAN  DE  TROIE.  [CH.  i 

Li  done  en  leu  de  gonfanon. 
Joie  a  cil  qui  por  li  se  peine, 
Ja  est  tochie  de  la  veine 
Dont  les  altres  font  les  forfeiz 
Qu'en  a  sovent  diz  et  retreiz. 
Desor  puet  saveir  Troylus 
Que  ja  mar  s'i  atendra  plus  : 
Devers  li  est  1'amors  cassee, 
Qui  molt  fu  puis  conparee."  l 

Part  of  Boccaccio's  description  of  Griseida, — 

"  E1P  era  grande,  ed  alia  sua  grandezza, 
Rispondean  bene  i  membri  tutti  quanti,"  2 — 

though  a  clear  variation  from  Benoit, — 

"  Brisei'da  fu  avenant : 
Ne  fu  petite  ne  trop  grant,"  3— 

and  from  Guido,— 

"  Briseida  .  .  .  fuit  .  .  .  nee  longa  nee  brevis," 4 — 
is,  nevertheless,  similar  to  part  of  Benoit's  description  of  Troilus, — 

"  Granz  ert,  mais  bien  li  coveneit 
O  la  taille,  que  bone  aveit."  5 

In  connection  with  the  grief  of  the  Trojan  nobles  over  the  death 
of  Hector,  Boccaccio's  expression, 

"  L'alto  dolor,  da  non  poter  mai  dire,"  6 
is  probably  a  reflection  of  Benoit's  lines, 

"  La  est  li  dels  si  angoisseos, 
Si  pesmes  et  si  dolereos 
Que  nel  porreit  riens  reconter,"  7 

for  which  Guido  has  no  close  parallel.8 

In  view  of  Boccaccio's  use  of  the  Roman  de  Troie  in  his  descrip 
tion  of  the  love  agony  of  Troilo,9  and  in  view  of  his  apparent  use 

1  R.  de  T.  (Joly),  15102-15112.     Cf.  Savj-Lopez,  Romania,  XXVII,  448. 

2  Filostrato,  i,  27,  1-2.  *  R.  de  T.,  5275-5276. 

4  Historia,  sig.  e  2  recto,  col.  2. 

5  R.  de  T.,  5425-5426.     Guide's  description  of  Troilus  contains  no  close 
parallel, — ''Troilus  vero  licet  multum  fuerit  corpore  magnus,  magis  tamen 
fuit  corde  magnanimus  "  (Historia,  sig.  e  2  verso,  col.  1).    Cf.  Skeat,  Oxford 
Chaucer,  Vol.  II  (1894),  pp.  Ivi,  lix  ;  Broatch,  Journal  of  Germanic  Philology  > 
II,  16,  18,  26  ;  Hamilton,  p.  81. 

6  Filostrato,  viii,  1,  3. 

7  R.  de  T.  (Joly),  16305-16307.     Cf.  Hamilton,  p.  128,  note  1. 

8  Historia,  sig.  i  6  recto,  col.  1-2. 

9  Cf.  below,  pp.  36-39. 


CH.  l]    BOCCACCIO'S    BORROWINGS    FROM  BENOIT's   ROMAN  DE  TROIE.    25 

in  Filocolo  of  Benoit's  account  of  the  love  of  Jason  and  Medea,1 
there  may  be  some  significance  in  the  verbal  resemblance  between 
Troilo's  words  to  Pandaro, — 

"  Amore,  incontro  al  qual  clii  si  difende 
Piu  tosto  e  preso,  ed  adopera  invano,"  2 — 

and  Benoit's  lines  concerning  Medea's  incipient  passion, — 

"  Des  or  la  tient  bien  en  ses  laz 
Amors,  vers  cui  rien  ria  defense"  a — 

although  the  idea  expressed  is,  of  course,  a  commonplace. 
An  expression  twice  ascribed  to  Griseida  in  Filostrato, — 

"...  perch'  io  veggio 
Che  sempre  mai  andro  di  male  in  peggio  ;  "  4 

"  Io  fuggii  il  male  e  seguitai  il  peggio  ;  "  5 — 

may  reflect  an  expression  used  by  Briseida  in  her  reply  to  Diomedes 
in  Benoit's  poem, — 

"  !N"e  vueil  entrer  de  mat  en  pis"  6 
In  a  letter  to  Griseida,  Troilo  attaches  to  Calchas  an  adjective, — 

"...  che  '1  tegnente 
Calcas  cortese  sia  .  .  .,"  7 — 

that  is,  perhaps,  surprising  in  view  of  the  young  hero's  words 
concerning  Calchas  in  another  place.8  Boccaccio  may  have  been 
influenced  by  Benoit,  who  applies  to  Calchas  the  same  adjective, — 

"  Calcas  li  sages,  li  corteis"  9 

It  is  sufficiently  clear  that  some  of  the  resemblances  in  detail 
between  Filostrato  and  its  sources  that  I  have  pointed  out  are 
of  slight  importance.10  However,  from  the  evidence  adduced,  it 
seems  to  me  that,  from  whichever  of  his  two  sources  Boccaccio 

1  Cf.  below,  pp.  152  ff.  2  Filostrato,  ii,  7,  1-2. 

3  R.  de  T.,  1294-1295.  4  Filostrato,  iv,  89,  7-8. 

5  Id.,  vi,  6,  3.  6  E.  de  T.,  13636. 

7  Filostrato,  vii,  56,  5-6.  8  Id.,  iv,  38.     See  above,  p.  14. 

9  E.  de  T.,  13086.     Guido  uses  no  similar  adjective.     Cf.  Historia,  sig.  i  1 
recto,  col.  2. 

10  I  have  listed  all  the  evidence  that  I  have  found,  however  weak  some  of  it 
may  be.     The  rejection  of  the  weaker  part  of  the  evidence  will  not,  I  think, 
affect  my  main  conclusions  concerning  Boccaccio's  indebtedness  to  the  Roman 
de   Troie  and  the  Historia,  Troiana  respectively.     Moreover,  it   should   be 
borne  in  mind  that  the  succeeding  parts  of  this  study  in  no  wise  depend  for 
their  validity  upon  the  results  reached  in  the  present  chapter. 


26  BOCCACCIO    OWES    MORE    TO    BENOIT   THAN    TO    GUIDO.        [CH.  II 

may  have  derived  the  body  of  his  story,  he  drew  details  both  from 
Benoit  and  from  Guido,  and  that  in  these  details  his  borrow 
ings  from  the  French  poem  greatly  outweigh  in  extent  and  in 
importance  those  from  the  Latin  Historia.  This  result,  reached 
from  an  examination  of  details,  is  precisely  in  accord  with  ante 
cedent  probability.  Boccaccio  could  hardly  have  avoided  knowing 
two  so  famous  works  as  the  Roman  de  Troie  and  the  Historia 
Troiana.  That  he  should  take  more  details  from  Benoit  than  from 
Guido  was  inevitable,  since  Benoit's  treatment  of  the  episode  of 
Troilus  and  Briseida  is  far  more  extensive  and  attractive  than 
Guide's.  That  Boccaccio  used  Guide's  paltry  account  at  all  might 
be  wondered  at  except  for  Boccaccio's  probable  deference  as  an 
antiquarian  to  Guide's  ill-earned  fame  as  a  Latin  "  historian  "  of 
the  Trojan  war,  and  except  for  the  fact  that  Guido  added  a 
few  slight  details  to  his  French  source,  which,  in  the  main,  he  so 
conspicuously  abridged. 


CHAPTER   II. 

THE  RELATIONS  OF  FILOSTRATO  TO  FILOCOLO. 

ALTHOUGH  from  the  preceding  chapter  it  appears  that  Boccaccio 
probably  used  both  the  Roman  de  Troie  and  the  Historia  Troiana, 
a  mere  glance  reveals  the  fact  that  neither  of  these  works  is  a 
complete  source  for  the  long  and  elaborate  story  of  Troilo  and 
Griseida  that  we  find  in  Filostrato.  For  example,  since  Benoit 
and  Guido  give  no  hint  of  a  love  affair  between  Troilus  and 
Briseida  before  their  account  of  the  grief  of  the  lovers  on  the  day 
before  their  separation,1  it  is  clear  that  Boccaccio  must  have  had 
v  other  resources  when  he  was  composing  the  first  three  Parts  of 
his  poem.2  Moreover,  concerning  the  occurrences  in  the  affairs  of 
both  lovers  after  the  separation,  the  French  poem  and  the  Latin 
history  give  only  scattered  and  vague  suggestions.  I  have  already 
mentioned  the  fact  that  an  incomplete  source  for  the  first  three 
parts  of  Filostrato  has  been  found  in  Benoit's  account  of  tjie  love 
of  Achilles  for  Polyxena,  a  consideration  to  which  I  shall  recur.3 
This  source,  however,  combined  with  all  the  other  source^  hitherto 

1  Roman  de  Troie,  13261  ff.     Historia  Troiana,  sig.  i  2  recto,  col.  1. 

2  Cf.  V.  Crescini,  Contribute  ayli  Studi  sul  Boccaccio,  Torino,  1837,  p.  195, 
:<  See  above,  p.  12,  and  see  below,  pp.  35  ft'. 


CH.  Il]       BOCCACCIO'S    FILOCOLO   EARLIER   THAN    HIS   FILOSTRATO.          27 

pointed  out,1  still  fails  to  account  for  a  very  large  part  of  the 
Italian  poem.  In  some  measure  to  supply  this  deficiency,  I  wish 
to  introduce  as  a  possible  source  of  Filostrato  a  document  that  up 
to  this  time  can  scarcely  be  said  to  have  been  mentioned  from 
this  point  of  view,2 — I  mean  Boccaccio's  own  Filocolo*  a  highly 
elaborate  version  of  the  familiar  story  of  Floire  and  Blanchefleur. 
Since  the  demonstration  of  the  transference  of  materials  from 
Filocolo  to  Filostrato  will  depend  upon  the  chronological  priority 
of  the  former,  we  must  at  the  outset  examine  the  chronological 
relations  of  these  two  works. 

For  determining  the  relative  chronology  of  Filocolo  and  Filo 
strato  we  have  two  chief  criteria,  both  cf  which  rest  ultimately 
upon  internal  evidence.  In  the  first  place,  we  can  draw  inferences 
from  the  relative  maturity  of  the  two  works, — their  relative 
artistic  merits  and  the  relative  stages  of  literary  craftsmanship 
revealed  in  them.  The  results  reached  by  the  use  of  this  criterion 
alone  have  invariably  pointed  to  the  chronological  priority  of 
Filocolo*  !$Q  one  has  ever  seriously  maintained  that  the  diffuse, 

1  On  Boccaccio's  use  in  Filostrato,   v,  62-66,  of  a  canzone  of  Cino  da 
Pistoia,  see  Kissner,  p.  39.     An  article  by  G.  Volpi,  Una  Canzone  di  Cino  da 
Pistoianel  "Filostrato"  del  Boccaccio,  in  Bullettino  Storico  Pistoiese,  I,  3,  is 
not  accessible  to  me. 

2  The  general  similarity  between  the  temple  scene  at  the  beginning  of  Filo 
colo,  I,  4-6,  and  that  in  Filostrato,  i,  18-30,  has,  of  course,  been  frequently 
mentioned.     Cf.  Crescini,  pp.  151,  191  ;  E.  Rossi,  Dalla  Mente  e  dal  Cuore 
di   Giovanni  Boccaccio,  Bologna,  1900,  p.  92,  note  1 ;   A.  della  TvmfLa 
Giovinezza  di  Giovanni  Boccaccio,  Citta  di  Castello,   1905,  p.   174,  note  ik 
Crescini  suggested  other  resemblances  between  Filocolo  and  Filostrato  when 
he  wrote  (p.  204,  note  1),  "  Puo  ancora  venir  notato  che  talvolta  il  Filocolo 
fa  ricordare  qualcuna  delle  migliori  fra  le  opere  giovanili  del  Boccaccio.     Si 
confronti  infatti  il  luogo,  ove  si  espone  quali  fossero  la  vita  e  i  pensieri  di 
Florio  e  di  Biancifiore  lontani  1'uno  all'  altra  (II,  120-125),  con  passi  corri- 
spondenti  del  Filostrato  (Dedicat.,  p.  11,  ed.  Corazzini :  del  poema,  lib.  V, 
51-55,   58,   67,  70  ;  YI,  2-4)."     Later  in  the  same  note  Crescini  draws  a 
parallel  between  Filocolo,  II,    113-116,   and  Filostrato,  iv,  117-126.     The 
passage  in  Filostrato  resembles  much  more  closely  Filocolo,  I,  114-115,  as 
we  shall  see  below,  pp.  66  ff. 

3  On  this  spelling  of  the  name,  see  B.  Sorio,   Atti  delV  L  R.  Institute 
Veneto  di  Scienza,  Letterc  ed  Arti,    Serie  Terza,  vol.    7  (1861-2),  604-5  ; 
vol.  10,  Parte  I  (1864-5),  665  ;  A.  Gaspary,  Zeitschrift  f.  Rom.  Philologie, 
III,  395-6  ;  V.  Crescini,  II  Cantare  di  Fiorio  e  Biancifiore,  Vol.  I,  Bolognn, 
1889,  pp.  355-366  ;   P.  Rajna,   Romania,  XXXI,  33,  note  4 ;   F.  Novati, 
Giornale  di  Filologia  Romanza,  III,  56,  note  2 ;   G.  Koerting,   Boccaccio's 
Lcben  und   Wcrke,  Leipzig,  1880,  pp.  137,  note  1,  463,  note  1,  476,  note  1  ; 
E.  Hausknecht,  Floris  and  Blaunclieflur,  Berlin,  1885,  p.  25,  note  1. 

4  See  G.  B.  Baldelli,  Vita  di  Giovanni  Boccacci,  Firenze,  1806,  pp.  373-4, 
376  ;   M.  Landau,   Giovanni  Boccaccio,  sein  Lcben  und  seine    Werke,  Stutt 
gart,  1877,  p.  43  ;  Id.,  translated  by  C.  Antona-Traversi,  Vol.  I,  Napoli,  1881, 
p.  157  ;  B.  Zumbini,  Nuova  Antologia,  Serie  IIa,  XVIII,  672  ;   E.  Gorra, 
Testi  Inediti  di  Storia  Troiana,  Torino,  1887,  pp.  354^5. 


28      BOCCACCIO'S  FILOCOLO  EARLIER  THAN  HIS  FILOSTRATO.      [CH.  ir 

rhetorical,  and  crudely-constructed  Filocolo  was,  as  a  whole,  written 
after  the  production  of  the  more  finished,  sustained,  and  artistically 
rounded  Filostrato.1 

It  has  been  pointed  out,  however,  that  all  parts  of  Filocolo  do 
not  represent  the  same  stage  of  literary  skill, — that  some  parts  are 
less  crude  and  dull  than  others.2  The  episode  of  the  Court  of 
Love3  has  been  praised  for  the  skilful  arrangement  of  material 
shown  and  for  its  literary  charm.4  The  account  of  the  attempted 
seduction  of  Florio  by  Edea  and  Calmena  5  is  certainly  an  entirely 
successful  piece  of  writing  of  the  sensual  type.6  The  episode  of 
Florio's  jealousy  of  Fileno  7  has  also  been  cited  as  showing  some 
signs  of  literary  mastery,8  but  in  this  case  most  critics  will  probably 
agree  that  the  good  passages  are  entirely  overshadowed  by  the- 
clumsy  elaboration  of  the  episode  as  a  whole.9  The  few  literary 
excellences  of  Filocolo  would  by  themselves  probably  never  con 
vince  any  unbiased  critic  that  this  lengthy  romance  was  composed 
after  Filostrato. 

In  the  case  of  Boccaccio's  early  works,  however,  another  criterion 
is  available  besides  that  of  mere  style.  An  eminent  authority 
in  the  use  of  this  criterion  states  the  case  as  follows : 

"  Tin  criterio  sicuro  per  la  determinazione  dell'  ordine,  in  cui,. 
cronologicamente,  si  sien  seguite  le  opere  minor!  del  nostro  p.  e., 
Boccaccio],  si  deduce  dal  rapporto  ch'  esse  presentino  colle  fasi 
della  storia  dell'  amor  di  lui  per  Fiammetta." 10 

"Fiammetta"  is  Maria  d' Aquino,  natural  daughter  of  King  Robert 
of  Naples,  and  it  is  Boccaccio's  extended  love  affair  with  her 
that  is  to  guide  us  in  determining  the  chronology  of  his  early 

1  For  judgments  as  to  the  literary  merits  of  these  two  works,  see  B. 
Zumbini,   Nuova  Antologia,    Serie   IIa,    XIX,    59  ;   XVIII,    672-3 ;   A.    C. 
Casetti,   Nuova  Antologia,    XXVIII   (1875),    577 ;    F.    De   Sanctis,    Storia 
della  Letteratura  Itahana,    Vol.    1,    Napoli,    1879,    pp.    304-6  ;    Koerting, 
pp.    500-504,    579-584 ;    Gaspary,    Geschichte    der    Italienischen    Literatur, 
Bd.  II,  Berlin,  1888,  pp.  6, 12  ;  A.  Gaspary,  Giornale' Storico  della  Letteratura 
Italiana,  XIV,   439-440;  F.   Novati,    Giornale  di  Filologia  Romanza,  III, 
56-67  ;  Landau,  pp.  43,  53  ;  G.  Volpi,  II  Trecento,  Milano,  n.d.,  pp.  92-3. 

2  Crescini:  Contribute,  etc.,  pp.  201-203. 

3  Filocolo,  II,  27-118.  4  See  Crescini,  pp.  201-202. 
5  Filocolo,  I,  229-238.  6  Cf.  Crescini,  p.  202. 

7  Filocolo,  I,  247-303.  8  Cf.  Crescini,  p.  203. 

9  If  this  episode  is  an  innovation  of  Boccaccio's  (cf.  Crescini,  p.  203,  and 
see  below,  pp.  102-103),  he  deserves  praise  for  contributing  to  the  story  an 
interesting   complication.     The  praise,  however,   should  end  there,  for  the 
episode  as  a  whole  is  made  absurdly  long  and  dull  by  mythological  padding. 

10  Crescini,  p.  199. 


€H.  Il]  BOCCACCOI'S    LOVE    AFFAIR    WITH    MARIA    D'AQUINO.  29 

works.1  In  more  than  one  place  Boccaccio  explicitly  tells  us  that 
certain  of  his  literary  productions  are  the  direct  result  of  his  love 
for  "Fiammetta,"  and  he  sometimes  gives  us  also  the  key  by 
which  we  can  extract  biography  from  apparent  fiction.2  Since 
Boccaccio  himself  tells  us  that  Filocolo  and  ^Filostrato  have 
immediate  relations  to  particular  stages  in  his  love  affair,8  we 
ought  to  be  able  from  internal  evidence  to  assign  each  of  these 
works  to  its  proper  place  in  the  development  of  the  love  affair,  and 
hence  to  determine  which  was  written  first. 

What  stage  or  stages  of  the  love  affair  does  Filocolo  reflect? 
The  author  himself  plainly  tells  us  that  the  work  was  begun 
directly  after  his  innamoramento  with  Maria.4  That  the  writing 
of  Filocolo  continued  into  the  period  of  Boccaccio's  possession 
of  his  lady  we  infer  from  what  may  be  a  veiled  account  of 
his  first  nocturnal  meeting  with  her.5  Moreover,  from  what 
appear  to  be  allusions  to  the  infidelity  of  Maria,6  we  may  infer 
that  Filocolo  was  not  finished  until  the  love  affair  was  concluded. 
FilocolOj  then,  was  in  process  of  composition  during  a  term  of 
years 7  covering  every  stage  of  Boccaccio's  love  affair  with  Maria 
d' Aquino.  /| 

When  we  attempt  to  assign  Filostrato  to  its  proper  place  in 
the  love  experiences  of  the  author,  we  find  two  chief  reasons  for 
believing  that  it  was  written  during  the  period  before  the  consum 
mation  of  Boccaccio's  love.  In  the  first  place,  the  author  tells  us 
plainly  in  the  Proemio  to  Filostrato  that  he  writes  to  console 
himself  during  the  absence  of  his  lady, — an  absence  that  occurs, 

1  On  Maria  d' Aquino  and  her  relations  to  Boccaccio,  see  A.  C.   Casetti, 
11  Bocccncio  a  Napoli,  Nuova  Antologia,  XXVIII  (1875),   568-577  ;   G.   B. 
Baldelli,  op.  cit.,  Illustrazione  V,  §§  11  and  12  ;  C.  Antona-Traversi,  Delia 
Realta  dell'  Amore  di  Messer  G.  Boccacci,  II  Propugnatore,  XVI,  Parte  IIa, 
57-92,    240-280,    387-417 ;    XVII,    Parte    Ia,    pp.    59-90  ;    Crescini,    pp. 
50-255  ;   Rossi,  pp.   40-143  ;   R.  Renier,  La  Vita  Nuova  e  La  Fiammetta, 
Torino  e  Roma,  1879,  pp.   217-341  ;  A.  della  Torre,  pp.  31-101,   168-302  ; 
G.  Koerting,  Zeitschrift  f.  Rom.  PhiloL,  V,  222-232. 

2  See,  for  example,  Filocolo,  I,  6-8  ;  Filostrato,  Proemio,  pp.  1-10  ;  Teseide, 
Lettera  alia  Fiammetta  (Opere  Volgari  di  Giovanni  Boccaccio,  vol.  IX.  Firenze, 
Moutier,  1831),  pp.  1-7. 

3  See  Filostrato,  Proemio,  pp.  1-10  ;  Filocolo,  I,  4-8.     For  other  possible 
autobiographical  passages  in  Filocolo,  see  Crescini,  pp.  45-85. 

4  Of.  Filocolo,  I,  4-9  ;  Crescyii,  p.  70. 

5  Of.    Filocolo,    II,    165-183 ;  Crescini,  pp.    80-82.     On   this  passage  in 
Filocolo,  see  below,  pp.  142  ff. 

6  Filocolo,   II,    239-253,— the    story    of    Idalagos.     On    this    story,    see 
Crescini,  pp.  44-65,  82;  Zeitschrift  f.  Rom.  PhiloL,  IX,  437-479;  X,  1-21. 
•Of.  Filocolo,  II,  274-5,  and  Crescini,  p.  82. 

7  At  the  end  of  Filocolo,   Boccaccio  addresses  his  work  as  follows,    "0 
piccolo  mio  libretto,  a  me  piit  anni  stato  graziosafatica"  (Filocolo,  II,  376). 


30     FILOSTRATO   BEGUN  AFTER,  BUT    FINISHT   BEFORE  FILOCOLO.    [CH.  II 

he  seems  to  say,  before  he  has  had  entire  possession  of  her.1 
Another  reason  for  assigning  the  writing  of  Filostrato  to  the 
period  before  the  consummation  of  Boccaccio's  love  is  found 
within  the  poem  itself.  The  account  of  the  first  nocturnal  meet 
ing  of  Troilo  and  Griseida2  differs  essentially  from  a  sufficiently 
constant  account  of  a  similar  meeting  in  other  works  of  Boccaccio, — 
Filocolo?  Ametof  Fiainmetta,5  and  Amoroso,  Visione.Q  The  recur 
rence  of  this  scene  in  these  four  works,  and  certain  constant 
repetitions  of  detail,  lead  us  to  infer  that  the  scene  thus  re 
peated  represents  a  bit  of  the  biography  of  Boccaccio.7  From 
the  difference  between  the  account  in  Filostrato  and  the  other 
accounts,  we  may  infer  that  when  Filostrato  was  written,  the 
event  recounted  in  the  other  four  works  had  not  occurred, — an 
inference  for  which  we  have  already  found  justification  in  the 
author's  own  confessions  in  the  Proemio  to  Filostrato?  Although 
we  might  expect  Filostrato,  like  Filocolo,  to  reflect  more  than  one 
stage  in  Boccaccio's  experience,  nothing  in  the  poem  that  can  be 
cited  as  autobiographical  points  to  any  other  stage  than  that 
suggested  by  the  Proemio.  Moreover,  the  Proemio  and  the  style 
of  the  work  itself  seem  to  indicate  that  the  poem  was  begun  and 
completed  within  a  comparatively  short  period  of  time.9 

From  the  interpretation  given  above  of  possible  autobiographical 
elements  in  these  two  works  of  Boccaccio,  it  appears  that  Filostrato, 
though  begun  after  Filocolo  had  been  undertaken,  was  completed 
first.  It  would  appear  that  Filostrato  was  written  rapidly,  perhaps 
within  a  period  of  a  few  months,  during  Maria's  absence  from 
Naples;  while  Filocolo,  begun  at  the  immediate  instigation  of 
Maria  at  the  time  of  the  innamoramento,  was  apparently  written 
slowly  during  a  period  of  several  years. 

Although  such  a  statement  of  the  relative  chronology  of  Filo 
colo  and  Filostrato  is  in  itself  a  sufficient  basis  for  our  succeeding 

1  Filostrato,  Proemio,  pp.  1-10.     Cf.  Creschri,  pp.  186-190  :   Crescini  in 
Kritischer  Jahresbericht  der  Romanisclien  Philologie  (Vollmoller),  III  Bd., 
4  Heft,  pp.  385-388. 

2  Filostrato,  iii,  24-42.  3  Filocolo,  II,  174-183.     Cf.  II,  262. 

4  Ameto  (ed.  Sonzogno),  pp.  224-227. 

5  Fiammetta  (ed.  Sonzogno),  pp.  38-9,  67. 

6  Amoroso,    Visione   (Opere    Volgari    di   Giovanni   Boccaccio,    Vol.    XIV, 
Firenze,  Moutier,  1833),  cap.  49. 

7  Cf.    Crescini,   pp.    80-82.     For  a   full  consideration  of  this  nocturnal 
meeting,  see  below,  pp.  142  ff. 

8  Cf.  Crescini,  pp.  194-197  ;   Crescini,  in  Kritisclicr  Jahresbericht  (Voll 
moller),  III  Bd.,  4  Heft,  pp.  386-7. 

9  See  Crescini,  pp.  199,  208  ;  Gaspary,  Oesch.  d.  Ital.  Lit.,  II,  8. 


CH.  ll]  FILOCOLO  DATES  1336-1342.    THE  FILOSTRATO  BEFORE  1339.  31 

literary  investigation,  certain  possibilities  as  to  absolute  chronology 
can  be  added.  In  his  account  of  his  innamor amenta,  Boccaccio 
gives  us  professedly  accurate  astronomical  data  which  allow  a 
calculation  of  the  exact  date  of  this  occurrence.1  The  latest 
published  study  of  this  point  has  arrived  at  Holy  Saturday, 
March  30,  1331,  as  the  date  of  the  innamoramento.^  By  a  careful 
revision  of  this  calculation,  a  recent  investigator  arrives  at  Holy 
Saturday,  March  30,  1336,  as  the  more  probable  date.3  Since 
Boccaccio  tells  us  that  he  undertook  Filocolo  at  the  request  of 
"Fiammetta,"  made  at  the  time  of  the  innamoramento,4'  we  may 
infer  that  the  work  was  begun  soon  after  March  30,  1336.  We 
can  perhaps  approximate  also  the  date  of  the  completion  of  Filocolo, 
for  if  the  episode  of  the  founding  of  Calocipe  5  be  a  veiled  account 
of  the  author's  return  from  Naples  to  Tuscany,6  we  can  be  reason 
ably  sure  that  the  work  was  not  finished  until  after  Boccaccio's, 
return  to  Florence,  an  event  that  probably  occurred  in  the  period 
1339-1341. 7  By  a  reasonable  conjecture,  the  publication  of 
Filocolo  has  been  assigned  to  the  year  1342.8 

We  can  also  attach  a  conjectural  date  to  Filostrato.  From  a 
letter  of  Boccaccio  to  Carlo,  Duke  of  Durazzo,  dated  April  3,  1339, 
we  may  infer  that  the  love  affair  with  Maria  was  over  at  that 
time.9  Since  Filostrato,  as  we  have  seen,  probably  represents  a 
stage  of  Boccaccio's  experience  not  only  before  his  betrayal  by 
Maria,  but  even  before  his  possession  of  her,  the  poem  was 
probably  written  a  considerable  time  before  April  3,  1339.10  In 

1  Filocolo,  I,  4-5.  2  A.  della  Torre,  pp.  55,  100. 

3  I  make  this  statement  with  the  kind  permission  of  Mr.  E.  H.  Wilkins, 
who  made  the  revision  referred  to,  and  who  has  generously  communicated  to 
me  his  results,  which  are  not  yet  published.  This  change  in  the  date  of  the 
innamoramento  in  no  wise  affects  the  results  of  my  succeeding  study. 
Students  of  Boccaccio  will  wonder  how  Professor  A.  S.  Cook  (Publications  of 
the  Modern  Language  Assoc.,  XXII,  536)  arrived  at  the  same  date  for  the 
innamoramento ,  March  30,  1336,  for  Professor  Cook  gives  no  evidence  and 
cites  no  authority.  Professor  Cook's  article  reached  me  only  after  my  study 
was  in  proof.  4  Cf.  Filocolo,  I,  6-8. 

5  Id.,  II,  276-303.  6  Cf.  Crescini,  pp.  83-85. 

7  Cf.  Crescini,  pp.  86-92,  155  ;  A.  della  Torre,  pp.  345-6  ;  Eossi,  p.  44  ; 
Casetti,  Nuova  Antologia,  XXVIII  (1875),  586  ;  C.  Antona-Traversi,  Studi 
di  Filologia  Romanza,  I,  444. 

8  V.  Crescini,  H  Cantare,  etc.,  pp.  55-56.     Cf.  Crescini,  Contribute,  etc., 
p.  104,  note  3. 

9  Cf.  A.  della  Torre,  pp.  203,  205-6;  Crescini,   Contributo,  etc.,  p.  150, 
note.     For  the  text  of  the  letter,  see  G.  Tnversari,  Le  Lettere  Autografe  di 
Giovanni  Boccaccio  del  codice  Laurenziano  XXIX,  8,  Castelfiorentino,  1905, 
pp.  53-55. 

10  Perhaps  in  the  summer  of  1338.     Cf.  Rossi,  pp.  65-66,  91 ;  Gaapary* 
Gesch.  d.  Ital.  Lit.,  II,  12. 


32          THE    FILOSTRATO    CONTAINS    ECHOES    OF    THE    FILOCOLO.         [CH.  II 

summary  we  may  say,  then,  that  Filocolo  was  probably  begun 
soon  after  March  30,  1336,  and  was  probably  completed  in  1339, 
or  later.  Filostrato  was  probably  written  well  before  April  3, 
1339. 

If  it  be  true  that  Filostrato  was  written  during  a  pause  in  the 
writing  of  Filocolo?-  and  after  a  considerable  part  of  Filocolo  had 
been  composed,2  we  need  not  be  surprised  to  find  in  Filostrato 
echoes  of  the  earlier  parts  of  Filocolo.  Indeed,  under  such  circum 
stances  it  would  be  unreasonable  to  expect  a  writer  to  avoid 
such  repetitions  entirely.  Moreover,  when  we  remember  that 
the  immediate  sources  of  Filostrato  present  only  episodic  bits  of 
a  story  of  Troilus  and  Briseida,  we  need  not  be  surprised  if  we 
find  that  Boccaccio  drew  from  his  earlier  love  story,  Filocolo^ 
details  with  which  to  fill  out  the  hints  of  Benoit  and  Guido  into 
the  rounded  story  of  Troilo  and  Griseida  that  we  read  in  Filostrato. 
The  possibility  that  Filocolo  may  supply  some  of  the  deficiencies  of 
the  direct  sources  of  Filostrato  will  appear  more  clearly  when  we 
have  before  us  the  general  contents  of  the  earlier  work. 

Although  Filocolo  is  the  longest  and  the  most  elaborate  of  the 
mediaeval  versions  of  the  story  of  Floire  and  Blanchefleur,3  never 
theless,  beneath  all  his  elaboration4  Boccaccio  has  preserved  rather 
faithfully  the  •  traditional  story,  as  will  be  shown  from  the 
following  brief  outline  of  Filocolo.5 

After  an  account  of  his  innamoramento6  and  of  his  receiving 
from  his  lady  the  commission  to  write  the  story  of  Florio  and 

1  In  the  autobiographical  interpretation  of  parts  of  Filocolo  and  of  Filostrato 
and  in  the  chronological  deductions  attempted  above  I  am  merely  following 
what  is  believed  to  be  the  best  and  most  recent  scholarship  on  these  points. 
In  this   part  of  my  study  I  am  deeply  indebted  to  Mr.  E.  H.  Wilkins  for 
guidance  and  correction.     If  any  one  choose  to  reject  what  may  appear  (espe 
cially  to  one  who  has  not  examined  all  the  evidence)  a  rather  tenuous  allegori 
cal  argument,  he  may  do  so  at  his  own  risk,  without  affecting  my  succeeding 
investigations.     For  if  the  autobiographical   criterion  had   never  been  dis 
covered  and  we  had  been  left  with  only  the  works  themselves  and  the  scanty 
external  evidence,  the  chronological  priority  of  Filocolo  would  probably  never 
have  been  disputed. 

2  "We  are  certainly  justified  in  inferring  that  Boccaccio  made  considerable 
progress  in  the  composition  of  Filocolo  between  March  30,  1336,  and  the 
time  of  the  writing  of  Filostrato,  presumably  in  1337  or  1338. 

3  For   information  concerning  the  mediaeval  versions   of  this  story  and 
concerning  the  relation  of  Filocolo  to  the  cycle,  see  Appendix  B. 

4  As  to  the   nature  of  this ,  elaboration,  see  Zumbini,  Nuova  Antologia, 
Serie  IIa,  XVIII,  673-700. 

5  For  a  more  extended  outline  of  Filocolo,  see  Koerting,  pp.  464-494. 

6  Concerning    this  innamoramento,    see   above,    pp.    29-31,    and  below, 
pp.  40-42. 


€H.  II J       AN    OUTLINE    OF    THE    STORY    OF   BOCCACCIO'S   F1LOCOLO.         33 

Biancofiore,  and  after  a  brief  review  of  the  history  of  the  world 
from  the  fall  of  the  angels  to  the  establishment  of  Christianity, 
Boccaccio  takes  up  the  well-known  romance. 

Lelio,  a  Roman  nobleman,  and  his  wife,  Giulia,  pray  that  a  son 
may  be  given  them.  The  favourable  answer  to  their  prayer  is 
•a  vision,  as  the  result  of  which  the  prospective  parents  set  out 
with  a  company  to  the  shrine  of  the  "  glorioso  santo  "  in  Galizia. 
Through  the  machinations  of  Pluto,  King  Felice  of  Spain  attacks 
the  Roman  company  as  enemies  and  kills  Lelio.  King  Felice  and 
the  Queen  receive  Giulia  kindly,  and  soon  afterward  the  Queen 
bears  a  son  and  Giulia  a  daughter  on  the  same  day,  Giulia  dying 
in  child-birth. 

The  Queen  adopts  Giulia's  daughter,  who  is  named  Biancofiore, 
and  makes  her  the  playmate  of  her  own  son,  who  is  called  Florio. 
Glorizia,  the  former  maid  of  Giulia,  is  retained  as  Biancofiore's 
nurse,  and  the  two  children  are  kept  at  court  at  Marmorina  and 
taught  together  by  the  tutors,  Ascalione  and  Rapheo. 

In  the  course  of  time,  Cupid  visits  the  two  children  and  inspires 
them  with  mutual  love.  Hearing  of  the  rising  love  of  Florio  for 
Biancofiore,  and  objecting  to  his  son's  marrying  a  maiden  whose 
antecedents  are  so  obscure,  King  Felice  adopts  the  advice  of  the 
Queen  that  he  send  Florio  to  Duke  Feramonte,  at  Montorio,  in  the 
hope  that  in  the  gay  society  of  his  uncle  the  young  prince  may 
forget  his  unworthy  innamorata, 

After  a  painful  parting  from  Biancofiore,  who  stays  behind  at 
Marmorina,  Florio  is  magnificently  received  by  Duke  Feramonte, 
who  makes  every  effort  by  elaborate  entertainments  to  drive  all 
thoughts  of  Biancofiore  from  Florio's  mind.  Such  attempts,  how 
ever,  are  vain,  for  Florio  constantly  sighs  for  Biancofiore,  as  she 
does  for  him.  Meanwhile,  King  Felice  arranges  that  at  his  birth 
day  banquet  Biancofiore  shall  unwittingly  serve  to  the  guests 
a  poisoned  peacock,  for  which  act  she  is  promptly  condemned 
to  be  burned.  Venus  in  a  vision  warns  Florio  of  Biancofiore's 
danger,  and,  assisted  by  Mars  and  accompanied  by  Ascalione,  he 
appears  in  disguise  on  the  day  of  the  execution  and  rescues  his 
imiamorata,  returning  immediately  to  Montorio  without  disclosing 
his  identity. 

After  Duke  Feramonte  and  Ascalione  have  vainly  tried  new 
means  for  seducing  Florio  from  thoughts  of  Biancofiore,  Fileno 
comes  from  Marmorina  with  a  veil,  which  he  says  Biancofiore  has 
given  him  as  a  pledge  of  her  love.  After  much  complaining  and 
after  having  a  vision  that  should  have  assured  him  of  Biancofiore's 
fidelity  in  spite  of  Fileno's  pretensions,  Florio  writes  a  jealous  and 
upbraiding  letter  to  Biancofiore,  to  which  she  replies,  explaining 
that  she  gave  the  favour  to  Fileno  under  compulsion,  and  assur 
ing  Florio  of  her  fidelity.  Diana,  however,  visits  the  house  of 
Gelosia  and  sends  this  monster  to  inspire  Florio  with  a  new 
fit  of  jealousy.  In  a  rage  Florio  determines  to  kill  Fileno,  who, 
warned  by  a  vision,  flees. 

DEV.  TR.  CR.  D 


34       OUTLINE  OF  THE  FILOCOLO.     PART  OF  IT  IN  THE  FILOSTRATO.  [CH.II 

Meanwhile,  warned  by  Diana  that  Florio  is  wasting  away  for 
love  of  Biancofiore,  King  Felice  delivers  the  maiden  to  some 
merchants,  who  after  various  journeyings  deliver  her  to  the 
Ammiraglio,  who  confines  her,  with  her  maid,  Glorizia,  in  a  wonder 
ful  tower  at  Alexandria.  After  spreading  the  report  that  Bianco 
fiore  is  dead,  and  after  constructing  a  tomb  for  her,  King  Felice 
allows  Florio  to  return  to  Marrnorina.  When  the  despairing 
young  lover  is  about  to  kill  himself  at  the  false  tomb,  the  Queen 
reveals  to  him  the  truth,  and  he  sets  off  in  pursuit  of  his  beloved. 
After  many  vicissitudes,  he  arrives  at  Alexandria,  where  he  manages 
to  be  conveyed  into  the  tower  in  a  basket  of  flowers,  and  with  the 
help  of  Glorizia  rejoins  Biancofiore.1  When  the  Ammiraglio  dis 
covers  the  lovers  together,  he  condemns  them  to  the  flames,  but 
Duke  Feramonte  and  Ascalione  arrive  in  time  to  rescue  them.  It 
soon  appears  that  the  Ammiraglio  is  Florio's  uncle,  and  Florio  and 
Biancofiore  are  allowed  to  marry. 

After  much  wandering  and  after  a  sufficient  number  of  adven 
tures,  during  which  the  noble  birth  of  Biancofiore  is  revealed, 
the  young  couple  return  to  Spain,  where  after  the  death  of  King 
Felice  they  reign  in  prosperity. 

Even  from  the  foregoing  brief  outline  it  can  be  seen  that  the 
early  part  of  Filocolo  in  its  story  of  the  love  of  Florio  and  Bianco 
fiore  and  of  their  separation,  brought  about  by  Florio's  banishment 
to  a  town  near  by,  presents  a  general  parallel  to  the  account  in 
Filostrato  of  the  love  of  Troilo  and  Griseida  and  of  their  separation 
through  Griseida's  being  sent  to  the  Greek  camp.  Given  two 
general  parallel  situations  of  this  sort  in  two  works  written  by  the 
same  author  in  close  chronological  proximity,  it  would  be  surprising 
if  a  considerable  number  of  particulars  in  the  earlier  work  did  not 
appear  in  the  later,  especially  when  the  sources  of  the  later  work 
are  meagre.-  A  statement  of  the  extent  and  significance  of  these 
repetitions  is  our  immediate  task. 

However,  since,  as  we  have  seen,  probably  not  all  of  Filocolo 
"had  been  written  at  the  time  when  Filostrato  was  being  composed, 
in  the  case  of  every  part  of  Filocolo  which  appears  to  have  been 
shifted  into  Filostrato  it  will  be  necessary  to  make  clear  the 
chronological  priority  of  the  passage  from  Filocolo.  This  task  will 
be  easier  from  time  to  time  if  certain  preliminary  considerations 
are  kept  in  mind.  In  the  first  place,  I  repeat  that,  as  a  whole, 
Filocolo  is  unmistakably  less  mature  than  Filostrato.2  In  the 

1  For  a  detailed  study  of  this  episode,  see  below,  pp.  142  ff. 

2  See  above,  pp.  27-28. 


CH.  Il]      BOCCACCIO  TOOK  BITS  OF  FILOSTEATO  FROM  HIS  FILOCOLO.       35 

second  place,  we  may  note  that  the  parts  of  Filocolo  that  I  believe 
to  have  influenced  Filostrato  are  in  the  earlier  part  of  the  romance. 
There  is  no  immediate  proof  that  all  of  the  earlier  parts  of  Filocolo 
were  written  before  Filostrato,  or  that,  after  writing  Filostrato, 
Boccaccio  made  no  changes  in  the  earlier  part  of  Filocolo.1  We 
can  say  only  that  the  earlier  parts  of  Filocolo  as  a  whole  were 
probably  written  before  Filostrato,  a  probability  that  is  greatly 
strengthened  by  the  stylistic  inferiority  of  those  parts  to  Filostrato 
as  a  whole.  In  the  third  place,  it  is  to  be  remembered  that  while 
most  of  the  details  that  I  believe  to  have  been  transferred  from 
Filocolo  to  Filostrato  could  not  have  been  suggested  by  the 
immediate  source  of  Filostrato,  a  good  proportion  of  them  have 
a  firm  basis  in  the  sources  of  Filocolo.'2'  In  general,  it  is  certainly 
unlikely  that,  in  writing  Filostrato,  Boccaccio  invented  details  and 
episodes  for  which  his  sources  made  no  suggestion  and  later 
transferred  these  invented  episodes  into  Filocolo,  in  the  sources  of 
which  these  very  episodes  were  already  suggested.  Nor  will  the 
style  of  the  two  works  easily  admit  the  argument  that  when  his 
immediate  sources  failed  him  in  writing  Filostrato,  Boccaccio  drew 
from  the  sources  of  Filocolo  suggestions  for  episodes  which  he 
first  wrote  up  in  Filostrato  and  later  transferred  into  Filocolo. 
If  such  an  argument  were  possible,  I  should  be  glad  to  use  it  to 
my  own  ends,  for  my  main  task  at  present  is  to  show  that  the 
story  of  Troilo  and  Griseida  as  we  have  it  in  the  Italian  poem 
contains  elements  previously  embodied  in  the  story  of  Florio  and 
Biancofiore.  If  it  could  be  proved  that  a  few  or  many  of  these 
elements  were  taken  into  Filostrato,  not  from  Filocolo  but  from 
the  sources  of  Filocolo,  my  chief  contention  would  not  be  in 
validated.3  Finally,  it  should  be  borne  in  mind  that  for 
Boccaccio  to  take  crude  prose  materials  from  Filocolo  and  round 
them  into  finished  stanzas  in  Filostrato  is  a  more  intelligible  process 
than  the  reverse  would  be.  With  these  preliminary  considerations 
in  mind,  let  us  examine  the  similarities  in  content  of  the  two 
Italian  works. 

We  must  first  consider  certain  parts  of  Filostrato  that  may  show 
the  influence  not  only  of  Filocolo  but  also  of  other  works  not 
written  by  'Boccaccio.  The  first  such  passage  in  the  Italian  poem 

1  For  a  possible  example  of  such  revision,  see  below,  p.  103. 

2  On  the  sources  of  Filocolo,  see  Appendix  B. 

3  For  one  detail  in  Filostrato  which  may  be  due  to  the  source  of  Filocolo 
rather  than  to  Filocolo  itself,  see  below,  p.  80. 


36  SOURCE    OF    THE    MEETING    OF    TROILO    AND    GRISEIDA.         [CH.  II 

is   that  recounting   the   innamoramento   of  Troilo  and  Griseida.1 
The  account  may  be  outlined  as  follows  : 

Knights  and  ladies  gladly  come  to  the  spring  feast  which  the 
Trojan  elders  celebrate  in  honour  of  the  Palladium.  The  young 
widow,  Griseida,  excelling  all  others  in  beauty,  comes  with  the 
rest  and  stands  near  the  door,  clothed  in  black,  except  for  her 
white  veil.  Troilo  with  his  companions  passes  flippantly  along 
through  the  temple,  praising  one  lady,  disparaging  another,  and 
making  banter  of  any  youth  whose  look  betrays  the  effects  of  love. 
The  young  prince  thanks  Jupiter  that  he,  after  past  unhappy  ex 
periences,  is  now  safe  from  the  fickleness  of  women  and  from  the 
pains  of  love.  Nevertheless  when  his  eyes  fall  upon  the  "  angelico 
viso  "  of  Griseida,  Love  instantly  smites  him,  and  upon  this  maiden 
lie  fastens  his  amorous  gaze  during  the  rest  of  the  service.  At  the 
conclusion  of  the  feast  he  leaves  the  temple  in  sadness,  with 
difficulty  concealing  the  pangs  of  his  new  love. 

A  possible  source  or  model  for  this  episode  in  Filostrato  has 
been  pointed  out  in  the  Roman  de  Troie,  where  the  innamoramento 
of  Achilles  is  recounted  as  occurring  under  circumstances  similar 
to  those  in  the  Italian  passage  just  outlined.2  The  French 
account  may  be  outlined  as  follows  : 

On  the  anniversary  of  Hector's  death,  knights,  ladies,  and  citizens 
gather  in  their  best  array  at  the  tomb  of  Hector  in  the  temple  of 
Apollo,3  to  perform  the  appropriate  services,  to  enjoy  the  games, 
and  to  see  the  crowd.  Among  the  mourners  is  the  beautiful 
Polyxena,  together  with  Hecuba  and  Helen.  Under  a  truce,  many 
Greeks  come  to  the  celebration  merely  to  look  on,  among  them 
Achilles,  who  is  soon  to  be  struck  by  Love,  for  when  he  looks  into 
Polyxena's  face  he  succumbs  immediately  and  stands  rooted  to  the 
spot  as  long  as  she  remains  before  him.  When  Polyxena  leaves 
the  temple,  Achilles  carries  a  heavy  heart  back  to  the  Greek  camp. 

It  cannot  be  denied  that  in  general  tone  and  circumstances  these 
two  accounts  are  similar.  The  similarities  in  detail  may  be 
enumerated  as  follows : 

1.  Both  episodes  occur  in  a  temple  at  a  yearly  celebration.4 

2.  In  the  two  episodes  the  people  who  come  to  the  festival  are 
similarly  described, — 

1  Filostrato,  i,  17-31. 

~R.de  T.  (Joly),  17457-17584.  See  Savj-Lopez,  Romania,  XXVII, 
450-453.  There  are  no  indications  that  Boccaccio  used  Guido's  account  of 
this  imiamoramento  (Historia  Troiana,  sig.  k  2  verso,  col.  1 — k  3  recto, 
col.  2). 

8  For  the  location  of  the  tomb,  see  R.  de  T.  (Joly),  22045-22049. 

4  Cf.  R.  de  T.  (Joly),  17460  ;  Filostrato,  i,  18,  1-6. 


CH.  Il]       TROILUS'S  AND  ACHILLES's  VIEWS  OF  WOMEN  COMPARED.        37 

"  Alia  qual  festa  e  donne  e  cavalieri 
Fur  parimente,  e  tutti  volentieri."  1 

"  N'i  ot  chevalier  ne  borgeis 
Qui  icel  jor  ne  festivast. 

Lo  jor  le  vii?ent  bel  et  freis 
Dames,  chevaliers  et  borgeis."  2 

3.  The  critical,  external  attitude  of  Troilo  toward  the  service  he 
is  attending  and  toward  the  ladies  he  sees  is  definitely  suggested 
by  the  external  attitude  of  Achilles  and  the  other  Greeks,  who 
come  as  strangers  to  a  Trojan  festival.     Troilo's  attitude  is  shown 
in  the  lines, — 

"Ed  ora  questa  ed  or  quella  a  lodare 
Incominciava,  e  tali  riprendendo. 

Or  questa  donna  or  quella  rimirando."  3 
Achilles  and  the  other  Greeks  come  merely  to  look  on, — 

"  I  venoient  por  esgarder 
L'anniversaire  celebrer,"  4 — 

and  to  see  the  maidens, — • 

"  Pour  les  puceles  remirer"  5 

4.  The  lovers,    Troilo  and  Achilles,   are   similarly   smitten  by 
Love, — 

"  Senza  pensare  in  che  il  ciel  s'  affretti 
Di  recar  lui,  il  quale  amor  trafisse 
Piu  ch'  alcun  altro,  pria  del  tempio  uscisse 

II  qual  piu  ch'  altro  degno  in  se  gli  pare 
Di  molta  lode,  e  seco  avea  diletto 
Sommo  tra  uomo  e  uom  di  mirar  fiso 
Gli  occhi  lucenti  e  1'  angelico  viso. 

Ne  rammentava  ancora  dell'  oltraggio 

Ne  dello  strale,  il  quale  al  cuor  gli  corse, 
Finche  nol  punse  daddover  s'  accorse."  6 

1  Filostrato,  i,  18,  7-8.  2  E.  de  T.  (Joly),  17468-9,  17473-4.      \ 

3  Filostrato,  i,  20,  5-6  ;  i,  26,  3. 

4  E.  de  T.  (Joly),  17499-500.  5  Id.,  17493. 
6  Filostrato,  i,  25   6-8  ;  i,  28,  5-8  ;  i,  29,  5,  7-8. 


38        THE   EFFECT   OF   LOVE   ON   TROILUS   AND   ON   ACHILLES.       [CH.  II 

"  Mes  mielz  Ten  venist  consirer, 
Mar  i  porta  onques  ses  piez ; 
Car  ainz  qu'il  en  seit  repeiriez 
Ne  de  la  feste  retornez, 
Se  sera  si  mal  atornez, 
Sa  mort  metra  dedanz  son  sain. 
Veue  i  a  Polixenain 
Apertement  enmi  la  chiere. 
C'est  1'acheson  et  la  maniere 
Par  qui  sera  getez  de  vie 
Et  1'ame  de  son  cors  partie. 

Senpres  li  esprent  si  le  cuer 
Ne  se  meust  a  negun  fuer, 
Tant  com  il  voier  la  peust, 
Por  rien  que  nus  dire  seust." : 

5.  Both  Troilo  and  Achilles  stand  rapt  with  the  new  vision  as 
long  as  the  service  lasts, — 

"  .  .  .  e  mirb  tanto 

Quanto  duraro  a  Pallade  gli  onori."  2 

"  Onques  ne  remua  ses  piez, 
Tant  com  ele  fu  en  la  place."  3 

6.  Troilo,  like  Achilles,  leaves  the  scene  of  the  innamoramento 
with  a  heavy  heart, — 


ma  n  usci 


»4 


"...  adonc  retorne, 
Chiere  fet  et  pensive  et  morne."  5 

7.  The   irresistible  force  of  love  is  commented  on  in  similar 
terms  in  the  two  accounts, — 

"  Non  risparmiarono  il  sangue  reale, 
Ne  d'  animo  virtii  ovver  grandezza, 
Ne  curaron  di  forza  corporale 
Che  in  Troilo  fosse,  o  di  prodezza, 
L'  ardenti  fiamme  amorose  .  .  ." 6 

"  Poi  li  valdra  mes  sis  escuz, 
Et  sis  haubers  mailliez  memiz ; 
Ja  s'espee  trenchant  d'acier 

1  E.  de  T.  (Joly),  17504-17514,  17579-17582. 

2  Filostrato,  i,  30,  5,7.  *  R.  de  T.  (Joly),  17572-3. 
4  Filostrato,  i,  31,  2.  5  R.  de  T.  (Joly),  17583-4. 
6  Filostrato,  i,  40,  1-5.     Cf.  Savj-Lopez,  Romania,  XXVII,  452. 


€H.  Il]       THE    CASES    OF    TROILUS   AND   ACHILLES    COMPARED.  39 

Ne,  li  aura  ici  mestier. 
Force,  vertuz,  ne  hardement 
Ne  li  valt  centre  Amor  naient."  l 

8,  There  may  be  significance  in  the  fact  that  Boccaccio  mentions 
Polyxena  and  Helen  in  connection  with  his  heroine, — 

"  E  '1  suo  valor  e  '1  viso  dilicato 
Di  lei,  diceva,  avanza  Polissena 
D'  ogni  bellezza,  e  similmente  Elena,"2 — 

for  the  only  three  ladies  whom  Benoit  mentions  in  this  episode  are, 
"  Ecuba  et  Polixenain 

Ensemble  o  eles  dame  Heleine."  3 

The  similarities  between  the  two  episodes  do  not  end  here,  as  we 
find  when  we  examine  the  occurrences  following  the  temple  scene 
itself. 

1.  On  leaving  the  temple,  each  lover  languishes   in  his  own 
room, — 

"  E  parti tosi  ognun,  tutto  soletto 
In  camera  n'  andb,  dove  a  sedere 
Si  pose,  sospirando,  appie  del  letto."  4 

"  Molt  malades,  molt  dehetiez 
S'est  en  son  paveillon  cochiez. 
N'a  si  prive  qui  i  remaigne."5 

2.  The  two  heroes  can  think   only  of  the  great  event  of  the 
morning.6 

3.  Both  feel  a  distaste  for  fighting.7 

4.  Both  succumb  to  the  usual  love-sickness.8 

5.  Each  lover  thinks  his  case  hopeless.9 

6.  Each  lover  has  recourse  to  a  trusted  friend,   who  acts  as 
intermediary  between  the  lover  and  his  innamorata.1® 

*JR.de  T.  (Joly),  17549-17554.  2  Filostrato,  i,  42,  6-8. 

3  JR.  de  T.  (Joly),  17481,  17484.  4  Filostrato,  i,  33,  1-3. 

5  JR.  de  T.  (Joly),  17593-5. 

6  Filostrato,  i,  33,  4-7  ;  i,  42,  5  ;  R.  de  T.  (Joly),  17585-7. 

7  Filostrato,  i,  44,  1-2 ;  i,  45,  1,  3-4  ;  R.  de  T.  (Joly),  17643-17651. 

8  Filostrato,  i,  47,  1-4  ;   R.  de  T.   (Joly),   17574-5,  17689-98.     Cf.  Cres- 
cini,  p.  192.     With  Troilo's  love  pangs  (Filostrato,  i,  33-57  ;  ii,  85-88)  should 
be   compared   Benoit's  entire  account  of  the  similar  sufferings  of  Achilles 
and  Diomedes  (JR.  de  T.,  17585-17716,   17980-18080,  20679-20800,  14927- 
14982). 

9  Filostrato,  i,  48,  5-8;  49,  1-5;  Roman  de  Troie,  17610-17615,  17679- 
17681. 

10  For  an  extended  treatment  of  this  point,  see  below,  pp.  53  ff. 


40  THE    BEGINNING   OF    LOVE    IN   THE    FILOCOLO.  [CH.  II 

From  the  foregoing  examination  of  specific  likenesses  we  are, 
perhaps,  prepared  to  accept  the  statement,  "la  sostanza  di  quell' 
innamoramento  \i.  e.,  in  Filostrato]  e  ancora  derivata  dal  Roman  de 
Troie."  r 

In  connection  with  the  account  of  the  innamorammto  in  Filo 
strato  we  must  consider  also  a  similar  account  at  the  beginning  of 
Boccaccio's  Filocolo.'2'  Here  the  author  tells  us  that  in  the  spring 
•  of  a  certain  year  3  he  went  to  a  solemn  service  in  a  temple.  During 
the  service  his  eye  fell  upon  a  lady  of  so  great  beauty  that  he,  who 
had  previously  been  avoiding  love,  tremblingly  succumbed,  and  in 
an  apostrophe  declared  his  allegiance  to  "Amore."  Our  author 
says  that  on  this  occasion  he  did  not  accost  his  newly-discovered 
innamorata,  but  that  some  time  later  he  saw  her  again  in  another 
temple  in  conversation  with  the  priestesses  of  Diana,  a  conversa 
tion  in  which  he  had  the  good  fortune  to  join,  and  in  the  course  of 
which  he  received  the  commission  to  write  the  story  of  Florio  and 
Biancofiore — that  is,  Filocolo. 

However  many  literary  parallels  there  may  be  for  this  episode,4 
no  one  seriously  questions  the  autobiographical  validity  of  it  as  an 
account  of  Boccaccio's  innamoramento  with  Maria  d' Aquino.5  The 
recurrence  of  a  similar  scene  in  Filostrato  has  been  sufficiently  well 
known,  and  some  inferences  as  to  the  -autobiographical  significance 
of  the  recurrence  have,  been  drawn.6  No.  one,  however,  has  con- 

1  Savj-Lopez,  Romania,  XXVII,  451.     Savj-Lopez  is,  of  course,  not  re 
sponsible    for   the   detailed   comparisons  made  above.     It   should  be  noted 
that  the  temple  episode  in  Filostrato  owes  nothing  to  another  similar  episode 
in  Benoit's  poem  (11.  4261-4372)  in  which  is  recounted  the  innamoramento  of 
Paris  and  Helen.     Nor  is  there  any  indication  that  the  innamoramento  in 
Filostrato  is  in  any  direct  way  influenced  by  similar  scenes  in  such  Greek 
romances  as  Anthia  and  Abrocomes    of   Xenophou    of  Ephesus  (Scriptores 
Erotici  Graeci,  Vol.  Ill,  edited  by  C.  G.  Mitscherlich,  1794,  pp.  194-200),  or 
Chaerea  and  Callirrhoe  of  Chariton  Aphrodisiensis  (Erotici  Scriptores,  Lib.  I, 
edited  by  G.  A.  Hirschig,   Parisiis,  1856,  pp.  415-16).     Cf.  E.  Bolide,  Der 
Griechische  Roman,  Leipzig,  1900,  pp.  409,  418  (3),  517  ;  B.  Zumbini,  Nuova 
Antologia,    Serie    IIa,   XVIII,    676;    Savj-Lopez,    Romania,  XXVII,   456. 
On  Petrarch's  account  of  his  own  innamoramento,  see  especially  G.  Mestica, 
H  Piu  Giovanile  dei  Sonetti  del  Petrarca  e  il  suo  primo  innamoramento,  in 
Fanfulla  dclla  Domenica,  No.  21,  20  Maggio,  1888.     In  connection  with 
Filostrato,  i,  33-48  one  should  consult  pp.  571-4  of  Miss  Cipriani's  article, 
The  Romance  of  the  Rose  and  Chaucer  (Publications  of  the  Mod.  Lang.  Assoc., 
XXII,  552-595).     This  article  reached  me  only  after  my  study  was  in  proof. 

2  Filocolo,  I,  4-8.  3  On  this  date  see  above,  p.  31. 

4  See  note  1,  above. 

5  See  Crescini,  Contribute,  etc.,  pp.  151,  191  ;  A.  della  Torre,  pp.  31-101  ; 
Koerting,  p.  463  ;  Gaspary,  II,  3  ;  C.  A.-Traversi,  II  Propugnatore,  Vol.  XVI, 
Parte  Ha  (1883),  pp.  67-9  ;  Rossi,  pp   92-3. 

6  Cf.    Crescini,    Contribute,   etc.,   p.   151;  C.    A.-Traversi,    loc.   cit.,    pp. 
246-265. 


CH.  Il]       TROILUS'S   DISDAIN    OF   LOVE   IS   DUE    TO    THE   F1LOCOLO.        41  * 

sidered  the  relative  claims  of  the  autobiographical  account  of  the 
innamoramento  in  Filocolo  and  of  the  temple  episode  of  Achilles 
and  Polyxena  in  the  Roman  de  Troie  as  possible  sources  of  the 
part  of  Filostrato  under  discussion.1 

If  the  episode  in  Filostrato  were  pure  autobiography,  we  should 
expect  the  poem  merely  to  repeat  the  account  previously  written 
in  Filocolo.'2'  Such  a  mere  repetition  does  not  occur.  The  external 
and  disrespectful  attitude  of  the  hero3  toward  the  service  he  is 
attending,  the  description  of  the  people  who  come  to  the  festival,4 
the  hero's  dejection  when  he  leaves  the  temple,5  the  comment  011 
the  irresistible  power  of  love,6 — these  are  some  of  the  details 
common  to  Filostrato  and  the  Roman  de  Troie  and  absent  from  the 
account  in  FilocoloJ  There  are,  however,  in  the  account  in 
Filostrato  certain  details  that  may  well  be  repetitions  from 
Boccaccio's  own  earlier  work. 

1.  Troilo's  cynical  remarks  concerning  love  and  concerning  his 
own  previous  experiences  in  love  have  no  parallel  in  the  Roman 
de  Troie.  Says  Troilo, 

"  lo  provai  gia  per  la  mia  gran  follia 
Qual  fosse  questo  maladetto  fuoco. 

Or  ne  son  fuor,  merce  n'  abbia  colui 
Che  fu  di  me  piu  ch'  io  stesso  pietoso, 
lo  dico  Giove,  iddio  vero,  da  cui 
Viene  ogni  grazia,  e  vivommi  in  riposo."  8 

In  Filocolo  the  author  gives  a  similar  account  of  his  own 
recalcitrant  attitude, — 

"...  intentivamente  cominciai  a  rimirare  ne'  begli  occhi  dell' 
adorna  giovane,  ne'  quali  io  vidi  dopo  lungo  guardare  Amore  in  abito 
tanto  pietoso,  che  me,  cui  lungamente  a  mia  istanza  avea  risparmiato, 

1  While  Savj-Lopez  (Romania,  XXVII,  451-2)  notes  similarities  between 
Benoit's  poem  and  Filostrato  at  this  point,  he   ignores   Boccaccio's   earlier 
account  in  Filocolo.     Crescini  (pp.  151-2)  in  comparing  Filocolo  and  Filostrato 
makes  no  mention  of  the  Roman  de  Troie. 

2  Since  the  account  of  the  innamoramento  in  Filocolo  marks  the  beginning 
of  a  love  affair  of  which  Filostrato  represents  a  later  stage,  the  chronological 
priority  of  this  part  of  Filocolo  can  hardly  be  questioned. 

3  In  Filocolo  the  respectful,  personal  interest  of  the  author  in  the  service 
is  shown  in  his  own  words,  "io  attentamente  udiva"  (Filocolo,  I,  5). 

4  See  above,  p.  37.  5  See  above,  p.  38.  6  See  above,  p.  38. 

7  It  is  to  be  noted  also  that  the  innamoramento  in   Filocolo   is    carried 
through  tico  scenes  in  separate  temples,  whereas  in  Filostrato  there  is  only  one 
temple  scene. 

8  Filostrato,  i,  23,  1-2 ;  i,  24,  1-4.     Of.  i,  21,  5-24,  8. 


42  THE    TEMPLE-SCENE    IS    PARALLELED    IN    FILOCOLO.  [CH.  IT 

fece  tornare,  desideroso  d'  essergli  per  cosi  bella  donna,  subietto.  .  .  . 
Adunque  io  il  quale  ho  la  tua  signoria  lungamente  temendo  fuggita, 
ora  ti  prego  che  tu  .  .  .  entri  in  me  colla  tua  deitade." 1 

2.  Howevet  conventional  certain  of  Boccaccio's  phrases  concern 
ing  Griseida's  beauty   may  be,  similar  phrases  occur  in  Filocolo 
and  not  in  the  French  poem, — 

"  Si  bella  e  si  angelica  a  vedere 
Era,  die  non  parea  cosa  mortale 

II  viso  aveva  adorno  di  bellezza 
Celestiale  .  .  ."2 

"  E  per  le  sue  notabili  bellezze  e  opere  virtuose,  piu  volte 
facea  pensare  a  molti  che  non  d'  uomo  ma  di  Dio  figliuola  stata 
fosse."  3 

3.  The  description  of  Griseida's  costume,  for  which  there  is  no 
parallel  in  Benoit's  poem,  is  suggested  in  Filocolo.     We  are  told 
that  Griseida  is  "  sotto  candido  velo  in  bruna  vesta."  4    The  author 
of  Filocolo  sees  his  lady  on  the  second  occasion  conversing  with 
the  priestesses  of  Diana, — 

"...  sacerdotesse  di  Diana  sotto  biaiichi  veli  e  di  neri 
vestimenti  vestite."  5 

4.  In  the  Roman  de  Troie  we  are  not  told  the  time  of  year 
of  the  festival  where  Achilles  encounters  Polyxena.     In  Filostrato 
and  in  Filocolo  we  are  explicitly  told  that  the  innamoramento 
occurs  in  the  spring.  6 

From  the  relations  of  Filocolo,  Filostrato,  and  Roman  de  Troie 
now  before  us,  we  may  attempt  a  fair  conclusion  as  to  the  sources 
of  the  temple  scene  in  the  Italian  poem.  In  his  earliest  work, 
Filocolo,  Boccaccio  gave  what  we  may  well  believe  to  be  a  true 
and  reverent  account  of  his  own  innamoramento.  When  he  came 
later  to  write  the  story  of  Troilo  and  Griseida,  he  found  his 
immediate  sources  wanting  in  an  account  of  the  early  stages  of 
'the  love  affair.  From  his  own  experience,  from  an  account  already 
written  in  Filocolo,  and  from  an  account  of  a  similar  innamoramento 
in  the  Roman  de  Troie,  Boccaccio  seems  to  have  drawn  suggestions 
for  the  temple  episode  as  we  have  it  in  Filostrato. 

Undoubtedly   Boccaccio's   most   important    single    addition   to 

1  Filocolo,  I,  5-6.  z  Filostrato,  i,  11,  4-5 ;  i,  27,  3-4. 

3  Filocolo,  I,  4.  4  Filostrato,  i,  26,  7. 

6  Filocolo,  I,  6.  6  Filostrato,  i,  18,  1-4  ;  Filocolo,  1,4-5. 


CH.    Il]  THE   POSSIBLE   ORIGIN   OF   PANDARO.  43 

the  story  of  Troilo  and  Briseida  of  his  predecessors  is  the  figure 
of  Pandaro, — a  figure  for  which  there  were  possible  sources  in  real 
life,  in  general  literature,  and  in  the  author's  own  earlier  Filocolo.1 
Let  us  consider  these  possible  sources  in  order. 

Since  Boccaccio  himself  tells  us  that  in  the  Troilo  of  his  poem 
he  represents  his  own  sufferings,2  we  may  well  inquire  whether 
Troilo's  friend,  Pandaro,  may  not  have  an  original  in  the  gay 
and  easy  society  surrounding  King  Robert,  as  several  writers  have 
hinted.3  There  is  no  external  evidence  to  prove  that  Boccaccio 
had  a  faithful  friend  like  Pandaro  to  whom  he  confided  his  love 
secrets,  and  to  whom  he  committed  the  management  of  any  part 
of  his  love  affair  with  Maria  d' Aquino.  However,  he  who  reads 
Boccaccio's  works  with  a  mind  prepared  for  autobiographical 
disclosures  will  find  suggestions  of  the  author's  having  had  a 
particular  friend  who  performed  for  him  in  his  love  anguish  at 
least  some  of  the  kind  offices  of  Pandaro.4  In  the  Proemio  of 
II  Decamerone  we  read, 

"Nella  qual  noia  tanto  rifrigerio  gia  mi  porsero  i  piativoli 
ragionamenti  d'alcuno  amico,  e  1e  sue  laudevoli  consolazioni,  che  io 
porto  fermissima  opinione  per  quelle  essere  avvenuto  che  io  non  sia 
morto."5 

1  It  is  to  be  noted  that  with  the  Pandarus  of  Homer,  Virgil,  Dictys,  Dares, 
Benoit,  and  Guido,  Boccaccio's  Pandaro  has  nothing  in  common  ^except  the 
name.  According  to  Homer  (Iliad,  ii,  827  ;  iv,  88  ;  v,  168,'  171,  246, 
795)  TldvSapos  is  a  distinguished  Trojan  archer  and  warrior.  Virgil  refers  to 
the  archer,  Pandarus  (Aeneid,  v,  496),  and  to  another  Pandarus  (Aeneid,  ix, 
672  ;  xi,  396).  Dictys  represents  Pandarus  as  a  distinguished  archer  (Dictys 
Cretensis  Ephemeris  Belli  Troiani,  ii,  35  ;  ii,  40-41).  Dares  merely  mentions 
Pandarus  as  a  Trojan  leader  (Daretis  Phrygii  DC  Excidio  Troiac  Historia,  cap. 
xviii,  p.  22).  Benoit  mentions  Pandarns  as  a  Trojan  leader  (JR.  de  T., 
6667,  8135,  11315,  11353-11356).  According  to  some  MSS.  of  the  Roman  de 
Troie,  Pandarus  was  present  at  the  conference  of  Greek  and  Trojan  chiefs 
as  a  result  of  which  Anthenor  and  Thoas  were  exchanged  (cf.  It.  de  T., 
13071-13075,  and  variants  of  13072).  Guido  makes  fewer  references  to  Pan 
darus  than  Benoit  does,  and  adds  no  significant  details  (cf.  Historia,  sig.  h  5 
recto,  col.  1,  where  the  spelling  is  Pandalus;  sig.  f  5  verso,  col.  2,  where  the 
spelling  is  Pandorus}.  On  the  name,  see  especially  F.  Moland  et  C.  D'He ricault, 
Nouvellcs  Francoises  en  Prose  du  XIV*  Siecle,  Paris,  1858,  pp.  xcii^-xciii ; 
W.  Hertzberg,  Jahrbuch  der  Deutschen  Shak^peare-Gesellschaft,  VJ,  199-200  ; 
Hamilton,  pp.  92-95.  2  Cf.  Proemio  to  Filostrato,  pp.  7-10. 

3  Cf.  Skeat,  Oxford  Chaucer,  Vol.   II,  Oxford,  1894,  p.  Ixiii ;  A.  Kissner, 
Chaucer  in  seinen  Bezichungen  zur  Italienischen  Literatur,  Bonn,  1867,  p.  52  ; 
A.  Dobelli,  II  Culto  del  Boccaccio  per  Dante,  Venezia-Firenze,  1897,  p.  21  ; 
Rossi,  p.  81  ;  F.  De  Sanctis,  Storia  della  Letteratura  Italiana,  Vol.  I.  Napoli, 
1879,  p.  308. 

4  Cf.  Crescini,  Contribute,  etc.,  pp.  79,  83, 193  ;  A.  della  Torre,  pp.  269-270  ; 
C.  Antona-Traversi,  II  Propugnatore,  Vol.  XVJI,  Parte  I"  (1884),  pp.  64,  268. 

5  II  Decamerone,   edited    by  M.   Foresi,    Firenze,    1891,   pp.    9-10.     Cf. 
Crescini,  p.  S3,  note  1 ;  Rossi,  p.  67. 


44  THE    POSSIBLE    ORIGIN   OF    PANDARO.  [CH.   IT 

From  such  an  utterance  we  might  easily  infer  that  Boccaccio  had 
a  devoted  male  friend  who  in  a  serious  crisis  gave  him  genuine 
consolation.1  Again,  in  Filocolo,  in  the  pleasant  episode  of  the 
court  of  love,  Clonico,  when  his  turn  comes  to  propose  a. 
"question,"  tells  the  simple  and  almost  moving  story  of  hi& 
innamoramento,  and  of  the  subsequent  infidelity  of  his  lady. 
Regarding  his  condition  after  his  betrayal,  he  says, 

"Delle  quali  cose  dolendomi  io  un  giorno  tutto  soletto  in  un 
giardino,  con  infmiti  sospiri  accompagnati  da  molte  lagrime,  so- 
pravvenne  un  mio  singulars  amico,  al  quale  parte  de'  miei  danni 
era  palese,  e  quivi  con  pietose  parole  mi  comincib  a  volere  ricon- 
fortare :  i  cui  conforti  11011  ascoltando  io  niente,  ma  rispondendogli 
che  la  mia  miseria  ogni  altra  passava.  .  .  ."  2 

If  Clonico  be  speaking  for  Boccaccio  here,3  the  "  singulare  amico  " 
may  indicate  a  friend  like  Pandaro.  Perhaps  we  can  see  behind 
the  veil  once  more  in  //  Corbaccio,  where  we  read, 

"Yeramente  ci  son'  io  altre  volte  assai  stato,  ma  con  piu  lieta 
f ortuna,  secondo  il  parer  delle  corporali  menti ;  e  di  quinci  piu  per 
Valtrui  grazia,  che  per  Io  mid  senno,  in  diversi  modi  or  mi  ricordo 
essere."  4 

Since  Bocoacjcio  certainly  meant  to  reveal  his  own  biograpliv__in 
many  places  in  his  works,  since  there  is  every  reason  for  believing 
that  a  man  in  love  might  have  a  consoling  friend,  and  since  the 
passages  quoted,  and  some  others,5  might  well  ring  true  from  real 
experience,  there  is  certainly  some  ground  for  a  belief  that 
Boccaccio  had  a  friend  in  some  respects  like  the  Pandaro  of 
Filostrato.  Nevertheless,  however  real  the  personality  of  Pandaro 
may  have  been  to  Boccaccio,  our  author  may  still  be  presenting 
that  personality  to  us  under  a  borrowed  literary  veil,  for  we  have 
evidence  enough  that  Boccaccio  uses  literary  models  for  accounts 
that  are  at  bottom  autobiographical.6  Moreover,  none  of  the 

1  It  is  to  be  noted  that  such  a  passage  in  a  Proemio  of  one  of  Boccaccio's 
works  has  for  its  autobiographical  validity  a  certain  antecedent  probability 
not  so  easily  attached  to  passages  within  the  works  themselves. 

2  Filocolo,  II,  69.     Cf.  Crescini,  pp.  76-77,  79,  note  1. 

3  Cf.  Crescini,  pp.  76-77. 

*Jl  Corbaccio  (Opera  Minori,  Sonzogno,  Milano,  1879),  p.  270.  Cf. 
Ci'ftscini,  p.  83  note  1.  On  II  Corbaccio,  see  H.  Hauvette,  Une  Confession 
de  Boccace,  H  Corbaccio,  in  Bulletin  Italien,  I  (1901),  3-21. 

6  Cf.  Filocolo,  I,  284-285,— the  friend  who  consoles  Fileno.  Notice  also  the 
faithful  friend  referred  to  by  Galeone,  Filocolo,  II,  275.  On  the  confidante 
of  Fiammetta,  see  Fiammetta ,  ed.  Sonzogno,  pp.  29,  38.  Cf.  Crescini, 
p.  193,  note  2  ;  A.  della  Torre,  p.  269. 

6  See  above,  p.  29. 


€H.  Il]        PANDARO   AND    GO-BETWEENS    IN   ANCIENT   STORIES.  45 

consoling  friends  that  our  author  alludes  to  in  the  various 
passages  that  we  have  noted  is  in  any  way  characterized  as  a 
go'-between,  and  hence  none  of  these  friends  affords  anything  like 
a  complete  resemblance  to  Pandaro.  Therefore,  in  spite  of  the 
few  hints  that  Boccaccio  gives  us  as  to  the  existence  of  a  real 
character  who  may  in  some  respects  resemble  Pandaro,  we  are 
still  justified  in  a  search  for  possible  literary  sources  for  this 
famous  figure. 

A  comprehensive  study  of  the  evolution  of  the  character-type 
that  Pandaro  represents  would  no  doubt  take  us  back  to  the  very 
beginnings  of  human  society,  or  rather  to  such  reflections  of  those 
beginnings  as  we  may  find  in  the  most  primitive  tales  of  love  and 
courtship.  We  should  hear  of  brides  and  mistresses  won  through 
the  aid  of  "helpful  animals,"  of  "helpful  companions,"  and  of 
magic.  We  should  hear  of  maidens  committing  their  love  to 
nurses,  to  confidantes,  and  to  sorceresses.  In  the  present  study 
I  shall  mention  only  a  few  examples  of  the  pander  type  in  the 
literature  preceding  Boccaccio,  and  I  shall  consider  in  detail  only 
those  literary  examples  that  may  be  supposed  to  have  some  intimate 
bearing  on  the  development  of  Boccaccio's  Pandaro. 

The  stock  character  of  go-between,  or  procurer,  is  anciently  and 
abundantly  represented  in  the_j3omedies_  of_  Plautus,  Ballio  of 
Pseudolus,  Capadox  of  Curculio,  Labrax  of  Rudens,  Dardalus  of 
Persa,  and  Lycus  of  Poenulus,  all  represent  this  character  in  his 
most  "professional"  type.1  Less  "professional,"  but  still  active  as 
go-betweens,  are  Sceledrus,  the  servant  of  Pyrgopolinices,  in  Miles 
Gloriosus,  and  Pistoclerus  in  Bacchides,  engaged  by  his  friend, 
Mnesilochus,  to  search  for  the  latter's  mistress,  Bacchis.  OyicL 
in  his  treatises  on  the  conduct  of  love  affairs,  gives  us  detailed 
information  as  to  the  uses  of  the  fa™  alp  flfl-W-wPATi  In  the 
Amores,  the  lena,  Dipsas,  gives  her  own  account  of  the  proper 
procedure  in  a  love  affair.2  In  other  parts  of  the  same  work  the 
author  speaks  of  using  Corinna's  servants  as  go-betweens,3  a 
procedure  concerning  which  he  gives  us  definite  advice  in  Ars 
Amatoriat 

A  fair  example  of  the  female  go-between  as  she  appears  in 
mediaeval  literature  is  found  in  the  anus  who  brings  together 

1  I  omit  Cleareta,  the  prociiress,  mother  of  Philenium,  in  Asinaria. 

2  Amores,  Lib.  i,  Eleg.  viii. 

3  Id.,  Lib.  i,  Eleg.  xi,  1-13  ;  Lib.  ii,  Eleg.  viii. 

4  Ars  Amatoria,  i,  351-398. 


46  PANDARO    AND    GO-BETWEENS    IN    MEDIVAL    ROMANCES.       [CH.  II 

Pamphilus  and  Galatea  in  that  bald  love  drama,  PampTiilus  de 
Amore.1 

None  of  these  examples  resembles  very  closely  Boccaccio's 
Pandaro,  who,  far  from  being  a  servant  or  a  "  professional,"  is  the 
friend  and  adviser  of  Troilo,  as  well  as  the  procurer  of  his  lady. 
Effective  friends  remotely  resembling  Pandaro  are  common__in 
mediaeval  Jiterature.  In  the  romance  of  Generydes,  for  example, 
we  are  told  that  the  hero's  tutor,  Natanell,  successfully  acts  as 
procurer  in  Generydes'  love  affair  with  Clarionas.2  Again,  in  the 
romance  of  Sir  Eglamour,  the  squire  of  the  hero  gives  his  master 
advice  and  help  in  procuring  the  love  of  Cristabelle.3  In  the 
French  romance  of  Claris  et  Laris  we  read  that  Laris  encourages 
the  love  of  his  friend,  Claris,  for  Lydaine,  wife  of  King  Ladont 
and  sister  of  Laris.  The  feeling  of  Laris  toward  this  adulterous 
love  is  shown  in  his  words  to  Claris, 

"  '  Claris,'  fet  il,  '  pou  m'amiez, 
Quant  cele  chose  celiez. 
Ja  pour  ce  voir  ne  vous  harrai, 
An^ois  vous  en  evancerai 
Yers  ma  seror,  bien  le  sachiez  ! 
Mes  que  vous  plus  ne  vous  sechiez ; 
•  Mes  pensez  de  joie  mener  ! 
Car  je  croi  bien  a  ce  mener 
Ma  seror-,  (ne  m'en  cuit  taisir), 
Que  1'avrez  a  vostre  plesir.' "  4 

A  similar  encouraging  third  person  appears  in  such  allegories  as 

1  Edited  by  A.  Baudouin,  Paris,  1874.     On  the  date  and  authorship,  see 
A.   Ebert,    Allgemeines  Bibliographisches  Lexikon,    II   Bd.,   Leipzig,  1830, 
col.  298. 

2  Generydes,  edited  by  W.  A.  Wright,  E.KT.S.,  Part  I,  London,  1873, 
11.  757-924. 

3  Sir  Eglamour,  edited  by  G.  Schleich,  Berlin,  1906, 11.  49  ff.    For  analogues, 
more  or  less  close,  see  also  Sir  Tralabas,  in  The  Earl  of  Tolous  (edited  by  G. 
Liidtke,  Berlin,  1881, 11.  181  ff. ) ;  Talamewe,  in  Ipomedon  (edited  by  E.  Kolbing, 
Breslau,    1889,  11.    145-153,    1Q3-297,    1250-1252,    1538-1555,    1700-1723, 
2312  ff.);  Squire  Robert,   in  Li  Biaus  Desconneus  (edited  by   C.   Hippeau, 
Paris,  1860)  ;  Garines,  in  Amadas  et  Ydoine  (edited   by  C.   Hippeau,  Paris, 
1863,  11.   2450  ff.);  Pinchonnes,  in  Cleomades  (edited   by  A.   van    Hasselt, 
Vol.  II,  Bruxelles,  1866,  pp.  88  ff.).     Cf.  also  Merlin's  use  of  magic  in  order 
to  give  King  Uther  a  night  with  Igerna  (Geoffrey  of  Monmouth,  Historia 
Regum  Britanniae,  ed.  San-Marte,  Halle,  1854,  lib.  viii,  cap.  19).    Cf.  Dido's 
use  of  a  sorciere  in  the  romance,  Aeneas  (edited  by  J.  Salverda  de  Grave, 
Halle,  1891,11.  1905  ff.). 

4  Li  Romans  de  Claris  et  Laris  (edited  by  J.  Alton,  Tubingen.  1884), 
11.  3970-3979.     Cf.  Savj-Lopez,  Romania,  XXVII,  469.     See  also  Claris  et 
Laris,  11.  3716-3993,  7867-8199,  15384-16401. 


CH.Il]    PANDARO  AND  GOVERNALE  IN  THE  ITALIAN  TRISTAN  STORY.      47 

Le  Roman  deJa._Mase,  where  the  bewildered  "Amant"  is  coun 
selled  by  the  sympathetic  "Ami."1 

Although  we  may  be  sure  that  Boccaccio  was  well  aware  of  the 
distribution  of  this  type  in  mediaeval  literature,  there  is  no 
evidence  that  any  of  the  characters  thus  far  mentioned  had  any 
part  in  the  formation  of  the  character  of  Pandaro.  As  a  possible 
direct  source  of  Boccaccio's  character  we  may  look  to  a  more  famous 
story  than  any  that  we  have  hitherto  cited. 

In  the  Tristan  story  in  its  Italian  romance  form,2  Governale, 
the  faithful  companion  of  Tristano,  is  in  some  jespects.  a_close 
analogue  to  Pandaro.3  Governale  performs  the  offices  of  guardian,4 
adviser,5  pander,6  and  mere  attendant  or  servant.7  In  his  services 
as  pander  for  Belicies  and  Tristano  he  shows  only  a  general  resem 
blance  to  Pandaro.8  At  certain  times,  however,  his  advice  to 
Tristano  is  quite  like  Pandaro's  to  Troilo.  When  Tristano  is 
grieving  over  his  troublesome  dream  of  the  stag  Governale  says  to 
him, 

" '  Tristano,  voi  si  non  dovete  pensare  nele  visione,  le  quali  voi 
vedete  in  songni.  Impercioe  il  vi  dico  ch'  io  abo  inteso  che  le 
visione  non  sono  da  credere,  impercioe  che  sono  vanitade.  Ed 
accib  vi  dico  che  voi  non  dovete  pensare  a  queste  cose.'  Molto 
confortava  Governale  Tristano,  ma  questo  conforto  non  gli  vale 
neente,  tanto  ee  lo  dolore  ch'  egli  sostiene."  9 

This  advice  of  Governale's  is  quite  like  Pandaro's  to  Troilo,  when 
the  young  lover  is  grieving  over  his  vision  of  the  boar, — 

"  Io  ti  dissi  altra  volta,  che  follia 
Era  ne'  sogni  troppo  riguardare ; 
Nessun  ne  fu,  n&  e,  ne  giammai  fia 
Che  possa  certo  ben  significare, 
Gib  che  dormendo  altrui  la  fantasia 
Con  varie  forme  puote  dimostrare, 

1  Roman  de  la  Rose  (edited  by  F.  Michel,  2  Tom.,  Paris,  1864),  11.  3137  ff. 
Cf.  also  Bel-Acueil,  id.,  11.  2799  ff.  Of.  E.  Gorra,  Testi  Inediti  di  Storia- 
Trojana,  Torino,  1887,  p.  353,  note  1  ;  Publications  of  the  Mod.  Lang.  Assoc., 
XXII,  574,  576-7,  579,  581,  584. 

a  See  11  Tristano  Riccardiano,  edited  by  E.  G.  Parodi,  Bologna,  1896. 

3  See  Savj-Lopez,  Romania,  XXVII,  459-461,  468. 

4  II  Tristano  Riccardiano.  pp.  7-8,  9,  11,  14,  17-18. 

5  Id.,  pp.  32-33,  80,  83,  180,  187. 

6  Id.,  pp.  19-21,  25,  99-100,  122-123. 

7  Id.,  pp.  40-41,  63,  112-113,  140-142,  158,  172-173,  178-180,  185,  199, 
213-214,  262-264. 

8  Id.,  pp.  19-21. 

9  Id.,  p.  187.     Cf.  Savj-Lopez,  Romania,  XXVII,  460. 


48      PANDAEO  AND  GOVERNALE  IN  THE  ITALIAN  TRISTAN  STORY.  [CH.II 

E  molti  gia  credettero  una  cosa, 

Ch'  altra  n'  avvenne  opposita  e  ritrosa  "  1 

Again,  Tristano,  made  desperate  by  the  thought  of  losing  Isotta, 
is  comforted  by  Governale  as  follows, — 

"  Quando  Tristano  intese  queste  parole  fue  tanto  doloroso  che 
volea  morire,  ed  allora  incontanente  si  tramortio.  E  Governale 
quando  vide  tramortito  Tristano  fue  molto  doloroso.  E  istando  per 
uno  poco,  e  Tristano  tornoe  in  see.  E  Governale  disse  :  '  Per  mia 
fe,  Tristano,  voi  non  siete  bene  savio,  quando  voi  volete  morire 
in  cotale  maniera.  E  impercioe  voi  priego  che  voi  si  vi  dobiate 
confortare  e  11011  vi  dobiate  uccidere  anzi  ora.' "  2 

The  situation  here  is  similar  to  that  in  Filostrato  where  Pandaro 
restrains  and  comforts  Troilo  when  he  is  about  to  kill  himself  in 
grief  over  the  assumed  infidelity  of  Griseida.  Says  Troilo, 

"  Poi  la  fortuna  a  si  malvagia  sorte 
Recato  m'  ha,  il  morir  fia  diletto, 
Dove  il  viver  saria  noia  e  dispetto. 

E  questo  detto,  corse  ad  un  coltello, 
II  qual  pendea  nella  camera  aguto, 
E  per  lo  petto  si  voile  con  ello 
Dar,  se  non  fosse  che  fu  ritenuto 
Da  Pandaro."  3 

Pandaro  addresses  him  sympathetically, — 

"  Troilo,  sempre  in  tal  credenza  fui 
Di  te  ver  me,  che  s'  io  stato  fossi  oso 
Di  domandar  per  me  o  per  altrui 
Che  t'  uccidessi,  tu  si  animoso 
Senza  indugio  nessun  1'  avessi  fatto, 
Com'  io  farei  per  te  in  ciascun  atto. 

E  tu  a'  preghi  miei  non  hai  la  morte 
Sozza  e  spiacevol  voluta  fuggire."  4 

The  close  resemblance  between  another  detail  in  Filostrato  and 
a  detail  in  the  Tristano 5  may  strengthen  the  possibility  that  in 
composing  his  poem  Boccaccio  had  this  romance  in  mind.  During 
the  first  night  of  the  young  lovers  together  Griseida, 

1  Filostrato,  vii,  40,   1-8.     Cf.  v,  32-33;    vii,   36-45;   Tiii,   19.     Before 
inferring  the  direct  influence  of  Tristano  upon  Filostrato  at  this  point,  one 
should  note  the  discussions  of  dreams  in  Filocolo, — see  below,  pp.  64  ff. 

2  IL  Tristano  Riccardiano,  p.  188.     Cf.  Savj-Lopez,  Romania,  XXVII,  460. 

3  Filostrato,  vii,  32,  6—33,  5. 

4  Id.,  vii,  37,  3—38,  2. 

6  Cf.  Savj-Lopez,  Romania,  XXVII,  459-460. 


CH.  Il]    PANDARO,  AND  GOVERNALE  IN  THE  ITALIAN  TRISTAN  STORY.    49 

"...  nell'  ultima  vesta 
Rimasa,"  l 
says  to  Troilo, 

" .  .  .  speglio  mio,  le  nuove  spose 
Son  la  notte  primieraTvergognose."  2 

This  detail  may  have  been  suggested  by  the  scene  in  the  Tristano, 
where  on  the  marriage  night  of  King  Marco  and  Isotta,  Braguina 
puts  herself  in  the  King's  bed  in  place  of  Isotta.  To  make  the 
deception  possible,  Tristano  extinguishes  the  lights  of  the  bridal 
chamber,  and  when  the  King  asks  the  reason  for  such  a  procedure, 
Tristano  replies, 

"  *  Questa  e  mm  usanza  d'  Irlanda,  che  quando  una  pulciella  si 
corica  novella  mente  allato  a  ssuo  sengnore,  la  prima  notte  si  fanno 
inspegnare  li  lumi,  perche  la  donna  non  si  vergongni ;  perche  le 
pulcielle  si  sono  troppo  vergongnose'  "  3 

In  view  of  the  evidence  adduced,  it  seems  possible  that  in  com 
posing  Filostrato  Boccaccio  may  have  taken  from  the  Tristano 
suggestions  for  his  Pandaro,  and  certain  other  details.4  Never 
theless,  it  is  to  be  observed  that  however  many  details  connected 
with  Governale  may  reappear  in  connection  with  Pandaro,  Goy^male 
is  essentially  a  very  different  character  from  Pandaro.  Governale 
is  Tristano's  "maestro,"  his  companion  at  arms,  or  his  valet.  He 
always  assumes  the  role  of  the  faithful  attendant  rather  than  that 
of  the  courtly  "  amico  "  of  Boccaccio's  poem.  Such  a  courtly 
"  amico  "  we  find  in  another  famous  mediaeval  romance  well  known 
to  Boccaccio,5  and  immortalized  by  Dante  in  the  words  he  gives  to 
Francesca  da  Eimini, — 

y~*.  &~    ' 

"  Noi  leggevamo  un  giorno  per  diletto 
Di  Lancilotto  come  amor  lo  strinse 


Galeotto  fu  il  libro  e  chi  lo  scrisse."  6 

1  Filostrato,  iii,  31,  5-6.  .  2  Id.,  iii,  31,  7-8. 

3  II  Tristano  Riccardiano,  p.  123. 

4  Of.  Savj-Lopez,  Romania,  XXVII,  461,  468.    As  to  Boccaccio's  undoubted 
acquaintance  with  the   romance   of  Tristano,  see   Rossi,    pp.    35,  note   1, 
42,  78;  G.  Malavasi,  La  Materia  poetica  del  ciclo  Irettone  in  Italia,  Nella 
Mirandola,  1901,  p.  21,  note  4.     On  the  distribution  of  this  romance  in  Italy, 
see  Malavasi,  pp.  13-22. 

5  Boccaccio's  knowledge  of  this  romance  later  in  life  is  made  certain  by  his 
comments  on  the  reference  to  it  in  Dante.     See  II  Commento  sopra  la  Corn- 
media  di  Dante  Alighieri,  Tomo  II,  pp.  60-62  (Opere  Volgari  di  Giovanni 
Boccaccio,  Vol.  XI,  Firenze,  Moutier,  1831).  On  the  currency  of  this  story  in 
Boccaccio's  circle  in  Naples,  see  A.  della  Torre,  pp.  165-6.     Cf.  Rossi,  pp. 
35,  note  1,  42,  78  ;  11   Corbaccio,   ed.  Sonzo^no,  pp.  305-6 ;  B.   Zumbini : 
Nuova  Antologia,  Serie  IIa,  XVIII  (1879),  682 ;  Malavasi,  pp.  13-22,  and 
especially  p.  21,  note  4.  6  Inferno,  v,  127-8,  137. 

DEV.  TR.  OR.  V, 


50  THE   STORY   OF   LANCELOT'S    LOVE    FOR   GUINEVERE.          [CH.  IF 

The  part  of  the  Lancelot  story  referred  to  by  Dante  here  and 
alluded  to  by  him  elsewhere,1  may  be  outlined  as  follows  : 2 

Galehout,  the  comrade  of  Lancelot  and  the  devoted  knight  of 
the  Queen,  busies  himself  morning  and  evening  in  efforts  to  effect 
an  amorous  meeting  of  these  two.  At  last  an  opportune  day  arrives. 
Carrying  Lancelot's  last  request,  that  the  meeting  be  kept  secret, 
Galehout  departs  to  make  arrangements  with  the  Queen.  Galehout 
assures  her  that  the  flower  of  knighthood  is  ready  to  come  to  her. 
After  supper  Guinevere,  accompanied  by  Galehout,  the  Lady  of 
Mahout,  and  two  other  women,  goes  to  the  bushy  meadow 
appointed  for  the  meeting.  Galehout  summons  Lancelot,  who 
stands  trembling  and  pale  before  the  Queen.  To  alleviate  the 
embarrassment  of  the  lovers  Galehout  withdraws ;  but  even  then, 
Lancelot  is  so  reticent  that  only  by  a  series  of  searching  questions 
can  the  Queen  induce  him  to  tell  his  name  and  recount  his  adven 
tures.  At  last  she  assures  herself  that  he  is  Lancelot  del  Lac,  and 
elicits  from  him  a  declaration  of  love.  At  this  moment  the  Lady 
of  Mahout  near  by  coughs,  as  a  sign  that  she  is  aware  of  the  doings 
of  the  lovers.  Lancelot  is  for  a  time  dumb  with  fear,  but  recovers 
sufficiently  to  continue  his  account  of  his  love.  As  a  test  of  his 
sincerity,  the  Queen  accuses  him  of  looking  too  ardently  at  her 
three  attendants.  This  accusation  causes  Lancelot  such  anguish 
that  he  all  but  swoons,  so  that  the  Queen  must  steady  his  arm  till 
Galehout  comes  running  up.  Galehout  urges  the  Queen  to  be 
merciful  and  to  allow  her  lover  a  first  kiss.  This  request  she 
readily  grants,  and  when  the  modest  Lancelot  hesitates  to  approach 
her,  she  herself  kisses  him.  After  the  knight  has  given  the  Queen 
an  oath  of  fidelity,  the  party  retire  homeward  in  the  moonlight. 
After  escorting  the  Queen  to  her  bed,  Galehout  goes  to  spend  the 
night  with  Lancelot,  whom  he  comforts  with  talk  of  the  happy 
occurrences  of  the  evening. 

1  Dante  alludes  to  the  story  of  Lancelot  in  the  Paradiso,  where  he  says  that 
Beatrice  in  her  smiling  resembled  the  lady  who  coughed  at  the  time  of 
Guinevere's  first  fault, — 

"Ridendo,  parve  quella,  che  tossio 
Al  primo  fallo  scritto  di  Ginevra"  (Paradiso,  xvi,  14-15). 

On  the  detail  of  the  Lancelot  story  here  mentioned,  see  P.  Toynbee,  Dante 
Studies  and  Researches,  London,  1902,  pp.  1-37  ;  F.  Novati,  Arte,  Scienza  e 
Fede  ai  Giorni  di  Dante,  Milano,  1901,  pp.  269-276,  280-281  ;  L.  Moland, 
Les  Origines  Littfraires  de  la  France,  Paris,  1862,  pp.  51-58,  373-383.  Dante 
alludes  to  another  part  of  the  Lancelot  story  in  the  Convivio,  iv,  8.  Of. 
Toynbee,  p.  1,  note  1.  On  Dante's  use  of  a  French  version  of  the  story, 
see  Toynbee,  p.  8. 

2  I  follow  the  French  text  given  by  P.  Toynbee,  pp.  10-22,  from  a  MS.  of  the 
thirteenth  century.    Cf.  Toynbep,  p.  9.    For  similar  extracts  from  other  MSS., 
see  W.  J.  A.  Jonckbloet,  Roman  van  Lancelot,  Tweede  Deel,  Gravenhage, 
1849,  pp.  xl-xlvii ;  L.  Moland,  Les  Origines  Litte'raires  de  la  France,  Paris, 
1862,   pp.    373-383;    F.-L.    Polidori,    La    Tavola  Ritonda    o    Vlstoria   di 
Tristano,  Parte  IIa,  Bologna,  1865,  pp.  260-264.     Cf.  P.  Paris,  Les  Romans 
de  la  Table  Ronde,  Tome  III6,  Paris,  1872,  pp.  249-270. 


CH.  Il]       COMPARISON  OF  PANDARO  WITH  GALEHOUT.          51 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  Galehout  of  this  story  closely 
resembles  Boccaccio's  Pandaro.  In  Galehout  we  have  no  longer 
the  tutor,  the  servant,  or  the  mere  go-between,  but  a  courtly 
knight l  who  meets  Lancelot  and  the  Queen  upon  a  plane  of  social 
equality  and  genuine  friendship.  In  his  courtly  bearing,  in  his 
easy  familiarity,  in  his  friendly  devotion,  and  in  his  enthusiastic 
activities  as  pander,  Galehout  is  a  true  precursor  of  Pandaro.  The 
resemblances  between  Galehout  and  Pandaro  and  between  the 
Lancelot  story  and  Filostrato  will  perhaps  bear  further  examination. 

Although  we  have  no  detailed  information  concerning  Galehout's 
activities  before  the  day  when  he  actually  brought  the  lovers 
together,  we  are  told,  nevertheless,  that  he  made  many  jaunts 
back  and  forth,  "  night  and  morning, "- 

"  Einsint  aloit  Galehout  a  son  compaingnon  au  main  et  au  soir, 
et  a  chascune  foiz  quil  reuenoit  li  demandoit  la  roine  quil  auoit 
troue."  2 

These  activities  of  Galehout  are  quite  parallel  to  Pandaro's  rushings 
back  and  forth,  early  and  late.3 

On  a  certain  morning  Galehout  announces  to  the  Queen  that 
"  la  flor  des  chevaliers,"  4  whose  name  she  does  not  know,  is  ready 
to  come  to  her  as  her  lover.  In  this  circumstance  we  are  reminded 
of  Pandaro's  coming  to  Griseida  and  describing  to  her  the  young 
prince,  whom  she  has  not  seen,  and  who  desires  her  love, — 

"  Chi  6  dunque  colui  che  si  diletta 
Si  di  vedermi  ?     Griseida  disse. 
A  cui  Pandaro  allora  :  giovinetta, 
Poiche  colui  che  il  mondo  circonscrisse, 
Fece  il  primo  uom,  non  credo  piu  perfetta 
Anima  in  alcun  altro  mai  inserisse."  5 

It  is  to  be  noted  that  in  the  Lancelot  story  the  Queen  takes 
the  more  active  part  in  desiring  and  in  arranging  for  her  first 
meeting  with  Lancelot.  The  knight  himself  throughout  the  episode 

1  In  the  Italian  Tristano,  Galeotto  is  spoken  of  as  "  Lo  sire  dele  Lontane 
Isole  ...   Jo  piue  alto  principe  del  mondo,   e  lo  piue  valentre"  (II  Tris 
tano  Riccardiano,  p.   113).      Boccaccio  tells   us  that  Pandaro  is  "D"  alto 
lignaggio  ..."  (Filostrato,  ii,  1,  4). 

2  Toynbee,  p.  10. 

3  Of.  Filostrato,  ii,  1,  3-8  ;  34,  1-4  ;  79,  1-3  ;  108,  1-2  ;  118,  1-2  ;  128, 
3-4  ;  133,  1-4  ;  iii,  4,  1-4  ;  21,  2-3 ;  22,  3-4  ;  73,  1-2  ;  iv,  42,  4-6  ;  43,  1 ; 
95,  5-6  ;  109,  1 ;  v,  22,  1-3  ;  viii,  3,  5-8. 

4  Toynbee,  p.  11.  .       5  Filostrato,  ii,  41,  1-6. 


52       GUINEVERE  AND  LANCELOT  BESIDE  TROILO  AND  GRISEIDA.     [CH.  II 

is  modest,  timid,  and  passive.  The  Queen's  bold  reception  of  the 
modest  Lancelot  is  recounted  thus, — 

"  Et  la  roine  prent  le  cheualier  par  la  main  la  ou  il  est  agenouz 
si  lasiet  deuant  li  et  li  fet  molt  bel  senblant,  et  li  dit  tot  en  riant, 
'  Sir,  molt  uos  auons  desirie  tant  que  deu  merci  et  Galehout  qui  ci 
est  que  or  uos  ueons. ' " 1 

Meanwhile  the  timid  knight 

"...  tranble  si  durement  quil  ne  puet  la  roine  saluer,  et  a 
tote  la  color  perdue  si  que  la  roine  sen  merueille  molt."  r* 

The  mutual  relation  of  these  two  lovers  is  quite  parallel  to  the 
relation  of  the  lovers  to  each  other  in  Filostrato.  Chaucer's  refining 
of  Criseyde's  character  and  demeanour  often  causes  us  to  forget 
that  Boccaccio's  Griseida,  as  soon  as  Pandaro  has  overcome  her 
first  weak  defence  of  modesty,  shows  a  wanton  passion  and  a  self- 
confidence  not  unlike  Queen  Guinevere's.  It  is  Griseida  herself 
who  makes  the  arrangements  for  her  first  meeting  with  Troilo,3 
and  it  is  she  who  utters  her  passion  thus : — 

"  L'  acqua  furtiva,  assai  piu  dolce  cosa 
E  che  il  vin  con  abbondanza  avuto  : 
Cosi  d'  amor  la  gioia,  che  nascosa 
Trapassa  assai,  del  sempre  mai  tenuto 
Marito  in  braccio  ;  ^adunque  vigorosa 
Ricevi  il  dolce  amante,  il  qual  venuto 
T'  e  fermamente  mandato  da  Dio, 
E  sodisfa'  al  suo  caldo  disio."  4 

On  the  other  hand,  Troilo's  timid  modesty  throughout  the  poem 
is  illustrated  by  his  reply  to  Pandaro  when  the  latter  is  urging  on 
the  amorous  attack, — 

"  Ma  come  manchera  perb  1'ardore 
Ch'  io  porto  dentro,  ch'io  non  vidi  mai 
Che  ella  s'accorgesse  del  mio  amore  1 
Ella  nol  credera  se  tu  il  dirai : 
Poi  per  tema  di  te,  questo  furore 
Biasimera,  e  niente  farai."  6 

In  connection  with  the  possible  influence  of  the  Lancelot  romance 
upon  Boccaccio's  poem,  there  may  be  significance  in  the  detail  of 
Griseida's  coughing  as  a  signal  to  Troilo  on  the  night  of  their  first 
meeting, — 

1  Toynbee,  pp.  12-13.  2  Id.,  p.  12. 

3  Cf.  Filostrato,  ii,  143,  1-8  ;  iii,  21,  1-4  ;  26-28. 

4  Id.,  ii,  74,  1-8.  5  Id.,  ii,  30,  1-6. 


CH.  Il]  PANDARO    AND    THE    ROMAN   DE   TROIE.  53 

"  Griseida  1'aveva  ben  sentito 
Venire,  perche  accib  ch'egli  intendesse, 
Com'  era  imposto,  elV  aveva  tossito"  l 

In  the  Lancelot  romance  we  are  told  that  when  the  Queen  is 
eliciting  an  avowal  of  love  from  the  reticent  Lancelot,  one  of  her 
ladies  coughs,  as  a  sign  that  the  lovers  are  observed, — 

"  A  ces  paroles  que  la  reine  li  disoit  auint  que  la  dame  de 
maloaut  sestossi  tot  a  escient  et  dreca  la  teste  que  ele  auoit 
embronchiee."  2 

In  view  of  Boccaccio's  undoubted  acquaintance  with  this  romance, 
and  in  view  of  the  similarities  hinted  at  above,  it  seems  entirely 
probable  that  in  composing  Filostrato  Boccaccio  may  have  been 
guided  in  some  measure  by  the  story  of  Lancelot,  and  that  in 
introducing  the  figure  of  Pandaro  into  his  poem  he  may  have  been 
somewhat  influenced  by  the  famous  pander,  Galehout. 

A  more  immediate,  though  less  adequate,  literary  source  for 
Boccaccio's  Pandaro  is  found  in  the  Roman ^e_Tr^J£^j&i^. 3  We 
have  already  considered  Boccaccio's  use  in  Filostrato  of  the  inna- 
moramento  of  Achilles  as  recounted  in  Benoit's  poem.4  We  must 
now  direct  our  attention  to  that  shadowy  "ami"  to  whom  Achilles 
commits  his  eager  negotiations  with  the  parents  of  the  beautiful 
Polyxena.  Benoit's  account5  of  the  activities  of  this  shadowy 
personage  may  be  outlined  as  follows : 

After  having  seen  Polyxena  in  the  temple,  Achilles  retires  to 
his  tent,  languishing  in  the  agony  of  love.  As  soon  as  he  can 
collect  his  wits,  he  summons  a  faithful  "  ami,"  in  whom  he  greatly 
trusts,  and  to  whom  he  reveals  his  love  secret, — • 

"  Un  suen  ami,  un  sueii  feeil 
Qui  iiolt  savoit  de  son  conseil 
A  fet  venir  de  devant  sei, 
Puis  li  descovri  son  segrei, 
Tot  li  a  dit  coment  li  vait, 
Celee  nule  ne  Ten  fait. 
Bien  li  encharja  son  message."  6 

1  Filostrato,  iii,  26,  1-3. 

2  Toynbee,  p.  17.    On  Dante's  allusion  to  this  detail,  see  above,  p.  50,  note  1. 

3  This  source  for  Pandaro  was  first  pointed  out  by  Savj-Lopez,  Romania, 
XXVII,  453. 

4  See  above,  pp.  35  ff. 

5  Guido's  abridged  account  at  this  point  (Historia,  sig.  k  3  recto  col.  1 — 
verso,  col.  2)  provides  no  significant  details  not  present  in  the  Roman  de  Troie, 

6  R.  de  T.  (Joly),  17717-17723. 


54  ACHILLES'S   FRIEND   ASKS    HECUBA   FOR   POLYXENA.         [CH.  II 

Achilles  bids  his  friend  go  to  Troy  and,  with  suitable  protestations 
and  apologies,  ask  Hecuba  for  Polyxena  in  marriage,  bidding  him 
add  that  if  the  request  is  granted,  Achilles  will  withdraw  from 
the  conflict  and  end  the  war.  This  able  "  ami "  departs  for  Troy 
with  his  message, — 

"  Li  mes  s'en  est  tornez  atant. 
Celeement  et  a  prive 
Est  venuz  dreit  a  la  cite. 
Cil  fu  bien  sages  et  bien  duiz  : 
En  sa  chanbre  entre  o  bons  conduiz, 
A  la  reine  saluz  rent, 
De  son  seignor  priveement ; 
Enpres  li  a  dit  son  message."1 

When  the  messenger  has  briefly  and  skilfully  presented  his  request 
to  Hecuba,  she  replies  adroitly,  bidding  him  return  on  the  third 
day  hence  for  a  final  answer.  The  messenger  promptly  reports  to 
Achilles, — 

"  Li  messagiers  issi  1'otreie, 
Erraument  s'est  mis  a  la  veie  ; 
Sanz  90  que  fust  aparcevance, 
De  bien  errer  molt  tost  s'avance. 
Repairiez  est  a  son  seignor 
Qui  molt  esteit  en  grant  tremor 
Por  saveir  que  il  fet  aveit. 
Joie  a  molt  grant  quant  il  lo  veit, 
Demande  li  que  il  a  fait ; 
Et  cil  li  a  senpres  retrait 
Tot  lo  respons  a  la  reine. 
Lo  jor  devise  et  lo  termine, 
Qu'ele  li  a  pose  et  mis. 
1  Se  ne  s'en  faint  li  reis  eschis 
Vostre  besoigne  iert  achevee.' 
Ore  ot  il  qui  molt  li  agree, 
Or  li  est  li  cuers  re  venuz."  2 

Achilles  is  well  pleased  with  his  own  prospects  and  with  the  con 
duct  of  his  "ami."  Meanwhile  Hecuba  presents  the  matter 
eloquently  to  Priam,  who  gives  his  consent  upon  the  conditions 
stipulated.  On  the  third  day  Achilles'  faithful  messenger  returns 
eagerly  to  the  Trojan  court  to  receive  his  answer, — 

"  Anceis  que  levast  li  soleil, 
Fu  li  mes  al  tierz  jorz  tornez. 

1  Roman  de  Troie  (Joly),  17776-17783. 

2  Id.,  17829-17845. 


CH.  Il]          ACHILLES'S  FRIEND   ASKS   HECUBA   FOR   POLYXENA.  55 

Molt  fu  li  termes  desirez. 
Anceis  que  il  fust  aconpliz, 
Dedanz  la  chanbre  as  ars  voltiz 
En  est  vemiz  a  la  Keine. 
C.  saluz  rent  a  la  meschine 
De  par  son  seignor  qui  li  mande 
A  li  se  done  et  se  comande  : 
Del  tot  velt  metre  en  son  voleir 
Sei  et  sa  terre  et  son  aveir. 
Ni  puet  longue  parole  faire ; 
Car  la  reine  de  bon  aire 
Est  de  (levant  qui  ne  li  lait." 1 

After  giving  a  favourable  answer,  the  Queen  enjoins  secrecy, — 

"  '  Issi,'  fet  ele,  'puoz  retraire  : 
Ci  a  grant  ovre  et  grant  affaire ; 
Celee  seit  tant  que  seit  faite, 
Que  ne  seit  dite  ne  retraite.' "  2 

The  "  ami "  departs  speedily  to  carry  the  reply  to  Achilles, — 

"  Congie  a  pris  li  mes  atant : 
De  la  vile  s'en  ist  atant, 
A  son  seignor  est  repairiez."  3 

Meanwhile  Achilles,  languishing  in  love,  awaits  impatiently  the 
return  of  his  messenger, — 

"  Issi  destreiz,  issi  sorpris, 
Issi  en  amor  ententis, 
Attendi  tant  et  consira, 
Que  sis  messages  repaira. 
Quant  il  le  vit  joie  ot  et  crieme : 
Qo  est  reson  d'amanz  qui  il  crieme. 
Enquis  li  a  et  demande 
Savoir  qu'en  li  avoit  mande  ; 
Et  cil  ne  1'en  a  fait  celee, 
Tote  1'ovre  li  a  mostree, 
Toz  les  respons,  les  covenanz 
Que  li  tendra  li  reis  Prianz, 
Et  la  requeste  que  il  font, 
Et  com  il  Ten  asseurront."  4 

With  a  few  words  of  warning,  the  faithful  "ami"  finishes   his 
services  to  Achilles, — 

"  'Pensez,'  fet  il,  *  com  1'oz  s'en  alt ; 
Tant  sai  gie  bien,  se  Dex  me  salt, 

1  R.  de  T.  (Joly),  17946-17959.  2  Id.,  17971-17074. 

3  M,  17975-17977.  4  Id.,  18081-18094. 


56    BOCCACCIO'S  IST  HINT  FOR  PANDARO;  2ND  FROM  FILOCOLO.  [CH  n 

Ses  poez  faire  departir 
Et  en  lor  terres  revertir 
Sesiront  vos  de  la  pucele, 
Qui  sor  totes  altres  est  bele. 
Ainz  ne  seriez  vos  ja  sesiz, 
Devant  ques  en  aiez  partiz. 
S'en  ceste  chose  dotez  rien, 
II  vos  en  asseurront  Men, 
Tot  issi  com  devisereiz, 
Et  com  mielz  dire  le  saureiz.' " l 

Such,  in  substance  and  in  extent,  is  the  role  played  by  Achilles's 
"ami."  Although  a  trusted  friend  of  Achilles,  this  character  is, 
in  the  conduct  of  the  love  affair,  merely  a  messenger,  without 
initiative,  and,  so  far  as  we  know,  not  intimately  related  to  either 
party.  He  is  in  no  sense  a  "pander,"  for  the  business  in  his 
hands  is  a  proposal  of  honourable  marriage.  Such  a  figure  is  cer 
tainly  only  a  very  vague  prototype  for  the  scheming  and  courtly 
"cugino"  of  Griseida  and  "amico"  of  Troilo.  However,  since 
Boccaccio  undoubtedly  used  at  least  part  of  the  episode  in  the 
Roman  de  Troie  with  which  this  "  ami "  is  connected,2  it  seems 
likely  that  this  shadowy  character  had  some  influence  in  the 
formation  of  the  Pandaro  of  Filostrato.  We  may  perhaps  conjec 
ture  that  from  the  "  ami "  of  Benoit  Boccaccio  received  his  first 
suggestion  for  adding  a  new  character  to  the  story  of  Troilo  and 
Briseida.3  More  than  this  hint  the  French  poem  could  hardly 
have  provided.  Suggestions  for  developing  such  a  hint  we  have 
already  found  in  the  stories  of  Tristan  and  of  Lancelot.  We 
must  now  look  for  still  further  suggestions  in  Boccaccio's  own 
Filocolo. 

Although  there  is  in  Filocolo  no  character  who  can  be  called  a 
pander,  there  are  at  least  three  personages  who  in  their  services  to 
young  lovers  remind  us  of  some  of  the  activities  of  Pandaro. 
These  three  are  Duke  Feramonte,  in  whose  charge  Florio  is  put 
when  he  is  separated  from  Biancofiore  and  sent  to  Montorio, 
Ascalione,  Florio's  tutor,  and  Glorizia,  Biancofiore's  maid  and 
comforter.4  I  believe  that  in  composing  Filostrato  Boccaccio  kept 
these '  characters  in  mind  and  took  from  them  certain  definite  sug- 

1  R.  de  T.  (Joly),  18095-18106. 

2  See  above,  pp.  35  ff. 

3  Of.  Savj-Lopez,  Eomania,  XXVII,  453,  467. 

4  To  these  maybe  added  the  "  fedelissimo  servidore,"  who  carries  letters 
b-otween  Florio  and  Biancofiore  (cf.  below,  pp.  60-61). 


CH.  Il]        TROILO   COMPARED    WITH   FLORIO   IN   THE   FILOCOLO.  57 

gestions  and   details    which   we  find   embodied   in   the   finished 
character  of  Pandaro. 

Let  us  note  first  the  similarities  between  the  two  scenes  in 
which  Troilo  and  Florio,  respectively,  disclose  their  love  to 
Pandaro  and  to  Duke  Feramonte.1  On  a  certain  day  Pandaro, 
finding  Troilo  alone  and  dejected  in  his  room,  asks  the  reason  for 
his  grief,  an  inquiry  to  which  Troilo  replies  bluntly. 

"  Standosi  in  cotal  guisa  un  dl  soletto 
Nella  camera  sua  Troilo  pensoso, 
Vi  sopravvenne  un  troian  giovinetto, 
D'  alto  lignaggio  e  molto  coraggioso ; 
II  qual  veggendo  lui  sopra  il  suo  letto 
Giacer  disteso  e  tutto  lagrimoso, 
Che  e  questo,  grido,  amico  caro  ? 

Pandaro,  disse  Troilo,  qual  fortuna 
T'  ha  qui  condotto  a  vedermi  morire  ? 
Se  la  nostra  amistade  ha  forza  alcuna, 
Piacciati  quinci  volerti partire" 2 

When  Troilo  refuses  to  give  a  satisfactory  answer,  Pandaro  urges 
him  in  the  name  of  friendship  to  let  him  share  his  troubles, — 

" .  .  .  se  la  nostra  amistade, 
Come  soleva,  t'  e  ora  in  piacere, 
Discuopri  a  me  qual  sia  la  crudeltade 
Che  di  morir  ti  fa  tanto  calere ; 
Ch'  otto  non  e  d'  amico,  alcuna  cosa 
Al  suo  amico  di  tener  nascosa. 

lo  vd1  con  teco  partir  queste  pene, 
Se  dar  non  posso  a  tua  noia  conforto, 
Perciocche  coll'  amico  si  convene 
Ogni  cosa  partir,  noia  e  diporto."  3 

Pandaro  assures  Troilo  that  he  himself  has  suffered  from  love,  and 
is  therefore  the  better  able  to  give  advice, — 

"  lo  ho  amato  sventuratamente,  . 
Ed  amo  ancora  per  lo  mio  peccato 

Ed  io,  come  tu  sai,  contra  mia  voglia 
Amo,  ne  mi  pub  tor  116  crescer  doglia."  * 

Moved  at  last  by  such  urging,  Troilo  confesses  that  his  love  of 

1  Filostrato,  ii,  1-33.     Filocolo,  I,  214-222. 

"  Filostrato,  ii,  1,1-7;  2,  1-4. 

'  Id.,  ii,  4,  3-5,  4.  4  Id.,  ii,  11,  1-2 ;  13,  7-8. 


58  TROILO   COMPARED    WITH    FLORIO   IN   THE   FILOCOLO.          [CH.  II 

Griseida  is  the  cause  of  his  pain,  and  with  that  confession  he  falls 
prostrate, — 

"  E  sopra  il  letto  ricadde  supino, 
Piangendo  forte  .  .  ."  * 

Pandaro  congratulates  Troilo  upon  the  object  of  his  love,  and 
promises  to  help  him  to  a  successful  issue,  bidding  him  meanwhile 
control  his  passion, — 

"  Ma  s'  altro  non  ci  noia,  credi  a  questa 
Troverb  modo  con  mie  parolette 
Qual  ti  bisogna ;  possi  tu  soffrire, 
Ben  raffrenando  il  tuo  caldo  disire."  2 

Troilo  accepts  Pandaro's  advice  and  submits  to  his  guidance, — 
"  lo  credo  do  che  tu  di'  di  costei 

Pandaro  mio,  io  mi  ti  raccomando."  3 

This  scene  in  Filostrato  is  well  matched,  step  by  step,  in  the 
similar  interview  between  Duke  Feramonte  and  Florio  in  Filocolo, 
which  may  be  outlined  as  follows  : 

One  day,  the  Duke,  finding  the  forlorn  Florio  alone  in  his  room, 
inquires  concerning  his  grief, — 

"  Non  uscl  della  trista  camera  come  era  1'altre  mattine  usato,  ma 
in  quella  stando,  si  tornb  sopra  i  pensieri  del  di  preterito;  e  in 
quelli  dimorando,  il  duca  .  .  .  entrb  nella  camera  dicendo :  .  .  . 
Quali  pensieri  f  occupano  ?  .  .  .  perch&  queste  lagrime  ? "  4 

Since  Florio  is  too  deeply  dejected  to  reply  readily,  the  Duke 
urges  him  in  the  name  of  friendship  to  disclose  the  cause  of  his 
sorrow, — 

"  Lieva  su  .  .  .  lascia  il  piagnere,  il  qual  e  atto  femminile  e  di 
pusillanimo  cuore,5  e  alza  il  viso  verso  il  cielo,  e  dimmi  qual  cagione 
ti  fa  dolere.  Tu  sai  che  io  sono  a  te  congiuntissimo  parente,  e 
quando  questo  non  fosse,  si  sai  tu  che  io  di  perfettissima  amistd  ti 
sono  congiunto:  e  chi  sovverra  gli  uomini  negli  affanni  e  nelle 
avversita  di  consiglio  o  d'  aiuto,  se  i  parenti  o  i  cari  amid  non  gli 

1  Filostrato,  ii,  16,  1-2.     Cf.  ii,  20,  7-8. 

2  Id.,  ii,  23,  5-8.  *  Id.,  ii,  29,  7;  33,  6. 

4  Filocolo,  I,  214-215.     Troilo's  blunt  reply  to  Pandaro  (cf.  Filostrato,  ii,  2, 
1-4,  quoted  above)  has  no  precise  parallel  in  this  particular  conversation  in 
Filocolo.     Troilo's  blunt  reply  may,  however,  be  compared  with  Florio 's  reply 
to  Ascalione  in  a  similar  interview, — 

"  Oime,  or  chi  vi  mena  a  vedere  la  miseria  della  mia  vita,  alia  quale  forse 
voi  credete  levar  pena  con  parole  confortevoli,  e  voi  piu  n*  aggiungete  ?  Se 
pu6  essere,  caramente  vi  prego  che  me  qui  solo  lasciate  "  (Filocolo,  I,  238). 

5  Cf.  Filostrato,  v,  35,  1-3. 


CH.  II J          TROILO   COMPARED    WITH   FLORIO    IN   THE   FILOCOLO.  59 

sovvengono  ?  E  a  cui  similmente  si  fidera  alcuno  se  alV  amico  non 
si  fida  ?  Di'  sicuramente  a  me  quale  sia  la  cagione  della  tua 
doglia,  acciocche  to  prima  ti  possa  porgere  debito  conforto,  e  poi 
adoperando  aiuto." l 

Florio  recites  the  history  and  the  nature  of  his  passion  for  Bianco- 
fiore,  after  which  recital  he  falls  prostrate, — 

"E  questo  detto,  perdendo  ogni  potere,  sopra  il  ricco  letto 
subitamente  ricadde  supino."  2 

The  Duke  offers  comforting  advice,  with  the  assurance  that  he 
himself  has  had  experience, — 

"...  conciossiacosach^  amore  sia  si  nobile  accidente,  che  si 
vile  vita  non  consentiria  menare  a  chi  lui  tiene  per  signore,  come 
tu  meni  •  e  io  V  ho  gia  provato."  3 

The  Duke  gives  Florio  every  encouragement  as  to  the  ultimate 
success  of  his  love,  but  bids  him  restrain  his  passion  and  seek 
other  pleasures, — 

"...  ristrignerei  V  amorose  famine  dentro  con  potente  freno"  ^ 

Florio  acknowledges  the  wisdom  of  the  Duke's  advice,  and  submits 
to  his  guidance, — 

"  do  die  voi  m?  avete  innarrato  eonosco  apertamente  esser  vero  ; 
e  perb  disposto  a  seguire  il  vostro  comiglio  in  quanta  potrd  mi 
dirizzo"  5 

In  view  of  the  common  authorship  and  of  the  chronological 
relations  of  Filocolo  and  Filostrato,  it  is  not  likely  that  these  two 
scenes  were  written  independently  of  each  other.  That  the 
passage  in  Filocolo  is  the  earlier  there  can  be  no  reasonable  doubt. 
Any  one  who  will  compare  Florio's  dull  recital  of  his  love  story  6 
with  Troilo's  dramatic  disclosure  of  his,7  and  who  will  note  the 
list  of  "  esempli "  that  the  Duke  arrays  against  Florio,8  must  admit 
that  Filocolo  at  this  point  is  far  less  mature  than  Filostrato. 
The  most  reasonable  conclusion  is,  I  think,  that  from  suggestions 
in  the  sources  of  Filocolo®  Boccaccio  composed  his  account  of  the 
interview  between  Duke  Feramonte  and  Florio,  and  that  when  the 

1  Filocolo,  I,  214-215.  2  Id.,  I,  218. 

3  Id.,  I,  219.  4  Id.,  I,  221. 

5  Id.,  I,  222.  6  Id.,  I,  216-218. 

7  Filostrato,  ii,  15-16,  19-20.  8  Filocolo,  I,  219-221. 

9  On  the  Duke's  oversight  of  Florio  according  to  the  sources  of  Filocolo,  see 
II  Cantare  di  Fiorio  e  Biancifiore  (edited  by  V.  Crescini,  Vol.  II,  Bologna, 
1899),  Stanzas  xx,  xxvii,  Ivi,  Ivii.  See  Appendix  B.  In  connection  with 
the  friendly  protestations  of  Pandarus  and  Faramoute  see  also  Publications 
of  the  Mod.  Lang.  Assoc..  XXII,  574,  584. 


60  THE    LETTER-CARRYING    IN    FILOSTRATO   AND    FILOCOLO.       [CH.  II 

author  came  later  to  give  an  account  of  the  first  conversation  of 
Pandaro  and  Troilo  in  Filostrato,  finding  no  adequate  suggestions 
in  Benoit  or  in  Guido,  he  adapted  to  his  purpose  this  convenient 
passage  from  Filocolo. 

Of  considerable  importance  to  the  progress  of  the  story  of 
Filostrato  is  Pandaro's  conveying  of  letters  between  the  lovers* 
This  function  of  Pandaro's  and  its  resemblance  to  the  similar 
function  of  a  character  in  Filocolo  will  appear  in  the  following 
outline  : 

Having  finished  his  first  letter,  Troilo  hands  it  to  his  faithful 
Pandaro,  who  delivers  it  immediately  and  secretly  to  Griseida, — 

"...  per  or  din  pier/oil  a, 
E  sulle  guance  tutte  lagrimose 
Bag  no  la  gemma,  e  quindi  suggellolla, 
E  nella  mano  a  Pandaro  la  pose. 

Pandaro  presa  la  lettera  pia 
N"'  ando  verso  Griseida  .  .  ." J 

To  Griseida's  inquiry  for  news  Pandaro  reports  that  Troilo  is 
dying  for  her  love,  and  urges  her  to  read  and  reply,— 

"  Quindi  disse  Griseida  :  quale  affare 
Or  qui  ti  mena  ?  hai  tu  altre  novelle  ? 
Alia  qual  Paiidar  senza  dimorare 
Disse :  donna,  per  te  1'  ho  buone  e  belle, 
Ma  non  tai  per  altrui,  come  mostrare 
Ti  potran  queste  scritte  tapinelle 
Di  colui,  die  per  te  mi  par  vedere 
Morir,  si  poco  te  ne  e  in  calere. 

Tolle,  e  vedralle  diligentemente, 
Ed  alcuna  risposta  il  fara  lieto. 

I'  ho  si  gran  disio  di  confortarlo, 
Che  tu  nol  crederesti  in  fed  e  mia, 
La  tua  risposta  sol  quest o  poria" 2 

Griseida  writes  as  Pandaro  suggests,  and  gives  him  the  lettter  to 
carry  to  Troilo, — 

•    "La  ripiego,  e  suggellolla,  e  diella 
A  Pandaro,  il  qual  tosto  il  giovinetto 
Troilo  cercando,  a  lui  n'ando  con  ella, 
E  presentogliel  con  sommo  diletto."  3 

:  l  Filostrato,  ii,  107,  2-5  ;  108,  1-2.  .2  Id.,  ii,  109,  1-110,  2 ;  119,  6-8. 
.  a  Id.,  ii,  128,  2-5.  For  other  services  of  Pandaro  in  connection  with  letters, 
see  Filostrato,  vii,  76,  1-2 ;  viii,  3,  1-8. 


€H.  Il]       THE    LETTER-CARRYING    IN    FILOSTRATO   AND    FILOCOLO.  61 

Pandaro's  manipulation  of  this  exchange  of  letters  may  well 
have  been  suggested  by  the  part  of  the  "  fedelissimo  servidore  "  in 
Filocolo,1  whose  activity  may  be  outlined  as  follows  : 

Florio  puts  his  letter  into  the  hands  of  his  faithful  servant,  with 
careful  instructions  as  to  delivering  it  to  Biancofiore, — 

"Fatta  la  pistola,  Florio  la  chiuse  piangendo,  e  suggellolla,  e 
chiamb  a  se  un  suo  fedelissimo  servidore,  il  quale  era  consapevole 
del  suo  angoscioso  amore,  e  cosi  gli  disse  :  o  a  me  carissimo,  sopra 
tutti  gli  altri  servidori,  te'  la  presente  lettera,  la  quale  6  segretissima 
guardia  delle  mie  doglie,  e  con  istudioso  passo  celatamente  a 
Biancofiore  la  presenti,  e  pregala  che  alia  risposta  niuno  indugio 
ponga,  perocche  per  te  1'  atteiido." 2 

To  Biancofiore's  inquiry  for  news  the  messenger  replies  that  Florio 
is  consumed  by  grief,  and  that  he  urges  her  to  reply  immediately, — 

"  Prese  il  servo  la  suggellata  pistola,  e  quella  con  istudioso  passo 
.  .  .  presentb  a  Biancofiore  occultamente  :  la  quale  come  Biancofiore 
vide,  primieramente  con  dolci  parole  dimando  come  il  suo  Florio 
stesse  :  a  cui  il  servo  rispose  :  graziosa  giovane,  niuno  sospiro  6 
senza  lui.  Egli  si  consuma  in  isconvenevole  amaritudine.  .  .  .  Per 
niuna  \i.  e.,  cagione]  credo,  rispose  il  servo,  se  per  amore  di  voi 
non  e.  Egli  vi  manda  caramente  pregando  die  senza  alcuno 
indugio  alia  presente  pistola  rispondiate ;  ed  io,  se  vi  piacera, 
attendero  la  risposta"2' 

Biancofiore  writes  a  reply  and  delivers  it  to  Florio's  servant,  who 
hastily  carries  it  to  Florio, — 

"  Colle  amare  lagrime  bat/no  la  car  a  gemma,  e  suggellata  quella, 
con  turbato  aspetto  usci  della  camera  a  se  chiamando  il  servo,  che 
gia  per  troppa  lunga  dimoranza  che  far  gli  pareva  si  cominciava  a 
turbare,  al  quale  ella  disse :  porterai  questa  al  tuo  signore  .  .  .  E 
detto  questo,  piangendo  bacib  la  lettera,  e  posela  in  mano  al  fedel 
servo,  il  quale  senza  alcuno  indugio  .  .  .  trovb  Florio  nella  sua 
camera  ...  a  cui  egli  porse  la  portata  pistola,  dicendogli  cib  che 
da  Biancofiore  compreso  avea  e  le  sue  parole."  4 

I  shall  have  occasion  later5  to  argue  for  the  chronological 
priority  of  the  episode  in  Filocolo  of  which  these  letters  are  a  part. 
I  conclude  that  the  activities  of  Pandaro  were  to  some  extent 
suggested  by  the  role  of  the  "  fedelissimo  servidore  "  in  Filocolo.  If 
any  one  sees  in  this  latter  character  influence  from  the  "  ami "  of 

1  Filocolo,  I,  267-9,  274-5.  2  Id.,  I,  267-8. 

3  Id.,  I,  268.  4  Id.,  I,  274-5. 

5  See  below,  pp.  103-104. 


62   PANDARO'S  INTERVIEW  WITH  GRISEIDA  LIKE  ONE  IN  FILOCOLO.  [CH.  II 

Achilles  in  the  Roman  de  Troie,1  I  have  no  objection,2  for  it  is 
entirely  likely  that  during  the  period  when  he  was  writing  Filocolo- 
Boccaccio  was  familiar  with  Benoit's  poem.3  However,  the 
similarities  between  Filocolo  and  Filostrato  in  the  matter  under 
discussion,  their  common  differences  from  the  French  poem  at  this 
point,  and  their  chronological  intimacy  are  sufficient  evidence  for 
the  conclusion  that  certain  of  Pandaro's  activities  were  immediately 
suggested  by  the  "  servidore  "  of  Filocolo. 

Pandaro's  interview  with  Griseida 4  after  she  has  heard  of  the 
proposed  separation  may  have  some  relation  to  a  similar  scene  in 
Filocolo.5  Says  Griseida, 

"  Grave  m'  e  la  partita,  Iddio  il  vede, 
Ma  piu  m'  e  di  veder  Troilo  afflitto, 
E  incomportabil  molto,  per  mia  fede, 
Tanto  cli'  io  ne  morro  senza  rispitto, 
E  morir  vo*  senza  sperar  mercede."  6 

"When  after  this  burst  of  grief  the  heroine  falls  prostrate,  Pandaro 
begs  her  for  her  lover's  sake  to  recover  herself,  assuring  her  that 
Troilo  would  kill  himself  should  he  find  her  in  so  desperate  a 
plight,— 

"...  Non  prenderai  alquanto 
Di  conforto,  pensando  che  vicina 
Si  e  1'  ora  gia,  che  quel  ch'  ami  cotanto 
Ti  sara  in  braccio  ?     Leva  su,  racconcia 
Te,  ch'  esso  non  ti  trovi  cosi  sconcia. 

Se  el  sapesse  che  cosi  facessi, 
Esso  s*  uccideria,  ne  il  potrebbe 
Eitenerlo  nessuno  .  .  ." 7 

This  situation  resembles  rather  closely  a  scene  between  Glorizia  and 
Biancofiore  in  Filocolo  at  the  time  of  the  parting  of  the  young 
lovers.  Biancofiore  despairingly  apostrophizes  Florio  in  such  terms 
as  these, 

"  Io  non  so  com'  io  mi  faccia,  ne  come  senza  tepossa  vivere.    Oime> 

1  See  above,  pp.  53  ff. 

2  It  should  be  noted,  however,  that  the  "ami  "  of  Achilles  carries  no  letters, 
and  that  he  does  not  deal  directly  with  the  innamorata. 

3  References  to  the  Troy  story  are  frequent  in  Filocolo,  especially  in  the 
earlier  part  of  the  work  (Cf.  Filocolo,  I,  1,  9,  85,  95,  123,  132,  162,  278,  289, 
298,  312,  317  ;  II,  313).     It  is  not  clear,  however,  that  these  references  show 
an  acquaintance  with  the  mediaeval  romance  versions  of  the  story  as  well  as 
with  the  ancient  epic  versions.     Cf.  pp.  10  and  104. 

4  Filostrato,  iv,  95-108.  5  Filocolo,  I,  117-118. 

6  Filostrato,  iv,  105,  1-5.  7  Id.,  iv,  106,  4—107,  3. 


CH.  Il]  PANDAKO'S  INTERVIEW  WITH  GRISEIDA  LIKE  ONE  IN  FILOCOLO.  63 

jwche  non  morii  io  ieri  nelle  tue  braccia,  quandb  io  fui  si  presso 
alia  morte.  .  .  ." 1 

Glorizia  bids  her  cease  her  desperate  lamenting,  lest  she  cause  her 
lover  to  kill  himself, — 

"...  poni  fine  alle  tue  lagrime  :  vuo'  tu  piangendo  guastare  il 
tuo  bel  viso,  e  consumarti  tutta1?  Tu  ti  dovresti  ingegnare  di 
rallegrarti,  acciocch^  la  tua  bellezza  conservata  multiplicasse  si,  ... 
Sicche  confortati,  che  se  Florio  sapesse  die  tu  questa  vita  menassi, 
egli  s'  ucciderebbe." 2 

One  verbal  detail  in  this  part  of  Filostrato  is  worthy  of  comment. 
We  are  told  that  when  Pandaro  finds  Griseida  in  the  height  of  her 
grief, 

"...  intorno  agli  ocelli  un  purpurino  giro, 
Dava  vero  segnal  del  suo  martiro."  3 

We  are  reminded  that  in  Filocolo  the  Duke  finds  Florio  in  so  pitiable 
a  plight  that, 

".  .  .  i  suoi  occhi  per  le  lagrime  tornati  rossi  erano  di  un 
purpureo  colore  intorniati"  4 — 

a  detail  that  recurs  in  the  description  of  Florio's  appearance  when 
he  visits  the  tomb  which  is  reputed  to  contain  the  body  of 
Biancofiore, — 

".  .  .  i  cui  ocelli  aveano  per  Io  molto  piangere  intorno  a  se  un 
purpureo  giro" 5 

Although  the  ultimate  source  of  this  phrase  is  for  Boccaccio 
probably  Dante's  Vita  Nuova, — 

"  Dintorno  loro  [i.  e.,  gli  occhi]  si  facea  un  colore  purpureo,  Io 
quale  suole  apparir  per  alcuno  martirio  ch'  altri  riceva,"  6 — 

the  recurrence  of  the  phrase  in  Filocolo  and  Filostrato  is  worth 
noting.7 

We  have  already  noticed  that  Pandaro's  discussions  of  dreams  8 
have  a  slight  parallel  in  a  brief  remark  of  Governale  in  the  Tristan 
romance.9  We  must  now  turn  our  attention  to  more  extensive 

1  Filocolo,  I,  118.  2  Id.,  I,  118.  3  Filostrato,  iv,  100,  7-8. 

4  Filocolo,  I,  215.  5  Id.,  I,  335. 

6  Vita  Nuova,  Cap.  XL.     On  Boccaccio's  indebtedness  to  the  Vita  Nuova, 
see  K.  Renier,  La  Vita  Nuova  e  La  Fiammetta,  Torino,  1879,  pp.  217-341  ; 
A.  Dobelli,  II  Culto  del  Boccaccio  per  Dante,  Venezia-Firenze,  1897  ;  Savj- 
Lopez,  Romania,  XXVII,  443-4,  461,  464. 

7  See  also  Fiammetta  (Opere  Volgaridi  Giovanni  Boccaccio,  Vol.  VI,  Firenze, 
Moutier,  1829),  pp.  90,  124,  173. 

8  See  Filostrato,  v,  29-33  ;  vii,  36-45 ;  viii,  19.  9  See  above,  p.  47. 


64  PANDARO   ON   DREAMS    SUGGESTED    IN   FILOCOLO.  [CH.  II 

parallels  in  Filoeolo.  Pandaro's  first  vehement  outburst  against 
the  belief  in  dreams  in  general  is  as  follows : 

"  I  sogni  e  le  paure  caccia  via, 
In  quel  che  son  lasciali  andar  lie'  venti ; 
Essi  procedon  da  malinconia, 
E  quel  fanno  veder  che  tu  pa  venti ; 
Solo  Iddio  sa  il  ver  di  quel  che  fia, 
Ed  i  sogni  e  gli  augurii,  a  che  le  genti 
Stolte  reguardan,  non  montano  un  moco, 
Ne  al  futuro  fanno  assai  o  poco." 1 

When  Troilo  has  recounted  to  Pandaro  his  dream  of  the  boar, 
Pandaro  replies, 

"lo  ti  dissi  altra  volta,  che  follia 
Era  ne'  sogni  troppo  riguardare ; 
I^essun  ne  fu,  ne  e,  ne  giammai  fia 
Che  possa  certo  ben  significare, 
Gib  che  dormendo  altrui  la  fantasia 
Con  varie  forme  puote  dimostrare, 
E  molti  gia  credettero  una  cosa, 
Ch'  altra  n'  avvenne  opposita  e  ritrosa. 

Pria  sottilmente  si  volea  se  vera 
Eosse  saper,  siccome  tu  potevi, 
E  se  falsa  trovata,  e  non  intera- 
Mente  1'  avessi,  allora  ti  dovevi 
Dalla  fede  de'  sogni  e  dallo  inganno 
D'  essi  levar,  che  venieno  a  tuo  danno."  2 

Duke  Eeramonte  and  Ascalione  in  Filoeolo  give  similar  counsel 
concerning  dreams  to  the  love-lorn  Elorio.  When  the  young  lover 
has  revealed  his  dream  of  the  birds,3  Ascalione  replies, 

"  Strane  cose  ne  conta  il  tuo  parlare,  disse  Ascalione,  ne  che  cib 
si  voglia  significare  non  credo  che  mai  alcuno  conoscerebbe,  e  perb 
niuna  malinconia  te  ne  dee  succedere.  Manifesta  cosa  e,  che 
ciascuno  uomo  ne'  suoi  sonni  vede  mirabili  cose  e  impossibili  e  strane, 
dalle  quali  poi  sviluppato  si  maraviglia,  ma  conoscendo  i  principii 
onde  muovono,  quelle  senza  alcuno  pensiero  lascia  andare  :  e  perb 
quelle  cose  che  ne  conti  che  vedute  hai  siccome  vane  nella  loro 
vanita  le  lascia  passare."  4 

On  a  previous  occasion,  when  Florio  has  disclosed  to  him  the  vision 
in  which  Venus  has  appeared,  Ascalione  replies  dryly, 

1  Filostrato,  v,  32,  1-8.  2  Id,  vii,  40,  1-8  ;  42,  3-8. 

3  Filoeolo,  II,  23-26.  4  Id.,  II,  26-27. 


•CH.  Il]  BOCCACCIO'S    TEEATMENT    OF    DREAMS.  ~* 

"  Non  ti  recare  nella  mente  si  fatte  cose,  ne  dare  fidanza  a' 
sogni,  i  quali  per  poco  o  per  soverchio  mangiare,  o  per  immagina- 
zione  avuta  davanti  d'  una  cosa,  sogliono  le  piu  volte  avvenire,  ne 
mai  pero  se  ne  vide  uno  vero." l 

On  another  occasion  the  Duke  delivers  to  Fiorio  pertinent  advice 
on  this  subject, — 

"  Oime,  quanto  piu  e  da  pensare  della  sanita,  la  quale  i  sonni 
interi  e  le  malinconie  lontane  esser  dimostra ;  e  perb  questo  del 
tutto  dei  lasciare  andare  .  .  .  E  te  piu.  vinto  da  ira  e  da  malinconia, 
che  consigliato  dalla  ragione,  cerchi  la  morte  per  conforto,  e  sempre 
in  pensiero  e  in  dolore  dimori,  e  vai  immaginando  quelle  cose  le 
quali  ne  vedesti  ne  vedrai  giammai,  se  agl'  Iddii  piace.  Folle  e 
colui  che  per  li  futuri  danni  senza  certezza  spande  lagrime,  e  in 
quelle  piu  d'  impigrire  si  diletta,  che  d'  argomentarsi  di  resistere  a' 
danni."  2 

We  cannot  tell  to  what  extent  the  sources  of  Filocolo  may  have 
suggested  such  discussions  of  dreams  as  Boccaccio  presents  in  his 
romance.  From  the  taste  that  he  shows  throughout  Filocolo,  we 
may  surmise  that  Boccaccio  amplified  any  suggestions  in  his  sources 
concerning  visions  or  supernatural  interferences.  That  bad  dreams 
were  not  entirely  absent  from  the  story  as  it  came  to  Boccaccio 
seems  to  be  indicated  in  at  least  two  places  in  II  Cantare  di  Fiorio  e 
Biantijiore, — 

"  E  stando  un  giorno  Fiorio  nel  palafio 
Tutto  solo,  e,  molto  isgomentato 
Per  uno  forte  sognio  ch'  avea  fatto  " ; 3 

"  E  Fiorio  a  quello  pun  to  avea  dormito  : 
Con  granpaura  sifue  isvegliato."  4 

In  neither  of  these  instances  in  11  Cantare,  however,  is  there  any 
discussion  of  the  dream  that  caused  the  disturbance.5  In  any  case, 
it  is  entirely  probable  that  the  passages  on  this  subject  in  Filocolo 
were  written  before  the  similar  passages  in  Filostrato,  and  there 

1  Filocolo,  I,  157.  2  Id.,  I,  242-244. 

3  11  Cantare  di  Fiorio  e  Biancifiore,  edited  by  V.  Oescini,  Vol.  II,  Bologna, 
1899,  Ixxvii,  1-3. 

4  II  Cantare,  xxxvi,  1-2. 

5  No  doubt  Boccaccio  had  access  to  the  standard  treatises  of  his  time  on  the 
subject  of  dreams.     Of.  Cicero,  De  Divinatione,  i,  26-28;    Valerii  Maximi 
Dictorum  Factorumque  Memorabilium  Libri  Novem,  i,  7  ;  Liber  de  Proprieta- 
tibus  Rerum  Bartholomei  Anglici,  vi,  24-27  ;  Albertus  Magnus,  De  Somno  et 
Vigilia  (Opera  Omnia,   Tomus  V,  Lugduni,    1651,  pp.   64-109) ;   John    of 
Salisbury,  .-Polycraticus,  ii,  14-16.     Cf.  K.  0.  Petersen,  The  Sources  of  the 
Nonne  Prestes  Tale,  Boston,  1898,  pp.  101-116. 

DEV.  TR.  CR.  F 


64     BOCCACCIO'S  PAXDARO.    SEPARATION  OF  THE  TWO  LOVERS.  [c:i.  ir 

can  be  little  doubt  that  Paiidaro's  remarks  concerning  dreams  reflect 
to  some  extent  the  observations  of  Duke  Feramonte  and  Ascalione. 

From  the  evidence  before  us  1  it  is  clear  that  the  Pandaro  of 
Boccaccio  is  no  mere  repetition  of  a  previous  literary  type.  We 
have  found  some  of  his  characteristics  in  Governale,  in  Galehout, 
and  in  the  guardians  of  Florio  ;  but  no  one  of  these  previous  literary 
figures  nor  all  of  them  combined  will  account  for  the  courtly 
cynical,  devoted  friend  and  pander  of  Filostrato.  The  fact  that, 
this  character  is  so  much  more  complex,  more  human,  and  more 
real  than  any  one  of  his  literary  predecessors  might  tempt  us  to 
fall  back  upon  our  indeterminate  autobiographical  evidence  2  and 
conclude  that  Boccaccio's  Pandaro  was  a  real  person,  and  hence  not 
easily  fitted  into  a  category.  However,  when  one  reviews  the 
comparisons  drawn  in  the  preceding  pages  and  notes  the  number 
of  conventional  elements  in  Pandaro's  character,  one  is  inclined  to 
infer  that,  although  Boccaccio  may  really  have  had  a  devoted 
pandering  friend,  the  figure  in  Filostrato  is  largely  the  result  of 
the  author's  wide  reading,  and  of  his  previous  practice,  in  Filocolo  t, 
with  characters  in  some  respects  similar  to  Pandaro. 

We  have  already  observed  that  the  separation  of  Troilo  and 
Griseida,  brought  about  by  King  Priam's  decision  to  exchange 
the  maiden  for  Antenor,  is  paralleled  in  Filocolo  by  the  separation 
of  Florio  and  Biancofiore,  arranged  by  King  Felice  as  a  check  to  the 
growing  passion  of  the  young  prince.  We  need  not  be  surprised 
if  in  numerous  occurrences  and  circumstances  connected  with 
these  separations  Boccaccio's  two  works  show  striking  similarities. 
We  may  first  turn  our  attention  to  some  of  the  occurrences  just 
before  the  parting.  When  Troilo  comes  to  Griseida  on  the  sad 
eve  of  her  departure,  she  is  so  overcome  by  grief  that  she  faints. 
After  convincing  himself  by  calling  aloud  and  by  examining  her 
body  that  Griseida  is  dead,  FJLorio  draws  a  weapon  against  his  own 
life ;  but  the  opportune  resuscitation  of  Griseida  saves  him  from 
suicide.3  The  same  scene,  under  precisely  similar  circumstances, 
occurs  in  Filocolo  f  where,  after  Biancofiore's  fainting,  Florio  calls 

1  In  the  part  of  this  study  immediately  before  us  I  have  adduced  only 
passages  that  concern  Pandaro  in  particular.     In  the  remaining  part  of  the 
present  chapter  I  shall  point  out   other  similarities   between   Filocolo  and 
Filostrato  in  which  Pandaro  is  involved,  and  which  will,  I  think,  strengthen 
my  present  conclusion  that  in  this  character  there  are  a  considerable  number 
of  echoes  from  Filocolo. 

2  See  above,  pp.  43-44.  3  Filostrato,  iv,  11 6-?  42,  3. 
4  Filocolo,  I,  113-115. 


CH.  Il]  SEPARATION.       TROILO's    LAMENT   IN   FILOSTRATO.  67 

aloud,  examines  her  body,  draws  his  weapon,  and  is  prevented 
from  suicide  only  by  the  opportune  recovery  of  his  innamorata. 
A  quotation  of  passages  will  make  clear  not  only  the  general 
resemblance  of  the  two  episodes,  but  also  a  considerable  number 
of  verbal  resemblances.  In  Filostrato  we  read, 

"  Poi  gli  ricadde  col  viso  in  sul  petto 
Venendo  meno,  e  le  forze  partirsi, 
Da  tanta  doglia  fu  il  suo  cor  costretto, 
Ed  ingegnossi  1'alma  di  fuggirsi ; 
E  Troilo  guardando  iiel  suo  aspetto, 
E  lei  chiamando,  e  non  sentendo  udirsi, 
E  gfi  occhi  suo  velati  a  lei  cascante, 
die  morta  fosse  gli  parser  semliaute. 

II  che  vedendo  Troilo,  angoscioso 
Di  doppia  doglia,  la  pose  a  giacere, 
Spesso  baciando  il  viso  lacrimoso, 
Cercando  se  potesse  in  lei  vedere 
Alcun  segno  di  vita,  e  doloroso 
Ogni  parte  tentava,  ed  al  parere 
Di  lui,  di  vita,  cosi  sconsolata, 
Dicea  piangendo,  ch'  era  trapassata. 

EW  era  fredda  e  senza  sentimento 
Alcun  .  .  . 

E  fatto  questo,  con  animo  forte 
La  propria  spada  del  fodero  trasse, 
Tutto  disposto  di  prender  la  morte, 
Acciocche  il  suo  spirto  seguitasse 
Quel  della  donna  con  si  trista  sorte, 
E  neir  inferno  con  lei  abitasse, 
Poich&  aspra  fortuna  e  duro  amore 
Di  questa  vita  lui  cacciava  fuore. 

Ma  prima  disse  acceso  d'  alto  sdegno : 
0  crudel  Giove,  e  tu  fortuna  ria, 

Tolta  wJ  avete  Griseida  mia. 

Ed  io  lascerb  il  mondo,  e  seguiraggio 
Con  lo  spirito  lei  poichd  '1  vi  piace ; 

Poiche  vedermi  in  vita  non  volete, 
^    ••     L'  anima  mia  almen  con  lei  ponete. 

*y»'? 

E  tu,  per  cui  tanto  il  dolor  mi  serra, 


68  SEPARATION.       FLORIO'S    LAMENT    IN    FILOCOLO.  [CH.  II 

E  che  dal  corpo  1'  anima  divelli, 

Ricevimi,  Griseida  volea  dire, 

Gia  colla  spada  al  petto  per  morire  ; 

Quand'  ella  risentendosi,  un  sospiro 
Grandissimo  gitto,  Troilo  chiamando ; 
A  cui  el  disse  :  dolce  mio  disiro, 
Or  vivi  tu  ancora  ?     E  lagrimando, 
In  bmccio  la  riprese,  e'l  suo  martiro, 
Come  potea,  con  parole  alleggiando, 
La  confortd,  e  1'  anima  smarrita 
Tornb  al  core,  onde  s'  era  fuggita." l 

In  Filocolo  the  account  runs, 

"  Piangendo  gli  si  gittb  al  collo,  ne  prima  abbracciando  s'  aggiun- 
sero,  che  i  loro  cuori,  da  grieve  doglia  costreiti  per  la  futura  par- 
tenza,  paurosi  di  morire  a  se  rivocarono  i  tementi  spiriti,  e  ogni 
vena  li  mando  il  suo  sangue  a  rendere  caldo,  e  i  membri  abbando- 
nati  rimasero  freddi  e  vinti,  ed  essi  caddero  semivivi  .  .  .  sicche 
chi  gli  avesse  veduti  piu  tosto  morti  die  vivi  giudicati  gli  avrebbe 

.  .  [Florio]  si  dirizzo,  e  vide  che  questa  non  si  movea,  ne  alcuno 
segnale  di  vita  mostrava  .  .  .  temendo  forte  che  la  misera  anima 
iion  avesse  abbandonato  il  corpo,  e  mutato  mondo,  e  con  timida 
mano  comincio  a  cercare  se  alcuna  parte  trovasse  nel  corpo  calda 
.  .  .  comincio  piangendo  a  baciarla,  e  dicea :  oime,  Biancofiore,  or 
se'tu  morta  1  Or  dov'  e  la  tua  bella  anima  ?  .  .  .  Oime,  comepote- 
rono  gV  Iddii  essere  tanto  crudeli  ch'  egli  abbiano  la  tua  morte 
consentita  ?  0  Biancofiore,  deh  rispondimi.  Oime,  ch'  io  sono  il  tuo 
Florio  cite  ti  chiama.  .  .  .  Oime,  che  gl'  Iddii  manifestano  bene 
ora  che  di  me  sono  invidiosi,  e  hannomi  in  odio.  ...  Or  ecco, 
o  anima  graziosa,  ove  che  tu  sii  rallegrati,  che  io  m'  apparecchio 
di  seguitarti,  e  quali  noi  fummo  di  qua  congiunti,  tali  fra  le 
non  conosciute  ombre  in  eterno  amandoci  staremo  insieme.  Una 
medesima  ora  e  uno  medesimo  giorno  perdera  due  amanti,  e  alle 
loro  pene  amare  sara  principio  e  fine.  E  gia  avea  posto  mano  sopra 
V  aguto  coltello,  quando  egli  si  chino  prima  per  baciare  il  tramortito 
viso  di  Biancofiore,  e  chinatosi  il  senti  riscaldato,  e  vide  muovere  le 
palpebre  degli  occhi,  che  con  bieco  atto  riguardavano  verso  ltd.  E  gia 
il  tiepido  caldo,  che  dal  cuore  rassicurato  movea,  entrando  per  li  freddi 
membri,  recando  le  perdute  forze,  addusse  uno  angoscioso  sospiro 
alia  bocoa  di  Biancofiore,  e  disse,  oime.  Allora  Floria  udendo 
questo,  quasi  tutto  riconfortato  la  riprese  in  braccio,  e  disse  :  o 
anima  mia,  or  se'  tu  viva  ?  Io  m'  apparecchiava  di  seguitarti  nell' 
altro  mondo."  2 

1  Filostrato,  iv,   117,   1-119,   2  ;  120,   1-121,  2 ;  121,  4  ;  122,  1-2,  7-8  : 
123,  5-124,  8. 

2  Filocolo,  I,  113-115.     As  I  have  already  indicated  (see  ab'ove,  p.   27, 
note  2),  Crescini  (Contribute),  etc.,  p.  204,  note)  has  drawn  a  parallel  between 


CH.  Il]    WHICH  LAMENT  IS  THE  EARLIER?   FILOCOLO  OR  FILOSTBATO  9    69 

In  view  of  the  obvious  similarities  between  these  two  passages, 
and  in  view  of  the  common  authorship  and  the  chronological  in 
timacy  of  Filocolo  and  Filostrato,  probably  no  one  will  be  inclined 
to  maintain  that  these  two  scenes  were  written  entirely  independ 
ently.1  When  we  attempt  to  determine  which  scene  was  written 
first,  we  observe  at  the  outset  that  both  the  source  of  Filocolo 2 
and  the  source  of  Filostrato  provide  a  suggestion  for  such  scenes  as 
we  have  before  us.  In.  the  French  Version  II  of  the  romance  of 
Floire  et  Blanceflor  we  are  told  simply  that  in  their  parting 
embraces  the  young  lovers,  Floire  and  Blancheflor,  fell  in  a 
swoon, — 

"  Lors  s'  entranbrac'ent  li  enfant ; 

Cent  foiz  se  baiserit  maintenant, 

Et  quant  il  furent  releve, 

En  baisant  cha'irent  pasme."  3 

Guido  delle  Colonne  in  his  account  of  the  parting  of  Troilus  and 
Briseida  writes, 

"Et  dum  sic  earn  consolari  Troilus  anhelat,  Briseida  inter 
bracchia  Troili  labitur  saepius  semiviva ;  quam,  inter  dulcia  basia 
lacrimis  irrorata  flebilibus,  ad  vires  sui  sensus  ea  nocte  reducere 
est  conatus." 4 

Obviously  neither  of  these  sources  provides  more  than  a  mere 
hint  for  the  elaborate  fainting  scenes  in  Filocolo  and  Filostrato, 
and  neither  source  gives  us  any  suggestion  as  to  which  of  Boc 
caccio's  two  scenes  was  written  first.  Nor  is  there  any  valid 
autobiographical  argument  that  we  can  bring  to  bear  on  the 

the  fainting  scene  in  Filostrato,  outlined  above,  and  the  passage  in  Filocolo 
(II,  113-114)  in  which  Massalino,  in  proposing  a  "questione,"  tells  the  story 
of  the  resuscitation  of  a  supposedly  dead  lady  in  the  arms  of  her  faithful 
lover.  However,  the  resemblance  here  is  so  general  as  hardly  to  deserve 
consideration,  and  the  circumstances  of  the  occurrence  are  entirely  different 
in  the  two  cases.  In  the  two  passages  that  I  have  compared  above,  the 
circumstances,  the  general  procedure,  and  many  details  are  entirely  similar. 

1  I  do  not  pretend  to  decide  in  this  case,  or  in  any  other,  whether  Boccaccio 
repeated  details  from  one  work  to  another  consciously  or  unconsciously,  from 
memory  or  with  the  earlier  text  before  him.     I  maintain  merely  that  when 
the  repetitions  are  so  numerous  and  so  precise  as  those  that  we  shall  find 
occurring  from  Filocolo  to  Filostrato,  they  cannot  be  accidental. 

2  On  the  sources  of  Filocolo,  see  Appendix  B. 

3  Floire  et  Blanceflor,  edited  by  E.  DuMeril,  Paris,  1856,  p.  134, 11.  229-302. 

4  Eistoria    Troiana,    sig.  i  2  recto,   col.  2.     On  the  absence  of  any  such 
incident  in  the  Roman  de    Troie,  see  above.     The   word,   semiviva,   used 
by  Guido,  occurs  twice  in  the  part  of  Filocolo  under  consideration  ("essi 
caddero  semivivi,"   "la  semiviva,  Biancofiore,"  Filocolo,  I,  114).      This  re 
currence  may  suggest  that  Boccaccio  was  familiar  with  Guido's  Historia  during 
the  period  when  he  was  writing  Filocolo.     I  have  already  pointed  out  such  a 
possibility  in  connection  with  Benoit's  poem.     See  above,  pp.  10,  62. 


70  THE   LAMENT    IN    FILOCOLO   PROBABLY    THE    EARLIER.       [CH.  II 

chronology  at  this  point.1  The  antecedent  probability  is  that  an 
incident  early  in  the  story  of  Filocolo,  and  an  incident  suggested 
in  the  source  of  Filocolo  would  have  been  written  early, — earlier, 
we  should  suppose,  than  the  writing  of  the  parallel  incident  in 
Filostrato.  This  antecedent  probability  is  raised  almost  to  a 
certainty  when  we  consider  the  style  of  the  two  passages  before 
us.  That  the  passage  in  Filocolo  is  the  less  mature  and  less  skilful 
there  can  be  no  doubt.  Although  a  scientific  demonstration  of 
such  a  judgment  is  impossible,  one  or  two  points  can  be  mentioned. 
We  may  note  in  the  first  place  the  superior  skill  and  impressive- 
ness  with  which  the  incident  is  introduced  in  Filostrato.  When 
the  lovers  meet  on  their  last  sad  night  together  they  are  for  some 
time  so  choked  with  emotion  that  no  words  are  possible.2  At 
length,  Griseida,  with  one  bewildered  sentence,  swoons  away, — 

"  Con  rotta  voce,  disse  :  o  signer  mio, 
Chi  mi  ti  toglie,  e  dove  ne  vo  io  1 

Poi  gli  ricadde  col  viso  in  sul  petto."  3 

In  Filocolo,  Biancofiore  first  launches  off  into  two  pages 4  of  un 
becoming  complaint  and  suspicion,  and  finally,  after  giving  Florio 
a  magic  ring, 

"  dette  queste  parole,  piangendo  gli  si  gittb  al  collo."  5 

1  C.  Antona-Traversi  (II  Propugnatore,  Vol.  XVI,  Parte  IIa,  pp.  416-417  ; 
Vol.  XVII,  Parte  K  pp.  59-65),  from  the  similarity  of  the  fainting  scene  in 
Filostrato  to  certain  passages  in  Fiammetta  seems  to  infer  that  the  accounts 
are  autobiographical.  Antona-Traversi  does  not  notice  the  similar  passage 
in  Filocolo,  nor  does  he  note  that  the  sources  both  of  Filocolo  and  of  Filostrato 
suggest  such  a  scene.  It  seems  more  reasonable  to  infer  that  in  one  of 
Boccaccio's  works  a  detail  obviously  suggested  by  the  source  of  that  work  is 
not  autobiographical  but  merely  an  inevitable  part  of  the  composition  in  hand. 
As  Crescini  has  pointed  out  (Contributo,  etc.,  p.  82,  et  passim),  it  is  in  the 
places  where  Boccaccio  departs  from  his  sources  that  we  may  best  look  for 
autobiographical  disclosures.  Perhaps  the  most  reasonable  inference  from 
the  facts  before  us  is  that  Boccaccio  described  the  fainting  of  Florio  and 
Biancofiore  because  his  sources  suggested  such  a  description.  In  writing 
Filostrato  soon  after,  he  transferred  (possibly  from  suggestions  in  Guido  ; 
see  above,  p.  9)  this  description  into  stanzas,  of  which  there  are  echoes  in 
the  still  later  Fiammetta.  If  this  fainting  scene  were  autobiographical,  we 
might  easily  argue  for  the  chronological  priority  of  the  version  in  Filocolo, 
even  without  pointing  out  its  literary  crudities.  Such  a  scene  would  probably 
have  occurred  in  Boccaccio's  life  just  before  Maria  left  Naples  for  a  prolonged 
absence,  during  which  absence  we  suppose  Filostrato  to  have  been  written. 
The  record  of  an  event  that  occurred  before  that  absence  would  probably 
appear  first  in  the  work  then  in  process  of  composition,  that  is,  in  Filocolo, 
for  Filostrato,  Boccaccio  seems  to  tell  us  (see  above,  p.  29),  was  not  under 
taken  until  some  time  after  Maria  had  actually  departed.  Fortunately, 
however,  the  facts  preclude  such  idle  argumentation. 

2  Filostrato,   iv,  115-116.  3  Id.,  iv,  116,  7-117,  1. 

4  Filocolo,  I,  112-113.  6  Id.,  I.  113. 


CH.  Il]    THE  FILOCOLO  LAMENT  THE  EARLIER.    GRISEIDA's  LOW  BIRTH.    71 

However,  the  excess  of  dulness  and  verbosity  in  Filocolo  at  this 
point  will  appear  only  to  him  who  reads  the  entire  passage.  As 
another  indication  of  the  immaturity  of  the  treatment  of  the 
episode  in  Filocolo,  I  may  remark  that  Troilo,  in  his  despair  at 
the  sight  of  Griseida's  senseless  body,  has  no  time  for  such  prosaic 
observations  as  the  following  from  Florio  in  a  similar  situation : 

"  Ma  di  questo  male  m'  e  piii  cagione  il  mio  crudele  padre,  il 
quale  si  subitamente  ha  affrettata  la  mia  partita.  0  crudele  padre, 
tu  1'  avrai  interamente  :  le  parole  da  me  dette  stamattina  ti  saranno 
dolente  augurio,  ed  oggi  ti  faranno  dolente  portatore  del  fuoco,  dove 
tu  miseramente  ardere  mi  vedrai."  T 

The  greater  swiftness,  simplicity,  and  finish  of  the  treatment  of  the 
whole  episode  in  Filostrato  will  probably  never  be  denied. 

From  the  facts  before  us  we  may  fairly  conclude  that  from 
suggestions  in  his  sources  Boccaccio  wrote  the  elaborate  and  verbose 
fainting  scene  in  Filocolo.  When  he  came  later  to  describe  the 
parting  of  Troilo  and  Griseida,  he  simplified  and  vivified  the 
scene  he  had  already  written,  and  presented  it  in  the  stanzas  of 
Filostrato? 

In  the  section  of  the  poem  recounting  the  parting  and  elsewhere 
in  Filostrato,  stress  is  laid  upon  the  fact  of  (Jrisoida's  low  birth. 
When  it  occurs  to  Troilo  to  reveal  his  love  to  his  father  and  to  ask 
that  his  innamorata  be  kept  in  Troy  as  his  lady  and  wife,  the  young 
lover  rejects  such  a  procedure  on  the  ground  that  Priam,  who  is 
designing  a  royal  marriage  for  his  son,  will  surely  oppose  his 
devotion  to  the  low-born  Griseida, — 

"  Ne  spero  ancora  ch'  el  dovesse  darla, 
Si  per  non  romper  le  cose  promesse, 
E  perche  la  dircbbe  diseguale 
A  me,  al  qual  vuol  dar  donna  reale"  3 

This  aspect  of  Troilo's  problem,  although  mentioned  earlier  in  the 
poem,4  is  especially  emphasized  later  by  Cassandra,  part  of  whose 
taunt  is  as  follows  : 

"  E  poiche  pur  cosi  doveva  andare, 
Di  nobil  donna  fostu  innamorato  ! 
Che  condotto  ti  se1  a  consumare 
Per  la  figlia  $  un  prete  scellerato, 

1  Filocolo,  I,  115. 

2  As  I  have  already  indicated  (see  above,  p.  70,  note  1),  the  introduction  of 
this  scene  into  Filostrato  may  be  due  to  a  suggestion  in  Guido's  Historia. 

3  Filostrato,  iv,  69,  5-8.  4  Id.,  ii,  22,  1-8  ;  53,  1-3  ;  76,  1-3. 


72  GKISEIDA'S  LOW  BIRTH  DISGUST  BY  TROILO.  [CH.  n 

E  mal  vissuto  e  di  piccolo  affare  : 
Ecco  figliuolo  d'  alto  re  onorato, 
Che  '11  pena  e  '11  pianto  mena  la  sua  vita, 
Perche  da  lui  Griseida  s'e  partita  !  "  x 

Troilo  deftly  replies  that  whatever  Griseida's  birth  may  be,  she  is 
noble,  for  she  possesses  those  qualities  that  alone  constitute  true 
nobility,  — 

"  Ma  pognam  pur  che  cosi  fosse  certo, 
Ch'  io  per  lei  fosse  in  questa  grave  pena, 
Perche  non  e  Griseida  in  ciascun  otto 
Degna  d'  ogni  grand'1  uom,  qual  vuoi  sia  fatto  1 

Io  non  vo'  ragionar  della  bellezza 
Di  lei,  che  al  giudicio  di  ciascuno 
Trapassa  quella  della  somma  aUezza, 
Perocche  nor  caduto  e  tosto  bruno  ; 
Ma  vegnam  pure  alia  sua  gentilezza, 
La  qual  tu  biasmi  tanto,  e  qui  ognuno 
Consenta  il  ver  se  '1  dico,  e  1'  altro  il  nieglii, 
Ma  il  perche,  il  prego,  ch'  egli  alleghi. 

E  gentilezza  dovunque  e  virtute, 
Questo  nol  neghera  niuno  che  '1  senta, 
Ed  elle  suno  in  lei  tutte  vedute, 
Se  dall'  opra  1'  effetto  s'  argomenta. 

.  .  .  piu  onesta 

Di  costei  mdla  ne  fia  mai  ne  e  suta  ; 
E  se  '1  ver  odo,  sobria  e  modesta 
E  oltre  all'  altre,  e  certo  la  paruta 
Di  lei  il  mostra  ;  e  similmente  e  questa 
Tacita  ove  conviensi  e  vergognosa, 
Che  in  donna  e  segno  di  nobile  cosa. 

Appar  negli  atti  suoi  la  discrezione, 

Che  piu,  donna  Cassandra,  chiederete 

In  donna  omai  ?  il  suo  sangue  reale  1 

Non  son  re  tutti  quelli  a  cui  vedete 

Corona  o  scettro  o  vesta  impefiale  ; 

Assai  fiate  udito  gia  1'  avete, 

Ke  e  colui  il  qual  per  virtu  vale, 

per  potenza  :  e  se  costei  potesse, 
ere'  tu  ch'  ella  come  tu  reggesse  ?  "  2 


The  Roman  de  Troie  and  the  Historia  Troiana  contain  no  hint 
of  such  a  discussion  of  Griseida's  "  social  standing  "  as  we  find  in 

*  I'ilosfrato,  vii,  87,  1-8.         2  Id.,  vii,  92,  5-94,  4  ;  95   2-96,  1  ;  99,  1-8. 


CH.  n]  GRISEIDA'S  LOW  BIRTH  DUE  TO  FILOCOLO.  73 

Filostrato.  Neither  Ttonoifc  nor  Guido  suggests  that  Briseida  was 
looked  upon  as  of  low  birth  and  hence  as  an  unworthy  match  for 
Troilo,  or  that  the  young  prince  was  called  upon  to  enumerate  and 
defend  her  virtues.  On  the  contrary,  from  the  few  suggestions  in 
the  French  poem  concerning  Briseida's  reputation  and  character, 
we  infer  that  before  she  succumbed  to  Diomedes  she  had  a  very 
high  place  in  the  estimation  and  affection  of  the  Trojans.  We 
are  told, 

"  Calcas  li  sages,  li  corteis, 

Ot  une  fille  mout  preisiee, 

Bele  e  corteise  e  enseigniee  : 

De  li  esteit  grant  reiiomee, 

Briseida  ert  apelee."  *• 

Again  we  are  told, 

"Est  franche  e  proz  e  sage  e  bele,"  2 

and  her  father  is  spoken  of  as  being  "riche  e  haut."  3  Clearly, 
then,  in  his  emphasis  upon  the  low  birth  of  Griseida,  Boccaccio 
is  introducing  an  innovation  into  the  story  as  he  received  it  from 
Benoit  and  Guido. 

The  source  of  this  innovation  is  not  far  to  seek.  In  Filocolo^it 
is  the  supposed  low  birth  of  Biancofiore  that  causes  King  Felice 
to  separate  the  young  lovers.  At  the  time  of  the  separation  we 
have  from  the  king  a  condemnation  of  Biancofiore  and  an  insist 
ence  upon  a  royal  marriage  in  terms  precisely  such  as  Troilo  tells 
us  he  feared  from  Priam.4  Says  King  Felice  to  the  Queen, 

"  Certo  io  non  mi  dolgo  che  egli  ami,  ma  duolmi  di  colei  cui  egli 
ama,  per  che  alia  sua  nobilta  e  dispari.  Se  una  giovane  di  reals 
sangue  fosse  da  lui  amata,  certo  tosto  per  matrimonio  gliele 
giugneremmo."  5 

Again,  in  conference  with  Florio  the  King  says, 

"  Ma  tu,  benedetto  figliuolo,  non  pensi  quanta  sia  la  vilt&  e  il 
biasimo  degli  uomini  a  tenere  il  tuo  animo  occupato  in  disporti  ad 
amare  cosl  fatta  femmina,  come  tu  ami.  .  .  .  Deli  ora  ti  fossi  tu 
d'  una  valorosa  e  gran  donna  simile  alia  tua  nobilta  innamorato, 
assai  mi  dorrebbe,  ma  ancora  mi  sarebbe  d'  alcuna  consolazione."  6 

Florio's  reply  to  the  King  is  as  precise  a  parallel  to  Troilo's  reply 
to  Cassandra  7  as  we  could  expect  in  the  turgid  prose  of  Filocolo, — - 

1  7?.  de  T.,  13086-15090.  2  Id.,  13112.  3  Id.,  13105. 

4  See  Filostrato,  iv,  69,  5-8.      Cf.  vii,  87,  1-8.  5  Filocolo,  I,  85-86. 

6  Id.,  I,  96-97.  7  Filostrato,  vii,  92-99,  quoted  in  part  above. 


74   GRISEIDA'S  LOW  BIRTH  GOT  FROM  FLOIRE  ET  BLANCEFLOR.  [CH.  n 

"  Appresso  dite  che  gravoso  vi  sembra  pensando  la  qualita  della 
femmina  die  io  amo,  perocch&  popolaresca  e  serva  la  reputate.  .  .  . 
Si  conosciamo  noi  lei  essere  tanto  gentile  o  piu,  quanta  se  d' 
imperials  proyenia  nata  fosse,  se  riguardiamo  con  debito  stile  che 
cosa  e  gentilezza,  la  quale  troveremo  cti  e  sola  virtu  d'  animo,  e 
qualunque  e  quegli  che  coll'  animo  virtuoso  si  trova,  quegli  debita- 
mente  si  pub  e  dee  dire  gentile.  E  in  cui  si  vide  giammai  tanta 
virtu,  quanta  in  • costei  si  trova  e  vede  manifestamente  ?  Ella  &  di 
tutte  generalmente  vera  fontana.  In  lei  pare  la  prudentissima 
evidenza  della  Cumana  Sibilla  ritornata,  n&  fu  la  casta  Penelope 
piu  temperata  di  costei.  .  .  .  Questa  e  sommamente  virtuosa, 
adunque  e  senza  comparazione  gentile.  Non  fanno  le  vili  ricchezze 
ne  gli  antichi  regni,  siccome  forse  voi  essendo  in  uno  error  e  con 
molti  estimate,  gli  uomini  gentili,  ne  degnl  posseditori  de'  grandi 
ujicii,  ma  solamente  quelle  virtu  die  costei  tutte  in  se  racchiude.  .  .  . 
Questa  ha  in  s&  una  singulars  bellezza  ...  la  quale  ognora  che 
io  la  veggio  m'  accende  nel  cuore  uno  ardore  virtuoso."  J 

In  laying  so  much  stress  upon  the  supposed  low  birth  of  Bianco- 
fiore,  Boccaccio  is  merely  developing  one  of  the  central  motives  of 
the  traditional  story,  as  appears  from  the  following  lines  from  the 
French  Version  I  of  Flo  Ire  et  Blanceflor  : 

"  Li  rois  apercoit  bien  1'amor 
Que  ses  fius  a  vers  Blanceflor  : 
Moult  forment  crient  en  son  corage, 
Quant  Floires  iert  de  tel  eage 
Que  feme  devra  espouser, 
Qu'  il  ne  puisse  de  li  torner. 
Es  chambres  vint  a  la  roi'ne 
Conseil  prendre  de  la  meschine  : 
S'  ele  li  done  a  son  talent, 
Ocirra  la  hastivement, 
Puis  querra,  selonc  son  lignage, 
A  son  fil  feme  de  par  age. 

.  .  .  *  Car  tel  amor 
A  vostre  fius  vers  Blanceflor, 
Celle  fille  vostre  caitive, 
Que  tout  dient,  tant  comme  iert  vive, 
L'amor  de  li  ne  changera 
Ne  autre  feme  ne  prendra. 
Jou  crains  que  ne  soit  aviliee 
Par  li  toute  nostre  ligniee.' "  2 

From  the  comparison  presented  above  we  can  only  conclude  that  the 

1  Filocolo,  I,  98-99. 

2  moire  et  Blanceflor,  11.  267-278,  287-294,  pp.  12-13.     Cf.  Version  II, 
11.  211-248  ;  II  Cantare,  xix,  3-4. 


OH.  Il]      THE   POSSIBILITY    OF   TROILO's   ABDUCTING   GRISEIDA.  75 

story  of  Troilo  and  Griseida  has  been  "  contaminated  "  by  a  central 
element  in  another  story  that  Boccaccio  certainly  had  in  hand  or 
in  mind  when  he  was  writing  Filostrato.  Although  the  innova 
tion  is  not  entirely  consonant  with  certain  details  of  the  episodic 
story  that  Boccaccio  received  from  Benoit  and  Guido,  yet  the 
Italian  author  has  so  skilfully  woven  the  new  element  into  the 
fabric  of  Filostrato  that  the  intrusion,  far  from  being  conspicuous, 
adds  interest  to  a  tale  that  in  the  Roman  de  Troie  and  the  Historia 
Troiana  is  all  too  bare  of  complication  and  incident. 

Another  interesting  circumstance  of  Griseida's  departure  is  the 
discussion  of  the  possibility  of  Troilo's  abducting  his  lady.1  The 
suggestion  first  comes  from  the  ever-ready  Pandaro,  who  says, 

"Perche  non  prendi  in  quel  che  puoi  riparo 
Alia  tua  vita,  e  via  rapisci  lei  1 
Paris  ando  in  Grec'ia  e  menonne 
Elena,  il  fior  di  tutte  1'altre  donne. 

E  tu  in  Troia  tua  non  ardirai 

Di  rapire  una  donna  che  ti  piaccia  1 " 2 

Troilo  rejects  this  proposal  as  a  violation  both  of  Griseida's  honour 
and  of  Priam's  compact  with  the  Greeks, — 

"  Poi  temo  di  turbar  con  violenta 
Rapina,  il  suo  onore  e  la  siia  fama, 

Pensato  ancora  avea  di  domandarla 
Di  grazia  al  padre  mio  che  la  mi  clesse ; 
Poi  penso  questo  fora  un  accusarla, 
E  far  palese  le  cose  commesse ; 
Ne  spero  ancora  ch'  el  dovesse  darla, 
Si  per  non  romper  le  cose  promesse."  3 

Later,  however,  Troilo  regrets  not  having  fled  with  Griseida  while 
such  a  course  of  action  was  possible, — 

"  Egli  se  stesso  ancor  maladicea, 
Che  si  1'  aveva  lasciata  partire, 
E  che  '1  partito  che  preso  n'  avea, 
Cioe  con  lei  di  volersi  fuggire, 
Non  1'  avea  fatto,  e  forte  sen  pentea."4 

When  Troilo  proposes  to  Griseida  that  they  flee  together  she 
promptly  refuses,  through  respect  for  the  same  promises  of  Priam 
to  the  Greeks, — 

1  See  Filostrato,  iv,  64-76,  143-153.  2  Id.,  iv,  64,  5—65,  2. 

3  Id.,  iv,  68,  1-2  ;  69,  1-6.  4  Id.,  v,  18,  1-5.     Cf.  v,  4,  7-8. 


76    SUGGESTED  ABDUCTION  OF  GRISEIDA  IS  FROM  FLOIRE  ET  BLANCEFLOR* 

"  Ma  cib  die  d'  andar  via  tu  ragionavi, 
e  savio  consiglio  al  mio  parere  : 


Che  s'  andassimo  via,  come  parlavi, 

Tre  cose  ree  ne  potresti  vedere, 

L'  una  verrelbe  per  la  rotta  fede, 

Che  porta  piu  di  mal  ch'  altri  non  crede."  l 

Since  Benoit  and  Guido  contain  no  hint  of  such  haggling  over 
possible  means  for  escaping  separation,  this  part  of  Filostrato  may 
reflect  similar  discussions  in  Filocolo.  When  it  first  occurs  to 
Florio  to  oppose  the  will  of  the  king  and  take  Biancofiore  with 
him,  he  rejects  such  a  course  of  action  as  inconsistent  with  his 
promises  to  his  father,  — 

"  Or  come  mi  potrb  io  mai  partire  senza  Biancofiore  1  .  .  . 
Di  che  aveva  io  paura?  .  .  .  Ne  niuna  peggior  cosa  mi  potea 
fare  che  cacciarmi  da  se  .  .  .  e  se  pure  fatta  1'  avesse,  Bianco 
fiore  non  sarebbe  perb  rimasa,  che  ineco  ove  che  io  fossi  andato 
I*  avrei  menata  .  .  .  ma  poiche  promesso  T  ho,  io  v'  andro."2 

Later,  the  young  hero  reproaches  himself  for  not  having  abducted 
his  innamorata,  — 

"  Perche  non  vo  io,  e  entro  nelle  mie  case  e  rapiscola,  e  meno- 
lami  quassil  meco  ?  .  .  .  Sono  io  piit  vile  che  Paris  ?  il  quale 
non  a  casa  del  padre,  ma  de'  suoi  nemici  ando  per  la  desiderata 
donna."  3 

"  Io  tornerb  a  dispetto  del  mio  padre  a  Marmorina,  e  solleciterb 
colli  miei  proprii  occhi  il  cuore  di  Biancofiore,  e  quindi  la  fuggirb 
in  parte  ov'  io  senza  paura  d'  alcuno  potrb  dimorar  con  lei."  4 

In  Filocolo,  as  it  is  Florio  who  is  being  sent  away,  so  it  is  Bianco 
fiore  who,  resentful  at  the  thought  of  being  left  behind,  suggests 
that  they  oppose  the  paternal  decree  and  go  away  together,  a 
suggestion  with  which  Florio  refuses  to  comply,  through  respect  for 
his  promise  to  his  father,  and  in  the  hope  that  eventually  Bianco- 

1  Filostrato,  iv,  147,  1-2,  5-8.  2  Filocolo,  I,  104-5. 

3  Id.,   I,  223,  224.     Cf.  id.,  I,   147,  where  Florio  in  an  apostrophe  to 
Bianeofiore  says, 

".  .  .  se  io  devessi  muovere  aspre  battaglie  contro  al  vecchio  padre,  o 
furtivamente  rapirti  delle  sue  case." 

4  Id.,  I,  280.     Cf.  Griseida's  words  in  Filostrato  (vi,  5,  1-3)  :— 

"  Oime  lassa  !  or  t'  avess'  io  creduto, 
E  insieme  tramenduefossimo  giti 
Dove  e  in  qual  regno  ti  fosse  piaciuto." 


THE   ABDUCTION   PART   OP   FILOCOLO   IS   BEFORE   FILOSTRATO.        77 

fiore  may  be   allowed   to  rejoin   him.     Biancofiore   apostrophizes 
Florio  in  these  words, 

"...  Ma  oime,  che  se  '1  tuo  amore  non  &  falso,  tu  dovevi 
sofferire  aspri  tormenti,  anzi  che  consentire  di  dovervi  andare, 
o  almeno,  per  consolazione  di  me  misera,  farviti  quasi  per  forza 
menare.  .  .  .  Come  ti  sara  egli  possibile  il  partirti  senza  me,  se 
le  tue  parole  a  me  dette  per  addietro  non  sono  quali  furono  quelle 
del  falso  Demofoonte  a  Fillis." 1 

Again,  Biancofiore  says  to  Florio, 

"  Deh  ora  non  pensi  tu  come  tu  m'  abbandoni  ?  .  .  .  Ma  forse 
tu  ti  vuogli  scusare  che  altro  non  puoi." 2 

Florio's  excuse  is  less  adequate  than  Griseida's, — 

"  Volevi  tu  che  io  con  mio  padre  avessi  sconce  parole  per  quello 
che  ancora  si  puo  ammendare  ? "  3 

For  these  discussions  Boccaccio  undoubtedly  found  suggestions 
in  the  sources  of  Filocolo.  In  French  Version  II,  Blancheflor 
urges  Floire  to  take  her  away  with  him,  but  the  young  hero 
promptly  refuses  to  disobey  his  father, — 

"  '  Irai  o  vos  ge  ? '     '  Non,  par  foi.' 
'  Et  por  quoi  done  ne  velt  le  roi  1 
Et  porroiz  vos  sanz  moi  garir  ? ' 
1  Bele,  molt  m'est  grief  a  soffrir.' "  4 

Floire's  respect  for  the  promise  he  has  given  is  shown  in  the  lines, 

"  Gil  ne  porent  vers  lui  plus  pranre ; 
Lor  covent  lor  covient  atendre."  5 

With  the  evidence  available,  it  is  hardly  possible  to  question  the 
chronological  priority  of  the  part  of  Filocolo  under  discussion. 
The  length,  dulness,  and  crudity  of  the  discussions  between  the 
hero  and  heroine,  and  the  fact  that  the  source  of  Filocolo  contained 
suggestions  for  such  discussions  while  the  sources  of  Filostrato  are 

1  Filocolo,  I,  102.     Of.  Griseida's  words, 

"  Oime  Troilo,  or  fia  egli  sofferto 
Da  te  vedermi  gir,  che  non  t'  ingegni, 
Per  amore  o  per  forza  mi  ritegni?  " 

(Filostrato,  iv,  91,  6-8.) 

2  Filocolo,  I,  105,  107.  3  Id.,  I,  109. 

4  Floire  et  Blanceflor,  p.  134,  11.  295-298. 

5  Id.,  p.  135,  11.  353-4.     For  a  longer  and  more  tender  treatment  of  this 
part  of  the   story,  see  Konrad   Fleck's  Flore  und  Blanscheflur  (edited  by 
E.  Sommer,    Quedlinburg  und   Leipzig,    1846),    11.    1042-1045,  1260-1287. 
On  the  sources  of  Filocolo,  see  Appendix  B. 


78  GRISEIDA'S  PROMISE  TO  RETURN  TO  TROY.  [CH.  n 

entirely  lacking  in  such  suggestions, — these  considerations  indicate 
that  the  writing  of  this  part  of  the  romance  preceded  the  writing 
of  Filostrato. 

In  Filostrato,  both  at  the  time  of  the  parting  and  afterward, 
much  stress  is  laid  upon  Griseida's  protestations,  that  with  or 
without  her  father's  permission  she  will  return  to  Troy  within  a. 
period  of  ten  days,1 — 

"  Come  sapra  die  io  ci  sia  onorata, 
Piu  non  curera  della  mia  tornata 

Qui  dunque  rimandarmi  egli  e  opportuno, 
Ne  ben  ci  veggio  contrario  nessuno. 

Seguianio  il  corso  suo,  fingiti  alcuna 
Andata  in  questo  mezzo,  e  in  quella  manca 
Li  tuoi  sospiri,  ch'  al  decimo  giorno 
Senza  alcun  fallo  qui  faro  ritorno. 

Ne  ti  cappia  nel  cor  ch'  io  sia  si  stolta, 
Che  lion  sappia  trovare  e  modo  e  via 
Di  ritornare  a  te,  cui  io  piu  bramo 
Che  la  mia  vita,  e  vie  piu  troppo  t'  amo."  2 

Troilo,  however,  is  doubtful  as  to  Griseida's  ever  being  able  to 
return  to  Troy, — 

"  0  pace  o  no,  appena  che  tornarci 
Credo  che  Calcas  ci  voglia  giammai, 
Perche  non  crederia  dovere  starci 
Senza  infamia  del  fallo,  che  assai 
Eu,  se  in  cib  non  vogliamo  ingannarci ; 
E  se  con  tanta  istanza  ti  richiede, 
Ch'  el  ti  rimandi  appena  vi  do  fede. 

Temo  che  tu  giammai  non  torni  in  Troia."  3 

When  the  term  of  ten  days  has  expired,  Troilo,  after  watching  in 
vain  for  Griseida's  return,  finally  despairs, — 

"  *  Ella  mi  disse  died  dl  starebbe 
Col  padre,  senza  piu  starvi  niente, 
E  poscia  in  Troia  se  ne  tornerebbe  \ 
II  termine  e  per  questo  di  presente : ' 


1  Of.  Filostrato,  iv,  131-141,  154-155  ;  vii,  1,  13,  16,  54. 

2  Id.,  iv,  134,  7-8  ;  135,  7-8  ;  154,  5-8  ;  159,  5-8. 

3  Id.,  iv,  141,  2-8;  142,8. 


CH.  Il]       THIS   PROMISE    IN    THE   FILOSTRATO   IS    FROM  FILOCOLO.  7$ 

Si  che  costor  dopo  molto  badare, 
Siccome  fatto  aveano  il  di  primiero, 
Fatto  gia  notte  dentro  si  tornaro ; 
Ma  cib  a  Troilo  fu  soverchio  amaro ; 

E  la  speranza  lieta  ch'  egli  avea 
Quasi  piu  non  avea  dove  appiccarsi."  l 

Neither  Benoit  nor  Guido  mentions  any  promise  of  Briseida 
or  of  her  father  that  she  shall  return  to  Troy,  and  still  farther  is 
either  from  mentioning  a  definite  period  of  time  for  her  absence. 
It  seems  likely  that  in  Filocolo  and  in  the  sources  of  Filocolo 
Boccaccio  got  his  suggestion  for  these  particulars  as  they  appear 
in  Filostrato.  According  to  Filocolo,  when  King  Felice  is  about 
to  send  Florio  to  Montorio  he  promises  to  send  Biancofiore  also, 
as  soon  as  the  Queen  shall  have  recovered  from  her  illness, — 

"...  e  si  tosto  come  tua  rnadre,  la  quale  alquanto  non  sana 
e  stata  come  tu  puoi  vedere,  avra  intera  sanita  ricuperata,  io  la  ti 
mandero  a  Montorio,"  2 — 

a  promise  which  Florio  conveys  to  Biancofiore  with  additional 
assurances, — 

"  Egli  m'  ha  promesso  di  mandarmiti,  la  qual  cosa  se  egli  non  lo 
fa  io  volgerb  tosto  i  passi  indietro,  perocche  io  so  bene  che  vivere 
senza  te  non  potrei  lungamente."  3 

Biancofiore,  however,  is  sceptical  as  to  the  King's  sincerity  in  such 
a  promise,  for  she  says  frankly  to  Florio, 

".  .  .  vane  e  false  parole  del  tuo  padre,  il  quale  ti  promise 
di  mandarmi  a  te.  Certo  egli  nol  fara  giammai."  4 

Yet,  at  all  odds,  Biancofiore  is  determined  to  join  her  lover, — 

"Io  allegra  sarb  s'  a  te  mi  manderanno,  e  se  non  sarb  mandata 

10  vi  pure  verrb."  5 

After  waiting  a  sufficiently  long  time  for  Biancofiore  to  come, 
Florio  says  despairingly, 

"Egli  m'  impromise  piu  volte  di  mandarmi  qua  Biancofiore 
brevemente,  e  mai  mandata  non  me  1'  ha.  Oime  che  ora  coiiosco 

11  manifesto  suo  inganno,  e  truovo  che  vere  sono  le  parole  che 
Biancofiore  mi  disse,  dicendo  che  mai  non  ce  la  manderebbe."  6 

1  Filostrato,  vii,  13,  1-4  ;  14,  5-15,  2.  2  Filocolo,  I,  97. 

3  Id.,  I,  109.  4  Id.,  I,  107. 

5  Id..  I,  104.  6  Id.,  I,  123. 


80    SOURCE  OF  THE  MUTUAL  PLEDGES  OF  TROILO  AND  GKISEIDA.  [CH.  II 

It  is  clear  enough  that  the  situation  in  Filocolo  just  outlined 
closely  resembles  the  parallel  situation  in  Filostrato.  However, 
there  is  in  the  earlier  work  no  suggestion  from  which  Boccaccio 
should  have  specified  ten  days  as  the  definite  period  of  Griseida's 
proposed  absence  from  Troilo.  This  detail  in  Filostrato  may  be 
due  to  the  sources  of  Filocolo.  In  the  Flore  und  Blanscheflur  of 
Konrad  Fleck,  for  example,  we  are  told  that  the  period  set  for  the 
separation  of  the  lovers  was  ten  days, — 

"  dar  zuo  sulent  ir  im  sagen 
daz  ir  im  in  zehen  tagen 
sine  gespil  sendent  nach. 

ach  wie  vaste  in  begunde 
der  zehen  tage  belangen." x 

There  is  certainly  no  improbability  in  the  hypothesis  that  Boccaccio 
is  here  using  in  Filostrato  a  detail  from  the  sources  of  Filocolo 
that  he  omitted  from  the  latter  work.2 

During  their  last  hours  together,  Troilo  and  Griseida  exchange 
mutual  warnings  against  new  loves  and  mutual  assurances  of 
fidelity.3  This  particular  circumstance  has  an  obvious  parallel  in 
Benoit's  account  of  the  parting  of  Troilus  and  Briseida, — 

"  Xe  li  fine  hore  de  preier 
Qu'il  ne  1'oblit,  quar  a  sa  vie 
Ne  sera  ja  autrui  amie ; 

1  Flore  und  Blanscheflur,  by  Konrad  Fleck,  11.  1009-1011, 1414-1415.     See 
Appendix  B.     In  French  Version  I  the  period  set  is  a  fortnight, — 

"Et  moult  tres-bien  1'asseurez 
Qu'ains  quinze  jors  li  trametrez  " 

(Floire  et  Blaneeflor,  p.  15,  11.  337-8). 

In  French  Version  II  the  period  set  is  four  days, — 

"  Alez  vos  en  jusqu'a  quart  jor  ; 
Vos  envoierai  Blancheflor"  (id.,  p.  135,  11.  349-350). 

2  The  source  that  Boccaccio  followed  when  he  wrote  (Filocolo,  I,  97),   "SI 
tosto    come    tua    madre  .  .  .  avra    intera    sanita   ricuperata,    io    la  (i.  e. , 
Biancofiore)  ti  mander6,"  is  evidently  represented  by  the  lines  in  French 
Version  I, — 

"  Sa  mere  malade  se  faigne  ; 
For  li  garder,  cele  remaigne  " 

(Floire  et  Blanceflor,  p.  15,  11.    335-6). 

and  by  the  lines  in  II  Cantare  di  Fiorio  e  Biancifiore, — 

"la  tua  madre  lasila  guarire, 
Poi  Biancifiore  ti  faro  venire  "  (II  Cantare,  xxii,  7-8). 

3  See  Filostrato,  iv,  142-143,  146,  162-166. 


CH.  Il]    SOURCE  OP  THE  MUTUAL  PLEDGES  OF  TROILO  AND  GRISEIDA     81 

S'amor  toz  jorz  li  guardera, 
Ja  mais  jor  autre  ne  1'avra, 
~Ne  rien  n'avra  joie  de  li : 
'  Bele,'  fait  il,   '  or  vos  en  pri, 
S'onc  m'amastes,  ore  i  pareisse  ! 
Ne  vueil  que  nostre  amor  descreisse : 
De  meie  part  vos  di  jo  bien 
Qu'el  n'apeticera  de  rien. 
Mon  cuer  avreiz  toz  jorz  verai, 
Ja  por  autre  nos  changerai.' "  l 

Whatever  suggestions  Boccaccio  may  have  taken  from  this  passage 
for  his  elaborate  treatment  of  the  parallel  situation  in  Filostrato, 
he  seems  here  to  echo  also  numerous  details  from  Filocolo.2  There 
appears  to  be  nothing  in  the  French  passage  that  could  not  have 
come  into  Filostrato  equally  well  from  Filocolo,  whereas  the  latter 
work  provides  not  only  a  more  extended  treatment  of  this  phase  of 
the  story,  but  also  some  details  that  could  not  have  come  from  the 
Roman  de  Troie.  The  nature  of  Griseida's  appeal  to  Troilo  is 
shown  in  the  following  lines : 

"  'E  pregoti,  mentr'  io  sarb  lontana, 
Che  prender  non  ti  lasci  dal  piacere 
D1  alcuna  donna,  o  da  vaghezza  strana  ; 
Che  s'  io  7  sapessi,  dei  per  certo  avere 
Che  io  rrf  ucciderei  siccome  insana, 
Dolendomi  di  te  oltra  'I  dovere. ' "  3 

This  appears  to  be  a  rendering  in  verse  of  part  of  Biancofiore's 
turgid  speech  to  Florio  under  similar  circumstances, — 

"  Solamente  a'  tuoi  occhi  poni  freno  quando  le  vaghe  giovani 
scalze  vedrai  andare  per  le  chiare  fontane  .  .  .  cantando  amorosi 
versi  ...  perch6  se  io  sentissi  che  alcuna  colla  sua  bellezza 
dinuovo  f  infiammasse,  come  furiosa  m'  ingegnerei  di  venire  dove 
tu  ed  ella  foste ;  e  se  io  la  trovassi,  colle  proprie  mani  la  squarcerei, 
ne  nel  suo  viso  non  lascerei  parte  che  graffiata  non  fosse  dalle  mie 
unghie,  ne  niuno  ordine  v*  avrebbe  a!  composii  capelli  che  io  tutii 
tirandogliele  di  capo  non  Io  rompessi  ;  e  dopo  questo,  per  vituperevole 
ed  eterna  sua  memoria,  co'  proprii  denti  del  naso  la  priverei,  e  questo 
fatto  me  medesima  ucciderei"  * 

In  reply  to  Griseida's  warning,  Troilo  gives  her  an  assurance  of 
fidelity  which  may  well  have  been  reduced  from  Florio's  assurances 

1  R.  de  T.,  13498-13510.     Guido  has  no  explicit  parallel.     Cf.   Historic*, 
Troiana,  sig.  i  2  recto,  col.  2 — verso,  col.  1. 

2  See  FHocolo,  I,  108,  112-113,  116-117. 

3  Filostrato,  iv,  162,  1-6.     Cf.  iv,  142,  1-3. 

4  Filocolo,  I,  112-113. 

DEV.  TR.  CR.  G 


82         THE  LOVERS'  PARTING  DUE  TO  FILOCOLO  AND  FLOISE    [CH.  n 

in  a  similar  situation  in  Filocolo.1  The  similarities  at  this  point 
perhaps  justify  brief  quotations.  In  enforcing  his  promises  to 
Griseida,  Troilo  assures  her  that  no  mean  or  superficial  qualities  in 
her  have  aroused  and  held  his  love, — 

"  Ma  gli  atti  tuoi  altieri  e  signorili, 
II  valore  e  7  parlar  cavalier  esco, 
I  tuoi  costumi  piu  ch'  altra  gentili, 
Ed  il  vezzoso  tuo  sdegno  donnesco, 
Per  lo  quote  apparien  d'  esserti  vili 
Ogni  appetito  ed  oprar  popolesco, 
Qual  tu  mi  se',  o  donna  mia  possente, 
Con  amor  mi  ti  miser  nella  mente."  2 

Florio  compliments  his  innamorata  in  similar  terms, — 

"  Muna  virtu  pare  difetto,  ne  belli  costumi  fecero  mai  piu 
gentilesca  creatura  nell'  aspetto  che  i  tuoi,  senza  falla  buoni  fanno 
te  .  .  .  E  la  dolcezza  della  tua  lingua  farebbe  maggiori  cose  che 
non  fece  la  cetera  del  tratio  poeta  o  del  tebano  Anfione." 3 

Previously  in  describing  Biancofiore's  virtues  to  his  father  Florio 
has  said, — 

"Niuna  volta  e  che  io  i  suoi  lucentissimi  occhi  riguardi,  die  di 
me  non  fug g a  ogni  vile  intendimento"  4 

Apparently  there  is  no  reason  for  doubting  that  the  mutual 
warnings  and  assurances  of  Florio  and  Biancofiore  were  written 
before  the  parts  of  Filostrato  with  which  I  have  compared  them. 
The  turgidity  of  the  few  passages  of  Filocolo  that  I  have  quoted 
are  an  indication  of  the  stylistic  inferiority  of  this  part  of  the 
romance  to  the  related  parts  of  Filostrato  ;  and  there  is  no  evidence 
at  this  point  to  invalidate  the  stylistic  criterion. 

In  no  one  of  the  extant  documents  that  represent  the  sources  of 
Filocolo 5  is  there  so  explicit  a  warning  from  the  heroine  as  that 
which  Boccaccio  assigns  to  Biancofiore;  but  in  these  documents 
there  are  suggestions  that  may  have  served  the  Italian  author. 
Biancofiore's  prediction  that  Florio  will  be  carnally  tempted  by 
other  maidens  at  Montorio  may  be  an  adaptation  of  such  suggestions 
as  we  find  in  French  Version  I,  where  we  are  told  that  Dame 

1  See  Filocolo,  I,  108,  116-117  ;  Filostrato,  iv,  163-166. 

2  Filostrato,  iv,  165,  1-8.  3  Filocolo,  I,  108. 

4  Id.,  I,  99.     On  f'lorio's  enumeration  to   King   Felice  of  Biancofiore's. 
virtues,  see  above,  p.  74. 

5  See  Appendix  B. 


CH.  Il]       BOCCACCIO'S   PARTING   OF   LOVERS    IS   DUE   TO   FILOCOLO         83 

Sebile  at  Montoire  will  provide  maidens  to  relieve  Florio  of  his 
love  of  Biancofiore, — 

"  Aprendre  1'en-maine  Sebile 
0  les  puceles  de  la  vile, 
Savoir  se  il  1'oublieroit 
Et  en  1'escole  autre  ameroit  "  : 1 

"  Des  qu'ele  1'ocoison  sara, 
S'ele  puet,  oblier  li  fera 
La  cresti'ene  Blanceflor, 
Par  le  confort  d'une  autre  amor."  '2 

Such  warning  and  protestation  as  that  of  Biancofiore  and  Florio 
respectively  is  also  clearly  implied  in  Konrad  Fleck's  poem,  where, 
after  Blanscheflur's  despairing  and  reproachful  words  at  the  parting, 
Flore  responds, — 

"  '  E  wurd  ich  in  unsinne, 
e  daz  ich  iuch  vermite. 
Er  mohte  lazen  den  site, 
wil  er  daz  ich  iuch  laze. 
so  pflaege  ouch  ich  der  maze 
als  valsche  minnaere. 
wie  unfriuntlich  daz  waere ! 
und  ob  ich  wiirde  versant 
in  daz  zweinzigeste  lant, 
vergaeze  ich  iuwers  libes 
durch  minne  eins  andern  wibes, 
durch  daz  ich  iwer  nien  saehe, 
und  ob  mir  daz  geschaehe, 
des  wolt  ich  iemer  triiric  sin.' "  3 

From  the  facts  now  before  us  I  conclude  that  in  composing  the 
part  of  Filostrato  that  recounts  the  parting  of  the  lovers,  Boccaccio 
adapted  numerous  particulars  from  his  own  previous  account  of 
a  similar  parting  in  Filocolo,  most  of  which  particulars  have  no 
possible  basis  in  the  immediate  sources  of  Filostrato,  but  are  clearly 
derivable  through  Filocolo  from  the  sources  of  Filocolo. 

Let  us  now  consider  the  similarities  between  Filocolo  and 
Filostrato  in  the  occurrences  after  the  parting  of  the  lovers. 
Boccaccio's  extended  account  of  Troilo's  condition  after  Griseida's 
departure 4  and  of  Pandaro's  relation  to  him  at  this  time  has  no 

1  Floire  et  Blanceflor,  p.  16,  11.  363-366.  2  Id.,  p.  14,  11.  319-322. 

3  Flore  und  Blanschcfiur,  11.   1284-1297.      Cf.  Crescini,   Contribute,  etc., 
]».  203,  note  4. 

4  See  Filostrato,  v,  15-28. 


84        TEOILO'S    COMPLAINT   AFTER   GRISEIDA   HAS   LEFT   HIM.        [CH.  II 

parallel  in  the  Roman  de  Troie1  or  in  the  Historia  Troiana.2 
In  Filostrato  we  are  told  that  Troilo  spends  a  long  time  alone 
in  his  room,  mourning  and  cursing,  calling  up  images  of  his  past 
happiness  with  Griseida  and  expressing  fears  as  to  her  constancy. 
When  Pandaro  comes,  Troilo  continues  his  complaint  to  him.  .  In 
like  manner  Florio  mourns  at  Montorio,  curses  his  fate,  calls  up 
images  of  his  past  happiness,  worries  as  to  his  lady's  fidelity,  and 
shares  his  grief  with  Duke  Feramonte  and  Ascalione.3  In  addition 
to  these  general  resemblances,  certain  similarities  in  thought  and 
phrase  may  be  pointed  out. 

Filostrato  Filocolo 

1 

El  bestcmmiava  il  giorno  che  fa  nato,  Maladetta  sia  quella  delta  che  si  m 

E  gli  dei  e  le  dee  e  la  natura,  ha  folio  vile.5 

E  V  padre.4  Ma  di  questo  non  n'  ha  colpa  se  non 

1'  empia  iniquita  del  mio  padre,  il 
quale  gV  Iddii  consumino.6 

2 

Egli  se  stesso  ancor  maladicea,  Maladetto  sia  quel  giorno  che  io  da 

Che  si  Vaveva  lasciata  partire."1  te  mipartii.8 


.  .  .  vogliendo  rispetto  Egli     immaginava     alcuna     volta 

Avere  alia  passata,  s'  io  comprendo  avere   Biancofiore   nelle  sue  braccia, 

Qual'  ora  e  ;  tal  fiata  il  bianco  petto,  e  porgerle  amorosi  baci,  e  altrettanti 

La  bocca,  e  gli  occhi,  e  '1  bel  viso  riceverne  da  lei  e  parlare  con    essa 

baciava  amorose  parole.10 

Delia  mia  donna,  e  spesso  1'abbrac-  ...  mi    ricordo  che  in   si    fatto 

ciava  ;  giorno  piu  volte  t'  ho  gia  abbracciata, 

Ella  baciava  me  .  .  .9  porgendoti  puerili  e  onesti  baci.11 


Chi  ti  ved'ora,  dolce  anima  bella  '<  0  anima  mia,  dolce  Biancofiore,  che 

Chi  siede  teco,  cor  del  corpo  mio  ?  fai  tu  ora  ?     Ricorditi  tu  di  me,  sic- 

Chi  t'  ascolta  ora,  chi  teco  favella  ?  come  io  fo  di  te  ?     Io  dubito  molto 

che  altro  piacere  non  ti  pigli  per  la 
Di'  che  fa'  tu  ?  or  etti  punto  nella  mia  assenza.13 

Mente  di  me,  o  messo  m'  hai  in  oblio  ?12 


1  Benoit  says  merely  (It.  de  T.,  13527-8), 

' '  En  lui  ne  ra  joie  ne  ris  : 
Mout  s'en  torne  trisz  e  pensis. " 

2  Guido  tells  us  nothing  concerning  Troilus'  condition  at  this  time.     Cf. 
Historia,  sig.  i  2  recto,  col.  2 — verso,  col.  1. 

3  Filocolo,  I,  121-124,  146-159,  211-225.  4  Filostrato,  v,  17,  5-7. 
,  5  Filocolo,  1,  147.  6  Id.,  I,  123. 

7  Filostrato,  v,  18,  1-2.       8  Filocolo,  I,  147.     9  Filostrato,  v,  19,  4—20,  1. 

10  Filocolo,  I,  223.  n  Id.,  I,  146.  12  Filostrato^  v,  25,  1-6. 

13  Filocolo,  I,  146.  Florio's  expressions  in  this  part  of  Filocolo  must  have 
had  some  basis  in  the  sources  of  Filocolo.  Cf.  II  Cantare  di  Fiorio  e  Bianci- 
jiore,  xxv,  7-8, — 


CH.  Il]       RELIEF-ENTERTAINMENTS  FOR  FLORIO,  DUE  TO  FLOIRE.  85 

One  of  Pandaro's  first  expedients  for  alleviating  Troilo's  grief 
over  Griseida's  departure  is  his  proposal  of  a  visit  to  the  gay  house 
hold  of  Sarpedon.1  The  splendid  entertainments  provided  there 
and  their  effect  upon  Troilo  are  precisely  paralleled  in  Florio's 
experience  at  the  gay  house  of  Duke  Feramonte,  where  he  has 
been  sent  in  the  hope  that  he  may  forget  Biancofiore.2  Sarpedon's 
mode  of  entertaining  is  shown  in  the  following  lines : 

"//  quale  \i.  e.,  Sarpedon]  come  il  seppe,  incontro  fassi 
A  Troilo  lieto,  e  molto  gli  fu  caro. 
Li  quali,  avvegna  che  de'  fosser  lassi 
Del  molto  sospirar,  pur  lietamente 
Festa  fer  grande  col  baron  possente. 

Costui,  siccome  quel  che  d'  alto  cuore 

Era  piii  ch'  altro  in  ciascheduna  cosa, 

Fece  a  ciascun  maraviglioso  onore 

Or  con  cacce  or  con  festa  grazi'osa 

Di  belle  donne  e  di  molto  valore, 

Con  canti  e  suoni,  e  sempre  con  pomposa 

Grandezza  di  conviti  tanti  e  tali, 

Che  'n  Troia  mai  non  s'  eran  fatti  eguali." 3 

The  hunting,  music,  beautiful  women  and  magnificent  feasts  of 
Sarpedon  seem  to  be  echoes  of  the  entertainments  provided  by 
Duke  Feramonte  to  distract  the  mind  of  Florio.  The  nature  of 
the  gaieties,  of  Montorio  is  shown  in  the  following : 

"  //  duca  Feramonte,  che  la  sua  venuta  avea  saputa,  contento 
molto  di  quella,  con  molti  nobili  uomini  della  terra,  s'  apparecchio 
di  riceverlo  onorevolmente  .  .  .  accompagnati  da  molti  stromenti 
e  varii,  e  coronati  tutti  di  diverse  frondi  bagordando,  e  colla 
festa  grande  gli  vennero  incontro,  facendo  risonare  Vaere  di  molti 
suoni.  .  .  .  Ogni  uomo  di  qualcunque  eta  facea  festa,  e  simile  le 

' '  Ma  Fiorio  pure  indrieto  si  mirava 

per  Biancifior  che  cotanto  1'  amava  "  ; 
Id.,  Ivii,  5-8,— 

"  E  Fiorio  dice  :  io  mi  vorei  posare, 

di  ber  ne  di  mangiar  non  metto  cura  : 
per  Biancifiore  vivo  in  gran  paura  "  ; 

Floire  et  Blanceflor,  p.  16,  11.  360-362,— 

"  Mais  ne  li  chaut  de  riens  qu'il  oie  : 
For  Blanceflor  qu'il  n'a,  s'amie, 
En  non-chaloir  a  mis  sa  vie." 

1  See  Filostrato,  v,  38-50.  2  See  Filocolo,  I,  119-125,  211-215. 

3  Filostrato,  v,  40,  4—41,  8. 


86      TROILO'S  INDIFFERENCE  TO  FESTIVITIES  IS  LIKE  FLORIDA.      [CH.  II 

donne  cantando  versi  d'  amore  e  di  gioia.  .  .  .  Adunque  la  sua  f  esta 
era  senza  comparazione  in  Montorio.  .  .  .  Altre  volte  con  cani 
e  con  forte  arco  nelle  oscure  selve  caccia  i  paurosi  cervi,  e  nelle 
aperte  pianure  i  volanti  nccelli  gli  fanno  vedere  dilettevoli  cacce." 1 

But  Troilo,  we  are  told,  takes  no  interest  in  the  entertainments 
provided  for  him, — 

"  Ma  che  giovavan  queste  cose  al  pio 
Troilo  che  '1  core  ad  esse  non  avea  1 
Egli  era  la  dove  spesso  il  disio 
Formato  nel  pensier  suo  nel  traea, 
E  Griseida  come  suo  iddio 
Con  gli  occhi  della  mente  ognor  vedea. 

Ogni  altra  donna  a  veder  gli  era  grave, 
Quantunque  fosse  valorosa  e  bella ; 
Ogni  sollazzo  ogni  canto  soave 
!N"oioso  gli  era  non  vedendo  quella, 
Nelle  cui  mani  amor  posto  la  chiave 
Avea  della  sua  vita  tapinella. 

Nessuna  ora  del  giorno  trapassava 
Che  non  la  nominasse  mille  fiate  ; 
Sempre  il  suo  nome  in  la  bocca  li  stava, 
E  '1  suo  bel  viso  e  le  parole  ornate 
Nel  cuore  e  nella  mente  figurava."  2 

-In  a  similar  state  is  Florio  in  the  midst  of  the  gay  life  of  Montorio, — 

"  Florio  simigliantemente  a  niuna  cosa  stando  a  Montorio  aveva 
tanto  1'  intendimento  fisso  quanto  alia  sua  Biancofiore,  n&  era  da  lei 
una  volta  ricordato  che  egli  non  ricordasse  lei  infinite,"  3 

"  Andavano  prendendo  diletto,  mostrando  a  Florio  alcuna  volta 
queste  cose,  le  quali  molta  piu  noia  gli  davano  che  diletto  :  perocche 
egli  alcuna  volta  immaginando  andava  d'  essere  stretto  dalle  dilicate 
braccia  di  Biancofiore  .  .  .  le  quali  immaginazioni  sovente  col 
mostrarli  le  cacce  gli  erano  rotte  .  .  .  n&  niuno  ragionamento  era 
mai  se  non  d'  amore. o  della  bellezza  della  sua  Biancofiore,  la  quale 
sopra  tutte  le  cose  disiava  di  vedere."  4 

Boccaccio's  account  of  these  attempts  to  divert  Florio  and  of 
Florio's  indifference  is  firmly  based  upon  the  sources  of  Filocolo,  as 
we  find  when  we  read  II  Cantare  di  Fiorio  e  Biancifiore.  Accord 
ing  to  this  poem,  when  Fiorio  sets  out  on  his  exile,  the  diversions 
begin, — 

1  Filocolo,  I,  119-120,  211-212.    2  Filostrato,  v,  42,  1-6  ;  43, 1-6  ;  45, 1-5. 
3  Filocolo,  I,  121.  4  Id.,  I,  119,  121. 


€H.  Il]      TROILO'S  INDIFFERENCE  TO  FESTIVITIES  IS  LIKE  FLORIO'S.       87 

.    "  e  seco  van  dongelli  e  cavalieri ; 
da  bella  gente  ell'  era  aconpagniato, 
astori  e  brachi  e  falconi  e  livrieri, 
per  confortallo  e  ch'  andasse  alegrato."  l 

But  Fiorio  thinks  only  of  his  innamorata, — 

"  ma  Fiorio  pure  indietro  si  mirava 
per  Biancifior  che  cotanto  1'amava."  2 

When  the  young  prince  approaches  Montorio,  he  is  royally  received 
by  the  duke, — 

"  Un  mesagiere  al  duca  fu  mandate, 
che  gli  venisse  incontro  a  fare  onore ; 
e'  1  duca  imantenente  fu  montato 
a  palafreno  anbiante  e  coridore. 
da  molta  gente  ell'  era  aconpagniato  : 
conti  e  baroni  v'  andar  per  suo  amore, 
asti  e  bandiere  e  bigordi  ispeciando, 
in  verso  Fiorio  con  tronbe  sonando."  3 

Even  the  duke's  elaborate  festivities  make  no  impression  upon 
Fiorio, — 

"  E  non  vale  ne  giuoco  ne  sollaccio 
che  Fiorio  si  potese  alegrare."4 

After  leaving  the  gay  Sarpedon,  Troilo  suggests  that  he  and 
Pandaro  seek  comfort  in  merely  going  to  look  upon  the  house 
where  Griseida  has  lived.5  Eluding  their  companions,  they  reach 
the  house,  where  Troilo  is  depressed  anew  by  the  closed  doors  and 
the  darkness, — 

"  E'  gli  parve  che  il  cor  gli  si  schiantassc 
Poi  veduta  ebbe  la  porta  serrata 
Ele  finestre."6 

Similarly  one  night  during  his  stay  at  the  house  of  Duke  Fera- 
monte,  Fiorio  slips  away  and  finds  solace  in  merely  seeing  the 
closed  house  where  Biancofiore  is  confined, — 

" .  .  .la  notte  non  dormiva,  ma  furtivamente  e  solo  se  n'andava 
infino  alle  porti  del  palagio  del  suo  padre  .  .  .  e  quivi  giunto,  si 

1  II  Cantare,  xxv,  3-6.  2  Id.,  xxv,  7-8. 

3  Id.,  xxvi,  1-8.     Of.  Floire  et  Blancefior,  p.  16,  11.  335-359. 

4  £1  Cantare,  xxvii,  1-2.     Cf.    Floire  et  Blanceflor,  p.   16,   11.   360-362. 
Antona-Traversi  (II  Propugnatore,  XVI,  Parte  IIa,  pp.  273-4)  in  assigning 
autobiographical  significance  to  Troilo's  indifference  to  the  festivities  about 
him,  overlooks,  among  other  things,  the  similar  account  in  Filocolo  aud  in 
the  sources  of  Filocolo. 

5  See  Filoslrato,  v,  50-53.  6  Id.,  v,  52,  1-3. 


88       TROILO'S   VISITS   TO    GRISEIDA'S   HAUNTS    LIKE   FILOCOLO.       [CH.  II 

poneva  a  sedere  e  con  sospiri  e  con  pianto  piu  volte  le  baciava, 
dicendo :  o  ingrate  porti,  perch&  mi  tenete  voi  che  io  non  possa 
appressarmi  al  mio  disio,  il  quale  dentro  da  voi  serrato  tenete  1 " 1 

After  seeing  Griseida's  house,  Troilo  finds  morbid  pleasure  in 
visiting  the  places  in  Troy  with  which  the  maiden  is  in  any  way 
associated, — 

"  Quindi  sen  gi  per  Troia  cavalcando, 
E  ciascun  luogo  gliel  tornava  a  mente ; 
De'  quai  con  seco  giva  ragionando ; 
Quivi  rider  la  vidi  lietamente ; 
Quivi  la  vidi  verso  me  guardando ; 
Quivi  mi  salutb  benignamente ; 
Quivi  far  festa  e  quivi  star  pensosa, 
Quivi  la  vidi  a'  miei  sospir  pietosa. 

Cola  istava,  quand'  ella  mi  prese 
Con  gli  occhi  belli  e  vaghi  con  amoro ; 
Colk  istava,  quando  ella  m'accese 
Con  un  sospir  di  maggior  fuoco  il  core ; 
Cola  istava,  quando  condiscese 
Al  mio  piacere  il  donnesco  valore ; 
x  Cola  la  vidi  altiera,  e  la  umile 
Mi  si  mostro  la  inia  donna  gentile."2 

This  passage  may  easily  be  regarded  as  a  "development  of  suggestions 
already  present  in  Filocolo.  In  a  letter  to  Biancofiore,  Florio  writes, 

"  Tu  rimanesti  nelle  nostre  case  visitando  i  luoglii  dove  piu  fiate 
stati  eravamo  insieme,  e  in  quelli  con  si  fatta  ricordanza  prendevi 
alcun  diletto  immaginando,"  3 — 

words  that  are  well  in  accord  with  what  we  have  previously  been 
told  of  Biancofiore's  conduct, — 

"...  ella  partendosi,  andava  in  tutti  quegli  luoghi  della  casa  dov* 
ella  si  ricordava  d'avere  gia  veduto  Florio."4 

We  cannot  tell  to  what  extent  Boccaccio  may  have  followed 
suggestions  in  his  sources  in  his  account  of  Florio's  secret  visit  to 
the  abode  of  Biancofiore  and  of  the  heroine's  lingering  at  the  spots 
that  were  dear  to  her  and  Florio.  The  sources  of  Filocolo  must 
have  contained  suggestions  of  Florio's  leaving  Montorio  to  visit 
Marmorina,  for  in  French  Version  II  we  read, 

"  Quant  il  ne  voit  venir  s'amie, 
Sachoiz  segurs  ne  fu  il  mie ; 

1  Filocolo,  I,  124.  2  Filostrato,  v,  54,  1-55,  8. 

3  Filocolo,  I,  263.  .         4  Id.,  I,  120. 


TROILO'S   LOOKING   TOWARDS    THE    GREEK    CAMP    LIKE    FILOCOLO.       89 

Vient  a  son  maistre,  prant  congie, 
Puis  est  el  palefroi  puie. 
Puiant  en-vient  vers  la  cite." l 

The  other  details  of  Filocolo  to  which  we  have  just  referred  we 
may  attribute  to  Boccaccio's  own  elaboration.2  In  any  case  there 
is  nothing  to  contradict  the  stylistic  indication  that  these  parts  of 
Filocolo  were  written  before  the  parallel  passages  in  Filostrato. 

Boccaccio  tells  us  that  Troilo  sometimes  mounts  the  gate  whence  "1 
Griseida  issued,  that  he  looks  longingly  out  toward  the  Greek  ' 
camp  where  she  is  detained,  and  that  as  he  looks,  he  imagines  that  \ 
the  breezes  blowing  against  his  face  are  sighs  sent  from  Griseida, — 

"  El  se  ne  gia  talvolta  in  sulla  porta 
Per  la  qual'  era  la  sua  donna  uscita : 

Quindi  n'andasti,  cor  del  corpo  mio ; 
Quando  sara  che  tu  quindi  ritorni, 
Caro  mio  bene  e  dolce  mio  disio  ? 

El  riguardava  li  Greci  attendati 

Davanti  a  Troia,  e  come  gia  turbarsi 

Yedendoli  solea,  cosi  mirati 

Con  diletto  eran ;  e  do  che  soffiarsi 

Sentia  nel  v'iso,  si  come  mandati 

Sospiri  di  Griseida  solea  darsi 

A  creder  fosser,  dicendo  sovente  : 

O  qua  o  quivi  e  mia  donna  piacente."  3 

This  passage  appears  to  be  a  direct  adaptation  of  the  account  in 
Filocolo  of  a  similar  experience  of  Biancofiore,  left  behind  in 
Marmorina, — 

"  Biancofiore  cosi  rimasa,  alquanto  da  Glorizia  riconfortata,  ogni 
giorno  andava  molte  fiate  sopra  1'alta  casa,  in  parte  ov'  ella  vedeva 
Montorio  apertamente,  e  a  quello  riguardando,  dopo  molti  sospiri 
aveva  alcun  diletto,  immaginando  e  dicendo  fra  se  medesima :  la  e 
il  mio  disio  e  il  mio  bene.  E  talvolta  avvenia,  che  stando  ella  sentia 
alcuno  soave  e  piccolo  venticello  venire  da  quella  parte,  e  ferivala 
per  mezzo  dellafronte,  il  quale  ella  con  aperte  braccia  riceveva  nel 

1  Moire  et  Blanmflnr,  pp.  H2-3,  11.  615-619. 

2  Antona-Traversi  (II  Propugnatore,  XVI,  Parte  IIa,  pp.  268-9,  406)  attaches 
autobiographical  significance  to  the  account  of  Troilo 's  visiting  the  house  of 
Griseida  and  other  places  in  Troy  with  which  they  both  had  associations. 
Antona-Traversi's  ground  for  such  an  interpretation  is  the  general  resemblance 
of  these  passages  to  passages  in  the  later  Fiammetta.   One  cannot  tell  whether 
or  not  this  scholar  would  have  altered  his  interpretation  had  he  noted  the 
similar  passages  in  the  earlier  Filocolo. 

3  Filostrato,  v,  58,  1-2  ;  59,  1-3  ;  70,  1-8. 


90          GBISEIDA'S  LOOKING  TOWARDS  TROY  LIKE  FILOCOLO.     [OH.  n 

suo  petto,  dicendo :  questo  ventieello  toceo  il  mio  Florio  come  egli 
fa  or  a  me  avanti  che  egli  giungesse  qui" l 

From  the  Greek  camp  Griseida  looks  back  upon  the  walls  and 
towers  of  Troy,  longing  for  Troilo,— 

"  Ella  mirava  le  mum  di  Troia, 
E'  palagi,  le  torri  e  le  fortezze, 
E  dicea  seco  :  oime,  quanta  gioia, 
Quanto  piacere  e  quanto  di  dolcezze 
N'ebb'  io  gia  dentro  !  ed  ora  in  trista  noia 
Consume  qui  le  mie  care  bellezze  : 
Oime,  Troilo  mio,  che  fa'  tu  ora, 
Kicordati  di  me  niente  ancora  1 "  2 

In  like  manner  Florio  looks  back  upon  the  towers  and  buildings  of 
Marmorina, — 

"  Siccom'  io  similmente  stetti  sempre  con  gli  ocelli  all'  alta  torre, 
ove  te  immaginava  essere  salita,  per  veder  te."  3 

"Cosi  egli  \i.e.9  Florio]  riguardava  sovente  Marmorina  .  .  .  andava 
[i.  e.,  Florio]  il  giorno  senza  alcuno  riposo  cercando  gli  alti  luogM 
da'  quali  egli  polesse  meglio  vedere  la  sua  po.ternale  casa,  ove  egli 
sapeva  che  Biancofiore  dimorava" 4 

In  his  despair,  we  find  Troilo  asking  news  concerning  Griseida 
from  every  one  who  comes  to  Troy, — 

"  .  .  .  e  tutti  riguardato 
Avea  color  che  di  ver  la  riviera 
Venieno  a  Troia,  ed  alcun  domandato 
Per  nuove  circostanze,  e  non  avea 
Nulla  raccolta  di  cib  che  chiedea."  5 

Similarly,  Biancofiore  questions  all  who  come  to  Marmorina  from 
Montorio, — 

"  E  niuna  persona  veniva  da  Montorio,  che  ella  o  tacitamente  o  in 
palese  non  dimandasse  del  suo  Florio."  6 

From  the  extant  documents  representing  the  sources  of  Filocolo 
we  cannot  tell  whether  or  not  the  last  three  passages  of  Filocolo  to 
which  we  have  referred  are  Boccaccio's  own  elaboration  of  the 
story.  Whether  or  not  they  have  a  literary  source,  there  is  no 
reason  for  doubting  that  they  were  composed  before  the  parallel 
passages  of  Filostrato. 

1  Filocolo,  I,  120.  2  Fnostrato,  vi,  4,  1-8. 

8  Filocolo,  I,  2rt3.  .     4  Id^  i?  12i}  j-24. 

&  Filostrato,  vii,  6,  4-3.  6  fnocoi0i  ^  120. 


CH.  Il]  CALCHAS    BLAMED    FOE    KEEPING    GRISEIDA.  91 

Troilo  imputes  to  Griseida's  father  the  blame  for  her  long 
detention  in  the  Greek  camp, — 

"  Parmi,  se  '1  tuo  consiglio  ho  bene  a  mente, 
Che  potuto  abbiano  in  te  le  paterne 
Lusinghe  .  .  . 

...  o  quel  che  rado  ci  si  scerne 
Yecchio  divenir  largo,  che  '1  tegnente 
Calcas  cortese  sia,  dove  1'  interne 
Tue  intenzion  mi  mostraro  il  contrario 
Nell'  ultimo  tuo  pianto  e  mio  amaro."  1 

In  the  same  way,  Florio  complains  of  King  Felice's  restraining 
Biancofiore, — 

"  Ma  di  questo  non  n'  ha  colpa  se  non  1'empia  iniquita  del  mio 
padre  .  .  .  Egli  m'  impromise  piu  volte  di  mandarmi  qua  Bianco 
fiore  brevemente,  e  mai  mandate  non  me  1'ha.  Oime  che  ora 
conosco  il  manifesto  suo  inganno,  e  truovo  che  vere  sono  le  parole 
che  Biancofiore  mi  disse,  dicendo  che  mai  non  ce  la  manderebbe."  2 

That  this  detail  in  Filocolo  was  suggested  to  Boccaccio  by  the 
sources  of  that  work,  seems  probable  from  what  we  read  in  French 
Version  II, — 

"  Quant  il  (i.e.,  Floire)  ne  voit  venir  s'arnie, 
Sachoiz  segurs  ne  fu  il  mie ; 

Grant  felonie  fait  li  rois."3 

Since  Troilo's  sufferings  steadily  increase,  Deiphobus  and  the 
other  brothers  arrange  for  ladies  to  come  and  soothe  the  bereft 
lover  with  their  songs  and  their  affection, — 

"  Deifebo  a'  fratei  sen  venne  ratto, 
Ed  ebbe  a  lor  tutto  contato  il  fatto. 

II  che  essi  credetter  prestamente, 
Per  atti  gia  veduti ;  e  per  non  farlo 
Tristo  di  cib,  di  non  dime  niente 
Fra  lor  diliberaro,  e  d'  aiutarlo ; 
Perche  alle  donne  loro  incontanente 
Fer  dir  ch'  ognuna  andasse  a  visitarlo, 
E  con  suoni  e  cantori  a  fargli  festa, 
Si  ch'  obliasse  la  vita  molesta. 

1  Filostrato,  vii,  56,  1-8.  2  Filocolo,  I,  123. 

3  Floire  et  Slancefior,  p.  142-143,  11.  615-616,  637.  On  account  of  its 
similarity  to  a  passage  in  Fiammetta,  Antona-Traversi  (II  Propugnatore,  XVI, 
Parte  IIa,  pp.  277-279)  seems  to  attach  autobiographical  significance  to  the 
part  of  Filostrato  recounting  Troilo's  condemnation  of  Calcas.  Antona- 
Traversi  does  not  note  the  parallel  in  Filocolo  and  in  the  probable  source  of 
Filocolo. 


92        ATTEMPTS  TO  WILE  TROILO  FROM  GRISEIDA  ARE  FROM  FILOCOLO. 

In  poca  d'ora  la  camera  plena 

Di  donne  fu,  e  di  suoni  e  di  canti. 

Ciascima  a  suo  potere  11  confortava, 
E  tale  11  domandava  clie  sentia."  l 

This  plan  is,  perhaps,  in  accord  with  Pandaro's  previous  suggestion,— 

"  Ed  oltre  a  cib,  questa  citta  si  vede 
Plena  di  belle  donne  e  graziose, 
E  se  '1  ben  ch'  io  ti  vo'  merita  fede, 
Nulla  ce  n'e,  quai  vuoi  le  piu  vezzose, 
Che  a  grado  noil  le  sia  aver  mercede 
Di  te,  se  tu  per  lei  in  amorose 
Pene  entrerai  .  .  . 

E  come  io  udii  gia  sovente  dire, 
II  nuovo  amor  sempre  caccia  1'antico ; 
Nuovo  piacere  il  presente  martire 
Torra  da  te  .  .  ."  2 

To  the  kind  offices  of  the  ladies,  however,  Troilo  pays  no  attention, 
for  his  mind  ever  reverts  to  Griseida, — • 

"  Esso  non  rispondea,  ma  riguardava 
Or  1'una  or  1'altra,  e  nella  mente  pia 
Di  Griseida  sua  si  ricordava, 
N"&  piu  che  con  sospir  cio  discopria ; 
E  pur  sentiva  alquanto  di  dolcezza 
E  per  li  suoni  e  per  la  lor  bellezza."  3 

This  account  of  the  attempts  of  Pandaro,  Deiphobus,  and  the 
others  to  lure  Troilo  from  thoughts  of  Griseida  is  probably  an 
adaptation  of  the  accounts  in  Filocolo  of  the  similar  vain  attempts 
of  Duke  Feramonte  and  Ascalione  to  console  Florio.  The  way  in 
which  Florio  is  received  at  Montorio  by  ladies  singing  I  have 
already  illustrated.4  The  plan  of  Deiphobus  is,  perhaps,  more 
definitely  paralleled  in  Filocolo  by  the  arrangement  that  the 
guardians  of  Florio  make  to  send  two  beautiful  young  women  to 
tempt  him  with  song  and  carnal  pleasure.5  The  purpose  of  this 
latter  plan  is  shown  in  Ascalione's  words  to  the  Duke, — • 

"  Florio  mai  con  Biancofiore  carnal  diletto  non  ebbe ;  se  noi  potes- 
simo  fare  che  con  alcun'  altra  bella  giovane  1'avesse,  leggier!  sarebbe 
dimenticar  quello  ch'  egli  non  ha,  per  quello  che  possedesse."  6 

1  Filostrato,  vii,  82,  7-84,  2  ;  85,  1-2.  2  Id.,  iv,  48,  1-49,  4. 

3  Id.,  vii,  85,  3-8.  4  See  above,  pp.  85-86. 

5  Filocolo,  I,  226-238.  On  this  device  see  A.  Dobelli,  II  Culto  del  Boc 
caccio  per  Dante,  Venezia-Firenze,  1897,  pp.  25-26.  6  Filocolo,  1,  226. 


ATTEMPTS  TO  WILE  TROILO  FROM  GRISEIDA  ARE  FROM  FILOCOLO.       93 

The  Duke  devises  that  the  damsels,  Edea  and  Calmena,  shall 
meet  Florio  in  the  garden, — "  facendogli  qnella  festa  e  mettendolo 
in  quelli  ragionamenti  che  piu  credete  che  piac^vole  gli  sia." 1 
When  Florio  enters  the  garden  where  the  young  women  await  him,  . 
"  incominciarono  a  cantare  un'  amorosa  cazonetta,  con  voci  tanto 
dolci  e  chiare,  che  piu  tosto  d'angeli  che  d'umane  creature  parevano."2 
After  he  has  somewhat  given  way  to  the  charms  of  the  maidens, 
Florio  suddenly  thinks  of  Biancofiore,  and  resists  all  further 
advances,  saying, 

"  Pregovi  che  me,  che  piu  di  sospirare  che  di  parlare  con  voi  ora 
mi  diletto,  qui  solo  lasciate,  e  andatevene,  perch6  cib  che  mi  dite  e 
tutto  perduto."  3 

The  account  of  this  attempt  to  seduce  Florio  is  probably  based 
entirely  upon  the  sources  of  Filocolo,  for  in  II  Cantare  di  Florio  e 
Biancifiore  we  read  of  a  precisely  similar  device, — 

"E  '1  duca  due  putyelle  fe'  trovare, 
che  eran  piu  belle  che  pesco  fiorito ; 
ciascuna  era  gentil  da  maritare 
e  '1  duca  diede  lor  questo  partito : 
la  qual  di  voi  lo  fara  alegrare, 
io  li  daragio  Fiorio  per  marito. 
ciascuna  dicie  :  io  li  darb  conforto ; 
farol  risusitar  se  fosse  morto."  4 

The  damsels  tempt  Florio  to  their  utmost, — 

"  Ciascuna  li  mostrava  '1  suo  bel  petto, 
bianco  e  prezioso,  elle  mamelle, 
e  dicean  Fiorio  :  or  ne  prendi  diletto 
de  noi  che  siam  si  fresche  damiselle."  5 

But  Florio  does  not  waver, — 

"  Fiorio  non  avea  cura  di  lor  detto  : 
ambe  le  man  si  tenea  a  le  maselle ; 
e  in  altra  parte  se  n'andb  a  sedere, 
ch&  non  le  voile  intender  n6  vedere."  6 

"We  have  now  observed  a  considerable  number  of  details  in  the 
part  of  Filostrato  recounting  the  experiences  of  the  lovers  after 
their  separation  which  closely  resemble  details  in  parallel  parts  of 
Filocolo.  For  most  of  these  details  there  is  not  the  slightest  hint 

1  Filocolo,  I,  229.  2  Id.,  I,  230. 

3  Id.,  I,  237.  4  11  Cantare,  Iviii,  1-8. 

5  Id.,  Ix,  1-4.  6/d.,lx,  5-8. 


94  BENOIT'S  ACCOUNT  OF  TROILUS'S  JEALOUSY.  [CH.  n 

in  the  recognized  sources  of  Fitostrato,  whereas  most  of  them  can 
be  traced  in  whole  or  in  part  to  the  sources  of  Filocolo.  There  is 
no  evidence  to  contradict  the  obvious  probability  that  the  parts  of 
Filocolo  under  discussion  were  written  before  the  parallel  parts  of 
Filostrato.  I  conclude,  therefore,  that  the  passages  from  Filostrato 
now  before  us  show  the  influence  of  the  story  of  Florio  and 
Biancofiore  as  Boccaccio  had  previously  undertaken  it  in  Filocolo. 
Let  us  now  direct  our  attention  especially  to  the  most  important 
of  the  occurrences  during  the  period  of  the  separation  of  the  lovers,. 
- — the  occurrence  that  leads  to  the  catastrophe. 

For  the  incipient  jealousy  of  Troilo,  for  the  gradual  but  steady 
progress  of  that  jealousy,  and  for  the  final  despair  of  the  young 
lover  after  he  sees  the  "  ornato  vestimento," — all  of  which  stages 
are  skilfully  and  fully  treated  in  Filostrato, — for  all  this,  Benoit 
offers  only  a  few  vivid  hints.1  According  to  the  French  poem, 
when  Diomedes  and  Troilus  meet  in  combat  for  the  first  time  after 
Briseida's  departure  from  Troy,  there  is  a  clear  indication  that  their 
mutual  enmity  has  its  chief  cause  in  Briseida,  for  we  read, 

"  Diomedes  est  alez  joindre 
0  Troilus  por  la  danzele." 2 

It  is  to  be  noted,  however,  that  this  development  is  poorly  moti- 
[/  vated,  for  we  have  had  no  hint  that  Troilus  knows  of  Diomedes' 
courting  of  Briseida.  From  the  previous  account  Troilus  could 
know  only  that  Diomedes  was  one  of  the  Greek  escort  sent  to 
conduct  Briseida  to  the  Greek  camp.3  Benoit  first  gives  us 
a  definite  hint  of  Briseida's  infidelity  to  Troilus  in  his  lines 
concerning  her  token  to  Diomedes, — 

"La  desire  manche  de  son  braz 
Bone  et  fresche  de  deletion 
Li  done  en  leu  de  gonfanon"  4 

Whenever  he  shall  next  meet  Diomedes,  Troilus  may  infer  from 
this  token  the  infidelity  of  his  "  amie," 

"  Desor  puet  saveir  Troylus 
Que  ja  mar  s'i  atendra  plus  : 
Devers  li  est  1'amors  cassee, 
Qui  molt  fu  puis  conparee."5 

1  Guide's  narrative  at  these  points  is  too  meagre  to  deserve  consideration 
here.     Cf.  Historia,  sig.  i  4  recto,  col.  1  ;  i  5  verso,  col    1 

2  B.  de  T.,  14286-7.  3  Id    135i,7_13522 
*  Id.  (Joly),  15102-15104.  •  /A    15109-15112! 


CH.  n]  BENOIT'S  ACCOUNT  OP  TROILUS'S  JEALOUSY.  95 

When  the  young  warriors  meet  again  in  single  combat  Diomedes 
carries  "la  manche  de  ciclaton"  on  the  lance  with  which  he 
wounds  Troilus,  but  no  mention  is  made  of  Troilus's  having  paid 
particular  attention  to  the  token,  and  we  know  only  by  inference 
that  the  combatants  are  animated  by  jealousy, 

"  Le  cheval  point  vers  Troylus  : 
Tote  la  lance  d'ebenus, 
Ou  la  manche  ert  de  deletion, 
Passa  par  1'escu  a  lion."  * 

Troilus's  jealousy  of  Diomedes  is  prominent  in  their  next  combat, 
when  Troilus  wounds  the  Greek  lover  and  upbraids  him.  severely, — 

"  Ala  ferir  Diomedes 
D'une  lance  grosse  et  poignal 
Si  que  1'enseigne  de  cendal 
Li  remest  parmi  les  eostez, 
Por  mort  en  fu  la  nuit  portez, 
Et  si  li  dist  en  reprovier  : 
*  Or  sejornez  o  la  moillier, 
Avec  la  fille  au  viel  Calcas 
Qui  ne  vos  het,  90  dient  pas. 
Por  soe  amor  vos  manaiasse, 
Se  plus  par  tens  m'en  apensasse. 
E  ne  porquant  sa  corte  fei, 
Sa  tricherie,  et  sis  boufei, 
Et  90  qu'  ele  a  vers  moi  boisiez, 
Yos  a  tot  90  appareilliez. 
Sis  pechie  vos  a  enconbre, 
Et  90  que  m'a  d'amor  false. 
Par  vos  li  mant :  or  somes  dui, 
Savez  estes  la  oft  gie  fui. 
Molt  i  aura  des  acoilliz, 
Ainz  que  li  sieges  seit  failliz ; 
Molt  avez  a  eschalgueitier, 
Se  si  1'avez  sanz  pare.onier. 
~N&  s'est  pas  onquore  arestee, 
Des  que  li  mestier  li  agree. 
Car  s'il  avient  qu'un  poi  li  plese, 
Li  ostelain  i  auront  aise. 
Ce  sera  sens,  s'el  se  porpense 
Dont  ele  traie  la  despense.' "  2 

Troilus's  last  reference  to  his  unhappy  love  affair  occurs  in  connec 
tion  with  his  triumphant  return  to  Troy  after  a  battle,  when  in  con- 

1  R.  de  T.  (Joly),  15575-15578.  2  Id.,  20066-20094. 


96        BOCCACCIO    ON    TROILO'S    JEALOUSY    IN    THE    FILOSTRATO.       [CH.  II 

demning  "  les  clames  tricheresses  "  and  "  les  puceles  menteresses  " l 
he  says  to  his  mother  and  the  other  ladies, 

'"  .  .  .  mal  fier  se  fait  en  eles ; 
Car  molt  en  i  a  poi  de  celes 
Qui  leialment  seient  amies, 
Sanz  falsetez  et  sanz  boisdies. 
Qui  que  s'en  lot,  ne  m'en  gen  pas. 
Trichie  m'a.la  fille  Calcas.'  "  2 

These  few  disconnected  but  vivid  passages  are  all  that  the  French 
poet  offered  Boccaccio  as  a  basis  for  his  extended  account  of  the 
jealousy  and  despair  of  Troilo, — an  account  that  may  be  outlined 
as  follows. 

Troilo's  jealousy  is  first  definitely  aroused  after  he  has  patiently 
waited  the  prescribed  ten  days  for  Griseida's  return, — 

"  In  lui  ogni  disio  istato  antico 
Kitorno  nuovo,  e  sopra  esso  1'inganno 
Che  li  parea  ricevere,  e  7  nemico 
Spirto  di  gelosia  gravoso  affanno 
Piu  ch'  alcun  altro  e  di  posa  mendico, 
Come  son  quei  che  gia  provato  1'hanno ; 
Ond'  el  piangeva  giorno  e  notte  .  .  ."  3 

Such  thoughts  prepare  Troilo  for  the  dream  in  which  he  sees  a 
boar  tearing  Griseida's  heart  and  from  which  he  immediately  infers 
that  Diomede  is  his  successful  rival.  With  words  of  despair  the 
young  prince  rushes  to  take  his  own  life, — 

"  La  tua  Griseida,  oime,  m'ha  ingannato, 
Di  cui  io  piu  che  d'altra  mi  fidava, 
Ell'  ha  ad  altrui  il  suo  amor  donate, 
II  che  piu  che  la  morte  assai  mi  grava. 

.  .  .  oime  fermezza, 
Oime  promessa,  oime  fede  e  leanza, 
Chi  v'ha  gittate  dalla  mia  amanza  1 

10  vo'  colle  mie  man  pvender  la  morte, 
Che'n  tal  vita  piii  star  non  saria  giuoco. 

E  questo  detto,  corse  ad  un  coltelloy 

11  qual  pendea  nella  camera  aguto, 
E  per  Io  petto  si  voile  con  ello 
Dar  .  .  ."4 

1  R.  de  T.  (Joly),  20657-8.  2  Id    20659-206G4. 

3  Filostrato,  vii,  18,  1-7. 

•*  Id.,  vii,  26,  1-4 ;  29,  6-8  ;  32,  4-5 ;  33,  1-4. 


CH.  II.]        TROILO'S    LETTER   TO    GRISEIDA   IN   THE   FILOSTBATO.  97 

Pandaro,  however,  restrains  Troilo  from  suicide  and  enforces  upon 
him  the  folly  of  believing  in  dreams,1 — 

"  E  s'  io  ho  ben  raccolto  cib  c'  hai  detto, 
Null'  altra  cosa  di  cio  ti  fa  fede 
Se  non  il  sogno,  il  qual  prendi  sospetto. 

E  senza  piil  voter  sentirne  avanti, 
Finir  volei  con  morte  i  tristi  planti. 

Io  ti  dissi  altra  volta,  che  follia 
Era  ne'  sogni  troppo  riguardare ; 

Cio  che  dormendo  altrui  la  fantasia 
Con  varie  forme  puote  dimostrare 

.  .  .  allora  ti  dovevi 
Dalla  fede  de'  sogni  e  dallo  inganno 
D'  essi  levar,  che  venieno  a  tuo  danno"  2 

After  convincing  Troilo  that  dreams  are  hardly  a  sound  basis 
for  procedure,  Pandaro  suggests  his  writing  a  letter  to  Griseida. 
In  his  letter3  Troilo  renews  his  vows  of  love,  speaks  of  his 
desolation  and  of  his  suspicions  that  she  has  taken  a  new  lover, 
And  begs  her  to  return, — 

"  Giovane  donna,  a  cui  amor  mi  diede 
E  tuo  mi  tiene,  e  mentre  sarb  in  vita 
Mi  terra  sempre  con  intera  fede 

El  non  dovra,  come  che  divenuta 
Sia  quasi  Greca,  la  lettera  mia 
Da  te  ancor  non  esser  ricevuta  ; 
Perciocche  'n  poco  tempo  non  s'  oblia 
Si  lungo  amor  .  .  . 

.  .  .  perb  prenderaila 
E  'nfino  alia  sua  fine  leggeraila. 

Parmi,  se  '1  tuo  consiglio  ho  bene  a  mente, 
Che  potuto  abbiano  in  te  le  paterne 
Lusinghe,  o  mcovo  amor  t'  e  nella  mente 
Entrato  .  .  . 

Ma  forte  temo  che  novello  amore 
Non  sia  cagion  di  tua  lunga  dimora. 

1  Mlostrato,  vii,  33-42. 

2  Id.,  vii,  39,  3-5,  7-8 ;  40,  1-2,  5-6 ;  42,  6-8. 

3  Jd.t  vii,  52-75. 

DEV.  TR.  CR.  H 


98  TROILO'S    LETTER    TO    GRISEIDA    IN    THE    FILOSTEATO.  [CH.  II 

Ben  puoi  pensare  omai  quel  che  farei 
Se  certo  fossi  di  cib  c'  ho  dottanza : 
Certo  io  credo  cti  io  m'  ucciderei 
Di  te  sentendo  si  fatta  fallanza. 

Li  dolci  canti  e  le  brigate  oneste, 
Gli  uccelli  e  'cani  e  1'  andar  sollazzando, 
Le  vaghe  donne,  i  templi  e  le  gran  feste, 
Che  per  addietro  solea  gir  cercando, 
Fiujgo  ora  tutte  e  sonmi  oime  moleste. 

Deh  io  ten  prego  .  .  . 

Che  di  me  ti  ricordi,  e  che  tu  torni  : 
E  se  per  avventura  se'  impedita, 
Mi  scrivi  .  .  . 

E  dimmi  se  io  deggio  piii  di  spene 
In  te  avere  omai,  dolce  mio  bene. 

Se  mi  darai  speranza,  aspetteraggio, 
Come  ch'  el  mi  sia  grave  oltremisura  ; 
Se  tu  la  mi  torrai,  m'  uccideraggio. 

Perdona  se  neW  ordine  dettando 
I  'ho  fallito,  e  se  di  macchie  plena 
Forse  vedi  la  lettera  ch'  io  mando  : 
Che  dell'  uno  e  dell'  altro  la  mia  pena 
N'  e  gran  cagion,  perocche  lagrimando 
Yivo  e  dimoro,  ne  le  mi  raffrena 
Nullo  accidente  :  adunque  son  dolenti 
Lacrime,  queste  macchie  si  soventi."  1 

Keceiving  no  reply,  Troilo  writes  other  letters,  sends  Pandaro  in 
times  of  truce,  and  even  thinks  of  going  himself  disguised  as  a 
pilgrim.2  Griseida's  only  replies  are  evasive  words  that  give  Troilo 
new  assurance  of  her  infidelity.3  At  last  Deiphobus  comes  with 
the  "  ornato  vestimento  "  snatched  from  Diomede  in  battle.4  When 
Troilo  sees  the  trophy,  he  recognizes  the  "  fermaglio  "  that  he 
himself  has  given  Griseida,  and  his  proof  of  her  faithlessness  is 
complete,5 — 

"  0  Griseida  mia,  dov'  e  lafede, 
Dove  I'  amore,  dove  ora  '1  desire ! 

1  Filostrato,  vii,   52,   1-3;   53,   1-5,   7-8;   56,   1-4;  58,   1-2;   61,   1-4; 
62,  1-5  ;  70,  1 ;  72,  1-3,  7-8  ;  73,  1-3  ;  74,  1-8. 

2  Id.,  viii,  3-4.  3  Id.,  viii,  5-6.  4  Id.,  viii,  8,  3-8. 
6  Id.,  viii,  9,  2—10,  8. 


BOCCACCIO'S  TALE  OP  TROILO'S  JEALOUSY  IS  DUE  TO  THE  FILOCOLO.     99 

Chi  credera  omai  a  nessun  giuro, 
Chi  ad  amor,  chi  a  femmina  omai, 
Ben  riguardando  il  tuo  falso  spergiuro  ? 

Or  non  avevi  tu  altro  gioiello 

Da  poter  dare  al  tuo  novello  amante  1 

Net  mio  [i.  e.,  petto]  ancora  tengo  effigiato 
II  tuo  bel  viso  con  noiosa  doglia  : 
0  lasso  me,  die  ^n  malorafui  nato."  l 

Troilo  now  vows  to  kill  him  who  has  thus  robbed  him  of  his 

beloved, — 

"...  ma  per  Venere  dea 
Ti  giuro,  tosto  ten  faro  dolente 
Colla  mia  spada  alia  prima  mislea, 
Se  egli  avviene  ch'  io  ;1  possa  trovare."  2 

Neither  Troilo  nor  Diomede,  however,  falls  by  the  hand  of  the 
other,  and  at  last  Troilo  is  killed  in  battle  by  Achilles.3 

From  the  foregoing  outline  it  is  sufficiently  clear  that_Boccaccio's 
account  of  the  jealousy  and  final  despair  of  Troilo  owes  very  little 
to  Benoit's  account, — nothing  we  may  say,  except  suggestions  for 
Troilo's  encounters  with  Diomede,4  for  the  episode  of  the  "  ornafco 
vestimento,"  5  and  for  some  of  Troilo's  condemnation  of  the  faithless 
Griseida.6  When  we  turn  to  Filocolo,  however,  we  find  an  episode 
of  jealousy  and  despair  which  in  general  treatment  and  in  many 
details  is  a  striking  parallel  to  the  part  of  Filostrato  under  dis 
cussion.  The  episode  in  Filocolo  may  be  outlined  as  follows  : 

When  Florio  is  banished  to  Montorio,  King  Felice  promises  to 
send  Biancofiore  to  him  within  a  short  time.7  As  time  passes, 
Florio  begins  so  seriously  to  doubt  the  sincerity  of  the  King  and 
the  constancy  of  Biancofiore  that  at  length  jealousy  creeps  into  his 
thoughts.  Says  the  young  prince, — 

"  Egli  [i.  e.,  King  Felice]  m'  impromise  piu  volte  di  mandarmi  qua 
Biancofiore  brevemente,  e  mai  mandata  non  me  1'  ha  .,  .  .  ma 
tuttavia  la  poca  stabilita  la  qual  nelle  donne  si  truova,  e  massi- 

1  Filostrato,  viii,  12,  2-3  ;  13,  1-3  ;  14,  1-2  ;  15,  3-5. 

2  Id.,  viii,  16,  4-7.  3  Id.,  viii,  25-27. 

4  See  id.,  viii,  16,  21,  25-26;  E.  de  T.  (Joly),  14238-14240,  15548-15591, 
20057-20094. 

5  See  Filostrato,  viii,  8-10  ;  R.  de  T.  (Joly),  15102-4,  15577. 

6  See  especially  Filostrato,  viii,  13,  1-8,  and  R.  de  T.  (Joly),  20659-20664. 
'  See  Filocolo,  I,  97,  105. 


100  FLORIO'S   JEALOUSY   IN   THE   FILOCOLO.  [CH.  II 

mamente  nelle  giovani,  me  ne  fa  molto  dubitare.  .  .  .  Oime, 
quanto  acerba  vita  e  quella  dell'  amante,  il  quale  dubitando  vive 
geloso.  .  .  .  E  in  gravissimo  affanno  mi  tiene  gelosia,  e  la  cagione 
e  questa.  Le  giovani  donzelle  sono  di  poca  stability  e  per  la  loro 
bellezza  da  molti  amanti  sogliono  essere  stimolate.  .  .  ."  l 

In  trying  to  expel  Florio's  jealous  thoughts,  the  Duke  calls 
attention  to  his  poor  health  and  troubled  sleep,  and  urges  him 
not  to  act  upon  such  uncertainties  as  his  present  imaginings, — 

"  Oime,  quanto  piu  e  da  pensare  della  sanita,  la  quale  i  sonni 
interi  e  le  malinconie  lontane  esser  dimostra;  e  perb  questo  del 
tutto  dei  lasciare  andare.  .  .  .  E  te  piu  vinto  da  ira  e  da  malin- 
conia,  die  consigliato  dalla  ragione,  cerclii  la  morte  per  conforto, 
e  sempre  in  pensiero  e  in  dolore  dimori,  e  vai  immaginando  quelle 
cose  le  quali  n&  vedesti  n&  vedrai  giammai.  .  .  .  Folle  e  colui  die 
per  lifuturi  danni  senza  certezza  spande  lagrime" 2 

Florio's  imaginings,  however,  seem  to  become  certainties  when 
Fileno  comes  from  Marmorina  boasting  over  a  veil  that  Biancofiore 
has  given  him  as  a  favour  in  a  tournament, — 

" .  .  .  e  traendo  fuori  il  velo  il  mostro  a  Florio :  e  poi  seguendo 
il  suo  parlare  disse :  e  appresso  aggiunse,  che  io  per  amore  di 
lei  mi  dovessi  portar  bene :  onde  se  questo  e  assai  manifesto 
segnale  di  vero  amore  voi  come  me  il  potete  conoscere."3 

Convinced  at  last  of  Biancofiore's  infidelity,  Florio  utters  such 
despairing  words  as  the  following : 

"  0  dolce  Biancofiore,  speranza  della  misera  anima  ,  .  .  quante 
lagrime  hanno  bagnato  il  dolente  petto,  nel  quale  io  continuamente 
effigiata  ti  porto  cosl  bella  come  tu  se' !  .  .  .  io  conosco  te  non 
potere  negare  d'  essere  di  Fileno  innamorata,  perch&  egli  m'  ha 
mostrato  quel  velo  col  quale  tu  coprivi  la  bionda  testa,  quando 
con  pietose  parole  ti  domandb  una  delle  tue  gioie,  e  tu  gli  donasti 
quello.  .  .  .  Ov'  e  fuggita  la  promessa  fede  ?  E  tu  dove  se\  o 
Amore.  .  .  .  Se  tu  cosi  notabile  fallo  lasci  impunito,  clii  avra 
in  te  giammai  fid anza?  .  .  .  Maladetta  sia  V  ora  ch'  io  nacqui"* 

Just  as  Florio  is  about  to  kill  himself,5  he  falls  asleep  and  has 
a  vision  sufficiently  reassuring  to  prevent  his  suicide,  but  not  to 


tween  the  "velo"  of  Fileno  and  the  "fermaglio"  of  Diomede  I  shall  recur 
below. 

4  Filocolo,  I,  251,  252,  253,  254,  257.  Cf.  Filostrato,  viii,  10-15,  partly 
quoted  above.  J 

6  See  Filocolo,  I,  257. 


CH.  Il]  FLORIO'S   JEALOUSY    IN   THE   FILOCOLO.  101 

rid  him  of  suspicion.1  When  the  young  lover  awakes,  he  decides 
to  clear  his  doubt  by  sending  Biancofiore  a  letter,  the  general  and 
particular  similarities  of  which  to  Troilo's  letter  may  be  shown 
from  the  following  passages, — 

"Se  gli  avversarii  fati,  o  graziosa  giovane,  t'  hanno  a  me  coll' 
altre  prosperita  levata,  come  io  credo,  non  con  isperanza  di  poterti 
colli  miei  preghi  muovere  dal  novello  amore,  ma  pensando  che 
lieve  mi  sia  perdere  queste  parole  con  teco  insieme,  ti  scrivo.  .  .  . 
e  per  quell'  amore  che  tu  gia  mi  portasti,  ti  prego  die  questa  senza 
gravezza  injino  alia  fine  legga.  .  .  .  E  quante  volte  gia  giovani 
donne  per  rintiepidire  i  miei  tormenti,  le  cui  bellezze  sariano  agP 
iddii  bene  investite,  m'  hanno  del  loro  amore  tentato,  ne  mai  alcuna 
pote  vincere  il  forte  cuore,  a  te  tutto  disposto  di  servire  .  .  .  ogni 
ora  potevi  udire  me  essere  a  te  piit  soggetto  che  mai  .  .  .  se  questo 
esser  vero  sentird,  con  altra  certezza  che  quella  che  io  ti  scrivo, 
per  gli  eterni  iddii  la  mia  vita  in  piu  lungo  spazio  non  si 
distendera.  ...  le  dolenti  lagrime,  le  quali  ognora  che  queste 
cose  che  scritte  t'  ho  mi  tornano  nella  mente,  avvegnache  dir 
potrei  che  mai  non  n'  escano,  mi  costringono  tanto,  che  piu  avanti 
scrivere  non  posso.  E  quasi  quello  che  io  ho  scritto  non  ho  potuto 
interamente  dalle  loi'o  macchie  guardare  .  .  .  nella  quale  [i.  e.,  la 
mia  lettera]  se  forse  alcuna  cosa  scritta  fosse  la  quale  a  te  non 
piacesse,  non  con  malizia,  ma  fervente  amore  m'  ha  a  quello 
scrivere  mosso,  e  pero  mi  perdona.  E  se  quello  che  il  tristo 
cuor  pensa  e  vero,  caramente  ti  prego  che  se  possibile  e  indietro 
si  torni  .  .  .  e  se  cosi  non  &,  non  tardi  una  tua  lettera '  a 
certi/icarmene  ;  perche  infinattanto  che  questo  dubbio  sara  in  me, 
infino  a  quell'  ora  il  tuo  coltello  non  si  partira  della  mia  mano, 
presto  a  uccidere  e  a  perdonare  secondo  cti  io  ti  sentird  disposto."  2 

Although  Biancofiore  replies  with  vows  of  eternal  love,3  Florio's 
suspicions  are  not  allayed,  and  his  jealousy  rises  to  such  a  pitch 
that  he  determines  to  kill  Fileno.4  Fileno,  divinely  warned, 
escapes  death  by  flight.5 

In  view  of  the  common  authorship  of  Filocolo  and  Filostrato, 
and  of  their  close  relation  in  chronology,  we  must  conclude  that 
one  of  the  two  episodes  just  compared  influenced  the  other. 
After  a  mere  reading  of  the  two  episodes  a  fair  critic  would 
conclude,  no  doubt,  that  the  Fileno  episode,  with  its  mythological 
padding,  its  diatribe,  and  its  bombastic  monologues,  was  composed 

1  See  Filocolo,  I,  258-261.     Cl.  Troilo's  dream,  Filostrato,  vii,  23-28.     In 
content,  the  two  dreams  are,  of  course,  quite  different. 

2  Filocolo,  I,  261,  263,  264,  266,  267.     Cf.   Filostrato,  vii,  52-75,  quoted 
in  part  above. 

3  See  Filocolo,  I,  269-274.          4  Id.,  I,  275-281.          5  Id.,  I,  284-292. 


102  THE    FILOCOLO   ON    THE   UNTRUSTINESS    OF   WOMEN.  [CH.  II 

before  the  more  fluent  and  finished  parallel  parts  of  Filostrato. 
However,  before  this  simple  and  obvious  inference  can  be  accepted, 
a  more  technical  study  of  the  chronology  is  necessary. 

In  the  first  place,  it  is  to  be  noted  that  the  Fileno  episode  as 
a  whole  is  one  of  the  innovations  in  Boccaccio's  treatment  of  the 
traditional  story  of  Florio  and  Biancofiore.1  Since  no  earlier 
version  of  the  story  contains  a  character  parallel  to  Fileno,2  we 
are  especially  justified  in  searching  this  part  of  Filoeolo  for 
autobiographical  revelations.  With  considerable  justification  auto 
biographical  significance  has  been  found  in  one  small  passage 
connected  with  this  episode.3  The  determination  of  the  exact 
relation  of  this  small  passage  to  the  episode  as  a  whole  is 
important  for  our  present  purpose.  At  the  close  of  the  sketch  of 
the  Fileno  episode  in  the  pages  above4  we  found  Fileno  fleeing 
to  escape  the  jealous  rage  of  Florio.  When  the  fugitive  reaches 
the  spot  where  the  "  Glene  "  unites  with  the  "  Elsa,"  5  he  breaks 
into  a  denunciation  of  love  and  of.  the  injustice  of  his  exile.6 
This  he  follows  with  a  particularly  conventional  diatribe  against 
passionate  women  in  general,7 — "  sfrenata  moltitudine  di  f em- 
mine," — citing  the  examples  of  Clytemnestra,  Helen,  Procne, 
Medea,  Myrrha,  Byblis,  Cleopatra  and  others,  all  of  whom  are 
"  innumerabile  popolo  di  pessime  creature."  8  Straightway  Fileno 
meets  a  forlorn  youth,  whose  denunciation  of  a  particular  woman 
is  very  different  from  the  conventional  bombast  of  Fileno.9  His 
fervid  words  run  as  follows  : 

"iSTon  molto  lontano  di  qui,  avvegnach&  vicina  sia  piu  assai 
quella  parte  alia  citta  di  colui  i  cui  ammaestramenti  io  seguii,  e 
dove  tu  non  &  molto  tempo  ci  fosti  siccome  tu  di',  era  una  gentil 
donna  la  quale  io  sopra  tutte  le  cose  del  mondo  amai  e  amo,  e  di 
lei  mi  concedette  amore  per  Io  mio  buon  servire  cib  che  1'  amoroso 
disio  cercava :  e  in  questi  diletti  stetti  non  lungo  tempo,  che  la 
fortuna  mi  volse  in  veleno  la  passata  dolcezza,  che  quando  mi 

1  Cf.  Crescini,  Contribute,  etc.,  p.  203. 

2  The  sources  of  Filoeolo  undoubtedly  contained  suggestions  of  jealousy 
between  the  lovers  during  the  period  of  their  separation.     In  Fleck's  Flore 
und  BlanschefMr,  Flore's  parting  words   (11.   1284-1320)   seem  to   forbode 
jealousy  on  the  part  of  his  innamorata  (Cf.  Crescini,  Contributo,  etc.,  p.  203, 
note  4).     In  II  Cantare  di  Fiorio  e  Biancifiore  we  are  told  that  at  one  time 
during  Fiorio's  absence  Biancifiore  was   "in  tanta  gelosia"  (II   Cantare, 
xxxviii,  4). 

3  Cf.  Crescini,  Contributo,  etc.,  pp.  72-73.  4  See  above,  p.  101. 

5  See  Filoeolo,  I,  291.     Cf.  Crescini,  Contributo,  etc.,  pp.  71-72. 

6  See  Filoeolo,  I,  292-296.  7  Id.,  I,  296-299. 

8  Id.,  I,  299.  9  See  id.,  I,  300-303. 


€H.  Il]        IN   FILOCOLO,  BOCCACCIO   DEPICTS   HIS   OWN   JEALOUSY.        103 

credeva  avere  piu.  la  sua  benivolenza,  e  avere  acquistato  con 
diverse  maniere  il  suo  amore,  io  colli  miei  occhi  vidi  questa  me 
per  un  altro  avere  abbandonato;  e  conobbi  manifestamente  che 
lungamente  e  con  false  parole  m'  avea  ingannato,  facendomi  vedere 
che  io  era  solo  colui  che  il  suo  amore  aveva :  la  qual  cosa  come  mi 
fu  manifesta,  niuno  credo  che  mai  simile  doglia  sentisse  com'  io 
sentii." l 

No  one  can  deny  that  these  words  seem  to  have  a  definite 
reference  and  a  personal  ring  entirely  lacking  in  the  passages  that 
precede  them.  One  can  easily  infer  that  the  youth  who  speaks 
represents  Giovanni  Boccaccio.2  If  this  utterance  is  autobio 
graphical,  it  belongs,  presumably,  to  the  period  after  Maria's 
infidelity — that  is,  to  a  period  considerably  later  than  the  stage 
•of  courtship  represented  by  Filostrato.  This  passage  may  be 
regarded,  then,  as  a  later  insertion  into  a  work  which,  in  its 
beginning,  at  all  events,  professedly  represents  the  earliest  stages 
•of  the  author's  great  love  affair.  Such  a  disposition  of  a  passage 
before  us  accords  well  with  the  fact  that  it  is  no  integral  part  of 
the  episode  to  which  it  is  so  loosely  attached.  The  episode  is 
really  closed  with  the  flight  of  Fileno,  the  meeting  with  the 
forlorn  youth  being  merely  the  first  of  Fileno's  experiences  during 
his  wanderings.  Florio  does  not  pursue  his  supposed  rival,  and, 
so  far  as  we  can  tell,  his  jealousy  is  cured  by  Fileno's  flight. 

We  have  still  to  consider  the  chronological  position  of  the  rest 
of  the  episode,  or,  more  accurately,  of  the  episode  as  a  whole. 
Xo  one  has  ever  attempted  to  demonstrate  that  the  Fileno  episode 
as  a  whole  is  autobiographical.  However,  since  one  writer  has 
ventured  a  suggestion  in  that  direction,3  we  may  do  well  to 
consider  the  chronological  implications  of  such  a  suggestion.  To 
what  period  in  Boccaccio's  love  affair  could  we  assign  this  episode  ? 
If  we  interpret  the  supposed  allegory  strictly,  whether  Boccaccio 
is  speaking  in  the  mouth  of  Florio  or  of  Fileno,  since  neither  of 
these  has  consummated  his  love,  the  episode,  we  may  suppose, 
would  represent  the  period  of  courtship, — the  period  to  which  we 
assign  Filostrato.  If  Filostrato  and  the  Fileno  episode  fall  into 
the  same  period,  which  was  written  first?  For  answering  this 
question  we  have  only  stylistic  indications,  and  these  £oint  clearly 

1  Filocolo,  I,  301-302.  2  Cf.  Crescini,  Contribute,  etc.,  pp.  72-73. 

3  Rossi  (p.  79,  note  1),  without  demonstration,  surmises  that  the  episode  as 
a  whole  is  autobiographical, — "  Principalmente,  io  credo,  perche  egli  ritraeva 
sentiment!  e  affetti  proprii :  il  Filocolo  infatti  e  il  Filostrato  sono  le  opere 
scrivendo  le  quali  piu  ebbe  il  Boccaccio  a  provare  i  morsi  della  gelosia. " 


104      THE    EVIDENCE    OF    GRISEIDA'S    UNFAITHFULNESS    TO    TRIOLO. 

to  the  chronological  priority  of  the  episode  in  Filocolo.  On  the 
other  hand,  if  we  ignore  the  autobiographical  possibilities  of  the 
Fileno  episode  we  are  once  more  left  to  the  stylistic  criterion,  and 
hence  to  the  chronological  priority  of  Filocolo. 

One  more  point  deserves  consideration  before  we  close,  tenta 
tively,  our  examination,  of  the  relative  chronology  of  the  parts  of 
Filocolo  and  Filostrato  before  us.  We  have  already  observed  that 
Florio  becomes  aware  of  his  lady's  supposed  infidelity  through 
a  favour,  in  the  form  of  a  veil,  that  Fileno  brings  to  Montorio.1 
This  situation  is  strikingly  similar  to  that  in  the  Roman  de  Troie 
in  which  Troilus  becomes  aware  of  Briseida's  infidelity,  we  infer, 
through  the  favour  that  she  has  given  to  Diomedes.2  It  is  to- 
be  noted  also  that  this  situation  in  Filocolo  is  much  nearer  to  the 
simple  sketch  in  Benoit's  poem  than  to  the  more  complicated 
parallel  situation  in  Filostrato.  According  to  the  Italian  poem, 
Troilo  at  no  time  sees  Diomede  wearing  Griseida's  favour,  and  has 
no  definite  evidence  of  her  infidelity  until  Deiphobus  brings  to 
Troy  the  "ornato  vestimento"  of  Diomede,  on  which  Troilo  sees 
the  fatal  "  fermaglio."  Since  Benoit's  poem  was  almost  certainly 
familiar  to  Boccaccio  at  the  time  when  he  was  writing  Filocolo  ?• 
it  seems  probable  that  the  detail  of  the  veil  shows  the  influence 
of  the  favour  of  Diomedes  in  the  Roman  de  Troie  rather  than  of 
the  trophy  exhibited  by  Deiphobus  in  Filostrato.  To  be  sure, 
the  detail  of  the  veil  may  not  be  literary  imitation  at  all,  but 
merely  Boccaccio's  invention. 

From  the  facts  before  us  it  seems  to  me  most  probable 

(1)  that  Boccaccio  introduced  a  long  and  cumbersome  episode  of 
jealousy  into  the  story  of  Florio  and  Biancofiore  merely  for  literary 
purposes ; 4 

(2)  that  the  remarks  of  the  forlorn  youth  at  the  end  of   the 
episode  are  autobiographical;5 

(3)  that   the  situation  in  which  Florio  discovers  Biancofiore's- 
supposed  infidelity  through  her  veil  carried  by  Fileno  may  have 
been  suggested  by  Benoit's  brief  sketch  of  Troilus's  experiences- 
with  Diomedes ; 

(4)  that  in  writing  •  Filostrato^  Boccaccio  adopted  many  details 
from  the  Fileno  episode  in  Filocolo. 

1  See  above,  p.  100.  2  See  above,  pp.  94-95. 

3  See  above,  pp.  10,  62,  69,  152  ff. 

4  Cf.  Crescini,  Contribute,  etc.,  p.  203.  B  Cf.  id.,  pp.  72-73. 


FILOSTRATO    DUE    MOSTLY    TO    BENOIT  AND    FILOCOLO.  105 

From  our  study  of  the  genesis  of  Filostrato,  it  appears  that 
this  poem  has  as  its  basis  the  fragmentary  episode  of  Troilus  and 
Briseida  created  by  Benoit  and  abbreviated  by  Guido.  To  these 
fragmentary  sources  Boccaccio  made  many  additions,  a  large  part 
of  which  are  mere  adaptations  of  ideas  and  details  that  he  had 
previously  embodied  in  his  own  Filocolo,  a  work  that  was  well 
under  way  and  probably  still  in  progress  when  Filostrato  was 
composed.  Since  the  earlier  work  was  still  in  his  mind  and 
probably  still  unfinished,  the  writer  of  Filostrato  could  hardly 
have  avoided  some  reminiscences  of  the  earlier  work  in  the  later, 
even  if  he  had  intended  to  do  so.  But  when  we  consider  the 
meagreness  of  the  proper  sources  of  Filostrato  and  the  similarity 
of  parts  of  the  story  of  Florio  and  Biancofiore  to  the  story  of 
Troilus  and  Briseida,  such  adaptations  as  I  have  pointed  out  seem 
not  only  natural  but  inevitable.  Moreover,  such  adaptations  and 
repetitions,  far  from  being  foreign  to  Boccaccio's  general  method, 
are  one  of  the  most  familiar  and,  to  the  biographers  of  this  author, 
one  of  the  most  interesting  and  baffling  characteristics  of  his  early 
works.1  There  is,  then,  in  the  external  circumstances  and  in  the 
author's  general  literary  economy  nothing  to  contradict  my  present 
contention  that_the_story  of  Troilo  and  Griseida,  as  it  took  its  first 
independent  literary  form  in  the  hands  of  Boccaccio  and  passed 
on  through  the  hands  of  Chaucer  to  Shakespeare,  is  a  successful 
combination  of  an  episode  from  the  mediaeval  romance  of  Troy 
and  of  numerous  features  that  were  originally  associated  with  the 
mediaeval  story  of  Floire  and  Blanchefleur. 


CHAPTER   III. 

THE'  RELATIONS  OP  TROILUS  AND  CRISEYDE 
TO  THE  ROMAN  DE  TROIE  AND  TO  THE  HISTORIA  TROIANA. 

FOR  many  years  it  has  been  well  known  that  Chaucer's  Troilus 
and  Criseyde  is  based  directly  upon  Boccaccio's  Filostrato.2  Not 
only  did  Chaucer  derive  his  plot  from  the  Italian  poem,  but  he 
also  adapted  from  it  approximately  a_thircL_Qf  the  lines  in  the 

1  Of.  Crescini,  Contribute,  etc.,  pp.  70-219. 

2  For  the  history  of  opinion  on  this  point,  see  G.  L.  Hamilton,  The  In 
debtedness  of  Chaucer's  Troilus  and  Criseyde  to  Guido  delle  Colonne's  Historict 
Trojana,  New  York,  1903,  pp.  21-45. 


106        DID  CHAUCER  BORROW  FROM  BENOIT  OR  FROM  GU1DO  1        [CH.  Ill 

English  poem.1  However,  since  Troilus  is  almost  a  third  longer 
than  Filostrato,  and  since  approximately  one-half  of  the  Italian 
poem  is  left  unused,  it  would  seem  that  the  sources  of  some  two- 
thirds  of  the  English  poem  must  be  sought' elsewhere. 

It  was  entirely  natural  that  in  seeking  materials  for  enlarging 
the  story,  Chaucer  should  revert  to  the  famous  sources  of  Filostrato 
itself.  Opinions  have  varied,  however,  as  to  whether  Chaucer's 
supplementary  source  Avas  Benoit,  or  Guido,  or  both  of  these, 
and  as  to  the  extent  of  his  borrowings  from  each.2  The  most 

1  The  traditional  statement  (see  W.   W.   Skeat,  The  Complete   Works  of 
Geoffrey   Chaucer,    Vol.    II,.  Oxford,    1894,   pp.    xlix-1),    which  rests  upon 
"W.  M.  Rossetti's  Chaucer's  Troylus  and  Criseyde  compared  with  Boccaccio's 
Filostrato  (Chaucer  Society,  1873),  is  that,  of  the  8239  lines  of  Troilus,  2583 
lines  are  directly  adapted  by  condensation  from  2730  lines  of  Filostrato,  the 
total  length  of  which  is  5704  lines.     Probably  Chaucer's  verbal  indebtedness 
to  Filostrato  is  greater  than  appears  from  the  tabulation  based  upon  Rossetti's 
comparison,  for  I  do  not  believe  that  Rossetti  points  out  all  the  passages  in 
Troilus  that  show  verbal  borrowings  from  the  Italian.     For  example,  Rossetti 
(p.  292)  indicates  no  parallel  in  Filostrato  for  the  following  lines  from  Criseyde's 
letter  to  Troilus  in  the  English  poem  : 

"  Your  lettres  ful,  the  papir  al  y-plcynted, 
Conseyved  hath  myn  hertes  pietee  ; 
I  have  eek  seyn  with  teres  al  depeynted 
Your  lettre  .  .  ."  (T.  and  C.,  v,  1597-1600). 

In  Griseida's  first  letter  to  Troilo  in  Filostrato  we  read  : 

"  Picne  Iz  carte  dclla  tua  scrittura  ; 
Nelle  quai  lessi  la  tua  vita  grama 
Non  senza  doglia,  s'io  abbia  ventura 
Che  mi  sia  cara,  e  benche  sianfrcgiate 
Di  lacrime,  pur  1'  ho  assai  mirate  " 

(Filostrato,  ii,  122,  4T8). 
Again,  the  English  lines, 

"  Now  loke  that  atempre  be  thy  brydel, 
And,  for  the  beste,  ay  suffre  to  the  tyde  " 

(T.  and  C.,  i,  953-954), 

for  which  Rossetti  (p.  35)  indicates  no  parallel  in  Filostrato,  certainly 
resemble  the  Italian  lines, 

"  .  .  .  possi  tu  soffrirc, 
Ben  raffrcnando  il  tuo  caldo  disire" 

(Filostrato,  ii,  23,  7-8). 

These  are  only  examples  from  a  list  the  completion  of  which  would  demand 
some  revision  of  Rossetti's  exceedingly  useful  comparison. 

2  For  a  review  of  opinion" on  this  point,  see  Hamilton,  pp.  15-50.    There  is 
no  proof  that  Chaucer  reverted  for  materials  to  the  De  Excidio  Troiae  Historia 
of  Dares  Phrygius,  where  the  characters  of  the  story  of  Troilus  and  Briseida 
are  mentioned  and  to  some  extent  described  (see  above,  pp.  2-3).     All  the' 
details  in  which  Chaucer's  poem  closely  resembles  Dares  are  accessible  in 
the  more  immediate  sources  of  Troilus  and  Criseyde.    On  this  point,  see  T.  R. 
Lounsbury,  Studies  in  Chaucer,  New  York,  1892,  Vol.  II,  pp.  314-315  •  G.  C. 
Macaulay,  Academy,  XLVII,  298,  col.  2  ;  Skeat,  Oxford  Chaucer,  II,  pp.  Ix 


DR.  G.  L.  HAMILTON    ON    CHAUCER   AND   GUIDO   DELLE   COLONNE.       107 

recent  and  the  most  complete  collection  of  evidence  on  this  point 
is  that  contained  in  Dr.  G.  L.  Hamilton's  book,  The  Indebtedness 
of  Chaucer's  Troilus  and  Criseyde  to  Guido  delle  Colonne's  Historia 
Trojana.1  "We  might  well  expect  this  book  to  settle  once  for  all 
&  question  that  had  previously  been  frequently,  but  always  in 
completely,  discussed,  and  so  far  as  the  collecting  of  evidence  is 
concerned,  our  expectation  is  sufficiently  realized.  The  evidence, 
however,  is  so  confusingly  arranged  and  in  many  cases -so  unduly 
emphasized  that  just  conclusions  cannot,  I  think,  be  drawn  from 
Dr.  Hamilton's  valuable  collectanea  without  a  rearrangement  of 
the  evidence,  and,  in  most  cases,  a  re-examination  of  the  sources. 
The  present  chapter,  then,  represents  my  re-study  of  the  docu- 

Ixiv,  Ixxx  ;  Hamilton,  pp.  75,  82,  83,  98,  103,  116,  note  2,  130,  150.  On  the 
apparent  connection  between  Chaucer's  line, 

"Criseyde  mene  was  of  hir  stature "  (T,  and  C.,  v,  806), 
and  Dares'  phrase, 

"  Briseidam  .  .  .  non  alta  statura"  (De  Excidio  Troiae,  p.  17, 11.  7-8), 
see  below,  p.  111.     Skeat  (p.  Ixxx),  in  asserting  that  the  line, 

"And  save  hir  browes  joyneden  y-fere"  (T.  and  C.,  v,  813), 
"is  due  to  Dares,"  evidently  overlooks  Benoit's  line, 

"Mais  les  sorcilles  li  joigneient "  (E.  de  T.,  5279). 

€f.  Macaulay,  Academy,  XLVII,  298,  col.  2.  Certainly  we  cannot  be  sure 
that  Chaucer  took  the  name,  "Poliphete-"  (T.  and  C.,  ii,  1467,  1616,  1619), 
from  the  "Polypoetem"  of  Dares  (p.  30,  1.  5),  when  Guido  mentions  a 
"Polibetes,"  a  "  Polipotes,"  and  a  "Poliphebus"  in  fairly  close  juxtaposition 
(ffistoria,  sig.  e  3  verso,  col.  1.  For  "Polipotes"  of  the  printed  text— 
Strassburg,  1489— Harvard  MS.  27282.  67.  6,  of  the  fourteenth  century, 
fol.  37  recto,  has  "  Polipetes").  Benoit  has  "Polipetes"  (R.  de  T.,  8279, 
variant).  Cf.  Hamilton,  pp.  97-98.  , 

It  is  not  easy  to  see  that  Chaucer's  phrase,  "mighty  limes  square" 
(T.  andC.,  v,  801),  applied  to  Diomedes,  is  any  nearer  to  Dares'  "quadratum 
corpore"  (p.  16,  11.  19-20)  than  to  Benoit's  "Gros  e  quarrez  .  .  .'"  (E.  de  T., 
5212).  To  be  sure,  another  hero,  Ajax  Oileus,  is  described  by  Dares  as 
"quadratum  valentibus  membris"  (p.  16,  11.  14-15),  for  which  Benoit  has, 

"  .   .  .  gros  e  .quarrez 
De  piz,  de  braz  e  de  costez  "  (E.  de  T.,  5179-5180), 

which  Guido  renders, 

"Corpore  grossus  fuit,  amplis*scapulis,  grossis  brachiis" 

(Historia,  sig.  e  1  verso,  col.  2  ). 

Cf.  Hamilton,  p.  116,  note  2.  Chaucer's  "Delphos"  (T.  and  C.,  iv,  1411) 
has  a  parallel  in  Dares'  "Delphos"  (p.  19,  11.  13  and  19)  and  in  Guido's 
"Delphos  insulam"  (Historia,  sig.  e  4  recto,  col.  2).  Cf.  Hamilton,  p.  75. 
On  Chaucer's  knowledge  of  Dares  in  general,  see  Beck,  Anglia,  V,  325-326, 
referred  to  by  Lounsbury,  II,  260,  note  2,  and  by  Hamilton,  p.  61.  note  2. 
1  New  York,  1903. 


108          CHAUCER'S  SUPPOSED  BORROWINGS  FROM  GUIDO.      [CH.  m 

ments  and  my  attempt  to  state  more  justly  the  indebtedness  of 
Chaucer's  Troilus  and  Criseijde  to  Guido  and  Benoit  respectively.1 

We  may  first  consider  those  passages  of  the  English  poem  which 
are,  or  which  have  been  reputed  to  be,  based  upon  passages  in 
Guido's  Historia  Troiana.2 

Chaucer  describes  Troilus  as  follows  : 

"  And  Troilus  wel  waxen  was  in  highte, 
And  complet  formed  by  proporcioun 
So  wel,  that  kinde  it  not  amenden  mighte ; 
Yong,  fresshe,  strong,  and  liardy  as  lyoun ; 
Trewe  as  steel  in  ech  condicioun  ; 
On  of  the  beste  enteched  creature, 
That  is,  or  shal,  whyl  that  the  world  may  dure. 

And  certainly  in  storie  it  is  y-founde, 

That  Troilus  was  never  un-to  no  wight, 

As  in  his  tyme,  in  no  degree  secounde 

In  durring  don  that  longeth  to  a  knight. 

Al  mighte  a  geaunt  passen  him  of  might, 

His  herte  ay  with  the  firste  and  with  the  beste 

Stod  paregal,  to  durre  don  that  him  leste,"  3 — 

to  which  description  may  be  added, 

"  And  eek  his  fresshe  brother  Troilus, 
The  wyse  worthy  'Ector  the  secounde, 
In  whom  that  every  vertu  list  abounde, 
As  alle  trouthe  and  alle  gentillesse, 
Wysdom,  honour,  fredom,  and  worthinesse,"  * 

and  also  the  lines, 

"  And  in  the  toun  his  maner  tho  forth  ay 
So  goodly  was,  and  gat  him  so  in  grace, 
That  ech  him  lovtde  that  loked  on  his  face.5 

For  dredelees,  men  tellen  that  he  dooth 

In  armes  day  by  day  so  worthily, 

And  bereth  him  here  at  hoom  so  gentilly 

1  In  general,  I  shall  not  consider  those  parts  of  Chaucer's  poem  which  could 
have  been  suggested  equally  well  by  passages  in  either  Benoit  or  Guido.     For 
a  list  of  such  passages,  see  Hamilton,  pp.  98  ff. 

2  In  connection  with  the  Chaucerian  passages  reputed  to  be  based  on  Guido 
I  shall  be  obliged  to  consider  numerous  borrowings  from  Benoit  which  would 
appear  more  properly  in  my  later  list  of  Chaucerian  passages  based  upon  the 
Roman  de  Troie. 

3  T.  and  C.,  v,  827-840.    Cf.  ii,  644,   739-740  ;  iii,  1774-1775  ;  v,  1564- 

4  Id.,  ii,  157-161.  s  M>  if  1076-1078. 


CH.  in.]     CHAUCER'S-  SUPPOSED  BORROWINGS  FROM  GUIDO.  109 

To  every  wight,  that  al  the  prys  hath  he 
Of  hem  that  me  were  levest  preysed  be." 1 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  these  descriptions  have  a  close  parallel 
in  similar  descriptions  of  Troilus  in  the  Roman  de  Troie,  where  we 

read, 

"  Poi  ert  meins  forz  en  son  endreit 
Ne  rneins  hardiz  qu'Hector  esteit : 

Troilus  fu  beaus  a  merveille  ; 
Chiere  ot  riant,  face  vermeille, 
Cler  vis  apert,  le  front  plenier  : 
Mout  covint  bien  a  chevalier. 

Tant  come  il  ert  en  bon  talent, 
Par  esguardot  si  doucement, 
Que  deliz  ert  de  lui  veeir ; 2 
Mais  une  rien  vos  di  por  veir, 
Qu'il  ert  envers  ses  enemis 
D'autre  semblant  e  d'autre  vis. 
Haut  ot  le  nes  e  par  mesure  : 
Bien  sist  as  armes  sa  faiture. 

Trestoz  les  membres  bien  tailliez ; 

Granz  ert,  mais  bien  U  coveneit 
0  la  faille,  que  bone  aveit.3 

!Ne  fu  sorfaiz  ne  outrajos, 
Mais  liez  e  gais  e  amoros. 

1  T.  and  C.,  ii,  185-189.     On  these  descriptions  of  Troilus,  see  Skeat,  Vol. 
II,  pp.  Ivi-lvii;  Hamilton,  pp.  75-76  ;  G.  C.  Macaulay,  in  Three  More  Parallel 
Texts  of  Chaucer's  Troilus  and  Criseyde  (edited  by  F.  J.  Furnivall,  Chaucer 
Society,  1894-1895),  p.  (a) ;  J.  W.  Broatch,   The  Indebtedness  of  Chaucer's 
Troilus  to  BenoiPs  Roman,  in  Journal  of  Germanic  Philology,  II,  16. 

2  Macaulay   (Three  More  Parallel    Texts,   p.    a)    notes   the  resemblance 
between  this  line  and  Chaucer's  line  concerning  Troilus, 

"  It  was  an  heven  up-on  him  for  to  see"  (T.  and  C.,  ii,  637). 

3  I  do  not  understand  Dr.  Hamilton's  statement  (p.  81,  note  1)  that  the 
Italian  lines  (Filostrato,  i,  27,  1-2), 

"  Ell'  era  grande,  ed  alia  sua  grandezza 
Rispondean  bene  i  membri  tutti  quanti," 

which  describe  Griseida,  were  used  by  Chaucer  in  his  description  of  Troilus 
•(T.  and  (7.,  v,  827-828),— 

"And  Troilus  wel  waxen  was  in  highte, 
And  complet  formed  by  proporcioun  "  ; 

for  the  French  lines  before  us  (cf.  Hamilton,  p.  81,  note  1),  which  describe 
Troilus,  are  an  equally  adequate  parallel  to  the  English  lines.  On  the  possi 
bility  that  the  Italian  lines  describing  Griseida  are  themselves  based  upon  the 
Jrench  lines  describing  Troilus,  see  above,  p.  24. 


110        IN   DESCRIBING   TROILUS,  CHAUCER   FOLLOWS   BENOIT.       [CH.  IIF 

Bien  fu  amez  e  bien  ama, 
E  maint  grant  fais  en  endura. 
Bachelers  ert  ejovenceaus, 
De  ceus  de  Troie  li  plus  beaus 
E  li  plus  2woz,  fors  que  sisfrere 
Hector  .  .  ." x 

Guido  describes  Troilus  as  follows  : 

"  Troilus  vero  licet  multum  fuerit  corpore  magnus,  magis  tamen 
f  uit  corde  magnanimus  j  animosus  multum,  sed  multam  habuit  in 
sua  animositate  temperiem ;  dilectus  plurimum  a  puellis  cum  ipse 
aliqualem  servando  modestiam  delectaretur  in  illis.  In  viribus 
vero  et  strenuitate  bellandi,  vel  fuit  alius  Hector  vel  secundus  ah 
ipso.  In  toto  etiam  regno  Troiae  iuvenis  nullus  fuit  tantis  viribus 
nee  tanta  audacia  gloriosus."  2 

-7  Since  Boccaccio  offers  no  similar  passage,  there  can  be  no  doubt 
that  in  his  description  of  Troilus  Chaucer  is  in  the  main  following 
Benpit  rather  than  Guido.  Nevertheless,  Guido's  phrase,  "alius 
Hector  vel  secundus  db  ipso"  shows  so  striking  a  verbal  similarity a 
to  Chaucer's, 

".  .  .  Troilus, 
The  wyse  worthy  Ector  the  secounde,"  4 

that,  although  Benoit  expresses  the  same  thought, — 

"  E  li  plus  proz,  fors  que  sis  frere 
Hector  .  .  .,"5— 

1  R.  de  T.,  3991-3992,  5393-5396,  5401-5408,  5422,  5425-5426,  5433-5440. 
On  the  similarity  of  Chaucer's  description  to  Benoit's,  see  Macaulay,  Three  more 
Parallel  Texts,  p.  (a) ;  Macaulay,  Academy,  XLVII,  298  ;  Broatch,  Jour,  of 
Germ.  PhiloL,  II,  16  ;  Hamilton,  p.  76,  note  2. 

2  Historic^  Troiana,  sig.  e  2  verso,  cols.  1-2.      Hamilton  (p.  76,  note  2) 
notes  also   Guido's    statement,   "...    cum   ibi   sit   alius   Hector  qui   nou 
minori  praeditus  est  virtute  inclitus  ille  scilicet  Troilus,  qui  non  minus  quam 
si  Hector  viveret  Graecos  affligit"  (Historia,  sig.  k8  recto,  col.   2 — verso, 
col.  1). 

3  Cf.  Skeat,  Vol.  II,  p.  Ivii  ;  Hamilton,  p.  76. 

4  T.  and  C.,  ii,  157-158,  quoted  above.     Cf.  T.  and  0.,  ii,  644,  739-740  ; 
iii,  1774-1775 ;  v,  1564-1565,  1803-1804,  noted  by  Hamilton,  p.' 76,  note  1. 

5  £.  de  T.,  5439-5440.     Broatch  (p.  16)  thinks  that  the  French  lines  con 
tain  "the  very  statement  that  Troylus  was  second  only  to  Hector  in  arms." 
See  also  Benoit's  statements  concerning  Troilus, — 

"  Poi  ert  meins  forz  en  son  endreit 
Ne  meins  hardiz  qu'Hector  esteit"  (JR.  de  T.,  3991-3992) ;. 

' '  N'est  pas  meins  forz  d'Hector  son  frere  " 

(JR.  de  T.  (Joly),  19899). 

The  conventionality  of  these  phrases  is,  perhaps,  shown  by  such  lines  as  the- 
following  in  the  Roman  de  Thebes, — 

"  0  Eneas,  qui  fu  molt  proz, 
Fors  Hector  li  mieudres  de  toz  " 


CHAUCER'S  DESCRIPTION  OF  CRISEYDE  NOT  ALL  FROM  BOCCACCIO'S.  Ill 

it  is  possible  that  Guido  had  a  slight  influence  upon  the  English 
passage.1 

In    Chaucer's    description    of    Criseyde    occur   the    following 
passages : 

"  Criseyde  mene  ivas  ofliir  stature? 
Ther-to  of  shap,  of  face,  and  eek  of  chere, 
Ther  mighte  been  no  fairer  creature. 

And,  save  liir  browes  joyneden  y-fere, 
Ther  nas  no  Idk  in  ought  I  can  espyen ; 
But  for  to  speken  of  hir  eyen  clere, 
Lo,  trewely,  they  writen  that  hir  syen, 
That  paradys  stood  formed  in  hir  yen.3 

She  sobre  was,  eek  simple,  and  wys  with-al, 
The  beste  y-norisslied  eek  that  mighte  be, 
And  goodly  of  hir  speche  in  general, 
Charitable,  estatliche,  lusty,  and  free ; 
]S~e  never-mo  ne  lakkede  hir  pitee  ; 
Tendre-herted,  slydinge  of  corage."  4 

In  this  description  Chaucer  seems  in  the  main  to  have  departed 
from  Boccaccio's  description 5  and  to  have  reverted  to  the  sources 

(Le  Roman  de  Thebes,  edited  by  L.  Constans,  Paris,  1890,  11.  7237-7238. 
Cf.  Vol.  II,  p.  cxvi).  The  French  lines,  £.  de  T.,  5439-5440,  quoted  above, 
may  be  the  source  of  Chaucer's  line, 

"Save  Ector,  most  y-drad  of  any  wight "  (T.  and  C.,  iii,  1775). 

Cf.  Hamilton,  p.  137. 

1  Such  an  influence  is  denied  by  Macaulay,  who  holds  that   the  resem 
blance  is  not  "sufficient  of  itself  to  prove  imitation  of  Guide's  expression" 
(Academy,  XL VII,  298). 

2  Chaucer's  statement  in  this  line  reminds  us  of  the  opening  Dares'  descrip 
tion, — "Briseidam  formosam,  non  alta  statura  .  .  ."  (p.  17,  11.  7-8).     How 
ever,  Chaucer's  borrowing  directly  from  Dares  here  seems  unlikely  from  the 
fact  that  both   Benoit  and  Guido  have   the  same  sense  (B.  de  T.,  5276, 
"Ne  fu  petite  ne  trop  grant"  ;  Hist.,  sig.  e  2  recto,  col.  2,  "nee  longa  nee 
brevis"),  and  the  fact  that  in  Filostrato  (i,  34,  1)  we  are  told  that  Troilo,  in 
speaking  of  Griseida, 

"Lodava  molto  gli  atti  e  la  statura." 

3  Cf.  Filostrato,  i,  28,  8,  "  Gli  occhi  lucenti  e  1'angelico  viso."     Cf.  id.,  i, 
27,  3-4  ;  i,  11,  4-5  ;  iv,  100,  3. 

4  T.  and  C.,  v,  806-808,  813-817,  820-825. 

5  See  Filostrato,  i,  27,  1—28,  8.     For  example,  Boccaccio's  statement, 

"Ell'  era  grande  ..."  (Filostrato,  i,  27,  1), 
is  directly  contradicted  by  Chaucer's  line, 

"  Criseyde  mene  was  of  hir  stature"  (T.  and  C.,  v,  806). 


112     CHAUCER'S  CRISEYDE  is  FROM  BENOIT  RATHER  THAN  GUIDO. 

of  Filostrato.'  Numerous  details  in  Chaucer's  description  have 
-close  parallels  in  the  Roman  de  Troie,1 — 

"  Briseida  fu  avenant : 
Ne  fu  petite  ne  trop  grant. 
Plus  esteit  bele  e  bloie  e  blanche 
Que  nor  de  lis  ne  neif  sor  branche  ; 
Mais  les  sorcilles  li  joigneient, 
Que  auques  li  mesaveneient. 
Beam  ieuz  aveit  de  grant  maniere 
E  mout  esteit  bele  parliere. 
Mout  fu  de  bon  a/aitement 
E  de  sage  contenement. 
Mout  fu  amee  e  mout  amot, 
Mais  sis  corages  li  chanjot ; 
E  si  ert  el  mout  vergondose, 
Simple  e  aumosniere  e  pitose"  2 

Guido  describes  Briseida  as  follows  : 

"Briseida,  autem,  filia  Calcas,  multa  fuit  speciositate  decora,  nee 
longa  nee  brevis,  nee  nimium  macilenta ;  lacteo  perfusa  candore, 
genis  roseis,  flavis  crinibus ;  sed  super  ciliis  iunctis,  quorum  junctur a, 
dum  multa  pilositate  tumesceret,  modicam  inconvenientiam  praesen- 
tabat ;  oculis  venusta ;  multa  fulgebat  loquelae  facundia,  multa 
fuit  pietate  tractabilis ;  multos  traxit  propter  illecebras  amatores, 
multosque  dilexit,  dum  suis  amatoribus  animi  constantiam  non 
servasset."  3 

Apparently  there  are  no  details  in  Chaucer's  description  which 
he  could  not  have  found  in  Benoit's  description  quite  as  well  as 
in  Guide's,4  whereas  the  English  passages  show  striking  verbal 

1  This  comparison  was  made  by  Macaulay,  in  Three  More  Parallel  Texts, 
Introduction,  p.  (a).    Cf.  Academy,  XLVII,  298  ;  Broatch,  p.  26. 

2  R.  de  T.,  5275-5288. 

3  Historia  Troiana,  sig.  e  2  recto,  col.  2. 

4  Hamilton  notes  Chaucer's  mention   of   "browes  joyneden  y-fere"  as  a 
"lak,"  and  says  (p.  82,  note  1),  "only  in  the  Historia  is  the  defect  of  the 
eyebrows  emphasized."     Cf.  Professor  Neilson  in  Journal  of  Compar.  Lit.,  I, 
290.     I  believe  that  Chaucer's  lines, 

"And  save  hir  browes  joyneden  y-fere, 
Ther  nas  no  lak  .  .  ."  (T.  and  C.,  v,  813), 

show  just  the  same  emphasis  of  this  defect  that  we  find  in  Benoit's  lines, 
"  Mais  les  sorcilles  li  joigneient, 
Que  auques  li  mesaveneient." 

To  be  sure,  Guido  adds  a  detail, — "  dum  multa  pilositate  tumesceret, " — which 
does  not  occur  in  Benoit ;  but  neither  is  this  detail  in  any  wise  reflected  in 
Chaucer.  Chaucer  and  Benoit  agree  in  this  point  against  Guido.  On  the 
phrase  "supercilia  iuncta,"  see  J.  Fiirst,  Phi'ologus,  LXI,  385-388;  G.  P. 
Krapp,  Modern  Lang.  Notes,  XIX,  235  ;  G.  L.  Hamilton,  Modern  Lang.  Notes, 
XX,  80. 


€H.  in]     CHAUCER'S  'GOD  OF  LOVE'  DUE  TO  BOCCACCIO'S.         113 

^s^tfi^ 

resemblances  to  the  French  of  Benoit.  I  conclude,  therefore,  that 
Chaucer  followed  Benoit  at  this  point,  and  that  here  the  English 
author  cannot  be  proved  to  have  borrowed  anything  at  all  from 
Guido.1 

As  part  of  his  account  of  the  innamoramento  of  Troilus,  Chaucer 
writes, 

" .  -.  .  the  god  of  love  gan  loken  rowe 
Eight  for  despyt,  and  shoop  for  to  ben  wroken ; 
He  kidde  anoon  his  bowe  nas  not  broken ; 
For  sodeynly  he  hit  him  at  the  fulle"2 

In  Filostrato  we  find, 

"  Senza  pensare  in  che  il  del  s'a/retti 
Di  recar  lui,  il  quale  amor  traftsse 
Piu  ch'alcun  altro  .  .  ."  3 

It .  has  been  held 4  that,  since  the  Italian  lines  are  an  inadequate 
source  for  the  English  passage,  Chaucer  probably  followed  a  passage 
in  Guide's  account  of  the  innamoramento  of  Achilles  and  Polyxena, 
the  French  original  of  which  served  Boccaccio  in  his  account 
of  the  innamoramento  of  Troilo.5  The  Latin  passage  in  question 
is  as  follows : 

"Et  dum  desiderabili  animo  in  earn  Achilles  suum  defixisset 
intuitum,  sagitta  Cupidinis  fortem  Achillem  subito  vulneravit  et 
ad  interiora  pertransiens  cordis  ejus."  6 

I  cannot  see  that  the  Latin  passage  could  have  served  as  a  source 
of  the  English  lines  any  better  than  could  the  Italian  lines. 
Boccaccio  provides  a  parallel  for  Chaucer's  "god  of  love,"  as 
Guido  does  not.  If  Chaucer  needed  to  be  reminded  that  the 
"god  of  love"  uses  a  "bowe,"  he  may  have  been  inspired  by 
Guide's  "sagitta,"  or  by  Boccaccio's  later  line, — 

"  Saette  che  per  te  m'entrar  nel  petto." 7 

1  I  cannot  accept  the  opinion  of  Dr.  Hamilton,  pp.  81-82. 

2  T.  and  C.,  i,  206-209.     Of.  Lenvoy  de  Chaucer  to  Scogan,  11    25-27 

3  Filostrato,  i,  25,  6-8. 

4  See   Hamilton,  pp.  71-3  ;  and  see  Journal  of  Comparative  Literature, 
I,  289. 

5  See  above,  pp.  35  ff. 

6  Historia  Troiana,  sig.  k  2  verso,  col.  2.     Benoit  has  no  adequate  parallel. 
Cf.  £.  de  T.  (Joly),  17510-17559. 

7  Filostrato,  iv,  146,  6.     Chaucer's 

"...  soydenly  he  hit  him  at  the  fulle  "  (T.  and  C.,  i,  209), 
may  or  may  not  be  nearer  to  Guide's, 

"  Subito  vulneravit  et  ad  interiora  pertransiens  cordis  ejus," 
DEV.  TR.  CR.  I 


114  A   PASSAGE   POSSIBLY   DUE   TO   GUIDO.  [CH.  Ill 

In  further  describing  the  innamoramento  of  Troilus,  Chaucer 
writes, 

"  And  sodeynly  he  wex  ther-with  astoned, 
And  gan  hire  bet  biholde  in  thrifty  wyse  : 
' 0  mercy,  god  ! '  thoughte  he,  *  wher  hastow  woned, 
That  art  so  fair  and  goodly  to  devyse  ? ' 
Ther-with  his  herte  gan  to  sprede  and  ryse, 

And  after  that  hir  loking  gan  she  lighte, 
That  never  thoughte  him  seen  so  good  a  siglife. 

And  of  hir  look  in  him  ther  gan  to  quikeu 

So  greet  desir,  and  swich  affeccioun, 

That  in  his  hertes  botme  gan  to  stiken 

Of  hir  his  fixe  and  depe  impressioun  : 

And  though  he  erst  hadde  poured  up  and  doun, 

He  was  tho  glad  his  homes  in  to  shrinke ; 

Unnethes  wiste  he  Jiow  to  loke  or  winke."  l 

A  possible  source  for  the  English  passages  has  been  pointed  out 2 
in  the  following  passages  in  Guido's  account  of  Achilles'  love 
affair : 

"Achilles  igitur  dum  Polixenam  inspexit  et  ejus  est  pulchri- 
tudinem  contemplatus  vere  suo  eoncepit  in  animo  nunquam  se 
vidisse  puellam  nee  aliquam  aliam  mulierem  tantae  pulchritudinis 
forma  vigere.  .  .  .  Qui  dum  in  earn  frequentius  intuendo  sibi 
ipsi  placere  putaret  et  lenire  grave  desiderium  cordis  sui  majoris 
scissurae  cordis  vulneris  seipsum  sibi  reddebat  actorem.  .  .  .  Quid 
ultra,  amore  Polixenae  nimium  illaqueatus,  Achilles  nescit  ipse  quid 
faciat.  .  .  .  Propter  quod  dilatat  amplius  plagas  suas  et  sui  amor  is 
vulnera  magis  sui  cordis  attrahit  in  prnfundum"  3 

Though  we  may  well  admit  the  possibility  of  Guido's  influence 
upon  Chaucer  at  this  point,  some  consideration  should  be  given  to. 
Boccaccio's  lines, 

"E  diessi  piu  a  mirare  il  suo  aspetto, 
II  qual  piu  ch'altro  degno  in  s6  gli  pare 
Di  molta  lode.  .  .  ."  4 

than  to  the  Italian, 

".  .  >.  che  il  ciel  s'affretti 
Di  recar  lui,  il  quale  amor  trafisse 
Piuch'alcun  altro.  ..." 

1  T.  and  0.,  i,  274-278,  293-301. 

2  Hamilton,  pp.  73-4.     Of.  Neilson,  Journal  of  Compar.  Lit,.,  I,  289-290. 
8  Historia,  sig.  k  2  verso,  col.  2— k  3  recto,  col.  1.     The  Roman  de  Troie 

has  no  close  parallel. 
4  Filostrato.  i,  28,  4-6.     With  the  English  passages  compare  also, 


CH.  in]   CHAUCER'S  'HORASTE'  AND  '  THOAS  '  DUE  TO  GUIDO?     115 

Moreover,  the  English  passage  may  show  the  influence  also  of 
Boccaccio's  account  of  his  own  innamoramento  near  the  beginning 
of  Filocolo?-  in  which  the  following  passage  may  be  noted : 

"...  apparve  agli  occhi  miei  la  mimbile  bellezza  della  pres- 
critta  giovane  ...  la  quale  si  tosto  com'io  ebbi  veduta  il  cuore 
comincio  si  forte  a  tremare  .  .  .  e  non  sappiendo  perche,  n& 
ancora  sentendo  quello  che  egli  gia  s'immaginava  che  avvenire  gli 
dovea  per  la  nuova  vista,  incominciai  a  dire :  oime,  che  e  questo. 
.  .  .  Ma  dopo  alquanto  spazio,  rassicurato  un  poco,  presi  ardire,  e 
intentivamente  cominciai  a  rimirare  ne'  begli  occhi  dell'adorna 
giovane  .  .  .  di  quindi  col  piagato  cuore  partito  mi  fui." 2 

The  name  of  Troilus's  supposed  rival  occurs  as  Horaste  in  the 
lines, 

"  'How  that  ye  sholde  love  oon  that  hatte  Horaste,' 

' Horaste  !  alias  !  and  falsen  Troilus  ? ' "  3 

The  fact  that  Benoit  always  writes  Orestes^  while  Guido  has 
Horestesf  may  be  a  slender  indication  that  in  this  detail  Chaucer 
is  influenced  by  Guido.6 

Chaucer  tells  us  that  in  exchange  for  Antenor,  the  Trojans 
delivered  to  the  Greeks  both  Thoas  and  Criseyde, — 

"  And  of  this  thing  ful  sone  his  nedes  leyde 
On  hem  that  sholden  for  the  tretis  go, 
And  hem  for  Antenor  ful  ofte  preyde 
To  bringen  hoom  king  Toas  and  Criseyde" 7 

In  Filostrato,  Thoas  is  not  mentioned,  and  Griseida  is  exchanged 
directly  for  Antenor.8     It  may  be  said  that  Chaucer's  innovation 
"  Co  li  est  vis  que  molt  est  bele  ; 

Onques  horn  plus  bele  ne'vit " 

(E.  de  T.  Joly,  17556-17558). 

1  Filocolo,  I,  4-7.     See  above,  pp.  40  ff.     As  to  Chaucer's  use  of  Filocolo, 
see  Chapter  IV. 

2  Id..  I,  5-6.  3  T.  and  C.,  iii,  797,  806. 

4  See  £.  de  T.  (Joly),  27958,  28157,  28166,  28182. 

5  See  Historia,  sig.  n  5  verso,  col.  2  ;  n  6  recto,  col.  2. 

6  See  Hamilton,  p.  97.     In  the  absence  of  a  critical  text  of  the  Historia 
Troiana  and  of  the  part  of  the  Roman  de  Troie  under  discussion,  probably 
only  limited  inferences  can  be  drawn  from  such  slight  variations  in  the 
spelling  of  a  proper  name. 

7  T.  and  0.,  iv,  135-138.     Of.  Hertzberg,  Jahrbuch  der  Deutschen  Shake- 
speare-Gesellschaft,  VI,  203  ;   Kissner,    Chaucer  in  seinen  Beziehungen  zur 
italienischen  Literatur,  Bonn,  1867,  p.  23  ;  Hamilton,  pp.  104-105. 

8  See  Filostrato,  iv,  78,  7-8  ;  10,  4-6  ;  12,  7-8.    See  above,  p.  8.    Hamilton 
.notes  (p.  105,  note  2)  that  according  to  Harleian  MS.  1239,  Chaucer  agrees 
with  Boccaccio  in  omitting  Thoas  from  the  episode ;    but  this  variant  is 
evidently  due  to  a  scribe's  error  and  signifies  nothing. 


116     CHAUCER   ON    CRISEYDE's    GRIEF   IS   DUE   TO   BOCCACCIO.    [CH.  Ill 

could  have  originated  either  in  Benoit's  poem  or  in  Guide's 
Historia,  both  of  which  mention  the  exchange  of  Antenor  and 
Thoas.1  However,  Guido  alone  associates  Briseida  directly  with 
the  exchange  of  the  two  warriors.  This  fact  will  appear  when 
we  analyze  the  two  accounts.2  Benoit  first  tells  us  that  Antenor 
and  Thoas  are  exchanged,  to  the  great  satisfaction  of  both  sides.3 
Then  Calchas  makes  a  separate  request, — in  no  wise  connecting 
it  with  this  exchange, — that  the  Greek  chieftains  ask  Priam  to 
deliver  Briseida  to  them.4  Priam  grants  this  request,  in  no  wise 
connecting  it  with  the  exchange  previously  made.5  According  to 
Guido  the  procedure  is  the  same,6  except  that  Priam  releases 
Briseida  in  explicit  connection  with  the  exchange  of  Antenor  and 
Thoas, — 

"  Sed  rex  Priamus  ad  petitionem  Graecorum  inter  commutationem 
Antlienoris  et  regis  Tlwas  Breseidam  G-raeds  voluntarie  relaxavit" 7 

It  may  be,  then,  that  Chaucer's  innovation  of  connecting  Criseyde 
and  Thoas  in  the  exchange  for  Antenor  was  suggested  by  the  close 
association  of  these  three  characters  in  the  Historia  Troiana. 

Criseyde's  venting  of  her  grief  over  the  news  of  the  approaching 
separation  from  Troilus  is  shown  in  the  following  lines : 

4 

"  And  fond  that  she  hir-selven  gan  to  trete 
Ful  pitously ;  for  with  Mr  salte  teres 
HIT  brest,  hir  face  y-bathed  ivas  ful  wete  ; 
The  mighty  tresses  of  hir  sonnish  heres, 
Unbroyden,  hangen  al  aboute  hir  eres ; 
Which  yqf  him  verray  signal  of  martyre 
Of  cleeth,  which  that  hir  herte  gan  desyre."  8 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  Chaucer  is  here  following  in  the  main 
Boccaccio's  parallel  description, — 

"  El  vide  lei  in  sul  letto  avviluppata 
Ne'singhiozzi,  nel  pianto  e  ne'sospiri ; 
El  petto  tutto  e  la  faccia  bagnata 
Di  lacrime  le  vide,  ed  in  disiri 
Di  pianger  gli  occhi  suoi,  e  scapigliata, 
Dar  vero  segno  degli  aspri  martirj."  9 

1  Of.  E.  de  T.,  13079-13085  ;  Historia,  sig.  i  1  recto,  col.  2— verso,  col.  1. 

2  See  above,  p.  8.  3  R  de  T ^  13079_13085. 
4  Id.,  13086-13098.  «  Id.,  13099-13120. 

6  Historia  Troiana,  sig.  i  1  recto,  col.  2. 

7  Id.,  sig.  i  1  verso,  col.  1.     See  T.  E.  Oliver,  Jacques  Milet's  Drama  "La 
Destruction  de  Troye  la  Grant"  Heidelberg,  1899,  p.  98. 

8  T.  and  <?.,  iv,  813-819.  »  Mlostrato,  iv,  96,  1-6. 


CH.  Ill]     CHAUCER  ON   CRISEYDE's    TRESSES    NOT    DUE    TO    GUIDO.     117 

It  has  been  maintained,1  however,  that  the  English  lines, 

"  The  mighty  tresses  of  hir  sonnish  heres 
Unbroyden,  hangen  al  aboute  hir  eres  ;  " 

show  the  influence  of  a  phrase  of  Guide's  in  his  similar  de 
scription, — 

".  .  .  et  aureos  crines  suos  a  lege  ligaminis  absolutes  .  .  . 
divellit."2 

In  view  of  Boccaccio's  word,  "  scapigliata,"  in  the  Italian  passage 
above,  and  of  his  other  line, 

"  E  i  biondi  crin  tirandosi  rompea,"  3 

I  think  Guido's  influence  upon  the  English  lines  is  not  easy  to 
demonstrate.  Moreover,  I  believe  that  the  demonstration  is 
definitely  vitiated  by  such  a  passage  as  the  following,  describing 
the  heroine  of  Filocolo,  a  work  which,  as  we  shall  see,4  Chaucer 
certainly  used  in  writing  Troilus  : 

".  .  .  i  begli  occhi  pieni  di  lagrime,  e  i  biondi  capelli  senza 
alcun  maestrevole  legamento  attorti  e  avviluppati  al  capo."  5 

It  has  been  suggested  also6  that  the  same  brief  passage  from 
Guido  may  be  the  source  of  Chaucer's  later  passage  describing 
Criseyde, — 

"  And  ofte  tyme  this  was  hir  manere, 
To  gon  y-tressed  with -Mr  heres  clere 
Doun  by  hir  coler  at  hir  bak  bihinde, 
Which  with  a  threde  of  gold  she  wolde  binde."  7 

In  view  of  the  somewhat  conventional  nature  of  this  description  8 
and  of  the  parallel  in  Boccaccio's  Teseide, — 

"  Ella  avea  d'oro  i  crini,  et  rilegati 
Intorno  al  capo  senza  treccia  alcuna,"  9 — 

1  See  Hamilton,  pp.  77-79.  2  Historia,  sig.  i  2  recto,  col.  2. 

3  Filostrato,  iv,  87,  7.  4  See  below,  Chapter  IV. 

t-Filocolo,  I,  188.     Cf.  Filocolo,  I,  121,— 

"Ellanon  si  curavamai  di  mettere  i  suoi  biondi  capelli  con  sottile  maestria 
in  dilicato  ordine." 

6  Skeat    (Vol.    II,    pp.    Iviii-lix)    made    this    suggestion    and    Broatch 
(pp.  17-18)  rejected  it.     Hamilton  (p.  79)  revived  Skeat's  suggestion. 
'  T.  and  C.,  v,  809-812. 

8  See  The  Court  of  Love,  11.  138-140  (edited  by  Skeat,  Oxford  Chaucer, 
Vol.  VII,  Oxford,  1897,  pp.  409  ff.     Cf.  id.,  pp.  542-3).     See  also  Kyng 
Alisaunder,  11.  207-208  (H.  Weber,  Metrical  Romances,  Vol.  I,  Edinburgh, 
1810,  p.  14). 

9  Teseide  (Opere  Volgari  di  Giovanni  Boccaccio,  Vol.  IX,  Firenze,  Moutier, 
1831),, vii,  65,  1-2.     Cf.  Hamilton,  p.  79,  note  2. 


118      CHAUCER   ON    CRISEYDE's   GRIEF,    FROM   GUIDO   OR   BOCCACCIO. 

the  influence  of  Guido  here  will  probably  never  be  demon 
strated.1 

In  another  part  of  his  description  of  Criseyde's  grief,  Chaucer 
writes, 

"  Hir  ounded  heer,  that  sonnish  was  of  he  we, 
She  rente,  and  eek  hir  fingres  longe  and  smale 
She  wrong  ful  ofte,  and  bad  god  on  hir  rewe, 
And  with  the  deeth  to  doon  bote  on  hir  bale,"  2 

a  passage  in  which  he  is  certainly  using  Boccaccio's  lines, 

"E  i  biondi  crin  tirandosi  rompea, 
E  mille  volte  ognor  morte  chiedea."  3 

Filostrato,  however,  offers  no  parallel  to  Chaucer's  detail, — 

" .  .  .  and  eek  hir  fingres  longe  and  smale 
She  wrong  ful  ofte  .  .  .  ,"- 

which,  it  has  been  surmised,  may  show  the  influence  of  such 
passages  as  the  following  from  Guide's  extravagant  addition  to 
Benoit's  more  restrained  account  of  Briseida's  grief : 

"  Unguibus  etiam.  suis  sna  tenerrima  ora  dilacerabat  .  .  .  et 
dum  rigidis  unguibus  suas  maxillas  exarat  rubeo  cruore  pertinctas, 
lacerata  lilia  laceratis  rosis  immisceri  similitudinarie  videbantur."  4 

I  do  not  see  that  the  Latin  passage  contains  an  exact  parallel  to 
Chaucer's  detail.  Moreover,  before  admitting  Guide's  direct  in 
fluence  here  we  should  not  overlook  such  passages  as  the  following, 
describing  the  heroine  of  Filocolo, — 

1  Since  Dr.  Hamilton  was  bent  upon  showing  Guide's  influence  upon  the 
Chaucerian  passages  before  us,  he  might  have  cited  also  Guide's  description 
of  Polyxena, — 

"Polixena  in  multorum  mulierum  nobilium  comitiva,  quae  sparsis  per 
earum  pectora  et  terga  capillis,  flebiles  gemitus  .  .  .  producebant "  (Historia, 
sig.  k  2  verso,  col.  1). 

' '  Sicque  eius  aurea  et  flavea  caesaries  in  multis  dispersa  capillis  auri 
similitudinem  presentabat  ut  quasi  non  viderentur  esse  capilli  sed  coniuncta 
potius  auri  fila"  (id.,  sig.  k  2  verso,  col.  2). 

2  T.  and  C.,  iv,  736-739.  »  Filostrato,  iv,  87,  7-8. 

4  Historia,  sig.  i  2  recto,  col.  2.  The  latter  part  of  the  Latin  passage  might 
conceivably  be  the  source  of  Chaucer's  line, 

"  Hir  hewe,  whylom  bright,  that  tho  was  pale  " 

(T.  andC.,  iv,  740), 
which,  however,  is  tolerably  close  to  Boccaccio's 

"...  le  fresche  guance  e  delicate 
Pallide  e  magre  1'eran  divenute  "  (Filostrato,  vi   1,  6-7). 

Cf.  Hamilton,  p.  80,  note  1. 


OH.  Ill]      CRISEYDE'S  SCOLDING  OF  HER  FATHER  IS  FROM    GUIDO.       119 

"...  ella  s'avrebbe  i  biondi  capelli  dilaniati  e  guasti,  e'l  bel 
yiso  senza  niuna  pieta  lacerate  con  crudeli  unghie,  stracciandosi  i 
neri  drappi  significant!  la  futura  morte."  l 

From  the  evidence  before  me  I  conclude  that  no  more  than  the 
remote  possibility  of  Guide's  influence  at  this ,  point  has  been 
established. 

According  to  Chaucer,  Criseyde  gives  to  Troilus  a  considerable 
account  of  the  style  in  which  she  intends  to  berate  her  father.2  In 
this  speech  occur  the  following  expressions  concerning  heathen 
deities : 

"  I  shal  him  so  enchaunten  with  my  sawes, 
That  right  in  hevene  his  sowle  is,  shal  he  mete  ! 
For  al  Appollo,  or  his  clerkes  lawes, 
Or  calculinge  avayleth  nought  three  hawes. 

.  .  .  and  beren  him  on  honde, 
He  hath  not  ivel  the  goddes  understonde, 
For  goddes  speken  in  amphibologyes, 
And,  for  a  sooth,  they  tellen  twenty  lyes. 

Eek  drede  fond  first  goddes,  I  suppose, 
Thus  shal  I  seyn,  and  that  his  coward  herte 
Made  him  amis  the  goddes  text  to  glose, 
Whan  he  for  ferde  out  of  his  Delphos  sterte."  3 

These  English  passages  have  no  direct  parallel  in  Filostrato.^  In 
Benoit's  account  of  Briseida's  upbraiding  of  her  father  we  read, 

"  Trop  i  mesfist  dant  Apollin, 
Se  il  tel  respons  vos  dona 
Ne  se  il  90  vos  comanda. 
Maudiz  seit  hui  icist  augurs, 
Icist  dons  e  icist  eiirs, 
Qu'a  si  grant  honte  vos  revert !  " 5 

•Guido  represents  this  French  passage  by  the  following : 

"Sane  deceperunt  te  Appollinis  falsa  responsa  a  quo  te  dicis 
suscepisse  mandatum  ut  tuos  paternos  lares  desereres  et  tuos  in 
tanta  acerbitate  peierares  et  ut  sic  tuis  specialiter  hostibus  adhereres. 
Sane  non  fuit  ille  deus  Appollo  sed  potius  puto  fuit  comitiva 
infernalium  furiarum  a  quibus  responsa  talia  suscepisti."  6 

1  Filocolo,  I,  176.  2  See  T.  and  0.,  iv,  1366-1414. 

3  Id.,  iv,  1395-8,  1404-11. 

4  In  another  connection  Filostrato  has  (vii,  90,  7-8), 

"  Non  t'  ha  di  questo  il  vero  assai  mostrato 
II  tuo  Apollo,  il  qual  di'  c'  hai  gabbato." 

5  R.  de  T.,  13768-13773.  6  Historia  Troiana,  sig.  i  3  recto,  col.  1. 


120     CHAUCER'S  BLAME  OF  HEATHENISM  is  FROM  BENOIT.     [CH.  in 

Certainly  Criseyde's  words  are  nearer  to  the  Latin  passage  than  to 
the  French.1 

As  part  of  the  conclusion  of  his  poem  Chaucer  himself  arraigns 
heathen  practices  in  the  following  vigorous  words  : 

"  Lo  here,  of  payens  corsed  olde  rytes, 
Lo  here,  what  alle  hir  goddes  may  availle ; 
I,o  here,  these  wrecched  worldes  appetytes ; 
Lo  here,  the  fyn  and  guerdon  for  travaille 
Of  Jove,  Appollo,  of  Mars,  of  swich  rascaille ! 
Lo  here,  the  forme  of  olde  clerkes  speche 
In  poetrye,  if  ye  hir  bokes  seche." 2 

It  has  been  conjectured  that  this  passage  shows  the  influence  of 
Guido's  invective  against  idolatry, — one  of  his  most  conspicuous 
additions  to  his  French  source.3  Although  this  invective  is  not 
directly  connected  with  the  story  of  Troilus  and  Briseida,  and 
although  there  are  no  resemblances  in  detail  between  Chaucer  and 
Guido  at  this  point,  no  one  can  deny  the  possibility  that  the  Latin 
invective  may  have  influenced  the  English  passage.  However,  the 
English  lines, 

".  .  .  corsed  olde  rytes, 

Lo  here,  the  fyn  and  guerdon  for  travaille,"4 
may  show  the  influence  of  the  French  lines, 

"  Maudiz  seit  hui  icist  augurs, 
Icist  dons  e  icist  eiirs, 
Qu'a  si  grant  honte  vos  revert !  "  5 

Moreover,  we  should  notice  Hecuba's  outburst  against  heathen 
deities  and  heathen  practices  as  she  mourns  beside  the  dead  body 
of  Troilus,— 

"  Ahi  lasse,  quel  porteure, 

Et  com  dolerose  aventure  ! 

Ahi  reis  Mars,  reis  Jupiter, 

Ahi  Pluto,  li  Deu  d'enfer, 

Quel  merveille,  quel  cruelte  ! 

Tant  sacrefice  vos  ai  fait, 
Tant  riche  tenple  preciox. 
Par  90  m'estes  si  hainox, 

1  See  Skeat,  Vol.  II,  p.  Ivii ;  Broatcli,  pp.  16,  20. 

2  T.  and  C.,  v,  1849-1855. 

:?  Historia,  sig.  e  4  verso,  col.  1— e  6  recto,  col  1.    Cf.  Skeat,  Vol  II,  pp.  Ix- 
hi  :  Hamilton,  pp.  90-92. 
*  T.  and  C.,  y,  1849,  1852.  *  E.  dc  T.,  13771-3. 


CH.  in]  CRISEYDE'S  RECEPTION  OF  DIOMEDES  is  NOT  FROM  GUIDO.  121 

Que  plus  ne  me  poez  grever, 
Ne  me  poez  mes  bien  doner. 
De  mortal  geu,  de  plorement, 
De  bret,  de  cri,  de  ullement 
Avez  enplies  mes  entrailles ; 
Ici  a  trop  dures  batailles  ! " 1 

Hecuba's  outburst  may  fairly,  be  said  to  stand  at  the  end  of  Benoit's 
story  of  Troilus,  and  may  well  have  influenced  the  similar  passage 
at  the  end  of  Troilus  and  Criseyde.  We  may  conclude,  then,  that 
in  his  remarks  concerning  heathen  worship  Chaucer  was  probably 
influenced  rather  more  directly  byJBsnoit  than  by  Guido. 

According  to  Chaucer,  Criseyde  responds  as  follows  to  Diomedes> 
first  amorous  approach : 

"  Criseide  un-to  that  purpos  lyte  answer  de, 
As  she  that  was  with  sorwe  oppressed  so 
That,  in  effect,  she  nought  his  tales  herde, 
But  here  and  there,  now  here  a  word  or  two. 
Hir  thoughte  hir  sorwful  lierte  brast  a-two. 
For  whan  she  gan  hir  fader  fer  aspye, 
Wei  neigh  doun  of  hir  hors  she  gan  to  sye. 

But  natheles  she  thonked  Diomede 

Of  al  his  travaile  and  his  goode  chere, 

And  that  him  liste  his  friendship  hir  to  lede  ; 

And  she  accepteth  it  in  good  manere, 

And  wolde  do  fayn  that  is  him  leef  and  dere ; 

And  trusten  him  she  wolde,  and  wel  she  mighte, 

As  seyde  she,  and  from  hir  hors  she  alighte."  2 

Guido  reports  Briseida's  reply  as  follows  : 

"  Sed  Briseida  in  ipsis  primis  motibus,  ut  mulierum  est  nioris, 
suum  praestare  recusavit  assensum.  .  ISTec  tamen  passa  est  quin  post 
multa  Diomedis  verba  ipsum  nolens  a  -spe  sua  deijcere  verbis 
humilibus  dixit  ei :  '  Amoris  tui  oblationem  ad  presens  nee  repudio 
nee  admitto,  cum  cor  meum  nunc  non  sit  ita  dispositum  quod  tibi 
possim  aliter  respondere.' "  3 

Surely  Guide's  Latin  provides  no  very  close  parallel  to  the  English 
passage  before  us,4  whereas  Benoit  assigns  to  Briseida  a  much 
longer  reply,5  in  which  certain  verbal  similarities  to  Chaucer's 
abridgment  will  appear  from  the  following  passages : 

1  R.  de  T.  (Joly),  21679-21683,  21698-21706.     Guido  (Historia,  sig.  1  3 
verso,  col.  1)  has  no  similar  passage. 

2  T.  and  C.,  v,  176-189.  3  Eistoria,  sig.  i  2  verso,  col.  1. 

4  See  Hamilton,  pp.  114-115. 

5  See  R.  de  T.,  13617-13680.     Cf.  13706-13712. 


122  CRISEYDE   DISMOUNTING   PERHAPS    FROM   GUIDO.         [CH.  Ill 

"  Briseida  fu  sage  e  proz, 
Respond!  li  e  a  bries  moz  : 

Qui  tant  a  ire  e  esmaiance 
E  en  son  cuer  duel  e  pesance 
Come  jo  ai,  mout  li  tient  poi 
D 'amors  ne  de  bien  ne  de  joi. 

Si  poe'z  bien  estre  certains, 
S'a  90  me  voleie  aproismier, 
Nul  plus  de  vos  n'avreie  chier. 

Ainz  que  venist  al  desevrer, 
Si  a  cr'ie  cent  feiz  merci, 
Que  de  lui  face  son  ami."  l 

From  the  passages  before  us  I  see  no  reason  for  supposing  that  the 
English  lines  are  based  upon  Guido  rather  than  upon  Benoit.2 

In  one  detail,  however, — 

"For  whan  she  gan  hir  fader  fer  aspye, 
Wei  neigh  doun  of  hir  hors  she  gan  to  sye. 

.  .  .  and.  from  hir  hors  she  alighte,"3 — 
Chaucer  may  possibly  show  the  influence  of  Guido,  who  writes, 

"  Quare  associayit  earn  usque  ad  locum  quo  Briseida  recipere  in 
sui  patris  tentoria  se  debebat,  et  ea  perveniente  ibidem,  ipse  earn, 
ab  equo  descendens,  promptus  adivit,"  4 — 

though  it  is  to  be  noted  that  here  it  is  evidently  Diomedes  who 
dismounts,  and  not  Briseida,  as  in  the  English  passage.  Benoit 
does  not  so  explicitly  mention  the  detail  of  the  dismounting.5 

1  E.  de  T.,  13617-13618,  13637-13640,  13676-13678,  13706-13708.     Cf. 
Hertzberg,  Jahrbuch  der  Deutsclien  Skakespeare-GescllscJiaft,  VI,  203 ;  Broatch, 
pp.  17,  18,  27.     In  connection  with  the  phrase,  crier  .  .   .  merci,  see  below, 
p.  124,  note  2. 

2  Fora  contrary  opinion,  see  Hamilton,  pp.  114-115. 

3  T.  and  C.,  v,  181-182,  189,  quoted  above. 

4  Historia,  sig.  i  2  rerso,  col.  1.     Cf.  Hamilton,  p.  119,  note  2. 
6  Benoit  writes, 

"  Mout  deist  plus  Diomedes, 
Mais  ja  erent  des  tentes  pres : 

A  tant  Calcas  i  est  venuz, 
Qui  centre  li  s'en  fu  eissuz  " 

(E.  de  T.,  13703-4,  13713-4). 
Cf.,  however,  R.  de  T.,  13846-7,— 

"  Quant  la  danzele  fu  el  tref, 
Ou  sis  conduiz  lot  descendue." 


€RISEYDE  AND  DIOMEDE  DUE  MORE  TO  BENOIT  THAN  TO  GUIDO.       123 

In  his  account  of  Criseyde's  later  reply  to  Diomedes,  Chaucer 
assigns  to  his  heroine  these  words, 

"  I  sey  not  therfore  that  I  wol  yow  love, 
Ne  I  sey  not  nay,  but  in  conclusioun, 
/  mene  wet,  by  god  that  sit  above," l 

which  several  writers2  have  held  to  be  based  upon  a  passage  in 
Guide's  account  of  Briseida's  first  reply  to  Diomedes, — 

"  Amoris  tui  oblationem  ad  presens  nee  repudio  nee  admitto."  3 
In  Benoit  we  find  the  following : 

"  Soz  ciel  n'a  si  riche  pucele 
Ne  si  preisiee  ne  si  bele, 
Por  90  que  rien  vousist  amer, 
Que  pas  vos  deiist  refuser : 
Nejo  nos  refits  autrement. 
Mais  n'ai  corage  ne  talent 
Que  vos  ne  autre  aim  aparmains ; 
Si  poe'z  bien  estre  certains, 
S'a  90  me  voleie  aproismier, 
Nul  plus  de  vos  n'avreie  chier. 
Mais  n'an  ai  pense  ne  voleir, 
Neja  Deus  nel  me  doint  aveir  /"  4 

I  do  not  believe  that  the  verbal  reseihblance  between  the  English 
lines  and  the  Latin  are  sufficiently  striking  to  preclude  the 
possibility  of  Chaucer's  having  used  the  French  passage  before  us. 
Moreover,  the  similarities  between  other  passages  in  this  part  of 
the  English  poem  and  passages  in  the  part  of  Benoit' s  poem  that 
we  are  now  considering  seem  to  strengthen  the  probability  that  at 
this  point  Chaucer  is  using  the  Roman  de  Troie  rather  than  the 
Hist  or  ia  Troiana, — 

r"  If  that  I  sholde  of  any  Greek  han  routhe, 
It  sholde  be  your-selven,  by  my  trouthe  ! "  & 

"  Si  poe'z  bien  estre  certains, 
S'a  90  me  voleie  aproismier, 
Nul  plus  de  vos  n'avreie  chier."  6 

1  T.  and  C.,  v,  1002-1004. 

2  Cf.  Kissner,  p.  24 ;  Skeat,  Vol.  IJ,  p.  lix ;  Hamilton,  pp.  83-84. 

3  Historia,  sig.  i  2  verso,  col.  1. 

4  R.  de  T.,  13669-13680.     Cf.  Broatch,  p.  18. 

6  T.  and  C.,  v,  1000-1001.  6  R^  de  T.,  13676-8. 


124          CRISEYDE'S  MEDITATION,  PERHAPS  FROM  GUI  DO.       [OH.  in 

-'"This  Diomede  al  freshly  newe  ayeyn 

Gan  pressen  on,  and  faste  Mr  mercy  prey 6."  ] 

1  "  Preier  convient  Diomedes 

Qui  tant  ainie  que  ne  puet  mes. 
I    So  vent  li  vait  inerci  crier"  2 

Hir  glove  he  took,  of  which  he  ivas  ful  fayn"  3 

Un  de  ses  guanz  li  a  toleit, 
Que  nus  iiel  set  ne  aparceit : 
Mout  sj en  fait  liez  .  .  ."  4 

Chaucer   tells   us   that   after   her   second    reply   to   Diomedes. 
Criseyde  retired  to  her  father's  tent, 

"  Eetorning  in  hir  soule  ay  up  and  doun 
The  wordes  of  this  sodein  Diomede."  5 

As  the  source  of  the  first  of  these  lines  one  writer  6  has  suggested 
a  phrase  used  by  Guido  in  a  different  connection, — 

"Multa  tamen  in  sua  mente  revolvit."  7 

However,  there  is  no  proof  whatever  that  Chaucer,  who  on  the 
whole  is  following  Benoit  at  this  point,  went  to  another  part  of 
Guido's  work  for  a  phrase  that  he  had  already  used  twice  in 
Troilus  in  close  translation  from  FilostratoP 

1  T.  and  C.,  v,  1010-11. 

2  JR.  de  T.  (Joly),  14983-5.     Of.  Hamilton,  p.  114,  note  3.     On  the  mean 
ing  of  merci  crier,  see  Littre,  Didionnaire  de  la  Langue  Francaise,  Tome  II,, 
Partie  Ie,  Paris,  1869. 

3  T.  and  C.,  v,  1013. 

4  R.  de  T.,  13709-13711.    On  this  detail,  see  Hertzberg,  p.  203  ;  Macaulay, 
Academy,  XLVII,  298  ;  Broatch,  pp.  17,  18  ;  Hamilton,  pp.  118-119.     Skeat 
says  (Vol.  II,  p.  lix)  that  Chaucer's  detail  is  "obviously  from  Guido,"  who> 
has,  to  be  sure,   "  unam  de  cirothecis  quam  Hriseida  gerebat  in  manu  ab 
ea,  nullo  percipiente,  furtive  subtraxit "  (Hiatoria  Troiana,  sig.  i  2  verso, 
cols.  1-2). 

5  T.  and  C.,  v,  1023-4.  e  See  Hamilton,  p.  85. 

7  Historia,  sig.  1  1   recto,    col.    1.     One  might  cite  also  Guido's  phrase 
concerning  Medea,— "multa  inter  se  cogitatione  revolvit"  (Historia,  sig.  a  7 
recto,  col.  2),  and  the  phrase  in  Filocolo,  "  nella  mente  tornandole  alcuna 
voltaFlorio"  (I,  323). 

8  T.  and  C.,  ii,  601-2,— 

"And  every  word  gan  up  and  doun  to  winde, 
That  he  hadde  seyd,  as  it  com  hir  to  minde," — 

is  a  translation  of  Filostrato,  ii,  68,  3-4, — 

"  Seco  nel  cuor  ciascuna  paroletta 
Rivolvendo  di  Pandaro  e  novella." 


CH.  in]     CRISEYDE'S  GIYING-IN  TO  DIOMEDE  is  FROM  BENOIT.     125 

Criseyde's  final  succumbing  to  Diomedes  is  recounted  by  Chaucer 
in  the  following  summary  : 

"  I  finde  eek  in  the  stories  elles-where, 
Whan  through  the  body  hurt  was  Diomede 
Of  Troilus,  tho  weep  she  many  a  tere, 
"Whan  that  she  saugh  his  wyde  woundes  blede  ; 
And  that  she  took  to  kepen  him  good  hede, 
And  for  to  hele  him  of  his  sorwes  smerte, 
Men  seyn,  I  not,  that  she  yaf  him  hir  herte"  l 

Chaucer  is  evidently  summarizing  Benoit's  account,  in  which  occur 
the  following  passages : 

"  Quant  Diomedes  fu  navrez, 
Et  la  fille  Calcas  le  sot, 
Conforta  s'en  al  mielz  que  pot ; 
Mes  n'en  puet  pas  son  cuer  covrir 
Que  plor,  et  lermes,  et  sospir, 
N'issent  de  li  a  negun  fuer. 
Bien  fet  senblant  que  de  son  cuer 
L'aime  sor  tote  rien  vivant. 

Molt  fu  perillose  la  plaie ; 
Et  ele  en  plore  o  les  dens  ielz. 

Que  vers  lui  a  tot  atorne 
S'amor,  son  cuer  et  son  pense. 


;  Trop  ai  en  lui  ja  mon  cuer  mis. 


)  »  2 


€f.  T.  and  C.,  ii,  659-660. 
T.  and  0.,  iii,  1541-2,— 

"  And  in  his  thought  gan  up  and  doun  to  winde 
Hir  wordes  alle  .  .  .,"- 

is  a  translation  of  Filostrato,  iii,  54,  1-2,— 

"  E  giva  ciascun  atto  rivolgendo 
Nel  suo  pensiero  ..." 

€f.  Hamilton,  p.  85,  note  4,  who  quotes  these  passages. 

1  T.  and  C.,  v,  1044-1050. 

2  J2.  de  T.  (Joly),  20194-20201,  20211,  20213,  20219-20220,  20271.     The 
English  line, 

"Whan  through  the  body  hurt  was  Diomede," 

may  be  due  to  the  French  lines  in  the  early  part  of  the  Roman  de  Troie, 
11.  557-8,— 

"  Come  il  [i.  e.,  Troilus]  navra  Diomedes 
Par  mi  le  cors  de  plain  eslais." 

€f.  Broatch,  pp.  19,  25,  26 ;  Hamilton,  pp.  122-124  ;  ten  Brink,  Geschichte 
dcr  Englischen  Literatur,  Vol.  II,  Strassburg,  1893,  p.  95. 


126     CRISEYDE'S  GIVING-IN  TO  DIOMEDE  is  FROM  BENOIT.     [CH.  in 

Although  Guide's  account  in  general  lacks  the  details  of  the 
English  passage  which  are  supplied  by  Benoit,1  it  has  been 
maintained  2  that  the  last  two  lines  of  the  English  passage,— 

"  And  for  to  hele  him  of  his  sorwes  smerte, 
Men  seyn,  I  not,  that  she  yaf  him  hir  herte,"  3 — • 

are  based  upon  the  following  passage  in  the  Historia  Troiana  : 

"  Totum  suum  animuni  ...  in  Diomedis  declinat  et  convert!  t 
amorem  .  .  .  sed  quam  primuin  convalescentiam  fuerit  adeptus, 
absolute  facere  velle  suum,  cum  in  ejus  amore  tota  defer veat  et 
flagrant!  desiderio  penitus  incalescat,"4 

which  is  Guide's  "account  of  the  subsequent  action  of  the 
heroine."5  Yet  Chaucer's  phrase, — 

"...  she  yaf  him  hir  herte," — 

has  close  verbal  parallels  in  the  French  passages  already  before  us, 
and  the  sense  of  the  two  English  lines,  and  a  clear  indication  of 
the  "subsequent  action  of  the  heroine,"  are  contained  in  the  fol 
lowing  lines  from  Briseida's  final  soliloquy  in  Benoit's  poem, — a 
soliloquy  for  which  Guido  has  no  parallel, — 

"  Mes  or  m'estuot  a  90  torner 
Et  mon  corage  et  mon  penser, 
Yoiile  ou  ne  voille  desormes, 
Confetement  Diomedes 
Seit  d'amors  &  mei  entendanz, 
Si  qu'il  en  seit  liez  et  joianz, 
Et  gie  de  lui,  puisque  si  est. 
Or  truis  mon  cuer  garni  et  prest 
De  fere  90  qui  lui  plera  : 
Ja  plus  orgoil  n'i  trovera. 
Par  parole  1'ai  tant  amene, 
Qu'or  li  ferai  sa  volonte 
Et  son  pleisir  et  son  yoleir."  6 

I  believe  that  Guido's  Historia  had  no  influence  whatever  upon 
the  English  passage  under  consideration.7 

1  See  Historia,  sig.  k  6  verso,  col.  2 ;  1  1  recto,  col.   1.     Professor  Skeat 
(Vol.  II,  p.  Ix),  without  examining  Benoit's  poem,  refers  the  English  passage 
to  Guido. 

2  Hamilton,  p.  86.  »  T.  and  0.,  v,  1049-1050. 
4  Historia,  sig.  1 1  recto,  col.  1.                         5  Hamilton,  p.  86. 

6  JR.  de  T.  (Joly),  20317-20329. 

7  In  view  of  the  similarities  between  the  French  and  English  passages  before 
us  I  see  no  possibility  of  establishing  a  connection  between  Guido's  "  convales 
centiam  "  and  Chaucer's  verb,  "hele." 


CH.  in]  CRISEYDE'S  UNFAITH  AND  HECTOR'S  DEATH.  127 

It  has  been  held  that  the  lines, 

"  Alias  !  that  they  shulde  ever  cause  finde 
.    To  speke  hir  harm ;  and  if  they  on  hir  lye, 
Y-wis,  hem-self  sholde  han  the  vilanye," l 

are  a  direct  reference  to  Guide's  scathing  remarks  on  Briseida's 
faithlessness.2  However,  not  only  does  Benoit  likewise  condemn 
the  heroine's  inconstancy,3  but  he  also  writes  a  passage  in  which 
he  seems  to  anticipate  just  such  an  expression  as  Chaucer's, — 

"De  cest,  veir,  criem  g'estre  blasmez 
De  cele  que  tant  a  bontez 
Que  hautece  a,  pris  e  valor, 
Honeste  e  sen  e  honor, 
Bien  e  mesure  e  saintee, 
E  noble  largece  e  beaute ; 
En  cui  mesfait  de  dames  maint 
Sont  par  le  bien  de  li  esteint."  4 

Apparently  the  English  lines  are  rather  more  definitely  suggested 
by  BenoitJhanJbyJSruido. 

Chaucer's  brief  description  of  Hector's  death  at  the  hands  of 
Achilles  is  contained  in  the  lines, 

"  For  as  he  drougli  a  king  by  thaventayle, 
Unwar  of  this,  Achilles  through  the  mayle 
And  through  the  body  gan  him  for  to  ry ve ; 
And  thus  this  worthy  knight  was  brought  of  lyve." 5 

Probably  no  one  now  doubts  that  Chaucer  is  here  following  the 
account  in  Benoit's  poem,6 — 

"  Hector  a  un  rei  dbatu, 
Prendre  le  volt  et  retenir, 
Et  as  lor  par  force  tolir : 
Par  la  ventaille  le  teneit, 
Fors  de  la  presse  le  traeit, 
De  son  escu  iert  descoverz  ; 
Et  quant  1'aparceit  li  coverz, 
Vers  lui  broche  dreit  lo  destrier, 

1  T.  and  0.,  iv,  19-21. 

2  Historic/,,  sig.  i  2  recto,  col.  2— verso,   col.  1  ;   i  3  recto,   col.   2.      See 
Hamilton,  pp.  125-6,  139. 

3  See  R.  de  T.,  13429-13494,  13859-13866.     Cf.  Hamilton,  p.  126,  note  1. 

4  R.  de  T.,  13457-13464.  5  T.  and  C.,  v,  1558-1561. 

6  Hertzberg(p.  204),  Macaulay  (Three  More  Parallel  Texts,  p.  (b);  Academy, 
XL VII,  298),  Broatch  (pp.  19,  21,  24),  and  Hamilton  (p.  90,  note  1)  believe 
that  Chaucer  is  here  following  Benoit.  Skeat  (pp.  Ix,  503),  without  a  sufficient 
examination  of  Benoit,  assigned  the  English  passage  to  Guido. 


128  CHAUCER'S  SYNTAX  NOT  DUE  TO  GUIDO.  [CH.  in 

Nel  pot  souffrir  hauberc  doublier 
Que  le  feie  et  le  polmon 
Ne  li  espandist  sor  Tarpon  ; 
Molt  le  trebuche  toz  envers." 1 

One  writer,  however,  holds  that,  although  Chaucer  is  following  the 
French,  one  of  his  phrases, — 

"  Unwar  of  this  .  .  ."- 

"of  which  the  syntactical  position  .  .  .  offers  difficulty,  is  best 
explained  by  a  comparison  with  the  parallel  passage  in  Guido,"2 — 
a  passage  which  reads, 

"Achilles  .  .  .  accepta  quadam  lancea  valde  forti  non  advertente 
Hectare,  velociter  in  Hectorem  irruit."  3 

That  Chaucer,  while  rendering  a  passage  from  the  Roman  de  Troie, 
should  fall  into  a  syntactical  difficulty  because  he  was  pestered  by 
an  "ablative  absolute"  in  Guide's  text  does  not  seem  likely. 
Moreover,  that  there  is  a  syntactical  difficulty  here  at  all  must  not 
be  admitted  without  question.  Since  the  Chaucerian  passage  is 
perfectly  intelligible,  and  since  the  supposed  troublesome  word  order 
seems  to  accord  with  Chaucer's  usage  elsewhere,4  T  do  not  believe 
that  we  need  connect  the  English  phrase  with  Guide's  "non 
advertente  Hector  e"  which  might,  or  might  not,  explain  it. 

In  referring  to  the  last  encounters  of  Troilus  and   Diomedes 
Chaucer  writes, 

"And  ofte  tyme,  I  finde  that  they  mette 
With  blody  strokes  and  with  wordes  grete, 
Assayinge  how  hir  speres  weren  whette  j 
And  god  it  woot,  with  many  a  cruel  hete 
Gan  Troilus  upon  his  helm  to-bete."  5 

1  R.  de  T.  (Joly),  16166-16177.    On  the  meaning  of  ventaille,  see  Hamilton, 
Modern  Philology,  III,  541-546. 

'2  Hamilton,  p.  89.  3  Historia,  sig.  i  6  recto,  col.  1. 

4  See,  for  example, 

"  Unwiting  of  this  Dorigen  at  al, 
This  lusty  squyer,  servant  to  Venus, 
"Which  that  y-cleped  was  Aurelius, 
Had  loved  hir  best  of  any  creature  " 

(Canterbury  Tales,  F  936-939)  ; 

"Nowhadde  Calkas  left,  in  this  meschaunce, 
Al  unwist  of  this  false  and  loikked  dede, 
His  doughter,  which  that  was  in  gret  penaunce  " 

(T.  and  C.,  i,  92-94). 
*  T.  and  C.,  v,  1758-1762. 


CH.  Ill]  TROILUS-DIOMEDE  FIGHTS  DUB  TO  BOCCACCIO  AND  BENOIT.      129 

The  English  passage  is  clearly  based  upon  Boccaccio's  lines, 

"  E  spesse  volte  assieme  s'  avvisaro 
Con  rimproveri  cattivi  e  villani, 
E  di  gran  colpi  fra  lor  si  donaro, 
Talvolta  urtando,  e  talor  nelle  mani 
Le  spade  avendo  .  .  .,"  l 

with  the  additional  influence,  if  such  be  necessary,  of  passages  like 
the  following  from  the  Roman  de  Troie  : 

"A  ferir  d'espee  et  de  lance, 
Tel  geu  voleient  comencier, 
0  les  clers  trenchanz  branz  d'acier, 
De  quei  les  testes  lor  seignassent. 

Ala  [i.  e.,  Troylus]  ferir  Diomedes 
D'une  lance  grosse  et  poignal 

Et  altretant  espees  nues, 

Qui  sor  hialmes  furent  femes."  2 

In  view  of  the  Italian  and  French  passages  before  us,  I  see  no 
possibility  of  establishing  an  intimate  relation  between  Chaucer's 
line, 

"  Assayinge  how  hir  speres  weren  whette," 

and  Guide's  expression, 

"  .  .  se  graviter  impetunt  in  duris  ictibus  lancearum."  3 
In  referring  to  .the  authorities  on  the  history  of  Troy,  Chaucer 
in  one  place  writes, 

"  But  the  Troyane  gestes,  as  they  felle, 
In  Omer,  or  in  Dares,  or  in  Dyte, 
Who-so  that  can,  may  rede  hem  as  they  wryte" 4 

Benoit  refers  to  these  same  authorities  in  the  lines, 

"  Mais  tant  fu  Omers  de  grant  pris 
E  tant  fist  puis,  si  com  jo  truis, 
Que  sis  livres  fu  receiiz 
E  en  autorite  tenuz. 

Tant  i  a  quis  e  reverse 
Qu'entre  les  autres  a  trove 

1  Filostrato,  viii,  26,  1-5. 

2  R.  de  T.  (Joly),   15588-91,  20066-67,   20107-8.     Cf.  Hamilton,  p.  129, 
note  4. 

3  Historia,  sig.  i  5  verso,  col.  1.     Cf.  Hamilton,  p.  129,  note  4. 

4  T.  and  C.,  i,  145-147. 

DEV.  TR.  CR.  K 


130       CHAUCER'S  'DYTE'  ('DICTYS')  NOT  DUE  TO  GUIDO.     [CH.  in 

L'estoire  que  Daire  ot  escrite, 
En  greque  langue  faite  e  dite,"  ] 

the  last  line  reading  in  two  manuscripts, 

"Et  en  lengue  gregoise  dite."  '• 
Guido  makes  a  similar  reference  to  previous  writers,— 

"  Ab  Homeri  tamen  fictionibus  noluit  in  aliquibus  abstinere  .  .  . 
eaque  per  Ditem  Grecum  et  Phrigium  Daretem  .  .  .,"  3 — • 

a  passage  in  writing  which  Guido  evidently  mistook  Benoit's 
" gregoise  dite"  for  the  proper  name.4  Since  Benoit  nowhere  uses 
the  spelling  "Dite"  for  the  proper  name,  but  always  "Ditis"5 
or  "Dithis,"6  some  may  hold  that  Chaucer's  "Dyte"  is  due  to 
Guide's  "Ditem."7  I  believe,  however,  that  Chaucer's  direct  in 
debtedness  to  Guido  in  this  detail  cannot  be  proved,  for  the 
following  reasons : 

1.  Chaucer's    "Dyte"   may    possibly    be    a    perfectly    normal 
development  from  Benoit's  "  Dithis"  or  "Ditis."8 

2.  "  Dite  "  (Dyte)  may  have  been  a  current  vernacular  form  for 
"  Didys  "  in  Western  Europe.9 

3.  There  is  no  reason  why  Chaucer  may  not  have  misinterpreted 
Benoit's  "gregoise  dite"  as  Guido  did. 

I  hold,  then,  that  Chaucer's  "  Dyte  "  may  be  due  either  to  Benoit 
or  to  Guido.10 

In  the  foregoing  examination  of  the  textual  relations  of  Troilus 
and  Criseyde  to  the  Historia  Troiana  we  have  found  only  a  few 
trifling  details  which  point  with  any  certainty  to  Chaucer's  in 
debtedness  to  Guido,  whereas  we  have  already  reviewed  a  con- 

1  ll.de  T.,  71-74,  89-92. 

2  Of.  R.  de  T.  (Constans),  p.  6  ;  Frommann,  Germania,  II,  63 ;  Hamilton, 
p.  69,  note  4.  3  Historia,  sig.  a  1  recto,  col.  2. 

4  Guide's  mistake  was  first  noticed  by  Hertzberg,  p.  190.     At  the  end  of 
his  work  (sig.  o  7  recto,  col.   1)   Guido  again  mentions   "ditem  grecum." 
H.  Morf  (Romania,  XXI,  21,  note  1)  notes  a  form  "Dites"  in  a  MS.  of  the 
Historia,  in  a  passage  which  is  probably  not  Guido's  own.     Cf.  Hamilton, 
p.  70,  note  1. 

5  R.  de  T.  (Joly),  24299,  24322,  26040. 

6  Id.,  637,  24301,26202,  30095. 

7  I  am  not  certain  whether  Dr.  Hamilton  (pp.  69-70)  attributes  Chaucer's 
form  to  Guido's  influence  or  to  Benoit's. 

8  See  Hertzberg,  Ebert's  Jahrbuch,  VIII,  159. 

9  As  yet  I  have  been  able  to  collect  no  data  on  this  point ;  but  see  Hertz- 
berg,  Jahrbuch  der  Deutschen  Shakespeare- Gfesellschaft,  VI,  189. 

™  Perhaps  the  verbal  resemblance  between  Chaucer's  "  wryte  "  and  Benoit's. 
"  escrite  "  may  suggest  that  Chaucer  was  using  the  Roman  de  Troie. 


CH.IIl]  CHAUCER  ON  DIOMEDE  WOOING  CRISEYDE  IS  FROM  BENOIT.    131 

siderable  number  of  English  passages  that  clearly  show  the 
influence  of  the  Roman  de  Troie.  To  these  latter  English  passages 
we  may  now  add  some  others,  the  direct  relation  of  which  to  the 
French  poem  can  hardly  be  questioned. 

For  Chaucer's  account  of  Diomedes'  amorous  conversation  with 
Criseyde  as  he  escorts  her  out  from  Troy,1  Benoit  provides  an 
extended  parallel,2  which  Guido  renders  in  a  mere  summary  of  a 
few  lines.3  Benoit' s  direct  influence  upon  Chaucer  at  this  point 
may  be  enforced  by  resemblances  in  the  following  passages.  In 
Troilus  we  read, 

"  Of  which  the  sone  of  Tydeus  took  hede, 

.  .  .  and  asked  why  she  stood 
In  swich  disese,  and  gan  hir  eek  biseche, 
That  if  that  he  encrese  mighte  or  eche 
With  any  thing  hir  ese,  that  she  sholde 
Comaunde  it  him,  and  seyde  he  dooii  it  wolde. 

'  Thus  seyde  I  never  er  now  to  womman  born ; 
For  god  myn  herte  as  wisly  glade  so, 
I  lovede  never  womman  here-biforn 
As  paramours,  ne  never  shal  no  mo. 

And  wondreth  not,  myn  oweiie  lady  bright, 
Though  that  I  speke  of  love  to  you  thus  blyve ; 
'    For  I  have  herd  or  this  of  many  a  wight, 
Hath  loved  thing  he  never  saugh  his  lyve. 

Ther  been  so  worthy  knightes  in  this  place, 
And  ye  so  fair,  that  everich  of  hem  alle 
Wol  peynen  him  to  stonden  in  your  grace. 
But  mighte  me  so  fair  a  grace  falle, 
That  ye  me  for  your  servaunt  wolde. calle, 
So  lowly  ne  so  trewely  you  serve 
Nil  noon  of  hem,  as  I  shal,  til  I  sterve.' " 4 

For  the  English  passages  we  find  the  following  parallels  in  the 
Roman  de  Troie : 

"  E  li  fiz  Tydeus  1'en  meine, 

1  T.  and  C.,  v,  92-1/5.     On  Chaucer's  following  of  Benoit  rather  than  of 
Boccaccio  in  the  sequence  of  events  at  this  point,  see  Hertzberg,  p.  203 ; 
Ebert,  Jahrbuchf.  rom.  u.  engl.  Literatur,  IV,  90  ;  Kissner,  p.  24  ;  Hamilton, 
p.  114,  note  1. 

2  E.  de  T.,  13529-13616.  3  Historia,  sig.  12  verso,  col.  1. 
4  T.  and  C'.,  v,  88,  108-112,  155-158,  162-165, 169-175. 


132    CHAUCER  ON  DIOMEDE  WOOING  CRISEYDE  IS  FROM  BENOIT.   [CH.III 

'  Mais  j'ai  oi'  assez  parler 

Que  gent  qu'onc  ne  s'erent  veil 

Ne  acointie  ne  coneii 

S'amoent  mout,  9'avient  ades. 

Bele,'  fait  sei  Diomedes, 

'  Onques  d'amer  ne  m'entremis, 

N'amie  n'oi  ne  fui  amis  : 

Preiee  sereiz  e  requise 
D'amer,  90  sai,  en  mainte  guise, 
Gi  sont  tuit  li  preisie  del  mont 
E  li  plus  riche  qui  i  sont, 
E  li  plus  bel  e  li  meillor, 
Qui  vos  requerront  vostre  amor, 
Mais  sacheiz,  bele,  bien  vos  di, 
Se  de  mei  faites  vostre  ami, 
Yos  n'i  avreiz  se  honor  non. 
Preisiez  deit  estre  e  de  grant  non 
Qui  de  vostre  amor  est  saisiz : 

Mainte  pucele  avrai  veiie 
E  mainte  dame  coneiie  : 
One  mais  a  rien  ne  fis  preiere 
De  mei  amer  en  tel  maniere. 
Vos  en  estes  la  premeraine, 
Si  sereiz  vos  la  dereraine. 
Ja  Deu  ne  place,  s'a  vos  fail, 
Que  mais  por  autre  me  travail : 

Des  granz  sospirs  e  del  grant  plor 

Dont  vos  vei  mout  chargiee  e  pleine, 

Metrai  mon  cors  en  mout  grant  peine 

Com  vos  en  puisse  esleecier 

0  acoler  e  o  baisier ; 

Si  metrai  tel  confort  en  vos 

Dont  vostre  cors  sera  joios.'  " 1 

1  It.  de  T.,  13529,  13552-13558,  13573-13583,  13591-13598,  13604-13610. 
Cf.  Macaulay,  Three  more  Parallel  Texts,  p.  (b)  ;  Academy,  XL VII,  298  ; 
Broatch,  pp.  17,  27  ;  Hamilton,  pp.  113-114.  For  the  English  lines  Chaucer 
had,  of  course,  some  basis  in  Filostrato  (with  R.  de  T.,  13604-13605,  13573- 
13583,  compare  Filostrato,  vi,  14,  3-8  ;  vi,  22,  24-25),  but  not  enough  basis  to 
preclude  the  influence  of  Benoit  upon  the  English  lines.  According  to 
Hamilton  (p.  113,  note  3),  Chaucer's  lines  (T.  and  C.,  7,  86-87), 

"...  and  un-to  Diomede 
No  word  he  spak,  ne  noon  of  al  his  route," 

in  which  he  certainly  uses  Boccaccio's  lines, — 

"...  a  Diomede 
Non  parlo  punto  ..."  (Filostrato,  v,  13,  2-3), — 


CH.  Ill]     CHAUCER  ON  DIOMEDE  IS  FROM  BOCCACCIO  AND  BENOIT.      133 

Chaucer  describes  Diomedes  as  follows  : 

"  This  Diomede,  as  bokes  us  declare, 
Was  in  his  nedes  prest  and  corageous ; 
With  sterne  voys  and  mighty  limes  square, 
Hardy,  testif,  strong,  and  chevalrous 
Of  dedes,  lyk  his  fader  Tideus. 
And  som  men  seyn,  he  was  of  tunge  large ; 
And  heir  he  was  of  Calidoine  and  Arge," 1 

a  description  which  is  clearly  based  upon  Boccaccio's  lines, 

"  Egli  era  grande  e  bel  della  persona, 
f  Giovane  fresco  e  piacevole  assai, 

E  forte  e  fier  siccome  si  ragiona, 
E  parlante  quant'altro  Greco  inai, 
E  ad  amor  la  natura  aveva  prona  "  ; 2 

"  Di  Calidonia  e  d'Argo  saria  suto 
Re  .  .  ."3 

The  details  in  which  the  English  lines  depart  from  the  Italian 
seem  to  indicate  the  influence  of  Benoit's  description, — 

"  Forz  refu  mout  Diomedes, 
Gros  e  quarrez  4  e  granz  ades ; 
La  cliiere  aveit  mout  felenesse  : 
Cist  list  mainte  fausse  pramesse. 
Mout  fa  hardiz,  mout  fu  noisos  .  .  . ,"  5  — 

rather  than  of  anything  in  Guide's, — 

"Diomedes  fuit.multa  proceritate  distensus,  amplo  pectore, 
robustis  scapulis,  aspectu  ferox,  in  promissis  fallax,  in  armis 
strennuus,  victoriae  cupidus,  timendus  a  multis,  cum  multum  esset 
virtuosus ;  servientium  sibi  nimis  impatiens,  cum  molestus  servien- 
tibus  nimis  esset ;  libidinosus  quidem  muiium  et  qui  per  multas 
traxit  angustias  ob  fervorem  amoris."  6 

contain  a  phrase, — "  ne  noon  of  al  his  route," — which  "maybe  a  reminis 
cence  of  the  list  of  distinguished  Greeks  who  accompanied  Diomedes,  according 
to  the  narrative  in  the  R.  de  T.  (13517-13522),  for  which  Guido  (sig.  i  2  verso, 
col.  1)  has  merely,  '  Sed  Graecis  advenientibus  ad  recipiendum  eandem.' "  But 
the  succeeding  lines  in  the  Historia,  make  us  uncertain,  I  think,  as  to  whether 
Chaucer  made  his  slight  addition  at  the  suggestion  of  Benoit  or  of  Guido,  for 
the  Historia  reads  (sig.  i2  verso,  col.  1),  "  Et  Graeci  earn  in  stia  recipiunt 
comitatu  [cf.  Chaucer's  'route  '],  inter  quos  dum  esset  Diomedes.  ..." 

1  T.  and  G.,  v,  799-805.  2  Filostrato,  vi,  33,  1-5. 

3  Id.,  vi,  24,  3-4.  4  See  above,  p.  107,  note. 

8  E.  de  T.,  5211-5215.  Cf.  Macaulay,  Three  More  Parallel  Texts,  Introd., 
p.  (a)  ;  Academy,  XLVII,  298  ;  Broatch,  pp.  17,  27  ;  Hamilton,  pp.  115-116. 

6  Historia,  sig.  e  2  recto,  col.  1.  If  he  had  consulted  Benoit  at  this  point, 
Skeat  (p.  Iviii)  would  probably  have  acknowledged  Chaucer's  indebtedness 
to  the  French  poet. 


134  CRISEYDE'S  GIFTS  TO  DIOMEDE  ARE  MAINLY  FROM  BENOIT.  [OH.  in 

The  lines, 

"  And  after  this  the  story  telleth  us, 
That  she  him  yaf  the  faire  baye  stede, 
The  which  he  l  ones  wan  of  Troilus,"  2 

evidently  show  the  influence  of  Benoit's  account  of  Briseida's 
return  to  Diomedes  3  of  the  horse  that  he  had  previously  won  from 
Troilus  and  had  presented  to  her,4— 

"  Un  jor  iert  ale  preier 
Qu'ele  remirot  le  destrier 
Qui  Troylus  avoit  este. 

'  Sire,' fet  ele,  <lo  cheval 
Yos  presterai  .  .  .'" 5 

Neither  Boccaccio  nor  Guido  mentions  any  such  occurrence. 
The  lines, 

"  And  eek  a  broche  (and  that  was  litel  nede) 
That  Troilus  was,  she  yaf  this  Diomede,"6 

are  probably  directly  due  to  Boccaccio's  account  of  Troilo's  noticing 
the  "  fermaglio  "  on  the  "  ornato  vestimento  "  that  Deifebo  seizes 
from  Diomede  and  brings  to  Troy,7 — 

".  .  .  avvenne 

Che  esso  vide  nel  petto  un  fermaglio 
D'  oro,  li  posto  forse  per  fibbiaglio  ; 

II  quale  esso  conobbe  incontanente, 
Siccome  quei  che  1'  aveva  donato 
A  Griseida  .  .  ." 8 

The  two  lines  that  follow,  however, — 

"  And  eek,  the  bet  from  sorwe  him  to  releve, 
She  made  him  were  a  pencel  of  hir  sieve,"  9 — 

are  clearly  based  upon  Benoit's  account  of  Briseida's  giving  a  favour 
to  Diomedes, — 

1  On  the  reading  "he,"  see  Skeat,  p.  499,  and  Hamilton,  p.  119,  note  3. 

2  T.  and  C.,  v,  1037-1039. 

3  J2.  de  T.  (Joly),  15009-15019,  15046-7. 

4  Id.,  14238-14276. 

5  Id.,  15009-15011,  15046-7.     Cf.  Skeat,  pp.  Ixii,  Ixxx  ;  Broatch,  p.  25  ; 
Hamilton,  pp.  119-120. 

6  T.  and  C.,  v,  1040-1041.  7  Filostrato,  viii,  8-10. 
8  Id.,  viii,  9,  6—10,  3.                                         9  T.  and  C.,  v,  1042-3. 


CH.III]  CRISEYDE'S  SOLILOQUY  ON  HER  UNFAITH  is  FROM  BBNOIT.  135 

"  La  destre  manche  de  son  braz 
Bone  et  fresche  c^e  ciclaton 
Li  done  en  leu  de  gonfanon." 1 

In  the  English  poem,  after  she  has  given  her  heart  to  Diomedes, 
Criseyde  utters  a  soliloquy  2  which  follows  rather  closely  Briseida's 
soliloquy  in  the  Roman  de  Troie,5  and  for  which  Guido4  and 
Boccaccio  have  no  parallel.  The  nature  and  extent  of  Chaucer's 
borrowings  at  this  point  will  appear  from  the  folio  wing' comparison : 

Troilus  Roman  de  Troie 

1 

Alias,  of  me,  un-to  the  \vorldes  ende,       De  moi  n'iert  ja  fet  bon  escrit, 
Shal  neither  been  y-writen  nor  y-       Ne  chantee  bone  cha^ons.6 

songe 

No  good  word,  for  thise  bokes  wol  me 
shende.5 

2 

For  I  have  falsed  oon,  the  gentileste       Que  gie  trichai  vers  mon  ami 
That  ever  was,  and  oon  the  worthieste  !7       Qui  one  nul  jor  nel  deservi.8 


O,  rolled  shal   I   been  on   many  a  Desore  auront  prou  que  retraire 

tonge  !  De  moi  oil  qui  ne  m'aiment  gaire. 

Through-out  the  world  my  belle  shal  Harront  mei  mes,  et  dreit  auront 

be  ronge  ;  Les  dames  qui  a  Troie  sont : 

And  wommen  most  wol  hate  me  of  Honte  i  a  fait  as  dameiseles 

alle.  Trop  lede,  et  as  riches  puceles. 

Alias,  that  swich  a  cas  me  sholde  Ma  tricherie  et  mis  raeffait 

falle !  Lor  seront  mes  lone  tens  retrait.30 
They  wol  seyn,  in  as  muche  as  in  me 

is, 
I  have  hem  doon  dishonour,  weyla- 

wey  ! 9 

4 
"What  helpeth  that  to  do  my  blame       Et  que  me  valt  si  m'en  repent  ? 

awey  ?  En  ce  n'a  mes  recovrement. 

But  sin  I  see  there  is  no  bettre  way.         Serai  done  a  cestui  leiax 
And  that  to  late  is  now  for  me  to       Qui  inoltest  prouz  et  bons  vassax.12 

rewe, 
To  Diomede  algate  I  wol  be  trewe.11 

1  R.  de  T.  (Joly),  15102-15104.     Neither  Boccaccio  nor  Guido  mentions 
this  detail.     See  Hertzberg,  p.  203  ;  Skeat,  pp.  Ixii,  Ixxx  ;  Macaulay,  Three 
More  Parallel  Texts,  p.  (b) ;  Academy,  XLVII,  298 ;  Hamilton,  pp.  121-2. 

2  T.  and  G.,  v,  1054-1085. 

3  R.  de  T.  (Joly),  20228-20330.     Cf.  Hertzberg,  pp.  203-4  ;  Skeat,  p.  Ixii, 
but  see  p.  500  ;  Broatch,  pp.  18,  19,  24  ;  Macaulay,   Three  More  Parallel 
Texts,  p.  (b) ;  Academy,  XLVII,  298  ;  Hamilton,  pp.  85,  124-125. 

4  See  Historia.,  sig.  1 1  recto,  col.  1. 

5  T.  and  C.,  v,  1058-1060.  6  JR.  de  T.  (Joly),  20228-20229. 
7  T.  and  C.,  v,  1056-1057.  8  R.  de  T.  (Joly),  20233-20234. 
9  T.  and  C.,  v,  1061-1066.                         10  R.  de  T.  (Joly),  20245-20252. 

11   T.  and  C.,  v,  1068-1071.  12  R.  de  T.  (Joly),  20265-20268. 


136  CHAUCER  DETAILS   FROM    BENOIT    AND    BOCCACCIO.          [CH.  Ill 

5 

But  Troilus,  sin  I  no  better  may,  Dex  donge  bien  k  Troylus  ! 2 

And  sin  that  thus  depart  en  ye  and  I, 
Yet  preye  I  god,  so  yeve  yow  right 
good  day.1 

6 

she  was  allone  and  hadde  nede       Mes  ci  estoie  sanz  conseil, 
Offreendeshelp  .  .  .3  Et  sanz  amis  et  sanz  feeil.4 

In  describing  the  sorrow  caused  by  the  death  of  Hector, — 

"  For  whom,  as  olde  bokes  tellen  us, 
Was  maad  swich  wo,  that  tonge  it  may  not  telle ; 
And  namely,  the  sorwe  of  Troilus, 
That  next  him  was  of  worthinesse  welle,"  5 — 

Chaucer   may  be  supplementing   Boccaccio's  more  general  state 
ment, — 

"  L'  alto  dolor,  da  non  poter  mai  dire, 

Che  '1  padre,  ed  egli  e'  fratei  per  la  morte 

Ebber  d'  Ettor  .  .  .,"  6~ 

with  a  detail  from  Benoit's  lines, 

"  Molt  le  regrete  Troylus, 
Car  riens  soz  ciel  n'amot  il  plus."  7 

In  Troilus'  threat  regarding  Diomedes, — • 

"  And  trewely,  if  I  have  might  and  space, 
Yet  shal  I  make,  I  hope,  his  sydes  Nede" s— 

Chaucer  has  added  to  Boccaccio's  account, — • 

"...  ma  per  Venere  dea 
Ti  giuro,  tosto  ten  faro  dolente 
Colla  mia  spada  alia  prima  mislea, 
Se  egli  avviene  ch'  io  '1  possa  trovare," y — 

a  detail  which  may  be  due  to  Benoit's  lines, 

"  Ala  ferir  Diomedes 
D'une  lance  grosse  et  poignal 
Si  que  1'enseigne  de  cendal 
Li  remest  parmi  les  cosiez" 10 

1  T.  and  0.,  v,  1072-1074.  2  E.  de  T.  (Joly),  20308. 

:!  T.  andC.,  v,  1026-1027.  4  K  de  T.  (Joly),  20277-20278. 

3  T.  and  C.,  v,  1562-1565.  6  Filostrato,  viii,  1,  3-5. 

7  R.  de  T.  (Joly),  16351-16352.    Of.  Hamilton,  pp.- 127-128.    Guido  writes 
n i trely,   "Sic  et  dolentes  fratres  eiusdem  doloris  casu  universaliter  torque- 
b.-uitur"  (Historia,  sig.  i  6  recto,  col.  2). 

8  T.  and  0.,  v,  1704-5.  9  Filostrato,  viii,  16,  4-7. 
10  R.  de  T.  (Joly),  20066-20069.     Cf.  Hamilton,  p.  123. 


CH.  Ill]       CHAUCER   ON   TROILUS's    RETURN   IS    FROM    BENOtT.  137 

Chaucer  describes  vividly  Troilus's  triumphal  return  to  Troy  from 
one  of  his  fights,1  as  the  following  passages  may  illustrate : 

"  Thascry  aroos  at  skarmish  al  with-oute, 
And  men  cryde  in  the  strete,  '  see,  Troilus 
Hath  right  now  put  to  flight  the  Grekes  route  ! ' 
With  that  gan  al  hir  meynee  for  to  shoute, 
*  A  !  go  we  see,  caste  up  the  yates  wyde ; 
For  thurgh  this  strete  he  moot  to  palays  ryde ; 

For  other  wey  is  fro  the  yate  noon 
Of  Dardanus,  ther  open  is  the  cheyne.' 

So  lyk  a  man  of  armes  and  a  knight 

He  was  to  seen,  f ulfild  of  heigh  prowesse ; 

His  helm  to-hewen  was  in  twenty  places, 

That  by  a  tissew  heiig,  his  bak  bihinde, 

His  sheld  to-dasshed  was  with  swerdes  and  maces, 

In  which  men  mighte  many  an  arwe  finde 

That  thirled  hadde  horn  and  nerf  and  rinde ; 

And  ay  the  peple  cryde,  'here  cometh  our  joy e, 

And,  next  his  brother,  holdere  up  of  Troye ! '  "«2 

The  "  yate  of  Dardanus "  is  Dardanides,  one  of  the  six  gates  of 
Troy,3  which,  according  to  both  Benoit  and  Guido,  Hector  orders 
to  be  opened  to  allow  the  Trojan  army  to  issue  forth  for  the  second 
battle  with  the  Greeks.4  Benoit  alone,  however,  describes  in 
.detail  Hector's  triumphal  return  after  this  battle,5 — a  description 
that  may  have  served  as  a  model  for  the  Chaucerian  passage  under 
consideration,  — 

"  Hector  detries  entre  en  la  vile, 
Encontre  vindrent  tex  XX. M. 
N'i  a  celui  ne  plort  de  joie, 
Quant  le  voient  entrer  en  Troie. 
Ne  remest  dame  ne  pucele, 
Ne  borgeise,  ne  dameisele, 
Qui  nel  venissent  esgarder. 
M.  en  i  veist  leii  plorer ; 
En  halt  s'escrient  li  plosor : 

1  T.  and  C.,  ii,  611-644. 

2  T.  and  C.,  ii,  611-618,  631-2,  638-644. 

3  Cf.  R.  de  T.  (Joly),  3133-4  ;  (Constaus),  3147-8  ;  Historia,  sig.  c  1  verso, 
col.  2. 

4  See  R.  de  T.  (Joly),  7643-7646  ;  (Constans),  7671-7674  ;  Historia,,  sig. 
g  3  recto,  col.  2.     Cf.  Hertzberg,  pp.  191-2 ;  Skeat,  pp.  Ivii,  470  ;  Broatch, 
p.  16  ;  Hamilton,  pp.  100-101. 

5  R.  de   T.   (Joly),  10139-10182.     Guido  omits  this  part  of  the  French 
account  (see  Historia,  sig.  h  3  recto,  cols.  1-2). 


138          CHAUCER    ON    TROILUS'S    RETURN    IS    FROM    BENOIT.         [CH.  Ill 

'  Yez  ci  de  toz  vaillanz  la  flor, 
Li  soverains,  et  li  plus  proz  ; 
C'est  cil  qui  nos  vengera  toz 
Des  torz,  cles  lez  que  fez  nos  ont. 
Cil  sires  qui  fist  tot  lo  mont 
Le  nos  deffende  d'enconbrier, 
Si  com  nos  en  avons  mesfcier.' 
TJnques  i90  ne  li  failli 
Jusqu'al  pales  qu'il  descendi." l 

The  likelihood  of  Chaucer's  having  used  this  scene  is,  perhaps, 
increased  by  the  circumstance  that  in  connection  with  it  Troilus 
is  mentioned  in  terms  resembling  certain  of  the  English  lines 
quoted  above, — 

"  Les  dames  ont  assez  enquis 
Qui  en  devoit  avoir  lo  pris, 
Enpres  Hector  qui  lo  donreient ; 
Mes  bien  certainement  saveient 
Que  Troylus  Tot  trop  bien  fait."  2 

Chaucer  may  have  been  influenced  also  by  Benoit's  less  vivid 
account  of  Troilus's  triumphal  return  from  a  later  fight,3 — an 
account  for  which  Guido  offers  no  parallel,4 — 

"  Molt  s'esjoi'st  li  reis  Prianz 
Del  damage  qui  est  si  granz 
Le  jor  desus  ses  enemis. 
Senblant  li  est  bien  et  avis 
Qu'il  sont  tuit  livre  a  torment, 
Se  Troylus  vit  longuement. 
Molt  le  cherit  et  molt  1'enore  ; 
Toz  li  poples  coimine  1'adore, 
Sacrefices  et  oreison 
Font,  que  de  mort  et  de  prison 
Le  garissent  li  soverain, 
Qui  tot  lo  mont  ont  en  lor  main. 

Le  desarmerent  icel  seir, 
Le  cors  blecie  et  pers  et  neir. 
En  deus  C.  leus  ont  fet  lor  mere 
Les  dures  mailles  del  hauberc, 
Sane  en  ont  trait  en  plosors  leus  : 
A  lui  pareist  quels  est  lor  geus. 

1  R.  de  T.  (Joly),  10139-10156.     Cf.  11.  de  T.  (Constans),  10201-10218. 

2  R.  de  T.  (Joly),  10221-10225.     Cf.  R.  de  T.  (Constans),  10283-10287  • 
T.  and  C.,  ii,  643-4. 

3  R.  de  T.  (Joly),  20591-20643. 

4  Cf.  Historia.  sig.  1  1  verso,  col.  1. 


CH.  IV]          CHAUCER   ON    TROILUS's    RETURN    IS    FROM   BENOIT.  139 

De  darz  trenchanz  et  acerez 
Est  sis  cors  toz  despointurez."  l 

From  the  evidence  now  before  us  as  to  the 'direct  relations  of 
the  text  of  Troilus  and  Criseyde  to  the  Roman  de  Troie  and  to  the 
Historia  Troiana  it  seems  clear  that,  although  Chaucer  based  his 
poem  on  Filostrato,  he  made  considerable  supplementary  use  of 
Benoit's  poem,  and  probably  adapted  a  few  details  from  Guido. 
Although  the  French  poem  and  the  Latin  "  history "  were  prob 
ably  equally  well  known  to  Chaucer,  the  overwhelming » pre 
ponderance  of  Benoit's  influence  is  easily  understood  in  view  of 
the  fact  that  the  French  account  of  the  love  of  Troilus  and 
Briseida  is  far  richer  in  detail  than  is  the  dry  prose  abridgment 
of  Guido. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

THE  RELATIONS  OF  TROILUS  AND  CRISEYDE  TO  FTLOCOW. 

ALTHOUGH  Chaucer  is  fundamentally  indebted  to  Filostrato,  and 
although  he  made  liberal  additional  use  of  the  Roman  de  Troie 
and  probably  some  use  of  the  Historia  Troiana,  there  are  con 
siderable  parts  of  Troilus  and  Criseyde  which  are  in  no  wise 
accounted  for  in  these  three  works.2  For  example,  these  sources 
offer  no  suggestion  for  the  complicated  plrii  of  a  dinner  at  the 
house  of  Deiphobus  by  which  Pandarus  succeeds  in  introducing 
the  lovers  to  each  other,3  nor  have  these  sources  any  parallel  for 
Chaucer's  elaborate  account  of  the  manner  in  which  the  lovers  met  / 
for  their  first  night  together,4  nor  do  we  find  in  Filostrato  or  in 

1  R.  de  T.  (Joly),  20591-20602,  20607-20614. 

2  I  do  not  refer  here  to  the  smaller  borrowings  in  Troilus  from  Dante, 
Petrarch,  Boethius,  and  Ovid,  and  from  the  Roman  de  la  Rose  and  Teseide, 
all   of  which  borrowings  have  been  more  or  less  adequately  pointed  out  (see 
Skeat,  Oxford  Chaucer,  Vol.  II,  pp.  1,  Ixv).     For  additional  information  as 
to  the  use  of  Dante  in  Troilus,  see  J.   S.    P.  Tatlock,  Chaucer  and  Dante, 
in   Modern  Philology,    III,    367-371).     These  we  may  call    "ornamental" 
borrowings  ;   that  is,  in  most  of  these  cases  the  English  author  borrowed 
forms  of    expression  rather   than   suggestions   for    incidents.      From    Miss 
Cipriani's  article,  The  Romance  of  the  Rose  and  Chaucer  (Publications  of  the 
Mod.  Lang.  Assoc.,  XXII,  552-595),  it  appears  that  Chaucer's  poem  owep 
more  to  the  Romance  of  the  Rose  than  has  hitherto  been  acknowledged.    Miss 
Cipriani's  article  reached  me  only  after  my  study  was  in  proof. 

3  ?>ee  T.  and  C.,  ii,  1402— iii,  231. 

4  See  T.  and  C.,  iii,  512-1190.     The  parallel  in  Benoit's  account  of  th« 
seen  t  meeting  of  Jason  and  Medea  will  be  discussed  below,  pp.  152  ff. 


140  THE    FIRST    NIGHT    OF    TROILO    AND    GRISEIDA.  [CH.  IV 

the  sources  of  Filostrato  any  hint  for  many  of  the  lively  additions 
y  that  Chaucer  makes  to  the  role  of  Pandaro.1  Although  such  parts 
of  the  English  poem  are  in  some  cases  particularly  "  Chaucerian  " 
in  their  liveliness  and  humour,  and  although  Chaucer  was,  no 
doubt,  quite  capable  of  inventing  them,  still  in  the  case  of  a  poem 
in  which  so  many  foreign  elements  have  already  been  discovered 
we  are  justified  in  a  further  search  for  possible  sources,— a  search 
in  which  we  seem  to  be  rewarded  when  we  turn  to  Boccaccio's 
Filocolo,  the  work  which,  as  we  have  found,  contributed  so  much 
to  the  story  of  Troilo  and  Griseida  while  this  story  was  receiving 
its  first  eminent  literary  treatment  in  Filostrato.  That  Chaucer 
should  have  known  and  used  another  of  Boccaccio's  early  works 
is  a  priori  not  in  the  least  surprising.  Filocolo,  though  an  inferior 
literary  production,  tells  one  of  the  most  famous  of  mediaeval 
stories,  and  a  manuscript  containing  Boccaccio's  romance  might 
very  naturally  come  to  the  notice  of  an  assiduous  reader  who  knew 
and  used  Filostrato  and  Teseide. 

In  an  attempt  to  estimate  Chaucer's  possible  indebtedness  to 
Filocolo,  we  may  consider  first  the  passage  in  Book  iii  of  Troilus  2 
recounting  the  occurrences  immediately  preceding  the  first  night 
together  of  the  young  lovers, — a  passage  in  which  Chaucer  departs 
J  widely  from  the  account  offered  him  in  Filostrato.2.  The  account 
in  the  Italian  poem  may  be  briefly  sketched  as  follows : 

Through  Pandaro't:  asjency,  Griseida  has  appointed  a  night  for 
Troilo's  first  visit  to  her  Troilo  goes  secretly  but  boldly  in  the 
dark  to  an  obscure  part  of  Griseida's  house,  and  on  his  arrival  she 
coughs,4  as  a  sign  to  him  that  she  is  aware  of  his  presence.  After 
sending  her  household  to  bed,  Griseida,  with  a  taper  in  her  hand, 
goes  to  Troilo,  praying  his  pardon  for  having  kept  him  waiting. 
Troilo  refuses  to  see  the  discourtesy,  and  after  many  embraces 
they  ascend  the  steps  into  Griseida's  chamber,  where  with  little 
delay  they  betake  themselves  to  bed,  and 

"  D'amor  sentiron  1'ultimo  valore."  5 

This  is  manifestly  no  adequate  basis  for  the  related  passage  in 
Troilus  and  Criseyde,  the  general  action  of  which  may  be  outlined 
as  follows : 

1  See,  for  example,  T.  and  C.,  i,  729-858.  2  T.  and  C.,  iii,  512-1190. 

3  Filostrato,  iii,  24-32.     Pages  140-148  of  this  study  represent  my  short 
article,  CJiaucer's  Use  of  Boccaccio's  "  Filocolo, "  published  in  Modern  Phil rtogyy 
Vol.  IV,  No.  1  (July,  1906),  pp.  169-177. 

4  On  this  detail,  see  above,  p.  53.  5  Filostrato,  iii,  32,  8. 


€H.  IV]  THE    FIRST    NIGHT    OF    TROILUS    AND    CRISEYDE.  141 

With  the  purpose  of  bringing  Troilus  and  Criseyde  together  at  his 
house,  Pandarus  chooses  a  night  that  promises  to  be  dark  and  rainy,1 
and  invites  Criseyde  to  supper.  When  she  lias  been  assured  that 
Troilus  is  in  no  way  connected  with  the  invitation,  and  that  she 
shall  be  secure  from  the  gossip  of  "goosish  peple,"  she  comes  at 
evening  to  Pandarus'  house,  accompanie4  by  a  few  of  her  women. 
While  Pandarus  and  Criseyde  sup,  sing,  make  music,  and  tell 
tales,  Troilus  looks  on  through  a  little  window  from  an  adjoining 
€hamber.  On  account  of  the  increased  rain  during  the  evening, 
Pandarus  has  no  difficulty  at  bedtime  in  persuading  Criseyde  to 
spend  the  night  at  his  house.  Pandarus  conducts  his  niece  to  her 
bed  in  an  inner  chamber,  and  provides  for  her  attendants  in  a 
passage  outside  her  door ;  and,  after  making  sure  that  all  are  given 
up  to  sleep,  he  goes  to  Troilus,  scolds  courage  into  him,  and 
leads  him  through  a  trap-door  into  Criseyde's  room,  concealing  him, 
we  may  assume,  in  a  dark  corner  or  behind  a  curtain.  When 
Criseyde  awakes  in  fright,  Pandarus  checks  her  attempted  outcry, 
and  comforts  her  by  the  assurance  that  he  alone  is  invading  her 
chamber.  Gradually  and  skilfully  he  reveals  to  her  that  Troilus 
has  entered  the  house  by  a  secret  way,  and  is  at  the  point  of  mad 
ness  from  jealousy  of  Orestes,  who,  according  to  report,  has  sup 
planted  him  in  Criseyde's  heart.  Criseyde  protests  that  she  can 
never  be  untrue  to  Troilus,  and  offers  to  Pandarus  a  ring  with 
which  to  comfort  her  lover.  Pandarus  scoffs  at  the  idea  of  such 
comforting,2  and  at  last  persuades  Criseyde  to  remain  in  bed  while 
Troilus  comes  to  her.  The  young  lover  is  ready  at  hand,  and  while 
Pandarus  sits  near  by  and  pretends  to  read  "  an  old  romaunce," 
Criseyde  upbraids  Troilus  so  severely  for  his  unfounded  jealousy  and 
shows  such  poignant  grief  that  Troilus  falls  in  a  faint.  Pandarus 
springs  impatiently  to  Troilus,  throws  him  into  the  bed,  and  with 
Criseyde's  aid  brings  him  back  to  consciousness.  After  taking 
from  Troilus  such  oaths  as  she  wishes,  Criseyde  makes  no  objection 
to  his  remaining  in  bed  with  her,  and  Pandarus  withdraws,  leaving 
them  together  for  the  night.  During  their  night  together,  in 
intervals  of  dallying,  they  exchange  rings,  and  Criseyde  gives 
Troilus  a  brooch.  At  the  arrival  of  "cruel  day,"  the  lovers 
reluctantly  separate,  and  Troilus  sorrowfully  hastens  to  the  palace. 

1  This  detail  may  be  due  to  Filostrato,  iii,  24,  1. 

2  See  T.  and  0.,  iii,  891-892,— 

".  .  .  that  ring  moste  han  a,  stoon 
That  mighte  dede  men  alyve  maTccn" 

Cf.  T.  and  C.,  iii,  1368-1369,— 

"And  pleyinge  entrechaungeden  hir  ringes, 
Of  which  I  can  nought  tellen  no  scripture. " 

Is  Chaucer  alluding  to  such  magic  rings  as  we  find  in  Filocolo  (I,  110,  111, 
147,  148,  152,  170,  263,  352,  353  ;  II,  199),  in  the  Roman  de  Troie  (1677- 
1702),  and  in  the  Historia  Troiana  (sig.  b  1  verso,  cols.  1-2)  ? 


H2  THE  LOVERS'  FIRST  NIGHT  IN  FILOCOLO,  [CH.  iv 

Before  estimating  Chaucer's  originality  in  thus  changing  what 
lay  before  him  in  Filostrato,1  we  should  compare  Chaucer's  account 
with  a  passage  in  Boccaccio's  Filocolo,2  which  may  be  outlined  as 
follows : 

The  enamoured  Florio,  under  his  new  name,  Filocolo,  has  followed 
Biancofiore  to  Alexandria.  Having  won  the  good-will  of  the 
guardian  of  the  tower  in  which  Biancofiore  with  her  maid,  Glorizia,  is 
confined,  Florio  arranges  to  be  conveyed  into  the  tower  by  concealing 
himself  in  a  basket  of  flowers  that  the  Ammiraglio  is  to  send  to  Bianco 
fiore  on  an  approaching  gala-day.  On  the  appointed  day  Glorizia 
succeeds  in  conveying  Florio  into  the  tower  without  his  being  dis 
covered,  and  when  she  has  deposited  him  in  one  of  Biancofiore's  rooms 
and  has  locked  the  door,  the  ardent  young  lover  demands  his  innamo- 
rata.  Glorizia  explains  to  him  that  in  his  immediate  appearance 
to  his  lady  there  is  involved  the  twofold  danger  of  scandal  and 
of  disaster  to  Biancofiore  from  sudden  joy.  Therefore  Glorizia 
arranges  to  conceal  Florio  in  an  adjoining  chamber,  from  which 
he  can  observe  Biancofiore  and  her  attendants  in  their  merry 
making,  and  promises  later  to  conduct  him  from  the  side  chamber 
and  conceal  him  behind  the  curtains  of  Biancofiore's  bed,  where  he 
must  wait  until  his  lady  has  gone  to  sleep  before  revealing  himself. 
Glorizia  warns  him  that  Biancofiore  will  be  greatly  frightened 
when  she  awakes,  but  that  her  fear  will  soon  give  way  to  joy,  and 
Glorizia  promises  herself  to  be  near  at  hand  to  prevent  any  mis 
carriage  of  the  plan.  Glorizia  arouses  the  melancholy  Biancofiore 
to  take  part  in  the  festivities  of  the  day,  and  comforts  her  by 
recounting  a  dream  in  which  she  saw  Florio  appear  in  Biancofiore's 
chamber.  Biancofiore  and  her  maids  celebrate  the  day  with  flowers 
and  music,  while  Florio  looks  on  through  a  little  hole  from  the 
adjoining  chamber.  At  night  Glorizia  arranges  Biancofiore's  bed 
and  conceals  Florio  behind  the  curtains.  While  Biancofiore  pre 
pares  for  bed,  Glorizia  arouses  her  feelings  for  Florio  by  suggesting 
now  the  possibility,  and  again  the  impossibility,  of  his  coming. 
Glorizia  goes  so  far  as  to  suggest  that  some  other  lover  might 
please  Biancofiore  in  Florio's  absence, — a  suggestion  that  Bianco 
fiore  passionately  repudiates,  as  she  refers  with  sorrow  to  Florio's 
previous  groundless  jealousy  of  Fileno.  When  Glorizia  leaves  her, 
Biancofiore  lies  down,  and,  after  many  sighs  for  Florio,  gives  her 
self  up  to  sleep.  Florio  advances  and  caresses  her  as  she  sleeps, 
and  finally  embraces  her  at  the  very  moment  when  she  dreams  of 
being  in  his  arms.  When  she  awakes  in  fright,  she  attempts  to  call 
Glorizia,  but  Florio  prevents  her,  and  at  last  convinces  her  that 
her  lover  -is  really  before  her.  When  she  inquires  by  what  means 

1  On  Chaucer's  innovation  at  this  point,  see  Hertzberg,  Jahrbuch  der  Deut- 
schen  Shakespeare- GescZlschaft,  VI,  207  ;   Kissner,   Chaucer  in  seinen  Bezie- 
hungcn  zur  italienischen  Literatur,  Bonn,  1867,  pp.  32,  49. 

2  Filocolo,  II,  165-183. 


TROILUS    AND    CRISEYDE's    FIRST    NIGHT    IS    DUE    TO    FILOCOLO.       143 

lie  has  reached  her,  he  attributes  all  to  the  gods,  and  urges  that  they 
delay  their  delight  no  longer.  Taking  her  ring  and  calling  Hymen, 
Juno,  and  Yenus  to  witness,  Florio  is  ready  for  the  espousal. 
At  Biancofiore's  suggestion  they  make  vows  before  an  image  of 
Cupid  in  her  room,  after  which  Florio  places  the  ring  upon  her 
finger  and  the  marriage  ceremony  is  completed.  After  they  have 
waked  Glorizia  to  rejoice  with  them,  the  lovers  retire  and  spend 
the  night  together. 

In  spite  of  the  divergent  external  circumstances  of  the  two 
accounts,  one  must  admit,  at  least,  that  the  passage  in  Filocolo 
offers  the  general  situation  of  the  related  passage  in  Troilus  and 
Criseyde.  In  both  stories  a  third  person  is  arranging  for  the 
meeting  of  two  lovers  secretly,  at  night,  in  the  bedchamber  of 
the  innamorata,  the  latter  being  unaware  tnat  her  lover  is  con 
cealed  near  at  hand.  In  one  case  the  go-between  resorts  to  this 
concealment  in  order  to  avert  scandal  and  personal  disaster  to  the 
lady,  in  the  other,  to  avert  scandal  and  to  overcome  the  lady's 
scruples.  The  fact  that  in  one  case  the  innamorata  frankly  desires 
the  meeting,  while  in  the  other  she  does  not,  happens  not  to 
affect  the  general  procedure.  Criseyde's  scruples  do,  however, 
demand  more  delicate  and  persistent  manipulation  on  the  part 
of  her  uncle,  and  thus  we  account  in  a  measure  for  the  more 
subtle  and  prominent  role  of  Pandarus  in  Chaucer's  version.1  The 
fact  that  Chaucer's  go-between  is  a  man  and  Boccaccio's  a  woman 
makes  no  perceptible  change  in  the  action,  for  Pandarus  and 
Glorizia  show  their  respective  charges  precisely  the  same  intimate 
personal  attention.2 

Passing  from  the  general  situation  to  details,  we  may  note 
several  minor  circumstances  of  Chaucer's  account  that  have  definite 
parallels  in  Filocolo. 

1.  In  each  case  the  innamorata  is  led  to  believe  that  her  lover  is 
far  away.  Pandarus  is  explicit  on  this  point, — 

"  He  swor  hir,  *  nay,  for  he  was  out  of  towne.' "  3 

1  That- Boccaccio's  Glorizia  was  capable  of  undertaking  the  more  difficult 
r61e  of  Pandarus  is  indicated  by  her  own  words  :  "  Se  altro  forse  avvenisse  io 
vi  sar6  vicina,  e  lei  caccer6  col  mio  parlare  d'  ogni  errore  "  (Filocolo,  II, 
169). 

2  Moreover,  Chaucer  did  not  deliberately  choose  to  give  to  a  man  the  r61e 
of  go-between  in  this  episode  ;  he  merely  used  the  character  already  provided 
by  his  story  of  Troilus  and  Criseyde.     On  a  lady's  having  a  male  attendant, 
see  B.   de  Roquefort,   Poesies  de  Marie  de  France,    Tome   I,  Paris,  1820, 
p.  417. 

3  T.  and  C.,  iii,  570. 


144     THE    'LITEL   WINDOWE  '  IN    CHAUCER   AND    IN    FILOCOLO.      [CH.  IV 

Glorizia  also  is  unequivocal,— 

"Or  ecco,  disse  Glorizia,  tu  nol  puoi  avere,  egli  noil  c'  e,  ne 
ci  pub  venire." l 
A  little  later  Biancofiore  says  to  Florio, 

"  Come  pub  essere  che  tu  qui  sii  ora  ch'  io  ti  credeva  in  Ispagna  ? "  2 
2.  According  to  both  accounts  the  lover,  concealed  in  an  ad 
joining   chamber,    observes   through   a   small    orifice   the    merry 
making  in  which  his  lady  takes  part.     In  Troilus  we  read, 

"And  she  to  souper  com,  whan  it  was  eve, 

With  a  certayn  of  hir  owene  men, 

And  with  hir  faire  nece  Antigone, 

And  othere  of  hir  wommen  nyne  or  ten ; 

But  who  was  glad  now,  who,  as  trowe  ye, 

But  Truilus,  that  stood  and  miylite  it  see 

Thurgli-out  a  litel  idndowe,  in  a  stewe, 

Ther  lie  bishet,  sin  midnight,  was  in  mewe, 

Unwist  of  every  wiglit  but  of  Pandare  ? 
But  to  the  poynt ;  now  ivlian  she  was  y-come 
With  alle  joy  e,  and  alle  frendes  fare, 
Hir  eem  anoon  in  armes  hath  hir  nome, 
And  after  to  the  souper,  alle  and  some, 
Whan  tyme  was,  f ul  sof te  they  hem  sette ; 
God  wot,  ther  was  no  deyntee  for  to  fette. 

And  after  souper  gonnen  they  to  ryse, 

At  ese  wel,  with  hertes  fresshe  and  glade, 

And  wel  was  him  that  coude  best  devyse 

To  lyken  hir,  or  that  hir  laughen  made. 

He  song ;  she  pleyde ;  he  tolde  tale  of  Wade."  3 

The  similar  situation  in  Filocolo  is  thus  described  : 

"Io  in  una  camera  a  questa  contigua  ti  metterb,  dalla  quale  tu 
potrai  cib  che  in  questa  camera  si  fara  vedere :  quivi  dimorando 
tacitamente,  io  senza  dire  a  Biancofiore  alcuna  cosa  che  tu  qui  sii, 
qua  entro  colle  sue  compagne  la  faro  venire,  dove  tu  la  potrai 
quanto  ti  piacera  vedere.  .  .  .  Levossi  adunque  per  li  conforti  di 
Glorizia  Biancofiore,  e  coW  altre  comincio  a  far  festa,  secondo  che 
usata  era  per  addietro.  Elle  avevano  gia  tutte  le  rose  prese  .  .  . 
e  quale  sonando  con  usata  mano  dolci  strumenti,  e  altre  presesi  per 
mano  danzando,  e  altre  facendo  diversi  atti  di  festa,  e  gittando  1'  una 
all'  altra  rose  insieme  motteggiandosi,  e  Biancofiore  similmente  non 
sapendo  che  da  Filocolo  veduta  fosse.  .  .  .  Filocolo  che  per  piccolo 

1  Filocolo,  II,  175.  *  Id.,  II,  179. 

3  T.  and  C.,  iii,  595-614. 


CH.  IV]       FIRST  NIGHT   DETAILS   IN   CHAUCER   AND   IN    FILOCOLO.        145 

pertugio  vide  nella  kella  camera  entrar  Bianco/lore,  di  pieta  tale  nel 
viso  divenne,  quale  colui  che  morto  a'  fuochi  e  portato." 1 

3.  In  each  case  the  go-between,  while  keeping  the  lover  con 
cealed,  prepares  the  mind  of  the  innamorata  for  his  coming  by 
vague  suggestions  of  such  a  possibility.     In  Troilus  we  read, 

"  Sone  after  this,  to  him  she  gan  to  rowne, 
And  asked  him  if  Troilus  were  there  ? 
He  swor  hir,  '  nay,  for  he  was  out  of  towne  ' 
And  seyde,  'nece,  I  pose  that  he  were, 
Yow  thurfte  never  have  the  more  fere. 
For  rather  than  men  mighte  him  ther  aspye, 
Me  were  lever  a  thousand-fold  to  dye.' "  2 

Similar  suggestions  occur  in  Filocolo  as  follows : 

"Certo,  rispose  Glorizia,  e'  mi  parve  vedere  nella  tua  camera  il 
tuo  Florio  esser  venuto,  non  so  per  che  via  ne  per  che  modo  .  .  . 
Glorizia  disse :  Biancofiore,  se  iddio  cib  che  tu  desideri  ti  conceda, 
vorresti  che  Florio  fosse  qui  teco  ora  indiritto  1 "  3 

4.  The  jealousy  of  the  lover  figures  prominently  in  both  stories. 
•Says  Criseyde, 

"  '  Horaste  !  alias  !  and  falsen  Troilus  ? 

I  knowe  him  not,  god  helpe  me  so,'  quod  she."  4 

Biancofiore  is  equally  outspoken, — 

"  Egli  non  e  nel  mondo  brevemente  uomo,  cui  io  desideri  n6  che 
mi  piaccia,  se  non  egli :  e  poich'  io  lui  non  vidi,  e'  non  mi  parve 
nomo  vedere,  non  che  alcuno  me  ne  piacesse,  avvegnache  egli  a  torto 
ebbe  gia  opinione  che  io  amassi  Fileno.5 

The  motif  of  jealousy,  merely  referred  to  at  this  point  in  Filocolo,6 
assumes  in  the  parallel  part  of  Troilus  great  lyric  and  dramatic 
importance.7 

5.  In  both  accounts  the  lady  takes  oaths  from  her  lover  before 
finally  admitting  him  to  her  bed.8     In  Troilus  occur  the  lines,  • 

1  Filocolo,  II,  168,  172.  2  T.  and  C.,  iii,  568-574.    Cf.  iii,  771-784. 

3  Filocolo,  II,  171,  174.  4  T.  and  C.,  iii,  806-807. 

*Filocolo,  II,  175.     For  the  incident  referred  to  by  Biancofiore,  see  Filocolo, 

147-279. 

Florio's  jealousy  of  Fileno,  to  which  Biancofiore  refers  here,  is  the  basis 
prominent  episode  in  an  earlier  part  of  Filocolo,  where  the  nature  and 

cts  of  ' '  Gelosia  "  are  elaborately  discussed  and  exemplified.     See  Filocolo, 

247-281.     See  above,  pp.  99  if. 

I  See  T.  and  C.,  iii,  796-840,  987-1054.  Chaucer's  emphasis  upon  the  motif 
nealousy  here  may  be  a  reflection  of  the  elaborate  episode  of  jealousy  in  the 
rlier  part  of  Filocolo.  See  below,  pp.  157  ff. 

8  On  this  custom,  see  V.  Crescini,  II  Cantare  di  Fiorio  eBiancifiore,  Vol.  I, 
alogna,  1889,  p.  430,  note  1.  B.  de  Roquefort,  Poteies  de  Marie  de  France, 

248,  note  1. 

DEV.  TR.  CR.  L 


146       FIRST  NIGHT   DETAILS   IN    CHAUCER   AND   IN   FILOCOLO.      [CH.  IV 

"  gone  after  this,  though  it  no  nede  were, 
Whan  she  sivicli  othes  as  hir  list  devyse 
Hadde  of  Urn  take,  hir  thoughte  tho  no  fere, 
Ne  cause  eek  non,  to  bidde  him  thennes  ryse,"  l 

which  have  a  parallel  in  the  following  from  Filocolo  : 

"  Col  tuo  medesimo  anello  ti  sposerb,  alia  qual  cosa  Imeneo,  e  la 
santa  Giunone  e  Venere  nostra  dea  siano  present!.  Disse  allora 
Biancofiore :  mai  di  cib  che  ora  mi  parli  dubitai  .  .  .  e  davanti 
alia  santa  figura  del  nostro  iddio  questo  faccianio."  2 

6.  In  both  stories  the  lovers  make  use  of  rings  :  3 

"  And  pleyinge  entrechaungeden  hir  ringes, 
Of  which  I  can  nought  tellen  no  scripture  "  ; 4 

"  E  mentre  in  questa  festa  dimorano,  Biancofiore  dimanda  che  sia 
del  suo  anello,  il  quale  Florio  nel  suo  dito  gli  le  mostra  .  .  . 
col  tuo  medesimo  anello  ti  sposerb  .  .  .  perche  Biancofiore  .  .  '.. 
disteso  il  dito  ricevette  il  matrimoniale  anello."  5 

7.  Although  there   is  in  Chaucer's  poem  no  formal  ceremony 
of  marriage  like  that  in  Filocolo  before  the  image  of  Cupid,6  the 
English  poem  does  show  a  parallel  in  the  interchanging  of  rings 
just  mentioned,  in  the  hymn  of  Troilus  to  Love  7  and  to  "  Citherea 
the  swete,"  and  in  Criseyde's  acceptance  of  his  vows : 

"  Than  seyde  he  thus,  '  0,  Love,  0,  Charitee, 
Thy  moder  eek,  Citherea  the  swete, 
After  thy-self  next  heried  be  she, 
Venus  mene  I,  the  wel- willy  planete ; 
And  next  that,  Imeneus,  I  thee  grete  ; 
For  never  man  was  to  yow  goddes  holde 
%  As  I,  which  ye  han  brought  fro  cares  colde. 

And  for  thou  me,  that  coude  leest  deserve 
Of  hem  that  nombred  been  un-to  thy  grace, 
Hast  holpen,  ther  I  lykly  was  to  sterve, 
And  me  bistowed  in  so  heygh  a  place 
That  thilke  boundes  may  no  blisse  pace, 
I  can  no 'more,  but  laude  and  reverence 
Be  to  thy  bounte  and  thyn  excellence  ! '  8 

1  T.  and  0.,  iii,  1142-1145.  2  Filocolo,  II,  181. 

a  On  Chaucer's  use  of  this  detail,  see  Hamilton,  p.  121,  note  1.  On  th< 
custom,  see  Englische  Studien,  XXXVI,  264,— a  reference  for  which  I  an 
indebted  to  Dr.  Hamilton. 

4  T.  and  C.,  iii,  1368-9.  *  Filocolo,  II,  180-182. 

6  Id.,  II,  181-2.  7  On  this  hymn,  see  Kissner,  p.  m+ 

8  To  T.  and  0.,  iii,  1254-1274,  there  is  a  notable  parallel  in  Filocolo,  IJ 
278-9,  where  Florio  thanks  Jupiter,  Juno,  Hymen,  Venus,  and  Mars  for  "J 


CH.  IV]      FIRST  NIGHT  DETAILS    IN    CHAUCER   AND    IN   FILOCOLO.        147 

And  therwith-al  Criseyde  anoon  he  kiste, 
Of  which,  certeyn,  she  felte  no  disese. 
And  thus  seyde  he,  '  now  wolde  god  I  wiste, 
Myn  herte  swete,  how  I  yow  mighte  plese  ! 

And  for  the  love  of  god,  my  lady  dere, 
Sin  god  hath  wrought  me  for  I  shal  yow  serve, 
As  thus  I  mene,  that  ye  wol  be  my  stere, 
To  do  me  live,  if  that  yow  liste,  or  sterve, 

For  certes,  fresshe  wommanliche  wyf, 

This  dar  I  seye,  that  trouthe  and  diligence, 

That  shal  ye  nndeii  in  me  al  my  lyf, 

Ne  I  wol  not,  certeyn,  breken  your  defence ; 

And  if  I  do,  present  or  in  absence, 

For  love  of  god,  lat  slee  me  with  the  dede, 

If  that  it  lyke  un-to  your  womanhede.' 

'  Y-wis,'  quod  she,  '  myn  owne  hertes  list, 

My  ground  of  ese,  and  al  myn  herte  dere, 

Graunt  mercy,  for  on  that  is  al  my  trist ; 

But  late  us  falle  awey  fro  this  matere ; 

For  it  suffyseth,  this  that  seyd  is  here. 

And  at  o  word,  with-outen  repentaunce, 

Wei-come,  my  knight,  my  pees,  my  suffisaunce ! '  "  1 

This  passage  may,  perhaps,  be  regarded  as  Chaucer's  substitute  for 
the  more  formal  ceremony  in  Filocolo : 

"Davanti  alia  bella  immagine  di  Cupido  se  n'andarono  .  .  . 
e  Florio  primamente  comincio  cosi  a  dire :  o  santo  Iddio,  signore 
delle  nostre  menti,  a  cui  noi  della  nostra  puerizia  abbiamo  con  intera 
fede  servito,  riguarda  con  pietoso  occhio  alia  presente  opera, 
lo  .  .  .  cerco  quello  che  tu  ne'  cuori  de'  tuoi  subietti  fai 
desiderare,  e  a  questa  giovane  con  indissolubile  matrimonio  cerco 
di  congiungermi ;  .  .  .  Tu  sii  nostro  Imeneo.  Tu  in  luogo  della 
santa  Giunone  guarda  le  nostre  faccelline,  e  sii  testimonio  del 
nostro  maritaggio  .  .  .  perche  Biancofiore,  che  simile  orazione 
avea  fatta,  disteso  il  dito  ricevette  il  matrimoniale  anello  ;  e  levatasi 
suso  come  sposa,  vergognosamente  dinanzi  alia  santa  immagine 
bacio  Florio,  ed  egli  lei."  2 

From  the  evidence  before  us,  without  pursuing  details  further,3 

lunga  sollecitudine  abbandonata,  perciocche  gli  occhi  miei  veggono  ci6  che 
peradlietro  lungamente  desiderarono." 

1  T.  and  C.,  iii,  1254-1260,  1268-1278,  1289-1292,  1296-1309. 

2  Filocolo,  II,  181-2. 

3  The  parallel  between  T.  and  C.,  iii,  1247-1253,  and  Filocolo,  II,  179, 
11.  1-3,  needs  no  emphasis.     One  or  two  other  details  may  be  worth  noting  as 
indicating  Chaucer's  possible  use  of  Filocolo  at  this  point.     In  describing  the 


148     DID  CHAUCER  BORROW  FROM  BOCCACCIO'S  OTHER  WORKS?    [CH.  IV 

f  we  are  justified,  I  think,  in  inferring  a  literary  connection  between 
1  this  episode  in  Filpcolo  and  the  similar  episode  in  Troilus  and 
( Criseyde. 

However,  before  we  can  accept  the  conclusion  to  which  we  are 
immediately  led  by  the  foregoing  comparison,  it  is  necessary  to 
inquire  concerning  other  possible  sources  for  the  Chaucerian  episode. 
Since  it  has  been  repeatedly  pointed  out  that  the  scene  in  Filocolo 
which  we  have  been  examining  recurs  in  some  form  in  three  later 
works  of  Boccaccio,1  we  must  inquire  as  to  the  possibility  of 
Chaucer's  having  adapted  his  episode  from  one  of  these  later 
accounts  rather"  than  from  that  in  Filocolo.  Let  us  first  examine 
the  account  in  Ameto.2 

After  the  nymphs,  Mopsa,  Emilia,  Adiona,  Acrimonia,  and 
Agapes  have  told  their  own  love  stories,  Fiammetta  speaks  in  her 


joy  of  the  lovers  when  they  are  at  last  settled  in  each  other's  arms  Chaucer 


'  '  And  as  aboute  a  tree,  with  many  a  twiste, 
Bitrent  and  wryth  the  sote  wode-binde, 
Gan  eche  of  hem  in  armes  other  winde  " 

(T.  and  C.,  iii,  1230-1232). 

In  a  part  of  Filocolo  that  Chaucer  seems  likely  to  have  known  (see  below, 
pp.  157  ff.)  Florio  writes  to  Biancofiore, 

".  .  .  e  siccome  1'  abbracciante  ellera  avviticchia  il  robusto  olmo, 
cosi  le  tue  braccia  il  mio  collo  avvinsero,  e  le  mie  il  tuo  simigliantemente  " 
(Filocolo,  I,  262).  Cf.  Dante,  Inferno,  xxv,  58-60  ;  Lai  du  Chievrefeuille, 
11.  68-76  (Die  Lais  der  Marie  de  France,  edited  by  K.  Warnke,  Halle,  1900, 
pp.  183-4)  ;  Petrarch,  Sonnet  cclxxvii,  8  ;  Boccaccio,  Amcto  (Opere  Minori, 
Milano,  Sonzogno,  1887),  p.  193  ;  Ovid,  Metamorphoses,  iv,  365. 

In  the  same  episode,  Chaucer's  lines  in  connection  with  Troilo's  embracing 
of  Criseyde,  — 

"  What  mighte  or  may  the  sely  larke  seye, 
Whan  that  the  sparhauk  hath  it  in  his  foot  ?  " 

(T.  and  C.,  iii,  1191-2),— 

may  or  may  not  reflect  the  similar  figure  used  in  a  somewhat  different  con 
nection  but  in  the  same  episode  in  Filocolo,  — 

"...  dove  Filocolo  timido,  come  la  gru  sotto  il  falcone,  o  la  colomba 
sotto  il  rapace  sparviere,  dimorava"  (Filocolo,  II,  165-6).  Cf.  Filocolo,  I, 
217,—  "_.  .  .  avendp  gia  rimessa  la  semplice  colomba  intra  gli  usati  artigli 
de'  dispietati  nibbi."  The  source  of  these  expressions  in  Filocolo  may  be  II 
Cantare  di  Fiorio  e  Biancifiore,  cxx,  5. 

1  See  Ameto    (Opere    Minori,    Milano,   Sonzogno,   1887,    pp.     224-229), 
Fiammetta  (Sonzogno,  pp.  38-39,  67),  and  Amorosa  Visione  (cap.  xlix,  Opere 
Volgari,  Firenze,  Moutier,  1833,  pp.  197-200).     Cf.  Crescini,  Contribute,  etc., 
pp.   80-81,   131,    140,    note    1,    152,    194,    197;    C.    Antona-Traversi,   77 
Propugnatore,  Vol.  XVI,  Parte  IIa  (1883),  pp.   63,  246  ;    Crescini,  in  Voll- 
moller's  Kritischer  JahresbericM,  III  Bd.   (1891-1894),  4  Heft,  p.  386  ;  A. 
della  Torre,  La  Giomnezza,  di  Giovanni  Boccaccio,  Citta  di  Castello.  1905, 
pp.  270-275. 

2  Ameto,  pp.  221-229. 


CH.  IV]      FIRST   NIGHTS    IN    BOCCACCIO'S  AMETO   AND   FIAMMETTA.      149 

turn,  telling  us,  in  the  course  of  her  story,  of  her  first  night  with 
her  lover  Caleone,  as  follows  : 

In  the  absence  of  her  husband,  Fiammetta  is  sleeping  alone, 
when  she  dreams  of  being  in  the  arms  of  one  who  has  previously 
wooed  her  illicitly.  Her  dream  is  immediately  realized,  for  she 
awakes  to  find  herself  in  the  arms  of  a  young  man,  who  checks  her 
attempted  outcry  and  with  well-known  voice  tries  to  soothe  her. 
When  she  recognizes  her  lover,  she  persuades  him  to  sit  on  one 
side  of  the  bed  while  she,  sitting  on  the  other  side,  converses  with 
him.  Caleone  tells  her  the  story  of  his  past  loves,  of  his  dreams, 
and  of  his  being  led  hither  through  the  magic  of  Hecate,  and  with 
sword  in  hand  he  begs  from  her  either  love  or  death.  Fiammetta 
yields  her  love,  and  the  two  become  servants  of  Venus. 

Although  this  episode  as  recounted  in  Ameto  has  a  general  resem 
blance  to  the  parallel  episodes  in  Filocolo  and  Troilus,  it  is  clearly 
impossible  that  it  should  have  been  Chaucer's  original.  We  need 
only  note  the  absence  of  a  go-between  to  see  how  far  we  are  from 
the  effective  deceit  of  Glorizia  and  the  masterful  control  of  Pan- 
darus.  To  be  sure,  when  Fiammetta  asks  Caleone  how  he  has 
gained  access  to  her  room  he  replies, 

"Hecate,  vinta  dalle  mie  parole,  e  da  varj  sughi  d'  erbe  e 
virtuosi,  a  questo  luogo  venire  mi  diede  apertissima  via  e  sicura."  l 

But  Hecate  with  her  magic  does  not  appear  in  the  scene  as 
Fiammetta  describes  it,  and  we  cannot  assume  that  her  hidden 
activities  at  all  resembled  those  of  Glorizia  or  of  Pandarus. 

The  related  part  of  Fiammetta  2  offers  still  less  resemblance  to 
Chaucer's  scene.  Early  in  the  work  the  heroine  makes  mere  vague 
references  to  her  first  night  with  Panfilo,3  an  experience  which 
she  later  recounts  as  follows : 

"  Veramente  una  iniquita  in  me  conosco,  .  .  .  e  questa  fa 
di  ricever  te  scellerato  giovane  [*.  e.,  Panfilo],  e  senza  alcuna  pieta, 
nel  letto  mio,  ed  aver  sostenuto  che  '1  tuo  lato  al  mio  s'  accostasse  : 
avvenga  che  di  questo,  sicconie  essi  medesimi  videro,  non  io,  ma  tu 
colpevole  fosti ;  il  qual  col  tuo  ardito  ingegno,  me  presa  nella  tacita 
notte  secura  dormendo,  come  colui  che  altre  volte  eri  uso  d' 
ingannare,  prima  nelle  braccia  m'  avesti  e  quasi  la  mia  pudicizia 
violata,  che  io  fossi  dal  sonno  interamente  sviluppata.  E  che 
doveva  io  fare,  questo  veggendo  ?  doveva  io  gridare,  e  col  mio  grido 
a  me  infamia  perpetua,  ed  a  te,  il  quale  io  piu  che  me  medesima 
amava,  morte  cercare  ?  Io  opposi  le  forze  mie,  siccome  Iddio  sa, 

1  Ameto,  p.  225.         2  Fiammetta,  pp.  38-39,  67.        3  Id.,  pp.  38-39. 


150      FILOCOLO  THE  ONLY  SOURCE  OF  CHAUCER'S  FIRST  NIGHT.     [CH.  IV 

quanto  io  potei;  le  quali  alle  tue  non  potendo  resistere,  vinte, 
possedesti  la  tua  rapina."  l 

Obviously  this  brief  account  cannot  be  the  source  of  the 
Chaucerian  episode  under  consideration. 

The  related  passage  in  Amoroso,  Visione,  —  in  which  the  author 
recounts  his  vision  of  having  consummated  his  love  of  "la 
Donna,"  2  —  is  too  remote  from  the  episode  in  hand  to  deserve  more 
than  mention  here. 

We  may  conclude,  then,  that  of  the  Italian  passages  that  we  have 
considered,  only  the  passage  in  Filocolo  recounting  the  meeting  of 
Florio  and  Biancofiore  in  the  tower  at  Alexandria  could  have 
served  as  the  basis  of  Chaucer's  similar  scene. 

We  may  next  inquire  whether  Chaucer  may  not  have  based  his 
scene  directly  upon  the  sources  of  Filocolo*  without  the  media 
tion  of  Boccaccio.  The  answer  to  this  inquiry  is  the  fact  that 
no  other  known  version  of  the  story  of  Floire  and  Blanchefleur 
contains  a  scene  that  resembles  Boccaccio's,  —  a  fact  that  Crescini 
states  vigorously  as  follows  : 

"Si  noti  che  1'  autor  nostro  non  fu  indotto  a  rappresentare 
come  fece  1'  incontro  di  Florio  e  Biancifiore  dall'  esempio  d'  altra 
redazione  della  leggenda  de'  fanciulli  amanti.  Nessuno  de'  racconti 
numerosi,  ne'  quali  per  tutt'  Europa  si  svolse  questa  leggenda, 
poteva  inspirare  al  Boccaccio  la  scena,  ch'  ei  figurb,  scena,  che  invece 
gli  fu  suggerita  dalla  fresca  memoria  di  cio  che  realmente  eragli 
avvenuto  con  Maria."  4 

The  traditional  scene  is  fairly  represented  in  French  Version  I, 
where  we  are  told  that  after  Claris  has  brought  in  the  basket  of 
flowers  in  which  Florio  is  hidden,  Blanceflor  enters  the  room,  and 
Claris  offers  to  show  her  the  most  beautiful  flower  in  the  land. 
When  Blanceflor  remonstrates  at  such  banter,  and  utters  a  vow  of 
constancy  to  Florio,  the  ardent  young  lover  can  remain  concealed 
no  longer,  and  leaps  up  from  the  basket  into  Blanceflor's  arms.5 

1  Fiammetta,  p.  67.  2  Amoroso,  Visione,  cap.  xlix,  pp.  197-200. 

3  On  the  sources  of  Filocolo,  see  Appendix  B. 

4  Crescini,  Contribute,  etc.,   p.  82.     Cf.  Crescini,  II   Cantare  di  Fiorio  e 
Biancifiore,  I,  426  ;  G.  Volpi,  II  Trecento,  Milano,  1897-1898,  p.  93. 

5  See  Floire  et  Blanceflor  (edited  by  E.  Du  Meril,  Paris,  1856),  Version  I, 
11.    2115-2160;   Version   II,    11.    2799-2818.     Cf.  Floris   und  Blauncheflur 
(E.  Hausknecht,   Berlin,  1885),    11.   895-928  ;  FLore  und  Blanschefiur,   by 
Konrad  Fleck  (E  Sommer,  Qnedlinburg,  und  Leipzig,  1846),  11.  5590-6124"; 
Floris  ende  Blancefloer,  by  Dideric  van  Assenede  (H.  E.   Moltzer,  Groningen, 
1870),  11.  2292-3057  ;  Flores  oc  Blanzafloor  (G.   E.   Klemming,   Stockholm, 


1844),    11.   1348-1421  ;   SAcfytos  /col  UXar^a^dpa  (W.    Wagner,   Mediseval 
Texts,  pp.  1-56,—  Philological  Society,  Extra  Volume,  1869-1872,  London, 


CH.  IV]     FILOCOLO  THE  ONLY  SOURCE  OF  CHAUCER'S  FIRST  NIGHT.       151 

Such  an  account  is  obviously  no  parallel  to  the  scene  in  Trollus 
and  Criseyde. 

Since  neither  the  sources  of  Filocolo  nor  any  other  of  Boccaccio's 
works  than  Filocolo  could  have  inspired  Chaucer's  scene,  some  one 
may  suggest  that  the  English  poet  had  in  mind  some  other  of  the 
many  scenes  of  bedroom  intrigue  in  the  great  body  of  mediaeval 
romance  and  of  folk-tales.  Several  remote  parallels  to  the  tower 
episode  in  Filocolo  have  been  pointed  out,  but  none  of  them 
contains  those  details  of  Boccaccio's  account  that  recur  in  the 
English  poem.1 

1870),  11.  1642-1685  ;  La  Lengenda  ddla  Reina  Rosana  e  di  Rosana  sua 
Figliuola  (A.  d'Ancona,  Livorno,  1871),  pp.  53-61  ;  II  Cantare  di  Fiorio  e 
Biancifiore  (V.  Crescini,  2  vols.,  Bologna,  1889-1899),  Stanzas  120-126. 
For  the  parallel  scene  in  the  Spanish  Flores  y  Biancaflor,  see  E.  Hausknecht, 
p.  67. 

1  Crescini  (Vollmoller's  Kritischer  Jahresbericht,  III  Bd.,  1891-1894,  4 
Heft,  p.  386)  refers  to  the  following  parallels  : — (1)  In  the  Old  French  Macaire 
(edited  by  A.  Mussafia,  Wien,  1864,  11.  210-260.  Cf.  L.  Gautier,  Les 
jGpop&s  Franfaises,  Tome  III,  Paris,  1880,  p.  705  ;  P.  Rajna,  Le  Origini  dell' 
Epopea  Francese,  Firenze,  1884,  p.  180)  we  have  an  account  of  the  dwarf's 
following  Machario's  directions  as  to  how  he  may  lie  with  Queen  Bianciflor 
while  the  Emperor  is  at  matins.  (2)  In  Amis  et  Amiles  (edited  by  K. 
Hofmann,  Erlangen,  1882,  11.  664-704)  there  is  a  bedroom  scene  in  which 
Belyssant  disposes  herself  in  the  bed  of  Count  Amiles  while  he  is  asleep.  (3) 
In  the  story  of  Lancelot  du  Lac  (see  P.  Paris,  Les  Romans  de  la  Table  Ronde, 
Tome  IV,  Paris,  1875,  pp.  32-33)  we  are  told  that  Gawain  stealthily  gains 
access  to  the  bed  of  the  daughter  of  the  King  of  Norgalles,  where  the  King 
discovers  the  pair  together  by  looking  through  a  window.  (4)  Similar  scenes 
are  to  be  found  in  Italian  folk-poetry  (see  A.  d'Ancona,  La  Poesia  Popolare 
Italians,  Livorno,  1878,  pp.  23-28). 

M.  Landau  (Giovanni  Boccaccio :  sein  Leben  und  seine  Werke,  Stuttgart, 
1877,  p.  49)  points  out  parallels  to  the  tower  episode  of  Filocolo: — (1) 
In  Wolfdieterich  (edited  by  A.  Holtzmann,  Heidelberg,  1865,  Stanzas  88-95  ; 
(2)  in  the  Swedish  folk  tale  of  Habor  and  Signild  (see  A.  A.  Afzelius,  Yolks- 
sagen  und  Volkslieder  aus  Schwedviis  dlterer  und  neuerer  Zeit,  Leipzig,  1842, 
Theil  I,  pp.  153-163)  ;  (3)  the  story  of  Vallivan  (see  H.  von  der  Hagen,  Die 
Schwanensage,  in  Abhandlungen  der  koniglichen  Akademie  der  Wissenschaften 
zu  Berlin,  1846,  p.  535)  ;  (4)  the  story  of  a  princess  kept  in  a  tower,  to  which 
a  knight  gains  access  in  a  basket  (see  H.  A.  Keller,  Li  Romans  des  Sept 
Sages,  Tubingen,  1836,  pp.  Ixx-lxxiii)  ;  (5)  the  tale  of  "  Die  beiden  Pflege- 
briider  "  (see  C.  Oberleitner,  Schwedische  Volkssagen  und  Mdrchen,  Wien,  1848, 
pp.  78  ff.)  ;  (6)  the  story  of  Achilles  and  Deidamia  (see  F.  H.  von  der  Hagen, 
Gesammtabenteur^  II  Bd.,  Stuttgart  und  Tubingen,  1850,  pp.  496  ff.;  Cf. 
Ill  Bd.,  p.  cxxviii). 

A  list  of  "bedroom  intrigues"  can  be  indefinitely  increased  by  such 
references  as  the  following: — Claris  et  Laris  (edited  by  J.  Alton,  Tubingen, 
1844),  11.  8843-8472) ;  R.  Renier,  Novelle  inedite  di  Giovanni  Sercambi, 
Torino,  1889,  pp.  116-119  ;  Carle  of  Carlile  (Bishop  Percy's  Folio  Manu 
script,  edited  by  J.  W.  Hales  and  F.  J.  Furnivall,  Vol.  Ill,  London,  1868), 
11.  331-360;  a  canzone  of  Antonio  Pucci  (Rivista  di  Filologia  Romanza, 
II,  226) ;  Syre  Gawene  and  the  Carle  of  Carelyle  (edited  by  F.  Madden,  Syr 
Gawayne,  London,  1839,  p.  200),  11.  445-480  ;  Le  Chevalier  a  L'Epte  (edited 
by  E.  C.  Armstrong,  Baltimore,  1900),-  11.  471-682;  Yoivc,  11.  123-172; 
Guigemar,  11.  470-534  ;  Equitan,  11.  115-188  ;  the  last  three  edited  by 
K.  Warnke,  Die  Lais  der  Marie  de  France,  Halle,  1900. 


152        THE   FIRST    NIGHT   OF   JASON   AND   MEDEA   IN   BENOIT.      [CH.  IV 

No  one,  however,  has  pointed  out  the  close  similarity  between 
this  account  in  Filocolo  and  an  episode  in  the  story  of  Jason  and    . 
Medea  as  recounted  in  the  Roman  de  Troie  of  Benoit  de  Sainte- 
Maure1  and  in  the  Historia  Troiana  of  Guido  delle  Colonne.2 
This  episode  in  the  French  poem  3  may  he  outlined  as  follows  : 

Jason  has  speedily  won  the  heart  of  Medea,  and  has  only  to 
reap  the  fruits  of  his  new  love,  swearing  to  his  lady  "  sor  toz  les 
deus  "  that  he  will  honour  and  marry  her.  Medea  bids  him  come 
alone  to  her  chamber  after  the  King  shall  have  gone  to  bed,  to 
make  his  vows  and  to  receive  her  love  and  her  counsel.  Jason 
readily  assents,  but  urges  that  she  send  a  servant  to  guide  him,— 

"  Quar  ne  savreie  ou  jo  alasse, 
IS  e  a  quel  hore  jo  levasse."  4 

Having  assented  to  this  request,  Medea  impatiently  awaits  the 
coming  of  night,  and  then  still  more  impatiently  the  retiring  of 
the  household.  As  she  nervously  paces  her  chamber,  she  often 
stops  to  look  through  a  little  aperture  to  see  the  bed  where  Jason 
lies,— 

"  Par  la  chambre  vait  sus  e  jus, 

E  so  vent  rec/uarde  al  pertus, 

Tant  que  trestuit  furent  couchie. 

Bien  a  veil  e  aguaitie 

Le  lit  ou  Jason  se  coucha."  5 

When  all  have  retired,  Medea  calls  a  trusted  old  woman-servant,, 
whom  she  bids  to  fetch  Jason  quietly, — 

1  R.  deT.,  1445-1774. 

2  Historic/,  Troiana,  sig.  a  7  recto,  col.  2 — sig.  b  1  verso,  col.  2. 

3  We  have  no  occasion  to   consider  in  full  the  parallel  account  in  the 
Historia.     Guido  follows  Benoit  closely  at  this  point,  adding  no  significant 
details  that  occur  either  in  Filocolo  or  in  Troilus.      Guide's  only  conspicuous 
addition  to  Benoit, — his  extended  condemnation  of  Medea's  credulity  and  of 
Jason's  infidelity  (Historia,  sig.  b  1  recto,  cols.  1-2), — does  not  concern  us 
here.     On  the  other  hand,  in  his  abridgment  Guido  omits  certain  of  Benoit's 
details  which  appear  in  Filocolo  and  in    Troilus.     For  example,  there  is 
nothing  in  the  Historia  to  represent  the  French  lines, 

"  Par  la  chambre  vait  sus  e  jus, 
E  sovent  regiiarde  al  pertus, 
Tant  que  trestuit  furent  couchie. 
Bien  a  veil  e  aguaitie 
Le  lit  ou  Jason  se  coucha  "  (E.  de  T.,  1531-1535). 

As  we  shall  see,  the  detail  of  the  pertus  is  important. 

4  It.  de  T.,  1459-1460. 

5  Id.,  1531-1535.     For  a  similar  use  of  the  word,  pertus,  see  "Tote  la 
nait  les  guardet  par  un  pertus  petit "  (Pderinage  de  Charlemagne,  edited  by 
E.  Koschwitz,  Leipzig,  1895,  1.  441). 


CH.  IV]     THE   FIRST    NIGHT    OF   JASON   AND    MEDEA    IN    BENOIT.         153 

"  Une  soe  maistre  apela  : 
Tot  son  conseil  li  a  gehi, 
Car  el  se  fiot  mout  en  li : 
*  Dreit  a  eel  lit,'  fait  ele,  *  iras 
Tot  soavet,  le  petit  pas  ; 
Celui  qu'i  gist  m'ameine  o  tei : 
De  noise  te  guarde  e  d'esfrei.'  "  l 

When  Medea  has  retired  to  her  magnificent  bed,  the  servant 
hastens  to  wake  Jason  and  to  lead  him  to  Medea's  chamber, — 

"  La  vieille,  senz  autre  respit, 
Le  la  chambre  s'en  est  eissue, 
Dreit  au  lit  Jason  est  venue ; 
Tot  belement  e  en  secrei 
Le  traist  par  mi  la  main  a  sei. 
E  cil  s'en  leva  mout  isnel, 
Si  s'afubla  de  son  mantel. 
Tot  soavet  et  a  cele 
S'en  sont  dedenz  la  chambre  entre. 
Clarte  i  ot,  tres  bien  i  veient, 
Car  dm  cierge  grant  i  ardeient. 
La  maistre  a  1'uis  clos  e  serre, 
Puis  1'a  desci  qu'al  lit  mene."  2 

Though  she  is  aware  of  Jason's  presence,  Medea  pretends  to  be 
asleep,  and  when  he  approaches  and  raises  the  coverlet  she  starts 
up  in  pretended  amazement,  and  asks  by  what  means  he  has 
entered  her  room, — 

"  Medea  le  senti  venir, 
Si  a  fait  semblant  de  dormir, 
E  cil  ne  f u  pas  trop  vilains  : 
Le  covertor  lieve  o  ses  mains. 
Cele  tressaut,  vers  lui  se  torne  ; 
Auques  fu  vergondose  e  morne  : 

I  Yassaus,'  fait  el,  '  qui  vos  conduit  ? 
Mout  par  avez  veillie  anuit. 

Tel  noise  ai  tote  nuit  oi'e 

Qu'or  m'ere  a  grant  peine  endormie.'  " 3 

Jason  replies  that  his  only  guide  has  been  Medea's  servant, — 

"  *  Dame,'  fait  il,  '  n'i  quier  guion 
Se  vos  e  vostre  maistre  non  : 
S'en  vostre  prison  me  sui  mis, 

II  ne  m'en  deit  pas  estre  pis.'  "  4  v 

1  R.  de  T.,  1536-1542.  2  Id.,  1572-1584. 

8  Id.,  1585-1594.  *  Id.,  1595-1598. 


154      THE   FIKST   NIGHT   OF   JASON   AND  MEDEA   IN    BENOIT.      [CH.  IV 

The  servant  now  leaves  the  lovers  together,  and  Jason  promptly 
swears  eternal  faithfulness  to  Medea  and  offers  to  do  her 
pleasure, — 

"  La  vieille  ensemble  les  laissa, 
En  autre  chambre  s'en  entra. 
Jason  a  parle  toz  premiers  : 
1  Dame,  li  vostre  chevaliers, 
Icil  qui  quites  senz  partie 
Sera  toz  les  jorz  de  sa  vie, 
Yos  prie  e  requiert  doucement 
Quel  receveiz  si  ligement, 
Qu'a  nul  jor  mais  chose  ne  face 
Que  vos  griet  lie  que  vos  desplace.'  "  l 

Not  satisfied  with  this  simple  declaration,  Medea  urges  her  lover 
to  take  an  oath  before  an  "image  de  Jupiter,"  a  procedure  to 
which  Jason  readily  consents, — 

"  * .  .  .  Beans  amis, 
Grant  chose  m'avez  mout  pramis: 
Se  vos  le  voliez  tenir, 
Ne  me  porriez  plus  ofrir. 
Seiirte  vueil  que  jo  en  aie  : 
Puis  atendrai  vostre  manaie.' 
'  Dame,  a  trestot  vostre  plaisir  ; 
Senz  fausete  e  senz  mentir, 
Vos  en  ferai  tel  seiirtance 
Qu'a  tort  avreiz  vers  mei  dotancc.' 

Une  pelice  vaire  e  grise 
Vest  Medea  sor  sa  chemise, 
Del  lit  s'en  est  a  tant  levee, 
Si  a  line  image  aportee 
De  Jupiter  le  den  poissant : 

'  Jason,'  fait  el,  '  venez  avant. 
Vez  ci  1'image  al  deu  des  cieus : 
Jo  ne  vueil  mie  faire  a  gieus 
De  mei  e  de  vos  I'asseinblee ; 
Par  90  vueil.  estre  aseiiree. 
Sor  1'image  ta  main  metras, 
E  sor  1'image  jureras 
A  mei  fei  porter  e  tenir 
E  mei  a  prendre  senz  guerpir ; 
Leial  seignor,  leial  arnant 
Me  seies  mais  d'ore  en  avant.' 
Jason  ensi  li  otreia."  2 

1  R.  de  T.,  1599-1608.  2  H^  1609_1635. 


CH.  IV]  LIKENESSES   BETWEEN    BENOIT   AND   FILOCOLO.  155 

Medea  now  admits  Jason  to  her  bed  for  the  night, — 

"  Tote  la  nuit  se  jurent  puis, 
Ensi  com  jo  el  Livre  truis, 
Tot  nu  a  nu  e  braz  a  braz." 1 

In  the  morning,  before  Jason  departs,  Medea  counsels  him  con 
cerning  his  approaching  dangers,  and  gives  him  magic  gifts, — "nne 
figure  Faite  par  art  e  par  conjure,"2  "  un  oignement,"  3  and 
"  un  anel/' 4 — each  of  which  is  powerful  in  protecting  the  life 
of  him  who  carries  it.  After  many  caresses,  Jason  takes  his 
leave. 5 

The  general  likeness  of  this  nocturnal  meeting  to  that  recounted 
in  Filocolo  needs  no  enforcing.  We  may  sum  up  the  details  in 
which  the  two  accounts  agree  as  follows  : 

1.  A  lover  is  kept  waiting  outside  his  lady's  bedroom. 

2.  There  is  a  small  hole  through  which  one  may  see  from  one 
room  to  the  other. 

.3.  A  woman-servant  leads  the  lover  to  his  "  amie." 

4.  The  lover  makes  advances  upon  the  person  of  his  sleeping 
lady. 

5.  When  the  lady  awakes  she  is  shocked  by  the  intrusion  into 
her  room. 

6.  The  lady  rises  from  bed  and  exacts  an  oath  from  her  lover 
before  an  image  of  a  god. 

7.  The  lovers  spend  the  night  together.6 

Boccaccio's  intimate  acquaintance  with  Benoit's  poem  during  the 
period  when  he  was  writing  this  part  of  Filocolo  can  hardly  be 
doubted.  If  my  exposition  of  the  mutual  chronological  relations 
of  Filocolo  and  Filostrato  be  sound,7  it  appears  that  Boccaccio 
wrote  the  Filocolo  episode  under  consideration  after  he  had  written 
Filostrato,  and  hence  after  he  had  "ransacked  Benoit's  poem.8 
Since  we  have  found  our  author  borrowing  from  Benoit's  episode 
of  Achilles  and  Polyxena  materials  for  adding  to  the  meagre  story 
of  Troilus  and  Briseida,  we  need  not  be  surprised  at  the  suggestion 

1  E.  de  T.,  1643-1645.  2  Id.,  1665-6.  3  Id.,  1671. 

4  Id.,  1677.  5  Id.,  1763-1766. 

6  I  do  not  draw  a  parallel  between  the  magic  ring  of  the  Roman  de  Troie 
(\.  1677)  and  the  matrimonial  ring  of  Filocolo  (II,  181-2). 

7  See  above,  pp.  27  ff. 

8  On  Boccaccio's  i'amiliarity  with  the  Roman  de  Troie  while  he  was  writ 
ing  Filocolo,   see  also  above,    p.    104.     Even  though  my  exposition  of  the 
chronology  be  rejected,  the  evidence  for  Boccaccio's  use  of  Benoit's  poem  in 
Filocolo  is,  I  think,  quite  able  to  stand  of  itself.    - 


156    FIRST-NIGHT  DIFFERENCES  BETWEEN  CHAUCER  AND  BENOIT.  [CH.IV 

that  Boccaccio  drew  from  Beiioit's  episode  of  Jason  and  Medea  a 
scene  with  which  to  enlarge  his  Filocolo.  In  view  of  the  detailed 
resemblances  between  Beiioit's  episode  and  the  account  in  Filo 
colo  of  the  meeting  of  Florio  and  Biancofiore  in  the  tower  at 
Alexandria,  in  view  of  Boccaccio's  departure  at  this  point  from 
the  sources  of  Filocolo,  and  in  view  of  his  undoubted  familiarity 
with  Benoit's  poem,  I  believe  that  Boccaccio's  indebtedness  to 
Benoit  at  this  point  can  hardly  be  questioned.1 

Since  Chaucer  as  well  as  Boccaccio  was  intimately  acquainted 
with  the  Roman  de  Troie,  is  it  possible  that  the  English  scene 
is  based  directly  upon  Benoit's  poem,  without  the  mediation  of 
Boccaccio  ?  We  may  readily  admit  that  two  authors  may  use  a, 
common  source  independently  with  surprisingly  similar  results  ;. 
but  in  the  present  case  the  special  similarities  between  Filocolo 
and  Troilus  are  so  important  that  Chaucer's  independence  of 
Boccaccio  can  hardly  be  maintained.  The  definite  points  in  which 
Filocolo  and  Troilus  show  common  differences  from  Benoit  are 
the  following  : 

1.  In  each  case  the  innamorata  is  deceived  into  thinking  that 
her  lover  is  out  of  town, 

2.  In  each  account  the  lover,  concealed  in  an  adjoining  chamber,, 
observes  through  a  ^mall  orifice  the  merry-making  in  which  his 
lady  takes  part. 

3.  In  each  case  the  go-between,  while  keeping  the  lover  con 
cealed,  prepares  the  mind  of  the  innamorata  for  his  coming  by 
vague  suggestions  of  such  a  possibility. 

4.  The    jealousy   of    the   lover    figures    prominently   in   both 
stories.2 

5.  In  the  two  cases  rings  are  used  with  matrimonial  significance. a 

1  If  this  conclusion  is  sound,   a  reconsideration  of  the  autobiographical 
validity  of  the  tower  scene  in  Filocolo  is  made  necessary,— a  reconsideration, 
however,  that  is  no  integral  part  of  the  present  study.    On  the  autobiographical 
significance  of  this  scene,  see  Crescini,  Contribute,  etc.,  pp.  82,  131,  152,  194, 
197  ;  II  Cantare    di  Fiorio  e  Biancifiore,  Vol.   I,   pp.  426-7  ;  Vollmoller's- 
Kritischer  Jahresbericht,  III  Bd.,  4  Heft,  p.  386 ;  A.  della  Torre,  p.  270,  note  2  ; 
Antona-Traversi,  II  Propiignatore,  Vol.  XVI,  Parte  11%  pp.  63,  67,  240-245. 

2  See  p.  145. 

3  Although  Chaucer's  scene  is  clearly  based  upon  Boccaccio's,   since   the 
English  author  had  undoubtedly  read  the  account  of  Jason  and  Medea  in  the 
Roman  de  Troie,  we  need  not  be  surprised  if  we  find  in  Troilus  some  slight 
echoes  from  the  French  poem.     There  may  or  may  not  be  significance  in  the 
resemblances  that  follow. 

1.  Pandarus  says  to  Troilus  (T.  and  C.,  iii,  738), 

"  Why,  don  this  furred  cloke  up-on  thy  sherte." 


OH.  IV]  FIRST-NIGHT  DIFFERENCES  BETWEEN  CHAUCER  AND  BENOIT.    157 

From  the  evidence  now  before  us,  I  conclude  that  upon  Benoit's 
account  of  a  secret  meeting  of  Jason  and  Medea,  Boccaccio  based 
the  tower  scene  in  Filocolo, — a  scene  that  Chaucer  adapted  to  his 
own  purposes  in  Book  iii  of  Troilus  and  Criseyde. 

In  the  Chaucerian  episode  that  we  have  been  studying  occurs 
an  element  that  deserves  additional  consideration.  We  have 
already  observed  that  both  in  the  tower  scene  in  Filocolo  and  in 
the  similar  scene  in  Troilus  the  heroine  complains  of  a  previous 
fit  of  jealousy  on  her  lover's  part.1  Chaucer's  highly  successful 

Jason,  when  he  rises  from  bed,  puts  on  an  outer  cloak  (R.  de  2'., 1578), — 
"  Si  s'  afubla  de  son  mantel," — 

and  Medea  when  she  rises,  puts  on  a  fur  garment  over  her  night-dress  (id. , 
1619-1620),— 

"Une  police  vaire  e  grise 
Vest  Medea  sor  sa  chemise." 

Guido  has  no  similar  detail. 

2.  Pandarus  tends  the  door  (T.  and  C.,  iii,  748-9),— 

"Goth  to  the  dore  anon  with-outen  lette, 

Ther-as  they  laye,  and  softely  it  shette." 
Likewise  the  old  servant  in  Benoit's  poem,  — 

"  La  maistre  a  1'uis  clos  e  serre"  (R.  de  T.,  1583). 

Guido  has  a  similar  detail  (see  Historia,  sig.  a  7  verso,  col.  2). 

3.  When  Criseyde  offers  Pandarus  a  "blewering"  (T.  and  0.,  iii,  885)  with 
which  to  comfort  Troilus,  Pandarus  replies, 

"  '  A  ring  ? '  quod  he,  '  ye,  hasel-wodes  shaken  ! 
Ye,  nece  myn,  that  ring  moste  han  a  stoon 
That  mighte  dede  men  alyve  maken  ; 
And  swich  a  ring,  trowe  I  that  ye  have  noon ' " 

(T.  and  C.,  iii,  890-893). 

Perhaps  Chaucer  had  in  mind  the  magic  ring  that  Medea  gives  Jason  (R.  de  T. , 
1677),  which  has  such  power  that 

"  '  Soz  ciel  n'a  home  qui  seit  vis, 
Des  qu'il  1'avra  en  son  deit  mis, 
Qui  ja  puis  crienge  enchantement 
Feu,  arme,  venin  ne  serpent : 

Se  tu  ne  vueus  estre  veiiz, 

La  pierre  met  defors  ta  main '" 

(R.  de  T.,  1681-84,  1690-91). 

Guido  has  a  similar  detail  (see  Historia,  sig.  b  1  verso,  cols.  1-2), 

4.  Says  Pandarus  to  Criseyde  (T.  and  C.,  iii,  948), 

"  But  liggeth  stille,  and  taketh  him  light  here." 
So  the  servant  in  Benoit's  poem  (R.  de  T.,  1543-4), 

"  'Dame,'  fait  el,  ' premierement 
Vos  couchiez,  si  sera  plus  gent.'  " 

Guido  omits  this  detail.    Whether  or  not  these  details  are  signifi'-ant,  I  think 
they  in  no  wise  affect  the  main  conclusions  which  we  have  reached  above. 
1  See  above,  p.  145. 


158      JEALOUSY  IN  CHAUCER'S  AND  IN  BENOIT'S  LOVERS.      [OH.  iv 

dramatic  and  lyric  development  of  this  motif,  which  has  no  basis 
in  Filostrato,1  seems  to  rest  upon  the  account  of  Florio's  jealousy 
in  the  earlier  part  of  Filocolo,2 — an  episode  definitely  referred  to 
by  Biancofiore  in  the  tower  scene. 

This  element  of  jealousy  in  Troilus  may  be  briefly  outlined  as 
follows  : 

In  order  to  excite  Criseyde's  passion  for  Troilus,  Pandarus 
reports  to  her  Troilus' s  sorrowful  plight  over  a  rumour  as  to  her 
infidelity, — a  rumour  that  Criseyde  hastens  to  deny  and  to  lament.* 
She  proposes  to  soothe  Troilus' s  feelings  on  the  following  day,  but 
Pandarus  will  allow  no  such  delay,  and  presents  Troilus  to  her  at 
once.  With  firm  but  gentle  words  Criseyde  censures  Troilus  for 
his  jealousy,  laments  his  pain,  and  ends  with  fervent  protestations 
of  faithfulness.4 

.  The  episode  of  jealousy  in  Filocolo5  may  once  more6  be  briefly 
outlined  as  follows  : 

Convinced  by  seeing  Biancofiore's  veil  in.  the  possession  of 
Fileno  that  the  maiden  is  faithless,  Florio  gives  way  to  violent 
jealousy.  At  the  end  of  a  lengthy  complaint,  Florio  is  at  the 
point  of  suicide,  when  he  falls  asleep  and  has  a  vision  that  should 
have  reassured  him.  On  awaking,  however,  Florio  writes  a  long 
letter  to  Biancofiore  upbraiding  her  for  her  supposed  infidelity, 
— a  letter  to  which  the  maiden  replies  in  full,  denying  the' 
accusations,  and  ending  with  vows  of  fidelity.  Meanwhile  the 
goddess  Diana  has  gone  to  visit  Gelosia,  whose  hideous  dwelling 
is  elaborately  described.  At  Diana's  request,  Gelosia  flies  to 
Florio  and  strikes  him  with  a  renewed  fit  of  jealousy.  After  the 
nature  of  jealousy  has  been  prosaically  expounded,  we  are  told  that 
Diana  goes  to  the  cave  of  Sleep,  through  whose  agency  Fileno  is 
warned  in  a  vision  to  flee  from  the  death  that  Florio  is  preparing 
for  him. 

Although  it  would  be  absurd  to  expect  Chaucer  to  introduce 
into  Troilus  any  such  dull  and  clumsy  episode  as  this,  there  are 
good  reasons  for  believing  that  he_drew  from  this  part  of  Filocolo 
suggestions  for  Troilus's  jealousy  of  "  Horaste."  Criseyde's  tender 
arraignment  of  Troilus  for  his  suspicion  has  a  general  parallel  in 
Biancofiore's  reply  to  Florio's  accusation.  The  English  heroine 
begins  with  an  appreciation  of  her  lover's  merits, — 

1  The  element  of  jealousy  in  Troilus  that  we  are  now  considering  is  not 
to  be  confused  with  the  jealousy  between  Troilus  and  Diomedes  treated  later 
in  the  poem  (see  T.  and  C.,  v,  1212-1533,  1639-1722),  which  is  in  the  main 
adapted  from  a  part  of  Filostrato  already  discussed.     See  above,  pp.  94  ff. 

2  See  Filocolo,  I,  247-289.  3  T.  and  C.,  iii,  792-812,  837-840. 
4  Id.,  iii,  988-1064.  5  Filocolo,  I,  247-289. 

15  See  above,  pp.  99  ff. 


CH.  IV]  CAUSE  OF  JEALOUSY  IN  CHAUCER'S  AND  IN  BENOIl'S  LOVERS.   159 

"  And  your  goodnesse  have  I  founde  alwey  yit, 
Of  whiche,  my  dere  herte  and  al  my  knight, 
I  thonke  it  yow,  as  fer  as  I  have  wit, 
Al  can  I  nought  as  muche  as  it  were  right."  l 

In  her  reply  to  the  jealous  Florio,  Biancofiore  utters  similar  praise 
of  her  lover, — 

"  Similemente  i  lunghi  affanni  e  i  gran  meriti,  a'  quali  io  mai 
aggiugnere  non  potrei  a  remunerare  il  piu  picciolo.  .  .  .  Neancora. 
mi  si  occulta  la  tua  virtu,  n6  la  tua  bellezza  piena  di  graziosa 
piacevolezza  .  .  .  per  le  quali  cose  saresti  piu  degno  amante  dell' 
alta  Citerea  che  di  me."  2 

In  commenting  on  Troilus':*  jealousy  Criseyde  charitably  suggests 
that  he  is  a  victim  of  "  fantasye  "  and  "  illusioun," — 

"  But  certeyn  is,  som  maner  jalousye 
Is  excusable  more  than  som,  y-wis. 
As  whan  cause  is,  and  som  swich  fantasye 
With  pietee  so  wel  repressed  is, 
That  it  unnethe  dooth  or  seyth  amis, 

That  thanke  I  god,  for  whiche  your  passioun 
I  wol  not  calle  it  but  illusioun."  3 

"  Fantasye  "  and  "  illusioun  "  are  clearly  involved  in  Florio's  case, 
where  a  vision  and  a  visit  from  "  Gelosia  "  contribute  toward  his 
being  deceived.  Moreover,  Biancofiore  plainly  hints  that  Florio 
may  be  out  of  his  wits, — • 

"Tu  vai  cercando  di  mostrarmi  cagioni  per  le  quali  io  debba 
avere  te  per  Fileno  lasciato,  e  quelle  tu  medesimo  1'  annulli  .  .  . 
e  se  da  te  quel  senno  non  s'  e  partito  che  aver  suoli,  dovresti 
pensare  che  io  non  sono  del  senno  uscita." 4 

Criseyde  assures  her  lover  that  by  her  explanation  their  mutual 
happiness  will  return, — • 

"  But,  herte  myn,  what  al  this  is  to  seyne 
Shall  wel  be  told,  so  that  ye  noght  yow  greve, 
Though  I  to  yow  right  on  your-self  compleyne. 
For  ther- with  mene  I  fynally  the  peyne, 
That  halt  your  herte  and  myn  in  hevinesse, 
Fully  to  sleen,  and  every  wrong  redresse."  5 

.    *  T.  and  a.,  in,  995-998.  2  Filocolo,  I,  270-271.      ' 

8  T.  and  C.,  iii,  103CM034,  1040-1041.  4  Filocolo,  I,  271. 

6  T.  and  0.,  iii,  1003-1008. 


160  CRISEYDE'S  AND  BIANCOFIORE'S  ASSURANCES  OF  FIDELITY.  [OH,  iv 

Biancofiore  holds  out  the  same  hope,— 

"  Lascia  ogni  malinconia  presa  per  questo  se  la  mia  vita  t'  e  cara, 
e  spera  che  ancora  f  ermamente  conoscerai  cib  che  io  ora  ti  prometto, 
e  la  tua  vita  colla  mia  insieme  caramente  riguarda,  sperando  che  a 
luogo  e  a  tempo  gl'  iddii  rimuteranno  consiglio,  forse  concedendoci 
miglior  vita  che  noi  da  noi  non  eleggeremmo." 1 

Criseyde's  affecting  words, 

"  '  Eek  al  my  wo  is  this,  that  folk  now  usen 
To  seyn  right  thus,   "  Ye,  Jalousye  is  Love  !  " ; 

may  reflect  the  exposition  of  jealousy  in  Filocolo?  in  which  occur 
such  expressions  as, 

"  0  amore  .  .  .  chi  potrebbe  credere  o  pensare  che  la  tua  dolce 
radice  producesse  si  amaro  frutto  com'  &  gelosia  ?  .  .  .  Ella  [i.  e.t 
gelosia]  con  teco  quasi  d'  un  principio  nata,  di  tutti  i  tuoi  beni  & 

guastatrice."  4 

Criseyde  closes  her  plea  beautifully  with  the  following  assurances 
of  her  fidelity : 

"  '  But,  for  my  devoir  and  your  hertes  reste, 
Wher-so  yow  list,  by  ordal  or  by  ooth, 
By  sort,  or  in  what  wyse  so  yow  leste, 
For  love  of  god,  lat  preve  it  for  the  beste  ! 
And  if  that  I  be  giltif,  do  me  deye, 
Alias  !  what  mighte  I  more  doon  or  seye  1 ' 

"With  that  a  fewe  brighte  teres  newe 

Out  of  hir  eyen  fille,  and  thus  she  seyde, 

'  Now  god,  thou  wost,  in  thought  ne  dede  untrewe 

To  Troilus  was  never  yet  Criseyde.' " 5 

Biancofiore  is  equally  outspoken  in  her  assurances, — 

"  Yolessero  gl'  iddii  che  possibile  fosse  te  aver  potuto  vedere  e 
udire  le  vere  .  .  .  che  io  niuna  persona  ami  se  non  solamente 
te,  ne  chiamo  testimonio  gl'  iddii  .  .  .  Biancofiore  non  fu  mai 
se  non  tua,  e  tua  sara  sempre.  Adoprino  i  fati  secondoch6  ell'  ama, 
e  senza  fallo  contento  viverai."  6 

To  these  general  resemblances  we  may  perhaps  add  at  least  one 
slight  verbal  resemblance.  In  the  line  assigned  to  Criseyde, 

"  « Alias !  what  wikked  spirit  tolde  him  thus  1 '" 7, 

1  Filocolo,  I,  274.  2  T  a<)ld  Cmf  iii}  1023-1024. 

3  Filocolo,  I,  280-281.  4  Id.,  T,  280-281. 

6  T.  and  01,  iii,  1045-1054.  6  Filocolo,  I,  270-271,  273,  274. 

7  T.andC.,iii,  808. 


«H.  iv]       CHAUCER'S  PANDARUS  is  PARTLY  FROM  FILOCOLO.         161 

the  expression,  "  wikked  spirit,"  reminds  us  of  Biancofiore's  words 
to  Florio  in  his  vision, — 

"  Caccia  della  tua  nave  quello  iniquo  spirito" l — 

where  the  "  iniquo  spirito  "  symbolizes  Florio's  jealousy. 

The  facts  before  us  seem  to  indicate  that  Chaucer's  emphasis  in 
this  scene  upon  Troilus's  jealousy  of  "Horaste"  is  due  to  the 
influence  of  the  episode  of  Florio's  jealousy  of  Fileno  in  Filocolo, 
an  episode  that  is  clearly  mentioned  later  in  the  same  work  in  the 
tower  scene  upon  which  the  Chaucerian  scene  as  a  whole  is 
based. 

In  our  study  of  the  evolution  of  the  poem  Filostrato,  we  con 
cluded  that,  in  adding  the  character^  Pandaro  to  the  story  of 
Troilus  and  Briseida,  Boccaccio  drew  to  some  extent  upon  his  own 
earlier  Filocolo.2  We  found  that  the  Duke  and  Ascalione  in 
Filocolo  counsel  Florio  in  terms  strikingly  similar  to  conversations 
between  Pandaro  and  Troilo  in  Filostrato.  In  the  parallel  con 
versations  in  Troilus,  Chaucer  in  the  main  follows  Filostrato  ;  but 
in  some  cases  the  English  author  amplifies  the  Italian  poem  with 
materials  that  may  have  their  source  in  Filocolo. 

In  Pandarus'  first  conversation  with  Troilus  concerning  his  love,3 
Chaucer  makes  liberal  and  literal  use  of  what  Filostrato  provides.4 
One  of  the  English  author's  additions  at  this  point  is  shown  in 
Pandarus'  attempt  to  comfort  Troilus  by  citing  "  examples  "  from 
antiquity, — 

" '  I  woot  wel  that  it  fareth  thus  by  me 
As  to  thy  brother  Parys  an  herdesse, 

1  Filocolo,  I,  259-260.  This  parallel  is  not  to  be  accepted,  however,  without 
reference  to  Filostrato,  vii,  18,  3-4, — 

" .  .  .  e  '1  nemico 
Spirto  di  gelosia  .  .   ." 

Boccaccio's  account  of  Diana's  visit  to  the  house  of  Gelosia  (Filocolo,  I,  275- 
278)  is  evidently  based  upon  Ovid's  Metamorphoses,  ii,  752-801.  Of.  B. 
Zumbini,  Nuova  Antologia,  Serie  IIa,  Vol.  XVIII  (1879),  p.  694.  One  word 
in  Chaucer's  line, 

"And  wolde  a  busshel  venim  al  excusen"  (T.  and  0.,  iii,  1025), 
.has  a  parallel  in  Ovid's  lines, 

"...  lingua  est  suffusa  vcncno 

Inspiratque  nocens  virus  piceumque  per  ossa 
Dissipat  et  medio  spargit  pulmone  venenum  " 

(Metamorphoses,  ii,  777,  800-801). 

2  See  above,  pp.  56  ff.       3  T.  and  C.,  i,  547-1061.       4  Filostrato,  ii,  1-33. 
DEV.  TR.  CR.  M 


162        CHAUCER'S  PANDARUS  is  PARTLY  FROM  FILOCOLO.       [CH.  IT. 

Which  that  y-cleped  was  Oenone, 
Wroot  in  a  conipleyiit  of  hir  hevinesse  : 
Ye  sey  the  lettre  that  she  wroot,  y  gesse  ? 

And  sith  thou  hast  a  felawe,  tel  thy  mone  ; 
For  this  nis  not,  certeyn,  the  nexte  wyse 
To  winnen  love,  as  techen  us  the  wyse, 
To  walwe  and  wepe  as  Niobe  the  quene, 
Whos  teres  yet  in  marbel  been  ysene.'  "  l 

Troilus,  however,  takes  no  comfort  from  such  "  ensaumples,"  — 

"  '  But  suffre  me  my  mischef  to  biwayle, 
For  thy  proverbes  may  me  nought  avayle. 

Nor  other  cure  canstow  noon  for  me. 

Eek  I  nil  not  be  cured,  I  wol  deye  ; 

What  knowe  I  of  the  quene  Mobe  ? 

Lat  be  thyne  olde  ensaumples,  I  thee  preye.'  "  2 

Pandaro  in  Filoslrato,  although  quite  as  profuse  in  offering  his 
friendship,  does  not  bore  his  friend  with  an  idle  citing  of  examples. 
In  Filocolo,  however,  we  find  a  precise  parallel  to  the  "  ensaumples  " 
of  Pandarus.  When  Duke  Feramonte  is  inquiring  concerning 
Florio's  love  and  is  offering  him  friendship  and  comfort,  he  points 
to  ancient  cases  of  love  troubles  similar  to  those  of  Florio,  — 

"  '  A  questo  acquistare  suole  essere  agli  amanti  molto  affanno  e- 
noia  .  .  .  e  di  questo  &  1'  antica  eta  tutta  piena  di 


citing  the  case  of  Meilanion,  Hylaeus,  and  Atalante,  and  of  Acontiua 
and  Cydippe.  Troilus's  reference  to  "ensaumples"  reminds  us 
also  of  Florio's  soliloquy  later,  when  he  cites  to  himself  the  case 
of  Hypsiphyle,  Jason,  Medea,  and  Creusa,  and  of  Oenone  and 
Paris,  adding,  — 

"  Oh  quanti  esempli  a  questi  simili  si  troverebbero,  ma  al  mio 
dolore  niuno  simile  se  ne  troverebbe.  •.  .  .  Ora  fossi  io  in  quell' 
ora  stato  morto  .  .  .  certo  la  mia  vita  non  si  prolunghera  piu."  4 

Pandarus'  account  to  Criseyde  of  the  way  in  which  he  discovered 
Troilus's  love  for  her  is  in  some  respects  livelier  than  the  parallel 
account  in  Filostrato.  Pandarus  says  that  when  he  overheard 
Troilus  in  the  garden  complaining  of  his  love-pangs,  he  immediately 
stole  upon  him  as  follows  : 

1  T.  and  C.,  i,  652-6,  696-700.  2  Id.,  i,  755-760. 

3  Filocolo,  I,  219.  4  Idmf  i}  256-257. 


CH.  iv]       CHAUCER'S  PANDARUS  is  PARTLY  FROM  FILOCOLO.         163 

11  And  I  with  that  gan  stille  awey  to  goon, 
And  leet  ther-of  as  no-thing  wist  hadde  I, 
And  come  ayein  anoon  and  stood  him  by, 
And  seyde,  "  a-wake,  ye  slepen  al  to  longe ; 
It  semeth  nat  that  love  dooth  yow  longe, 

That  slepen  so  that  no  man  may  yow  wake. 
Who  sey  ever  or  this  so  dul  a  man  ? " 
"  Ye,  freend,"  quod  he,  "  do  ye  your  hedes  ake 
For  love,  and  lat  me  liven  as  I  can." ' " 1 

The  parallel  part  of  Filostrato  does  not  provide  the  lively  details 
that  Chaucer  introduces.2  The  Chaucerian  details,  however,  seem 
to  be  almost  precisely  anticipated  in  Filocolo,  where  the  Duke  and 
Ascalione  one  day  in  the  garden  approach  Florio  with  greetings, 
to  which  they  receive  no  response  until  Ascalione  arouses  the 
young  lover  from  his  painful  thoughts  of  Biancofiore, — 

"Era  Florio  tanto  nello  immaginar  la  sua  Biancofiore,  che  ne 
per  la  venuta  di  costoro,  ne  per  lo  loro  saluto  si  muto  ne  cambio 
aspettOy  ma  cosi  stette  come  colui  che  veduti  ne  uditi  ancora  non  gli 
aveva.  Allora  Ascalione  distesa  la  mano  il  prese  per  lo  braccio,  e 
lui  tirando,  disse  :  o  innamorato  giovane,  dove  se'  tu  ora  ?  Dormi 
tu,  o  se'  pensando  fuori  di  te  uscito  .  .  .  ma  dopo  molti  sospiri, 
alquanto  da'  pensieri  sviluppato,  alzata  la  testa,  disse  \i.  e.,  Florio]  : 
oime,  or  chi  vi  mena  a  vedere  la  miseria  della  mia  vita,  alia  quale 
forse  voi  credete  levar  pena  con  parole  confortevoli,  e  voi  piu  n' 
aggiungete  1 "  3 

The  Chaucerian  passage  reminds  us  also  of  the  scene  in  Filocolo 
in  which  the  Duke  comes  to  cheer  Florio  and  to  elicit  from  him  his 
love  secret, — 

" .  .  .  il  duca  che  per  grandissimo  spazio  atteso  1'  aveva,  entro 
nella  camera  dicendo :  o  Florio,  lieva  su,  non  vedi  tu  il  cielo  che 
ride?  Andiamo  a  pigliare  gli  usati  diletti."4 

With  the  first  of  these  two  passages  from  Filocolo  we  may 
further  compare  the  passage  in  Troilus  describing  the  manner  in 
which  Pandarus  arouses  Troilus  when  the  young  lover  ignores  the 
conversation  of  his  interlocutor  and  falls  into  a  reverie  of  love, — 

"  Yet  Troilus,  for  al  this,  no  word  seyde, 
But  longe  he  lay  as  stille  as  he  ded  were ; 
And  after  this  with  syliinge  he  abreyde, 
And  to  Pandarus  voys  he  lente  his  ere, 

1  T.  and  0.,  ii,  542-550.  2  Cf.  Filostrato,  ii,  61-G2. 

3  Filocolo,  I,  238.  *  Id.,  I,  214. 


164     CHAUCER'S  -USB  OF  BOETHIUS  AND  FILOCOLO  IN  TROILUS.     [cu.  iv. 

And  up  his  eyen  caste  he,  that  in  fere 
Was  Pandarus,  lest  that  in-frenesye 
He  sholde  falle,  or  elles  sone  dye : 

And  cryde  *  a-wake '  f  ul  wonderly  and  sharpe ; 
1  What  ?  slombrestow  as  in  a  lytargye  ? 
Or  artow  lyk  an  asse  to  the  harpe  1 '" l 

Beyond  doubt  Chaucer's  passage  shows  a  reminiscence  of  the 
passage  in  his  translation  of  Boethius,  where  Philosophic,  after 
explaining  the  need  of  stable  things,  says, 

" '  Felestow,'  quod  she,  '  thise  thinges,  and  entren  they  aught 
in  thy  corage  1  Artow  lylte  an  asse  to  the  harpe ?}"2 

Although  Chaucer  here  adopts  an  expression  from  Boethius,  it  still 
seems  probable  that  the  passage  as  a  whole  was  suggested  by  the 
parallel  passage  in  Filocolo,  with  which  it  agrees  so  nearly  in 
external  circumstances  as  well  as  in  several  details  of  expression. 

Similar  considerations  arise  in  connection  with  another  passage 
in  the  same  part  of  the  English  poem,  for  which  there  are  undoubted 
parallels  both  in  Filocolo  and  in  Chaucer's  Boethius.  Concerning 
Fortune,  Pandarus  speaks  to  Troilus  as  follows : 

" Quod  Pandarus,  'than  blamestow  Fortune 
For  thou  art  wrooth,  ye,  now  at  erst  I  see ; 
Wostow  nat  wel  that  Fortune  is  commune 
To  every  maner  wight  in  som  degree  1 
And  yet  thou  hast  this  comfort,  lo,  pardee ! 
That,  as  hir  joyes  moten  over-goon, 
So  mote  hir  sorwes  passen  everichoon. 

For  if  hir  wheel  stinte  any-thing  to  torne, 

Than  cessed  she  Fortune  anoon  to  be  : 

Now,  sith  hir  wheel  by  no  wey  may  sojorne. 

What  wostow  if  hir  mutabilitee, 

Eight  as  thy-selven  list,  wol  doon  by  thee, 

Or  that  she  be  not  f er  fro  thyn  helpinge  *\ 

Paraunter,  thou  hast  cause  for  to  singe! 

And  therf or  wostow  what  I  thee  beseche  rl 
Lat  be  thy  wo  and  turning  to  the  grounjde : 
For  who-so  list  have  helping  of  his  leche, 
To  him  bihoveth  first  unwrye  his  wounde.'"2 

1  T.  and  C.,  i,  722-731. 

2  Boethius,  De  Consolations  Philosophic,    Bk.   i,   Pr.   iv,   Skeat,    Oxford 
Chaucer,  II,  8. 

8  T.  and  C.t  i,  841-858. 


CH.  iv]  CHAUCER'S  USE  OF  BOETHIUS  AND  FILOCOLO  IN  TROILUS.  165 
In  a  similar  attempt  to  console  Florio,  Duke  Feramonte  says, 

"  Pensa  che  infino  a  tanto  die  la  piaga  si  nasconde  al  medico 
diviene  ella  putrida  e  guasta  il  corpo,  ma  palesata,  le  piu  volte 
lievemente  si  sana.  E  perb  non  celare  a  me  quella  cosa  la  quale 
questo  dolore  ti  porge,  perocche  io  desidero  donarti,  secondo  il  mio 
potere,  intero  conf orto,  e  liberartene.  .  .  .  Pensa  che  la  fortuna  non 
terra  sempre  ferma  la  ruota ;  cosi  com'  ella  volgendo,  dal  cospetto 
di  Biancofiore  ti  tolse,  cost  in  quello  ancora  lieto  ti  riporra"1 

Chaucer's  relation  to  Filocolo  at  this  point  must  be  judged  in  the 
light  of  two  obvious  reminiscences  from  the  English  Boethius, — 

"  If  Fortune  bigan  to  dwelle  stable,  she  cesede  thanne  to  ben 
Fortune  " ; 2 

"  Yif  thou  abydest  after  help  of  thy  leche,  thee  bihoveth  disco vere 
thy  wounde."  3 

Although  the  passage  from  Troilus  contains  two  obvious  borrow 
ings  from  Boethius,  there  is  nothing  to  indicate  that  the  English 
passage  as  a  whole  may  not  be  the  result  of  the  similar  passage  in 
Filocolo.  Since  Chaucer  seems  certainly  to  have  used  the  Italian 
romance,  and  since  other  parts  of  Duke  Feramonte's  conversation 
seem  to  be  reflected  in  neighbouring  parts  of  Troilus,  it  seems 
probable  that  the  Chaucerian  passage  before  us  was  inspired  by  a 
similar  passage  having  similar  circumstances  in  Filocolo  and  was 
graced  with  two  borrowings  from  Boethius,  rather  than  that  the 
English  passage  was  built  up  from  two  passages  from  Boethius, 
independently  of  Filocolo.  I  may  at  least  suggest  that  if  Chaucer 
did  have  before  him  Duke  Feramonte's  conversations  with  Florio, 
he  would  almost  inevitably  replace  certain  clumsy  Italian  expres 
sions  by  expressions  of  precisely  the  same  thought  in  the  more 
pithy  and  fluent  form  that  had  already  come  from  his  own  pen  in 
his  translation  of  Boethius. 

When  Troilus  persistently  refuses  to  be  comforted,  Pandarus 
blurts  out, 

"  '  No,'  quod  tho  Pandarus,  '  therfore  I  seye, 
Swich  is  delyt  of  foles  to  biwepe 

1  Filocolo,  I,  215-216,  242. 

2  Boethius,  Bk.  ii,  Pr.  i.  82-4.     In  connection  with  T.  and  0.,  i,  857-8, 
quoted  above,  see  T.  and  G.,  i,  783,  791,  1087-1091  ;  ii,  1578-9 ;  v,  1537. 

3  Boethius,  Bk.  i,   Pr.  iv,   4-5.      Cf.   Gesta  Romanorum,    edited  by  H. 
Oesterley,  Berlin,  1872,  cap.  xxviii,  p.  326  ;  Pamphilus  de  Amore,  11.  1-16. 
edited  by  A.  Baudouin,  Paris,  1874,  pp.  131-2. 


166  PANDARUS'^  TALKS    ARE    PARTLY    FROM    FILOCOLO.  [CH.  IV 

Hir  wo,  but  seken  lote  they  ne  kepe. 

Now  knowe  I  that  ther  reson  in  thee  fayleth.'"1 

This  remark,  for  which  there  is  no  parallel  in  the  corresponding 
conversation  in  Filostrato,  may  have  been  suggested  by  the  Duke's 
gentler  words  to  Florio  in  a  similar  situation  in  Filocolo, — 

"  '  Onde  se  nullo  prego  dee  valere  noi  ti  preghiamo  che  tu  prenda 
conforto,  e  da  cotesti  pensieri  con  diletti  continui  ti  lievi :  e  se 
forse  t'  e  occulta,  come  tu  nel  tuo  parlar  dimostri,  la  cagione  perche 
devi  pigliar  diletto,  noi  non  ce  ne  maravigliamo,  perocch^  in  cosi 
fatti  affanni  le  piu  volte  il  vero  conosdmento  si  mole  smarrire.' " 2 

As  the  conversation  continues,  Pandarus  says, 

"  ' .  .  .  alias  !  what  may  this  be, 
That  thou  despeyred  art  tltus  causelees  ? 
What  1  liveth  not  thy  lady  ?  benedicite  ! 
How  wostow  so  that  thou  art  gracelees  ? 
Swich  yvel  is  not  alwey  botelees. 
Why,  put  not  impossible  thus  thy  cure, 
Sin  thing  to  come  is  ofte  in  aventure?  "  3 

In  the  absence  of  anything  similar  in  Filostrato^  there  may  be 
significance  in  the  Duke's  remark  to  Florio, — 

"  * .  .  .  L'  uomo  non  sa  delle  future  cose  la  verita.  .  .  .  tu 
non  come  desideroso  della  vita  di  Biancofiore  ti  rallegri  ch'  ella 
viva,  ma  in  pianti  e  in  dolori  consumi  la  tua  vita.'"4 

The  comparisons  adduced  above  5  seem  to  me  clearly  to  indicate 

1  T.  and  C.,  i,  761-764.  2  Filocolo,  I,  241. 

3  T.  and  C.,  i,  778-784.  4  Filocolo,  I,  220. 

5  With  another  of  Pandarus'  idle  "  proverbes," — 

' '  For  how  might  ever  sweetnesse  have  be  knowe 
To  him  that  never  tasted  bitternesse  ? 
Ne  no  man  may  be  inly  glad,  I  trowe, 
That  never  was  in  sorwe  or  som  distresse  ; 
Eek  whyt  by  blak,  by  shame  eek  worthinesse, 
Ech  set  by  other,  more  for  other  semeth  ; 
As  men  may  see  ;  and  so  the  wyse  it  deineth." 

(T.  and  C.,  i,  638-644),>— 

may  be  compared  the  similar  conceit  imposed  by  the  Duke  upon  Florio, — 

"  Ma  non  si  pub  si  dolce  frutto  com'  e  amore  gustare  senza  alcuna  amaritn- 
dine  :  e  le  cose  desiderate  lungamente  giungono  poi  molto  piu  graziose " 
(Filocolo,  I,  221). 

Whatever  suggestion  Chaucer  may  have  taken  from  the  Italian  passage,  he  is 
certainly  using  also  the  following  passage  from  the  Roman  de  la  Hose  : 

"  Quant  entrer  puet  en  la  cuisine  ; 
Et  set  loer  et  set  blasmer 
Liquex  sunt  dous,  liquex  amer, 


€H.  IV]  WHENCE  COME  DETAILS  OF  CHAUCER'S  TEMPLE  LOVE-SCENE  ?    167 

that   Chaucer   was   familiar   with  Duke  Feramonte's  talks  with    \ 
Florio  in  Filocolo,  and  that  he  drew  from  this  part  of  the  Italian  (X 
romance  suggestions  for  enlarging  and  enlivening  Pandarus'  similar 
talks  with  Troilus  in  Troilus  and  Criseyde. 

Although  in  his  account  of  the  innamoramento  of  Troilus  in  the 
temple1  Chaucer  makes  literal  use  of  the  parallel  account  in 
Filostrato?  still  the  English  author  introduces  many  details  that 
are  not  suggested  in  the  Italian  poem.  We  may  well  inquire 
whether  any  of  Chaucer's  additions  may  have  been  suggested  by 
the  accounts  of  similar  temple  scenes  in  Filocolo,3  Ameto*  and 
Mammetta.5  In  describing  the  immediate  effect  upon  Troilus  of 
his  first  sight  of  Criseyde,  Chaucer  introduces  lively  details  for 
which  there  is  no  basis  in  Filostrato.  According  to  Boccaccio, 
Troilo  at  this  juncture  remains  quite  calm, — 

"L'occhio  suo  vago  giunse  penetrando 
La  dov'  era  Griseida  piacente, 
Sotto  candido  velo  in  bruna  vesta, 
Fra  1'  altre  donne  in  si  solenne  festa. 


Piacque  quel  atto  a  Troilo,  al  tornare 


Car  de  plusors  en  a  goustes. 
Ausinc  sachies,  et  n'en  doutes, 
Que  qui  mal  essaie  n'aura, 
Ja  du  bien  gaires  ne  saura  ; 
Et  qui  ne  set  d'honor  que  monte, 
Ja  ne  saura  congnoistre  honte  ; 
N'onc  nus  ne  sot  quel  chose  est  aiso, 
S'il  n'ot  avant  apris  mesaise  ; 
Ne  n'est  pas  digne  d'aise  avoir, 
Qui  ne  vuet  mesaise  savoir  ; 
Et  qui  bien  ne  la  set  soffrir, 
Nus  ne  li  devroit  aise  offrir. 
Ainsinc  va  des  contraires  choses, 
Les  unes  sunt  des  autres  gloses, 
Et  qui  Tune  en  vuet  definir, 
De  1'autre  li  doit  sovenir  " 
{R.  de  la  R.,  edited  by  P.  Marteau,  Tome  IV,  Orleans,  1879,  11.  22354-22372). 

Again,  Pandarus'  line, 

"And  next  the  valey  is  the  hil  a-lofte"  (T.  and  C.y  i,  950), 
reminds  us  of  a  remark  of  Florio  to  the  despairing  lover,  Galeone, — 

"  La  tua  doglia  e  grandissima  :  ma  chi  dubitera  che  dopo  gli  altissimi  monti 
non  sia  una  profonda  valle  1"    (Filocolo,  II,  276.) 

As  to  Pandarus'  sententiousness,  see  also  Publications  of  Mod.  Lang.  Assoc., 
XXII,  576-7,  579,  581. 
'  J  See  T.  and  C.,  i,  162-329.  2  gee  Filostrato,  i,  18-30, 

3  Filocolo,  I,  4-8.     On  this  scene   see  above,  pp.  40  ff. 

4  Ameto  (Sonzogno),  pp.  227-228 

8  Fiammetta  (Sonzogno),  pp.  23-26. 


1G8          CHAUCER'S  TEMPLE  LOVE-SCENE  AND  FILOCOLO.          [CH.  iv 

Ch'  ella  fe'  in  se,  alquanto  sdegnosetto, 
Quasi  dicesse  :  non  ci  si  pub  stare ; 
E  diessi  piu  a  mirare  il  suo  aspetto."  ] 

Chaucer's  hero  acts  very  differently,— 

"And  up-on  cas  bifel,  that  thorugh  a  route 
His  eye  perced,  and  so  depe  it  wente, 
Til  on  Criseyde  it  smoot,  and  tlier  it  stente. 

And  sodeynly  he  wex  ther-with  astoned, 

And  gan  hire  bet  biholde  in  thrifty  wyse : 

'  0  mercy,  god  ! '  thoughte  he,  '  wher  hastow  woned, 

That  art  so  fair  and  goodly  to  devyse  1 ' 

Ther-with  his  herte  gan  to  sprede  and  ryse."  2 

The  English  passage  closely  resembles  part  of  Boccaccio's  account 
of  his  own  innamoramento  at  the  opening  of  Filocolo, — 

".  .  .  la  quale  si  tosto  com'  io  ebbi  veduta,  il  cuore  comincio 
si  forte  a  tremare,  che  quasi  quel  tremore  mi  rispondeva  per  li 
meiiomi  polsi  del  corpo  smisuratamente :  e  non  sappiendo  perche, 
n6  ancora  sentendo  quello  che  egli  gia  s'  immaginava  che  avvenire 
gli  dovea  per  la  nuova  vista,  incominciai  a  dire  :  oime,  che  & 
questo  ?  e  forte  dubitava  non  altro  accidente  noioso  fosse."  3 

Fiammetta*    offers  no  significant    parallel   here,  and    Ameto  has 
only  the  less  specific  expression, 

" .  .  .  ed  il  cuore  gia  delle  dette  cose  dimentico,  n&  tremebundo- 
per  altra  moveste  a  tremare.  ,  .  ."5 

Chaucer's  words  concerning  the  humbling  of  Troilus, — - 

"  Yet  with  a  look  his  herte  wex  a-fere, 
That  he,  that  now  ivas  most  in  pryde  above, 
Wex  sodeynly  most  subget  un-to  love,"  6 — • 

.have   no   basis   in   Filostrato,    but   resemble   the   author's  words 
concerning  himself  in  the  parallel  scene  in  Filocolo, — 

" .  .  „  io  vidi  dopo  lungo  guardare  Amore  in  abito  tanto- 
pietoso,  che  me,  cui  lungamente  a  mia  istanza  avea  risparmiato, 
fece  tornare,  desideroso  d'  essergli  per  cosi  bella  donna,  subietto."  7 

1  Filostrato,  i,  26,  5-8  ;  28,  1-4. 
T.  and  G.,  i,  271-278. 

Filocolo,  I,  5.     See  A.  Dobelli,  II  Culto  dal  Boccaccio  per  Dante,  Venezia- 
Fi  enze,  1897,  p.  21. 

See  Fiammetta,  p.  24.  5  Ameto,  p.  228. 

T.  and  G.,  i,  229-231. 

Filocolo,  I,  5.     See  Crescini,  Contribute,  etc.,  p.  191,  note  3. 


CH.  IV]  CHAUCER    INDEBTED    TO   BENOIT.  169 

Another  addition  of  Chaucer's  is  the  following, — - 

"  And  of  hir  look  in  him  ther  gan  to  quiken 
So  greet  desir,  and  swich  affeccioun, 
That  in  Ms  hertes  botme  gan  to  stiken 
Of  Mr  Ms  fixe  and  depe  impressioun 

Thus  gan  he  malm  a  mirour  of  his  minde, 
In  which  he  saugh  al  hoolly  hir  figure  ; 
And  that  he  wel  coude  in  his  herte  finde."  * 

This  passage,  which  has  no  close  parallel  in  Filostrato,  resembles  a 
passage  in  the  account  of  the  innamoramento  in  Mammetta, — 

"  Certo  io  ebhi  forza  di  ritrarre  gli  occhi  dal  riguardarlo  alquanto, 
ma  il  pensiero  dell'  altre  cose  gia  dette  ed  estimate,  niuno  altro 
accidente,  ne  io  medesima  sforzandomi,  mi  pote  torre.  E  gia  nella 
mia  mente  essendo  la  effigie  della  sua  -figura  rimasa,  non  so  con  die 
tacito  diletto  meco  Io  riguardava."  2 

"We  should  be  more  inclined  to  infer  Chaucer's  indebtedness  to 
Fiammetta  in  this  passage  were  the  figure  less  conventional,3  and 
were  it  not  for  a  passage  in  Benoit's  account  of  the  innamoramento 
of  Achilles  in  the  temple  of  Apollo,  an  account  which  Boccaccio 
certainly  used  4  and  which  Chaucer  must  have  known.  The  attack 
of  love  upon  Achilles  is  described  as  follows : 

"  La  grant  bialtez  et  la  fagon, 
Qu' Achilles  vit  en  la  pucele, 
Le  cuist  el  cuer  de  1'estencele 
Que  ja  par  lui  n'en  ert  esteinte. 
En  son  cuer  l'a  escrite  et  peinte 
Ses  tres  clers  ielz  vers  et  son  front, 
Et  son  Uau  chief  qui  tant  est  bloiit."5 

There  are  other  details  in  which  this  part  of  the  English 
poem  may  resemble  the  Roman  de  Troie.  Chaucer  describes 
picturesquely  the  company  who  thronged  to  the  temple, — 

1  T.  and  C.,  i,  295-298,  365-367.     Cf.  Id.,  iii,  1499  ;  v,  473-4. 

2  Fiammetta,  p.  25. 

3  Cf.  Filocolo,  I,  252,— 

".  .  .  il  dolente  petto,  nel  quale  io  continuamente  effigiata  ti  porto  cosi  bella 
come  tu  se' !  ne  raai  niuno  conforto  pote  entrare  in  me  senza  il  tuo  nome," — 

which  resembles  T.  and  C.,  iii,  1499-1502, — 

"  Ye  be  so  depe  in-with  myn  herte  grave, 
That,  though  I  wolde  it  turne  out  of  my  thought, 
As  wisly  verray  god  my  soule  save, 
To  dyen  in  the  peyne,  I  coude  nought !  " 

4  See  above,  pp.  35  ff.  6  E.  de  T.  (Joly),  17522-17528. 


170       CHAUCER  USES  BENOIT  AND  FILOCOLO  IN  TEMPLE  SCENE.      [CH.  IV 

"  And  to  the  temple,  in  al  hir  beste  wyse, 
In  general,  ther  wente  many  a  wight, 
To  herknen  of  Palladion  the  servyse ; 
And  namely,  so  many  a  lusty  knight, 
So  many  a  lady  fresh  and  mayden  bright, 
Ful  wel  arayed,  bothe  moste  and  leste, 
Ye,  bothe  for  the  seson  and  the  feste." l 

Boccaccio  writes  merely, 

"Alia  qual  festa  e  donne  e  cavalieri 
Fur  parimente,  e  tutti  volentieri,"  2 

whereas  Benoit  suggests  Chaucer's  picturesqueness, — 

"  Et  toz  li  poples  comunals ; 
Molt  fu  festivez  li  annals. 

!N'i  ot  chevalier  ne  borgeis 
Qui  icel  jor  ne  festivast, 

Mainte  dame,  mainte  pucele 
Et  mainte  riche  dameisele, 

Por  esgarder  le  sacrifice, 
L'anniversaire  et  le  service."  3 

The  evidence  before  us  seems  to  indicate  that  in  recounting  the 
innamoramento  of  Troilus  Chaucer  may  have  been  influenced  by 
the  similar  accounts  in  Filocolo  and  in  the  Roman  de  Troie. 
There  are  no  clear  indications  that  Chaucer  used  here  either 
Ameto  or  Fiammetta. 

In  Criseyde's  absence  Troilus  seeks  comfort  in  visiting  her 
desolate  house, — 

"And  ther-with-al,  his  meynee  for  to  blende, 
A  cause  he  fond  in  toune  for  to  go, 
And  to  Criseydes  hous  they  gonnen  wende. 
But  lord  !  this  sely  Troilus  was  wo ! 
Him  thoughte  his  sorweful  herte  braste  a-two. 
For  whan  he  saugh  hir  dores  sperred  alle, 
"Wel  neigh  for  sorwe  a-doun  he  gan  to  falle. 

Than  seyde  he  thus,  '  0  paleys  desolat, 
^    0  hous,  of  houses  whylom  best  y-hight, 

1  T.  and  0.,  i,  162-168.  2  Filostrato,  i,  18,  7-8. 

3  E.  de  T.  (Joly),  17463-4,  17468-9,  17485-6,  17489-90.  With  T.  and  ft, 
i,  232-245,  compare  R.  de  T.  (Joly),  17549-50,  17453-4,  18425-33,  18440-1, 
and  Filocolo,  I,  96-98. 


CH.  iv]      CHAUCER    USES    ROMAN  DE   LA    ROSE  AND    FILOSTEATO.         171 

0  paleys  empty  and  disconsolat, 
0  thou  lanterne,  of  which  queynt  is  the  light, 
0  paleys,  whylom  day,  that  now  art  night, 
Wei  oughtestow  to  falle,  and  I  to  dye, 
Sin  she  is  went  that  wont  was  us  to  gye ! 

0  paleys,  whylom  croune  of  houses  alle, 
Enlumined  with  sonne  of  alle  blisse  ! 
O  ring,  fro  which  the  ruby  is  out-falle, 
0  cause  of  wo,  that  cause  hast  been  of  lisse ! 
Yet,  sin  I  may  no  bet,  fayn  wolde  I  Jcisse 
Thy  colde  dores,  dorste  I  for  this  route ; ' 

Ther-with  he  caste  on  Pandarus  his  ye 
With  chaunged  face,  and p'dous  to  biholde ; 

So  pitously  and  with  so  dede  an  heive, 

That  every  wight  mighte  on  his  sorwe  reive.1' 1 

The  English  passage  is,  of  course,  directly  based  upon  the  account 
of  Troilo's  similar  visit  in  Filostrato?  where  the  young  lover 
addresses  the  house  thus : 

"...  lasso,  quanto  luminoso 
Era  il  luogo  e  piacevol,  quando  stava 
In  te  quella  belta,  che  '1  mio  riposo 
Dentro  dagli  occhi  suoi  tutto  portava ; 
Or  se'  rimaso  oscuro  senza  lei, 
N6  so  se  mai  riaver  la  ti  dei."  3 

Since  the  Italian  poem  does  not  suggest  the  detail  of  Troilus's 
kissing  the  doors,  it  has  been  thought  that  Chaucer  made  this 
addition  under  the  influence  of  the  Roman  de  la  Rose,  where  Love 
in  the  course  of  his  advice  to  the  Lover  says, 

"  Si  te  dirai  que  tu  dois  faire 
Por  1'amor  de  la  debonnaire 
De  qui  tu  ne  pues  avoir  aise ; 
Au  departir  la  porte  liaise, 
Et  por  ce  que  Ten  ne  te  voie 
Devant  la  maison,  n'en  la  voie, 
Gar  que  tu  soies  repairies 
Anciez  que  jors  soit  esclairies."  4 

Chaucer's  direct  indebtedness  to  the  French  passage  is  not  to  be 
inferred,  however,  without  reference  to  the  account  in  Filocolo  of 

1  T.  and  0.,  v,  526-582,  540-552,  554-5,  559-560. 

2  See  Filostrato,  v,  50,  7— 5o,  8.  3  Id.,  v,  53,  3-8. 
4  Roman  de  la  Rose,  11.  2623-2630. 


172       DOOR-KISSING  AT  CRISEYDE's  PALACE  DUE  TO  FILOCOLO.       [CH.  IV 

Florio's  stealing  away  from  Montorio  to  visit  the  abode  of  his 
beloved  and  to  kiss  the  doors, — 

"  E  era  gia  tale  net  viso  tomato  che  di  se  faceva  ognuno  mara- 
vigliare.  E  non  avendo  arclire  di  tornare  a  Marmorina,  andava  il 
giorno  senza  alcuno  riposo  cercando  gli  alti  luoghi  da'  quali  egli 
potesse  meglio  vedere  la  sua  paternale  casa,  ove  egli  sapeva  che 
Biancofiore  dimorava.  E  similmente  la  notte  non  dormiva,  ma 
furtivamente  e  solo  se  n'  andava  infaio  alle  porti  del  palagio  del  suo 
padre  .  .  .  e  quivi  giunto,  si  poneva  a  sedere  e  con  sospiri  e  con 
piaiito  piu  volte  le  baciava,  dicendo :  o  ingrate  porti,  perche  mi 
tenete  voi  che  io  non  possa  appressarmi  al  mio  disio,  il  quale  dentro 
da  voi  serrate  tenete  1 " l 

Since  this  Italian  passage  not  only  recounts  a  lover's  visit  to  the 
abode  of  his  innamorata  but  also  contains  the  detail  of  his  kissing 
the  doors,  I  am  inclined  to  infer  Chaucer's  indebtedness  to 
Filocolo  at  this  point  for  at  least  one  external  detail.  Two 
additional  details  in  the  English  passage  may,  or  may  not, 
increase  the  probability  of  such  indebtedness.  According  to 
Chaucer,  Troilus  says, 

"  '  As  go  we  seen  the  paleys  of  Criseyde, ' ' 

and  the  word,  paleys,  recurs  several  times  in  references  to  Criseyde' s 
dwelling  in  the  English  passage  quoted  above.  In  Filostrato, 
Criseyde's  dwelling  is  mentioned  only  as  "la  casa,"  3  and  as  "la 
magione,"4  whereas  in  Filocolo  we  are  told  that  Florio  went 
"infino  alle  porti  del  palagio"'*  Again,  Chaucer  speaks  of 
Troilus's  leaving  the  royal  palace, 

"  .  .  .  in  toune  for  to  go."  G 

Such  an  expression  here  is,  no  doubt,  entirely  intelligible,  even 
though  the  royal  dwelling  and  the  terminus  ad  quern  are  both  "in 
toune."  This  expression  may  or  may  not  show  the  influence  of  the 
parallel  account  in  Filocolo,  according  to  which  Elorio,  banished  to 
a  neighbouring  estate,  does  actually  return  "  to  toune  "  to  visit  the 
abode  of  Biancofiore.  Whether  or  not  these  more  detailed 
resemblances  have  significance,  I  believe  that  the  detail  of 
kissing  the  doors,  which  is  absent  from  Filostrato,  is  more  likely 
to  have  been  adopted  by  Chaucer  from  Filocolo,  where  it  occurs 
in  an  account  of  an  episode  similar  to  that  in  Troilus,  than  from 

1  Filocolo,  I,  124.  2  T  and  Ctf  v>  523. 

a  Filostrato,  v,  50,  8.  4  Id.,  v,  51,  7. 

5  Filocolo,  I,  124,  quoted  above.  6  T.  and  C.,  v,  527. 


€H.  IV]  WHAT  IS  THE  SOURCE  OF  ANTIGONE'S  SONG  IN  THE  GARDEN  ?    173 

an  isolated  passage  in  the  Roman  de  la  Rose.  When  Chaucer 
introduced  this  detail,  however,  he  may  have  been  well  aware  of 
its  occurrence  also  in  the  French  poem,  which  he  used  freely 
elsewhere  in  Troilus}- 

In  the  absence  of  a  direct  parallel  in  Filostrato,  one  is  tempted 
to  seek  for  the  influence  of  Filocolo  in  that  charming  passage  of 
Troilus  in  which  we  are  told  that  after  much  troubled  thought  of 
her  new  love,2  Criseyde  seeks  recreation  by  descending  into  the 
garden  with  her  three  nieces,  where  they  listen  to  Antigone's 
"Trojan  song"  in  praise  of  love  and  of  a  lover.3  However,  when 
•we  examine  the  several  garden  scenes  in  Filocolo  f  we  find  none 
that  essentially  resembles  Chaucer's.  To  be  sure,  in  one  passage 
we  are  told  that  while  Edea  and  Calmena  wait  in  the  garden  for 
Florio,  whom  they  mean  to  seduce,  they  sing  a  song  to  pass  the 
time, — 

"...  incominciarono  a  cantare  urt  amorosa  canzonetta,  con  voci 
tanto  dolci  e  chiare,  che  piu  tosto  d'  angeli  che  d}  umane  creature 
parevano."  5 

Although  the  Italian  expressions  may  show  resemblances  to 
Chaucer's  lines, 

"  Til  at  the  laste  Antigone  the  shene 
Gan  on  a  Trojan  song  to  singe  clere, 
That  it  an  heven  was  liir  voys  to  here,"  ° 

the  scene  as  a  whole  is  no  parallel  at  all  to  that  in  Troilus. 

However,  in  connection  with  the  English  scene  in  hand,  I 
believe  that  sufficient  consideration  has  not  been  given  to  a  passage^ 
in  Filostrato  itself,7  in  which  we  read  that  on  one  occasion,  after 
leading  Pandaro  into  a  garden,  Troilo  breaks  into  a  somewhat 
long  and  elaborate  love  song.  In  the  parallel  part  of  the  English 
poem  Chaucer  follows  closely  the  Italian  stanza8  immediately 
preceding  Troilo's  song, — 

"  And  by  the  hond  ful  ofte  he  wolde  take 
This  Pandarus,  and  in-to  gardin  lede, 
And  swich  a  feste  and  swich  a  proces  make 

1  See  Koeppel,  Anglia,  XIV,  241-244 ;  Publications  of  Mod.  Lang.  Assoc., 
XXII,  552-595. 

2  See  T.  and  G.,  ii,  598-811.  3  See  Id.,  ii,  813-896. 

4  See  Filocolo,  I,  183-4,  212-214,  229-238  ;  II,  27-34. 

5  Filocolo,  I,  230.  6  T.  and  C.,  ii,  824-828. 
7  Filostrato,  iii,  73-89.  8  Id.,  iii,  73,  1-8. 


174  CHAUCER'S  SONG  FROM  FILOSTRATO?  [CH.  iv 

Him  of  Criseyde,  and  of  hir  womanhede, 
And  of  hir  beautee,  that,  with-outen  drede, 
It, was  an  hevene  his  wordes  for  to  here ; 
And  thanne  he  wolde  singe  in  this  manere." l 

At  this  point,  for  Troilo's  song,  Chaucer  substitutes  a  song  based 
almost  entirely  upon  a  passage  in  Boethius.2  The  poet's  delibera 
tion  in  this  procedure  is  shown  in  his  using  the  first  five  and 
a  half3  of  the  sixteen  stanzas4  of  Troilo's  song  in  the  Proemium 
of  the  Third  Book  of  Troilus.  The  last  ten  and  a  half  stanzas  of 
Troilo's  song,5  which,  so  far  as  I  know,  have  never  been  cited  as 
a  source  of  any  part  of  the  English  poem,  may  be  at  the  basis  of 
Antigone's  "Trojan  song."  In  Antigone's  song,  the  innamorata, 
after  pledging  herself  to  Love,  gives  thanks  for  being  bestowed 
in  so  worthy  a  place.  She  praises  her  lover  and  enumerates  his 
noble  qualities.  She  lauds  the  moral  effects  of  love,  and  condemns 
those  who  find  in  love  any  vice.  She  closes  with  a  declaration 
of  constancy.  Similarly,  in  the  part  of  Troilo's  song  under  con 
sideration,  the  lover  thankfully  praises  Love  for  receiving  him  as 
a  true  subject  and  for  giving  him  the  love  of  so  noble  a  person. 
He  mentions  specifically  the  noble  qualities  of  his  lady,  and  hints 
at  his  own  moral  unworthiness.  A  comparison  of  some  passages 
will,  perhaps,  enforce  the  resemblance  of  the  two  works  at  this 
point.6 

Troilus  Filostrato 

1 

She  seyde,  "  0  love,  to  whom  I  have       E  benedico  il  figliuol  che  m'  accese 

and  shal  Del  suo  valor,  per  la  virtu  di  lei, 

Ben  humble  subgit,   trewe  in    myn       E  che  m'  ha  fatto  a  lei  servo  verace, 

entente,  Negli   occhi   suoi   ponendo   la   mid 

As  I  best  can,  to  yow,  lord,  yeve  ich  al          pace.8 
For  ever-more,  myn  hertes   lust  to 

rente. 
For  never  yet  thy  grace  no  wight 

sente 

So  blisful  cause  as  me,  my  lyf  to  lede 
In  alle  joye  and  seurtee,  out  of  drede.7 

1  T.  and  0.,  iii,  1737-1743. 

2  Boethius,  Lib.  II,  met.  8 ;  T.  and  0.,  iii,  1744-1771.     Cf.  Skeat,  Oxford 
Chaucer,  II,  483,  and  J.  S.  P.  Tatlock,  The  Development  and  Chronology  of 
Chaucer's  Works,  Chaucer  Society,  1907,  pp.  7-8. 

3  Filostrato,  iii,  74,  1—79,  4.  *  Id.,  iii,  74-89. 
6  Id.,  iii,  79,  5—89,  8. 

6  I  present  these  parallels  not  so  much  for  their  verbal  resemblances  as  for 
their  resemblances  in  thought.  It  should,  of  course,  be  remembered  that 
Troilo  sings  of  a  lady  and  Antigone  of  a  man. 

»  T.  and  C.,  ii,  827-833.  8  Filostrato,  iii,  83,  5-8. 


CH.  IV]      GARDEN    SONG-SCENE    IS   DUE   TO   THE   FILOSTRATO.  175 

2 

As  he  that  is  the  welle  of  worthinesse,  E  benedico  .  .  . 

Of  trouthe  ground,  mirour  of  goodli-  .  .  .  il  punto,  che  cosl 

heed,  Onesta,  bella,  leggiadra  e  cortese, 

Of  wit  Appollo,  stoon  of  sikernesse,  Primieramente    apparve    agli    occhi 

Of  vertu  rote,  of  lust   findere   and  miei; 

heed.1  E  benedico  il  figliuol  che  m'  accese 

Del  suo  valor,  per  la  virtu  di  lei.2 

3 
Thurgh  which  is  alle  sorwe  fro  me       E  benedico  i  ferventi  sospiri 

deed.3  Ch7  i'  ho  per  lei  cacciati  gia  dal  petto.4 


Whom  sholde  I  thanke  but  yow,  god  Ma  sopra  tutti  benedico  Iddio, 

of  love,  Che  tanto  cara  donna  diede  al  mondo, 

Of  al  this  blisse,  in  which  to  bathe  I  E  che  tanto  di  lume  ancor  nel  mio 

ginne  ?  Discerner  pose  in  questo  basso  fondo, 

And  thanked  be  ye,  lord,  for  that  I  Che  in  lei,  innanzi  ad  ogni  altro  disio, 

love  !  lo  accendessi  e  fossine  giocondo, 

This  is  the  righte  lyf  that  I  am  inne,  Talche  grazie  giammai  non  si  porieno 

To  flemen  alle  manere  vyce  and  sinne :  Render  per  uom,  quai  render  si  dovri- 
This   doth   me    so    to  vertu   for  to          eno.6 

entende, 
That  day  by  day  I  in  my  wil  amende.5 


For  alle  the  folk  that  han  or  been  on       Mi  riconosco  innamorato  tanto, 

lyve  Ch'    esprimere   giammai  non  potre' 

Ne  conne  wel  the  blisse  of  love  dis-          quanto. 

Se  cento  lingue,  e  ciascuna  parlante, 
Nella  mia  bocca  fossero,  e  '1  sapere 
Nel  petto  avessi  d'  ogni  poetante, 
Esprimer  non  potrei  le  virtu  vere, 
L'  alta  piacevolezza  e  1'  abbondante 
Sua  cortesia.8 


cryve.7 


But  wene  ye  that  every  wrecche  woot      E  benedico  i  pianti  ed  i  martirj 
}The  par  fit  blisse  of  love  ?9  Che  fatti  m'  ha  avere  amor  perfetto.™ 

From  the  facts  before  us,  I  am  inclined  to  infer  that  the  garden 
scene  n  in  which  Criseyde  and  her  nieces  listen  to  Antigone's  love 
song  was  suggested  by  the  similar  garden  scene  in  which  Troilo 
and  Pandaro  appear  in  Filostrato.1^  There  are  distinct  indications 
that  Antigone's  song 13  is  modelled  on  the  latter  part 14  of  Troilo's 

1  T.  and  C.,  ii,  841-844.  2  Filostrato,  iii,  83,  1-6. 

3  T.  and  C.,  ii,  845.  4  Filostrato,  iii,  84,  1-2. 

5  T.  and  C.,  ii,  848-854.  6  Filostrato,  iii,  85,  1-8. 

7  T.  and  C.,  ii,  888-889.  8  Filostrato,  iii,  79,  7-8;  86,  1-6. 

9  T.  and  C.,  ii,  890-891.  10  Filostrato,  iii,  84,  3-4. 

11  T.  and  C.,  ii,  813-903.  12  Filostrato,  iii,  73-89. 

13  T.  and  C.,  ii,  827-875.  u  Filostrato,  iii,  79,  5-89,  8. 


176    TEOILUS  ON  HIS  BURIAL  IS  FROM  FLORIO  AND  BIANCOFIORE  |_CH.  IV  - 

song,  the  first  part  of  which  Chaucer  used  elsewhere.1  If  my 
inferences  are  justified,  Chaucer's  literary  economy  in  'the  matter 
seems  clear.  From  one  garden  scene  in  Filostrato?  the  English 
author,  by  using  a  passage  from  Boethius,  made  two  garden  scenes 
and  two  songs3  in  Troilus,  and  still  had  left  the  material  for  the 
Proemio  of  the  Third  Book  of  the  English  poem. 

Twice  in  Troilus,  without  justification  in  his  immediate  source, 
Filostrato,  Chaucer  makes  Troilus  refer  to  his  own  burial.4  When 
Troilus  hears  that  Criseyde  is  to  be  taken  from  him  he  allows 
himself  a  considerable  lament,5  most  of  which  is  taken  directly 
from  Filostrato. Q  Toward  the  end  of  the  English  passage,  how 
ever,  Troilus  apostrophizes  Criseyde,  and  adds  certain  expressions 
concerning  his  own  burial  for  which  there  is  no  suggestion  in  the 
Italian  poem, — 

"  .  .  .  but  when  myn  herte  dyeth, 
My  spirit,  wJdch  that  so  un-to  yow  hyeth, 
Keceyve  in  gree,  for  that  shal  ay  yow  serve ; 
For-thy  no  fors  is,  though  the  body  sterve. 

0  ye  loveres  .  .  J 

.  .  .  whan  ye  comen  by  my  sepulture, 
Remyrribreth  that  your  felawe  restetli  there  ; 
For  I  lovede  eek,  though  I  univorthy  were.' "  8 

Chaucer's  tender  lines  may  have  been  suggested  by  a  dry 
passage  in  the  letter  that  Florio  writes  to  Biancofiore  when  he 
suspects  that  she  has  abandoned  him, — 

" .  .  .  se  questo  esser  vero  sentirb,  con  altra  certezza  che  quella 
che  io  ti  scrivo,  per  gli  eterni  iddii  la  mia  vita  in  piu  lungo  spazio 
non  si  distendera,  ma  contento  che  nella  mia  sepoltura  si  possa 
scrivere,  '  qui  giace  Florio  morto  per  amore  di  Biancofiorej  mi\ 
uccidero ;  sempre  poi  perseguendo  la  tua  anima,  se  alia  mia  non! 
sara  imitate  altra  legge  che  quella  alia  quale  ora  e  costretta.9 

As  to  the  source  of  the  later  passage  in  Troilus  in  which  the 

1  Filostrato,  iii,  74,  1—79,  4 ;  T.  and  C.,  iii,  1-38. 

2  Filostrato,  iii,  73-89. 

3  T.  and  0.,  ii,  813-903;  iii,  1737-1771. 

4  See  id.t  iv,  327-329;  v,  298-315. 

5  Id.,  iv,  260-336.  6  Filostrato,  iv,  30-37. 

7  T.  and  C.,  iv,  319-323. 

8  Id.,  iv,  327-329.     T.  and  C.,  iv,  319-322,  has  a  basis  in  Filostrato,  iv,  34, 
1-8,  but  the  reference  to  burial   (T.   and  C.,  iv,  327-329)  is  in  no  way 
•suggested  in  the  Italian  poem. 

•  Mlocolo,  I,  266-267. 


€H.  IV]    TROILUS'S  ASHES  AND  FUNERAL  URN  ARE  FROM  TESEIDE.      177 

despairing  lover  gives  orders  for  his  own  funeral  ceremonies,1 
Professor  Skeat  has  undoubtedly  led  us  in  the  right  direction  in 
referring  us  to  the  account  of  the  burial  of  Arcite  in  the  Knight's 
Tale.2  But  in  this  part  of  the  Knighfs  Tale  Chaucer  is  seriously 
abridging  his  source, — 

"  But  shortly  to  the  poynt  than  wol  I  wende, 
And  maken  of  my  longe  tale  an  ende,"  3 — 

and  omits  some  details  of  Teseide  that  he  may  be  using  in  the 
similar  part  of  Troilus.  In  "pleyes  palestral"4  Chaucer  may  have 
had  in  mind  the  "unta  palestra"5  of  Teseide,  a  phrase  that  he 
does  not  translate  slavishly  in  the  parallel  passage  of  the  Knight's 
Tale,  though  his  paraphrase  is  close, — 

"  .  .  .  ne  how  the  Grekes  pleye 
The  wake-pleyes,  ne  kepe  I  nat  to  seye ; 
Who  wrastleth  best  naked,  with  oille  enoynt."  6 

'Concerning  the  disposition  of  his  ashes  Troilus  says, 

"  *  The  poudre  in  which  myn  herte  ybrend  shal  torne, 
That  preye  I  thee  thou  take  and  it  conserve 
In  a  vessel,  that  men  clepeth  an  urne 
Of  gold.  .  .  ."7 

This  passage,  for  which  there  is  no  parallel  in  the  Knighfs  Tale, 
may  reflect  the  account  of  the  disposition  of  the  ashes  of  Arcite 
in  Teseide, — 

"  E  con  pietosa  man  tutte  raccolse 
Le  ceneri  da  capo  prima  spente 
Con  molto  vino,  e  di  terra  le  tolse, 

1  See  T.  and  C.,  v,  298-315. 

2  In  connection  with  the  lines  (T.  and  C.,  v,  306-308), 

"  ' .  .  .  and  offre  Mars  my  stede, 
My  swerd,  myn  helm,  and,  leve  brother  dere, 
My  sheld  to  Pallas  yef,  that  shyneth  clere,'  " 

Professor  Skeat  (Oxford  Chaucer,  II,  496)  cites  the  lines  in  the  Knight's  Tale, 
-(Group  A,  2889-2894), 

' '  Duk  Theseus  leet  forth  three  stedes  bringe, 
That  trapped  were  in  steel  al  gliteringe, 
And  covered  with  the  armes  of  daun  Arcite. 
Upon  thise  stedes,  that  weren  grete  and  whyte, 
Ther  seten  folk,  of  which  oon  bar  his  sheeld, 
Another  his  spere  up  in  his  hondes  heeld." 

3  Group  A,  2965-2966.  4  T.  and  C.,  v,  304. 

5  Teseide,  xi,  62,  1.  6  Group  A,  2959-2961. 

7  T.  and  C.,  v,  309-312. 

DEV.  TR.  CR.  N 


178          THE  TROILUS  ENVOY  IS  PARTLY  FROM  THE  FILOCOLO.  [CH.  IV 

Ed  in  un'  urna  d'  oro  umilemente 
Le  mise.  .  .  ." 1 

The  Envoy  to  Troilus  contains  the  following  graceful  lines  : 

"  Go,  litel  book,  go  litel  myn  tregedie, 
Ther  god  thy  maker  yet,  er  that  he  dye, 
So  sende  might  to  make  in  som  comedie  ! 
But  litel  book,  no  making  thou  nenvye, 
But  subgit  be  to  dlle  poesy e  ; 
And  kis  the  steppes,  wher-as  thou  seest  pace 
Virgile,  Ovyde,  Omer,  Lucan,  and  Stace."2 

The  similar  Envoy  at  the  end  of  Filostrato,2  addressed  to  "  canzon 
mia  pietosa,"  4  provides  none  of  the  details  of  the  English  stanza,5 
whereas  the  Envoy  of  Filocolo  contains  many  of  them, — 

"0  piccolo  mio  libretto  .  .  .  se  di  me  tuo  fattore  t'  e  cura, 
dimora  con  lei,  ove  io  dimorare  non  oso,  ne  di  maggior  fama  aver 
sollecitudine  ;  che  conciossiecosach&  tu  da  umil  giovane  sii  creato, 
il  cercare  gli  alti  luoglii  ti  si  disdice,  e  perb  agli  eccellenti  ingegni, 
e  alle  robuste  menti  lascia  i  gran  versi  di  Virgilio.  .  .  .  E  quelli 
del  valoroso  Lucano  .  .  .  insieme  con  quelli  del  Tolosano  Stazio. 
E  chi  con  molta  efficacia  ama,  il  Sulmontino  .Ovidio  seguiti,  delle 
cui  opere  tu  se'  confortatore.  N&  ti  sia  cura  di  volere  esser  dove 
i  misurati  versi  del  Fiorentino  Dante  si  cantino,  il  quale  tu,  siccome 
piccolo  servidore,  molto  dei  reverente  seguire.  Lascia  a  costoro  il 
debito  onore,  il  qual  volere  usurpare  con  vergogna  t'  acquisterebbe 
danno.  Elle  son  tutte  cose  da  lasciare  agli  alti  ingegni  .  .  .  e 
i  morsi  dell'  invidia  quanto  puoi  schifa"  6 

In  view  of  these  similarities,  I  cannot  avoid  the  conclusion  that 
the  writer  of  Troilus  is  once  more  influenced  'by  Filocolo.7 

1  Teseide,  xi,  58,  2-6.  2  T.  and  C.,  v,  1786-1792.     ' 

3  Filostrato,  ix,  1-8.  4  Id.,  ix,  1,  2. 

5  For  an  attempt  to  derive  two  or  three  of  the  English  words  from  the- 
Italian  of  Filostrato,  see  Rossetti,  -Comparison,  p.  299. 

6  Filocolo,  II,  376-377. 

7  Chaucer's  "steppes"  (T.  and  C.,  v,   1791),  and  possibly  one  or  two 
other  of  the  English  words,  may  be  due  to  a  passage  in  the  Envoy  of  the 
Thelais  of  Statius,— 

".  .  .  nee  tu  divinam  Aeneida  tenta, 
Sed  longe  sequere,  et  vestigia  semper  adora  " 

(Thebais  P.  Papinii  Statii,  edited  by  P.  Kohlmann,  Lipsiae,  1884,  lib.  xii, 
816-817.  Of.  Skeat,  Oxford  Chaucer,  II,  503). 

In  Chaucer's  list  of  Virgile,  Ovyde,  Omer,  Lucan,  and  Stace,  Omer  is 
substituted  for  the  Dante  of  Boccaccio's  list  of  Virgilio,  Lucano,  Stazio, 
Ovidio,  and  Dante, — a  substitution  easily  understood  in  a  poem  dealing  with 
the  Trojan  war.  The  Envoy  of  Fiammetta  (Sonzogno.  pp.  138-140), — "  0 
picciolo  mio  libretto," — in  which  the  book  is  directed  to  "innamorate 


CH.  IV]  SUMMARY   OF   THE   FOREGOING    INVESTIGATIONS.  179 

The  demonstration  attempted  in  the  foregoing  study  allows  me, 
I  hope,  the  following  summarizing  observations  as  to  the  origin 
and  development  of  the  story  of  Troilus  and  Criseyde. 

When  Benoit  de  Sainte-Maure  undertook  his  Roman  de  Trcie 
he  found  in  one  of  his  sources, — the  De  Excidio  Troiae  of  Dares 
Phrygius, — a  brave  and  handsome  prince,  fancy-free,  and  a 
definitely  winsome  maiden  without  a  lover.  By  introducing  the 
element  of  love  between  these  two  characters  Benoit  greatly 
increased  our  interest  in  the  young  prince,  brought  the  maiden 
into  more  vital  relation  to  the  story  of  Troy,  and  embellished 
his  poem  with  the  episode  of  Troilus  and  Briseida, — an  episode 
all  the  more  alluring  for  its  incompleteness. 

From  this  fragmentary  love  story,  as  created  by  Benoit  and 
abridged  by  Guido,  Boccaccio  developed  the  complete,  unified,  and 
polished  poem,  Filostrato.  This  completeness  Boccaccio  attained 
partly  by  a  skilful  use  of  suggestions  from  the  episode  of  Achilles 
and  Polyxena  in  Benoit's  poem,  partly,  no  doubt,  from  suggestions 
in  similar  mediaeval  love  stories,  but  chiefly  by  adapting  situations, 
characterization,  and  descriptions  from  his  own  Filocolo,  which  was 
fresh  in  his  mind  'and  probably  lay  unfinished  before  him  as  he 
composed  Filostrato. 

When  Chaucer  undertook  his  poem,  he  used  his  dirgct_spurce, 
Filostrato,  with  the  utmost  freedom.1  At  times  he  translated 
with  literal  accuracy,  at  times  he  expanded  freely,  and  again,  he 
deliberately  added  new  incidents  and  new  episodes,  giving  to  the 
rather  smooth  and  quiet  narrative  of  Filostrato  the  liveliness  and 

donne  "  (p.  138),  shows  no  significant  resemblances  to  the  English  stanza 
quoted  above ;  but  the  outbreak  in  it  against  faithless  men, — 

"  Gli  occhi  degli  uomini  fuggi,  da'  quali  se  pur  sei  veduto  di' :  0  generazione 
ingrata  e  deriditrice  delle  semplici  donne  .  .  ."  (p.  140), — 

reminds  us  of  Chaucer's  lines, — 

' '  Ne  I  sey  not  this  al-only  for  these  men, 
But  most  for  wommen  that  bitraysed  be 
Through  false  folk ;  god  yeve  hem  sorwe,  amen ! 
That  with  hir  grete  wit  and  subtiltee 
Bitrayse  yow  !  and  this  commeveth  me 
To  speke,  and  in  effect  yow  alle  I  preye, 
Beth  war  of  men,  and  herkeneth  what  I  seye  " 

(T.  and  C.,  v,  1779-1785). 

1  For  a  recent  statement  as  to  the  manner  in  which  Chaucer  used  Filostrato, 
see  J.  L.  Lowes,  Publications  of  the  Modern  Language  Association,  XX,  851, 
note  1. 


180  CHAUCER'S  CHANGES  IN  CHARACTERIZATION.          [CH.  iv 

complexity  of  a  drama.1  In  these  additions  to  the  action  of  the 
story,  Chaucer  adapted  bits  of  the  Roman  de  Troie  and  of  the 
Historia  Troiana  that  Boccaccio  had  rejected,  and  for  one  critical 
episode  and  for  numerous  details  he  reverted  to  Filocolo. 

More  important  than  Chaucer's  additions  to  the  action  are  his 
transformations  of  the  characters  of  Filostrato.  These  trans 
formations,  each  of  which  calls  for  a  separate  essay,2  may  be 
roughly  estimated  as  follows  : 

Pandaro,  the  youthful  cousin  of  Griseida  and  the  devoted 
though  impulsive  and  unscrupulous  friend  of  Troilo,  becomes  the 
more  mature,  though  still  lusty,  uncle  of  Criseyde  and  the  faithful 
though  increasingly  cynical  friend  and  adviser  of  Troilus.  In  the 
maturity  of  Pandarus  and  in  the  sententiousness  that  accompanies 
this  maturity  we  have  surmised  the  influence  of  Duke  Feramonte 
of  Filocolo  * 

The  English  poet  does  not  seriously  modify  the  character  of 
Troilo.  Both  in  Filostrato  and  in  Troilus  the  hero  is  valiant, 
modest,  and  ever  faithful  in  love, — never  absorbingly  interesting. 
In  both  poems  he  is  the  gentle,  passive  creature  of  love  and  of 
circumstance.  In  Chaucer's  character,  however,  there  is  a  charm 
of  humility  that  we  do  not  feel  in  the  colourless  hero  of  Filostrato. 

Chaucer's  most  subt]e  and  interesting  achievement  in  character 
ization  is  the  transformation  of  the  ready  wanton,  Griseida,  into 
the  dignified,  modest,  intuitive,  yet  yielding  Criseyde.  Whereas 
Griseida's  simple  sensuality  requires  no  analysis,  Criseyde's  tender 
complexity  almost  eludes  such  a  process.  Though  in  general  the 
English  poet  accomplishes  this  change  by  subtle  inventions  of  his 
own,  what  may  be  called  the  climax  in  Criseyde's  relations  to 
Troilus, — her  first  utter  yielding  to  his  passion, — is  brought  about 
in  a  conspicuous  episode  modelled  on  a  scene  in  Filocolo. 

Chaucer's  supplementary  use  of  Filocolo  is  very  different  from 
his  direct  use  of  Filostrato.  In  no  case  does  he  follow  closely 
the  dull  and  pedantic  prose  of  the  Italian  romance.  In  general 
he  seems  to  have  adopted  from  Filocolo  mere  suggestions  for 
enforcing  changes  in  character  and  for  adding  new  incidents. 
With  such  suggestions  his  indebtedness  to  that  work  ceases,  for 

1  Concerning  this  dramatic  element  in  Troilus,  see  T.  R.  Price,  Publications 
Mod.  Lang.  Assoc.,  XI,  310-322;  J.  L.  Lowes,  Pub.  Mod.  Lang.  Assoc., 
XX,  836—837. 

2  For  a  recent  estimate  of  the  characterization  in  Chaucer's  poem,  see 
E.  K.  Root,  The  Poetry  of  Chaucer,  Boston  and  New  York,  1906,  pp.  105-122. 

<J  See  ahove,  pp.  161  ff. 


CH.  IV]  WHY   DID    CHAUCER   NOT  MENTION   BOCCACCIO?  181 

the  results  in  the  English  poem  betray  so  slightly  their  prosaic 
origin  that  the  process  of  the  poet  as  well  as  his  accomplish 
ment  becomes  apparent  only  after  some  such  arid  and  soulless 
process  as  I  have  tried  to  pursue  in  the  present  study.  The  dry 
comparison  of  details  in  the  preceding  pages  is  perhaps  justified 
if  we 'have  now  even  a  ray  of  new  light  upon  Chaucer's  skilful 
adaptation  of  diverse  sources,  his  enlivening  of  action,  his  beautifying 
of  detail,  and  his  subtle  differentiation  in  character. 

In  conclusion,  I  must  admit  that  to  one  riddle  of  Chaucerian 
inquiry  I  offer  no  suggestion  toward  elucidation,  but  rather,  new 
perplexity.  If  it  be  true  that  Chaucer  used  with  a  free  hand  not 
only  Filostrato  and  Teseide,  but  also  Filocolo,  we  are  the  more 
puzzled  over  the  fact  that  nowhere  in  his  works  does  he  mention 
Boccaccio,  and  we  ask  with  new  impatience,  Why  does  Chaucer 
acknowledge  his  debt  to  his  favourite  Italian  author  only  through 
the  cryptic  name  of  Lollius  1 1 

1  For  a  classification  of  views  concerning  Lollius,  see  Appendix  C.  If  I 
have  succeeded  in  showing  that  in  writing  Troilus  Chaucer  made  consider 
able  use  of  Filocolo,  the  question  at  once  arises  as  to  the  possibility  of  his 
having  used  Filocolo  also  in  certain  of  his  other  works, — a  question  that  I 
cannot  treat  in  the  present  study.  Perhaps  the  most  important  consideration 
that  arises  in  this  connection  is  the  source  of  the  Franklin's  Tale,  in  regard 
to  which  Professor  W.  H.  Schoficld  (Publications  of  the  Modern  Language 
Association  of  America,  XVI,  405-449)  and  Professor  Pio  Eajna  (Romania, 
XXXI,  40-47  ;  XXXII,  204-267)  have  disagreed.  The  general  view  of  Pro 
fessor  Schofield  is  that  Chaucer  had  as  the  basis  of  his  Tale  some  form  of 
"Breton  lay,"  while  Professor  Rajna  holds  in  general  that  the  Franklin's 
Tale  is  based  upon  one  of  a  series  of  questioni  d'  amore  in  Filocolo  (II,  48-67). 
In  introducing  Filocolo  into  Chaucer's  library,  so  to  speak,  I  have,  perhaps,  to 
some  extent  reopened  this  discussion, — a  discussion  in  which  I  hope  to  take 
a  modest  part  in  a  later  article.  I  may  say  in  passing  that  my  study  of 
Chaucer's  relations  to  Filocolo  has  not  led  me  to  accept  the  main  conclusion 
of  Professor  Eajna,  even  though  I  am  sure  that  there  is  more  evidence  for 
his  position  than  he  himself  presents.  For  example,  now  that  we  have 
independent  reasons  for  believing  that  Chaucer  was  well  acquainted  with 
Filocolo,  there  may  be  some  point  in  comparing  Boccaccio's  passage, 

"Ma  gia  per  tutto  questo  Tarolfo  non  si  rimaneva,  seguendo  d'Ovidio  gli 
ammaestramenti,  il  quale  dice :  1'uomo  non  lasciare  per  durezza  della  donna 
di  non  perseverare,  perocche  per  continuanza  la  molle  acqua  fora  la  dura 
•pietvsi"  (Filocolo,  II,  49), 

with  Chaucer's  words  concerning  the  consoling  of  Dorigen, 
"  By  proces,  as  ye  knowen  everichoon, 
Men  may  so  longe  graven  in  a  stoon 
Til  som  figure  ther-inne  emprented  be  " 

(Canterbury  Tales,  Group  F,  829-831), 
in  connection  with  which  Skeat  (Oxford  Chaucer,  V,  389)  cites  Ovid's, 

"  Gutta  cavat  lapidem  "  (Ex  Ponto,  IV,  10,  5). 

On  the  other  hand,  while  I  believe  that  Chaucer  used  an  independent  lay,  I 
think  he  may  also  have  been  influenced  by  the  similar  tale  in  Filocolo, — an 
influence  for  which  Professor  Schofield  makes  no  explicit  allowance. 


182  DID   BOCCACCIO   USE  LA   ISTOBIETTA    TROJAN  A  ?        [APPX.   A 


APPENDICES. 

APPENDIX   A. 

WE  are  to  examine  the  possibility  of  Boccaccio's  having  used  in 
Filostrato  some  Italian  translation  of  Benoit  or  of  Guido,  or  a 
French  redaction  of  Benoit.  We  may  begin  by  considering  the 
Italian  versions  of  Benoit  and  Guido,  the  episode  of  Troilus  and 
Briseida  in  six  of  which  is  accessible  to  me,  either  in  whole  or  in 
part.1 

(I)  La  Marietta  Trojana,  found  in  a  manuscript  assigned  to  the 
opening  years  of  the  fourteenth  century,2  is  a  somewhat  abridged 
and  decidedly  free  prose  version  of  the  Roman  de  Troie?  An 
enumeration  of  some  of  the  points  in  which  the  Marietta,  differs 
from  Benoit  in  the  account 4  of  Troilus  and  Briseida  will,  I  think, 
prove  conclusively  that  Boccaccio  did  not  use  this  Italian  version. 

In  the  Marietta  the  father  of  Briseida  is  not  Calchas, — as  in 
Benoit,  in  Guido,  and  in  Filostrato, — but  Toas.5  In  the  Marietta 
Diomedes  first  appears  among  the  Greek  ambassadors  who  convey 
to  Priam  Toas'  request  for  Briseida,  and  again  in  the  Greek  escort 
sent  next  day  to  accompany  her  to  the  Greek  camp.6  In  Filostrato 
the  names  of  those  in  the  first  embassy  are  not  given,7  but  in  a 
later  conversation  with  Griseida,  Diomede  seems  to  say  that  he  was 
present  in  the  first  embassy  at  Calchas'  special  request,8  whereas  in 

1  For  general  discussions  of  the  Italian  versions,  see  A.  Benci,  Intorno 
a?  Volgarizzatori  della  Storia  cli  Troia,  in  Antologia,  Vol.  XVIII0  (1825), 
pp.  57-64;  M.  Tommaseo,  Tradizione  Iliache  da  Omero  al  Trecento.  Amori 
di  Troilo  e  di  Briseida,  in  Antologia,  XLVC  (1832),  19-46  ;   A.  Mussafia, 
Sidle  Versioni  Italiane  della  Storia  Trojana,  in  Sitzungslerichte  der  Wiener 
Akademie    der    Wissenschaften,    Philos.-Historisclie    Classe,    LXVII   (1871), 
297-344  :   W.  Greif,  Die  mittelalterlichen   Bearbeitungen  der    Trojanersage, 
Marburgj  1886,  pp.  64-65,  73  ;  E.  Gorra,   Tcsti  Inediti  di  Storia  Trojana, 
Torino     1887,    pp.    152-202 ;    H.    Morf,    Romania,    XXI,    18-38,    88-107  ; 
XXIV,  174-196. 

2  Cf.  Gorra,  p.  152. 

3  Cf.  id.,  pp.  154-166  ;. Morf,  Romania,  XXI,  92. 

4  Text  in  Gorra,  pp.  396-403.     For  an  extract,  see  Tommaseo,  pp.  32-43. 

5  Gorra,  p.  396.  6  Id.,  p.  397. 

7  Filostrato  (Opere    Volgari  di   Giovanni  Boccaccio,   Vol.   XIII,  Firenze, 
Moutirr,  1831),  iv,  13. 

8  Id.,  vi, .19,  3-6. 


APPX.  A]       THE   EPISODE  OF  TROILO  AND  BRISEIDA,  FROM  GUIDO.      183 

the  Istorietta  we  are  told  that  Diomede  went  in  the  first  embassy, 
"  sanza  comandamento." l  When  Diomede  wooes  Briseida  on  their 
way  out  from  Troy  she  immediately  succumbs,  and  gives  Diomede 
a  ring  that  Troilo  has  given  her,2 — an  account  very  different  from 
anything  told  us  in  Benoit,  in  Guido,  or  in  Filostrato.  According 
to  the  Istorietta,  in  order  to  be  sure  as  to  Briseida's  conduct  with 
Diomede,  Troilo  sends  "  uno  ragazzetto  "  3  to  spy  upon  them  after 
they  have  left  Troy.  No  such  character  or  device  is  employed  in 
Filostrato. 

Probably  these  details  are  sufficient  evidence  that  Boccaccio  did 
not  follow  La  Istorietta  Trojana. 

The  episode  of  Troilo  and  Briseida  in  three  of  the  Italian  prose 
versions, — (II)  the  Versione  Venetaf  (III)  the  version  of  Filippo 
Ceffi,5  and  (IY)  the  version  of  Mazzeo  Bellebuoni,6 — are  accessible 
to  me  only  in  brief  extracts.7  A  comparison  of  these  extracts  with 
the  parallel  passages  of  Guido's  Historia,  confirmed  by  authoritative 
statements  regarding  these  three  versions,8  leads  us  to  the  tenta 
tive  conclusion  that  the  episode  of  Troilo  and  Briseida  in  these 
versions  follows  closely  the  account  given  by  Guido.  "We  may 
infer,  then,  that  none  of  these  versions  contains  any  material 
that  Boccaccio  could  not  have  found  as  well  in  their  Latin  prose 
•original.9 

(V)  The  prose  version  of  Binduccio  dello  Scelto10  is  based 
directly  upon  Benoit's  poem.11  A  comparison  of  the  Italian  text 
with  the  French  original  reveals  few  deviations  at  the  hand  of 

I  Gorra,  p.  397.  2  Id.,  pp.  397-398.  3  Id.,  p.  398. 

4  Preserved  in  a  late  fifteenth-century  MS.     Cf.  Gorra,  p.  184,  note  2. 

5  Dated  1324.     Cf.  Mussafia,  p.  298  ;  Benci,  p.  59. 

6  Dated  1333.     Cf.  Benci,  p.  59. 

7  A  short  extract  of  the  Versione  Veneta  is  printed  in  Antologia,  Vol.  XLVC 
(1832),  p.  42.     Of  the  five  printed  editions  of  the  version  of  Filippo  Ceffi, 
none  is   accessible  to  me.     For  a  list  of  these  editions,  see  Mussafia,  pp. 
297-298  ;  Morf,  Romania,  XXI,  93-95.    For  a  short  extract  of  Ceffi's,  version, 
see  Antologia,  Vol.  XLVC  (1832),  p.  39.     For  an  extract  from  the  version 
of  Mazzeo  Bellebuoni,  see  Antologia,  XLVC,  39-41. 

8  Cf.  Gorra,   pp.    172,  174,    185-193  ;    ?.    Meyer,   Romania,   XIV,    77 ; 
Morf,  Romania,  XXIV,  174-196. 

9  I  am  aware  of  the  fact  that  some  parts  of  the  Versione  Veneta  shows 
considerable  variations  from  Guido's  text  (cf.  Gorra,  pp.  186-187),  and  that 
the  most  acceptable  theory  at  present  is  that  this  version  "  derivi  appunto 
da  un  rifacimento  franco- veneto  dell'  opera  di  Guido  "  (Gorra,  p.  193).     A 
comparison  of  the  only  accessible  extract  from  the  Troilus  episode  in  this 
version  (cf.  Antologia,  XLV°  (1832),  pp.  41-42)  with  the  parallel  passage  in 
Guido's  text  seems  to  indicate  that  in  this  episode  the  Versione  Veneta  departs 
very  little  from  Guido's  Latin. 

™  Dated  1322.     See  Benci,  p.  62 ;  Mussafia,  p.  301. 

II  Cf.  P.  Meyer,  Romania,  XIV,  77 ;  Gorra,  p.  168  ;  Mussafia,  p.  303. 


184      BOCCACCIO   DID   NOT   USE   BINDUCCIO   DELLO   SCELTO.      [APPX.  A 

Binduccio.  Two  additions  in  the  Italian  version  are  worthy  of 
note.  In  describing  the  circumstances  of  Briseida's  departure  from 
Troy,  Binduccio  writes, — 

"  E  quand'  ella  venne  al  partire,  ella  ne  va  piagnendo  e  gridando* 
e  facendo  molto  gran  duolo." 1 

This  detail  is  absent  from  Benoit,  Guido,  and  Filostrato?  To 
Benoit's  account  of  the  love  pangs  of  Diomedes,3  Binduccio  adds, 
some  details, — • 

"  e  suda  sovente  fiate  lo  giorno  .  .  .  elli  triema  cosl  come  fa  la 
foglia  dinanzi  al  vento."  4 

The  last  expression  here  resembles  two  passages  in  Filostrato 
applied  to  the  fickleness  of  women, — 

"  Che  come  al  vento  si  volge  la  foglia, 
Cosi  in  uii  di  ben  mille  volte  il  core 
Di  lor  si  voJge."  5 

"  Yolubil  sempre  come  foglia  al  vento."6 

The  borrowing  of  this  detail  in  Filostrato  from  Binduccio  is 
entirely  unlikely  in  view  of  its  commonplace  nature7  and  in 
view  of  its  previous  use  by  Boccaccio  in  Filocolo.8  I  find  no 
evidence,  then,  that  Boccaccio  used  the  version  of  Binduccio  dello 
Scelto. 

(VI)  The  last  of  the  Italian  versions  to  be  considered  is  that 
contained  in  Codex  Magliabechiano,  IV,  46,  at  Florence,9  which  in 
the  part  containing  the  episode  of  Troilo  and  Briseida  is  based 
upon  a  French  prose  abridgment  of  Benoit's  poem.10  A  comparison  of 

1  Gorra,  p.  407.     The  text  of  the  episode  of  Troilo  and  Briseida  and  of  that 
of  Achilles  aud  Polyxena  is  found  in  Gorra,  pp.  404-442.    For  a  less  complete- 
text,  see  Antologia,  Vol.  XLVC,  pp.  33-39,  used  by  Mussafia,  pp.  306-314, 
333-340. 

2  Cf.  Filostrato,  v,  1-9  ;  E.  de  T.,  13410-13422  ;  Historia  Troiana,  sig. 
i  2  verso,  col.  1. 

3  R.  de  T.  (Joly),  14927-15008. 

4  Gorra,  p.  415.     These  details  are  absent  from  Guide's  Historia,  sig.  i  4 
verso,  cols.  1-2. 

5  Filostrato,  i,  22,  2-4. 

6  Id.,  viii,  30,  8. 

7  Cf.  Dante,  Paradiso,  v,  74  ;  xxxiii,  65. 

8  Filocolo  (Opere  Volgari  di  Giovanni  Boccaccio,  Vols.  VII-VIII,  Firenze, 
Moutier,  1829),  I,  264.  » 

9  On  the  correct  numbering  of  this  MS.,  see  P.  Meyer,  Romania,  XIV, 
77,  note  2;  and  on  the  Paris  MS.   containing  the  same  version,   see  id.* 
pp.  77-78. 

10  Cf.  Romania,  XIV,  77-78  ;  XXI,  98 ;  Gorra,  p.  195. 


APPX.  A]       WAS  FILOSTRATO  FROM  A  LATER  VERSION  OF  BEN01T  1       185 

our  imperfect  text x  of  the  Italian  version  with  the  Roman  de  Troie 
reveals  not  a  single  significant  divergence  between  them  in  their 
accounts  of  Troilo  and  Briseida. 

The  foregoing  examination  of  the  available  texts  of  Italian 
versions  yields  no  evidence  that  Boccaccio  in  composing  Filostrato 
used  any  other  version  of  the  Troy  story  than  that  preserved  to  us 
in  Benoit  and  in  Guido. 

Let  us  next  inquire  what  evidence  there  may  be  for  a  statement 
that  Boccaccio  based  his  Filostrato  upon  "  some  recension  of  the 
French  text  of  Benoit."  2 

We  may  first  consider  the  version  of  the  Troy  story  that  comes 
from  the  hand  of  Jean  Malkaraume  in  the  thirteenth  century.  In 
the  midst  of  a  poem  that  may  pass  under  the  broad  title,  Histoire 
de  VAncien  Testament  et  de  la  Guerre  de  Troie,  this  author  inserted 
as  his  own  a  somewhat  modified  form  of  Benoit's  poem.3  Mal- 
karaume's  modifications  consist  chiefly  in  abridgments,4  and  in  a  few 
interpolations.5  From  the  small  amount  of  accessible  information 
concerning  these  modifications,  we  can  draw  only  tentative  conclu 
sions  as  to  the  manner  in  which  Malkaraume  may  have  rendered  the 
episode  of  Troilus  and  Briseida.  From  the  fact  that  the  author  is 
"  en  general  dispose  a  abreger,"  6  and  that  among  the  interpolations 
mentioned  none  has  been  attached  to  our  episode,7  it  seems  probable 
that  Malkaraume  has  not  materially  altered  the  story  of  Troilus  and 
Briseida  as  it  is  told  by  Benoit.  Moreover,  as  we  find  elsewhere 
in  this  study,8  Boccaccio  drew  some  material  for  his  Filostrato 
from  the  episode  of  Achilles  and  Polyxena  as  told  in  Benoit's  poem. 
Since  we  are  told  that  Malkaraume  "  passe  tout  ce  qui  concerne  la 
recherche  de  Polyxene,"  9  we  may  conclude  with  considerable  cer 
tainty  that  Boccaccio  did  not  base  his  Filostrato  upon  this  garbled 
version  of  the  Roman  de  Troie. 

1  For  an  incomplete  text,  see  Antologia,  Vol.  XLVC,  pp.  27-33, — used  by 
Mussafia,  pp.  304-305,  310-332. 

2  See  above,  p.  6. 

3  Cf.  A.  Joly,  II,  4-5  ;  I,  405-407.     For  extracts,  see  Joly,  I,  406-408  ; 

4  Cf.  Joly,  I,  408  ;  E.  T.  Granz,   Uber  die  Quellengemeinschaft  des  mittel- 
englischen  Gedichtes  Seege  oder  Batayle  of  Troye  und  des  mittelhochdeutschen 
Gedichtes  vom    trojanischen  Kriege  des  Konrad  von    Wiirzburg,    Reudnitz- 
Leipzig,  1888,  p.  4. 

5  Cf.  Joly,  I,  409  ;  Granz,  pp.  4-5,  73-76  ;  C.  H.  A.  Wager,   The  Seege  of 
Troye,  New  York,  1899,  pp.  Ixv,  Ixxxiv,   67  ;  G.  L.  Hamilton,  Pub.  Mod. 
Lang.  Association,  XX  (1905),  180  ;  Greif,  pp.  70,  71,  94. 

6  Joly,  I,  408.  7  of.  note  3,  above. 

8  See  above,  pp.  35  ff.  9  Joly,  1,  408,  note  1. 


186  AN    ENLARGED   VERSION   OF   BENOIT    NOT   USED.         [APPX.  B 

During  the  thirteenth  century  arose  a  French  prose  abridgment 
of  Benoit's  poem,  still  inedited.1  As  we  have  already  seen,  this 
version  is  faithfully  represented  by  an  Italian  version,  based  upon 
it,  from  which  the  episode  of  Troilo  and  Briseida  has  been  exten 
sively  printed.2  Since  there  is  no  evidence  that  Boccaccio  used 
this  Italian  version,3  we  infer  that  he  made  no  use  of  the  French 
prose  abridgment  behind  it. 

In  addition  to  the  mediaeval  versions  of  the  Troy  story  extant  in 
manuscripts,  we  must  mention  also  a  hypothetical  "enlarged" 
version  of  Benoit's  poem,  which  is  inferred  through  a  theoretical 
reconstruction  of  the  common  source  of  the  Middle  English  Seege 
of  Troye  4  and  the  Trojanerkrieg 5  of  Konrad  von  Wurzburg.6  This 
"  enlarged  "  version  is  thought  to  be  a  French  redaction  of  Benoit's 
Roman  de  Troie  containing  considerable  additions,  but  in  some 
parts  abridged.7  However,  since  neither  of  the  two  versions  that 
are  thought  to  be  derivatives  of  the  enlarged  Roman  de  Troie 
contains  the  episode  of  Troilus8  and  Briseida,  our  present  con 
sideration  of  the  hypothetical  version  need  not  be  prolonged. 


APPENDIX  B. 

The  Source  of  Filocolo. 

THE  origin  of  the  story  of  Floire  and  Blanchefl eur  has  never  been 
satisfactorily  settled.9  Neither  the  advocates  of  a  Spanish  or 
Provencal  provenience 10  nor  those  who  argue  for  a  Greek  origin  n 

1  For  an  account  of  the  MSS.,  see  P.  Meyer,  Romania,  XIV,  65  ;  Joly,  I, 
417,  420,   424.     On  the  date,  see  Romania,   XIV,   66.     For   extracts  from 
several  MSS.,  see  Joly,  I,  417-422,  425-427  ;  Romania,  XIV,  78-79. 

2  See  above,  p.  184.  3  See  above,  p.  185. 

4  Edited  by  C.  H.  A.  Wager,  New  York,  1899. 

5  Edited  by  A.  von  Keller,  Stuttgart,  1858, 

6  For  the  evidence  involved  in  this  reconstruction,  see  E.  T.  Granz,  op.  cit.  ; 
"Wager,  pp.  lix-lxxxvi ;  Hamilton,  Pub,  Mod.  Lang.  Assoc.,  XX,  179-180. 

7  Cf.  Granz,  pp.  86-88  ;  Wager,  pp.  Ixxxiv-lxxxv. 

8  Concerning  the  role  of  Troilus  in  the  Seege  of  Troye,  see  Wager,  p.  115. 

9  In  my  consideration  of  the  versions  of  the  story  of  Floire  and  Blanchefleur 
I  follow  in  the  main  the  study  of  V.  Crescini,  11  Cantare  di  Fiorio  e  Bianci- 
fiore,  2  yols.,  Bologna,  1889-1899.     In  this  consideration  I  make  no  claim  to 
originality,  nor  do  I  attempt  to  re-examine  the  relations  of  the  versions  in 
detail.  10  See  Crescini,  I,  3-4. 

11  See  E.  Du  M<?ril,  Floire  et  Blancefior,  Paris,  1856,  pp.  xcii-ccv ;  B. 
Zumbini,  II  Filocopo  del  Boccaccio,  Nuova  Antoloyia,  Serie  IIa,  Vol.  XVIII 
(1879),  pp.  673-687  ;  Crescini,  I,  5. 


APPX.  B]          THE   STORIES    OP   FLORIO   AND   BIANCOFIORE.  187 

have  ever  advanced  a  definite  demonstration.  Whatever  the 
obscure  origin  of  the  story  may  be,  its  popularity  during  the 
Middle  Ages  in  all  "Western  Europe  is  undoubted.  Versions  are 
«xtant,  or  can  readily  be  inferred,  in  nearly  every  vernacular  in 
the  West,  and  the  frequent  mention  of  the  hero  and  heroine  in 
lists  of  lovers  in  mediaeval  documents  indicates  a  wide  reading 
of  these  versions.1  My  present  task  is  not  a  study  of  all  the 
versions  of  the  story  of  Floire  and  Blanchefleur,  but  rather  a 
consideration  of  those  versions  which  are,  or  which  represent,  the 
source  of  Filocolo. 

Opinions  as  to  the  immediate  source  of  Filocolo  have  been 
diverse.  Some  scholars  have  held  that  Boccaccio  took  his  story 
directly  from  a  Greek  version.2  Others  have  held  that  he  derived 
his  material  directly  from  the  French, — either  from  the  two  extant 
French  versions,3  or  from  a  French  version  represented  by  them.4 
The  most  recent  and  thoroughgoing  investigation  has.  resulted  in 
the  conclusion  that  Boccaccio  based  his  work  directly  upon  an 
Italian  version  of  the  story  of  Florio  and  Biancofiore.5  This 
conclusion  may  be  analyzed  as  follows : 

1.  II  Cantare  di  Fiorio  e  Biancifiore6  is  earlier  that  Filocolo, 
and  is  based  upon  the  lost  original  of  Filocolo. 7 

2.  H   Cantare  and   Filocolo   show   undoubted   signs   of   their 
ultimate  French  origin,  and  also  undoubted  signs  of  localization 
in  Italy.8 

3.  The   chief    source   of    Filocolo   and   of   11   Cantare   was   a 
Franco- Venetian  version  derived  from  a  lost  French  source  re 
presented  by  the  two  extant  French  versions.9 

4.  The   lost  French   version  which  was   at   the   basis   of   the 
Franco-Venetian    source    of    Filocolo    closely   resembled   French 

1  On  the   distribution  of  the   story,  See  E.  Du  Meril,  pp.  xii-ccv ;   E. 
Hausknecht,  Floris  und  Blauncheflur,    Berlin,   1885,  pp.   4-88  ;   Orescini, 
I,  1-24 ;  F.  Schwalbach,  Die  Verbreitung  der  Sage  von  Flore  und  Blanceftor 
in  der  europdischen  Literatur,  Krotoschin  und  Ostrowo,  1869;  H.  Herzog, 
Die  beiden  Sagenkreise  von  Flore  und,  Blanscheflur,  Wien,  1884. 

2  See  Crescini,   I,   26-30;   Du  Meril,  pp.   Ixix-lxxi,  clxxix,   clxxxi ;   A. 
Bartoli,  I  Precursori  del  Boccaccio  e  alcune  delle  sue  fonti,  Firenze,  1876, 
pp.  54-64  ;  Zumbini,  pp.  673-687. 

3  Edited  by  E.  Du  Meril,  Paris,  1856. 

4  See  Crescini,  I,  25-30  ;  Histoire  Littemire  de  la  France,  XXIII,  81 ; 
XXIV,  581 ;  M.  Landau,  Giovanni  Boccaccio,  sein  Leben  und  seine   Werke, 
Stuttgart,  1877,  p.  54. 

5  See  Crescini,  I,  16-24,  30-32 ;  II,  10-25. 

6  Edited  by  Crescini,  Vol.  II,  pp.  64-227. 

7  Crescini,  I,  486-492.  8  Id.,  II,  6-11. 
9  Id.,  II,  11-15. 


188 


THE    SOUKCES   OF   BOCCACCIO'S   FILOCOLO.  [APPX.  B 


Version  I1  and  its  allied  Germanic  versions,2  and  contains  some 
elements  now  preserved  in  French  Version  II.8 

5.  The  differences  between   Filocolo   and   II   Cantare   lead  to 
the   inference   that   Boccaccio  had   for   his  source  a  longer  and 
freer  version  of  the  story  than  the  source  of  II  Cantare.^    We 
may  assume,  therefore,  a  Franco-Venetian  source  of  II  Cantare 
and,  derived  from  this  Franco- Venetian  source,  a  more  extended 
Franco-Italian  source  of  Filocolo? 

6.  Boccaccio   drew  not   only   upon   his   Franco-Italian   source^ 
but  also  upon  II  Cantare,  and  upon  oral  tradition.6 

From  these  results  7  we  may  construct  the  following  diagram 
to  represent  the  sources  of  Filocolo  : 


:Lost  French  original,  represented  \ 
by  the  extant  French  Versions  1 1 
and  II,  and  by  the  M.H.G.  version  J 
of  Konrad  Fleck. 


Y  (Lost  Franco-Venetian  version.) 

(Lost  Franco- Italian  version.) 

Oral  tradition. 


Filocolo. 

From  this  diagram  it  appears  we  can  approximate  the  source  of 
Filocolo  through  at  least  four  edited  documents,—  French  Versions 
I  and  II,  n  Cantare,  and  the  Flore  und  Blamcheflur  of  Konrad 
Fleck. 

1  Edited  by  Du  Meril,  pp.  1-124 


4  See  Crescini,  i,  25-27. 
«  Cf.  id,,  pp.  22-23 


the  text  of  Frencl1  Yersion 

»  of  U    nn  97  98 
'  PP'  27"28' 

by  A"  Gaspaiy- 


APPX.  C]  LOLLIUS.  189 


APPENDIX  C. 

Lollius. 

THE  following  explanations  of  Chaucer's  "Lollius"1  "have  been 
offered.2 

I.  The  earliest  students  of  Chaucer  who  recorded  their  opinion 
ignorantly  accepted  Chaucer's  statement  that  he  followed  a  real 
"autour"  who  wrote  about  the  Trojan  war.  Evidently  John 
Lydgate  had  no  doubt  as  to  the  existence  of  a  real  Lollius  when 
he  wrote, — 

"And  of  this  syege  wrote  eke  Lollius." 3 

Thomas  Speght  in  his  first  edition  of  the  "  Workes  "  of  Chaucer, 
in  the  section  entitled,  "  Most  of  the  Authors  cited  by  G.  Chaucer 
in  his  workes,  by  name  declared,"  lists  "  Lollius  "  as  "  an  Italian 
Historiographer,  borne  in  the  citie  of  Urbine."  4 

In  John  Urry's  edition  of  Chaucer  5  we  find  Speght's  information 
supplemented  as  follows : 

"  The  poem  of  Troilus  and  Creseide  was  written  in  the  former 
part  of  his  life  and  translated  (as  he  says)  from  Lollius^  an 
Historiographer  of  Urbane  in  Italy.3'6 

In  "A  Short  Account -of  Some  of  the  Authors  cited  by  Chaucer," 
appended  to  the  Glossary  of  this  work,  we  read, 

"  Lollius,  an  Italian  Historiographer  born  at  Urbino,  who  lived 
under  the  Emperors  Macrinus  and  Heliogabalus,  in  the  beginning 
of  the  Third  Century,  is  said  to  have  written  the  History  of  his 
own  Time,  and  also  the  Life  of  the  Emperor  Diodumenus  the  son 
of  Macrinus." 7 

1  T.  and  C.,  i,  394  ;  v,  1653  ;  Hous  of  Fame,  iii,  378. 

2  For  part  of  the  bibliography  of  this  subject,  see  Hamilton,  Chaucer's 
Indebtedness,  etc.,  pp.  17,  21-22,  24,  26-27,  30,  32-40,  46-49,  133,  143-144. 

3  The  Auncient  Historic  and  onely  trewe  and  syncere  Cronicle  of  the  warres 
betwixte  the  Grecians  and  the  Troyans  .  .  .  wrytten  by  Daretus  a  Troy  an  and 
Dictus  a  Grecian  .  .  .  and  digested  in  Latyn  by  the  lerned  Guydo  de  Columpnis 
and  sythes  translated  into  englishe  verse  by  John  Lydgate,  Moncke  of  Burye 
(T.  Marshe,  1555),  sig.  b  2  verso,  col.  1. 

4  T.  Speght,  The  Workes  of  Our  Antient  and  Learned  English  Poet,  Geffrey 
Chaucer,  London,  1598,  sig.  Bbbbii  verso,  col.  1.     On  this  Lollius,  see  G. 
Tiraboschi,  Storia  della  Letteratura  Italiana,  Tomo  II,  Milano,  1823,  p.  469. 

5  J.  Urry,  The  Works  of  Geoffrey  Chaucer,  London,  1721. 

6  Id.,  sig.  f  1  verso.  7  Id.,  Glossary,  p.  80. 


190  WM.    EOSSETTl'S    EXPLANATION    OF    LOLLIUS.  [APPX.  G 

The  Lollius  mentioned  by  these  commentators  is  not  known  to 
have  written  concerning  Troy,  nor  has  any  Lollius  been  discovered 
to  whom  Chaucer  could  have  referred.1 

II.  A  more  modern  explanation  is  that  of  W.  M.  Eossetti,  who 
attempted  to  identify  Chaucer's  Lollius  as  Petrarch.2  From  the 
English  lines, 

"And  of  his  song  nought  only  the  sentence, 
As  write  niyn  autour  called  Lollius,"  3 

which  are  among  the  lines  preceding  the  Cantus  Troili^  translated 
from  the  88th  Sonnet  of  Petrarch,  Eossetti  inferred  that  Chaucer 
refers  to  Petrarch  as  "Lollius."  Eossetti  then  sought  historical 
grounds  for  such  an  appellation  for  Petrarch,  and,  through  second 
hand  evidence,  and  through  an  utter  misunderstanding  of  facts,5 
gave  forth  the  statement  that,  since  one  of  Petrarch's  friends 
addressed  him  as  "  Laelius "  in  correspondence,  Chaucer's  use  of 
"Lollius"  in  referring  to  Petrarch  was  entirely  intelligible. 
Eossetti  completed  his  explanation  by  the  suggestion  that  Chaucer 
may  have  attributed  to  Petrarch  Filostrato  itself,  as  did  Pierre  de 
Beauveau,  who  translated  Filostrato  into  French  at  the  beginning 
of  the  fifteenth  century.6  After  examining  the  facts,  and  after 
receiving  the  famous  suggestion  of  E.  G.  Latham,7  Eossetti 
withdrew  his  explanation.8 

1  For  an  account  of  other  persons  of  this  name,  see  A.  Forcellini,  Totius 
Latinitatis  Onomasticon,  Tomus  IV,  Prati,  1887,  pp.  182-184.     W.  Godwin 
(Life  of  Chaucer,  Vol.  I,  London,  1803,  pp.  272,  273,  275)  evidently  thought 
Chaucer  had  a  real  Lollius  in  mind,  and  that  this  Lollius  must  have  lived  in 
the  twelfth  century  (id.,  I,  275-276).     E.  G.  Sandras  (Etude  sur  Chaucer, 
Paris,  1851,  p.  43)  seems  to  think  that  Chaucer  knew  of  Lollius  Urbicus,  and 
used  his  name  as  a  blind.     I  find  no  evidence  that  the  Spanish  scholastic 
and  alchemist,  Lullius  Raymundus  (1225-1315  A.D.),  wrote  concerning  the 
Trojan  war. 

2  See  Athenaeum,  Sept.  26,  1868,  pp.  401,  col.  3—402,  col.  1. 

3  T.  and  C.,  i,  393-394.  4  Id.,  i,  400-420. 

5  See  Rossetti's  retraction,  Athenaeum,  Oct.  10,  1868,  p.  465. 

6  See  L.  Moland  et  C.  D'Hericault,  Nouvelles  Francoises  en  prose  du  XIVQ 
Siecle,  Paris,  1858,  pp.  xcviii-ci,  120,  and  see  Tatlock,  The  Development  and 
Chronology  of  Chaucer's   Works,  Chaucer  Society,    1907,    p.    160.     One   is 
puzzled  by  a  passage  in  a  letter  written  by  Boccaccio  to  a  friend  to  explain 
the  meaning  of  the  name  "Philostropo,"  attached  to  his  15th  eclogue: — 
"Pro  Philostropo  ego  intelligo  gloriosum  praeceptorem  rneum   Franciscum 
Petrarcam,   cujus  monitis  saepissime  mihi  persuasum  est,  ut  omissa  rerum 
temporalium  delectatione  mentem  ad  aeterna  dirigerem  et  sic  amores  meos, 
etsi  non  plane,  satis  tamen  vertit  ad  melius."     See  J.  F.  P.  Aldance  de  Sade, 
Mtmoires  pour  la  me  de  Francois  Petrarque,  Tome  III,  Amsterdam.  1767, 
p.  505. 

7  See  below,  pp.  193-194. 

8  See  Athenaeum,  Oct.  10,  1868,  p.  465.     This  specific  retraction  is  not 
mentioned  by  G.  W.  Prothero  (A  Memoir  of  Henry  Bradshaw,  London,  1888, 


APPX.  G]       THE   MEANING   OF    CHAUCER'S    WORDS    ON   LOLLIUS.          191 

In  his  retraction,  however,  Kossetti  casts  no  doubt  upon  his 
initial  assumption, — that  the  "Lollius"  mentioned1  just  before 
the  Cantus  Troili  refers  to  the  author  of  the  Italian  sonnet  at 
the  basis  of  the  Cantus,  that  is,  to  Petrarch.  I  venture  to  suggest 
that  the  "  Lollius  "  mentioned  here  does  not  refer  to  the  author  of 
the  Italian  sonnet,  but  that,  like  the  "Lollius"  mentioned  later 
in  the  English  poem,2  it  refers  definitely  to  the  author  of  Filostrato. 

The  lines  immediately  preceding  the  Cantus  Troili  are  as 
follows : 

"  And  of  his  song  nought  only  the  sentence, 
As  write  myn  autour  called  Lollius, 
But  pleynly,  save  our  tonges  difference, 
I  dar  wel  sayn,  in  al  that  Troilus 
Seyde  in  his  song ;  lo  !  every  word  right  thus 
As  I  shal  seyn ;  and  who-so  list  it  here, 
Lo  !  next  this  vers,  he  may  it  finden  here."  3 

In  these  lines  Chaucer,  I  think,  draws  a  clear  contrast  between 
Lollius,  who  gives  merely  the  "sentence"  of  the  song  to  follow, 
and  himself,  who  gives  "  every  word "  of  it.  He  seems  to  say, 
"  I  shall  give  you  not  merely  the  substance  of  Troilus's  song,  as 
does  Lollius  in  Filostrato,^  but  rather  I  shall  give  you  every  word 
of  it,  in  so  far  as  my  English  speech  can  translate  Troilus's  Trojan 
idiom ! "  In  other  words,  Chaucer  seems  to  claim  an  advantage 
over  Lollius,  the  author  of  Filostrato,  the  advantage  of  possessing 
»  /  the  very  text  of  Troilus's  song, — a  sonnet  of  Petrarch  ! 

I  am  not  aware  that  this  interpretation  has  been  explicitly 
offered  before.5  If  it  be  correct,  we  must  conclude  that  the 

p.  216)  or  by  Hamilton  (p.  38,  note  1).  In  his  original  explanation,  Kossetri 
misrepresented  the  following  facts :  Petrarch  had  a  friend,  Lelio  di  Piero 
Stefano  (concerning  this  Lelio  and  concerning  references  to  him  in  letters 
from  Francesco  Nelli  to  Petrarch,  see  H.  Cochin,  Lettres  de  Francesco  Nelli  & 
Pdtrarque,  Paris,  1892,  pp.  5,  243,  247,  273.  See  also  G.  Koerting,  Petrarca's 
Leben  und  WerTce,  Leipzig,  1878,  pp.  81-82,  and  G.  Koerting,  Boccaccio's 
Lcben  und  WerTce,  Leipzig,  1880,  pp.  53,  187,  304),  whom  he  naturally 
addresses,  in  Latin,  as  Laelius  (see  Lettere  di  Francesco  Petrarca  delle  cose 
familiari  libri  ventiquattro,  edited  by  G.  Fracassetti,  5  vols.,s  Firenze, 
1863-1867,  lib.  iii,  lett.  20,  21,  22 ;  iv,  13  ;  vii,  5 ;  ix,  10 ;  xv,  8,  9 ; 
xvi,  8  ;  xix,  3  ;  xx,  12,  13,  14),  and  to  whom  he  refers  as  Laelius  in  letters 
to  Boccaccio  (id.,  lib.  xxi,  15). 
1  T.  and  C.,  i,  394.  2  Id.,  v,  1653.  3  Id.,  i,  393-399. 

4  Perhaps  the  "sentence"  of  Troilus's  song  is  contained  in  Filostrato,  i, 
38  ff.     Of.  Rajna,  Romania,  XXXII,  263. 

5  Without    specific    explanation    (and    perhaps    none    is    necessary)   the 
"  Lollius "  mentioned  before  the  Cantus  Troili  is  referred  to  Boccaccio  by 
The  Globe  Chaucer,  London,  1901,  p.  443,  and  by  Professor  J.  W.  Bright, 
Publications  of  the  Modern  Language  Association,  Vol.  XIX,  p.  xxii.     This 


192  HENRY   MORLEY   AND   J.    W.   BRIGHT   ON    LOLLIUS.       [APPX.  C 

"  Lollius "  mentioned  before  the  Cantus  Troili  refers  not  to  the 
author  of  the  Italian  sonnet  but  to  the  author  of  Filostrato. 
Moreover,  this  interpretation  seems  to  suggest  that  the  contrast 
is  between  the  author  of  Filostrato  and  Petrarch,  the  author  of 
the  sonnet,  rather  than  between  Petrarch,  the  author  of  Filostrato, 
and  Petrarch,  the  author  of  the  sonnet. 

III.  Professor  Henry  Morley's  explanation  stands  by  itself  in 
the  following  words : 

"  But  why  does  Chaucer  give  the  name  of  Lollius  to  Boccaccio  1 
.  .  .  The  genius  of  the  Italian  poet  was  here  spent  in  sowing- 
tares  ;  and,  with  a  parable  of  Scripture  in  his  mind,  out  of  Lolium, 
the  Latin  for  a  tare,  Chaucer  contrived  for  him,  probably,  a  name 
that  he  thought  justly  significant."  * 

As  one  might  expect,  this  conjecture  has  been  generally  ignored.2 

IV.  Professor  J.  W.  Bright  suggests  3  that  under  the  influence 
of  the  mediaeval  "habit  of  etymologizing  names  and  toying  with 
imputed  meanings"  Chaucer  "played  with  the  name  of  one  of  his 
favourite  authors."     According   to    Professor   Bright,   the   name, 
Boccaccio,  struck  Chaucer's  ear  as  cacophonous,  and  tempted  him 
to  "genial  roguishness, "- 

"Boccaccio  was  understood  to  be  a  masculine  formation  for  the 
corresponding  feminine  pejorative,  boccaccia  (derived  from  bocca, 
'mouth').  It  therefore  suggested  'a  mouthy  person,'  'persona 
maldicente.'  .  .  .  Now  the  English  society  of  Chaucer's  day 
included  a  class  of  noisy,  popular  advocates,  wordy  fanatics. 
Chaucer  took  the  radical  syllable,  loll,  which  had  come  to 
designate  activities  of  the  tongue,  to  serve  as  an  effective  equiva 
lent  of  the  bocca  in  the  foreign  name.  Or,  which  comes  to  the 
same  thing,  he  passed  directly  from  lollard  or  loller  to  Lollius, 
by  the  simple  process  of  Latinization." 

"Whether  or  not  this  theory  of   "genial  roguishness"  be  too 

interpretation  seems  to  be  opposed  by  Kissner,  Chaucer  in  seinen  Beziehungen 
zur  italienischen  Literatur,    Bonn,    1867,    p.    8,   note  1  ;   Sandras,  p.   45 ; 


interpretation 

above,  Professor  Bright  printed  a  note  in  Modern  Language  Notes  (Vol.  XXII, 
Feb.  1907,  p.  51,  note  1),  in  which  he  offers  a  similar  interpretation.  My 
referring  to  Professor  Blight's  note  at  the  very  end  of  this  foot-note,  rather 
than  in  a  more  appropriate  place,  is  due  to  the  fact  that  my  study  was  in 
proof  before  I  knew  of  Professor  Bright's  contribution. 

1  Henry  Morley,  English  Writers,  Vol.  V,  London,  etc.,  1890,  p.  214. 

2  See  Hamilton,  p.  36. 

3  See  Publications  of  the  Modern  Language  Association  of  America,  Vol. 
XIX,  pp.  xxii-xxiii. 


APPX.  G]        V.  R.  G.  LATHAM    AND   W.  E.  A.  AXON    ON    LOLLIUS.  193 

learned  and  ingenious,  it  would  be  more  acceptable  if  "Lollius" 
did  not  appear  in  the  Hous  of  Fame l  in  an  august  list  along  with 
Homer,  Dares,  "Tytus,"  and  "English  Gaufride."  At  any  rate, 
this  suggestion  can  hardly  hold  its  own  against  another  explanation 
which  requires  less  subtlety,  and  which  seems  to  reconcile  the 
"Lollius"  of  Troilus  and  of  the  Hous  of  Fame. 

V.  K.  G.  Latham  long  ago  suggested2  that  Chaucer's  mention 
of  Lollius  as  a  writer  on  the  Trojan  war  is  due  ultimately  to  the 
opening  line  of  an  Epistle  of  Horace, — 

"  Trojani  belli  scriptorem,  Maxime  Lolli, 
Dum  tu  declamas  Romae,  Praenesti  relegi."  3 

Dr.  Latham  comments  briefly  as  follows : 

"Horace  is  writing  to  his  friend,  Lollius^  about  the  writer  of  the 
Trojan  war,  meaning  Homer,  but  not,  in  the  first  instance  at 
least,  naming  him.  I  submit  that  by  the  time  of  Chaucer  the 
name  of  the  person  thus  addressed  had  become  attached  to  the 
person  written  about." 

Although  Dr.  Latham  does  not  imply  that  Chaucer  was  neces 
sarily  the  first  to  make  this  blunder,  the  initial  objection  made 
to  Latham's  happy  suggestion  was  that  Chaucer  probably  did  not 
know  the  Epistles  of  Horace.4  This  objection  was  finally  obviated 
when  W.  E.  A.  Axon  pointed  out  the  fact 5  that  the  Latin  lines 
in  question  occur  in  a  passage  quoted  from  Horace  in  the  Poly- 
cratictis  of  John  of  Salisbury,6  a  work  that  Chaucer  certainly 
knew  and  probably  used.7 

Although  Chaucer's  acquaintance  with  the  "Lollius"  of  Horace 
is  now  made  almost  certain,  the  objection  still  remains  that  the 
Latin  poet  does  not  mention  Lollius  as  a  writer  on  the  Trojan 

1  Hous  of  Fame,  Hi,  378.  2  Athenaeum,  Oct.  3,  1868,  p.  433. 

3  i,  2,1-2.     With  regard  to  the  person  addressed  and  to  "  Maxime"  as  a 
cognomen  in  this   passage,  see   Orelli's  edition,   Vol.  I,   Berlin,  1892,  pp. 
316-317. 

4  See  T.   R.  Lounsbury,  Studies  in   Chaucer,  3  vols.,  New  York,  1892, 
Vol.  II,  pp.  262-264,  410.     On  this  point,  see  also  W.  H.  Schofield,  English 
Literature  from  the  Norman  Conquest  to  Chaucer,  New  York,  1906,  p.  293  ; 
Rajna,  Itomania,  XXXII,  265. 

5  W.  E.  A.  Axon,  Chaucer  and  Horace,  Notes  and  Queries,  Series  9,  Vol. 
Ill,  p.  224.     See  also   Chaucer  Memorial  Lectures,  1900,  read   before  the 
Eoval  Society  of  Literature,  edited  by  P.  W.  Ames,  London,  1900,  p.  100. 

*  Polycraticus,  vii,  9,  Joannis  Saresberiensis  .  .  .  Opera  Omnia,  edited  by 
J.  A.  Giles,  Yol.  IV,  Oxonii,  1848,  p.  114. 

7  See  Lounsbury,  II,  362-364  ;  Hamilton,  pp.  143-144  ;  W.  W.  Wooll- 
combe,  in  Essays  on  Chaiicer  (Chaucer  Society),  I-IV,  pp.  295-298  ;  Skeat, 
Oxford  Chaucer,  V,  252. 

DEV.  TR.  CR.  O 


194     CHAUCER'S  LOLLIUS  DUE  TO  HORACE  AND  JOHN  OF  SALISBURY. 

war,  but  merely  addresses  him  as  a  friend.  Chaucer,  it  is  very 
properly  said,1  was  too  good  a  Latinist  not  to  know  the  vocative 
case.  To  meet  such  an  objection,  ten  Brink  suggested  that 
Chaucer  may  have  fallen  upon  such  a  corrupt  reading  as  the 
following : 

"Trojani  belli  scriptorum  maxime  Lolli, 
Dum  tu  declamas  Romae,  Praeneste  te  leg;/' 

which  would  be  translated  as  follows  : 

"Lollius,  grosster2  der  Schriftsteller  iiber  den  trojanischen 
Krieg,  wahrend  du  zu  Eom  declamirst,  habe  ich  dich  zu  Praeneste 
gelesen."  3 

As  a  conjecture  with  regard  to  possible  corruption  of  the  text, 
this  suggestion  has  not  been  supplanted.4 

Is  it  not  possible,  however,  without  juggling  Horace's  lines, 
to  suppose  that  after  finding  in  the  Polycraticus  a  "Maxime 
Lolli"  or  "maxime  Lolli"  at  least  mentioned  in  the  same  line 
with  "Trojani  belli  scriptorem,"  Chaucer  may  have  associated  in 
memory  the  person  addressed  and  the  matter  discussed  ?  Having 
seen  Lollius  spoken  of  with  respect  in  this  connection,  may  not 
Chaucer  have  thought  that  a  sufficient  guaranty  for  inserting  that 
name  in  the  list  of  "  authorities  "  in  the  Ho  us  of  Fame  ?  In  any 
case,  from  the  evidence  hitherto  adduced,  the  most  reasonable 
inference  is,  I  think,  that  Chaucer's  "  Lollius  "  is  in  some  manner 
due  to  Horace,  whose  "Maxime  Lolli"  probably  reached  the 
English  author  by  way  of  the  Polycraticus  of  John  of  Salisbury. 

Why  did  Chaucer  in  Troilus  name  Lollius  as  his  authority 
rather  than  the  real  author  of  Files trato  ?  One  may  conjecture 
that  the  Italian  poem  came  to  Chaucer's  hands  in  one  of  the 
many  anonymous  manuscripts 5  of  the  Middle  Ages,  and  that  to 

1  See,  for  example,  Rossetti,  Comparison,  Prefatory  Remarks,  p.  vii,  note  1. 
Rossetti's  question  as  to  the  possibility  of  Chaucer's  having  read  Horace's 
lines  in  a  translation  has,  I  think,  never  been  answered. 

2  On  the  wrong  reading,  maxime,  see  above,  p.  193,  note  3. 

3  B.    ten   Brink,    Chaucer:    Studien   zur   Geschichte  seiner  Ent'iiicJdung, 
Minister,  1870,  ft>.  87-88. 

4  Lounsbury  (Vol.  II,  p.  410)  rejects  ten  Brink's  conjecture  as  "by  no 
stretch  of  language  .  .   .  probable." 

6  See  J.  Koch,  Lollius:  Essays  in  Chaucer,  I-IV  (Chaucer  Society), 
pp.  412-413  ;  Rajna,  Romania,  XXXII,  266.  The  strongest  case  for  Chaucer's 
ignorance  of  Boccaccio's  authorship  is  that  put  by  Tatlock,  pp.  60-61. 
Another  theory  as  to  the  nature  of  the  manuscript  in  which  Filostrato  came 
into  Chaucer's  hands  is  that  of  Miss  E.  P.  Hammond  who  writes  (Modern 
Language  Notes,  XXII,  52),  "One  Lollius  (Urbicus?),  of  the  third  century, 
wrote  a  history  unknown  to  us,  but  which  according  to  Chaucer  was  of  Troy. 


APPX.  C.]         WHY    CHAUCER    DIDN'T   MENTION    BOCCACCIO.  195 

supply  the  lack  of  an  author's  name  he  chose  the  high-sounding 
"  Lollius."  It  is  not  easy,  however,  to  believe  that  after  visiting 
Italy  at  a  time  when  Boccaccio  was  at  the  height  of  his  fame  as 
poet,  novelist,  and  scholar,  Chaucer  decided  to  translate  Filostrato 
without  knowing  who  wrote  it.1  If  Chaucer  did  know  the  true 
authorship  of  Filostrato,  his  suppression  of  Boccaccio's  name  is 
still  perfectly  intelligible.  Chaucer  wished  to  present  his  poem  as 
a  well-authenticated  account  of  one  of  the  episodes  in  the  Trojan 
war.  He  could  hardly  mention  as  an  authority  on  sober  ancient 
history  a  contemporary  writer  of  a  vernacular  poem.2  No  more 
could  he  refer  to  Benoit  de  Sainte-Maure  as  a  historical  authority, 
although  the  vernacular  ' '  romance "  of  this  writer  served  him  so 
well  when  he  composed  Troilus.  On  the  other  hand,  Guido  delle 
Colonne,  the  author  of  a  Latin  Historia,  has  a  place  of  honour 
among  the  writers  about  Troy  listed  in  the  Hous  of  Fame,  although 
he  proved  to  be  far  less  useful  than  Benoit  to  the  writer  of 
Troilus.  Since  Boccaccio  could  not  be  mentioned,  and  since 
Troilus  needed  the  stamp  of  historical  authenticity,  what  safer 
authority  could  have  been  cited  than  the  remote  "Maxime 
Lolli"? 

If  we  suppose  that  a  composite  volume  in  Chaucer's  possession  could  contain 
this  history  of  Lollius,  duly  marked,  as  (say)  its  first  entry,  and  contain  also, 
following  this,  the  Filostrato  of  Boccaccio  (a  romance  of  Troy),  as  well  a& 
some  of  Petrarch's  sonnets,  all  unmarked,  the  attribution  of  the  entire 
contents  by  Chaucer  to  Lollius  would  be  quite  natural."  This  is,  of  oourse, 
a  mere  guess.  Moreover,  the  initial  assumption,  that  Chaucer's  Lollius  is. 
"one  Lollius  (Urbicus?)  of  the  third  century,"  is,  so  far  as  I  know,  entirely 
unwarranted  by  any  facts.  Cf.  Joly,  I,  216. 

1  Concerning  Chaucer's  probable  knowledge  of  Boccaccio's  works,  see  Koch, 
p.  413  ;  Rajna,  Romania,  XXXII,  266-267  ;  C.  Segre,   Chaucer  e  Boccaccio, 
in  Fanfulla  delta  Domenica,  Nov.  25,  1900,  p.  2,  col.  2. 

2  On  this  position,  see  G.  W.  Prothero,  A  Memoir  of  Henry  JBradshaw* 
London,  1888,  p.  216  ;  S'egre,  p.  2,  col.  2  ;  M.  Landau,  Giovanni  Boccaccio .- 
sein  Leben  und  seine  Werlce>  Stuttgart,  1877,  pp.  92-94. 


•.*• 


THE   END 


RICHARD  CLAT  &  SONS,  LIMITED, 

BREAD  STREET  HILL,  B.C.,  AND 

BUNQAY,  SUFFOLK. 


PR      Chaucer  Society,  London 
1901       cPubli cations 3 

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