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PUBLICATIONS 


OF 


Zty  Colonial  Society  of  fl£agj*ac^u$ett$ 


TRANSACTIONS 
1899, 1900 


Committee  of  publication* 


JOHN  NOBLE. 
♦HENRY  WILLIAMS. 
♦EDWARD  GRIFFIN  PORTER. 

GEORGE  LYMAN  KITTREDGE. 

ALBERT  MATTHEWS. 

HENRY  HERBERT  EDES. 


John  Wilson  and  Son,  Cambridge,  U.S.A. 


PREFACE. 


THE  Transactions  at  nine  Stated  Meetings  of  the  Society 
are  recorded  in  this  book. 

The  papers  and  communications  here  presented  cover  a 
wide  field.  Among  the  more  important  are  three  by  Mr, 
Davis,  dealing  with  the  Provincial  Currency;  Mr,  Ford's 
Colonial  America  j  two  of  a  topographical  nature,  and  one 
on  Joseph  Boucher  de  Niverville,  by  Mr,  Matthews;  and 
three  by  Mr,  Edes,  on  the  Places  of  Worship  of  the  Sande- 
manians  in  Boston,  Documents  relative  to  the  early  history 
of  Yale  University,  and  Chief-Justice  Martin  Howard  and 
his  portrait  by  Copley,  There  are  also  papers  on  the  Case 
of  Maria  in  the  Court  of  Assistants,  1681,  and  the  Land 
Controversies  in  Maine,  1769-1772,  and  a  file  of  Letters 
of  Dr.  James  Martineau. 

Tributes  to  the  memory  of  Henry  Pahker  Quinct, 
Samuel  Johnson,  Edward  Griffin  Porter,  and  Edward 
John  Phelps  will  be  found  in  the  following  pages;  and 
Memoirs  of  George  Marttn  L.ANE?by  William  Watson  Good- 
win ;  of  Daniel  Denxson  Slai>e,  by  Edward  Wheelwright ; 
and  of  Joseph  Henry  Allen,  by  Charles  Carroll  Everett. 

For  the  use  of  the  portrait-plate  of  Jeremy  Dummer,  the 
Society  is  indebted  to  the  courtesy  of  Messrs.  Houghton, 
Mifflin  and  Company,  and  for  the  gift  of  the  other  nine 
plates  to  the  generons  interest  of  several  of  the  members. 


IV  PREFACE. 

Three  of  the  portraits  have  been  engraved  for  the  first  time, 
by  Mr.  Elson,  expressly  for  this  volume, — those  of  John 
Colman,  Joseph  McKean,  and  Martin  Howard,  —  at  the 
charge  of  Mr.  Gay,  Mr.  H.  W.  Cunningham,  and  Mr. 
Levebett,  to  whom  the  Committee  expresses  its  grateful 
acknowledgments. 

The  Index  has  been  made  with  great  care,  and  no  pains 
have  been  spared  to  make  it  full  and  accurate. 

For  the  Committee, 

John  Noble. 

Boston,  September,  1904. 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS. 


PAO* 

Preface iii 

List  of  Illustrations xiii 

Officers  Elected  21  November,  1903 xv 

Resident  Members xvi 

Honorary  Members xviii 

Corresponding  Members xviii 

Members  Deceased xix 


JANUARY  MEETING,  1899. 

Remarks  by  Henry  Herbert  Edes,  on  President  Wheelwright's 

gifts  to  the  Society 2 

Resolutions  of  thanks  to  the  President  and  of  appreciation  of 

his  services 3 

Communication    by  John  Noble,   of  a  Recognizance  of   Paul 
Blanchard,  charged  with  counterfeiting  bills  of  the  State  of 

Massachusetts,  1776 3 

Paper  by  Andrew  McFarland    Davis,  on  The  New  London 

Society  United  for  Trade  and  Commerce,  1729-1732      .     .  6 

Remarks  by  William  Watson  Goodwin 11 

Remarks  by  Henrt  Williams 11 

Remarks  by  Arthur  Theodore  Lyman 11 

Remarks  by  Robert  Noxon  Toppan 11 

Remarks  by  Charles  Armstrong  Snow 11 

Paper  by  John  Noble  on  the  Land  Controversies  in  Maine,  1769- 

1772,  involving  the  titles  under  the  Pemaquid  Patent     .    .  11 

Note  on  the  Indian  Sagamore  Samoset,  by  Albert  Matthews  59 

Remarks  by  William  Watson  Goodwin       70 

Remarks  by  Henry  Herbert  Edes 70 


VI  TABLE  OF  CONTENTS. 

PAG* 

Remarks  by  Robert  Noxon  Toppan 70 

Remarks  by  Andrew  McFarland  Davis 70 

Members  Elected 70 

FEBRUARY  MEETING. 

Remarks  by  the  President,  in  communicating  a  letter  of  Wash- 
ington to  Gen.  Jonathan  Warner,  1777 71 

Remarks  by  Abner  Chenet  Goodell 73 

Communication  by  Denison  Rogers  Slade,  of  Letters  of  James  ' 

Lovell  and  Samuel  Adams  to  Henry  Bromfield,  1776-1778  74 

Note  on  James  Lovell,  by  Albert  Matthews 79 

Communication  by  Robert  Noxon  Toppan,  on  an  important  error 
in  Secretary  Rawson's  record  of  the  adjournment  of  the 

General  Court,  in  May,  1686 81 

Paper  by  Charles  Knowles  Bolton,  on  the  Arrest  of  John  Col- 
man,  1720 83 

Notes,  by  Henry  Herbert  Edes,  on  — 

John  Colman 86 

James  Gooch 90 

Jeremiah  Belknap 93 

Communication  by  John  Noble,  of  extracts  from  the  Records  of 

the  Court  of  Assistants,  1673-1692 94 

Remarks  by  Abner  Chenet  Goodell 94 

Members  Elected ^ 

Memoir  of  George  Martin  Lane,  by  William  Watson  Goodwin  .  97 

MARCH  MEETING. 

Tribute  to  Henry  Parker  Quincy : 

Remarks  by  Andrew  McFarland  Davis 106 

Remarks  by  Bishop  Lawrence 108 

Paper  by  Henry  Herbert  Edes,  on  The  Places  of  Worship  of 

the  Sandemanians  in  Boston 109 

Note  on  Benjamin  Davis,  the  Loyalist 124 

Note  on  Isaac  Winslow,  Senior  and  Junior 127 

Remarks  by  Abner  Chenet  Goodell 130 

Remarks  by  Edward  Griffin  Porter       131 

Remarks  by  Andrew  McFarland  Davis 132 


VU1  TABLE  OF  CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

Remarks  by  Andrew  McFarland  Davis 211 

Remarks  by  Edward  Griffin  Porter      .    . 211 

Remarks  by  Robert  Noxon  Toppan 211 

Remarks  by  Abner  Chenet  Goodell 211 

Communication  by  Edward  Field,  of  a  copy  of  the  Diary  of  John 

Green,  of  Boston,  1755-1764 212 

Announcement  by  Andrew  McFarland  Davis,  of  the  incorpora- 
tion of  the  Foxborough  Historical  Society,  The  Arlington 
Historical  Society,  the  Walpole  Historical  Society,  The 
Ipswich  Historical  Society,  and  the  Somerville  Historical 

Society       213 

Committee  appointed  to  secure  a  fit  commemoration  in  New  Eng- 
land of  the  Tercentenary  of  the  birth  of  Oliver  Cromwell  .     214 

Members  Elected 214 

Memoir  of  Daniel  Denison  Slade,  by  Edward  Wheelwright    .    215 

ANNUAL  MEETING,  NOVEMBER,  1899. 

Address  by  the  President 249 

Report  of  the  Council 250 

Report  of  the  Treasurer 253 

Report  of  the  Auditing  Committee 255 

Officers  Elected 255 

Vote  of  the  Society  to  be  represented  at  the  Annual  Meeting  of 

the  American  Historical  Association  in  Boston      ....  256 
Resolution  of  thanks  to  Henry  Herbert  Edes  and  of  apprecia- 
tion of  his  services  to  the  Society 256 

Members  Elected 256 

Annual  Dinner 256 

DECEMBER  MEETING. 

Tribute  to  Samuel  Johnson : 

Remarks  by  President  Wheelwright 258 

Remarks  by  William  Endicott 258 

Communication  by  George  Fox  Tucker,  of  extracts  from  the 
Diary  of  Joseph  Russell  Anthony  of  New  Bedford,  of  the 
Society  of  Friends,  1823,  1824 259 


TABLE  OF   CONTENTS,  XX 

FAQ1 

Paper  by  Albert  Matthews,  on  Joseph  Boucher  de  Niverville     .  259 

Remarks  by  President  Wheelwright 265 

Remarks  by  Henry  Williams 265 

Remarks  by  Henry  Herbert  Edes  .     , 265 

Communication  by  Charles  Knowles  Bolton,  of  extracts  from 
an  Account  Book  of  John  Goddard  of  Braokiiue  relating  to 

the  military  stores  accumulating  at  Concord  m  17T5  ,     ,     .  265 

Remarks  by  President  Wheelwright 265 

Remarks  by  Samuel  Lothrof  Thorn-dike 265 

Remarks  by  Henry  Williams      ......»..••  265 

Remarks  by  Andrew  McFarland  Davis 265 

Paper  by  John  Noble,  on  An  Old  Harvard  Commencement  Pro- 
gramme, 1730  ....,,, 265 

Note  on  Boston  Light 273 

Communication   by   John   Noble,   of  A  Few  Notes    Touching 

Strangers'  Courts  in  the  Colony .     .  282 

Committee  appointed  to  represent  the  Society  at  the  Annual  Meet- 
ing of  the  American  Historical  Association «  286 

Members  Elected 287 

Memoir  of  Joseph  Henry  Allen,  by  Charles  Carroll  Everett    .  288 


JANUARY  MEETING,  1900. 

Communication  by  Worthington  Chauncey  Ford,  of  Letters  of 
Governor  Shirley  and  William  Boll  an  to  the  Lords  of 
Trade,  respecting  the  disregard  in  New  England  of  the 

Navigation  Laws,  1743 .     ■     .     .     297 

Remarks  by  Arthur  Theodore  Lyman    *»,«»    +    ,.    805 

Remarks  by  Robert  Noxqn  Toppam 305 

Remarks  by  Andrew  McFarland  Davxs *     ,     305 

Paper  by  Albert  Matthews,  on  The  Purgatory  River  of  Colorado    307 
Remarks   by  John   Noble,  on  the  anniversary  of  the  birth  of 

Franklin    .    .    .    . .    ,    .    316 

Remarks  by  Henry  Herbert  Edes,  in  communicating  a  Letter  of 
Edmund  Quincy  to  his  Daughter  Dorothy,  afterward  wife 

of  John  Hancock,  1773 316 

Text  of  the  Letter       .     • .     .     .     .     319 

Note  on  Lydia  Hancock 321 


X  TABLE  OF  CONTENTS. 

fin 

Paper  by  John  Noble,  on  The  Case  of  Maria  in  the  Court  of 

Assistants,  1681 823 

Remarks  by  Albert  Matthews 885 

Members  Elected 336 

FEBRUARY  MEETING. 

Minute  expressing  the  Sympathy  of  the  Society  for  the  Honorable 

Edward  John  Phelps,  in  his  severe  illness 887 

Tribute  to  Edward  Griffin  Porter: 

Remarks  by  President  Wheelwright 337 

Remarks  by  Samuel  Swett  Green 339 

Remarks  by  Robert  Noxon  Toppan 340 

Announcement  by  Robert  Noxon  Toppan,  of  the  formation  of 
the  Order  of  the  Descendants  of  Colonial  Governors  Prior 
to  1750 340 

Remarks  by  Worthington   Chauncet  Ford,  on   Washington's 

prophetic  views  upon  public  matters 340 

Paper  by  Worthington  Chauncet  Ford,  on  Colonial  America     .    841 

Communication  by  Albert  Matthews,  of  Notes  on  the  Proposed 

Abolition  of  Slavery  in  Virginia  in  1785 370 

Communication  by  Andrew  McFarland  Davis,  of  a  document  re- 
lating to  the  Rhode  Island  Land  Bank,  1741 380 

Member  Elected 380 

MARCH  MEETING. 

Remarks  by  President  Wheelwright,  on  the  death  of  Edward 

John  Phelps 381 

Paper  by  Henry  Herbert  Edes,  on  Chief-Justice  Martin  Howard 

and  his  Portrait  by  Copley 884 

Paper  by  Andrew  McFarland  Davis,  on  "  Previous  Legislation  " 

a  Corrective  for  Colonial  Troubles 408 

Remarks  by  Robert  Noxon  Toppan,  when  exhibiting  a  volume 
containing  a  sermon,  preached  in  St  Peter's,  by  Carvajal  in 
1492,  —  three  days  after  the  departure  of  Columbus  on  his 
first  voyage  of  discovery 414 

Remarks  by  Henry  Herbert  Edes,  in  communicating  a  file  of 

Letters  of  James  Martineau  to  Joseph  Henry  Allen  .    .    .    416 
Text  of  the  letters 417 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS.  XI 

Remarks  by  Hehbt  Ainswobth  Pabkxr,  on  an  episode  of  the 

Civil  War 455 

Announcement  by  Andrew  McFarland  Davis,  of  the  incorporation 
of  Grand  Muster  Legion  of  the  Spanish  War  Veterans, 
Massachusetts  State  Society  United  States  Daughters  of 
1812,  Quinebang  Historical  Society,  and  La  Soci4t6  His- 
torique  Franco- Amdricaine 455 

Members  Elected 456 

Index 457 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS. 


PAG* 

Portrait  of  George  Martin  Lanb Frontispiece 

Portrait  of  John  Colman 86 

Plan  showing  the  site  of  the  First  Meeting-House  of  the 

Sandemanians  in  Boston 116 

Plan  showing  the  site  of  the  Second  Meeting-House  of  the 

Sandemanians  in  Boston 118 

Plan  showing  the  site  of  Shippie  Townsend's  house  in  Cross 
Street,  Boston,  where  the  Sandemanians  worshipped 
after  the  destruction  by  fire  of  their  First  Meeting- 
House,  in  1778 122 

Portrait  of  Joseph  McEean 150 

Portrait  of  Jeremy  Dummer 172 

Portrait  of  Daniel  Denison  Slade 214 

Portrait  of  Joseph  Henry  Allen 288 

Portrait  of  Martin  Howard 384 


[xiii] 


COUNCIL 


OF 


C&e  Colonial  Society  of  fl$a$$ael)ti$ettjfc 

Elected  21  Novembeb,  1903. 


GEORGE   LYMAN   KITTREDGE,  LL.D Cambridge. 

&tcc*|to0ibtiit0« 

WILLIAM  WATSON  GOODWIN,  D.C.L Cambridge. 

Hon.  MARCUS  PERRIN  KNOWLTON,  LL.D.    .    .    .    Springfield. 

ftctottriitg  Actrctatp. 
HENRY  WINCHESTER  CUNNINGHAM,  A.B.  .    .    .    Manchester. 

Coxrr^pontring  Atcrttarp. 
JOHN   NOBLE,   LL.D '  .    .    Boston. 

(treasurer. 
HENRY  HERBERT  EDES,  Esq Cambridge. 

Registrar* 
FREDERICK  LEWIS  GAY,  A.B Brookline. 

JEpccutitot  d^cntbtrif. 

ALBERT  MATTHEWS,  A.B Boston. 

GEORGE  VASMER  LEVERETT,  A.M Boston. 

Rev.  EDWARD  HENRY  HALL,  D.D Cambridge. 

[XT] 


RESIDENT  MEMBERS, 

IN  THE  ORDER  OF  THEIR  ENROLMENT. 


•Benjamin  Apthobp  Gould,  LL.D.,  F.R.S. 
•Hon.  John  Lowell,  LL.D. 
•Hon.  Lk to rett  Saltonstall,  A.M. 

William  Endicott,  A.M. 

Henry  Herbert  Edes,  Esq. 
•John  Chester  Inches,  Esq. 
•Daniel  Denison  Slade,  M.D. 
•James  Bradley  Thayer,  LL.D. 

Andrew  McFarland  Davis,  A.M. 

William  Watson,  Ph.D. 

Henry  Winchester  Cunningham,  A.B. 

Gustavus  Arthur  Hilton,  LL.B. 

Henrt  Ernest  Woods,  A.M. 

Charles  Sedgwick  Rackemann,  A.M. 

Abner  Chenet  Goodell,  A.M. 

George  Wigglesworth,  A.M. 

Hon.  Francis  Cabot  Lowell,  A.B. 

Waldo  Lincoln,  A.B. 
•Samuel  Wells,  A.B. 

William  Watson  Goodwin,  D.C.L. 
•Hon.  George  Silsbeb  Hale,  A.M. 

Joshua  Montgomery  Sears,  A.B. 
•Hon.  John  Forrester  Andrew,  LL.B. 
•Edward  Wheelwright,  A.M. 
•Samuel  Johnson,  A.M. 
•Henrt  Parker  Quinct,  M.D. 
•William  Gordon  Weld,  Esq. 

Moses  Williams,  A.B. 

James  Mills  Pbirce,  A.M. 

Charles  Montraville  Green,  M.D. 
•Henrt  Williams,  A.B. 
•Philip  Howes  Sears,  A.M. 


•Hon.  Francis  Amasa  Walker,  LL.D. 
•Francis  Yergnies  Balch,  LL.B. 

George  Lyman  Kittredge,  LL.D. 
•George  Martin  Lane,  LL.D. 

James  Barr  Ames,  LL.D. 

Hon.  Charles  Warren  Clifford,  A. 

Augustus  Hemenwat,  A.B. 

Gardiner  Martin  Lane,  A.B. 
•Robert  Noxon  Toppan,  A.M. 
•Edward  Wigglesworth,  M.D. 

Nathaniel  Paine,  A.M. 

Frederick  Lewis  Gat,  A.B. 

John  Noble,  LL.D. 

Samuel  Lothrop  Tiiorxdike,  A.M. 
•Hon.  Frederick  Lothrop  Ames,  A.B. 
•Hon.  Darwin  Erastus  Ware,  A.M. 

Charles  Augustus  Chase,  A.M. 

Charles  Francis  Choate,  A.M. 
•Francis  Parkman,  LL.D. 
•Hon.  Martin  Brimmer,  A.B. 

Charles  Pickering  Bowditch,  A.M. 

Hon.  George  Frederick  Williams,  A. 

Walter  Cabot  Batlies,  A.B. 

Frank  Brewster,  A.M. 
♦Sigournet  Butler,  LL.B. 

Stanlet  Cunningham,  A.B. 
•Hon.  James  Walker  Austin,  A.M. 

Hon.  Richard  Olnet,  LL.D. 

Francis  Henrt  Lincoln,  A.M. 
•William  Cross  Williamson,  A.M. 

Samuel  Swbtt  Green,  A.M. 
•Hon.  William  Eustis  Russell,  LL.D 


[xvi] 


RESIDENT   MEMBERS. 


xvn 


Franklin  Carter,  LL.D. 
•Hon.  Roger  Wolcott,  LL.B. 

Hon.  John  Lathrop,  A,M, 
•Rev,  Charles  Carroll  Everett,  LL.D. 

Moil  James  Madison  Barker,  LL.D. 
•Rev.  Edward  Griffin  Porter,  A.M. 
•Hob.  William  Crowninseield  Endicott, 
LL.D. 

George  Lincoln  Good  ale,  LL.D. 
•Rev,  Joseph  Henrt  Allen,  D.D. 

Hon.  Edward  Francis  Johnson,  LL.B. 

George  Fox  Tucker,  Ph.D. 
•George  Otis  Shattuck,  LL.B. 

Edmund  March  Wheelwright,  A«B. 

William  Taggard  Pifer,  Ph.D. 
♦Henry  Dwight  Sedgwick,  A.B. 

KOBERT   TlLLlNGHAST  BaBSON,  LL.B. 

George  Niiqn  Black,  Esq. 

Da  no  Rice  Whitney,  A.M, 

Rev.  Arthur  Lawrence,  D.D. 

Charles  Heney  Davis,  A.B, 
♦Edward  William  Hooper,  LL.D. 

Henry  Walrrldge  Tapt,  A.M. 

Hon.  John  Eliot  Sanford,  LL,D. 

Nathaniel  Cu suing  Nash,  A.M. 

Rev.  Henry  Ainsworth  Parker,  A.M. 
♦John  Elbridge  Hudson,  LL.B. 

Lindsay  Swift,  A.B. 

Charles  Frank  Mason,  A.B. 

Apple  ton  Prentiss  Clark  Griffin,  Esq, 

Richard  Middlecott5altonstall,A.B. 

Albert  Matthews,  A.B. 

Andrew  Cunningham  Wheelwright, 
A,M. 

Charles  Armstrong  Snow,  A.Bp 

Thomas  Minns,  Esq. 

Charles  Goddahd  Weld,  M.D. 

Edward  Apfleton  Bangs,  A.B* 


William  Coolidge  Lane,  A.B. 

Louis  Cabot,  A.B. 

Hoa.  William  Gushing  Wait,  A  JH. 

Hon.  Jeremiah  Smith,  LL.D. 

John  Eliot  Thatee,  A.B. 
•Augustus  Lowell,  A.M, 

Dknison  Rogers  Slade,  Esq. 
•James  Beadstreet  Greenough,  A3* 

Charles  Knowles  Bolton,  A.B, 

James  Lyman  Whitney,  A.M. 

Arthur  Theodore  Ltman,  A.M. 

Frederic  Haines  Curuss,  Esq, 

Worth  ington  Chauncey  Ford,  Esq. 

Rev.  Edward  Henry  Hall,  D.D. 

John  G  or  ham  Palfrey,  LL.B. 

Rev.  Edward  Hale,  A.B. 

Henry  Lee  Higginson,  LL.D. 
•Charles  Geeely  Loring,  A.M. 

Efhhaim  Emerton,  Ph.D. 

Edward  Charles  Pickering,  LL.D. 

Arthur  Richmond  Marsh,  A.B. 

George  Vasmer  Leverett,  A.M. 

Hon.  James  Madison  Morton,  LLD, 

James  Atkins  Noyes,  A.B, 

Hon.  Marcus  Perrin  Knowlton,  LLD. 

Rev.  James  Hardy  Ropes,  A.B, 

Rev.  Morton  Dexter,  A.M. 

Francis  Apthorf  Foster,  Esq. 

Hon.  Francis  William  Hurd,  A.M. 

Ezra  Ripley  Thayer,  A.M. 

John  Noble,  Jr*,  A.B, 

Hon.  Winthrof  Murray  Crane,  LL.D. 

Thornton  Kirkland  Lothrop,  A.M. 

Winthrop  How  land  Wade,  A.M. 

Augustus  Pea  body  Lorlkg,  A,B. 

Francis  Blake,  A.M. 

Thornton  Marssall  Ware,  A.B. 

Adams  Sherman  Hill,  LL.D, 


HONORARY  MEMBERS. 


Hon.  Melville  Weston  Fuller,  LL.D. 
♦Hon.  Edward  John  Phelps,  LL.D. 
Hon.  Groter  Cleveland,  LL.D. 
Hon.  Joseph  Hodges  Choate,  D.C.L. 


Hon.  James  Coolidge  Carter,  LL.D. 
8imon  Nbwcomb,  D.C.L.,  F.R.S. 
Samuel  Pierpont  Langley,  D.C.L.,  F.R.S. 
Hon.  John  Hat,  LL.D. 


CORRESPONDING  MEMBERS. 


♦Hon.  Joseph  Williamson,  Litt.D. 

John  Franklin  Jameson,  LL.D. 

Hon.  Simeon  Eben  Baldwin,  LL.D. 

Edward  Singleton  Holden,  LL.D. 
♦Herbert  Baxter  Adams,  LL.D. 

Hon.  Horace  Davis,  LL.D. 

WlLBERFORCE  EaMES,  A.M. 

Rev.  William  Jewett  Tucker,  LL.D. 

Hon.  Joshua  Lawrence  Chamberlain, 
LL.D. 

Franklin  Bowditch  Dexter,  Lftt.  D. 

Hon.  Jambs  Burrill  Angell,  LL.D. 

Rev.  George  Park  Fisher,  LL.D. 

Edward  Field,  A.B. 
♦Hon.  John  Andrew  Peters,  LL.D. 
♦Hon.  John  Howland  Ricketson,  A.M. 

Daniel  Con  Gilman,  LL.D. 


Frederick  Jackson  Turner,  Ph.D. 

Rev.  William  Reed  Huntington,  D.D. 

George  Parker  Winship,  A.M. 

Wolcott  Gibes,  LL.D. 

Hon.  James  Phinnet  Baxter,  Litt.  D. 

Arthur  Twining  Hadlet,  LL.D. 

Hon.  John  Chandler  Bancroft  Davis, 

LL.D. 
♦Moses  Coit  Tyler,  LL.D. 

John  Shaw  Billings,  D.C.L. 

Horace  Howard  Furness,  LL.D. 

Gen.  Joseph  Wheeler,  U.  S.  A. 
♦Benjamin  Franklin  Stevens,  L.H.D. 

Rev.  WiLLisTON  Walker,  D.D. 

George  Arthur  Plimpton,  A.B. 

Hon.  William  Babcock  Weeden,  A.M. 

Herbert  Putnam,  LL.D. 


[xviii] 


MEMBEKS    DECEASED. 


Members  who  have  died  since  the  publication  of  the  preceding  volume 
of  Transactions,  toith  the  Date  of  Death. 

Rtatoent 

William  Cross  Williamson,  A.M 13  Jane,  1903. 

Samuel  Wells,  A.B 3  October,  1903. 

Henry  Dwioht  Sedgwick,  A.B 26  December,  1903. 

Correapontotaff. 

Hon.  Joseph  Williamson,  Litt.D 4  December,  1902. 

Hon.  John  Andrew  Peters,  LL.D.'  ....      2  April,  1904. 


[xix] 


TRANSACTIONS 
1899,  1900 


TRANSACTIONS 


OF 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY   OF  MASSACHUSETTS. 


JANUARY  MEETING,  1899. 

A  Stated  Meeting  of  the  Society  was  held  in  the  Hall 
of  the  American  Academy  of  Arts  and  Sciences  on 
Wednesday,  18  January,  1899,  at  three  o'clock  in  the  after- 
noon, the  First  Vice-President,  William  Watson  Goodwin, 
D.  C.  L,,  in  the  chair- 
After  the  minutes  of  the  last  Stated  Meeting  had  been 
read  and  approved,  the  Corresponding  Secretary  reported 
that  he  had  received  letters  from  Messrs.  Charles  Knowles 
Bolton,  Arthur  Theodore  Lyman,  and  James  Lyman 
Whitney,  accepting  Resident  Membership,  and  from  Gov- 
ernor Chamberlain  and  Professor  Franklin  Bowditch 
Dexter,  accepting  Corresponding  Membership. 
Governor  Chamberlain's  letter  is  as  follows:  — 

Brunswick,  Maike,  December  26th,  1898. 
Jorof  Noble,  Esq. 

Corresfonpiso  Secretary, 

The  Colonial  Society  of  Mahsacud setts. 

My  dear  Sir,  —  I  highly  appreciate  the  honor  of  election  as  a  Cor- 
responding Member  of  The  Colonial  Society  of  Massachusetts,  and 
hereby  express  my  cordial  acceptance  of  the  same* 

I  trust  I  may  sometimes  be  able  to  enjoy  the  privilege  of  meeting 
with  the  Society!  and  forming  the  closer  acquaintance  of  gentlemen 
whom  I  already  so  highly  esteem. 

Very  respectfully  yours, 

Joshua  L.  Chamberlain. 
1 


2  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  [Jan. 

Mr.  Henry  H.  Edes  then  said :  — • 

Mr.  Chairman,  —  As  Treasurer  of  the  Society,  I  am  going  to 
take  advantage  of  the  absence  of  the  President  to  tell  the  mem- 
bers of  Mr.  Wheelwright's  recent  gift  to  our  treasury.  He  called 
on  me  on  New  Year's  Day  and  handed  me  his  check  for  one 
hundred  dollars  to  be  added  to  our  General  Fund.  Mr.  Wheel- 
wright did  the  same  thing  on  New  Year's  Day  a  year  ago.  On 
both  occasions,  —  and  on  other  occasions  when  he  has  contrib- 
uted generously  to  our  treasury,  —  he  said  that  he  wished  our 
members  generally  would  contribute  to  our  Funds,  from  time 
to  time,  such  sums,  great  or  small,  as  they  felt  prompted  to  give 
toward  increasing  our  permanent  endowment,  and  not  be  de- 
terred from  so  doing  because  they  were  unable  or  indisposed  to 
contribute  large  amounts ;  and  he  expressed  the  hope  that  as 
time  went  on  such  gifts  might  come  to  our  treasury.  One  such 
gift  has  already  been  received  from  Mr.  Francis  H.  Lincoln,  ac- 
companied by  a  letter  expressing  his  deep  interest  in  the  Society. 

Mr.  Wheelwright  referred  to  the  speech  of  Mr.  Adams  at  our 
last  Annual  Dinner,  and  to  his  observations  that  a  good  financial 
basis  was  essential  to  the  production  of  the  best  results,  whether 
by  societies  or  individuals;  that  this  Society  needed  an  Endow- 
ment of  three  hundred  thousand  dollars;  and  that  he  had  no 
doubt  that  there  was  in  our  fellowship  some  man  who,  sooner  or 
later,  would  realize  that  he  could  not  raise  a  nobler  or  more  endur- 
ing monument  to  himself,  or  more  surely  perpetuate  his  influence 
for  good  after  his  earthly  career  had  ended,  than  by  thus  endowing 
The  Colonial  Society  of  Massachusetts.  The  President  added 
that,  while  he,  in  common  with  all  his  associates  in  the  Society, 
should  hail  with  grateful  appreciation  the  bestowal  of  such  a 
munificent  gift  or  bequest,  he  thought  the  Society  would  be 
stronger  and  its  members  more  interested  in  its  welfare  and  its 
work  if  they  contributed  to  our  General  Fund,  —  the  income  only 
of  which  is  available  for  the  general  purposes  of  the  Society, — 
while  awaiting  patiently  the  coming  of  the  Maecenas  to  whom  Mr. 
Adams  had  alluded. 

Mr.  Andrew  McFarland  Davis  offered  the  following 
Resolutions,  which  were  unanimously  adopted:  — 


1899]  RECOGNIZANCE   OP   PAUL  BLANCHARD.  3 

Resolved,  That  the  thanks  of  the  Society  are  hereby  given  to  Presi- 
dent Wheelwright  for  his  generous  contributions  to  the  treasury, 

Resolved^  That  the  Society  takes  this  occasion  to  place  upon  its 
Records  an  expression  of  its  grateful  appreciation  of  Mr.  Wheelwright's 
devotion  to  every  interest  of  the  Society. 

Mr.  John  Noble  communicated  a  Recognizance  of  Paul 
Blanchard  of  Cambridge,  who  was  charged,  in  1776,  with 
fraudulently  altering  bills  of  the  State  of  Massachusetts,  and 
exhibited  some  of  the  altered  bills  found  in  Blanchard' s 
possession,     Mr,  Noble  said:  — 

The  crime  of  counterfeiting  or  altering  the  bills  issued  by  the 
State  seems  to  have  been  not  uncommon  at  the  time  of  the  offence 
of  which  I  shall  speak,  since  there  are  some  twenty-five  cases  to 
be  found  in  the  single  volume  of  the  Records  of  the  Superiour 
Court  covering  the  time  from  1775  to  1778,  The  Complaint,  upon 
which  this  Recognizance  was  given,  appears  never  to  have  come  to 
trial,  as  it  is  not  found  in  the  Records. 

The  Recognizance  is  as  follows :  — 

"State  of  Mass  Bay  Suffolk  8s  Memorandum  that  on  the  nineteenth 
day  of  July  in  the  year  of  the  Lord  177fi  Personally  appeared  before 
me  Joseph  Greenleaf  Esqr  one  of  the  Justices  assigned  to  keep  the 
peace  in  and  for  the  County  of  Suffolk  Paul  Blanchard  of  Cambr  in  the 
County  of  Middlesex  cordwainer  Lemuel  Blanchard  of  sd  Cambridge 
Innholder  &  Timothy  Whiting  of  Bilerica  in  sA  County  gentleman  and 
acknowledged  themselves  to  be  severally  indebted  to  Henry  Gardner 
Esqr  treasurer  of  s?  State  in  the  respective  sums  following  Viz!  the 
s?  Paul  Blanchard  as  principal  in  the  sum  of  two  hundred  pounds  &  the 
s4  Lemuel  &  Timothy  in  the  sum  of  one  hundred  pounds  each  as  sureties 
to  be  levied  on  their  goods  or  chattels  lands  or  tenements  &  in  want 
thereof  on  their  bodys  respectively  to  the  use  of  s*  State  if  default  be 
made  in  performance  of  the  condition  underwritten. 

The  Condition  of  the  above  recognizance  is  such  that  if  the  above 
named  Paul  Blanchard  shall  persoually  appear  before  the  next  court  of 
Judicature  court  of  Assize  &  general  gaol  delivery  to  he  holdeu  at 
Brain  tree  in  &  for  the  County  of  Suffolk  on  the  last  tuesday  of  August 
next  to  answer  to  such  things  as  shall  be  objected  to  him  on  behalf  of 
the  people  of  this  state  more  espesrially  by  Moses  White  of  Brookline 
in  si  County  of  Suffolk  Yeoman  for  offering  a  bill  of  said  State  of  two 


4  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  [Jaw. 

shillings  &  eight  pence  fraudulently  altered  into  twenty  eight  shillings 
to  s*  White,  &  in  the  mean  time  shall  be  of  the  good  behaviour  to  all 
the  people  of  s*  State  &  shall  do  &  receive  that  which  ba.  court  shall 
then  &  there  enjoyn  on  him  &  not  depart  without  leave  then  the  above 
recognizance  to  be  void  otherwise  to  to  remain  in  full  power  &  Virtue. 

Joseph  Greenlbaf" 
[Endorsed.] 

"  Recogniz*  Paul  Blanchard  SupT  Court  Aug!  term  1776.  the  Complain- 
ant sick  of  small  Pox." 1 

With  this  Recognizance  were  three  Bills  of  Credit  of  the 
Massachusetts  Bay  Colony,  one,  dated  18  August,  1775,  of  seven 
shillings  and  six  pence,  and  two,  dated  7  December,  1775,  of 
twenty-eight  shillings,  and  three  shillings  and  four  pence,  respect- 
ively, enclosed  in  a  Certificate  by  Joseph  Greenleaf,  Justice  of  the 
Peace  of  Suffolk  County,  written  on  a  fragment  of  a  paper  con- 
taining the  Order  of  the  Day  in  New  York  for  27  June,  1776,  — 
Execution  of  Thomas  Hickey.2 

The  three  bills  are  about  the  size  and  shape  of  a  common  play- 
ing card. 

The  face  of  one  of  them  reads :  — 


3/4        )  (       4917        )  (        3/4 

Colony  of  the 


ir  cr    u  r  ^.   t»      i  Decemf  7,  1775 
Maflachufetts  Bay  )  ' 

The  Pofleflbr  of  this  Bill  (hall  be  paid,  by  the  Treafurer  of  this 
Colony  Three  Shillings  &  four  pence  Lawfull  Money  by  the  7  Day  of 
Decern'  1781,  which  Bill  (hall  be  received  for  the  aforefaid  fum  in  all 
payments  at  the  Treafury,  and  in  all  other  payments,  by  an  Order  of 
the  General  Aflembly  — 

[Cut  of  a 
Ship  and  Building]  t 

Committee  <  J.  Wheeler. 

On  the  back  of  the  bill  is :  — 

The  Denomination;  the  figure  of  a  Continental  soldier  with  drawn 
sword,  above  it,  the  legend,  Issued  in  defence  of  American  Liberty, 

1  Court  Files  Suffolk,  vol.  dcvii.  no.  102,491. 

•  Suffolk  Court  Files,  Cabinet  Collection  No.  19,  taken  from  File  No.  102,491. 


Itt&j 


EXECUTION   OF  THOMAS   HICKEY, 


and  below  it,  the  Motto  of  the   State,  —  Ense  petit  plocidam   sub 
Ubertate  quieiem;  and  the  date,  —  Decern*  1th  1775,1 

The  other  two  bills  are  similar  —  varying  in  the  amount.  The 
alteration  appears  to  have  been  clumsily  made* 

The  strip  of  paper  in  which  the  bills  were  wrapped  is  the  right- 
hand  half  of  a  page,  —  whether  an  original  or  a  copy  does  not 
appear  —  containing  the  body  of  the  Order  of  the  Day  above  men- 
tioned.    The  following  is  a  line-for-line  copy  of  the  fragment:  — 

June  27,  1776 

ale  Life  Guard,  having  been 
urt  Martial  whereof  Co!"  Parsons 

€B  of  Sedition  &  mutiny,  &  also 
e  with  the  Enemy  for  the  most 
ses;  is  sentanced  to  suffer  Death, 

he  sentance  of  the  above  Court 
be  hanged  to  morrow  at  11 :  0 

off  Duty  belonging  to  General 
'a  &  General  Scotts  Brigades  to 
respective  parades  at  10  o  Clock 
march  from  thence  to  the  Ground 
L*  Sterling's  Encampments,  to 
of  the  above  sentance  — 
m mediately  to  make  the 
&  to  attend  on  that  Duty  " 

Tins  differs  slightly  from  the  entire  Order  as  it  appears  in 
Force's  Archives,3 

1  See  Province  Laws  (Standard  edition),  v.  442-444,  604, 

s  The  following  is  the  Order  of  the  Day  of  which  the  fragment  in  the  text 

contains  a  portion  :  — 

Head  Quarters,  Niw  York,  Jane  27,  1776. 

1776, 

(Parole.    Halifax*)  (Countersign,  Ireland.) 


After  Orders.—  Thumas  Hkhty^  belonging  to  the  General's  Guard,  having  been  con- 
victed by  a  General  Con r%- Martial,  Whereof  Colonel  Parsons  was  the  President,  of  the 
crimes  of  "  sedition  and  mutiny!  and  also  of  holding  a  treacherous  correspondence  with 
the  enemy*  for  the  most  horrid  and  detestable  purposes/*  is  sentenced  to  suffer  death. 
The  General  approves  the  sentence,  and  orders  that  he  be  hanged  to-morrow  at  eleven 
o'clock. 

All  the  officer*  and  men  off  duty  belonging  to  General  Heath's,  Spencer**,  Lord 
/«  and  General  Scott's  Brigades,  to  be  under  arms  on  their  respect  ire  parades,  at 


<5  THi  COLfeSlAL  &0C2EXT  Of  MJtSSACHTSKnS.  £XaJT. 

On  tie  back  of  this  fragment  zaed  a*  a  vza^pez.  is  the  follow* 
lit?  c*xiiicatf4fc;  — 

~  The  inekoed  bCk  altered  as* 

5  4  4c  7  6  I  f  bond  cpoo  Pssl 

BJmchani  the  ocfctr  aherai 

into  2te  is  the  bill  be  cteed 

to  paw        J.  Gkeduaj  J%*tiae  peaee- 

Sep"  7*  1775. 

To  >AMi  Wf5THK»r  E*f  Ckrfr 

o/fA*  Svptriomr  Comrt." 

It  is  a  matter  of  curious  speculation,  and  possibly  of  some 
interest,  how  this  old  fragment,  whether  it  be  an  original  or  a 
copy,  came  into  the  hands  of  a  civilian  in  New  England  so  soon 
after  its  issue  in  New  York,  and  how  it  came  to  a  service  so 
foreign  to  its  original  purpose. 

Mr.  Axdrew  McFarla>t>  Davis  spoke  as  follows :  — 

At  the  January  Meeting  of  this  Society  in  1S93,  I  communi- 
cated a  description  of  the  career  of  the  New  London  Society 
United  for  Trade  and  Commerce.1  The  account  then  submitted 
for  your  consideration  was  based  almost  exclusively  upon  the 
printed  Records  of  the  Colony  of  Connecticut*  supplemented  by 
certain  facts  gleaned  from  the  publications  of  the  Connecticut 
Historical  Society.  The  communication  was  made  solely  for  the 
purpose  of  showing  the  close  identity  of  this  attempt  to  supply 
the  Colony  of  Connecticut  with  a  circulating  medium  based  upon 
private  credit  and  secured  by  mortgages  of  lands,  with  the 
similar  experiment  made  in  the  Province  of  the  Massachusetts 
Bay,  in  1740. 

The  references  in  the  publications  above  referred  to  disclosed 
the  fact  that  there  must  be  in  the  Connecticut  Archives  papers 

ten  o'clock  to-morrow  morning,  to  march  from  thence  to  the  ground  between  General 
Spemctr's  and  Lord  Stirling's  encampment,  to  attend  the  execution  of  the  aboTe  sentence. 

The  Prorost- Marshal  immediately  to  make  the  necessary  preparations,  and  to  attend 
on  that  duty  to-morrow. 

After  Orders.  —  Each  of  the  Brigade-Majors  to  furnish  the  Prorost-Marshal  with 
twenty  men  from  each  Brigade,  with  good  Arms  and  Bayonets,  as  a  guard  on  the 
prisoner  to  and  at  the  place  of  execution.  (Force's  American  ArcbJTes,  Fourth  Series, 
tl  1148.) 

1  See  Publications  of  this  Society,  v.  96-111. 


Mte 


1899.] 


THE  NEW   LONDON  COMPANY  FOR  TEADE, 


bearing  upon  this  subject,  which  would  furnish  information  addi- 
tional to  that  given  in  the  published  Records  of  the  Colony. 

A  short  time  since,  I  visited  these  Archives  and  found  in  them 
evidence  that  the  Society  had  some  sort  of  existence  prior  to 
the  Petition  for  incorporation  in  1732.  This  consisted  in  a  Peti- 
tion to  the  Assembly  for  incorporation  in  1729-  The  review  of 
the  career  of  the  Society  heretofore  communicated,  which  was 
made  up  from  the  published  Records,  gives  the  date  of  the  birth  of 
the  Company  as  1732.  This  obviously  refers  only  to  the  organiza- 
tion effected  under  the  charter  granted  that  year  by  the  Assembly. 
Miss  Caulking,  in  an  account  given  in  the  History  of  New  London, 
places  the  date  of  the  organization  at  1730T  thus  showing  that 
she  had  knowledge  that  the  Company  was  formed  prior  to  the 
filing  of  the  Petition  for  a  charter  in  1732,1  It  will  be  seen  that 
the  Society  must  have  been  in  existence  even  before  the  date 
given  by  Miss  Caulkins.  The  Petition  filed  in  1729,  in  addition 
to  showing  this  fact,  f urinalies  evidence  of  the  desires  and  inten- 
tions of  the  founders  of  this  Society  not  disclosed  by  any  of  the 
papers  published  in  the  Records  of  the  Colony,  and  is  therefore 
entitled  to  careful  consideration.     It  is  in  the  following  words  :  — 

"To  the  honourable  the  general  assembly  convened  in  New  Haven, 
Octobers,  1721L 

The  memorial  of  the  New  London  Company  for  Trade  humbly 
sheweth  that  whereas  your  honours  most  humble  memorialists  being 
united  and  formed  into  a  Company  for  carrying  on  of  trade  or  merchandize 
having  agreed  upon  certain  articles  for  a  regular  manage  me  at  of  the 
same  as  may  appear  by  our  covenant  agreed  upon  by  us  New  London 
July  first  Anno  Domini  1729,  we  do  therefore  humbly  address  this 
honourable  Assembly  for  a  patent  for  our  said  Company  allowing  us  to 
be  a  Company  in  the  manner  and  form  of  said  covenant. 

That  our  votes  passed  &  officers  chosen  by  our  Company  from  time  to 
time  may  be  lawful  and  authoritative  in  the  execution  of  the  designs 
and  to  those  ends  for  which  they  are  voted  and  chosen  so  far  as  may  be 
without  infringing  upon  the  authority  of  the  government  the  interest  of 
the  publick  or  hurting  the  peculiar  right  or  property  of  any  person  but 
only  what  may  he  necessary  for  our  just  and  lawful  defence  and  benefit 
in  matters  relating  to  the  concerns  and  interests  of  our  Company. 

1  History  of  New  London,  by  Frances  Man  waring  Caulkins  (edition  of 
1952),  pp.  212,  243. 


8  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  [Jam. 

That  the  Bills  bonds  bargains  or  any  obligations  whatsoever  made  or 
signed  by  our  Committee  at  any  time  may  be  effectual  and  valid  in  the 
law  upon  the  Gompanys  account. 

That  our  Company  may  be  allowed  to  emitt  Bills  for  currency  upon 
our  own  credit  as  we  may  see  occasion  at  any  time  for  promoting  or 
maint[ain]ing  our  trade. 

That  there  may  be  the  same  rules  prescribed  in  the  law  for  prosecut- 
ing and  punishing  such  persons  as  shall  at  any  time  presume  to  alter 
obliterate  counterfeit  or  forge  any  bill  in  the  name  of  our  company  or 
committee  as  is  prescribed  in  the  law  for  prosecuting  and  punishing 
those  that  shall  presume  to  deface  alter  counterfeit  or  forge  any  bills  on 
the  credit  of  the  Government."  * 

The  foregoing  Petition  was  signed  by  Solomon  Coit  in  behalf 
of  the  Company.  It  was  presented  to  the  Lower  House  and  was 
at  first  favorably  received,  but  subsequently  the  action  then  taken 
was  reconsidered  and  the  Petition  was  rejected. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  in  the  previous  account  of  this 
Society  it  is  stated  that  the  Petition  filed  in  May,  1732,  in  which 
the  subscribers  prayed  to  be  put  in  aa  politic  capacity  as  a 
Society,"  alleged  that  the  purposes  of  the  Society  were  — 

"  the  promoting  and  carrying  on  trade  and  Commerce  to  Great  Britain 
and  his  Majesty's  islands  and  plantations  in  America,  and  to  other  of 
his  Majesty's  Dominions ;  and  for  the  encouraging  the  Fishery  etc."  * 

no  mention  being  made  in  the  volume  of  the  Records8  from 
which  this  is  quoted  of  any  intention  on  the  part  of  the  petitioners 
to  supply  the  Colony  with  a  currency  as  a  medium  of  trade.  It 
may  be  surmised  that  the  omission  from  the  Second  Petition,  of 
those  paragraphs  in  the  First  in  which  the  desire  of  the  petitioners 
to  emit  bills  and  have  them  protected  from  being  counterfeited  is 
set  forth,  was  the  reason  why  the  Second  Petition  met  with  a  more 
favorable  reception  at  the  hands  of  the  Assembly  than  was  granted 
to  the  First.  If  this  be  so,  and  if  it  be  assumed  that  Governor 
Talcott  had  knowledge  of  the  character  of  the  First  Petition  and  of 
the  refusal  of  the  Assembly  to  consider  it,  we  can  readily  under- 
stand that  he  would  have  been  incensed  at  the  action  of  the 
Company  in   emitting  bills,  and  his  rapid  and  decisive   action 

1  Connecticut  Archives:  Trade  and  Maritime  Affairs,  vol.  i.  no.  161. 

2  Publications  of  this  Society,  v.  98. 

•  Colonial  Records  of  Connecticut,  vii.  390. 


1889.] 


THE  NEW  LONDON   COMPANY  FOB  TRADE. 


in  summoning  a  special  session  of  the  Assembly  for  the  purpose 
of  having  the  charter  annulled  will  be  fully  explained, 

Among  the  papers  in  the  Archives  is  the  Answer  which  the 
Company  filed  in  response  to  the  summons  to  appear  before  the 
Assembly.  It  is  stated  in  the  published  Records l  that  the  Com- 
pany was  at  first  disposed  to  dispute  the  jurisdiction  of  the  General 
Assembly*  bat  that  this  plea  was  waived  and  their  defence  was 
based  upon  the  ground  that  the  bills  which  had  been  issued  were 
not  of  the  nature  and  tenor  of  bills  of  the  Colony,  but  were  of  the 
character  of  bills  of  exchange,  which  the  Company  had  a  natural 
right  and  authority  to  emit.  Still  another  argument  appears  in 
this  Answer  which*  it  seems,  had  not  assurance  enough  to  show 
its  head  elsewhere  in  the  proceedings-  It  was,  that  the  Society 
which  the  Assembly  had  chartered  waa  a  fraternity  and  was  not 
dissolvable.  Indirectly,  this  argument  may  have  suggested  the 
setting  forth  of  the  distinction  between  a  fraternity  and  a 
society,  made  by  the  Assembly  in  May,  1733,  in  their  Answer 
to  the  Petition  of  the  Society  for  a  revival  of  the  charter*  In 
that  document  the  Assembly  sayT  in  substance:  The  Governor 
and  Company  of  Connecticut  being  a  Corporation,  it  is  doubtful 
if  it  can  create  a  Company  or  Society  of  Merchants.  A  Corpora- 
tion, however*  might  make  a  fraternity  for  the  management  of 
trades*  arts,  or  mysteries,  endowed  with  authority  to  regulate  the 
management  thereof.3 

Beside  the  curious  claim  set  forth  in  the  Answer  of  the  Com- 
pany that  a  fraternity  is  not  dissolvable,  there  are  some  statements 
as  to  the  currency  of  the  bills  which  seem  to  militate  against  the 
evidence  furnished  by  Governor  Talcott's  correspondence  which 
was  quoted  in  the  former  paper.  There  is  also  in  this  document  a 
proposition  to  turn  over  the  mortgages  of  the  Company  to  the 
Government*  thus  securing  a  quasi  official  endorsement  of  the 
Company  for  the  future,  provided  the  Company  should  be  per- 
mitted to  go  on  with  its  business.  The  language  of  the  Answer 
bearing  upon  the  currency  of  the  bills  is  as  follows :  — 

11  Yet  perceving  that  our  bills  have  not  y*  currency  y*  we  conld  wish 
and  understand  in  g  yl  wise  men  take  these  three  exceptions  against  them 
viz — 

1  Colonial  Records  of  Connecticut,  vii  421- 
*  See  Publications  of  this  Society,  v.  104. 


10  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OP  MASSACHUSETTS.  [Jan. 

"First  y*  face  of  j*  bill  will  not  give  action  to  y*  po8s[ess]or8.  2dly 
That  we  make  y*  morgages  to  ourselves  and  hold  our  own  fund.  Sly  Yk 
we  may  make  bills  ad  infinitum." 

They  therefore  pray  leave  to  turn  over  the  mortgages  to  the 
Governor  and  Company  in  trust,  the  same  to  be  redeemable  on 
payment  in  bills  or  in  silver  at  10  s  or  in  current  currency  at  the 
expiration  of  twelve  years,  after  which  possessors  were  to  have  three 
years  in  which  to  bring  in  their  bills.  Further,  it  was  proposed  to 
set  a  limit  of  £50,000  to  the  amount  of  bills  to  be  emitted.1 

The  Lower  House  voted  to  consider  this  Memorial,  but  its 
consideration  was  declined  by  the  Upper  House. 

In  my  previous  communication  to  the  Society,  I  was  unable  to 
give  any  reason  for  the  amount  of  public  bills  (£15,000)  which 
was  fixed  upon  by  the  Government,  to  be  loaned  upon  security  to 
the  Committee  of  the  Society  to  aid  them  in  bringing  the  affairs 
of  the  Company  to  a  close.  A  clue  to  this  may  possibly  be 
obtained  from  the  Petition  for  a  revival  of  the  Society,  filed 
15  February,  1732-3,  in  which  the  petitioners  say:  — 

"  In  pursuance  whereof  we  emitted  about  14  or  15  thousand  pound  in 
bills  on  our  creditt." 2 

There  is  nothing  in  the  published  Records  of  the  Colony  to 
indicate  the  character  of  the  trade  in  which  the  Company  was 
engaged.  It  was  the  evident  design  of  the  representatives  of  the 
Company  in  1732  to  convey  the  impression  to  the  Assembly  that 
they  were  strictly  a  commercial  Company  and  that  the  emitting 
of  bills  was  merely  an  incident  of  their  various  beneficial  proceed- 
ings and  not  the  main  purpose  of  their  existence.  The  several 
documents  to  which  I  have  referred  contain  assertions  upon  this 
point  which  doubtless  had  some  foundation  in  fact,  even  if  we 
do  not  accept  the  inference  as  to  the  purposes  of  the  Society 
which  was  evidently  intended  to  be  conveyed.  A  few  quotations 
from  these  documents  will  indicate  how  the  bills  were  applied  in 
the  development  of  trade. 

In  the  Answer,  it  is  stated  that  the  bills  were  made  use  of  — 
"  in  supporting  the  government  thereof  as  well  as  y*  maintaining  our- 
selves by  reason  of  our  selling  everything  at  y*  cheapest  and  buying  at 

1  Connecticut  Archives :  Trade  and  Maritime  Affairs,  vol.  i.  nos.  168,  169. 
*  Ibid.  vol.  i.  no.  167. 


IS93-] 


THE  NEW  LONDON  COMPANY  FOB  TRADE. 


11 


y*  dearest  rate,  which  came  upon  ua  by  oar  trading  with  Boston,  with 
oar  provisions,  aud  to  Newport  with  Lumber  &c,  and  having  no 
market  amongst  ourselves,  were  obliged  to  sell  just  at  such  prices  as 
they  would  give,  and  often  lose  by  it." 

Again,  in  the  Memorial  which  forms  a  part  of  the  Answer,  the 
Company  declare ;  — 

**  [we]  have  given  bills  or  notes  on  our  own  credit  payable  to  y*  pos- 
sessors at  a  certain  time  and  with  them  have  bought  provisions  vessels 
staves  boards  and  other  manufactures  for  gaining  y*  trade  afforesaid, 
and  carrying  on  ye  fishery,  and  not  as  sum  suppose  to  lend  to  bor- 
rowers, it  being  contrary  to  our  sincer  designe." 

In  the  Petition  of  the  Company  for  a  revival  of  their  Charter, 
they  say  ;  — 

M  said  Biunma  we  have  disposed  of  for  provisions  and  in  building  of 
ships  &c." 

The  foregoing  facts  relative  to  this  attempt  at  the  creation  of 
trade  where,  as  was  stated,  there  was  no  market,  and  the  new 
light  thrown  upon  the  purposes  of  the  Company  by  the  Petition 
for  incorporation  in  1729,  are  of  sufficient  importance  to  be  com- 
municated to  this  Society  as  a  supplement  to  the  previous  paper, 
which  is  already  in  type.  After  perusing  these  documents,  it  can- 
not be  doubted  that  Governor  Talcott,  by  pricking  this  bubble 
so  abruptly,  conferred  a  benefit  upon  all  who  were  interested  in 
the  Company. 

A  long  discussion  followed  the  reading  of  this  paper,  in 
which  Messrs.  William  Watson  Goodwin,  Henry  Wil- 
liams, Arthur  T\  Lyman,  Robert  N.  Top? an,  and  Charles 
A.  Snow  participated,  the  powers  of  the  Charter  Govern- 
ments to  create  corporations  being  specially  considered  by 
the  two  last-named  gentlemen. 

Mr.  John  Noble  communicated  a  group  of  documents 
relating  to  four  suits  of  ejectment  (1769-1772)  pertaining  to 
certain  portions  of  a  tract  of  twelve  thousand  acres  of  land 
in  Bristul  in  the  County  of  Lincoln,  in  the  then  District  of 


12  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  [Jaw. 

Maine,  which  was  embraced  in  the  Pemaquid  Patent,  and  spoke 
as  follows :  — 

What  is  now  presented,  hardly  reaches  the  dignity  of  a  com- 
munication. In  the  course  of  my  work  upon  the  Suffolk  Court 
Files,  the  other  day,  while  trying  to  bring  into  order  some  cases 
seemingly  in  hopeless  confusion,  I  found  some  papers  which 
seemed  to  offer  certain  points  of  intrinsic  interest  aside  from  the 
particular  issues  involved  in  the  cases.  They  were  suits  in  eject- 
ment brought  to  try  the  title  to  lands  held  originally  under  the 
Pemaquid  Patent1  The  papers  involve  the  history  of  a  long 
period  of  years,  and  contain  much  information  concerning  the  early 
settlement  of  the  Province  of  Maine,  or  of  that  part  of  it  which  fell 
within  the  Pemaquid  Patent.  They  bring  out  the  conditions  of 
life  in  the  early  times,  the  habits  and  occupations  of  the  people, 
the  hardships  and  vicissitudes  of  the  first  settlers,  the  harassing 
by  the  Indians,  the  social  and  political  conditions  then  prevailing, 
and  many  a  bit  of  private  and  personal  history.  They  illustrate 
how  much  beside  disputed  rights  may  be  wrapped  up  in  the  plead- 
ings and  proceedings  of  a  law-suit.  There  is,  too,  a  certain  legal 
interest  in  them  as  showing  forms  and  methods  in  vogue  at  a 
given  time,  and  the  stages  in  the  development  of  legal  and  judicial 
practice. 

There  are  more  than  two  hundred  and  fifty  papers,  in  all,  originals 
and  copies,  some  similar,  some  identical.  There  is  the  Patent; 
there  are  letters  of  instruction,  deeds,  wills,  certificates  of  births, 
marriages  and  deaths,  numerous  depositions,  and,  of  course,  the 
pleadings,  records,  verdicts,  bills  of  costs,  etc.  The  Pemaquid 
Patent  and  a  few  of  the  papers  are  already  in  print ; 2  the  deeds 

1  Concerning  the  land  controversies  in  Maine  and  their  final  settlement,  see 
ante,  v.  291  and  note. 

2  The  Pemaquid  Patent  will  be  found  in  1  Collections  Maine  Historical 
Society,  v.  207-214 ;  Suffolk  Deeds,  iii.  52-56 ;  and  in  J.  Johnston's  History  of 
Bristol  and  Bremen,  pp.  70-74;  a  part  of  the  Letter  of  Instructions,  in  Johnston, 
pp.  97,  98 ;  and  some  of  the  documents,  —  including  the  Patent  which  fills  pp. 
83-39,  —  in  the  Order  of  Both  Branches  of  the  Legislature  of  Massachusetts, 
to  appoint  Commissioners  to  investigate  the  causes  of  the  difficulties  in  the 
County  of  Lincoln ;  and  the  Report  of  the  Commissioners  thereon,  with  the 
Documents,  in  support  thereof.  Boston,  1811,  8vo,  pp.  174,  —  sometimes  called 
the  Lincoln  Report    It  has  been  thought  best,  however,  to  print  here  such 


jgg.]  LAND  CONTROVERSIES   IN   MAINE,   1769-1772.  13 

and  wiUs  are  mostly  on  the  appropriate  records ;  the  depositions 
are  fresh  from  their  slumber  of  a  century  and  a  quarter.  For 
want  of  space  and  time  only  a  very  few  of  the  papers  can  be  used 
here,  and  these  will  be  taken  from  the  several  cases  indiscrimi- 
nately, inasmuch  as  the  papers  were  mixed  at  the  trial  of  the  suits 
together,  and  never  restored  to  their  respective  cases,  — a  confu- 
sion explained  in  part  by  a  memorandum  among  them  signed  by 
Hie  Clerk,  Nathaniel  Hatch :  — 

^  These  papers  are  taken  out  of  the  cases,  they  were  filed  In,  in 
order  to  be  presented  to  the  Court  for  their  allowance.*1 

The  suite,  four  in  number,  were  brought  by  Thomas  Bodkin l  of 
Boston,  in  the  Inferiour  Court  of  Common  Pleas,  in  1768,  against 
four  yeomen  of  Bristol,  in  the  Province  of  Maine,  and  decided  ia 
favor  of  the  Demandant.  They  were  then  carried  by  appeal  to  the 
8uperiour  Court  of  Judicature,2  where  the  Appellants,  the  original 
defendants,  prevailed*     They  relate  to  different  portions  of  a  tract 

papers  as  might  be  necessary  to  make  the  story  clear,  especially  as  the  last 
named  work  is  now  of  some  rarity.  This  Report  shows  how  the  Pemaquid 
Proprietors  (see  pp.  52,  58,  past)  derived  their  title. 

1  Johnston,  In  his  History  of  Bristol  and  Bremen,  gives  brief  accounts  of 
our  four  litigants,  —  Bailey,  p.  277;  Eliot,  p,  333  ;  Randall,  p.  334;  and  Yates, 
pp.  29G,  446\  On  a  plan  facing  p.  1  can  be  seen  the  location  of  the  houses  of 
Bodkin,  Bay  ley,  and  Yates ;  and  the  location  of  those  of  Eliot  and  of  Randall 
may  perhaps  be  made  out.  Bodkin's  Deposition  may  be  found  in  Order  of 
both  Branches,  etc.,  p*  127. 

Johnston  (p.  408)  says  that  in  1767  and  1708  Thomas  Bodkin  brought 
actions  against  these  four  tenants;  "what  the  result  was  is  not  known,  but 
probably  the  trial  never  took  place*1*  Until  1707,  under  the  Statutes,  the  legal 
depository  for  the  Records  of  the  Superiour  Court  of  Judicature  in  all  the 
Connttefa  of  Massachusetts,  including  the  District  of  Maine,  was  in  the  Clerk's 
office  in  the  County  of  Suffolk;  thereafter  the  Records  were  kept  in  the  respec- 
tive counties*  This  fact  being  overlooked,  it  was  in  many  quarters  supposed  that 
those  earlier  Records  of  Maine  were  missing,  and  a  traditionary  fire  conveniently 
explained  their  loss, 

3  They  are  recorded  in  the  Records  of  the  Superiour  Court  of  Judica- 
ture :  — 

1770,  xxix.  136,  James  Bayley  i?,  Thomas  Bodkin, 

1771,  xxx.  117,  John  Randall  w.  Same 
xxx.  120,  James  Yeatea  v.  Same 
xxx*  120,  Simon  Eliot    v.  Same. 

The  original  papers  are  found  in  Suffolk  Court  Files,  vols,  dcccxci,  deccxcii, 
and  dcecxriii,  group-aumbers  130,413*  180,429;  139,469;  139,495;  139,498; 
139,532. 


14  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  [Jan. 

of.  12,000  acres,  in  Bristol,  in  the  County  of  Lincoln.  Nicholas 
Davison  and  Richard  Russell,1  both  of  Charlestown,  Massachusetts, 
were  early  proprietors  of  one  half  of  it. 

The  following  is  the  Record  of  one  of  the  cases  in  the  Inferiour 
Court  of  Common  Pleas,  and  that  of  another  in  the  Superiour 
Court  of  Judicature  :  — 


Lincoln  ss.   Anno  Regni   Regis    Georgii  Tertii,   Magnse   Britanniae, 
Franciae  et  Hibernue,  &c.  nono  — 

At  his  Majesty's  Inferior  Court  of  common  pleas  held  at 
Pownal borough,  within  and  for  the  County  of  Lincoln  on  the 
last  Tuesday  of  September  being  the  26^  day  of  said  Month, 
Annoq*  Domini  1769  — 
Thomas  Bodkin  of  Boston  in  the  County  of  Suffolk  Chocolate  Grinder, 
pit  v?  James  Yeates  of  Bristol,  in  the  County  of  Lincoln,  Yeoman,  Deft, 
in  a  plea  of  Ejectment  wherein  he  demands  against  the  said  James  the 
Possession  of  [2  one]  third  Part  of  a  [2  certain]  Tract  of  Land  lying  in 
said  Bristol,  the  whole  whereof  contains  about  three  thousand  acres,  and 
is  bounded  Southwesterly  by  Pan-cake  hill,  so  called,  Northeasterly  by 
a  place  called  Bare-Tree,  adjoining  to  Land  formerly  of  Richard  Peirce 
deceased;  Northwesterly  by  Pemaquid  fresh  River,  so  called,  South- 
easterly by  a  River  or  Brook  over  against  Muscongus  Island,  includ- 
ing also  the  dry  Pond  Meadows  thereto  adjoining ;  which  said  third  part 
of  the  Same  Tract,  together  with  the  said  dry  pond  Meadows,  the  said 
Thomas  holds  in  common  and  undived  with  Nathaniel  Little  &  Hezekiah 

1  Nicholas  Davison  and  Richard  Russell  were  among  the  most  prominent 
and  wealthy  citizens  of  Charlestown,  and  Russell  was  the  founder  of  the  most 
distinguished  family  ever  resident  in  the  town.  He  arrived  in  1640,  and  held 
high  public  office  until  his  death,  14  (3)  1670,  in  his  sixty-fifth  year.  Six 
members  of  this  family,  representing  five  generations,  sat  in  the  Executive 
Council  of  the  Colony,  Province  and  Commonwealth.  For  notices  of  him,  of 
his  English  ancestry,  and  of  his  part  ownership  of  the  Pemaquid  Patent,  see 
Wyman's  Genealogies  and  Estates  of  Charlestown,  ii.  829  ;  Heraldic  Journal, 
iv.  32,  33,  102-109;  Savage's  Genealogical  Dictionary  of  New  England,  iii. 
593,  594  ;  Waters's  Genealogical  Gleanings  in  England,  i.  405,  406,  511,  512,  ii. 
1009 ;  Appleton's  Cyclopedia  of  American  Biography,  v.  354 ;  Johnston's  His- 
tory of  Bristol  and  Bremen,  pp.  77,  78;  Drake's  Dictionary  of  American  Biog- 
raphy, p.  789 ;  and  Pope's  Pioneers  of  Massachusetts,  pp.  395,  396. 
Concerning  Nicholas  Davison,  see  post,  pp.  37,  38,  note. 

*  Interlined  in  the  original. 


1890,] 


LA>~D  CONTROVERSIES  IN  MAINE,   176Q-1772, 


15 


Eggleston,  Tenants  in  common  of  the  other  two  third  Parts  thereof; 
and  whereupon  he  saith,  that  on  the  Tenth  day  of  October,  A,  D*  1 73^* 
in  Time  of  peace,  in  the  Reign  of  King  George  the  Second,  he  was 
seized  of  the  demanded  premisses  in  his  Demesne  as  of  fee,  taking  the 
Explces  thereof  of  the  yearly  value  of  Ten  pounds  by  the  year;  yet  the 
said  -Tames  hath  since,  viz.  within  thirty  years  last  past,  entered  into 
the  same,  ejected  and  disseized  the  said  Thomas,  and  still  unjustly 
holds  him  out  of  the  same.  To  the  damage  of  the  said  Thomas,  as  he 
saith*,  the  Sum  of  two  hundred  pounds.  This  Case  was  commenced  at 
September  Term  1768,  and  continued  to  June  Term  last,  for  the  Deft 
to  notify  &  vouch  in  the  Pemaquid  Proprietors ;  and  from  thence  was 
continued  to  this  Term*  And  at  this  Term  the  said  James,  by  David 
Sewall  EsqT  his  Attorney,  on  the  pit*  agreeing  that  he  may  waive  this 
plea  &  give  any  other  Answer  to  the  Declaration  aforesaid,  at  the 
Superior  Court,  for  plea  says,  he  never  was  requested  to  pay  the  Money, 
and  thereof  puts  himself  on  the  Country-  And  the  said  Thomas  agree- 
ing to  said  Liberty  says  the  plea  of  the  said  James  made  in  Manner 
and  form  aforesaid,  is  no  legal  answer  to  the  pit"  Declaration  aforesaid, 
and  this  he  is  ready  to  verify;  wherefore  he  prays  Judgment  for  pos- 
session of  the  premisses  demanded  &  Costs.  And  the  said  James 
reply*  that  his  plea  to  issue  aforesaid  is  good,  and  a  legal  answer  to  the 
Declaration  aforesd,  and  because  the  said  Thomas  refuses  to  join  the 
issue  tender'd,  prays  Judgment  for  Costs.  All  which  being  fully  heard 
and  understood  by  the  Court,  they  are  of  opinion  that  the  Deft"  plea  to 
issue  aforesd  is  bad  &  no  legal  Answer  to  the  pit*  Declaration  aforesaid. 
It  is  therefore  Considered  by  said  Court  that  the  pit  recover  against  the 
Deft  Possession  of  the  premisses  demanded  and  Costs,  The  Defend 
appealed  from  this  Judgment  to  the  next  Sup*  Court  of  Judicature  <&c* 
to  be  holden  at  Falmouth,  in  the  County  of  Cumberland,  and  for  the 
Counties  of  Cumberland  &  Lincoln  aforesaid,  and  entered  into  Recog- 
nizance, with  Sureties  as  the  Law  directs,  for  prosecuting  his  Appeal 
with  Effect. 

A  true  Copy  as  appears  of  Record, 

Examin'd  by  Joh*  Bowmam  Cler 


»  Suffolk  Court  Files,  No*  139,495  *  2* 


, 


16  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  [Jan. 

H. 

At  his  Majestys  superiour  Court  of  Judicature,  Court  of  Assize,  A 
General  Goal  Delivery,  begun  &  held  at  Falmouth  in  the  County  of 
Cumberland  for  the  Countys  of  Cumberland  &  Lincoln,  on  the  tuesday 
next  following  the  fourth  tuesday  of  June  (being  the  2*.  day  of  July) 
Annoque  Domini  1771. 

John  Randal  of  Bristol  in  the  County  of  Lincoln  yeoman  appellant 
vs.  Thomas  Bodkin  of  Boston  in  the  County  of  Suffolk  Chocolate 
Grinder  appellee,  from  the  Judgment  of  an  Inferiour  Court  of  Common 
pleas  held  at  Pownalborough  in  &  for  the  County  of  Lincoln  on  the 
first  tuesday  of  June  A.  D.  1769,  when  &  where  the  appellee  was  Pit. 
and  the  appellant  was  De£  In  a  plea  of  Ejectment  wherein  he  de- 
mands against  the  said  John  possession  of  one  undivided  third  part  of 
a  certain  tract  of  land  lying  in  said  Bristol  the  whole  whereof  Contains 
about  three  thousand  acres  &  is  bounded  Southwesterly  by  Pancake 
Hill  so  called  Northeasterly  by  a  place  called  Bare  tree  adjoining  to 
land  formerly  of  Richard  Peirce  deceased  Northwesterly  by  Pemaquid 
fresh  river  so  called  southeasterly  by  a  River  over  against  Muscon- 
gus  Island  including  also  one  undivided  third  part  of  the  dry  pond 
meadows  thereto  adjoining  whereupon  he  saith  that  in  time  of  Peace 
in  the  Reign  of  King  George  the  Second  within  thirty  years  last  past 
he  was  seized  of  the  demanded  premises  in  his  demesne  as  of  fee  taking 
the  explees  thereof  to  the  yearly  Value  of  ten  pounds  by  the  year  yet 
the  said  John  hath  since  Viz'  within  thirty  years  last  past  Enter'd  into 
the  same  Ejected  &  disseized  the  said  Thomas  &  still  unjustly  holds 
him  out  of  the  same  To  the  Damage  of  the  said  Thomas  as  he  saith 
the  sum  of  two  hundred  pounds.  At  which  said  Inferiour  Court  Judg- 
ment was  rendred  that  the  Pit.  recover  against  the  Def?  the  lands  sued 
for  &  Costs :  This  Appeal  was  brot'  forward  at  the  Superiour  Court 
of  Judicature  Court  of  Assize  &  General  Goal  Delivery  held  at  Fal- 
mouth in  the  County  of  Cumberland  &  for  the  Countys  of  Cumberland 
&  Lincoln  on  the  fourth  tuesday  of  June  A.  D.  1769,  &  from  thence 
s?  Appeal  was  Continued  from  term  to  term  unto  this  time  by  Consent 
The  parties  now  appeared  &  the  Case  after  a  full  hearing  was  Com- 
mitted to  a  Jury  sworn  according  to  Law  to  try  the  same  who  return'd 
their  Verdict  therein  upon  oath  that  is  to  say  they  find  the  said  John 
not  Guilty,  It's  Therefore  Considered  by  the  Court  that  the  said  John 
recover  against  the  said  Thomas  costs  taxed  at  £38 :  15 : 4. 

Exc5n  issd  8  June  1772 


18&&] 


LAND  CONTBOVEESIES  IN  MAltfE,   1709-1772, 


17 


This  Judgment  is  satisfied  as  appears  by  Drowne's  receipt  endorsed 
on  the  Execution  on  file*1 

There  are  also  copies  of  the  Pemaquid  Patent :  — 

The  H  Indenture  made  the  Nine  &  Twentieth  Day  of  February 
Anno  Domini  1631,  and  in  the  Seventh  year  of  the  Heign  of  Our  Sov- 
ereign Lord  Charles,  by  the  Grace  of  i>od  King  of  England,  etc.  .  .  . 
Between  the  President,  and  Council  of  New  England  on  the  One  Part, 
and  Robert  Aldworth,3  and  Gyles  Eibridge*  of  the  City  of  Bristol,  Mer- 
chants on  the  other  Part"  sets  out  the  "  Letters  Patent,  and  Royal 
Grant  ■  .  .  bearing  Date  the  third  Day  of  November  in  the  Eigh- 
teenth Year  of  His  Reign  "  made  by  **  our  Sovereign  Lord  King  James 
of  famous  Memory"  "  to  the  said  President  and  Council  aud  their  Suc- 
cessors forever"  of  il  All  the  Land  of  New  England  in  America,  lying, 
aud  being  from  Forty  to  Forty  Eight  Degrees  of  Northerly  Latitude, 
and  in  Length  by  all  that  Breadth  aforesaid  from  Sea  to  Sea/*  It 
grants  to  Aldworth  and  El  bridge  in  consideration  that  they  **  transport 
at  their  own  Cost,  aud  Charges,  divers  persons  into  New  England,  aud 
thereto  Erect  and  build  a  Town,  and  settle  divers  Inhabitants,  for  their 
own  safety,  better  Assurance  &  Advancement  of  the  General  Planta- 
tion of  that  Conutry,  and  for  the  Furtherance  of  the  said  Plantation, 


1  Records  of  the  Superiour  Court  of  Judicature,  177 1 1  xxx.  117. 

*  For  the  will  of  Robert  Aldworth,  an  Alderman  of  Bristol,  England,  and 
some  facte  concerning  him,  see  Watera's  Genealogical  Gleaning?*  m  England, 
i,  032-637.  660,  734,  735;  and  Johnston's  History  of  Bristol  and  Bremen,  pp, 
21,  57T  7G,  85. 

*  Gyles  Eibridge  was  a  kinsman  —  Thornton  says  a  nephew  —  of  Robert 
Aldworth  and  a  principal  legatee  under  his  will,  proved  in  1634.  tn  1050, 
Thomas  Eibridge,  a  son  of  Gyles  Eibridge,  was  sole  owner  of  the  Pemaquid 
Patent,  On  the  first  of  February,  16* 51 -52,  Thomas  Elhridge  sold  one  half 
of  it  to  Paul  White  (Suffolk  Deeds,  ii,  09-72)  who,  for  £150  sterling,  sold  it, 
L'7  April,  1653,  to  Richard  Russell  and  Nicholas  Davison  (Bid,  iL  68).  Davi- 
son subsequently  (14  April,  1957)  bought  of  Eibridge,  the  other  half  of  the 
Patent  (Ibid,  iii.  50;  cf.  pp.40,  57-59),  and  of  Richard  Eussell,  the  remain- 
ing quarter  and  two  islands  near  Pemaquid,  on  the  twenty-first  of  July,  1657 
{Ibid.  iii.  49,  50),  Nicholas  Davison  thus  became  the  sole  owner  of  the  Pema- 
quid Patent 

For  Gyles  Elbridgefs  will,  and  some  notices  of  his  English  connections  and 
of  his  ownership  of  the  Pemaquid  Patent,  see  Waters's  Genealogical  Gleanings 
la  England,  i.  633-636,  655,  735,  ii.  1009;  and  Johnston's  History  of  Bristol 
and  Bremen,  pp+  57,  70,  76,  78,  85,  95,  96* 

Elhridge  Gerry,  Vice-President  of  the  United  States,  traced  his  descent 
from  Gyles  Elhridge. 


18  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  [Jan. 

and  Encouragement  of  the  said  Undertakers,"  "One  hundred  severall 
acres  of  Ground  in  New  England  for  every  person  transported  or  to  be 
transported,  within  the  Space  of  seven  years  next  ensuing,  that  shall 
abide  and  Continue  there  three  years,  either  at  one  or  severall  Times,  or 
die  in  the  mean  season,  after  he  or  they  are  shipped  with  an  Intent 
there  to  Inhabit "  with  certain  exclusive  rights  and  privileges  set  out. 
It  further  grants  over  and  above  the  one  hundred  acre  allotments  and 
adjoining  them,  twelve  thousand  acres,  to  be  taken  and  laid  out  near 
the  river  Pemaquid,  with  certain  Islands  and  Islets. 

A  rent  is  fixed  at  "  One  Fifth  part  of  all  the  Gold  and  Silver  oar,  to 
be  found  or  had  in,  and  on  the  Premises,  or  any  part  thereof  "  to  be  paid 
the  King  and  one  fifth  part  to  President  and  Council ;  and  also  to  the 
latter  a  rent  of  two  shillings  "  for  every  hundred  acres  of  Arable  Lands 
so  obtained,"  "  The  first  payment  to  begin  after  the  Expiration  of  the 
first  seven  years  next  after  the  date."  The  right  is  given  "  freely  to 
truck,  Trade  and  Trafick  in  ail  lawf ull  Commodities,  with  the  Salvages  in 
any  part  of  New  England  or  Neighbouring  thereabouts ;  at  their  Wills 
and  Pleasures,  without  Lett  or  disturbance,  as  also  to  have  Liberty  to 
hunt,  hawk,  fish,  or  fowle,  in  any  place  or  places,  whatsoever,  now,  or 
hereafter  by  any  English  inhabited."  It  is  covenanted  "  that  their 
Tenants  or  servants  shall  not  be  taken  from  their  own  Employments  by 
any  Governour,  or  other  there  to  be  Established,  but  only  for  the  pub- 
lick  Defence  of  those  Countrys,  or  Suppression  of  Rebellions,  Riots,  or 
Routs  or  other  unlawful  Assembly 8."  It  is  also  covenanted  that "  upon 
lawfull  Survey  to  be  had  and  made  at  the  Charge  of  the  said  Under- 
takers and  planters,  and  lawfull  Information  given  of  the  bounds, 
meets  and  Quantity  of  the  Land  so  as  aforesaid  to  be  by  them  Chosen 
and  possessed  .  .  .  upon  surrender  of  this  present  Grant  and  Inheri- 
tance, and  upon  Reasonable  request  .  .  .  within  seven  years  next  com- 
ing," the  President  and  Council  will  by  deed  "  grant,  enfeoff  and  Confirm 
all  and  every  of  the  said  Lands  set  out  and  bounded"  to  the  two 
Bristol  Merchants  "  and  such  as  Contract  with  them,"  "  in  as  large  and 
beneficiall  Manner,"  as  they  were  granted  in  the  Patent,  and  u  at  any 
Time  within  the  said  Term  of  seven  years,  upon  request  .  .  .  Grant 
unto  them  .  .  .  Letters  and  Grants  of  Incorporation,  by  some  usuall 
fit  name  and  Title,  with  Liberty  to  them  and  their  successors  from 
Time  to  Time  to  make  orders,  Laws,  Ordinances,  and  Constructions, 
for  the  rule,  Government,  ordering  &  directing  of  all  persons  to  be 
transported  and  settled  upon  the  Lands,"  and  in  the  meantime  until 
such  grant,  that  it  shall  be  lawful  for  them  "  from  Time  to  Time,  to 
establish  such  Laws,  &  Ordinances  as  are  for  the  better  Government 
of  the  said  persons  so  transported!  and  the  same  by  such  Officer  or 


1S09-]  LA^D  CONTROVERSIES   LN   MAINE,    1709-1772.  19 

Officers,  as  they  shall  by  most  Voices  elect  and  Choose  to  put  in  Execu- 
tion." Certain  war-powers  of  considerable  extent  are  given  to  be  em- 
ployed against  "all  such  person  or  persons  their  Ships  and  Goods 
as  without  the  Special  Licence  of  the  said  President  and  Council  and 
their  Successors  or  the  great  part  of  them  shah  attempt  to  inhabit  or 
trade  with  any  of  the  Savage  People  of  that  Country,  within  the 
severall  Precincts  or  Limits  of  their  said  Plantation  ;  or  shall  euterprize 
or  attempt  at  any  Time  hereafter  Destruction  Invasion  or  Annoyance  to 
the  s*  Plantation."  —  There  is  also  a  provision  against  any  alienation 
of  the  premises  to  any  "  foreign  Nations  or  to  any  Person  or  persons 
whatsoever  without  the  Licence,  Consent  and  Agreement  of  the  said 
President  and  Council  and  their  Successors  and  Assigns,  except  it  be  to 
their  own  Tenants,"  on  pain  of  forfeiture;  and  a  provision  for  the 
delivery  of  seizin  and  possession  to  the  grantees  in  said  Patent. 

The  instrument  is  executed  by  "  R.  Warwick  "  and  uFerd:  Gorge./1 
and  witnessed  and  sealed.  There  is  a  memorandum  endorsed  of  the 
delivery  of  possession  by  Waiter  Neale,  named  in  the  instrument,  to 
Abr"  Shurte,  to  the  use  of  the  grantees,  dated  27th  May  A  D  1633. 

Taking  the  four  cases  together  the  several  pleadings  have  been 
pretty  fully  preserved  and  show  the  procedure  in  such  suits  at  that 
time  under  the  Provincial  government. 

The  plea l  iu  one  case  (Bodkin  v>  Bayley)  is  as  follows  :  — 

And  the  said  James  comes  and  defends  when  &  where  &c.  and  as  to 
Fifty  acres  part  of  the  premises  demanded  bounding  .  *  *  he  is  not 
Guilty  and  thereof  puts  himself  on  the  Country. 

By  Davic  Sewall 
And  the  PI1-  likewise  .  *  . 

Theophilus  Bradbury 

And  as  to  the  residue  of  the  Premises  demanded  in  the  declaration 
aforesaid  the  said  James  says  the  sdj  Thomas  his  Action  aforesaid 
against  him  in  form  aforesaid  ought  not  to  have  and  maintain  because 
the  said  James  saith  that  at  the  Time  of  the  purchase  &  Service  of  the 
writ  aforesd  he  had  no  right  Title  or  Possession  therein  &  this  he  is 
ready  to  verify,  wherefore  the  sd-  James  prays  Judgment  if  the  sd" 


1  Inasmuch  as,  in  the  copy  in  the  Early  Suffolk  Court  Files,  the  copyist 
had  run  the  tender  of  issues  together  in  some  confusion,  —  as  appears  at  once 
on  inspection,  —  it  has  seemed  best,  in  printing,  to  follow  the  text  of  the  origi- 
nal plea,  still  on  file  in  the  Court  of  Common  Pleas  in  the  County  of  Lincoln, 
Maine, 


20  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  [Jaw. 

Thomas  his  Action  aforesaid  in  form  aforesaid  for  the  said  residue  of 
the  premises  demanded  shall  any  farther  have  and  maintain. 

By  David  Sewall 

And  the  said  Thomas  reply's  that  by  any  Thing  above  in  pleading 
alleged  he  ought  not  to  be  precluded  from  having  and  maintaining  his 
action  of  or  in  form  aforesaid  for  the  residue  of  the  sd*  demanded  prem- 
ises Because  he  says  that  at  The  Time  of  the  purchase  &  service  of 
the  writ  aforesaid  the  said  James  was  in  the  actual  possession  of  the 
sd*  residue  of  the  primises  demanded  and  this  the  s**  Thomas  prays  may 
be  Enquir'd  of  by  the  Country. 

V  David  Wteb 
And  the  3d*  James  likewise.  .  .  . 

David  Sewall 

The  within  is  a  true  Copy 

Examin'd  by  Jon*  Bowman,  Cler.1 

That  in  Bodkin  v.  Randall  is  similar ;  that  in  Bodkin  v.  Yeates 
slightly  different,  in  some  respects;  and  in  the  remaining  case 
the  plea  and  the  tendering  of  the  issues  appear  on  the  back  of  the 
writ,  after  the  officer's  return,  as  follows :  — 

Lincoln  ss.  July  5th*  1768.     By  virtue  of  this  Writ  I  have  attached  a 
Table,  being  being  all  the  Estate  that  I  could  find  belonging  to  the 
within  named  Simon  Eliot,  and  left  a  summons  at  his  house  agreable 
to  Law. 
Fees  7/8.  Tho5-  Boyd  Deputy  Sheriffs 

And  the  said  Simon  comes  and  defends  when,  where  <&c,  and  on  the 
pit?  agreeing  that  he  may  waive  this  plea  &  give  any  other  answer  to 
the  declaration  afores*  at  the  Supf  Court,  says  he  has  a  good  horse  of 
the  value  of  Ten  pounds,  and  thereof  puts  himself  on  the  Country. 

D.  Sewall. 

And  the  said  Thomas  agreeing  to  said  Liberty,  for  Reply  says,  the  said 
Simon's  plea,  pleaded  in  manner  aforesaid,  is  no  legal  answer  to  the 
Declaration  aforesaid,  and  this  he  is  ready  to  verify;  for  want  of 
proper  answer  in  that  Behalf  he  prays  Judgment  for  Possession  of  the 
Premisses  demanded  &  for  Costs. 

Theoph*   Bradbury 

And  the  said  Simon  replys  that  his  Plea  to  issue  aforesaid  is  good,  and 
*  Suffolk  Court  Files,  No.  139,413 :  3. 


18W.] 


LAND  CONTRGVEK5IE8  IN  MAINE,    1760-1772. 


21 


a  legal  answer  to  the  declaration  aforesaid,  and  because  the  said  Thomas 
refuses  to  join  the  Issue  aforesd  he  prays  Judgment  for  his  Costs* 


Thomas  Bodkin  by  his 

Attorney  Joseph  Hexsbaw,1 


D.  Sewall, 


There  are  numerous  copies  of  deeda,  in  the  long  chain  of  title* 
mesne  conveyances  from  the  time  of  the  original  first  grantees, 
running  down  for  more  than  a  hundred  years.  Among  thera  is  a 
copy  of  a  deed  or  fragment  thereof,  executed  by  the  famous  Captain 
Somerset3  in  1653,  which,  with  the  various  endorsements  thereon* 
runs  as  follows :  — 

The  Condition  of  This  Obligation  is  such  that  The  within  named 
Richard  Fulfert  may  well  and  peaceably,  have,  hold  Enjoy  and  possess 
from  the  date  hereof  to  him  &  his  Heirs  and  Assigns  forever  All  and 
singular  those  Lands  beglning  at  the  place  called  the  passage  Point 
and  from  theuce  alongst  the  shoar  to  the  place  called  Heggomeito  and 
so  Two  miles  into  the  Country  in  Length  which  late  were  the  Lands 
of  Cap*  Summersetts  and  the  said  Cap!  Summerset t  bath  granted  by  this 
Deed  of  Gift  to  the  aforesaid  Richard  Fulfort  made  under  his  hand 
&  Seal  to  possess  \t  without   any  Molestation  either  of  English  or 

Indians.- Sealed  &  Delivered  in  the  presence  of  us  in  the  Year 

of  our  Lord  1653  This  first  day  of  June. 


The  mark  of 
Cap*  Someksett 


1 


feral 


Witness 


Phillip  Swaddan 

Thomas  Cole 
B  The  mark  of  John  Brown 
-|-  The  mark  of  John  Hayman 

Rich  art*  Pea  use. 


i  Suffolk  Court  Files,  No.  139,498:  L 

1  The  early  visit  of  Samoset  and  his  hospitable  greeting  has  always  been  an 
interesting  incident  in  the  history  of  the  Pilgrims,  and  with  the  various  em- 
bellishments has  played  a  conspicuous  part  therein.  Its  first  mention  is  in 
MourVs  Relation,  The  passage,  as  it  is  given  in  full  in  Mr.  Matthewa's  Note 
hereto  appended,  is  now  omitted ;  and  the  like  course  will  be  followed  as  to  all 
references  to  Samoset,  only  snch  matters  being  here  retained  as  are  not  there 
included.  The  Relation  goes  on  to  show  that "  Saturday  in  the  morning  we  dis- 
missed the  Salvage,"  and  that  on  Sunday  he  came  again,  and  il  Stayed  with  vg 
till  Wednesday  morning.11    It  also  gives  a  full  description  of  him  and  of  the 


22  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  [JaiT. 

Octo.  the  7*  1728  A  True  Copy  of  The  Orig!  Exam** 

By  Jos  Moodt  Reef. 

A  True  Copy  from  York  County  Records  of  Deeds  <fec  Lib°  12. 

Folio  323. 

Att  Dan*  Moulton  Beg? 

A  true  Copy  Examin'd  by  Jona.  Bowman  Cler 

Witness  These  Presents  that  I  Richard  Fulford  do  hereby  give  and 
make  over  unto  Humphrey  Horrell  all  my  Right  Interest  and  Title  of 
This  in  Written  Deed  unto  said  Humphrey  Horrell  and  his  Heirs  for- 
ever.    As  Witness  my  Hand  the  21*  of  Octo?  1667 

Richard  It  Fulford 
his  mark 
Witness    John  B  Brown 
his  mark 
Alexander  Gou[ld] 

entertainment  given  him.    There  is  also  an  account  of  a  third  visit.     Governor 
Bradford's  narrative  adds  some  interesting  details. 

"  All  this  while  y*  Indians  came  Skulking  about  them,  and  would  sometimes  show 
them  selves  aloofe  of,  but  when  any  aproached  near  them  they  would  rune  away.  .  .  . 
But  about  y*  16.  of  March  a  certaine  Indian  came  bouldly  amongst  them,  and  spoke  to 
them  in  broken  English,  which  they  could  well  understand,  but  marvelled  at  it  At 
length  they  understood  by  discourse  with  him,  that  he  was  not  of  these  parts,  but  be- 
longed to  y*  Eastrcne  parts,  wher  some  English-ships  came  to  fhish,  with  whom  he  was 
aquainted,  &  could  name  sundrie  of  them  by  their  names,  amongst  whom  he  gott  his 
language.  He  became  profitable  to  them  in  aquainting  them  with  many  things  concern- 
ing y*  State  of  y*  cuntrv  in  y*  east-parts  wher  he  lived,  which  was  afterwards  profitable 
unto  them ;  as  also  of  y*  people  hear,  of  their  names,  number  &  strength ;  of  their  situa- 
tion &  distance  from  this  place,  and  who  was  cheefe  amongst  them.  His  name  was 
Samaset "  (History  of  Plimouth  Plantation,  1856,  p.  93). 

"  Christopher  Levett's  Voyage  into  New  England  begun  in  1623  and  ended 
in  1624,"  gives  an  account  of  his  acquaintance  with  Samoset :  — 

"  Came  many  savages  with  their  wives  and  children.  .  .  .  Somerset,  a  sagamore,  one 
that  hath  been  found  very  faithful  to  the  English,  and  hath  saved  the  lives  of  many  of 
our  nation,  some  from  starving,  others  from  killing.  .  .  .  And  Somerset  told  that  his 
son  (who  was  born  whilst  I  was  in  the  country,  and  whom  he  would  needs  have  to 
name)  and  mine  should  be  brothers  and  that  there  should  be  mouchicke  lerjamatch 
(that  is  friendship)  betwixt  them,  until  Tanto  carried  them  to  his  wigwam  (that  is  until 
they  died)  "    (1  Collections  Maine  Historical  Society,  ii.  87,  92,  93). 

However  little  doubt  there  may  be  as  to  the  identity  of  "Capt.  John 
Somerset"  and  "Samoset,"  a  question  has  been  raised  as  to  which  was  the 
earlier,  or  original,  name.  The  a  priori  argument  is  strongly  in  favor  of 
"Samoset."    The  historical  argument  leads  almost  irresistibly  to  the  same 


1890.]  LAUD  CONTROVERSIES  W  MAINE,   1769-1772.  23 

This  Claim  entered  with  the  Eastern  Claims  at  the  request  of  Samuel 
Sturtevant  Clatmer  for  the  Heirs  of  Humphry  Horrell  page  95 

By  Samuel  Phipps  Clerk  of  the  Com*? 
OctoT  f  7tfe  1728  A  True  Copy  of  the  Orig!  Examd 

p  Jos:  Moodt  Retf 

This  Assignment  I  apprehend  was  an  Endorsem1  on  the  Foregoing 
deed  ThV  they  were  Seperate  when  this  Came  to  my  Hand 

Jos*  Moody  Metf 

A  True  Copy  from  York  County  Records  of  Deeds  &c  Lib?  12.  Fol« 
323. 

Attest  Dan1*  Moulton  J?egr*l 

A  true  Copy  Examined  by  Jon*  Bowman  Cter 
[Endorsed~] 

Somersetts  Deed  to 
Fulford  &  Assignm1, 
to  Horrell l 

There  is  a  Power  of  Attorney3  from  Habijah  Savage,  Esq,f  and 
other  Proprietors  of  Pemaquid  lands  to  Shem  Drowne  8  iu  1735, 

conclusion.  The  doubt  raised  by  Mr.  Drake  seemed  to  hare  no  sufficient 
ground  for  it,  and  his  contention  to  lack  any  actual  proof, 

I  am  under  great  obligation  to  our  associate,  Mr.  Albert  Matthews,  for  hia 
exhaustive  and  seemingly  conclusive  Notet  appended  to  this  Paper  (pp.  59-70)* 
in  support  of  the  opinion  just  expressed ;  and  to  our  associate,  Mr.  Henry 
H4  Edes,  for  many  of  the  most  valuable  and  interesting  footnotes  to  this 
communication. 

i  Suffolk  Court  Files,  No.  139,532 :  17. 

3  Recorded  with  Suffolk  Deeds,  liiL  180. 

1  Shem  Drowne,  one  of  the  largest  and  most  active  and  influential  of  the 
Pemaquid  Proprietors,  though  to  a  considerable  extent  a  man  of  affairs  and 
activity,  and  engaged  in  many  important  matters  in  the  early  days  of  Boston 
and  Charles  town,  is  perhaps  best  and  most  popularly  known  as  the  artisan  who 
made  the  Indian  upon  the  old  Province  House  and  the  Grasshopper  on  Faneuil 
Hal),  and  will  owe  his  civic  immortality  to  them.  The  Indian  is  now  in  the 
possession  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  by  the  gift  of  Mrs.  William 
Appleton.  Its  Proceedings  for  December,  1S70  (xv.  178-180),  in  the  remarks 
of  Dr.  George  E,  Ellis,  contain  an  account  of  the  gift  and  a  description  of  the 
figure,  — "the  handiwork  of  Deacon  Shem  Drowne,  who  afterwards  made  the 
grasshopper  on  Faneuil  Hall,  after  the  pattern  of  that  on  the  Royal  Exchange, 
London.**  (See  also  ShurtlefFs  Topographical  and  Historical  Description  of 
Boston,  pp.  597-599 ;  Memorial  nistory  of  Boston,  ii.  90 ;  and  Hill's  History  of 


24  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  [Jah. 

and  several  conveyances  thereafter  from  Drowne,  "tin  plate 
worker,"  "  as  well  in  his  own  behalf  as  Attorney  to  Habijah 
Savage,  Esq.,"  and  others,  among  them  one  to  James  Bailey  in 
1738.  The  deeds  are  full  of  names  of  places  and  designations 
of  localities,  some  the  original  Indian  names,  especially  in  the  case 
of  islands  and  rivers,  in  curious  vagaries  of  spelling  but  with 
phonetic  similarity,  and  some  the  uncouth  but  significant  appella- 
tions affixed  by  the  early  owners. 

Among  the  papers  is  an  original  lease,  made  in  1742,  curious  in 
itself  but  more  curious  and  suggestive  in  the  chirography  of  the 
faded  manuscript ;  and  in  the  same  year  a  somewhat  unique  bill  of 
sale,  likewise  an  original  and  a  holograph :  — 


Know  all  men  by  these  presens  that  I  heough  Boyd  of  pemequed 
fennor  doth  bind  and  oblige  myself  under  the  penelty  sum  of  one  hun- 
dred pound  Curant  money  of  new  ingland  to  thomas  bodkin  of  marbel 
head  bruer  to  deliver  up  to  said  bodkin  stoke  to  the  veleou  of  what 
stoke  he  delivers  to  me  when  1  move  off  his  farm  Except  what  is  dead 
or  kiled  by  axedent  and  to  deliver  him  up  pesable  posesion  of  said  ferm 
at  the  end  of  the  terme  and  to  give  him  one  half  of  all  the  ingles  grain 
I  rese  Evrey  year  Except  what  I  rese  on  old  putatou  ground  or  turnip 
yeards  and  to  give  him  an  half  of  all  the  incrise  of  the  Catle  and  the 
yung  Catle  to  be  devided  evry  three  years  and  to  give  him  one  half  of 
all  the  buter  and  Chese  yearly 

sined  seled  in  presens  of  us  this  nintenth  day  of  march  one  thousand 
seven  hundred  and  forty  two  1742 

o 

John  M  Kown  Hcgh  Boyd1 

CO 

Ann  M  knn 

1  Suffolk  Court  Files,  No.  139,413 :  10. 

the  Old  South  Church,  i.  455.)  Hawthorne,  too,  in  his  Legends  of  the  Province 
House,  has  thrown  a  touch  of  romance  about  him  and  linked  his  name  with 
the  Royal  Governors  of  the  Province.  Drowne's  fame  as  an  artisan,  however, 
was  not  confined  to  Boston.  In  1765,  the  old  weather-cock  on  the  steeple  of 
the  Deerfield  Meeting-house  was  taken  down  to  be  repaired  and  regilded.  The 
bird  was  then  "  furnished  with  '  new  globe  eyes '  by  Shem  Drowne  of  Boston, 
and  returned  to  his  new  perch  where,  until  1824,  he  kept  watch  and  ward  over 
the  going  and  coming  generations  of  men.  He  still  fulfils  the  duty  assigned 
him  in  1729,  on  the  spire"  of  the  Meeting-house  built  in  1824,  and  still 
standing,  —  the  Unitarian  Church  of  to-day  (Address  of  George  Sheldon,  at 


ISm.]  LAND   CONTROVERSIES   EST   MAINE,    1769-1772* 


25 


Round  pou[d]  March  the  W*  1742, 

Know  all  men  by  thes  presenss  these  that  I  John  Morrell  of  a 
places  called  Hound  pon  ia  the  eountey  of  York  in  the  provenes  of  the 
masschaesetts  bay  in  new  england  do  for  and  in  considderrasou  of  A 
Sarten  sora  of  mormy  coutaning  one  bundered  pound  to  me  in  hand : 
pade  by  thorns  bodken  of  t&4roel  had  bruer  do  :  Sel  to  sad  bodken  my 
two  oxen  and  two  cows  and  all  my  husbandaarey  tills  exsepting  my 
worken  tuls  with  all  my  ri  an  pasimps  &  all  my  Right  titel  in  Bound 
pon  exeepte  in  Lutus  and  gears  and  housel  goods  and  Colt  and  now  will 
put  my  good  on  bood  if  there  baney  boddy  to  tek  them  and  give  a 
Reset  for  them  to  deleuer  them  at  tor  tre there lys  Shipreane. 

Witnes  Presant  Johs  Morrell  l 

William  Bcrxs. 

A  rather  full  account  of  various  settlements  and  the  existing 
conditions  at  the  dates  specified  appears  in  an  — 

Extract  of  a  Letter  of  Instructions  to  the  Agent  Dated 
Oct*/  1717 

March  3G*  1629, 

John  Beuhump  and  Thomas  Leverett  have  granted  them  by 
the  Council  of  Plymouth  all  the  Lands  between  Misconcua  and 
Fenobseott  Rivers  and  Ten  Leagues  into  the  lands  Feb? 
29*  1631.  Robert  A  Id  worth  and  Gyles  Elbridge  of  Bristol 
are  granted  12000  acres  and  all  Islands  within  three  Leagues 
and  100  acres  to  every  passenger  at  or  near  Pemaqnid  — 
There  are  sundry  other  grants  made  by  the  Council  of  PHmonth 
to  sundry  persons,  by  vertue  of  these  patents  it  was  that  the 
Country  was  settled:  They  also  purchased  their  lands  of  the 
Indians  and  Recorded  their  deeds  by  Walter  Phillips  Recorder 
at  Pemaquid,  In  the  Gcnerall  in  May  1671  it  is  left  to  Cap1? 


erfieM,  28  July,  1901),     Drown©  was  married  18  September,  1712,  by  the 

lev.    Benjamin    Cotman,    to    Katherine   Clark*   daughter  of   Timothy   Clark 

(Boston  Record  Commissioners*  Reports,  xxviii.  39;  and  Suffolk  Probate  File*, 

No*  7017),     Hia  death  is  briefly  told  in  the  Diary  of  Thomas  Newell,  under 

date  of  IS  January,    1774  :  — 

"Thnnday,  more  moderate  weather.  Very  good  sledding;  great  plenty  provisions 
nod  grain.  Old  Mr,  Sliem  Drown,  ob.  JE.  91  ■  he  was  the  first  tui-plate  worker  that 
niTiame  to  Boston.  New  England"  (I  Proceedings  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical 
Society  for  October,  1877,  xv+  348). 

i  Suffolk  Court  Files,  No.  130,413:  11. 


26  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  [Jan. 

Thomas  Clark  to  lay  out  the  east  line  of  the  Massachusetts 
Colony,  The  return  was  made  15u  May  1672.  by  M?  George 
Mountjoy.  That  line  to  be  in  about  1  3/4  mile  above  new 
damariscove  in  Casco  bay  and  a  little  above  Cap*?  Faddishalls 
in  Kennebeck  alias  Sagadahock  River,  Cape  Norwagan,  Dama- 
riscove, Monhegan  Montenicus,  and  Mountenick  part  of  Pema- 
quid  and  most  of  S*  Georges  Island  and  so  run  into  the  sea 
Boston  March  7th  1673.  — 

Present  John  Leverett  Gov?  Saml  Simons  Dep*  Gov?  Richard 
Russell,  Thomas  Danforth,  Edward  Tyng  and  Thomas  Clark 
Esq?  appointed  Constables  for  Kennebeck,  Cape  Norwagan, 
Damariscove,  &  Pemaquid.  — 

March  1701 

Cap*  Sylvanus  Davis  gives  this  Ace*?  of  the  severall  english 
settlements  that  he  hath  known  to  be  formerly  at  and  to  the 
Eastward  of  Kennebeck  or  Sagadahoc  along  the  sea  Coast  to 
Montenicus  sundry  English  fishing  places  some  70.  &  some 
40  years  since.  — 

At  Sagadahock  many  Families  &  10  Boats  sometimes  more. 
At  Cape  Norwagan  many  Families  &  15  boats  — 
At  Hypocris  Islands      ....      2  Boats 

At  Damaris  Cove 15 

At  two  Bacon  Gutt 


}Fis 


Fishing  Vessells 


At  Holmes  Island     ' 

At  Pemaquid 5. 

At  New  harbour 6. 

At  Monhegan  near 20 

At  S?  Georges.  Fishers 
At  Montenicus  Island    ....    20 
Farmers  Eastward    .     .     . 

At  and  Near  Sagadahock 20 

East  side  of  Sagadahock  to  merry  meeting    .     .21 
From  Cape  Nawagan  to  Pemaquid  6  farmers 

At  Pemaquid 15 

At  New  harbour 10 

At  S'  Georges  West  side  m?  Foxwell  ) 

At  Saquid  point  60  years  agone  j 

On  the  east  side  of  Qisquamego, 

Phillip  Swaden  fifty  years  agoe /  g!  Georges 

besides  Fishermen  60  or  70  years  j  34  Families 

84  within  land 


/  SM 

j84 


1899.]  I*A>T>  CONTROVERSIES   IN   MAINE,    1769*1772.  27 

Between  Kenuebeck  and  Georges  River  >  ,  12 
At  Sheepscot  Town  besides  Farms  .  ,  .  .  50 
Between  Sheepscott  &  Damarias  Cotta  River      10 

At  Damariseotta      .     . 7  or  8 

Between  Damariaeotta  Misconcus  &  J  19 

Pemaquid  and  Roundpond      .     .     *    j 

"91"  Families 

Many  more  had  begun  to  settle  many  taken  lotts  with  intent 
speedily  to  settle  but  were  disappointed  By  the  Warr,  besides 
the  great  Improvments,  Houses  Mills  Stores,  Maulting,  build- 
ing ships  &  Vesseils,  the  Inhabitants  daily  increasing,  Monhe- 
gan  Island  was  sold  by  MT  Innings l  of  Plimouth  to  Alderman 
Aldworth  and  M:  GjTles  Elbridge  March  Anno  1626,  &  im- 
proved ever  since  till  the  Warr,  in  1688,  Pemaquid  12000 
Acres  bounded  from  the  head  of  Damariseotta  river  to  the 
head  of  Misconcus  River,  thence  to  the  sea  with  all  Islands 
within  three  leagues,  in  the  same  grant  100  [a  acres]  to  every 
passenger  and  50  Acres  to  every  person  [a  born]  there  within 
seven  years  amounts  to  about  80  persons  granted  by  the 
Council  of  Plimouth  to  Alderman  Aldworth  and  si  Elbridge 
162U  and  possession  given  by  their  Attorney  Cap!  Walter 
Neale  of  12000  Acres 

from  Sagadahock  to  Pemaquid  is 6  ) 

From  Pemaquid  to  s!  Georges  River  is  -  *  .  ,  5  J  Leagues 
From  Pemaquid  to  Monhegan  Island  •  .  *  *  4  ) 
Leveretts  Patten t  is  [a  from]  misconeus  to  Penobseott  rite* 
10  Leagues  into  the  Land,  a  Copy  taken  from  Commission, 
from  the  Governor  and  Council  Book  N°  5. 
Mem*  That  the  afore  mentioned  Silvanus  Davis  was  by  the 
Charter  appointed  first  Counsellor  for  those  Lands  to  the 
Eastward  of  Sagadahock  &  was  a  Dweller  at  and  well  ac- 
quainted with  those  parts* 

Copy  from  the  same  Book 

Exam*  By  J*  Will  are  Secry, 

A  True  Copy  examined  By  Nat  Hatch  Cier 
A  true  Copy  Examin'd  by  Jon*  Bowman  Cler 


1  Abraham  Jennings  is  here  referred  to.    See  post f  p.  51. 
*  Interlined  in  the  original. 


28  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  [Jan. 

[Endorsed] 

Extract  from  the 

Council  Book 
Copy 
Bodkin  V.  Randal 

[F]alm°  July  1771  Randall  tf 

Bodkin1 

There  is  a  very  large  number  of  depositions.  Such  papers  have 
always  a  peculiar  value  and  interest,  inasmuch  as,  besides  the  main 
fact  or  facts  testified  to,  they  often  contain  so  much  collateral  and 
incidental  information, — graphic  pictures  of  various  happenings, 
glimpses  of  conditions  of  life  and  its  surroundings,  domestic  details 
of  little  moment  perhaps  at  the  time  but  full  of  suggestion  to  the 
historian,  snatches  of  family  history,  names  and  ages  of  persons, 
which  genealogists  may  have  long  sought  in  vain,  and  all  sorts  of 
contributions,  minute  and  authentic,  made  by  contemporaries,  to 
the  knowledge  of  later  generations.  This  is  peculiarly  the  case 
where  they  were  taken,  not  as  in  modern  times  by  specific  ques- 
tions and  answers,  but  rather  in  the  form  of  affidavits,  monologues 
written  out  in  the  handwriting  of  the  deponent  with  all  the 
idiosyncrasies  of  thought  and  expression  to  be  expected  under  such 
circumstances,  or  set  down  by  the  magistrate  as  the  unbroken  nar- 
rative fell  from  the  lips  of  the  affiant.  In  a  few  instances  here, 
questions  seem  to  have  been  put  at  the  close,  where  the  testimony 
as  given  did  not  fully  cover  the  points  desired,  and  the  attention 
of  some  aged  or  feeble  witness  had  to  be  stimulated  and  directed. 
Most  of  the  depositions  in  these  cases  were  taken  to  be  used 
directly  at  the  trials,  and  mainly  bearing  upon  the  question  of 
occupancy  and  possession  at  certain  times,  though  there  are  some 
taken  in  perpetuam  memoriam.  Although  all  have  much  interest 
in  one  way  or  another,  time  and  space  will  allow  the  use  of  only  a 
few.  Some  of  these  present  many  points  of  historical  value  and 
interest. 

I. 

The  Deposition  of  Patrick  Rogers  of  Bristol  in  the  County  of  Lincoln 
Gentleman  Aged  Sixty  one  years  Testifieth  and  saith  that  he  this  Depo- 

*  Suffolk  Court  Files,  No.  139,532:  27. 


1890.] 


LAND  CONTROVERSIES  IN   MAINE,   1760-177& 


29 


Beat  Lived  in  george  Town  in  the  County  of  York  in  the  year  Seventeen 
Hundred  twenty  or  Twenty  one  at  which  time  the  Deponent  says  thare 
was  not  one  House  that  he  Knew  off  between  Geord  Town  &  Aunopolis 
Royal  (except  one  on  Damariscove  an  Island  to  make  Fish  on,  till  the 
time  &  georges  Fort  was  built  when  CoP  Thomas  Westbrook  was  Com- 
mander of  the  Province  Troops  there  —  that  the  Deponent  five  or 
six  years  after  the  Date  above  was  in  the  fishing  Business  and  well 
acquainted  with  the  harbours  of  Pemaquid,  and  others  as  far  East  as 
mount  Desert  about  the  year  1729  or  Thirty  the  Deponent  Knew  one 
James  Baily  who  lived  at  the  South  West  part  of  a  place  called  Round 
pond  his  house  was  Built  near  the  Shore  and  Continued  there  about 
Nine  or  ten  Years  and  Inclosed  a  field  theireon  and  the  Deponent  at 
that  time  knew  CapL  Tho?  Henderson  who  Lived  on  a  point  of  Laud  to 
the  Southward  of  Bailys  house  joining  there  and  on  the  Notherly  side  of 
a  Small  Brook  near  to  where  Baily  Jived  now  Improved  by  John  Raudell, 
and  About  the  Begin ing  of  the  Spanish  war  the  Said  James  Baily  moved 
his  family  from  Round  pond  to  the  westwaird  <5fe  Returned  Thare  about 
four  years  ago  and  Built  a  house  on  his  former  Old  Field  near  whare  he 
formally  Dwelt.  The  Deponent  never  Knew  of  any  place  called  Pan- 
cake hill  till  of  Late  years  nor  of  a  place  at  all  Called  Passage  Point 
nor  of  Bear  tree  nor  of  a  place  called  dry  pond  madow  and  that  he 
never  Knew  of  any  parson  Disturbing  said  Baily  in  his  Possession,  The 
Deponent  knows  Simon  Eliot  he  lived  at  Round  pond  about  twelve 
last  past  &  James  Yats  has  lived  at  Round  pond  from  year  174i>  to 
this  Day  Except  the  time  when  he  went  to  the  Seige  of  Louisborg  and 
Returned  in  a  Boat  About  three  or  four  years  after  the  Deponent  never 
Heard  that  the  Sd  Yats  was  Ever  disturbed  in  his  Possession  till  the 
year  1768  when  one  Tho"  Bodkin  brought  an  Action  of  Ejectment 
against  him  for  his  Land  Furthermore  the  Deponent  Knows  that  about 
the  year  1733  There  was  many  Inhabit! ants  settled  at  that  time  near 
Pemaquid  &  about  the  year  1 735  said  Settlers  settled  under  the  Pema- 
quid Company  to  the  number  of  forty  famalys  or  more  and  hold  Their 
Lands  to  this  Day  by  their  patent  Right  The  Distance  Between  Pema- 
quid fort  and  round  pound  is  about  Six  or  Seven  milles  north  Easterly 
from  Pemaquid  The  Inhabitants  living  thare  levid  under  the  Pemaquid 
patent  right  I  with  Alex!  Nickels  Esqr  was  Chosen  to  Set  the  price  of  a 
Lott  of  Land  there  which  James  Yats  purchased  of  Cap!  Arthur  Savage 
about  300  ackers  as  I  Remember  &  this  Deponent  Forther  Saith  that 
about  the  year  1735  or  1737  M*  Shim  Drowne  as  agant  to  the  pemaquid 
Froperitors  Imployd  John  North  to  take  a  Survay  of  S*  patint  Claim 
&  the  Survay  along  the  out  Line  of  Sd  Claim  Some  of  them  loged  at 
my  house  one  night  &  this  Deponent  forther  Saith  That  many  of  the 


30  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OP  MASSACHUSETTS.  [Xur. 

Inhabitants  with  him  Self  meet  With  S*.  Shim  Drowne  at  Pemaquid  Fort 
Some  years  before  the  S*  Survay  when  and  thare  the  patent  was  Read 
on  which  The  People  was  Jenerly  Satisfied  that  the  title  was  good  and 
as  Col!  Dunbar  Sigenfied  on  his  Removal  that  the  Lands  there  Abotoos 
was  privat  Porparty  &  that  the  King  Removed  Sd  Dunbar  for  that 
rason  the  Inhabitants  generaly  took  thare  Lotts  of  Land  under  S* 
Drowne  as  agant  for  Said  Propritors  Which  was  about  forty  or  more 
famalies  and  this  Deponant  Forther  Saith  that  he  Purchased  two  Lotts 
of  Land  in  Said  Claim  of  two  of  the  Settelers  which  Said  Drowne  Had 
Given  Land  to  &  many  of  the  Inhabitants  with  my  Self  took  a  Lease 
of  Said  Drowne  for  the  fresh  meadows  and  that  he  never  knew  of  any 
of  the  Inhabitants  Said  Drowne  had  settled  being  Disturbed  by  any 
Claimer  whatsoever  any  where  from  Pemaquid  to  what  is  Now  Called 
or  known  by  the  name  of  muscongus  untill  the  year  1 768  one  The?  Bod- 
kin Sued  Sevral  of  the  old  Settlers  at  Round  pond  which  have  taken 
thare  Lots  under  the  Pemaquid  Properitors  Some  by  Leas  &  Some  by 
purches  as  the  Inhabatents  thare  told  This  Deponent  forthar  this  Depo- 
nent saith  that  Round  Pond  is  Frunting  Estardly  on  a  Large  Bay  this 
Deponent  Saith  that  James  Morton  William  Burns  &  many  others 
Leving  Some  mills  to  the  Northward  of  Round  pond  hold  Their  Lands, 
under  the  Said  Pemaquid  Properitors. 

Patreck  Rodgers. 

Lincoln  ss.  Bristol,  deposition  taken  June  22,  1769.  before  Abb"' 
Preble  Justice  of  Peace.1 

II. 

Gorge  Caldwell  of  Bristol  Aged  about  72  years  Testifieth  &  Saith 
that  when  Coll1!  Dunbar  removed  from  Pemaquid  which  was  Generally 
Said  to  be  By  Ordrs  from  England  Then  Shera  Drown  of  Boston  Came 
Down  to  Pemaquid  Fort  &  notified  the  inhabitants  whome  Coll?  Dunbar 
had  Setled  to  Attend  on  which  Said  Drowne  had  a  Patent  for  Those 
Lands  (to  Aldsworth  &  Elbridge)  Read  &  Said  that  he  Came  down  with 
a  Power  of  Attorney  from  a  Number  of  Other  Propritors  who  with 
himself  owned  Said  Lands  and  Said  Drowne  Gave  Lands  to  many  of 
The  inhabitants  of  Walpole  Harrington  Pemaquid  and  round  Pound 
and  offerd  the  Same  to  all  that  he  found  there  in  Those  parts  James 
Bailey  being  one  of  them  who  Livs  Now  at  Round  Pond  to  whom  the 
Said  Drowne  gave  Land  at  Round  pond  Some  of  the  inhabitants  went 
away  to  Other  Parts  and  to  many  of  the  inhabitants  to  whom  the  Said 

*  Suffolk  Court  Files,  No.  189,413 :  46. 


>.]  LAND  CONTROVERSIES  IN  MAINE,  1709-1772. 

Coll*  Dunbar  Gave  but  forty  Acres  the  Said  Drowne  for  the  further 
Encouragement  of  the  Settlement,  Gave  Eighty  Acres  Furthermore  this 
Deponent  Saith  that  Capt  John  North  Run  out  the  Said  Patent  many 
years  ago  for  the  Said  Drowne  from  Oyster  Creek  at  the  head  D  amors - 
eottey  Eiver  so  far  as  the  Salt  water  flows  round  to  the  head  of  Mus- 
eongus  River  to  medomock  falls  so  far  as  the  Salt  water  flows  there, 
he  the  Said  Drownd  Being  then  Present  This  Deponent  together  with 
Alexander  Arskius  Cap!  William  Loud  Joseph  Johnson  and  John  Par- 
bush  was  Ascisting  Said  North  The  Surveyor  in  Runiug  out  the  whole 
Tract  nor  was  there  any  Person  That  Clamied  any  of  Said  Lands  at 
that  Time  that  This  Deponent  Saw  or  heard  of  and  further  Saith  Not. 

hi* 

GOEGS  ()    COLDWELL 


Test: 

William  Fossett,  Jon1- 


tiurk 


Lincoln  sa.  Bristol,  deposition  taken  4  June  1770.  before  Ales* 
Nickels  Justice  of  Peace  1 

III. 

The  Deposition  of  Alexander  Erskine  of  Bristol  iu  the  County  of 
Lincoln.  Aged  about  forty  Six  years,  Testifleth  and  Saith,  that  about 
Twenty  two  years  ago,  This  Deponent  who  then  Lived  at  Boston,  came 
down,  to  Pemaquid  with  Shem  Drowne  of  Sa  Boston,  who  was  then 
Agent,  for  the  pemaquid  Proprietors,  with  a  Quantity  of  Stores,  which 
this  Deponent  had  the  care  off  Sd  Drowne  then  took  his  Lodgings  at  the 
Fort  there,  and  by  Boat  Visited  the  Inhabitants  with  this  Deponent, 
who  the  Said  Drowne  Hired  to  attend  him,  in  Company  with  John 
North,  Lie1  Rodgerfs],  George  Call  well,  Robert  Paul,  Nathaniel  Bull 
Jon,  John  Furbush  {To  whom  he  allowed  as  Wages,  Thirty  Shillings 
(Old  Tenor)  p<  Day)  from  Madomock  falls,  Down  Round  Pemaquid 
point,  and  up  Damans  Cotta  Kiver,  up  Near  to  Damaris  Cotta  falls 
&  Settled  there  Eight  or  nine  families,  with  farms,  Some  of  which  were 
New  Comers  Giving  them  an  Hundred  acres  of  Land  Each,  and  Said  he 
would  take  no  man's  Settlement  from  him,  and  Accomodated  the  old 
Inhabitants  (with  the  Improved)  Land,  as  far  as  that  held  out  and 
Gave  other  Lands  to  all  the  Inhabitants  that  he  found  there  Settled 
under  Coir  Dunbar,  that  Chose  to  Tarry,  Sd  Farms  being  at  this  Day  of 
Considerable  value,  Furthermore  this  Deponent  well  Remembers,  that 

*  Suffolk  Court  Files,  No.  139,413 1  20. 


_ 


82  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MAS8ACHUSETT8.  [Jah. 

the  S*  Drowne,  at  the  above  time,  Refused  to  take  the  Sum  of  One 
Thousand  pounds  (Old  Tenor)  for  a  piece  of  Land,  adjoining  pemaquid 
fails,  Telling  the  person  that  offered  it  in  this  Deponents  hearing,  that 
the  fishery  there  should  be  free  for  all  the  Inhabitants,  and  this  De- 
ponent Saith,  that  the  Inhabitants  were  Generally  Satisfied  with  Sd. 
Drown's  Right  &  Transactions,  and  further  saith  not. 

his 
Alexander  W  Erskin[b] 
Mark 

Test 

Georg  Yeates 

Lincoln  ss.  Bristol  June  jT  14*  1770  l 

IV. 

Thomas  Killpatrick  of  St  Gorges  aged  about  70  years  Testefieth  & 
Saith  that  he  formerly  Lived  at  Harrington  at  or  Near  Pamaquid  and 
well  Remembers  that  then  Shem  Drowne  of  Boston  Came  Down  to  Pem- 
aquid Fort  as  agent  with  a  power  of  attorny  From  a  number  of  Persons 
from  Whome  he  Claimed  all  those  Lands  this  was  about  Thirty  five 
years  ago  on  Coll?  Dumbars  quitting  his  Settling  these  parts  Said 
Drown  Calling  the  Inhabitants  together  &  by  Reeding  Publickly  as 
Patient  there  of  offerd  the  Inhabitints  to  Resettle  them  many  of  whome 
Did  Stay  and  accept  his  offer  but  this  Deponent  With  his  Family  Re- 
moved to  Sl  Gorges  and  that  then  this  Deponent  Never  Knew  Nor 
heard  of  any  opposition  That  the  Said  Drowne  met  With  in  the  Settle- 
ment of  Said  Lands 

Tho  Killpatrick 
Lincoln  ss 

S1  Georges  June  y  2*  1770  * 

Some  of  these  depositions  bring  out  vividly  the  trials  and  tribu- 
lations of  the  early  settlers. 


Mary  Cowell  "aged  about  64  years,"  in  her  deposition  taken  in 
1768,  u  testifies  &  says  that  about  Fifty  years  ago  she  this  Deponent 
lived  at  a  place  called  Muscongus  at  the  Eastward  about  seven  or  eight 
years  .  .  .  that  in  the  summer  season  this  Deponent  with  .  •  .  and 

1  Suffolk  Court  Files,  No.  139,498 :  82.        a  Ibid.  No.  139,498:  47. 


1S0O.] 


LAND  CONTROVERSIES   IN   MAINE,    1709-1772. 


S3 


their  Famtlys  used   to  go  over  to  Monhegan  Inland  for  fear  of  the 
Indians  and  return  back  again  in  the  Fall."  *  *  . 

John  Pcarce  "aged  about  74 "  tells  how  **  about  the  year  of  QBE 
Lord  1722  the  Indian  War  breaking  out  at  the  Eastward,  this  Depo- 
nent went  with  a  Vessel!  and  a  Number  of  People  to  the  Eastward  and 
Brought  from  thence  his  Father  Etc  bard  Feirce  and  Family  from  a 
place  called  Muscongus." 

Many  others  refer  to  the  Indian  troubles.   One  is  somewhat  graphic 
and  pathetic  in  its  story  ;  — 


Naomi  Annia  of  S*  Georges  Aged  about  Sixty  or  Seventy  Years 
according  to  the  best  of  her  Remembrance  Testifietb  and  saith  that 
about  One  Year  after  the  three  Year  War  So  called  with  the  Indians 

This  Deponant  with  her  late  Husband  Samuel  Annis  went  to  live 

at  a  Place  called  round  Pond  on  Muscougue  Bay  in  the  County  of  Lin- 
coln, aud  there  they  continued  three  Years  and  then  moved  off  for 
Fear  of  the  Indians  to  Monhegon  Island.  And  moved  off  and  on  for 
the  Space  of  One  Year.  And  after  two  Years  more  the  moved  off  to 
Mon  began  Island,  Again  for  about  a  Month  for  Fear  of  the  Said 
Indians,  and  then  Returned  to  said  Round  Pond  and  continued  there 
for  the  Space  of  Three  or  four  Years,  and  then  moved  to  S'  Georges  for 
Four  of  the  Indians  for  about  the  Space  of  Two  Months.  And  then 
returned  to  round  Pond*  and  there  continued  Three  or  Four  Years,  and 
then  they  moved  off  and  returned  there  no  more.  The  House  that  this 
Deponants  Husband  built  and  dwellt  in,  was  to  the  North  side  of  round 
Pond.  This  Depouant  saith,  her  Memory  has  failed  her  for  some  Years 
past  ^  And  that  the  above  is  according  to  the  best  of  her  Remembrance, 
for  that  She  would  not  say  any  Thing  amiss.  And  further  eaith  not. 
Witteuess  her 

Abr"  Pfcnu  Naomi  mrv  Annis 

Julius  Haktken  Mark 


Lincoln  Sc.  Mednnkook  June  22d.  1769. 

The  above  namd.  Naomi  Annis  of 
G  Gorges  in  the  County  of  Lincoln  aforesaid  being  more  than  Thirty 
Miles  distant  from  Falmouth  in  the  County  of  Cumberland!  the  place 
where  the  Case  is  to  be  tryed,  in  which  the  above  deposition  is  to  be 
used.  Personally  appeared,  and  and  after  having  been  duly  examined, 
and  cautioned  to  Testify  the  whole  Truth  made  Solemn  Oath  to  the 

3 


84       THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OP  MASSACHUSETTS.     [Jaw. 

Truth  of  the  above  written  deposition  by  him  Subscribe!  the  adverse 
party  namely  Thomas  Bodkin  living  at  Boston  more  than  twenty  Miles 
from  the  place  of  Caption  was  not  notified  nor  present,  This  deposition 
is  taken  to  be  used  in  an  Action  of  Ejectment  to  be  heard  and  try'd  at 
the  Superior  Court  of  judicature  to  be  holden  at  Falmouth  in  the  County 
of  Cumberland  [*  in  the  County]  aforesaid,  for  the  Countys  of  Camber- 
land  &  Lincoln  on  the  fourth  Tuesday  of  June  instant — Wherein  John 
Randall  of  Round  pond  in  the  Township  of  Bristol  aforesaid  is  appel- 
lant and  the  said  Thomas  Bodkin  is  appelle,  taken  at  the  request  of 
John  Randall  the  appellant    Before  me 

Abr£  Preble  Justice  oftf  Peace 
[Endorsed] 

Naomt  Annis  * 

There  is  another  deposition  by  the  same  person,  bearing  mainly 
upon  the  possession  and  occupancy  of  certain  lands.  Her  testi- 
mony would  seem  to  have  been  regarded  as  of  great  importance  on 
these  questions  from  the  attacks  made  upon  her  credibility  and  com- 
petency in  other  depositions.  This  is  somewhat  offset  by  that  of 
the  magistrate.  The  attack  seems  to  have  been  directed  mainly 
against  the  latter  deposition,  and  may  not  materially  affect  the  his- 
torical value  of  the  first,  which  contains  so  much  likely  to  linger 
in  the  memory  of  age.  At  any  rate  her  story  seems  worth 
giving:  — 

VII. 

Naomi  Annis  aged  about  Eighty  Years  testifieth  and  saith  that  about 
the  Year  One  Thousand  seven  hundred  and  fifteen,  this  deponent  with 
her  late  Husband  Samuel  Annis  late  of  a  place  called  S*  Georges  decc* 
were  sent  by  Samuel  Martin  to  live  at  a  place  Called  Round  Pond  in 
the  Eastern  part  of  this  Province,  That  while  this  Deponent  lived  there, 
the  Family  of  the  Pierces  lived  at  Muscongus,  That  this  Deponent 
with  her  said  Husband  lived  at  Round  Pond  severall  years  till  they 
were  driven  away  by  the  Indians.  That  some  short  Time  before  this 
Deponent  and  her  said  Husband  left  Round  Pond  Mr-  Pierces  Son  Came 
with  a  Vessell  and  Carried  away  his  Father  and  Family  from  Muscongus 
That  the  Lands  at  Round  pond  &c.  was  always  reputed  to  belong  to 
Francis  Fulford  and  Samuel  Martins  Wife  while  she  knew  it,  neither 

1  Cancelled  in  the  original. 

«  Suffolk  Court  Files,  No.  139,532 :  28. 


1890.]  LAND  CONTROVERSIES  IN  MAINE*   1769-1772. 


85 


did  she  in  that  Time  ever  bear  of  any  other  Claimers  to  said  Lands,  & 
further  saith  not  her 

Naomi  X  Aim 

mark 

Lincoln  ss.  St.  Georges,  dep,  taken  2  Sept  1768,  before  David  Pales 

Just?  Pads,1 

Here  is  what  Mrs.  Annis's  son-in-law  has  to  say:  — 

VIIL 

Zacbarfah  Davis  of  a  place  Called  Meduncook  aged  forty-two  years 

Testifyeth  and  Saith  that  he  well  knows  M"  Naomi  Anuis  of  S1  Georges 
and  he  this  deponent  having  Married  y*  Daughter  of  ye  Afore  sd  Annis 
about  Eight  Years  Ago  and  Whose  wife  is  Stil  living  &  an  Intimacy  and 
harmony  Subsisting  between  the  deponants  family  &  bis  mother  in  law, 
this  Deponent  is  fully  perswaded  in  his  own  mind  by  y8  Acquiantance 
he  hath  with  his  Mother  in  Law  that  She  y*  a*  Naomi  Annis  is  not  At 
this  present  time  nor  has  been  for  some  years  past  Capable  of  Recol- 
lecting her  Self,  Owing  to  y°  Great  failure  of  her  memory  which  Scarce 
Serves  her  for  Two  days  To  gether,  And  further  Saith  not 

Witteness  ■  his 

Abr"-  Preble  Zechatuar  Q  Davis 

Jclids  Hartken  mark 

Lincoln  ss.  Meduncock,  deposition  taken  June  21,  1769.  before  Abr* 
Preble  Justice  of  ye  Peace.* 

IX- 

To  the  same  effect  is  the  deposition  of  John  Brasher,  —  that  she  — 

"has  not  been  in  a  Capacity  for  these  twelve  years  to  recollect  herself 
so  as  any  Confidence  may  he  placed  in  her  Testimony  or  Relation;'* 
and  that  of  John  Mcfntyer  who  t4  hath  known  her  for  Thirty  years  Past 
and  allways  Did  look  upon  her  to  be  so  Ignorant  as  not  to  be  Capable 
of  giving  Her  Testamony  or  Taking  an  oath,  &  farder  sayeth  Not" 

The  same  opinion  appears  incidentally  in  one  or  more  others :  — 


David   Fales  of   Lawful   Age  Testifieth  and   Saith,  That  he  being 
applied   to  as  a  Justice  of   the  Peace  to  take  Depositions  of  Naomi 

1  I  hid.  No.  130,413:  23. 


i  Suffolk  Court  Files,  No.  139,413  :  17, 


36  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  [Jan. 

Annis  to  be  used  in  Sundry  Causes  wherein  Thomas  Bodkin  is  Plaintiff 
against  James  Yeates,  James  Bailey,  John  Randal  and  Simon  Elliot 
severally  in  the  Several  Causes  Defendants  to  be  tried  at  the  Inferiour 
Court  of  Common  Pleas  held  at  Pownalborough  on  the  last  Tuesday  of 
September  Anno  Domini  1768.  That  some  time  in  the  said  year  1768, 
This  Deponent  attended,  that  Service,  and  from  the  Conversation  then 
had  with,  and  a  careful  Examination  of  the  said  Naomi  Annis,  and 
from  former  Conversations  and  Examinations  of  the  said  Naomi  upon 
the  same  Subject,  I  adjudged  her  to  be  of  sufficient  Capasity  of  Mind 
to  give  her  Testimony  in  the  said  Causes.     And  further  saith  not. 

David  Falks 

Lincoln  es.  Sept  28,  1769  deposition  taken  before  Tho?  Rice  Just, 
ad  pacem.1 

XI. 

Hugh  Boyd  aged  about  sixty  two  years  Testifies  and  says  that  about 
Twenty  Six  years  ago  he  went  to  live  at  Round  pond.  That  he  took 
one  of  Thomas  Bodkins  Farms  there  at  the  halves,  where  he  lived  about 
three  years  and  was  then  Oblig'd  to  Quit  that  place,  and  go  into  Pema- 
quid  Fort,  On  Account  of  the  Indian  war  breaking  out,  that  about  the 
Time  he  went  to  live  at  Round  pond  John  Morrell  &  Nathaniel  Bull 
lived  there,  Nathaniel  Bull  lived  the  next  farm  tp  the  southward  of  this 
Deponents  and  Morrell  lived  at  the  Northerly  Part  of  the  Pond,  about 
that  Time  sd  Morrell  sold  his  Stock  and  Improvements  to  sd*  Bodkin 
and  went  off :  That  this  Deponent  does  not  remember  that  any  body 
but  s*  Bodkin  claim'd  the  land  at  Round  pond,  While  the  Deponent 
Knew  the  place.  This  Deponent  Further  Testifies  that  The  Farm  in 
which  he  lived  was  Called  the  Old  Farm  and  that  said  Bull  and  Morrell 
were  the  only  people  then  living  at  round  pond  Except  the  Deponent 
&  his  Family,  That  This  Deponent  lived  about  Three  years  in  Pemaquid 
Fort  before  he  Came  to  the  Westward,  This  Deponent  further  Testifies 
that  sd-  Bull  was  an  other  of  Bodkins  Tenants,  and  was  some  years 
after  Killed  with  a  Number  of  Other  people,  by  the  Indians  at  Pemaquid 
Fails,  and  that  the  Deponent  helped  to  bury  the  Bodies. 

Hugh  Botd 

Suffolk  ss.  Wrentham  Aug.  6, 1768  deposition  taken  before  Ebenezer 
Fisher,  Justice  Peace.2 

Among  the  early  settlers  the  interests  of  religion  and  education 
seem  not  to  have  been  lost  sight  of :  — 

i  Suffolk  Court  Files,  No.  139,413  :  25.  a  IbuL  No.  139,413:  18. 


37 


1809.]  LAND  CONTROVERSIES  IN  MAINE,   1709-1772. 

xir. 

* 

u  John  Ulmer  of  a  place  called  Broadbay,"  in  1770,  testifies  that 
seven  years  before  some  forty  or  forty-five  families,  largely  Dutch,  were 
M  Con  firmed  in  the  settlements  and  Improvements  by  Deeds  of  Convey- 
ance from  the  Feraaquid  or  Bristol  Company  for  their  several  farms 
there,  from  near  Maddmock  falls,  down  to  Broad  Cove  *  *  .  A  minis- 
terial Lott,  of  one  hundred  aeres,  another  hundred,  for  the  Meeting  house 
&  Two  Lotts  for  the  School  house,  being  granted  to  the  Settlement,  By 
the  Sakl  Company.1' 

And  Mathias  Ramely  of  the  same  place  and  at  the  same  time 
refers  to  the  same  grant,  describing  the  Meeting  house  as  **  Built 
thereon,"  and  specifies  the  amount  of  the  two  School  allotments,  — 
u  about  30  or  40  acres  in  each  Lott  for  the  Benefit  of  two  Schools/' 
Another  paper  of  peculiar  interest  is  a  copy  of  the  Will  of 
Nicholas  Davison,  —  *fc  one  of  the  chief  men  and  Agent  of  Gov, 
Cradock,"  l  an  early  and  one  of  the  largest  proprietors  of  Charles- 
town  and  the  ancestor  of  many  persons  now  well  known  in  Boston. 
Its  style  and  provisions  indicate  a  man  of  considerable  education, 
of  strong  character,  foresight  and  judgment.     It  makes  provision, 

1  Savage's  Genealogical  Dictionary  of  New  England,  EL  24. 

Nicholas  Davison  (ante*  p.  14  and  note)  was  admitted  an  inhabitant  of 
Charlestown  in  1839.  In  1642,  he  was  living  at  Medford,  Massachusetts  (Mid- 
dieses  Deeds,  iii.  116).  In  1055,  he  went  to  Barbados,  and  returned,  in  the 
Speedwell,  to  Charles  town  the  following  year.  He  had  only  the  two  children 
mentioned  in  his  will  {see  post,  p.  39T  note).  His  sole  ownership  of  the  Pema- 
qniii  Patent  and  his  title  thereto  have  been  already  shown  (ante,  p.  17,  note, 
See  also,  Johnston's  History  of  Bristol  and  Bremen,  p+  77)*  He  also  owned 
a  valuable  estate  in  Dock  Square,  Boston,  at  the  easterly  corner  of  Shrimpton's 
Lane,  later  known  as  Royal  Exchange  Lane  and  now  as  Exchange  Street. 
His  title  to  this  property,  however,  does  not  clearly  appear  of  record.  It  was 
a  part  of  the  original  Possession  of  Robert  Nash  who,  for  £150,  mortgaged 
it,  with  the  dwelling  house  thereon,  to  Nicholas  Davison,  1  (11)  1(518 
(Suffolk  Deeds,  i.  98).  The  mortgage  was  discharged  8  [10)  (1649)  {I hid. 
i.  110)*  The  next  recorded  evidence  of  Davison's  ownership  is  in  1607 
(after  his  decease),  when  the  estate  is  mentioned,  in  abuttal,  as  land  of  Mrs. 
Jone  Davison  (Ibid,  v.  360).  It  is  similarly  referred  to  in  1675,  as  belonging 
to  the  widow  Davison  or  her  children  (IbhL  ix,  380).  Daniel  Davison,  the 
only  son  of  Nicholas  Davison,  for  £226>  conveyed  one  half  of  the  estate  to 
John  Phillips  of  Charlestown,  14  April,  1082  {Ibid.  xiL  200).  The  title  to  the 
other  half  was  vested  in  the  Honorable  Joseph  Lynde,  who  had  married  Sarah 
Davison.  He,  for  love  to  his  daughter  Margaret,  wife  of  Colonel  Thomas 
Savage,  conveyed  his  moiety  to  her,  23  February,  1705-6  {Ibid,  xxii*  470). 


38  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  [Jah. 

in  certain  contingencies,  for  some  of  the  earliest  bequests  to  edu- 
cational and  charitable  interests  in  New  England.  It  also  provides 
for  the  welfare  of  his  only  son  in  a  judicious  and  somewhat 
unusual  manner,  and,  in  many  ways,  is  an  interesting  instrument. 

WILL  OF  NICHOLAS  DAVISON. 

Cbarlestown  the  26*  of  March  1655. 
In  the  name  of  God  amen  these  presents  are  to  testify  and  Declare 
to  all  whomsoever  [*  that]  it  may  Concern  That  I  Nicholas  Davison  of 
Chaiiestown  in  New  England  Mariner,  being  now  bound  to  sea  in  the 
Ship  Tr[a]desincrease,  Chris!  Clark  M*  to  the  Island  of  Barbadoes, 
and  from  thence  to  England,  Ireland,  or  to  any  other  part  or  place,  or 
hither  to  New-England  again,  The  Lord  (in  whose  hands  all  is)  permit- 
ting me,  and  not  knowing  how  the  Lord  in  his  all  guiding  wise  provi- 
dence, may  dispose  of  me  to  Life  or  Death  in  these  voyages  &  under- 
takings, in  whose  hands  my  Life  &  all  I  have  is,  and  if  it  should  be  his 

Thomas  and  Margaret  Savage  reconveyed  to  Joseph  Lynde,  20  May,  1708 
{Ibid  xxiv.  10),  and  he  and  John  Phillips,  for  £1000,  conveyed  the  whole  lot 
to  Thomas  Savage  on  the  following  day  (Ibid.  xxiv.  10).  Colonel  Thomas 
Savage1  died  seized,  3  March,  1720-21  (Boston  Town  Records),  after  mortgag- 
ing the  estate  to  Andrew  Belcher  and  others,  Trustees,  1  July,  1715,  when  it 
had  a  frontage  of  34  feet  on  Dock  Square  and  a  depth  of  121  feet  on  the  Lane 
(Suffolk  Deeds,  xxix.  232.  Cf.  Province  Laws,  i.  750-752).  The  Inventory 
describes  the  property  as  "  A  Brick  house,  Land  and  Stable  in  Dock  Square, 
Boston,  £1400  "  (Suffolk  Probate  Files,  No.  4403).  The  premises  descended  to 
Colonel  Savage's  two  daughters,  Margaret,  wife  of  John  Alford,  and  Elizabeth, 
wife  of  Joshua  Winslow.  Joshua  and  Elizabeth  Winslow  conveyed  her  share  to 
Benjamin  Alford,  1  March,  1725-26  (Suffolk  Deeds,  xlvii.  91),  and  he  reconveyed 
it  to  Joshua  Winslow  in  his  own  right,  20  January,  1732-33  (Ibid,  xlvii.  91), 
so  that  the  title  was  then  vested  in  Margaret  Alford  and  Joshua  Winslow, 
in  equal  shares.  In  the  Partition  of  Joshua  Winslow's  estate  (Suffolk  Pro- 
bate Files,  No.  14,559),  his  moiety  of  the  Dock  Square  property  was  set  off 
to  his  son  Isaac  Winslow,  Junior  (see  post,  p.  129).  As  an  illustration  of  the 
rise  in  real  estate  values,  it  may  be  stated  that  this  property  was  assessed,  in 
1899,  as  three  estates,  —  $129,000  for  the  3650  feet  of  land,  and  $13,500  for 
the  brick  buildings  thereon,  a  total  of  $142,500. 

For  notices  of  Nicholas  Davison  and  his  family,  see  Wy man's  Genealogies 
and  Estates  of  Cbarlestown,  i.  283,  284;  Waters' 8  Genealogical  Gleanings  in 
England,  i.  636 ;  and  Pope's  Pioneers  of  Massachusetts,  p.  134. 

1  Cancelled  in  the  original. 

1  The  Editors  of  Se wall's  Diary  (iii.  284  n.)  have  confounded  Colonel  Savage  with  his 
coosin-german,  Colonel  Thomas  Savage,  son  of  Habijah  and  Hannah  (Tyng)  Savage,  and 
grandson  of  Thomas  Savage,  the  emigrant.    Cf.  post,  p.  39,  note  3. 


1899.] 


LAND  CONTROVERSIES   IN   MAINE,   1769-177-'. 


39 


good  Pleasure  to  dispose  of  me,  to  Death  of  my  Body  I  implore  bia 
grace  out  of  his  Infinite  Mercy  in  Christ  Jesus,  to  receive  my  soul  into 
Glory  with  himself,  and  for  my  Temporall  Estate  This  I  declare  to  be 
my  Will  &  Testament,  That  a  True  valuation  be  taken  thereof  by  men 
appointed  to  prize  the  same,  &  that  my  Debts  be  in  the  first  place  paid 
out  of  the  Estate  so  valued  and  the  Remainder  I  Bequeath  as  followeth 
One  Third  part  thereof  to  my  Loving  Wife  Joan  Davison,1  one  Third 
part  to  my  Son  Daniel  Davison,2  and  the  Other  Third  part  to  ray 
Daughter  Sarah  Davison,8  and  in  Case  that  ray  said  Wife  should  die 

1  Mrs.  Davison  married  (2)  Richard  Kent  of  Newbury,  6  January,  1674-75 
(who  died  25  November,  1689),  and  died  at  Newbury,  30  October,  3699  (New- 
bury Town  Records). 

a  Major  Daniel  Davison,  of  Charlestown  and  Newbury,  was  born  at  Charles- 
town  t  Massachusetts,  0  January,  1630-51 ;  married  Abigail  Coffin,  daughter 
of  the  Honorable  Peter  Coffin  of  Exeter,  New  Hampshire,  16  December,  1673  ; 
and  died  18  January,  1717-18  (gravestone  at  Newbury),  Of  his  eight  children, 
Sarah  married  Colonel  Stephen  Dudley,  great-grandson  of  Governor  Thomas 
Dudley;  Mary  married  Jacob  Sheafe  of  Boston;  Abigail,  baptized  23. July, 
1699,  married  Zachariah  Fitch  of  Boston  (see  post%  pp.  42, 43,  notes) ;  and  Captain 
Xirhol&s,  by  wife  Anne  who  died  at  Newbury,  6  July,  1731,  in  her  43d  year 
(gravestone),  had  (i)  Mary,  who  died  in  1709,  (ii)  Elizabeth,  baptized  15 
October,  1710,  who  married  Captain  Robert  Ball,  at  Charlestowu,  26  June, 
1728,  (hi)  Daniel,  baptized  10  April  1713,  who  married  Margaret  Ogleby,  and 
(iv)  Ann,  born  about  1715,  who  married  Jo  mi  Goodwin.  (Newbury  Town 
Records;  Newbury  Church  Records;  and  Wyman's  Genealogies  and  Estates 
of  Charlestown,  L  284.)  There  is  a  portrait  of  Elizabeth  (Davison)  Ball,  by 
Blackburn,  and  one  of  heT  husband  by  Smihert,  in  the  possession  of  our  asso- 
ciate, Mr,  Henry  H.  Edes,  —  one  of  their  descendants  in  the  fifth  generation. 

*  Sarah  Davison  was  born  at  Charlestown,  31  December,  1647,  married 
the  Honorable  Joseph  Lynde,  24  March,  1604-65,  and  died,  of  small  pox, 
13  December,  167*.  Lynde  subsequently  married  (2)  Emma  or  Amy  (Ander- 
son) Brackenbury  and  (3)  Mary  (Luttrell)  Winthrop,  widow  of  the  Honorable 
Adam  Winthrop,  and  died  2fJ  January,  1726-27  at  the  great  age  of  about  00 
years  (The  Boston  Weekly  News.  Letter  of  Thursday,  2  February,  1726-27, 
No,  5,  p.  2  /2).  He  was  of  the  Committee  of  Safety,  1689,  Representative,  and 
a  member  of  the  Council.  A  considerable  number  of  the  Pemaquid  Proprie- 
tors (see  post.  pp.  52,  53,  note)  derived  their  title  through  their  descent  from 
Joseph  and  Sarah  Lynde,  —  especially  through  their  daughter  Sarah  Lynde, 
born  6  December,  1066,  who  married  (1)  Thomas  Clark  and  (2)  Setta  Sweetser; 
and  their  daughter  Margaret  Lynde,  born  24  January,  166S-09,  who  married 
Culonel  Thomas  Savage,  of  Boston,  son  of  Lieutenant- Co  Ion  el  Thomas  and 
Elizabeth  (Scottow)  Savage,  and  grandson  of  Thomas  Savage,  the  emigrant, 
and  became  Hm  mother  of  Elizabeth  Savage,  born  1  August,  1694,  who  married 
Joshua  Winslow,  and  of  Margaret  Savage,  bom  10  September,  1698,  who 
married  the  Honorable  John  Alford  (see  postt  pp.  128,  129,  note). 


40        THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.      [Jah. 

before  this  be  of  Force,  Then  my  Will  is  that  her  Third  part  shall  be 
given  and  Equally  divided  to  my  son  and  Daughter  abovesaid,  also  my 
Will  is  that  my  abovesaid  Wife  shall  have  the  keeping  &  disposing  of 
my  Clear  Estate,  and  my  Children  while  she  Lives  or  till  they  Come 
of  age,  and  that  my  Son  be  kept  to  School  till  he  is  Thirteen  or  Four- 
teen years  of  age  &  longer  if  then  he  requires  it,  if  [*  mean],  means  Can 
be  had  of  what  remains  after  my  Debts  are  paid  as  above  said,  but  if 
he  will  not  follow  his  Study  longer  then  Fourteen  Years  as  above  said 
then  to  bind  him  out  an  Apprentice  seven  years  to  some  good  honest 
Godly  man  of  some  good  Trade  as  may  seem  best  to  my  said  son  if 
Tractable  and  willing,  or  Else  in  Judgment  of  Those,  that  shall  then 
have  the  Oversight  of  him,  shall  Think  best  and  most  Suitable  for 
him,  &  in  Case  Either  of  my  Children  die  before  they  Come  of  age, 
then  the  Other  that  survives  to  have  the  deceaseds  part  which  it  was  to 
have  had,  if  Lived,  and  if  my  Estate  as  abovesaid  fall  Either  to  my  Son 
or  Daughter,  and  that  my  said  Son  or  Daughter,  should  die  before  they 
Come  of  age,  (and  in  Case  [*  that]  my  Wife  should  be  dead)  then  my 
will  is  that  One  Third  part  of  my  Estate  be  given  to  my  Brother  John 
Davison,  Tho  at  present  I  know  not  where  he  is  but  if  Cannot  be  heard 
off  or  dead,  Then  I  give  that  third  part  unto  my  Sister  in  Law  Mary 
Hodges,  alias  Anderson  Wife  to  John  Anderson, *  and  to  my  Nephews 
Em  Rash,  and  Joan  Rash  to  be  equally  divided  between  them  and  the 
rest  of  my  Estate  to  be  divided,  the  one  half  unto  the  Children  of 
my  Brother  in  Law  John  Anderson  equally  between  them,  and  the  other 
half  to  the  Children  of  my  Brother  Jeremy  Davison  Deceased  who  was 
married  and  lived  in  Lynn  in  England,  and  if  the  Lord  should  so  order 
it  that  it  should  (I  mean  my  Estate)  not  (by  reason  of  Death)  be 
Enjoyed  by  my  wife  &  Children  but  go  to  my  next  kindred  as  above 
exprest,  then  before  it  be  divided  amongst  them,  I  desire  and  my  Will 
is  that  one  fourth  part  of  the  whole  Clear  Estate,  be  given  to  the  Town 
of  Charlestown  aforesaid  to  be  put  out  by  the  Townsmen  then  being,  at 
an  Annual  Rent  forever,  For  the  Maintainance  so  far  as  it  will  reach 
more  or  less,  of  poor  mens  Children  of  the  same  Town,  Especially 
Fatherless  Children  to  School  &  I  do  By  these  presents  Constitute  & 
Appoint  my  Loving  Wife  aforesaid  Joan  Davison  my  True,  Lawf ull  & 
Sole  Executrix,  and  she  to  Nominate  for  her  Assistance  in  the  premises 
whom  she  pleases.  In  Witness  of  The  Truth  I  have  hereunto  set  my 
hand  and  Seal  the  Day  and  Year  above- written,  written  with  my  own 

hand. 

V  me  Nicholas  Davison  &  a  Seal. 

1  Caucelled  in  the  original. 

8  See  Wyman'8  Genealogies  and  Estates  of  Charlestown,  i.  20. 


1899,]  LAND  CONTROVERSIES   IN  MAINE,   1769-1772.  41 

Signed  Sealed  and  Delivered  as  my  last  will  and  Testament  in  the 

presence  of  us,  m$  it)  the  Margin  of  Wife  in  the  same  line  was  interlined 

before  tbe  signing  and  Sealing  hereof, 

John  Manking 
Chris*  Clark 
John  Dudley 
11 ;  5,.  BL.     Attested  on  Oath  by  John  Dudley  that  he 

saw  Mr  Nicholas  Davison  now  deces'd  Sign  and  Seal  this  Instrument  as 

bis  last  will  and  Testament  and  that  he  Subscribed  his  Name  as  a 

Witness  Thereto. 

Before  me  Francis  Willooohby  &  Tho3  Danforth     Recorders 

A  True  Copy  as  of  Record  in  the  Registry  of  Probate  for  the  County 
of  Middlesex. — 

Attest  S.  Danfohth,  J.  Prob* 
A  true  Copy  Exam'd  by  Jof*  Bowmak  Cler 
[Endorsed]  m 

Nich*  Davinson'a  Will 
Copy1 

An  abstract  of  the  Inventory  of  his  Estate  also  appears  in 
another  place  in  the  Suffolk  Court  Files:  — 

An  Abstract  from  the  Inventory  of  MT  Nicholas  Davison  late  of 
Charlestown  deceased  as  It  was  apprised  the  2d  February  1664  by  Capt 
Francis  Norton  Lt  Randall  Nicbolls  &  James  Russell  Viz : 

A  Dwelling  house »  Warehouse,  Wharff  two  small  houses  with  the 
Ground  Joyning  to  the  s^  houses  in  Charlestown  &  a  Wood-lot 
at  Mistick  side  at  £450: 

Thirty  Acres  of  Land  in  Henry  Herberts  hands  which ") 
was   formerly   Major    Gibbins    &   four   Cow   Comons  >      120: 
belonging  to  it  at  J 

Three  Cow  Comons  more  in  Charlestown  15  ; 

The  above  a*  Inventory  of  the  sd  deeed  (whereof  the 
foregoing  is  an  Abstract  as  aforea4)  was  Entred  <fe 
recorded  22-12-1605  —  ^  Thomas  Danforth  Records 
And  taken  now  from  the  2d  Hook  pa  :  221  — 

f-  Fra  :  Foxckoft  Junk  Retf 
A  true  Copy  Examd  f>  Samll  Phipps  Cier 
A  True  Copy  Examd  V  Samuel  Tyley  Cier* 

1  Suffolk  Court  Filea,  No.  139,53d  :  21.  The  original  will  wholly  in  the 
elegant  handwriting  of  the  testator,  is  still  preserved  in  the  Middlesex  Probate 
Files,  No  4070. 

*  Suffolk  Court  Files,  No.  713.     The  Inventory  in  the  Middlesex  Probate 


42  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  [Jan. 

Two  or  three  depositions  throw  some  light  on  the  life  and  for- 
tunes of  Nicholas  Davison  and  clear  up  some  hitherto  obscure 
points.  They  also  reveal  the  important  facts  that  he  lived,  died, 
and  was  buried  at  Pemaquid. 

XIII. 

Abigail  Fitch  of  Boston  in  the  County  of  Suffolk  aged  about 
Forty  Years,  Testify eth  and  Saitb,  that  she  is  the  reputed 
Grand  Daughter  of  Daniel  Davison  who  is  reputed  to  have 
been  the  Son  of  Nicholas  Davison,  wcb  said  Nicholas  is  reputed 
among  his  Descendants  to  have  lived  &  dyed  at  Pemmaquid 
now  called  Bristol  in  the  County  of  Lincoln  in  the  Eastern 
parts  of  this  Province  And  this  Deponent  saith  that  some 
years  past  she  was  at  said  Pemmaquid  and  was  then  shewn  by 
the  Inhabitants  said  Nicholas  Davisons  Tomb  or  Grave  there 
over  which  appeared  to  have  been  a  monument  raised  by  the 
Stones  there  fallen  Down 

her 
Test  Belcher  Noyes  Abigail  X  Fitch  l 

Mark 

Suffolk  ss  Boston  June  19  1771 
Then  personally  Appeared  the  above  named  Abigail  Fitch  liv- 
ing at  Boston  being  more  than  thirty  Miles  from  Falmouth  in  the 
County  of  Cumberland  after  being  duly  examined  &  cautioned 
made  Solemn  Oath  to  the  Truth  of  the  above  written  Declara- 
tion Subscribed  by  her,  taken  at  the  Request  of  John  Randall 
of  Bristol  in  the  County  of  Lincoln  Yeoman,  &  to  be  used  in 
an  Action  of  Ejectment,  to  be  heard  &  tryed  at  the  Superior 
Court  of  Judicature  &c  to  be  holden  at  said  Falmouth,  in  &  for 

Files  (No.  4070)  includes  Real  Estate  in  Boston,  Charlestown,  Pemaquid,  and 
2,100  acres  at  Windsor,  Connecticut.  Among  the  items  of  personal  property 
enumerated  are  a  hall  clock,  sword,  rapier,  cutlasses  and  pistols,  fine  linen,  139 
ounces  of  plate,  six  ounces  of  silver  buttons,  cypress  cabinet,  eight  pieces  of  gold 
therein,  broadcloth,  French  and  Spanish  books,  and  two  negroes,  —  Conungo 
and  Maria.     The  amount  the  Inventory  was  £1869.  11.  11. 

1  Abigail  Fitch  was  born  in  Boston  6  September,  1723,  and  was  baptized 
at  the  Old  South  Church.  She  was  a  daughter  of  Zachariah  and  Abigail 
(Davison)  Fitch.  Her  mother  was  a  daughter  of  Major  Daniel  Davison  of 
Charlestown  and  Newbury  and  granddaughter  of  Nicholas  Davison.  For  her 
paternal  ancestry,  see  New  England  Historical  and  Genealogical  Register, 
1901,  lv,  288-293.     See  also  ante,  p.  39,  note. 


Ittfc] 


LAND  CONTROVERSIES  IK  MAINE,   1760-1772, 

said  Counties  of  Cumberland  &  Lincoln  on  the  first  Tuesday 
of  July  next;  wherein  the  said  John  Randall  is  Appellant,  and 
Thomas  Bodkin  of  said  Boston  is  Appellee*  who  was  original 
plaintiff.  The  said  Thomas  Bodkin  being  duly  notifyed  and 
his  Attorney  Mr  Joseph  Henshaw  was  present  at  the  time  of 
Caption 

Before  me  Belcoee  Noras  Justice  o  Peace l 

[Endorsed} 

Abigail  Fitch 


XIV. 

Elizabeth  Gorrod  of  Boston  in  the  County  of  Suffolk  aged 
about  thirty  eight  Years  testifyeth  &  saith  That  she  calls  her 
Self  (and  is  reputed  to  be)  a  Grand-Daughter  to  Daniel  Davi- 
son who  was  reputed  to  be  the  Son  of  one  Nicholas  Davison 
who  lived  &  Dyed  as  reputed  in  the  Family  descended  from 
him  at  Pemmaquid  (in  the  County  of  Lincoln)  now  called 
Bristol,  and  that  he  had  an  Interest  there 

her 
Test    Belcher  Notes  Eliz±  +  Gorrod  a 

Mark 

Suffolk  ss  Boston  June  19  1771 
Then  personally  Appeared  the  above  named  Eliz1  Gorrod  liv- 
ing at  Boston  being  more  than  thirty  Miles  from  Falml  in  the 
County  of  Cumberland,  after  being  duly  cautioned  &  exam- 
ined made  Solemn  Oath  to  the  Truth  of  the  above  written 
Declaration  Subscribed  by  her,  taken  at  the  Request  of  John 
Randall,  of  Bristoll  in  the  County  of  Lincoln  Yeoman,  to  be 
used  in  an  Action  of  Ejectment  to  be  heard  &  tryed  at  the 
Superiour  Court  of  Judicature  &c  to  be  balden  at  said  Fal- 
mouth in  &  for  the  Counties  of  Cumberland  &  Lincoln  on  the 
first  Tuesday  of  July  next;  wherein  the  said  John  Randall  is 

*  Suffolk  Court  Files,  No.  13&,532:  41. 

a  Eltitftbeth  Gorrod  was  the  youngest  child  of  Zachariah  and  Abigail  (Davi- 
son) Fitch.  She  waa  born  in  Boston,  31  January,  1731-32,  and  was  baptized 
at  the  New  South  Church.  Her  Intention  of  Marriage  with  Samuel  Gorrod 
was  recorded  in  Boston,  13  Octoher,  1757,  and  again  in  December,  1700  (Boston 
Record  Commissioners*  Reports,  xxx.  2ti\  3S).  The  record  of  her  marriage  has 
not  been  found.     She  was  a  sister  of  Abigail  Fitch  (see  ante,  p.  42,  note). 


44  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  [Jan. 

Appellant  &  Thomas  Bodkin  of  said  Boston  is  Appellee,  who 
was  the  original  plantiff.  The  said  Thomas  Bodkin  being 
duly  Notified  &  his  attorney  Mr  Joseph  Henshaw  was  present 
at  the  time  of  Caption,  Before  me 

Belcher  Noyes  Justice  o'  Peace  x 
[Endorsed] 

Eliz  Gorrood 

XV. 

Tobias  Oakman  aged  about  Seventy  three  Years,  declares,  and  says ; 
that  He  was  born  in  Scarborough  so  called,  in  the  Eastern  parts  of 
New  England,  and  he  lived  there  'till  drove  away  by  the  Indians,  near 
Fifty  Years  ago ;  that  before  They  were  drove  away  as  aforesaid,  when 
a  Youth,  he  used  frequently  to  go  afishing  with  his  Father ;  and  they 
frequently  went  into  Pemaquid  Harbor ;  That  he  very  well  remembers, 
that  One  Nicholas  Davison  lived  there ;  and  he  was  esteemed  a  Man  of 
considerable  Estate  [2  and  was  accounted  one  of  the  chief  Proprietors] 
in  that  Part,  and  he  has  often  heard  that  said  Davison  was  buried  there, 
and  he  has  sundry  Times  seen  the  place  that  is  called  his  Tomb :  and 
that  if  he  were  at  Pemaquid,  he  could  show  the  Place  where  said 
Davison  lived,  and  that  it  is  on  the  Larboard  Side  going  into  said 
Pemequid  River,  and  further  saith  not. 

The  Mark  of 
Tobias  T  Oakman 

Suffolk  sc.  Boston  February  16  :  1737. 

Tobias  Oakman  appeared,  and  made  Oath  to  the  Truth  of 
the  above  Declaration  by  him  subscribed  (in  perpetuam  in  Memoriam) 

Coram  H.Hall  \ 

\  Just.  Paris 
Abiel  Wallet   )  Quorum  Unus* 

[Endorsed] 

Tobias  Oakman's  Deposition  taken 
in  Perpetuam  &c  before  H :  Hall  &c 

February,  1737 

Exd 

1  Suffolk  Court  Files,  No.  139,532 :  42. 

*  Interlined  in  the  original. 

•  Suffolk  Court  Files,  No.  139,498:  53. 


1890J 


LAXD   CONTEOVEBSIES   IN   MAINE,    1760-1772. 


io 


Another  will  has  some  Interest  from  its  connection  with  certain 
well-known  names  and  families.  It  is  supplemented  by  details  in 
a  deposition  by  an  aged  woman  giving  the  recollections  of  her 
girlhood  :  — 

WILL  OP  DAVID  AKDEESON. 

In  the  Name  of  God  Amen  tfaU  Eight  Day  of  January  Anno 
Dom.  1700  and  I8f  Year  of  his  Majestys  Reign  William  the 
8?  king  of  England  &c  —  I  David  Anderson1  of  Chnrlestown  in 
the  County  of  Mldd|  Within  bis  May""  Province  of  the  Massa- 
chusetts-Bay in  New  England  MerchJ  being  in  good  Health, 
and  sound  and  perfect  Memory,  praised  be  God  for  the  same, 
[-  &]  knowing  the  uncertainty  of  This  Life  on  Earth,  more 
Especially  being  Now  bound  to  sea,  Do  Make  this  my  last 
will  and  Testament,  in  Manner  and  form  following,  that  is  to 
say,  first  [3  &]  principally  I  Commend  my  Soul  to  Almighty 
God  my  Creator,  hopeing  that  I  Shall  receive  full  pardon,  and 
free  Remission  of  all  my  Sins,  &  be  Saved  by  the  precious 
[a  Death  &]  Merits  of  my  Blessed  Sav!  &  Redeemer  Christ 
Jesus,  and  my  Body  to  the  Earth  from  Whence  it  was  taken, 
to  be  Buried  in  a  Decent  and  Christian  Manner,  and  as  touch- 
ing Such  Worldly  Estate,  as  the  Lord  in  Mercy  hath  Sent  Me, 
My  Will  and  Meaning  is  that  all  my  Just  Debts  Which  I  owe 
in  right  or  Conscience  to  any  Person  or  Persons  Whomsoever 
Item)  be  paid  and  Satisfied  by  my  Executrix  hereafter  Named  in 
Convenient  Time  after  my  Decease,  I  do  give  and  bequeath 
unto  my  Loving  and  beloved  Wife  Hannah  Two  third  parts  of 
all  my  Estate,  both  Real  and  Personal,  in  possession  or  Re- 
version after  my  Debts  and  Funeral  Charges  are  Paid  Uoto 
her  and  her  Heirs  &  assignes  forever.  Item,  I  do  Give  and 
Bequeath  unto  my  Aunt  Sarah  Clarkes  Children,  and  my 
Cousin  Anderson  Phillips,  and  Henry  Phillips  the  other  third 
part  of  all  my  Estate  both  real  and  Personal  [*Botb]  in 
possion  or  Reversion,  after  [-  my]  Debts  &e  as  aforesaid  are 
paid,  to  them  the  S^  Children  of  my  Aunt  Sarah  Clarke  and 
Anderson  [a  Phillips]  &  Henry  Phillips,  and  their  Heirs  and 
Assigns  forever,  Each  one  an  Equal  part  of  S*  Third  part  of 


1  David  Anderson  was  grandson  of  John  Anderson,  named  in  Nicholas 
Davison's  will,  ante,  p»  40  (Wvmau's  Genealogies  and  Estates  of  Charleatown, 
I  21). 

*  Interlined  in  the  original.  8  Cancelled  ia  the  original. 


46  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OP  MASSACHUSETTS.  [Jan. 

my  Estate,  and  I  do  Nominate,  and  Appoint  my  Dearly  be- 
loved Wife,  Hannah  Phillips  to  be  the  sole  Execu*  of  this  my 
last  will  and  Testament  —  In  Witness  Whereof  I  have  here- 
unto set  my  hand  and  Seal,  the  Day  and  Year  first  above 

Written. 

David  Anderson  &  a  Seal. 

Signed,  Sealed  and  published  by  David  Anderson 

to  be  his  last  Will  and  Testament  before  us  upon 

seal.     )  further  Consideration,  I  add  as  a  part  of  My  Will 

as  followeth,  My  Will  is  that  Cousen  John  Phillips 

have  my  bigest  Tankard,  and  further  my  Will  is, 

that  if  my  Wife  Hannah  be  with  Child,  &  I  have  a  Child  by 

her,  my  Will  is,  and  I  do  give  ail  my  Estate  to  my  S?   Wife 

Hannah  towards  well  bringing  up  my  Child,  but  if  the  Child 

Dye,  then  the  abovesaid  Legacy  to  go  as  abovesaid 

David  Anderson 
John  Cutler,  Edward  Larkin,  Nathaniel  Dowse 

A  True  Copy  taken  from  the  Registry  of  Probate  for  the 
County  of  Middlesex 

Copy  Exam*  ^  And*  Bordman  Retfl 

These  may  Certifie  that  on  the  25th  day  of  June  1701.  The 
last  Will  &  Testament  of  David  Anderson  aforementioned  was 
Proved  Approved  &  Allowed  on  By  James  Russell  Esq!  Judge 
of  Probate  for  the  County  of  Middlesex  as  appears  by  the 
Records  in  the  Probate  Office  for  said  County, 

Attest;  And7  Bordman  Reef. 

[Endorsed] 

David  Andersons  Will 

N°  10 

David  Anderson's  Will  — 
—  Copy  —  1 

XVL 

I  Faith  Russell  now  living  in  Westown  in  the  County  of 
Middlesex  &  Province  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay  in  New 
England  Widow,  aged  Eighty  Years,  Do  hereby  testify  and 
declare,  That   Mr  David  Anderson  formerly  of  Charlestown 

i  Suffolk  Court  Files,  No.  139,532 :  22. 


1809.]  LAND  CONTROVERSIES  IN  MAINE,   17G0-1772. 


47 


Mereh*  marryed  my  Sister  Hannah  Phillips,1  that  the  said 
David  Anderson  dyed  in  parts  beyond  Sea,  &  was  a  Gentleman 
of  a  good  Estate  in  the  Town  of  Boston  &  reputed  a  Proprietor 
of  Lands  at  [*&]  [*or]  near  Pemaquid  in  the  Eastern  parts 
of  said  Province;  that  the  said  David  dyed  without  Issue  by 
his  Said  Wife  Hannah  who  was  after  his  Death  marryed  to 
Habijah  Savage  Esq.  and  the  Declarant  ["knew]  Thomas 
Savage  Esq  &  Cap1  Arthur  Savage  the  Surviving  Children  of 
[Jthe]  the  said  Habijah  &  Hannah  Savage  their  other  Children 
dyed  leaving  no  Issue.  The  Declarant  further  says  that  said 
Thomas  Savage  Esq.  their  Son  left  four  Children,  namely  John, 
Habijah  Sarah  &  Ezekiel:  and  the  Declarant  also  knew 
the  said  Cap*  Arthur  Savage  their  other  Son,  who  is  since 
dead  and  left  a  Widow  named  Rachcll  who  is  now  married 
to  James  Noble  Esq.  and  that  the  said  Habijah  &  Hannah 
his  Wife  the  Parents  of  the  said  Thomas  &  Arthur  Savage 
dyed  many  years  past  The  Declarant  also  well  knew  [a  Sarah] 
Lynde  who  was  the  reputed  Daughter  of  Coll  Joseph  Lynde  of 
Charlestown  by  [*  Sarah,]  his  wife,  who  [*  after  his  death]  was 
tnarryed  to  Seth  Sweetaer  of  said  Charlestown  who  is  sines 
Dead  ;  and  that  Seth  Sweetzer  now  living  in  Charlestown  is  the 
reputed  Son  of  the  said  [*  Sarah]  by  her  Husband  Seth  Sweetzer. 
And  further  That  Joanna  Phillips  late  of  said  Charlestown 
Widow  deceased  &  Grandmother  to  Joanna  Jenuers  (who 
intermarried  with  one  Edward  Games)  was  another  reputed 
Daughter  of  Coll  Joseph  Lynde  &  [a  Sarah]  his  wife  aforenamed. 
And  further  saith  not 

KB.  Habijah  &  Hannah  Savage  left  three  surviving  Children,  viz 
Hannah,  Thomas  and  Arthur;  Hannah  died  presently  after  her 
parents  and  left  no  Issue,  — 


1  Henry  Phillips  of  Dedham,  Boston  and  Charlestown,  had  a  son  Samuel 
Phillips,  baptized  2  November,  1CG2,  who  was  a  stationer  in  Boston ,  married 
Hannah  Gillam,  and  had  by  her,  among  others,  Hannah  Phillips,  who  mar- 
ried (1)  David  Anderson  and  (2)  Habijah  Savage;  and  Faith  Phillips,  the 
deponent,  who  married  (1)  Arthur  Savage  and  (5)  the  Honorable  Daniel 
Rossell.  Habijah  and  Arthur  Savage  were  brothers  of  Colonel  Thomas  Savage 
{see  ante,  pp,  37 y  38,  &9,  nvte*)*  Faith  Russell  died  at  Weston,  6  June,  1775, 
aged  84  years  (Wy  man's  Genealogies  and  Estates  of  Charlestown,  ii  742,  743, 
745,  831,  847,  848). 

a  Cancelled  in  the  original.  *  Interlined  in  the  original. 


48  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  [JaH. 

The  Question  was  put  to  the  Deponant,  what  was  your  Age 
when  you  first  knew  Mr.  Anderson.  Answer.  About 
twelve  years 

2  How  old  was  you  when  Mr  Anderson  died,  Answ?      About 

thirteen 

3  How  do  you  know  that  the  lands  at  the  Eastward  were 

reputed  to  be  My  Anderson's?    Ans1**    It  was  so  reputed 
in  my  Father  Phillip  [s']  Family. 

4  Was  j*  lands  at  y*  Eastward,  his,  by  his  own  Right,  or  by 

Right  of  of  his  Wife.      Answer  they  were  his  before 

Marriage. 

Faith  Russell 

Middlesex  ss  Westown  June  25  1770 

Then  personally  Appeared  the  within  named  Faith  Russell 
living  at  Westown  being  more  than  thirty  miles  from  Falmouth 
in  the  County  of  Cumberland  after  being  duly  examined  & 
cautioned  to  testify  the  Truth  made  Solemn  Oath  to  the  Truth 
of  the  within  written  Declaration  Subscribed  by  her  taken  at 
the  Request  of  John  Randall  ['of  Bristol  in  the  County  of 
Lincoln]  the  Appellant,  &  to  be  used  in  an  Action  of  Eject- 
ment to  be  heard  &  tryed  at  the  Superiour  Court  of  Judicature 
to  be  holden  at  Falmouth  in  &  for  the  Counties  of  Cumberland 
&  Lincoln  on  the  Tuesday  following  the  fourth  Tuesday  of 
June  Current  wherein  the  said  John  is  Appelland  and  Thomas 
Bodkin  of  Boston  in  the  County  of  Suffolk  is  Appellee.  The 
said  Thomas  being  duly  notifyed  of  the  time  &  place  of  Caption 
was  present  by  his  Attorney  Mr  Joseph  Henshaw. 

Before  me  Samuel  Livermore  Justice  of  Peace 

[Endorsed] 

Faith  Russell a 

A  deposition  by  the  Register  of  Deeds  of  the  County  of  Middle- 
sex has  been  preserved  which  shows  the  manner  of  taking  the 
acknowledgment  of  deeds  by  the  Assistants  in  Colonial  times. 
Upon  some  of  the  early  deeds  the  signature  alone  appears  without 
any  designation  of  capacity,  —  as  in  1653,  before  Increase  No  well, 
and  in  1657,  before  Simon  Willard.  On  one  dated  3  January, 
1700,  the  acknowledgment  is  signed  by  — 

1  Interlined  in  the  original. 

2  Suffolk  Court  Files,  No.  139,532  :  66. 


'■] 


LAND  CONTROVERSIES  IN  MAINE,   1789-1772. 


49 


One  of  his  Majesty's  Council  and  Justice  of  the  Peace  for  the 
Province  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay  in  New  England* 

John  Phillips. 

On©  deed,  in  1675,  with  no  acknowledgment  whatever,  was 
proved,  aa  to  its  execution,  by  the  oath  of  a  witness,  in  17  00,  The 
text  of  the  Register's  deposition  follows ;  — 

XVIL 

I,  the  Deponent  Register  of  Deeds  within  and  for  the  County  of 
Middlesex  do  testify  and  say  that  upon  Search  made  in  the  Registry 
of  Deeds  for  said  County  I  find  The  Acknowledgment  of  divers  deeds 
to  lie  taken  before  Richard  Russell  Assistant  particularly  in  the  years 
1**70  1671  and  1672,  (The  Caption  of  the  acknowledgment  of  one  of 
those  deeds  is  dated  the  16th  of  the  8th  Mouth  167L)  besides  various 
other  Deeds  the  acknowledgment  whereof  was  taken  before  other  assis- 
tants. And  I  do  not  find  that  any  Magistrate  taking  acknowledgments 
of  Deeds  In  those  years  stiles  himself  Justice  of  the  Peace  but  where 
he  sets  forth  his  Capacity  or  Qualification  it  is  that  of  Assistant  or 
Magistrate  but  most  commonly  the  former  — 

JOHK  FOXCKOFT. 

Province  of  the  )    June  24.  1771     ,     < 

Massachusetts  Bay     S         •  .  .   to   be   made   use  of  in   an  Action   of 
Middlesex  ss*  J    Ejectment  to  be  heard  and  tryed  at  the  Supe- 

riour  Court  of  Judicature,  Court  of  Assize  and  General  Gaol  Deiiv- 
ary,  to  be  holden  at  Falmouth  in  the  County  of  Cumberland  for  the 
inties  of  Cumberland  and  Lincoln  on  the  Second  day  of  July  next 
wherein  James  Yates  of  Bristol  in  the  County  of  Lincoln  Husband- 
man is  Appellant  and  Thomas  Bodkin  of  Boston  in  the  County  of 

Suffolk  is  Appellee  .  .  ■ 

S.  Dan  forth  Ju&  Pa(f l 

Abraham  Shurt  at  the  age  of  "  Fourscore  years  or  thereabouts," 
whose  memory  has  been  embalmed  by  Nathaniel  Ingersoll  Bow- 
ditch  »g  gives  a  deposition  of  interest :  — 


i  Suffolk  Court  Files,  No.  139,400  :  2. 

*  Bowditch's  Suffolk  Surnames  contains  the  following  Dedication  ;  — 

To  the  Memory 

of 

A.  Short, 

H  The  Father  of  American  Conveyancing  H 

whose  name  is  associated  alike 

with 

My  Daily  Toilet  and  my  Daily  Occupation, 

4 


50  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  [JaJC 


XVIII. 

The  Deposition  of  Abraham  Shurt,  aged  Fourscore  years  or  there- 
abouts Saith  that  in  the  Year  1626,  Alderman  Alsworth,  &  Mr  Gyles 

In  the  same  work  the  author  says :  — 

"Abraham  Short,  of  Femaquid  (now  Bristol,  Me.),  took  an  acknowledgment  of  an 
Indian  deed  in  1626,  twenty  years  before  any  enactment  on  that  subject,  and  is  con- 
sidered the  '  Father  of  American  Conveyancing '"  (p.  101). 

The  appellation  given  him  by  Thornton,  followed  by  Bowditch,  seems  not 
undeserved.  The  acknowledgment,  now  so  firmly  established  as  an  essential 
part  of  every  conveyance,  appears  to  have  owed  its  earliest  use  to  him,  and  the 
form  employed  on  that  Indian  deed  of  1626  is  practically  identical  with  that 
in  use  to-day.  The  acknowledgment  in  question  may  be  read  in  Johnston's 
History  of  Bristol  and  Bremen,  p.  55. 

In  the  New  England  Historical  and  Genealogical  Register,  1871  (xxv. 
131-137),  Professor  John  Johnston  has  a  long  and  interesting  account  of  Shurt 
as  filling  an  important  place  in  early  Maine  history;  and  there  is  a  farther 
account  in  his  History  of  Bristol  and  Bremen:  "  He  became  a  resident  of 
Pemaquid  soon  after  his  arrival  in  the  country,  and  spent  here  the  rest  of  his 
life  "  (p.  59.  See  also  Ibid.  pp.  56,  57).  He  is  supposed  to  have  come  over 
about  1625.  As  to  the  date  of  his  death,  Johnston  says  there  have  been 
various  guesses  and  mistakes, — Williamson,  for  instance,  giving  both  years 
1680  and  1690;  but  he  thinks  it  more  likely  that  it  occurred  soon  after  Sh art's 
visit  to  Boston  in  1662.  Johnston  speaks  of  him  as  "a  just  and  upright 
man,  ...  a  magistrate  of  influence  in  the  colony,  ...  an  honest  man  and 
upright  magistrate,"  —  no  slight  praise.  Much  of  the  credit  of  his  services 
between  the  savages  and  the  colonists,  however,  he  is  inclined  to  think  belongs 
to  one  John  Earthy,  and  not  to  him,  "  excellent  man  as  he  was." 

Hubbard  gives  the  story  of  a  retaliatory  attack  made  by  some  hundred 
Eastern  Indians  in  thirty  canoes,  upon  Agawam,  in  the  summer  of  1631,  and 
relates  how  they  — 

"slew  seven  men,  and  wounded  John  and  James,  two  sagamores  that  lived  about 
Boston,  and  carried  others  away  captive,  amongst  whom  one  was  the  wife  of  the  said 
James,  which  they  sent  again  by  the  mediation  of  Mr  Shard  of  Pemaquid,  that  used 
to  trade  with  them  "  (General  History  of  New  England,  chap,  xxv.,  in  2  Massachusetts 
Historical  Collections,  v.  145). 

The  same  occurrence  is  noted  in  Prince's  Annals  of  New  England :  — 

"Sept.  17.  Mr  Shnrt  or  Shard  of  Pemaquid  sends  Home  to  Agawam,  James  Saga- 
more's Wife,  who  had  been  taken  away  [in]  the  Surprize  at  Agawam  "  (Ibid.  2,  viL  34 
of  the  second  pagination). 

Another  incident  in  which  Shurt  figured  is  given  by  Hubbard,  chap.  xxix. :  — 

*  In  June,  in  the  year  1633,  fell  out  a  very  remarkable  accident  upon  some  that  be* 
longed  to  Pemaquid.    One  Abraham  Shurd  .  .  .  bound  for  Boston  in  a  shallop,  intend- 


I839.J 


LAND  CONTROVERSIES   IN  MAINE,   1760-1772, 


51 


Elbridge  of  Bristol,  Merchants,  sent  over  thta  Deponent  for  their  Agent, 
and  gave  Power  to  him  to  buy  Monhegan,  which  then  belonged  to  Mr 
Abraham  Jennings  of  PI i mouth,  who  they  understood  was  witling  to  Sell 
it,  and  having  Conference  with  his  Agent,  about  the  Price  thereof,  agreed 
for  fifty  Pounds,  and  the  Patten t  to  be  delivered  up  "  and  gave  him  a 
Bill  upon  Alderman  Ala  worth ;  which  Bill  being  presented,  was  paid  as 
the  Aforesaid  wrote  me — The  Deponant  further  Said  that  about  the  Year 
1629,  was  seat  over  unto  him  by  the  aforenamed  Alderman  A  Is  worth,  and 
Mr  El  bridge  a  Patten  t  granted  by  the  Patten  tees  for  twelve  Thousand 
Acres  of  Land  at  Pemaquid,  with  all  Islands,  Islets  adjacent,  within 
three  Leagues,  and  for  the  Delivery  was  appointed  Cap1  Walter  Keal ; 
who  gave  me  Possession  thereof,  and  bounded  the  Twelve  Thousand 
Acres  for  the  Use  abovcuamed  from  the  Head  of  the  River  of  Damaris- 
cotta,  to  the  Head  of  the  River  of  Mnscongus,  and  between  it  to  the  Sea 
Moreover  [l  it]  was  granted  by  the  Same  Pattent ;  that  every  Servant, 
that  they  Alderman  Alsworth,  and  M'  Elbridge  did  Send  Over,  One  hun- 
dred Acres  of  Lond ;  and  to  every  One  thereborn  Fifty  Acres  of  Land, 
for  the  Term  of  the  first  seven  Years,  and  to  be  added  to  the  former 
Twelve  thooflft&d  Acres;  Ltkwise  this  Deponent  saith,  that  Damariscove 
was  included  and  belonging  to  Pemaquid ;  It  being  an  Island  Scituate, 
and  lying  within  three  Leagues  of  Pemaquid  point  and  Some  Yeara  aftenm 

lag  to  tarn  into  Pascfttaqaa  by  the  way,  but  jast  as  they  were  entering  into  the  river** 
mouth  one  of  the  seamen,  K"ing  to  light  a  pipe  of  tobacco,  set  fire  on  a  barrel  of 
fuswder,  which  tore  the  boat  io  pieces,  laden  with  a  bout  £200  worth  of  corn  mod  itiei, 
which  were  all  loot.  That  seaman  that  kindled  the  fire  was  never  seep  more,  (though 
the  rest  were  all  saved)  til]  afterwards  the  trunk  of  his  body  was  found  with  his  hands 
and  his  feet  torn  off,  which  was  a  remarkable  judgment  of  God  upon  him;  for  one  of 
his  fellows  wished  him  to  fortaar  taking  tobaoPfl  till  they  came  ashore,  which  was  hard 

I  by,  to  whom  he  replied,  that  if  the  devil  should  carry  him  away  quick,  he  would  take 
■M  pip*"(/Awf,  St  y.  195,  196). 
The  same  is  also  more  briefly  told,  but  in  much  the  same  words,  in  Prince's 
Annals  (Ibid*  2,  viL  62,  63  of  the  second  pagination). 
Hubbard  (chap,  liv.)  has  also  another  story  of  Short;  — 
"The  same  summer  [1644],  Mr   Vines,  agent  for  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges,  at  Sato, 
Mr.  Wminertou,  that  had  pome  interest  in  the  government  of  Paseataqna,  and  Mr.  Shurt 
of  Pemnqnid,  went  to  La  Tour  to  cull  for  some  dchts,  &c.     In  their  way  they  put  in  at 
PennWot,  and   were  there  detained   prisoners   a   fow    days,  but    were  afterward  (for 
Mr,  Short  a  sake,  to  whom  D'Anluey  was  in  debt)  dismissed  "  {fbid*  2,  yi,  484,  485). 

Shurt  was  a  legatee,  to  the  amount  of  £200,  under  the  will  of  Robert  Aid- 
worth  of  Bristol,  England,  who  calls  him  his  servant  (Waters's  Genealogical 
Gleanings  in  England,  i.  735)*  See  concerning  Shurt,  Ibid.  i.  035,  ii,  988; 
Suffolk  Deeds,  i.  181 ;  York  Deeds,  L,  Part  L,  41 ;  Savage's  Genealogical 
Dictionary  of  New  England,  h\  S3;  and  Wy  man's  Genealogies  and  Estates 
of  Charlestown,  iL  665. 

1  Interlined  in  the  original. 


52  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OP  MASSACHUSETTS.  [Jan. 

Thomas  Elbridge  coming  to  Pemaquid,  to  whom  the  Pattent  by  Posses- 
sion did  belong  and  Appurtain  called  a  Court  unto  which  Divers  of  the 
[*  then]  Inhabitants  of  Monhegan,  and  Damariscove  repaired,  and  Con- 
tinued there  fishing,  paying  a  Certain  Acknowledgement  —  And  [*  fur- 
ther] Saith  [xnot]  Sworn  25th  December  1662  by  Abraham  Shubt- 
before  me  Richard  Russell  Magistrate.  Boston  March  28  1744.  Re- 
corded in  the  Secretary s  Office  in  the  Book  of  Patten ts  Fol°   169. 

J  Willard  Sec?2 

A  true  Copy  of  the  orig1  Recel  Oct.  28.  1744. 

attr  Dan  Moulton  Re<f. 

A  true  Copy  from  York  County  Records  of  Deeds  &°  Lib®  24.  fol  256. 

Attr  Danl  Moulton  BegZ 

In  the  Library  of  the  American  Antiquarian  Society  are  two 
books  of  Records  of  the  Pemaquid  Proprietors,  covering  the  period 
from  1743  to  1774.3    They  contain  a  great  deal  of  interesting 

*  Interlined  in  the  original.  a  Suffolk  Court  Files,  No.  139,498  :  61. 

1  The  title-page  of  the  first  book  is  as  follows :  — 

Pemaquid  Proprietors 

Book 

of  Records. 

1743 

N°I. 
The  first  meeting  was  held  "at  y*  Orange  Tree  Tavern  in  Boston  upon 
Wednesday  the  Thirty  first  Day  of  August,  1743."  The  Records  in  this  nrst 
book  run  from  31  August,  1743,  to  9  June,  1708 ;  while  those  in  the  second 
book  extend  from  16  June,  1768,  to  24  November,  1774.  Besides  the  entries 
given  in  the  text,  there  are  others  not  without  interest  in  connection  with 
them. 

The  following  List  of  the  original  Proprietors  (see  ante,  p.  13,  note)  is  copied 

from  the  Records  (i.  2)  :  — 

Boston,  Tuesday  November  15*  1743. 

The  Proprietors  mett  according  to  Adjournment  and  Settled  Each  Proprietor's 
Proportion  in  y*  A  fore"!  Lands  Agreeable  to  the  Following  List  viz :  — 

Habijah  Savage  Esq' 30  Votes 

George  Craddock  Esq' 5 

Adam  Winthrop  Esq' 5  40 

John  Alford  &  Joshua  Winslow  Esq"  2j 

Sarah  Sweetser 2\ 

John  Philips 2} 

Joanna  Philips 2j 

Benj*  Stevens 2} 

Ezekiel  Chever  Esq' 2} 

Shem  Drowne 15  30 


18900 


LAND  CONTBOVERSIES  IN  KAINE,    1760-1772. 


53 


matter  relating  to  the  Pemaquid  settlement,  including  the  following 
entries  which  directly  concern  the  four  ejectment  suits  :  — 


Thursday  May  12*  1768. 


The  Proprietors  met  According  to  Adjournment 


Voted 


That  Whereas  Thomas  Bodkin  by  Joseph  Henshaw  has  Com- 
menced Several  Actions  Viz  against  James  Yeats,  John 
Randall,  James  Bayley,  And  Simon  Elliot,  For  Lands  at 
Round  pond  that  Said  Actions  Shall  be  defended  at  The 
Expence  of  This  Company,  to  be  Tried  at  Pownalborough 
Court  on  the  First  Tuesday  of  June  Next 


Voted 


That  This  Meeting  be  Adjourned  to  Saturday  nest  the 
Fourteenth  Current  5.  o'clock  F  M  to  meet  at  the  Same 
Place. 

Thomas  Browne  Prop;  Cler: 
Present  — 
Mr  Seth  Sweeter1  (Moderator)  For  Himself  Benjf  Stevens,  &  Phillips's 

Heirs 
Mr  Stephen  Minot 
Maj*  James  Noble 
Mr*Jolm  Savage  For  Himself,  &  Habijah  Savage 


Joaas  Clark  Esq'      .......  2 

Sam'.'    Clark 2 

Thomas  Ruck t 

John  Chnntlkt  Esq' 2 

Joseph  Fitch    , »    <  1 

Thimothv  Parrott    ...*...  \ 

Abigail  Tilldea .[  1 

Christopher  Tittden J 

John  Kneel  and,  guardian  to  his  i 

Daughter  Prude  tic©   .     .     *     *  \  \ 

Anderson  Philips      ...♦«..  1 

Henry  Philips      **,•»■•    *  1 

Shorn  Drowne      .......     ,  S 


20 


90 
It  is  hoppd  that  these  valuable  and  interesting  Records  may  be  printed  in 
the  not  distant  future  as  a  new  volume  of  the  Arch  apologia  Americana. 

1  Seth  Sweetser  was  a  prominent  citizen  of  Charlestown  for  more  than 
half  a  century.  He  was  horn  in  that  town  5  Februarys  J703-4t  —  the  son  of 
S^th  Sweetser  by  his  wife  Sarah,  daughter  of  the  Honorable  Joseph  Lynde  and 
nng  widow  of  Thomas  Clark;  graduated  at  Harvard  College  in  the  Class 
of  1722  with  President  Clap  of  Yale  College  and  Judge  Richard  Saltonstall :  was 
the  Schoolmaster  of  Charles  town  1724-1750,  and  its  Town  Clerk,  1755-1778; 


I 


54 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OP  MASSACHUSETTS. 


[Jak. 


Saturday  May  14?  1768. 


The  Proprietors  met  According  to  Adjournment. 

Voted  That  Majtr  James  Noble  &  Mr  John  Savage  or  either  of  them 
have  Power  to  Act  in  behalf  of  the  Company  in  Such  matters 
&  things,  as  they  Shall  Judge  will  be  For  the  benefit  of  the 
Said  Company,  Either  in  the  Law  by  Employing  an  Attorney 
or  Attorneys  in  any  Case  or  Cases,  at  Pownalborough  Court 
in  June  next,  Wherein  the  Said  Company  is  Concerned,  or 
by  Enquiring  into  the  Said  Company's  Affairs,  respecting 
Their  Lands  at  or  near  Pemaquid,  or  Bristol,  &  That  The 
Charge  They,  or  either  of  them,  Shall  be  at  in  So  doing, 
Shall  be  repaid  by  the  Proprietors. 

Voted  That  W?  Cushing  &  David  Sewali  Esq!"  are  hereby  Consti- 
tuted and  Appointed  Our  Lawfull  Attorneys,  in  all  Causes 
real,  personal,  or  mixt,  moved,  or  to  be  moved,  for  or  against 
the  Company,  to  Prosecute  the  Same,  in  Any  Court,  or 
Courts;  to  Final  Judgment,  &  Execution,  Cum  FacultcUe 
Substituendi  And  that  the  Clerk  of  this  Company  is  hereby 
directed  to  Forward  to  them  an  Attested  Copy  of  This 
Vote  Accordingly 

Voted  That  This  meeting  be  Adjourned  To  Monday  The  Twenty 
Third  Current,  5  o'Clock  P  M,  to  meet  at  the  Same  Place. 

Thomas  Dbowne  Prop :  Cler  : 
Present  — 

Mr  Seth  Sweetser  (Moderator)  For  Himself,  Benjf  Stevens,  &  Phillips's 

heirs. 
Mr  Stephen  Minot 
Majr  James  Noble 

Mr  John  Savage  For  Himself,  &  Habijah  Savage 
Thomas  Drowne.1 

and  during  the  Revolution  served  the  town  on  important  committees  (Froth- 
ingham's  History  of  Charlestown,  pp.  272,  288,  300).  There  can  be  little,  if 
any,  doubt  that  to  his  vigilance  and  care  we  owe  the  preservation  of  the  Vital 
and  Town  Records  when  the  town  was  burned  by  the  British  during  the 
Battle  of  Bunker  Hill.  He  died,  suddenly,  15  January,  1778.  The  Boston 
Gazette  of  Monday,  23  February,  1778,  No.  1225,  p.  3/2,  3  contains  a  long 
obituary  notice.  The  Rev.  Dr.  Seth  Sweetser  of  Worcester  (H.  C.  1827)  was 
his  great-grandson.  (See  Wy man's  Genealogies  and  Estates  of  Charlestown, 
i.  x,  note,  217,  ii.  922,  923;  and  Memorial  History  of  Boston,  ii.  820,  821.) 
1  Pemaquid  Proprietors'  Records,  i.  87-89. 


1899.] 


LAND  CONTROVERSIES  IN   MAINS,   1769-1772, 


55 


2^: 

Voted 


Voted ; 


Voted 


Thot*da?  September  Sf  1768. 
Proprietors  met  According  to  Adjournment 


That  the  Sum  of  twelve  pounds  be  raised,  and  given  to 
David  Sewall  Esq^  as  a  Fee  to  him,  As  Attorney  to 
This  Company  in  all  Causes  Wherein  the  Said  Com- 
pany is  Concerned;  Which  may  be  brought  Forward  at 
this  September  terra,  at  Pownal borough  Inferior  Court,  or 
Which  may  be  There  Continued  to  Next  June  Term* 

That  the  Sum  of  twenty  two  pounds,  ten  Shillings,  &  4£d  be 
Raised  to  defray  the  Charges  that  may  Arise  on  the  Com- 
mittee's going  down  to  Powualborough  to  Carry  On  the  Afore* 
said  Suits  Calculated  as  Follows  — 

Fees  2=8       = 

Entry  6  Actions  3  =  12        = 

Jury  Money  6  Actions  8  = 

Stores   2 

Board  <&c.  Pownalborongh     4 

3  Witnesses  Travelling  &  ) 


Attendance 


10J 


15 


£22   :    10 


H 


That  Thomas  Drowne,  &  Mr*  John  Savage  be  jointly  &  Sever- 
ally im  powered  to  Proceed  to  Pownal  bo  rough  Inferior  Court 
This  September  term,  to  Act  there  in  their  behalf  in  Any 
Actions  Wherein  the  Said  Company,  Or  Any  of  them  Are 
Concerned. 

That  this  meeting  be  Adjourned  to  Thursday  next,  ye  Fifteenth^ 
Current,  2  o'Clock  P.  M ;  to  meet  at  the  Same  Place. 

Thomas  Dhowxe  Prep  :  Cler  : 
Present  — 
M'  Seth  Sweetser  (Moderator"    For  himself,  Beu]a  Stevens  & 

Phillips's  heirs, 
MT-  Stephen  Minot 

W  John  Savage,  For  himself  &  Habijah  Savage 
Maj'  James  Noble 
Thomas  Drowne l 


1  Pemaquid  Proprietors*  Records,  ii.  2,  3.     There  are  also  many  other  votes 


56 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS. 


[Jah. 


Saturday  April  22* :  1769. 
The  Proprietors  met  According  to  Adjournment. 

Voted  1?      That  a  Sum  of  Money  be  raised  to  Carry  On  the  Law  Suite 
of  the  Company  now  depending  to  final  Issue. 
2**    That  the  Sum  of  Fifty  three  Pounds  Six  Shillings  &  eight 

pence  be  immediately  raised,  for  the  Purpose  aforesaid. 
8d,y  That  the  Person  or  Persons  that  shall  be  Appointed  &  im- 
powered  to  Transact  the  Companys  Law  Suits  as  Aforesaid, 
shall  give  the  Treasurer  a  Receipt  for  the  Money  he  or  they 
may  receive  for  the  End  aforesaid  And  that  no  Allowance 
shall  be  made  for  his  Or  their  trouble,  before  the  Accompt 
of  disbustments  &  charges  be  J^aid  before  the  Proprietors 
for  their  Approbation. 
4thiy  That  Mr.  John  Savage  the  Collector  demand  of  Each  Pro- 
prietor his  proportion  to  pay  of  the  Aforesaid  Sum  of 
Fifty  three  pounds  Six  Shillings  &  eight  pence  According 
to  What  each  persons  right  is,  &  that  Mr.  Stephen  Minot 
give  the  Collector  a  List  of  the  Proprietors,  which  he  re- 
ceived from  the  Clerk,  Wherein  Each  Ones  proportion  or 
Right  is  Settled  in  the  Companys  Book  of  records. 
5thi7.  That  This  meeting  be  Adjourned  to  Saturday,  the  Sixth 
day  of  May  next  Ensuing ;  3  o'Clock  P.  M.,  to  meet  at  The 
Same  Place. 

the  Clerk  absent  Seth  Sweetser       Moderator. 

Thomas  Drowne  Prop:  Cler: 
Present  — 
Mr.  Seth  Sweetser  (Moderator)  For  himself,  Benjf  Stevens,  &  Phillips's 

heirs. 
Mr.  Stephen  Minot. 
Mr.  John  Savage  For  himself,  and  the  Other  Heirs  of  Thomas  Savage 

Esq'  deceased. 
James  Noble  Esq?1 

Saturday  Maj  6*?  1769. 
The  Proprietors  met  According  to  Adjournment 

That  Theophilus  Bradbury  Esq'  Attorney  at  Law  have  given 


Voted  1 


from  time  to  time  providing  for  the  oversight  of  the  suits  and  appropriating 
money  for  expenses  incurred.  William  Cushing  and  John  Adams  were  of 
counsel  for  the  Pemaquid  or  Bristol  Company,  as  the  Proprietors  were  called, 
during  the  decade  ending  with  1774  (Pemaquid  Proprietors'  Records,  i.  44;  ii. 
12,50,57). 
1  Ibid.  ii.  IS. 


1899-] 


LAND   CONTROVERSIES   IN    MAINE,    17G9-1772, 


57 


him  a  Fee  of  Twelve  dollars  for  past  Service  for  the  Com- 
pany* &  for  the  nest  Inferior  Court  to  be  holden  at  Fownal- 
borough  in  June  Next  Ensuing. 

That  This  meeting  be  Adjourned  to  Thursday  the  Eigh- 
teenth, Current  3  o'Clock  F  M,  to  meet  at  The  Same  Place. 

Thomas  Drowse  Prop;  Cler: 

PreseiU  — 
Mr.  Seth  Sweetser  (Moderator)  For  himself  Benj?  Stevens,  &  Phillips's 

Heirs. 
Mr.  Stephen  Miaot 
Mr.  John  Savage  for  himself,  and  the  Other  heirs  of  Thomas  Savage 

Esq*  deceased. 
James  Noble  Esq^ 
Thomas  Drowne.1 

Thursday  May  IB*:  1769. 
The  Proprietors  met  According  to  Adjournment. 

Whereas  This  Company  Voted  on  the  Twenty  Second  day  of 
April  Last  to  raize  the  Sum  of  Fifty  Three  pounds  Six  Shil- 
lings &  eight  pence  to  Carry  on  the  Law  Suits  now  depend- 
ing between  the  Propriety  &  Several  Persons,  and  the  Money 
Cannot  be  Collected  timely  for  that  purpose,  therefore  — 

That  the  aforesaid  Sum  be  borrowed  on  Interest,  and  that 
those  Persons  that  give  their  Bond  Shall  he  Secured  by  the 
Sale  of  Such  Proprietors  Land,  as  shall  refuse,  or  neglect, 
to  pay  their  proportion  of  the  aforesaid  Sum ;  As  also  what 
they  are  indebted  for  past  Charges  relating  to  Said  Pro- 
priety, as  Settled  by  the  Propriety. 

That  James  Noble,  Esqf;  Thomas  Drowne  &  Cap1-  James 
Cargill  Or  any  Two  of  them  be  a  Committee  in  behalf,  &  at 
the  Charge  of  The  Propriety  to  Carry  On  the  Law  Suits  of 
The  Propriety  now  depending  at  Pownalborongb  Court,  in 
the  County  of  Lincoln  to  Final  Judgment  and  Execution  ; 
&  to  be  paid  for  their  Trouble  in  the  manner  Voted  on  the 
said  Twenty  Second  day  of  April  Last. 

That  the  Above  Committee  Act  in  the  Aforesaid  Law  Suits, 
agreeable  to  the  directions  given  them  &  Signed  by  the 


1  Pemaquid  Proprietors1  Records,  ih  13. 


68 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS. 


[J' 


thly 

4: 


thly 

5: 


Moderator  of  the  Propriety  So  Far  as  the  method  shall  be 
approved  of  by  said  Company's  Council  in  the  Law. 

That  the  Collector  Mr.  John  Savage,  give  notice  to  Such  of 
the  Proprietors  as  are  Delinquents,  That  have  not  paid  the 
Taxes  due  for  Charges  On  Said  Propriety ;  that  unless  they 
pay  their  respective  ballance  to  the  Collector  within  One 
Month  From  the  date  hereof ;  That  Their  Lands,  Or  So  much 
of  them,  As  will  pay  their  Said  Charges,  be  sold  as  soon  as 
possible  According  to  Law. 

That  This  Meeting  be  Adjourned  to  Tuesday  next  the  Twenty 
Third  Current,  5  o'Clock  P  M,  to  meet  at  the  Same  Place. 
The  Clerk  absent 

Seth  Sweetseb,  Moderator. 
Thomas  Drowne  Prop  Cler: 
Present  — 
Mr.  Seth  Sweetser  (Moderator)  For  himself,  Ben]*  Stevens,  & 

Phillips's  heirs. 
Mr.  Stephen  Minot. 
Mr.  John  Savage,  For  himself,  &  the  Other  heirs  of  Thomas 

Savage,  Esq'  deceased. 
James  Noble,  Esq' 
Capt.  James  CargilL1 


Tuesday  June  26*  177a 


The  Proprietors  met  According  to  Adjournment. 


Voted  1: 


2 


That  Thomas  Drowne  Major  James  Noble  &  Mr.  Habijah 
Savage  Act  as  Agents  for  this  Company  in  Carrying  On  the 
Law  Suits  at  the  Companys  expence  which  are  to  be  tried  at 
the  Superior  Court  at  Falmouth  to  sit  there  the  next  Tuesday 
after  the  fourth  tuesday  of  this  Current. 

That  the  Agents  aforesaid  Shall  not  Carry  on  the  sd  Actions, 
depending  between  Thomas  Bodkin  or  his  Attorney  Joseph 
Henshaw,  against  James  Bayley,  John  Randall,  James  Teats 
&  Simon  Elliot  in  the  Name  of  the  Propriety,  but  in  the  name 
of  the  Persons  mentioned  in  the  Original  Writts.* 


1  Pemaquid  Proprietors'  Records,  ii.  14, 15. 


»  Ibid.  ii.  25. 


THE  INDIAN   SAGAMORE   SAMGSET. 


59 


Thursday  April  11^  177 L 
The  Proprietors  met  according  to  Adjournment 

Voted  1 ;  That  Thomas  Drowse  the  Clerk  of  this  Company  be  hereby 
Jmpowerd  at  the  Cost  &  Charge  &  in  the  Name  of  the  Com- 
pany to  go  down  to  Hound  Pond  &  to  pass,  deeds,  To  James 
Yeats,  &  John  Randall,  of  the  Lotts  of  Land  on  Which  they 
Live  at  Round  Pond ;  be  the  Quantity  more  or  Less,  As  be 
the  Said  Drowne  Shall  Think  fit,  both  the  Value,  &  Bounds, 
as  to  the  Said  Randalls  are  Left  intirely  to  The  Said  Drowne, 
And  he  to  take  Such  Security  of  the  Said  Randall,  as  he  Shall 
think  Sulficient;  Yeats's  Land  is  to  be  Given  him  As  pr< 
Former  Verbal!  Promise  From  this  Propriety ;  Said  Drowne 
being  hereby  Authorized  to  Affix  the  Common  Seal  of  this 
Company  to  Said  deeds. 

That  this  meeting  be  Adjourned  To  Wednesday  the  Seven- 
teenth Current,  3  o'clock  P  M...  to  meet  at  the  Same  place, 

Thomas  Dbowne  Prop  Cter : 
Present  — 

Mr-  Seth  Sweetser  (Moderator)  For  himself,  Benj'  Stevens,  & 
Phillips's  heirs, 

Mr.  Stephen  Mtnot 

James  Noble  Esq^ 

Mr.  John  Savage  For  himself  &  the  Other  Heirs  of  Thomas 
Savage  Esq!  deceased. 

Thomas  Drowne.1 

The  Paper  now  presented,  starting  with  the  limited  intention 
expressed  at  the  outset,  is  of  necessity  desultory  and  disconnected. 
It  has  attempted  merely  to  give  a  few  glimpses  of  early  history 
and  to  let  that  history  be  told  by  the  actors  in  it, 


NOTE  ON  THE  INDIAN  SAGAMORE  SAMOSET. 

By  Albert  Matthews. 

Our  earliest,  and  for  some  years  our  only,  knowledge  of  Samoset  is  derived 
from  Mourtik  Relation,  prioted  in  1622,  and  now  understood  to  hare  heen 
written  by  Winalow  and  Bradford.  According  to  these  writers,  it  was  on  10 
March,  1620-21,  that  — 


1  Pemaquid  Proprietors1  Records,  ii.  33. 


60  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OP  MASSACHUSETTS.  [Jan. 

"  a  Savage,  .  .  .  very  boldly  came  all  alone  and  along  the  houses  straight  to  the  Rande- 
▼ous,  where  we  intercepted  him,  not  suffering  him  to  goe  in,  as  vndoubtedly  he  would, 
out  of  his  boldnesse,  hee  sainted  vs  in  English,  and  bad  vs  well-come,  for  he  had  learned 
some  broken  English  amongst  the  English  men  that  came  to  fish  at  Monchiggon,1  and 
knew  by  name  the  most  of  the  Captaines,  Commanders,  &  Masters,  that  vsually  come." 

This  Indian,  whose  name  is  not  recorded  on  that  particular  day,  said  that  — 

"  he  was  not  of  these  parts,  but  of  Morattiggon}  and  one  of  the  Sagamore*  or  Lord* 
thereof,  and  had  beene  8.  moneths  in  these  parts,  it  lying  hence  a  dayes  sayle  with  a 
great  wind,  and  fine  dayes  by  land." 

Later,  he  is  four  times  mentioned  by  name  and  each  time  is  called  Samo- 
set  (Mourt's  Relation,  1622,  pp.  32,  34,  35,  38,  39).  The  next  mention  of 
Samoset  was  in  Capt.  John  Smith's  General  History  of  New  England,  which 
formed  the  sixth  book  of  his  Generall  Historie  of  Virginia,  New  England,  and 
the  Summer  Islands,  published  in  1624.  Smith  twice  calls  him  by  name  and 
each  time  Samoset  (Works,  1884,  pp.  754,  755).  In  a  passage  which  the  con- 
text shows  to  have  been  written  in  1645,  Gov.  Bradford  said:  "But  about 
y*  16.  of  March  a  certaine  Indian  came  bouidly  amongst  them,  .  .  .  His  name 
was  Samoset"  (History  of  Plymouth  Plantation,  4  Massachusetts  Historical 
Collections,  iii.  93).  The  Indian  was  called  Samoset  by  N.  Morton  in  1669 
(New  England's  Memorial,  1825,  p.  53),  by  I.  Mather  in  1677  (Relation,  1864, 
pp.  69,  70),  and  by  W.  Hubbard  in  1677  (History  of  the  Indian  Wars,  1865, 
ii.  81)  ;  and  since  the  seventeenth  century  Samoset  has  been  the  usual  form  of 
the  name.  Of  the  writers  quoted,  Winslow  and  Bradford  were  the  only  two 
who  had  personal  knowledge  of  the  Indian,  and  it  is  significant  that  in  1622 
we  find  them  jointly  calling  him  Samoset,  while  in  1645  Bradford  calls  him 
Samaset.  Later  writers  about  the  Pilgrims  merely  follow  Winslow  and 
Bradford. 

It  has  been  shown  that  Samoset  was  not  a  native  of  the  region  where  the 
Pilgrims  landed,  but  came  from  the  eastward.  Four  years  after  the  Indian 
surprised  the  Pilgrims  by  addressing  them  in  English,  we  find  traces  of  an 
Indian  sagamore  in  the  neighborhood  of  Pemaquid  called  Capt.  John  Somerset. 
His  name,  spelled  as  above,  first  appears  in  a  deed  dated  15  July,  1625,  and 
next  in  the  acknowledgment  of  this  deed  taken  24  July,  1626  (Order  of  both 
Branches  of  the  Legislature  of  Massachusetts,  to  appoint  Commissioners  to 
investigate  the  Causes  of  the  Difficulties  in  the  County  of  Lincoln:  and  the 
Report  of  the  Commissioners  thereon,  with  the  Documents,  in  support  thereof, 
Boston,  1811,  pp.  106,  107).  We  next  hear  of  this  Somerset  from  Christopher 
Levett,  who  visited  the  Maine  coast  in  1623  and  1624,  but  whose  Voyage  into 
New  England  was  not  printed  until  1628.  Levett  four  times  calls  the  Indian 
Somerset  and  twice  Somersett  (J.  P.  Baxter's  Christopher  Levett,  of  York, 
1893,  Publications  of  the  Gorges  Society,  pp.  102,  103,  108,  111,  112).  The 
name  of  "  Capt.  John  Summerset  a  Sagamore  Indian"  occurs  in  a  deed  dated 
9  January,  1641  (New  England  Historical  and  Genealogical  Register,  1859, 
xiii.  365).  In  a  deed  dated  1  June,  1653,  are  the  name  and  the  mark  of 
"  Cap*  Summerset "  and  of  "  Cap*  Somersett "  (ante,  p.  21) ;  and  in  a  deed 

1  Supposed  to  be  the  present  Monhegao. 


1809.] 


THE  INDIAN  SAGAMOEE   SAMOSET. 


61 


dated  July,  1653,  occur  the  name  and  the  mark  of  "Captame  Sommaraet " 
(1  Collections  Maine  Historical  Society,  v.  XM  note).  In  167£  John  Jossidyn 
remarked  that  "  Amongst  the  Eastern  Indians,  Sumt/iemant  formerly  was  a  famous 
Sachem"  (Account  of  Two  Voyages  to  New-England,  p.  146 J.  In  depositions 
made  7  February,  1720-21 1  there  are  allusions  to  t4  John  Sutntneraet  a  Sagamore 
of  y*  Indiana,**  to  "John  Summersett  one  of  y*  Sagamors  of  y*  Indiana,1'  and 
to lt  John  Summerset  Sagamore  M  (Genealogical  Advertiser,  L  96,  07).  In  a  deed 
dated 22  August,  1729,  occurs  the  name  of  "Capt.  John  Somerset"  (J.  Johnston's 
History  of  the  Towns  of  Bristol  and  Bremen,  1873,  p.  239).  In  a  deed  dated 
10  September,  1734,  the  third  John  Brown  said  that  his  grandfather  "stood 
seized  of  a  Large  Tract  of  land  at  and  adjoining  to  sJ  New  Harbor  by  Purchase 
of  CapL  John  Summersett,  &c,  Indian  Sachems  *'  {Ibid.  pp.  51, 52).  In  a  deposi- 
tion made  20  June,  1765,  there  is  allusion  to  "the  annexed  deed  of  Captain 
John  Somerset "  of  15  July,  lti25  (Order  of  both  Branches,  etc.,  p.  108)-  In  a 
letter  written  2  August,  17U6",  William  Fraser  said  that  the  first  deed  he  found 
•4was  an  Indian  Deed  from  John  Samoset  [and]  Uuongoit,  Indian  Saga^ 
mores  to  John  Brown"  (New  England  Historical  and  Genealogical  Register, 
1*71 1  xxr.  140). 

The  above  appear  to  be  the  only  references  to  Captain  John  Somerset  which 
are  known  during  the  seventeenth  and  eighteenth  centuries.  That  Samoset, 
the  Indian  who  saluted  the  Pilgrims  on  18  March,  1020-21,  and  CapL  John 
Somerset^  the  Indian  Sagamore  of  Femaqnid,  were  one  and  the  same  person,  is 
a  view  which  has  been  held  for  over  two  centuries  and  three  quarters,  alike  by 
casual  writers  and  by  learned  historians.  For  nearly  two  hundred  and  fifty 
years,  also,  it  was  held  without  dissent  that  Samoset l  was  itself  an  Indian 
name,  the  presumption  seeming  to  be  that  Somerset  was  a  corruption  of 
Samoset.  In  1865,  however,  the  late  S.  G.  Drake,  in  a  note  to  the  passage 
from  Hubbard's  History  of  the  Indian  Wars  referred  to  above,  presented 
a  different  view,  remarking  that  Samoset  is  — 

*'  Supposed  by  some  to  have  derived  his  Name  from  Sotnersct,  a  Tract  of  Country  in 
Maine  so  named  by  Sir  Ferdinaado  Gorges ;  and  that  when  Smnoset  appeared  among 
the  People  at  Pli mouth,  in  attempt! tig  to  make  thorn  understand  that  be  had  come  from 
Sir  Ferdinando's  Colony  of  Somerset,  they  took  his  Pronunciation  of  the  Name  of  that 
Place  to  be  hk  own  Name  "  (u,  81  note}. 

Professor  Johnston t  commenting  upon  this  passage  in  1873,  observed  that 
Drake  **  supposes  that  this  [Samoset]  may  not  have  been  his  real  Indian  name, 
but  one  given  him  by  the  English.  His  suggestion  partakes  too  much  of  the 
fanciful  "  (History  of  Bristol  and  Bremen,  p.  00  note).  Neither  Drake  nor 
Fmfrssor  Johnston  offered  proof  in  support  of  his  position;  and  while,  during 
the  past  fifty  years,  much  has  been  written  about  Samoset  and  Somerset  as 
the  names  of  a  person,  I  he  investigation  now  made  of  Somerset  as  a  geographi- 
cal name  seems  to  be  the  first  that  has  been  attempted.* 

1  For  au  interesting  note  on  the  possible  derivation  of  Samout,  by  tbo  Rev.  Pr*  M,  C, 
O'Brien  of  Bangor,  Yi car-General  of  the  Diocese  of  Portland,  Maine,  see  the  Genealogical 
Advertiser,  ii.  30,  31, 

*  For  a  bibliography  of  S&moaet,  compiled  by  Mr,  and  Mrs.  W.  P*  Greenlaw*  see  the  Gene- 
alogical Advertiser,  i.  1 00-102* 


« 


THE  COLONIAL   SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS* 


[Jaw. 


Early  in  1635  the  Council  of  the  Plymouth  Company  decided  to  return  its 
Charter  into  the  hands  of  the  King.  Bat  before  doing  &o»  an  agreement  was 
made  on  3  February,  1634-35,  "for  y!  several!  divisions  upon  y!  seacoals 
[seacoasts]  of  New  England"  (Records  of  the  Council  for  New  England,  ia 
Proceedings  of  the  American  Antiquarian  Society  for  24  April,  18tJ7,  p.  114)* 
On  H  the  W  day  of  Aprill  following  Leases  for  3000  years  were  made  of  the 
several  divisions  to  severall  psons  intrusted  for  their  beueiitU  "  (Ibid.  p.  118); 
on  M  the  22*  day  of  Aprill  several  deeds  of  feofment  were  made  unto  the  sev- 
eral proprietors  of  their  several!  parts  so  to  them  allotted  by  the  Divisions 
aforesaid'*  (Ibid.  p.  118);  on  25  April  an  Act  for  the  Resignation  of  the 
Great  Charter  of  New  England  was  drawn  up  {ibid.  p.  123);  on  26  April  a 
Petition  and  Declaration  were  drawn  up  (Ibid,  pp,  119,  120)  ;  and  the  Act  of 
Surrender  bears  date  of  7  June,  1635  (Ibid.  p+  128  note,  and  Hazard's  Historical 
Collections,  I  tf9o\  304), 

Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  at  once  took  steps  towards  the  government  of  that 
portion  which  fell  to  him  in  the  division  of  3  February,  1631-35;  but  it  was 
not  until  3  April,  1630,  that  he  received  a  Charter  from  the  Ring  cod  arming 
the  grant,  In  the  division  of  3  February,  1634-35,  no  name  is  given  to  the 
portion  which  became  Gorges 's;  but  in  the  Charter  of  3  April,  16 JO,  it  was 
called  the  Province  of  Maine*  Between  1636  and  1643,  however,  the  name 
New  Somerset  or  New  Somersetshire  was  applied,  both  by  Gorges  and  by 
Others,  to  what  later  became  known  as  Maine.  The  earliest  use  of  such  a 
designation  appears  to  be  in  a  letter  written  by  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  11 
August,  1636,  which  bears  this  endorsement  i  — 

lf  To  my  bdoned  Nephew*  Capt.  William  Gorges  Gonvernor  of  New  Somersett  in 
New  tagland,  or  in  bis  absence  to  Mr  Itichnrd  Yvues,  or  Mr.  Thorn  a*  Bradbury,  Or 
any  of  them,  giue  these"  (Documentary  History  of  the  State  of  Maine,  iu\  99).* 

Other  instances  of  the  employment  of  these  designations  follow :  — 
"This  Indenture  made  the  twelth  day  of  December,  in  the  Twelth  yeare  of  the 
Reigne  of  our  aouerajgne  Lord  Charles  ,  .  ,  between  Sir  FaniinainJu  Gorges  .  ,  ♦  & 
Arthure  Champorn  oown  .  .  .  All  w*q  Protases  now  are,  &  hereafter  ahull  bee  denied, 
reputed,  &  taken  to  bee  part  Prcells,  &  Members  of  the  prmiiuce  of  New  Summersets, 
in  New  England  aforesd :  ...  to  bee  houlden  of  the  nd  Sir  ffardinamlo  Gorges,  and 
bis  bey  res,  Lord  or  Lords  of  She  sd  Prom  nee  of  New  Sammersett  shy  re  n  (York  Deeds, 
iii.  97,  98). 

"  Thb  Indenture  made  the  twenty  aeanenth  day  of  January,  In  y*  TweWefch  yeare 
of  the  Reijjno  of  our  Souereigne  Lord  Charles  .  .  .  bet  weenc  Sir  Fardinando  Gormen 
.  .  .  of  the  One  parte,  &  Geo  :  Cleeue  of  Caacoe,  In  the  p  root  nee  of  New  Somersett,  In 
New  England  in  America  Esqr,  &  Richard  Tucker  of  Casco  aforead  of  the  sd  Prouinee 
of  New  Sommersett  of  New  England  in  America  ♦  ■  ,  All  whii-h  p'mkaes  now  are  & 
hereafter  shall  bee,  itemed,  reputed,  &  taken  to  bee  parts,  pcells  &  Members,  of  the 
paince  of  New  Sommersett  Shyre,  in  new  England  afore*!:  *  ,  *  to  bee  honlden  of  the 
sd  Sir  Hardin  an  do  Gorges  &  his  hey  res,  Lord,  or  Lints  of  the  ad  Pronltice  of  New 
Sommersott  Shy  re  *  {I hid,  i.,  Part  I.,  95).a 

1  Thif  letter  it  alsn  printpd  in  J.  P.  Baxter*!  Sir  Ferdinando  Gnrjres  ami  his  Province  of 
Maine  (Prince  Society),  iii,  276t  where  William  Gorges  is  call  sd  "Gouvernor  of  Somersett;11 
but  presumably  the  '*  New  "  has  been  inadvertently  omitted. 

a  This  Is  also  printed  in  J.  P.  Baxter's  George  Cleeve  of  Casco  Bay  {Publication*  of  the 
Gorges  Society),  pp.  316-221*  As  James  I.  died  3  April,  1G2&,  the  data  of  the  document  must 
be  27  January,  163£-37. 


1W>.] 


THE  INDIAN   SAGAMORE  6AMOSET. 


63 


"  1637*  Mo*  4*]  We  had  news  of  a  commission  granted  in  England  to  divers  gentle- 
men here  for  the  governing  of  New  England,  etc, ;  bet  instead  thereof  we  received  ft 
commission  from  Sir  Ferdinaudo  Gorges  to  govern  his  province  of  New  Sommeraet- 
shire,  which  is  from  Cape  Elizabeth  to  Sagadahoc,  and  withal  to  oversee  his  servants 
and  private  affairs ;  which  was  obtUfod  as  a  matter  of  no  good  discretion,  but  passed 
in  silence  "  (J*  Wiuthrop,  History  of  New  England,  i.  *23L). 

"This  Isuejjturb,  made  the  Third  day  of  July,  in  the  Thirteenth  yeare  of  the 
Eaigue  of  our  Sowalgua  Lord,  Charles,  .  ■  ,  Betweeue  Sir  Ferdiuando  Gorges,  *  .  . 
and  Sir  lilchdtrd  Edgcotnlra,  of  Mount  Edgcoinbe,  in  the  Couutie  of  Devon,  *  .  -  WiT- 
jrB&s&Tti,  that  the  said  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges,  .  .  .  doth  giue,  g  nut  tit,  ,  .  .  and  con- 
firrae  vnto  the  said  Sir  Richard  Edgcoinbe  and  his  h[eirs],  All  th.it  parvell  of  Land, 
woods,  and  woodgrouuds  in  Casco  Bay,  within  the  Territories  of  Newe  England* 
beginning]  att  the  point  or  entrance  of  the  uex[t  river  ulnto  Sagadehock,  *  *  .  scituate 
and  being  within  the  Province  or  reputed  or  intended  province  of  Newe  Somersett; 
Together  alaoe  with  all  that  part,  parcell,  or  porcon  of  land  att  or  neare  the  Lake  of 
Newe  Somersett,  which  is  couceiusd  to  he  Fourteen  miles  distant  from  the  Shore  of 
Casco Bay,  by  a  Northerly  Lyne  into  the  Inland  parts,  which  parcell  of  laud  is  to  contain 
there  Eight  thousand  Acres,  ...  Attn  ...  it  shall  and  may  be  law  full  to  and  for  the 
said  Sir  Richard  Edgcomhe,  his  heirea  and  a&signes,  from  time  to  time,  and  att  any  time 
hereafter  dureiug  the  space  of  seaven  yeare*  next  euaueing,  to  exchange  all  or  any  part 
of  the  said  etght  thousand  acres  of  land  gramited  by  the  said  Lake  before  specified,  and 
to  make  choise  of  soe  much  other  land  in  lie  we  thereof  in  any  other  place  or  part  of 
Ne we  Somersett  aforesaid J"  (1  Proceed tugs  of  the  Massachusetts  llisturieal  Societv,  u\ 
74-76), 

■  This  Indenture  made  j*  fourth  day  of  May  in  y*  fourteenth  year  of  y*  Reign  of  our 
Soveraign  Lord  Charles  .  -  .  Between  Sr  Fcrdiuando  Gorges  ,  .  .  And  Edward  God- 
frev  of  Agameuticus  of  y*  Province  or  reputed  or  intended  Province  of  New  Suraerset 
in  New  EngP  in  America  Gent  Oliver  Godfrey  of  Seale  in  y*  Connty  of  Kent  Gent* 
And  Richard  Row  of  y*Citty  of  London  .  .  .  Witn esse th  that  y*  s*  Sr  Ferdinando  Gorges 
*  .  ,  doth  demise  grant  &  to  farm  Let  unto  y*  s4  Edw4  Godfrey  Oliver  Godfrey  & 
Rich4  Row  all  that  part  parcel!  portion  or  Tract  of  Land  wood  &  woodgrouuds  in  New 
England  afores*  Lying  &.  being  within  y*  Province  or  reputed  or  Intended  Province  of 
New  Somerset"  (York  Deeds,  viiL  120). 

"This  Indenture  made  the  fourteenth  day  of  June,  in  the  foureteenth  yeare  of  the 
Reign e  of  our  Souerai^ne  Lord  Charles,  .  *  ,  between  Sir  ffardiuando  Gorges,  .  .  , 
And  Arthur  Champeruoowne  .  ♦  .  all  whieh  Premises  now  are,  and  hereafter  shall  bee* 
deemed  reputed,  &  taken  to  bee  parts,  Parceils,  and  Members  of  the  Frouince  of  New 
Soramersett,  In  New  England  af oread,  .  .  ♦  to  bee  houldeu  of  the  sd  Sir  ffardiuando 
Gorges  &  hia  heyres  Lord  or  Lords  of  the  sd  Proniuce  of  New  Sotnmersett  shyre1' 
{Ibid.  Ill  98,  99.) 

"This  Indenture  made  the  Seven  &  twentieth  day  of  June  In  y*  fourteenth  year  of 
the  reign  of  oar  Sovereign  Lord  Charles  ■  -  ,  Between  Edward  Godfrye  of  Agamenti* 
ens  of  the  Province  or  reputed  or  intended  Province  of  New  Somerset  in  New  England 
And  William  Hook  Citixen  and  Merchant  of  Bristoll  and  now  of  Agamentieus  .  .  . 
Witnesseth  that  whereas  S*  fferdinando  Gorge  ...  by  his  Indenture  of  Lease  bearing 
date  of  y*  fourth  day  of  may  Last  pant  ♦  .  .  did  Demise  grant  and  to  farme  Let  unto 
y*  s*  Edward  Godfrye  and  to  Oliver  Godfrye  .  *  .  &  to  Richard  Row  ♦  .  .  All  that  part 
parcell  portion  or  Tract  of  Land  .  .  .  Lying  and  being  within  the  Province  or  Reputed 
or  Intended  Province  of  New  Somerset  ,  .  .  Witne&seth  now  further  this  p'sent  In- 
denture That  the  s*  Edward  Godfrye  .  .  .  Doth  demise  grant  bargaine  sell  and  to 
farme  let  and  set  to  y*  said  William  Hook  All  that  one  full  Third  part  '*  {Ibid,  vili.  121)* 

**  Witehea^  Richard  Vines  of  Saco  did  on  the  last  daye  of  June,  Anno  1637,  for  and 
in  th©  Name  of  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges,  Knight  Gouernor  of  the  province  of  New  Som- 


64  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  [Jan. 

mersettshire,  &  by  order  of  him,  hath  giuen  &  deliuered  vnto  John  Winter,  for  the  vse  of 
Robert  Trelawnye  .  .  .  lawfull  possesion  &  seisin  of  two  thousand  Acres  of  Land,  .  .  • 

"  We,  vnder  written,  do  now  witnesse  that  on  the  12th  day  of  July,  Anno  1638,  the 
said  John  Winter  did,  .  .  .  enter  into  &  take  possession  of  one  Necke  of  land "  (Docu- 
mentary History  of  the  State  of  Maine,  iii.  131  ).x 

"  [1640.]  This  summer  here  arrived  one  Mr.  Thomas  Gorge,  a  young  gentleman  of 
the  inns  of  court,  a  kinsman  of  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorge,  and  sent  by  him  with  commis- 
sion for  the  government  of  his  province  of  Somersetshire  M  (J.  Winthrop,  History  of 
New  England,  ii.  *9,  ♦10). 

"  [17  April,  1643.]  Know  all  men  by  these  p'sents,  that  I  Tho :  Gorges  Deputy  God 
of  this  province  of  Mayne, .  .  .  doe  gine,  grant  .  .  .  unto  mr  Jo*  Wheelewright  Pastor 
of  the  Church  of  Exeter,  ...  a  Tract  of  Land  lijng  at  wells,  in  the  County  of 
Somersett,  to  be  bounded  as  ffolloweth  "  (York  Deeds,  i.,  Part  I.,  28). 

"  [14  July,  1643.]  Know  yee  that  I  Thomas  Gorges  Esq'  Deputy  Governo*  of  the 
Province  of  Mayne  .  .  .  Doe  give  grant  &  Conflrme  vnto  John  Saunders  of  Wells  in 
the  Countye  of  Somersett  One  hundred  and  ffifty  Acres  of  land  scituate  lying  &  being 
in  Wells  aforesaid  being  a  necke  of  land  lying  betweene  the  little  River  &  Cape  porpus 
River"  (Ibid,  i.,  Part  II.,  12). 

"  Capt.  William  Gorges,  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  Nephew  sent  over  [1635]  Governoor 
of  the  Province  of  Main,  then  called  neio  Sommersetshire  "  (J.  Josselyn,  Account  of  Two 
Voyages  to  New-England,  1674,  p.  256). 

The  name  New  Somerset  is  apparently  not  found  in  the  seventeenth  cen- 
tury except  in  the  above  extracts.  Hence  it  appears  that  the  designation  of 
New  Somerset  or  New  Somersetshire  is  unknown  before  1636,  that  it 
occurs  with  some  frequency  between  1636  and  1639,  that  from  1639  to  1643 
it  is  found  occasionally,  and  that  after  1643  it  disappears  altogether.1  It  is 
obvious,  therefore,  that  the  view  entertained  by  Drake  is  untenable,  for  the 

1  Tho  deed  of  30  June,  from  Vines  to  Winter,  is  printed  in  facsimile  in  the  same  volume, 
facing  p.  107 ;  but  it  is  mutilated. 

*  There  seems  to  be  some  confusion  in  regard  to  the  application  of  the  name  New  Somerset 
during  the  second  quarter  of  the  seventeenth  century.     Sullivan  said  in  1795  :  — 

44  Cleaves  .  .  .  obtained  a  letter  of  agency  from  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges,  ...  In  his  deed  to  one 
Tuckerman  [a  mistake  for  Tucker],  he  call*  Caaco  in  the  Province  of  New  Sommersett.  There  was  an 
early  mistake  in  calling  the  Province  of  Maine  New  Sommersett,  which  was  the  county,  not  the  provin- 
cial name  of  the  territory  "  (History  of  the  District  of  Maine,  p.  315). 

Commenting  upon  this  passage  in  1830,  Folsom  observed  that  "  New  Somerset  was  uni- 
formly styled  a  province,  not  a  county,  in  the  instruments  executed  before  1640"  (History  of 
Sacn  and  Biddeford,  p.  53).  This  statement  seems  to  be  correct  so  far  as  it  goes,  but  both 
titles  occur  in  the  documents  quoted  in  this  Note.    Williamson  remarks :  — 

44  A  division  of  the  Province  was  in  fact  made  [after  the  Charter  of  3  April,  1639],  by  the  river  Ken- 
nebunk,  into  two  Districts,  or  Counties,  4  East  and  West.'  No  names  appear  to  have  been  assigned  to 
either  by  the  Court,  though  the  western  district,  or  county,  gradually  acquired  the  name  of  York,  and 
terms  of  an  Inferior  Court  were  appointed  to  be  holden  at  Agamenticus,  by  a  portion  of  the  Council, 
three  times  in  a  year ;  and  the  other,  being  commonly  called  Somerset,  or  New-Somerset,  had  three 
terms  of  a  like  Inferior  Court  holden  annually  in  the  same  manner  within  it  at  Saco  "  (History  of  the 
State  of  Maine,  L  285). 

The  statement  made  by  W.  S.  Southgate  in  1853,  that  "  in  1639  the  King  confirmed  Gorges' 
Patent,  changing  the  name  of  the  Province  from  New  Somersetshire  to  Maine  "  (1  Collections 
Maine  Historical  Society,  iii.  31),  is  misleading.  Neither  in  the  division  of  3  February, 
1634-35,  nor  in  the  Charter  from  the  King  of  3  April,  1639,  does  the  title  New  Somersetshire 
occur;  nor  is  that  title  employed  by  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  in  his  Briefe  Narration,  written 
not  later  than  1647,  or  by  his  grandson,  Ferdinando  Gorges,  in  his  Description  of  New-England 
(in  America  Painted  to  the  Life,  1659). 


I  $99.] 


THE  INDIAN  SAGAMORE   SAMOSET. 


65 


simple  reason  that  the  name  Somerset  was  not  applied  to  any  Colony  in 
Maine  at  the  time  when  Saraoset  presented  himself  to  the  Pilgrims,  In  addi- 
tion, it  may  be  pointed  oat  that  in  the  division  of  3  February,  1634-35,  the 
portion  allotted  to  Gorges  extended  "from  Paacataway  harbours  mmith  a  fores* 
along  y!  sea  coasts  to  Sagad&hock,  &  up  y!  River  tlterof  to  Kiiiebequi  river,  and 
throb  y*  same  unto  y"  head  therof  &  into  y!  land  H.  W  wards,  an  till  00  miles  be 
ended"  (Proceedings  of  the  American  Antiquarian  Society  for  24  April,  1867, 
p.  117)-,  and  that  in  the  Charter  of  3  April,  1639>  his  patent  stretched  "  from 
Pascataway  harbor  mouth  aforesaid  North  Eastwards  along  the  sea  coast  to 
SagedehadockeT  and  vp  the  River  thereof  to  Knybecky  River;  and  through  the 
same  to  the  head  thereof"  (Hazard's  Historical  Collections,  i.  443)*  As, 
therefore,  the  Kennebec  River  was  the  eastern  boundary  of  Gorges'a  territory, 
and  as  Pemaquid  lies  to  the  east  of  the  Keuuebec,  and  so  did  not  come  within 
the  bounds  of  Gorges^  patent,  we  have  another  reason  for  regarding  Drake's 
suggestion  as  an  impossible  one. 

In  the  deed  already  referred  to  from  Capt  John  Somerset  to  John  Brown  > 
of  New  Harbor,  dated  15  July,  1625,  the  tract  conveyed  to  the  latter  is  de- 
scribed as  — 

*  beginning  at  Pemaquid  Falls  and  so  running  a  direct  course  to  the  head  of  New- 
Harbour,  from  thence  to  the  south  end  of  Mnsconjrus  Island,  taking  in  the  island,  and 
ao  running  five  and  twenty  miles  into  the  country  north  and  by  cast,  and  thence  eight 
miles  north- west  and  by  west,  and  then  turning  and  running  south  and  by  west,  lo 
Pemaquid,  where  first  began  "  (Order  of  both  Branches,  etc,,  pp.  106,  107  f. 

It  is  thus  seen  that  Muscongua  Mand  originally  belonged  to  Capt  John 
Somerset,  and  that  it  was  included  in  the  tract  deeded  by  him  to  John  Brown 
in  1625,  It  is  curious  that  in  his  deed  of  9  January,  1611,  to  Richard 
Pearce,  the  aou-in-law  of  John  Brown,  a  deed  witnessed  by  Brown  himself f 
Capt-  John  Somerset  conveyed  land  at  Round  Pond  which  formed  a  part 
of  the  very  tract  which  ho  had  previously  deeded  to  Brown  in  1625-  On  8 
Aagu8t»  166"0,  John  Brown  gave  a  deed  of  land  in  the  neighborhood  of  what  is 
mo/W  Broad  Cove  to  his  daughter  and  her  husband,  Margaret  and  Alexander 
Gouhh 

■■  TO  all  people  to  whom  this  deed  of  gift  may  come.  Know  ye,  that  I  John  Brown, 
of  New-ILirhonr,  have  given  to  Sander  Gould  and  Margnret,  his  nuw  lawful  wife,  and 
to  the  heirs  of  her  body,  a  certain  tract  or  parcel  of  land,  lying  in  the  Broad  Bay,  begin* 
ning  at  a  pine  tree  marked  in  the  westernmost  branch  of  the  bay,  from  thence  north  north 
east  by  Mtaeongas  river  eight  railed  from  thence  eight  miles  north  west  and  by  weat, 
from  thence  south  south  west  eight  miles,  from  thence  south  east  and  by  east  eight 
mile*  to  the  tree  where  first  began"  (Order  of  both  Branches,  efc+t  pp.  121,  122) . 

1  How  cl  j«#ly  Somerset  Island  was  associated  with  the  Brown  family  in  shown  by  acme 
biographical  details*  John  Brown  of  New  Harbor,  the  llrut  of  the  name,  married  Margaret 
Hay  ward  and  bad  (i)  John  Brown  of  Framingham,  the  second  of  (he  name,  who  married  and 
had  John  Brown  of  Saeo,  the  third  of  the  name;  (if)  Elizabeth  Brown,  who  married  Richard 
Pearct;  and  (iiij  Margaret  Brown,  who  married  (L)  Sander,  or  Alexander,  Gould,  and  (2) 
Maurice  Champney.  Alexander  and  Margaret  Gould  had  a  daughter  Margaret,  who  married 
(1)  James  StiUnn,  Bf.|  and  (2)  Thomas  Piltman*  Jame*  ami  Margaret  Stdson  had  (I)  James 
Stilton,  Jr.,  and  (ii)  Margaret  Slilson,  nfw  married  William  Hilton,  It  was  at  the  request 
fit  Jame.s  Sti1*onf  Jr.f  and  hi*  sister  Margaret  Hilton  that  the  deed  of  35  July*  l62o,  was  re- 
corded 26  December,  172(1;  and  it  was  at  the  request  of  Margaret  tlillou  that  the  deed  of  9 
August,  1360,  was  recorded  1  December,  1720. 


66  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  [Jak. 

It  will  be  observed  that  there  is  no  island  mentioned  in  this  deed,  and  a 
glance  at  the  map  seems  to  show  that  there  is  no  island  which  could  possibly 
come  within  the  limits  of  this  tract.  It  is  stated  by  Professor  Johnston,  who, 
however,  does  not  print  the  document,  that  Margaret  Pittman,  the  widow 
of  James  Stilson  and  the  daughter  of  Alexander  Gould,  on  20  December,  1720, 
"conveyed  this  tract,  including  also  Muscongus  island,  to  her  children,  James 
Stilson  jr.,  and  his  sister  Mrs.  Wm.  Hilton  "  (History  of  Bristol  and  Bremen, 
p.  471).  Thus  far  only  one  island  has  been  mentioned,  and  that  Muscongus 
Island;  but  about  1686  we  encounter  an  island  called  Somerset  Island. 
Between  1683  and  1686  Gov.  Dongan  of  New  York  granted  to  John  Spragge  — 

"  Liberty  and  Lycense  to  take  up  and  Enjoye  a  Certaine  Island  Called  and  Knowne 
by  the  name  of  Summersett  Island  and  the  small  Island  thereunto  adjacent  Scitoate 
and  Lyeing  in  Pemaquid  in  the  County  of  Cornwall  .  .  .  Provided  the  same  be  not 
appropriated  or  disposed  off  to  any  others  "  (F.  B.  Hough's  Papers  Relating  to  Pema- 
quid, 1856,  pp.  107,  108).1 

In  a  petition  to  Sir  Edmund  Andros,  dated  14  April,  1687,  James  Stilson 
recited  — 

"That  ycf  Pet*  wives  Grand  Father  John  Browne  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  1652* 
purchased  of  one  Somerset  an  Indian  Native  a  Small  Island  called  and  knowne  by  the 
name  of  Somersets  Island  Lying  not  far  from  New  Harbour  in  Pemaquid,  and  made 
some  Improvement  thereon,  and  afterwards  gave  the  same  nnto  Alexander  Gold  in 
marriage  with  his  daughter  who  entred  upon  the  same.  Built  a  house  thereupon, 
broke  up  and  improved  a  considerable  quantity  of  Land,  and  dwelt  there  for  severall 
years,  nntill  driven  off  by  the  Indians  in  the  time  of  the  late  warr  with  the  Indians 
An*  1676.  and  yor  Petr  marrying  with  one  of  the  daughters  &  heires  of  s4  Gold,  had 
the  s*  Island  transferred  to  him  as  his  wives  Portion,  and  had  quiet  Possession  thereof, 
and  disburs't  upwards  of  Fourscore  Pounds  on  his  Setlement  and  Improvements  there ; " 
and  Stilson  asked  Andros  to  "  grant  him  a  Confirmation  and  Pattent  for  the  s*  Island 
and  Lands  thereon  "  (Documentary  History  of  the  State  of  Maine,  vi.  262). 

In  a  deposition  made  9  February,  1720-21,  the  second  John  Brown  testified 
that  "his  father  laid  claim  to  an  island  in  the  mouth  of  Broad  Bay,  called 
Sumorset  island"  (Order  of  both  Branches,  etc.,  p.  115).  While  doubtless 
the  name  Muscongus  Bay  is  usually  applied  to  the  sheet  of  water  south  of 
Long  (or  Bremen)  Island  and  the  name  Broad  Bay  is  usually  applied  to 
the  sheet  of  water  north  of  Long  Island,  yet  sometimes  Broad  Bay  and  Mus- 
congus Bay  are  used  interchangeably.  Thus,  Thomas  Botkin  deposed,  31 
August,  1764,  that  — 

1  This  document  is  not  dated,  but  as  Dongan  became  Governor  of  New  York  in  1683,  as 
John  Palmer  and  John  West  were  sent  to  the  Eastern  parts  in  June,  1686,  "  with  full  power 
and  authority  to  treate  with  the  Inhabitants  for  Takeing  out  Pattents  and  Paying  the  quitt 
rents"  (Johnston's  History  of  Bristol  and  Bremen,  p.  153),  and  as  on  19  September,  1686,  the 
41  ffort  and  Country  of  Pemaquid  in  Regard  of  its  Distance  from  New  Yorke  "  (Ibid.  p.  157) 
was  detached  from  New  York  and  placed  under  Sir  £.  Andros,  it  is  probable  that  the  license 
was  granted  about  1686.  If  my  identification  of  Muscongus  Island  and  Somerset  Island  is 
correct,  it  follows  that  *'  the  small  Island  thereunto  adjacent  •*  is  Marsh  Island.  It  may  be 
added  that  this  is  also  the  opinion  of  Professor  Johnston,  though  he  does  not  give  his  reasons 
for  reaching  this  conclusion  (Ibid.  pp.  154,  238,  243,  464).  It  should  be  remarked  that  this 
license  is  the  only  document  not  relating  to  the  Brown  family  in  which  Somerset  Island  is 
mentioned. 

3  Presumably  an  error  for  1625. 


1809.] 


THE  INDIAN  SAGAMORE  SAMOSET. 


67 


"in  tlie  rear  1738,  I  lived  in  the  eastern  parts*  near  adjoining  to  a  place  called 
Roun4  Pond,  ua  Broad  Bay  bo  called*  now  iu  the  county  of  Lincoln  ;  and  the  deponent 
knew  William  Hilton!  who  lived  at  Broad  Cove,  on  the  west  ward  muat  part  of  Broad 
Bay"  (Ibid.  p.  127). 

Here  we  find  the  name  Broad  Bay  applied  to  both  portions  of  the  above 
mentioned  sheet  of  water*  If  Round  Pond,  which  is  just  north  of  New 
lUrbor  and  directly  opposite  the  north  end  of  Muscongus  Inland,  can  be 
described  aa  "on  Broad  Bay,"  surely  the  description  of  Somerset  Island  as 
being  u  in  the  month  of  Broad  Bay  H  does  not  militate  against  its  identification 
with  Muscongus  Island.  Again,  according  to  Sullivan,  who  wrote  in  1795, 
u  next  to  Pemaquid,  and  between  Pemaquid  Point  on  the  west,  and  Pleasant 
Point  on  the  east,  we  meet  the  waters  of  Broad  Bay,  which  are  on  the  shores  of 
an  ancient  Dutch  settlement  of  that  name"  (History  of  the  District  of  Maine, 
p.  16),  Finally,  by  Morse  in  his  American  Geography  (1707)  and  by  William- 
son in  1832,  Broad  Bay  is  also  made  to  extend  to  Pemaquid  Point  on  the 
west 

Margaret  Fittman  deposed,  24  October,  17S3t  that  — 

"she  waa  bom  at  New  Harbor,  and  lived  there  until  they,  with  others,  were  driven 
off  by  the  Indians.  She  well  re  mem  hers  her  grandfather,  John  Brown,  and  she  has 
often  heard  that  her  grandfather  Brown  gave  her  father,  Alexander  Gonid,  Muscongna 
island  by  a  written  l  deed  as  a  part  of  his  estate  and  her  portion ;  her  mother  often 
(old  her  that  ad  bland  was  given  by  her  father,  John  Brown  to  her  husband.  Alex- 
ander Gonld  and  to  his  heirs,  and  to  her  the  s*  Margaret.  And  the  sd  Gould  lived  on 
e*  Liiand.  as  hit*  own  estate,  and  his  wife  after  his  decease  many  years  "  (Johnston's 
History  of  Bristol  and  Bremen,  pp,  243,  244). 

Ruth  Barnaby  deposed,  0  September,  1761,  that  she  "remembers  James 
Stllson  *  who  married  Margaret  Chamber  and  who  lived  on  Miscongus  Island  " 
(Order  of  both  Branches,  etc.,  p.  120),  John  Fearce  of  Marblehead  deposed, 
20  November,  1764,  that  he  had  seen  the  deed  of  8  August,  10CO,  from  Brown 
to  Gould,  that  he  had  "since  seen  an  Indian  deed  to  old  John  Brown,  of 
ancient  date/1  and  that  "he  understood  that  the  Indian  deed  aforementioned, 
conveyed  all  the  lands  at  New-  Harbour  and  Broad  Bay,  that  the  said  Gould 
and  Brown  claimed"  (Ibid.  pp.  Ill,  112)*  In  a  deposition,  the  date  of  which 
is  not  given,  Margaret  Pi  ttm  an  >  according  to  Professor  Johnston,  "  speaks  of  hav- 
ing attended  public  worship  at  Pemaquid  fort,  coming  there  for  the  purpose 
from  Muscongus  Island,  where  the  family  lived"  (History  of  Bristol  and 
Bremen,  pp.  245,  240). 

1  This  deed,  already  mentioned  by  James  Stilson,  if  ever  given,  is  not  extant. 

*  Alexander  Gould's  widow,  Margaret  (Brown)  Gould,  married  Maurice  Champney  (or,  as 
the  name  is  variously  spelled,  Chamblett,  Chamblet,  Chamles,  Chanirmye,  etc.).  Though  the 
wife  of  James  Stilson,  Sr.,  wan  Margaret  Gonldt  the  daughter  of  Alexander  and  Margaret 
(Brown)  Gould,  yet  it  is  not  surprising  that,  after  the  lap*e  of  so  many  years,  Ruth  Barnaby 
thould  have  alluded  to  her  as  Margaret  Chamber  (i*.  t-  Champney),  rather  than  as  Margaret 
Gould,  thus  confusing  the  stepfather  with  the  father.  For  this  information  aa  to  Maurice 
Champney,  as  well  as  for  several  valuable  suggestions,  I  am  indebted  to  Mr.  William  1\  Green- 
law* Assistant  Librarian  of  the  New  England  Historic  Genealogical  Society,  {^.Genealog- 
ical Advertiser,  i-  100,  ii.  28.)  At  some  unspecified  time,  but  apparently  between  1674  and 
1790,  Maurice  Champney  (or,  as  he  is  called,  Morrice  Cham  tea)  was  described  as  of  Marble- 

i¥  hut  "  formerly  of  Sumersett  Island  at  the  eastward  "  (Johnston's  History  of  Bristol  and 
Bremen,  p.  335). 


68  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  [Jan. 

From  these  extracts  it  appears  that  the  only  deed  in  the  Brown  family  is  the 
deed  from  Capt.  John  Somerset  to  John  Brown  of  15  July,  1625 ;  that  from 
this  deed  of  1625  are  derived  all  the  claims  made  by  the  Brown  family ;  that 
the  only  deed,  whether  Indian  or  other,  in  which  an  Island  is  mentioned  is 
this  deed  of  1625;  that  Muscongus  Island  originally  belonged  to  Capt.  John 
Somerset  and  was  by  him  conveyed  to  John  Brown  in  this  same  deed  of  1625; 
that  Somerset  Island  was  purchased  by  John  Brown  of  Capt.  John  Somerset 
in  1652  (t.  e.  1625) ;  that  Somerset  Island  was  in  Pemaquid  and  near  New 
Harbor,  exactly  where  Muscongus  Island  is  situated;  that,  Alexander  Gould 
lived  on  Muscongus  Island;  that  James  Stilson  lived  on  and  improved 
Somerset  Island;  that  James  Stilson  lived  on  Muscongus  Island;  and  that 
Margaret  Pittman's  family  lived  on  Muscongus  Island.  The  chain  of  evi- 
dence, therefore,  which  links  together  Muscongus  Island  and  Somerset  Island 
would  seem  to  be  complete,  and  the  conclusion  is  almost  irresistible  that 
what  in  these  documents  is  called  Somerset  Islaud  is  the  very  Island  which  in 
1625  was  described  as  Muscongus  Island,  which  still  bears  that  name  (though 
it  is  now  also  sometimes  known  as  Loud's  Island),  and  which  has  had  no  other 
name  except  in  certain  legal  documents  of  which  all  but  one  relate  to  the 
Brown  family.  But  whether  Somerset  Island  actually  is  Muscongus  Island, 
or  whether  it  is  some  other  island  yet  to  be  identified,  it  certainly  cannot 
be  doubted  that  the  name  Somerset  Island,  which  we  do  not  meet  with  until 
about  1686,  was  derived  from  Capt.  John  Somerset,  a  name  encountered  aa 
early  as  1625,  and  had,  therefore,  nothing  whatever  to  do  with  any  "  deemed, 
reputed,  or  intended  Province  of  New  Somerset."  x 

1  In  addition  to  Somerset  Island,  there  was  formerly  in  the  same  neighborhood  a  place  called 
Somerset  Cove.  For  information  and  for  documents  relating  to  Somerset  Cove,  I  am  indebted 
to  the  kindness  of  Mr.  William  D.  Patterson,  of  Wiscasset,  Maine.  On  the  United  States 
Coast  Survey  Chart  of  the  Damariscotta  and  Medomak  Rivers  there  is  a  small  cove  a  little  way 
below  Muscongus  Harbor  and  nearly  abreast  of  the  lower  end  of  Hog  Island,  the  nearest  sound- 
ing figures  being  4|,  and  next  above  that  3}.  In  the  opinion  of  Mr.  James  H.  Varney, 
Register  of  Deeds  for  Lincoln  and  formerly  Town  Clerk  of  Bristol,  this  cove  was  known 
as  Somerset  Cove.  Apparently,  it  is  the  same  cove  which,  in  the  deed  of  the  Pemaquid  Pro- 
prietors to  James  Morton,  dated  21  September,  1763  (recorded  in  Lincoln  Registry  of  Deeds,  viii. 
93),  is  called  "  Somerset  Cove  in  Muscongus  River  "  ;  and  which  also  is  mentioned  in  an  inden- 
ture dated  18  June,  1766  (recorded  in  Lincoln  Registry  of  Deeds,  v.  152).  In  this  indenture,  made 
between  Robert  Gould  of  Boston  and  Hezekiah  Eggleston,  the  latter  is  described  as  of  "  a  Place 
called  Somerset  Cove  in  the  County  of  Lincoln  ;"  and  it  is  recited  that  Eggleston  is  indebted 
to  Gould  in  the  sum  of  j£355  lawful  money  for  which  he  has  given  bond  to  pay  on  or  before  18 
June,  1767,  and  that  as  a  collateral  and  further  security  for  the  payment  of  said  sum  he  conveys 
unto  the  said  Gould  — 

"  a  certain  Tract  of  Land  lying  at  a  Place  called  Somerset  Cove  aforesaid  containing  about  four  hun- 
dred Acres  butted  and  bounded  as  follows  that  is  to  say,  Northerly  in  the  Front  upon  Muscongus  Island 
there  measuring  eighty  Rods,  and  running  northwest  into  the  Country  two  Miles  keeping  the  same 
breadth  of  Eighty  Rods  all  the  way,  and  Southerly  in  the  Rear  on  Hog  Island  so  called,  and  there  measur- 
ing eighty  Rods.' ' 

There  is  also  mention  of  "Somersits  cove"  in  a  deed  dated  25  October,  1719,  from  Cesar 
Moxis  and  Gustin,  two  Indian  sagamores,  to  William  Hilton  (Lincoln  Deeds,  xl.  240). 

In  a  deed  dated  6  July,  1750,  from  Thomas  Loveland  to  Isaac  Moseley  (Ibid.  xiii.  177),  of  a 
part  of  land  formerly  of  Richard  Pearce,  the  tract  is  described  as  being  part  of  "  a  larger 
Tract  of  Land  adjoining  to  New  Harbor,  near  Pemmaquid,  called  Miscongus  alias  Somersit," 
indicating  that  Somerset  was  also  used  as  a  name  for  the  Muscongus  region.     In  a  deed 


ism] 


THE  INDIAN  SAGAMORE  SAMOSET. 


In  the  extract  quoted  above  from  Gorges'*  grant  of  3  July,  1037,  to  Sir 
Richard  Edgecombe,  there  is  mention  of  "the  Lake  of  newe  Somerset V* 
For  many  years  no  steps  were  taken  in  regard  to  this  grant;  but  in  1718  — 

11  MS  John  Edgecomb  of  New  Load  on  in  New  England  h  behalf  of  the  heirs  of 
$*,  Richard  Edgeeoiub  of  Meant  Edgeeamb  in  the  county  of  Devon  Kn1.  daims  *  ,  .  all 
that  put  or  parcell  of  Laud  at  or  neare  the  Lake  of  New  Summeraett  which  is  con- 
cciv'd  to  be  fourteen  Miles  distant  from  the  Shore  of  Caseo  Bay  by  a  Northerly  Line 
into  the  Inland  Farts  w**  parcel  I  of  Land  is  to  contain  eight  Thousand  Acres  "  (Massa- 
chusetts Archives,  Eastern  Claims,  1 674- 1720,  p.  $2). 

On  18  October,  1732,  Jonathan  Belcher,  in  a  letter  to  Richard  Edgcumbe, 
afterwards  Baron  Edgcumbe,  wrote  s  — 

"  1  *  .  T  went  &  view'd  what  is  snppos'd  to  be  that  tract  of  land  mention 'd  to  begin 
at  Ihe  entrance  of  the  next  river  to  Sagadahock.  It  lyes  on  a  river  called  Bungonungo- 
mug  (an  Indian  name)  and  makes  a  part  of  Casco  bay,  _  ,  ,  As  to  the  other  parcel  of 
land  roeimon'd  to  be  near  the  lake  of  New  Someraett,  and  to  contain  8000  acres,  I 
cannot  yet  find  It  or  satisfy  myself  about  it,  but  shall  make  further  enquiry  "  (6  Massa- 
chusetts Historical  Collections,  vL  194,  195). 

No  one  has  been  any  more  success! nl  in  locating  that  lake  of  New  Somerset 
than  was  Belcher;  but  it  is  thought  that  by  it  was  intended  Merry  Meeting 
Bayt  which  receives  the  waters  of  the  Kennebec,  Androscoggin,  and  other 
smaller  rivers.  At  all  events,  there  was  at  one  time  a  point  of  land  in  Merry 
Meeting  Bay  called  Somerset  Point,  In  the  year  1718,  writes  the  Rev.  H,  O. 
Thayer,  "a  few  settlers  located  upon  Somersett  point;11  and  he  proceeds  to 
quote  from  a  Report  made  to  the  Massachusetts  House  of  Representatives  in 
July,  1720,  in  which  there  ia  an  allusion  to  that  settlement.  In  regard  to  the 
name,  Mr-  Thayer  aaya :  — 

"  Snmmersett,  Somraersett*  Somerset,  A  point  on  the  north  shore  of  the  bay, 
between  Cat  ha  nee  and  Abagarfasset  rivers.  A  controversy  arose  respecting  the  origin 
of  the  name,  whether  a  local  name,  from  the  Ban  Water,  Ireland,  affixed  by  the  Scotch* 
IrUh  settler,  Andrew  McFaddcn,  1718,  or  an  earlier  name,  associated  with  the  Lord 
Edgecomb  grrant "  [2  Collections  Maine  Historical  Society,  iv,  245,  249  and  Dote), 

Somerset  Point  seems  to  have  disappeared  from  the  map  of  Maine. 
Carlo  us  ly  enough,  in  view  of  the  evidence  which  has  been  presented  in  this 
Note,  the  name  Somerset  did  not  become  permanently  attached  to  Maine  until 
IB09j  in  which  year  the  County  of  Somerset  was  established.  4I  The  name,1* 
wrote  Williamson,  "evidently  suggested  itself  from  old  Somersetshire  in  Eng- 
land, transferred  to  Maine  in  the  days  of  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorgea  "  (History  of 
the  State  of  Maine,  ii.  611), 

All  the  essential  facts  about  Samoset  and  Somerset  are  given  in  this  Note, 
The  conclusions  which  the  present  writer  draws  are,  that  Samoset  and  Capt. 
John  Somerset  were  presumably  one  and  the  same  person  •,  that  Samoset  was 
the  man's  Indian  name  j  that  the  Indian's  English  name  of  John  Somerset  was 
a  corruption  of  Samoset ;  that  Somerset  Island  —  an  appellation  not  found  at 
all  before  1083,  and  then  only  in  legal  documents  relating  to  the  Indian,  the 

fniru  Fearce,  dated  1734  (/6itf,  xvii.  1),  of  land  near  "While  Core,'*  there  is  mention  of 
-  Town  ship  of  Summersett*"  Mr*  Patterson  cannot  locate  Whale  Cove,  but  believes  the  land 
described  ia  ia  the  Muscongus  region. 


70  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OP  MASSACHUSETTS.  [Jah. 

island  elsewhere  having  always  been  known  as  Muscongus  or  Loud's l  Island  — 
derived  its  name  from  Capt.  John  Somerset;  that  the  title  Somerset,  as 
applied  to  any  portion  of  Maine,  other  than  the  just-mentioned  Somerset 
Island,  was  due  to  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges,  was  unknown  before  1636,  was 
occasionally  ^mployed  between  1636  and  1643,  disappeared  after  1643,  tem- 
porarily reappeared  in  the  eighteenth  century  as  the  designation  of  a  point 
of  land,  and  was  permanently  revived  in  the  nineteenth  century  as  the  name 
of  a  County;  that  Pemaquid  was  beyond  the  limits  of  the  territory  granted  to 
Gorges ;  and  that  Somerset,  as  a  geographical  name  brought  from  England, 
could  have  been  applied  in  the  seventeenth  century  only  to  the  portion  of 
Maine  which  fell  within  Gorges's  patent.  Finally,  there  seems  to  be  no  escape 
from  the  further  conclusion  that  the  burden  of  proof  lies  on  those  who  main- 
tain that  the  Indian's  name  was  originally  John  Somerset  and  that  Samoset  is 
a  corruption  of  Somerset. 

During  the  discussion  which  followed  the  reading  of  Mr. 
Noble's  communications,  remarks  were  made  by  Messrs. 
William  Watson  Goodwin,  Henry  H.  Edes,  Robert  N. 
Toppan,  and  Andrew  McFarland  Davis. 

Mr.  Frederic  Haines  Curtiss  was  elected  a  Resident 
Member ;  and  the  Hon.  James  Burrill  Angell,  LL.D.,  of 
Ann  Arbor,  Michigan,  Mr.  Edward  Field,  of  Providence, 
Rhode  Island,  and  the  Rev.  George  Park  Fisher,  LL.D., 
of  New  Haven,  Connecticut,  were  elected  Corresponding 
Members.2 

1  Mr.  Patterson  informs  me  that  the  name  Loud  was  probably  not  applied 
to  the  island  until  about  the  year  1776. 

3  At  the  Stated  Meeting  of  the  Society  in  December,  at  which  these  gentle- 
men were  nominated  by  the  Council,  the  Hon.  Justin  Smith  Morrill,  LL.D.» 
was  also  proposed  for  Honorary  Membership.  Senator  Morrill  died  in  Wash- 
ington, however,  on  the  twenty-eighth  of  December, — before  the  Society  has 
had  an  opportunity  to  confirm  the  action  of  the  Council  and  enrol  his  name. 


>•] 


REMARKS   BY   TUL   PRESIDENT. 


71 


FEBRUARY  MEETING,  1899. 


A  Stated  Meeting  of  the  Society  was  held  in  the  Hall  of 
the  American  Academy  of  Arts  and  Sciences  on  Wednes- 
day, 15  February,  1899,  at  three  o'clock  hi  the  afternoon,  the 
President,  Edward  Wheelwright,  in  the  chair. 

The  Records  of  the  Stated  Meeting  in  January  were  read 
and  approved. 

The  Corresponding  Secretarf  reported  that  since  the 
last  meeting  letters  had  been  received  from  Mr.  Frederick 
Haines  Cuktiss  accepting  Resident  Membership,  and  from 
President  A^gell,  Mr,  Edward  Field,  and  Professor 
George  Park  Fisuer,  accepting  Corresponding  Membership. 

President  Wheelwright  then  said  :  — 

As  the  one  hundred  and  sixty-seventh  anniversary  of  the  birth 
of  George  Washington  occurs  one  week  from  to-day,  and  before 
our  next  Meeting,  this  seems  a  proper  occasion  to  present  to  the 
Society  a  photographic  copy  of  a  letter  of  that  great  man. 

The  copy  was  made  a  few  years  ago  from  the  original,  which  is 
still  in  the  possession  of  Mr.  Herman  Jackson  Warner  of  Boston, 
bat  now  resident  abroad,  in  whose  family  it  has  been  preserved  as 
an  heirloom,  Mr,  Warner  is  well  known  to  several  of  our  associ- 
ates, having  graduated  at  Harvard  in  1850  in  the  same  class  with 
our  associates  John  Noble  and  Augustus  Lowell. 

General  Jonathan  Warner,  to  whom  this  letter  was  addressed, 
was  bom  at  Hardwick,  in  the  County  of  Worcester,  Massachusetts, 
14  July,  1744.  At  the  beginning  of  the  Revolutionary  contest,  he 
was  Lieutenant  of  a  militia  company  in  his  native  town,  was  Cap- 
tain of  a  company  of  minute-men,  1774,  became  Colonel  in  the 
same  year,  was  promoted  to  be  Brigadier-General  by  the  General 
Court,  13  February,  1776,  and  in  1781  was  made  Major-Geueral. 


72  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OP  MASSACHUSETTS.  [Feb. 

He  served  through  the  Revolutionary  War  and  after  its  close  was 
largely  instrumental  in  suppressing  Shays's  Rebellion.  He  was 
re-commissioned  Major-General  in  1786,  was  honorably  discharged 
on  his  voluntary  resignation  in  December,  1789,  and  died  7 
January,  1803.1  He  was  father  of  William  Augustus  Warner 
(H.  C.  1815),  and  grandfather  of  the  present  possessor  of  the 
letter. 

The  Proclamation  referred  to  in  the  letter  is  that  issued  by 
Washington  on  the  twenty-fifth  of  January,  1777,  declaring  that 
"all  persons  who  had  accepted  Lord  Howe's  offer  of  protection 
must  either  retire  within  the  British  lines,  or  come  forward  and 
take  the   oath  of  allegiance  to  the  United  States."2    This  was 
just  after  Washington's    brilliant  achievement  of  crossing  the 
Delaware,  fighting  two  successful  battles,  and  driving  the  enemy 
out  of  the   Jerseys.     He  had  now  taken  up  a  strong  position 
on  the  heights  above  Morristown.     Here  the  main  body  of   the 
American  Army  was  posted,  while  the  right  wing  under  Putnam 
occupied  Princeton  and  the  left  wing  under  Heath  rested  upon  the 
Hudson.     Bound   Brook,  where   Brigadier-General   Warner   was 
stationed,  was  somewhat  in  advance  of  this  line  and  nearer  the 
British  position.      It  is  about  twenty  miles,  as  the   crow  flies, 
south  of  Morristown,  and  only  about  five  miles  from  New  Bruns- 
wick, from  which  it  is  separated  by  the  Raritan  River.      New 
Brunswick,  Amboy,  and  Paulus  Hook  were  the  three  positions  still 
retained  by  the  British  in  New  Jersey. 

The  text  of  Washington's  letter  to  General  Warner,  which  is 
not  found  in  either  Sparks's  or  Ford's  edition  of  Washington's 
Writings,  is  as  follows  :  — 

Head  Quarters    Morristown  12th  Feb* 

1777 

Sir 

That  a  proper  line  of  Conduct  may  be  observed  towards  the 
Inhabitants  near  the  Enemy's  Lines,  I  would  observe,  that  tho*  it  is 
my  desire  to  have  the  Terms  &  Conditions  of  my  proclamation  reli- 
giously complied  with,  yet  I  do  not  intend  that  it  shall  be  made  a 
Shelter  for  our  Enemies  to  injure  us  under  it  with  impunity.    Those 

i  Paige's  History  of  Hardwick,  pp.  523-525. 

*  Fiske's  American  Revolution,  i.  236.  The  Proclamation  is  printed  in 
Ford's  Writings  of  Washington,  v.  201,  202. 


fc] 


REMARKS  BY  MR.   ABNER   C*   GOODELL, 


73 


who  wish  to  stay  with  us>  till  the  expiration  of  the  thirty  clays,  for  no 
ether  purposes  tban  to  convey  Intelligence  to  the  Enemy  and  poison 
our  peoples  minds,  must  and  shall  be  compelled  to  withdraw  itn me- 
diately within  the  Enemy's  Hues.  Others  who  are  hesitating  whieh 
Side  to  take  and  behave  friendly  to  us,  till  they  determine,  mast  be 
treated  with  lenity.  Such  as  go  over  to  the  Enemy  are  not  to  take 
with  them  any  thing  but  their  Cloathing  and  furniture.  Their  Horses, 
Cattle,  and  Forage  must  be  left  behind.  Such  as  incline  to  share  our 
fate,  are  to  have  every  Assistance  afforded  them  that  can  be  granted 
with  Safety;  neither  Waggons  nor  Horses  must  be  too  much  hazarded 
in  doing  this  Business.  The  Effects  of  all  persons  in  Arms  against 
us  must  be  seized  and  secured.  I  wish  this  line  of  Conduct  to  be 
observed  by  all  our  parties,  for  whieh  purpose  you  will  make  them 
acquainted  with  my  determination* 

I  am  Sir 

Yf  most  oft  Serv! 

G?  Washington 
Gen1.  Warner. 


[Addressed] 


To 
Brig?  Gen?  Warner 
at 
Bound  Brook. 


I  have  also  to  offer  for  the  inspection  of  the  Society  an  original 
Indenture  of  Apprenticeship  for  ten  years  from  29  December,  1706, 
of  Joseph  Bentley,  with  consent  of  his  mother,  Margaret  Bentley* 
widow,  to  Joseph  White,  mariner,  and  Sarah>  his  wife,  all  of  Bos- 
ton, dated  18  December,  1706,  in  the  fifth  year  of  the  reign  of 
Queen  Anne,  One  of  the  witnesses  signs  himself,  in  very  crabbed 
writing,  Peregrine  White, — not  the  original  Peregrine,  who  had 
died  two  years  before,  but  probably  his  son. 

This  document  has  been  loaned  for  exhibition  to  the  Society 
by  Mr.  William  C.  Codman  of  Boston. 

Mr.  Abner  C.  Goodell  said  he  thought  that  the  Inden- 
ture exhibited  by  the  President  was  exceptionally  interesting. 
The  signature  of  Peregrine  White  was  undoubtedly  that  of 


74  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  [Feb. 

the  son  or  grandson  of  the  first-born  American  of  English 
parentage  in  Plymouth  Colony.  In  1704,  Peregrine,  and 
Benoni,  his  brother,  or  son  —  probably  the  latter,  since  he  is 
called  "a  lad"  in  the  record  —  were  in  Boston,  and  were 
arrested  for  counterfeiting  bills  of  public  credit  on  the  Prov- 
ince.    They  were  subsequently  convicted  and  sentenced.1 

Mr.  Denison  R.  Slade  communicated  two  unpublished 
letters  of  James  Lovell,  and  another  from  Samuel  Adams 
to  Col.  Henry  Bromfield.  The  text  of  these  letters  is  as 
follows :  — 

I. 

To  the  Selectmen  of  Boston 

Gentlemen 

Besides  an  application 
to  your  friendship  made  last  Fall  while  I  was  in  the  Provost  at  Boston 
Mrs.  Lovell 2  I  believe  can  show  the  Coppy  of  a  Second  proof  of  my 
Confidence  in  you  since  my  Imprisonment  at  Halifax  &  I  now  proceed 
to  give  you  a  testimony  of  its  continuance  in  Vigor  by  desiring  you  to 
Represent  to  propper  Authority  —  that  the  treatment  of  prisoners  here 
is  not  only  Scandalous  by  neglecting  all  distinction  of  Rank  but  is  also 
murderous  by  joining  the  nuisances  &  Infection  of  an  Hospital  to  the 
Confinement  and  Common  Miseries  of  a  Jail  —  That  we  have  been  even 
thirty  six  &  are  now  thirty  in  a  single  Leaky  Room  the  Floor  our  Bed- 
stead a  thin  flock  Bed  &  pair  of  Blankets  being  the  best  provision  for 
two,  one  has  lingered  &  died  in  our  Sight  throh  want  of  propper  Nour- 
ishment &  one  has  been  long  near  the  point  of  death  not  allowed  the 
Comfort  of  removal  to  a  Convenient  place  of  Attendance  while  Several 
with  Fluxes  go  in  Continual  Rotation  to  a  Tub  throh  the  Night  when  we 
are  Close  lockt  in. 

I  am  aware  that  the  Humanity  &  Education  of  the  Colonists  will 
make  them  backward  to  retaliate  these  things  and  I  suppose  that  all  the 
Enemys  Chiefs  do  not  Conduct  with  the  same  Wanton  or  Willfull 
Cruelty  therefore  I  cannot  pretend  to  point  out  a  general  Alteration  of 
the  exceeding  kind  treatment  &  distinction  which  is  shown  to  Prisoners 

1  See  Province  Laws  (Standard  edition),  vol.  viii.,  —  Resolves  1704-5,  chap. 
79,  and  1707,  chap.  8,  for  a  full  account  of  this  case. 

*  Lovell  married  Mary  Middleton,  24  November,  1760  (Registers  of  Trinity 
Church). 


1309.] 


LETTER   OF    JAMES    LOVELL. 


75 


in  the  Several  United  Colonies  but  I  cannot  help  wishing  that  some 
particular  Officers  of  like  Rank  with  Col*  Allen,1  Cap!  Proctor,*  Master 


1  CoL  Ethan  Allen  was  captured  25  September*  1775,  and  exchanged  0  May, 
177-.  In  1770,  he  published  at  Philadelphia  a  curious  and,  at  times,  amusing 
Narrative  of  Colonel  Ethan  Allen's  Captivity,  ,  .  .  Containing  His  Voyages 
and  Travels,  .  ,  Interspersed  with  some  Political  Observations.  The  extracts 
from  it  given  in  our  succeeding  notes  are  from  the  Boston  reprint  of  1779. 

1  This  was  Francis  Proctor,  Senior  —  or  Procter,  as  the  name  was  sometimes 
spelled  —  of  Pennsylvania,  He  was  appointed  Lieutenant  in  his  brother  Thomas 
Proctor's  Company  of  Artillery  29  November,  1775  (Pennsylvania  Colonial 
Records,  x.  416)  ;  was  dismissed  8  December  (Ibid.  z.  42 3 >  42-1)  \  was  captured 
not  long  after  by  the  British ;  and  in  May,  1770,  was  placed  on  the  Mercury, 
under  the  command  of  Captain  James  Montague,  off  Ca]>e  Fear,  and  taken  to 
Halifax,  where  he  arrived  in  June,  On  the  same  ship  was  Ethan  Allen,  who 
later  wrote :  — 

■  A  Capt.  Frauds  Proctor  was  added  to  our  number  of  prison  em  when  we  were  first 
put  on  board  this  ship:  Tins  gentleman  had  formerly  belonged  to  the  English  service, 
The  Capt.  and  in  fine  all  the  gentlemen  of  the  ship,  were  very  much  incensed  against 
him,  and  pat  him  in  irons  without  the  least  provocation,  and  he  was  continued  in  this 
miserable  situation  about  three  months  "  (Narrative,  p.  20), 

We  next  hear  of  Proctor  in  a  letter  dated  Jerseys,  5  November,  1776,  by 
James  Lovell  to  Captain  Thomas  Proctor,  in  which  Lovell  says  :  — 

K  I  left  Captain  Franci*  Procter t  your  brother,  on  board  the  prison-ship  Glascaw,  in 
New-York  harbour,  the  3d  of  this  month.  He  is  in  good  health,  has  pome  encmira^e- 
me iit  of  being  speedily  exchanged,  but  hopes  his  friends  will  exert  themselves  to  bring 
about  that  desirable  event,  as  much  us  if  he  had  not  received  any  hints  about  it,  for  he 
fears  those  hints  aro  only  to  amuse  him*  He  has  once  wrote,  and  he  now  earnestly 
wishes  that  proof  may  be  sent  to  General  Wasftingfon  of  his  having  had  a  regular  dis- 
cbarge from  the  Irish  Artillery,  and  consequently  that  he  is  not  a  deserter,  as  is  some- 
times thrown  in  his  teeth,  I  have  been  his  fellow-prisoner  for  months  at  ffufifaxt  where 
he  had  fared  hardly,  but  greatly  better  than  when  under  the  control  of  Captain  Mont  a* 
^se,  who  seemed  to  aim  at  his  life  n  (American  Archives,  Fifth  Series,  iii.  51 9), 

Proctor  was  soon  after  exchanged,  for  on  24  January,  1777,  we  find  him 
writing  from  Philadelphia  to  the  Council  of  Safety  of  Pennsylvania  as 
follows :  — 

*'  I  make  no  Doubt  yon  are  acquainted  with  my  first  unsuccessful  attempt  to  Exert 
most  in  defence  of  the  great  Cause  of  Anierie.au  Liberty  in  General,  and  the  State 
of  South  Carolina  in  particular ;  And  therefore  Chuse  not  to  trouble  you  at  present  with 
a  Narrative  of  my  long  Imprisonment,  Cruel  Treatment,  and  other  distressing  Circum- 
stances during  that  Period  to  the  time  of  my  Enlargment,  But  have  the  Honour  of 
acquainting  you  that  I  Cannot  be  an  Idle  Spectator  of  the  present  Glorious  Contest 
whilst  ray  Country  wants  a  man,  and  therefore  take  the  Liberty  of  Informing  you  that 
I  am  now  going  (by  Desire  of  General  Knox)  to  Head  Quarters  to  take  Command  of 
a  Company  of  Artillery  in  the  Continental  Service  "  (Pennsylvania  Archives,  Second 
Series,  i,  696). 


76       THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OP  MASSACHUSETTS.     [Feb. 

Howland1  &  his  Mate  Taylor1  in  conjunction  with  some  privates  &  a 
Counterpart  to  poor  Carpenter  *  &  myself  may  be  brought  to  wish  for 
an  Exchange  &  to  petition  Gen!  Howe  for  it  or  at  least  to  remonstrate 
to  him  upon  the  provocation  which  he  has  given  for  an  alteration  of 
their  Limitts  Lodgings  &  Diet.  I  mention  Gen!  Howe  because  the  Mili- 
tary Commander  here  is  left  with  little  more  discreationary  power  than 
a  Sergeant  or  an  Ordinary  Jailor. 

To  judge  by  appearances  my  life  has  been  aimed  at  in  what  I  have 
been  obliged  to  undergo,  therefore  my  Friends  may  Chuse  to  Commu- 
nicate the  Information  which  I  now  &  then  give  under  the  cover  of 
Authentic  Intelligence  rather  than  Extract  of  a  Letter  &  be  assured  I 
pay  a  Sacred  regard  to  the  truth  of  Facts. 

There  is  a  formidable  as  well  as  Accursed  Effort  against  the  Colonies 
this  year.  May  God  defend  &  prosper  the  American  Cause,  &  may  you 
Personally  &  relatively  enjoy  Health  &  every  domestic  Happiness. 

Your  fellow  Citizen  Suffering  at  a  distance  from  you  I  yet  continue 
to  be  Sincerely 

Gentlemen  your  Friend  & 

Most  Hb!e  Serv.' 

James  Lovell.* 


Proctor  was  appointed  Captain  of  the  4th  Continental  Artillery  3  March, 
1777,  and  dismissed  14  April,  1778  (Ibid.  xi.  201).  We  get  a  final  glimpse  of 
him,  in  quite  a  different  calling,  however,  in  the  Pennsylvania  Evening  Post 
of  Saturday,  18  July,  1778,  No.  506,  iv.  245:  — 

THE  subscriber  begs  leave  to  inform  his  friends  and  the  public  in  general,  that  he  now 
occupies  the  LIVERY  STABLES  formerly  John  Hales's  in  Lombard-street,  near  the 
New  market,  where  he  will  entertain  horses  by  the  year  or  night,  having  the  best 
accomodations,  and  suitable  places  for  carriages. 

Philad.  July  18.  FRANCIS  PROCTOR,  sen. 

For  a  notice  of  Thomas  Proctor,  see  Appletons*  Cyclopaedia  of  American 
Biography. 

1  "  Among  the  prisoners,"  wrote  Allen,  "  there  were  5  in  number,  who  had 
a  legal  claim  to  a  parole,  viz.  James  Lovel,  Esq ;  Capt.  Francis  Proctor,  a  Mr. 
Houland,  master  of  a  Continental  armed  vessel,  a  Mr.  Taylor,  his  mate,  and 
myself "  (Narrative,  p.  23).  Consider  Howland  and  Jacob  Taylor  were,  re- 
spectively, master  and  mate  of  the  privateer  brig  Washington  (American 
Archives,  Fifth  Series,  i.  1283,  1284). 

a  This  was  Richard  Carpenter,  of  Boston  (Ibid.). 

•  A  biographical  note  on  James  Lovell  will  be  found  on  pp.  70-81,  post. 


1899,] 


LETTER   OF  JAMES  LOVELL. 


77 


Dec?  4**  1778. 
Dear  Sir l 

I,  this  morning,  received  the  inclosed  from  Baltimore,  with 
a  few  Lines  from  my  amiable  young  Friend  your  Sou,8  and  though  I  was 
only  to  forward  it  by  a  private  Hand  or  put  it  into  the  Office,  I  will 
make  this  Request  of  his  the  Cause  of  my  performing  an  agreeable 
Right  of  Civility  <&  Gratitude  to  you,  which  an  unbounded  Portion  of 
public  Business  will  probably  make  me,  as  heretofore,  neglect,  without 
some  accidental  Stimulus,  like  the  present*  occuring. 

On  the  Spur,  then,  of  this  Occasion  I  most  affectionately  salute  you 
&  your  lovely  Family.  I  will  not  be  forgotten  by  my  former  charming 
Pupils,  even  if  they  are  married.  I  retain  a  most  pleasing  Memory  of 
them  A  their  exemplary  manners,  M"  Bromfield  *  must  excuse  me  if 
remembriug  also  her  many  enviable  Qualities,  I  retain  one  visible  Anec- 
dote of  hen  She  told  her  Daughter4  so  lately  as  two  years  ago  to 
"hold  up  her  Head/'  Well  might  the  little  Emblem  of  Uprightness 
snow  a  rosey  Streak  of  Wonder* 

And  now,  Sir,  finding  my  Brain  relieved,  by  this  little  Exertion  of 
Fancy,  from  the  State  into  which  it  had  been  beaten  by  the  Pros  &  Cons 
in  a  Discussion  upon  Finance,  I  think  I  can  venture  again  upon  the  dis- 
agreeable Subject  for  a  moment  or  two.  While  we  are  plodding  here  to 
reduce  the  Quantity  of  circulating  Medium,  cannot  Associations  be 
formed  to  discountenance  one  great  Source  of  Depreciation  which 
operates  more  strongly  than  even  Quantity,  I  mean  the  speculating 
Spirit  which  is  devouring  us  in  geometrical  Proportions.  Taxation  is 
doubtless  our  first  object  here  and  will  most  readily  be  received  by 
ail  the  People-  Loan  is  another,  if  not  the  second  to  be  pursued ;  but 
then,  Quere,  foreign  or  domestic?  How  shall  Monies  now  received  in 
Loan  be  paid?  As  those  received  in  1770?  Every  Genius  on  the  Con- 
tinent with  a  Turn  to  Finance  should  throw  his  mite  in  to  the  Delegates 
of  his  particular  State  while  that  important  Matter  is  in  agitation. 


1  This  letter  was  written  to  CoL  Henry  Bromfield,  concerning  whom  see 
ante,  v.  20*2  note. 

*  Henry  Bromfield  (1751-1837)  was  the  son  of  CoL  Henry  Bromfield  by  his 
first  wife,  Margaret  Fayerweather.  He  was  a  successful  and  wealthy  merchant, 
and  long  resided  at  Cheltenham,  Gloucestershire,  England,  where  he  died, 
childless. 

*  Hannah  Clarke,  daughter  of  Richard  Clarke,  —  Col.  Bromfield'a  second 
wife*    See  ante,  v,  210  note. 

*  Elizabeth  Bromfield,  born  1763,  died  1833.     See  ante,  v.  210  note. 


78  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OP  MASSACHUSETTS.  [Feb. 

I  parted  with  yonr  Brother  Thomas  *  this  morning  Detf  5th.  Your  son 
probably  will  sail  before  his  Uncle.  But  doubtless  one  or  other  of 
them  decide  this  matter  to  you  by  Letter.  I  have  only  therefore  to  add 
renewed  assurances  of  Regard  as  your  affectionate  obliged  humble 
Servant. 

James  Lovell 

m. 

Philad*  Sept  2, 1777. 
My  dear  Sir 

I  am  requested  by  a  Member  of  Congress  from  South 
Carolina  for  whom  I  have  a  particular  Regard,  to  introduce  his  Friend 
Mr  Henry  Crouch  3  to  some  of  my  Boston  Friends.  He  is  a  Merchant 
of  Charlestown  and  will  set  off  on  a  Visit  your  Way  tomorrow.  I  take 
the  Liberty  of  addressing  a  Letter  to  you  by  him.  Your  friendly  Notice 
of  him  will  greatly  oblige  me. 

I  heartily  congratulate  you  on  the  happy  Change  of  our  Affairs  at  the 
Northward.  The  Feelings  of  a  Man  of  Burgoyne's  Vanity  must  be 
sorely  touched  by  this  Disappointment. 

Howe's  Army  remains  near  where  they  first  landed  and  is  supposed 
to  be  ten  thousand  fit  for  Duty.  Washington's  Army  exceeds  that 
Number,  is  in  health  &  high  Spirits,  and  the  Militia  have  joynd  in  great 
Numbers,  well  equip'd  and  ambitious  to  emulate  the  Valor  of  their  East- 
ern Brethren.  Our  light  Troops  are  continually  harrassing  the  Enemy. 
The  Day  before  yesterday  they  attack'd  their  out  Posts  &  drove  them 
in,  killing  &  wounding  a  small  Number.  By  the  last  Account  we  had 
taken  about  seventy  Prisoners  without  any  Loss  on  our  side.  Our 
Affairs  are  at  this  Moment  very  serious  and  critical.  We  are  contend- 
ing for  the  Rights  of  our  Country  and  Mankind  —  May  the  Confidence 
of  America  be  placed  in  the  God  of  Armies !    Please  to  pay  my  due 

1  Thomas  Bromfield,  born  1733,  died  1816.  For  a  sketch  of  the  Bromfield 
family,  by  our  late  associate,  Dr.  Daniel  Denison  Slade,  see  New  England  His- 
torical and  Genealogical  Register  for  1871  and  1872,  xxv.  182-185,  329-335 ; 
and  xxvi.  37-43,  141-143. 

*  For  a  Petition,  dated  10  May,  1780,  from  the  inhabitants  of  Charleston 
to  General  Lincoln  requesting  him  to  "  send  out  a  flag,  in  the  name  of  the 
people,  intimating  their  acquiescence  in  the  terms  propounded,"  and  for  a  fac- 
simile of  the  signature  of  Henry  Crouch,  one  of  the  signers,  see  Year  Book, 
City  of  Charleston,  1897,  pp.  394,  398.  In  November  of  the  same  year, 
Crouch,  together  with  other  citizens  of  Charleston  on  parole,  was  sent  by 
Cornwallis  to  St.  Augustine  (Ramsay's  History  of  the  Revolution  of  South 
Carolina,  1785,  ii.  169,  459). 


1999.] 


JAMES   LOVELL. 


79 


Respects  to  my  old  Friend  Mr  Phillips  *  &  his  Family  and  be  assured 
that  I  am  very  cordially 

Yours 

Sam1-  Adams* 
Henry  Bromfield,  Esq. 


[Addressed] 


Henry  Bromfield,  Esq. 
Boston, 


NOTE  ON  JAMES  LOVELL, 

Bt  Alb est  Matthews, 

The  first  letter  is  not  in  Lorell's  handwriting,  but  is  signed  by  him,  and, 
presumably,  was  written  from  Halifax  in  August  ot  September,  1770.  Allen, 
in  his  Narrative,  says  that  he  and  his  fellow-prisoners  "arrived  at  Halifax  not 
far  from  the  middle  of  June  ;  "  that  they  were  kept  "  on  board  the  prison-sloop 
about  six  weeks,  ami  were  landed  at  Halifax  near  the  middle  of  August ;  "  and 
that  they  were  taken  *'  from  the  prison-sloop  to  Halifax  gaol,  where  I  first 
became  acquainted  with  the  now  Hon,  James  Love],  Esq ;  one  of  the  members 
of  Congress  for  the  State  of  Massachusetts-Bay  **  (pp.  21,  22),  But  here 
Allen's  recollection  was  a  trifle  at  fault,  for  in  a  letter  dated  S  August,  1776, 
he  wrote  :  — 

u  The  5th  instant  I  was  landed,  and  the  prisoner*  that  have  been  with  me,  and  put 
int.  the  common  ju.il  in  Halifax.  We  have  the  liberty  of  the  yard  in  the  daytime.  In 
this  prison  I  found  the  wise  and  pat  riot  Ick  Mr,  James  Lovell t  from  Boston,  who  lias 
j^reatly  contributed  to  conversable  happiness,  and  supplied  me  with  the  comforts  of 
life  "  (American  Archives,  Fifth  Series,  i.  860,  861), 
Hence*  LovelVs  letter  could  hardly  have  been  written  before  August, 

In  November,  1775,  Gen.  Howe  bad  suggested  the  exchange  of  Lovell  for 
Col,  Skene  of  New  York;  and  the  negotiations  which,  after  the  lapse  of  nearly 
a  year,  finally  resulted  in  this  exchange,  may  be  followed  in  the  American 
Archives,  Fourth  Series,  iv,  314,  315,  974,  975,  1633,  vi,  1075,  107G;  Fifth  Series, 
i,  380,  381,  500,  502,  510,  587,  679,  711,  727,  766,  820, 1590,  ii.  437,  and  iii,  556. 
An  interesting  Report  on  the  Exchange  of  Prisoners  during  the  American 
Revolution  is  in  1  Proceedings  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society  for  19 
December,  1861,  y.  325-*317.     Lovell  reached  Boston  30  November,  1776. 

James  Lovell,  one  of  the  most  distinguished  of  the  early  patriots  of  Boston, 
was  born  31  October,  1737;  graduated  at  Harvard  College  in  1756;  was  usher 
in  the  Boston  Latin  School  from  1757  to  1775 ;  was  master  of  the  North  Gram- 
mar, now  Eliot,  School ;  was  appointed  Receiver  of  Continental  taxes  in  1784 ; 
in  1788  and  1789,  was  Collector  for  the  port  of  Boston ;  and  was  Naval  Officer  of 
Boston  from  1790  till  his  death,  14  July,  1814,  at  Windham,  Maine  (Loring's 


1  William  Phillips,  born  1722,  died  1804.     See  Memorial  History  of  Boston, 
it.  54$,  iii.  29,  38  note ;  and  American  Quarterly  Register  for  1840,  xiiL  12, 


80  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OP  MASSACHUSETTS.  [F*B. 

Hundred  Boston  Orators,  1853,  pp.  20-37 ;  and  Boston  Record  Commissioners' 
Reports,  xxiv.  230).  Lovell  is  best  remembered  as  the  first  of  the  Boston 
Fifth-of -March  Orators.  His  Oration,  made  2  April,  1771,  fills  pp.  7-16  of  the 
Orations  delivered  at  the  Request  of  the  Inhabitants  of  the  Town  of  Boston,  to 
Commemorate  the  Evening  of  the  Fifth  of  March,  1770.  Son  of  John  Lovell, 
the  famous  schoolmaster,  who  differed  from  him  politically,  James  Lovell 
ardently  espoused  the  popular  cause  as  against  the  Ministry,  and  later  took  up 
arms  against  the  King.  It  was  while  a  prisoner  on  the  charge  of  treason  or 
rebellion  that  he  wrote  the  letter  addressed  to  the  Selectmen  of  Boston.  For 
glimpses  of  Lovell  during  his  confinement  in  Boston,  see  the  Journal  of  John 
Leach,  and  extracts  from  the  Journal  of  Peter  Edes,  both  kept  in  Boston  Gaol 
from  19  June  till  4  October,  1775,  in  New  England  Historical  and  Genea- 
logical Register  for  1865,  xix.  256-262.  The  originals  of  both  Journals  are 
in  the  possession  of  our  associate  Mr.  Henry  H.  Edes.  (Cf.  1  Proceedings  of 
the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society  for  December,  1871,  xii.  176-181;  and 
Catalogue  of  the  Boston  Public  Latin  School  (1886),  pp.  19  and  note,  and  163.) 
The  following  extracts  are  also  of  interest :  — 

M  BOSTON,  June  27.  Monday  last  came  from  Newbury-Port  a  young  man  belong- 
ing to  this  town,  who  informs  that  he  left  Halifax  30  days  ago,  that  ...  he  saw  master 
JAMES  LOVELL,  who  was  cruelly  confin'd  in  Boston  goal  by  order  of  Gen.  Gage,  for 
10  months,  and  from  thence  taken  with  the  Bunker-Hill  prisoners  and  carried  to  Hali- 
fax, and  committed  to  prison,  where  he  remained  when  our  informant  came  away ;  that 
he  kept  np  his  spirits  with  surprising  firmness  amidst  the  accumulated  insults  and 
injuries  he  had  received,  and  had  petitioned  Gen.  Howe  for  tryal  or  to  be  liberated, 
or  sent  to  England  for  tryal"  (Boston-Gazette  of  Monday,  1  July,  1776,  No.  2002, 
p.  1/2). 

"  Last  Saturday  Evening,  arrived  in  this  Town,  from  Halifax,  via  New- York,  (after  a 
long  and  cruel  Imprisonment,)  the  lion.  James  Lovel,  Esq ;  to  the  no  small  Joy  of 
the  Inhabitants  of  the  Capital  of  this  State. 

"  We  hear  that  the  honorable  Francis  Dana,  and  the  honorable  James  Lovel, 
Esqrs;  are  chosen  Dclagates,  to  represent  this  State,  in  General  Congress,  in  Addition 
to  the  fice  Members  now  present,  at  Philadelphia  "  (Ibid,  of  Monday,  2  December,  1776, 
No.  1124,   p.  3/2). 

"  In  a  few  weeks  after  this  I  had  the  happiness  to  part  with  my  friend  Lovel,  (for 
his  sake,  who  the  enemy  affected  to  treat  as  a  private ;  he  was  a  gentlemen  of  merit, 
and  liberally  educated,  but  had  no  commission ;  they  maligned  him  on  account  of  his 
unshaken  attachment  to  the  cause  of  his  country)  "  (E.  Allen,  Narrative,  p.  25). 

It  was  through  Lovell,  it  is  interesting  to  note,  that  a  meeting  was  brought 
about  between  John  Trumbull,  the  future  artist,  and  Copley.  In  January, 
1772,  Trumbull,  as  he  himself  tells  us,  — 

"was  sent  to  Cambridge,  under  the  care  of  my  brother,1  who  in  passing  through 
Boston  indulged  me  by  taking  me  to  see  the  works  of  Mr.  Copley.  His  house  was  on 
the  Common,  where  Mr.  Sears's  elegant  granite  palazzo  now  [1841]  stands.  A  mutual 
friend  of  Mr.  Copley  and  my  brother,  Mr.  James  Lovell,  went  with  us  to  introduce  us. 
We  found  Mr  Copley  dressed  to  receive  a  party  of  friends  at  dinner.     I  remember  his 

i  Joseph  Trumbull  and  James  Lovell  were  both  of  the  Harvard  Class  of  1766,  and  both 
were  delegates  to  the  Continental  Congress.  Col.  John  Trumbull  graduated  at  Harvard  in  the 
Class  of  1773,  which  he  entered  as  a  Junior  in  January,  1772. 


iwo.] 


REMARKS   BY  MR,   ROBERT   N.   TOPPAN, 


81 


dress  and  Appearance  —  aa  elegant  look  lag  man,  dressed  ui  a  fine  maroon  cloth,  with 
gilt  buttons  —  thin  was  dazzling  to  my  uopracticea  eye  1  —  bat  his  paintiags,  the  first  I 
had  ever  seen  deserving  the  name,  riveted,  absorbed  my  attention,  and  renewed  all  my 
desire  to  enter  upon  such  a  pursuit"  (Autobiography,  Reminisce  aces  and  Letters, 
pp.  11,44MB). 

See  the  Political  Magazine  for  December,  1780,  and  February,  1781,  i-  756, 
757,  ih  79, 80  ;  Sparks's  Correspondence  of  the  American  Revolution,  i.  408-414  ; 
Fordfs  Writings  of  Washington,  iii.  288,  385,  fr.  2SG  note,  309,  317  note,  fi 
199  note,  vii  17  note,  ix.  152 ;  1  Proceedings  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical 
Society,  v.  8-12,  vii.  194,  195,  viil.  323,  xi.  141,  xii.  176,  xiii.  127,  128;  and 
J.  T,  Austin's  Life  of  Elbridge  Gerry,  i.  330-444. 


Mr.  Robert  N.  Toppan  said ;  — 

I  wish  to  call  the  attention  of  the  members  of  the  Society  to  the 
omission  of  a  date  in  the  original  Records  of  the  Colony  of  Massa- 
chusetts Bay,  which  led  the  Editor  of  the  official  printed  copy  into 
an  error  which,  in  turn,  misled  Dr.  Palfrey  in  his  admirable 
History  of  New  England.  Althongh  the  mistake  may  appear 
trifling,  it  would  seem  to  be  the  duty  of  this  Society,  whose  Pub- 
lications are  noted  for  their  accuracy,  to  point  out  any  historical 
error,  however  trivial. 

In  the  original  Records  of  the  General  Court,  which  were  writ- 
ten by  Edward  Raws  on,  the  Secretary  of  the  Colony,  the  last  en- 
try made  related  to  an  adjournment1  The  Charter  of  the  Colony 
having  been  vacated  by  process  of  law  in  England,  a  temporary 
Government  was  established  in  Massachusetts  by  the  King,  Joseph 
Dudley  being  selected  as  President.  His  authority  was  to  con- 
tinue until  the  arrival  of  a  Royal  Governor  from  the  mother 
country.  The  General  Court,  having  had  notice  served  upoa  it 
by  Dudley  of  his  appointment,  decided  to  adjourn  to  a  fixed 
date.  The  colonists  hoped  for  a  reversal  of  the  judgment  annul- 
ling their  Charter,  and  it  was  therefore  necessary  to  preserve  a 
legal  continuity.  The  reasonableness  of  their  hope  is  shown  by 
the  fact  that  Sir  Thomas  Powis,  the  Attorney  General  of  James 
II.,  gave  Ids  official  opinion  that  '"the  Charter  had  been  illegally 
vacated." a  Opposite  the  last  entry  made  by  Secretary  Rawson, 
which  reads  — 

*  Court  Records,  vol.  v,  last  page, 

*  Edward  Randolph  (Publications  of  the  Prince  Society),  ii.  89. 

e 


82  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  [Pkb. 

"This  day  the  whole  Court  mett  at  the  Gouno's  house,  there  the 
Court  was  adjourned  to  the  seccond  Wednesday  in  October  next,  at 
eight  of  the  clocke  in  y*  morning  —  " 

there  is  no  date,  and  there  is  no  space  or  break  between  that  entry 
and  the  preceding  one  to  indicate  in  any  way  that  the  Gen- 
eral Court  met  on  two  different  day3.  The  entry  preceding  that 
of  adjournment  is  dated  by  Rawson  "  20^  May,  1686,"  which  is 
correct,  but  by  his  neglect  to  add  the  numerals  21  at  the  side 
of  the  entry  of  adjournment,  the  Editor  of  the  official  printed 
Records  was  led  to  believe  that  the  adjournment  took  place  on 
the  twentieth,  and  it  is  so  printed.1  This  date  was  naturally 
accepted  by  Dr.  Palfrey,  who  had  no  reason  to  doubt  of  the  ac- 
curacy of  the  Editor.2 

Judge  Sewall,  in  his  Diary,8  states  distinctly  that  the  General 
Court  adjourned  on  the  twenty-first.  Under  the  date  of  Friday, 
21  May,  1686,  he  writes  :  — 

"  The  Magistrates  and  Deputies  goe  to  the  Governour's  .  .  .  The 
Adjournment  which  had  been  agreed  before,  Second  Wednesday  in 
October  next  at  8  aclock  in  the  Morning,  was  declared  by  the  Weeping 
Marshal-Generall.    Many  Tears  Shed  in  Prayer  and  at  parting." 

A  confirmation  of  the  date  given  by  Sewall  is  found  in  a  letter 
of  Edward  Randolph  written  from  Boston  to  the  Committee  for 
Trade  and  Plantations,  dated  23  August,  1686,  in  which  he 
says :  — 

"  the  late  Generall  Court  being  vpon  an  adjournment  continued,  made 
vpon  y6  21  of  May  last  &  are  to  meet  at  8  aClock  in  y*  morniug  vpon 
y*  second  Wednesday  in  October  next :  and  as  yet  y*  President  &  Coun- 
cil, tho'  often  moued  by  my  selfe  that  their  adjournal'  ought  to  be 
declared  illegall,  haue  done  nothing  to  discountenance  that  act."  * 

During  the  discussion  which  followed,  Mr.  Abner  C. 
Goodell  and  Mr.  John  Noble  mentioned  several  other 
errors  made  by  Rawson,  Mr.  Noble  remarking  that  in  one 

1  Massachusetts  Colony  Records,  v.  517. 

*  History  of  New  England,  iii.  486. 

*  5  Massachusetts  Historical  Collections,  v.  140. 

*  Edward  Randolph  (Publications  of  the  Prince  Society),  iv.  118. 


1899.]  THE  AJtREST  OP  JOHN  COLMAN.  83 

place  iB  the  General  Court  Records  lie  records  a  session  of 
sixteen  consecutive  days  including  two  Sundays. 
Mr*  Charles  K.  Bolton  then  said :  — 

The  responsibility  of  an  author  for  hia  views  expressed  in  print 
has  always  been  a  subject  of  interest.  The  case  of  John  Caiman,1 
in  Boston,  in  1720,  excited  much  comment  at  the  time,  and  the  pam- 
phlets which  he  wrote  are  still  frequently  mentioned ; a  but  there 
is  little  said  of  the  author  s  arrest. 

At  a  "  Council  held  at  y*  Counc1  Chamber  in  Boston  upon  Tues- 
day Ap*  12th  1720"  the  Governor,  Samuel  Shute*  being  present  — 

At  His  Excellency  communicated  to  y*  Board  a  Pampblett  lately  printed 
&  published  in  Boston  entitled,  The  distressed  State  of  the  Town 
of  Boston  considered  in  a  Letter  from  a  Gentleman  in  y8  Town  to 
bis  friend  in  y*  Country,  upon  Reading  y*  same  y*  Board  were  of 
Opinion  That  y*  s4  P&mphlett  contains  in  many  passages  reflecting  upon 
y*  Acts  &  Laws  of  y*  Province  &  otber  proceedings  of  y*  Govern  m'-  & 
has  a  tendency  to  disturb  the  administration  of  y*  Governing  as  well  as 
the  pubiiek  Peace  &  thereupon 

*k  Voted  That  y"  Justices  of  y*  Peace  at  their  Gen1  Sessions  enquire 
after  y*  authors  &  publishers  of  the  s1  Pamphlet  &  proceed  therein 
according  to  Law  &  Justice. "■ 

Sewall,  in  bis  Diary  (III.  250),  under  date  of  12  April,  relates 
that  — 

4i  The  Gov*  in  Council  said  he  had  met  with  a  Libel ;  producing  it;  it 
apeared  to  be  the  distressed  estate  of  Boston:  I  had  not  seen  it  before. 
Council  order'd  the  Sessions  to  inquire  after  the  Author  and  printer  and 
to  do  with  them  according  to  Law/* 

The  vote  of  the  Council  was  carried  out,  as  will  be  seen  by  the 
following  reference  to  the  **  Libel "  in  the  Records  of  the  Court  of 
General  Sessions  of  the  Peace  (folio  37),  at  an  adjournment  held  at 
Boston  on  the  twenty-fifth  day  of  April,  1720.  I  quote  from  a 
manuscript1  in  the  Boston  Athenaeum:  — 

1  A  biographical  note  on  John  Col  man  will  be  found  on  pp.  86-89,  posL 

*  See  ante,  hi,  10,  12;  13,  14,  17,  72,  and  75. 

*  Council  Records,  Massachusetts  Archives,  vii,  132, 

4  An  earlier  volume  of  the  Recced*  of  the  Court  of  General  Sessions  (1071- 
1081)  is  now  in  press  aud  will  be  issued  by  the  City  of  Boston* 


84  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  [F*B. 

"  Upon  an  Informacon  from  ye  Goveraour  &  Council  to  this  Court 
that  there  has  lately  been  printed  &  published  in  Boston  a  Pamphlet  en- 
tituled  the  distressed  State  of  the  Town  of  Boston  &c  Considered  in  a 
letter  from  a  Gentleman  in  the  Town  to  his  friend  in  the  country  Con- 
cerning which  the  Council  Board  (upon  reading  the  same)  were  of  opin- 
ion the  sd  Pamphlet  contains  in  it  many  Passages  reflecting  upon  the 
Acts  &  Laws  of  the  Province  &  other  proceedings  of  the  Governmt  as 
well  as  the  Publick  peace  the  Sd  Book  was  bro*  into  the  Court  &  read 
&  John  Col  man  of  Boston  merch1  being  sent  for  by  the  Court  &  ques- 
tioned whether  he  was  the  author  of  Sd  book  acknowledged  that  he  was. 

44  Ordered  That  the  Sd  John  Column  recognize  to  His  Majesty  in  the 
sum  of  £50  with  2  sureties  in  £25  each  to  answer  at  the  next  Court  to 
what  shall  be  objected  ag'  him  more  especially  relating  to  8d  Book  &  to 
be  of  good  behaviour  the  declaring  this  Order  be  referred  to  y*  ad- 
journmnt  of  the  Court  on  Monday  at  9  of  clock  aforenoon." 

Meanwhile  Colman's  advocacy  of  the  Private  Bank  project  and  an 
inflation  of  the  currency  caused  the  publication  of  Wigglesworth's 
reply,  —  A  Letter  from  One  in  the  Country  to  his  Friend,  in  Bos- 
ton, etc., l  dated  23  April,  and  of  other  pamphlets.  At  the  adjourn- 
ment of  the  Court  of  General  Sessions,  on  Monday,  May  second, 
Colman  was  ordered  to  recognize  in  the  sum  of  £50  "  with  2  sure- 
ties in  £25  on  Condition  that  he  appear  at  the  Sessions  in  July 
next,"  etc.    The  sureties  were  James  Gooch2  and  Stephen  Minot.8 

1  Catalogue  of  the  Library  of  George  Brinley,  i.  189.  This  pamphlet  was 
anonymous,  but  by  Sabin  is  attributed  to  E.  Wigglesworth. 

2  A  biographical  note  on  James  Gooch  will  be  found  on  pp.  00-92,  post. 

8  Col.  Stephen  Minot,  son  of  Capt.  John  Minot,  was  born  in  Dorchester, 
10  (6)  1662  ;  married  Mercy,  daughter  of  Capt.  Christopher  Clark  of  Boston,  1 
December,  1686  ;  removed  to  Boston,  where  he  was  a  prominent  merchant,  an 
early  member  of  the  Church  in  Brattle  Square,  Colonel  in  the  Militia,  Justice 
of  the  Peace,  and  Selectman,  1707,  1708,  1723-1725.  He  resided  in  Sudbury 
Street,  where  he  died.  This  estate  had  been  the  homestead  of  Henry  Messen- 
ger the  younger,  whose  young  widow  and  heir,  Mehitable  (Minot)  Messenger, 
for  £220,  conveyed  it  to  her  cousin-german,  Stephen  Minot,  11  July,  1687 
(Suffolk  Deeds,  xv.  153.)  It  was  on  the  westerly  side  of  Sudbury  Street,  on 
which  it  had  a  frontage  of  66  feet,  and  extended  through  to  Court  Street,  where 
it  measured  77  feet.  The  site  is  now  (1899)  covered  by  brick  buildings  num- 
bered 89-97  in  Sudbury  Street  and  131-139  in  Court  Street.  The  Boston 
Weekly  News  Letter,  No.  1502,  from  Thursday  November  2  to  Thursday 
November  9,  1732,  contains  the  following  announcement  of  his  death,  the  full 
date  of  which  nowhere  else  appears  in  print :  — 

"Boston,  Novemb.  9.  On  the  Night  after  the  last  Lord's  Day  [5  November], 
Died  here  Col.  Stephen  Minot,  in  the  7lst  year  of  his  Age." 


1899,] 


THE  ARREST  OF  JOHN  COLMAN, 


85 


From  other  duties,  or  from  a  wish  "to  be  of  good  behaviour"  until 
his  case  came  up  at  the  Sessions  in  July,  Colman  published  no  reply- 
to  his  critics  at  this  time.  The  next  official  record  of  his  case  is 
disappointingly  meagre;  it  chronicles  the  first  business  of  the 
Court  held  at  Boston  on  the  fifth  of  July,  1720  :  — 

14  Disch4  by  proelamacon 
Increase  Robinson  l  Jeremiah 
Belknap  ■  John  Colman/' 

Colman  very  soon  prepared  a  reply  to  his  chief  critic,  in  which 
he  advised  "the  Gentleman  to  stick  to  Divinity  for  the  future/1 
This  pamphlet  —  The  Distressed  State  of  the  Town  of  Boston 
Once  more  Considered  —  was  dated  the  twentieth  of  July  of  the 
same  year-8 

(Boston  Record  Commissi  oners*  Reports,  viiL  41,  45,  172,  180,  185,  xxi,  8; 
Records  of  the  Church  in  Brattle  Square  j  Savage's  Genealogical  Dictionary 
of  New  England,  i,  3&2,  iii  218;  and  Whitmore'a  Massachusetts  Civil  List, 
pp.  127,  128.)     See  Suffolk  Probate  Files,  No.  6310, 

1  It; crease  Robinson  was  of  'Taunton,  Massachusetts.  He  was  the  son  of 
Increase  and  Sarah  (Penniman)  Robinson  of  Dorchester  who,  in  or  before  1668, 
removed  to  Taunton,  where  the  son  married  Mchitable  Williams,  had  a  large 
family*  and  died  in  1738.  The  offence  which  brought  him  before  the  Court, 
25  April,  1720,  was  that  on  the  fifth  of  February,  1719-20,  at  Dorchester,  he  — 

"  did  maliciously  from  his  own  Imagination  pronounce  &  publish  certain  acandelous 
&  contemptuous  words  of  the  Hon**/"  Coll  Penn  Towusend  of  this  [Suffolk]  County 
E*q'+  Chief  Judge  of  the  Comon  pleas;** 

for  which  he  was  ordered  to  — 

"  pay  a  flue  of  Six  pounds  to  the  King  or  bo  whipped  ten  stripes  at  the  Fublick  whip- 
ping post  &  Recognize  to  his  Majesty  himself  in  the  autn  of  501  &  two  sureties  in  the 
*nm  of  251  pounds  each  until  the  next  Court  of  Gen'  sessions  to  be  holden  in  July  next, 
4  pay  Costs  of  prosecution  Standing  Committed,"  etc.  (Records  of  the  Court  of  General 
Sessions  of  the  Peace,  folio  37). 

In  the  list  of  the  military  company  of  Taunton,  30  May,  1700,  are  the  names 
of  Increase  Robinson  and  his  brothers  Ebenczer  and  Jo  si  ah.  Administration 
on  the  estate  of  Increase  Robinson  was  granted  to  his  son  William  Robinson, 
20  March,  1738.  The  Inventory  amounted  to  11.984  03.  02  (Bristol  Probate 
Records).     See  Bristol  Deeds,  xiii.  358;  and  Suffolk  Deeds,  xxxvi.  42. 

*  A  biographical  note  on  Jeremiah  Belknap  will  be  found  on  pp.  93*  94,  post* 

*  See  a  ate,  iii,  10  note,  I  am  indebted  to  our  associates,  Mr,  Henry  II, 
Edes,  Mr,  Frederick  Lewis  Gay,  and  Mr.  Albert  Matthews,  to  Mr.  Robert  H, 
Kelby  of  New  York,  and  to  Mr,  Edmund  M.  Barton  of  Worcester,  for  informa- 
tion concerning  several  valuable  discoveries  recently  made  by  them,  which  they 
have  kindly  permitted  me  to  use  in  the  notes  to  this  communication. 


86  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  [Feb. 

NOTE  ON  JOHN  COLMAN. 

By  Hkmrt  H.  Edm. 

John  Colman  was  a  conspicuous  figure  in  the  social  and  commercial  life  of 
Boston  during  the  latter  part  of  the  seventeenth,  and  the  first  half  of  the  eigh- 
teenth, century.  His  connection  with  the  financial  history  of  the  Province  and 
with  the  apprehension  of  Capt.  John  Quelch,  the  pirate,  and  his  companions 
has  been  already  shown  in  these  pages  (ante,  iii.  10,  12-14, 17, 72, 75).  The  fact 
that  so  little  is  generally  known  of  him  is  doubtless  owing,  in  large  degree,  to 
his  having  been  overshadowed  in  the  public  mind  by  his  younger  brother,  the 
Rev.  Dr.  Benjamin  Colman,  the  first  minister  of  the  Church  in  Brattle  Square. 
Between  the  brothers  there  was  a  close  bond  of  affection,  fully  attested  by  Dr. 
Colman's  will,  dated  25  March,  1747,  which  contains  this  passage :  — 

"  Item.  I  Remit  and  Give  up  to  my  beloved  Brother  John  Colman,  Esq*,  his  Bond 
to  me  for  One  hundred  pounds,  with  the  Interest  due  thereon,  ....  as  a  small  Acknowl- 
edgment of  my  great  Obligations  to  him,  for  his  Bounties  to  me  in  my  youth"  (Suffolk 
Probate  Files,  No.  8827). 

William  Colman,  the  father  of  these  brothers,  was  the  son  of  Matthew  and 
Grace  Colman  of  Sotterley,  near  Beccles,  in  the  County  of  Suffolk,  where  he 
was  baptized  31  August,  1643.  He  resided  for  a  time  in  London,  and  came 
hither  in  the  "  Arabella"  with  his  wife  Elizabeth.  Iu  1676  his  name  appears 
on  the  Roll  of  the  Ancient  and  Honorable  Artillery  Company,  of  which  he  was 
third  sergeant  in  1683  and  ensign  in  1692  (Roberts's  History  of  the  Ancient  and 
Honorable  Artillery  Company,  i.  242).  He  was  much  employed  in  town  affairs 
and  was  of  the  first  board  of  Overseers  of  the  Poor  chosen  9  March,  1690-91 
(Boston  Record  Commissioners'  Reports,  vii.  206).  Two  children  were  born 
to  him  in  Boston,  —  Mary,  3  December,  1671,  and  Benjamin,  19  October,  1673. 
He  died  in  Boston,  27  March,  1712  (SewalTs  Diary,  ii.  342).  Cf.  Turell's  Life 
of  Benjamin  Colman,  p.  210. 

There  has  been  preserved  in  the  Bui  finch  family  a  valuable,  unpublished 
private  record,  wholly  in  the  handwriting  of  John  Colman,  of  which  the  follow- 
ing is  a  verbatim  copy :  — 

John  Colman  was  Married  in  Boston  N  England  To  Jndeth  The  Daughter  of 
Mr    William  and  Ann    Hobby,  July  the    19*    1694.     Shee    dyed    February 
1"  1741/2 
Shee  was  20    years    old    when    I  married    her    &  we  lived  togather  47   years 
6  m?  12  dayes. 

1  May  y*  8?  1695,  My  Wife  was  delivered  of  a  dead  Child,  a  Daughter, 

Son   February  28?  1696/7  was  born  my  first  Son  named  John,  being  Satterday,  about 

2  Seven  in  the  Evening,  and  died  the  12*?  of  Aprill  following  Lived  Six  Weeks. 

Son  December  15*>  1698,  was  born,  William,  being  Thursday  about  Two  in  y*  Morn- 

3  ing  and  died  October  31, 1702,  he  lived  3  years  10  months  16  dayes. 

4  On  this  Sabbath  August  4'.b  1700  about  Twelve  of  the  Clock,  or  noon,  was  born 
Ann  and  died  November  15?  1718,  Shee  lived  18  years,  3  Months,  11  dayes. 


1899.] 


JOHN   CGLMAtf. 


8T 


Aprill 
birth. 


231     1702,    My    wife 


delrrered   of   a   Son,    which    died    in   the 


Son  On  Thursday  March  y*  2f  1 703/4  about  Eight  in  the  Evening,  was  born,  a  Second 

6  Sou  Named  John  —  was  Married  Dec!  26,  1734  To  M™  Sarah  Payne. 

7  On  Wensday  May  y*  8?  1705  about  Ten  in  the  Morning,  waa  born,  Elizabeth, 
and  Died  October  17^  1707,  Shee  lived.  Seventeen  months,  nine  d ayes. 

8  On  Thursday  May  J-  2f  1 707  about  Eight  in  the  Morning  was  born  a  daughter 
named  Judeth  —  was  Maried  To  Doctre  Tho;  Bulfinch  June  11*  1724. 

9  On  Mnnday  the  fourteenth  of  February  1708/3  about  Eight  of  the  Clock  in  the 
Morniug,  Sarah  was  born,  was  Married  to  Ml  Peter  Chardon  iJeeeiiib'.  7*  1733  1 
and  died  the  last  of  November  1749. 

Son  On  Tewsday  November  y*  29^  1710.  at  one  the  Morning  Benjamin  was  born  and 

10  was  Married  to  M*  Deborah  Oulton  March  y*  24V1  1736,  Shee  dyed  Octf  12* 
1738  and  he  married  agane  to  Ms  Hannah  Pembertou  Aug*,   16.  1739. 

Son 

11  On  July  26, ;  1712,  My  Wife  was  delivered  of  a  Son,  Still  born. 

Sod   On  Munday  y*  24?  of  August  1713  at  four  in  j"  afternoon,  was  bom  a  Second 

12  Son  named  William,  which  died  the  6IB  of  Sept!  following,  Lived  but  13  dayes. 

Son 

13  On  y*  20  of  June  1716,  my  Wife  was  delivered  of  a  Son,  Still  born. 

14  On  y'  23*  of  December  1718,  My  Wife  was  delivered  of  a  Daughter,  Still  bom. 


[Ftiedi 


An  A  ceo*  of  my  Mar  rage,  and  of  the 
Births  of  all  my  Children,  written 
from  my  orfgtua.ll  Records,  August 
0*4*  1738. 

John  Colman 

I  waa  horn  in  London  upon 
Tower  llill  Jann*  31  1670/1. 
Came  to  NEngland  at  two 
Years  old;  anno  1750/1  Jann? 
3*  I  am  this  day  80  years  old 


The  two  lines  added  by  Colmau  on  the  eightieth  anniversary  of   his  birth 
are  in  an  infirm  band, 

From  the  time  he  was  twenty-six  years  old,  John  Colman  was  active  in  the 
public  affairs  of  the  Town,  holding  and  declining  various  minor  offices  before  and 
after  his  election  as  a  Selectman  (1713),  and  as  an  Overseer  of  the  Poor  (1715). 
^Vith  Elisha  Cooke  and  other  leading  citizens,  he  served  on  many  important 
committees ;  among  others,  one  to  consider  the  proposed  establishment  of  a  Spin- 
ning School  (1720)  for  the  instruction  of  the  children  of  the  Town  (Boston 
Record  Commissioners'  Reports,  viL,  via.,  xi,,  xii,  passim).  In  1699,  he  was  a 
Founder  of  the  Church  in  Brattle  Square,  —  stigmatized  as  the  M  Manifesto 


May ;    8. 

1795     [1695] 

Feb:    28. 

1696/7 

Dec*    15. 

1698 

Aug*.    4. 

1700 

Apr:  23. 

1702 

Man    2. 

1703/4 

May.  & 

1706 

May     a. 

1707 

Feb.    14. 

1708/9  | 

Nov.  as. 

1710 

July    26, 

1712 

Aug*  24, 

1713 

June   20. 

1716 

Dec"    i& 

1718 

l  The  Boston  Town  Record s  sad  the  Records  of  the  Church  in  Brattle  Square  state  thai  thia 
marriage  was  lolemnizcd  on  the  Sixth  of  December,  1738, 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY   OF  MASSACHUSETTS. 


[Feb, 


Church  w  by  the  Mathers,  with  whoge  church  his  own  and  his  wife's  family,  the 
Ilobhje,*  had  previously  been  connected.  Sir  Charles  Hobby  was  Col  man's 
brother-in-law,  and  among  the  Probate  papers  of  the  knight's  insolvent  estate 
(1715)  is  a  long  account  of  Col  man's  and  a  petition  of  Lady  Elizabeth  Hobby 
which  prove  that  Hobby  left  a  son  and  more  than  one  daughter,*  notwithstand- 
ing it  has  been  often  stated  in  print  that  he  left  no  issue  (Suffolk  Probate  Files, 
No*  36flQ>     In  this  connection  the  following  advertisement  is  of  interest ;  — 

*r  TWo  Negro  men,  and  one  Negro  Woman  a  Child ;  to  bo  Sold  by  Mr.  John  Cotman, 
Merchant;  to  be  sumi  at  Col.  C/iar/et  Hobhe$t  Esq;  at  his  house  In  Boston*1  (Boston 
News-Letter  of  Monday,  29  May,  to  Motulnr,  5  June,  1704,  No.  7,  p.  2/2;  and  Na  8, 

In  August,  1705,  Colman  declared  himself  — 

11  Deputed  P  the  Honotb  John  Pod  Ewf  the  Receive  of  the  rights  and  Perquisites  of 
bis  Royal  Highness  Prince  George  of  Denmark  Lord  High  Admiral  of  England  &*  to 
r< , .  ive  w*  might  become  due  to  hi»  Roj'al  Highness  in  these  parts*'  (Massachusetts 
Archives,  tL  154 ). 

In  May,  1706,  he  signed  the  Petition  of  the  Boston  merchants  to  the  General 
Court  asking  it  to  memorialize  the  Home  Govern  merit  to  establish  a  monthly 
11  Packett N  from  England  to  the  New  England  colonies  (Province  Laws,  viii* 
023,  UiM ). 

In  17081  Caiman *a  warehouse  was  **  nigh  the  Swinging  Bridge"  which 
crossed  the  Town  Dock  from  Merchants  Row  to  North  Street  (Boston  Record 
Commissioners1  Reports,  xi.  84).  Cf.  Suffolk  Deeds,  xix.  376,  and  ix.  548, 
549,  555.  In  February,  1722-23,  liberty  was  granted  by  the  Selectmen  to 
Jonathan  Belcher  and  John  Colman  "to  Erect  Each  of  them  a  ware  house 
upon  the  Long  wharfe  according  to  their  Petion  Entred  in  the  Booke  for 
Recording  Timber  Buildings  **  (lhtd,  xilL  109).  On  the  twenty-ninth  of  March, 
1734,  with  others,  he  promised  the  Town  "that  the  end  of  the  Long  Wharf 
should  speedily  be  put  into  a  proper  posture  and  condition  to  plant  Guns 
npon  "  {Ibid,  xii,  75 )« 

In  1731,  John  Colman  was  given  a  Commission  of  the  Peace  (Whitmore's 
Civil  List,  p.  li'Sj. 

Col  man1 8  mansion-house  was  on  the  northerly  side  of  Hanover  Street,  on  a 
part  of  the  site  of  the  American  House,  being  contiguous,  on  the  east,  to  the 
estate  of  Judge  John  Saffin  (see  ante,  L  87  note).  Colman  bought  the  estate,  for 
£220,  of  Henry  Alline,  19  September,  1703  (Suffolk  Deeds,  xxi  480).  The  lot 
measured  37  feet  on  Hanover  Street  and  extended  back  350  feet,  and  was  a  part 


1  William  ITobby  gav&  £2  towards  the  building  of  King'*  Chapel,  in  July,  1639,  and,  irt 
May,  1694,  £2  toward*  building  puw*  in  the  church.  He  was  a  Warden,  16&3,  1699-1701,  and 
no,  likewise,  wbb  his  son,  Sir  Charles  Hobby,  1713-1715*  {Footed  Annals  of  King's  Chapel,  L 
SO,  117,  175  noU;  iL  603,  605.) 

2  These  children  were  (i)  John,  who  was  at  Harvard  College  in  1714  and  1715,  and  lateral 
Barbados,  whoae  widow  Amey  had  married  a  Crichlow  before  14  July,  174Q}  (ii)  Elizabeth, 
who  married  James  Couch,  Jr+f  30  September,  1715,  and  (I'd}  Mary,  bom  19  February,  1702, 
who  married  Zechariah  Hubbard,  15  May,  1722.  Lndv  Hobby  was  buried,  17  November,  1710, 
tKdfn.lk  Probate  Files  No.  3690;  Suffolk  Deeds,  xxxix,  174,  IT&.  xl.  129,  Ixxvn.  11,  173; 
IkiHtoti  Record  Commissioners*  Eeports,  xxiv.  15,  xxviii,  58,  107  \  Boston  Town  Kecords  ©f 
Deaths.) 


1809.] 


JOHN   COLMAX, 


89 


of  the  original  Possession  of  Governor  Leveretfc.  In  1709,  and  1710,  Colman, 
with  others,  undertook  to  lay  a  pavement  at  the  upper  end  of  Hanover  Streets 
for  which  they  were  paid  by  the  Town  (Boston  Record  Commissioners*  Re- 
ports, li.  107,  115)*  He  conveyed  this  Hanover  Street  property,  in  two  par- 
oelfl ;  (1)  the  rear  portion,  ahout  38  by  120  feet,  which  had  also  a  frontage  on 
Cold  Lane  (now  Portland  Street)  to  Mb  son  John  Colman,  Jr.t  27  August,  1742 
k  Deeds,  IxSt,  14) ;  and  (2)  the  front  part,  —  "  all  that  Messuage 
There  I  now  dwell"  —37  by  233  feet,  to  his  son  Benjamin  Colman,  15  August, 
1747  (Suffolk  Deeds,  kxiv.  49). 

Colman  owned  another  valuable  estate  which  now  (1899)  makes  the  easterly 
corner  of  Bowdoin  Square  and  Chardon  StreetP  He  bought  it  1  March, 
1711-12,  of  the  heirs  of  Major  Anthony  Haywood,  who  died  10  October,  1689, 
when,  and  subsequently,  it  was  known  as  il  The  Bowling  Green."  Haywood's 
widow  Margaret  had  married  John  Colman Ts  father,  William  Colman,  30  June, 
MS  (Suffolk  Deeds*  xiii.  171,  xv,  212,  nvi,  162  j  Suffolk  Probate  Files, 
No,  1710;  Su/folk  Probate  Records,  xxn.  50;  Boston  Record  Commissioners* 
Reports,  ix*  203;  Savage's  Genealogical  Dictionary  of  New  England,  ii,  394). 
Colman  conveyed  to  hia  prosj>ective  son-in-law,  Peter  Chardon,  12  November, 
1733,  the  westerly  portion  of  this  estate  (78  by  2o0  feet),  on  the  front  of  which 
now  stands  the  Baptist  Tabernacle  (Suffolk  Deeds,  xlviiL  50) ;  and  to  his  son- 
in-law  J>r,  Thomas  Bulfmch,  28  September,  1737,  the  easterly  part  (70  by  222 
tk  whereon  he  hath  lately  built  himself  an  house  and  stable/'  which  is  now 
covered  in  part  by  the  Coolidge  House  (Ibid*  liv.  249). 

At  a  meeting  of  the  Selectmen,  held  26  September,  1711  — 

a<  Liberty  Is  granted  to  Isaac  Addington  Esq'  to  the  children  of  Cap*.  Nath"  Green 
deceased  and  to  M*  John  Colman,  to  hreak  ground  in  the  Old  burying  place  [King's 
?  Ground]  to  make  three  Tombs  viz\  one  for  each  family  *'  (Boston  Record  Com- 
missioners* Reports,  xi.  I48)+ 

The  Boston  Evening  Post  of  Monday,  23  September,  1751,  No.  840,  p,  2/1, 
contains  the  following  announcement :  — 

"BOSTON  .  .  ,  .  Thursday  last  [19  September]  died  suddenly,  in  a  very  advanced 
Age,  John  Colman,  Esq  ;  formerly  ■  noted  Merchant  of  this  Town." 

John  Colman *s  estate  never  came  into  the  Probate  Court  for  the  reason 
that  he  had  conveyed  his  property  to  his  four  surviving  children  during  his 
lifetime,  as  we  have  already  seen.  His  portrait  and  those  of  his  wife,  of  his 
son  Benjamin,  and  of  his  daughter. in-law,  Hannah  (Peuiberton)  Colman  are  in 
the  possession  of  Miss  Ellen  M*  Ward  of  Boston,  a  descendant,  —  the  canvases 
of  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Benjamin  Caiman  being  at  present  in  the  custody  of  Colman 
Ward  Cutler,  MD.,  of  New  York  City*  The  portrait  of  Hannah  (Pemberton) 
aim  an  is  remarkably  beautiful  and  is  believed  to  have  been  painted  by 
Blackburn;  the  others  are  from  the  brush  of  Smibert.  They  are  described  by 
Augustus  T.  Perkins  in  1  Proceedings  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society 
iv,  1870  (xrii.  9"j),  where  they  are  erroneously  said  to  belong  to  the  late 
Henry  Davenport.  The  date  of  Mrs.  Benjamin  Colman 's  marriage  is  also 
erroneously  given  as  1737. 


90  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  [Feb. 

NOTE  ON  JAMES  GOOCH. 
By  Hbmbt  H.  £dk8. 

James  Gooch  was  a  valuable  citizen  of  Boston,  whither  he  came  from  Wells 
in  the  then  province  of  Maine.  His  grandfather,  John  Gooch,  was  at  York  as 
early  as  1640,  when  his  wife,  Ruth,  was  summarily  dealt  with  by  the  Court  for 
her  improper  relations  with  the  Rev.  George  Burdett  of  unsavory  memory 
(1  Maine  Historical  Society's  Collections,  edition  of  1865,  L  865,  366) ;  was  a 
freeman,  1652;  removed  to  Wells,  where  he  was  a  Selectman  in  1658  (Massa- 
chusetts Colony  Records,  iii.  334)  ;  and  died  early  in  1667.  Bourne  sayB  that 
he  first  settled  at  Newbury  (History  of  Wells  and  Kennebunk,  Maine,  p.  78. 
Cf.  Massachusetts  Colony  Records,  i.  266).  His  will,  dated  7  May  and  proved 
12  July,  1667,  mentions  wife  Ruth,  sons  John  and  James,  and  several  grandchil- 
dren, and  bequeaths  to  his  son  James  a  house,  garden,  and  orchard  in  Slim- 
bridge,  in  the  hundred  of  Berkeley  (the  birthplace  of  Dr.  Edward  Jenner), 
Gloucestershire,  England,  which  he  had  bought  of  William  Hammond  (Maine 
Wills,  pp.  32,  33) ;  from  which  it  is  inferred  that  the  emigrant  came  hither  from 
Slimbridge. 

James  Gooch,  the  emigrant's  son,  was  a  substantial  citizen  of  Wells.  While 
returning  home  from  meeting  on  Sunday,  24  September,  1676,  he  was  shot 
down  from  his  horse  by  the  Indians  in  ambush  near  the  Garrison-house  at  one 
end  of  the  town.  The  Indians  then  knocked  down  and  wounded  his  wife,  who 
died  within  three  days  (Hubbard's  Narrative  of  the  Troubles  with  the  Indians 
in  New  England?  Drake's  edition,  ii.  182). 

Captain  James  Gooch,  son  of  the  preceding,  was  born  in  1665,  presumably  at 
Wells.  At  the  memorable  attack  on  Wells  by  the  Indians  on  the  ninth  and 
tenth  of  June,  1692,  he  commanded  one  of  the  two  sloops  which  played  an 
important  part  iti  that  affair  (Mather's  Decennium  Luctuosum,  reprinted  in 
the  Magnalia,  1702,  Book  vii.,  pp.  78-81 ;  Niles's  Narrative  in  3  Massachusetts 
Historical  Collections,  vi.  228).  About  this  time,  he  removed  to  Boston 
(Record  of  Admissions  to  the  First  Church,  1692  ;  Boston  Record  Commis- 
sioners1 Reports,  ix.  207).  His  name  appears  in  the  List  of  Inhabitants  in 
1695  (Ibid.  i.  163).  On  the  ninth  of  June,  1698,  James  Gooch  of  Boston,  mariner, 
eldest  son  and  heir  of  his  father,  James  Gooch,  late  of  Wells,  yeoman,  deceased, 
and  Elizabeth  his  wife,  sell  and  convey  to  John  Wheelwright  of  Wells,  several 
parcels  of  land  formerly  belonging  to  his  late  father  (York  Deeds,  iv.  125).  In 
June,  1700,  James  Gouge  (as  the  name  was  often  spelled)  *  petitioned  the 
General  Court  on  behalf  of  the  town  of  Wells  for  assistance  in  rebuilding  its 
meeting-house,  and  in  other  ways,  because  of  its  losses  during  the  Indian 

1  Our  associate,  Mr.  Albert  Matthews,  calls  my  attention  to  the  following  extract  from  a 
Tory  pamphlet,  —  The  American  Times,  By  Camillo  Querno,  London,  1780,  p.  37,  which  seems 
to  show  that  Gooch,  Gouge,  and  Googe  had  the  same  pronunciation  aa  late  as  1780,  since 
Governor  Gooch  of  Virginia  is  supposed  to  be  here  referred  to :  — 

Ev'n  whilst  I  write  a  monster  fierce  and  huge 

Hu  flx'd  bis  station  in  the  land  of  Googe ; 

Virginian  caitiff!  Jefferson  by  name ; 

Perhaps  from  Jefbries  sprung  of  rotten  fame. 


JAMES   GOOCH. 


91 


Wars  (Province  Laws,  vii.  042.  Cf.  Williamson's  History  of  Maine,  ii.  20). 
lie  took  an  active  part  in  the  affairs  of  the  town  as  early  as  1700,  when  he  was 
chosen  Constable  (Boston  Record  Commissioners1  Reports,  vii.  230)  j  and  he 
held  other  minor  offices  until  1714,  when  he  was  elected  an  Overseer  of  the 
Poor,  —  an  office  which  he  continued  to  hold  till  1729  {Ibid*  viii.,  xii.,  passim). 
He  served  also  on  various  town  Committees,  —  among  others!  on  that  to  prepare 
Instructions  for  the  town's  Representatives  in  the  <ieneral  Court,  in  1722 
{Ibid.  viiL  106).  He  was  also  prominent  in  the  affairs  of  the  First  Church, 
served  on  the  Committee  appointed  to  rebuild  the  Meeting  House  after  the 
great  fire  of  3  October,  1711,  and,  in  April,  1713,  was  appointed  with  Dr. 
Elisba  Cooke  and  others  to  **  be  seaters  of  y*  New  meeting  house,  now  built  " 
and  to  dispose  of  the  seats  and  pews  as  they  might  deem  most  advantageous 
to  the  parish  (Records  of  the  First  Church).  In  a  List  of  "Vessella  EntrM 
in  y*  Month  April  1712"  at  the  Impost  Office  in  Boston,  signed  by  Daniel 
Russell,  Commissioner,  in  the  cabinet  of  the  New  England  Historic  Genealogi- 
cal Society,  is  this  entry  :— 

**  8th    Peter  Papillon  y*  Ship  Sarah  from  London 
Twenty  Nine  Mar  (tiers 
James  Gouge  Gentleman." 

(Uew  England  Historical  and  Genealogical  Register  for  1876,  xxx.  40.)  It 
is  possible  that  Captain  Gooch  had  been  in  England  on  business  connected  with 
the  estate  at  Slim  bridge  of  which  we  have  already  spoken. 

Captain  James  Gooch  was  thrice  married.  His  first  wife  was  Hannah 
Emmans1  of  Charlestown,  to  whom  he  was  married  10  February,  1691-92 
(Cbarlestowu  Town  Records).  She  was  admitted  to  the  First  Church  in  Boston  t 
25  September,  1892.  Their  son  James,  who  also  enjoyed  the  title  of  Captain,  was 
bom  12  October,  1693;  married  (1)  Elizabeth  Hobby ,*  doubtless  one  of  the 
daughters  of  Sir  Charles  Hobby,  and  (2)  Hester  Flaisted ;  was  one  of  Prince's 
Subscribers ;  one  of  the  Founders,  and  the  nrsfc  Deacon,  of  the  West  Church  ; 
and  removed  to  Hopkinton,  Massachusetts,  where  he  was  a  Justice  of  the  Peace 
(Records  of  the  First  Church,  Church  in  Brattle  Square,  and  West  Chureb ; 
Suffolk  Probate  Files,  No.  3690 ;  Whitmore's  Massachusetts  Civil  List,  p.  137 ; 
and  Suffolk  Deeds,  hi.  253).  Mrs.  Hannah  Gooch  died  15  March,  1094r-95 
(Boston  Record  Commissioners*  Reports,  ix.  210).  Her  husband  had  been 
baptized  and  admitted  to  the  First  Church  on  the  twenty-ninth  of  the  preced- 
ing April;  and  his  purpose  of  marriage  with  Elizabeth  Peck,  daughter  of 
John  Peck,  and  grand-daughter  of  Thomas  Peck,  senior,  was  entered  15  August, 
1605  (Ibid,  xxviii.  348;  and  Suffolk  Probate  Files,  No.  2556).  The  fruit  of 
this  marriage,  beside  a  child  who  died  in  infancy,  was  a  daughter,  Elizabeth, 
bom  17  March,  1607-08,  who  married  (1)  Capt,  John  Hubbart  and  (2)  John 
Franklin,  an  older  brother  of  Dr.  Benjamin  Franklin ;  a  son,  John,  born  23 
October,  lflfi&,  who,  in  1735,  subscribed  £50  toward  building  a  public  work- 
house, and  was  otherwise  active  in  the  public  service ;  and  another  son,  Colonel 

1  She  wu  probably  identical  with  Hannah,  daughter  of  Samuel  and  Mary  (Scott)  Emmcnsf, 
who  wa*  bom  in  Boston,  1  March,  1672-75  (Boston  Record  Commissioners'  Reports,  ix«  76, 123)* 
*  See  a  lit*,  p.  S3,  and  not*. 


92  THE  COLONIAL  80CIETY  OP  MASSACHUSETTS.  [Feb. 

Joseph  Gooch  (H.  C.  1720),  born  18  November,  1700,  who  was  bred  to  the  law 
at  the  Temple,  was  Representative,  Colonel  in  the  Militia,  and  Justice  of  the 
Peace,  living,  successively,  at  Boston,  Braintree,  and  Milton,  where  he  died, 
9  February,  1770.  John  Adams  (Works,  ii.  93)  has  drawn  the  character  of 
Colonel  Gooch  with  a  trenchant  pen.  (Boston  Record  Commissioners'  Reports, 
ix.,  passim,  xii.  183,  xiv.  80,168,  xxiv.  and  xxviii.,  passim;  Suffolk  Probate 
Files,  No.  2556 ;  Suffolk* Deeds,  lxxxii.  139 ;  Whitmore's  Massachusetts  Civil 
List,  p.  128  ;  Boston  Evening-Post  of  Monday,  19  February,  1770,  No.  1795, 
p.  8/1;  and  Teele's  History  of  Milton,  p.  130.)  Mrs.  Elizabeth  Gooch  died 
1  April,  1702  (Boston  Town  Records),  and  on  the  twelfth  of  November  fol- 
lowing, Captain  Gooch  consoled  himself  by  taking  a  third  wife,  Sarah  Tuthill, 
erroneously  spelled  Tuttle  in  the  marriage  record  (Boston  Record  Commis- 
sioners' Reports,  xxviii.  4.  Cf.  Sewall's  Diary,  ii.  117,  note). 

Captain  Gooch  owned  several  pieces  of  valuable  real  estate  in  Boston.  His 
mansion  house  and  garden  made  the  northerly  corner  of  Mackerel  Lane  (now 
Eilby  Street)  and  what  is  now  Doane  Street,  and  there  he  lived  from  the 
autumn  of  1695 — just  after  his  marriage  to  Elizabeth  Peck  —  till  his  death  in 
1738.  The  garden  made  the  corner  of  the  lot,  and  had  a  frontage  of  about 
twenty-eight  feet  on  Kilby  Street,  and  thirty-two  feet  on  Doane  Street ;  while 
the  homestead  had  a  frontage  of  fifty-six  feet  on  Doane  Street  and  extended 
back,  towards  State  Street,  twenty-eight  and  a  half  feet.  The  whole  estate 
comprised  all  the  frontage  on  Doane  Street  from  Kilby  Street  to  the  present 
site  of  the  Fiske  Building,  —  about  eighty-eight  feet.  Gooch  bought  the  prop- 
erty from  Thomas  and  Elizabeth  Peck  and  their  daughter  Faith  Waldo  by 
deeds  dated  5  and  28  September,  1695,  and  30  March,  1698  (Suffolk  Deeds, 
xviii.  106,  108,  224;  and  lxi.  253,  254^.  See  Appendix'to  A  Genealogical  His- 
tory of  the  Descendants  of  Joseph  Peck  (Boston,  1868),  pp.  267-277;  and 
Boston  Record  Commissioners'  Reports,  ix.,  passim. 

The  Boston  Evening-Post  of  Monday,  5  June,  1738,  No.  147,  p.  2/1,  contains 
this  paragraph :  — 

BOSTON.  On  Tuesday  last  [30  May]  died  here,  after  a  long  and  tedious  Indisposi- 
tion, Capt.  James  Gooch,  in  the  73d  Year  of  his  Age ;  and  on  Saturday  he  was  very 
honourably  interred. 

The  New  England  Weekly  Journal  of  Tuesday,  6  June,  1738,  No.  581,  p.  2,1, 
has  this  notice :  — 

BOSTON.  ...  On  Tuesday  last  died  after  a  long  and  tedious  Confinement  with  the 
Palsy,  Mr.  James  Gooch,  of  this  Town  Merchant,  in  the  73d  Year  of  his  Age,  and  on 
Saturday  Evening  following  was  Interred  in  a  handsome  and  decent  Manner. 

Captain  Gooch  was,  doubtless,  buried  in  Tomb  No.  3  in  the  South  [Granary] 
Burying  Place,  which  had  been  assigned  to  him  by  the  Selectmen,  13  April, 
1721  (Boston  Record  Commissioners'  Reports,  xiii.  80,  184).  His  will  dis- 
poses of  a  very  good  estate,  and  contains  legacies  to  the  ministers  and  the 
poor  of  the  First  Church  (Suffolk  Probate  Files,  No.  7150). 

I  am  indebted  to  our  associate,  Mr.  Frederick  Lewis  Gay,  for  valuable  assist- 
ance in  the  preparation  of  this  note. 


1899.] 


JfcREMIAH   BELKNAP* 


NOTE  ON  JEREMIAH  BELKNAP, 

By  Bctfitr  H.  EfcEa. 

Jeremiah  Belknap  of  Boston,  leathered russer,  grandfather  of  the  historian, 
Dr,  Jeremy  Belknap,  was  born  1  January,  1080^87  (Boston  Record  Commis- 
sioners* Reports,  ix,  16S) ;  married  Sarah  Fosdike  (or  Fosdick)  3  November, 
1709  {/fiitf*  xxviii.  22)  ;  joined  the  Ancient  and  Honorable  Artillery  Company 
1711  (Roberts's  History,  i.  373) ;  was  admitted  a  member  of  the  Old  South 
Church  9  March,  1711-12,  as  his  wife  had  been  8  May,  1709  (Church  Records)  ; 
and  was  chosen  one  of  the  Selectmen  in  1747  (Boston  Record  Commissioners* 
Reports,  xm  107), 

At  a  meeting  of  the  Selectmen,  2  April,  1711,  it  waa  —  * 

■  Agreed  to  Lett  nato  Jeremiah  Belknap  a  Shop  extending  from  y"  door  way  to  the 
So'7  corner  of  y*  Town  House  w*  is  to  be  Erected  there,  for  the  Term  of  Seven  years 
to  Cornea ee  the  first  of  June  next,  and  for  the  first  years  rout  be  is  to  be  at  y*  charge  of 
building  y"  Sd  Shop,  &  to  pay  ten  pounds  1?  annum  quarterly  for  y"  next  6  years, 
he  to  maiutaiue  &  deliver  up  y*  Same  in  Good  repairs  "  (Ibid.  xL  129,  140)* 

In  the  Book  of  Possessions,  we  find  under  the  name  of  Richard  Betlingham  — 

"  1.  One  house  and  Lutt  about  a  quarter  of  an  acre,  bounded  on  the  east  with  the 
ttreete  :  Christopher  Stanley,  John  Biggs,  James  Browne f  and  Alexander  Bcckc  on  the 
south;  Joshua  Scot  to  on  the  west;  and  Afc  William  Ty  ago  on  the  north  "  {Ibid,  in  168)* 

On  the  second  of  July,  1709,  this  property  was  conveyed  by  Governor  Bel- 
lingham's  heirs  to  Joseph  Hiller  l  of  Boston,  tinplate  worker,  for  £400  by  an 
indenture,  executed  in  London,  which  contains  matter  of  interest  and  value  to 
those  interested  in  the  genealogy  of  the  Bellinghanis.  The  property  is  de- 
cribed  as  a  messuage  or  tenement  and  land  in  Boston  (Suffolk  Deeds,  xxv\ 
130).  On  the  eighteenth  of  September,  1717,  for  £1,150,  Hiller  conveyed  the 
house  and  a  part  of  the  land  "  in  Corah  ill  Street  in  Boston,"  bounded:  east  on 
the  street,  21  feet  54  inches;  north  on  land  of  Dr.  Zabdiel  Boylston,  175  feet; 
west  on  Brattle  Street  (Franklin  Avenue  was  then  so  called),  21  feet  9£  inches ; 
and  south  on  other  land  of  Hiller,  174  feet,  to  Jeremiah  Belknap  of  Boston, 
leather-dresser  (Suffolk  Deeds*  xxxii,  70),  This  house  was  built  in  1712  and 
replaced  the  one  destroyed  by  the  great  fire  of  1711  (Boston  Record  Commis- 
sioners1 Reports,  xL  153,  155,  150, 171*  172,  176).  This  estate  remained  in  Bel- 
knap's possession  and  occupancy  till  his  death,  and  in  the  division  of  his  real 
estate,  made  in  1754  by  his  heirs  among  themselves,  it  is  accurately  described 
in  two  parcels  (Suffolk  Deeds,  cxy.  129  j  Suffolk  Probate  Records,  xlix.  742). 
It  will  he  remembered  that  the  lower  part  of  Washington  Street  was  then  known 


i  Joseph  Hiller  was  horn  in  Watford,  Hertfordshire,  England,  28  June,  1653.  On  the 
tweutr-lirot  of  September,  IfiTT,  he  came  Lo  Boston  and  there  married,  11  Juno,  1684,  Susannah 
,  born  29  Slay,  1G55,  who  joined  in  the  deed  to  Belknap.  They  were  the  great-grand- 
parents of  Major  Joseph  Hiller  of  the  Revolutionary  army,  —  the  first  Collector  of  the  Port  of 
nlem  and  Beverly  under  the  Federal  Constitution,  appointed  by  Washington  in  ITS9.  Major 
Hiller' -i  silver  pundit  trainer  ha?  been  long  in  the  posaeiwon  of  our  associate  Mr.  Henry  H. 
Krfes  (Genealogy  of  the  Cleveland  and  Cleaveland  Families,  1899,  pp.  234,  235).  Cf.  Boston 
Record  Com  mission  era'  Report*,  is,  174,  xxiv.  151,  xxviii.  52,  279;  and  Wyman's  Genealogies 
and  Estates  of  Chariestown,  L  504* 


94  THE  COLONIAL  80CIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  [Feb. 

as  Cornhill.  The  present  thoroughfare  bearing  that  name  was  laid  out  in  1816, 
and  that  part  of  it  which  lies  between  Franklin  Avenue  and  Washington  Street 
traverses  the  Belknap  estate,  which  was  thereby  obliterated. 

At  a  meeting  of  the  Selectmen,  30  August,  1725, "  Liberty  is  granted  to  mr  Jeri 
Belknap  to  build  a  Toomb,"  —  No.  33,  on  the  south  line,  in  the  Granary  Bury- 
ing Ground  (Boston  Record  Commissioners'  Reports,  xiii.  143,  184).  Belknap 
died  in  1751,  his  will,  dated  8  June,  1750,  having  been  proved  13  August  of 
the  following  year  (Suffolk  Probate  Files,  No.  9809).  See  Boston  Record  Com- 
missioners' Reports,  xi.  113,  134, 135;  and  New  England  Historical  and  Genea- 
logical Register  for  1859,  xiii.  17,  18. 

Mr.  John  Noble  read  extracts  from  the  forthcoming 
Second  volume  of  the  Records  of  the  Court  of  Assistants 
(1673-1692)  and  exhibited  some  remarkable  photogravures  of 
certain  pages  of  these  Records  made  by  Mr.  A.  W.  Elson  for 
insertion  in  the  printed  book.  A  long  discussion  ensued,  in 
which  several  of  the  Members  participated. 

Mr.  Abner  C.  Goodell  spoke  in  praise  of  the  work  done 
by  Mr.  Noble  towards  perfecting  the  Records  of  the  Colonial 
Court  of  Assistants.     Continuing,  Mr.  Goodell  said :  — 

The  loss  of  the  First  volume  is  greatly  to  be  deplored.  When 
it  disappeared  is  not  known.  The  late  David  Pulsifer  was  once 
heard  to  declare  that  he  thought  he  remembered  it;  but  some 
years  later,  upon  being  questioned  about  it  particularly,  was  not 
so  sure  that  he  had  ever  seen  it.  There  is  just  a  possibility  that 
it  may  some  day  come  to  light,  but  in  the  meanwhile  we  must 
be  content  with  the  extracts  from  it  found  in  papers  scattered 
among  the  files  of  the  Superiour  Court  of  Judicature,  and  upon 
the  Files  themselves  covering  the  period  of  this  volume.  In  the 
work  he  has  now  accomplished,  Mr.  Noble  seems  to  have  saved 
us  the  labor  of  collecting  these  scattered  details,  and  in  so  doing 
has  made  a  most  valuable  addition  to  available  sources  of  history. 

The  entire  record  of  the  highest  judicatory  of  the  Colony  es- 
tablished for  administering  justice  and,  with  the  exception  of  a 
few  years  during  the  Usurpation,  existing  from  1630  to  1692,  is 
a  repertory  of  legal  information  which  has  been  very  sparingly 
utilized  but  which  must  yield  to  the  competent  student  many 
new  and  important  facts  bearing  upon  the  development  of  our 
jurisprudence. 


»•] 


REMAEKS   BY  ME.    ABNER   C.    GOODELL, 


9S 


The  instances  to  which  Mr.  Noble  has  called  our  attention  are 
not  only  interesting  as  curiosities,  but  they  show,  among  other 
things,  the  important  fact  that,  in  Colonial  times,  even  in  capital 
cases,  the  accused  might  waive  a  Jury  Trial  and  be  tried,  con- 
victed, and  sentenced  by  the  Bench*  This  seems  to  have  resulted 
from  giving  a  literal  interpretation  to  the  usual  question  put  to 
the  prisoner  at  the  bar,  —  **Bbw  will  you  be  tried  ? '*  and  his 
answer  thereto.  If  Ids  reply  was  "  By  God  and  my  country," 
the  case  went  to  the  Jury,  but  if  he  expressed  a  desire  to  be  tried 
by  the  Judges  alone,  the  case  proceeded  in  that  manner  to  final 
judgment. 

All  through  the  Colonial  and  Provincial  periods,  in  capital  cases 
the  accused  was  called  upon  to  answer  this  question,  —  M  How  will 
you  he  tried  ?  "  before  au  issue  was  made  upon  which  the  case 
could  proceed  to  trial.  The  penalty  inflicted  upon  the  prisoner  if 
he  failed  to  respond  was  the  same  as  if  he  stood  mute  when  called 
upon  to  plead  guilty  or  not  guilty.  This  was  the  peine  forte  et 
dure  of  the  Common  Law,  the  only  instance  of  which  in  Massa- 
chusetts, so  far  as  is  known,  being  the  case  of  Giles  Corey  in  the 
Witch  Triabp  The  statement  by  our  historical  writers  that  Corey 
was  pressed  to  death  because  he  would  not  plead  to  this  indict- 
ment, is  an  illustration  of  the  blind  deference  to  a  supposed 
authority  which  makes  the  study  of  our  history  so  perplexing  to  a 
close  student.  The  original  papers  in  the  Witch  Trials  show  con- 
clusively that  Corey  did  plead  Not  Guilty,  but  that  he  refused  to 
"put  himself  upon  the  country,*1  as  the  legal  phrase  ran.  This 
declaration  made  up  the  issue,  and  thereupon  the  clerk  minuted 
upon  the  back  of  the  indictment  "ponit  ae"  —  "he  puts  himself" 
—  and  the  case  stood  for  trial,  as  it  could  not  do  without  this 
entry.  Cotton  Mather  appears  to  have  been  the  first  to  make  the 
error  of  declaring  that  Corey  was  pressed  to  death  for  refusing  to 
plead,  which  has  been  repeated  by  subsequent  writers  who  have 
preferred  to  follow  him  implicitly,  rather  than  to  ascertain  the 
exact  fact  by  inspecting  the  original  record. 

Mr.  Goodell  also  remarked : — It  is  creditable  to  our  young 
Society  that  two  such  valuable  contributions  to  our  history  as  Mr. 
Noble*s  work,  and  the  complete  collection  of  the  Letters  and  Official 
Papers  of  Edward  Randolph  by  our  associate,  Mr.  Toppan,  two 
volumes  of  which  have  already  appeared  in  the  Publications  of  the 


96  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OP  MASSACHUSETTS.  [Feb. 

Prince  Society,  should  have  been  first  brought  out  almost  simul- 
taneously at  this  late  day.  The  latter  work,  covering  a  period  per- 
haps the  most  obscure  in  our  history  —  owing  doubtless  to  the 
prevailing  prejudice  against  Randolph,  who  has  been  traditionally 
regarded  and  characterized  solely  as  the  "Evil  Genius  of  New 
England  "  —  is  of  the  greatest  interest  to  all  profound  students  of 
New  England  history,  and  when  completed  in  the  exhaustive  and 
critical  manner  in  which  it  has  thus  far  been  pursued,  will  un- 
doubtedly be  ranked  among  the  most  valuable  collections  of 
original  papers  upon  which  all  future  historians  of  New  England 
must  lean  for  guidance  through  the  difficult  story  of  the  Usurpa- 
tion. Mr.  Toppan's  discovery  and  correction  of  the  error  in  our 
hitherto  accepted  chronology,  to  which  he  has  to-day  called  our 
attention,  is  an  illustration  of  the  careful  manner  in  which  he  has 
conducted  his  researches.  After  the  publication  of  these  full  and 
exact  parallel  collections  of  data,  one  relating  to  our  Colonial 
judicature  and  the  other  to  our  Colonial  politics  and  executive 
administration,  we  may  expect,  with  the  aid  of  Mr.  Whitmore's 
comprehensive  collection  of  the  Andros  Tracts,  also  published  by 
the  Prince  Society,  a  continuous  and  complete  history  of  the 
Colony  from  the  accession  of  Charles  II.  to  the  arrival  of  the 
Province  Charter  under  William  and  Mary  that  will  be  full  of  sur- 
prises to  those  whose  opinions  of  men  and  measures  during  that 
period  are  based  upon  the  judgments  of  our  popular  historians. 

Mr.  Worthington  Chauncey  Ford  of  Boston  was  elected 
a  Resident  Member,  the  Hon.  John  Howland  Ricketson 
of  Pittsburg,  Pennsylvania,  a  Corresponding  Member,  and 
Samuel  Pierpont  Langley,  D.  C.  L.,  of  Washington,  D.  C, 
an  Honorary  Member. 

Mr.  William  Watson  Goodwin  communicated  a  Memoir 
of  George  Martin  Lane,  which  he  had  been  requested  to  pre- 
pare for  publication  in  the  Transactions. 


1690.) 


MEMOIR  OF  GEORGE  MAiiTIN  LANE. 


97 


MEMOIR 

op 

GEORGE  MARTIN  LANE,  LL.D. 


BY 


WILLIAM   WATSON   GOODWIN. 


George  Martin  Lane  died  at  his  house  in  Cambridge, 
30  June,  1897,  on  the  morning  of  Commencement  Day.  He  was 
born  in  Charles  town,  Massachusetts,  24  December,  1823,  the 
anniversary,  as  he  often  remarked,  of  the  birth  of  the  Emperor 
Galba,  He  was  the  son  of  Martin  Lane,  of  Northampton,  Massa- 
chusetts, and  Lneretia  Swan  of 'Boston,  who  were  married  in 
Kings  Chapel  on  the  eighteenth  of  December,  1808,  by  Dr.  James 
Freeman.1  Our  associate's  parents  lived  many  years  in  Charles- 
town*  from  which  place  they  moved  to  Cambridgeport  soon  after 
the  birth  of  their  son.  The  son  began  his  studies  at  the  school  of 
George  J.  Abbot  in  Cambridgeport,  He  also  attended  the  school 
kept  by  Charles  S,  Wheeler,  an  accomplished  classical  scholar, 
who  graduated  at  Harvard  College  in  1837,  was  tutor  and  instruc- 
tor there  from  1838  to  1842,  —  during  which  period  he  published 
a  valuable  edition  of   Herodotus,  with  notes,  —  and  afterwards 

1  I  am  indebted  for  the  following  note  to  the  kindness  of  our  associate,  Mr. 
Henry  H.  Edes  i  — 

"  It  is  an  interesting  fact,  that,  Dearly  ninety  years  afterwards,  the  son  of  Martin  and 
Lum'tia  Lane,  our  late  associate,  suggested  the  Latin  motto  upon  the  monomenfi 
erected  by  the  Wardens  and  Vestry  of  the  Chapel  to  the  memory  of  Dr.  Oliver  Wendell 
Holmes,  (See  Annals  of  King's  Chapel,  EL  629.)  On  removing  to  Charlestown,  Mr. 
Martin  Lane  connected  himself  with  the  Second  Congregational  (later  the  Harvard) 
Churth,  of  which  the  Rev*  James  Walker  was  the  minister  for  twenty-one  years. 
II ere ,  ou  the  twenty-fifth  of  July,  1824,  he  baptized  Mr,  Lane's  two  daughters, 
Elisabeth-Miiiot  (bom  28  January,  1817),  and  Lav  J  ma  (horn  31  October,  1820),  and 
his  son,  George- Martin,  who  wae  destined  to  become  Professor  of  Latin  in  Harvard 
College  two  years  before  Dr.  Walker  himself  passed  from  the  Alford  Professorship  to 
the  Presidency." 

7 


98  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OP  MASSACHUSETTS.  {Feb. 

went  to  Germany  to  continue  his  classical  studies  with  Gottfried 
Hermann  at  Leipsic,  where  he  died  in  1843.  Lane  is  said  to  have 
been  first  inspired  with  his  love  for  the  classics  by  his  intercourse 
with  Wheeler,  whose  early  death  disappointed  the  hopes  of  his 
friends  and  of  all  friends  of  the  classics  at  Cambridge. 

Lane  finished  his  preparation  for  college  at  the  Hopkins  Classical 
School  at  Cambridge,  and  he  entered  Harvard  College  in  1842. 
He  graduated,  with  high  distinction  as  a  scholar,  in  1846.  In  the 
same  class  was  Francis  James  Child,  who  remained  one  of  Lane's 
most  intimate  friends  for  life.  The  two  were  associated  as  pro- 
fessors in  Harvard  University  more  than  forty-five  years,  from 
their  appointment  in  1851  until  Child's  death  in  September,  1896. 
A  tale,  perhaps  a  myth,  was  believed  in  College  in  late  years, 
that  each  of  the  two  friends  did  his  best  to  make  the  other 
graduate  at  the  head  of  the  Class ;  this  honor  fell  to  Child,  but 
he  was  closely  followed  by  Lane  as  second.  In  his  Senior  year 
(1846),  Lane  delivered  the  Latin  oration  at  the  inauguration  of 
President  Everett1  His  scholarship  in  Latin  made  him  a  special 
favorite  in  College  of  Dr.  Charles  Beck,  the  University  Professor 
of  Latin,  whose  confidence  in  his  pupil  was  shown  by  his  leaving 
to  him  the  whole  instruction  in  Latin  of  the  three  upper  classes  in 
the  College  during  the  second  half  of  1846-1847,  when  the 
Professor  was  absent  in  Europe.  The  scholarship  and  the  skill 
displayed  in  this  trying  position  gained  for  the  young  tutor  the 
respect  of  both  officers  and  students,  and  doubtless  designated  him 
as  Dr.  Beck's  successor  in  the  professorship.  Many  of  us  who 
entered  College  in  1847  well  remember  the  bright-eyed,  almost 
boyish-looking,  youth  whom  we  found  in  23  University  Hall, 
where  we  were  sent  to  be  examined  in  Latin  Grammar,  as  we 
thought,  by  the  Professor  of  Latin ;  and  it  was  with  a  feeling  of 
awe  that  we  heard  that  he  was  going  in  a  few  days  to  Gottingen 
to  study  the  classics. 

In  the  autumn  of  1847,  Lane  went  to  Germany  to  study 
Classical  Philology,  being  convinced  that  the  German  universities 
were  the  best,  indeed,  the  only,  institutions  in  which  a  scholar 
could  be  properly  prepared  for  the  work  of  a  professorship  in 
Greek  or  Latin.     At  that  time  no  university  in  the  United  States 

1  Addresses  at  the  Inauguration  of  the  Hon.  Edward  Everett,  LL.  D.,  as 
President  of  the  University  at  Cambridge,  Thursday,  April  30, 1846,  pp.  19-21. 


**m 


IP!>0.] 


MT.MOIK   OP  CxEDHGE   MABTTO   LANE. 


99 


offered  any  systematic  instruction  in  the  classics  beyond  that 
which  was  regularly  given  to  its  college  classes.  Lane  spent  four 
years  in  Germany  as  a  student,  chiefly  at  Gottingen,  which  he 
visited  first  and  at  which  he  took  his  degree ;  he  studied  also  at 
Berlin,  Bonn,  and  Heidelberg*  His  enrolment  as  a  student  at 
Gottingen,  in  1847,  with  that  of  our  late  President,  Dr.  Benjamin 
A,  Gould,  in  the  same  year,  made  an  era  in  American  scholarship, 
and  was  the  beginning  of  a  change  which  has  affected  all  depart- 
ments in  our  universities  during  the  past  half-century.  This  was 
tie  renewal  of  an  older  and  most  promising  intercourse  between 
Harvard  University  and  Gottingen,  which  began  in  1815,  when 
Edward  Everett,  just  appointed  to  the  new  Eliot  Professoi^hip  of 
Greek  Literature  in  the  University,  went  to  Gottingen  to  prepare 
himself  for  his  work.  This  was  a  remarkable  step  for  the  time, 
and  shows  a  most  enlightened  foresight  as  well  as  great  enterprise 
on  the  part  of  Mr.  Everett  and  his  Harvard  friends.  Before  this 
time,  if  the  records  of  the  University  of  Gottingen  are  to  be 
trusted,  no  American  had  ever  studied  there.  Everett  remained 
at  Gottingen  two  years,  with  Dissen  for  his  private  tutor ;  and  in 
September,  1817,  he  received  the  degree  of  Doctor  of  Philosophy, 
being,  as  he  writes,  *'  the  first  American  —  and,  so  far  as  I  know, 
Englishman  —  on  whom  it  has  ever  been  conferred/'  He  was 
joined  at  Gottingen  by  two  other  well-remembered  Americans, — 
George  Ticknor,  a  graduate  of  Dartmouth,  who  studied  at 
Gottingen  in  1815-1816,  but  did  not  take  a  degree;  and  Joseph 
Green  Cogswell,  who  graduated  at  Harvard  College  in  1808,  was 
tutor  there  in  1814—1815,  went  to  Gottingen  in  1816,  and  took 
the  degree  of  Doctor  of  Philosophy  there  in  1819,  George 
Bancroft  graduated  at  Harvard  in  1817,  and  went  immediately  to 
Gottingen,  where  he  took  the  Doctor's  degree  in  1819.  These 
four  distinguished  men,  three  of  them  Harvard  graduates,  all 
returned  to  hold  important  positions  at  Harvard,  —  Everett  as 
Professor  of  Greek  Literature  (1815-1826),  Ticknor  as  Professor 
of  French,  Spanish,  and  Belles  Lettres  (1817-1835,)  Cogswell  as 
Librarian  (1821-1823),  and  Bancroft  as  Tutor  (1822-1828).  The 
published  letters  of  Everett,  Ticknor,  and  Cogswell  are  eloquent 
in  prake  of  the  new  and  unexpected  facilities  for  higher  study 
which  they  found  in  Germany ;  but  this  **  open  door  tf  was  closed 
for  many  years  after  Bancroft  left  Gtittingen,  in  1819.    We  find 


100  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  £F*B. 

Henry  W.  Longfellow  registered  at  Gottingen  in  1829 ;  and  John 
Lothrop  Motley  studied  Law  there,  with  Bismarck,  in  1882-1883. 
With  these  exceptions,  according  to  the  University  records,  no 
Americans  studied  in  G&ttingen  from  1819  until  the  advent  of 
Gould  and  Lane  in  1847  ;  but  in  the  ten  years  from  1847  to  1857, 
forty-seven  American  students  were  registered  there,  of  whom 
seven  were  Harvard  men;  most  of  these  studied  also  at  other 
German  universities.  Since  1857,  there  has  been  a  steady  suc- 
cession of  students  from  all  our  chief  universities  to  those  of 
Germany,  including  Gottingen,  Berlin  usually  having  the  largest 
share  in  later  years. 

This  movement,  which  has  done  more  to  raise  the  standard 
and  the  tone  of  American  scholarship  than  any  other  influence, 
was  thus  inaugurated,  in  1847,  by  our  late  associates,  Benjamin 
Apthorp  Gould  and  George  Martin  Lane.  That  year  found  Gould 
in  Gtittingen  as  a  student  of  Gauss ;  and  he  and  Lane  were  soon 
joined  by  Child,  Gildersleeve,  and  others.  Lane  received  the 
degree  of  Doctor  of  Philosophy  at  Gottingen  in  1851.  His  dis- 
sertation, entitled  Smyrnaeorum  Res  Gestae  et  Antiquitates,  was 
printed  at  Gtfttingen ;  and,  unlike  most  Doctors*  Dissertations,  it 
became  an  authority  on  the  subject  of  Smyrna.  Karl  Friedrich 
Hermann,  in  his  elaborate  work  on  Greek  Antiquities,  thus 
cites  it :  — 

"  G.  M.  Lane,  Smyrnaeorum  res  gestae  et  antiquitates,  G6tt.  1851, 
welche  fleissige  Arbeit  uberhaupt  alle  sonstigen  Nachweisungen  iiber 
diese  Stadt  unnothig  macht."  * 

This  still  stands  in  the  latest  revised  edition  of  the  work,  published 
in  1874,  nineteen  years  after  Hermann's  death. 

An  interesting  testimony  to  the  high  estimation  in  which  Lane 
and  Gildersleeve  were  held  in  Gtittingen  is  found  in  Professor 
Schneidewin's  Preface  to  his  edition  of  the  two  newly-discovered 
Orations  of  Hyperides :  — 

"  Quae  otania  fecerunt,  ut  ex  longo  tempore  nullum  diem  laetiorem 
mihi  videar  egisse,  quam  eum  quo  praeclarum  hoc  Attici  eloquii  exem- 
plum  in  manus  sumere  et  plenis  haustibus  combibere  licuit     Sciunt  qui 

1  Lehrbuch  der  griechischen  Staatsalterthuraer,  Peidelberg,  1855,  §  76,  p. 
219. 


1S08>] 


MEMOIB   OF  GEORGE   MARTIN   LANE. 


101 


illo  die — is  festi  paschalis  primus  fuit — forte  me  convenerunt  in  opi- 
pam  dapibus  lux  ur  lantern,  Herm.  Lotzius,  familiaris  mens  et  ytirw 
oporaixpSi  atque  B,  L*  Gilderslcevius,  Americnnus, — cuius  ego  poet  dia^ 
cessum  pari  cuui  desiderio  memini  atque  G,  M.  Lanii,  civis  sui,  virorum 
invenura  et  candore  auimi  praecelleotium  et  ad  ornandas  in  illo  orbe 
litteras  antiquitatis  natorum." 1 

Lane  returned  to  Harvard,  in  1851,  as  Dr.  Beck's  successor  in 
the  University  Professorship  of  Latin ;  Child  returned  at  the 
same  time  as  Professor  of  Rhetoric  and  Oratory*  Josiah  Parsons 
Cooke  returned  from  Europe  the  same  year  as  Erving  Professor  of 
Chemistry  and  Mineralogy,  This  accession  to  the  teaching  force 
inspired  the  College  with  new  life.  Still,  it  was  long  before  any 
radical  changes  were  made  in  the  system  of  teaching  or  any  decided 
advance  was  perceptible  in  scholarship.  The  College  wu  still 
bound  by  its  traditions,  and  no  efforts  to  raise  the  standard  of 
scholarship  in  special  departments  could  have  substantial  success 
without  infringing  the  vested  rights  of  other  departments  or  over- 
working many  of  the  better  scholars.  To  this  is  probably  due  the 
strange  absence  of  any  radical  improvements  in  scholarship  or  in 
methods  of  teaching  as  the  result  of  the  accession  of  Everett, 
Ticknor,  Bancroft,  and  Cogswell  thirty  years  before,  Ticknor 
tells  the  whole  story  when  he  writes,  in  1823, — 

**  The  most  that  an  instructor  now  undertakes  is  to  ascertain,  from 
day  to  day,  whether  the  young  men  assembled  in  his  presence  have 
probably  studied  the  lesson  prescribed  to  them.  We  are  neither  a 
University  —  which  we  call  ourselves  —  nor  a  respectable  High  School, 
which  we  ought  to  be."  3 

It  is  evident  that  no  "new  German  ideas"  were  welcomed  at 
Cambridge  by  either  professors  or  students,  It  is  said  that  the 
students  used  to  sing,  "Thus  we  do  in  Germany"  under  Ban- 
croft's windows  in  the  College  Yard,  The  chief  result  of  the 
new  spirit  was  the  establishment  of  an  Elective  System  of  study 
in  the  later  years  of  President  Kirkland's  administration,  which 
failed  to  accomplish  its  purpose,  partly  from  want  of  sympathy  in 
the  Faculty,  but  chiefly  from  want  of  money.  It  was  then  impos- 
sible to  enlarge  the  various  departments  of  study  so  that  the  right 

1  Hyperidia  Orationea  Duaa,  Gottingae,  1853,  p,  vii. 

1  Cf.  Life,  Letters,  and  Journals  of  George  Ticknor,  i,  358,  359. 


102  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  [Feb. 

to  omit  certain  studies  should  be  balanced  by  the  power  to  pursue 
these  same  studies  or  others  much  further  than  was  possible  under 
a  Required  System.  Without  this  principle,  no  Elective  System 
can  do  anything  to  advance  scholarship.  As  President  Walker 
once  asked, — 

"  Who  supposes  that  the  mere  right  of  selection  among  a  crowd  of 
elementary  studies  will  make  a  University  ?  " 

A  true  Elective  System,  distinctly  recognizing  and  carrying  out 
this  essential  principle,  was  first  established  in  1867 ;  and  the 
result  of  this  has  been  a  wonderful  and  unexpected  enlargement 
of  every  department,  with  a  corresponding  raising  of  the  standard 
of  scholarship,  and  the  establishment  of  new  departments  with 
many  sub-divisions  of  old  ones.  After  five  years'  experience,  it 
was  found  necessary,  in  1872,  to  establish  a  Graduate  Department, 
afterwards  enlarged  into  the  present  Graduate  School,  to  make 
room  for  the  ever-increasing  expansion  of  the  College  studies. 
The  Graduate  School  now  has  322  students,  of  whom  46  are,  or 
have  been,  professors  or  instructors  in  universities  or  colleges, 
besides  many  who  have  been  masters  of  schools  or  directors  of 
scientific  institutions.  The  whole  body  of  undergraduates — now 
1851  — numbered  273  in  1848;  409  in  1858;  and  529  in  1868. 
It  would  be  too  much  to  say  that  Lane  was  one  of  the  promoters 
of  the  new  Elective  System,  though  he  was  one  of  the  first  to  take 
advantage  of  its  new  opportunities  for  enlarging  the  scope  and  the 
influence  of  his  own  teaching.  Sixteen  years'  experience  in  work 
which  was  chiefly  required  had  dimmed  his  faith  in  new  schemes, 
and  he  was  content  to  leave  to  others  the  elaboration  of  plans  for 
improvement.  From  1851  to  1856  he  had,  like  his  predecessor,  the 
whole  instruction  in  Latin  of  the  Sophomore,  Junior,  and  Senior 
classes,  including  exercises  in  composition,  entirely  in  his  own 
hands ;  and  after  1856,  he  had  equally  hard  work  with  the  two 
upper  classes.  The  Elective  System,  after  1867,  gave  him  ample 
opportunity  to  extend  his  instruction  to  new  fields  and  to  more 
advanced  students.  He  was  a  "  born  teacher,"  and  his  methods 
needed  merely  expansion,  not  addition,  to  adapt  them  to  new  con- 
ditions. I  quote  an  account  of  his  power  as  a  teacher  from  a 
notice  in  the  Nation,  written  by  Professor  Morgan,  who  had  been 
one  of  his  most  appreciative  pupils :  — 


S99.] 


MEMOIR   OF  GEORGE  MAKTIN   LANE. 


103 


"Asa  teacher,  Professor  Lane  bad  all  that  fine  literary  appreciation 
^rbicb  characterizes  the  English  school,  combined,  however,  with  the 
minute  and  exact  knowledge  of  the  Germans.     Besides  bis  never- failing 
-good  nature,  he  had  two  gifts  which,  perhaps  more  than  any  others, 
awoke  the   admiration   of   his   undergraduate   pupils —  his   prodigious 
memory  and  his  great  originality  of  thought.     He  seemed  familiar  with 
every  literature,  and  apposite  quotations  from  the  most  various  sources, 
tlow  drawn,  maybe,  from  the  New  England  Primer,  and  now  from  the 
greatest  of  the  classics,  were  used  to  illuminate  the  passage  under  dis- 
cussion,    The  atmosphere  of  his  class-room  was  thus  distinctly  literary, 
and  bis  teaching  had  none  of  that  deadly  dulness  which  is  too  often 
the  prodnet  of  German  learning.     It  was  seasoned,  too,  with  his  own 
peculiar  wit,  of  which  so  many  legends  come  rising  to  the  mind  of  every 
Harvard  man.     But  it  never   degenerated  into   literary  twaddle,   and 
nobody  hated  looseness  of  method  and  inexactness  of  statement  more 
than  be.     To  his  originality  many  scholars  scattered   widely  over  the 
land  can  bear  testimony,  recalling  that  it  was  he  who  first  showed  them 
that  there  were  things  to  be  learned   that  were  not  to  be   found  set 
down  in  any  book  —  that  he  initiated  them,  in  fact,  into  the  modern 
methods  of  individual  research,   and  taught   them   to  seek  the   truth 
themselves.     He  rarely  wasted  time  in  putting  questions  which  could 
be  answered  offhand;    he   never  hesitated  to  suggest  problems  which 
nobody  present,  not  even  himself,  could  solve.     He  made  it  clear  that 
there  were  vast  untrodden  fields  on  every  side,  and  tempted  his  pupils 
on  to  exploration,"  * 


Scrupulous    accuracy,    without    affectation   or  pedantry,    was, 
indeed,  the  great  lesson  of  Lane's  literary  life,  which  he  taught  in 

I  every  act  both  in  and  out  of  his  professor's  chair.  His  sparkling 
wit  and  his  humorous  view,  even  of  the  commonest  things,  made 
him  a  delightful  social  companion;  and  his  unfailing  kindness  of 
heart  endeared  him  to  his  large  circle  of  friends,  especially  to  those 
who  had  known  sorrow  and  trouble.  His  early  life  as  professor 
supplies  many  anecdotes  and  witticisms,  which  are  now  becoming 
legendary-  We  may  mention  one  of  his  earliest  jokes  in  the  ciass- 
runin,  in  which  he  called  the  attempt  of  the  daughters  of  Pelias 
to  rejuvenate  their  aged  father  by  boiling  him,  according  to  the 
advice  of  Medea,  4fc  the  first  case  of  par-boiling  on  record."  The 
social  life  at  l% Clover  Den"  (now  No.  19  Follen  Street,  Cam- 


1  The  Nation!  No.  1671,  8  July,  1897,  lxv.  28, 


104  THB  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  [F«B. 

bridge),  where  Lane  and  Gould,  with  either  Josiah  D.  Whitney  or 
Winlock  as  a  third,  dispensed  hospitality  several  years,  and  where 
the  famous  "  Roman  Banquet "  was  given,  with  a  slave  chained  at 
the  door,  is  now  a  part  of  the  history  of  Cambridge.  It  is  related 
that  once,  at  a  supper  at  "  Clover  Den,"  President  Sparks  highly 
approved  of  some  excellent  Rhine  wine,  the  bottles  of  which  bore 
the  initials  (H.  U.)  of  a  well-known  wine  merchant  in  Gtfttin- 
gen.  These  letters  were  explained,  jocosely,  to  the  President  as 
"a  delicate  compliment  to  Harvard  University."  He  made  no 
comment  at  the  time ;  but  early  the  next  morning  he  called  at  the 
"  Den,"  praising  the  hospitality  of  his  hosts  and  their  Rhine  wine, 
but  gently  suggesting  that  perhaps  it  would  be  more  prudent  to  omit 
the  letters  H.  U.  for  the  future.  At  this  time  Lane  wrote  the  now 
famous  ballad  of  the  "Lone  Fishball,"  which  was  afterwards 
expanded  into  an  Italian  opera  —  "  II  Pesceballo  "  —  by  Child,  and 
performed,  with  great  success  and  large  profits,  for  the  benefit  of 
the  Sanitary  Commission  in  the  War  of  the  Rebellion.  It  is  worth 
mentioning  that  Lane,  in  his  later  years,  confessed  that  the  account 
given  by  Professor  Lovering,  the  reputed  hero  of  the  tale,  of  the 
adventure  on  which  the  fishball  story  was  founded  —  that  Lane 
himself  was  the  real  hero — was  perfectly  correct. 

It  is  often  regretted  that  a  scholar  possessed  of  such  exhaust- 
less  stores  of  learning  and  of  such  an  inimitable  power  of  expres- 
sion as  Lane,  should  have  published  so  little.  Besides  various 
articles  in  Reviews  and  newspapers,  most  of  which  were  anony- 
mous, and  his  Doctor's  Dissertation,  above-mentioned,  he  pub- 
lished only  his  pamphlet  on  Latin  Pronunciation  (1871);  but 
this  little  work,  in  a  few  years,  changed  the  pronunciation  of  Latin 
in  nearly  all  the  colleges  and  schools  in  the  United  States.  It  was 
especially  regretted  that  he  died  without  having  published  his 
Latin  Grammar,  to  which  he  had  devoted  much  of  his  time  and 
study  for  thirty  years,  but  which  he  had  never  felt  quite  ready  to 
publish.  Fortunately,  about  three  quarters  of  the  work  proved  to 
be  ready  for  printing  at  his  death,  and  the  loving  care  and  skill 
of  his  colleague,  Professor  Morgan,  have  supplied  the  remainder 
and  published  the  whole. *  This  book  of  572  closely  printed  pages 
is  one  of  the  most  important  linguistic  works  ever  written  by  an 
American  scholar,  and  is  a  lasting  monument  to  the  memory  of 

1  A  Latin  Grammar  for  Schools  and  Colleges,  New  York  and  London,  1898. 


1809.]  MEMOIR   OF  GEORGE  MARTIN  LANE*  105 

ts  author.  Its  originality  and  wonderful  clearness  of  expression, 
^with  its  brilliant,  and  often  witty,  translations  of  passages  from 
Latin  authors,  fully  sustain  the  high  reputation  wirich  Lane  had 
gained  as  a  scholar  and  teacher,  But  what  he  would  not  publish 
in  his  own  name,  he  most  generously  gave  to  his  friends  to  use  in 
their  own  publications.  We  may  mention  especially  his  valuable 
work  in  revising  the  two  Latin  Dictionaries  published  by  Harper 
and  Brothers.  In  the  Preface  to  the  School  Lexicon  the  editor, 
Dr.  Charlton  T.  Lewis,  says  of  Lane's  relation  to  the  work,  — 

44  If  it  shall  be  found,  within  its  prescribed  limits,  to  have  attained 
in  any  degree  that  fulness,  that  minute  accuracy,  and  that  correspond- 
ence with  the  ripest  scholarship  and  the  most  perfect  methods  of  instruc- 
tion which  are  its  aims,  the  result  is  largely  due  to  his  counsel  and 
assistance/'  * 

Lane  held  the  University  Professorship  of  Latin,  to  which  he  was 
elected  in  1851,  until  the  establishment  of  the  Pope  Professorship, 
in  1869,  when  he  was  transferred,  without  change  of  duties,  to  the 
new  foundation.  In  1894,  being  seventy  years  old,  he  resigned 
the  active  duties  of  his  professorship,  and  was  made  Pope  Pro- 
fessor of  Latin,  Emeritus.  He  held  this  position  until  his  death, 
occasionally  giving  instruction  to  classes  of  advanced  graduate 
students.  At  the  Commencement  of  1894,  Harvard  University 
conferred  on  him  the  honorary  degree  of  Doctor  of  Laws.  With 
the  deaths  of  Professors  Torrey,  Cooke,  Child,  and  Lane  in  less 
than  four  years  (1893-1897),  Harvard  University  parted  from  the 
last  of  her  great  teachers  who  had  come  down  from  the  first  half 
of  the  century. 

Lane  was  married,  in  1857,  to  Frances  Eliza,  daughter  of  Samuel 
Smith  Gardiner  of  Shelter  Island,  New  York,  who  died  in  1876, 
leaving  three  children,  —  our  associate,  Gardiner  Martin  Lane, 
now  of  Boston,  Louisa,  wife  of  William  Bayard  Van  Rensselaer  of 
Albany,  and  Katherine  Ward  Lane,  who  died  in  1893.  In  1878, 
he  married  Mrs,  Fanny  (Bradford)  Clark,  who  survives  him.  He 
was,  for  many  years,  a  Fellow  of  the  American  Academy  of  Arts 
and  Sciences ;  and  was  made  a  member  of  The  Colonial  Society  of 
Massachusetts  at  its  second  Stated  Meeting,  held  15  February, 
1893. 

1  A  Latin  Dictionary  for  Schools,  New  York,  1889,  p.  vi. 


106  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.       [March, 


MARCH  MEETING,  1899. 

A  Stated  Meeting  of  the  Society  was  held  in  the  Hall 
^"^  of  the  American  Academy  of  Arts  and  Sciences  on 
Wednesday,  15  March,  1899,  at  three  o'clock  in  the  after- 
noon, the  President  in  the  chair. 

After  the  Records  of  the  last  Meeting  had  been  read 
and  approved,  the  Corresponding  Secretary  reported  that 
letters  had  been  received  from  Chief-Justice  Peters  and  the 
Hon.  John  Howland  Ricketson  accepting  Corresponding 
Membership,  and  from  Samuel  Pierpont  Langley,  D.C.L., 
accepting  Honorary  Membership. 

Professor  Langley's  letter  is  as  follows :  — 

Smithsonian  Institution, 

Washington,  U.S.A., 

March  9,  1899. 

Dear  Sir,  —  I  beg  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  the  notification  of 
my  election  to  Honorary  Membership  in  The  Colonial  Society  of  Massa- 
chusetts and,  in  accepting,  to  express  my  gratification  at  the  honor  the 
Society  has  done  me. 

Very  respectfully  yours, 

S.  P.  Langley. 
John  Noble,  Esq. 

Corresponding  Secretary, 

The  Colonial  Society  of  Massachusetts, 

Boston. 

The  President  announced  the  death,  on  the  eleventh  of 
March,  of  Dr.  Henry  P.  Quincy,  a  Resident  Member,  and 
paid  a  warm  tribute  to  his  memory. 

Mr.  Andrew  McFarland  Davis  then  said :  — 

My  acquaintance  with  Dr.  Quincy  is  of  recent  birth.  It  does 
not,  in  fact,  date  back  prior  to  his  election  to  the  Council  of  this 


1893.] 


TRIBUTE  TO  DR>   HENET   PARKER  QUINCY. 


107 


Society ;  yet  in  the  three  years  of  his  faithful  service  in  that  body, 
I  learned  to  love  and  respect  him,  and  I  cannot  bnt  feel  that  his 
simplicity  of  bearing,  his  uniform  courtesy  towards  his  associates, 
his  constant  consideration  for  the  feelings,  the  comfort,  and  the 
convenience  of  others,  and  his  absolute  freedom  from  social  con- 
ventionalisms were  such  sure  indications  of  a  guileless,  transparent 
character*  that  I  am  justified  in  expressing  an  opinion  of  the  man 
upon  this  occasion. 

I  had  nit- 1  Dr.  Quincy's  father,  and  I  knew  his  brother  Edmund 
when  he  w;ls  connected  with  the  Lawrence  Scientific  School, 
While  these  facts  did  not  materially  influence  our  friendship,  they 
prepared  me  for  an  appreciation  of  his  many  good  qualities,  and 
drew  us  into  somewhat  closer  companionship  from  the  start.  The 
strong  feelings  of  affection  which  existed  between  him  and  Dr. 
Gould  would,  in  any  event,  have  caused  his  fellow-members  to 
receive  him  in  the  Council  with  a  cordial  welcome,  but  the  charm- 
ing nature  of  his  personality  soon  secured  for  him  a  foothold  in 
their  good  will  based  upon  the  more  solid  ground  of  personal 
achievement. 

It  did  not  seem  to  me  that  Dr.  Quincy's  tastes  were  such  as 
would  have  led  him,  from  any  motive  originating  in  himself,  to 
engage  in  historical  researchp  I  do  not  mean  by  this  to  intimate 
that  he  was  not  interested  in  that  branch  of  the  work  of  the  So- 
ciety. His  regular  attendance  at  the  meetings  of  the  Council  and 
the  unfailing  good  will  with  which  he  performed  the  stated  duties 
of  the  office,  as  well  as  the  committee  work  which  was  put  upon 
his  shoulders,  must  be  accepted  as  abundant  evidence  of  his  real 
concern  for  the  welfare  of  the  Society  and  the  success  of  its  work, 
It  is  my  opinion,  however,  that  the  enthusiasm  of  his  friend  Dr> 
Gould  in  this  regard,  and  the  interest  taken  by  his  wife  in  the 
Massachusetts  Society  of  Colonial  Dames,  are  largely  responsible 
for  the  zeal  which  he  displayed  in  his  work  in  our  behalf.  In  this 
I  find  ranch  that  was  typical  of  the  man.  His  affectionate  regard 
for  those  whom  he  loved  led  him  to  sympathize  with  affairs  in 
which  they  were  interested,  and  it  was  to  this  characteristic,  I 
think,  that  we  are  indebted  for  the  germination  of  a  feeling  which, 
under  the  influence  of  his  surroundings,  became  as  sound  and 
vigorous  in  its  growth  as  if  it  had  sprung  from  an  original  taste 
for  the  matters  which  it  ultimately  embraced. 


108  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.        [MARCH, 

Dr.  Quincy  contributed  to  our  Transactions l  a  Memoir  of  his 
friend  Dr.  Edward  Wigglesworth.  I  was  at  that  time  the  Chair- 
man of  the  Committee  of  Publication,  and  when  he  handed  his 
manuscript  to  me,  he  said,  with  a  simplicity  that  was  at  once 
charming  and  characteristic:  "Here  is  the  Memoir.  I  am  not 
much  accustomed  to  work  of  this  sort.  Edit  it,  cut  it  to  pieces, 
do  anything  to  it  that  you  think  will  improve  it"  The  Memoir 
was  so"  brief  that  I  was  at  first  inclined  to  be  disappointed  in  it ; 
but  a  careful  consideration  of  its  merits  led  me  to  the  conclusion 
that  it  was 'not  only  thoroughly  appreciative,  but  that  it  might 
almost  stand  as  a  model  for  others  engaged  in  similar  work. 

During  the  time  that  has  elapsed  since  our  joint  service  in  the 
Council,  the  occasions  on  which  I  have  met  Dr.  Quincy  have  only 
tended  to  confirm  the  opinions  which  I  then  formed  of  his  charac- 
ter. Always,  the  impression  made  upon  me  has  been  that  here 
was  one  without  guile  who  loved  his  fellow-men. 

Bishop  Lawrence  paid  this  tribute  to  Dr.  Quincy's 
memory :  — 

The  first  and  the  enduring  impression  of  Dr.  Quincy  is  that  of  a 
simple  and  charming  personality.  He  was  one  of  those  men  who 
throw  a  beam  of  light  into  the  life  of  every  one  with  whom  they 
come  in  contact.  Cheerful  in  disposition,  genial  in  temperament, 
kindly,  thoughtful,  sympathetic  with  youth,  and  tender  in  his 
regard  for  old  age,  he  gained  the  affection  and  confidence  of  a 
large  number  of  people.  He  had  the  genius  of  friendship.  The 
way  in  which  a  man  is  regarded  by  those  of  his  own  profession  is 
often  a  severer  test  of  character  than  the  estimate  of  him  in  social 
life.  Every  physician  and  student  who  came  under  Dr.  Quincy's 
instruction  speaks  of  him  with  affection  and  regard.  Though  not 
a  man  of  exceptional  ability,  he  had  the  valuable  trait  of  making 
the  best  of  his  natural  powers.  His  enthusiasm  for  his  work,  as 
well  as  his  interest  in  the  young  men  of  his  classes,  enforced  by  his 
own  charming  personality,  made  him  an  excellent  instructor  in  the 
Department  of  Histology  at  the  Harvard  Medical  School.  His 
best  work  was  in  the  use  of  the  microscope  and  as  an  anatomical 
draughtsman.     He  had  that  regard  for  exactness,  that  sensitiveness 

1  Publications,  iii.  348-350. 


w+* 


L]         BANDEMANIAX   PLACES   OF   WORSHIP   IN  BOSTON. 


109 


to  form,  artistic  sensibility,  and  appreciation  of  shades  of  coloring, 
which  enable  a  man  to  reveal  to  others  by  pencil  and  brush  the 
wonders  of  the  human  frame.  His  work  as  a  draughtsman  is  of 
permanent  value,  and  specimens  are  preserved  to-day  in  the  Medi- 
cal School  and  by  different  professors,  not  only  as  valuable  contri- 
butions to  medical  science,'  but  also  as  work  of  delicate  and 
artistic  execution. 

Dr.  Quincy  had  a  simple  and  deep  religious  faith.  His  studies 
of  the  human  body  and  into  material  things,  so  far  from  drawing 
him  into  a  materialistic  spirit-,  led  him  to  a  deeper  reverence  for 
his  Heavenly  Father.  Born  a  Unitarian,  later  a  member  of  King's 
Chapel*  he  was  led  into  the  Episcopal  Church,  and  a  few  years  ago 
was  confirmed  at  Emmanuel  Church,  Boston.  Dedham  was  bis 
ancestral  home,  and  one  found  Dr.  Quincy  at  his  best  in  the  midst 
of  his  family  life  and  domestic  interests,  in  the  beautiful  old  home- 
stead backing  upon  the  Charles  River  and  overlooking  the  mea- 
dows. He  became  an  officer  of  old  St  Paul's  Church  in  that  county 
town,  and  to  the  citizens  there  represented  everything  that  was 
finest  in  the  courtesy,  chivalry,  public  spirit,  and  high  character 
that  his  name  suggests.  The  influence  of  his  life  will  long  be  felt 
in  the  Medical  School  and  among  the  large  circle  of  physicians  and 
men  of  all  callings  who  are  better  for  having  had  the  privilege  of 
his  friendship, 

Mr.  Henry  EL  Edes  read  the  following  paper  on  — 

THE  PLACES  OF  WORSHIP  OF  THE  SANDEMANIANS 
IN  BOSTON. 

At  the  Stated  Meeting  of  this  Society  in  March  of  last  year, 
Mr.  Noble  communicated  a  paper  entitled  Some  Massachusetts 
Tories, !  in  which  reference  was  made  to  two  prominent  members 
of  the  Sandemanian  Society  in  Boston  and  to  the  destruction,  by 
fire,  of  its  first  Meeting  House,  While  Mr.  Noble's  paper  was 
being  prepared  for  the  press,  the  question  arose,  Where  did  that 
building  stand?  As  no  one  could  give  positive  information  upon 
this  point,  I  undertook  to  investigate  the  matter,  and  the  present 
paper  embodies  the  result  of  the  inquiry* 

1  Publications,  v,  257-287. 


110 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.      [March, 


Robert  Sandeman  arrived  in  Boston >  from  Glasgow,  in  the  ship 
George  and  James  on  the  eighteenth  of  October*  1764  Of  his 
movements  and  doings  in  New  England  and  New  York  during 
the  first  two  years  of  his  residence  in  America*  we  get  a  glimpse 
in  the  newspapers  of  that  clay.  The  Boston  Gazette  of  Monday, 
10  December,  1764  (No.  506,  page  3/1),  contains  the  following 
item:  — 

"  NEWPORT,  December  3+ 
The  celebrated  Mr.  Sandiman  came  to  Town  last  Wednesday  from 
the  Eastward,  and  ou  Sunday  preached  two  Sermons  in  the  Sabbatarian 
Church." 

In  New  York  the  preacher's  audience  was  large  but  not  sym- 
pathetic, if  the  account  which  appeared  in  the  Supplement  to  the 
Boston  Gazette  of  Monday,  4  March,  1765  (page  2/1),  be  true ;  — 

"NEW  YORK, Febrnary  25. 
Since  our  last  Mr*  Sanddaman  came  to  Town  from  Boston,  and  on 
Wednesday  Evening  at  the  New  Play- Home  he  advanced  Something 
to  a  larger  Audience  than  the  Place  ever  before  was  crowded  with, 
from  the  17th  Chapter  of  St.  Luke  the  20th,  2 1st,  22d,  23d,  24th,  and 
25th  Yerses: — He  has  not  held  forth  since  in  Public,  nor  have  we  yet 
heard  when  he  intends  it,  the  Usage  this  Itinerant  met  with  in  so  re- 
fined a  Place  for  the  Idle  and  Wandering  having  given  him  little 
Encouragement  to  attempt  the  Hum  bugging  any  sensible  Auditory, 
for  a  too  free  Construction  of  any  Part  of  the  Divine  Oracle." 

Sandeman,  however,  had  valiant  champions,  and  in  its  issue  of 
the  following  week  (Monday*  11  March,  No.  519,  p.  3/2)  the 
Gazette  printed  a  letter,  signed  Z.  A.,  in  vindication  of  the  new 
comer  "  from  those  Scurrilous  Aspersions  which  have  formerly  or 
more  lately  been  thrown  upon  him"  and  containing  an  extract 
from  his  Letters  on  Theron  and  Aspasio. 

The  Massachusetts  Gazette  tells  of  the  rough  treatment  Sande- 
man received  in  New  Hampshire,  In  its  issue  of  Thursday, 
15  May,  1766  (page  2/1),  is  an  extract  from  a  London  newspaper 
giving  an  extract  from  a  letter  dated  Portsmouth,  New  Hampshire, 
14  December,  1764,  in  which  it  is  said  that  the  mob  broke  the 
windows  of  Mr.  Sandeman 's  meeting-house ;  that  Sandeman  was 
told  to  leave  town  in  four  days  or  worse  would  follow;  and  that 
he  had  prudently  departed  the  town,  Then,  the  London  editor 
adds  the  following :  — 


1890.]       SA*T>EMANIAN   PLACES  OF  WORSHIP   EN   BOSTON.  Ill 

41  Mr,  Sandiman  is  brother-in-law  to  the  late  unfortunate  Capt.  Glass,1 
He  is  well  known  to  the  Dissenters  in  this  city,  by  having  established 
a  new  set  of  them  a  few  years  ago,  and  who  now  meet  in  Glover's 
HalU  Beech  lane.  He  ia  known  by  being  the  author  of  a  book  entitled, 
Letters  on  Theron  and  Aspaeio." 

The  Massachusetts  Gazette  of  Thursday,  18  September,  1766 
(No,  S285,  page  2/1),  contains  a  communication  on  Sandeman1 8 
religious  belief  which  refers  to  an  article  in  the  Boston  Gazette, 
The  next  issue  of  the  Massachusetts  Gazette  (25  September,  1766, 
No.  3286,  page  2/3),  contains  another  communication  from  the 
same  writer,  showing  that  Sandeman's  advent  here  had  not  been 
unnoticed  by  the  community.  Three  years  later,  the  Boston 
Evening-Post  of  27  November,  1769  (No.  1783,  page  1/1,2),  con- 
tained a  long  letter  addressed  to  Mr,  Colbom  BarreU  referring 
to  "your  long  vindicatory  letter,"  and  dealing  with  Sandeman 
and  his  views.  On  the  eleventh  of  December  following,  the  Post 
(No.  1785,  page  2/1,  2)  printed  another  letter  addressed  to 
BarreU  signed  Protestant;  and  in  the  issue  of  the  eighteenth  of 
December  (No*  1786,  page  1/2,3)  still  another  letter  to  BarreU 
from  the  same  writer  appears  Ln  which  Sandeman  is  again  the 
subject  of  discussion,  while  tt  A  Quaker"  also  addresses  "Friend 
Colebom  BarreU"  upon  the  same  theme  (page  3/1), 

After  organizing  a  Society  here,  Sandeman  removed  to  Danbury, 
Connecticut,  where  he  died.3  The  Boston  Gazette  of  Monday, 
3  August,  1772  (No.  904,  page  1/2),  contains  the  following 
announcement :  — 

"BOSTON,  Aagast  3, 
A  Monument  has  been  cut  in  this  Town   by  Mr.  Henry  Christian 
Geyer,f  Stone-cutter  at  the  South  End,  to  be  sent  to  Connecticut;  it  is 

1  A  notice  of  George  Glas  is  in  the  Dictionary  of  National  Biography,  xaci, 
415-417, 

*  The  Massachusetts  Gazette  of  Thursday,  11  April*  1771  (No.  3523,  p.  3/1), 
contains  the  following  notice  :  — 

ir  NEW-UAYEN,  April  5 A  few  daja  since  died  at  D&nbniy  Mr+  ROBERT 

SANDEMAN/' 

*  In  1760,  Geyer  presented  to  the  Town  an  account  amounting  to  £173.  4.  1 
for  repairs  on  Faneuil  Hall  (Boston  Record  Commissioners*  Reports,  xvi.  171). 

The  Massachusetts  Centinel  of  Wednesday,  7  December,  1785  (iv,  23, 
p,  3/2),  contains  the  following  notice  of  Mr.  Geyer's  death :  — 

"Last  Sunday  morning,  after  a  lingering  illness,  departed  this  life,  Mr,  Henry  Chris- 


112  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.      [March, 

executed  in  the  Composit  Order  with  twisted  Pillars,  and  the  other 
proper  Ornaments,  having  a  Cherub's  Head  on  Wings,  and  the  following 
Label  from  his  Mouth,  Rev.  XIV.  6,  7. 

44  On  the  Tomb-8toi\e  is  this  Inscription.1 

Here  lies 
Until  the  Resurrection, 

The  Body  of 

ROBERT  SANDEMAN, 

A  Native  of  Perth,  North-Britain, 

Who  in  the  Face  of  continual  Opposition 

From  all  Sorts  of  Men 

Long  and  boldly  contended 

For  the  ancient  Faith; 

That  the  bare  Work  of  Jssus  Christ, 

Without  a  Deed,  or  Thought,  on  the  Part  of  Man, 

Is  sufficient  to  present 

The  chief  of  Sinners 

Spotless  before  GOD: 

To  declare  this  blessed  Truth 

As  testified  in  the  Holy  Scriptures 

He  left  his  Country  —  he  left  his  Friends, 

And  after  much  patient  Suffering 

Finished  his  Labours 

At  Danburt, 

2d  of  April  1771, 

Aged  53  Years. 

Deign 'd  Christ  to  come  so  nigh  to  us 

As  not  to  count  it  Shame 
To  call  us  Brethren  —  Shall  we  blush 

At  aught  that  bears  his  Name. 

Nay,  let  us  boast  in  his  Reproach 

And  glory  in  his  Cross, 
When  He  appears,  one  Smile  from  Him 

Shall  far  o'erpay  our  Loss." 


ti&n  Gayer,  an  eminent  Stone-cutter  in  this  town,  aged  58,  of  whom  it  may  be  said  in  a 
few  words,  he  was  a  good  Christian,  a  friend  to  America,  and  an  honest  man ;  his  remains 
will  be  interred  from  his  dwelling-house  near  the  Rev.  Mr.  Wight's  Meeting-House  this 
afternoon,  precisely  at  4  o'clock,  at  which  time  his  relations,  and  friends  are  requested  to 
attend." 

1  Cf.  1  Massachusetts  Historical  Collections,  x.  71. 


1899.]       SA^EMAN'IAN    PLACES   OF   WOKSH1P   IN   BOSTON. 


113 


Sandeman's  new  doctrines  "rejected  belief  In  the  necessity  of 
spiritual  conversion,  representing  faith  as  an  operation  of  the 
intellect,  and  speculative  belief  as  quite  sufficient  to  Insure  final 
justification/' 1  Among  the  practices  peculiar  to  this  Sect  were 
the  weekly  observance  of  the  Lord's  Supper  and  the  washing  of 
one  another's  feet  They  also  discountenanced  proselyting*  Some 
of  the  heads  of  families  belonging  to  the  Sandemaniau  Society 
here  were :  —  Edward  Foster,  Alford  Butler,  George  Oglevie  (or 
Ogilvie),  Edward  King,  Henry  Capen,  Adam  Chizeau,2  Ebenezer 
Allen,  Barnabas  Allen,  Hopestill  Capen,3  Benjamin  Davis,*  Isaac 
Winslow,6  Colbora  Barrell,e  Walter  Barrell,7  Mr.  Peck,*  Hannah 

1  Delano  A,  Goddard,  in  Memorial  History  of  Boston,  iii.  129,  130.  In  a 
letter  received  from  Dr,  Edward  Everett  Hale  since  this  paper  was  written,  lie 
says  of  the  Sandemaniau s  :  — 

They  were  pare  rationalists,  As  far  as  yon  can  understand  anything  of  what 
diatingaishtjU  them  in  belief,  it  was  the  postulate  that  a  man  must  utttl<rstumi  what  he  in 
talking  about*  The  miracle  of  Grace,  or  of  union  with  God,  is  not  wrought  without  thu 
intelligent  cooperation  of  God's  child, 

1  thtnk,  but  I  do  not  know;  that  they  carried  such  heavy  guns  that  the  regular 
BtMtott  preachers  did  nut  interfere  with  them.  Methodists  would  not  have  liked  them, 
but  the  old  Boston  line  in  that  time  was  too  far  gong  in  rationalism  to  care  to  attack 
them, 

*  This  name  appears  as  "Dechezzan,  Adam,"  in  Barrett's  List  of  Refugees 
in  1  Proceedings  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society  for  December,  1880, 
Kfffi.  26*6-268,  which  also  contains  the  names  of  other  Saudenianiaus,  He  was 
married  by  the  Rev,  Andrew  Le  Merrier  to  Susanna  Cosno*  28  January,  1730 
(Boston  Record  Commissioners'  Reports,  xxviii,  153). 

*  For  notices  of  Hopestill  Capen,  see  ante,  v,  270,  271,  297,  298. 

*  For  a  notice  of  Benjamin  Davis,  see  post,  pp,  124-127. 

1  For  a  note  on  Isaac  Winslow,  Senior  and  Junior,  see  po&tt  pp.  127-130* 

*  There  are  several  references  to  Colborn  Barrell  in  the  Letters  of  John 
Andrews  printed  in  1  Proceedings  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society  for 
July,  1W,  viii.  31 3,  335,  374  and  375.  He  was  of  the  Boston  Latin  School 
Class  of  1744.     His  portrait  was  painted  by  Copley. 

*  Walter  Barrell  was  Inspector-General  of  the  Customs  at  Boston.  In 
M;iroliT  1770,  he  and  his  family  left  Boston  with  the  British  troops  (1  Proceed- 
ings of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society  for  December,  1880,  xviii.  20 ft). 
•*  In  1779,  he  was  a  member  of  the  Loyalist  association  formed  in  London  M 
(Sabine's  Loyalists,  i.  211). 

*  This,  probably,  was  Moses  Peck,  watchmaker,  who  died  in  Boston,  27 
March,  1801,  aged  83,  He  married,  17  January,  1758,  Elizabeth  Town  send, 
born  18  December,  1720,  —  a  younger  sister  of  Shippie  Townsend  (post,  pp. 
116,  122),  She  died  in  Rcwfem  2'f  June,  1703,  aged  62  (Wyman's  Genealogies 
and  Estates  of  Charlestown,  ii,  7:34,  049;  and  Boston  Record  Commissioners 
Reports,  xxx.  27,  280), 

3 


Ill 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  J1AS8ACHUSETTS,        [March, 


Robinson,  Susanna  Davies,  Mary  Cotton,  Mary  West,  Keziah  West,1 
Mrs.  Stayner,3  and  Daniel  Humphreys.  Joseph  Howe  and  Samuel 
Harris  and  his  wife  joined  the  Society  at  a  later  date-31  Isaac  Wins- 
low,  Junior,4  was  another  and  prominent  member  of  the  Society,  in 
which  there  were  persons  of  high  social  and  political  standing. 

Snow  thus  describes  the  beginning  of  this  Society,  and  its  first 
Meeting  House :  — 

"  *They  first  met  in  a  large  room  at  Mr.  [Edward]  Foster's  house  in 
that  part  of  Prince  St.  called  Black  Horse  lane,  but  as  much  attention 
was  excited,  they  removed  to  the  Long  Room  at  the  Green  Dragon. 
They  soon  buitt  a  house  at  the  bottom  of  a  lane  leading  to  the  mill 
pond,  somewhere  between  the  two  Baptist  meeting  houses.  It  was 
erected  for  the  sole  purpose  of  a  meeting  house,  by  assistance  from 
many  friends/  This  house  was  burnt  in  a  fire  which  happened  on 
Sunday,  April  4,  1778,  at  4  o'clock  P.M.  in  a  building  belonging  to 
Mr.  Alexander  Edwards,  cabinet-maker,  and  in  a  short  time  extended 
to  several  other  shops  and  sheds  in  the  neighborhood.  The  spot  has 
since  been  occupied  as  a  bake- shop,  and  is  now  within  the  premises  of 
Mr,  Joseph  Veazie.  Engine  house,  No.  3,  stands  at  the  head  of  the 
passage  way."6 

The  destruction  of  this  building  is  recorded  in  the  Diary  of 
Thomas  Newell,  under  date  of  4  April,  1773,  when  he  notes  that 

the  wind  was  from  the  east :  — 

'Sunday,  pleasant;  fair,  p.  m.  Are  broke  out  in  Back  Street.  Con- 
sumed Sandeman's  meeting-house,  Edwards's  shop,  Kittell's  barn,  &c*"* 


1  For  the  parentage  of  Mary  and  Keziah  West,  see  note  on  John  West,  po#t9 
p.  122. 

1  This  may  have  been  Abigail  Stayner,  whose  name  appears  in  Barrell's 
List  <  1  Proceedings  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society  for  December,  1880, 
xviii.  258).  See  New  England  Historical  and  Genealogical  Register  for  1865, 
six.  321. 

*  Snow's  History  of  Boston  (edition  of  1825),  p.  256;  and  Drake's  History 
and  Antiquities  of  Boston,  pp.  686,  (187.  Several  of  these  persons  were  Protesters 
against  the  Solemn  League  and  Covenant  (1  Proceedings  of  the  Massachusetts 
Historical  Society  for  October,  1870,  si.  301,  395). 

*  For  a  note  on  Isaac  Window,  Senior  and  Junior  see  post,  127-130* 

*  History  of  Boston  (edition  of  1825),  pp.  256,257,  Cf.  Memorial  His- 
tory of  Boston,  iu  245,  HI 

8  1  Proceedings  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society  for  October,  1B77T 
xv.  337.  Cf.  Suffolk  Probate  Files,  No.  9826,  —  Benjamin  Edwards,  1751,— 
the  father  of  Alexander  Edwards,  cabinet-maker,  referred  to  in  the  text. 


^  899.]        SANDEMANIAN   PLACES  OF   WORSHIP  IN   BOSTON.  115 

The  Boston  Gazette  of  Monday,  5  April,  1773  (No.  939,  page  3/1), 
thus  refers  to  the  ©vent :  — 

"Yesterday  Afternoon  a  Fire  broke  out  in  Back  Street,  which  con- 
sumed 5  or  6  Shops,  besides  Mr.  Sandiman'a  Meeting  House  before  it 
-was  got  under." 

The  Massachusetts  Gazette  of  Thursday,  8  April,  1773  (No.  3627, 
page  3/1),  contains  the  following  account  of  the  fire :  — 

**  Boston,  April  8.  1773. 

Lafl  Lord's  Day  Afternoon,  about  5  o'Clock,  a  Fire  broke  out  in  a 
Building  belonging  to  Mr.  Alexander  Edwards,  Cabinet-Maker,  at  the 
North  Part  of  the  Town,  which  was  almost  wholly  in  Flames  as  foon  as 
difcovered,  and  the  fame  in  a  very  (hort  Time  confumed,  together  with 
his  Work  Shop,  feveral  Stores,  Barns,  Sheds,  &c.  and  a  large  Quantity 
of  Mahogany  and  other  Stock,  with  a  Number  of  Articles  of  Furniture 
which  were  finiflied  for  Sale;  the  Fire  likewife  communicated  with  the 
Sandemaniau  Meeting  Houfe,  that  was  near  adjoining,  which  was  alfo 
entirely  deftroyed  ;  and  it  was  owing  to  the  alertnefs  of  the  Inhabitants, 
and  the  constant  Supply  of  the  Engines  with  Water  from  the  Mill-Pond, 
that  many  other  Wooden  Buildings,  which  were  io  imminent  Danger, 
were  prevented  (baring  the  fame  Fate.  —  The  Engine  from  Charleftown, 
efleemed  the  befl  in  America,  with  a  Number  of  People  from  that  Townt 
with  their  ufual  Activity,  came  over  very  expeditiously  to  affift  at  the 
Fire,  and  were  very  ferviceable.  Mr*  Edwards's  Lofs  U  faid  to  be  very 
great,"  l 


1  In  the  Boston  Gazette  of  Monday,  12  April,  1773  (No.  940,  pp.  3/2,3/3  and 
4  2)  are  the  following  Cards,  which  are  of  interest:  — 


41  JOSEPH  KETTELL  take*  this  Method  to  return  his  hearty  Thanks  to  his  Friends 
and  Fellow  Citizens,  and  to  the  Town  of  Charlcatown,  for  their  extraordinary  Kindness 
and  Activity  at  the  late  Fire,  and  shaU  aver  esteem  himself  their  much  obliged  humble 
Servant." 

II. 

*■  Messieurs.  PRINTERS. 
Mr.  Edwards  begs  leave  to  inform  the  Publick  through  the  Channel  of  your  Paper,  that 
the  late  Fire  broke  out  in  a  Store  40  Feet  above  his  Shop,  which  consumed  his  two 
Warehouses  with  all  his  Stock  and  Tools  to  the  amount  of  600  1.  Sterling, 

As  he  is  very  suspicious  that  those  Buildings  were  set  on  Fire  by  some  Ill-miuued 
Person  or  Persons,  he  now  promises  a  Reward  of  TEN  POUNDS  L.M.  to  any  who 
•hall  give  Information  of  the  perpetrators  of  so  Wicked  a  Deed,  in  order  that  they  may 
be  brought  to  Justice :  And  takes  this  opportunity  to  return  his  most  siucere  and  hearty 
Thanks  to  his  Friends  and  the  Publick  for  their  kiud  assistance  and  peculiar  mark  of 
Friendship*" 


116  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.       [March, 

Deprived  of  their  Meeting  House,  the  Society  turned  to  the 
Selectmen  of  the  Town  for  aid  in  providing  a  temporary  shelter. 
At  a  meeting  of  the  Board  held  on  the  following  Thursday, — 
7  April,  1773  — 

"  Mr.  Foster  and  Capen  two  Persons  of  the  Sect  called  Sandemanians 
attended  and  acquainted  the  Selectmen  that  they  had  lately  lost  their 
House  of  Worship  by  Fire  —  and  therefore  praying  that  they  might  have 
the  use  of  the  North  Lattin  School  upon  Sabbaths  —  Liberty  was  accord- 
ingly granted,  that  for  the  present  they  might  have  the  use  of  said  School 
on  the  Sabbaths,  untill  they  could  provide  themselves  with  another  Place 
of  Worship  —  they  paying  all  damages  the  School  may  receive  by  their 
use  of  it  which  they  agreed  to." 1 

Dr.  Snow  thus  speaks  of  the  subsequent  career  of  the  Society :  — 

44  The  Sandemanian  society  afterwards  convened  at  Mr.  [Shippie] 
Townsend's  in  Cross-st.  They  subsequently  built  a  house  in  the  rear 
of  Middle-street,  where  they  met  till  within  two  years,  [i.  e.  1823]  when 
the  attendance  became  so  thin  as  to  occasion  the  discontinuance  of  their 
meetings.     A  primary  school  is  now  kept  in  the  same  building."  * 

As  only  such  vague  descriptions  as  I  have  quoted  of  the  loca- 
tion of  the  two  Meeting  Houses  of  the  Sandemanians  were  to  be 
found  in  print,  a  careful  search  of  the  public  records  was  under- 
taken to  ascertain  the  sites  with  precision.  The  result  is  em- 
bodied in  the  accompanying  Plans,8  by  which  it  appears  that  the 
First  house  of  worship  stood  at  the  foot  of  a  lane  which  has  since 
been  widened  and  is  now  Carroll  Place,  and  the  Second  at  the 
foot  of  what  is  now  Parkman  Place.      The  dotted  lines  in  the 

III. 

"  Lost  at  the  Fire  on  the  4th  Instant,  a  Leather  Bucket,  marVd  F.  Green,  No.  2.  Who- 
ever can,  are  requested  to  inform  where  the  same  may  be  found," 

IV. 
"  The  Person  who  received  a  very  large  china  bowl  from  Capt.  Barrett's  House,  in 
Frieiid-Street,  daring  the  late  Fire  in  that  Neighbourhood,  shall  be  handsomely  Treated 
if  he  will  return  it,  or  Prosecuted  if  he  does  not." 

Similar  Cards  appeared  in  the  Supplement  to  the  Massachusetts  Gazette  of 
Friday,  16  April,  1773. 

1  Boston  Record  Commissioners'  Reports,  xxiii.  171. 

*  History  of  Boston  (edition  of  1825),  p.  257. 

*  These  plans  were  drawn  by  Mr.  Louis  Packard  Streeter  of  Boston  who  has 
since  removed  to  New  York  City. 


1809.]        BANDEMAXTAN   PLACES   OF   WORSHIP   IN   BOSTON. 


117 


larger  Plan  indicate  present  street  lines  through  the  lots  contigu- 
ous to  the  site  of  the  first  Meeting  House,  By  comparing  these 
Plans  with  Dtv  Snow's  description  of  the  vaguely-located  lots,  and 
with  the  descriptions  in  the  deeds  to  which  I  am  about  to  refer, 
the  accuracy  of  the  Plans  will  be  fully  demonstrated*1 

The  site  of  the  first  Meeting  House  belonged  to  James  McMil- 
lian,  of  Boston,  cabinet-maker,  at  the  time  of  his  decease*  in  1761+,3 
Ann  McMilliftn,  his  widow  and  the  administratrix  of  his  estate,8 
reciting  license  from  the  Superiour  Court  of  Judicature,  15  March, 
17G9,  for  £110,  conveyed,  21  June,  1769,  to  Edward  Foster, 
blacksmith,  and  David  Mitchelson,  seal -engraver,4  both  of  Boston, 
a  parcel  of  land  in  or  near  Back  Street  bounded  easterly,  partly 
by  land  "this  day  sold  to  Joseph  Kettle'1 6  and  partly  by  the  pas- 
sageway hereinafter  mentioned,  31  feet;  southerly  by  land  of 
Alexander  Edwards,  56  feet;  westerly  by  the  Mill  Pond,  31 
feet ;  and  northerly  by  land  of  John  Proctor,  deceased,  56  feet » 
u  together  with  the  edefices  and  buildings  thereon  standing  "  and 
rights  in  "a  four-foot  passageway  next  to  the  said  Proctor's  land 
leading  from  said  Back  Street  down  to  the  granted  land." e  What 
these  "edefices  and  buildings"  were  does  not  appear.  Possibly 
the  Meeting  House  was  built  before  the  fee  of  the  laud  passed  to 
Foster  and  Mitchelson*  This  must  have  been  the  case  if  the 
statement  in  print  be  true  that  it  was  erected  in  1765  ;7  but  it  is 
more  probable  that  the  Meeting  House  was  raised  immediately 
after  the  land  was  purchased  of  the  McMillian  estate.  Shurtleff 
says :  — 

**  Probably  the  location  of  the  First  and  Second  Baptist  meeting- 
houses,  upon  its  [the  Mill  Pond's]  southeastern  border,  was  selected  for 

1  Since  this  paper  vaa  written,  I  hare  discovered  that  the  site  of  the  second 
Meeting  House  is  marked  on  Osgood  Carleton'B  Plan  of  Boston,  1793,  which 
appeared  in  the  Directory  for  1796.  The  key  to  the  Plan,  however,  does  not 
explain  the  mark. 

■  Suffolk  Probate  Files,  No.  14,416* 

*  See  Copp's  Hill  Epitaphs  and  Records  of  the  New  North  Church,  Boston, 
for  facts  concerning  this  family. 

*  Mitchelson  is  elsewhere  styled  il lapidary*'  (1  Proceedings  of  the  Massa- 
chusetts Historical  Society  for  October,  1870,  xi,  393).  He  was  a  Refugee 
from  Boston  in  1776  {J bid.  for  December,  1880,  xviii,  SWtf). 

*  Suffolk  Deeds,  cxvi.  37.  *  Ibid,  cxx,  15. 

t  Delano  A.  Goddard,  in  Memorial  History  of  Boston,  iii.  120. 


118  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.       [MABCH, 

the  convenience  of  using  the  water  of  the  pond  for  baptismal  purposes, 
as  was  formerly  done,  when  the  water  was  next  to  their  rear." 1 

In  view  of  some  of  the  peculiar  tenets  of  the  Sandemanians 
these  remarks  apply  with  equal  force  to  the  probable  reason  for 
the  selection  of  the  site  of  their  first  Meeting  House.  Hales's 
Map  of  Boston  (1814)  shows  the  projection  of  the  two  Baptist 
Meeting  Houses  over  the  edge  of  the  Mill  Pond  as  they  appear  in 
the  accompanying  large  Plan.2 

Foster  and  Mitchelson,  for  £80,  conveyed  the  site  of  the  first 
Meeting  House  to  Joseph  Kettle  of  Boston,  baker,  28  April,  1773, 
—  within  a  month  after  the  building  was  burned.8  Kettle  thus 
became  seized  of  the  whole  estate,  which  his  heirs  sold,  5  January, 
1820,  to  Joseph  Veazie,  of  Boston,  baker.4  It  then  had  a  frontage 
on  Back  Street  (including  the  four-foot  passageway  or  lane)  of  31  £ 
feet  and  a  depth,  from  Back  Street  to  the  Mill  Pond,  of  223  feet6 

Three  days  after  Foster  had  sold  his  interest  in  the  Mill  Pond 
property,  we  find  him,  with  new  associates,  taking  title  to  the 
site  of  the  second  Meeting  House  of  the  Sandemanians.  This 
property  was  a  part  of  the  realty  of  which  Nathaniel  Loring,  of 
Boston,  merchant,  died  seized,  in  1770.6  Benjamin  Dolbeare,  of 
Boston,  merchant,  as  administrator  of  the  estate,  reciting  license 
from  the  Superiour  Court  of  Judicature,  in  August,  1772,  for 
XI 22,  lawful  money,  sold  to  Colborn  Barrell,  merchant,  Edward 
Foster,  blacksmith,  Benjamin  Davis,  merchant,  Edward  King, 
wharfinger,  and  Isaac  Winslow,  Junior,  merchant,  all  of  Boston, 
the  lot  shown  on  the  accompanying  (smaller)  Plan  which  gives 
the  metes  as  stated  in  the  deed,  dated  1  May,  1773.7    This  build- 

1  Topographical  and  Historical  Description  of  Boston  (1891),  p.  109. 

2  See  Maps  of  the  Street-Lines  of  Boston,  made  for  the  Selectmen  in  1819 
and  1820  by  John  Groves  Hales  (1894),  p.  255. 

•  Suffolk  Deeds,  cxxiv.  93. 

4  Ibid,  cclxvi.  132,  133. 

6  Cf.  Plans  in  Suffolk  Deeds,  ccxxx.  305,  cclxxxviii.  27,  cclxxxix.  288, 
ccxcv.  284,  and  cccxxxvii.  305.  See  also  Shaw's  Topographical  and  Historical 
Description  of  Boston  (1817),  p.  267,  note. 

6  Suifolk  Probate  Files,  No.  14.716.  See  also  New  England  Historical  and 
Genealogical  Register  for  1865,  xix.  231,  232. 

7  Suffolk  Deeds,  cxxiii.  251,  252.  Cf.  Isaac  Winslow's  additional  Inven- 
tory, taken  15  August,  1797  (recorded  Suffolk  Probate  Records,  xcv.  414,  415), 
in  Suffolk  Probate  Files,  No.  20,095;  and  Suffolk  Deeds,  cxxiii.  36,  and  cxxv. 
135. 


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119 


ing  was  used  on  week  days  for  school  purposes  as  early  as  1785 
when,  on  the  fifth  of  October,  the  Selectmen  appointed  "  a  Com- 
mittee to  treat  with  Mr  [Isaac]  Winslow  respecting  a  School- 
house  lately  improved  by  Mr  Dupe1  known  by  the  Name  of 
Sandemons  Meeting  house."1  On  the  ninth  of  November,  the 
Committee  reported  that  they  had  rented  the  building  and  thus 
"  provided  a  School  for  Master  Cheney  ;  "  and  that  the  key  M  was 
received  the  7th  inst."s  In  1786T  Cheney  had  more  than  a  hun- 
dred pupils.4  Samuel  Cheney,  who  was  also  a  physician,  and  a 
Harvard  graduate  of  1767,5  continued  to  occupy  the  building  till 
21  April,  1790,  when  the  key  was  returned  to  Mr.  Winslow.6 
Cheney  had  previously  been  in  charge  of  the  South  Writing 
School,  in  Pleasant  Street,  and  the  subject  of  some  controversy  J 
The  building  is  thus  described  in  the  United  States  Direct  Tax 
List  of  1798;  — 

"Ward  4j  Boston.  William  Croswell,  occupant;  HopstUl  Capen, 
Agent  owner,  A  House,  Middle  Street,  used  as  Meeting  House  for  a 
Society  called  Sandemouiaos.     1080  square  feet.*'  * 

Capen  had  bought  Isaac  Winslow's  undivided  fifth  of  the  estate 
on  the  eighth  of  November,  1797.0 

In  1817,  the  Sandemanian  Society  had  become  reduced  to  six 
persons  and  its  early  extinction  was  expected,10  Alford  Butler, 
who  died  in  Boston,  23  March,  1828,  at  the  age  of  ninety  u  is  said 
to  have  been  the  last  survivor.13    The  Meeting  House  at  the  foot 

1  This,  doubtless,  was  Elias  Dupee  (Memorial  History  of  Boston,  in.  160). 
See  also  New  England  Historical  and  Genealogical  Register  for  1804,  xviii.  33B ; 
and  Suffolk  Probate  Files,  Ho.  18,fi47. 

8  Boston  Record  Commissioners'  Reports,  xxv.  282. 

*  IhitL  xxv.  285,  *  Ibid.  xxv.  318. 

*  1  am  indebted  to  the  Honorable  Samuel  Abbott  Green,  LL.D.,  for  this 
identification,  drawn  from  the  manuscripts  of  the  late  John  Langdon  Sibley. 

*  Boston  Record  Commissioners*  Reports,  xxviL  116. 

7  Ibid,  xxv,  251,  250,  264,  260,  207,  278  and  293.  See  abo  Ibid,  xxvii,  101, 
191  and  passim* 

*  Ihid.xxiu  12. 

*  Suffolk  Deeds,  cUxxix.  40,  41. 

»  Shaw's  Topographical  and  Historical  Description  of  Boston,  p.  267. 
u  Boston  City  Records, 

ia  Drake's  History  and  Antiquities  of  Boston,  p.  687,  which,  howerer,  gives 
the  name,  age,  and  date  erroneously.    He  was  born  in  Boston,  10  October, 


120  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.       [Mabch, 

of  Parkman  Place  was  subsequently  occupied  as  a  Primary  School; 
and  as  late  as  1835  the  City  of  Boston  leased  the  property  for  ten 
years  for  the  accommodation  of  two  of  the  public  schools.1 

Having  fixed  with  precision  the  sites  of  the  two  Meeting  Houses 
of  the  Sandemanians,  let  me  note,  in  closing,  the  location  of  those 
public  and  private  buildings  where  this  company  of  Christians  met 
before  they  had  a  religious  home  of  their  own  and  during  the 
interval  between  the  destruction  of  their  first  Meeting  House  and 
the  completion  of  their  last  place  of  worship. 

Edward  Foster,  at  whose  house  the  Society  first  met,  was,  as  we 
have  seen,  a  blacksmith,  and  evidently  a  pillar  in  the  new  organi- 
zation. He  also  appears  to  have  been  a  man  of  substance  and 
active  in  the  prudential  affairs  of  the  Society.  Ten  years  before 
Sandeman's  arrival  in  Boston,  Foster  had  purchased,  23  March, 
1754,  of  John  Erving  an  estate  on  the  southwesterly  side  of 
Black  Horse  Lane  and  had  made  it  his  homestead.  The  lot 
had  a  frontage  of  42  feet  and  a  depth  of  108  feet  and  is  now 
numbered  46  to  52  in  Prince  Street.  It  includes  Salter  Place, 
which  intersects  it.  A  portion  of  the  rear  of  the  lot  is  now 
within  the  limits  of  the  yard  of  the  Hancock  School.2 

Foster  was  a  Tory,  like  most  of  the  Sandemanians,8  and  an 

1739,  the  son  of  Alford  and  Elizabeth  (Robinson)  Butler  (Boston  Record  Com- 
missioners' Reports,  xxiv.  235;  xxviii.  195).  He  is  thought  to  have  been  of 
the  Boston  Latin  School  Class  of  1748  (Catalogue,  1886,  p.  69  and  note).  See 
note  on  the  West  family,  post,.j>.  122. 

1  Suffolk  Deeds,  ccccxvi.  198.  *  Ibid,  lxxxv.  90. 

•  The  following  List  of  persons  known  to  have  been  Sandemanians  who 
were  also  Addressers  of  Hutchinson  and  of  Gage  has  been  furnished  by  our 
associate,  Mr.  Albert  Matthews,  who  is  preparing  entirely  new  Lists  of  the 
Addressers  from  original  sources.  I  am  also  indebted  to  Mr.  Matthews  for 
other  valuable  facts  used  in  this  paper :  — 

Barrell,  Colborn :  Hutchinson,  28  May,  1774 ;  Gage,  8  June,  1774. 
Capen,  Hopestill :  Hutchinson,  28  May,  1774  ;  Gage,  8  June,  1774. 
Davis,  Benjamin  :      Hutchinson,  28  May,  1774  ;  Gage,  8  June,       1774, 

Gage,  6  October,  1775. 
Foster,  Edward  :  Hutchinson,  28  May,  1774 ;  Gage,  8  June,  1774. 
King,  Edward :  Hutchinson,  28  May,  1774  ;  Gage,  8  June,      1774. 

Mitchelson,  David:  Hutchiuson,  28  May,  1774  ;  Gage,  8  June,  1774. 
Winslow,  Isaac:         Hutchinson,  28  May,  1774;  Gage,  8  June,       1774, 

Gage,  6  October,  1775. 
Winslow,  Isaac,  Jr. :  Hutchinson,  28  May,  1774 ;  Gage,  8  June,      1774, 

Gage,  6  October,  1775. 


1890.]        BAKDEMAXIAN  PLACES   OF   WORSHIP   IN    BOSTON. 


121 


Absentee.  His  property  was  confiscated.  The  realty  comprised 
the  lot  juat  described  and  another  at  the  corner  of  Middle  (now 
Hanover)  Street  and  Bear  Lane,  now  known  as  Parrnenter  Street,1 
Sabine  says  that  he  settled  in  Dartmouth,  Nova  Scotia,  tbere 
managed  large  iron  works,  and  died  in  1T86\  leaving  thirteen 
children.2 

The  location  of  the  Green  Dragon  Tavern  —  in  the  Long  Room 
of  which  the  Sandemanians  met  for  a  short  time  — in  Green 
Dragon  LaneT  now  Union  Street,  is  too  well  known  to  need 
description. 

The  "North  Lattin  School"  occupied  the  site  of  the  present 
Eliot  School,  on  the  north-easterly  aide  of  North  Bennet  Street, 
That  building  was  given  to  the  Town,  in  1711-12,  by  the  father 
of  Governor  Hutchinson,  Under  date  of  the  eleventh  of  March 
we  find  this  vote  in  the  Town  Records :  — 

"Voted,  Thanks  to  Cap1  Thorn*  Hutchinson  for  bo  much  as  he  hath 
Offered  at  his  own  Charge  to  build  a  School  House  at  the  ^Torth  end  of 
y'Town."* 

In  the  Record  of  the  Town  Meeting  held  on  the  fourteenth  of 
Stay,  1712,  are  these  entries :  — 

44  Whereas  the  Comittee  appointed  the  11th  of  March  Last  to  enquire 
after  a  piece  of  Land  at  the  North  end  of  this  Town  Su table  to  Sett  a 
School  House  on.  Have  now  Signified  to  this  meeting  that  they  have 
n mile  Dilligetit  Enquiry  in  that  matter,  and  have  at  length  pitched  on  a 
peice  of  Land  belonging  to  mn  Susanna  Love  of  ah1  fifty  one  foot  in 
breadth  <fe  ab1  one  hundred  feet  in  length  abutting  one  end  thereof.  On 
Bennet  Street,  and  the  other  end  on  Love  [now  Tileston]  Street,  and 
that  the  Same  may  be  purchased  for  Ab1  one  hundred  fifty  three  pounds, 
that  Land  being  more  then  enough  for  the  Setting  a  School -house  on 
the  weh  they  Recommend  to  the  Town  as  the  most  Sutable  place  w*h  they 
Can  procure  for  that  use. 


1  Suffolk  Probate  Files,  No.  15,912;  and  2  Proceedings  of  the  Massachusetts 
Historical  Society  for  May,  1895,  x.  184,  172,  173. 

3  Biographical  Sketches  of  Loyalists  of  the  American  Revolution  (1864), 
i  432.  See  also  1  Proceedings  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society  for 
December,  1880,  xyiii  20(5;  Boston  Record  Commissioners*  Reports,  xxvim  211, 
215;  Hew  England  Historical  and  Genealogical  Register  for  1SG5,  xm.  310;  and 
Records  of  the  New  South  Church* 

1  Boston  Record  Commissioners'  Reports,  viii.  90. 


122  THK  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OP  MASSACHUSETTS.       [Makch, 

"  Voted.  That  the  Sd  Comittee  be  impowered  to  purchace  the  afore 
said  parcell  of  Land,  to  be  paid  for  out  of  the  Town  Treasury :  And 
that  the  Select  men  to  gether  with  the  Said  Comittee  be  impowered  to 
Allot  So  much  of  y*  Sd  Land  for  the  Sd  School  House  as  they  shall  judg 
meet  and  Convenient." l 

Shippie  Townsend  was  born  in  Charlestown,  16  November, 
1722,  the  son  of  David  and  Mabel  (Shippie)  Townsend  and,  like 
his  father,  was  a  blockmaker.2  He  removed  to  Boston  in  or  about 
1746,  and,  23  September,  1757,  purchased  of  Sanderson  Houghton 
of  Bolton,  in  the  County  of  Worcester,  yeoman,  and  the  heirs  of 
John  West  of  Boston,  the  estate  on  the  north-easterly  side  of  Cross 
Street  which  is  the  last  to  be  described  in  connection  with  the 
present  inquiry.  It  had  a  frontage  on  Cross  Street  of  31  feet  and 
2  inches  and  a  depth  of  31  feet,  the  easterly  boundary  of  the  lot 
being  24  feet  and  2\  inches  west  from  Middle  (now  Hanover) 
Street  before  that  thoroughfare  was  widened.8  The  estate  is  now 
numbered  74  and  76  in  Cross  Street.  The  accompanying  Plan 
shows  that  Townsend  subsequently  (in  1790)  purchased  from 
William  Dawes,  Junior,  of  Boston,  leather-dresser,  the  adjoin- 
ing estate  on  the  east  which  he  sold,  the  following  year,  to  his 
son  Dr.  David  Townsend  (H.  C.  1770).4  Both  these  lots,  with  two 
others  contiguous  on  the  west,  were  formerly  owned  by  Robert 
Sanderson,  from  whom  they  passed  to  his  descendants,  the  Wests  6 

1  Boston  Record  Commissioners '  Reports,  viii.  91,  92.  Cf.  Ibid.  viii.  118, 
119,  132. 

*  Wy  man's  Genealogies  and  Estates  of  Charlestown,  ii.  864,  949. 
»  Suffolk  Deeds,  xc.  235,  237,  238. 

4  Ibid,  clxviii.  120 ;  clxxi.  26. 

5  I  am  indebted  to  our  associate,  Mr.  Henry  Winchester  Cunningham,  for  the 
following  note :  — 

John  West  of  Boston,  housewright,  was  born  in  Boston  26  March,  1697.  He 
was  the  oldest  child  of  Richard  West  and  his  wife  Anna,  daughter  of  Robert 
Sanderson,  goldsmith,  and  at  one  time  partner  of  John  Hull,  the  Mint  Master. 
He  was  married  at  Yarmouth,  26  April,  1720,  to  Mary  daughter  of  Samuel  and 
Keziah  (Taylor)  El  dredge,  by  whom  he  had  nine  children,  the  births  of  the  last 
seven  being  recorded  in  Boston :  — 

(i)  John;  (ii)  Sanderson,  married  in  Boston,  7  November,  1746,  to  Mary  Avery; 
(iii)  Anna,  born  25  November,  1726,  married  in  Boston,  27  October,  1747,  to  Ephrnim 
Green;  (iv)  Mary,  born  4  July,  1729,  died  in  September,  1730,  aged  14  months;  (v) 
Mary,  born  7  June,  1731 ;  (vi)  Keziah,  born  3  February,  1732,  married  in  Boston,  20  Jan- 
uary, 1771,  to  Alexander  Linklester;  (vii)  Eunice,  born  2  December,  1734,  married  (In- 
tentions recorded  27  January,  1763)  to  Alford  Butler;  (viii)  David,  born  9  May,  1736; 
and  (ix)  David,  born  25  Auguct,  1737,  married,  3  May,  1761,  to  Sarah  Presbury. 


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1890.]       SANDEMANIAN   PLACES   OF   WOKSHIP   IN  BOSTON, 


123 


and  the  Iloughtons.  Tbia  holding,  a  fine  rectangular  lot,  had  a 
frontage  of  about  ninety  feet  on  Cross  Street  and  a  uniform  depth 
of  forty-eight  feet 

The  remaining  frontage  (60  feet  8  inches)  on  the  northerly 
side  of  Cross  Street,  between  Hanover  and  Salem  Streets,  was 
long  owned  by  Dr.  Thomas  Greaves  of  Charles  town  and  his  heirs 
by  whom  it  was  sold,  in  1749,  to  Thaddeus  Mason.1  This  lot,  as 
shown  on  one  of  the  accompanying  Flans,  had  a  depth  of  about 
103  feet 

At  some  future  meeting  of  the  Society,  I  hope  that  some  of  our 
associates  will  tell  us  something  of  the  Sandemanians  and  their 
church  polity,  —  whether  it  was  Presbyterian  or  Congregational; 
whether  they  had  settled  ministers  and,  if  they  had,  who  these 
were ;  and  whether  any  Records  or  Registers  of  the  Society  in 
Boston  were  kept  and,  if  they  were,  whether  they  are  still  extant 
and  in  whose  custody  they  now  are. 

In  1725,  John  West  bought  the  interest  of  the  other  heirs  of  his  grandfather 
Sanderson  la  *  a  tenement  near  the  Mill  bridge  M  and  "  a  tenement  on  Middle 
Street  yr  (Suffolk  Deeds,  xli.  3).  On  the  first  of  October,  1740,  he  made  his  will, 
in  which  he  said  he  was  about  to  set  out  for  Virginia,  and  there  he  may  have 
died,  as  his  widow  administered  his  estate  on  the  twentieth  of  March,  1741-42 
(Suffolk  Probate  Files,  No.  7717). 

The  West  family  do  not  appear  to  have  been  Loyalists,  like  so  many  of  the 
Sandemanians,  and,  so  far  as  I  know,  they  were  all  Patriots*  Davidf  the 
voungest  son,  is  said  to  have  died  at  sea,  in  1779,  while  serving  in  some  official 
capacity  on  an  American  privateer.  His  son  Davidt  JrM  was  the  well-known 
bookseller,  who  at  one  time  had  a  store  in  Washington  Street  on  land  now 
covered  by  a  part  of  the  Sears  Building ;  and,  later,  he  was  a  partner  of  Lemuel 
Blake.  David  West,  Jr.,  was  twice  married,  (1)  to  Hannah  Waits*  by  whom 
he  had  one  child,  David,  who  died  unmarried ;  and  (2)  to  Abigail,  daughter  of 
Zephaniah  Leonard  of  Raynham  (Yale  1758),  who  was  Lieutenant-Colonel  of 
the  Bristol  County  Regiment  during  the  Revolution.  By  this  marriage  he  had 
one  daughter,  Abigail  Leonard  West,  who  married  Andrew  Cunningham,  who 
were  the  grandparents  of  the  writer  of  this  note. 

Many  members  of  the  West  family  were  booksellers  and  publishers,  —  among 
them  .John,  who  published  the  Boston  Directory  for  1793.  Alford  Butler,  who 
married  Eunice  West,  was  a  bnok*binder,  and  had  a  son,  Samuel  Butler,  who 
was  a  partner  in  the  firm  Thomas  &  Andrews.   See  ante,  pp.  113, 119  and  mte. 

The  connection  of  the  West  family  with  Robert  Sanderson  is  proved  in  an 
article  by  John  E.  AMen  in  the  New  England  Historical  and  Genealogical 
Register  for  1898,  lii.  23. 
*  Suffolk  Deeds,  cr,  06. 


124  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OP  MASSACHUSETTS.      [Mabch, 


NOTE  ON  BENJAMIN  DAVIS,  THE  LOYALIST. 

Captain  William  Davis,  of  Boston,  apothecary,  was  of  the  Ancient  and 
Honorable  Artillery  Company,  1643;  was  admitted  to  the  First  Church,  28 
July,  1644;  and,  in  1669,  was  one  of  the  principal  Founders  of  the  Old  South 
Church,  his  name  standing  on  the  Records  at  the  head  of  the  List.  He  was 
a  Representative  for  Springfield,  1652,  1666,  1671  and  1672,  and  for  Haverhill, 
1668. l  He  was  a  wealthy  and  enterprising  citizen,  a  man  of  discretion,  many 
years  one  of  the  Selectmen  of  Boston  at  different  times  between  1647  aud  1674, 
and  joint  Commissioner  (1653)  with  Governor  Leverett  to  the  Dutch  at  New 
York.  Thrice  married,  his  first  wife  was  Margaret,  daughter  of  William 
Pynchon  of  Springfield,  his  second,  Huldah,  daughter  of  the  Reverend 
Zechariah  Symmes,  and  his  last,  Sarah,  daughter  of  John  Farmer. 

Captain  William  Davis  lived  in  State  Street,  on  the  north-easterly  corner  of 
Exchange  Street  (Boston  Record  Commissioners'  Reports,  ii.  (Third  edition) 
Part  2,  22;  and  see  ante,  v.  289)  until  1645,  when  he  sold  his  estate  (Suffolk 
Deeds,  i.  63)  and  bought  of  Valentine  Hill  the  lot  in  Washington  Street  at  the 
southerly  corner  of  Court  Avenue  (Ibid.  i.  60).  This  estate  had  a  frontage  of 
twenty  feet  on  the  street  (this  portion  of  it  being  now  the  site  of  Thompson's 
Spa)  and,  including  subsequent  additions,  extended  back,  on  irregular  lines,  to 
Court  Square,  about  350  feet.  In  1736  William  Price  bought  it,  and  in  1770 
bequeathed  it  to  King's  Chapel.  The  most  valuable  part  of  the  estate  now 
constitutes  The  Price  Fund  (Suffolk  Deeds,  xxvi,  169;  and  Foote's  Annals 
of  King's  Chapel,  ii.  421  and  notes). 

He  died  24  May,  1676  (SewalFs  Diary,  i.  13).  His  will,  executed  a  week 
before  his  death,  mentions  "  my  mother  Mrs.  Elizabeth  Davis  in  London"  and 
contains  valuable  particulars  (Suffolk  Probate  Files,  No.  786). 

Major  Benjamin  Davis,  son  of  William  and  Margaret  (Pynchon)  Davis,  wag 
also  an  apothecary  and  of  the  Artillery  Company,  1673  (Roberts's  History  of 
the  Ancient  and  Honorable  Artillery  Company,  i.  223).  Judge  Sewall  notes  in 
his  Diary  (i.  95)  the  admission  of  Benjamin  Davis  to  the  Old  South,  13  Septem- 

*  The  Third,  or  Old  South,  Church  was  founded  by  the  liberal  and  progressive  element  in 
the  fellowship  of  the  First  Church,  not,  however,  without  much  acrimony  and  contention  which, 
finally,  was  transferred  to  the  Legislature. 

u  The  next  election  turned  chiefly  on  the  question,  Who  are  for  the  old  church  and  who  for  the 
new  ?  and  so  strong  was  the  popular  feeling  against  the  conservatives,  that  a  majority  of  the  mem- 
bers of  the  House  of  Deputies  of  1G70  lost  their  seats,  and  more  enlightened  men  were  chosen  to 
succeed  them.  It  was  not  then  required  that  a  deputy  should  reside  in  the  town  represented  by  him, 
and  this  made  it  possible  for  several  leading  members  of  the  Third  Church  to  be  returned  to  the  new 
House.  Thomas  Savage  was  elected  for  Andover,  William  Davia  for  Springfield,  John  Hull  for  West- 
field,  Hesekiah  Usher  for  Billerica,  and  Thomas  Brattle  for  Lancaster.  Major  Savage,  who  had  filled 
the  chair  in  1659  and  1000,  was  again  chosen  speaker.  A  majority  of  the  magistrates  was  favorable  to 
the  new  church,  and  with  the  ever  faithful  secretary,  Edward  Rawaon,  at  his  post,  its  friends  were  now 
prepared  to  bring  to  speedy  silence  the  carping  criticism  and  calumnious  aspersions  with  which  they  had 
borne  so  long  and  so  patiently  "  (Hill's  History  of  the  Old  South  Church,  i.  107, 108). 

Mr.  Hill's  History  also  records  the  active  part  which  Captain  William  Davis  took  in  the 
proceedings  preliminary  to  the  gathering  of  the  Old  South.  See  also  Historical  Catalogue  of 
the  Old  South  Church,  p.  215.  Concerning  Captain  Davis's  mission  to  England  in  1661,  see 
4  Massachusetts  Historical  Collections,  vii.  170;  and  John  Hull's  Diary,  pp.  205,  206. 


».] 


BENJAMIN   DAVIS. 


120 


ber,  18S5,  and  the  fact  that  he  wore  a  periwig,  —  the  pet  abomination  of  the 
good  Judge,  Ou  the  twenty-third  of  March,  1680-87,  Davis,  in  company  with 
Sewall  and  others,  waited  upon  Andros  to  remonstrate,  in  vain,  against  the 
occupancy  of  their  meeti ug-hou.se  for  the  services  of  the  Church  of  England 
ilbid,  i  171),  In  101*9,  he  was  one  of  the  Founders  of  the  Church  in  Brattle 
Square,  and  one  of  the  two  Deacons  first  chosen.  If  evidence  of  the  broad- 
mindedness  of  these  Founders  were  lacking,  it  would  be  found  in  the  fact, 
that  of  the  twenty  ll  Undertakers  M  six  had  been  subscribers  to  the  building 
of  The  first  King's  Chapel,  in  July,  1GSD,  —among  them  Benjamin  Davis,  who 
gave  MM*  He  also  gave  £5  toward  enlarging  the  Chapel,  22  January,  1712-13 
(Footed  Annals  of  King's  Chapel,  i  SO,  91,  232), 

His  first  wife  was  Sarah,  daughter  of  James  Richards  of  Boston  and  Hart- 
ford, one  of  the  richest  men  of  his  day  in  New  England.  Davis  died  2(3  Novem- 
ber, 170-1  (Se  wall's  Diary,  ii,  118),  Hia  widow  Mary  declined  (12  December, 
1704)  to  administer  his  estate  because  she  was  intending  "  to  go  for  England 
amongst  my  Relations/*  She  was  Mary  Tippet  whose  Purpose  of  Marriage 
with  Benjamin  Davis  was  recorded  15  January,  1006*97  (Bos Ion  Record  Com* 
missioners'  Reports,  xzviii.  348),  Probably,  she  was  the  widow  of  Nicholas 
Tippet  of  Boston  and  of  Char  lea  town  iu  tbe  Ifaland  of  Nevis  {Ibid.  L  155,  169; 
Records  of  the  Court  of  Assistants,  i  340;  Suffolk  Probate  Records,  xL  221, 
and  Foote's  Annals  of  King's  Chapel,  !♦  112,  114,  117, 121,  ii.  003.  See  also  New 
England  Historical  and  Genealogical  Register,  Iv.  335).  A  valuable  petition 
(11  June,  1708)  of  the  children  of  Captain  William  Davis  is  among  the  Probate 
papers  of  tliis  estate  (Sufiolk  Probate  Files,  No.  2009).  See  Historical  Cata- 
logue of  the  Old  South  Church,  pp.  278,  279. 

Dr.  William  Davis,  physician  and  surgeon,  only  son  of  Major  Benjamin  Davis, 
was  born  in  Boston,  22  January,  1686-87  (Boston  Record  Commissioners'  Re- 
ports, ix*  168)  ;  married  Hannah,  daughter  of  Sheriff  Edward  Winslow,  2*5 
January,  1715-10  (Ibid,  xxviii,  57.  See  Ibid,  ix<  234;  Suffolk  Deeds,  xcii. 
t>9 ;  and  Suffolk  Probate  Files,  No-  10,609) ;  with  his  wife,  joined  the  Church 
iu  Brattle  Square,  7  January,  1727-28;  and  there  had  eight  children  baptized, 

fris-iTas, 

His  residence  was  at  the  north-easterly  corner  of  Water  Street  and  Pudding 
Lane  (Devonshire  Street).  This  estate  was  acquired  by  Mrs,  Welthean 
Richards,  12  October,  1657  (Suffolk  Deeds,  iii,  64).  By  her  will  (1679)  she 
devised  it  to  her  eldest  son  John  Richards  (Suffolk  Probate  Files,  No*  1120), 
and  he,  by  his  will  (1094),  devised  it  to  his  young  niece  Margaret  (b.  1G31), 
daughter  of  Major  Benjamin  Davis  {Ibid.  No.  2140),  who  probably  died  leaving 
as  her  heirs  her  brother,  Dr.  William  Davis,  and  two  sisters,  —  Sarah,  who 
married  Richard  Bill,  and  Elizabeth  Davis,  The  title  passed  to  Dr.  Davis, 
through  his  brother-in-law,  Richard  Bill,  and  Edward  Brain  field,  in  1741-1743 
(Suffolk  Deeds,  xxx,  94,  95;  Ixii  254;  lxv.  251;  and  Irvi.  25,  2G).  In  1774, 
hi*  heirs  conveyed  the  estate  to  Dr.  Joseph  Gardner  (Ibid,  cxxv,  103,  130,  131), 
It  is  now  owned  and  occupied  by  the  National  Bank  of  the  Commonwealth. 

lie  died  14  March,  1745-40,  as  we  learn  from  the  following  obituary  *  in 


1  I  am  indebted  to  Mr.  Edmund  II-  Barton,  of  Worcester,  for  this  interesting  and  valuable 
item. 


126  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.       [Mabck, 

the  Boston  Weekly  News-Letter  of  Thursday,  20  March,  1745-46  (No.  2292, 
p.  2/1):- 

"  On  Friday  last  died  Dr.  William  Davis  aged  about  58  Yean.  He  was  a  Gentle- 
man much  improved  and  greatly  beloved  among  us,  as  a  skilful  Physican  and  Surgeon, 
and  was  had  in  Esteem  for  his  strict  Piety.  He  was  decently  interr'd  Yesterday  in  the 
Afternoon." 

Administration  upon  his  estate  was  granted  to  his  widow,  28  March,  1746. 
The  Inventory  amounted  to  £3429.  9.  6,  and  included  Silver  Plate  valued  at 
£404.  14  (Suffolk  Probate  Files,  No.  8459). 

Benjamin  Davis,  second  son  of  Dr.  William  Davis,  was  baptized  13  July, 
1729,  and  was  of  the  Boston  Latin  School  Class  of  1736.  He  married  (1) 
Elizabeth  Phillips,  9  August,  1752  (Records  of  the  Church  in  Brattle  Square), 
who  was  baptized  into  the  Episcopal  Church,  4  June,  1754,  at  Trinity  Church, 
where  three  of  their  children  were  also  baptized,  —  (i)  Hannah,  1  December, 
1754,  (ii)  Benjamin,  4  April,  1756,  (iii)  Mary,  12  February,  1757,  who  married 
her  father's  cousin-german,  Isaac  Winslow,  Junior,  20  April,  1772  (post,  p. 
129  and  note) ;  (2)  Anstis  Green  leaf,  daughter  of  Sheriff  Stephen  Greenleaf, 
10  September,  1762  (Trinity  Church  Registers),  by  whom  he  had  (iv)  Anstis, 
.baptized  13  April,  1764  (Ibid.),  whose  mother  died  6  May,  following,  in  her 
twenty-second  year  (Boston  Gazette  of  Monday,  14  May,  1764,  No.  476,  p.  2/2, 
which  contains  a  long  obituary.  Cf.  Trinity  Church  Burial  Register);  (3) 
Alice  Whipple,  of  Providence,  R.  I.,  18  September,  1768  ( Providence  Town 
Records.  Cf.  Boston  Record  Commissioners  Reports,  xxx.  425).  Concerning 
this  wife,  one  of  Mr.  Davis's  descendants  sends  me  the  following  anecdote, 
drawn  from  his  family  papers :  — 

"The  lady's  amour  propre  was  offended  and  her  philosophy  over-taxed  by  the  ex- 
traordinary self-denials  and  usages  of  the  Sandemanians.  Following  the  example  of  the 
early  Christian  Church,  it  was  their  custom  to  hold  a  love-feast1  on  Snnday  at  one 
another's  houses,  at  which  only  Sandemanians  were  present.  The  wives  who  were 
not  members  of  the  Sect,  naturally  did  not  take  kindly  to  their  exclusion  from  their 
own  tables,  and,  at  last,  the  third  Madam  Davis  felt  constrained  to  return  to  her  family, 
thus,  practically,  deserting  her  husband.  A  legal  divorce  being  then  unobtainable,  the 
Sandemanians  took  the  matter  under  consideration  and  concluded  to  sanction  another 
matrimonial  alliance  on  the  part  of  Mr.  Davis,  declaring  his  to  be  one  of  those  cases 
where  voluntary  abandonment  by  the  wife  justifies  the  dissolution  of  the  marriage  tie 
in  the  sight  of  Heaven." 

If  Mr.  Davis  married  a  fourth  wife,  it  is  probable  that  she  was  Katharine 
Overlick,  whose  Intention  of  Marriage  with  Benjamin  Davis  was  entered  24 
April,  1773,  but  as  we  find  no  record  of  a  marriage,  and  do  find  that  Catharine 
Overlick, — presumably  the  same  woman  —  entered  her  Intention  of  Marriage 
with  John  Clows  10  November,  1774,  it  is  doubtful  if  Mr.  Davis  made  another 
matrimonial  alliance.    (Boston  Record  Commissioners'  Reports,  xxx.  430, 443). 

1  In  1766,  an  interesting  pamphlet  appeared  in  Boston  entitled  — 

"  a  Plain  and  Full  Account  of  the  Christian  Practices  observed  by  the  Church  in  St.  Martin's-le-grand, 
London,  And  other  Churches  (commonly  called  Bandemanian)  in  Fellowship  with  Them.  In  a  Letter 
to  a  Friend,  Acts,  xzriii.  22.  .  .  .  Boston :  Printed  and  Sold  by  Z.  Fowle,  in  his  Printing-Office-  in 
Backstreet,  near  the  Mill-Bridge.    MDCCLXVI."    (12  mo.  pp.  28.) 

It  fully  describes  the  love  feasts,  the  kiss  of  charity,  and  other  practices  of  the  sect. 


use.] 


ISAAC  WISSLOW. 


127 


Some  account  of  Benjamin  Davis's  troubles  at,  and  Immediately  following, 
the  outbreak  of  the  Revolution  has  been  already  given  in  these  pages  (ante,  v. 
2^  210).  lu  the  List  of  Addressers  of  Hutchinson,  in  1774,  hb  name  appears 
as  *  Benjamin  Davie.  Town  Duck.  Huckster  H  (1  Proceedings  of  the  Massa- 
phmrtWit  Historical  Society  for  October  1*70,  xi.  ad2).  His  warehouse  was  at 
Woodmansey's  Wharf,  which  had  been  long  in  the  Davis  family.  It  ran 
easterly  from  or  near  the  corner  of  Merchants*  Row  and  what  b  now  South 
■  t  Street  (Boston  Record  Commissioners*  Reports t  ii..  Second  edition,  Part 
II,  ftS  ;  and  Suffolk  Deeds,  kxsv.  54.  Vf.  Suffolk  Deeds,  iv.  225  ;  x.  202,  286, 
318;  and  Suffolk  Probate  Files,  No.  2m)*),  Inventory,  and  No.  8450,  Inventory), 
After  Benjamin  Davis  left  Boston  with  his  family*  he  had  an  eventful  career  {ante, 
\.  269, 270*)  He  finally  settled  in  the  town  of  Shelburue,  Nova  Scotia,  where  he 
an*l  his  son  of  the  same  name  were  merchants.  On  the  thirtieth  of  Januaryt 
17SQ,  they  executed  there  a  power  of  attorney  to  Isaac  Winslow  (1743-1703)  of 
Boston,  merchant,  in  general  fcy,  and  in  particular  to  convey  their  interest  in 
Woodmansey's  Wharf,  in  Boston  ( Suffolk  Deeds,  cltfiv.  194),  under  which  a 
conveyance  of  the  premises  was  made  on  the  sixth  of  June,  following  (Ibid, 
clxvL  l&J,  134).  Subsequently,  Benjamin  Davis,  Senior,  returned  to  Boston, 
and  here  he  died,  broken  in  estate  if  not  in  spirit,  on  the  fourteenth  of  Sep- 
tember, 1805*  The  New  England  Palladium  of  Tuesday,  17  September,  1805 
(ix vi.  23),  contains  this  announcement1 :  — 

"  DIED, 
la  this  town,  on  Saturday  evening  last,  Benjamin  Davis,  esq.  aged  77." 

A  similar,  but  less  complete,  announcement  appeared  in  the  Columbian  Centi- 
nel  of  18  September,  p.  2/8, 

On  the  sixteenth  of  September,  1805,  administration  on  the  estate  of  Ben- 
jamin Davis,  late  of  Boston,  merchant,  deceased,  intestate,  was  granted  to  the 
Hon,  William  Sullivan.  The  Inventory,  all  personal,  amounted  to  only  $ 101 
(Suffolk  Probate  Files,  No.  22,440), 


NOTE  ON  ISAAC  WINSLOW,  Senior  and  Junior. 

As  Isaac  Winslow  and  Isaac  Winslow,  Junior,  who  were  members  of  the 
Sandemanian  Congregation  in  Boston,  have  been  confounded  by  historical 
writers,  it  may  be  stated  here  that  they  were  uncle  and  nephew. 

Edward  Winslow,  born  in  Boston,  1  November,  1669,  son  of  Edward  and 
Elizabeth  (Hutchinson)  Winslow,  and  grandson  of  John  and  Mary  (Chilton) 
Winslow,  was  a  goldsmith,  and  Captain  of  the  Ancient  and  Honorable  Artillery 
Company  (Roberts's  History  of  the  Ancient  and  Honorable  Artillery  Com* 
pany,  1395,  L  320,  327).     His  first  wife,  Hannah,  was  a  daughter  of  the  Rev. 

1  If j  thank*  are  due  to  Mr.  Julius  H.  Tattle  for  this  obituary  notice.  I  embrace  this 
nppoTtuntty  to  make  my  grateful  ar  knowledjrmenta  t©  Mr.  Tut  tie  for  hie  constant  aud  uniform 
kindnea*  mad  courtety  mud  for  bis  valuable  aid  In  many  undertakings. 


128  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.      [MARCH, 

Joshua  Moody  of  the  First  Church.  By  her  he  had,  among  others,  two  sons, 
Joshua,  born  12  February,  1694-95,  and  Isaac,  born  2  May,  1709.  His  daughter 
Elizabeth  (by  wife  Elizabeth  Pemberton),  born  16  February,  1712-13,  married 
Richard  Clarke,  3  May,  1733,  and  became  the  mother  of  Mrs.  John  Singleton 
Copley  (Boston  Record  Commissioners'  Reports,  ix.  112,  216;  xxiv.  64,  87, 
255;  and  xxviii.  43,  181.     C/.  ante,  v.  197  n.). 

His  brick  mansion-house  was  in  King  (now  State)  Street,  and  occupied  the 
lot  (25  \%  x  120  feet,  extending  back  to  what  is  now  Post  Office  Avenue)  which 
makes  the  easterly  corner  of  Congress  Street,  and  is  completely  covered  by  the 
stone  building  recently  in  the  occupancy  of  the  Tremont  National  Bank. 
This  lot  was  a  part  of  the  original  Possession  of  Elder  Thomas  Leverett 
(Boston  Record  Commissioners'  Reports,  ii.,  Second  edition,  4)  and,  with  a  lot 
of  similar  dimensions  contiguous  on  the  east,  and  now  covered  by  the 
Exchange  Building,  constituted  the  mansion-house  and  garden  of  his  son, 
Governor  John  Leverett,  whose  heirs,  for  £370  "  in  money  at  the  rate  it  now 
passeth  viz*  eight  shillings  p  ounce,  Troy,"  sold  the  house  to  Edward  Winslow, 
21  October,  1708  (Suffolk  Deeds,  xxiv.  160).  After  his  death,  the  house 
was  occupied  for  a  time  by  his  grandson,  Benjamin  Davis,  the  Loyalist  (Suffolk 
Probate  Records,  lxviii.  406).  In  1759  (27  November),  the  estate  was  sold,  for 
£600,  L.  M.,  by  Winslow's  heirs  to  John  Vassall,  of  Cambridge  (Suffolk 
Deeds,  xciii.  215-217). 

He  died  1  December,  1753.  The  Boston  Evening-Post  of  Monday,  3 
December,  1753  (No.  953,  pp.  1/2,  2/1),  contains  the  following  obituary 
notice :  — 

''And  the  same  Evening  [Saturday  last],  about  9  o' Clock,  after  a  long  Indisposition, 
died  Edward  Winslow ,  Esq;  who  had  just  entered  the  85th  Year  of  his  Age.  This 
Gentleman  had  formerly,  for  Many  Years,  been  High  Sheriff  of  the  County  of  Suffolk, 
and  Colonel  of  the  Regiment  of  Militia  in  this  Town ;  but  by  Reason  of  Age  and  In- 
firmities of  Body,  laid  down  those  Posts,  and  has  for  several  Years  past,  till  his  Death, 
been  a  Justice  of  the  Peace  and  of  the  Quorum,  and  one  of  the  Justices  of  the  Infer- 
ionr  Court  of  Common  Pleas  for  the  County  of  Suffolk,  and  also  Treasurer  of  the 
said  County." 

His  will  is  in  Suffolk  Probate  Files,  No.  10,609. 

Joshua  Winslow,  merchant,  above  mentioned,  married  Elizabeth,  daughter 
of  Colonel  Thomas  Savage,  8  February,  1720-21  (Boston  Record  Commis- 
sioners' Reports,  xzviii.  90;  cf.  ante,  pp.  38,  39,  notes),  and  by  her  had  many 
children,  who  were  baptized  at  the  Old  South  Church.  Among  these  was  Isaac, 
baptized  18  September  (Old  Style),  1743,  who  was  called  Isaac  Winslow, 
Junior,  to  distinguish  him  from  his  uncle  of  the  same  namo.  Joshua  Winslow 
died  9  October,  1769.  The  Boston  Evening-Post  of  Monday,  16  October,  1769 
(No.  1777,  p.  3/1)  thus  records  the  event:  — 

"Boston,  October  16, 1769. 

Monday  Morning  last  died  here,  in  the  75th  Year  of  his  Age,  Joshua  Winslow,  Esq ; 
—  A  Gentleman  Who  sustained  a  very  respectable  Character,  both  in  publick  and  private 
Life.    His  Remains  were  decently  interr'd  last  Friday  Afternoon." 

His  will  provided  that  his  "  distill-house  "  in  Cold  Lane  (Portlands  Street) 
should  be  carried  on  by  his  son  Isaac  (Suffolk  Probate  Files,  No.  14,559). 


I 


1899.] 


ISAAC   WINSLOW, 


129 


Isaac  Winslow  (born  1700)  waa  also  a  merchant  of  Boston  and  later  a 
farmer  of  Roxbury*  He  married  (I)  Lucy,  daughter  of  General  Samuel 
WaJdo*  14  December,  1747,  with  whuta  he  united  with  the  West  Church  in 
Boston,  1$  October,  1748  (Boston  Record  Commissioners1  Reports,  xxviii.  267; 
and  West  Church  Records) ;  and  (2)  Jemima  Debuke,  15  November,  1770,  at 
the  Church  in  Brattle  Square  (Church  Records,  which  give  the  erroneous  date 
of  25  November;  and  Beaton  Evening*Poat  of  Monday,  26  November,  1770,  No. 
1835,  p.  2/3),  In  1774,  he  was  appointed  a  Mandamus  Councillor  and  was 
one  of  only  ten  who  qualified  (Whitmore'a  Massachusetts  Civil  Liat,  p,  64 ; 
and  Sabine's  LoyaliatB,  Si*  446),  He  was  an  Addresser  of  Hutchinson  and  of 
Gage,  a  Protester  against  the  Solemn  League  and  Covenant,  and  a  Refugee 
named  in  BarrelTs  List.  He  died  in  March,  1777  (Family  Record).  His 
will,  without  date,  describes  himself  as  of  Roxbury,  states  that  he  was  then 
residing  in  Halifax,  Nova  Scotia  and  was  about  to  embark  for  New  York, 
and  names  as  executors  hia  nephews,  Isaac  Window,  Junior,1  Jonathan  Clarke 
and  Isaac  Winalow  Clarke  (aee  ante,  v.  197,  199,  200  and  note,  and  201),  The  will 
was  proved  here,  28  October,  1785  (Suffolk  Probate  Files,  No,  18,543),  Sabine 
(ii.  446)  aaya  that  his  widow  Jemima  died  in  London  in  1790,    See  ante,  iii.  14. 

Isaac  Wisslow,  Junior,  son  of  Joshua  Winslow,  was  of  the  Boston  Latin 
School  Class  of  1751,  and  graduated  at  Harvard  College  in  1762  in  the  class 
with  the  Rev.  Jeremy  Belknap  and  the  Rev,  Andrew  Eliot,  The  Faeulty  Re- 
cords (ii.  98)  give  the  date  of  his  birth  as  24  September  (New  Style),  1743, 
After  he  had  entered  mercantile  life,  he  was  styled  Isaac  Winslow,  Jr,,  of 
Boston,  "merchant,"  and  sometimes  "  distiller."  In  the  division  of  hia  father's 
estate,  there  was  set  off  to  him  one-half  of  the  mansion-house  and  lot  situated 
at  the  easterly  corner  of  Exchange  Street  and  fronting  upon  Bock  Square, 
which  had  descended  from  Nicholas  Davison  through  the  Lynde  and  Savage 
families  (see  ante,  pp.  37,  38,  note}.  He  was  twice  married:  (1)  to  Margaret 
Sparhawk,  22  November,  1770,  by  whom  he  had  issue,  John  Sparhawk  Win- 
alow,  born  January,  died  April,  1772  (Family  Record),  The  Essex  Gazette  of 
Tuesday,  20-27   November,   1770   (No*   122,   iii,   70/1),   thus    announces  the 

marriage :  — 

*  Salem,  November  27. 

Last  Thursday  Mr.  Isaac  Wisslow,  jun<  of  Boston,  Merchant,  was  married  to 
Hia  Peggy  Sfakhawk,  Daughter  of  the  late  Re  re  re  ad  Mr.  Sparhawk,  of  t  hia  Place, 
i,  and  Niece  of  the  Hun,  Nathaniel  Sparhawk,  Esq;  of  Kittery*" 


She  was  born  20  October,  1752  (Essex  Institute  Historical  Collections,  xxv« 
40-43,  281*283),  She  died  18  January,  1772,2  and  he  was  married  (2)  to  Mary 
Davis,  20  April,  1772,  by  John  Hill,  Justice  of  the  Peace  (Boston  Record  Com- 

1  He  is  abo  called  Isaac  Winalow,  Junior,  in  the  will  of  hie  maternal  aunt,  Margaret 
(Savage)  Alford,  1785  (Suffolk  Probate  Files,  No.  18,461), 

*  Journal  anil  Letters  of  Samuel  Cur  wen  ( 1864),  p,  673*  Curwen's  Editor,  George  At  kin* 
eon  Ward  *aya  that  Winalow  soon  after  married  Mary  Davis,  daughter  of  Benjamin  Davis, 
Eaq.«  of  Boston  (see  ante,  p.  1215),  and  add  a:  — 

14  Mr.  Wtnalow  waa  a  particular  friend  of  [the  second]  Bir  William  Pepperrell,  ami  his  first  wife  a 
ecu* In  of  the  Baronet-  Whilst  Mr,  Winalow  wm  in  tlie  British  provinces,  they  corresponded,  and  Sir 
William**  letters  evince  great  charity  lor  bis  political  opponents  notwithstanding  the  bitterness  which 
marked  their  writings  and  conduct"  {Ibid.). 

See  A  Loyalist  in  the  Siege  of  Boston,  In  the  New  England  Historical  and  Genealogical 
Register  for  January,  1902;  lvi.  48-54, 

0 


130  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.       [March, 

missioners'  Reports,  xxx.  64),  and  had  issue:  —  (i)  Isaac,  born  2  February, 
1774,  (ii)  Thomas,  born  10  October,  1775,  at  Boston,  (iii)  Benjamin,  born  10 
January,  1778,  at  Halifax,  (iv)  John-Davis,  born  26  June,  1779,  (v)  Mary,  born 
26  September,  1781,  at  New  York,  married  Pleasant  Hudgens,  of  New  Orleans, 
Louisiana  (see  Suffolk  Deeds,  cclxxxi.  129,  and  Suffolk  Probate  Files,  No. 
33,138),  (vi)  Benjamin,  born  4  August,  1783,  at  New  York,  (vii)  Joshua, 
born  24  June,  1785,  at  Boston,  (viii)  Elizabeth,  born  2  June,  1787,  at  Boston, 
married  William  Pickering,  (ix)  Edward,  born  31  August,  1788,  at  Boston, 
(x)  Margaretta,  born  12  September,  1789,  (xi)  a  still-born  daughter  (Family 
Record).  At  the  time  of  the  Evacuation  of  Boston,  Isaac  Winslow,  Junior,  left 
the  Province  with  his  brothers,  the  Reverend  Edward  Winslow  (H.  C.  1741) 
and  John  Winslow,  who  was  a  Commissary  in  the  British  Army  and  died  in 
New  York,  26  September,  1781,  without  issue  (/6«T),  and  his  uncle  Isaac 
Winslow  (Ibid.;  and  Sabine's  Loyalists,  ii.  446,  597).  The  death  of  Isaac 
Winslow,  Junior  —  who  had  become  Isaac  Winslow,  Senior,  on  the  death  of  his 
uncle,  —  occurred  20  January,  1793  (Family  Record),  and  was  announced  in 
the  Columbian  Centinel  of  Wednesday,  23  January,  1793  (No.  923,  p.  3/3) :  — 

"  In  this  town,  suddenly,  Mr.  Isaac  Winslow,  sen.  —  His  funeral  will  proceed  from 
his  dwelling-house  in  Sudbury  Street,  this  afternoon,  at  half-past  3  o'clock,  which  his 
friends  and  relations  are  requested  to  attend  without  further  invitation." 

He  has  been  characterized  as  the  embodiment  of  conscience  and  loyalty. 
He  is  supposed  to  have  drowned  himself  under  the  influence  of  religious  mel- 
ancholia. His  insolvent  estate,  which  had  been  ruined  by  the  war  and  his 
long  absence  from  the  Commonwealth,  was  administered  by  his  widow,  12 
February,  1793  (Suffolk  Probate  Files,  No.  20,095). 

The  Columbian  Centinel  of  Saturday,  4  October,  1800  (No.  1726,  p.  2/4)f 
contains  the  following  announcement:  — 

"  DIED]  .  .  .  Last  evening  Mrs.  Mary  Winslow,  JEt.  44,  widow  of  the  late  Mr.  Isaac 
Winslow.  —  Her  funeral  will  be  from  her  late  house  in  Hawkin's-street,  on  Monday 
next,  at  4  o'clock,  P.  M.  which  the  friends  and  acquaintance  of  the  family  are  requested 
to  attend." 

Russell's  Gazette  of  Monday,  6  October,  1800  (p.  3/1),  contains  a  similar 
notice,  which  gives  Mrs.  Winslow's  age  accurately  as  43. 

I  am  indebted  to  Mr.  William  Henry  Winslow  for  the  use  of  a  Family  Record, 
made  in  1810.  From  it  some  of  the  dates  in  this  Note,  which  are  not  found 
in  the  public  records,  have  been  taken.  To  our  associate,  Mr.  William  Coolidge 
Lane,  also,  my  thanks  are  due  for  extracts  from  the  Harvard  College  Faculty 
Records  which  enable  me  to  correct  here  a  serious  error  in  Sabine's  account  of 
the  Isaac  Winslows  who  were  Loyalists  where  he  says  (ii.  446)  that  Dr.  Isaac 
Winslow  of  Marsh  field  was  a  Harvard  graduate  of  1762. 

Mr.  Abner  C.  Goodell  opened  the  discussion  upon  the 
paper  and  stated  that  the  church  discipline  of  the  Sande- 
manians  was  Congregational.  He  mentioned  that  John 
Glas,  founder  of  the  sect  in  Scotland,  was   the   father-in- 


1S99.] 


REMARKS   BY  REV.    EDWARD  G,   PORTER. 


131 


law  of  Sandeman*1  and  that  Faraday2  and  his  parents  and 
grandparents  were  devout  members  of  this  religious  body. 

The  Rev.  Edward  G*  Porter  commended  the  topo- 
graphical precision  of  the  paper,  and  spoke  of  several  of  the 
buildings  which  were  now,  or  within  a  few  years,  standing 
upon  parts  of  the  site  of  the  first  Meeting  House.  He  said 
it  was  while  in  Veazie's  barn  that  John  Gilbert  began  to 
tli ink  of  being  an  actor.  Mr.  Porter  spoke  at  length  on  the 
historical  and  antiquarian  value  of  papers  of  this  character, 
and  then  gave  a  most  graphic  sketch  of  the  Sect  both  in  this 
country  and  in  Great  Britain.  Glas,  he  said,  was  a  Uni- 
versity man,  and  in  England  his  followers  were  called 
Glasites  or  Kissites,  —  from  one  of  their  peculiar  customs. 
In  this  country,  Sandeman  did  not  require  his  followers  to 
bring  their  children  to  the  public  services  of  the  church. 
The  Sandemanians  had  no  settled  clergy,  but  two  Elders^3 

1  For  notices  of  Glas  and  Sandeman,  see  Dictionary  of  National  Biography, 
xxi.  417, 418 ;  L  255,  250.  The  late  Colonel  Sir  Robert  Groves  Sandeman,  whose 
career  in  India  was  distinguished,  was  a  great-grandson  of  Thomas  Sandeman, 
a  brother  of  Robert  Sandeman,  There  is  a  notice  of  Sir  Robert  in  the  Dic- 
tionary of  National  Biography,  I.  256,  257  ;  and  a  biography,  by  Thomas  Henry 
Thornton,  was  published  in  1895. 

s  Faraday  appears  to  have  been  an  Elder.  There  are  references  to  the 
Sandemanians  in  Benee  Jones's  Life  and  Letters  of  Faraday  (1870),  i.  4,  6j  in 
J*  II*  Gladstone's  Michael  Faraday  (1872),  pp.  21,  #5,  91;  and  in  Silvnuus 
P.  Thompson's  Michael  Faraday  (1898),  pp.  4,  51,  286* 

•  Dr.  Snow  says :  — 

14  Ai  to  church  nffieers,  they  always  had  two  elders  (teachers)  and  deacons :  no 
deaconesses  are  recollected,  Daniel  Humphreys,  esq.  (brother  to  the  late  Col,  Hum- 
phieyfl)  was  early  a  deacon  here,  but  soon  removed  to  Dan  bury  >  Conn,  to  officiate  ait  an 
elder  Mr.  II.  is  still  living  and  resides  at  Portsmouth,  N.  II.  b*iug  Hist,  Attorney  of 
the  IL  8,  He  is  an  elder  in  a  small  society  there,  of  which  Mr<  [Alford]  Butler  above- 
named  is  also  3  living  member"  (History  of  Boston,  1825,  p.  257). 

See  anie,  p.  114;  and  I  Maasachusetts  Historical  Collections,  x.  61.  Hum- 
phreys was  born  at  Derby,  Connecticut,  18  May,  1740,  graduated  at  Yale  in 
1 7 "7,  and  died  at  Portsmouth,  New  Hampshire,  30  September,  1827  (Dexter*s 
Yale  Biographies  and  Annals,  ii.  471-474). 

Tn  tit**  forthcoming  Report  of  the  Boston  Record  Commissioners  (xxi.)  con- 
taining the  Boston  Marriages,  1751 -1800,  are  found  entries  of  marriages  per- 
formed by  Sandeman  and  Mitchelson  {pp.  43,  45,  53,  57).  In  one  case  the 
record  reads,  ♦•married  by  Robert  Sandeman  Minister  of  the  Congregational 


132  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OP  MASSACHUSETTS.       [March, 

who  took  the  lead  in  all  matters.  They  had  a  hymn- 
book  of  their  own.  He  also  stated  that  Stiles,  Langdon, 
and  Chauncy  gave  much  thought  to  the  belief  of  the  San- 
demanians. Mr.  Porter  gave  an  interesting  account  of  the 
Sandemanian  Society  in  Danbury,  Connecticut,  and  men- 
tioned that  its  Meeting  House 1  is  now  used  as  a  stable. 
Mr.  Andrew  McFarland  Davis  said :  — 

When  Mr.  Edes  told  me  that  he  was  at  work  upon  the  task  of 
identifying  the  sites  of  the  Sandemanian  Churches  in  Boston,  I 
replied,  "  You  will  find  that  many  of  our  members  will  be  much 
interested  in  your  paper."  I  had  not,  however,  supposed  that 
there  would  be  at  our  meeting  one  who,  like  Mr.  Goodell,  had 
made  a  study  of  the  subject  and  was  prepared  to  tell  us  of  the 
career  of  the  Society  in  England,  and  still  another  whose  knowl- 
edge of  the  sect,  of  its  customs,  and  of  its  peculiarities  extends  to 
such  minute  details  that  it  comprehends  the  names  and  the  places 
of  residence  of  the  surviving  members  who  now  represent  it  As 
a  matter  of  fact,  it  had  not  seemed  to  me  probable  that  there 
would  be  any  person  who  could  aid  the  writer  of  the  paper  in 
furnishing  information  upon  this  subject.  I  confess  to  the  same 
surprise  that  must  have  been  shared  by  all,  at  the  wonderful 
reservoir  of  information  treasured  in  the  memory  of  our  associate 
Porter,  from  which  he  has  been  able  with  such  remarkable  facility 
to  draw,  without  warning  or  preparation,  the  extraordinary  and  in- 
teresting account  of  the  Sandemanians  to  which  we  have  listened. 

What  I  actually  referred  to  in  my  suggestion  that  the  paper 
would  prove  of  interest  was  this.  You  will  remember,  Mr. 
President,  that  when  you  and  I  were  considerably  younger  than 
we   now   are,   we   read  with   avidity  the  stories  which   Edward 

Church  assembling  in  Mason's  Hall,  at  the  Sign  of  the  Green  Dragon,  9  Feb7 
1767  " ;  and  in  another,  the  marriage  is  recorded  as  having  been  solemnized  by 
"  David  Michalson  Sandemanian  Teacher,"  25  November,  1769.  In  the  list  of 
Protesters  against  the  Solemn  League  and  Covenant,  Colborn  Barrell  is  de- 
scribed as  "Merchant  and  Sandemanian  Preacher"  (1  Proceedings  of  the 
Massachusetts  Historical  Society  for  October,  1S70,  xi.  393).  Apparently, 
therefore,  Mitchelson  and  Barrell  were  the  two  Elders  of  the  Boston  church. 
1  A  view  of  this  building  and  some  account  of  the  way  in  wliich  the  ser- 
vices of  the  Sandemanians  were  conducted  are  in  Barber's  Connecticut  Histori- 
cal Collections,  pp.  368,  369. 


1899.] 


REMARKS   BY   MR.   ANDREW   McFARLAKD   DAVIS. 


133 


Everett  Hale  was  then  launching  upon  the  public,  One  of  them, 
The  Man  without  a  Country,1  has  made  his  name  immortal. 
Another,  My  Double  and  How  he  Undid  Me,a  if  it  lacks  the 
dramatic  pathos  of  the  first,  has  a  quaint  humor  of  its  own  which 
entitles*  it  to  survive,  and  besides  has  an  actual  historic  value 
through  the  manner  in  which  it  portrays  au  existing  condition  of 
contemporary  life  in  the  picture  which  it  gives  of  the  exhausting 
demands  made  upon  the  time  of  a  rural  Congregational  minister. 
Frederic  Ingham,  the  hero  of  this  latter  story,  is  described  as  a 
Sandemanian  minister,  and  it  is  through  interest  in  him  that  thou- 
sands, yes,  I  might  say  tens  of  thousands,  of  readers  have  been  led 
to  inquire,  What  is  a  Sandemanian  ?  As  if  to  perpetuate  interest 
in  this  question,  this  story  closed  with  Ingham  settled  upon  the 
Minister's  lot  in  Township  %  Range  3,  in  Maine,  where,  relieved 
from  the  exacting  duties  which  led  him  to  employ  a  double,  he 
finds  time  to  work  on  his  Traces  of  Sandemanianism  in  the  Sixth 
and  Seventh  Centuries,  and  here  the  opportunity  is  found  for  the 
construction  of  the  Brick  Moon,  the  story  of  which  forms  another 
of  this  series. 

Those  who  have  read  this  quaint  and  humorous  forerunner  of  the 
quasi-scientific  stories  of  the  Jules  Verne  type,  may  perhaps  recall 
this  fact,  that  the  inhabitants  of  the  Brick  Moon  were  no  sooner 
launched  into  space  than  they  felt  the  necessity  of  a  religious 
organization,  which  they  satisfied  by  the  establishment  of  a  Sande- 
manian Church*  A  bundle  containing  presents  for  the  inhabitanta 
of  the  Brick  Moon  was  shot  forth  from  the  fly-wheel  into  space. 
A  few  of  the  articles  which  it  contained  reached  the  surface  of  the 
new  planet,  but  others  became  satellites.  Among  the  latter  was  a 
copy  of  the  Ingham  Papers  which,  according  to  the  title-page 
of  that  volume,  contained  "  some  memorials  of  the  life  of  Capt. 
Frederic  Ingham,  U.  S.  N.,  sometime  pastor  of  the  First  Sande- 
manian Church  in  Naguadavick," a  etc.  This  volume  is  prefaced 
by  a  Memoir  of  the  imaginary  Ingham  in  which  Mr,  Hale  tells  us 
what  he  knew  about  the  Sandemamans.     He  says  :  — 

"  I  have  been  somewhat  surprised,  and  indeed  annoyed  to  find  how 
many  intelligent  persons,  who,  probably,  share  themselves  in  the  prin- 

1  In  If,  Yes,  and  Perhaps,  Boaton,  1868,  pp,  199-241. 

1  Ibid.  pp.  171-198*  ■  The  Inghajn  Papers,  Boston,  1869. 


134  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.      [March, 

ciples  of  Robert  Sandeman,  are,  nevertheless,  ignorant  of  the  very 
existence  of  the  Sandemanian  Communion." 

In  the  dedication  to  one  of  his  books,1  Mr.  Hale  says :  — 

"I  dedicate  this  book  to  the  youngest  of  my  friends,  not  two  hours 
old.  Fun,  fact,  and  fancy,  —  may  his  fresh  life  mix  the  three  in  their 
just  proportions." 

Mr.  Hale's  fancy  has  such  an  air  of  verisimilitude  that  it  has 
always  puzzled  some  of  his  readers  to  distinguish  it  from  his  fact, 
and  there  must  have  been  many  among  them  who  will  welcome 
authentic  knowledge  of  Sandemanianism. 

Mr.  Henry  Williams  and  Mr.  Goodell  both  expressed 
the  wish  that  Mr.  Porter  would  write  out  his  Remarks  in 
order  that  the  interesting  and  valuable  account  of  this  almost- 
forgotten  Sect  might  be  preserved  in  print  in  the  Publications 
of  this  Society.2 

Mr.  Frederick  Lewis  Gay  then  said :  — 

Shortly  after  the  battle  of  Lexington,  complaints  of  bad  and 
insufficient  food  were  heard  from  the  New  England  militia  invest- 
ing the  British  forces  in  the  town  of  Boston.  It  is  hard  to  say 
now  how  far  the  complaints  were  justified  by  facts,  but  it  is  only 
natural  to  suppose  that  there  was  more  or  less  real  suffering 
attendant  on  the  sudden  massing  of  a  horde  of  half-disciplined 
troops.  Perhaps  it  is  too  complimentary  to  call  many  of  them 
even  half-disciplined.  Difficulties  arose  from  want  of  an  organized 
system  of  distribution  rather  than  from  a  lack  of  supplies.  Modern 
instances  of  like  troubles  in  our  recent  war  with  Spain  need  not  be 
touched  on  here. 

I  have  here  the  Petition  of  a  handful  of  militiamen  made  vocal 
by  hunger.  The  body  of  the  Petition  is  in  the  handwriting  of 
Eliphalet  Barns,  the  first  signer.  The  writer's  shrewd  line  of 
reasoning  in  the  preamble  shows  him  to  have  been  no  mean  juggler 
with  words.     How  to  deal  with  such  cases  of  rank  insubordination 

1  If,  Yes,  and  Perhaps. 

2  Mr.  Porter  promised  to  comply  with  this  request,  but  died  before  he  found 
time  to  do  so.  The  brief  abstract  of  his  Remarks  in  the  text  is  made  from 
notes  taken  at  the  time  by  a  member  of  the  Society. 


PETITION   TO   THE   PROVINCIAL  CONGRESS. 


135 


at  that  juncture  must  have  been  a  hard  question.  As  an  example 
of  one  of  the  many  discouragements  which  beset  those  in  authority 
at  the  beginning  of  the  Revolution,  the  paper  seems  worth  pre- 
serving. 

To  the  Representatives  of  the  province  of  the  Massechusetts  Bay  Seting 
in  Congress  at  wattertown  this  with  Care. 

Jentlemen  Repre  sen  tithes  of  this  province. 

Know  dout  it  is  a  truth  acknowiidged  among  men  that  god  his  placd 
men  io  greater  and  Lower  Stations  in  life*  and  that  Inferiours  are  moraly 
Bound  to  obay  their  Superiors  in  all  their  lawful  Commands,  But  altho 
our  king  is  our  Superiour,  yet  his  Commands  are  unlawful.  Therefore 
we  are  not  bound  to  obay,  but  are  in  providence  Cald  to  rise  up  against 
Such  tiraoicai  usurpations,  and  our  province  at  this  difficult  Day  is 
Neeessiated  to  Chose  Representatives  und  officers  to  Rule  as  king  over 
us.  To  which  we  Cheerfully  Submit  in  all  things  lawful  or  just  & 
Count  it  our  hapiness,  but  if  their  laws  are  greuvious  to  bare,  then  the 
agreaved  is  by  the  Same  Rule  authorized  to  Rise  up  in  opposition  to 
Said  laws,  and  their  bis  been  Some  acts  made  for  the  Regulation  of  the 
ariuey,  and  his  been  So  Short  lifeu  and  New  acts  in  Stead  thereof,  that  it 
his  Constraind  many  to  withdraw  and  others,  viz.  Companies  and  Rage- 
ments,  Appearently  broke  or  throne  into  Confusion,  and  by  these  that 
Remain  Here  are  much  Deuty  Required,  to  which  we,  animated  from  a 
Spirit  of  Liberty,  would  CbearfulJy  Submit,  provided  we  had  a  Suffi- 
cient Support  from  day  to  day*  we  many  times  have  drawn  Such  Roten 
Stinkin  meat  that  the  Smell  is  Sufficient  to  make  us  lothe  the  Same,  and* 
provided  the  provision  would  be  good,  a  pound  of  meat  and  a  pound  of 
bread  with  what  Small  quantity  of  Sase  we  at  Some  times  draw  is  fare 
from  being  Sufficient  for  a  Labouring  man  during  24  hours,  the  truth  of 
which  we  have  Experiencd  to  our  Cost,  as  Necessity  his  Constraind  us 
to  buy  from  day  to  day  until!  our  money  fails,  and  is  not  this  a  means 
of  driving  away  men  that  otherwise  would  Stay,  and  keeping  away  men 
that  otherwise  would  Come,  pray  let  not  our  Case  be  parilel  to  the  Case 
of  the  Isarelites  when  in  bondege  to  the  Egyptianes,  who  Required  the 
tale  of  brick,  but  gave  no  Straw.  If  you  Require  the  tale  of  work  or 
deauty  from  us,  give  us  wherewith  all  to  live  upon,  their  is  a  large 
Nomber  of  men  in  verious  Ragemeuts  that  Rsents  Their  treatment  with 
Regard  to  provision  So  fare  that  they  have  Sworn  by  the  god  that  made 
them  that,  if  the[y]  Cannot  have  a  Sufficient  Support,  they  will  Either 
Raise  a  mob  and  go  to  the  general  and  Demand  provision  and  obtain  it 
that  way*  or  they  will  Swing  their  packs  Emediately  and  go  home  boldly 


136  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OP  MASSACHUSETTS.        [March, 

throu  all  the  Guards.  If  the  Reality  of  the  above  is  Scrupled,  Surely 
the  truth  may  be  known  by  the  Colonels  applying  to  the  Solders,  and 
if  we  Should  be  Constraind  to  take  any  of  the  above  Extreams,  dos  it 
not  look  like  great  Confusion,  yea,  a  fore  Runner  of  our  fall,  and  we 
become  a  pray  to  Devorring  unnatreal  Cruel  Enemies  of  our  liberties 
and  Religeon.  and  Now  we  would  humbly  Request  the  Congress,  as  they 
Regard  The  welfair  of  the  province,  our  lives  and  liberties  and  the 
Religion  we  profess,  that  they  would  Remove  out  of  the  way  at  Least 
this  one  Defficultie  which  otherwise  his  the  apperence  of  making  an 
Emediate  Contention  or  Rebelion  in  the  Camp,  we  not  only  write  in 
our  Names,  but  in  the  name  And  behalf  of  many  whome  we  Represent. 
And  that  the  Congress  may  have  wisdom  from  a  bove  to  act  in  Such  a 
Difficult  day  is  the  Sincere  Desire  of  them  who  as  yet  Remains  yours  to 
Sarve. 

Roxbuby,  May  ye  23,  1775. 

Eliphelet  Barns 
Timothy  Titus 
Sthephen  Willes 
James  willard 
wilam  Bennett 
Isaac  Pits 
Jonah  Fuler 
John  Armstrong 

In  Provincial  Congress,  Watertown,  May  25,  1775. 

Ordered.  That  the  within  Petition  be  sent  to  General  Thomas,  and 
that  he  be,  and  hereby  is  directed  to  enquire  into  the  causes  of  the 
Complaint  therein  contained,  and  take  proper  measures  for  the  Redress 
of  the  Petitioners. 

Saml  Freeman  Seer9  P.  T. 

I  cannot  discover  what,  if  any,  redress  was  afforded  the  peti- 
tioners. The  indorsement,  written  perhaps  by  the  Commissary 
General,  is  brief  and  ominous :  —  "  Pertition  of  8  Scoundrels  to  the 
Honourable  Provincial]  Congress."  x 

Mr.  Charles  Armstrong  Snow  said  that  he  recognized 
in  John  Armstrong, — one  of  the  "eight  Scoundrels,"  an  an- 
cestor concerning  whom  he  should  gratefully  welcome  infor- 

1  An  allusion  to  this  Petition  will  be  found,  under  date  of  25  May,  1775,  in 
Journals  of  each  Provincial  Congress  of  Massachusetts,  1838,  pp.  257,  258. 


1899.] 


INTEKVAL  AND  1KTEBVALB. 


137 


matlon,  and  expressed  the  hope  that  some  member  of  the 
Society  might  be  able  to  give  it, 

Mr.  Edes  exhibited  an  extremely  rare  engraved  portrait 
of  Washington,  which  was  the  first  to  be  published  in  Boston,1 
It  bears  the  following  inscription  :  — 


B.  Bljtb,  deL  J.  Norman,  Sculp. 

His  Excels  George  Washington,  Esq? 

General  and  Commander  in  Chief  of  the  Allied  Armies, 

Supporting  the  Independence  of  America. 

Taken  from  an  original  Picture  in  possession  of  his  Ex*7 

Govf  Hancock 

Published  by  John  Coles,  Boston,  March  20th  1782, 


Mr,  Albert  Matthews  communicated  the  following  paper 
on  — 

THE  TOPOGRAPHICAL  TERMS  "INTERVAL"  AND 

* INTERVALE." 

These  words,  so  well  known  throughout  New  England,  suggest 
in  teres  ting  questions  in  regard  to  derivation,  meaning,  and  distri- 
bution. As  early  as  about  1680  the  Reverend  W.  Hubbard  called 
attention  to  the  topographical  meaning  of  Interval,  u  Butt  here 
and  there,"  he  remarked,  "  there  are  many  rich  and  fruitfull  spots 
of  land,  such  as  they  call  intervail  land,  in  levells  and  champain 
ground,  without  trees  or  stones,  neere  the  banks  of  great  rivers."  a 
More  than  a  century  later  the  Reverend  J.  Morse  said  that  u  these 
rallies,  which  have  received  the  expressive  name  of  interval  lands, 
are  of  various  breadths*  from  two  to  twenty  miles.'* 3  In  1790  the 
Reverend  S,  Deane  gave  the  following  definition  :  — 

**  Interval,  the  space  between  two  places,  or  things.  The  word  is 
used  id  husbandry  to  deuote  the  space  between  rows  of  cor  a,  or  other 
vegetables  j  especially  in  the  horse- hoeing  husbandry.  By  interval 
also,  and  more  usually  in  this  country t  is  understood  land  on  the  border 

1  A  companion  portrait  of  Martha  Washington  was  also  engraved  by  Norman. 

*  General  History  of  New  England,  1815,  p.  22  (3  Massachusetts  Historical 
Collections,  v,  22),  Though  written  for  publication  about  1080,  thia  work  waa 
not  printed  until  1815* 

*  American  Geography,  1789,  p.  Ill* 


138  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.       [MARCH, 

of  a  river.  Interval-land  is  commonly  so  high  and  dry  as  to  be  fit  for 
tillage ;  and  yet  always  so  low  as  to  be  frequently  overflowed  by  the 
swelling  of  rivers,  especially  in  the  spring."  * 

In  1792  the  Reverend  J.  Belknap,  when  criticised  by  an 
English  reviewer 2  for  the  use  of  the  word  "  freshet,"  boldly  de- 
fended himself;  but  when  he  took  up  the  word  Intervale,  his 
tone  was  almost  apologetic.     He  said :  — 

"  I  know  not  whether  as  much  can  be  said  in  vindication  of  another 
word,  which  I  have  frequently  used,  and  which  perhaps  is  not  more 
known  in  England,  viz.  intervale.  I  can  cite  no  very  ancient  authority 
for  it ;  but  it  is  well  understood  in  all  parts  of  New-England  to  distin- 
guish the  low- land  adjacent  to  the  fresh  rivers,  which  is  frequently 
overflowed  by  the  freshets."  * 

The  first  dictionary  to  recognize  Interval,  in  the  meaning  under 
discussion,  was  Webster's  Compendious  Dictionary  of  1806 ;  but 
Webster  did  not  venture  an  opinion  as  to  the  derivation  of  the 
term.  This  was  first  done  by  E.  A.  Kendall,  an  English  traveller, 
who  in  1809  wrote :  — 

"  The  Cohosses  or  Cohasses,  as  we  now  see  them,  are  therefore  really 
tracts  of  meadow  land,  belonging  to  what  are  called  the  intervals  of  the 
Connecticut.  But,  even  the  term  interval,  though  originating  with  the 
colonists  themselves,  has  almost  ceased  to  be  understood  by  writers  in 
the  United  States,  and  even  in  New  England  itself.  They  are  at  one 
time  perplexed  as  to  its  etymology,  and  at  another  as  to  its  application. 
One  of  them,  translating  Mr.  Volney's  work  on  the  soil  and  climate  of 
the  United  States,  is  careful  to  present  the  word  interval  under  a 
peculiar  form  :  — 4  The  inter-vales  and  banks  of  rivers ; ' 4  a  refinement 
of  which  the  intention  appears  to  be,  that  of  refreshing  the  reader's 
memory  as  to  a  supposed  derivation  of  the  word  from  inter  and  vallis, 
meaning  a  space  betiveen  valleys.  This  etymology  I  have  heard  assigned 
by  word  of  mouth,  and  it  appears  to  be  adopted  in  the  passage  cited, 

1  New-England  Farmer ;  or,  Georgical  Dictionary,  p.  152/2. 

2  Monthly  Review,  1787,  lxxvi.  139,  272. 
■  History  of  New-Hampshire,  iii.  6. 

4  A  View  of  the  Soil  and  Climate  of  the  United  States  of  America,  By 
C.  F.  Volney,  Translated  by  C.  B.  Brown,  Philadelphia,  1804,  p.  9.  The 
form  "  inter-vale,"  so  far  from  indicating  a  refinement  of  intention  on  the  part 
of  Brown,  was  doubtless  merely  a  printer's  error. 


189B.] 


INTERVAL  AND   INTERVALE. 


because,  had  the  writer  supposed  the  word  to  come  from  inter  and 
vaUum,)  he  would  certainly  have  left  it  interval^  in  the  ordinary  form, 
Meanwhile,  a  moments  reflection  will  suggest,  that  a  space  between 
valleys  must  necessarily  be  filled  only  with  mountains,"1 

In  1815  the  terms  were  recognized  by  J.  Pickering,2  and  a  few 
years  later  President  T.  Dwight  thus  ran  foul  of  the  historian  of 
New  Hampshire :  — 

**The  word,  Interval  *  yon  have  undoubtedly  observed,  is  used  by  me 
in  a  sense,  altogether  different  from  that,  which  it  has  in  an  English 
Dictionary*  Doctor  Belknap  spells  it  Intervale ;  and  confesses  his 
want  of  authority  for  the  use  of  the  word.  There  is  in  truth  no  such 
word ;  unless  we  are  to  look  for  its  existence  in  vulgar,  and  mistaken 
pronunciation.  ,  *  .  Interval  *  .  in  its  appropriate  meaning,  denotes 
lands,  formed  by  a  long  continued,  and  gradual  alluvion  of  a  river,"1 

In  1828  the  form  Intervale  was  recognized  by  Webster  in  his 
American  Dictionary,  but  in  this  dubious  manner:  u  Dr.  Belknap 
writes  this  intervale;  I  think  improperly."  In  1842  Z.  Thompson 
wrote:  — 

**  Intervale.  This  word  has  not  yet  found  a  place  in  our  dictionaries, 
and  there  was  much  carping  about  it  by  Dr.  Dwight,  Mr.  Kendall,  and 
other  travellers  and  writers,  But  we  use  it,  notwithstanding,  because 
it  will  express  our  meaning  more  briefly  and  intelligibly  to  the  greater 
part  of  our  readers,  than  any  other  we  could  employ*  It  may  be  derived 
from  inter — within,  and  valli*  —  a  vale,  or  valley;  and  in  its  specific 
signification,  it  denotes  those  alluvial  flats,  lying  along  the  margins  of 
streams,  which  have  been,  or  occasionally  are  overflowed  in  consequence 
of  the  rising  of  the  water/'  * 

The  terms  were  noted  by  Bartlett 5  in  1859,  and  by  De  Vere§  in 
1872.     In  1888  the  late  Professor  J,  D.  Whitney  said  :  — 

1  Travels  through  the  Northern  Parts  of  the  United  States,  iii.  191,  1.92. 
•cahulory,  or  Collection  of  Words  and  Phrases  which  have  been  supposed 
to  be  peculiar  to  the  United  States.    Fint  printed  id  the  Memoirs  of  the  Amer- 
ican Academy  of  Arts  and  Sciences,  Vol  iii .,  Part  ii*f  pp.  430-53G;  published 
at  Cambridge  the  same  year  j  and  reprinted,  with  additions,  at  Boston  in  1816. 

*  Travels;  in  New-England  and  New- York,  1821,  ii.  328,  329* 

*  Hiatory  of  Vermont,  Part  L,  pp.  6,  7,  note* 

1  J.  R.  Bartlett's  Dictionary  of  Americanisms,  Second  edition,  p.  217. 

*  Jl*  S,  De  Vere's  Americanisms,  p*  176. 


140 


THE  COLOKIAI*  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS,         [3IarCH* 


" *  Interval '  and  *  bottom* '  as  topograph  leal  designations,  appear  to 
be  peculiarly  American  words.  An  interval  (Lat.  tntervaUuTn)  is  the 
space  between  a  river  and  the  bills  or  mountains  by  which  the  lower, 
lerel  portion  of  the  river-valley  is  bounded*  Hence  *  interval*  has 
nearly  the  same  meaning  as  *  meadow/  and  the  two  words  are  more  or 
lesa  interchangeable.  .  .  *  Intervale  is  a  variant  of  '  interval,1  less  fre- 
quently used  than  the  latter  word*"  ■ 

Each  of  the  derivations  put  forth  by  Kendall  and  by  Thompson 
has  received  support  from  recent  dictionaries.8 

If  there  has  been  a  diversity  of  opinion  in  regard  to  the  deriva- 
tion of  the  terms,  so  too  has  there  been  disagreement  as  to  their 
meaning.  Kendall,  the  English  traveller  already  cited,  was 
chagrined  that  any  one  should  suppose  that  Interval  and  meadow 
were  synonymous  in  meaning,  and  thus  expressed  himself :  — 

"  Again ;  as  to  the  signification  of  the  term,  we  find  it  confounded 
with  the  term  meadow :  —  *  The  lands  west  of  the  last  mentioned  range 
of  mountains/  says  a  native  geographer,  'bordering  on  Connecticut 
Eiver,  are  interspersed  with  extensive  meadows  or  intervals,  rich  and  well 
watered/  But,  if  the  word  interval  were  synonymous  with  meadow^  it 
ought  upon  no  occasion  to  be  employed ;  and  it  is  only  because  it  is  not 
synonymous  that  [it]  is  useful,  and  deserves  to  be  retained.  The  elder 
colonists  resorted  to  it  on  account  of  the  peculiar  disposition  of  a  very 
great  proportion  of  the  surface,  over  all  the  country  which  they  colon- 
ized. The  interval^  intended  in  New  England  geography*  is  the  interval 
or  space  between  a  river  ajid  the  mountains  which  on  both  sides  uni- 
formly accompany  its  course,  at  a  greater  or  less  distance  from  the 
margin.      Hence,  interval-lands  include  meadow  and  uplands,  and  in 

i  In  saying  that  i(  bottom "  was  a  peculiarly  American  word,  Professor 
Whitney  was  in  error,  as  the  terra  had  been  in  use  in  England  three  centuries 
before  the  settlement  of  this  country.     See  the  Oxford  English  Dictionary. 

3  Names  and  Places :  Stiidies  in  Geographical  and  Topographical  Nomen- 
clature, p.  231. 

*  "  Interval,  Intervale.  [Intermit  (the  vale  between)  is  probably  the  origi- 
nal word.]  In  New  England,  a  tract  of  low  or  plain  ground  between  hills  or 
along  the  banks  of  rivers  Tr  (Imperial  Dictionary,  1882). 

"  Interval,  intervale,  i.  [Etym.  doubtful ;  probably  from  pref.  infer-,  and 
vateJ]  A  tract  of  low  or  plain  ground  between  hills  or  along  the  banks  of  rivers* 
(American*)**     (Encyclopaedic  Dictionary,  1885,) 

11  Intervale,  n.  [A  var.  of  interval,  as  if  < inter-  -h  vale,'}  A  low  level  tract  of 
land,  especially  along  a  river ;  an  interval.  See  interval,  2,  [Local,  U,  S.] " 
(Century  Dictionary.) 


1809,] 


INTERVAL  AND  INTERVALE. 


141 


general  the  whole  of  the  narrow  valley,  through  which,  in  these  regions, 
the  rivers  flow.  Where  rivers  flow  through  extensive  plains ;  where,  in 
short*  the  eye  is  not  constantly  tempted  to  measure  the  distance  between 
the  river  and  the  adjacent  mountains,  there  is  no  intention  of  interval- 
lands:9  l 

Of  a  somewhat  similar  opinion  was  Noah  Webster*  who  In  1816 
said :  — 

1 '  Interval  is  not  synonymous  with  meadow-  The  latter  is  properly 
grass  land,  although  we  have  extended  the  sense  to  tillage-land,  and 
usually  to  plain  land  near  rivers,  or  other  low  land.  Interval  land  is 
land  between  hills,  or  a  hill  and  river,  and  may  be  so  called  though 
covered  with  wood/'  a 

However  it  may  have  been  in  regard  to  etymology  —  and  there 
is  no  evidence  to  show  that  any  American  concerned  himself  with 
that  matter  until  the  present  century  —  it  is  certain  that  the 
Englishman  gave  himself  needless  anxiety  with  respect  to  the 
application  of  the  terms.  When,  about  the  middle  of  the  seven- 
teenth century,  the  colonists  pushed  inland  and  settled  the  regions 
above  tide  water,  they  encountered  a  different  kind  of  soil,  —  the 
alluvial  deposits  along  the  banks  of  fresh- water  streams.  To  land 
of  this  description,  lying  between  the  rivers  and  the  uplands 
on  either  side,  they  gave  the  name  of  Interval  or  Intervale. 
Hence  these  terms  have  again  and  again  been  employed  as 
exactly  synonymous  in  meaning  with  meadow ;  but  it  is  to  be 
observed  that  while  all  Intervales  are  meadows,  not  all  meadows 
are  Intervales.3  Professor  Whitney's  statement  that  Intervale  has 
been  used  less  often  than  Interval,  is  not  borne  out  by  the  evi- 
dence.4 Both  forms  are  not  seldom  found  employed  by  the  same 
writer,  and  even  appear  in  the  same  piece  of  writing,  —  though 

i  Travels,  1809,  Hi,  192,  193. 

a  Letter  to  the  Honorable  John  Pickering,  on  the  Subject  of  his  Vocabulary f 
1817,  p.  18. 

J  Thus  the  words  'Interval  and  Intervale  have  never  been  employed  in  Rhode 
Island,  simply  because  the  particular  kind  of  soil  denoted  by  the  terms  is  un- 
known in  that  State.  Nor  will  they  be  found  anywhere  along  the  seacoast  of 
New  England, 

*  This  shows  that  Interval  and  Intervale  occur  in  about  the  proportion  of 
seven  to  ten,  respectively ;  but,  at  the  present  time,  Interval  is  the  more  common 
form. 


142  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OP  MASSACHUSETTS.       [Mabch, 

this  last  fact  is  certainly  due  in  some  cases  to  careless  proof-reading. 
Kendall  remarked  upon  the  form  "  inter-vale,"  employed  by  C.  B. 
Brown,  —  a  form  which  is  also  found  in  works  by  R.  Rogers 1  and 
by  J.  A.  Graham,2  but  which  is  of  rare  occurrence.8 

The  history  of  the  distribution  of  these  terms  is  interesting  as 
showing  the  tenacity  with  which  they  have  clung  to  that  section 
of  the  country  in  which  they  arose,  and  the  success  with  which 
they  have  resisted  attempts  at  diffusion  elsewhere.  They  occur 
in  the  diaries,  journals,  and  letters  of  New  Englanders,  and  in 
the  records  of  certain  New  England  towns,  three  quarters  of  a 
century  before  their  first  appearance  in  print;  and  during  the 
eighteenth  century  they  are  found  in  the  writings  of  others  than 
New  Englanders.  Whether  the  terms  had  an  independent  origin 
in  other  parts  of  the  country,  or  whether  the  writers  alluded  to 
became  familiar  with  them  through  travels  in  New  England,  it  is 
difficult  to  say  with  certainty ;  but  their  life  in  other  regions  was 
of  short  duration,  so  far  as  the  present  writer  has  been  able  to 
ascertain,  and  in  this  century  the  terms  have  been  confined  almost 
exclusively  to  New  England.  This  is  the  more  surprising  be- 
cause there  is  proof  that  the  New  Englanders  who  emigrated  to 
the  Muskingum  and  the  Ohio,  in  1788,  took  the  terms  along  with 
them.4    It  was  remarked  by  A.  L.  Elwyn  in  1859,  that  — 

"  The  people  of  Ohio,  who  are  largely  derived  from  Yankees,  are  not 
remarkable  for  possessing  their  peculiarities.  The  great  number  of 
modern  English  and  other  foreigners  who  have  mingled  with  the  settlers 
from  New  England,  have  broken  down  any  Yankeeisms  that  might 
otherwise  have  established  themselves  there."5 

How  far  this  statement  is  true  in  general,  I  am  unable  to  say ; 
but  it  seems  to  receive  striking  confirmation  from  the  history  of 

1  Concise  Account  of  North  America,  1765,  pp.  49,  53,  66,  67,  84.  The  form 
Intervale  occurs  at  p.  48. 

*  Descriptive  Sketch  of  the  Present  State  of  Vermont,  1797,  p.  44.  The 
form  Intervale  occurs  at  pp.  65, 135,  148,  166.  Both  these  books  were  printed 
in  London. 

■  The  following  are  the  early  forms :  Enteruail,  Enterual,  Entervail,  Enter- 
vaile,  Enterval,  Entervale,  Entervail,  Intervail,  Intervaile,  Interval,  Intervale, 
Intervall,  Intervayle,  Intreval.  By  about  1750  these  had  been  reduced  to  the 
two  forms  now  common. 

4  See  the  extract  below  from  R.  Putnam,  1788. 

6  Glossary  of  Supposed  Americanisms,  pp.  6, 7. 


tmj 


INTERVAL  AND  INTERVALE. 


143 


the  terras  under  discussion.1  But  while  they  appear  never  to 
have  been  introduced  into  the  South*2  and  while  their  existence 
in  the  West  was  of  short  duration,  they  have  yet  succeeded  in 
finding  their  way  across  the  northern  boundary  of  New  England, 
and  are  now  current  in  New  Brunswick.8  It  may  be  added  that 
both  terms  are  absolutely  unknown  in  the  British  Isles> 

1  Professor  O,  F,  Emerson,  of  Western  Reserve  University,  writes  me  from 
Cleveland,  Ohio,  that  "no  one  here  is  able  to  tell  me  of  their  use,*1  Professor 
6*  C,  8.  Southworth,  of  Salem,  Ohio,  writes  from  that  place  :  — 

*  While  in  Cleveland  I  met  several  gentlemen,  who  are  familiar  with  the  Western 
Reserve  and  the  State  of  Uhio,  1  received  categorical  replies  that  they  had  never  heard 
the  word  Interval  or  Intervale  used  popularly  b  Ohio*  I  am  satisfied  that  the  word  is 
not  used  in  this  State,  for  bottom-land,  or  meadow," 

'  No  example  of  the  terms  south  of  Pennsylvania  is  known  to  me* 

8  In  hi.s  Preliminary  Report  on  the  Surface  Geology  of  New  Brunswick 
I8S5\  G  G  48,  R.  Chalmers  writee  i  — 

*'  Intervales  accompany  every  river  in  New  Brunswick  with  greater  or  less  breadth, 
and  comprise  thousands  of  acres  of  the  very  beat  lands.  .  .  .  The  freshets  deposit  a  thin 
strata  m  of  silt  noon  themt  whirh,  by  yearly  increments,  has  given  the  in  their  present 
thickness,  and  there  seems  no  reason  to  doubt  that  these  Intervales  have  been  wholly 
formed  in  this  way,  that  is,  from  the  sediments  of  spring  freshets  "  (Geological  and 
Natural  History  Survey  of  Canada,  Annual  Report,  New  Series,  Vol.  i.)« 

Our  associate,  Professor  G.  L.  Kittretfge.  of  Harvard  University,  has  called 
my  attention  to  the  two  following  extracts  from  Australian  books :  — 

"  The  alluvia]  lands  of  New  Sonth  Wales,  or  what  the  people  of  New  England  would 
call  interval  lands,  {I  presume  because  they  constitute  the  interval  between  the  rivers  ami 
the  open  forest-conn  try,)  are  in  general  heavily  timbered  "  (J*  D+  Lang,  Historical  and 
Statistical  Account  of  New  South  Wales,  18*14,  L  89)+ 

"  These  floods  are  not  periodical.  Until  1806  none  of  importance  had  occurred  ;  the 
people  had  settled  down  on  the  rich  *  interval  *  laud,  the  deposit  of  former  overflowings  M 
(&  Sidney,  The  Three  Colonics  of  Australia,  1852,  p.  49 J. 

Am  Sidney  clearly  copies  from  Lang,  and  as  Lang  refers  to  New  England 
usage,  these  extracts  do  not.  prove  that  the  term  is  in  vogue  in  Australia  ;  and 
the  conclusion  that  the  word  is  not  there  in  use  is  confirmed  by  Professor  E.  E. 
Morris,  of  the  University  of  Melbourne,  the  author  of  Austral  English  i  a  Dic- 
tionary of  Australian  Words,  Phrases,  and  Uses,  1808.  To  an  inquiry,  ProL 
Morris  kindly  replied  as  follows  : 

*  1  think  I  may  say  that,  none  of  the  terms*  you  mention  as  Belonging  to  New  Eug* 
land  have  taken  root  in  Australia.  Yon  give  two  instances  of  the  word  *  intervale  '  from 
Australian  hook*,  lint  in  both  canes  they  are  exotic,  and  the  result  of  authors  having  read 
New  England  literature!  not  local  to  Australia" 

*  Since  this  paper  was  written,  the  section  of  the  Oxford  English  Diction- 
ary containing  the  terms  in  question  has  been  published.  From  this  it  appears 
that  the  statement  in  the  text  requires  modification  to  the  extent  of  recognize 
ing  a  single  Scottish  example,  as  follows :  — - 

"This  City  of  Fez  is  situate  upon  the  bodies  and  twice  double  derailing  faces  .  ,  . 
of  two  hills  .  .  .;  the  intervale,  or  low  valley  between©  both  *  *  .  beiug  the  Center" 
(1632,  Uthgow,  Travels,  viii.  365J. 


144  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.      [March, 

The  history  and  the  wide  use  of  the  terms  are  more  fully 
illustrated  by  the  extracts  which  follow.  It  should  be  observed 
that,  unless  otherwise  indicated  in  the  foot-notes,  all  the  citations 
are  from  the  writings  of  New  Englanders.  M 

Examples. 

44  ffirst  ffor  the  maintainanc  of  the  minestree  of  Gods  holy  word  wee 
doe  Allowe  Covenant  and  Agree  that  there  be  laid  out  Stated  and  estab- 
lished, .  .  .  thirty  acors  of  vppland  and  fortie  acords  of  Entervale  Land 
and  twelue  acors  of  meddowe  with  free  Libertie  of  Commons  for  Pasture 
and  fire  woood." x 

44  first  he  hath  a  peice  of  upland  Laid  out  to  him  Sumtimes  Called  by 
the  name  of  Still  Riuer  farm  bounded  Southwest  by  the  enteruail  .  .  . 
and  westerly  it  buts  upon  the  highway  to  the  plumtrees  enteruail."  * 

"That  the,  old  planters  &  their  Assignes  •  •  •  reteine  &  keepe  as  theire 
propriety,  (of  such  lands  as  they  now  clajme  an  Interest  in)  each  of 
them  only  twenty  acres  of  meadow  twenty  acres  for  the  house  lott  ten 
acres  Intervale  land  &  tenn  acres  of  other  vplands."  * 

44 1  give  to  my  Son  Stephen  my  house  and  my  house  lott  of  Twenty 
acres  at  Nashaway  and  Twenty  acres  of  Intervale  Lands  and  all  my 
Land  at  Hemp  Swamp." 4 

44  fforasmuch  as  the  countrey  hye  way  as  it  was  formerly  layd  out  by 
Lankaster  and  groaten  vpon  seuerall  yeares  triall,  proued  to  be  very 
insufficient  and  very  difucult  to  be  made  passable  in  regard  it  was  for 
the  most  part  lyeing  in  the  Intervailes  wheirin  their  are  seuerall  soft 
places  and  litle  brookes  •  .  .  Lankaster  made  application  to  groaten 
for  Remouing  of  the  said  way  to  Run  more  vpon  the  vpland  which  was 
Readily  atended." 6 

44  There  is  no  intervale  nor  meadow  land  in  this  tract  of  land  that  I 
moove  for  them."  • 

44  Thro  this  place  [Ousetonuck]  runs  a  very  curious  river,  the  same 
(which  some  say)  runs  thr6  Stradford ;  and  it  has,  on  each  side,  several 

1  1653,  Early  Records  of  Lancaster,  Massachusetts,  1884,  p.  27. 

*  1659,  History  of  the  Town  of  Harvard,  Massachusetts,  1894,  p.  16. 
■  1661,  History  of  Middlesex  County,  Massachusetts,  1890,  ii.  506/2. 

4  Will  of  S.  Gates,  1662,  in  New  England  Historical  and  Genealogical  Regis- 
ter, 1877,  xxxi.  401. 

6  1673,  Early  Records  of  Groton,  Massachusetts,  1880,  p.  46. 

•  1685,  Massachusetts  Colony  Records,  v.  482. 


INTEBVAL  AND   INTERVALE, 


parcels  of  pleasant,  fertile,  intervale  land*  ,  *  .  In  this  place  [Kiudar- 
hook]  yr  is  very  rich  land ;  a  curious  river  runs  thro  the  town,  on  y* 
banks  of  which  yr  is  some  interval  land/1 1 

11  It  will  be  of  Great  Service  to  all  the  Western  Frontiers  ■  ■  ,  that 
so  Much  of  the  said  Equivilaut  Land,  as  shall  bee  necessary  for  a  Block 
House,  bee  taken  up,  with  the  consent  of  the  owners  of  said  Land ;  To- 
gether with  five  or  six  acres  of  their  Interval  Land,  to  be  broke  up,  or 
plowed,  for  the  present  use  of  Western  Indians  (In  case  any  of  them 
shall  think  fit  to  bring  their  families)."  a 

44  We  *  •  .  scouted  up  said  N.  W\  branch  about  10  mile,  &  found  it  to 
be  a  still  stream  fit  for  Conoes  with  plenty  of  Eiiterval,  &  old  plantlug 
laud  of  y*  Indians/'  * 

•■  To  be  SOLD)  By  Joseph  Burleigh,  A  Plantation  containing  Two 
Hundred  and  odd  Acres,  situate  upon  Stoney- Brook*  iu  the  Eastern 
DiviaioQ  of  New-Jersey,  >  .  *  It  is  fit  for  either  Stock  or  Grain,  having 
near  fifty  Acres  of  very  good  intervale  Meadows,  which  is  most  of  it 
pleughable  and  brings  extraordinary  good  English  Hay/' 4 

M  In  some  places  our  lands  are  interval  or  meadow  upon  the  rivers* 
and  by  the  sound  the  soil  is  fruitful,  but  the  far  greater  part  of  the  land 
in  the  Colony  is  mountainous,  rocky  and  more  barren."  * 

(b  I  also  see  Pigwaket  Plain  or  Intervale  Land  as  also  Pigwaket  River 
which  runs  from  the  North  West  to  the  South  East  and  cuts  the  afore- 
said Interval  to  two  Triangles,  it  lying  North  &  South  about  eight  miles 
in  length  &  four  in  breadth/'  * 

14  Then  marched  over  several  Brooks  and  low  places,  but  could  make 
no  discovery ;  and  so  marched  to  a  River,  called  Currier-Sarge  River, 
and  found  some  Camps,  supposed  to  be  Indian  camps,  and  there  camped 
in  the  Intervale/* 1 

1  1094,  B*  Wadsworth,  in  4  Massachusetts  Historical  Collections,  L  103,  104. 

*  1723,  in  G.  Sheldon's  History  of  Deerfield,  Massachusetts,  1395,  L  405, 
■  1725,  S.  Wiilard,  in  Appalachia,  1881,  ii.  343, 

4  1730,  Pennsylvania  Gazette,  29  October-5  November,  in  New  Jersey  Ar- 
chives, xL  225,  2*20*  This  is  the  earliest  example  of  the  word  known  to  me  in 
prinU  Similar  advertisements  appeared  in  the  New  York  Gazette  of  30  July, 
1733,  and  of  3  December,  1750  (New  Jersey  Archives,  xi.  321 ;  xii.  603). 

*  1730,  Colonial  Records  of  Connecticut,  vii,  581 ,  582. 

1  1741,  W.  Bryervtt  in  New- Hampshire  Provincial  Papers,  vi,  351. 
T  1746,  A-  C lough,  in  Collections  of  the  New-Hampshire  Historical  Society, 
1S34,  it*  202. 

1(1 


146  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.       [March, 

"  This  scarcity  of  Hay  I  account  for  in  this  manner ;  Our  first  Plant- 
ers who  settled  down  by  the  Sea,  and  those  who  settled  by  the  large 
Rivers  and  Intervale,  Lands,  found  so  much  salt  Marsh  by  the  Sea-side, 
and  those  on  the  Rivers  aud  Intervale  found  so  much  mowing  Ground 
more  than  they  had  Occasion  for,  that  they  Improved  only  such  Parts 
as  were  best  and  nearest  at  hand,  and  let  the  Rest  lie." 1 

44  The  Soil  along  these  Parts  of  Ohio  and  its  Eastern  Branches, 
though  but  little  broken  with  high  Mountains,  is  none  of  the  best ;  con- 
sisting in  general  of  low  dry  Ridges  of  White-Oak  and  Chestnut  Land, 
with  very  rich  interval  low  Meadow  Ground."  * 

"  With  Mess  :  Jones  and  Ely,  I  rode  to  Northampton.  •  •  .  The 
Meadows,  as  the  People  here  call  the  Intervals,  are  the  best  Fields  I 
ever  saw,  very  rich  and  very  large."  * 

"  I  find  at  the  back  of  my  Patent  here  and  at  10  or  12  Miles  from  the 
River,  a  small  Piece  which  is  an  Intervale  and  I  should  be  greatly 
obliged  to  you  if  you  would  grant  it,  on  the  Indians  consenting  thereto."  4 

44  The  two  great  rivers,  Connecticut  and  Hudson's  river,  are  most  re- 
markable for  large  tracts  of  this  interval  land,  which  are  so  often  over- 
flowed as  to  need  no  other  manure,  the  waters  in  a  freshet  bringing  down 
so  much  muck  from  the  mountains,  like  the  waters  of  the  Nile,  as  to 
keep  the  ground  in  good  heart  to  bear  a  crop  of  wheat  every  year."  * 

44  The  land  in  Campton  proposed  as  a  site  for  the  School  is  generally 
good,  —  great  quantity  of  large  white  Pines;  the  situation  pleasant; 
the  stream,  called  Baker's  River  (a  branch  of  Merrimack,  by  which  logs 
are  rafted  to  the  sea),  runs  through  it,  on  which  are  large  intervales."  • 

44  To  be  Sold  at  PUBLIC  VENDUE  to  the  highest  Bidder,  on  the  First 
Day  of  August,  at  Two  o'Clock,  P.  M.  A  FARM  in  Uxbridge,  contain- 
ing about  Two  Hundred  Acres,  Fifty  or  more  of  which  is  choice  Intervail 
for  Tillage  or  Mowing,  and  a  Crop  of  Grass  and  Grain  on  the  same."  7 

1  1749,  J.  Eliot,  Essays  upon  Field-Husbandry  in  New-England,  1760,  p.  23. 
1  L.  Evans,  Middle  British  Colonies,  1755,  p.  28.    This  is  the  earliest  appear- 
ance of  the  word  in  a  printed  book.     Evans  was  perhaps  not  a  New  Englander. 

•  1760,  P.  Coffin,  in  1  Collections  of  the  Maine  Historical  Society,  iv.  262. 

4  1764,  Sir  W.  Johnson,  in  F.  B.  Hough's  Diary  of  the  Siege  of  Detroit, 
1860,  p.  254.    Johnson  was  not  a  New  Englander. 

*  1764,  T.  Hutchinson,  History  of  the  Colony  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  Second 
Edition,  1765,  p.  484,  note. 

•  1768,  E.  Cleaveland,  in  F.  Chase's  History  of  Dartmouth  College  and  the 
Town  of  Hanover,  New  Hampshire,  1891,  i.  104. 

*  Boston  Gazette,  10  July,  1769,  p.  2/3. 


INTERVAL  AND  INTERVALE. 


147 


**  When  I  first  came  into  the  town,  which  waB  upon  the  top  of  a  hill, 
there  opened  before  me  the  moat  beautiful  prospect  of  the  river,  and  the 
intervals  and  improvements  on  each  aide  of  it,"  ■ 

**  Departed  half  an  hour  past  ten  o'clock  A.  M,  past  several  islands, 
mod  found  the  bank,  on  the  west  Bide,  in  many  places  high,  we  saw  in 
many  others  high  and  intervale  oak  land;  — not  so  much  drowned  land 
as  the  former  days."  * 

"The  lands  which  lie  upon  the  Ohiof  at  the  months  of,  and  between 
Ibe  al>ove  Creeks,  also  consist  of  rich  intervals  and  very  fine  farming 
grounds."  * 

"  Removed  our  camp  to  the  west  side  of  the  river,  about  3  miles  up ; 
this  is  allowed  by  judges  to  be  the  best  laud  they  ever  saw  and  sure  I 
am  that  I  never  saw  an  equal  to  it,  our  garden  spots  in  New  Hampshire 
not  excepted,  the  interval  surpasses  all  description ;  the  river  Susque- 
hanna on  which  this  lies,  abounds  with  fish*"  * 

*4  But  you,  perhaps,  will  inquire  why  all  the  margins  of  the  River 
Ohio  and  Muskingum  are  not  taken  up  so  far  as  we  extend  these  lots  on 
either  side  of  them?  Answer:  They  are  so  where  there  is  any  consid- 
erable body  of  Interval  or  Second  Bottom  bordering  on  them/' fi 

u  At  the  melting  of  the  snows,  the  river  [Connecticut]  comes  down 
in  all  its  majesty;  rising  about  fifteen  feet  perpendicular:  and  over- 
flowing the  land  on  either  side.  The  lands  which  are  overflowed  are 
called  {ntervoify  are  used  as  meadows,  and  occasionally  sown  with  hemp 
and  grain/'  * 

"In  this  descent  and  passage  to  the  ocean,  all  the  larger  rivers  in 
this  part  of  America,  have  also  formed  large  tracts  of  intervale  lands. 
By  intervales  we  mean  those  low  lands,  which  are  adjacent  to  the  rivers, 
and  frequently  overflowed  by  them  in  the  spring  and  fall,  or  whenever 
the  waters  are  raised  to  their  greatest  height    These  intervales  are  level) 


*  1771,  J.  Adams,  Works,  1850,  11  27S. 

*  B.  Romans,  Concise  Natural  History  of  East  and  West  Florida,  1775,  i.  317. 
Romans  was  born  in  Holland, 

*  T.  Hutching,  Topographical  Description  of  Virginia,  Pennsylvania,  Mary- 
land, and  North  Carolina,  1778,  p.  4.     Hutch  ins  was  born  in  New  Jersey. 

4  1779,  D.  Gookin,  in  New  England  Historical  and  Genealogical  Register, 
18fi2t  XfL  29* 

*  1788,  R.  Putnam,  in  M.  Cutler's  Life,  Journals  and  Correspondence,  188S, 
L  378. 

*  1793,  J.  Drayton,  Letters  written  during  a  Tour  through  the  Northern 
&  Eastern  States  of  America,  1794,  p.  101.     Drayton  was  a  South  Carolinian. 


148  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.      [Mabch, 

and  extensive  plains;  of  the  same  altitude  as  the  banks  of  the  river;  in 
width  they  often  reach  from  a  quarter  of  a  mile,  to  a  mile  and  an  half, 
sometimes  on  one,  and  sometimes  on  both  sides  of  the  river.  There  are 
frequently  two  strata  of  intervales,  the  one  four  or  five  feet  higher  than 
the  other ;  the  highest  of  which  is  not  overflowed,  but  when  the  waters 
are  raised  to  an  uncommon  height ;  but  they  are  level,  and  extensive 
like  the  others."  * 

"  The  floods,  from  time  to  time,  have  changed  the  beds  of  several  of 
our  rivers,  as  the  different  strata  at  twenty,  thirty,  and  forty  feet  below 
the  surface  evince ;  and  there  is  reason  to  conclude  that  the  intervals 
have  thereby  been  formed."  a 

"  The  intervales  [in  Ohio]  are  very  fertile ;  and,  on  the  borders  of 
the  rivers  and  creeks,  the  bottom-lands  are  from  half  a  mile  to  a  mile 
and  a  half,  and  sometimes  more,  in  width,. with  great  depth  of  soil. 
These  are  capable  of  being  made  into  extensive  and  luxuriant  meadow 
grounds."  • 

"  It  is  natural  to  inquire  into  the  motives  which  could  tempt  men  to 
settle  in  a  region  so  remote  from  commerce  and  the  world :  iron-mines, 
and  some  fine  intervcU  land  (as  it  is-  here  called)  were  the  original 
attractions." 4 

u  It  is  also  easy  by  the  geological  and  topographical  features  of  a 
country,  to  predict  the  nature  of  the  alluvial  or  intervale  soils,  which 
have  been  washed  down  from  the  hills  and  mountains  by  brooks,  rivers 
and  rain." 6 

"  We  had  tracked 
The  winding  Pemigewasset,  overhung 
By  beechen  shadows,  whitening  down  its  rocks, 
Or  lazily  gliding  through  its  intervals, 
From  waving  rye-fields  sending  up  the  gleam 
Of  sunlit  waters."  • 


1  S.  Williams,  Natural  and  Civil  History  of  Vermont,  1794,  p.  35. 

2  I.  Allen,  Natural  and  Political  History  of  the  State  of  Vermont,  1798,  p.  5. 

*  T.  M.  Harris,  Journal  of  a  Tour  into  the  Territory  Northwest  of  the 
Alleghany  Mountains,  1805,  p.  96. 

4  1806,  T.  Ashe,  Travels  in  America,  1808,  i.  13.  Ashe  was  an  Englishman. 
He  alludes  to  Pennsylvania. 

6  C.  T.  Jackson,  Third  Annual  Report  on  the  Geology  of  the  State  of  Maine, 
1839,  p.  124. 

•  1844,  J.  G.  Whittier,  The  Bridal  of  Pennacook,  Poetical  Works,  1888,  i.  81. 


1899.] 


INTERVAL  AND  INTERVALE. 


149 


lfi  Beneath  low  hills,  in  the  broad  interval 
Through  which  at  will  our  Indian  rivulet 

Winds  unmindful  still  of  sannup  and  of  squaw, 
Whose  pipe  and  arrow  oft  the  plough  unburies, 
Here  in  pine  houses  built  of  new  fallen  trees, 
Supplanters  of  the  tribe,  the  farmers  dwell."1 

"The  north  bank  of  the  St.  Lawrence  here  is  formed  on  a  grand 
scale.  It  slopes  gently,  either  directly  from  the  shore,  or  from  the  edge 
of  an  interval,  till,  at  the  distance  of  about  a  mile,  it  attains  the  height 
of  four  or  five  hundred  feet."  a 

11  From  the  heart  of  Waumbek  Methna,  from  the  lake  that  never  fails, 
Falls  the  Saco  in  the  green  lap  of  Conway's  intervales,"  * 

uOn  the  divide  between  the  upper  waters  of  the  Roanoke  and  New 
River  was  a  beautiful  intervale,  the  pasturing  ground  of  large  game, 
known  as  Draper's  Meadows."4 

Dr.  Fitzedward  Hall  remarks,  in  a  letter,  that  it  would  be 
curious  if  it  were  to  be  proved  "  that,  in  the  English  of  England, 
interval,  in  its  ordinary  sense,  was  ever  spelled  with  a  final  e  and 
pronounced  inter-vale^  While  the  expression  "  with-outen  inter- 
vaUe,"  translating  the  French  phrase  "  wns  intervaUe"  occurs  in 
Chaucer,*  it  is  probable  that  interval^  in  its  ordinary  sense,  did  not 
come  into  vogue  in  England  until  about  the  beginning  of  the 
seventeenth  century.6    During  that  century  a  few  examples 7  are 

J  R.  W.  Emerson,  Musketaquit,  Poems,  1847,  p.  228. 

1  1853,  EL  D.  Thoreau,  A  Yankee  in  Canada,  Excursions,  1894,  p.  51, 

*  1856,  J.  G.  Whittier,  Mary  Garvin,  Poetical  Works,  1888,  L  154. 

*  J.  Winsor,  The  Mississippi  Basin,  1805,  p.  230. 

*  Works,  1894,  iv>  226, 

*  An  early  instance  is  the  following  :  — 

"  This  is  the  freshest,  the  most  bnsio  and  stirring  Intervall  or  time  between©,  that 
husbandmen  have  m  (P.  Holland,  The  Historic  of  the  World,  1601,  L  591). 

Dr.  Murray's  readers  have  been  able  to  furnish  him  with  but  a  single  extract 
before  Chaucer,  and  with  but  a  single  extract  between  Chaucer  and  Holland  j 
and  the  statement  in  the  text  is  confirmed  by  Dr.  Murray's  remark  that  "  tho 
appearances  of  the  word  till  the  beginning  of  the  17th  c.  are  quite  sporadic, 
having  little  or  no  historical  connexion  with  each  other." 

T  Sir  George  Downing  wrote  from  England  8  March,  1647 :  — 

"  For  the  state  of  things  beer,  it  hath  been  very  varioos,  not  only  in  the  time  of  wane, 
but  more  since :  we  having  since  the  sheathing  of  the  swonra  some  times  enjoyed  our 
lncide  Intervales,  but  then  all  hath  quickly  been  o'reclouded,  that  no  mortall  eye  could  in 


150  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.      [March, 

met  with  of  interval,  in  its  ordinary  sense,  spelled  with  a  final  e ; 
but  such  examples  are  extremely  rare,  and  there  is  no  other  evi- 
dence to  indicate  that,  on  either  side  of  the  Atlantic,  the  word,  in 
its  ordinary  sense,  was  pronounced  "  inter- vale."  Moreover,  that 
the  true  derivation  of  interval  from  intervallum  was  recognized  by 
some  users  of  the  word  is  shown  by  the  occasional  employment  of 
intervallum  itself,  both  as  a  Latin  word a  and  as  an  English  word,2 
and  also  by  the  definitions  of  lexicographers.8  It  is  to  be  noted, 
also,  that  interval,  in  its  ordinary  sense,  was  a  learned  word,  not 
one  used  by  the  people.  When,  about  the  middle  of  the  seven- 
teenth century,  the  word  was  employed  by  the  New  Englanders  in 
its  specialized  American  sense  as  a  topographical  word,  meaning 
the  space  between  the  river  and  the  uplands  on  either  side,  it  at 
once  came  into  popular  use ;  and,  the  particular  kind  of  land 
denoted  by  the  term  lying  necessarily  in  valleys,  it  is  probable  that 
in  their  minds  "  vale  "  was  very  prominent.     Thus  the  form  Inter- 

the  face  of  things  see  any  thing  but  mine  "  (4  Massachusetts  Historical  Collections,  vi. 
540). 

"  This  Court  in  the  intervales  of  the  Geu11  Court  doe  desire  and  impower  the  Gov- 
ernor  and  Assistants  ...  to  be  a  Council  to  order  and  transact  such  necessary  occasions 
and  concernes  as  shall  be  to  be  attended  in  the  sayd  intervalla  of  the  General  Court " 
(1682,  Colonial  Records  of  Connecticut,  1859,  Hi.  113). 

In  a  letter  of  instructions  written  from  London  in  1683,  it  was  ordered  that — 

"  no  Street  be  laid  close  to  the  back  of  another  without  an  Intervale  of  at  least  a  pair  of 
Butts  "  (New  Jersey  Archives,  1880,  i.  431). 

1  In  1574,  Archbishop  Grindal  wrote  :  — 

"  My  fits  of  cholic,  stone,  and  strangury  are  very  grievous  when  they  come ;  but  God 
sendeth  me  some  intervalla,  else  they  were  intolerable''  (Remains,  1843,  p.  351). 

In  1644,  the  Rev.  W.  Chillingworth  said :  — 

"  These  heatdrops,  this  morning  dew  of  sorrow,  though  it  presently  vanish,  and  they 
return  to  their  sin  againe  upon  the  next  temptation,  as  a  dog  to  his  vomit,  when  the  pang 
is  over ;  yet  in  the  pauses  betweene,  while  they  are  in  their  good  mood,  they  conceive 
themselves  to  have  very  true,  and  very  good  repentance ;  so  that  if  they  should  have  the 
good  fortune  to  be  taken  away  in  one  of  these  Intervalla,  one  of  these  sober  moods,  they 
should  certainly  be  saved  "  (A  Sermon  Preached  At  the  publike  Fast  Before  his  Maiesty 
at  Christ-Church  in  Oxford,  p.  18). 

Dr.  Murray  gives  examples  from  Mabbe  (1622)  and  from  N.  Bacon  (1647). 

2  In  the  Second  Part  of  King  Henry  the  Fourth,  v.  i.  91,  Shakspere  wrote  :  — 

"  I  will  denise  matter  enough  out  of  this  Shallow,  to  keepe  prince  Harry  in  continuall 
laughter,  the  wearing  out  of  sixe  fashions,  which  is  foure  teems,  or  two  actions,  and  a 
shal  laugh  without  interuallums  "  (Bankside  Shakespeare,  1891,  xiii.  170). 

»  For  instance,  J.  Minsheu's  Guide  into  the  Tongues,  1627 ;  and  T.  Blount's 
Glossographia,  1661. 


pot.] 


INTERVAL  AND   INTERVALE. 


151 


Y&le  (as  in  u  Intervale  land  "),  with  two  accents,  and  perhaps  influ- 
enced by  an  erroneous  notion  that  the  etymology  was  inter  +  va!Hst 
came  into  exbtence,1  We  have  already  seen  how  the  Reverend 
W.  Hubbard  alluded  to  land  of  this  description  —  **  such  as  they," 
that  Is*  the  people,  "  call  intervail  land,"  —  the  spelling  indicating 
the  popular  pronunciation,  Later,  the  true  etymology  may  have 
reasserted  itself,  or,  at  all  events,  the  word  may  have  been  once 
more  associated  with  the  ordinary  word,  and  we  find  Interval,  both 
as  noun  and  as  adjective,  in  common  use.  The  spelling  Intervale, 
however,  was  often  preserved,  even  when  the  last  syllable  had 
been  shortened.  The  secondary  accent  and  the  pronunciation 
-vale*  were  easily  restored  in  speech  whenever  the  rhythm  or  the 
sense  was  favorable  or  the  speaker  connected  the  word  (in  his 
mind)  with  vale  "  valley-"  a  ^ 


The  paper  was  discussed  by  Mr.  Davis,  who  said  he  had 
supposed  that  an  Intervale  was  devoid  of  wood ;  by  President 
Wheelwkigut,  who  spoke  of  the  Intervale  on  the  Saco 
River  j  by  Mr,  Henry  Williams,  Mr.  Goodell,  the  Rev. 
Mr.  Parker  and  others. 

Mr.  Edes  exhibited  a  miniature  on  ivory  of  the  Rev, 
Dr.  Joseph  McKean,  for  nine  years  Boylston  Professor  of 
Rhetoric  and  Oratory  in  Harvard  College,  It  is  not  known 
who  painted  this  miniature,  —  the  only  portrait  of  Professor 
MeKean  of  which  his  family  has  knowledge.3 

i  Ou  the  word  Intervale,  Dr.  Murray  observes  :  — 

"In  former  English  use,  only  a  rare  variant  or  collateral  form  of  Intvxtat.  :  cf.OF. 
entreval  and  tntremie,  <vallet  and  the  14-16th  c*  Eng.  inten-aliv*  But  by  LiLhgow  in  1632, 
and  from  17th  &  in  New  England  associated  with  vatet  in  the  specific  American  sense  3. 

"  It  19  not  clear  whether  the  association  with  vale,  vallzift  was,  m  ttie  first  place,  one 
of  popular  etymology,  favoured  perhaps  by  the  partial  survival  of  the  old  variant  form 
id  -raU  (ef,  tntrruail  in  sense  2),  oc  whether  this  was  in  New  England  a  natural  develop- 
ment of  the  sense,  arising  from  the  fact  that  the  chief  interval*  in  the  primaeval  forest 
were  the  bottoms  of  the  river  valleys,  and  giving  rise  to  an  association  with  iWe.as  used 
in  English  in  such  names  as  the  Vale  of  Clwyd,  Vale  of  Llangollen,  Vale  of  the  Yarrow, 
etc  It  Is  possible  that  both  principles  operated  together ;  and  it  is  to  be  noted  that,  in 
this  specific  sense,  interval*  has  not,  even  in  American  ose,  ousted  interval" 

*  I  wiah  to  express  my  indebtedness  to  Professor  Kittredge  for  aid  rendered 
in  the  treatment  of  the  etymology  of  the  terms  under  discussion. 

1  Since  this  communication  WM  made  to  the  Society,  a  portrait  in  oil  has 
been  painted  from  this  miniature  Hy  Mr.  Joseph  De  Camp  at  the  charge  of  Mr* 
Francis  Randall  Appleton  (H.  C.  1875),  and  by  him  presented  to  the  Porcelliau 


152  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.       [Mabch, 

Mr.  Edes  also  communicated  some  verses  commemorative 
of  Professor  McKean,1  of  which  the  following  is  a  copy :  — 

THE  FOUNT. 

MB.  russell.  —  If  the  following  lines  are  worthy  of  your  Fount, 
you  are  at  liberty  to  insert  them.  I  wish  they  were  worthy  of  their 
subject.  F.* 

Club,  of  which  Professor  McKean  was  the  Founder.  Members  of  the  Club  will 
contribute  to  the  new  college  fence,  soon  to  be  built,  a  gate,  to  be  known  as 
the  McKean  Gate.  It  will  span  the  entrance  to  the  College  Yard  between  Boyls- 
ton  Hall  and  Wadsworth  House. 

1  Professor  Joseph  McKean  (H.  C.  1794)  was  born  at  Ipswich,  Massachu- 
setts, 19  April,  1776,  and  died  in  Havana,  17  March,  1818.  He  was  the  minister 
of  the  First  Church  in  Milton,  Massachusetts  (1797-1804),  and,  in  1809,  suc- 
ceeded John  Quincy  Adams  as  Boylston  Professor  of  Rhetoric  and  Oratory  in 
Harvard  College.  He  was  an  active  member  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical 
Society,  of  which  he  was  Librarian,  Cabinet  Keeper,  and  Recording  Secretary. 
A  silver  pitcher,  presented  by  Dr.  McKean *s  father  to  Mr.  Samuel  Curzon,  in 
whose  house  Dr.  McKean  died,  is  still  preserved  as  an  heirloom.  It  bears 
the  following  inscription:  — 

Presented 

to 

W.  Samuel  &  M?  Margaret  Curson 

by 

William  McKean 

as  a  testimonial  of  his  gratitude 

to  them 

for  their  kind  &  affectionate  attentions 

to  his  Son, 

Reverend  Joseph  McKean, 

who  died  at  their  house  in 

Havanna 
March  the  17  A.  D.  1818. 

His  body  was  buried  in  "  nitch  No.  845  of  the  Cemetery  Espada  en  la  Habana 
where  it  rested,  undisturbed,  until  the  year  1840  in  which  year  all  the  nitches 
which  were  not  re-rented  were  emptied  of  their  contents  and  the  bones  were 
transferred  to  the  osario,  in  other  words,  to  the  indiscriminate  heap  in  the  corners 
of  the  cemetery."  The  marble  tablet  placed  over  the  nitch  by  Dr.  McKean's 
father  disappeared  at  the  same  time.  A  Memoir  by  Professor  Levi  Hedge  is 
in  2  Massachusetts  Historical  Collections,  viii.  157-167.  See  also  Teele's  His- 
tory of  Milton,  pp.  260-265. 

2  These  lines  appeared  in  the  Columbian  Centinel  of  Saturday,  2  May,  1818, 
No.  8555,  p.  4/1.  It  is  not  improbable  that  they  were  written  by  Levi  Frisbie 
(H.  C.  1802),  who  had  recently  passed  from  the  chair  of  Latin  to  that  of  Phi- 
losophy at  Cambridge.    See  Teele's  History  of  Milton,  p.  265  note. 


1890-]  LINES   OS  THE  DEATH  OF  PROFESSOR  McKEAN.  153 

LINES, 
Occasioned  by  the  death  of  Professor  M'Kean, 

/~Y  MOURN  not  for  the  Good  who  die, 
For  goodness  has  a  home  on  high, 
And  tears  which  fall  when  saints  depart, 
Refresh  religion's  soil,  the  heart. 

O  weep  not  that  the  staff  is  gone, 
Which  aged  Israel  rested  on ; 
O  weep  not  that  he  sleeps  afar — 
The  world  is  one  wide  Macpelah. 

O  weep  not  that  his  body  must 
Be  trodden  down  like  common  dust; 
Bnt  weep  that  there  remains  behind 
No  traces  of  the  mighty  mind. 

How  few  who  live  have  dared  to  think ; 
How  few  who  think  have  dared  to  do; 
O  weep  then  that  a  soul  should  sink, 
Who  boldly  thought  and  acted  too. 

How  seldom  rays  that  reach  the  earth 
Bear  imprint  of  their  heavenly  birth ; 
Then  who  from  sorrow  can  refrain 
That  heaven  absorbs  such  rays  again. 

How  few  created  minds  have  soar'd 
Above  the  heights  before  explor'd ; 
How  few  will  reach  the  height  he  clarM  ! 
O  weep  then  that  he  was  not  spar'd. 

Go  mark  the  cometfs  bright  career, 
And  trace  its  track  when  it  is  gone, 
Say  when  another  will  appear, 
And  you  may  bid  us  cease  to  mourn « 

The;  following  passage  from  the  Poem  on  Milton  Hill,  written  by 
Henry  Maurice  Lisle1  in  1803,  refers  to  Dv,  McKean:  — 

From  'midst  the  scatter1  d  domes  that  westward  lie 
Milton's  fair  spire  attracts  the  wandering  eye  ; 


1  Brief  notices  of  Mr.  Lisle  are  in  Teele'a  History  of  Hilton,  pp.  144,  512  ; 
mod  Drake's  Dictionary  of  American  Biography,  He  was  a  lawyer,  a  prominent 
Free  Mason,  and  the  author  of  an  Oration  on  Washington,     He  died  in  1814. 


154  TOE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.       [March, 

With  grief  depicted  ofer  her  beauteous  face 

The  Muse  dejected  turo'd  and  viewed  the  place ; 

Then  wiping  from  her  cheek  the  trickling  tear 

To  great  Olympus  thus  addressed  her  prater ; 

O  !  thou  who  did'st  this  blooming  Eden  form 

«  Who  guid'st  the  whirlwind  and  direct'et  the  storm" 

Who  can'et  in  Mercy  stay  the  fleeting  breath 

And  wrest  the  victim  from  the  grasp  of  death ; 

From  Milton* 8  pastor  bid  disease  be  gone. 

Save  science  and  the  Muses  favorite  sou ; 

Bid  sage  Minerva  dry  her  flowing  tears, 

Bid  pure  Urania  dissipate  her  fears* 

In  Mercy  hear,  —  in  kind  compassion  speak 

And  health  again  shall  blossom  on  his  cheek ; 

Again  his  luBtrous  periods,  fraught  with  sense, 

Again  his  matchless  powers  of  eloquence 

Shall  charm  the  ear,  instruct  the  ignorant  mind, 

Convince  the  sceptic  and  reclaim  mankind : 

Thousands  in  gratitude  with  one  acclaim 

Shall  chant  their  paeans  to  thy  holy  name, 

In  songs  of  praise  shall  hallelujahs  rise, 

And  swelling  chorus  reach  the  vaulted  skies, 

IMPROMPTU,1 
btanzas  —  Upon  seeing  an  imperfect  portrait3  sketched  from 
memory  of  the  late  and  lamented  Professor  McKeak. 


TJOW  vain  the  Painter's  classic  aim 

To  keep  that  clear  and  glorious  eye. 
Whose  rays  from  Heaven's  unearthly  flame 
Touch'd  close  on  immortality  ! 


1  These  stanzas  are  in  manuscript,  and  their  authorship  is  not  known.  They 
appeared  in  the  Columbian  Centinel  of  Wednesday,  20  May,  1818  (No.  3500, 
p.  4/1),  preceded  by  this  paragraph  — 

lf  D^~  ^°  recognize  in  the  following  the  peh  which  often  times  has  delighted  and 
instructed  our  readers  and  conferred  unfading  renown  on  American  Genius  aad  Foes  v. 
It  has  been  deeply  lamented  that  a  Harp  so  tuneful,  should  have  *so  long  bung  oq  the 
willows.'" 

A  '*  corrected  M  version  of  these  lines  appeared  in  the  next  issue  of  the 
Centinel,  —of  Saturday,  23  May,  1818  (No.  3561,  p.  4/1),  which  has  been  fol- 
lowed in  our  own  text.  The  manuscript  version  combines  the  "  Lines  H  and  the 
**  Impromptu.*1 

a  Professor  McKean's  family  know  nothing  of  this  portrait  and  will  welcome 
any  information  concerning  it. 


1899.]  REMARKS  BY  REV.   HENEY  A.   PARKER* 

As  vain  the  peaceful  smile  to  trace, 

Which  warm  in  life's  affections  grew, 

And  spoke  of  soul  —  a  native  grace, 
To  all  the  sacred  feelings  true. 

Perfection  not  to  man  is  given, 

But  thou,  McKean,  bo  kindly  shone, 

That  loved  by  earth,  and  blessed  by  heaven. 
Both  claimed  thy  virtues  as  their  own* 

Frail  were  the  wish,  those  stores  of  mind* 
That  genius  to  God's  Image  near; 

Like  the  winged  eagle  — earth-confined  — 
Were  left  and  lent  to  languish  here. 


155 


epitaph  acrostick.1 

Join,  friends  of  Worth,  bring  all  funereal  flowers 
O'er  this  new  grave  to  shed  in  copious  showers ; 
Strike  every  string  attun'd  to  deepest  woe ; 
Enlist  each  heart  that  feels  afflictions  throe  ; 
Prepare  appropriate  wreathes  with  care  to  blend, 
Here  lies  Religion's,  Virtue's,  Honour's  friend. 

McKean  lies  here,  let  nothing  base  intrude : 
Keep  hence  Impiety,  Ingratitude 
Each  fiend  of  darkness.  —  To  your  sacred  trust, 
Angels  of  Light  approach,  and  guard  this  dust 
Nor  leave,  till  raised  to  life  among  the  just. 

The  Rev.  Henry  A.  Parker  made  some  Remarks  upon 
the  Quakers  of  the  Middle  States  and  their  marriage  customs, 
and  exhibited  an  original  Marriage  Certificate,  on  parchment, 
dated  the  second  day  of  the  fourth  month,  1709,  of  Dr. 
Richard  Moore  (son  of  Mordecai  Moore,  of  Ann  Arundell 
County,  Maryland)  and  Margaret  Preston,  daughter  of  Samuel 

1  This  composition  b  in  manuscript,  and  Its  authorship  m  unknown.  It  was 
printed  in  the  Columbian  Centinel  of  Saturday,  18  April*  1818,  No.  3551,  p. 4/1. 

The  Centinel  of  Wednesday,  22  April,  1818  (No,  3552,  p.  2/4),  contains  a 
notice  that  — 

"The  Solemnities  appointed  by  the  Government  of  the  University  at  Cambridge,  as  a 
tribute  of  respect  to  the  memory  of  the  late  Rev,  Dr.  McKeajt,  ♦  .  .  will  take  place  in 
the  University  Chapel  this  afternoon,  at  3  o'clock," 
It i  the  same  issue  (p.  4/1)  is  an  obituary  taken  from  the  Daily  Advertiser, 


156  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.         [MARCH. 

Preston  of  Philadelphia.  The  Certificate  bears  the  signatures, 
as  witnesses,  of  a  large  part  of  the  prominent  residents  of 
Philadelphia.  The  Certificate  was  accompanied  by  a  photo- 
graphic copy  of  a  portrait  of  Dr.  Moore  supposed  to  have 
been  painted  in  Edinburgh,  where  he  studied  medicine  prior 
to  his  marriage. 

Mr.  Edes  exhibited  three  similar  certificates,  —  of  Michael 
Kennard  (1734)  of  Kittery,  and  of  William  Ricketson  (1708) 
and  John  Ricketson  (1763)  of  Dartmouth,  Massachusetts. 

Mr.  Davis  stated  that  he  had  recently  signed  a  certificate 
of  this  character  upon  the  occasion  of  the  marriage  of  his 
youngest  son,  Mr.  Horace  Andrew  Davis  (H.  C.  1891),  to  a 
Quakeress. 

Daniel  Coit  Gilman,  LL.  D.,  of  Baltimore,  Maryland, 
Frederick  Jackson  Turner,  Ph.  D.,  of  Madison,  Wisconsin, 
and  William  Woolsey  Winthrop,1  LL.  D.,  of  Washington, 
D.  C,  were  elected  Corresponding  Members. 

1  Colonel  Winthrop  died  at  Atlantic  City,  New  Jersey,  on  the  eighth  of 
April,  before  receiving  notice  of  his  election.  He  graduated  at  Yale  in  the 
Class  of  1851,  and  served  through  the  Civil  War  as  a  volunteer.  He  sub- 
sequently entered  the  Regular  Army  and  was  Professor  of  Military  Jurispru- 
dence at  West  Point.  Some  time  after  leaving  college  Colonel  Winthrop 
discarded  his  middle  name. 


THE  CUKEENCY   AttD  PROVINCIAL   POLITICS, 


157 


APRIL  MEETING,  1899, 

A  Stated  Meeting  of  the  Society  was  held  in  the  Hall 
of  the  American  Academy  of  Arts  and  Sciences  on 
Thursday^  27  April,  1899,  at  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon, 
President  Wheelwright  in  the  chair* 

After  the  Minutes  of  the  March  Meeting  had  been  read 
and  approved,  the  President  appointed  the  following  Com- 
mittees, in  anticipation  of  the  Annual  Meeting :  — 

To  nominate  candidates  for  the  several  offices,  —  the 
Right  Reverend  William  Lawrence,  the  Hon.  Francis  C. 
Lowell,  and  Mr,  Charles  Sedgwick  Rackemann. 

To  examine  the  Treasurer's  Accounts,  —  Messrs-  George 
Nixon  Black  and  G,  Arthur  Hilton. 

The  Corresponding  Secretary  communicated  the  follow- 
ing letter ;  — 

Johns  Hopkins  Uscivbbsitt, 

Baltimore, 
President's  Office. 

March  18,  1899. 

Dear  Sir,  —  I  have  the  pleasure  of  acknowledging  your  favor  of  the 
15th  instant  and  of  saying  that  I  highly  appreciate  the  honor  of 
being  enrolled  as  a  Corresponding  Member  of  The  Colonial  Society  of 
Massachusetts. 

I  am,  dear  Sir, 

Very  truly  yours, 

D*  C.  Oilman. 
J.  Noble,  Esq. 

Mr.  Andrew  McFarland  Davis  read  the  following 
paper  on  — 

THE  CURRENCY  AND  PROVINCIAL  POLITICS. 

The  apparent  unanimity  with  which  the  people  of  the  Province 
of  the  Massachusetts  Bay  joined  in  their  resistance  to  the  Stamp 
Act  and  the  Tax  on  Tea,  and  the  indignation  aroused  by  the 


158  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.        [April, 

attempt  of  the  British  Government  to  collect  revenue  in  the  Prov- 
ince, awaken  surprise  on  the  part  of  the  reader  who  relies  upon 
the  sources  of  information  as  to  the  history  of  the  Province  at 
ordinary  command.  The  sudden  transformation  of  a  loyal  people 
into  rebels  seems  unaccountable.  It  may  safely  be  asserted  that 
this  surprise  would  not  be  felt  if  the  Records  of  the  Province  were 
in  more  accessible  form.  The  publication  by  the  House  of  its 
Journals  after  the  year  1715  has  placed  a  portion  of  these  Records 
on  the  shelves  of  a  few  of  our  great  libraries,  but,  unfortunately, 
no  single  set  of  these  Journals  is  complete,  and  the  earlier  volumes 
are  not  only  scattered,  but  some  of  them  are  very  rare.  These 
publications,  consequently,  aid  the  general  student  but  little  in 
opening  up  the  subject.  He,  however,  who  engages  in  a  topical 
investigation  covering  the  Provincial  period  is  compelled  to  run 
down  the  scattered  volumes  of  the  House  Journals,  to  wade  through 
the  manuscript  Records  of  the  Council,  and  to  search  for  material 
in  the  great  chaos  of  the  Archives.  In  default  of  a  special  study 
directed  to  the  point  above  suggested,  it  is  to  investigations  of 
this  sort  that  one  must  turn  for  sidelights  upon  the  political  dis- 
cussions which  tended  to  unify  Provincial  opinions.  Among  the 
various  questions  which  bore  an  important  part  in  this  work  was 
that  of  the  Currency.  As  we  trace  out  its  story  through  the 
Records,  we  can  simultaneously  follow  the  development  of  the 
strained  relations  between  the  Legislative  and  the  Executive 
branches  of  the  government  which  paved  the  way  for  the  assertion 
by  the  people  of  what  was  then  frequently  termed  "indepen- 
dency." Through  the  discussions  which  then  took  place  the  in- 
habitants of  the  Province  were  led  to  criticise  the  attitude  of  their 
rulers,  to  oppose  the  Royal  Instructions,  and  to  uphold  their 
representatives  in  their  opposition  to  the  Crown  officers  even 
in  cases  where  the  grounds  of  this  opposition  were  not  clearly 
defensible. 

4 'The  people  of  America  [says  John  Adams]  had  been  educated 
in  an  habitual  affection  for  England  as  their  mother  country;  and  while 
they  thought  her  a  kind  and  tender  parent  (erroneously  enough,  how- 
ever, for  she  never  was  such  a  mother)  no  affection  could  be  more 
sincere.  But  when  they  found  her  a  cruel  Beldam,  willing,  like  Lady 
Macbeth,  to  '  dash  their  brains  out,'  it  is  no  wonder  if  their  filial 
affections  ceased  and  were  changed  into  indignation  and  horror. 


tseo.] 


THE  CURRENCY  AND  PROVINCIAL  POLITICS, 


159 


**  Tliis  radical  change  in  the  principle  opinions ,  sentiments,  and  affec* 
turns  of  the  people  was  the  real  American  Revolution  "  l 

If  we  eliminate  the  exaggerated  violence  from  this  statement, 
no  person  will  be  disposed  to  deny  the  truths  which  it  contains. 
The  existence  during  the  first  half  of  the  eighteenth  century  of  a 
strong  feeling  of  loyalty  on  the  part  of  the  colonists  cannot  be 
doubted,  and  it  is  obvious  that  so  complete  a  change  as  is  implied 
in  the  conversion  of  a  loyal  people,  full  of  affection  for  the  mother 
country,  to  the  state  of  mind  which  could  tolerate  the  thought  of 
armed  resistance,  must  have  been  brought  about  by  some  slow  pro- 
cess* A  writer  who  has  recently  made  a  careful  study  of  the 
functions  of  the  Provincial  Governor  has  expressed  a  thought 
somewhat  akin  to  this  in  the  following  language:  — 

44  Rightly  then  to  understand  the  deeper  forces  which  produced  the 
war  of  independence,  one  must  understand  the  gradual  growth  of  that 
sense  of  divergent  interests  without  which  all  the  political  agitation  of 
Samuel  Adams,  the  eloquence  of  Patrick  Henry,  and  even  a  few  injudi- 
cious measures  of  British  statesmen  from  1760  to  1774,  could  hardly 
have  led  to  revolution*  Nowhere  can  this  gradually  awakening  con- 
sciousness of  divergence,  so  far  as  it  reveals  itself  prior  to  what  ia 
commonly  called  the  revolutionary  era,  be  better  studied  than  in  the  con- 
flicts between  the  provincial  governor  and  the  provincial  assembly/'  * 

This  divergence  of  interest  had  existed  from  the  beginning  and 
was  inherent  in  the  English  conception  of  the  functions  of  a  colony* 
The  various  commercial  Companies  which  had  been  established 
in  England  for  the  purpose  of  colonization  were  all  founded  in 
the  thought  of  gain.  This  might  be  of  two  sorts,  —  gain  to  the 
stockholders  or  gain  to  the  country  at  large.  So  far  as  the  early 
American  adventures  were  concerned,  they  were  invariably  dis- 
astrous to  the  capitalists  who  fostered  them ;  but  whatever  the 
result  to  the  colonists  or  to  the  Company,  the  sole  interest  taken 
by  the  government  rested  upon  the  gain,  present  or  prospective,  to 

1  Letter  to  Hezekiah  Niles,  editor  of  the  Weekly  Register,  13  February, 
1318,  m  Novanglus  and  Massachnsettensis  ;  or  Political  Essays,  published  in 
tW  years  1774  and  1775,  on  the  principal  points  of  controversy  between  Great 
Britain  and  her  Colonies,  ttc,f  Boston,  1819,  p.  233. 

1  The  Provincial  Governor  in  the  English  Colonies  of  North  America,  by 
Evart*  Boutell  Greene,  New  York,  13&8,  in  Harvard  Historical  Studied,  vii.  205. 


, 


160  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OP  MASSACHUSETTS.         [April, 

be  derived  from  the  enterprise.  No  thought  was  given  to  the 
possibility  that  the  Colonists  might  have  other  interests  than  such 
as  were  directly  contributory  to  the  welfare  and  prosperity  of  the 
mother  country.  Long  after  the  number  of  the  inhabitants  of 
the  Colonies  of  North  America  had  risen  to  hundreds  of  thousands, 
when  generation  after  generation  had  been  born  in  the  Colonies, 
and  had  lived  and  died  there  without  personal  knowledge  of  the 
transatlantic  kingdom  the  rulers  of  which  claimed  the  right  to 
direct  the  affairs  of  their  governments,  they  were  still  treated  as  if 
they  were  mere  temporary  sojourners  whose  ultimate  interests  were 
vested  in  Great  Britain,  and  who  would  endure  arbitrary  trade 
regulations  and  submit  to  narrow  commercial  restraints  because 
the  same  were  supposed  to  be  for  the  benefit  of  the  distant  govern- 
ment of  which  they  knew  nothing  except  through  its  resident 
Representative.  They  were  of  the  realm,  but  not  in  the  realm. 
They  were  subjects,  and  when  in  England  had  the  same  rights  as 
Englishmen,  but  the  laws  which  were  made  by  Parliament  for  the 
regulation  of  Colonial  trade  and  commerce  and,  at  a  later  date,  of 
Colonial  manufactures,  reached  them  but  did  not  affect  the  aver- 
age Englishman.  Like  much  of  the  penal  legislation  in  the 
statute  books  at  that  time,  these  laws  were  so  unjust  that  many  of 
them  were  incapable  of  enforcement. 

At  the  outset,  there  was  no  precedent  by  which  it  could  be 
determined  what  power  Parliament  actually  held  over  the  Colonies. 
In  1678,  the  General  Court,  answering  sundry  objections  which 
had  been  raised  by  the  Lords  of  the  Committee  to  their  legislation, 
said :  — 

"That  for  the  acts  passed  in  Parljament  for  incouragyig  trade  and 
nauigation,  wee  humbly  conceive,  according  to  the  vsuall  sayings  of  the 
learned  in  the  lawe,  that  the  lawes  of  England  are  bounded  w^in  the 
fower  seas,  and  doe  not  reach  Amerrica." 

The  next  sentence  begins,  — 

u  The  subjects  of  his  maj4*  here  being  not  represented  in  Parljament." l 

This,  obviously,  forms  a  qualifying  phrase  of  the  previous  sen- 
tence, explanatory  of  the  cause  why  they  thought  that  the  laws  of 
Parliament  did  not  apply  to  them.     Parliament,  having  the  power, 

1  Massachusetts  Colony  Records,  v.  200. 


1609]  THE  CURBENCY  AND   PROYINCIAJL  POLITICS*  161 

decided  the  question  in  its  own  favor,  and  in  this  decision  the 
Colonists  acquiesced.  In  consequence,  the  doctrine  of  no  taxation 
without  representation  lay  dormant  until  revived  by  James  Otis, 
who  declared  that  — 

**  the  parliament  of  Great  Britain  has  an  undoubted  power  and  lawful 
authority  to  make  acts  for  the  general  good,  that  by  naming  them  [t ,  e. 
the  Colonies],  shall  and  ought  to  be  equally  binding,  as  upon  the  sub- 
jects of  Great  Britain  within  the  realm.  ...  [It  was]  from  and  under 
this  very  power  and  its  acts,  and  from  the  common  law  [he  asserted], 
that  the  political  and  civil  rights  of  the  Colonists  [were]  derived."  l 

One  of  these,  he  claimed,  was  that  which  had  been  asserted  by  the 
General  Court  in  1678. 

The  restraints  imposed  upon  commerce  and  trade  were  a  far 
greater  threat  to  the  ultimate  prosperity  of  the  Colonies  than  could 
be  found  in  such  Parliamentary  legislation  as  the  Stamp  Act,  and 
the  Townshend  Tax  Act,  the  passage  of  which  aroused  such  a 
storm  of  indignation  just  before  the  Revolution,  John  Adams  lays 
bare  the  secret  of  this  endurance  when  he  says,  — 

M  These  Acts  [the  Trade  Acts]  never  had  been  executed,  and  there 
never  had  been  a  time  when  they  would  have  been,  or  could  have  been, 
obeyed."  f 

The  voluminous  reports  and  complaints  of  Randolph,  forwarded 
to  the  Board  of  Trade  and  to  his  friends  in  England  when  he  was 
vainly  attempting  to  enforce  the  Navigation  Act  in  Boston,  bear 
nony  to  the  entire  truth  of  this  assertion,  so  far  as  it  applies 
to  affairs  in  the  days  of  the  Colony*  In  addition  to  that  evidence 
we  have  the  #admission  of  the  Privy  Council  that  they  knew  that 
this  was  the  case.  In  a  letter  to  the  Governor  and  Company  of 
Massachusetts  Bay,  dated  21  October,  1681,  they  say,  — 

*fc  We  appointed  Edward  Randolph  Collector  of  our  Customs  in  Mas- 
sachusetts, to  cheek  the  breaches  of  the  Acts  of  Trail e  and  Navigation 
frequently  practised  and  connived  at  therein.  We  are  well  satisfied  that 
Edward  Randolph  has  discharged  his  duty  with  all  diligence  and  fidelity, 


1  The  Rights  of  the  British  Colonies  asserted  and  pTovedp     By  James  Otis, 
Esq.     Boston,  MDCCLXIV,  p.  33. 
•  "  XovangHis  and  Massachusettensb,  etc.t  p.  245* 

11 


1G2  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OP  MASSACHUSETTS.  [April, 

yet,  because  unlawful  trading  is  countenanced  by  you,  all  his  care  has 
been  of  little  effect."  l 

With  regard  to  the  collections  of  revenue  in  the  days  of  the 
Province,  an  advocate  of  the  new  system  said,  in  1765,  — 

"The  whole  Remittance  [of  Collectors]  from  all  the  Colonies  at  an 
Average  of  thirty  Years  has  not  amounted  to  1900Z.  a  year.2  [And 
again :]  Such  has  been  the  Disregard  of  all  Revenue  Laws  in  America, 
that  this  has  produced  hardly  any  Thing,  tho'  the  Commodity  has  been 
imported  all  the  time  in  great  Quantities."  * 

Smuggling  was  so  constantly  carried  on,  and  the  Navigation 
Laws  were  so  openly  evaded,  that  testimony  to  that  effect  is  hardly 
needed,  but  if  it  were,  this  author  furnishes  the  evidence :  — 

44  Ships  [he  says]  are  continually  passing  between  our  Plantations 
and  Holland,  Hamburg,  and  most  of  the  Ports  on  the  German  Ocean, 
and  in  the  Baltic  (p.  92).  Foreign  Goods  [he  adds]  illegally  run 
into  the  Colonies  amount  in  value  to  no  less  than  700000Z.  per  Annum, 
wiiich  exceeds  by  far  the  Value  of  those  foreign  Goods  that  are  con- 
veyed thither  thro'  Great  Britain"  (p.  93). 

So  long  as  this  was  the  case,  it  mattered  but  little  to  the  Colo- 
nists that  the  avowed  purpose  of  the  Act  for  the  Encouragement 
of  Trade,4  while  it  asserted  that  the  plantations  were  peopled  by 
subjects  of  the  kingdom,  was  for  keeping  those  subjects  "  in  a 
firmer  dependence  "  upon  that  kingdom.  Assertions  of  that  sort, 
or  even  the  passage  of  Acts  imposing  duties  on  molasses,  the 
collection  of  which  would  have  destroyed  the  trade  of  the  New 
England  Colonies  with  the  West  Indies,  were  of  little  conse- 
quence, so  long  as  such  assertions  were  mere  words  and  such 
Acts  were  not  enforced.  This  was  not,  perhaps,  fully  appreciated 
in  England.     It  was  known  that  the  laws  were  on  the  statute 

1  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Colonial  Series,  America  and  West  Indies,  1681- 
1685,  No.  264,  p.  128.  See  also  Publications  of  the  Prince  Society:  Edward 
Randolph,  by  Robert  Noxon  Toppan,  iii.  Ill,  where  the  letter  is  given  with  some 
differences  of  phraseology. 

2  The  Regulations  Lately  Made  concerning  the  Colonies,  and  the  Taxes 
Imposed  upon  Them,  considered.  London,  1765,  p.  57.  This  tract  is  attributed 
to  George  Grenville. 

»  Ibid .  p.  79. 

«  15  Charles  II.,  1663,  ch.  7,  §  5.  The  Statutes  at  Large  (edition  of  1735), 
ii.  627. 


1899.] 


TITE  CURRENCY  JLND   PROVINCIAL    POLITICS. 


163 


books,  but  the  extent  to  which  they  were  ignored  in  the  Colo- 
nies was  not  generally  comprehended.  Lord  Mansfield,  rehears- 
ing in  Parliament  the  evidences  of  the  dependent  condition  of 
the  Colonies,  unconsciously  betrayed  the  utterly  impracticable 
idea  of  the  relationship  between  such  dependencies  and  the  parent 
government  which  then  prevailed.  The  Navigation  Act,  he  said, 
shut  up  their  intercourse  with  foreign  countries ;  their  ports  have 
been  made  subject  to  customs  and  regulations  which  have  cramped 
and  diminished  their  trade ;  and  duties  have  been  laid  affecting 
the  very  inmost  parts  of  their  commerce.  Such  were  the  post- 
office  Acts ;  the  Act  for  recovering  debts  in  the  plantations ;  the 
Acts  for  preserving  timber  and  white  pine  i  and  the  paper-currency 
Act.  The  legislature  have  even  gone  so  low,  he  added,  as  to 
restrain  the  number  of  hatters'  apprentices,  and  have,  in  innumer- 
able instances,  given  forfeitures  to  the  king;  yet  all  these  have 
been  submitted  to  peaceably ;  and  no  one  ever  thought  till  now  of 
this  doctrine,  —  that  the  Colonists  are  not  to  be  taxed,  regulated, 
or  bound  by  Parliament1  Forcible  as  is  this  complacent  recital  of 
the  wrongs  which  Parliament  had  intended  to  inflict  upon  the 
Colonies,  it  is  but  partial  and  incomplete.  Still,  it  was  one  of  the 
signs  which  enabled  the  Colonists  to  realize  that  the  spirit  remained 
the  same  and  that  apparent  moderation  meant  merely  that  the  old 
policy  of  rigid  laws  find  loose  enforcement  was  to  be  superseded 
by  legislation,  specifically  for  revenue,  less  arbitrary  in  its  nature 
but  more  practical  in  character-  The  purpose  of  this  legislation 
was  not  apparent  upon  its  face.  If  we  turn  to  the  author  from 
whom  several  quotations  have  already  been  made,  we  shall  find 
what  it  was. 

1  ■  In  other  Countries  [he  says]  Custom-house  Duties  are  for  the  most 
Fart,  little  more  than  a  Branch  of  the  Revenue.  In  the  Colonies  they 
are  a  political  Regulation,  and  enforce  the  Observance  of  those  wise 
Laws  to  which  the  great  Increase  of  our  Trade  and  naval  Power  are 
principally  owing.  The  Aim  of  those  Laws  is  to  confine  the  European 
Commerce  of  the  Colonies  to  the  Mother  Country  :  to  provide  that  their 
moat  valuable  Commodities  shall  be  exported  either  to  Great  Britain  or 
U>  British  Plantations ;  and  to  secure  the  Navigation  of  all  American 
Exports  and  Imports  to  British  Ships  and  British  Subjects  only/1  f 


1  Bancroft's  History  of  the  United  States  (edition  of  1883),  iii.  193.     These 
Remarks  of  Lord  Mansfield  were  made  in  1766* 
*  The  Regulations,  etc.,  p.  88. 


164  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.         [APRIL, 

The  full  measure  of  what  is  involved  in  the  foregoing  extract 
was  not  perhaps  fully  appreciated  at  that  time  in  Massachusetts, 
but  it  was  felt  that  laws,  the  nominal  purpose  of  which  was  to 
raise  revenue,  were,  for  the  first  time,  about  to  be  actually  en- 
forced through  a  powerful  Custom  House  regime ;  and  it  was  then 
that  the  country  was  alarmed  and  that  the  spirit  of  opposition 
asserted  itself  in  the  overawing  of  the  officers  appointed  to  enforce 
the  Stamp  Act  and  in  the  destruction  of  the  Tea  in  Boston  Harbor. 
The  revival  of  the  policy  which  sent  Randolph  to  Boston  brought 
with  it  a  renewal  of  the  tactics  employed  at  that  time  to  defeat  his 
efforts. 

The  prosperity  of  the  Province  depended  largely  upon  its  ship- 
ping, but  the  community  was  self-supporting,  and  there  was  a 
large  agricultural  population  whose  interests  were  affected  only  in 
an  indirect  manner  by  restrictions  upon  trade  and  manufactures 
and  taxes  upon  imports.  It  is  easy  to  understand  why  a  belief 
that  the  government  was  about  to  enforce  the  various  restrictive 
and  revenue  Acts  should  have  aroused  those  who  were  directly  in- 
terested in  commerce;  but  some  explanation  is  required  for  the 
sympathy  of  the  agricultural  community  and  the  alertness  with 
which  they  accepted  the  new  attitude  of  Parliament  as  one  hostile 
to  their  interests.  This  is  to  be  found  in  the  prolonged  conflicts 
between  the  Assembly  and  the  Royal  Governors,  especially  that 
upon  the  subject  of  the  Currency,  which  had  awakened  universal 
interest  throughout  the  Province,  which  had  created  a  feeling  of 
hostility  to  the  representatives  of  the  Crown  and  which  had,  in  a 
great  measure,  crushed  the  sentiments  of  loyalty  and  affection  of 
which  so  many  writers  speak.  Thus,  the  state  of  mind  was  pro- 
duced which  John  Adams  denominates  "  the  real  American  Revo- 
lution." The  Representatives  had  taken  care,  throughout  this 
discussion,  to  keep  their  constituents  informed  with  reference  to 
these  disputes  by  constant  appeals  for  instruction  to  the  Selectmen 
of  the  Towns;  and  thus  farmers,  tradesmen,  and  laborers  were 
taught  Provincial  politics. 

Bancroft,  speaking  of  the  controversy  over  Dudley's  salary  in 
1702,  says,  "Here  began  the  controversy  which  nothing  but 
independence  could  solve."1     This,  however,  does  not  date  the 

i  History  of  the  United  States  (edition  of  1840),  iii.  100. 


1399.] 


THE  CURRENCY   AND  PROVINCIAL  POLITICS. 


165 


lieginuing  of  the  controversy  far  enough  back,  Phips  wanted  a 
salary  as  well  as  Dudley,  but  this  was  refused  him,  and  under  the 
guidance  of  Elisha  Cooke  the  stand  then  taken  upon  the  salary 
question  was  one  of  the  steps  in  the  great  struggle  which,  by  slow 
degrees,  developed  ultimately  into  the  assertion  of  independence, 
At  first  it  was  a  mere  conservative  attempt  to  preserve*  under  the 
new  Charter,  such  of  the  rights  to  which  the  Colonists  had  been 
accustomed  under  the  former  Charter  as  could  be  maintained. 
Among  those  who  were  trying  to  save  some  of  the  principles  of 
independent  action  which  had  characterized  the  government  or- 
ganized under  the  first  Charter,  there  were  some  who  saw  in  the 
dependence  of  the  Governor  upon  the  Assembly  for  his  compensa- 
tion, a  weapon  which  would  be  available  in  case  of  contest,  and  it 
was  owing  to  their  foresight  that  the  settlement  of  a  salary  was 
avoided.  Compensation  was  freely  granted  to  the  Governor  and 
Lieutenant-Governor,  but  never  in  the  form  of  a  salary.  The 
chronic  disputes  upon  this  point  were  closely  interwoven  at  times 
with  questions  connected  with  the  supply  bills,  and  in  the  inter- 
change of  messages  between  the  House  and  the  Governor  the 
plainest  of  language  was  used  upon  both  sides,  as  to  what  ought  to 
be  done,  what  would  be  done,  and  what  would  not  be  done.  The 
situation  in  which  Dummer  found  himself  in  1727  and  1728,  the 
hitches  that  then  occurred  in  connection  with  the  various  schemes 
suggested  for  securing  a  new  supply  of  bills  of  public  credit,  and, 
finally,  the  charge  made  by  Burnet  that  the  Assembly  had  used 
their  control  of  the  salary  question  to  secure  the  assent  of  the 
LieutenantrGovernor  to  an  emission  of  currency,  illustrate  the 
complications  brought  about  by  these  disputes*  They  were  main- 
tained with  intermittent  vigor  under  each  of  the  representatives 
of  the  Crown  who  chanced  to  be  at  the  head  of  affairs,  their 
energy  and  virulence  being  largely  determined  by  the  character 
of  the  Governor  or  Lieutenant-Governor  for  the  time  being. 

One  point  which  was  frequently  under  discussion  during  this 
period  had  the  effect  of  keeping  constantly  before  the  people  the 
question  of  their  rights  under  the  Charter  and  the  possibility  of 
those  rights'  being  invade i  The  subject  of  discussion  referred 
to  was  the  extent  to  which  the  Assembly  could  be  brought  under 
the  control  of  Royal  Instructions,  It  is  true  that  no  direct 
efforts  were  made  by  the  Crown  to  instruct  the  Assembly  how  it 


166  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.         [April, 

should  legislate ;  but,  indirectly,  through  Instructions  to  the  Gov- 
ernors to  secure  the  passage  of  certain  laws  and  not  to  approve 
others,  it  was  sought  to  influence  legislation.  That  which  was 
not  desired  could  be  absolutely  prevented  from  taking  effect,  since 
all  laws  were  subject  to  the  approval  of  the  Governor,  and  were 
also  submitted  for  approval  or  rejection  to  the  Privy  Council. 
This  power  of  control  rendered  the  Royal  Instructions  of  great 
moment  to  the  Assembly ;  but,  inasmuch  as  they  were  seldom  com- 
municated to  that  body,  except  in  cases  of  emergency  or  under 
pressure,  they  were  not  treated  with  much  respect,  even  when 
specific  knowledge  of  their  character  was  furnished  by  the 
Governors. 

The  Instructions  were  subject  to  interpretation,  and  the  Rep- 
resentatives appeared  to  think  that  in  the  power  of  interpretation 
the  Governors  could  make  the  Instructions  plastic  enough  to  fit 
every  emergency.  When  the  Council  advised  the  Governor  that 
the  Instructions  would  not  permit  him  to  sign  a  bill  involving  the 
emission  of  currency,  the  House  said :  — 

44  We  cannot  but  please  ourselves,  had  a  more  general  and  proper 
question  been  put  they  had  given  their  advice  to  your  honor  to  sign  the 
bill." l 

At  another  time  they  thought  the  difficulty  lay  in  the  — 
44  instructions  as  now  understood  and  improved  by  his  Excellency ; "  * 

and  the  same  idea  is  involved  in  the  request  of  the  Council  that 
the  Governor  should  — 

44  take  such  measures  that  he  may  be  enabled  to  give  his  consent  to  the 
said  bill  as  soon  as  may  be."  * 

When  the  Representatives  asserted  that  if  they  did  — 

44  not  struggle  in  every  way  to  maintain  and  preserve  their  liberty  they 
would  act  more  like  vassals  of  an  arbitrary  prince  than  like  subjects  of 
King  George  their  most  gracious  Sovereign,"  * 

we  need  to  be  told  that  the  subject  under  discussion  was  a  Royal 
Instruction  from  that  most  gracious  sovereign,  if  we  are  fully  to 
appreciate  the  force  of  the  statement.     The  Provincial  courts  of 

1  Massachusetts  House  Journal,  29  January,  1727-28. 
*  Ibid.,21  August,  1731. 
»  Ibid.,  2  February,  1731-32. 
«  Ibid.,  2  April,  1741. 


1899] 


THE  CURRENCY   AND  PROVINCIAL  POLITICS, 


1C7 


law  did  not  hesitate  to  disregard  such  Instructions  whenf  in  their 
judgment,  they  contravened  the  rights  of  the  litigants  or  the  courts 
under  the  Charter;1  and  the  Agents  of  the  Province  in  London 
did  not  scruple  to  advise  the  Assembly  that  it  was  better  to  force 
Parliament  to  intervene  than  to  submit  to  Instructions  which 
invaded  the  rights  of  the  people. 

41  Of  what  Value  [said  Wilks  and  Belcher,  in  1729,]  is  the  Charter,  if 
an  Instruction  shall  at  pleasure  take  away  every  valuable  part  of  it?  If 
we  inu&t  lie  compelled  to  a  uxt  Salary,  doubtless  it  must  be  better  that 
it  be  done  by  the  sup  ream  Legislature  than  to  do  it  our  selves  :  if  our 
Liberties  must  be  lost,  much  better  they  should  be  taken  away,  than 
we  be  in  any  measure  accessory  to  our  own  Ruin."  ■ 

When  the  attempt  was  made,  in  1749,  to  secure  the  enforcement 
of  Royal  Instructions  in  the  Colonies,  through  Parliamentary  legis- 
lation in  connection  with  the  currency,  William  Bollan  said,  in  a 
Petition  to  the  House  of  Commons  (6  April),  that  if  the  Bill  — 

"sbould  be  carried  into  a  Law,  by  the  Matter  therein  contained,  for 
enforcing  the  Royal  Orders  and  Instructions  throughout  the  Colonies, 
all  future  Orders  given  by  all  future  Princes,  or  by  and  under  their 
Authority,  to  the  Governors  of  the  Colonies,  however  repugnant  they  may 
be  to  the  present  Constitution  of  Great  Britain,  aud  her  Colonies,  will 
be  virtually  contained  in  it,  and  receive  the  Sanction  of  Parliament  from 
it;  and  that  the  Orders  to  those  Governors,  being  in  their  Nature  rela- 
tive to  the  People  under  their  Government,  however  illegal  they  would 
have  been  before  making  such  Law,  when  they  come  to  be  ratified  and 
enforced  by  it,  tJjey  will  thereby  themselves  become  Laws,  and  neces- 
sarily bind  the  People.1 

It  is  to  the  credit  of  Parliament  that  it  listened  to  BoUan,  and  re- 
jected the  clause  in  the  law  concerning  which  he  was  arguing ;  but 
the  discussion  revealed  possibilities  to  which  the  eyes  of  the  people 
were  gradually  opening.  We  certainly  have  hints  here  of  a  pro- 
gressive change  in  the  opinions  of  the  people  of  the  Province  as  to 
certain  methods  of  the  Royal  government  which  indicate  an  alien- 

1  See  the  case  of  Frost  i\  Leighton  in  the  American  Historical  Review  for 
January,  1807,  ii.  22£>-240;  and  Publications  of  this  Society,  iii,  246-264. 

*  Massachusetts  House  Journal,  27  June,  1720,  p.  ltf.  This  letter  of  the 
Agents  is  dated  London,  25  April,  1720. 

1  Journals  of  the  House  of  Commons,  xxv.  815. 


168  THE   COLONIAL   SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS*  [ApbiL, 

ation  of  their  affections,  and  which,  if  not  radical  enough  to  mark 
the  epoch  of  the  "  real  American  Revolution,'1  at  least  point  out  a 
steady  tendency  towards  the  state  of  mind  which  would  render  it 
possible. 

In  1740,  under  the  influence  of  the  fear  of  a  stringency  of  the 
circulating  medium,  created  by  the  Instructions  to  the  Governor  to 
compel  the  withdrawal  of  the  greater  part  of  the  currency,  the 
Land  Bank,  originally  proposed  in  the  Province  in  1714,  again 
raised  its  head.  Hutchinson,  speaking  of  the  House  of  Represen- 
tatives then  in  power,  says  t  — 

"  It  appeared  that  by  far  tbe  majority  of  the  representatives  for  1740 
were  subscribers  to  or  favorers  of  tbe  scheme,  and  they  have  ever  since 
been  distinguished  by  the  name  of  the  land  bank  house."  1 

With  great  caution  he  adds,  farther  on,  — 

**  Perhaps  the  major  part,  in  number,  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  prov- 
ince openly  or  secretly  were  well  wishers  to  it/*8 

If  we  turn  to  the  records  of  that  time,  we  find  that  the  capital- 
ists and  hard-money  men,  powerless  to  control  public  sentiment, 
powerless  also,  as  they  found  themselves,  upon  trial,  to  accomplish 
anything  through  their  counter  scheme,  the  Silver  Bank,  appealed 
to  Parliament. 

"  The  authority  of  Parliament  [says  Hutchinson]  to  coutroul  all 
public  and  private  persons  and  proceedings  iu  the  colonies  was,  in  that 
day,  questioned  by  nobody."  ■ 

And  he  adds,  that  the  application  for  an  Act  to  suppress  the  Com* 
pany  was  very  easily  obtained.  Too  easily,  alas !  for  those  who 
knew  all  the  circumstances  of  the  case,  ever  again  to  believe  that 
Parliament  could  be  trusted  to  legislate  for  the  Colonies.  Any 
man  who  could  read  could  see  that  the  Act  of  the  6th  of  George 
the  First*  Chapter  18»  did  not,  by  its  terms,  apply  to  the  Colonies, 
so  that  every  intelligent  person  in  the  Province  must  have  under- 
stood that  a  gTeat  wrong  was  done  in  thus  declaring  that  the  organ- 
izers of  the  Land  Bank  came  within  the  scope  of  that  drastic 
measure.     Some  persons  in  the  Province  knew  that  the  law  officers 

*  History  of  the  Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay  (edition  of  1763),  ii.  394* 
»  Ibid.  ii.  305, 

»  Ibid,  ii  295. 


1899.] 


THE   CURRENCY   AND   PROVINCIAL   POLITICS. 


169 


of  the  Crown  had  been  consulted,  and  that  they  had  rendered 
opinions  that  there  was  no  existing  law  under  which  such  an  ex- 
periment in  banking  could  be  reached.  There  were  some  who 
knew  that  the  New  Hampshire  Bank  of  1734  had  actually  met  with 
approval  by  the  Board  of  Trade,  and  yet,  when  the  opportunity 
came  for  applying  this  doctrine  of  approval  to  men  in  Massachu- 
setts engaged  in  an  enterprise  of  a  similar  nature,  it  was  discovered 
that  their  acts  were  no  longer  legal  and  permissible,  but  had 
become,  in  some  strange  way,  criminal  and  abhorrent.  A  law 
which  could  not  have  been  interpreted  as  reaching  to  the  Colonies 
was  declared  to  have  originally  applied  to  them,  to  have  been  con- 
stantly in  operation  there,  and  to  be  at  that  time  in  full  force  in 
the  Province  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay*  The  majority  of  the 
House  of  Representatives,  the  majority  perhaps  of  the  people  of 
the  Province,  were  converted  by  this  Act  from  innocent,  law- 
abiding  citizens  either  into  actual  violators  of  the  law,  liable  to 
criminal  process,  or  into  what  was  nearly  as  bad, — avowed  sym- 
pathizers with  others  who  were  thus  situated.  How  this  was 
looked  upon  by  those  who  believed  in  the  power  of  Parliament  to 
legislate  as  it  pleased  concerning  the  Colonies,  is  disclosed  by 
Hutchinson  in  the  following  words :  — 

11  It  was  said  the  act  of  George  the  first,  when  it  passed,  had  no  re- 
lation to  America,  but  another  act  20  years  after  gave  it  a  force,  even 
from  the  passing  it,  which  it  never  could  have  had  without  This  was 
said  to  be  an  instance  of  the  traoscendent  power  of  Parliament."  * 

At  the  time  when  Hutchinson  thus  glibly  wrote  of  an  Act  giving 
force  to  a  previous  one,  "  even  from  the  passing  it,  which  it  never 
could  have  had  without,"  he  bad  abundant  reasons  for  comprehend- 
ing that  something  had  aroused  the  people  of  Massachusetts,  and  it 
is  difficult  to  comprehend  how  he  or  any  other  inhabitant  of  the 
Province  could  have  calmly  contemplated  legislation  of  this  char- 
acter. It  must  be  borne  in  mind,  however,  that  the  capitalists  and 
intelligent  business  men  were  then  in  a  state  of  heated  indignation, 
and  were  prepared  to  avail  themselves  of  any  method  which  pre- 
sented itself  for  the  suppression  of  the  Land  Bank,  There  were 
some,  however,  who  understood  that  the  influence  of  these  proceed- 
ings upon  public  sentiment  was  far  reaching  and  important.    The 

1  History  of  the  Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay  (edition  of  17Gb),  ii.  390, 


170 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.         [April, 


subscribers  to  the  Land  Bank,  believing  that  they  had  a  perfect 
right  to  proceed,  were  loath  to  recognize  the  Parliamentary  Act, 
and  reluctantly  consented  to  liquidate  the  affairs  of  the  Bank. 
Many  of  them  were,  apparently,  ready  to  resist  the  enforcement 
of  the  law ;  but  wiser  counsels  prevailed,  and  partly  through  the 
voluntary  acts  of  the  subscribers,  partly  through  Provincial  legis- 
lation, the  Bank  was  wound  up. 

Under  the  Act  of  Parliament,  every  act  performed  by  the  sub- 
scribers to  the  Land  Bank,  under  their  organization,  was  null  and 
void.  In  order  to  close  up  the  Bank,  it  was  absolutely  necessary  to 
recognize  the  obligations  of  the  Company,  and,  in  turn,  those  given 
to  the  Company  by  the  subscribers.  Thus,  by  Provincial  legisla- 
tion, passed  for  the  purpose  of  effecting  the  object  aimed  at  by  the 
Act  of  Parliament,  the  Act  itself  was  swept  aside.  This  para- 
doxical proceeding  was  referred  to  by  Samuel  Adams  in  a  Reply,  on 
the  part  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  on  the  second  of  March, 
1773,  to  the  Speech  of  the  Governor  of  February  sixteenth :  — 

"The  act  of  Parliament  [said  Adams],  passed  in  1741,  for  patting 
an  end  to  several  unwarrantable  schemes,  mentioned  by  your  Excel- 
lency, was  designed  for  the  general  good ;  and,  if  the  validity  of  it  was 
not  disputed,  it  cannot  be  urged  as  a  concession  of  the  supreme  author- 
ity, to  make  laws  binding  on  us  in  all  cases  whatever.  But,  if  the 
design  of  it  was  for  the  general  benefit  of  the  province,  it  was,  in  one 
respect  at  the  least,  greatly  complained  of,  by  the  persons  more  imme- 
diately affected  by  it ;  and  to  remedy  the  inconvenience,  the  Legislative 
of  this  province,  passed  an  act,  directly  militating  with  it ;  which  is 
the  strongest  evidence,  that  although  they  may  have  submitted,  sub 
silentio,  to  some  acts  of  Parliament,  that  they  conceived  might  operate  for 
their  benefit,  they  did  not  conceive  themselves  bound  by  any  of  its  acts, 
which,  they  judged,  would  operate  to  the  injury  even  of  individuals."  * 

When  this  Act  was  passed,  John  Adams  was  a  mere  boy  of 
about  six  years  of  age.  The  ceaseless  passage  of  the  years  bore 
him  on  to  a  period  of  life  when  he  took  an  interest  in  public 
affairs,  and  still  the  protracted  legislation  and  litigation  connected 
with  the  closure  of  the  Land  Bank  occupied  the  attention  of  the 
Assembly  and  the  courts  of  law.    When  he  speaks  of  the  effect 

1  Massachusetts  State  Papers.  Speeches  of  the  Governors  of  Massachusetts, 
from  1765  to  1775 ;  and  the  Answers  of  the  House  of  Representatives  to  the 
same,  etc.  [edited  by  Alden  Bradford],  Boston,  1818,  p.  394. 


THE  CURBENCY  AJO>  PROVINCIAL  POLITICS. 


171 


I 


of  these  proceedings  upon  the  popular  mind*  he  furnishes  testi- 
mony which  may  be  accepted  ae  that  of  one  who  hud  full  knowl- 
edge of  these  events.  His  measure  of  their  importance,  stated  in 
the  following  language,  leaves  no  doubt  upon  that  point :  — 

u  The  Act  to  destroy  the  Land  Bank  Scheme  raised  a  greater  ferment 
in  this  province  than  the  stamp-act  did." l 

As  we  review  these  events,  we  can  see  that  the  preposterous 
legislation  of  Parliament,  although  incapable  of  practical  enforce- 
inent,  was  made  use  of  as  a  blind,  behind  which  laws  which  violated 
its  terms  were  passed  to  accomplish  its  purposes.  Its  evasion  by 
the  Assembly  brought  the  question  of  Parliamentary  Supremacy 
under  discussion.  The  enforcement  of  the  Provincial  Laws  passed 
to  put  it  in  practical  operation,  although  acquiesced  in  by  the  cap- 
italists and  the  solid  men  of  the  community  on  account  of  the 
good  thereby  to  be  accomplished,  was  not  secured  without  arousing 
indignation  and  hostility  throughout  the  Province, 

"It's  supposed  [wrote  one  of  the  pamphleteers  of  the  clay,  that] 
there  will  be  about  One  Thousand  Subscribers,  who  in  their  Station  of 
Life  must  have  an  Intercourse  of  Business  or  Dealing  interwoven  with 
Ten  Thousand  more,"*  u  Many  Towns  [wrote  another]  take  and  pass 
these  Notes  in  Trade  and  Business,  scarce  one  Man  dissenting,  besides 
paying  their  Town  and  Ministerial  Rates  with  it;  at  least  in  Part."1 

As  we  look  over  the  list  of  Directors  of  the  Land  Bank  we  see 
the  name  of  Samuel  Adams,  and  in  later  Reports  of  Committees 
his  estate  is  classed  among  the  delinquents*  It  is  known  that  the 
harassing  proceedings  taken  against  the  estate  of  the  father  were 
a  source  of  annoyance  to  the  son,  whose  prominence  in  the  political 
affairs  of  the  Province  just  before  the  Revolution  has  made  us 
familiar  with  the  name.  The  defiance  by  the  latter  of  the  Sheriff 
who  was  trying  to  levy  upon  his  father's  estate,  was  published  in  the 
News-Letter  in  1758.  *     Who  shall  measure  the  effect  of  these  pro- 

1  Nov  angina  and  Masaachusettensis,  etc.,  p.  3$. 

*  A  Letter  from  a  Country  Gentleman  at  Boston,  To  his  Friends  in  the 
Country,  p.  9.     The  Letter  is  dated ,  "  Boston,  June  IQth,  1740/' 

-  A  Letter  To  the  Merchant  in  London*  To  whom  is  Directed  A  Printed 
Letter  relating  to  the  Manufactory  Undertaking,  dated  New  Englandt  Boston 
February  21*1  1740,  1.     Print*)  for  the  Public  Good.     1741,  p.  28, 

*  The  Boaton  News-Letter,  Noa.  2927  and  2028,  of  Thursday,  17  and  24 
August,  1758* 


172  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.        [April, 

ceedings  upon  the  mind  of  the  future  inspirer  of  the  Committees  of 
Correspondence,  —  the  indefatigable  and  persistent  leader  in  the 
revolutionary  movement?  The  success  of  this  movement  is  largely 
attributable  to  these  Committees  of  Correspondence.  Who  can 
doubt  that  the  idea  of  thus  arousing  the  people  and  keeping  them 
in  touch  with  the  contest,  had  its  root  in  the  frequent  appeals  to 
the  Selectmen  of  the  Towns  made  by  the  Representatives  during 
these  prolonged  discussions  ?  Who  can  fail  to  see  that  the  Land 
Bank,  if  it  had  been  let  alone,  would  have  collapsed  in  a  few 
months  after  its  organization  through  its  inherent  weakness?  Yet 
Parliament,  too  impatient  to  wait  for  this,  and  too  anxious  to 
secure  the  prompt  closure  of  the  Scheme  to  scrutinize  the  methods 
by  which  it  should  be  accomplished,  sacrificed  its  reputation  for 
consistency  and  justice,  and  in  its  haste  to  crush  the  Land  Bank 
resorted  to  means  which  then  aroused  the  indignation  of  this  great 
number  of  interested  persons,  and  which  can  not  fail  to  create  the 
same  feelings  in  the  mind  of  the  disinterested  reader  to-day. 

As  we  rehearse  these  events,  who  can  doubt  the  instrumentality 
of  the  heated  discussions  concerning  the  Currency  and  the  Land 
Bank,  the  prolonged  conflicts  between  the  Royal  Governors  and 
the  Representatives,  and  the  frequent  appeals  to  the  Selectmen  by 
the  Representatives,  in  creating  that  state  of  opinion  which  John 
Adams  said  "  was  the  real  American  Revolution  "  ? 

The   paper  was  discussed   at  length  by  Mr.  Abner    C. 

GOODELL. 

Mr.  Henry  II .  Edes  communicated  a  collection  of  unpub- 
lished letters  and  other  papers  and  spoke  as  follows :  — 

The  papers  which  I  have  brought  here  this  afternoon  have  been 
drawn  from  more  than  one  source.  Copies  of  some  of  them  and 
one  of  the  originals  have  been  in  my  possession  for  many  years. 
I  have  brought  them  together  in  chronological  order,  feeling  that 
in  that  way  they  can  be  made  to  tell  a  more  connected  story  than 
if  grouped  by  authors.  The  papers,  with  two  exceptions,  relate  to 
the  early  history  of  Yale  University  and  throw  interesting  side- 
lights upon  many  matters  connected  with  that  Seminary,  especially 
as  regards  the  contest  in  England  over  Governor  Yale's  will,  and 
the  long  and  heated  controversy  over  the  permanent  location  of 


1809,] 


REMARKS    BY   ME.    HENRY    H.    EDES. 


173 


tie  Collegiate  School  at  Saybrook,  which  was  finally  settled  by 
the  establishment  of  the  Society  at  New  Haven,  where  it  has 
6  ince  remained,  —  the  aid  of  the  Governor  and  Council,  however, 
a<  well  as  that  of  the  Sheriff  of  the  County  of  Middlesex,  being 
necessary  to  end  the  struggle, 

It  is  not  my  purpose  to  speak  further  of  the  history  of  the  Univer- 
sity;1 but  a  brief  preliminary  commentary  upon  the  authors  of 
these  papers  may  conduce  to  a  more  ready  understanding  of  them, 
Jeremiah  Dummer,  who  is  the  largest  contributor  to  the  collec- 
tion, was  a  native  of  Boston,  a  brother  of  Lieutenant-Governor 
IrVilliam    Dummer    (the    founder    of    Dumraer  Academy),  and 
a.  Harvard  graduate  of  1699,     He  subsequently  studied  at  the 
University  of  Utrecht,  where  he  took  the  degree  of  Doctor  of 
Philosophy,    From  1710  to  1721  he  was  the  Agent  of  the  Province 
of  the  Massachusetts  Bay  in  London.     He  also  served  the  Colony 
of  Connecticut  in  a  similar  capacity,  as  will  be  seen  by  his  letters. 
He  was  a  scholar  whose  literary  fame  rests  chiefly  upon  his  able 
treatise  entitled  A  Defence  of  the  New  England  Charters,  when 
their  loss   was   threatened,    m   1721,  —  a   fine  specimen    of    his 
vigorous  English  style.     He  died  in  England,  on  the  nineteenth 
of  May,  1739,  at  the  age  of  fifty-eight.     One  of  our  most  recon- 
dite scholars  has  said  of  Dummer  that  he  "was  a  bright,  par- 
Iticular  star  in  the  firmament  of  two  continents,  far  ahead  of  his 
time  in  many  respects,  and  a  very  lovable  character,"  s    His  letters 
1  See  a  paper  by  our  associate  Professor  Franklin  B.  Dexter,  entitled  The 
Founding  of  Yale  College,  in  Papers  of  the  New  Haven  Historical  Society,  in. 
1-3L 

*  Our  associate  M r.  Abner  C.  GoodelL  See  Dr,  George  E.  Ellis's  estimate 
of  Dummer  *s  character  in  Memorial  History  of  Boston,  1L  82,  83. 

Dummer  was  the  son  of  Jeremiah  Dummer,  of  Boston,  goldsmith,  who 
served  hU  apprenticeship  with  John  Hull,  the  Mint-Master.  The  date  of  birth 
of  Jeremiah  the  son  does  not  appear,  but  if  his  age  is  correctly  given  on  his 
monument  he  was  born  in  or  about  I63L  In  the  Baptismal  Kegister  of  the 
HI  1  South  Church  in  Boston  the  following  entries  appear  :  — 

1675/6  FVhr,  13  Jeremiah,  son  of  Jeremiah  Damer. 
1678     Dec,  29  William,    son  of  Jeremiah  Darner. 

We  have  here  the  record  of  baptism  of  Lieutenant-Governor  Dummer  and  of  an 
elder  brother  Jeremiah,  who  must  have  died  in  infancy  since  the  goldsmith,  in 
his  will  (1715),  calls  William  his  eldest  son  (Suffolk  Probate  Files,  No.  40"xi). 
In  1679,  the  father  transferred  his  relations  to  the  First  Church,  to  which  he 
was  then  admitted,  and  of  which  he  became  a  prominent  member ;  but  the 


174  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.        [April, 

afford  fresh  evidence  of  the  importance  of  his  agency  in  securing 
various  and  valuable  gifts  in  the  early  days  of  the  Seminary. 

John  Read  was  born  in  Fairfield,  Connecticut,  on  the  twenty- 
ninth  of  January,  1679.  He  graduated  at  Harvard  in  1697  and 
became  a  successful  preacher.  In  1699  he  joined  the  First  Church 
in  Hartford,  of  which  the  Rev.  Timothy  Woodbridge,  to  whom  most 
of  these  papers  were  addressed,  was  long  the  minister.  Leaving 
the  ministry,  he  adopted  the  profession  of  the  Law,  in  which  he 
rose  to  eminence.  His  reduction  of  the  redundant  phraseology  of 
our  early  deeds  of  conveyance  to  the  simple  form  now  in  use,  of 
itself  entitles  him  to  permanent  and  grateful  remembrance,  which 
might  well  take  the  form  of  a  visible  memorial,  placed  by  the  Bar 
of  the  Commonwealth  upon  the  walls  of  King's  Chapel,  of  which 
he  was  at  one  time  a  Warden.  Before  removing  to  Boston,  he 
purchased  of  the  Indians,  in  1714,  a  large  tract  of  land,  which  he 
occupied  as  a  sort  of  manor  and  named  Lonetown.  It  was  here 
that  his  Proposals  as  to  settling  the  dispute  over  the  location  of 
the  College  were  written,  or  at  least,  dated.  This  territory 
subsequently  became,  in  part,  the  town  of  Redding,  —  so  named  in 
his  honor.  He  was  the  first  lawyer  elected  to  the  Massachusetts 
General  Court.     His  great  abilities  soon  attracted  public  attention 

First  Church  Records  at  that  period  were  imperfectly  kept  and  the  baptisms 
of  liis  younger  children  are  not  found.  There  are  fine  portraits  of  Lieutenant- 
Governor  Duramer  and  of  Jeremiah  Duramer,  the  Province  Agent,  in  the  pos- 
session of  the  Misses  Loring  of  Boston.  They  were  engraved  for  the  Narrative 
and  Critical  History  of  America,  vi.  114,  115.  The  portrait  of  Jeremiah 
Dummer  has  been  ascribed  to  Sir  Godfrey  Kneller. 

Dummer  was  buried  at  West  Ham,  Essex.  The  inscription  on  his  monu- 
ment reads  — 

The  Remains 

of 

Jeremiah  Dummer 

of  New  England,  Esq'. 

distinguished  by  his  excelleut  life 

probity  and  humanity. 

His  age  58 

1739 

In  his  will  (signed  Jeremy),  dated  7  June,  1738,  Dummer  described  himself 
as  of  Plaistow,  in  Essex.  It  was  proved  1  June,  1739  (New  England  Historical 
and  Genealogical  Register  for  1881,  xxxv.  268,  269;  and  Waters's  Genealogical 
Gleanings  in  England,  i.  200,  201).  Concerning  his  English  ancestry,  see 
SewalVs  Diary,  i.  xxi,  xxii. 


IS09.] 


REMARKS   BY  MB.   HENRY  H.   EDES. 


175 


Graduating  at  Harvard 


and  he  was  chosen  to  the  Council  of  the  Royal  Governor,  in  which, 
in  the  time  of  Belcher  and  Shirley,  he  exercised  a  commanding 
influence.  He  was  a  truly  great  man  of  independent  mind  and  of 
spotless  integrity.     He  died  on  the  seventh  of  July,  1749.1 

Governor  Gurdon  Sal  tons  tall  of  Connecticut,  a  greatrgrandson 
of  Sir  Richard,  was  a  distinguished  divine,  orator,  and  statesman. 
His  widow  bequeathed  to  Harvard  College  <£1,0GG  to  educate 
students  for  the  ministry. 

Elisha  Williams  had  a  varied  career, 
in  1711,  he  entered  the  ministry  and  passed  from  the  pulpit  to  the 
Rectorship  of  Yale,  in  1726.  Retiring  from  office  in  1739,  on 
account  of  ill  health,  he  was,  later,  elected  to  the  Legislature,  was 
chosen  Speaker  of  the  House,  and  was  subsequently  appointed  to 
the  Bench.  In  1745,  he  was  Chaplain  of  the  Connecticut  Regiment 
sent  to  Cape  Breton ;  and  in  the  following  year  he  was  appointed  to 
command  a  regiment  in  the  intended  expedition  against  Canada, 
He  died  at  Wethers  field,  on  the  twenty-fourth  of  July,  1755. 

Dr,  Benjamin  Colman,  long  Minister  of  the  Manifesto  Church  in 
Boston,  was  the  friend  of  Calamy  and  other  eminent  English 
divines,  and  himself  stood,  at  the  time  of  his  death,  at  the  head  of 
the  New  England  clergy  in  respect  of  talents  and  influence-  A 
man  of  brilliancy  and  intellect,  of  independent  mind  and  action, 
and  of  catholicity  of  spirit,  he  naturally  excited  the  envy  of  the 
Mathers,  who  attacked  him  with  the  vituperation  of  which  they 
were  masters.3  In  1724,  he  was  elected  to  the  Presidency  of 
Harvard  College,  of  which  for  seven  years  he  had  been  a  Fellow, 
lmt  declined  the  honor.  His  high-mindedness  is  seen  in  the  closing 
paragraph  of  his  letter  to  Wood  bridge,  wherein  he  reveals  his  un- 
willingness to  take  advantage  of  the  distracted  condition  of  Yale. 

Dr.  Timothy  Cutler  is  remembered  in  Boston  as  the  Rector  of 
Christ  Church  for  more  than  forty  years  after  his  defection  from 
the  Congregational  Order,  He  graduated  at  Harvard  in  1701; 
and  from  1719  till  1722  he  was  Rector  of  Yale  College. 

The  Rev.  Samuel  RuBsel,  of  BranfordT  Connecticut,  graduated 
at  Harvard  in  1681 ;  and  James  Pierpont,  who  graduated  at  Yale 
in  1718,  served  that  Seminary  as  Tutor. 

1  See  George  FL  Reed 'a  Sketch  of  the  Life  of  the  Hon.  John  Rend  of  Boston. 
*  See  New  England  Historical  and  Genealogical  Register  for  I840t  iii.  117- 
122,  220-222;  and  Quincke  History  of  Harvard  University  (I860),  i.  130-1 H 


176  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.         [APRIL, 

Of  the  Rev.  Timothy  Woodbridge,  to  whom  most  of  these  papers 
were  addressed,  I  have  spoken  at  a  previous  meeting  of  the  Society.1 
He  was  named  in  the  Charter  of  Yale  College  and  was  one  of  its 
ten  Trustees.3  He  was  highly  esteemed  by  the  magistrates  and 
was  placed  on  important  Committees  appointed  by  the  General 
Assembly  to  consider  great  public  questions.  He  was  also  of  a 
Committee  "to  furnish  their  Agent  with  directions  or  informa- 
tion "  and  to  answer  "charges  against  the  proceeding  of  the 
Charter  Government."  Notwithstanding  his  strenuous  opposition 
to  the  establishment  of  the  Seminary  at  New  Haven,  Woodbridge 
was  finally  reconciled,  was  honored  by  an  appointment  as  Rector 
pro  tempore,  and  moderated  at  the  Commencement  of  1723,  when 
he  conferred  the  Degrees.  He  was  a  member  of  the  Saybrook 
Synod,  in  1708,  from  which  emanated  the  Saybrook  Platform. 
He  died  at  Hartford  on  the  thirtieth  of  April,  1732.  An  obituary 
notice  says  that  he  was  — 

"  a  learned,  well  accomplished  and  grave  Divine  ...  He  had  the  In- 
terest of  our  College,  especially  in  his  latter  Years,  very  much  at  heart, 
and  did  his  utmost  to  promote  the  Prosperity  of  that  Society.  The 
flourishing  of  it,  as  at  this  day,  is  very  much  owing  to  him."  * 

The  text  of  the  documents  4  follows :  — 


1  December,  1897.     Publications,  v.  77,  78. 

*  "  A  Board  of  Trustees  was  constituted  by  the  Charter  of  1701,  and  by  an 
explanatory  Act  of  the  General  Assembly  in  1728  the  Rector  was  made  ex- 
officio  a  Trustee,  though  this  Act  was  not  accepted  by  the  Board  until  1728. 
By  the  Charter  of  1745  the  Presidency  of  the  Corporation  was  made  into  a 
separate  office,  and  the  other  Trustees  were  styled  Fellows  "  (Yale  Triennial 
Catalogue,  p.  1). 

•  A  full  notice  of  Woodbridge  is  in  Sibley's  Harvard  Graduates,  ii,  464-470. 
See  also  Allen's  Biographical  Dictionary;  and  New  England  Historical  and 
Genealogical  Register  for  1878,  ixxii.  294.  Woodbridge  addressed  Cotton 
Mather  in  verse  on  his  completion  of  the  Magnalia,  to  which  the  lines  are 
prefixed.    I  cannot  learn  of  the  existence  of  any  portrait  of  Woodbridge. 

4  Beside  the  documents  here  printed,  Mr.  Edes  exhibited  two  diplomas  on 
parchment  issued  by  Yale  College  to  graduates  of  the  Classes  of  1709  and  1729, 
and  a  manuscript  copy  of  the  "  Orders  and  appointments  to  be  Observed  in  the 
Collegiate  School  in  Connecticut"  This  paper  is  dated  1  December,  1725,  and 
is  attested  by  Robert  Treat  and  Daniel  Edwards,  Tutors. 


iawo 


EARLY   HISTORY   OF   YAIiE  TJNIVEE81TY. 


177 


JEREMIAH   DTJMMEB  TO   TIMOTHY  WOODBKIDGE. 


& 


Parliament  House 
15  Aug1  1715, 

The  votes  inclosM  will  show  you  that 
I  have  do  time  to  write,  the  Affair  of  Carolina  has  by  the  Artifice  of  one 
great  villain1  that  has  bin  often  in  America  brought  in  the   Mass  a- 


1  There  is  little,  if  any,  doubt  that  Lord  Corn  bury  is  here  referred  to. 
Edward  Hyde,  Viscount  Cornbury,  was  born  in.  December,  1661,  the  son  of  Henry 
Hyde,  second  Earl  of  Clarendon,  and  the  grandson  of  the  great  EarL  Bred  at 
Oxford,  he  sat  in  the  House  of  Commons  for  Wilts  and  Christchurch,  1085-1701, 
when  he  was  made  Governor  of  New  York  and  New  Jersey,  Before  coining  to 
America,  he  had  held  various  offices,  among  them  that  of  Master  of  the  Horse 
to  Prince  George  of  Denmark,  He  was  also  Page  of  Honor  to  James  II.  at  his 
coronation,  23  April,  16S5,  but,  in  1G8S,  deserted  the  cause  of  James,  who,  it 
will  be  remembered,  had  married  his  aunt.  Cornbury,  therefore,  was  cousin- 
ge riu an  to  Queen  Anne. 

In  1705,  with  Joseph  Dudley,  Cornbury  presented  to  the  Privy  Council  com- 
plain ts  against  the  Charter  Governments,  which  were  heard  and  dismissed.  In 
1708,  Corn  bury 's  rule  in  New  York  ended,  and  he  returned  to  England,  where 
he  succeeded  to  the  Earldom  of  Clarendon  on  the  death  of  his  father,— 31  Octo- 
ber, 1709.  In  1711,  he  was  made  a  Privy  Councillor.  In  1713,  he  and  Dudley 
again  made  complaint  to  the  Privy  Council  against  the  Charter  Governments, 
but  without  success. 

Cornbury  is  thus  shown  to  have  been  identified  with  two  previous  attempts 
to  deprive  the  American  Colonies  of  their  Charter  rights-  As  to  his  character, 
there  seems  to  be  but  one  opinion.  On  the  ninth  of  February,  1707-6^  Lewis 
Morris,  afterwards  Chief**!  ustiee  of  New  York  and  New  Jersey,  wrote  to  Secre- 
tary Boyle,  on  the  eve  of  Lord  Corn  bury  *s  removal  from  office,  a  long  letter  in 
the  nature  of  a  scathing  review  of  his  administration,  — "an  administration  no 
where  so  exactly  parrale  I'd  as  in  that  of  Gessius  Fiorus  Govern  our  of  Judea" — 
and  of  his  behavior,  in  which  he  tells  of  the  Governor's  "dressing  publicly  iu 
woman *s  cloaths  every  day,  and  putting  a  stop  to  all  publique  business  "  (Docu- 
ments Relative  to  the  Colonial  History  of  the  State  of  New  York,  v.  33-38),  Dr. 
J,  Romeyn  Brodhead  describes  him  as  "  mean,  vulgar,  foolish,  [and]  profligate** 
(Historical  Magazine  for  1868,  Second  Series,  iii.  71,  72).  Colonel  Cheater 
•ays  that  he  — 

"  earned  a  roost  unenviable  reputation,  which  he  appears  to  have  fully  deserved,  and  his 
character  and  conduct  were  equally  abhorred  ia  both  hemispheres.  ,  ¥  .  [He]  died  31 
March,  [1723],  in  obscurity,  and  deeply  in  debt,  but  had  honourable  burial  [5  April]  in 
the  vault  of  his  ancestors,  whose  good  name  be  had  so  sadly  disgraced  "  (Westminster 
Abbey  Registers,  p.  308  and  note). 

The  progress  of  the  unsuccessful  movement,  in  1716,  for  the  M  regulation  " 
of  the  Charter  Governments,  which  caused  Dummer  to  write  his  famous  Defence 

12 


178  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.        [April, 

chusetts  &  Connecticut  into  the  bill,  so  that  the  loss  of  oar  Charter 
comes  like  a  Clap  of  Thunder  without  any  previous  Lightning  if  I  can't 
prevent  it 

IamT  Colonies 

Devoted  Ser* 

Jer  Dumxxb 
[Filed] 

Agent  Dummer 
Letter  de  Charter  & 
1715. 


JEREMIAH  DUMMEB  TO  TIMOTHY  WOODBBIDGE. 

RbvPS* 

Not  having  had  the  honour  of  a  line 
from  you  Since  my  writing  you  Several  letters,  will  I  hope  be  some 
apology  if  I  am  but  Short  now.    You  have  with  out  doubt  long  before 

of  the  New-England  Charters,  can  be  traced  in  the  Journals  of  the  House  of 
Commons  (2  George  I.).  On  the  tenth  of  August,  a  Committee,  to  which  had 
been  referred  a  "  Petition  of  the  Agent  of  Carolina,  in  America,  and  several 
Merchants  trading  thither/'  reported  a  Resolution  for  an  Address  to  the  King, 
which  was  adopted  (zviii.  262).    On  the  same  day  the  House  — 

"  Ordered,  That  Leave  be  given  to  bring  in  a  Bill  for  the  better  Regulation  of  the 
Charter  and  Proprietary  Governments  in  America;  and  for  the  Encouragement  of  the 
Trade  of  this  Kingdom,  and  of  his  Majeftj's  Plantations ;  and  for  the  Security  of  his 
Majefty's  Cuftoms  (xviii.  262). 

On  the  thirteenth,  the  Bill  was  presented  and  was  read  the  first  time  (xviii. 
268).  On  the  fifteenth,  the  Bill  was  read  a  second  time,  and  was  referred  to  a 
Committee  which  was  ordered  to  meet  that  afternoon  "  at  Five  a  Clock,  in  the 
Speaker's  Chamber"  (xviii.  269).  This  action,  doubtless,  was  the  occasion  of 
Dummer's  hurried  letter  in  the  text,  which  was  followed  by  a  more  formal 
letter  to  the  Connecticut  authorities  dated  20  August,  1715  (c/.  Colonial  Records 
of  Connecticut,  v.  522).  At  this  Session  of  the  House  (15  August)  the  Guar- 
dian of  the  young  Lord  Baltimore  petitioned  for  a  clause  to  be  inserted  in  the 
Bill  to  save  the  rights  of  his  ward  (Journals,  xviii.  269).  On  the  following  day 
(16  August)  Dummer,  as  Agent  for  the  Province  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay  and 
the  Colony  of  Connecticut,  petitioned  the  House  to  except  his  constituents  from 
the  operations  of  the  Bill  (xviii.  270).  See  Dummer's  Defence  of  the  New- 
England  Charters,  passim;  Chalmers's  Introduction  to  the  History  of  the 
Revolt  of  the  American  Colonies  (1845)  ii.  5,  6;  Palfrey's  History  of  New 
England,  iv.  487  and  notes ;  New  England  Historical  and  Genealogical  Register 
for  1869,  xxiii.  457-459;  Dictionary  of  National  Biography,  xxviii  893;  and 
G.  E.  C[okayne]'s  Complete  Peerage,  ii.  277,  27a 


1S99-] 


EARLY  HISTORY   OF   YALE  UNIVERSITY. 


179 


this  heard  how  happy  the  Mafsachu setts  is  like  to  be  in  Governour  Shute 
who  intends  to  Sail  for  Boston  by  the  End  of  this  Month.  It  has  bin  a 
vast  struggle  to  procure  this  blefsing  to  New  England,  &  the  work  of  a 
whole  year's  application.  It's  an  inestimable  priviledge  which  you  have 
in  Your  Colony  to  create  your  own  Govetnour  &  other  inferiour  Officers. 
I  shall  be  glad  to  hear  how  your  Young  Academy  grows,  &  whether  you 
have  built  a  convenient  receptacle  for  your  library,  that  I  may  send  you 
Some  proper  Ornaments  to  furnish  it-  I  hope  you  had,  or  at  least  have 
by  this  time,  the  books  &  Globes  I  Sent  you  by  the  last  Ships,  to  which 
I  am  Still  making  Additions,  I  wish  you  health  &  ail  happynefs,  & 
amS' 

Your  faithfull  Humble  Serv1 
Wsmuft 

6*  J  uijr  1716  JER  :    DUMMER 

I  Pray  your  Acceptance  of  the 

continuation  of  the  Mercurys. 

Mm  WOODBRJDGE 


JEREMIAH   DUMMER   TO  TIMOTHY   WOODBRIDGE. 
JUT?    &   WOBTHT   S1 

I  have  your  letter  of  Hay  Last  be- 
fore met  which  if  I  have  not  already  answex'd  (for  I  can't  certainly  tell 
having  kept  no  Copy)  1  must  depend  on  your  goodnefs  to  forgive  me, 
I  now  cover  to  you  the  Continuation  of  the  monthly  Mercurys  being  the 
five  last,  an  Excellent  Book  of  the  famous  Bishop  Hoadley,1  &  the 
Pope's  bull  unigenitus,  which  has  caus'd  such  mighty  divisions  in 
France,  &  in  which  you  '1  to  your  surprize  find  not  onely  the  most  in- 
nocent, but  the  most  pious  doctrines  condemned  as  offensive  to  pious 
Mars.  You  have  also  in  this  packet  the  King's  Speech  at  the  Opening 
His  Parliament  by  which  you'l  see  the  King  of  Sweden  has  for  some 
time  bin  preparing  to  invade  this  Kingdom.  My  Lord  Chancellour  told 
me  last  week  that  my  Lord  Carnwath,  when  he  was  examin'd  a  year 
since  on  his  being  taken  at  Preston,  owu'd  to  the  King  that  the  Pre- 

1  For  a  notice  of  Benjamin  Hoadly,  successively  Bishop  of  Bangor,  Here- 
ford, Salisbury,  and  Winchester,  see  the  Dictionary  of  National  Biography, 
xxvii.  16-21,  The  ball  Unigenitus  was  published  by  Clement  XL  in  1713. 
The  book  referred  to  by  Dummer  was  possibly  Hoadly's  Satirical  Dedication 
to  Pope  Clement  XI, T  prefixed  in  1715  to  Sir  R.  Steele1*  Account  of  the  Roman 
Catholic  Religion,  or  more  probably  A  Preservative  against  the  Principles  and 
Practices  of  the  Nonjurors  both  in  Church  and  State,  published  in  1718. 


180 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF   MASSACHUSETTS.         [Afeil, 


tender  told  him  in  his  Closet  that  his  last  &  eheif  dependanee  was  on 
the  King  of  Sweden.  Hut  the  Plot  being  now  discover**!*  the  danger 
is  over,  for  it  would  be  very  Strange  if  we  having  so  much  time  to  arm, 
&  being  protected  by  France  &  Holland,  should  not  be  able  to  Defend 
Onr  Selves  against  the  power  of  Sweden,  notwithstanding  there  are  so 
many  Male  contents  among  our  Selves.  To  pafs  from  this  Subject  to 
the  Affairs  of  Connecticut,  I  am  Sorry  I  cannot  yet  Send  yoa  the  rest 
of  the  books  with  the  Catalogue,  but  hope  to  do  it  by  the  fall,  having 
a  promise  of  Several  large  benefactions  not  yet  come  In.  J  should  be 
glad  however  in  the  mean  time  if  some  oration  at  your  Commencement 
might  take  notice  of  what  Books  you  have  already  reeeiv'd  (I  mean 
onely  in  General  words)  &  acknowledge  your  obligations  to  yof  Friends 
here,  &  that  then  a  proper  paragraph  of  it  might  be  prepared  for  the 
Boston  Gazett,  &  the  Gazett  sent  over  to  me.  I  could  perhaps  make 
use  of  this  contrivance  to  the  great  advantage  of  the  Col  ledge,  be- 
sides it  is  a  necefaary  peice  of  gratitude  in  you,  &  as  requisite  for  my 
acquittal, 

As  for  Dp  Williams's  *  charity,  the  will  is  not  yet  recorded  for  reasons 
I  formerly  gave  you.  Bnt  I  have  Seen  a  Copy  of  it  taken  in  Short 
hand,  &  what  concerns  us  is  in  Substance  this*  He  leaves  a  Manner  of 
a  120  £  p  ann™  for  the  propagating  the  gospel  among  the  Indians, 
whereof  one  halfe  is  to  Harvard  Colledgo  &  the  other  to  the  Corpora- 
tion1 here,  but  Still  for  the  same  use.     That  the  one  moiety  (which  is 

i. 

1  For  a  notice  of  Daniel  Williams,  a  prominent  Nonconformist  divine,  see 
the  Dictionary  of  National  Biography,  hri.  385-389.  His  will,  dated  28  June, 
1711,  with  a  codicil,  22  August,  1712,  gave  rise  to  a  controversy  which  was  not 
settled  atitil  2d  July,  1721.  The  will  is  printed  in  the  New  England  Historical 
and  Genealogical  Register  for  1892,  xlvl  436-439 ;  and  in  Waters'*  Genealogi- 
cal Gleanings  in  England,  i.  628-rj;il. 

s  The  Corporation  referred  to  by  Dumraer  in  this  letter  and  in  another 
dated  25  February,  1724-25  {post,  p.  202),  and  still  existing  in  England  under 
the  assumed  name  of  The  New  England  Company,  is  often  referred  to  by  histor- 
ical writers  under  many  variants  from  its  legal  name,  —  such  as  "  The  Indian 
Corporation"  (Ibid,),  n  the  Society  for  propagating  the  Gospel  ia  America" 
(post,  p.  203),  the  ■*  Corporation  for  promoting  the  Gospel  among  the  Indians  in 
New  England"  (British  Museum  Catalogue),  and  the  **  Corporation  for  the 
Spread  of  the  Gospel  in  New  England  n  (Dictionary  of  National  Biographjt  vi. 
120,  121).  It  is  even  confounded  with  the  still  existing  great  Missionary 
Society  of  the  Church  of  England,  chartered  by  William  III,,  16  June,  1701, 
under  the  name  of  **  The  Society  for  the  Propagation  of  the  Gospel  in  Foreign 
Parts,**  an  Historical  Account  of  which,  by  the  Rev*  Dr.  David  Humphreys, 
its  Secretary,  was  printed  in  London  in  1730.  It  was  thia  last  named  Society 
and  its  operations  here  which  gave  rise  to  the  May  hew  Controversy,  bo  called, 


1SP9.] 


EARLY   HISTORY   OF   YALE  UNIVERSITY, 


181 


60  p  aim111)  should  be  appropriated  to  your  Colony  is  very  reasonable 
because  Your  Indians  have  biu  hitherto  wholly  neglected,  &  there  ia  a 


in  which  the  Rev.  Dr,  Jonathan  May  hew  and  the  Rev,  East  Apthorp  were  the 
principal  actors  (see  Annals  of  King's  Chapel,  ii.  241-230).  It  has  seemed 
well,  therefore,  to  state  briefly  the  facts  concerning  the  legal  name  ami  tlm 
career  of  the  organization  which  played  an  important  part  in  aiding  the  work 
of  the  Apostle  Eliot  and  in  printing  the  Indian  Bible.  These  facts  have  been 
drawn  chiefly  from  a  small  volnme  of  ninety-two  pages  entitled  A  Sketch  of 
the  Origin  and  the  Recent  History  of  the  New  England  Company  by  the 
Senior  Member  of  the  Company  [Henry  William  Busk]  ■  .  .  London,  1B84.1 

On  the  twenty -seventh  of  July,  1640,  the  Long  Parliament  passed  an  Act  to 
create  H  A  Corporation  for  the  Promoting  and  Propagating  the  Gospel  of  Jesus 
Christ  in  New  England  "  (p«  8),  It  established  a  Corporation  in  England  con- 
sisting of  sixteen  persons,  —  a  President,  a  Treasurer,  and  fourteen  Assistants* 
to  be  called  rt  The  President  and  Society  for  the  Propagation  of  the  Gospel  in 
New  England,"  with  power  to  acquire  real  and  personal  estate  not  exceeding 
the  annual  value  of  £2,000.  Nearly  £12,000  was  raised  by  voluntary  subscrip- 
tion in  England  and  Wales  and  invested  in  real  estate  in  EriswelK  Suffolk, 
in  Plums tead,  Kent,  and  in  London.  "The  Corporation  at  once  appointed 
Commissioners  and  a  Treasurer  in  New  England,  who,  with  the  income  trans- 
mitted to  them  by  the  Corporation  from  England,  paid  itinerant  missionaries 
and  school  teachers  amongst  the  natives"  (pp.  9,  10). 

At  the  Restoration  (29  May,  16CJ0),  the  Corporation  became  defunct,  but 
through  the  exertions  of  the  Hon.  Robert  Boyle  and  others,  it  was  revived  by 
an  Order  of  Charles  IL  in  Council,  10  April,  1661,  "  for  a  new  Charter  of  In- 
corporation vesting  in  the  Company  then  created  (and  now  suhsi sting)  the 


1  Aw  it  nowhere  appears  in  Mr.  Buck's  Hietoiy  when  or  by  what  authority  the  present  name 
of  the  Society  was  adopted,  a  letter  was  addressed  to  the  Society's  office  in  London  requesting 
information  upon  the-<e  points.  From  the  reply  of  William  Marshal!  Venning,  IK  C.  L.,  the 
Clerk  of  the  Company,  the  following  extracts  are  taken:  — 

m  The  name  of  thii  Society  w»  never  changed  to  the  New  England  Company  by  Royal  Charter,  by 
Act  of  Parliament,  or  by  process  of  law.  In  f&etT  it  a  name  Ills  never  been  changed  at  at!  h]uc\-  the  data 
Of  it«  Charter,  its  full  legal  title  stU)  being  *  the  Company  for  propagation  of  tha  Gospel  in  New  England 
and  the  part*  adjacent  In  America. *  For  the  sake  of  brevity,  and  perhaps  partly  to  distinguish  it  from 
the  Society  for  the  propagation  of  the  Gospel  in  Foreign  Parts,  it  has  long  been  commonly  called  'the 
New  England  Company/  ■  -  •  The  earliest  record  I  can  find  ...  of  this  Society  having  been  called 
•The  New  England  Company*  la  in  tbe  Minn  tea  of  a  meeting  of  the  Company  held  on  the  3rd  April, 
177".  These  are  the  earliest  Minutes  in  the  Company's  possession  with  the  exception  of  the  Minutes  of 
nine  at  ten  meetings  held  at  various  dates  between  tbe  year*  1652  and  1720  in  all  which  caaea  the  longer 
title  is  used.'* 

The  Company  baa  since  privately  printed  a  vol  nine  of  much  interest  to  students  of  our 
Colonial  and  Provincial  history  entitled  —  Some  Correspondence  between  the  Governors  and 
Treasurers  of  the  New  England  Company  in  London  and  the  Commissioner*  of  the  United 
Colonies  in  America,  tbe  Missionaries  of  the  Company,  and  others  between  the  years  IttST  and 
1712*  to  which  are  added  the  Journals  of  the  Kev.  Experience  M*yli««r  in  1713  and  1714, 
Printed  from  the  Originals  in  the  possession  of  the  New  England  Company.  «  .  .  London, 
MM.  pp.  128. 

See  Dr.  Venning* a  paper  on  the  Origin  of  the  New  England  Company*  London,  with  an 
Account  of  the  Labours  on  Behalf  «»f  the  North  American  Indians,  in  the  Transactions  of  the 
Royal  Historical  Society,  1885,  New  Series,  &  29J-301. 


182 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.         [April, 


word  in  the  demise  that  seems  to  fix  it  there,  for  it  said  the  neglected 
patjanSj  which  cannot  be  the  Mafsachusett  Indians  after  so  much  pains 
have  been  taken  with  them.  I  delivered  Yof  Government's  letter  to  the 
Corporation  on  this  Subject,  &  gave  them  my  opinion  upon  it,  as  I  now 
write  you,  &  I  think  I  have  interest  enough  with  them  to  carry  it  so. 
However  there  is  no  immediate  haste,  because  there's  a  life  upon  the 
Estate  which  must  fall  before  it  comes  into  hand.  And  yet  it  is  fitting 
to  take  proper  care,  for  the  life  is  a  poor  one  being  a  very  Sickly  woman* 
who  has  already  liv'd  a  good  deal  longer,  than  the  Physicians  th6t  was 
pofsible. 

I  add  to  the  Packet,  yesterday *s  Flying  Post  containing  the  Addrefs 
of  the  Afsembly  of  Carolina  to  the  King  to  take  their  Province  under 
bis  immediate  Government*  The  Agents  for  that  Province  are  pre- 
paring a  Petition  to  the  Parliament  persuant  to  the  Addrefs,  A  'tis 
probable  a  bill  will  be  brought  in  for  it,  &  as  probable  that  Our 
Enemies  wiU  make  another  push  to  have  us  included  in  it,  but  I  don't 
much  fear  what  they  Can  do,  as  long  as  the  Commifs'*  Of  the  Custome 
are  quiet,  &  make  no  remonstrances  against  us-     • 

I  wish  you  much  health  &  bappynefs  &  am  With  very  great  Esteem 

&  respect 

Sf 

Your  faithfull  Humble  Serv* 

Whitehall 

SI'  Feb".  1716/17 

Jer:  Dummer 

M1  Trai1?  Wood  bridge 


property  which  had  been  given  or  bought  for  the  purposes  of  the  late  reputed 
Corporation  m  (pp.  12,  13)*  The  Charter  passed  the  Seals  on  the  seventh  of 
February,  1661-62,  and  created  "  the  Company  for  Propagation  of  the  Gospell  in 
New  England,  and  the  Partes  adjacent  in  America  "  (p.  60),  which  was  limited 
in  its  fellowship  to  forty  .five  persons  (p*  64),  The  Charter-members  included 
the  Earl  of  Clarendon,  the  Earl  of  Manchester,  Viscount  Saye  and  Sele,  the 
Hon.  Robert  Boyle,  and  many  Aldermen  and  citizens  of  London  (pp.  H,  57-50), 

"  For  a  few  years  after  1775,  when  the  American  War  of  Independence 
broke  out,  no  missionary  work  was  done  in  America  at  all,  and  the  funds  were 
allowed  to  accumulate/'  After  the  Peace  of  1783,  the  Company  transferred 
its  operations  to  New  Brunswick,  and,  in  1822,  to  other  parts  of  British 
America  (pp.  17,  21  )♦ 

The  funds  of  the  Company  are  derived  (1)  from  the  original  subscript* 
in  1649,  of  about  £12,000,  (2)  from  **  a  fund  arising  under  the  will  of  the  Ho: 
Robert   Boyle,  the  first  Governor  of  the   Company, "  who  died  80  December, 
169 1 j  and  (3)  from  4t  property  derived  under  the  will  of  the  Rev*  Dr.  Daniel 
Williams,  who  died  20  January,  1716-16,  and  whose  will  was  confirmed  by  his 


tish 

on, 
'on. 

>er, 


1890.] 


EARLY   H1STOBT   OF  YALE  UNIVERSITY. 


183 


JOHN  HEAD'S   PROPOSALS  ABOUT  YALE  COLLEGE, 

To  the  Honw  The  Gov'  and  Cornp*  for  Setting  y»  difputes  concerning 
y"  place  of  j1  Collegiate  School  &  dependences  thereof  y*  humble 
propofall  of  Jn*  Mead  — 

Imprimis  That  the  Lower  houfe  reprefenting  y*  whole  Countrey  declare 
y*  place  they  defire  y*  sd  School  to  be  Setled  in  — 

That  yf  Genu  Court  Grant  Sis  miles  Square  of  Land  where  it  may 
be  found  to  be  Improved  aa  a  State  of  Inheritance  to  y"  ufe  of  y" 
School  — 

That  y*  Truftees  be  moved  to  Settle  y*  School  in  y*  place  So  to  be 
named  provided 

1,  That  in  three  months  next  coming  Some  Gent :  of  ye  Lower  Houfe 
y*  Shall  be  in  y*  vote  for  y*  new  place  Shall  procure  a  Collection  for 
y*  ufe  of  ye  School  to  y*  value  of  y*  Sum  Expended  allready  on  y* 
School  at  Newhaven  >  &  take  y'  Materiails  at  Newhaven  provided  for 
y*  ufe  of  y*  Contributes  — 

2*  That  within  the  time  aforesd  Some  Gent  in  y*  vote  afores*  pro- 
cure Such  a  Subscription  for  y"  new  place  as  they  will  Warrant  to 
Surmount  and  go  beyond  y*  Sums  and  benevolences  yl  are  or  shall  be 
in  y*  Space  of  one  moneth  now  coming  be  reafonably  secured  for  y*  found- 
ing and  lucouragement  of  y*  Scbool  at  Newbaveo. 

So  yl  if  y*  Collections  and  Subfcriptions  above  mentioned  in  manner 
and  form  above  exprefsed  be  not  made  in  y*  time  above  Limit  ted  y*  y" 
y*  S4  Truftees  Shall  proceed  by  y*  Orders  &  agrem*"  of  y*  majT  part  of 
ym  to  build  &  Settle  y*  Sd  Scbool  at  Newhaven  as  they  have  began 

Jn°  Read 

of  Lonetown 


[^Endorsed] 


Mr  Reeds  propofall 
about  the  Col  ledge 
Octo  1717 


sister  and  heiressnat-law,  and  by  decree  in  Chancery  in  1720"  (p.  18),  It  was 
not  until  1745,  however,  on  the  death  of  the  life  tenant,  to  whom  Bummer 
refers,  that  the  Company  "  came  into  possession  of  considerable  landed  prop- 
erty in  Essex,  in  trust,  partly  for  supporting  itinerant  preachers  in  the  West 
Indies,  and  partly  for  the  benefit  of  the  college  of  Cambridge  in  New  Eng- 
land M  (p.  19).    This  ia  the  devise  referred  to  in  Bummer's  letter  in  the  text. 


18».] 


KABLT   HISTOBT  OF   YALE  UNIVERSITY. 


183 


JOHN  BEAD'S  FBOPOSAM  ABOUT  YALE  COLLEGE. 

To  the  Hon*'  The  Gov*  and  Comp*  for  Setltng  y*  difputes  concerning 
j*  plaoe  of  y*  Collegiate  School  &  dependency^  thereof  y*  humble 
propofall  of  Jn*  Bead  — 

Imprimis  That  the  Lower  houfe  reprefenting  ye  whole  Countrey  declare 
y*  place  they  defire  y*  a4  School  to  be  Setled  in  — 

That  y?  Genu  Court  Grant  Six  miles  Square  of  Land  where  it  may 
be  found  to  be  Improved  as  a  State  of  Inheritance  to  y*  ufe  of  y* 
School  — 

That  y*  Tmftees  be  moved  to  Settle  y*  School  in  y°  place  So  to  be 
named  provided 

1,  That  in  three  months  next  coming  Some  Gent:  of  yc  Lower  Houfe 
y*  Shall  be  in  y*  vote  for  y*  new  place  Shall  procure  a  Collection  for 
y*  ufe  of  y*  School  to  ye  value  of  ye  Sum  Expended  allready  on  y' 
School  at  Newhaven,  &  take  yfl  Materially  at  Newhaven  provided  for 
y*  ufe  of  y*  Contributors — 

2;  That  within  the  time  aforesd  Some  Gent,  in  y*  vote  aforesd  pro- 
cure Such  a  Subscription  for  y*  new  place  as  they  will  Warrant  to 
Surmount  and  go  beyond  y*  Sums  and  benevolences  y*  are  or  shall  be 
in  y*  Space  of  one  moneth  now  coming  be  reafonably  secured  for  y*  found- 
ing and  Incouragement  of  y*  School  at  Newhaven* 

So  yl  if  y*  Collections  and  Subscriptions  above  mentioned  in  manner 
and  form  above  exprefsed  be  not  made  in  y"  time  above  Limitted  y*  ym 
y*  Sd  Trnltees  Shall  proceed  by  y*  Orders  &  agrem1-  of  y*  ma]r  part  of 
y"  to  build  &  Settle  y*  Sd  School  at  Newhaven  as  they  have  began 

Jn°  Read 

of  Lonetown 


[Endorsed] 


Mf  Reeds  propofall 
about  the  Colledge 
Octo  1717 


sister  and  heiress-aWaw,  and  by  decree  in  Chancery  in  1720"  (p.  13)*  It  was 
not  until  1745,  however,  on  the  death  of  the  life  tenant,  to  whom  Bummer 
refers,  that  the  Company  *  came  into  possession  of  considerable  landed  prop- 
erty in  Essex,  in  trust,  partly  for  supporting  itinerant  preachers  in  the  West 
Indies,  and  partly  for  the  benefit  of  the  college  of  Cambridge  in  New  Eng- 
land "  (p.  19),     This  is  the  devise  referred  to  in  Du miner's  letter  in  the  text. 


184  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OP  MASSACHU8ETT8.         [ApMff 


BENJAMIN  COLMAN  TO  TIMOTHY  WOODBRIDGE. 

Rev9  &  dear  Sir, 

I  hope  you  will  excuse  my  not  answering  your  last  to  me  sooner, 
remembring  what  a  busie  time  it  has  been  of  late  with  me.  But  y*  more 
I  think  &  the  more  I  have  enquired  into  y*  Circumstances  of  your 
College,  the  more  I  grow  in  my  Opinion  that  it  is  necefsary  for  the 
Well-being  of  it  that  y*  Clafses  with  MT.  Williams l  do  not  desert  it. 
I  am  afsured  also  that  it  will  be  heavily  born  by  the  Gentlemen  Over- 
seers &  others  in  Governm*  with  you,  who  have  come  into  y*  Vote  for 
y*  building  at  New-haven.  And  since  y*  House  is  now  fixed  there, 
how  much  soever  it  might  be  desired  by  you  that  it  had  not  been  so,  I 
know  your  generous  public  spirit  will  now  dictate  to  you  y*  best 
Methods  wherein  you  may  support  &  serve  it  It  will  I  fear  weaken  & 
dishearten  your  Accademy  when  your  Commencement  comes  on,  if 
several  Graduates  it  may  be  of  y*  best  Literature  should  decline 
receiving  their  Honours  from  her.  We  must  in  a  thousand  instances 
deny  our  Selves  for  y*  common  good.  I  cannot  therefore  bring  my 
Self  to  be  willing  that  any  number  of  your  Scholars  should  at  this 
critical  time  offer  themselves  to  us,  but  if  your  Son  *  alone  do  so  I  have 
nothing  against  it,  but  shal  be  glad  of  any  Opportunity  to  testify  my 
regards  unto  you,  &  how  much  I  am 

Rev  Sir 

Your  Affectionate  humble  Servt. 
Benj.  Colman. 

Boston,  June  4,  1718. 
[Addressed] 

For  The  Reverend 

Mr.  Timothy  Woodbridge 

Pastor  of  a  Church  in 

Hartford. 


1  Elisha  Williams  (H.  C.  1711)  of  Wethersfield  was  a  Tutor  in  the  College 
(1716-1718)  before  his  induction  to  the  office  of  Rector,  in  1726.  His  service 
as  Tutor  was  wholly  at  Wethersfield,  —  in  charge  of  the  "remnant "  or  "  seces- 
sion," encouraged  by  Woodbridge,  which  resisted,  for  a  time,  the  removal  of  the 
Seminary  from  Saybrook  to  New  Haven.  After  the  breach  had  been  healed, 
Williams's  name  was  inserted  in  the  list  of  Tutors.   See  post,  p.  206,  note. 

2  Elisha  Lord  (Y.  C.  1718).  He  was  the  child  of  Woodbridge's  last  wife 
by  a  former  marriage.  See  Dexter's  Yale  Biographies  and  Annals,  i.  187;  and 
Sibley's  Harvard  Graduates,  ii  468. 


EARLY   HISTORY  OF  YALE   UNIVERSITY. 


185 


GUBDON   SALTONSTALL  TO  HEZEKIAH   WYLLYS. 

N  Lond:  Not:  20  1718, 

M*  Sechetart. 

This  comes  exprefs  to  You,  for  a  Copy  of  the  Act1  of  the  late 
Afsembly,  respecting  the  Settlement  of  the  Col  Ledge  Affairs,  which  I 
would  have,  with  y*  publiek  Seal  annexed  to  It,  seat  to  Me,  by  this 
Mefsenger,  And  perhaps  You  will  have  all  the  Othr  Acts  for  the  Prefs, 
ready  to  send  the  Printer  by  the  Same  Opportunity.  You  had  better 
hire  the  copying  of  them,  than  delay  so  long,  the  Sending  of  them  to 
the  Prefs. 

Don't  forget  the  Papers  I  mentioned  to  You  in  my  last  by  Capt 
Minor,1  (viz  the  Bundle  of  Pleas,  or  Proceedings  in  Hnrri's  Case, 
Contra  Hill,)  which  I  laid  before  the  Afsembly  in  May  last,  among  the 
Papers  relating  to  the  ludians  at  Mohegan,  &  were  taken  from  y1  File 
to  improve  in  y*  Case,  Which  will  be  wanted  here  by  the  Committee. 
thrfore  let  them  come  sealed  up  to  me,  togethr  with  the  Act  I  now 
write  for, 

I  am  concerned  for  Mf  Treasurer1  Y'  Neighbour,  and  desire  Yon  to 
inform  Me  how  he  is,    I  am  Sr 


T3 

2 
o 


Y*  very  humble  Serv* 

G;  Saltqnstall, 


P.  8. 

You  have  among  the  Papers  left  on  the  Council  board  at  N  Haven, 
when  I  took  my  leave  of  You  j  The  Minutes  of  the  Orders  We  made, 
relating  to  the  Money  to  be  paid  to  the  Trustees,  and  the  Colledge 
Books  at  Say  brook  ;  which  Yon  must  also  Send  Me,  with  an  Account 
[of  J  what  Y'ou  have  done  upon  those  Orders. 

as. 

If  you  have  a  Sufficient  Stock  of  Publiek  Paper,  Such  as  Yon  had  at 
N  Haven*  send  Me  2  or  3  Quire  by  this  Exprefs, 

G.  S. 

1  Colonial  Records  of  Connecticut,  vi.  83,  84 + 

4  Captain  Ephrnira  Minor  of  Stonington  ig  probably  here  referred  to. 
1  John  Whiting,  son  of  Captain  Joseph  Whiting,  was  Treasurer  of  the 
Colony  from  1717  to  1749* 


196  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.         [Ann, 

Mr  Seckt  Wtllts. 

Since  my  writing  what  is  before,  I  understand  Some  Persona  have  a 
flrsjpi  to  proceed  at  Weathersfield,  in  opposition  to  the  Act  of  the  late 
AisesnblT.  relating  to  a  Colledge  at  X  Haven,  6  Schollars  belonging  to 
It  at  Weathersfield ;  Which  th6  I  can  hardly  believe,  Tet  I  think  It  may 
be  beat  for  Yon  to  draw  a  Copy  of  that  Act,  and  cause  It  to  be  de- 
livered to  the  Constable  of  Weathersfield,  with  an  Order  as  from  Me, 
that  he  publish  It  immediately  in  y*  s4  Town.  Which  Tou  are  accord- 
ingly to  take  care  of;  This  will  be  a  sufficient  Means  to  prevent  any 
Such  Disorder  as  »  said  to  be  designed  there.  I  would  have  You 
thrfore  attend  this  Order,  without  Delay. 

IamSr 

Y*  Servant 

G:  Saltohstall. 


ABORTIVE  ACT  OF  THE  LEGISLATURE  TO  PROVIDE  FOR 
A  RESIDENT  RECTOR. 

An  Act  for  the  further  Incouragmt  of  Tale  Colledge 

Whereas  it  Is  thought  Needfull  for  the  Good  Govermt  of  the  Col- 
ledge at  Newhaven  and  promoting  learning  there,  to  have  a  Refident 
Rector,  who  with  one  Tutor  may  be  Sufficient  to  Inftruct  the  Studients 
belonging  to  the  Said  Colledge  untill  there  Number  be  Considerably 
Increafed.  and  whereas  the  Sum  of  one  hundred  pound  a  year  already 
Given  out  of  the  publick  Treafury  to  the  tutor  of  s4  Colledge  Is  not 
Sufficient  for  a  Refident  Rector  &  a  Tutor.  It  Is  therefore  Enacted  by 
the  Oovernr  CounceU  <tc.  that  there  shall  be  the  Sum  of  Eighty  pounds 
more  paid  yearely  out  of  the  publick  Treafury  for  the  Incouragm*  &  sup- 
port of  a  Refident  Rector  &  one  Tutor,  which  makes  one  hundred  & 
Eighty  pound  in  the  whole,  for  Such  time  as  there  shall  be  a  Refident 
Rector,  or  untill  Such  time  as  the  Sum  of  one  hundred  pound  a  year 
Can  be  raifed  for  them  Some  other  way.  &  then  the  said  Eighty  pound 
a  year  shall  not  be  paid  out  of  the  Treafury  but  only  the  Sum  of  one 
hundred  pound  a  year  as  it  hath  been  of  late. 

Pad  in  the  UppT  Houfe 

Teft  Hez.  Wtllts1  Secretry 
Difsented  to  in  the  Lower  houfe 

Teft  Tho.  Kimberlt  Clerk 

1  The  Signatures  to  this  document  are  autographs. 


1800.] 


EARLY  HISTORY  OF  YALE   UNIVERSITY, 


187 


[Endorsed] 

For  a  Refideut 
Rector  &c>  Yale 
Colledge 
1719 

F:U:H 
N;L:H 


TIMOTHY  CUTLER  TO   TIMOTHY    WOODBRIDGE* 

N.  Hifbn  Dec*  31.  im 
Rev"  Sir 

Having  communicated  to  the  Rev*  Mr  Andrew  l  and  M*  Rufsel,*  a 

Letter  which  I  ree*  from  the  Govp+  bearing  Date  Dec,  24.  relating  to  the 
Building  a  Rector's  Houfe  here,  and  defireing  the  Refuit  of  y*  Rev^ 
Tniftees  Thoughts  afsoon  as  may  he :  it  is  their  concurrent  Opinion, 
That  with  all  convenient  speed  there  should  be  a  meeting  here  of  the 
Rev*  Tnifteea  of  this  School  upon  this  affair,  as  well  as  others,  that 
may  then  be  offered  to  Conflderation. 

They  have  therefore  empowerd  me  in  their  names  to  signify  their 
deflres,  That  you  would  give  your  attendance  at  Sd  meeting  on  ye  24  of 
January  next  enfueiog;  which  I  accordingly  do,  and  entreat  your 
Favour  in  the  notification  of  it  to  MT  Buckingham,* 

Sir,  I  am  senfible  that  Riding  such  a  journey  on  this  Time  (efpecially 
as  the  cafe  may  be)  will  be  very  difficult,  and  I  think  that  nothing  but  the 
urgency  of  affairs  can  call  for  it  Rut  I  think  that  this  is  the  prefent 
cafe-  You  are  not  infenfible  of  the  Difficulty s  of  my  prefent  Habitation, 
and  my  Tenure  of  it  alfo  is  as  uncertain  as  pofsible.  If  any  thing  be 
done  refpecting  a  Building  this  year  it  is  requifite  there  be  a  prefent 
Con  fideration  that  the  Timber  be  cut  for  it  in  the  Winter  Seafon.  I 
know,  3r,  that  such  is  your  age  and  Diftance,  That  you  may  as  fairly  put 
in  for  an  Exeufe  from  coming  as  any  Gentleman,  but  having  a  particu- 
lar depen dance  upon  your  coming  I  can  by  no  means  be  eafy  in  a  Sub- 
mi  fsion  to  it,  and  do  therefore  take  the  Freedom  to  Importune  your 
mindfullnefse  of  us  at  that  time.  And  having  had  so  many  In  fiances  of 
your  goodnefse  in  affairs  of  this  nature,  I  muft  promife  my  self  the 
Hon'  &  Happinefse  of  a  Viflt  at  that  time. 


1  Rev,    Samuel   Andrew   (H.  C.  1675)   of  Milford,   Connecticut     For  an 
excellent  notice  of  him  see  Sprague'e  Annals  of  the  American  Pulpit,  L  209  note* 
3  Rev.  Samuel  Russel  (H.  G.  1681)  of  Branford,  Connecticut 
a  Rev;  Thomas  Buckingham  (H.  C.  1690)  of  Hartford. 


188  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  [April, 

There  is  lately  come  amongst  as  a  Dream  of  one  Wait-still  Hoping, 
referring  to  Stratford  &  Lime  under  late  &  prefent  Circumftances,  par- 
ticularly relating  y*  affairs  of  y*  late  Council  at  Stratford,  &  Favouring 
y*  Determinations  of  it,  particularly  magnifying  the  Character  and  con- 
duct of  a  Rev*  Gentleman  Mr  Izzard.  The  Reprefentation  of  it  is  in 
y*  way  of  a  deflgn'd  wedding,  the  Legality  whereof  is  contefted  and  dif- 
proved  by  one  Mr  Immoveable.  The  air  of  it  is  pompous  and  rapturous, 
and  pretty  taking  with  us.  The  Revd  Mr  Izzard  who  is  called  the 
Authour  may  pofsibly  be  here  at  y*  meeting  if  his  great  Diftance  or 
Vapours  hinder  not.1 

The  College  Bell  is  now  raifed  and  gives  a  very  pleafant  clear  Sound, 
and  we  are  humbly  thankfull  to  Mad?  Woodbridge's  Generality  in  it.1 
To  whom  I  give  my  service  as  well  as  to  your  self,  who  am,  Rev*  Sir 
Your  Hum.  Serv*. 

Timothy  Cutler8 


JEREMIAH   DUMMER  TO  TIMOTHY  WOODBRIDGE. 

M*  Yale  Sends  you  by  this  Ship  one  hundred  pounds  Sterling  in 
goods  for  the  use  of  his  Colledge,  &  Afsures  me  that  a  present  which 
he  has  bin  long  getting  ready,  of  Instruments,  books,  &  pictures  shall 
be  Sent  you  in  a  month's  time.  I  am  glad  to  get  what  I  can  of  him, 
th6  it  be  lefs  than  his  engagements ;  for  he  promis'd  me  that  he  would 

1  As  I  was  unable  to  interpret  this  paragraph  I  sought  the  aid  of  our  asso- 
ciate Professor  Franklin  Bowditch  Dexter,  who  replied  as  follows:  — 

"I  cannot  decipher  ...  'the  Rev*  M'.  Izzard.'  The  phrases  'Wait-still  Hoping' 
and  '  Mr.  Immovable  '  seem  to  point  to  some  recent  pamphlet  with  a  nomenclature  re- 
sembling the  Pilgrim's  Progress.  The  reference  to  «y#  late  Council  at  Stratford'  is 
probably  to  a  council  held  there  in  April,  1720,  when  the  town  was  divided  on  the  ques- 
tion of  calling  Samuel  Russell,  Jr.  (Yale  1712),  as  a  minister  in  succession  to  Cutler. 
Cutler  speaks  of  Mr.  Izzard's  '  great  distance '  as  likely  to  prevent  his  attendance  at  the 
Trustees'  Meeting,  and  this  would  seem  to  point  either  to  Moses  Noyes  of  Lyme  or  to 
Eliphalet  Adams  of  New  London." 

I  wish  to  acknowledge  my  indebtedness  to  Professor  Dexter  for  other  valu- 
able suggestions  in  connection  with  this  communication. 

a  Sibley  records  the  gift  of  this  bell  by  Madam  Woodbridge,  but  assigns 
the  date  of  it  to  the  year  1723  (Harvard  Graduates,  ii.  469).  His  authority 
was  Clap's  Annals  of  Yale  College,  p.  79,  but  Clap  is  untrustworthy  about 
such  small  matters. 

•  For  notices  of  Dr.  Cutler,  see  Sprague's  Annals  of  the  American  Pulpit, 
v.  50,  52;  and  F.  B.  Dexter's  Yale  Biographies  and  Annals,  i.  201-203, 270-273. 
See  Foote's  Annals  of  King's  Chapel,  i.  306  et  seq. 


IgM  ] 


EARLY   HISTORY  OF  YALE  UNIVERSITY, 


189 


Send  you  over  200  £  p  anno  as  long  as  he  liv'd,  &  make  a  Setlement 
upon  you  forever,  to  commence  immediately  after  his  death.  But  I  am 
afraid  lest  being  old  he  should  dye  and  neglect  it,  Therefore  I  think  it 
proper  that  you  Continue  writing  to  him.  Mr  Hollis  has  given  me  Some 
hopes  that  he  will  think  of  you  when  he  has  finish* t  what  he  intends  to 
do  for  Harvard  Colledge,1  which  lie  do  every  thing  in  my  power  to 
promote,  thG  I've  received  very  Severe  reprimands  from  some  of  my 
friends  in  Boston  for  having  made  application  to  him* 

The  ruin  of  Southsea  Stock  &  all  publick  credit,  &  the  bribery  de- 
tected in  persons  in  the  Administration,  <&  in  members  of  both  Houses 
of  Parliament  has  thrown  us  into  Such  confusion,  that  one  can't  tell 
how  or  where  the  Scene  will  end.  If  you  were  but  sure  of  keeping 
your  Charter,  I  think  I  should  prefer  a  quiet  humble  retreat  in  a  corner 
of  Connecticut  rather  than  the  moat  conspicuous  place  in  this  Kingdom, 
which  is  so  universally  Corrupt,  that  there  is  not  the  face  of  honesty  left 
among  us,  I  present  you  with  a  bundle  of  Sermons,  which  I  shall  send 
to  Mr  Dixwell a  in  Boston  &  desire  him  to  forward  it  to  you. 

I  am  ST 
Lcwtf  Mti>t>Le  Tfc*w.K  Your  Very  humble  Serv* 

7*  March  1720  [1720-21.] 

Jer:  Dumueb 

[Adressed] 

To  The  Rev*  Mr  Woodbridce 
Minister  of  y1  Gospel 
at  Hartford  in 
Connecticut 


TIMOTHY  CUTLER   TO  TrMOXHY  WOODBKIDGE. 

N.  Hjlv**  July  7.  1721. 

Rev.d  Sir 

I  humbly  thank  you  for  your  Concern  abl  y*  College  Mony  to  be  pro- 
cured for  us  by  Cap*  Wads  worth.1     But  I  do  not  underflaud  that  there 

1  Cf*  Mr,  Davis's  Remarks,  p.  211,  pmL 

1  This,  Hon  hi  less,  was  John  Bixwell  of  Boston,  goldsmith,  a  Ruling  Elder 
of  the  New  North  Church.  He  was  the  son  of  the  Regicide ;  born  io  New 
Haven,  6  March  IB  80-81  ;  and  died  in  Boston  of  small -pox  by  inoculation,  21 
April  1725  (Records  of  the  New  North  Church)* 

1  Captain  James  Wadsworth  of  Durham  was  of  the  Governor's  Council  and 
had  to  do  with  the  Brief  for  collecting  money  for  the  Rector's  house  which  had 
been  ordered  in  May,  1731  (</.  Colonial  Records  of  Connecticut,  vi.  256). 


190 


THE  COIX)NLaX  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS,         [AfEIL, 


is  any  come  to  us  befides  w1  you  sent  down  a  litle  while  agoe,  and  I  am 
very  much  affected  with  it  from  my  Engagement  in  y*  Purehafe  I  have 
made  of  a  Houfe,  for  which  I  shall  shortly  want  55lb  to  pay  y*  man  -e*e- 
longi  befides  another  55lb  y*  I  have  taken  upon  Intcrcft  on  y*  same  acco1 

I  have  laft  night  recd  a  Letter  from  His  Honr  Encouraging  us  to  hope 
Mr  Yale  will  further  remember  us  in  such  an  Annuity  as  you  Speak  of. 
His  HonT  writes,  That  He  shd  have  now  sent  to  Mr  Hollis  by  y*  ships 
going  for  England,  but  that  He  could  never  obtain  a  sight  of  y*  Letter 
which  the  Truftees  formerly  wrote  to  Him,  &  so  could  not  write  in 
concert  with  them.  I  suppofe  He  never  was  addrefsed  by  the  "ffou. 
Truftees,  <fc  y*  wl  was  done  was  done  by  your  Self  in  a  Letter  to  MT  Dam- 
mer  taking  notice  of  Mf  Hollis's  Generosity  to  y*  College  of  Cam. 
intimating  y*  we  tho't  He  would  not  be  regardlefse  of  us  did  He  know 
our  State ;  &  this  in  complyance  with  Mr  Bummer's  Motion 

Gov!  Yale  hath  remembred  us  in  a  Prefent  of  105lh  0,  3,  The  laft 
Poffc  bro't  a  Letter  from  Mr  Lyde 1  signifying  it  was  in  his  hands  and 
desireing  y*  Truftees  orders  ab?  it.  Mr  Rufsel  &  Andrew  &  Ruggles  f 
wrote  down  to  Him  praying  His  care  ab*  ye  goods  till  further  Orders. 
Now  y*  Gov?  hath  sent  us  y"  Invoyce  from  Him*  with  a  Letter  alfo  fro 
His  Honf  They  are  in  2  Trunks  ;  Mohair  Buttons,  Stuffs,  Silk  sowing 
&c.  He  snppofes  they  will  seU  at  Bofton  for  2001b  p  Cent,  but  to  get 
ready  Mooy  is  Impracticable,  He  adds  y1  yr  have  the  good  news  of 
Col.  Tailer's1  Arrival,  &  y'  there  is  a  Profpect  of  His  being  again  on 
y*  Establishment  for  a  Coll,  in  half  pay  &  hopes  to  be  upon  his  return 
home  sometime  in  Aug*  next.  The  Gentlemen  here  have  tho't  y'  y*  Goods 
might  be  sold  in  thefe  parts  to  much  better  advantage  than  In  Bolton. 
I  hope  Sir  you  will  ufe  your  u  tin  oft  care  to  conceal  this  advice  I  now 
give  you,  leaft  it  totally  hinder  y*  Good  Effects  of  y*  Brief  out,  as 
y*  Gen"  news  we  are  affrald  in  part  will. 


1  Judge  Edward  Lyde,  of  Boston,     He  died  11  May,  1724  (Se wall's  Diary, 

iiL  337),     See  Footed  Annate  of  King's  Chapel,  i,  178  note. 

*  Rev.  Samuel  IWsel  (II.  C.  1681)  was  a  Fellow  of  Yale,  1701-1 730;  Rev. 
Samuel  Andrew "(H.  C.  1675)  was  a  Fellow  of  Harvard,  1679-C.16S4,  and  of 
Yale,  1701-1738,  and  Rector,  1707-1719;  and  Rev.  Thomas  Ruggles  (H.  C. 
1600)  was  a  Fellow  of  Yale,  1710-1728.     See  post,  p.  201,  note. 

*  Colonel  William  Tailer  of  Boston,  He  was  Lieutenant-Governor  of  the 
Province  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay  1711-1710  and  1730-1732,  He  was  univer- 
sally esteemed.  Although  a  Warden  of  King's  Chapel,  his  death  called  foHh 
affectionate  tributes  from  the  Congregational  clergy,  who  publicly  praised 
"  the  prudence,  justice,  and  moderation  of  his  administration  "  (Foote*s  Annals 
of  King's  Chapel,  i.  1S3,  184  and  note).    See  post,  pp,  207-270  and  note*,  27&- 


281. 


EARLY  HISTOBY  OP  YALE  UNIVERSITY. 


191 


I  almoft  forgot  to  say  y1  y*  Gentlroeu  Trufteea  aforee*  defired  Mr 
Lyde  to  send  j*  Service  &  Thanks  to  Mr  Yale,  &  to  signify  yl  He  might 
expect  a  further  addrefse  for  y1  end  upon  y*  firft  meeting  together. 

I  have  acted  in  y*  matter  relating  to  N,  York  *  so  far  as  to  acquaint 
M'  Whiltelfey  *  Mr  Noyes,"  Mf  Hall4  with  your  Tho'ts  &  defires  in  it 
MF  Whittelfey  Bays  y1  in  a  fortnight  or  3  Weeks  he  expects  Mr  Caner* 
at  his  Houfe  to  make  some  repairs  of  it,  which  will  inevitably  detain 
II im  from  that  Service.  Mr  Hall  is  too  much  under  the  Terrors  of 
a  Scotch  Warr  to  go,  as  He  says  lie  intimated  to  your  Self  at  Y*  Elec- 
tion, w  yon  made  y*  Motion  to  Him.  As  bo  fiP  Noyes  I  have  yet  had 
no  anfwer.  Mr  Brown8  &  My  self  shall  be  averie  to  no  service  in 
supplying  y*  Pulpit  of  any  Perfons  y*  may  go  upon  yl  Service  y*  ye  Truf- 
tees  shall  defire.  Mr  Smith*  one  of  ye  act",  in  the  affairs  of  y1  Ch*  writes 
to  me  for  my  encouragement  to  come  &  spend  some  time  w01  us  to 
polifti  himfelf  &  I  believe  I  shall  encourage  him.  Sir  your  Son  is  in 
gr*  hafte  &  this  obliges  me  to  y*  Confuflon  y*  needs  your  Pardon.  Sir  I 
defire  a  letter  from  you  Speedily  if  you  see  meet.    I  am  Sir 

Your  H  Serv\ 

T.  Cutler 
[Endorsed] 

M!  Cutler's  Letter 


1  This  refers  to  the  Presbyterian  Congregation  in  New  York  which  Jona- 
than Edwards  subsequently  served  (see  post,  p.  200,  note).  They  wanted  a 
preacher  and  Cutler  names  those  who  had  been  thought  of  for  that  service. 

1  Samuel  Whittetaey  ( Y.  C.  1705)  was  minister  of  Walliugford,  Connecticut, 
from  1709  till  his  death,  15  April,  17513.  He  was  a  Fellow  of  the  College  from 
1732  till  his  death  (Sprague's  Annals  of  the  American  Pulpit,  I  268-270; 
and  Dexter's  Yale  Biographies  and  Annals,  i.  40-44). 

*  Rey.  Joseph  Koyes  (Y*  C.  1700)  was  the  New  Haven  minister.  He  was 
Tutor  1710-1715  (Dexters  Yale  Biographies  and  Annals,  i.  65-89). 

*  Rev,  Samuel  Hall  (Y-  C.  1710)  was  Tutor,  1716-1718.  See  Dexter's  Yale 
Biographies  aud  Annals,  i.  154-156. 

*  Henry  Caner,  the  builder  of  the  first  College  edifice  at  New  Haven.  He 
was  the  father  of  the  Rev.  Dr.  Henry  Caner  (Y4  C.  1724),  afterward  Rector  of 
King's  Chapel  in  Boston. 

*  Rev.  Daniel  Browne  (Y.  C.  1714)  was  Tutor  1718-1722,  See  Sprague's 
Annals  of  the  American  Pulpit,  v.  54,  and  Dexter's  Yale  Biographies  and 
Annals,  L  118-120. 

T  William  Smith  (Y,  C.  1719)  was  Tutor  1722-1724.  See  Dexter's  Yale 
Biographies  and  Annals,  i,  207-21 L     See  also  post,  p.  197,  note. 


192  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OP  MASSACHUSETTS.        [April, 


JEBEMIAH  DUMMEB  TO   TIMOTHY   WOODBRIDGE. 

S* 

I  writ  to  you  very  lately  &  Sent  You  a  Small  Box  of 
Books  to  be  distributed  among  some  of  the  Students  of  Yale  Colledge, 
which  I  hope  will  in  due  time  come  Safe  to  Your  hands.  I  forgot  in  my 
letter  to  answer  that  paragraph  in  Yours  relating  to  a  dispute  I  had  in 
France,  which  you  heard  I  intended  to  print,  &  desir'd  a  Copy  of  it. 
I  'le  afsure  you  I  never  intended  to  print  it,  &  was  very  sorry  to  fee  it 
mention'd  in  Our  publick  News-papers  here,  which  was  done  by  a 
Learned  Gentleman  who  was  present  at  the  disputation  being  in  Paris 
at  that  time.  You  can't  imagine  what  envy  this  publication  (thd  intirely 
without  my  knowledge)  rais'd  against  me  among  some  people,  who 
would  certainly  have  discredited  The  fact,  if  it  had  not  bin  publickly 
manag'd  in  the  greatest  Church  in  France  before  many  thousands  of 
people,  &  in  the  presence  of  Several  English  Gentlemen  of  the  first  dis- 
tinction, who  were  then  at  Paris,  which  made  it  impofsible  to  be  doubted 
or  deny'd.  I  must  own  it  was  the  most  remarkable  pafsage  in  my 
obscure  &  inconsiderable  life,  &  therefore  can't  wonder,  Si  InvuLiae 
Oculi  doluifsent.  I  don't  however  afsume  any  glory  to  My  Selfe  from 
the  fuccefs  of  the  dispute,  which  was  apparently  on  my  side,  but  attri- 
bute it  wholly  to  the  invincible  truth  of  the  doctrine  I  defended.  I  told 
the  Jesuit,  before  I  propos'd  my  Arguments,  that  I  was  sensible  of  the 
Impar  Congrefsus  between  him,  a  profound  Doctor  in  Theology  at  the 
head  of  the  Learnedest  University  in  Europe,  &  my  Selfe  an  Itinerant 
Layman,  who  had  receiv'd  my  birth  &  Education  in  the  wilds  of 
America;  But  that  I  was  firmly  perswaded  of  the  goodnefs  of  my 
cause,  which  alone  gave  me  the  Courage  to  enter  the  lists  with  him. 
Nor  should  I  have  done  it  neverthelefs,  if  he  had  not  from  the  Pulpit 
invited  any  person  in  the  Audience  who  was  difsatisfy'd  with  his 
doctrine  to  oppose  him.  Nor  perhaps  then  neither,  if  ST  Biby  Lake  *  who 
sate  on  one  side  of  me,  &  a  Learned  Swede  of  my  Acquaintance,  who 
Sate  on  the  Other  side  of  me,  had  not  forc'd  me  up,  &  then  I  did  not 
know  how  to  sit  down  again ;  for  as  soon  as  I  rose  The  Jesuit  fix't  his 

1  Bibye  Lake,  Esquire,  was  created  a  baronet  in  1711.  He  was  Sub-Governor 
of  the  African  Company,  and  died  in  1744.  He  was  grandnephew  to  Sir  Edward 
Lake,  Baronet,  LL.D.,  Chancellor  of  the  Diocese  of  Lincoln,  who  was  made  a 
baronet  for  his  remarkable  loyalty  to  Charles  I.,  especially  at  the  battle  of 
Edge  Hill.  Sir  Edward  died  in  1674.  His  wife  was  Anne,  daughter  and  co- 
heiress of  Simon  Bibye,  of  Bugden,  in  Huntingdonshire  (Betham's  Baronetage 
o£  England,  1803,  iii.  153-157). 


1809.] 


EAKLY    HISTORY   OP  YALE   UNIVERSITY. 


193 


eye  upon  me,  &  the  whole  Audience  Seem'd  to  expect  Something.  I 
Beg  pardon  for  troubling  you  with  this  long  Story  which  you  have 
brought  upon  Your  Selfe  by  desiring  an  Account  of  it. 

I  present  you  with  the  Historical  Register  wherein  You  i  find  all  the 
material  Occurrences  for  a  quarter  of  a  Year  past  I  shall  also  put  up 
in  this  packet  a  treatise  I  received  from  New  England,  &  publiah't  here 
relating  to  the  inoculation  of  y"  Small  pox  This  new  practice  begins  to 
Spread  here,  &  is  in  so  good  reputation,  that  The  Young  Prince,  <fe  two 
Priocefses,  &  a  Son  of  the  Earl  of  Sunderland  are  now  under  it. 1 

IamSr 
Miith  k  Tbxflb  Your  Most  faithful  humble  Senr1 

18*  April  1728  Jer  :    DlJMMEB 

Mr  WOODBRIDGE 


[Filed} 


De  Public  Disputation 

with  the  Jesuit  in  the  Church 

of  Notre  Dame  Paris  &c 


GORDON   SALTOKSTAI.L  TO   GEORGE  LTJOAS. 

Copy 

The  General!  Afsembly  of  this  Colony,  at  their  Sefsions  in  May  laft, 
looking  into  their  treafury,  and  finding  Several  Arrears  in  y*  Acct*  of 
our  late  treafurerf  Cap*  Joseph  Whiting,3  desired  my  Care,  y?  they 
might  be  obtain*  d  &  applied,  to  y*  benefit  of  a  Col  ledge  They  have 
Lately  erected  at  New  Haven.  The  Dedication  of  those  Sums  to  yl 
pious  Use,  prevail'd  wft  me  to  undertake  yc  matter ;  and  more  Efpecially, 
when  I  obferved  them  to  be  in  y*  hands  of  Gentlemen,  of  too  Great 
Honour,  to  frustrate  a  Dedication,  of  such  a  Nature;  and  with  whome 
therefore  I  should  meet  with  no  difficulty. 

Among  those  Arrears,  there  is  an  Article  of  Indian  Com,  to  the 
Value  of  twenty  pounds  charged  to  Your  Account ;  an  Article  So  Small 
and  of  So  Long  Continuance,  that,  as  I  may  well  be  perswaded  You 


1  «  On  the  Twentynsevetith  day  of  June,  1721/*  wrote  Dr.  Holmes,  in  18G9t 
M  Zabdtel  Boylston  of  Boston  inoculated  his  only  son  for  small-por,  —  the 
first  person  erer  submitted  to  the  operation,  in  the  New  World  M  (Medical 
E*tayst  im\,  p.  347). 

1  Captain  Joseph  Whiting  was  Treasurer  of  the  Colony  from  1678  to  his 
death  in  October,  1717,  when  he  was  succeeded  in  the  office  by  his  son,  John 
Whiting, 

13 


194  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  [Aprii* 

have  Intirely  forgotten  It,  So  I  should  not  Give  You  any  hint  about 
It,  had  it  not  been  devoted  to  Support  a  pious  Undertaking,  which*  very 
much  wants  it.  I  have  Good  Afsurance  from  Your  Character,  that  the 
Opportunity  Our  Generall  Court  has  given  me,  of  applying  those  Sums 
in  such  a  manner,  will  be  Very  agreeable  to  You.  And  if  You  pleafe 
to  Direct  to  me  by  any  Vefsel,  bound  to  N.  London,  or  any  other 
Port  in  this  Colony,  what  You  may  think  mod  proper  to  make  y*  fore- 
mentioned  Sum  here,  I  shall  take  care  It  Shall  be  disposed  of  Accord- 
ingly; and  that  that  article  of  your  Ace?  in  our  Treafury,  Shall  be 
CaBcelled. 

It's  now  a  considerable  time  since  I  had  y*  Opportunity  of  some  Ac- 
quaintance w*  you,  when  Your  ReGdence  was  at  Hartford  and  I  mad 
Confefs,  Should  be  very  loth  to  take  Such  an  Occafion  as  this  to  renew 
It,  If  I  had  not  known  You  to  be  a  Gentleman  of  unfullied  Honour. 
But  that 's  a  Sufficient  Afsurance  to  me  of  Your  Favour  in  this  Matter, 
as  You  may  by  this,  be  afsured,  that  I  am  with  Just  Regard 
Sr 

Your  most  humble  Serv*. 

Gubdon  Saltonstall 
N  London  in  Connecticut 
June  12.  1722. 

George  Lucas  EfqT 

[Filed]  To  George  Lucas l  Efqr 
Antigua. 


JEREMIAH  DUMMER   TO  TIMOTHY  WOODBRIDGE. 

Dear  Sb- 

I  have  two  letters  to  thank  you  for, 
one  of  Septr,  &  the  Other  of  Nov?  last.  You  have  heard  before  now  of 
the  death  of  M*  Brown,3  the  youngest  of  the  three  ministers  who  came 
over  here  from  Your  Colony,  &  you  have  probably  Seen  it  in  the  prints 
that  his  death  was  much  lamented.  I  must  needs  say  it  was  by  me,  for 
his  good  nature,  modesty  &  ingenuity.     Our  News  papers  have  told  us 

1  Lieutenant-Colonel  George  Lucas,  whose  daughter  Eliza  married  Charles 
Pinckney  of  Charleston,  S.  C,  became  Lieutenant-Governor  of  Antigua  in  1743, 
and  died  in  1747.  (V.  L.  Oliver's  History  of  Antigua,  ii.  200-202,  iii.  820 ;  Mrs. 
H.  H.  Ravenel's  Eliza  Pinckney,  pp.  1,  133  ;  and  cf.  Colonial  Records  of  Con- 
necticut, vi.  325.) 

»  Rev.  Daniel  Browne  (Y.  C.  1714). 


Ittfi.] 


EAELY  HISTORY  OF  YALE  UNIVERSITY. 


195 


that  M*  Cutler1  is  made  a  Doct*  of  Divinity  at  Oxford,  &  Mr  Johnson* 
Master  of  Arts,  but  I  think  it  is  not  true,  thd  it's  very  probable  it  may 
be  true  in  a  little  while  for  they  are  gone  to  the  University  with  that 
view.  When  these  Gentlemen  came  first  over,  I  shew'd  them  the  civility 
of  a  couu  trey  man,  but  resolv'd  not  to  meddle  in  their  Affairs,  &  accord- 
ingly I  did  not  accompany  them  to  any  Bishop  or  other  great  person  of 
my  acquaintance*  I  was  the  more  cautious  in  my  carnage  towards  them, 
because  I  understood  by  letters  from  Boston  that  their  defection  from 
the  religion  of  their  Countrey  was  owing  to  the  Library  I  had  sent  over, 
with  this  particular  Slander,  that  1  had  fillM  the  Library  with  every 
book  for  the  Church  &  not  one  of  the  Other  Side.  You,  ST,  that  have 
Seen  the  books,  know  that  the  reverse  of  this  is  true*  &  that  there  never 
was  an  Eminent  Difsenter  &  Author  whose  works  are  not  in  that  Col- 
lection. Unlets  some  of  the  hooks  are  lost  or  Stollen  (which  indeed  I 
hear)  You'l  find  Goodwin,  Owen,  Baxter,  How,  Bates,  Carryl,  Manton, 
Chamock,  Pool,  Henry,  Calamy;  &  Others  who  have  learnedly  opposVi 
the  Ceremonys  &  Hierarchy  of  the  Church,  fucb  as  Didoelavius,  Ames, 
Peirce  &  Others.  And  yet  I  find  I  have  bin  reproach* t  as  before  men- 
tion'd,  which  will  discourage  me  from  sending  any  more  books  At  least 
'till  I  hear  from  you  abont  it.  As  to  the  matter  of  Your  Charter,  I 
hope  it  is  Safe*  Col*  Shnte1  has  not  bin  able  to  move  any  thing  this 
fefsion  of  Parliament,  &  what  he  proposes  to  do  in  the  next  is  pretty 
much  a  Secret  between  him  &  his  Friends  (T  mean  friends  to  that 
design)  For  as  to  my  Selfe  thd  I  may  Stand  neuter  as  to  the  Mafsachu- 
eets,  who  won't  let  me  Serve  them*  yet  I  shall  be  very  Active  for  Con- 
necticut* if  any  bill  for  regulating  the  Charter  Governments  Should 
ajrain  be  brought  into  the  House  of  Commons. 
The  validity  of  Mf  Yale's  will  is  not  yet  determin'd,  but  is  depending 


i  Rev.  Timothy  Cutler  (H.  C.  1701). 

«  Rev,  Samuel  Johnson  (Y.  C.  1711),  Tutor,  1716-1710,  afterward  President 
of  King's  College.  See  Dexter's  Yale  Biographies  and  Annals,  i.  123-128;  T.  B. 
Chandler's  Life  of  Samuel  Johnson  ;  E.  E,  Beardsley's  Life  and  Correspond- 
ence of  Samuel  Johnson. 

*  Samuel  Shnte  had  been  appointed  Governor  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay  15 
June,  1716.  He  reached  Boston,  5  October,  following,  and  after  six  stormy 
years,  during  which  he  was  in  constant  controversy  with  the  Legislature,  under 
the  lead  of  Elisha  Cooke,  Ji\,  he  suddenly  left  Boston,  1  January,  1722-23, 
and  went  to  England,  where  he  presented  his  grievances  to  the  Privy  Council. 
The  result  of  his  mission  was  the  issue  of  the  Explanatory  Charter,  so  called, 
which  passed  the  seals  12  August,  1725.  His  commission  as  Governor  fell 
with  the  demise  of  the  Crown,  10  June,  1727. 


196  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.         [April, 

in  Doctor's  Commons,  &  I  believe  will  not  be  brought  to  an  Ifsne  till 
October  Term. 

The  King  sets  oat  this  morning  for  his  German  Dominions,  the  Plot 
being  wholly  defeated  inasmuch  as  the  Bishop  of  Rochester,1  who  is 
thought  to  have  bin  the  life  &  Soul  of  it,  has  bin  convicted,  &  sentenc'd 
to  perpetual  banishment.  The  Act  for  his  Banishment  makes  it  felony 
without  Clergy  for  any  person  to  Correspond  with  him  unlefs  they  have 
leave  under  the  King's  sign  manual. 

Europe  at  present  enjoys  a  general  peace,  nor  is  there  any  prospect 
of  war,  unlefs  the  Turk  &  Czar  of  Muscovy  should  fall  out  about  the 
bitter's  new  Conquests  in  Persia.  And  should  this  happen  it  would  do 
us  no  harm,  but  rather  confirm  our  tranquility,  as  it  will  find  the  Czar 
work  at  a  distance,  &  thereby  prevent  his  creating  new  troubles  in  the 
Baltick,  which  will  always  embroyl  us. 

I  put  this  letter  under  Cover  to  my  Brother,  &  design,  if  I  can  meet 
with  any  pafsenger  to  Send  you  Some  prints  &  pamphlets. 
I  am  with  great  regards 

Sr 

Yr  Very  humble  Sei* 
Middle  Templb  Jeb.  Dummeb 

3*  June  1723 
M"  WOODBRIDOE 

JEREMIAH  DUMMER  TO  TIMOTHY  WOODBRIDGE. 

Dear  S* 

I  wrote  to  you  lately ;  This  is  onely 
to  accompany  some  prints  which  I  intend  to  deliver  to  Mr  Johnson.1 
The  peice  of  Divine  poetry  I  Send  you  for  the  Sake  of  some  good  notes 
at  the  end  of  it,  as  well  as  for  the  poem  it  selfe,  because  I  know  you 
have  a  genius  that  way. 

I  wish  you  all  happynefs  &  am  Sr 
P.S.  Your  Very  humble  Serv1 

MT  Yale's  administrate 
delays  the  hearing  at  Jeb:  Dummer 

Doctr!  Commons,  but  I 
don't  much  doubt  of  succefs. 
London  20*  July  1723 
M?   WOODBRIDGE 

1  The  famous  Francis  Atterbury,  for  a  notice  of  whom,  see  the  Dictionary 
of  National  Biography,  ii.  233-238.    See  also  ante,  y.  79. 
*  Rev.  Samuel  Johnson  (Y.  C.  1714). 


1899,] 


EARLY    HISTOBY  OF   YAIiE  UNIVERSITY, 


197 


GURDON   SALTONSTAI-L  TO  TIMOTHY   WOODBRIDGE. 

N  Loan.  Sept:  6,  1723 

s- 

Not  only  my  Broth'  Roger's  '  vifit  but  several  other  Affairs 
relating  to  the  publiek  at  this  Juncture,  have  obliged  me  to  lay  afide  all 
Thoughts  of  being  at  the  Commencement. 

Upon  which  I  have  in  a  Lettr  to  M  Andrew  suggested  my  Thoughts 
relating  to  the  better  government  of  the  Colledgc,  as  particularly  to  the 
ectling  of  a  Refident  Rector  It  is  not  that  I  have  any  Inclination  to 
insert  my  Self  into  Matters  committed  to  y"  Care  of  the  Trustees,  but 
as  I  hope  and  believe  We  are  of  one  mind  to  promote  the  Benefit  of 
y*  Society,  I  concluded  the  Freedom  I  have  taken,  would  not  be  thought 
amtfs  of,  If  any  thing  should  happen  of  a  Contrary  Nature  ;  You  may 
be  afsured,  and  I  desire  You  to  A  feu  re  all  the  Gentlemen  concerned 
with  You,  that  notwithstanding  what  I  have  hinted,  I  heartily  wish 
well  to,  whatever  Resolves  You  shall  come  to  relating  to  that  Affair; 
But  I  hope  You  will  think  it  necefsary,  that  much  more  time  Should  not 
be  lost,  in  filling  up  that  Vacancy. 

I  hear  M  Pierpont*  designs  to  remove  from  y*  CoUedge  at  the  Cora- 
mencent,  and  that  M  Smith1  has  also  some  such  Thoughts,  It  must 
needs  be  a  great  disadvantage  to  the  Colledge  to  loose  them  both  at 
Once,  I  hope  therefore  If  M  Pierpont  accepts  of  a  Call  to  the  Minis- 
try, You  will  find  a  way  to  prevail  wth  Mr  Smith  to  Stay  a  Year  or  two 
longer ;  wc  I  should  be  very  glad  of*     I  am  Sr 

Yr  very  humble  Servt 

G :  Saltokstall- 
II'  Rogers  gives  his 
hearty  Service  to  You, 


JEREMIAH   DTJMMEE  TO  TIMOTHY   WOODBRIDGE. 

D*jji  S* 

Y.njr  last  letter  of  July  1?  I  have  now  before  me.  The  Gentleman 
whose  picture  you   receivd   from   me   with   a  latin  Letter   is   Doctor 

1  Rev,  John  Rogers  (II.  C.  1684)  of  Ipswich,  Massachusetts,  who  married 
Martha  Whittingham,  a  sister  of  Saltonstairs  then  wife. 

*  James  Pierpont,  Jr.  (Y.  C.  1718),  Tutor,  1722-1724,  was  the  son  of  the 
Rev,  James  Pierpont  (H.  C.  1661).  See  Dexter's  Yale  Biographies  and  Annals, 
I  180,  190. 

*  William  Smith  (Y.  C.  1719).  He  removed  to  New  York,  where  he  was  a 
member  of  the  Governor's  Council,  175S-1767,  and  Judge  of  the  Supreme 
Court,  1703-1769,     See  ante,  p.  191,  not*. 


198 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF   MASSACHUSETTS,  [April, 


Turner,1  a  very  Learned  Physician  &  worthy  Gentleman,  who  has 
made  a  handsome  benefaction  of  books  to  your  Colledge  which  I  gave  a 
particular  account  of  to  Col°  Saltonstal  j  I  can  have  ten  guineas  of  a 
Bookfeller  for  one  of  the  books,  &  the  rest  are  hia  own  Learned  Works. 
You  Shall  have  them  all  over  as  soon  as  I  can  make  up  a  parcel*  having 
many  more  in  view  which  I  hopt3  Soon  to  gather  in ;  If  yon  Send  this 
Gentleman  a  Diploma  for  a  Doctorate,  You  will  do  yourselves  great 
honour, 

1  am  going  on  with  my  Suit  in  Doctor's  Commons  for  the  probate  of 
Mr  Yale's  imperfect  will,  as  fast  as  the  Slow  proceedings  of  that  Court, 
&  the  Studyed  delays  of  the  Administratrix  will  permit.  I  am  en- 
deavouring to  make  Some  Oblique  iroprefeioos  on  H*  Hollis  in  your 
favour,  for  there's  no  attacking  him  directly  He  being  very  much  a 
humourist*  When  he  does  any  thing,  He  must  do  it  ex  mero  motur 
&  not  seem  to  be  iufluene'd  by  any  body. 

I  am  afraid  this  Winter  may  prove  fatal  to  Your  Charter,  for  which  in 
all  your  letters  You  are  So  justly  &  so  anxiously  ccracern'd.  Col°  Shute 
exhibited  to  the  Lords  of  the  Regency  a  pretty  Severe  Complaint,  con* 
slating  of  many  articles,  against  the  Ha fsachu sett's  Afsembly,  &  it  has 
bin  declared  that  he  had  proved  every  Charge  therein  from  our  owu 
printed  votes.  Some  of  the  Lords  declared  publickty  that  we  were 
dancing  to  the  Old  tune  of  41, 3  &  that  we  had  done  Such  things  as  would 
be  adjudg'd  in  any  other  Government  than  this  mild  one,  to  be  Treason 
&  Rebellion*  If  therefore  The  Parliament  Should  this  winter  take  the 
Mafsachusetts  to  task  'Tis  to  be  fear'd,  They  *1  take  in  tbe  Other  Charter 
Governments,  The  Parliament  being  a  great  Body  of  men,  does  not 
consider  things  distinctly,  besure  not  minutely,  but  takes  every  tiling  in 
the  Lump,  &  will  Suppose  that  all  Governments  alike  Constituted  are 
or  will  be  guilty  of  the  Same  faults.     It  shall  however  be  my  task  &  no 


1  Daniel  Turner,  a  phy&ioian  of  some  note,  received  a  degree  from  Yale  in 
1723.  *•  His  medical  attainments  were  small,  and  the  records  of  cases  are  the 
only  parts  of  his  works  of  any  permanent  value."  For  a  notice  of  him*  from 
which  this  passage  is  taken,  see  the  Dictionary  of  National  Biography,  Mi* 
332,  333. 

a  The  allusion  is  to  the  Great  Rebellion  which  broke  out  in  1641.  In  a 
letter  which  is  not  dated,  but  which  must  have  been  written  about  the  time 
that  Dummer's  was,  the  Rev.  Daniel  Neal  said:  — 

"  I  was  lust  night  id  company  with  the  governor  [Shtite]  who  has  laid  bii  memo- 
rial before  the  board  of  ti&rte,  where  it  wom  maintained  that  tbe  conduct  of  the  as&emll  v 
m  the  affair  of  the  militia  was  no  less  than  high  treason  by  the  laws  of  England*  as 
appeared  to  them  by  their  own  printed  votes*  *  *  .  The  cry  of  the  city  [London]  here 
runii  exceedingly  against  yonT  aad  they  revive  the  story  of  1641  "  (Hutchinson  a  History 
of  tbe  Province  of  Massachusetts- Bay,  1 76 7 1  it,  290  note),. 


18990 


EARLY   HISTORY   OF  YALE   UNIVERSITY, 


199 


pains  shall  be  wanting,  to  prevent  such  an  unjust  method  of  proceeding. 
And  my  Efforts  Shall  be  the  Stronger,  as  I  am  afraid  they  will  be  my 
last,  to  preserve  Our  expiring  American  liberty*  Perhaps  One  thing 
may  avert  the  Evil  we  fear,  I  mean  the  division  that  is  at  present  among 
the  Ministry.  It  is  certain  that  My  Lords  Cadogan  &  Carterett  draw 
One  way  &  My  Ld  Townsend  &  His  Brother  Wnlpole  another.  This 
was  the  reason  that  both  the  Seeretrys  went  over  this  year  with  the 
King,  neither  of  tbem  Daring  to  trust  the  Other.  Now  if  this  division 
should  continue  &  increase,  They  '1  have  enough  to  do  to  carry  on  the 
Ordinary  &  Necefsary  buis'nefs  of  the  Kingdom,  &  It  may  be  will  hardly 
agree  together  in  any  new  Enterprise.  But  this  is  not  to  be  depended 
upon,  &  I  fear  the  Worst.  Whatever  the  Event  be,  Libemiri  Animam 
meam  ;  for  I  have  given  the  Boston  people  repeated  Warnings  of  the 
destruction  they  were  bringing  on  their  Countrey,  but  I  Could  not  be 
heard. 

We  have  no  News,  All  Europe  as  well  as  this  Kingdom  in  particular, 
being  in  great  tranquility  &  like  to  Continue  so. 
I  am  8' 

Yf  faithfull  humble  Senr 
*      Jeb;  Dummer 

Middle  Tem^lm 
10*  Sept:  1723 

BI*   WoODBRIDGE 


JAMES  PIEEPONT  TO   TIMOTHY  WOODBRIDGE. 

Rev?  S1 

I  received  yn  of  Oct  28  and  am  thaukfull  to  you  for  y* 
Information  you  therein  gave  me.  I  have  in  comply  a  nee  with  your 
Directions  accomodated  Kilburn  '  to  his  satisfaction. 

You  are  I  prefume  senfible  who  the  Tru  flees  appointed  to  go  to  New 
York,  yy  all  went  save  Mr  Chapman,3  the  Committe  from  ye  Synod  mett 
them,  &  after  much  difcourfe  among  them  felves  &  with  ye  parties  Con- 
cerned  yy  broak  up  without  doing  any  thing  to  effect,   being  obliged 


i  Presumably  Felatiah  Kilborn  (Y.  C.  1724).  See  Dexter'a  Yale  Biographies 
and  Annals,  L  305. 

*  Presumably,  the  Rev+  Daniel  Chapman  (Y.  C.  1707)  of  West  Farms 
(since  the  Revolution  called  Green's  Farms,  and  now  included  in  the  town  of 
Weatport),  Connecticut,  is  here  referred  tor  As  his  pariah  was  not  far  from 
the  New  York  border,  he  would  naturally  have  been  thought  of  in  connection 
with  such  a  mission.     See  Better's  Yale  Biographies  and  Annals,  L  ti5,  60. 


202  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OP  MASSACHUSETTS.        [Araii, 

their  first  appearance  in  the  World l  I  hope  they  won't  rest  'till  they 
have  fixt  their  cheif  Residence  in  Our  part  of  the  World.  You  have 
inclos'd  D'  Turner's  answer  to  your's  by  which  you'l  see  he  Continues 
his  friendship  to  your  Colledge,  &  I  beleive  (from  his  great  Modesty) 
will  do  more  than  he  promises.  I  have  Sent  You  in  a  Box  directed  to 
M?  Read a  of  Boston  a  few  more  books  that  were  given  me,  which  I  hope 
he  will  take  care  to  convey  to  you. 

I[t]  troubles  me  every  moment  I  think  of  it  that  we  lost  Our  Cause  in 
y*  Commons  by  the  vile  decree  of  the  Dean  of  the  Arches,  who,  I  verily 
beleive  was  corrupted ;  But  as  this  can't  be  prov'd  &  an  Appeal  to  the 
Delegates  will  be  very  Expensive,  I  am  fore'd  to  Sit  Still,  &  content  my 
Selfe  with  this  Reflection  that  I  have  given  the  Colledge  a  fair  chance 
to  recover  the  Legacy,  without  putting  it  to  any  Expence. 

I  condole  with  you  upon  the  surprizing  death  of  your  late  Excellent 
Governour,*  whose  Memory  will  be  to  me  always  precious.  I  need  Say 
nothing  of  his  worth  to  you  who  knew  him  so  well,  But  I  always  thought 
it  so  great,  that  there  was  no  other  person  but  your  Selfe  in  the  Colony 
capable  of  Succeeding  him  in  the  Chair  of  Government.  The  Gentle- 
man, who  is  chosen  Governour,  is  wholly  unknown  to  me,  but  by  a 
letter  I  have  receiv'd  from  him  he  appears  to  be  an  honest  &  Sensible 
Gentleman.  I  desire  you'l  Afsist  him  in  an  Affair  which  I  have  a  Com- 
mifsion  to  write  to  him  of.  The  Indian  Corporation  *  have  now  a  pretty 
large  Sum  of  money  in  their  hands,  &  the  Governour  has  promis'd  me 
to  propose  to  the  Corporation  that  this  money  as  well  as  their  Constant 
Annual  Remittance  Shall  be  divided  for  the  future  between  your  Colony 
&  the  Massachusetts.  He  has  already  made  a  beginning  by  Nominat- 
ing your  new  Governour  One  of  the  Society's  Commifs"*.  But  before 
this  thing  can  be  Compleated,  Govern?  Talcott  must  write  Govern!  Ash- 
hurst  a  letter  to  be  laid  before  the  Corporation  showing  what  Number  of 
Indians  there  are  in  Yr  Colony,  &  what  prospect  you  may  have  of  doing 
good  among  them,  &  particularly  setting  forth  that  Your  Colledge  is 
founded  upon  principles  agreeable  to  the  Religion  of  the  Countrey,  for 
they  have  heard  a  foolish  Story,  as  if  you  design'd  it  as  a  Nursery  for 
the  Church  of  England.     The  Letter  must  be  thus  directed 


1  We  have  here  an   anticipation  of  Berkeley's  thought  expressed  in  the 
famous  stanza  beginning  — 

"  Westward  the  coarse  of  empire  takes  its  way." 

*  John  Read  (H.  C.  1697). 

8  Gurdon  Saltonstall. 

4  For  a  notice  of  this  Society  and  its  various  names,  see  ante,  p.  180,  note. 


1809.] 


EARLY   HJSTOBY   OF   YALE  UNIVERSITY. 


201 


TLMOTHY  WOODBRIDGE   AND  SAMUEL    RUSSELL  TO  THE 
TRUSTEES   OF   YALE  COLLEGE. 

GeMTLEHEK  TlltSTEES  t 

We  have  proceeded  in  the  Affair  with  Middle  town l  as  farr  as  we  ar£ 

.Capable  att  pTfent  and  think  it  very  need  full  there  fhould  be  a  meeting 

of  the  trustees  at  New  Haven  the  clay  before  Commencement  (farther  to 

Confider  that  Matter)  att  one  of  the  Clock  in  the  Library  Requeft  you 

will  not  fail; 

T:  WooDtutiDGs 
Midd;  Aaguft  13*  1724: 

Yr  Hum"'  Serv"    Sam1*  Hcssem.1 


JEEEttlAH    DUMMER  TO  TIMOTHY   WOODBEIDGE. 

Bet*  &  Deah  S^ 

I  have  your's  before  me  of  Sep  tern'  last, 
which  is  very  obliging  as  all  your  letters  are*  The  Diploma  for  Dr. 
Turner  as  also  the  letter  that  came  with  it  I  delivered  ;  and  th6  you  are  so 
modest  as  to  make  an  apology  for  the  bad  latin,  I  think  they  were  drawn 
up  in  a  true  Human  diction,  &  both  for  language  &  sentiments  exceed 
any  thing  I  ever  yet  saw  from  My  Own  Alma  Mater,  I  must  at  the  Same 
time  observe  that  the  Diploma  is  writ  in  a  Sue  hand,  &  so  hansomly 
ornamented  with  flourishes,  that  t  was  very  much  pleasM  to  See  it.  As 
Religion  &   polite   learning  have  bin   travelling  westward  ever  since 

granddaughter  of  the  Rev,  John  Davenport,  (ii)  to  Sarah  Uaynes,  a  grand- 
«Lin- liter  of  Gov,  John  Haynes,  and  (iii)  to  Mary  Hooker,  a  granddaughter  of  the 
Rev.  Thomas  Hooker,  who  became  the  mother  of  the  wife  of  Jonathan  Edwards* 
rierpont'a  remarkable  story  of  the  mirage  at  New  JJa?en  in  1047, —  M  the  ap- 
parition of  the  Ship  in  the  Sky,'*  may  be  read  in  the  Magnalia(1702),  Book  I.  pp. 
25,20,  Cfi  Winthrops  History  of  New  England  (I&jS),  Ki  399,  400,  note. 
Pierpont  died  22  November,  1714*  Among  his  descendants  were  the  younger 
President  Edwards,  President  Dwight,  President  Theodore  Dwight  Woolsey, 
and  Aaron  Burr,  Vice-President  of  the  United  States  (Sprague's  Annuls  of 
the  American  Pulpit,  i.  205,  205;  Sibley's  Harvard  Graduates,  iii.  222-230). 

1  This  refers  to  the  attempt  then  being  made  to  induce  the  Rev,  William 
Russell  (Y.  C.  1708),  of  Middletown,  Connecticut,  to  accept  the  Rectorship  of 
Yale,  He  was  Tutor,  1713,  1714.  See  Dexter's  Yale  Biographies  and  Annals, 
i.  90,  91. 

a  Rev,  Samuel  Russel  (H.  C.  1681).  He  usually  signed,  and  his  contem- 
poraries usually  wrote,  his  name  with  a  single  final  "1."  A  diploma  issued 
to  a  Yale  graduate  of  the  Class  of  1709,  thus  signed  by  Mr.  Bussel  as  one 
of  the  Fellows,  was  exhibited  at  this  meeting.     See  ante,  pp.  170,  190,  notes. 


204  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.        [April, 

labour  prov'd  in  vain  for  this  onely  reason  that  of  late  all  the  little 
Operatours  in  medicine  about  this  City  have  for  small  fumms  obtain'd 
degrees  at  Glasgow,  which  has  so  enrag'd  the  Eminent  practisers,  that 
they  have  resolv'd  to  discourage  every  thing  of  that  kind,  &  show  no 
Countenance  but  to  the  Graduates  at  Oxford  &  Cambridge.  I  am  glad 
that  the  General  Court  of  the  Mafsachusetts  have  bin  so  wise  as  to 
accept  the  Explanatory  Charter  which  otherwise  might  have  brought  ruine 
both  upon  them  &  you.  As  to  the  Affairs  of  your  Colony  I  write  par- 
ticularly to  your  good  Governour,  for  whom  I  can't  but  have  a  great 
esteem.  His  general  Character  &  his  letters  to  me  demonstrate  him  to 
be  a  Gentleman  of  Singular  Worth  &  integrity.  I  wish  an  opportunity 
would  present  that  I  might  do  him  some  particular  Service.  Had  we, 
for  our  sins  bin  depriv'd  of  our  Charters,  which  I  much  fear'd,  I  deter- 
min'd  to  use  my  utmost  interest,  that  he  might  have  bin  the  King's 
First  Governour,  which  would  have  been  some  small  consolation  to  the 
Colony,  &  in  such  a  Calamity,  a  very  great  satisfaction  to  my  Selfe. 
But  it  is  much  happyer  as  it  is,  &  I  dare  say  Governour  Talcott  thinks 
so,  notwithstanding  the  Broad  Seal  of  England,  &  the  title  of  His  Excel- 
lency are  tempting  things. 

The  three  newspapers  inclos'd  will  give  you  a  pretty  good  account  of 
the  publick  affairs  of  Europe  for  the  Year  past,  &  of  the  difficult  pros- 
pect we  have  for  the  Year  to  Come.  All  Europe  is  arming  at  this  time, 
&  the  Several  States  &  powers  have  shifted  sides  in  a  manner  very  Sur- 
prizing. We  have  three  great  fleets  fitting  out,  One  for  the  streights, 
another  for  the  Baltick,  &  a  third  for  the  West  Indies. 

I  have  some  more  books  for  your  Colledge,  which  I  shall  soon  send 
you.     Wishing  you  much  health  &  Ease  in  your  advanced  years, 

I  amSr 
Loxd?  25*  March  Your  very  humble  Serv1 

1725 

Jeb:  Dummer 


JEREMIAH  DUMMER  TO  TIMOTHY  WOODBRIDGE. 

Dear  S* 

After  a  long  Silence  I  have  at  length  your  kind  & 
friendly  letter,  which  is  the  more  Welcome,  &  Seasonable  to  me  now  than 
ever  before,  after  losing  my  great  &  good  friend  Governour  Saltonstal. 
I  live  in  hopes  of  procuring  some  noble  benefaction  to  your  Colledge, 
&  am  continually  using  some  means  to  procure  it ;  but  things  of  this 


1800.] 


EAULY   HLSTOKY   OF  TALE   UNIVERSITY* 


205 


Nature  require  time  &  patience.  I  have  some  very  valuable  books  by 
me,  that  I  have  Collected  for  you,  which  Fie  Seud  you  over  next 
Spring, 

1  should  be  very  willing  to  gratify  your  Curiosity  about  the  true 
reasons  of  the  Fall  of  the  Earl  of  Macclesfeild,  but  that  the  subject  is 
loo  long  for  a  letter,  &  too  nice  to  be  put  in  writing.  However,  I 
may  Say  in  General,  That  he  did  not  fall  for  unrighteous  decrees,  or 
a  corrupt  management  of  the  great  Seal  (tho  both  these  were  pretended) 
but  It  was  owing  to  powerfull  Enemies  in  the  Cabinet,  My  Lord  Car- 
teret lost  the  Secretary's  Seals  for  the  same  reason,  &  at  the  same  time, 
but  he  being  a  great  favourite  of  the  King,  &  universally  belov'd  in  the 
Nation,  His  few  potent  Rivals  let  him  fall  easily  &  Honourably  by 
Sending  him  Vice-Roy  into  Ireland,  Whereas  The  Chaneellour  being 
ft  haughty  man,  &  very  unpopular,  &  particularly  obnoxious  to  the 
Great  man,  Sr  Rob*  Walpole,  it  was  resoiv'd  to  produce  him  into  the 
publick  light,  &  turn  him  out  for  pretended  high  Crimes  &  Misde- 
meanours, that  his  fall  might  be  the  more  ignominious.  By  the  inclos'd 
Register,  you'l  See  the  Accusation  of  the  Commons,  &  his  Lord*5  An- 
swer, by  which  You  '1  be  able  to  Judge  Something  of  the  merit  of  the 
Case. 

As  to  the  Affair  of  Thorn,  it  is  generally  believed  that  we  shall  have 
a  Religious  War,  but  I  don't  think  so;  It  seems  more  probable  to  me, 
That  Austria  &  France  will  interpose  their  mediation,  &  oblige  the 
Poles  to  make  some  condescentions  to  their  Protestant  Subjects ;  Th6 
at  the  Same  time  it  is  certain  that  the  Senate  &  people  of  Poland 
(instigated  by  the  Cardinal  Primate)  seem  ready  to  sacrafice  their  lives 
&  fortunes  rather  than  to  come  into  any  moderate  measures  with  the 
Lutherans,  &  Calvin ists.  The  whole  affair  will  turn  upon  the  two 
treaties  which  Have  lately  bin  made ;  one  between  the  Emperour  of 
Germany  &  the  King  of  Spain ;  &  another  between  the  King  of  great 
Britain,  The  King  of  France,  &  the  King  of  Prnfsia,  which  was  con- 
cluded at  Hannover.  It  is  thought  that  these  two  treaties  were  made 
in  opposition  to  each  other,  but  no  body  can  see  into  those  deep  Secrets 
except  a  few  people  who  stand  near  the  Candle. 

France  is  very  happy  in  a  Queen,  pofsefs'd  of  all  amiable,  &  princely 
vertues,  fry  which  She  will  be  able  to  soften  the  temper  of  Her  Young 
Monarch,  which  is  very  austere  &  Surly.  She  is,  besides,  devout  & 
religious,  &  has  already  reformed  The  French  Court  in  a  great  article, 
which  is  that  of  going  every  Sunday  in  the  Afternoon  to  an  Opera 
instead  of  going  to  Church.  Th6  I  must  confefs,  as  the  French 
manage  Divine  Service,  especially  in  The  King's  Chappel,  there  is  not 
a  great  deal  of  difference  between  one  &  t'other.     For  they  have  no 


206  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.        [April, 

preaching,  &  they  Chant  the  Mafs  with  Fiddles,  &  German  Flutes,  & 
Severall  other  instruments  of  Masick. 

Oar  King  is  well  at  Hannover,  &  there's  no  Talk  when  he  will  Come 
over.  His  English  Subjects  are  very  uneasy,  but  His  Hannoverian 
Ones  rejoyce,  For  the  King's  presence  there  with  all  the  Foreign 
Ambafsadours  whom  he  takes  with  him  creates  a  vast  expense,  &  such 
a  Circulation  &  plenty  of  money  there  as  was  unknown  to  them  in 
former  times. 

I  design  to  write  to  Governour  Tallcott  by  this  Ship.  I  take  him  to 
be  a  very  worthy  &  Considerate  person. 

IamSr 
Middle  Templb  Your  very  humble  Serv* 

8*  Oct'.  1725  Jer:  Dummer 

Mr  WOODBRIDGE 


JEREMIAH   DUMMER   TO   TIMOTHY   WOODBRIDGE. 

Copy 
Rev?  &  Dear  Sm. 

I  have  your  Obliging  Letter  of  Novem'  last  for  which  and  for  all 
other  kind  Exprefsions  of  your  Favours  and  Friendship  I  have  a  very 
great  and  juft  Regard. 

My  Motion  for  a  Tryal  of  the  Controversy  about  the  Divisional  Line 
was  under  Consideration  for  Six  Months,  but  was  this  Week  over 
Ruled  against  me  upon  producing  two  Letters  from  your  Government, 
One  for  the  Lords  of  the  Counsel,  the  other  to  the  Board  of  Trade 
wherein  You  submitted  the  Cause  to  their  Decision;  or  otherwise  I 
would  not  have  suffered  a  Matter  of  Property  to  have  been  deter- 
mined any  where  but  in  the  Courts  of  Comon  Law,  and  Stil  I  shall 
in  fist  that  the  Rhode  Islanders  have  got  only  the  Jurisdiction,  and  the 
Soil  remains  with  us.1 

I  am  very  glad  you  have  got  a  new  Rector  *  of  Your  Colledge  who 
gives  fuch  good  hopes  of  promoting  the  Interest  of  your  Seminary  for 
Religion  &  Learning.  I  have  Delayed  hitherto  the  sending  some  Books 
that  have  been  given  to  Your  Colledge,  in  Expectation  of  a  Consider- 
able Addition,  but  whether  I  have  that  or  not  in  a  little  time  I  shall 
send  you  thofe  Books  I  have  by  me. 

1  See  Palfrey,  History  of  New  England,  iv.  484-486. 

*  Elisha  Williams  (H.  C.  1711).  For  a  notice  of  him,  see  Sprague's 
Annals  of  the  American  Pulpit,  i.  281-284;  and  Dexter's  Yale  Biographies  and 
Annals,  i,  821,  822,  632-635.     See  also  ante,  p.  184,  note. 


1809.] 


EARLY  HISTOEY  OF  YALE   UNIVERSITY, 


207 


Be  pleas' d  to  accept  a  Pamphlet  which  will  give  you  an  Acco*  of  the 
State  of  our  Affairs  ia  thes  Critical  &  Extraordinary  Conjuncture.  It 
is  writ  by  Order  of  the  Government,  and  put  into  Stile  and  Method  by 
two  very  good  Writers,  the  Bimops  of  London  &  Sarum.1  The  Politi- 
cal States  I  have  sent  to  Your  Governor  which  You'l  see  in  Course. 

I  thank  God  for  the  Continuance  of  Your  Ufeful  &  Valuable  Life 
which,  is  of  so  great  Service  to  Your  Country, 

I  am  with  very  great  Esteem  &  Respect 

Mi  mil  k  Temi-le  S' 

10.  Pebrj  1726/7.  Yo.  moft  Obedient  humble  Servant 

Jer:  Dummer 


ELISHA    WILLIAMS    TO    TIMOTHY   WGODBRIDGE. 

Rev1*  S1 

Since  you  allow  me  on  all  occafions  the  Freedom  of 
offering  my  Thoughts,  &  have  ever  a  Mantle  ready  to  Throw  over 
Them  y?  difcover  my  weaknefs.  J  prefume  to  offer  Something  that  has 
occurred  to  me  in  the  prefent  Conjuncture  of  affairs,  y*  Surprize  & 
fill  everybody  with  Concern  what  y-  Ifsue  may  be.  For  my  own  part 
I  inuft  Confefs  my  fears  are  greater  wth  relation  to  our  religious  than 
Civil  Interests.  Th6  if  our  Law  refpecting  Inteftate  Eftates  *  be  De- 
clared a  Nullity  ab  Initio^  &  So  the  Common  Law  of  England  >  from 
thence  to  take  place,  we  are  Thrown  Into  y*  greatefl  ConfuGon,  But  in 
That  Cafe  it  Seems  bopef ull,  —  That  if  we  are  not  able  to  Make  it 
good  y*  we  bad  power  to  Make  Such  a  Law,  before  y*  proper  Judges 
(For  I  Take  it  the  King  &  Council  Dedamig  it  a  Nullity  does  not  make 
It  So)  And  if  we  Think  it  advifable  may  have  a  bearing  before  v' 
Kings  Judges  —  Not  that  it  aught  Now  to  Obtain  as  our  Common 
Law,  being  an  Immemorial  Cuftotn  —  Yet  we  may  obtain  a  Confirma- 
tion of  all  part  Judgments  in  our  Prerogative  Courts  upon  Inteftate 
Eftates  —  Upon  our  Petition,  Unlefs  we  Can  Suppofe  the  King  is 
Willing  bis  Subjects  here  Should  be  ruined.  And  if  the  Common  Law 
in  That  Cafe  takes  place  only  for  the  future,  The  Coufequences  will 
Dot  be  So  Unhappy  * — 


1  The  Bishop  of  London  was  Edmund  Gibson,  and  the  Bishop  of  Salisbury 
Benjamin  Hoadly.  The  pamphlet  referred  to  ia  doubtless  An  Enquiry  into 
the  Keaaons  of  the  Conduct  of  Great  Britaint  with  relation  to  the  Present 
State  of  Affairs  in  Europe,  published  by  Hoadly  in  1797,  Dummer  seems  to 
have  been  mistaken  in  associating  Gibson  with  this  pamphlet 

*  See  Colonial  Records  of  Connecticut  iv.  300-311,  vii.  109,  191  and  mtet 
571-579. 


208  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  [April, 

But  may  we  not  fear  They  will  Say  we  have  as  Little  power  to  do 
many  other  Things  We  have  Done  as  in  y*  other  Inflance ;  w*  we  pre- 
fumed  we  had  power  Enough 

Will  they  not  Say  our  Ecclefiaftical  Eftablifhment  is  a  Nullity?  Our 
College  Charter  a  Nullity  ?  (Can  we  plead  &  make  it  Good  when  we 
have  done  y'-  y?  Governour  &  Company  have  a  power  to  Make  a  Body 
Politick?)  and  may  we  not  fear  we  Shall  in  a  Little  Time  be  in  no 
better  Circum (lances  yS- our  Difsenting  Brethren  in  England? —  That 
our  Churchmen  are  all  ways  strongly  Sollociting  y?  Bifhop  of  London 
to  Send  a  Suffragan  hither  we  are  well  afsured —  and  I  suppofe  the 
only  reafon  why  it  has  not  been  done,  has  been  the  want  of  wherewith 
to  Maintain  him.  and  I  Conclude  They  Imagine  they  are  getting  over 
That.  I  have  Juft  Underflood — M*  Johnfon  l  has  Sent  the  Bifhop  of 
London  an  account,  That  y*  office  of  the  Probate  of  Wills  in  this  Gov- 
ernment is  Worth  a  Thou/and  Pounds  p  Annum  —  and  for  what  he 
should  give  him  such  an  account  Cant  be  Conceived  Unlefs  with  Such 
a  view  of  his  Exercifing  a  Plenary  Jurifdiction.  For  which  I  obferve 
in  the  Prints  a  Commiffion  is  paffing  the  Broad  Seal  *  and  if  y*.  be 
any  pofsible  way  Jure  vel  Injuria  to  Defeat  The  Intention  of  Erecting 
the  College  it  will  be  done.  Nothing  will  Stand  in  the  way  of  the  Bigots 
to  Mother  Church. 

Now  what  I  would  propofe  to  Your  Confideration  is  whither  it 
would  not  be  advifeable  That  The  Agent  e£  The  Government  now 
Sends,  be  directed  in  the  Prudentift  Methods  Pofsible,  to  obtain  a 
Charter  for  the  College  from  the  King,  and  if  it  might  be,  alfo, 
Something  in  favour  of  our  Ecclefiaftick  Conftitution. —  and  Thefe 
Confiderations  Seem  to  render  it  not  Entirely  hopelefs 

1.  The  King  has  but  Juft  come  to  the  Throne,  —  &  so  it  is  not  an 
Unlikely  Hour  for  acts  of  Grace. 

2.  The  Incomparable  Good  Temper  of  y*-  Queen  w01  whom  phaps  a 
good  Intereft  might  be  made  for  it. 

8.  What  y2-  King  has  Done  &  after  all  our  Endeavours  to  releive  our 
Selves  will  probably  do,  with  relation  to  our  Civiil  Interefts  will  be 
no  Small  Shock  and  Grievance  to  us  —  &  phaps  to  do  us  a  favour  in 
another  Matter  as  y*  of  a  Charter  for  y?  College  may  be  y*  more  eaOly 
granted  —  Since  tis  not  Uncommon  nor  difagreeable  to  j*  wifdom  of 
a  Prince  to  Shew  an  act  of  Grace  when  he  has  manifefted  Severity  — 

1  Rev.  SamuelJohnson  (Y.  C.  1714). 

2  The  reference  is  probably  to  a  Commission  to  Gibson,  1  George  II.  (29 
April,  1728),. which  is  printed  in  J)ocumente  Relative  to  the  Colonial  History 
of  the  State  of  New  York,  v.  849.    See  also  ante,  v.  112  note. 


1SD&-] 


EARLY   HISTORY   OF   YALE   UNIVERSITY, 


209 


and  under  such  Circuraftanees  we  shall  find  y*  greater  pity  from  Thofe 
y1  have  any  Tendernefs  for  us,  and  a  more  Cheer  full  a  fat  fiance  from  them 
—  on  j"  &  some  other  accounts  I  mi^ht  have  added  it  Seems  to  me  as 
fair  an  Opportunity  as  ever  we  Shall  have,  to  endeavour  it,  &  if  we 
Dont  I  fear  we  Snail  have  Little  Good  of  it  Very  Long* —  But  Yet 
iffthey  Send  Mr  Belcher1  or  any  other  Gentleman  out  of  y*  Mafsadui- 
setts  Nothing  of  This  Can  be  done.  Nor  will  it  Utile  fs  by  some  hearty 
Friend  to  us—  If  ST  You  Think  it  advifable  that  what  T  have  propofed 
be  endeavoured,  You  will  pleafe  to  Communicate  it  (phaps  before  y* 
Courts  Sitting)  to  his  Honour,  with  whom  the  Matter  Muil  Solely  [be] 
left  to  give  it  iu  Direction  to  the  Agent,  For  if  the  Afsembly — or 
Indeed  his  Council  Should  know  it,  it  would  take  so  much  air,  as  That 
our  Bigotted  Churchmen  would  get  it,  &  endeavour  all  ways  Pofaible 
to  Defeat  it — 

You  will  pleafe  to  forgive  me  The  Trouble  of  This  —  &  I  will  add  No 
More  Than  my  Humble  Service  to  Your  Self  &  MaddM  —  and  That 
I  am  YT  Very  Humble  Ser** 

E*  Williams  * 

N.  Haven—  July  2.  1728 


JEREMIAH   DFMMER   TO   JOSEPH   TALCOTT. 

W 

Your  Petition  *  is  Lodg'd  at  the  Council 
Board  &  referr'd  to  the  Lords  of  the  Committee  before  whom  we  are 
to  be  heard,  &  shall  then  see  what  the  King  will  do  for  us.  The 
Speaker  of  the  House  of  Commons  eurpriz'd  me  lately  by  Saying, 
if  we  had  brought  our  Affair  into  Parliament,  the  House  would  cer- 
tainly have  examin'd  into  our  Constitution,  &;  very  probably  have 
given  us  a  new  one.     If  that  be  so,  1  think  we  are  well  off.    My  Lord 


1  Jonathan   Belcher  was   a  classmate  at   Harvard  of  Jeremiah   Dummer 
(1699)  and  Governor  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay,  1730-1741. 

*  Eli  aha  Williams  (H.  C.  1711)  was  Rector  of  the  College  at  the  time  this 
letter  was  written. 

*  See  Colonial  Records  of  Connecticut,  vii.  254,   and   Collections  of  the 
Connecticut  Historical  Society,  iv.  174-180,  184-190* 

I  am  indebted  to  our  associate  Mr.  Albert  Matthews,  for  aid  and  valuable 
suggestions  ia  the  preparation  of  the  notes  to  this  communication. 

14 


I 


210  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.         [April, 

Townsend  is  gone  into  Norfolk  for  a  fortnight,  &  there  will  be  no  Com- 
mittee till  his  Return  to  S!  James's. 

IamSr 

Your  most  Obed!  Serv* 
Whitehall  Jer:  Dummkr 

29*  March 
1730 

G0VBTALCOTa 
[Filed] 

from  Jeriemia  Dum'  Esq* 

March  29th  1730  ye  Inten- 

tion  of  y*  Parlyment  Re- 

lating  to  our  constitution 

from  Mr  Dummer 

Agent 

1730 

The  President  stated  that  the  Council  had  invited  Pro- 
fessor Franklin  Bowditch  Dexter  of  Yale  University,  one 
of  the  Corresponding  Members,  to  be  present  at  the  Meeting 
and  to  discuss  the  various  papers  which  Mr.  Edes  had  just 
communicated.  Professor  Dexter  accepted  the  invitation, 
but,  at  the  last  moment,  was  prevented  from  attending  by 
a  Special  Meeting  of  the  Yale  Corporation,  of  which  he  is  the 
Secretary. 

Mr.  James  Lyman  Whitney,  an.  alumnus  of  Yale,  re- 
marked upon  the  interesting  fact  that  its  Founders  turned  to 
Massachusetts  for  aid  and  advice  in  their  new  undertaking 
and  received  in  return  wise  counsel  from  their  brethren  of 
the  Bay,  who  had  much  at  heart  the  interests  of  the  older 
Seminary  at  Cambridge. 

Mr.  William  Coolidge  Lane  commented  upon  Dummer's 
attempt  to  divert  Hollis's  bounty,  at  least  in  part,  from  Har- 
vard to  Yale. 

1  For  notices  of  Governor  Joseph  Talcott,  see  S.  V.  Talcott's  Talcott  Pedi- 
gree, 1876,  pp.  39-51 ;  New  England  Historical  and  Genealogical  Register  for 
1869,  xxiii.  460  note;  and  Waters's  Genealogical  Gleanings  in  England,  ii. 
1125,  1126. 


1899.] 


REMARKS  BY  MR.  ABNEB  C.  GOODELL. 


211 


Mr*  Davis  said  that  Hollis  was  indignant  at  the  attempt 
to  divert  his  gifts  from  Harvard,  and  his  correspondence 
shows  that  he  repelled  Dummer's  interference  with  vigor. 
In  one  letter  he  says :  "  I  have  no  inclination  to  be  di- 
verted from  my  projected  design/*1  In  another:  "I  was 
disgusted  at  the  suggestion^  and  refused  to  read  on."  2  In  a 
third,  he  wrote :  "  Dummer's  management  for  Yale  College 
led  me  to  suspect  a  snake  in  the  grass."  * 

The  Rev.  Edward  G,  Porter  described  a  visit  to  Fort 
St.  George,  at  Madras,  of  which  Elihu  Yale,  a  man  of  mark, 
rush  and  ambition,  was  for  several  years  Governor,  There, 
in  the  Church,  he  found  a  silver  basin  with  a  Latin  inscrip- 
tion showing  that  it  was  Governor  Yale's  gift.  Upon  the 
Church  wall  was  a  mortuary  tablet  to  the  son  of  the  Governor 
who  married  an  Indian  woman,  —  the  widow  of  his  prede- 
cessor in  office.  Yale  was  succeeded  in  the  governorship 
of  Madras  by  Nathaniel  Higginson,  whose  portrait,  in  a  very 
large  family  group,  is  now  in  the  possession  of  Colonel 
Thomas  Wentworth  Higginson, 

Mr.  Robert  N.  Toppan  showed  an  invitation  from 
the  Sophomore  Class  of  1796  to  one  of  the  Exhibitions  in 
the  College  Chapel  at  New  Haven,  at  two  o'clock  in  the 
afternoon. 

Mr.  Goodell  remarked  upon  the  interest  of  the  papers 
which  were  before  the  Meeting  and  upon  the  remarkably 
large  number  of  important  original  documents  which  had 
been  brought  to  public  attention  by  members  of  the  Colonial 
Society  during  its  brief  existence.  The  papers  wbich  Mr. 
Edes  had  just  communicated,  Mr.  Goodell  said,  supplement 
Mr.  Davis's  paper  and  afford  fresh  evidence  of  the  valuable 


1  In  a  letter  to  John  White,  Treasurer  of  Harvard  College,  dated  12  July, 
1721  (X  Quincy's  History  of  Harvard  University,  1800,  i.  528). 

*  In  a  letter  to  Dr,  Colman,  dated  27  Jannary,  1726-27  (Ibid.  L  529). 

■  Manuscript  letter  of  Thomas  Hollis  to  President  Leverett,  dated  18  Janu- 
ary, 1722-23,  in  the  Archives  of  Harvard  University. 


212  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  [APRIL, 

service  rendered  by  the  Colony  Agents  in  London.  He  then 
paid  a  high  tribute  to  Dummer,  whom,  in  ability,  he  ranked 
as  second  only  to  William  Bollan. 

Mr.  Edes  communicated,  on  behalf  of  Mr.  Edward  Field, 
a  Corresponding  Member  of  the  Society,  a  copy  of  the 
Diary  of  John  Green,  kept  in  Boston,  1765-1764,  which 
records,  among  other  important  occurrences,  Washington's 
first  visit  to  this  city,  the  death  of  Secretary  Willard,  the 
funeral  of  Colonel  Benjamin  Pollard  of  the  Independent 
Corps  of  Cadets,  and  the  great  public  reception  accorded  to 
Governor  Shirley  on  the  thirtieth  of  January,  1756,  on  his 
return  to  Boston  from  the  Conference  of  the  Colonial  Gov- 
ernors at  New  York.  The  original  Diary  is  in  the  Cabinet 
of  the  Rhode  Island  Historical  Society.1 

Mr.  Davis  communicated  the  following  information  con- 
cerning the  Historical  Societies  which  have  been  incorporated 
since  the  last  Report  on  this  subject  was  made  to  the 
Society :  — 

FOXBOROUGH    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY. 

Purposes.  u  To  preserve  and  perpetuate  the  history  of  the  town  of 
Foxborough,  in  Massachusetts,  and  to  collect,  hold,  and  preserve  docu- 
ments, books,  memoirs,  curiosities,  and  all  other  matters  relating  to 
its  history;  and  the  publication  of  periodicals,  tracts,  and  pamphlets 
devoted  to,  or  treating  of,  historical  subjects.  Also  the  securing  of  a 
Memorial  Building  in  which  its  collections  may  be  preserved  and  its 
meetings  held." 

Date  of  CJiarter.     31  March,  1898. 

THE    ARLINGTON    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY. 

Purposes.  "The  gathering  and  recording  of  knowledge  of  the  his- 
tory of  Arlington  and  of  individuals  and  families  connected  with  the 
town ;  and  the  collection  and  preservation  of  priuted  and  manuscript 
matter  and  other  articles  of  historical  and  antiquarian  interest." 

Date  of  Charter.     6  April,  1898. 

1  Owing  to  Mr.  Field's  absence  from  the  country  when  the  proceedings 
of  this  meeting  were  put  in  type,  and  the  importance  of  having  the  proof  of 
this  Diary  read  with  the  original,  the  document  is  reserved  for  publication  in 
another  volume. 


18090 


HISTORICAL   SOCIETIES   IN   MASSACHUSETTS. 


213 


WALPOLE    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY, 

Purposes,  <4For  the  prosecution  of  historical  and  antiquarian  pur- 
poses/1 

Date  of  Oiarter,     23  May,  1898. 

THE    FPSWICH    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY, 

Purposes.  M  The  gathering  and  recording  of  knowledge  of  the 
history  of  Ipswich  and  of  individuals  and  families  connected  with  sind 
Ipswich,  the  collection  and  preservation  of  printed  and  written  manu- 
scripts, pamphlets,  and  other  matters  of  historic  interest  and  the 
collection  of  articles  of  historical  and  antiquarian  interest  and  the 
preservation  and  furnishing,  in  Colonial  Style,  one  of  the  ancient 
dwelling  houses  of  said  Ipswich/* 

Date  of  Charier,     26  October,  1898. 

SOMERVILLE     HISTORICAL    SOCIETY. 

Purposes.  "The  collection  and  preservation  of  everything  relating 
to  the  history  and  antiquities  of  Somerville,  and  incidentally  of  other 
places,  and  the  diffusion  of  knowledge  concerning  them*" 

Date  of  Oiarter,     9  November,  1898.1 

The  Corresponding  Secretary  reported  that  since  the  last 
meeting  letters  had  been  received  from  Mr.  Worth  in  gton 
Crauncey  Ford  accepting  Resident  Membership,  and  from 


1  The  following  quasi-historical  societies  have  also  been  incorporated :  — 

BOSTON    VETERAN     FIREMKN*S     ASSOCIATION. 

Purposes.  *l  To  promote  social  and  charitahlc  purposes  with  each  other,  and  for  the 
prosecution  of  antiquarian,  historical,  and  literary  subjects,  relating  to  the  Fire  Depart 
raent  of  the  City  of  Boston/1 

Date  of  Charter.     1  March,  1898. 

THE    CAST1L1AN    CLUB- 

Pttrposes,  m  For  the  prosecution  of  historical  and  literary  research  la  matters  relat- 
ing to  S].;ii n." 

Daic  of  Charter.     27  April,  1898. 

BARNICOAT    FIRK    ASSOCIATION, 

Purposes.  **To  promote  social  and  charitable  purposes  with  each  other,  to  perpetuate 
the  name  of  William  Barnicoat  (Chief  Engineer  of  the  Boston  Fire  Department  from 
1836  to  18541  and  for  the  prosecution  [of]  antiquarian,  historical,  and  literary  subject* 
relating  to  the  Fire  Department  of  the  City  of  Boston,  Mass/* 

Date  of  Charter.    &  May,  1898. 


■  .  *   -v,.i:  'inMnlM'v-i 
.  :•.    nis-jiii  *  what-  ^te* 
■.   ';■   !-_.iw  '  rhu  Trrtv  ■ 

.     .  '»*    w    V.    IIIIV  Hii7:l!: 

\    4  :   .;:  >    1,.i\v,.t  : 

v.  .■'  •  .;  \^n  I)a\  :■ 
..•  «ii:.:-  kin  IW; .-": 

■:-..  ii! ■  vli-  Mi: 
...  v    :>.?)..  ..;    N    ■ 


214  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  [April, 

Professor  Frederick  Jackson  Turner  of  the  University  of 
Wisconsin  accepting  Corresponding  Membership. 

The  following  Resolution  was  then  adopted  by  a  unanimous 
vote:  — 

Resolved,  That  the  Chair  appoint  a  Committee  of  seven  members  of 
the  Society,  of  whom  the  President  shall  be  one,  to  consider  what  steps 
should  be  taken  properly  to  commemorate  in  New  England  the  Tercen- 
tenary of  the  birth  of  Oliver  Cromwell,  and  to  confer  with  any  similar 
Committees  of  other  Historical  Societies. 

The  Chair  appointed  as  this  Committee,  the  President 
and  Messrs.  James  Bradley  Thayer,  Augustus  Lowell, 
Charles  Carroll  Everett,  Andrew  McFarland  Davis, 
George  Lyman  Kittredge,  and  Edward  Griffin  Porter. 

Oliver  Wolcott  Gibbs,  LL.D.,  of  Newport,  Rhode  Island, 
the  Reverend  William  Reed  Huntington,  D.D.,  of  New 
York  City,  and  Mr.  George  Parker  Winship  of  Provi- 
dence, Rhode  Island,  were  elected  Corresponding  Members. 

President  Wheelwright  communicated  a  Memoir  of 
Dr.  Daniel  Denison  Slade,  which  he  had  been  requested  to 
prepare  for  publication  in  the  Transactions. 


tt 


".* 


46^~^L"^5L^^-> 


_ 


1889.] 


MEjOIB  OF  DANIEL  DENISOSJ  SLADE. 


215 


MEMOIR 


or 

DANIEL  DENISON  SLADE,  M.D. 

BY 

EDWARD  WHEELWRIGHT. 


Daioel  DENISON  Slade,  only  son  of  Jacob  Tilton  and  Eliza- 
beth (Rogers)  Slade,  was  born  in  Boston,  Massachusetts,  10  May, 
1823.  He  was  a  descendant  in  the  fifth  generation  from  Arthur 
Slade,  who  is  supposed  to  have  been  born  in  1682  at  Marazion, 
near  Penzance,  Cornwall,  England*  and  who  lived  at  one  time  at 
Deptford,  in  Kent,  —  on  the  Thames,  near  London.  He  emigrated 
to  America  between  1706  and  1780 ;  and  resided  for  a  time  at 
New  Market,  near  Portsmouth,  New  Hampshire,  where  he  died 
12  January,  1746-47,  at  the  age  of  sixty-four  years.1  The  line 
of  descent  is  as  follows :  — 


1  On  the  bottom  of  a.  silver  waiter,  once  owned  by  the  Hon*  Theodore 
Atkinson  of  Portsmouth  and  his  wife  Hannah  (Wentworth)  Atkinson,  —  a 
sister  of  Governor  Bemiing  Wentworth,  —  are  engraved  the  names  of  forty- 
eight  persons  who  were  connected  by  ties  of  blood,  marriage,  or  friendship 
with  the  Wentworth  family,  together  with  the  dates  of  their  death  and  their 
ages*  Arthur  Slade's  name  is  eleventh  in  this  List,  which  covers  the  period 
17 1^-1 771  and  is  printed  in  the  New  England  Historical  and  Genealogical 
Register  for  1861,  xv,  172,  A  Family  Bible  gives  17  January,  1747,  as  the 
date  of  his  death. 

Administration  on  the  estate  of  Arthur  Slade,  ■*  formerly  of  the  parish  of 
St*  Nicholas,  Deptford,  in  the  County  of  Kent,  but  at  Ports  mouth*  New  Hamp- 
shire, deceased,  was  granted  7  October,  1747,  to  Elizabeth  Slade,  his  widow, 
relict/'  etc.     (Waters'*  Gleanings,  Ibid,  for  1889,  xliiL  160,  lft  1.) 

Administration  on  the  estate  of  Arthur  Slade,  late  of  New  Market,  New 
Hampshire,  gentleman,  had  been  previously  granted,  28  January,  174&-47,  *  to 
Henry  Eeese  of  Portsmouth  and  Elizabeth  his  wife,M  who,  at  a  Probate  Court 
weld  at  Portsmouth,  29  April,  1747,  filed  an  Inventory  of  the  estate  which  had 
been  taken  on  the  seventh  of  February  (Rockingham  Probate  Records  at  Exeter), 


\ 

4 

216  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OP  MASSACHUSETTS.        [April, 

1.  Arthur  Slade  (1682-1747),  married  Elizabeth  — — . 

2.  Benjamin  Slade,  born ;  married  Mart  Keese,   daughter  of 

Henry  and  Elizabeth  Keese,  of  Portsmouth ;  died  15  April,  t.745. 

3.  Benjamin  Slade,  born  21  April,  1734;  married  (1)  Lucy  Hakt, 

daughter  of  Samuel  Hart,  Jr.,  of  Portsmouth;  (2)  Susanna 
Tilton,  18  November,  1763;  died  28  January,  1813,  in  his 
seventy-ninth  year. 

4.  Jacob  Tilton  Slade,  born  in  Portsmouth,  6  April,  1778 ;  married, 

Elizabeth  Rogers,  daughter  of  Daniel  Denison  and  Elizabeth 
(Bromfield)  Rogers,  13  May,  1819 ;  died  in  Paris,  France,  21  June, 
1854. 

5.  Daniel  Denison  Slade,  born  10  May,  1823. 

Of  Slade's  earlier  ancestors  in  the  paternal  line  there  is  but 
slight  record.  He,  himself,  never  traced  them  back  to  their  English 
origin.1  His  paternal  grandfather,  Benjamin  Slade,  was,  in  1786, 
Collector  of  Taxes  at  Portsmouth,  New  Hampshire,  where  his  man- 
sion house  was  on  Vaughan  Street ;  and  his  gravestone  and  that 
of  his  wife  are  in  the  old  North  Burying  Ground. 

At  the  time  of  his  marriage,  Jacob  Tilton  Slade,  the  father  of  our 
late  associate,  was  forty-one  years  of  age  and  a  man  of  vigorous 
health,  tall,  of  fine  personal  appearance,  polished  manners  and 
agreeable  conversation.  He  was  for  many  years  connected  with 
the  firm  of  Stieglitz  &  Co.,  iron  merchants,  of  St.  Petersburg,  and, 
in  consequence,  was  sometimes  spoken  of  as  "  the  Russian  gentle- 
man." After  his  wife's  death,  in  1826,  he  resided  permanently  in 
Europe,  where  he  died,  of  Asiatic  cholera,  at  the  age  of  seventy-six.2 

Dr.  Slade's  descent  in  the  maternal  line  is  as  follows :  — 

1.  Rev.  Nathaniel  Rogers,8  of  Dedham  and  Coggeshall,  in  Essex, 
England,  born  about  1598  ;  married,  in  England,  Margaret  Crane, 
daughter  of  Robert  Crane,  of  Coggeshall ;  came  to  New  England  in 
1636,  and  settled  at  Ipswich,  Massachusetts;  died  3  July,  1655. 

1  The  facte  relating  to  Slade's  paternal  ancestry  were  communicated  by  his 
son,  Denison  Rogers  Slade. 

*  His  estate  was  administered  here  in  1854.  (Suffolk  Probate  Files, 
No.  39,263.) 

*  The  English  ancestry  of  the  Reverend  Nathaniel  Rogers  has  been  so  often 
stated  with  great  inaccuracy  that  the  attention  of  those  interested  therein  is 
called  to  the  elaborate  article  on  the  Rogers  Family,  by  Henry  F.  Waters,  in 
the  New  England  Historical  and  Genealogical  Register  for  1887,  xli.  158-188. 
That  paper  contains  abstracts  of  English  Wills  of  the  Rogers  and  Crane 
families,  beside  a  tabular  pedigree. 


* 

N 


1890.] 


MEMOIR   OF   DANTEL   DENTSON   SLADE. 


217 


2.  Rev.  John  Rogers,  of  Ipswich,  Massachusetts,  born  in  England, 

January,    1630-31  ;    married  Elizabeth   Denison,   daughter  of 
Major  General   Daniel  Denison  of  Ipswich,  and  grand-daughter 
of  Governor  Thomas  Dudley,  1660; x  died  2  July,  1684. 
He  was  President  of  Harvard  College,  1 682-1 U84, 

3.  John  Rogers,  of    Ipswich,  born  7  July,  1666 ;   married   Martha 

WiirrriNGHAM,  daughter  of  William  Whlttingham  of  Ipswich, 
4  March,  1690-91  ; a  died  28  December,   1745. 

4.  Rev,  Daniel  Boot&fl  of  Ipswich,  and  later  of  Exeter,1  New  Hamp- 

shire, born  28  July,  1707  ;  married  Anna  Foxckoft,  daughter  of 
Rev.  Thomas  Foxcroft  of  Boston,  their  Marriage  Intention  having 
been  entered  28  September,  1748;   died  9  December,  1785. 

5.  Daniel  Denison  Rogers,  of  Exeter,  New  Hampshire,  and  Boston, 

Massachusetts,  born  11  May,  1751;  married  Elizabeth  Buom- 
field,  daughter  of  Henry  Bromfieldof  Harvard,  18  January,  1796  ; 
died  25  March,  m:>.4 

6-  Elizabeth  Rogers,  born  11  September,  1798;  married  Jacob  Til- 
ton  Slade;  died  14  August,  1826, 

7,   Daniel  Denison  Slade,  born  10  May,  1823. 

Several  of  the  names  in  the  foregoing  list  of  Slade's  direct  an- 
cestors in  the  maternal  line  are  those  of  men  illustrious  in  the 
early  history  of  New  England.6  Of  his  ancestor  Major  General 
Daniel  Denison,  whose  name  he  bore,  Slade  has  himself  given  a 
very  complete  and  graphic  account  in  various  addresses  and  papers 
to  be  hereafter  mentioned.  The  uneventful,  but  highly  honorable, 
career  of  another  of  his  mother's  ancestors,  Colonel  Henry  Brorn- 
field,6  of  Harvard,  Massachusetts,  Slade  has  also  sketched  in  an 
illustrated  paper  entitled  A  New  England  Country  Gentleman  in 
the  Last  Century*  Of  this  most  estimable  man  his  great-grandson 
says : — 


1  New  England  Historical  and  Genealogical  Register  for  1892,  xlvi.  129. 
8  Ipswich  Town  Records. 

*  For  an  account  of  Mr,  Rogers's  connection  with  the  Second  Parish  of 
Exeter (  and  for  a  copy  of  his  epitaph,  see  Bell's  History  of  the  Town  of  Exeter, 
New  Hampshire,  pp,  196,  197. 

*  See  antef  v«  210,  note. 

*  To  these  might  be  added  others  with  whom  he  was  collaterally  allied,  as, 
for  instance,  John  Singleton  Copley,  who  lived  on  terms  of  intimacy  with  the 
Brnmfield  family.  See  Mr,  Denison  R.  Slade's  paper  on  Henry  Pelharu,  ante, 
v.  193-211. 

6  See  ante,  v.  202* 


218  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.        [April, 

"His  descent  through  a  long  and  direct  line  of  ancestors,  distin- 
guished on  both  sides  of  the  Atlantic  for  Christian  virtues,  intellectual 
abilities  and  culture,  he  regarded  with  just  pride,  and  it  was  ever  his 
constant  endeavor  to  maintain  the  standard  of  noblesse  oblige."  l 

There  is  no  doubt  that  Slade  himself  kept  this  adage  constantly 
in  mind.  He  was  modestly  proud  of  his  inherited  noblesse  and  did 
not  fail  in  endeavoring  to  live  up  to  its  standard. 

Slade  also  gave  an  account  of  his  grandfather,  Daniel  Deni- 
son  Rogers,  and  a  minute  description  of  his  stately  residence  on 
Beacon  Hill,  Boston,  in  a  paper  read  before  the  Bostonian  Society, 
14  April,  1891.2  It  was  in  this  house  that  Slade's  parents  were 
married,  13  May,  1819,  by  the  Rev.  F.  W.  P.  Greenwood  of  King's 
Chapel,  when  "  there  was  a  full  band  of  music  in  the  entry  and  the 
whole  affair  was  unusually  gay  and  imposing."  •  The  house  had 
been  built  in  1795  by  Slade's  grandfather  Rogers,  who  took  up  his 
residence  in  it  immediately  upon  his  marriage,  in  January  of  the 
following  year.  It  stood  upon  the  lot  of  land  at  the  north-easterly 
corner  of  Beacon  and  Mount  Vernon  Streets  which  (or  at  least  a 
part  of  which)  had  formerly  belonged  to  William  Molineaux  or 
Molineux,4  who  died  22  October,  1774,5  and  who  had  also  built 
upon  his  portion  of  it  "  a  mansion  house  quite  splendid  for  those 
days."  6  The  two  houses  appear  to  have  been  confounded  by  some 
writers,7  but  they  were  wholly  distinct.  What  became  of  the 
Molineaux  mansion  has  not  been  ascertained.  The  house  built 
by  Daniel  Denison  Rogers  stood  until  1834,  when  it  was  taken 
down  and  a  block  of  dwelling-houses  was  erected  upon  the  site. 
These,  in  their  turn,  are  shortly  to  be  levelled  to  make  one  of  the 
contemplated  open  spaces  around  the  State  House. 

1  New  England  Magazine  for  March,  1890,  New  Series,  ii  3-20. 

9  This  paper  has  not  been  printed.  It  was  entitled  A  Boston  Merchant  of 
1791.     See  ante,  v.  210,  note. 

8  Henry  Bromfield  Rogers's  Family  Record. 

4  In  the  old  deeds,  as  recorded,  the  name  is  spelled  Molineaux. 

6  Boston  Gazette,  No.  1019,  of  Monday,  24  October,  1774,  where  an  obituary 
notice  may  be  read.  See  also  Suffolk  Probate  Files,  No.  15,715 ;  and  Suffolk 
Deeds,  clxxv.  67. 

e  "  Gleaner,"  in  Boston  Record  Commissioners'  Reports,  v.  (Second  edition) 
120, 121. 

'  See  Drake's  Old  Landmarks  of  Boston,  p.  357. 


»■] 


MEMOIR  OF  DANIEL  DENISON  SLADE. 


219 


The  Kogera  mansion,  which  will  be  remembered  by  some  of  our 
older  members,  was  a  large  house  three  stories  in  height  and  sur- 
mounted by  a  cupola.  It  was  built  of  brick  and  brown  freestone 
and  stood  considerably  above  the  present  level  of  the  adjacent 
streets.  It  had  a  garden  in  the  rear  and  wide  open  spaces  on  every 
side.  The  entrance  was  from  Beacou  Street,  where  the  natural 
slope  of  the  bill  had  been  fashioned  into  a  series  of  terraces,  through 
which  a  corresponding  number  of  flights  of  steps  and  a  broad  paved 
walk  led  up  to  the  front  door,1  It  was  in  this  house  that  Mr.  and 
Mrs.  Jacob  Tilton  Slade  took  up  their  abode  on  their  return  fmin 
a  visit  to  Europe  in  the  course  of  which  their  eldest  child,  Elizabeth 
Bromfield,  was  born, — at  Brighton,  England,  23  March,  1821** 
Here  they  continued  to  reside,  with  Mrs.  Slade's  parents,  for  two 
or  three  years,  and  here  their  only  son,  Daniel  Denison  Slade, 
was  bom, 

In  the  spring  of  1824,  Slade's  parents  went  to  housekeeping  in  a 
house  in  Mount  Vernon  Street,  the  property  of  Mr,  Joseph  Joy 
(now  No,  28  Mount  Vernon  Street,  and  lately  the  residence  of 
CoL  Greeley  Stevenson  Curtis),  and  it  was  not  untU  late  in  the 
autumn  of  1825  that  they  removed  to  a  new  house  which  Mrs, 
Slade's  father  had  begun  building,  expressly  for  her  use,  at  the 
northerly  end  of  his  garden,  and  had  left  unfinished  at  his  death, 
in  March,  1825,* 

*  On  either  aide  of  the  entrance  gate,  on  Beacon  Street,  were  curiously  con- 
structed ae mi-subterranean  stables  and  coach-houses,  the  flat  roof  of  which, 
tarred  and  gravelled,  formed  the  first  step  in  the  series  of  terraces,  and  effec- 
tually concealed  these  buildings  from  the  view  of  one  looking  from  the  bouse. 
The  arched  doorways  of  these  stables  form  a  conspicuous  feature  of  what  is 
said  to  be  a  fairly  accurate  picture  of  the  Rogers  house  comprised  in  a  view  of 
the  State  House  printed  in  blue  upon  sets  of  contemporaneous  earthenware. 
Dr.  Slade  gave  an  elaborate  description  of  the  house  in  his  paper,  A  Boston 
Merchant  of  1791  {ante,  p,  218,  note).  Dr.  Slade's  paper  was  accompanied  by  a 
colored  drawing  of  the  exterior  of  the  house,  made  by  himself  from  memory,  and 
by  other  drawings,  plans,  models,  and  portraits.  The  house  is  also  described 
by  Lord  Lyndhurst,  in  a  letter  dated  Boston,  21  January,  1796,  printed  in 
A  Life  of  Lord  Lyndhurst,  by  Sir  Theodore  Martin,  p.  42. 

1  Elizabeth  Bromfield  Slade  was  baptized  at  Brompton,  in  the  parish  of 
Kensington,  near  London,  13  September,  1821;  married  in  Boston,  Henry 
Schmidt,  of  Bremen,  Germany,  12  August,  1841 ;  and  died  in  Wiesbaden, 
Germany,  10  March,  1880. 

1  This  house  was  the  more  westerly  of  the  two  houses  which  were  finally 
built  in  Mr.  Rogers's  garden,  and  fronted  on  Mount  Vernon  Street,     The  two 


220  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OP  MASSACHUSETTS.        [April, 

Dr.  Slade's  mother  did  not  long  enjoy  "the  elegant  and  con- 
venient house "  built  for  her  by  her  father.  She  died  there  15 
August,  1826,  soon  after  giving  birth  to  her  third  child,  Mary 
Ellen,  — 16  July,  1826.  Her  health  had  been  delicate  ever  since 
her  marriage,  and  she  died  at  the  early  age  of  twenty-nine. 

Very  soon  after  his  wife's  death  Mr.  Jacob  Tilton  Slade  went 
to  Europe,1  whence  he  never  returned,  and,  in  December,  1827, 
Mr.  Henry  Bromfield  Rogers  was  appointed  guardian  of  his  three 
minor  children.2  The  young  Daniel,  aged  about  three  years,  with 
his  two  sisters,  now  went  once  more  to  live  in  the  Rogers  mansion 
house,  where  their  uncle  and  guardian,  being  still  a  young  man 
and  unmarried,  also  had  his  abode.  Here  the  boy  remained  under 
the  care  of  his  grandmother  and  his  aunt  Hannah,  afterward  Mrs. 
William  Powell  Mason,  until  he  was  ten  years,  of  age,  attending 
meanwhile  several  elementary  schools. 

In  1833,  Slade  was  sent  to  the  boarding-school  kept  by  Mr. 
Stephen  Minot  Weld  at  Jamaica  Plain,  and  afterward  to  the  family 
school  of  the  Rev.  Samuel  Ripley  at  Waltham.  His  stay  at  both 
these  schools  was  short  and  in  1835,  at  the  age  of  twelve,  he 
was  sent  to  Northborough,  where  he  remained  for  two  years 
under  the  charge  of  the  Rev.  Joseph  Allen.  At  all  these  country 
schools  young  Slade  had  opportunities  of  becoming  acquainted  with 
rural  life  and  of  familiarizing  himself  with  the  varied  aspects  of 
nature  which  thenceforth  never  ceased  to  have  a  special  attraction 
for  him.  In  a  letter  written  *from  Northborough,  in  1835,  quoted 
by  Dr.  Eastman,8  he  says :  — 

houses  are  now  joined,  much  enlarged,  and  styled  the  Commonwealth  Building, 
No.  11  Mount  Vernon  Street.  As  there  has  been  some  uncertainty  as  to  Dr. 
Slade's  actual  birthplace,  he  himself  not  being  sure  in  which  gf  the  three 
houses  mentioned  his  birth  took  place,  it  has  been  thought  desirable  to  insert 
the  foregoing  particulars,  derived  from  a  Family  Record  written  by  his  uncle, 
the  late  Henry  Bromfield  Rogers,  in  1827,  a  copy  of  which  was  lent  to  the  writer 
by  Mr.  Denison  R.  Slade. 

1  Mr.  Slade  left  Boston  on  Monday,  25  April,  1827. 

•  Suffolk  Probate  Files,  Nos.  28,523,  28,524,  28,525.  The  petition  for  guar- 
dianship  was  signed  by  Henry  B.  Rogers,  also  by  Elizabeth  Rogers,  sole  surviv- 
ing grandparent,  and  by  John  Rogers,  uncle,  and  Hannah  Rogers,  aunt,  of  the 
children. 

8  Daniel  Denison  Slade,  by  Charles  R.  Eastman,  Ph.D.,  Reprinted,  with 
additions,  from  the  New-England  Historical  and  Genealogical  Register  for 
January,  1897,  li.  9-18. 


'•] 


MEMOIR  OF  DANIEL  DENISON   BLADE. 


41  The  boys  have  got  a  society  up  among  themselves  to  collect  speci- 
mens of  stones  and  curious  things  that  we  might  happen  to  find.  I  was 
chosen  Secretary,  bat  declined  the  office*  We  have  a  meeting  every 
Monday  evening." 

In  a  journey  on  horseback  which  Dr,  Slacle  made  with  his 
daughters,  in  the  autumn  of  1883,  and  of  which  he  published  an 
account,  the  party  halted  for  the  night  at  Northborongh.  and  the 
author  gives  a  page  to  his  boyish  reminiscences  of  the  place,  where, 
he  says,  he  **  passed  some  of  his  happiest  school  days  under  the 
guardianship  of  the  old  pastor,  who  was  the  true  pattern  of  a 
Christian  gentleman/*1 

Frequent  visits  as  a  boy  to  the  old  mansion  house  at  Harvard, 
with  its  farm  of  one  hundred  and  twenty  acres,  which  had  been 
the  residence  of  his  great-grandfather,  Henry  Bromfield*  had  a  still 
stronger  influence  in  developing  Blade's  life-long  fondness  for  the 
country  and  for  a  country  life.  The  old  house  was  occupied  from 
1823  to  1835  by  the  Rev,  Ira  Henry  Thomas  Blanchard,  who,  dur- 
ing that  period,  was  pastor  of  the  Unitarian  Church  in  the  village 
of  Harvard.  His  wife  was  a  daughter  of  the  Rev.  Dr.  Eliphalet 
Pearson,3  and  granddaughter  o£  CoL  Henry  Bromfield.  Her  mother 
was  half-sister  to  Skde*s  grandmother,  —  Mrs.  Daniel  Denison 
Rogers.  On  the  boy's  visits  to  Harvard  Mr.  Blanchard  had  been, 
not  only  his  host,  but  his  chief  companion  and  confidant,  and  to  him 
he  wrote  the  letter  from  which  the  following  extract  is  taken*  It  is 
dated  26  November,  1841,  Slade  being  then  a  Sophomore  in  College  ;8 

1  Twelve  Days  in  the  Saddle  p-  82. 

*  See  ante,  v*  198  n.t  and  205  n. 

*  Mr.  Blanchard  was  succeeded  in  the  occupancy  of  the  Bromfield  mansion 
by  his  wife's  brother,  Henry  Broni field  Pearson,  whose  residence  it  was  when 
it  was  destroyed  by  fire*  3  August,  1355. 

The  Rev.  Ira  Henry  Thomas  Blanchard  died  9  April,  1 S  J5,  in  Weymouth, 
where  he  was  born  0  September!  1797,  His  wife*  Margaret  Bromfield  (Pearson) 
BZanchard,  to  whom  he  was  married  30  May,  1825,  survived  until  29  November, 
187G.  By  her  will  aha  gave  a  generous  portion  of  her  estate  to  found  a  school, 
to  be  located  on  the  site  of  her  grandfather's  homestead ,  as  a  monument 
to  hi  in.  Among  the  Trustees  appointed  by  Mrs.  Blanchard  to  manage  the 
school  was  her  kinsman,  Daniel  Denfeon  Slade.  In  1887,  his  son,  Denison 
Rogers  Slade,  was  chosen  a  Trustee,  to  fill  a  vacancy  in  the  Board.  The  Brom- 
field Schoolhouse,  a  view  of  which  is  in  the  History  of  Harvard,  was  erected  in 
WT-Tl  (Nourse'a  History  of  the  Town  of  Harvard,  pp.  231*  232,  87&-S83; 
and  ante,  v.  198  «.,  202  n.,  and  203  n.)* 


222  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OP  MASSACHUSETTS.         [April* 

" .  .  .  You  know  my  tastes.  I  attribute  my  great  love  for  the  country 
and  for  agricultural  affairs  to  the  early  age  which  I  passed  so  pleasantly 
at  Harvard  with  you.  Some  of  my  happiest  associations  are  connected 
with  that  period.  It  is  my  earnest  hope  that  nothing  wil2  ever  occur  to 
diminish  my  great  love  for  rural  life." 

Doubtless,  too,  the  old  Bromfield  house,  stored  as  it  was  with 
ancient  family  portraits  and  other  mementos  of  Colonial  times, 
contributed  not  a  little  to  awaken  the  youth's  interest  in  historical 
pursuits  and  legendary  lore. 

In  1837,  in  the  first  year  of  the  head-mastership  of  Epes  Sargent 
Dixwell,  Slade  was  entered  as  a  pupil  in  the  Boston  Public  Latin 
School.  He  was  then  about  fourteen  years  old.  He  had  passed 
the  age  at  which  boys  were  usually  admitted  to  the  school  and  his 
stay  was  less  than  the  customary  four  years.  He  thus  missed  the 
thorough  grounding  in  the  classics  obtained  by  pupils  who  take 
the  whole  course  at  that  famous  school,  a  circumstance  which 
placed  him  at  some  disadvantage  with  his  fellows ; 1  but  that  the 
work  of  preparation  for  college  was  sufficiently  accomplished  is 
shown  by  the  fact  of  his  passing  the  examinations  for  entrance  to 
Harvard  without  conditions.  He  was  also  awarded  a  silver  medal 
at  the  Latin  School  for  Latin  hexameter  verses.2 

In  1840,  Slade  entered  Harvard  College  as  a  Freshman,  in  the 
class  of  1844,  and  remained  through  the  whole  course.  He  did 
not  take  high  rank  for  scholarship  and  probably  never  made  any 
serious  or  persistent  effort  to  attain  it.  He  studied,  however,  with 
sufficient  diligence  to  merit  a  Detur8  in  the  Sophomore  year,  but  he 
had  no  Part  at  any  of  the  Exhibitions  nor  at  Commencement.  On 
the  other  hand,  he  never  incurred  any  serious  penalties  either  for 
negligence  or  misconduct.  He  appreciated  the  independence  of 
College  life,  as  compared  with  that  of  a  schoolboy,  and  gave  much 

1  Slade  refers  to  this  in  a  memorandum  quoted  by  Dr.  Eastman,  in  his 
Memoir,  p.  5. 

9  The  gaining  of  this  medal  may  have  first  kindled  the  desire  for  similar 
distinctions  which,  later,  seemed  to  have  become  almost  a  passion  with  him. 
The  medal,  with  the  original  blue  ribbon  attached  to  it,  was  carefully  preserved 
through  life  by  Dr.  Slade,  as  well  as  files  of  Monthly  Reports  of  the  Latin 
School. 

*  These  prizes  are  awarded  "pro  insigni  in  studiis  diligenlUu" 


1609+] 


MEMOIR   OF  DANIEL  DENISON  BLADE. 


of  his  time  to  pursuits  not  embraced  in  the  curriculum,  Like  most 
young  men  of  that  day  having  any  taste  for  music,  he  practised 
the  flute*  then  the  favorite  instrument  of  the  Pierian  Sodality, 
though  he  never  attained  sufficient  proficiency  to  make  him  eligible 
to  that  association.  At  one  time,  influenced,  perhaps,  by  the  ex- 
ample of  his  classmate  Ballard,  with  whom  he  became  very  inti- 
mate, he  took  up  painting  in  oil  colors  and  produced  a  number  of 
landscape  sketches  which  he  would  show,  with  a  humorous  exag^ 
geration  of  their  merits,  as  his  ™ chefs  d'wwure,"  He  became  a 
member  of  the  two  debating  societies,  the  Institute  and  the  I.  O.  H,, 
but,  like  most  of  those  who  joined  them,  took  no  more  than  a  per- 
functory interest  in  their  proceedings.  It  was  otherwise  with  the 
Harvard  Natural  History  Society,  in  which  he  took  a  lively 
interest  and  of  which  he  became  Curator  of  Ornithology  and  of 
Geology*  Treasurer,  Vice  President,  and  President,  Here  he  found 
a  field  for  the  exercise  of  tastes  which  had  already  begun  to  be  de- 
veloped by  his  youthful  experience  of  country  life  and  to  which  he 
remained  ever  faithful.  It  was  before  the  small  audiences  of  this 
Society  that  he  began  his  career  as  a  lecturer.  One  of  the  papers 
read  by  hira  was  on  the  Skunk,1  another,  intended  especially  for 
the  benefit  of  his  friend  Francis  Parkman,  was  on  the  Moose, 

In  the  letter  to  the  Rev,  Mr.  Blanchard,  already  quoted,  Slade 
speaks  of  a  lecture  recently  delivered  by  him,  doubtless  before  the 
Natural  History  Society,  as  follows :  — 

M  I  likewise   send  you  my  lecture,  which,  altho*  Dot  as  long  as  it 

might  be,  occupied  as  much  time  as  I  could  conveniently  give  to  it. 
It  went  off  with  great  eclat  t  I  assure  you,  and  was  received  with  im- 
mense applause,  I  have  stolen  a  few  expressions,  as  you  will  perceive, 
but  I  pride  myself  on  its  being  mostly  original  I  hope  it  will  meet 
your  expectations,  in  quality,  if  not  iu  length," 

The  cop3r  of  the  lecture,  sent  with  the  letter^  is  missing. 

Sociability  was  always  one  of  Slade's  strongly  marked  character- 
istics, and  life  at  College  seemed  to  be  chiefly  attractive  to  him  for 
the  opportunities  it  gave  for  friendly  intercourse  with  his  fellows. 
Never  aspiring  to  be  a  leader,  he  was  yet  fond  of  being  a  partici- 
pant in  whatever  wTas  going  ont  whether  a  game  of  foot-ball  on 

1  We  can  imagine  the  suppressed  glee  with  which  he  must  have  treated  this 
uataTory  subject. 


224  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OP  MASSACHUSETTS.         [April, 

the  Delta,  an  Oxford  Cap  riot,  or  a  "  dance  on  the  green "  on  a 
Class  Day  or  at  an  Exhibition.  He  early  conceived  the  idea  of 
becoming  the  Annalist  of  his  Class,  and,  after  several  desultory 
attempts,  began,  and  continued  without  interruption,  a  daily  record 
of  events  as  they  occurred.  In  after  years,  at  the  annual  meetings 
of  the  Class  at  Commencement,  he  often  read  passages  from  this 
Diary  to  the  great  delight  of  his  audience.  Although  his  descrip- 
tions of  scenes  and  events  are  apt  to  be  provokingly  meagre,1  the 
naxveti  and  quaint  unconscious  humor  both  of  the  narrative  and 
of  the  writer's  contemporaneous  comments,  gave  to  these  pages  of 
the  Diary — as  they  were  read  to  an  appreciative  and  friendly 
audience  —  an  inexpressible  charm.  This  "inadvertent  humor," 
as  James  Russell  Lowell  calls  a  similar  trait  in  the  author  of  the 
Natural  History  of  Selborne,2  was  a  marked  feature  of  Slade's 
ordinary  conversation,  as  well  as  of  his  College  Diary.  It  was  not 
the  only  point  of  resemblance  between  him  and  the  most  delightful 
of  Naturalists. 

Among  the  many  warm  friends  made  by  Slade  during  his  Col- 
lege life  was  his  classmate  Francis  Parkman.  Their  intimacy, 
based  on  a  similarity  of  tastes,  began  with  long  walks  taken  to- 
gether in  the  vicinity  of  Cambridge.  In  the  vacation  at  the  end 
of  the  Freshman  year  they  made  an  excursion  together  into  the 
wilds  of  New  Hampshire  and  Maine,  which  has  been  described  in 
the  Memoir  of  Francis  Parkman  contained  in  the  First  volume  of 
the  Publications  of  this  Society.  The  enforced  companionship  of 
a  month's  duration  in  this  expedition  was  in  some  respects  a  severe 
trial  to  their  friendship.  Though  they  had  many  tastes  in  common, 
they  had  also  some  wide  divergencies  both  of  character  and  of  phys- 
ical constitution.  Parkman,  nervous,  wiry,  excitable,  was  con- 
stantly impelled  by  his  indomitable  will  and  resistless  impetuosity 
to  undertake  the  most  difficult  exploits  and  seemed  wholly  insen- 
sible to  fatigue  and  every  sort  of  physical  discomfort.  Slade,  of 
larger  frame  and  more  loosely  built,  less  alert,  both  physically  and 
mentally,  was  disposed  to  take  things  easily,  did  not  care  to  make 

1  Some  years  ago,  when  there  was  much  discussion  as  to  the  modes  of  cele- 
brating Class  Day  formerly  in  vogue,  Slade's  Diary  was  vainly  appealed  to 
for  a  description  of  the  "  exercises  around  the  Tree,"  as  practised  In  1844.  All 
he  says  on  the  subject  is :  "  Our  dance  around  the  tree  was  much  admired." 

2  My  Garden  Acquaintance  (in  My  Study  Windows,  Boston,  1871),  p.  2. 


MEMOIR    OF   DANIEL   DENISON    SLADE* 


225 


more  effort  than  was  absolutely  required,  grumbled  at  the  petty 
annoyances  of  heat  and  dust,  and  was  by  no  means  indisposed  to 
take  his  ease  at  an  inn,  when  any  offered.  In  the  matter  of  sport 
Slade's  preference  was  for  the  calm  delights  of  fishing,  and  he  was 
disposed  to  deride  his  companion  for  encumbering  himself  with  "a 
heavy  gun  "  for  the  sake  of  the  vague  chance  of  some  day  killing 
a  moose.  It  is  to  the  credit  of  both  men  that  the  occasional  clash- 
ings  which  occurred  during  this  expedition  seemed  rather  to 
cement  than  to  impair  their  friendship, — a  friendship  which'  was 
lifelong.  In  after  years  it  was  a  mutual  delight  to  them  to  talk 
over  all  the  incidents  of  this  journey  into  the  wilderness  and  to 
recall  its  annoying,  as  well  as  its  pleasant,  episodes* 

Early  in  Blade's  college  career  the  interest  he  took  in  everything 
relating  to  the  American  aborigines,  the  frequency  with  which  he 
introduced  in  his  ordinary  talk  words  and  phrases  borrowed  from 
Indian  usages,  and  especially  his  habit  of  taking  long  walks, — 
which  he  called  "  going  on  the  war-path,"  —  gained  for  him  the 
appellation  of  The  Chieftain;  but  the  sobriquet  by  which  he 
finally  became  best  known  was  that  of  The  Count  or  The  Good 
Count  The  original  form  was  Count  de  Orasse,  and  was  be- 
stowed in  allusion  to  his  frequent  use  in  conversation,  at  one 
time,  of  the  French  phrase  u  de  grdee"  which  he  had  picked  up  in 
the  recitation  room,  and  which  seemed  greatly  to  please  his  fancy* 
Identity  of  pronunciation  soon  led  to  the  substitution  of  De  Grasse 
for  de  gr&cti  and  the  name  of  this  distinguished  French  nobleman 
naturally  suggested  the  addition  of  his  title  of  Count.  Many, 
doubtless,  used  the  title  in  addressing  him  without  knowing  whence 
it  was  derived*  but  there  were  those  wrho  knew  and  remembered. 
In  a  set  of  verses  read  by  the  Class  Poet1  at  a  meeting  of  the 
Class  of  1844,  on  the  twentieth  anniversary  of  their  graduation, 
Slade  was  thus  apostrophized : 


u  Thou  man  of  medals !  thee  we  must  not  pass. 
A  veil  of  dignity  doth  grace, 
Not  hide,  the  sly  old  humor  of  thy  face* 
And  peeping  o/er  thy  prize  essays  we  trace 
Thy  portly  form  and  beaming  smile,  De  Grasse  I  ** 


The  small  group  of  his  more  intimate  associates  who  first,  in  half 
quizzical  mood,  bestowed  upon  Slade  this  playful  cognomen  builded 

*  Charles  Henry  Boylstoa  Snow. 
15 


226  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OP  MASSACHUSETTS.        [April, 

better  than  they  knew.  The  whole  body  of  his  classmates  soon 
recognized  its  appropriateness  in  a  wider  sense  than  was  'at  first 
contemplated,  and  it  was  with  a  sincere  appreciation  of  his  native 
nobility  of  character  and  of  his  moral  worth  that  with  one  accord 
they  thenceforth  named  him  The  Good  Count. 

Slade's  strong  social  instincts  not  only  made  him  keenly  enjoy 
personal  intercourse  with  his  friends,  but  prompted  him,  in  their 
absence,  to  endeavor  to  continue  that  intercourse  by  means  of 
epistolary  correspondence.  He  early  began,  and  continued  to  the 
end,  to  be  a  voluminous  letter  writer.  A  package  of  seven  letters 
written  by  him  to  a  classmate,1  while  still  in  College  and  shortly 
after,  has  lately  come  into  my  hands.  The  letters  are  long,  usually 
filling  three  and  a  half  pages  quarto,  often  crossed,  and  are  in  the 
same  neat  chirogiaphy  which  he  retained,  essentially  unchanged, 
to  the  last,  with  no  erasures  or  interlineations. 

The  first  of  this  series  of  letters  was  dated  at  the  Notch  House, 
White  Mountains,  10  August,  1842,  and  was  written  during  a 
vacation  tour  at  the  end  of  the  Sophomore  year.  He  mentions  that 
he  had  been  at  the  same  place  the  previous  year  with  Francis 
Parkman  and  that  his  chief  amusement  then  was  trouting.  He 
had  been  travelling,  he  says,  since  the  first  Monday  of  vacation 
and  had  visited  Lebanon  Springs,  West  Point,  Catskill,  Saratoga, 
Lake  George,  and  Lake  Champlain. 

44 1  have  visited,"  he  continues,  44  everything  in  each  town  in  any 
way  connected  with  Indian  or  Revolutionary  history  or  remarkable  in 
natural  curiosities." 

He  thus  early  combined  a  love  of  Nature  with  an  active  curiosity 
in  historical  matters.  He  refers  to  "  the  justly  merited  honors  "  ob- 
tained by  his  correspondent  at  the  last  term  (when  he  had  a  Part 
with  the  first  eight  at  the  July  Exhibition)  and  exclaims,  44If  I 
don't  put  into  my  books  next  winter,  then  it  is  because  I  have  not 
the  strength,"  and  adds  that  he  44  had  a  pretty  easy  time  last  term." 
The  ambition  thus  aroused  was  of  short  duration  —  perhaps 
strength  of  purpose  was  wanting  —  and  Slade  appears  to  have 
fallen  back  into  his  previous  "easy"  habits  in  the  matter  of 
study. 

The  second  letter  is  dated  Boston,  30  January,  1844,  —  about 
l  Henry  Augustin  Johnson. 


i  S9».] 


MEMOm   OF  DANIEL  DEKTSON   SI 


227 


lie  middle  of  the  winter  vacation  of  the  Senior  year.     He  gives  a 
list  of  his  occupations,  as  follows:    u Reading,  writing,  fluting, 
^oing  to  parties,  gymnasium,  walking,  and  taking  lessons  in  ex- 
ploding vowels  with  Murdoch,  the  elocutionist,"  who  thinks  he 
3ias  *'a  powerful  voice."      He  gives  gossipy  news  of  several  of 
This  classmates,  and  says,  "  I  have  a  nice  room l  where  I  do  what 
3>leaseth  me."     He  is  melancholy,  however,  at  the  thought  that 
next  term  will  be  the  last,  and  longs  to  get  back  and  meet  all 
the  fellows,     "Cambridge,"  he  adds,  "has  been  a  happy  home 
to  me." 

In  the  last  term  of  the  Senior  year  Slade  was  chosen  Ensign  of 
the  Navy  Club  in  the  parade  of  which  he  took  part.  He  was  also 
one  of  the  party  which,  according  to  the  traditional  custom,  went  on 
a  fishing  excursion  in  Boston  Harbor,  and  was  present  at  the  Class 
Day  exercises.  Of  all  these  occurrences  he  gives  an  account  in  the 
extracts  from  his  Diary  contained  in  a  recent  publication3  by  the 

(Secretary  of  his  Class,  These  extracts  were  the  only  portions  of 
his  Diary  which  Slade  wished  to  have  published. 
In  September,  1844,  almost  immediately  after  graduation,  he 
went  to  live  upon  a  farm  near  Greenfield,  Massachusetts,  for  the 
purpose  of  acqmring  a  practical  knowledge  of  agriculture,  in  fur- 
therance of  his  often  avowed  intention  of  becoming  a  farmer.  He 
writes  from  that  place  the  third  letter  of  the  series  mentioned, 
dated  5  November,  1844*  He  had  then  been  eight  weeks  on  the 
farm.  Half  his  letter  is  taken  up  with  reproaching  his  correspond- 
ent for  delay  in  writing  and  for  the  shortness  of  his  letter.  Many 
of  the  fellows,  he  says,  had  written  him  at  least  two  letters  since 

(Commencement,  "  and  they  have  been  answered,"     He  had  — 
1  This  was  at  the  house  of  his  uncle  and  guardian,  Henry  Brom  field  Rogers, 
in  Joy  Street,  Boston,  which,  after  the  death  of  his  grandmother  Rogers,  in 
1933,  had  become  his  home. 

During  his  residence  in  Cambridge  as  an  undergraduate^  Blade  roomed  in 
his  Freshman  year  at  Mrs*  Mary  Gurney's.  Her  three-story  frame  House  is 
still  (1899)  standing-,  and  is  now  numbered  1 1  in  Appian  Way,  —  on  the  north- 
westerly side,  midway  between  Garden  and  Brattle  Streets.  In  his  Sophomore 
year,  he  roomed  at  Mr,  John  Sweetman's,  whose  house  is  now  (1890)  No,  28 
in  Dunster  Street,  on  the  north-easterly  corner  of  South  Street ;  and  in  his 
Junior  and  Senior  years  in  FToliis,  20* 

*  The  Class  of  1844,  Harvard  College,  Fifty  Years  After  Graduation,  Cam- 
bridge, 1896. 


228  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OP  MASSACHUSETTS.        [April, 

"  kept  pretty  steady  at  farming,  with  occasional  trips  to  Keene.1  .  .  . 
I  leave  Greenfield  this  week  for  Boston ;  .  .  .  .  farming  is  about  over 
for  this  year,  and  it  would  not  be  a  very  comfortable  place  to  spend 
the  winter.  No  carpet  on  the  floor  and  a  straw  bed."  He  takes  his 
cold  bath  every  morning  "much  to  the  astonishment  of  the  ' coveys' 
who  think  it  cold  bath  enough  to  go  out  to  the  barn  before  breakfast/9 

He  announces  his  intention  of  spending  the  winter  at  Cambridge, 
where  he  has  entered  his  name  as  a  Resident  Graduate,  with  seven 
others  of  the  class,  but  he  has  "  by  no  means  got  sick  of  agriculture 
and  hopes  to  follow  the  pursuit  in  the  spring."  He  gives,  as 
usual,  a  budget  of  news  of  a  number  of  his  classmates.  No  fewer 
than  eighteen  are  mentioned  in  this  letter. 

The  fourth  letter  of  the  series  is  dated  at  Cambridge,  6  March, 
1845.  The  winter,  he  says,  has  been  pleasant  and,  he  trusts, 
profitable.  He  has  been  reading  Hume,  among  other  books,  study- 
ing a  little  Latin,  etc.,  has  been  reviewing  Virgil,  and  likes  it 
much.  "  How  different  from  going  over  it  in  one  of  those  dull 
school-rooms!"      His  room  was  at  Royal  Morse's,2  —  "the  most 

*  Keene,  New  Hampshire,  was  then  the  residence  of  his  classmates  George 
Silsbee  Hale  and  Horatio  J.  Perry,  and  was  often  visited  by  others  of  the  Class. 
Cf.  ante,  i.  326. 

*  In  Paige's  History  of  Cambridge  (p.  413)  is  an  account  of  the  "Men  of 
Cambridge  who  fell  in  defence  of  the  Liberty  of  the  People,  April  19,  1775," 
one  paragraph  of  which  is  of  interest  in  this  connection : — 

"Moses  Richardson,  born  probably  about  1725,  was  a  carpenter,  and  resided  in  the 
house  which  still  [1877]  stands  at  the  north-easterly  angle  of  Holmes  Place,  and  which 
was  afterwards  the  home  of  Mr.  Royal  Morse  for  al>out  three-quarters  of  a  century." 
[The  site  is  now  (1899)  covered  by  Austin  Hall.  The  house  is  seen  in  the  Plan  of  Cam- 
bridge about  1750,  which  faces  page  212.  It  is  the  largest  and  most  easterly  of  the  row 
of  four  houses  facing  south  upon  the  Common.] 

In  a  foot-note  Dr.  Paige  refers  to  — 
"the  late  Mr.  Royal  Morse,  born  in  1779,  whose  memory  of  events  which  occurred 
during  his  life  was  remarkably  comprehensive  and  accurate,  and  whose  traditional  lore 
was  almost  equivalent  to  authentic  history." 

Lowell,  too,  preserves  interesting  recollections  of  Mr.  Morse  in  his  Fireside 
Travels  (edition  of  1864,  pp.  34-36),  — in  the  chapter  on  Cambridge  Thirty 
Years  Ago :  — 

"  Or  shall  the  two  town-constables  be  forgotten,  in  whom  the  law  stood  worthily  and 
amply  embodied,  fit,  either  of  them,  to  fill  the  uniform  of  an  English  beadle  ?  Grim 
and  silent  as  Ninevite  statues,  they  stood  on  each  side  of  the  meeting-house  door  at 
Commencement,  propped  by  long  staves  of  blue  and  red,  en  which  the  Indian  with  bow 


1S9JK] 


MBMOIE   OF  DANIEL  DENISON  SLADE. 


229 


delightful  situation  io  Cambridge,"  and  he  has  "very  pleasant 
neighbors,  which  is  a  blessing.  .  ,  .  Should  like  to  remain  here 
all  summer^  but  must  do  something  if  ever  I  am  going  to  "  He 
has  done  "  a  good  deal  of  writing  for  Professor  Sparks,  most  of 
which  is  very  interesting,  as  it  relates  to  the  Revolution."  He 
has  "a  most  superb  Newfoundland  dog,"  given  to  him  by  hb 
uncle*  "My  horse  awaits  me  at  Stearns's  stable.  How  many 
blessings  I  enjoy,  and  how  little  thankful  I  am  for  them  I  Good 
health,  of  all  things,  is  a  blessing,  and  he  who  enjoys  it,  as  I  now 
do,  enjoys  the  greatest  boon  Heaven  can  give  for  this  life,"  He 
then  speaks,  very  feelingly,  of  the  recent  death  of  his  youngest 
sister : ,  — 

"This  poor  girl  never  knew  a  father's  or  a  mother's  love  since  she 
was  four  months  old,  aud  she  looked  up  to  me  for  protection  and  a 
Brother's  sympathy.  .  ,  ,  How  she  loved  me! ,p 


and  arrow,  and  the  mailed  arm  with  the  award,  hinted  at  the  in  visible  sovereignty  of 
the  state  ready  to  reinforce  them,  as  — 

1  For  Achillea1  portrait  atood  a  spear 
Grasped  in  an  armed  hand.1 

Stalwart  and  rubicund  men  they  were,  second  only,  if  second,  to  S.p  [Francis  Sales,  In- 
fractor in  Spanish  and  French  at  Harvard,  I SL 6-1 854,]  champion!!  of  the  county,  and 
not  incapable  of  genial  uubendings  when  the  fasces  were  laid  aside.  One  of  them  still 
survives  in  octogenarian  vigor,  the  Herodotus  of  village  and  college  legend,  and  may  it 
be  long  ere  he  depart,  to  carry  with  him  the  pattern  of  a  courtesy,  now,  alas  I  oM- fash- 
ioned, bnt  which  might  profitably  make  part  of  the  instruction  of  our  youth  among  the 
other  humanities  !  Long  may  R[oyal]  M  [orse]  be  spared  to  us,  so  genial,  so  courtly, 
the  last  man  among  us  who  will  ever  know  how  to  lift  a  hat  with  the  nice  graduation  of 
social  distinction  !  Something  of  a  Jeremiah  now,  he  bewails  the  decline  of  our  man- 
ners. *  *  *  *  Why,  sir,  I  can  remember  when  more  respect  was  paid  to  Governor  Han- 
cock's lackey  at  Commencement  than  the  Governor  and  all  his  suite  p*et  now/  M.  is 
one  of  those  invaluable  men  who  remember  your  grandfather,  and  value  you  accord- 

kg*?* 

Mr,  Morse  was  an  auctioneer,  the  son  of  Royal  and  Katharine  Morse  (born 
in  England  and  at  Cambridge  Massachusetts,  respectively) and  a  native  of  Cam- 
bridge, where  he  died,  31  January,  1872,  at  the  advanced  age  of  ninety-three 
yearst  seven  months,  and  twenty-five  days  (Cambridge  City  Records).  The 
Records  of  the  First  Church  tell  us  that  he  was  baptized  —  "  Royal,  of  Kathe- 
rine Morse "  — 12  January,  1782,  and  that  bis  mother  was  admitted  to  full 
communion  the  same  day  (pp.  123,  125),  Obituary  notices  of  Mr.  Morse 
appeared,  10  February,  1872,  in  the  columns  of  The  Cambridge  Chronicle  and 
The  Cambridge  Press. 

i  Mary  Ellen  Slade,  died  24  February,  1845,  in  her  nineteenth  year. 


230  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS*         [April, 

He  does  not  omit  hm  UBual  stock  of  news  of  classmates,  of  whom 
he  mentions  nearly  a  score  by  name,  including  Francis  Parkman, 
of  whom  he  says,  he  u  has  given  up  the  Law  for  the  present  and 
is  the  man  of  leisure*  He  will  never  make  anything."  He  men- 
tions Parkman  again  as  taking  a  few  lessons  of  Papanti  in  dancing, 
and  adds :  "  Think  of  it  I lf  Toward  the  end  of  the  letter  he  refers 
to  an  article  he  had  written  and  published,  and  says :  — 

14  It  was  true,  if  nothing  else-  Peirce  tried  to  answer  it  but  could  not 
get  over  it  any  way,  I  have  used  my  humble  efforts  to  cause  a  reform 
in  some  of  those  departments,  particularly  mathematics.  It  is  most 
shameful-1  *  .  .  As  to  my  fanning  operations,"  he  says,  "I  do  not 
know  when  or  where  they  will  commence  this  spring.  No  plans  yet 
matured,"  He  kept  up  his  "  habit  of  moderate  smoking, "  and  had 
11  not  neglected  the  Graces,  having  learned  the  Poika  and  danced  it  at 
little  parties/* 

The  fifth  letter  of  the  series,  dated  Cambridge,  15  June,  1845, 
contains  an  account  of  the  fire  which  destroyed  the  Panorama  of 
Athens.3  Graduates1  Hull,3  in  which  several  of  Slade'u  classmates 
had  rooms,  was  in  great  danger  and  the  confusion  of  moving  out 
their  furniture  is  graphically  described.  Stearns's  livery  stable 
was  also  in  imminent  peril,  and  Slade  says  he  u worked  most"  on 
that,  "having  property  in  it,  — a  buggy,  saddle,  harness,  ete."  He 
announces  his  abandonment  of  the  study  of  agriculture  for  that  of 
medicine  in  the  following  characteristic  style :  — 


1  It  has  not  been  ascertained  where  or  when  this  article  was  published.    No 

copy  of  it  has  been  found* 

•  See  Publications  of  this  Society,  i.  270  and  note- 

*  Graduates*  Hall,  now  known  as  College  House,  is  the  long  brick  building 
owned  by  the  College,  still  standing  on  the  westerly  side  of  Harvard  Square. 
It  extends  northerly  from  the  passageway  between  it  and  Lyceum  Hall  to 
the  point  where  the  street  turns,  north-westerly,  at  an  obtuse  angle,  and  thence 
to  Church  Street.  The  banking-rooms  of  the  Charles  River  National  Bank 
are  on  the  lower  floor  of  the  southern  end  of  the  building,  in  one  of  the  rooma 
of  which  the  AA$  was  established  in  1816.  The  name  was  changed  from 
Graduates'  Hall  to  College  House  about,  or  soon  after,  the  time  that  the  build- 
ing was  extended  north-westerly  to  Church  Street,  —  about  1860, 

Old  College  House  —  more  familiarly  called  "  The  Old  Den/'  —  a  large  wooden 
building,  set  back  from  the  street,  stood  on  that  part  of  the  lot  which  lies 
between  the  obtuse  angle,  just  mentioned,  and  Church  Street, 


18.00.] 


MEMOIR   OF  DANIEL  DENISON   SLADE. 


231 


"Have  you  heard  of  my  new  Profession?  Medicine,  Dr.  Slade — 
D.  D.  Slade,  M.  IX  —  Eh!  —  great  I  I  am  putting  into  it,  and  have 
joined  the  first  school  in  Boston,  under  Hay  ward,  Bigelow,  Holmes,  etc. 
Go  to  Warren's  twice  a  week  in  the  city,  to  see  operations  performed. 
We  shall  have  three  terrible  ones  this  week*  I  enjoy  plenty  of  advan- 
tages, and  nothing  is  wanting  but  energy  and  perseverance.  What  a 
change  from  the  farm!  However,  I  hope  to  combine  the  two  some 
day." 

It  is  to  be  remarked  that,  with  a  mingling  of  frankness  and 
reticence  which  was  customary  with  him,  even  in  writing  to  one 
to  whom  he  seemed  to  unbosom  himself  most  freely,  Slade  says 
nothing  of  the  reasons  which  induced  this  change  of  purpose*  be- 
yond the  mention  of  the  "  advantages  "  he  enjoys,  meaning,  perhaps, 
those  arising  from  his  social  position  and  the  influence  of  powerful 
friends.     He  returns  to  tbis  subject  in  the  two  following  letters, 

In  the  sixth  letter,  dated  Cambridge,  4  November,  1845,  he  says 
he  had  spent  the  summer  vacation  in  travel,  visiting  Niagara, 
Trenton,  Montreal,  and  Quebec,  and  is  enthusiastic  in  his  admira- 
tion of  Trenton  Falls*  He  had  also  visited  the  White  Mountains 
and  had  spent  a  week  at  Greenfield,  where  his  "old  farmers" 
greeted  him  most  cordially.     He  adds:  — 

4*  Medicine  prospers  nicely.  The  lectures  in  Boston  commence  to- 
morrow and  I  shall  have  my  hands  full  for  four  months.  You  will  hear 
of  Dr.  Slade  yet,  I  warrant  you.  .  .  ■  1  still  hold  my  old  room  at  Koyal 
Morse's  and  live  in  true  Bachelor  style*  Have  bought  me  a  most  beau- 
tiful black  mare,  and  am  happy  as  a  King.  I  can  see  my  way  ahead 
now  for  five  years,  at  least  —  three  in  Boston  and  two  in  Paris  and 
Europe.  .  .  .  Do  write  and  prove  that  you  have  not  forgotten  us  .  .  . 
write  soon  and  tell  all  you  cam     See,  what  a  good  long  letter !     Eh  1  " 

The  seventh^  and  last,  letter  of  the  series  is  dated  Boston,  13 
March,  1846.  He  is  delighted  at  having  a  long  letter  from  his 
correspondent,  but  — 

"I  am  sorry  that  you  are  of  opinion  that  my  *  open  he  art  educes,'  of 
which  some  people  accuse  me,  is  deserting  me.  Heaven  forbid  it,  if  I 
really  possess  such  a  treasure." 

His  friend  had,  perhaps,  taken  him  to  task  for  not  being  more  out- 
spoken as  to  his  reasons  for  studying  medicine.  If  that  was  so, 
Slade,  in  his  reply,  avoids,  rather  tban  meets,  the  accusation :  — 


232  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.         [Apbil, 

44  My  letters  to  you,"  he  continues,  "have  contained  some  sentences, 
perhaps,  a  little  ( sarcastic?  hut  they  were  for  your  good,  intended  to 
shake  you  up  a  little,  and  remind  you  of  your  friends  here.  They  did 
not  seem  to  answer  their  purpose,  so  we  will  not  try  them  again." 

Of  his  new  studies  he  says :  — 

44 1  have  been  very  busy  with  my  lectures,  dissections,  books,  etc., 
this  winter,  and  shall  continue  so  till  the  summer,  when  I  shall  haul  up* 
a  little  for  recreation.  I  chose  the  right  study,  and  no  mistake,  it  be- 
comes pleasanter  and  more  interesting  as  I  advance.  Altho'  hard  at 
first,  yet  it  grows  less  difficult  weekly.  There  is  no  excuse  for  my  not. 
making  myself  a  good  physician,  for  I  enjoy  good  advantages  and  shalL 
enjoy  still  better.  My  object  is  to  be  of  some  service  to  my  fellow-men,, 
and  not  live  thro'  this  life  without  benefiting  any  one  but  myself,  as  ten 
thousand  do.  I  often  think  how  much  we  have  to  do,  and  how  little 
time  to  do  it  in,  and  then  that  we  should  deliberately  waste  so  much  of 
that  precious  time!  But  why  should  I  moralize,  it  will  not  benefit 
either  of  us." 

He  is  delighted  that  his  correspondent  liked  so  much  The  Cricket 
on  the  Hearth,  then  recently  published :  — 

44  Dickens  is  a  noble  fellow.  I  honour  him  and  thank  him  for  much 
of  my  most  manly  and  better  feelings.  ...  I  shall  love  the  crickets 
so  much  the  more  now,  altho'  I  always  had  a  great  respect  for  them. 
Perhaps  you  have  heard  me  speak  of  my  affection  for  them  and  call  their 
chirp  a  *  melancholy  pleasure '  to  hear.  I  always  greet  the  first  cricket 
of  the  year  as  an  old  friend." 

He  regrets  the  creeping  on  of  years,  putting  — 

44 that  college  period  still  farther  and  farther  in  the  shade;  .  .  .  those 
happy  days  and  well  remembered  walks !  No  matter,  we  begin  to  see 
life  as  it  is,  or  as  it  should  be,  now.  We  are  men,  and  must  do  our 
duty  4  as  such.' " 

44  Spring  is  coming  again  and  I  am  looking  forward  to  getting  back 
to  Cambridge,  where  with  my  horse,  dog,  etc.,  I  shall  amuse  my  recrea- 
tion hours.  There  are  some  nice  fellows  out  there  now.  Saltonstall 
and  myself  are  quite  intimate,  for,  as  we  both  own  horses,  we  ride  to- 
gether a  good  deal." 

No  apology,  it  is  hoped,  will  be  nee^pd  for  borrowing  so  much 
from  these  early  letters  of  Slade.  They  cover  a  space  of  only  three 
years  and  three  months,  but  they  portray  the  man  more  vividly 
than  any  formal  analysis  of  his  character  could  do.     They  were 


1309.] 


MEMOIR   OF   DANIEL  DENISON   BLADE. 


233 


written*  indeed,  by  a  mere  youth,  but  In  Slade's  case  there  was  leS3 
difference  than  is  usual  between  youth  and  maturity.  As  he  was 
in  these  three  years,  he  remained,  essentially,  to  the  end.  In  him, 
if  ever,  the  boy  was  father  of  the  man. 

According  to  his  own  account,  and  judging  also  from  the  result, 
Slade  entered  upon  the  study  of  medicine  with  a  zeal  and  ardor 
which  he  had  not  shown  at  school  or  college.  The  study  was  inter- 
esting to  him  from  its  close  connection  with  Natural  History, 
necessitating,  as  it  does,  an  investigation  of  the  structure  and  func- 
tions of  the  human  body.  The  dissections  and  clinical  lectures 
he  was  called  upon  to  attend  were  a  series  of  object  lessons  in 
which  he  saw  and  handled  actual  specimen*)  the  use  of  which  he  so 
strenuously  advocated  in  his  own  subsequent  teachings,1  He  was 
actuated,  too,  by  the  high  motive  announced  in  one  of  his  letters 
above  quoted*  —  "  to  be  of  some  service  to  his  fellow  men,'p  This 
object  he  never  lost  sight  of,  though  he  did  not,  perhaps,  attain  it 
in  precisely  the  way  he  at  first  contemplated* 

After  three  years'  study  in  the  Medical  Department  of  Harvard 
College*  he  received,  in  1848,  the  degree  of  M.  DM  and  the  appoint- 
ment of  House  Surgeon  in  the  Massachusetts  General  Hospital. 
While  yet  a  student  in  the  Medical  School  he  was  an  eye-witness 
of  the  first  capital  operation  under  the  influence  of  Ether,  at  the 
Massachusetts  General  Hospital,  7  November,  1846.  Many  years 
afterward  he  wrote  an  admirable  account  of  it  for  Scribner's  Maga- 
zine.3 This  article  he  thought  was  the  best  he  had  ever  written ; 
it  was  also  the  one  for  which  he  had  been  best  paid.  He  held  the 
position  of  House  Surgeon  in  the  Hospital  for  one  year  and  then 
went  to  Europe,  in  the  autumn  of  1849,  in  accordance  with  the 
programme  he  had  laid  down  for  himself,  passing,  however,  three 
years,  instead  of  two,  in  studying  his  profession  in  Paris  and  Dub- 
lin* He  also  spent  two  months  at  the  Veterinary  College  at 
Maisons-Alfort,  near  Paris,  the  most  celebrated  establishment  of 
the  kind  in  France.* 

1  See  Dr.  Eastman's  Memoir,  p.  10.  *  For  October,  1892,  xiL  518-624. 

1  Dr.  Slade  preserved  among  his  papers  a  certificate  from  the  Master  of  the 
House  (whose  name  is  illegible)  testifying  that  Mr.  Daniel  Slade  of  Boston  was 
a  resident  pupil  in  the  Lying-in  Hospital,  Rutland  Square,  Dublin,  from 
6  August  to  26  September,  1851 ;  also  a  letter,  dated  19  February,  1851,  from 
the  Director  of  the  jJcofe  National*  Veterinaire  dfA  If  art,  authorising  "  M-  Slade 
d  Muivre  pendant  deux  mots  U§  court  tie  phytiquc  tt  a"  anatomic"  at  that  institution* 


284  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.         [APRIL, 

Returning  home,  in  1852,  he  took  an  office  at  No.  5j  Beacon 
Street,  Boston,  on  the  first  of  July  of  that  year,  and  began  practice 
in  his  native  city.  He  at  once  made  warm  friends  among  his 
professional  brethren,  among  whom  may  be  mentioned  Dr.  John 
Collins  Warren  and  his  son  Dr.  Jonathan  Mason  Warren;  also  Dr. 
Richard  Manning  Hodges,  who  was  associated  with  him  as  attend- 
ing surgeon  of  the  Boston  Dispensary,  and  Dr.  Samuel  Abbott 
Green,  afterward  Mayor  of  Boston  and  now  a  Vice  President  and 
Librarian  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  who  had  a  room 
in  the  same  house  with  him.1 

In  1853,  soon  after  beginning  practice  as  a  physician,  the  fact 
that  he  had,  while  in  Europe,  made  special  study  of  Veterinary 
Medicine  caused  him  to  be  engaged  to  deliver  a  course  of  twelve 
lectures  on  that  subject  at  the  State  House,  Boston.8  In  1865  he 
delivered  another  series  of  lectures  in  the  same  place  and  on  a 
kindred  topic,  —  the  Importance  of  a  Knowledge  of  the  Physiology 
of  Animals  to  the  Farmer.* 

In  the  American  Veterinary  Journal  for  January,  1856,4  was 
published  An  Introductory  Lecture  Delivered  on  the  occasion  of 
the  Commencement  of  the  Boston  Veterinary  Institute  by  D.  D. 
Slade,  M.  D.,  President  of  the  Institute.  The  lecture  is  largely 
devoted  to  a  history  of  the  horse  and  an  account  of  Veterinary 
Colleges  in  England  and  France.  The  occasion  seems  to  have 
been  literally  a  commencement  or  beginning,  for  in  the  opening  par- 
agraph of  his  address  Dr.  Slade  says :  — 

"This  day  witnesses  with  us  the  commencement  of  a  new  era  in 
the  cause  of  science  and  humanity — the  foundation  of  a  Veterinary 
College."6 

1  These  friendships,  like  all  those  formed  by  Dr.  Slade,  were  life  long.  Dr. 
Hodges,  from  his  death-bed,  sent  the  message,  "  Give  my  love  to  Slade,"  while 
Slade,  who  was  dying  at  the  time,  urged  that  Dr.  Hodges  be  sent  for.  Dr. 
Green  says  of  him :  "  My  regard  for  Slade  was  more  than  friendship,  —  it 
was  love." 

a  These  lectures  were  printed  at  the  time  in  the  Boston  Traveller.  They 
obtained  for  Dr.  Slade  a  reward  from  the  Massachusetts  Society  for  Promoting 
Agriculture.     (Letter  of  Benjamin  Guild,  Secretary,  6  June,  1853.) 

*  These  lectures  were  printed  in  the  Massachusetts  Ploughman. 

4  Volume  i.,  number  4. 

6  The  Boston  Veterinary  Institute,  of  which  Dr.  Slade  appears  to  Jiave  been 
the  first  President,  was  incorporated  by  the  Legislature  of  Massachusetts 


MEMOIR  OF  DANIEL  DEXISON   BLADE. 


In  October,  1853,  Slade  became  a  member  of  the  Independent 
Corps  of  Cadets,  —  Boston's  favorite  military  organization.  About 
the  same  time  he  joined  the  Somerset  Club.  He  continued  to  per- 
form such  light  service  as  was  then  required  in  the  Cadets  for  a 
little  more  than  three  years,  receiving  his  discharge  8  November* 
1856." 

Early  in  his  medical  career  he  began  to  write  frequently  for 
various  medical  journals,  usually  signing  his  articles  Medicus^  and 
also  to  compete  for  prizes  offered  for  essays  on  medical  and  other 
subjects.  This  he  continued  to  do  almost  to  the  end  of  his  life, 
somewhat  to  the  amusement  of  his  friends,  to  whom  the  pecun- 
iary rewards  did  not  seem  sufficiently  large  nor  the  honor  suffi- 
ciently great  to  be  attractive.  An  explanation  may,  perhaps,  be 
found  in  the  modesty  of  the  man  and  his  distrust  of  his  own  abil- 
ities. Ha  was  apt  to  be  dissatisfied  with  whatever  he  did,  and 
needed  the  encouragement  winch  this  sort  of  success  gave  him,  and 
the  stamp  of  approval  thus  bestowed.  Between  1857  and  1862,  he 
won  four  such  prizes  for  essays  on  medical  subjects,  —  the  Boylston 
Medical  prize  of  Harvard  University  in  1857,  the  Massachusetts 
Medical  Society  prize  in  1859,  and  the  Fiske  Fund  prize  in  1860 
and  1862.*  Later,  in  1875  and  1876,  he  obtained  prizes  for  essays 
on  subjects  connected  with  landscape  gardening  and  urban  em- 
bellishment. It  was  with  reference  to  these  prizes,  that  he  was 
apostrophized  in  the  verses  already  quoted  as  — 

"  Thou  man  of  medals ! " 

28  April,  1855  (Massachusetts  Special  Laws  (chap,  251),  x,  362),  and  see  ma  to 
have  been  the  earliest  institution  of  the  kind  in  the  State.  The  persons  named 
in  the  Act  were  George  H*  Dadd,  David  Roberts,  Jonas  Chapman,  and  John  P- 
Jewett* 

The  American  Veterinary  Journal  was  edited  by  George  H.  Dadd,  Veter- 
inary Surgeon,  and  published  by  S.  N.  Thompson  &  Co.,  87  Union  Street, 
Boston,  The  writer  has  seen  only  two  numbers  of  the  Journal,  —  those  for 
January,  1856,  and  December,  1857*  This  last  contains  an  Introductory  Leo 
tore  by  George  H.  Dadd,  Dean  of  the  Faculty,  as  part  of  **  the  exercises  com- 
memorative of  the  third  session  of  the  Institute/1  and  also  Remarks  of  CoL 
Moses  Newell,  President  of  the  Institute,  from  which  it  appears  that  Dr.  Slade 
did  not  long  hold  that  office. 

1  Letter  of  Captain  Charles  E,  Stevens,  7  March,  1838. 

1  One  of  these,  the  Fiske  Fund  Prize  Essay  of  1860,  has  passed  through  three 
editions,  the  last  being  issued  in  1896,  — thirty-six  years  after  obtaining  the 
prize.    Its  title  ist  Diphtheria ;  its  Nature  and  Treatment. 


286  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OP  MASSACHUSETTS.        [April* 

Slade  continued  to  practise  his  profession  for  about  ten  years,  or 
until  his  removal  to  Chestnut  Hill,  in  1862.  After  that  date, 
though  for  a  year  or  two  he  retained  an  office  in  Boston,  he  grad- 
ually relinquished  the  active  practice  of  medicine.  It  must  not  be 
inferred  that  in  so  doing  he  abandoned  the  high  purpose  with 
which  he  had  begun  his  medical  studies,  —  "  to  be  of  some  service 
to  his  fellow-men."  To  those  who  knew  him  well  it  was  impos- 
sible to  doubt  that  he  kept  this  high  resolve  constantly  in  view 
throughout  his  whole  career  and  that  it  was  a  controlling  motive 
in  all  that  he  did,  whether  it  was  lecturing  to  farmers  at  the  State 
House  or  to  students  at  the  Bussey  Institution,  writing  essays  on 
medical,  agricultural,  and  horticultural  subjects,  or  reading  papers 
before  historical  societies. 

On  the  twenty-seventh  of  May,  1856,  Dr.  Slade  was  married  in 
King's  Chapel,  Boston,  to  Mina  Louise,  daughter  of  Conrad  and 
Elizabeth  (Lortscher)  Hensler.  Eleven  children  were  born  to  them, 
—  four  sons  and  seven  daughters,  —  only  one  of  whom,  a  son, 
has  died.1  The  truly  patriarchal  dimensions  of  Slade's  household 
were  a  constant  delight  to  his  classmate  and  neighbor  Francis 
Parkman,  who  was  always  an  ardent  advocate  of  early  marriages 
and  large  families. 

On  his  marriage,  Dr.  Slade  took  up  his  residence  at  No.  17 
Temple  Place,  Boston,  but  as  early  as  1860  he  had  purchased  a 
small  lot  of  land  in  Newton  having  an  old  dwelling-house  and 
other  buildings  upon  it,  and  two  years  later  had  bought  another 
piece  of  land  adjoining  his  first  purchase,  at  the  corner  of  Beacon 
and  Hammond  Streets.  To  this  place  he  moved  with  his  family, 
in  1862,  occupying  at  first  the  old  dwelling-house  which  had 
been  the  home  of  a  former  owner.  He  thus  became  one  of  the 
pioneers  of  the  little  colony  of  friends  or  relatives  who  settled  at 
the  place  since  called  Chestnut  Hill,  on  the  borders  of  the 
three  towns  of  Newton,  Brookline,  and  Brighton.  The  old  house, 
though  several  times  enlarged,  was  finally  abandoned  for  a  commo- 
dious brick  dwelling  which  he  built  near  it  in  1879,  better  suited 
to  his  own  needs  and  those  of  his  growing  family.     Here,  in  the 

1  Henry  Bromfield  Slade,  died  23  March,  1879.  Dr.  Slade's  eldest  son, 
Denison  Rogers  Slade,  has  recently  been  elected  a  Resident  Member  of  this 
Society. 


I8f>n>] 


MEMOIR    OF   DANIEL  DEXISON   SLADE, 


237 


immediate  neighborhood  of  the  Lees*  the  Saltonstalls,  the  Lowells, 
and  others,  and  not  far  from  his  classmates  and  friends  Francis 
Parkman  at  Jamaica  Plain  and  Tappan  Eustis  Francis  at  Brook- 
line,  who  became  his  family  physician,  he  found  abundant  exercise 
for  his  social  instincts  and  could  gratify  his  niral  tastes  in  laying 
out  the  grounds  about  his  house,  and  establishing  gardens  and  con- 
servatories. It  was  almost  the  realization  of  his  dream  of  some 
day  combining  the  two  occupations  of  farmer  and  physician.1 
How  he  was  appreciated  as  a  neighbor  at  Chestnut  Hill  was  elo- 
quently told  by  our  late  Vice-President,  the  Hon.  John  Lowell,  at 
the  Stated  Meeting  of  the  Society  following  Dr*  Slade's  decease.2 

On  becoming  a  resident  of  Newton,  Dr,  Slade  took  a  lively  inter- 
est in  its  affairs  which  he  continued  until  his  death.  He  joined 
the  Newton  Horticultural  Society  and  became  its  President ;  wrote 
a  prize  essay  on  the  question,  How  to  Improve  and  Beautify  the  City 
of  Newton ;  read  at  West  Newton  an  essay  on  Road  Construction, — 
both  in  1875 ;  and  was  a  frequent  contributor  to  the  local  press. 

Early  in  the  late  Civil  War,  Dn  Slade  became  an  associate  mem- 
ber of  the  United  States  Sanitary  Commission*3  In  1862,  he  was 
appointed  by  the  Commission  one  of  the  Special  Inspectors  of  the 
General  Hospitals  of  the  Army,4  and  in  that  capacity  was  assigned 
to  the  District  of  Baltimore,5  He  made  a  Report  on  the  District 
assigned  to  him,6  and  also,  by  request,  a  Special  Report  on  Hospital 
<  iangrene  at  Annapolis.7  He  was,  besides,  the  author  of  the  Re- 
port of  a  Committee  on  the  subject  of  Amputation,  piiblished  by 
the  Sanitary  Commission  in  1861*8 

Always  devotedly  attached  to  Harvard  College,  Slade  had  a 
special  regard  for  his  Class  and  was  largely  imbued  with  that 
"  Class  feeling,"  or  "  Class  spirit,"  common  among  the  small  classes 

1  Later,  this  dream  was  more  literally  realized  by  the  purchase  of  an  "  aban- 
doned farm  H  near  Lake  Winmpiseogee,  in  New  Hampshire,  of  which  Dr,  Slade 
wrote  an  account  for  The  Nation  of  4  September,  181)0. 

8  See  Publications  of  this  Society,  iii.  203. 

1  Documents  of  the  United  States  Sanitary  Commission,  ii«  Document 
No.  74.     (New  York,  1866.) 

1  Ibid,  Document  No.  70,  Appendix  B.  *  Ib'trf*  Document  No.  79. 

*  TM.  '  Ibid. 

■  The  United  States  Sanitary  Commission  Publications*  F,,  Report,  etc.,  8°, 
Boston,  18flL  See  also  Historv  of  the  United  States  Sanitary  Commiasiou, 
Appendix  No.  7,  by  Charles  J.  Stilly  Philadelphia,  1800, 


238  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  *       [April, 

of  half  a  century  ago  and  for  which  the  graduates  of  1844  were, 
perhaps,  especially  distinguished.  It  was,  in  great  measure,  be- 
cause he  was  actuated  by 'this  spirit  that  Slade  so  faithfully  kept 
the  College  Diary,  already  mentioned,  and  it  was  this  again  which 
prompted  him,  in  1864,  twenty  years  after  graduation,  to  attempt 
the  compilation  of  a  Record  of  the  Class  down  to  that  date.  It  was 
an  undertaking  much  facilitated  by  the  habit  which  he  had  kept 
up  of  frequent  correspondence  with  his  classmates,  by  means 
of  which  he  was  better  acquainted  with  their  graduate  career 
than  any  of  his  associates.  With  some  slight  assistance  from  the 
Class  Book,  in  which  members  of  the  Class  had,  for  the  most 
part,  neglected  to  inscribe  more  than  their  names  and  birth  dates, 
but  chiefly  by  means  of  letters  addressed  to  all  surviving  members, 
Slade  was  able  to  prepare  a  pamphlet  of  sixteen  pages,  containing 
a  brief  notice  of  all  his  classmates  with  but  few  exceptions.  This 
pamphlet,  neatly  printed  but  unostentatious  in  appearance,  was 
distributed  to  the  Class  at  the  meeting  held  to  celebrate  their 
twentieth  anniversary.  It  bore  the  date  1  July,  1864.  It  was 
among  the  earliest  of  the  Class  Reports,  since  become  so  common. 
Three,  only,  of  these  antedated  Slade's,  while  two  others  were  issued 
in  the  same  year.1 

At  the  Class  meetings  which  have  been  regularly  held  at  Cam- 
bridge on  Commencement  Day  since  the  Twentieth  Anniversary, 
Slade  was  always  sure  to  be  present,  unless  prevented  by  serious 
illness.  Such  a  cause  of  absence  occurred  in  1882,  when  fifteen  of 
his  classmates,  assembled  on  Commencement  Day  at  No.  7  Hol- 
worthy,  joined  in  writing  to  him  a  note  expressing  their  regret  at 
his  absence,  their  sympathy  for  him  in  his  illness,  their  high  appre- 
ciation of  his  friendship  and  love,  and  their  heartfelt  desire  that 
his  life  might  be  prolonged  and  his  health  restored.2  The  illness 
which  kept  him  absent  on  this  occasion  was  so  serious  as  to  cause 
his  friends  and  medical  advisers  to  fear  that  he  had  only  a  few 

i  The  Class  of  1856  issued  their  first  Report  in  I860,  and  a  second  in  1861. 
The  Class  of  1858  also  published  a  Report  in  1861.  The  Classes  of  1861  and 
1864  published  Reports  in  the  last  named  year  almost  simultaneously  with 
Slade's.  (Letter  of  W.  G.  Brown,  Deputy  Keeper  of  the  Archives  of  Harvard 
College,  23  February,  1897.) 

2  This  note  is  printed  in  full  in  Dr.  Eastman's  Memoir  of  Dr.  Slade,  p.  11. 
The  absence  of  the  signature  of  the  Class  Secretary  is  accounted  for  by  the 
fact  that  he  was  then  travelling  in  Europe. 


1809.] 


MEMOIR  OF   DANIEL  DENISON    SLADE, 


months  more  to  live.  His  lungs  had  been  seriously  affected,  and 
one  lung,  it  was  said*  quite  destroyed.  He  recovered,  however, 
sufficiently  to  be  present  at  the  next  annual  meeting  of  the  Class, 
in  1883,  and  never,  thenceforth,  missed  one  of  these  meetings;  but 
his  health  still  remained  delicate  and  he  was  constantly  obliged  to 
use  care  in  avoiding  exposure*  Ilia  death,  fourteen  years  later, 
was  due  to  causes  wholly  unconnected  with  this  illness. 

SlaoVs  connection  with  Harvard  College,  however,  was  not 
merely  that  of  an  alumnus*  In  1871,  he  was  appointed  Professor 
of  Applied  Zoology  in  Harvard  University,  and,  in  1885,  Lec- 
turer on  Comparative  Zoology  and  Assistant  in  Osteology  iu  the 
Museum  of  Comparative  Zoology,  His  professorship  he  felt  con- 
strained to  resign  in  1882,  in  consequence  of  his  severe  illness, 
already  mentioned ;  the  other  two  appointments  he  continued  to 
hold  until  his  death.  His  duties  as  Professor  consisted  in  giving 
courses  of  instruction  at  the  Bussey  Institution  at  Jamaica  Plain, 
comprising  lectures  and  practical  exercises  in  Applied  Zoology,  in- 
cluding the  dissection  of  domestic  animals,1  His  lectures  upon 
the  horse,  especially,  proved  very  attractive  to  others  beside  the 
regular  students  of  the  Institution.  He  was  an  ardent  lover  of 
the  Horse,  The  '*  beautiful  black  mare  n  which  he  bought  for  him- 
self in  his  resident  graduate  days  had  a  long  line  of  successors,  and, 
ae  a  medical  man,  he  was  a  strenuous  advocate  of  the  hygienic 
value  of  equestrian  exercise.3  How  acceptably  he  discharged  the 
duties  assigned  to  him  may  be  learned  from  the  following  testi- 
monials. In  the  Report  of  the  President  of  the  University  for 
the  year  1895-96,  after  announcing  Dr.  Blade's  deaths  President 
Eliot  says :  — 

11  Dr*  Slade  was  one  of  the  first  well  educated  American  physicians  to 
pay  attention  to  comparative  medicine  and  to  study  it  in  Europe.  He 
was  consequently  ready,  in  187  h  when  the  liussey  Institution  was 
opened,  to  give  instruction  in  the  anatomy  and  physiology  of  the  domes- 
tic animals ;  and  for  eleven  years  he  taught  with  great  assiduity  and 
acceptance  in  that  School  After  an  interval  of  three  years,  he  took  up 
kindred  scientific  work  as  Assistant  in  Osteology  in  the  Museum  of  Com- 
parative  Zoology  and  Lecturer  on  Comparative  Osteology.     He  was  a 


*  Report  upon  the  Bussey  Institution  for  the  year  1877-78* 

*  See  Introduction  to  his  Twelve  Days  in  the  Saddle, 


240  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.         [April, 

simple,  straightforward,  industrious  man,  who  had  a  clear  intelligence 
and  a  strong  sense  of  duty.  In  addition  to  his  attainments  as  physi- 
cian and  naturalist,  he  possessed  an  agreeable  faculty  of  writing,  which 
he  exercised  in  various  papers  on  the  interests  and  occupations  of  rural 
and  out-of-door  life." 

Included  in  the  same  report  is  a  Report  on  the  Museum  of  Com- 
parative Zoology  by  its  Director  and  Curator,  Alexander  Agassiz, 
in  which,  after  mentioning  the  death  of  Dr.  Slade,  u  who  for  many 
years  had  devoted  his  time  to  the  Osteological  Collection  of  the 
Museum,"  he  says :  — 

"  Dr.  Slade  attempted  to  build  up  an  advance  course  of  osteological 
research,  and  it  was  a  great  disappointment  to  him  that  he  met  with  so 
little  encouragement  He  devoted  his  time  mainly  to  the  arrangement 
of  the  material  in  his  charge,  and  wrote  a  number  of  papers  on  special 
subjects  connected  with  osteology.  He  hoped  to  build  up  the  osteologi- 
cal collection  with  special  reference  to  its  use  as  an  aid  in  palaeontologi- 
cal  research." 

It  was  eminently  characteristic  of  our  late  associate  that  while 
the  Government  of  the  University  set  so  high  a  value  upon  his 
services  as  Professor  and  Lecturer,  he,  himself,  esteemed  them  as 
of  far  less  worth.  Under  date  of  11  September,  1876,  five  years 
after  his  appointment  as  Professor,  and  six  years  before  his  resig- 
nation, he  wrote  to  President  Eliot :  — 

44  During  my  connection  with  the  University,  I  have  received,  as  Pro- 
fessor of  Applied  Zoology,  compensation  which  I  consider  as  beyond 
the  value  of  the  services  rendered.  I  therefore  propose  to  return  to  the 
University  the  sum  of  Six  thousand  dollars  ($6000)  with  which  to  found 
a  Scholarship  in  my  name,  unrestricted  except  it  may  be  in  favor  of 
my  own  sons,  if  they  hereafter  pursue  their  studies  at  Cambridge." 

This  was  the  beginning  of  the  correspondence  that  led  to  the 
establishment  of  the  Scholarship  in  1877.1  The  endowment  of  the 
Scholarship  was,  however,  reduced  from  Six  thousand  dollars  to 
Five  thousand  dollars,  as  appears  by  the  Treasurer's  Statement  for 
the  year  ending  31  August,  1877,  in  which,  among  the  Gifts  enumer- 
ated as  received  during  the  year,  was  the  following :  — 

1  Letter  of  W.  G.  Brown,  Deputy  Keeper  of  the  Harvard  College  Archives, 
15  April,  1898. 


1809] 


MEMOIR   OF  DAJ3TEL   DEN1SON   SLADE. 


241 


"  From  Prof.  Daniel  Denison  Slade  $5000,  as  the  foundation  of  the 
Stade  Scholarship." 

To  this  gift  was  attached  the  very  sensible  condition  that  — 

MThe  Fund  shall  never  be  invested  in  a  specific  piece  of  property, 
bat  shall  share  in  the  general  investments  of  the  University  "  (p«  6). 

Dr,  Blade's  duties  as  Assistant  in  Osteology  took  him  back  to 
Cambridge,  which  had  been  to  him  '*  a  happy  home  "  in  his  under* 
graduate  days,  —  "those  happy  days  and  well  remembered  walks M 
which  he  still  delighted  to  recall  He  drove  over  from  Chestnut 
Hill  almost  daily,  when  not  prevented  by  inclemency  of  weather. 
He  had  rooms  assigned  him  in  an  upper  story  of  the  vast  Agassiz 
Museum,  where  it  was  pleasant  to  visit  him  in  the  "quiet  and  still 
air  of  his  retired  study  *'  and  to  witness  the  loving  care  with  which 
he  handled  and  classified  his  osteological  specimens. 

Dr.  Slade  was  a  prolific  writer.  In  the  Memoir  of  him  prepared 
for  the  New  England  Historical  and  Genealogical  Register  a  list 
of  sixty-eight  of  his  works1  1b  given,  A  number  of  these  were 
strictly  medical  or  scientific  in  character.  Many  were  devoted  to 
agricultural  or  horticultural  matters,  including  the  dainty  little 
volume,  The  Evolution  of  Horticulture  in  New  England,  published 
a  few  months  before  his  death.  It  is  Dr.  Slade's  work  in  the  field 
of  New  England  Colonial  history  and  biography,  however,  that  will 
doubtless  be  most  interesting  to  the  members  of  our  Society.  The 
earliest  of  his  publications  having  an  historical  character  is  his 
Class  Report,3  already  mentioned,  issued  in  1864. 

In  the  following  year  he  wrote  for  The  American  Monthly  — 
a  continuation  of  the  old  Knickerbocker  Magazine  —  an  article 
entitled  The  Sacking  of  Deerfielcl,  Massachusetts*3  Slade  was  well 
acquainted  with  the  scene  of  the  massacre.  During  his  agri- 
cultural apprenticeship  at  Greenfield,  his  rides  and  drives  had, 

*  Only  fourteen  of  Blade's  literary  productions  were  published  separately,  as 
books  or  pamphlets  (including  two  not  in  Dr,  Eastman's  list)  \  ten  are  reports 
of  lectures!  or  courses  of  lectures,  addresses  and  speeches ;  twenty  were  pub- 
lished in  medical  journals,  and  twenty-six  in  various  magazines  and  news- 
papers.    It  is  not  certain  that  all  his  printed  works  have  been  enumerated. 

*  This  pamphlet  is  not  included  in  Dr.  Eastman's  list. 

*  The  American  Monthly  for  April,  1865,  lxv.  308-312. 

1* 


242 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS,      [April, 


doubtless,  often  taken  him  through  the  neighboring  town  of  Deer- 
field,  only  a  few  miles  distant,  and  he  may  often  have  stopped 
at  the  old  Sheldon  house  to  examine  the  Iiistorie  Door,  defaced  by 
Indian  hatchets,  and  the  wonderful  scenes  of  slaughter,  depicted 
in  the  most  lurid  colors  on  the  inner  walls.  It  was  the  custom,  in 
those  early  days,  for  the  stage  coaches  to  stop  regularly  at  the 
old  Indian  house  to  allow  the  passengers  to  inspect  these  curi- 
osities- Slade,  himself,  had  probably  enjoyed  this  privilege  on 
one  or  more  of  his  College  vacation  rambles. 

The  outer  Door  of  the  old  house  was  destined  to  play  a  part  in 
a  characteristic  episode  in  Dr.  Slade's  career,  which  was  also  an 
event  of  some  importance  in  the  history  of  the  town*  A  few  years 
only  after  he  had  abandoned  the  practical  study  of  agriculture  at 
Greenfield,  the  owners  of  the  house  decided  to  taie  it  down. 
Report  says  that  the  constantly  increasing  number  of  curious  vis* 
itors  had  become  too  annoying  for  further  endurance.  The  old 
house  was  accordingly  demolished  in  1848.  Portions  of  it,  how- 
ever, were  preserved,  among  them  the  old  Door,  which  came  into 
the  possession  of  David  Starr  Hoyt,  a  member  of  an  old  Deerfield 
family,  who  lost  his  life  during  the  early  troubles  in  Kansas.  In 
1863,  it  was  the  property  of  his  orphan  daughter  and  was  "nearly, 
or  quite,  all  the  patrimony  the  poor  deaf  girl  had," l  Friends  be- 
stirred themselves  to  effect  a  sale  of  the  relic  for  her  benefit,  and 
no  resident  of  the  town,  apparently,  volunteering  to  become  the 
purchaser*  it  was  offered  to  Dr.  Slade,  whose  interest  in  Deerfield 
and  its  history  was  well  known,  for  the  sum  of  one  hundred  dol- 
lars* though  it  was  said  that  it  had  been  held  at  a  much  higher 
price.3  Slade  did  not  hesitate  to  conclude  the  bargain,  actuated, 
no  doubt,  in  part  by  a  charitable  motive.  The  price  was  paid,  and 
the  Door  was  sent  to  him  at  Chestnut  Hill,  10  October,  1863.  He 
had  it  placed  in  his  study,  where  it  remained  for  several  years,  — 
an  object  of  interest  to  all  visitors. 

Finally,  the  slumbering  patriotism,  or  local  pride,  of  the  good 
people  of  Deerfield  was  aroused  and  a  Committee  was  formed  to 
negotiate  for  the  return  of  their  lost  treasure.  In  reply  to  their 
application  Dr,  Slade  wrote,  in  October,  1867  :  — 


i  Letter  of  Bansom  Noble  Porter,  M.D.,  to  Slade,  20  September,  1803. 
*  Ibid. 


nm,] 


MEMOIR  OF  DANIEL  DEK1S0N   BLADE. 


243 


m  Since  it  [the  Door]  came  into  my  possession  I  have  always  felt 
some  compunction  in  regard  to  it;  not  that  it  was  not  fairly  mine  by 
light  of  purchase*  but  that  it  rightly  belonged  to  the  town  of  Deerueld 
and  should  be  forever  retained  by  that  town  as  a  most  sacred  relic*" 

It  was  soon  agreed  that  the  Door  should  be  returned  to  the 
people  of  Deerfield  on  the  repayment  to  Dr.  Slade  of  what  it  hail 
cost  him.  Certain  conditions  were  also  annexed  to  the  transfer, 
namely,  that  the  Door  should  be  delivered  into  the  charge  of 
Trustees*  to  be  appointed  to  receive  it ;  that  it  should  be  kept  in  a 
situation  easily  accessible,  as  near  as  might  be  to  the  place  it  origi- 
nally occupied;  that  the  bill  of  sale  should  be  recorded  in  the 
town  records,  and  the  bUl  itself  kept  with  the  deeds  to  the  town. 
These  conditions  being  accepted,  the  Door  was  sent  back  to  Deer- 
field,  where  it  arrived  19  February,  1868.  It  had  been  in  Dr.  Slade's 
possession  a  little  over  four  years.1  Its  return  was  made  the 
occasion  of  a  popular  festival,  held  in  the  Town  Hall  on  the  even- 
ing of  28  February,  1868,  —  the  eve  of  the  anniversary  of  the 
Massacre.  The  recovered  relic,  appropriately  draped  with  the 
American  flag,  had  a  conspicuous  position  on  the  speakers'  plat- 
form, a  long  historical  address  was  delivered,  poems  were  recited, 
and  Dr.  Slade  was  the  hero  of  the  occasion.  He  had  been  spe- 
cially invited  to  be  present  and,  when  called  upon  for  a  speech, 
made  a  short  address  of  a  humorous  character  and  at  its  close  was 
given  a  round  of  cheers.3 

The  subsequent  history  of  the  Door  is  not  without  its  vicissitudes. 
It  was  first  placed  by  the  Trustees  in  the  front  entrance  hall  of  the 
principal  hotel  in  the  village,  where  it  was  protected  by  a  glass 
case.  Here  it  remained  until  May,  1877,  when  the  hotel  was 
bunKiu  to  the  ground.  The  Door,  with  its  case,  was,  however, 
taken  out  uninjured,  and  conveyed  to  "the  old  corner  store ; "  but 
the  old  store  being  soon  after  sold,  it  became  necessary  to  find  a 
new  place  of  deposit.  The  one  finally  agreed  upon,  as  best  fulfill- 
ing the  two  conditions  of  safety  and  accessibility,  was  the  corn 
house,  or  corn  barn,  of  one  of  the  townspeople.     Here  it  remained 

1  For  an  account  of  these  transactions  and  the  further  history  of  the  Door, 
see  a  paper  by  the  Rev.  Peter  Voorhees  Finch,  read  before  the  Pocomtuck 
Valley  Memorial  Association,  and  published,  at  their  request,  in  The  Greenfield 
Gazette  and  Courier,  VoL  lir.»  No.  7. 

*  See  The  Greenfield  Gazette  and  Courier,  of  2  March,  1868. 


244  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.        [April, 

until  September,  1879,  when  it  was  finally  made  over  to  the  custody 
of  the  Pocumtuck  Valley  Memorial  Association  and  placed  in  its 
Memorial  Hall.1 

It  is  evident  that  the  interest  excited  by  Dr.  Slade's  purchase 
and  subsequent  return  of  the  Indian  Door  had  no  slight  influ- 
ence in  bringing  about  the  formation  of  the  above  mentioned 
Association,  incorporated  in  1870/  and  the  establishment  of  the 
Memorial  Hall  in  which  the  Door  has  found  its  final  resting  place. 

Dr.  Slade's  interest  was  not  confined  to  Deerfield  alone,  but  ex- 
tended to  the  whole  valley  which  takes  its  name  from  the  aborig- 
inal designation  of  that  town.  He  had  a  peculiar  fondness  for  the 
locality  and  visited  it  again  and  again,  attracted  no  less  by  the 
charm  of  the  landscape  than  by  its  historical  associations.  He  was 
present,  12  August,  1884,  at  the  eighth  field  meeting  of  the  Pocum- 
tuck Valley  Memorial  Association,  held  for  the  purpose  of  dedicat- 
ing a  Memorial  Stone  at  Greenfield,  on  the  spot  where  Mrs.  Eunice 
Williams,  wife  of  th6  Rev.  John  Williams,  taken  prisoner  at  the 
sacking  of  Deerfield,  was  killed  by  her  Indian  captors  1  March, 
1704.  On  that  occasion  he  read  a  paper  advocating  the  erection  of 
Memorial  Stones,  rather  than  more  elaborate  monuments,  for  mark- 
ing historic  sites,  and  made  special  reference  to  such  a  Stone 
erected  a  few  years  before  at  Stockbridge  to  the  memory  of  the 
Housatonic  Indians.8  Later,  he  wrote  for  the  Magazine  of  Ameri- 
can History4  an  illustrated  article  on  The  Site  of  Old  Fort  Massa- 
chusetts, and  for  The  Springfield  Republican  of  30  September,  1894, 
a  long  paper  entitled  The  Grave  at  Fort  Shirley.6  The  grave  was 
that  of  a  daughter  of  the  Rev.  John  Norton,  author  of  The  Re- 

1  Dr.  Slade's  purchase  and  return  of  the  Indian  Door  are  mentioned  in 
Parkman's  Half  Century  of  Conflict,  i.  65,  note.  A  representation  of  the  Door, 
as  it  now  appears  in  the  Hall,  accompanies  a  paper  on  Old  Deerfield,  by  Mary 
E.  Allen,  in  the  New  England  Magazine  for  September,  1892,  New  Series,  viL 
33-46. 

2  See  Publications  of  this  Society,  i.  45. 

*  See  The  Greenfield  Gazette  and  Courier  of  18  August,  1884. 

*  For  October,  1888,  xx.  281-285. 

*  Forts  Massachusetts  and  Shirley,  together  with  Fort  Pelham,  were  the 
three  "  Province  Forts  "  built  in  1744  by  order  of  the  General  Court  for  the 
special  protection  of  Slade's  beloved  Deerfield  valley.  These  forts  stood  within 
the  present  towns  of  Williamstown,  Heath,  and  Rowe,  respectively.  See  Nar- 
rative and  Critical  History  of  America,  v.  187. 


1699.] 


MEMOIR   OF  DANIEL  DENISON   SLADE, 


245 


deemed  Captive.1  Slade  seems  to  have  been  particularly  interested 
in  Fort  Shirley,  Immediately  upon  the  incorporation,  in  1891,  of 
the  Trustees  of  Public  Reservations,3  he  became  a  member  of  the 
Board,  in  the  Seventh  Annual  Report  of  which,  after  mention  of 
hia  decease,  occurs  the  following  passage :  — 

"Mr.  [sic]  Daniel  D.  Slade  was  present  at  the  last  annual  meeting 
and  spoke  interestingly  of  his  investigations  of  the  site  of  Fort  Shir- 
ley" (p.  1G), 

Another  group  of  Dr.  Slade's  historical  publications  consists  of 
speeches,  papers,  and  magazine  articles  relating  to  his  ancestor 
Major-Genera!  Daniel  Denison*  On"  the  sixth  of  April,  1870,  Dr. 
Slade  joined  the  New  England  Historic  Genealogical  Society,  In 
July,  1869,  he  had  contributed  to  the  Register  published  by  that 
Society  an  article  on  General  Denison.  On  the  twentieth  of  Sep- 
tember, 1892,  occurred  the  Two  hundredth  anniversary  of  the  death 
of  General  Denison,  and  the  town  of  Ipswich,  which  had  been  his 
home  and  where  he  was  buried,  held  memorial  exercises  iu  the 
Town  Hall.  Dr,  Slade  was  present  by  invitation  and  the  Biograph- 
ical Sketch  of  his  ancestor  which  he  read  appears  to  have  been 
the  chief  event  of  the  evening.*  The  sixteenth  of  August,  1884, 
was  the  two  hundred  and  fiftieth  anniversary  of  the  incorporation 
of  the  town  of  Ipswich,  and  the  day  was  duly  celebrated  by  a  pro1 
cession,  an  historical  address,  and  a  dinner.  At  the  dinner  Slade 
was  called  up  to  respond  to  a  toast  to  — 

4  fc  The  Distinguished  Men  who  have  illustrated  the  Annals  of  Ipswich*" 

and  made  a  short  speech  summarizing  the  life  and  services  of  his 
ancestor,*     In  April,  1892,  he  printed  the  Autobiography  of  Major 

1  The  title  of  this  tittle  tract  of  forty  pages,  first  printed  in  Boston,  in  1748, 
is  the  same  as  that  given  by  the  Rev,  John  Williams  (H,  C.  1C8S),  to  his  Nar- 
rative, first  published  in  Boston,  in  1707,  of  the  destruction  of  Deer  field, 
26  February,  170£~5,  and  of  his  experiences  during  bis  captivity  in  Canada* 
See  Narrative  and  Critical  History  of  America,  v,  185,  187  and  notes;  and 
Sibley's  Harvard  Graduates,  Hi,  249-262, 

a  Acts  of  1801,  chapter  352. 

•  Denison  Memorial,  Ipswich,  Massachusetts,  September  20,  1882.  Two 
hundredth  Anniversary  of  the  Death  of  Major  General  Daniel  Denison.  Bio- 
graphical Sketch  by  Prof.  D.  D.  Slade.  Historical  Sketch,  by  Augustine  Cald- 
well. Printed  by  the  Request  of  the  Denison  Memorial  Committee.  Dr,  Slade's 
Address  fills  twenty-five  of  the  fifty-two  pages  of  the  pamphlet. 

4  The  Celebration  of   the   Two  Hundred  and  Fiftieth  Anniversary  of  the 


246  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OP  MASSACHUSETTS.        [April, 

General  Daniel  Denison,  which  had  recently  been  found  among 
the  effects  of  another  of  his  maternal  ancestors,  the  Rev.  Daniel 
Rogers  of  Exeter.1  Finally,  at  the  April  meeting  of  this  Society 
in  1893,  he  read  a  paper  entitled  Daniel  Denison.  In  it  were  com- 
bined and  amended  his  previous  contributions  upon  the  subject.8 

Still  another  group  of  Slade's  productions  of  this  character  relates 
to  the  Bromfield  branch  of  his  maternal  ancestors.  His  first  publi- 
cation on  this  subject  was  a  paper  entitled  The  Bromfields,  commu- 
nicated, in  1872  and  1873,  by  instalments,  to  successive  numbers  of 
the  New  England  Historical  and  Genealogical  Register.8  In  1890, 
he  published  the  article,  already  cited,  entitled  A  New  England 
Country  Gentleman  in  the  Last  Century;4  and,  in  1891,  he  read 
before  the  Bostonian  Society  the  paper  entitled  A  Boston  Mer- 
chant of  1791,  before  mentioned.6 

Besides  these  family  histories,  he  published  in  the  New  England 
Historical  and  Genealogical  Register  for  January,  1892,8  a  Letter 
of  the  Rev.  Jonathan  Mayhew  to  Richard  Clarke,  1765,  which  Dr. 
Slade  says,  in  his  prefatory  note,  had  recently  been  found  among 
some  of  his  ancestral  papers.  The  letter  relates  to  a  sermon 
preached  just  before  the  Stamp  Act  riots  in  August,  1765.  In 
March,  1894,  at  a  meeting  of  this  Society  he  made  remarks  on 
the  so-called  Louisburg  Cross  above  the  entrance  to  the  Library 
of  Harvard  College,  and  exhibited  engravings  and  read  extracts 
from  various  publications  relating  to  the  subject7  He  also  wrote 
an  article  upon  the  same  subject  for  The  Bostonian,8  which  was 
not  published  until  March,  1896,  shortly  after  his  death. 

A  valuable  contribution  to  the  history  of  his  own  times  was  his 
article  entitled  The  First  Capital  Operation  under  the  Influence 

Incorporation  of  the  Town  of  Ipswich,  Massachusetts,  August  16, 1884.  Boston, 
Little,  Brown,  and  Company,  1884. 

1  New  England  Historical  and  Genealogical  Register,  xlvi.  127-182. 

*  Publications,  i.  116-132. 

*  Volumes  xxvi.  and  xxvii. 

«  See  ante,  p.  217 ;  and  v.  202. 

6  See  Reports  in  newspapers  of  the  time.  Dr.  Slade  joined  the  Bostonian 
Society  in  1894,  but  had  ceased  to  be  a  member  at  the  time  of  his  death.  See 
ante j  pp.  218,  219,  and  notes  ;  and  v.  210  n. 

6  Volume  xlvi.  15-20. 

7  Publications,  i.  269,  270. 

*  Volume  iii.,  number  6. 


1890.] 


MEMOIR   OF   DANIEL   DEKTSON    SLADE. 


247 


of  Ether,  already  mentioned.1  In  the  same  category  may  be  placed 
the  little  pamphlet  of  twenty-two  pages  printed  for  private  circu- 
lation,* in  1892,  —  The  First  Church  at  Chestnut  Hill*  It  gives  a 
short  history  of  this  Church*  built  at  the  expense  of  the  late  Thomas 
Lee,  of  Boston,  and  includes  a  transcript  of  the  Parish  Registers, 
in  which  are  recorded  the  births  of  Slade's  eleven  children. 

Ttiese  more  formal  publications,  however,  by  no  means  include 
the  whole  of  Dr.  Slade's  historical  work.  He  was  an  indefati- 
gable writer  of  letters  and  short  pieces  for  the  newspapers,  those 
on  professedly  historical  topics  and  on  rural  affairs  being  the  most 
numerous.  For  the  Newton  Journal  he  wrote  a  series  of  articles, 
intended,  as  he  says,  u  chiefly  for  our  younger  friends."  Among 
the  titles  of  these  are  The  Old  Indian  House  at  Deerfield,  The 
Grave  in  The  Pasture,2  The  Regicides*  The  Sudbury  Fight  (1676), 
and  The  Gypsies,  For  the  Boston  Transcript  he  wrote  The  Somer- 
set Line-of-Battle-Ship,  Class  Day  Twenty-five  Years  Since  (1869), 
besides  other  pieces. 

In  whatever  he  wrote,  whether  on  historical,  biographical  or 
miscellaneous  topics,  whether  in  his  yearly  report  of  The  First 
Appearance  of  the  Little  Hepatica  Flower,  his  protest  against  the 
shooting  of  an  Eagle,  his  description  of  A  Charming  Spot,  Slade 
seems  to  have  had  constantly  in  view  the  purpose  of  developing  in 
the  public,  and  especially  in  the  young,  a  love  of  nature  combined 
with  an  interest  in  historical  events.  It  is  by  no  means  improb- 
able that  these  apparently  slight  efforts  had  an  influence  in  pro- 
ducing the  present  widespread  attention  given  to  the  preservation 
of  beautiful  and  historic  places,  the  creation  of  Public  Parks,  and 
the  recent  great  Increase  of  local  historical  and  patriotic  societies* 

Not  till  he  had  nearly  reached  his  seventy-third  birthday  did  the 
busy  pen  drop  from  his  tireless  fingers.  Then  the  long  delayed 
summons  came  and  the  peaceful  current  of  his  life  ceased  to  flow. 
It  was  not  the  strenuous  current  of  **  rivers  that  move  in  majesty," 
but  rather  that  of  the  *4  brooks  that  make  the  meadows  green/* 
He  died  at  his  residence  at  Chestnut  Hill,  11  February,  1896. 
His  funeral  took  place  at  his  own  house  on  the  thirteenth,  and  was 
largely  attended,  although  snow  was  falling  heavily  at  the  time. 

1  See  ante,  p.  233,  and  note. 

a  The  Grave  was  that  of  Mary  Goodnow  of  Marlborough,  killed  by  Indiana 
in  1717.    The  same  story  is  told  in  his  Twelve  Days  in  the  Saddle,  pp.  20-31, 


248  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.        [April, 

Dr.  Slade  was  one  of  the  Founders  of  our  Society,  his  name  be- 
ing the  seventh  in  the  list  of  fourteen  associates  named  in  the  Cer- 
tificate of  Incorporation,  dated  29  December,  1892.  At  the  first 
election  of  officers  he  was  chosen  one  of  the  Council  for  the  full 
term  of  three  years.  He  was  assiduous  in  the  performance  of  bis 
duties  as  a  Councillor,  and  was  a  frequent  attendant  at  our  Meet- 
ings. He  was  last  present  at  the  Stated  Meeting  of  the  Society  in 
December,  1895. 

The  portrait  which  accompanies  this  Memoir  is  a  reproduction 
in  photogravure,  by  A.  W.  Elson,  of  a  photograph  taken,  26  July, 
1882,  by  Dr.  Calvin  Gates  Page  (H.  C.  1890).  It  represents  Dr. 
Slade,  in  the  sixtieth  year  of  his  age,  in  a  familiar  attitude,  on  the 
terrace  of  his  residence  at  Chestnut  HilL 


1899,] 


BEMAEKS   BY   THE  PRESIDENT, 


249 


ANNUAL  MEETING,  NOVEMBER,  1899. 


HpHE  Aknual  Meeting  was  held  at  the  University  Club, 
■1  No,  270  Beacon  Street,  Boston,  on  Tuesday,  21  Novem- 
ber, 1899,  at  six  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  the  President, 
Edward  Wheelwright,  in  the  Chair, 

The  Records  of  the  last  Stated  Meeting  were  read  and 
approved. 

The  President  addressed  the  Society  as  follows :  — 

Gentlemen  of  The  Colonial  Society  of  Massachusetts:  — 

I  have  the  honor  of  welcoming  you  to  the  Seventh  Annual 
Meeting  of  our  Society.  As  compared  with  some  other  Historical 
Societies,  we  are  still  in  our  infancy,  but  I  think  we  may  say,  with 
just  pride,  that  oura  is  a  healthy  and  robust  infancy  and  full  of 
promise.  The  Reports  of  the  Council  and  of  the  Treasurer,  which 
will  be  read  presently,  will  inform  you  of  the  doings  of  the  Society 
during  the  past  year,  and  of  its  financial  condition,  I  think  you 
will  find  both  Reports  eminently  satisfactory,  Ry  the  Report  of 
the  Council  it  will  appear  that  the  attendance  at  our  Monthly 
Meetings  has  increased,  while  the  papers  read  and  the  topics 
discussed  at  these  meetings  have  been  of  so  interesting  a  character 
that  they  might  well  have  attracted  still  larger  audiences. 

The  financial  situation  is  greatly  improved  as  compared  with  a 
year  ago.  The  completion  of  The  Gould  Memorial  Fund  insures 
the  continuance  of  our  Publications,  —  one  of  the  chief  desiderata 
which  Dr.  Gould  kept  constantly  in  view;  but  a  permanent  place 
of  abode,  which  was  also  one  of  the  things  he  wished  to  insure  for 
us,  seems  still  far  off.  The  man  with  $300,000,  who  our  friend 
President  Adams  assured  us  at  our  Dinner  last  year  would  events 


250  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  [Nov. 

ually  come  to  our  aid,  has  not  yet  appeared ;  in  the  meantime  we 
are  learning  to  rely  upon  ourselves. 

Only  two  deaths  have  occurred  in  the  Society  during  the  past 
year,  —  those  of  Dr.  Henry  Parker  Quincy  and  of  Mr.  Samuel 
Johnson.  Both  are  spoken  of  in  the  Report  of  the  Council,  and 
I  will  only  add  that  as  Mr.  Johnson  died  during  the  summer 
vacation  no  opportunity  has  yet  been  given,  as  is  customary,  to 
those  desirous  to  pay  an  informal  tribute  to  his  memory.  Such 
an  opportunity  will  be  afforded  at  the  December  Meeting. 

The  Annual  Report  of  the  Council  was  presented  and  read 
by  the  Corresponding  Secretary. 

REPORT  OF  THE  COUNCIL. 

Pursuant  to  the  By-Laws  and  in  accordance  with  its  custom, 
the  Council  submits  its  Annual  Report 

The  past  year  has  been  one  of  steady  success  and  prosperity. 
It  has  shown  that  there  are  room  and  need  for  such  an  organiza- 
tion, and  that  lines  of  usefulness  spread  out  in  many  directions. 
The  question  of  direct,  practical  importance  is,  Where  to  most 
advantage  may  its  energy  and  work  be  applied  ? 

The  Annual  Dinner  was  given  at  the  Algonquin  Club  on  the 
evening  of  21  November,  our  stated  day,  —  the  anniversary  of 
the  Signing  of  the  Compact  on  board  the  Mayflower,  —  with  a 
large  attendance  of  the  members  of  the  Society  and  several  invited 
guests. 

During  the  year  the  Society  has  suffered  a  heavy  loss  in  the 
deaths  of  Henry  Parker  Quincy  and  Samuel  Johnson.  While  this 
number  is  small  in  itself  and  less  than  has  too  often  been  the  case 
in  other  years,  the  character  of  the  men,  and  their  value  to  the 
whole  community  and  to  this  Society,  have  made  their  deaths 
significantly  felt. 

Five  resident  Members  have  been  added  to  the  Rolls :  — 

Charles  Knowles  Bolton, 
Arthur  Theodore  Lyman, 
James  Lyman  Whitney, 
Frederic  Haines  Curtiss, 
Worthinoton  Chauncey  Ford. 


REPORT  Or  THE  COUNCIL. 


251 


As  usual,  beside  the  Annual  Meeting  in  November,  five  Stated 
Meetings  have  been  held,  from  December  to  April,  inclusive.     In 
the  papers  communicated  at  these  meetings  the  range  of  topics 
has  been  wide.     Among  the  topics  treated  may  be  mentioned  the 
Quakers;  the  Connecticut  Land  Bank  ;  Suits  involving  land  titles 
under   the   Pemaquid   Patent,  with  some   account  of  the   early 
settlements  in  Maine  ;  Places  of  Worship  of  the  Sandemanians  in 
Boston,  with  original  plans  of  their  sites ;  the  use  of  the  words 
Interval  and  Intervale  elaborately  discussed ;  the  function  of  the 
Currency  Controversies  in  the  development  of  hostility  to  the 
Royal  Government  in  the  Provincial  period  ;  the  early  history  of 
Yale  College  as  shown  in  a  series  of  letters  by  Jeremiah  Dummer 
and  others;  and  some  account  of  Governor  Yale's  administration 
at  Madias.     Many  other  papers  of  interest  and  value  were  com- 
municated and  numerous  original  documents  were  exhibited,  includ- 
ing among  them  unpublished  letters  of  James  Lovell  and  Samuel 
Adams  to  Colonel  Henry  Bromfield  \  an  original  Account  of  dis- 
bursements for  the  printing  of  Eliot's  Indian  Bible ;  a  schedule  of 
Governor  Edward  Hopkins's  Hartford  School  Stock  ;  extracts  from 
the  Records  of  the  Court  of  General  Sessions  of  the  Peace*  in  1720, 
relating  to  the  action  of  the  Governor  and  Council  against  John 
Col  man  for  issuing  pamphlets  concerning  the  currency ;  curious 
trials  at  different  times  ;  suggestive  extracts  from  the  Records  of 
the  Court  of  Assistants ;  various  original  documents  bearing  upon 
the  history  of  the  Provincial  period ;  a  curious  petition  of  Revolu- 
tionary Soldiers  in  1775  touching  the  quality  of  the  meat  supplies, — 
an  illustration  of  the   repetitions  of  history ;   Quaker   Marriage 
Certificate  bearing  the  signatures  of  many  prominent  citizens  of 
Philadelphia  in  1709  ;  and  original  letters  of  statesmen  and  others 
in  the  last  century.     There  were  also  exhibited  a  rare  print  of 
Washington  published  in  Boston  in  1782*  and  an  ivory  miniature 
of  Professor  Joseph   McKean,   beside   various   other   objects   of 
interest. 

At  all  the  meetings,  there  was  a  general  discussion  of  the  papers 
and  topics  presented,  and  supplementary  remarks  were  made,  the 
large  and  increasing  number  of  the  members  taking  part  in  these 
discussions  making  a  noticeable  feature  of  the  meetings.  A  grati- 
fy! ng  indication  of  an  active  interest,  not  merely  on  the  part  of  our 
Resident   Members  but  also  on  that  of  our  Corresponding  and 


252 


THE   COLONIAL  SOCIETY   OF   MASSACHUSETTS. 


[Xov, 


Honorary  Members,  appeared  in  the  communication  for  publica- 
tion from  Mr,  Edward  Field  of  Providence  of  a  Diary  kept  in 
Boston  by  John  Green  from  1755  to  1764,  containing  many  mat- 
ters of  interest,  among  others,  mention  of  Washington's  first  vi>it 
to  Boston ;  and  of  a  Memoir  of  our  late  associate  and  Vice-Presi- 
dent, Leverett  Sal  tons  tall,  by  the  Honorable  Joseph  Hodges 
Clioate.  Other  Memoirs,  communicated  by  Resident  Members, 
were  those  of  Dr.  Daniel  Denison  Slade  by  President  Wheelwright 
and  of  George  Martin  Lane  by  Professor  Goodwin, 

During  the  year,  occurred  the  three  hundredth  anniversary  of 
the  birth  of  Oliver  Cromwell,  Following  the  action  of  the 
American  Antiquarian  Society  to  secure  some  public  observance 
of  the  day,  a  committee  was  appointed  on  the  part  of  this  Society 
consisting  of  the  President  and  Messrs.  Thayer,  Lowell,  Everett, 
Davis,  Kittredge  and  Porter,  to  confer  with  similar  committees 
of  other  societies  upon  some  fitting  commemoration  of  the  event, 
A  large  and  successful  meeting  in  the  First  Church  in  Boston  was 
the  result, 

Early  in  the  year,  at  a  full  meeting  of  the  Society,  a  resolution 
of  hearty  and  well-deserved  thanks  to  President  Wheelwright  was 
unanimously  adopted;  and  now,  at  its  close,  the  Council  feels 
most  sensibly  the  weight  of  added  obligations  to  htm  for  time 
and  labor  expended  without  stint,  for  gifts  most  generous  and 
opportune,  for  constant  and  sagacious  service  in  the  Council,  a 
successful  administration  of  the  affairs  of  the  Society,  and  an  un- 
tiring devotion  to  its  every  interest,  as  well  as  for  graceful  and 
valuable  contributions  to  its  literary  and  historical  wort. 

The  financial  condition  of  the  Society  appears  in  the  Report  of 
the  Treasurer,  to  be  submitted  this  evening. 

We  are  again  indebted  to  the  American  Academy  of  Arts  and 
Sciences  for  its  generous  hospitality  in  affording  us  the  use  of  its 
Hall  for  our  meetings ;  and  we  desire  to  place  on  record  an 
expression  of  our  appreciation  of  its  courtesy  and  of  our  cordial 
thanks. 

The  members  of  the  Society  cannot  regret  more  deeply  than 
does  the  Council  the  unavoidable  delay  in  bringing  out  our  Publi- 
cations- Financial  conditions  and  that  prudence  in  expenditure 
which  the  Council  has  ever  sought  to  exercise  required  the 
suspension  of  our  printing  for  a  year  and  a  halt     These  conditions, 


1S0B.] 


REFOKT  OF   THE  TREASURER. 


253 


however,  no  longer  exist,  and  our  work  is  progressing  as  rapidly 
jus  inconsistent  with  accuracy  and  good  workmanship.  The  Index 
of  the  forthcoming  volume  has  been  prepared  with  great  care. 
Unusual  difficulties  have  been  encountered  in  consequence  of  the 
great  number  of  foreign  proper  names  which  occur  in  the  text. 
To  ascertain  the  full  names  of  these  persons*  in  accordance  with 
our  custom,  has  entailed  upon  the  Committee  of  Publication  and 
the  Printing  Committee  great  labor,  in  which  most  valuable  aid 
has  been  rendered  by  Mr.  Matthews  and  Mr*  Woods-  Owing 
to  the  great  pressure  of  the  publishers'  holiday  work  upon  the 
resources  of  the  University  Press,  it  has  been  impossible  for  it 
to  complete  our  work  in  time  for  ns  to  distribute  the  volume  before 
this  meeting  as  the  Council  fully  expected  to  be  able  to  do,  It  is  but 
just  to  these  two  committees  to  state*  that  the  delay  has  not  been 
occasioned  by  any  lack  of  effort  or  diligence  on  their  part,  as  is 
evidenced  by  the  fact  that  the  manuscript  of  that  part  of  the 
volume  which  is  not  yet  in  print  left  the  hands  of  the  Printing 
Committee  on  the  fifteenth  of  October.  The  printers  give  assur- 
ance, however,  that  the  volume  will  be  ready  for  distribution  at 
an  early  day. 

Various  undertakings  have  been  suggested  in  former  Reports  for 
this  Society  to  attempt,  in  the  way  of  collecting,  preserving,  and 
transmitting  the  accumulating  materials  of  History,  The  field  is 
wide  and  the  work  important.  It  is  enough*  here,  to  refer  to  them 
and  to  renew  the  suggestions.  The  main  obstacle  to  carrying 
them  out  is  the  lack  of  funds;  but  this  is  as  yet  a  young  Society 
and  time  may  do  something  for  us  in  this  respect.  Meanwhile, 
even  without  money,  much  may  be  done  in  the  way  of  original 
research  and  in  well-directed  work  in  justifying  our  existence 
and  in  establishing  the  high  standard  to  which  we  have  always 
aspired. 

The  Treasurer  presented  his  Annual  Report  as  follows :  — 


REPORT  OF  THE  TREASURER. 

In  obedience  to  that  requirement  of  the  By-Laws  which  makes 
it  the  duty  of  the  Treasurer  to  submit,  at  the  Annual  Meeting  of 
the  Society,  a  statement  of  the  financial  operations  for  the  pre- 
ceding year  the  following  Report  is  submitted. 


264  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  [Nov. 


CASH  ACCOUNT. 

RECEIPTS. 

Balance,  17  November,  1898 9438.90 

Admission  Fees 950.00 

Annual  Assessments 770.00 

Commutation  of  the  Annual  Assessment  from  one  Member         100.00 

Interest * 677.63 

Sales  of  the  Society's  Publications 5.60 

Gifts  to  the  General  Fund  from  two  Members      ....         110.00 
Withdrawn  from  Charlestown  Five  Cents  Savings  Bank     1,329.71    3,042.94 

♦3,481.84 

EXPENDITURES   AND   INVESTMENTS. 

University  Press,  printing $478.29 

A.  W.  Elson  and  Company,  photogravures 50.00 

Louis  P.  Streeter,  draughting 10.00 

Clerical  Service 75.00 

Miscellaneous  incidentals 341.29 

Deposited    in    Charlestown    Five    Cents    Savings    Bank: 

Commutation,  Admission  Fees,  and  Interest  belonging 

to  the  Permanent  Funds 927.63 

Mortgages  on  improved  Real  Estate  in  Boston,  principal  and 

interest  payable  in  gold  coin 1,300.00 

Interest  in  adjustment 18.71 

13,200.92 

Balance  on  Deposit  in  Third  National  Bank  of  Boston,  10 

November,  1899 280.92 

$3,481.84 
TRIAL  BALANCE. 

DEBITS. 

Cash $280.92 

Mortgages $13,500.00 

Charlestown  Five  Cents  Savings  Bank 446.77     13,946.77 

$14,227.69 

CREDITS. 

Income $457.69 

Publication  Fund $600.00 

General  Fund 3,170.00 

Gould  Memorial  Fund 10,000.00    13,770.00 

$14,227.69 

Henry  H.  Edes, 

Treasurer* 
Boston,  10  November,  1899. 


1899.] 


REPORT   OF  THE  NOMINATING   COMMITTEE. 


255 


Mr,  G.  Arthur  Hilton  read  the  following  — 

REPORT  OF  THE  AUDITING  COMMITTEE. 

The  undersigned,  a  Committee  appointed  to  examine  the 
accounts  of  the  Treasurer  of  The  Colonial  Society  of  Massachu- 
setts for  the  year  ending  10  November,  1899,  have  attended  to 
that  duty,  and  report  that  they  find  them  correctly  kept  and  prop- 
erly vouched ;  and  that  proper  evidence  of  the  Investments  and  of 
the  balance  of  Cash  on  hand  has  been  shown  to  us. 

George  Nixon  Black, 
G,  Arthur  Hilton, 

Committer 
Boston  20  November,  1899, 

The  several  Reports  were  accepted,  and  referred  to  the 
Committee  of  Publication. 

Mr,  Charles  Sedgwick  Rackemann,  on  behalf  of  the 
Nominating  Committee,  presented  the  following  List  of  can- 
didates for  Officers  for  the  ensuing  year ;  — 

PRESIDENT. 

EDWARD  WHEELWRIGHT. 

VICE-PRESIDENTS. 

WILLIAM   WATSON   GOODWIN, 
JAMES   BRADLEY   THAYER. 

RECORDING   SECRETARY. 

HENRY   WINCH  ESTER  CUNNINGHAM. 

CORRESPONDING   SE0RETARY. 

JOHN  NOBLE, 

TREASURER, 

HENRY  HERBERT  EDES. 

REGISTRAR, 

FREDERICK:  LEWIS  GAY, 

MEMBER   OF  THE   OOUNOIL   FOR   THREE   TEARS* 

SAMUEL  LOTHROP  THORNDIKE. 

A  ballot  was  then  taken,  and  these  gentlemen  were  unani- 
mously elected, 


256 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY   OF   MASSACHUSETTS, 


[Not. 


The  Corresponding  Secretary  reported  that  letters  had 
been  received  from  Dr.  Wolcott  Gibbs,  the  Rev,  Dr,  Wil- 
liam R,  Huntington  and  Mr,  George  Parker  Winship 
accepting  Corresponding  Membership, 

On  motion  of  Mr.  Andrew  McFarland  Davis,  it  was 
unanimously  — 

Voted,  That  in  view  of  the  approaching  Annual  Meeting  of  the  Amer- 
ican Historical  Association,  to  be  held  in  Boston  in  December  next>  a 
Committee  of  three,  of  which  the  President  shall  be  Chairman,  be 
appointed  to  represent  this  Society, 

On  motion  of  Mr.  Robert  Noson  Toppan,  it  was  then 

unanimously  — 

Resolved*  That  the  members  of  The  Colonial  Society  of  Massachu- 
setts, assembled  at  their  Annual  Meeting,  desire  to  put  on  record  their 
high  appreciation  of  the  services  of  Mr.  Henry  Herbert  Edes  as 
Treasurer,  as  one  of  the  Council,  and  as  Chairman  of  the  Committee  on 
Printing,  from  the  very  beginning  of  the  Society  of  which  he  was  one  of 
the  Founders;  and  to  express  to  him  their  most  hearty  thanks  for  the 
untiring  zeal  and  eminent  ability  which  he  has  shown  in  promoting,  in 
every  way,  the  interests  of  the  Society, 

James  Ford  Rhodes,  LL.D.,  of   Boston,  was  elected  a 

Resident  Member,  and  the  Hon.  James  Phinney  Baxter, 
of  Portland,  Maine,  a  Corresponding  Member, 


After  the  dissolution  of  the  Annual  Meeting,  dinner  was 
served.  The  guests  of  the  Society  were  the  Hon*  Wikslow 
Warren,  President  of  the  Massachusetts  Society  of  the 
Cincinnati >  the  Hon,  Stephen  Salisbury,  President  of  the 
American  Antiquarian  Society,  Dr,  James  Ford  Rhodes, 
President  of  the  American  Historical  Association,  and  the 
Rev,  Edward  Henry  Hall.  President  Wheelwright  pre- 
sided and  the  Rev,  Dr.  Arthur  Lawrence  invoked  the 
Divine  Blessing. 


1809.] 


ANNUAL  DINNER* 


257 


After  dinner,  speeches  were  made  by  the  President,  both 
the  Vice-Presidents,  all  the  guests,  and  the  Hon.  Edward 
J,  Phelps,  one  of  the  Honorary  Members.  Mr.  Samuel 
Swett  Green  also  made  some  remarks  suggested  by  Pro- 
fessor Thayer* s  speech. 

During  the  evening  Mr.  Henry  H,  Edes  said :  — 

Me.  President,  —  I  venture  to  interrupt  for  a  moment  the 
course  of  our  proceedings  as  laid  down  on  your  programme  be- 
cause I  want  to  propose  a  toast  which  I  am  sure  will  bring  every 
gentleman  present  to  his  feet. 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  members  of  the  Society,  with- 
out exception,  have  learned  with  deep  regret  that  Mr*  Woodsfs 
engagements  have  prompted  him  to  ask  to  be  relieved  from 
further  service  in  the  office  of  Registrar-  One  of  the  Foun- 
ders of  the  Society,  —  indeed,  one  of  its  principal  Founders,  —  Mr. 
Woods  has  sat  at  our  Council  Board  from  the  beginning,  dis- 
charging faithfully  and  well  the  duties  of  the  important  office  of 
which,  until  to-night,  he  has  been  the  only  incumbent,  and  giving 
to  his  colleagues  the  benefit  of  his  recondite  knowledge  of 
all  matters  pertaining  to  the  lineage  of  our  early  New  England 
families. 

Always  ready  to  lend  a  helping  hand  in  solving  difficult  ques- 
tions that  presented  themselves  to  the  Committee  of  Publication  or 
to  the  Printing  Committee,  Mr.  Woods  has  rendered  a  far  greater 
service  to  the  Society  during  the  past  seven  years  than  the  mem- 
bers realize,  and  he  richly  deserves  their  high  commendation  and 
applause-  His  loss  from  the  Board  of  Government  will  be  most 
keenly  felt  by  his  former  colleagues,  whose  confidence  and  respect 
he  has  always  held,  and  whose  affectionate  regard  will  follow  him 
in  his  retirement  from  official  place* 

Mr.  President,  I  give  you  the  health  of  Henry  Ernest  Woods. 

The  toast  was  received  with  applause  and  was  drunk 
standing. 


17 


268  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OP  MAS8ACHTX8ETTS.  [Dbc 


DECEMBER  MEETING,  1899. 

A  Stated  Meeting  of  the  Society  was  held  in  the  Build- 
*"**  ing  of  the  American  Unitarian  Association,1  No.  25 
Beacon  Street,  Boston,  on  Wednesday,  20  December,  1899, 
at  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  President  Wheelwright 
in  the  Chair. 

The  Minutes  of  the  Annual  Meeting  were  read  and  ap- 
proved. 

The  Corresponding  Secretary  reported  that  letters  had 
been  received  from  Dr.  James  Ford  Rhodes  accepting 
Resident  Membership,  and  from  the  Hon.  James  Phinney 
Baxter  accepting  Corresponding  Membership. 

The  President  referred  to  the  death  of  Samuel  John- 
son, a  Resident  Member,  and  spoke  of  his  deep  interest  in 
the  Society  which  was  evinced  by  his  constant  attendance 
at  its  Meetings,  and  by  his  zealous  and  devoted  service  as 
a  member  of  the  committee  which  raised  the  Gould  Memo- 
rial Fund,  to  which  he  made  a  generous  subscription.  Mr. 
Wheelwright  also  referred  to  Mr.  Johnson's  genial  presence 
and  cordial,  unostentatious  manner,  and  recalled  the  fact  that 
Mr.  Johnson  was  of  the  committee  which  escorted  him  to 
the  Chair  on  the  occasion  of  his  inauguration  as  President 
of  the  Society. 

Mr.  William  Endicott  spoke  at  some  length  in  memory 
of  his  friend  of  half  a  century,  and  paid  a  warm  tribute  to 

1  The  American  Academy  of  Arts  and  Sciences  having  removed  from  the 
Boston  Athenaeum  Building  to  that  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society, 
and  its  former  Hall  being  required  for  the  purposes  of  the  Athenaeum,  this 
Society  accepted  the  hospitality  of  the  American  Unitarian  Association,  prof- 
fered by  its  Treasurer  and  our  associate,  Mr.  Francis  H.  Lincoln,  in  the  Build- 
ing of  which  the  Meetings  of  the  Society  will  in  future  be  held. 


>.] 


JOSEPH  BOUCHER   DE   NrVERYILLE* 


259 


Mr,  Johnson's  character.  He  spoke  of  his  high  standing 
in  the  community,  especially  in  the  mercantile  world,  where, 
for  more  than  a  generation,  he  had  occupied  a  commanding 
position,  administering  with  ability  great  trust  estates  and 
rendering  much  and  various  unpaid  public  service,  besides 
conducting  in  part  the  affairs  of  the  great  commercial  house 
with  which  both  were  connected  for  more  than  fifty  years. 
Mr,  Endicott  also  referred  to  Mr.  Johnson's  keen  and  active 
interest  in  the  affairs  of  the  Old  South  Church  in  Boston, 
and  to  his  connection  with  many  charitable  organizations  to 
which  he  gave  generously  of  his  time  and  wise  counsel  as 
well  as  of  his  ample  means. 

Mr.  George  Fox  Tucker  read  copious  extracts  from  a 
Diary  kept  in  New  Bedford,  Massachusetts,  in  1823  and 
1 824,  by  Joseph  Russell  Anthony,  of  the  Society  of  Friends, 
who  built  the  Joseph  Delano  house,  and  who  died  in  1840.1 
The  Diary  gives  a  curious  and  interesting  glimpse  of  life  in 
New  Bedford  at  that  time,  and  frequently  refers  to  the 
troubles  which  arose  over  the  "New  Lights"  in  the  Friends* 
Meeting.  The  views  of  the  u  New  Lights ,J  were  similar  to 
those  of  the  Hicksites,  and  from  their  ranks  the  Unitarian 
Church  in  New  Bedford  received  many  accessions,  among 
whom  were  members  of  some  of  the  most  prominent  families 
in  that  town,  including  the  Grinnells  and  James  Arnold, 
whose  name  will  always  be  associated  with  his  noble  gift 
of  the  Arboretum  to  Harvard  College. 

Mr*  Albert  Matthews  read  the  following  paper  on  — 

JOSEPH  BOUCHER  DE  NITERVILLE. 

It  is  well  known  that  in  1747  the  French  and  Indians  attacked 
Township  Number  Four,  now  Charlestown,  New  Hampshire, 
at  which  time  the  fort  at  that  place  was  defended  by  Captain 


1  Mr,  Anthony  was  a  native  of  New  Bedford*  where  be  was  bora,  14  Octo- 
ber, 1707 1  where  he  always  resided,  and  where  be  died,  7  July,  1840  (Letter  of 
his  son,  Rowland  C*  Anthony,  of  New  York  City)* 


260 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETV  OF  MASSACHUSETTS. 


[Dec. 


Phinehas  Stevens*1  Who  commanded  the  forces  repulsed  by  Cap- 
tain Stevens,  is  a  question  which  has  never  received  an  adequate 
answer.  In  a  letter  written  7  April,  1747,  Captain  Stevens  him- 
self said :  — 


I  Capt.  Phinehas  Stevens,  the  son  of  Joseph  and  Prndence  (Rice)  Steve ns,  was 
born  at  Sudbury,  Massachusetts,  20  February,  17GU-7  (Sudbury  Town  Record*), 
and  was  baptized  27  April  following  (Sudbury  Church  Records) ,  He  married 
at  Rutland,  Massachusetts,  18  January,  1733-34,  bis  cousin,  Elizabeth  Stevens, 
youngest  daughter  of  Simon  and  Mary  (Wilder)  Stevens  (Rutland  Town 
Records).  His  christian  name  is  often  apelled  Phineas,  and  hi  two  documents 
he  so  spelled  it  himself  (Massachusetts  Archives,  Ixxiv,  51,  xciii.  102);  but  in 
other  documents  he  signed  himself  Phinehas  Stevens  (Ibid.  Ixxiii.  57,  210,  644t 
6tt0,  atdi.  30,  S5,  105,  201,  xctiL  48t  74t  84),  and  his  name  is  so  spelled  in  the 
Records  of  his  birth  and  baptism.  For  notices  of  Stevens,  see  Appletons*  Cyclo- 
pedia of  American  Biography,  v.  675,  676;  New  York  Colonial  Documents,  x- 
97  note :  J*  Farmer  and  J.  B,  Moore,  Collections,  i,  181;  A.  S.  Hudson,  Annala 
of  Sudbury,  Wayl&nd,  and  Maynard,  p.  22;  II*  H.  Saunderson,  History  of 
Charlestown,  N,  H,s  pp.  556-568;  C.  Stark,  Memoir  and  Official  Correspondence 
of  Gen.  John  Stark,  pp.  372-3 S5 ;  Collections  of  the  New  Hampshire  Historical 
Society,  v.  199-205  j  New  Hampshire  Provincial  Papers,  ft  22,  312  ;  and  Year 
Book,  Massachusetts  Society  of  Colonial  Wars,  1901,  p,  84, 

In  a  paper  read  before  this  Society  in  March,  1896  (ante,  iii.  220),  Mr.  Noble 
remarked  that  Stevens  tt  is  said "  to  have  been  presented  with  a  sword  by  Sir 
Charles  Knowles.  The  matter  seems  to  be  placed  beyond  a  doubt  by  these 
extracts :  — 

II  Friday  last  bis  Excellency  Govemonr  Kxowles  arrived  here  in  the  Comet  Bomb 
from  LoaUhurg'*  (Boston  Gazette  of  Tuesday,  14  April,  1747,  No.  1509,  p.  3/1 ). 

"Wd  hear  that  the  Honourable  ComnjiKlore  Knowlrs  is  so  well  pleased  with  the 
gallant  Behaviour  of  Capt.  Stevens,  that  he  has  given  Orders  to  purchase  the  best 
■ilver-htlted  Sword  that  can  be  made  in  Town,  to  be  presented  to  that  Gentleman,  as 
an  Acknowledgement  for  his  Bravery  and  good  ..Conduct**  (Boston  Evening-Post  of 
Monday,  27  April,  1747,  No.  611 ,  p.  4/2). 

M  Lost  Week  a  very  beautiful  Silverhilted  Sword  was  purchased  by  Order,  and  at  the 
E*  pence,  of  the  Honourable  Cora  mod  ore  Kxowtes.  to  be  presented  to  Capt,  Phinehas 
Stevens,  for  his  Bravery  in  the  Defence  of  the  Fort  at  N.  4.  as  was  mentioned  in  onr 
last "  (Boston  Post- Boy  of  Monday,  4  May,  1747,  No.  650,  p.  2/1), 

Stark  and  Saunderson  both  give  the  sixth  of  April,  1756,  as  the  date  of  the 
death  of  Captain  Stevens;  but  that  this  date  is  erroneous,  is  shown  by  the  fol- 
lowing extracts :  — 

"  We  have  an  Account  of  the  Death  of  Capt.  Phinehas  Stevens,  who,  in  the  Year 
1747  bravely  defended  the  Fort  at  N"  4  on  the  Frontiers  of  this  Province,  and  whom 
Admiral  Knowles  presented  with  a  handsome  Sword  for  bis  gallant  Behaviour  "  ( Boston 
News-Letter  of  Thursday,  26  February,  1756,  No,  2709,  p,  2/1).  The  same  notice  ap- 
peared in  the  Boeton  Gaaette  of  Monday,  I  March,  1756,  No.  48. 

11  We  have  also  the  melancholy  News  of  the  Death  of  the  brave  CapL  Phinrhaa 
Stev*nM1  Lient,  Alexander,  and  Enelj^u  Judd,  all  of  the  N*vhEn$fand  Troops  in  Nvva 
Scvtia  *  (Boston  Eveuing-Post  of  Monday,  1  March,  1756,  No,  1070t  p.  2/2,  3), 


1899.]  JOSEPH   BOUCHER   DE  KIVEEVILLE.  261 

"The  Enemy  ,  *  -  call'd  to  us,  and  desired  a  Cessation  of  Arms 
until  Sun  rise  the  next  Morning,  (which  was  granted)  at  which  Time 
they  said  they  would  come  to  a  Parley*  Accordingly  the  French  Gen* 
eral  Bebdina  l  came  with  about  50  or  60  of  his  Men  wilh  a  Flag  of  Truce, 
and  stuck  it  down  within  about  20  Rods  of  the  Fort,  in  plain  Sight  of 
the  same,  and  said,  if  we  would  send  3  Men  to  him,  he  would  send  as 
many  to  us ;  to  which  we  complied/* a 


The  true  date  is  doubtless  the  sixth  of  February,  as  appears  from  the 
gravestone  of  Capt.  Stevens's  wife  in  the  cemetery  at  Chariestown,  New 
Hampshire,  which  bears  this  inscription :  — 

Capt  Fhinehas  Stevens 
died  at   Chignecto,  N.  S,   Feby  6,  1756,  who  had  been  for 
many  years  in  the  Wars,  and  wan  Commandant  of  the  Garrison 
in  this  town,  and  at  different  periods  had  many  combats  with 
the  French  and  Indians, 


Elizabeth,  his  wife,  died  Feby  15,  1778, 

1  The  name  is  spelled  B  Debelina  "  in  all  the  versions  of  this  letter  of  7  April, 
1747,  printed  in  the  contemporary  Boston  newspapers,  as  specified  in  the  note 
which  follows,  So  far  as  I  am  aware,  attention  has  not  before  been  called  to 
this  fact.  Belknap,  writing  in  1701,  refers  to  the  letter  printed  in  the  Boston 
Evening- Post  of  27  April,  1747,  but  spells  the  name  **  M.  Debelinfe"  (History 
of  New- Hampshire,  ii.  248);  by  President  D wight,  the  Frenchman  is  spoken 
of  as  "Monsieur  Debeliul"  (Travels;  in  New-England  and  New-York,  ii.  102, 
103) ;  but,  as  stated  by  Park  man,  the  usual  form  of  the  name  is  "  DebeUoe," 

When  Sir.  Noble's  paper,  mentioned  in  the  preceding  note,  was  read,  the 
real  name  of  the  French  commander  bad  not  been  discovered,  Mr.  Suite's 
letter  containing  this  information  was  received  as  the  third  volume  of  the 
Society's  Publications,  in  which  Mr.  Noble  *s  paper  appeared,  was  going  to  presa, 
and  enabled  the  Committee  of  Publication  to  insert  the  full  name  of  de  Niver- 
vilte  in  the  plates  and  also  in  the  index. 

*  Boston  Evening-Post  of  Monday,  27  April,  1747,  No.  611,  p,  4,  where  the 
letter  is  headed :  "  The  fallowing  is  a  L titer  from  Copt.  Phinehas  Stevens,  Com- 
mander of  the  Fort  at  No.  4.  about  40  Mile*  above  North  field,  dated  April  7  th 
I747.1'  The  letter  is  also  printed  in  the  Boston  Post- Boy  of  Monday,  27  April, 
1747,  No.  649,  p.  2;  in  the  Boston  Gazette  of  Tuesday,  28  April,  1747,  No.  1311, 
p.  2;  and  in  the  Boston  Newa-Letter  of  Thursday,  30  April,  1747,  No,  23fi0, 
p.  2.  To  whom  the  letter  was  addressed  is  not  stated  in  the  contemporary 
newspapers.  Saunderson  and  Stark,  who  print  the  letter  say  that  it  was  ad- 
dressed to  Gov,  Shirley  (History  of  Charlestown,  p.  35 ;  Memoir  and  Official 
Correspondence  of  Gen.  John  Stark,  p.  390) ;  while  a  very  similar  letter,  printed 
in  the  Collections  of  the  New  Hampshire  Historical  Society,  iv.  10&-113,  is  said 
to  have  been  addressed  to  Co).  W.  Williams.  The  original  letter  would  of 
course  settle  the  point,  but  T  do  not  know  where  the  original  is,  a  search  in  the 
Massachusetts  Archives  having  failed  to  disclose  it  there*     For  the  reference  to 


262  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS. 

Most  American  writers  and  historians  have  merely  repeated  ths^ 
statement  made  by  Stevens,  and  for  one  hundred  and  for*y.fiv<== 

years  the  name  of  the  French  leader  masqueraded  under  the  dis 

guise  of  General  or  Monsieur  Debeline.     In  1892,  Francis  Park- 
man  gave  for  the  first  time  —  for  the  first  time,  that  is,  in  a  work 
written  in  English  —  the  true  surname  of  the  French  leader.    He 
wrote:  — 

"  The  surrounding  forest  concealed  what  the  New  England  chroniclers 
call  an  '  army,'  commanded  by  General  Debeline.  It  scarcely  need  be 
said  that  Canada  had  no  General  Debeline,  and  that  no  such  name  is  to 
be  found  in  Canadian  annals.  The  '  army '  was  a  large  war-party  of 
both  French  and  Indians,  and  a  French  record  shows  that  its  com- 
mander was  Boucher  de  Niverviile,  ensign  in  the  colony  troops.'9 1 

It  will  be  observed,  however,  that  Parkman  merely  speaks  of 
him  as  Boucher  de  Niverviile,  not  specifying  which  Boucher.  As 
there  were  at  that  time  innumerable  members  of  the  Boucher 
family,  probably  Parkman  did  not  care  to  take  the  trouble  of  dis- 
entangling individuals.  In  the  New  York  Colonial  Documents, 
Boucher  is  called  u  Chevalier  de  Niverviile,"  "  Ensign  de  Niver- 
viile," "  Mr  de  Niverviile,"  "  Sieur  de  Niverviile ; "  a  but  nowhere 
is  there  material  for  identification.  O'Callaghan,  however,  for 
reasons  which  do  not  appear,  entered  the  name  in  the  index  as 
Jean  Baptiste  Boucher  de  Niverviile;  and  thus  has  the  name 
appeared,  since  1892,  in  all  works  in  which  the  French  Com- 
mander is  mentioned.  An  appeal  for  information  made  to  Sir 
John  G.  Bourinot  was  by  him  transferred  to  Mr.  Benjamin  Suite, 
of  Ottawa,  the  highest  authority  in  Canada  upon  such  matters. 
On   Saturday  last  there   came   from  Mr.  Suite8  a  letter  which 

the  News-Letter,  no  copy  of  which  is  to  be  found  in  the  Boston  or  Cambridge 
libraries,  I  am  indebted  to  Mr.  Edmund  M.  Barton,  Librarian  of  the  American 
Antiquarian  Society. 

1  A  Half-Century  of  Conflict,  ii.  238,  239.  The  record  referred  to  by  Park- 
man  is  printed  in  French  in  Collection  de  Manuscrits  contenant  Lettres,  Mi- 
moires,  et  autres  Documents  historiques  relatifs  a  la  Nouvelle-Franoe,  iii.  272- 
313,  326-369 ;  and  in  English  in  New  York  Colonial  Document*,  z.  89-132. 

3  New  York  Colonial  Documents,  x.  82,  42,  96,  97. 

•  The  correspondence  with  Sir  John  6.  Bourinot  and  Mr.  Suite  was  con- 
ducted by  Mr.  Edes ;  but,  owing  to  stress  of  work,  Mr.  Edes  was  unable  to 
prepare  a  communication  at  this  time  and  asked  me  to  do  so.    In  a  subse- 


*.Sfl9.] 


JOSEPH   BOUCHER  DE   NIYERTTLLE. 


contained  considerable  matter  already  known,  but  in  which  was 
also  found  some  valuable  historical  and  genealogical  material 
entirely  new.  The  brief  sketch  which  follows  is  largely  drawn 
from  this  material. 

Pierre  Boucher  de  Grosboist  Governor  of  Three  Rivers  at  vari- 
ous times  from  1652  to  1GG7,  was  bom  in  1622,  was  twice  married, 
after  1667  went  to  reside  at  Boucher  ville,  and  died  21  April,  1717. 1 
By  his  second  wife,  Jeanne  Crevier,  he  had  several  children,  of 
whom  it  is  necessary  to  mention  only  two.  The  eldest,  Pierre 
Boucher  de  la  Brotjuerie,  was  born  in  1653,  married  Charlotte 
Denys  de  la  Trinity  25  October,  1G83,  and  died  17  August,  1740. 
The  latter  s  son  Joseph  Boucher,  the  date  of  whose  birth  is  un- 
known, was  twice  married,  served  in  the  wars  between  1744  and 
1760,  in  1756  built  ships  on  Lake  Ontario,  in  1757  made  a  map  of 
that  lake,  and  died  28  February,  176i3 

Returning,  now,  to  Pierre  Boucher  de  Grosbois,  Governor  of 
Three  Rivers,  it  has  been  said  that  he  had  two  sons,  the  elder 
being  Pierre  Boucher  de  la  Broqnerie.  A  younger  son  was  Jean 
Baptiste  Boucher  de  Niverville*  Born  10  December,  1673,  he 
married  10  February,  1710,  Marguerite  The*rcse  Hertel,  daughter 
of  Francois  Hertel  de  la  FreniSre,  Seigneur  de  Chambly,  Through 
his  wife,  Boucher  inherited  the  seigneurie  of  Chambly,  and  in  1726 
he  was  designated  as  Seigneur  de  Chambly.3  In  1727  he  took 
part  in  the  campaign  against  the  Fox  Indians  of  Wisconsin ;  *  and 
in  1732  and  in  1740  he  is  referred  to  as  Ensign.6  It  is  not  known 
exactly  when  he  died,  though  he  appears  to  have  been  alive  in 

quent  letter,  Mr.  Suite  gave  some  additional  details  which  have  been  incorpo- 
rate! 1  in  the  text. 

1  Pierre  Boucher  bought  of  Jacques  Leneuf  de  la  Foterie  in  16G0  a  fief  to 
which  he  gave  the  name  of  Niverville  after  a  domain  in  Normandy  near  the 
place  where  Boucher  was  born.  Fief  Niverville,  which  had  been  purchased  in 
1648  by  Leneuf  from  Fran  901s  de  Champ  flour  and  had  been  obtained  by  the 
latter  from  the  Hundred  Partners  about  1612,  is  now  a  part  of  Three  Rivera. 
Boucher  published  in  1604  a  hook  on  New  France,  for  a  reprint  of  which  see  a 
paper  by  Mr.  Suite,  entitled  Pierre  Boucher  et  son  Livre,  in  the  Proceedings 
and  Transactions  of  the  Royal  Society  of  Canada,  Second  Series,  ii.  09-168. 

8  See  ante,  iii,  378. 

*  Edits  et  Ordonnancest  ii.  518,  519,  529,  551. 

*  Daniel t  Grandes  Families,  p.  421, 

*  Daniel,  Ape  re,  u,  pp.  51,  59;  Edits  et  Ordonnauces,  ii.  55  L 


264 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY   OF  MASSACHUSETTS, 


[Dec. 


1748,  He  it  was  who,  according  to  Q'Callaghan,  attacked  Num- 
ber Four;  but  the  fact  that  in  1747  he  was  in  his  seventy- fourth 
year  is  enough  to  prove  that  he  could  not  have  been  the  leader  of 
the  French  on  that  occasion. 

Joseph  Boucher  de  Niverville,  the  son  of  Jean  Baptiste  Boucher 
de  Niverville,  was  born  22  September,  1715*  On  the  first  of 
April,  1742,  at  Versailles,  the  King  prescribed  that  the  Chevalier 
de  Niverville  be  given  the  first  commission  as  Ensign  that  might 
become  vacant;  and  on  the  first  of  May,  1748,  the  King  appointed 
him  "Enseigne  en  second,"  In  March,  1746,  he  started  from 
Montreal  and  went  towards  Boston,  returning  to  Canada  in  May 
with  two  prisoners.1  On  April  fourth,  1747,  occurred  the  attack, 
which  lasted  three  days,  on  Number  Four.3  On  15  February, 
1748,  he  was  appointed  by  the  King  M  Enseigne  en  pied."  In  1748 
he  was  again  on  the  war-path,  near  Lake  Cham  plain  in  April,  and 
at  Fort  Massachusetts  in  August;®  and  on  17  March,  1756,  he  was 
appointed  Lieutenant  by  the  King.  In  the  spring  of  1757  he  ap- 
proached Fort  Cumberland  on  the  Ohio,  proceeded  towards  Vir- 
ginia, and  took  some  prisoners*4  in  August  lie  was  present  at  the 
taking  of  Fort  William  Henry  by  Montcalm;5  and  on  5  October, 
at  Three  Rivers,  he  was  married  to  Josette  Chatelin,6  daughter 
of  Francois  Chatelin,  retired  Captain,  by  his  second  wife  Mar- 
guerite Cardin.  In  1759,  he  commanded  Canadians  and  Indians 
at  Sillery,  near  Quebec.7  In  1762  or  1763  he  was  made  Chevalier 
de  Saint  Louis,  and  his  cross  of  Saint  Louis,  which  he  left  to 
the  church  of  Three  Rivers,  may  still  be  seen  there  suspended 
to  the  ostensoir.  In  October,  1775,  he  assisted  Jean  Baptiste 
Bouchette  in  the  difficult  task  of  safely  conveying  Governor- 
General  Carleton  from  Montreal,  then  occupied  by  the  Americans, 
to  Quebec.  Until  about  1796,  he  remained  superintendent  of 
the  Indian  settlements  at  Becancour  and  St,  Francois-du-Lac 
(Lake  St.  Peter),  and  died  at  Three  Rivers,  where  he  was  buried 
31  August,  1804 

Three  years  ago  Mr.  Suite  had  the  kindness  to  inform  us  that 

*  New  York  Colonial  Documents,  x,  32,  42t 

*  Ibid.  x.  97.  *  Ibid.  x.  580. 

•  Ibid.  x.  158,  177.  *  Ibid,  x,  607. 

•  Tanguay  gives  her  name  as  Marie.  Joseph  CuAtelin. 
I  New  York  Colonial  Documents,  x.  &94,  ilfyl01&. 


iSap.j  A$   OLD   HARVABD  COMMENCEMENT  PROGRAMME,  265 

^e  man  who  commanded  the  French  and  Indians  in  their  attack 

°u     ^^e^  *n  ^Qe  summer  of  1692,  and  whose  identity  had  been 

^cui-ed  by  American  historians  under  various  misspellings  of  hia 

uln,r  appellation,  was  Pierre  Boucher  de  la  Broquerie.1     It  now 

"Pilars  from  Mr.  Suite's  present  letter,   that  the  leader  of  the 

c  ^Mik  on  Number  Four  was  not  only  of  the  same  family  as  the 

'**Xinander  at  Wells,  but  was  the  nephew  of  the  latter.    Thus, 

^  *"    a  second  time,  we  are  indebted  for  valuable  information  to  Mr< 

^^  *The  paper  was  discussed  by  President  Wheelwright,  Mr. 

^^*sry  Williams,  and  Mr,  Henry  H.  Edes. 

Mr.  Charles  K,  Bolton  read  extracts  from  an  account 
V)ok  of  John  Goddard  (1730-1816)  of  Brookline,  Massa- 
chusetts, a  member  of  the  First  Provincial  Congress  and 
later  a  Representative  from  Brookline  in  the  House  of 
Representatives,  who  was  appointed  by  the  Committee  of 
Safety,  at  the  outbreak  of  the  Revolution,  Wagon-Master 
of  the  American  forces.  These  extracts  related  to  the  mili- 
tary stores  which  the  Americans  were  accumulating  at 
Concord,  in  1775.  The  original  manuscript  is  in  the  Brook- 
line Public  Library. 

During  the  discussion  which  ensued,  President  Wheel- 
wright described  the  way  in  which  General  Rufus  Putnam 
built  the  fortifications  at  Dorchester  Heights,  in  1776.  He 
was  followed,  in  a  similar  strain,  by  Mr.  S.  Lothrop  Thorn- 
bike,  Mr.  Henry  Williams,  and  Mr.  Andrew  McFarland 
Dayis  who  said  that,  upon  recent  occasions,  Senator  Hoar 
had  lauded  Putnam  at  the  expense  of  Dr,  Manasseh  Cutler, 
to  whom  belonged  the  first  place  in  the  history  of  the  great 
enterprise  of  settling  the  Northwest. 

Mr.  John  Noble  exhibited  a  Harvard  Commencement 
programme  of    1730,  recently  found   in  the  Suffolk   Court 

1  See  ante,  iii.  378. 

s  In  preparing  this  paper,  use  has  been  made  of  the  Dictionnaire  G^nda- 
logique  dea  Families  Canadiennes,  par  TAbW  Cvprien  Tanguaj. 


266  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  [D*^ 

Files,  and  drew  a  comparison  between  the  curriculum  »^ 
Cambridge  then  and  now. 

AN  OLD  HARVARD  COMMENCEMENT  PROGRAMME.  * 

The  old  paper  of  one  hundred  and  seventy  years  ago  which  I 
have  brought  here  for  your  inspection,  came  freshly  to  light  the 
other  day  after  a  somewhat  curious  history.  It  had  been  humbly 
playing  the  part  of  "  imperious  CaBsar,"  and  had  been  used — pasted 
upon  the  back  —  to  mend  and  keep  together  the  torn  fragments  of 
a  tax-levy  made  in  1733  in  a  little  township  of  Massachusetts.  This 
tax-levy  was  made  by  the  Assessors  for  the  Proprietors  of  Town- 
send  upon  some  ninety  townsmen  to  raise  the  sum  of  £150,  "to 
pay  the  Dets  of  the  said  Proprietors ; "  and  was  committed  to  the 
Collector,  Jonathan  Page,  "to  levy  and  collect  and  pay  over  to 
the  Clerk  of  said  Proprietors,  Jasher  Wyman." 

The  paper  was  used  in  evidence  in  the  case  of  "  Daniel  Amery 
of  Townshend  in  the  County  of  Middlesex,  husbandman,  Appel- 
lant vs.  William  Lakin  of  Petersborough  in  the  County  of  Mid- 
dlesex, in  the  Province  of  New  Hampshire,  yeoman,"  and  sundry 
others. * 

The  document  is  among  the  Files  of  the  Court  belonging  to  the 
case, a  which  involves  much  of  the  history  of  the  town  of  Town- 
send,  originally  the  southern  part  of  the  Turkey  Hills,  Lunenburg 
being  created  out  of  the  northern  part,  —  the  former  in  Middlesex 
County,  in  1732,  the  latter  in  Worcester  County,  in  1728.8  There 
are  over  fifty  papers  in  the  case,  among  them,  beside  the  plead- 
ings, etc.,  copies  of  various  legislative  acts,  reports  of  commis- 
sioners from  1719  down  to  the  time  of  the  trial,  copies  of  papers 
from  the  Proprietors'  Records,  a  list  of  the  original  proprietors, 
with  their  respective  lots  and  the  owners  of  those  lots  in  1771, 
together  with  many  deeds  and  depositions  of  the  early  settlers, 
—  a  considerable  collection  of  material  for  local  history. 

It  is  unlikely  that  the  Programme  had  any  connection  whatever 
with  the  case.     It  was  merely  its  fate,  after  fulfilling  its  original 

1  Records  of  the  Superiour  Court  of  Judicature,  1772,  xxxi.  180. 
*  Suffolk  Court  Files,  vol.  mxvii.,  group  number  148,037  (Middlesex). 
1  Part  of  Townsend  was  included  in  the  new  town  of  Ashby,  6  March,  1767; 
and  part  of  Lunenburg  was  established  as  Fitchburg,  3  February,  1764. 


AN  OLD  HARVARD  COMMENCEMENT  PROGRAMME. 


267 


purpose  in  the  world  of  scholars,  to  be  turned  to  a  new  use  in  the 
contests  of  the  courts,  humble  but  serviceable,  but  why,  where, 
and  by  whom,  nothing  remains  to  show.  The  venerable  paper  is 
the  Programme  for  the  Commencement  at  Harvard  College  in  the 
year  1730*  It  has  lost  its  date, — trimmed  off  by  some  irrever- 
ent hand  to  fit  it  to  the  exigencies  of  its  new  and  later  use ;  and 
the  lower  margin  is  missing.  The  names  of  the  Commencers 
whom  it  launched  into  the  world  of  letters,  fix  the  date,  however, 
beyond  question.  The  list  is  headed  by  Peter  Oliver,  famous 
in  the  days  of  the  Province,  who  was  appointed  on  the  Bench 
of  the  Superiour  Court  of  Judicature,  14  September,  1756,  after 
an  extended  judicial  experience,  and  also  after  service  in  the 
Council ;  and  was  made  Chief-Justice  on  the  resignation  of  Ben- 
jamin Lynde  in  1772, — the  last  Chief-Justice  under  the  Crown, 
holding,  in  Suffolk,  in  February,  1775,  the  only  term  held  in  the 
Province  that  year,  the  brief  records  of  which  are  on  two  pages,1 
Among  the  other  names  on  the  Programme  are  those  of  Walter 
Hastings,  whose  descendant,  bearing  the  same  name,  has  left  a 
lasting  memorial  of  himself  in  Walter  Hastings  Hall,  one  of  the 
present  dormitories  of  the  College;  of  James  Diman,  Librarian 
1735-1737 ;  of  Joseph  Mayhew,  Tutor  and  Fellow  1739-1755;  of 
Eliakim  Hutchinson,  and  of  others  known  in  New  England  his- 
tory. Thirty-four  names  appear  on  the  list  here,  while  the  Quin- 
quennial Catalogue  adds  two  more,  Thomas  West  and  Nathaniel 
Whitaker,  making  the  number  of  the  Class  of  1730  thirty-six, 

William  Tailer  was  then  the  Chief  Magistrate  of  the  Province. 
The  Dedication  characterizes  him  in  appropriate  complimentary 
terms,  and  sets  forth  in  sonorous  Latin  his  honorable  lineage,  —  a 
somewhat  peculiar  feature,  duef  perhaps,  to  a  pride  in  him  as  a 
native  New  Englander,  He  had  been  appointed  Lieutenant- 
Governor  that  year,  succeeding  William  Dummer,  and  he  served 
till  his  death,  at  Dorchester,  1   March,  1731-32.3     He  became 

1  See  Mr.  Noble's  sketch  of  Oliver,  antet  v*  71-74. 

*  Boston  Record  Commissi  one  re1  Reports,  xxi.  15&  LieuteDant^Governor 
William  Tailer  was  the  son  of  William  Taller,  "a  great  Boston  Merchant," 
and  his  wife  Rebecca,  the  sister  of  William  Stoughton  (Memorial  History  oE 
Boston,  u\  538),  He  married  (1)2  March,  1698-99,  Sarah  By  field,  youngest 
surviving  daughter  of  the  Honorable  Nathaniel  By  field  (Boston  Record  Com- 
missioners1 Reports,  &.  251 ;  SewaU's  Diary,  I  493;  Suffolk  Deeds,  xxi,  14Sj 


2GS 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY   OF  MASSACHUSETTS. 


[Dec, 


Acting-Governor  on  the  eleventh  of  June,  1730,  awaiting  the  arri- 
val of  Jonathan  Belcher,  who  had  been  appointed  Governor  on  the 
twenty-eighth  of  January,  1729-30*  but  who  did  not  reach  Boston 

to  assume  the  duties  of  the  office  till  the  tenth  of  August.1     Thus 

and  c/,  Suffolk  Probate  Files,  No.  6449;  and  New  England  Historical  and 
Genealogical  Register  for  18G4,  xviii.  288,  289),  and  (2)  20  March,  1711-12, 
Abigail,  daughter  of  Benjamin  Gillam,  the  widow  of  Thomas  Dudley,  sou  of 
Paul  Dudley  and  grandson  of  Governor  Thomas  Dudley  (Boston  Record  Com- 
missioners* lie  ports,  ix.  162,  xxviiL  9,  37 ;  New  England  Historical  and  Genea- 
logical Register  for  1850,  ac.  130, 131,  and  for  1865,  xix,  254).  As  early  as  1066, 
his  father  lived  in  the  house  at  the  southerly  corner  of  Elm  and  Hanover  Streets 
(Suffolk  Deeds*  xxi.  144),  where  he  died,  by  his  own  hand*  12  July,  1682 
(Xew  England  Historical  and  Genealogical  Register  for  1853,  vu\  56),  and 
where  his  widow  entertained  Androa,  when  he  came  to  Boston,  in  1686,  where 
also,  for  a  time  at  least,  Andros  took  up  his  abode  (SewalTs  Diary,  L  102  n., 
202  n>).  It  was  afterward  sold  to  Edward  Lydt»T  in  1701-2  (Suffolk  Deeds,  xxi. 
148),  He  had  had  some  share  in  ecclesiastical  affairs,  and  served  with  Joseph 
Dudley  as  vestryman,  and  with  Savill  Simpson  and  Thomas  Newton  as 
Warden  of  the  infant  Episcopal  Church,  —  King's  Chapel  (Quincy'a  History 
of  Harvard  University,  18G0,  i  359;  Foote's  Annals  of  King's  Chapel,  t  \te 
and  note,  305,  ii.  603,  605).  He  also  had  something  to  do  with  the  affairs  of 
the  College,  for  when  the  Reverend  Timothy  Cutler  claimed  the  right  to  sit 
as  an  Overseer,  and  the  Board,  by  its  vote,  denied  it,  —  as  an  undue  stretching 
of  the  term  l*  teaching  Elders,"  "the  Honorable  William  Tailer  entered  hia 
dissent,**  15th  June,  1727.  The  General  Court,  memorialized,  sustained  that 
decision  in  the  following  December,  and  subsequently,  by  a  like  decision, 
closed  the  question,  in  June,  1730  (Quinsy's  History  of  Harvard  University, 
L  363-376)t  As  his  title  of  Colonel  indicates,  he  was  not  without  military 
experience.  In  the  fleet  which  sailed  from  Boston  for  the  reduction  of  Port 
Royal,  that  **  nest  of  hornets  "  which  was  taken  in  October,  1710,  he  com- 
manded one  of  fcilfl  two  Massachusetts  regiments  which  made  a  part  of  the 
iorce  (Memorial  History  of  Boston,  ii.  104,  105), 

1  In  his  Massachusetts  Civil  List,  Whitmore  says  that  Belcher  "arrived  at 
Boston  August  10,  1730"  (p<  43).  This  conveys  a  slightly  incorrect  impres- 
sion. From  a  long  account,  tilling  more  than  a  column,  of  the  exercises  which 
took  place  on  that  occasion,  the  following  extract  is  taken  t  — 

"  On  Saturday  last  [8  August],  about  the  middle  of  the  Afternoon  we  were  notified 
by  a  Signal  from  Castle  William,  of  the  near  Approach  of  His  Kxce  Italic  r  Goveruonr 
BELCHER,  iu  His  Majesties  Ship  of  War,  appointed  for  his  Transportation  ;  whirh 
con  Id  reach  no  further  that  Night,  than  the  Month  or  Kn  trance  of  the  Narrwn*  Here 
His  ICxcellency  was  waited  upon,  as  soon  as  possible,  by  nu  honourable  Committee  from 
the  General  Assembly,  with  a  Number  of  other  Gentlemen,  who  were  all  received  and 
entertained  with  that  Nobleness  and  Affability  which  is  natural  to  our  Govern  on  r  The 
usual  Services  of  the  Sahhath  were  attended  by  His  Excellency  at  the  Castle,  with 
decent  &  religious  Solemnity"  (New-England  Weekly  Journal  of  Tuesday,  11  August, 
]730,No,177,  p.  1/2). 


L 


1899,]        AN   OLD   HARVARD  COMMENCEMENT   PROGRAMME* 


269 


good  fortune,  which  seemed  so  often  to  befriend  him,  placed  his 
name  at  the  head  of  a  Commencement  programme.  It  was  not 
his  first  occupancy  of  the  Executive  Cham  Appointed  Lieutenant- 
Governor  in  1711,  and  serving  in  that  capacity  till  the  fifth  of 
October,  1116,  when  he  gave  place  to  William  Dumraer,  he  became 
Acting-Governor  on  the  ninth  of  November,  1715,  and  held  that 
office  till  the  arrival  of  Colonel  Shute  on  the  fifth  of  October, 
1716.  Colonel  Elizeus  Burgess,  "an  English  gentleman,"  had 
been  designated  by  the  King  as  Governor  on  the  seventeenth 
of  March,  1714-15,  and  was  proclaimed  Governor  on  the  ninth  of 
November,  1715,  but  never  came  over  to  assume  the  duties  of  the 
office,  and  resigned  in  1716,  to  be  succeeded  by  Governor 
Shate,1 

On  landing,  10  August,  Belcher  went  to  the  Council  Chamber,  where  his 
Commission  was  opened,  exhibited,  and  published,  after  which  an  entertain- 
ment was  given  at  the  Bunch  of  Grapes. 

The  following  extracts  fix  the  dates  of  the  arrival  of  Lieutenant-Governor 
Taller^  Commission  and  of  his  meeting  the  General  Court :  — 

L 

Thursday  last  being  the  Anniversary  of  His  Majesty's  happy  Accession  to  the 
Throne ;  the  same  was  observed  here  with  the  usual  publiek  Demon  at  rations  of  Joy.  .  ,  , 

Tbe  Honourable  WILLIAM  TAILER  Esq;  having  received  from  His  Majesty 
King  GEORGE  11,  a  Coram tsssion  appointing  Him  to  be  His  Majesty's  Lieuteuant- 
Govenaour  of  the  Province  of  the  Massachusetts- Bay  &c.  in  the  room  of  the  Honour- 
able WILLIAM  DUMMEB  Esq;  our  late  Lieut.  Goveruour  &  Commander  in  Chief; 
on  the  same  Day  iu  the  Afternoon  the  Gentlemen  that  were  and  had  been  His  Majesty's 
Conn  oil,  the  Justices  &c  waited  on  His  Honour  at  the  House  of  Col.  B afield,  and  con- 
ducted him  to  the  Council  Chamber,,  where  the  said  Royal  Commission  was  open'd  and 
read,  when  His  Honour  took  upon  him  the  Affairs  of  the  Government,  and  had  the 
proper  Oaths  administered  to  him  (New-England  Weekly  Journal  of  Monday,  15  Jane, 
1730,  Sa.  169,  p.  2/1). 

XL 

The  SPEECH  of  the  Honourable  WILLIAM  TAJLER  Esq;  Lieutenant  GOV- 
KRNOUR  and  Commander  in  Chtef  in  and  over  His  Majesties  Province  of  the 
*\fa*swhutetts-Bay  in  New-England:  To  the  General  Assembly  of  the  said  Province, 
Met  at   Cambridge,  June  30th-  1730.  * 

Gentlemen, 

HA  VI NG  since  your  last  Meeting  had  the  honour  to  receive  Hi*  Majesty* a  Commis- 
sion for  Lieutenant  Governonr  of  this  Province,  which  was  forwarded  to  Me  by  Hit 
STceJlency  Jonathan  Belcher  Esq ;  lately  Appointed  our  Captain  General  and  Com- 
majtder  in  Chief;  I  am  now  to  acquaint  you.  That  I  have  caused  the  said  Commission  to 
br  Published  in  the  usual  f  Vjh,  and  in  Pursuance  thereof  have  token  upon  Me  the  Admin* 
istration  of  the  Government,  which  occasions  My  Meeting  you  at  this  time  ,  »  .  [Ibid. 
of  Monday,  13  July,  173Q,  No.  173,  p<  2/1 )+ 

1  Two  events  in  this  earlier  period  connect  Tailer  in  a  peculiarly  interesting 
way  with  the  history  of  Boston,  however  slight  his  share  in  them,  one  running 


270  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OP  MASSACHUSETTS.  [Dec, 

On  that  Commencement  Day  the  Reverend  Benjamin  Wads- 
worth  was  the  President  of  the  College.  lie  was  approaching  the 
middle  of  his  term  of  service*  He  had  succeeded  John  Leverett, 
who  had  so  ably  filled  the  office,  and  who  died  suddenly  on  the 
third  of  Mayt  1724*  At  that  time  religious  dissensions  were  rife; 
other  divisions  of  opinion  and  policy  were  frequent  and  sharp ; 
personal  jealousies  were  hy  no  means  unknown,  and  smouldered 
even  where  they  did  not  blaze*  The  College  had  been  hampered 
in  many  ways,  and  its  Presidents  had  struggled  along  on  the  most 
meagre  allowance  of  salary.1 

To  find  a  fitting  successor  to  President  Leveret!  was  a  matter  of 
the  utmost  importance  to  the  College,  and  of  no  little  difficulty  in 
itself.  The  Reverend  Joseph  Sewall  of  the  Old  South  Church  ia 
Boston  was  chosen  by  the  Corporation  on  the  eleventh  of  August, 


into  an  indefinite  future,  the  other  having  to  do  with  its  Provincial  splendors 
and  the  legends  and  traditions  of  its  past*  The  story  of  Boston  Light  is  told  in 
a  Note  on  pp*  278-2S1,/hmJ.  The  other  incident  in  Taker's  official  life  con- 
cerns the  old  Province  House*  established  then  as  the  residence  of  the  Royal 
Governors  and  probably  having  as  its  first  official  occupant  Governor  Samuel 
Shute :  — 

"  The  Committee  [of  the  Province  Legislator*]  appointed  to  consider  of  a  suitable 
place  for  the  reception  &  entertainment  of  Col.  Iiurgts  upon  hia  arrival  to  this  Govern* 
meat,  Reported  that  inasmuch  *ie  there  is  no  gui table  house  to  he  lee,  and  the  Mansion 
House,  laud  &  garden  &c  of  Peter  Bargeaut,  Esq**  deceased  is  now  upon  Sale  :  The  Com* 
mittee  are  of  opinion  that  it  would  be  for  the  interest  and  benefit  of  this  Province  to 
purchase  the  same  for  their  use  and  improvement  H  (ShurtlefTs  Topographical  and  His- 
torical Description  of  Boston,  p.  Vj6). 

After  this  Report,  made  on  the  third  of  June,  1715,  an  Order  was  passed  by 
the  House — 

"  That  Mr*  Speaker,  the  Representatives  of  the  Town  of  Boston,  and  CoL  Thaxter,  be 
a  committee  to  provide  a  suitable  Place  for  His  Excellency  »  present  rciiption,  and 
entertainment  when  He  shall  arrive,  and  to  invite  him  thereto;  and  compliment  His 
Excellency  in  the  name  of  this  House  upon  his  safe  arrival "  (Ibid.  pp.  596,  &97). 

This  action  was  approved,  £2300  appropriated  on  the  seventeenth  of  Decem- 
ber, the  purchase  made*  and  the  deeds  were  passed,  on  the  eleventh  and  twelfth 
of  April,  17 1G,  to  Jeremiah  Allen,  Treasurer  of  the  Province,  Jeremiah 
Dummer,  Treasurer  of  the  County  of  Suffolk,  and  Joseph  Prout*  Treasurer  of 
the  Town  of  Boston  (Suffolk  Deeds,  xxxii.  133,  two  instruments)*  The  sub- 
sequent history  of  the  historic  Mansion  is  also  given  by  Shurtleff.  See  also 
Hawthorne's  Legends  of  the  Province  House,  in  Twice  Told  Talea* 

1  Quincy  gives  a  most  interesting  and  vivid  account  of  the  religious  and 
political  situation  at  this  time,  and  of  the  condition  of  the  College  (History  of 
Harvard  University,  L  chap,  xvi-iviii)* 


1899.]        AN   OLD   HARVARD  COMMENCEMENT  PROGRAMME.  271 

1724,  and  confirmed  by  the  Overseers  on  the  twenty-sixth.     His 
Church,  however,  was  unwilling  to  give  him  up,  and  he  declined. 

Judge  SewaU  briefly  notes  the  event,  without  comment :  — 

m Wednesday  Aug1  12  .  .  ,  Scipio  brings  word  this  morning  from 
Mr,  Gerrish  that  my  Son  is  Chosen  President  "* 

Cotton  Mather,  who  much  desired  the  office  and  had  a  certain 
support,  relieves  his  mind  by  an  entry  in  his  Diary,  quoted  by 
Quincy : 

"  This  day  Dr.  Sewall  was  chosen  President  for  his  piety" a 
Again  he  writes :  — 

"lam  informed  that  yesterday  the  six  men  who  call  themselves  the 
Corporation  of  the  College  met,  and,  contrary  to  the  epidemical  expec- 
tation of  the  country,  chose  a  modest  young  man,  of  whose  piety 
(and  little  else)  everyone  gives  a  laudable  character.  I  always  foretold 
these  two  things  of  the  Corporation ;  first,  that,  if  it  were  possible  for 
them  to  steer  clear  of  me,  they  will  do  so ;  secondly,  that,  if  it  were 
possible  for  them  to  act  foolishly,  they  will  do  so, 

tlThe  perpetual  envy  with  which  my  essays  to  serve  the  kingdom 
of  God  are  treated  among  them,  and  the  dread  that  Satan  has  of 
my  beating  up  his  quarters  at  the  College,  led  me  into  the  former 
sentiment;  the  marvellous  indiscretion,  with  which  the  affairs  of  the 
College  are  managed,  led  me  into  the  latter/1 8 

On  the  eighteenth  of  November  the  Reverend  Benjamin  Col- 
man,  of  Brattle  Street  Church,  Boston,  was  chosen  by  the  Corpora- 
tion and  confirmed  by  the  Overseers  on  the  twenty- fourth*  Here 
again  the  Church  was  reluctant  to  relinquish  its  minister,  and  he, 
too,  hesitated,  possibly  influenced  by  his  dealings  with  the  Legisla- 
ture in  his  efforts  to  relieve  the  impoverished  condition  of  the 
College;  at  last  he  sent  in  his  final  decision  (26  December)  de- 
clining the  proffered  honor. 

Disappointed  again  in  his  hope  that  religious  influences  might 
at  last  carry  him  into  the  coveted  chair,  Cotton  Mather  writes  in 
his  Diary  on  the  twenty-second  of  November :  — 


1  Diary,  iii.  340,  341  and  note, 

a  History  of  Harvard  University,  it  p.  330, 

University,  p.  141. 

8  Qttincy'a  History  of  Harvard  University,  L  pp,  330,  331 

American  Biography  (First  Series),  vi  327. 


See  Peirce's  History  of  Harvard 
See  also  Sparks 's 


272 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY   OF  MASSACHUSETTS* 


[Dec. 


"The  Corporation  of  thia  miserable  College  do  again  (on  a   fresh 

opportunity)  treat  m%  with  their  accustomed  indignity."1 

Due  allowance  should  be  made  for  Mather's  disappointment. 
Aside  from  the  failure  of  long  cherished  hopes,  the  wounding  of 
personal  feeling,  the  attack  upon  his  self-esteem  and  the  final 
crushing  out  of  his  darling  ambition,  he  had,  unquestionably,  a 
sincere  interest  in  the  College  and  an  honest  dissatisfaction  with 
its  standard  of  scholarship  and  the  general  administration  of  its 
affairs.  His  views  are  strongly  set  out  in  a  severe  arraignment  of 
the  College,  in  a  document  found  among  his  papers,  without  date, 
probably  written,  however,  not  far  from  1723,  on  Points  to  be  in- 
quired into  concerning  Harvard  College*2  Many  of  his  strictures 
seem  to  have  had  considerable  justification* 

After  these  two  unavailing  elections,  the  choice  of  the  Corpora- 
tion, on  the  eighth  of  June,  1725,  fell  upon  the  Reverend  Benjamin 
Wads  worth,  and  the  Oversee  rs  ratified  it  on  the  tenth.  Born  in 
Milton,  28  February,  1669-70,3  a  graduate  of  the  College  in  the 
Class  of  1690,  a  Fellow  from  1697  to  1707,  and  again  from  1712 
till  his  election  as  President^  he  had  been  minister  of  the  First 
Church  in  Boston  since  1696,  when  he  became  associate  pastor  with 
the  Reverend  James  Allen*  He  is  said  to  have  been  inducted 
"with  a  formality  hitherto  unpractised  in  the  land."*  Judge 
Sewall  thus  records  the  event :  — 

"  [1696.]  Sept!  8>  Mr.  Benj-  Wadsworth  is  ordaitTd  pastor  of  the 
first  Church,  Mr*  AlHn  gave  the  charge,  Mr.  L  Mather  gave  the  Right 
Hand  of  Fellowship:  Spake  notably  of  some  young  men  wbo  had  apo&- 
tatized  from  New  England  principles,  contrary  to  the  Ligbt  of  their, 
education :  was  glad  that  he  [Mr,  Wadsworth]  was  of  another  spirit 
Mr.  \  Villa  id  was  one  who  joined  in  laying  on  of  hands*"* 

On  the  thirtieth  of  December,  1696,  he  married  Ruth  Bordman  of 
Cambridge,  daughter  of  that  Andrew  Bordman  who  was  Steward 

1  Quincy'e  History  of  Harvard  University,  i.  331,  332* 

1  The  paper  is  printed  in  full  in  Quincy's  History  of  Harvard  University,  i. 
appendix  Is,  pp.  558-560,     See  also  Ibid.  i.  340,  341. 

1  Milton  Town  Records.  He  was  a  son  of  Captain  Samuel  Wads  worth,  who 
lost  his  life  in  Sudbury  Fight  (Dodge's  Soldiers  in  King  Philip's  War,  1890, 
pp.  218,  210). 

4  Memorial  History  of  Boston,  B,  197.  *  Diary,  L  432* 


.]        AN   OLD   HARVARD  CQMMENCEMEKT   PROGRAMME 


273 


**    tte  College  from  1682  till  1687.1     She  died,  without  issue,  IT 
b^l^ruary,  1744-45, 

^->n  hia  election  as  President,  the  General  Court  made  Wads- 

^*>*th  the  usual  allowance  of  £150  "to  enable  him  to  eater  upon 

^**Q.  manage  the  great  aifair  of  that  Presidency."3    With  much 

*^\\ictance,  it  is  said,  he  accepted  the  office*  and  was  inaugurated 

'^  Commencement  Day,  7  July.     He  died  in  office   16   March, 

*7  36-37*     His  salary  was  fixed  at  j£400,  a  sum  whose  effective 

t  Amount  was  much  lessened  by  various  causes.  A  committee  was 
appointed  "to  look  out  a  suitable  house  for  the  reception  of  the 
President."8  It  became  necessary,  however,  to  build  one,  and 
jCIOOO  was  appropriated  by  the  General  Court,  with  unprecedented 
liberality,  for  the  purpose.  The  work  was  slow,  and  the  sum  in- 
adequate. The  Corporation  was  obliged  to  apply  to  the  General 
Court  for  a  further  grant,  setting  out  the  straits  in  which  the  new 
incumbent  found  himself :  — 


14  He  can  no  where  hire  a  convenient  house  for  himself,  and  his  family 
Is  divided,  some  dwelling  in  one  house,  and  some  in  another.  His 
household  goods  are  disposed  of  in  several  houses  and  barns."4 

He  took  possession  4  November,  1726,  "when  not  half  finished 
within ; "  and  the  house  was  not  completed  till  the  following  Jan- 
iwry,6  The  house  still  stands  on  the  College  grounds,  and  is  now 
known  as  Wads  worth  House,  For  many  years  it  was  the  residence 
of  the  President ;  its  last  occupant  as  such  was  President  Everett. 
The  administration  of  President  Wadsworth  was  creditable  to 
himself  and  generally  satisfactory,  though  his  health  was  precari- 
ous and  his  life  not  easy.  Mr.  Goddard,  in  his  chapter  on  the 
Press  and  Literature  of  the  Provincial  Period,  calls  him  — 

41  a  man  of  sound  and  serious  rather  than  of  brilliant  parts,  .  .  .  not 
a  man  of  extensive  erudition  or  much  acquainted  with  the  sciences,"' 

1  Paige's  History  of  Cambridge,  p.  490;  Boston  Record  Commissioners' 
Reports,  xatviii.  350.  The  office  of  Steward  of  the  College  was  held  by  William 
Bordman,  the  emigrant,  for  several  years  ending  in  16GS;  by  his  two  sons, 
Andrew  (1682-ltiST)  and  Aaron  ( 1GS7-1703)  ;  by  his  grandson,  Andrew  (1703- 
1747);  and  by  his  greai>graudson,  Andrew  (1747-1750)*  See  Paige 'a  History 
of  Cambridge,  pp.  4  S0f  40K 

1  Qmacy*B  History  of  Harvard  University,  i.  3£9. 

*  I  hid.  u  33f>,  ^40*  *  Ibid.  i.  381,  ■  lbidt  L  382. 

*  Memorial  History  of  Boston,  ii.  423. 

IS 


274  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  [Dec. 

and  quotes  a  passage  from  Eliot's  Biographical  Dictionary,  whose 
author  may  perhaps,  in  this  case,  be  suspected  of  some  prej- 
udice :  — 

MThe  general  opinion,  however,  was  that  be  was  better  fitted  for  the 
pastor  of  a  church,  than  to  be  master  of  the  school  of  the  prophets" 
(p.  465). 

Quincy  characterizes  him  as  — 

"  faithful  to  every  trust,  kind  to  all,  calm,  cautious,  moderate,  self- 
possessed,  and  affectionate,  he  left  a  name  precious  to  his  own,  and 
appreciated  highly  by  after  times.1' ■ 

Commencement  Day  in  those  times  was  quite  unlike  the  day  as 
we  now  know  it*  The  state  of  the  College  was  troubled  and  more 
or  less  disorderly*  and  the  discipline  slack*    Quincy  tells  us  that  — 

"Gross  excesses,  immoralities  and  disorders  occurred  about  this 
period,  -  -  *  peculiarly  annoying  at  Commencement  season*"3 

The  efforts  to  check  these  troubles  were  strenuous  but  not  always 
effective.  There  was  a  vote  of  the  Corporation  and  Overseers,  11 
June,  1722  — 

4*  prohibiting  Commencers  from  *  preparing  or  providing  either  plumb 
cake,  or  roasted,  boiled,  or  baked  meats,  or  pies  of  any  kind,1   and 

from  having  in  their  chambers  4  distilled  liquors,  or  any  composition 
made  therewith.'  .  -  *  On  Commencement  day  the  President  and  Cor- 
poration were  accustomed  to  visit  the  rooms  of  the  Commencers,  '  to 
see  if  the  laws  prohibiting  certain  meats  and  drinks  were  not  violated/  "  M 

Then,  there  was  a  vote  of  both  Boards,  in  April,  1727,  that  — 

14  Commencements  for  time  to  come  be  more  private  than  has  been 
usual ;  and,  in  order  to  this,  that  the  time  for  them  be  not  fixed  to 
the  first  Wednesday  in  July,  as  formerly,  but  that  the  particular  day 
should  be  determined  upon  from  time  to  time  by  the  Corporation."  4 

Later,  on  12  June,  1727,  it  was  ordered  that  — 

11  if  any  who  now  do,  or  hereafter  shall,  stand  for  their  degrees,  pre- 
sume to  do  anything  contrary  to  the  act  of  lllh  of  June,  1722,  or  go 


1  History  of  Harvard  University ,  I  404.  ■  IbvL  i.  386. 

»  Ibid.  I  380 ;  and  Wadaworth'a  Diary,  pp.  45,  03.  *  Ibid.  i.  S86. 


1899]        AN   OU)  HARVAED   COMMENCEMENT  PROGRAMME. 


275 


about  to  evade  it  by  plain  cake,  they  shall  not  be  admitted  to  their 
degree,  and  if  any,  after  they  have  received  their  degree,  shall  presume 
to  make  any  of  the  forbidden  provisions,  their  names  shall  be  left  or 

rased  out  of  the  Catalogue  of  the  graduates."  * 

The  Lieutenant-Governor  (Dummer)  was  requested  — 

11  to  direct  the  sheriff  of  Middlesex  to  prohibit  the  setting  up  of  booths 
or  tents  on  those  public  days/'  .  ,  . 

11  In  June,  1733,  '  an  interview  took  place  between  the  Corporation 
and  three  Justices  of  the  Peace  in  Cambridge,  to  concert  measures  to 
keep  order  at  Commencements/  "  a 

Tutors,  also,  seem  to  have  been  guilty  of  insubordination  and 
neglect  of  duty,  at  times,  notably  in  1731,  as  Wadsworth  laments.  8 
Quincy  relates  that  — 

"For  several  years  during  the  administration  of  Wadsworth,  by  a 
vote  of  the  Overseers  the  time  of  Commencement  was  concealed,  ouly 
a  short  notice  being  given  to  the  public  of  the  day  on  which  it  was 
to  be  held.  In  the  Diary  of  President  Wadsworth  it  is  stated,  that 
Friday  was  fixed  on,  for  the  reason  *  that  there  might  be  a  leas  remain- 
ing time  of  the  week  spent  in  frolicking/  "  * 

This  seems  to  have  caused  much  complaint  on  the  part  of  the 
multitude  and  the  clergy  alike,  and  Wednesday,  the  old  day,  was 
restored  in  1736.6 

At  Commencement,  then  as  now,  the  Governor  came  over  from 
Boston,  but  through  Roxbury,  attended  by  his  body-guard.  There 
was  the  solemn  procession  of  the  Corporation,  the  Overseers,  the 
Magistrates,  the  Ministers,  and  the  invited  guests,  from  Harvard 
Hall  to  the  First  Church.  The  exercises  opened  with  prayer  by 
the  President,  and  there  followed  a  Latin  Salutatory,  the  Disputa- 
tions upon  the  Theses,  usually  three  in  number,  and  on  this 
programme,  conspicuously  designated,  a  Gratulatory  Oration  in 
Latin,  and  the  conferring  of  the  Bachelor's  degree*  a  book  being 
delivered  to  each  candidate.  Dinner  intervened,  before  the  Masters 
came  on  for  their  disputations  and  degrees,  in  order  to  fortify  the 

1  Quincy's  History  of  Harvard  University,  i.  387, 

*  Ibid,  I  ^  387;  and  Wadsworth's  Diary,  p.  63. 

*  Ibid.  i.  pp.  367,  388  j  and  Wadsworth *a  Diary,  p.  63. 

*  find.  i.  366.  *  Ibid.  L  306. 


276 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS. 


[Dec. 


inner  man  for  the  more  strenuous  intellectual  requirements  of  the 
afternoon.  Then  came  an  address  by  the  President,  and  a  Latin 
Valedictory  by  one  of  the  Masters,  and  the  exercises  closed  with 
another  prayer  by  the  President.  The  procession  was  re-formed 
and  filed  back  to  the  President's  house*1 

The  whole  list  of  Theses,  and  especially  the  subjects  chosen  for 
public  disputation^  might  furnish  a  curious  study  into  the  prevail- 
ing intellectual  tendencies  of  the  times,  the  current  questions  of 
education,  the  lines  of  investigation  and  research,  the  conditions  of 
scholarship  and  science,  and  the  relations  of  the  College  to  the 
world  about  it 

On  that  Commencement  Dayf  in  1730,  the  five  Fellows  were :  — 
Henry  Flynt,  who  served  from  1700  to  1760 ;  Nathaniel  Appleton, 
from  1717  to  1779;  Edward  Wigglesworth,  from  1724  to  1765; 
Joseph  Sevvall,  from  1728  to  1765;  and  Nathan  Prince,  from  1723 
to  1742.  The  Board  of  Overseers  had  returned,  in  1707,  to  its 
original  constitution,  as  established  by  the  General  Court  on  the 
twenty -seventh  of  September,  1642:  — 

"The  Goverao'  &  Deputy  for  the  time  being,  &  all  the  mataU  of 
this  jurisdiction,  together  with  the  teaching  eldrs  of  the  sixe  next  ad- 
ioyning  townes,  that  is,  Cambridge,  Watertowne,  Cbarlestowne,  Boston, 
Rox berry,  &  Dorchester,  &  the  psident  of  the  colled ge  for  the  time 
being."3 

Henry  Flynt  had  been  their  Secretary  since  1712  and  he  so  con- 
tinued till  1758.  Edward  Hutchinson  was  Treasurer,  and  Andrew 
Bordman,  Steward.8  There  were  but  two  Professors^ — Edward 
Wiggles  worth  filling  the  chair  of  Divinity,  —  the  professorship 
established  by  Thomas  Hollis  in  1721 ;  and  Isaac  Greenwood  in 
the  Hollis  professorship  of  Mathematics  and  Natural  Philosophy 


*  The  New-England  Weekly  Journal  of  Monday,  29  June,  1730  (No,  171, 
p.  2/1),  contains  the  following  paragraph  :  — 

BOSTON. 

Wednesday  last  the  24th  Currant,  was  the  Annual  COMMENCEMENT  at  Cam- 
bridge for  this  Year,  {it  being  the  Fonrth  of  the  more  private  Commencements,)  when  the 
following  Yoong  Gentlemen,  had  their  Degree*  given  them,  after  they  bad  held  their 
public k  Disputations  in  the  Church  of  that  Town*  viz.  ♦  ... 

[Then  follow  the  names  of  the  "  Batchelors  in  Arts"  and  of  the  "Masters  in  Arts."] 

1  Massachusetts  Colony  Records,  ii.  30, 

1  See  antet  J>,  273,  note. 


1899]       A3*  OJJD  HABTARD   COMMENCEMENT  PEOGRAiHIE.  27T 


founded  in  1727.  The  Tutors  were  but  four  in  number,  —  Henry 
Flynt,  who  rounded  out  the  unmatched  term  of  fifty-five  years, 
from  1699  to  1754,  Nathan  Prinee,  John  Davenport  and  Stephen 
Sewall;  while  Judah  Monis  was  well  under  way  in  his  term  of 
service  as  Instructor  in  Hebrew,  which  began  in  1722  and  ended 
in  1760, 

To  endeavor  to  bring  back  in  imagination  the  audience  whose 
eyes  pored  over  the  old  programme  and  whose  minds  took  in  the 
inspiration  which  the  exercises  of  the  day  gave,  would  be  to 
recount  nearly  every  leading  name  in  this  region,  for  Commence- 
ment was  then  a  momentous  occasion,  and  generally  attended. 

The  course  of  study  in  College  then  compares  rather  curiously 
with  the  provisions  of  tonilay  :  — 

P"The  regular  exercises  are  thus  stated  in  an  official  report,  made 
in  1726,  l>y  Tutors  Flynt,  Welsteed  and  Prince* 
1 1.  While  the  stadents  are  Freshmen,  they  commonly  recite  the  Grammar^ 
and  with  them  a  recitation  m  Tnlly,  Virgil,  and  the  Greek  Testament,  on 
Mundays,  Tuesdays,  Wednesdays,  and  Thursday  a  *  in  the  morning  and  fore- 
noon; on  Friday  morning  Dugard's  or  Famaby's  Rhetoric,  and  on  Saturday 
morning  the  Greek  Catechism ;  and,  towards  the  latter  end  of  the  year,  they 
dispute  on  Ramus*s  Den  nit  ions  Mondays  and  Tuesdays  in  the  forenoon. 

2.  The  Sophomores  recite  Burgeradicius's  Logic,  and  a  manuscript  called 
New  Logic,  in  the  mornings  and  forenoons ;  and  towards  the  latter  end  of  the 
year  Heereboord*s  Meletemata,  and  dispute  Mondays  and  Tuesdays  in  the 
forenoon ,  continuing  also  to  recite  the  classic  authors,  with  Logic  and  Natural 
Philosophy;  on  Saturday  mornings  they  recite  WoUebiusfa  Divinity. 

3.  The  Junior  Sophisters  recite  Heereboord's  Meletemata,  Mr.  Morton's 
Physics,  More*s  Ethics,  Geography!  Metaphysics,  in  the  mornings  and  fore- 
noons; Wollebius  on  Saturday  morning ;  and  dispute  Mondays  and  Tuesdays 
in  the  forenoons. 

4.  The  Senior  Sophisters,  besides  Arithmetic,  recite  Allsted's  Geometry, 
Gassendus's  Astronomy,  in  the  morning  j  go  over  the  Arts  towards  the  latter 
end  of  the  year,  Ames's  Medulla  on  Saturdays,  and  dispute  once  a  week/  "  * 

All,  also,  except  the  Freshmen,  were  required  to  attend  upon  Judah 
Monis,  in  Hebrew,  four  days  in  the  week,  with  minutely  defined 
details  of  work.  There  was  also  an  abundance  of  Scripture  ex- 
positions by  the  President  through  the  week*  Attendance  at 
morning  and  evening  prayers  and  public  worship  on  Sunday  was 

1  Quincy's  History  of  Harvard  University,  i.  441,  —  citing  Wads  worth's 
Diary,  p.  27* 


278 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY   OF  MASSACHUSETTS. 


[Dkc. 


required  Early  in  the  administration  of  Wadsworth  they  were 
relieved  from  the  "ancient  and  laudable  practice/'  which  required 
all  undergraduates,  beginning  with  the  youngest,  to  read  at  Morn- 
ing Prayers  a  verse  out  of  the  Old  Testament  from  the  Hebrew 
into  Greek,  except  the  Freshmen,  who  could  use  their  English 
Bibles  ;  and  at  Evening  Prayers  to  read  from  the  New  Testament 
out  of  the  English  or  Latin  version,  into  Greek,  whenever  the 
President  performed  this  service  in  the  Hall,  and  the  exercise  was 
performed  in  the  chambers  of  the  tutors.1 

One  might  well  wonder  how,  on  such  an  intellectual  diet,  such 
men  as  belonged  to  those  days  could  have  been  turned  out*  Was 
it  in  the  men  themselves,  in  their  surroundings,  in  the  very  train- 
ing itself,  that  the  source  of  their  power  was  to  be  found ;  or  is 
there  a  certain  glamour  over  any  remote  past,  which  blinds  the 
judgment  of  the  present,  when  it  measures  its  own  contemporaries  ? 

As  one  looks  back  at  the  little  College  of  1730,  poor,  hampered, 
cramped,  and  struggling,  bearing  its  burden  of  responsibility, 
and  contending  with  so  many  adverse  influences,  it  seems  incred- 
ible that  it  could  develop  into  the  University  of  to-day.  It  is 
idle  to  attempt  to  set  out  in  any  statement  the  contrast,  —  it 
would  require  the  reproduction  of  the  current  Catalogue,  in  large 
part,  with  its  bewildering  Lists  and  its  multitudinous  details;  and 
even  then  there  is  that  intangible  something  which  eludes  and 
denes  expression,  which  is  yet  of  the  very  essence  of  the  difference. 
The  advance,  in  the  one  hundred  and  seventy  years  that  lie  be- 
tween, almost  passes  comprehension  or  adequate  conception,  and 
it  may  be  safe  to  say  that  the  progress  in  every  direction  within 
the  last  thirty  years  and  under  the  administration  of  President 
Eliot,  is  greater  than  that  of  the  whole  century  that  followed  the 
Commencement  Day  when  this  old  paper  first  saw  the  light 

NOTE  ON  BOSTON  LIGHT. 

Early  in  the  year  1713  the  question  of  providing  for  a  lighthouse  was  brought 
before  the  Legislature,  and  on  the  third  of  January  of  that  year  — 

"  Upon  Heading  a  Petition  of  John  George  Merch!  for  him  felf  &  Afeociates,  Pto- 
pofing  the  Erecting  of  a  Light  House  &  Lanthorn  on  feme  Head  Land  at  the  En  trance 
of  the  Harbour  of  fiofton  fur  the  Direction  of  Ships  &  Vefseis  in  the  Night  Time  bound 
into  the  (hid  Harbour ; 


i  See  Quincy's  History  of  Harvard  University,  i.  439  j  and  Neal'a  History  of 
New  England  (1747),  i,  203  tt  *eq. 


1899.] 


BOSTON  LIGHT. 


279 


"  Ordered  that  the  Hon"*  the  Lieutenant  Govern!  Eliakim  Ilutcnlufon  &  Andrew 
Belcher  £fq.  of  the  Council,  John  Clark,  Addiugtoa  Davenport,  Major  Thomas  Fitch 
&  Samuel  Thaxter  Efq.  named  bj  the  Keprefentati  ves  be  a  Committee  to  confer  with 
the  Petitioner  &  his  Associates  opon  the  Subject  Matter  of  their  Petition  &  to  make 
Report  to  this  Court  at  their  next  Sefeton"  (Court  Records,  ix.  252}, 

The  matter  was  also  taken  up  by  the  town  of  Boston,  and  on  the  second  of 
March  it  was  by  the  Selectmen  — 

"  Agreed  to  propose  to  y*  Town  their  being  concerned  in  y*  Charge  of  a  Light 
House,  in  ordr  to  an  income1'  (Boston  Record  Commissioners1  Reports,  xi.  179). 

On  the  ninth  of  the  same  month,  in  town-meeting,  it  was  — 

"  Voted.  That  the  Consideration  of  what  it  is  proper  for  the  Town  to  do  Ab*  a  Light- 
Hons,  be  referred  to  the  Select  men  and  Committee  afore  appointed  to  Improve  the 
fifteen  hundred  pounds,  and  to  make  report  to  y*  Town  of  what  the/  Shall  think  advisa- 
ble threin"  {Ibid.  viil.  94), 

On  the  twentieth  of  March f  Tailer  made  his  Report  to  the  Legislature :  — 

"Upon  Reading  the  Report  of  the  Committee  appointed  by  this  Court  at  their 
Sefsion  b  January  la  ft  to  confer  with  MT  John  George  &  his  Afaociates  upon  the 
Subject  Matter  of  their  Petition  propofing  the  Erecting  of  a  Light  House  and  Lanthorn 
on  fome  Head  Land  at  the  Entrance  of  the  Harbour  of  Rofton,  W*  Report  is  in  the 
Words  following;  Via, 

''In  Obedience  to  the  afnrcgning  Order  the  Committee  having  matt,  and  received  from 
M*  George  his  1'ropofaH  relating  to  a  Light  Honfe  as  in  aforc~menLbued  found  it  necefsary  to 
take  a  View  of  the  Place  moft  convenient  for  the  Erecting  thereof,  And  did  therefore  on  the 
thirteenth  of  March  lnftani  being  attended  by  feveral  of  the  nioft  experienced  Maftera  of 
Ships  belonging  tn  Bofton  &  Charles  town  go  down  to  the  outernioft  If  lands  at  the  Entrance  of 
Bofton  Harbour,  And  after  our  Landing  on  fevers!  of  the  laid  If  lands  and  Surveying  the  fame 
St  Conferring  with  the  faid  al  afters  thereon,  who  arc  unanimous  in  their  Opining,  We  report  as 
fultowL'th;  Via,  That  the  Southermoft  Part  of  the  (ireat  Brewfter  called  Beacon  Ifland  is  the 
moft  convenient  Place  for  ihe  Erecting  a  Light  Houfe  j  Which  will  be  of  great  Ufe  not  onlj 
for  the  Frefervation  of  the  Lives  &  Ef tales  of  Per  [on*  deflguing  for  the  Harbour  of  Bofton  & 
Charles-town  but  of  any  other  Place  within  the  Mafaachufeit*  Bay; —  A  Method  for  Erecting 
fuch  a  Light-Houfe  &  Supporting  the  fame  is  contained  in  Mr  Georges  Propofali  herewith 
delivered  in,  All  which  is  fubjected  to  fuch  Amendments  &  Regulations  as  the  Court  in  their 
Wifdom  fhall  judge  necefsary. 

'*  (Sign'd)  In  Behalf  of  the  Committee  — 

W"  TAltU. 

"  Refbtvtd  by  both  Honfes  that  the  Projection  will  be  of  general  publick  Benefit,  & 
Serrice  &  is  worthy  to  be  e  neon  raged  ;  And, 

"  Ordered  that  the  Committee  of  Members  of  both  Houfes  before  appointed  proceed 
to  receive  the  PropofaU  &  offers  of  Per  funs  that  will  undertake  to  raife  &  maintain  the 
[aid  Work  And  upon  what  Terms  or  Encouragement  to  be  given  bj  the  Government 
in  Laving  a  Dnty  of  Tonnage  upon  Shipping,  and  report  it;— J.  Dudley'1  (Court 
Records,  ix.  360,  261). 

On  the  thirteenth  of  May,  at  a  town -meeting,  it  was— - 

"  Voted.  That  in  Case  the  Geo"  Court  Shall  See  Cause  to  proceed,  to  the  Establish- 
ment  of  a  Light-  II  onae  for  the  Accommodation  of  Vessel  Is  parsing  in  and  out  of  this 
Harbour,  That  then  the  Select-men  or  the  Represenntives  of  this  Town  be  desired  to 
move  to  the  S4  Court,  That  the  Town  of  Boston  as  a  Town  may  have  the  preference 
before  any  perticuler  persons  in  beinging  Concerned  in  the  Charge  of  Erecting  &  main- 
taining the  Same,  avid  being  Intituled  to  the  Proffits  and  Incomes  thereof"  (Boston 
Record  Commissioners '  Reports,  viil  97). 


280  THE   COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF   MASSACHUSETTS,  [Dec. 

On  the  second  of  June,  Tatter  again  reported  to  the  LegSslatur © :  — 

'•  Report  of  the  Committee  appointed  to  rweiTO  Propofals  for  the  Raifiug  of  a  Light 
Honfe,  as  follows;  Via, 

"  In  Pursuance  of  the  Order  of  this  Court  the  twentieth  of  March  pad  for  Receiving 
Propofals  for  tbe  Railing  &  Maintaining  a  Light  HouTe,  the  Committee  gave  public* 
Notice  by  Poftinft  up  in  Writing  the  Time  &  Place  of  their  Meeting,  And  having  met 
accordingly  feveral  Times  did  receive  from  tbe  Select  Men  of  Bo  (ton  &  a  Committee 
for  their  free  Grammar  Schools  their  Propofals  relating  to  the  laid  Light  Honfe,  And 
alfo  the  Defire  of  the  laid  Town  for  their  Preference  before  any  particular  Perform ;  Wo 
alio  received  a  farther  Proposal  from  M'  George,  AH  which  are  herewith  delivered  in, 
and  humbly  fnbmitted : 

44  la  Behalf  of  the  Coram1?  W  Tailed 
"May  27.  1713. 

"Read  &  Toted  that  this  Conrt  proceed  to  the  Confidcrallon  of  RaiQug  a  Light 
Honfe  upon  a  moderate  Toll,  And  that  it  be  erected  at  the  Charge  of  the  Province, 
if  this  Court  fee  meet,  If  not  tbe  Town  of  Bo  (Ion  to  have  the  Preference  before  any 
private  Perfon  or  Company* 

"  Concurred  by  the  Representatives  "  (Court  Record*,  ix.  279). 

On  the  fifth  of  June  a  Committee  waa  appointed  "  to  Confider  &  Report  a 
moderate  Duty  for  the  Support  of  y*  Light  Honfe,"  and  on  the  seventeenth  the 
Committee  made  its  Report  {Ibid.  ix.  287,  304). 

Meanwhile!  on  the  ninth  of  June,  the  Selectmen  of  Boston  — 

44  Voted.  That  in  case  the  Gen"  Court  do  proceed  to  the  Establishm1  of  a  Light 
Hoojie.  The  Gentle"  who  represent  this  Town  be  desired  after  y*  rules  of  dnty  for 
Light  money  is  Stared,  to  move  to  the  s*d  Court  that  the  Town  of  Boston  (preferable  to 
any  Private  persona)  may  hare  the  Refusall  of  bearing  the  Charge  in  Erecting  mud 
maintaining  the  Same1'  (Boston  Record  Commissioners'  Reports,  xl  166). 

Again,  on  the  fourth  of  August,  the  Selectmen  — 

44  Voted.  That  Mf  Will"  Payn  &  Mp  John  Colman  be  desired  to  procure  of 
M*  Secretary  or  Some  other  meet  per",  a  Projection  or  draught  of  ao  Act  Su  table  to 
Lay  before  y"  Gentt  Court.  Relating  to  the  Towu  of  Bostons  being  concerned  in  Erecting 
and  mniutyiiiiig  a  Light  House  agreeable  to  a  Scheme  thereof  drawn  up  by  a  Comittee 
of  the  i4    Court"  (Ibid,  xi,  190). 

And  on  the  fifth  of  October,  the  Selectmen  — 

44  Voted,  That  in  order  thereto  they  are  of  Opptnion  that  the  matter  relating  to  tho 
Erecting  a  Light  House  be  further  pursued  according  to  the  projection  of  an  Act  now 
Lard  before  theru,  under  such  Emendatio  as  they  have  now  agreed  unto"  (Ibid. 
Jti."  194). 

The  scheme  waa  now  allowed  to  languish,  and  no  further  steps  appear  to 
hare  been  taken  on  the  part  of  Boston*  But  the  matter  waa  revived  in  the 
spring  of  1715,  and  on  the  ninth  of  June  in  that  year  the  General  Court  — 

11  Ordered  That  a  Lighttioufe  be  erected  at  the  Charge  of  this  Province,  at  the 
Entrance  of  the  Harbour  of  Bolton  on  the  fame  Place  &  Rates  propofed  in  a  Bill  pro* 
jected  for  the  Town  of  Bostons  Doing  it,  Accompanying  this  Vote"  (Court  Records, 
i*.  453). 

On  the  fourteenth  of  June,  a  Committee  consisting  of  William  Taller, 
Addington  Davenport,  William  Payne,  Samuel  Thaxter,  and  Adam  Winthrop, 


1899.] 


strangles'  coubts  m  the  colont* 


281 


was  appointed  u  to  build  a  Light  Houfe ; n  on  the  twenty-second  of  July  an 
11  Act  for  Building  &  Maintaining  a  Light  Houfe  upon  the  Great  Brewfter 
called  Beacon  Iflmid  at  the  Entrance  of  the  Harbour  of  Bofton  N  was  read 
twice  ;  on  the  same  day  the  sura  of  five  hundred  pounds  was  voted  "  for  a  pre- 
fent  Supply  towards  Carrying  on  that  Affair**  {Ibid*  tx*  45!),47o,  476)  ;  and  on 
the  twenty- third  an  Act  was  passed,  by  which  it  was  provided  — 

"  That  there  be  a  light  house  erected  at  the  charge  of  the  province,  on  the  southern- 
most part  of  the  Great  Urewater  called  Beacon  Ijlaud,  tq  ho  kept  lighted  from  »ttu- 
aetthjg  to  tan-rising**  (Province  Laws,  iL  7)i 

Application  was  then  made  by  the  Committee  to  the  Proprietors  of  Hull  for 
a  grant  of  Beacon  Island,  with  the  following  result ;  — 

"  At  a  legal  meetting  of  the  proprieters  of  the  undmided  land  in  Township  of  Hall 
held  one  mnadar  the  first  daj  of  August:  -  *  .  Co"  Samuel  Thaxter  applied  himself 
tn  the  s*  proprieters  in  the  name  of  the  Committee  appointed  by  the  great  and  gan- 
nnill  rorto  iu  there  Sessions  lu  June  1715  for  the  bidding  of  a  light  house  one  Beacken 
Islam)  so  caled  ndioyniug  to  the  greate  Brusters  .  ,  .  the  s*  proprieters  being  censable 
that  it  will  be  a  gauarall  henifit  to  Trade  and  that  thay  in  perticuler  shall  rape  a  great 
henifire  thereby  haue  at  the  j*j  meeting  hv  a  Unanimns  voate  giuen  and  granted  the 
ea  Beecau  Island  to  the  prouiuce  of  the  Maajatusetts  Hay  for  the  use  of  a  light  house 
for  euer  "  { Hull  Proprietory  .Records,  quoted  by  S hurtle ff  in  his  Topographical  and 
Historical  Inscription  of  Boston,  p.  56'J). 

The  Committee  appointed  by  the  General  Court  not  having  the  requisite 
leisure,  the  oversight  of  the  work  was  given,  on  the  twentieth  of  December, 
1715,  to  William  Payne  and  Capt.  Zaehariah  Tuthill,  and  the  Order  of  the 
House,  concurred  in  by  the  Council,  was  consented  to  by  Lieutenant-Governor 
William  Tailer,  who  had  likewise  been  Chairman  of  the  Committee  on  the  part 
of  the  Council  (Court  Records,  x.  41;  and  cf.  x.  03,  101,  115,  127,  120,  130). 
Dr*  Shurtleff  gives  the  history  of  the  Lighthouse,  but  somewhat  incorrectly, 
and  tells  the  story  of  the  drowning  of  the  first  keeper  of  it,  George  Worthy  lake, 
3  November,  171S  (gravestone  at  Copp's  Hill),  and  of  the  ballad  thereon, — 
*  the  Lighthouse  Tragedy,  which  Franklin  says  he  was  induced  by  his  brother 
to  write,  print  and  sell  about  the  streets ;  and  which  he  also  says  sold  pro- 
digiously, though  it  was  'wretched  staff*"  (Topographical  and  Historical 
Description  of  Boston,  pp.  560^574).  A  view  of  the  Light  is  in  the  Massa- 
chusetts Magazine  for  February,  1789. 

Mr-  Noble  also  read  extracts  from  some  Notes  on  the 
Strangers'  Courts,  established  by  the  Colony  in  1639,  for 
the  quick  trial  by  jury  of  causes  between  persons  one  or 
both  of  whom  were  strangers  and  who  wished  to  depart 
the  jurisdiction.  The  Courts  were  re-organized  as  late  as 
1660,  and  were  recognized  in  the  legislation  of  1672  and 
1682. 

The  text  of  this  communication  follows :  — 


282  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS, 

A  FEW  NOTES  TOUCHING 
STRANGERS'  COURTS  IN  THE  COLONY, 


[Dec. 


These  were  a  part  of  the  early  judicial  system  established  to 
meet  an  apparent  need,  and  seem  to  have  been  instituted  as  an 
experiment.  Their  object  is  apparent,  —  to  accommodate  strangers 
visiting  the  Colony  for  trading  or  other  purposes,  and  to  provide 
a  tribunal  for  the  prompt  and  speedy  settlement  of  differences 
between  those  who  might  suffer  inconvenience  or  injury  by  being 
subjected  to  the  delay  ordinarily  incident  to  the  regular  Courts. 

The  act  establishing  the  new  Courts  is  as  follows :  — 

At  the  Generall  Courtef  Iwulden  at  Boston,  the  2&h  of  the  S*  3Pt 
called  Maf%   t639. 

For  the  more  speedy  dispatch  of  all  causes,  w*  shall  coneerne  strangers,  who 
cannot  stay  to  attend  the  ordinary  courts  of  justice,  it  is  ordered,  that  the 
Govemo%  or  Deputic,  be i tig  assisted,  w*  any  two  of  the  magistrates,  (  whom 
hoe  may  call  to  him  to  that  end,)  shall  have  power  to  heare  &  determine  (by 
a  jewrie  of  12  men,  or  otherwise,  as  is  vsed  in  other  courtes)  all  causes  w* 
shall  arise  betweene  such  strangers,  or  wherein  any  such  stranger  shalbee  a 
partie,  &  all  records  of  such  pceedings  ahalbee  transmitted  to  the  Secretary, 
(  except  himself  e  bee  one  of  the  said  magistrates,  who  shall  assist  in  hearing  such 
causes,)  to  bee  entered  as  try  alls  in  other  courtes  at  the  charge  of  the  parties. 
This  order  to  continue  UU  the  Generall  Courto  in  the  7*  Month,  come  twelue 
month,  &  no  longer.1 

It  takes  the  form  of  an  Order,  and  is,  on  its  face,  of  limited 
duration.  It  provides  for  a  jury,  As  afterward  shown,  the 
Court  could  be  called  at  any  time  on  request  of  such  stranger.  It 
had  the  same  jurisdiction  *  and  the  same  modes  of  procedure,  as 
the  County  Courts,  No  right  of  appeal  to  any  higher  tribunal, 
as  was  generally  allowed,  appears  to  have  been  given  \  and,  in 
fact,  any  such  appeal  would  have  been  inconsistent  with  the 
purpose  of  such  a  Court,  and  would  have  frustrated  its  very 
object  The  design  was  to  give  prompt  and  summary  justice,  and 
the  parties  had  to  rely  on  the  fairness  and  discretion  and  sound 
sense  of  the  authority  they  had  invoked.  Provision  is  made  for  per- 
manent record.  No  subsequent  legislation  appears  on  the  Records 
at  the  dnte,  in  1640,  which  had  been  fixed  for  the  expiration  of 
the  Order  \  but,  as  the  law  appears  in  the  editions  of  1660  and 

1  Massachusetts  Colony  Records,  i*  264, 


1899.] 


STRANGERS    COURTS  IN   THE  COLONY, 


1672f  its  operation  seems  to  have  continued  undisturbed  and  un- 
questioned, though  later  enactments  appear  to  have  removed  some 
of  the  necessities  for  its  use. 

The  original  Act  is  embodied  in  the  Laws  of  1660  and  of  1672, 
As  there  are  some  changes  in  the  phraseology  and  provisions,  and 
as  this  is  the  final  codification,  it  may  be  well  to  give  it  as  it  there 
stands.     Under  the  title  of  Courts,  it  reads :  — 

8.  For  the  more  fpeedy  difpaich  of  all  Caufes  which  L.i,  p,u. 
Jliall  concern  Strangers,  who  cannot  without  prejudice 
flay  to  attend  the  ordinary  Courts  ofjujlice; 

It  is   Ordered,    That    the    Governour  or    Deputy  Bpecui 
Governour,  with   any  two   Magiftrates,  or  when   the  sVnng*ri 
Governour,  Deputy  Governour,  cannot   attend  it,  that 
any  three  Magiftrates  fhall    have  power  upon    the 
requeft  of  fuch    Strangers,  to  call   a  fpecial  Court  to 
hear  and  determine  all  Caufes  civil  and  criminal  (tri- 
able in  any  County  Court  according  to  the  manner  of 
proceeding    in    County    Courts )    which     fhall    arife  Bworfg  of 
between  fuch  Strangers,  or  wherein  any  fuch  Stranger  c^Su* 
fhall    be   party.     Aud  all  Records  of  fuch    proceed-  »ut«i  to 
ings,  fhall  be  tranfmitted  to  the  Records  of  the  Court  AinaA&u. 
of  AfTiftants,  to  be  entred  as  trials  in  other  Courts 
(which  fhall   be  at  the  charge   of  the  party  caft  or 
condemned  in  the  cafe.     [!##&] 

It  is  further  Ordered  that  it  fhall  be  lawful  for  any  l.  *l  P*  ig. 
Stranger,  upon  legal  Summons,  to  enter  any  Action  in  strtagen' 
any  Court  of  this  Junfdiction,  again  ft  any  perfon  not  faT«*&y 
refiding  or  Inhabitant  amougft  us*1 


Court. 


The  extension  of  opportunity  granted  by  the  last  paragraph  of 
the  law  as  it  there  stands,  and  the  reasons  for  such  extension,  are 
to  be  found  in  the  Act  of  1650,  which  permitted  Strangers  to  sue 
one  another  in  any  of  the  Courts,  and  which,  without  abrogating 
the  old  law,  made  less  occasion  for  its  use :  — 

Mi  another  Session  of  the  QeneraM  Court  of  Elections,  held  at  Bob* 
ton,  the  18th  of  June,  1650. 

Whereas  oftentimes  it  comes  to  passe  that  stranngers  coming  amongst 
vs  have  suddajue  occasions  to  trye  actions  of  seuerall  natures  in  our 


1  MasaachusetU  Colony  Laws  (edition of  1672),  pp.  37,38. 


284  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  [Dec. 

Courts  of  justice,  and  in  respect  it  is  very  chardgeable  to  the  partjes, 
and  troublesome  to  the  countrje  to  call  speciall  Courts  for  the  determi- 
nacon  of  such  cases,  itt  is  ordered  by  this  Court  and  authoritje  thereof, 
that  from  henceforth  it  shallbe  in  the  liberty  of  any  stranngers,  vpon 
legal  Bunions,  to  enter  any  action  against  any  person  or  persofl,  not 
residing  or  inhabiting  amongst  vs,  in  any  Court  w^in  this  jurisdiccon.1 

The  Act  of  1672  condenses  former  legislation  in  some  respects 
and  does  away  with  Special  Courts :  — 

Att  the  second  Sessions  of  the  General!  Court  of  Elections,  held  at 
Boston,  8th  of  October,  1672,  on  their  Adjournment. 

ITT  is  ordered,  &  by  the  authority  of  this  Court  enacted,  that  all 
strangers  coming  into  this  country  shall  &  may  henceforth  haue  liberty 
-  to  sue  one  another  in  any  Courts  of  this  Colony  that  haue  propper  cog- 
nizance of  such  cases,  and  that  any  inhabitant  may  be  sued  by  any 
strangers  who  are  on  imediate  imploy  by  nauigation,  marriner,  or  mer- 
chant in  any  of  our  Courts,  the  sajd  Strangers  giving  security  to  the 
cierke  of  the  writts,  to  respond  ail  extraordinary  damages  the  sajd  inhabi- 
tants shall  sustejne  by  being  sued  out  of  the  county  to  which  he 
belongs,  in  case  the  strainger  shall  not  obtejne  judgment  against  such 
inhabitant  so  sued ;  and  the  law,  title  Special  Courts,  is  hereby  re- 
pealled, &  made  voyd,  any  law,  custome  or  vsage  to  the  contrary 
notw^standing.* 

The  same  appears  in — 

Several  Laws  and  Orders  made  at  the  GENERAL  COURT,  the  8th. 
of  October  1672  .  .  .  printed  by  their  Order.     Edward  Raw/on  Seer.,9 

varying  somewhat  in  capitals,  spelling  and  punctuation. 

An  Act  in  1682  provided  for  the  giving  of  security  in  certain 
cases : — 

At  a  OenneraJl  Court,  held  at  Boston,  11th  October,  1682. 

As  an  addition  to  the  law,  title  Attachments,  it  is  ordered  by  this 
Court  &  the  authority  thereof,  that  after  the  publication  hereof,  no 
strainger  shall  haue  any  process  or  attachments  granted  against  a 
strainger,  before  the  plaintiff  give  in  sufficjent  caution  or  security  to 
respond  all  costs  &  damages  that  shall  be  judged  against  him ;  nor  shall 

i  Massachusetts  Colony  Records,  iv.  (Part  I.)  p.  20.    Cf.  Ibid.  iii.  202. 

*  Ibid.  iv.  (Part  II.)  p.  532. 

*  Massachusetts  Colony  Laws  (edition  of  1672),  p.  207. 


18090 


STKANGEBS    COURTS  Of  THE  COLONY. 


2*o 


any  ship  or  other  vessel!  arriving  from  forreigu  parts,  or  the  master  or 
coiiiaQder  thereof*  be  arrested  or  restrayncd  w^out  like  sufficient  caution 
or  security  given  by  the  plaintiff  to  respond  all  costs  &  damages  as 
aforeaajd.1 

The  same  is  likewise  found  in  — 

SEVERAL  LAWS  Made  at  the  fecond  sessiok  of  the  GENERAL 
COURT  Held  at  Bqftm>  October  it  1682.  And  Printed  by  their 
Order, 

Edward  Raw/on  Seer4  * 

These  provisions  as  to  actions  by  Strangers  in  the  Common 
Law  Courts  seem  to  have  continued  until  the  abrogation  of  the  old 
Charter,  and  not  to  have  been  afterward  specifically  revived. 

There  seems  also  to  have  been  a  quasi  Probata  Court  for  the 
benefit  of  strangers. 

Under  the  title  Wills,  this  provision  appears  in  the  Laws  :  — 

2,  Arid  becaufe  many  Merchants,  Seamm  and  oilier  A-&&R  & 
Si  rangers  %  reforting  hither  oftentimes^  Dying  and  hav' 
ing  their  Eftates  undijpofed  0/,  and  very  difficult  to 
be  preferved  in  the  irderun  from  one  County  Court  to 
another  t 

It  is  therefore  Ordered,  that  it  fhall  and   may  be 
Lawfull  for  any  two  Magistrates  with  the  Recorder  or 
Clerk  of  the  County  Court,  Meeting  together,  to  allow 
of  any  Will  of  any  decafed  party,  to  the  Executors  or 
other  perfons  in  the  Will  mentioned,  fo  as  the  Will  be  t»u«  t& 
teiUfied  on  the  Oath  of  two  or  more   VYitneJJes^  and  b*t«  5T** 
alfo  to  Graunt  Adtoiniftration   to  the  Eft  ate  of  any 
perfon  dying  inteftate  within  the  faid  County,  to  the  To  ^^ 
next  of  Kin,  or  to  fuch  as  fhall  be  able  to  fecure  the  uo£lllUftllp 
fame  for  the  next  of  Kin,  and  the  Recorder  or  Clerk 
of  the  Court,  fhall  enforme  the  reft  of  the  Magiftrates 
of  the  County,  at  the  next  County  Court,  of  fuch  Will 
proved  or  Administration  Graunted,  and  fhall  Record 
the  fame,*     [2«8&] 


1  Massachusetts  Colony  Records,  v.  372. 

*  Massachusetts  Colon y  Laws  (edition  of  1672,  supplement),  p.  204, 

1  Ibid,  p.  158.     The  Act  was  passed  by  the  General  Court  at  its  session  held 

at  Boston,  19  October,  1052  (Massachusetts  Colony  Records,  iv.r  Fart  IM  pp. 

101,  102). 


28G 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OP  MASSACHUSETTS. 


[Dec. 


No  papers  relating  to  the  Strangers*  Courts  have  come  down  to  Uf 
in  the  Suffolk  Court  Files,  so  far  as  arranged,  and  the  sole  extant 
volume  of  the  Records  of  the  Court  of  Assistants,  1673-1692,  is 
too  late  to  warrant  the  expectation  of  any  reference  to  them. 
There  is  one  record  there,  however,  of  the  case  of  a  stranger,  in. 
1681,  who,  having  been  brought  into  one  of  the  inferior  tribunals, 
a  Commissioner's  Court,  and  being  worsted  there,  had  appealed  to 
the  Court  of  Assistants,  —  a  record  which  shows  an  indulgence 
granted  to  him,  as  such  stranger,  by  advancing  the  hearing  of 
his  appeal,1  This  record  also  presents  one  of  the  curious  questions 
which  occasionally  arose  as  to  the  sufficiency  of  certain  species  of 
evidence,  especially  in  criminal  cases,  —  questions  not  unfrequently 
puzzling  in  themselves,  and  vitally  affecting  the  final  judgment 
of  the  Court  and  the  final  result  to  the  party  concerned. 

In  pursuance  of  a  vote  passed  at  the  Annual  Meeting, 
the  Chair  appointed  the  President  and  Messrs.  Augustus 
Lowell  and  Autiiur  T.  Lymak  a  committee  to  represent 
the  Society  in  connection  with  the  Annual  Meeting  of  the 
American  Historical  Association  to  be  held  in  Boston  and 
Cambridge  the  last  week  in  this  month, 

1  1681 
In  Answer  to  the  petition  of  m*  Henry  Jenkins  humbly  desiring  the  favo' 
of  this  Court  that  his  Appeals  from  y*  Comtnissione's  Court  for  wch  he  hath 
e  tit  red  into  security  for  the  next  Court  of  Assistants  being  a  strainger  k  ready 

to  Goe  out  of  y*  Country  may  be  heard  at  this  Court    This 
Mr  jeukuu  Cw      peticoa  was  Granted  k  fryday  nex*  Appointed  for  the  hearing 

of  the  Case  he  presently  giving  in  his  reasons  of  Appeals  to  y1 
Commissionr1  or  their  clarke:  y*sajd  m*  Henry  Jenkins  desired  a  Jury  Centring 
his  Appeale  after  his  pet  icon  the  Commissioned  Judgment  Eeason  of  Appeale 
k  otheT  euidences  in  the  Cage  were  read  Comitted  to  the  Jury  k  are  on  file 
the  Jury  brought  in  a  speciall  virdict  vis1    In  y*  Case  of  mr  Henry  Jenkins  wee 
find  hi ro  Guilty  of  saying  that  he  was  as  Good  a  man  as  m' 
Stoddard  &  saying  to  the  Constable  A  pox  take  your  tricks  ss   ju™cwSS|  » 
And  if  the  Constables  affirmation  on  the  oath  of  a  Constable  be 
ft  tegall  cuilenc  to  convict  a  man  in  such  a  Case  then  wee  find  the  eajd  m' 
Jenkins  Guilty  of  saying  that  the  Barber  was  wayting  vpon  a  better  man  then 
the  Commissione's  k  saying  to  the  Constable  A  pox  take  yow  othe'wise   not 
guilty  =^  The  Court  on  Consideration  of  this  virdict  Judg  meet  to  Confiture 
the  Judgment  of  the   Co  mission  e's  (Records  of  the   Court  of    Assistants, 
1673-109%  original  p,  140)- 


1899.]  CORRESPONDING  MEMBERS  ELECTED.  287 

The  Reverend  Dr.  Charles  Carroll  Everett  communi- 
cated a  Memoir  of  Dr.  Joseph  Henry  Allen  which  he  had 
been  requested  to  prepare  for  the  Transactions. 

The  Honorable  John  Chandler  Bancroft  Davis,  LL.D., 
of  Washington,  D.C.,  and  Arthur  Twining  Hadley,  LL.D., 
of  New  Haven,  Connecticut,  were  elected  Corresponding 
Members. 


288  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  [Dzc. 


MEMOIR 

OF  THE 

BEV.  JOSEPH  HENRY  ALLEN,  D.D. 

BY 

CHARLES  CARROLL  EVERETT. 


Joseph  Henry  Allen  was  born  in  Northborough,  Massachu- 
setts, 21  August,  1820.  His  father  was  the  Reverend  Joseph 
Allen,  D.D.  The  maiden  name  of  his  mother  was  Lucy  Clark 
Ware,  and  she  was  the  daughter  of  the  elder  Henry  Ware.  In  both 
lines  of  descent  he  was  of  good  old  New  England  stock.  By  a 
singular  coincidence  it  was  at  very  nearly  the  same  date  that  the 
two  families  which  were  to  be  united  by  him  made  their  permanent 
settlement  in  this  country.  The  Welds  did  this  in  1636,  and  the 
Aliens  only  three  years  later,  in  1639.  Few  could  have  better 
claim  than  he  to  represent  the  Brahmin  caste  of  New  England, 
of  which  Dr.  Holmes  used  to  speak.  His  father  was  both  min- 
ister and  teacher,  as  was  also  one  of  his  younger  brothers,  the  other 
two  being  teachers ;  one  uncle  on  his  father's  side  and  four  cousins 
were  teachers;  and  seven  ancestors  upon  his  mother's  side  were 
ministers.  The  name  of  his  grandfather,  Henry  Ware,  suggests 
not  merely  the  thought  of  the  ministerial  profession,  but  of  this 
profession  in  its  saintliest  and  most  influential  aspect.  "  He  was 
the  progenitor  of  that  admirable  race  upon  which  —  as  Dr.  Holmes 
said  to  Professor  Stowe  —  the  fall  of  Adam  had  not  left  the 
slightest  visible  impression."  l  In  few,  if  any,  of  his  descendants 
was  this  racial  immunity  more  marked  than  in  the  subject  of  this 
sketch. 

In  his  infancy,  it  seemed  as  if  Dr.  Allen's  rich  spiritual  inheri- 
tance was  to  be  counterbalanced  by  a  feeble  constitution.    He  was 

1  Cheerful  Yesterdays,  by  Thomas  Wentworth  Higginson,  1898,  p.  139. 


*mj*//a 


18990 


MEMOIR  OF  JOSEPH   HENRY  ALLEN. 


a  puny  infant,  and  one  leg  was  so  drawn  up  that  it  was  feared  that 
he  would  never  be  able  to  walk*  He  was  carried  from  North* 
borough  to  Boston  by  an  aunt,  on  a  pillow,  that  he  might  have 
the  advantage  of  the  surgical  skill  of  Dr.  James  Jackson.  He 
had  also  a  weakness  of  the  eyes,  that  was  overcome  only  by  the 
greatest  care.  It  is  interesting  to  recall  this  unpromising  begin- 
ning in  connection  with  the  long  walks  in  which  he  took  ioeh 
delight  all  his  life,  and  his  splendid  service  as  a  scholar.  Indeed 
these  walks,  together  with  a  simple  and  natural  way  of  living  in 
other  respects,  preserved  him  through  life  in  a  general  condition 
of  good  health,  though  he  could  never  be  called  robust.  One 
circumstance  which  must  have  contributed  to  this  happy  result 
was  the  fact  that  his  father  was  farmer  as  well  as  minister 
and  teacher,  His  boys  were  taught  to  help  him  in  this  occu- 
pation. Their  mother  taught  them,  in  common  with  their  sisters, 
sewing,  knitting,  and  housekeeping.  Thus  our  young  Brahmin 
had  a  busy  boyhood,  that  did  much  to  correct  the  one-sidedness  of 
his  caste.  He  acquired  by  these  active  employments,  not  only 
health,  but  a  lifelong  interest  in  mechanical  arts. 

Of  course  he  must  go  to  college.  The  chief,  if  not  the  only,  help 
that  his  father  could  offer  him  toward  this  end,  was  the  gift  of  his 
time  and  a  little  teaching.  He  mainly  fitted  himself  for  college, 
and  certainly  he  had  a  good  teacher.  His  life  in  Cambridge  while 
he  was  a  student  was  well  adapted  to  develop  the  Brahmin  side  of 
his  nature,  which  the  various  occupations  of  his  boyhood  may  have 
partially  repressed.  He  had  a  room  in  the  house  of  Henry  Ware, 
junior,  and  hia  meals  in  that  of  his  grandfather,  Henry  Ware, 
senior.  These  arrangements  not  only  brought  him  under  the  best 
influences,  but  relieved  him  very  largely  of  the  expenses  incident 
to  a  college  life.  The  expenses  that  remained  he  met  chiefly 
by  teaching.  The  long  winter  vacation  was  designed  to  enable 
students  to  do  this.  He  taught  in  Walpole,  New  Hampshire,  and, 
possibly,  in  Bellows  Fails,  Vermont.  He  graduated  from  college 
in  1840  at  the  age  of  twenty,  his  rank  entitling  him  to  the  honors 
of  the  <t>.  B.  K.  He  at  once  entered  the  Harvard  Divinity  School, 
from  which  he  graduated  in  1843.  For  a  large  part  of  the  time 
that  he  was  in  the  School,  he  and  his  friend  and  fellow-student, 
Hiram  Withington,  cooked  their  own  meals.  He  did  not  need  for 
his  part  in  this  to  make  much  demand  upon  the  training  that  he 

19 


290  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OP  MASSACHUSETTS.  [D*c. 

had  received  in  housekeeping,  for,  with  the  exception  of     an 
occasional  hamper  from  home,  the  young  men  lived  mostly  on  corn- 
meal  mush  and  milk.    By  this  economy  he  was  able  to  indulge 
his  taste  for  music ;  and  he  spent  more  money  on  concerts  than   on 
food.     Indeed,  music  was  always  a  great  delight  to  him.    Often 
during  his  later  life  at  Cambridge,  he  would  walk  to  Boston    to 
attend  a  concert  or  oratorio.     He  played  the  flute,  and  this  was 
one  of  his  favorite  forms  of  relaxation.     From  his  youth  up,  idle- 
ness was  an  abomination  to  him.     If  there  was  nothing  else  to  do 
there  were  always  books  to  be  read.     During  his  college  life  be 
read  all  of   Scott's  novels  and  those  of  Miss   Edgeworth  white 
waiting  for  his  meals  when  he  was  a  little  early  in  arriving,  of 
when  they  were  a  little  late. 

In  the  autumn  after  his  graduation  from  the  School,  he  was 
settled  over  a  church  in  what  is  now  Jamaica  Plain  (Boston), 
where  he  remained  four  years.     In  1847,  he  left  this  place  and 
was  settled  in  Washington,  D.  C.     After  three  years,  he  accepted 
a  call  to  become  the  minister  of  the  Independent  Congregational 
Society  of  Bangor,  Maine.    The  life  at  Bangor  was  by  far  the 
most  interesting  and  important  part  of  his  career  as  a  minister. 
It  included  very  much  that  was  extremely  pleasant,  and  some 
experiences  that  were  very  painful.     It  is  not  worth  while  to  go 
back  and  discuss  at  length  the  causes  that  led  to  discontent  with 
Mr.  Allen's   ministry  on  the   part  of  some   of  his  parishioners. 
Prominent  among  the  elements  that  caused  dissension  were  his  bold 
utterances  in  regard  to  Slavery.     It  was,  indeed,  a  difficult  time 
for  a  minister  who  had  strong  convictions  in  regard  to  this  matter. 
There  were  few  churches  in  the  country  in  which  were  not  found 
those  who  were  stirred  to  fierce  opposition  if  such  convictions 
were  earnestly  uttered  from  the  pulpit.     There  were  other  ele- 
ments of  dissatisfaction,  but  these  need  not  detain  us  here.     On 
the  other  hand,  no  minister  could  have  more  loving  and  loyal 
friends  than  those  who  gathered  about  Mr.  Allen  in  these  troub- 
lous times. 

In  1857,  he  renewed  the  resignation  of  his  pastorate,  which  had 
once  before  been  offered  and  refused.  This  time  it  was  accepted. 
The  Society  was,  however,  left  in  a  state  of  almost  hopeless 
division.  This  was  the  result  of  no  word  or  deed  of  his.  No 
similar  discourse  could  be  sweeter  or  nobler  than  that  in  which  he 


1890,] 


MEMOIR   OF  JOSEPH  HENRY  ALLEN. 


291 


took  leave  of  the  people  that  he  loved.  In  addition  to  this  per- 
sonal regard,  he  left  behind  him  a  reputation  for  scholarship  of 
which  his  former  parishioners  were  very  proud.  A  story  had 
currency  there  of  a  minister  of  another  denomination  who  finally 
got  so  tired  of  finding  Allen  always  ahead  of  him  in  every 
scholarly  topic  which  came  up  in  their  conversation  that  he  made 
up  his  mind  to  get  the  start  of  him  for  once.  He  saw  a  notice  of 
a  new  book  published  in  Germany,  He  ordered  it  post-haste,  and, 
when  it  came,  devoted  every  spare  moment  to  the  reading  of  it. 
Finally  he  rushed  over  to  Allen  to  display  his  treasure.  As  soon, 
however,  as  he  named  his  book  Allen  exclaimed  in  bis  quick  way, 
"Haven't  you  seen  the  review  of  that?"  His  new  acquaintance 
was,  with  Allen,  an  old  story. 

After  leaving  Bangor,  Mr,  Allen  had  two  or  three  pastorates, 
each  lasting  one  or  two  years.  He  preached  often  in  the  way  of 
regular  supply  or  as  a  labor  of  love,  but  he  had  no  other  engage- 
ment of  equal  length, 

In  1867,  he  made  what  proved  to  be  his  permanent  home  in 
Cambridge.  His  residence  in  Cambridge  must  have  been,  in 
some  respects,  the  most  Interesting  period  of  his  life.  By  degrees 
he  took,  in  the  estimation  of  the  world  and  especially  of  his 
brother  ministers,  the  place  that  really  belonged  to  him.  He 
loved  to  attend  ministerial  gatherings,  and  at  them  he  was  always 
listened  to  with  special  interest,  The  clear  and  luminous  style 
which  marked  his  more  carefully  prepared  published  articles 
showed  him  to  be  one  of  the  best  writers  and  thinkers  of  the 
Unitarian  denomination. 

When,  in  1878,  his  friend  Dr.  Frederic  H.  Hedge  resigned  the 
position  of  non-resident  professor  of  Church  History  in  the  Har- 
vard Divinity  School,  he  suggested  the  name  of  Mr,  Allen  as  one 
fitted  to  carry  on  the  instruction  in  that  branch  of  study.  He 
drew  up  a  paper  in  which  it  was  said  that  if  Mr  Allen  were 
younger  he  would  be  a  candidate  for  a  permanent  Professorship, 
but  that  under  the  circumstances  it  was  recommended  that  he  be 
appointed  Lecturer  in  Church  History  until  a  Professor  should  be 
selected.  This  paper  was  signed,  or  its  recommendation  other- 
wise endorsed,  by  all  members  of  the  Faculty,  and  sent  to  the 
President  and  Fellows  of  Harvard  College,  Mr.  Allen  was  at 
once  appointed  to  the  proposed  Lectureship,  with  the  understand- 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY   OP   MASSACHUSETTS, 


[Dtc. 


ing  that  the  appointment  was  a  temporary  one.  In  spite  of  his 
many  qualifications  for  the  place,  it  was  thought  best  for  the  School 

that  the  position  should  be  permanently  filled ;  and  a  search  at 
once  began  for  the  proper  person.  It  was  nut  till  1882  that  the 
person  was  found.  Mr.  Allen's  connection  with  the  School  lasted 
thus  four  years*  Probably  no  occupation  of  his  life  was  more 
congenial  to  him  than  this,  in  which  his  taste  for  teaching  and  his 
interest  in  theology  and  in  history  were  both  gratified. 

Dr.  Allen's  life  was  at  all  times  a  very  busy  one,  and  the  occu- 
pations to  which  he  gave  himself  must  have  been  for  the  most 
part  very  interesting  to  him.  He  was  a  devoted  student  of  the 
classics,  and,  in  connection  with  Professor  Greenough  of  Harvard 
College,  he  prepared  a  series  of  Latin  text-books  that  are  widely 
used-  He  was  for  a  number  of  years  the  editor  uf  the  Christian 
Examiner,  and  later  of  the  Unitarian  Review.  He  was  fond  of 
authorship,  and  began  early  to  publish  books.  His  first  book  — 
Ten  Discourses  on  Orthodoxy  —  was  published  while  he  was  still 
in  Washington,  in  1849.  This  was  followed  by  Hebrew  Men 
and  Times,  in  1861;  Fragments  of  Christian  History,  in  1880; 
Our  Liberal  Movement  in  Theology,  in  1882;  a  sequel  to  this,  in 
1887;  Christian  History  in  its  Three  Great  Periods,  in  three 
volumes,  in  1883;  and  Positive  Religion,  in  1891,  In  1896*  he 
revised  the  English  translation  of  Kenan's  Life  of  Jesus,  and  the 
next  year,  translated  his  Antichrist.  The  revision  he  found  more 
work  than  a  translation  would  have  been;  but  the  labor  was 
sometimes  brightened  by  the  ludicrous  mistakes  that  he  found, — 
as  when  le  dernier  soupir  was  translated,  u  the  last  supper,"  and  la 
pecheresse^  tt  the  fisherwoman*1*  His  minor  writings  are  extremely 
numerous, 

-  From  the  titles  of  his  books,  as  given  above,  it  will  be  seen  that 
Dr.  Allen's  interest  was  largely  in  the  direction  of  History.  He 
had  little  interest  in  Philosophy,  and  I  doubt  if  he  had  much  re- 
spect for  it.  He  had,  however,  a  profound  spiritual  insight  that 
fitted  him  to  be  an  interpreter  of  the  great  historical  movements 
that  were  the  objects  of  his  study.  So  far  as  his  books  are  con- 
cerned, I  understand  that  his  Christian  History  in  its  Three  Great 
Periods  especially  had  a  wide  circulation.  Indeed,  by  its  grouping 
of  facts  and  by  its  clear  and  wise  interpretation  of  the  principles 
that  manifested  themselves  in  the  movements  which  it  described, 


1899.] 


MEMOIR  OP   JOSEPH  HENRY  ALLEN', 


293 


this  work  was  fitted  to  afford  such  help  as  could  not  easily  be 
found  elsewhere.  His  latest  literary  work  was  the  translation  of 
Kenan's  Apostles.  This  was  finished  only  a  few  days  before  he 
was  seized  by  the  brief  illness  that  ended  with  his  death.  He 
died  on  the  twentieth  of  March,  1898.  A  Memorial  Meeting  was 
held  in  Channing  Hall,  Boston,  on  Monday,  the  eleventh  of  April, 
at  which  the  Rev.  John  W*  Chadwick  and  the  Rev.  Edward  H, 
Hall  delivered  addresses  containing  a  highly  appreciative  estimate 
of  Dr.  Allen's  work  and  of  his  scholarly  attainments.1 

I  wish  that  it  were  as  easy  to  paint  the  character  and  personality 
of  our  departed  associate  as  it  is  to  describe  the  facta  of  his  outer 
history.  I  am  inclined  to  place  sincerity  among  his  most  marked 
intellectual  characteristics.  More  than  most  men,  he  seemed  to 
face  life  just  as  it  is,  or  just  as  he  had  reason  to  think  that  it  is. 
So  far  as  the  higher  themes  of  thought  are  concerned,  this  trait  is 
well  illustrated  by  certain  chapters  in  his  Positive  Religion.  It 
was  seen  also  in  relation  to  the  facts  of  practical  life.  With  this 
sincerity  went,  as  its  result,  an  unusual  transparency  of  character 
and  mood.  He  united,  in  a  singular  degree,  modesty  with  a  very 
clear  recognition  of  his  own  worth.  He  made  no  demand  upon  the 
recognition  of  others,  yet  such  recognition  was  obviously  extremely 
grateful  to  him.  He  was,  I  think,  singularly  unselfish,  so  much  so 
that,  at  times,  he  might  seem  almost  impersonal.  Yet,  at  any  call 
for  service,  he  showed  boldness  and  an  untiring  energy,  Some- 
thing of  this  impersonality  was  seen  in  his  relation  to  matters  of 
thought.  One  could  hardly  be  less  of  a  partisan  than  he.  In 
his  conversation  and  more  public  speech  it  seemed  sometimes 
as  though  it  was  less  he  that  spoke  than  it  was  the  thought  that 
spoke  through  him.  What  he  said  seemed  more  like  a  mono- 
logue than  a  direct  address.  Naturally  his  speech  sometimes  lost 
effectiveness  from  this  course,  although  no  one  could  marshal 
thoughts  and  words  to  better  effect  than  he,  when  he  took  the 
command  of  them.  Thus  he  lived,  —  accepting  no  shams  and 
offering  no  shams  to  the  world;  eager  to  do  the  work  for  which 
he  felt  himself  most  fitted,  but  if  that  which  seemed  the  best 
did  not  offer,  taking  cheerfully  the  next  best,  and  doing  this 
in  a  way  that  made  it  appear  to  be  the  best. 


>  The  Christian  Register  of  21  April,  1S98,  Ixrrii.  42G. 


294  THE  COLONIAL  80CIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS*  [Dies.. 

Dr.  Allen  was  happy  in  his  friendships.    To  name  only  one  c=3t 
two  of  these,  —  his  long  and  close  intimacy  with  Dr.  Hed^agP 
was  one  of  the  great  satisfactions  of  his  life.     The  friendship  o^* 
Dr.  James  Martineau,  though  from  the  nature  of  the  case  le^^*88 
close,  was  also  a  delight.1    He  was  also  fortunate  in  his  famil^-v 
life.     On  the  twenty-second  of  May,  1845,  he  married  Anna  Mineral0* 
Weld,  of  Jamaica  Plain.     Three  daughters  and  three  sons  wen^^8 
born  to  him,  of  whom  all  except  one  daughter,  together  with  the^~  ^ 
mother,  survive  him. 

In  an  admirable  paper2  to  which  I  have  already  been  a  debtor 
in  this  notice,  Mr.  Chadwick  thus  describes  the  personal  appear-*- 
ance  of  Dr.  Allen :  — 

"There  was  something  beautiful  in  his  personal  appearance;  his 
complexion  so  fresh  and  clear,  telling  a  tale  of  perfect  temperance;  in 
his  face  a  breezy  look,  the  snowy  hair  blown  back  from  the  full  brow  — 

44  *  As  if  the  man  had  fixed  his  face 
In  many  a  solitary  place 
Against  the  wind  and  sky.' " 

Dr.  Allen  was  an  active  Member  of  this  Society  almost  from 
its  beginning,  having  a  place  upon  the  Committee  of  Publication. 
A  few  months  before  his  death,  he  proposed  to  resign  from  the 
Society  for  the  reason  that  he  could  no  longer  perform  his 
duties  in  it,  and  he  did  not  wish  to  be,  as  he  said,  a  "  dummy 
member."  At  the  earnest  request  of  the  Council,  he  withdrew 
this  resignation.  In  thanking  him  for  this  submission  to  its 
wishes,  the  Council  added  an  expression  of  the  profound  satisfac- 
tion it  felt  — 

"  in  being  able  to  retain  upon  the  Roll  of  the  Society  the  name  of  an 
Associate  who  has  already  contributed  much  to  its  success,  whose  fellow- 
ship has  been  a  source  of  pride,  whose  presence  is  a  benediction, 
and  whose  services,  to  whatever  extent  and  in  whatever  direction  he 
may  be  able  and  willing  to  render  them  in  the  future,  will  be  of  inesti- 
mable value  to  the  society.' ' 

1  A  file  of  very  interesting  letters  from  Dr.  Martineau  to  Dr.  Allen  remains 
to  show  how  close  this  friendship  was.  These  letters  were  communicated  by 
our  associate  Mr.  Henry  H.  Edes  to  the  Society  at  its  Stated  Meeting  in 
March,  1900,  and  will  appear  with  the  published  Transactions  of  that  meeting. 

a  Joseph  Henry  Allen  in  The  New  World  for  June,  1898,  vii.  300. 


1690.]  MEMOIR  OF  JOSEPH  HENRY  ALLEN.  295 

About  the  same  time  Dr.  Allen  resigned,  for  similar  reasons, 
from  the  Examiner  Club,  of  which  he  and  Dr.  Hedge  were  the 
founders.  The  Club  made  him  an  Honorary  Member,  —  a  title 
which  was  created  for  the  occasion,  —  and  expressed  the  wish 
that  he  would  join  in  its  gatherings  as  often  as  possible. 

In  1879,  he  received  the  honorary  degree  of  Master  of  Arts 
from  Harvard  College,  and  in  1891,  that  of  Doctor  of  Divinity. 


296  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS. 


JANUARY  MEETING,  1900. 

A  Stated  Meeting  of  the  Society  was  held  at  No.  25  Beac^«=Dn 
Street,  Boston,  on  Wednesday,  17  January,  1900,        -at 
three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  the  President  in  the  Chaix—  - 
The  Records  of  the  last  Stated  Meeting  were  read  sursd 
approved. 

The  Corresponding  Secretary  reported  that  the  follo^^^- 
ing  letters  had  been  received  from  President  Hadley  sLr^mi 
Judge  Bancroft  Davis  :  — 


President's  Office, 
Yale  University,  New  Haven,  Conn. 


December  22, 11 


My  dear  Sib  :  —  I  have  the  honor  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  y< 
communication  of  the  20th  and  take  great  pleasure  in  accepting. 

Sincerely  yours, 

Arthur  T.  Hadle^~ 


John  Noble,  Esq., 
Corresponding  Secretary. 


1621  H  Street,  Washington. 

December  23,  * 


Dear  Sir  :  —  I  have  received  your  letter  of  the  20th,  informing  m« 
my  election  to  the  position  of  Corresponding  Member  of  The  Colon  ^*l 
Society  of  Massachusetts. 

In  accepting  the  position  to  which  I  have  been  thus  elected,  will  J^=:Da 
kindly  return  my  thanks  for  the  great  honor  which  has  been  done  me. 

Yours  Respectfully, 

J.  C.  Bancroft  Davis. 

John  Noble,  Esq., 
Corresponding  Sec'y  jr. 


0/ 


LETTERS  TO   THE  LOBDS  OF   TRADE, 

Mr-  Worthikgton  C,  Ford  communicated  and  read  the 
following  letters1  from  Governor  Shirley  and  William  Bollan 
to  the  Lords  of  Trade,  calling  the  attention  of  the  Home 
government  to  the  wide-spread  disregard  of  the  Navigation 
Laws,  and  the  extent  to  which  smuggling  and  illicit  trade 
with  the  Dutch  were  carried  on :  — 

GOVERNOR   SHIRLEY   TO  THE  LORDS  OF  TRADE, 

Boston  N  England  Febry  26*  1742/3 

Mr  Lords 

The  seventh  of  the  Qu  aeries  lately  Sent  by  your  Lordsps,  to  be 
answered,  is  this  viz'. 

What  Methods  are  Used  in  the  Province  under  your  Govemm'*  to  pre- 
vent Illegal  Trade  ;  and  are  y*  same  Effectual? 

I  hare  Singled  out  this  Quaere  to  Answer  in  the  first  place,  because 
the  illicit  Trade  which  appears  to  have  been  Carried  on  in  this  province 
and  some  of  the  Neighbouring  Colonys  (within  this  last  year  more 
Especially)  is  such,  as  without  the  Speedy  Interposition  of  the  Farliami 
to  Stop  it.  Must  be  highly  destructive  of  the  Interests  of  Great  Britain, 
by  lessening  the  Vent  of  her  Woollen  and  other  Manufactures,  & 
Commodities  in  her  own  Plantations,  making  her  cease  to  be  a  Staple  of 
the  European  Commodities  for  Supplying  them,  letting  Foreigners  into 
the  profits  of  the  plantation  Trade,  and  finally  weakening  the  Depen- 
dance ;  which  the  British  Northern  Colony's  ought  to  have  upon  their 
Mother  Country. 

That  the  main  Benefits  and  Advantages  arising  to  Great  Britain  from 
her  plantations,  wct\  I  have  above  enumerated,  and  which  have  con- 
stantly employed  the  attention  of  the  British  parliam'*  to  Secure  to  her 
by  keeping  particularly  the  European  Trade  to  and  from  her  plantations 
to  herself  (as  has  been  the  Usage  of  other  Nations  with  regard  to  their 
plantations,)  are  in  very  imminent  Danger  of  being  lost,  to  her  by  the 
Frauds  and  Abuses  lately  practis'd  here  in  that  Trade,  I  think  will 
appear  to  your  Lordships  upon  your  perusal  of  the  inclosed  Ace1,  of 
tbem  given  by  the  Advocate  Gen1*  pursuant  to  my  Orders,  and  which  he 
has  Chose  to  Cast  into  the  form  of  a  Letter  to  your  Lordships, 

I  am  Sensible  that  the  Advocates  letter  is  very  long,  but  I  hope  ita 
length  may  be  excused  by  your  Lordships  on  Ace*,  of  the  Importance 

i  These  documents  were  recently  bought  in  London  by  the  Trustees  of  The 
Public  Library  of  the  City  of  Boston* 


THE  COLONIAL   SOCIETY   OF   MASSACHUSETTS* 


[Jjuc* 


of  it's  Subject*  and  the  Necessity  there  is  of  laying  before  your  Lord- 
ships  a  full  and  particular  Acco*.  of  the  Mischiefs  represented  id  it,  with 
their  Causes  and  proper  Remedies,  as  they  Appear  to  persons  upon  the 
Spot,  who  have  bad  the  Conduct  of  prosecutions  for  Breaches  of  the  Acts 
of  Trade  in  this  &  the  Neighbouring  Colonics  for  Sev\  years,  and  form 
thelrJudgem1.  upon  a  long  Experience  of  the  Effect  of  those  Acts,  as 
they  have  been  Construed  by  the  provincial  Courts  of  Law  and  evaded 
by  Illicit  Traders. 

I  shall  only  Add  to  the  enclosed  Letter,  that  Untill  all  Breaches  of 
the  Acts  of  Trade,  which  Extend  to  the  Plantations,  or  at  least  those  of 
the  15lh  Cha;  2d  Chap,  7th  are  made  tryable  hi  the  Courts  of  Vice  Admi- 
ralty here,  (without  which  it  is  in  vain  to  hope  that  the  Illicit  Trade 
complained  of  can  be  Suppressed)  it  may  be  expected  that  it  will  be 
Carried  on  in  New  England,  and  perhaps  grow,  if  not  timely  prevented, 
to  So  Strong  an  head  as  that  it  will  be  no  easy  Matter  wholly  to  Sub- 
due it. 

The  prosecution  of  the  Importers  of  the  Goods  brought  in  the  Brig- 
antine  Hannah  (mentioned  in  the  Advocates  Letter)  from  Rotterdam  into 
this  For1  for  the  Value  of  the  Goods  imported  in  her  would  doubtless 
Discourage  the  Illicit  Traders  to  a  very  great  Degree,  and  mnst  deterr 
'em  exceedingly  by  Showing  'em  their  Insecurity  even  after  they  have 
Safely  landed  their  Goods ;  and  I  am  of  Opinion  it  can't  fail  of  having 
a  great  Tendency  to  break  up  the  Trade  —  But  as  I  think  it  more  proper 
that  the  Comtn™.  of  y*,  Customs  sbod,  be  troubled  with  the  Care  of  pro- 
curing this  Evidence  from  Rotterdam  for  the  prosecution  of  this  Affair 
than  your  Lordships,  I  have  directed  him  to  recommend  it  to  them  to 
take  that  trouble  upon  themselves ;  and  if  your  Lordships  should  be  of 
Opinion  that  this  prosecution  wod-  be  for  the  Service  of  the  Crown,  your 
Signifying  that  to  the  Commissi  of  the  Customs  must  Effectually  pro- 
cure the  desired  Evidence,  and  the  Action  upon  the  Rec\  of  it,  shall  he 
forthwith  brought  here  &  prosecuted  to  Effect. 

I  am,  &c* 

My  Lords  &c* 

W;  Shirley 

[Endorsement.] 

Letter  from  Mr.  Shirley  Govr.  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay  to  the  Board 

Dated  26  Feb7.  1742/3  being  a  particular  answer  to  the  7th.  of  the  Boards 
Quaeres  lately  Sent  to  him  relating  to  the  Methods  Used  in  that  Province 
to  prevent  Illegal  Trade  and  the  Effect  of  them. 


1900,] 


LETTERS  TO  THE  LORDS  OF  TRADE* 


299 


WILLIAM   BQLLAN  TO  THE  LORDS   OF  TRADE. 

Boston  N.  England  Febry  26tt  1742. 
Wi  Lords. 

Mr.  Shirley  the  Gov%  &  Vice  Admiral  of  this  province  soon  after  his 
I  >ciug  made  such,  was  pleased  to  Appoint  me  the  Kings  Advocate,  and 
according  to  the  practice  here*  it  is  the  Duty  of  the  person  filling  that 
place  to  prosecute  all  offenders  against  the  Acts  of  Trade,  The  Discharge 
of  which  Trust  has  been  lately  attended  with  such  Discoveries,  and  is  at 
present  Accompanied  with  So  may  Difficulties,  that  after  Communicating 
them  to  his  Excellency,  he  gave  me  Orders  to  make  them  particularly 
known  to  your  Lordships,  and  indeed  i  conceive  'em  to  be  of  sneb  Nature 
&  Consequence  tbat,  had  I  not  received  his  Commands  to  that  End,  I  shod. 
have  thought  myself  Obliged  in  Faithfulness  to  the  Crown  to  lay  them 
before  yonr  Lordships :  after  mentioning  which  I  shall  make  no  further 
Apology  for  giving  your  Lordsps  this  trouble ;  but  proceed  to  inform  you 
that  there  has  lately  been  Carried  on  here  a  large  Illicit  Trade,  (Distruc- 
tive  to  the  Interest  of  Great  Britain  in  her  Trade  to  her  own  Plantations, 
and  Contrary  to  the  main  intent  of  all  her  Laws  made  to  regulate  that 
Trade)  by  importing  into  this   province   large    Quantities    of  Euro- 
pean Goods  of  Almost  all  Sorts  from  diverse  parts  of  Europe,  Some  of 
which  are  by  the  Laws  wholly  prohibited  to  be  imported  into  the  Planta- 
tions, and  ye  rest  are  prohibited  to  be  imported  there,  Unless  bro1.  directly 
from  Great  Britain ;  To  Shew  forth  to  yonr  Lordships,  the  Rise,  prog- 
ress &  Extent  of  this  Pernicious  practice  would  I  fear   far  exceed  the 
proper  Compass  of  a  Letter  from  me  to  your  Lordships,  and  therefore  I 
shall  Content  myself  with  Saying  1*   that  a  Considerable  Number  of 
Ships  have  Contrary  to  the  15th  Cha*.  2*-  Chap:  7th  lately  come  into  this 
Country  directly  from  Holland,  laden  some  wholly,  some  in  part,  with 
Reels  of  Yarn  or  Spun  Hemp,  paper.  Gunpowder,  Iron  and  Goods  of 
Various  Sorts  Used  for  Men  &  Womens  Cloathing;  2dir*    tbat  Some 
Vessells  have  also  come  directly  from  other  foreign  parts  of  Europe  with 
like  Cargoes,  3dlJ"«  that  Some  of  those  Vessells  were  laden  Chiefly  &  others 
in  part  with  the  Goods  of  the  produce  and  Manufacture  of  old  Spain 
prohibited  under  large  penal ty'es  to  be  imported  into  Great  Britain  dur- 
ing the  present  War :  4thl5\  That  to  Carry  on  this  Sort  of  Trade  diverse 
Vessells  have  been  fitted  out  here  laden  with  provisions,  and  tho1  they 
appear  wholly  English  in  the  Plantations,  Yet  by  means  of  their  being 
Commanded  and  Navigated  by  French  Refugees  Naturalized,  or  such 
persons  as  may  easily  pass  for  French  Men  and  by  the  help  of  French 
papers  and  passes  procured  by  French  Merchl\  Concerned  In  the  matter, 


300 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY   OF  MASSACHUSETTS. 


[J-. 


they  have  Carried  the  English  Provisions  to  their  open  Enemies,  aod 
landed  them  out  of  those  Yessells  in  the  Porta  of  Spain :  BmK  That  a 
Considerable  part  of  the  Illicit  Trade  from  Holland  is  Carried  on  by 
Factors  here  for  the  Sake  of  their  Commissions,  Dutch  Mereh1',  having 
the  property  in  the  Goods  Imported,  6th.     That  one  of  these  Illicit 
Traders  lately  departed  hence  for  Holland  proposed  to  one  of  the  great- 
est tellers  of  Broad  Cloths  here  (and  to  how  many  others  I  cau*t  say)  to 
Supply  him  with  Black  Cloths  from  thence,  Saying  that  this  Couotry 
might  be  better  and  Cheaper  Stipply'd  with  Broad  Cloths  of  that  Colour 
from  Holland  than  from  England ;  But  to  prevent  or  rather  increase  your 
Lordship  s  Surprize  on  this  Head  I  need  only  to  Acquaint  you  that  I  write 
this  Clad  in  a  Superfine  French  Cloth,  which  I  bought  on  purpose  that  I 
might  wear  about  the  Evidence  of  these  Illegal  Traders  having  Already 
begun  to  destroy  the  Vital  parts  of  the  British  Commerce ;  and  to  Use  as 
a  Memento  to  Myself  and  the  Customhouse  Officers  to  do  every  thing  in 
our  power  towards  Cutting  o0f  this  Trade  So  very  pernicious  to  the  British 
Nation.  Thlf*     That  the  persons  concerned  in  this  Trade  are  many,  Some 
of  them  of  the  greatest  Fortunes  in  this  Country,  and  who  have  made 
great  Gains  by  it,  and  having  all  felt  the  Sweeta  of  it,  they  begin  to 
Espouse  and  Justify  it,  Some  openly  some  Covertly,  and  having  per- 
s  waded  themselves  that  their  Trade  ought  not  to  be  bound  by  the  Laws 
of  Great  Britain,  they  labour,  and  not  without  Success  to  poisou  the 
Minds  of  all  the  Inhabitants  of  the  Province,  and  Matters  are  brought 
to  such  a  pass  that  it  is  Sufficient  to  recommend  any  Trade  to  their  Gen- 
eral Approbation  and  Favour  that  it  is  Unlaw  full;  and  as  Examples  of 
this  kind  soon  Spread  their  Influence  on  the  other  plantations  around,  tis 
too  plain  almost  to  need  mentioning  that  if  Care  be  not  Soon  taken  to 
Cure  this  growing  Mischief,  the  British  Trade  to  these  Plantations  and 
their  proper  Dependence  on  their  Mother  Country  will  in  a  great  meas- 
ure 'ere  long  be  lost :  I  shall  now  recount  to  your  Lordships  the  Difficul- 
ties which  attend  the  Suppression  of  this  Mischief ;  The  First  and  one 
of  the  Principal  whereof  is  that  the  Breaches  of  the  Statute  of  the  15th  Cba : 
2*  Chap :  7*  Entitled  an  Act  for  the  Eneouragem'.  of  Trade  &  made 
purposely  to  keep  the  Plantations  in  a  firm  Dependence  upon  England, 
and  to  render  them  Advantagious  to  it  in  the  Vent  of  English  Woollen 
and  other  Commodities,  and  which  provides  that  all  European  Goods  and 
Manufactures  imported  into  the  Plantations  Shall  be  Shipp*  in  England, 
are  not  Cognizable  in  the  Court  of  Admiralty,  and  a  prosecution  id  the 
Common  Law  Courts  here  will  be  Unavoidably  attended  with  great  delay 
and  too  many  Difficulties  and  Discouragements  to  be  generally  overcome, 
for  in  the  First  place  by  the  Course  of  Judicial  proceedings  Established 


2900.] 


LETTERS  TO   THE   LORDS   OF  TRADE* 


301 


in  this  province  there  will  be  a  Necessity  for  the  prosecutor  to  pass  thro* 
various  Trya!s,(and  frequently  in  distant  Counties)  in  Courts  disinclined 
to  the  prosecution,  and  with  Scarce  any  hopes  of  Success ;  For  in  the 
next  place  the  prosecutor  cannot  there  have  process  to  Compel!  an 
Appearance  of  Unwilling  Witnesses,  (And  all  Witnesses  for  the  Crown  in 
Cases  of  this  Nature  are  generally  such)  and  Finally  a  Tryall  by  Jury 
here  is  only  trying  one  JIHcite  Trader  by  his  Fellows,  or  at  least  his  well 
wishers  ;  How  it  happened  that  the  Offences  A  g*  this  Statute  which  is  the 
main  Ligament  whereby  the  Plantation  Trade  is  fastned  and  Secured  to 
Great  Britain,  shod  not  be  Cognizable  in  the  Court  of  Admiralty :  when 
the  Cognizance  of  other  Acts  of  Trade  of  much  less  Consequence  to  the 
Nation  are  given  to  that  Court  from  the  Common  Consideration  of  the 
Interest,  or  desire  that  the  Juries  have  here  to  defeat  all  Seizures  &  pros- 
ecutions for  the  Crown,  I  cannot  say  but  y*  Inconveniences  that  at 
present  proceed  from  the  Court  of  Admiralty's  want  of  Jurisdiction  over 
Offences  against  that  Statute,  are  certainly  very  great :  another  Difficulty 
that  attends  the  Suppressing  this  Illegal  Trade  Arises  from  the  Nature 
and  Situation  of  the  Country,  which  abounds  with  Out  Ports,  where 
Vessells  Employed  in  this  Trade  unlade  their  Cargoes  into  Small  Vessells, 
wherein  they  afterwards  Carry  their  prohibited  Goods  with  Ease  into 
some  proper  places  of  Safety  ;  and  a  further  Difficulty  grows  out  of  the 
Corruption  of  those  who  are  Employed  to  Carry  on  this  Trade,  which  is 
become  so  great  that  we  have  had  some  late  Instances  of  Oaths  taken  at 
the  Custom-house  by  Masters  of  Vessells  indirect  Contradiction  to  their 
certain  knowledge  of  the  Truth,  and  to  this  crime  these  Elicit©  Traders 
have  lately  added  this  Contrivance,  Viz',  To  Conceal  or  Spirit  away  the 
Seamen  who  might  otherwise  be  Witnesses  and  by  their  Testimony  pos- 
sibly cause  a  Condemnation  of  some  of  the  Vessells  Em  ploy1  d  this  Way ; 
and  thus  when  Vast  Quantities  of  Goods  are  Illegally  Imported  here,  after 
they  are  Unladen  and  Secured  the  Master  appears  boldly,  and  is  ready  to 
Swear  any  thing  for  the  Good  of  the  Voyage,  and  the  Sailors  are  dis- 
persed and  gone,  and  there  is  nothing  to  be  found,  but  an  Empty  Ves- 
sell,  Ag*  which  no  proof  can  be  obtained  —  Having  thus  laid  before  your 
Lordships  the  principal  Dificnlty  s  that  attend  the  Carrying  the  Acts  of 
Trade  into  Execution  here  it  may  perhaps  be  Expected  that  I  shod  pro- 
pose some  Remedies  which  appear  to  us,  who  are  upon  the  Spot  and 
there  Observe  the  Working  of  these  things,  to  be  most  likely  to  Effect  the 
Cure  of  these  Mischiefs  ;  Wherefore  I  shall  now  proceed  to  mention  'em 
for  the  Consideration  of  your  Lordships* 

The  first  thing  that  Seems  Necessary  to  be  done  and  that  by  Parlia- 
ment is  to  Grant  to  the  Court  of  Admiralty  Cognizance  of  all  past  and 


302  THE  COLOTIAI.  SOdETT  OP  MASSACHUSETTS.  P**- 


future  Offences  Ag*  the  above  ifiilawl  Statute  15*  Chi.  2*,  or  f  which 
would  be  much  better,  to  provide  by  Act  of  Pariiam*,  that  all  Offences 
whatever  past  and  future  against  the  Acts  of  Trade  committed  In  the 
Plantations  &  the  penalties  aad  Forfeitures  arising  therefrom  mar  be 
prosecuted  for  and  recovered  in  anj  Court  of  Admiralty  in  the  ptaatav- 
tions ;  there  is  really  a  greater  Want  of  a  certain  and  general  Jurisdic- 
tion in  the  Courts  of  Admiralty  in  the  Plantations  over  Breaches  of  the 
Acts  of  Trade  there,  than  at  tint  may  be  immagined ;  For  among  other 
things  the  Statute  made  in  the  7*  &  8*  of  W-.  the  3*  for  preventing 
Frauds  and  regulating  Abuses  in  the  Plantation  Trade  is  So  Obscurely 
penn*d  in  the  point  of  the  Admiralty's  Jurisdiction,  that  it  has  received 
different  Constructions,  and  that  Court  has  been  frequently  prohibited 
in  this  Province  to  take  Cognizance  of   some  of  the  Main  Offences 
against  that  Statute,  and  of  late  I  hear  that  like  prohibitions  have  been 
granted  in  the  province  of  New  York,  thov  the  Intent  of  the  Parliam* 
that  made  that  Statute  (as  I  think)  doubtless  was  to  give  that  Admiralty 
Jurisdiction  of  all  Offences  against  it : — The  granting  to  the  Admiralty 
a  general  Jurisdiction  over  all  Breaches  of  the  Laws  of  Trade  will, 
without  question,  be  of  Advantage  to  the  Crown  and  Kingdom  &  Save 
much  Trouble  to  the  Officers  prosecuting  Illicit  Traders,  and  indeed  no 
Reason  can  be  assigned  for  giving  the  Admiralty  Cognizance  of  Offences 
ag1  some  of  the  Acts  of  Trade,  but  what  holds  equally  good  for  giving 
the  like  Jurisdiction  over  the  rest;    But  let  what  will  be  done  with 
respect  to  granting  the  Admiralty  Courts  in  the  Plantations  Such  gen* 
eral  Jurisdiction,  I  think  it  is  very  plain  that  to  Suffer  the  Offences 
ag1.  15th  Cha:  2d,  to  remain  only  punishable  in  the  Courts  of  Comon 
Law,  is  to  leave  it  in  the  power  of  Illicit  Traders   (notwithstanding 
that  Statute)  to  Import  into  these  plantations  any  European  Goods 
directly  from  any  foreign  Countries  to  their  great  profit  and  with  little 
peril  —  Another  thing  I  would.  propose  to  your  Lordships  as  a  Cure  of 
this  Mischievous  Trade  is,  that  Actions  of  Detenue  be  brought  against 
some  of   the  principal  Offenders   Importing  here  Goods  from  foreign 
parts,  in  order  to  recover  the  Goods  Imported  or  their  Value  ag1.  the 
Importer  of  them;    such  actions  will  be  warranted   by  the  Judgment 
given  in  Westminster  Hall  by  the  Court  of  Kings  Bench  8th :  W*.  3d.  in 
the  Case  of  Roberts  against  Wetheral  as  Reported  by  Mr.  Salkeld  and 
others ;  The  Effect  of  a  few  such  actions  properly  pursued  and  Recov- 
eries thereupon  had,  will  I  think  Unquestionably  have  the  greatest 
possible  Tendency  to  break  up  this  Trade;    for  the  Security  of  the 
persons  concerned  in  it  according  to  their  Understanding  of  the  Matter 
rests  in  this,  that  if  they  can  but  prevent  the  Officers  Seizing  the  Goods 


I 


I90O-] 


LETTERS   TO   THE   LORDS   OF   TttADE. 


Illegally  Trnported  (and  therein  they  generally  meet  with  no  great  diffi- 
culty, as  has  been  already  observed)  then  they  are  according  to  their 
present  Judgem**.  Safe  in  all  respects;  Bnt  when  Once  the  Importers 
come  to  find  that  they  are  Chargeable  with  Actions  for  the  Goods  Ille- 
gally Imported  or  their  Value,  after  they  have  Imported  them  Safely 
(and  Disposed  of  them,  I  think  they  eannot  but  be  deterr'd  from  making 
such  Unlawful  Importations ;  For  then  they  will  see  a  New  Danger, 
great  and  of  long  Duration,  such  as  upon  the  whole  they  will  have  but 
little  (if  any)  hopes  to  Secure  themselves  from  —  The  most  favourable 
Case  wherein  the  first  Action  of  this  kind  can  be  commenced  &  prose- 
cuted in  my  Opinion  will  be  that  of  the  Brigantine  Hannah  which  arrived 
liere  in  Dec',  1741,  and  came  directly  from  Rotterdam,  which  place  she 
left  in  Oct'*  preceediug  laden  with  Hemp  spun  into  Yarn,  paper,  Ozen- 
1>rigs,  Gunpowder  and  other  Goods,   after  her  Arrival  here  She  was 
Seized,  but  she  had  first  unladen  and  Secured  her  Cargo,  and  with  great 
Difficulty  we  got  some  of  the  Crew,  and  by  their  Oaths  proved  such 
Pacts  ag1  her  that  She  was  Condemned,  &  as  We  have  already  Secured 
Considerable  Evidence  of  what  Goods  were  Imported  in  her,  I  think 
nothing  will  be  wanting  to  Support  an  Action  to  be  brought  against  the 
Owners  of  her  for  the  Goods  by  them  Imported  in  her,  or  their  Value ; 
but  the  proof  of  the  particular  Goods  taken  in  by  her  at  Rotterdam, 
and  if  your  Lordships  will  be  pleased  to  give  Orders  for  Obtaining  that, 
I  think  the  Crown  will  be  greatly  Served  by  it  j  In  such  Case  it  will  be 
Necessary  to  have  such  Evidence  of  this  point,  as  the  Lords  of  the 
Committee  of  Council  will  finally  receive  and  Adjudge  Sufficient ;  For 

■  with  regard  to  the  Success  of  such  Actions  here  I  think  there  is  but 
little  Reason  to  expect  any  Recovery  on  a  Tryal  by  our  Juries,  too1  the 
proof  of  such  Action  and  the  Law  for  the  Support  of  it,  be  ever  So 
plain;  But  on  an  Appeal  to  his  Majesty  in  Council,  Law  and  Justice 
will  without  question  be  rightly  Admin  istred  :  The  Condemnation  of  this 
Vessell  was  Owing  in  a  great  Measure  to  Accident;  the  Advocate 
Employed  by  the  CI  aimers  not  knowing  that  upon  Application  to  the 
Superior  Court  here  he  might  have  had  a  prohibition  to  the  Court  of 
Admiralty,  Had  that  Method  of  Defence  been  Used  the  Vessell  would 
have  been  certainly  Acquitted  in  the  Common  Law  Courts;  For  the 
only  thing  which  Work'd  her  Condemnation,  was  our  Catching  some  of 
the  Crew  flying,  and  holding  them  by  such  Compulsory  process  as  wc 
could  not  have  had  any  where  but  in  the  Admiralty  Court.  — This  is 
the  only  Vessell,  which  has  been  Condemned  for  being  Employed  in  this 
Elicit  Trade,  And  it  is  very  remarkable  that  tho'  she  Sold  for  about 
four  hundred  pounds  Sterling,  and  So  the  Owners  of  her  lost  that  Sum 


TEE   COLONIAL  SOCIETY   OF   MASSACHUSETTS. 


[Jan. 


Yet  they  have  continued  that  Trade  ever  Since  to  a  very  great  Degree, 
tho1  somewhat  more  warily ;  and  other  persona  have  been  no  wise 
deterred  by  this  Loss  and  the  peril  which  the  Owners  were  in  of  having 
their  Goods  taken:  But  on  the  Contrary,  more  Illicit  Trading  Ships 
have  come  in  here  from  Holland  only,  this  last  Summer  and  fall  than 
from  London,  So  near  is  Great  Britain  to  being  quite  Work'd  oat  of 
this  part  of  her  Trade :  and  tho'  I  have  said  So  much  to  your  Lordships 
touching  this  Matter  Yet  I  cannot  avoid  adding  that  this  Illicit  Trade  is 
Carried  on  to  So  great  a  Degree  and  in  so  many  Various  Shapes  that  I 
make  no  doubt  but  if  proper  preventive  Measures  be  not  soon  taken,  a 
great  part  of  the  Bounty  Money  given  by  Great  Britain  to  the  Importers 
of  Naval  Stores  from  the  Plantations  will  in  a  Short  time  be  laid  out  in 
Holland  or  other  pans  of  Europe  in  the  purchase  of  Goods  there,  to  be 
Illegally  Imported  here,  if  that  has  not  been  already  practts'd. 

I  cannot  conclude  without  observing  to  your  Lordships  that  Unless 
effectual  Measures  are  Speedily  taken,  to  Stop  this  growing  Evil ;  the 
Illicit  Traders  will  by  their  Numbers,  Wealth  and  Wiles  have  got  such 
power  in  these  parts  that  Laws  and  Orders  may  come  too  late  from 
Great  Britain  to  have  their  proper  Effect  against  it. 

Your  Lordships  Commands  to  me  (If  yon  have  any,  touching  these 
Matters)  Signifyed  to  his  Excellency  the  Governour  or  in  whatever 
manner  you  please  Shall  be  Gbey'd  with  the  Utmost  Care  and  Dispatch 
that  can  be  given  them  by 

My  Lords  dec*. 

W:  Bolum.1 

[Endorsement*] 

Copy  of  a  Letter  from  M',  Bolum,  the  Advocate  Gen1*  In  N,  England, 
to  the  Board  Dated  the  26lb  of  Febry  1742/3,  relating  to  a  large  Illicit 


1  William  Bollau  practised  law  in  Boston  for  several  years  before  his  appoint- 
ment as  Advocate  General  by  Shirley,  to  whose  beautiful  daughter  Frances  he 
was  married,  8  September,  1743,  at  Kingrs  Chapel,  Boston,  where  a  mural 
monument  preserves  her  and  her  mother's  memory.  He  was  appointed  Col- 
lector of  Customs  for  Salem  and  Marble  head,  was  sent  by  the  Province  on  a 
successful  mission  to  England  to  obtain  indemnity  for  the  cost  of  the  expedi- 
tion to  Cape  Breton,  and  subsequently  was  Agent  of  the  Province  in  London. 
Displaced  by  the  Assembly  for  political  reasons,  he  was  similiarly  employed 
by  the  Council  and  rendered  distinguished  service*  He  favored  conciliatory 
measures  toward  the  Colonies.  Bollan  was  the  ablest  of  all  the  Agents  of  the 
Province  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay  at  the  British  Court,  He  is  said  to  have 
died  m  1776, 


1000.]         REMAEKS   BY   MB.   ANDREW  McFARLAND  DAVIS.  305 

Trade  lately  Carry'd  on  in  that  province  destructive  of  the  Interest  of 
Great  Britain  in  her  Trade  to  her  own  plantations,  and  contrary  to  tlie 
main  Interest  of  ail  her  Laws  made  to  regulate  that  Trade,  by  Import- 
ing into  that  province  large  Quantity's  of  European  Goods  of  almost  all 
Sorts ;  from  diverse  parts  of  Europe* 

Mr*  Arthur  T.  Lyman  drew  comparisons  between  the 
oppressive  acts  of  the  British  Government  prior  to  the 
American  Revolution  and  some  of  the  burdens  which  the 
trade  and  commerce  of  this  country  bear  to-day*  He  also 
referred  to  an  article  by  Professor  Ashley  in  a  recent  number 
of  the  Quarterly  Journal  of  Economics  dealing  with  the 
English  Navigation  Laws  and  their  effect  on  New  England 
commerce. 

Mr.  Robert  N,  Toppan  remarked  that  Professor  Ashley 
had  not  taken  sufficiently  into  account  the  utter  disregard  of 
the  Navigation  Laws  by  the  merchants  of  New  England  dur- 
ing the  Provincial  period, 

Mr,  Andrew  McFarland  Datis  then  said  :  — 

The  suggestion  made  by  Mr.  Toppan  as  to  the  extent  of  the 
efforts  made  by  Randolph  to  enforce  the  Navigation  Laws,  and 
his  allusion  to  the  manner  in  which  these  efforts  were  completely 
frustrated  and  rendered  of  no  effect,  can  be  easily  verified  by  an 
examination  of  the  Randolph  Papers  recently  printed  by  the 
Prince  Society  under  the  editorial  supervision  of  Mr,  Toppan 
himself.  With  the  aid  of  this  valuable  publication  we  can  trace 
the  zealous  efforts  of  Randolph  to  secure  the  enforcement  of  the 
law  and  we  can  see,  if  we  examine  the  results  of  the  various  libels 
upon  vessels  which  he  brought,  how  completely  he  was  justified  in 
his  reiterated  statements  that  he  was  being  thwarted  in  his  attempts 
to  carry  out  his  orders*  It  must  be  added,  however,  in  justifica- 
tion of  Professor  Ashley's  argument,  in  the  paper  alluded  to 
by  Mr.  Lyman,  that  the  Professor  is  discussing  the  period  in- 
cluded between  the  years  1700  and  1760*  It  seems  to  me, 
however,  that  what  took  place  in  the  days  of  the  Colony  has 
some  bearing  upon  the  subject  and  that  the  real  facts  of  the 
case  are,  that  the  system  of  openly  setting  the  Parliamentary 

20 


MM 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS* 


fJj 


Act  aside  in  judicial  proceedings,  nominally  taken  in  order  to 
carry  it  out,  which  prevailed  in  the  days  of  the  Colony*  gave 
place  under  the  Province  to  an  equally  open  avoidance  of  the 
restrictions  imposed  by  the  Act,  through  illicit  trade  and  bare- 
faced smuggling.  The  method  of  frustrating  the  law  was  changed 
because,  under  the  new  Charter,  the  old  way  was  no  longer 
practicable. 

Mr*  Ashley  argues,  if  I  remember  aright,  that  the  Navigation 
Act,  which  was  originally  directed  against  the  Dutch,  was  exclu- 
sively intended  for  the  protection  of  British  commerce,  and  that 
in  this  protection  the  Colonies  participated.  The  establishment  of 
the  principle  of  British  shipments  in  British  bottoms,  he  says,  had 
the  effect  of  stimulating  ship-building  In  New  England.  I  should 
be  inclined  to  think  that  this  must  be  so,  and  to  that  extent  I 
should  admit  that  the  Navigation  Act  may  have  benefited  the  Col- 
onies, It  may  be  that  the  beneficial  influence  of  the  Navigation 
Act  was  sufficiently  great  to  have  operated  in  this  way  even 
if  the  restrictive  portions  of  the  Act  had  been  enforced  against 
Colonial  commerce,  but  inasmuch  as  these  never  were  enforced, 
we  are  not  called  upon  to  estimate  the  offset  of  their  deleterious 
influence  and  must  therefore,  as  I  have  said,  admit  the  justice  of 
the  claim  made  by  Professor  Ashley, —  that  ship-building  must 
have  been  stimulated  by  the  Navigation  Act. 

When  we  come  to  examine  the  arguments  covering  the  effects 
of  the  restrictive  legislation  of  a  later  period,  it  seems  to  me  that 
Professor  Ashley  overlooks  the  fact  that  practically  the  same  con- 
dition of  things  prevailed  in  the  days  of  the  Province  as  that 
which  is  so  visibly  set  forth  by  Randolph  in  his  remonstrances, 
protests,  and  petitions  in  the  days  of  the  Colony.  We  have 
abundant  testimony  bearing  upon  this  point.  In  a  paper  sub- 
mitted to  the  consideration  of  the  Society  last  year,1  in  which  I 
discussed  the  relation  of  the  currency  to  the  politics  of  the 
Province,  I  undertook  to  show  that  the  people  of  the  Province 
were  apathetic  with  regard  to  this  restrictive  legislation  simply 
because  it  was  not  enforced,  and  that  when  they  realized  that  a 
new  policy  was  being  inaugurated,  the  fundamental  idea  of  which 
was  the  passage  of  legislation  which  was  to  be  put  in  practical 


1  At  the  April  Meeting,  1889,     See  ante,  pp.  157-172. 


1900.] 


THE  PURGATORY   RIVER   OF  COLORADO. 


307 


operation,  they  then  rose  in  opposition.  My  purpose  in  that 
paper  was  simply  to  show  the  part  taken  by  the  currency  dis- 
cussion in  educating  the  people  of  the  distant  towns  in  the 
politics  of  the  Province*  but  it  involved  an  examination  of  this 
ery  question,  and  the  opinion  that  I  then  expressed  has  a  direct 
bearing  on  the  question  which  has  been  raised  here  to-day  in  the 
discussion  following  the  interesting  paper  which  we  have  just 
heard  read  by  Mr,  Ford. 

The  enforcement  of  the  Molasses  Act  would  have  ruined  the 
commerce  of  Hew  England,  Its  evasion  was  so  notorious  that 
Professor  Ashley  excepts  it  from  his  discussion.  Evasion  of 
Parliamentary  laws  was  not,  however,  limited  to  the  Molasses 
Act-  It  comprehended  all  legislation  of  a  similar  character,  and 
we  have  but  to  turn  to  contemporary  English  authorities  to 
learn  that  the  English  were  fully  cognizant  of  this  fact.  A 
pamphlet1  was  published  in  1765,  which  was  attributed  to  George 
Grenville,  in  which  it  was  stated  that  the  average  collections  of 
revenue  from  all  the  Colonies  during  thirty  years  had  not  amounted 
annually  to  j£1900,  while  vessels  engaged  in  commerce  between 
ports  in  the  Baltic  and  the  German  Ocean  imported  illegally  into 
the  Colonies  each  year  goods  far  exceeding  in  value  those  which 
passed  thither  through  Great  Britain,  This  pamphlet  is  well 
worthy  of  consideration*  It  is  a  dispassionate  discussion  of  the 
subject  and  must  have  carried  conviction  to  the  minds  of  those 
who  sympathized  with  the  view  of  the  writer  that  the  prime 
function  of  the  Colony  was  to  benefit  the  Mother  Country,  The 
author  states  that  the  revenue  laws,  so  far  as  the  Colonies  were 
concerned,  were  political  regulations,  the  purpose  of  which  was 
to  lead  up  to  the  enforcement  of  the  Navigation  Act,     It  was 

^ because  the  colonists  appreciated  this  that  they  broke  into  open 
resistance, 
or 
nan 


Mr.  Albert  Matthews  read  the  following  paper  on  — 

THE  PURGATORY  RIVER  OF  COLORADO. 

In  the  southwestern  part  of  Colorado  is  the  Rio  de  las  Animas, 
or  Rio  de  las  Animas   Perdidas,  commonly  called   the   Animas 


1  The  Regulations  Lately  Made  concerning  the  Colonies,  and  the  Taxes  Im- 
posed upon  Them  considered.     London,  1765. 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY   OF  MASS 


ItiverT  a  tributary  of  the  San  Juan.  Its  waters  find  their  war 
tb rough  the  Colorado  River  to  the  Gulf  of  California.  Though 
the  region  watered  by  the  Animas  wag  unsettled  and  but  little 
known  until  about  thirty  yean*  ago,  yet  the  river  was  visited 
by  the  Spanish  as  early  as  1776,  and  in  that  year  Father  Esea- 
lante  alluded  to  it  as  the  Rio  de  las  Animas.1  In  the  south- 
eastern part  of  the  same  State  is  the  Rio  de  las  Animas,  or 
Purgatory  River,  a  tributary  of  the  Arkansas,  the  latter  river  flow- 
ing into  the  Mississippi.  How  did  this  river,  apparently  alone  of  all 
the  rivers  of  North  America,  excluding  New  England,2  come  to  be 
called  Purgatory  River?  Before  attempting  to  answer  this  ques- 
tion, I?t  us  see  what  has  been  the  history  of  the  exploration  of  that 
stream.  Though  it  was  known  to  the  Spanish  and  to  the  French, 
the  first  person  to  leave  an  account  of  it  was  the  indomitable  Pike, 
who,  under  the  dates  of  15  and  16  November  1806s  thus  wrote  :  — 

M  Before  evening  we  discovered  a  fork  on  the  south  side  bearing  S. 
25"  W.  and  as  the  Spanish  troops,  appeared  to  have  borne  up  it,  we 
encamped  on  its  banks,  about  one  mile  from  its  confluence  [with  the 
Arkansas  River],  that  we  might  make  further  discoveries  on  the  morrow, 
.  .  .  After  ascertaining4  that  the  Spanish  troops  had  ascended  the  right 
branch  or  main  river  [i.e.  the  Arkansas] ;  we  marched  at  two  o'clock 

F.M/'* 

On  his  map.  Pike  charted  the  stream  as  the  fcl  W  Fork,'*  but 
knew  it  by  no  specific  name.  The  next  party  to  explore  it  was 
that  commanded  by  Long,  and,  under  the  dates  of  22  and  27  July 
1820,  we  find  Dr.  Edwin  James  writing  as  follows:  — 

"  This  encampment  was  about  eighteen  miles  abore  the  confluence  of 
that  tributary  of  the  Arkansa,  called  in  Pike's  maps  ^The  First  fork,' 
and,  by  our  computation,  near  one  hundred  miles  from  the  base  of  the 

1  See  post*  pp.  3H,  315  and  note- 

'  There  are  in  New  England  several  small  brooks  to  which  the  name  of 
Purgatory  is  given,  either  because  they  drain  swamps  or  because  they  flow 
through  or  near  rock  chasms  which  are  called  Purgatories*  There  is,  of  course, 
no  connection  between  these  swamps  or  rock  chasms  and  the  Purgatory  River 
of  Colorado;  and  the  Purgatories  of  New  England  do  not  come  within  the 
■cope  of  this  paper, 

1  The  printed  word  is  m  asserting/*  —  an  obvious  misprint, 

*  Ma*}.  Z.  M*  Pike,  An  Account  of  Expeditions  to  the  Sources  of  the  Mis- 
sissippi, tte.t  IS  10,  p.  1C3. 


1900.] 


THE   PURGATORY   RIVER   OF   COLORADO. 


mountain.  *  .  .  After  we  had  dined,  we  retraced  our  two  last  courses, 
and  succeeded  in  ascending  the  cliff,  at  the  place  which  one  of  the 
hunters  had  pointed  out,  taking,  without  the  least  regret,  our  final  leave 
of  the  *  Valley  of  the  souls  in  Purgatory/  This  tributary  of  the 
Arkansa,  designated  on  the  old  maps  as  the  First  Fork,  as  we  learned 
from  Bijeau,  is  called,  among  the  Spaniards  of  New  Mexico,  'The 
river  of  the  souls  in  Purgatory,1  We  emerged  from  the  gloomy  solitude 
of  its  valley,  with  a  feeling  somewhat  akin  to  that  which  attends  the 
escape  from  a  place  of  punishment."  ■ 

The  river  is  indexed  as  c*  Purgatory  creek,"  —  this  being  the 
earliest  appearance  of  the  name  in  a  book.2  The  third  person 
to  mention  the  river  was  one  Jacob  Fowler,  a  trader,  who  under 
the  dates  of  13  November,  1821,  and  6  June,  1822,  said  i  — 

"  *  ,  >  on  looking  forward  We  Seen  a  Branch  Puling  in  from  the 
South  Side  Which  We  Sopose  to  be  Pikes  first  forke  and  make  for  it, 
*  .  .  We  Crosed  this  plind  [plain]  and  down  the  mountain  to  a  branch 
of  the  White  Bair  Crick."* 

The  name  given  to  the  river  by  Fowler  was  due  to  the  fact  that 
on  his  outward  trip  one  of  bis  men  had  been  killed  by  a  grizzly 
bear.  None  of  the  names  now  applied  to  the  river  were  known  to 
Fowler,  The  subsequent  exploration  of  the  stream,  and  the  various 
changes  which  its  name  has  undergone,  are  sufficiently  illustrated 
by  the  extracts  which  follow, 

w  We  were  now  crossing  the  dividing  Hue  between  the  waters  of  the 
Timpas  and  those  of  the  Purgatory,  or  Los  Animos,  of  the  Spaniards, 
,  .  .  To-day  we  descended  eleven  and  a  half  miles,  and  reached  the 
valley  of  the  Purgatory,  called,  by  the  mountain  men,  Picatoire,  acorrup- 

1  Account  of  an  Expedition  from  Pittsburgh  lo  the  Rocky  Mountains, 
-  ,  ■  under  the  command  of  Major  Stephen  EL  Long,  ,  .  •  compiled  by  Edwin 
James,  Philadelphia,  1823,  ii.  66*  76,  and  note* 

3  But  "  Purgatory  Cr."  is  found  in  one  of  the  lt  Maps  and  Plates/*  published 
in  1822,  which  accompanied  the  work  in  question.  It  also  appears  as  "  Purga- 
tory Cr."  in  the  General  Atlas  published  by  F,  Lucas,  Jr.,  1823,  No.  49;  as 
"  Purgatory  Or."  in  S.  Hall's  New  General  Atlas,  1830,  No.  44;  and  as  ■«  Rio 
de  las  Animas  or  Purgatoire,"  in  the  map  hy  J,  Gregg  in  his  Commerce  of 
the  Prairies,  1844. 

■  Journal  of  Jacob  Fowler^  edited  by  E*  Cones,  1898,  pp.  41,  148  (Ameri- 
can Explorers  Series,  i).  In  a  letter  to  the  present  writer,  Dr.  Coues  aptly 
characterized  Fowler  aa  the  "  brooco  speller." 


810  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  IJAM. 

tion  of  Purgatoire,  a  swift-running  stream,  a  few  yards  in  width,  bat  no 
grass  of  any  amount  at  the  crossing." * 

"  On  the  right,  rose  the  cloud-capped  summits  of  the  Spanish  Peaks ; 
in  front,  the  gates  of  the  Raton  pass,  from  which  issued  the  much 
wished  for  '  Rio  Purgatorio.'  .  .  .  Spent  the  day  on  the  banks  of  the 
Purgatory;  not  inappropriately  named,  as  one  plunges  into  a  perfect 
Erebus,  amongst  the  rugged  rocks  of  the  Raton/'  * 

"  We  started  about  noon,  proceeding  the  first  day  about  ten  miles, 
and  camped  at  sundown  opposite  to  the  mouth  of  the  Purgatoire  —  the 
Pickatwaire  of  the  mountaineers,  and  '  Las  Animas  '  of  the  New  Mexi- 
cans —  an  affluent  of  the  Arkansa,  rising  in  the  mountains  in  the  vicinity 
of  the  Spanish  Peaks."  * 

44  The  Kiowas  .  .  .  are  divided  into  several  sub-tribes,  under  the  con- 
trol of  independent  chiefs,  and  portions  of  them,  even  during  the  winter 
months,  occupy  the  valley  of  the  upper  Arkansas,  and  of  its  tributary, 
the  Purgatory  river.  The  *  Big  Timbers '  of  the  Arkansas,  and  the 
bushy  shores  of  the  Purgatory,  afford  them  fuel  and  shelter  from  the 
storms." 4 

"The  Purgatoire  (first  changed  into  Purgatory,  and  then  corrupted 
into  Pickel-Wire)  rises  in  the  northern  angle  which  the  Raton  Mountains 
make  with  the  main  chain."  * 

"  LAS  ANIMAS  COUNTY  Lies  along  the  southern  boundary  of 
Colorado,  and  takes  its  name  from  the  principal  stream  running  through 
it  —  the  Las  Animas,  or  Purgatoire  (sometimes  vulgarized  into  i  Picket- 
wire').  The  Las  Animas  ('The  Spirits')  valley  forms  one  of  the 
most  magnificent  tracts  of  farming  land  in  Colorado." 6 

44  Quelques  mots  ont  et£  complement  defigures.  En  effet,  qui  pour- 
rait  deviner  que  .  .  .  4Picketwire  River,'  dans  le  Nouveau-Mexique 
[est  d£riv£]  de  4  Riviere  du  Purgatoire? '  " 7 

1  Lieut.  W.  H.  Emory,  4,  5  August,  1846,  Notes  of  a  Military  Reconnaissance, 
from  Fort  Leavenworth,  in  Missouri,  to  San  Diego,  in  California,  1848,  p.  17. 

f  Lieut.  J.  W.  Abert,  13,  14  September,  1846,  in  W.  H.  Emory's  Notes,  etc., 
1848,  pp.  436,  437.  On  14  January,  1847,  Abert  refers  to  the  stream  as  "  the 
•  Rio  de  los  Animas,'  or  Purgatory  "  (Notes,  etc.,  p.  523). 

•  G.  F.  Ruxton,  Adventures  in  Mexico  and  the  Rocky  Mountains,  1847,  p. 
291. 

4  Capt.  J.  Pope,  Report  of  Exploration  of  a  Route  for  the  Pacific  Railroad, 
1854,  p.  16.     (Pacific  Railroad  Reports,  vol.  ii.,  Part  iv.) 

6  W.  A.  Bell,  New  Tracks  in  North  America,  1869,  i.  80.  No  doubt. 
"  Pickel-Wire  "  is  a  misprint  for  "  Picket- Wire." 

•  The  Rocky  Mountain  Directory  and  Colorado  Gazetteer,  For  1871,  p.  61. 

•  G.  Barringer,  £tude  sur  P  Anglais  parte  aux  £tats-Unis  (La  Langue 


THE  PURGATORY   RIVER  OF   COLORADO. 


**  The  tributaries  of  the  Arkansas,  which  take  their  rise  in  the  moun- 
tains, cut  splendid  cations  for  their  passage.  Of  these  the  finest  is  that 
of  the  *  Purgatory,1  which  for  more  than  fifty  miles  is  almost  shut  out 
from  the  light  of  day  by  beetling  cliffs  of  red  sandstone,  800  to  1,000 
feet  high,  and  in  many  places  within  a  very  few  hundred  feet  of  each 
other,"1 

11  There  is  also  a  'purgatory'  in  the  Rocky  Mountains,  this  name 
"being  given  to  a  gorge,  defile t  or  cafion,  traversed  by  oue  of  the 
branches  of  the  Arkansas  (Purgatory  River),  This  l  purgatory1  is  on 
a  grand  scale,  it  being  more  than  fifty  miles  long,  and  its  walls  from 
eight  hundred  to  a  thousand  feet  high."  fl 

"  The  first  farm  in  the  fertile  and  now  valuable  valley  of  the  Rio  de 
Las  Animas  was  opened  by  the  Bents."1 

It  thus  appears  that  among  the  names  given  to  this  stream  are 
Purgatory,  Purgatorio,  Purgatoire,  Picatoire,  Pickatwaire,  Picket- 
wire,  and  Rio  de  las  Animas.4  As  M,  Barringer  remarks,  the 
connection  between  Purgatory  and  Picketwire  is  not  obvious  at 
a  glance ;  but  the  above  extracts  show  the  successive  changes 
by  which  the  corruption  has  been  brought  about.     It  is  clear, 

Am&ic&ine),  in  Actes  de  la  Society  Philologique,  1874*  iii.  302,     The  author  is 
of  course  mistaken  in  locating  the  Purgatory  in  New  Mexico. 

*  R.  I.  Dodge,  The  Plaina  of  the  Great  West  and  their  Inhabitants,  1877, 
p.  21. 

*  J.  D.  Whitney,  Names  and  Places :  Studies  in  Geographical  and  Topo- 
graphical Nomenclature,  1888,  p.  161.  In  &  note,  Prof.  Whitney  quotes  Col. 
Dodge,  and  refers  to  Emory  and  Abert  as  "  the  earliest  scientific  explorers  of 
this  region/'  It  is  clear  that  Prof,  Whitney  had  not  made  a  study  of  the  sub- 
ject ;  for,  as  we  have  already  seen,  Emory  and  Abert  had  been  preceded  by 
Pike  and  Long. 

*  II .  Inman,  The  Old  Santa  Fe*  Trail  I  The  Story  of  a  Great  Highway,  1897, 
p.  395.  In  a  note  Coh  Inman  adds:  "  *  River  of  Souls.'  The  stream  j s  also 
called  Le  Purgatoire,  corrupted  by  the  Americans  into  Picketwire/* 

*  The  Purgatory  River  is  sometimes  referred  to  as  the  Hio  de  las  Animas 
Perdidaa*  Thus,  Col.  Inman,  alluding  to  the  top  of  Raton  Peak,  recently 
wrote ;  M  Far  below  this  magnificent  vantage-ground  lies  the  valley  of  the  Rio 
Las  Animas  Perdidas  "  (The  Old  Santa  Fe  Trail,  1897,  p.  486).  Such  a  de- 
signation is  wrong,  and  is  due  to  confusion  with  the  Animas  River,  the  tribu- 
tary of  the  San  Juan  mentioned  at  the  beginning  of  this  paper.  In  a  letter  to 
the  present  writer,  the  late  Dr.  Coues  spoke  of  the  confusion  as  one  made  by 
11  blundering  writers ; n  yet  Dr.  Coues  himself  twice  fell  into  the  trap,  and  on  my 
pointing  out  the  mistake,  characteristically  remarked  that  he  was  waiting  *4  to 
get  a  chance  to  abuse  himself  in  print  about  it." 


312 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY   OF   MASSACHUSETTS, 


fJAar. 


also,  that  the  genesis  of  Purgatory  River  is  from  the  Spanish 
Rio  Purgatorio.  As  to  the  origin  of  this  name,  several  explana- 
tions have  been  advanced.  An  English  traveller,  Mr.  W.  A. 
Bell,  remarked  as  follows:  — 

"  We  had  come  to  the  entrance  of  the  Red  Rock  Canon  j  and  never 
have  I  Been  anything  to  equal  the  wo nd erf ul  effect  of  this  mass  of 
colour.  There  cannot  be  a  doubt  that,  coming  unexpectedly  upon  this 
marvellous  spectacle,  Purgalonj  was  the  instant  and  unvarying  idea 
impressed  upon  the  imaginations  of  the  French  explorers  from  Louisiana 
who  first  visited  this  spot ;  for  it  seemed  only  just  out  of  some  mighty 
furnace,  and  looked  as  if,  a  little  farther  on,  within  the  narrow  jaws 
through  which  the  boiling  waters  came  seething  down,  the  whole  chasm 
was  even  then  red-hot,  and  ready  to  engulf  those  whom  Holy  Church 
had  doomed  to  destruction."  l 

This  notion  is  based  on  a  complete  misconception  of  the  Catho- 
lic doctrine  of  Purgatory,  That  doctrine  is  that  Purgatory  is 
a  place  where  the  souls  of  those  who  have  died  in  grace  undergo 
a  process  of  cleansing  from  sin  preparatory  to  being  admitted  into 
Paradise.  Hence  "the  enemies  of  Holy  Church"  are  precisely 
the  ones  whose  souls  under  no  circumstances  can  enter  Purga- 
tory ;  and  it  follows  that  Mr.  Bell  has  confounded  Purgatory 
with  Hell,  —  a  mistake  common  with  Protestants,  and  one  which 
is  found  in  several  of  the  extracts  cited  above.  But  though  the 
precise  idea  suggested  by  Mr.  Bell  could  never  have  occurred  to 
the  Spanish  or  French  traders  who  first  explored  the  region  of  the 
Purgatory  River*  yet  if  we  substitute  the  correct  conception  of 
Purgatory  for  Mr,  Bell's  misconception,  we  have  an  explanation  of 
the  origin  of  the  name  which  may  possibly  be  the  true  one. 

A  few  years  ago  Colonel  Richard  I,  Dodge  advanced  another 
explanation,  as  follows :  — 

"  A  curious  and  interesting  story  was  told  me  by  an  old  Mexican, 
apropos  to  the  name  of  what  is  known  on  our  map  as  the  *  Purgatory 
River,'  When  Spain  owned  all  Mexico  and  Florida,  the  Commanding 
Officer  at  Santa  F6  received  an  order  to  open  communication  with 
Florida*  An  Infantry  Regiment  was  selected  for  this  duty.  It  started 
rather  late  in  the  season,  and  wintered  at  a  place  which  has  been  a  town 


*  New  Tracks  in  North  America,  1869,  i,  88,  80. 


1900.] 


THE   PURGATORY   RIVER  OF   COLORADO. 


313 


€Ter  since,  and  is  now  known  as  Trinidad,     In  the  spring,  the  colonel, 
leaving  behind  all  camp  followers  —  both  men  and  women — inarched 
down  the  stream  which  flows  for  many  miles   through  a  magnificent 
cafion,     Not  one  of  the  regiment  returned  or  was  ever  heard  of  after, 
their  fate  being  shrouded  in  mystery.     When  all  hope  had  departed  from 
the  wives,  children  and  friends,  left  behind  in  Trinidad,  information  was 
sent  to  Santa  Fe,  and  a  wail  went  up  through  the  land*     The  priests 
and  people  called  this  stream,  4  El  rio  de  las  auimas  perdidas/  '  The 
liiver  of  lost  Souls.'     Years  after,  when  the  Spanish  power  was  weakened 
and  Canadian  French  trappers  permeated  the  country,  they  adopted  a 
more  concise  name-     The  place  of  lost  souls  being  purgatory,  they  called 
the  river   '  Le  Purgatotre/      Then  came  the   *  Great   American   Bull- 
whacker/  he  whose  persistent  efforts  opened  and  maintained  the  enormous 
trade  between  Santa  Fe  and  St  Louis.     Utterly  tiuable  to  twist  his 
tongue    into  any  such  Frenchified  expression,  he  called  the  river  the 
4  Picketwire,*    and  by  this  name  it  is  known  to  all  frontiersmen  and 
to  the  settlers  on  its  banks.*' 2 

No  such  expedition  as  that  referred  to  is  known  to  historians ; 
the  sudden  rise  of  Trinidad  would,  even  in  our  go-ahead  West, 
be  an  impossibility;  as  a  matter  of  fact,  Trinidad  came  into 
existence  between  1860  and  1870  ;a  the  name  Rio  de  las  Animas 
Perdidas  is  wrongly  applied  to  the  Purgatory,  through  confusion 


*  Our  Wild  Indians :  Thirty-three  Years*  Personal  Experience  among  the 
Red  Men  of  the  Great  West,  1882,  pp.  229,  230.  The  following  description  of 
a  bull-whacker  is  from  the  pen  of  John  White!  an  English  traveller :  -— 

"The  men  were  of  the  wildest  Western  type,  either  miners  from  the  mountains  or 
"bull- whackers  *  from  the  plains,  The  profession  of  £  bull- whacking  '  has,  in  aote-railway 
davs,  been  one  of  the  foremost  In  the  West  The  bull -whacker  is  a  teamster,  who  uses  his 
^rmggon  and  team  of  oxen  for  brio ging  supplies  westward  from  the  Missouri,  and  other 
Wise  carrying  od  the  trade  of  the  conn  try;  The  nam  her  of  prominent  men  in  the  Far 
West,  who  started  in  trans  -Missouri  an  life  as  ball- whackers,  is  said  to  be  very  great,  and 
the  gains  of  the  profession,  hitherto,  to  have  been  very  large.  The  good  bulb  whacker 
must  be  fearless  of  Indians,  and  the  cleaner  he  shoots  his  men,  the  better ;  he  must  be 
able  to  stand  any  Hardship ;  he  is  generally  of  fine  physique,  with  a  vigorous  rollicking, 
«i*vil-me-care  look  about  him,  which  makes  him  a  handsome  specimen  of  manhood/*  etc. 
{Sketches  from  America,  1870,  p.  259). 

*  In  1859  a  French  Canadian  settled  at  the  mouth  of  Gray's  creek  four 
miles  below  Trinidad  ;  in  1860  settlers  built  cabins  in  the  valley  opposite 
Trinidad;  and  in  1862  several  persons  u staked  off  a  number  of  lots,  built 
cabins,  and  thus  originated  the  nucleus  n  of  Trinidad.  (The  Rocky  Mountain 
Directory  and  Colorado  Gazetteer,  For  1871,  pp,  387-398,)  Florida  was  ceded 
by  Spain  to  the  United  States  in  1819* 


814  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OP  MASSACHUSETTS.  [Jaw. 

with  the  Animas  River,  the  tributary  of  the  San  Juan;  and, 
finally,  Purgatory  is  not  "  the  place  of  lost  souls."  Colonel 
Dodge's  suggestion  is  a  peculiarly  unhappy  one. 

Less  absurd  than  the  explanation  which  has  just  been  considered, 
is  one  put  forward  by  James  F.  Meline. 

"  When  the  thing  is  explained,"  he  said,  u  you  are  ready  to  believe 
anything  in  distorted  orthography  —  except,  perhaps,  Picket  Wire.  .  .  . 
Why  Picket  Wire?  Never  was  any  wire  in  the  country.  And  then  it's 
English,  while  every  mountain  and  stream  in  this  whole  region  has  a 
French,  Indian,  or  Spanish  name.  ...  At  last  a  native  was  caught, 
who,  on  being  asked  the  name  of  the  stream,  gave  it  instantly  its 
beautiful  Spanish  appellation,  i  Rio  de  las  Animas.'  Ah!  here  was  a 
light  i  The  River  of  Souls.'  ...  I  gave  you  my  theory  of  the  origin 
of  the  word  Platte.  I  think  I  can  perceive  that  of  the  Rio  de  las 
Animas.  In  his  diary  of  November  15,  1806,  Pike  speaks  of  encamp- 
ing on  a  fork  of  the  Arkansas,  on  the  south  side,  bearing  south  25°  west, 
and  he  says,  4  As  the  Spanish  troops  appeared  to  have  borne  up  it,  we  ^» 
encamped,'  etc.  South  25°  west  is  precisely  the  course  of  the  Picket  d*t 
Wire,  and  applies  to  no  other  stream  that  Pike  could  then  have  reached.  —  J. 
The  troops  in  question  were  probably  en  route  to  Mexico.  It  is  evident  ^t^  «t 
from  what  Pike  says  that  some  days  had  elapsed  since  they  passed.  —  M. 
They  in  all  probability  reached  it  on  the  2d  of  November,  All  Souls'  ^.sb' 
Day,  and  according  to  their  custom  —  instance  Florida,  Corpus  Christi,  «» MAy 
etc  —  named  it '  Las  Animas,'  in  commemoration  of  the  day." l 


An  examination  of  Pike's  statements,  already  given,  shows j 
that  the  Spanish  troops  did  not  ascend  the  Purgatory;  andJ^-*d 
though  they  may  have  encamped  at  its  mouth  on  the  seconxLE^<*d 
of  November,  1806,  there  is  no  proof  that  they  did  so.  Moreover, ^►-*T» 
Malgares,  the  commander  of  the  Spanish  troops,  "  was  raiding-^^.  £ 
as  a  bravo  to  anticipate  Pike  in  seducing  Indians,  and  was  naming* 
nothing."  2    Finally,  the  name  Rio  de  las  Animas,  as  has  been. 


1  J.  F.  Meline,  Two  Thousand  Miles  on  Horseback:  Santa  Fe*  and  Back,  — 
1868,  pp.  93-95. 

a  So  Dr.  Coues  wrote  me.  After  my  own  investigations  were  completed,  IT" 
applied  to  Dr.  Coues  in  the  hope  of  obtaining  further  information.  In  spite* 
however,  of  his  immense  knowledge  in  such  matters,  he  was  unable  to  furnisht 
me  with  any  facts  not  already  known  to  me,  except  the  reference  to  Escalante's 
Diary.  When  Dr.  Coues  acknowledged  himself  baffled,  others  need  not  bo 
ashamed  of  their  ignorance. 


>0 


THE   PURGATORY   RIFER  OF   COLORADO, 


815 


►bserved,  occurs  in  a  Spanish  work  as  early  as  1776,1  It  is  true 
that  this  name  was  applied  not  to  the  Purgatory  River  but  to  the 
Animas  River*2  the  tributary  of  the  San  Juan  j  yet  the  words 
of  Father  Escalante  show  the  existence  of  the  name  long  before 
the  time  of  M  alga  res. 

The  period  of  the  first  use  of  Purgatorio,  and  the  circumstances 
of  its  imposition,  are  as  yet  to  be  discovered;  and  until  evidence 

rearing  on  these  points  is  adduced*  it  will  be  well  to  refrain  from 
theorizing.     It  may  be  pointed  out,  however,  that  in    Catholic 

countries  Purgatorio  is  by  no  means  unknown  as  applied  to  topo- 
phtcal  features.    Thus  there  are  in  Venezuela  both  a  mountain 


1  4I  Dia  8,  salimos  del  rio  Finos  y  Vega  de  San  Cay  eta  no,  rum  bo  oeanoroeste, 
&  las  cuatro  leguaa  Uegamoa  al  rio  Florida,  que  es  mediano  y  inenor  que  el  de 
los  Finos;  .  ,  „  Pasado  el  rio  Florida,  cam  in  am  03  al  oeste  doa  leguas  y  al 
oeanoroeste  poco  mas  de  otras  doa ;  bajamos  una  cuesta  pedrosa  y  no  muy  dila- 
tada,  llegaruos  at  rio  de  las  An  imas,  cerca  de  la  pun  La  occidental  de  la  sierra  de 
la  Plata,  en  que  tiene  bu  origen.  .  .  .  Dia  9 :  salimos  del  rio  de  laa  Animas, 
.  anduvimos  por  ell  a  una  legna  al  oeste,  y  declinamos  al  oeste  cuarta  al 
noroeste,  y  andadas  tres  leguas  por  un  monte  frondoso  de  buenos  pastos,  llegamos 
al  rio  de  San  Joaquin,  por  otro  nombre  de  la  Plata,  el  cual  es  pequefto"  (Eaca- 
jaute's  Diario  y  Derrotero,  8,  9  August,  1779,  in  Documentos  para  la  Historia 
de  Mexico,  second  series,  1854,  i+  388).  My  attention  was  called  to  this  work 
by  Dr.  Cones  j  but  I  am  indebted  to  our  associate,  Mr,  A,  P*  C.  Griffin,  for 
kindly  procuring  me  a  copy  of  the  entries  for  8  and  9  August.  Maps  of  Esca- 
lante's  route  will  be  found  in  the  Atlas  accompanying  the  Exploration  du  Ter- 
ritolre  de  l'Oregon,  dea  Californies  et  de  la  Mer  Vermeille,  execute*  e  pendant  lea 
Annees  1840,  1841  et  1842,  par  M.  Duflot  de  Mof ras,  Paris,  1844,  Not  1 ;  in  R 
Harry's  account,  written  in  18G0,  of  Escalante  *a  Diary,  in  Captain  J*  H.  Simp- 
son's Report  of  Explorations  across  the  Great  Basin  of  the  Territory  of  Utah 
for  a  direct  wagon  -route  from  Camp  Floyd  to  Genoa,  in  Carson  Valley,  in  1859 
(published  in  1876),  p.  489;  and  in  H.  H.  Bancroft's  History  of  the  Pacific 
States  of  North  America,  xx*  342.  There  is  nothing  in  Escalante's  Diary  for 
those  two  day  a  to  indicate  that  the  names  Finos,  Florida,  Las  Animas  and  La 
Plata  —  all  of  which  are  retained  to  the  present  day  —  originated  with  him- 
self ;  while  he  does  distinctly  say  that  in  years  paat  several  expeditions  started 
from  New  Mexico  to  exploit  certain  lodea  of  metal  in  the  canon  of  the  Rio  de 
la  Plata, 

3  Escalaute'a  name  is  Rio  de  las  Animas*  How  **  Perdidas  H  came  to  be 
added  is  a  mystery  which  cannot  be  fathomed.  Curiously  enough,  I  cannot 
find  the  slightest  allusion  to  the  Animas  River  from  the  day  a  of  Escalante  to 
those  of  Captain  J.  N.  Macomb,  who  explored  the  stream  in  1859,  (See  Pro- 
fessor J.  S*  Newberry's  Geological  Report  in  Captain  Macomb's  Report  of  the 
Exploring  Expedition  From  Santa  Fe,  New  Mexico,  to  the  Junction  of  the 
Grand  and  Green  Rivers  of  the  Great  Colorado  of  the  West,  1670,  pp.  76, 
78,  79.) 


816  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  [Ja*.       w» 

range  and  a  river  named  Purgatorio ; 1  there  is  on  the  northwest  ^| 

coast  of  Cuba  a  Punta  del  Purgatorio;3  there  is,  in  the  interior  -», 

of  the  same  island,  a  place  called  Loma  del  Purgatorio;1  and  no  ^> 

less  than  three  communes  in  Italy  have  each  a  "frazione"  desig-  ^^ 
nated  Purgatorio.4 

That  the  question  with  which  this  paper  began  must  be  left  ^*=3 

without  an  adequate  answer,  is  cause  for  regret ;  but  perhaps  the  ^^  * 

history  of  the  Purgatory  River  of  Colorado  is  not  without  interest  ^  w 
as  a  study  in  nomenclature. 

Mr.  John  Noble  reminded  the  Society  that  its  meeting^g' 
i  was  being  held  on  the  anniversary  of  the  birth  of  Franklin_^« 
and  remarked  upon  the  great  value  to  mankind  of  his 
coveries  and  inventions,  and  upon  his  public  services,  calling 
attention  to  the  remarkable  variety  and  extent  of  the  fields 
of  his  interests. 

Mr.   Henry    H.    Edes    exhibited   a  letter  of    EdmuncL 
Quincy   and   said  :  — 

The  original  letter  which  is  now  before  the  Society  was  written. 
18  June,  1773,  by  Edmund  Quincy  (H.  C.  1722)  to  his  daughter 
Dorothy,6  afterward  the  wife  of  Governor  John  Hancock.  She 
was  then  in  Shirley,  Massachusetts,  on  a  visit  to  the  Reverend 
Phinehas  Whitney  (H.  C.  1759)  and  his  second  wife,  Lydia 
Bowes,  daughter  of  the  Reverend  Nicholas  Bowes  (H.  C.  1725) 
of  Bedford,  Massachusetts,  and  cousin-german  to  John  Hancock. 

1  "  Purgatorio  :  Geog.  Altura  de  la  serranfa  de  Turumiquire,  en  la  sec- 
cidn  Cumani,  Venezuela,  a  1548  m.  sobre  el  nivel  del  mar.  Rio  de  la  seccion 
Cumani,  Venezuela;  nace  en  la  serranfa  de  Paria  y  desagua  en  el  golfo  del 
mismo  nombre"  (Diccionario  Enciclopedico  Hispano-Americano  de  Litera- 
tura,  Ciencias  y  Artes,  1895,  xvi.  657). 

*  The  Century  Atlas,  1897,  No.  68. 

•  So  I  am  informed  by  a  correspondent. 
«  "  PURGATORIO.  — Frazione  del  com.  di  Capriata  d»  Orba,  prov.  di  Ales. 

sandria.  L*  ufficio  postale  e  a  Capriata  d'Orba.  PURGATORIO.  —  Frazione 
del  com.  di  San  Massimo,  prov.  di  Molise.  .  .  .  PURGATORIO  (Anime  del). 
—  Frazione  del  com.  di  Spoleto,  prov.  dell*  Umbria  "  (Dizionario  Corografico 
dell'  Italia  compilato  per  cura  del  Prof.  Amato  Amati,  Milano,  vi.  672).  This 
work  is  undated,  but  was  published  about  1869. 

5  Dorothy  Quincy  was  baptized  at  the  Church  in  Brattle  Square,  17  May, 
1747. 


1000.] 


REMARKS  BY  ME.  HENRY  H.  EDES. 


317 


Madam  Lydia  Hancock l  was  also  there,  on  a  visit  to  hex  niece  and 
namesake.      If  tradition  be  true,   she  had  set   her  heart   upon 
having  Miss  Qiuncy  for  a  niece  and  as  her  own  successor  as  mis- 
tress of  the  Hancock  mansion  on  Beacon  Hill,  where,  before  hos- 
tilities began,  the  young  lady  was  often  a  welcome  guest.    Madam 
Hancock  lost  no  opportunity  to  bring  Miss  Quincy  and  her  favor- 
ite nephew  together  at  Boston,  at  Lexington,  at  Burlington,  at 
Shirley,  at  Fairfield,  Connecticut,  and  elsewhere,  and  she  finally 
liad  the  satisfaction  of  witnessing  their  nuptials,  on  the  twenty- 
eighth  of  August,   1775,  at  Fairfield,   where  the  Rev.   Andrew 
Eliot  (H.  C.  17G2),  son  of  Dn  Andrew  Eliot  (H.  C.  1737)  of  Bos- 
ton, was  the  settled  minister.    It  is  said  that  during  Miss  Quincy's 
Tisit  at  Fairfield,  where  she  and  Madam  Hancock  were  the  guests 
of  Thaddeus  Burr  and  his  wife,  in  the  summer  of  1775,  she  met 
Aaron  Burr,  a  kinsman  of  her  host,  and  was  much  charmed  by  his 
fascinating  manners;   but  her  watchful  chaperon  took  care  that 
her  own  matrimonial  plans  for  her  young  charge  were  not  inter- 
fered with.     In  view  of  what  has  been  said,  there  is  no  cause  for 
surprise  in  the  fact  that  the  first  child  born  to  Governor  Hancock 

■  and  his  young  wife  was  named  Lydta  Henchman  Hancock. 
The  grace  with  which  Mrs.   Hancock  presided  over  the  Gov- 
ernor s  household  and  received  his  distinguished  guests  has  been 
often  described.     Here  is  one  description :  — 

Madam  Hancock  gratified  the  ambition  of  her  husband,  in  presiding 
with  so  much  graceful  ease  at  his  hospitable  board  and  in  the  social 
circle,  that  her  presence  ever  infused  an  enlivening  charm.  So  famed 
was  Hancock  for  hospitality,  that  his  mansion  was  often  thronged  with 
visitors;  and  frequently  did  Madam  Hancock  send  her  maids  to  milk 
their  cows  on  Boston  Common,  early  in  the  morning,  to  replenish  the 
exhausted  supply  of  the  previous  evening.  On  July  28,  1796,*  widow 
Dorothy  Hancock  was  married,  by  Peter  Thacher,  D.D.,  to  James 
Scott,  the  master  of  a  London  packet,  formerly  in  the  employ  of  the 

1  An  interesting  memorial  of  Madam  Hancock's  interest  in  the  First  Church 
of  Shirley  remains  in  the  large  Bible,  inscribed  with  her  name,  which  she 
gave  for  the  pulpit  on  the  occasion  of  the  opening  for  public  worship  of 
the  new  Meeting- House,  on  the  twenty-fifth  of  November,  1773.  See  postt 
pp.  321-323. 

*  The  Record*  of  the  Church  in  Brattle  Square,  and  the  Boston  Record  Com- 
missioners* Reports,  XXX,  Ill,  give  the  date  of  Madam  Hancock's  marriage  as 
27  July,  170o\ 


318  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS*  [J±*- 

governor.  She  outlived  Capt  Scott  many  years,1  and  retained  her 
mental  faculties  until  near  the  close  of  life*  She  was  a  lady  of  superior 
education,  and  delightful  powers  of  conversation* 

Her  last  days  were  retired  and  secluded,  in  the  dwelling  No.  4 
Federal-street,  next  the  corner  of  Milton-place,  in  Boston;  and  those 
were  moat  honored  who  received  an  invitation  to  her  little  supper- 
table.  She  epoke  of  other  days  with  cheerfulness,  and  seldom  sighed 
that  they  had  gone.  Her  memory  was  tenacious  of  past  times;  and 
tbere  were  but  few  officers  of  the  British  army  quartered  in  Boston 
whose  personal  appearance,  habits,  and  manners,  she  could  not  describe 
with  accuracy.  Her  favorite  was  Earl  Percy,  whose  forces  encamped 
on  Boston  Common  during  the  winter  of  1774-5;  and  this  nobleman, 
accustomed  to  all  the  luxuries  of  Old  England,  slept  among  Ml  com- 
panions in  arms  in  a  tent  on  the  Common,  exposed  to  the  severity  of 
the  weather  as  much  as  were  they.  The  traces  of  those  tents  have  been 
visible,  to  a  very  recent  period,  on  the  Common,  when  the  grass  was 
freshly  springing  from  the  earth,  and  the  circles  around  the  tents  were 
very  distinct.  At  the  dawn  of  day,  Madam  Seott  related  that  Earl 
Percy's  voice  was  heard  drilling  the  regulars  near  the  old  mansion. 

Madam  Hancock  had  an  opportunity,  after  the  capture  of  Burgoyne 
of  extending  her  courtesies  to  the  ladies  of  his  array,  while  at  Cam- 
bridge, under  the  treaty  with  Gates.  They  were  gratefully  received 
by  the  fair  Britons,  and  ever  remembered*  When  Lafayette  was  in 
Boston,  during  his  last  visit,  in  August,  182-4,  he  made  an  early  call  on 
Madam  Scott.  Those  who  witnessed  this  hearty  interview  speak  of  it 
with  admiration.  The  once  youthful  chevalier  and  the  unrivalled  belle 
met  as  if  only  a  summer  had  passed  since  they  had  enjoyed  social  inter- 
views in  the  perils  of  the  Revolutionp  While  they  both  were  contem- 
plating the  changes  effected  by  long  time,  they  smiled  in  each  other's 
faces,  but  no  allusion  was  made  to  such  an  ungallant  subject ;  yet  she 
was  not  always  so  silent  on  this  point.  One  of  her  young  friends  com- 
plimented her  on  her  good  looks.  She  laughingly  replied,  M  What  yon_ 
have  said  is  more  than  half  a  hundred  years  old.  My  ears  remember  it ; 
but  what  were  dimples  once  are  wrinkles  now/*  To  the  last  day  of  life, 
she  was  as  attentive  to  her  dress  as  when  first  in  the  circles  of  fashion- — 
.  .  .  Madam  Scott  died  in  Boston,  Feb,  3,  1830,  aged  83  years.* 


1  Captain  James  Scott  died  19  June,  1800,  at  the  age  of  63  (Columbi; 
Centinel  of  Wednesday,  21  June,  1800,  No.  2631,  p.  2/4,  which  see).     His  < 
is  in  Suffolk  Probate  Files,  No.  23T36ti. 

1  Loriog's  Hundred  Boston  Orators  (1853),  pp.  106, 107.    Madam  Scott's  wiEU, 
is  in  Suffolk  Probate  Files,  No.  2fl,160. 

The  Columbian  Centinel  of  Saturday,  20  February,  1830,  No.  4786,  p.  1/^^ 


1900.] 


LETTER  OF   EDMUKD   QUINCY. 


819 


The  text  of  Mr,  Quincy's  letter  follows :  — 

Dear  Dollt, 

Altho  I'm  not  to  be  favored  with  one  Letter  or  line,  I  sit  down  to 
write  you  a  second*  to  congratulate  you  upon  the  favorable  account  of 
your  health,  which  I  have,  with  great  satisfaction  received,  tliro,  Col0 
Haodcocks  goodness,  in  communicating  what  Mf  Whitney  informs  him 
on  that  head,  &  also  upon  the  agreableness  of  Mad?  Handcock's  & 
your  present  tour  into  the  Country f  (especially  at  Lancaster),  where 
Nature  smiles  thro  the  most  extended  circle  of  observation  j  where  the 
beauties  of  the  Animal  &  Veritable  world,  as  well  as  those  of  the 
Ceelestial  Regions,  Ulude  y*  Search  of  the  most  pbylosophical  eye.  Let 
us  take  the  hint,  (indeed  very  obvious)  &  be  thence  taught  to  contem- 
plate, admire  &  adore  the  inexhaustable  Source,  from  whence  is  derived 
every  blessing  both  of  the  upper  and  nether  Springs ;  the  latter  indeed 
soon,  very  soon,  may  be  dried  up:  but  this  affords  us  a  singular  reason 
for  our  making  eure  of  a  portion  in  the  Former,  which  is  never  failing 

l  The  inconstancy  of  humane  things,  which  we  are  very  apt 

to  regret,  is  very  wisely  designed  to  correspond  with  every  affair  rela- 
tive to  the  humane  System;  in  the  honest  Examination,  &  right  under- 
standing whereof,  as  far  as  our  respective  capacities  reach,  is  said  to 
consist  that  wisdom,  recom mended  to  us  as  the  principal  thing ;  and  as 
our  creator  has  been  pleased  to  furnish  us  with  the  divine  talent  of  rea- 
son &  reflection,  we  are  infinitely  obliged  to  improve  the  same  to  the 
highest  degree  of  our  intellectual  capacity  ;  indeed  the  longest  span  of 
life  will  prove  too  short  to  render  praise  to  the  author  of  our  Being, 
adequate  to  the  blessings  with  wc.h  he  vouchsafes  to  crown  us  here  j 
and  hence  a  cogent  argument  to  evince  yc  revealed  doctrine  of  a  Resur- 
rection &  a  future  life,  in  the  Full  expectation  w hereof,  we  are  by 
Divine  permission,  to  be  ever  gratefully  rejoycing,  in  what  ever  state 
an  all  wise  providence  may  see  fit  to  place  us,  in  this  life,  and  the  more 
innocently  &  inoffensively  we  live  in  it,  the  higher  will  be  the  enjoy- 
ment of  every  favor  we  may  receive,  tho*  by  a  different  System  of 
action  we  are  in  danger  of  annihilating  the  same :  but  I  may  not  pro- 


contains  a  long  obituary  notice  of  Madam  Scott  from  which  the  following  ex- 
tract is  taken  i  — 

She  was  near  to,  and  in  night  of  the  battle  ground,  when  the  first  blood  flowed  in 
Lexington.  ♦  .  ■  Madam  Hancock  was  justified  in  the  opinion  of  her  friends,  when  she 
gave  her  hand  to  a  second  husband,  Capt*  James  Scots,  whoso  amiable  temper  and 
worthy  character,  she  had  long  and  intimately  known.  With  this  excellent  mac,  she 
enjoyed  as  much  happineae  as  mar  well  consist  with  the  lot  of  humanity. 

1  These  dots  are  in  the  original  from  which  nothing  has  been  omitted  in 
printing. 


820  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  [JAX. 

ceed,  tho.  on  a  most  agreable  subject  of  contemplation,  my  time  being 
Short  &  interruptions  frequent. 

You  have  the  honor  of  Col?  Handcock's  being  the  bearer,  I  wish  him 
a  pleasant  Journey,  &  a  happy  meeting  with  his  valuable  aunt1  &  yon, 
db  that  you  with  them  may  have  a  safe  &  comfortable  Journey  home : 
You'l  make  mine  &  your  SistT  Katy's*  compliments  acceptable  to  Mad* 
Handcock,*  Mr  Whitney  &  Lady,  to  which  I  need  not  add  that  I  remain 

Dear  Dolly, 

Your  most  affection*  Father 
and  Friend, 

Edm.  Quixct4 
Boston  June  18th  1773 
To  Miss.  Dollt  Qcikct 

P.  S.     Your  Sister  Eaty  intended  an  answer  to  your  Short  1/  —  bat 
this  day  has  not  been  able.    Col°  Handcock*  &  associates  have  had  a 


1  The  reference  is  to  the  childless  rich  widow  of  the  richer  Thomas 
Hancock  from  each  of  whom  Governor  Hancock  inherited  a  fortune.  See 
Xot*  on  Ljdia  Hancock,  pott,  pp.  321*323. 

*  Ka:harine  Quincy  was  baptized  3  June.  1733  (Records  of  the  Church  in 
Brittle  Squared  She  died,  unmarried.  9  June.  lSCH,  as  the  age  of  71,  her 
funeral  -  proceeding."  on  the  eleventh.  -  from  the  house  of  James  Soon,  esq." 
(Boston  Gazene  of  Monday.  11  Jane.  1S04.  Xa  795.  p.  2  3> 

*  Lydia  i Henchman)  Hancock. 

«  Edmund  Quincy.  the  son  of  J-dre  Edmund  and  Dorothy  C^Km)  Quincy, 
was  l«m  13  Jsne,  17*3  (Br*in:iee  Town  Reccris.  p.  <>&});  married  F^^t^th 
Wendell  lo  April  l72o  ^R«:on  Record  Commissioners"  Reports*  xxriiL  12$); 
was  a  naer^iant  in  Rre&cn  ;  an  I  a  promise;::  memS?r  of  tbe  Church  in  Brattle 
Square,  wfeere  nis  chilirea  wens  hapsiied.  He  died  oa  Friday.  4  Jah\  17SS.  at 
the  a^e  of  So  ^Mi«sa^:^e«5  Ceatinel  cf  S^tuzdar.  5  J^y.  ITSSw  ix.  129.3). 
H»  ieKer-icck  is  in  ibe  Cabinet  ci  ibe  Maaswhn**:^  lE&craal  Sooesy.  Two 
Jester*  cccsain^i  ir  it.  addressed  to  his  j»;-n-in-Uw  Jcin  Hazoxk  and  to 
Hfcifc—  Lyiia  Hancrck.  Sescririzj:  :be  *rk*iiL;c  ci  Eo«v  n.  are  printed  xn  the 
&*rae-:y**  IVcceedizL^*  f:c  April.  l^T^w  :▼.  27-41.  A  accke  c£  ifc.  Q^iacy  is 
arc*&Sed  v  tbe  iecers  ^rc.  41-44  . 

*  Ha-oxk  had  beec  rcca=isaircw»i  ry  H*%2ci=aec  Carcaix  cf  tie  lade- 
peno*-;  Cccw  cc  Gaiecs  in  Hay.  iTTi.  H*  w^s  disnriswvi  >y  Gcwacr  Gag* 
1  A^trmc  1774.  wsmczcc  tie  a:«kzy  iisc^aiec  aai 
ic  ti*  Gcroraor. 


I 


IW»0  NOTE  ON  LYDIA   HANCOCK.  821 


hoid  task,  respecting  y*  G%*  V  G's*  &  other  Letters*  of  weh  you'l  see 
Copies  —  but  I  think  notwithstanding,  He  appears  to  rise  the  higher  the 
greater  ye  burthens.     M*  Boyle4  here,  remembers  her  love  to  you,  & 

wants  to  see  you. 

[Add 

Lydia 
waa  hnri 


[Addressed] 

To 
Miss,  Dolly  Quiney 

at  the  Rev^  Mr  Whitneys 
in 

Shirley 

By  Favor  of  Col?  Handeock 


NOTE  ON  LYDIA  HANCOCK. 


Lydia  Henchman,  daughter  of  Daniel  and  Eliza-  (Gerrbh)  Henchman, 
born  4  October,  1714  (Boston  Record  Commissioners'  Reports,  xxiv.  98 J. 
She  married  Thomas  Hancock*  who  served  hia  apprenticeship  with  her  fathert 
a  prominent  and  successful  bookseller,  5  November,  1730  (Ibid,  xxviii  154), 
Thomas  Hancock's  death  was  thus  announced :  — 

*  Governor  Thomas  Hutchinson. 

*  Lieutenant-Governor  Andrew  Oliver* 

*  These  were  the  famous  letters  which  Dr.  Franklin  secured  in  England  and 
sent  over  to  Thomas  Cashing,  Speaker  of  the  House,  early  in  December,  1772. 
They  were  printed  in  Boston  in  the  summer  of  1773  and  produced  the  greatest 
excitement  and  alarm  throughout  the  Province*  Cf.  Hutchinson's  History  of 
the  Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  iii.  391,  395  and  notes ;  Diary  and  Letters 
of  Thomas  Hutchinson  (London,  1863),  L  159  et  &eq.  \  and  1  Proceedings  of  the 
Massachusetts  Historical  Society  for  February,  1878,  xvi.  42-49« 

*  This  lady  may  have  been  Mrs.  Lydia  Boyle  whose  death,  at  the  age  of  78, 
iras  announced  in  the  Mercury  and  New  England  Palladium  of  Friday,  28 
^November,  1802,  p.  3/1,  without  the  date  of  her  demise  being  mentioned.    Her 
funeral,  however,  occurred,  on  the  twenty-sixth,  and  proceeded  from  the  house 
of  her  son,  CoL  John  Boyle,  bookseller  and  stationer,  No.  18  Marlborough 
Street,  Boston.     See  Suffolk  Deeds,  clxxxii.  168.     Col.  Boyle  was  twice  mar- 
ried, and  if  the  reference  in  the  text  was  not  to  his  mother  it  was,  doubtless,  to 
his  first  wife,  Ccelia,  daughter  of  Martin  Gay  the  Loyalist  (see  ante,  iii.  379- 
400),  to  whom  he  was  married  12  March,  1772  (Records  of  the  West  Church, 
Boston).     She  died  at  Hingham,  Massachusetts,  11  April,  1776  (New  England 
Chronicle  of  Thursday,   25   April,  1770,  No.  401,  p.   3/2),     See  History   of 
Bingham  (1893),  it  265.    Col,  Boyle  married  (2)  Elizabeth  Casneau,  20  June, 
1778  (Records  of  the  New  North  Church)  and  had  by  her  several  children  who 
were  baptized  at  the  Church  in  Brattle  Square,  among  them  Dorothy  Hancock 
Boyle,  baptized  18  May,  1783.    Col.  Boyle  died  of  apoplexy  in  Boston,  18  Nov- 

21 


322 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS, 


[Ji 


Wednesday  last  about  Noon,  the  Honorable  THOMAS  HANCOCK,  Esq ;  on*  of 
His  Majesty's  Council  for  this  Province,  ww  seized  with  an  Apoplexy,  just  as  he  was 
entering  the  Council  Chamber,  and  expired  about  Three  o 'Clock  P.  M-  at  hU  Saet,  to 
which  he  was  carried  soon  after  be  was  taken  with  the  Fit,  —  He  died  in  the  62d  Year 
of  his  Age;  and  was  one  of  the  most  noted  Merchants  In  New- En  gland.  His  Remain* 
are  to  be  interred  this  Afternoon,  at  Half  past  4  o'Clock  (Boston  Gazette  of  Monday, 
6  August,  1764,  No.  488,  p.  3/2). 

For  Thorns*  Hancock's  will,  see  Suffolk  Probate  Files,  No,  13,481 
Ma* lam    Hancock   fled  from  Boston  during  the  siege  and  took   refuge   at 
Fairfield,  Connecticut,  where,  in  the  old  burial-ground,  may  be  read  the  follow- 
ing  inscription P   which  is   here  copied   from   Abram  English   Brown's    Jobo 
Hancock  His  Book  (1898),  p.  240,  note:  — 

THIS  STOKE  ERECTED 

BY  THADDEUS  BUR  a  AND  EUNICE  BURR 

TO  THE  MEMORY  OF  THEIR  DEAR  FRlEItD 

MRS.   LYDIA  HANCOCK, 

Relict  of  tke  How"-1  Thos.  Hjlroock,  Esqe, 

of  Boston 

whose  Remains  lie  here  interred,  having  retired  to  this  town  from 

the  calamities  of  war,  during  the  Blockade  of  her  native 

city  in  1775,    Just  on  her  return  to  the  reenjoy- 

ment  of  an  ample  fortune. 

Ok  ArmLl5**a,n.  1776 

She  waa  seized  with  apoplexy  and  closed  a  life  of 

unaffected  piety,  universal  benevolence 

and  extensive  charity. 

Madam  Hancock's  death  was  announced  in  the  Boston  Gazette  of  Monday, 
6  May,  1776,  No,  1094,  p.  2/2 :  — 

Lately  died  at  Fairfield,  Lady  Lydta  Hancttck,  Widow  of  the  late  Hon.  Ultima* 
Hancock,  Esq ;  and  Aunt  to  the  Hon.  John  Hancock,  Esq  ;  President  of  the  Continental 
Congress. 

The  issue  of  Monday,  20  May,  No.  1006,  p.  1/1,  contains  a  long  notice,  filling 
nearly  a  column,  from  which  the  following  extract  is  taken  :  — 

FAIRFIELD.  Ajr?VL 

YESTERDAY  died  here,  after  a  short  illness,  Mrs.  Lydia  Hancock,  Tenet  of  the 
late  Hon.  Tkamat  Hancock,  Esq  ;  of  Boston. 

A  few  days  hefore  the  memorable  19th  of  April,  she  retired  from  her  pleasant  sent 
in  that  town,  and  not  long  after  came  to  the  house  of  Thaddens  Bnrr,  Esq ;  of  this  place-, 
a  family  with  which  she  had  long  been  peculiarly  intimate,  and  amidst  whose  tenderest 
offices  of  friendship  she  expired.     ,     .    , 

The  quick  approach  of  death  would  not  allow  her  to  be  attended  tn  her  last  moments 
by  her  Nephew,  the  Hon.  /*An  Hancock,  Esq ;  President  of  the  American  Congress,  who 


ember,  1819  (Boston  Town  Record*).     The  Columbian  Centinel  of  Saturday, 
20  November,  1610,  No.  3716,  p.  2/4  thus  announces  his  death :  — 

In  this  town,  John  Boyle,  Esq.  aged  73.    During  the  revolution  he  commanded  a 
regiment  and  was  aid-de-camp  to  Got.  Hancock. 


l&OCL] 


THE  CASE  OF  MABIA* 


323 


was  happr  in  being  educated  by  her,  from  hie  early  childhood,  and  the  object  of  her 
fondest  alloc  tiou  on  this  aide  heaven. 

In  her  last  ULne&fl,  before  she  was  thonght  dangerona,  she  suddenly  grew  nseDsille 
and  spoke  bat  little  ^  this  ia  the  less  to  be  regretted,  since  her  life  spoke  so  ranch. 

Lydia  Hancock's  will,  dated  30  October,  1765,  contains  many  bequests, 
among  them  legacies  to  the  daughters  of  the  Reverend  Nicholas  Bowes* 
Owing,  doubtless,  to  the  absence  in  Philadelphia  of  her  nephew,  executor  and 
principal  heir,  who  did  not  resign  the  Presidency  of  Congress  tilt  the  autnmn 
of  1777,  the  will  was  not  probated  till  21  November,  1777,  on  his  return  to 
Boston  (Suffolk  Probate  Files,  No.  16,409). 

Mr.  Noble  spoke  at  length  of  the  famous  case  of  Maria, 
the  negress  convicted  of  arson  in  1681,  and  of  some  other 
instances  of  persons  sentenced  to  death  by  burning,  and 
communicated  several  original  papers  in  the  case  of  Maria 
recently  found  in  the  Suffolk  Court  Files.  These  papers 
include  the  original  Indictment,  Maria's  Confession,  and  two 
Depositions, 

THE  CASE  OF  MARIA 
IN  THE  COURT  OF  ASSISTANTS   IN   1681, 

Several  communications  appeared  in  The  Nation1  not  long  ago 
touching  the  execution  of  the  negro  woman,  Maria,  in  Boston  in 
1681.  This  case  was  among  those  mentioned  in  a  former  com- 
munication to  this  Society  on  the  Trial  and  Punishment  of 
Crimes  in  the  Court  of  Assistants,  etc.?  and  is  also  referred  to 
and  discussed  in  a  paper  read  before  the  Massachusetts  Histori- 
cal Society  in  1883,  by  our  associate  Mr,  Goodell, —  The  Trial 
and  Execution  for  Petit  Treason  of  Mark  and  Phillis,  Slaves  of 
Captain  John  Codman.3  Asa  number  of  original  documents  and 
papers  connected  with  the  case  of  Maria,  not  known  or  accessible 
at  the  latter  date,  have  since  come  to  light  in  the  Suffolk  Court 
Files,  it  seems  worth  while  to  give  them  here,  with  a  few  further 
notes  on  a  case  which  has  some  interest  in  connection  with  Massa- 
chusetts history. 

1  The  Nation,  7  September,  19  October,  23  and  30  November,  1899,  W*. 
187,  296,  390,  400. 

2  Publications,  iii.  61,  62. 

*  Reprinted  from  Proceedings  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society  for 
March,  1883,  xx.  122-157, 


324  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  [Jav. 

The  record  in  the  case  of  Maria,  and  that  in  the  case  of  the 
negro  Jack,  executed  at  the  same  time,  are  already  in  print,1 
but  as  they  seem  necessary  to  a  clear  presentation  of  the  case, 
they  are  repeated  here.     That  of  Maria  is  as  follows  :  — 

3  Att  A  Court  of  Assistants  held  at  Boston  6th  September  1681 

Marja  Negro  servant  to  Joshua  Lambe  of  Roxbury  in  the  County 
\  of  Suffolke  in  New  England  being  presented  by  the  Grand  Jury  was 

.  Indicted  by  the  name  of  marja  Negro  for  not  hauing  the  feare  of  God 

»  before  hir  eyes  &  being  Instigated  by  the  divil  at  or  vpon  the  eleventh 

j  day  of  July  last  in  the  night  did  wittingly  willingly  & 

»  hSteuZEt*  felloniously  set  on  fier  the  dwelling  house  of  Thomas 

(  swann  of  sd  Roxbury  by  taking  a  Coale  from  vnder 

!  a  still  &  carrjed  it  into  another  Roome  and  lajd  it  on  floore  neere  the 

doore  &  presently  went  &  crep*  into  a  hole  at  a   back  doore  of   thy 
j  master  Lambs  house  &  set  it  on  fier  also  taking  a  liue  Coale  betweene 

I  two  chips  &  Carried  it  into  the  chamber  by  which  also  it  was  Consumed 

^^  as  by  yor  Confession   will   appeare   contrary    to   the 

peace  of  our  Soueraigne  Lord  the  king  bis  Croune  4c 

dignity  the  lawes  of  this  Jurisdiction  in  that  Case  made  &  prouided 

title  firing  of  houses  =  The  prisoner  at  the  barr  pleaded  &  acknowl- 

>  edged  hirselfe  to  be  Guilty  of  ye  fact.    And  accordingly  the  nex*  day 

being  Again  brought  to  the  Barr  had  sentenc  of  death  pronnouct  agt 

hir  by  the  HonnoK*  Goiiuo7  y1  she  should  Goe  from  the  barr  to  the 

prison  whenc  she  Came  &  thence  to  the  place  of  Execution  &  there  be 

burn*  = 

y*  lord  be  mereifull  to  thy  soule  s*  y*  Gou.* 

The  record  in  the  case  of  Jack  s  runs  thus :  — 

OotfaUja  |  Jack  j  negro  servant  to  mr  Samuel  woolcot  of  weathe's- 
feild  thow  art  Indicted  by  the  name  of  Jack  negro  for  not  hauing 
the  feare  of  God  Ivfore  thy  eyes  being  Instigated  by  the  divill  did  at 
or  vpoa  the  fowerteenth  day  of  July  hist  ltf^l  wittingly  &  felloniously 
sett  on  fier  Leiftefint  w-  CI  arks  house  in  north  Hamp- 
JjilIISSl-13*'"1"  ton  *\v  taking  a  brand  of  f.er  from  the  hearth  and 
swinging  it  v^  &  douse  for  to  -r.d  viotuaLLs  as  by  his 

•  \  IVviW.nps  o:  ::*.o  M*s*,v:v.:»e:t*  H:<:cr:,\»:  >;.:ie:y  for  Marcb.  1nS3,xx. 

£  Uowvtv.*  of  :h*  O.tr:  ^:  .U&tar.u  v:?T  -:v-:\  ii.  :$?.     Tr»  citations  of 
tb:*w   K:\vr.U  wh:/.*.    *w.;r   ia  :"..:>   vVu:r^u:vl.M:::=    ire  frcia  :be   original 

*  Ktcccds  of  tbe  Coun  oi  Assistants  V1?T*-13K\  ii-  133.     L:  connection 


1900-]  THE  CASE  OF  MARIA.  325 

Confession  may  Appeare  Contrary  to  the  peace  of  ouf  Soueraigne  Lord 
the  King  his  Croune  &  dignity  the  lawea  of  God  &  of  this  Jurisdiction 
in  that  Case  made  &  prodded  title  firing  of  houses  page  (52)  to  wch 
Indictment  at  the  barr  he  pleaded  not  Guilty  &  Affirmd  he  would  be 
txjed  by  God  &  the  Country  and  after  his  Confessions  <fec  were  read  to 
him  &  his  owning  thereof  were  Comitted  to  the  Jury  who  brought  him 


with  Jack's  case  are  two  bills  of  costs  and  expenses,  which  have  one  or  two 
points  of  interest ;  — 

L 

Joseph  Hawley's  Bill  of  Charge  As  An  Evidence  In  the  Case  Referring  to  Jack  the 
Negro  ia  as  followeth : 

Imp:  To  hire  of  An  hone  4  shoeing :  —  00  -  15  -  00 
To  fcrridg—     —       —  —     —00-01-04 

To  time ;  15  days  oot  &  home      —    —    01-10-00 
To  horse  Pasturing  &c* 
charge  for  the  horse  on  the  Journey :    00-06-00 

02-12-04 

Thif  is  Justly  Dne  In  money  wch  I  Doabt  not  that  jo*  Hon*  will  Alow  or  to  be  payd 
At  Money  price : 
Sept.  10  1SB1_:  JosiPB  Hawlet 

Allowed  E[nwAui>)  R[awsoh]  6[bobetajit]  in  Country  pay 
[Endorsed] 

Hnuley*s  Coats 
—  (Suffolk  Court  Files,  xxir*  S020:  1J 

IL 

A  BUI  of 
Charges  due  to  Med  ad  Pumry  for  time  and  ex  pence  About  Jack  Negro 
impr  to  make  Irons  to  secure  him  at  Northampton 

And  to  conuey  him  to  Springfield    —        00-04-00 

it  my  self  e  one  joruey  to  Springfield  )         OO  -  05  -  00 

with  Fetter  Hen  ricks   —    —    —      f 

To  ferig  and  horse  pasture  —    —        0  -  00  *  01  -  00 

To  15  days  out  And  home  to  gine  in  1     _  01  -  10  -  00 

Testimony  at  the  Court  of  Assistance  ! 

To  horse  hire  for  the  joraey   —    —    0-    0-15- 00 

To  pasture  for  my  horse  here  —    —  0 06-00 

Toferrigt—       —       —       —       00 01 -Oi 

03;-02— 4 
Allowed  E  R  S 
ia  Country  pay 

[Endorsed] 

Medad  Pnmrj  & 
Hawley's  Costs. 

-  {Ibid.  xxit.  20*0:3)* 


826  THE  COLONIAL  80CIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  (?**• 

in  Guilty  and  the  next  day  had  his  sentence  pronounct  agt  him  by  the 
Gouernor  that  he  should  goe  from  the  barr  to  the  place  whence  he 
Came  &  there  be  hangd  by  the  neck  till  he  be  dead  &  then  taken 
downe  &  burnt  to  Ashes  in  the  fier  w*  Maria  negro  =  The  Lord  be 
mercifull  to  thy  soule  sajd  the  Gouerno*  = 

Among  the  papers  in  the  Suffolk  Court  Files  are  the  original 
indictment  of  Maria,  a  memorandum  of  her  confession,  implicat- 
ing two  other  negroes,  the  findings  of  the  Grand  Jury  of  "no 
bills"  against  these,  and  some  depositions. 

The  indictment  is  as  follows :  — 

Wee  the  Grand  Jury  for  or  Soueraigned  Lord  ye  king 

Doe  present  Mariah  Negro  Seruant  to  Joshua  Lamb  of  Roxbory  in 
y*  County  of  Suffolk :  in  New  Engld  for  not  haueisg  y*  fear  of  God 
before  her  Eyes,  &  being  instigated  by  y*  deuill  at  or  upon  y*  Elenenth 
of  July  last  in  y*  Night,  did  Wittingly  willingly  &  felloniously  Set  on 
fire  y*  dwelling  howse  of  Thomas  Swann  of  said  Roxbory  by  takeing  a 
Coall  from  under  a  still  &  carried  it  into  anothe*  room  and  laid  it  on 
y*  floare  near  y*  dore,  <fc  presently  went  &  crept  into  a  hole  at  a  back 
doare  of  her  Master  Lambs  howse  &  set  it  on  fire  also  takeing  a  line 
coall  between  two  chippe  &  carried  it  into  y*  Chamb?  by  which  also  it 
was  fired  and  consumed,  as  by  her  confession  will  appear  contrary  to 
y*  peace  of  our  Soueraign  Lord  y*  king  his  crown,  db  Dignity,  y* 
Lawes  of  God  &  this  Jurisdiction  in  y*  case  made  <fc  prouided  title 
fireing  howses  page  52 

We  of  the  Grand  Jury  doe  find  this  Bill  and  doe  put  her  upon  fnrder 
triall  *  Jonas  Clabmm  In  the 

name  of  the  rest 

13  Sept:  1681. 
The  prisoner  at  the  Barr  on  hearing  of  the  Indictment  Read  to  bir 
pleaded  to  it  &  Acknowledged  hirself  to  be  Guilty  of  ye  fa[ct] 

E  R   S 
[Emdorstd] 

Marja  Negro  Indictmt  &C.1 

Then  comes  her  confession :  — 

Maria  Joshua  Lambes  Negar  Maide  upon  Confeskm  accused   m* 
Walkers  Negro  Man  Chefelia  by  Name  and  mr  pemertons  Negro  Man 

*  Suffolk  Court  Fifes,  xxir.  2023. 


1900.] 


THE  CASE  OF   MARIA. 


Z27 


Cofee  were  att  Roxbury  y°  last  Night  about  10  aclocke  thay  came 
there  together  ami  raf  Wakers  Negar  sett  Dockter  swans  house  afire 
and  mr  Femertous  Negar  staide  under  ye  fence  while  y*  other  sett  the 

^  house  afire.     Confessed  before  mee  Amthony  Stoddard  Comiss l 

■ 
Inrti 


The  action  of  the  Grand  Jury  thereon  is  as  follows  :  — 

I. 


Wee  the  Grand  Jury  for  our  Soueraigne  the  King  doe  present  & 
Indict  chefelier  a  negroman  servant  to  Thomas  Walker  of  Boston  in 
the  County  of  Suffolk  in  New  England  briekmaker  for  not  hauing  the 
feare  of  God  before  his  eyes  on  the  11th  of  July  last  in  the  night  was 
present  wfh  Marja  Negro  servant  to  Joshua  Lambe  of  Roxbury  was 
privye  to  and  Active  in  the  firing  of  sajd  Lambs  &  Swans  dwelling 
houses  Contrary  to  the  peace  of  ouf  Soueraigne  Lord  the  King  his 
Croune  &  dignity  the  lawes  of  God  &  the  laws  of  this  Jurisdicon  title 
firing  houses ; 

we  of  the  Grand  Jury  can  not  find  this  Bill 

Jonas  Clark  In  the  name  of  the  rest 
[Endorsed] 

abt  Walker  &  Pembertons  negroe a 

IL 

Wee  the  Grand  Jury  for  our  Soueraigne  Lord  the  King  doe  present 
and  Indict  Coffee  a  negro  man  servant  to  James  Pemberton  of  Boston 
in  the  County  of  Suffolk  in  New  England  for  not  hauing  the  feare  of 
God  before  his  eyes  and  being  Instigated  by  the  diuill  on  the  eleventh 
of  July  last  in  the  night  wfh  Mary  ah  Negro  servant  to  Joshua  Lambe 
was  present  w*h  hir  privie  &  Active  in  the  Firing  of  the  dwelling  houses 
of  sajd  Joshua  Lambe  and  Thomas  Swans  of  sajd  Roxbury  Contrary 
to  the  peace  of  our  Soueraigne  Lord  the  King  his  Croune  and  dignity 
the  lawes  of  God  &  the  lawes  of  this  Jurisdiction,  title  firing  houses  — 

we  the  Grand  Jury  can  not  find  this  Bill 

Jokas  (  1l auke  In  the  name  of  the  rest 
[Endorsed] 

Cheff ftllia  Negro  Indicmt  ■ 

1  Suffolk  Court  Files,  ccxiL  26.559 ;  4,  not  dated. 
*  Ibid.  ccxiL  26,559  :  3, 
»  Ibid,  ccxii-  26.550:  2. 


328 


THE  COLONIAX,  SOCIETY  OF   MASSACHUSETTS, 


£JjkX. 


The  two  negroes  escaped  the  hazards  of  a  trial  and  the  possible 
sufferings  consequent  thereon*  but  they  encountered  the  dangers 
attendant  upon  even  a  "  vehement  suspicion "  of  an  offence  or 
a  crime,  and  furnish  another  illustration  of  the  readiness  of  our 
forefathers  to  Bee  that  their  idea  of  justice  did  not  suffer  though 
legal  conviction,  under  the  strict  requirements  which  they  insisted 
upon,  might  be  impossible. 

Cheffaleer  negro  servant  to  Tho  Walker  brick  maker 
^£££1?*"*  now  in  Goale  on  suspition  of  Joyning  w*  marja  negro 

in  Burning  of  IV  Swans'  &  *  Lambs  houses  la 

Roxbury  in  July  last  The  Court  on  Consideration  of  the  Case  Judged 
it  meet  to  order  that  he  be  hep*  In  prison  till  his  master  send  him  out 
of  the  Country  &  then  dischardg  y*  charges  of  Implsonment  w**  if  be 
refuse  to  doe  aboue  one  moneth  the  Country  Tresurer  is  to  see  it  dona 
&  when  y*  chardges  be  defrajd  to  returne  the  ouerplus  to  y*  s*  walker. 

The  like  Judgment  &  sentenc  was  declard  against 
JjJJJJjJJ*™        Jame1  pembe'tons  negro  in  all  respects  as  agt  cheffa- 

Jeer  negro  Ac  f 

Two  depositions  in  the  Case  remain  :  — 

L 

Hannah  Foster  aged  about  29  yeares  testified!  A  saith*  tint  that 
very  night  the  fire  was  at  Roxbury,  I  lay  at  M1-  Walkers  bouse  in  a 
chamber  &  about  Eleven  or  twelve  aclock  in  ntght*  I  beard,  as  I  sopnee 
a  negro  G ramble  to  himself,  which  lay  Just  over  my  head,  And  I  testi- 
ng I  did  not  sleep  at  all  betwixt  that  time  A  the  raine  w*  I  snpose  was 
between  two  &  three  acfock  in  w*1  time  I  heard  him  with  his  feet  on 
the  loot*  and  the  reason  I  conld  not  sleep  was  because]  was  some- 
thing afraid  of  him,  not  being  need  to  such,  and  farther  saith  not 

Taken  upon  Oath  the  16*  of  S*  mo  m  [  ]  before  mee 

Axtbost  SiODOAan  0m££s*J* 

n, 


Walker  adged  X  yeares 
web  ye  to  broke  ont  at  Roxbury.  little  bel 
*  Remtfs  and  while  t  was  there 
told  mm  yt  oar  negio  was  come  ho 
tnd  she  did  not  care  to  star  at  he 


t  last  ttcmday  night 

night  I  went  over  to 

?  of  sy  children  came 

and  yt  he  bad  bees  n 

&  desired  me  to  goe 


blaakkintl^R 
wmt  el  tfr*  Owut  off , 
ilk  Cbart  Ffco,  ec 


IftOO.]  THE  CASE  OF   MABIA.  829 

home  accordingly  I  did  in  a  little  time  after  &  when  I  came  home  she 
told  me  he  was  gon  up  to  bed,  then  I  seeing  a  Cumbustioii  or  quarrill- 
ing  wth  the  Indiana  before  our  doore  I  went  out,  then  I  flaw  the  Negro 
looke  out  at  the  garrett  window  and  call  out  <fe  ask  what  the  matter 
was  wth  the  Indians,  then  I  went  In  and  I  hard  him  come  doune,  nor 
aaw  him  come  downe  do  more  that  night,  and  it  was  about  eleven  or 
twelve  a  clock  when  we  went  to  bed  and  farther  aayth  not.1 

This  is  the  whole  of  the  tragic  story  of  Maria,  so  far  as  the 
Court  Records  are  concerned,  A  question  of  some  interest  which 
has  been  raised  is*  Was  she  burned  alive,  — was  the  pimishment 
of  burning  alive  at  the  stake  inflicted  on  a  negro  woman  in 
Massachusetts  in  1681  ? 

The  communications  referred  to  all  assume  that  such  was  the 
fact,  but  the  evidence  on  which  their  authors  rely,  —  a  reference 
to  the  matter  by  Increase  Mather,  and  another  by  Cotton  Mather 
—  seems  wholly  inconclusive,  and  the  inference  drawn  there- 
from is  by  no  means  justified.  Contemporary  information  is 
meagre,  if,  in  fact,  it  is  not  wholly  wanting.  The  Court  Record 
upon  the  precise  point  is  silent;  but  it  shows  the  issuing  of  the 
order  for  execution  on  the  fourteenth  of  September,  1681 :  — 

The  Court  ordered  that  the  Secretary s  Issue  out  his  warrants  to  the 
marahall   Gennerall1  for  the   three  Condemned  prisoner 

(14  Sep*  Bl) 

execution   on   the   next   lecture   day   presently   after  the 
lecture  according  to  their  Seutenc'4 

There  is  no  return,  as  is  frequently  found,  of  the  carrying  out 
of  the  sentence  and  the  precise  mode  of  execution. 

Three  offenders,  as  appears  by  the  record,  —  the  two  negroea 
Maria  and  Jack,  for  their  respective  felonies,  and  a  third,  a  white 
man,  for  another  crime  —  were  tried  at  the  same  sitting  of  the 
Court  of  last  resort,  and  were  executed  on  the  same  day,  shortly 
after  the  trials.     The  sentence  pronounced  against  the  last  was 


i  Suffolk  Court  Files,  ccrii.  26.559 ;  6. 

*  Edward  Raw  son. 

'  This  was  John  Green  of  Cambridge  who  was  appointed  to  office  3  June, 
1681  (Massachusetts  Colony  Records,  t.  322)  as  successor  to  Edward  Mitch- 
el  son  (fee  ante,  iii.  454)  whose  daughter  Ruth  he  had  married.  During  the 
Usurpation,  Green  was  superseded  in  office  (1687)  by  Samuel  Gookin,  but 
was  re-instated  15  August,  1689.  He  died  3  March,  1090-91.  (See  Paige's 
History  of  Cambridge,  pp.  5(17,  508,  610.) 

_ 


830 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY   OP  MASSACHUSETTS. 


[Jajt 


to  "  be  hanged  by  the  neeke  till  you  be  dead  "  ;  and  that  against 
the  two  negroes  as  appears  above  in  the  Records. 

What  is  there  to  give  rise  to  any  question,  or  to  lead  to  the 
opinion  that  the  woman  was  actually  burned  alive? 

A  passage  in  the  Diary  of  Increase  Mather  has  been  cited  to 
support  that  opinion ;  and,  apparently,  it  is  the  only  contempora- 
neous reference  to  the  case.     The  passage  is  as  follows :  — 

[168L  September]  22.  There  were  3  persons  executed  in  Boston 
An  Englishman  for  a  Bape,  A  negro  man  for  burning  a  house  at 
Northampton  &  a  negro  woman  who  burnt  2  houses  at  Roxbury  JtiJy 
12  —  in  one  of  wett  a  child  was  burnt  to  death.  The  negro  teaman  was 
burned  to  death  —  the  1**  y*  has  suffered  such  a  death  in  N.  EL 

It  occurs  among  the  extracts  from  Mather's  Diary  made  by  Dr. 
Belknap  a  century  ago,  and  now  in  the  possession  of  the  Massa- 
chusetts Historical  Society,  and  is  here  copied  verbatim  from  his 
manuscript.  The  extracts  were  printed  in  the  Report  of  Mr. 
Charles  Deane  on  the  Belknap  Donation,1  The  original  Diary  is 
not  now  to  be  found*  In  those  portions  of  the  Diary,  so  called, 
now  in  the  Library  of  the  American  Antiquarian  Society,  the  only 
entry  for  that  particular  date  is  a  memorandum  of  what  Mather 
had  been  reading  that  day.  The  1681  entries  are  the  only  ones 
covered  by  the  interleaved  almanacs,  and  Dr.  Belknap  would  seem 
to  have  copied  from  some  more  elaborate  record,  selecting  perhaps 
such  items  here  and  there  as  interested  him. 

Cotton  Mather's  Diary  in  the  Library  of  the  Massachusetts  His- 
torical Society,  contains  no  entries  between  the  nineteenth  of  Sep- 
tember and  the  first  of  October  of  that  year ;  and  no  other  diaries 
have  been  found  containing  any  allusion  to  the  matter. 

Setting  aside  any  legal  interpretation  of  the  sentence  pro- 
nounced against  Maria,  to  be  considered  hereafter,  is  there,  upon 
its  face,  anything  to  indicate,  necessarily  or  naturally,  a  direction 
that  she  was  to  be  burned  at  the  stake  while  alive  ?  The  sentence 
is  to  "  be  burnt,"  not  to  "  be  burnt  to  death,"  —  to  be  taken  "  to 
to  the  place  of  execution  &  there  be  burnt."  la  it  a  forced 
interpretation, that  the  burning  was  to  come  after  the  execution, 
and  is  not  this  construction  strengthened  by  the  clause  in  Jack's 
sentence,   "burnt  to  ashes  in   the   fier  wtb   Maria   negro"?     Is 

1  1  Proceedings  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society  for  March,  1858, 
in.  317-320. 


1900.] 


THE    CASE    OF    MARIA, 


331 


a  new  and  barbarous  sentence  to  be  inferred  when  another  mean- 
ing is  possible,  and  when  there  is  nothing  explicit  in  the  terms 
to  the  contrary? 

The  passage  from  Mather's  Diary,  as  quoted,  seems  on  its  face 
explicit,  and  as  such  to  be  depended  on,  but  there  is  at  least  one 
statement  in  it  equally  important  and  definite  which,  in  point  of 
fact,  is  unquestionably  erroneous  :  — 
14  in  one  of  w**1  [houses]  a  child  was  burnt  to  death." 

So  far  as  found,  there  is  nowhere  else  any  mention  or  suggestion 
of  such  an  occurrence.  Nothing  appears  in  the  Court  Records  or 
in  the  papers  in  the  Court  Files;  there  is  not  even  a  suspicion  or 
a  rumor  mentioned,  or  a  scrap  of  positive  evidence  direct  or  indi- 
rect. On  the  other  hand,  the  negative  evidence  seems  conclusive. 
The  indictment  of  Maria  was  not  for  murder,  but  under  the  law 
against  "firing  of  houses,"  So  were  the  indictments  framed 
against  the  two  negroes  accused  by  her  as  accomplices,  But, 
taking  Mather's  language  as  it  stands,  it  does  not  necessarily  fol- 
low that  the  woman  was  burned  alive*  The  expression  u  burnt  to 
death  "  is  common  in  sentences  in  England  and  in  references  to 
them,  when,  unquestionably,  the  burning  was  after  execution; 
and  Mather,  knowing  this,  as  of  course  he  did,  may  have  meant 
no  more*  Then,  too,  the  words  "  the  lal  y*  has  suffered  such  a 
death  in  N.  E  "  are  not  inconsistent  with  the  mere  noting  of 
the  first  instance  of  the  adoption  of  a  practice  or  procedure 
borrowed  from  the  mother  country;  otherwise,  the  brevity  of  the 
statement  and  the  absence  of  any  comment  or  reflection  is  some- 
what striking. 

During  the  Colonial  period  there  appear  on  the  Court  Records 
now  extant — those  from  1643  to  1673  being  missing- — only  two 
other  instances  of  death  sentence  in  the  case  of  women,  one  in 
1638  for  "  the  vnnaturall  &  vntimely  death  of  her  daughter,  ,  ,  . 
to  bee  hanged ; " l  and  one  in  March,  1645-44,  "  condemned  to 
death  "  for  adultery.3  In  1691,  sentence  was  ordered  for  infan- 
ticide,3 but  was  not  pronounced  till  1693.4 — in  the  days  of  the 

1  Massachusetts  Colony  Records,  i.  24 G. 

*  Whitraore's  Biographical  Sketch  of  the  Laws  of  the  Massachusetts  Colony, 
Mi. 

»  Records  of  the  Court  of  Assistants  (1073-1692),  it,  262, 

*  Records  of  the  Superiour  Court  of  Judicature*  under  date  of  25  April,  1693, 


332 


THE   COLONIAL   SOCIETY   OF  MASSACHUSETTS. 


[JA3T. 


Province.  In  Kew  England  the  execution  of  a  capital  sentence, 
whether  in  case  of  man  or  woman,  seems  to  have  been  by  hanging- 
In  England,  in  the  earliest  times,  for  arson  4*  the  punishment 
was  death  by  burning,  and  we  are  able  to  vouch  a  case  l  from  King 
John's  day  in  which  the  punishment  was  inflicted,  but  the  fully 
developed  common  law  substituted  the  gallows  for  the  stake/'3 
The  English  law,  la  certain  cases,  made  a  distinction  between  the 
punishments  of  male  and  female  offenders,  and  in  the  sentences  pro- 
nounced against  them.  A  distinction  also  held  as  to  claiming  bene- 
fit of  clergy.3  The  distinction  in  the  mode  of  punishment  came 
out  sharply  in  the  case  of  high  treason-*  So  also  in  petit  treason-8 
The  existence  of  this  distinction  in  the  administration  of  the 
laws  in  England,  the  reasons  assigned  for  it,  and  the  usual 
mitigation  of  the  apparent  barbarity  of  the  sentence  in  the  case 
of  women  by  the  practical  method  of  its  execution,  are  clear. 

1  Gloucestershire  Pleas,  pi,  216, 

1  Pollock  and  Maitland's  History  of  English  Law,  ii.  492. 

•  This  is  very  well  summarized  in  Laws  respecting  Wo  me  a,  London*  1777:  — 

This  benefit  of  clergy  does  not  extend  to  women ;  for  by  an  express  act  of  par? la- 
ment it  is  directed,  that  women  convicted  ♦  ..♦.;  and  by  a  subsequent  stain  te  (3  &  4 
W.  &  M.  c  9),  a  woman  being  convicted  of  an  offence  for  which  a  man  may  have  his 
clergy,  shall  suffer  the  same  punishment  that  a  but  shall  suffer  that  baa  the  benefit  of 
his  clergy  allowed ;  ,  *  .  .  but  the  benefit  of  this  Statute  can  be  pleaded  only  once 
(4  &  5  \V.  &  M.  c.  24, a*  13).  Such  was  the  law  until  the  beginning  of  the  present 
century  (pp.  342,  343).  Upon  the  whole  then  it  appears,  that  women  cannot  claim 
the  benefit  of  their  clergy,  but  the  benefit  of  the  statute,  which  is  equivalent  to  it*  Before 
the  passing  of  which  law,  women  were  entitled  to  no  mitigation  of  the  punishment  for 
felouioos  offences  (p<  343), 

*  The  same  authority  says :  — 

The  judgment  against  a  woman  for  high  treason  is  not  the"  same  as  against  a  man 
traitor*  ,  .  .  but  she  is  to  be  drawn  to  the  place  of  execution  and  there  burnt*  For  the 
public  exhibition  of  their  bodies,  and  dismembering  them,  in  the  same  manner  as  U 
practised  to  the  men,  would  be  a  violation  of  that  natural  decency  and  delicacy  inherent, 
and  at  all  times  to  be  cherished  in  the  sex.  And  the  humanity  of  the  English  Nation 
has  authorized  by  a  tacit  consent*  an  almost  general  mitigation  of  sach  part  of  their 
judgments,  as  savours  of  torture  and  cruelty  ;  a  sledge  or  hurdle  being  allowed  to  such 
traitors  as  are  condemned  to  be  drawn  -  and  there  being  very  few  instances  (and  those 
accidental  and  by  negligence)  of  any  person  being  embowel  led  or  burnt,  till  previously 
deprived  of  sensation  by  strangling  (p.  344)* 

6  Blackstone  states  that,  "the  punishment  of  petit  treason  in  a  man  la*  to  be 
drawn  and  hanged,  and  in  a  woman  to  be  drawn  and  burned  "  (Commentaries 
iv.  204),  And  be  goes  on  to  say  that  "the  usual  punishment  for  all  sorts  of 
treasons  committed  by  those  of  the  female  nei "  U  death  by  burning.  This 
continued  till  the  statute  30  George  III.,  which  changed  the  penalty  to 
hanging. 


1000.] 


THE  CASE  OF  MAKIA. 


330 


Maria  waa  not  executed  for  petit  treason  or  for  murder,  but  for 
a  crime  punishable  under  the  Colonial  laws  with  death.1  May  it 
not  well  be  that  the  Court,  for  reasons  good  and  sufficient  in  their 
judgment,  saw  fit,  however  observant  usually  of  custom  and  pre- 
cedent, to  deviate  in  the  case  of  the  two  negroes  from  old  pro- 
cedure, and  adopt  English  forms  in  the  sentence  and  the  mode  of 
its  execution  ?  The  crime  seems  to  have  been  on  the  increase, 
as  Mather  notes  in  his  Diary,  in  July :  — 

"  Several  houses  in  Boston  and  Roxbury  set  on  fire  at  different  times 
by  negroes," 

and  some  penalty  in  terrorem  may  have  been  judged  expedient 
or  necessary.  There  would  seem  to  have  been  no  reason  for 
dealing  more  severely  with  Maria  than  with  Jack,  Jack's 
offence,  as  set  forth  in  the  Record,  would  seem  to  have  been 
criminal  carelessness  rather  than  premeditated  crime,  but  local 
tradition  and  history  go  to  show  circumstances  of  peculiar  atrocity 
and  premeditated  murder  though  frustrated  in  the  event. 

The  legality  of  the  sentence  has  been  questioned,  by  a  most 
eminent  authority,2  but  an  argument  in  favor  of  its  validity 
seems  certainly  maintainable. 

If  the  woman  was  actually  burned  alive,  —  an  event  startling  and 
unprecedented  in  New  England  history,  —  it  seems  strange  and 
well  nigh  inconceivable  that  Increase  Mather  indulged  in  only 
that  brief  mention  in  his  Diary,  and  did  not  improve  the  occasion 
by  at  least  a  sermon,  as  he  did  in  the  case  of  Faevor  and  Driver 
in  1674,  and  later  of  Morgan  in  March,  1685-86,  and  on  another 
occasion  in  1698;  and  that  Cotton  Mather,  who  almost  never 
failed  to  chronicle,  or  at  least  to  note,  any  startling  occurrence  or 
"Remarkable  Providence,"  is  wholly  silent  at  the  time,  Further- 
more, John  Dun  ton  ,  in  a  letter  from  Boston,  25  March,  1686,  gives 

1  And  if  any  perfon  ,  .  .  .  .  fhall  *  *  .  wittingly,  and  willingly,  and  fel- 
louioufly,  set  on  fire  any  Dwelling  Houfer  .  .  .  •  the  party  or  parties  vehemently 
fufj>ected  thereof,  fh^U  be  apprehended  by  Warrant  from  one  or  more  of  the 
Mrtgiftrates,  and  committed  to  Prifon,  there  to  remain  without  Baile,  till  the 
next  Court  of  Atfiftants,  who  upon  legal  conviction  by  due  proof,  or  confefliou 

of  the  Crime,  fhall  adjudge  fuch  perfon  or  per  Cons  to  be  put  to  death 

[1052,]  { Massachusetts  Colony  Laws,  edition  of  1072,  p.  52)* 

2  Mr.  Abner  C.  Goodell,  in  I  Proceedings  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical 
Society  for  March,  18&3,  XX,  149, 150. 


334  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OP  MASSACHUSETTS.  [Ja*. 

a  very  elaborate  account  of  the  execution  of  Morgan,  a  few  days 
before,  which  he  sends  as  "  a  Piece  of  News,  for  there  has  not 
(it  seems)  been  seen  an  Execution  here  this  seven  years.  So 
that  some  have  come  fifty  miles  to  see  it;"1  and  a  rather  full 
report  of  the  "  three  Excellent  Sermons  .  .  .  .  preached  before 
him  [Morgan]  before  his  Execution,"2  by  the  two  Mathers  and 
Joshua  Moody.  From  this  it  would  seem  that  the  execution  of 
1681  had  not  made  any  deep,  or  at  least  abiding,  impression  on 
the  community,  or  left  any  sharp  traces  in  its  local  memory, 
or  had  in  itself  any  peculiarly  remarkable  features. 

There  is  a  passage  in  Cotton  Mather's  Pillars  of  Salt8  which 
refers  to  the  executions  of  1681 :  — 

ON  Sept.  22.  1681.     One  W.  C.  was  Executed  at  Boston  for  a  Rape 
committed  by  him,  on  a  Girl  that  liv'd  with  him  ;  though  he  had 
then  a  Wife  with  Child  by  him,  of  a  Nineteenth  or  Twentieth  Child.4 


1  John  Dunton's  Letters  from  New-England  (Prince  Society's  Publications), 
p.  118. 

*  Ibid.  p.  121  and  note. 

1  Magnalia  (1702),  Book  vl  p.  40.  See  also  Sibley's  Harvard  Graduates, 
lii.  69,  70,  where  may  be  read  the  full  title  of  this  discourse  which  was  first 
printed,  separately,  in  Boston  in  1699. 

4  Mather's  reference  is  to  William  Cheney  (see  ante,  iii.  62)  of  Dorchester. 
He  was  son  of  William  Cheney,  the  emigrant,  of  Roxbury  and  married  De- 
borah (born  24,  baptized  30  May,  1641),  daughter  of  Deacon  John  Wiswall  of 
Dorchester,  who  removed  to  Boston  and  became  Ruling  Elder  of  the  First 
Church.  Notwithstanding  his  good  social  connections,  Cheney  was  neither 
a  valuable  nor  respected  member  of  society,  as  may  be  seen  in  Tilde n's  History 
of  Medfield,  pp.  343,  344,  where  his  seven  legitimate  children  are  enumerated 
— not  nineteen  or  twenty  as  Mather's  fertile  brain  imagines  —  the  last  of 
whom,  a  posthumous  child,  lived  less  than  three  weeks  (Boston  Record  Com- 
missioners' Reports,  xxi.  16,  18,  30).  The  facts  concerning  the  crime 
for  which  Cheney  was  hanged  are  set  out  in  the  Records  of  the  Court  of 
Assistants,  under  date  of  6  September,  1681  (ii.  139  *),  and  in  Suffolk  Court 
Files,  xxiv.  2024.  Cheney's  remarkable  will,  made  the  day  before  his  execution 
and  in  recognized  anticipation  of  it,  contains  valuable  particulars,  was  wit- 
nessed by  Hudson  Leverett  and  two  others,  and  was  proved  29  September,  1681 
(Suffolk  Probate  Files,  No.  1189).  His  widow  married  Ebenezer  Williams, 
Senior,  of  Dorchester,  where  she  died,  26  February,  1717-18  (Boston  Record 
Commissioners'  Reports,  xxi.  130;  Suffolk  Probate  Files,  Nos.  1617,  3950; 
Suffolk  Deeds,  xxi.  571,  572 ;  and  New  England  Historical  and  Genealogical 
Register  for  1851,  v.  90,  468).  We  do  not  find  these  facts  in  Pope's  Cheney 
Genealogy,  p.  42. 


1900.] 


REMAKES   BY  JJR.   ALBERT  MATTHEWS. 


335 


When  he  came  to  the  Gallows,  and  saw  Death  (and  a  Picture  of  Hell 
too  in  a  Negro  then  burnt  to  Death  at  the  Stake,  for  burning  her 
Master's  House,  with  some  that  were  in  it,)  before  his  Face,  never  was 
a  Cry  for  Time!  Time!  A  World  for  a  little  Time!  The  Inexpressible 
worth  of  Time  !  utter'd  with  a  more  unutterable  Anguish. 

This  appears  to  be  his  first  mention  of  the  executions,  and  that 
eighteen  years  after  the  event.  As  evidence,  its  weight  is  some- 
what affected  by  the  interval  of  time,  and  by  at  least  one  error 
in  its  statements.  The  lurid  picture  seems  hardly  to  have 
required  a  living  victim  for  its  completeness.1 

There  was  the  case  of  Phillis,  in  1755,  before  referred  to,  and 
some  eases  of  burning  in  Virginia,  South  Carolina,  and  New 
York  are  cited  by  Fiske 2 ;  but  with  these  we  are  not  concerned. 

The  material  here  presented  seems  to  be  all  that  is  now  attain- 
able relating  to  the  case  of  Maria,  —  at  least,  it  is  all  that  has 
been  found.  Each  reader  will  draw  his  own  inferences  from  it, 
and  these  inferences,  very  likely,  may  differ  ;  but  it  is  submitted 
that  the  conclusion  reached  in  this  paper  is  not  without  support 
both  in  evidence  and  in  reasoning. 

Mr.  Albert  Matthews  said  i  — 

Me.  President, — The  point  raised  by  Mr.  Noble  is  an  interest- 
ing one.  The  subject  of  the  burning  alive  of  negroes  is  curious* 
and  one  in  regard  to  which  it  is  not  easy  to  obtain  evidence. 
Several  years  ago  I  became  interested  in  the  matter  and  took 
rather  extensive  notes.  My  recollection  is  that,  in  addition  to  this 
case  of  Maria  in  1681,  there  was  also  another  case  in  Massachusetts 
in  1755;  that  there  were  cases  in  New  York  in  1708, 1712,  1741, 
1775;  in  New  Jersey  in  1730,  1739,  1741,  1750,  1752;  in  Vir- 
ginia in  1746 ;  and  in  South  Carolina  in  1769.  There  is  one 
marked  distinction  between  these  instances  of  burning  alive  dur- 
ing the  Colonial  period  and  the  burnings  and  lynchings  which, 
unfortunately,  have  been  so  common  during  the  past  half  century 

1  The  passages  from  the  two  Mathers  were  quoted  in  the  communications  in 
The  Nation,  —  the  first  attributed,  however,  to  the  wrong  Mather,  and  the 
other  so  curiously  and  carelessly  misquoted,  aat  on  ita  very  facep  to  fail  of  sus- 
taining the  correspondent's  contention. 

B  Old  Virginia  and  her  Neighbours,  ii.  2§5  note. 


836 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY   OF   MASSACHUSETTS. 


[JjUf. 


or  so.  I  apprehend  that  these  last  have  been  merely  the  lawless 
acts  of  mobs.  In  the  Colonial  period,  on  the  contrary,  in  every 
instance,  the  negro  was  burned  after  due  trial  and  in  accordance 
with  judicial  decision.  In  the  account  of  the  South  Carolina  case, 
in  1769,  which  I  ran  across  in  a  Boston  newspaper,  it  was  declared 
that  a  negro  man  and  a  negro  woman  *'  were  burnt  alive,  on 
Work-House  Green  [Charleston],  having  been  tried  some  short 
time  before,  agreeable  to  the  Negro* Act,  and  convicted  of  adminis- 
tering poison,"  *  My  curiosity  being  aroused,  I  searched  the  laws 
of  South  Carolina,  but  was  unable  to  find  any  which  specified  that 
this  particular  punishment  should  be  inflicted.  There  was,  how~ 
ever,  an  act  passed  in  1751  declaring  that  all  negroes  administering 
poison,  procuring  poison,  or  privy  4I  to  the  administering  of  any 
poison,"  were  felons  and  should  u  suffer  death,  in  such  manner  as 
the  persona  appointed  and  empowered  by  the  Act  for  the  better 
ordering  and  governing  negroes  and  other  slaves  in  this  Province, 
for  the  trial  of  slaves,  shall  adjudge  and  determine"3  Thus  the 
mode  of  punishment  was  left  to  the  discretion  of  two  justices  of 
the  peace  and  three  freeholders.  But  were  these  Colonial  cases 
genuine  instances  of  burning  alive?  I  think  the  almost  universal 
opinion  is  that  they  were;  and  herein  lies  the  importance  of 
Mr,  Noble's  suggestion,  Mr.  Noble  seems  to  have  shown  that 
there  is  doubt  in  the  case  of  Maria,  and  that  perhaps  she  was  first 
strangled  and  then  burned.  If  this  point  is  well  taken,  and  If  the 
same  reasoning  applies  in  the  other  instances,  we  shall  perhaps 
be  able  to  relieve  our  ancestors  of  the  stigma  of  having  imposed 
the  sentence  of  burning  alive  as  a  judicial  punishment. 

The  Rev,  Edward  Henry  Hall  of  Brookline  and  Mr, 
John  Gorham  Palfrey  of  Belmont  were  elected  Resident 

Members. 


1  Boston  News-Letter,  No.  3440,  7  September,  1769,  p.  2/2.  The  passage 
was  sent  to  Mr.  P.  A.  Bruce,  by  whom  it  was  printed  in  the  Virginia  Magazine 
of  History  and  Biography  for  January,  1897,  iv.  34 L 

*  South  Carolina  Statutes  at  Large,  1840,  vii  423. 


FEBRUARY  MEETING,  1900. 


REMARKS  BY  THE  PRESIDENT. 

A  Stated  Meeting  of  the  Society  was  held  at  No,  25 
j£*-  Beacon  Street,  Boston,  on  Wednesday,  21  February, 
1900,  at  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  the  President, 
Edward  Wheelwright,  in  the  chair, 

I  After  the  Records  of  the  January  Meeting  had  been  read 
and  approved,  the  Corresponding  Secretary  reported 
that  letters  had  been  received  from  the  Rev,  Edward  H. 
Hall  and  Mr,  John  Goroam  Palfrey  accepting  Resident 
Membership. 

Mr,  George  Parker  Winship,  a  Corresponding  Member, 
was  present. 

Mr,  Henry  H.  Edes  offered  the  following  Minute,  which 
was  unanimously  adopted  by  a  rising  vote :  — 

The  members  of  The  Colonial  Society  of  Massachusetts,  assembled  on 
the  eve  of  the  birthday  of  Washington*  wish  to  place  on  record  an  ex- 
pression of  the  sympathy  which  they  felt  for  their  distinguished  associate 
the  Honorable  Edward  J.  Phelps,  and  his  family,  during  his  recent 
severe  illness,  and  of  the  satisfaction  with  which  they  have  learned  of 
his  convalescence. 

The  members  of  the  Society  embrace  this  opportunity  to  give  expres- 
sion to  their  deep  sense  of  the  exalted  character  of  their  associate,  whose 
public  services,  private  virtues,  and  profound  learning  have  received  the 
deserved  homage  of  hie  countrymen. 

Itesoivctlf  that  an  attested  copy  of  this  Minute  be  sent  to  Mr.  Phelps, 

The  President  then  said :  — 

It  is  my  melancholy  duty  to  announce  the  death  of  our  esteemed 
associate,  the  Rev.  Edward  Griffin  Porter*  on  the  fifth  of 
February,  at  his  home  in  Dorchester,  after  a  very  short  illness,  at 
the  comparatively  early  age  of  sixty-three. 

Mr.   Porter  was   elected  a  Resident  Member  of   this  Society, 


838  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  [Fkb. 

15  March,  1893,  and  was  soon  after  appointed  a  member  of  the 
Committee  of  Publication.  This  position  he  continued  to  hold 
until  his  death. 

He  was  a  very  constant  attendant  at  our  monthly  meetings,  at 
which  he  often  read  interesting  papers  and  took  an  active  part  in 
the  discussions.  At  the  December  Meeting  in  1893,  in  the  dis- 
cussion following  the  presentation  of  two  documents  by  Mr.  G. 
Arthur  Hilton,  he  made  remarks,  in  reply  to  Mr.  Abner  C. 
Goodell,  Jr.,  on  the  so-called  Boston  Massacre  and  the  Boston  Tea 
Party. 

At  the  April  Meeting  in  1894,  he  gave  a  most  interesting 
account  of  the  events  which  took  place  at  Lexington  and  Concord 
in  April,  1775,  illustrated  by  a  large  map  which  he  had  prepared 
of  the  localities.  This  account  was  entirely  extemporaneous.  At 
the  April  Meeting  of  1895,  he  spoke  again  on  the  same  topic  and 
had  announced  his  intention  of  continuing  his  narrative  at  the 
April  Meeting  of  the  present  year,  when  he  should  be  able  to 
exhibit  documents,  newly  discovered,  bearing  upon  the  subject* 
He  had  also  promised  to  reduce  to  writing  all  that  he  had  said,  or 
should  say,  on  these  three  occasions  in  order  that  the  whole  might 
be  printed  together  in  our  Transactions.  His  long  residence  at 
Lexington,  as  Pastor  of  the  Hancock  Church,  had  given  him 
abundant  opportunity  of  becoming  thoroughly  acquainted  with  the 
locality  and  its  history. 

At  the  April  Meeting  of  1895,  he  also  paid  a  tribute  to  the  memory 
of  our  late  Vice-President,  Leverett  Saltonstall.  At  the  Annual 
Dinner  in  November,  1897,  he  made  a  speech  in  behalf  of  the 
Gould  Memorial  Fund. 

At  the  December  Meeting  in  1897,  he  gave  an  account  of  the 
visit  to  Boston  of  Lieutenant-General  George  Digby  Barker,  of  the 
British  Army,  and  Governor  of  Bermuda,  whom  he  accompanied  to 
Bunker  Hill  and  other  places  of  historic  interest ;  he  also  gave  a 
sketch  of  the  discovery  and  identification  of  the  Diary  of  Lieuten- 
ant Barker,  who  was  present  with  the  British  troops  at  Lexington, 
Concord,  and  Bunker  Hill,  and  who  proved  to  be  the  grandfather 
of  his  guest,  General  Barker. 

These  are  only  a  few  of  the  papers  and  remarks  contributed  to 
our  Transactions  by  Mr.  Porter.  He  seldom  attended  a  meeting 
at  which  he  had  not  something  to  say,  and  he  said  it  with  an  ease 


1900.] 


TRIBUTE   TO    REV.    EDWARD    GRIFFIN    PORTER. 


and  fluency  and  felicity  of  expression  no  less  remarkable  than  his 
accuracy  of  statement  and  his  extraordinary  memory  for  facts  and 
dates. 

Born  in  Boston,  he  took  the  keenest  interest  in  its  ancient  his- 
tory, knew  all  the  lanes  and  alleys  of  the  old  North  End,  gathered 
from  the  oldest  residents  the  history  and  traditions  of  its  Colonial 
buildings,  private  and  public,  and  embodied  the  results  in  that  de- 
lightful book,  —  through  which  I  first  knew  him  by  name,  — 
Rambles  in  Old  Boston. 

I  first  met  him  on  hearing  him  deliver  a  lecture,  or  rather  talk, 
before  a  social  club  at  a  private  house,  when  he  gave  an  account, 
illustrated  by  maps,  plans  and  views,  of  a  visit  he  had  made  to 
Alnwick  Castle,  the  residence  of  the  Percy  family,  —  Dukes  of 
Northumberland-  This  was  some  years  before  he  joined  this  So- 
ciety, perhaps  before  The  Colonial  Society  of  Massachusetts  came 
into  existence.  The  story  of  his  hospitable  reception,  the  per- 
mission given  him  to  examine  the  archives  of  the  family,  his  dis- 
covery of  papers  concerning  the  Lord  Percy  who  covered  the 
retreat  of  the  British  after  Concord  Fight,  papers  which  had  been 
previously  overlooked,  was  delightful.  He  must  have  made  a 
most  favorable  impression  upon  his  host,  for  on  his  departure  the 
Duke  promised  him  a  copy  of  a  portrait  of  the  Lord  Percy  best 
known  to  Americans,  and  accordingly  sent  it  to  him,  handsomely 
framed,  after  his  return  to  America.  Mr,  Porter,  with  the  Duke*s 
approval,  presented  it  to  the  Town  of  Lexington,  where  it  may  now 
be  seen  in  the  Town  Hall, 

The  loss  of  Mr,  Porter  creates  a  void  in  our  Society  which  will 
long  be  felt  Not  by  any  means  an  old  man,  he  seemed  to  have  the 
promise  of  many  years  of  usefulness  before  him*  He  appeared,  in 
fact,  younger  than  he  really  was.  His  tall,  spare  figure,  his  dark 
hair,  as  yet  unbleached,  his  alert,  quick  motions,  betokened  a 
youthful  vivacity  of  body  as  well  as  of  mind.  His  genial  tempera- 
ment, his  courtesy,  unblemished  by  the  least  approach  to  stiffness 
and  never  degenerating  into  undue  familiarity,  the  patience  with 
which  he  listened,  no  less  than  the  ease  with  which  he  spoke,  made 
htm  a  most  agreeable  companion, 

Mr.  Samuel  Swett  Green  spoke  at  length  of  his  friend 
and  classmate,  especially  of   Mr.   Porter's   college  life,  his 


310  TUB  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS-  [Fn. 

genial  social  qualities,  his  fondness  for  society,  his  love  of 
children,  his  public  spirit,  his  interest  in  historical  research, 
and  his  recondite  knowledge  of  the  antiquities  of  Boston 
and  the  events  of  the  nineteenth  of  April,  1775. 

Mr.  Robert  N.  Toppan,  also  a  classmate  of  Mr.  Porter, 
spoke  of  his  absolute  sincerity  as  one  of  his  most  prominent 
characteristics. 

Mr.  Toppan  then  announced  the  formation  of  the  — 

ORDER  OF  THE  DESCENDANTS  OF  COLONIAL  GOVERNORS 

PRIOR  TO  1760. 

The  order  was  founded  in  January,  1896,  by  Miss  Mary  Cabell  Rich- 
ardson of  Covington,  Kentucky.  The  present  Governor-General  is  Mrs. 
Henrietta  Dana  Skinner  of  Detroit,  Michigan.  There  are  now  eighteen 
branches,  including  one  in  Canada.  The  Chairman  of  the  Massachu- 
setts branch  is  Mrs.  Prentiss  Webster  of  Lowell. 

44  The  order  recognizes  as  Colonial  Governors  all  persons  invested  with 
supreme  executive  authority  in  the  government  of  Colonies  comprised  within 
the  thirteen  Colonial  States,  under  whatever  title  that  authority  was  exercised, 
and  whether  derived  from  the  Crown  by  appointment,  from  the  people  by 
election,  from  another  Governor  or  from  a  chartered  Company  by  commission." 

Membership  is  honorary  and  by  invitation  only. 

Mr.  Worthington  C.  Ford  remarked  upon  Washington's 
views  on  many  public  matters  and  showed  how  modern 
some  of  them  were.  His  canal  policy  foreshadowed  the 
existing  railway  system,  which  connects  the  Atlantic  with 
the  West;  and  his  methods  of  agriculture  anticipated  the 
change  which  came  in  Virginia  farming  after  the  close  of 
the  Revolutionary  war.  Mr.  Ford  portrayed  Washington 
as  the  scientific  farmer  far  in  advance  of  his  time.  He 
also  made  the  following  communication :  — 

COLONIAL  AMERICA. 

In  determining  the  economic  position  and  capacity  of  a  nation, 
the  natural  environment  of  the  people  is  of  quite  as  great  impor- 
tance as  the  artificial,  which  is  itself  developed  from  and  largely 


1900.] 


COLONIAL  AMERICA. 


341 


dependent  upon,  the  natural,  A  desert  may  with  assiduous  care 
and  labor  be  changed  into  a  garden;  latent  powers  of  production 
may  he  developed  and  combined  in  almost  endless  variations  to 
serve  a  useful  purpose.  But  not  only  must  the  materials  be  at 
hand,  —  the  intelligence  to  work  the  change  must  also  be  present 
and  actively  exerted-  The  climate,  the  nature  of  the  soil  and  rela- 
tive situation,  determine  the  productiveness  of  a  region,  and  the 
labor  of  man  by  controlling  and  directing  these  agencies,  by  com- 
bining and  assimilating  forces,  may  develop  almost  indefinitely 
their  capacities,  producing  an  economy  that  would  before  have 
seemed  impossible. 

Such  a  co-operation  of  productive  factors,  resulting  in  an  economic 
development  of  almost  marvellous  rapidity  and  magnitude,  a  his- 
tory of  production  in  the  United  States  would  show.  An  outline, 
so  far  as  is  essential  to  the  purpose  of  this  work,  will  be  here  at- 
tempted,  necessarily  imperfect,  because  subordinated  to  other  ends. 

The  natural  capacities  of  America  were  great  even  under  the 
most  imperfect  instruments.  A  winter  contemporary  with  the  Revo- 
lution, estimated  the  area  of  the  colonies  to  be  102,000  square  miles, 
or  about  the  area  of  the  British  Isles.1  The  English  area  of  settle- 
ment at  that  time  extended  from  the  coast  of  Maine  to  Georgia,  or 
between  45°  and  Sl°  north  latitude,  but  was  confined  for  the  most 
part  to  a  narrow  strip  of  territory  along  the  coast  between  the 
oceu  and  the  Appalachian  range,  where  a  river  supplying  ready 
means  of  penetrating  inland  plantations  or  farms  would  l>e  found ; 
but  few  settlements  worthy  even  of  the  name  of  town  existed  in 
the  interior,  except  where  the  hostile  attitude  of  the  Indians  made 
such  an  aggregation  necessary  for  defence,  or  where  a  peculiarly 
rich  trade  with  the  Indians  centred,  In  either  case,  these  outlying 
posts  were  merely  stockaded  forts.  No  river  penetrated  beyond 
the  Blue  Ridge  range  in  the  South,  and  none  beyond  the  present 
western  limits  of  New  York  in  the  North ;  and  this  constituted 
another  natural  restriction  upon  the  area  of  settlement. 

The  territory  ceded  by  Great  Britain  under  the  definitive  treaty 
of  peace  in  1788  embraced  about  830,000  square  miles,  of  which 
less  than  half  could  be  assigned  to  the  original  thirteen  colonies, 
Blodget,  one  of  the  earliest  of  American  statisticians,  estimated 


*  Mitchell,  Present  State,  p.  133,  note- 


342  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  [Feb. 

that  the  improved  lands  in  1774  did  not  exceed  20,860,000  acres, 
or  less  than  33,000  square  miles,  a  small  part  of  the  settled  area.1 
In  New  England  more  than  one-half  of  the  land  was  in  cultivation 
in  1790,  and  in  Connecticut  scarcely  one-tenth  remained  in  a  wild 
state.2  In  New  York  only  one-fifth  of  the  country  could  be  said 
to  be  improved,8  and  in  Virginia  and  Maryland,  devoted  as  they 
were  to  the  cultivation  of  a  very  profitable  crop,  only  about  one- 
tenth  could  be  so  designated.4  The  insalubrity  of  the  Carolinas, 
the  sparseness  of  the  population,  the  system  of  land  tenure,  the 
methods  of  agriculture  and  the  cheapness  and  abundance  of  land, 
offered  further  obstacles  to  an  intensive  and  careful  cultivation  of 
the  soil  in  the  Southern  colonies. 

The  population  of  the  colonies  was  estimated  in  1754  to  have 
been  about  1,500,000  souls ;  at  the  outbreak  of  the  Revolution  it 
had  nearly  doubled  through  immigration  and  natural  increase,  and 
more  especially  through  natural  increase.  There  were  few  checks 
to  early  marriages  and  the  rate  of  increase  was  favored  in  every 
way.  The  population  more  than  doubled  itself  in  every  twenty- 
five  years,  no  account  being  taken  of  the  immigration,  which, 
however,  was  not  large,  as  the  East  and  West  Indies  were  attract- 
ing the  larger  part  of  emigrants  from  European  countries.6  The 
war  checked  the  growth,  for  in  1790  the  population  was  only 
3,929,326,  of  which  nearly  700,000  were  slaves. 

As  the  distribution  of  population   did   not  materially  change 

1  See  the  Public  Domain;  Report  of  the  Public  Land  Commission,  1883, 
p.  10.  General  Walker  makes  the  settled  area  in  1790  only  240,000  square 
miles,  though  many  settlements  had  been  made  beyond  the  mountains  (Eco- 
nomica,  p.  60). 

2  Noah  Webster,  Essays,  p.  365. 

8  Tryon  to  the  Earl  of  Dartmouth,  11  June,  1774  (New  York  Colonial 
Documents,  viii.  441). 

4  Burnaby,  and  Webster's  Essays,  1.  c. 

5  The  population  of  Massachusetts  increased  8,310  yearly  before  the  Revo- 
lution. Adam  Smith,  Malthus,  and  Franklin  accepted  the  estimate  given  in 
the  text.  Between  1700  and  1719,  an  aggregate  of  105,972  persons  emigrated 
to  the  Dutch  East  Indies ;  between  1747  and  1766, 162,598  (Saalfeld,  Geschichte 
des  hollandischen  Kolonialwesens  in  Ostindien,  ii.  189).  Franklin,  in  1751, 
estimated  the  aggregate  number  of  English  inhabitants  in  the  North  American 
colonies  at  1 ,000,000,  of  whom  only  80,000  had  immigrated  into  the  country. 
The  Germans  came  in  larger  numbers,  nearly  20,000  going  to  Pennsylvania 
in  1749  (Kalm,  i.  58). 


1000.] 


COLONIAL  AMERICA, 


343 


between  1775  and  1790,  the  census  of  the  latter  year  may  be  taken 
as  a  guide.  In  New  York,  Pennsylvania  and  South  Carolina,  the 
predominant  **  group "  was  from  two  to  six  to  the  square  mile ; 
while  another  group,  from  eighteen  to  forty  to  the  square  mile  was 
found  chiefly  in  Delaware,  Maryland,  Massachusetts,  New  Jersey 
and  Virginia,  The  coast  of  Maine  was  dotted  in  1776  with  forts, 
and  at  the  head  of  the  Hudson  River,  on  the  highway  to  Canada, 
settlements  existed.  But  a  line  drawn  southeast  from  the  foot  of 
Lake  Champlain  to  the  head  of  the  Savannah  river  would  include 
more  than  what  was  then  the  inhabited  parts  of  the  British  colonies 
in  North  America, 

The  natural  conditions  which  the  first  colonists  from  Europe 
found  on  the  eastern  shore  of  North  America,  were  peculiarly 
adapted  to  the  foundation  and  rapid  development  of  a  rich  and 
prosperous  empire.  The  climate  was  nearly  the  same  as  that  of 
Europe ;  the  soil  when  prepared  for  agriculture  was  for  the  most 
part  rich  and  virgin,  for  only  a  small  proportion  of  the  Indians 
had  attained  the  village  stage  where  the  tillage  of  the  ground  had 
in  a  measure  superseded  the  chase.1  From  the  ocean  and  rivers 
the  bulk  of  their  food  was  still  obtained*  The  physical  formation 
of  that  part  of  North  America  which  was  settled  before  the  Revo- 
lution gave  a  diversity  of  climate  that,  taken  in  connection  with 
the  natural  qualities  of  the  soil,  allowed  of  a  greater  variety  of 
crops  than  was  then  afforded  by  Europe.  The  winters  were 
longer,  yet  the  shorter  summer  was  so  nearly  like  the  summer  of 
Europe  that  all  the  plants  and  animals  of  the  older  continent 
could  be  cultivated  and  reared  on  the  new  continent  with  almost 
equal  success. 

The  soil,  however,  was  by  no  means  ready  for  immediate  use. 
The  region  north  of  the  Susquehannah  had  been  affected  by  glacial 
action  (drift),  and  the  resulting  soil  was  of  a  clayey  nature, 
abounding  in  stone,  difficult  to  subdue  and  render  fit  for  con- 
tinuous cultivation.  The  face  of  the  country  was  covered  with 
dense  forests  which  must  be  cleared  before  planting  could  begin, 
and  against  which  the  Indians  with  their  feeble  appliances  had 
proved  almost  powerless.     The  contest  between  man  and  nature 


1  Maize  was  the  principal  plant  cultivated  by  the  Indians.     They  also  raised 
squash  and  pease  (Kahu,  i<  139,  140). 


844  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OP  MASSACHUSETTS.  [Feb. 

was  severe  and  continuous,  and  the  great  obstacles  to  be  met  and 
overcome,  the  limited  means  for  removing  them,  controlled  the 
course  of  settlement,  and  in  the  beginning  rendered  the  progress 
of  the  colonies  slow  and  painful.  The  poorer  soils,  narrow  strips 
lying  along  the  banks  of  rivers  and  the  shore,  where  cultivation 
was  comparatively  easy  and  access  to  the  ocean  ready,  were  first 
occupied;  and  had  it  not  been  for  maize,  a  crop  that  yielded  a  high 
return  and  was  more  reliable  than  European  cereals,  the  subsistence 
needed  and  obtained  in  other  ways  would  hardly  have  proved 
sufficient  to  maintain  the  colonists  while  engaged  in  the  severer 
tasks  of  clearing  and  subduing  the  richer  lands  in  the  interior. 
Two  months  of  labor  were  required  to  make  each  acre  of  this 
region  fitted  for  effective  tillage ;  *  only  in  Virginia  and  Maryland 
was  there  found  a  soil  on  which  a  crop  could  be  at  once  grown. 

The  colonies  may  be  divided  according  to  their  physical  char- 
acteristics into  three  classes.  In  the  New  England  provinces  the 
soil  was  little  adapted  for  profitable  agriculture,  furnishing  barely 
sufficient  food  for  its  inhabitants.  The  population  found  employ- 
ment in  shipping  and  fishing,  developing  a  carrying  trade  and  a 
commercial  interest  which  compensated  for  the  comparative  nig- 
gardliness of  nature  and  formed  the  peculiar  feature  of  that  section 
of  the  country  at  the  period  of  the  Revolution.  In  the  middle 
colonies  the  soil  lent  itself  more  readily  to  cultivation,  and  cereals 
early  became  an  article  of  export ;  while  in  Virginia  and  Maryland 
the  fertility  of  the  soil  and  the  commercial  policy  of  England  made 
tobacco  the  most  valuable  staple  of  culture  and  export.  To  the 
South,  the  swamps  of  the  Carolinas,  destructive  to  the  white  man 
but  capable  of  being  exploited  by  slave  labor,  were  devoted  to  rice, 
and  as  in  the  tobacco  colonies,  imposed  upon  the  people  a  system 
of  slavery  which  cramped  their  growth  save  in  narrow  and  increas- 
ingly unprofitable  lines,  and  frittered  away  the  natural  wealth  of 
the  land  under  an  economic  regime  which  has  never  proved  suc- 
cessful and  never  compatible  with  progress  in  civilization. 

In  1766  Franklin  described  the  body  of  the  people  in  the 
colonies  as  farmers,  husbandmen  and  planters.  Agriculture  was 
the  chief  pursuit  of  the  country ;  its  prosperity  and  very  existence 
were  dependent  upon  farming;  its  commerce  and  relations  with 

1  Professor  Shaler. 


1000.] 


COLONIAL  AMERICA, 


345 


other  peoples  were  based  upon  the  products  of  the  soil,  and  the 
kindred  industry — the  fisheries.  By  agriculture  alone  could  a 
market  be  commanded  in  Britain  itself.  All  else  was  subordinated 
to  and  controlled  by  the  results  obtained  from  the  aoih 

It  was  very  natural  that  land  should  be  the  chief  form  of  wealth, 
for  it  was  the  most  productive  agent  at  hand  and  that  to  which  all 
the  labor  and  capital  either  created  and  saved  within  the  colonies,  or 
coming  to  them  from  Europe,  turned  for  employment,  This,  said 
Adam  Smith)  was  the  principal  cause  of  the  rapid  progress  of  the 
dependencies  to  wealth  and  greatness.1  The  terms  upon  which 
lands  could  be  obtained  were  inducements  to  settlement.  In 
Pennsylvania,  where  the  soil  was  readily  brought  into  cultivation 
and  where  the  liberal  administrative  system  offered  the  most 
immediate  advantages  to  the  immigrant,  land  could  be  purchased 
for  £5  a  hundred  acres,  and  one  penny  sterling  per  acre  quitrent. 
In  New  York  and  New  Jersey  crown  hinds  were  sold  for  fifty 
cents  or  one  dollar  an  acre,  and  the  price  was  about  the  same  in 
the  New  England  colonies.  In  the  Southern  provinces  lands  were 
given  away  in  limited  tracts  to  settlers,  but  could  be  purchased  at 
almost  nominal  prices*  Eddis  said  that  the  rich  lands  of  Maryland 
could  be  bought  for  about  seventy-five  cents  an  acre.  In  1T74» 
according  to  Blodget's  estimates,  the  average  price  of  cultivated 
land  throughout  the  colonies  was  two  dollars  and  a  half  an  acre  ; 
and  of  lands  in  their  natural  condition*  thirty-five  cents  an  acre. 
Generally  speaking,  real  estate  was  valued  at  only  seven  years* 
purchase.3 

The  abundance  and  cheapness  of  good  land,  and  the  ease  and 
notoriety  with  which  it  was  obtained  and  transferred,  rendered  the 
introduction  of  feudal  tenures  and  feudal  ideas  of  the  nature  of 
real  property  impossible.  In  the  Charter  of  the  Massachusetts 
Bay  Company  (1628)  it  was  provided  that  lands  should  be  held 
4i  in  free  and  common  socage,  and  not  in  capite  or  by  knight  ser- 
vice ; "  and  before  the  Province  Charter  of  1691  was  issued,  all 
feudal  tenures  had  been  swept  away  in  Great  Britain  itself.8  Feu- 
dal vassalage  could  not  take  root  in   any  of   the  colonies,  and 

1  Wealth  of  Nations,  i.  371.  All  my  references  to  this  work  are  taken  from 
the  edition  of  Prof.  Thorold  RogeTB. 

s  Thirty  years  in  England  (Wealth  of  Nations,  ii,  166), 
■  12  Charles  IT. 


846  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  [Feb. 

leasehold  estates  were  almost  totally  unknown.  The  law  of  primo- 
geniture was  recognized  in  some  of  the  colonies  as  being  agreeable 
to  the  law  of  nature  and  the  dignity  of  birthright.  Rhode  Island, 
though  one  of  the  most  democratic  of  the  colonies,  admitted  the 
systems  of  entail  and  primogeniture,  as  did  Virginia,  the  most  aristo- 
cratic of  the  colonies.  In  some  cases  primogeniture  was  not  for- 
mally abolished  until  some  years  after  the  Revolution,1  while 
estates  tail  lingered  many  years  after. 

The  feature  of  the  land  policy  of  the  colonies,  by  which  any 
immigrant  could  look  forward  to  owning  a  portion  of  the  soil  and 
developing  its  capacities  for  his  own  benefit,  obviated  the  occur- 
rence of  that  narrow  dependence  on  land  which  in  other  countries 
resulted  in  serfage,  tenants  adscript*  glebce.  The  colonists,  except 
when  "  indented  "  for  a  term  of  years,  were  free  to  come  and  to  go, 
and  the  absence  of  restraint  exerted  a  lasting  influence  upon  the 
domestic  economy  of  the  northern  and  middle  colonies.  The  equal 
distribution  of  property  in  those  provinces  tended  best  to  encourage 
the  full  and  free  development  of  economic  powers.  There  was  no 
glaring  inequality  between  rich  and  poor ;  the  situation  was  that 
which  pleased  Rousseau  :  no  citizen  was  so  rich  that  he  could  buy 
the  others,  and  no  one  so  poor  that  he  might  be  compelled  to  sell 
himself.  Burnaby  travelled  1200  miles  in  New  England  and  the 
Middle  colonies  without  meeting  a  beggar.  Even  in  Boston,  where 
the  profits  of  a  lucrative  trade  centred,  fortunes  were  moderate, 
and  Burke  thought  there  were  not  two  persons  in  either  Massa- 
chusetts or  Connecticut  who  could  afford  to  spend  £1000  a  year 
away  from  their  estates.2 

The  "  almost  universal  mediocrity  of  fortune  "  that  prevailed  in 
America  was  regarded  as  a  happy  situation,  preserving  the  people 
from  idleness  and  its  consequent  errors.8  Most  of  the  people 
cultivated  their  own  lands,  or  followed  some  handicraft  or  trade, 
and  so  nearly  every  man  was  a  producer.  Franklin,  in  an  essay 
intended  to  set  the  true  condition  of  America  before  intending  and 
too  hopeful  emigrants  from  Europe,  described  it  as  "  the  land  of 
labor,  and  by  no  means  what  the  English  call  Lubberland,  and  the 
French  Pays  de  Cocagne,  where  the  streets  are  said  to  be  paved  with 

1  In  Connecticut  in  1792;  in  Pennsylvania  in  1794. 
f  Present  State  of  the  Nation. 
»  Franklin,  Works,  viii.  173. 


1000.] 


COLONIAL  AMERICA. 


347 


half  peck  loaves,  the  houses  tiled  with  pancakes,  and  where  the 
fowls  fly  about  ready  roasted,  crying,  Come  eat  mc/"  A  mere 
man  of  quality,  he  thought,  would  be  despised  and  disregarded, 
"The  husbandman  is  in  honor  there,  and  even  the  mechanic, 
because  their  employments  are  useful" 

The  general  distribution  of  land  tended  to  a  general  distribution 
of  political  power,  for  land  and  power  are  almost  inseparable.  The 
farmer  of  the  colony  was  a  freeholder  and  had  early  established  his 
privilege*  if  not  his  right,  of  controlling  local  concerns. 

In  describing  landholding  in  America,  Story  says,  — 

u  Tlie  tenants  and  occupiers  are  almost  universally  the  proprietors  of 
the  soil  in  fee  simple.  The  estates  of  a  more  limited  duration  are  prin- 
cipally those  arising  from  the  acts  of  the  law,  such  as  estates  in  dower 
and  in  curtesy.  Strictly  speaking,  therefore,  there  has  never  been  in 
this  country  a  dependent  peasantry.  The  yeomanry  are  absolute  mas- 
ters of  the  soil  on  which  they  tread,  and  their  character  has  from  this 
circumstance  been  marked  by  a  jealous  watchfulness  of  their  rights,  and 
by  a  more  steady  resistance  against  every  encroachment,  than  can  be 
found  among  any  other  people,  whose  habits  and  pursuits  are  less  homo- 
geneous and  independent  less  influenced  by  personal  choice,  and  more 
controlled  by  political  circum stances."  l 

The  Southern  colonies  were  under  a  very  different  social  regime, 
and  the  difference  between  rich  and  poor,  even  apart  from  land- 
owner and  slave,  was  greater  than  in  the  Northern  colonies.  The 
opulence  of  the  planters,  more  apparent  than  real,  contrasted 
sharply  with  the  poverty  of  the  whites  who  owned  neither  land 
nor  slaves,  who  had  no  regular  occupations,  and  led  a  precarious 
existence,  The  prevalence  of  slave  labor  discouraged  the  intro- 
duction of  free  labor  and  of  those  manual  operations  which  such 
labor  can  pursue.  The  planter  was  generally  deeply  in  debt, 
The  scarcity  of  capital,  and  the  large  operations  of  the  planter 
required  much  capital,  induced  him  to  look  to  English  bankers 
and  merchants  for  his  needs,  His  lands  were  purchased  and 
cleared  with  foreign  capital ;  it  was  with  such  advances  that  his 
slaves  were  bought,  the  crop  planted,  garnered,  and  finally  trans- 
ported to  market  The  greater  share  of  the  carrying  trade  was 
conducted  by  the  capitals  of  merchants  residing  in  Great  Britain, 

*  Commentaries,  i.  12L 


348  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  [Feb. 

and  even  the  tobacco  warehouses  in  Virginia  and  Maryland  were 
owned  by  British  factors.1  This  did  not  prevent  the  planter  from 
seeking  to  gratify  his  expensive  tastes,  for  he  could  mortgage  his 
future  crops,  and  run  the  risk  of  failure  through  a  bad  crop,  a 
sickness  among  his  slaves,  or  a  failure  in  the  slow  machinery  of 
colonial  trade,  when  the  English  factor  might  intervene  and  deprive 
him  of  his  estate.2 

The  poor  settler  was  lazy  and  shiftless,  having  no  interests  to 
subserve  and  intent  only  upon  satisfying  his  immediate  wants. 
Among  the  whites  of  Virginia  Chastellux  found  the  first  evidences 
of  poverty  he  had  met.  In  such  a  population  the  habit  of  saving 
was  undeveloped  and  real  wealth,  apart  from  land  and  slaves,  out 
of  the  question.  Large  plantations,  rudely  cultivated  so  as  to 
waste  their  fertility,  costly  labor,  and  spendthrift  habits  were  not 
elements  of  success.  Adam  Smith  noted  that  no  such  wealthy 
planters  came  from  the  tobacco,  as  from  the  sugar  colonies.  Good 
management  and  foresight  did  amass  large  fortunes  and  estates ; 
but  regarded  as  a  whole  the  southern  people  were  poorer  than 
those  of  New  England,  in  spite  of  the  show  and  outward  glitter 
their  habits  induced  them  to  make. 

Notwithstanding  the  almost  universal  prevalence  of  agricultural 
pursuits,  there  was  no  systematic  study  of  the  science  of  farming, 
and  the  methods  employed  were,  even  for  that  day,  slovenly  and 
wasteful.  No  attention  was  given  to  husbanding  the  benefits  of 
nature,  and  the  settlers  were  more  likely  to  imitate  the  Indians  in 
the  arts  of  destruction  than  in  the  art  of  preservation.  If  a  forest 
was  to  be  cleared,  it  was  burned ;  or  the  trees  were  girdled  and  left 
to  decay  where  they  stood.  A  field  once  cleared  was  worked  into 
comparative  sterility  by  a  succession  of  the  same  crops,  and  no 
attempt  was  made  to  maintain  or  renew  its  fertility  other  than  by 
the  rude  and  partial  method  of  allowing  an  exhausted  field  to  lie 
fallow.     The  original  richness  of  the  soil  was  such  that  for  a  num- 

1  Adam  Smith,  Wealth  of  Nations,  i.  371. 

*  I  am  aware  that  Adam  Smith  asserts  that  he  "  had  never  even  heard  of 
any  tobacco  plantation  that  was  improved  and  cultivated  by  the  capital  of  mer- 
chants who  resided  in  Great  Britain  "  (Wealth  of  Nations,  i.  167).  As  an 
object  of  speculative  investment  a  tobacco  plantation  was  not  so  desirable  as 
a  sugar  field,  and  it  was  as  a  speculation  that  Adam  Smith  treated  the  question. 
The  involved  condition  of  the  planters  of  the  tobacco  colonies  is  beyond  all 
doubt.     See  Burnaby's  Travels,  p.  19. 


1D0O.] 


COLONIAL  AMERICA* 


349 


ber  of  years  crops  could  be  raised  from  it  without  impairing  its 
productiveness ;  and  when  it  showed  signs  of  failing  it  was  cheaper 
and  easier  to  plough  up  a  new  field  and  abandon  the  old  to  regain 
strength  as  best  it  could.  The  system  of  cultivation  was  thus 
extensive,  and  not  intensive;  certain  lines  of  production  were 
worked  to  the  utmost,  and  while  some  of  the  natural  advantages 
of  the  soil  were  utilized  under  such  a  system,  all  others  were 
sacrificed,  In  fact  land  was  too  cheap  to  make  even  a  moderate 
expenditure  in  improvements  profitable. 

The  methods  of  cultivation  were  nearly  the  same  after  as  before 
the  war:  — 

**  Unproductive  fallows  precede  crops ;  after  crops,  the  land  is  gen- 
erally given  up  for  a  number  of  years  to  weeds  and  poor  natural  grasses, 
until  it  shall  come  into  heart  again ;  toe  husbandman  in  the  mean  wbile, 
employing  his  labors  upon  his  other  fields  in  succession."  ■ 

General  Warren  said,  before  the  American  Academy  of  Arts 
and  Sciences,  that  a  man  in  America, —  „ 

"that  farms  150  acres,  would  think  a  stock  of  JCI00  sufficient  One 
miserable  team,  a  paltry  plough,  and  everything  in  the  same  proportion ; 
three  acres  of  Indian  corn  which  require  all  the  manure  he  bas ;  as  many 
acres  of  half-starved  English  grain  from  a  half  cultivated  soil,  with  a 
spot  of  potatoes,  and  a  small  yard  of  turnips,  complete  the  round  of  his 
tillage,  and  the  whole  is  conducted  perhaps  by  a  man  and  a  hoy,  and 
performed  in  half  their  time ;  no  manure  but  the  dung  from  the  barn, 
which,  if  the  heaps  were  not  exposed  to  be  washed  away  by  the  winter 
rains  may  amount  to  fifteen  or  twenty  loads  j  and  if  they  are  so  exposed, 
to  much  less,  without  any  regret  to  the  farmer.  All  the  rest  of  the 
farm  is  allotted  for  feeding  a  small  stock*  A  large  space  must  be  mowed 
for  a  little  hay  for  winter ;  and  a  large  range  for  a  little  feed  in  sum- 
mer. Pastures  are  never  manured,  and  mowing  lands  seldom;  but 
nothing  will  give  a  clearer  idea  of  the  different  management  than  the 
following  facts ;  in  England  rents  are  high  and  labor  low ;  in  America 
it  is  just  the  reverse,  rents  are  tow  and  the  rate  of  labor  high ;  yet  in 
England,  it  would  be  difficult  to  find  an  instance  where  the  labor  did 
not  amount  to  more,  and  in  many  instances,  to  perhaps  three  times  as 
much  as  the  rents;  and  in  America,  as  difficult  to  find  as  instance 
where  the  labor  on  the  farm  equalled  the  rent,"  % 

»  American  Aluse-urn,  ii.  447.     See  Kalm,  i.  102,  185,  180, 

a  American  Museum,  ii.  344.    Wealth  of  Nations,  ii.  115,  146. 


850  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  [Feb. 

While  this  description  applied  more  especially  to  the  farming  of 
the  New  England  colonies,  it  would  apply  also  to  the  general  system 
used  in  the  Southern  and  Middle  colonies,  with  the  possible  excep- 
tion of  Pennsylvania. 

"  There  is,  perhaps,  scarcely  any  part  in  America,  where  farming  has 
been  less  attended  to  than  in  this  State  [Virginia].  The  cultivation  of 
tobacco  has  been  almost  the  sole  object  with  men  of  landed  property, 
and  consequently  a  regular  course  of  crops  has  never  been  in  view. 
The  general  custom  has  been,  first  to  raise  a  crop  of  Indian  corn  (maize), 
which  according  to  the  mode  of  cultivation,  is  a  good  preparation  for 
wheat ;  then  a  crop  of  wheat ;  after  which  the  ground  is  respited  (except 
from  weeds  and  every  trash  that  can  contribute  to  its  foulness,)  for 
about  eighteen  months ;  and  so  on,  alternately,  without  any  dressing,  till 
the  land  is  exhausted ;  when  it  is  turned  out,  without  being  sown  with 
grass  seeds,  or  any  method  taken  to  restore  it ;  and  another  piece  is 
ruined  in  the  same  manner.  No  more  cattle  are  raised  than  can  be 
supported  by  lowland  meadows,  swamps,  &c,  and  the  tops  and  blades 
of  Indian  corn ;  as  very  few  persons  have  attended  to  sowing  grasses 
and  connecting  cattle  with  their  crops.  The  Indian  corn  is  the  chief 
support  of  the  laborers  and  horses.  Our  lands,  as  mentioned  in  my  first 
letter  to  you,  were  originally  very  good ;  but  use  and  abuse  have  made 
them  quite  otherwise."  l 

Mitchell  also  bears  witness  to  the  degeneration  of  lands  in  the 
Southern  colonies  as  early  as  1767. 

"  Their  lands  are  so  exhausted  that  they  do  not  produce  above  a 
third  part  of  what  they  used  to  do.  Formerly  they  made  three  and  four 
hogsheads  of  tobacco  a  share,  that  is,  for  every  laborer,  where  they 
cannot  now  make  one ;  and  they  used  to  have  fifty  and  sixty  bushels  of 
corn  to  an  acre  of  land,  where  they  now  reckon  twenty  a  good  crop."* 

Burnaby  describes  the  agriculture  of  the  Southern  colonies  as  in 
a  "  very  low  state,"  8  and  Kalm  applies  nearly  the  same  words  to 
that  of  Pennsylvania,4  while  he  speaks  in  even  more  disparaging 
terms  of  farming  in  New  Sweden.6 

The  result  was  that  comparatively  small  returns  were  obtained 
from   the   land,  barely  eight  or  ten  bushels  of  wheat  to  an  acre, 

1  Washington  to  Arthur  Young,  1  November,  1787. 

*  Present  State,  p.  140.  *  Travels,  i.  1S5. 

8  Travels,  p.  46.  *  Travels,  ii.  190. 


1000.] 


COLONIAL  AMEEICA, 


351 


when  twenty-five  was  an  average  yield  in  England  and  eighteen  in 
France-1     The  cause  of  this  was  that — 

u  the  aim  of  the  farmers  in  this  country  is?  not  to  make  the  most  they 
can  from  the  land,  which  ist  or  has  been  cheap,  but  the  most  of  the 
labor,  which  is  dear;  the  consequence  of  which  has  been,  much  ground 
has  been  scratched  over,  and  none  cultivated  or  improved  as  it  ought  to 
have  been :  whereas  a  farmer  in  England,  where  land  is  dear  and  labor 
cheap,  finds  it  Ms  interest  to  improve  and  cultivate  highly,  that  be  may 
reap  large  crops  from  a  small  quantity  of  ground,  That  the  last  is  the 
true,  and  the  first  an  erroneous  policy,  I  will  readily  grant;  but  it  re- 
quires time  to  conquer  bad  habits,  and  hardly  anything  short  of  necessity 
is  able  to  accomplish  it.  That  necessity  is  approaching  by  pretty  rapid 
strides/'  * 

In  localities  the  yield  might  have  been  larger.  Kalm,  at  an 
earlier  date,  noted  that  on  well  prepared  land  in  Pennsylvania,  a 
bushel  of  rye  sowed  on  an  acre  of  land  returned  twenty  bushels, 
and  the  returns  from  wheat  were  about  the  same.*  In  New  York, 
from  twelve  to  twenty  fold  was  the  rate  of  return  for  wheat ;  but 
one  half -bushel  of  make  would  yield  one  hundred  bushels.4  In 
Buck's  County,  Pennsylvania,  fresh  lands  would  give  from  fifteen 
to  twenty  bushels  to  the  acre,  the  market  price  of  which  would 
generally  cover  the  cost  of  the  land,5 

In  spite  of  this  wasteful  system  of  culture,  the  wheat-growers  of 
America  possessed  decided  advantages  over  those  of  England, 
though,  as  yet,  these  advantages  were  not  appreciated.  Arthur 
Young  proved  in  his  Political  Arithmetic  that  in  1774  0  the  Ameri- 
can farmer,  exempt  as  he  was  from  rents,  tithes,  and  poor  rates,  and 
paying  comparatively  light  taxes,  could  not  only  supply  the  West 
India  market   with  flour  more  cheaply   than  could  the   English 

1  Young,  Travels  in  France,  L  384. 

1  Washington  to  Young,  December,  1701,  See  also  Jefferson's  Notes  on 
Virginia  (Eighth  edition),  p.  130, 

*  Kalm,  Travels,  ii  125, 
4  Ibid.  ii.  245. 

*  "The  price  of  improved  lands  varied  with  the  price  of  wheat,  —  the  prin- 
cipal article  for  making  money.  When  wheat  was  at  3*»  a  bushel,  land  was 
worth  £3  an  acre,  and  wheat  at  6>.  meant  land  at  £5  "  (Hazard's  Register  of 
Feanay lvauia,  Hi.  403), 

*  A  year  of  comparative  high  prices  in  England* 


862  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  [Fn. 

farmer,  but  even  exclude  the  latter  from  the  home -markets.  Al- 
though this  was  a  temporary  relation,  it  was  soon  to  become 
permanent,  for  the  period  of  the  Revolution  marked  an  important 
change  in  the  economy  of  England  as  regards  its  food  supply. 
From  1715  to  1765  —  a  period  of  fifty  years  —  hardly  five  years 
could  be  found  in  which  the  harvest  had  proved  so  deficient  as  to 
produce  a  marked  influence  upon  prices ;  and  when  compared  with 
former  years,  prices  were  uncommonly  low.  This  was  the  case  not 
only  in  England,  where  bounties  were  paid  to  encourage  the  export 
of  grain,  but  also  in  France,  where  imports  were  encouraged  and 
exports  prohibited  —  a  proof  that  the  range  of  low  prices  was  due 
to  natural  and  not  artificial  causes. 

This  period  of  plenty  and  cheapness  of  food,  in  which,  as  the 
author  of  the  Corn  Tracts  tells  us,  bread  made  of  wheat  became 
more  generally  the  food  of  the  laboring  people,  was  followed  by  ten 
years  of  comparative  scarcity,  due  principally  to  a  succession  of 
deficient  harvests.  So  great  was  the  change  that  government 
took  action,  and  more  than  once  prohibited  the  export  of  grain 
while  allowing  its  free  import,  and  even  paying  bounties  upon  im- 
ports. Again  was  this  situation  not  peculiar  to  Great  Britain, 
but  extended  to  Ireland  and  the  continent  In  England,  however, 
an  important  change  was  produced.  Heretofore  wheat  had  been 
an  article  of  export,  and  had  even  been  sent  to  the  American 
colonies ;  it  now  became  an  article  of  import,1  evidence  that  under 
existing  methods  England  could  no  longer  be  depended  upon  to 
supply  the  food  required  by  its  own  population.2  Though  the 
colonies  were  not  in  a  position  to  take  advantage  of  this  change, 
and  did  not  for  more  than  fifty  years,  the  tendency  of  England  to 
look  to  other  countries  for  its  food  dates  from  this  time.  Great 
Britain  thus  lost  the  colonies  at  the  very  period  when  they  might 
have  become  what  they  did  become  half  a  century  later,  the 
granary  of  Europe. 

1  Huskisson,  Speech  on  ParnelTs  Resolutions  on  the  State  of  the  Corn  Laws, 
5  Mar,  1SU. 

1  While  the  balance  of  exports  of  wheat  from  1742  to  1751  had  been  4.70&5G9 
quarter*,  the  balance  of  imports  from  1766  to  1775  had  been  1.363^149  quar- 
ters ;  and  not  until  17S5  did  the  price  fall  to  the  rate  at  which  the  bounties 
on  exportation  attached,  or  at  which  any  exports  were  made  (Tooke,  History 
of  Prices,  L  S).  The  Corn  Laws,  it  is  hardly  necessary  to  add.  merehr  postponed 
the  final  dependence  on  foreign  supplies. 


1900.] 


COLONIAL  AMERICA. 


853 


Id  the  pursuit  of  agriculture  live  stock  is  one  of  the  great 
essentials,  though  not  so  much  an  essential  in  colonial  times,  when 
the  natural  fertility  of  the  soil  had  not  been  exhausted  and  the 
crops  could  still  depend  upon  the  rich  vegetable  mould,  as  at  a  later 
day,  when  the  exJiausted  soil  requires  some  artificial  stimulus*  The 
live  stock  of  the  colonies  was  meagre  and  of  poor  quality*  for  little 
attention  was  paid  to  its  improvement,  Jefferson  in  his  Notes  on 
Virginia  advanced  the  belief  that  the  live  stock  had  deteriorated 
since  its  introduction  from  Europe. 

"In  a  thinly  peopled  country,  the  spontaneous  productions  of  the 
forests  and  waste  fields  are  sufficient  to  support  indifferently  the  domes- 
tic animals  of  the  farmer,  with  a  very  little  aid  from  him  in  the  severest 
and  scarcest  season.  He  therefore  finds  it  more  convenient  to  receive 
them  from  the  hand  of  nature  in  that  indifferent  state,  than  to  keep  up 
their  size  by  a  care  and  nourishment  which  would  cost  him  much  labor  " 
(p.  83). 

The  use  of  domestic  animals  in  agriculture  was  far  more  com- 
mon in  the  Middle  colonies  than  in  either  the  Eastern  or  the 
Southern.  In  the  latter  slave  labor  was  a  substitute,  while  in  New 
England  the  tendency  appears  to  have  been  to  use  horses  instead 
of  cattle,  though  the  greater  care  and  higher  quality  of  food  must 
have  made  them  the  more  costly  instrument  and  so  restricted  their 
employment,1  It  was  in  the  neighborhood  of  Philadelphia  thgt 
Silas  Deane  noted  the  "finest  team  horses*'  he  had  ever  seeA, 
though  New  England  exported  horses  largely.  In  all  the  colonies 
cattle  appear  to  have  been  neither  housed  in  winter  nor  tended  in 
summer,  and  little  effort  was  made  to  collect  and  preserve  manure. 
Sheep  were  raised  for  farming  purposes  and  also  for  their  wool, 
and  some  of  the  colonies  offered  special  inducements  to  encourage 
the  keeping  of  sheep ;  but  these  attempts  were  not  regarded  with 
favor  in  Great  Britain,  where  the  many  severe  restrictions  intended 
to  maintain  and  favor  the  English  wool  industry,  not  only  forbade 
the  improvement  of  colonial  stock  by  prohibiting  the  export  of 
sheep,  but  also  tended  to  make  the  raising  of  sheep  for  wool  of 
little  profit  to  the  farmer  by  limiting  his  market.  The  policy  of 
the  mother  country  was  also  calculated  to  discourage  greater 
attention  to  the  cattle  of  the  colonies-     Cattle,  alive  or  dead,  could 

1  Franklin,  Works,  vii.  434, 
23 


«3      


? 


1900,] 


COLONIAL  AMERICA. 


855 


In  spite  of  these  drawbacks  and  disadvantages  there  was  evi- 
lence  of  some  progress.  The  experimental  stage  was  past;  the 
climate  and  soil  were  better  known  and  their  capacities  developed 
so  far  as  the  meagre  knowledge  and  experience  of  the  colon bta 
would  allow.  The  plants  suited  to  each  description  of  land  had 
been  noted,  and  the  cultivation  required  to  produce  a  given  result 
had  engaged  some  attention.  In  transferring  animals  and  plants 
from  the  old  world  to  the  new  costly  errors  had  been  made,  hut  the 
experience  gained  was  of  value.  When  Connecticut  sought  to 
raise  cotton,  or  when  cinnamon  and  silk  were  to  be  produced  under 
unfavorable  conditions,  failure  could  only  result,  no  bounty  being 
able  to  overcome  the  hostility  of  nature,1  These  errors  and  failures 
did  not  deter  new  attempts,  and  — 

"so  extensively  did  these  experiments  go  on,  and  so  completely  had 
they  been  tried,  that  not  a  single  species  of  domestic  animal,  and  bat 
one  species  of  cultivated  plant  (sorghum),  that  had  been  introduced 
since  the  Revolution,  was  of  sufficient  importance  to  be  enumerated  in 
the  census  tables/*  * 

The  life  of  a  farmer  under  such  conditions  was  simple  almost  to 
an  extreme,  He  raised  the  grain  and  vegetable  required  by  his 
family  and  stock  ;  from  his  cows  he  obtained  milk  which  could  be 
worked  into  butter  or  cheese,  both  merchantable  articles ;  once  a 
year  he  killed  a  bullock  or  a  pig,  salting  down  what  was  not  re- 
quired for  immediate  consumption;  he  raised  flax  which  \v:ts 
worked  up  in  the  family  into  homespun  goods,  and  the  wool  ob- 
tained from  his  sheep  was  utilized  in  the  same  manner;  he  knew 
how  to  extract  the  juices  from  fruits.  In  each  town  there  would 
be  found  a  person  whof  generally  a  farmer  himself,  practised  in  hi* 
leisure  time  some  trade  like  that  of  a  grain  miller,  a  tanner,  or  a 
carpenter,  his  labor  being  sufficient  to  meet  the  wants  of  the  town* 
In  other  cases,  like  that  of  the  shoemaker,  the  tradesman  would 
visit  the  various  towns,  put  up  at  a  fanner's  house,  and  using  the 
leather  supplied  to  him,  would,  in  a  few  days,  make  sufficient  foot- 
wear for  a  year  s  wants*  The  miller  took  a  part  of  his  flour  as 
pay,  and  the  tanner,  after  a  year's  labor  in  tanning  a  hide,  re- 

1  Adam  Smith  thought  the  dearness  of  labor  In  America  would  prevent  a 
successful  culture  of  the  silk-worm  (Wealth  of  Nations,  ii.  230)* 
*  Shaler,  in  Tenth  Census,  iii,  185. 


856  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  [Fn. 

tained  one-half  as  his  perquisite.  The  chief  articles  which  the 
farmer  purchased  were  iron  and  salt ;  the  surplus  product  of  his 
fann  was  sufficient  to  enable  him  to  buy  these,  to  lay  aside  a  little 
44  hard  money,"  and  to  increase  his  holdings  in  land  Two  or  three 
times  a  year  he  would  go  into  the  nearest  importing  town  and  in- 
dulge in  a  few  modest u  luxuries  " — like  a  calico  gown  for  his  wife, 
and,  as  a  rule,  some  rum  for  himself.  Is  it  strange  that  many  of 
the  vices  of  the  old  world  should  spontaneously  disappear  tinder 
such  simple  conditions  ? 

The  manufactures  of  the  colonies  were  few  and  on  a  scale  in- 
tended to  satisfy  local  wants,  scarcely  deserving  more  than  the 
name  of  household  industry,  yet  there  were  the  beginnings  of  an 
industrial  life  which  required  only  the  proper  surroundings  to  be 
developed.    The  usual  stimulus  was  war,  which  interrupted  com- 
munication with  the  mother  country  and  threw  the  colonies  on 
their  own  resources.    A  voyage  across  the  ocean  involved  from 
two  to  four  months,  and  vessels  were  often  so  infrequent  that  the 
masters,  i.e.  ships  built  especially  to  convey  masts  to  England, 
were  taken  by  those  who  wished  to  reach  the  other  side  and  to 
whom  no  better  accommodation  presented  itself.     It  was  the  political 
troubles  of  England  during  the  Cromwell  rebellion  that  first  led 
to  the  construction  of  ships  in  New  England.     For  emigration  was 
suspended  and  the  intercourse  between  parent  country  and  colony 
so  interfered  with  that  their  supplies  for  which  they  looked  to 
England  were  well  nigh  exhausted. 

44  The  general  fear,"  writes  Governor  Winthrop  in  his  journal,  <4of 
want  of  foreign  commodities,  now  our  money  was  gone,  and  that  things 
were  like  to  go  well  in  England,  set  us  to  work  to  provide  shipping  of 
our  own." 

Every  war  in  which  England  took  part  thereafter,  led  the 
colonists  to  add  a  little  to  their  beginnings  of  manufacture. 
During  the  war  with  France  this  tendency  to  develop  their 
own  resources  was  especially  marked,  and  when  the  Stamp  Act 
troubles  still  further  increased  this  tendency,  the  jealousy  of 
English  manufacturers  was  excited,  and  an  inquiry  instituted  by 
the  Commissioners  of  Plantations  and  Trade  into  the  manu- 
facturing capacity  of  the  colonies.  The  replies  of  the  colonial 
governors  were  nearly  in  the  same  strain,  —  that  there  were  no 


1900,] 


COLONIAL  AMERICA. 


357 


manufactures  of  any  consequence, — replies,  said  Franklin,  that  were 
44  very  satisfactory  "  to  England  as  betokening  no  danger  of  compe- 
tition.1 For  example,  the  Governor  of  New  Jersey  reported  that 
there  were  no  woollen  or  linen  manufactures  worthy  of  the  name ; 
eight  blast  furnaces  for  making  pig  iron,  and  forty-two  forges  for 
beating  out  bar  iron,  beside  one  slitting  mill,  one  steel  furnace  and 
one  plating  mill,  but  the  last  processes  were  not  "  carried  on  with 
vigor  ;,f  and  finally  a  glass  house,  for  making  bottles  and  coarse 
green  glass  for  window's,2  Very  little  more  had  been  done  in 
1774,  though  a  new  slitting  mill  had  been  erected  as  an  appendage 
to  a  grist  mill,  to  evade  the  prohibition  of  such  mills  by  Parliament.1 
In  17T4  Governor  Tryon  wrote  to  the  Board  of  Trade  that  the 
manufactures  of  the  Province  of  New  York  were  i  the  making  of 
pig  and  bar  iron,  distillation  of  rum  and  spirits,  refining  of  sugar 
and  chocolate  from  imported  sugar  and  cocoa,  the  making  of  soap, 
candles,  hats,  shoes,  cordage,  and  cabinet  ware,  tanning,  malting, 
brewing,  and  ship-building.4  This  was,  probably,  as  comprehen- 
sive a  list  as  any  other  colony  could  have  shown,  and  even  that 
appears  larger  than  it  really  was,  for  the  growth  of  manufactures 
was  checked  by  the  limited  market,  by  the  dearness  of  labor,  by 
the  greater  advantages  offered  by  agriculture,  and  by  the  jealousy 
and  restrictions  demanded  and  imposed  by  British  industrial  and 
mercantile  interests. 

While  the  colonies  were  dependent  upon  Great  Britain  there 
was  no  such  thing  as  a  colonial  market-  Their  geographical  struc- 
ture made  them  independent  of  one  another,  offering  an  obstacle  to 
a  commercial  and  political  union  that  then  seemed  almost  insuper- 
able. The  coast,  indented  by  bays  and  harbors  of  refuge,  and  the 
navigable  rivers  piercing  the  interior  regions  and  offering  seats  for 
settlements  accessible  to  the  outer  world,  invited  the  colonies  to  trade, 
but  it  was  to  trade  with  Europe  and  not  among  the  colonies  that  the 
efforts  of  the  Americans  and  the  English  were  directed.  The  little 
commerce  that  passed  among  themselves  was  carried  by  water,  "We 
never  had  any  interior  trade  of  any  importance,"  Jefferson  wrote  in 

1  Franklin,  Works,  vii.  393, 

2  Gov.  Franklin  to  the  Earl  of  Hillsborough,  14  June,  1708  (New^Jersev 
Archives,  x.  30-32) . 

*  Gov,  Franklin  to  the  Earl  of  Dartmouth,  28  March,  1774  (Ibid.  x.  444). 
4  New  York  Colonial  Documents,  viii.  440. 


353  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  [Feb. 

his  Notes  on  Virginia*  Land  carriage  was  too  costly.1  The  roads 
were  badly  kept,2  and  as  the  articles  to  be  transported  were,  as  a 
rule,  bulky,  they  could  not  be  carried  far.  In  Pennsylvania,  little 
favored  as  it  was  with  navigable  rivers,  the  farmers  would  come 
one  and  two  hundred  miles  on  horseback,  leading  pack  horses 
laden  with  the  goods  they  were  to  barter  in  the  nearest  market.3 
To  the  interior  salt  and  gunpowder  were  about  the  only  articles  that 
would  bear  the  cost  and  trouble  of  transport.  This  separation  and 
isolated  interests,  intensified  by  commercial  policy  or  social  differ- 
ences, checked  the  growth  of  a  compact  colonial  union. 

The  want  of  a  free  and  regular  interchange  of  commodities 
among  the  colonies  has  deprived  the  economist  of  one  of  the  best 
of  guides  —  a  scale  of  prices  from  year  to  year.  As  the  producer 
was  generally  also  the  immediate  consumer,  there  was  little 
machinery  of  trade  needed.  Stated  markets,  regulated  by  law, 
there  were ;  but  everything  was  local,  and  prices  among  the  rest. 
Wheat  might  be  selling  in  one  place  for  a  few  shillings  a  bushel ; 
in  another  locality  not  one  hundred  miles  distant  the  inhabitants 
might  be  on  the  verge  of  starvation.  The  failure  of  a  crop,  the 
uncertainty  of  an  ocean  voyage,4  or  a  miscalculation  in  the  needs 
of  the  market,  might  force  prices  to  an  extreme  pitch  in  either 
direction,  showing  on  what  a  little  margin  beyond  their  actual 
wants  the  colonies  were  existing.6 

1  •'  Take  this  Province  [New  York]  throughout,  the  expence  of  transporting 
a  bushel  of  wheat,  is  but  two-pence  [by  water],  for  the  distance  of  one  hundred 
miles ;  but  the  same  quantity  at  the  like  distance  in  Pennsylvania  [by  land], 
will  always  exceed  us  one  shilling  at  least"  (Independent  Reflector,  N.  Y". 
1753). 

2  "  High  roads,  which,  in  most  trading  countries,  are  extremely  expensive, 
and  awake  a  continual  attention  for  their  Reparation,  demand  from  us,  com- 
paratively speaking,  scarce  auy  public  notice  at  all "  (Ibid.). 

8  Smith's  History  of  New  York  (Quarto  edition),  p.  203. 
4  The  old  marine  policies  give  an  idea  of  the  risks  of  navigation :  — 
"  Touching  the  Adventures  and  Perils  which  we  the  Insurers  are  contented  to  bear* 
and  do  take  upon  us  in  this  Voyage,  they  are  of  the  Seas,  Men-of-War,  Fire,  Enemies, 
Pirates,  Rovers,  Thieves,  Jettisons,  Letters  of  Mark  and  Counter-Mark,  Surprisals, 
Takings  at  Seas,  arrests,  Restraints  and  Detainments  of  all  Kings,  Princes  and  People, 
of  what  Nation,  Condition,  or  Quality  soever,  Barratry  of  the  Master  (unless  the  assured 
be  owner  of  said  vessel)  and  Mariners,  and  of  all  other  Perils,  Losses,  and  Misfortunes 
that  have  or  shall  come  to  the  Hurt,  Detriment,  or  Damage  of  the  said  Ship." 

6  No  attention  need  be  given  to  the  prices  of  commodities  as  fixed  by  law. 
Such  regulation  laws  were,  as  a  rule,  the  result  of  some  foolish  financial  experi- 


iwoj 


COLONIAL   AMERICA. 


Another  obstacle  to  the  conduct  of  manufactures  was  the  clear- 
ness of  labor.  In  the  South  the  prevalence  of  slavery  not  only 
rendered  hired  labor  unnecessary  but  prevented  the  rise  of  any 
industry  other  than  that  conducted  by  slaves,  u  I  am  not  able  to 
give  you  the  price  of  labor,"  wrote  Washington  to  Young*  "  as  the 
land  is  cultivated  here  wholly  by  slaves,  and  the  price  of  labor  in 

I  the  towns  is  fluctuating,  and  governed  entirely  by  circumstances." 
And  Mitchell  more  fully  treated  the  question:  — 
"They  who  estimate  the  price  of  labor  In  the  colonies,  by  the  day, 
do  not  know  what  their  labor  is,  and  much  less  tbe  value  of  it*  There 
is  no  such  thing  as  day  laborers  on  plantations,  and  it  is  inconsistent 
with  the  design  of  them,  to  admit  of  any.  Day- laborers  are  only  to 
be  found  in  populous  and  well  improved  countries,  where  they  have  a 
variety  of  employments  which  afford  them  a  daily  subsistence;  but  as 
nothing  will  do  that  without  manufactures,  they  who  would  estimate 
the  price  of  labor  in  the  colonies,  by  the  day,  must  of  course  admit  of 
manufactures.  But  on  plantations  every  one  is  employed  by  the  year, 
in  order  to  make  a  crop^  which  lasts  for  a  twelvemonth*  Now*  the 
wasres  of  such  laborers  are  four  or  five  pounds  a  year  for  men,  and 
forty  shillings  for  women,  who  are  the  chief  manufacturers;  this  brings 
the  price  of  labor  at  a  medium  to  Zl  a  year,  which  is  but  two-pence  a 

I  day,  for  every  day  in  the  year/ 
4  *  The  deaniess  of  day-labor  in  the  colonies  proceeds  from  two  causes ; 
first,  the  laborers  who  are  thus  employed  by  the  year,  in  order  to  make 

*a  crop  of  staple  commodities  for  Britain,  and  their  provisions  with  it, 
may  lose  their  whole  crop  by  neglecting  it  for  a  few  days,  and  cannot 
spare  a  day's  work  without  losing  ten  times  as  much  as  it  is  worth,  and 
perhaps  their  whole  year's  subsistence ;  which  is  the  true  cause  of  the 
dearuess  of  day  labor  in  the  plantations. 

11  Secondly,  if  there  are  any  common  laborers  to  be  found,  who  are  not 
engaged  by  the  year,  as  there  seldom  are,  they  cannot  find  employment 
for  above  a  few  days  in  a  month  perhaps ;  and  for  that  reason,  they 
must  have  as  much  for  two  or  three  days*  work,  as  will  maintain  them 
for  as  many  weeks ;  but  at  the  year's  end  they  have  not  perhaps  earned 
two- pence  a  day,  for  all  the  wages  they  may  get,  wbich  is  generaUy  a 

ments  for  creating  money  and  capital  through  the  fiat  of  the  legislature, — 
experiments  that  invariably  terminated  in  disastrous  failure* 

1  Mitchell  was  answering  the  statement  of  those  who  were  seeking  to  show 
that  the  earnings  of  the  colonists  at  agriculture  were  three  shillings  and  six- 


... 


860  THE  COLONIAL  80CIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  .  [Fa. 

ghflling  a  day,  meaning  always  sterling  cash.  Thus  the  day  laborers  of 
the  colonies,  if  there  are  any,  are  only  the  vagrants,  and  not  the 
laborers  of  the  country ;  who  stroll  from  place  to  place  without  bouse  or 
home,  are  clothed  in  rags,  and  have  not  bare  necessaries,  notwithstand- 
ing the  supposed  high  price  of  their  labor. 

M  About  populous  towns  the  case  is  very  different,  and  labor  much 
dearer ;  they  do  not  there  make  the  necessaries  of  life,  which  enhances 
the  price  of  labor ;  they  have  likewise  a  variety  of  employments,  and  a 
demand  for  laborers,  who  are  employed  on  plantations  in  the  country, 
and  by  that  means  are  scarce  and  dear.  Thus  we  are  not  to  estimate 
the  price  of  labor  from  a  few  towns,  as  Boston,  New  York,  or  Phila- 
delphia, which  we  only  hear  of  in  Britain.  These  are  not  plantations, 
but  trading  or  manufacturing  towns,  wkirh  shall  not  be  inhabited  with- 
out Tradesmen  and  Artificers*  says  the  wise  man ;  whose  labor  is  still 
dearer,  because  Artists  are  scarce,  and  have  not  constant  employment, 
and  so  much  the  better  for  Britain" l 

The  clearness  of  labor  was  a  result  of  the  higher  advantages  to 
be  derived  from  land,  to  which  whatever  labor  and  capital  came  to 
the  colonies  was  attracted.  **  In  new  colonies,"  says  Adam  Smith, 
44  agriculture  either  draws  hands  from  all  other  employments,  or 
keeps  them  from  going  to  any  other  employment***  *  and  the  latter 
was  the  case  with  the  American  settlements.  "  The  mother  coun- 
try has  very  little  to  apprehend  from  any  manufactures  in  the 
colonies,  while  there  continues  to  be  plenty  of  land  for  the  people 
to  settle  on  as  farmers."  That  was  the  assurance  of  Governor 
Franklin  of  New  Jersey.1 

44  Nor  is  there  the  smallest  reason  to  expect  that  manufacturers  will 
be  encouraged  in  Carolina  while  landed  property  can  be  obtained  on 
such  easy  terms.  The  cooper,  the  carpenter,  the  bricklayer,  the  ship- 
builder  and  every  other  artificer  and  tradesman,  after  having  labored  for 
a  few  years  at  their  respective  employments  and  purchased  a  few 
negroes,  commonly  retreat  to  the  country  and  settle  tracts  of  unculti- 
vated land.  .  .  .  Even  the  merchant  becomes  weary  of  attending  the 
store  and  risking  his  stock  on  the  stormy  sea,  or  in  the  bands  of  men 


1  Present  State,  p.  300,  note. 

1  Wealth  of  Nations,  iL  101.    See  also  Macpherson.  Annals  of  Commerce, 

iii.  187. 

«  Governor  Franklin  to  the  Earl  of  Hillsborough.  14  Jane.  17*$   (New 

Jersey  Archives,  x.  32). 


where  it  is  often  exposed  to  equal  hazards,  and  therefore  collects  it  as 
soon  as  possible  and  settles  a  plantation," 1 

Scarcity  of  labor  was  a  condition  natural  to  the  plantations  ;.  the 
restrictions  and  prohibitions  dictated  by  commercial  and  industrial 
jealousy  were  artificial  barriers  to  the  growth  of  the  colonies.  But 
this  will  be  best  described  in  connection  with  the  mercantile  system 
and  the  trade  of  the  colonies. 

The  institution  and  maintenance  of  slavery  in  the  colonies  were 
productive  of  no  less  important  economic  than  political  results, 
and  for  more  than  seventy  years  after  the  Revolution  exerted  such 
an  overwhelming  influence  as  to  be  the  pivotal  factor  in  American 
history.  One  of  the  results  of  the  treaty  of  Utrecht  was  to  give  to 
England  the  trade  in  slaves  for  the  Spanish  colonies  for  thirty 
years,  and  the  traffic  with  the  British  colonies  was  encouraged 
that  the  vent  might  be  larger  and  the  demand  more  active.  Prior 
to  1740,  said  Bancroft,  there  may  have  been  introduced  into  the 
colonies  nearly  130,000  slaves;  before  1776  the  number  had  more 
than  doubled.  Even  before  the  English  had  secured  a  monopoly 
of  this  infamous  traffic  the  Northern  colonists  had  questioned  its 
utility  and  morality,  while  those  of  the  South  in  later  years  ex- 
pressed a  doubt  whether  it  was  for  their  interest  to  have  so  much 
labor  as  to  glut  the  market  with  the  products  of  slave  labor  and 
so  lower  their  profits.  But  whether  guided  by  a  repugnance  to 
a  traffic  in  human  beings  or  by  a  selfish  interest,  the  colonists  were 
powerless  to  direct  or  control  the  trade,  being  subject  to  the  will 
of  Great  Britain.  The  trade  was  profitable  to  England ;  for  its 
shipping  was  encouraged,  its  manufacturers  were  admitted  to  the 
African  market  with  their  products,  and  the  production  of  the 
Southern  colonies  was  thereby  turned  into  channels  in  which  it 
would  redound  to  the  greatest  advantage  to  the  mother  country* 
No  question  of  morality  could  be  admitted  ;  for  the  slave  trade 
rested  upon  trade  principles  and  could  not  be  attacked  on  moral 
grounds  while  commerce  was  the  chief  end  of  its  administration, 

A  broadside  circulated  at  the  beginning  of  the  eighteenth  cen- 
tury recognized  but  one  evil  connected  with  this  traffic,  —  that  it 
should  be  a  monopoly,  exercised  by  a  privileged  company* 


1  I  lew  nt,  in  Carroll's  Historical  Collections  of  South  Carolina. 


862  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  [Feb. 

11  It  is  well  known,  that  the  Riches  of  the  Plantations  consist  in  Slaves, 
by  whose  strength  and  labor  all  their  Commodities,  as  Tobacco,  Sugar, 
Cotton,  Indigo,  Ginger,  &c.  are  produced;  and  the  more  Slaves  those 
Plantations  are  supplied  with,  the  more  Commodities  are  made,  and  the 
stronger  they  are  to  defend  themselves  against  any  Insults.  Neither 
can  there  be  any  more  danger  of  being  overstockt  with  Negroes,  than 
there  is  that  too  much  Tobacco,  Sugar,  &c.  should  be  sent  to  England  ; 
for  it  is  a  plain  consequence,  the  more  Negroes  the  more  Goods  will 
be  produced,  the  more  Goods  the  more  Custom  paid,  and  all  those 
Commodities  rendered  here  at  home  so  cheap  as  will  enable  this 
Nation  to  send  them  abroad  cheap  also  to  the  great  discouragement  of 
the  Plantation  Trade  of  all  other  Nations.  Wherefore  it  is  very  plain, 
that  a  large  supply  of  negroes  will  not  only  bring  great  Riches  to  this 
Kingdom,  but  will  also  greatly  increase  our  navigation." l 

At  the  time  this  question  of  free  trade  or  monopoly  in  the  slave 
trade  was  being  debated  in  England,  Pennsylvania  was  seeking  to 
abolish  the  right  of  holding  slaves. 

The  African  Company,  in  whose  hands  the  slave  trade  chiefly- 
rested,  found  little  profit  in  its  privileges,  being  checked  by  the 
frequent  seizures  of  its  property  in  America,  by  the  dishonesty  of 
its  own  agents  and  servants,  and  by  the  opposition  of  the  colonies. 
In  spite  of  the  support  of  the  government,  the  company  was  finally 
glad  to  relinquish  its  costly  specialty.  The  colonies  more  than 
once  sought  to  crush  or  discourage  the  trade,  but  Great  Britain 
interfered  to  protect  the  profits  of  its  traders. 

"  Great  Britain,  steadily  rejecting  every  colonial  limitation  of  the 
slave  trade,  instructed  the  governors,  on  pain  of  removal,  not  to  give 
even  a  temporary  assent  to  such  laws ;  and  but  a  year  before  the  prohi- 
bition of  the  slave  trade  by  the  American  Congress,  in  1776,  the  Earl 
of  Dartmouth  illustrated  the  tendency  of  the  colonies  and  the  policy  of 
England,  by  addressing  to  a  colonial  agent  these  memorable  words:  — 
A  We  cannot  allow  the  colonies  to  check,  or  discourage  in  any  degree,  a 
traffic  so  beneficial  to  the  nation.'  "  2 

1  Some  Considerations :  Humbly  Offered  to  Demonstrate  How  prejudicial 
it  would  be  to  the  English  Plantations,  Revenues  of  the  Crown,  the  Navigation 
and  general  Good  of  this  Kingdom,  that  the  sole  Trade  for  Negroes  should  be 
granted  to  a  Company  with  a  Joynt-Stock  exclusive  to  all  others  (American 
Historical  Record,  i.  24). 

*  Bancroft,  iiL  416. 


1000.] 


COLONIAL  AMEBICA. 


363 


In  the  slave  trade  the  New  England  colonies  participated,  Man 
stealing  was  denounced  by  some  as  piracy ;  but  the  purchase  and 
use  of  slaves  were  recognized  as  legitimate,  from  a  fanatical  belief 
in  a  sanction  of  religious  conviction*1 

"One  good  old  Elder,  whose  '  ventures '  on  the  coast  had  uniformly 
turned  out  well,  always  returned  thauks  on  the  Sunday  following  the 
arrival  of  a  slaver  in  the  harbor  of  Newport,  Hhat  an  overruling 
Providence  had  been  pleased  to  bring  to  this  laud  of  freedom  another 
cargo  of  benighted  heathen,  to  enjoy  the  blessing  of  a  gospel  dis- 
pensation/1'3 

As  the  Elect  to  whom  God  had  joined  the  heathen  for  an 
inheritance,  the  New  Englanders  defended  a  trade  which  was 
after  all  encouraged  because  of  the  profit  that  could  he  drawn  from 
it.  Those  colonies  further  possessed  great  facilities  for  engaging 
in  this  traffic*  Small-sized  ships,  varying  from  fifty  to  two  hun- 
dred tons  burden,  were  found  to  be  the  most  profitable,  and  they 
cost  to  build  from  twenty-four  to  thirty-four  pounds  a  ton*  the 
builder  usually  receiving  a  part  of  Ms  pay  in  commodities.  The 
crew  was  small  in  number,  the  running  expenses  light  in  comparison 
with  the  freight,  and  the  profits  large,  for  it  was  a  double  com- 
merce, with  the  West  Indies  as  well  as  with  England  and  Africa. 
Provisions,  lumber,  horses  and  rum,  were  shipped  from  New  Eng- 
land to  the  West  Indies ;  there  a  part  of  the  cargo  was  exchanged 
for  cocoa,  indigo,  sugar,  coffee  and  molasses  \  thence  the  vessel 
proceeded  to  England  where  a  further  exchange  was  made  for 
cordage,  duck  and  articles  demanded  by  the  African  market;  in 
Africa  slaves  were  obtained,  and  on  the  homeward  voyage  a  cargo 
of  molasses  was  brought  to  New  England  to  be  converted  into  rum. 
In  this  way  a  series  of  exchanges  grew  up  which  employed  every 
movement  of  the  vessel  and  under  favorable  conditions  made  the 
voyage  a  succession  of  advantageous  ventures. 

The  basis  of  the  slave  trade,  and  indeed  of  New  England  carrying 
trade,  was  rum,  in  the  preparation  of  which  those  colonies  excelled. 
In  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  century  it  was  accounted  the 
"  chief  nianuf aeture  "  of  Massachusetts,  and  the  "  grand  support  of 

1  Cf.  Fronde,  History  of  England,  viii.  480. 

1  Mason,  African  Slave  Trade  in  Colonial  Times  (American  Historical 
Kecord,  L  311-319,  338-^345). 


364  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  [Feb. 

their  trades  and  fisheries  without  which  they  could  no  longer  sub- 
sist." It  was  a  staple  article  in  the  Indian  trade  and  the  common 
drink  of  laborers,  lumbermen,  and  fishermen ;  it  was  exported  to 
Guinea  to  be  exchanged  for  gold  and  slaves,  and  finally  it  enabled 
the  New  Englander  to  barter  his  "  refuse  fish "  and  "  low  priced 
horses." x  On  Price's  map  of  Boston  (1733)  eight  distilleries  are 
marked,  and  the  quantity  of  spirits  made  was  as  surprising  as  the 
cheap  rate  at  which  it  was  sold.2 

"  With  this  they  supply  almost  all  the  consumption  of  our  colonies 
in  North  America,  the  Indian  trade  there,  the  vast  demands  of  their 
own  and  the  Newfoundland  fisheries,  and,  in  a  great  measure,  those  of 
the  African  trade;  but  they  are  more  famous  for  the  quantity  and 
cheapness  than  for  the  excellence  of  their  rum."  • 

In  1764  a  gallon  of  molasses,  costing  in  the  West  Indies  about 
thirteen  pence  per  gallon,  was  quoted  in  Boston  at  one  shilling  and 
sixpence  "  out  of  merchants'  storehouses."  The  cost  of  distilling 
was  five  and  one-half  pence  per  gallon,  and  good  distillers  expected 
to  turn  out  gallon  for  gallon,  but  the  average  was  about  ninety-six 
gallons  of  rum  to  every  hundred  gallons  of  molasses.  In  Africa 
£12  sterling,  or  one  hundred  and  ten  gallons  of  rum,  were  considered 
in  1762  a  fair  price  for  a  "  likely  "  slave,  and  he  could  be  sold  in 
the  West  Indies  at  prices  ranging  from  twenty  to  forty  pounds, 
according  to  the  condition  of  the  market.  So  that  after  all  losses 
were  deducted,  and  the  mortality  of  slaves  on  shipboard  was  great, 
the  return  to  the  adventurer  was  highly  profitable,  and  the  compe- 
tition keen.  Newport,  the  centre  of  the  trade,  had  no  less  than  one 
hundred  and  twenty  ships  engaged  in  the  West  Indies,  African 
and  European  commerce.4 

To  show  why  the  slave  trade  was  encouraged  is  not  to  explain 
its  social  effects  and  why  the  practice  of  slave  holding,  at  one 
time  general,  was  gradually  confined  to  the  Southern  colonies.     It 

1  Barry,  History  of  Massachusetts,  ii.  248,  249. 

2  In  1750,  15,000  hogsheads  of  molasses  were  annually  converted  into  rum 
in  Massachusetts  alone ;  and  in  1774,  sixty  distilleries  produced  about  2,700,000 
gallons  of  rum. 

•  European  Settlements,  ii.  174. 

4  Mason,  African  Slave  Trade  in  Colonial  Times;  Moore,  Slavery  in  Massa- 
chusetts, pp.  66,  67,  107. 


1000.] 


COLONIAL  AMERICA, 


365 


was  the  avarice  of  adventurers  that  introduced  the  system  of  slave 
labor;  the  avarice  of  English  merchants  and  manufacturers  main- 
tained it.  The  native  Indian  population  was  first  enslaved  by  the 
Spaniards,  greedy  for  gold,  and  was  nearly  exterminated  by  the 
severe  and  unremitted  toil  which  devoted  them  to  starvation,  dis- 
ease, and  torture.  The  lands  that  once  supported  large  populations 
threatened  to  become  deserts-  It  was  at  this  juncture  that  Las 
Casas,  in  endeavoring  to  protect  the  native  population  from  de- 
struction, framed  his  scheme  of  favoring  emigration  from  Spain 
and  of  allowing  every  Spanish  resident  to  import  twelve  negro 
slaves*  From  the  islands  African  slaveiy  spread  to  the  mainland, 
and  about  the  time  the  Pilgrims  landed  on  Plymouth  Rock,  the 
Dutch  sold  twenty  African  bondmen  at  Jamestown,  Virginia.  It 
was  not  long  before  slaves  were  held  in  every  colony. 

The  conditions,  however,  that  made  slave  labor  advantageous 
were  not  present  in  every  colony,  or  the  "institution"  might 
have  survived  in  Massachusetts  and  New  York  as  well  as  in  Vir- 
ginia and  the  Carolinas,  exerting  a  dominating  influence  on  the 
social  and  political  organization.  It  was  because  the  necessary 
conditions  were  absent  that  the  Northern  and  Middle  colonies 
escaped,  and  because  they  were  present  that  the  Southern  colonies 
became  slave  colonies.  Origin  and  climate  were  not  the  determin- 
ing factors ;  difference  in  color  and  in  mental  and  moral  capacity 
widened  the  gulf  between  the  governing  class  —  the  slave  holders 
— and  their  slaves,  but  did  not  account  for  the  presence  or 
absence  of  slavery.  Natural  conditions  and  the  physical  features 
of  the  territory,  especially  when  assisted  by  local  habits  and  local 
institutions,  account  for  the  difference  between  North  and  South, 
and  while  in  one  sense  these  habits  and  institutions  were  a  result 
of  slavery,  they  caused  slavery  to  be  maintained  long  after  it  had 
been  condemned  for  moral,  political,  and  economic  reasons-  Had 
not  Great  Britain  early  devoted  Virginia  and  Maryland  to  the  cul- 
tivation of  tobacco  by  forbidding  its  growth  at  home  and  by  that 
regulation  afforded  a  monopoly  market  for  the  colonial  produce, 
slavery  would  not  have  secured  the  foothold  that  it  did  in  those 
colonies.  The  colonial  pact  confined  the  South  to  certain  staples, 
tobacco,  rice  and  indigo,  which  could  only  be  cultivated  with  profit 
on  a  large  scale  and  with  an  abundance  of  labor,  or  which  from 
the  methods  of  culture  demanded  a  constant  supply  of  new  labor. 


366  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  [Feb. 

But  free  labor  was  throughout  the  colonies  high  in  price  and 
difficult  to  obtain  ;  so  the  planters  deemed  themselves  fortunate  in 
being  able  to  command  an  almost  unlimited  supply  of  slave  labor, 
labor  that  seemed  to  them  cheap.  Undoubtedly  it  was  cheap  in 
the  beginning.  There  was  an  abundance  of  rich  and  virgin  soil  at 
their  disposal,  and  the  wasteful  and  ignorant  methods  of  slave 
labor  were  not  felt,  almost  any  labor  yielding  high  returns.  The 
products  were  all  derived  from  the  cultivation  of  the  soil,  for 
which  kinds  of  production  slaves  were  alone  adapted,  and  they 
were  such  as  would  allow  of  the  development  of  that  organization 
by  which  the  labor  of  slaves  can  alone  be  made  of  profit  to  their 
owners.  The  law  favored  large  holdings  in  land,  and  the  local 
government  —  the  county  forming  the  unit — was  a  result  as  well 
as  a  surety  of  the  plantation  system.  Where  tobacco,  rice  and 
indigo  were  cultivated  on  a  large  scale,  slave  labor  could  be  em- 
ployed; but  where  cereals  formed  the  chief  crop,  slaves  could 
have  no  place ;  they  were  not  needed,  they  were  in  the  end  far 
too  costly  for  such  culture.1  This  circumstance  brought  a  system 
of  labor  which  depended  upon  slavery  into  disfavor  among  the 
Middle  colonies  —  New  York,  New  Jersey  and  Pennsylvania— 
where  other  conditions,  like  an  unlimited  extent  of  land  and  high 
fertility,  would  seem  to  favor  it.  A  single  laborer  can  cultivate 
twenty  acres  of  corn  or  wheat,  while  he  would  be  unable  to 
manage  more  than  two  acres  of  tobacco.2 

Even  at  this  early  period  the  evils  of  slave  cultivation  were  ex- 
perienced and  deplored  by  the  wisest  observers.  It  was  admitted 
that  the  negro  could  earn  less  than  a  freeman  when  the  results  of 
his  toil  were  measured  and  compared  with  the  product  of  free 
labor.3  He  was  ignorant,  unskilful,  indolent,  and  without  adapta- 
tion. Hence  a  culture  once  introduced  under  his  labor  must  be 
continued,  for  he  was  incapable  of  change.  Rotation  of  crops  was 
unknown,  and  the  same  culture  applied  year  after  year  to  the  soil 
without  any  care  being  taken  to  maintain  its  fertility  or  improve  it 
when  impaired,  could  only  result  in  exhausting  the  producing 
capacity  of  the  land.  Favored  by  soil  and  climate,  encouraged  by 
bounties  or  by  a  monopoly  market,  certain  lines  of  production  were 

1  Wealth  of  Nations,  i.  391. 

2  Russell,  Agriculture  and  Climate  of  North  America,  141. 
8  John  Adams,  Works,  ii.  498 ;  Jefferson,  Works,  i.  29. 


1900.] 


COLONIAL  AMERICA. 


3G7 


pushed  to  an  extreme,  while  all  other  resources  of  these  colonies 
neglected  and  allowed  to  go  to  waste.  The  results,  which 
made  the  structure  of  society  4i  essentially  different  from  any  form 
of  social  life  which  has  hitherto  been  known  among  progressive 
comm unities,"1  were  not  sufficiently  marked  before  the  Revolu- 
tion to  come  under  this  survey ;  they  will  demand  consideration  in 
a  later  period;  but  nothing  could  be  more  widely  divergent  than 
the  aims  and  tendencies  of  the  Northern  colonies  from  those  of  the 
South.  The  free  labor  of  the  North  was  the  direct  antithesis  of  the 
slave  labor  of  the  South ;  in  each  the  returns  of  production  united 
in  one  person,  but  in  the  one  case  every  inducement  was  held  out 
to  the  laborer  to  exert  his  capabilities  and  study  the  means  of 
increasing  his  returns*  in  the  other  the  toil  was  yielded  reluctantly, 
and  extorted  from  a  sense  of  fear.  The  farmer  of  the  North 
obtained  for  himself  all  the  gain  due  to  his  labor,  and  formed  an 
active  unit  in  the  community;  the  slave  of  the  South  was  awarded 
a  bare  subsistence,  was  a  standing  menace  to  the  peace  of  the  com- 
munity, and  all  the  returns  of  his  industry  increased  the  profits  of 
his  master.3  The  economic  difference  arising  from  these  condi- 
tions was  beyond  measurement,  and  in  colonial  days  the  economic 
lftp$ct  of  slavery  was  of  far  greater  importance  than  the  social  and 
political, 

Toequeville  has  pointed  out  that  the  natural  conditions  of  New 
England  were  — 

fi  entirely  opposed  to  a  territorial  aristocracy.  .  .  .To  bring  that  refrac- 
tory land  into  cultivation,  the  constant  and  interested  exertions  of  the 
owner  himself  were  necessary ;  and,  when  the  ground  was  prepared,  its 
product  was  found  to  be  insufficient  to  enrich  a  master  and  a  farmer  at 
the  same  time-  The  land  was  then  naturally  broken  up  into  small  por- 
tions which  the  proprietor  cultivated  for  himself/* 

This  influence  was  made  stronger  by  laws  favoring  the  free 
purchase  and  devising  of  lands,  making  slave  labor  the  most  ex- 
pensive and  consequently  the  least  efficient  instrument  of  produo 
tion  for  that  region,  and  practically  impossible  when  bra  ugh  t  into 

1  Cairnes,  Slave  Power  (Second  edition),  p,  143. 

a  *'  The  experience  of  all  ages  and  nations,  I  believe,  demonstrates  that  the 
VtGth  done  by  slaves,  though  it  appears  to  cost  only  their  maintenance,  is  in 
the  end  the  dearest  of  any  **  (Wealth  of  Nations,  i  391). 


868  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  [Fn. 

direct  competition  with  free  labor.  Negroes  were  found  throughout 
New  England  and  the  Middle  colonies  ;  but  the  social  structure  did 
not  rest  upon  a  basis  of  slave  labor,  and  with  the  growth  of  society, 
the  principle  of  slavery  was  extinguished.1 

Slavery,  however,  even  in  the  Southern  colonies,  was  not  at  this 
time  an  active  and  aggressive  force,  either  politically  or  economi- 
cally.   While  each    colony   recognized*  the  supremacy   of   Great 
Britain  and  held  aloof    from  one  another,  there  was  neither  the 
opportunity  nor  the  occasion  for  political  power,  nor  for  the  exer- 
cise of  that  peculiar  political   influence,  devoted  to  the  gain   of 
power,  which  became  the  marked   feature  of  slave  policy  in  later 
years.    There  was  no  conflict  between   slave  and  non-slave  States 
for  political  supremacy,  or  for  the  defence,  maintenance,  extension 
or  suppression  of  slavery.    The  general  opinion  in  every  colony 
was  against  slavery ;  it  had  been  tolerated  but  discountenanced  at 
the  North ;  it  was  maintained  at  the  South  only  by  the  functions 
imposed  on  the  colonies  by  the  colonial  policy  of  Great  Britain. 
In  competition  with  free  labor  it  had  failed  at  the  North ;  as  the 
basis  of  a  labor  system  it  was  being  condemned  at  the  South.    The 
Articles  of  Association  adopted  by  Congress  in  1774  bound  the 
signers  to  import  no  more  slaves,  and  to  strike  at  the  supply  of 
slaves  was  to  strike  at  slavery  itself.2    This  action  was  in  align- 

1  "To  borrow  the  words  of  Tocqueville,  the  overthrow  of  slavery  in  the 
Northern  States  was  effected  •  by  abolishing  the  principle  of  slavery,  not  by 
setting  the  f laves  free.'  The  Northern  people  did  not  emancipate  negroes  who 
were  enslaved,  but  they  provided  for  the  future  extinction  of  slavery  by  legis- 
lating for  the  freedom  of  their  offspring.  The  operation  of  this  plan  may  be 
readily  supposed.  The  future  offspring  of  the  slave  having  by  the  law  of  a 
particular  State  been  declared  free,  the  slave  himself  lost  a  portion  of  his  value 
in  that  State.  But  in  the  South  these  laws  had  no  force,  and  consequently  in 
the  South  the  value  of  the  slave  was  unaltered  by  the  change.  The  effect, 
therefore,  of  the  Northern  measures  of  abolition  was,  for  the  most  part,  simply 
to  transfer  Northern  slaves  to  Southern  markets.  In  this  way,  by  an  easy 
process,  without  incurring  any  social  danger,  and  at  slight  pecuniary  loss,  the 
Northern  States  got  rid  of  slavery"  (Cairnes,  Slave  Power,  Second  edition, 
p.  157). 

2  "  We  will  neither  import  nor  purchase  any  Slaves  imported  after  the  first 
day  of  December  next ;  after  which  time  we  will  wholly  discontinue  the  Slave 
trade,  and  will  neither  be  concerned  in  it  ourselves,  nor  will  we  hire  our  ves- 
sels, nor  sell  our  Commodities  or  Manufactures  to  those  who  are  concerned  in 
it." 


loooo 


COLONIAL    AMEUiCA. 


369 


went  with  tlie  instructions  prepared  by  Jefferson*  "  The  abolition 
of  domestic  slavery  is  the  great  object  of  desire  in  those  colonies, 
where  it  was,  unhappily,  introduced  in  their  infant  state.  But 
previous  to  the  enfranchisement  of  the  slaves  we  have,  it  is  neces- 
sary to  exclude  all  further  importations  from  Africa."  That  the 
royal  veto  M  preferring  the  immediate  advantage  of  a  few  British 
corsairs  to  the  lasting  interests  of  the  American  States,  and  to  the 
rights  of  human  nature,"  had  repeatedly  defeated  the  attempts  of 
the  colonists  against  this  practice,  constituted  one  of  the  grievances 
enumerated  by  the  colonies  against  Parliament  and  English  rule.1 
The  slave  trade  was  denounced  in  the  original  draft  of  the  Declara- 
tion of  Independence,  but  the  passage  was  omitted  in  the  perfected 
instrument,3  When  Virginia,  as  a  State,  enjoyed  freedom  of 
political  action,  the  importation  of  slaves  was  prohibited  in  1778 
by  a  law  which  the  veto  of  no  king  could  set  aside. 

The  holding  of  slaves  was  deprecated  more  from  a  moral  than 
an  economic  motive.  Jefferson  saw  clearly  that  the  morals  and 
industry  of  the  population  in  slave  colonies  were  suffering. 

M  With  the  morals  of  the  people,  their  industry  is  also  destroyed. 
For  in  a  warm  climate,  no  man  will  labor  for  himself  who  can  make 
another  labor  for  him*  This  is  so  true,  that,  of  the  proprietors  of  slaves, 
a  very  small  proportion  indeed  are  ever  seen  to  labor,"  * 

During  the  Revolution  the  inconsistency  of  fighting  for  one's 
own  liberty,  while  inflicting  bondage  on  another  was  recognized^ 
and  the  cause  of  emancipation  gained  ground,  In  1766  Christo- 
pher Gadsden  of  South  Carolina  had  written  : — 

I1  A  Summary  View  of  the  Rights  of  British  America. 
*  The  omitted  passage  read  as  follows :  — 
u  He  has  waged  cruel  war  against  human  nature  itself,  violating  its  most  sacred 
rights  of  life  and  liberty  in  the  persons  of  a  distant  people  who  never  offended  him  ; 
captivating  and  carrying  them  into  slavery  in  another  hemisphere,  or  to  incur  miserable 
death  in  their  transportation  thither.  The  piratical  warfare,  the  opprobrium  of  Injidel 
powers,  is  the  warfare  of  the  Christian  King  of  Great  Britain,  Determined  to  keep 
open  a  market  where  men  should  be  bought  and  sold,  be  had  prostituted  his  negative 
for  suppressing  every  legislative  attempt  to  prohibit  or  to  restrain  this  execrable  com- 
merce. And,  that  thin  a^em  hi  age  of  horrors  might  want  no  fact  of  distinguished  dye, 
he  Is  now  exciting  those  very  people  to  rise  in  arms  among  us,  and  to  purchase  that 
liberty  uf  which  he  has  deprived  them;  thus  paying  off  former  crimes  committed 
against  the  liberties  of  one  people  with  crimes  which  he  urges  them  to  commit  against 
the  turn  of  another  w  (Jefferson*  Works,  L  23,  24 ;  Peter  Force  in  National  Intelligencer, 
16  and  IS  January,  1855), 

1  Works,  viii.  403. 

24 


870  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  [Fa 

"We  are  a  very  weak  province,  a  rich  growing  one,  and  of  as  much 
importance  to  Great  Britain  as  any  upon  the  continent ;  and  great  part 
of  our  weakness  (though  at  the  same  time  'tis  part  of  oar  riches)  con- 
sists in  having  such  a  number  of  slaves  amongst  us.  .  .  .  Slavery  begets 
slavery."  l 

When  Virginia  prohibited  the  trade  in  slaves,  a  clause  providing 
for  the  freedom  of  the  offspring  of  slaves  and  deportation  after  a 
certain  age  was  considered,  but  rejected  as  premature.2  The  con- 
stitution of  no  State,  North  or  South,  contained  the  word  slave, 
except  that  of  Delaware.  By  1784,  slavery  had  been  prohibited 
or  the  beginnings  of  emancipation  laid  in  almost  all  the  States,  in 
one  form  or  another.  Such  was  the  position  of  slavery  at  the  end 
of  the  Revolution. 

Mr.  Albert  Matthews  then  read  the  following  — 

NOTES  ON  THE   PROPOSED  ABOLITION  OF  SLAVERY   IN 
VIRGINIA  IN   1786. 

As  some  of  the  extracts  I  am  about  to  read,  though  relating 
chiefly  to  the  proposed  abolition  of  slavery  in  Virginia  in  1785, 
refer  to  Washington,  it  seemed  appropriate  to  present  them  at  this 
meeting. 

The  followers  of  John  Wesley  early  became  prominent  as 
missionaries  in  this  country,  and  among  the  most  noted  of  these 
were  Francis  Asbury  and  Thomas  Coke,  from  whose  writings  we 
get  interesting  glimpses  of  the  anti-slavery  agitation.  Bishop 
Asbury,  referring  to  the  Conference  at  Bristol,  England,  in  1771, 
said :  — 

44  Before  this,  I  had  felt  for  half  a  year  strong  intimations  in  my 
mind  that  I  should  visit  America ;  ...  At  the  Conference  it  was  pro- 
posed that  some  preachers  should  go  over  to  the  American  continent. 
I  spoke  my  mind,  and  made  an  offer  of  myself.  It  was  accepted  by 
Mr.  Wesley  and  others,  who  judged  I  had  a  call."  8 

At  once  Asbury  made  his  preparations,  sailed  the  next  month, 
and  for  thirteen  years  wandered  up  and  down  the  American  conti- 

1  Historical  Magazine,  September,  1861,  v.  261. 

2  Jefferson,  Works,  ix.  278,  279;  L  48,  49. 

8  Journal  of  Rev.  Francis  Asbury,  Bishop  of  the  Methodist  Episcopal 
Church,  New  York,  1852,  i.  11. 


" 


1000,]       PROPOSED  ABOLITION  OP  SLAVERY  IN  VIRGINIA. 


871 


oent,  until,  on  14  November,  1784,  he  records  that,  to  his  great  joy, 
he  "  met  those  dear  men  of  God,  Dr.  Coke,  and  Richard  Whatcoat ; 
we  were  greatly  comforted  together." s  On  24  December  he  rode  to 
Baltimore,  where  he  met  a  few  preachers,  and  — 

"it  was  agreed  to  form  ourselves  into  an  Episcopal  Church,  and  to  have 
superintendents,  elders,  and  deacons.  When  the  conference  waa  seated, 
Dr.  Coke  and  myaelf  were  unanimously  elected  to  tbe  superin tendency 
of  the  Church,  and  my  ordination  followed,  after  being  previously 
ordained  deacon  and  elder." 8 

On  80  April,  1785,  while  in  Virginia,  he  says  that  he  — 

**  found  the  minds  of  the  people  greatly  agitated  with  our  rules  against 
slavery,  and  a  proposed  petition  to  the  general  assembly  for  the  emanci- 
pation of  the  blacks,     Colonel and  Doctor  Coke  disputed  on  the 

subject,  and  the  Colonel  used  some  threats:  next  day,  brother  O'Kelly 
let  fly  at  them,  and  tbey  were  made  angry  enough ;  we,  however,  came 

1  Asbury,  Journal,  i,  484, 

*  I  bid.  i.  485.  Asbury  was  ordained  Deacon  25  December,  Elder  on  the 
twenty-sixth,  and  Superintendent  on  the  twenty-seventh,  each  time  by  Coke,  It 
may  be  explained  that  the  title  of  *'  Superintendent"  was  at  first  used,  but  was 
soon  displaced  by  that  of  •■  Bishop/*  In  the  Minutes  of  the  Annual  Confer- 
ences for  1785,  1786,  and  1787,  Coke  and  Asbury  were  called  Superintendents  ; 
in  1788,  for  the  first  time,  the  two  men  appear  as  Bishops,  Yet,  as  we  have 
seen,  the  title  of  Methodist  Episcopal  Church  was  adopted  at  the  Baltimore 
Conference  of  1784.  Just  before  leaving  England,  Coke  had  been  ordained 
Superintendent  by  Wesley ;  but  Wesley  was  utterly  opposed  to  the  assumption 
of  the  title  of  Bishop,  and  thus  expressed  himself  in  a  letter  to  Asbury  written 
20  September,  1788:  — 

**  How  can  jou,  how  dare  vera,  suffer  yourself  to  he  called  Bishop  ?  I  shudder,  I 
start  at  the  van  thought !  Men  may  call  me  a  knave  or  a  fool ;  a  rascal,  a  acoundrel, 
and  I  am  content:  But  they  shall  never,  by  my  consent,  call  me  Bishop!  For  my  sake, 
for  God's  sake,  for  Christ's  sake,  pat  a  full  end  to  this  !  "  (II-  Moore's  Life  of  the  Rev* 
John  Wesley,  ii.  340.) 

In  regard  to  the  assumption  by  the  American  Methodists  of  the  titles  of  Epis- 
copal and  Bishop,  and  the  heated  controversies  thereby  engendered,  the  reader 
is  referred  to  the  Minutes  of  the  Annual  Conferences  oC  the  Methodist  Epis- 
copal Church,  New  York,  1840\  L  21,22;  Minutes  of  Several  Conversations 
between  The  Rev,  Thomas  Coke,  LL.D.,  The  Rev.  Francis  Asbury  and  Others, 
ffei  1785,  p.  3;  J*  Whitehead's  Life  of  the  Rev.  John  Wesley*  ii.  41o%  417;  H. 
Moore's  Life  of  the  Rev.  John  Wesley,  ii.  827-340 ;  L.  Tyerman*s  Life  and 
Times  of  the  Rev,  John  Wesley,  New  York,  1872,  fli  435-449. 


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3900.]        PROPOSED  ABOLITION   OF   SLAVERY   IN   VIRGINIA. 


373 


Wesley  to  go  to  the  United  States,  Coke  left  England  in  Septem- 
ber, 1784,  and  reached  New  York  the  third  of  November,  At 
once  proceeding  south,  he  made  extensive  tours  in  that  section  of 
the  country;  he  ordained  Asbury,  as  we  have  already  seen;  and  on 
the  fifth  of  April,  1785,  he  m  dared  for  the  first  time  to  bear  a  public 
testimony  against  slavery/'  and  did  u  not  find  that  more  than  one 
was  offended-*'  *  This  calm  was  of  short  duration,  for  on  the  tenth 
of  April  he  says :  — 

14  I  had  now  for  the  first  time  a  very  little  persecution.  The  testi- 
mony I  bore  in  this  place  against  slave- holding,  provoked  many  of  the 
un awakened  to  retire  out  of  the  barn  [in  which  he  was  preaching], 
and  to  combine  together  to  flog  me  (so  they  expressed  it)  as  soon 
as  I  came  out  A  high-headed  Lady  also  went  out,  and  told  the  rioters 
(as  I  was  afterwards  informed)  that  she  would  give  fifty  pounds,  if  they 
would  give  that  little  Doctor  one  hundred  lashes.  When  I  came  out, 
they  surrounded  meF  but  had  only  power  to  talk/'* 

Luckily  his  host,  at  whose  house  Coke  and  his  fellow-preachers 
were  obliged,  on  account  of  numbers,  **  to  lie  three  in  abed,"  was  a 
justice  of  the  peace,  and  the  rage  of  the  multitude  was  restrained ; 
though  on  the  following  day  he  narrowly  escaped  severe  treatment, 
for  — 

*4  Here  a  mob  came  to  meet  me  with  staves  and  clubs.  Their  plan,  I 
believe,  was  to  fall  upon  me  as  soon  as  I  touched  on  the  subject  of 

slavery,  I  knew  nothing  of  it  till  I  had  done  preaching;  but  not  see- 
ing it  my  duty  to  touch  on  the  subject  here,  their  scheme  was  defeated, 
and  they  suffered  me  to  pass  through  them  without  molestation."  * 

Undeterred  by  these  rebuffs,  he  attended  a  quarterly  meeting  in 
Mecklenburg  County,  Virginia,  24  and  25  April,  and  says :  — 


*  Extracts  etc.,  1793,  p.  33* 

*  Ibid,  p«  3a.  The  expression  **  high-headed,"  the  meaning  of  which  is  per* 
haps  not  obvious  at  a  glance,  is  explained  by  the  following  extract  :  — 

"Q.  18.  Should  w0  insist  on  the  Rnles  concerning  Dress?  A,  Bj  all  means.  This 
ia  no  Time  to  give  any  Encoarageraent  to  Superfluity  of  Apparel,  Therefore  give  no 
Tick  eta  .  ♦  *  to  any  that  wear  High- Heads,  enormous  Boa  nets,  Unfiles  or  Kings/1 
(Minutes  of  Several  Conversations,  £c.t  1785,  pp.  9,  10.) 

The  noon  "high-head  "  was  not  nncomraon  at  that  period,  but  Coke's  adjecti?e 
14  high  .headed  "  is  unrecorded  in  the  Oxford  Dictionary, 
1  Extracts,  elc,  1793,  pp,  $5,  36. 


374  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  [Fa. 

"  Here  I  bore  a  public  testimony  against  Slavery,  and  have  found  oat 
a  method  of  delivering  it  without  much  offence,  or  at  least  without  caus- 
ing a  tumult :  and  that  is,  by  first  addressing  the  Negroes  in  a  very 
pathetic  manner  on  the  Duty  of  Servants  to  Masters;  and  then  the 
Whites  will  receive  quietly  what  I  have  to  say  to  them." l 

The  opposition  to  slavery  was  not  started  by  Coke,  for  action 
against  it  had  been  taken  in  the  Conferences  for  1780  and  1783  ;* 
but  the  stringent  rules  drawn  up  in  1784  were  very  likely  due  to 
Coke's  influence.     These  rules  are  as  follows :  — 

u  Q.  42.     What  Methods  can  we  take  to  extirpate  Slavery? 

"A.  We  are  deeply  conscious  of  the  Impropriety  of  making  new 
Terms  of  Communion  for  a  religious  Society  already  established,  except- 
ing on  the  most  pressing  Occasion :  and  such  we  esteem  the  Practice  of 
holding  our  Fellow-Creatures  in  Slavery.  We  view  it  as  contrary  to 
the  Golden  Law  of  God  on  which  hang  all  the  Law  and  the  Prophets, 
and  the  unalienable  Rights  of  Mankind,  as  well  as  every  Principle  of 
the  Revolution,  to  hold  in  the  deepest  Debasement,  in  a  more  abject 
Slavery  than  is  perhaps  to  be  found  in  any  Part  of  the  World  except 
America,  so  many  Souls  that  are  all  capable  of  the  Image  of  God. 

"  We  therefore  think  it  our  most  bounden  Duty,  to  take  immediately 
some  effectual  Method  to  extirpate  this  Abomination  from  among  us ; 
And  for  that  Purpose  we  add  the  following  to  the  Rules  of  our  Society: 
viz. 

"  1.  Every  Member  of  our  Society  who  has  Slaves  in  his  Possession,  shall 
within  twelve  Months  after  Notice  given  to  him  by  the  Assistant  (which 
Notice  the  Assistants  are  required  immediately  and  without  any  Delay  to  give 
in  their  respective  Circuits)  legally  execute  and  record  an  Instrument,  whereby 
lie  emancipates  and  sets  free  every  Slave  in  his  Possession  who  is  between  the 
Ages  of  Forty  and  Forty-five  immediately,  or  at  the  farthest  when  they  arrive 
at  the  Age  of  Forty-five : 

"  And  every  Slave  who  is  between  the  Ages  of  Twenty-five  and  Forty  immedi- 
ately, or  at  farthest  at  the  Expiration  of  five  Years  from  the  Date  of  the  said 
Instrument : 

44  And  every  Slave  who  is  between  the  Ages  of  Twenty  and  Twenty-five  im- 
mediately, or  at  farthest  when  they  arrive  at  the  Age  of  Thirty : 

44  And  every  Slave  under  the  Age  of  Twenty,  as  soon  as  they  arrive  at  the  Age 
of  Twenty-five  at  farthest. 

"  And  every  Infant  born  in  Slavery  after  the  above-mentioned  Rules  are  com- 
plied with,  immediately  on  its  Birth. 

1  Extracts,  etc.,  1793,  p.  37. 

*  See  Minutes  of  the  Annual  Conferences,  i.  12, 18,  20,  21,  24. 


1900.]        PKOrOSED  ABOLITION  OF  SLAVERY  IN  VIRGINIA. 


375 


*  2.  Every  Assistant  shall  keep  a  Journal,  in  which  he  shall  regularly  minute 
down  the  Names  and  Ages  of  all  the  Slaves  belonging  to  all  the  Masters  in  his 
respective  Circuit,  and  also  the  Date  of  eyerj  Instrument  executed  and  recorded 
for  the  Manumission  of  the  Slaves,  with  the  Name  of  the  Court,  Book  and 
Folio,  in  which  the  said  Instruments  respectively  shall  have  been  recorded: 
Which  Journal  shall  be  handed  down  in  each  Circuit  to  the  succeeding 
Assistants. 

41 3,  In  Consideration  that  these  Rules  form  a  new  Term  of  Communiont 
every  Person  concerned,  who  will  not  comply  with  them,  shall  have  Liberty 
quietly  to  withdraw  himself  from  our  Society  within  the  twelve  Months  suc- 
ceeding the  Notice  given  as  aforesaid:  Otherwise  the  Assistant  shall  exclude 
him  in  the  Society, 

"4-  No  person  so  voluntarily  withdrawn,  or  so  excluded,  shall  ever  partake  of 
the  Supper  of  the  Lord  with  the  Methodists,  till  he  complies  with  the  above- 
Requisitions. 

41  No  Person  holding  Slaves  shall,  in  future,  be  admitted  into  Society  or  to 
the  Lord's  Supper,  till  he  previously  complies  with  these  Rules  concerning 
Slavery. 

c*  N.  B,  These  Rules  are  to  affect  the  Members  of  our  Society  no  farther  than 
as  they  are  consistent  with  the  Laws  of  the  States  in  which  they  reside. 

M  And  respecting  our  Brethren  in  Virginia  that  are  concerned,  and  after  due 
Consideration  of  their  peculiar  Circumstances,  we  allow  them  two  Years  from 
the  Notice  given,  to  consider  the  Expedience  of  Compliance  or  Non-Compliance 
with  those  Rules. 

**  Q.  43.  What  shall  be  done  with  those  who  boy  or  sell  Slaves,  or 
give  them  away  ? 

41  A.  They  are  immediately  to  be  expelled  t  unless  they  buy  them  on 
purpose  to  free  them/1  * 

In  the  first  week  in  May,  Coke  records  that  — 

"  A  great  many  principal  friends  met  us  here  to  insist  on  a  Repeal  of 
the  Slave-Rules ;  but  when  they  found  that  we  had  thoughts  of  with- 
drawing ourselves  entirely  from  the  Circuit  on  account  of  the  violent 
spirit  of  some  leading  meu,  they  drew  in  their  horns,  and  sent  us  a  very 
humble  letter,  intreatiug  that  Preachers  might  be  appointed  for  their 
Circuitp  .  .  .  After  mature  consideration  we  formed  a  petition,  a  copy  of 


1  Minutes  of  Several  Conversations  between  The  Rev.  Thomas  Coke,  LL.D., 
The  Rev,  Francis  Asbury  and  Others,  at  a  Conference,  begun  in  Baltimore,  in 
the  State  of  Maryland,  on  Monday,  the  27th*  of  December,  in  the  Tear  1784. 
Composing  a  Form  of  Discipline  for  the  Ministers,  Preachers  and  other  Mem- 
bers of  the  Methodist  Episcopal  Church  in  America.  Philadelphia,  .  *  ♦  M, 
DCC,  LXXXY.  Pp.  15-17.  A  copy  of  this  little  book  will  be  found  in  the 
Boston  Athenseum, 


376 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY   OF  MASSACHUSETTS, 


[F« 


vhieh  was  given  to  every  Preacher,  in  treating  the  General  Assembly 
of  Virginia*  to  pass  a  Law  for  the  immediate  or  gradual  emancipation 
of  all  the  Slaves.  It  is  to  be  signed  by  all  the  Freeholders  we  can 
procure,  and  those  I  believe  will  not  be  few.  There  have  been  many 
debates  already  on  the  subject  in  the  Assembly."  1 

Nor  was  slavery  his  only  cause  for  annoyance.     On  the  fifteenth 
of  May  he  preached  to  a  large  congregation,  and  says :  — 

11  During  the  sermon,  after  I  had  spoken  very  pointedly  concerning 
the  impropriety  of  going  in  and  out  during  divine  service,  two  dressy 
girls  walked  out  with  such  an  impudent  air,  that  I  rebuked  them  keenly, 
After  the  public  service,  whilst  I  was  administering  the  sacrament, 
baptizing,  and  meeting  the  Society,  their  father  who  is  a  Colonel,  raged 
at  the  outside  of  the  Church,  declaring  that  as  soon  as  I  came  out,  he 
would  horse-whip  me  for  the  indignity  shewn  to  his  family  .  But  his 
two  brothers  (all  unawakened)  took  my  part,  and  insisted  that  I  had 
done  my  duty*  and  the  young  ladies  deserved  it  However,  finding  that 
our  preaching  in  that  Church,  which  we  do  regularly,  chiefly  depends 
upon  him,  I  wrote  a  letter  of  apology  to  him  as  far  as  the  truth  would 
permit,  when  I  came  to  my  lodging.  We  had  a  good  time  during  the 
sermon  and  the  Sacrament  But  when  I  enlarged  to  the  Society  on 
Negro-Slavery,  the  principal  leader  raged  like  a  Hon,  and  desired  to 
withdraw  from  the  Society,  I  took  him  at  his  word,  and  appointed 
that  excellent  man  (Brother  Sketton)  Leader  in  his  stead.  When  the 
Society  came  out  of  the  Church,  they  surrounded  Brother  Skdton^ 
4  And  will  you'  said  they,  *  Set  your  Slaves  at  liberty? '  (He  has  many 
Slaves)  *  Yes,'  says  he,  « I  believe  I  shall.1  ■  a 

On  the  twenty-fifth  of  May  he  met  at  Alexandria  "  that  dear, 
valuable  man,  Mr,  Asbury;"  and  on  the  twenty-sixth  their  visit 
to  Mount  Vernon  took  place.     He  writes ;  — 

**Mr,  Anbury  and  I  set  off  for, General  Washington**.  We  were  en- 
gaged to  dine  there  the  day  before*  The  General's  Seat  is  very  elegant, 
built  upon  the  great  river  Potomawk ;  for  the  improvement  of  the 
navigation  of  which,  he  is  carrying  on  jointly  with  the  State  some 
amazing  Plans,  He  received  us  very  politely,  and  was  very  open  to 
access.  He  is  quite  the  plain,  Country-Gentleman.  After  dinner  we 
desired  a  private  interview,  and  opened  to  him  the  grand  business  on 


*  Extracts,  etc,f  1793,  p,  39. 

*  Ibid.  pp.  40,  41. 


1900.]        PROPOSED   ABOLITION  OF  SLAVERY  IN  VIRGINIA.  377 

which  we  came,  presenting  to  him  our  petition  for  the  emancipation  of 
the  Negroes,  and  intreating  bis  signature,  if  the  eminence  of  his  station 
did  not  deem  it  inexpedient  for  him  to  sign  any  petition.  He  informed 
ub  that  he  was  of  our  sentiments,  and  had  signified  his  thoughts  on  the 
subject  to  most  of  the  great  men  of  the  State :  that  he  did  not  see  it 
proper  to  sign  the  petition,  but  if  the  Assembly  took  it  into  considera- 
tion, would  signify  bis  sentiments  to  the  Assembly  by  a  letter.  He 
asked  us  to  spend  the  evening  and  lodge  at  his  house,  but  our  engage- 
ments at  Annapolis  the  following  day  would  not  admit  of  it.  We 
returned  that  evening  to  Alexandria*" l 

His  experience  had  taught  him  caution,  and  at  a  conference  held 
1  June  at  Baltimore,  — 

11  We  thought  it  prudent  to  suspend  the  minute  concerning  Slavery, 
on  account  of  the  great  opposition  that  had  been  given  it,  our  work 
being  in  too  infantile  a  state  to  push  things  to  extremity."  * 

Coke  returned  to  England  the  same  month,  and  though  later  he 
made  frequent  visits  to  this  country  and  to  the  West  Indies,  he 
does  not  seem  again  to  have  visited  Mount  Vernon,8 

In  connection  with  Dr.  Coke's  characterization  of  Washington 
as  **  quite  the  plain,  Country-Gentleman,"  it  is  pertinent  to  quote 
an  extract  from  a  letter  which  our  associate   Mr.  Ford  has  just 

1  Extract*,  etc.,  1783,  p*  45. 

*  Ibid.  p.  46.     The  official  record  is  as  follows :  — 

"  It  is  reeommeti rled  to  all  our  brethren  to  traspeud  the  execution  of  the  minute  on 
slavery  till  the  deli  lie  rations  of  a  tutors  Conference;  that  an  equal  space  of  time  be 
allowed  all  our  members  for  consideration,  when  the  minute  shall  be  put  in  force. 
N.  B,  We  do  hold  in  the  deepest  abhorrence  the  practice  of  slavery;  ami  shall  not 
cease  to  seek  its  destruction  by  all  wise  and  prudent  means."  {Minutes  of  the  Annual 
Conferences,  L  24.) 

In  1705  it  was  recommended  that  a  general  fast  be  held  for  the  purpose,  among 
other  things,  of  lamenting  "the  deep- rooted  vassalage  that  still  reigneth  in 
many  parts  of  these  free,  independent  United  States  ;  "  while  in  a  recommenda- 
tion for  a  general  thanksgiving,  it  was  remarked  that  **  for  African  liberty ; 
we  feel  gratitude  that  many  thousands  of  these  poor  people  are  free  and  pious." 
(Minutes,  rfcM  i.  64.)  Thereafter  all  references  to  slavery  apparently  disappear 
from  the  Minutes. 

1  In  1789  a  congratulatory  address  was  sent  to  Washington  by  the  Metho- 
dists at  their  Conference,  much  to  the  disturbance  of  the  English  Wesley  an  s. 
Washington's  reply  to  this  address  will  he  found  in  Sparks' s  edition  of  his 
Writings,  lii.  15S,  154. 


378  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OP  MASSACHUSETTS.  [Feb. 

placed  in  my  hands.  It  is  dated  Philadelphia,  25  December,  1783, 
shortly  after  Washington  had  taken  his  departure,  and  is  interest- 
ing as  having  been  written  to  Elias  Boudinot  by  that  arch-enemy 
of  Washington,  Dr.  Benjamin  Rush.     It  is  as  follows :  — 

"  Our  beloved  Gen  Washington  left  us  a  few  days  ago  after  receiving 
a  thousand  marks  of  respect  &  affection  from  all  classes  of  people.  In 
his  way  to  Baltimore  he  was  caught  in  a  shower  of  rain,  &  sought  a 
shelter  from  it  in  the  common  stage  waggon.  When  the  waggon  came 
to  a  tavern,  the  tavern  keeper,  who  knew  him,  received  him  with  the 
greatest  respect,  &  offered  to  prepare  a  dinner  for  him  &  his  aids  in  a 
separate  room.  (No  —  no,'  said  the  General,  4It  is  customary  for 
travellers  in  this  waggon  to  dine  together.  —  I  will  dine  nowhere  but  in 
this  common  room  with  these  my  fellow  passengers,'  &  accordingly  sat 
down  &  ate  his  dinner  like  any  other  Virginia  planter  with  them.  This 
act  throws  a  greater  lustre  over  his  character  than  all  his  victories.  It 
shows  him  to  be  a  man  —  a  citizen  —  &  a  philosopher.  His  victories 
can  only  denominate  him  a  General. " 1 

Allusions  to  this  early  attempt  to  abolish  slavery  in  Virginia 
appear  to  be  rare,  but  we  can  trace  out  the  result  from  other  sources 
of  information.  On  Tuesday,  8  November,  1785,  there  was  pre- 
sented and  read,  in  the  Virginia  House  of  Deputies,  — 

"  Also,  a  petition  of  sundry  persons,  whose  names  are  thereunto  sub- 
scribed ;  setting  forth,  that  they  are  firmly  persuaded,  that  it  is  contrary 
to  the  fundamental  principles  of  the  christian  religion,  to  keep  so  con- 
siderable a  number  of  our  fellow  creatures,  the  negroes  in  this  State, 
in  slavery ;  that  it  is  also  an  express  violation  of  the  principles  upon 
which  our  government  is  founded ;  and  that  a  general  emancipation  of 
them,  under  certain  restrictions,  would  greatly  contribute  to  strengthen 
it,  by  attaching  them  by  the  ties  of  interest  and  gratitude,  to  its  sup- 
port ;  and  praying  that  an  act  may  pass  to  that  effect. 

u  Also,  a  petition  of  sundry  inhabitants  of  the  county  of  Mecklen- 
burg, whose  names  are  thereunto  subscribed,  in  opposition  thereto ;  and 
praying  that  the  act,  ( empowering  the  owners  of  slaves  to  emancipate 
them ; '  may  be  repealed. 

44  Ordered,  That  the  said  petitions  do  severally  lie  on  the  table."  * 

1  The  extract  occurs  in  a  letter  written  23  November,  1854,  by  J.  W.  Wal- 
lace to  Dr.  Griswold,  from  an  original  in  the  possession  of  Wallace. 

3  Journal  of  the  House  of  Delegates  of  the  Commonwealth  of  Virginia,  etc., 
Richmond,  1828,  p.  27.     The  reference  is  to  **  An  act  to  authorize  the  mono- 


1900-3 


PROPOSED   ABOLITION   OF   SLAVERY  IN  VIRGINIA, 


379 


On  Thursday,  the  tenth  of  November,  — 

uOna  motion  made.  The  House  proceeded  to  consider  the  petition 
of  sundry  persona  presented  on  Tuesday  last,  which  lay  on  the  table, 
praying  for  a  general  emancipation  of  slaves,  and  tbe  same  being  read : 

"  A  motion  was  made,  and  the  question  being  put,  to  reject  the  said 
petition, 

"  It  passed  in  the  affirmative,  nemine  contra  dieente. 

11  Resolved^  That  the  said  petition  be  rejected."  l 

These  entries  show  the  fate  of  the  petition*  From  Madison  we 
get  something  more  than  the  bare  details.  Writing  to  Washington 
11  November,  1785,  he  says :  — 

**  The  pulse  of  the  House  of  Delegates  was  felt  on  Thursday  with 
regard  to  a  general  manumission,  by  a  petition  presented  on  that  sub- 
ject. It  was  rejected  without  dissent,  but  not  without  an  avowed 
patronage  of  its  principles  by  sundry  respectable  members.  A  motion 
was  made  to  throw  it  under  the  table*  which  was  treated  with  as  much 
indignation  on  one  side  as  the  petition  itself  was  on  the  other.  There 
are  several  petitions  before  the  House  against  any  step  towards  freeing 
tbe  Slaves,  and  even  praying  for  a  repeal  of  the  law  which  licenses 
particular  manumissions," a 

Again,  writing  22  January,  1786,  to  Jefferson,  then  in  France, 
Madison  says ;  — 

11  Several  petitions  (from  Methodists  chiefly)  appeared  in  favor  of  a 
gradual  abolition  of  slavery,  and  several  from  another  quarter  for  a  re- 
peal of  the  law  which  licenses  private  manumissions.  The  former  was 
not  thrown  under  the  table,  but  was  treated  with  all  the  indignity  short 
of  it.  A  proposition  for  bringing  in  a  bill  conformably  to  the  latter 
was  decided  in  the  affirmative  by  the  casting  vote  of  the  Speaker ;  but 
the  bill  was  thrown  out  on  the  first  reading  by  a  considerable  majority."  * 

Finally,  from  Jefferson  himself  we  get  light  as  to  the  cause  of  the 
failure  of  the  petition.     Under  date  of  22  June,  1786f  he  says:  — 

44  Of  the  two  commissioners  who  had  concerted  the  amendatory  clause 
for  tbe  gradual  emancipation  of  slaves  Sir.  Wythe  could  not  be  present 


mission  of  slaves,*'  passed  ia  May,  1782,  by  which,  under  certain  conditions, 
manumission  was  permitted.     (See  the  Virginia  Statutes  at  Large,  xi.  3D.) 

1  Journal  of  the  House  of  Delegates,  etc.,  p.  31. 

9  Madison's  Letters  and  Other  Writings,  i.  199,  200* 

8  Ibid,  i,  217,  218. 


a 
trai 

wrik 
unskh 
woods  * 
favorite  . 
whore  priL 
tact  in  niatU 
the  court;   h* 
American  gent 
condescension*  a 
attrition  with  the 
sp<m taneously  from 
among  us 

Mr,  Henry  H.  Edi 

It  will  be  remembered 
wealth  were  removed  from  v 
in  P  ember  ton  Square,  Boston, 
ing  a  fine  Copley  portrait,  sign 
scarlet  gown  whom   nobody  co^ 
Perkins  describes  this  picture  as 
Judge's  room  of  the  Supreme  Coil. 
portrait  of  "Judge  Hayward,  of  Sou 
now  occupies  a  conspicuous   place  in 
Our  associate  Mr,  Justice  Barker  of  the 
and  Judge  Francis  W,  Hurd  made  many  . 
search  to  ascertain  the  name  of  the  original  t 


1  Sketch  of  the  Lite  and  a  List  of  Some  of  the  Wo, 
Copley,  1873,  p,  129, 


1900.] 


BEMARKS  BY  THE  PRESIDENT* 


381 


MARCH   MEETING,  1900, 

A  Stated  Meeting  of  the  Society  was  held  at  No,  25 
Beacon  Street,  Boston,  on  Wednesday,  21  March, 
1900,  at  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  President  Wheel- 
wright in  the  chair. 

The  Records  of  the  Stated  Meeting  in  February  were  read 
and  approved. 

The  Corresponding  Secretart  reported  that  since  the 
last  Meeting  a  letter  had  been  received  from  Dr.  Moses 
Colt  Tyler  accepting  Corresponding  Membership. 

President  Wheelwright  announced  the  death  of  the 
Honorable  Edward  John  Phelps,  an  Honorary  Member,  and 
remarked  upon  the  fact  that  Professor  Phelps's  death  made 
the  first  break  in  either  the  Honorary  or  Corresponding 
Rolls  of  the  Society.  He  then  paid  this  tribute  to  the  mem- 
ory of  our  late  associate  :  — 

Siuce  our  last  Stated  Meeting  we  have  lost  by  death  one  name 
from  the  short  list  of  our  Honorary  Members.  There  have  been 
but  seven  names  in  this  list,  and  that  of  the  Honorable  Edward 
John  Phelps  was  the  second  name  to  be  inscribed  upon  it;  his  is 
also  the  first  to  be  starred.  Mr.  Phelps  was  elected  an  Honorary 
Member  on  the  twentieth  of  December,  1893,  when  President 
Cleveland  was  also  admitted  to  our  fellowship.  In  his  letter  of 
acceptance,  he  desired  to  express  his  u  thanks  for  the  distinguished 
compliment  conferred  upon  hira,  —  a  compliment,"  he  added* 
**  which  I  very  highly  appreciate."  He  subsequently  showed  the 
genuineness  of  this  appreciation  and  the  interest  he  at  once  took  in 
our  Society  by  twice  making  long  journeys  to  attend  our  Annual 
Meetings,  —those  of  1894  and  1899,  The  day  after  the  first  of 
these  meetings,  Mr.  Phelps  drove  to  Cambridge  and  called  upon  our 
then  President,  Dr.  Gould,  to  express  the  pleasure  he  had  enjoyed* 


882  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.      [March, 

At  both  these  meetings,  or  rather  at  the  dinner  which  followed 
them,  he  contributed  to  the  intellectual  feast  by  speeches  in  which 
he  fully  justified  his  reputation  as  an  after-dinner  speaker.  At  the 
last  of  these  dinners,  —  that  of  November,  1899,  —  your  President 
had  the  privilege  of  having  him  for  his  right-hand  neighbor  at  the 
table  and  can  testify  to  the  unrivalled  charm  of  his  conversation, 
with  its  happy  mingling  of  wit  and  wisdom. 

Mr.  Phelps  died  at  New  Haven,  Connecticut,  where  he  had  a 
residence,  on  the  ninth  of  March.  He  had  been  ill  with  pneu- 
monia for  nearly  two  months,  but  until  within  a  week  of  his  death 
it  was  confidently  believed  by  his  physician  that  he  would  recover, 
because  of  his  strong  constitution  and  in  spite  of  his  advanced 
age.  During  his  illness,  messages  of  sympathy  were  constantly 
addressed  to  him  from  all  parts  of  the  country  and  from  abroad, 
including  one  from  Queen  Victoria,  inquiring  as  to  his  condition 
and  expressing  a  hope  for  his  recovery.  At  a  time  when  it  was 
thought  that  his  restoration  to  health  was  assured,  this  Society 
also  sent  him  a  letter  of  congratulation. 

Though  born  in  Vermont,  Mr.  Phelps  had  in  his  veins  good 
Massachusetts  blood,  which  we  of  The  Colonial  Society  of  Massa- 
chusetts may  be  pardoned  for  believing  may  have  been  not  without 
influence  upon  his  character  and  career.  His  ancestor  William 
Phelps,  born  in  England  in  1599,  came  to  New  England  in  1630 
and  first  settled  at  Dorchester,  Massachusetts ;  but  after  residing 
there  five  or  six  years  removed  with  his  family  to  Windsor,  Con- 
necticut. Here  they  remained  for  several  generations,  inter- 
marrying, meanwhile,  with  some  of  the  most  eminent  families 
of  that  Colony,  some  of  them,  also,  originally  of  Massachusetts 
stock. 

Mr.  Phelps  was  born  at  Middlebury,  Vermont,  on  the  eleventh 
of  July,  1822,  and  was  educated  at  Middlebury  College.  After 
graduating,  in  1840,  he  studied  law  with  his  father,  with  Horatio 
Seymour,  and  at  the  Yale  Law  School,  was  admitted  to  the  bar  in 
1843,  and  began  practice  in  New  York  City,  but  soon  removed  to 
Burlington,  Vermont,  which  became  thereafter  his  habitual  place 
of  residence.  Here  he  soon  acquired  the  reputation  of  a  sound 
lawyer  and  able  advocate  and  was  entrusted  with  many  important 
cases.  Though  in  a  measure  shrouded  from  public  gaze  in  the 
remote  county  town  he  had  chosen  for  his  residence,  his  legal 


1900.] 


REMARKS  BY   THE  PRESIDENT, 


3S:> 


ability  and  attainments  were  not  unmarked  by  bis  professional 
brethren,  and  in  1880  he  was  chosen  President  of  the  American 
Bar  Association,  He  had  already  received,  in  1870,  the  degree  of 
LL.D.  from  his  Alma  Mater.  Yale  University  gave  him  the  hon- 
orary degree  of  A.M.  in  1881  and  he  was  at  the  same  time  made  a 
professor  in  the  Yale  Law  School.  The  University  of  Vermont 
conferred  upon  him  the  degree  of  LL.D.  in  1887  and  Harvard  did 
the  same  in  1889, 

Mr,  Phelps  was  best  known  to  the  general  public  as  our  Min- 
ister to  England*  to  which  post  he  was  appointed  by  President 
Cleveland  in  1885.  As  the  immediate  successor  of  Lowell  it  was 
at  first  feared  that  he  might  appear  to  disadvantage  in  the  com- 
parison ;  but  such  apprehensions  soon  proved  groundless  and  the 
new  appointee  at  once  achieved,  without  effort,  a  popularity  un- 
surpassed by  any  of  the  long  line  of  distinguished  men  who  had 
preceded  him  in  the  office.  He  became  popular  with  the  entire 
nation,  from  the  Sovereign  down  to  the  plainest  of  the  plain 
people.  One  passport  to  popular  favor  he  had,  very  potent  with 
Englishmen,  which  Lowell  lacked,  —  he  was  an  enthusiastic 
sportsman,  and  brought  home,  at  the  end  of  his  mission,  several 
pair  of  antlers  as  trophies  of  his  skill  in  deerstalking  among  the 
Highlands  of  Scotland. 

On  his  departure  from  England,  Punch  assured  him  of  — 

John  Bull's  best  wishes 
And  Mr.  Punch's  too  \ 

and  the  London  Times  of  the  twelfth  of  March,  1900,  in  announcing 
his  death,  said :  — 

Among  the  gifted  men  who  have  represented  the  United  States 
here,  Mr,  Phelps  was  one  of  the  most  successful  alike  in  social  and  in 
diplomatic  duties.  He  will  long  be  remembered  as  one  of  the  best  and 
wisest  of  his  country's  servants. 

Not  only  is  our  Society  called  upon  to  mourn  the  loss  of  a  dis- 
tinguished member,  but  Mr-  Phelps's  death  is  a  loss  to  the  whole 
nation,  at  a  time  when  new  and  perplexing  problems  are  confront- 
ing us  at  home  and  abroad,  when  there  is  sore  need  of  wise  coun- 
sellors and  honest  and  well-equipped  officials.  It  is,  perhaps,  as 
an  educator  that  Mr-  Phelps  will  be  most  missed-    Profoundly 


1000.] 


MARTIN   HOWARD, 


885 


mysterious  picture  but  without  success.  Some  of  the  older  mem- 
bers of  the  Bar  recollected  that  Chief-Justice  Shaw  once  said  that 
the  Library  owned  a  portrait  of  one  of  the  Judges  of  the  Courts  in 
one  of  the  Southern  Colonies;  but  none  could  remember  his  name- 
In  conversation  a  few  days  since,  with  Mr.  Francis  Wales 
Vaughan,  Librarian  of  the  Social  Law  Library,  he  told  me  that 
he  believed  he  had  solved  the  mystery.  In  looking  over  the 
account-book  of  the  Treasurer,  he  found  the  following  entry 
under  date  of  10  August,  1829 :  — 

To  cash  pd.  Daniel  Merrill  for  moving  picture  of  Martin  Howard 
presented  to  the  Social  L.  Library  by  Miss  A,  II,  Spooner     ...    ,50 

Investigation  at  the  Suffolk  Probate  Office  showed  that  Anna 
Howard  Spooner  was  put  under  guardianship  in  1802,  and  the 
inference  was  at  once  drawn  that  she  was  the  donor  of  the  por- 
trait It  was  in  vain  that  the  Records  of  the  Proprietors  and  of 
the  Trustees  of  the  Library  were  searched  for  some  acknowledg- 
ment of  this  gift,  the  entry  in  the  Treasurers  books,  apparently, 
being  aU  that  remained  on  paper  bearing  upon  the  identity  of  the 
portrait.  Finally,  however,  in  making  a  thorough  search  among 
some  old  vouchers,  letters,  and  other  papers  in  the  Treasurer's  cus- 
tody, Mr.  Vaughan  found  Miss  Spooner's  letter,  dated  in  August, 
1829,  presenting  to  the  Library1  the  portrait  of  her  grandfather 
painted  "by  Mr.  Copely*"  A  postscript  to  the  letter  states  that 
the  portrait  is  given  for  the  purpose  of  showing  the  dress  of  the 
Judges  before  the  Revolution, 

Martin  Howard  was  a  prominent  man  in  both  Rhode  Island  and 
North  Carolina,  His  father,  Martin  Howard,  Senior*  was  a  resi- 
dent of  Newport,  Rhode  Island,  and,  with  other  of  his  townsmen, 
was  "admitted  free  of  the  Colony'*  of  Rhode  Island  and  Providence 
Plantations  at  a  session  of  the  Assembly  on  3  May,  1726,a  Unlike 
his  son,  he  does  not  appear  to  have  made  any  impression  upon 
public  affairs,  but  that  he  was  well  descended  may  reasonably  be 

1  The  officers  of  the  Social  Law  Library  in  1829  were :  —  President,  William 
Sullivan;  Trustees,  Lemuel  Shaw,  William  Minot,  Benjamin  Rand,  Samuel 
Hubbard,  and  George  Morey ;  Treasurer  and  Clerk,  Edward  Blake ;  Librarian , 
James  Boyle, 

J  Rhode  Island  Colonial  Records,  iv.  375, 

25 


386  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OP  MASSACHUSETTS.       [MabcH, 

inferred  from  an  item  in  the  estimate  of  his  son's  losses  at  the 
hands  of  the  Newport  mob,  in  August,  1765,  to  be  mentioned  here- 
after. The  son  was  born  in  England,1  and,  doubtless,  was  brought 
hither  in  early  childhood  by  his  father.2 

Martin  Howard,  Jr.,  as  his  name  appears  in  the  public  records 
for  many  years  and  as  late  as  1765,a  studied  law  under  James 
Honyman,  Jr.,  and  became  a  practitioner  at  the  bar  in  Newport 
where  he  mostly  resided.  He  was  appointed  by  the  Assembly  one 
of  the  Commissioners  to  go  to  Albany  to  confer  with  the  Six 
Nations  on  the  fourteenth  of  June,  1754,4  and  in  August,  1756, 
one  of  a  committee  to  prepare  a  bill  to  authorize  a  lottery  for 
raising  £10,000  to  cany  on  the  building  of  Fort  George.6  On 
the  eighteenth  of  August,  1760,  and  again  on  the  twenty-first  of 
September,  1762,  he  was  named  on  a  commission  to  revise  the 
laws  of  the  Colony.6  His  activities,  however,  were  not  confined 
to  his  profession  and  his  public  services  to  the  Colony.  For  three 
years  (1752-1755)  he  was  librarian  of  the  Redwood  Library,7  and 
he  was  long  an  active  and  influential  member  of  Trinity  Church.8 

Of  Howard's  first  marriage  the  following  record,  in  the  hand- 
writing of  Dr.  MacSparran,  has  been  preserved  in  the  Register 
of  St.  Paul's  Church,  Narragansett,  under  date  of  29  December, 
1749:  — 

The  Banns  of  marriage  between  Martin  Howard  JunT  and  Ann 
Conklin  being  duly  published  in  Trinity  Church  in  Newport  on  Rhode 

1  Moore's  History  of  North  Carolina,  1880,  i.  99.     See  below,  p.  389. 

2  In  the  Newport  cemetery  is  a  stone  which  records  the  death  of  Ann 
Howard,  wife  of  Martin  Howard,  28  September,  1758,  aged  59  years.  Another 
stone  is  to  the  memory  of  Sarah  Howard,  daughter  of  Martin  and  Ann  Howard, 
who  died  13  January,  1734,  aged  3  years,  11  months,  13  days.  In  the  Friends 
Records  is  the  following  entry :  — 

Ann  Howard,  of  England,  died  at  Widow  Wait  Carr's  house,  Newport,  11  June, 
1719  (Arnold's  Vital  Record  of  Rhode  Island,  vii.  109). 

8  See  will  of  Ebenezer  Brenton,  below,  p.  387,  note. 
4  Rhode  Island  Colonial  Records,  v.  386. 

•  Ibid.  v.  505. 

•  Ibid,  vi.  257,  336. 

7  Mason's  Annals  of  the  Redwood  Library  and  Athenaeum,  Newport,  R.  I., 
1891,  pp.  42,  45,  59. 

8  A  fac-simile  of  Martin  Howard's  autograph  is  in  Mason's  Annals  of 
Trinity  Church,  Newport,  Rhode  Island,  1698-1821  (1890),  p.  91  note. 


I&O0.J  MARTDT  HOWARD.  387 

Island,  and  certification  thereof  being  had  under  the  Hand  of  t"  Rev1' 
Mr  James  Honyman  Rector  of  said  church ;  said  Partys  were  Joind 
together  in  holy  matrimony  at  the  House  of  Major  E be nezer  Br  en  ton  l 
Far  of  said  Ann  on  Friday  the  29"1  of  Decern'  1749  by  the  Rev'1  James 
Maesparran  D.D:  Incumbent  of  St  Pauls  in  Narraganeet  the  Parish 
where  said  Partys  did  then  reside. a 

The  Register  of  Trinity  Churchy  Newport,  preserves  the  dates 
of  baptism  of  three  children  of  Martin  and  Ann  Howard,  —  Eben- 
ttf T-Brenton,  14  Angus t,  1751,  Elizabeth,  26  July,  1752,  and  Ann, 
24  August,  1754,  but  no  more.3 

As  the  Revolution  drew  on,  Howard  became  an  ardent  Loyalist, 
and  with  Dr,  Thomas  Moffatt,  a  Scotch  physician,  and  Augustus 
Johnston,  Attorney-General  of  the  Colony,  he  was  appointed  to 
office  under  the  Stamp  Act  On  the  twenty-seventh  of  August, 
1705,  the  mob  made  a  demonstration  against  the  stamp  officers, 
drawing  their  effigies  through  the  streets  and  hanging  them  on  a 
gallows,  and  injuring  Howard's  person.  On  the  following  day,  it 
attacked  and  dismantled  the  houses  of  Howard  and  Moffatt  who 
fled  the  town,  taking  shelter  on  board  the  British  sloop-of-war 

1  Major  Ehenezer  Brenton  (1687-1706)  of  South  Kingstown,  Rhode  Island, 
had  two  daughters,  Ann  and  Elizabeth.  Ann  married,  as  her  first  husband, 
Jonathan  Concfciin,  14  June,  1740,  at  Trinity  Church,  Newport  (Rhode  Island 
Vital  Record,  x.  438,  443).  Breton's  will,  dated  16  March,  17*55,  proved  13 
April,  1766,  makes  his  son-in-law  Martin  Howard,  Jr.,  of  Newport,  executor, 
and  bequeaths  to  him  a  life  estate  in  a  farm  at  South  Kingstown,  with 
remainder  to  his  grand-daughter,  Ann  Howard  (Austin's  Genealogical  Dic- 
tionary of  Rhode  Island,  pp,  254-257). 

*  I  am  indebted  to  the  present  Rector  of  St  Paul*s,  the  Rev.  F.  B.  Cole,  of 
Wickford,  Rhode  Island,  for  this  interesting  extract  from  the  pariah  Register. 
Tina  entry  was  inaccurately  printed  by  Mason  in  his  Annals  of  Trinity  Church, 
Newport,  R.  L,  1698-1621,  p.  91.  See  Arnold's  Vital  Record  of  Rhode  Island, 
x.  337,  343. 

*  Sabine  says  that  "James  Center  married  one  of  his  [Howard's]  daughters, 
and  after  her  decease,  became  the  husband  of  another "  (Loyalists,  i  547)*  1 
do  not  find  a  record  of  either  of  these  marriages,  or  of  the  birth  or  baptism  of 
another  daughter  of  Martin  Howard.  Elisabeth  Howard  may  have  been  one 
of  Center's  wires,  but  that  he  did  not  marry  her  sister  Ann  Howard  I  shall 
hereafter  show.  Ann  Howard's  birth  is  imperfectly  recorded  in  the  Newport 
Town  Records :  — 

Howard,  Ann,  of  Martin,  .  *  ,  f  Aug.  15  — 
(Arnold's  Vital  Record  of  Rhode  Island,  iv«  101), 


888  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.      [Mabch, 

Cygnet  then  riding  at  anchor  in  the  harbor.  Believing  it  to  be 
unsafe  to  remain  in  the  Colony,  they  sailed  for  England.1 

The  wreck  of  Martin  Howard's  house  was  complete.  It  stood 
on  a  lot  of  land  bounded  by  Spring,  Stone  and  Broad  streets,  the 
latter  now  known  as  Broadway,  on  which  the  house  fronted.  Not 
only  were  the  contents  of  the  house  destroyed  and  thrown  into  the 
street,  but  doors  and  window-frames  were  torn  out  and  an  unsuc- 
cessful attempt  was  made  to  pull  down  the  chimney.  The  house, 
in  its  dismantled  condition,  was  sold  by  auction,  after  its  owner's 
flight,  to  John  G  Wanton  2  who  restored  it.  His  family  and  de- 
scendants have  since  owned  and  occupied  it.8 

On  his  way  to  England,  Howard  tarried  at  Halifax,  Nova  Scotia, 
where,  in  the  same  year,  he  wrote  two  political  pamphlets,  the  first 
of  which  was  inspired  by  another  written  by  Governor  Hopkins, 
who  had  been  his  associate  in  the  delegation  from  Rhode  Island 
to  the  Colonial  Congress  at  Albany  in  the  summer  of  1764.4 

1  Rhode  Island  Colonial  Records,  vi.  514  and  note ;  vii.  196. 

2  John  G  Wanton  had  no  middle  name  but  assumed  the  initial  G  as  a 
designation.  A  son  of  Governor  Gideon  Wanton,  he  was  a  Friend,  a  merchant 
of  Newport,  and  a  corporator  of  Rhode  Island  College,  now  Brown  University. 

See  Friends  Records  in  Arnold's  Vital  Record  of  Rhode  Island,  vii.  37  (two        ^ 
entries),  80  (two  entries),  211. 

8  Letter  of  Miss  Maud  Lyman  Stevens. 

4  These  pamphlets  are  entitled :  — 

I. 

A  Letter  from  a  Gentleman  at  Halifax,  to  his  Friend  in  Rhode-Island,  containiDg^^  m=n% 
Remarks  upon  a  Pamphlet,  entitled,  The  Rights  of  the  Colonies  Examined.  Newport.  J  m%* 
M.DCC.LXV. 

n. 

A  Defence  of  the  Letter  from  a  Gentleman  at  Halifax,  to  his  Friend  in  Rhodes Mz*oter 
Island,  Newport:  M.DCC.LXV. 

The  facts   concerning  these  publications  are  briefly  told  by  Charles  IZfC         & 
Hammett,  Jr.,   in   A  Contribution  to  the   Bibliography  and  Literature  or<^  °* 

Newport,  R.  I.,  1887,  p.  63:  — 

Late  in  1764,  Hopkins's  pamphlet,  "The  Rights  of  [the]  Colonies  Examined,"  (witr^*"5*^*ri.t1 
no  other  signature  than  the  initial  "P")  was  published  at  Providence  by  the  authorit^^*"*^311^ 
of  the  General  Assembly ;  shortly  afterwards  also  with  the  imprint  of  William  Godfc**^"^-^0" 
dard  (Providence.  1765),  and  in  the  next  year  at  London,  by  John  Almon  (Londonf^o^>°fD 
1766),  the  title  here  being  changed  to  "The  Grievances  of  the  American  Colonies* M***me* 
Candidly  Examined."  The  position  taken  by  Hopkins  was  also  supported  in  Jame9 *-»  *-mei 
Otis's  "Rights  of  the  British  Colonies  Asserted  and  Proved"  (Boston,  1764),  but  wa#»*-^^  w* 
opposed  in  the  anonymous  pamphlet,  "  A  Letter  from  a  Gentleman  at  Halifax  to  hf  **■  "js 
Friend  in  Rhode  Island,  etc."  (Newport,  S.  Hall,  1765),  which  was  written  by  MartL5^^*ttt 


1900.] 


MARTIN    HOWARD. 


38(1 


Howard  did  not  remain  long  in  England,  whence  he  took  pas- 
sage for  North  Carolina,  where  gimt  honors  awaited  Mm,  The 
Assembly  of  1767  divided  the  Province  into  five  judicial  districts, 
and  adopted  a  new  court  law.1     Moore  says  that  — 

Edenton,  New-Berfi,  Wilmington,  Halifax  and  Hillsboro  were  the 
points  at  which  the  Superior  Courts  were  to  be  held,  Martin  Howard 
was  Chief-Justice,  and  Richard  Henderson  and  Maurice  Moore  were 
Associates.  Judge  Howard  had  recently  been  involved  in  trouble  with 
the  people  of  Rhode  Island  because  of  his  opinions  concerning  the  Stamp 
Act.  He  was  a  man  of  real  learning  in  his  profession,  and  of  unusual 
literary  culture  for  that  period*  It  has  been  the  habit  in  North  Carolina 
to  disparage  his  memory,  but  apart  from  his  loyalty  to  the  King  and  to 
England,  the  land  of  his  birth,  nothing  remains  to  his  discredit  which 
might  not  be  imputed  to  some  of  his  associates  on  the  North  Carolina 
bench,  who  have  been  so  abundantly  eulogized  in  all  our  annals*  Judge 
Howard,  even  in  the  heat  of  the  Revolution,  though  sympathizing  with 
the  King,  received  the  respectful  consideration  of  such  men  as  Judge 
Iredell,  who  had  the  magnanimity  to  ignore  the  small  hatreds  and  defa- 
mations so  prolific  in  all  times  of  upheaval  and  change.  Judge  Maurice 
Moore  was  the  son  of  General  Maurice  Moore,  who  came  with  his  broth* 
ers  Roger  and  George  in  1710  to  renew  the  ancient  settlement  of  their 
grandfather,  Sir  John  Yea  mans,  He  was  the  most  cultivated  native 
North  Carolinian  of  that  time.  He  had  been  for  years  leader  of  the 
North  Carolina  Bar-a 

Shortly  after  Howard's  appointment  to  the  Bench,  and  in  the 
same  year,  he  came  to  Boston  and  was  painted  in  his  official  robes 
by  Copley,  as  already  stated.  He  married  for  his  second  wife, 
Abigail   Greenleaf,3  the   young  daughter  of  Stephen   Greerjleaf, 


Howard,  Jr.  In  the  same  ye*T  appeared  an  answer  to  Howard  by  James  Otis  (pub- 
lished, however,  aDonymousdy)  entitled  "  A  Vindication  of  the  British  Colonics  Against 
tli«:  A*}HT*toM  "f  tin'  HnliUx  flftllJlWimil,  Hfc."  (Boston.  RdM  ami  QCtt,  I7«i5).  A 
second  anonymous  pamphlet  by  Howard  was  entitled  4I  A  Defence  of  the  Letter  From 
a  Gentleman  at  Halifax  to  his  Friend  in  Rhode  Island  "  (Newport,  Samuel  Hall,  1765), 
and  this,  in  turn,  waa  answered  by  Otis  in  his  anonymous  pamphlet,  '*  Brief  Remarks 
on  the  Defence  of  the  Halifax  Libel  on  the  British  American  Colonies  "  (Boston,  Edes 
and  Gilt,  1765),     See  Ibid.  pp.  66,  6T> 

1  Moore's  History  of  North  Carolina,  1880,  u  90* 

*  Ibid.  L  99,  100. 

*  Abigail  Greenleaf  was  born  in  Boston,  17  September,  1748  (Boston  Becord 
Commissioners*  Reports,  xxiv,  249).  For  several  years,  her  parents  were  con- 
nected with  the  New  South  Church  and  the  West  Church,  but  they  subse- 
quently  transferred  their  relations  to  Trinity   Church.     Her  sister,   Anstis 


890  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OP  MASSACHUSETTS.      [March, 

Sheriff  of  Suffolk,  and  tradition  relates  that  the  portrait  was 
painted  at  the  time  of  his  marriage,  no  record  of  which,  however, 
or  of  the  publishment  of  it,  is  to  be  found  in  the  Boston  town  or 
church  records. 

Returning  with  his  bride  to  North  Carolina,  Judge  Howard 
entered  upon  a  short  career  which  was  marked  by  turbulence  and 
great  popular  excitement.  In  his  judicial  capacity  he  had  to  deal 
with  the  "Regulators,"  of  whom  the  Rev.  Herman  Husbands,  "the 
ambitious  Quaker/9  who  has  been  fitly  characterized  as  "  a  craven- 
hearted  wretch  [and]  noisy  demagogue,"  was  a  leader.1  Moore 
thus  describes  the  trial:  — 

Nearly  four  thousand  men  had  assembled  to  watch  the  fortunes  of  a 
wretch,  who  could  thus  so  easily  agree  to  abandon  their  cause  when 
danger  seemed  threatening  himself.  He  was  acquitted  of  the  charge 
laid  against  him  in  the  bill  found  by  the  grand  jury,  but  William 
Butler  and  two  others,  far  more  innocent  than  Husbands,  were  con- 
victed and  committed  to  prison  for  six  months,  with  the  added  punish- 
ment of  heavy  fines. 

Colonel  Edmund  Fanning,  likewise,  was  indicted  at  the  same  time  in 
five  different  cases  for  extortion  in  office.  He  pleaded  "not  guilty" 
but  was  convicted  in  all  and  sentenced  by  the  court  to  pay  a  fine  of 
one  penny  in  each  case.  These  five  entries  in  the  handwriting  of  James 
Watson,  Clerk  of  the  Superior  Court  of  Orange  county,  may  be  yet 
inspected,  and  are  the  dumb,  yet  eloquent  witnesses  of  the  eternal 
shame  resting  upon  the  memory  of  that  court.  It  is  hard  to  believe 
that  Maurice  Moore  could  have  been  consenting  to  such  a  mockery  of 
justice.  He  had  been  loud  in  his  denunciations  of  such  crimes  as 
those  whereof  Fanning  now  stood  convicted,  and  had  gone  to  such 
lengths  that  the  partisans  of  Tryou  were  open  in  their  charges  of  com- 
plicity on  his  part  with  the  worst  schemes  of  the  Regulators.  His 
subsequent  course  in  the  General  Assembly,  where  he  was  so  powerful 
in  shielding  the  defeated  insurgents,  showed  that  he  had  not  lost  his 
sympathies  for  the  outraged  people.  Again,  when  Judge  Howard  was 
driven  from  the  court  house  in  Hillsboro  in  1770,  Judge  Moore  was 
treated  with  consideration.  The  subsequent  violence  of  the  Regulators 
to  both  of  his  colleagues  is  proof  positive  that  on  the  names  of  Martin 

Greenleaf,  married  Benjamin  Davis  (see  these  Publications,  vi.  126).  A  very 
fine  portrait  of  Mrs.  Davis  by  Copley  is  owned  by  Mrs.  Stephen  Greenleaf 
Bulfinch  of  Cambridge. 

1  Moore's  History  of  North  Carolina,  i.  117. 


1900.] 


MARTIN   HOWARD, 


891 


Howard,  Chief-Justice,  and  Richard  Henderson,  hia  associate,  should 
lie  the  odium  of  an  infamous  defeat  of  justice.  They  allowed  Gov- 
ernor Tryoo,  with  his  loose  morals  and  bad  passions,  to  sully  the 
reputation  of  a  court  which  might  have  been  illustrious  for  rectitude 
as  it  was  for  the  real  learning  of  the  Judges,  Howard  has  paid  a 
fearful  penalty  in  the  obloquy  historians  have  cast  upon  his  name,1 
but  Richard  Henderson,  in  the  virtues  of  his  nobler  sons,  has  been 
so  mantled  by  charitable  speeches,  that  bis  name  has  gone  unwhipped 
of  justice.8 

Ml Itee's  estimate  of  the  Chief -Justice  is  worth  quoting:  — 

Martin  Howard,  ,  ,  ,  of  ,  ,  •  Rhode  Island,  .  .  •  being  forced  by 
popular  indignation  to  fly  that  province,  sought  shelter  in  North  Caro- 
lina, where,  after  the  suicide  of  Judge  Berry,  he  was  made  Chief 
Justice  by  Governor  Tryon ;  he  was  also  a  member  of  Tryon's  council. 
His  office  as  judge  terminated  with  the  expiration  of  the  law  creating 
the  court,  in  1773.  He  is  represented  by  Jones,  Wheeler  and  others, 
as  devoid  of  all  the  virtues  of  humanity,  a  ferocious  despot,  an  exe- 
crable copy  of  the  English  Jeffreys,  i  cannot  but  suspect  that  the 
picture  has  been  exaggerated;  it  has  been  blackened  out  of  all  resem- 
blance to  any  being  who  ever  sat  upon  the  Bench  within  my  knowledge 
in  North  Carolina,  The  Judge  was  certainly  the  ablest  lawyer,  and  the 
most  highly  cultivated  member  of  his  court.  The  fact  that  he  was 
permitted  to  reside  quietly  on  his  plantation  until  July,  1777,  when  he 

1  Bancroft,  in  his  account  of  the  North  Carolina  Regulators,  says  :— 

Besides,  the  Chief  Justice  was  Martin  Howard,  a  profligate  time-server,  raised  to  the 
bench  as  a  convenient  reward  for  having  suffered  in  the  time  of  the  Stamp  Act,  and 
ever  ready  Co  use  his  place  as  a  screen  for  the  dishonest  profits  of  men  in  office,  and  the 
instrument  of  political  power.  Never  vet  had  the  tribunal  of  jtutica  been  so  mocked 
[History  of  the  United  States,  1854,  \l  184,  185). 

Sabine  briefly  sums  up  the  character  and  career  of  Chief -Justice  Howard 
and  says  that  — 

The  suspension  from  office  of  one  who  "  was  notoriously  destitute  not  only  of  the  com- 
mon virtues  of  humanity,  but  of  all  sympathy  whatever  with  the.  community  in  which 
he  lived,'*  was  a  matter  of  much  joy,  In  1775,  he  was  present  in  Conned,  and  expressed 
the  highest  detestation  of  unlawful  meetings,  and  advised  Governor  Martin  to  inhibit 

and  forbid  the  assembling  of  the  Whig  Convention  appointed  at  Newborn His 

reputation  docs  not  appear  to  have  been  good,  nor  does  it  seem  that  the  calm  and  mod- 
erate respected  him ;  while  from  others  he  sometimes  received  abuse,  and  even  hodily 
harm.  Careful  pens  speak  of  his  profligate  character,  and  of  his  corrupt  and  wicked 
designs,  and  aver  that  the  members  of  the  Assembly  hated  him  (Loyalists  of  the  Amer- 
ican Revolution,  1 864,  i.  547). 

1  Moore's  History  of  North  Carolina,  i  117-119* 


892 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS,       [March, 


withdrew  from  the  State ;  the  further  fact  that  he  wag  kindly  remem- 
bered by  such  a  man  as  James  Iredell,  whose  respect  clung  to  bim  id 
his  fallen  fortunes,  and  the  tone  of  the  following  letter,  consist  but  badly 
with  the  moral  deformity  and  atrocity  attributed  to  him;  and  induce 
the  belief  that  the  removal  of  a  little  rhetorical  lampblack  will  disclose 
a  man,  differing,  it  is  true,  politically,  from  the  mass  of  the  population, 
but  ill  other  respects,  the  peer  of  the  proudest  citizen  of  the  realm. 
The  letter  of  Howard  to  Iredell,  dated  20th  May,  1773,  referred  to 
by  Jones  as  a  confession  of  "malignity,"  has  disappeared  from  Mr* 
Iredell's  collection  of  papers, 

LETTER  OF  BIAETIN   HOWAfiD  TO  JAMES   IREDELL* 

Richmond,1  May  I5ch,  1777, 

Sir: — Your  favor  from  New  Bern  gave  me  no  small  degree  of 
pleasure.  An  instance  of  civility  to  an  obscure  man  in  the  woods*  is 
as  flattering  as  a  compliment  to  a  worn-out  beauty,  and  received  with 
equal  avidity  and  delight.  I  have  lately  been  so  little  accustomed  even 
to  the  common  courtesies  of  life,  that  a  sentiment  of  kindness  conies 
upon  me  by  surprise,  and  brings  with  it  a  double,  because  an  unex- 
pected, pleasure, 

I  sincerely  thank  you  for  your  obliging  expressions;  they  give  me 
more  than  I  have  a  right  to  claim,  and  greatly  overpay  any  marks  of 
consideration  which  I  may  at  any  time  heretofore  have  shown  to  you, 
and  which  your  merit  entitled  you  to  receive  from  me. 

I  wish  you  could  have  conveniently  fulfilled  your  intentions  of  riding 
to  Richmond*  My  little  family  would  have  been  glad  to  see  you,  and 
you  would  have  seen,  I  think,  the  best  piece  of  meadow  in  Carolina, 
whence  (when  I  leave  this  country)  you  might  be  able  to  add  one  to 
the  few  observations  which  may  be  made  upon  an  unimportant  char- 
acter, viz.,  that  I  had  made  two  blades  of  grass  grow  where  only  one 
grew  before  —  a  circumstance  among  some  nations  of  no  small  honor 
and  renown.    I  wish  you  all  happiness,  and  am,  with  real  esteem. 

Sir,  your  most  ob*t  serv't 

M.    HOWABXK* 


1  Craven  County. 

a  Life  and  Carres pon deuce  of  James  Iredell,  one  of  the  Justices  of  the 
Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States,  1857,  I  363,  364. 

I  had  hoped  to  glean  some  further  particulars  of  Judge  Howards  career  in 
the  South  from  the  Records  of  North  Carolina,  but  as  these  documents  have 
been  printed  without  index,  table  of  contents  or  strict  chronological  arrange- 
ment, the  value  to  historical  students  and  scholars  of  the  twenty  volumes  thus 
far  published  is  seriously  impaired. 


1JKKK] 


MARTIN    HOWARD. 


393 


During  liis  residence  in  North  Carolina,  Howard  presented  to 
the  Colonial  authorities  of  Rhode  Island  a  claim  for  compensation 
for  the  loss  he  hud  sustained  at  the  hands  of  the  Newport  mob,  in 
August,  1765,  The  riot  and  the  resultant  damage  commanded  the 
attention  of  Governor  Ward  and  the  Assembly  for  several  yearn,1 
but,  although  the  Chief-JmticeV  claim  was  persistently  pressed, 
and  reports  upon  the  subject  were  made  by  committees,  no  settle- 
ment of  it  was  ever  effected.  Howard's  **  Estimate  of  damage,'* 
amounting  to  £324.13.0,  has  been  printed,  in  fait2  It  is  dated 
at  Newbern,  North  Carolina,  26  December,  1772,  and  contains  one 
item  of  special  interest :  — 

Four  large  family  pictures,  gilt  frames ;  one  by  Sir  Peter  Lely     £35.0.0 

In  the  summer  of  1777,  as  we  have  already  seen,  Judge  Howard 
left  North  Carolina  and  sailed  for  a  Northern  port  Sabine8  tells 
us  that  he  revisited  Rhode  Island  where,  in  conversation  with 
Secretary  Ward,  he  remarked :  — 

Henry,  you  may  rely  upou  it,  I  shall  have  no  quarrel  with  the  Sons 
of  Liberty  of  Newport!  it  was  they  who  made  me  ChieMustice  of 
North  Carolina,  with  a  thousand  pounds  sterling  a  year. 

The  following  year  (1778)  Howard  went  to  England  with  his 
family  and  made  his  home  in  Chelsea  in  the  County  of  Middlesex. 
In  the  Gentleman*s  Magazine  for  December,  1781  (1L  593),  under 
date  of  24  November,  1781,  is  recorded  the  death  of  — 

Martin  Howard,  esq ;  chief  justice  of  North  Carolina.1 

His  burial  is  recorded  in  the  Register  of  the  parish  of  Saint  Luke, 
Chelsea :  — 

[1781]  Dec-T  1**  Martin  Howard,  Esq^* 

1  See  Rhode  Island  Colonial  Records*  vi.  514,  588,  580 ;  vil  196,  216. 

*  Rhode  Island  Colonial  Records,  vii  216. 

*  Loyalists  of  the  American  Revolution,  L  547* 

4  The  date  of  Judge  Howard's  death  is  erroneously  given  by  Sabine 
(Loyalists,  L  547)  as  December,  1781,  and  by  Mason  (Annals  of  Trinity 
Church,  Newport,  p.  91  note)  as  9  March,  1782. 

*  I  am  indebted  to  the  courtesy  of  the  Rev.  H«  E.  J.  Bevan,  the  present 
Rector  of  St  Luke's,  for  this  valuable  register. 


_ 


894 


TUB  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS-.       [March, 


The  following  is  the  full  text  of  Judge  Howard's  will :  — 

I  Martin  Howard  Chief  Justice  of  North  Carolina  now  residing  in 

Chelsea  being  very  weak  in  body  but  of  a  disposing  mind  to  make  this 

my  last  will  &  testament,  I  give  to  my  beloved  wife  Abigail   Howard 

all  my  household  furniture  except  what  is  In  my  Daughters  Chamber 

&  that  I  give  to  my  beloved  daughter  Annie  Howard  together  with  the 

plate  that  was  her  mothers  &  Grandfather  Howards  all  the  rest  of  my 

Estate  real  &  personal  wheresoever  it  be  I  give  &  devise  to  my  said 

wife  Abigail  Howard  &  my  said  Daughter  Annie  Howard  to  be  equally 

divided  between  them  &  if  either  of  them  should  die  leaving  the  other 

the  part  of  hers  so  dying  to  pass  to  the  Survivor  her  Heirs  &  assigns. 

I   appoint  my  said  wife  Abigail  Howard   &  my  said  daughter  Annie 

Howard  to  be  Executrix's  of  this  Will 

M    Howard     (I 

Signed  Sealed  &  declared  by  the  Testator  to  be  his  last  Will  &  testa- 
ment in  the  presence  of  us  this*  sixteenth  day  of  October  one  thousand 
seven  hundred  &  Eighty  one. 

Mary  Timmixs  Robert  Palmer.  Johh   TnamtM.1 

After  Judge  Howard's  death,  his  widow  and  daughter  Ann  re- 
turned to  America,  and  the  daughter  appears  to  have  resided  for 
a  time  at  Newport.  There,  on  the  Register  of  Trinity  Church, 
we  find  the  following  entry  of  marriage  under  date  of  16  June, 

1787:  — 

Andrew  Spooner  to  Ann  Howard,* 

Andrew  Spooner  was  a  Boston  merchant  of  good  family.  He 
was  born  in  Boston  14  March,  1763,  the  son  of  John  and  Margaret 

1  The  will  was  proved  in  the  Prerogative  Court  of  Canterbury,  at  London, 
14  January,  1782,  when  administration  "was  granted  to  Abigail  Howard, 
Widow,  the  relict  &  Annie  Howard  Spinster,  the  daughter  of  the  said  De- 
ceased." An  exemplified  copy  of  this  will  was  sent  to  Boston  and  recorded  in 
the  office  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Commonwealth  (Volume  lettered  Probate 
Courts  *  1701-1784,  pp.  158,  159).  It  was  also  recorded  in  the  Records  of  Land 
Evidence  of  Newport,  Rhode  Island,  viii.  497,  493.  It  will  be  observed  that 
the  will  makes  no  mention  of  any  descendant  of  the  testator  except  his 
daughter  Ann ;  but  see  his  letter  to  Judge  Iredell  (above,  p.  392)  in  which  he 
refers  to  his  "  little  family,"  and  Sabine's  statement  quoted  above  (p.  3^7,  note). 

a  For  this  and  other  extracts  from  the  Register  of  Trinity  Church,  Newport^ 
I  am  indebted  to  the  courtesy  of  its  Reetorf  the  Rev,  Henry  M.  Stone.  I  also 
wish  to  acknowledge  my  indebtedness  to  our  associates  Mr,  Albert  Matthews, 
Mr.  Henry  \V.  Cunningham  and  Mr,  Henry  E.  Woods  for  valuable  aid  in  the 
preparation  of  this  paper. 


19000 


MARTIN  HOWARD. 


(Oliver)  Spooner,1  and  grandson  of  John  Spooner  who  emigrated 
to  Boston  from  England,3  He  occupied  a  three-story  wooden  house 
helouging  to  John  Trecothick  Apthorp  which  stood  on  the  westerly 
side  of  Bowdoin  Square  at  the  corner  of  Green  Street.3  At  Trinity 
Church,  Boston,  we  find  the  Spoonera  as  well  as  Mrs.  Spooner*** 
step-mother,  among  the  worshippers.  The  Register  records  the 
baptism  of  two  children,  —  Ann  Howard  Spooner,  11  June,  1788, 
and  Andrew  Spooner,  15  November,  1789*  and  the  burial  of  their 
mother,  Mrs.  Anna  Howard  Spooner,  at  Milton,  at  the  age  of 
thirty-six,  on  the  twenty-third  of  March,  1791.  On  the  twenty- 
ninth  of  April,  1798,  the  intentions  of  marriage  of  Andrew  Spooner 
and  Elizabeth  Sparhawk  of  Cambridge,  a  great  grand-daughter  of 
Sir  William  PepperrelL>  were  recorded  at  Boston,4  To  them  was 
born  a  daughter,  Elizabeth  Sparhawk  Spooner,  who  was  baptized 
at  Trinity  Church  27  March,  1800,*  Her  mother  died  in  the  fol- 
lowing autumn,  and  the  Trinity  Church  Register  records  her  burial 
tit  Cambridge,  at  the  age  of  tliirty-two,  on  the  eighth  of  September. 
Mr.  Andrew  Spooner  did  not  long  survive  his  wife.  The  Colum- 
bian Centinel  of  Saturday,  23  January,  1802  (No.  1862,  3/1), 
contains  this  announcement:  — 

DIED*     At  Laguira,  Mr.  Andrew  Spooner,  of  this  town,  Mt. 

Before  following  the  descendants  of  Andrew  Spooner,  let  us 
retrace  our  steps  and  note  the  fortunes  of  Judge  Ho  ward  *s  widow. 
At  the  time  of  her  husband's  death,  Abigail  Howard  was  in  her 
thirty-ninth  year.    She  returned  to  Boston,  and,  her  mother  having 

1  Boston  Record  Commissioners'  Keports,  xxiv.  300 ;  xxx.  58. 

a  See  Bond's  Genealogies  and  History  of  Watertown,  pp.  905,  90St  for  a 
sketch  of  this  family  of  Spooner.  See  also  Suffolk  Probate  Files,  Nog.  13.301 
and  H.309. 

•  Boston  Record  Commissioners*  Reports,  xxii.  250, 

4  Ibid.  xxx.  470.  Elizabeth  Sparhawk  was  also  a  lineal  descendant  of 
Chief -Justice  Sevrall  and  a  niece  of  the  second  Sir  William  Pepperrell 
(Materials  for  a  Genealogy  of  the  Sparhawk  Family  in  New  England,  in 
EMMS  H  istorical  Col  lectio  n  s ,  vols,  xx  v . ,  xxv  i . ,  xx  vi  i . )  *  Her  f  a th  er t  Nathan  ie  1 
Sparhawk,  Jr.,  married  his  cousiu-germau  Catherine  Sparhawk,  1  January, 
1706,  at  Kittery  (Kittery  Church  Records},  where  their  eldest  daughter, 
Elizabeth  —  recorded  Eliza  —  was  baptized,  6  December,  1787  (Ibid.), 

*  The  Jarvis  Family  (Hartford,  1879),  p.  200  gives  the  date  of  Elizabeth 
Sparhawk  Spooner's  birth  as  25  November,  1799, 


896  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.      [March, 

died 1  more  than  a  year  before  Judge  Howard,  she  again  became  a 
member  of  her  father's  household.  Her  youngest  sister,  Hannah 
Greenleaf ,  had  married,  as  his  second  wife,  John  Apthorp,  a  wealthy 
merchant  of  Boston  and  London,  on  the  twelfth  of  December,  1 765, 
and  had  gone  to  reside  in  Little  Cambridge,2  in  a  mansion  house 
built  by  his  father,  Charles  Apthorp,8  one  of  the  great  merchants  of 
Boston,  who  died  in  1758.  In  consequence  of  Mr.  Apthorp's  deli- 
cate health,  he  and  his  wife  sailed  for  Charleston,  South  Carolina, 
44  on  board  a  vessel  which,  though  spoken  when  a  few  days  out, 
was  never  afterwards  heard  from.  It  was  late  in  the  autumn  [of 
1772],  a  severe  snowstorm  followed  them,  and  it  was  supposed 
that  the  ship  was  lost  at  sea  with  all  on  board."4  Their  three 
children,  who  had  been  left  in  the  care  of  their  maternal  grand- 
parents, found  with  them  a  permanent  home  where  they  were 
tenderly  and  faithfully   nurtured  until  their  marriage.6     Their 

1  The  Register  of  Trinity  Church  records  the  burial  of  Mrs.  Mary  Greenleaf, 
wife  of  Stephen  Greenleaf,  Esq.,  23  September,  1780,  at  the  age  of  68. 

2  Little  Cambridge,  legally  known  as  the  Third  Precinct  of  Cambridge,  was* 
that  part  of  the  town  which  was  south  of  the  Charles  River.     It  was  incorpo- 
rated as  the  town  of  Brighton  24  February,  1807. 

8  For  notices  of  Charles  Apthorp  and  his  family,  his  portrait,  and  a  view  ^  l 
his  mural  monument,  see  Foote's  Annals  of  King's  Chapel,  ii.  142-147,  466. 

4  The  Life  and  Letters  of  Charles  Bulfinch,  Architect,  1896,  p.  70. 

*  These  children  of  John  and  Hannah  (Greenleaf)  Apthorp,  born  betwee~  m^mfl 
1766  and  1772,  were  named  Hannah,  Frances  Western,  and  John  TrecothicW^xt 
I  have  been  unable  to  find  any  public  record  of  their  birth  or  baptisnrzar  ^dl 
(i)  Hannah  married  her  cousin,  Charles  Bulfinch,  the  architect,  20  ymrmtri — m  ^jcr, 
1788  (Trinity  Church  Register),  and  died  8  April,  1841,  aged  74  (Boston  Cr  ^  -fy 
Records),     (ii)   Frances   Western  married  Charles  Vaughan,   7  July,   17?  "^ETPl 
(Trinity  Church  Register),  and  died  at  Hallowell,  Maine,  10  August,  18^^^3ff 
(Letter  of  Francis  W.  Vaughan).     A  family  letter,  dated  27  February,  17^^  go, 
states  that  she  would  be  of  age  in  November  of  that  year,     (iii)  John  Trecoth^^  kk 
died  8  April,  1849,  aged  79  years,  3  months,  and  15  days  (Boston  City  RecorflaS*). 

John  Apthorp's  will,  dated  8  October,  1771,  was  proved  19  December,  17  /2. 
It  makes  generous  provision  for  his  two  daughters  in  England,  Grizzell  aHaad 
Catharine,  children  of  his  first  wife,1  and  for  his  then  wife,  Hannah  (Gre=~^en- 

1  Mr.  Apthorp's  first  wife  was  Alice  (or  Alicia)  Mann,  born  30  May,  1739,  danghte  :aae-  of 
Galfridus  Mann  and  niece  of  Sir  Horace  Mann,  British  Ambassador  to  Florence  from  "M^T-® 
till  his  death,  6  November,  1786  (Betham's  Baronetage,  1803,  iii.  255,  which  gives  his  nam.  ^^  ** 
Horatio).  She  died  at  Gibraltar,  20  October,  1763  (Foote's  Annals  of  King's  Chapel,  ii.  A-*8! 
144,  notes).  Her  brother  Horatio  Mann  (1737-1814),  who  succeeded  his  uncle  in  the  baroness*"  ^^f' 
changed  his  given  name  to  Horace,  and  thus,  perhaps,  arose  the  confusion  in  the  mind  ^  °' 
American  writers  who  have  described  Mrs.  Apthorp,  some  as  After  and  others  as  niec^  °' 
Sir  Horace  Mann,  British  Minister  at  Florence. 


1900,] 


MARTIN   HOWARD. 


897 


grandfather  Greenleaf  was  appointed  their  guardian  28  December, 
177;.1.1     Bereft  of  his  wife,  the  old  Sheriff  needed  the  companion- 


leaf),  and  her  three  children.  He  names  as  one  of  his  executors  his  brother-in- 
law  Martin  Howard,  Chief-Justice  of  North  Carolina*  who  accepted  the  trust 
(Middlesex  Probate  Files). 

Sheriff  Stephen  Greenleaf,  the  last  to  hold  the  shrievalty  in  Suffolk  under 
the  Crown,  was  so  fortunate  as  to  escape  the  confiscation  of  his  property  at  the 
Revolution-  He  was  rich  and  lived  on  a  fine  estate  in  Tremont  Street  facing 
the  Common*  His  mansion  was  adorned  with  many  fine  portraits  from  the 
pencils  of  Blackburn  and  Copley,  which  have  survived  to  our  own  time.  The 
portrait  of  himself  and  that  of  his  daughter  Mrs.  Davis  are  owned  by  Mrs. 
Stephen  Greenleaf  Bulfiuch  of  Cambridge  (see  above,  p.  S0G,  note).  In  his 
will,  dated  15  May,  1787,  proved  10  February,  1795,  he  bequeaths  to  his 
daughters  Mary  Phips  and  Abigail  Howard  all  his  family  portraits  except  that 
of  his  daughter  Hannah  Ap thorp,  deceased,  which  he  gives  to  her  children. 
He  then  devises  two  fifth  parts  of  all  his  real  and  personal  estate  to  his 
daughter  Mary  Phips,  and  two  fifth  parts  to  his  daughter  Abigail  Howard. 
The  following  paragraph  of  the  will  explains  the  reason  for  this  unusual 
division  of  his  property  and  recalls  the  fallen  fortunes  of  two  of  his  sons- 
in-law  :  — 

Item.  In  consideration  of  the  children  of  my  late  daughter  Apthorp.  deceased, 
having  a  handsome  estate  left  them  by  their  father,  and  considering  also  the  reduced 
circumstances  of  my  two  aforesaid  daughters  by  the  late  War,  I  think  it  right  and  hope 
they  will  esteem  it  so  to  give  only  the  remaining  fifth  part  of  my  estate  to  my  said  Grand- 
children,  and  accordingly  I  do  hereby  give  and  bequeath  to  Hannah  Apthorp,  Frances 
Western  Apthorp  and  John  Trecothick  Apthorp,  the  three  children  of  my  daughter 
Hannah  Apthorp,  deceased,  one  fifth  part  of  all  my  estate,  real  and  personal r  to  be 
divided  equally  between  them  or  the  survivors  of  them  their  heirs  and  assigns  forever 
aa  they  shall  respectively  come  of  age, 

The  executors  named  in  the  will  are  the  Rev.  Dr.  Samuel  Parker,  Joseph 
Greene,  William  Soollay  and  the  testator's  daughter,  Abigail  Howard  (Suffolk 
Probate  Files,  No.  20.395), 

Sheriff  Greenleafs  mansion  has  been  described  by  Col.  John  T.  Apthorp, 
one  of  the  orphan  grandchildren  referred  to  :  — 

Yon  know  the  place  where  their  childhood  was  spent,  —  the  fine  old  house,  standing 
back  from  the  street,  on  about  the  spot  where  Temple  Place  now  is,  the  whole  space  to 
the  corner  of  West  Street  being  enclosed  in  the  garden  attached  to  the  house  (after- 
wards known  as  Washington  Gardens).  I  remember  well  the  low  brick  wall  that 
enclosed  it,  and  the  fine  old  trees  that  overhung  the  street,  and  the  belt  of  shrubbery 
that  bordered  the  wall  (The  Life  and  Letters  of  Charles  Bulfinch,  Architect,  1896, 
p,7G). 

This  estate  was  acquired  by  Mr.  Greenleaf  by  several  purchases  between  1742 
and  1754.     It  had  a  frontage  of  two  hundred  and  ninety-two  feet  on  Tremont 

*  Suffolk  Probate  Files,  Kos.  15,270,  15.271,  15.272. 


898  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OP  MASSACHUSETTS.       [MARCH, 

ship  of  his  widowed  daughter  and  her  aid  in  the  care  of  his  orphan 
grandchildren.  He  lived  to  the  great  age  of  ninety-one  and  was 
buried  in  his  own  tomb  under  Trinity  Church,  of  which  he  had 
been  a  Warden,  on  the  twenty-ninth  of  January,  1795.1 

In  less  than  a  year  after  her  father's  death,  —  on  the  sixth  of 
January,  1796,  —  Abigail  Howard  purchased  of  Charles  Bulfinch, 
for  $5,000,  the  estate  numbered  thirteen  in  Franklin  Place,  now 
Franklin  Street,  Boston.2    The  house  was  in  the  Tontine  Cres- 
cent,8—  the  fourth  house  below  Hawley  Street,  the  north-westerly 
line  of  the  estate  being  about  eighty-three  feet  south-west  from 
Hawley  Street.     The  locus  is  nearly  identical  with  the  estate  now 
numbered  fifty-three  and  fifty-five  in  Franklin  Street.    Here,  Madam 
Howard  lived,  in  a  handsomely  furnished  and  well-appointed  house, 
having  for  neighbors  many  of  the  most  prominent  citizens  of  Bos- 
Street,  extending  from  St.  Paul's  Church,  westerly,  to  the  corner  of  Westi— . 
Street  on  which  it  measured  one  hundred  and  forty-two  feet  and  four  inches___ . 
The  lot  was  two  hundred  and  ten  feet  deep  on  the  north-easterly  line,  —  ne±+    ^ 
to  the  church  property ;  but  the  symmetry  of  the  estate  was  destroyed  by  a  lo"~  ^c=d^ 
having  a  frontage  of  sixty-five  feet  and  nine  inches  on  West  Street  and  a  deptM^^Vi 
of  one  hundred  and  ten  feet  which  Mr.  Greenleaf  did  not  acquire.     Thi^^-^ 
property  was  appraised  at  Mr.  Greenleaf 's  death  at  the  modest  sum  of  $15,000^  jpft. 
It  was  sold  by  his  executors  for  $18,166.66  to  Henry  Jackson,  Esquire,  c*.        0{ 
Boston  (Suffolk  Deeds,  clxxxii.  229),  and  later  was  conveyed  to  Trustees  f»J^~  for 
Madam  Swan.     As  an  illustration  of  the  enormous  rise  in  the  value  of  re^^-^real 
estate  in  Boston  during  the  past  century,  it  is  interesting  to  note  that  t~^&~   the 
sixteen  estates  now  constituting  the  Greenleaf  property,  —  seven  on  Tremac:^^ont 
Street,  eight  on  Temple  Place,  and  one  on  West  Street,  —  were  taxed  in  lg^^>   qqo 
by  the  Boston  assessors  for  $3,714,000,  of  which  amount  $3,297,800  was  on  •-       the 
38,938  square  feet  of  land,  and  $416,200  on  the  buildings. 

1  Trinity  Church  Register. 

9  Suffolk  Deeds,  clxxxii.  78.    Madam  Howard's  executor  sold  this  estz^Kafe 
for  $6,000  to  John  Quincy  Adams,  18  January,  1802  (Ibid.  cc.  45). 

8  A  block  of  sixteen  three-story  brick  dwelling  houses  built  by  Bulfinch^    on 
the  south-westerly  side  of  Franklin  Place  between  Hawley  Street  and  w-  iat 
is  now  Devonshire  Street.     A  plan  and  elevation  of  the  Tontine  Cresc^^nt 
appeared  in  the  Massachusetts  Magazine  for  February,  1794  (iv.  facing  €^£)» 
which  states  that  the  entire  range  of  the  Crescent  will  be  four  hundred  ^*>t%& 
eighty  feet  long,  that  half  of  it  is  nearly  completed,  and  that  work  upon    *t»e 
remainder  will  be  pushed  in  the  spring  (Ibid.  p.  67).     The  Plan  is  reprodu. *^^^ 
in  1  Proceedings  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society  for  April,  1794-  9       ** 
between  66,  67.     This  block  of  houses  stood  until  about  1855  when  they  fg&*>^e 
place  to  stores  and  warehouses.    See  The  Life  and  Letters  of  Charles  BulfiE*^^  *» 
Architect,  1896,  pp.  97-104, 


1900,] 


MARTIN    HOWARD. 


ton; l  but  she  was  not  destined  long  to  enjoy  the  quiet  comfort  of 
her  new  home.  On  the  twentieth  of  May,  1800,  her  nephew,  John 
Trecothick  Apthorp,2  represented  to  the  Judge  of  Probate  that  his 
aunt  was  a  person  non  mapo*  mmtms  andt  in  due  course,  Mr. 
Ap thorp  waa  appointed  her  guardian, a  After  a  lingering  illness, 
her  death4  was  announced  in  the  Columbian  Centinel  of  Saturday, 
3  October,  1801  (No.  1832,  p.  2/4)  s  — 

DIED,]  Mrs,  Abigail  Howard,  JEU  58,  daughter  of  Stephen  Green- 
leaf,  Esq,  late  Sheriff  of  the  County  of  Suffolk  9  and  widow  of  Martin 
Howard,  Esq,  formerly  Chief  Justice  of  North- Carolina.  — Her  funeral 
will  proceed  from  the  house  of  her  nephew,  Mr,  John  T.  Apthrop  [Ap- 
thorp],  at  the  bottom  of  the  Mall,  on  Monday  afternoon,  at  4  o'clock, 
which  her  relations  and  friends  are  requested  to  attend  without  further 
invitation. 

From  Mr,  Apthorp*s  account  as  guardian  of  Madam  Howard, 
allowed  by  the  Probate  Court  on  the  thirteenth  of  October,  1801, 
I  copy  the  following  interesting  item :  — 

1800,  July,  By  Cash  for  a  Bill  of  Exchange  for  her  Pension  in 
England,  $227,12, 

Madam  Howard's  will6  directs  that  her  body  be  hnried  in  her 
father's  tomb  under  Trinity  Church,  It  makes  many  bequests  to 
relatives6  and  friends  and  disposes  of  much  plate  and  many  other 
valuables.  Mrs*  Elizabeth  Grant  of  Chelsea  College,  England,  re- 
ceives a  legacy  of  five  guineas.     To  her  eldest  and  only  surviving 

1  The  beautiful  Miss  Emily  Marshall,  afterwards  Mrs,  William  Foster  Otis, 
also  lived  with  her  father,  Josiah  Marshall,  in  the  Tontine  Crescent,  —  in  the 
house  nearest  to  the  Federal  Street  Theatre,  which  Mr,  Marshall  bought  in 
1823  (Suffolk  Deeds,  ccixxxi.  134), 

*  Mr.  Apthorp  had  been  a  Warden  of  Christ  Church,  Cambridge,  in  1T9G; 
and  he  was  Treasurer  and  Receiver  General  of  the  Common  wealth,  1812-1817. 

*  Suffolk  Probate  Files,  No.  21.240. 

*  The  Trinity  Church  Register  records  her  burial  5  October,  1801- 

*  Suffolk  Probate  Files,  No-  21.5-34.  The  will  is  dated  10  October,  1798, 
and  was  proved  18  October,  180L 

*  Among  these  bequests  is  one  to  her  niece  Frances  Western  Apthorp, 
daughter  of  John  and  Hannah  (Greenleaf)  Apthorp,  who  subsequently  married 
Charles  Vaughan,  Senior,  whose  sou,  Charles  Vaughan,  Jr.,  was  the  father  of 
Mr.  Francis  Wales  Vaughan,  the  Librarian  of  the  Social  Law  Library,  who 
discovered  the  identity  of  the  Cop  fey  canvas,  long  in  his  official  custody. 


400 


THE  COLOMAL  SOCIETY   OP   MASSACHUSETTS,        [March, 


sister,  Mary  Phips,  wife  of  David  Phips,  Esquire,1  Madam  Howard 
gives  M  all  my  portraits,  that  of  my  late  Husband  excepted/'  *  A 
paragraph  of  special  interest  is  ia  these  words  :  — 

Item*    To  Andrew  &  Ann  Howard  Spooner,  children  of    Andrew 
Spooner  by  Ann  Howard  his  late  Wife,  I  give  my  certificates  of  Six 

6  three  percent  Stock  of  the  united  States  Debt  &  also  one  half  the 
money  that  has  arisen  or  shall  arise  from  the  sale  of  a  Lot  of  Land  in 
Newport  on  Rhode  Island  which  was  the  Property  of  my  late  husband 
Martin  Howard,  Esqf  to  be  equally  divided  between  them.  To  the 
said  Andrew  I  also  give  the  Portrait  of  bis  Grandfather,  my  late 
Husband,  &  the  History  of  Charles  5  in  three  Vol  Quarto,  &  To  said 
Ann  I  give  my  gold  Watch  &  one  Dozn  silver  Tea  Spoons. 

Madam  Howard  gave  her  library  to  the  Boston  Library  Society* 
bequeathed  the  residue  of  her  estate  to  the  Boston  Episcopal 
Charitable  Society,  and  named  the  Rev,  (afterwards  Bishop) 
Samuel  Parker,  D.D.,  sole  executor  of  her  will* 

The  story  of  Andrew  Spooner's  descendants,  so  far  as  our  pres- 
ent interest  is  concerned,  is  briefly  told.  On  the  eighth  of  Feb- 
ruary, 1802,  his  three  children,  Anna  Howard  Spooner,  Andrew 
Spooner,  and  Elizabeth  Sparhawk  Spooner  were  placed  under  the 
guardianship  of  their  uncle,  William  Spooner,  MpD.,8  a  prominent 
physician  of  Boston.* 

'  David  Phips  (H«  C.  1741)  was  a  son  of  Lie utenant- Governor  Spencer 
Phips.  Born  in  Cambridge,  25  September,  1724 ,  he  held  the  offices  of  Colonel 
of  the  militia,  Representative  to  the  General  Court,  in  1753,  and  Sheriff  of 
Middlesex,  17<l  1-1774.  He  married  Mary  Greenleaf,  eldest  daughter  of  the 
Sheriff  of  Suffolk,  13  September,  1753  (Trinity  Church  Register),  by  whom  he 
bad  seven  children  (1757-1770).  He  inherited  his  father's  homestead  on 
Arrow  Street,  near  Bow  Street,  Cambridge,  later  known  as  the  William 
Winthrop  estate,  where  be  resided  till  the  Revolution,  when  he  adhered  to  tbe 
Crown.     Paige  says  that  he  "  went  with  his  family  to  England,  where  he  died, 

7  July,  1SIL  His  estate  here  was  confiscated;  but  the  loss  was  repaired  by 
benefits  which  the  British  Government  bestowed  on  him  and  on  his  children  " 
(History  of  Cambridge,  p.  627). 

*  The  Inventory  mentions  the  portrait  of  Judge  Howard  which  is  appraised 
at  fifty  dollars,  and  %i  5  painted,  2  Gilt  frame  family  Pictures  $100  n  (Suffolk 
Probate  Files,  No.  21.534)* 

»  Suffolk  Probate  Files,  Nos.  21.596,  21.597,  21.598. 

*  Dr.  Spooner  graduated  at  Harvard  College  in  1773.  He  was  an  Overseer 
of  tbe  College  (1810-18S4),  Fellow  of  the  American  Academy  of  Arts  and 
Sciencea,  and  a  member  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society. 


1000.] 


MARTIN    HOWARD. 


401 


Andrew  Spooney  the  younger,  at  the  age  of  eighteen,  went  to 
France,  where  he  ever  after  continued  to  reside,  making  but  one 
short  visit  to  his  sisters  in  America.  He  was  twice  married;  and 
at  Ms  death,  he  left  two  adult  children,  a  daughter,  who  subse- 
quently married,  and  a  son,  also  named  Andrew  Spooner,  who 
went  to  Singapore  in  a  mercantile  capacity,  but  he  was  more  in- 
terested in  science,  especially  in  chemistry,  than  in  commerce  and 
finally  returned  to  France.1  As  Copley's  portrait  of  Chief-Justice 
Howard  was,  as  we  have  seen,  bequeathed  to  Andrew  Spooner, 
and  was  presented  to  the  Social  Law  Library  by  his  sister  of  the 
full  blood,  the  inference  is  not  unreasonable  that  he  gave  it  to 
her  at  or  subsequent  to  the  time  of  his  expatriation, 

Elizabeth  Sparhawk  Spooner  married  at  Surry,  Maine,  on  the 
twentieth  of  September,  1818,  Edward  Scott  Jarvis,2  of  that  town, 
a  son  of  Leonard  Jarvis,  merchant  of  Boston  and  Cambridge,  be- 
came the  mother  of  nine  children,  and  died  10  June,  188G\a 

Anna  Howard  Spooner,  though  baptized,  as  we  have  seen,  at 
Trinity  Church,  early  became  a  communicant  at  the  Church  in 
Brattle  Square  with  which  her  father's  family  had  been  for  half  a 
century  in  fellowship  and  where  he  himself  was  baptized  by  Dr. 
Samuel  Cooper,  20  March,  1768.  Here  we  find  her  name  enrolled, 
under  date  of  4  May,  1806,  among  those  who  joined  the  church 
during  the  short  ministry  of  Joseph  Stevens  Buckminster,  one  of 
whose  classmates  at  Harvard  she  was  one  day  to  marry.  The 
social  position  of  her  uncle,  Dr.  Spooner,  who  was  allied  to  the 
Winthrops  and  Phillipses,  and  of  her  step-mother's  kindred,  — 
Apthorps,  the  Buliinches  and  the  Vaughans,  —  brought   her 


1  For  these  and  other  facts  pertaining  to  the  Spooner*  I  am  indebted  to  the 
kindness  and  courtesy  of  Miss  Isabella-  Mary  Hubbard  Jarvis  of  East  Oakland, 
California,  a  daughter  of  Edward  Scott  Jarvis.     The  following  extract  from  a 

ent  letter  of  Miss  Jarvis  is  of  interest:  — 

I  remember  very  distinctly  seeing  the  Comraisaion  of  Chief-Ja&tice  Howard  in  my 

l's  [Anna  Howard  (Spooner)  Jarvis]  possession.      It  was  written  on  parchment, 

by  the  King**  uwn  hand,  sealed  with  the  Koyai  Seal,  and  tied  with  a  broad  blue 

on,     I  wish  that  1  had  it  now ;  it  would  be  almost  invaluable,  but  it  was  destroyed 

I  lung  years  since. 

s  Edward  Scott  Jarvis  was  Collector  of  the  Customs  for  the  District  of 
Frenchman *b  Bay,  Maine,  1818-1841  (Letter  of  the  Hon.  James  PMnney 
Baxter). 

*  The  Jarvis  Family,  Hartford,  1379,  p.  209  and  Supplement,  p,  12. 

26 


402  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.      [March, 

into  close  relations  with  all  that  was  best  in  Boston  society  during 
the  early  part  of  the  nineteenth  century.     We  catch  a  glimpse  of 
her  in  the  family  letters  of  Charles  Bulfinch 1  and  learn  from  them 
that  his  wife  regarded  her  as  her  child,  —  a  beautiful  tribute  to 
her  character  when  it  is   remembered  that   Miss   Spooner  was 
merely  a  connection  by  marriage  without  a  single  tie  of  blood 
After  her  half-sister's  marriage,  Anna  Howard  Spooner  also  re- 
moved to  Maine  and  long  resided  in  that  part  of  Surry  which  is 
now  Ellsworth,  in  the  County  of  Hancock.2    There,  on  Christmas 
Day,  1844,  at  the  age  of  fifty-six,  she  became  the  second  wife8  of 
the  Hon.  Leonard  Jarvis,4  an  elder  brother  of  Edward  Scott  Jarvis. 
Leonard  Jarvis,  born  at  Cambridge  19  October,  1781,  —  the  day  of 
Cornwallis's  surrender, — graduated  from  Harvard  College  in  1800, 
in  the  Class  with  Chief-Justice  Shaw,5  Washington  AUston,  the 
Rev.  Dr.  Charles  Lowell,  the  Rev.  Joseph  Stevens  Buckminster, 
Loammi   Baldwin,  and  Joshua  Bates,  President  of   Middlebury 
College.     After  a  mercantile  career  in  Boston,  France  and  Soutfc* 
America,  he  settled  in  Maine,  where  he  was  Collector  of  Eastporr-i, 
and  Sheriff  of  the  County  of  Hancock,  and  was  elected  a  memb^^t 
of  Congress.     He  also  held  the  office  of  United  States  Navy  Age^^^t 
at  Boston  during  the  administration  of  Van  Buren.     He  died  ftt 

Surry  on  the  eighteenth  of  September,  1854,  at  the  age  of  sixts^^^y. 
two.6  After  Mr.  Jarvis's  death,  his  widow  removed  to  Califon^^nia, 
where  she  made  her  home  with  the  family  of  Edward  Scott  Jar^»  vjgt 
Her  health,  which  was  then  delicate,  was  restored  by  the  m_^ore 
salubrious  climate  of  California.  She  died,  greatly  beloved  by  — ^  ^ 
who  knew  her,  at  Newark,  Alameda  County,  California,  on  the 

twelfth  of  January,  1889,  having  attained  the  great  age  of        one 
hundred  years  and  seven  months. 

1  The  Life  and  Letters  of  Charles  Bulfinch,  Architect,  1896,  pp.  239,  2Sfi 
a  See  Suffolk  Deeds,  ccccii.  302,  and  ccccv.  233. 

*  Mr.  Jarvis's  first  wife  was  Miss  Mary  Hubbard  Greene  of  Boston,  to 
whom  he  was  married  15  August,  1816,  by  his  classmate  the  Bey.  Charles 
Lowell  (West  Church  Records). 

4  Town  Records  of  Surry. 

6  As  we  have  already  stated  (above,  p.  385,  note),  Chief -Justice  Shaw  was  * 
Trustee  of  the  Social  Law  Library  in  1829  when  Mrs.  Jarvis,  then  Anm~^ 
Howard  Spooner  and  sister-in-law  to  Leonard  Jarvis,  gave  her  grandfather  * 
portrait  into  its  keeping. 

•  Palmer's  Necrology  of  Alumni  of  Harvard  College,  1864,  p.  89. 


1000.] 


**  PREVIOUS    LEGISLATION ," 


403 


Mr.  Andrew  McFaelajto  Davis  read  the  following 
paper :  — 

"PREVIOUS  LEGISLATION" 
A  CORRECTIVE  FOR  COLONIAL  TROUBLES. 

I  submit  herewith  a  copy  of  a  document  recently  acquired  by 
the  Boston  Public  Libraty,  It  came  into  my  hands  through  the 
courtesy  of  our  associate  Mr-  Worthington  C.  Ford.  My  pur- 
pose in  communicating  it  to  this  Society  is  to  secure  the  record  of 
an  opinion  which  I  have  expressed  to  Mr.  Ford  as  to  the  date  of 
its  origin,  and  to  add  thereto  a  few  words  as  to  the  peculiar  views 
held  by  the  writer  of  the  paper  on  the  extent  of  the  power  of  Par- 
liament in  legislating  concerning  Colonial  affairs.  The  sentences 
in  the  document  which  occasion  this  last  suggestion  are  obscure* 
and  refer  to  certain  contemporaneous  events  in  such  a  manner  as 
not  to  make  clear  the  atrocity  of  the  opinions  expressed,  except  to 
one  who  is  familiar  with  the  affair  to  which  they  refer j  but  when 
their  meaning  is  explained  it  is  evident  that  their  presence  adds 
greatly  to  the  value  of  a  document  which,  upon  its  face,  is  an  in- 
teresting contribution  to  the  history  of  the  currency  emissions  of 
the  first  half  of  the  eighteenth  century* 

Inasmuch  as  the  paper  has  neither  date  nor  address,  its  exact 
purpose  is  difficult  to  determine,  but  a  mere  superficial  examina- 
tion is  all  that  is  needed  to  show  that  it  was  prepared  during  the 
efforts  made  to  secure  Parliamentary  legislation  with  reference  to 
the  Colonial  currency  emissions,  about  the  year  1741*  There  are 
references  by  date  to  Colonial  legislation  of  1740,  and  to  a  Par- 
liamentary Act  of  1741,  the  latter  being  the  latest  date  mentioned. 
During  the  period  of  the  paper-money  craze  in  the  Colonies, 
Parliament  had  spasms  of  activity  in  discussing  the  evils  of  the 
currency  and  the  possible  remedies  that  could  be  applied.  This 
activity  was  promoted,  or  perhaps  at  times  held  hack*  by  outside 
pressure*  just  as  legislation  is  forwarded  or  hindered  to-day  by  the 
lobby-  The  subject  was  before  the  House  of  Commons  in  1740, 
after  which  it  disappeared  from  the  Records  until  1744,  Then  it 
reared  its  head  again,  and  this  time  the  opponents  of  paper-money 
showed  such  strength  that  legislation  for  the  restraint  of  the  cur- 
rency emissions  of  the  Colonial  governments  would  have  been 
secured  had  it  not  been  for  the  military  situation  caused  by  the 


404  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.      [Mabch, 

war  with  the  French.     Louisburg  could  not  have  been  captured 
except  through  the  emission  of  paper-money  by  Massachusetts. 
During  the  interim  between  1740  and  1744,  it  is  not  to  be  sup- 
posed that  the  opponents  of  the  Colonial  paper-money  were  quiet 
They  could  petition  the  Board  of  Trade,  and  if  the  subject  was 
before  any  Committee  of  the  House  of  Commons,  they  could  lay 
their  views  before  such  Committee.     The  document  which  we  are 
considering  was  evidently  written  for  some  such  purpose  as  this. 
It  is  rather  in  the  nature  of  an  argument  than  of  a  petition,  and  it 
may  have  been  prepared  by  the  writer  for  use  by  some  person  other 
than  himself.     It  sets  forth,  in  vigorous  language,  the  evils  result- 
ing from  the  Rhode  Island  emissions.     These  were  vastly  dispro- 
portionate to  the  size  of  the  Colony,  and  the  greater  part  of  them 
were  made  merely  for  the  purpose  of  lending  the  currency  thus 
created  to  citizens  of  the  Colony.     The  current  expenses  of  the 
Colonial  Government  were  met  by  the  interest  derived  from  these 
loans,  and  the  borrowers  in  turn  profited  by  lending  what  they  had 
borrowed  to  citizens  of  Massachusetts  at  a  higher  rate  of  interest 
The  emissions  made  by  the  Colony  of  Rhode  Island  for  this  pur- 
pose were  called  Banks,  and  were  referred  to  occasionally  in  legis- 
lative Acts  as  the  First  Bank,  the  Second  Bank,  and  so  on.     It  is 
through  references  to  one  of  these  transactions  that  we  are  en- 
abled to  fix,  within  a  few  months,  the  date  of  this  paper.     T\# 
document  also  contains  certain  assertions  as  to  the  amount  of  t&« 
bills  of  public  credit  of  the  Colony  of  Rhode  Island  then  in  circu- 
lation.    It  is  of  course  essential  that  these  figures  should  agjree 
with  the  facts  as  to  the  bills  outstanding  which  we  find  in      the 
official  statements  of  the  Colony,  at  the  supposed  date  of      the 
writing. 

The  subject  of  the  Rhode  Island  emissions  is  treated  by 
Douglass,  in  his  Discourse  Concerning  the  Currencies  of  the 
British  Plantations  in  America,  etc.^  1740  (pp.  11-13),  in  a  section 
which  is  headed  "Rhode  Island."  Any  person  who  will  compare 
this  paper  with  the  language  used  in  that  section  will  see  that  the 
arguments  are  identical  in  both,  and  cannot  fail  to  be  struck  trith 
the  similarity  of  the  two  in  the  construction  of  their  sentences,  in 
the  epithets  used,  and  in  the  general  tone  that  pervades  thena- 
The  conclusion  is  inevitable  that  the  paper  was  either  written  ty 
Douglass  himself,  or  by  some  person  who,  in  making  use  of  t^e 


1900,] 


41  PREVIOUS  LEGISLATION/' 


405 


arguments  furnished  by  the  Discourse,  appropriated  also  Douglass's 
unpolished  style  and  his  aggressive  method  of  attack.  The  man- 
ner in  which  the  entire  paper  is  permeated  with  this  individuality 
indicates  that  the  first  proposition  is  the  more  probable  of  the  two, 
One  of  the  conditions  as  to  the  date  of  the  document  imposed  by 
the  writer  is  that  there  should  have  been  in  circulation  at  that 
time  four  hundred  thousand  pounds  of  the  bills  of  public  credit  of 
the  Colony  of  Rhode  Island-  It  is  true  that,  in  the  second  clause 
of  u  Seventhly"  in  the  paper,  the  statement  is  made  that  they- — (*  c. 
the  Government  of  Rhode  Island — "have  now  outstanding  up- 
wards of  £40,000/' — the  amount  being  stated  in  figures.  This  is 
obviously  an  error,  and  any  person  familiar  with  the  history  of  the 
Rhode  Island  emissions  would  not  hesitate  to  add  the  cipher  which 
has  been  carelessly  dropped;  but  we  are  fortunately  relieved  from 
compulsory  reliance  upon  knowledge  of  this  sort  through  the  feet 
that,  at  another  point  in  the  paper,  under  what  is  termed  the  Sec- 
ond Reason,  the  writer  states,  and  this  time  definitely,  in  words, 
that  "Rhode  Island  .  .  ,  have  now  Extant  four  hundred  thousand 
pounds  in  their  Bills  of  Credit,"  Turning  to  the  official  state* 
merits  which  from  time  to  time  were  made  in  response  to  demands 
from  the  Board  of  Trade,  or  other  recognized  authorities  in  Lon- 
don, we  find  that  a  Report  was  made  by  the  Governor  of  the 
Colony,  about  the  time  that  we  are  compelled  to  consider,  which 
upon  its  face  does  not  seem  to  comply  with  the  facts  set  forth 
in  the  paper,  but  which  may  be  so  construed  as  to  fulfil  the  condi- 
tions therein  imposed.  The  Report1  in  question  was  made  by 
Governor  Ward,  9  January  > 1740-41,  and  contains  a  statement  that 
the  bills  outstanding  then  amounted  to  £340,000,  In  this  Report 
the  then  recent  emission  of  the  Seventh  Bank  was  put  at  £20,000. 
These  bills  were,  however,  of  the  New  Tenor,  and  were  equivalent 
to  £80,000  Old  Tenor.  All  the  rest  of  the  currency  amounts  given 
in  the  Report  are  in  Old  Tenor;  and  if  we  reduce  this  item  to  the 
sarin.*  term,  we  have  the  bills  outstanding  in  Rhode  Island  at  that 
date,  according  to  the  official  statement  of  the  Governor  of  the  Col- 
ony, £400,000.  An  examination  of  the  statements  of  the  currency 
emissions  of  other  Colonies  made  at  this  time  will  reveal  the  fact 
that  no  recognition  was  made  in  these  returns  of  the  different  pur- 


Rhod©  Island  Colonial  Records,  v.  S-14 


406  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.      [Ma*CH, 

chasing  power  of  the  bills  of  the  different  tenors.  This,  of  course, 
introduces  a  perplexing  element  in  the  official  tabulations  which 
the  student  of  to-day  is  compelled  to  remedy  as  best  he  may.  Dr. 
Douglass,  in  discussing  the  Massachusetts  Currency,  tabulated  the 
outstanding  bills  in  1748  in  Old  Tenor.  He  says,  "  This  table  is 
reduced  to  Old  Tenor,  because  our  current  way  of  computing  is  by 
Old  Tenor."1  In  the  same  way  Hutchinson,  in  1747,  estimated 
that  there  would  be  about  two  million  two  hundred  thousand 
pounds  outstanding  in  bills  of  the  Province  of  the  Massachusetts 
Bay,  in  1749.2  All  the  bills  emitted  under  Shirley's  administration 
were  of  the  New  Tenor,  and  an  advocate  of  the  paper  money  might 
have  claimed  that  the  bills  outstanding  ought  to  be  stated  in  terms 
of  New  Tenor  rather  than  Old  Tenor.  Nevertheless,  what  Douglass 
says  is  undoubtedly  true.  It  was  the  custom  to  compute  in  Old 
Tenor,  and  the  writer  of  this  paper  was  justified  in  stating  the 
Rhode  Island  bills  outstanding  in  1741  in  that  tenor.  They  practi- 
cally remained  at  the  figure  which  he  gives  until  1744. 

It  is  during  this  period  that  we  must  look  for  the  Bank  of 
which,  under  "Secondly,"  the  writer  says:  — 

"  The  last  Emission  being  more  Wicked  they  have  reduced  it  [u  «.  the 
rate  of  interest]  to  4  p  C!  for  10  years  &  no  Interest  for  10  Years 
more," 

and  of  which  he  further  says,  in  the  third  section  of  "Seventhly," 

44  by  the  Emission  Loan  of  this  year  they  have  lowered  [interest]  from 
5  to  4  p  C!  p  Ann." 

If  we  can  find  an  emission  which  absolutely  complies  with  the 
above  conditions,  and  which  was  late  enough  to  permit  the  expres- 
sion "  this  year "  to  apply  to  it  at  the  same  time  that  the  writer 
could  refer  to  an  Act  of  Parliament  passed  in  1741,  then  we  have 
the  means  of  fixing  the  date  of  the  paper  with  certainty.  The 
Seventh  Bank  seems  to  comply  with  all  these  demands,  with  the 
exception  that  if  by  the  expression  "  this  year  "  the  writer  meant 
"this  calendar  year,"  then  this  Bank  must  be  excluded  from  con- 
sideration; but  if  "within  twelve  months"  was  meant,  then  we 
have  a  complete  compliance  with  all  the  requisites  of  the  descrip- 
tion of  the  Bank  above  given. 

1  Cf.  William  Douglass's  Summary,  etc.  (edition  of  1749),  i.  493,  494. 
a  History  of  the  Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay  (edition  of  1767),  ii.  436. 


1900,] 


"PREVIOUS   LEGISLATION/1 


407 


The  Seventh  Bank  was  originally  created  in  September,  1740. 
At  that  time  it  was  enacted  that  an  emission  of  £20,000  should 
be  made  in  bills  which  were  to  read  that  they  were  in  value  equal 
to  a  certain  weight  in  silver,  the  same  being  proportioned  to  the 
denominational  value  of  the  bill  and  the  rate  of  silver  fixed  upon 
for  the  emission  being  nine  shillings  an  ounce-  Silver  was  then 
worth  twenty-seven' shillings  an  ounce  in  Old  Tenor,  and  it  was 
provided  that  all  fees  should  be  one-third  as  much  in  the  new  bills 
as  they  had  been  in  Old  Tenor-  In  consequence  of  Instructions 
received  from  the  Lords  Justices  of  Great  Britain,  a  new  Act  was 
passed  in  December  of  the  same  year,  substituting  for  these  bills 
a  new  emission  rated  in  silver  at  fa  M  an  ounce-  Fees,  by  this 
Act,  were  made  one  quarter  as  much  in  the  new  bills  as  they 
had  been  in  Old  Tenor,  and,  later,  it  was  specifically  enacted  that 
os  9d  in  the  new  bills  were  equivalent  to  27s  in  bills  of  the  Old 
Tenor,  thus  definitely  placing  them  on  the  basis  of  one  to  four. 
These  proceedings  are  referred  to  in  the  paper  in  the  second  sub- 
division of  the  fourth  section  under  "Seventhly,"  in  the  following 
words :  — 

**  In  the  Additional  Act  to  the  Emission  Act  of  Anno  1740,  they 
make  some  Amendm*  in  s4  Act  Viz!  That  instead  of  one  of  these,  equal 
to  three  of  the  former,  shall  be  equal  to  four  of  the  former ;  because 
not  exactly  Agreeable  to  a  late  Instruction  from  y*  Lords  Justices  of 
Great  Britain." 

In  the  Additional  Act,  not  only  was  it  provided  that  the  bills 
at  the  new  rate  for  silver  should  he  substituted,  but  the  entire  pro- 
gramme for  loaning  the  bills  was  re-enacted  —  thus  raising  a  ques- 
tion whether  the  loans  actually  ran  from  the  month  of  September 
or  from  December  of  the  year  174G.  They  were  to  l.)e  for  ten  years, 
and  were  then  to  be  paid  in  ten  equal  annual  instalments*  There 
was  nothing  in  the  language  of  either  of  these  Acts  which  would 
specifically  indicate  that  no  interest  was  to  be  paid  after  the  matu- 
rity of  the  loan ;  but  this  was  clearly  the  case  in  some  of  the  former 
Ranks,  after  which  this  was  modelled,  and  the  custom  may  be 
inferred. 

The  Eighth  Bank  was  established  in  February  1743-44  and  the 
loans  were  for  ten  years  at  four  per  cent,  and  were  then  to  be  paid 
in  ten  equal  annual  instalments.     This  Bank  must,  however,  be 


408  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.      [Mabch, 

excluded  from  consideration,  because,  interest  having  already  been 
placed  at  4  per  cent,  it  does  not  comply  with  the  requisite  that  by 
this  emission  the  interest  should  be  reduced  from  five  to  four  per 
cent.  On  the  whole,  then,  it  may  be  concluded  that  the  Seventh 
Bank  was  the  one  referred  to,  and  that  in  making  use  of  the  ex- 
pression "this  year"  the  writer  merely  meant  to  say  "within  a 
year."  This  would  fix  the  date  of  the  paper  in  the  year  1741. 
The  Act  of  Parliament  referred  to  by  the  writer  must  have  been 
the  Act  for  Restraining  and  Preventing  Several  Unwarrantable 
Schemes  in  the  American  Plantations.1  This  was  approved  by  his 
Majesty  25  April,  1741.  The  paper  was,  therefore,  probably  written 
in  the  summer  of  1741. 

It  remains  for  me  to  point  out  the  language  used  by  the  writer 
of  the  paper  in  which  he  discloses  his  views  as  to  the  powers  of 
Parliament  in  legislating  for  the  Colonies.  At  the  beginning  of 
the  paper  the  fact  is  alluded  to  that  Parliament  had  called  upon 
his  Majesty  to  issue  Instructions  to  the  Governors  of  the  several 
Colonies  not  to  assent  to  any  Act  for  the  emission  of  bills  of 
credit,  unless  such  Act  contained  a  clause  that  the  same  should 
not  take  effect  until  approved  by  his  Majesty.  The  writer  then 
goes  on  to  say :  — 

"To  evade  this,  Some  lawless  Combinations  were  Entre'd  into  for 
forcing  a  Currency  by  large  Emissions  of  private  Bills;  these  having  the 
same  or  a  Worse  Effect,  but  not  being  under  the  restriction  of  Royal 
Instructions,  and  without  the  reach  of  any  former  Act  of  Parliament, 
The  Legislature  of  Great  Britain  found  it  requisite  to  Suppress  them  by 
a  previous  Act." 

This  refers  to  the  steps  taken  for  the  suppression  of  the  Mas- 
sachusetts Land  Bank,  in  1740.  What  those  steps  were  was  fully 
disclosed  in  an  account  of  the  Land  Bank  which  I  communicated 
to  this  Society  in  1895.2  The  subject  was  again  briefly  discussed 
in  a  paper  on  the  relation  of  the  Currency  question  to  the  Politics 
of  the  Province  read  by  me  at  our  April  Meeting  in  1899,8  and  was 
again  brought  up  at  our  January  Meeting  this  year,  in  a  discussion 

1  14  George  II.  c.  xxxvii.  The  Statutes  at  Large  (edition  of  1742),  vii. 
473,  474. 

8  See  Publications  of  this  Society,  iii,  22,  23. 
•  See  Ibid.  vi.  157-172. 


iaoG,] 


"PREVIOUS  LEGISLATION. 


409 


with  reference  to  the  effect  of  the  Navigation  Laws  upon  the  pros- 
perity of  the  Colonies,1  which  followed  the  reading  cf  a  paper  by 
our  associate  Worthington  C.  Ford,  Before  embarking  once  more 
upon  a  subject  which  has  so  often  and  so  fully  been  considered  by 
the  Society,  some  apology  ought,  perhaps,  to  bo  made  for  bring- 
ing it  up  again;  but  it  will  be  readily  understood  that  the  full  com- 
prehension of  what  the  writer  meant  by  the  suppression  of  an 
organization  "by  a  previous  Act"  may  require  something  more 
than  a  mere  statement  that  it  has  already  been  explained  how  this 
was  accomplished,  I  think,  therefore,  that  I  shall  be  entitled  to 
your  indulgence  if,  for  this  purpose,  I  briefly  recapitulate  the  fol- 
lowing facts,  which  have  been  set  forth  in  detail  in  the  first  of  the 
papers  above  alluded  to* 

In  1735,  the  Attorney  General,  to  whom  some  question  had 
been  submitted  by  the  Board  of  Trade  as  to  tbe  legality  of  the  acts 
of  certain  people  in  Boston  who  either  had  organized  or  proposed 
to  organize,  a  Bank  of  some  sort,  replied  that  be  could  see  no 
objection  thereto  in  point  of  law.  In  1736,  the  Board  of  Trade 
actually  put  itself  on  record  as  approving  the  acts  of  the  merchants 
of  Portsmouth,  New  Hampshire,  who  had  organized  a  Company 
for  the  emission  of  bills  of  credit,  In  1741,  when  Parliament 
undertook  to  pass  an  Act  through  which  the  Land  Bank  could  be 
suppressed,  the  situation  was  precisely  that  described  by  the  writer 
of  the  paper  we  are  considering-  The  Land  Bank  was  u without 
the  reach  of  any  former  Act  of  Parliament,"  and  the  act  of  its 
organizers  could  not  be  punished  through  any  existing  legis- 
lation. The  English  law-makers,  therefore,  proceed  to  enact 
that  the  so-called  Bubble  Act,  originally  passed  in  1720,  for  the 
suppression  and  prevention  of  similar  organizations,  but  which, 
by  its  terms,  was  limited  in  its  application  to  Great  Britain,  did 
originally  apply  and  had  continuously  applied  to  the  Colonies. 
With  this  in  mind,  the  phrase  "the  Legislature  of  Great  Britain 
found  it  requisite  to  Suppress  them  by  a  previous  Act,"  becomes 
apparent* 

That  the  atrocious  nature  of  this  legislation  did  not  impress  the 
writer  of  this  paper  is  evident.  That  it  was  generally  accepted  by 
the  hard -money  men  in  the  same  approbatory  spirit  will  perhaps  be 
assumed  from  the  manner  in  which  Hutchinson,  in  his  narrative  of 


1  See  Publications  of  this  Society,  fi.  305-307. 


410  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OP  MASSACHUSETTS.      [March, 

these  events,  refers  to  the  then  unquestioned  control  of  Parlia- 
ment over  public  and  private  persons  and  proceedings  in  the 
Colonies.1  In  view  of  the  extent  to  which  this  matter  has  already 
been  discussed  before  this  Society,  the  mere  use  of  this  language 
would  not,  perhaps,  justify  this  review  of  the  action  of  Parliament 
in  1741,  were  it  not  for  the  added  emphasis  given  to  the  opinions 
of  the  writer  by  what  he  goes  on  to  say  in  the  next  paragraph. 
These  are  his  words:  — 

44  If  the  Colony  of  Rhode  Island  Acting  under  a  Charter  by  Setting 
up  Banks,  (the  name  given  in  their  Acts  to  their  Several  Emissions  of 
Loan  Money)  and  Settling  of  Fees  for  Transferrs  of  Rights,  as  they  are 
Called,  do  not  fall  within  the  explicit  design  of  the  Acts  Anno  1720  and 
1741 ;  There  Seems  to  be  an  Absolute  Necessity  for  another  previous 
Act  of  Parliament  to  put  a  Stop  to  their  Iniquitous  Lawless  proceedings 
in  this  Affair.   ..." 

Previous  legislation  as  a  corrective  for  Colonial  troubles,  could, 
in  the  opinion  of  the  writer,  be  created  at  any  time  and  to  meet  any 
emergency.  This  opinion  as  to  the  power  of  Parliament  in  this 
line  is  certainly  extraordinary. 


The  text  of  the  document  under  discussion  is  as  follows:  — 

Upon  Some  late  Complaints  of  the  Great  Damages  Sustained  by  the 
Traders  from  Great  Britain,  and  y?  Confusion  in  Business  Arising 
from  a  depreciating  fallacious  paper  Currency  in  the  British  Planta- 
tions in  America ;  The  Parliament  have  taken  this  Affair  into  Consid- 
eration :  But  as  the  Circumstances  of  the  Several  Colonies  may  be 
Various  and  different  the  British  Legislature  are  pleased  to  take  time 
Maturely  to  deliberate  concerning  the  most  easy  and  Effectual  Methods 
for  Sinking  and  discharging  the  same  in  all  the  British  Colonies  with 
the  least  prejudice  to  their  respective  Inhabitants,  and  Interruption  of 
yf  Comerce  of  Great  Britain. 

In  the  mean  While  to  put  a  Stop  to  the  further  growth  of  this  Evil, 
the  Parliament  Addressed  his  Majesty  to  give  Instructions  to  his  Gov- 
ernors in  the  Plantations  not  to  Assent  to  any  Act  for  Emission  of  Bills 
of  Credit  but  with  this  Saving  Clause  Viz1.  That  the  same  shall  not  take 
Effect,  until  the  said  Act  shall  be  Approved  by  his  Majesty. 

To   evade   this,   Some  lawless  Combinations  were  Entre'd  into  for 

1  History  of  the  Province  of  Massachusetts-Bay  (edition  of  1767),  ii.  395, 
396. 


1900.] 


"  PREVIOUS   LEGISLATION/ 


411 


forcing  a  Currency  by  large  Emissions  of  private  Bills ;  these  having 
the  same  or  a  Worse  Effect*  but  not  being  under  the  restriction  of  Royal 
Instructions,  and  without  the  reach  of  any  former  Act  of  Parliament, 
The  Legislature  of  Great  Britain  found  it  requisite  to  Suppress  them  by 
a  previous  Act. 

If  the  Colony  of  Rhode  Island  Acting  under  a  Charter  by  Setting 
up  Banks,  (the  name  given  in  their  Acts  to  their  Several  Emissions  of 
Loan  Money)  and  Settling  of  Fees  for  Transferrs  of  Rights,  as  they  are 
Called,  do  not  fall  within  the  explicit  design  of  the  Acts  Anno  1720  <Se 
1741;  There  Seems  to  be  an  Absolute  Necessity  for  another  previous 
Act  of  Parliament  to  put  a  Stop  to  their  Iniquitous  Lawless  proceedings 
in  this  Affair  for  the  following  Reasons ; 

l  <♦  In  Neglect  or  Contempt  of  the  late  Resolves  of  the  House  of 
Commons,  and  Subsequent  Royal  Instructions  (having  no  Accountable 
Commissioned  Kings  Governour)  they  proceed  more  than  ever  here- 
tofore in  Emitting  Enormous  Unnecessary  Quantities  of  this  fallacious 
fraudulent  paper  Currency,  and  by  Supplying  therewith  their  Neigh- 
bouring Governments  of  New  England.  The  Currency's  of  the  four 
Governments  of  New  England  being  promiscuous,  they  frustrate  the 
Royal  Instructions  in  these  Governments  and  render  of  none  Effect  a 
late  previous  Act  of  Parliament  Against  private  Combinations,  Emitting 
of  Notes  or  bubles  for  a  Currency;  because  in  the  Neighbouring 
Colonies,  the  fraudulent  Debtors  and  others  of  a  Natural  Improbity  and 
Depravity  of  Mind,  by  Collusion  and  tacit  Combinations  Continue  to 
give  the  Rhode  Island  Bank  Bills  a  Currency  in  the  same  manner  as 
they  did  the  Notes  or  Bills  of  a  late  Suppressed  pernicious  Combination 
in  Massachusetts  Bay;  So  that  the  Honest  Creditors  &  Factors  for  the 
Merchants  in  Great  Britain,  must  either  take  these  depreciating  Notes, 
to  their  very  great  Damage,  or  lay  out  of  their  Debts  perhaps  to  their 
total  Loss,  Insolvency  being  at  present  very  frequent  \  All  the  Reasons 
made  Use  of  for  Suppressing  the  late  Combination,  Called  the  Land 
Bank,  may  be  Lfeed  with  greater  Strength  in  this  Case ;  because  an 
Incorporated  Mobb  are  capable  of  doing  more  Mischief  than  a  Common 
Mobb  or  Combination,  as  pretending  the  Authority  of  a  Charter  to 
Colour  and  Screen  their  Iniquities* 

2fl  *  No  Country,  Society,  or  Single  person  can  have  an  Unlimited  or 
Indefinite  Credit;  when  this  paper  Credit,  Exceeds  certain  Limits,  the 
more  such  Notes  are  Emitted,  the  more  their  Value  must  depreciate  — 
But  so  it  is,  —  Rhode  Island  a  Small  Colony  with  an  Imperfect  Charter, 
of  about  Twenty  thousand  Inhabitants,  Men  Women  and  Children, 
Whites  Indians  <&  Negroes,  have  now  Extant  above  four  hundred 
thousand  pounds  in  their  Bills  of  Credit ;  And  are  under  no  restraint 
from  making  more.  It  being  their  designed  Iniquitous  Advantage  to 
depreciate  their  own  Bills,  as  will  appear  in  some  Subsequent  reasons ; 
—  By  their  frequent  unnecessary  large  Emissions,  their  Bills  are  become 


412  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OP  MASSACHUSETTS.       [MABCH, 

depreciated  So  that  twenty  Shillings  Sterling,  is  eqnal  to  five  pounds  and 
ten  Shillings  Rhode  Island  at  present,  and  are  in  a  further  depreciating 
Course  to  a  very  Small  or  no  Value :  hence  so  much  (which  is  almost 
the  whole)  of  their  Publick  Bills  as  they  can  Circulate  in  the  Neighbour- 
ing Colonies  being  of  no  true  Value,  is  to  them  Clear  Gain,  and  the  Cheat 
or  loss  falls  in  the  other  provinces,  but  at  length  terminates  upon  y*. 
Merchants  of  Great  Britain,  who  for  Valuable  Goods  Sold  by  their 
Factors  here,  are  obliged  to  Accept  of  a  Currency  of  Small  Value  or 
totally  lose  the  Debt 

3.  Their  Ordinary  Charges  of  Governm*.  are  very  Small,  not  Exceed- 
ing Six  hundred  pounds  Sterling  pr  Ann,  therefore  their  publick  Bills 
are  not  for  that  End,  but  are  very  large,  &  frequent  Emissions  —  with 
long  periods  upon  Loan  for  the  private  Wicked  Gains  of  people  in  their 
Administration. 

First  the  Legislature,  &  their  Electors  being  generally  Debtors, 
Indigent  &  Abandoned,  find  by  Experience,  that  a  depreciating  paper 
Currency  is  an  infalible  Expedient  for  fraudulent  Debtors  to  Cheat 
their  Creditors  if  not  restrained ;  their  Creditors  here,  &  Merchants  in 
Great  Britain  will  thereby  Suffer  more  and  more ;  —  The  Risk  of  losing 
or  forfeiting  their  Charter  priviledges  is  no  restraint  upon  them ;  they 
are  taught  by  Designing  Men  Vainly  to  Imagine  that  taking  away  of 
Charters  is  odious  to  the  People  in  Great  Britain  &  therefore  Im- 
practicable. 

Secondly,  The  Sharers,  that  is  the  Legislature,  their  Electors  & 
Friends  Sell  or  transferr  these  Shares  for  an  Immediate  ready  Money 
profit,  the  Shares  in  the  Loan  Ann  1738.  were  Sold  for  85  p  C.  Ad- 
vance; in  the  Loan  Anno  1740  at  40  p  C*  Advance,  or  they  Let  their 
Shares  to  their  Neighbours  and  to  the  people  in  the  Neighbouring 
Governm*?  at  10  to  15  p  C!  pr  Ann  Interest,  they  themselves  paying 
into  the  Treasury  only  5pC!p  Ann  (in  the  last  Emission  being  more 
Wicked  they  have  reduced  it  to  4  p  C!  for  10  years  &  no  Interest 
for  10  Years  more. 

Thirdly,  the  Sharers  from  the  known  Nature  of  this  Depreciating 
Money,  pay  what  they  borrowed  of  the  publick  at  a  great  Discount: 
for  Instance,  of  the  Loan  Anno  1715,  when  Exchange  with  London  was 
at  65  p  C,  the  last  paym1.  was  Anno  1738,  Exchange  at  400  p  (2;  that 
is  for  £100  Sterling  Value  reced  they  pay  only  £35  Sterling  Value. 

Fourthly,  the  Sharers  upon  a  Fund  of  a  Small  parcell  of  Land,  do 
continue  borrowing  of  this  publick  Money  in  indefinitum,  A  Man  may 
borrow  to  half  the  reputed  value  of  his  Land;  for  Instance,  £500,  upon 
a  £1000.  pounds  Worth  of  Land :  after  a  few  Years  by  Multiplyed  Emis- 
sions Denominations  depreciate,  and  this  same  Land  becomes  Nominally 
worth  £2000,  here  is  a  Fund  for  borrowing  of  £500,  more :  In  process 
of  more  Years,  the  Nominal  Value  becomes  £3000,  which  is  a  further 
Fund  for  £500. 


1000.] 


"PREVIOUS    LEGISLATION. 


413 


Fifthly  the  present  Generation  in  this  Colony  (if  their  Emissions  did 
not  fraudulently  depreciate)  do  unnaturally  and  Wickedly  by  long  periods 
&  postponing^  leave  a  heavy  load  of  Debt  upon  posterity,  for  the  Sake 
of  a  little  present  Money  to  Squander  away ;  So  much  paper  Money  as 
any  Colony  does  Emit  So  much  Debt  are  they  Answerable  for  in 
themselves  &  posterity. 

Sixthly  —  There  is  one  Expedient  to  Save  themselves  &  posterity, 
winch  when  they  arrive  at  their  Height  of  Wickedness  {If  they  hold 
their  Charter  &  Continue  to  Abuse  it  as  at  present,  if  the  Parliament  do 
not  Interpose)  they  can  &  will  perpetrate ;  All  parts  of  their  Governm1. 
Legislature  &  Executive  are  Annually  Elective,  the  Electors  who  are 
the  Debtors,  Sharers,  or  borrowers  of  this  Money,  may  Chuse  such 
GovfM  Assistants  &  Representatives,  from  Amongst  themselves  as  may 
some  time  or  other  pass  a  kind  of  Act  of  Indemnity,  releasing  and  ac- 
quitting all  Debtors  to  the  Govern  m*.,  that  is  themselves  :  then  the  pos- 
sessors of  these  Bills,  that  is  the  few  Industrious  frugal  people  of  New 
England,  and  the  Merchants  in  Great  Britain  by  their  Factors  here,  will 
Sustain  a  total  loss  beyond  redress. 

Seventhly,  The  Interest  of  these  publick  Loans  goes  towards  the 
Charges  of  Governm1.  Therefore  as  they  pretend  all  their  Emissions 
are  Virtually  to  defray  the  Incurred  and  Accruing  publick  Charges,  The 
Iniquity  &  Falacy  of  this  pretention  Appears  ;  lht  only  Some  part  of  this 
Interest  is  Applyed  to  Charges  of  Governm'.,  <&  to  Save  taxing,  the 
Remainder  is  made  a  Dividend  of  profit  to  each  of  their  Townships. 

2.  They  have  Emitted  at  times  £80000,  &  have  now  out  upwards  of 
£40000,  Whereas  the  Interest  of  £50000,  is  more  than  Sufficient  to 
Defray  all  their  Ordinary  Charges  of  Governm1. 

3.  Supposing  the  Interest  of  any  particular  Sum  of  a  Loan  was 
requisite  to  defray  publick  Charges,  by  Lowering  publick  Interest  they 
may  Increase  the  requisite  publick  principal  loan  to  any  Sum,  for 
Instance,  lower  the  Interest  on  publick  Loans  from  5-  to  1.  p  C*  p  Ann 
it  will  require  an  Emission  of  4  times  more  publick  Bills  than  are  now 
Extant :  in  fact  by  the  Emission  Loan  of  this  year  they  have  lowered 
from  5  to  4  p  C?  p  Ann, 

4.  The  longer  and  further  that  this  pernicious  paper  Currency  is 
allowed  to  take  place  in  the  plantations  the  greater  will  be  the  trouble 
&  difficulty  to  root  it  out,  and  perhaps  not  without  making  Riots  & 
other  bad  Consequences,  especially  in  that  Licentious  perverse  Gove  mm1, 
of  Rhode  Island  who  at  y*  same  time  when  they  Neglect,  Contemn  & 
Insult  Resolves  of  Parliam1.,  Kings  Instructions  &  Kings  Officers*  do  in 
an  abandoned  false  &  Hypocritical  manner  in  the  Several  preambles  of 
their  Emission  Acts,  pretend  to  the  greatest  Submission  and  Loyalty, 
(Laughing  in  the  face  of  y*.  British  Govern m!.  while  they  Endeavour  to 
Cat  the  Throat  of  its  Authority.)     A  few  Instances  ; 

I*1*     In  the  preamble  to  the  Emission  Act  Anno  171a.     *l  Always 


414 


THE   COLO^TCAL,  SOCIETY   OF  MASSACHUSETTS,       [March, 


44  depending  upon  our  Dread  Sovereigns  Countenance  &  toleration 
il  therein,  unto  whose  Royal  Commands  this  Colony  as  in  Duty  bound. 
u  will  at  all  times  readily  Submit" 

2d.     In  the  Additional  Act  to  the  Emission  Act  of  Anno  1 740,  they 
make  some  Amendm1*.  in  sd.  Act  Viz*,     That  instead  of  one  of   tin 
equal  to  three  of   the  former,  shall   be  equal   to  four  of  the  former; 
because   not  exactly  Agreeable  to  a  late   Instruction  from  y!    Lords 
Justices  of  Great  Britain. 

■*■  In  the  same  preamble!  they  very  falsely  pretend  a  Necessity  for 
Emitting  publick  Bills  (when  at  the  same  time  none  of  the  principal 
is  Applicable  to  these  pretended  Extraordinary  Charges  of  Governm\; 
but  is  divided  by  way  of  Loan  Amongst  the  Legislature  &  their 
Friends.) 

First  because  they  are  a  Barrier  to  the  other  parts  of  New  England  — 
N.  EL  they  have  no  Vessel  of  any  force  excepting  a  Small  Sloop,  and 
their  port  is  at  a  Considerable  distance  from  Massachusetts  Bay,  where 
is  the  Confluence  of  Trade;  by  land  they  are  Encompassed  &  protected 
from  the  Indians  by  the  other  provinces  of  New  England,  and  do  not 
Contribute,  towards  our  Indian  Wars, 

Secondly,  a  Constant  Charge  Attends  the  Inhabitants  of  this  Colony, 
above  other  parts  of  New  England. 

NB,  =  The  Charges  of  their  Neighbouring  Province  of  Massachu- 
setts Bay  is  at  all  times  at  leatvt  ten  times  more  than  that  of  Rhode 
Island,  with  not  half  the  Quantity  of  Massachusetts  publick  Bills 
extant.1 


Mr.  Robert  N.  Toppax  exhibited  a  printed  copy,  in  fine 
condition,  of  a  volume  in  his  possession,  and  spoke  as 
follows  :  — 

The  book  exhibited  to-day  will  interest  the  members  of  the 
Society  on  account  of  the  associations  connected  with  it.  It  was 
printed  in  1492  and  contains  a  sermon  in  Latin  upon  the  election 
of  a  Supreme  Pontiff,  delivered  before  the  College  of  Cardinals  in 
St  Peter's  Church  on  the  sixth  of  August,  1492,  by  the  Reverend 
Father  Bernardino  Garvajal. 

Carvajal,  born  in  Spain  in  1456,  had  been  Bishop  of  Astorga, 
Badajoz,  and  Cartagena,  and  was  a  chaplain  of  Ferdinand  and 
Isabella.     The  title-page  of  the  little  book  calls  him  the  M  preacher 

1  This  document  was  communicated  by  Mr,  Davie  to  the  Society  at  its 
February  Meeting.     See  above ,  p.  380. 


I- 


19000 


REMARKS    BY    MR.    ROBERT   N.  TOPPAN. 


415 


of  the  King  and  Queen  of  Spain/1  Innocent  VIII,  having  died 
on  the  twenty-fifth  of  July,  1492,  a  conclave  was  called  to  select 
his  successor-  Before  the  election  took  place,  Carvajal  delivered 
this  sermon  in  which  he  speaks  of  the  dangers  surrounding  and 
menacing  the  Church,  and  after  praising  the  virtues  of  the 
deceased  Pontiff  he  describes  the  necessary  qualifications  to  be 
considered  in  electing  his  successor,  quoting  the  well  known  text 
in  St  Paul's  epistle  to  Timothy  about  the  virtues  which  should  be 
found  in  a  bishop,  and  ending  by  demanding,  emphatically,  the 
election  of  a  Pope  who  "will  reform  and  reestablish  the  fallen 
church-"1  His  hopes  of  reform  were  not  realized,  for  on  the 
eleventh  of  August,3  five  days  after  the  delivery  of  the  sermon, 
Alexander  VI.,  of  the  Borgia  family,  was  elected,  —  one  of  the  most 
infamous  characters  in  history,  whose  notorious  crimes  did  more, 
perhaps,  than  anything  else  to  hasten  the  Reformation. 

The  date  of  the  sermon  carries  us  back  in  time  to  the  conquest  of 
Granada,  and  to  the  departure  of  Columbus  on  his  first  voyage  of 
discovery,  as  he  had  sailed  only  three  days  before^ —  on  the  third 
of  August* 

The  subsequent  career  of  Carvajal  is  briefly  told.  He  was  made 
a  Cardinal  by  Alexander  VI.  in  1493*  In  1511,  he  was  sent  to 
Rome  as  ambassador  by  King  Ferdinand  of  Spain,  He  was  the 
principal  instrument  in  gathering  together,  the  same  year,  the  Coun- 
cil of  Pisa,  which  deposed  the  warlike  Pope,  Julius  II,  The  Pope, 
however,  in  order  to  counteract  the  influence  and  authority  of  that 
Council,  called  the  Council  of  the  Lateran,  in  1512,  which  excom- 
municated those  who  had  taken  part  in  the  Council  of  Pisa,  and 
Carvajars  name  was  stricken  from  the  list  of  Cardinals.  The 
excommunicated  and  deposed  Cardinal  took  refuge  in  France, 
having  espoused  the  cause  of  Louis  XIL,  but  upon  the  death  of 
Julius  IL  he  returned  to  Italy,  where  he  was  imprisoned  by 
Leo  X.,  but  finally  pardoned,  having  humbled  himself  before  the 
Consistory  in  presence  of  the  Pope*  He  was  afterward  made 
Bishop  of  Ostia,  and  died  on  the  thirteenth  of  December,  1523. 


♦  *  '•  Debitia  nobia  pastorem  qui  refornmliit  et  eriget  coUapsam  eccleaiam/' 
f  The  date  of  the  election  is  found  in  the  Histoire  G<Wrale  d'Espagne  by 
Ferreras  translated  into  French  by  Ilerrailly,  1751,  viii.  581.     lu  the  biographi- 
cal dictionaries,  the  year  only  is  given. 


416 


THE   COLONIAL   SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.        [Maech, 


Mr.  Henry  H,  Edes  said :  — 

Mr,   President, — After  the  adjournment  of  one  of   the  last 
meetings  of  this  Society  which  our  associate  the  late  Dn  Joseph 
Henry  Allen  ever  attended,  he  mentioned,  in  conversation,  that 
during  our  Civil  War  he  held  a  correspondence  with   Dr.  James 
Martineau,  the  eminent  English  philosopher  and  divine.     He  told 
me  that  some  of  Dr.  Martineau's  letters  dealt  with  the  great  public 
questions  which  then  divided  our  country,  and  added  that  they 
would  afford  interesting  reading  to  men  of  my  generation.     Dr. 
Allen  said  that  if  he  outlived  Dr.  Martineau,  then  in  his  ninety* 
third  year,  he  thought  he  should  make  public  some  portions  of  this 
correspondence,     I  at  once  expressed  the  hope  that  this   Society 
might  be   selected  as  the  medium  of  communication  when    the 
proper  time  should  arrive,  and  was  assured  that  my  wish  should  be 
gratified.     Only  a  few  weeks  before  Dr.  Martineau's  death,  I  men- 
tioned this  conversation  to  one  of  Dr.  Allen's  daughters  and  told 
her  that  if  she  would  some  day  entrust  these  letters  to  my  hands, 
I  would  communicate  them  to  the  Society  in  her  father's  name. 
Recently,  I  received  from  Miss  Allen  all  of  her  father's  corres- 
pondence with  Dr.  Martineau  that  he  had  preserved,  and  from  some 
of  these  letters  I  shall  read,  this  afternoon,  such  portions  as  are  of 
special  interest,     I  shall  also  read  a  few  paragraphs  which  express 
Dr>  Martineau's  esteem  and  affection  for  Di\  Allen,  and  his  high 
appreciation  of  his  character  and  attainments. 

There  are  in  the  collection  twenty-two  letters,  extending  in  date 
from  1853  to  1897*  Two  of  these  papers  are  copies  of  letters 
written  by  Dr.  Allen  to  Dr*  Martineau  in  reply  to  some  of  his 
criticisms  or  stiictures  \  and  one  was  written  by  Dr.  Allen,  in  1863, 
to  an  unknown  English  correspondent,  in  which  he  refers  to  Dr. 
Martineau,  to  the  war  for  the  Union,  and  to  English  sentiment  on 
some  of  the  matters  at  issue, 

Dr.  Martineau's  letters  contain  many  interesting  philosophical 
reflections  and  opinions,  and  brief  references  to  President  Kirkland, 
the  Wares,  Andrews  Norton,  Drs.  Hedge,  Furness,  Charles  Carroll 
Everett,  James  Freeman  Clarke  and  Edward  Everett  Hale,  and 
Theodore  Parker,  with  an  occasional  comment  on  their  characters, 
writings  or  philosophy. 

The  text  of  the  letters  follows. 


> 


1900.]: 


LETTERS   OF  DB.   JAMES  MARTINEAU. 


417 


JAMES  MABTINEATT  TO  JOSEPH  HENRY  ALLEN, 

Pbm-dtffbtn,  near  Con wat,  Nobth  Wales, 

July  15,  1853. 

Dear  Sot, 

Had  I  been  at  all  competent  to  render  the  least  aid  towards  the 
completer  execution  of  your  admirable  plan,1  I  should  not  have  delayed 
bo  long  my  answer  to  your  letter  of  last  month.  But  the  truth  is,  my 
studies  have  so  long  taken  a  different  directiou  and  engaged  themselves 
with  philosophy  rather  than  either  history  or  theology,  that  1  have  fallen 
behind  the  recent  literature  on  your  range  of  subjects,  and  shall  be 
thankful  to  go  to  school  to  yon  again,  whenever  your  projected  work  is 
published-  There  is  a  great  and  confessed  need  of  such  a  book  in  our 
language :  and  your  conception  of  the  whole  subject  and  evident  famil- 
iarity with  the  best  sources  tills  one  with  hope  that  the  want  will  be 
effectually  supplied.  The  recent  discoveries  of  Layard  will  of  course 
not  escape  your  attention,  Ewald's  History  is  about  to  appear  iif  an 
English  dress  in  this  country.  But  I  understand  from  his  friend  and 
British  representative,  Dr.  Nicholson,  that  the  translation  is  by  no 
means  satisfactory:  and  the  book,  with  all  its  merits,  is  not  adapted, 
in  form  and  manner,  to  our  nation  id  taste.  A  production  native  to 
England*  Old  or  New,  will  have  a  higher  value  for  us,1 

Jest's  History  of  the  Israelites  is  no  doubt  known  to  you.  It  is  not 
a  book  of  high  merit,  however  indispensable  to  a  labourer  in  your  field : 
Mr,  Newman,  who  borrowed  my  copy  for  his  work  on  the  Hebrew 
Monarchy,  told  me  that  he  found  it  useful  On  the  Alexandrine  de- 
velopment I  know  of  nothing  new;  unless  we  are  to  regard  as  such  the 
last  Volume  (published  1852)  of  Zeller's  Philosophic  der  Griechen,  in 
which  he  applies  his  masterly  power  of  exposition  to  Philo's  doctrine. 
In  the  use  of  Gfrorer  I  think  a  good  deal  of  caution  is  required.  A 
good  many  side-lights  are  thrown  in  upon  the  deliquescent  stage  of 
Judaism,  whether  in  Egypt  or  Asia,  by  writers  on  the  early  Christi- 
anity ;  as  by  Baur  in  his  Christliche  Gnosis  i  Dorner,  in  his  Lehre 
von  der  Person  Christi ;  Baur  again  in  his  Lehre  von  der  Dreieinigkeit ; 
and  of  course  Lttcke  in  his  Commentaries.  But  I  dare  say,  in  all  this, 
I  am  but  giving  an  owl  to  Athens.  The  period  with  which  your  history 
will  close  is  intensely  interesting:  and  the  blending  of  the  Hebrew  and 
Hellenic  streams  of  thought  and  faith  always  appears  to  me  the  most 
solemn  and  sublime  phenomenon  in  Divine  and  Human  history.     The 


1  The  reference  is  to  Dr.  Allen's  work,  which  was  first  published  in  January, 
1861,  entitled  Hebrew  Men  and  Times  from  the  Patriarchs  to  the  Messiah. 

27 


418  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OP  MASSACHUSETTS.      [MARCH, 

Unitarianism  which  will  not  let  them  blend  bat  insists  on  isolating 
the  Judaic  element;  the  Trinitarianism  which,  sprung  from  their  combi- 
nation, forgets  and  disowns  its  Grecian  source,  and  pretends  a  pure 
evangelic  origin;  affect  me  painfully  as  a  denial  of  the  greatest  and 
most  manifest  of  Providences,  and  a  mere  vain  breath  of  egotism  and 
ignorance  against  the  largest  of  realised  facts.  This  however  may  per- 
haps be  a  sentiment  little  shared  on  your  side  the  water :  as  here  it  is 
regarded  with  disapprobation  and  alarm. 

It  is  curious  to  observe  the  parallel  movement  of  the  religions  changes 
in  your  country  and  in  ours.     The  same  division  among  Unitarians  ex- 
ists with  us  as  with  you ;  the  same  alienation  from  the  Unitarian  Asso- 
ciation, as  unfit  for  its  assumed   representative   function;    the  same 
craving,  in  the  old  section,  for  artificial  action  and  internal  organisa- 
tion, and,  in  the  new,  for  the  full  rights  of  natural  sympathy  and  wider 
principles  of  union ;  the  same  incipient  attempts  to  disengage  the  free 
and  earnest  spirit  of  the  younger  faith  from  the  body  of  death  that 
clings  to  it  and  clogs  its  action.     With  us,  however,  it  may  not  come  to 
an  actual  schism :  rather  is  a  dwindling  away  of  the  old  element,  and 
re-absorption  into  society  as  having  finished  its  separate  work,  to  be 
expected :  and  a  gradual  enrichment  and  transformation  of  the  new  ele- 
ment by  the  approach  towards  it  and  merging  into  it  of  free  minds 
detached  by  similar  causes  from  other  hereditary  churches.     We  have 
no  one  with  the  genius,  the  eloquence,  the  energy,  the  nobleness,  and 
the  startling  heresies  of  Theodore  Parker :  else  had  our  dissensions  and 
repulsions  been  quite  as  sharp  as  yours.     If  we  live  more  peaceably  to- 
gether, I  fear  it  is  not  that  we  are  more  amiable  but  that  we  have  a  life 
and  power  less  strong.     Our  scope  also  is  narrower :  we  have  not  the 
whole  open  field  of  society  to  contend  for,  with  nothing  but  ourselves 
to  blame  if  we  do  not  conquer  it :  but  only  the  narrow  enclosure  of  a 
sect,  or,  at  most,  of  the  set  of  dissenting  sects  or  heathen  aliens,  sur- 
rounded on  all  sides  by  the  domain  of  the  National  Church,  on  which 
no  inroad  is  practically  worth  contemplating.     Our  quieter  temper  is  in 
some  degree  the  result  of  our  poorer  hopes  and  fainter  force. 

A  question  of  great  importance  to  the  future  condition  of  our  Churches 
has  recently  been  decided,  not  without  the  greatest  difficulty  at  every 
step,  viz.,  the  position  and  scope  of  our  only  College.1  It  ceases  to 
be  an  institution  completely  furnished  and  containing  all  resources 
within  itself ;  and  annexes  itself,  as  a  mere  Theological  School,  to  the 
University  College,  London.     It  is  a  great  point  gained,  that  Mr.  Tayler 

1  Manchester  New  College,  now  Manchester  College,  Oxford. 


1900.] 


LETTERS   OF  DR.   JAMES   MAETINEAU, 


419 


is  made  its  principal;  —  a  concession  required  doubtless  by  his  eminent 
learning,  accomplishment  and  goodness,  but  involving  an  acknowledg- 
ment of  the  advance  of  the  liberal  theology  which  lie  represents.  By 
the  removal  to  London,  my  own  connexion  with  the  College  ceases, — 
my  department  being  abolished,  or  supplied  by  means  of  a  secondary  or 
occasional  Lectureship.  It  cannot  in  itself  be  a  welcome  change,  to  be 
withdrawn  from  studies  pursued  with  some  zeal  for  many  years,  and  not 
yet  brought  to  their  maturity*  But  the  step  I  believe  to  be  a  right  one; 
and  individual  concerns  must  lose  themselves  in  wider  good.  If  life  be 
spared  and  working  Resolution  do  not  fail,  I  shall  hope  to  turn  to  some 
account  the  pursuits  of  the  past  ten  or  twelve  years.  Whether  it  be 
delusion  or  not,  I  cannot  tell ;  but  those  who  have  themselves  struggled 
through  the  difficulties  of  the  higher  philosophy  are  always  apt  to  fancy 
that  they  can  save  others  some  of  the  perplexities  through  which  they 
have  found  a  way. 

Believe  me,  my  dear  Sir,  Yours  very  faithfully, 

James  Mautineac,1 


1  James  Martineau,  D.D,,  LL.D.,  was  bom  in  Norwich,  England,  21  April, 
1805.  His  early  education  was  in  the  Norwich  Grammar  School  and  the  school 
of  the  Rev*  Lanfc  Carpenter  at  Bristol.  In  18*21  he  began  to  prepare  for  the 
calling  of  a  civil  engineer,  but  deeply  moved  by  the  death  of  a  young-  friend,  a 
minister,  he  decided  to  enter  the  ministry,  Me  spent  five  year n  at  Manchester 
College,  taught  for  a  year,  and  then,  in  18*28,  was  ordained  as  a  minister  in 
Dublin,  From  Dublin,  three  years  later,  he  went  to  Liverpool,  where  he  re- 
mained for  twenty-five  years;  during  this  period  he  published  Endeavours 
after  the  Christian  Life,  lie  came  one  of  the  editors  of  the  Prospective  Review 
(later  succeeded  by  the  National  Review),  and  began  to  teach  in  Manchester 
College.  In  1853  the  College  was  removed  to  l^ondon,  and  in  1858  Mr.  Mar- 
tineau found  it  necessary  to  remove  there  also*  From  1858  to  1 809,  in  addition 
to  his  work  as  a  teacher,  be  was,  with  John  James  Tayler,  the  Principal  of  Man- 
chester College  (then  become  Manchester  New  College,  London),  joint  minister 
of  the  Little  Portland  Street  Chapel.  On  Mr.  Tayler's  death,  in  1869,  Mr, 
Martineau  succeeded  him  as  Principal  and  also  continued  in  charge  of  the 
Little  Portland  Street  pulpit  alone  till  187*2,  when  he  resigned  the  pulpit.  In 
1885  he  resigned  as  Principal  of  Manchester  New  College,  after  serving  it  for 
forty*nve  years  in  alL  In  the  period  which  followed,  he  published  first  hie  Types 
of  Ethical  Theory,  then,  in  1887,  his  Study  of  Religion  and,  in  1890,  the  Seat  of 
Authority  in  Religion.  Tie  was  one  of  the  Foreign  Honorary  Members  of  the 
American  Academy  of  Arts  and  Sciences.  He  died  11  January,  1£KI0.  A  full 
account  of  his  life  and  work  la  given  in  A.  W.  Jackson's  James  Martineau,  a 
Biography  and  Study,  Boston,  1000* 
In  an  article  entitled  James  Martineau,  in  the  Atlantic  Monthly  for  September, 


420 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS,      [MARCH, 


JAMES   MARTINEAU  TO   JOSEPH   HENRY  ALLEN. 


Liverpool,  Dec.  30,  1856, 

Mr  deab  Sib, 

In  the  absence  of  such  awakening  events  as  those  which  called  forth 
your  admirable  and  faithful  Sermon  (4I  Reign  of  Terror"),  we  have  here 
to  tread  the  round  of  older  and  duller  topics;  and  I  send  you  one  or  two 
pamphlets  on  such  matters,  in  the  hope  that  you  will  permit  me  to  remind 
you  of  me  in  this  harmless  way.  They  are  slight  affairs  that  need  no 
acknowledgment.  Some  time  or  other  I  hope  to  send  you  a  worthier 
exchange  for  what  I  owe  you. 

No  doubt  your  book %  is  delayed,  —  and  I  dare  say  prudently,  —  by 
the  absorption  of  public  attention  in  your  great  political  struggle.  At 
such  a  crista,  the  interest  of  the  Present  asserts  its  paramount  rights,  aad 
compels  the  Past  to  wait  for  more  tranquil  hours.  Never,  I  suppose, 
did  the  Providence  of  God  commit  to  human  hands  a  greater  trust  th:m 
is  now  vested  in  the  citizens  of  your  Northern  States,  For  once,  even 
local  find  party  excitement  can  scarcely  exaggerate  the  importance  of  the 
contest ;  to  the  calmest  aud  remotest  observer,  no  leas  than  to  the 
actor  on  the  spot,  it  appears  to  involve, — with  the  destinies  of  your 
Continent,  —  the  whole  Future  of  Humanity.  I  can  well  believe  your 
report  of  the  liberating  and  uniting  power  exercised  on  the  North  by  the 
insults  of  the  dominaut  party*  Moat  of  the  newspapers  and  speeches 
I  have  seen  bear  witness  to  the  worthy  spirit  which  has  been  roused  s 
though  among  the  scanty  exceptions  I  was  sorry  to  see  a  lamentable 
article  in  the  September  Christian  Examiner.  One  phenomenon,  however, 
of  the  late  Presidential  election  puzzles  me.     How  is  it  that,  even  at  this 


1900  (UxxvL  S 17-327),  our  associate  Dr,  Charles  Carroll  Everett  closes  with 
these  words :  — 

His  [MartineanV]  power  consists  in  the  fact  that  he  dwelt  among  the  realities  which 
systems  so  imperfectly  represent.  To  some  who  love  and  admire  him  most,  the  En- 
deavours after  the  Christian  Life  is  still  regarded  as  his  best  contribution  to  the  world. 
Others  find  most  inspirations  in  his  splendid  personality,  all  aglow  as  it  was  with  religions 
faith.  He  had  fairly  faced  doultt  and  denial.  Ho  had  explored  the  gloomiest  stretches 
of  world-weary  speculation,  and  he  could  still  stand  in  all  the  joy  of  his  tirst  faith,  aud 

proclaim  that  — 

God  *a  in  bli  he»vem, 

AH  Ta  right  with  tbo  world. 

Whatever  we  may  think  of  his  system  as  a  whole,  his  works  will  long  remain  a  storehouse 
of  important  thoughts  in  regard  to  the  matters  with  which  philosophy  aad  theology  have 
to  do.  It  is  pleasant  to  remember  that  the  first  collection  of  his  miscellaneous  works  was 
made  and  published  iu  this  country,  and  that  Harvard  was  the  first  university  to  give 
him  official  recognition. 

i  Hebrew  Men  and  Times  from  the  Patriarchs  to  the  Messiah. 


1900.] 


LETTERS   OF   DR,   JAJtES   MAETI5EAU. 


421 


crisis  wliieh  so  far  breaks  up  party  as  to  leave  Fremont  without  a  solitary 
( popular)  vote  in  the  Slave-States,  a  minority  so  very  Large  is  found  to 
vote  for  Buchanan  in  the  Free  States?  I  suppose  it  must  be,  that  the 
single  question  of  Stave-Extension  over  territory  guaranteed  to  freedom 
did  not  entirely  set  aside  the  collateral  issues  raised  by  the  Democratic 
party. 

I  am  afraid  my  friend  and  neighbour  W*  H.  Channing  will  give  you, 
on  his  return,  but  a  very  poor  account  of  our  Unitarian  ecclesiastical 
affairs  ;  and,  what  is  worse,  the  account  will  be  true.  I  think  I  can  per- 
ceive that  he  is  thoroughly  disappointed  with  us  and  hopeless  about  us : 
perhaps,  hardly  allowing  enough  for  the  pressure  of  an  Established  Church 
in  England,  or  sufficiently  aware  of  the  extent  and  depth  of  silent  and 
inconspicuous  influence  exerted  by  our  theology  and  our  social  existence, 
even  on  a  small  scale.  Still  his  impression  is  essentially  just.  If  you 
should  happen  to  see  a  pamphlet  called  Old  School  and  New,  just 
published,  you  will  see  that  we  are  crippled  in  our  activity  by  foolish  dis- 
trusts and  jealousies ;  —  far  more  deeply  seated  than  your  Boston  divi- 
sions, because  involving  the  whole  difference  between  the  Priestley  and 
the  Channing  religious  philosophy,  —  i.  e.,  I  should  say,  the  greatest 
difference  to  be  found  within  the  limits  of  the  Christian  faith  at  all. 
However,  a  crisis  is  at  hand  ;  and  the  younger,  more  living  and  progressive 
element  will  either  carry  the  mass  of  our  churches  and  institutions  with 
them,  or  will  find  media  of  action  and  expression  of  their  own,  rendering 
them  independent  of  the  dead  conservatism  which  is  rotting  us  all 
away.  New  sympathies,  not  following  the  old  lines  of  sect,  have  arisen, 
and  must  re-arrange  the  grouping  of  our  ecclesiastical  world;  without 
necessarily  doing  violence  to  the  older  combinations,  but  tending  grad- 
ually to  supersede  them. 

Your  account  of  the  Divinity  School  perplexity  l  interested  me  greatly. 


1  In  1853,  the  President  and  Fellows  of  Harvard  Col  leg®  had  filed  a  peti- 
tion asking  the  Supreme  Judicial  Court  to  decree  the  separation  of  the  Harvard 
Divinity  School  from  the  University.  The  Society  for  Promoting  Theological 
Education,  which,  from  its  organization  in  1816,  had  taken  large  part  in  main- 
taining the  Divinity  School,  was  expected  to  assume  entire  charge  of  the  School 
in  case  the  petition  was  granted,  and  in  1850  agreed,  though  reluctantly,  to  do 
bo,  at  the  same  time  protecting  against  the  step  as  u  unnecessary  and  inexpedi- 
ent/* "The  Court  reserved  its  decision  from  year  to  year,  till,  in  1865,  under 
a  change  of  views  on  the  part  of  the  Corporation  [the  President  and  Fellows], 
the  petition  was  dismissed  by  the  Court  at  the  request  of  that  body*"  (The 
Society  for  Promoting  Theological  Education,  printed  in  1898  and  made  up  in 
large  part  from  the  pamphlet  compiled  by  Rev.  William  Newell,  D.D,,  Secre- 
tary of  the  Society,  in  1877), 


422  THB  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.      [March, 

There  seems  no  solution  so  good  as  for  the  Trustees  to  appoint 
either  Professors  of  different  theological  complexions  so  as  to  represent 
the  different  parties  in  the  State ;  or  teachers  so  eminent  for  learning 
and  candour  that  their  class-room  might  be  a  common  medium  for  the 
instruction  of  all.  Why  should  such  a  thing  be  hopeless? 
Our  family  party  unites  in  kind  remembrances :  with  which 
Believe  me,  my  dear  Sir, 

Ever  faithfully  yours, 

James  Mabtdteiu. 
Bey.  J.  H.  Alls*. 


JAMS8  MARTINEAU  TO  JOSEPH  HENBY  ALLEN. 

AucHBANiriB,  Iktsrclot,  Aekav,  Scotlaid. 
Aug.  2,  1860. 

Rev.  J.  H.  Allen, 
Mr  dear  Sib, 

Among  the  many  pleasures  too  exceptional  to  be  often  repeated  in 
this  life,  on  which  my  proposed  visit  to  the  States  has  led  me  to  reckon, 
one  of  the  more  prominent  has  been  the  renewal  of  my  too  long-sus- 
pended intercourse  with  you.  Your  words  of  hearty  welcome  are  de- 
lightful to  me ;  and  only  add  a  new  intensity  to  the  hope,  that  my  visit 
to  your  grand  side  of  the  world,  —  disappointed  for  the  present,  —  may 
not  always  be  a  dream.  Had  I  set  foot  in  Boston,  one  of  my  first  en- 
quiries would  have  been  for  you.  But  in  consequence  of  the  slow 
recovery  of  my  friend  and  Academic  Colleague,  Mr.  Tayler,1  from* 
recent  illness,  and  the  doubt  remaining  as  to  his  physical  strength  for 
the  opening  work  of  our  Session  at  the  beginning  of  October,  his 
physician  has  recalled  the  sanction  under  which  I  accepted  the  invitation 
of  Mr.  Hale,3  and  has  advised  me  that  I  ought  not  to  leave  any  extra 
burden  on  my  friend.     It  will  be  seen,  I  trust,  by  those  who  hare  so 

The  constitution  of  the  Faculty  of  the  Harvard  Divinity  School  has  been  for 
twenty  years  or  more  substantially  that  here  suggested  by  Mr.  Martineau;  the 
professors  have  been  chosen  both  as  "  eminent  for  learning  and  candour  "  a&d 
as  representing  "  different  theological  complexions." 

1  John  James  Tayler,  Principal  of  Manchester  New  College,  London  (no* 
Manchester  College,  Oxford),  from  1853  till  1869  when  Mr.  Tayler  died  **^ 
Mr.  Martineau  succeeded  him. 

*  Rev.  Edward  Everett  Hale. 


1800.] 


LETTERS  OF  DE.  JAMES  MARTINEATT. 


423 


generously  forwarded  the  proposed  visit,  that  under  these  circumstances 
it  ia  no  fickle  faith,  but  clear  necessity,  that  has  led  me  to  retract  my 
acceptance,  I  soothe  my  disappointment,  partly  by  the  hope  of  con- 
tributing to  my  friend's  thorough  restoration,  partly  by  stowing  away 
my  American  vision  into  that  ever  open  Future  which  keeps  alive  so 
many  blessings  condemned  to  die  from  the  present. 

You  draw  a  pleasant  picture  of  your  altered  locality  l  and  mode  of 
life;  and  I  can  sympathise  from  experience  in  all  your  pedagogic 
troubles  and  satisfactions.  On  the  whole ,  I  have  a  good  opinion  of 
boy-nature:  trustfully  and  generously  treated,  it  seldom  fails  to  yield 
a  rewarding  response.  But  it  keeps  one  awake,  and  needs  for  its  man- 
agement the  full  vigour  of  manhood*  Old  schoolmasters  should  be 
prohibited:  I  would  pension  them  off  as  emeriti  at  45,  As  to  the 
addition  of  a  second  occupation  to  the  minister's  life,  I  quite  agree 
with  your  estimate  of  its  advantage — to  personal  independence,  —  to 
freshness  of  mind  and  heart,  —  even  to  social  power*  Our  best  minis- 
ters are  almost  invariably  those  who  are  something  else  than  ministers : 
and  the  men  who  have  most  failed  to  keep  abreast  of  their  age,  and 
have  least  sympathy  with  the  noblest  Kfe  of  a  new  time,  are  precisely 
those  whose  time  and  thoughts  seem  to  have  been  freest  to  take  in  and 
diffuse  whatever  the  Spirit  and  the  Frovklcuce  of  God  might  teach. 

I  half  compassionate  your  labours  on  Herbert  Spencer.  I  fully 
admit  that  he  is  a  phenomenon  remarkable  enough  to  demand  estimate : 
and  he  expresses  so  vigorously  the  predominant  tendency  of  science  in 
our  time  that  his  influence  is  likely  to  increase*  But  the  older  I  grow 
the  less  highly  do  I  prize  logical  structures,  raised  with  ever  so  much 
skill  and  power  on  false  postulates :  and  having  made  up  my  mind  that 
his  basis  is  wrong,  —  in  Social  Science,  in  Physiology,  in  Psychology,  — 
aod  admired  a  specimen  or  two  of  his  cleverness  in  working  up  from  it, 
I  am  content  to  let  him  go,  assured  that  he  will  not  help  me  to  the 
real  thing  I  want,  —  a  truer  insight  into  matters  Divine,  Natural,  or 
Human.     But  I  have  not  seen  his  new  periodic  production. 

With  kindest  regards  from  my  whole  circle,  Believe  me,  my  dear  Sir, 
Ever  faithfully  yours, 

James  Maktinkac. 


1  The  allusion  is  to  Mr,  Allen's  removal  to  a  new  home,  at  Jamaica  Plain. 


424  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MA88ACHU8ETT8.      [March, 


JAMES  MABTINEAU  TO  J08EPH  HENRY  ALLEN. 

10,  Goedoh  St.,  Loinxnr,  W.  C. 
Nor.  29,  1861. 
My  dear  Mr.  Allen, 

If  you  knew  me  as  well  as  my  old  friends  here  know  me,  you  would 
be  surprised  at  no  epistolary  dumbness,  however  unaccountable  to 
more  fluent  and  demonstrative  men.  As  a  school-boy,  my  mother  had 
to  scold  me  for  not  writing  home  :  and  ever  since,  I  have  gone  on  in  the 
same  unprincipled  way,  and,  I  fear,  have  grown  worse  from  having  a 
wife  who  writes  such  capital  letters,  and  in  such  copiousness,  as  to  do 
duty  for  both  of  us.  I  have  no  adequate  excuse  for  my  dilatoriness 
toward  you.  True,  I  received  your  book1  after  considerable  delay. 
But  receive  it  I  did ;  was  delighted  with  it ;  and  ought  to  have  thanked 
you  for  it  long  ago.  Deduct  three  months  from  the  time  (when,  being 
in  Scotland,  I  did  not  get  the  book),  and  a  month  for  bookseller's 
delays :  and  charge  the  residue  to  my  sins.  Only,  forgive  me  at  last, 
and  do  not  cut  me  off  for  my  infirmity. 

Our  theological  critics  scent  something  amiss,  —  something  German 
and  suspicious,  —  in  your  book.  They  do  not  like  the  idea  of  letting 
the  names  in  the  Scripture  Lessons  stand  for  proper,  —  still  less  for  im- 
proper,—  men  and  women;  and  of  opening  the  natural  lines  between 
Hebrew  and  other  history.  The  best  class  of  readers,  however,  will 
thank  you  for  humanizing  what  had  ceased  to  win  them  by  pretensions 
exclusively  divine;  and  for  letting  the  consecration  spread  over  the 
wider  field  of  history.  The  quiet,  lucid  style  of  the  book  is  most  agree- 
able to  my  taste ;  and  the  compression  of  the  matter  is  admirable. 

I  fear  that  the  terrible  national  crisis  must  for  a  long  time  stay  the^ 
hand  of  every  literary  man  amongst  you ;  and  draw  off  all  interest  intc^ 
one  channel.     And  now,  alas !  arises  the  new  and  dreadful  apprehensions 
of  war  between  our  two  countries!     But  surely,  this  cannot  be  per — 
rait  ted:  there  must  be  a  body  of    reasonable  public  opinion  in  New^ 
England,  which  may  be  brought  to  bear  on  the  government  at  Wash*.- 
ington,  and   may  induce  it  to   restrain  the  over-zeal  of   its  officer 
Through  all  the  excitement  produced  here  by  the  Trent  affair,  there  i 
everywhere  a  disposition  to  abide  by  the  acknowledged  rules  of  intern : 
tional  law,  and  to  insist  on  nothing  which  it  is  consistent  with  honoi 
and  duty  to  concede.     The  right  of  search,  which  we  once  claimed  against 

1  Hebrew  Men  and  Times  from  the  Patriarchs  to  the  Messiah. 


1900*] 


LETTERS   OF  DR.  JAMES   MARTIKEAU. 


425 


you,  we  shall  be  content  to  suffer  from  you*  All  contraband  of  war  is 
at  the  disposal  of  your  Prize  Courts,  —  though  not  of  your  naval  officers 
without  a  Court*  But  Civil  Persons,  passengers  on  board  our  Steamers, 
between  one  neutral  port  and  another,  cannot  in  honour  be  given  up,  — 
and  thai  without  the  trial  and  award  of  a  tribunal.  The  impression 
at  your  embassy  here  seems  to  be,  that  the  San  Jacinto  people  have 
exceeded  their  instructions ;  just  as  our  officers  did  in  the  Chesapeake 
case.  God  grant  that  the  cloud  may  blow  over ! 
Ever,  my  dear  Mr.  Allen, 

Yours  very  sincerely, 

James  Habtinbatj. 
B*t.  J.  H.  Allen. 


DRAUGHT    OF   A  LETTER   FROM  MR.   AIXEN  TO  AX  UNKNOWN 

CORRESPONDENT, 

Jamaica  Plain,  Feb.  23,  1863. 
Mt  dear  Sm, 

I  felt  some  compunction  at  receiving  your  very  kindly  and  courteous 
epistle  the  day  after  I  had  sent  one  which  I  am  afraid  must  have 
seemed  a  little  truculent  and  unjust*  I  am  forward  to  acknowledge  the 
friendly  spirit  of  the  last  leader  in  the  Inquirer1  that  I  have  seen 
(Jan*  24),  and  I  have  read  with  the  highest  gratification,  in  the  Leeds 
Mercury  (which  yon  were  kind  euongh  to  send)  and  in  the  Morning 
Star,  the  reports  of  the  great  meetings  at  Bradford  and  Exeter  Hall.  I 
trust  we  are  not  premature  in  hailing  what  seems  to  be  a  turn  of  the 
tide  in  English  sentiment.  And  I  am  sure  that*  as  the  elements  at  work 
in  these  last  two  years  get  better  known,  you  will  see  that  it  was  not 
only  necessary,  but  right  and  honorable,  to  stand  for  the  defence  of 
the  Union,  irrespective  of  the  question  of  Slavery  —  all  the  more,  since 
slavery  in  the  Union  was  felt  to  be  a  doomed  thing.  Our  self-justifica- 
tion rests  not  on  a  special  philanthropic  end  to  be  secured,  but  on  the 
need  of  sustaining  the  large  principles  of  political  liberty  and  civil 
order,  Mr.  Newman  has  seen  and  stated  this  distinctly  from  the  first 
and  so  has  Mr.  Mill.     You  cannot  have  failed  to  read   their  words. 


1  The  reference  is  to  the  London  Inquirer,  newspaper,  an  organ  of  the  Eng- 
lish Unitarians.  It  is  not  improbable  that  this  letter  of  Mr.  Allen  was  ad- 
dressed to  the  Editor  of  the  Inquirer. 


426  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.      [MAKCH, 

PracticdUy,  the  two  questions  have  been  one  from  the  beginning.    Wit- 
ness this  sentence  from  an  English  letter  copied  in  the  Liberator1 :  — 

Recently,  an  American  minister,  the  Rev.  Stephen  B.  Tyng,*  was  prohibited, 
or  rather  stopped,  while  speaking  on  behalf  of  the  slave  in  the  Young  Men's 
Christian  Association  in  London  —  the  chairman  giving  him  to  understand 
that,  in  the  present  state  of  feeling,  it  was  a  tabooed  subject. 

I  think  you  cannot  wonder  at  our  disappointment  and  surprise,  that 
so  many  of  our  English  friends  have  virtually  taken  that  side.  But  of 
this  quite  enough  has  been  said. 

I  enclose  you  a  Circular,  from  which  you  will  see  that  I  have  carried 
out,  sooner  than  I  designed,  the  intention  which  puts  the  responsible 
charge  of  the  Christian  Examiner  mainly  in  my  hands.*    Just  now  a 
large  part  of  my  time  is  taken  up  by  other  cares.     Still,  I  hope  to  do 
something  for  it  now,  and  more  after  a  few  months.     We  intend  to 
have  a  dinner  next  week,  of  the  old  and  new  friends  and  managers  of 
the  Examiner ;  and  I  hope  there  will  come  to  be  a  permanent  association 4 
or  club  of  persons  in  general  sympathy  with  the  spirit  that  is  designed 
to  govern  the  Review  hereafter.    The  points  I  wish  to  emphasize  are : 
(1)  to  make  it  more  distinctly  the  record  and  representative  of  a  move- 
ment rather  than  a  mere  phase  of  thought;    (2)  to  commit  it  more         ^ 
definitely  to  the  discussion  of  the  political  and  social  questions  of  the        ^ 
time ;  and  (3)  to  give  more  earnestness  to  the  expression  of  devout  and       ^=j 
religious  thought — apart  from  simple  theological  discussion.     Success     «*=*g 
in  the  execution  will,  of  course,  depend  mainly  on  success  in  finding  the  ^»  .e 
material.     I  trust  and  think,  however,  that  the  Examiner  will  be  more  ~sl+  _e 
felt  as  a  living  and  positive  Force. 

The  lengthening  days  give  a  feeling  of  relief  that  our  summer  i^^f  is 
drawing  nearer  —  and  with  it,  we  trust,  our  hopes  of  a  real  peace ;  ancE^^d 
as  well,  that  the  dark  season  is  passing  away  from  the  distressed  classes*  <^^eg 
among  you.  The  testimony  as  to  the  fidelity  of  the  suffering  operativet^^^  es 
is  very  touching  and  noble.     I  have  quoted  from  a  private  note  of  Mrm-  "Jr. 

1  The  passage  occurs  in  a  letter  to  the  editor  of  the  Glasgow  Herald,  date^^sJed 
20  January,  1863,  printed  in  The  Liberator  of  20  February,  1863,  xxxiii.  29/5.  «=.  5. 

*  The  Rev.  Stephen  Higginson  Tyng,  D.D.,  of  the  Harvard  Class  of  181'  M:  -17, 
is  doubtless  here  referred  to. 

1  Dr.  Allen  was  editor  of  the  Christian  Examiner,  at  first  in  the  departmer  ^»  ent 
of  current  literature  only,  from  July,  1857,  till  November,  1869. 

4  In  the  History  of  the  Harvard  Church  in  Charlestown  (Boston,  1879),  p.  2C*«(M, 
note,  is  an  account  of  the  Christian  Examiner  Society,  which  was  organized  27 

January,  1829,  and  disbanded  5  February,  1863.     The  Examiner  continued  to 

be  published  till  November,  1869.    It  was  succeeded  in  1870  by  Old  and  JS^^mew, 
which  survived  till  1875. 


/ 


WOO,] 


LETTERS   OF  DR.   JAMES   HARTINEATL 


427 


Newman  in  the  margin  of  my  brother's  defence  of  Democracy *  (March 
Examiner),  which  I  hope  will  come  in  your  way.  The  Examiner,  by  the 
way,  is  always  sent  to  Mr.  Whitfield a  —  though  sometimes  after  some 
delay,  iu  waiting  for  a  box  that  is  to  be  packed  for  him. 

I  fervently  trust  that  the  angry  and  bitter  feeling  that  has  prevailed 
is  passing  away,  and  that  England  and  America  are  drawing  nearer 
now,  every  day. 

With  much  regard  to  your  family  and  friends,  I  am 

Yours,  etc. 

J,  II.  Allen. 

F*  S,  May  I  trouble  yon  to  mail  the  enclosed  to  Mr*  Martineau? 
My  di 


JAMES   MARTDTOAU  TO  JOSEPH   HEhTtY   ALLEN. 


10,  Gordon  St.  London,  W.  C. 

April  14,  1863. 

Mr  dear  SrR, 

It  seems  a  truly  happy  adaptation  which  at  once  secures  to  the 
Christian  Examiner  the  advantage  of  your  valuable  labours,  and  fur- 
nishes you  in  your  retirement  with  a  congenial  pursuit.  At  a  time  when, 
from  the  magnitude  of  public  interests  at  stake,  only  the  steadiest  minds 
of  a  nation  can  tranquilly  keep  their  balance,  it  is  of  the  highest  mo- 
ment that  a  calm,  thoughtful,  far-seeing  spirit  like  yours,  should  preside 
over  the  higher  Journals  which  help  to  form  opinion  among  the  intellec- 
tual classes.  How  glad  should  I  be,  were  it  in  my  power  at  all  to 
co-operate  with  you  in  clearing  up  the  deplorable  misunderstanding  that 
prevails  between  the  two  Englauds,  —  New  and  Old !  But  I  fear  that 
the  modes  of  judgment,  with  regard  to  your  great  national  straggle,  are 
so  different  on  the  two  sides  of  the  Atlantic,  that  approximation  is  to  be 
hoped  for  only  from  the  arbitration  of  events.  Of  two  things,  mate- 
rially affecting  the  international  feeling,  I  wish  I  could  give  you  the 
assurance  which  I  profoundly  have  myself :  that  there  is  here  no  issue 
desired  for  your  struggle  except  sueh  as  may  be  most  conducive  to  the 
well-being  and  greatness  of  your  Commonwealth,  —  be  it  singular  or 
plural ;  and  that  there  is  no  change  whatever  in  the  English  estimate  of 

1  Democracy  on  Trial,  by  William  Francis  Allen,  in  the  Christian  Examiner 
for  March,  1863,  Ixxiv.  262-294. 

*  Edward  Tertius  Whitfield,  a  publisher,  chiefly  of  Unitarian  works,  in  the 
Strand. 


428 


THE  COLONIA1,  SOCIETY   OF  MASSACHUSETTS.       [March, 


slavery*    We  simply  do  not  believe  in  either  the  restoration  of  the  Union. 
or  the  extinction  of  Slavery,  much  less  in  joint  accomplishment  of  boUi 
objects,  by  process  of  Civil  War-1     And  though  this  purely  practical 
judgment  may  seem  to  occupy  a  humbler  level  than  one  which  look* 
exclusively  to  the  ideas  said  to  be  represented  in  the  strife,  yet  it  goes 
to  the  very  essence  of  right  and  wrong  in  the  case :  for  a  War  which 
aims  at  impossible  objects,  —  be  they  ever  so  intrinsically  good,  —  is  self- 
condemned.     We  believe  Slavery  to  be  truly,  as  you  say,  the  eau&c  of 
the  struggle  !  we  do  not  believe  it  to  be  the  stake  at  issue.     On  the  con- 
trary, we  regard  the  division  between  North  and  South  as  the  one  gleam 
of  hope  that  has  opened  on  the  sad  history  of  the  coloured    race  in 
America,     The  Free  States,  discharged  from  their  slave-responsibilities, 
would  spring  at  once  to  the  head  of  the  great  league  of  nations  against 
the  oppression  of  an  inferior  race.     But  the  Free  States,  reunited  with 
the  South,  must  either  pledge  themselves  again  to  uphold  and  sanction 
the  hateful  institution;    or  end  it  by  a  conquest  and  confiscation  of 
magnitude  so  frightful  and  uncontrollable  as  to  outbid  slavery  itself  in 
crime  and  misery*     We  may  be  wrong  in  these  estimates  of  probability  t 
experience  may  convict  us  of  miscalculation,  and  may  justify  you  in 
the  policy  which  you  pursue*     But  these,  and  no  unworthy  political 
interests  or  **  aristocratic  "  theories,   arc  the  grounds  of  the  English 
opinion  ;  which  is  essentially,  like  the  action  of  the  English  government, 
neutral  and  therefore  complained  of  by  both  sides.    There  exist  among 
us  Southern  partisans,  like  Mr,  S pence  * ;  and  Northern  parti zans,  like 
my  friend  Newman*  and  the  Emancipation  Society*    But,  as  parties, 
they  are  both  alike   quite  unimportant,  in  comparison  with   the   over- 
whelming mass  of  public  sentiment  that  holds  the  balance  between  them, 
and  is  contributed  in  equal  measure  from  every  order  of  English  society. 
Notwithstanding  the  recent  organized  meetings,   provoked  into  exist- 
ence by  the  extravagance  of  the  Times  and  the  Saturday  Review,  I  see 
no  trace  of  any  real  change  of  opinion  here.     The  impression  prevalent 
in  America  that  our  working  classes  sympathise,  more  than  other  Eng- 
lishmen, with  the  Northern  cause  while  the  il  aristocracy ft  wish  success 
to  the  South,  is  entirely  groundless,  so  far  as  I  can  observe  j  and  indeed 
is  plainly  contradicted  by  the  tone  of  the  working-class  newspapers. 
The  division  of  opinion  here  upon  this  matter  does  not  go  by  classes  in 


1  It  should  be  remembered  that  Dr.  Marti aeaa  belonged  to  the  high  Tory 
party  and  naturally  reflected  its  opinions, 

*  James  Spence,  author  of  The  American  Union,  —  a  Defence  of  the  South, 

•  Francis  W*  Newman. 


1000,] 


LETTERS   OF   DR.   JAMES   MARTINEAU. 


4^:> 


the  least :  it  is  wholly  an  affair  of  personal  temperament  and  east  of 
thought,  turning  up  impartially  in  every  grade  of  society.  The  strength 
of  Northern  sympathy  in  England  lies  among  (1)  speculative  thinkers, 
like  Jp  S.  Mill,  whose  politics  are  ideal  and  socialistic;  (2)  evangelical 
philanthropists,  who  identify  the  contest  witb  the  fate  of  slavery; 
(3)  doctrinaire  republicans,  like  Stansfetd  and  Newman,  —  whose  judg- 
ments take  their  complexion  from  the  society  of  European  refugees, 
—  as  Kossuth  and  Mazzim;  and  (4)  critical  politicians,  like  John 
Bright,  kept  by  temperament  in  permanent  opposition  to  the  Govern- 
ment of  the  day.  All  these  have  a  certain  following  in  every  class: 
but,  on  the  whole,  they  constitute  the  foreign  elements  scattered  around 
the  organic  nucleus  of  English  life.  Exactly  the  same  may  be  said  of 
the  well-wishers  to  the  South  :  they  include  no  uameable  class,  unless  it 
be  the  Catholics,  — the  Irish,  —  and  the  military  men:  they  turn  up  on 
all  sides  here  and  there:  but  have  no  weight  to  disturb  the  general 
neutrality,  —  or  rather  the  impartial  sorrow,  —  with  which  the  war  is 
regarded. 

Is  it  said  that  this  statement  is  refuted  by  the  act  of  a  ship-builder 
in  furnishing  the  Confederates  with  the  Alabama  ?  Then  it  is  equally 
refuted  by  the  act  of  a  manufacturer  known  to  me,  who  furnished  the 
Federals  with  25,000  rifles;  and  by  that  agent  in  Birmingham  whom  I 
met  the  other  day,  and  who,  for  nearly  two  years,  has  avowedly  been 
wholly  occupied  in  sending  to  your  government  munitious  of  war*  The 
law  which  is  set  at  nought  is  just  the  same  iu  both  cases ;  in  neither 
instance  can  the  Government  act  unless  on  sworn  informations  brought 
before  it :  and  the  ease  with  which  the  evidence  is  concealed  will  always 
tempt  private  merchants  to  enterprises  of  this  kind,  at  the  risk  of  cap- 
ture by  the  belligerent  powers  at  sea.  As  the  Washington  government 
ordered  a  war  vessel  at  the  very  same  Birkenhead  yard  which  turned 
out  the  Alabama,  with  what  propriety  can  they  complain  of  an  opera- 
tion which  they  invited  on  their  own  behalf?  In  truth,  the  balance  of 
these  illegal  supplies,  it  is  well  known,  is  enormously  in  their  favour. 
Besides,  your  own  great  jurists  have  pointed  out,  that,  so  long  as  these 
supplies  have  not  quitted  the  home-waters,  they  violate  only  a  municipal 
law,  of  which  no  foreign  power  can  claim  the  enforcement  j  —  that  only 
when  they  are  on  the  high  seas  do  they  become  amenable  to  interna- 
tional law;  —  and  that  then  the  execution  of  that  law  rests  with  the 
belligerent  whose  rights  are  infringed,  while  the  private  merchant's 
government  has  simply  the  duty  of  letting  the  penalties  upon  his  act 
take  their  course.  As  these  principles  of  neutral  right  have  been  de- 
fined and  upheld  mainly  by  your  authoritative  men,  and  applied  against 
our  belligerent  pretensions  in  former  wars,  it  does  seem  hard  that  we 


430  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OP  MASSACHUSETTS.      [Maich, 

should  be  denied  the  benefit  of  them  as  soon  as  the  relations  are 
inverted,  and  should  incur,  even  from  such  good  men  as  Dr.  Hall,1  the 
groundless  reproach  of  violated  neutrality.  If  the  truth  were  told, 
is  it  not  the  neutrality  itself, — and  not  any  violation  of  it,  —  which 
constitutes  our  offence?  And  if  so,  can  any  calm  thinker  say  that  this 
is  reasonable? 

From  international  affairs  I  gladly  turn  to  "  National."    My  con- 
nexion with  the  Review  is  unchanged :  and  the  only  novelty  is  that  the 
Editor  is  now  an  Oxford  man,  a  Professor  in  King's  College,  London,9 
and  that  we  have  formed  an  alliance  with  the  Oxford  Broad  Church 
party,  on  the  theological  ground  common  to  them  and  us.    The  first 
result  was  an  excess  of  Churchmanship  in  the  January  number ;  which 
will  be  guarded  against  in  future.    It  is  very  difficult,  in  this  country, 
to  keep  at  once  the  horizon  of  thought  large  and  the  spirit  within  it 
earnest  and  simple.     Men  liberal  on  particular  points  surprise  you  with 
some  narrow  sectarianism  on  others:  and  the  true  Catholic  breadth, 
of  intellect  and  sympathy  combined,  is  a  phenomenon  as  rare  as  it  is 
noble.    To  find  it,  however,  where  it  exists,  and  to  multiply  it  by  expres- 
sion, is  the  great  object  of  the  National  Review.     I  shall  rejoice  to  feel 
that  in  this  we  may  be  fellow-workers  in  our  different  spheres.     Oar 
publishers  tell  us  that  for  the  last  year  they  have  sent  no  Nationals  to 
America ;  the  war  interfering  with  their  previous  transactions  in  some 
way.     So  I  dare  say  you  may  not  have  fallen  in  with  any  recent 
numbers.     God  grant  that  the  clouds  that  darken  your  atmosphere, 
and  spread  their  shade  to  ours,  may  ere  long  disperse,  and  leave  us 
united  in  the  common  light  of  kindred  thought  and  congenial  duties  to 
the  world ! 

With  kindest  remembrances  from  my  wife  and  young  people,  and 

many  thanks  for  the  excellent  photograph, 

Ever,  my  dear  Sir, 

Yours  faithfully, 

James  Martineau. 
Rev.  J.  H.  Allen. 


1  Rev.  Edward  Brooks  Hall,  D.D.  (1800-1866),  H.  C.  1820. 

2  The  allusion  here  is  to  Charles  Henry  Pearson,  who  in  July,  1862,  succeeded 
R.  H.  Hutton  as  editor  of  the  National  Review,  a  position  which  he  retained 
for  one  year.  See  Charles  Henry  Pearson,  edited  by  William  Stebbing,  1900, 
pp.  94-96 ;  and  the  Dictionary  of  National  Biography,  xliv.  162-164. 


1900.] 


LETTERS    OF   DR.    JAMES   MARTINEAU. 


431 


JOSEPH   HENRY  ALLE^  TO   JAMES  MABTINEAU, 
[Draught  of  a  portion  only  of  Mr*  Mien's  rephj.] 

I  hope  you  will  not  be  displeased  if  I  remark  on  one  or  two  of  the 
points  which  you  have  mentioned.  1.  The  sentence  which  I  have  quoted 
from  Earl  Russell  (date  of  June  12,  1862)  seems  to  draw  a  clear  line 
between  such  offences  as  blockade-running  or  the  sale  of  munitions  to 
be  delivered  in  good  faith  to  the  purchaser,  and  the  outfitting  of  an 
armed  vessel  like  the  Alabama, —a  distinction  which  the  English  gov- 
ernment has  in  practice  and  in  fact  acknowledged*  2.  As  to  a  question 
of  fact,  I  believe  a  false  impression  has  been  given  in  England ;  and 
that  so  far  from  ordering  a  vessel  built  at  the  same  yard  with  the 
Alabama,  our  government  has  even  refused  (for  the  sake  of  consistency) 
to  purchase  foreign  ships  offered  for  sale  in  our  own  ports;  —  although 
it  Is  impossible  for  us  to  feel  that  the  sale  of  arms  etc*  to  a  friendly  and 
recognized  power  is  the  same  thing  in  law,  or  at  least  in  morals*  with 
the  sale  of  them  to  parties  occupying  the  position  of  insurrectionary 
leaders,  in  the  interest  of  a  slave-holding  despotism.  In  this  last  sense, 
it  is  true,  as  you  suggest,  that  the  real  grievance  is  "  neutrality/* 

There  is  one  other  point,  which  I  wish  might  be  more  carefully 
considered  abroad  than  it  seems  to  have  been.  What  makes  America  a 
nation,  is  the  general  respect  for  the  authority  of  the  federal  bond. 
That  is  our  one  historical  antecedent  to  fall  back  on.  It  is  therefore  not 
accurate  to  suppose  that  the  Free  States,  alone,  would  stand  in  the  atti- 
tude of  a  strong  nation,  by  mere  separation  from  the  South,  Not  merely 
a  glance  at  the  map,  but  the  highest  knowledge  of  our  politics,  would 
show  the  fallacy  of  such  a  fancy*  It  is  true  that  the  common  effort  and 
burden  of  a  war  may  create  such  a  nation,  even  in  event  of  separation. 
But  secession,  of  itself,  was  well  understood  to  be  sheer  disintegration  ; 
and,  if  you  remember,  was  freely  spoken  of  as  such  two  years  ago,  in 
the  Edinburgh  and  Quarterly.  But  even  this  is  not  the  essential  point- 
It  is  without  dispute,  that  up  to  the  time  of  secession,  the  United  States 
had  been  always  regarded  as  a  nation,  competent  to  make  treaties,  etc. 
etc.  Fort  Sumter  was  one  of  its  possessions,  built  on  National  (and 
not  State)  territory*  Now  —  aside  from  the  policy  of  surrendering  a 
fort  on  the  mere  demand  of  a  foreign  power,  which  South  Carolina 
claimed  to  be  —  what  outfit  the  United  States  to  have  done,  when  Fort 
Sumter  was  attacked?  Till  this  question  is  answered,  all  argument  on 
the  rightfulness  of  the  war  is  irrelevant* 

Again,  as  to  the  results  of  the  war.  These  points  should  he  borne 
in  mind,  irrespective  of  its  possible  or  probable  final  issue;  —  (I)  It  has 


482  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY   OF   MASSACHUSETTS,       [MARCH, 

vindicated  the  fact  of  nationality,  which  (and  as  yon  truly  say  not  slav* 
was  the  real  4*  stake  at  issue,"  (2)  It  has  already  rescued  a  territory 
between  five  and  six  times  the  combined  area  of  England  and  France 
from  the  control  of  that  "Slave  Empire  of  the  West"  of  which  the 
National  spoke  a  few  years  ago,  (3)  It  has  actually  revolutionized, 
without  violence  or  loss  (other  than  the  immediate  losses  of  war),  the 
system  of  labor  over  immense  districts,  which  the  United  States  now 
hold  in  trust  We  claim  that  cither  one  of  these  results  amply  justi- 
fies the  war — by  all  common  maxims  of  human  judgment  —  apart 
from  the  fact  that  it  was  inevitable.  What,  in  candour,  would  be  your 
judgment  of  us  now,  if  we  had  refused  to  fight,  or  if  we  should  abandon 
the  contest  at  its  present  stage?  Would  it  not  be  something  different, 
and  far  more  contemptuous,  than  M  impartial  sorrow  "? 

I  have  not  the  least  wish  to  treat  the  subject  controversially, 
especially  in  a  personal  correspondence  with  you.  But  it  seems  to  me 
that  good  may  be  done,  on  one  side,  by  the  frank  acknowledgment  on  the 
part  of  Englishmen,  that  we  have  done,  after  all,  what  they  would  have 
held  it  infamous  and  impossible  not  to  have  done  in  similar  circum- 
stances ;  and,  on  the  other  side,  by  any  assurance  that  may  be  given, 
that  the  neutrality  of  the  English  In  this  contest  is  as  honest  and  as 
friendly  as  you  have  represented. 


JAMES   MAKTINEAU  TO  JOSEPH  HENBY  ALLEN. 

Tv    MaWH,    PlfiffUAKKYAWlt,    CoHWAT, 

July  8th,  1863. 
Mt  dear  Sir* 

I  should  sooner  have  thanked  you  for  your  valuable  letter,  —  so 
strongly  yet  so  gently  reasoned,  — of  the  9th  May,  had  I  been  able  to 
contribute  any  new  element  to  the  discussion  which  is  supreme  in  inter- 
est for  Americans  and  Englishmen  alike.  But  after  the  complete  ex- 
haustion of  the  subject  by  public  writers  and  speakers  on  both  sides  of 
the  Atlantic,  I  feel  that  the  cast  of  my  own  personal  convictions  is 
of  no  moment  and  can  give  no  help  :  and  I  shrink,  —  even  in  presence  of 
your  candid  invitation  and  the  certainty  of  a  kindly  construction,  — 
from  the  impertinence  of  foreign  criticism  on  a  national  crisis  justly 
awakening  the  keenest  susceptibilities,  and  fully  entitled  to  work  itself 
out  in  its  own  way*  Though,  however,  I  am  not  anxious  to  urge  our 
opinions  upon  you,  I  do  earnestly  desire  to  qualify  your  opinions  of 
us :  and  especially  to  convince  you  that  the  attitude  of  English  feeling 


1000.] 


LETTERS  OF  DR.   JAMES   MABTDTIIAIT. 


433 


towards  the  Northern  States  is  absolutely  free  from  every  element  of 
hostility.  Such  a  sentiment  as  you  quote  from  the  lips  of  a  friend 
u  unusually  fair  and  large  minded/1  —  that  he  would  compromise  with 
the  South  for  the  sake  of  fighting  England,  —  is  eo  wildly  astray  from 
every  direction  of  feeling  here  as  to  be  simply  wonderful.  If  he  had 
his  wish,  what  would  he  fight  ns  for  f  When  he  sat  down  to  his  desk,  to 
write  out  his  Declaration  of  War,  what  offences  from  our  Government 
would  furnish  the  materials  of  bis  indictment?  The  only  complaint  I 
have  heard  is  of  the  building  of  the  Alabama*  This,  however*  was  the 
act  of  a  private  person,  evading  the  vigilance  of  the  government :  and 
it  now  appears,  from  the  decision  against  the  Crown  in  the  case  of 
the  Alexandra,  that  the  ship-builder  committed  uo  breach  of  law  at  all. 
He  had  a  right  to  sell  ships,  as  gnnmakers  to  seli  arms,  to  either  of  the 
belligerents :  only,  if  the  other  belligerent  stops  and  seizes  tlicm  on  the 
way,  he  suffers  his  risk  and  has  uo  redress.  By  sending  out  the  ship 
from  British  waters  in  an  unarmed  state,  he  escaped  the  operation  of 
the  Foreign  Enlistment  Act,  and  brought  the  transaction  within  the 
limits  of  a  commerce  legitimate  in  neutral  waters,  though  unprotected 
from  war  risks.  In  order  to  comply  to  the  uttermost  with  the  requisi- 
tions of  Mr.  Adams,  our  government  has  exposed  itself  to  a  humiliating 
defeat  in  court.  Lord  Russell,  —  doubtless  fearing  this, —had  previ- 
ously offered  to  Mr.  Seward  to  propose  to  Parliament  amendments 
rendering  the  Foreign  Enlistment  Act  more  stringent,  on  condition  of 
the  same  changes  being  simultaneously  recommended  to  Congress  in 
your  Law,  —  which  is  identical  with  ours.  The  offer  was  decliued.  It 
is  difficult  to  see  what  more  we  could  do,  than  propose  to  make  the  law 
tighter ;  and  meanwhile,  try  it  as  it  is. 

If  you  have  read  the  judgment  of  the  Chief- Just  ice,  you  will  doubt* 
less  have  noticed  that  he  puts  upon  the  same  footing  the  sale  of  arms 
and  the  sale  of  ships.  If  the  latter  gives  ground  of  complaint,  so  does 
the  former:  if  our  manufacturers  offend  against  you  in  one  article,  they 
offend  against  the  South  in  another :  only,  the  South  cannot  stop  the 
arms  that  go  to  New  York ;  and  you  expect  to  stop  the  ships  that  go  to 
Charles  too.  The  adventures  of  trade  are  perfectly  impartial:  they  are 
intangible  by  law;  and  are  wholly  devoid  of  political  significance. 

Deeply  as  I  lament  that  we  should  be  the  object  of  such  a  feeling  as 
you  describe,  I  cannot  admit  that  its  bare  existence  establishes  its 
justice:  and  I  can  confidently  affirm  that  it  is  quite  unintelligible,  and 
without  the  least  response,  here.  A  few  irritable  and  eccentric  men, 
like  Roebuck,  may  doubtless  be  found,  who  spurt  out  splenetic  extrava- 
gancies against  the  Northern  cause :  but  against  these  you  must  set  off  the 
vastly  superior  weight  of  positive  sympathy  and  advocacy  which  that 

28 


434  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.       [ILutCH, 

cause  receives  from  a  few  Englishmen  of  the  highest  order,  such  as 
Mill,  Newman,  Gold  win  Smith,  Bright  and  Cobden.  Neither  class 
represents  the  national  feeling;  which  repudiates  alike  the  temper 
of  the  former  and  the  doctrine  of  the  latter. 

Great  harm,  I  think,  has  been  done  to  the  European  repute  of  the 
Northern  cause  by  confusing,  in  its  management,  the  constitutional  and 
the  anti-slavery  question,  and  not  keeping  its  issue  clear  and  simple.  I 
have  always  held  that  the  attack  on  Fort  Sumter  put  your  government 
in  the  right,  and  compelled  the  resort  to  force  in  reply.  The  obligation 
to  maintain  the  Constitution  was  an  obligation  to  use  the  forces  of  the 
State  against  Secession.  The  title  of  a  government  to  vindicate  its 
authority  and  property  is  unimpeachable:  and,  accordingly,  at  the  outset, 
all  European  spectators  condemned  the  connivance  of  Buchanan  and 
approved  of  the  honest  efforts  of  his  successor.  But  the  duty  of  using 
a  formal  right,  and  the  extent  to  which  it  should  be  enforced,  must 
always  be  limited  by  the  range  of  possible  success.  It  cannot  be 
a  duty,  —  on  the  contrary,  it  is  the  gravest  of  political  crimes, — to 
pledge  the  resources  of  a  State  against  all  odds.  No  sooner,  therefore, 
did  the  scale  and  the  resoluteness  of  the  Secession  become  evident, 
than  the  European  feeling  as  to  the  original  right  became  qualified  by 
the  spectacle  of  overwhelming  facts :  the  problem  undertaken  by  your 
government  was  deemed  unmanageable :  and  the  war  was  deplored  as 
likely  only  to  embitter  an  inevitable  separation.  Its  continued  prose- 
cution seemed  to  imply  a  presumptuous  overestimate  of  what  human 
will  and  force  can  accomplish,  and  a  rejection,  too  prolonged,  of  the 
obvious  arbitrament  of  nature  and  Providence. 

Then,  the  introduction  of  a  new  issue  by  the  Abolitionists  at  Wash- 
ington has  certainly  injured  the  Northern  cause  in  the  appreciation  of 
European  statesmen.  The  removal  of  Slavery  is,  in  their  judgment, 
no  proper  object  of  a  war:  and  is,  on  the  other  hand,  far  too  serious 
and  responsible  a  change  to  be  resorted  to  incidentally,  as  a  mere 
instrument  of  war.  It  is  pre-eminently  a  work  of  peace ;  needing  de- 
liberation, time,  and  organized  vigilance  and  control :  and  to  inaugurate 
it  in  the  heat  and  haste  of  conflict,  to  impose  it  as  a  military  penalty, 
to  identify  it  with  confiscation  and  attainder,  is  to  do  all  that  is  possible 
to  make  it  hateful  and  hopeless.  This,  at  least,  is  the  view  taken,  so 
far  I  can  observe,  by  all  our  most  experienced  and  high-minded  men  of 
affairs,  including  the  anti-slavery  leaders  themselves.  The  proclama- 
tion of  Lincoln  1  captivated  a  certain  number  of  our  philanthropists  of 

1  The  Emancipation  Proclamation. 


LETTERS  OF   DR.   JAMES   MARTIXEAU. 


sentiment ;  and  alienated  others  by  stopping  short  of  their  desires ;  but, 
if  I  mistake  not,  has  had  upon  our  responsible  men  of  action  a  deeper 
and  more  unfavourable  effect  than  any  incident  since  the  beginning  of 
the  struggle.  It  has  marred  the  simplicity  of  your  Constitutional  cause 
by  introducing,  through  an  overstrained  application  of  belligerent  right, 
a  collateral  issue  far  too  great  to  remain  collateral. 

In  all  this  I  feel  profoundly  my  liability  to  judge  amiss,  from  imper- 
fect command  of  the  data  for  thinking  right.  But  you  ask  for  my  im- 
pressions :  and  I  frankly  give  them*  They  are  open  to  any  correction 
you  may  benefit  me  by  bestowing.  God  grant  that  we  may  soon  discuss 
these  matters  in  the  retrospect  of  peace  I 

I  am  delighted  that  you  approve  of  Dr*  Sadler's  Liturgy,  Your 
publishers  promise  me  a  copy  of  their  reprint    With  our  united  kindest 

I  regards, 
Ever  faithfully  yours, 
Jakes  Maktinkau.1 
Rev*  J.  IL  Alll*. 


JAMES   MARTINEAU  TO  JOSEPH   HENRY  ALLEN* 


35,  Gordon  Square,  London;  W.  C. 
Mar.  12,  1891. 
Dear  Mr.  Allen, 

I  received  with  real  delight  your  fascinating  volume,  and  not  less  so 
your  letter,  with  the  good  tidings  of  your  probable  visit  to  Europe  a  few 
months  hence.  Before  that  time  I  shall  hope  to  have  given  more  than  a 
rapid  glance  at  the  Fragments  of  Christian  History,  so  as  to  be  in. 
possession  of  some  distinct  impressions  of  the  several  subjects  and  your 
mode  of  handling  them.  Though,  alas,  even  the  small  competency  I 
once  had  to  speak  on  these  historical  themes  I  have  in  great  measure 
lost  through  the  necessary  limitation  of  my  later  studies  to  the  philo- 
sophical subjects  with  which  it  is  my  function  to  deal.  My  interest 
however  in  the  life  of  past  ages,  especially,  in  the  history  of  early 
Christendom,  is  even  sharpened  by  my  exile  from  the  literature  relating 
to  it  5  and  I  kindle  up  at  the  very  titles  of  your  Essays.  I  sincerely 
hope  that  you  will  not  have  earned  in  vain  your  admirable  qualifications 

1  It  is  a  matter  of  regret  that  a  gap  in  the  preserved  correspondence  occurs 
at  this  point.  It  would  have  been  interesting  to  read  what  Dr.  Martiueau  wrote 
to  Dr.  AOfefl  after  what  he  had  declared  to  be  "  impossible  objects  "  had  become 
accomplished  facts. 


436  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OP  MASSACHUSETTS.      [Ma*CH, 

for  the  chair  l  which  you  have  temporarily  filled;  but  that  a  position  so 
congenial  will  be  confirmed  to  you  in  permanence. 

I  am  most  anxious  that,  if  you  come  over  this  summer,  your  time  in 
London  should  include  the  week  beginning  with  the  19th  of  June.  It  is 
the  week  which  closes  our  College  Session :  and  though  the  examinations 
and  various  meetings  render  it  a  very  busy  time,  they  gather  together  a 
good  many  friends  whom,  I  think,  you  would  like  to  see.  And,  —  to 
urge  a  more  selfish  reason,  —  both  before  and  after  those  few  days  I 
shall  be,  —  with  my  daughters,  —  far  away  in  Inverness-shire,  where  we 
now  live  for  five  months  in  the  year.  If,  indeed,  you  would  come  and  see 
us  there,  that  would  be  better  than  London,  and  we  would  find  our  way 
together  to  the  top  of  Cairn  Gorm  and  through  some  of  the  forest  walks. 
But  then,  unfortunately,  my  cottage  is  very  small,  and  gives  me  only  one 
bedroom  at  disposal;  and  there  is  no  inn  or  boarding-house  within 
twelve  miles :  so  that  my  hospitality,  —  except  by  day,  —  is  perforce 
limited  to  one.  It  is  just  possible,  however,  that  I  might  be  able,  in 
some  farm  house  near,  to  find  a  supplementary  lodging,  if  you  can 
bring  so  remote  a  place  within  the  range  of  your  movements.  We  shall 
be  delighted  to  be  introduced  to  your  son  and  daughter. 

My  young  people  (no,  I  must  not  call  them  so,  for  they  all  remember 
well  your  visit  of  twenty-six  years  ago)  join  me  in  the  warm  remem- 
brances with  which 

I  am,  Yours  most  truly, 

James  Martixeau. 
Rev.  J.  H.  Allen. 


JAMES  MARTINEAU  TO   JOSEPH  HENRY  ALLEN. 

35,  Gordon  Square,  London,  W.  C. 

Jany.  29,  1884. 
Dear  Mr.  Allen, 

I  know  you  will  indulgently  remember,  in  excuse  for  my  delayed 

acknowledgment  of  your  most  welcome  letter  and  volume,  that  "  the 

steps  of   an  old  man  are  slow."     Of  your  instructive  and  interesting 

sketches  of  Christian  History 2  I  have  long  ago  read   the   substance 

(forgive  the  "  metaphysical  fiction  "  )  of  both  volumes;  with  the  result 

of  at  once  procuring  them  for  the  use  of  our  students  in  the  College 

Library,   who   are   constantly  referred  to  them  by  my  accomplished 

1  Dr.  Allen  was  Lecturer  on  Ecclesiastical  History  in  the  Harvard  Divinity 

School  from  1878  till  1882. 

2  Christian  History  in  its  Three  Great  Periods. 


1900] 


LETTERS    OF   DR.    JAMES    MARTINEAU. 


437 


colleague,  Professor  J,  E.  Carpenter,  in  his  Lectures  on  Ecclesiastical 
History, 

To  me  they  are  in  a  high  decree  fascinating;  none  the  less,  —  indeed, 
rather  the  more,  —  that  with  their  underlying  philosophical  conceptions, 
as  brought  out  in  the  chapter  entitled  Passage  from  Dogma  to  Ptos 
Reason,  I  do  not  find  my  usual  ways  of  thinking  quite  in  accord.  If  I 
interpret  you  aright,  in  your  appeal  to  M  fact/1  as  ultimate  verifier,  your 
criticism  proceeds  upon  the  Positivist  theory  of  what  Knowledge  is,  viz, 
that  we  know  only  phenomena  anil  their  laws  of  grouping  and  succes- 
sion- Now  I  admit  this  to  be  an  adequate  account  of  the  business  of 
Science  and  of  the  conditions  of  prevision*  But  I  must  add  that  Phe- 
nomena cannot  be  known  without  Xoumena.  The  word  is  one  term  of 
a  Relation,  and  has  no  meaning  without  the  other :  a  phenomenon  is  a 
phenomenon  of  something;  it  is  someickere  and  some  where  ;  it  cannot 
be  thought,  but  as  from  a  cause;  and  involves,  as  correlates,  the  Nou- 
mena  Substance,  Space,  Time,  Cause;  —  all  of  them,  if  you  please, 
supplied  purely  by  the  Intellect  (or  Perceptive  Power,  as  Kant  would 
say,  of  two  of  them)  itself;  but  not  on  that  account  less  inherent  in  the 
act  of  knowing  and  essential  factors  of  it,  than  the  matter  of  sensation 
as  felt  Why  we  should  consider  the  phenomenal,  i.  e*  the  sensible, 
side  of  this  relative  act,  real  and  trust-worthy,  and  the  intellectual  a 
fiction  and  a  phantom*,  I  cannot  see,  I  therefore  hold,  with  Descartes, 
that,  in  these  last  resorts,  Mlli  thmujht  of  thr  mind  Eqpmmfi  the  truth 
of  fact"  /  and  further,  that  '"observed  fact"  has  and  cau  have  no 
better  guarantee  than  such  "  metaphysical  fictions,*'  "Fact  m  is  ascer- 
tained by  Perception ;  and  Perception  carries  in  it  the  4  ■  Thought  of 
the  Mind,"  without  which  it  does  not  become  predication  at  all:  and 
any  distrust  felt  towards  the  **  Thought  *  equally  affects  the  *fc  Fact-" 
To  impugn  the  Noumena  is  to  be  left  without  the  Phepomena, 

You  will  sec,  from  this  confession,  why  I  do  not  feel  the  ll  despairs 
of  Metaphysics,"  or  the  disaffection  towards  the  schools  of  speculative 
philosophy,  which  the  modern  preoccupation  with  the  Inductive  Sciences 
has  for  awhile  rendered  prevalent  So  long  as  knowledge  is  a  relation, 
and  an  antithetic  relation,  between  Knower  and  Known,  it  cannot  dis- 
pense with  equal  faith  in  both  ;  and  what  the  Subject,  qua  apprehensive, 
necessarily  thinks,  enters  into  the  Real  no  less  than  what  Object  univer- 
sally gives.  Philosophy  as  I  understand  it,  takes  charge  of  the  former, 
i.  e.  of  the  constants  of  knowledge  ;  Science  of  the  latter,  — i.  e,  of  its 
variables.  If  either  pursuit  ever  dreamt  of  doing  the  work  of  the  other, 
i.  e.  if  it  set  up  for  a  knowledge  of  "the  Absolute  "  (which  appears  to 
me  an  unfounded  charge),  such  an  illusion  merits  exposure.  But  toofa 
a  mistake  is  no  more  implied  in  the  mediaeval  exaggeration  of  the  De- 


438  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.      [Mabch, 

ductive  method,  than  it  is  in  the  present  overestimate  of  the  Inductive. 
The  error,  in  both  instances,  seems  to  me  a  mere  attempt  to  cover  the 
defect  of  the  age  by  overstraining  the  resources  of  its  strength. 

You  will  set  me  down,  I  fear,  as  a  hopeless  subject,  when  I  own  to 
feeling  still  some  "  difficulty "  in  saying  that  "  Matter  thinks."  My 
reason  is  simply,  that  "  matter "  is  a  word  meaning  exclusively  what 
is  or  may  be  an  object  of  perception;  while  "thinks"  is  predicable  ex- 
clusively of  a  subject  of  the  perceiving  act ;  and  as  these  exist  only  in 
and  by  antithesis,  to  unify  them  is  to  cancel  them.  The  appreciation 
of  this  unconquerable  antithesis  is  gradually  gaining  ground,  I  am 
happy  to  see,  among  the  living  or  recent  representatives  of  the  "  empiri- 
cal school,"  whose  first  leanings  were  towards  materialism  and  who  still 
linger  on  its  precincts.  There  is  a  marked  tendency  among  them  to- 
wards a  Leibnizian  form  of  conception,  —  providing,  under  the  name 
of  u  Mind-stuff  "  or  some  equivalent,  a  separate  germ,  in  the  primordial 
data,  for  the  future  developments  of  consciousness,  concurrent  with  the 
initiation  and  development  of  the  material  system.  Croom  Robertson x 
seems  to  lean  in  this  direction,  —  as  Clifford  a  evidently  did  ;  and  hints  to 
the  same  effect  drop  out  pretty  frequently  in  the  newer  literature ;  — 
partly,  no  doubt,  influenced  by  Lotze.  I  welcome  this  change,  not  as 
introducing  a  satisfactory  hypothesis,  but  as  acknowledging  a  limit  to 
the  resources  of  evolution,  and  a  returning  suspicion  of  the  intractable 
character  of  absolute  monism. 

With  regard  to  Kant,  I  am  quite  at  one  with  your  appreciation  of  his 
stand  made  upon  "  the  solid  ground  of  Ethics."  But  what  constitutes 
its  solidity  seems  to  me  simply  this :  that  in  the  Practical  Reason  he 
accepts  and  affirms  the  implicit  postulates  of  the  faculty  which  he  is  ex- 
pounding; while,  in  the  Pure  Reason,  he  challenges  and  denies  their 
validity.  For  this  difference  I  see  no  shadow  of  justification.  The 
Subjective  character  of  the  assumptions,  —  which  is  all  that  he  proves 
in  the  Pure  Reason,  —  is  there  used  as  the  plea  for  discrediting  them : 

1  The  reference  is  to  George  Croora  Robertson  (1842-1892),  a  graduate  of 
the  University  of  Aberdeen  in  which  he  was  made  assistant-professor  of  Greek 
in  1864.  At  the  time  of  his  appointment  (I860)  to  the  professorship  of  Mental 
Philosophy  and  Logic  in  University  College,  London,  Dr.  Marti neau  was  also 
a  candidate.  Robertson  belonged  to  the  empirical  school  of  philosophy  and 
for  that  reason  had  the  active  support  of  Grote  and  Mill  against  Dr.  Mar- 
tineau. 

2  William  Kingdon  Clifford  (1845-1879),  F.R.S.,  a  mathematician  and  philo- 
sophical writer  of  note.  He  was  a  graduate  and  Fellow  of  Trinity  College, 
Cambridge,  and  Professor  of  Applied  Mathematics  in  University  College, 
London. 


1900.] 


LETTEKS    OF    JUL    JAMES    MAKTIXEAU. 


489 


in  the  Ethical  book,  it  is  used  as  the  adequate  ground  for  faith  in  them* 
But,  in  this  last  sound  step,  he  does  not  pass  into  any  new  field  of 
empirical  logic ;  he  only  repents  him  of  his  sins,  and  makes  the  amende 
honorable  to  his  maltreated  intuitive  forms  of  thought :  he  takes  back 
into  trust  his  discarded  old  tutor,  —  Metaphysics, — this  and  nothing 
else.  So  that  I  cannot  agree  with  the  view,  that  the  first  book  abolished 
the  metaphysical  regime,  and  the  second  inaugurated  the  inductive. 

If  we  were  face  to  face,  I  should  like  to  have  exchanged  ideas  with 
you  on  other  topics,  — e,  g.  Justification  by  Faith,  But  such  subjects 
are  too  large  for  these  days  of  hurried  correspondence.  I  see  that 
much  of  the  difference  in  our  modes  of  viewing  religious  problems  is 
due  to  my  old  fashioned  habits  of  mind,  less  imbued  than  your  younger 
thought  with  the  rationalizing  Zeitgeist.  The  world  is  with  you.  And 
though  I  mean  to  leave  a  little  testimony  to  the  faiths  which  have  been 
the  light  of  my  life,  I  fully  expect  that,  if  listened  to  at  all,  it  will  be 
soon  forgot,  lost  in  the  countless  waves  from  which  at  last  some  better 
truth  will  dawn. 

Believe  me  Ever, 

Yours  most  sincerely, 

James  Maettneau, 
Rev.  J,  IL  All**. 


JOSEPH   HENRY  ALLEN   TO   JAMES   MARTmEAU, 

[Draught  of  a  portion  only  of  a  letter  dated  IS  February \  1BS4^\ 

Those  laws  of  thought  expressed  in  the  categories  of  cause,  space, 
time,  and  the  like,  I  make  no  doubt  whatever  are  the  expression  of 
truth — nay,  of  truth  objective  to  the  mind  that  thinks.  But  the 
mediaeval  Realism  assumed  a  good  deal  more,  in  claiming  that  ri  the 
thought  of  the  mind  represents  the  truth  of  fact.1'  For  example, 
the  whole  theory  of  the  Logos  as  a  superhuman  personality,  with  its 
attributes  and  functions,  and  the  conditions  of  its  manifestation  in  a 
human  life,  was,  as  I  take  it,  a  purely  subjective  apprehension,  devel- 
oped (like  the  German's  camel)  out  of  Men's  **  moral  consciousness  " 
—  yet  none  the  less  having  to  them  an  objective  reality,  which  one 
might  be  burnt  at  the  stake  for  questioning.  Those  curious  questions 
treated  by  Thomas  Aquinas,  with  absolute  simplicity  of  faith  that  he 
can  give  a  valid  answer  by  a  mere  mental  process  (some  of  which  I 
gave  on  p,  222  of  The  Middle  Age),  are  illustrations  of  a  state  of 
mind  which  only  began  to  be  dispelled  when  Descartes  began  to  think 


440 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY   OF  MASSACHUSETTS*       [March, 


End  therefore  to  be.     In  short,  that  menacing  and  tyrannical  system  of 

dogma,  from  which  only  a  small  part  of  Christendom  U  yet  delivered, 
is  (to  our  view)  a  vast  and  horrible  phantasmagory,  iu  which  *4  the 
thought  of  the  mind  \b  assumed  to  represent  truth  of  fact/'  It  is  this 
style  of  ••  realism, "  not  at  all  that  which  helps  make  clear  to  us  the 
essential  conditions  of  the  mental  life,  that  I  had  in  mind;  and  to 
insist  upon  the  fact  (which  our  students  ought  to  know)  that  Protestant 
orthodoxy  is  only  a  stranded  wreck  of  that  old  phantasmagory. 


JAMES  MABTTNEAU   TO  JOSEPH  HENRV  ALLEN, 

The  l'tjLctmi,  RoTfURxcRCnrs,  Ayiemork,  Scotland. 
Aug.  19,  1888. 

Beak  Mb*  Allen, 

As  Editor  of  the  Unitarian  Review  and  long  an  observer  of  our 
English  affairs,  you  know  enough  of  the  Unitarian  Home  Missionary 
Board  in  Manchester,  to  he  aware  that  its  Principal  cannot  fail  to  be 
in  the  foremost  rank  of  our  Theologians  and  Preachers ;  and  you  will 
readily  allow  me  to  commend  to  your  kind  regard  the  present  occupant 
of  that  office,  Rev.  J,  Edwin  Odgers,  who,  with  his  equally  worthy 
younger  brother,  Rev,  J.  Collins  Odgers,  is  proposing  to  devote  the 
vacation  months  to  a  sojourn  in  the  U.  $,  A.,  and  especially  in  New 
Kup:! and.  You  will  recognize  in  them,  I  venture  to  say*  the  true  stamp 
of  the  English  scholar,  and  the  simplicity  of  the  earnest  divine-  They 
desire  especially  to  see  and  know  what  they  can  of  Harvard  and  its 
Divinity  School, 

I  take  the  opportunity  of  this  note,  to  thank  you  for  the  June  number 
of  the  Unitarian  Review,  I  found  Prof.  Everett's  notice  of  my  book  l 
only  too  generous  in  its  literary  and  personal  appreciations.  And  if, 
in  his  exposition  of  my  way  of  thinking,  I  could  not  always  recognize 
my  self ,  this  no  doubt  arose  from  an  incapacity  in  me  for  transposing 
myself  to  his  (apparently  Hegelian)  point  of  view.  Where  the  theory 
of  knowledge  at  the  outset  is  different,  mutual  understanding  is  there- 
after impossible.  I  felt,  therefore,  a  certain  want  of  a  preliminary 
rrlairriasementf  such  as  would  hare  come  out,  had  he  addressed  any 
criticism  to  the  opening  Book  of  the  Treatise,  If  you  see  the  Dutch 
Periodical,  De  Tijdspiegel  and  happen  to  have  read,  in  the  July  and 


*  Study  of  Religion :  Ite  Sources  and  Contents,    Dr.  C.  C.  Everett's  Notice 
appeared  in  the  Unitarian  Review  for  June,  1898,  xxix.  485-508, 


LETTERS   OF  DR,   JAMES   MARTIXEAU. 


441 


August  numbers,  a  Review  by  ProF  Van  der  Wfck  of  the  Study  of 
Religion  and  of  Prof.  Rauweohoff* s  Wijsbegeerte  van  den  Godsrlienst, 
you  will  catcb  my  meaning.  Still,  I  have  every  possible  reason  to  be 
grateful  to  Prof,  Everett.  The  difference  of  School  is  involuntary  and 
inevitable. 

I  remain,  always, 

Yours  most  truly, 

Jakes  Haiotneau, 
Rbt.  J.  K  Allbw. 

DEi 

* 


JAMES  MARTIN EAU   TO   JOSEPH    HENRY  ALLEN, 


85,  Go  EDO*  So.tr  am,  Lohuojt,  W.  C. 
Jan.  31,  1889. 

I  H-.  a  u  Mr,  Aixen, 

My  friend,  Mr.  OdgerV  has  made  me  partaker  of  his  many  pleasant 
and  heartening  impressions  of  Boston  and  Cambridge  life  ;  among  which 
none  were  more  welcome  to  me  than  those  which  came  out  in  answer 
to  my  enquiries  about  yourself  and  your  work.  He  has  since  com- 
municated to  me  the  proposal  *  which  your  kind  letter  of  the  17th  inst 
repeats  with  some  additions.  It  has  so  much  to  recommend  it  to  the 
feeling  of  our  co-religionists  here,  that  it  is  very  likely  to  receive 
encouragement,  especially  in  the  absence,  just  now,  of  any  periodical 
organ  of  liberal  theology,  beyond  the  weekly  newspaper  or  purely 
popular  reporters  of  practical  affairs, 

I  am  sorry  that  my  personal  judgment,  after  reflecting  on  the  condi- 


1  Hev,  Jamea  Edwin  Odgers,  D.Dp 

1  Of  which  a  copy  is  at  the  rooms  of  the  American  Unitarian  Association. 

Dr,  Qdgers  writes  to  me  as  follows  concerning  this  " proposal n  :  — 

I  have  no  doubt  that  this  refers  to  a  matter  discussed  between  myself  and  Mr.  Allen, 
—  first  opened  to  me  by  him  when  I  flfl  in  Boston  in  October*  J  888.  I  regret  that  I 
cannot  lay  my  hands  upon  documents  in  relation  to  it  -  but  I  destroyed  a  number  of  let- 
ters and  papers  when  I  left  Bowdon  for  Oxford,  in  1894*  The  successor  of  the  National 
Review,  the  Modern  Review,  and  the  revived  Christian  Reformer  had  come  to  an  end  ; 
and  in  19S9t  the  English  Liberal  Non-conformists  were  without  an  "organ"  of  the 
higher  and  more  solid  sort.  I  believe  I  am  right  in  saying  that  Mr.  Allen  proposed  to 
me  (October  10,  1888)  to  attempt  turning  the  Unitarian  Review  into  an  International 
Theological  Quarterly,  England  to  furnish  a  sufficient  subsidy  and  a  co-editor.  On  my 
letatn,  I  printed  and  emulated  hU  letter,  asking  for  expressions  of  opinion,  which  were 
discouraging.  To  this,  Dr.  Marti  neau  undoubtedly  refers  in  Jan  nary  of  the  next  year* 
His  reasons  are  based  upon  just  the  same  sort  of  considerations  as  he  refers  to  in  hi» 
memorable  letter  to  Mr.  Allen  printed  at  the  end  of  Mr.  A>'s  Unttariamsm  Since  the 
Reformation  (1894),  pp*  247*2+9.  ,  ♦  ,  Dr.  Martineau  would  have  nothing  to  do  with  a 
Unitarian  Review ;  and  Boston  intended  to  fly  that  flag. 


442  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.       [MARCH, 

tions  of  the  case,  is  not  favourable  to  the  scheme.  Oar  religious  posi- 
tion in  this  country  is  historically  and  essentially  different  from  yours. 
Yon  have,  and  desire  to  have,  an  organized  Unitarian  Body  existing  as 
a  Unitarian  Church.  We  have  not,  and  are  bound,  by  our  antecedents, 
our  Foundation-deeds,  and  our  professions,  not  to  have ;  our  ecclesi- 
astical existence  and  life  having  no  relation  to  any  particular  type  of 
theological  opinion  that  may  happen  to  be  prevalent  among  us  at  this 
or  that  season  of  development.  A  theological  organ  is,  therefore,  eo 
ipso,  unfitted  for  representing  the  common  interests  of  our  religious 
life. 

And,  on  the  other  hand,  a  Review  which  is  to  do  the  important  work 
of  a  Theological  organ  of  criticism  and  research,  cannot  possibly  assume 
the  name  of  a  particular  type  of  theology.  Such  a  renunciation  of  all 
pretension  to  intellectual  impartiality  cannot  be  corrected  by  any  at- 
tempt to  make  the  Unitarian  name  cover  indefinitely  more  than  belongB 
to  its  original  and  well-understood  meaning.  It  grieves  me  beyond 
measure,  morally  even  more  than  logically,  to  see  an  ever-increasing 
tendency  to  this  tampering  with  the  exact  meaning  of  indispensable 
words. 

It  strikes  me  also  that,  from  time  to  time,  there  must  arise,  in  either 
country,  questions  of  pressing  interest,  social  and  political,  which  are  of 
no  concern  to  the  other.  The  local  colouring  which  would  thus  be 
imparted  to  the  Review,  I  do  not  think  it  would  be  desirable  either  to 
withhold  or  to  obtrude.  I  believe  that  we  shall  help  one  another  best 
by  the  separate  work  of  free  hands. 

All  the  more,  for  this  opinion,  do  I  thank  you  for  the  copies  of  the 
Review  which  you  have  kindly  sent;  and  which  I  am  reading  with 
much  interest.  The  report  of  Dr.  Hedge's  recovery  delights  me  more 
than  I  can  tell. 

Believe  me,  Yours  most  truly, 

James  Martineau. 


JAMES  MARTINEAU  TO  JOSEPH  HENRY  ALLEN. 

35,  Gordon  Square,  London,  W.  C. 
March  28,  1890. 
Dear  Mr.  Allen, 

I  am  delighted  at  the  prospect  of  seeing  you  again  on  this  side  of 
the  Atlantic,  whether  it  be  in  London  or  in  the  Scottish  Highlands. 
We  shall  not  remove  to  our  Northern  cottage  till  the  third  or  fourth 
week  in  May.    But  if  you  are  disposed,  after  that  time,  to  stroll  about 


LETTERS   OF  DR.   JAMES    3IARTEKEAU. 


with  me  on  foot  or  drive  in  a  little  open  carriage,  among  our  hills  and 
forests,  we  shall  heartily  welcome  yon,  and,  if  our  small  cottage  should 
be  full,  shall  easily  find  you  a  night's  lodging  with  a  friendly  neighbour. 

You  do  well  to  take  counsel  with  younger  and  more  hopeful  men  than  I 
in  regard  to  your  projected  Quarterly  Journal ; 1  and  I  have  little  doubt 
that  yon  may  find  energy  enough  to  float  and  conduct  the  enterprise. 
More  **  modern"  men  will  not  feel  the  difficulties  which  withhold  me  from 
participation  in  it.  The  phrase  M  Liberal  Theology  *  is  made  to  cover 
so  much  that,  in  my  view,  is  foreign  to  Theology  altogether,  that  its 
intellectual  claims  carry  in  them  no  tincture  of  religious  interest.  Wore 
it  honestly  set  forth  as  l  *  Anthropology"  I  should  care  much  for  it,  to 
its  place  and  relations  :  but  it  is  spoiled  for  study,  till  it  relinquishes  its 
apotheosis.  The  question  "How  religions  (as  human  phenomena) 
grow/1  is  of  much  psychological  interest;  but  either  evades  the  ques- 
tion which  lies  behind  it  u  Whether  and  how  far  they  are  true,'*  or  treats 
it  as  a  choice  of  more  or  less  accurate  expression  of  an  order  of  subjective 
feelings  and  conceptions,  just  as  the  processes  of  plant  growth  may  be 
loosely  or  exactly  described,  Henry  Drummond*s  book,  Natural  Law 
in  the  Spiritual  World,  seems  to  me  a  useful  reductio  ad  absurdum  of 
the  whole  system  of  illusory  analogies  between  instituted  phenomenal 
order  and  the  Principia  of  eternal  being.  To  me,  Monism  in  any  form, 
Idealistic  or  Materialistic,  is  tantamount  to  a  negation  of  Religion.  I 
mean,  of  course,  in  its  logical  results,  not  in  the  conscious  thought  of 
those  who  hold  it. 

Your  report  of  Dr.  Hedge  interests  and  touches  me  profoundly.  It  is 
natural  for  us  lingering  veterans  to  watch  each  other's  steps  down  the 
declining  path  with  wondering  sympathy,  and  welcome  every  peaceful 
reach  of  the  way  with  a  fellowship  of  thankfulness.  I  can  count  on  the 
fingers  of  one  hand  the  little  octogenarian  band  of  comrades  in  the 
life-campaign. 

Believe  me,  always, 

Yours  most  truly, 

James  Mabttneau. 

JAMES  MAETINEATJ  TO   JOSEPH   HENRY   ALLEN. 


444 


THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY   OF   MASSACHUSETTS.       [MARCH, 


him  of  your  good  offices,  and  of  my  belief  that  "  Tit-Bits  n  l  is  a  humbng, 
depending,  like  mice,  on  the  nibbling  of  manuscripts.  I  am  persuaded 
that  he  will  get  nothing  back ;  though  perhaps,  on  my  return,  I  may 
make  another  attempt*  I  thank  you  heartily  for  so  kindly  acting  in  my 
stead. 

My  friend  Upton2  and  his  wife  have  left  us  after  a  fortnight's  sojourn 
in  which  we  have  rambled  far  and  wide,  physically  over  hill  and  forest* 
spiritually  over  more  than  one  universe,  actual  or  possible  or  impossible. 
After  this  animal  audit  of  metaphysical  accounts,  I  can  start  afresh  wit 
a  mind  at  ease,  and  with  less  fear  of  bankruptcy,  I  wish  you  could  hav 
been  a  party  to  our  colloquies,  But  you  are  better  where  you  are ;  with 
Mr*  Odgers*  you  will  at  least  keep  your  foot  on  terra  firms,  and  work 
out  something  that  is  good.  Give  him  my  kindest  regards,  and  those  of 
an  old  friend  of  his  who  is  with  us.  Miss  Jevons,* 

We  shall  think  of  you  often  on  your  homeward  voyage,  and  long 
after*  May  the  seas  bear  you  gently,  and  restore  you  happily  to  the 
dear  home* 

Yours  affectionately, 

James  Martin eau. 


JAMES   MAETINEAU  TO  JOSEPH   HENBY   ALLEN, 

The  Polckjlr,  Rothiekurchub,  A  vie  more,  Scotland, 
Oct  28,  1890. 

My  dear  Mr.  Allen, 

It  interests  me  much  to  hear  the  result  of  your  negotiations  with  our 
friends  on  this  side  for  the  establishment  of  a  common  organ  of  religious 
thought  and  movement.  Old  age  and  temperament  forbid  me  to  be 
Bangui  ue  in  such  matters :  but  t  have  no  doubt  that  the  enterprise  will 
bear  some  good  fruit,  in  excellent  papers  which,  without  such  a  /tcucvnfc  * 


*  An  English  penny  weekly  magazine  of  a  sort  indicated  sufficiently  by  its 
title* 

a  Professor  Charles  Barnes  Upton,  of  Manchester  New  College. 

a  Rev,  James  Edwin  Odgers,  D,D.  Mr.  Alien  was  a  guest  of  Mr.  Odgers 
at  his  house  ia  Bowdou*  Cheshire,  at  the  time  this  letter  was  written. 

4  Miss  Mary  Catharine  Jevons  was  a  cousin  of  William  Stanley  Jevona, 
LL.D.,  F.TL3.,  the  economist  and  logician, 

*  Our  senior  Vice-President,  William  Watson  Goodwin,  D.CX.,  calls  my 
attention  to  the  fact  that  in  using  this  Greek  word  (meaning  man-midwife) 
Dr«  Marti  neau  **  refers  to  the  common,  jocose  Temark  of  Socrates,  that  he  was 
the  son  of  a  midwife  (see  Plat.  Theaet.  140  A,  &r  $y*>  f tfit  vlh*  pains),  and  that 
he  acted  as  a  midwife  to  deliver  other  men  of  the  thoughts  that  were  in  them. 
though  he  never  gave  birth  to  anything  new  himself*  This  is  found  in  the 
Theaetetus,  after  the  words  quoted/' 


1900.] 


LETTERS   OF  DR.    JAMES   MARTIXEAU, 


445 


would  never  see  the  light  My  own  relation  to  it,  —  I  fear  I  must 
definitely  say,  — can  be  only  that  of  an  eager  reader,  not  of  a  writer. 
What  I  have  thus  far  set  forth  brings  me  to  a  natural  pause:  and  till 
I  know  more,  or  unlearn  what  I  only  seem  to  know,  it  is  fitting  for  me 
to  be  silent  and  simply  look  for  light. 

The  October  number  of  your  Review  can  at  present  be  acknowledged 
with  only  blind  thanks :  for  it  has  not  been  forwarded  to  me  here.  I 
shall  doubtless  find  it  when  we  reach  home  at'  the  end  of  this  week,  I 
saw  the  notice  of  Dr.  Hedge  in  The  Unitarian*1  It  is  pleasant  in  its 
truth  and  tenderness,  but  needs  the  more  comprehensive  and  varied 
portraiture  which  I  expect  to  find  in  the  Review,3 

Mr.  A.  \V\  Jackson,  I  learn,  is  now  in  London,  and  I  hope  to  see  him 
for  an  evening  on  Monday  next  He  has  been  staying  at  Oxford  ;  and  he 
and  Professor  Upton  are  delighted  with  each  other.  He  has  discovered, 
in  his  visit  to  the  old  University,  that  he  must  make  a  study  of  Hegelian- 
ism,  and  follow  it  from  its  fountain -he  ad  to  its  English  derivates,  if  he  is 
to  understand  our  problems  here  and  now.  I  do  not  wonder  that  he  is 
half-frightened  at  the  prospect  of  this  task, 

I  have  sent  to  the  press  the  first  volume  of  the  Studies,  Reviews  and 
Addresses  which  I  have  been  selecting  and  classifying  for  re-publicat ion- 
It  will  be  ready,  I  hope,  by  Christmas*  It  will  consist  chiefly  of  Per- 
sonal or  Biographical  sketches  \  followed  by  two  or  three  Political 
papers*  The  other  volumes  will  appear,  if  no  hitch  occurs,  at  intervals 
of  three  months. 

Our  return  home  is  invited  by  a  sudden  change  to  winter  here ;  the 
landscape  being  clothed  in  snow  from  the  mountain-tops  to  our  very 
doors.  Yet  so  lovely  is  it  that  my  persevering  daughter,  Gertrude 
(whom  you  did  not  see),  has  been  sitting  out  in  it  at  Loch-an-EUan  to 
sketch,  and  fix  the  beauty  ere  it  flies. 

With  our  united  kind  regards,  I  remain 

Yours  most  cordially, 

James  Mabtikeau. 


1  By  the  Rev*  Howard  N*  Brown,  in  The  Unitarian  for  October,  1890,  v. 
49(Mtt2. 

9  Frederic  Henry  Hedge,  the  leading  article  in  the  Unitarian  Review  for 
October,  1890,  xixiv.  281-301,  written  by  Air,  Alien,  then  editor  of  the  Review* 


446  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.       [MARCH, 


JAMES  MARTTNEATJ  TO   JOSEPH  HENRY   ALLEN. 

Thb  Polchar,  Rothiemurchus,  Aviemore,  Scotljutd. 
July  1,  1891. 
My  dear  Dr.  Allen, 

Our  return  to  these  summer  quarters,  where  your  presence  brightened 
a  few  of  our  days  last  year,  reminds  me,  not  without  self-reproach, 
that  I  still  owe  you  my  acknowledgments  for  your  kind  and  welcome 
letter  some  five  or  six  months  ago.  Its  gift  of  one  volume  and  promise 
of  another  were  most  acceptable :  for  I  find  both  stimulus  and  refresh- 
ment in  all  that  you  write,  and  cannot  but  expect  the  same  from  any 
family  memorials  edited  by  yourself  and  your  sisters.  The  advance  of 
life  sheds  an  ever-tenderer  charm  over  the  vanished  forms  and  remem- 
bered modes  of  life  that  can  never  re-appear  as  they  were,  and  yet  arc 
still  living  with  new  varieties  of  blossom  in  the  present.  Nothing  of 
late  has  so  brought  home  to  me  the  wonderful  depth  and  extent  of 
modern  ecclesiastical  and  moral  change,  as  the  late  Dean  Church's 
book  on  the  Oxford  Movement,  a  series  of  papers,  by  a  large-minded  > 
observer,  rendered  singularly  interesting  alike  by  its  personal  sketches 
and  its  connected  thread  of  historical  development.  The  book  very 
seasonably  relieves  the  somewhat  oppressive  one-sidedness  of  Dr. 
Edwin  [A.]  Abbott's  and  F.  W.  Newman's  volumes  upon  the  late 
Cardinal. 

That  my  correspondence  has  flagged  of  late  is  due  in  part  to  constant 
pressure  from  my  printers,  and  in  part  to  my  rashness  in  undertaking 
a  course  of  fourteen  lectures  at  University  Hall,  in  connection  with 
Mrs.  Humphrey  Ward's  institution  centered  there.  I  did  not  get  many 
hearers  of  the  half -educated  and  unsettled  class  chiefly  contemplated  by 
me ;  the  Hall  being  filled  mainly  by  people  with  sufficient  culture  and 
access  to  books  to  render  them  independent  (if  they  would  but  use  their 
resources)  of  any  help  that  I  could  give.  I  can  only  hope  that  I  may 
have  set  a  few  of  them  to  work  out  for  themselves  the  problems  which 
they  are  too  ready  to  leave  floating  in  suspense. 

Our  excellent  friend,  Dr.  Sadler,  has  been  obliged,  through  failing 
health,  to  retire  from  his  charge  at  Hampstead.  Some  of  the  congrega- 
tion are  desirous  of  securing  Mr.  Brooke  Herford  as  his  successor:  and 
the  idea  finds  favour  with  those  who  are  anxious  to  give  the  society  a 
more  vigorous  working  character.  On  the  other  hand,  younger  names 
are  mentioned  as  more  attractive  to  hearers  belonging  to  the  upper 
intellectual  stratum  of  the  congregation.  Means,  I  trust,  will  be  found 
for  avoiding  any  hurtful  conflict  of  interest  or  feeling.     The  position  is 


LETTEB3  OF   DR.   JAMES  MARTEKTEATj; 

a  very  important  and  somewhat  delicate  one :  and  its  difficulties  have 
been  admirably  neutralized  by  Dr,  Sadler's  Christian  tact  and  catholic 
temper. 

J  am  expecting  Prof,  Upton  tomorrow  for  the  fortnight's  visit  which 
he  annually  pays  us:  and  hope  to  bear  of  the  progress  of  the  little  book 
on  Ethics  on  which  he  is  engaged  (by  Dr.  Percival  of  Rugby  and  Dr. 
Evelyn  Abbott  of  Oxford)  for  the  Home-Reading  Library.  Mrs,  Upton, 
I  am  sorry  to  say,  is  too  much  enfeebled  by  a  long  rheumatic  attack,  to 
come  with  him  so  far  North,  I  fear  the  Oxford  climate  does  not  suit 
either  of  them  well. 

My  daughters  send  kindest  remembrances. 
Ever  affectionately  yours, 

James  Maktjneau. 


JAMES   MARTINEAU  TO  JOSEPH   HENRY   ALLEN. 

The  Polchab,  Rothiewurciiijs,  Aviemore,  N,  B, 
Aug.  21,  189L 

Dear  Dr.  Allen, 

Having  just  enjoyed  some  daily  communion  with  you  in  your  two 
volumes,  —  the  Family  Memoir1  and  Positive  Religion,3  I  must  indulge 
myself  with  a  few  words  of  heartfelt  thanks  by  way  of  Appendix.  The 
biographical  volume  has  interested  me  profoundly,  both  by  retouching 
old  memories  and  opening  tome  new  affections  towards  a  whole  group 
of  the  wise  and  faithful  "whom,  having  not  seen/*  I  shall  henceforth 
u  love."  The  early  pages  carried  me  back  to  my  Dublin  ministry, 
during  which  both  Dr.  and  Mrs.  Kirkland  and  Henry  Ware  Jun'  and 
wife  were  repeatedly  visitors  at  my  house, — the  former,  anxious  to 
find,  in  their  common  maiden-name  of  Higginson*  a  link  of  relationship 

1  Memorial  of  Joseph  and  Lucy  Clark  Allen  (Northborough,  Massachu- 
setts).    By  their  children,     Boston,  1801. 

a  Positive  Religion :  Essays,  Fragments  and  Hints,  Boston,  1891. 

■  Dr.  Martineau'a  statement  is  not  strictly  accurate,  Mrs.  Marfcineau  was 
Helen  Higginson,  eldest  daughter  of  the  Rev.  Edward  Higginson  (1781*1832), 
Unitarian  minister  and  schoolmaster  at  Stockport  and  Derby*  She  was 
married  at  Derby  IS  December,  1828,  and  died  &  November,  1877,  at  the  age 
of  seventy-three  (Dictionary  of  National  Biography,  xxvi  872;  and  Supple- 
ment, iii.  146-151), 

Mrs.  Kirkland,  born  Elizabeth  Cabot,  was  baptized  at  Beverly,  Massachu- 
setts, 2  October,  1785,  married  at  King's  Chapel,  Boston,  2  September,  1827, 
and  died  17  August,  1839.    She  was  a  daughter  of  the  Hon*  George  Cabot, 


448  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.      [March, 

between  Mrs.  K.  and  my  wife.  Notwithstanding  some  vestiges  of 
paralytic  affection,  Dr.  K.  left  on  me  an  ineffaceable  impression  of 
dignity  and  graciousness,  and  Mrs.  K.  of  energy  and  genial  vivacity. 
Mrs.  Ware  was  much  out  of  health, —  liable,  I  think,  to  fainting  fits: 
and  this  so  far  affected  his  spirits  that,  though  he  could  never  be  less 
than  interesting,  he  hardly  satisfied  the  enthusiasm  which  his  writings 
had  kindled  in  me.  During  the  Peace-Congress  in  Paris  which  your 
father  attended  in  1849, 1  was,  with  my  family,  in  Germany,  dodging 
"  the  dogs  of  war  "  by  various  movements,  and  coming  upon  traces  of  it 
in  Berlin  and  Vienna,  in  Prague,  and  the  Taunus,  and  Baden.  It  was 
a  memorable  crisis,  the  effects  of  which  are  still  developing  themselves 
in  Europe,  from  Paris  to  Moscow,  from  Copenhagen  to  Palermo.  The 
whole  of  your  father's  life  after  this  visit  to  Europe,  with  the  succes- 
sive home  changes,  is  deeply  interesting  and  touching.  It  was  a  mar- 
vellous triumph  of  self-control  that  he  could  persist  in  his  faithful 
ways,  and  not  be  unhinged  and  broken  down  by  the  thought  of  the 
patient  sufferer  through  all  those  years  at  home.  The  peculiarity, 
which  you  have  as  well  brought  out,  of  his  position  as  (originally) 
minister  of  his  town,  I  greatly  admire  and  respect,  and  cannot  help 
preferring  to  the  fissiparous  disintegration  of  modern  religious  society 
into  a  Congregationalism,  the  law  of  which  is,  for  the  most  part,  the 
survival  of  the  unfittest.  I  cannot  but  envy  you  your  comfortable 
belief  that  the  actual,  being  given  by  evolution,  is  always  the  best. 

In  regard  to  the  essays  on  Positive  Religion,  I  find  myself  in  this 
condition.  You  take  me  up,  page  after  page,  into  heartfelt  sympathy, 
admiring  what  you  admire,  loving  what  you  love.  Our  ideals  are  the 
same.  This  concurrence  of  estimate,  as  to  what  is  highest  and  rightest 
in  character  and  life,  I  should  call  an  ethical  sympathy.  There  is  how- 
ever an  ulterior  question:  "What  and  whence  is  this  ideal?"  Has  it 
any  objective  reality?  If  yes,  viz.  in  some  nobler  soul  than  ours,  then 
our  reverence  for  it  is  still  ethical,  just  as  it  would  be,  were  it  simply 
an  imagining  of  our  own.  Whether,  over  and  above  its  being  ethical,  it 
is  religious,  speaking  to  us  with  an  authority  more  than  that  of  human 
preference,  depends,  I  should  say,  on  its  being  the  manifestation  of 
a   Living   Divine  Will  wherein  the  Holiness  suggested  is  real.    This 

United  States  Senator  from  Massachusetts,  and  his  wife  Elizabeth  Higginson, 
daughter  of  Stephen  and  Elizabeth  (Cabot)  Higginson.  Stephen  Higginson 
(1743-1828),  the  eminent  merchant  of  Boston  and  the  reputed  author  of 
the  Writings  of  Laco,  was  Mrs.  Kirkland's  maternal  uncle  and  the  father  of 
Stephen  Higginson  (1770-1834),  long  Steward  of  Harvard  College  who  was 
sometimes  styled  the  Man  of  Boss. 


1000,]  LETTERS   OP  DR,   JAMES  MARTINEAtJ.  449 

origin  of  it,  as  a  communion  of  God  with  man,  is  what  makes  It  sacred 
to  me,  and  turns  my  obedience  to  it  into  worship,  and  renders  possible 
that  trust  and  love  towards  it  which  can  subsist  only  between  person 
and  person.  But,  if  I  understand  you  aright,  you  invert  this  relation, 
and  regard  the  word  "God*1  as  significant  only  of  an  unwarrantable 
personification  of  the  ideal  itself  as  a  subjective  phenomenon :  bo  that 
we,  in  fact,  invent  a  Divine  Righteousness  in  our  desire  to  borrow  a 
transcendent  authority  for  our  own*  I  am  unable  to  accept  this  ethi- 
cal reduction  of  the  contents  of  Religion,  or  the  postulates  on  which  it 
is  based*  While  therefore  I  am,  for  the  most  part,  at  one  with  your 
ideals  and  often  greatly  moved  by  your  impressive  presentation  of 
them,  I  cannot  rest  content  with  their  self -authentication  and  limita- 
tion to  the  Finite  world. 

We  had  an  interesting  visit  here  from  your  excellent  Miss  Bartlett,1 
the  lady  i2etf(T  and  were  much  taken  by  her*  She  preached  with  much 
acceptance  at  Hon  ton,*  Her  example  however  does  not  quite  convert 
me  to  the  new  mode. 

My  daughters  unite  in  warm  regards. 

Ever  affectionately  yours, 

Jas.  Maktineau. 


JAMES   MARTINEATJ  TO   JOSEPH   HENRY  AI*LEN« 

S5,  Gordon  Square,  Lohiion,  W.  C. 
PMay,  1894  7  J 

Dear  Dr.  Allen, 

On  364  days  of  the  year  I  wonder  at  the  old  Hebrew  yearning  for 
length  of  life  and  glorification  of  old  age*  But  the  remaining  day  con- 
verts me  for  twenty-four  hours  by  mere  force  of  congratulation  and  the 
charm  of  the  gracious  and  friendly  letters  that  lie  in  heaps  upon  my 
table :  so  that  I  think  nothing  more  delightful  than  the  first  step  into 
my  90th  year.  You  have  a  large  share  of  my  gratitude  for  this  happy 
illusion,  if  illusion  it  be :  for  nothing  is  more  welcome  and  cheering  to 
me  than  the  benediction  which  you  waft  to  me  over  the  Atlantic.     For 

1  Miss  Caroline  Julia  Bartlett,  ordained  in  1889,  since  the  wife  of  Dr.  Augus- 
tus Warren  Crane  of  Kalamazoo t  Michigan*  She  is  now  called  Mrs.  Bartlett 
Crane, 

*  Monton  is  a  suburb  of  Manchester,  Miss  Bartlett  preached  in  the  pulpit 
of  Dr.  Martineau*s  nephew,  the  Rev.  Philip  lligginson,  whose  church  is  regarded 
as  the  moat  beautiful  Unitarian  Chapel  in  England. 

2y 


450  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OP  MASSACHUSETTS.      [Mabch, 

a  little  while  the  affectionate  words  of  like-minded  friends  keep  at  bay 
the  old  man's  disheartening  feeling  that  he  has  outlived  his  time.  But 
on  slipping  back  into  the  current  of  prevailing  experience,  he  feels  how 
it  is  drifting  away  from  his  ideals,  and  even  wandering  into  desert 
sands  which  it  cannot  fertilise.  I  look  with  some  anxiety  on  the  ten- 
dencies of  our  religious  body  both  here  and  in  the  United  States ;  every 
critical  turn  in  our  history  rendering  it  more  evident  that,  instead  of 
developing  the  inspiration  of  our  higher  traditions,  we  are  surrendering 
ourselves  to  the  lower.  The  future,  I  believe,  is  not  yet  closed  against 
us,  if  there  were  but  a  soul  great  enough  to  lead  us.  But  it  seems, 
alas !  as  if  "  the  Sun  had  gone  down  upon  the  Prophets  " !  I  cannot 
be  surprised  at  the  outbreak  of  divisions,  when  I  see  what  a  so-called 
Church  may  come  to  be  in  some  of  your  "  advanced  "  stations,  and  in 
some  of  ours. 

I  shall  look  with  eager  interest  for  your  promised  volume.1  Probably* 
the  impression  which  it  leaves  will  be  stronger  and  clearer,  from  its  not 
being  combined  with  the  work  of  another  hand  or  the  history  of 
another  time. 

With  our  united  kindest  regards, 
I  am,  always, 

Yours  most  cordially, 

James  Marttnkau. 


JAMES  MARTINEATX  TO  JOSEPH  HENRY  ALLEN. 

35,  Gordon  Square,  London,  W.  C. 
May  27,  1895. 

Dear  Dr.  Allen, 

1  I  am  delighted  to  receive,  and  delighted  to  reciprocate,  your  con- 
gratulations. Your  day  of  blessing  and  family  gathering  this  month1 
I  can  realise  with  the  deeper  sympathy  from  its  brightness  in  contrast 
with  the  parallel  experiences  of  my  own  life.  On  the  same  day  I 
visited,  with  my  daughter  Gertrude,  her  mother's  grave,  who  was  taken 
from  us  just  one  year  before  the  Golden  Wedding  became  due.  And, 
instead  of  being  surrounded,  as  you  happily  are,  by  a  joyous  crowd  of 
descendant?,  I  am  quitting  the  world  without  leaving  a  grandchild  to 

1  An  Historical  Sketch  of  the  Unitarian  Movement  since  the  Reformation 
(American  Church  History  Series),  New  York,  1894. 

2  The  reference  is  to  Dr.  Allen's  golden  wedding  anniversary  which  occurred 
22  May,  1895. 


1900.] 


LETTERS   OP  DR.   JAMES   MARTiyEAU, 


451 


hand  down  the  household  memory  and  name.  This  deepens  the  sense 
of  solitude  which  is  inseparable  from  the  later  stages  of  so  prolonged 
a  life.  Yet  I  am  grateful  for  the  lengthened  stay,  under  conditions 
which  leave  the  essential  interests  of  life  still  unimpaired,  and  its 
energies  hardly  touched  by  any  disabling  infirmity. 

My   daughters  join   me  in   cordial  congratulations   on   your   bappy 
arrival  at  eo  memorable  a  date  in  domestic  experience.     We  are  ou  the 
eve  of  our  annual  removal  to  Scotland  ;  which  obliges  me  to  be  brief. 
Ever  affectionately  yours, 

James  Martineau. 


JAMES   MABTIKEAU  TO  JOSEPH   HENRY  ALLEN. 

The  Folchab,  Aviemokb,  Scotland. 
Oct.  7,  1896. 
Dear  Dr*  Ailek, 

I  am  in  your  debt  for  two  kindnesses  which  claim  and  have  my  cordial 
gratitude, — the  copy  of  your  Divinity  School  Address  at  Harvard;1 
and  the  note  offering  me  the  privilege  I  should  so  highly  value  of 
personally  welcoming  Miss  Charlotte  Hedge.*  This,  alas !  to  my  deep 
regret  (in  common  with  my  daughters),  has  been  missed  through  our 
summer  flight  to  these  Caledonian  Highlands-.  From  a  note  inclosing 
yours,  which  she  addressed  to  my  London  home,  I  learn  that  she  must 
already  have  left  our  shores*  I  can  only  beg  you  to  assure  her  that 
our  disappointment  is  great  at  the  loss  of  an  interview  so  interesting  in 
itself  and  connected  with  memories  so  sacred. 

The  Harvard  Address  I  have  read  and  re-read  with  a  sympathy  truly 
delightful,  I  take  for  granted  that  you  will  issue  it  in  separate  and 
permanent  form.  All  the  characterisations  which  my  limited  personal 
or  literary  knowledge  enables  me  to  test  appear  to  me  admirable  in 
their  discriminative  touches.  Perhaps  it  may  be  pardoned  to  my  non- 
agenarian predilections,  if  I  say,  as  the  result  of  the  retrospect,  that, 
tried  by  an  intellectual  standard,  the  old  School  was  better  furnished 
for  the  problems  with  which  the  data  of  its  time  enabled  it  to  deal,  than 
its  successor,  Norton,  for  instance,  made  out,  I  think,  a  stronger  ease 
for  his  position,  from  the  admitted  premises  of  contemporary  criticism, 

1  The  Old  School  and  its  Work.  An  Addresa  before  the  Alumni  of  the 
Harvard  Divinity  School,  28  June,  1806.  It  is  also  printed  in  Dr+  Allen  1s 
Sequel  to  Our  Liberal  Movement,  Boston,  1897,  pp,  1-21, 

a  Daughter  of  Dr.  Frederic  H.  Hedge, 


452  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS.      [March, 

than  Dr.  Furness  did  for  his.  And  Theodore  Parker,  to  accomplish 
the  great  strides  which  his  theology  took,  had  to  set  his  philosophy  upon 
very  precarious  stilts.  James  Freeman  Clarke,  perhaps,  represents  the 
nearest  approach  to  a  reconciliation  of  the  needs  of  Christian  piety  with 
the  claims  of  modern  Science  and  of  critically  tested  History.  Bat 
there  yet  remained  behind,  as  ther,e  still  remains,  to  be  dealt  with  in 
a  further  step  of  effective  Evolution,  the  sweeping  claim  of  the  Hegelian 
dialectic ;  the  influence  of  which  is  apparent  in  Dr.  Hedge,  but  not,  as 
far  as  I  can  see,  reduced  to  its  terms  of  final  estimate.  So  much  do  we 
owe  to  you,  our  brethren  of  the  West,  in  the  Past,  which  you  have  so 
faithfully  sketched,  that  our  hopes  naturally  turn  to  your  Future,  and 
we  wonder  whether,  for  the  crowning  stage  of  our  spiritual  life,  we  are 
to  look  still  further  West,  to  ProfT  Le  Conte  of  California  University, 
or  to  some  equally  fresh  mind  similarly  freed  from  the  prejudices  of 
our  old  world. 

With  our  united  kindest  regards,  I  remain,  always 
Affectionately  yours, 

James  Mabtixeau. 


JAMES  MABTINEATJ  TO  JOSEPH  HENRY  ALLEN. 

The  Polchab,  Avibmore,  Scotlahd. 
Jane  16,  1897. 
Dear  Mr.  Allen, 

You  must  not  measure  the  delight  with  which  I  welcomed  your 
Sequel *  by  the  defective  promptitude  of  my  acknowledgment  The 
tardy  pace  of  a  nonagenarian's  reading  and  reflection  keeps  him  always 
in  arrears  with  the  tasks  that  watch  him  with  reproachful  looks  from 
his  book-tray :  and  day  after  day  have  I  turned  my  longing  eyes  upon 
your  volume,  before  I  could  earn,  by  clearance  of  overdue  debts,  the 
right  to  enjoy  it  At  last  I  am  free  to  report  the  warm  interest  and 
satisfaction  with  which  I  have  not  simply  read  but  studied  your  five 
instructive  papers ;  often  learning  what  was  quite  new  to  me  in  the 
history  of  your  "  School  of  the  Prophets,"  and  almost  always  sympathiz- 
ing with  you  in  such  estimates  of  their  work  as  I  was  at  ail  competent 
to  follow.  It  is  perhaps  venial  in  me  if,  coming  as  I  do  from  some 
"  Forty  Years"  earlier,  I  cannot  fully  accept  your  dictum  that,  in  these 
"Forty  Years  later,"  the  questions  raised  by  the  Liberal  movement "  are 
not  those  of  theory,  but  of  life,"  viz.  of  "  Ethics  and  of  social  order." 

1  Sequel  to  Our  Liberal  Movement,  Boston,  1897. 


1900.] 


LETTERS  OF   DR.   JAMES   MAKTIXEAU. 


453 


Are  they  not,  and  must  they  not  forever  be,  hothf    And  is  it  not  the 

function  of  the  u  Liberal  movement,"  —  not  to  contrast!  but  to  reconcile 
and  unify  them?  That  the  thought  which  is  true^  and  the  ivilt  which  is 
rifjht  should  be  strangers  and  even  foes  to  each  other,  seems  to  me  an 
assumption  at  variance  with  Religion  itself*  as  an  interpretation  of  the 
Universe.  I  cannot  yield  to  the  modern  resolution  of  Religion  into  a 
mere  psychological  phenomenon  of  Man,  belonging  to  Anthropology^ 
inflating  itself  into  a  Theology;  in  fact  an  "  Ideal/'  but  fajtcying  itself 
"  Real."  The  tendency  of  our  religious  language  to  slip  into  this  form 
is,  in  my  view,  a  misleading  deviation  from  the  older  phraseology  of 
Personality.  Ethics  are  shorn  of  their  supremacy  ^  unless  accepted  not 
simply  as  giving  the  rule  for  finite  conduct,  but  also  as  the  revcaler  of 
an  Infinite  Righteousness.  Except  in  the  third  paper,  I  seldom  find  the 
pantheistic  drift  in  the  forms  of  expression  too  strong  for  me  in  your 
delightful  personal  sketches  and  comments :  of  which  those  on  Hedge, 
Freeman  Clarke,  Parker  and  0.  B,  Frothingham,  are  rendered  pro- 
foundly interesting  from  my  having  been  admitted,  more  or  less,  into 
personal  relations  of  friendship  with  these  admirable  and  impressive 
men. 

The  chief  recent  fact,  of  biographical  interest,  in  the  experience  of 
our  friend  F.  W.  Newman,  is  his  expressed  wish  (in  a  letter  to  Mi*s 
Swan  wick)  *  to  be  regarded  as  having  become  **  a  Christian."  This 
means,  I  think,  that  having  {from  Evangelical  prepossession)  been 
alienated  from  the  simple  Theism  of  Jesus  himself  and  identified  Chris- 
tianity with  Paulinism  and  its  Redemption  scheme,  he  now  reverses 
this,  and  finds  in  the  personal  faith  and  teaching  of  Jesus  the  truths 
which  bring  us  into  right  relations  with  God.  He  has  written,  or 
dictated,  an  Essay  which  will  explain  and  justify  his  final  religious 
position  in  this  sense.  He  is  obliged  to  employ  an  amanuensis,  and 
laments  his  failure  of  memory.  But  his  letters  are  quite  coherent,  and 
his  interest  in  persons  and  events  still  wide  awake. 

I  remain,  always, 

Yours  cordially, 

James  Martin  eau. 


1  The  reference  is  to  Miss  Anna  Swanwick  (1813-1S99),  LL.D,  She  was 
a  Hebrew,  Greek  and  German  scholar,  and  translator,  and  was  deeply  interested 
in  social  questions,  especially  that  of  women's  education.  She  was  of  the 
Councils  of  Queen's  and  Bedford  Colleges,  London,  and  assisted  in  founding 
Girton  College,  Cambridge,  and  Somerrille  Hall,  Oxford.  A  prominent  Uni- 
tarian and  a  delightful  conversationist,  Miss  Swanwick  was  the  friend  of  Crabb 
Robinson,  Tennyson,  Gladstone,  Browning,  Martiueau  and  Sir  James  Paget 


454  THE  COLONIAL  SOCIETY  OF  MA8SACHITSETT&      [Mabch, 

By  the  kind  permission  of  Dr.  Allen's  daughter,  I  am  able  to 
add  the  following  letter,  which  Dr.  Martineau  wrote  to  Miss  Allen 
after  her  father's  death :  — 

35,  Gordon  Squabs,  London,  W.  C. 
April  U,  1898. 
Dear  Miss  Allen, 

I  am  deeply  touched  by  your  kind  remembrance  of  me,  as  an  assured 
sharer  of  your  sorrow  in  the  early  days  of  your  bereavement  In  the 
host  of  friends  whom  I  have  outlived,  there  are  few  indeed  so  congenial 
to  me  in  counsel  and  so  honoured  by  me  for  truth  of  thought  and  fidelity 
of  character  as  your  dear  father.  His  evident  self-dedication  to  his 
work  in  life,  —  to  find  and  report  and  do  the  right  as  interpreter  of 
things,  human  and  divine,  —  won  my  affection  from  the  first  and  made 
me  an  eager  reader  of  all  that  he  published.  The  response  of  his  nature 
to  the  influence  of  Henry  Ware  brought  out  the  tenderer  lights  of  his 
spirit ;  which,  I  have  sometimes  thought,  might  have  remained  latent, 
had  the  order  of  the  two  lives  been  inverted.  Not  even  yet,  indeed,  is 
the  fusion  complete  with  us  of  rational  with  enthusiastic  religion.  Great 
changes  doubtless  still  impend. 

It  comforts  me  much  to  hear  that  your  father  was  permitted  to  make 
without  pain  the  passage  from  the  mortal  to  the  immortal  life.  It 
secures  to  the  survivors  a  calm  and  gentle  memory,  and  a  sweeter 
opening  to  the  light  of  diviner  scenes.  If  I  am  still  a  lingerer  here,  I 
shall  eagerly  watch  for  the  appearance  of  the  translation  of  Kenan's 
Les  Apotres.  But  I  hope  that  we  may  reckon  on  seeing  an  edition 
of  your  father's  collected  writings,  —  with  perhaps  additions  from  his 
manuscript  stores  which  have  not  yet  seen  the  light  I  feel  little  doubt, 
that  he  has  kept  up  with  the  recent  and  ever-growing  theological  litera- 
ture published  in  Germany  and  France,  and  perhaps  recorded  his  impres- 
sions of  it.  It  cannot  but  materially  affect  the  future  of  Christendom. 
But  our  "  Established  Churches"  take  no  notice  of  it  With  renewed 
thanks  for  your  memorable  letter,  I  remain, 

Yours  very  cordially, 

James  Mabttneau. 
Miss  Mary  Wars  Allen. 


who,  with  many  other  distinguished  men,  were  frequent  visitors  at  her  house. 
She  received  from  the  University  of  Aberdeen  the  degree  of  Doctor  of  Laws 
(Dictionary  of  National  Biography,  Supplement,  iii.  374). 


1900.] 


NEW  HISTORICAL  SOCIETIES* 


455 


The  Rev.  Henry  A,  Parker  related  an  episode  of  the 
Civil  War  which  threw  a  side-light  upon  the  character  of 
the  United  States  Secret  Service.1 

I  Mr.  Davis  announced  the  incorporation  of  four  new  His- 
torical Societies :  — 


GRAND  MUSTER  LEGION   OF  THE   SPANISH  WAR  VETERANS, 

Purposes.     "To  perpetuate  the  Records  of  the  Campaigns  of  the 
Spanish-American  War  of  1898." 
Date  of  Charter.     9  May,  1899. 


MASSACHUSETTS   STATE  SOCIETY  UNITED  STATES 
DAUGHTERS  OP    1812. 


Purposes.  **  To  perpetuate  the  patriotic  spirit  of  the  men  and  women 
who  achieved  and  established  American  Independence,  and  in  particular 
to  honor  the  memory  of  the  Soldiers  and  Sailors  of  the  War  of  1812-15, 
commonly  called  the  second  War  of  Independence,  when  the  authority 
of  the  United  States  upon  the  high  seas  was  for  the  first  time  respected 
by  foreign  powers ;  to  collect,  publish  and  preserve  the  rolls,  records 
and  historic  documents  relating  to  that  period,  to  encourage  the  study 
of  their  country's  history  and  the  advancement  of  patriotic  work  iu 
Massachusetts* " 

fDate  of  Charter.    28  December,  1899. 


QULNEBAUG    HISTORICAL   SOCIETY* 

The  purpose  for  which  the  Corporation  is  constituted 


Purposes. 
is  — 

(1)  To  unite  persons  of  good  character,  and  intellectually  and  socially 
acceptable,  in  Southbridge,  Sturbridge,  Charlton,  Dudley  and  other 
communities  in  this  section,  into  a  corporate  body,  to  permanently 
maintain  and  advance  the  welfare  and  purpose  of  the  Society, 

(2)  To  promote  in  this  locality  an  interest  in  the  research  into  all 
matters  and  things  relating  to  its  history  and  people,  and  the  collection 
and  preservation  of  the  results  thereof,  whether  the  same  be  published, 
printed  or  written  productions,  books,  pamphlets,  records,  maps,  manu- 
script,   paintings,   engravings,   pictures,   papers   or   relics,   mementos, 


1  Many  of  the  details  of  this  episode  were  printed  in  McC lure's  Magazine 
for  December,  1898,  riL  179-185. 


INDEX. 


456     THE  COLONIAL  80CIETY  OF  MA88ACHU8ETT8.     [March,  1900.] 

articles  or  objects  illustrative  thereof,  together  with  the  study  and  in- 
vestigation of  the  kindred  subjects  of  literature,  poetry,  biography, 
genealogy,  science  or  art,  as  the  society  may  judge  useful  to  advance 
the  knowledge,  culture  and  taste  of  its  members,  and  their  social  and 
intellectual  characters, 

(3)  To  raise  and  establish  a  permanent  Trust  Fund  for  investment 
for  the  use  and  benefit  of  the  society  until  the  same,  with  the  accumula- 
tions thereof,  and  the  additions  thereto,  shall  be  judged  by  the  society 
sufficient  or  proper  to  be  used  for  the  purchase  of  premises  devoted  to 
the  exclusive  use  of  the  society, 

(4)  To  provide  the  means  required  to  defray  the  necessary  current 
and  yearly  prudential  expenses  of  the  society,  by  annual  assessments 
not  exceeding  in  amount  the  sum  of  One  Dollar  a  year  per  capita,  upon 
its  members,  and 

(5)  To  adopt  and  maintain  By-Laws  for  the  membership,  officers  and 
the  government  of  the  affairs  of  the  society,  for  the  purpose  herein 
stated." 

Date  of  Charter.    29  December,  1899. 

la  soci£t£  historique  franco-amIsricaine. 

Purposes.  "  To  encourage  the  careful  and  systematical  study  of  the 
history  of  the  United  States  and  especially  to  bring  forth  in  its  true 
light  the  exact  part  taken  by  the  French  race  in  the  evolution  and  for- 
mation of  the  American  people." 

Date  of  Charter.     6  March,  1900. 

John  Shaw  Billings,  D.C.L.,  of  New  York  City,  and 
Horace  Howard  Furness,  LL.D.,  of  Wallingford,  Penn- 
sylvania, were  elected  Corresponding  Members. 


INDEX. 


460 


INDEX. 


Allen,  Barnabas,  of  Boston,  a  Sandema- 
nian,  113. 

Ebenezer,  of  Boston,  a  Sandema- 

nian,  113. 

Col.  Ethan  (1737-1789),  75  and 

note;  account  ot,  75  n;  his  Narra- 
tive, mentioned,  75  n ;  quoted,  75  n, 
76  n,  79,  80  ;  his  letter  about  J. 
Lovell,  79. 

Ira  (1751-1814),  his  Natural  and 

Political  History  of  Vermont,  quoted, 
148. 

Rev.  James  (d.  1710),  272. 

Jeremiah,  Treasurer  of  the  Prov- 
ince, 270  n. 

Rev.  Joseph  (1790-1873),  H.  C. 

1811,  father  of  Rev.  Joseph  Henry, 
220,  288,  448;  Memorial  of,  and 
Lucy  Clark  Allen,  mentioned,  446, 
447  and  note. 

Rev.  Joseph  Henry,  D.D.  (1820- 

1898),  zvii,  435  n;  Memoir  of,  by 
C.  C.  Everett,  287,  288-295 ;  ances- 
tors, 288  ;  fits  himself  for  college, 
289 ;  lives  with  his  relatives  while  in 
Cambridge,  289;  teaches  during  vaca- 
tions, 289 ;  graduates  and  enters  Har- 
vard Divinity  School,  289;  life  at 
Cambridge,  290 ;  fondness  for  music, 
390 ;  his  first  churches,  290 ;  becomes 
Minister  of  Independent  Congrega- 
tional Society  of  Bangor,  Me.,  290; 
attitude  toward  slavery,  290 ;  resigns 
pastorate,  290 ;  his  scholarship,  291 ; 
has  several  pastorates,  291 ;  resides  in 
Cambridge,  291;  Lecturer  in  Church 
History  at  Harvard  Divinity  School, 
291,  292,  436  and  note-;  his  various 
publications  and  translations,  292, 
293 ;  his  chief  interest  in  the  direc- 
tion of  history,  292,  293 ;  his  charac- 
ter, 293 ;  his  friendships,  294 ; 
marriage,  294 ;  personal  appearance, 
294 ;  letters  from  Dr.  Martineau  to, 
mentioned,  294  n ;  the  letters,  com- 
municated, 416 ;  text  of  the  letters, 
417-425,  427-430, 432-453;  a  founder 
of  the  Examiner  Club,  295  ;  Dr. 
Martineau's  esteem  for,  416;  his 
Hebrew  Men  and  Times  from  the 
Patriarchs  to  the  Messiah,  mentioned, 
417  and  note,  420  and  note ;  424  and 
note;  criticism  of  book,  424 ;  his 
sermon  the  Reign  of  Terror  men- 
tioned, 420 ;  moves  to  Jamaica  Plain, 
423  and  note;  his  labors  on  H. 
Spencer,  423 ;  draught  of  letter  from, 
to  unknown  correspondent,  425-427 ; 


edits  the  Christian  Examiner,  426 
and  note,  427;  letters  of,  to  Dr. 
Martineau,  431,  432,  439,  440;  on 
our  Civil  War,  431,  432;  proposed 
visit  to  Europe,  435,  436,  442,  443; 
his  Fragments  of  Christian  History, 
mentioned,  435;  his  Christian  His- 
tory in  its  Three  Great  Periods, 
mentioned,  436 ;  cited,  436  n ;  criti- 
cised by  Dr.  Martineau,  436-439 ;  his 
Middle  Age,  cited,  439 ;  editor  of  the 
Unitarian  Review,  440;  his  Unita- 
rianism  Since  the  Reformation,  cited, 
441  n  ;  visits  J.  E.  Odgera,  444  and 
note ;  his  notice  of  Dr.  Hedge,  cited, 
445  n;  his  Memorial  of  Joseph  and 
Lucy  Clark  Allen,  mentioned,  446, 
447  and  note;  his  Positive  Religion 
criticised  by  Dr.  Martineau,  447-449; 
mentioned,  447  ;  cited,  447  n;  his 
Historical  Sketch  of  the  Unitarian 
Movement  since  the  Reformation, 
mentioned,  450  and  note  ;  his  golden 
anniversary,  450  and  note;  his  The 
Old  School  and  its  Work,  mentioned, 
451;  cited,  451  n;  Dr.  Martineau's 
criticism  of,  451,  452 ;  his  Sequel  to 
Our  Liberal  Movement,  cited,  451  n  ; 
mentioned,  452  and  note;  Dr.  Mar- 
tineau's criticism  of,  452,  453;  Dr. 
Martineau's  letter  on  death  of, 
454. 

Lucy  Clark  (Ware),  wife  of  Rev. 

Joseph,  288  ;  Memorial  of  Joseph 
and,  mentioned,  446,  447  and  note. 

Mary  Electa,  her  paper  ou  Old 

Deerfield,  cited,  244  n. 

Mary  Ware,  daughter  of  Joseph 

Henry,  416,  454. 

Rev.    William   (1784-1868),  his 

Biographical  Dictionary,  cited,  176  n. 

William  Francis  (H.  C.  1851),  his 

Democracy  on  Trial,  427  and  note* 

family,  settlement  of,  288. 

AUin.     See  Allen. 

Alline,  Henry,  88. 

Allsted.     See  Alsted. 

Allston,  Washington  (1779-1843),  402. 

Almon,  John  (1737-1805),  of  London, 
Eng.,  388  n. 

Alnwick  Castle,  Northumberland,  Eng., 
339. 

Alsted,  Johann  Heinrich  (1588-1638), 
his  Geometry,  mentioned,  277. 

Als  worth.     See  Aid  worth. 

Amati,  Prof.  Amato,  his  Dizionario 
Corografico  dell'  Italia,  quoted,  316  n. 

Amboy,  N.  J.,  72. 


I>*DEX. 


461 


America,  8,  17t  62,  03,  110, 112  n,  115, 
137,  13*  n,  147,  160,  162,  169,  177 
and  note,  178  nT  180  n,  181  n,  182  ri, 
I0&,  80S,  215,  339,  841,  354,  362,  370, 
372  »,  374,  375  n,  394,  401,  430;  con- 
fidence of,  78;  German  influence 
upon  scholarship  in,  09,  100;  affec- 
tion of,  for  England,  158;  war  for 
Independence  in,  182  m  ;  thirteen 
original  colonies  in,  341 ;  mediocrity 
of  fortune  in,  346  ;  true  conditions  in, 
346 ;  land  holding  in,  347 ;  farming 
in,  31(J,  350;  wheat  growing  in,  351 
and  note  ;  dearnesa  of  Labor  in,  355  n, 
359,  360  ;  influence  of  slavery  in  the 
history  of,  361  ;  drawing  nearer  Eng- 
land, 427;  colored  race  in,  428; 
impression  in,  of  English  opinion  of 
Civil  War,  428  ;  respect  for  authority 
of  federal  bond  in,  431. 

America,  British,  182  n  ;  salt  provisions 
in,  354  n. 

America,  Colonial,  See  Colonial 
America. 

America,  Narrative  and  Critical  His- 
tory of,  cited,  174  n%  244  n,  245  «. 

America  Painted  to  the  Life,  by  F, 
Gorges,  mentioned,  64  n, 

American  Academy  of  Arts  and 
Sciences,  1,  70,  1&5,  106,  157,  252, 
258  n,  349,  400  n,  419  ;  Memoirs  of, 
139  n. 

American  Antiquarian  Society,  52, 252, 
256,  262  n,  330;  Proceedings  of, 
quoted,  62,  65  ;  cited,  62. 

American  Archives,  5,  6  nt  75  n,  76  n, 
79  and  note, 

American  Bar  Association,  383. 

American  Church  History  Series,  men- 
tioned. 450  n* 

American  Colonies,  76, 159  nt  160,  MS, 
163,  105,  167,  168,  16ft,  177  ft,  306, 
307,  340,  342,  347,  348, 350,  352,  353, 

361,  363,  364,  365,  366,  367,  368  and 
note,  385,  388  n,  389  n,  408,  409,  410; 
paper  craze  in,  403,  410,  413,  See 
qUv  Colonial  America. 

American  Colonists,  the,  74,  165. 
American  Congress.     See  Congress, 
American  Explorers  Series,  mentioned, 

809*. 
American  Historical  Association,  256, 

286. 
American   Historical   Record,  quoted, 

362,  363, 

American     Historical    Review,    cited, 

167  i». 
American  House,  Boston,  88, 


American  Month  I  v,  the,  mentioned* 
241 ;  cited,  241  n. 

American  Museum,  the,  quoted,  349* 

American  Philosophical  Society,  Trans- 
actions of,  cited,  354  n* 

American  Quarterly  Register,  cited,  79  n. 

American  Revolution,  54,  71,  72,  79, 
123  n,  127r  135,  161,  164,  168,  171, 
172,  182  nt  199  *,  226,  229,  265,  305, 
318,  322  n,  340,  341,  342  and  note, 
343,  346,  352,  355,  361,  374,  385,  S80, 
307  ft,  400  n;  beginning  of,  159; 
commercial  interests  in  New  Eng- 
land at  the  time  of,  344  ;  inconsis- 
tency during,  361* ;  slavery  at  the  end 
of,  370 ;  approach  of,  387. 

American  Times,  the,  by  Camillo 
Querno,  quoted,  90  n. 

American  Unitarian  Association,  Col- 
onial Society  meets  in  Building  of, 
258  and  note. 

American  Veterinary  Journal,  234, 
235  n> 

Amery,  Daniel,  of  Townseud,  e.  Wil- 
liam Latin,  266. 

Ames,  James  Barr,  LL.D.,  xvL 

Hon,   Frederick  Lothrop,   A. 

B.f  xvi, 

William,  D.D.  (1576-1633),  195  ; 

his  Medulla,  mentioned,  277, 

Ancient  and  Honorable  Artillery  Com- 
pany of  Boston.     See  Regiments. 

Anderson,  David  (1677-1701),  son  of 
Capt.  David  (i.  1677)  of  Charles- 
town,  45  n,  46,  47  and  note  48;  his 
will,  45,  46. 

Emma  or  Amy.  See  Bracken- 
bury;  Lynde. 

Hannah  (Phillips),  wife  of  David 

(1677-1701),  of  Charlestown  and 
boston,  45, 46, 47,  47  n.     See  Savage, 

John,  grandfather  of  David,  40, 

45  7*. 

Mary  (Hodges),  wife  of  John,  40, 

Andover,  Mass.,  124. 

Andrew,  Hon.  John  Forrester, 
LL.B„xvi. 

Rev.    Samuel  (H.   C,  1675),   187 

and  note*  190  and  note,  197, 

Andrews,  John,  of  Boston,  113  n,  123  n. 

Andrews,  Thomas  &,  123  i*. 

Andros,  Sir  Edmund  (1637-1714), 
Governor  of  New  England,  66  and 
note,  125,  268  n, 

Androscoggin  River,  60. 

Angell,  Hon.  James  Burrill, 
LL.D.,  iviii,  71  ;  elected  Corres- 
ponding Member,  70. 


462 


INDEX. 


Animas  River,  or  Rio  do  las  Animas 
Per  dittos,  Col,  various  names  of, 
307,  308 ;  visited  by  the  Spanish  in 
177G,  308;  confused  with  Purgatory 
River,  311  n,  318,  314  ;  called  Rio  de 
Us  Animas,  314,  315  and  note* 

Ann  Arbor,  Mich.,  70. 

Ann  A  run  dell  County,  Bid,,  155, 

Annapolis,  Md.,  237,  377. 

Nova  Scotia,  29. 

Anne,  Queen  of  England,  73,  177  u. 

Annk,  Naomi,  wife  of  Samuel,  her 
depositions,  33-35 ;  opinions  in  regard 
to  their  value,  05,  30. 

Samuel,  of  St,  George,  Me,,  33,  34. 

Annopolis.     See  Annapolis. 

Anthony,  Joseph  Russell  (1797-1840), 
259  n  ;  extracts  from  his  Diary  read 
by  G.  F.  Tucker,  259. 

-  Rowland  Crocker,  250  n. 

Antigua,  134  and  note ;  V*  L.  Oliver's 
History  of,  194  n. 

Appalaehia,  quoted,  145  and  note. 

Appalachian  range,  34 1, 

A  p  pi  an  Way,  Cambridge,  227  n. 

Appleton,  Emilv  (Warren),  wife  of 
AVUliam    (1825-1877),    of    Boston, 

23  n, 

Francis    Randall    (H.   C,    1875), 

gives  portrait  of  J,  McKean  to  Por- 

celliau  Club,  151  n,  1 52  n, 
Rev.  Nathaniel  (d,  1784),  R  C. 

1712,   Fellow  of    Harvard    College, 

276. 
Mrs.    William.      See    Appleton, 

Emily  (Warren). 
Apthorp,  Alice  or  Alicia  (Mann),  first 

wife  of  John,  396  «,  397  n, 
Catharine,     daughter    of    Johnj 

307  ». 

Charles  (tf.  1758),  306  and  note. 

Rev.    East    (1733-1816),   son    of 

Charles,  181  n. 
Frances     Western,    daughter    of 

John.     See  Vaughan. 

GHzzell,  daughter  of  John,  396  n. 

-— —  Hannah,  daughter  of  John.     See 

Rulftnch. 
Hannah  fGreenleaf),  second  wife 

of  John,  396  and  note,  397  n,  399  n. 
John  (d*  1772),  son  of  Charles,  896 

and  note,  397  u,  399  n. 
John  Trecothick  {d,  1849),  son  of 

John,  395, 899  n,  397  n,  399  and  note, 

family,  401. 

Apthrop.     See  Apthorp, 
Aquinas,  Thomas,  439. 
Arabella,  the  ship,  86. 


Arehieologia   Americana,    mentioned, 
53  pi. 

Arches,  Court  of,  20*2, 

Arkansa.     See  Arkansas. 

Arkansas  River,  308.  309,  310,  311,314. 

Arlington,   Mara.,   Historical   So. 
purpose  of,  212. 

Armstrong,  John,  in  1775  signs  petition 
to  Provincial  Congress,  13*5. 

Arnold,  James,  of  New  Bedford,  gift  of 
Arboretum,  259. 

James  Newell,  his  Vital    Record 

of    Rhode    Island,  quoted,    3^ 
cited,  387  n,  388  n* 

Mary  Augusta,     See  Ward, 

Arnold   Arboretum,   Harvard    College, 
259. 

Arran,  Scotland,  422 

Arrow  Street,  Cambridge,  400  n. 

Arskins.     See  Erskine. 

Articles  of  Association  adopted  in  1774 
by  Congress,  3G8  and  nate. 

Artillery*      See  Regiments. 

Asbury,"  Bishop  Francis  (1745-1816), 
373 ;  a  follower  of  Wesley,  370;  his 
Journal,  370-372 ;  comes  to  America 
as  a  missionary,  870 ;  elected  Super- 
intendent of  the  Methodist  Episcopal 
Church,  371  and  note;  Minut* 
Several  Conversations  between  T* 
Coke  and,  371  n,  373  «,  374,  375  and 
note;  meets  T.  Coke,  376;  calls  on 
Washington,  376,  377. 

Ashby,  Mass.,  266  n. 

Ashe,*  Thomas  (1770-1835),  his  Travels 
in  America,  148. 

Ash  hurst.     See  As  hurst 

Ashley,  Prof*  William  James,  his  ar- 
guments on  the  Navigation  Acts, 
305,  306,  307;  his  article  in  Quar- 
terly Journal  of  Economics,  men- 
tioned, 305. 

Ashurst,  Robert,  Governor  of  the  So- 
ciety for  Propagating  the  Gospel  in 
America,  202,  203, 

Asia,  417. 

Astorga,  Spain,  414. 

Athenaeum,  Boston,  83,  258  n,  375  «#  * 

Athenaeum,  Newport,  R.  I.,  386  n. 

Athens,  Greeoe,  417;  Panorama  of.  at 
Harvard  College,  230. 

Atkinson,  Hannah  (Went worth),  wife 
of  Col.  Theodore,  215  n. 

Col.  Theodore  (1697-1779).    II. 

C.   1718,  Secretary  of  New  Hamp- 
shire, 215  ft. 

Atlantic  City,  N,  J,,  156  n. 

Atlantic  Monthly,  the,  419  n,  420  n. 


INDEX. 


463 


Atlantic  Ocean,  150,  218,  340, 427,  432, 

442,  449. 
Atterbury,  Francis  (1  $32-1732),  Bishop 

of  Rochester,  196  and  note. 
Auchrannie,    Invercloy,    Arran,    Scot- 
land, 422. 
Austin,  James  Trecothick  (1784*1870), 

his  Life  of  Elbridge  Gerry,  cited,  81. 

Hon,  James  Walker,  A.M.,  xvL 

John  Osborne,  his  Genealogical 

Dictionary  of   Rhode  Island,  cited, 

387  n. 
Austin  Hall,  Harvard  College,  228  ». 
Australia,  the  word  Intervale  unknown 

in,  143  «. 
Austria,  205. 
Avery,  Mary,     See  West. 
Aviemore,  Scotland,  440,  443,  444, 448, 

447,  451,  452. 

UaBSON,     Robert     Tilling  hast, 
LL,B+,  xvii. 

Back  Street,  Boston,  114t  115,  117,  11 8, 

126  n. 
Bacon,  Nathaniel  (1503-1660),  150  n. 
Badajoz,  Spain,  4 14, 
Baden,  Germany,  448, 
Bailey,  James,  of  Round  Pond,   Me,, 

13  r»,  24,  29,  36,  53,  58;  plea  in  case 

of  Bodkin  e.,  10,  20;  obtains  laud, 

30, 
Baker's  River,  N.  H.,  146. 
Balch,  Francis   Yergnies,    LL.B., 

xvi. 
Baldwin,  Loammi  (H.  C.  1800),  402. 
.    lli.n,     Simkon     Eben,     LL*D ., 

xviii. 
Ball,  Elizabeth  (Davison),  wife  of  Capt, 

Robert,  39  n. 
Capt.  Robert  (c.   1699^1753),  of 

Charles  town,  39  n. 
Ballard,  George  Leavitt,  223, 
Baltic  Sea,  162,  190,  204,  307. 
Baltimore,     Charles     Calvert    (1699- 

1751),  Baron,  178  n. 
Baltimore,  M<L,  77,  156,  237,  371  and 

note,  375  n,  377,  378. 

Johns  Hopkins  University,  157, 

Ban  Water,  Ireland,  69. 

Bancroft,  George  (1800-1891),  LL.D,, 

101;  at  Gottingen,  99 ;  at  Harvard, 

99;  his  History  of  the  United  States, 

cited,  162  n ;  quoted,  164,  362,  391 

n ;  mentioned,  .161, 
Hubert  Howe,  his  History  of  the 

Pacific  States,  cited,  315  n. 
Bangor,  Me.,  61  n,  290,  291. 


Bangor,   Independent   Congregational 

Society  of,  290. 
Bangor,  Wales,  179  n. 
Bangs,    Edward     Appletqn,    A.B., 

xvih 
Banks,  406,  407  ;<  emissions  in  Rhode 

Island    called,    404;    Seventh,   405, 

406,  407,  408;   Eighth,  407;  people 

of  Boston  propose  to  organize  a,  409 ; 

Rhode  Island  sets  up,  410,  411. 
Baptist  Church,  First,  Boston,  114, 117, 

118. 

Second,  Boston,  114,  117,  118. 

Tabernacle,  Boston,  89, 

Barbadoes,  37  n,  3SS  88  n. 

Barber,  John   Warner  (1798-1885),  his 

Connecticut    Historical   Collections, 

cited,  132  n.  * 
Barker,  Lieut. -Gen,  George  Digby,  C. 

B.,  Governor  of  Bermuda,  his  Visit 

to  Boston,  338, 

Hon.  James   Madison,    LL.D., 

xvii,  3S4,  385. 

Lt.-Col.  John,    his  Diary,  men- 
tioned, 338. 

Barnaby,  Roth  (1664-1765),  67  n;  de* 

position  of,  67. 
Barnicoat,  William,  Chief  Engineer  of 

Boston  Fire  Department,  21 1  n. 
Barn  boat  Fire  Association,  purpose  of, 

213  n. 
Bams,  Eliphalet,  his  petition  in  1775 

to  Provincial  Congress,  134-136, 
Barrell,  Colborn,  of  Boston,  Sandema- 

nian,  113  and  note,  118, 120  n,  132  n; 

letters  addressed  to,  111, 
Walter,  of  Boston,  113  and  note; 

his  list  of  Refugees,  cited,  113  n,  114 

n ;  mentioned,  129. 
Barrett   Capt,    Samuel    (tf,   1798),  of 

Boston,  116  n, 
Barringer,  George,  his  fitude  sur  V An- 
glais parle  aux  fetats-Unis,  quoted, 

310;     remarks    on    the     Purgatory 

River,  311, 
Barry,  Rev.  John  Stetson  (1819-1872), 

hU  History  of  Massachusetts,  quoted, 

364. 
Bart  let t,  Caroline  Julia.     Sze  Crane, 
John   Russell   (1805-1886),  139; 

his    Dictionary    of    Americanisms, 

cited,  139  n. 
Barton,  Edmund  Mills,   Librarian  of 

the  American  Antiquarian  Society, 

85  nT  125  n,  262  n. 
Bates,  Joshua  (H.  C.  1800),  President 

of  Middlebury  College,  4<)2, 
Rev,  William  (1625-1699),  195, 


464 


INDEX. 


Baur,  Ferdinand  Christian  (1702-1860), 
his  Chris tliche  Gnosis,  mentioned, 
417;  his  Lehre  von  der  Dreieinigkeit, 
mentioned,  417. 

Baxter,  Hon.  James  Phinney,  Litt.  D., 
xviii,  258,  401  n;  his  Christopher 
Levett,  cited,  60;  his  Sir  Ferdinando 
Gorges,  cited,  62  n;  his  George  Cleeve, 
cited,  62  n ;  elected  a  Corresponding 
Member,  256. 

Rev.  Richard  (1615-1691),  195. 

Bayley.     See  Bailey. 

Baylies,  Walter  Cabot,  A.B.,  xvi 

Beacken.     See  Beacon. 

Beacon  Hill,  Boston,  218,  817. 

Beacon  Island,  Boston  Harbor,  light- 
house on,  279,  281. 

Beacon  Street,  Boston,  218,  219  and 
note,  234,  286,  249, 258, 296,  337, 381. 

Beacon  Street,  Newton,  236. 

Bear  Lane,  Boston,  121. 

Bear  Tree,  Bristol,  Me.,  14,  29. 

Beardsley,  Rev.  Eben  Edwards  (1808- 
1891),  his  Life  of  Samuel  Johnson, 
cited,  195  n. 

Beauchamp,  John,  25. 

Bdcancour,  Canada,  264. 

Beccles,  Suffolk,  Eng.,  86. 

Beck,  Prof.  Charles  (1798-1866),  98, 
101. 

Becke,  Alexander,  93. 

Bedford,  Mass,,  316. 

Bedford  College,  London,  453  n. 

Beecan.     See  Beacon. 

Beech  Lane,  London,  111. 

Belcher,  Andrew  (d.  1717),  father  of 
Jonathan,  38  n,  279. 

Jonathan  (1682-1757),  Governor 

of  Massachusetts,  88,  167,  175,  209 
and  note,  269  n;  his  letter  about 
Baron  Edgecumbe's  land,  69;  his 
arrival  as  Governor,  268  and  note. 

Belknap,  Jeremiah  (1686-1751),  85 
and  note;  note  on,  by  H.  II.  Edes, 
93,  94. 

Rev.  Jeremy,  D.D.  (1744-1798), 

93,  129,  330  ;  his  History  of  New 
Hampshire,  quoted,  138;  cited, 
261  n;  on  the  word  Intervale,  139. 

Sarah  (Fosdike),  wife  of  Jere- 
miah, 93. 

Belknap  Donation  to  the  Massachu- 
setts Historical  Society,  330. 

Belknap  estate,  Boston,  93,  94. 

Bell,  Charles  Henry,  Governor  of  New 
Hampshire,  his  History  of  the  Town 
of  Exeter,  N.  H.,  cited,  217  n. 

William     Abraham,     his    New 


Tracks  in  North  America,  quoted, 

310,  412 ;  confounds  Purgatory  and 

Hell,  312. 
Bellingham,  Richard   (c.  1592-1672), 

Governor  of  Massachusetts,  93. 

family,  93. 

Bellows  Falls,  Vt.,  289. 

Belmont,  Mass.,  336. 

Benit.     See  Bennett. 

Bennet,  Susanna  (6. 1676),  daughter  of 

Peter  of  Boston.     See  Love. 
Bennet  Street,  Boston,  121. 

Bennett, ,  328. 

William,  signs  petition  to  Provin- 
cial Congress,  136. 
Bent,  Charles,  311. 

George,  311. 

Robert,  311. 

William,  311. 

Bentley,  Joseph,  son  of  Margaret,  his 

indenture  of  apprenticeship,  73. 

Margaret,  of  Boston,  73. 

Berkeley,  George  (1685-1753),  Bishop 

of  Cloyne,  202  n. 
Berkeley,  Hundred  of,  Gloucestershire, 

Eng.,  90. 
Berlin,  Germany,  99,  100,  448. 
Bermuda,  338. 
Berry,  Charles  (d.  1765),  Chief  Justice 

of  North  Carolina,  391. 
Betham,     William    (1749-1839),   his 

Baronetage  of  England,  cited,  192  n, 

396  n. 
Beuhnmp.     See  Beauchamp. 
Be  van,  Rev.  Henry  Edward  James,  of 

Chelsea,  Middlesex,  England,  393  n. 
Beverly,  Mass.,  93  n,  447  n. 
Bible,  the,  110,  112,  126  n,  277,  278, 

415. 
Bibye,    Anne,    daughter    of    Simon. 

See  Lake. 

Simon,  of  Bugden,  Eng.,  192  n. 

Biddeford,  Me.,  64  n. 

Big  Timbers,   the,   on  the  Arkansas 

River,  810. 
Bigelow,  Jacob  (1787-1879),  M.D.,  236. 
Biggs,  John,  (d.  1666),  of  Boston,  93. 
Biieau,  Joseph,  309. 
Bilerica,  Mass.    See  BiUerica. 
Bill,  Richard,  125. 
Sarah  (Davis),  wife  of  Richard, 

125. 
Billerica,  Mass.,  3,  124  n. 
Billings,  John  Shaw,  D.  C.  L.,  xviii; 

elected    a   Corresponding   Member, 

456. 
Bills  of  Credit,   405,   406,   407,  409, 

410. 


INDEX. 


465 


Birkenhead  yard,  Birkenhead,  Eng., 
429. 

Birmingham,  Warwickshire,  Eng„  429, 

Bismarck,  Otto  Eduard  Leopold  (1815- 
1898),  Fiirst  von,  100- 

Black,  George  Nrxo?f,  xvii,  157, 25*i+ 

Black  Horse  Lane,  Boston,  114,  120, 

Blackburn,  Jonathan  R.,  portrait 
painter,  39  n,  89,  397  n. 

Blackstone,  Sir  William  (1723-1780), 
his  Commentaries  on  the  Laws  of 
England,  quoted ,  332  n. 

Blake,  Edward  (H.  C.  1824),  385  n* 

Francis,  A.M.,  xvii. 

— —  Lemuel,  123  ». 

B  Ian  chard,  Rev,  Ira  Henry  Thomas 
(1797-1845),  221  and  note,  222,  223, 

Lemuel,  of  Cambridge,  3. 

Margaret  Brom field  (Pearson),  (rf, 

1870),  wife  of  fit*  I.  H.  T.,221  and 
note, 

Paul,  of  Cambridge,  recognizance 

of.  3-0, 

B lod get,  Samuel,  Jr.,  341,  345  ;  his 
Economics  cited,  342  ft. 

Blount,  Thomas  (1618-1679),  his 
Glossographia,  cited,  ISO  n+ 

Blue  Ridge  Mountains,  Va-,  341. 

BJvth,  Benjamin  {b.  1740),  of  Salem, 
artist  in  crayons,  son  of  Benjamin, 
137. 

Board  of  Trade,  206,  357,  404, 405,  409, 

Bodge,  Rev.  George  Madison,  his 
Soldiers  in  King  Fnilips  War,  cited, 
1'72  n. 

Bodkin.  Thomas  (c.  1 686-1773),  of 
Marblehead,  Pemaquid,  and  Boston, 
distiller  and  chocolate  grinder,  28, 
34,30;  brings  action  against  tenants, 
13  and  note,  30;  account  of  his  cases, 
14,  15,  58;  account  o£  Randall's  ease 
against,  16,  17 ;  plea  in  the  case  of, 
i\  Bailey,  19,  20;  plea  in  the  case  of, 
r.  Eliot,  20,  21  ;  bill  of  sale  to,  24; 
action  against  Yeates,  2d;  as  plain- 
tiff, 36;  declarations  used  in  case  of, 
and  Randall,  42-44,  48;  deposition 
to  be  used  in  case  of,  and  Yeates,  49 ; 
his  suits  defended  by  Pemaquid  Com- 
pany, 53  ;  deposition  of,  OB,  07. 

Rollan,  Frances  (Shirley),  wife  of 
William,  304  ». 

William   (d~  c.  1770),   167,  297, 

298,  299,  304  n ;  his  letter  about  il- 
legal trading,  299-305. 

Boltox,  C&AKLxe  Kkowles,  A.B., 
xvii,  I,  250  \  communicates  facts 
about  the  arrest  of  John  Colman,  83- 


85 ;  reads  extracts  from  an  account 
book  of  John  Goddard,  265. 

Bolton,  Mass.,  122. 

Bohun.     See  Bollan. 

Bombay,  India,  372  ft. 

Bond,  Henry,  M.U.,  his  Genealogies 
and  History  of  Watertown,  cited, 
395  n. 

Bonn,  Germany,  99 , 

Book  of  Possessions,  Boston,  quoted, 
93,  124. 

Bordman,  Aaron  (1049-1703),  Steward 
of  Harvard  College,  eon  of  William, 
273  n. 

Andrew  fl  64  6-1 687),  Steward  of 

Harvard  College,  son  of  William, 
272,  273  n, 

Andrew  H 670-1747),  Steward  of 

Harvard  College,  son  of  Andrew 
(1646-1087),  273  n,  276. 

Judge  Andrew  (1701-1769),  Reg- 
ister of  Probate  in  Middlesex, 
Steward  of  Harvard  College,  sou  of 
Andrew  (1670-1747),  46,  273  n. 

Rntb,  daughter  of  Andrew  (1646- 

1687).     See  Wads  worth. 

William  (tf.   1685),  the  emigrant. 

Steward  of  Harvard  College,  273  n. 

Borgia  family,  415. 

Boston,  Mass".,  11,  13,  14, 16,  23  n,  24  n, 
25  n,  26,  30-32,  64,  37,  38  n,  39  n, 
42  and  note,  43  and  note,  44,  47  and 
note,  48,  49,  £0  ft,  52  and  note,  60, 
68  n,  71,  73,  74,  75  n,  76  ft,  79,  60, 
82,  83  and  note,  84  and  note,  85,  86, 
87,  88-91  and  note,  92,  93,  96,  97, 
105,  106,  109-111,  113  »,  115,  116  n, 
117  aJid  note,  118,  119  and  *w>te,  120, 
121,  122  and  note,  123-125,  127-129 
and  note,  130, 132  ft,  133  n,  137, 130  «, 
159  n,  161  and  note,  164, 170  ft,  171  n, 
173  and  note,  174  and  note,  175,  179, 
1*4,  189  and  note,  190  and  note,  191  ft, 
193  n,  195  and  note,  199,  202,  212, 
213  n,  215,  217,  218,  219  n,  220  n, 
224  n,  220,  227  n,  231,  233  nt  234, 
236,  237  n,  245  ft,  246  «,  247,  249, 
251,  252,  254-256,  258,  259,  261  n, 
262  n,  264,  267,  268  and  note,  269  n, 
270  and  ntfe,  271,  275,  276  and  note, 
281-285,  285  nt  286,  289,  290,  290, 
297  and  note,  298,  299,  304  «,  317, 
318,  320  and  note,  321  n,  322,  323, 
321,  327,  333,  334  and  note,  336,  338, 
339,  340,  360,  381,  384,  388  n,  389 
and  note,  394  and  note,  395,  396,  39S 
and  note,  400,  401,  402  and  note,  409, 
419  n,  422,  426  n,  441  and  note,  447  n, 


30 


I 


466 


INDEX. 


Boston,  Mass,  (continued). 
448  n,  451  n;  British  burn,  54  n; 
selectraen  of,  88,  93,  94,  116, 118  n, 
119,  124;  representatives  of,  91, 
270  n;  purchases  land  for  school- 
house,  121,  122  ;  Sandemanian 
churches  in,  132  ;  British  forces  in, 
134;  lighthouse  in  harbor  of,  278- 
281  ;  evacuation  of,  320  n;  execu- 
tions in,  330 ;  early  fortunes  in,  346 ; 
distilleries  in,  364  ;  value  of  real 
estate  in,  398  n;  society  in,  402; 
religious  divisions  in,  421. 

American  House,  88. 

Athenaeum,  83,  258  n,  875  n. 

Back  Street,  114,  115,  117,  118, 

126  n. 

Baptist  Church,  89. 

First,  114,  117,  118. 

Second,  114,  117,  118. 

Tabernacle,  89. 

Beacon  Hill,  218,  317. 

—  Beacon  Island,  lighthouse  on,  279, 
281. 

Beacon  Street,  218,  219  and  note, 

234,  236,  249,  258, 296, 337, 381. 

Bear  Lane,  121. 

Benuet  Street,  121. 

Black  Horse  Lane,  114,  120. 

—  Book  of  Possessions,  quoted,  93, 
124. 

Bowdoin  Square,  89,  395. 

Bowling  Green,    name  of   John 

Col  man's  estate,  89. 

—  Brattle  Square  (or  Street)  Church, 
84  n,  86,  87,  125,  129,  271,  316  n, 
320  n,  401 ;  records  of,  cited,  85  n, 
87  n,  91,  126,  129,  317  n,  320  n,  321  n, 
401 ;  called  Manifesto  Church,  87 ; 
founded,  125. 

Brattle  Street,  93,  94. 

Brewster  Islands,  279,  281. 

Bunch  of  Grapes  Tavern,  269  n. 

Carroll  Place,  116. 

Castilian  Club,  213  n. 

Castle  William,  268  n. 

Channing  Hall,  293. 

Chardon  Street,  89. 

Christ  Church,  175. 

City  Records,  119  n,  396  n. 

Cold  Lane,  89,  128. 

Commissioners  Court,  286  and  note. 

Common,  80,  317,  318,  897  n. 

Commonwealth  Building,  220  n.   - 

Congress  Street,  128. 

Coolidge  House,  89. 

Copp's  Hill  Burial  Ground,  281 ; 

Epitaphs,  cited,  117  n. 


Comhill,  93,  94. 

Court  Avenue,  124. 

Court  House  (Court  Street),  384. 

Court  Square,  124,  384. 

Court  Street,  84  n. 

Cross  Street,  116,  122,  123. 

Daily  Advertiser,  155  n. 

Devonshire  Street,  125,  398  n. 

Directory,  117  n,  123  n. 

Dispensary,  surgeons  at,  234. 

Doane  Street,  92. 

Dock  Square,  37  n,  38  n,  129. 

Eliot  School,  79,  121. 

Elm  Street,  268  n. 

Emmanuel  Church,  109. 

Engine  House,  No.  3,  114. 

Episcopal  Charitable  Society,  400. 

Evening  Post,  quoted,  89,  92, 128, 

260  n,  261  and  note ;  cited,  92,  111, 

129. 

Examiner  Club,  295. 

Exchange  Building,  128. 

Exchange  Street,  37  n,  124>  129. 

Faneuil  Hall,  23  n,  111  n. 

Federal  Street,  318. 

Federal  Street  Theatre,  399  n. 

Fire  Department,  213  n. 

First  Baptist  Church,  114,  117, 

118. 
First  Church,    91,  92,  124  and 

note,   128,   173  n,  252,  272,  334  n; 

Records  of,  90,  91, 174  n. 

Fiske  Building,  92. 

Franklin  Avenue,  93,  94. 

Franklin  Place,  398  and  note. 

Franklin  Street,  398  and  note. 

Friend  Street,  116  n. 

Gaol,  80. 

Gazette,   cited,   54    n,   110,  126, 

218  n,  261  n;  quoted,   80,   110-112, 

115  and  note,  116  n,  146,  260  n,320», 

322,  323;  mentioned,  111,  180. 

Granary  Burying  Ground,  92,  94. 

Great  Brewster  Island,  279,  281. 

Green  Dragon  Lane,  121. 

Green  Dragon  Tavern,  114,  121, 

132  n. 

Green  Street,  395. 

Hancock  Mansion,  817. 

Hancock  School,  120. 

Hanover  Street,  88,  89,  121, 122, 

123,  268  n. 
Harbor,  164,  227 ;  lighthouse  in, 

27&-291. 

Hawkins  Street,  130. 

Hawley  Street,  398  and  note. 

Hollis  Street  Church,  112  n. 

Impost  Office,  91. 


INDEX,                                                   467 

Independent  Corps  of  Cadets,  212, 

124  and  note,  125,  128,  259,  270,  271  \ 

285,  320  n. 

Records    of,   cited,   93;    mentioned, 

Joy  Street,  227  n. 

124;  Historical  Catalogue  of,  cited. 

Kilby  Street,  92. 

124  n,  125;    Baptismal   Register  of, 

King  Street,  128. 

quoted,  173  n. 

King's  Chapel,  97,  109,  124,  125, 

Orange  Tree  Tavern,  52  n* 

174,  218,  236,  304  n,447  ny  building 

Parkman  Place,  116,  120, 

of,  88  n ;  Annals  of,  by  H,  W,  Foote, 

Parnienter  Street,  121, 

cited,  88  n,  97  *,  125,  181  »,  190  A, 

Pe Emberton  Square,  384. 

268  n,  3110  n  ;  quoted,  190  n  ;  Bury- 
ing ground,  89  ;  monument  to  O,  W. 

Pleasant  Street,  119, 

Portland  Street,  89,  128* 

Holmes  in,  97  n ;  Rev.  Henry  Caner, 

Post,  cited.  111. 

rector  of,  191  n ;  wardens  of,  208  n. 

— —  Post- Boy,  quoted,   260  n;   cited, 

Latin  School,  79,  113  n,  120  n, 

261  n. 

126,   129,  222;   Catalogue   of,  cited, 

Post  Office  Avenue,  128. 

SO,  120  n :  Monthly  Reports  of,  men- 

 Prince  Street,  114,  120, 

tioned,  222  n, 

Province  House,  23  n,  24  n,  270  n. 

Library  Society,  400. 

Public  Library,  297  n,  327  n,  403, 

Light,  270  n;  note  on,  278-281; 

Pudding  Lane,  125. 

petition   for,  278;   reports   on,   279, 

Record    Commissioners,    Reports 

280;  built  in  1715  on  Beacon  Island, 

of,  cited,  25  ft,  43  n,  60,  80,  85  n,  96- 

one  of  the  Brewsters,  281 ;  view  of, 

88  and  note,  89^91  and  note,  02-94, 

281. 

111    n,  113  n,  119  n,   120  n,  121    n, 

Long  Wharf,  88. 

124-429,  131  n,  267  n,  268  n,  273  n, 

Love  Street,  121. 

317  n,  320  n,  321,  334  n,  389  «,  395  n  ; 

Mackerel  Lane,  92. 

quoted,  88,  89,  93, 116,  119,  121,  122, 

Mall,  the,  399. 

124,218,  279,  280. 

Marlborough  Street,  321  n. 

Royal  Exchange  Lane,  37  n,  38  n* 

Mason's  1 1  all,  132  n. 

St.  Paul's  Church,  398  n> 

Massachusetts  General   Hospital, 

Salem  Street,  123, 

233. 

Salter  Place,  120. 

Massacre,  80,  338. 

Memorial  History  of,  cited,  23  it, 

54  n,  79  n,  114  n,  117  n,  119  n,  173  n, 

Sears  Building,  123  n, 

Second  Baptist  Church,  114,  117, 

118. 

267  n,  268  n ;  quoted,  118,  272,  273, 
Merchants  Row,  88,  127. 

Shrimptou's  Lane,  37  n, 

Social  Law  Library,  385  and  no*et 

Middle  Street,  116,  119, 121, 122, 

399  n,  402  n ;  owns  portrait  of  M» 

123. 

Howard,  384,  385,  40L 

Mill  Bridge,  123  n%  126  n. 

Somerset  Club,  235. 

.Mill  Fond,  115,  117,  118, 

South  Burying  Place,  92,  94. 

South  End,  111. 

Milton  Place,  318. 

Mount   Vernon   Street*  218,  219 

South  Market  Street,  127. 

and  note,  220  n. 

South  Writing  School,  119. 

National  Bank  of  the  Common- 

 Spinning  School,  87. 

wealth,  125. 

State  House,  218,  219  n,  234,236. 

New  North  Church,  189  n;  Re- 

 State  Street,  92,  124,  128. 

cords  of  the,  cited,    117   «,  189   n, 

Sudbury  Street,  84  n,  130. 

321  n. 

Swinging  Bridge,  88, 

New  South  Church,  43  n,  389  n; 

Tea  Party,  164,  338, 

Records  of,  cited,  121  n. 

Temple  Place,  236,  397  ft,  398  n. 

News- Letter,  39,    84  n,  88,  126, 

Third  National  Bank,  254. 

171  and  note,  260  n,26l  n,  262  n,  336. 

Thompson's  Spa,  124- 

North  Bennet  Street,  12  L 

Tileston  Street,  12L 

North  End,  121,  339. 

Tontine   Crescent,  398  and  note, 

North  Grammar  School,  79, 

399, 

North  Latin  School,  116,  12L 

Town  Dock,  88. 

North  Street,  88. 

Town  House,  93. 

Old  South  Church,  24  n,  42  n,  93, 

Town  Records,  64  n;  mentioned, 

468 


INDEX. 


Boston,  Mass.  (continued). 
38  n,    390  ;  cited,  87  n,  88  n,  92, 
322  n. 

Transcript,  mentioned,  247. 

Traveller,  mentioned,  234  n. 

Tremont  National  Bank,  128. 

Tremont  Street,  397  n,  398  n. 

Trinity  Church,  126,  389  n,  395, 

398,  399,  401 ;  Registers,  cited,  74  n, 
126,  400  n ;  mentioned,  395,  396  n, 
398  n  :  quoted,  399  n. 

Union  Street,  121,  235  it. 

University  Club,  249. 

Veteran    Fireman's    Association, 

213  n. 

Veterinary  Institute,  234  and  note, 

235  n. 

Vital  Records,  54  n. 

Washington  Gardens,  397  n. 

Washington  Street,  93,  94,  123  n, 

121. 

Water  Street,  125. 

Weekly  Register,  159  n. 

West  'Church,   91,   129,    389   n; 

Records,  cited,  91,  129,  321  n,  402  n. 

West  Street,  397  n,  398  n. 

Woodraansey's  Wharf,  127. 

Bostonian  Society,  218,  246  and  note. 

Bostonian,  The,  246  and  note. 

Botkin.     See  Bodkin. 

Bottom,  the  topographical  word,  not  an 
Americanism,  140  and  note. 

Boucher,  Charlotte  (Denys  de  la 
Trinitd),  de  la  Broquene,  wife  of 
Pierre  (1653-1740),  263. 

Jean     Baptiste     (6.     1673),     de 

Nivervilie,  son  of  Pierre  (1622-1717), 
262,203,201. 

Jeanne  (Crevier),  wife  of  Pierre 

(1622-1717),  263. 

Joseph  (r/.   1762),  son  of   Pierre 

(1653-1740),  account  of,  263. 

Joseph  (1715-1804),  de  Nivervilie, 

son  of  Jean  Baptiste,  261  n:  paper 
on,  by  A.  Matthews,  259-265 ;  com- 
mands French  and  Indians  as  Gen- 
eral Debeline,  262;  various  names 
of,  202;  military  services  of,  264. 

Josette  or  Marie  Joseph   (Chate- 

lin),  de  Nivervilie,  wife  of  Joseph 
(1715-1804),  264  and  note. 

Marguerite  TheYese  (Hertel),  de 

Nivervilie,  wife  of  Jean  Baptiste, 
263. 

Pierre  (1622-1717},  de  Grosbois, 

Governor  of  Three  Rivers,  Canada, 
account  of,  263  and  note :  his  book  on 
New  France,  1664,  mentioned,  263  n. 


Pierre  (1653-1740),  de  la  Bra- 

querie,  son  of  Pierre  (1622-1717), 
account  of,  263;  led  the  attack  on 
Wells,  Me.,  1693,  265. 

family,  262. 

Bouchervifle,  Canada,  263. 

Bouchette,  Jean  Baptiste,  264. 

Boudinot,  Elias  (1740-1821),  378. 

Bound  Brook,  N.  J.,  72,  73. 

Bourinot,  Sir  John  George  (1837-1902), 
262  and  note. 

Bourne,  Edward  Emerson,  his  History 
of  Wells  and  Kennebuuk,  Me.,  cited, 
90. 

Bow  Street,  Cambridge,  400  n. 

Bowditch,  Charles  Pickering,  A. 
B.,  xvi. 

Bowditch,  Nathaniel  Ingersoll  (H.  C. 
1822),  49;  his  Suffolk  Surnames, 
quoted,  49  n,  50  n;  his  Gleaner 
articles,  218  n. 

Bowdoin  Square,  Boston,  89,  395. 

Bowdon,  Cheshire,  Eng.,  441  n,  444  n. 

Bowes,  Lydia,  daughter  of  Rev.  Nicho- 
las.    See  Whitney. 

Bowes,  Rev.  Nicholas  (H.  C.  1725),  of 
Bedford,  316,  323. 

Bowling  Green,  Boston,  89. 

Bowman,  Jonathan  (H.  C.  1755),  15, 
20,22,23,27,41. 

Boyd,  Hugh,  24,  36. 

Thomas,  20. 

Boyle,  Coelia  (Gay),  first  wife  of  Col. 
John,  321  n. 

Dorothy    Hancock,   daughter  of 

Col.  John,  321  n. 

Elizabeth  (Casneau),  second  wife 

of  Col.  John,  321  n. 

Henry  (d.  1725),  Baron  Carleton, 

Secretary  of  State,  177  n. 

James,  385  n. 

Col.  John,  321  and  note,  322  n. 

Lydia  (d.  1802),  mother  of  Col. 

John,  321  and  note. 

Robert  (1627-1691),  Governor  of 

the  New  England  Company,  181  n, 
182  n. 

Boylston,  Thomas  (d.  1750),  son  of  Dr. 
Zabdiel,  is  inoculated  for  the  small- 
pox, 1721,  193  n. 

Dr.  Zabdiel  (1680-1766),  93;  in- 
oculates his  son  Thomas  for  the 
small-pox,  193  n. 

Boylston  Hall,  Harvard  College.  152  ». 

Boylston  Medical  prize  of  Harvard 
University,  235. 

Brackenbury,  Emma  or  Amy  (Ander- 
son), 39  n.     See  Lynde. 


INDEX. 


460 


Bradbury,  Theophilus,  19,  20,  56,  57, 

Thomas,  62. 

Bradford,  Aldeu  (1765-1843),  his  Ma* 
sachusetts  State  Papers,  quoted, 
170. 

Fanny.     See  Clark ;  Laue. 

William    (1589-1057),    Governor 

of  Plymouth  Colony,  5f>,  60 ;  his 
History  of  Plymouth  Plantation, 
quoted,  22  n,  CO* 

Bradford,  Yorkshire,  England,  4*25. 

Bradstreet,  Simon  (161)3-1007),  Gov- 
ernor of  Massachusetts,  324,  326. 

Brain  tree,  Mass.,  3,  U2;  Town  Records, 
cited,  320  n, 

Branford,  Conn.,  175,  1S7  n. 

Brasher,  John,  35. 

Brattle,  Thomas  (d.  1683)  ,  of  Boston, 
124  n. 

Brattle  Square  (or  Street)  Church, 
Boston,  84  rc,  86,  87,  125,  120,  271, 
310  n,  320  fi,  4(U ;  records  of,  cited, 
85  n,  87  nT  91,  126,  120,  317  *,  320  n, 
321  n;  called  Manifesto  Church,  87; 
founded,  125. 

Brattle  Street,  Boston,  93,  04. 

Brattle  Street,  Cambridge,  Mass.,  227  n. 

Bremen,  Germany,  2] 9  n. 

Bremen,  Me,,  12  ia,  13  n,  14  n,  17  n, 
37  n,  50  n,  61,61  n,  67,  67  n, 

Heggorneito,  21. 

Passage  Point,  21,  29. 

Bremen  Island,  Me.,  66. 

Brenton,  Ann,  daughter  of  Maj  Eben- 
ezer.     See  Concklin  ;  Howard. 

Maj.  Ebenezer  (1687-1760),  380  «, 

387  and  note, 

Elizabeth,  daughter  of  Maj.  Eben- 
ezer, 387  n, 

BUEW&TRR,  FUANK,  A.M.,  XVL 

Brewster  Islands,  Boston  Harbor,  279, 
281. 

Brief  Remarks  on  the  Defence  of  the 
Halifax  Libel  on  the  British  Ameri- 
can Colonies,  mentioned,  S89  n* 

Bright,  John  (1811-1889),  429,  431, 

Brighton,  Mass.,  236,  396  n, 

Brighton,  Sussex,  Eng,,  219. 

Bit  im  me  it,  Hon.  M  auxin,  A.B-,  xvi. 

Brin  ley,  George  (1817-3875),  Catalogue 
of  tfie  Library  of,  cited,  84  n. 

Bristol,  Gloucestershire,  Eng.,  17  n, 
51  n,  219  n,  370. 

Bristol,  Me.,  U,  12,  18,  14,  16,  17,  18, 
25,  28,  30-32,  34, 42,  43,  48,  49,  50  u, 
51,54,63,  mn. 

Pancake  Hill,  14,  29. 

Round  Pond.     See  below. 


Bristol  Compauy,     See  Pemaquid  Pro- 
prietors, 
Bristol  Countv,  Mass-,  123  iu 

Deeds,  cited,  85  n, 

Probate  Records,  cited,  85  n. 

British,  the,  54  xi,  72,  75  n,  113  n,  131, 

339. 
British  Army,  130,  318,  338. 
British  Colonies.     See  under  Colonies. 
British  Government,  158,  400  n,  413, 
British  Isles,  143  ami  note,  841, 
British    Museum    Catalogue,    quoted, 

180  n. 
British  Provinces,  129  n. 
Broad  Bay,  Me.,  65,  *m,  67. 
Broad  Bay  (now  Waldoborough),  Me., 

37. 
Broad  Cove,  Me.,  37,  6~>,  AT. 
Broad  Street,  Newport,  &  L,  388. 
Broadway,  Newport,  it  L,  388. 
Broadhead,  John  Ronu'vn,  177  n, 
Bromfield,  Edward  (1695-175G),  125. 
Elizabeth,  daughter  of  Cot.  Henry. 

See  Rogers, 
Hannah  (Clarke),  second  wife  of 

Col.  Henry,  77  and  note. 
Col    Henry  (1727-1820),   74,  77 

and  note,  78,  79,  217,  218,  221  and 

note,  251. 
Henry  (1751-1837),  son   of  Col. 

Henry,  77  and  note. 

Margaret     (Fayerweather),    first 

wife  of  Col.  Henry,  77  n. 

— -  Thomas  (1733-1816),     brother  of 
Col.  Henry,  78  and  note. 

-  family,  78  ft,  217  »,  246. 
Bromfield  Schoolhouse,  Harvard,  Mass., 

221  n. 
Brompton,  London,  Eng.,  210  n. 
Brook  Line,  Mass.,  ftj  230,  237,  205,  336. 

Hammond  Street  236, 

Public  Library,  26fi. 

Broquerie,    See  Boucher. 

Brown,  A  brain  English,  his  John  Han- 
cock His  Book,  quoted,  322, 

Charles    Brockden    (1771-1810), 

138  n,  142;  his  translation  of  C,  F. 
Volney's  A  View  of  the  Soil  and  Cli- 
mate of  the  United  States  of  America, 
quoted,  138, 

Elizabeth,  daughter   of  John  of 

New  Harbor.     Set  Pearce. 

Rev.    Howard    Nicholson,   443  n, 

John  (h.  c.  1636),  of  Framin^ham, 

son  of  Jorm  of  New  Harbor,  6."*  u,  66. 
John  (o.  1666),  of  Saco,  son  of  John 

of  Framingham,  61,  65  n. 
John  (</.  c,  1671),  of  New  Harbor, 


470 


INDEX. 


Brown  (continued). 

21,  22,  65  n,  66;  Indian  deed    to, 

61,   65,  67,   68;  deeds  land  to    his 

daughter,  65-67. 
Margaret,   daughter  of  John  of 

New  Harbor.    Set  Champney ;  Gould. 
Margaret    (Hayward),     wife    of 

John  of  New  Harbor,  65  n. 

William  Garrott,  238  w,  240  n. 

family,  65  n,  66  n,  68. 

Brown  University,  388  n. 

Browne,   Rev.  Daniel  (Y.   C.    1714), 

191  and  note,  194  and  note. 

James,  93. 

Browning,  Robert  (1812-1889),  420  n, 

453  n. 
Bruce,  Philip  Alexander,  336  n. 
Brunswick,  Me.,  1. 
Brusters.    See  Brewster  Islands. 
Bryent,  Walter,  145  n. 
Bubble  Act  (1720),  409. 
Buchanan,   James,    President   of  the 

United  States,  421,  434. 
Buck's  County,  Penn.,  351. 
Buckingham,  Rev.  Thomas  (H.  C.1690), 

187  and  note. 
Buckminster,    Rev.    Joseph    Stevens, 

401,  402. 
Bugden,  Huntingdonshire,  Eng.,  192  n. 
Bulfinch,    Caroline   (Phelps),   wife  of 

Rev.  Stephen  Greenleaf,  D.D.,  390  n, 

397  n. 

Charles  (1763-1844),  the  architect, 

396  n,  398  and  note,  402 ;  his  Life  and 
Letters,  quoted,  396,  397   n;    cited, 

398  n,  402  n. 

Hannah     (Apthorp),       wife    of 

Charles,  396  n,  397  n,  402. 
Judith  (Colman),    wife    of    Dr. 

Thomas,  87. 

Dr.  Thomas   (d.   1757),   87,  89. 

family,  86,  401. 

Bull,  Nathaniel,  Jr.,  31,  36. 
Bull-whacker,  the  term,  313  n. 
Bunch  of  Grapes  Tavern,  Boston,  269  n. 
Bungonungomug  River,  Me.,  69. 
Bunker  Hill,  Charlestown,  338;  battle 

of,  51  n,  80. 
Bunyan,  John   (1628-1688),    his   Pil- 
grim's  Progress,  mentioned,  188  n. 
Burdett,  Rev.  George,  90. 
Burgersdicius.     See  Burgersdijck. 
Burgersdijck,  Franco  (1590-1629),  his 

Logic,  mentioned,  277. 
Burges.     See  Burgess. 
Burgess,  Col.  Elizeus,  Governor  of  the 

Province    of    Massachusetts,     269, 

270  n. 


Burgoyne,  Gen.  John  (1722-1792),  78, 

318. 
Burke,  Edmund  (1729-1797),  346  ;  his 

Present  State  of  the  Nation,  cited, 

349  n ;  his  European  settlements  in 

America,  quoted,  364. 
Burleigh,  Joseph,  145. 
Burleigh  Street,  London,  Eng.,  443. 
Burlington,  Mass.,  317. 
Burlington,  Vt.,  382. 

University  of  Vermont,  383. 

Burnaby,  Rev.  Andrew  (c.  1734-1812), 

346 ;  his  Travels,  mentioned,  342  n; 

cited,  348  n ;  quoted,  350. 
Burnet,  William  (1688-1729),  Gover- 
nor of  the  Province  of  Massachusetts, 

165. 
Burnmg,  sentence  of,  324,  329,  330, 

331,   332    and  note,  333,   335,  336. 

See  Maria. 
Burns,  William,  25,  30. 
Burr,  Aaron  (1756-1837),  201   n,  317. 
Eunice,  wife  of  Thaddeus,  317, 

322. 
Thaddeus,  of  Fairfield,  Ct,  317, 

322. 
Busk,  Henry  William,  his  sketch  of 

the  Origin  and  the  Recent  History 

of  the  New  England  Company,  181  n, 

182    n,    183  n ;  mentioned,    181    n. 
Bussey  Institution,  236,  239  and  note. 
Butler,  Alford,  Sr.,  of  Boston,  120  n. 
Alford,  Jr.,  of  Boston,  113,  119  n, 

120  n,  122  n,  123  n,  131  n. 
Elizabeth    (Robinson),    wife  of 

Alford,  Sr.,  120  n. 
Eunice  (West),  wife  of  Alford,  Jr., 

122  n,  123  n. 

Samuel,  son  of  Alford,  Jr.,  123  n. 

Sigournky,  LL.B.,  xvi. 

William,  of  North  Carolina,  390. 

Byfield,    Judge    Nathaniel    (c.    1653- 

1733),  267  n,  269  n. 
Sarah,    daughter    of    Nathaniel. 

See  Tailer. 

CABOT,  Elizabeth  (b.  1710),  daugh- 
ter of  John.     See  Higginson. 

Elizabeth  (1785-1839),  daughter 

of  Hon.  George.     See  Kirkland. 

Elizabeth  (Higginson),     wife  of 

Hon.  George,  448  w. 

George  (1751-1823),  United  States 

Senator,  son  of  Joseph,  447  n,  448  n. 

Louis,  A.B.,  xvii. 

Cadogan,  Charles  (1691-1776),  Baron 
Cadogan,  199. 


INDEX.                                                             471 

Caesar,  Julius,  266. 

'  CamptoD,  N,  H.,  146. 

Cairn  Gortn,  Inverness,  Scotland,  436. 

Canada,  140  n,  175,  245  n,  262,  263  n. 

Gairnes,  John  Elliot   (1828-1^75),  his 

204,  340,  848. 

Slave  Power,  i\ noted!  367,  308  n. 

Canada,  Geological  and  Natural  History 
Survey  of,  Annual  Report,  quoted, 

eaIauw,EdmLmd(1671-1732),  175, 105. 

Calderwood,  David  (1575-1050),  105, 

143  «. 

Caldwell,    Augustine*    his    Historical 

Canadians,  264. 

Sketch,  mentioned,  245  a. 

Cauer,  Rev.   Henry  (T.  C.  1724),  rec- 

 George,  of  Bristol,  Me.,  30,  31. 

tor  of  King's  Chapel,  191  n. 

Caledonian  Highlands,  Scotland,  451, 

— —  Henry,  father  of  Rev.  Henry,  101 

Calendar  of  State  Papers,  quoted,  101, 

and  note* 

10*, 

Canterbury,  Eng,,  Prerogative  Court  of, 

California,  315  n,  401  n,  402. 

394  n. 

California,  Gulf  of,  308. 

Cape  Breton,  Nova  Scotia,  175,  304  n. 

California,  University  of,  452, 

Cape  Elisabeth,  He.,  63, 

CallwelJ.     See  Caldwell 

Cape  Fear,  N.  C,  75  n. 

Calvert.     See  Baltimore. 

Cape  Nawagan.     See  Cape  Newaggen. 

Calvinists,  the,  205. 

Cape  Newaggen,  Me.,  26. 

Cambridge,  England,  204,  453  n, 

Cape  N  or  wagan .     See  C  ape  Ne  wagge  n . 

Girton  College,  453  n. 

Cape  Porpoise  River,  Me.,  04. 

Trinity  College,  438  n. 

Capen,  Henry,  113. 

Cambridge,  Mass.,  3,  80,  91,  02,  08, 

Hopestill    (1730*1807),    113   and 

101,   104.  128,  130  n,   152   n,  155  ft, 

note,  136,  119,  120  ft. 

183  r,  100,  2  in,  224,  227  and  note. 

Capriata  d'Orba,  Italy,  316  n. 

227  n,  228  and  note,  220  and  note, 

Cardin,  Marguerite*     See  Chatelin. 

230-232,  238,  240,  241,  262  n,  206  n. 

Cargill,  Captain  James,  57,  &8. 

260  n,  272,  275,  270  and  note,  286, 

Carlefcon,  Sir  Guy  {1724-1808),  Baron 
Dorchester,  264. 

290,  291.  318,  329  n,  381,  300  n,  305, 

307  n,  400  n,  401,  402,  441;  fire  at, 

Lt.  Osgood  (1742^1816),  his  Plan 

230. 

of  Boston,  cited,  117  «. 

Appian  Way,  227  »♦ 

Caraea,  Maj.  Edward  (1730*1782),  of 

Arrow  Street,  400  n* 

Charlestown  and  Boston,  son  of  John, 

Bow  Street,  400  n. 

47- 

Brattle  Street,  227  ft. 

Joanna   (Jenner),   wife  of    Maj. 

Charles  Hiver  National  Bank,  230 

Edward,  47. 

t»* 

Cornwatli,  Sir  Robert  Datyell  (d.  1707), 

Christ  Church,  339  n. 

Earl  of,  170. 

- — -  Chronicle,  mentioned,  229  n. 

Carolina,  or  Carolina?,  177,  178  n,  365, 

Church  Street,  230  n. 

392;  seek  government  of  king,  182; 

- City  Records,  mentioned,  220  n. 

cultivation  of  land  in,  342;  rice  grow- 

 Common,  228  n. 

ing  in,  344;  manufactures  in,  360, 

Dunster  Street,  227  it. 

Caroline,   wife  of  George  II.,  King  of 

First    Church,    275 ;    records    of, 

England,  208. 

quoted,  220  n. 

Carpenter,  Prof.  Joseph  Estlin,  his  Lec- 

 Follen  Street,  103. 

tures  on  Ecclesiastical  History,  men- 

 Garden  Street,  227  n. 

tioned,  437, 

Harvard  Square,  230  n. 

Rev.  Lant,  school  of,  419  n. 

Holmes  Place,  228  n. 

Richard,  of  Boston,  76  and  note. 

Hopkins  Classical  School,  08. 

Carr,  Wait,  386  «. 

— —  Little  (Brighton),  308  arid  note* 

Carroll,  Bartholomew  Rivers,  his  His- 

 Lyceum  Hall,  280  «. 

torical  Collections  of  South  Carolina, 

^—  Press,  The,  mentioned,  229  n. 

quoted,  360,  361, 

South  Street,  227  n. 

Carroll  Place,  Boston,  116. 

Third    Precinct    of    (Brighton), 

Carson  Valley,  Nevada,  315  n. 

390  n. 

Cartagena,  Spain,  414. 

University  Press,  253,  254. 

Cartf.k,  Fbakklix,  LL.D.,  xviii 

Cambridgeport,  Mass.,  07. 

Hon.    James   Coqlidge,.  LL.D., 

Camp  Floyd,  Utah,  315  n. 

iviL 

472 


INDEX. 


Carteret,  John  (1690-1763),  Baron  Car- 
teret of  Hawnes,  199, 205. 

Carvaial,  Cardinal  Bernardino  (1456- 
1523),  414,  415. 

Caryl,  Rev.  Joseph  (1602-1673),  195. 

Casas,  Bartolome'  de  las  (1474-1566), 
Bishop  of  Chiapa,  365. 

Casco,  Me.,  62,  64  n. 

Casco  Bay,  Me.,  26,  62  n,  63,  69. 

Casneau,  Elizabeth.     See  Boyle. 

Castilian  Club,  Boston,  purpose  of, 
213  n. 

Castle  William  (now  Fort  Indepen- 
dence), Boston  Harbor,  268  n. 

Cathance  River,  Me.,  69. 

Catherine  I.,  Czarina  of  Russia,  203. 

Catholics.    See  Roman  Catholics. 

Catskill,  N.  Y.,  226. 

Caulkins,  Frances  Manwaring,  7;  her 
History  of  New  London,  cited,  7  n. 

Center,  flames,  387  n. 

Cesar  Moxis,  an  Indian,  68  n. 

Cbadwick,  Rev.  John  White,  293,  294. 

Chalmers,  George  (1742-1825),  his  In- 
troduction to  the  History  of  the  Re- 
volt of  the  American  Colonies,  cited, 
178  n. 

Robert,  his  Preliminary  Report  on 

the  Surface  Geology  of  New  Bruns- 
wick, quoted,  143. 

Chamber.     See  Champney. 

Chamberlain,  Hon.  Joshua  Law- 
rence, LL.D.,  xviii,  1. 

Chamblet  or  Chamblett.  See  Champ- 
ney. 

Chambly,  Canada,  seigneurie  of,  263. 

Chamles.     See  Champney. 

Champernoown,  Champernoowne.  See 
Champernowne. 

Champernowne,  Arthur,  indenture 
between,  and  Sir  F.  Gorges,  02,  63. 

Champflour,  Francois  de,  263  n. 

Champney,  Margaret  (Brown),  wife  of 
Maurice,  65  n.     See  Gould. 

Maurice,  65  n,  07  n. 

Champnye.     See  Champney. 

Chandler,  Col.  John  (1693-1762),  of 
Worcester,  Mass.,  53  n. 

Rev.    Thomas    Bradbury   (1726- 

1790),  his  Life  of  S.  Johnson,  cited, 
195  n. 

Channing,  Rev.  William  Henry  (1810- 
1884),  on  English  Unitarianism, 
421. 

Channing  Hall,  Boston,  293. 

Chapman,  Rev.  Daniel  (Y.  C.  1707), 
199  and  note. 

—  Jonas,  of  Boston,  235  n. 


Chardon,  Peter  (c.  1703-1775),  87,  80. 
Sarah  (Colman),  wife   of  Peter, 

87. 

Chardon  Street,  Boston,  80. 

Charles  I.,  King  of  England,  17,  62, 
63,  64  n,  192  n. 

11.,  King  of  England,  96,  181  », 

327,  345  n. 

V.,  Emperor,  400. 

VU.,  Emperor,  205. 

Charles  River,  Mass.,  109,  396  n. 

Charles  River  National  Bank,  Cam- 
bridge, 230  n. 

Charleston,  S.  C,  78  and  note,  194  n, 
327,  336,  396,  433. 

Work  House  Green,  336. 

Year  Book,  cited,  78  n. 

Charlestown,  Mass.,  14  and  note,  23  n, 
37  and  note,  38  and  note,  39  n,  40 
and  note,  41,  42  n,  45-47,  47  n,  51  n, 
53  n,  54  n,  91,  97  and  note,  113  n, 
115  and  note,  122  and  note,  123,  276, 
279  ;  Town  Records,  cited.  91. 

Bunker  Hill,  54  n,  80,  338. 

Five  Cents  Savings  Bank,  254. 

Harvard  Church,  97  n ;   History 

of,  cited,  426  n. 

Second  Congregational  (Harvard) 

Church,  97  n. 

Charlestown,  Island  of  Nevis,  125. 

Charlestown,  N.  H.  (formerly  Town- 
ship Number  Four),  261  n ;  French 
and  Indians  attack,  259,  260  w,  264, 
265. 

Charlestown,  S.  C.    See  Charleston. 

Charlton,  Mass.,  455. 

Charnock,  Stephen  (1628-1680),  195. 

Charter,  government  by,  11 ;  complaints 
against,  177  n ;  attempt  to  regulate, 
177  n,  178  n,  1Q5. 

Charters,  namely :  — 

Connecticut,   176,  189,  198,    199, 

209. 

Gorges,  Sir  F.,  1639,  62,  64  n,  65. 

Massachusetts  Colony,  81,  345. 

Massachusetts  Explanatory,  195  n, 

204. 

Massachusetts  Province,   27,   96, 

165,  167,  198,  199,  345. 

New  England,  62 ;  J.  Dummer's 

Defence  of  the  New  England,  men- 
tioned, 173. 

New  London  Society  United  for 

Trade  and  Commerce,  11. 

Plymouth  Company,  62. 

Rhode  Island,  411,  412,  413. 

Royal,  181  n. 

Yale  College,  176. 


INDEX.                                                    473 

Citase.  Charles  Augustus,  A.M.,  xvi. 

Choate,  Charles  Francis,  A.M.,  xvi. 

Frederick    (<A     1891),     his     His- 
tory of   Dartmouth  College,  quoted. 

Hon.   Joseph    Hodges,   LL.D., 

xviii,  252. 

146  n. 

Christ  Church,  Boston,  175,  ■ 

Chastellux,  Francois  Jean  (1734-1788), 

Christ     Church,     Cambridge,     Mass., 

Marquis  de,  34  S. 

399  tk 

Chntelin,  Francois,  264. 

- — >  Josette,    daughter    of    Francois, 

Christ  Church,  Oxford,  Eng.,  150  n. 

Christcburch,  Hampshire,  Eng,,  177  n. 
Christendom,  435,  440,  454. 

See  Boucher. 

Marguerite     (Carding    wife    of 

Christian    Examiner,  The,  mentioned, 

Francois,  264, 

292,  420,  426   and   note,   427;  cited, 

Chaucer,  Geoffrey  (e.  1340-1400),  140 

427  n. 

and  note ;  his  Works,  cited,  149  n. 

Society,  426  n. 

Christian    Reformer,   The,  mentioned, 

Chauncy,    Rev,    Charles    (1705-1787), 

132, 

441  fi. 

Cheever,  Ezeldel  (A.  1720),  of  Charles- 

Christian  Register,  The,  cited,  293  n. 

town,  eon  of   Capt.    Ezekiel   (16(12- 

Church,  Rev,  Richard  William  (1816- 

1770),  52  n, 
Cheffaleer(Chefelia,  Chefelier,  Cbeffal- 

18yo),  his  Oxford  Movement,  men- 

tioned, 446. 

lia),  a  negro,  sentenced  for  arson. 

Church  of  England,  125,  202,  418,  421, 

S2i,  326,327,328. 

454. 

Chelsea,  Middlesex,  Eng.,  303,  394. 

Church  of  Rome,  41 5  and  note. 

Saint    Luke's,   Register   of,   303 

Church  Street,  Cambridge,  230  n. 

and  note* 

Cicero,  Marcus  Tullius,  277. 

Chelsea  College,  Eng.,  309. 

Cincinnati,    Society  ,of.     See    Massa- 

C he  1  te  n  h  a  m ,     G 1  o  uceatershire,     Eng, , 

chusetts. 

77  n, 

Civil  War,  American,  156  »,  237,  416, 

Cheney,  Deborah  ( Wiswall),  wife  of  Wil- 

455; J,  Martineau  on  the,  424,425, 

liam  (rf.  1681),  334  n.     See  Williams, 

427-430,  432-435;  J.  H.    Allen  on, 

Samuel  (H.  C,  1767),  of   Boston, 

431,  432. 

teaches  school   in  the  Sandemanian 

Clap,  Rev.  Thomas  (H,  C.  1722),  Presi- 
dent of  Yale  College,  53  n  .  his  An- 

Meeting Mouse,  119. 

William  (d,  1607),  the  emigrant, 

nals  of  Yale  College,  cited,  188  n, 

331  it. 

Clarendon,  Earl  of.     See  Hyde. 

William  (d.  1681),  of  Dorchester, 

Clark,  Capt.  Christopher  (k  e.  1618), 

son   of    William   the  emigrant,  exe- 

of Boston,  1655,  38,  41,  84  ft. 

cuted  for  rape,  334,  335;  account  of, 

Fanny  (Bradford).     See  Lane. 

334  n 

Hon,  John  (H.  C.  1687),  of  Bos- 

Chesapeake case,  the,  425, 
Cheshire,  Eng,,  444  n. 

ton,  270. 

(Clarke)*  Jonas,    a    juror,    1681, 

Chester,    Col.   Joseph    Lemuel    (1821- 

320,327. 

1882),  his  Westminster  Abbey  Reg- 

 Jonas  (6-  1690),  of  Boston,  son  of 

isters,  quoted,  177  n. 

Capt.  Timothy,  53  nH 

Chestnut    Hill,    Xewfcon,   Mass.,   236, 

Katheriue,    daughter    of     Capt. 

237,  241,  242,  219,  248. 

Timothy.     See  Drowne, 

First  Church,  247, 

Mercy,  daughter  of  Capt.  Christo- 

Chever.    See  Cheever. 

pher.     See  Mi  not. 

Chignecto,  N.  S.,  261  n. 

Samuel,  53  », 

Child,  Francis  James  (1825-1806),  08, 

Sarah  (Lyude),  wife  of  Thomas, 

100,  101,  104,  105, 

39  n  t  45,  53  n.     See  Sweetser. 

Chilliiiffworth,    Rev.    William   (1602- 

—  Col.  Thomas  (d.  167$),  of  Boston, 

1614)!  his  Sennnn,  quoted,  150  n 
Chilton.    Mary,   daughter   of    James, 

Speaker  of  the  House,  26. 

Thomas  (d.  c  1691),  of  Charles- 

See  Winslow. 

town,  39  n,  5-1  «. 

Chilean,   Adam,  of  Boston,   113  and 

Capt.  Timothy  (d,  1737),  of  Boa- 

not*. 

ton,  25  n. 

Susanna  (Cosno),  wife  of  Adam, 

Lt.   William  (d.  1600),  of  Dor- 

113 A, 

chester  and  Northampton,  324. 

474 


INDEX. 


Clarke,  Elizabeth  (Winslow),  wife  of 
Richard,  128. 

—  Hannah,    daughter   of    Richard. 
See  Bromfield. 

Hepzibah  (1757-1825),  daughter 

of  Barnabas.     See  Swan. 
Isaac  Winslow  (1746-1822),  son 

of  Richard,  129. 

Rev.    James    Freeman    (H.   C. 

1829),  416,  452,  453. 

Jonas,  a  juror,  1681,  326,  327. 

—  Jonathan,  son  of  Richard,  129. 
Mary  (Whittingham),  widow  of 

William.     See  Saltonstall. 
Richard   (d.    1795),  H.  C.  1729, 

of  Boston,  77  n,  128,  246. 

Sarah,  45. 

Susannah     Farnum     (b.     1745), 

daughter  of  Richard.     See  Copley. 
Class  Day,  Harvard  College,  224  and 

note,  227,  247. 
Cleaveland,  Rev.  Ebenezer  (1726-1805), 

146. 
Cleaves.     See  Cleeve. 
Cleeve,  George  (d.  c.  1674),  of  Casco, 

62  and  note,  64  n. 
Clement  XL,  Pope,  179  n. 
Cleveland,  Grover,  LL.D.,  Presi- 
dent of    the   United    States,  zviii, 

381,  383. 
Cleveland    and   Cleaveland   Families, 

Genealogy  of  the,  cited,  93  n. 
Cleveland,  Ohio,  143  n. 
Clifford,  Hon.  Charles  Warren, 

A.M.,  xvi. 
William    Kingdon    (1845-1879), 

438  and  note. 
Clough,  Abner,  145. 
Rachel    (b.    1727), 

Ebenezer  oi    Boston. 

Savage. 
Clover  Den,  Cambridge,  social  life  at, 

103,  104. 
Clows,  Catharine   (Overlick),  wife  of 

John,  126  n. 

John,  of  Boston,  126. 

Clwyd,  Vale  of,  Wales,  151  n. 
Cobden,  Richard  (1804-1865),  434. 
Cocaine,  pays  de,  346. 
Cockburn,  Sir  Alexander  James  Ed- 
mund (1802-1880),  Lord  Chief  Jus- 
tice of  England,  433. 
Cod  man,  Capt.  John,  murder  of  (1755), 

by  his  slaves,  323. 

William  Coombs,  of  Boston,  73. 

Coffee,  a  negro,  327,  328. 

Coffin,    Abigail,    daughter   of    Judge 

Peter.    See  Davison. 


daughter    of 
See    Noble ; 


Rev.  Paul  (1737-1821),  146. 

Judge  Peter  (1631-1715),  of  Dover 

and  Exeter,  N.  H.,  son  of  Tristram 
the  emigrant,  39  n. 

Coggeshau,  Essex,  Eng.9  216. 

Cogswell,  Joseph  Green  (1786-1871), 
99,  101. 

Cohasses  or  Cohosses,  meadow  land, 
138. 

Coit,  Solomon,  8. 

Cokayne,  George  Edward,  his  Com- 
plete Peerage,  cited,  178  n. 

Coke,  Bishop  Thomas  (1747-1814), 
370,  371  n,  372  n,  377;  on  slavery  in 
Virginia,  371,  373-377 ;  Minutes  of 
Several  Conservations  between,  and 
F.  Asbury,  371  n,  373  n,  374, 375  and 
note;  visits  Washington,  372,  376, 
377 ;  his  Journals,  372  and  note,  373, 
374,  376,  377. 

Cold  Lane,  Boston,  89,  128. 

ColdwelL     See  Caldwell. 

Cole,  Rev.  Frederick  Barford,  387  n. 

Cole,  Thomas,  21. 

Coles,  John,  of  Boston,  137. 

Collection  de  Manuscrits  contenant 
Lettres,  Mlmoires,  et  autres  Docu- 
ments historiques  relatifs  a  la  Nou- 
velle- France,  cited,  262  n. 

College  House,  Harvard  College,  230 
and  note. 

Old,  230  n: 

College  of  Cardinals,  414. 

College  of  Physicians,  London,  Eng., 
203. 

Collins,  Susannah  (b.  c.  1643),  daughter 
of  John  of  Boston.     See  Walker. 

Colraan,  Ann  (1700-1718),  daughter 
of  John,  Sr.,  86. 

Rev.       Benjamin       (1673-1747), 

brother  of  John,  Sr.,  25  n,  86,  175, 
184,  211  n;  declines  presidency  of 
Harvard,  175,  271. 

Benjamin  (b.  1710),  son  of  John, 

Sr.,  87,  89. 

Deborah   (Oulton),  first  wife  of 

Beniamin  (&.  1710),  87. 

Elizabeth,  wife  of    William  (d. 

1712),  86. 

Elizabeth  (d.  1707),  daughter  of 

John,  Sr.,  87. 

Grace,  wife  of  Matthew,  86. 

Hannah  (Pemberton),  second  wife 

of  Benjamin  (6.  1710),  87,  89. 

John,    Sr.    (1670-1751),    Boston 

merchant,  83  n,  251,  280;  his  arrest 
for  libel,  83-85;  his  Distressed  State 
of  the  Town  of  Boston,  83,  84;  his 


INDEX, 


475 


Bistre? and  State  of  the  Town  of 
Boston  Once  more  Considered,  83; 
sketch  of,  86-89- 

John  (6.  1896),  son  of  John,  Sr,, 

died  in  infancy,  86. 

John,  Jr.  (6.  1703)*  eon  of  John, 

Sr.,  87,  89. 

Judith    (5.    1707),   daughter    of 

John,  Sr.     See  Bui  finch, 

Judith    (Hobby),   wife  of    John, 

Sr.T  Sti,  87,  SO. 

Margaret    Haywood,  second  wife 

of  William  (rf.  1712),  89, 

Mary  (b.  1071),  daughter  of  Wil- 
liam (d.  1712),  S6. 

Matthew,     of     Sotterley,    Bng., 

father  of  William  (A  1712),  86, 

>Sarah   (1707-1740),   daughter  of 

John,  Sr.     See  Chart! on. 

Sarah  (Payne),  wife  of  John,  Jr., 

87. 

William  (d.  1712),  fatherof  John, 

Sr.t  8(1,  89. 

William  (h.  1098),  son  of  John, 

Sr,,  died  in  infancy,  80. 

William  (b.  1713),  sou  of  John, 

Sr,,  died  in  infancy,  87. 

Colonial  America,  paper  on,  by  W,  C, 
Ford,  340-370;  economic  develop- 
ment, 341 ;  improved  lands  in,  342  ; 
population  in,  342  and  note}  343; 
natural  conditions,  343,  344;  agri- 
culture chief  pursuit  of,  344,  345  ; 
price  of  I  And,  345 ;  law  of  primogeni- 
ture in,  346;  laud  policy  in,  346; 
land  holding  in,  347 ;  conditions  in 
the  Southern  Colonies,  347,  348;  no 
scientific  farming  in,  348,  349,  351 ; 
wheat  growing  in,  351  and  notet  352 
and  note;  becomes  granary  for  Eu- 
rope, 352 ;  live  stock  in,  353,  355 ; 
sheep  raising  in,  353  ;  cattle  exports 
in,  363,  354;  experimental  stage  of 
farming  passed,  355 ;  life  of  a  farmer 
in,  355,  356;  manufactures  in,  356, 
357,  360;  difficulties  of  transporta- 
tion, 358  and  note  ;  varying  prices  of 
Commodities  in,  358  and  note  ;  dear- 
ii ess  of  labor  in,  359,  360  ;  effects  of 
slavery  in,  301-369, 

Colonial  Society  of  Massachu- 
setts, 1,2,3,  10,11,71,73,  81,  94, 
95,  100,  107, 109,  131  and  note,  137, 
151,  176,  211,  212,  214,  236  »,  240, 
248,  252,  253,  255,  256,  258,  260,  294 
and  note,  29fJ,  30f»,  316,  323,  337, 330, 
381,382,  383,403,408,409,410,414, 
410;  annual  dinner  of,  2,  249,  250, 


250,  257,  338,  382;  founders  of,  248, 

256,  257  j  the  President's  address  of 

welcome   to,    249,  250;   election  of 

officers,  255. 
Annual   Meeting,   157,  247,  251, 

253,  256,  280,381. 
Auditing  Committee,   report  of, 

255. 
— —  By-Laws,  mentioned,  250,  253. 
Corresponding  Members,  1, 70,71, 

96,  106,  156,  157,  210,  212,  214,  251, 

256,   258,  287,   29$    337,   380,  381, 

456. 
Corresponding  Secretary,  1,  71, 

106,  157,  213,  214,  250, 258,  296,  337, 

381;  reads  Annual  Report,  250-253. 

See  ako  Noble,  John, 
Council,  71  n,  106,  107,  108,  210, 

248,  249,  250,   257;  Annual  Report 

of,  250^-253;    tribute    of,  to  J,   H, 

Allen,  294. 

General  Fund,  2,  254* 

Gould  Memorial  Fund,  249,  254, 

258,  338. 
Honorary  Members,  70  n,  66,  106, 

252,  257,  881. 

Meetings,     See  Stated  Meetings, 

Memoirs  of  deceased  members; 

of  G.  M.  Lane,  97-105;   of    D.   D. 

Slade,  215-248 ;  of  Eev,  J,  H.  Allen, 

288-295. 

Nominating  Committee,  255. 

Printing,  Committee  on,  253,  256, 

257. 
Publication,  Committee  of,  108, 

253,  255,  257, 261  n,  294,  338. 
Publication  Fund,  254. 

Publications,  cited,  6  n,  9  n,  12  n, 

14  n,  83  n,  86,  88,  108  n,  109  n, 
113  n,  129,  107  n,  170  n,  217  n,  218  n, 
221  n,  228  n,  230  n,  237  «,  244  n, 
246  n,  260  n,  263  n,  265  n,  267  n, 
323  n,  390  nv  408  n,  409  n  ;  quoted, 
8 ;  mentioned,  134,  224,  249,  252, 254, 
261  n. 

Recording    Secretary,  255.      See 

also  Cunningham,  Henry  Winchester. 

Registrar,    257.     See    also    Gay, 

Frederick  Lewis, 

Resident  Members,  1,  70,  71,  96, 

106,  213,  236  n,  250,  251,  252,  256, 
258,  330,  337. 

Stated  Meetings,  1,  6,  70  n,  71, 

105,  106,  109,  123,  157,  210,  211, 
237,  246,  248,  249,  250,  251,  258 
and  note,  294  n,  296,  337,  338,  3*0, 
381,  408,  414  n,  418.  See  aUy  An- 
nual Meeting,  above. 


478 


INDEX. 


Curzon  (continued). 

Samuel  (1781-1847),  of  Newbury- 

port  and  Havana,  152  n. 
Gushing,  Thomas  (1726-1788),  II.  C. 

1744,  321  n. 
William  (1732-1810),  H.  C.  1751, 

64,  56  n. 
Cutler,  Colman  Ward,  M.D.,  89. 

Maj.   John    (c.    1650-1708),  of 

Charlestown,  46. 

Rev.  Manasseh  (1742-1823),  265; 

his  Life,  Journals  and  Correspon- 
dence, quoted,  147. 

Rev.    Timothy  (1683-1765),    H. 

C.  1701, 175, 187,  188  and  note,  189, 
191  and  note,  195  and  note,  268  n. 

Cygnet,  British  sloop-of-war,  388. 

Czar  of  Russia,  196. 

DaDD,  George  H.  235  n. 

Damarias  Cotta.     See  Damariscotta. 

Damaris  Cotta.    See  Damariscotta. 

Damariscotta,  Me.,  27. 

Damariscotta  Falls,  Me.,  31. 

Damariscotta  River,  27,  31,  51,  68  n. 

Damariscove  Island,  Me.,  26,  29,  51; 
inhabitants  of,  pay  for  fishing  privi- 
leges, 52. 

Damorscottey.     See  Damariscotta. 

Dana,  Francis  (1743-18in,  H.  C.  1762, 
Chief-Justice  of  Massachusetts,  80. 

—  Henrietta,  daughter  of  Richard 
Henry  (H.  C.  1837).     See  Skinner. 

Danbury,   Conn.,  Ill  and  note,   112, 

131  n;  Sandemanian  Society  in,  132 

and  note. 
Danforth,  Judge  Samuel  (1696-1777), 

H.  C.  1715,  41,  49. 

Thomas  (162:3-1699),  26,  41. 

Daniel,    Rev.    Francois,   his    Grandes 

Families,  cited,  263  n ;  his  Apercu, 

cited,  263  n. 
Dartmouth,    William    Legge    (1731- 

1801),  Earl  of,  342  n,  357  n,  362. 
Dartmouth,  Mass.,  156. 
Dartmouth,  Nova  Scotia,  121. 
Dartmouth  College,  N.  H.,  99,  146  n. 
D'Aulney.     See  LVAunay. 
D'Aunay    de    Charnisay,    Charles    de 

Menon  (d.  1650),  Sieur,  52  n. 
Davenport,  Abigail,  daughter  of  John 

(</.  1687)   of  New  Haven  and  Bos- 
ton.    See  Pierpout. 
Addington    (1670-1736),   H.    C. 

1689,  279,  280. 

Henry  (1811-1898),  of  Boston,  89. 

Rev.  John  (1597-1669),  201  n. 


John  (d.  1785),  H.  C.  1721,  tutor 

at  Harvard,  277. 

Davids,  James.     See  Dixwell,  John. 

Davies,  Susanna,  a  Saademanian!  114. 

Davis,  Alice  (Whipple),  third  wife  of 
Benjamin,  Sr.,  126. 

— - —  Andrew  McFarland,  A.M.,  iiit 
xvi,  70,  151,  189  n,  211,  214,  252, 
256,  265,  380  n,  414  n  ;  offers  resolu- 
tions of  thanks  to  President  Wheel- 
wright, 2,  3;  his  paper  on  New 
London  Society  United  for  Trade 
and  Commerce,  6-1 1 ;  his  remarks 
on  the  death  of  H.  P.  Quincy,  106- 
108 ;  his  remarks  on  the  Sandeinan- 
ians,  132-134;  signs  marriage  cer- 
tificate of  Quakers,  156;  his  paper 
on  The  Currency  and  Provincial 
Politics,  157-172;  his  remarks  on 
Yale  University,  211;  communicates 
information  concerning  Historical 
Societies,  212, 213, 455;  his  remarks 
on  the  Navigation  Laws,  305-307; 
communicates  a  document  on  the 
Rhode  Island  Land  Bank,  380,  410- 
414;  his  paper  on  "  Previous  Legis- 
lation" a  Corrective  for  Colonial 
Troubles,  403-414;  his  paper  on 
Provincial  Land  Banks,  mentioned, 
408,  409;  cited,  408  n,  409  n. 

Anstis    (b.    1764),    daughter   of 

Benjamin,  Sr.,  126. 

Anstis  (Greenleaf),  second  wife  of 

Benjamin,  Sr.,  126,  389  n,  390  n, 
397  n. 

Maj.  Benjamin  (rf.  1704),  son  of 

Capt  William,  124,  125. 

Benjamin,  Sr.    (1729-1805),  the 

Loyalist,  son  of  Dr.  William,  113  and 
note,  118,  120, 128, 129  n,  390  n ;  note 
on,  by  H.  H.  Edes,  124-127 ;  account 
of,  126,  127. 

Benjamin,  Jr.  (b.  1766),  son  of 

Benjamin,  Sr.,  126,  127. 

Charles  Henry,  A.B.,  xvii. 

Elizabeth,   mother   of     William 

(d.  1676),  124. 

Elizabeth,  daughter  of  Maj.  Ben- 
jamin, 125. 

Elizabeth  (Phillips),  wife  of  Ben- 
jamin, Sr.,  126. 

Hannah  (b.    1754),  daughter  of 

Benjamin,  Sr.,  126. 

Hannah  (Winslow),  wife  of  Dr. 

William,  125. 

Hon.  Horace,  LL.D.,  rviii. 

Horace  Andrew  (H.  C.  1891),  son 

of  Andrew  McFarland,  166. 


INDEX, 


479 


Huldah  (Symmea),  second  wife  of 

Capt  William,  1*24. 

Hon.  John  Chandler  Ban- 
croft, LU),,  xviii,  296;  elected  a 
Corresponding  Member,  287. 

Margaret  {b*  1681),  daughter  of 

Maj.  Benjamin.  125. 

Margaret  (Pynehon),  first  wife  of 

Capt.  William,  124, 

Mary  (/j.  1757),  daughter  of  Ben- 
jamin, Sr,     See  Winslow* 

Maty   (Tippet),    second   wife    of 

Maj.  Be  n  jam  in ,  125, 

Sarah,  daughter  of  Maj.  Benja- 
min,    See  Bill. 

Sarah  (Farmer),  wife  of  William 

<</.  Ifi7tt),124. 

Sarah  ( Richards)  ,  wife  of  Maj. 

Benjamin,  125. 

Capt  Sylvanus  (tf.  1704),  his  ac- 
count of  early  settlements  in  Maine, 
2G,  27. 

Capt  William  (</.  1G7G),  of  Bos- 
ton, apothecary,  124  and  note. 

Dr.  William  (1086-1745),  son  of 

Maj.  Benjamin,  125,  126, 

Zechariah  (b.  c.  1727),  of  Medun- 

cook,  Me.,  his  deposition,  35. 

'family,  1ST, 

Davison,  Abigail  (&.  1G99),  daughter 
of  Maj.  Daniel.     See  Fitch. 

Abigail  ( Coffin),  wife  of   Maj. 

Daniel,  39  n. 

Ann    (1715-1752),    daughter    of 

Capt  Nicholas.     See  Goodwin. 

Anne    (c.    1088-1731),    wife    of 

Capt.  Nicholas,  39  n. 

Maj.     Daniel     (1650-1717),     of 

Charlestown  and  Newbury,  son  of 
Nicholas,  42  and  notet  43 ;  sells  part 
of  estate,  37  n  :  property  left  to,  by 
his  father,  39  ;  brief  account  of,  39  «, 

Daniel   (*.   1713),   sou  of  Capt. 

Nicholas,  39  n. 

Elizabeth  (b,  1710),  daughter  of 

Capt.  Nicholas.     See  Ball. 

Jeremy,  of  Lynn,  Eng,,  brother 

of  Nichofas,  40. 

Joanna  (Miller),  wife  of  Nicho- 
las, 37  n,  39  and  note,  40.     See  Kent. 

John,  brother  of  Nicholas,  40. 

Margaret  fOgleby),  wife  of  Dan* 

iel  (b.  1713),  39  «. 

Mary    (d.     1709),    daughter    of 

Capt.  Nicholas,  39  n. 

Mary     (b.     1689),    daughter    of 

Maj.  Daniel.     See  Shenfe. 

Nicholas      (c.      101 1-1604),     of 


Charlestown,  14  and  note,  17  n,  42  w, 
43,  45  n,  129 ;  a  large  proprietor  of 
Charlestown,  37  ;  account  of,  and  his 
family,  37  «,  38  n ;  his  will,  38-41 ;  in- 
ventory of  his  estate,  41,  41  n(  42  n  ; 
depositions  as  to  the  residence  of,  42- 
44  ;  his  tomb  at  Peinuquid,  42,  44. 

Capt     Nicholas    (6.     1080),    of 

Newbury,  son  of  Maj,  Daniel,  39  n. 

Sarah   (1647-1 G78),  daughter  of 

Nicholas.     See  Lynde. 

Sarah    (b.     1681),    daughter    of 

Maj.  Daniel.     See  Dudley, 

Dawes,  William,  Jr#,  of  Boston,  leather* 
dresser,  12-!. 

De  Tijdspiegel,  a  Dutch  periodical, 
mentioned,  440,  441. 

Deane,  Charles  (1813-1889),  330, 

Rev.  Samuel  (1733-1814),  H,  C. 

1760,  his  New- En  gland  Farmer,  quo- 
ted, 137,  138. 

Silas  (1737-1769),  353. 

Dehelina,  Debeline,  Debelini  (a  cor- 
ruption of  De  Niverville),  General, 
261  and  note.  262.  See  Boucher  de 
Niverville,  Joseph. 

Deb uke,  Jemima,  daughter  of  Thomas 
of  Boston,     See  Winslow. 

De  Camp,  Joseph,  his  portrait  of  J. 
MeKean,  151  n. 

Dech  e  zzan .     See  C  h  i  ze  an , 

Declaration  of  Independence,  369, 

Dedham,  Essex,  Eng.,  2  ll). 

Dedham,  Mass.,  47  m,  10 J*. 

St.  PaulTs  Church,  109. 

Deerfield,  Mass.,  24  n,  25  n,  242,  243, 
244  and  note.  245  r»,  247, 

Sheldon  house,  24  ^  243  and  note, 

244  and  note, 

Town  Hall,  243. 

Defence  of  the  Letter  from  a  Gentle- 
man at  Halifax,  to  his  Friend  in 
Rhode  Island,  A,  by  M,  Howard,  Jr., 
mentioned,  388  n,  389  n. 

Defence  of  the  New  England  Charters, 
A,  by  J.  Dummer,  173,  178  n. 

Delano,  Joseph,  house.  New  Bedford, 
259. 

Delaware,  343,  370. 

Delaware  River,  72. 

Delta,  Harvard  College,  224. 

Democratic  party,  the,  421. 

Den,  the  Old,  Harvard  College,  230  n, 

Denison,  Maj. -Gen.  Daniel  (1612- 
1082),  217,  245  and  note ;  his  auto- 
biography*  240. 

Elizabeth,  daughter  of  Maj.-Gen. 

Daniel*     See  Rogers* 


'480 


INDEX. 


Denison  Memorial,  245  n. 

Denmark,  88,  177  n. 

Dennis,  Susannah  (6.  1655).  See 
Hiller. 

Denya  de  la  Trinity,  Charlotte.  See 
Boucher. 

Deptford,  Kent,  Eng.,  215  and  note. 

St.  Nicholas,  215  n. 

Derby,  Conn.,  131  n. 

Derby,  Eng.,  447  n. 

Descartes,  Kens'  (1596-1650),  437, 439. 

Detroit,  Mich.,  146  n,  340. 

De  Vere,  Maximilian  Scheie,  139  and 
note, 

Devon,  County  of,  Eng.,  63,  69. 

Devonshire  Street,  Boston,  125,  398  n. 

Dkxter,  Franklin  Bowditch,  Litt. 
D.,  xviii,  1,  188  n,  210;  his  Found- 
ing  of  Yale  College,  cited,  173  n; 
his  Yale  Biographies  and  Annals, 
cited,  131  n,  184  n,  188  n,  191  n, 
195  n,  197  n,  199  n,  200  n,  201  n, 
206  n. 

Kev.  Morton,  A.M.,  xvii. 

Diaries.  See  Barker,  J.;  Escalante; 
Green,  J. ;  Hough,  F.  B. ;  Hutchin- 
son, T. ;  Mather,  C. ;  Mather,  I. ; 
Newell,  T. ;  Sewall,  S. ;  Wadsworth, 
B. 

Dickens,  Charles  (1812-1870),  232. 

Didoclavius,  Ed  ward  us.  See  Calder- 
wood,  David. 

Diraan,  James  ((/.  1788),  II.  C.  1730, 
267. 

Dissen,  Georg  Ludolf  (1784-1837),  99. 

Dissenters,  111. 

Distressed  State  of  the  Town  of  Bos- 
ton, The,  J.  Colman,  83,  84. 

Distressed  State  of  the  Town  of  Boston 
Once  more  Considered,  The,  by  J. 
Colman,  85. 

District  of  Columbia,  96,  156. 

Dixie,  Elizabeth.  See  Pemberton; 
VVinslow. 

Dixwell,  Epes  Sargent  (1807-1899), 
222. 

John  (d.  1689),  the  Regicide,  189  n, 

209  n. 

John  (1G80-1725),  of  Boston,  son 

of  the  Regicide,  189  and  note. 

Doane  Street,  Boston,  92. 

Dock  Square,  Boston,  37  n,  38  n,  129. 

Doctor's  Commons,  London,  196,  198. 

Documentary  History  of  the  State  of 
Maine,  quoted,  62,  64,  66,  67. 

Documentos  para  la  Historiade  Mexico, 
quoted,  315  n. 

Documents  Relative  to  the  Colonial 


History  of  the  State  of  New  York, 
quoted,  177  n ;  cited,  208  n. 

Pod,  Hon.  John,  88. 

Dodge,  Col.  Richard  Irving,  311  n,  312, 
314 ;  his  Plains  of  the  Great  West, 
quoted,  311;  his  Our  Wild  Indians, 
quoted,  312,  313. 

Dolbeare,  Benjamin,  of  Boston,  118. 

Dongan,  Thomas  (1634-1715),  Gov- 
ernor of  New  York,  66  and  note. 

Dorchester,  Mass.,  84  n,  85 n,  267,  276, 
334  n,  337,  382. 

Heights,  265. 

Dorner,  lsaak  August  (1 S09- 1884),  his 
Lehre  von  der  Person  Christi,  men- 
tioned, 417. 

Douglass,  William  (1691-1752),  M.D., 
380;  his  Discourse  Concerning  the 
Currencies  of  the  British  Plantations 
in  America,  cited,  404 ;  mentioned, 
405;  supposed  author  of  document, 
404,  405 ;  discusses  Massachusetts 
currency,  406  ;  document,  quoted, 
406,  407,  410  ;  his  Summary,  cited, 
406  n. 

Downing,  Sir  George  (c.  1623-1684), 
149  n,  150  n. 

Dowse,  Nathaniel  (1658-1719),  46. 

Drake,  Francis  Samuel  (1828-1885)  , 
his  Dictionary  of  American  Biogra- 
phy, cited,  14  n,  153  n. 

Samuel  Adams,  his  Old  Land- 
marks of  Bostou,  cited,  218  n. 

Samuel  Gardner  (1798-1875),  90; 

on  the  name  Samoset  23,  61,  64,  65 ; 
his  History  and  Antiquities  of  Bos- 
ton, cited,  114  n,  119  n. 

Draper's  Meadows,  Va.,  149. 

Drayton,  John  (1766-1822),  Governor 
of  South  Carolina,  147  n ;  his  Letters 
written  during  a  Tour,  quoted,  147. 

Dresden,  Me.     See  Pownalborough. 

Driver,  Robert  (d.  1674),  of  Lynn, 
333. 

Drown,  Drownd.     See  Drowne. 

Drowne,  Katherine  (Clark),  wife  of 
Shem,  25  n. 

Deacon    Shem     (1683-1774),  of 

Boston,  copper-smith,  a  Pemaquid 
proprietor,  son  of  Leonard  of  Kit- 
tery,  Me.,  17,  23,  24,  29,  30,  31,  32, 
52  n,  53  and  note ;  account  of,  23- 
25  notes. 

Thomas    (b.    1715),    of    Boston, 

Clerk  of  the  Pemaquid  proprietors, 
son  of  Shem,  54 ;  acts  for  Pemaquid 
proprietors,  55,  56,  57,  58,  59. 

Drummond,  Henry,  his  Natural  Law 


481 


in  the  Spiritual  World,  mentioned, 

443. 

Dry  Pond  Meadow,  Me.,  14,  29. 
Dublin,  Ireland,  233,  272,  419  nM  447; 

Lying- in  Hospital  at,  233  n. 

Rutland  Square,  233  *u 

Dudley,    Abigail     (Gillam),    wife    of 

Thomas,  26S  n.     See  Tailer. 

John  (o.  c.  1616),  of  Chariestown, 

41. 

Joseph  (1047*1720),  Governor  of 

Massachusetts,  son  of  Gov.  Thomas, 
177  n,  268  ft,  270 ;  selected  as  Pres- 
ident of  New  England,  81 ;  contro- 
versy over  salary  of,  164,  105, 

Paul   (1650-1081),    sou    of  Gov. 

Thomas,  266  n, 

Sarah    (Davison),   wife  of    Col, 

Stephen,  39  n. 

CoL    Stephen      (1088-1734),    of 

Exeter  and  Raymond,  N,  IL,  son  of 
Stephen,  "Esq."  (c/,  1735)  of  Exeter, 
39  n. 

Thomas   (1576-1653),   Governor 

of  Massachusetts,  39  n,  217,  268  n, 

Capt  Thomas  (1677-c.  1710),  son 

of  Paul  (1050-1681),  208  n. 

Dudlov,  Man.,  455. 

Dugard,  William  (1600-1602),  his 
Rhetoric,'  mentioned,  277. 

Dumer,     See  Dumnier. 

Dummer,  Judge  Jeremiah  (1045-1716), 
of  Boston,  173  n,  270  n. 

• Jeremiah  (6,  1075),  sou  of  Judge 

Jeremiah,  died  in  infancy,  173  it. 

Jeremiah  (c,    1681-1739),  EL  ft 

1699,  son  of  Judge  Jeremiah,  173  a, 
174  n,  177  n,  179,  180  nt  133  nt  190, 
198  n,  207  n,  909  n,  210,  211,  212, 
251  ;  account  of,  173,  174  \  his  De- 
fence of  the  New  England  Charter**, 
173,  178  n;  letters  from,  177-182, 
188,  189,  192-199,  201-207,  200,  210; 
petitions  House  of  Commons,  178  n ; 
sends  books  to  Yale  College*  179, 195. 

William  (1077-1701),  Lieut.-Gov- 

ernor  of  Massachusetts,  son  of  Judge 
Jeremiah,  165,  173  n,  174  w,  267, 
209  and  note,  275 ,*  founder  of  Dum- 
mer Academy,  173. 

Dummer  Academy,  Byfield  Parish, 
Newbury,  173. 

Dunbar,  Col.  David,  30,  31,  32, 

Du niter  Street,  Cambridge,  Mass., 
227  n. 

Dunton,  John  (1659-1733),  333;  his 
Letters  from  New  England,  quoted, 
334. 


Dupee,  Ellas,  of  Boston,  110  and  note. 

Durham,  Conn.,  189  nt 

Dutch,  the,  306;  illegal  trade  with, 
297,  298;  sell  slaves,  365. 

D wight,  Rev.  Timothy  (1752-1817), 
President  of  Yale  College,  13tf, 
201  r»;  his  Travels  in  New-England 
and  New- York,  quoted,  139,  201  n. 

XjAMES,  WiLmcRFORCK,  A.M.,  xv iii. 

Earthy,  John,  of  Boston,  50  n. 

East  Indies,  342  and  note,  372  n. 

East  Oakland,  Cal.,  401  «. 

Eastman,  Charles  Rochester,  Ph.D., 
220,  241  n ,-  his  paper  on  Daniel 
Deniaon  Slade,  cited,  220  n,  222  ft, 
283  n,  238  n;  quoted,  221, 

Eastport,  Me.,  402. 

Eddis,  William,  345, 

Edenton,  N.  C.t  389. 

Edes,  Benjamin  (1732-1803),  of  Bos- 
ton, printer,  son  of  Peter  of  Charles- 
town,  3S9  ti. 

Hknky    Herbert,  iii,   xv,  xvi, 

23  ft,  70,  85  n,  97  n,  132,  170  n,  210, 
211,  205,  294  n;  remarks  on  E. 
Wheelwright's  gifts  and  need  of 
larger  endowment,  2  ;  notes  on  N. 
Davison,  11  nT  37  pi,  K.  Kussell,  14  n, 
G,  Elbridge,  17  nt  Major  D.  Davison 
and  iSarah  Lynda,  39  n,  Abigail 
Fitch,  12  n,  Elizabeth  Gorrod,  43  n, 
HP  Phillips,  47  n,  S.  Sweetser,  58  », 
Col.  8.  Miuot,  84  n,  I.  Robinson,  85  n, 
J.  Colman,  86-89,  J.  Gooch,  00-92, 
Jeremiah  Belknap,  93, 94,  Martin 
Lane,  97  nt  B.  Davis,  124-127,  Isaac 
Winslow,  Sr.  and  Jr,t  127-130,  \\\ 
Tailer,  207  n,  }\\  Boll  an,  304  A, 
Lvdia  Hancock,  321-323,  and  W. 
Cheney,  334  n  ;  owns  portraits  of  R. 
Ball  and  Elizal»'th  Davison,  39  nf 
and  original  Journals  of  J.  Leach 
and  P.  Edes.  1775,  80  ;  reads  paper 
on  Places  of  Worship  of  the  Sande- 
manians  in  Boston,  109-123;  ex- 
hibits copy  of  J.  Norm  an *s  portrait 
of  Washington,  137;  exhibits  miiji:i 
hire  of,  and  communicates  verses  on 
death  of,  Joseph  McKean,  151-155  ; 
exhibits  Quaker  marriage  certifi- 
cates, 1 50 ;  communicates  documents 
relating  to  the  early  history  of  Yale 
University,  and  his  remarks  thereon, 
172-210 ;  exhibits  early  diplomas  of 
Yale  College,  176  n;  communicates 
copy  of   Diary  of  J.    Green,  1755- 


81 


482 


INDEX. 


Edes  (continued). 
1764,  212  ;  Annual  Report  as  Trea- 
surer, 253,  254 ;  re-elected  Treasurer, 
255;  resolution  of  appreciation  of 
services  of,  256;  proposes  toast  to 
H.  E.  Woods,  257  ;  his  correspond- 
ence with  Sir  J.  Bourinot  and  B. 
Suite,  262  n;  communicates  letter 
of  E.Quincy  to  his  daughter  Dorothy, 
and  his  remarks  thereon,  816-321; 
offers  minute  on  E.  J.  Phelps,  337 ; 
reads  a  paper  on  M.  Howard  and  his 
portrait  by  Copley,  384-402  ;  com- 
municates letters  of  J.  Marti neau  to 
J.  II.  Allen,  and  his  remarks  thereon, 
416-454. 

Peter    (1756-1840),    of    Boston, 

Augusta  and  Bangor,  Me.,  printer, 
son  of  Benjamin  (1732-1803),  his 
journal,  1775,  cited,  80. 

Edgcomb  (Edgecombe).  See  Edg- 
cumbe. 

Edgcumbe,  Sir  Richard  (rf.  1688), 
lather  of  Baron  Edgcumbe,  63,  69. 

Richard  (1080-1758),  Baron  Edg- 
cumbe of  Mount  Edgcumbe,  69. 

Edgecamb.     See  Edgcumbe. 

Edgecomb,  John  (d.  1721),  of  New 
London,  claims  land  at  New  Somer- 
set, Me.,  69. 

Edge  Hill,  Warwickshire,  Eng.,  battle 
of,  1642,  192  n. 

Edgeworth,  Maria  (1767-1849),  290. 

Edinburgh,  Scotland,  156. 

Edinburgh  Review,  mentioned,  431. 

Edits  et  Ordon nances,  cited,  263  n. 

Edwards,  Alexander,  of  Boston,  114  n, 
117;  building  of,  destroyed  by  fire, 
114  and  note,  115  and  note. 

—  Benjamin  (d.  1751),  father  of 
Alexander,  114  n. 

——  Daniel,  tutor  at  Yale  College, 
1725,  176  n. 

Rev.  Jonathan  (1703-1758),  D.D. 

President  of  the  College  of  New 
Jersey,  191  n,  200  and  note,  201  n. 

Rev.  Jonathan  (1745-1801),  D.D. 

President  of  Union  College,  son  of 
Rev.  Jonathan  (1703-1758),  201  n. 

Sarah   (Pierpont),  wife  of  Rev. 

Jonathan  M703-1758),  200  n. 

Eggleston,  Hezekiah,  15,  68  n. 

Egypt,  417. 

Elbridge,  Gyles  (d.  1643),  27,  30,  50; 
part  owner  of  Pemaquid  Patent,  17- 
19,  25;  account  of,  17  n. 

Thomas,  son  of  Gyles,  17  n,  52. 

Elcock,  Louisa.     See  Upton. 


Eldredge,  Keziah  (Taylor),  wife  of 
Samuel,  122  n. 

Mary,  daughter  of  SamueL    Set 

West. 

Samuel,  of  Yarmouth,  122  ». 

Eliot,  Rev.  Andrew  (H.  C.  1737),  317. 

Rev.  Andrew  (H.  C.  1762),  son  of 

Rev.  Andrew  (H.  C.  1737),  129,317. 

Charles  William,  LL.D.,  Presi- 
dent of  Harvard  University,  239, 
240,  278. 

Rev.  Jared  (1685-1763),  his  Es- 
says upon  Field-Husbandry  in  New 
England,  quoted,  146. 

Rev.     John     (1604-1690),     the 

"  Apostle,"  of  Roxbury,  Mass.,  181  *, 
251. 

Rev.  John    (1754-1813),   H.  C. 

1772,   of   Boston,   his   Biographical 
Dictionary,  quoted,  274. 

Simon,  of  Round  Pond,  Me.,  13  n, 

20,  29,  36,  53,  58. 

Eliot  School,  Boston,  79,  121. 

Elliot.     See  Eliot. 

Ellis,  Rev.  George  Edward,  23  n,  173  n. 

Ellsworth,  Me.,  402. 

Elm  Street,  Boston,  268  n. 

Elson,  Alfred  Walter,  iv,  94,  248,  254. 

Elwyn,  Alfred  Langdon  (1804-1884), 
his  Glossary  of  Supposed  American- 
isms, quoted,  142. 

Ely,  Justin  (d.  1817),  H.  C.  1759, 146. 

Emancipation  Proclamation,  the,  434 
and  note. 

Emancipation  Society,  the,  428. 

Emerson,  Prof.  Oliver  Farrar,  on  the 
words  Interval  and  Intervale,  143  n. 

Ralph    Waldo    (1803-1882),  his 

Poems,  quoted,  149. 

Emrrton,  Ephraim,  Ph.D.,  xvii. 

Em  mans.     See  Emmons. 

Emmanuel  Church,  Boston,  109. 

Emmons,  Hannah,  daughter  of  SamueL 
See  Gooch. 

Ma^  (Scott),  wife  of  Samuel,  91  n, 

Samuel,  91  n. 

Emory,  Ma j  .-Gen.  William  Helmslev 
(1811-1887),  311  n:  his  Notes  of  a 
Military  Reconnaissance,  quoted, 
309,  310  and  note. 

Encyclopedia  Britannica,  354. 

Endicott,  William,  A.M.,  xvi. 

William  Crownixshikld,  LL.D. 

xvii. 

Engine  House,  No.  3,  Boston,  114. 

England,  17,  30,  38,  40,  45,  63,  69,  70, 
77  n,  80,  88,  90,  91,  93  n,  124,  125, 
161, 162, 172, 173, 177  n,  180  n,  181  n, 


INDEX* 


483 


100,  192  «,  105  »,  108  n,  203  n,  204, 
2"7,  208,  215-217,  219,  229  r*,  SUO, 
3<J4  n,  318,  321  n,  331,  351  and  note, 
356,  362,  3U3, 370, 371  m,  373, 377, 382, 
383,  38(5  and  note,  388,  389,  393,  395, 
396  n,  399,  400  n,  417,  419  n,  421, 432, 
433,  441  n,  441)  n;  Sandeinanians  in, 
131,  132;  the  word  Intervale  in,  138, 
149  and  note ;  early  relation  of  Amer- 
ica to,  158;  colonization  companies 
in,  159;  treatment  of  colonists,  lift); 
veterinary  colleges  in,  234 ;  colonies 
kept  dependent  on,  300  j  early  laws 
for  punishment  of  crime  in,  332; 
humanity  of  people  of,  332  n ;  com- 
mercial policy  of,  344 ;  rents  in,  349 ; 
wheat  crop  in,  351 ;  food  supply  in, 
352;  needs  to  import  wheat,  352; 
discourages  sheep  raising  in  the 
Colonies,  353;  improved  farming  in, 
354;  early  voyage  to,  356;  jealous 
of  manufactures  in  the  Colonies,  3515, 
357;  its  trade  in  slaves,  361;  relig- 
ious changes  in,  418;  Unitarians  in, 
421 ;  feeling  in,  about  American 
slavery  and  Civil  War, ,426-429,  431 ; 
thought  in,  430  ;  established  churches 
in,  454. 

English,  the,  357;  monopolize  slave 
trade,  301  :  attitude  of,  in  Civil 
War,  432. 

Enquiry  into  the  Reasons  o!  the  Con- 
duct of  Great  Britain,  mentioned, 
207  nnd  note. 

Eriswell,  Suffolk,  Eng.,  181  n. 

Erskine,  Alexander  (b.  c.  1724),  his 
deposition,  31,  32. 

Erving,  John  (ft  C.  1747),  120, 

EscaJante,  Fray  Silvestre  Velez  de,  ex- 
plores the  Animas  River,  308,  315 
and  note  :  his  Diary,  314  n,  315  n. 

Espada  en  la  Habana,  Cemetery,  152  n, 

Essex  County,  Eng.,  174  n,  183  n,  210. 

Essex  Gazette,  quoted,  123. 

Essex  Institute,  Salem,  Historical  Col- 
lections of,  cited,  129,  895  n* 

Ether,  early  use  of,  233,  247. 

Europe,  93,  101,  192,  196,  199,  204, 
216,  219,  220,  231,  233,  234,  23R  n, 
239,  304,  305,  345,  346,  352, 353,  357, 
435,  448;  goods  imported  into  the 
Colonies  from,  299;  natural  condi- 
tions in  America  similar  to  those 
of,  343. 

European  Settlements  in  America, 
quoted,  361. 

Evans,  Lewis  (V/,  1756),  his  Middle 
British  Colonies,  quoted,  146. 


Everett,  Rev,  Charles  Carroll, 
LL.D-,  xvii,  214,  252,  267,  416,  441  j 
his  Memoir  of  J.  II.  Allen,  258-295; 
on  Dr.  Marti  neau,  120  n  •  his  notice 
of  J.  Martineau's  book,  mentioned, 
440  and  note. 

Hon.  Edward  (1794-1865),  LL.D., 

President  of  Harvard,  98  and  litfA 
99,  101,  273. 

Everton,  Joanna  (Lynde),  wife  of 
Capt.  Samuel.     See  Phillips* 

Ewald,  Georg  Heitirich  August  (1803- 
1875),  his  History,  mentioned,  417, 

Examiner  Club,  Boston,  295. 

Exchange  Building,  Boston,  128. 

Exchange  Street,  Boston,  37  n,  124, 129, 

Exeter,  ft\  H,,  39  n,  64,  215  n  ;  Second 
Parish  of,  217  «;  0.  H.  Bell's  His- 
tory of,  217  «. 

Exeter  Hall,  London,  Eng.,  425. 

FaEVOR,  Nicholas,  333. 

Fairfield,  Conn.,  174,  317,  322.- 

Fales,  David,  35  ;  deposition  of,  35,  36. 

Falmouth,  Me  ,  15,  16,  28,  33,  34,  42, 
43,  48,  49;  Superior  Court  at,  58, 

Faneuil  Hall,  Boston,  111  n  ;  the  grass- 
hopper on,  23  n. 

Fanning,  Gen.  Edmund  (1737-1818), 
Y.  C,  1757,  trial  of,  390. 

Faraday,  Michael  (1791-1867),  131  n; 
a  Glasite,  131. 

Farmer,  John  (1789-1838),  260  u. 

John,  of    Ansley,   Warwickshire, 

En£.,  124. 

Sarah,  daughter  of  John  of  Ansley. 

Sw  Davis. 

Farnaby,  Thomas  (d.  1647),  his  Rhet- 
oric, mentioned,  277. 

Fa ver weather,  Margaret.  See  Brom- 
field. 

Federal  Constitution,  03  n. 

Federal  Street,  Boston,  318. 

Federal  Street  Theatre,  Boston,  39 D  n. 

Federals,  the,  42!  I. 

Ferdinand  V.,  King  of  Spain,  414,  415. 

Ferreras,  Juan  de  (1652-1735),  415  n. 

Fez,  Morocco,  143  ft. 

Field,  Edward,  A.B.,  xriii,  71; 
elected  a  Corresponding  Member, 
70;  communicates  a  copy  of  the 
Diary  of  John  Green,  212  and  note. 

Finch,  Rev.  Peter  Vorhees,  213  n , 

First  Church,  of  Boston,  Hartford, 
Milton,  etc.  See  under  names  of 
those  places. 

First  Fork*    See  Purgatory  River. 


484 


INDEX. 


Fisher,  Ebenezer,  of  Wrenthara,  36. 

Rev.  Gkorge  Park,  LL.D.,  xviii, 

71;  elected  Corresponding  Member, 
70. 

Fiske,  John  (1842-1901),  335;  his 
American  Revolution,  quoted,  72; 
his  Old  Virginia  aud  her  Neighbours, 
cited,  335  n. 

Fiske  Building,  Boston,  92. 

Fiske  Fund  prize,  235  and  note. 

Fitch,  Abigail  (6.  1723),  daughter  of 
Zachariah,  42  and  note,  43  and  note. 

Abigail  (Davisou),  wife  of  Zach- 

ariah,  39  n,  42  n,  43  n. 

Elizabeth  (6.  1731),  daughter  of 

Zachariah,  of  Boston.     See  Gorrod. 

Joseph  (1695-1754),  of  Reading 

and  Boston,  son  of  Joseph  of  Read- 
ing, 53  n. 

Col.  Thomas  (1668-1736),  279. 

— -  Zachariah  (1693-c.  1746),  of  Read- 
ing and  Boston,  son  of  Joseph  of 
Reading,  39  n,  42  n,  43  n. 

Fitchburg,  Mass.,  266  n. 

Florence,  Italy,  396  n. 

Florida,  147  n,  312,  313  n,  314. 

Florida  River,  Col.,  315  n. 

Floras,  Gessius,  Governor  of  Judea, 
177  n. 

Fly nt,  Dorothy.     See  Quincy. 

Henry  (1675-1760),  H.  C.  1693, 

tutor  at  Harvard  College,  son  of  Rev. 
Josiah,  276,  277. 

Follen  Street,  Cambridge,  103. 

Folsom,  George  (1802-1869),  his  His- 
tory of  Saco  and  Biddeford,  quoted, 
61  n. 

Foote,  Rev.  Henry  Wilder  0838-1889), 
his  Annals  of  King's  Chapel,  cited, 
88  ri,  97  n,  125,  188  n,  190  n,  268  n, 
3!)6  n  :  quoted,  190  n. 

Force,  Col.  Peter  (1790-1868),  5,  6  n, 
369  n. 

Ford,  Paul  Leicester  (1865-1902),  379, 
380. 

Worthixgtox  Chauncy,  iii,xvii, 

213, 250, 307, 372  n,  377, 378, 403, 409 ; 
his  Writings  of  Washington,  72  and 
note,  81 ;  elected  a  Resident  Member, 
90 ;  communicates  letters  from  W. 
Shirley  and  W.  Bollan,  297-305;  re- 
marks upon  Washington's  views,  340; 
his  paper  on  Colonial  America,  340- 
370. 

Foreign  Enlistment  Act,  England,  433. 

Fort  Cumberland,  on  the  Ohio,  264. 

Fort  George,  Goat  Island,  Newport, 
R.  I.,  386. 


Fort  Leavenworth,  Mo.,  310  ». 

Fort  Massachusetts,  244  and  note,  264. 

Fort  Pelham,  Mass.,  244  n. 

Fort  St.  George,  Madras,  India,  211. 

Fort  Shirley,  Mass.,  244  and  note,  245. 

Fort  Sumter,  S.  C,  431,  434. 

Fort  William  Henry,  N.  Y.,  264. 

Fosdike  (or  Fosdick)  Sarah.  See 
Belknap. 

Fossett,  William,  Jr.,  31. 

Foster,  Edward  (</.  1786),  of  Boston,  a 
Sandemanian,  113, 114, 116, 117, 118, 
120  n  ;  account  of,  120,  121. 

Francis  Aptuorp,  xvii. 

Hannah,  of  Boston,  her  deposition, 

1681,  328. 

Four,  Township  Number.  See  Charles- 
town,  N.  H. 

Fowle,  Zechariah  (1724-1776),  printer, 
126  n. 

Fowler,  Jacob  (1765-1850),  on  the  Pur- 
gatory River,  309  and  note ;  his  Jour- 
nal, quoted,  309. 

Fox  Indians,  campaign  against,  263. 

Foxborough,  Mass.,  Historical  Society, 
purpose  of,  212. 

Foxcroft,  Anna,  daughter  of  Rev. 
Thomas.     See  Rogers. 

Judge  Francis,  Jr.   (1694-1768), 

H.  C.  1712,  41. 

John  (1740-1802),  H.  C.  1758,  son 

of  Judge  Francis,  Jr.,  49. 

Rev.  Thomas  (H.  C.  1714),  217. 

Foxwell,  Richard  (</.  1676),  26. 

Framingham,  Mass.,  65  n. 

France,  14,  179,  180,  192,  205,  216.  233, 
356,  379,  380,  401,  402,  415,  432,451; 
veterinary  colleges  in,  234;  wheat 
crop  in,  351 ;  imports  encouraged  in, 
351. 

Francis,  Tappan  Eustis  (H.  C.  1844), 
M.D.,  237. 

Franklin,  Benjamin  (1706-1790),  LL.D., 
91,  316,  321  n;  his  ballad  of  the 
Lighthouse  Tragedy,  281 ;  estimates 
English  population,  342  n ;  describes 
people  oi  the  Colonies,  344 ;  on  the 
conditions  in  America,  346.347;  his 
Works,  cited,  346  n,  353  n,  357  m; 
quoted,  357. 

Elizabeth  (Gooch)  Hubbart,  wife 

of  John,  91. 

John,  brother  of  Benjamin,  91. 

William  (1729-1813),  Governor  of 

New  Jersey,  son  of  Benjamin,  357  n, 
360. 

Franklin  Avenue,  Boston,  93,  94. 

Place,  Boston,  398  and  note. 


INDEX. 


485 


Street,  Boston,  398  and  note. 

Eraser,  William,  of  Looneuburg  (now 

Athena),  N. Y.,  61. 
Frederick  William  L,  King  of  Prussia, 

205. 

Frtseman,  Rev,  James  (1759-1835),  07* 

1- Judge  Samuel  (1743-1831),  136, 
Fiuincnit,   Major-Gen.    John    Charles, 
(1613-1890),  420,421. 
Frem-h,  the,  261  n,  262,  296,  308,  404  ; 
attack  Township  Number  Four,  259, 
2ti4. 
Frenchman's  Bay,  Me*,  401  n. 
Fi\*niere.    See  Hertel. 
Friend  Street,  Boston,  116  n> 

tFrieuda,  the,  259,  386  n,  388  n.      See 
Quakers. 
Friendship,  Me,     See  Meduncook. 
Friable,  Levi  (H.  C.  1802),  152  *, 

I     Frost   (John)  *?.  Leigh  ton  (William), 
case  of,  167  ft. 
Froth  ingharo.    Rev.    Octavius    Brooks 
(1822-1895),  H.  C.  1843,  453. 
Richard,  Jr.  (1813-188G),  his  His- 
tory of  Charlestown,  cited,  54  n. 
Frouile,  James  Anthony  (1818-1894), 
his  History  of  England,  quoted,  363, 
Fuler.     See  Fuller. 
Fulfert.     See  Fulford. 
Fulford,  Francis  (rf.  1741),  of  Marble- 
head,  sou  of  Richard,  34, 

Richard,  of  Pemaqirid,  deeds  of, 

21,  22,  23, 
Fuller,  Jonah,  signs  petition  to   Pro- 
vincial Congress,  130. 

Hon,  Melville  Westox,  LL.  D., 

xv  Hi, 
Furbvish,  John,  of  Pemaquid,  31 . 
F  urn- ess,  Horace   How  a  ho,   LL,D., 
xviii ;  elected  a  Corresponding  Mem- 
ber, 456, 

Rev.  William  Henry  (1802-1896), 

D,D,,  H.  C.  1820,  416,  452. 

GADSDEN,  Christopher  (1724-1805), 

369,  370. 
Gage,  Gen.  Thomas  (1721-1787),  Gov. 

ernor  of  Massachusetts,  320  n  :  treat* 

ment   of   prisoner at   80;   Addressers 

of,  120  n,  120. 
Gal  ba,  Emperor,  97. 
Garden  Street,  Cambridge,  Mass., 227  n. 
Gardiner,  Frances  Elba,  daughter  of 

Samuel  Smith.     See  Lane. 

Samuel  Smith,  105. 

Gardner,   Henry   (1731-1787),   H.    C. 

1750,  Treasurer  of  Massachusetts,  3. 


Dr,  Joseph  (1727-17S8),  of  Bos- 
ton and  I  Jorchester,  son  of  Rev,  John 
(iL  C.  1715)  of  Stow,  Mass.  lu:>. 

Gassend,  Pierre  (1592-1655),  his  As- 
tronomy, mentioned,  277. 

Gassend  us.     See  Gassend, 

Gates,  Gen.  Horatio  (1728-1806),  318, 

Stephen,  Sr.  (d.  1662),  of  Lan- 
caster, 144. 

Stephen,  Jr.,  son  of  Stephen,  Sr., 

144, 

Gauss,  Karl  Frtedrich  (1777-1855), 
100. 

Gay,  Coelia,  daughter  of  Martin.  See 
feoyle. 

Frederick  Lewis,  A.B.,  xv,  xvi, 

85  ft,  92;  gives  to  the  Society  an 
engraved  portrait-plate  of  J.  Col- 
man,  iv  ;  communicates  a  Petition 
to  the  Provincial  Congress,  131-136; 
elected  Registrar,  255. 

Martin  {172&-1809),  a  loyalist, 

321  n. 

Genealogical  Advertiser,  quoted,  61; 
cited,  61  n,  67  n. 

Genoa,  Nevada,  315  n. 

Gentleman's  Magazine,  393, 

Geological  and  Natural  History  Survey 
of  Canada,  Annual  Report,  quo  tea, 
143  n. 

George  1.,  King  of  England,  84,  85  a, 
168,  160,  178  n,  11/6,  205, 

EL,  King  of  England,  15, 16,  207, 

208  and  note,  209,  269  n. 

III.,  King  of  England,  14,  332  n, 

354  n,  369  ft. 

Prince  of  Denmark,  husband  of 

Queen  Anne  of  England,  88,  177  n. 

John  (d.  1714),  of   Boston,  280 ; 

petitions  for  a  lighthouse,  278,  279. 

George  and  James,  a  ship,  110. 

Georges  River,    See  St  George's  River. 

Georgetown,  Me.,  29. 

Georgia,  34  L 

German  Ocean,  162,  307. 

Germans,  the,  in  Pennyslvania,  342  n. 

Germany,  98,  99,  101,*  205,  219  n,  448, 
454 ;  universities  of,  98,  99. 

Gerrish,  Elizabeth,  daughter  of  Capt. 
John  of  Boston.     See  Henchman. 

'Samuel  (d«  1741),  bookseller  and 

Town  Clerk  of  Boston,  and  Register 
of  Deeds  in  Suffolk,  son  of  Re?. 
Joseph  (H.  C.  1669)  of  Wenham, 
271. 

Gerry,  Elbridge,  Vice-President  of  the 
United  States,  17  ti  ,*  J,  T.  Austin's 
Life  of,  cited,  81. 


486 


INDEX. 


Geyer,  Henry  Christian  (tf.  1785),  of 
Boston,  stonecutter,  111  and  note, 
112  and  note. 

Gfrorer,  August  Friedrich  (1803-1861), 
417. 

Gibbins.     See  Gibbons. 

Gibbons,  Maj.  Edward  (d.  1654),  of 
Charlestown,  41. 

Gibbs  (Oliver)  Wolcott,  LL.D., 
xviii,  256;  elected  Corresponding 
Member,  214. 

Gibraltar,  Spain,  396  n. 

Gibson,  Rt.-Rev.  Edmund  (1669-1748), 
Bishop  of  Loudon,  207  and  note, 
208  n. 

Gilbert,  John  (1810-1889),  actor,  131. 

Gildersleeve,  Prof.  Basil  Lanneau,  100, 
101. 

Gill,  Capt.  John  (1732-1786),  of  Bos- 
ton, printer,  son  of  Capt  John 
(1704-c.  1736)  of  Charlestown,  389  n. 

Gillam,  Abigail,  daughter  of  Capt. 
Benjamin.     See  Dudley ;  Tailer. 

Capt.     Benjamin      (1634-1685), 

268  n. 

Hannah   (bapt.   1672),    daughter 

of  Capt.  Benjamin.     See  Phillips. 
Gilmax,  Daniel  Coit,  LL.D.,  xviii; 

elected  Corresponding  Member,  156 ; 

letter  of  acceptance,  157. 
Girton  College,  Cambridge,  Eng.,  453  n. 
Gladstone,    John    Hall,    his    Michael 

Faraday,  cited,  131  n. 

William  Ewart  (1809-1898),  453  n. 

Glas,  Capt.  George  (1725-1765),  son  of 

John,  111  and  note, 
John  (1695-1773),  founder  of  the 

Glasites,  130,  131  and  note. 
Glascow.     See  Glasgow. 
Glasgow,  Scotland,  110,  204. 

Herald,  426. 

Glasgow,  the  prison -ship,  75  n. 
Glasites,   131.      See  Kissites;    Sande- 

manians. 
Glass.     See  Glas. 

Gleaner  articles.     See  N.  I.  Bowditch. 
Gloucestershire,  Eng.,  77  n,  90. 
Gloucestershire  Pleas,  cited,  332  n. 
Glover's  Hall,  London,  111. 
Goddard,    Delano    Alexander    (1831- 

1882),  113  and  note,  117  n,  273. 
John  (1730-1816),  extracts  from 

account  book  of,  read  by  C.  K.  Bol- 
ton, 265. 

William    (1740-1817),    printer, 

388  n. 

Godfrey,  Edward  (c.  1584-C.1664),  of 
Agamenticus,  63. 


Oliver  (d.  1661),  don  of  Edward, 

63. 

Godfrye.     See  Godfrey. 

Gold.     See  Gould. 

Gooch,  Elizabeth,  daughter  of  Capt. 
James,  Sr.     See  Franklin;  Hubbart 

Elizabeth  (Hobby),  first  wife  of 

Capt.  James,  Jr.,  88  n,  91. 

Elizabeth  (Peck),  second  wife  of 

Capt  James,  Sr.,  90,  91,  92. 

Hannah  (Emmons),  first  wife  of 

Capt.  James,  Sr.,  91  and  note. 

Hester  (Plaisted),  second  wife  of 

Capt.  James,  Jr.,  91. 

James  (d.  1676),  of  Wells,  son  of 

John,  Sr.,  90. 

Capt.  James,  Sr.  (1665-1738),  son 

of  James  {d.  1676),  84  and  note; 
note  on,  by  H.  H.  Edes,  90-92 ;  com- 
manded sloop  in  Indian  attack,  90; 
public  services  of,  91 ;  marriages  and 
children  of,  91,  92. 

Capt.  James,  Jr.  (b.  1693),  son  of 

Capt.  James,  Sr.,  88  n  ;  account  of,  91. 

John,  Sr.  (d.  1667),  the  emigrant, 

account  of,  90. 

John,  Jr.,  son  of  John,  Sr.,  90. 

John    (b.    1699),    son    of    Capt. 

James,  Sr.,  91. 

Col.  Joseph  (1700-1770),  H.  C. 

1720,  son  of  Capt.  James,  Sr.,  ac- 
count of,  92. 

Ruth,  wife  of  John,  the  emigrant, 

90. 

Sarah    (Tuthill),    third    wife  of 

Capt.  James,  Sr.,  92. 

Sir  William  (1681-1751),  Gover- 
nor of  Virginia,  90  n. 

different   pronunciations  of  the 

name  of,  90  n. 

Goodale,  George  Lincoln,  LL.D., 
xvii. 

Goodell,  Abner  Cheney,  Jr.,  A  M., 
xvi,  132,  134,  151,  172,  333  n,  338; 
remarks  by,  73,  74,  212,  213;  men- 
tions  error  of  Rawson's,  82;  praises 
J.  Noble's  work,  94,  95 ;  his  remarks 
on  the  work  of  R.  N.  Toppan,  95, 96; 
his  remarks  on  the  Sandemanians, 
130,  131;  on  J.  Dummer,  173,  212; 
paper  on  Mark  and  Phillis,  men- 
tioned, 323. 

Goodnow,  Mary  (d.  1717),  of  Marl- 
borough, 247  n. 

Goodwin,  Ann  (Davison),  wife  of  John 
(d.  1771),  39  n. 

John  (d.  1771),  of  Charlestown, 

son  of  John,  39  n. 


INDEX. 


487 


Rev.  Thomas  (1600-1680),  195. 

William   Watson.   D.C.L,,  xv, 

xvi,  11,  70,  90,  252;  presides  at 
meeting  of  Colonial  Society,  1 ;  his 
Memoir  of  G.  M.  Lane,  97-105; 
re-elated  Vice- President,  255;  speech 
by,  257 ;  on  the  Greek  word,  /io*cvr^rt 
444  n. 

Gookiu,  Judge  Daniel  (1756-1831),  147. 

Capt,    Samuel,  Marshal-General, 

329  n. 

Gordon  Square,  London,  435,  436,  441, 
442,  449,  450,  454. 

Gordon  Street,  London,  424,  427, 

Gorges,  Sir  Ferdinando  (c,  1560-1647), 
19,  51  n,  (Jl,  62,  68,  04  and  note,  65, 
"9,  70  j  J.  P.  Baxter's  Sir  F. 
Gorges  and  his  Province  of  Maine, 
cited,  62  n  :  his  Brief e  Narration, 
mentioned,  04  n. 

Ferdinando  (d.  1718),  grandson  of 

Sir  Ferdinando,  his  America  Painted 
to  the  Life,  mentioned,  04  n. 

Thomas  (1618-1670),  64. 

Capt.  William  (1605-1658), nephew 

of  Sir  Ferdinando,  OS  and  note,  64. 

Gorges  Society,  Publications  of,  cited, 
60,  62  *• 

Gorrod,  Elizabeth  (Fitch),  wife  of 
Samuel  of  Boston,  deposition  of,  43, 
44;  account  of,  43  n* 

Samuel  of  Boston,  1757,  43  n. 

Gorrood.     See  Gorrod. 

Gottingen,  Germany,  98, 99, 100,  101  n, 
101. 

Gouge.     See  Gooch, 

Gould,  Alexander  (or  Sander),  22,  65 
and  note,  66,  67  and  note,  68, 

Benjamin   Afthorf,   LL.D.,  F. 

R,  $.,  xvi,  99,  100T 107,  249,  381. 

Margaret,  daughter  of  Alexander. 

See  Pitt  man ;  Stilson, 

Margaret  (Brown),  wife  of  Alex* 

auder,  65  and  note,  67  and  note*  See 
Champney. 

Mary,  daughter  of  James,  of  Bos- 
ton.   See  Greenleaf. 

Robert  of  Boston,  68  n. 

Governor,  The  Provincial,  in  the  Eng- 
lish Colonies  of  North  America,  by 
E>  B.  Greene,  quoted,  159* 

Governors,  Colonial,  Order  of  the  De- 
scendants of.     See  under  Order. 

Governors,  Royal,  24  n,  81,  164,  172, 
174, 175,  270'  n. 

Graduates'  Hall,  Harvard  College,  230 
and  note. 

Graham,   John    Andrew    (1764-1841), 


142;  his  Descriptive  Sketch  of  Ver- 
mont, cited,  142  7i. 

Granada,  Spain,  415. 

Granary  Burying  Ground,  Boston,  92, 
94. 

Grand  Muster  Legion  of  the  Spnish 
War  Veterans,  organization  of,  455. 

Graad  River,  Col.,  315  h. 

Grant,  Elisabeth,  of  Chelsea  College, 
England,  Soa 

Grasse,  Francois  Joseph  Paul  (1722- 
1788),  Marquis  de  Grasse  Tilly. 
Comte  de,  225- 

Grasshopper,  the,  on  Faneuil  Hall, 
Boston,  23  n. 

Gray's  Creek,  Col.,  313  n. 

Great  Brewster  Island,  Boston  Harbor, 
979  281. 

Great' Britain,  8, 14, 131, 159  it,  161, 162, 
167, 205, 301, 307,  341, 345, 848  «,  352, 
353,  354,  357,  359,  300,  365,  368,  369, 
370, 407, 409,  410,  412, 414 ;  colonists1 
exports  to,  163 ;  interests  of,  endan- 
gered by  iJ licit  trade  in  the  Colonies, 
2t>7,299, 800,  394, 305 ;  Spanish  goods 
prohibited  in,  299 ;  oppressive  acts  of 
BmffAflcml  of,  305;  feudal  tenures 
in,  345 ;  merchants  of,  control  trade 
in  America,  347,  348;  wheat  situa- 
tion in,  352;  and  slave  trade,  361, 
362;  suppresses  currency  emissions 
in  the  Colonies,  408,  409,  411;  mer- 
chants in,  411,  412,413. 

Great  Britain,  An  Enquiry  into  the 
Reasons  of  the  Conduct  of,  men- 
tioned, 207  and  note. 

Great  Rebellion  of  1641,  198  and  note. 

Greaves,  Judge  Thomas  (H.  C.  1703), 

Green,  Anna  (West),  wife  of  Ephraim, 

122  n. 
Charles  Montraville,  M.D., 

xvi. 

Ephraim,  of  Boston,  122  a* 

Francis,  of  Boston,  116  n, 

John  (1636-16&1),  of  Cambridge, 

Marshal- General,  329  and  note. 
■ John,   of    Boston,   252  ;   copy   of 

Diary  of,  communicated,  2 12  and  note, 
Capt.    Nathaniel    (d.   1709),   of 

Boston,  89, 
Ruth  (Mitchelson),  wife  of  Mar- 

sb a  1- General  John,  329  n. 
Hon.  Samuel  Abbott,  LL.D,t  119 

n,  234  and  note. 
Samuel  Swett,  A.M.,  xvi,  257; 

remarks  on  tht*deatu  of  E,  G.  Porter, 

339,  340. 


488 


INDEX. 


Green  Dragon  Lane,  Boston,  121. 
Green  Dragon  Tavern,  Boston,  114, 121, 

132  n. 
Green  River,  Utah,  315  n. 
Green  Street,  Boston,  395. 
Green's  Farms,  Ct.   (now  Westport), 

199  n. 
Greene,  Evarts  Boatell,  his  Provincial 

Governor  in  the  English  Colonies, 

quoted,  159. 

Joseph,  397  n. 

Mary  Hubbard.     See  Jarvis. 

Greenfield,  Mass.,  227,  228,  231,  241, 

242,  244. 
Gazette  and  Courier,  cited,  243  n, 

244  n. 
Greenlaw,  Lucy  Hall,  wife  of  William 

Prescott,  on  Samoset,  61  n. 
William  Prescott,  67  n ;  on  Samo- 
set, 61  n. 
Greenleaf ,  Abigail, daughter  of  Stephen. 

See  Howard. 
Anstis,  daughter  of  Stephen.    See 

Davis. 
Hannah,  daughter    of    Stephen. 

See  Apthorp. 

Joseph  (1720-1810),  3,  4,  6. 

Mary,  daughter  of  Stephen.      See 

Phips. 
Mary  (Gould),  wife  of  Stephen, 

395,  396  and  note. 
Stephen  (1704-1795),  H.  C.  1723, 

Sheriff    of    Suffolk,   126,  389,    390, 

396  n,  397  and  note,  398,  399,  400  n; 

his  estate  described,  397  n,  398  n. 
Greenough,     James     Bradstreet, 

A.B.,  xvii,  200  n,  292. 
Greenwood,  Rev.  Francis  William  Pitt 

(d.  1843),  218. 
Isaac  (1702-1745),   H.  C.   1721, 

276. 
Gregg,  Josiah,  his   Commerce  of  the 

Prairies,  quoted,  309  n. 
Grenville,   George    (1712-1770),    307; 

The  Regulations  Lately  Made  con- 
cerning the  Colonies,  attributed  to, 

quoted,  162,  163  ;  cited  307  n. 
Grievances  of  the  Americau  Colonies 

Candidly  Examined,  The,  388  n. 
Griffin,  Appleton  Prentiss  Clark, 

xvii,  315  n. 
Grindal,  Edmund  (c.  1519-1583),  Arch- 
bishop of  Canterbury,  his  Remains, 

quoted,  150  n. 
Grinnell  family,  259. 
Griswold,  Rufus  Wilmot  (1815-1857), 

378  n. 
Groaten.     See  Groton. 


Grosbois.     See  Boucher. 

Grote,  George  (1794-1871),  438  n. 

Groton,  Mass. ,  Early  Records  of,  quoted, 

144  and  note. 
Guild,  Benjamin,  234  n. 
Guinea,  rum  exported  to,  364. 
Gurney,  Mary,  of  Cambridge,  227  n. 
Gustin,  an  Indian,  68  n. 

H  STREET,  Washington,  D.  C,  296. 

Habana.     See  Havana. 

Hadley,  Arthur  Twining,  LL.D., 
President  of  Yale  University,  xviii, 
296 ;  elected  a  Corresponding  Mem- 
ber, 287. 

Hale,  Rev.  Edward,  A.B.,  xvii. 

Rev.   Edward  Everett,  416,  422 

and  note :  on  the  Sandemanians,  113  n, 
133, 134 ;  his  Man  without  a  Coun- 
try, mentioned,  133 ;  his  My  Double 
and  How  he  Undid  Me,  mentioned, 
133 ;  his  If,  Yes,  and  Perhaps,  cited, 
133  n;  quoted,  134;  his  Ingham 
Papers,  quoted,  133. 

Gkorgb  Silsbee,  A.M.,  xvi,228*. 

Hales,  John,  of  Philadelphia,  76  n. 

John   Groves,  his   Maps    of  the 

Street-Lines  of  Boston,  mentioned, 
118;  cited,  118  n. 

Halifax,  N.  C,  389. 

Halifax,  N.  S.,  74,  75  n,  79, 80, 129, 130, 
388  and  note,  389  n ;  prison  at,  80. 

Hall,  Rev.  Edward  Brooks,  D.D.  (1800- 
1866),  H.  C.  1820,  430  and  note. 

Rev.  Edward  Hknry,  D.D.,  xv. 

xvii,  256,  337;  delivers  address  on 
death  of  J.  H.  Allen,  293 ;  elected  a 
Resident  Member,  336. 

Fitzedward  (1825-1901),  D.  C.  L., 

on  the  word  Intervale,  149. 

Hugh  (H.  C.  1713),  44. 

Lucy.     See  Greenlaw. 

Rev.  Samuel  (Y.   C.  1716),  191 

and  note. 

Samuel,  of  Newport,  R.  I.,  printer, 

388  n,  389  n. 

Sidney,  his  New  General  Atlas, 

quoted,  309  n. 

Hallo  well,  Me.,  396  n. 

Hamburg,  Germany,  162. 

Hammett,  Charles  Edward,  Jr ,  his 
Contribution  to  the  Bibliography  and 
Literature  of  Newport,  R.  1.,  quoted, 
388  n,  389  n. 

Hammond,  William,  90. 

Hammond  Street,  Brookline,  236. 

Hampstead,  Middlesex,  Eng.,  446, 447. 


UTOEX* 


489 


Hancock,  Dorothy  (Quincy),  wife  of 
G  o v ,  Job  n .     See  Scott . 

John    (1737-1793),   Governor    of 

Massachusetts,  137,  229  ft,  310,  317, 
: J 1 0 ,  32i )  and  note,  321,  322  and  note, 
323;  the  Hancock  mansion,  317, 

Lydia     (Henchman),     wife     of 

Thomas,  317  and  note  ;  319,  320  and 
note :  account  of,  321-323. 

Lydia    Henchman,    daughter    of 

Gov,  John,  317, 

Thomas  (1704-17454),  Boston  mer- 
chant, uncle  of  Gov.  John,  320  n, 
321,  322. 

Hancock  Church,  Lexington,  338, 

Hancock  County,  Me,,  4U2, 

Hancock  School,  Boston,  120. 

Handcock.     See  Hancock* 

Hannah,  the  brigautine,  298,  303,  304. 

Hannover,  Germany,  205,  200* 

Hanover,  N.  II.,  14  a. 

Hanover  Street,  Boston,  88,  89,  121, 
122,  123,  268  n. 

Hard  w  i  ck,  M  am  ,71. 

Harper  and  Brothers,  N,  T.f  105- 

Harrington,  Mr.,  30,  32. 

Hair  is, ,  wife  of  Samuel,  114. 

James,  i?.  J.  Hill,  185, 

Samuel,  of   Boston,   a  Sandema- 

n  inn,  114, 

Rev.  Thaddeus  Mason  (I76SU1&42), 

his  Journal  of  a  Tour,  quoted,  148. 

Harry,  Philip,  315  n. 

Hart,  Lucy,  daughter  of  SamuelT  Jr. 
See  Slade. 

Samuel,  Jr.,  of  Portsmouth,  N.  H.f 

216. 

Hartford,  Conn,,  125,  179,  1&4,  187  n, 
189,  104,  200,  251,  395  n,  401  n, 

First  Church,  174. 

Hartken,  Julius,  33,  35, 

Harvard,  Mam.,  144  n,  217,  221,  222, 

Brom field  Schoolhouse,  221  n. 

Still  River  Farm,  144. 

Unitarian  Church,  221. 

Harvard  Church,  Charlestown,  97  n  ; 
History  of,  cited,  420  n. 

Harvard  College  or  University,  58  n, 
54  n.  71,  72,  70,  80  and  note,  88  n, 
-^  97  and  note,  U8,  00,  103,  104,  105, 
122, 120, 130, 131, 143  n,  151  and  note, 
152  nT  156,  173,  174,  175  and  note, 
176  n,  184  n,  187  *,  188t»,  190  n,  105  n, 
197  h,  200  n,  201  and  note,  202  n,  206  n, 
209  n,  210, 21 1  and  note,  217,  222, 223, 
224,  225,  226,  227  and  note,  228,  220  n, 
230  n,  235,  237. 238  and  note,  230,  240, 
245  n,  240,  248,  267,  268  n,  270  and 


note,  271  n,  272  and  note,  273  and  note, 
274  n,  275  n,  276,  277  n,  278  »,  201, 
j:>i\  205,  316,  317,  334  n,  383,  400  it, 
401,  402  and  note,  420  n,  421  n,  420 
n,  430  «,  448  n  /  Address  al  the  Inau- 
guration of  E*  Everett,  cited,  08  n ; 
intercourse  between  German  univer- 
sities and,  a  99,  100,  101;  Eliot  Pro- 
fessorship in,  99;  elective  system  at, 
101, 102  ;  Pope  Professorship  in,  105 ; 
Historical  Studies,  cited,  159  n ;  Sir 
R.  Saltoustail  bequeaths  money  to, 
175;  B,  Col  man  declines  Presidency 
of,  175 ;  D.  Williams's  bequest  to, 
180, 183  n;  T.  Hollis's  relations  to, 
1 80, 21 1  and  note :  Arch  ives  of ,  211  nf 
238  n,  240  n ;  exhibitions  at^  224, 226 ; 
Panorama  of  Athens  at,  destroyed, 
'j;;0;  Slade  Scholarship  at,  240,  241; 
Q  u  i  nq  ue  n  n  ial  C  atal  ogue  of,  267 ;  di  f- 
ticulties  of  choosing  a  President  of, 
in  1724,  270-272;  Corporation  of, 
270,  271, 272, 273, 274, 275 ;  Board  of 
Overseers  of,  268  n,  271, 272,  274,  276, 
400  n :  regulations  of,  1722, 274 ;  Cat- 
alogue of,  275, 278 ;  Hollis  Professor- 
ship of  Divinity  in,  276 ;  Holliu 
Professorship  of  Mathematics  and 
Natural  Philosophy  in,  27<> ;  course 
of  study  at,  in  1730.  277  ;  devotional 
exercises  at,  278 ;  progress  of,  since 
1730,278;  separation  of  the  Divinity 
School  from,  mooted,  421  n, 

A  A  *,  230. 

—  Agassiz  Museum,  241. 

Arnold  Arboretum,  259. 

Austin  Hall,  228  n. 

Boylston  Hall,  152  n. 

Boylston  Medical  prize,  235. 

Class  Day,  224  and  note,  227,  247. 

Clover  Den,  103, 104. 

College  House,  230  and  note. 

College  Yard,  101,  152  n, 

Commencement,    222,    224,    227, 

228  n,  220  n,  238,  205-278 ;  disorders 
at,  274,  275;  exercises  at,  275,276; 
description  of,  276  n. 

Commencement    Programme,   an 

(  H<1,  paper  on/by  J.  Noble,  260^278 ; 
some  names  on,  267  j  dedication  of, 
to  Lt-Gov,  Tailer,  267;  officers  at 
time  of,  276,  277 ;  course  of  study  at 
time  of,  277,  278;  progress  of  Col- 
lege since  1730,278. 

Delta,  224. 

Divinity  School,  289*290,440,451 

and  note ;  K.  H.  Hedge  resigns,  291 ; 
J.  11.  Allen  at,  291, 292, 436  and  note; 


490 


INDEX. 


Harvard  College  (continued). 

separation  of,  from  the  University, 

mooted,  421  and  note,  422 ;  constitu- 
tion of  Faculty  of,  422  n. 

Faculty,  291 ;  Records  of,  129, 130. 

Gore  Iiall.     See  below,  Library. 

Graduate    School,    establishment 

of,  102. 

Graduates'  Hall,  230  and  note. 

Harvard  Hall,  275. 

Hollis  Hall,  227  n, 

Holworthy  Hall,  238. 

I.  O.  H.,  223. 

Institute  of  1770,  223. 

Lawrence  Scientific  School,  107. 

Library,  246,  372  n. 

Louisburg    Cross,  the,  on   Gore 

Hall,  246. 

Medical  School,  108,  109,  233. 

Museum  of  Comparative  Zoology, 

239 ;  Report  of,  quoted,  240. 

Natural  History  Society,  223. 

Navy  Club,  227. 

Old  College  House,  230  n. 

Old  Den,  the,  230  n. 

Oxford  Cap  riot,  224. 

*.  B.  K.,  289. 

Pierian  Sodality,  223. 

Porcellian  Club,  151  n,  152  n. 

University  Chapel,  155  n. 

University  Hall,  98. 

Wadsworth  House,  152  n,  273. 

Walter  Hastings  Hall,  267. 

Harvard  Square,  Cambridge,  230  n. 

Hastings,  Walter,  267. 

Hatch,  Nathaniel  (H.  C.  1742),  13,  27. 

Hauley.     See  Hawley. 

Havana,  Cemetery  Espada  en  la,  152  n. 

Haverhill,  Mass.,  124. 

Hawkins  Street,  Boston,  130. 

Hawley,  Joseph    (1654-1711),  H.   C. 

1674,  of  Northampton,  325  n. 
Hawley  Street,  Boston,  398  and  note. 
Hawthorne,  Nathaniel,  his  Legends  of 

the  Province  House  mentioued,  24  n, 

270  n. 
Hay,  Hon.  John,  LL.D.,  xviii. 
Hayman,  Maj.  John  (c.  161 1-1686),  21. 
Haynes,  John  (d.  1654),  Governor  of 

Connecticut,  201  n. 
Sarah,  daughter  of  Rev.  Joseph 

(II.  C.  1658).     See  Pierpont. 
Hayward,  George    (1791-1863),  M.D. 

231. 

Margaret.     See  Brown. 

Judge   Thomas   (1746-1809),  of 

South  Carolina,  384. 
Haywood,  Maj.  Anthony  (</.  1689),  89. 


Margaret,  widow  of  Maj.  Anthony. 

See  Colmau. 
Hazard,  Ebenezer  (1744-1817),  his  His- 
torical Collections,  cited,  62 ;  quoted, 

65. 
Samuel  (1784-1870),  his  Register 

of  Pennsylvania,  quoted,  351  n. 
Heath,  Gen.  William  (1737-1814),  5  n, 

72. 
Heath,  Mass.,  244  n. 
Hedge,  Charlotte  Augusta,  daughter  of 

Rev.  Frederic  Henry,  451  and  note. 
Rev.  Frederic  Henry  (1805-1890), 

LL.D.,  416,  445  and  note,  451  n,  452, 

453;  resigns  professorship,  291;  J. 

H.  Allen's  intimacy  with,  294 ;   a 

founder  of  the  Examiner  Club,  295; 

Dr.  Martineau*8  interest  in,  442, 443. 

Prof.  Levi  (H.  C.  1792),  152  n. 

Heereboord,  Adrian  us,  his  Meletemata, 

mentioned,  277. 
Hegelian  dialectic,  the,  452. 
Heggomeito,  Bremen,  Me.,  21. 
Heidelberg,  Germany,  99,  100  n. 
Hkmrnway,  Augustus,  A.B.,  xvi. 
Hemp  Swamp,  Lancaster,  Mass.,  144. 
Henchman,  CoL    Daniel  (1689-17(51), 

of  Boston,  321. 
Eliza  (Genrish),  wife  of  Daniel, 

321. 
Lydia,  daughter  of  Daniel.    See 

Hancock. 
Henderson,  Judge  Richard,  of  North 

Carolina,  389,  391. 
Capt.  Thomas,  of  Round  Pond, 

Me.,  29. 
Hen  ricks,  Peter,  325  n. 
Henry,  Patrick  (1736-1799),  159. 

Rev.  Philip  (1631-1696),  195. 

Henshaw,  Col.  Joseph  (H.  C.  1748), 

of  Boston,  21,  43,  44,  48,  53,  58. 
Hensler,  Conrad,  236. 
Elizabeth    (Lortscher),  wife    of 

Conrad,  236. 
Mina  Louise,  daughter  of  Conrad. 

See  Slade. 
Heraldic  Journal,  cited,  14  n. 
Herbert,  Henry,  41. 
Hereford,  Eng.,  179  n. 
Herford,  Rev.  Brooke,  446. 
Hermann,  Gottfried  (1772-1848).  98. 

Karl  Friedrich  (1804-1855).  100. 

Hermilly,    Vaquette    d*    (1705-1778). 

415  n. 
Herodotus,  97. 
Hertel,     Francois,     de    la    Freniere, 

Seigneur  de  Cbambly,  263. 
Marguerite   Therese,  de  la  Fre- 


INDEX. 


491 


mere,  daughter  of    Francois.      See 

Boucher. 
Hertfordshire,  Eng.,  93  n. 
llewat,  Alexander  {d.  1829),  381  n. 
Hickey,  Thomas,  executed  for  mutiny, 

1770,  4,  5,  and  note,  6  n. 
Hicksites,  the,  250. 
Higginsou,  Eev,  Edward  (1781-1 8:32), 

447  ». 

Elizabeth   (1756-1826),  daughter 

of  Stephen  (1710-1761).    See  Cabot 

Elizabeth  (Cabot),  wife  of  Stephen 

(1716-1761),  448  n- 

Helen,  daughter  of  Rev.  Edward. 

See  Marti  ueau. 

JIknhy  Lee,  LL.D.,  xvii, 

Nathaniel     (1662-1708),    H.    C. 

1670.  Governor  of  Madras,  211. 

— —  Rev,  Philip^)!  Monton,  Eng.,  449  n. 

■ Stepheu    (17J6-1761),  of    Salem, 

merchant,  son  of  John  (1075-171*), 
Register  of  Probate,  44  tt  n. 

Lieut-Col.  Stephen  (1743-1828), 

Navy  Agent,  of  Salem  and  Boston, 
son  of  Stephen  H  7 16-1761),  the  re- 
puted author  of  tne  Writings  of  Laco, 

448  n. 

Stephen   (1770-1834),  the  «  Man 

of  Boss/1  Steward  of  Harvard  Col- 
lege, Boston  merchant,  sou  of  Lieut- 
Col.  Stephen,  448  n. 

Col,    Thomas    Went  worth,  211; 

his  Cheerful  Yesterdays,  quoted, 
288. 

Hill,  Adams  Sue  km  an,  LL.D.,  xvii. 

Hamilton  Andrews,  his  History  of 

the  Old  South  Church,  cited,  24  n ; 
quoted,  124  n. 

John    (1700-1777),    of    Boston, 

"Esq.,"  120. 

Jonathan,  J.  Harris  ».,  185, 

Deacon   Valentine   («\   1062),  of 

Boston,  124. 
Killer,  Joseph  (b.  1653),  93  and  note. 

Maj,     Joseph     (1748-1814),    of 

Salem,  son  of  Joseph  (1721-1758), 
93  n. 

Susannah  (Dennis),  wife  of  Jo- 
seph (L  1656),  98  n. 

Hillsboro,  N.  C,  380,  300. 

Hillsborough,  Wills  Hill  (1718-1703), 
Earl  ofT  867  n,  860. 

Hilton,  Gust  a  vug  Arthur,  LL,B., 
xvi,  338;  on  auditing  committee, 
157,255. 

Margaret  (Siilson)  (h.  1679),  wife 

of  William  (1079-1723),  65  n,  66. 

William  (1679-1728),  65  nt  68  n. 


William  (d,  1758),  son  of  William 

(1679-1723),  67. 
Bingham,  MaWij  321  » ;  History  of, 

cited,  321  n. 
Historical  Magazine,  quoted,  177  n,  370. 
Historical  Register,  mentioned,  193. 
Historical  Societies,  and  Organi- 
zations  professing    purposes  of  a 

similar     nature    in    Massachusetts, 

namely :  — 

Arlington  Historical  Society,  212, 

■ Barn i coat  Fire  Association,  213  n, 

Boston  Veteran  Firemen's  Asso- 
ciation, lil3  a, 

Castilian  Club,  Boston,  213  n. 

Foxborough    Historical    Society, 

212, 
Grand  Master  Legion  of  the  Span- 
ish War  Veterans,  455, 

Ipswich  Historical  Society,  213, 

Massachusetts  Historical  Society, 

See  below* 
Massachusetts      State       Society 

United  States  Daughters  of  1812, 455. 
Qumebaug  Historical  Society,  455, 

450. 
Socio  te  His  tori  que  Franco-  Ameri- 

caine,  45G. 

Somervitte  Historical  Society,  318. 

Walpole  Historical  Society,"213. 

Hoadly,  Bishop  Benjamin  (1676-1761), 

179  and  note,  207  and  note. 
Hoar,  George  Frisbie,  LL,D.,  United 

States  Senator,  205. 
Hobby,  Amey,  wife  of  John,  88  n*    See 

Cricblow. 

Ann,  wife  of  William,  86. 

Admiral   Sir   Charles    (d.   1715) , 

son  of  William,  88  and  note,  91. 
— —  Lady     Elizabeth,    wife     of     Sir 

Charles,  88  and  note, 
Elizabeth,  daughter  of  Sir  Charles. 

See  Gooch. 

John,  son  of  Sir  Charles,  88  n. 

Judith,    daughter     of     William. 

See  Col  man. 
Mary,  daughter  of  Sir  Charles. 

See  Hubbard. 

William,  of  Boston,  86,  88  n, 

family,  88. 

Hodges,  Mary.     See  Anderson. 

Richard  Manning  (d,  1896),  M.D., 

234  and  note. 
Hog  Island,  Me.,  88  n. 
Holuen,  Edward  Singleton,  LL.D., 

xviii. 
Holland,    Philemon    (1552-1637),   his 

Historic  of  the  World,  quoted,  149  n. 


492 


INDEX. 


Holland,  147  n,  162,  180;  illegal  trade 
between,  and  the  Colonies,  297,  299, 
800,304. 

Hollis,  Thomas  (1659-1731),  189,  190, 
198, 211 ;  beuetactor  of  Harvard  Col- 
lege, 189, 190;  professorships  founded 
by,  at  Harvard,  276. 

Hollis  Hall,  Harvard  College,  227  n. 

Hollis  Street  Church,  Boston,  112  n. 

Holmes,  Oliver  Wendell  (1809-1894), 
D.  C.  L.,  97  n,  231 ;  his  Medical  Es- 
says, quoted,  193  n ;  quoted,  288. 

Holmes  (Thumbcap)  Island,  Me.,  26. 

Holmes  Place,  Cambridge,  Mass.,  228  n. 

Holworthy  Hall,  Harvard  College,  238. 

Home-Reading  Library,  447. 

Honyman,  Rev.  James,  of  Newport, 
R.  I.,  387. 

James,  Jr.,  son  of  Rev.  James,  386. 

Hooke,  William,  of  Agamenticus,  63. 

Hooker,  Mary,  daughter  of  Rev.  Sam- 
uel.    See  rierpont. 

Rev.  Thomas  (1586-1647),  201  n. 

Hooper,  Edward  William,  LL.D., 
xvii. 

Hopkins,  Edward  (1600-1657),  Gover- 
nor of  Connecticut,  251. 

Stephen  (1707-1785),  Governor  of 

Rhode  Island,  388;  his  Rights  of  the 
Colonies  Examined,  mentioned,  388  n. 

Hopkins  Classical  School,  Cambridge, 
93. 

Hopkinton,  Mass.,  91. 

Horrell,  Humphrey,  22,  23. 

Hough,  Franklin  Benjamin  (1820- 
1885),  146  n ;  his  Papers  Relating  to 
Pemaquid,  quoted,  66. 

Houghton,  Sanderson,  of  Bolton,  122. 

family,  123. 

Houghton,  Mifflin  &  Co.,  courtesy  of, 
iii. 

Houland.     See  Howland. 

Housatonic  (now  Great  Barrington), 
Mass.,  144. 

Housatonic  River,  144. 

How.     See  Howe. 

Howard,  Abigail  (Greenleaf),  second 
wife  of  Martin,  Jr.,  389  and  note,  394 
and  note,  395,  396,  397  n,  398  and  note, 
399  and  note.  400. 

Ann  (d.  1719),  386  n. 

Ann  (d.   1758),  wife  of  Martin, 

Sr.,  386  n. 

Ann  (Anna,  Annie),  daughter  of 

Martin,  Jr.     See  Spooner. 

— —  Ann  (Brenton)  Concklin,  first 
wife  of  Martin,  Jr.,  38G  and  notey  387 
and  note. 


Ebenezer  Brenton,  son  of  Martin. 

Jr.,  387. 

Elizabeth,  daughter  of  Martin,  Jr., 

387. 

Martin,  Sr.,  of  Newport,  R.  I., 

385,  386,  394. 

— -  Martin,  Jr.  (d.  1781),  Chief-Jus- 
tice  of  North  Carolina,  son  of  Martin, 
Sr.,  386  n,  387  n,  391  n,  393  n,  394  n, 
395,  396, 397  n,  399, 401  n ;  paper  on, 
by  II.  H.  Edes,  384-406;  his  portrait, 
384, 385, 389, 390, 400  and  note  ;  born 
in  England,  386 ;  his  public  services 
in  Rhode  Island,  386 ;  a  Loyalist,  he 
is  mobbed  at  Newport,  387,  388,  393; 
goes  to  Nova  Scotia,  England,  and 
North  Carolina,  388,  389 ;  his  Letter 
from  a  Gentleman  at  Halifax,  men- 
tioned, 388  n ;  his  Defence  of  a  Letter 
from  a  Gentleman  at  Halifax,  men- 
tioned, 389  n ;  his  dealings  with  the 
Regulators,  390,  391 ;  estimates  of, 
391  and  note;  his  letter  to  J.  Iredell, 
392 ;  settles  in  England,  393 ;  his 
will,  394. 

Sarah  (d.  1734),  daughter  of  Mar- 
tin, Sr.,  386  n. 

Howe,  Rev.  John  (1630-1705),  195. 

-  Joseph,  of  Boston,  Sandemanian, 
114. 

Richard  (1726-1799),  Earl,  72. 

Gen.   Sir   William    (1729-1814), 

Viscount,  76,  78,  79,  80. 

Howland,  Consider,  76  and  note. 
Hoyt,  David  Starr  (1821-1856),  242. 
Hubbard      or      Hubbart,      Elizabeth 

(Gooch),   wife  of  Capt.  John,   91. 

See  Franklin. 
Capt.  John  (d.  1734),  of  Boston, 

son  of  Deacon  Thomas  (1653-1717), 

91. 

Mary   (Hobby),  wife  of  Zecha- 

riah,  88  n. 

Judge  Samuel  (1785-1847),  385  n. 

Rev.    William  (1621-1704),  137, 

151 ;  his  General  History  of  New 
England,  quoted,  50  n,  51  n,  137 ;  his 
Historv  of  the  Indian  War,  cited,  60, 
90;  quoted,  61. 

Zechariah,  of  Boston,  son  of  Dea- 
con Thomas  (1653-1717),  88  n. 

Hudgens,  Mary  (Winslow),  wife  of 
Pleasant,  130. 

Pleasant,  of  New  Orleans,  130. 

Hudson,  Alfred  Sereuo,  his  Annals  of 
Sudbury,  Wayland  and  Maynard, 
cited,  260  n. 

John  Elbridge,  LL.B.,  xvii 


INDEX- 


493 


Hudson  River,  N,  *.,  72,  146,  343, 

Hull,  John  (1624-1083),  of  Boston, 
mi n ^master,  122  n,  124  n,  173  n  ;  his 
Diary  cited,  124. 

Hull,  Mass.,  281 ;  Proprietory  Records 
of,  mentioned.  261, 

Hume,  David  (1711-1770),  258, 

Humphreys,  Daniel  (1740-1827),  Y.  C. 
1757.  a  Kandemanian,  brother  of  Col. 
David,  114 ;  account  of,  131  n. 

Rev,  David  (1080-1740),  ISO  n. 

-Col.   David   (1752-1818),   Y+  C, 

1771,  131  «. 

Hundred  Partners,  the,  Canada,  263  n. 

Huntingdonshire,  Enfr,  1W  «• 

Hit.ntingtox,  Rev.  Wii,ljam  Reed, 
D.D.,  xviii,  256 ;  elected  Correspond- 
ing member,  214. 

HutiD,  Hon.  Fkakcjs  William,  A.M., 
xvii,  384,  385. 

Husbands,  Rev.  Herman  {fh  1795),  the 
North  Carolina  Regulator,  390 

Hiisfcisaon,  William  (1770-183<i),352  n. 

Hutching,  Thrunas  (J 730-1789),  Ms 
Topographical  Description  of  Vir- 
ginia, etc.,  quoted,  147  and  note. 

Hutchinson,  Judge  Edward  (1078- 
1752),  of  Boston,  Treasurer  of  Har- 
vard College,  and  Judge  of  Probate 
in  Suffolk,  sou  of  Col.  Elisha  (1041- 
1717),  270. 

Eiiafcim  (rf.  1717),  of  Boston,  Ex- 
ecutive- Councillor,  son  of  Richard 
(<i.  1670),  279. 

— -  Judge  Eliakim  (1711-1775),  H.  C. 
1730,  of  Boston,  son  of  William  (d. 
1721),  207. 

Elizabeth,  daughter  of  Capt.  Ed- 
ward, Jr.  (*L  1075).     See  Wins  low. 

Capt.    Thomas   (1074-1739),   of 

Boston,  father  of  Gov.  Thomas, 
121. 

Thomas  (1711-1780),  Governor  of 

Massachusetts,  121,  109,  320  n,  321 
and  note,  400,  400;  Addressers  of, 
120  rc,  127,  129;  his  History  of  Mas- 
sachusetts, quoted,  146,  168,  109, 
198  n  ;  cited,  321  n,  400  n,410  n;  his 
Diary  and  Letters,  cited,  321  », 

Hutton,  Rev.  Richard  Holt  (1820-1897) 
430  n. 

Hyde,  Edward  (1600-1074),  first  Earl 
of  Clarendon,  177  n.  182  n, 

Henry  (1638-1708),  second  Earl 

of  Clarendon,  177  «. 

Henry  (1061-1723),  Lord  Coin- 
bury,  third  Earl  of  Clarendon,  177; 
account  of,  177  n. 


Hype  rides,   his    Orations,   mentioned, 

1U0. 
Hypocris     Islands.      See    Hypocrites. 
Hypocrites,  the,   islands  in    Boothbay 

Harbor,  Mct|  23. 


1.  O.  IE,  Harvard  College,  223, 

11  Pesceballo.    See  I  .one  Pish  ball. 

"Immoveable,  Mr.,"  188. 

Impost  Office,  Boston,  list  at,  quoted, 
01. 

Inches,  John  Chester,  xvi. 

Independence,  War  of.  See  American 
Revolution, 

Independence,  Second  War  of.  See 
Wvt  of  181SM5. 

Independent  Congregational  Society  of 
Bangor,  Me,,  290, 

Independent  Corps  of  Cadets,  Boston, 
See  under  Regiments. 

Independent  Reflector,  quoted,  358  n* 

Indian  Corporation,  See  New  Eng- 
land Company. 

Indians,  12,  21,  22  n,  25,  33,  34,  36,  44, 
50  tu  61,  67,  68,  145,  140,  149,  185, 
225,  22(1,  228  n,  247  «,  261,  313  n, 
314,  329, 348, 41 1, 414  J  attack  Wells, 
Me.,  90,  265;  Bible  for,  181  n,  251 ; 
societies  for  propagating  the  gospel 
among,  180-182  and  notes,  202;  at- 
tack on  Deerfield,  242,  243,  244  ;  the 
Housatonie,  244  ;  attack  on  Town- 
ship Number  Four,  259-265;  the 
Fox,  263;  the  Kiowa,  310;  trade 
with,  341  ;  agriculture  among,  343 
and  note ;  the  Six  Nations,  380.  See 
ateo  Cesar  Moxia;  Gustin;  James; 
John  ;  Samoset ;  Somerset ;  Unon- 
goit. 

In  man,  Col.  Henry,  his  Old  Santa  Fe' 
Trail,  quoted,  311  and  note  ;  confuses 
the  Animas  and  the  Purgatory  rivers, 
311  n. 

Innings.     Se e  Jen n i n gs. 

Innocent  VIII.,  Pope,  415. 

Inns  of  Court,  London,  64* 

Inoculation  for  small-pox,  early  cases  of, 
l!>  i  and  note. 

Institute  of  1770,  Harvard  College,  223. 

International  Theological  Quarterly, 
an,  proposed,  441  n,  443  and  notet 
444. 

Interval  and  Intervale,  the  topograph- 
ical terms,  ptiper  on,  by  A.  Matthews, 
137-151;  etymology  of,  137-141,  150, 
151 ;  meaning  of,  137-142,  147,  150; 
extracts  showing  the  use  of,  137-141, 


41*4 


IXDEX. 


1-14-1 40;  distribution  of,  142,  143 
and  note;  spelling  and  proimnciar 
tion  of,  142  n,  149-161;  Dr.  Murray 
on,  151  n  ;  mentioned,  25  L 

Intervale,  N.  HM  151. 

Jtitervftllis,  the  word,  138,  139,  I5L 

Intervaltuna,  the  word,  139,  140,  150 
and  note. 

Inrorcloy,  Arran,  Scotland,  4 1 2 

Inverness-shire,  Scotland,  430. 

Ipswich,  Mass.,  152  n,  197  n,  200  n, 
218,  217,  215  «;  250th  anniversary 
of,  245  and  note.     See  Agawam. 

Historical  Society,  purpose  of,  213. 

Town  Hall,  245. 

Town  Records,  of  ted,  217  n. 

Iredell  Judge  James  (1751-1790),  889, 
M  n  ;  on  M.  Howard,  302  j  McRee1* 
Life  and  Correspondence  of,  quoted, 
888. 

Ireland,  14,  38,  80,  205,  352,  354  n, 
372  * 

Irish,  the,  429. 

Isabella,  Queen  of  Spain,  414,  415. 

Italy,  415 ;  use  of  word  Furgatorio  int 
MH 

Ithaca,  N,  T,  380. 

l^ard,  Mr,,  188  and  note. 


Jack,  i 


t  a  negro,  trial  and  execution  of, 

for  arson,  324,  325   and   note,  326, 

329. 
Jackson,  Rev.  Abraham  Willard,  445  ; 

bis  James  Martineau,  cited,  419  n. 
Charles  Thomas  (1805-1880),  his 

Third  Annual  Report  on  the  Geology 

of  the  State  of  Maine,  quoted.  148. 
Gen.  Henry  (o\  1809),  of  Boston, 

898  n, 
James,  M.D,  (1777-1867),  H,  C. 

1796,  289. 
Jamaica  Plain,  Mass,,  220,237, 239, 290, 

294,  423  n,  425, 
James  L,  King  of  England,  17,  62  n. 

II. ,  King  of  England,  81,  177  n. 

an  Indian  sagamore,  50  n, 

Edwin    (1707-1861),   M.D.,    his 

Expedition  from  Pittsburgh  to  the 

Rocky  Mountains,  quoted,  308,  309. 
James,  George  and,  a  ship,  110, 
Jameson,    John    Franklin,    LL  D., 

xviii. 
Jamestown,  Va.,  305. 
Jarvis,  Ann  or  Anna  Howard  (Spooner), 

second  wife  of  Hon.  Leonard,  385, 

395,  401  n,  402  n ;  account  of,  401, 

402, 


Edward  Scot*  (1790-18' 

Leonard*  Sr,,  401  and  notey  4o2* 
Elizabeth    Sparhawk    (Spooner), 

wife  of  Edward  Scott,  395  and  MA* 

400,  401,  402. 
Isabella  Mary  Hubbard,  daughter 

of  Edward  Scott,  her  letter,  quoted, 

401  n. 
Leonard,     Sr.     (1742-1613),     of 

Boston  and   Cambridge,    merchant, 

101. 
Hon.  Leonard  (1781-1854),  H.  C. 

1800,  sou  of  Leonard,  Sr,,  aceo 

of,  402  and  note, 
Mary    Hubbard    (Greene). 

wife  of  Hon.  Leonard,  MS 
Jams  Family,  The,  cited,  395  *,  40 1  j 
Jefferies.     AW  Jeffrey's. 
Jefferson,  Thomas  (1743-1826),  L!~D„ 

President  of  the  United  States,  90  n ; 

bis  Notes  on  Virgin  a,  cited,  351  n# 

353,357;  his  Writings,  cited,  & 

366  n,  880  n,  370  n,  380  n  ;   on    live 

stock,   353  ;  invents   a  mould   board 

for  ploughs,  354  n  .  on  interior  ta 

357;  on  slavery,  369,  379,  380;  his 

Summary    View   of    the    Rights   of 

British  America,  cited, 369  n. 
Jeffreys,   George    (1643^16811),    Baron 

Jeffreys  of  Wem,  Lord  Chancellor  of 

England,  1*0  n,  391. 
Jenkins,  Henry,  case  of,  in   Strangers1 

Court,  2 ft 
Jenner,  Edward  (1749-1823),  ftUX,  30 
Joanna  (1733- 1772),  daughter  of 

Thomas  of  C harlesto  w  n .    See  Car  nes. 
Jennings,  Abraham,  of  Plymouth,  Eng., 

27  and  note ;  sells  Moubegau  Island, 

6L 
Jerseys,  the,  72,  75  n. 
Jesuit,  J.  Hummer's  disputation  with 

a,  192,  193, 
Jesus  College,  Oxford,  Eng*,  372  and 

note. 
Jevons,  Mary  Catharine,  44  I  and  note* 

William  Stanley,  LL.D-,  144  n. 

Jewett,  John  Punchard,  235  n> 
John,  King  of  England,  333. 
- — -  an  Indian  sagamore,  50  n* 
Johns  Hopkins  University,  Baltimore, 

Md.,  157. 
Johnson,    Hon,    Edward     Francis, 

LL.B,,  xvii 
Henry  Augustin  (IL  C,  1811) 

and  note. 

,  of  Pemaquid,  31. 
mud  (Y.  C,  171  f),  Pr 
g's  College,  195  and  notet 


INDEX. 


495 


198  and  note,  208  and  rwie;  E.  E. 
Beards  ley' a  Life  and  Correspondence 
of,  cited,  195  n ;  T,  B.  Chandler's  Lif a 
of  ,  cited,  195  n. 

Samuel,    A.M.,   xvi,    250;    his 

death,  and  tributes  to,  258,  259. 

Sir  William  (1710-1774),  146  and 

note. 

Johnston,  Augustus,  Attorney-General 
of  Rhode  Island,  387. 

Prof.  John  (1800-1879),  bis  His- 
tory of  Bristol  and  Bremen,  cited, 
12  n,  13  n,  14  n,  17  n,  37  ft,  50  n,  61, 
66  n ;  quoted,  13  **,  50  ^  61,  66  and 
note,  67  and  note;  on  Samoset,  61, 

Jones,  Bence,  his  Life  and  Letters  of 
Faraday,  cited,  131  ♦ 

Daniel   (rf.   1786),   ft    C,    1759, 

14& 

Joseph  Seawetl  (d.  1855),  391,392. 

Josselyn,  John,  his  Two  Voyages  to 
New  England,  quoted,  61,  04, 

Jost,  Isaak  Hutu  (170:3-1860)  his 
Ui&tory  of  the  Israelites,  mentioned, 
417. 

Journals.  Set  Asbury,  F. ;  Curwen,  S. ; 
Kdes,  P.;  Harris,  T*  1L  ;  Leach,  J. ; 
May  hew,  E, 

Joy,  Joseph,  of  Boston,  219. 

Joy  Street,  Boston,  227  n. 

JuUafam,  417* 

Judd,  Ensign  Asahel  (d>  1750),  260  n, 

Julius  IL,  rope,  415. 

Kalamazoo,  Mich.,  449  n, 

Kalm,  Peter  (1715-1779),  350;   cited, 

312  n,  343  n,  316  n  ;  his  travels,  cited, 

650  n;  on  crops,  351, 
Kansas,  242, 
Kant,    Immauuel,   437;   his   Practical 

Reason,   mentioned,   438;  his   Pure 

lieason,  mentioned,  438. 
Keene,  N*  H.t  228  and  note. 
Keese,  Elizabeth,  wife  of  Henry,  215  n, 

216. 
Henry,   of    Portsmouth,   N,    H., 

215  n,  216. 
Mary,   daughter   of   Henry.     See 

Slade. 
Kelby,  Robert  llendre,  85  ft, 
Kendall,    Edward     Augustus    (1776- 

1842),  on  the  word  Intervale,   188, 

139,  140,  141, 142;  his  Travels,  cited, 

130  n,  141  n. 
Kennard,  Michael,  of  Kittery,  156* 
Kennebec,  Me*,  26, 
Kennebec  River,  Me.,  26,  27,  65, 


Kennebunk,  Me.,  90, 

Kennebunk  River,  Me,,  64  n. 

Kensington,  London,  Eug,,  219  n. 

Kent,  Joanna  (Miller)  Davison,  wife  of 
Richard,  Jr.,  3!>  it,     S*e  Davison. 

Richard,  Jr.  (d>  1680),  of  New- 
bury, 39  n. 

Kent,  County  of,  Eng.,  63,  181  n,  215 
and  note. 

Kentucky,  340. 

Eettell     See  Kettle, 

Kettle,  Joseph,  of  Boston,  baker,  117, 
118;  his  barn  burned,  114>  115  n* 

Kilborn,  Pelatiah  (Y.  C.  1724),  199  and 
rtnte. 

Kit  bum.     See  Kilborn. 

Kilby  Street,  Boston,  92. 

Killpatriek,  Thomas,  of  St.  George,  his 
deposition,  32. 

Kimberly,  Thomas,  186. 

Kinderhook,  N.  Y.,  145. 

Kiuebequi,     See  Kennebec. 

King,  Edward,  113,  118,  120  n. 

King  Street,  Boston,  128. 

King's  Bench,  Court  of,  302, 

King's  Chapel,  Boston,  97, 109, 124,125, 
174,  218,  236,  304  n,  447  n :  building 
of,  88  n ;  Annals  of,  by  H.  \V,  Foote, 
cited,  88  n,  97  it,  124, 125,  181  n,  188  n, 
190  n,  268  n>  800  »  :  quoted,  100  ft; 
Burying  ground,  89;  monument  to 
0.  W.  Holmes,  07  ft ;  Kew  Henry 
Caner,  rector  of,  191  » ;  wardens  ot, 
263  n. 

King's  College,  London,  430, 

Kind's  (now Columbia)  College,  N*  YM 
195  ft, 

Kingston,  Somerset,  Eng,,  372  a* 

Kiowa  Indians,  310, 

Kirk  land,  Elizabeth  (Cabot),  wife  of 
John  Thnniton,  447,  418;  account 
of,  447  n,  448  n. 

K(fV.  John  Thornton  (1770-1840), 

President  of  Harvard  College,  101, 
416,417,448. 

Kissites,  131.  See  Glasitesj  Sande- 
manians. 

KittelL     See  Kettle. 

Kittery,  Me.,  120,  156,  395  n ;  Church 
Records,  mentioned,  395  n. 

KlTTREDGE,    GEORGE    LYMAN,  LL.D., 

iv,  xvi,  143  ft,  151  «,  214,  252. 
Kneeland,  John,  of  Boston,  1743,  53  n. 
Prudence  (6.  1731),  daughter  of 

John,  53  n. 
Knetler,  Sir  Godfrey,  174  n, 
Knickerbocker   Magazine,  mentioned, 

241. 


496 


INDEX. 


Knowles,  Admiral  Sir  Charles  (d .  1777), 
orders  sword  for  P.  Stevens,  260  n. 

Kxowlton,  Hon.  Marcus  Pekrin, 
LL.D.,  xv,  xvii. 

Knox,  Gen.  Henry  (1750-1806),  75  n. 

Knybecky  River.     See  Kennebec. 

Kossuth,  Louis,  429. 


Li  A  BROQUER1E.     See  Boucher. 

Laco.  See  iligginson,  Stephen  (1743- 
1828). 

Lafayette,  Marie  Joseph  Paul  Yves 
lloch  Gilbert  Dumotier  (1757-1834), 
Marquis  de,  318. 

La  Frenicre.     See  Hertel. 

Laguira  (La  Guayra),  Venezuela,  395. 

Lake,  Anne  (Bibye),  wife  of  Sir  Ed- 
ward   192  n. 

Sir  Bibye  (d.  1744),  192  and  note. 

Sir  Edward  (d.  1674),  192  n. 

Lake  Champlain,  N.  Y.,  226,  264,  343. 

Lake  George,  N.  Y.,  226. 

Lake  St.  Peter,  Canada,  264. 

Lake  Winnipiseogee,  N.  H.,  237  n. 

Lakin,  William, of  Peterborough,  N.  H., 
Daniel  Amery  v.,  266. 

Lamb,  Joshua  (1642-1690),  of  Rox- 
bury,  son  of  Thomas,  his  house 
burned  bv  his  servant,  Maria,  324, 
326,  327,  328. 

Lancaster,  Mass.,  124  n,  144, 319 ;  Early 
Records  of,  quoted,  144.  See  Nash- 
away. 

Hemp  Swamp,  144. 

Land  Bank,  Massachusetts,  168,  172, 
408,  409,  411;  organizers  of,  168; 
people  anxious  to  suppress,  169; 
wound  up,  170,  171. 

Land  Controversies  in  Maine,  paper  on, 
by  J.  Noble,  1 1-59 ;  T.  Bodkin  brings 
suit  against  four  tenants,  14;  ac- 
count of  Bodkin's  case,  14-17 ;  Pema- 
quid  Patent  in,  17-19 ;  pleas  in  the 
controversies,  19-21 ;  deed  between 
Somerset  and  R.  Fulford,  21-23; 
various  land  sales,  24,  25 ;  early  set- 
tlements, 26,  27 ;  depositions  of  P. 
Rogers,  28-30;  of  G.  Caldwell,  30,  31 ; 
of  A.  Erskine,  31,  32;  of  T.  Kill- 
patrick,  32  ;  of  Mary  Cowell,  32,  33  ; 
of  J.  Pearce,  33;  of  Naomi  Annis, 
33,35;  of  H.  Boyd,  36;  of  J.  Ulmer, 
about  educational  and  religious 
grants,  37;  will  of  N.  Davison, 
38-41;  inventory  of  estate  of  N. 
Davison,  41  and  note,  42  n;  deposi- 
tions as  to  residence  of,  42-44 ;  will 


of  D.  Anderson,  45,  46;  deposition 
of  Faith  Russell  as  to  D.  Anderson, 
46-48;  deposition  of  S.  Danforth, 
49;  deposition  of  A.  Shurt  about 
Monhegan  Island,  50-52  ;  meetings 
and  business  transactions  of  Pema- 
quid  Proprietors,  53-59. 

Lane,  Elizabeth  Minot,  daughter  of 
Martin,  97  n. 

Fanny  (Bradford)  Clark,  second 

wife  of  George  Martin,  105. 

Frances  Eliza  (Gardiner),  d.  1876, 

first  wife  of  George  Martin,  105. 

Gardiner  Martin,  A.B.,  son  of 

George  Martin,  xvi,  105. 

George    Martin     (1823-1897), 

LL.D.,  son  of  Martin,  xvi ;  Memoir 
of,  by  W.  W.  Goodwin,  96,  97-103, 
251;  early  education,  97;  suggests 
Latin  motto  for  monument  to  Dr. 
O.  W.  Holmes's  memory,  97  n;  love 
of  classics  inspired  by  C.  S.  Wheeler, 
98 ;  friendship  with  Prof.  Child,  98; 
delivers  Latin  oration  at  inaugura- 
tion of  Pres.  Everett,  98;  tutor  at 
Harvard,  98;  goes  to  Germany  to 
study  Classical  Philology,  98;  stud- 
ies at  Gbttingen  and  other  universi- 
ties, 99;  his  Smyrnaeorum  Res  Gestae 
et  Antiquitates,  cited,  100;  Prof. 
Schneide win's  testimony  to,  100, 101; 
becomes  professor  at  Harvard,  101; 
in  relation  to  Elective  System,  102; 
his  work  at  Harvard,  102;  Prof. 
Morgan's  article  on,  quoted,  103 ;  his 
wit,  103;  life  at  Clover  Den,  104; 
writes  the  ballad  of  the  Lone  Fish- 
ball,  104;  the  ballad  becomes  an 
opera,  104 ;  publishes  but  little,  101 ; 
his  pamphlet  on  Latin  Pronuncia- 
tion, 104;  his  Latin  Grammar  for 
Schools  and  Colleges  completed  by 
Prof.  Morgan,  104,  105;  Dr.  C.  T. 
Lewis  quoted  upon  work  of,  105 ;  be- 
came Pope  Professor,  105 ;  marriages 
of,  105;  children  of,  105. 

Katherine      Ward     (d.      1893), 

daughter  of  George  Martin,  105. 

Lavinia,  daughter  of  Martin,  97  n. 

Louisa,  daughter  of  George  Mar- 
tin.    See  Van  Rensselaer. 

Lucre tia  (Swan),  wife  of  Martin, 

97  and  note. 

Martin,  of  Northampton,  father 

of  George  Martin,  97  ana  note. 

William  Coolidge,  A.B.,  Libra- 
rian of  Harvard  College,  xvii,  130, 
210. 


INDEX. 


49T 


Lang,  John  Dunmoiv  (1799-1878),  his 
Historical  and  Statist  ical  Account  of 
New  South  Wales,  quoted,  14-)  tt. 

Langdou,  Rev,  Samuel  (d.  1707)*  Presi- 
de tit  of  Harvard  College,  132. 

Laxii ley,  Samuel  Fikkihint,  D.  C,  L., 
xvili ;  elected  an  Honorary  Member, 
96 ;  his  letter  of  acceptance*  106. 

Lankaster.     .See  Lancaster, 

La  Plata  Mountains,  Col,  315  m 

La  Plata  River,  Col.,  315  pi. 

La  Poterie.     See  Leneuf . 

La  Ram  fee,  Pierre  de  (1515-1572),  his 
Definitions t  mentioned,  277. 

Larkin,  Edward  (L  1608),  of  Charles- 
town,  40, 

Las  Animas  County,  Colorado,  310. 

Las  Animas  Per  did  as,  Rio  de.  See 
Animas  River, 

Las  Animas,  Rio  de.  See  Animas 
River ;  Purgatory  River. 

Las  Casus.     See  Casas. 

Lateran,  Council  of  the,  415. 

Lath  hop,  Hon,  John,  A,M,,  xvii. 

Latin  .School,  Boston,  70,  113  t*,  120  nt 
126,  129,  222;  Catalogue  of,  cited, 
80,  120  n  :  Monthly  Reports  of,  men- 
tioned, 222  n. 

La  Tour,  Charles  de  St.  £tieunc  (d.  c, 
1606),  Sieurde,  51  n. 

La  Trinity.     See  Denys. 

Lawbrnce,  Rev,  Arthur,  D,D.,  xvii, 
266, 

Rt,  Rev.  William,  Bishop  of  Mas- 
sachusetts, 157 ;  pays  tribute  to  the 
memory  of  EL  P.  Quincy,  109. 

Lawrence  Scientific  School,  Harvard 
College,  107. 

Laws  respecting  Women,  quoted,  332  n, 

Layard,  Sir  Austen  Henry  (1817-1  ^:H ), 
417, 

Ije  Conte,  Joseph  (1823-1901),  452, 

Le  Mercier,  Rev.  Andrew  [d.  1763), 
113  n. 

Leach,  John  (c.  1724-1799),  of  London 
and  Boston,  civil  engineer,  his  Jour- 
nal, 1775,  cited,  SO. 

Lebanon  Springs,  N.  Y.,  226. 

Lee,  Thomas  (1779-1867),  of  Boston, 
247, 

family,  237. 

Leeds,  Eng,,  Mercury,  mentioned,  425, 

Legge,  William,     See  Dartmouth. 

LdghtOD  (William),  Frost  (John)  t\ 
case  of,  107  R, 

Leipsic,  Germany,  98. 

Lely,  Sir  Peter,  393. 

Leneuf,  Jacques,  de  la  Poterie,  203  n 


32 


Leo  X,,  Pope,  415. 

Leonard,  Abigail,  daughter  of  Zeph- 
aiiiah.     See  West, 

Lt.-Col.  Zephnniah  (Y.  C.  1758), 

of  Hay n ham,  123  n, 

Letter  from  a  Country  Gentleman  at 
Boston,  To  his  Friends  in  the  Coun* 
try,  quoted,  171. 

Letter  from  a  Gentleman  at  Halifax, 
to  his  Friend  in  Rhode  Island,  by 
M.  Howard,  Jr.,  men  tioned,  388  n. 

Letter,  from  One  in  the  Country  to 
bia  Friend  in  Boston,  attributed  to 
Rev,  E.  Wiggles  worth,  mentioned, 
84  and  note. 

Letter  to  the  Merchant  in  London,  To 
whom  is  Directed  A  Printed  Letter 
relating  to  the  Manufactory  Under- 
taking, quoted,  17L 

Lever  ktt,  George  VAs.MF.it,  A.M., 
xv,  xvii,  giveB  to  the  Society  an  en- 
graved portrait-plate  of  M*  Howard, 
iv, 

Hudson  (1640-1094),  son  of  Gov. 

John,  334  n. 

Major-Gen.    John     (1616-1678), 

Governor  of  Massachusetts,  son  uf 
Elder  Thomas,  26,  89,  128. 

Judge  John  (1662^1724),  F.R.S,, 

President  of  Harvard  College,  grand- 
son of  Gov.  John,  21 L  270  n, 

Elder  Thomas  (d.  1650),  25,  128. 

Leverett's  Patent.  27. 

Levett,  Christopher  (c.  1580-1030),  of 
York,  his  Voyage  into  New  England, 
quoted,  22  n  ;  mentioned,  00;  on  the 
Indian  Samoset,  60. 

Lewis,  Charlton  Thomas,  105. 

Lexington.  Mass.,  317, 338,  339;  battle 
of,  134,  319. 

Hancock  Church,  338, 

— -  Town  Hall,  339, 

Liberator,  the,  quoted,  420, 

Light,  Boston,  270  n  ;  note  on,  278- 
281;  petition  for,  278;  reports  on, 
279,  280  ;  built  in  1715  on  Beacon 
Island,  one  of  the  Brewsters,  28L 

Lime.     See  Lyme. 

Lincoln,  Abraham  (18H9-1865),  Presid- 
ent of  the  t'nited  States,  4-J4. 

Maj,-Gen,  Benjamin  (1732-1810), 

petition  to,  78  n, 

Francis  Hkkrv,  A.M.,  xvi;  gift 

to  Colonial  Society,  2  ;  Treasurer  of 
American  Unitarian  Association, 
258  n. 

Waldo,  A.B.,  xvi. 

Lincoln!  Eug.,  192  n. 


498 


INDEX. 


Lincoln  County,  Me.,  11,  12  n,  15,  16, 
19  n,  20,  28,  30-36,  42, 43,  48,  49,  57, 
67,  68  n,  69  n;  controversy  about 
land  in,  14;  investigation  of  difficul- 
ties in,  60. 

Linklester,  Alexander,  of  Boston,  122  n. 

Keziah  (West),  wife  of  Alexander, 

114  and  note,  122  n. 

Lisle,  Henry  Maurice  (d.  1814),  his 
Poem  on  Milton  Hill,  153,  154;  ac- 
count of,  153  n. 

Lithgow,  William  (1582-C.1645),  151  n  ; 
his  Travels,  quoted,  143  n. 

Little,  Nathaniel,  14. 

Little,  Brown,  &  Co.,  246  n. 

Little  Cambridge  (now  Brighton),  Mass., 
396  and  note. 

Little  Portland  Street  Chapel,  London, 
419  n. 

Little  River,  Me.,  64. 

Livermore,  Samuel,  48. 

Liverpool,  Lancashire,  Eng.,  419  n, 
420. 

Llangollen,  Vale  of,  Wales,  151  n. 

Loch-an-Eilan,  Scotland,  445. 

Lombard  Street,  Philadelphia,  76  n. 

London,  Eng.,  63,  86,  90  n,  93, 104  n, 
110, 1 13  n,  124, 129, 142  n,  150  n,  162  n, 
167  and  note,  171  n,  173, 181  n,  182  n, 
189,  196,  198  n,  203,  204,  207  and 
note,  208,  212,  215,  219  n,  297  n,  304 
and  note,  307  n,  317,  332  n,  372  and 
note,  388  n,  396,  405,  412,  418,  419 
and  note,  422  n,  424,  436,  442,  449, 
450,  454. 

Bedford  College,  453  n. 

Beech  Lane,  111. 

Brompton,  219  n. 

Burleigh  St.,  443. 

College  of  Physicians,  203. 

Doctor's  Commons,  196,  198. 

Exeter  Hall,  425. 

Glover's  Hall,  111. 

Gordon  Square,  435,  436, 441, 442, 

449,  450,  454. 

Gordon  Street,  424,  427. 

Inns  of  Court,  64. 

Inquirer,  425  and  note. 

Kensington,  219  n. 

King's  College,  430. 

Little    Portland    Street    Chapel, 

419  n. 

Middle  Temple,  189, 193, 196, 199, 

206,  207. 

Parliment  House,  177. 

— —  Prerogative  Court  of  Canterbury, 
394  n. 

Queen's  College,  453  n. 


Royal  Exchange,  23  n. 

St.  James's,  210. 

St.     Martin  'a-le-grand     Church, 

126  n. 

Strand,  the,  427  n. 

Times,  the,  383,  428. 

Tower  Hill,  87. 

University  College,  418,  438  n. 

University  Hall,  446. 

Westminster     Abbey     Registers, 

cited,  177  n. 

Westminster  Hall,  302. 

Whitehall,  179,  182,  210. 

Young  Men's  Christian  Associa- 
tion, 426. 
Lone  Fishball,  ballad  by  G.  M.  Lane, 

mentioned,  104 ;  expanded  by  F.  J. 

Child  into  an  opera,  II   Pesceballo, 

104. 
Lonetown  (Redding),  Conn.,  174,  183. 
Long,  Maj.  Stephen  Harriman  (1784- 

1864),  308,  309  n,  311  n. 
Long  Island,  Me.,  66. 
Long  Parliament,  the,  181  n. 
Long  Wharf,  Boston,  88. 
Longfellow,  Henry  Wadsworth  (1807- 

1882),  100. 
Lord,  Abigail  (Warren),  wife  of  Rich- 
ard of  Hartford,   Ct.      See   Wood- 
bridge. 

Elisha  (Y.  C.  1718),  184  and  note. 

Lords  of  the  Committee  of  Council, 

206,  303. 
Lords  of  Trade,  297,  299,  304. 
Loring,    Anna    Powell,    daughter    of 

Francis  Caleb  (H.C.  1828),  174  n. 

Augustus  Peabody,  A.B.,  xvii. 

Charles  Greely,  A.M.,  xvii. 

Helen,  daughter  of  Francis  Caleb 

(H.  C.  1828),  174  n. 
James  Spear  (1799-1884),  79  ;  his 

Hundred  Boston  Orators,  cited,  80, 

318  n. 
Miriam,  daughter  of  Francis  Caleb 

(H.  C.  1828),  174  n. 
Nathaniel  (</.  1770),  of  Boston, 

118. 
Lbrtscher,  Elizabeth.     See  Hensler. 
Lothrop,ThorntonKirkland,  A.M., 

xvii. 
Lotze,  Rudolf  Hermann  (1817-1881), 

101,  438. 
Loud,  Capt.  William,  31. 
Loud 's  Island,  Me.,  68,  70  and  note. 
Louis  XII.,  King  of  France,  415. 

XV.,  King  of  France,  205,  264. 

Louisburg,  Cape  Breton,  N.  S.,  260  n; 

siege  ot,  29  ;  capture  of,  404* 


Cross,  Harvard  College,  246. 

Louisiana,  130,  312- 

Love,  Susan ti a  (Ben oat),  wife  of  John, 

121. 
Lo ve  Street,  Boston,  121. 
Loveland,    Thomas,   of    Glastonbury, 

Ct.,  69  n. 
Lovell,  James  (1737-1814),  son  of  John, 

74  ft,  70  n,  251 ;  letters  from,  74-78  \ 

account  of,  71NJ1. 

-  John  (1710-1778),  80. 

Mary  Middle  ton,  wife  of  James, 

74  and  note. 
Lowering,  Joseph  (1813-1802),  104. 
Lowell,  Augustus,  A.M.,   rvii,  71, 

214  252.  280. 
Rev,  Charles  (H.  C.  1800),  father 

of  James  Russell,  402  and  noli. 
Hon.  Francis  Cabot,  A,B.,  xvi, 

157. 
James  Russell  (1819-1891),  221, 

383;  his  My  Garden  Acquaintance, 

cited,  224  n;  his  Fireside  Travels, 

quoted,  228  n,  229  n. 
— -  Hon.  John,  LL.D,,  rvi,  237* 

family,  237. 

Lowell,  Mass,,  340. 

Loyalist  in   the  Siege   of  Boston,  A, 

cited,  129  n. 
Loyalists,  the,  113  n,  114  n,  123  ft,  128, 

120,  321  n,  387;  Sabine's  Biograph- 
ical Sketches  of,  quoted,  113  n%  387  ft, 

391  ft,  303;   cited,   181  n,   129,   130, 

393  «.     See  also  Tories. 
Luhberland,  340. 
Lucas,  Eliza,  daughter  of  George,     See 

Fiuckuey. 
Fielding,  Jr.,  his  General  Atlas, 

quoted,  309  ». 
George    (</♦    1747),    Lt>   Gov.   of 

Antigua,  19-J,  194  and  note. 
Liieke,  Gottfried  Christian   Friedrich 

(1791-1855),  his  Commentaries,  men- 
tioned, 417. 
Lunenburg,  Mass.,  266  and  note. 
Lutherans,  the,  205. 
Luttrell,  Mary.    SecLynde;  Win  thro  p. 
Lyceum  Hall,  Cambridge,  230  n, 
Lyde,  Judge    Edward    (d.   1724),   of 

Boston,   son    of    Edward,    190    and 

note,  191,  208  n, 
Lyman,   Ahtiick   Thkodorr,   A.M., 

xvii,  1,    11,   250,   286;   remarks  on 

commerce,  305. 
Lyme,  Conn.,  188  and  note. 
Lynching,  335,  336. 
Ly  ude,    Chief  ^Justice    Benjamin,   Jr. 

(1700-1781),  H.  C,  1718,  267. 


Emma  or  Amy  (Anderson)  Brack- 
en bury,  second  wife  of  Joseph,  39  *« 

Joanna  (1676-1753),  daughter  of 

Judge  Joseph  of  Charlestown.  See 
Everton;  Phillips. 

Judge    Joseph    (163C-1726),    of 

Charlestown,  sou  of  Deacon  TLomas 
of  Maiden,  37  n,  38  n,  47,  53  n ;  ac- 
count of,  39  ft. 

Margaret  (&.  1668),  daughter  of 

Judge  Joseph  of  Charles  town  See 
Savage. 

Mary  (Luttrell}  Wiuthrop,  third 

wife  of  Judge  Joseph,  39  «. 

Sarah  (6. 10C6),  daughter  of  Judge 

Joseph  of  Charles  town,  See  Clark  \ 
Sweetser, 

Sarah    (Davison),   first    wife   of 

Judge  Joseph,  37  ft,  39  and  note,  47. 

— —  family,  129. 

Lynd hurst,  John  Singleton  Copley,  Jrt 
'(1772-1863),  Baron,  219  ft. 

Lynn,  Eng.,  40. 

M  ABBE,  James  (1572-C.1642),  150  ft. 

Macclesfield,  Sir  Thomas  Parker  (df. 
1732),  Earl  of,  Lord  Chancellor  of 
England,  205. 

McClure's  Magazine,  cited,  455. 

McFadden,  Andrew,  09. 

Melntyer,  John,  35. 

McKeau,  R<!y.  Joseph  (d.  1818),  H.C. 
1794T  miniature  of,  exhibited,  151, 
251;  his  portrait*  151  »,  152  n,  154 
and  note;  verses  in  memory  of,  152- 
155;  account  of,  152  n;  funeral  ser- 
vices for,  155  a, 

William,  father  of  Rev.  Joseph, 

152  ru 

Mackerel  Lane,  Boston,  92, 

McKown,  Ann,  24. 

John,  24. 

McMillian,  Ann,  widow  of  James, 
117. 

James,  of  Boston,  cabinet-maker, 

117. 

Macomb,  CapL  John  Navarre  (J.  1889), 
explores  the  Animas  River,  315  n  ; 
his  Report  of  the  Exploring  Expedi- 
tion, cited,  315  ft, 

Macpherson,  David  (1746-1816),  his 
Annals  of  Commerce,  cited,  360  ft. 

McRee,  Griffith  John  (1820-1872),  on 
M.  Howard,  391,  392;  his  Life  and 
Correspondence  of  J.  Iredell,  quoted, 
392  n. 

MacSparran,  Rev.  James,  380,  387. 


500 


INDEX. 


Maddmock.     See  Medomac 
Madison,  James  (1751-1836),  his  Let- 
ters   and    Other    Writings,   quoted, 
379. 
Madison,  Wis.,  150. 
Madomock.     See  Medomac. 
Madras,  India,  211,  251. 
Magazine  of  American  History,  men- 
tioned, 244;  cited,  244  n. 
Maine,  12  n,  13  and  note,  61,  64  n,  67, 

69,  79,  133,  148,  224,  251,  256,  341, 

396  n,  401  and  note,  402;  coast  of, 

60;    Documentary    History   of    the 

State,  of,   quoted,    62,   63,    64,   66; 

name  Somerset  in,  70.    See  also  Land 

Controversies. 

Court  of  Common  Pleas,  19  n. 

Province  of,  34,  62,  63,  64   and 

note ;  forts  in,  313. 
Maine  Historical  Society,    Collections 

of,  cited,  12  n,  61,  90 ;  quoted,  22  n, 

69,  146. 
Maine  Wills,  cited,  90. 
Maisons-Alfort,     France,     Veterinary 

College  at,  233  and  note. 
Maitland,  Frederick  William,  History 

of   English    Law   by    Pollock    and, 

quoted,  332. 
Maize,  cultivated  by  Indians,  343  n ;  by 

early  colonists,  314,  350. 
M  alga  res,  Lt.  Facuudo,  314,  315. 
Mall,  the,  Boston,  399. 
Malthus,  Rev.  Thomas  Robert  (1766- 

1834),  342  n. 
Manchester,  Edward  Montagu  (1602- 

1671),  Earl  of,  182  n. 
Manchester,    Lancashire,     Eng.,    440, 

449  n. 
Manchester  New  College,  or  Manchester 

College,  418  aud  note,  419  and  note, 

422  n,  436,  414  n. 
Mandamus  Councillor,  129. 
Manifesto  Church.     See  Brattle  Square 

Church. 
Mann,    Alice  or    Alicia,   daughter   of 

Galfridus.     See  Apthorp. 
Galfridus,  brother  of  Sir  Horace, 

3913  n. 
Sir   Horace   (1701-1786),   British 

Ambassador  at  Florence,  396  n. 
Horatio  (1737-1844),  son  of  Gal- 
fridus, 306  n. 
Manning,  John,  of  Boston,  1655,  41. 
Mansfield,     William     Murray    (1704- 

1793),  Earl  of,  163  and  note. 
Manton,    Rev.    Thomas    (1620-1677), 

195. 
Marazion,  Cornwall,  Eng.,  215. 


Marblehead,  Mass.,  24,  25,  67  and  note, 
304  n. 

Maria,  a  negress,  servant  of  J.  Lamb, 
paper  on  the  Case  of,  by  J.  Noble, 
323-335;  sentenced  to  be  burned  for 
arson,  323,  324 ;  her  indictment,  324, 
326;  her  confession,  326,  327;  no 
proof  that  she  was  actually  burned, 
330,  331,  333 ;  sentence  of  burning 
in  England,  332 ;  in  the  Colonies,  323, 
333,  335, 336. 

Maria,  a  negress,  servant  of  K.  Davi- 
son, 42  n. 

Mark,  a  negro,  trial  of,  mentioned,  323. 

Marlborough,  Mass.,  247  n. 

Marlborough  Street,  Boston,  321  n. 

Marsh,  Arthur  Richmond,  A.B., 
xvii. 

Marsh  Island,  Me.,  66  n. 

Marshall,  Emily,  daughter  of  Josiah. 
See  Otis. 

Josiah   (1771-1841),    of   Boston, 

399  n. 

Marshfield,  Mass.,  130. 

Martin, ,  wife  of  Samuel,  34. 

Josiah  (1737-1786),  Governor  of 

North  Carolina,  391  n. 

—  Samuel,  34. 

Sir  Theodore,  his   Life   of  Lord 

Lyndhurst,  cited,  219  n. 

Martineau,  Elizabeth  (Rankin),  mother 
of  Rev.  James,  424. 

Gertrude,  daughter  of  Rev.  James, 

445,  450. 

Helen  (Higginson),  wife  of  Rev. 

James,  424,  447  n,  448,  450. 

Rev.  James  (1805-1900),  294  and 

note,  416,  422  n,  435  n,  447  w,  449  n, 
453  n ;  letters  from,  417-425,  427- 
430,  432-453,  454;  account  of,  419  n, 
420  n  ;  on  Harvard  Divinity  School, 
421,  422  and  note ;  on  the  Civil  War, 
427-430,  432-435;  his  criticisms  of 
J.  H.  Allen's  books,  435-439,  447- 
449,  451,  452;  his  Study  of  Religion, 
mentioned,  440  and  note ;  on  the 
Unitarian  Review,  441  and  note,  442- 
445;  his  Studies,  Reviews  and  Ad- 
dresses, mentioned,  445. 

Mary,  Queen  of  France,  wife  of  Louis 
XV.,  205. 

II.,  Queen  of  England,  96. 

Maryland,  147,  155,  156,  348,  375  n; 
cultivated  land  in,  342;  population 
in,  343 ;  naturally  fertile  soil  in,  344 ; 
early  price  of  land  in,  345  ;  tobacco 
cultivation  in,  365. 

Mason,  Charles  Frank,  A.B.,  xvii. 


INDEX, 


501 


George    Champlin,    his    African 

Slave  Trade  in  Colonial  Times, 
quoted,  363 ;  cited,  364  n ;  his  Annals 
of  the  Redwood  Library,  cited,  386  n  : 
his  Annals  of  Trinity  Church,  cited, 
386  nt  387  n,  3!J3  n. 

Hannah  (Rogers),  wife  of  William 

Powell,  220  and  note. 

Thaddeus  (1700- 1802),  of  Charles 

town,  128, 

Mason's  Hall,  Green  Dragon  Tavern, 
Boston,  132  n. 

ftfassachusettensis.     See  Novanglus. 

Massachusetts,  3,  13  n,  29,  71,  SO,  8.~i  n, 
07, 130,  152  n,  156,  174, 197  n,  200  n, 
212,  215,  210,  217,  227,  229  nt  245  n, 
246  n,  251,  259,  260  nt  20,"*,  250,  268  n, 
276,  288,  316,  321  n,  340,  382,  394, 
809  nf  483,  447  n,  448  n  ;  instance  of 
Common  Law  in,  95;  recent  his- 
torical societies  in,  212,  213  n,  455, 
456  ;  case  of  Maria,  1681,  connected 
with  history  of,  323;  removal  of 
courts  of,  384, 

Archives,  quoted,  69,  83, 88  j  men- 
tioned, 166,  261  «;  cited,  260  n. 

Assembly.      See    ttelow,    General 

Court, 

Hay  Colony,  3,  4,  26,  79,  94,  176, 

195  and  note,  202,  203  n,  209  and 
note,  281,  305,  306,  307,  329,  365; 
land  experiment  in,  G;  east  line  of, 
26 ;  temporary  government  estab- 
lished in,  81 ;  history  of,  96 ;  col- 
lection of  customs  in,  161 ;  opposition 
to  taxation,  l'J4;  new  governor  for, 
179;  Indians  of*  not  neglected,  182; 
anxiety  about  Charter  of,  198,  199, 
210* 

Bay  Company,  letter  to,  quoted, 

161,  102?  Charter  of,  quoted,  345. 

Colony    Laws,  quoted,  283,  284, 

285,  333  n. 

Colony  Records,  R.  N.  Toppan 

calls  attention  to  au  omission  of  date 
in,  81,  82;  cited,  82  n,  00,  284  „. 
285  fi,  329  n:  quoted,  144,  160,  276, 
282,  283,284,285,331. 

Council,  166,  251,  267,  269  n,  270, 

281,  304,  322, 

Council  Hook,  quoted,  27,  28. 

Council  Chamber,  83,  81,  209  n, 

322. 

Council  Records,  mentioned,  158; 

quoted,  83. 

. Court  of  Assistant*,  325  n,  328. 

329,  338  and  note  ;  early  methods  of 
trial,  95;  appeal  to,  286  and  note; 


case  of  Maria  in,  323,  324;  Files  of, 
mentioned,  331, 

— —  Court  of  Assistants,  Records  of, 
251 ;  J,  Noble  reads  extract  *  from 
forthcoming  Second  Volume  of,  and 
ex  hi  tiits  photogravures  of  certain 
pages  of,  94;  loss  of  first  volume 
of,  94;  repertory  of  legal  informa- 
tion, 94  ;  records  of  proceeding 
Strangers'  Courts  transmitted  to,  283; 
mentioned,  286;  quoted,  286  n,  324, 
S25,  326.  828,  329;  mentioned,  329, 
330,331,  333;  cited,  126,831  n,334  », 

Court  of  Assize  and  General  Gaol 

Delivery,  3,  16,  49. 

« Court  of  Common  Pleas,  19  it,  BS  pi, 

Court  of  General  Sessions  of  the 

Peace,  83  and  notex  84,  85  and  n"/*>, 
251. 

General    Assembly.      See    below, 

General  Court. 

General  Court,  4.  9.  71,  81,  82,  91, 

124,  160,  161,  104,  170.  195  it,  231  it, 
244  n,  268  n,  269  »,  271,  276,  279, 
282,  285  n,  304  n,  4<HJ  n  ;  investigates 
difficulties  in  Maine,  12  rc,  60;  Bos- 
ton merchants  petition,  88;  peti- 
tioned for  assistance  in  rebuilding 
meeting-house  in  Wells,  Me.,  90 ; 
grants  compensation  to  Governor, 
165;  extent  of  control  of,  hj  Royal 
Instructions,  105,  106  ;  advi.^d  not 
to  submit  to  Instructions,  167;  evades 
Parliamentary  laws,  171;  J.  Read, 
the  first  lawyer  elected  to,  174  \  Col. 
Shute  exhibits  complaint  against, 
198;  accepts  Explanatory  Charter, 
204 ;  purchases  a  Province  House, 
270  n ;  votes  mouey  to  President 
Wads  worth  and  Inn  Ids  for  hint 
Wads  worth  House,  273;  provides  for 
the  erection  of  a  lighthouse,  278-281 ; 
laws  and  orders  made  by,  1672,  1682, 
284,  285, 

General  Court,  Records  of,  men- 
tioned, 81,  282 ;  cited,  81  n,280, 2S1 ; 
quoted,  279,  280,  2S1 ;  BftWBGU's 
errors  in,  82,  83, 

General  Court  of  Elections,  283, 

294, 

House  Journals,  mentioned,  158; 

quoted,  166;  cited,  167  n, 

House  of  Deputies,  124  n. 

^^—  House  of  Representatives,  158, 
165,  160,  169,  170  and  note,  195,  265, 
279 ;  Report  of,  cited,  09 ;  called 
Land  Rank  House,  1740,  10*;  ap- 
peals made  by,  172;  send  agent  to 


502 


INDEX. 


Massachusetts  (continued). 

Englaud,  203  n ;  adopt  order  for  pro- 
viding a  house  for  the  Governor, 
270  n ;  order  of,  about  a  lighthouse, 
280,  281. 

Inferiour  Court  of  Common  Pleas, 

13, 16,  64  n,  128;  Records  of,  quoted, 
14,  15;  account  of  case  in,  14,  15; 
cases  tried  at,  36. 

Probate  Courts,  89,  285,  899. 

Province,  25,  45,  46,  49,  86,  130, 

136  n,  168,  170,  173,  178  n,  190  n, 
267,  269  n,  270  n,  280,  298,  300,  302, 
304  n,  306,  307,  322,  332,  335,  316, 
411,  414 ;  Province  troops,  29 ;  a  pam- 
phlet reflecting  on,  83,  84;  Petition 
to  Representatives  of,  135,  136; 
people  of,  resist  Stamp  Act  and  Tea 
Tax,  157, 158;  strained  relations  be- 
tween Legislative  and  Executive 
branches,  158;  its  records  not  ac- 
cessible, 158;  collection  of  revenues 
in,  162;  prosperity  of,  164;  advice 
of  agents  of,  167  ;  people  of,  aroused, 
169;  act  to  destroy  Land  Bank 
caused  great  ferment  in,  171 ;  Beacon 
Island  granted  to,  for  a  lighthouse, 
281;  illegal  trade  in,  297;  judicial 
proceedings  in,  301 ;  alarm  in,  321  n  ; 
population  in,  312  n,  343  ;  rum  man- 
ufactured in,  363,  364  n ;  emission 
of  paper-money  by,  404;  loans  to 
citizens  of,  404 ;  currency  in,  in  1748- 
49,  406. 

Province  Laws,  quoted,  4,  5,  281; 

cited,  38  n,  74  n,  88,  91. 

Public  Reservations,  Trustees  of, 

incorporated  in  1891,  245;  their  Re- 
port, quoted,  245. 

Special  Courts,  abolished,  284. 

Special  Laws,  cited,  235  n. 

Strangers'  Courts,  A  Few  Notes 

Touching,  paper  by  J.  Noble,  281- 
286;  purpose  of,  281,  282;  act  es- 
tablishing, 282;  original  act,  estab- 
lishing, 283 ;  strangers  at  liberty  to 
sue  in  any  court,  283,  284 ;  strangers 
must  provide  security,  284,  285;  pro- 
vision for  probating  strangers*  wills, 
285;  no  papers  relating  to,  extant 
in  Suffolk  Court  Files,  286 ;  one 
record  of  Stranger's  case,  286  and 
note. 

Superiour  Court  of  Judicature,  3, 

4,  6,  13,  15,  16,  20,  34,  42,  43,  48,  49, 
117,  118,  267,  303;  account  of  case 
in,  16,  17 ;  Records  of,  mentioned, 
3;  cited,  266  n,  331  n;  kept  in  Suf- 


folk County,  13  n ;  cited,  13  n;  quoted, 
16,  17  ;  Files  of,  mentioned,  94. 

Supreme    Judicial    Court,    384, 

421  n. 

Massachusetts  Bay,  the,  279,  414. 

Massachusetts  Centinel,  quoted,  111  n, 
112  n;  cited,  320  n. 

Massachusetts  Gazette,  cited,  110,  111, 
116  n;  quoted,  111  n,  115. 

Massachusetts  General  Hospital,  Bos- 
ton, 233. 

Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  23  n, 
152  n,  234,  258  n,  320  n,  323,  330, 
400  n ;  Proceedings  of,  quoted,  23  n, 
25  n,  63, 114,  132  n ;  cited,  79-81,  8:2 
n,  89,  113  n,  114  n,  117  n,  121  fi,  320  n, 
321  n,  323  n,  324  n,  330  w,  333  n,  398  n; 
Collections  of,  quoted,  50  r>,  60,  64  n, 
69,  127,  137,  144,  145,  149  n,  150  in- 
cited, 90,  112  n,  124,  131  n,  152  ». 

Massachusetts  Magazine,  281,  398  n. 

Massachusetts  Medical  Society,  235. 

Massachusetts  Ploughman,  mentioned, 
234  n. 

Massachusetts  Society  of  the  Cincin- 
nati, 256. 

Massachusetts  Society  of  Colonial 
Dames,  107. 

Massachusetts  Society  of  Colonial  Ware, 
Year  Book,  cited,  260  n. 

Massachusetts  Society  for  Promoting 
Agriculture,  234  n. 

Massachusetts  State  Papers,  quoted, 
170. 

Massachusetts  State  Society  United 
States  Daughters  of  1812,  purpose 
of,  455. 

Massatusetts.     See  Massachusetts. 

Mather,  Rev.  Cotton  (1663-1728),  D.D., 
son  of  Rev.  Increase,  176  n,  329,  334 
and  note,  335  n;  his  Magnalia,  cited, 
90,  201  n  ;  mentioned,  176  n;  quoted, 
334;  his  error  about  Giles  Corev, 
95;  his  Diary  quoted,  271,  27:5; 
mentioned,  330;  disappointment  of, 
at  not  being  elected  President  of 
Harvard,  271,  272;  his  paper  on 
Points  concerning  Harvard  College, 
mentioned,  272;  on  the  burning  of 
Maria,  333,  334,  335;  his  Pillars  of 
Salt,  quoted,  334,  335. 

Eunice  (1664-1704),  daughter  of 

Rev.  Eleazer  (H.  C.  1656)  of  North- 
hampton, Mass.     See  Williams. 

Rev.  Increase  (1639-1723),  D.D., 

272,  329,  334,  335  n ;  his  Relation  of 
the  Indian  Troubles,  cited,  60;  his 
Diary,  quoted,  330,  381,  333;  men- 


INDEX. 


503 


tioned,  330,  333;  on  the  burning  of 
Maria,  330,331,  333. 

family,  the,  88,  175. 

Martinic  Inland,  Me.,  20* 

Matinicus  Island,  Me.,  20. 

Matthkws,  Albert,  A.B.,  iii,  xv, 
xvii,  21  n,23  «,  So  nf  90  n,209  n,  253, 
394  n  ;  his  i  lutes  on  the  Indian  Saga- 
more Samoset,  59-70 ;  on  J.  LoveJl, 
70-81  j  is  preparing  lists  of  the  Ad- 
dressers of  Gage  and  of  Hutchinson, 
120  n ;  bis  paper  on  the  Topographi- 
cal Terms  Interval  and  Intervale, 
137-151 ;  hi  s  paper  on  Joseph 
Boucher  de  ftivervilJe,  259-265 ;  his 
note  on  Boston  Light,  278-281  ;  his 
paper  on  the  Purgatory  River  of 
Colorado,  307-3 10 ;  his  remarks  on 
the  case  of  Maria  and  on  burning 
olive,  335,  330;  his  Notes  on  the 
Promised  Abolition  of  Slavery  in 
Virginia,  370-380, 

Mayflower,  the,  250. 

May  hew,  Rev,  Experience  f  1073-1758), 
his  Journals,  mentioned,  181  n. 

Be*  Jonathan  (1720-1706),  181  n, 

246. 

Joseph  (H.  C,  1730),  267. 

Mnynard,  Mass.,  260  n. 

Maxdni,  Giuseppe  (1805-1872),  429. 

M  CO  kle  n  burg  Cou  n  ty ,  Va, ,  37  3 ;  in  habi- 
fcanta  of,  opposed  to  abolition  of 
slavery,  378. 

Medneld,  Mass.,  334  n* 

Med  ford,  Mass.,  37  n. 

Medomac  Falls,  Me.,  31,  37. 

River,  Me.,  08  n. 

Medomack,  Medomak,  Medomock*  See 
Medomac. 

Meduncook  (now  Friendship),  Me,,  33, 
35. 

Melbourne,  Victoria,  Australia,  Uni- 
versity of,  143  n. 

Meline,  James  Florant  (1811-1873), 
his  Two  Thousand  Miles  on  Horse- 
back, quoted,  314. 

Merchant's  Row,  Boston,  88,  127. 

Mercury,  a  ship,  75  n. 

Mercury  and  New  England  Palladium, 
cited,  321  n. 

Merrill,  Daniel,  of  Boston,  385. 

Merrimac  River,  140, 

Merry  Meeting  Bay,  Me.,  00. 

Messenger,  Henry  (tf.  c.  1687),  84  ft. 

Mehitable  (Minot),  wife  of  Henry, 

84  n, 

Methodists,  American,  113  n  :  assump- 
tion of  the  titles  of  Episcopal  and 


Bishop,  371  n ;  conferences,  371  and 

note,    375   nt    377    and   note;    rules 

against  slavery  adopted  by,  374,  376 ; 

address    Washington,    377  n;  favor 

abolition  of  slavery,  379. 
Methodist  Episcopal  Church,  371  and 

note,  375  n  :  Minutes  of  the  Annual 

Conferences   of,    mentioned,   371  n; 

cited,  371  n,  374  n  ;  quoted,  377  n. 
Mexico,  310  n,  312,  314;   Doeumeutos 

para  la  Hiatoria  de,  quoted,  315  n, 
Miuhulson.     See  Mitchelson. 
Michigan,  70,  340,  440  n. 
Middle  Colonies,  140  n,  340, 
Middle  States,  the,  Quakers  in,  155. 
Middle  Street,  Boston,  110,  110,  121t 

122,  123. 
Middle  Temple,  London,  Eng.,  189, 193, 

196,109,206,207. 
Middlehury,  Vt,  382. 

College,  382,  383,  402. 

Middlesex  County,  Eng.,  393, 
Middlesex  County,  Mass.,  3,  45,  46,  48, 

40,  144,  173,  206,  275,  400  n. 

Deeds,  cited,  37  n,  49. 

Probate  Records,  38-41,  42  n,  46, 

397  n, 
Middleton,  Mary.     See  Lovell. 
M kid  1ft own,  Conn.,  201  and  note* 
Milan,  Italy,  316  n. 
Milford,  Ct.,  187  n. 
M  i  ]L  John  Stuart  (1S06-1873),  425, 429, 

434,  43*  n. 
Mill  Hridge,  Boston,  123  «,  126  «, 
Mill  Pond,  Boston,  115,  117,  118. 
Miller,  Joanna  (d.  1690).     See  Davi- 
son ;  Kent. 
Milton,  Mass.,  92,  152  and  note,  153 

and    note,     154,    272,     395  j    Town 

Records  of,  cited,  272  u. 

First  Church,  152  n. 

Milton  Hill,  Mass.,  poem  on,  153,  154* 

Milton  Place,  Boston,  318. 

Minks,  Thomas,  xvii. 

Minor,    Capt.    Ephraim   (bt    1668),  of 

Stonington,  Ct  ,  165  and  note. 
Minot,  Capt.  John  (d.  1660),  84  n. 

Mehitable.     See  Messenger, 

Mercy    (Clark),    wife     of     Col. 

Stephen,  84  n. 
Col.     Stephen     (1662-1732),    of 

Dorchester  and  Boston,  son  of  Capt* 

John,  84;  account  of,  84  n, 
Stephen  (1711-1787),  H.  C*  1730, 

Boston   merchant,   sou   of    Stephen 

(£,  1688),  53-59. 
William  (178&-1S73},  IL  C.  1302, 

385  n . 


504 


INDEX. 


Minsheu,  John,  his  Guide  into  the 
Tongues,  cited,  150  n. 

Misconcus,  Miscongus.  See  Muscongus. 

Mississippi  Basin,  149. 

River,  308. 

Missouri  River,  313  n. 

Mistick.     See  Mystic. 

Mitchell,  John  (</.  1768),  M.D.,  850, 
359  n ;  his  Present  State  of  Great 
Britain,  cited,  341  n;  quoted,  350, 
359,  360. 

Mitchelson,  David,  of  Boston,  seal- 
eneraver,  a  Sandemanian,  117,  118; 
a  loyalist,  117  n,  120  n;  performs 
marriages,  131  n,  132  n. 

Edward  (rf.  1682),  of  Cambridge, 

Marshal-General  of  the  Colony,  329  n. 

Ruth,  daughter  of  Edward.     See 

Green. 

Modern  Review,  the,  mentioned,  441  n. 

Moffatt,  Dr.  Thomas,  of  Rhode  Island, 
387. 

Mofras,  Duflot  de,  his  Exploration  du 
Territoire  de  T Oregon,  cited,  315  n. 

Molasses  Act,  the,  307. 

Molineaux,  William  (c/.  1774),  218  and 
note. 

Molise,  Italy,  316  n. 

Monchiggon.     See  Monhegan  Island. 

Monhegan  Island,  Me.,  26,  27,  33,  51, 
52,  60  and  note,  185. 

Monis,  Judah  (1683-1764),  instructor 
in  Hebrew  at  Harvard,  277. 

Montague,  Capt.  James,  75  n. 

Montcalm  de  Saint  Ve'ran,  Louis  Joseph 
(1712-1759),  Marquis  de,  264. 

Montenicus.     See  Matinicus. 

Monthly  Review,  cited,  138  w. 

Montjoy.     See  Mountjoy. 

Monton,  Lancashire,  Eng.,  449. 

Montreal,  Canada,  231,  264. 

Moody,  Hannah,  daughter  of  Rev. 
Joshua  (H.  C.  1653).     See  Winslow. 

Rev.  Joshua  (1633-1697),  H.  C. 

1653,  of  Boston  and  Portsmouth, 
N.  H.,  son  of  William  of  Newbury, 
128,  334. 

Rev.  Joseph  (1700-1753),  H.  C. 

1718,  "  Handkerchief  Moody,"  Min- 
ister and  Town  Clerk  of  York,  Reg- 
ister of  Deeds,  and  Judge  of  the 
County  Court,  son  of  Rev.  Samuel 
(H.  C.  1697),  22,  23. 

Moore,  George,  brother  of  Gen. Maurice, 
389. 

George  Henry  (1823-1892),  LL.D., 

his  Notes  on  Slavery  in  Massachu- 
setts, cited,  364  n. 


Rev.  Henry  (1751-1844),  his  Life 

of    Wesley,    quoted,   371  n;   cited, 

371  n. 

Jacob  Bailey  (1797-1853),  260  n. 

John    Wheeler,   his    History  of 

North    Carolina,  cited,  386  n,  389, 

390  n  ;  quoted,  389,  390,  391. 
Margaret  (Preston),  wife  of  Dr. 

Richard,  155. 
Gen.  Maurice,  of  North  Carolina, 

339. 
Judge     Maurice,    son    of    Gen. 

Maurice,  389,  390. 
Mordecai,     of      Ann     Arundell 

County,    Md.,    father    of    Richard, 

155. 
—  Dr.  Richard,  marriage  certificate 

of,  exhibited,  155,  156. 
Roger,  brother  of  Gen.  Maurice, 

389. 
Moose,  the,  223. 

Morattiggon,60.   &eMonhegan  Island. 
More,  Rev.  Henry  (1614-1667),  D.D., 

his  Ethics,  mentioned,  277  n. 
Morey,  George  (H.  C.  1811),  385  n. 
Morgan,  James,  execution  of,  1685, 333, 

334. 
Prof.  Morris  Hicky,  102 ;  on  G. 

M.  Lane,  103 ;  finishes  Lane's  Latin 

Grammar,  104,  105. 
Morning  Star,  the,  mentioned,  425. 
Morrell,  John,  25,  36. 
Morrill,   Hon.   Justin    Smith,   LL.D., 

70  and  note. 
Morris,   Prof.    Edward    Ellis,  on  the 

word  Intervale  in  Australia,  143  n. 
Lewis  (1671-1746),  Chief-Justice 

of  New  York  and  New  Jersey,  de- 
nounces Lord  Cornbury,  177  n." 
Morristown,  N.  J.,  72. 
Morse,  Rev.  Jedidiah  (1761-1826),  his 

American     Geography,    mentioned, 

67 ;  quoted,  137. 
Katherine,   wife    of    Royal,    Sr„, 

229  n. 

Royal,  Sr.,  229  n. 

Royal,  Jr.  (1779-1872),  of  Cam- 
bridge, auctioneer,  son  of  Roval,  Sr., 

228,  231 ;  account  of,  228  n,  229  n. 
Morton,  Rev.  Charles  (1626-1693),  of 

Charlestown,  his  Physics,  mentioned, 

277. 

James,  30,  68  n. 

Hon.   James  Madison,   LL.D., 

xvii. 
Nathaniel    (c.    1613-1685),    his 

New  England's  Memorial,  cited,  60. 
Moscow,  Russia,  448. 


INDEX. 


505 


Moseley,    Isaac,  of   Glastenbury,    Ct., 

68  n. 
Motley,   John    Lothrop   (1814-1877), 

100. 
Moulton,  Judge   Daniel    (1710-1788), 

Register  of  DeedH  in   York,  Me.,  sou 

of  Judge  Jeremiah,  22,  23,  £2. 
lit.  Desert,  Me.,  29. 
Mount    Edgecamb,    Edgecombe.     See 

Mount  Edge  cum  be. 
Mount  Edgcuinbe,  Devon,  Eng.,  03,  G9. 
Mount  Vernon,  Va.,  376,  377. 
Mount  Vernon  Street,  Boston,  218, 210 

and  Mte,  220  n. 
Mountenick.     Sw  Matin  ic. 
Mountjoy,  George  (1626-1681),  26, 
Mourt's  delation,  mentioned,  21  n,  59 ; 

quoted,  60  j  cited,  60. 
Moxis,  Cesar,  an  Indian,  68  n. 
Munjoy.     See  Mountjoy. 
Murdoch,  James  Edward  (1811-1893), 

227. 
Murray,  James  Augustus  Henry,  LL.D., 

150  n  ,"  on  the  word  Intervale,  149  n, 

151  n. 

William,     See  Mansfield. 

Muscongue.     See  Muscongus. 

Mnsconyus,  Me.,  30,  32,  33,  34,  08n, 
00  n 

Muscongus  Bay,  Me.t  33;  confused 
with  Broad  Bay,  66. 

Muscongus  Harbor,  Me*,  68  n. 

Mmeerngtm  Maud,  14,  1G,  65,  66  and 
ttate,  67,  68  n,  70;  originally  be- 
longed to  Capt.  Sanioset,  65;  depo- 
sition about,  67 ;  identical  with 
Somerset  Island,  68. 

Mu^congus  River,  Me.,  25,  27,  31,  51, 
415,  68  n, 

Muscovy,  106,  203. 

Museum  of  Comparative  Zoology,  Har- 
vard College,  239. 

Muskingum  River,  Ohio,  142,  147- 

Mystic  side,  41. 

NaRRAGAN5ETT,R,  I.,  386,  387. 
St.  Paul's  Church,  386  and  note, 

387  and  note. 
Narrows,  the,  Boston  Harbor,  268  n, 
Nash,   Nathaniel  Cue  hi  no,   A,M., 

xviL 

Robert  (rf.  1661),  37  n. 

Xiishaway  (now  Lancaster),  Mass.,  144. 
Nation,  T* he,  mentioned,  102, 323,  335  n  ; 

quoted,  103;  cited,  237  n,  323  n. 
National  Bank  of  the  Commonwealth, 

Boston,  125. 


National  Intelligencer,  quoted,  369  n. 

National  Review,  the,  419  n,  430  and 
note,  441  nj  quoted,  432. 

Navigation  Act,  or  Laws,  161, 162, 200 ; 
interfere  with  intercourse  in  foreign 
countries,  163 ;  disregarded,  207, 3U5 ; 
effect  of,  305,  400 ;  efforts  to  enforce, 
305,  307  j  for  protection  of  British 
commerce,  306 ;  stimulate  ship- 
building, 306. 

Navy  Club,  Harvard  College,  227. 

Neal,  Rev.  Daniel  (1678-1743),  198n; 
his  History  of  New  England,  cited, 
278  n, 

Neale,  Capt.  Walter,  10,  27,  51. 

Negro  Act,  in  South  Carolina,  336. 

Negroes,  362,  368,  411 ;  selling  of,  88  ; 
enslaved,  368  n  ;  Dr.  Cokeaddr* 
374;  testimony  against  slavery  of, 
37<> ;  emancipation  of,  in  Virginia, 
d  esi  red ,  477,  378.  See  also  B  ur  n  i  n  g ; 
Cheffaieer ;  Coffee  ;  Conungo ;  Jack ; 
Maria;  Scipio;  Slavery. 

Nevis,  Island  of,  125. 

New  Bedford,  Mass.,  250  and  note. 

New  Bern,  N,  C,  3*9,  391  n,  302,  393. 

New  Brunswick,  Canada,  word  Inter- 
vale used  in,  1 43  and  note  ;  mission- 
ary work  in,  182  n. 

New  Brunswick,  N.  J.,  72. 

New  England,  6,  24,  25  and  note,  44,  45, 
46,  49,  50  n,  51  *,  62,  63,  64  »,  GO,  86, 
87,  96,  110,  125,  143  ami  note,  146, 
171  n,173,  174  n,  175, 170, 160  n,  181  n, 
182  n,  183  n,  193,  203,  214,  216,  217, 
241,  246,  257,  260  nt  262,  267,  269  nr 
272,  288,  207,  299, 305,  308,  324,  326, 
327,  330,  331,  346,  382,  305  n,  413, 
414,  417,  424,  427;  land  grant  in,  17  j 
educational  and  charitable  interests 
in,  38.;  divisions  of  sea-coast  of,  62 ; 
merchants  petition  for  a  monthly 
packet  from  England  to,  88  ;  militia 
in,  134;  use  of  the  words  Interval 
and  Intervale  in,  137,  188,  HO  and 
note,  141  n,  142,  144,  151  n  ;  trade  in 
Colonies  of,  162  ;  illicit  trade  in,  298, 
304,  305;  ship-building  in,  306,  356  j 
commerce  of,  endangered,  307;  capi- 
tal sentence  in,  332;  cultivated  land 
in,  342;  commercial  interests  de- 
veloped in,  314  ;  early  price  of  land 
in,  345 ;  people  of  the  South  poorer 
than  those  of,  348;  farming  in,  350; 
use  of  horses  in,  353 ;  slave  trade  in, 
363 ;  natural  conditions  of,  367 ; 
negroes  in,  368;  promiscuous  cur- 
rency in,  411, 


506 


INDEX. 


New  England  Charter,  62. 

New  England  Chronicle,  cited,  321  n. 

New  England  Company,  180, 182,  202, 
203;  account  of,  180-183  notes; 
sometimes  confounded  with  the  So- 
ciety for  the  Propagation  of  the 
Gospel  in  Foreign  Parts,  180  n ;  in- 
corporated in  1049,  181  n;  became 
defunct  in  1660,  181  n ;  revived  in 
1661,  181  n.  The  New  England 
Company,  the  legal  title  of  which  is 
The  Company  for  Propagation  of 
the  Gospel  in  New  England  and  Parts 
adjacent  in  America,  is  sometimes 
referred  to  under  the  following 
names :  — 

Corporation  for  Promoting  the 
Gospel  among  the  Indians  in  New 
England ; 

Corporation  for  the  Promoting  and 
Propagating  the  Gospel  of  Jesus 
Christ  in  New  England; 

Corporation  for  tne  Spread  of  the 
Gospel  in  New  England ; 
Indian  Corporation ; 
President    and    Society    for    the 
Propagation  of  the  Gospel  in  New 
England ; 

Society  for  Propagating  the  Gospel 
in  America. 

New  England  Company,  H.  W.  Busk's 
Sketch  of  the  Origin  and  the  Recent 
History  of,  quoted,  181  n,  182  n, 
183  n;  W.  M.  Venning's  paper  on 
the  Origin  of,  mentioned,  181  n. 

New  England,  Council  for,  Records  of, 
quoted,  62. 

New  England  Historic  Genealogical 
Society,  67  n,  245. 

New  England  Historical  and  Genea- 
logical Register,  cited,  42  n,  50  n,  60, 
78  n,  80,  91, 114  n,  118  n,  119  n,  121  n, 
123  n,  125,  129  n,  174  n,  175  n,  176  n, 
178  n,  180  n,  210  n,  215,  216  n,  217  n, 
220  n,  246  n,  268  n,  334  n ;  quoted, 
61,  91,  144, 147  ;  mentioned,  241,  245, 
246. 

New  England  Magazine,  quoted,  218; 
cited,  244  n. 

New  England  Palladium,  quoted,  127. 

New  England  Primer,  the,  mentioned, 
103. 

New  England  Weekly  Journal,  quoted, 
92,  268  «,  269  n,  276  n. 

New  Englander,  The,  364. 

New  France,  263  n. 

New  Hampshire,  110, 131, 138, 139, 147, 
215  aud  note,  216,  217  and  note,  224, 


228  n,  237  n,  259,  261   n,  266,  289, 
409. 

New  Hampshire  Bank,  169. 

New  Hampshire  Historical  Society, 
Collections  of,  quoted,  145;  cited, 
260  n,  261  n. 

New  Hampshire  Provincial  Papers, 
quoted,  145;  cited,  260  n. 

New  Harbor,  Me.,  26,  61,  65  and  note, 
66,  67,  68  and  note. 

New  Haver,  Ct.,  7,  70,  111  n,  184  and 
note,  185,  186,  189  and  note,  191  n, 
198,  200  n,  201,  209,  211,  287,  296, 
382;  Yale  College  finally  located  at, 
173, 176, 183 ;  opposition  to  College 
at,  186 ;  plan  to  build  rector's  house 
at,  187 ;  first  college  edifice  at,  191  n; 
mirage  at,  201  n. 

New  Haven  Historical  Society,  Papers 
of,  cited,  173  n. 

New  Jersey,  145,  147  n,  156  n,  177  n, 
335, 360,  366 ;  Washington's  achieve- 
ments in,  72;  early  population  in, 
343;  early  price  of  land  in,  345; 
early  manufactures  in,  357. 

New  Jersey  Archives,  quoted,  145, 150  n, 
360;  cited,  145  n,  357  n. 

New  Lights  among  the  Quakers,  259. 

New  London,  Ct.,  7,  69, 185, 188  n,  194, 
197. 

New  London  Society  United  for  Trade 
and  Commerce,  paper  on,  by  A. 
McF.  Davis,  6-11 ;  the  petition  of, 
7,  8 ;  presents  second  petition,  8 ; 
answers  summons,  9;  character  of 
trade  of,  10 ;  answer  quoted,  10,  11. 

New  Market,  N.  H.,  215  and  note. 

New   Mexico,  309,  310,  311  n,   315  ft. 

New  Mexicans,  the,  310. 

New  North  Church,  Boston,  189  n; 
Records  of,  cited,  117  r»,  189  n,  321  n. 

New  Orleans,  La.,  130. 

New  River,  Va.,  149. 

New  Somerset  or  New  Somersetshire, 
68 ;  Maine  sometimes  called,  62  and 
note ;  commission  to  govern,  63 ;  land 
grants  in,  63 ;  extracts  showing  the 
use  of,  for  Maine,  63,  64 ;  name  of, 
disappears,  64,  65;  confusion  as  to 
application  of  name  of,  64  n. 

New  Somerset  County.  See  Somerset 
County. 

New  Somerset,  Lake  of,  Me,  63 ;  loca- 
tion of,  69. 

New  South  Church,  Boston,  43  n,  389  n  ; 
Records  of,  cited,  121  n. 

New  South  Wales,  143  n. 

New  Sweden  (New  Jersey),  350. 


INDEX. 


507 


New  Tenor*  See  Rills  of  Credit, 
New  World,  The,  quoted,  204. 
Naw  York  (Province  or  Stat*),  6,  66 
and  note,  79,  177  n,  199  n,  302,  335, 
841,  358  n,  565, 368, 380;  Documents 
re U live  to  the  Colonial  History  of, 
cited,  177  n,  208  n,  260  n,  264  n,  342  n, 

357  ■  ;  bad  in,  342,  345 ;  population 
in.  343 :  wheat  crop  in,  351 ;  manu- 
factures in,  357;  transportation  of 
wheat  in,  358  nr 

New  York  City,  5  n,  80,  85  n,  80,  104  n, 
105 n,  110, 116  n,  124,  129,  130,  159  n, 
197  ii,  190,  212,  214,   237  n,  259  nt 

358  n,  360,  370, 371  it,  382,  433, 450  n, 
456;  theatre  in,  110;  preacher  for 
the  Presbyterian  Congregation  in, 
191  and  note,  200  n. 

(iazette,  145, 

Harbor,  75  n. 

King's  College,  195  n, 

Newark,  Alameda  County,  CaL,  405. 

New  berth     See  New  Bern. 

N-  wherry,  Prof,  John  Strong  (1822- 
1802),' his  Geological  Report,  cited, 
315  n. 

Newbury,  Mass.,  30  n,  42  n,  90 ;  Church 
Records,  cited,  39  n;  Town  Records, 
cited,  3i)  n. 

Newburyport,  Mass,,  80, 

N  e  wc  om  b,  Sim  on,  D .  C .  L.,  F,  R,  S,, 
xviii. 

Newell,  Col.  Moses,  235  n, 

Thomas,   of   Boston,   his   Diary, 

quoted,  25  It,  111. 

Rev.  William   (IT.  C,  1624),  D.D., 

421  * 

Newfoundland,  rum  anpplied  U>f  364. 

Newman,  Francis  William  (1805-1897), 
417,  425,  426,  427,  428  and  note,  429, 
434 ;  his  volume  on  Cardinal  New- 
man, mentioned,  446;  his  religious 
position,  453, 

Cardinal    John     Henry    .{1801- 

1890),  446. 

Newport,  R.  I..  11,  110,  214,  363,  385, 
386  and  note,  387  and  note,  388  nr  380  n, 
393  n,  304  and  note :  centre  of  slave 
trade,  304  ;  mob  in,  386,  393 ;  Town 
Records,  quoted,  387  n ;  Sous  of 
Liberty  of,  393 ;  land  in,  400. 

Broad  Street,  388, 

Broadway,  388. 

—  Fort  George,  Goat  Island,  386, 

— —  Redwood  Library,  386  and  note. 

Sabbatarian  Church,  110, 

Spring  Street,  388. 

Stone  Street,  388, 


— -  Trinity  Church,  386  and  note,  387 
and  note,  393  n,  804  and  note. 

Newton,  Thomas  (1061-1721),  208  n. 

Newton,  Mass.,  23G,  237. 

Horticultural  Society,  237, 

Journal,  247. 

Niagara,  N.  Y,,  231, 

Nieholls,  Lt.  Randall  (rf.  1681),  41, 

Nicholson,  John,  Ph.D.,  417, 

Nickels,  Alexander,  29,  31. 

Nile  River,  Egypt,  140. 

Niles,  Hezekiah  (1777-1830),  159* 

—  Rev,  Samuel  (H.  C,  1699),  90, 

Niles*  Register,  quoted,  159. 

Niverville,     See  Boucher. 

Niverville,  domain  of,  Normandy, 
Fnmce,  203  n, 

■  fief    of,    Three    Rivers,    Canada, 

263  n. 

Noble,  Maj,  James  {d.  1772),  of  Bos- 
ton, 47,  53,55,  56,  59;  acta  for  Fern- 
liquid  Company*  54,  57,  58. 

John,  LL.D,,  iv,  xv,  xvi,  1,71,  94, 

95,  96t  100,  109,  157,  260  n,  261  n, 
265,  267  n,  281,  290,  335;  communi- 
cates Recognizance  of  Paul  Blanch- 
ard,  3-6,  his  paper  on  Land  Con- 
tra versiea  in  Maine,  11-59;  mentions 
errors  of  Rawaon's,  82,  83 ;  re-elected 
Corresponding  Secretary,  255;  his 
paper  on  an  Old  Hai-vard  Commence- 
ment Programme,  208-27S;  his  Notes 
touching  Strangers1  Courts,  282-286  ; 
remarks  upon  Franklin's  public  ser- 
vices, 313  ;  his  paper  on  the  Case  of 
Maria,  the  negro  woman,  323-335. 

John,  Jr.,  A.B.,  xvii. 

^—  Rachel  (C lough)  Savage,  wife  of 
Major  James,  47.     See  Savage. 

No  blub  trough.  Me.     Bee  Walpole. 

Norfolk  County,  Eng.,  210. 

Norman,  Johu  (rf.  1817),  of  Boston, 
engraver,  137  and  note. 

Norm  and  v,  France,  203  n. 

North,  Capt  John  (<L  1703),  29,  81. 

North,  the,  341,  365,  420,  434;  ques- 
tions the  utility  of  slavery,  361,  368 ; 
difference  between  labor  in  the  South 
and,  308,  307  ;  division  between,  and 
the  South,  428 ;  England's  attitude 
toward,  428,  432,  433. 

North  America,  142  n,  159  n,  160,  308, 
310  n,  312,  315  n,  306  n,  372  n  ;  in- 
habitants in,  342  n;  physical  forma- 
tion of,  343;  supply  of  rum  for, 
304, 

North  Bennet  Street,  Boston ,  121, 

North  Britain,  112,  443,  447. 


508 


INDEX. 


North  Burying  Ground,  Portsmouth, 

N.  H.,  216. 
North  Carolina,  147,  385,  386  n,  389 

and  note,  390  and  note,  391  and  note, 

392  and  note,  393,  394,  397  n,  399 ; 

Records  of,  mentioned,  392  n. 

Assembly,  389,  390,  391  n. 

—  Council,  391  n. 

Superior  Court,  389,  390. 

North  End,  Boston,  121,  339. 

North  Grammar  School,  Boston,  79. 

North  Haven,  Conn.,  200. 

North  Latin  School,  Boston,  116,  121. 

North  Street,  Boston,  88. 

North  Wales,  417. 

Northampton,  Mass.,  97, 146, 324, 325  n, 

330. 
Northborough,  Mass.,  220,  221,  288, 

289,  447  n. 
Northfield,  Mass.,  261  n. 
Northumberland,  Dukes  of.   See  Percy. 
Northwest,  the,  settlement  of,  265. 
Norton,   Rev.   Andrews    (1786-1853), 

H.  C.  1804,  416 ;  his  position,  451. 

Capt.  Francis  (d.  1667),  41. 

Rev.  John  (1716-1778),  244;  his 

Redeemed  Captive,  mentioned,  245. 
Norwich,  Norfolk,  Eng.,  419  n;  Gram- 
mar School  at,  419  n. 
Notch  House,  White  Mountains,  N.  H., 

226. 
Ndtre  Dame,  Church  of,  Paris,  192, 193. 
Nourse,  Henry  Stedman,  his  History 

of  Harvard,  Mass.,  cited,  221  n. 
Nova  Scotia,  121, 127, 129, 260  n,  261  n, 

388. 
Novanglus      and     Massachusettensis, 

quoted,  159,  161,  171. 
Nowell,   Elder   Increase   (159CM655), 

Secretary  of  the  Colony,  48. 
Noyes,  Belcher  (IL  C.  1727),  42, 43,  44. 

James  Atkins,  A.B.,  xvii. 

Rev.  Joseph  (Y.  C.  1709),  191  and 

note. 
Moses  (H.  C.    1659),    of  Lyme, 

Ct.,  188  n. 
Number  Four,  Township.   See  Charles- 
town,  N.  H. 

O  AKMAN,  Tobias,  his  deposition,  44. 
O'Brien,    Very  Rev.   Michael   Charles 

(d.  1901),  61  n. 
O'Callaghan,  Edmund   Bailey  (1797- 

1880),  LL.D.,  262,264. 
Odgers,  Rev.  James  Edwin,  D.D.,  440, 

441  and  note,  444  and  note. 
Rev.  John  Collins,  440. 


Ogilvie.     See  Oglevie. 

Oglebv,  Margaret.     See  Davison. 

Oglevie,  George,  a  Sandemanian,  113. 

Ohio,  142,  143  n,  148. 

Ohio  River,  142,  146,  147,  264. 

O'Kelly,  Rev.  James,  371. 

Old  College  House,  Harvard  College, 
230  n. 

Old  Den,  Harvard  College,  230  n. 

Old  Farm,  Round  Pond,  Me.,  36. 

Old  and  New,  the  magazine,  426  n. 

Old  School  and  New,  a  pamphlet,  men- 
tioned, 421. 

Old  South  Church,  Boston,  24  n,  42  n, 
93,  124  and  note,  125,  128,  259,  270, 
271 ;  Records  of,  cited,  93 ;  men- 
tioned, 124 ;  Historical  Catalogue  of, 
cited,  124  n,  125;  Baptismal  Regis- 
ter of,  quoted,  173  n. 

Old  Tenor.     See  Bills  of  credit. 

Oliver,  Andrew  (1706-1774),  H.  C. 
1724,  Lieut.  Governor  of  Massa- 
chusetts, 321  and  note. 

Margaret.     See  Spooner. 

Chief  Justice  Peter  (1713-1791), 

D.C.L.,  H.  C.  1730,267  and  note. 

Vere    Langford,   his    History  of 

Antigua,  cited,  194  n. 

Olnet,  Hon.  Richard,  LL.D.,  xvi. 

Ontario,  Lake,  263. 

Orange  County,  N.  C,  390. 

Orange  Tree  "tavern,  Boston,  52  n. 

Order  of  Both  Branches  of  the  Massa- 
chusetts Legislature,  $*c,  1811,  cited, 
12,  13,  60 ;  quoted,  61,  65,  66,  67. 

Order  of  the  Descendants  of  Colonial 
Governors  Prior  to  1750,  340. 

Oregon,  315  n. 

Osteology,  study  of,  239. 

Ostia,  Italy,  41o. 

Otis,  Emily  (Marshall*),  wife  of  Wil- 
liam Foster  (H.  C.  1821),  399  n. 

James  (1725-1783),  pamphlets  by, 

mentioned,  161,  3S8  n,  389  n. 

Ottawa,  Canada,  262. 

Oulton,  Deborah.     See  Colman. 

Ousetonuck.     See  Housa tonic. 

Overlick,  Catharine  (or  Katharine), 
126  n.     See  Clows. 

Owen,  Rev.  John  (1616-1683),  195. 

Oxford,  Eng.,  150, 177  n,  195, 204, 372  n, 
418  n,  422  n,  430,  441  n,  445,  447, 
453  n. 

Jesus  College.  377  and  nofe. 

Manchester  New  College,  418  and 

note,  419  and  note,  422  n,  436,  444  ». 

Somerville  Hail,  453  n. 

University,  430,  445. 


INDEX. 


509 


Oxford  cap  riot.  Harvard  College,  224, 
Oxford  Movement,  the,  446. 
Oyster  Creek,  Me,,  31. 


Pacific  railroad  reports, 

quoted,  310. 
PftOJtet,    Boston    merchants    desire    a 

monthly,  from  England  ( 1706),  88. 
PadJishall,  Capt.  Richard,  26. 
Page,  Calvin  Gates,  M.D.  (II.  C.  1890), 

248. 
Page,  Jonathan,  266. 
Paget,  Sir  James  (1814-1809),  453  n. 
Paige,  Rev.    Lucius    Robinson  (1802- 

1§90),  his  History  of  Hard  wick,  cited, 

72  n ;   his    History    of    Cambridge, 

quoted,   228  «,  400  n ;  cited,   273  «, 

329  n. 
Paine,  Nathaniel,  A.M.,  xvi. 
Palermo,  Sicily,  448. 
Palfrey,   John    Gorham    (1796-1881), 

LL.1X,  error  made  by,  pointed  out, 

81,  82 ;  his  History  of  New  England, 

cited,  82  n,  176  n,  206  n. 
John  Gorham,  LL.R.,xvij,  337; 

elected  a  Resident  Member,  336. 
Palmer,  John,  66  a. 
Joseph  (H.  a  1820),  M.D.,  his 

Necrology  of    Alumni  of    Harvard 

College,  cited,  402  n, 

Robert,  304. 

Pamaquid.     See  Pemaquid. 
Pancake  Hill,  Bristol,  Me,,  14,  29, 
Papanti,  Lorenzo,  of  Boston,  dancing 

master,  230. 
Papillon,  Peter,  91. 
Par  bush,  John,  31. 
Paria,  gulf  of,  Venezuela,  316  n. 
Paria    mountain     range,     Venezuela, 

316  n. 
Pans.  France,  192,  103,  210,  231,  233, 

315  n  ,-  Peace  Congress  in,  448. 
Notre    Dame,    Church    of,    192, 

19a 

Parker,  Rev.  Henry  Ainsworth, 
A.M.,  xvii,  151,  455;  exhibits  an 
original  Quaker  marriage  certificate, 
15^  i:yi. 

Rt.    Rev.   Samuel   (IT.  C.   1764), 

Bishop  of  Massachusetts,  397  n,  4ihi. 

Rev.  Theodore  (1810-1860),  410, 

453 ;  heresies  of,  418;  hia  philosophy, 
452. 

Thomas.     See  Macclesfield. 

Parkmax,  Vn a ncis(  1823-1 803), LL.D  , 
rvi,  223,  220,  230,  230,  237,  261  n, 
262  and  .note  ;  his  intimacy  with  D. 


D,  SJade,  224  j  his  Half  Century  of 
Conflict,  cited,  244  n  j  quoted,  262. 

Parkmao  Place,  Boston,  116, 120. 

Parliament,  of  England,  163,  164,  167, 
172, 170, 181  nt  182, 189, 105, 198,  209, 
210,  297,  301,  302,  357,  309,406,  411, 
413, 433;  makes  laws  of  the  Colonies, 
160,  161,  408;  authority  of,  168,  169, 
403,  410;  colonists  loath  to  recog- 
nise acts  of,  170;  legislation  of, 
evaded,  171;  attempts  to  suppress 
Land  Bank,  109 ;  Resolves  of,  413. 

Parliament  House,  London,  177. 

Parmenter  Street,  Boston,  121. 

Faruell,    Henry    Brooke    (1776-1842),  . 
Baron  Congfeton,  352  n. 

Parrot!,  Abigail  (b.  1720),  daughter  of 
Bryant,  of  Boston.     See  Tilden. 

Timothy  (A.  1719),  son  of  Bryant, 

of  Boston,  53  n. 

Parsons,  Gen.  Samuel  Holdeu  (1737- 
1780),  H.  C.  1756,  5  and  note. 

Fascataqua,  Faseataway.  See  Pis- 
cataqua. 

Passage  Point,  Bremen,  Me.,  21,  29. 

Patterson,  William  Davis,  on  Somerset 
Cove,  68  n ;  on  Whale  Cove,  69  n ; 
on  Loud  Island,  70  n. 

Paul,  Robert,  3L 

Paulus  Hook,  N.  J.T  72. 

Payne*  Sarah,  daughter  of  William. 
See  Col  man. 

William  (1669-1736),  H.  C.  1680, 

of  Boston,  280,  2s  1. 

Pays  de  Cocagne,  340. 

Peace  Congress,  in  Paris,  448. 

Peam\  Elizabeth  (Brown),  wife  of 
Richard,  65  n. 

John,    of    Marblehead,    son    of 

Richard,  33,  34,  67. 

Richard,  of  Muscongus,  Me.,  14, 

16,  21,  33,  34, 65  and  note,  08  »,  09  it. 

Pears©.     See  Pearce. 

Pearson,  Charles  Henry  (1830-1804), 
430  and  rmte, 

Rev.  Eliphakt  (1752-1826), 221. 

Henry    Bromfield,   son    of    Rev. 

Eliphalet,  221  ft* 

Margaret  Bromfield,  daughter  of 

Rev.  Eliphalet,     See  Blanc  hard. 

Peck,  Elizabeth,  wife  of  Thomas  (tL 
1609),  92. 

Elizabeth    (1674-1702),  daughter 

of  John  of  Boston.     See  Gooch. 

Elizabeth    (Townsend),   wife   of 

Moses,  113  n. 

Faith   (1658-1732),   daughter  of 

Thomas,     See  Waldo. 


510 


INDEX. 


Peck  (continued). 

John,  of  Boston,  son  of  Thomas, 

01. 
— *-  Joseph,  A  Genealogical  History  of 

the  Descendants  of,  cited,  92. 

—  Moses,  of  Boston,  113  and  note. 
Thomas  (d.  1699)  of  Boston,  91, 

92. 
Peirce,  Benjamin  (1778-1831),  H.  C. 
1801,  his  History  of  Harvard  Uni- 
versity, cited,  271  n. 

Benjamin    (1809-1880),   LL.D., 

H.  C.  1829,  Professor  at  Harvard 
College,  son  of  Benjamin  (H.  C. 
1801),  230. 

Rev.  James  (d.  1726),  195. 

James  Mills,  A.M.,  zvi. 

Peirce.     See  Pearce. 

Pelham,  Henry  (1748-1806),  217  n. 

Pemaquid,  Me.,  17  n,  24-27,  29-32,  42 
and  note,  43,  44,47,  50  n,  51  and  note, 
52,  54,  61,  65,  66  and  note,  67,68  and 
note,  70;  settlement  of,  29, 53 ;  Samo- 
set  in,  60. 

Patent,  12  and  note,  14,  17  n,  23, 

29,  37  n,  251 ;  copy  of,  17-19. 

Proprietors,  13,  15, 23  n,  29,  31, 37, 

39  n,  56,  68  n;  lands  held  under,  30 ; 
list  of  original,  52  n,  53  n ;  trans- 
actions of,  53-59 ;  Records  of,  men- 
tioned, 52  and  note,  53  and  note, 
54-59. 

Pemaquid  Falls,  Me.,  32,  36,  65. 

Pemaquid  Fort,  Me.,  30, 31, 32,  36, 66  n, 
67. 

Pemaquid  Harbor,  Me.,  44. 

Pemaquid  Point,  Me.,  31,  67. 

Pemaquid  River,  Me.,  14,  16,  18,  44. 

Pemberton,  Elizabeth  (Dixie),  widow 
of  Benjamin.     See  Winslow. 

—  Hannah.     See  Colman. 

James  (d.  1696),  of  Boston  and 

Newbury,  326,  327,  328. 

Pemberton  Square,  Boston,  384. 

Pemequed.     See  Pemaquid. 

Pemerton.     See  Pemberton. 

Pemigewasset  River,  N.  H.,  148. 

Pemmaquid.     See  Pemaquid. 

Pendyffryu,  Wales,  417. 

Penmaenmawr,  Conway,  Wales,  432. 

Penniman,  Sarah.     See  Robinson. 

Pennsylvania,  75, 96, 143  n,  147  n,  148  n, 
346  f?,  350,  366,  456 ;  letter  to  Coun- 
cil of  Safety  of,  75  n ;  Germans  in, 
342  n;  population  in,  343 ;  early 
price  of  laud  in,  345 ;  wheat  and  rye 
in,  351 ;  transporting  goods  in,  358 
and  note;  seeks  to  abolish  slavery,  362. 


Archives,  quoted,  75  n  ;  cited,  76  n. 

Colonial  Records,  cited,  75  n. 

Pennsylvania  Evening    Post,    quoted, 

76  n. 
Pennsylvania  Gazette,  quoted,  145. 
Penobscot,  Me.,  51  n. 
Penobscot  River,  Me.,  25,  27. 
Penzance,  Cornwall,  Eng.,  215. 
Pepperrell,  Sir  William  (1698-1759), 

Sir  William  (rf.  1810),  H.  C.  1766, 

grandson  of  Sir  William  (</.  1759), 
129  n,  395  n. 

Pequaket  (now  Conway},  N.  H.,  145. 

Pequaket  (now  Saco)  River,  145. 

Percival,   Rt.    Rev.  John,    Bishop  of 
Hereford,  447. 

Percy,  Algernon  George  (1810-1899), 
Duke  of  Northumberland,  339. 

Sir  Huflfh  (1742-1817),  Earl  Percy, 

Duke  of  Northumberland,  encamped 
on  Boston  Common,  318 ;  portrait 
of,  presented  to  Lexington,  339. 

family,  339. 

Perkins,  Augustus  Thorndike  (H.  C. 
1851),  89,  384. 

Perry,  Horatio  Justus  (</.  1891),  H.  C. 
1844,  223  n. 

Persia,  196. 

Perth,  Scotland,  112. 

Pesceballo,  II.     See  Lone  FishbaJl. 

Peter  I.,  Czar  of  Russia,  203. 

II.,  Czar  of  Russia,  203. 

Peterborough,  N.  H.,  266. 

Peters,  Hon.  John  Andrew,  LL.D., 
Chief-Justice  of  Maine,  xviii,  106 ; 
deceased,  zix. 

Peterborough.     See  Peterborough. 

Phelps,  Caroline  (1814-1904),  daughter 
of  Charles  Porter  (H.  C.  1791)  of 
Hadley  and  Boston.    See  Bulfinch. 

Hon.  Edward  John,  LL.D.,  xviii, 

257 ;  Colonial  Society  adopts  a  min- 
ute expressing  sympathy  for,  337; 
tribute  to,  by  E.  Wheelwright,  381- 
384. 

Samuel  Shethar,  father  of  Hon. 

Edward  John,  382. 

William  (6.  1599),  of  Dorchester, 

the  emigrant,  382. 
*  B.  K.,  Harvard  College,  289. 
Philadelphia,   Pa.,  75  n,  76  n,   78,  80, 
138  n,  156,  237  n,  251,  309  n,  323, 
353,  360,  375  n,  378. 

Lombard  Street,  76  n. 

Philip  V.,  King  of  Spain,  205. 
Phillips,  Anderson  (6. 1680),  of  Charles- 
town,  son  of  Col.  John,  45. 


INDEX. 


511 


Anderson  (171 4-1 702),  of  Charles- 
town,  Hull,  and  Boston,  aoo  of  Cnpt. 
John  (Ifl7tf-1750)?  5;j  it, 

Elizabeth.     See  Davis. 

Faith    (1600-1775),  daughter  of 

Samuel   of    lk»stou,  stationer.      See 
Russell;  Savage, 

Hannah  (1682-1751),  daughter  of 

Samuel   of    Boston,   stationer.      See 
Anderson;  Savage. 

Hannah  (Gillam),  wife  of  Samuel, 

47  n. 

Henry  (d.  1686),  of  Dedham,  Boa- 
ton,  and  Cnariestawn,  47  n. 

Capt.     Henry     (1681-172S),     of 

Chnrli-stuwu,  son  of  Col.  John,  45. 

Henry,  53  Hi 

Joanna  (Lynde),  wife  of   Capt. 

Hi' my  of  Charles  town,  47,  52  n  ;  her 
heirs,  53-50.     See  Evertou. 

CoL  John  (e.  1632-1725),  Treas- 
urer of  the  Province  and  Judge  of 
the  Common  Pleas,  37  n,  33  n,  40. 

Capt      John      £1673-1756),     of 

Charlestown,  son  of  CoL  John,  46, 
52  n. 

Samuel  (1662-1720),  of   Boston, 

stationer,  eon  of   Henry  (tf.   1086), 
47  n  ;  his  heirs,  53-59. 

Walter  (d>  c.  1704),  of  Pemaquid 

ami  Duinanscotta,  Me,,  25- 

Hon.    William    (1722-1804),    of 

Boston,  son  of  Rev.  Samuel  (H.  C\ 
1708),  70,  70  «. 

family,  401. 

Phi  11  is,  a  negro  slave,  trial  of,  men- 
tioned, 323,  335. 

Philo,  doctrine  of,  417. 

Phippa,  Samuel  (H.  C.  1671),  of 
Charlestown,  23,  41. 

Phips,  David  (1724-1811),  H.  C.  1741, 
bod  of  Lt,-Gov*  Spencer,  400;  ac- 
count  of,  400  n+ 

Mary  (Greenle&f),  wife  of  David, 

307  n,  400  and  note. 

Spencer  (1685-1 757),  Lieut.-Gov- 

em  or  of  Massachusetts,  400  n. 

Sir  William  (1651-1805),  Gov- 
ernor of  Massachusetts,  165. 

Picatoire.     See  Purgatory  River. 

Pkkard,  Mary  Love  11,  daughter  of 
Mark.     See  Ware. 

Pickatwaire,     See  Purgatory  River. 

Pickering,  Edward  Charles,  LL.D., 
xvii. 

Elizabeth     (Window),    wife    of 

William,  130. 

John  (1777-1846),  139;   his  Vo- 


cabulary, cited,  130  n  ;  mentioned, 
HI  *  ^ 

William  (d.  1813),  of  the  laland 

of  St.  Croix,  130. 

Picketwire.     See  Purgatory  River* 

Pierce.     See  Pearce, 

Pierian  Sodality,  Harvard  College,  223* 

Pierpont,  Abigail  (Davenport),  first 
wife  of  Rev.  James,  200  i*. 

Rev,   James    (1650-1714),    H.  ft 

1681,  197  n  ;  account  of,  200  n,  201  n. 

James,  Jr.    (1009-1771}),    Y.    C* 

1718,  son  of  Rev.  James  (H.  C. 
1681),  175, 197  n,  200  and  note ;  tutor 
at  Yale  College,  175  j  desires  to  re- 
move from  college,  197;  his  letter 
to  T.  WToodbridge,  100,  200. 

Mary  (Hooker),  third  wife  of  Rev. 

James,  201  n. 

Sarah,  daughter  of  Rev,  James. 

See  Edwards, 

Sarah  (Haynes),  second  wife  of 

Rev.  James,  201  «. 

Pigwaket.     See  PenuakeL 

Pike,  Maj.-Gen,  2ebuIon  Montgomery 
(1779-1813),  309,  311  it;  his  Ex- 
peditions, quoted,  308;  his  explora- 
tion of  the  Purgatory  River,  308,  314. 

Pilgrims,  the,  21  n,  60,  til,  65,  305. 

Pinekney,  Charles  (d.  1758),  Chief 
Justice  of  South  Carol  in  a,  194  n. 

Eliza  (Lucas),  wife  of  Charles, 

104  n, 

Pinos  River,  CoL,  315  n. 

Piper,  William  Taggahd,  Ph.D., 
xvii. 

Pisa,  Italy,  Council  of,  415, 

Piscataqua,  Me.,  51  ft. 

Piscataqua  River,  Me.,  51  nr  65. 

Pittrnnn,  Margaret  (Gould)  Stilson, 
wife  of  Thomas,  65  nT  06,  68;  her 
deposition  about  Muacongus  Island, 
67,     See  ufoo  Stilson. 

Thomas,  65  n. 

Pits,  Isaac,  signs  petition  to  Provincial 
Congress,  Lot. 

Pittsburg,  Pa.,  96,  309  n. 

Plain  and  Full  Account,  A,  of  the 
Christian  Practises  observed  by  the 
Church  in  St.  Martin  Vle-grand, 
Loudon,  ete.,  cited,  126  n 

Plaisted,  Heater.     See  Gooch. 

Plaistow,  Essex,  Eng,,  174  n, 

Plantations  in  America.  See  Ameri- 
can Colonies, 

Plato,  his  Theaetetus,  mentioned,,  444  n* 

Platte  River,  Neb.,  314. 

Pleasant  Point,  Me.,  67. 


512 


INDEX. 


Pleasant  Street,  Boston,  119. 

Plimpton,  George  Arthur,  A.B., 
xviii. 

Plumstead,  Kent,  Eng.,  181  n. 

Plymouth,  En*.,  27,  51. 

Plymouth  (Colony),  Mass.,  61, 74,  365. 

Council  of,  25,  27. 

Plymouth  Company,  62. 

Pocumtuck  Valley  Memorial  Associa- 
tion, 243  n,  244  and  note. 

Poland,  religious  trouble  in,  205. 

Polchar,  the,  Rothiemurchus,  Avie- 
raore,  Scotland,  440,  443,  444,  446, 
447,  451,  452. 

Political  Magazine,  cited,  81. 

Pollard,  Col.  Benjamin  (1696-1756),  of 
Boston,  212. 

Pollock,  Sir  Frederick,  LL.D.,  History 
of  English  Law  by,  aud  Maitland, 
quoted,  332. 

Pomeroy,  Medad  (1638-1716),  of 
Northampton,  325  w. 

Poole,  Rev.  Matthew  (1624-1679), 
195. 

Pope,  Rev.  Charles  Henry,  his  Pioneers 
of  Massachusetts,  cited,  14  n,  38  n  ; 
his  Cheney  Genealogy,  mentioned, 
334  u. 

Maj.-Gen.  John  (1822-1892),  his 

Report  of  Explorations,  quoted,  310. 

Pope  of  Rome,  election  of,  iu  1492,  414, 
415. 

Porcellian  Club,  Harvard  College,  151  n, 
152  it. 

Porpus.     See  Cape  Porpoise. 

Port  Royal,  N.  S.,  268  n. 

Pouter,  Rev.  Edwahd  Griffin,  A.M., 
xvii,  134  and  note,  214,  252 ;  his  re- 
marks on  the  Sandemauians,  131, 
132 ;  describes  a  visit  to  Fort  St. 
George,  211;  remarks  on  the  death 
of,  by  E.  Wheelwright,  337-339 ;  by 
S.  S.  Green,  339,  340;  by  R.  N.  Top- 
pan,  340. 

Ransom  Noble,  M.D.,  242. 

Portland,  Me.,  61  n,  256. 

Portland  Street,  Boston,  89,  128. 

Portsmouth,  N.  H.,  110,  131  n,215  and 
note,  216;  Probate  Court  at,  215  n; 
Company  organized  at,  for  emission 
of  bills  of  credit,  409. 

North  Burying  Ground,  216. 

Vaughan  Street,  216. 

Post  Office  Avenue,  Boston,  128. 

Poterie.     See  Leueuf. 

Potomac  River,  Va.,  Washington's 
estate  on,  376. 

Potomawk.     See  Potomac. 


Powis,  Sir  Thomas,  Attorney  General 
of  England,  81. 

Pownalborough  (now  Dresden),  Me., 
14,  16,  36,  55;  Court  at,  53,  64 ;  In- 
ferior Court  at,  55,  57. 

Prague,  Bohemia,  448. 

Preble,  Abraham,  30,  33,  34,  35. 

Prerogative  Court  of  Canterbury,  Lon- 
don, 394  n. 

Pre8bury,  Sarah.     See  West. 

Presbyterians,  123, 191  n,  200  n  ;  Synod 
of,  New  York,  199. 

Present  State  of  Great  Britain  and 
North  America,  cited,  341  n;  quoted, 
350,  359,  360. 

Present  State  of  the  Nation,  cited,  346  n. 

Preservative  against  the  Principles  and 
and  Practices  of  the  Nonjurors  both 
in  Church  and  State,  A,  mentioned, 
179  n. 

Preston,  Margaret,  daughter  of  SamueL 
See  Moore. 

Samuel,  of  Philadelphia,  156. 

Preston,  Lancashire,  £ng.,  battle  of, 
1715,  179. 

Pretender,  the.     See  Stuart. 

44  Previous  Legislation,"  a  Corrective 
for  Colonial  Troubles,  380  n,  403- 
414 ;  remarks  on,  by  A.  McF.  Davis, 
403-410 ;  its  date,  403,  404, 406,  408 ; 
probably  written  by  W.  Douglass, 
404,  405;  text  of  the  document, 
410-414. 

Price,  William  (d.  1771),  of  Boston, 
bequeaths  to  King's  Chapel  the  Price 
Fund,  124 ;  his  map  of  Boston, 
mentioned,  361. 

Priestley,  Rev.  Joseph  (1733-1804),  421. 

Prince,  Rev.  Nathan  (H.  C.  1718), 
brother  of  Rev.  Thomas,  276,  277. 

Rev.  Thomas  (1687-1758),  H.  C. 

1707,  his  Annals  of  New  England, 
quoted,  50  n:  cited,  51  n;  subscrib- 
ers to,   mentioned,  91. 

Prince  Society,  Publications  of,  cited, 
62  n,  82  n,  162  n;  quoted,  81,  334; 
mentioned,  96,  305. 

Prince  Street,  Boston,  114,  120. 

Princeton,  N.  J.,  72. 

Private  Bank,  project,  84. 

Privy  Council,  of  England,  161,  166, 
20*3  n,  207,  209 ;  complaints  pre- 
sented to,  177  n,  195  n. 

Prize  Courts,  425. 

Procter.     See  Proctor. 

Proctor,  Capt.  Francis,  Sr.,  75;  ac- 
count of,  75  n,  76  n ;  letter  from,  75  n. 

John,  of  Boston,  117. 


TNI>EX. 


513 


Col.  Thomas  (1739-1800),  brother 

of  Capt.  Francis,  75  n,  70  n. 

Pros  pec  live  Review,  419  n. 

Frout,  Joseph  (1(451-1721),  Treasurer 
and  Town  Clerk  of  Boston,  270  n. 

Providence,  R,  I,,  70,  120,  214,  252, 
888  n;  Town  Records,  mentioned, 
126. 

Providence  Plantations,  385, 

Province  Forts,  244  «. 

Province  House,  Boston,  23  nt  24  n, 
270  n. 

Province  Laws.  See  under  Massachu- 
setts. 

Provincial  Congress.  See  Congress, 
Provincial. 

Provincial  Period,  251,  SOS. 

Provincial  Politics.  See  Currency  and 
Provincial  Politics. 

Prussia,  20*3. 

Public  Library,  Boston,2fl7n,827n,4Q3. 

Pudding  Lane.  Boston,  125. 

Fulsifer,  David  (1802-1894),  94. 

Purarv.     See  Pomeroy. 

Punch,  the  magazine,  quoted,  383. 

Purgatoire,     See  Purgatory  River* 

Furgatorio,  places  in  Catholic  coun- 
tries called,  315,  316  and  note* 

Furgatorio,  Capriata  d'Orba,  Italy, 
310  n. 

Rio.     See  Purgatory  River. 

San  Massimo,  Italy,  316  n. 

Spoleto,  Italy,  310  n, 

— —  Venezuela,  mountain  range,  316  ». 
Venezuela,  river,  3  US  n. 

Purgatory,  the  word,  applied  to  rock 
chasms  or  swamps  in  New  England, 
3l>8  n. 

Purgatory  River  of  Colorado,  paper  on 
the,  by  A.  Matthews,  3<i7-31*>;  also 
called  Rio  de  las  An  i man,  308 ;  early 
called  First  Fork,  308,  309;  explana- 
tion of  name,  301).  312;  corruptions 
of  the  name,  311  ;  confused  with 
Animas  River,  311  »,  313* 

Putnam,  IIebbeut,  LL.D.,  xviii. 

(lem  Israel  (171H-17SHI),  72, 

Brig.-G*n.     Rufua    (1738-1824), 

142  n,  147,  205. 

Pynchon,  Margaret,  daughter  of  Wil- 
liam,    Si  i  1  >:uis. 

William  (1590-1902),  of  Spring* 

field,  124. 


9 


^ISQUAMEGO,  Me.,  26. 

Quakers,  the.   251,    800 J    remarks   on 
their    marriage   customs,   by    Rev, 


H,  A,  Parker,  155,  150;  marriage 
certificates  of,  exhibited,  155,  156. 
See  Friends. 

Quarterly  Journal  of  Economics,  men- 
tioned, 305, 

Quarterly  Review,  mentioned,  43 1. 

Quebec  Canada,  231,  2G4. 

Queen's  College,  London,  453  n. 

Quelch,  Capt.  John  (d.  1704),  86, 

Querno,  Camillo,  his  American  Times, 
quoted,  00  n. 

Quincy,  Dorothy,  daughter  of  Ed  m  mi 
(H.  C.  1722).     See  Hancock;  Scott, 

Dorothy  (Flynt),  wife  of  Judge 

Edmund,  320  ft. 

Judge  Edmund  (1681-1738),  IL 

C.  1090,  320  n. 

Edmund  (1703-17S8),  11.  C.  1722, 

son  of  Judge  Edmund,  310;  letter 
from,  310-321;  account  of,  320  n, 

~ Edmund  (1808-1877),  H.  C.  1S27, 

son  of  President  Josiah,  107. 

— —  Edmund,  son  of  Edmund  (II.  C. 
1827),  107. 

Elizabeth  (Wendell),  wife  of  Ed- 
mund (H.  C.  1722),  320  n. 

Henry  Pahkkii,  M.D.,  son  of 

Edmund  (H.  C.  1827),  xvi,  250; 
death  of,  106 ;  remarks  on  the  death 
of,  by  A.  McF.  Davis,  106-108;  by 
Bishop  Lawrence,  108,  109 ;  his 
Memoir  of  Dr.  Wigglesworth,  nm 
tioned,  108;  work  at  the  Harvard 
Medical  School,  108,  100. 

Josiah    (rf.    1801),    President    of 

Harvard  College,  his  History  of  Har- 
vard University,  cited,  175  n,  2t!3  ». 
270  n,  272  n,  273  n,  275  n,  27  S  N  ; 
quoted,  211,  271,  272,  273,  274,  275, 
277. 

Katharine  (d  1S04),320  and  note. 

-^—  Mary  (Adams),  wife  of  Henry 
Parker,  107. 

Quinebaug  Historical  Society t  pur- 
poses of*  455,  45(3. 

JKaCKEMANN,  Charles  Sedg- 
wick, A.M.,  xvi,  157,  255, 

Ramelv,  Mathjas,  of  Broadbay,  Me., 
37.  " 

Ramsay,  David  (1749-1615),  his  His- 
tory of  the  Revolution  of  South  Car- 
olina, cited,  78  n. 

Ramus .     See  La  llam.ce. 

Hand,  Benjamin  (II.  C.  1808),  385  «. 

Randall,  John,  of  Bristol,  Me.,  13  n, 
20,  28,  20,  34,  36,  53,  50  -t  hk  case 


514 


ISDEX. 


against  Bodkin,  16,  17,  53;  uses 
declarations  in  his  case  against  Bod- 
kin,  42-44, 4a 

Randell.     See  Randall. 

Randolph,  Edward  (1632-1703),  82 
and  note,  95,  96,  10 1,  1M2  *.  164,806; 
called  the  evil  genius  of  New  K up- 
land, 0<J ;  his  efforts  to  enforce  the 
Navigation  Laws,  305, 

Rankin,  Elizabeth.     See  Martineau, 

Rape,  execution  for,  334. 

Kan  tan  River,  N.  J.,  72. 

Rush,  Em,  40. 

Joan,  40. 

KuUm  Mountains,  CoL,  310,  311  w. 

Pass,  Col.,  310. 

Rauwenhoff,  Lodewijk  Wiliem  Ernst, 
liia  Wijsbegeerte  ran  den  Godsdieust, 
mentioned,  441. 

Ravenel,  Harriott  Horry,  her  Eliza 
rinckney,  cited,  104  n, 

Rawaon,  Edward  (1015-1693),  Secre- 
tary of  the  Colony,  124  n,  284,  2S5t 
325  n,  326,  32 9  and  note ;  errors  by, 
tainted  out,  81,  82. 

Rnvnhnm,  Masa,,  12 -l  u. 

tUml,  John  (IL  C.  1607),  of  Fairfield 
and  Lonetown,  Ct,,  and  Boston, 
202  and  nnte;  account  of,  171,  175; 
his  proposals  about  Yale  College, 
183. 

Red  Rock  Canon,  Purgatory  River,  CoL, 
312. 

Redding,  Ct.T  171.     See  Lonetown* 

Redwood  Library,  Newport,  It.  L,  388 
and  note* 

Reed,  George  Bowlend,  his  Sketch  of 
the  Life  of  J.  Head,  cited,  175  nn 

Reformation,  the,  415, 

Refugees.     See  Loyalists  J  Tories* 

Regency,  Linda  of,  Col.  Shuta  corn- 
plains  to,  108h 

Regiments  or  Companies: 

Ancient  and  Honorable  Artillery 

Company,  of  Boston,  86,  93,  124, 
127;  Roberts's  History  of,  86,  93, 
124. 

Bristol  County,  123  n. 

Connecticut,  176. 

- — -  Fourth  Continental  Artillery,  76  n. 

Independent    Corps     of    Cadets, 

Boston,  212,  235,  320  n. 

Irish  Artillery,  75  n. 

Pennsylvania  Company  of  Artil- 
lery, 75  n. 

Regulations  Lately  Made  concerning 
the  Colon ies,  the,  quoted,  162,  163; 
cited,  307  pi. 


Regulators,  the,  of  North  Carolina,  390, 
391  n. 

Kenan.    Joseph  Ernesto    (1823-1892), 
his  Life  of  Jesus,   mentis 
his  Antichrist,  mentioned,  20, 
Apostles,  mentioned,  293,  454* 

Restoration,  the,  181  n. 

Revolution,    See  American  Rewlatioiu 

Rhode  Island,  70,  214,  385. 
note,  387  and  notet  388  and  note.  3^9  n, 
391,  393,  400;  the  words  Interval  and 
Intervale  not  used  in,  141  «;  bound* 
ary  dispute  with  Connecticut,  Wfl 
and  note;  law  of  primogeniture  in, 
346;  .Stamp  Act  riots  in, 
389,  8&3:  emjssions  of  paj>er-nioney 
in,  called  Batiks,  404,    :  4ltf- 

414. 

Assembly,  386,  388  n,  393. 

Colonial    Records,     cited,    385  n, 

386  n,  388  *i,  393  n,  405  n. 

Rhode  Island  College,  See  Browu 
University. 

Rhode  Island  Historical  Society,  212. 

Rhode  Island  Land  Bank.  A  McF. 
Davis  communicates  copy  of  docu- 
ment relating  to,  380  ;  text  of,  403- 
414. 

Rhoues,  James  Ford,  LL.O,,  258; 
elected  a  Resident  Member,  256, 

Rice,  Prudence.     See  Stevens. 

.  Thomas,  36. 

Richards,  James  (d<  1704),  of  Boston 
and  Hartford,  125, 

John,  son  of  Welt-bean*  125- 

Sarah,  daughter  of  James.     See 

Davis. 

Welthean   (d*  1679),  of  Boston, 

125. 

Richardson,  Mary  Cabell,  founds  Ord*r 
of  the  Descendants  of  Colonial  Gov- 
ernors ,  340. 

Moses  (b.  c.  1725),  of  Cambridge, 

carpenter,  228  n. 

Richmond,  N,  C,  392. 

Richmond,  Va.,  J17S  «. 

Ricketson,  John  (1739-1827),  of  Dart- 
mouth, Mass.,  156. 

Hon.    John    Howlaxd,    A.M., 

xviii,  106 ;  elected  a  Corresponding 
Member,  Otj, 

William,   of    Dartmouth,    Mass., 

158. 

Rights  of  the  British  Colonies  asserted 
and  proved,  by  J.  Otis,  quoted,  16] ; 
mentioned,  388  n. 

Rights  of  the  Colonies  Examined,  by 
S.  Hopkins,  mentioned,  388  ?», 


INDEX. 


515 


Rio  de  las  Animas,  Col.     See  Purga- 


tory River. 
tio  de 


See 


Rio  de  las  Animas  Perdidas,  Cot 
Animas  River. 

Rio  Purgatorio.     See  Purgatory  River, 

Ripley,  Rev.  Samuel  (IL  C.  lttO-4),  his 
school  mentioned,  820. 

Roanoke  River,  Va.,  149, 

Roberts,  David,  235  n. 

Oliver  Ayer,  bis  History  of  the 

Ancient    and    Honorable    Artillery 
Company,  cited,  86,  93,  124,  127. 

Roberts  r+  Wetheral,  case  of,  302, 

Robertson,  George  Crooui  (1842-1802), 
4d8  and  note. 

Robinson,  Ebenezer,  of  Taunton,  son 
of  Increase,  Sr.,  85  n. 

Elizabeth,     See  Butler, 

Hannah,  of  Boston,  a  Sanderaa- 

nian,  113,  114. 

Henry  Crabb  (1775-1867),  <£*  n. 

Increase,  Sr,,  of  Dorchester  and 

Taunton*  85  n. 

Increase,  Jr,  (rf.  1738),  of  Taun- 

ton,  son  of  Increase,  Sr.,  t>5;  account 
of,  85  n. 

Joaiah,  of  Taunton,  son  of  In- 
crease, SrM  H5  n. 

Mehitable  (  Williams),  wife  of  In- 
crease, Jr.,  Bo  n, 

Sarah  (Penniman),  wife  of  In- 
crease, Sr.,  85  n. 

William,  son  of  Increase,  Jr.,  85  n. 

Rochester,  Kent,  Eng,,  198, 

Rockingham  County  N.  H,,  Probate 
Records,   mentioned,  215  a, 

Rocky  Mountains,  the,  30tf,  309,  310, 
311,813  n. 

Rodger?*.     See  Rogers, 

Roebuck,   John    Arthur  (1802-1879), 

Rogers,  Anna  (Foxcroft),  wife  of  Rev* 
Daniel,  217. 

Rev,  Daniel  (1707-1785),  of  Ips- 
wich and  Exeter,  N.  IL,  son  of 
John  (1660-1745),  217  and  note,  246, 

Daniel  Denison    (1751-1825),  of 

Exeter,  N.  IL,  and  Boston,  son  of 

tRev.  Daniel,  216,  217  and  note  ;  bis 
house  in  Boston,  218  and  nntet  219 
and  note* 
—  Elisabeth,    daughter    of    Daniel 
Denison,     See  Slade. 
—  Elizabeth  ( Brom field),  second  wife 
of  Daniel  Den i son,  77  and  note,  216, 
217,220  n,  221,  227  n. 
—  Elisabeth  (Denison),  wife  of  Pres. 
John,  217, 


Hannah,  daughter  of  Daniel  Deni- 
son *    See  Mason. 
Henry   Bromfield   (H.  C,    1822), 

220   and"   note,   227  n;    his    Family 

Record,  quoted.  218,  220  n. 
.James   Edward    Thoruld   (1823- 

1800),  345  n. 
Rev.  John  (1630-1684),  President 

of    Harvard    College,   son   of    Rev* 

Nathaniel,  217. 
John  (1066-1745),  IT.  C.  1684,K>0 

of  President  John,  197  and 
John,    son    of    Daniel    Denison, 

220*. 
Margaret  (Crane),  wife  of  Rev. 

Nathaniel,  210, 
Martha  (  Whittinghara),  wife  of 

John  (of.  1745),  107%  317. 
- —  Rev.  Nathaniel  (o.  c.  1598-1855), 

of  Dedham,  Eng,,  216  and  nstft. 
Patrick  (o.  c.  1708),  of  Bristol,  MeM 

81 ;  his  deposition,  28-30. 
Cob    Robert    (1727^    1800),  his 

Concise  Account  of  North  America, 

cited,  142  n> 

family,  216  n. 

Roman    Catholics,    429;    doctrine  of 

Purgatory,  312 ;  their  use  of  the  word 

Purgatono,  315,316. 
Romans,  Bernard  (if*  1784),  147  n;  his 

Concise  Natural  History  of  East  and 

West  Florida,  quoted,  147. 
Rome,  Italy,  415. 

St,  flatert  CbuitfL  114. 

Rq»V0,    Rev,   JamKA    Handy,    A.B., 

xvii. 
Ross,  Man  of.    See  Higgineon,  Stephen 

(1 770-1  834). 
Roth  iemurch  us,    Aviemore,   Scotland, 

440,  443,  444,  446,  447. 
II   ik-rdum,    Holland,    trouble    about 

goods  brought  from,  29 
Round  Pond,  Bristol,  Me,,  25,  27, 29, 30, 

BS,  34,  36,  59,  65,  67 ;  suits  for  land 

at,  53. 
Rousseau,  jean  Jacques  (1712-1778), 

316. 
Row,  Richard,  of  London,  63* 
Rom,  Mass.,  244  n, 
Roxberry,     See  Roxbury. 
Roxbury,  Mass.,  129,  136,  200  n,  275, 

276,  334  n  :  burning  of  boUBes  in>  by 

negroes,  324,  326^328,  3*0,  I 
Royal  Exchange,  London,  23  «. 
Royal   Exchange  Lane,  Boston,  37  n, 

38  n+ 
Royal  Historical  Society,  Transactions 

of,  cited,  181  n. 


516 


INDEX. 


Royal  Instructions,  158,  408;  control 
of,  165,  166,  411;  discussed,  166; 
provincial  courts  disregard,  166, 167 ; 
attempt  to  secure  enforcement  of, 
167;  neglect  of,  411. 

Royal  Society  of  Canada,  263  n. 

Ruck,  Capt.  Thomas  (<7.  1749),  of  Bos- 
ton, a  Peraaquid  proprietor,  53  n. 

Rugbv,  Warwickshire,  Eng.,  447. 

Ruggies,  Rev.  Thomas  (H.  C.  1690), 
190  and  note. 

Rush,  Benjamin  (1745-1813),  M.D., 
letter  of,  about  Washington,  378. 

Russell,  Judge  Daniel  (1685-1763),  of 
Charlestown,  Treasurer  of  the  Col- 
ony and  Province,  son  of  Judge 
James,  47  n,  01. 

Faith  (Phillips)  Savage,  wife  of 

Judge  Daniel,  47  n,  48 ;  deposition 
of,  46-48. 

Judge     James     (1640-1709),    of 

Charlestown,  son  of  Richard,  41,  46. 

John,    of    Boston,    printer,    his 

Gazette,  quoted,  130  n. 

Lord    John     (1792-1878),    Earl 

Russell,  431,  433. 

Richard  (1611-1676),  of  Charles- 
town, Treasurer  of  the  Colony,  14, 
17  n,  26,  49,  52 ;  account  of,  14  n. 

Robert,     his     Agriculture     and 

Climate  of  North  America,  cited, 
366  n. 

Rev.    Samuel  (H.   C.    1681^  of 

Branford,  Ct,  175,  187  and  note,  190 
and  note;  his  letter  to  Trustees  of 
Yale  College,  201;  spelling  of  his 
name,  201  n. 

Rev.  Samuel  (Y.  C.  1712),  son  of 

Rov.  Samuel  (II.  C.  1681),  188  n. 

Rev.  William  (Y.  C.  1709),  201  n. 

Hon.   Willam    Eustis,   LL.D., 

xvi. 

Russia,  203. 

Rutland,  Mass.,  260  n;  Town  Records, 
cited,  260  n. 

Rutland  Square,  Dublin,  Ireland,  233  n. 

Ruxton,  George  Frederick  (1820-1848), 
his  Adventures  in  Mexico  and  the 
Rocky  Mountains,  quoted,  310. 

OAALFELD,  Jacob  Christoph  Fried- 
rich,  his  Geschichte  des  hollandischen 
Kolonialwesens  in  Ostindien,  cited, 
342  n. 

Sabbatarian  Church,  Newport,  R.  I., 
110. 

Sabin,  Joseph  (1821-1881),  84  n. 


Sabine,  Lorenzo  (1803-1877),  121, 
394  n;  his  Loyalists  of  the  Ameri- 
can Revolution,  quoted,  113  n,387n, 
391  n,  393 ;  cited,  121  n,  129,  130, 
393  n  ;  a  correction  made  in,  130. 

Saco,  Me.,  51  n,  63,  64  n,  65  n. 

Saco  River,  149;  Intervale  on,  151. 
See  Pequaket. 

Sadler,  Rev.  Thomas  (1822-1801),  44«, 
447  ;  his  Liturgy,  mentioned,  436. 

Saffin,  Judge  John,  88. 

Sagadahoc,  Me.,  26,  27,  63,  65. 

Sagadahoc  River,  Me.,  26,  65,  60. 

Sagadehock.     See  Sagadahoc. 

Sagamores,  Indian,  50  n,  60. 

Sagedehadocke.     See  Sagadahoc. 

St.  Augustine,  Fla.,  78  n. 

St.  Fruncois-du-Lac,  Canada,  264. 

St.  George,  Me.,  32,  33,  34,  35. 

St.  George's  Fort,  Me.,  20. 

St  George's  Island,  Me.,  26. 

St.  George's  (George,  Georges)  River, 
Me.,  27. 

St.  James's,  London,  210. 

St.  Lawrence  River,  Canada,  149. 

Saint  Louis,  Chevalier  de,  Joseph 
Boucher  de  Niverville  made,  264. 

St.  Louis,  Mo.,  313. 

Saint  Luke's,  Chelsea,  Eng.,  Register 
of,  quoted,  393 ;  mentioned,  393  n. 

St.  Martin  Vle-grand  Church,  London, 
126  n. 

St.  Nicholas,  Deptford,  Eng.,  215  n. 

St.  Paul's  Church,  Boston,  398  n. 

St.  Paul's  Church,  Dedham,  Mass.,  109. 

St.  Paul's  Church,  Narragansett,  R.  I., 
387  and  note;  Register  of,  quoted, 
386,  387 ;  mentioned,  387  n. 

St.  Peter's  Church,  Rome,  414. 

St.  Petersburg,  Russia,  216. 

Salem,  Mass.,  93  n,  129,  304  n. 

Essex  Institute,  129,  395  n. 

Salem,  Ohio,  143  n. 

Salem  Street,  Boston,  123. 

Sales,  Francis  (d.  1854),  229  n. 

Salisbury,  Stephen  (H.  C.  1856),  256. 

Salisbury,  Wiltshire,  Eng.,  179  n,  207 
and  note. 

Salkeld,  William  (1671-1715),  302. 

Salter  Place,  Boston,  120. 

Saltonstall,  Gurdon  (H.  C.  1684),  Gov- 
ernor of  Connecticut,  197  n,  198, 
202  n,  203,  204;  his  letters  to  H. 
Wyllys,  185,  186;  to  G.  Lucas, 
193,  194;  to  T.  Woodbridge,  197; 
death,  202. 

Hon.    Leverktt,   A.M.   (H.  C. 

1844),  xvi,  232,  252,  338. 


INDEX. 


517 


*—  Mary  (Whittingham)  Clarke, 
third  wife  of  Gov;  Gurdon,  197  n; 
bequeaths  money  to  Harvard  College, 
175. 

Sir  Richard  (1586-  c,  1658),  175. 

Judge  Richard  (1703-1750),  H.  C. 

1722,  53  n, 

Richard     Miudlecott,     A.B., 

son  of  Leverett  (H.  C.  1844),  xvii. 

family,  237. 

Samaset.     See  Samoset, 

Samoset,  an  Indian,  65;  his  visits  to 
the  Pilgrims,  21  h,  22  us  50,  60;  his 
identity  with  Capt.  John  Somerset, 
22  n,  61,  69;  note  on,  by  A*  Mat- 
thews, 59-70;  came  from  eastward, 
60 ;  derivation  of  name,  61  and  note% 
69,     See  Somerset,  Capt.  John. 

San  Cavetana,  Vega  de,  315  a, 

Sail  Diego,  CaL,  310  n. 

Ban  Jacinto,  425. 

San  Joaquin  River,  Col.,  315  n. 

San  Juan  River,  Col,  308,  311  nt  314, 
315* 

San  Massimo,  Italy,  316  n+ 

Sandeman,  Robert  (1718-1771),  120, 
131,  134;  preaches  in  Boston  and 
New  York,  110;  his  Letters  on 
T heron  and  Aspasio,  mentioned, 
110,  111;  roughly  treated  in  Ports- 
mouth, N.  11.,  110;  organizes  a  so- 
ciety iti  Boston,  111 ;  removes  to 
Connecticut,  111;  death,  111ft; 
monument  for,  111,  112;  his  new 
doctrines,  113 ;  performs  marriages, 
131  n ,  1 32  ft.  See  also  Sand  e  man  i  a  n  s. 
CoL  Sir  Robert  Groves  (1835- 
1892),  131  a. 

Thomas,   a   brother    of   Robert, 

181  ft, 

S&ndemanians,  or  Sandemanian  So- 
ciety, 113  ft,  123  ft(  127,  131  n,  134  ; 
the  Places  of  Worship  of  the,  in 
Boston,  a  paper  on,  by  H,  H,  Edes, 
109-123  f  mentioned,  251 ;  first  Meet- 
ing House,  109,  117,  131 ;  names  of 
members  of*  113,  114,  120  n;  E.  E. 
Hale  on,  113  n,  133,  134  ;  first  Meet- 
ing House  burned,  114,  115;  second 
Meeting  House  of,  116,  117  n,  118; 
location  of  the  Meeting  Houses,  116, 
117;  Flans  of,  mentioned,  110  and 
note,  122,  123;  described,  117;  the 
Plans,  between  110,  117,  opposite 
118,  between  122,  123;  reason  for 
selection  of  site,  IKS;  site  of  first 
Meeting  House  sold,  118;  their 
Meeting  House  rented  for  a  school, 


119;  description  of,  IIP;  greatly  -re- 
duced, 119;  property  of,  leased  by 
Bostou,  120;  meeting  places  of,  be- 
fore building  Meeting  Houses,  120, 
121 ;  church  polity  of,  123 ;  grant 
dissolution  of  marriage,  120;  Con- 
gregational discipline  in,  130;  in 
England  called  G lashes  or  Kissites, 
131  j  have  no  settled  clergy,  131, 132; 
in  Connecticut,  132, 

Sandemanians,  a  pamphlet  entitled,  A 
Plain  and  Full  Account  of  the  Chris- 
tian Practices  observed  by  the  Church 
in  St  Martiu'B-te-grand,  London, 
And  other  Churches  (commonly 
called  Sandemanian)  in  Fellowship 
with  Them,  cited,  126  «. 

Sanderson,  Anna,  daughter  of  Robert. 
See  West. 

Robert  (d,  1693),  of  Boston,  gold- 
smith, 122  n,  123  rt, 

Sanderson.     See  Saunderson, 

Sanditnan.     See  Satideman. 

Sanfoup,  Hon.  John  Eliot,  LL.D*, 
xvii, 

Santa  Fe\  N.  M.,  311  n,  312,  313,  814  n, 
315  n. 

Saquid  Point,  Me.,  26. 

Sarah, a  ship,  91, 

Saratoga,  N.  Y.,  226. 

Sargeant,  Peter  (d.  1713),  of  Boston, 
his  mansion  bought  for  a  Province 
House,  270  n. 

Sarum.     See  Salisbury. 

Saturday  Review,  the,  428* 

Sauuders,  Lt.  John  (c/,  1070),  of  Wells, 
land  granted  to,  64. 

Saunderson,  Henry  Hamilton,  bis  His- 
tory of  Cbarlestown,  Nb  H.,  cited, 
260  n,  261  ft. 

Saunderson.      See  Sanderson. 

Savage,  Capt.  Arthur  (1580-17*5),  of 
Boston,  son  of  Lieut.-Col.  Thomas 
(1640-1705),  47  n, 

Capt.  Arthur  (1715-1765),  son  of 

Lieut,-Col,  Habijah  (1674-1710),  29, 
47. 

Elizabeth  (6.  1094),  daughter  of 

CoL  Thomas  (1063-1720)  of  Boston. 
See  Wins  low, 

Elizabeth     (Scottow),    wife     of 

Lieut-Col.  Thomas  (1G40-1705), 
39  a. 

Ezekie!   (*,   1760),  son  of  Capt. 

Thomas  (1710-1700),  47. 

— -  Faifj  (Phillips),  wife  of  Capt 
Arthui  (1680-1735),  47  n.  See 
RusselL 


518 


INDEX. 


Savage  (continued). 

Capt.  Habijah  ( 1688-1668) ,  H.  C. 

1659,  son  of  Major  Thomas  the  emi- 
grant, 38  n. 

Lieut-Col.  Habijah  (1674-1746), 

11.  C.  1695,  of  Boston,  apothecary, 
son  of  Lieut-Col.  Thomas  (1640- 
1705),  23,  24,  47,  47  n,  52  n. 

Habijah  (1741-1806),  son  of  Capt 

Thomas  (1710-1760),  of  Boston  and 
Andover,  47,  53,  54,  55,  58. 

Hannah  (Phillips)  Anderson,  wife 

of  Lieut-Col.  Habijah  (1674-1746), 
45,  46,  47,  47  n.     See  Anderson. 

Hannah  (Tyng),   wife  of   Capt. 

Habijah  (1638-1668),  38  n. 

James  (1784-1873),  LL.D.,  son  of 

Habijah  (1741-1806),  his  Genea- 
logical Dictionary  of  New  England, 
cited,  14  n,  51  n,  85  n,  89;  quoted,  37. 

John    (b.    1739),    son    of    Capt 

Thomas  (1710-1760),  47,  53-59. 

Margaret  (1698-1785),  daughter 

of  Col.  Thomas  (1668-1720).  See 
Alford. 

Margaret  (Lynde),  wife  of   Col. 

Thomas  (1668-1720),  37  n,  33  n,  39  n. 

Rachel  (Clough),  wife  of    Capt 

Arthur  (1715-1765),  47.     See  Noble. 

Sarah  (6. 1757).  daughter  of  Capt 

Thomas  (1710-1760),  of  Boston,  47. 

Major  Thomas  (c.  1608-1681},  of 

Boston,  the  emigrant,  Speaker  oi  the 
House,  38  n,  39  n,  124  n. 

Lieut.-Col.  Thomas  (1640-1705), 

son  of  Major  Thomas  the  emigrant, 
39  m. 

Col.  Thomas  (1664-1721),  son  of 

Capt.  Habijah  (1638-1668),  38  n. 

Col.  Thomas  (1668-1720),  son  of 

Lieut.-Col.  Thomas  (1640-1705), 
37  n,  38  n,  39  n,  47  n,  128. 

Capt.  Thomas  (1710-1760),  Bos- 
ton merchant,  u  Esq.,"  son  of  Lieut- 
Col.  Habijah  (1674-1746),  47, 56-59. 

family,  129. 

Savannah  Kiver,  343. 

Saybrook,  Ct,  184  n,  185,  200  n :  con- 
troversy about  locating  Yale  College 
at,  173. 

Saybrook  Platform,  176;  J.  Pierpont 
reputed  author  of,  200  n. 

Saybrook  Synod,  1708,  176,  200  n. 

Saye  and  Sele,  William  Fiennes  (1582- 
1662),  Viscount,  182  n. 

Scarborough,  Me.,  44. 

Schmidt,  Elizabeth  Bromfield  (Slade), 
wife  of  Henry,  219  and  note. 


Henry,  of  Bremen,  Germany,219  n. 

Schneidewin,  Friedrich  Wilhelm(1810- 
1856),  on  G.  M.  Lane,  100,  101. 

Scipio,  a  negro,  271. 

Scollay,  Col.  William  (1756-1809),  of 
Boston,  397  n. 

Scotland,  130,  422,  424,  440,  444,  446, 
451,  452. 

Scott,  Dorothy  (Quincy)  Hancock,  wife 
of  Capt  James,  sketch  of,  316-318 
and  notes ;  letter  to,  from  E.  Quincy, 
319-321 ;  death  of,  319  n. 

Capt.   James    (d.    1809),    319  n  ; 

marries  the  widow  of  John  Han- 
cock, 317;  death,  318  and  note. 

Gen.    John   Morin   (1730-1784), 

5  and  note. 

Mary,  daughter  of  Robert  of  Bos- 
ton.    See  Emmons. 

Sir  Walter  (1771-1832),  290. 

Scottish  Highlands,  442. 

Scottow,  Elizabeth  (1647-1715),  daugh- 
ter of  Capt.  Joshua  of  Boston.  See 
Savage. 

Capt.  Joshua  (1614-1697),  of  Bos- 
ton, 93. 

Scribner'8  Magazine,  cited,  233. 

Seal,  Kent,  Eng.,  63. 

Searle,  Margaret,  daughter  of  George 
of  AmesDury  and  Newbury.  See 
Curzon. 

Sears,  David  (1787-1871),  80. 

Joshua  Montgomery,  A.B.,zvi. 

Philip  Howes,  A.M.,  xvi. 

Sears  Building,  Boston,  123  n. 

Secession,  434. 

Second  Baptist  Church,  Boston,  114, 
117,  118. 

Second  Congregational  Church.  See 
Charlestown. 

Sedgwick,  Henry  Dwight,  A.B., 
xvii ;  deceased,  xiz. 

Selborne,  Hampshire,  Eng.,  224. 

Sewall,  David  (1735-1825),  H.  C.  1755, 
15,  19,  20,  21,  55;  appointed  attor- 
ney for  the  Pemaquid  Proprietors, 
54. 

Rev.  Joseph   (1688-1769),  D.D., 

son  of  Chief-Justice  Samuel,  276; 
chosen  President  of  Harvard  College, 
270;  declined,  271  n. 

Chief-Justice  Samuel  (1 652- 1730), 

H.  C.  1671,  125,  395  n;  his  Diarv, 
cited,  38  n,  86,  92,  124,  125,  174  n, 
190  n,  267  n,  268  n ;  quoted,  82,  83, 
271,  272;  dislikes  periwigs,  125. 

Chief-Justice  Stephen  (d.  1760), 

H.  C.  1721,  tutor  at  Harvard,  277. 


INDEX. 


fil9 


Seward,  William  Henry  (1801-1872), 
433, 

Seymour,  Horatio  (1810-1886),  389, 

Shakspere,  William  (1564-1 61  6  J,  150  n, 

Shaler,  Nathaniel  Southgate,  S,D,, 
344  ft,  35d  ft. 

Shattuck,  George  Om,  LL.I1, 
xvii. 

Shaw,  Charles  (1782-1828),  his  Topo^ 
graphical  and  Historical  Description 
of  Boston,  cited,  118  n,  110  n. 

— -  Lemuel  (17SM601),  Chief-Jus- 
tice  of  Massachusetts,  38o  and  note, 
402  and  note. 

Shays**  Rebellion,  72. 

Sheafe,  Jacob  (1681-1 760),  of  Boston, 
schoolmaster,  sou  of  Sampson,  39  n. 

Mary  (Davison),  wife  of  Jacob, 

39  ». 

Sheeppool  (now  Newcastle),  Me*,  27. 

Shelburne,  N.  &,  127. 

Sheldon,  Hon,  George,  quoted,  24  n, 
145. 

Sheldon  house,  Deer  field,  Mass,,  242, 
243  and  note,  244  and  note* 

Shelter  Island,  N.  Y,,  105. 

Shippie,  Mabel,  daughter  of  Lt.  Thomas 
1 1  f  C  bar les tow n .     See  Tow u send . 

Shirley,  Frances,  daughter  of  Gov. 
William,     See  Bollan. 

William    (1694-1771),    Governor 

of  Massachusetts,  175,  212,  299,  304 
and  nater  400  ;  his  letter  to  the  Lords 
of  Trade  about  illegal  trade  carried 
on  with  the  Dutch,  207,  208. 

Shirley,  Mass ,  316,  317,  321. 

First  Church,  317  ft. 

Shrimp  ton's  Lane,  Boston,  37  n* 

Shurd.     See  Shurt. 

Shurt,  Abraham,  of  Pemaquid,  10, 
49  ;  his  deposition  about  Monhegan 
Island,  50-52;  wiled  the  Father  of 
American  Conveyancing,  50  n  ;  ac- 
count of,  49  n,  50  h,  51  n. 

Shurileff,  Nathaniel  Bradstreet  (1810- 
1874),  M.D,  27(>»*,  881;  his  Topo- 
graph teal  and  Historical  Description 
of  Boston,  cited,  23  n;  quoted,  117, 
1 18,  270  A,  28L 

Shute,  Col.  Samuel  (1002-1742),  Gov- 
ernor of  Massachusetts,  83,  19*  n, 
2i>3n,  2$9;  becomes  governor,  170; 
before  Parliament,  195;  account  of, 
195  n;  complains  of  Massachusetts 
Assembly,  198;  controversy  between, 
and  £,  Cooke,  Jr.,  203 ;  first  official 
occupant  of  Province  House,  270  nt 

Sibley,    Rev,    John    Langdoti    (18u4- 


1885),  119  n ;  his  Biographical 
Sketches  of  Graduates  of  Harvard 
University,  cited,  170  n,  184  nt  188  ft, 
201  ft,  245,  :S34  ft- 

Sidney,  Samuel  (1813-1883),  his  The 
Three  Colonies  of  Australia,  quoted, 
143  *». 

Sillery,  Canada,  264, 

Silver  Bank,  of  Boston,  1740, 168. 

Simons.     See  Syniouds, 

Simpson,  Brig. -Gen,  James  Hervey 
(1833-1883),  his  Report  of  Explora- 
tions, oitodj  315  «, 

Savill  (d.  1725),  of  Boston  268  n, 

Singapore,  Malay  Peninsula,  401. 

Six  Nations,  the,  386. 

Skelton,  Rev ,  376, 

Skene,  Col,  Philip  (1725-1810),  ex- 
changed prisoner,  7W, 

Skinner,  Henrietta  (Dana),  Governor 
liberal  of  the  Order  of  Descendants 
of  Colonial  Governors,  340, 

Skunk,  223  and  note. 

Slade,  Arthur  (1082-1747),  the  emi- 
grant, 216 ;  account  of,  215  and  note. 

Benjamin,   Sr.  (d.  1745),  son  of 

Arthur,  216. 

- —  Benjamin,  Jr,  (1734-1813),  son  of 
Benjamin,  Sr.  (rf.  1745),  216. 

Daniel    Denjson,   M,D.  (1838- 

189G)T  sou  of  Jacob  Til  ton,  xvit230  n ; 
his  sketch  of  the  Bromfield  family, 
cited,  78  n ;  Memoir  of,  by  E.  Wheel- 
wright, 214,  215-248,  252;  his  an- 
cestry, 216  and  note,  217 ;  his  A  New 
England  Country  Gentleman  iu  the 
Last  Century,  mentioned,  217,246; 
quoted,  218;  his  paper  entitled  A 
Boston  Merchant  of  1791,  men- 
tioned, 218  and  note,  219  n;  lives  in 
Rogers  mansion,  220;  early  educa- 
tiou,  220,  222  and  note;  fondness  for 
nature,  220,  221 ;  paper  on,  by  0,  R. 
Eastman,  cited,  220  n,  221,  222  n, 
234  «,  238  n ;  his  Twelve  Days  in 
the  Saddle,  quoted,  221,  230  ft,  247  n  ; 
visits  at  Harvard,  Mass.,  221,222; 
enters  Harvard  College,  222;  taste 
for  mUsic  and  painting,  223;  active 
iu  the  Harvard  Natural  History  So- 
ciety, 223 ;  his  sociability,  223 ;  be- 
comes Annalist  of  hia  Class,  224;  his 
College  Diary,  mentioned,  224,  227, 
238;  quoted,  224  ft ,'  intimacy  with 
Francis  Park  man,  224 ;  interest  in 
the  Indians,  225;  his  letters  to  H. 
A,  Johnson,  quoted,  226,  228,  230, 
231,  232;  his  college  residences  in 


520 


INDEX. 


Slade  (continued), 
Cambridge,  227  n,  228;  becomes  a 
Resident  Graduate  at  Harvard  Col- 
lege, 228 ;  describes  fire  at  Harvard 
College,  230 ;  studies  medicine,  231- 
233 ;  nis  summer  travel,  231 ;  grad- 
uates from  Medical  School  and 
becomes  House  Surgeon  at  the  Mas- 
sachusetts General  Hospital,  233; 
studies  medicine  abroad,  233  and 
note;  gives  lectures  on  Veterinary 
Medicine,  234;  his  An  Introductory 
Lecture  Delivered  on  the  occasion  of 
the  Commencement  of  the  Boston 
Veterinary  Institute,  quoted,  234; 
President  of  the  Boston  Veterinary 
Institute,  234  n,  235  n ;  joins  the 
Cadets,  235 ;  his  essay  Diphtheria :  its 
Nature  and  Treatment,  mentioned, 
235  n ;  gives  up  practice  of  medicine, 
236;  active  in  affairs  of  Newton, 
237;  an  associate  member  of  the 
United  States  Sanitary  Commission, 
237 ;  prepares  a  Record  of  the  Class 
of  1844,  238 ;  appointed  Professor  of 
Zoology  and  Lecturer  at  Harvard 
University,  239 ;  President  Eliot  on 
the  work  of,  239,  240;  A.  Agassiz 
on  the  work  of,  240 ;  founds  Slade 
scholarship,  240;  a  prolific  writer, 
241  and  note ;  his  Evolution  of  Horti- 
culture in  New  England,  mentioned, 
241 ;  his  Class  Report,  mentioned, 
241;  his  Sacking  of  Deerfield,  Mas- 
sachusetts, mentioned,  242;  buys 
historic  door  of  Sheldon  house,  242 ; 
returns  it  to  the  people  of  Deerfield, 
243;  writes  various  historical  arti- 
cles, 244 ;  interested  in  Fort  Shirley, 
245 ;  his  paper  entitled  Daniel  Deni- 
son,  mentioned,  246 ;  his  paper,  The 
Bromfields,  mentioned,  246;  other 
historical  contributions  of,  246 ;  in- 
terest in  nature,  247 ;  death,  247 ; 
one  of  the  Founders  of  the  Colonial 
Society,  248. 

Denison  Rogers,  son  of  Daniel 

Denison,  xvii,  216  n,  220  n,  236  n ; 
communicates  letters  of  J.  Love  11, 
S.  Adams,  74-79;  his  paper  on 
Henry  Pelham,  cited,  217  n ;  chosen 
trustee  of  Bromfield  School,  221  n. 

Elizabeth,  wife  of  Arthur,  215  n, 

216. 

Elizabeth  Bromfield,  daughter  of 

Jacob  Tilton.     See  Schmidt. 

Elizabeth  (Rogers),  wife  of  Jacob 

Tilton,  215,  216,  217,  219,  220. 


Henry  Bromfield  (d.  1879),  son  of 

Daniel  Denison,  236  and  note. 

Jacob    Tilton   (1778-1854),   215, 

216  n,  217,  219,  220  and  note;  ac- 
count of,  216. 

Lucy  (Hart),  first  wife  of  Benja- 
min, Jr.  (rf.  1813),  216. 

Mary  Ellen  (1826-1845),  daughter 

of  Jacob  Tilton,  220,  229  and  note. 

Mary  (Keese),  wife  of  Benjamin, 

Sr.  (d.  1745),  216. 

Mina  Louise  (Hensler),  wife  of 

Daniel  Denison,  236. 

Susanna  (Tilton),  second  wife  of 

Benjamin,  Jr.  (d.  1813),  216. 

Slave,  or  slaves,  348 ;  labor  of,  344, 347, 
359;  obtained  from  Africa,  363; 
price  of,  364;  trade,  364,  365;  labor 
expensive,  367  and  note ;  value  of,  in 
the  North  and  the  South,  368  n; 
desire  to  exclude  importation  of,  369 ; 
trade  in,  denounced,  369 ;  the  King 
encourages  trade  in,  369  n;  slaves  in 
South  Carolina,  370 ;  rules  for  treat- 
ment of,  374,  375 ;  desire  to  emanci- 
pate, 378,  379  and  note ;  subject  of, 
tabooed  in  London,  426. 

Slavery,  853,  432  ;  J.  H.  Allen's  atti- 
tude towards,  290 ;  early  use  of,  344 ; 
prevalence  of,  347, 359 ;  influence  of, 
361;  products  of,  362;  protected, 
862;  slave  trade  in  New  England, 
863 ;  basis  of  slave  trade,  363;  profits 
in  slave  trade,  364;  introduction  of, 
365;  natural  conditions  limit,  365, 
366;  incapacity  of  the  negro  slave, 
366;  economic  aspect  of,  367;  ex- 
pensive, 367  and  note;  not  aggres- 
sive, 368 ;  transferred  to  the  South, 
368  n;  in  South  Carolina,  370;  at 
the  end  of  the  Revolution,  370; 
rules  against,  371 ;  George  Washing- 
ton against,  372;  Dr.  Coke  testifies 
against,  373,  374 ;  extension  of,  421 ; 
doomed,  425;  estimate  of,  in  Eng- 
land, 428,  429;  abolition  of,  434. 

Slavery  in  Virginia  in  1785,  Notes  on 
the  Proposed  abolition  of,  paper  by 
A.  Matthews,  370-380;  proposed 
petition  for  emancipation  of  blacks, 
371;  Washington  against  slaverv, 
372,  377;  Dr.  Coke  testifies  against 
slavery,  373,  374,  376;  rules  against 
slavery  drawn  up  by  the  Methodists, 
374,  375;  Virginia  allowed  louger 
time  to  consider  rules,  375;  gradual 
emancipation  desired  for  Virginia, 
875,    376;     opposition    to     minute 


INDEX, 


against  slavery,  377  and  note ;  slav- 
ery lamented,  377  n ;  petitions  against 
slavery,  378,  379  j  cause  of  failure  of 
petition,  379,  360, 

5}i m  bridge,  Gloucestershire,  Eng.,  90, 
9L 

Sin  all-pox,  early  cases  of  inoculation 
for,  193  and  note. 

Smibert,  John  (1684-1751),  portrait 
painter,  39  n,  89. 

Smith,  Adam  (1723-1700),  342  n,  345, 
348  n,  355  n  :  his  Wealth  of  Nations 
cited,  345 n,  348 n,  354  n,  3")5  nt  303  n  ; 
quoted,  348  n,  349,  354  n,  300, 307  »; 
on  wealthy  planters,  348, 

Charles  (1713-1777),   his   Tracts 

on  the  Corn  Trade,  mentioned,  352, 

Goldwin,  434. 

Capt.  John  (1579-1631),  his  Gen- 

erall  His  tor  ie  of  Virginia,  cited,  60. 

Hon.  Jeremiah,  LL.D-,  xvii 

William  (1097-1769),  Y.  C.  1719, 

191n,197and  note  ;  active  in  affairs 
of  Presbyterian  Congregation  in  New 
York,  lf'l. 

William  (1728-1793),  Y.  C.  1745, 

son  of  William  (Y.  C.  1719),  his 
History  of  New  York,  cited,  358  *, 

Smithsonian  Institution,  100. 

Smyrna,  100. 

Snow,  Caleb  Hopkins  (1796-1835), 
M.D.,  117;  his  History  of  Boston, 
quoted,  114,  116,  131  n  :  cited,  114  n. 

Charles  Armstrong,  A.B.,  xvii, 

11,  180,  If?- 

Charles  Henry  Boylston  (d.  1875), 

H,  C.  1844, 225  n ;  his  verses,  quoted, 
225. 

Social  Law  Library,  Boston,  385  and 
note,  399  i»,  402  n  :  owns  portrait  of 
M.  Howard,  384,  385,  401, 

Soeiete  Hbtorique  Franco- A meVicaine, 
La,  purposes  of,  456. 

Society  for  Promoting  Theological 
Education,  the,  expected  to  assume 
charge  of  Harvard  Divinity  School, 
421  n. 

Society  for  Propagating  the  Gospel 
in  America.  See  New  England 
Company. 

Society  for  the  Propagation  of  the 
(icspel  in  Foreign  Parts,  incorpo- 
rated in  1701,  180  n:  gave  rise  to 
the  May  hew  Controversv,180  n,  1 81  n* 
See  ak&  New  England  Company, 

Society  for  the  Propagation  of  the 
Gospel  in  New  England.  See  New 
England  Company. 


Socrates,  444  n. 

Solemn  League  and  Covenant,  Boston, 
protesters  against,  114  n,  120,  132  n. 

Some  Considerations,  ete,%  a  pamphlet, 
quoted,  362  and  note* 

Somerset,  Capt.  John,  an  Indian,  his 
deed  to  R.  Fulford,  21, 22  \  his  iden- 
tity with  Samoset,  22  n,  61,  09; 
Jived  near  Femaquid,  60;  early 
references  to,  60,  61;  deeds  from, 
65;  owned  Muscongus  Island,  05, 
63;  Somerset  Island  purchased  from, 
66,  68;  Somerset  Island  derived  its 
name  from,  68,  70.     See  Samoset. 

Somerset,  the  name,  as  applied  to 
Maine,  61,  68  n,  70;  Capt  John 
Somerset  did  not  derive  his  name 
from,  61,  64,  65,  See  also  New 
Somerset. 

Somerset,  the  battle  ship,  247. 

Somerset  Club,  Boston,  Mass.,  235. 

Somerset  County,  Me.,  64  and  note,  69, 
70. 

Somerset  Cove,  Me.,  location  of,  68  n, 

Somerset  Island,  Me.,  65  n,  66  n,  67  n, 
68  *i :  granted  to  J.  Spragge,  66 ; 
purchased  from  Capt.  Samoset,  66  j 
location  of,  07;  Muscongus  Island 
and,  apparently  the  same,  68;  name 
of,  derived  from  Capt.  John  Somer- 
set, 68-70. 

Somerset  Point,  Me.,  location  of,  69; 
now  disappeared,  69. 

Somerset  Township,  Me.,  69  n. 

Somersetshire,  England,  09. 

Somersit.     See  Somerset. 

Somerville,  Mass.,  Historical  Society, 
213. 

Somerville  Hall,  Oxford,  Eng.  453  n. 

Sommarset.     See  Somerset, 

Sotterley,  Suffolk,  Eng.,  86. 

South,  the,  341,  365,  392  n,  431,438; 
words  Interval  and  Intervale  not 
used  in,  148;  prevalence  of  slavery 
in,  359;  doubtful  as  to  products  of 
slave  labor,  361;  staples  of,  365; 
difference  between  labor  in  the 
North  and,  366,  367 ;  condemns  slave 
labor,  368  j  value  of  slaves  in,  368  n  ; 
division  between  the  North  and, 
428;  England's  attitude  toward,  428, 
429. 

South  America,  402. 

South  Burying  Place,  Boston,  92,  94, 

South  Carolina,  75  n,  78,  147,335,  369, 
384,  396;  case  of  burning  negroes 
alive  in,  336;  population  in,  343. 

South  Carolina  Statutes,  quoted,  336, 


522 


index; 


South  End,  Boston,  111. 

South  Kingstown,  R.  I.,  887  n. 

South  Market  Street,  Boston,  127. 

South  Street,  Cambridge,  Mass.,  227  n. 

South  Writing  School,  Boston,  119. 

South  bridge,  Maw.,  455. 

Southgatc,  William  Scott,  on  the  term 
New  Somersetshire,  04  n. 

Southworth,  Prof.  George  Champlin 
Shepard,  on  the  words  Interval  and 
Intervale  in  Ohio,  143  n. 

Spain,  213  n,  312,  813,  414,  415;  war 
with,  181;  treaty  made  by  king  of, 
205 ;  illegal  trade  between,  and  the 
Colonies,  290,  80);  cedes  Florida, 
313  n;  emigration  from,  805. 

Spanish,  the,  808,  309,  305. 

Spanish- American  War,  society  organ- 
ized  to  perpetuate  Records  of,  455. 

Spanish  Peaks,  Col.,  310. 

Sparhawk,  Catherine  (1741-1778), 
daughter  of  Rev.  John  (H.  C.  1781), 
wife  of  Nathaniel,  Jr.,  395  n. 

Elizabeth  (1707-1800),  daughter 

of  Nathaniel,  Jr.     See  Spooner. 

Rev.   John   (1711-1755),    H.  C, 

1731,  of  Salem,  son  of  Rev.  John 
(H.  C.  1889)  of  Bristol,  R.  I.,  129 


Margaret    (Pejrgv)    (1752-1772), 

daughter  of  Re      ~  " 

See  Winslow. 


;y)    fl7o>- 
hn  (H.  C. 


1731). 


Judge     Nathaniel    (b.  1715),    of 

Boston  and  Kittery,  Me.,  son  of  Rev. 
John  (H.  C.  1089),  129. 

Nathaniel,    Jr.     (1744-1815),    of 

Kittery,  Me.,  son  of  Judge  Nathaniel, 
31)5  n. 

family,  305  n. 

Sparks,  Jared  (1789-1800),  LL.D., 
President  of  Harvard  College,  229; 
his  Washington's  Writings,  men- 
tioned, 72 ;  cited,  377  n  ;  his  Corre- 
spoudence  of  the  American  Revolu- 
tion, cited,  81 ;  story  alx>ut,  at 
••Clover  Den,"  104;  his  American 
Biography,  cited,  271  n. 

Speedwell,  the  ship,  37. 

Spence,  James,  428 ;  his  American 
Union,  mentioned,  428  n. 

Spencer,  Gen.  Asa  (1747-1828),  5  n, 
On. 

Charles.      See  Sunderland. 

Herbert,  423. 

Spinning  School,  Boston,  87. 

Spoleto,  Italy,  310  n. 

Spooner,  Andrew.  Sr.,  (1763-1S02),  of 
Boston,  son  of  John,  Jr.,  400;  ac- 
count of,  3l>4,  81*5. 


Andrew,  Jr.,  sod  of  Andrew,  Sr, 

895,  400;  account  of,  401. 
And: aw,  of  Singapore  and  France, 

son  of  Andrew,  Jr.,  401. 
Ann,  Anna  or  Annie  (Howard), 

wife  of  Andrew,  Sr.,  387  and  arte, 

394  and  note,  395,  4O0. 
—  Ann  or  Anna  Howard,  «ia"g*it»r 

of  Andrew,  Sr.     See  Jarvis. 
Elizabeth  or    Eliza    (Sparhawk), 

second  wife  of  Andrew,  Sr.,  395  and 

note. 
Elizabeth  Sparhawk,  ^^gH+r  of 

Andrew,  Sr.     See  Jarvis. 
John,  Sr.  (d.  1763),  the  emigrant, 

895. 
John,  Jr.  (1732-1769),  of  Boston, 

son  of  John,  Sr.,  394. 
Margaret  (Oliver),  wife  of  John, 

Jr.,  394,  395. 
William  (1760-1836),  H.  C.   1773, 

M.D.,  son  of  John,  Jr.,  400  and  note, 

401. 

family,  395  and  note,  401  n. 

Spragg,  John,  Secretary  of  New  York, 

Somerset  Island  granted  to,  66. 
Sprague,   Rer.  William    Buell    (1795- 

1876),    LL.D.,  his    Annals    of    the 

American  Pulpit,  cited,  187  n,  188  a, 

191  n,  200  n,  201  n,  206  n. 
Spring  Street,  Newport,  R.  I.,  388. 
Springfield,  Mass.,  124  and  note,  325  n. 
Springfield  Republican,  the,  cited,  241. 
Stamp  Act,  157,   161,   164,    171,   389, 

391  n;  riots,  246;  troubles,  356;  ap- 
pointments under,  387. 
Stanley,  Capt.  Christopher  (<f.   1646), 

of  Boston,  93. 
Stansfeld,  Sir  James  (1820-1898),  429. 
Stark,  Caleb  H804-1864),  his  Memoir 

and    Official   Correspondence   of  J. 

Stark,  cited,  260  n,  261  n. 
(Jen.    John    (1728-1822),    260  n, 

261  n. 
State  House,  Boston,  218,  219  n,  234, 

236. 
State  Street,  Boston,  fl2,  124,  128. 
Statutes  of  England,  cited,  162  n,  345  n. 
Stayner,  Abigail,  114  and  note. 
Stearns,  Thomas,  of   Cambridge,  229, 

230. 
Stebbing,  William,  his  Charles  Henry 

Pearson,  cited,  430  n. 
Steele,    Sir  Richard   (1672-1729),   his 

Account  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Re- 
ligion, mentioned,  179  n. 
Sterling.     See  Stirling. 
Stevens,  Rev.  Benjamin  (1721-1791), 


INDEX. 


523 


D.D.,  H,  C.  1740,  of  Kittery,  Me, 
son  of  Rev,  Joseph  (II.  C.  1703), 
52  nt  54-59. 

Benjamin  Franklin,  L.  H.  D., 

xviii. 

Capt.  Charles  Edward,  235  m 

Elizabeth  (Stevens),  daughter  of 

Simon,  and  wife  of  Capt.  Fhiuehas, 
200  nf  261. 

Joseph,  of  Sudbury,  260  n, 

*  Mary  (Wilder),  wife  of  Simon, 

260  ». 

Maud  Lyman,  388  n. 

-  Capt.  PJiinehas  or  Phiueas  (1706- 

1750),  son  of  Joseph,  202 ;  defends 
Township  Number  Four  against 
French  and  Indian  attack,  280 ;  ac- 
count of,  200  f),  261  n;  his  letter 
quoted,  201 ;  mentioned,  201  it. 

Prudeuce  (Rice),  wife  of  Joseph, 

260  n. 

Simon,  of  Rutland,  200  n* 

Stieglitz  &  Co.f  21ft. 

Stiles,  Rev,  Ezra  (1727-1795),  132t 

Still  Kiver  farm,  Harvard,  Mass., 
144. 

Stilld,  Charles  Janeway  (1819-1899), 
237  n. 

Stilson,  James,  Sr.,  65  n,  07  and  note ; 
petitions  for  a  patent  for  Somerset 
Uu£  60;  livfd  on  Somerset  Island 
and  tmmgm  Island,  OS. 

James,  Jr.,  son  of  Jainus,  Sr.,  05  n, 

66. 

Margaret,  daughter  of  James,  Sr. 

See  Hilton. 

Margaret  (Gould),  wife  of  James, 

Sr.,  65  n,  67  and  note.  See  also  Pitt- 
man. 

Stirling^  Lord.  See  Alexander,  William* 

Stock  bridge,  Mass.,  244. 

Stockport,  Cheshire,  Eng,,  447  n. 

Stoddard,  Anthony  (d.  1680),  Recorder 
of  Boston,  286  n,  327,  328, 

Stone,  Rev.  Henry  Morgan,  394  ». 

Stone  Street,  Newport,  ft.  t,  388* 

Stonington,  Conn.,  185. 

Stony  Brook,  N.  J.,  145, 

Story,  Joseph  (1779-1845),  his  Com- 
mentaries, quoted,  347, 

Stonghton,  Rebecca,  sister  of  Chief- 
Justice  William,     S**e  Tailer, 

Chief- Justice     William     (1631- 

1701),  207  a. 

Stove,  Rev,  Calvin  Ellis  (1802-1886), 
288. 

Stradford.     See  Stratford 

Straits,  the,  204. 


Strand,  the,  London,  Eng.,  427  n. 

Strangers'  Courts.  See  under  Massa- 
chusetts Rav  Colony. 

Stratford,  Conn.,  144,'  188  and  note. 

Streeter,  Louis  Packard,  254;  draws 
Plans  of  the  location  of  the  Sand e- 
manian  Meeting  Houses,  110  n;  the 
Plnns,  between  116,  117,  opposite 
118,  between  122,  123. 

Stuart,  James  Francis  Edward  (1688- 
1700),  the  Old  Pretender,  1«0. 

Sturb  ridge,  Mass.,  455. 

Sturtevant,  Samuel,  23. 

Sudbury,  Mass.,  247,  260  n,  272. 

Sudbury  Street,  Boston,  84  m,  130, 

Suffolk  Couutv,  Eng.,  fcv6,  181  n. 

Suffolk  Couutv,  Mass.,  3,  14, 10,  36,  42, 
43,  44,  48,  49,  85  n,  128,  257,  270  n, 
324,  326,  327,  390,  397  n,  399,400  n  ; 
ah1  records  of  the  Superiour  Court 
kept  in  office  in,  13  n. 

Court  Files,  and  Early  Court  Files, 

quoted,  3, 4, 14*  15,  MMB,  38-52,  323, 
325  n,  326,  328,  329,  331  ;  cited,  4  n, 

18  n,  266  n,  334  n;  mentioned,    12, 

19  n,  41,  265,  266,  280. 

Deeds,  cited,  12  n,  17  n,  23  n,  37  n, 

38  ii,  51  n,  85  ti,  88  and  note,  89, 
91-93,  118  n,  119  n,  120  n,  122  ti, 
123  n,  124,  125,127,  128,  130,  218n, 
267  u,  208  R,  270  nt  321  »,  334  n,  398  n, 
399  »,  402  i ;  quoted,  117,  123  n. 

Probate   Files,   cited,  25  n,  38 n, 

85  n,  88  and  note,  89,  91-94,  114  n, 
117,  118  n,  119  n,  121  n,  123  n,  124- 
129  and  note,  130, 173  n,  210  nt  213  A, 
220  n,  268  n,  318  »,  322,  323,  334  n, 
395  n,  897  n,  399  n,  400  n  ;  quoted, 
38n,86,  400  n. 

Probate  Office,  385. 

Probate  Records,  cited,  118  n,  125, 

128. 

Sullivan,  James  (1 74 4-1 &08),  Governor 
of  Massachusetts,  his  History  of 
Maine,  quoted,  64  n,  07. 

Hon.  William  (1774-1839),  H.  C. 

1792,  son  of  Gov.  James,  127,  385  n. 

Suite,  Benjamin,  F.  R.  S,  C,  261  n, 
262  n,  264,  265;  gives  information 
about  Boucher  de  Niverville,  262, 
283  n. 

Summary  View  of  the  Rights  of  British 
America,  by  T.  JeffeTson,  cited,  809  m 

Suuimersajt,  Summerset,  Sumorset, 
See  Somerset 

Sunderland,  Charles  Spencer  (1075- 
1722),  Earl  of,  his  son  inoculated  for 
the  small-pox,  1722,  193, 


524 


INDEX. 


Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States. 

Set  under  United  States. 
Supreme  Judicial   Court.     See    under 

Massachusetts. 
Surry,  Me.,  401,  402 ;  Town  Records, 

mentioned,  402  n. 
Susquehanna  River,  147,  843. 
S  wad  dan.     See  Swaden. 
Swaden,  Philip,  21,  26. 
Swan.  Hepzibah  (Clarke),  wife  of  Col. 

James  (1754-1&0),  398  n. 

Lucretia.     See  Lane. 

Dr.  Thomas,  of  Boston  and  Rox- 

burv,     physician,    328;    his     house 

burned,  324,  326.  327. 
Swanwick,  Anna  (1813-1899),  LL.D., 

453;  account  of,  453  n,  454  n. 
Sweden,  179,  ISO. 

Sweetman.  John,  of  Cambridge,  227  n. 
Sweetser.  Sarah  (Lvnde)  Clark,  wife  of 

Seth  (1668-1731)  of    Charlestown, 

39  n.  4i,  52  n,  53  n. 
Seth  (1668-1731),  of  Charkstown, 

39  ru  47,  5:3  n. 
Seth    (1703-1778).    H.  C.     17*22, 

Town  Clerk  of  Charlestown.  sou  of 

Seth    (1665-1731),  47,   53-59;    ac- 
count of.  53  a,  54  n. 
Rev.    Seth     (1S07-1S78),    D.D. 

H.  C.   1827,  of   Worcester,   son    of 

Seth  (1772-1S51)  of  Xewburrport, 

54  n. 
Swift.  Lixdsat.  A.B.,  xrii,  372  a. 
Swinging  Bridge.  Boston.  83. 
Svmrues.   Huldah,  daughter   of    Rer. 

ZectLAriih.     See  Daris. 

RVv.  Zecharijkh  ii:%W-l#701.  124. 

Sv3io:id&.  Samuel  ^i.  lt57>).of  Ipswich. 

"2*5. 
Svnod  of  PresbYTerians.  X.  T.,  1723. 
%ld*. 

TaFT.  Hkxrt  Wajlbuiwe.  A.M.. 

xrii. 
Tailor.  AbLrji"  ^G:ILa=:^  Dti.il-*T.  seeccd 
wife  o:  Lieu:. -tier.  William.  2*>  %. 

S^rih    iBrdrld1.    £t*:    wife    of 

Lie-:.-tior.  W-Liia.  if7  a. 

Rcbecvi    v$coi^h:vc.-.    ^i:-*    c: 

Wi^iA=:    i-  I*KC:*?7  *.  2*>  *. 

wr-t-     i.    :s*:v.  '*'    Bcwrc. 

swrvhas.^  ^?T  %.  2*.>  a. 

WUlUzi    v:l    ir-:\    LaK3.-GoT- 

er=,;r  ,-f  Missk:r.js»rCt».  1£>:  jccccz* 
cf.    r>f7-£**-r  *::i  *■•***     iL*    rvr--*o- 
s;.;c  wi:h  :ie  FV,*-:-.-."^  H:cs»*.  i7v  \ 
w:si  Bcwrcz.  Li^i^  £70  *.  2S*-.  2*1. 


Talcott,  Joseph  (1660-1741),  Governor 
of  Connecticut,  8,  9,  11,  202,  206, 
210  »;  character  of,  304:  Dnmmers 
letter  to,  209,  210. 

Sebastian   Visscher,    his    Talcott 

Pedigree,  cited,  210  n. 

Tanguay,  Abbe  Cyprien,  264  n :  his 
Diction naire  Genealogique  des  Fa- 
milies Canadiennea,  mentioned,  265  a. 

Taunton,  Mass.,  85  ft. 

Taunton,  Somerset,  Eng.,  372  a. 

Taunus,  the,  Germany,  448. 

Tavler,  John  James,  principal  of  Man- 
chester College,  Oxford,  41S,  419  and 
note,  422  and  note. 

Taylor,  Jacob,  76  and  note, 

— 1-  Keziah.     Set  Kldredge. 

Tea,  tax  on,  157 ;  destruction  of,  161, 
338. 

Teele.  Rev.  Albert  Kendall.  D.D.,  his 
Historr  of  Milton,  cited,  92,  152  a, 
153  n." 

Temple  Place,  Boston,  23d.  307  a, 
393  n. 

Tennyson,  Alfred  (1S09-1S92),  Baron 
Tennrson,  453  a. 

Thachef.  Rer.  Peter  (1752-1S02),  DUX, 
H.  C.  1769.  317. 

Thames  River.  England.  215. 

Thaxter.  Col.  Samuel  (1665-1740).  of 
Hingham,  Executive  Councillor,  son 
of  Cape.  John,  270  a .-  on  committee 
to  erect  a  lighthouse.  279-2'SO.  2S1- 

Thater.  Ezra  Rtkxt.  A.M.,  xrii- 

Rer.  Henry  Otis.  •*©. 

Jame»    Brad  let.     LL.D-.    xri. 

214.252.  257:  renewed  \  Iot=-Prssi- 
den:.  2o5. 

Johx  Euot.  A  B-.  xvi:. 

Third  Church.  B**«oc.    :s?-  OM  So«xlei- 

Tbird  Ni::ocai  Bank.  Rrsoic.  2-T4. 

Tfcorr.a*.  Gee.  J:hn  ^  17^5—177*5  .  rota- 
tion see:  «o.  lo*?. 

Tfc:-=iA*  i  An-I-rT^  123  •». 

Tb:-i*c-.  Sip:  i-rl  X..  i  Co..  53o  a. 

Th- r.*rw;-.  Silnzis  Fbi'Iir*?-  sits 
M:-:r.^I  Far*.!*-.  -;mL  L-jI  \m 

Thrrrie,  Hr£r7  DtitSI  1*17-1?*^  ?, 
H.  C.  Is57.  is  Yiakw  iz.  Ca^avsa. 
:-:-:rHi.  14*. 

Tk:i>::il  >jl^tel  L*:ts:x--?_  aJL 
x-:.  -•*." .  *l»icc«!ii  a  =niZLi«*r  ;if  ias) 
CvTwu:iL  i5c. 


INDEX. 


5'25 


Thornton,  John  Wingate  (d.  1878), 
17  ii,  50  h, 

Thomas  Henry,  his  biography  of 

sir  R.  G.  Sandeuiau,  mentioned, 
131  n. 

Three  Rivers,  Canada,  263  and  note, 
264. 

Thumbcap  Island,    See  Holmes  Island. 

Tickuor,  George  (1791-1871),  studies 
at  Gottingen,  99 ;  becomes  professor 
at  Harvard,  99;  the  Lite,  Letters, 
■lid  Journals  of,  quoted,  1.01. 

Tiltlen,  Abigail  (  Parrot  t),  wife  of 
David  of  Boston,  53  n. 

Christopher,  a  Pemaquid  pro- 
prietor, 1743,  53  n. 

William  Smith,   his    History  of 

Medfield,  cited,  334  n. 

Tileston  Street,  Boston,  12L 

TilJdeu.     See  Tikleu. 

Tilton,  Susanna,     See  Slade, 

Timmtngs,  John,  304. 

Timmins,  Mary,  394. 

Titnpas  River,  Col.  ,  309. 

Tippet,  Mary,  probably  widow  of 
N  i  ch  ol  as .     See  Da v  is. 

Nicholas  (d.  1696),  of  Boston  and 

Charlestown  in  the  Island  of  Neiris, 
125. 

Tit- Kits,  an  English  magazine,  men- 
tioned, 444  and  note. 

Titus,  Timothy,  signs  Petition  to  Pro- 
vincial Congress,  130* 

Tobacco,  valuable  staple,  344;  culti- 
vation of,  350,  354,  305,  306. 

Tocqueville,  Charles  Alexis  Henri 
Maurice  Cltfwl  de  (1605-1859), 
quoted,  367,  308  n. 

Tontine  Crescent,  Boston,  398  and 
note,  309  a. 

Tooke,  Thomas  (1774-1858),  his  His- 
tory of  Prices,  cited,  352  n. 

Torrax,  Robert  Noxon,  A.M.,  xvi, 
11,  70,  305;  deceased,  xix;  calls  at* 
tent  ton  to  omission  by  E.  Raw  son, 
81,  82,  96  ;  his  Edward  Randolph, 
mentioned,  05,  9u\  305 ;  cited,  162  n  ; 
exhibits  invitation  from  Sophomore 
Class  of  Yale  College,  1796,  211  j 
offers  resolution,  256;  his  remarks 
on  the  Navigation  Laws,  30.') ;  his 
remarks  on  the  death  of  E,  G.  Porter, 
340 ;  announces  the  formation  of  the 
Order  of  the  Descendants  of  Colonial 
Governors  prior  to  1750,  340;  ex* 
hibits  a  printed  sermon  by  Car- 
dinal Carrajal  and  his  remarfes,  414, 
415. 


Tories,  American,  109,  120.  See  ato 
LovalULs. 

"English,  428  n, 

Tomy,  Henry  Warren  (1814-1803), 
105. 

Tower  Hill,  London,  87. 

Town  Dock,  Boston,  88. 

Town  House,  Boston,  93. 

Towuseud,  David  (b.  1093),  of  Charles- 
town,  blockmaker,  122. 

David   (d.    1529),   M.D.,   H,   C. 

1870,  son  of  Shippie,  122. 

Elizabeth,    daughter    of    David, 

See  Peek, 

Mabel  (Shippie),  wife  of  David, 

"Col.  Penn  (1651-1727),  Bfi  a. 

Shippie  (1722-1798),  113  n;  San- 

deinaniuns  meet  with,  116;  account 
of,  122. 

Town  Bend,  Lord.     See  Tow  milieu  d. 

Townsend,  Mass.,  266  and  not** 

IWnshend,  Charles  (1074-1738),  Vis- 
count Townsbend,  199,  210. 

Charles   (172*~17G7),  Cbancellor 

of  the  Exchequer,  161. 

Towushend,  Mass.     See  Townsend. 

Towushf  ud  Tax  Act,  arouses  indigna- 
tion, 161.  K 

Township  Number  Four.  See  Charles- 
town,  N.  H. 

Trade,  illegal,  306;  letter  of  Gov. 
Shirley  about,  297,  21)8;  of  W. 
Bollan,  299-305;  destructive  to  in- 
terests of  Great  Britain,  297,  209, 
300;  carried  on  with  Holland,  297, 
299, 300, 304 ;  carried  on  with  Spain, 
299,  300;  many  engaged  in,  300; 
difficulties  of  suppressing,  300,  301 ; 
remedies  for,  30 1-3*  H. 

Trades  Increase,  a  ship,  38. 

Treat,  Robert  (1694^1770),  tutor  at 
Yale,  1725,  176  n, 

Trelawny,  Robert  (1598-  c.  1644),  04. 

Tremont  National  Bank,  Boston,  123. 

Tremont  Street,  Boston,  397  n,  898  n, 

Trent  affair,  421 

Trenton,  N\  V.,  231. 

Trenton  Falls,  N.  Y.,  231. 

Trethersly, ,  shipreeve,  25* 

Trinidad,  Col.,  its  rise  and  early  settle- 
ment, 313  and  note. 

Trinitarian  ism,  origin  of,  418, 

Trinity  Church,  Boston,  126,  389  n, 
395,  398, 399,  401 ;  Registers,  cited, 
74  n,  126,  400  n;  mentioned,  395, 
396  n,  398  n;  quoted,  399  n. 

Trinity  Church,  Newport,  R.  Lt  386, 


526 


INDEX. 


887  n ;  Mason's  Annals  of,  cited, 
880  n,  387  n,  303  n;  Register  of, 
mentioned,  387,  894  n  ;  quoted,  394. 

Trinity  College,  Cambridge,  Eng., 
438  n. 

Trumbull,  Col.  John  (1756-1843),  son 
of  Gov.  Jonathan,  Sr.,  80  n ;  meets 
Copley,  80,  81;  his  Autobiography, 
Reminiscences  and  letters,  quoted, 
80,81. 

Col.  Joseph  (1737-1778),  son  of 

Gov.  Jonathan,  Sr.,  80  and  note. 

Tryon,  William  (1725-1788),  Governor 
of  North  Carolina  and  of  New  York, 
on  improved  lands  in  New  York,  842 
and  note;  on  manufactures  in  New 
York,  357;  and  the  Regulators  of 
North  Carolina,  890,  391. 

Tuckkr,  Gkorgk  Fox,  Ph.D.,  xvii; 
reads  extracts  from  the  Diary  of 
J.  R.  Anthony,  259. 

Richard,  of  Casco,  Me.,  62,  64  n. 

Rev.  William  Jewktt,  LL.D., 

xviii. 

Tucker  man.     See  Tucker,  Richard. 

Tully.     See  Cicero. 

Turell,  Rev.  Ebenezer  (1702-1778), 
II.  C.  1721,  his  Life  of  Benjamin 
Col  man,  cited,  SO. 

Turkey  Hills,  Townseud  and  Lunen- 
burg, Mass.,  266. 

Turner,  Daniel  (1667-1741),  physician, 
gives  books  to  Yale  College,  198; 
account  of,  198  n ;  his  honorary  de- 
gree from  Yale,  198  n,  201,  202,*  203. 

Fkkdkrick     Jackson,     Ph.D., 

xviii,   214;    elected    Corresponding 
Memlwr,  15(5. 

Turuiniquire  mountain  range,  Venez- 
uela, 316  n. 

Tuthill,  Sarah.     See  Gooch. 

Capt.  Zechariah  (1671-1721),  of 

Hostou.  281. 

Tut  tie,  Julius  Herbert,  indebtedness 
to.  127  n. 

Tuttle.     *sYf  Tuthill. 

Two  Raeon  Gut  (now  known  as  The 
(JuO,  from  St.  John's  Bay  to  Dama- 
riscotta  River,  Me.,  26. 

TV  Mawr.  IVninaenraawr.  Conwav, 
"Wales.  432. 

Luke. 
Weslev 


his    Life   and 
cited,  371  n  : 


Tyerman.  Rev. 
Times  of  J. 
quoted.  372  n 

Tyi.fr.  Mosfs  Coit.  LL.D.,  xviii. 
3S1 ;  deceased,  xi\  :  elated  Corre- 
sponding Member.  3S0.  i      n^'e. 

Tyley.  Samuel,  Jr.  KK  16S9\  Clerk  of  l- 


the  Superionr  Court  of  Judicature, 
41. 

Tyng,  Gen.  Edward  (</.  1681),  of  Bos- 
ton, 26. 

Hannah   (h.  1639),    daughter  of 

Capt.  Edward  of  Boston.  See 
Savage. 

Rev.     Stephen    B-      See     Tyng, 

Stephen  Higgiuson. 

Rev.  Stephen  Higginaon  (H.  C. 

1817),  D.D.,  426  n;  uot  allowed  to 
speak  for  the  slave  in  London,  426. 

Tyng,  Capt.  William  (d.  1652),  93. 

XJlMER,  John,  of  Broad  Bay,  Me., 

deposition  of,  87. 

Umbria,  Italy,  316  n. 

Union,  the,  war  for,  416  ;  defence  of, 
425 ;  restoration  of,  428. 

Union  Street,  Boston,  121,  235  n. 

Unitarian,  The,  mentioned,  445 ;  cited, 
445  n. 

Unitarian  Association,  418,  441  n. 

Unitarian  Chapel,  Monton,  Eng.,  449  n. 

Unitarian  Home  Missionary  Board, 
Manchester,  Eng.,  400. 

Unitarian  Review,  The,  mentioned,  292, 
440,  442,  445;  cited,  440  n,  445  n; 
J.  H.  Allen,  editor  of,  440;  J.  H. 
Allen '8  proposal  concerning,  441  and 
note,  444,  445. 

Unitarian  ism,  418;  liberal  movement 
in  religion,  452,  453. 

Unitarians,  100,  291 ;  division  among, 
418;  in  England,  421;  paper  of  the 
English,  425  n ;  works  of,  427  n ; 
organized  body  of,  442;  church  of, 
442 ;  position  of,  in  Kngland,  442. 

United  States,  17  n,  104,  131  n,  138, 
139  n,  201  ii,  311,  373,  383,  392  n, 
422,  440,  455 ;  allegiance  to,  72 ; 
classical  instruction  in,  98,  99; 
Florida  ceded  to,  313  n  ;  slavery  in, 
lamented.  377  n :  three  per  cent  stock 
of,  400;  religious  changes  in,  418; 
government  refuses  to  purchase  for- 
eign ships  431  ;  regarded  as  a  nation, 
431 :  system  of  labor  in,  revolution- 
ized, 432;  religious  bodies  in,  450; 
part  taken  by  French  race  in,  45(5. 

Army,  l.">6  n. 

Coast  Survey  Chart,  68  n. 

Constitution.  93  n,  434. 

Direct  Tax  List.  119. 

Sanitary    Commission,    237    and 


Secret  Service,  455  and  note. 


INDEX. 


527 


Supreme  Court,  892  n. 

University   Chapel,   Harvard  College, 

1^5  n. 
University  Club,  Boston,  249. 
University  College,  Loudon,  Eug.,  418, 

438^ 
University  Hall,  Harvard  College,  98. 
University  Hall,  London,  Eng.,  446, 
University  Press,  Cambridge,  253,  254. 
Unongoil,  an  Indian  sagamore,  61* 
Upton,  Prof.  Charles  Barnes,  444  and 

note,  415,  447. 
Louisa  ( Elcock),  wife  of  Charlea 

Barnes,  444,  447. 
Usher,  Hezekiah   (*L  1676),  of  Cam- 

bridge,  124  n. 
Usurpation*  the,  in  Massachusetts,  94, 

96,  329  n. 
Utah,  315  n. 
Utrecht,  University  of,  173 ;  treaty  oft 

36L 
Uxb  ridge,  Mass,,  146. 


V  AN  BUltEN,  Martin,  President  of 

the  United  States,  402, 
Van   Rensselaer,  Louisa  (Lane),  wife 

of  William  Bayard,  106- 
William  Bayard  (IL  C.  1870),  of 

Albany,  N.  Y.,  1Q& 
Vamey,  James    Jlobbs,   Register    of 

Deeds  for  Lincoln  County,  Me*,  on 

Somerset  Cove.  68  n. 
Vassall,  John  (1738-1707),  IL  C.  1757, 

of    Cambridge,    son    of    Col.  John 

(3713-1747),  128, 
Vaughan,   Charles,    Br*    (1759-18!Jt>)' 

31itJ  n,  309  n. 
Charles,  Jr.   (1804-1S7S),  son  of 

Charles,  Sr^  399  n. 
Frances  Western  (Apthorp),  wife 

of  Charles,  Sr.,  396  «,  397  n,  899  n. 
Francis   Wales  (IL  C  1S53),  Li- 
brarian of  the  Social  Law  Library, 

Boston,  son  of  Charles,  Jr.,  396  ?i, 

399  n ;  identifies  the  portrait  of  M. 

Howard,  385, 

family,  401. 

Vaughan  Street,  Portsmouth,  N.   H., 

216, 
Wrizie,  Joseph  (1780-1863),  of  Boston, 

baker,  son  of  Peter,  114,  118,  13L 
Venezuela,  336  n  ;  use  of  word  Purga- 

torioin,  315,  316. 
Venning,  William  Marshall,  D.C.L,,  on 

the  New  England  Company,  181  n, 
Vermont,    139  nt   142  n,    148  «,  289, 

382. 


Vermont,  University  of,  383. 

Verne,  Jules,  133. 

Versailles,  France,  264, 

Veterinary  College,  Maisons-Alfort, 
France,  233. 

Veterinary  Institute,  Boston,  Mass., 
234  and  note,  235  n. 

Vice  Admiralty,  Courts  of,  386. 

Victoria,  Queen  of  England,  382,  383. 

Vienna,  Austria,  448, 

Vindication  of  the  British  Colonies 
against  the  Aspersions  of  the  Hali- 
fax Gentleman,  by  J.  Otis,  men- 
tioned, 389  Hi 

Vines,  Richard  (c*  1585-1051 ),  of  Saco, 
51  fi,  62,  64  n;  deeds  laud  for  Sir 
F.  Gorges,  63,  64. 

Virgil  (Publius  Virgilius  Maro),  228, 
277. 

Virginia,  00,  00,  123  n,  147  n,  264,335, 
348,  861  n,  353,  367,  865,  370,  371, 
372,  373;  farming  in,  840,  350;  cul- 
tivated land  in,  342;  population  in, 
343  ;  natural  fertile  soil  in,  344;  law 
of  primogeniture  in,  346 ;  evidences 
of  poverty  in,  348;  tobacco  culti- 
vation in,  365;  prohibits  importa- 
tion of  slaves,  369,  370;  abolition  in, 
372;  allowed  two  years  to  consider 
rules  against  slavery,  375 ;  early 
attempts  to  abolish  slavvrv  in,  ->78." 

General  Assembly,  371*  376,  377, 

House  of  Delegates,  Journal  of, 

quoted,  37 8t  379 ;  rejects  petition  to 
abolish  slavery,  379. 

Statutes  at  Large,  cited,  379  n. 

Virginia  Magazine  of  History  and 
Biography,  cited,  336  n. 

Virginia,  Notes  on  the  Proposed  Aboli- 
tion of  Slavery  in,  in  1785,  See 
under  Slavery  in  Virginia. 

Volnev,  Constantin  Francois  Chasse- 
beeuf,  Comte  de  (1757-1820).  his 
View  of  the  Soil  and  Climate  of  the 
United  States,  quoted,  138. 

Vynes.     See  Vines. 

WADE,  Winthrop  Howlasd,  A.M. 

xvii. 
Wadsworth,  Rev.  Benjamin  (1669- 
1737),  President  of  Harvard  College, 
144,  145  and  noft,  270,  272  r*,  278; 
elected  President  nf  Harvard,  272, 
273;  account  of,  272,  273;  difficul- 
ties of  obtaining  a  house  for,  273 ; 
his  creditable  adtni  nitration,  273; 
various  opinions  of,  273,   274  ;  his 


528 


INDEX. 


Wadsworth  (continued). 

Diary,  quoted,  274, 27o;  cited,  277  n  / 
troubled  about  Commencement,  275. 

Capt.  James  (1677-1756),  of  Dur- 
ham, Ct.,  189  and  note. 

Ruth   (Bordmau),  wife  of    Rev. 

Benjamin,  272,  273. 

Captain  Samuel  (d.  1676),  of  Mil- 
ton, father  of  Rev.  Benjamin,  272  n. 

Wadsworth  House,  Harvard  College, 
152  n ;  building  of,  273. 

Wait,  Hon.  William  Cubhing,  A.M., 
xvii. 

"  Wait-still  Hoping,"  188  and  twte. 

Waldo,  Faith  (reck),  wife  of  Cornelius, 
Jr.,  of  Ipswich,  Chelmsford  and 
Boston,  92. 

Lucy,  daughter  of  Gen.  Samuel. 

See  Wiuslow. 

Gen.  Sammel  (1696-1759),  129. 

Waldoborough,  Me.     See  Broad  Bay. 

Wales,  181  n,  372. 

Walker,  Hon.  Francis  Amasa, 
LL.D.  (1810-1897),  xvi,  342  n. 

James  (1794-1873),  LL.D.,  Presi- 
dent of  Harvard  College,  97  n,  102. 

Susannah  (Collins),  wife  of  Tho- 
mas, her  deposition,  1681,  328,  829. 

Thomas,  of  Boston,  brickmaker, 

326,  327,  328. 

Rev.  Willi8TON,  D.D.,  xviii. 

Wallace,  John  William  (1815-1884), 
378  n. 

Walley,  Abiel,  44. 

Wallingford,  Ct,  191  n. 

Wallingford,  Pa.,  456. 

Walpole,  Sir  Robert  (1676-1745),  Earl 
of  Orford,  199,  205. 

Walpole,  Mass.,  Historical  Society, 
purpose  of,  213. 

Walpole  (now  Nobleborough),  Me.,  30. 

Walpole,  N.  H.,  289. 

Walter  Hastings  Hall,  Harvard  Col- 
lege, 267. 

Waltham,  Mass.,  220. 

Wannerton,  Thomas  (d.  1644),  51  n. 

Wanton,  Gideon  (1693-1767),  Governor 
of  Rhode  Island,  388  n. 

John  G.  (1729-1799),  of  Newport, 

R.  I.,  son  of  Gov.  Gideon,  388;  ac- 
count of,  388  n. 

War  of  1812-15,  455. 

Ward,  Ellen  Maria,  of  Boston,  owns 
original  portraits  of  John  Colman 
and  family,  89. 

—  George  Atkinson,  quoted,  129. 

Henry  (1732-1797),  Secretary  of 

Rhode  Island,  son  of  Gov.  Samuel,  393. 


Mrs.     Humphrey.       See     Ward, 

Mary  Augusta. 

Mary  Augusta  (Arnold),  wife  of 

Thomas  Humphrey,  her  institution 
at  University  Hall,  446. 

Richard  (1689-1763),  Governorof 

Rhode  Island,  393. 

Samuel    (1725-1776),     Governor 

of  Rhode  Island,  son  of  Gov.  Richard, 
405. 

Ware,  Hon.  Darwin  Erastus,  A.M., 
xvi. 

Rev.  Henry  (1764-1845),  H.  C. 

1785,  288,  289. 

Rev.  Henry,  Jr.  (1794-1843),  H. 

C.  1812,  son  of  Rev.  Henry  (H.  C. 
1785),  289,  454. 

Lucy  Clark,  daughter    of    Rev. 

Henry  (H.  C.  1785).     See  Allen. 

Mary  Lovell  (Pickard),    wife  of 

Rev.  Henry  (H.  C.  1812),  447,  448. 

Thornton  Marshall,  A.  B.,  xvii. 

family,  416. 

Warner,  Herman  Jackson  (II.  C.  1850), 
son  of  William  Augustus,  71,  72. 

Gen.  Jonathan  f  1744-1803),  ac- 
count of,  71,  73;  letter  to,  from 
Washington,  72,  73. 

William  Augustus  (H.  C.  1815), 

son  of  Gen.  Jonathan,  72. 

Warren,  Abigail  (1676-1754),  daughter 
of  John  of  Boston.  See  Lord; 
Woodbridge. 

Emily  (5.  1818),  daughter  of  John 

Collins  (1778-1856).     See  Appleton. 

Maj.  Gen.  James  (1726-1808),  on 

farming  conditions,  849. 

John  Collins,  M.D.  (1778-1856), 

231,  234. 

Jonathan    Mason,  M.D.    (1811- 

1867),  son  of  John  Collins,  234. 

Hon.  Winslow,  256. 

Warwick,  Robert  Rich  (1587-1658), 
Earl  of,  19. 

Washington,  George  (1732-1799),  Pres- 
ident of  the  United  States,  71,  72, 
75  n,  93  n,  153  n,  252,  837, 370.  378  n, 
379;  his  letter  to  J.  Warner,  72,  73 ; 
his  Writings,  cited,  72  and  nbte,  81, 
377  n;  army  of,  78;  engraved  por- 
trait of,  exhibited,  137,  251 ;  visits 
Boston,  212;  W.  C.  Ford's  remarks 
on  the  views  of,  340;  on  farming  in 
Virginia,  350,  351;  on  slave  labor, 
359 ;  on  slavery,  372,  376,  377. 

Martha,  wife  of  George,  137  n. 

Washington,  D.  C,  70  n,  96,  106,  156, 
287,  290,  292,  296,  424,  429,  434. 


INDEX. 


529 


Smithsonian  Institution  106. 

Washington,  a  brig*  76  n. 

Washington  Gardens,  Boston,  807  n, 

Washington  Street,  Boston,  93,  94, 
123  n,  124. 

Wftttt  Street,  Boston,  125, 

Waters,  Henry  Fitz  Gilbert,  216  n; 
hb  Genealogical  Gleanings  in  Eng- 
land, cited,  14  n,  17  n,  38  n,  51  it, 
174  u,  180  n,  210  m  ;  quoted,  215  w, 

Watertown,  Mass.,  135, 130,  276,  395  n, 

Watford,  Hertfordshire,  Eng,,  93  n* 

Watson,  James,  Clerk  of  Superior 
Court  in  North  Carolina,  390. 

William,  Ph,D+l  xvi. 

Watte  r  town.     See  Watertown. 

Watts,  Hannah.     See  West. 

Waumbek  Methna,  Indian  name  of  the 
White  Mountains,  3f,  11.,  141*. 

Waunerton*     See  Wanuerton* 

Wajiand,  Mass.,  280  n. 

W  eat  h  ersf ei  Id ,  W  eat  h  ersfieltL  See 
Wethersfteld. 

Webster,  Noah  (175 8-1 843),  his  Com- 
pendious Dictionary,  mentioned, 
138  ;  his  American  Dictionary, 
quoted,  139 ;  on  the  word  Interval, 
141 ;  hirf  Essays,  cited,  342  n. 

Mt$„  Prentiss,  of  Lowell,  340. 

Wkkdkn,  Hon.  William  Babcock, 
A.M.,  xviii. 

Weld,  Anna  Minot.      See  Allen. 

Charles  Ggddard,  M.D.,  xvii. 

Stephen  Minot  (H.  C.  1826),  his 

school,  mentioned,  220. 

William  Gordon,  xvi, 

family,  288. 

WrKLLS,  Samuel,  A.B.,  xvi;  deceased, 
six. 

Wells,  Me.,  64  j  attacked  fay  Indians, 
90,  265 ;  assistance  in  rebuilding 
meeting-house  in,  90. 

Welsteed,  Rev.  William  (IL  C.  1716), 
tutor  at  Harvard,  277. 

Wendell,  Elizabeth.     See  Quincv. 

W«  ntworth,  Benning  (1696-1770), 
Governor  of  New  Hampshire,  2)5  *?. 

• Hannah,  sister  of  Gov.  Benning. 

See  Atkinson. 

familv,  215  n* 

Wesley,  Rev.  John  (1703-1791),  372, 
373  i  followers  of,  370;  opposes  title 
of  Bishop*  371  n ;  his  letter  to 
Asbury,  quoted,  371  u  :  Dr.  Coke's 
book  dedicated  to,  372  n, 

Westeyans,  English,  377  n. 

West*  Abigail  (Leonard),  second  wife 
of  David,  Jr.,  123  n. 


Abigail    Leonard,    daughter    of 

David,  Jr.     See  Cunningham- 
An  n  a,  daugh  ter  of  J  b  1 !  n ,  8  r.     See 

Green. 
Anna  (Sanderson),  wife  of  Rich- 
ard, 122  u. 
David  (L  1730),  son  of  John,  Sr.t 

died  in  infancy,  122  n. 
David,  Sr.  (1737-*.  1779),  of  Bos- 
ton, son  of  John,  Sr.,  122  n,  123  u. 
David,    Jr.,    bookseller,   of    Bos^ 

ton,  son  of  David,  Sr.,  account  of. 

123  n. 

David,  sou  of  David,  Jr*,  123  n. 

Eunice,    daughter   of  John,   Br* 

See  Bntler. 
Hannah  (Watts),  wife  of  David. 

Jr.,  123  n. 
John,   Secretary  of  New   York, 

visits  Pemaquid,  IfiSO,  00  n, 
John,  *r  ( 1697-174 1),  of  Boston, 

house  wri^ht,  sou  of  Richard,  114  n, 

122  J  account  of,  122  ny  123  n. 

John,  Jr.,  son  of  John,  Sr.,  122  n. 

John     (1770-1827),    of    Boston, 

publisher    and    bookseller,    son    of 

David,  123  n. 
Keziuh,    daughter  of  John,   Sr. 

See  Link  tester, 
Mary  (fi.  1729),  daughter  of  John, 

Sr.,  died  m  infancy,  122  n. 
Mary  (b*  1731),  a  Sandemanian, 

daughter  of  John,  Sr  ,  111  and  note, 

122  n. 
Mary  (Avery),  wife  of  Sanderson, 

122  n. 
Mary  (Eldredge),  wife  of  John, 

Sr.,  129  n. 

Richard,  father  of  John,  Sr.,  122  n. 

Sanderson,  son  of  John,  Sr.,  122  n, 

Sarah  (PrcsburyV  wife  of  David, 

Sr.,  122  n. 
Thomas  (d  1700),  H.  CM  1730, 

267. 

family,  120  nt  122,  123  n 

West,  the,  313,  315  n7  340,  452 ;  words 

Interval  and  Intervale  used  but  little 

in,  143;  hull-whackers  in,  313  n. 
West  Church,  Boston,  91,  129,  389  n; 

Records,  cited,  91, 129,  321  n,  4u2  n. 
West  Farms,  Ct.  (later  Green's  Farms, 

now  West  port),  190  n. 
West  Ham,  Essex,  Eng.,  174  n* 
West  Indies,  161,  162,  204,  372  %,  377: 

preachers  in,  183  n;  immigration  to, 

342 ;  American  wheat  in,  351 ,  352 ; 

trade  with,  363,  364 ,  price  of  slaves 

in,  364, 


34 


530 


INDEX. 


West  Newton,  Mass.,  237. 

West  Point,  N.  Y.,  156  n,  226. 

West  Street,  Boston,  397  n,  398  n. 

Westbrook,  Col.  Thomas  (tf.  1744), 
commanded  Province  Troops,  29. 

Western  Reserve,  the,  143  n. 

Western  Reserve  University,  143  n. 

Westfield,  Mass.,  124  n. 

Westminster  Abbey  Registers,  cited, 
177  n. 

Westminster  Hall,  London,  302. 

Weston,  Mass.,  46,  47  n,  48. 

Westown.     See  Weston. 

Westport,  Ct.,  199  n.  See  also  Green's 
Farms ;  West  Farms. 

Wetheral,  case  of  Roberts  t>.,  802. 

Wethersfield,  Ct.,  175,  184  n,  186, 
324. 

Weymouth.  Mass.,  221  n. 

Whale  Cove,  Me.,  location  of,  69  n. 

Whatcoat,  Bishop  Richard  (d.  1806), 
371. 

Wheat,  raising  of,  350,  351  and  note ; 
exports  and  imports,  352  n;  varying 
prices  of,  358. 

Wheeler,  Charles  Stearns  (1816-1843), 
97,  98. 

John  Hill  (1806-1882),  391. 

Rev.  Joseph  (H.  C.  1757),  4. 

Gen.  Joseph,  U.  S.  A.,  xviii. 

Wheelwright,  Andrew  Cunning- 
ham, A.M.,  xvii. 

Edward,   A.M.,   xvi,    132,  214, 

252,  265,  286,  416;  his  gift  to  Col- 
onial Society,  2 ;  Society's  thanks  to, 
3;  presides  at  meetings  of  Society, 
71,  106,  157,  249,  258,  296,  337,  381 ; 
his  remarks  on  Washington's  birth- 
day, 71,  7*2;  presents  photographic 
copy  of  a  letter  from  Washington, 
71 ;  exhibits  an  indenture  of  appren- 
ticeship, 73 ;  announces  death  of  H. 
P.  Quincy  and  pays  tribute  to  his 
memory,  106 ;  on  the  word  Intervale, 
151 ;  appoints  committees,  157 ;  his 
remarks,  210 ;  his  Memoir  of  D.  D. 
Slade,  215-248 ;  re-elected  President, 
255  ;  presides  at  Annual  dinner,  256, 
257 ;  ref ere  to  the  death  of  S.  John- 
son, 258 ;  describes  fortifications  at 
Dorchester  Heights,  265;  announces 
death  of  Rev.  E.  G.  Porter  and  his 
remarks,  337-339;  announces  death 
of  E.  J.  Phelps  and  pays  him  tribute, 
381-384. 

Edmund  March,  A.B.,  xvii. 

Rev.  John  (d.  1679),  granted  land, 

64. 


Col.  John  (d.  1745),  of  Wells,  Me, 

grandson  of  Rev.  John  (d.  1679)  and 
son  of  Col.  Samuel  (d.  1700),  90. 

Whig  Convention  at  New  Bern,  N.  C, 
1775,  391  n. 

Whipple,  Alice.    See  Davis. 

Whitaker,  Nathaniel  (H.  C.  1730), 
267. 

White,  Benoni  (b.  1685\  a  counterfeiter, 
son  of  Peregrine  the  counterfeiter, 
74. 

Rev.    Gilbert    (1720-1793),    his 

Natural   History  of  Selborne,  men- 
tioned, 224. 

John,  his  Sketches  from  America, 

quoted,  313  n. 

John  (d.  1721),  H.  C.  1685,  Treas- 
urer of  Harvard  College,  21 1  n. 

Joseph,  of  Boston,  mariner,  73. 

Moses    (d.   17921   of    Brook  line, 

3,4. 

Paul  (d.  1679),  buys  part  of  the 

Pemaquid  Patent,  17  n. 

Peregrine  (d.  1704),  73,  74. 

Peregrine,    a   counterfeiter,   son 

of  Peregrine  (d.  1704),  73,  74. 

Sarah,  wife  of  Joseph,  73. 

White  Bair  Crick.  See  White  Bear 
Creek. 

White  Bear  Creek,  another  name  for 
the  Purgatory  River,  Col.,  309. 

White  Mountains,  N.  H.,  226,  231. 

Whitehall,  London,  179,  182,  210. 

Whitehead,  John  (c.  1740-1810),  M.D., 
his  Life  of  J.  Wesley,  cited,  371  n. 

Whitfield,  Edward  Tertius,  of  London, 
publisher,  427  and  note. 

Whiting,  Col.  John  (1693-1766),  Treas- 
urer of  Connecticut,  son  of  Capt. 
Joseph,  185  and  note,  193  n. 

Capt.  Joseph  (d.  1717),  Treasurer 

of  Connecticut,  185  n,  193 ;  account 
of,  193  n. 

Timothy    (1731-1799),    of    Bil- 

lerica,  3. 

Whitmore,  William  Henry  (1836-1900), 
his  Andros  Tracts,  mentioned,  96; 
his  Massachusetts  Civil  List,  cited, 
85  n,  88,  91,  92,  129;  quoted,  268  n  ; 
his  Biographical  Sketch  of  the  Laws 
of  the  Massachusetts  Colony,  cited, 
331  n. 

Whitney,  David  Rice,  A.M.,  xvii. 

James    Lyman,  A.M.,  xvii,   1, 

250;  his  remarks  on  the  early  his- 
tory of  Yale  College,  210. 

Josiah  Dwight  (1819-1896),  104, 

139;    on  the  words  Intervale  and 


INDEX. 


631 


Bottom,  140  and  note;  his  Names 
and  Places,  quoted,  140  ti,  311  n;  on 
the  Purgatory  River,  Col.,  311  and 
note. 

■ Lvdia   (Bowes) ,    second   wife  of 

Rev.  Phinehas,  316,  317,  82& 

Bar.  Phinehas  (H.  ft  175B)t316, 

310,  320,  321. 

Whittelsey,  Samuel  (Y.  C,  1705),  191  \ 
account  of,  191  n. 

Whittier,  John  Greenleaf  (1807-1892), 
his  Poetical  Works,  quoted,  148, 
149. 

Whittingham,  Martha,  daughter  of 
William.     See  Rogers, 

Marv,  daughter  of  William*     See 

Clarke  \  Saltonstall. 

William  (H,  C.  16G0),  of  Ipswich, 

217. 

Wnkford,  R.  I.,  387  n. 

Wiesbaden,  Germany,  210  it. 

Wiggles  worth,  Rev.  Edward  (c.  1692- 
1765),  H.  a  1710,  Hollis  Professor 
of  Divinity,  270  j  A  Letter  from  One 
in  the  Country  to  his  Friend  in 
Boston,  attributed  to,  mentioned,  84 
and  note. 

Edward    (H.   C,   1861),    M.I)., 

xvi ;  Memoir  of,  by  H.  P.  Quincy, 
mentioned,  108. 

George,  A.M.,  xvi. 

Wight,  Rev.  Ebeneser  (1750-1821), 
H.  C.  1776,  minister  of  Hollis  Street 
Church,  Boston,  son  of  Ebenezer  of 
Dedham,  112  n. 

Wilder,  Mar  v.     See  Stevens. 

Wilks.  VtawAh  (c.  1605-1742),  Agent 
of  the  Province,  167. 

Willard,  Jamc.s,  signs  petition  to  Pro- 
vincial Congress,  1775,  136. 

— -Joaiah  (1881-1756),  H.  C.  1608, 
Secretary  of  the  Province,  27,  52, 
212. 

Rev.     Samuel     (II.     C.     1659), 

Vice-President  of  Harvard  College, 
272. 

Col.  Samuel  (1600-1752),  of  Lan- 
caster, 145. 

Maj.  Simon  (d.  1676),  of  Concord, 

4*. 

Willes,  Stephen,  signs  petition  to  Pro- 
vincial Congress,  1775,  136. 

William  III.,  King  of  England,  45,  96, 
ISO  n,  302. 

Williams,  Rev.  Daniel  (rf.  1710),  his 
bequest  to  the  Company  for  the 
Propagation  of  the  Gospel,  180  and 
note,  1B2  n,  183  n. 


Deborah  (Wis wall)  Cheney,  wife 

of  EbeneEer,  Sr.,  884  n. 

Ebenezer,    Sr,,    of    Dorchester, 

334  n. 

Rev,  Elisha  (1094-1755),   H.  C, 

171 1,  Rector  of  Yale  College,  Speaker 
of  toe  House,  and  Judge  of  the  Su- 
perior Court,  son  of  Rev.  William 
(II.  C.  1683)  of  Hatfield,  Mass., 
206  n,  209  n ;  account  of,  175,  161  u  ; 
his  classes,  184;  becomes  Rector  of 
Yale  College,  206  ;  his  letter  to  T. 
Woodbridge,  207-209. 

Eunice    (Mather),  wife   of   Rev. 

John  (H.  C.  1683),  memorial  stone 
erected  to,  244. 

Hon.  George  Frederick,  A.B., 

xv  i. 

Henry,  A.B.,  xvi,  11,  134,    151, 

265. 

Rev.    John    (16(54-172,9),    H.  C> 

168:i,  of  Deerheld,  son  of  Samuel  of 
Roxbury,  244;  his  Narrative,  men- 
tioned, 245  n* 

Mehi table.     See  Robinson. 

Moses,  A.B.,  xvi, 

Rev.    Samuel    (1743-1817),    his 

Natural  and  Civil  History  of  Ver- 
mont, quoted,  147,  148. 

Col.  William  (</.  1755),  261  u. 

Williamson,  Hon.  Joseph,  Litt,D., 
xv iii ;  deceased,  xix. 

William  Cross,  A.M.,  xvi;  oV 

William  Durkee (1779-1846),  60  It, 

67;  his    History    of    the    State    of 

Maine,  quoted,  64  n,  69;  cited,  91. 
Willianistown*  Mass.,  244  n. 
Willoudiby,    Frauds    (*L    1071),    of 

C  haiiesto  w  u ,    Deputy  -  G  over  u  or     of 

M  hmo  1 1  uset  ts  ,41. 
Wilmington,  N.  C,  380. 
Wilts,  County  of,  Eng.,  177  n. 
Winchester,  llampshire,  Eng.,  179  n. 
Windham,  Me,,  71). 
Windsor,  Ct.,  42  n,  382. 
Winlock,  Joseph  (1826-1875),  104. 
Winship,    George    Parker,    A.M., 

xviii,  256,  337. 
Winslow,  Benjamin  {b.  1778),  son  of 

Isaac,  Jr,,  130. 
Benjamin  (6.  1783),  son  of  Isaac, 

Jr.,  130. 
Edward  (1594-1655),  Governor  of 

Plymouth  Colony,  50,  00;   personal 

knowledge  of  Samoset,  60, 
Edward,  Sr.,  of   Boston,  son  of 

John,  127. 


532 


INDEX. 


Winslow  (continued). 

Col.  Edward,  Jr.  (1669-1753),  of 

Boston,  goldsmith,  son  of  Edward, 

Sr.,  125;  account  of,  127,  128. 
Rev.   Edward    (d.    1780),   H.  C. 

1741,    son  of    Joshua    (d.    1700), 

130. 
Edward  (b.  1788),  son  of  Isaac, 

Jr.,  130. 
Elizabeth  (b.  1712),  daughter  of 

Edward,  Jr.     See  Clarke. 
Elizabeth  (b.  1787),  daughter  of 

Isaac,  Jr.     See  Pickering. 
Elizabeth  (Hutchinson),  wife  of 

Edward,  Sr.,  127. 
Elizabeth    (Pemberton),    second 

wife    of    Edward,    Jr.,    128.      See 

Dixie. 
Elizabeth      (Savage),     wife     of 

Joshua  of  Boston   (d.  1769),   38  n, 

39  n,  128. 
Hannah,  daughter  of  Edward,  Jr. 

See  Davis. 
Hannah   (Moody),  first  wife  of 

Edward,  Jr.,  127,  128. 
Isaac,  Sr.  (1709-1777),  of  Boston, 

merchant,  son  of  Edward,  Jr.,  113 

and  note,  128, 130;  a  Loyalist,  120  n ; 

a  Sandemanian,   127;    account    of, 

129. 
Isaac,  Jr.  (1743-1793),  H.  C.  1762, 

of  Boston,  merchant  and   distiller, 

son  of  Joshua  (rf.  1769)  and  nephew 

of  Isaac,  Sr.,  38  n,  114  and  note,  118, 

119,    126,    128,    129  n;    a  Loyalist, 

120  n ;  a  Sandemanian,  127 ;  account 

of,  129,  130. 
Isaac  (6.  1774),  son  of  Isaac,  Jr., 

130. 
Dr.  Isaac  (1739-1819),  of  Marsh- 
field,  son  of  Gen.  John,  130. 
Jemima  (Debuke),  second  wife 

of  Isaac,  Sr.,  129. 
John  (1597-1674),  brother  of  Gov. 

Edward,  127. 
John   (d.    1781),  son  of  Joshua 

(d.  1769),  130. 
John  Davis  (6. 1779),  son  of  Isaac, 

Jr.,  130. 
John  Sparhawk  (d.  1772),  son  of 

Isaac,  Jr.,  129. 
Joshua  (1694-1769),  of    Boston, 

merchant,  son  of  Edward,  Jr.,  38  n, 

39  «,  52  n,  129;  account  of,  128. 
Joshua   {b.    1785),  son  of  Isaac, 

Jr.,  of  Boston,  130. 
Lucy  (Waldo),  first  wife  of  Isaac, 

Sr.,  129. 


Margaret  (Sparhawk),   first  wife 

of  Isaac,  Jr.,  129  and  note. 

Margaretta  (b.  1780),  daughter  of 

Isaac,  Jr.,  130. 

Mary  (b.  1781),  daughter  of  Isaac, 

Jr.     See  Hudgens. 

Mary   (Chilton),   wife   of    John, 

127. 

Mary  (Davis),    second    wife   of 

Isaac,  Jr.,  126, 129  and  note,  130. 

Thomas  (6. 1775),  son  of  Isaac,  Jr., 

130. 

William  Henry,  130. 

Family  Record,  cited,   129,  130; 

mentioned,  130. 

Winsor,  Justin  (1831-1897),  LL.D.,  his 
Memorial  History  of  Boston,  cited, 
23  n,  54  n,  79  »,  114  n,  117  n,  119  *, 
173  n,  267  n,  268  n;  quoted,  113, 
272,  273;  his  Mississippi  Basin, 
quoted,  14b ;  his  Narrative  and  Criti- 
cal History  of  America,  cited,  174 
n,  244  n,  245  n. 

Winter,  John  (rf.  1645),  of  Richmond's 
Island,  Me.,  64  and  note. 

Winthrop,  Adam  (1647-1700),  H.  C. 
1668,  Executive  Councillor,  son  of 
Adam  (1620-1652),  39  n. 

Judge  Adam  (1676-1743),  H.  C. 

1694,  son  of  Adam  (d.  1700),  of  com- 
mittee to  build  Boston  Light,  280. 

Adam  H706-1744),  H.  C.  1724, 

son  of  Judge  Adam,  52  n. 

John  (1587-1649),   Governor  of 

Massachusetts,  124 ;  on  ship-build- 
ing, 356 ;  his  History  of  New  Eng- 
land, quoted,  63,  64;  cited,  201  n. 

Mary   (Luttreil),   wife  of    Adam 

(</.  1700),  39  n.     See  Lvnde. 

Samuel  (1716-1779),  Clerk  of  the 

Superior  Court  of  Judicature,  son  of 
Judge  Adam  (H.  C.  1694),  6. 

William  (1753-1825),  H.  C.  1770, 

of  Cambridge,  son  of  Prof.  John, 
400  n. 

Col.    William    Woolsey,   LL.D. 

(Y.  C.  1851),  son  of  Francis  Bayard 
of  New  Haven,  Ct.,  elected  a  Cor- 
responding Member,  156;  death  and 
account  of,  156  n. 

family,  401. 

Wiscasset,  Me.,  68  n. 

Wisconsin,  156,  263. 

Wisconsin,  University  of,  214. 

Wiswall,  Deborah,  daughter  of  Elder 
John.     See  Cheney ;  Williams. 

Elder  John  (d.  1687),  of  Dorches- 
ter and  Boston,  334  n. 


INDEX, 


633 


Witch  trials,  the,  05\ 

Withington,  Rev,  Hiram  (d.  1848), 
289. 

Wolcott,  Hon,  Rogkr,  LL.D., 
xvii. 

Samuel  (d.  1095),  of  Wethersfield, 

Ct.,  324. 

Wolleb,  Johann  (1530-1626),  his 
Divinity,  mentioned,  277. 

WoLlebius,     See  Wolleb, 

Women,  Laws  respecting,  quoted, 
332  n. 

Wood  bridge,  Abigail  (Warren)  Lord? 
third  wife  of  Kev.  Timothy  (H,  C, 
1675),  200,  209;  gives  a  bell  to  Yale 
College,  188  and  note. 

Rev.  Ashbel  (1704-1758),  Y.  C. 

1724,  son  of  Kev,  Timothy,  101. 

Rev,  Timothy  (c.  1050-1742),  II, 

C,  1675,  of  Hartford,  174,  175,  173  ft, 
184  n  ;  account  of,  76  and  note ; 
letters  to,  from  J.  Dummer,  177-182, 
188,  180,  192-199,  201-207;  from 
B.  Colman,  164;  from  T,  Cutler, 
187-191 ;  from  G.  Saltonstall,  197 ; 
from  J,  Pierpout,  199,  200;  from 
E.  Williams,  207-209;  bis  letter  to 
Trustees  of  Yale  College,  201, 

Woodinunsey's  Wharf,  Boston,  127. 

Woods,  Henky  Erkest,  acvi,  253, 
394  n ;  his  services  to  the  Society  as 
Registrar,  257, 

Woolcot.     See  Wolcott, 

Wootsey,  Theodore  Dwieht  (1801- 
1889),  President  of  Yale  College, 
201  it. 

Worcester,  Mass.,  54  n,  85  n,  125  n, 

Worcester  County,  Mass,,  71,  122, 
266, 

Work  House  Green,  Charleston,  S.  C> 
negroes  burnt  on,  336, 

Worthylake,  George  (d.  1718),  first 
keeper  of  Boston  Light,  281. 

Wreutham,  Mass.,  36. 

Wyck,  Prof.  Bernard  Hendriek  Cor- 
nelia Karel  van  der>  his  Study  of 
Religion,  mentioned,  411. 

Wyer,  David  (H,  C.  1758),  SO, 

WVlie, ,  443. 

Wvllys,  Hon.  Hezekiah  (1672-1741),  of 
Hartford,  Ct.,  Secretary  of  Connecti- 
cut, son  of  Samuel  (H.  C.  1653), 
186 ;  6.  SaltonstalTa  letters  to,  about 
Yale  College,  185,  188, 

Wyman,  Jasher  (ft.  1671),  266, 

Thomas  Bellows  (1817-1878),  his 

Genealogies  and  Estates  of  Charles* 
town,  cited,   14  n,  3$  ft,  39  nT  40  n> 


45  n,  47  n,  51  n,  54  n,  93  n,  113  n, 
122  n, 
Wythe,  George  (1726-1806),  379, 


I  ALE,  Elihu  (1648-1721),  Governor 
of  Madras,  251 ;  contest  over  will 
of,  172,  195,  196,  198;  his  gifts  to 
Yale  College,  188,  189,  190,  191, 
200 «;  his  gifts  at  Fort  St,  George, 
Madras,  211. 

Yale  College  or  University*  53  n,  123  n, 
131  «,  15"r;  «,  175,  176  nt  184  n,  183  nv 
190  ii,  191  n,  194  n,  195  n,  196  n,  197  n, 
198  n,  199  n,  201  ft,  208  n,  209  «,  211, 
251,  296,  383 ;  H.  H.  Edes  communi* 
cates  letters  and  papers  concerning 
early  history  of,  172-210;  contro- 
versy over  location  of,  172-1 74 1  170, 
183;  early  days  of,  174;  Rectorship 
of,  175,  176,  201  n ;  constitution  of 
its  Corporation,  176  n ;  gifts  to, 
from  J.  Dummer,  179, 180, 192,  204- 
206;  desertion  of  pupils  from,  184; 
abortive  Act  to  provide  resident 
Rector  for,  186,  187;  building  of 
Rector's  house,  187,  189  and  note, 
190 ;  gift  of  bell  to,  188  and  note  ; 
gifts  to,  from  B.  Yale,  188,  189,  190 ; 
arrears  in  Colony  accounts  used  for, 
193,  194;^  G.  Saltoustall's  letter 
about  affairs  at,  197  ;  books  given  to, 
by  D.  Turner,  198, 202  ;  J,  Pierpoat's 
letter  about  affair  at,  199,  200;  letter 
to  Trustees,  201 ;  religion  of,  202 : 
benefaction  for,  204 ;  plan  for  ob- 
taining a  Charter  for,  208,  209 ;  in- 
vitation from  Sophomore  Class  of, 
exhibited,  211, 

Chapel,  211, 

Charter,  176  n,  208,  209, 

Corporation,  176  n,  210. 

Law  School,  382,  383,  384. 

Yankee  isms,  142. 

Yankees,  142, 

Yarmouth,  Mass.,  122  n, 

Yarrow,  Yale  of,  Scotland,  151  a. 

Yates,  Yats.    See  Yeates, 

Yeamans,  Sir  John  (<L  1674),  389, 

Year  Book,  City  of  Charleston,  cited, 
78  n. 

Yeates,  George,  32. 

James,  of  Bristol,  Me.,  13  n,  20, 

49, 58, 59 ;  cose  of  T,  Bodkin,  against, 
14,  15,  29,  36,  53. 

York  (County),  Me.,  25,29;  origin  of, 
64  n. 


584 


DfDEX. 


York  (continued). 

Deeds,  cited,  51  a,  52,90;  quoted, 

61,  62,  63,  64. 

Records,  onoted,  21,  22,  28. 

York  (Town),  Me.,  90.    See  Agamen- 

ticus. 
Young,  Arthur  (1741-1820),  letters  to, 

from  Washington,  quoted,  350,  351, 

359;  his  Political  Arithmetic,  men- 


tioned, 351 ;  his  Travels  in  1 
cited,  351  n. 
Young  Men's   Christian   Assoc 
London,  426. 

ZELLER,  Edward,   his   Phik 
der  Griechen,  mentioned,  417 
Zoology,  study  of,  239.