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Zty Colonial Society of fl£agj*ac^u$ett$ 

1899, 1900 

Committee of publication* 





John Wilson and Son, Cambridge, U.S.A. 


THE Transactions at nine Stated Meetings of the Society 
are recorded in this book. 

The papers and communications here presented cover a 
wide field. Among the more important are three by Mr, 
Davis, dealing with the Provincial Currency; Mr, Ford's 
Colonial America j two of a topographical nature, and one 
on Joseph Boucher de Niverville, by Mr, Matthews; and 
three by Mr, Edes, on the Places of Worship of the Sande- 
manians in Boston, Documents relative to the early history 
of Yale University, and Chief-Justice Martin Howard and 
his portrait by Copley, There are also papers on the Case 
of Maria in the Court of Assistants, 1681, and the Land 
Controversies in Maine, 1769-1772, and a file of Letters 
of Dr. James Martineau. 

Tributes to the memory of Henry Pahker Quinct, 
Samuel Johnson, Edward Griffin Porter, and Edward 
John Phelps will be found in the following pages; and 
Memoirs of George Marttn L.ANE ? by William Watson Good- 
win ; of Daniel Denxson Slai>e, by Edward Wheelwright ; 
and of Joseph Henry Allen, by Charles Carroll Everett. 

For the use of the portrait-plate of Jeremy Dummer, the 
Society is indebted to the courtesy of Messrs. Houghton, 
Mifflin and Company, and for the gift of the other nine 
plates to the generons interest of several of the members. 


Three of the portraits have been engraved for the first time, 
by Mr. Elson, expressly for this volume, — those of John 
Colman, Joseph McKean, and Martin Howard, — at the 
charge of Mr. Gay, Mr. H. W. Cunningham, and Mr. 
Levebett, to whom the Committee expresses its grateful 

The Index has been made with great care, and no pains 
have been spared to make it full and accurate. 

For the Committee, 

John Noble. 

Boston, September, 1904. 



Preface iii 

List of Illustrations xiii 

Officers Elected 21 November, 1903 xv 

Resident Members xvi 

Honorary Members xviii 

Corresponding Members xviii 

Members Deceased xix 


Remarks by Henry Herbert Edes, on President Wheelwright's 

gifts to the Society 2 

Resolutions of thanks to the President and of appreciation of 

his services 3 

Communication by John Noble, of a Recognizance of Paul 
Blanchard, charged with counterfeiting bills of the State of 

Massachusetts, 1776 3 

Paper by Andrew McFarland Davis, on The New London 

Society United for Trade and Commerce, 1729-1732 . . 6 

Remarks by William Watson Goodwin 11 

Remarks by Henrt Williams 11 

Remarks by Arthur Theodore Lyman 11 

Remarks by Robert Noxon Toppan 11 

Remarks by Charles Armstrong Snow 11 

Paper by John Noble on the Land Controversies in Maine, 1769- 

1772, involving the titles under the Pemaquid Patent . . 11 

Note on the Indian Sagamore Samoset, by Albert Matthews 59 

Remarks by William Watson Goodwin 70 

Remarks by Henry Herbert Edes 70 



Remarks by Robert Noxon Toppan 70 

Remarks by Andrew McFarland Davis 70 

Members Elected 70 


Remarks by the President, in communicating a letter of Wash- 
ington to Gen. Jonathan Warner, 1777 71 

Remarks by Abner Chenet Goodell 73 

Communication by Denison Rogers Slade, of Letters of James ' 

Lovell and Samuel Adams to Henry Bromfield, 1776-1778 74 

Note on James Lovell, by Albert Matthews 79 

Communication by Robert Noxon Toppan, on an important error 
in Secretary Rawson's record of the adjournment of the 

General Court, in May, 1686 81 

Paper by Charles Knowles Bolton, on the Arrest of John Col- 
man, 1720 83 

Notes, by Henry Herbert Edes, on — 

John Colman 86 

James Gooch 90 

Jeremiah Belknap 93 

Communication by John Noble, of extracts from the Records of 

the Court of Assistants, 1673-1692 94 

Remarks by Abner Chenet Goodell 94 

Members Elected ^ 

Memoir of George Martin Lane, by William Watson Goodwin . 97 


Tribute to Henry Parker Quincy : 

Remarks by Andrew McFarland Davis 106 

Remarks by Bishop Lawrence 108 

Paper by Henry Herbert Edes, on The Places of Worship of 

the Sandemanians in Boston 109 

Note on Benjamin Davis, the Loyalist 124 

Note on Isaac Winslow, Senior and Junior 127 

Remarks by Abner Chenet Goodell 130 

Remarks by Edward Griffin Porter 131 

Remarks by Andrew McFarland Davis 132 



Remarks by Andrew McFarland Davis 211 

Remarks by Edward Griffin Porter . . 211 

Remarks by Robert Noxon Toppan 211 

Remarks by Abner Chenet Goodell 211 

Communication by Edward Field, of a copy of the Diary of John 

Green, of Boston, 1755-1764 212 

Announcement by Andrew McFarland Davis, of the incorpora- 
tion of the Foxborough Historical Society, The Arlington 
Historical Society, the Walpole Historical Society, The 
Ipswich Historical Society, and the Somerville Historical 

Society 213 

Committee appointed to secure a fit commemoration in New Eng- 
land of the Tercentenary of the birth of Oliver Cromwell . 214 

Members Elected 214 

Memoir of Daniel Denison Slade, by Edward Wheelwright . 215 


Address by the President 249 

Report of the Council 250 

Report of the Treasurer 253 

Report of the Auditing Committee 255 

Officers Elected 255 

Vote of the Society to be represented at the Annual Meeting of 

the American Historical Association in Boston .... 256 
Resolution of thanks to Henry Herbert Edes and of apprecia- 
tion of his services to the Society 256 

Members Elected 256 

Annual Dinner 256 


Tribute to Samuel Johnson : 

Remarks by President Wheelwright 258 

Remarks by William Endicott 258 

Communication by George Fox Tucker, of extracts from the 
Diary of Joseph Russell Anthony of New Bedford, of the 
Society of Friends, 1823, 1824 259 



Paper by Albert Matthews, on Joseph Boucher de Niverville . 259 

Remarks by President Wheelwright 265 

Remarks by Henry Williams 265 

Remarks by Henry Herbert Edes . , 265 

Communication by Charles Knowles Bolton, of extracts from 
an Account Book of John Goddard of Braokiiue relating to 

the military stores accumulating at Concord m 17T5 , , . 265 

Remarks by President Wheelwright 265 

Remarks by Samuel Lothrof Thorn-dike 265 

Remarks by Henry Williams ......»..•• 265 

Remarks by Andrew McFarland Davis 265 

Paper by John Noble, on An Old Harvard Commencement Pro- 
gramme, 1730 ....,,, 265 

Note on Boston Light 273 

Communication by John Noble, of A Few Notes Touching 

Strangers' Courts in the Colony . . 282 

Committee appointed to represent the Society at the Annual Meet- 
ing of the American Historical Association « 286 

Members Elected 287 

Memoir of Joseph Henry Allen, by Charles Carroll Everett . 288 


Communication by Worthington Chauncey Ford, of Letters of 
Governor Shirley and William Boll an to the Lords of 
Trade, respecting the disregard in New England of the 

Navigation Laws, 1743 . ■ . . 297 

Remarks by Arthur Theodore Lyman *»,«» + ,. 805 

Remarks by Robert Noxqn Toppam 305 

Remarks by Andrew McFarland Davxs * , 305 

Paper by Albert Matthews, on The Purgatory River of Colorado 307 
Remarks by John Noble, on the anniversary of the birth of 

Franklin . . . . . , . 316 

Remarks by Henry Herbert Edes, in communicating a Letter of 
Edmund Quincy to his Daughter Dorothy, afterward wife 

of John Hancock, 1773 316 

Text of the Letter . • . . . . 319 

Note on Lydia Hancock 321 



Paper by John Noble, on The Case of Maria in the Court of 

Assistants, 1681 823 

Remarks by Albert Matthews 885 

Members Elected 336 


Minute expressing the Sympathy of the Society for the Honorable 

Edward John Phelps, in his severe illness 887 

Tribute to Edward Griffin Porter: 

Remarks by President Wheelwright 337 

Remarks by Samuel Swett Green 339 

Remarks by Robert Noxon Toppan 340 

Announcement by Robert Noxon Toppan, of the formation of 
the Order of the Descendants of Colonial Governors Prior 
to 1750 340 

Remarks by Worthington Chauncet Ford, on Washington's 

prophetic views upon public matters 340 

Paper by Worthington Chauncet Ford, on Colonial America . 841 

Communication by Albert Matthews, of Notes on the Proposed 

Abolition of Slavery in Virginia in 1785 370 

Communication by Andrew McFarland Davis, of a document re- 
lating to the Rhode Island Land Bank, 1741 380 

Member Elected 380 


Remarks by President Wheelwright, on the death of Edward 

John Phelps 381 

Paper by Henry Herbert Edes, on Chief-Justice Martin Howard 

and his Portrait by Copley 884 

Paper by Andrew McFarland Davis, on " Previous Legislation " 

a Corrective for Colonial Troubles 408 

Remarks by Robert Noxon Toppan, when exhibiting a volume 
containing a sermon, preached in St Peter's, by Carvajal in 
1492, — three days after the departure of Columbus on his 
first voyage of discovery 414 

Remarks by Henry Herbert Edes, in communicating a file of 

Letters of James Martineau to Joseph Henry Allen . . . 416 
Text of the letters 417 


Remarks by Hehbt Ainswobth Pabkxr, on an episode of the 

Civil War 455 

Announcement by Andrew McFarland Davis, of the incorporation 
of Grand Muster Legion of the Spanish War Veterans, 
Massachusetts State Society United States Daughters of 
1812, Quinebang Historical Society, and La Soci4t6 His- 
torique Franco- Amdricaine 455 

Members Elected 456 

Index 457 



Portrait of George Martin Lanb Frontispiece 

Portrait of John Colman 86 

Plan showing the site of the First Meeting-House of the 

Sandemanians in Boston 116 

Plan showing the site of the Second Meeting-House of the 

Sandemanians in Boston 118 

Plan showing the site of Shippie Townsend's house in Cross 
Street, Boston, where the Sandemanians worshipped 
after the destruction by fire of their First Meeting- 
House, in 1778 122 

Portrait of Joseph McEean 150 

Portrait of Jeremy Dummer 172 

Portrait of Daniel Denison Slade 214 

Portrait of Joseph Henry Allen 288 

Portrait of Martin Howard 384 




C&e Colonial Society of fl$a$$ael)ti$ettjfc 

Elected 21 Novembeb, 1903. 




Hon. MARCUS PERRIN KNOWLTON, LL.D. . . . Springfield. 

ftctottriitg Actrctatp. 

Coxrr^pontring Atcrttarp. 
JOHN NOBLE, LL.D ' . . Boston. 



JEpccutitot d^cntbtrif. 



Rev. EDWARD HENRY HALL, D.D Cambridge. 




•Benjamin Apthobp Gould, LL.D., F.R.S. 
•Hon. John Lowell, LL.D. 
•Hon. Lk to rett Saltonstall, A.M. 

William Endicott, A.M. 

Henry Herbert Edes, Esq. 
•John Chester Inches, Esq. 
•Daniel Denison Slade, M.D. 
•James Bradley Thayer, LL.D. 

Andrew McFarland Davis, A.M. 

William Watson, Ph.D. 

Henry Winchester Cunningham, A.B. 

Gustavus Arthur Hilton, LL.B. 

Henrt Ernest Woods, A.M. 

Charles Sedgwick Rackemann, A.M. 

Abner Chenet Goodell, A.M. 

George Wigglesworth, A.M. 

Hon. Francis Cabot Lowell, A.B. 

Waldo Lincoln, A.B. 
•Samuel Wells, A.B. 

William Watson Goodwin, D.C.L. 
•Hon. George Silsbeb Hale, A.M. 

Joshua Montgomery Sears, A.B. 
•Hon. John Forrester Andrew, LL.B. 
•Edward Wheelwright, A.M. 
•Samuel Johnson, A.M. 
•Henrt Parker Quinct, M.D. 
•William Gordon Weld, Esq. 

Moses Williams, A.B. 

James Mills Pbirce, A.M. 

Charles Montraville Green, M.D. 
•Henrt Williams, A.B. 
•Philip Howes Sears, A.M. 

•Hon. Francis Amasa Walker, LL.D. 
•Francis Yergnies Balch, LL.B. 

George Lyman Kittredge, LL.D. 
•George Martin Lane, LL.D. 

James Barr Ames, LL.D. 

Hon. Charles Warren Clifford, A. 

Augustus Hemenwat, A.B. 

Gardiner Martin Lane, A.B. 
•Robert Noxon Toppan, A.M. 
•Edward Wigglesworth, M.D. 

Nathaniel Paine, A.M. 

Frederick Lewis Gat, A.B. 

John Noble, LL.D. 

Samuel Lothrop Tiiorxdike, A.M. 
•Hon. Frederick Lothrop Ames, A.B. 
•Hon. Darwin Erastus Ware, A.M. 

Charles Augustus Chase, A.M. 

Charles Francis Choate, A.M. 
•Francis Parkman, LL.D. 
•Hon. Martin Brimmer, A.B. 

Charles Pickering Bowditch, A.M. 

Hon. George Frederick Williams, A. 

Walter Cabot Batlies, A.B. 

Frank Brewster, A.M. 
♦Sigournet Butler, LL.B. 

Stanlet Cunningham, A.B. 
•Hon. James Walker Austin, A.M. 

Hon. Richard Olnet, LL.D. 

Francis Henrt Lincoln, A.M. 
•William Cross Williamson, A.M. 

Samuel Swbtt Green, A.M. 
•Hon. William Eustis Russell, LL.D 




Franklin Carter, LL.D. 
•Hon. Roger Wolcott, LL.B. 

Hon. John Lathrop, A,M, 
•Rev, Charles Carroll Everett, LL.D. 

Moil James Madison Barker, LL.D. 
•Rev. Edward Griffin Porter, A.M. 
•Hob. William Crowninseield Endicott, 

George Lincoln Good ale, LL.D. 
•Rev, Joseph Henrt Allen, D.D. 

Hon. Edward Francis Johnson, LL.B. 

George Fox Tucker, Ph.D. 
•George Otis Shattuck, LL.B. 

Edmund March Wheelwright, A«B. 

William Taggard Pifer, Ph.D. 
♦Henry Dwight Sedgwick, A.B. 


George Niiqn Black, Esq. 

Da no Rice Whitney, A.M, 

Rev. Arthur Lawrence, D.D. 

Charles Heney Davis, A.B, 
♦Edward William Hooper, LL.D. 

Henry Walrrldge Tapt, A.M. 

Hon. John Eliot Sanford, LL,D. 

Nathaniel Cu suing Nash, A.M. 

Rev. Henry Ainsworth Parker, A.M. 
♦John Elbridge Hudson, LL.B. 

Lindsay Swift, A.B. 

Charles Frank Mason, A.B. 

Apple ton Prentiss Clark Griffin, Esq, 

Richard Middlecott5altonstall,A.B. 

Albert Matthews, A.B. 

Andrew Cunningham Wheelwright, 

Charles Armstrong Snow, A.B p 

Thomas Minns, Esq. 

Charles Goddahd Weld, M.D. 

Edward Apfleton Bangs, A.B* 

William Coolidge Lane, A.B. 

Louis Cabot, A.B. 

Hoa. William Gushing Wait, A JH. 

Hon. Jeremiah Smith, LL.D. 

John Eliot Thatee, A.B. 
•Augustus Lowell, A.M, 

Dknison Rogers Slade, Esq. 
•James Beadstreet Greenough, A3* 

Charles Knowles Bolton, A.B, 

James Lyman Whitney, A.M. 

Arthur Theodore Ltman, A.M. 

Frederic Haines Curuss, Esq, 

Worth ington Chauncey Ford, Esq. 

Rev. Edward Henry Hall, D.D. 

John G or ham Palfrey, LL.B. 

Rev. Edward Hale, A.B. 

Henry Lee Higginson, LL.D. 
•Charles Geeely Loring, A.M. 

Efhhaim Emerton, Ph.D. 

Edward Charles Pickering, LL.D. 

Arthur Richmond Marsh, A.B. 

George Vasmer Leverett, A.M. 

Hon. James Madison Morton, LLD, 

James Atkins Noyes, A.B, 

Hon. Marcus Perrin Knowlton, LLD. 

Rev. James Hardy Ropes, A.B, 

Rev. Morton Dexter, A.M. 

Francis Apthorf Foster, Esq. 

Hon. Francis William Hurd, A.M. 

Ezra Ripley Thayer, A.M. 

John Noble, Jr*, A.B, 

Hon. Winthrof Murray Crane, LL.D. 

Thornton Kirkland Lothrop, A.M. 

Winthrop How land Wade, A.M. 

Augustus Pea body Lorlkg, A,B. 

Francis Blake, A.M. 

Thornton Marssall Ware, A.B. 

Adams Sherman Hill, LL.D, 


Hon. Melville Weston Fuller, LL.D. 
♦Hon. Edward John Phelps, LL.D. 
Hon. Groter Cleveland, LL.D. 
Hon. Joseph Hodges Choate, D.C.L. 

Hon. James Coolidge Carter, LL.D. 
8imon Nbwcomb, D.C.L., F.R.S. 
Samuel Pierpont Langley, D.C.L., F.R.S. 
Hon. John Hat, LL.D. 


♦Hon. Joseph Williamson, Litt.D. 

John Franklin Jameson, LL.D. 

Hon. Simeon Eben Baldwin, LL.D. 

Edward Singleton Holden, LL.D. 
♦Herbert Baxter Adams, LL.D. 

Hon. Horace Davis, LL.D. 


Rev. William Jewett Tucker, LL.D. 

Hon. Joshua Lawrence Chamberlain, 

Franklin Bowditch Dexter, Lftt. D. 

Hon. Jambs Burrill Angell, LL.D. 

Rev. George Park Fisher, LL.D. 

Edward Field, A.B. 
♦Hon. John Andrew Peters, LL.D. 
♦Hon. John Howland Ricketson, A.M. 

Daniel Con Gilman, LL.D. 

Frederick Jackson Turner, Ph.D. 

Rev. William Reed Huntington, D.D. 

George Parker Winship, A.M. 

Wolcott Gibes, LL.D. 

Hon. James Phinnet Baxter, Litt. D. 

Arthur Twining Hadlet, LL.D. 

Hon. John Chandler Bancroft Davis, 

♦Moses Coit Tyler, LL.D. 

John Shaw Billings, D.C.L. 

Horace Howard Furness, LL.D. 

Gen. Joseph Wheeler, U. S. A. 
♦Benjamin Franklin Stevens, L.H.D. 

Rev. WiLLisTON Walker, D.D. 

George Arthur Plimpton, A.B. 

Hon. William Babcock Weeden, A.M. 

Herbert Putnam, LL.D. 



Members who have died since the publication of the preceding volume 
of Transactions, toith the Date of Death. 


William Cross Williamson, A.M 13 Jane, 1903. 

Samuel Wells, A.B 3 October, 1903. 

Henry Dwioht Sedgwick, A.B 26 December, 1903. 


Hon. Joseph Williamson, Litt.D 4 December, 1902. 

Hon. John Andrew Peters, LL.D.' .... 2 April, 1904. 


1899, 1900 





A Stated Meeting of the Society was held in the Hall 
of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences on 
Wednesday, 18 January, 1899, at three o'clock in the after- 
noon, the First Vice-President, William Watson Goodwin, 
D. C. L,, in the chair- 
After the minutes of the last Stated Meeting had been 
read and approved, the Corresponding Secretary reported 
that he had received letters from Messrs. Charles Knowles 
Bolton, Arthur Theodore Lyman, and James Lyman 
Whitney, accepting Resident Membership, and from Gov- 
ernor Chamberlain and Professor Franklin Bowditch 
Dexter, accepting Corresponding Membership. 
Governor Chamberlain's letter is as follows: — 

Brunswick, Maike, December 26th, 1898. 
Jorof Noble, Esq. 

Corresfonpiso Secretary, 

The Colonial Society of Mahsacud setts. 

My dear Sir, — I highly appreciate the honor of election as a Cor- 
responding Member of The Colonial Society of Massachusetts, and 
hereby express my cordial acceptance of the same* 

I trust I may sometimes be able to enjoy the privilege of meeting 
with the Society! and forming the closer acquaintance of gentlemen 
whom I already so highly esteem. 

Very respectfully yours, 

Joshua L. Chamberlain. 


Mr. Henry H. Edes then said : — • 

Mr. Chairman, — As Treasurer of the Society, I am going to 
take advantage of the absence of the President to tell the mem- 
bers of Mr. Wheelwright's recent gift to our treasury. He called 
on me on New Year's Day and handed me his check for one 
hundred dollars to be added to our General Fund. Mr. Wheel- 
wright did the same thing on New Year's Day a year ago. On 
both occasions, — and on other occasions when he has contrib- 
uted generously to our treasury, — he said that he wished our 
members generally would contribute to our Funds, from time 
to time, such sums, great or small, as they felt prompted to give 
toward increasing our permanent endowment, and not be de- 
terred from so doing because they were unable or indisposed to 
contribute large amounts ; and he expressed the hope that as 
time went on such gifts might come to our treasury. One such 
gift has already been received from Mr. Francis H. Lincoln, ac- 
companied by a letter expressing his deep interest in the Society. 

Mr. Wheelwright referred to the speech of Mr. Adams at our 
last Annual Dinner, and to his observations that a good financial 
basis was essential to the production of the best results, whether 
by societies or individuals; that this Society needed an Endow- 
ment of three hundred thousand dollars; and that he had no 
doubt that there was in our fellowship some man who, sooner or 
later, would realize that he could not raise a nobler or more endur- 
ing monument to himself, or more surely perpetuate his influence 
for good after his earthly career had ended, than by thus endowing 
The Colonial Society of Massachusetts. The President added 
that, while he, in common with all his associates in the Society, 
should hail with grateful appreciation the bestowal of such a 
munificent gift or bequest, he thought the Society would be 
stronger and its members more interested in its welfare and its 
work if they contributed to our General Fund, — the income only 
of which is available for the general purposes of the Society, — 
while awaiting patiently the coming of the Maecenas to whom Mr. 
Adams had alluded. 

Mr. Andrew McFarland Davis offered the following 
Resolutions, which were unanimously adopted: — 


Resolved, That the thanks of the Society are hereby given to Presi- 
dent Wheelwright for his generous contributions to the treasury, 

Resolved^ That the Society takes this occasion to place upon its 
Records an expression of its grateful appreciation of Mr. Wheelwright's 
devotion to every interest of the Society. 

Mr. John Noble communicated a Recognizance of Paul 
Blanchard of Cambridge, who was charged, in 1776, with 
fraudulently altering bills of the State of Massachusetts, and 
exhibited some of the altered bills found in Blanchard' s 
possession, Mr, Noble said: — 

The crime of counterfeiting or altering the bills issued by the 
State seems to have been not uncommon at the time of the offence 
of which I shall speak, since there are some twenty-five cases to 
be found in the single volume of the Records of the Superiour 
Court covering the time from 1775 to 1778, The Complaint, upon 
which this Recognizance was given, appears never to have come to 
trial, as it is not found in the Records. 

The Recognizance is as follows : — 

"State of Mass Bay Suffolk 8s Memorandum that on the nineteenth 
day of July in the year of the Lord 177fi Personally appeared before 
me Joseph Greenleaf Esq r one of the Justices assigned to keep the 
peace in and for the County of Suffolk Paul Blanchard of Cambr in the 
County of Middlesex cordwainer Lemuel Blanchard of s d Cambridge 
Innholder & Timothy Whiting of Bilerica in s A County gentleman and 
acknowledged themselves to be severally indebted to Henry Gardner 
Esqr treasurer of s? State in the respective sums following Viz! the 
s? Paul Blanchard as principal in the sum of two hundred pounds & the 
s 4 Lemuel & Timothy in the sum of one hundred pounds each as sureties 
to be levied on their goods or chattels lands or tenements & in want 
thereof on their bodys respectively to the use of s* State if default be 
made in performance of the condition underwritten. 

The Condition of the above recognizance is such that if the above 
named Paul Blanchard shall persoually appear before the next court of 
Judicature court of Assize & general gaol delivery to he holdeu at 
Brain tree in & for the County of Suffolk on the last tuesday of August 
next to answer to such things as shall be objected to him on behalf of 
the people of this state more espesrially by Moses White of Brookline 
in si County of Suffolk Yeoman for offering a bill of said State of two 


shillings & eight pence fraudulently altered into twenty eight shillings 
to s* White, & in the mean time shall be of the good behaviour to all 
the people of s* State & shall do & receive that which b a . court shall 
then & there enjoyn on him & not depart without leave then the above 
recognizance to be void otherwise to to remain in full power & Virtue. 

Joseph Greenlbaf" 

" Recogniz* Paul Blanchard SupT Court Aug! term 1776. the Complain- 
ant sick of small Pox." 1 

With this Recognizance were three Bills of Credit of the 
Massachusetts Bay Colony, one, dated 18 August, 1775, of seven 
shillings and six pence, and two, dated 7 December, 1775, of 
twenty-eight shillings, and three shillings and four pence, respect- 
ively, enclosed in a Certificate by Joseph Greenleaf, Justice of the 
Peace of Suffolk County, written on a fragment of a paper con- 
taining the Order of the Day in New York for 27 June, 1776, — 
Execution of Thomas Hickey. 2 

The three bills are about the size and shape of a common play- 
ing card. 

The face of one of them reads : — 

3/4 ) ( 4917 ) ( 3/4 

Colony of the 

ir cr u r ^. t» i Decemf 7, 1775 
Maflachufetts Bay ) ' 

The Pofleflbr of this Bill (hall be paid, by the Treafurer of this 
Colony Three Shillings & four pence Lawfull Money by the 7 Day of 
Decern' 1781, which Bill (hall be received for the aforefaid fum in all 
payments at the Treafury, and in all other payments, by an Order of 
the General Aflembly — 

[Cut of a 
Ship and Building] t 

Committee < J. Wheeler. 

On the back of the bill is : — 

The Denomination; the figure of a Continental soldier with drawn 
sword, above it, the legend, Issued in defence of American Liberty, 

1 Court Files Suffolk, vol. dcvii. no. 102,491. 

• Suffolk Court Files, Cabinet Collection No. 19, taken from File No. 102,491. 



and below it, the Motto of the State, — Ense petit plocidam sub 
Ubertate quieiem; and the date, — Decern* 1 th 1775, 1 

The other two bills are similar — varying in the amount. The 
alteration appears to have been clumsily made* 

The strip of paper in which the bills were wrapped is the right- 
hand half of a page, — whether an original or a copy does not 
appear — containing the body of the Order of the Day above men- 
tioned. The following is a line-for-line copy of the fragment: — 

June 27, 1776 

ale Life Guard, having been 
urt Martial whereof Co!" Parsons 

€B of Sedition & mutiny, & also 
e with the Enemy for the most 
ses; is sentanced to suffer Death, 

he sentance of the above Court 
be hanged to morrow at 11 : 

off Duty belonging to General 
'a & General Scotts Brigades to 
respective parades at 10 o Clock 
march from thence to the Ground 
L* Sterling's Encampments, to 
of the above sentance — 
m mediately to make the 
& to attend on that Duty " 

Tins differs slightly from the entire Order as it appears in 
Force's Archives, 3 

1 See Province Laws (Standard edition), v. 442-444, 604, 

s The following is the Order of the Day of which the fragment in the text 

contains a portion : — 

Head Quarters, Niw York, Jane 27, 1776. 


(Parole. Halifax*) (Countersign, Ireland.) 

After Orders.— Thumas Hkhty^ belonging to the General's Guard, having been con- 
victed by a General Con r%- Martial, Whereof Colonel Parsons was the President, of the 
crimes of " sedition and mutiny! and also of holding a treacherous correspondence with 
the enemy* for the most horrid and detestable purposes/* is sentenced to suffer death. 
The General approves the sentence, and orders that he be hanged to-morrow at eleven 

All the officer* and men off duty belonging to General Heath's, Spencer**, Lord 
/« and General Scott's Brigades, to be under arms on their respect ire parades, at 


On tie back of this fragment zaed a* a vza^pez. is the follow* 
lit? c*xiiicatf4fc; — 

~ The inekoed bCk altered as* 

5 4 4c 7 6 I f bond cpoo Pssl 

BJmchani the ocfctr aherai 

into 2te is the bill be cteed 

to paw J. Gkeduaj J%*tiae peaee- 

Sep" 7* 1775. 

To >AM i Wf5THK»r E*f Ckrfr 

o/fA* Svptriomr Comrt." 

It is a matter of curious speculation, and possibly of some 
interest, how this old fragment, whether it be an original or a 
copy, came into the hands of a civilian in New England so soon 
after its issue in New York, and how it came to a service so 
foreign to its original purpose. 

Mr. Axdrew McFarla>t> Davis spoke as follows : — 

At the January Meeting of this Society in 1S93, I communi- 
cated a description of the career of the New London Society 
United for Trade and Commerce. 1 The account then submitted 
for your consideration was based almost exclusively upon the 
printed Records of the Colony of Connecticut* supplemented by 
certain facts gleaned from the publications of the Connecticut 
Historical Society. The communication was made solely for the 
purpose of showing the close identity of this attempt to supply 
the Colony of Connecticut with a circulating medium based upon 
private credit and secured by mortgages of lands, with the 
similar experiment made in the Province of the Massachusetts 
Bay, in 1740. 

The references in the publications above referred to disclosed 
the fact that there must be in the Connecticut Archives papers 

ten o'clock to-morrow morning, to march from thence to the ground between General 
Spemctr's and Lord Stirling's encampment, to attend the execution of the aboTe sentence. 

The Prorost- Marshal immediately to make the necessary preparations, and to attend 
on that duty to-morrow. 

After Orders. — Each of the Brigade-Majors to furnish the Prorost-Marshal with 
twenty men from each Brigade, with good Arms and Bayonets, as a guard on the 
prisoner to and at the place of execution. (Force's American ArcbJTes, Fourth Series, 
tl 1148.) 

1 See Publications of this Society, v. 96-111. 




bearing upon this subject, which would furnish information addi- 
tional to that given in the published Records of the Colony. 

A short time since, I visited these Archives and found in them 
evidence that the Society had some sort of existence prior to 
the Petition for incorporation in 1732. This consisted in a Peti- 
tion to the Assembly for incorporation in 1729- The review of 
the career of the Society heretofore communicated, which was 
made up from the published Records, gives the date of the birth of 
the Company as 1732. This obviously refers only to the organiza- 
tion effected under the charter granted that year by the Assembly. 
Miss Caulking, in an account given in the History of New London, 
places the date of the organization at 1730 T thus showing that 
she had knowledge that the Company was formed prior to the 
filing of the Petition for a charter in 1732, 1 It will be seen that 
the Society must have been in existence even before the date 
given by Miss Caulkins. The Petition filed in 1729, in addition 
to showing this fact, f urinalies evidence of the desires and inten- 
tions of the founders of this Society not disclosed by any of the 
papers published in the Records of the Colony, and is therefore 
entitled to careful consideration. It is in the following words : — 

"To the honourable the general assembly convened in New Haven, 
Octobers, 1721L 

The memorial of the New London Company for Trade humbly 
sheweth that whereas your honours most humble memorialists being 
united and formed into a Company for carrying on of trade or merchandize 
having agreed upon certain articles for a regular manage me at of the 
same as may appear by our covenant agreed upon by us New London 
July first Anno Domini 1729, we do therefore humbly address this 
honourable Assembly for a patent for our said Company allowing us to 
be a Company in the manner and form of said covenant. 

That our votes passed & officers chosen by our Company from time to 
time may be lawful and authoritative in the execution of the designs 
and to those ends for which they are voted and chosen so far as may be 
without infringing upon the authority of the government the interest of 
the publick or hurting the peculiar right or property of any person but 
only what may he necessary for our just and lawful defence and benefit 
in matters relating to the concerns and interests of our Company. 

1 History of New London, by Frances Man waring Caulkins (edition of 
1952), pp. 212, 243. 


That the Bills bonds bargains or any obligations whatsoever made or 
signed by our Committee at any time may be effectual and valid in the 
law upon the Gompanys account. 

That our Company may be allowed to emitt Bills for currency upon 
our own credit as we may see occasion at any time for promoting or 
maint[ain]ing our trade. 

That there may be the same rules prescribed in the law for prosecut- 
ing and punishing such persons as shall at any time presume to alter 
obliterate counterfeit or forge any bill in the name of our company or 
committee as is prescribed in the law for prosecuting and punishing 
those that shall presume to deface alter counterfeit or forge any bills on 
the credit of the Government." * 

The foregoing Petition was signed by Solomon Coit in behalf 
of the Company. It was presented to the Lower House and was 
at first favorably received, but subsequently the action then taken 
was reconsidered and the Petition was rejected. 

It will be remembered that in the previous account of this 
Society it is stated that the Petition filed in May, 1732, in which 
the subscribers prayed to be put in a a politic capacity as a 
Society," alleged that the purposes of the Society were — 

" the promoting and carrying on trade and Commerce to Great Britain 
and his Majesty's islands and plantations in America, and to other of 
his Majesty's Dominions ; and for the encouraging the Fishery etc." * 

no mention being made in the volume of the Records 8 from 
which this is quoted of any intention on the part of the petitioners 
to supply the Colony with a currency as a medium of trade. It 
may be surmised that the omission from the Second Petition, of 
those paragraphs in the First in which the desire of the petitioners 
to emit bills and have them protected from being counterfeited is 
set forth, was the reason why the Second Petition met with a more 
favorable reception at the hands of the Assembly than was granted 
to the First. If this be so, and if it be assumed that Governor 
Talcott had knowledge of the character of the First Petition and of 
the refusal of the Assembly to consider it, we can readily under- 
stand that he would have been incensed at the action of the 
Company in emitting bills, and his rapid and decisive action 

1 Connecticut Archives: Trade and Maritime Affairs, vol. i. no. 161. 

2 Publications of this Society, v. 98. 

• Colonial Records of Connecticut, vii. 390. 



in summoning a special session of the Assembly for the purpose 
of having the charter annulled will be fully explained, 

Among the papers in the Archives is the Answer which the 
Company filed in response to the summons to appear before the 
Assembly. It is stated in the published Records l that the Com- 
pany was at first disposed to dispute the jurisdiction of the General 
Assembly* bat that this plea was waived and their defence was 
based upon the ground that the bills which had been issued were 
not of the nature and tenor of bills of the Colony, but were of the 
character of bills of exchange, which the Company had a natural 
right and authority to emit. Still another argument appears in 
this Answer which* it seems, had not assurance enough to show 
its head elsewhere in the proceedings- It was, that the Society 
which the Assembly had chartered waa a fraternity and was not 
dissolvable. Indirectly, this argument may have suggested the 
setting forth of the distinction between a fraternity and a 
society, made by the Assembly in May, 1733, in their Answer 
to the Petition of the Society for a revival of the charter* In 
that document the Assembly say T in substance: The Governor 
and Company of Connecticut being a Corporation, it is doubtful 
if it can create a Company or Society of Merchants. A Corpora- 
tion, however* might make a fraternity for the management of 
trades* arts, or mysteries, endowed with authority to regulate the 
management thereof. 3 

Beside the curious claim set forth in the Answer of the Com- 
pany that a fraternity is not dissolvable, there are some statements 
as to the currency of the bills which seem to militate against the 
evidence furnished by Governor Talcott's correspondence which 
was quoted in the former paper. There is also in this document a 
proposition to turn over the mortgages of the Company to the 
Government* thus securing a quasi official endorsement of the 
Company for the future, provided the Company should be per- 
mitted to go on with its business. The language of the Answer 
bearing upon the currency of the bills is as follows : — 

11 Yet perceving that our bills have not y* currency y* we conld wish 
and understand in g y l wise men take these three exceptions against them 
viz — 

1 Colonial Records of Connecticut, vii 421- 
* See Publications of this Society, v. 104. 


"First y* face of j* bill will not give action to y* po8s[ess]or8. 2dly 
That we make y* morgages to ourselves and hold our own fund. Sly Y k 
we may make bills ad infinitum." 

They therefore pray leave to turn over the mortgages to the 
Governor and Company in trust, the same to be redeemable on 
payment in bills or in silver at 10 s or in current currency at the 
expiration of twelve years, after which possessors were to have three 
years in which to bring in their bills. Further, it was proposed to 
set a limit of £50,000 to the amount of bills to be emitted. 1 

The Lower House voted to consider this Memorial, but its 
consideration was declined by the Upper House. 

In my previous communication to the Society, I was unable to 
give any reason for the amount of public bills (£15,000) which 
was fixed upon by the Government, to be loaned upon security to 
the Committee of the Society to aid them in bringing the affairs 
of the Company to a close. A clue to this may possibly be 
obtained from the Petition for a revival of the Society, filed 
15 February, 1732-3, in which the petitioners say: — 

" In pursuance whereof we emitted about 14 or 15 thousand pound in 
bills on our creditt." 2 

There is nothing in the published Records of the Colony to 
indicate the character of the trade in which the Company was 
engaged. It was the evident design of the representatives of the 
Company in 1732 to convey the impression to the Assembly that 
they were strictly a commercial Company and that the emitting 
of bills was merely an incident of their various beneficial proceed- 
ings and not the main purpose of their existence. The several 
documents to which I have referred contain assertions upon this 
point which doubtless had some foundation in fact, even if we 
do not accept the inference as to the purposes of the Society 
which was evidently intended to be conveyed. A few quotations 
from these documents will indicate how the bills were applied in 
the development of trade. 

In the Answer, it is stated that the bills were made use of — 
" in supporting the government thereof as well as y* maintaining our- 
selves by reason of our selling everything at y* cheapest and buying at 

1 Connecticut Archives : Trade and Maritime Affairs, vol. i. nos. 168, 169. 
* Ibid. vol. i. no. 167. 




y* dearest rate, which came upon ua by oar trading with Boston, with 
oar provisions, aud to Newport with Lumber &c, and having no 
market amongst ourselves, were obliged to sell just at such prices as 
they would give, and often lose by it." 

Again, in the Memorial which forms a part of the Answer, the 
Company declare ; — 

** [we] have given bills or notes on our own credit payable to y* pos- 
sessors at a certain time and with them have bought provisions vessels 
staves boards and other manufactures for gaining y* trade afforesaid, 
and carrying on ye fishery, and not as sum suppose to lend to bor- 
rowers, it being contrary to our sincer designe." 

In the Petition of the Company for a revival of their Charter, 
they say ; — 

M said Biunma we have disposed of for provisions and in building of 
ships &c." 

The foregoing facts relative to this attempt at the creation of 
trade where, as was stated, there was no market, and the new 
light thrown upon the purposes of the Company by the Petition 
for incorporation in 1729, are of sufficient importance to be com- 
municated to this Society as a supplement to the previous paper, 
which is already in type. After perusing these documents, it can- 
not be doubted that Governor Talcott, by pricking this bubble 
so abruptly, conferred a benefit upon all who were interested in 
the Company. 

A long discussion followed the reading of this paper, in 
which Messrs. William Watson Goodwin, Henry Wil- 
liams, Arthur T\ Lyman, Robert N. Top? an, and Charles 
A. Snow participated, the powers of the Charter Govern- 
ments to create corporations being specially considered by 
the two last-named gentlemen. 

Mr. John Noble communicated a group of documents 
relating to four suits of ejectment (1769-1772) pertaining to 
certain portions of a tract of twelve thousand acres of land 
in Bristul in the County of Lincoln, in the then District of 


Maine, which was embraced in the Pemaquid Patent, and spoke 
as follows : — 

What is now presented, hardly reaches the dignity of a com- 
munication. In the course of my work upon the Suffolk Court 
Files, the other day, while trying to bring into order some cases 
seemingly in hopeless confusion, I found some papers which 
seemed to offer certain points of intrinsic interest aside from the 
particular issues involved in the cases. They were suits in eject- 
ment brought to try the title to lands held originally under the 
Pemaquid Patent 1 The papers involve the history of a long 
period of years, and contain much information concerning the early 
settlement of the Province of Maine, or of that part of it which fell 
within the Pemaquid Patent. They bring out the conditions of 
life in the early times, the habits and occupations of the people, 
the hardships and vicissitudes of the first settlers, the harassing 
by the Indians, the social and political conditions then prevailing, 
and many a bit of private and personal history. They illustrate 
how much beside disputed rights may be wrapped up in the plead- 
ings and proceedings of a law-suit. There is, too, a certain legal 
interest in them as showing forms and methods in vogue at a 
given time, and the stages in the development of legal and judicial 

There are more than two hundred and fifty papers, in all, originals 
and copies, some similar, some identical. There is the Patent; 
there are letters of instruction, deeds, wills, certificates of births, 
marriages and deaths, numerous depositions, and, of course, the 
pleadings, records, verdicts, bills of costs, etc. The Pemaquid 
Patent and a few of the papers are already in print ; 2 the deeds 

1 Concerning the land controversies in Maine and their final settlement, see 
ante, v. 291 and note. 

2 The Pemaquid Patent will be found in 1 Collections Maine Historical 
Society, v. 207-214 ; Suffolk Deeds, iii. 52-56 ; and in J. Johnston's History of 
Bristol and Bremen, pp. 70-74; a part of the Letter of Instructions, in Johnston, 
pp. 97, 98 ; and some of the documents, — including the Patent which fills pp. 
83-39, — in the Order of Both Branches of the Legislature of Massachusetts, 
to appoint Commissioners to investigate the causes of the difficulties in the 
County of Lincoln ; and the Report of the Commissioners thereon, with the 
Documents, in support thereof. Boston, 1811, 8vo, pp. 174, — sometimes called 
the Lincoln Report It has been thought best, however, to print here such 

jgg.] LAND CONTROVERSIES IN MAINE, 1769-1772. 13 

and wiUs are mostly on the appropriate records ; the depositions 
are fresh from their slumber of a century and a quarter. For 
want of space and time only a very few of the papers can be used 
here, and these will be taken from the several cases indiscrimi- 
nately, inasmuch as the papers were mixed at the trial of the suits 
together, and never restored to their respective cases, — a confu- 
sion explained in part by a memorandum among them signed by 
Hie Clerk, Nathaniel Hatch : — 

^ These papers are taken out of the cases, they were filed In, in 
order to be presented to the Court for their allowance.* 1 

The suite, four in number, were brought by Thomas Bodkin l of 
Boston, in the Inferiour Court of Common Pleas, in 1768, against 
four yeomen of Bristol, in the Province of Maine, and decided ia 
favor of the Demandant. They were then carried by appeal to the 
8uperiour Court of Judicature, 2 where the Appellants, the original 
defendants, prevailed* They relate to different portions of a tract 

papers as might be necessary to make the story clear, especially as the last 
named work is now of some rarity. This Report shows how the Pemaquid 
Proprietors (see pp. 52, 58, past) derived their title. 

1 Johnston, In his History of Bristol and Bremen, gives brief accounts of 
our four litigants, — Bailey, p. 277; Eliot, p, 333 ; Randall, p. 334; and Yates, 
pp. 29G, 446\ On a plan facing p. 1 can be seen the location of the houses of 
Bodkin, Bay ley, and Yates ; and the location of those of Eliot and of Randall 
may perhaps be made out. Bodkin's Deposition may be found in Order of 
both Branches, etc., p* 127. 

Johnston (p. 408) says that in 1767 and 1708 Thomas Bodkin brought 
actions against these four tenants; "what the result was is not known, but 
probably the trial never took place* 1 * Until 1707, under the Statutes, the legal 
depository for the Records of the Superiour Court of Judicature in all the 
Connttefa of Massachusetts, including the District of Maine, was in the Clerk's 
office in the County of Suffolk; thereafter the Records were kept in the respec- 
tive counties* This fact being overlooked, it was in many quarters supposed that 
those earlier Records of Maine were missing, and a traditionary fire conveniently 
explained their loss, 

3 They are recorded in the Records of the Superiour Court of Judica- 
ture : — 

1770, xxix. 136, James Bayley i?, Thomas Bodkin, 

1771, xxx. 117, John Randall w. Same 
xxx. 120, James Yeatea v. Same 
xxx* 120, Simon Eliot v. Same. 

The original papers are found in Suffolk Court Files, vols, dcccxci, deccxcii, 
and dcecxriii, group-aumbers 130,413* 180,429; 139,469; 139,495; 139,498; 


of. 12,000 acres, in Bristol, in the County of Lincoln. Nicholas 
Davison and Richard Russell, 1 both of Charlestown, Massachusetts, 
were early proprietors of one half of it. 

The following is the Record of one of the cases in the Inferiour 
Court of Common Pleas, and that of another in the Superiour 
Court of Judicature : — 

Lincoln ss. Anno Regni Regis Georgii Tertii, Magnse Britanniae, 
Franciae et Hibernue, &c. nono — 

At his Majesty's Inferior Court of common pleas held at 
Pownal borough, within and for the County of Lincoln on the 
last Tuesday of September being the 26^ day of said Month, 
Annoq* Domini 1769 — 
Thomas Bodkin of Boston in the County of Suffolk Chocolate Grinder, 
pit v? James Yeates of Bristol, in the County of Lincoln, Yeoman, Deft, 
in a plea of Ejectment wherein he demands against the said James the 
Possession of [ 2 one] third Part of a [ 2 certain] Tract of Land lying in 
said Bristol, the whole whereof contains about three thousand acres, and 
is bounded Southwesterly by Pan-cake hill, so called, Northeasterly by 
a place called Bare-Tree, adjoining to Land formerly of Richard Peirce 
deceased; Northwesterly by Pemaquid fresh River, so called, South- 
easterly by a River or Brook over against Muscongus Island, includ- 
ing also the dry Pond Meadows thereto adjoining ; which said third part 
of the Same Tract, together with the said dry pond Meadows, the said 
Thomas holds in common and undived with Nathaniel Little & Hezekiah 

1 Nicholas Davison and Richard Russell were among the most prominent 
and wealthy citizens of Charlestown, and Russell was the founder of the most 
distinguished family ever resident in the town. He arrived in 1640, and held 
high public office until his death, 14 (3) 1670, in his sixty-fifth year. Six 
members of this family, representing five generations, sat in the Executive 
Council of the Colony, Province and Commonwealth. For notices of him, of 
his English ancestry, and of his part ownership of the Pemaquid Patent, see 
Wyman's Genealogies and Estates of Charlestown, ii. 829 ; Heraldic Journal, 
iv. 32, 33, 102-109; Savage's Genealogical Dictionary of New England, iii. 
593, 594 ; Waters's Genealogical Gleanings in England, i. 405, 406, 511, 512, ii. 
1009 ; Appleton's Cyclopedia of American Biography, v. 354 ; Johnston's His- 
tory of Bristol and Bremen, pp. 77, 78; Drake's Dictionary of American Biog- 
raphy, p. 789 ; and Pope's Pioneers of Massachusetts, pp. 395, 396. 
Concerning Nicholas Davison, see post, pp. 37, 38, note. 

* Interlined in the original. 




Eggleston, Tenants in common of the other two third Parts thereof; 
and whereupon he saith, that on the Tenth day of October, A, D* 1 73^* 
in Time of peace, in the Reign of King George the Second, he was 
seized of the demanded premisses in his Demesne as of fee, taking the 
Explces thereof of the yearly value of Ten pounds by the year; yet the 
said -Tames hath since, viz. within thirty years last past, entered into 
the same, ejected and disseized the said Thomas, and still unjustly 
holds him out of the same. To the damage of the said Thomas, as he 
saith*, the Sum of two hundred pounds. This Case was commenced at 
September Term 1768, and continued to June Term last, for the Deft 
to notify & vouch in the Pemaquid Proprietors ; and from thence was 
continued to this Term* And at this Term the said James, by David 
Sewall EsqT his Attorney, on the pit* agreeing that he may waive this 
plea & give any other Answer to the Declaration aforesaid, at the 
Superior Court, for plea says, he never was requested to pay the Money, 
and thereof puts himself on the Country- And the said Thomas agree- 
ing to said Liberty says the plea of the said James made in Manner 
and form aforesaid, is no legal answer to the pit" Declaration aforesaid, 
and this he is ready to verify; wherefore he prays Judgment for pos- 
session of the premisses demanded & Costs. And the said James 
reply* that his plea to issue aforesaid is good, and a legal answer to the 
Declaration afores d , and because the said Thomas refuses to join the 
issue tender'd, prays Judgment for Costs. All which being fully heard 
and understood by the Court, they are of opinion that the Deft" plea to 
issue aforesd is bad & no legal Answer to the pit* Declaration aforesaid. 
It is therefore Considered by said Court that the pit recover against the 
Deft Possession of the premisses demanded and Costs, The Defend 
appealed from this Judgment to the next Sup* Court of Judicature <&c* 
to be holden at Falmouth, in the County of Cumberland, and for the 
Counties of Cumberland & Lincoln aforesaid, and entered into Recog- 
nizance, with Sureties as the Law directs, for prosecuting his Appeal 
with Effect. 

A true Copy as appears of Record, 

Examin'd by Joh* Bowmam Cler 

» Suffolk Court Files, No* 139,495 * 2* 




At his Majestys superiour Court of Judicature, Court of Assize, A 
General Goal Delivery, begun & held at Falmouth in the County of 
Cumberland for the Countys of Cumberland & Lincoln, on the tuesday 
next following the fourth tuesday of June (being the 2*. day of July) 
Annoque Domini 1771. 

John Randal of Bristol in the County of Lincoln yeoman appellant 
vs. Thomas Bodkin of Boston in the County of Suffolk Chocolate 
Grinder appellee, from the Judgment of an Inferiour Court of Common 
pleas held at Pownalborough in & for the County of Lincoln on the 
first tuesday of June A. D. 1769, when & where the appellee was Pit. 
and the appellant was De£ In a plea of Ejectment wherein he de- 
mands against the said John possession of one undivided third part of 
a certain tract of land lying in said Bristol the whole whereof Contains 
about three thousand acres & is bounded Southwesterly by Pancake 
Hill so called Northeasterly by a place called Bare tree adjoining to 
land formerly of Richard Peirce deceased Northwesterly by Pemaquid 
fresh river so called southeasterly by a River over against Muscon- 
gus Island including also one undivided third part of the dry pond 
meadows thereto adjoining whereupon he saith that in time of Peace 
in the Reign of King George the Second within thirty years last past 
he was seized of the demanded premises in his demesne as of fee taking 
the explees thereof to the yearly Value of ten pounds by the year yet 
the said John hath since Viz' within thirty years last past Enter'd into 
the same Ejected & disseized the said Thomas & still unjustly holds 
him out of the same To the Damage of the said Thomas as he saith 
the sum of two hundred pounds. At which said Inferiour Court Judg- 
ment was rendred that the Pit. recover against the Def? the lands sued 
for & Costs : This Appeal was brot' forward at the Superiour Court 
of Judicature Court of Assize & General Goal Delivery held at Fal- 
mouth in the County of Cumberland & for the Countys of Cumberland 
& Lincoln on the fourth tuesday of June A. D. 1769, & from thence 
s? Appeal was Continued from term to term unto this time by Consent 
The parties now appeared & the Case after a full hearing was Com- 
mitted to a Jury sworn according to Law to try the same who return'd 
their Verdict therein upon oath that is to say they find the said John 
not Guilty, It's Therefore Considered by the Court that the said John 
recover against the said Thomas costs taxed at £38 : 15 : 4. 

Exc5n iss d 8 June 1772 




This Judgment is satisfied as appears by Drowne's receipt endorsed 
on the Execution on file* 1 

There are also copies of the Pemaquid Patent : — 

The H Indenture made the Nine & Twentieth Day of February 
Anno Domini 1631, and in the Seventh year of the Heign of Our Sov- 
ereign Lord Charles, by the Grace of i>od King of England, etc. . . . 
Between the President, and Council of New England on the One Part, 
and Robert Aldworth, 3 and Gyles Eibridge* of the City of Bristol, Mer- 
chants on the other Part" sets out the " Letters Patent, and Royal 
Grant ■ . . bearing Date the third Day of November in the Eigh- 
teenth Year of His Reign " made by ** our Sovereign Lord King James 
of famous Memory" " to the said President and Council aud their Suc- 
cessors forever" of il All the Land of New England in America, lying, 
aud being from Forty to Forty Eight Degrees of Northerly Latitude, 
and in Length by all that Breadth aforesaid from Sea to Sea/* It 
grants to Aldworth and El bridge in consideration that they ** transport 
at their own Cost, aud Charges, divers persons into New England, aud 
thereto Erect and build a Town, and settle divers Inhabitants, for their 
own safety, better Assurance & Advancement of the General Planta- 
tion of that Conutry, and for the Furtherance of the said Plantation, 

1 Records of the Superiour Court of Judicature, 177 1 1 xxx. 117. 

* For the will of Robert Aldworth, an Alderman of Bristol, England, and 
some facte concerning him, see Watera's Genealogical Gleaning?* m England, 
i, 032-637. 660, 734, 735; and Johnston's History of Bristol and Bremen, pp, 
21, 57 T 7G, 85. 

* Gyles Eibridge was a kinsman — Thornton says a nephew — of Robert 
Aldworth and a principal legatee under his will, proved in 1634. tn 1050, 
Thomas Eibridge, a son of Gyles Eibridge, was sole owner of the Pemaquid 
Patent, On the first of February, 16* 51 -52, Thomas Elhridge sold one half 
of it to Paul White (Suffolk Deeds, ii, 09-72) who, for £150 sterling, sold it, 
L'7 April, 1653, to Richard Russell and Nicholas Davison (Bid, iL 68). Davi- 
son subsequently (14 April, 1957) bought of Eibridge, the other half of the 
Patent (Ibid, iii. 50; cf. pp.40, 57-59), and of Richard Eussell, the remain- 
ing quarter and two islands near Pemaquid, on the twenty-first of July, 1657 
{Ibid. iii. 49, 50), Nicholas Davison thus became the sole owner of the Pema- 
quid Patent 

For Gyles Elbridge f s will, and some notices of his English connections and 
of his ownership of the Pemaquid Patent, see Waters's Genealogical Gleanings 
la England, i. 633-636, 655, 735, ii. 1009; and Johnston's History of Bristol 
and Bremen, pp + 57, 70, 76, 78, 85, 95, 96* 

Elhridge Gerry, Vice-President of the United States, traced his descent 
from Gyles Elhridge. 


and Encouragement of the said Undertakers," "One hundred severall 
acres of Ground in New England for every person transported or to be 
transported, within the Space of seven years next ensuing, that shall 
abide and Continue there three years, either at one or severall Times, or 
die in the mean season, after he or they are shipped with an Intent 
there to Inhabit " with certain exclusive rights and privileges set out. 
It further grants over and above the one hundred acre allotments and 
adjoining them, twelve thousand acres, to be taken and laid out near 
the river Pemaquid, with certain Islands and Islets. 

A rent is fixed at " One Fifth part of all the Gold and Silver oar, to 
be found or had in, and on the Premises, or any part thereof " to be paid 
the King and one fifth part to President and Council ; and also to the 
latter a rent of two shillings " for every hundred acres of Arable Lands 
so obtained," " The first payment to begin after the Expiration of the 
first seven years next after the date." The right is given " freely to 
truck, Trade and Trafick in ail lawf ull Commodities, with the Salvages in 
any part of New England or Neighbouring thereabouts ; at their Wills 
and Pleasures, without Lett or disturbance, as also to have Liberty to 
hunt, hawk, fish, or fowle, in any place or places, whatsoever, now, or 
hereafter by any English inhabited." It is covenanted " that their 
Tenants or servants shall not be taken from their own Employments by 
any Governour, or other there to be Established, but only for the pub- 
lick Defence of those Countrys, or Suppression of Rebellions, Riots, or 
Routs or other unlawful Assembly 8." It is also covenanted that " upon 
lawfull Survey to be had and made at the Charge of the said Under- 
takers and planters, and lawfull Information given of the bounds, 
meets and Quantity of the Land so as aforesaid to be by them Chosen 
and possessed . . . upon surrender of this present Grant and Inheri- 
tance, and upon Reasonable request . . . within seven years next com- 
ing," the President and Council will by deed " grant, enfeoff and Confirm 
all and every of the said Lands set out and bounded" to the two 
Bristol Merchants " and such as Contract with them," " in as large and 
beneficiall Manner," as they were granted in the Patent, and u at any 
Time within the said Term of seven years, upon request . . . Grant 
unto them . . . Letters and Grants of Incorporation, by some usuall 
fit name and Title, with Liberty to them and their successors from 
Time to Time to make orders, Laws, Ordinances, and Constructions, 
for the rule, Government, ordering & directing of all persons to be 
transported and settled upon the Lands," and in the meantime until 
such grant, that it shall be lawful for them " from Time to Time, to 
establish such Laws, & Ordinances as are for the better Government 
of the said persons so transported! and the same by such Officer or 

1S09-] LA^D CONTROVERSIES LN MAINE, 1709-1772. 19 

Officers, as they shall by most Voices elect and Choose to put in Execu- 
tion." Certain war-powers of considerable extent are given to be em- 
ployed against "all such person or persons their Ships and Goods 
as without the Special Licence of the said President and Council and 
their Successors or the great part of them shah attempt to inhabit or 
trade with any of the Savage People of that Country, within the 
severall Precincts or Limits of their said Plantation ; or shall euterprize 
or attempt at any Time hereafter Destruction Invasion or Annoyance to 
the s* Plantation." — There is also a provision against any alienation 
of the premises to any " foreign Nations or to any Person or persons 
whatsoever without the Licence, Consent and Agreement of the said 
President and Council and their Successors and Assigns, except it be to 
their own Tenants," on pain of forfeiture; and a provision for the 
delivery of seizin and possession to the grantees in said Patent. 

The instrument is executed by " R. Warwick " and u Ferd: Gorge./ 1 
and witnessed and sealed. There is a memorandum endorsed of the 
delivery of possession by Waiter Neale, named in the instrument, to 
Abr" Shurte, to the use of the grantees, dated 27 th May A D 1633. 

Taking the four cases together the several pleadings have been 
pretty fully preserved and show the procedure in such suits at that 
time under the Provincial government. 

The plea l iu one case (Bodkin v> Bayley) is as follows : — 

And the said James comes and defends when & where &c. and as to 
Fifty acres part of the premises demanded bounding . * * he is not 
Guilty and thereof puts himself on the Country. 

By Davic Sewall 
And the PI 1 - likewise . * . 

Theophilus Bradbury 

And as to the residue of the Premises demanded in the declaration 
aforesaid the said James says the s dj Thomas his Action aforesaid 
against him in form aforesaid ought not to have and maintain because 
the said James saith that at the Time of the purchase & Service of the 
writ afores d he had no right Title or Possession therein & this he is 
ready to verify, wherefore the s d - James prays Judgment if the s d " 

1 Inasmuch as, in the copy in the Early Suffolk Court Files, the copyist 
had run the tender of issues together in some confusion, — as appears at once 
on inspection, — it has seemed best, in printing, to follow the text of the origi- 
nal plea, still on file in the Court of Common Pleas in the County of Lincoln, 


Thomas his Action aforesaid in form aforesaid for the said residue of 
the premises demanded shall any farther have and maintain. 

By David Sewall 

And the said Thomas reply's that by any Thing above in pleading 
alleged he ought not to be precluded from having and maintaining his 
action of or in form aforesaid for the residue of the s d * demanded prem- 
ises Because he says that at The Time of the purchase & service of 
the writ aforesaid the said James was in the actual possession of the 
s d * residue of the primises demanded and this the s** Thomas prays may 
be Enquir'd of by the Country. 

V David Wteb 
And the 3 d * James likewise. . . . 

David Sewall 

The within is a true Copy 

Examin'd by Jon* Bowman, Cler. 1 

That in Bodkin v. Randall is similar ; that in Bodkin v. Yeates 
slightly different, in some respects; and in the remaining case 
the plea and the tendering of the issues appear on the back of the 
writ, after the officer's return, as follows : — 

Lincoln ss. July 5 th * 1768. By virtue of this Writ I have attached a 
Table, being being all the Estate that I could find belonging to the 
within named Simon Eliot, and left a summons at his house agreable 
to Law. 
Fees 7/8. Tho 5 - Boyd Deputy Sheriffs 

And the said Simon comes and defends when, where <&c, and on the 
pit? agreeing that he may waive this plea & give any other answer to 
the declaration afores* at the Supf Court, says he has a good horse of 
the value of Ten pounds, and thereof puts himself on the Country. 

D. Sewall. 

And the said Thomas agreeing to said Liberty, for Reply says, the said 
Simon's plea, pleaded in manner aforesaid, is no legal answer to the 
Declaration aforesaid, and this he is ready to verify; for want of 
proper answer in that Behalf he prays Judgment for Possession of the 
Premisses demanded & for Costs. 

Theoph* Bradbury 

And the said Simon replys that his Plea to issue aforesaid is good, and 
* Suffolk Court Files, No. 139,413 : 3. 




a legal answer to the declaration aforesaid, and because the said Thomas 
refuses to join the Issue afores d he prays Judgment for his Costs* 

Thomas Bodkin by his 

Attorney Joseph Hexsbaw, 1 

D. Sewall, 

There are numerous copies of deeda, in the long chain of title* 
mesne conveyances from the time of the original first grantees, 
running down for more than a hundred years. Among thera is a 
copy of a deed or fragment thereof, executed by the famous Captain 
Somerset 3 in 1653, which, with the various endorsements thereon* 
runs as follows : — 

The Condition of This Obligation is such that The within named 
Richard Fulfert may well and peaceably, have, hold Enjoy and possess 
from the date hereof to him & his Heirs and Assigns forever All and 
singular those Lands beglning at the place called the passage Point 
and from theuce alongst the shoar to the place called Heggomeito and 
so Two miles into the Country in Length which late were the Lands 
of Cap* Summersetts and the said Cap! Summerset t bath granted by this 
Deed of Gift to the aforesaid Richard Fulfort made under his hand 
& Seal to possess \t without any Molestation either of English or 

Indians.- Sealed & Delivered in the presence of us in the Year 

of our Lord 1653 This first day of June. 

The mark of 
Cap* Someksett 




Phillip Swaddan 

Thomas Cole 
B The mark of John Brown 
-|- The mark of John Hayman 

Rich art* Pea use. 

i Suffolk Court Files, No. 139,498: L 

1 The early visit of Samoset and his hospitable greeting has always been an 
interesting incident in the history of the Pilgrims, and with the various em- 
bellishments has played a conspicuous part therein. Its first mention is in 
MourVs Relation, The passage, as it is given in full in Mr. Matthewa's Note 
hereto appended, is now omitted ; and the like course will be followed as to all 
references to Samoset, only snch matters being here retained as are not there 
included. The Relation goes on to show that " Saturday in the morning we dis- 
missed the Salvage," and that on Sunday he came again, and il Stayed with vg 
till Wednesday morning. 11 It also gives a full description of him and of the 


Octo. the 7* 1728 A True Copy of The Orig! Exam** 

By Jos Moodt Reef. 

A True Copy from York County Records of Deeds <fec Lib° 12. 

Folio 323. 

Att Dan* Moulton Beg? 

A true Copy Examin'd by Jon a . Bowman Cler 

Witness These Presents that I Richard Fulford do hereby give and 
make over unto Humphrey Horrell all my Right Interest and Title of 
This in Written Deed unto said Humphrey Horrell and his Heirs for- 
ever. As Witness my Hand the 21* of Octo? 1667 

Richard It Fulford 
his mark 
Witness John B Brown 
his mark 
Alexander Gou[ld] 

entertainment given him. There is also an account of a third visit. Governor 
Bradford's narrative adds some interesting details. 

" All this while y* Indians came Skulking about them, and would sometimes show 
them selves aloofe of, but when any aproached near them they would rune away. . . . 
But about y* 16. of March a certaine Indian came bouldly amongst them, and spoke to 
them in broken English, which they could well understand, but marvelled at it At 
length they understood by discourse with him, that he was not of these parts, but be- 
longed to y* Eastrcne parts, wher some English-ships came to fhish, with whom he was 
aquainted, & could name sundrie of them by their names, amongst whom he gott his 
language. He became profitable to them in aquainting them with many things concern- 
ing y* State of y* cuntrv in y* east-parts wher he lived, which was afterwards profitable 
unto them ; as also of y* people hear, of their names, number & strength ; of their situa- 
tion & distance from this place, and who was cheefe amongst them. His name was 
Samaset " (History of Plimouth Plantation, 1856, p. 93). 

" Christopher Levett's Voyage into New England begun in 1623 and ended 
in 1624," gives an account of his acquaintance with Samoset : — 

" Came many savages with their wives and children. . . . Somerset, a sagamore, one 
that hath been found very faithful to the English, and hath saved the lives of many of 
our nation, some from starving, others from killing. . . . And Somerset told that his 
son (who was born whilst I was in the country, and whom he would needs have to 
name) and mine should be brothers and that there should be mouchicke lerjamatch 
(that is friendship) betwixt them, until Tanto carried them to his wigwam (that is until 
they died) " (1 Collections Maine Historical Society, ii. 87, 92, 93). 

However little doubt there may be as to the identity of "Capt. John 
Somerset" and "Samoset," a question has been raised as to which was the 
earlier, or original, name. The a priori argument is strongly in favor of 
"Samoset." The historical argument leads almost irresistibly to the same 

1890.] LAUD CONTROVERSIES W MAINE, 1769-1772. 23 

This Claim entered with the Eastern Claims at the request of Samuel 
Sturtevant Clatmer for the Heirs of Humphry Horrell page 95 

By Samuel Phipps Clerk of the Com*? 
OctoT f 7 tfe 1728 A True Copy of the Orig! Exam d 

p Jos: Moodt Retf 

This Assignment I apprehend was an Endorsem 1 on the Foregoing 
deed ThV they were Seperate when this Came to my Hand 

Jos* Moody Metf 

A True Copy from York County Records of Deeds &c Lib? 12. Fol« 

Attest Dan 1 * Moulton J?egr*l 

A true Copy Examined by Jon* Bowman Cter 

Somersetts Deed to 
Fulford & Assignm 1, 
to Horrell l 

There is a Power of Attorney 3 from Habijah Savage, Esq, f and 
other Proprietors of Pemaquid lands to Shem Drowne 8 iu 1735, 

conclusion. The doubt raised by Mr. Drake seemed to hare no sufficient 
ground for it, and his contention to lack any actual proof, 

I am under great obligation to our associate, Mr. Albert Matthews, for hia 
exhaustive and seemingly conclusive Note t appended to this Paper (pp. 59-70)* 
in support of the opinion just expressed ; and to our associate, Mr. Henry 
H 4 Edes, for many of the most valuable and interesting footnotes to this 

i Suffolk Court Files, No. 139,532 : 17. 

3 Recorded with Suffolk Deeds, liiL 180. 

1 Shem Drowne, one of the largest and most active and influential of the 
Pemaquid Proprietors, though to a considerable extent a man of affairs and 
activity, and engaged in many important matters in the early days of Boston 
and Charles town, is perhaps best and most popularly known as the artisan who 
made the Indian upon the old Province House and the Grasshopper on Faneuil 
Hal), and will owe his civic immortality to them. The Indian is now in the 
possession of the Massachusetts Historical Society, by the gift of Mrs. William 
Appleton. Its Proceedings for December, 1S70 (xv. 178-180), in the remarks 
of Dr. George E, Ellis, contain an account of the gift and a description of the 
figure, — "the handiwork of Deacon Shem Drowne, who afterwards made the 
grasshopper on Faneuil Hall, after the pattern of that on the Royal Exchange, 
London.** (See also ShurtlefFs Topographical and Historical Description of 
Boston, pp. 597-599 ; Memorial nistory of Boston, ii. 90 ; and Hill's History of 


and several conveyances thereafter from Drowne, "tin plate 
worker," " as well in his own behalf as Attorney to Habijah 
Savage, Esq.," and others, among them one to James Bailey in 
1738. The deeds are full of names of places and designations 
of localities, some the original Indian names, especially in the case 
of islands and rivers, in curious vagaries of spelling but with 
phonetic similarity, and some the uncouth but significant appella- 
tions affixed by the early owners. 

Among the papers is an original lease, made in 1742, curious in 
itself but more curious and suggestive in the chirography of the 
faded manuscript ; and in the same year a somewhat unique bill of 
sale, likewise an original and a holograph : — 

Know all men by these presens that I heough Boyd of pemequed 
fennor doth bind and oblige myself under the penelty sum of one hun- 
dred pound Curant money of new ingland to thomas bodkin of marbel 
head bruer to deliver up to said bodkin stoke to the veleou of what 
stoke he delivers to me when 1 move off his farm Except what is dead 
or kiled by axedent and to deliver him up pesable posesion of said ferm 
at the end of the terme and to give him one half of all the ingles grain 
I rese Evrey year Except what I rese on old putatou ground or turnip 
yeards and to give him an half of all the incrise of the Catle and the 
yung Catle to be devided evry three years and to give him one half of 
all the buter and Chese yearly 

sined seled in presens of us this nintenth day of march one thousand 
seven hundred and forty two 1742 


John M Kown Hcgh Boyd 1 


Ann M knn 

1 Suffolk Court Files, No. 139,413 : 10. 

the Old South Church, i. 455.) Hawthorne, too, in his Legends of the Province 
House, has thrown a touch of romance about him and linked his name with 
the Royal Governors of the Province. Drowne's fame as an artisan, however, 
was not confined to Boston. In 1765, the old weather-cock on the steeple of 
the Deerfield Meeting-house was taken down to be repaired and regilded. The 
bird was then " furnished with ' new globe eyes ' by Shem Drowne of Boston, 
and returned to his new perch where, until 1824, he kept watch and ward over 
the going and coming generations of men. He still fulfils the duty assigned 
him in 1729, on the spire" of the Meeting-house built in 1824, and still 
standing, — the Unitarian Church of to-day (Address of George Sheldon, at 



Round pou[d] March the W* 1742, 

Know all men by thes presenss these that I John Morrell of a 
places called Hound pon ia the eountey of York in the provenes of the 
masschaesetts bay in new england do for and in considderrasou of A 
Sarten sora of mormy coutaning one bundered pound to me in hand : 
pade by thorns bodken of t&4roel had bruer do : Sel to sad bodken my 
two oxen and two cows and all my husbandaarey tills exsepting my 
worken tuls with all my ri an pasimps & all my Right titel in Bound 
pon exeepte in Lutus and gears and housel goods and Colt and now will 
put my good on bood if there baney boddy to tek them and give a 
Reset for them to deleuer them at tor tre there lys Shipreane. 

Witnes Presant Johs Morrell l 

William Bcrxs. 

A rather full account of various settlements and the existing 
conditions at the dates specified appears in an — 

Extract of a Letter of Instructions to the Agent Dated 
Oct*/ 1717 

March 3G* 1629, 

John Beuhump and Thomas Leverett have granted them by 
the Council of Plymouth all the Lands between Misconcua and 
Fenobseott Rivers and Ten Leagues into the lands Feb? 
29* 1631. Robert A Id worth and Gyles Elbridge of Bristol 
are granted 12000 acres and all Islands within three Leagues 
and 100 acres to every passenger at or near Pemaqnid — 
There are sundry other grants made by the Council of PHmonth 
to sundry persons, by vertue of these patents it was that the 
Country was settled: They also purchased their lands of the 
Indians and Recorded their deeds by Walter Phillips Recorder 
at Pemaquid, In the Gcnerall in May 1671 it is left to Cap 1 ? 

erfieM, 28 July, 1901), Drown© was married 18 September, 1712, by the 

lev. Benjamin Cotman, to Katherine Clark* daughter of Timothy Clark 

(Boston Record Commissioners* Reports, xxviii. 39; and Suffolk Probate File*, 

No* 7017), Hia death is briefly told in the Diary of Thomas Newell, under 

date of IS January, 1774 : — 

"Thnnday, more moderate weather. Very good sledding; great plenty provisions 
nod grain. Old Mr, Sliem Drown, ob. JE. 91 ■ he was the first tui-plate worker that 
niTiame to Boston. New England" (I Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical 
Society for October, 1877, xv + 348). 

i Suffolk Court Files, No. 130,413: 11. 


Thomas Clark to lay out the east line of the Massachusetts 
Colony, The return was made 15 u May 1672. by M? George 
Mountjoy. That line to be in about 1 3/4 mile above new 
damariscove in Casco bay and a little above Cap*? Faddishalls 
in Kennebeck alias Sagadahock River, Cape Norwagan, Dama- 
riscove, Monhegan Montenicus, and Mountenick part of Pema- 
quid and most of S* Georges Island and so run into the sea 
Boston March 7 th 1673. — 

Present John Leverett Gov? Saml Simons Dep* Gov? Richard 
Russell, Thomas Danforth, Edward Tyng and Thomas Clark 
Esq? appointed Constables for Kennebeck, Cape Norwagan, 
Damariscove, & Pemaquid. — 

March 1701 

Cap* Sylvanus Davis gives this Ace*? of the severall english 
settlements that he hath known to be formerly at and to the 
Eastward of Kennebeck or Sagadahoc along the sea Coast to 
Montenicus sundry English fishing places some 70. & some 
40 years since. — 

At Sagadahock many Families & 10 Boats sometimes more. 
At Cape Norwagan many Families & 15 boats — 
At Hypocris Islands .... 2 Boats 

At Damaris Cove 15 

At two Bacon Gutt 


Fishing Vessells 

At Holmes Island ' 

At Pemaquid 5. 

At New harbour 6. 

At Monhegan near 20 

At S? Georges. Fishers 
At Montenicus Island .... 20 
Farmers Eastward . . . 

At and Near Sagadahock 20 

East side of Sagadahock to merry meeting . .21 
From Cape Nawagan to Pemaquid 6 farmers 

At Pemaquid 15 

At New harbour 10 

At S' Georges West side m? Foxwell ) 

At Saquid point 60 years agone j 

On the east side of Qisquamego, 

Phillip Swaden fifty years agoe / g! Georges 

besides Fishermen 60 or 70 years j 34 Families 

84 within land 

/ SM 

j 84 

1899.] I*A>T> CONTROVERSIES IN MAINE, 1769*1772. 27 

Between Kenuebeck and Georges River > , 12 
At Sheepscot Town besides Farms . , . . 50 
Between Sheepscott & Damarias Cotta River 10 

At Damariseotta . . 7 or 8 

Between Damariaeotta Misconcus & J 19 

Pemaquid and Roundpond . . * j 

"91" Families 

Many more had begun to settle many taken lotts with intent 
speedily to settle but were disappointed By the Warr, besides 
the great Improvments, Houses Mills Stores, Maulting, build- 
ing ships & Vesseils, the Inhabitants daily increasing, Monhe- 
gan Island was sold by M T Innings l of Plimouth to Alderman 
Aldworth and M: Gj T les Elbridge March Anno 1626, & im- 
proved ever since till the Warr, in 1688, Pemaquid 12000 
Acres bounded from the head of Damariseotta river to the 
head of Misconcus River, thence to the sea with all Islands 
within three leagues, in the same grant 100 [ a acres] to every 
passenger and 50 Acres to every person [ a born] there within 
seven years amounts to about 80 persons granted by the 
Council of Plimouth to Alderman Aldworth and si Elbridge 
162U and possession given by their Attorney Cap! Walter 
Neale of 12000 Acres 

from Sagadahock to Pemaquid is 6 ) 

From Pemaquid to s! Georges River is - * . , 5 J Leagues 
From Pemaquid to Monhegan Island • . * * 4 ) 
Leveretts Patten t is [ a from] misconeus to Penobseott rite* 
10 Leagues into the Land, a Copy taken from Commission, 
from the Governor and Council Book N° 5. 
Mem* That the afore mentioned Silvanus Davis was by the 
Charter appointed first Counsellor for those Lands to the 
Eastward of Sagadahock & was a Dweller at and well ac- 
quainted with those parts* 

Copy from the same Book 

Exam* By J* Will are Secry, 

A True Copy examined By Nat Hatch Cier 
A true Copy Examin'd by Jon* Bowman Cler 

1 Abraham Jennings is here referred to. See post f p. 51. 
* Interlined in the original. 



Extract from the 

Council Book 
Bodkin V. Randal 

[F]alm° July 1771 Randall tf 

Bodkin 1 

There is a very large number of depositions. Such papers have 
always a peculiar value and interest, inasmuch as, besides the main 
fact or facts testified to, they often contain so much collateral and 
incidental information, — graphic pictures of various happenings, 
glimpses of conditions of life and its surroundings, domestic details 
of little moment perhaps at the time but full of suggestion to the 
historian, snatches of family history, names and ages of persons, 
which genealogists may have long sought in vain, and all sorts of 
contributions, minute and authentic, made by contemporaries, to 
the knowledge of later generations. This is peculiarly the case 
where they were taken, not as in modern times by specific ques- 
tions and answers, but rather in the form of affidavits, monologues 
written out in the handwriting of the deponent with all the 
idiosyncrasies of thought and expression to be expected under such 
circumstances, or set down by the magistrate as the unbroken nar- 
rative fell from the lips of the affiant. In a few instances here, 
questions seem to have been put at the close, where the testimony 
as given did not fully cover the points desired, and the attention 
of some aged or feeble witness had to be stimulated and directed. 
Most of the depositions in these cases were taken to be used 
directly at the trials, and mainly bearing upon the question of 
occupancy and possession at certain times, though there are some 
taken in perpetuam memoriam. Although all have much interest 
in one way or another, time and space will allow the use of only a 
few. Some of these present many points of historical value and 


The Deposition of Patrick Rogers of Bristol in the County of Lincoln 
Gentleman Aged Sixty one years Testifieth and saith that he this Depo- 

* Suffolk Court Files, No. 139,532: 27. 




Beat Lived in george Town in the County of York in the year Seventeen 
Hundred twenty or Twenty one at which time the Deponent says thare 
was not one House that he Knew off between Geord Town & Aunopolis 
Royal (except one on Damariscove an Island to make Fish on, till the 
time & georges Fort was built when CoP Thomas Westbrook was Com- 
mander of the Province Troops there — that the Deponent five or 
six years after the Date above was in the fishing Business and well 
acquainted with the harbours of Pemaquid, and others as far East as 
mount Desert about the year 1729 or Thirty the Deponent Knew one 
James Baily who lived at the South West part of a place called Round 
pond his house was Built near the Shore and Continued there about 
Nine or ten Years and Inclosed a field theireon and the Deponent at 
that time knew CapL Tho? Henderson who Lived on a point of Laud to 
the Southward of Bailys house joining there and on the Notherly side of 
a Small Brook near to where Baily Jived now Improved by John Raudell, 
and About the Begin ing of the Spanish war the Said James Baily moved 
his family from Round pond to the westwaird <5fe Returned Thare about 
four years ago and Built a house on his former Old Field near whare he 
formally Dwelt. The Deponent never Knew of any place called Pan- 
cake hill till of Late years nor of a place at all Called Passage Point 
nor of Bear tree nor of a place called dry pond madow and that he 
never Knew of any parson Disturbing said Baily in his Possession, The 
Deponent knows Simon Eliot he lived at Round pond about twelve 
last past & James Yats has lived at Round pond from year 174i > to 
this Day Except the time when he went to the Seige of Louisborg and 
Returned in a Boat About three or four years after the Deponent never 
Heard that the S d Yats was Ever disturbed in his Possession till the 
year 1768 when one Tho" Bodkin brought an Action of Ejectment 
against him for his Land Furthermore the Deponent Knows that about 
the year 1733 There was many Inhabit! ants settled at that time near 
Pemaquid & about the year 1 735 said Settlers settled under the Pema- 
quid Company to the number of forty famalys or more and hold Their 
Lands to this Day by their patent Right The Distance Between Pema- 
quid fort and round pound is about Six or Seven milles north Easterly 
from Pemaquid The Inhabitants living thare levid under the Pemaquid 
patent right I with Alex! Nickels Esq r was Chosen to Set the price of a 
Lott of Land there which James Yats purchased of Cap! Arthur Savage 
about 300 ackers as I Remember & this Deponent Forther Saith that 
about the year 1735 or 1737 M* Shim Drowne as agant to the pemaquid 
Froperitors Imployd John North to take a Survay of S* patint Claim 
& the Survay along the out Line of S d Claim Some of them loged at 
my house one night & this Deponent forther Saith That many of the 


Inhabitants with him Self meet With S*. Shim Drowne at Pemaquid Fort 
Some years before the S* Survay when and thare the patent was Read 
on which The People was Jenerly Satisfied that the title was good and 
as Col! Dunbar Sigenfied on his Removal that the Lands there Abotoos 
was privat Porparty & that the King Removed S d Dunbar for that 
rason the Inhabitants generaly took thare Lotts of Land under S* 
Drowne as agant for Said Propritors Which was about forty or more 
famalies and this Deponant Forther Saith that he Purchased two Lotts 
of Land in Said Claim of two of the Settelers which Said Drowne Had 
Given Land to & many of the Inhabitants with my Self took a Lease 
of Said Drowne for the fresh meadows and that he never knew of any 
of the Inhabitants Said Drowne had settled being Disturbed by any 
Claimer whatsoever any where from Pemaquid to what is Now Called 
or known by the name of muscongus untill the year 1 768 one The? Bod- 
kin Sued Sevral of the old Settlers at Round pond which have taken 
thare Lots under the Pemaquid Properitors Some by Leas & Some by 
purches as the Inhabatents thare told This Deponent forthar this Depo- 
nent saith that Round Pond is Frunting Estardly on a Large Bay this 
Deponent Saith that James Morton William Burns & many others 
Leving Some mills to the Northward of Round pond hold Their Lands, 
under the Said Pemaquid Properitors. 

Patreck Rodgers. 

Lincoln ss. Bristol, deposition taken June 22, 1769. before Abb"' 
Preble Justice of Peace. 1 


Gorge Caldwell of Bristol Aged about 72 years Testifieth & Saith 
that when Coll 1 ! Dunbar removed from Pemaquid which was Generally 
Said to be By Ordrs from England Then Shera Drown of Boston Came 
Down to Pemaquid Fort & notified the inhabitants whome Coll? Dunbar 
had Setled to Attend on which Said Drowne had a Patent for Those 
Lands (to Aldsworth & Elbridge) Read & Said that he Came down with 
a Power of Attorney from a Number of Other Propritors who with 
himself owned Said Lands and Said Drowne Gave Lands to many of 
The inhabitants of Walpole Harrington Pemaquid and round Pound 
and offerd the Same to all that he found there in Those parts James 
Bailey being one of them who Livs Now at Round Pond to whom the 
Said Drowne gave Land at Round pond Some of the inhabitants went 
away to Other Parts and to many of the inhabitants to whom the Said 

* Suffolk Court Files, No. 189,413 : 46. 


Coll* Dunbar Gave but forty Acres the Said Drowne for the further 
Encouragement of the Settlement, Gave Eighty Acres Furthermore this 
Deponent Saith that Capt John North Run out the Said Patent many 
years ago for the Said Drowne from Oyster Creek at the head D amors - 
eottey Eiver so far as the Salt water flows round to the head of Mus- 
eongus River to medomock falls so far as the Salt water flows there, 
he the Said Drownd Being then Present This Deponent together with 
Alexander Arskius Cap! William Loud Joseph Johnson and John Par- 
bush was Ascisting Said North The Surveyor in Runiug out the whole 
Tract nor was there any Person That Clamied any of Said Lands at 
that Time that This Deponent Saw or heard of and further Saith Not. 




William Fossett, Jon 1 - 


Lincoln sa. Bristol, deposition taken 4 June 1770. before Ales* 
Nickels Justice of Peace 1 


The Deposition of Alexander Erskine of Bristol iu the County of 
Lincoln. Aged about forty Six years, Testifleth and Saith, that about 
Twenty two years ago, This Deponent who then Lived at Boston, came 
down, to Pemaquid with Shem Drowne of S a Boston, who was then 
Agent, for the pemaquid Proprietors, with a Quantity of Stores, which 
this Deponent had the care off S d Drowne then took his Lodgings at the 
Fort there, and by Boat Visited the Inhabitants with this Deponent, 
who the Said Drowne Hired to attend him, in Company with John 
North, Lie 1 Rodgerfs], George Call well, Robert Paul, Nathaniel Bull 
Jon, John Furbush {To whom he allowed as Wages, Thirty Shillings 
(Old Tenor) p< Day) from Madomock falls, Down Round Pemaquid 
point, and up Damans Cotta Kiver, up Near to Damaris Cotta falls 
& Settled there Eight or nine families, with farms, Some of which were 
New Comers Giving them an Hundred acres of Land Each, and Said he 
would take no man's Settlement from him, and Accomodated the old 
Inhabitants (with the Improved) Land, as far as that held out and 
Gave other Lands to all the Inhabitants that he found there Settled 
under Coir Dunbar, that Chose to Tarry, S d Farms being at this Day of 
Considerable value, Furthermore this Deponent well Remembers, that 

* Suffolk Court Files, No. 139,413 1 20. 



the S* Drowne, at the above time, Refused to take the Sum of One 
Thousand pounds (Old Tenor) for a piece of Land, adjoining pemaquid 
fails, Telling the person that offered it in this Deponents hearing, that 
the fishery there should be free for all the Inhabitants, and this De- 
ponent Saith, that the Inhabitants were Generally Satisfied with S d . 
Drown's Right & Transactions, and further saith not. 

Alexander W Erskin[b] 


Georg Yeates 

Lincoln ss. Bristol June jT 14* 1770 l 


Thomas Killpatrick of St Gorges aged about 70 years Testefieth & 
Saith that he formerly Lived at Harrington at or Near Pamaquid and 
well Remembers that then Shem Drowne of Boston Came Down to Pem- 
aquid Fort as agent with a power of attorny From a number of Persons 
from Whome he Claimed all those Lands this was about Thirty five 
years ago on Coll? Dumbars quitting his Settling these parts Said 
Drown Calling the Inhabitants together & by Reeding Publickly as 
Patient there of offerd the Inhabitints to Resettle them many of whome 
Did Stay and accept his offer but this Deponent With his Family Re- 
moved to S l Gorges and that then this Deponent Never Knew Nor 
heard of any opposition That the Said Drowne met With in the Settle- 
ment of Said Lands 

Tho Killpatrick 
Lincoln ss 

S 1 Georges June y 2* 1770 * 

Some of these depositions bring out vividly the trials and tribu- 
lations of the early settlers. 

Mary Cowell "aged about 64 years," in her deposition taken in 
1768, u testifies & says that about Fifty years ago she this Deponent 
lived at a place called Muscongus at the Eastward about seven or eight 
years . . . that in the summer season this Deponent with . • . and 

1 Suffolk Court Files, No. 139,498 : 82. a Ibid. No. 139,498: 47. 




their Famtlys used to go over to Monhegan Inland for fear of the 
Indians and return back again in the Fall." * * . 

John Pcarce "aged about 74 " tells how ** about the year of QBE 
Lord 1722 the Indian War breaking out at the Eastward, this Depo- 
nent went with a Vessel! and a Number of People to the Eastward and 
Brought from thence his Father Etc bard Feirce and Family from a 
place called Muscongus." 

Many others refer to the Indian troubles. One is somewhat graphic 
and pathetic in its story ; — 

Naomi Annia of S* Georges Aged about Sixty or Seventy Years 
according to the best of her Remembrance Testifietb and saith that 
about One Year after the three Year War So called with the Indians 

This Deponant with her late Husband Samuel Annis went to live 

at a Place called round Pond on Muscougue Bay in the County of Lin- 
coln, aud there they continued three Years and then moved off for 
Fear of the Indians to Monhegon Island. And moved off and on for 
the Space of One Year. And after two Years more the moved off to 
Mon began Island, Again for about a Month for Fear of the Said 
Indians, and then Returned to said Round Pond and continued there 
for the Space of Three or four Years, and then moved to S' Georges for 
Four of the Indians for about the Space of Two Months. And then 
returned to round Pond* and there continued Three or Four Years, and 
then they moved off and returned there no more. The House that this 
Deponants Husband built and dwellt in, was to the North side of round 
Pond. This Depouant saith, her Memory has failed her for some Years 
past ^ And that the above is according to the best of her Remembrance, 
for that She would not say any Thing amiss. And further eaith not. 
Witteuess her 

Abr" Pfcnu Naomi mrv Annis 

Julius Haktken Mark 

Lincoln Sc. Mednnkook June 22 d . 1769. 

The above namd. Naomi Annis of 
G Gorges in the County of Lincoln aforesaid being more than Thirty 
Miles distant from Falmouth in the County of Cumberland! the place 
where the Case is to be tryed, in which the above deposition is to be 
used. Personally appeared, and and after having been duly examined, 
and cautioned to Testify the whole Truth made Solemn Oath to the 



Truth of the above written deposition by him Subscribe! the adverse 
party namely Thomas Bodkin living at Boston more than twenty Miles 
from the place of Caption was not notified nor present, This deposition 
is taken to be used in an Action of Ejectment to be heard and try'd at 
the Superior Court of judicature to be holden at Falmouth in the County 
of Cumberland [* in the County] aforesaid, for the Countys of Camber- 
land & Lincoln on the fourth Tuesday of June instant — Wherein John 
Randall of Round pond in the Township of Bristol aforesaid is appel- 
lant and the said Thomas Bodkin is appelle, taken at the request of 
John Randall the appellant Before me 

Abr£ Preble Justice oftf Peace 

Naomt Annis * 

There is another deposition by the same person, bearing mainly 
upon the possession and occupancy of certain lands. Her testi- 
mony would seem to have been regarded as of great importance on 
these questions from the attacks made upon her credibility and com- 
petency in other depositions. This is somewhat offset by that of 
the magistrate. The attack seems to have been directed mainly 
against the latter deposition, and may not materially affect the his- 
torical value of the first, which contains so much likely to linger 
in the memory of age. At any rate her story seems worth 
giving: — 


Naomi Annis aged about Eighty Years testifieth and saith that about 
the Year One Thousand seven hundred and fifteen, this deponent with 
her late Husband Samuel Annis late of a place called S* Georges decc* 
were sent by Samuel Martin to live at a place Called Round Pond in 
the Eastern part of this Province, That while this Deponent lived there, 
the Family of the Pierces lived at Muscongus, That this Deponent 
with her said Husband lived at Round Pond severall years till they 
were driven away by the Indians. That some short Time before this 
Deponent and her said Husband left Round Pond M r - Pierces Son Came 
with a Vessell and Carried away his Father and Family from Muscongus 
That the Lands at Round pond &c. was always reputed to belong to 
Francis Fulford and Samuel Martins Wife while she knew it, neither 

1 Cancelled in the original. 

« Suffolk Court Files, No. 139,532 : 28. 



did she in that Time ever bear of any other Claimers to said Lands, & 
further saith not her 

Naomi X Aim 


Lincoln ss. St. Georges, dep, taken 2 Sept 1768, before David Pales 

Just? Pads, 1 

Here is what Mrs. Annis's son-in-law has to say: — 


Zacbarfah Davis of a place Called Meduncook aged forty-two years 

Testifyeth and Saith that he well knows M" Naomi Anuis of S 1 Georges 
and he this deponent having Married y* Daughter of y e Afore s d Annis 
about Eight Years Ago and Whose wife is Stil living & an Intimacy and 
harmony Subsisting between the deponants family & bis mother in law, 
this Deponent is fully perswaded in his own mind by y 8 Acquiantance 
he hath with his Mother in Law that She y* a* Naomi Annis is not At 
this present time nor has been for some years past Capable of Recol- 
lecting her Self, Owing to y° Great failure of her memory which Scarce 
Serves her for Two days To gether, And further Saith not 

Witteness ■ his 

Abr"- Preble Zechatuar Q Davis 

Jclids Hartken mark 

Lincoln ss. Meduncock, deposition taken June 21, 1769. before Abr* 
Preble Justice of ye Peace.* 


To the same effect is the deposition of John Brasher, — that she — 

"has not been in a Capacity for these twelve years to recollect herself 
so as any Confidence may he placed in her Testimony or Relation;'* 
and that of John Mcfntyer who t4 hath known her for Thirty years Past 
and allways Did look upon her to be so Ignorant as not to be Capable 
of giving Her Testamony or Taking an oath, & farder sayeth Not" 

The same opinion appears incidentally in one or more others : — 

David Fales of Lawful Age Testifieth and Saith, That he being 
applied to as a Justice of the Peace to take Depositions of Naomi 

1 I hid. No. 130,413: 23. 

i Suffolk Court Files, No. 139,413 : 17, 


Annis to be used in Sundry Causes wherein Thomas Bodkin is Plaintiff 
against James Yeates, James Bailey, John Randal and Simon Elliot 
severally in the Several Causes Defendants to be tried at the Inferiour 
Court of Common Pleas held at Pownalborough on the last Tuesday of 
September Anno Domini 1768. That some time in the said year 1768, 
This Deponent attended, that Service, and from the Conversation then 
had with, and a careful Examination of the said Naomi Annis, and 
from former Conversations and Examinations of the said Naomi upon 
the same Subject, I adjudged her to be of sufficient Capasity of Mind 
to give her Testimony in the said Causes. And further saith not. 

David Falks 

Lincoln es. Sept 28, 1769 deposition taken before Tho? Rice Just, 
ad pacem. 1 


Hugh Boyd aged about sixty two years Testifies and says that about 
Twenty Six years ago he went to live at Round pond. That he took 
one of Thomas Bodkins Farms there at the halves, where he lived about 
three years and was then Oblig'd to Quit that place, and go into Pema- 
quid Fort, On Account of the Indian war breaking out, that about the 
Time he went to live at Round pond John Morrell & Nathaniel Bull 
lived there, Nathaniel Bull lived the next farm tp the southward of this 
Deponents and Morrell lived at the Northerly Part of the Pond, about 
that Time s d Morrell sold his Stock and Improvements to s d * Bodkin 
and went off : That this Deponent does not remember that any body 
but s* Bodkin claim'd the land at Round pond, While the Deponent 
Knew the place. This Deponent Further Testifies that The Farm in 
which he lived was Called the Old Farm and that said Bull and Morrell 
were the only people then living at round pond Except the Deponent 
& his Family, That This Deponent lived about Three years in Pemaquid 
Fort before he Came to the Westward, This Deponent further Testifies 
that s d - Bull was an other of Bodkins Tenants, and was some years 
after Killed with a Number of Other people, by the Indians at Pemaquid 
Fails, and that the Deponent helped to bury the Bodies. 

Hugh Botd 

Suffolk ss. Wrentham Aug. 6, 1768 deposition taken before Ebenezer 
Fisher, Justice Peace. 2 

Among the early settlers the interests of religion and education 
seem not to have been lost sight of : — 

i Suffolk Court Files, No. 139,413 : 25. a IbuL No. 139,413: 18. 





u John Ulmer of a place called Broadbay," in 1770, testifies that 
seven years before some forty or forty-five families, largely Dutch, were 
M Con firmed in the settlements and Improvements by Deeds of Convey- 
ance from the Feraaquid or Bristol Company for their several farms 
there, from near Maddmock falls, down to Broad Cove * * . A minis- 
terial Lott, of one hundred aeres, another hundred, for the Meeting house 
& Two Lotts for the School house, being granted to the Settlement, By 
the Sakl Company. 1 ' 

And Mathias Ramely of the same place and at the same time 
refers to the same grant, describing the Meeting house as ** Built 
thereon," and specifies the amount of the two School allotments, — 
u about 30 or 40 acres in each Lott for the Benefit of two Schools/' 
Another paper of peculiar interest is a copy of the Will of 
Nicholas Davison, — * fc one of the chief men and Agent of Gov, 
Cradock," l an early and one of the largest proprietors of Charles- 
town and the ancestor of many persons now well known in Boston. 
Its style and provisions indicate a man of considerable education, 
of strong character, foresight and judgment. It makes provision, 

1 Savage's Genealogical Dictionary of New England, EL 24. 

Nicholas Davison (ante* p. 14 and note) was admitted an inhabitant of 
Charlestown in 1839. In 1642, he was living at Medford, Massachusetts (Mid- 
dieses Deeds, iii. 116). In 1055, he went to Barbados, and returned, in the 
Speedwell, to Charles town the following year. He had only the two children 
mentioned in his will {see post, p. 39 T note). His sole ownership of the Pema- 
qniii Patent and his title thereto have been already shown (ante, p. 17, note, 
See also, Johnston's History of Bristol and Bremen, p + 77)* He also owned 
a valuable estate in Dock Square, Boston, at the easterly corner of Shrimpton's 
Lane, later known as Royal Exchange Lane and now as Exchange Street. 
His title to this property, however, does not clearly appear of record. It was 
a part of the original Possession of Robert Nash who, for £150, mortgaged 
it, with the dwelling house thereon, to Nicholas Davison, 1 (11) 1(518 
(Suffolk Deeds, i. 98). The mortgage was discharged 8 [10) (1649) {I hid. 
i. 110)* The next recorded evidence of Davison's ownership is in 1607 
(after his decease), when the estate is mentioned, in abuttal, as land of Mrs. 
Jone Davison (Ibid, v. 360). It is similarly referred to in 1675, as belonging 
to the widow Davison or her children (IbhL ix, 380). Daniel Davison, the 
only son of Nicholas Davison, for £226> conveyed one half of the estate to 
John Phillips of Charlestown, 14 April, 1082 {Ibid. xiL 200). The title to the 
other half was vested in the Honorable Joseph Lynde, who had married Sarah 
Davison. He, for love to his daughter Margaret, wife of Colonel Thomas 
Savage, conveyed his moiety to her, 23 February, 1705-6 {Ibid, xxii* 470). 


in certain contingencies, for some of the earliest bequests to edu- 
cational and charitable interests in New England. It also provides 
for the welfare of his only son in a judicious and somewhat 
unusual manner, and, in many ways, is an interesting instrument. 


Cbarlestown the 26* of March 1655. 
In the name of God amen these presents are to testify and Declare 
to all whomsoever [* that] it may Concern That I Nicholas Davison of 
Chaiiestown in New England Mariner, being now bound to sea in the 
Ship Tr[a]desincrease, Chris! Clark M* to the Island of Barbadoes, 
and from thence to England, Ireland, or to any other part or place, or 
hither to New-England again, The Lord (in whose hands all is) permit- 
ting me, and not knowing how the Lord in his all guiding wise provi- 
dence, may dispose of me to Life or Death in these voyages & under- 
takings, in whose hands my Life & all I have is, and if it should be his 

Thomas and Margaret Savage reconveyed to Joseph Lynde, 20 May, 1708 
{Ibid xxiv. 10), and he and John Phillips, for £1000, conveyed the whole lot 
to Thomas Savage on the following day (Ibid. xxiv. 10). Colonel Thomas 
Savage 1 died seized, 3 March, 1720-21 (Boston Town Records), after mortgag- 
ing the estate to Andrew Belcher and others, Trustees, 1 July, 1715, when it 
had a frontage of 34 feet on Dock Square and a depth of 121 feet on the Lane 
(Suffolk Deeds, xxix. 232. Cf. Province Laws, i. 750-752). The Inventory 
describes the property as " A Brick house, Land and Stable in Dock Square, 
Boston, £1400 " (Suffolk Probate Files, No. 4403). The premises descended to 
Colonel Savage's two daughters, Margaret, wife of John Alford, and Elizabeth, 
wife of Joshua Winslow. Joshua and Elizabeth Winslow conveyed her share to 
Benjamin Alford, 1 March, 1725-26 (Suffolk Deeds, xlvii. 91), and he reconveyed 
it to Joshua Winslow in his own right, 20 January, 1732-33 (Ibid, xlvii. 91), 
so that the title was then vested in Margaret Alford and Joshua Winslow, 
in equal shares. In the Partition of Joshua Winslow's estate (Suffolk Pro- 
bate Files, No. 14,559), his moiety of the Dock Square property was set off 
to his son Isaac Winslow, Junior (see post, p. 129). As an illustration of the 
rise in real estate values, it may be stated that this property was assessed, in 
1899, as three estates, — $129,000 for the 3650 feet of land, and $13,500 for 
the brick buildings thereon, a total of $142,500. 

For notices of Nicholas Davison and his family, see Wy man's Genealogies 
and Estates of Cbarlestown, i. 283, 284; Waters' 8 Genealogical Gleanings in 
England, i. 636 ; and Pope's Pioneers of Massachusetts, p. 134. 

1 Cancelled in the original. 

1 The Editors of Se wall's Diary (iii. 284 n.) have confounded Colonel Savage with his 
coosin-german, Colonel Thomas Savage, son of Habijah and Hannah (Tyng) Savage, and 
grandson of Thomas Savage, the emigrant. Cf. post, p. 39, note 3. 




good Pleasure to dispose of me, to Death of my Body I implore bia 
grace out of his Infinite Mercy in Christ Jesus, to receive my soul into 
Glory with himself, and for my Temporall Estate This I declare to be 
my Will & Testament, That a True valuation be taken thereof by men 
appointed to prize the same, & that my Debts be in the first place paid 
out of the Estate so valued and the Remainder I Bequeath as followeth 
One Third part thereof to my Loving Wife Joan Davison, 1 one Third 
part to my Son Daniel Davison, 2 and the Other Third part to ray 
Daughter Sarah Davison, 8 and in Case that ray said Wife should die 

1 Mrs. Davison married (2) Richard Kent of Newbury, 6 January, 1674-75 
(who died 25 November, 1689), and died at Newbury, 30 October, 3699 (New- 
bury Town Records). 

a Major Daniel Davison, of Charlestown and Newbury, was born at Charles- 
town t Massachusetts, January, 1630-51 ; married Abigail Coffin, daughter 
of the Honorable Peter Coffin of Exeter, New Hampshire, 16 December, 1673 ; 
and died 18 January, 1717-18 (gravestone at Newbury), Of his eight children, 
Sarah married Colonel Stephen Dudley, great-grandson of Governor Thomas 
Dudley; Mary married Jacob Sheafe of Boston; Abigail, baptized 23. July, 
1699, married Zachariah Fitch of Boston (see post % pp. 42, 43, notes) ; and Captain 
Xirhol&s, by wife Anne who died at Newbury, 6 July, 1731, in her 43d year 
(gravestone), had (i) Mary, who died in 1709, (ii) Elizabeth, baptized 15 
October, 1710, who married Captain Robert Ball, at Charlestowu, 26 June, 
1728, (hi) Daniel, baptized 10 April 1713, who married Margaret Ogleby, and 
(iv) Ann, born about 1715, who married Jo mi Goodwin. (Newbury Town 
Records; Newbury Church Records; and Wyman's Genealogies and Estates 
of Charlestown, L 284.) There is a portrait of Elizabeth (Davison) Ball, by 
Blackburn, and one of heT husband by Smihert, in the possession of our asso- 
ciate, Mr, Henry H. Edes, — one of their descendants in the fifth generation. 

* Sarah Davison was born at Charlestown, 31 December, 1647, married 
the Honorable Joseph Lynde, 24 March, 1604-65, and died, of small pox, 
13 December, 167*. Lynde subsequently married (2) Emma or Amy (Ander- 
son) Brackenbury and (3) Mary (Luttrell) Winthrop, widow of the Honorable 
Adam Winthrop, and died 2fJ January, 1726-27 at the great age of about 00 
years (The Boston Weekly News. Letter of Thursday, 2 February, 1726-27, 
No, 5, p. 2 /2). He was of the Committee of Safety, 1689, Representative, and 
a member of the Council. A considerable number of the Pemaquid Proprie- 
tors (see post. pp. 52, 53, note) derived their title through their descent from 
Joseph and Sarah Lynde, — especially through their daughter Sarah Lynde, 
born 6 December, 1066, who married (1) Thomas Clark and (2) Setta Sweetser; 
and their daughter Margaret Lynde, born 24 January, 166S-09, who married 
Culonel Thomas Savage, of Boston, son of Lieutenant- Co Ion el Thomas and 
Elizabeth (Scottow) Savage, and grandson of Thomas Savage, the emigrant, 
and became Hm mother of Elizabeth Savage, born 1 August, 1694, who married 
Joshua Winslow, and of Margaret Savage, bom 10 September, 1698, who 
married the Honorable John Alford (see post t pp. 128, 129, note). 


before this be of Force, Then my Will is that her Third part shall be 
given and Equally divided to my son and Daughter abovesaid, also my 
Will is that my abovesaid Wife shall have the keeping & disposing of 
my Clear Estate, and my Children while she Lives or till they Come 
of age, and that my Son be kept to School till he is Thirteen or Four- 
teen years of age & longer if then he requires it, if [* mean], means Can 
be had of what remains after my Debts are paid as above said, but if 
he will not follow his Study longer then Fourteen Years as above said 
then to bind him out an Apprentice seven years to some good honest 
Godly man of some good Trade as may seem best to my said son if 
Tractable and willing, or Else in Judgment of Those, that shall then 
have the Oversight of him, shall Think best and most Suitable for 
him, & in Case Either of my Children die before they Come of age, 
then the Other that survives to have the deceaseds part which it was to 
have had, if Lived, and if my Estate as abovesaid fall Either to my Son 
or Daughter, and that my said Son or Daughter, should die before they 
Come of age, (and in Case [* that] my Wife should be dead) then my 
will is that One Third part of my Estate be given to my Brother John 
Davison, Tho at present I know not where he is but if Cannot be heard 
off or dead, Then I give that third part unto my Sister in Law Mary 
Hodges, alias Anderson Wife to John Anderson, * and to my Nephews 
Em Rash, and Joan Rash to be equally divided between them and the 
rest of my Estate to be divided, the one half unto the Children of 
my Brother in Law John Anderson equally between them, and the other 
half to the Children of my Brother Jeremy Davison Deceased who was 
married and lived in Lynn in England, and if the Lord should so order 
it that it should (I mean my Estate) not (by reason of Death) be 
Enjoyed by my wife & Children but go to my next kindred as above 
exprest, then before it be divided amongst them, I desire and my Will 
is that one fourth part of the whole Clear Estate, be given to the Town 
of Charlestown aforesaid to be put out by the Townsmen then being, at 
an Annual Rent forever, For the Maintainance so far as it will reach 
more or less, of poor mens Children of the same Town, Especially 
Fatherless Children to School & I do By these presents Constitute & 
Appoint my Loving Wife aforesaid Joan Davison my True, Lawf ull & 
Sole Executrix, and she to Nominate for her Assistance in the premises 
whom she pleases. In Witness of The Truth I have hereunto set my 
hand and Seal the Day and Year above- written, written with my own 


V me Nicholas Davison & a Seal. 

1 Caucelled in the original. 

8 See Wyman'8 Genealogies and Estates of Charlestown, i. 20. 

1899,] LAND CONTROVERSIES IN MAINE, 1769-1772. 41 

Signed Sealed and Delivered as my last will and Testament in the 

presence of us, m$ it) the Margin of Wife in the same line was interlined 

before tbe signing and Sealing hereof, 

John Manking 
Chris* Clark 
John Dudley 
11 ; 5,. BL. Attested on Oath by John Dudley that he 

saw M r Nicholas Davison now deces'd Sign and Seal this Instrument as 

bis last will and Testament and that he Subscribed his Name as a 

Witness Thereto. 

Before me Francis Willooohby & Tho 3 Danforth Recorders 

A True Copy as of Record in the Registry of Probate for the County 
of Middlesex. — 

Attest S. Danfohth, J. Prob* 
A true Copy Exam'd by Jof* Bowmak Cler 
[Endorsed] m 

Nich* Davinson'a Will 
Copy 1 

An abstract of the Inventory of his Estate also appears in 
another place in the Suffolk Court Files: — 

An Abstract from the Inventory of M T Nicholas Davison late of 
Charlestown deceased as It was apprised the 2 d February 1664 by Capt 
Francis Norton Lt Randall Nicbolls & James Russell Viz : 

A Dwelling house » Warehouse, Wharff two small houses with the 
Ground Joyning to the s^ houses in Charlestown & a Wood-lot 
at Mistick side at £450: 

Thirty Acres of Land in Henry Herberts hands which ") 
was formerly Major Gibbins & four Cow Comons > 120: 
belonging to it at J 

Three Cow Comons more in Charlestown 15 ; 

The above a* Inventory of the s d deeed (whereof the 
foregoing is an Abstract as aforea 4 ) was Entred <fe 
recorded 22-12-1605 — ^ Thomas Danforth Records 
And taken now from the 2 d Hook pa : 221 — 

f- Fra : Foxckoft Jun k Retf 
A true Copy Examd f> Samll Phipps Cier 
A True Copy Examd V Samuel Tyley Cier* 

1 Suffolk Court Filea, No. 139,53d : 21. The original will wholly in the 
elegant handwriting of the testator, is still preserved in the Middlesex Probate 
Files, No 4070. 

* Suffolk Court Files, No. 713. The Inventory in the Middlesex Probate 


Two or three depositions throw some light on the life and for- 
tunes of Nicholas Davison and clear up some hitherto obscure 
points. They also reveal the important facts that he lived, died, 
and was buried at Pemaquid. 


Abigail Fitch of Boston in the County of Suffolk aged about 
Forty Years, Testify eth and Saitb, that she is the reputed 
Grand Daughter of Daniel Davison who is reputed to have 
been the Son of Nicholas Davison, w cb said Nicholas is reputed 
among his Descendants to have lived & dyed at Pemmaquid 
now called Bristol in the County of Lincoln in the Eastern 
parts of this Province And this Deponent saith that some 
years past she was at said Pemmaquid and was then shewn by 
the Inhabitants said Nicholas Davisons Tomb or Grave there 
over which appeared to have been a monument raised by the 
Stones there fallen Down 

Test Belcher Noyes Abigail X Fitch l 


Suffolk ss Boston June 19 1771 
Then personally Appeared the above named Abigail Fitch liv- 
ing at Boston being more than thirty Miles from Falmouth in the 
County of Cumberland after being duly examined & cautioned 
made Solemn Oath to the Truth of the above written Declara- 
tion Subscribed by her, taken at the Request of John Randall 
of Bristol in the County of Lincoln Yeoman, & to be used in 
an Action of Ejectment, to be heard & tryed at the Superior 
Court of Judicature &c to be holden at said Falmouth, in & for 

Files (No. 4070) includes Real Estate in Boston, Charlestown, Pemaquid, and 
2,100 acres at Windsor, Connecticut. Among the items of personal property 
enumerated are a hall clock, sword, rapier, cutlasses and pistols, fine linen, 139 
ounces of plate, six ounces of silver buttons, cypress cabinet, eight pieces of gold 
therein, broadcloth, French and Spanish books, and two negroes, — Conungo 
and Maria. The amount the Inventory was £1869. 11. 11. 

1 Abigail Fitch was born in Boston 6 September, 1723, and was baptized 
at the Old South Church. She was a daughter of Zachariah and Abigail 
(Davison) Fitch. Her mother was a daughter of Major Daniel Davison of 
Charlestown and Newbury and granddaughter of Nicholas Davison. For her 
paternal ancestry, see New England Historical and Genealogical Register, 
1901, lv, 288-293. See also ante, p. 39, note. 



said Counties of Cumberland & Lincoln on the first Tuesday 
of July next; wherein the said John Randall is Appellant, and 
Thomas Bodkin of said Boston is Appellee* who was original 
plaintiff. The said Thomas Bodkin being duly notifyed and 
his Attorney M r Joseph Henshaw was present at the time of 

Before me Belcoee Noras Justice o Peace l 


Abigail Fitch 


Elizabeth Gorrod of Boston in the County of Suffolk aged 
about thirty eight Years testifyeth & saith That she calls her 
Self (and is reputed to be) a Grand-Daughter to Daniel Davi- 
son who was reputed to be the Son of one Nicholas Davison 
who lived & Dyed as reputed in the Family descended from 
him at Pemmaquid (in the County of Lincoln) now called 
Bristol, and that he had an Interest there 

Test Belcher Notes Eliz± + Gorrod a 


Suffolk ss Boston June 19 1771 
Then personally Appeared the above named Eliz 1 Gorrod liv- 
ing at Boston being more than thirty Miles from Falml in the 
County of Cumberland, after being duly cautioned & exam- 
ined made Solemn Oath to the Truth of the above written 
Declaration Subscribed by her, taken at the Request of John 
Randall, of Bristoll in the County of Lincoln Yeoman, to be 
used in an Action of Ejectment to be heard & tryed at the 
Superiour Court of Judicature &c to be balden at said Fal- 
mouth in & for the Counties of Cumberland & Lincoln on the 
first Tuesday of July next; wherein the said John Randall is 

* Suffolk Court Files, No. 13&,532: 41. 

a Eltitftbeth Gorrod was the youngest child of Zachariah and Abigail (Davi- 
son) Fitch. She waa born in Boston, 31 January, 1731-32, and was baptized 
at the New South Church. Her Intention of Marriage with Samuel Gorrod 
was recorded in Boston, 13 Octoher, 1757, and again in December, 1700 (Boston 
Record Commissioners* Reports, xxx. 2ti\ 3S). The record of her marriage has 
not been found. She was a sister of Abigail Fitch (see ante, p. 42, note). 


Appellant & Thomas Bodkin of said Boston is Appellee, who 
was the original plantiff. The said Thomas Bodkin being 
duly Notified & his attorney M r Joseph Henshaw was present 
at the time of Caption, Before me 

Belcher Noyes Justice o' Peace x 

Eliz Gorrood 


Tobias Oakman aged about Seventy three Years, declares, and says ; 
that He was born in Scarborough so called, in the Eastern parts of 
New England, and he lived there 'till drove away by the Indians, near 
Fifty Years ago ; that before They were drove away as aforesaid, when 
a Youth, he used frequently to go afishing with his Father ; and they 
frequently went into Pemaquid Harbor ; That he very well remembers, 
that One Nicholas Davison lived there ; and he was esteemed a Man of 
considerable Estate [ 2 and was accounted one of the chief Proprietors] 
in that Part, and he has often heard that said Davison was buried there, 
and he has sundry Times seen the place that is called his Tomb : and 
that if he were at Pemaquid, he could show the Place where said 
Davison lived, and that it is on the Larboard Side going into said 
Pemequid River, and further saith not. 

The Mark of 
Tobias T Oakman 

Suffolk sc. Boston February 16 : 1737. 

Tobias Oakman appeared, and made Oath to the Truth of 
the above Declaration by him subscribed (in perpetuam in Memoriam) 

Coram H.Hall \ 

\ Just. Paris 
Abiel Wallet ) Quorum Unus* 


Tobias Oakman's Deposition taken 
in Perpetuam &c before H : Hall &c 

February, 1737 

Ex d 

1 Suffolk Court Files, No. 139,532 : 42. 

* Interlined in the original. 

• Suffolk Court Files, No. 139,498: 53. 




Another will has some Interest from its connection with certain 
well-known names and families. It is supplemented by details in 
a deposition by an aged woman giving the recollections of her 
girlhood : — 


In the Name of God Amen tfaU Eight Day of January Anno 
Dom. 1700 and I8f Year of his Majestys Reign William the 
8? king of England &c — I David Anderson 1 of Chnrlestown in 
the County of Mldd| Within bis May"" Province of the Massa- 
chusetts-Bay in New England MerchJ being in good Health, 
and sound and perfect Memory, praised be God for the same, 
[- &] knowing the uncertainty of This Life on Earth, more 
Especially being Now bound to sea, Do Make this my last 
will and Testament, in Manner and form following, that is to 
say, first [ 3 &] principally I Commend my Soul to Almighty 
God my Creator, hopeing that I Shall receive full pardon, and 
free Remission of all my Sins, & be Saved by the precious 
[ a Death &] Merits of my Blessed Sav! & Redeemer Christ 
Jesus, and my Body to the Earth from Whence it was taken, 
to be Buried in a Decent and Christian Manner, and as touch- 
ing Such Worldly Estate, as the Lord in Mercy hath Sent Me, 
My Will and Meaning is that all my Just Debts Which I owe 
in right or Conscience to any Person or Persons Whomsoever 
Item) be paid and Satisfied by my Executrix hereafter Named in 
Convenient Time after my Decease, I do give and bequeath 
unto my Loving and beloved Wife Hannah Two third parts of 
all my Estate, both Real and Personal, in possession or Re- 
version after my Debts and Funeral Charges are Paid Uoto 
her and her Heirs & assignes forever. Item, I do Give and 
Bequeath unto my Aunt Sarah Clarkes Children, and my 
Cousin Anderson Phillips, and Henry Phillips the other third 
part of all my Estate both real and Personal [*Botb] in 
possion or Reversion, after [- my] Debts &e as aforesaid are 
paid, to them the S^ Children of my Aunt Sarah Clarke and 
Anderson [ a Phillips] & Henry Phillips, and their Heirs and 
Assigns forever, Each one an Equal part of S* Third part of 

1 David Anderson was grandson of John Anderson, named in Nicholas 
Davison's will, ante, p» 40 (Wvmau's Genealogies and Estates of Charleatown, 
I 21). 

* Interlined in the original. 8 Cancelled ia the original. 


my Estate, and I do Nominate, and Appoint my Dearly be- 
loved Wife, Hannah Phillips to be the sole Execu* of this my 
last will and Testament — In Witness Whereof I have here- 
unto set my hand and Seal, the Day and Year first above 


David Anderson & a Seal. 

Signed, Sealed and published by David Anderson 

to be his last Will and Testament before us upon 

seal. ) further Consideration, I add as a part of My Will 

as followeth, My Will is that Cousen John Phillips 

have my bigest Tankard, and further my Will is, 

that if my Wife Hannah be with Child, & I have a Child by 

her, my Will is, and I do give ail my Estate to my S? Wife 

Hannah towards well bringing up my Child, but if the Child 

Dye, then the abovesaid Legacy to go as abovesaid 

David Anderson 
John Cutler, Edward Larkin, Nathaniel Dowse 

A True Copy taken from the Registry of Probate for the 
County of Middlesex 

Copy Exam* ^ And* Bordman Retfl 

These may Certifie that on the 25 th day of June 1701. The 
last Will & Testament of David Anderson aforementioned was 
Proved Approved & Allowed on By James Russell Esq! Judge 
of Probate for the County of Middlesex as appears by the 
Records in the Probate Office for said County, 

Attest; And7 Bordman Reef. 


David Andersons Will 

N° 10 

David Anderson's Will — 
— Copy — 1 


I Faith Russell now living in Westown in the County of 
Middlesex & Province of the Massachusetts Bay in New 
England Widow, aged Eighty Years, Do hereby testify and 
declare, That M r David Anderson formerly of Charlestown 

i Suffolk Court Files, No. 139,532 : 22. 



Mereh* marryed my Sister Hannah Phillips, 1 that the said 
David Anderson dyed in parts beyond Sea, & was a Gentleman 
of a good Estate in the Town of Boston & reputed a Proprietor 
of Lands at [*&] [*or] near Pemaquid in the Eastern parts 
of said Province; that the said David dyed without Issue by 
his Said Wife Hannah who was after his Death marryed to 
Habijah Savage Esq. and the Declarant ["knew] Thomas 
Savage Esq & Cap 1 Arthur Savage the Surviving Children of 
[ J the] the said Habijah & Hannah Savage their other Children 
dyed leaving no Issue. The Declarant further says that said 
Thomas Savage Esq. their Son left four Children, namely John, 
Habijah Sarah & Ezekiel: and the Declarant also knew 
the said Cap* Arthur Savage their other Son, who is since 
dead and left a Widow named Rachcll who is now married 
to James Noble Esq. and that the said Habijah & Hannah 
his Wife the Parents of the said Thomas & Arthur Savage 
dyed many years past The Declarant also well knew [ a Sarah] 
Lynde who was the reputed Daughter of Coll Joseph Lynde of 
Charlestown by [* Sarah,] his wife, who [* after his death] was 
tnarryed to Seth Sweetaer of said Charlestown who is sines 
Dead ; and that Seth Sweetzer now living in Charlestown is the 
reputed Son of the said [* Sarah] by her Husband Seth Sweetzer. 
And further That Joanna Phillips late of said Charlestown 
Widow deceased & Grandmother to Joanna Jenuers (who 
intermarried with one Edward Games) was another reputed 
Daughter of Coll Joseph Lynde & [ a Sarah] his wife aforenamed. 
And further saith not 

KB. Habijah & Hannah Savage left three surviving Children, viz 
Hannah, Thomas and Arthur; Hannah died presently after her 
parents and left no Issue, — 

1 Henry Phillips of Dedham, Boston and Charlestown, had a son Samuel 
Phillips, baptized 2 November, 1CG2, who was a stationer in Boston , married 
Hannah Gillam, and had by her, among others, Hannah Phillips, who mar- 
ried (1) David Anderson and (2) Habijah Savage; and Faith Phillips, the 
deponent, who married (1) Arthur Savage and (5) the Honorable Daniel 
Rossell. Habijah and Arthur Savage were brothers of Colonel Thomas Savage 
{see ante, pp, 37 y 38, &9, nvte*)* Faith Russell died at Weston, 6 June, 1775, 
aged 84 years (Wy man's Genealogies and Estates of Charlestown, ii 742, 743, 
745, 831, 847, 848). 

a Cancelled in the original. * Interlined in the original. 


The Question was put to the Deponant, what was your Age 
when you first knew M r . Anderson. Answer. About 
twelve years 

2 How old was you when M r Anderson died, Answ? About 


3 How do you know that the lands at the Eastward were 

reputed to be My Anderson's? Ans 1 ** It was so reputed 
in my Father Phillip [s'] Family. 

4 Was j* lands at y* Eastward, his, by his own Right, or by 

Right of of his Wife. Answer they were his before 


Faith Russell 

Middlesex ss Westown June 25 1770 

Then personally Appeared the within named Faith Russell 
living at Westown being more than thirty miles from Falmouth 
in the County of Cumberland after being duly examined & 
cautioned to testify the Truth made Solemn Oath to the Truth 
of the within written Declaration Subscribed by her taken at 
the Request of John Randall ['of Bristol in the County of 
Lincoln] the Appellant, & to be used in an Action of Eject- 
ment to be heard & tryed at the Superiour Court of Judicature 
to be holden at Falmouth in & for the Counties of Cumberland 
& Lincoln on the Tuesday following the fourth Tuesday of 
June Current wherein the said John is Appelland and Thomas 
Bodkin of Boston in the County of Suffolk is Appellee. The 
said Thomas being duly notifyed of the time & place of Caption 
was present by his Attorney Mr Joseph Henshaw. 

Before me Samuel Livermore Justice of Peace 


Faith Russell a 

A deposition by the Register of Deeds of the County of Middle- 
sex has been preserved which shows the manner of taking the 
acknowledgment of deeds by the Assistants in Colonial times. 
Upon some of the early deeds the signature alone appears without 
any designation of capacity, — as in 1653, before Increase No well, 
and in 1657, before Simon Willard. On one dated 3 January, 
1700, the acknowledgment is signed by — 

1 Interlined in the original. 

2 Suffolk Court Files, No. 139,532 : 66. 




One of his Majesty's Council and Justice of the Peace for the 
Province of the Massachusetts Bay in New England* 

John Phillips. 

On© deed, in 1675, with no acknowledgment whatever, was 
proved, aa to its execution, by the oath of a witness, in 17 00, The 
text of the Register's deposition follows ; — 


I, the Deponent Register of Deeds within and for the County of 
Middlesex do testify and say that upon Search made in the Registry 
of Deeds for said County I find The Acknowledgment of divers deeds 
to lie taken before Richard Russell Assistant particularly in the years 
1**70 1671 and 1672, (The Caption of the acknowledgment of one of 
those deeds is dated the 16 th of the 8 th Mouth 167L) besides various 
other Deeds the acknowledgment whereof was taken before other assis- 
tants. And I do not find that any Magistrate taking acknowledgments 
of Deeds In those years stiles himself Justice of the Peace but where 
he sets forth his Capacity or Qualification it is that of Assistant or 
Magistrate but most commonly the former — 


Province of the ) June 24. 1771 , < 

Massachusetts Bay S • . . to be made use of in an Action of 
Middlesex ss* J Ejectment to be heard and tryed at the Supe- 

riour Court of Judicature, Court of Assize and General Gaol Deiiv- 
ary, to be holden at Falmouth in the County of Cumberland for the 
inties of Cumberland and Lincoln on the Second day of July next 
wherein James Yates of Bristol in the County of Lincoln Husband- 
man is Appellant and Thomas Bodkin of Boston in the County of 

Suffolk is Appellee . . ■ 

S. Dan forth Ju& Pa(f l 

Abraham Shurt at the age of " Fourscore years or thereabouts," 
whose memory has been embalmed by Nathaniel Ingersoll Bow- 
ditch » g gives a deposition of interest : — 

i Suffolk Court Files, No. 139,400 : 2. 

* Bowditch's Suffolk Surnames contains the following Dedication ; — 

To the Memory 


A. Short, 

H The Father of American Conveyancing H 

whose name is associated alike 


My Daily Toilet and my Daily Occupation, 




The Deposition of Abraham Shurt, aged Fourscore years or there- 
abouts Saith that in the Year 1626, Alderman Alsworth, & M r Gyles 

In the same work the author says : — 

"Abraham Short, of Femaquid (now Bristol, Me.), took an acknowledgment of an 
Indian deed in 1626, twenty years before any enactment on that subject, and is con- 
sidered the ' Father of American Conveyancing '" (p. 101). 

The appellation given him by Thornton, followed by Bowditch, seems not 
undeserved. The acknowledgment, now so firmly established as an essential 
part of every conveyance, appears to have owed its earliest use to him, and the 
form employed on that Indian deed of 1626 is practically identical with that 
in use to-day. The acknowledgment in question may be read in Johnston's 
History of Bristol and Bremen, p. 55. 

In the New England Historical and Genealogical Register, 1871 (xxv. 
131-137), Professor John Johnston has a long and interesting account of Shurt 
as filling an important place in early Maine history; and there is a farther 
account in his History of Bristol and Bremen: " He became a resident of 
Pemaquid soon after his arrival in the country, and spent here the rest of his 
life " (p. 59. See also Ibid. pp. 56, 57). He is supposed to have come over 
about 1625. As to the date of his death, Johnston says there have been 
various guesses and mistakes, — Williamson, for instance, giving both years 
1680 and 1690; but he thinks it more likely that it occurred soon after Sh art's 
visit to Boston in 1662. Johnston speaks of him as "a just and upright 
man, ... a magistrate of influence in the colony, ... an honest man and 
upright magistrate," — no slight praise. Much of the credit of his services 
between the savages and the colonists, however, he is inclined to think belongs 
to one John Earthy, and not to him, " excellent man as he was." 

Hubbard gives the story of a retaliatory attack made by some hundred 
Eastern Indians in thirty canoes, upon Agawam, in the summer of 1631, and 
relates how they — 

"slew seven men, and wounded John and James, two sagamores that lived about 
Boston, and carried others away captive, amongst whom one was the wife of the said 
James, which they sent again by the mediation of Mr Shard of Pemaquid, that used 
to trade with them " (General History of New England, chap, xxv., in 2 Massachusetts 
Historical Collections, v. 145). 

The same occurrence is noted in Prince's Annals of New England : — 

"Sept. 17. Mr Shnrt or Shard of Pemaquid sends Home to Agawam, James Saga- 
more's Wife, who had been taken away [in] the Surprize at Agawam " (Ibid. 2, viL 34 
of the second pagination). 

Another incident in which Shurt figured is given by Hubbard, chap. xxix. : — 

* In June, in the year 1633, fell out a very remarkable accident upon some that be* 
longed to Pemaquid. One Abraham Shurd . . . bound for Boston in a shallop, intend- 




Elbridge of Bristol, Merchants, sent over thta Deponent for their Agent, 
and gave Power to him to buy Monhegan, which then belonged to M r 
Abraham Jennings of PI i mouth, who they understood was witling to Sell 
it, and having Conference with his Agent, about the Price thereof, agreed 
for fifty Pounds, and the Patten t to be delivered up " and gave him a 
Bill upon Alderman Ala worth ; which Bill being presented, was paid as 
the Aforesaid wrote me — The Deponant further Said that about the Year 
1629, was seat over unto him by the aforenamed Alderman A Is worth, and 
M r El bridge a Patten t granted by the Patten tees for twelve Thousand 
Acres of Land at Pemaquid, with all Islands, Islets adjacent, within 
three Leagues, and for the Delivery was appointed Cap 1 Walter Keal ; 
who gave me Possession thereof, and bounded the Twelve Thousand 
Acres for the Use abovcuamed from the Head of the River of Damaris- 
cotta, to the Head of the River of Mnscongus, and between it to the Sea 
Moreover [ l it] was granted by the Same Pattent ; that every Servant, 
that they Alderman Alsworth, and M' Elbridge did Send Over, One hun- 
dred Acres of Lond ; and to every One thereborn Fifty Acres of Land, 
for the Term of the first seven Years, and to be added to the former 
Twelve thooflft&d Acres; Ltkwise this Deponent saith, that Damariscove 
was included and belonging to Pemaquid ; It being an Island Scituate, 
and lying within three Leagues of Pemaquid point and Some Yeara aftenm 

lag to tarn into Pascfttaqaa by the way, but jast as they were entering into the river** 
mouth one of the seamen, K"ing to light a pipe of tobacco, set fire on a barrel of 
fuswder, which tore the boat io pieces, laden with a bout £200 worth of corn mod itiei, 
which were all loot. That seaman that kindled the fire was never seep more, (though 
the rest were all saved) til] afterwards the trunk of his body was found with his hands 
and his feet torn off, which was a remarkable judgment of God upon him; for one of 
his fellows wished him to fortaar taking tobaoPfl till they came ashore, which was hard 

I by, to whom he replied, that if the devil should carry him away quick, he would take 
■M pip*"(/Awf, S t y. 195, 196). 
The same is also more briefly told, but in much the same words, in Prince's 
Annals (Ibid* 2, viL 62, 63 of the second pagination). 
Hubbard (chap, liv.) has also another story of Short; — 
"The same summer [1644], Mr Vines, agent for Sir Ferdinando Gorges, at Sato, 
Mr. Wminertou, that had pome interest in the government of Paseataqna, and Mr. Shurt 
of Pemnqnid, went to La Tour to cull for some dchts, &c. In their way they put in at 
PennWot, and were there detained prisoners a fow days, but were afterward (for 
Mr, Short a sake, to whom D'Anluey was in debt) dismissed " {fbid* 2, yi, 484, 485). 

Shurt was a legatee, to the amount of £200, under the will of Robert Aid- 
worth of Bristol, England, who calls him his servant (Waters's Genealogical 
Gleanings in England, i. 735)* See concerning Shurt, Ibid. i. 035, ii, 988; 
Suffolk Deeds, i. 181 ; York Deeds, L, Part L, 41 ; Savage's Genealogical 
Dictionary of New England, h\ S3; and Wy man's Genealogies and Estates 
of Charlestown, iL 665. 

1 Interlined in the original. 


Thomas Elbridge coming to Pemaquid, to whom the Pattent by Posses- 
sion did belong and Appurtain called a Court unto which Divers of the 
[* then] Inhabitants of Monhegan, and Damariscove repaired, and Con- 
tinued there fishing, paying a Certain Acknowledgement — And [* fur- 
ther] Saith [ x not] Sworn 25 th December 1662 by Abraham Shubt- 
before me Richard Russell Magistrate. Boston March 28 1744. Re- 
corded in the Secretary s Office in the Book of Patten ts Fol° 169. 

J Willard Sec? 2 

A true Copy of the orig 1 Recel Oct. 28. 1744. 

att r Dan Moulton Re<f. 

A true Copy from York County Records of Deeds &° Lib® 24. fol 256. 

Att r Dan l Moulton BegZ 

In the Library of the American Antiquarian Society are two 
books of Records of the Pemaquid Proprietors, covering the period 
from 1743 to 1774. 3 They contain a great deal of interesting 

* Interlined in the original. a Suffolk Court Files, No. 139,498 : 61. 

1 The title-page of the first book is as follows : — 

Pemaquid Proprietors 


of Records. 


The first meeting was held "at y* Orange Tree Tavern in Boston upon 
Wednesday the Thirty first Day of August, 1743." The Records in this nrst 
book run from 31 August, 1743, to 9 June, 1708 ; while those in the second 
book extend from 16 June, 1768, to 24 November, 1774. Besides the entries 
given in the text, there are others not without interest in connection with 

The following List of the original Proprietors (see ante, p. 13, note) is copied 

from the Records (i. 2) : — 

Boston, Tuesday November 15* 1743. 

The Proprietors mett according to Adjournment and Settled Each Proprietor's 
Proportion in y* A fore"! Lands Agreeable to the Following List viz : — 

Habijah Savage Esq' 30 Votes 

George Craddock Esq' 5 

Adam Winthrop Esq' 5 40 

John Alford & Joshua Winslow Esq" 2j 

Sarah Sweetser 2\ 

John Philips 2} 

Joanna Philips 2j 

Benj* Stevens 2} 

Ezekiel Chever Esq' 2} 

Shem Drowne 15 30 




matter relating to the Pemaquid settlement, including the following 
entries which directly concern the four ejectment suits : — 

Thursday May 12* 1768. 

The Proprietors met According to Adjournment 


That Whereas Thomas Bodkin by Joseph Henshaw has Com- 
menced Several Actions Viz against James Yeats, John 
Randall, James Bayley, And Simon Elliot, For Lands at 
Round pond that Said Actions Shall be defended at The 
Expence of This Company, to be Tried at Pownalborough 
Court on the First Tuesday of June Next 


That This Meeting be Adjourned to Saturday nest the 
Fourteenth Current 5. o'clock F M to meet at the Same 

Thomas Browne Prop; Cler: 
Present — 
M r Seth Sweeter 1 (Moderator) For Himself Benjf Stevens, & Phillips's 

M r Stephen Minot 
Maj* James Noble 
M r *Jolm Savage For Himself, & Habijah Savage 

Joaas Clark Esq' ....... 2 

Sam'.' Clark 2 

Thomas Ruck t 

John Chnntlkt Esq' 2 

Joseph Fitch , » < 1 

Thimothv Parrott ...*... \ 

Abigail Tilldea .[ 1 

Christopher Tittden J 

John Kneel and, guardian to his i 

Daughter Prude tic© . . * * \ \ 

Anderson Philips ...♦«.. 1 

Henry Philips **,•»■• * 1 

Shorn Drowne ....... , S 


It is hoppd that these valuable and interesting Records may be printed in 
the not distant future as a new volume of the Arch apologia Americana. 

1 Seth Sweetser was a prominent citizen of Charlestown for more than 
half a century. He was horn in that town 5 Februarys J703-4 t — the son of 
S^th Sweetser by his wife Sarah, daughter of the Honorable Joseph Lynde and 
nng widow of Thomas Clark; graduated at Harvard College in the Class 
of 1722 with President Clap of Yale College and Judge Richard Saltonstall : was 
the Schoolmaster of Charles town 1724-1750, and its Town Clerk, 1755-1778; 





Saturday May 14? 1768. 

The Proprietors met According to Adjournment. 

Voted That Maj t r James Noble & M r John Savage or either of them 
have Power to Act in behalf of the Company in Such matters 
& things, as they Shall Judge will be For the benefit of the 
Said Company, Either in the Law by Employing an Attorney 
or Attorneys in any Case or Cases, at Pownalborough Court 
in June next, Wherein the Said Company is Concerned, or 
by Enquiring into the Said Company's Affairs, respecting 
Their Lands at or near Pemaquid, or Bristol, & That The 
Charge They, or either of them, Shall be at in So doing, 
Shall be repaid by the Proprietors. 

Voted That W? Cushing & David Sewali Esq!" are hereby Consti- 
tuted and Appointed Our Lawfull Attorneys, in all Causes 
real, personal, or mixt, moved, or to be moved, for or against 
the Company, to Prosecute the Same, in Any Court, or 
Courts; to Final Judgment, & Execution, Cum FacultcUe 
Substituendi And that the Clerk of this Company is hereby 
directed to Forward to them an Attested Copy of This 
Vote Accordingly 

Voted That This meeting be Adjourned To Monday The Twenty 
Third Current, 5 o'Clock P M, to meet at the Same Place. 

Thomas Dbowne Prop : Cler : 
Present — 

M r Seth Sweetser (Moderator) For Himself, Benjf Stevens, & Phillips's 

M r Stephen Minot 
Maj r James Noble 

M r John Savage For Himself, & Habijah Savage 
Thomas Drowne. 1 

and during the Revolution served the town on important committees (Froth- 
ingham's History of Charlestown, pp. 272, 288, 300). There can be little, if 
any, doubt that to his vigilance and care we owe the preservation of the Vital 
and Town Records when the town was burned by the British during the 
Battle of Bunker Hill. He died, suddenly, 15 January, 1778. The Boston 
Gazette of Monday, 23 February, 1778, No. 1225, p. 3/2, 3 contains a long 
obituary notice. The Rev. Dr. Seth Sweetser of Worcester (H. C. 1827) was 
his great-grandson. (See Wy man's Genealogies and Estates of Charlestown, 
i. x, note, 217, ii. 922, 923; and Memorial History of Boston, ii. 820, 821.) 
1 Pemaquid Proprietors' Records, i. 87-89. 






Voted ; 


Thot*da? September Sf 1768. 
Proprietors met According to Adjournment 

That the Sum of twelve pounds be raised, and given to 
David Sewall Esq^ as a Fee to him, As Attorney to 
This Company in all Causes Wherein the Said Com- 
pany is Concerned; Which may be brought Forward at 
this September terra, at Pownal borough Inferior Court, or 
Which may be There Continued to Next June Term* 

That the Sum of twenty two pounds, ten Shillings, & 4£ d be 
Raised to defray the Charges that may Arise on the Com- 
mittee's going down to Powualborough to Carry On the Afore* 
said Suits Calculated as Follows — 

Fees 2=8 = 

Entry 6 Actions 3 = 12 = 

Jury Money 6 Actions 8 = 

Stores 2 

Board <&c. Pownalborongh 4 

3 Witnesses Travelling & ) 




£22 : 10 


That Thomas Drowne, & Mr* John Savage be jointly & Sever- 
ally im powered to Proceed to Pownal bo rough Inferior Court 
This September term, to Act there in their behalf in Any 
Actions Wherein the Said Company, Or Any of them Are 

That this meeting be Adjourned to Thursday next, y e Fifteenth^ 
Current, 2 o'Clock P. M ; to meet at the Same Place. 

Thomas Dhowxe Prep : Cler : 
Present — 
M' Seth Sweetser (Moderator" For himself, Beu] a Stevens & 

Phillips's heirs, 
M T - Stephen Minot 

W John Savage, For himself & Habijah Savage 
Maj' James Noble 
Thomas Drowne l 

1 Pemaquid Proprietors* Records, ii. 2, 3. There are also many other votes 




Saturday April 22* : 1769. 
The Proprietors met According to Adjournment. 

Voted 1? That a Sum of Money be raised to Carry On the Law Suite 
of the Company now depending to final Issue. 
2** That the Sum of Fifty three Pounds Six Shillings & eight 

pence be immediately raised, for the Purpose aforesaid. 
8 d,y That the Person or Persons that shall be Appointed & im- 
powered to Transact the Companys Law Suits as Aforesaid, 
shall give the Treasurer a Receipt for the Money he or they 
may receive for the End aforesaid And that no Allowance 
shall be made for his Or their trouble, before the Accompt 
of disbustments & charges be J^aid before the Proprietors 
for their Approbation. 
4thi y That Mr. John Savage the Collector demand of Each Pro- 
prietor his proportion to pay of the Aforesaid Sum of 
Fifty three pounds Six Shillings & eight pence According 
to What each persons right is, & that Mr. Stephen Minot 
give the Collector a List of the Proprietors, which he re- 
ceived from the Clerk, Wherein Each Ones proportion or 
Right is Settled in the Companys Book of records. 
5thi 7 . That This meeting be Adjourned to Saturday, the Sixth 
day of May next Ensuing ; 3 o'Clock P. M., to meet at The 
Same Place. 

the Clerk absent Seth Sweetser Moderator. 

Thomas Drowne Prop: Cler: 
Present — 
Mr. Seth Sweetser (Moderator) For himself, Benjf Stevens, & Phillips's 

Mr. Stephen Minot. 
Mr. John Savage For himself, and the Other Heirs of Thomas Savage 

Esq' deceased. 
James Noble Esq? 1 

Saturday Maj 6*? 1769. 
The Proprietors met According to Adjournment 

That Theophilus Bradbury Esq' Attorney at Law have given 

Voted 1 

from time to time providing for the oversight of the suits and appropriating 
money for expenses incurred. William Cushing and John Adams were of 
counsel for the Pemaquid or Bristol Company, as the Proprietors were called, 
during the decade ending with 1774 (Pemaquid Proprietors' Records, i. 44; ii. 
1 Ibid. ii. IS. 




him a Fee of Twelve dollars for past Service for the Com- 
pany* & for the nest Inferior Court to be holden at Fownal- 
borough in June Next Ensuing. 

That This meeting be Adjourned to Thursday the Eigh- 
teenth, Current 3 o'Clock F M, to meet at The Same Place. 

Thomas Drowse Prop; Cler: 

PreseiU — 
Mr. Seth Sweetser (Moderator) For himself Benj? Stevens, & Phillips's 

Mr. Stephen Miaot 
Mr. John Savage for himself, and the Other heirs of Thomas Savage 

Esq* deceased. 
James Noble Esq^ 
Thomas Drowne. 1 

Thursday May IB*: 1769. 
The Proprietors met According to Adjournment. 

Whereas This Company Voted on the Twenty Second day of 
April Last to raize the Sum of Fifty Three pounds Six Shil- 
lings & eight pence to Carry on the Law Suits now depend- 
ing between the Propriety & Several Persons, and the Money 
Cannot be Collected timely for that purpose, therefore — 

That the aforesaid Sum be borrowed on Interest, and that 
those Persons that give their Bond Shall he Secured by the 
Sale of Such Proprietors Land, as shall refuse, or neglect, 
to pay their proportion of the aforesaid Sum ; As also what 
they are indebted for past Charges relating to Said Pro- 
priety, as Settled by the Propriety. 

That James Noble, Esq f ; Thomas Drowne & Cap 1 - James 
Cargill Or any Two of them be a Committee in behalf, & at 
the Charge of The Propriety to Carry On the Law Suits of 
The Propriety now depending at Pownalborongb Court, in 
the County of Lincoln to Final Judgment and Execution ; 
& to be paid for their Trouble in the manner Voted on the 
said Twenty Second day of April Last. 

That the Above Committee Act in the Aforesaid Law Suits, 
agreeable to the directions given them & Signed by the 

1 Pemaquid Proprietors 1 Records, ih 13. 








Moderator of the Propriety So Far as the method shall be 
approved of by said Company's Council in the Law. 

That the Collector Mr. John Savage, give notice to Such of 
the Proprietors as are Delinquents, That have not paid the 
Taxes due for Charges On Said Propriety ; that unless they 
pay their respective ballance to the Collector within One 
Month From the date hereof ; That Their Lands, Or So much 
of them, As will pay their Said Charges, be sold as soon as 
possible According to Law. 

That This Meeting be Adjourned to Tuesday next the Twenty 
Third Current, 5 o'Clock P M, to meet at the Same Place. 
The Clerk absent 

Seth Sweetseb, Moderator. 
Thomas Drowne Prop Cler: 
Present — 
Mr. Seth Sweetser (Moderator) For himself, Ben]* Stevens, & 

Phillips's heirs. 
Mr. Stephen Minot. 
Mr. John Savage, For himself, & the Other heirs of Thomas 

Savage, Esq' deceased. 
James Noble, Esq' 
Capt. James CargilL 1 

Tuesday June 26* 177a 

The Proprietors met According to Adjournment. 

Voted 1: 


That Thomas Drowne Major James Noble & Mr. Habijah 
Savage Act as Agents for this Company in Carrying On the 
Law Suits at the Companys expence which are to be tried at 
the Superior Court at Falmouth to sit there the next Tuesday 
after the fourth tuesday of this Current. 

That the Agents aforesaid Shall not Carry on the s d Actions, 
depending between Thomas Bodkin or his Attorney Joseph 
Henshaw, against James Bayley, John Randall, James Teats 
& Simon Elliot in the Name of the Propriety, but in the name 
of the Persons mentioned in the Original Writts.* 

1 Pemaquid Proprietors' Records, ii. 14, 15. 

» Ibid. ii. 25. 



Thursday April 11^ 177 L 
The Proprietors met according to Adjournment 

Voted 1 ; That Thomas Drowse the Clerk of this Company be hereby 
Jmpowerd at the Cost & Charge & in the Name of the Com- 
pany to go down to Hound Pond & to pass, deeds, To James 
Yeats, & John Randall, of the Lotts of Land on Which they 
Live at Round Pond ; be the Quantity more or Less, As be 
the Said Drowne Shall Think fit, both the Value, & Bounds, 
as to the Said Randalls are Left intirely to The Said Drowne, 
And he to take Such Security of the Said Randall, as he Shall 
think Sulficient; Yeats's Land is to be Given him As p r< 
Former Verbal! Promise From this Propriety ; Said Drowne 
being hereby Authorized to Affix the Common Seal of this 
Company to Said deeds. 

That this meeting be Adjourned To Wednesday the Seven- 
teenth Current, 3 o'clock P M... to meet at the Same place, 

Thomas Dbowne Prop Cter : 
Present — 

Mr- Seth Sweetser (Moderator) For himself, Benj' Stevens, & 
Phillips's heirs, 

Mr. Stephen Mtnot 

James Noble Esq^ 

Mr. John Savage For himself & the Other Heirs of Thomas 
Savage Esq! deceased. 

Thomas Drowne. 1 

The Paper now presented, starting with the limited intention 
expressed at the outset, is of necessity desultory and disconnected. 
It has attempted merely to give a few glimpses of early history 
and to let that history be told by the actors in it, 


By Albert Matthews. 

Our earliest, and for some years our only, knowledge of Samoset is derived 
from Mourtik Relation, prioted in 1622, and now understood to hare heen 
written by Winalow and Bradford. According to these writers, it was on 10 
March, 1620-21, that — 

1 Pemaquid Proprietors 1 Records, ii. 33. 


" a Savage, . . . very boldly came all alone and along the houses straight to the Rande- 
▼ous, where we intercepted him, not suffering him to goe in, as vndoubtedly he would, 
out of his boldnesse, hee sainted vs in English, and bad vs well-come, for he had learned 
some broken English amongst the English men that came to fish at Monchiggon, 1 and 
knew by name the most of the Captaines, Commanders, & Masters, that vsually come." 

This Indian, whose name is not recorded on that particular day, said that — 

" he was not of these parts, but of Morattiggon} and one of the Sagamore* or Lord* 
thereof, and had beene 8. moneths in these parts, it lying hence a dayes sayle with a 
great wind, and fine dayes by land." 

Later, he is four times mentioned by name and each time is called Samo- 
set (Mourt's Relation, 1622, pp. 32, 34, 35, 38, 39). The next mention of 
Samoset was in Capt. John Smith's General History of New England, which 
formed the sixth book of his Generall Historie of Virginia, New England, and 
the Summer Islands, published in 1624. Smith twice calls him by name and 
each time Samoset (Works, 1884, pp. 754, 755). In a passage which the con- 
text shows to have been written in 1645, Gov. Bradford said: "But about 
y* 16. of March a certaine Indian came bouidly amongst them, . . . His name 
was Samoset" (History of Plymouth Plantation, 4 Massachusetts Historical 
Collections, iii. 93). The Indian was called Samoset by N. Morton in 1669 
(New England's Memorial, 1825, p. 53), by I. Mather in 1677 (Relation, 1864, 
pp. 69, 70), and by W. Hubbard in 1677 (History of the Indian Wars, 1865, 
ii. 81) ; and since the seventeenth century Samoset has been the usual form of 
the name. Of the writers quoted, Winslow and Bradford were the only two 
who had personal knowledge of the Indian, and it is significant that in 1622 
we find them jointly calling him Samoset, while in 1645 Bradford calls him 
Samaset. Later writers about the Pilgrims merely follow Winslow and 

It has been shown that Samoset was not a native of the region where the 
Pilgrims landed, but came from the eastward. Four years after the Indian 
surprised the Pilgrims by addressing them in English, we find traces of an 
Indian sagamore in the neighborhood of Pemaquid called Capt. John Somerset. 
His name, spelled as above, first appears in a deed dated 15 July, 1625, and 
next in the acknowledgment of this deed taken 24 July, 1626 (Order of both 
Branches of the Legislature of Massachusetts, to appoint Commissioners to 
investigate the Causes of the Difficulties in the County of Lincoln: and the 
Report of the Commissioners thereon, with the Documents, in support thereof, 
Boston, 1811, pp. 106, 107). We next hear of this Somerset from Christopher 
Levett, who visited the Maine coast in 1623 and 1624, but whose Voyage into 
New England was not printed until 1628. Levett four times calls the Indian 
Somerset and twice Somersett (J. P. Baxter's Christopher Levett, of York, 
1893, Publications of the Gorges Society, pp. 102, 103, 108, 111, 112). The 
name of " Capt. John Summerset a Sagamore Indian" occurs in a deed dated 
9 January, 1641 (New England Historical and Genealogical Register, 1859, 
xiii. 365). In a deed dated 1 June, 1653, are the name and the mark of 
" Cap* Summerset " and of " Cap* Somersett " (ante, p. 21) ; and in a deed 

1 Supposed to be the present Monhegao. 




dated July, 1653, occur the name and the mark of "Captame Sommaraet " 
(1 Collections Maine Historical Society, v. XM note). In 167£ John Jossidyn 
remarked that " Amongst the Eastern Indians, Sumt/iemant formerly was a famous 
Sachem" (Account of Two Voyages to New-England, p. 146 J. In depositions 
made 7 February, 1720-21 1 there are allusions to t4 John Sutntneraet a Sagamore 
of y* Indiana,** to "John Summersett one of y* Sagamors of y* Indiana, 1 ' and 
to lt John Summerset Sagamore M (Genealogical Advertiser, L 96, 07). In a deed 
dated 22 August, 1729, occurs the name of "Capt. John Somerset" (J. Johnston's 
History of the Towns of Bristol and Bremen, 1873, p. 239). In a deed dated 
10 September, 1734, the third John Brown said that his grandfather "stood 
seized of a Large Tract of land at and adjoining to s J New Harbor by Purchase 
of CapL John Summersett, &c, Indian Sachems *' {Ibid. pp. 51, 52). In a deposi- 
tion made 20 June, 1765, there is allusion to "the annexed deed of Captain 
John Somerset " of 15 July, lti25 (Order of both Branches, etc., p. 108)- In a 
letter written 2 August, 17U6", William Fraser said that the first deed he found 
• 4 was an Indian Deed from John Samoset [and] Uuongoit, Indian Saga^ 
mores to John Brown" (New England Historical and Genealogical Register, 
1*71 1 xxr. 140). 

The above appear to be the only references to Captain John Somerset which 
are known during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. That Samoset, 
the Indian who saluted the Pilgrims on 18 March, 1020-21, and CapL John 
Somerset^ the Indian Sagamore of Femaqnid, were one and the same person, is 
a view which has been held for over two centuries and three quarters, alike by 
casual writers and by learned historians. For nearly two hundred and fifty 
years, also, it was held without dissent that Samoset l was itself an Indian 
name, the presumption seeming to be that Somerset was a corruption of 
Samoset. In 1865, however, the late S. G. Drake, in a note to the passage 
from Hubbard's History of the Indian Wars referred to above, presented 
a different view, remarking that Samoset is — 

*' Supposed by some to have derived his Name from Sotnersct, a Tract of Country in 
Maine so named by Sir Ferdinaado Gorges ; and that when Smnoset appeared among 
the People at Pli mouth, in attempt! tig to make thorn understand that be had come from 
Sir Ferdinando's Colony of Somerset, they took his Pronunciation of the Name of that 
Place to be hk own Name " (u, 81 note}. 

Professor Johnston t commenting upon this passage in 1873, observed that 
Drake ** supposes that this [Samoset] may not have been his real Indian name, 
but one given him by the English. His suggestion partakes too much of the 
fanciful " (History of Bristol and Bremen, p. 00 note). Neither Drake nor 
Fmfrssor Johnston offered proof in support of his position; and while, during 
the past fifty years, much has been written about Samoset and Somerset as 
the names of a person, I he investigation now made of Somerset as a geographi- 
cal name seems to be the first that has been attempted.* 

1 For au interesting note on the possible derivation of Samout, by tbo Rev. Pr* M, C, 
O'Brien of Bangor, Yi car-General of the Diocese of Portland, Maine, see the Genealogical 
Advertiser, ii. 30, 31, 

* For a bibliography of S&moaet, compiled by Mr, and Mrs. W. P* Greenlaw* see the Gene- 
alogical Advertiser, i. 1 00-102* 




Early in 1635 the Council of the Plymouth Company decided to return its 
Charter into the hands of the King. Bat before doing &o» an agreement was 
made on 3 February, 1634-35, "for y! several! divisions upon y! seacoals 
[seacoasts] of New England" (Records of the Council for New England, ia 
Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society for 24 April, 18tJ7, p. 114)* 
On H the W day of Aprill following Leases for 3000 years were made of the 
several divisions to severall psons intrusted for their beueiitU " (Ibid. p. 118); 
on M the 22* day of Aprill several deeds of feofment were made unto the sev- 
eral proprietors of their several! parts so to them allotted by the Divisions 
aforesaid'* (Ibid. p. 118); on 25 April an Act for the Resignation of the 
Great Charter of New England was drawn up {ibid. p. 123); on 26 April a 
Petition and Declaration were drawn up (Ibid, pp, 119, 120) ; and the Act of 
Surrender bears date of 7 June, 1635 (Ibid. p + 128 note, and Hazard's Historical 
Collections, I tf9o\ 304), 

Sir Ferdinando Gorges at once took steps towards the government of that 
portion which fell to him in the division of 3 February, 1631-35; but it was 
not until 3 April, 1630, that he received a Charter from the Ring cod arming 
the grant, In the division of 3 February, 1634-35, no name is given to the 
portion which became Gorges 's; but in the Charter of 3 April, 16 JO, it was 
called the Province of Maine* Between 1636 and 1643, however, the name 
New Somerset or New Somersetshire was applied, both by Gorges and by 
Others, to what later became known as Maine. The earliest use of such a 
designation appears to be in a letter written by Sir Ferdinando Gorges 11 
August, 1636, which bears this endorsement i — 

lf To my bdoned Nephew* Capt. William Gorges Gonvernor of New Somersett in 
New tagland, or in bis absence to Mr Itichnrd Yvues, or Mr. Thorn a* Bradbury, Or 
any of them, giue these" (Documentary History of the State of Maine, iu\ 99).* 

Other instances of the employment of these designations follow : — 
"This Indenture made the twelth day of December, in the Twelth yeare of the 
Reigne of our aouerajgne Lord Charles , . , between Sir FaniinainJu Gorges . , ♦ & 
Arthure Champorn oown . . . All w*q Protases now are, & hereafter ahull bee denied, 
reputed, & taken to bee part Prcells, & Members of the prmiiuce of New Summersets, 
in New England aforesd : ... to bee houlden of the nd Sir ffardinamlo Gorges, and 
bis bey res, Lord or Lords of She sd Prom nee of New Sammersett shy re n (York Deeds, 
iii. 97, 98). 

" Thb Indenture made the twenty aeanenth day of January, In y* TweWefch yeare 
of the Reijjno of our Souereigne Lord Charles . . . bet weenc Sir Fardinando Gormen 
. . . of the One parte, & Geo : Cleeue of Caacoe, In the p root nee of New Somersett, In 
New England in America Esq r , & Richard Tucker of Casco aforead of the sd Prouinee 
of New Sommersett of New England in America ♦ ■ , All whii-h p'mkaes now are & 
hereafter shall bee, itemed, reputed, & taken to bee parts, pcells & Members, of the 
paince of New Sommersett Shyre, in new England afore*!: * , * to bee honlden of the 
sd Sir Hardin an do Gorges & his hey res, Lord, or Lints of the ad Pronltice of New 
Sommersott Shy re * {I hid, i., Part I., 95). a 

1 Thif letter it alsn printpd in J. P. Baxter*! Sir Ferdinando Gnrjres ami his Province of 
Maine (Prince Society), iii, 276 t where William Gorges is call sd "Gouvernor of Somersett; 11 
but presumably the '* New " has been inadvertently omitted. 

a This Is also printed in J. P. Baxter's George Cleeve of Casco Bay {Publication* of the 
Gorges Society), pp. 316-221* As James I. died 3 April, 1G2&, the data of the document must 
be 27 January, 163£-37. 




" 1637* Mo* 4*] We had news of a commission granted in England to divers gentle- 
men here for the governing of New England, etc, ; bet instead thereof we received ft 
commission from Sir Ferdinaudo Gorges to govern his province of New Sommeraet- 
shire, which is from Cape Elizabeth to Sagadahoc, and withal to oversee his servants 
and private affairs ; which was obtUfod as a matter of no good discretion, but passed 
in silence " (J* Wiuthrop, History of New England, i. *23L). 

"This Isuejjturb, made the Third day of July, in the Thirteenth yeare of the 
Eaigue of our Sowalgua Lord, Charles, . ■ , Betweeue Sir Ferdiuando Gorges, * . . 
and Sir lilchdtrd Edgcotnlra, of Mount Edgcoinbe, in the Couutie of Devon, * . - WiT- 
jrB&s&Tti, that the said Sir Ferdinando Gorges, . . . doth giue, g nut tit, , . . and con- 
firrae vnto the said Sir Richard Edgcoinbe and his h[eirs], All parvell of Land, 
woods, and woodgrouuds in Casco Bay, within the Territories of Newe England* 
beginning] att the point or entrance of the uex[t river ulnto Sagadehock, * * . scituate 
and being within the Province or reputed or intended province of Newe Somersett; 
Together alaoe with all that part, parcell, or porcon of land att or neare the Lake of 
Newe Somersett, which is couceiusd to he Fourteen miles distant from the Shore of 
Casco Bay, by a Northerly Lyne into the Inland parts, which parcell of laud is to contain 
there Eight thousand Acres, ... Attn ... it shall and may be law full to and for the 
said Sir Richard Edgcomhe, his heirea and a&signes, from time to time, and att any time 
hereafter dureiug the space of seaven yeare* next euaueing, to exchange all or any part 
of the said etght thousand acres of land gramited by the said Lake before specified, and 
to make choise of soe much other land in lie we thereof in any other place or part of 
Ne we Somersett aforesaid J " (1 Proceed tugs of the Massachusetts llisturieal Societv, u\ 

■ This Indenture made j* fourth day of May in y* fourteenth year of y* Reign of our 
Soveraign Lord Charles . - . Between S r Fcrdiuando Gorges , . . And Edward God- 
frev of Agameuticus of y* Province or reputed or intended Province of New Suraerset 
in New EngP in America Gent Oliver Godfrey of Seale in y* Connty of Kent Gent* 
And Richard Row of y*Citty of London . . . Witn esse th that y* s* S r Ferdinando Gorges 
* . , doth demise grant & to farm Let unto y* s 4 Edw 4 Godfrey Oliver Godfrey & 
Rich 4 Row all that part parcel! portion or Tract of Land wood & woodgrouuds in New 
England afores* Lying &. being within y* Province or reputed or Intended Province of 
New Somerset" (York Deeds, viiL 120). 

"This Indenture made the fourteenth day of June, in the foureteenth yeare of the 
Reign e of our Souerai^ne Lord Charles, . * , between Sir ffardiuando Gorges, . . , 
And Arthur Champeruoowne . ♦ . all whieh Premises now are, and hereafter shall bee* 
deemed reputed, & taken to bee parts, Parceils, and Members of the Frouince of New 
Soramersett, In New England af oread, . . ♦ to bee houldeu of the sd Sir ffardiuando 
Gorges & hia heyres Lord or Lords of the sd Proniuce of New Sotnmersett shyre 1 ' 
{Ibid. Ill 98, 99.) 

"This Indenture made the Seven & twentieth day of June In y* fourteenth year of 
the reign of oar Sovereign Lord Charles ■ - , Between Edward Godfrye of Agamenti* 
ens of the Province or reputed or intended Province of New Somerset in New England 
And William Hook Citixen and Merchant of Bristoll and now of Agamentieus . . . 
Witnesseth that whereas S* fferdinando Gorge ... by his Indenture of Lease bearing 
date of y* fourth day of may Last pant ♦ . . did Demise grant and to farme Let unto 
y* s* Edward Godfrye and to Oliver Godfrye . * . & to Richard Row ♦ . . All that part 
parcell portion or Tract of Land . . . Lying and being within the Province or Reputed 
or Intended Province of New Somerset , . . Witne&seth now further this p'sent In- 
denture That the s* Edward Godfrye . . . Doth demise grant bargaine sell and to 
farme let and set to y* said William Hook All that one full Third part '* {Ibid, vili. 121)* 

** Witehea^ Richard Vines of Saco did on the last daye of June, Anno 1637, for and 
in th© Name of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, Knight Gouernor of the province of New Som- 


mersettshire, & by order of him, hath giuen & deliuered vnto John Winter, for the vse of 
Robert Trelawnye . . . lawfull possesion & seisin of two thousand Acres of Land, . . • 

" We, vnder written, do now witnesse that on the 12th day of July, Anno 1638, the 
said John Winter did, . . . enter into & take possession of one Necke of land " (Docu- 
mentary History of the State of Maine, iii. 131 ). x 

" [1640.] This summer here arrived one Mr. Thomas Gorge, a young gentleman of 
the inns of court, a kinsman of Sir Ferdinando Gorge, and sent by him with commis- 
sion for the government of his province of Somersetshire M (J. Winthrop, History of 
New England, ii. *9, ♦10). 

" [17 April, 1643.] Know all men by these p'sents, that I Tho : Gorges Deputy God 
of this province of Mayne, . . . doe gine, grant . . . unto mr Jo* Wheelewright Pastor 
of the Church of Exeter, ... a Tract of Land lijng at wells, in the County of 
Somersett, to be bounded as ffolloweth " (York Deeds, i., Part I., 28). 

" [14 July, 1643.] Know yee that I Thomas Gorges Esq' Deputy Governo* of the 
Province of Mayne . . . Doe give grant & Conflrme vnto John Saunders of Wells in 
the Countye of Somersett One hundred and ffifty Acres of land scituate lying & being 
in Wells aforesaid being a necke of land lying betweene the little River & Cape porpus 
River" (Ibid, i., Part II., 12). 

" Capt. William Gorges, Sir Ferdinando Gorges Nephew sent over [1635] Governoor 
of the Province of Main, then called neio Sommersetshire " (J. Josselyn, Account of Two 
Voyages to New-England, 1674, p. 256). 

The name New Somerset is apparently not found in the seventeenth cen- 
tury except in the above extracts. Hence it appears that the designation of 
New Somerset or New Somersetshire is unknown before 1636, that it 
occurs with some frequency between 1636 and 1639, that from 1639 to 1643 
it is found occasionally, and that after 1643 it disappears altogether. 1 It is 
obvious, therefore, that the view entertained by Drake is untenable, for the 

1 Tho deed of 30 June, from Vines to Winter, is printed in facsimile in the same volume, 
facing p. 107 ; but it is mutilated. 

* There seems to be some confusion in regard to the application of the name New Somerset 
during the second quarter of the seventeenth century. Sullivan said in 1795 : — 

44 Cleaves . . . obtained a letter of agency from Sir Ferdinando Gorges, ... In his deed to one 
Tuckerman [a mistake for Tucker], he call* Caaco in the Province of New Sommersett. There was an 
early mistake in calling the Province of Maine New Sommersett, which was the county, not the provin- 
cial name of the territory " (History of the District of Maine, p. 315). 

Commenting upon this passage in 1830, Folsom observed that " New Somerset was uni- 
formly styled a province, not a county, in the instruments executed before 1640" (History of 
Sacn and Biddeford, p. 53). This statement seems to be correct so far as it goes, but both 
titles occur in the documents quoted in this Note. Williamson remarks : — 

44 A division of the Province was in fact made [after the Charter of 3 April, 1639], by the river Ken- 
nebunk, into two Districts, or Counties, 4 East and West.' No names appear to have been assigned to 
either by the Court, though the western district, or county, gradually acquired the name of York, and 
terms of an Inferior Court were appointed to be holden at Agamenticus, by a portion of the Council, 
three times in a year ; and the other, being commonly called Somerset, or New-Somerset, had three 
terms of a like Inferior Court holden annually in the same manner within it at Saco " (History of the 
State of Maine, L 285). 

The statement made by W. S. Southgate in 1853, that " in 1639 the King confirmed Gorges' 
Patent, changing the name of the Province from New Somersetshire to Maine " (1 Collections 
Maine Historical Society, iii. 31), is misleading. Neither in the division of 3 February, 
1634-35, nor in the Charter from the King of 3 April, 1639, does the title New Somersetshire 
occur; nor is that title employed by Sir Ferdinando Gorges in his Briefe Narration, written 
not later than 1647, or by his grandson, Ferdinando Gorges, in his Description of New-England 
(in America Painted to the Life, 1659). 

I $99.] 



simple reason that the name Somerset was not applied to any Colony in 
Maine at the time when Saraoset presented himself to the Pilgrims, In addi- 
tion, it may be pointed oat that in the division of 3 February, 1634-35, the 
portion allotted to Gorges extended "from Paacataway harbours mmith a fores* 
along y! sea coasts to Sagad&hock, & up y! River tlterof to Kiiiebequi river, and 
throb y* same unto y" head therof & into y! land H. W wards, an till 00 miles be 
ended" (Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society for 24 April, 1867, 
p. 117)-, and that in the Charter of 3 April, 1639> his patent stretched " from 
Pascataway harbor mouth aforesaid North Eastwards along the sea coast to 
Sagedehadocke T and vp the River thereof to Knybecky River; and through the 
same to the head thereof" (Hazard's Historical Collections, i. 443)* As, 
therefore, the Kennebec River was the eastern boundary of Gorges'a territory, 
and as Pemaquid lies to the east of the Keuuebec, and so did not come within 
the bounds of Gorges^ patent, we have another reason for regarding Drake's 
suggestion as an impossible one. 

In the deed already referred to from Capt John Somerset to John Brown > 
of New Harbor, dated 15 July, 1625, the tract conveyed to the latter is de- 
scribed as — 

* beginning at Pemaquid Falls and so running a direct course to the head of New- 
Harbour, from thence to the south end of Mnsconjrus Island, taking in the island, and 
ao running five and twenty miles into the country north and by cast, and thence eight 
miles north- west and by west, and then turning and running south and by west, lo 
Pemaquid, where first began " (Order of both Branches, etc,, pp. 106, 107 f. 

It is thus seen that Muscongua Mand originally belonged to Capt John 
Somerset, and that it was included in the tract deeded by him to John Brown 
in 1625, It is curious that in his deed of 9 January, 1611, to Richard 
Pearce, the aou-in-law of John Brown, a deed witnessed by Brown himself f 
Capt- John Somerset conveyed land at Round Pond which formed a part 
of the very tract which ho had previously deeded to Brown in 1625- On 8 
Aagu8t» 166"0, John Brown gave a deed of land in the neighborhood of what is 
mo/W Broad Cove to his daughter and her husband, Margaret and Alexander 

■■ TO all people to whom this deed of gift may come. Know ye, that I John Brown, 
of New-ILirhonr, have given to Sander Gould and Margnret, his nuw lawful wife, and 
to the heirs of her body, a certain tract or parcel of land, lying in the Broad Bay, begin* 
ning at a pine tree marked in the westernmost branch of the bay, from thence north north 
east by Mtaeongas river eight railed from thence eight miles north west and by weat, 
from thence south south west eight miles, from thence south east and by east eight 
mile* to the tree where first began" (Order of both Branches, efc +t pp. 121, 122) . 

1 How cl j«#ly Somerset Island was associated with the Brown family in shown by acme 
biographical details* John Brown of New Harbor, the llrut of the name, married Margaret 
Hay ward and bad (i) John Brown of Framingham, the second of (he name, who married and 
had John Brown of Saeo, the third of the name; (if) Elizabeth Brown, who married Richard 
Pearct; and (iiij Margaret Brown, who married (L) Sander, or Alexander, Gould, and (2) 
Maurice Champney. Alexander and Margaret Gould had a daughter Margaret, who married 
(1) James StiUnn, Bf.| and (2) Thomas Piltman* Jame* ami Margaret Stdson had (I) James 
Stilton, Jr., and (ii) Margaret Slilson, nfw married William Hilton, It was at the request 
fit Jame.s Sti1*on f Jr. f and hi* sister Margaret Hilton that the deed of 35 July* l62o, was re- 
corded 26 December, 172(1; and it was at the request of Margaret tlillou that the deed of 9 
August, 1360, was recorded 1 December, 1720. 


It will be observed that there is no island mentioned in this deed, and a 
glance at the map seems to show that there is no island which could possibly 
come within the limits of this tract. It is stated by Professor Johnston, who, 
however, does not print the document, that Margaret Pittman, the widow 
of James Stilson and the daughter of Alexander Gould, on 20 December, 1720, 
"conveyed this tract, including also Muscongus island, to her children, James 
Stilson jr., and his sister Mrs. Wm. Hilton " (History of Bristol and Bremen, 
p. 471). Thus far only one island has been mentioned, and that Muscongus 
Island; but about 1686 we encounter an island called Somerset Island. 
Between 1683 and 1686 Gov. Dongan of New York granted to John Spragge — 

" Liberty and Lycense to take up and Enjoye a Certaine Island Called and Knowne 
by the name of Summersett Island and the small Island thereunto adjacent Scitoate 
and Lyeing in Pemaquid in the County of Cornwall . . . Provided the same be not 
appropriated or disposed off to any others " (F. B. Hough's Papers Relating to Pema- 
quid, 1856, pp. 107, 108). 1 

In a petition to Sir Edmund Andros, dated 14 April, 1687, James Stilson 
recited — 

"That ycf Pet* wives Grand Father John Browne in the year of our Lord 1652* 
purchased of one Somerset an Indian Native a Small Island called and knowne by the 
name of Somersets Island Lying not far from New Harbour in Pemaquid, and made 
some Improvement thereon, and afterwards gave the same nnto Alexander Gold in 
marriage with his daughter who entred upon the same. Built a house thereupon, 
broke up and improved a considerable quantity of Land, and dwelt there for severall 
years, nntill driven off by the Indians in the time of the late warr with the Indians 
An* 1676. and yo r Pet r marrying with one of the daughters & heires of s 4 Gold, had 
the s* Island transferred to him as his wives Portion, and had quiet Possession thereof, 
and disburs't upwards of Fourscore Pounds on his Setlement and Improvements there ; " 
and Stilson asked Andros to " grant him a Confirmation and Pattent for the s* Island 
and Lands thereon " (Documentary History of the State of Maine, vi. 262). 

In a deposition made 9 February, 1720-21, the second John Brown testified 
that "his father laid claim to an island in the mouth of Broad Bay, called 
Sumorset island" (Order of both Branches, etc., p. 115). While doubtless 
the name Muscongus Bay is usually applied to the sheet of water south of 
Long (or Bremen) Island and the name Broad Bay is usually applied to 
the sheet of water north of Long Island, yet sometimes Broad Bay and Mus- 
congus Bay are used interchangeably. Thus, Thomas Botkin deposed, 31 
August, 1764, that — 

1 This document is not dated, but as Dongan became Governor of New York in 1683, as 
John Palmer and John West were sent to the Eastern parts in June, 1686, " with full power 
and authority to treate with the Inhabitants for Takeing out Pattents and Paying the quitt 
rents" (Johnston's History of Bristol and Bremen, p. 153), and as on 19 September, 1686, the 
41 ffort and Country of Pemaquid in Regard of its Distance from New Yorke " (Ibid. p. 157) 
was detached from New York and placed under Sir £. Andros, it is probable that the license 
was granted about 1686. If my identification of Muscongus Island and Somerset Island is 
correct, it follows that *' the small Island thereunto adjacent •* is Marsh Island. It may be 
added that this is also the opinion of Professor Johnston, though he does not give his reasons 
for reaching this conclusion (Ibid. pp. 154, 238, 243, 464). It should be remarked that this 
license is the only document not relating to the Brown family in which Somerset Island is 

3 Presumably an error for 1625. 




"in tlie rear 1738, I lived in the eastern parts* near adjoining to a place called 
Roun4 Pond, ua Broad Bay bo called* now iu the county of Lincoln ; and the deponent 
knew William Hilton! who lived at Broad Cove, on the west ward muat part of Broad 
Bay" (Ibid. p. 127). 

Here we find the name Broad Bay applied to both portions of the above 
mentioned sheet of water* If Round Pond, which is just north of New 
lUrbor and directly opposite the north end of Muscongus Inland, can be 
described aa "on Broad Bay," surely the description of Somerset Island as 
being u in the month of Broad Bay H does not militate against its identification 
with Muscongus Island. Again, according to Sullivan, who wrote in 1795, 
u next to Pemaquid, and between Pemaquid Point on the west, and Pleasant 
Point on the east, we meet the waters of Broad Bay, which are on the shores of 
an ancient Dutch settlement of that name" (History of the District of Maine, 
p. 16), Finally, by Morse in his American Geography (1707) and by William- 
son in 1832, Broad Bay is also made to extend to Pemaquid Point on the 

Margaret Fittman deposed, 24 October, 17S3 t that — 

"she waa bom at New Harbor, and lived there until they, with others, were driven 
off by the Indians. She well re mem hers her grandfather, John Brown, and she has 
often heard that her grandfather Brown gave her father, Alexander Gonid, Muscongna 
island by a written l deed as a part of his estate and her portion ; her mother often 
(old her that a d bland was given by her father, John Brown to her husband. Alex- 
ander Gonld and to his heirs, and to her the s* Margaret. And the s d Gould lived on 
e* Liiand. as hit* own estate, and his wife after his decease many years " (Johnston's 
History of Bristol and Bremen, pp, 243, 244). 

Ruth Barnaby deposed, September, 1761, that she "remembers James 
Stllson * who married Margaret Chamber and who lived on Miscongus Island " 
(Order of both Branches, etc., p. 120), John Fearce of Marblehead deposed, 
20 November, 1764, that he had seen the deed of 8 August, 10CO, from Brown 
to Gould, that he had "since seen an Indian deed to old John Brown, of 
ancient date/ 1 and that "he understood that the Indian deed aforementioned, 
conveyed all the lands at New- Harbour and Broad Bay, that the said Gould 
and Brown claimed" (Ibid. pp. Ill, 112)* In a deposition, the date of which 
is not given, Margaret Pi ttm an > according to Professor Johnston, " speaks of hav- 
ing attended public worship at Pemaquid fort, coming there for the purpose 
from Muscongus Island, where the family lived" (History of Bristol and 
Bremen, pp. 245, 240). 

1 This deed, already mentioned by James Stilson, if ever given, is not extant. 

* Alexander Gould's widow, Margaret (Brown) Gould, married Maurice Champney (or, as 
the name is variously spelled, Chamblett, Chamblet, Chamles, Chanirmye, etc.). Though the 
wife of James Stilson, Sr., wan Margaret Gonld t the daughter of Alexander and Margaret 
(Brown) Gould, yet it is not surprising that, after the lap*e of so many years, Ruth Barnaby 
thould have alluded to her as Margaret Chamber (i*. t- Champney), rather than as Margaret 
Gould, thus confusing the stepfather with the father. For this information aa to Maurice 
Champney, as well as for several valuable suggestions, I am indebted to Mr. William 1\ Green- 
law* Assistant Librarian of the New England Historic Genealogical Society, {^.Genealog- 
ical Advertiser, i- 100, ii. 28.) At some unspecified time, but apparently between 1674 and 
1790, Maurice Champney (or, as he is called, Morrice Cham tea) was described as of Marble- 

i ¥ hut " formerly of Sumersett Island at the eastward " (Johnston's History of Bristol and 
Bremen, p. 335). 


From these extracts it appears that the only deed in the Brown family is the 
deed from Capt. John Somerset to John Brown of 15 July, 1625 ; that from 
this deed of 1625 are derived all the claims made by the Brown family ; that 
the only deed, whether Indian or other, in which an Island is mentioned is 
this deed of 1625; that Muscongus Island originally belonged to Capt. John 
Somerset and was by him conveyed to John Brown in this same deed of 1625; 
that Somerset Island was purchased by John Brown of Capt. John Somerset 
in 1652 (t. e. 1625) ; that Somerset Island was in Pemaquid and near New 
Harbor, exactly where Muscongus Island is situated; that, Alexander Gould 
lived on Muscongus Island; that James Stilson lived on and improved 
Somerset Island; that James Stilson lived on Muscongus Island; and that 
Margaret Pittman's family lived on Muscongus Island. The chain of evi- 
dence, therefore, which links together Muscongus Island and Somerset Island 
would seem to be complete, and the conclusion is almost irresistible that 
what in these documents is called Somerset Islaud is the very Island which in 
1625 was described as Muscongus Island, which still bears that name (though 
it is now also sometimes known as Loud's Island), and which has had no other 
name except in certain legal documents of which all but one relate to the 
Brown family. But whether Somerset Island actually is Muscongus Island, 
or whether it is some other island yet to be identified, it certainly cannot 
be doubted that the name Somerset Island, which we do not meet with until 
about 1686, was derived from Capt. John Somerset, a name encountered aa 
early as 1625, and had, therefore, nothing whatever to do with any " deemed, 
reputed, or intended Province of New Somerset." x 

1 In addition to Somerset Island, there was formerly in the same neighborhood a place called 
Somerset Cove. For information and for documents relating to Somerset Cove, I am indebted 
to the kindness of Mr. William D. Patterson, of Wiscasset, Maine. On the United States 
Coast Survey Chart of the Damariscotta and Medomak Rivers there is a small cove a little way 
below Muscongus Harbor and nearly abreast of the lower end of Hog Island, the nearest sound- 
ing figures being 4|, and next above that 3}. In the opinion of Mr. James H. Varney, 
Register of Deeds for Lincoln and formerly Town Clerk of Bristol, this cove was known 
as Somerset Cove. Apparently, it is the same cove which, in the deed of the Pemaquid Pro- 
prietors to James Morton, dated 21 September, 1763 (recorded in Lincoln Registry of Deeds, viii. 
93), is called " Somerset Cove in Muscongus River " ; and which also is mentioned in an inden- 
ture dated 18 June, 1766 (recorded in Lincoln Registry of Deeds, v. 152). In this indenture, made 
between Robert Gould of Boston and Hezekiah Eggleston, the latter is described as of " a Place 
called Somerset Cove in the County of Lincoln ;" and it is recited that Eggleston is indebted 
to Gould in the sum of j£355 lawful money for which he has given bond to pay on or before 18 
June, 1767, and that as a collateral and further security for the payment of said sum he conveys 
unto the said Gould — 

" a certain Tract of Land lying at a Place called Somerset Cove aforesaid containing about four hun- 
dred Acres butted and bounded as follows that is to say, Northerly in the Front upon Muscongus Island 
there measuring eighty Rods, and running northwest into the Country two Miles keeping the same 
breadth of Eighty Rods all the way, and Southerly in the Rear on Hog Island so called, and there measur- 
ing eighty Rods.' ' 

There is also mention of "Somersits cove" in a deed dated 25 October, 1719, from Cesar 
Moxis and Gustin, two Indian sagamores, to William Hilton (Lincoln Deeds, xl. 240). 

In a deed dated 6 July, 1750, from Thomas Loveland to Isaac Moseley (Ibid. xiii. 177), of a 
part of land formerly of Richard Pearce, the tract is described as being part of " a larger 
Tract of Land adjoining to New Harbor, near Pemmaquid, called Miscongus alias Somersit," 
indicating that Somerset was also used as a name for the Muscongus region. In a deed 



In the extract quoted above from Gorges'* grant of 3 July, 1037, to Sir 
Richard Edgecombe, there is mention of "the Lake of newe Somerset V* 
For many years no steps were taken in regard to this grant; but in 1718 — 

11 MS John Edgecomb of New Load on in New England h behalf of the heirs of 
$*, Richard Edgeeoiub of Meant Edgeeamb in the county of Devon Kn 1 . daims * , . all 
that put or parcell of Laud at or neare the Lake of New Summeraett which is con- 
cciv'd to be fourteen Miles distant from the Shore of Caseo Bay by a Northerly Line 
into the Inland Farts w** parcel I of Land is to contain eight Thousand Acres " (Massa- 
chusetts Archives, Eastern Claims, 1 674- 1720, p. $2). 

On 18 October, 1732, Jonathan Belcher, in a letter to Richard Edgcumbe, 
afterwards Baron Edgcumbe, wrote s — 

" 1 * . T went & view'd what is snppos'd to be that tract of land mention 'd to begin 
at Ihe entrance of the next river to Sagadahock. It lyes on a river called Bungonungo- 
mug (an Indian name) and makes a part of Casco bay, _ , , As to the other parcel of 
land roeimon'd to be near the lake of New Someraett, and to contain 8000 acres, I 
cannot yet find It or satisfy myself about it, but shall make further enquiry " (6 Massa- 
chusetts Historical Collections, vL 194, 195). 

No one has been any more success! nl in locating that lake of New Somerset 
than was Belcher; but it is thought that by it was intended Merry Meeting 
Bay t which receives the waters of the Kennebec, Androscoggin, and other 
smaller rivers. At all events, there was at one time a point of land in Merry 
Meeting Bay called Somerset Point, In the year 1718, writes the Rev. H, O. 
Thayer, "a few settlers located upon Somersett point; 11 and he proceeds to 
quote from a Report made to the Massachusetts House of Representatives in 
July, 1720, in which there ia an allusion to that settlement. In regard to the 
name, Mr- Thayer aaya : — 

" Snmmersett, Somraersett* Somerset, A point on the north shore of the bay, 
between Cat ha nee and Abagarfasset rivers. A controversy arose respecting the origin 
of the name, whether a local name, from the Ban Water, Ireland, affixed by the Scotch* 
IrUh settler, Andrew McFaddcn, 1718, or an earlier name, associated with the Lord 
Edgecomb grrant " [2 Collections Maine Historical Society, iv, 245, 249 and Dote), 

Somerset Point seems to have disappeared from the map of Maine. 
Carlo us ly enough, in view of the evidence which has been presented in this 
Note, the name Somerset did not become permanently attached to Maine until 
IB09j in which year the County of Somerset was established. 4I The name, 1 * 
wrote Williamson, "evidently suggested itself from old Somersetshire in Eng- 
land, transferred to Maine in the days of Sir Ferdinando Gorgea " (History of 
the State of Maine, ii. 611), 

All the essential facts about Samoset and Somerset are given in this Note, 
The conclusions which the present writer draws are, that Samoset and Capt. 
John Somerset were presumably one and the same person •, that Samoset was 
the man's Indian name j that the Indian's English name of John Somerset was 
a corruption of Samoset ; that Somerset Island — an appellation not found at 
all before 1083, and then only in legal documents relating to the Indian, the 

fniru Fearce, dated 1734 (/6itf, xvii. 1), of land near "While Core,'* there is mention of 
- Town ship of Summersett*" Mr* Patterson cannot locate Whale Cove, but believes the land 
described ia ia the Muscongus region. 


island elsewhere having always been known as Muscongus or Loud's l Island — 
derived its name from Capt. John Somerset; that the title Somerset, as 
applied to any portion of Maine, other than the just-mentioned Somerset 
Island, was due to Sir Ferdinando Gorges, was unknown before 1636, was 
occasionally ^mployed between 1636 and 1643, disappeared after 1643, tem- 
porarily reappeared in the eighteenth century as the designation of a point 
of land, and was permanently revived in the nineteenth century as the name 
of a County; that Pemaquid was beyond the limits of the territory granted to 
Gorges ; and that Somerset, as a geographical name brought from England, 
could have been applied in the seventeenth century only to the portion of 
Maine which fell within Gorges's patent. Finally, there seems to be no escape 
from the further conclusion that the burden of proof lies on those who main- 
tain that the Indian's name was originally John Somerset and that Samoset is 
a corruption of Somerset. 

During the discussion which followed the reading of Mr. 
Noble's communications, remarks were made by Messrs. 
William Watson Goodwin, Henry H. Edes, Robert N. 
Toppan, and Andrew McFarland Davis. 

Mr. Frederic Haines Curtiss was elected a Resident 
Member ; and the Hon. James Burrill Angell, LL.D., of 
Ann Arbor, Michigan, Mr. Edward Field, of Providence, 
Rhode Island, and the Rev. George Park Fisher, LL.D., 
of New Haven, Connecticut, were elected Corresponding 
Members. 2 

1 Mr. Patterson informs me that the name Loud was probably not applied 
to the island until about the year 1776. 

3 At the Stated Meeting of the Society in December, at which these gentle- 
men were nominated by the Council, the Hon. Justin Smith Morrill, LL.D.» 
was also proposed for Honorary Membership. Senator Morrill died in Wash- 
ington, however, on the twenty-eighth of December, — before the Society has 
had an opportunity to confirm the action of the Council and enrol his name. 





A Stated Meeting of the Society was held in the Hall of 
the American Academy of Arts and Sciences on Wednes- 
day, 15 February, 1899, at three o'clock hi the afternoon, the 
President, Edward Wheelwright, in the chair. 

The Records of the Stated Meeting in January were read 
and approved. 

The Corresponding Secretarf reported that since the 
last meeting letters had been received from Mr. Frederick 
Haines Cuktiss accepting Resident Membership, and from 
President A^gell, Mr, Edward Field, and Professor 
George Park Fisuer, accepting Corresponding Membership. 

President Wheelwright then said : — 

As the one hundred and sixty-seventh anniversary of the birth 
of George Washington occurs one week from to-day, and before 
our next Meeting, this seems a proper occasion to present to the 
Society a photographic copy of a letter of that great man. 

The copy was made a few years ago from the original, which is 
still in the possession of Mr. Herman Jackson Warner of Boston, 
bat now resident abroad, in whose family it has been preserved as 
an heirloom, Mr, Warner is well known to several of our associ- 
ates, having graduated at Harvard in 1850 in the same class with 
our associates John Noble and Augustus Lowell. 

General Jonathan Warner, to whom this letter was addressed, 
was bom at Hardwick, in the County of Worcester, Massachusetts, 
14 July, 1744. At the beginning of the Revolutionary contest, he 
was Lieutenant of a militia company in his native town, was Cap- 
tain of a company of minute-men, 1774, became Colonel in the 
same year, was promoted to be Brigadier-General by the General 
Court, 13 February, 1776, and in 1781 was made Major-Geueral. 


He served through the Revolutionary War and after its close was 
largely instrumental in suppressing Shays's Rebellion. He was 
re-commissioned Major-General in 1786, was honorably discharged 
on his voluntary resignation in December, 1789, and died 7 
January, 1803. 1 He was father of William Augustus Warner 
(H. C. 1815), and grandfather of the present possessor of the 

The Proclamation referred to in the letter is that issued by 
Washington on the twenty-fifth of January, 1777, declaring that 
"all persons who had accepted Lord Howe's offer of protection 
must either retire within the British lines, or come forward and 
take the oath of allegiance to the United States." 2 This was 
just after Washington's brilliant achievement of crossing the 
Delaware, fighting two successful battles, and driving the enemy 
out of the Jerseys. He had now taken up a strong position 
on the heights above Morristown. Here the main body of the 
American Army was posted, while the right wing under Putnam 
occupied Princeton and the left wing under Heath rested upon the 
Hudson. Bound Brook, where Brigadier-General Warner was 
stationed, was somewhat in advance of this line and nearer the 
British position. It is about twenty miles, as the crow flies, 
south of Morristown, and only about five miles from New Bruns- 
wick, from which it is separated by the Raritan River. New 
Brunswick, Amboy, and Paulus Hook were the three positions still 
retained by the British in New Jersey. 

The text of Washington's letter to General Warner, which is 
not found in either Sparks's or Ford's edition of Washington's 
Writings, is as follows : — 

Head Quarters Morristown 12 th Feb* 



That a proper line of Conduct may be observed towards the 
Inhabitants near the Enemy's Lines, I would observe, that tho* it is 
my desire to have the Terms & Conditions of my proclamation reli- 
giously complied with, yet I do not intend that it shall be made a 
Shelter for our Enemies to injure us under it with impunity. Those 

i Paige's History of Hardwick, pp. 523-525. 

* Fiske's American Revolution, i. 236. The Proclamation is printed in 
Ford's Writings of Washington, v. 201, 202. 




who wish to stay with us> till the expiration of the thirty clays, for no 
ether purposes tban to convey Intelligence to the Enemy and poison 
our peoples minds, must and shall be compelled to withdraw itn me- 
diately within the Enemy's Hues. Others who are hesitating whieh 
Side to take and behave friendly to us, till they determine, mast be 
treated with lenity. Such as go over to the Enemy are not to take 
with them any thing but their Cloathing and furniture. Their Horses, 
Cattle, and Forage must be left behind. Such as incline to share our 
fate, are to have every Assistance afforded them that can be granted 
with Safety; neither Waggons nor Horses must be too much hazarded 
in doing this Business. The Effects of all persons in Arms against 
us must be seized and secured. I wish this line of Conduct to be 
observed by all our parties, for whieh purpose you will make them 
acquainted with my determination* 

I am Sir 

Yf most oft Serv! 

G? Washington 
Gen 1 . Warner. 


Brig? Gen? Warner 
Bound Brook. 

I have also to offer for the inspection of the Society an original 
Indenture of Apprenticeship for ten years from 29 December, 1706, 
of Joseph Bentley, with consent of his mother, Margaret Bentley* 
widow, to Joseph White, mariner, and Sarah> his wife, all of Bos- 
ton, dated 18 December, 1706, in the fifth year of the reign of 
Queen Anne, One of the witnesses signs himself, in very crabbed 
writing, Peregrine White, — not the original Peregrine, who had 
died two years before, but probably his son. 

This document has been loaned for exhibition to the Society 
by Mr. William C. Codman of Boston. 

Mr. Abner C. Goodell said he thought that the Inden- 
ture exhibited by the President was exceptionally interesting. 
The signature of Peregrine White was undoubtedly that of 


the son or grandson of the first-born American of English 
parentage in Plymouth Colony. In 1704, Peregrine, and 
Benoni, his brother, or son — probably the latter, since he is 
called "a lad" in the record — were in Boston, and were 
arrested for counterfeiting bills of public credit on the Prov- 
ince. They were subsequently convicted and sentenced. 1 

Mr. Denison R. Slade communicated two unpublished 
letters of James Lovell, and another from Samuel Adams 
to Col. Henry Bromfield. The text of these letters is as 
follows : — 


To the Selectmen of Boston 


Besides an application 
to your friendship made last Fall while I was in the Provost at Boston 
Mrs. Lovell 2 I believe can show the Coppy of a Second proof of my 
Confidence in you since my Imprisonment at Halifax & I now proceed 
to give you a testimony of its continuance in Vigor by desiring you to 
Represent to propper Authority — that the treatment of prisoners here 
is not only Scandalous by neglecting all distinction of Rank but is also 
murderous by joining the nuisances & Infection of an Hospital to the 
Confinement and Common Miseries of a Jail — That we have been even 
thirty six & are now thirty in a single Leaky Room the Floor our Bed- 
stead a thin flock Bed & pair of Blankets being the best provision for 
two, one has lingered & died in our Sight thro h want of propper Nour- 
ishment & one has been long near the point of death not allowed the 
Comfort of removal to a Convenient place of Attendance while Several 
with Fluxes go in Continual Rotation to a Tub thro h the Night when we 
are Close lockt in. 

I am aware that the Humanity & Education of the Colonists will 
make them backward to retaliate these things and I suppose that all the 
Enemys Chiefs do not Conduct with the same Wanton or Willfull 
Cruelty therefore I cannot pretend to point out a general Alteration of 
the exceeding kind treatment & distinction which is shown to Prisoners 

1 See Province Laws (Standard edition), vol. viii., — Resolves 1704-5, chap. 
79, and 1707, chap. 8, for a full account of this case. 

* Lovell married Mary Middleton, 24 November, 1760 (Registers of Trinity 




in the Several United Colonies but I cannot help wishing that some 
particular Officers of like Rank with Col* Allen, 1 Cap! Proctor,* Master 

1 CoL Ethan Allen was captured 25 September* 1775, and exchanged May, 
177-. In 1770, he published at Philadelphia a curious and, at times, amusing 
Narrative of Colonel Ethan Allen's Captivity, , . . Containing His Voyages 
and Travels, . , Interspersed with some Political Observations. The extracts 
from it given in our succeeding notes are from the Boston reprint of 1779. 

1 This was Francis Proctor, Senior — or Procter, as the name was sometimes 
spelled — of Pennsylvania, He was appointed Lieutenant in his brother Thomas 
Proctor's Company of Artillery 29 November, 1775 (Pennsylvania Colonial 
Records, x. 416) ; was dismissed 8 December (Ibid. z. 42 3 > 42-1) \ was captured 
not long after by the British ; and in May, 1770, was placed on the Mercury, 
under the command of Captain James Montague, off Ca]>e Fear, and taken to 
Halifax, where he arrived in June, On the same ship was Ethan Allen, who 
later wrote : — 

■ A Capt. Frauds Proctor was added to our number of prison em when we were first 
put on board this ship: Tins gentleman had formerly belonged to the English service, 
The Capt. and in fine all the gentlemen of the ship, were very much incensed against 
him, and pat him in irons without the least provocation, and he was continued in this 
miserable situation about three months " (Narrative, p. 20), 

We next hear of Proctor in a letter dated Jerseys, 5 November, 1776, by 
James Lovell to Captain Thomas Proctor, in which Lovell says : — 

K I left Captain Franci* Procter t your brother, on board the prison-ship Glascaw, in 
New-York harbour, the 3d of this month. He is in good health, has pome encmira^e- 
me iit of being speedily exchanged, but hopes his friends will exert themselves to bring 
about that desirable event, as much us if he had not received any hints about it, for he 
fears those hints aro only to amuse him* He has once wrote, and he now earnestly 
wishes that proof may be sent to General Wasftingfon of his having had a regular dis- 
cbarge from the Irish Artillery, and consequently that he is not a deserter, as is some- 
times thrown in his teeth, I have been his fellow-prisoner for months at ffufifax t where 
he had fared hardly, but greatly better than when under the control of Captain Mont a* 
^se, who seemed to aim at his life n (American Archives, Fifth Series, iii. 51 9), 

Proctor was soon after exchanged, for on 24 January, 1777, we find him 
writing from Philadelphia to the Council of Safety of Pennsylvania as 
follows : — 

*' I make no Doubt yon are acquainted with my first unsuccessful attempt to Exert 
most in defence of the great Cause of Liberty in General, and the State 
of South Carolina in particular ; And therefore Chuse not to trouble you at present with 
a Narrative of my long Imprisonment, Cruel Treatment, and other distressing Circum- 
stances during that Period to the time of my Enlargment, But have the Honour of 
acquainting you that I Cannot be an Idle Spectator of the present Glorious Contest 
whilst ray Country wants a man, and therefore take the Liberty of Informing you that 
I am now going (by Desire of General Knox) to Head Quarters to take Command of 
a Company of Artillery in the Continental Service " (Pennsylvania Archives, Second 
Series, i, 696). 


Howland 1 & his Mate Taylor 1 in conjunction with some privates & a 
Counterpart to poor Carpenter * & myself may be brought to wish for 
an Exchange & to petition Gen! Howe for it or at least to remonstrate 
to him upon the provocation which he has given for an alteration of 
their Limitts Lodgings & Diet. I mention Gen! Howe because the Mili- 
tary Commander here is left with little more discreationary power than 
a Sergeant or an Ordinary Jailor. 

To judge by appearances my life has been aimed at in what I have 
been obliged to undergo, therefore my Friends may Chuse to Commu- 
nicate the Information which I now & then give under the cover of 
Authentic Intelligence rather than Extract of a Letter & be assured I 
pay a Sacred regard to the truth of Facts. 

There is a formidable as well as Accursed Effort against the Colonies 
this year. May God defend & prosper the American Cause, & may you 
Personally & relatively enjoy Health & every domestic Happiness. 

Your fellow Citizen Suffering at a distance from you I yet continue 
to be Sincerely 

Gentlemen your Friend & 

Most H b ! e Serv.' 

James Lovell.* 

Proctor was appointed Captain of the 4th Continental Artillery 3 March, 
1777, and dismissed 14 April, 1778 (Ibid. xi. 201). We get a final glimpse of 
him, in quite a different calling, however, in the Pennsylvania Evening Post 
of Saturday, 18 July, 1778, No. 506, iv. 245: — 

THE subscriber begs leave to inform his friends and the public in general, that he now 
occupies the LIVERY STABLES formerly John Hales's in Lombard-street, near the 
New market, where he will entertain horses by the year or night, having the best 
accomodations, and suitable places for carriages. 

Philad. July 18. FRANCIS PROCTOR, sen. 

For a notice of Thomas Proctor, see Appletons* Cyclopaedia of American 

1 " Among the prisoners," wrote Allen, " there were 5 in number, who had 
a legal claim to a parole, viz. James Lovel, Esq ; Capt. Francis Proctor, a Mr. 
Houland, master of a Continental armed vessel, a Mr. Taylor, his mate, and 
myself " (Narrative, p. 23). Consider Howland and Jacob Taylor were, re- 
spectively, master and mate of the privateer brig Washington (American 
Archives, Fifth Series, i. 1283, 1284). 

a This was Richard Carpenter, of Boston (Ibid.). 

• A biographical note on James Lovell will be found on pp. 70-81, post. 




Dec? 4** 1778. 
Dear Sir l 

I, this morning, received the inclosed from Baltimore, with 
a few Lines from my amiable young Friend your Sou, 8 and though I was 
only to forward it by a private Hand or put it into the Office, I will 
make this Request of his the Cause of my performing an agreeable 
Right of Civility <& Gratitude to you, which an unbounded Portion of 
public Business will probably make me, as heretofore, neglect, without 
some accidental Stimulus, like the present* occuring. 

On the Spur, then, of this Occasion I most affectionately salute you 
& your lovely Family. I will not be forgotten by my former charming 
Pupils, even if they are married. I retain a most pleasing Memory of 
them A their exemplary manners, M" Bromfield * must excuse me if 
remembriug also her many enviable Qualities, I retain one visible Anec- 
dote of hen She told her Daughter 4 so lately as two years ago to 
"hold up her Head/' Well might the little Emblem of Uprightness 
snow a rosey Streak of Wonder* 

And now, Sir, finding my Brain relieved, by this little Exertion of 
Fancy, from the State into which it had been beaten by the Pros & Cons 
in a Discussion upon Finance, I think I can venture again upon the dis- 
agreeable Subject for a moment or two. While we are plodding here to 
reduce the Quantity of circulating Medium, cannot Associations be 
formed to discountenance one great Source of Depreciation which 
operates more strongly than even Quantity, I mean the speculating 
Spirit which is devouring us in geometrical Proportions. Taxation is 
doubtless our first object here and will most readily be received by 
ail the People- Loan is another, if not the second to be pursued ; but 
then, Quere, foreign or domestic? How shall Monies now received in 
Loan be paid? As those received in 1770? Every Genius on the Con- 
tinent with a Turn to Finance should throw his mite in to the Delegates 
of his particular State while that important Matter is in agitation. 

1 This letter was written to CoL Henry Bromfield, concerning whom see 
ante, v. 20*2 note. 

* Henry Bromfield (1751-1837) was the son of CoL Henry Bromfield by his 
first wife, Margaret Fayerweather. He was a successful and wealthy merchant, 
and long resided at Cheltenham, Gloucestershire, England, where he died, 

* Hannah Clarke, daughter of Richard Clarke, — Col. Bromfield'a second 
wife* See ante, v, 210 note. 

* Elizabeth Bromfield, born 1763, died 1833. See ante, v. 210 note. 


I parted with yonr Brother Thomas * this morning Detf 5 th . Your son 
probably will sail before his Uncle. But doubtless one or other of 
them decide this matter to you by Letter. I have only therefore to add 
renewed assurances of Regard as your affectionate obliged humble 

James Lovell 


Philad* Sept 2, 1777. 
My dear Sir 

I am requested by a Member of Congress from South 
Carolina for whom I have a particular Regard, to introduce his Friend 
M r Henry Crouch 3 to some of my Boston Friends. He is a Merchant 
of Charlestown and will set off on a Visit your Way tomorrow. I take 
the Liberty of addressing a Letter to you by him. Your friendly Notice 
of him will greatly oblige me. 

I heartily congratulate you on the happy Change of our Affairs at the 
Northward. The Feelings of a Man of Burgoyne's Vanity must be 
sorely touched by this Disappointment. 

Howe's Army remains near where they first landed and is supposed 
to be ten thousand fit for Duty. Washington's Army exceeds that 
Number, is in health & high Spirits, and the Militia have joynd in great 
Numbers, well equip'd and ambitious to emulate the Valor of their East- 
ern Brethren. Our light Troops are continually harrassing the Enemy. 
The Day before yesterday they attack'd their out Posts & drove them 
in, killing & wounding a small Number. By the last Account we had 
taken about seventy Prisoners without any Loss on our side. Our 
Affairs are at this Moment very serious and critical. We are contend- 
ing for the Rights of our Country and Mankind — May the Confidence 
of America be placed in the God of Armies ! Please to pay my due 

1 Thomas Bromfield, born 1733, died 1816. For a sketch of the Bromfield 
family, by our late associate, Dr. Daniel Denison Slade, see New England His- 
torical and Genealogical Register for 1871 and 1872, xxv. 182-185, 329-335 ; 
and xxvi. 37-43, 141-143. 

* For a Petition, dated 10 May, 1780, from the inhabitants of Charleston 
to General Lincoln requesting him to " send out a flag, in the name of the 
people, intimating their acquiescence in the terms propounded," and for a fac- 
simile of the signature of Henry Crouch, one of the signers, see Year Book, 
City of Charleston, 1897, pp. 394, 398. In November of the same year, 
Crouch, together with other citizens of Charleston on parole, was sent by 
Cornwallis to St. Augustine (Ramsay's History of the Revolution of South 
Carolina, 1785, ii. 169, 459). 




Respects to my old Friend M r Phillips * & his Family and be assured 
that I am very cordially 


Sam 1 - Adams* 
Henry Bromfield, Esq. 


Henry Bromfield, Esq. 


Bt Alb est Matthews, 

The first letter is not in Lorell's handwriting, but is signed by him, and, 
presumably, was written from Halifax in August ot September, 1770. Allen, 
in his Narrative, says that he and his fellow-prisoners "arrived at Halifax not 
far from the middle of June ; " that they were kept " on board the prison-sloop 
about six weeks, ami were landed at Halifax near the middle of August ; " and 
that they were taken *' from the prison-sloop to Halifax gaol, where I first 
became acquainted with the now Hon, James Love], Esq ; one of the members 
of Congress for the State of Massachusetts-Bay ** (pp. 21, 22), But here 
Allen's recollection was a trifle at fault, for in a letter dated S August, 1776, 
he wrote : — 

u The 5th instant I was landed, and the prisoner* that have been with me, and put 
int. the common in Halifax. We have the liberty of the yard in the daytime. In 
this prison I found the wise and pat riot Ick Mr, James Lovell t from Boston, who lias 
j^reatly contributed to conversable happiness, and supplied me with the comforts of 
life " (American Archives, Fifth Series, i. 860, 861), 
Hence* LovelVs letter could hardly have been written before August, 

In November, 1775, Gen. Howe bad suggested the exchange of Lovell for 
Col, Skene of New York; and the negotiations which, after the lapse of nearly 
a year, finally resulted in this exchange, may be followed in the American 
Archives, Fourth Series, iv, 314, 315, 974, 975, 1633, vi, 1075, 107G; Fifth Series, 
i, 380, 381, 500, 502, 510, 587, 679, 711, 727, 766, 820, 1590, ii. 437, and iii, 556. 
An interesting Report on the Exchange of Prisoners during the American 
Revolution is in 1 Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society for 19 
December, 1861, y. 325-*317. Lovell reached Boston 30 November, 1776. 

James Lovell, one of the most distinguished of the early patriots of Boston, 
was born 31 October, 1737; graduated at Harvard College in 1756; was usher 
in the Boston Latin School from 1757 to 1775 ; was master of the North Gram- 
mar, now Eliot, School ; was appointed Receiver of Continental taxes in 1784 ; 
in 1788 and 1789, was Collector for the port of Boston ; and was Naval Officer of 
Boston from 1790 till his death, 14 July, 1814, at Windham, Maine (Loring's 

1 William Phillips, born 1722, died 1804. See Memorial History of Boston, 
it. 54$, iii. 29, 38 note ; and American Quarterly Register for 1840, xiiL 12, 


Hundred Boston Orators, 1853, pp. 20-37 ; and Boston Record Commissioners' 
Reports, xxiv. 230). Lovell is best remembered as the first of the Boston 
Fifth-of -March Orators. His Oration, made 2 April, 1771, fills pp. 7-16 of the 
Orations delivered at the Request of the Inhabitants of the Town of Boston, to 
Commemorate the Evening of the Fifth of March, 1770. Son of John Lovell, 
the famous schoolmaster, who differed from him politically, James Lovell 
ardently espoused the popular cause as against the Ministry, and later took up 
arms against the King. It was while a prisoner on the charge of treason or 
rebellion that he wrote the letter addressed to the Selectmen of Boston. For 
glimpses of Lovell during his confinement in Boston, see the Journal of John 
Leach, and extracts from the Journal of Peter Edes, both kept in Boston Gaol 
from 19 June till 4 October, 1775, in New England Historical and Genea- 
logical Register for 1865, xix. 256-262. The originals of both Journals are 
in the possession of our associate Mr. Henry H. Edes. (Cf. 1 Proceedings of 
the Massachusetts Historical Society for December, 1871, xii. 176-181; and 
Catalogue of the Boston Public Latin School (1886), pp. 19 and note, and 163.) 
The following extracts are also of interest : — 

M BOSTON, June 27. Monday last came from Newbury-Port a young man belong- 
ing to this town, who informs that he left Halifax 30 days ago, that ... he saw master 
JAMES LOVELL, who was cruelly confin'd in Boston goal by order of Gen. Gage, for 
10 months, and from thence taken with the Bunker-Hill prisoners and carried to Hali- 
fax, and committed to prison, where he remained when our informant came away ; that 
he kept np his spirits with surprising firmness amidst the accumulated insults and 
injuries he had received, and had petitioned Gen. Howe for tryal or to be liberated, 
or sent to England for tryal" (Boston-Gazette of Monday, 1 July, 1776, No. 2002, 
p. 1/2). 

" Last Saturday Evening, arrived in this Town, from Halifax, via New- York, (after a 
long and cruel Imprisonment,) the lion. James Lovel, Esq ; to the no small Joy of 
the Inhabitants of the Capital of this State. 

" We hear that the honorable Francis Dana, and the honorable James Lovel, 
Esqrs; are chosen Dclagates, to represent this State, in General Congress, in Addition 
to the fice Members now present, at Philadelphia " (Ibid, of Monday, 2 December, 1776, 
No. 1124, p. 3/2). 

" In a few weeks after this I had the happiness to part with my friend Lovel, (for 
his sake, who the enemy affected to treat as a private ; he was a gentlemen of merit, 
and liberally educated, but had no commission ; they maligned him on account of his 
unshaken attachment to the cause of his country) " (E. Allen, Narrative, p. 25). 

It was through Lovell, it is interesting to note, that a meeting was brought 
about between John Trumbull, the future artist, and Copley. In January, 
1772, Trumbull, as he himself tells us, — 

"was sent to Cambridge, under the care of my brother, 1 who in passing through 
Boston indulged me by taking me to see the works of Mr. Copley. His house was on 
the Common, where Mr. Sears's elegant granite palazzo now [1841] stands. A mutual 
friend of Mr. Copley and my brother, Mr. James Lovell, went with us to introduce us. 
We found Mr Copley dressed to receive a party of friends at dinner. I remember his 

i Joseph Trumbull and James Lovell were both of the Harvard Class of 1766, and both 
were delegates to the Continental Congress. Col. John Trumbull graduated at Harvard in the 
Class of 1773, which he entered as a Junior in January, 1772. 




dress and Appearance — aa elegant look lag man, dressed ui a fine maroon cloth, with 
gilt buttons — thin was dazzling to my uopracticea eye 1 — bat his paintiags, the first I 
had ever seen deserving the name, riveted, absorbed my attention, and renewed all my 
desire to enter upon such a pursuit" (Autobiography, Reminisce aces and Letters, 
pp. 11,44MB). 

See the Political Magazine for December, 1780, and February, 1781, i- 756, 
757, ih 79, 80 ; Sparks's Correspondence of the American Revolution, i. 408-414 ; 
Ford f s Writings of Washington, iii. 288, 385, fr. 2SG note, 309, 317 note, fi 
199 note, vii 17 note, ix. 152 ; 1 Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical 
Society, v. 8-12, vii. 194, 195, viil. 323, xi. 141, xii. 176, xiii. 127, 128; and 
J. T, Austin's Life of Elbridge Gerry, i. 330-444. 

Mr. Robert N. Toppan said ; — 

I wish to call the attention of the members of the Society to the 
omission of a date in the original Records of the Colony of Massa- 
chusetts Bay, which led the Editor of the official printed copy into 
an error which, in turn, misled Dr. Palfrey in his admirable 
History of New England. Althongh the mistake may appear 
trifling, it would seem to be the duty of this Society, whose Pub- 
lications are noted for their accuracy, to point out any historical 
error, however trivial. 

In the original Records of the General Court, which were writ- 
ten by Edward Raws on, the Secretary of the Colony, the last en- 
try made related to an adjournment 1 The Charter of the Colony 
having been vacated by process of law in England, a temporary 
Government was established in Massachusetts by the King, Joseph 
Dudley being selected as President. His authority was to con- 
tinue until the arrival of a Royal Governor from the mother 
country. The General Court, having had notice served upoa it 
by Dudley of his appointment, decided to adjourn to a fixed 
date. The colonists hoped for a reversal of the judgment annul- 
ling their Charter, and it was therefore necessary to preserve a 
legal continuity. The reasonableness of their hope is shown by 
the fact that Sir Thomas Powis, the Attorney General of James 
II., gave Ids official opinion that '"the Charter had been illegally 
vacated." a Opposite the last entry made by Secretary Rawson, 
which reads — 

* Court Records, vol. v, last page, 

* Edward Randolph (Publications of the Prince Society), ii. 89. 



"This day the whole Court mett at the Gouno's house, there the 
Court was adjourned to the seccond Wednesday in October next, at 
eight of the clocke in y* morning — " 

there is no date, and there is no space or break between that entry 
and the preceding one to indicate in any way that the Gen- 
eral Court met on two different day3. The entry preceding that 
of adjournment is dated by Rawson " 20^ May, 1686," which is 
correct, but by his neglect to add the numerals 21 at the side 
of the entry of adjournment, the Editor of the official printed 
Records was led to believe that the adjournment took place on 
the twentieth, and it is so printed. 1 This date was naturally 
accepted by Dr. Palfrey, who had no reason to doubt of the ac- 
curacy of the Editor. 2 

Judge Sewall, in his Diary, 8 states distinctly that the General 
Court adjourned on the twenty-first. Under the date of Friday, 
21 May, 1686, he writes : — 

" The Magistrates and Deputies goe to the Governour's . . . The 
Adjournment which had been agreed before, Second Wednesday in 
October next at 8 aclock in the Morning, was declared by the Weeping 
Marshal-Generall. Many Tears Shed in Prayer and at parting." 

A confirmation of the date given by Sewall is found in a letter 
of Edward Randolph written from Boston to the Committee for 
Trade and Plantations, dated 23 August, 1686, in which he 
says : — 

" the late Generall Court being vpon an adjournment continued, made 
vpon y 6 21 of May last & are to meet at 8 aClock in y* morniug vpon 
y* second Wednesday in October next : and as yet y* President & Coun- 
cil, tho' often moued by my selfe that their adjournal' ought to be 
declared illegall, haue done nothing to discountenance that act." * 

During the discussion which followed, Mr. Abner C. 
Goodell and Mr. John Noble mentioned several other 
errors made by Rawson, Mr. Noble remarking that in one 

1 Massachusetts Colony Records, v. 517. 

* History of New England, iii. 486. 

* 5 Massachusetts Historical Collections, v. 140. 

* Edward Randolph (Publications of the Prince Society), iv. 118. 


place iB the General Court Records lie records a session of 
sixteen consecutive days including two Sundays. 
Mr* Charles K. Bolton then said : — 

The responsibility of an author for hia views expressed in print 
has always been a subject of interest. The case of John Caiman, 1 
in Boston, in 1720, excited much comment at the time, and the pam- 
phlets which he wrote are still frequently mentioned ; a but there 
is little said of the author s arrest. 

At a " Council held at y* Counc 1 Chamber in Boston upon Tues- 
day Ap* 12 th 1720" the Governor, Samuel Shute* being present — 

At His Excellency communicated to y* Board a Pampblett lately printed 
& published in Boston entitled, The distressed State of the Town 
of Boston considered in a Letter from a Gentleman in y 8 Town to 
bis friend in y* Country, upon Reading y* same y* Board were of 
Opinion That y* s 4 P&mphlett contains in many passages reflecting upon 
y* Acts & Laws of y* Province & otber proceedings of y* Govern m'- & 
has a tendency to disturb the administration of y* Governing as well as 
the pubiiek Peace & thereupon 

* k Voted That y" Justices of y* Peace at their Gen 1 Sessions enquire 
after y* authors & publishers of the s 1 Pamphlet & proceed therein 
according to Law & Justice. "■ 

Sewall, in bis Diary (III. 250), under date of 12 April, relates 
that — 

4i The Gov* in Council said he had met with a Libel ; producing it; it 
apeared to be the distressed estate of Boston: I had not seen it before. 
Council order'd the Sessions to inquire after the Author and printer and 
to do with them according to Law/* 

The vote of the Council was carried out, as will be seen by the 
following reference to the ** Libel " in the Records of the Court of 
General Sessions of the Peace (folio 37), at an adjournment held at 
Boston on the twenty-fifth day of April, 1720. I quote from a 
manuscript 1 in the Boston Athenaeum: — 

1 A biographical note on John Col man will be found on pp. 86-89, posL 

* See ante, hi, 10, 12; 13, 14, 17, 72, and 75. 

* Council Records, Massachusetts Archives, vii, 132, 

4 An earlier volume of the Recced* of the Court of General Sessions (1071- 
1081) is now in press aud will be issued by the City of Boston* 


" Upon an Informacon from y e Goveraour & Council to this Court 
that there has lately been printed & published in Boston a Pamphlet en- 
tituled the distressed State of the Town of Boston &c Considered in a 
letter from a Gentleman in the Town to his friend in the country Con- 
cerning which the Council Board (upon reading the same) were of opin- 
ion the s d Pamphlet contains in it many Passages reflecting upon the 
Acts & Laws of the Province & other proceedings of the Governmt as 
well as the Publick peace the S d Book was bro* into the Court & read 
& John Col man of Boston merch 1 being sent for by the Court & ques- 
tioned whether he was the author of S d book acknowledged that he was. 

44 Ordered That the S d John Column recognize to His Majesty in the 
sum of £50 with 2 sureties in £25 each to answer at the next Court to 
what shall be objected ag' him more especially relating to 8 d Book & to 
be of good behaviour the declaring this Order be referred to y* ad- 
journmnt of the Court on Monday at 9 of clock aforenoon." 

Meanwhile Colman's advocacy of the Private Bank project and an 
inflation of the currency caused the publication of Wigglesworth's 
reply, — A Letter from One in the Country to his Friend, in Bos- 
ton, etc., l dated 23 April, and of other pamphlets. At the adjourn- 
ment of the Court of General Sessions, on Monday, May second, 
Colman was ordered to recognize in the sum of £50 " with 2 sure- 
ties in £25 on Condition that he appear at the Sessions in July 
next," etc. The sureties were James Gooch 2 and Stephen Minot. 8 

1 Catalogue of the Library of George Brinley, i. 189. This pamphlet was 
anonymous, but by Sabin is attributed to E. Wigglesworth. 

2 A biographical note on James Gooch will be found on pp. 00-92, post. 

8 Col. Stephen Minot, son of Capt. John Minot, was born in Dorchester, 
10 (6) 1662 ; married Mercy, daughter of Capt. Christopher Clark of Boston, 1 
December, 1686 ; removed to Boston, where he was a prominent merchant, an 
early member of the Church in Brattle Square, Colonel in the Militia, Justice 
of the Peace, and Selectman, 1707, 1708, 1723-1725. He resided in Sudbury 
Street, where he died. This estate had been the homestead of Henry Messen- 
ger the younger, whose young widow and heir, Mehitable (Minot) Messenger, 
for £220, conveyed it to her cousin-german, Stephen Minot, 11 July, 1687 
(Suffolk Deeds, xv. 153.) It was on the westerly side of Sudbury Street, on 
which it had a frontage of 66 feet, and extended through to Court Street, where 
it measured 77 feet. The site is now (1899) covered by brick buildings num- 
bered 89-97 in Sudbury Street and 131-139 in Court Street. The Boston 
Weekly News Letter, No. 1502, from Thursday November 2 to Thursday 
November 9, 1732, contains the following announcement of his death, the full 
date of which nowhere else appears in print : — 

"Boston, Novemb. 9. On the Night after the last Lord's Day [5 November], 
Died here Col. Stephen Minot, in the 7lst year of his Age." 




From other duties, or from a wish "to be of good behaviour" until 
his case came up at the Sessions in July, Colman published no reply- 
to his critics at this time. The next official record of his case is 
disappointingly meagre; it chronicles the first business of the 
Court held at Boston on the fifth of July, 1720 : — 

14 Disch 4 by proelamacon 
Increase Robinson l Jeremiah 
Belknap ■ John Colman/' 

Colman very soon prepared a reply to his chief critic, in which 
he advised "the Gentleman to stick to Divinity for the future/ 1 
This pamphlet — The Distressed State of the Town of Boston 
Once more Considered — was dated the twentieth of July of the 
same year- 8 

(Boston Record Commissi oners* Reports, viiL 41, 45, 172, 180, 185, xxi, 8; 
Records of the Church in Brattle Square j Savage's Genealogical Dictionary 
of New England, i, 3&2, iii 218; and Whitmore'a Massachusetts Civil List, 
pp. 127, 128.) See Suffolk Probate Files, No. 6310, 

1 It; crease Robinson was of 'Taunton, Massachusetts. He was the son of 
Increase and Sarah (Penniman) Robinson of Dorchester who, in or before 1668, 
removed to Taunton, where the son married Mchitable Williams, had a large 
family* and died in 1738. The offence which brought him before the Court, 
25 April, 1720, was that on the fifth of February, 1719-20, at Dorchester, he — 

" did maliciously from his own Imagination pronounce & publish certain acandelous 
& contemptuous words of the Hon**/" Coll Penn Towusend of this [Suffolk] County 
E*q' + Chief Judge of the Comon pleas;** 

for which he was ordered to — 

" pay a flue of Six pounds to the King or bo whipped ten stripes at the Fublick whip- 
ping post & Recognize to his Majesty himself in the autn of 50 1 & two sureties in the 
*nm of 25 1 pounds each until the next Court of Gen' sessions to be holden in July next, 
4 pay Costs of prosecution Standing Committed," etc. (Records of the Court of General 
Sessions of the Peace, folio 37). 

In the list of the military company of Taunton, 30 May, 1700, are the names 
of Increase Robinson and his brothers Ebenczer and Jo si ah. Administration 
on the estate of Increase Robinson was granted to his son William Robinson, 
20 March, 1738. The Inventory amounted to 11.984 03. 02 (Bristol Probate 
Records). See Bristol Deeds, xiii. 358; and Suffolk Deeds, xxxvi. 42. 

* A biographical note on Jeremiah Belknap will be found on pp. 93* 94, post* 

* See a ate, iii, 10 note, I am indebted to our associates, Mr, Henry II, 
Edes, Mr, Frederick Lewis Gay, and Mr. Albert Matthews, to Mr. Robert H, 
Kelby of New York, and to Mr, Edmund M. Barton of Worcester, for informa- 
tion concerning several valuable discoveries recently made by them, which they 
have kindly permitted me to use in the notes to this communication. 



By Hkmrt H. Edm. 

John Colman was a conspicuous figure in the social and commercial life of 
Boston during the latter part of the seventeenth, and the first half of the eigh- 
teenth, century. His connection with the financial history of the Province and 
with the apprehension of Capt. John Quelch, the pirate, and his companions 
has been already shown in these pages (ante, iii. 10, 12-14, 17, 72, 75). The fact 
that so little is generally known of him is doubtless owing, in large degree, to 
his having been overshadowed in the public mind by his younger brother, the 
Rev. Dr. Benjamin Colman, the first minister of the Church in Brattle Square. 
Between the brothers there was a close bond of affection, fully attested by Dr. 
Colman's will, dated 25 March, 1747, which contains this passage : — 

" Item. I Remit and Give up to my beloved Brother John Colman, Esq*, his Bond 
to me for One hundred pounds, with the Interest due thereon, .... as a small Acknowl- 
edgment of my great Obligations to him, for his Bounties to me in my youth" (Suffolk 
Probate Files, No. 8827). 

William Colman, the father of these brothers, was the son of Matthew and 
Grace Colman of Sotterley, near Beccles, in the County of Suffolk, where he 
was baptized 31 August, 1643. He resided for a time in London, and came 
hither in the " Arabella" with his wife Elizabeth. Iu 1676 his name appears 
on the Roll of the Ancient and Honorable Artillery Company, of which he was 
third sergeant in 1683 and ensign in 1692 (Roberts's History of the Ancient and 
Honorable Artillery Company, i. 242). He was much employed in town affairs 
and was of the first board of Overseers of the Poor chosen 9 March, 1690-91 
(Boston Record Commissioners' Reports, vii. 206). Two children were born 
to him in Boston, — Mary, 3 December, 1671, and Benjamin, 19 October, 1673. 
He died in Boston, 27 March, 1712 (SewalTs Diary, ii. 342). Cf. Turell's Life 
of Benjamin Colman, p. 210. 

There has been preserved in the Bui finch family a valuable, unpublished 
private record, wholly in the handwriting of John Colman, of which the follow- 
ing is a verbatim copy : — 

John Colman was Married in Boston N England To Jndeth The Daughter of 
M r William and Ann Hobby, July the 19* 1694. Shee dyed February 
1" 1741/2 
Shee was 20 years old when I married her & we lived togather 47 years 
6 m? 12 dayes. 

1 May y* 8? 1695, My Wife was delivered of a dead Child, a Daughter, 

Son February 28? 1696/7 was born my first Son named John, being Satterday, about 

2 Seven in the Evening, and died the 12*? of Aprill following Lived Six Weeks. 

Son December 15*> 1698, was born, William, being Thursday about Two in y* Morn- 

3 ing and died October 31, 1702, he lived 3 years 10 months 16 dayes. 

4 On this Sabbath August 4'. b 1700 about Twelve of the Clock, or noon, was born 
Ann and died November 15? 1718, Shee lived 18 years, 3 Months, 11 dayes. 





231 1702, My wife 

delrrered of a Son, which died in the 

Son On Thursday March y* 2f 1 703/4 about Eight in the Evening, was born, a Second 

6 Sou Named John — was Married Dec! 26, 1734 To M™ Sarah Payne. 

7 On Wensday May y* 8? 1705 about Ten in the Morning, waa born, Elizabeth, 
and Died October 17^ 1707, Shee lived. Seventeen months, nine d ayes. 

8 On Thursday May J - 2f 1 707 about Eight in the Morning was born a daughter 
named Judeth — was Maried To Doctre Tho; Bulfinch June 11* 1724. 

9 On Mnnday the fourteenth of February 1708/3 about Eight of the Clock in the 
Morniug, Sarah was born, was Married to Ml Peter Chardon iJeeeiiib'. 7* 1733 1 
and died the last of November 1749. 

Son On Tewsday November y* 29^ 1710. at one the Morning Benjamin was born and 

10 was Married to M* Deborah Oulton March y* 24V 1 1736, Shee dyed Octf 12* 
1738 and he married agane to Ms Hannah Pembertou Aug*, 16. 1739. 


11 On July 26, ; 1712, My Wife was delivered of a Son, Still born. 

Sod On Munday y* 24? of August 1713 at four in j" afternoon, was bom a Second 

12 Son named William, which died the 6 IB of Sept! following, Lived but 13 dayes. 


13 On y* 20 of June 1716, my Wife was delivered of a Son, Still born. 

14 On y' 23* of December 1718, My Wife was delivered of a Daughter, Still bom. 


An A ceo* of my Mar rage, and of the 
Births of all my Children, written 
from my orfgtua.ll Records, August 
0*4* 1738. 

John Colman 

I waa horn in London upon 
Tower llill Jann* 31 1670/1. 
Came to NEngland at two 
Years old; anno 1750/1 Jann? 
3* I am this day 80 years old 

The two lines added by Colmau on the eightieth anniversary of his birth 
are in an infirm band, 

From the time he was twenty-six years old, John Colman was active in the 
public affairs of the Town, holding and declining various minor offices before and 
after his election as a Selectman (1713), and as an Overseer of the Poor (1715). 
^Vith Elisha Cooke and other leading citizens, he served on many important 
committees ; among others, one to consider the proposed establishment of a Spin- 
ning School (1720) for the instruction of the children of the Town (Boston 
Record Commissioners' Reports, viL, via., xi,, xii, passim). In 1699, he was a 
Founder of the Church in Brattle Square, — stigmatized as the M Manifesto 

May ; 8. 

1795 [1695] 

Feb: 28. 


Dec* 15. 


Aug*. 4. 


Apr: 23. 


Man 2. 


May. & 


May a. 


Feb. 14. 

1708/9 | 

Nov. as. 


July 26, 


Aug* 24, 


June 20. 


Dec" i& 


l The Boston Town Record s sad the Records of the Church in Brattle Square state thai thia 
marriage was lolemnizcd on the Sixth of December, 1738, 



Church w by the Mathers, with whoge church his own and his wife's family, the 
Ilobhje,* had previously been connected. Sir Charles Hobby was Col man's 
brother-in-law, and among the Probate papers of the knight's insolvent estate 
(1715) is a long account of Col man's and a petition of Lady Elizabeth Hobby 
which prove that Hobby left a son and more than one daughter,* notwithstand- 
ing it has been often stated in print that he left no issue (Suffolk Probate Files, 
No* 36flQ> In this connection the following advertisement is of interest ; — 

* r TWo Negro men, and one Negro Woman a Child ; to bo Sold by Mr. John Cotman, 
Merchant; to be sumi at Col. C/iar/et Hobhe$ t Esq; at his house In Boston* 1 (Boston 
News-Letter of Monday, 29 May, to Motulnr, 5 June, 1704, No. 7, p. 2/2; and Na 8, 

In August, 1705, Colman declared himself — 

11 Deputed P the Hono tb John Pod Ewf the Receive of the rights and Perquisites of 
bis Royal Highness Prince George of Denmark Lord High Admiral of England &* to 
r< , . ive w* might become due to hi» Roj'al Highness in these parts*' (Massachusetts 
Archives, tL 154 ). 

In May, 1706, he signed the Petition of the Boston merchants to the General 
Court asking it to memorialize the Home Govern merit to establish a monthly 
11 Packett N from England to the New England colonies (Province Laws, viii* 
023, UiM ). 

In 1708 1 Caiman *a warehouse was ** nigh the Swinging Bridge" which 
crossed the Town Dock from Merchants Row to North Street (Boston Record 
Commissioners 1 Reports, xi. 84). Cf. Suffolk Deeds, xix. 376, and ix. 548, 
549, 555. In February, 1722-23, liberty was granted by the Selectmen to 
Jonathan Belcher and John Colman "to Erect Each of them a ware house 
upon the Long wharfe according to their Petion Entred in the Booke for 
Recording Timber Buildings ** (lhtd, xilL 109). On the twenty-ninth of March, 
1734, with others, he promised the Town "that the end of the Long Wharf 
should speedily be put into a proper posture and condition to plant Guns 
npon " {Ibid, xii, 75 )« 

In 1731, John Colman was given a Commission of the Peace (Whitmore's 
Civil List, p. li'Sj. 

Col man 1 8 mansion-house was on the northerly side of Hanover Street, on a 
part of the site of the American House, being contiguous, on the east, to the 
estate of Judge John Saffin (see ante, L 87 note). Colman bought the estate, for 
£220, of Henry Alline, 19 September, 1703 (Suffolk Deeds, xxi 480). The lot 
measured 37 feet on Hanover Street and extended back 350 feet, and was a part 

1 William ITobby gav& £2 towards the building of King'* Chapel, in July, 1639, and, irt 
May, 1694, £2 toward* building puw* in the church. He was a Warden, 16&3, 1699-1701, and 
no, likewise, wbb his son, Sir Charles Hobby, 1713-1715* {Footed Annals of King's Chapel, L 
SO, 117, 175 noU; iL 603, 605.) 

2 These children were (i) John, who was at Harvard College in 1714 and 1715, and lateral 
Barbados, whoae widow Amey had married a Crichlow before 14 July, 174Q } (ii) Elizabeth, 
who married James Couch, Jr +f 30 September, 1715, and (I'd} Mary, bom 19 February, 1702, 
who married Zechariah Hubbard, 15 May, 1722. Lndv Hobby was buried, 17 November, 1710, Probate Files No. 3690; Suffolk Deeds, xxxix, 174, IT&. xl. 129, Ixxvn. 11, 173; 
IkiHtoti Record Commissioners* Eeports, xxiv. 15, xxviii, 58, 107 \ Boston Town Kecords ©f 




of the original Possession of Governor Leveretfc. In 1709, and 1710, Colman, 
with others, undertook to lay a pavement at the upper end of Hanover Streets 
for which they were paid by the Town (Boston Record Commissioners* Re- 
ports, li. 107, 115)* He conveyed this Hanover Street property, in two par- 
oelfl ; (1) the rear portion, ahout 38 by 120 feet, which had also a frontage on 
Cold Lane (now Portland Street) to Mb son John Colman, Jr. t 27 August, 1742 
k Deeds, IxSt, 14) ; and (2) the front part, — " all that Messuage 
There I now dwell" —37 by 233 feet, to his son Benjamin Colman, 15 August, 
1747 (Suffolk Deeds, kxiv. 49). 

Colman owned another valuable estate which now (1899) makes the easterly 
corner of Bowdoin Square and Chardon Street P He bought it 1 March, 
1711-12, of the heirs of Major Anthony Haywood, who died 10 October, 1689, 
when, and subsequently, it was known as il The Bowling Green." Haywood's 
widow Margaret had married John Colman T s father, William Colman, 30 June, 
MS (Suffolk Deeds* xiii. 171, xv, 212, nvi, 162 j Suffolk Probate Files, 
No, 1710; Su/folk Probate Records, xxn. 50; Boston Record Commissioners* 
Reports, ix* 203; Savage's Genealogical Dictionary of New England, ii, 394). 
Colman conveyed to hia prosj>ective son-in-law, Peter Chardon, 12 November, 
1733, the westerly portion of this estate (78 by 2o0 feet), on the front of which 
now stands the Baptist Tabernacle (Suffolk Deeds, xlviiL 50) ; and to his son- 
in-law J>r, Thomas Bulfmch, 28 September, 1737, the easterly part (70 by 222 
tk whereon he hath lately built himself an house and stable/' which is now 
covered in part by the Coolidge House (Ibid* liv. 249). 

At a meeting of the Selectmen, held 26 September, 1711 — 

a< Liberty Is granted to Isaac Addington Esq' to the children of Cap*. Nath" Green 
deceased and to M* John Colman, to hreak ground in the Old burying place [King's 
? Ground] to make three Tombs viz\ one for each family *' (Boston Record Com- 
missioners* Reports, xi. I48) + 

The Boston Evening Post of Monday, 23 September, 1751, No. 840, p, 2/1, 
contains the following announcement : — 

"BOSTON . . , . Thursday last [19 September] died suddenly, in a very advanced 
Age, John Colman, Esq ; formerly ■ noted Merchant of this Town." 

John Colman *s estate never came into the Probate Court for the reason 
that he had conveyed his property to his four surviving children during his 
lifetime, as we have already seen. His portrait and those of his wife, of his 
son Benjamin, and of his daughter. in-law, Hannah (Peuiberton) Colman are in 
the possession of Miss Ellen M* Ward of Boston, a descendant, — the canvases 
of Mr. and Mrs. Benjamin Caiman being at present in the custody of Colman 
Ward Cutler, MD., of New York City* The portrait of Hannah (Pemberton) 
aim an is remarkably beautiful and is believed to have been painted by 
Blackburn; the others are from the brush of Smibert. They are described by 
Augustus T. Perkins in 1 Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society 
iv, 1870 (xrii. 9"j), where they are erroneously said to belong to the late 
Henry Davenport. The date of Mrs. Benjamin Colman 's marriage is also 
erroneously given as 1737. 


By Hbmbt H. £dk8. 

James Gooch was a valuable citizen of Boston, whither he came from Wells 
in the then province of Maine. His grandfather, John Gooch, was at York as 
early as 1640, when his wife, Ruth, was summarily dealt with by the Court for 
her improper relations with the Rev. George Burdett of unsavory memory 
(1 Maine Historical Society's Collections, edition of 1865, L 865, 366) ; was a 
freeman, 1652; removed to Wells, where he was a Selectman in 1658 (Massa- 
chusetts Colony Records, iii. 334) ; and died early in 1667. Bourne sayB that 
he first settled at Newbury (History of Wells and Kennebunk, Maine, p. 78. 
Cf. Massachusetts Colony Records, i. 266). His will, dated 7 May and proved 
12 July, 1667, mentions wife Ruth, sons John and James, and several grandchil- 
dren, and bequeaths to his son James a house, garden, and orchard in Slim- 
bridge, in the hundred of Berkeley (the birthplace of Dr. Edward Jenner), 
Gloucestershire, England, which he had bought of William Hammond (Maine 
Wills, pp. 32, 33) ; from which it is inferred that the emigrant came hither from 

James Gooch, the emigrant's son, was a substantial citizen of Wells. While 
returning home from meeting on Sunday, 24 September, 1676, he was shot 
down from his horse by the Indians in ambush near the Garrison-house at one 
end of the town. The Indians then knocked down and wounded his wife, who 
died within three days (Hubbard's Narrative of the Troubles with the Indians 
in New England? Drake's edition, ii. 182). 

Captain James Gooch, son of the preceding, was born in 1665, presumably at 
Wells. At the memorable attack on Wells by the Indians on the ninth and 
tenth of June, 1692, he commanded one of the two sloops which played an 
important part iti that affair (Mather's Decennium Luctuosum, reprinted in 
the Magnalia, 1702, Book vii., pp. 78-81 ; Niles's Narrative in 3 Massachusetts 
Historical Collections, vi. 228). About this time, he removed to Boston 
(Record of Admissions to the First Church, 1692 ; Boston Record Commis- 
sioners 1 Reports, ix. 207). His name appears in the List of Inhabitants in 
1695 (Ibid. i. 163). On the ninth of June, 1698, James Gooch of Boston, mariner, 
eldest son and heir of his father, James Gooch, late of Wells, yeoman, deceased, 
and Elizabeth his wife, sell and convey to John Wheelwright of Wells, several 
parcels of land formerly belonging to his late father (York Deeds, iv. 125). In 
June, 1700, James Gouge (as the name was often spelled) * petitioned the 
General Court on behalf of the town of Wells for assistance in rebuilding its 
meeting-house, and in other ways, because of its losses during the Indian 

1 Our associate, Mr. Albert Matthews, calls my attention to the following extract from a 
Tory pamphlet, — The American Times, By Camillo Querno, London, 1780, p. 37, which seems 
to show that Gooch, Gouge, and Googe had the same pronunciation aa late as 1780, since 
Governor Gooch of Virginia is supposed to be here referred to : — 

Ev'n whilst I write a monster fierce and huge 

Hu flx'd bis station in the land of Googe ; 

Virginian caitiff! Jefferson by name ; 

Perhaps from Jefbries sprung of rotten fame. 



Wars (Province Laws, vii. 042. Cf. Williamson's History of Maine, ii. 20). 
lie took an active part in the affairs of the town as early as 1700, when he was 
chosen Constable (Boston Record Commissioners 1 Reports, vii. 230) j and he 
held other minor offices until 1714, when he was elected an Overseer of the 
Poor, — an office which he continued to hold till 1729 {Ibid* viii., xii., passim). 
He served also on various town Committees, — among others! on that to prepare 
Instructions for the town's Representatives in the <ieneral Court, in 1722 
{Ibid. viiL 106). He was also prominent in the affairs of the First Church, 
served on the Committee appointed to rebuild the Meeting House after the 
great fire of 3 October, 1711, and, in April, 1713, was appointed with Dr. 
Elisba Cooke and others to ** be seaters of y* New meeting house, now built " 
and to dispose of the seats and pews as they might deem most advantageous 
to the parish (Records of the First Church). In a List of "Vessella EntrM 
in y* Month April 1712" at the Impost Office in Boston, signed by Daniel 
Russell, Commissioner, in the cabinet of the New England Historic Genealogi- 
cal Society, is this entry :— 

** 8th Peter Papillon y* Ship Sarah from London 
Twenty Nine Mar (tiers 
James Gouge Gentleman." 

(Uew England Historical and Genealogical Register for 1876, xxx. 40.) It 
is possible that Captain Gooch had been in England on business connected with 
the estate at Slim bridge of which we have already spoken. 

Captain James Gooch was thrice married. His first wife was Hannah 
Emmans 1 of Charlestown, to whom he was married 10 February, 1691-92 
(Cbarlestowu Town Records). She was admitted to the First Church in Boston t 
25 September, 1892. Their son James, who also enjoyed the title of Captain, was 
bom 12 October, 1693; married (1) Elizabeth Hobby ,* doubtless one of the 
daughters of Sir Charles Hobby, and (2) Hester Flaisted ; was one of Prince's 
Subscribers ; one of the Founders, and the nrsfc Deacon, of the West Church ; 
and removed to Hopkinton, Massachusetts, where he was a Justice of the Peace 
(Records of the First Church, Church in Brattle Square, and West Chureb ; 
Suffolk Probate Files, No. 3690 ; Whitmore's Massachusetts Civil List, p. 137 ; 
and Suffolk Deeds, hi. 253). Mrs. Hannah Gooch died 15 March, 1094r-95 
(Boston Record Commissioners* Reports, ix. 210). Her husband had been 
baptized and admitted to the First Church on the twenty-ninth of the preced- 
ing April; and his purpose of marriage with Elizabeth Peck, daughter of 
John Peck, and grand-daughter of Thomas Peck, senior, was entered 15 August, 
1605 (Ibid, xxviii. 348; and Suffolk Probate Files, No. 2556). The fruit of 
this marriage, beside a child who died in infancy, was a daughter, Elizabeth, 
bom 17 March, 1607-08, who married (1) Capt, John Hubbart and (2) John 
Franklin, an older brother of Dr. Benjamin Franklin ; a son, John, born 23 
October, lflfi&, who, in 1735, subscribed £50 toward building a public work- 
house, and was otherwise active in the public service ; and another son, Colonel 

1 She wu probably identical with Hannah, daughter of Samuel and Mary (Scott) Emmcnsf, 
who wa* bom in Boston, 1 March, 1672-75 (Boston Record Commissioners' Reports, ix« 76, 123)* 
* See a lit*, p. S3, and not*. 


Joseph Gooch (H. C. 1720), born 18 November, 1700, who was bred to the law 
at the Temple, was Representative, Colonel in the Militia, and Justice of the 
Peace, living, successively, at Boston, Braintree, and Milton, where he died, 
9 February, 1770. John Adams (Works, ii. 93) has drawn the character of 
Colonel Gooch with a trenchant pen. (Boston Record Commissioners' Reports, 
ix., passim, xii. 183, xiv. 80,168, xxiv. and xxviii., passim; Suffolk Probate 
Files, No. 2556 ; Suffolk* Deeds, lxxxii. 139 ; Whitmore's Massachusetts Civil 
List, p. 128 ; Boston Evening-Post of Monday, 19 February, 1770, No. 1795, 
p. 8/1; and Teele's History of Milton, p. 130.) Mrs. Elizabeth Gooch died 
1 April, 1702 (Boston Town Records), and on the twelfth of November fol- 
lowing, Captain Gooch consoled himself by taking a third wife, Sarah Tuthill, 
erroneously spelled Tuttle in the marriage record (Boston Record Commis- 
sioners' Reports, xxviii. 4. Cf. Sewall's Diary, ii. 117, note). 

Captain Gooch owned several pieces of valuable real estate in Boston. His 
mansion house and garden made the northerly corner of Mackerel Lane (now 
Eilby Street) and what is now Doane Street, and there he lived from the 
autumn of 1695 — just after his marriage to Elizabeth Peck — till his death in 
1738. The garden made the corner of the lot, and had a frontage of about 
twenty-eight feet on Kilby Street, and thirty-two feet on Doane Street ; while 
the homestead had a frontage of fifty-six feet on Doane Street and extended 
back, towards State Street, twenty-eight and a half feet. The whole estate 
comprised all the frontage on Doane Street from Kilby Street to the present 
site of the Fiske Building, — about eighty-eight feet. Gooch bought the prop- 
erty from Thomas and Elizabeth Peck and their daughter Faith Waldo by 
deeds dated 5 and 28 September, 1695, and 30 March, 1698 (Suffolk Deeds, 
xviii. 106, 108, 224; and lxi. 253, 254^. See Appendix'to A Genealogical His- 
tory of the Descendants of Joseph Peck (Boston, 1868), pp. 267-277; and 
Boston Record Commissioners' Reports, ix., passim. 

The Boston Evening-Post of Monday, 5 June, 1738, No. 147, p. 2/1, contains 
this paragraph : — 

BOSTON. On Tuesday last [30 May] died here, after a long and tedious Indisposi- 
tion, Capt. James Gooch, in the 73d Year of his Age ; and on Saturday he was very 
honourably interred. 

The New England Weekly Journal of Tuesday, 6 June, 1738, No. 581, p. 2,1, 
has this notice : — 

BOSTON. ... On Tuesday last died after a long and tedious Confinement with the 
Palsy, Mr. James Gooch, of this Town Merchant, in the 73d Year of his Age, and on 
Saturday Evening following was Interred in a handsome and decent Manner. 

Captain Gooch was, doubtless, buried in Tomb No. 3 in the South [Granary] 
Burying Place, which had been assigned to him by the Selectmen, 13 April, 
1721 (Boston Record Commissioners' Reports, xiii. 80, 184). His will dis- 
poses of a very good estate, and contains legacies to the ministers and the 
poor of the First Church (Suffolk Probate Files, No. 7150). 

I am indebted to our associate, Mr. Frederick Lewis Gay, for valuable assist- 
ance in the preparation of this note. 




By Bctfitr H. EfcEa. 

Jeremiah Belknap of Boston, leathered russer, grandfather of the historian, 
Dr, Jeremy Belknap, was born 1 January, 1080^87 (Boston Record Commis- 
sioners* Reports, ix, 16S) ; married Sarah Fosdike (or Fosdick) 3 November, 
1709 {/fiitf* xxviii. 22) ; joined the Ancient and Honorable Artillery Company 
1711 (Roberts's History, i. 373) ; was admitted a member of the Old South 
Church 9 March, 1711-12, as his wife had been 8 May, 1709 (Church Records) ; 
and was chosen one of the Selectmen in 1747 (Boston Record Commissioners* 
Reports, xm 107), 

At a meeting of the Selectmen, 2 April, 1711, it waa — * 

■ Agreed to Lett nato Jeremiah Belknap a Shop extending from y" door way to the 
So' 7 corner of y* Town House w* is to be Erected there, for the Term of Seven years 
to Cornea ee the first of June next, and for the first years rout be is to be at y* charge of 
building y" S d Shop, & to pay ten pounds 1? annum quarterly for y" next 6 years, 
he to maiutaiue & deliver up y* Same in Good repairs " (Ibid. xL 129, 140)* 

In the Book of Possessions, we find under the name of Richard Betlingham — 

" 1. One house and Lutt about a quarter of an acre, bounded on the east with the 
ttreete : Christopher Stanley, John Biggs, James Browne f and Alexander Bcckc on the 
south; Joshua Scot to on the west; and Afc William Ty ago on the north " {Ibid, in 168)* 

On the second of July, 1709, this property was conveyed by Governor Bel- 
lingham's heirs to Joseph Hiller l of Boston, tinplate worker, for £400 by an 
indenture, executed in London, which contains matter of interest and value to 
those interested in the genealogy of the Bellinghanis. The property is de- 
cribed as a messuage or tenement and land in Boston (Suffolk Deeds, xxv\ 
130). On the eighteenth of September, 1717, for £1,150, Hiller conveyed the 
house and a part of the land " in Corah ill Street in Boston," bounded: east on 
the street, 21 feet 54 inches; north on land of Dr. Zabdiel Boylston, 175 feet; 
west on Brattle Street (Franklin Avenue was then so called), 21 feet 9£ inches ; 
and south on other land of Hiller, 174 feet, to Jeremiah Belknap of Boston, 
leather-dresser (Suffolk Deeds* xxxii, 70), This house was built in 1712 and 
replaced the one destroyed by the great fire of 1711 (Boston Record Commis- 
sioners 1 Reports, xL 153, 155, 150, 171* 172, 176). This estate remained in Bel- 
knap's possession and occupancy till his death, and in the division of his real 
estate, made in 1754 by his heirs among themselves, it is accurately described 
in two parcels (Suffolk Deeds, cxy. 129 j Suffolk Probate Records, xlix. 742). 
It will he remembered that the lower part of Washington Street was then known 

i Joseph Hiller was horn in Watford, Hertfordshire, England, 28 June, 1653. On the 
tweutr-lirot of September, IfiTT, he came Lo Boston and there married, 11 Juno, 1684, Susannah 
, born 29 Slay, 1G55, who joined in the deed to Belknap. They were the great-grand- 
parents of Major Joseph Hiller of the Revolutionary army, — the first Collector of the Port of 
nlem and Beverly under the Federal Constitution, appointed by Washington in ITS9. Major 
Hiller' -i silver pundit trainer ha? been long in the posaeiwon of our associate Mr. Henry H. 
Krfes (Genealogy of the Cleveland and Cleaveland Families, 1899, pp. 234, 235). Cf. Boston 
Record Com mission era' Report*, is, 174, xxiv. 151, xxviii. 52, 279; and Wyman's Genealogies 
and Estates of Chariestown, L 504* 


as Cornhill. The present thoroughfare bearing that name was laid out in 1816, 
and that part of it which lies between Franklin Avenue and Washington Street 
traverses the Belknap estate, which was thereby obliterated. 

At a meeting of the Selectmen, 30 August, 1725, " Liberty is granted to m r Jeri 
Belknap to build a Toomb," — No. 33, on the south line, in the Granary Bury- 
ing Ground (Boston Record Commissioners' Reports, xiii. 143, 184). Belknap 
died in 1751, his will, dated 8 June, 1750, having been proved 13 August of 
the following year (Suffolk Probate Files, No. 9809). See Boston Record Com- 
missioners' Reports, xi. 113, 134, 135; and New England Historical and Genea- 
logical Register for 1859, xiii. 17, 18. 

Mr. John Noble read extracts from the forthcoming 
Second volume of the Records of the Court of Assistants 
(1673-1692) and exhibited some remarkable photogravures of 
certain pages of these Records made by Mr. A. W. Elson for 
insertion in the printed book. A long discussion ensued, in 
which several of the Members participated. 

Mr. Abner C. Goodell spoke in praise of the work done 
by Mr. Noble towards perfecting the Records of the Colonial 
Court of Assistants. Continuing, Mr. Goodell said : — 

The loss of the First volume is greatly to be deplored. When 
it disappeared is not known. The late David Pulsifer was once 
heard to declare that he thought he remembered it; but some 
years later, upon being questioned about it particularly, was not 
so sure that he had ever seen it. There is just a possibility that 
it may some day come to light, but in the meanwhile we must 
be content with the extracts from it found in papers scattered 
among the files of the Superiour Court of Judicature, and upon 
the Files themselves covering the period of this volume. In the 
work he has now accomplished, Mr. Noble seems to have saved 
us the labor of collecting these scattered details, and in so doing 
has made a most valuable addition to available sources of history. 

The entire record of the highest judicatory of the Colony es- 
tablished for administering justice and, with the exception of a 
few years during the Usurpation, existing from 1630 to 1692, is 
a repertory of legal information which has been very sparingly 
utilized but which must yield to the competent student many 
new and important facts bearing upon the development of our 




The instances to which Mr. Noble has called our attention are 
not only interesting as curiosities, but they show, among other 
things, the important fact that, in Colonial times, even in capital 
cases, the accused might waive a Jury Trial and be tried, con- 
victed, and sentenced by the Bench* This seems to have resulted 
from giving a literal interpretation to the usual question put to 
the prisoner at the bar, — **Bbw will you be tried ? '* and his 
answer thereto. If Ids reply was " By God and my country," 
the case went to the Jury, but if he expressed a desire to be tried 
by the Judges alone, the case proceeded in that manner to final 

All through the Colonial and Provincial periods, in capital cases 
the accused was called upon to answer this question, — M How will 
you he tried ? " before au issue was made upon which the case 
could proceed to trial. The penalty inflicted upon the prisoner if 
he failed to respond was the same as if he stood mute when called 
upon to plead guilty or not guilty. This was the peine forte et 
dure of the Common Law, the only instance of which in Massa- 
chusetts, so far as is known, being the case of Giles Corey in the 
Witch Triabp The statement by our historical writers that Corey 
was pressed to death because he would not plead to this indict- 
ment, is an illustration of the blind deference to a supposed 
authority which makes the study of our history so perplexing to a 
close student. The original papers in the Witch Trials show con- 
clusively that Corey did plead Not Guilty, but that he refused to 
"put himself upon the country,* 1 as the legal phrase ran. This 
declaration made up the issue, and thereupon the clerk minuted 
upon the back of the indictment "ponit ae" — "he puts himself" 
— and the case stood for trial, as it could not do without this 
entry. Cotton Mather appears to have been the first to make the 
error of declaring that Corey was pressed to death for refusing to 
plead, which has been repeated by subsequent writers who have 
preferred to follow him implicitly, rather than to ascertain the 
exact fact by inspecting the original record. 

Mr. Goodell also remarked : — It is creditable to our young 
Society that two such valuable contributions to our history as Mr. 
Noble*s work, and the complete collection of the Letters and Official 
Papers of Edward Randolph by our associate, Mr. Toppan, two 
volumes of which have already appeared in the Publications of the 


Prince Society, should have been first brought out almost simul- 
taneously at this late day. The latter work, covering a period per- 
haps the most obscure in our history — owing doubtless to the 
prevailing prejudice against Randolph, who has been traditionally 
regarded and characterized solely as the "Evil Genius of New 
England " — is of the greatest interest to all profound students of 
New England history, and when completed in the exhaustive and 
critical manner in which it has thus far been pursued, will un- 
doubtedly be ranked among the most valuable collections of 
original papers upon which all future historians of New England 
must lean for guidance through the difficult story of the Usurpa- 
tion. Mr. Toppan's discovery and correction of the error in our 
hitherto accepted chronology, to which he has to-day called our 
attention, is an illustration of the careful manner in which he has 
conducted his researches. After the publication of these full and 
exact parallel collections of data, one relating to our Colonial 
judicature and the other to our Colonial politics and executive 
administration, we may expect, with the aid of Mr. Whitmore's 
comprehensive collection of the Andros Tracts, also published by 
the Prince Society, a continuous and complete history of the 
Colony from the accession of Charles II. to the arrival of the 
Province Charter under William and Mary that will be full of sur- 
prises to those whose opinions of men and measures during that 
period are based upon the judgments of our popular historians. 

Mr. Worthington Chauncey Ford of Boston was elected 
a Resident Member, the Hon. John Howland Ricketson 
of Pittsburg, Pennsylvania, a Corresponding Member, and 
Samuel Pierpont Langley, D. C. L., of Washington, D. C, 
an Honorary Member. 

Mr. William Watson Goodwin communicated a Memoir 
of George Martin Lane, which he had been requested to pre- 
pare for publication in the Transactions. 









George Martin Lane died at his house in Cambridge, 
30 June, 1897, on the morning of Commencement Day. He was 
born in Charles town, Massachusetts, 24 December, 1823, the 
anniversary, as he often remarked, of the birth of the Emperor 
Galba, He was the son of Martin Lane, of Northampton, Massa- 
chusetts, and Lneretia Swan of 'Boston, who were married in 
Kings Chapel on the eighteenth of December, 1808, by Dr. James 
Freeman. 1 Our associate's parents lived many years in Charles- 
town* from which place they moved to Cambridgeport soon after 
the birth of their son. The son began his studies at the school of 
George J. Abbot in Cambridgeport, He also attended the school 
kept by Charles S, Wheeler, an accomplished classical scholar, 
who graduated at Harvard College in 1837, was tutor and instruc- 
tor there from 1838 to 1842, — during which period he published 
a valuable edition of Herodotus, with notes, — and afterwards 

1 I am indebted for the following note to the kindness of our associate, Mr. 
Henry H. Edes i — 

" It is an interesting fact, that, Dearly ninety years afterwards, the son of Martin and 
Lum'tia Lane, our late associate, suggested the Latin motto upon the monomenfi 
erected by the Wardens and Vestry of the Chapel to the memory of Dr. Oliver Wendell 
Holmes, (See Annals of King's Chapel, EL 629.) On removing to Charlestown, Mr. 
Martin Lane connected himself with the Second Congregational (later the Harvard) 
Churth, of which the Rev* James Walker was the minister for twenty-one years. 
II ere , ou the twenty-fifth of July, 1824, he baptized Mr, Lane's two daughters, 
Elisabeth-Miiiot (bom 28 January, 1817), and Lav J ma (horn 31 October, 1820), and 
his son, George- Martin, who wae destined to become Professor of Latin in Harvard 
College two years before Dr. Walker himself passed from the Alford Professorship to 
the Presidency." 



went to Germany to continue his classical studies with Gottfried 
Hermann at Leipsic, where he died in 1843. Lane is said to have 
been first inspired with his love for the classics by his intercourse 
with Wheeler, whose early death disappointed the hopes of his 
friends and of all friends of the classics at Cambridge. 

Lane finished his preparation for college at the Hopkins Classical 
School at Cambridge, and he entered Harvard College in 1842. 
He graduated, with high distinction as a scholar, in 1846. In the 
same class was Francis James Child, who remained one of Lane's 
most intimate friends for life. The two were associated as pro- 
fessors in Harvard University more than forty-five years, from 
their appointment in 1851 until Child's death in September, 1896. 
A tale, perhaps a myth, was believed in College in late years, 
that each of the two friends did his best to make the other 
graduate at the head of the Class ; this honor fell to Child, but 
he was closely followed by Lane as second. In his Senior year 
(1846), Lane delivered the Latin oration at the inauguration of 
President Everett 1 His scholarship in Latin made him a special 
favorite in College of Dr. Charles Beck, the University Professor 
of Latin, whose confidence in his pupil was shown by his leaving 
to him the whole instruction in Latin of the three upper classes in 
the College during the second half of 1846-1847, when the 
Professor was absent in Europe. The scholarship and the skill 
displayed in this trying position gained for the young tutor the 
respect of both officers and students, and doubtless designated him 
as Dr. Beck's successor in the professorship. Many of us who 
entered College in 1847 well remember the bright-eyed, almost 
boyish-looking, youth whom we found in 23 University Hall, 
where we were sent to be examined in Latin Grammar, as we 
thought, by the Professor of Latin ; and it was with a feeling of 
awe that we heard that he was going in a few days to Gottingen 
to study the classics. 

In the autumn of 1847, Lane went to Germany to study 
Classical Philology, being convinced that the German universities 
were the best, indeed, the only, institutions in which a scholar 
could be properly prepared for the work of a professorship in 
Greek or Latin. At that time no university in the United States 

1 Addresses at the Inauguration of the Hon. Edward Everett, LL. D., as 
President of the University at Cambridge, Thursday, April 30, 1846, pp. 19-21. 





offered any systematic instruction in the classics beyond that 
which was regularly given to its college classes. Lane spent four 
years in Germany as a student, chiefly at Gottingen, which he 
visited first and at which he took his degree ; he studied also at 
Berlin, Bonn, and Heidelberg* His enrolment as a student at 
Gottingen, in 1847, with that of our late President, Dr. Benjamin 
A, Gould, in the same year, made an era in American scholarship, 
and was the beginning of a change which has affected all depart- 
ments in our universities during the past half-century. This was 
tie renewal of an older and most promising intercourse between 
Harvard University and Gottingen, which began in 1815, when 
Edward Everett, just appointed to the new Eliot Professoi^hip of 
Greek Literature in the University, went to Gottingen to prepare 
himself for his work. This was a remarkable step for the time, 
and shows a most enlightened foresight as well as great enterprise 
on the part of Mr. Everett and his Harvard friends. Before this 
time, if the records of the University of Gottingen are to be 
trusted, no American had ever studied there. Everett remained 
at Gottingen two years, with Dissen for his private tutor ; and in 
September, 1817, he received the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, 
being, as he writes, *' the first American — and, so far as I know, 
Englishman — on whom it has ever been conferred/' He was 
joined at Gottingen by two other well-remembered Americans, — 
George Ticknor, a graduate of Dartmouth, who studied at 
Gottingen in 1815-1816, but did not take a degree; and Joseph 
Green Cogswell, who graduated at Harvard College in 1808, was 
tutor there in 1814—1815, went to Gottingen in 1816, and took 
the degree of Doctor of Philosophy there in 1819, George 
Bancroft graduated at Harvard in 1817, and went immediately to 
Gottingen, where he took the Doctor's degree in 1819. These 
four distinguished men, three of them Harvard graduates, all 
returned to hold important positions at Harvard, — Everett as 
Professor of Greek Literature (1815-1826), Ticknor as Professor 
of French, Spanish, and Belles Lettres (1817-1835,) Cogswell as 
Librarian (1821-1823), and Bancroft as Tutor (1822-1828). The 
published letters of Everett, Ticknor, and Cogswell are eloquent 
in prake of the new and unexpected facilities for higher study 
which they found in Germany ; but this ** open door tf was closed 
for many years after Bancroft left Gtittingen, in 1819. We find 


Henry W. Longfellow registered at Gottingen in 1829 ; and John 
Lothrop Motley studied Law there, with Bismarck, in 1882-1883. 
With these exceptions, according to the University records, no 
Americans studied in G&ttingen from 1819 until the advent of 
Gould and Lane in 1847 ; but in the ten years from 1847 to 1857, 
forty-seven American students were registered there, of whom 
seven were Harvard men; most of these studied also at other 
German universities. Since 1857, there has been a steady suc- 
cession of students from all our chief universities to those of 
Germany, including Gottingen, Berlin usually having the largest 
share in later years. 

This movement, which has done more to raise the standard 
and the tone of American scholarship than any other influence, 
was thus inaugurated, in 1847, by our late associates, Benjamin 
Apthorp Gould and George Martin Lane. That year found Gould 
in Gtittingen as a student of Gauss ; and he and Lane were soon 
joined by Child, Gildersleeve, and others. Lane received the 
degree of Doctor of Philosophy at Gottingen in 1851. His dis- 
sertation, entitled Smyrnaeorum Res Gestae et Antiquitates, was 
printed at Gtfttingen ; and, unlike most Doctors* Dissertations, it 
became an authority on the subject of Smyrna. Karl Friedrich 
Hermann, in his elaborate work on Greek Antiquities, thus 
cites it : — 

" G. M. Lane, Smyrnaeorum res gestae et antiquitates, G6tt. 1851, 
welche fleissige Arbeit uberhaupt alle sonstigen Nachweisungen iiber 
diese Stadt unnothig macht." * 

This still stands in the latest revised edition of the work, published 
in 1874, nineteen years after Hermann's death. 

An interesting testimony to the high estimation in which Lane 
and Gildersleeve were held in Gtittingen is found in Professor 
Schneidewin's Preface to his edition of the two newly-discovered 
Orations of Hyperides : — 

" Quae otania fecerunt, ut ex longo tempore nullum diem laetiorem 
mihi videar egisse, quam eum quo praeclarum hoc Attici eloquii exem- 
plum in manus sumere et plenis haustibus combibere licuit Sciunt qui 

1 Lehrbuch der griechischen Staatsalterthuraer, Peidelberg, 1855, § 76, p. 




illo die — is festi paschalis primus fuit — forte me convenerunt in opi- 
pam dapibus lux ur lantern, Herm. Lotzius, familiaris mens et ytirw 
oporaixpSi atque B, L* Gilderslcevius, Americnnus, — cuius ego poet dia^ 
cessum pari cuui desiderio memini atque G, M. Lanii, civis sui, virorum 
invenura et candore auimi praecelleotium et ad ornandas in illo orbe 
litteras antiquitatis natorum." 1 

Lane returned to Harvard, in 1851, as Dr. Beck's successor in 
the University Professorship of Latin ; Child returned at the 
same time as Professor of Rhetoric and Oratory* Josiah Parsons 
Cooke returned from Europe the same year as Erving Professor of 
Chemistry and Mineralogy, This accession to the teaching force 
inspired the College with new life. Still, it was long before any 
radical changes were made in the system of teaching or any decided 
advance was perceptible in scholarship. The College wu still 
bound by its traditions, and no efforts to raise the standard of 
scholarship in special departments could have substantial success 
without infringing the vested rights of other departments or over- 
working many of the better scholars. To this is probably due the 
strange absence of any radical improvements in scholarship or in 
methods of teaching as the result of the accession of Everett, 
Ticknor, Bancroft, and Cogswell thirty years before, Ticknor 
tells the whole story when he writes, in 1823, — 

** The most that an instructor now undertakes is to ascertain, from 
day to day, whether the young men assembled in his presence have 
probably studied the lesson prescribed to them. We are neither a 
University — which we call ourselves — nor a respectable High School, 
which we ought to be." 3 

It is evident that no "new German ideas" were welcomed at 
Cambridge by either professors or students, It is said that the 
students used to sing, "Thus we do in Germany" under Ban- 
croft's windows in the College Yard, The chief result of the 
new spirit was the establishment of an Elective System of study 
in the later years of President Kirkland's administration, which 
failed to accomplish its purpose, partly from want of sympathy in 
the Faculty, but chiefly from want of money. It was then impos- 
sible to enlarge the various departments of study so that the right 

1 Hyperidia Orationea Duaa, Gottingae, 1853, p, vii. 

1 Cf. Life, Letters, and Journals of George Ticknor, i, 358, 359. 


to omit certain studies should be balanced by the power to pursue 
these same studies or others much further than was possible under 
a Required System. Without this principle, no Elective System 
can do anything to advance scholarship. As President Walker 
once asked, — 

" Who supposes that the mere right of selection among a crowd of 
elementary studies will make a University ? " 

A true Elective System, distinctly recognizing and carrying out 
this essential principle, was first established in 1867 ; and the 
result of this has been a wonderful and unexpected enlargement 
of every department, with a corresponding raising of the standard 
of scholarship, and the establishment of new departments with 
many sub-divisions of old ones. After five years' experience, it 
was found necessary, in 1872, to establish a Graduate Department, 
afterwards enlarged into the present Graduate School, to make 
room for the ever-increasing expansion of the College studies. 
The Graduate School now has 322 students, of whom 46 are, or 
have been, professors or instructors in universities or colleges, 
besides many who have been masters of schools or directors of 
scientific institutions. The whole body of undergraduates — now 
1851 — numbered 273 in 1848; 409 in 1858; and 529 in 1868. 
It would be too much to say that Lane was one of the promoters 
of the new Elective System, though he was one of the first to take 
advantage of its new opportunities for enlarging the scope and the 
influence of his own teaching. Sixteen years' experience in work 
which was chiefly required had dimmed his faith in new schemes, 
and he was content to leave to others the elaboration of plans for 
improvement. From 1851 to 1856 he had, like his predecessor, the 
whole instruction in Latin of the Sophomore, Junior, and Senior 
classes, including exercises in composition, entirely in his own 
hands ; and after 1856, he had equally hard work with the two 
upper classes. The Elective System, after 1867, gave him ample 
opportunity to extend his instruction to new fields and to more 
advanced students. He was a " born teacher," and his methods 
needed merely expansion, not addition, to adapt them to new con- 
ditions. I quote an account of his power as a teacher from a 
notice in the Nation, written by Professor Morgan, who had been 
one of his most appreciative pupils : — 




"Asa teacher, Professor Lane bad all that fine literary appreciation 
^rbicb characterizes the English school, combined, however, with the 
minute and exact knowledge of the Germans. Besides bis never- failing 
-good nature, he had two gifts which, perhaps more than any others, 
awoke the admiration of his undergraduate pupils — his prodigious 
memory and his great originality of thought. He seemed familiar with 
every literature, and apposite quotations from the most various sources, 
tlow drawn, maybe, from the New England Primer, and now from the 
greatest of the classics, were used to illuminate the passage under dis- 
cussion, The atmosphere of his class-room was thus distinctly literary, 
and bis teaching had none of that deadly dulness which is too often 
the prodnet of German learning. It was seasoned, too, with his own 
peculiar wit, of which so many legends come rising to the mind of every 
Harvard man. But it never degenerated into literary twaddle, and 
nobody hated looseness of method and inexactness of statement more 
than be. To his originality many scholars scattered widely over the 
land can bear testimony, recalling that it was he who first showed them 
that there were things to be learned that were not to be found set 
down in any book — that he initiated them, in fact, into the modern 
methods of individual research, and taught them to seek the truth 
themselves. He rarely wasted time in putting questions which could 
be answered offhand; he never hesitated to suggest problems which 
nobody present, not even himself, could solve. He made it clear that 
there were vast untrodden fields on every side, and tempted his pupils 
on to exploration," * 

Scrupulous accuracy, without affectation or pedantry, was, 
indeed, the great lesson of Lane's literary life, which he taught in 

I every act both in and out of his professor's chair. His sparkling 
wit and his humorous view, even of the commonest things, made 
him a delightful social companion; and his unfailing kindness of 
heart endeared him to his large circle of friends, especially to those 
who had known sorrow and trouble. His early life as professor 
supplies many anecdotes and witticisms, which are now becoming 
legendary- We may mention one of his earliest jokes in the ciass- 
runin, in which he called the attempt of the daughters of Pelias 
to rejuvenate their aged father by boiling him, according to the 
advice of Medea, 4fc the first case of par-boiling on record." The 
social life at l% Clover Den" (now No. 19 Follen Street, Cam- 

1 The Nation! No. 1671, 8 July, 1897, lxv. 28, 


bridge), where Lane and Gould, with either Josiah D. Whitney or 
Winlock as a third, dispensed hospitality several years, and where 
the famous " Roman Banquet " was given, with a slave chained at 
the door, is now a part of the history of Cambridge. It is related 
that once, at a supper at " Clover Den," President Sparks highly 
approved of some excellent Rhine wine, the bottles of which bore 
the initials (H. U.) of a well-known wine merchant in Gtfttin- 
gen. These letters were explained, jocosely, to the President as 
"a delicate compliment to Harvard University." He made no 
comment at the time ; but early the next morning he called at the 
" Den," praising the hospitality of his hosts and their Rhine wine, 
but gently suggesting that perhaps it would be more prudent to omit 
the letters H. U. for the future. At this time Lane wrote the now 
famous ballad of the "Lone Fishball," which was afterwards 
expanded into an Italian opera — " II Pesceballo " — by Child, and 
performed, with great success and large profits, for the benefit of 
the Sanitary Commission in the War of the Rebellion. It is worth 
mentioning that Lane, in his later years, confessed that the account 
given by Professor Lovering, the reputed hero of the tale, of the 
adventure on which the fishball story was founded — that Lane 
himself was the real hero — was perfectly correct. 

It is often regretted that a scholar possessed of such exhaust- 
less stores of learning and of such an inimitable power of expres- 
sion as Lane, should have published so little. Besides various 
articles in Reviews and newspapers, most of which were anony- 
mous, and his Doctor's Dissertation, above-mentioned, he pub- 
lished only his pamphlet on Latin Pronunciation (1871); but 
this little work, in a few years, changed the pronunciation of Latin 
in nearly all the colleges and schools in the United States. It was 
especially regretted that he died without having published his 
Latin Grammar, to which he had devoted much of his time and 
study for thirty years, but which he had never felt quite ready to 
publish. Fortunately, about three quarters of the work proved to 
be ready for printing at his death, and the loving care and skill 
of his colleague, Professor Morgan, have supplied the remainder 
and published the whole. * This book of 572 closely printed pages 
is one of the most important linguistic works ever written by an 
American scholar, and is a lasting monument to the memory of 

1 A Latin Grammar for Schools and Colleges, New York and London, 1898. 


ts author. Its originality and wonderful clearness of expression, 
^with its brilliant, and often witty, translations of passages from 
Latin authors, fully sustain the high reputation wirich Lane had 
gained as a scholar and teacher, But what he would not publish 
in his own name, he most generously gave to his friends to use in 
their own publications. We may mention especially his valuable 
work in revising the two Latin Dictionaries published by Harper 
and Brothers. In the Preface to the School Lexicon the editor, 
Dr. Charlton T. Lewis, says of Lane's relation to the work, — 

44 If it shall be found, within its prescribed limits, to have attained 
in any degree that fulness, that minute accuracy, and that correspond- 
ence with the ripest scholarship and the most perfect methods of instruc- 
tion which are its aims, the result is largely due to his counsel and 
assistance/' * 

Lane held the University Professorship of Latin, to which he was 
elected in 1851, until the establishment of the Pope Professorship, 
in 1869, when he was transferred, without change of duties, to the 
new foundation. In 1894, being seventy years old, he resigned 
the active duties of his professorship, and was made Pope Pro- 
fessor of Latin, Emeritus. He held this position until his death, 
occasionally giving instruction to classes of advanced graduate 
students. At the Commencement of 1894, Harvard University 
conferred on him the honorary degree of Doctor of Laws. With 
the deaths of Professors Torrey, Cooke, Child, and Lane in less 
than four years (1893-1897), Harvard University parted from the 
last of her great teachers who had come down from the first half 
of the century. 

Lane was married, in 1857, to Frances Eliza, daughter of Samuel 
Smith Gardiner of Shelter Island, New York, who died in 1876, 
leaving three children, — our associate, Gardiner Martin Lane, 
now of Boston, Louisa, wife of William Bayard Van Rensselaer of 
Albany, and Katherine Ward Lane, who died in 1893. In 1878, 
he married Mrs, Fanny (Bradford) Clark, who survives him. He 
was, for many years, a Fellow of the American Academy of Arts 
and Sciences ; and was made a member of The Colonial Society of 
Massachusetts at its second Stated Meeting, held 15 February, 

1 A Latin Dictionary for Schools, New York, 1889, p. vi. 



A Stated Meeting of the Society was held in the Hall 
^"^ of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences on 
Wednesday, 15 March, 1899, at three o'clock in the after- 
noon, the President in the chair. 

After the Records of the last Meeting had been read 
and approved, the Corresponding Secretary reported that 
letters had been received from Chief-Justice Peters and the 
Hon. John Howland Ricketson accepting Corresponding 
Membership, and from Samuel Pierpont Langley, D.C.L., 
accepting Honorary Membership. 

Professor Langley's letter is as follows : — 

Smithsonian Institution, 

Washington, U.S.A., 

March 9, 1899. 

Dear Sir, — I beg to acknowledge the receipt of the notification of 
my election to Honorary Membership in The Colonial Society of Massa- 
chusetts and, in accepting, to express my gratification at the honor the 
Society has done me. 

Very respectfully yours, 

S. P. Langley. 
John Noble, Esq. 

Corresponding Secretary, 

The Colonial Society of Massachusetts, 


The President announced the death, on the eleventh of 
March, of Dr. Henry P. Quincy, a Resident Member, and 
paid a warm tribute to his memory. 

Mr. Andrew McFarland Davis then said : — 

My acquaintance with Dr. Quincy is of recent birth. It does 
not, in fact, date back prior to his election to the Council of this 




Society ; yet in the three years of his faithful service in that body, 
I learned to love and respect him, and I cannot bnt feel that his 
simplicity of bearing, his uniform courtesy towards his associates, 
his constant consideration for the feelings, the comfort, and the 
convenience of others, and his absolute freedom from social con- 
ventionalisms were such sure indications of a guileless, transparent 
character* that I am justified in expressing an opinion of the man 
upon this occasion. 

I had nit- 1 Dr. Quincy's father, and I knew his brother Edmund 
when he w;ls connected with the Lawrence Scientific School, 
While these facts did not materially influence our friendship, they 
prepared me for an appreciation of his many good qualities, and 
drew us into somewhat closer companionship from the start. The 
strong feelings of affection which existed between him and Dr. 
Gould would, in any event, have caused his fellow-members to 
receive him in the Council with a cordial welcome, but the charm- 
ing nature of his personality soon secured for him a foothold in 
their good will based upon the more solid ground of personal 

It did not seem to me that Dr. Quincy's tastes were such as 
would have led him, from any motive originating in himself, to 
engage in historical researchp I do not mean by this to intimate 
that he was not interested in that branch of the work of the So- 
ciety. His regular attendance at the meetings of the Council and 
the unfailing good will with which he performed the stated duties 
of the office, as well as the committee work which was put upon 
his shoulders, must be accepted as abundant evidence of his real 
concern for the welfare of the Society and the success of its work, 
It is my opinion, however, that the enthusiasm of his friend Dr> 
Gould in this regard, and the interest taken by his wife in the 
Massachusetts Society of Colonial Dames, are largely responsible 
for the zeal which he displayed in his work in our behalf. In this 
I find ranch that was typical of the man. His affectionate regard 
for those whom he loved led him to sympathize with affairs in 
which they were interested, and it was to this characteristic, I 
think, that we are indebted for the germination of a feeling which, 
under the influence of his surroundings, became as sound and 
vigorous in its growth as if it had sprung from an original taste 
for the matters which it ultimately embraced. 


Dr. Quincy contributed to our Transactions l a Memoir of his 
friend Dr. Edward Wigglesworth. I was at that time the Chair- 
man of the Committee of Publication, and when he handed his 
manuscript to me, he said, with a simplicity that was at once 
charming and characteristic: "Here is the Memoir. I am not 
much accustomed to work of this sort. Edit it, cut it to pieces, 
do anything to it that you think will improve it" The Memoir 
was so" brief that I was at first inclined to be disappointed in it ; 
but a careful consideration of its merits led me to the conclusion 
that it was 'not only thoroughly appreciative, but that it might 
almost stand as a model for others engaged in similar work. 

During the time that has elapsed since our joint service in the 
Council, the occasions on which I have met Dr. Quincy have only 
tended to confirm the opinions which I then formed of his charac- 
ter. Always, the impression made upon me has been that here 
was one without guile who loved his fellow-men. 

Bishop Lawrence paid this tribute to Dr. Quincy's 
memory : — 

The first and the enduring impression of Dr. Quincy is that of a 
simple and charming personality. He was one of those men who 
throw a beam of light into the life of every one with whom they 
come in contact. Cheerful in disposition, genial in temperament, 
kindly, thoughtful, sympathetic with youth, and tender in his 
regard for old age, he gained the affection and confidence of a 
large number of people. He had the genius of friendship. The 
way in which a man is regarded by those of his own profession is 
often a severer test of character than the estimate of him in social 
life. Every physician and student who came under Dr. Quincy's 
instruction speaks of him with affection and regard. Though not 
a man of exceptional ability, he had the valuable trait of making 
the best of his natural powers. His enthusiasm for his work, as 
well as his interest in the young men of his classes, enforced by his 
own charming personality, made him an excellent instructor in the 
Department of Histology at the Harvard Medical School. His 
best work was in the use of the microscope and as an anatomical 
draughtsman. He had that regard for exactness, that sensitiveness 

1 Publications, iii. 348-350. 




to form, artistic sensibility, and appreciation of shades of coloring, 
which enable a man to reveal to others by pencil and brush the 
wonders of the human frame. His work as a draughtsman is of 
permanent value, and specimens are preserved to-day in the Medi- 
cal School and by different professors, not only as valuable contri- 
butions to medical science,' but also as work of delicate and 
artistic execution. 

Dr. Quincy had a simple and deep religious faith. His studies 
of the human body and into material things, so far from drawing 
him into a materialistic spirit-, led him to a deeper reverence for 
his Heavenly Father. Born a Unitarian, later a member of King's 
Chapel* he was led into the Episcopal Church, and a few years ago 
was confirmed at Emmanuel Church, Boston. Dedham was bis 
ancestral home, and one found Dr. Quincy at his best in the midst 
of his family life and domestic interests, in the beautiful old home- 
stead backing upon the Charles River and overlooking the mea- 
dows. He became an officer of old St Paul's Church in that county 
town, and to the citizens there represented everything that was 
finest in the courtesy, chivalry, public spirit, and high character 
that his name suggests. The influence of his life will long be felt 
in the Medical School and among the large circle of physicians and 
men of all callings who are better for having had the privilege of 
his friendship, 

Mr. Henry EL Edes read the following paper on — 


At the Stated Meeting of this Society in March of last year, 
Mr. Noble communicated a paper entitled Some Massachusetts 
Tories, ! in which reference was made to two prominent members 
of the Sandemanian Society in Boston and to the destruction, by 
fire, of its first Meeting House, While Mr. Noble's paper was 
being prepared for the press, the question arose, Where did that 
building stand? As no one could give positive information upon 
this point, I undertook to investigate the matter, and the present 
paper embodies the result of the inquiry* 

1 Publications, v, 257-287. 



Robert Sandeman arrived in Boston > from Glasgow, in the ship 
George and James on the eighteenth of October* 1764 Of his 
movements and doings in New England and New York during 
the first two years of his residence in America* we get a glimpse 
in the newspapers of that clay. The Boston Gazette of Monday, 
10 December, 1764 (No. 506, page 3/1), contains the following 
item: — 

" NEWPORT, December 3 + 
The celebrated Mr. Sandiman came to Town last Wednesday from 
the Eastward, and ou Sunday preached two Sermons in the Sabbatarian 

In New York the preacher's audience was large but not sym- 
pathetic, if the account which appeared in the Supplement to the 
Boston Gazette of Monday, 4 March, 1765 (page 2/1), be true ; — 

"NEW YORK, Febrnary 25. 
Since our last Mr* Sanddaman came to Town from Boston, and on 
Wednesday Evening at the New Play- Home he advanced Something 
to a larger Audience than the Place ever before was crowded with, 
from the 17th Chapter of St. Luke the 20th, 2 1st, 22d, 23d, 24th, and 
25th Yerses: — He has not held forth since in Public, nor have we yet 
heard when he intends it, the Usage this Itinerant met with in so re- 
fined a Place for the Idle and Wandering having given him little 
Encouragement to attempt the Hum bugging any sensible Auditory, 
for a too free Construction of any Part of the Divine Oracle." 

Sandeman, however, had valiant champions, and in its issue of 
the following week (Monday* 11 March, No. 519, p. 3/2) the 
Gazette printed a letter, signed Z. A., in vindication of the new 
comer " from those Scurrilous Aspersions which have formerly or 
more lately been thrown upon him" and containing an extract 
from his Letters on Theron and Aspasio. 

The Massachusetts Gazette tells of the rough treatment Sande- 
man received in New Hampshire, In its issue of Thursday, 
15 May, 1766 (page 2/1), is an extract from a London newspaper 
giving an extract from a letter dated Portsmouth, New Hampshire, 
14 December, 1764, in which it is said that the mob broke the 
windows of Mr. Sandeman 's meeting-house ; that Sandeman was 
told to leave town in four days or worse would follow; and that 
he had prudently departed the town, Then, the London editor 
adds the following : — 


41 Mr, Sandiman is brother-in-law to the late unfortunate Capt. Glass, 1 
He is well known to the Dissenters in this city, by having established 
a new set of them a few years ago, and who now meet in Glover's 
HalU Beech lane. He ia known by being the author of a book entitled, 
Letters on Theron and Aspaeio." 

The Massachusetts Gazette of Thursday, 18 September, 1766 
(No, S285, page 2/1), contains a communication on Sandeman 1 8 
religious belief which refers to an article in the Boston Gazette, 
The next issue of the Massachusetts Gazette (25 September, 1766, 
No. 3286, page 2/3), contains another communication from the 
same writer, showing that Sandeman's advent here had not been 
unnoticed by the community. Three years later, the Boston 
Evening-Post of 27 November, 1769 (No. 1783, page 1/1,2), con- 
tained a long letter addressed to Mr, Colbom BarreU referring 
to "your long vindicatory letter," and dealing with Sandeman 
and his views. On the eleventh of December following, the Post 
(No. 1785, page 2/1, 2) printed another letter addressed to 
BarreU signed Protestant; and in the issue of the eighteenth of 
December (No* 1786, page 1/2,3) still another letter to BarreU 
from the same writer appears Ln which Sandeman is again the 
subject of discussion, while tt A Quaker" also addresses "Friend 
Colebom BarreU" upon the same theme (page 3/1), 

After organizing a Society here, Sandeman removed to Danbury, 
Connecticut, where he died. 3 The Boston Gazette of Monday, 
3 August, 1772 (No. 904, page 1/2), contains the following 
announcement : — 

"BOSTON, Aagast 3, 
A Monument has been cut in this Town by Mr. Henry Christian 
Geyer, f Stone-cutter at the South End, to be sent to Connecticut; it is 

1 A notice of George Glas is in the Dictionary of National Biography, xaci, 

* The Massachusetts Gazette of Thursday, 11 April* 1771 (No. 3523, p. 3/1), 
contains the following notice : — 

ir NEW-UAYEN, April 5 A few daja since died at D&nbniy Mr + ROBERT 


* In 1760, Geyer presented to the Town an account amounting to £173. 4. 1 
for repairs on Faneuil Hall (Boston Record Commissioners* Reports, xvi. 171). 

The Massachusetts Centinel of Wednesday, 7 December, 1785 (iv, 23, 
p, 3/2), contains the following notice of Mr. Geyer's death : — 

"Last Sunday morning, after a lingering illness, departed this life, Mr, Henry Chris- 


executed in the Composit Order with twisted Pillars, and the other 
proper Ornaments, having a Cherub's Head on Wings, and the following 
Label from his Mouth, Rev. XIV. 6, 7. 

44 On the Tomb-8toi\e is this Inscription. 1 

Here lies 
Until the Resurrection, 

The Body of 


A Native of Perth, North-Britain, 

Who in the Face of continual Opposition 

From all Sorts of Men 

Long and boldly contended 

For the ancient Faith; 

That the bare Work of Jssus Christ, 

Without a Deed, or Thought, on the Part of Man, 

Is sufficient to present 

The chief of Sinners 

Spotless before GOD: 

To declare this blessed Truth 

As testified in the Holy Scriptures 

He left his Country — he left his Friends, 

And after much patient Suffering 

Finished his Labours 

At Danburt, 

2d of April 1771, 

Aged 53 Years. 

Deign 'd Christ to come so nigh to us 

As not to count it Shame 
To call us Brethren — Shall we blush 

At aught that bears his Name. 

Nay, let us boast in his Reproach 

And glory in his Cross, 
When He appears, one Smile from Him 

Shall far o'erpay our Loss." 

ti&n Gayer, an eminent Stone-cutter in this town, aged 58, of whom it may be said in a 
few words, he was a good Christian, a friend to America, and an honest man ; his remains 
will be interred from his dwelling-house near the Rev. Mr. Wight's Meeting-House this 
afternoon, precisely at 4 o'clock, at which time his relations, and friends are requested to 

1 Cf. 1 Massachusetts Historical Collections, x. 71. 



Sandeman's new doctrines "rejected belief In the necessity of 
spiritual conversion, representing faith as an operation of the 
intellect, and speculative belief as quite sufficient to Insure final 
justification/' 1 Among the practices peculiar to this Sect were 
the weekly observance of the Lord's Supper and the washing of 
one another's feet They also discountenanced proselyting* Some 
of the heads of families belonging to the Sandemaniau Society 
here were : — Edward Foster, Alford Butler, George Oglevie (or 
Ogilvie), Edward King, Henry Capen, Adam Chizeau, 2 Ebenezer 
Allen, Barnabas Allen, Hopestill Capen, 3 Benjamin Davis,* Isaac 
Winslow, 6 Colbora Barrell, e Walter Barrell, 7 Mr. Peck,* Hannah 

1 Delano A, Goddard, in Memorial History of Boston, iii. 129, 130. In a 
letter received from Dr, Edward Everett Hale since this paper was written, lie 
says of the Sandemaniau s : — 

They were pare rationalists, As far as yon can understand anything of what 
diatingaishtjU them in belief, it was the postulate that a man must utttl<rstumi what he in 
talking about* The miracle of Grace, or of union with God, is not wrought without thu 
intelligent cooperation of God's child, 

1 thtnk, but I do not know; that they carried such heavy guns that the regular 
BtMtott preachers did nut interfere with them. Methodists would not have liked them, 
but the old Boston line in that time was too far gong in rationalism to care to attack 

* This name appears as "Dechezzan, Adam," in Barrett's List of Refugees 
in 1 Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society for December, 1880, 
Kfffi. 26*6-268, which also contains the names of other Saudenianiaus, He was 
married by the Rev, Andrew Le Merrier to Susanna Cosno* 28 January, 1730 
(Boston Record Commissioners' Reports, xxviii, 153). 

* For notices of Hopestill Capen, see ante, v, 270, 271, 297, 298. 

* For a notice of Benjamin Davis, see post, pp, 124-127. 

1 For a note on Isaac Winslow, Senior and Junior, see po&t t pp. 127-130* 

* There are several references to Colborn Barrell in the Letters of John 
Andrews printed in 1 Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society for 
July, 1W, viii. 31 3, 335, 374 and 375. He was of the Boston Latin School 
Class of 1744. His portrait was painted by Copley. 

* Walter Barrell was Inspector-General of the Customs at Boston. In 
M;iroli T 1770, he and his family left Boston with the British troops (1 Proceed- 
ings of the Massachusetts Historical Society for December, 1880, xviii. 20 ft). 
•* In 1779, he was a member of the Loyalist association formed in London M 
(Sabine's Loyalists, i. 211). 

* This, probably, was Moses Peck, watchmaker, who died in Boston, 27 
March, 1801, aged 83, He married, 17 January, 1758, Elizabeth Town send, 
born 18 December, 1720, — a younger sister of Shippie Townsend (post, pp. 
116, 122), She died in Rcwfem 2'f June, 1703, aged 62 (Wyman's Genealogies 
and Estates of Charlestown, ii, 7:34, 049; and Boston Record Commissioners 
Reports, xxx. 27, 280), 




Robinson, Susanna Davies, Mary Cotton, Mary West, Keziah West, 1 
Mrs. Stayner, 3 and Daniel Humphreys. Joseph Howe and Samuel 
Harris and his wife joined the Society at a later date- 31 Isaac Wins- 
low, Junior, 4 was another and prominent member of the Society, in 
which there were persons of high social and political standing. 

Snow thus describes the beginning of this Society, and its first 
Meeting House : — 

" *They first met in a large room at Mr. [Edward] Foster's house in 
that part of Prince St. called Black Horse lane, but as much attention 
was excited, they removed to the Long Room at the Green Dragon. 
They soon buitt a house at the bottom of a lane leading to the mill 
pond, somewhere between the two Baptist meeting houses. It was 
erected for the sole purpose of a meeting house, by assistance from 
many friends/ This house was burnt in a fire which happened on 
Sunday, April 4, 1778, at 4 o'clock P.M. in a building belonging to 
Mr. Alexander Edwards, cabinet-maker, and in a short time extended 
to several other shops and sheds in the neighborhood. The spot has 
since been occupied as a bake- shop, and is now within the premises of 
Mr, Joseph Veazie. Engine house, No. 3, stands at the head of the 
passage way." 6 

The destruction of this building is recorded in the Diary of 
Thomas Newell, under date of 4 April, 1773, when he notes that 

the wind was from the east : — 

'Sunday, pleasant; fair, p. m. Are broke out in Back Street. Con- 
sumed Sandeman's meeting-house, Edwards's shop, Kittell's barn, &c*"* 

1 For the parentage of Mary and Keziah West, see note on John West, po#t 9 
p. 122. 

1 This may have been Abigail Stayner, whose name appears in Barrell's 
List < 1 Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society for December, 1880, 
xviii. 258). See New England Historical and Genealogical Register for 1865, 
six. 321. 

* Snow's History of Boston (edition of 1825), p. 256; and Drake's History 
and Antiquities of Boston, pp. 686, (187. Several of these persons were Protesters 
against the Solemn League and Covenant (1 Proceedings of the Massachusetts 
Historical Society for October, 1870, si. 301, 395). 

* For a note on Isaac Window, Senior and Junior see post, 127-130* 

* History of Boston (edition of 1825), pp. 256,257, Cf. Memorial His- 
tory of Boston, iu 245, HI 

8 1 Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society for October, 1B77 T 
xv. 337. Cf. Suffolk Probate Files, No. 9826, — Benjamin Edwards, 1751,— 
the father of Alexander Edwards, cabinet-maker, referred to in the text. 


The Boston Gazette of Monday, 5 April, 1773 (No. 939, page 3/1), 
thus refers to the ©vent : — 

"Yesterday Afternoon a Fire broke out in Back Street, which con- 
sumed 5 or 6 Shops, besides Mr. Sandiman'a Meeting House before it 
-was got under." 

The Massachusetts Gazette of Thursday, 8 April, 1773 (No. 3627, 
page 3/1), contains the following account of the fire : — 

** Boston, April 8. 1773. 

Lafl Lord's Day Afternoon, about 5 o'Clock, a Fire broke out in a 
Building belonging to Mr. Alexander Edwards, Cabinet-Maker, at the 
North Part of the Town, which was almost wholly in Flames as foon as 
difcovered, and the fame in a very (hort Time confumed, together with 
his Work Shop, feveral Stores, Barns, Sheds, &c. and a large Quantity 
of Mahogany and other Stock, with a Number of Articles of Furniture 
which were finiflied for Sale; the Fire likewife communicated with the 
Sandemaniau Meeting Houfe, that was near adjoining, which was alfo 
entirely deftroyed ; and it was owing to the alertnefs of the Inhabitants, 
and the constant Supply of the Engines with Water from the Mill-Pond, 
that many other Wooden Buildings, which were io imminent Danger, 
were prevented (baring the fame Fate. — The Engine from Charleftown, 
efleemed the befl in America, with a Number of People from that Town t 
with their ufual Activity, came over very expeditiously to affift at the 
Fire, and were very ferviceable. Mr* Edwards's Lofs U faid to be very 
great," l 

1 In the Boston Gazette of Monday, 12 April, 1773 (No. 940, pp. 3/2,3/3 and 
4 2) are the following Cards, which are of interest: — 

41 JOSEPH KETTELL take* this Method to return his hearty Thanks to his Friends 
and Fellow Citizens, and to the Town of Charlcatown, for their extraordinary Kindness 
and Activity at the late Fire, and shaU aver esteem himself their much obliged humble 


*■ Messieurs. PRINTERS. 
Mr. Edwards begs leave to inform the Publick through the Channel of your Paper, that 
the late Fire broke out in a Store 40 Feet above his Shop, which consumed his two 
Warehouses with all his Stock and Tools to the amount of 600 1. Sterling, 

As he is very suspicious that those Buildings were set on Fire by some Ill-miuued 
Person or Persons, he now promises a Reward of TEN POUNDS L.M. to any who 
•hall give Information of the perpetrators of so Wicked a Deed, in order that they may 
be brought to Justice : And takes this opportunity to return his most siucere and hearty 
Thanks to his Friends and the Publick for their kiud assistance and peculiar mark of 


Deprived of their Meeting House, the Society turned to the 
Selectmen of the Town for aid in providing a temporary shelter. 
At a meeting of the Board held on the following Thursday, — 
7 April, 1773 — 

" M r . Foster and Capen two Persons of the Sect called Sandemanians 
attended and acquainted the Selectmen that they had lately lost their 
House of Worship by Fire — and therefore praying that they might have 
the use of the North Lattin School upon Sabbaths — Liberty was accord- 
ingly granted, that for the present they might have the use of said School 
on the Sabbaths, untill they could provide themselves with another Place 
of Worship — they paying all damages the School may receive by their 
use of it which they agreed to." 1 

Dr. Snow thus speaks of the subsequent career of the Society : — 

44 The Sandemanian society afterwards convened at Mr. [Shippie] 
Townsend's in Cross-st. They subsequently built a house in the rear 
of Middle-street, where they met till within two years, [i. e. 1823] when 
the attendance became so thin as to occasion the discontinuance of their 
meetings. A primary school is now kept in the same building." * 

As only such vague descriptions as I have quoted of the loca- 
tion of the two Meeting Houses of the Sandemanians were to be 
found in print, a careful search of the public records was under- 
taken to ascertain the sites with precision. The result is em- 
bodied in the accompanying Plans, 8 by which it appears that the 
First house of worship stood at the foot of a lane which has since 
been widened and is now Carroll Place, and the Second at the 
foot of what is now Parkman Place. The dotted lines in the 


" Lost at the Fire on the 4th Instant, a Leather Bucket, marVd F. Green, No. 2. Who- 
ever can, are requested to inform where the same may be found," 

" The Person who received a very large china bowl from Capt. Barrett's House, in 
Frieiid-Street, daring the late Fire in that Neighbourhood, shall be handsomely Treated 
if he will return it, or Prosecuted if he does not." 

Similar Cards appeared in the Supplement to the Massachusetts Gazette of 
Friday, 16 April, 1773. 

1 Boston Record Commissioners' Reports, xxiii. 171. 

* History of Boston (edition of 1825), p. 257. 

* These plans were drawn by Mr. Louis Packard Streeter of Boston who has 
since removed to New York City. 



larger Plan indicate present street lines through the lots contigu- 
ous to the site of the first Meeting House, By comparing these 
Plans with Dtv Snow's description of the vaguely-located lots, and 
with the descriptions in the deeds to which I am about to refer, 
the accuracy of the Plans will be fully demonstrated* 1 

The site of the first Meeting House belonged to James McMil- 
lian, of Boston, cabinet-maker, at the time of his decease* in 1761+, 3 
Ann McMilliftn, his widow and the administratrix of his estate, 8 
reciting license from the Superiour Court of Judicature, 15 March, 
17G9, for £110, conveyed, 21 June, 1769, to Edward Foster, 
blacksmith, and David Mitchelson, seal -engraver, 4 both of Boston, 
a parcel of land in or near Back Street bounded easterly, partly 
by land "this day sold to Joseph Kettle' 1 6 and partly by the pas- 
sageway hereinafter mentioned, 31 feet; southerly by land of 
Alexander Edwards, 56 feet; westerly by the Mill Pond, 31 
feet ; and northerly by land of John Proctor, deceased, 56 feet » 
u together with the edefices and buildings thereon standing " and 
rights in "a four-foot passageway next to the said Proctor's land 
leading from said Back Street down to the granted land." e What 
these "edefices and buildings" were does not appear. Possibly 
the Meeting House was built before the fee of the laud passed to 
Foster and Mitchelson* This must have been the case if the 
statement in print be true that it was erected in 1765 ; 7 but it is 
more probable that the Meeting House was raised immediately 
after the land was purchased of the McMillian estate. Shurtleff 
says : — 

** Probably the location of the First and Second Baptist meeting- 
houses, upon its [the Mill Pond's] southeastern border, was selected for 

1 Since this paper vaa written, I hare discovered that the site of the second 
Meeting House is marked on Osgood Carleton'B Plan of Boston, 1793, which 
appeared in the Directory for 1796. The key to the Plan, however, does not 
explain the mark. 

■ Suffolk Probate Files, No. 14,416* 

* See Copp's Hill Epitaphs and Records of the New North Church, Boston, 
for facts concerning this family. 

* Mitchelson is elsewhere styled il lapidary*' (1 Proceedings of the Massa- 
chusetts Historical Society for October, 1870, xi, 393). He was a Refugee 
from Boston in 1776 {J bid. for December, 1880, xviii, SWtf). 

* Suffolk Deeds, cxvi. 37. * Ibid, cxx, 15. 

t Delano A. Goddard, in Memorial History of Boston, iii. 120. 


the convenience of using the water of the pond for baptismal purposes, 
as was formerly done, when the water was next to their rear." 1 

In view of some of the peculiar tenets of the Sandemanians 
these remarks apply with equal force to the probable reason for 
the selection of the site of their first Meeting House. Hales's 
Map of Boston (1814) shows the projection of the two Baptist 
Meeting Houses over the edge of the Mill Pond as they appear in 
the accompanying large Plan. 2 

Foster and Mitchelson, for £80, conveyed the site of the first 
Meeting House to Joseph Kettle of Boston, baker, 28 April, 1773, 
— within a month after the building was burned. 8 Kettle thus 
became seized of the whole estate, which his heirs sold, 5 January, 
1820, to Joseph Veazie, of Boston, baker. 4 It then had a frontage 
on Back Street (including the four-foot passageway or lane) of 31 £ 
feet and a depth, from Back Street to the Mill Pond, of 223 feet 6 

Three days after Foster had sold his interest in the Mill Pond 
property, we find him, with new associates, taking title to the 
site of the second Meeting House of the Sandemanians. This 
property was a part of the realty of which Nathaniel Loring, of 
Boston, merchant, died seized, in 1770. 6 Benjamin Dolbeare, of 
Boston, merchant, as administrator of the estate, reciting license 
from the Superiour Court of Judicature, in August, 1772, for 
XI 22, lawful money, sold to Colborn Barrell, merchant, Edward 
Foster, blacksmith, Benjamin Davis, merchant, Edward King, 
wharfinger, and Isaac Winslow, Junior, merchant, all of Boston, 
the lot shown on the accompanying (smaller) Plan which gives 
the metes as stated in the deed, dated 1 May, 1773. 7 This build- 

1 Topographical and Historical Description of Boston (1891), p. 109. 

2 See Maps of the Street-Lines of Boston, made for the Selectmen in 1819 
and 1820 by John Groves Hales (1894), p. 255. 

• Suffolk Deeds, cxxiv. 93. 

4 Ibid, cclxvi. 132, 133. 

6 Cf. Plans in Suffolk Deeds, ccxxx. 305, cclxxxviii. 27, cclxxxix. 288, 
ccxcv. 284, and cccxxxvii. 305. See also Shaw's Topographical and Historical 
Description of Boston (1817), p. 267, note. 

6 Suifolk Probate Files, No. 14.716. See also New England Historical and 
Genealogical Register for 1865, xix. 231, 232. 

7 Suffolk Deeds, cxxiii. 251, 252. Cf. Isaac Winslow's additional Inven- 
tory, taken 15 August, 1797 (recorded Suffolk Probate Records, xcv. 414, 415), 
in Suffolk Probate Files, No. 20,095; and Suffolk Deeds, cxxiii. 36, and cxxv. 

I inch* *—** ••r«*» 

iM »1 




mot* »*r*ru ami into »y 




ing was used on week days for school purposes as early as 1785 
when, on the fifth of October, the Selectmen appointed " a Com- 
mittee to treat with M r [Isaac] Winslow respecting a School- 
house lately improved by M r Dupe 1 known by the Name of 
Sandemons Meeting house." 1 On the ninth of November, the 
Committee reported that they had rented the building and thus 
" provided a School for Master Cheney ; " and that the key M was 
received the 7th inst." s In 1786 T Cheney had more than a hun- 
dred pupils. 4 Samuel Cheney, who was also a physician, and a 
Harvard graduate of 1767, 5 continued to occupy the building till 
21 April, 1790, when the key was returned to Mr. Winslow. 6 
Cheney had previously been in charge of the South Writing 
School, in Pleasant Street, and the subject of some controversy J 
The building is thus described in the United States Direct Tax 
List of 1798; — 

"Ward 4j Boston. William Croswell, occupant; HopstUl Capen, 
Agent owner, A House, Middle Street, used as Meeting House for a 
Society called Sandemouiaos. 1080 square feet.*' * 

Capen had bought Isaac Winslow's undivided fifth of the estate 
on the eighth of November, 1797. 

In 1817, the Sandemanian Society had become reduced to six 
persons and its early extinction was expected, 10 Alford Butler, 
who died in Boston, 23 March, 1828, at the age of ninety u is said 
to have been the last survivor. 13 The Meeting House at the foot 

1 This, doubtless, was Elias Dupee (Memorial History of Boston, in. 160). 
See also New England Historical and Genealogical Register for 1804, xviii. 33B ; 
and Suffolk Probate Files, Ho. 18,fi47. 

8 Boston Record Commissioners' Reports, xxv. 282. 

* IhitL xxv. 285, * Ibid. xxv. 318. 

* 1 am indebted to the Honorable Samuel Abbott Green, LL.D., for this 
identification, drawn from the manuscripts of the late John Langdon Sibley. 

* Boston Record Commissioners* Reports, xxviL 116. 

7 Ibid, xxv, 251, 250, 264, 260, 207, 278 and 293. See abo Ibid, xxvii, 101, 
191 and passim* 

* Ihid.xxiu 12. 

* Suffolk Deeds, cUxxix. 40, 41. 

» Shaw's Topographical and Historical Description of Boston, p. 267. 
u Boston City Records, 

ia Drake's History and Antiquities of Boston, p. 687, which, howerer, gives 
the name, age, and date erroneously. He was born in Boston, 10 October, 


of Parkman Place was subsequently occupied as a Primary School; 
and as late as 1835 the City of Boston leased the property for ten 
years for the accommodation of two of the public schools. 1 

Having fixed with precision the sites of the two Meeting Houses 
of the Sandemanians, let me note, in closing, the location of those 
public and private buildings where this company of Christians met 
before they had a religious home of their own and during the 
interval between the destruction of their first Meeting House and 
the completion of their last place of worship. 

Edward Foster, at whose house the Society first met, was, as we 
have seen, a blacksmith, and evidently a pillar in the new organi- 
zation. He also appears to have been a man of substance and 
active in the prudential affairs of the Society. Ten years before 
Sandeman's arrival in Boston, Foster had purchased, 23 March, 
1754, of John Erving an estate on the southwesterly side of 
Black Horse Lane and had made it his homestead. The lot 
had a frontage of 42 feet and a depth of 108 feet and is now 
numbered 46 to 52 in Prince Street. It includes Salter Place, 
which intersects it. A portion of the rear of the lot is now 
within the limits of the yard of the Hancock School. 2 

Foster was a Tory, like most of the Sandemanians, 8 and an 

1739, the son of Alford and Elizabeth (Robinson) Butler (Boston Record Com- 
missioners' Reports, xxiv. 235; xxviii. 195). He is thought to have been of 
the Boston Latin School Class of 1748 (Catalogue, 1886, p. 69 and note). See 
note on the West family, post,.j>. 122. 

1 Suffolk Deeds, ccccxvi. 198. * Ibid, lxxxv. 90. 

• The following List of persons known to have been Sandemanians who 
were also Addressers of Hutchinson and of Gage has been furnished by our 
associate, Mr. Albert Matthews, who is preparing entirely new Lists of the 
Addressers from original sources. I am also indebted to Mr. Matthews for 
other valuable facts used in this paper : — 

Barrell, Colborn : Hutchinson, 28 May, 1774 ; Gage, 8 June, 1774. 
Capen, Hopestill : Hutchinson, 28 May, 1774 ; Gage, 8 June, 1774. 
Davis, Benjamin : Hutchinson, 28 May, 1774 ; Gage, 8 June, 1774, 

Gage, 6 October, 1775. 
Foster, Edward : Hutchinson, 28 May, 1774 ; Gage, 8 June, 1774. 
King, Edward : Hutchinson, 28 May, 1774 ; Gage, 8 June, 1774. 

Mitchelson, David: Hutchiuson, 28 May, 1774 ; Gage, 8 June, 1774. 
Winslow, Isaac: Hutchinson, 28 May, 1774; Gage, 8 June, 1774, 

Gage, 6 October, 1775. 
Winslow, Isaac, Jr. : Hutchinson, 28 May, 1774 ; Gage, 8 June, 1774, 

Gage, 6 October, 1775. 



Absentee. His property was confiscated. The realty comprised 
the lot juat described and another at the corner of Middle (now 
Hanover) Street and Bear Lane, now known as Parrnenter Street, 1 
Sabine says that he settled in Dartmouth, Nova Scotia, tbere 
managed large iron works, and died in 1T86\ leaving thirteen 
children. 2 

The location of the Green Dragon Tavern — in the Long Room 
of which the Sandemanians met for a short time — in Green 
Dragon Lane T now Union Street, is too well known to need 

The "North Lattin School" occupied the site of the present 
Eliot School, on the north-easterly aide of North Bennet Street, 
That building was given to the Town, in 1711-12, by the father 
of Governor Hutchinson, Under date of the eleventh of March 
we find this vote in the Town Records : — 

"Voted, Thanks to Cap 1 Thorn* Hutchinson for bo much as he hath 
Offered at his own Charge to build a School House at the ^ T orth end of 

In the Record of the Town Meeting held on the fourteenth of 
Stay, 1712, are these entries : — 

44 Whereas the Comittee appointed the 11th of March Last to enquire 
after a piece of Land at the North end of this Town Su table to Sett a 
School House on. Have now Signified to this meeting that they have 
n mile Dilligetit Enquiry in that matter, and have at length pitched on a 
peice of Land belonging to m n Susanna Love of ah 1 fifty one foot in 
breadth <fe ab 1 one hundred feet in length abutting one end thereof. On 
Bennet Street, and the other end on Love [now Tileston] Street, and 
that the Same may be purchased for Ab 1 one hundred fifty three pounds, 
that Land being more then enough for the Setting a School -house on 
the w eh they Recommend to the Town as the most Sutable place w* h they 
Can procure for that use. 

1 Suffolk Probate Files, No. 15,912; and 2 Proceedings of the Massachusetts 
Historical Society for May, 1895, x. 184, 172, 173. 

3 Biographical Sketches of Loyalists of the American Revolution (1864), 
i 432. See also 1 Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society for 
December, 1880, xyiii 20(5; Boston Record Commissioners* Reports, xxvim 211, 
215; Hew England Historical and Genealogical Register for 1SG5, xm. 310; and 
Records of the New South Church* 

1 Boston Record Commissioners' Reports, viii. 90. 


" Voted. That the S d Comittee be impowered to purchace the afore 
said parcell of Land, to be paid for out of the Town Treasury : And 
that the Select men to gether with the Said Comittee be impowered to 
Allot So much of y* S d Land for the S d School House as they shall judg 
meet and Convenient." l 

Shippie Townsend was born in Charlestown, 16 November, 
1722, the son of David and Mabel (Shippie) Townsend and, like 
his father, was a blockmaker. 2 He removed to Boston in or about 
1746, and, 23 September, 1757, purchased of Sanderson Houghton 
of Bolton, in the County of Worcester, yeoman, and the heirs of 
John West of Boston, the estate on the north-easterly side of Cross 
Street which is the last to be described in connection with the 
present inquiry. It had a frontage on Cross Street of 31 feet and 
2 inches and a depth of 31 feet, the easterly boundary of the lot 
being 24 feet and 2\ inches west from Middle (now Hanover) 
Street before that thoroughfare was widened. 8 The estate is now 
numbered 74 and 76 in Cross Street. The accompanying Plan 
shows that Townsend subsequently (in 1790) purchased from 
William Dawes, Junior, of Boston, leather-dresser, the adjoin- 
ing estate on the east which he sold, the following year, to his 
son Dr. David Townsend (H. C. 1770). 4 Both these lots, with two 
others contiguous on the west, were formerly owned by Robert 
Sanderson, from whom they passed to his descendants, the Wests 6 

1 Boston Record Commissioners ' Reports, viii. 91, 92. Cf. Ibid. viii. 118, 
119, 132. 

* Wy man's Genealogies and Estates of Charlestown, ii. 864, 949. 
» Suffolk Deeds, xc. 235, 237, 238. 

4 Ibid, clxviii. 120 ; clxxi. 26. 

5 I am indebted to our associate, Mr. Henry Winchester Cunningham, for the 
following note : — 

John West of Boston, housewright, was born in Boston 26 March, 1697. He 
was the oldest child of Richard West and his wife Anna, daughter of Robert 
Sanderson, goldsmith, and at one time partner of John Hull, the Mint Master. 
He was married at Yarmouth, 26 April, 1720, to Mary daughter of Samuel and 
Keziah (Taylor) El dredge, by whom he had nine children, the births of the last 
seven being recorded in Boston : — 

(i) John; (ii) Sanderson, married in Boston, 7 November, 1746, to Mary Avery; 
(iii) Anna, born 25 November, 1726, married in Boston, 27 October, 1747, to Ephrnim 
Green; (iv) Mary, born 4 July, 1729, died in September, 1730, aged 14 months; (v) 
Mary, born 7 June, 1731 ; (vi) Keziah, born 3 February, 1732, married in Boston, 20 Jan- 
uary, 1771, to Alexander Linklester; (vii) Eunice, born 2 December, 1734, married (In- 
tentions recorded 27 January, 1763) to Alford Butler; (viii) David, born 9 May, 1736; 
and (ix) David, born 25 Auguct, 1737, married, 3 May, 1761, to Sarah Presbury. 










19'6 n 





W i T 


I 1757 

a'6' 1 si' a' 


STREET as-w.oE. 



24 , 2Jt ( 

















and the Iloughtons. Tbia holding, a fine rectangular lot, had a 
frontage of about ninety feet on Cross Street and a uniform depth 
of forty-eight feet 

The remaining frontage (60 feet 8 inches) on the northerly 
side of Cross Street, between Hanover and Salem Streets, was 
long owned by Dr. Thomas Greaves of Charles town and his heirs 
by whom it was sold, in 1749, to Thaddeus Mason. 1 This lot, as 
shown on one of the accompanying Flans, had a depth of about 
103 feet 

At some future meeting of the Society, I hope that some of our 
associates will tell us something of the Sandemanians and their 
church polity, — whether it was Presbyterian or Congregational; 
whether they had settled ministers and, if they had, who these 
were ; and whether any Records or Registers of the Society in 
Boston were kept and, if they were, whether they are still extant 
and in whose custody they now are. 

In 1725, John West bought the interest of the other heirs of his grandfather 
Sanderson la * a tenement near the Mill bridge M and " a tenement on Middle 
Street yr (Suffolk Deeds, xli. 3). On the first of October, 1740, he made his will, 
in which he said he was about to set out for Virginia, and there he may have 
died, as his widow administered his estate on the twentieth of March, 1741-42 
(Suffolk Probate Files, No. 7717). 

The West family do not appear to have been Loyalists, like so many of the 
Sandemanians, and, so far as I know, they were all Patriots* David f the 
voungest son, is said to have died at sea, in 1779, while serving in some official 
capacity on an American privateer. His son David t Jr M was the well-known 
bookseller, who at one time had a store in Washington Street on land now 
covered by a part of the Sears Building ; and, later, he was a partner of Lemuel 
Blake. David West, Jr., was twice married, (1) to Hannah Waits* by whom 
he had one child, David, who died unmarried ; and (2) to Abigail, daughter of 
Zephaniah Leonard of Raynham (Yale 1758), who was Lieutenant-Colonel of 
the Bristol County Regiment during the Revolution. By this marriage he had 
one daughter, Abigail Leonard West, who married Andrew Cunningham, who 
were the grandparents of the writer of this note. 

Many members of the West family were booksellers and publishers, — among 
them .John, who published the Boston Directory for 1793. Alford Butler, who 
married Eunice West, was a bnok*binder, and had a son, Samuel Butler, who 
was a partner in the firm Thomas & Andrews. See ante, pp. 113, 119 and mte. 

The connection of the West family with Robert Sanderson is proved in an 
article by John E. AMen in the New England Historical and Genealogical 
Register for 1898, lii. 23. 
* Suffolk Deeds, cr, 06. 



Captain William Davis, of Boston, apothecary, was of the Ancient and 
Honorable Artillery Company, 1643; was admitted to the First Church, 28 
July, 1644; and, in 1669, was one of the principal Founders of the Old South 
Church, his name standing on the Records at the head of the List. He was 
a Representative for Springfield, 1652, 1666, 1671 and 1672, and for Haverhill, 
1668. l He was a wealthy and enterprising citizen, a man of discretion, many 
years one of the Selectmen of Boston at different times between 1647 aud 1674, 
and joint Commissioner (1653) with Governor Leverett to the Dutch at New 
York. Thrice married, his first wife was Margaret, daughter of William 
Pynchon of Springfield, his second, Huldah, daughter of the Reverend 
Zechariah Symmes, and his last, Sarah, daughter of John Farmer. 

Captain William Davis lived in State Street, on the north-easterly corner of 
Exchange Street (Boston Record Commissioners' Reports, ii. (Third edition) 
Part 2, 22; and see ante, v. 289) until 1645, when he sold his estate (Suffolk 
Deeds, i. 63) and bought of Valentine Hill the lot in Washington Street at the 
southerly corner of Court Avenue (Ibid. i. 60). This estate had a frontage of 
twenty feet on the street (this portion of it being now the site of Thompson's 
Spa) and, including subsequent additions, extended back, on irregular lines, to 
Court Square, about 350 feet. In 1736 William Price bought it, and in 1770 
bequeathed it to King's Chapel. The most valuable part of the estate now 
constitutes The Price Fund (Suffolk Deeds, xxvi, 169; and Foote's Annals 
of King's Chapel, ii. 421 and notes). 

He died 24 May, 1676 (SewalFs Diary, i. 13). His will, executed a week 
before his death, mentions " my mother Mrs. Elizabeth Davis in London" and 
contains valuable particulars (Suffolk Probate Files, No. 786). 

Major Benjamin Davis, son of William and Margaret (Pynchon) Davis, wag 
also an apothecary and of the Artillery Company, 1673 (Roberts's History of 
the Ancient and Honorable Artillery Company, i. 223). Judge Sewall notes in 
his Diary (i. 95) the admission of Benjamin Davis to the Old South, 13 Septem- 

* The Third, or Old South, Church was founded by the liberal and progressive element in 
the fellowship of the First Church, not, however, without much acrimony and contention which, 
finally, was transferred to the Legislature. 

u The next election turned chiefly on the question, Who are for the old church and who for the 
new ? and so strong was the popular feeling against the conservatives, that a majority of the mem- 
bers of the House of Deputies of 1G70 lost their seats, and more enlightened men were chosen to 
succeed them. It was not then required that a deputy should reside in the town represented by him, 
and this made it possible for several leading members of the Third Church to be returned to the new 
House. Thomas Savage was elected for Andover, William Davia for Springfield, John Hull for West- 
field, Hesekiah Usher for Billerica, and Thomas Brattle for Lancaster. Major Savage, who had filled 
the chair in 1659 and 1000, was again chosen speaker. A majority of the magistrates was favorable to 
the new church, and with the ever faithful secretary, Edward Rawaon, at his post, its friends were now 
prepared to bring to speedy silence the carping criticism and calumnious aspersions with which they had 
borne so long and so patiently " (Hill's History of the Old South Church, i. 107, 108). 

Mr. Hill's History also records the active part which Captain William Davis took in the 
proceedings preliminary to the gathering of the Old South. See also Historical Catalogue of 
the Old South Church, p. 215. Concerning Captain Davis's mission to England in 1661, see 
4 Massachusetts Historical Collections, vii. 170; and John Hull's Diary, pp. 205, 206. 




ber, 18S5, and the fact that he wore a periwig, — the pet abomination of the 
good Judge, Ou the twenty-third of March, 1680-87, Davis, in company with 
Sewall and others, waited upon Andros to remonstrate, in vain, against the 
occupancy of their meeti for the services of the Church of England 
ilbid, i 171), In 101*9, he was one of the Founders of the Church in Brattle 
Square, and one of the two Deacons first chosen. If evidence of the broad- 
mindedness of these Founders were lacking, it would be found in the fact, 
that of the twenty ll Undertakers M six had been subscribers to the building 
of The first King's Chapel, in July, 1GSD, —among them Benjamin Davis, who 
gave MM* He also gave £5 toward enlarging the Chapel, 22 January, 1712-13 
(Footed Annals of King's Chapel, i SO, 91, 232), 

His first wife was Sarah, daughter of James Richards of Boston and Hart- 
ford, one of the richest men of his day in New England. Davis died 2(3 Novem- 
ber, 170-1 (Se wall's Diary, ii, 118), Hia widow Mary declined (12 December, 
1704) to administer his estate because she was intending " to go for England 
amongst my Relations/* She was Mary Tippet whose Purpose of Marriage 
with Benjamin Davis was recorded 15 January, 1006*97 (Bos Ion Record Com* 
missioners' Reports, xzviii. 348), Probably, she was the widow of Nicholas 
Tippet of Boston and of Char lea town iu tbe Ifaland of Nevis {Ibid. L 155, 169; 
Records of the Court of Assistants, i 340; Suffolk Probate Records, xL 221, 
and Foote's Annals of King's Chapel, !♦ 112, 114, 117, 121, ii. 003. See also New 
England Historical and Genealogical Register, Iv. 335). A valuable petition 
(11 June, 1708) of the children of Captain William Davis is among the Probate 
papers of tliis estate (Sufiolk Probate Files, No. 2009). See Historical Cata- 
logue of the Old South Church, pp. 278, 279. 

Dr. William Davis, physician and surgeon, only son of Major Benjamin Davis, 
was born in Boston, 22 January, 1686-87 (Boston Record Commissioners' Re- 
ports, ix* 168) ; married Hannah, daughter of Sheriff Edward Winslow, 2*5 
January, 1715-10 (Ibid, xxviii, 57. See Ibid, ix< 234; Suffolk Deeds, xcii. 
t>9 ; and Suffolk Probate Files, No- 10,609) ; with his wife, joined the Church 
iu Brattle Square, 7 January, 1727-28; and there had eight children baptized, 


His residence was at the north-easterly corner of Water Street and Pudding 
Lane (Devonshire Street). This estate was acquired by Mrs, Welthean 
Richards, 12 October, 1657 (Suffolk Deeds, iii, 64). By her will (1679) she 
devised it to her eldest son John Richards (Suffolk Probate Files, No* 1120), 
and he, by his will (1094), devised it to his young niece Margaret (b. 1G31), 
daughter of Major Benjamin Davis {Ibid. No. 2140), who probably died leaving 
as her heirs her brother, Dr. William Davis, and two sisters, — Sarah, who 
married Richard Bill, and Elizabeth Davis, The title passed to Dr. Davis, 
through his brother-in-law, Richard Bill, and Edward Brain field, in 1741-1743 
(Suffolk Deeds, xxx, 94, 95; Ixii 254; lxv. 251; and Irvi. 25, 2G). In 1774, 
hi* heirs conveyed the estate to Dr. Joseph Gardner (Ibid, cxxv, 103, 130, 131), 
It is now owned and occupied by the National Bank of the Commonwealth. 

lie died 14 March, 1745-40, as we learn from the following obituary * in 

1 I am indebted to Mr. Edmund II- Barton, of Worcester, for this interesting and valuable 


the Boston Weekly News-Letter of Thursday, 20 March, 1745-46 (No. 2292, 
p. 2/1):- 

" On Friday last died Dr. William Davis aged about 58 Yean. He was a Gentle- 
man much improved and greatly beloved among us, as a skilful Physican and Surgeon, 
and was had in Esteem for his strict Piety. He was decently interr'd Yesterday in the 

Administration upon his estate was granted to his widow, 28 March, 1746. 
The Inventory amounted to £3429. 9. 6, and included Silver Plate valued at 
£404. 14 (Suffolk Probate Files, No. 8459). 

Benjamin Davis, second son of Dr. William Davis, was baptized 13 July, 
1729, and was of the Boston Latin School Class of 1736. He married (1) 
Elizabeth Phillips, 9 August, 1752 (Records of the Church in Brattle Square), 
who was baptized into the Episcopal Church, 4 June, 1754, at Trinity Church, 
where three of their children were also baptized, — (i) Hannah, 1 December, 
1754, (ii) Benjamin, 4 April, 1756, (iii) Mary, 12 February, 1757, who married 
her father's cousin-german, Isaac Winslow, Junior, 20 April, 1772 (post, p. 
129 and note) ; (2) Anstis Green leaf, daughter of Sheriff Stephen Greenleaf, 
10 September, 1762 (Trinity Church Registers), by whom he had (iv) Anstis, 
.baptized 13 April, 1764 (Ibid.), whose mother died 6 May, following, in her 
twenty-second year (Boston Gazette of Monday, 14 May, 1764, No. 476, p. 2/2, 
which contains a long obituary. Cf. Trinity Church Burial Register); (3) 
Alice Whipple, of Providence, R. I., 18 September, 1768 ( Providence Town 
Records. Cf. Boston Record Commissioners Reports, xxx. 425). Concerning 
this wife, one of Mr. Davis's descendants sends me the following anecdote, 
drawn from his family papers : — 

"The lady's amour propre was offended and her philosophy over-taxed by the ex- 
traordinary self-denials and usages of the Sandemanians. Following the example of the 
early Christian Church, it was their custom to hold a love-feast 1 on Snnday at one 
another's houses, at which only Sandemanians were present. The wives who were 
not members of the Sect, naturally did not take kindly to their exclusion from their 
own tables, and, at last, the third Madam Davis felt constrained to return to her family, 
thus, practically, deserting her husband. A legal divorce being then unobtainable, the 
Sandemanians took the matter under consideration and concluded to sanction another 
matrimonial alliance on the part of Mr. Davis, declaring his to be one of those cases 
where voluntary abandonment by the wife justifies the dissolution of the marriage tie 
in the sight of Heaven." 

If Mr. Davis married a fourth wife, it is probable that she was Katharine 
Overlick, whose Intention of Marriage with Benjamin Davis was entered 24 
April, 1773, but as we find no record of a marriage, and do find that Catharine 
Overlick, — presumably the same woman — entered her Intention of Marriage 
with John Clows 10 November, 1774, it is doubtful if Mr. Davis made another 
matrimonial alliance. (Boston Record Commissioners' Reports, xxx. 430, 443). 

1 In 1766, an interesting pamphlet appeared in Boston entitled — 

" a Plain and Full Account of the Christian Practices observed by the Church in St. Martin's-le-grand, 
London, And other Churches (commonly called Bandemanian) in Fellowship with Them. In a Letter 
to a Friend, Acts, xzriii. 22. . . . Boston : Printed and Sold by Z. Fowle, in his Printing-Office- in 
Backstreet, near the Mill-Bridge. MDCCLXVI." (12 mo. pp. 28.) 

It fully describes the love feasts, the kiss of charity, and other practices of the sect. 




Some account of Benjamin Davis's troubles at, and Immediately following, 
the outbreak of the Revolution has been already given in these pages (ante, v. 
2^ 210). lu the List of Addressers of Hutchinson, in 1774, hb name appears 
as * Benjamin Davie. Town Duck. Huckster H (1 Proceedings of the Massa- 
phmrtWit Historical Society for October 1*70, xi. ad2). His warehouse was at 
Woodmansey's Wharf, which had been long in the Davis family. It ran 
easterly from or near the corner of Merchants* Row and what b now South 
■ t Street (Boston Record Commissioners* Reports t ii.. Second edition, Part 
II, ftS ; and Suffolk Deeds, kxsv. 54. Vf. Suffolk Deeds, iv. 225 ; x. 202, 286, 
318; and Suffolk Probate Files, No. 2m)*), Inventory, and No. 8450, Inventory), 
After Benjamin Davis left Boston with his family* he had an eventful career {ante, 
\. 269, 270*) He finally settled in the town of Shelburue, Nova Scotia, where he 
an*l his son of the same name were merchants. On the thirtieth of January t 
17SQ, they executed there a power of attorney to Isaac Winslow (1743-1703) of 
Boston, merchant, in general fcy, and in particular to convey their interest in 
Woodmansey's Wharf, in Boston ( Suffolk Deeds, cltfiv. 194), under which a 
conveyance of the premises was made on the sixth of June, following (Ibid, 
clxvL l&J, 134). Subsequently, Benjamin Davis, Senior, returned to Boston, 
and here he died, broken in estate if not in spirit, on the fourteenth of Sep- 
tember, 1805* The New England Palladium of Tuesday, 17 September, 1805 
(ix vi. 23), contains this announcement 1 : — 

" DIED, 
la this town, on Saturday evening last, Benjamin Davis, esq. aged 77." 

A similar, but less complete, announcement appeared in the Columbian Centi- 
nel of 18 September, p. 2/8, 

On the sixteenth of September, 1805, administration on the estate of Ben- 
jamin Davis, late of Boston, merchant, deceased, intestate, was granted to the 
Hon, William Sullivan. The Inventory, all personal, amounted to only $ 101 
(Suffolk Probate Files, No. 22,440), 

NOTE ON ISAAC WINSLOW, Senior and Junior. 

As Isaac Winslow and Isaac Winslow, Junior, who were members of the 
Sandemanian Congregation in Boston, have been confounded by historical 
writers, it may be stated here that they were uncle and nephew. 

Edward Winslow, born in Boston, 1 November, 1669, son of Edward and 
Elizabeth (Hutchinson) Winslow, and grandson of John and Mary (Chilton) 
Winslow, was a goldsmith, and Captain of the Ancient and Honorable Artillery 
Company (Roberts's History of the Ancient and Honorable Artillery Com* 
pany, 1395, L 320, 327). His first wife, Hannah, was a daughter of the Rev. 

1 If j thank* are due to Mr. Julius H. Tattle for this obituary notice. I embrace this 
nppoTtuntty to make my grateful ar knowledjrmenta t© Mr. Tut tie for hie constant aud uniform 
kindnea* mad courtety mud for bis valuable aid In many undertakings. 


Joshua Moody of the First Church. By her he had, among others, two sons, 
Joshua, born 12 February, 1694-95, and Isaac, born 2 May, 1709. His daughter 
Elizabeth (by wife Elizabeth Pemberton), born 16 February, 1712-13, married 
Richard Clarke, 3 May, 1733, and became the mother of Mrs. John Singleton 
Copley (Boston Record Commissioners' Reports, ix. 112, 216; xxiv. 64, 87, 
255; and xxviii. 43, 181. C/. ante, v. 197 n.). 

His brick mansion-house was in King (now State) Street, and occupied the 
lot (25 \% x 120 feet, extending back to what is now Post Office Avenue) which 
makes the easterly corner of Congress Street, and is completely covered by the 
stone building recently in the occupancy of the Tremont National Bank. 
This lot was a part of the original Possession of Elder Thomas Leverett 
(Boston Record Commissioners' Reports, ii., Second edition, 4) and, with a lot 
of similar dimensions contiguous on the east, and now covered by the 
Exchange Building, constituted the mansion-house and garden of his son, 
Governor John Leverett, whose heirs, for £370 " in money at the rate it now 
passeth viz* eight shillings p ounce, Troy," sold the house to Edward Winslow, 
21 October, 1708 (Suffolk Deeds, xxiv. 160). After his death, the house 
was occupied for a time by his grandson, Benjamin Davis, the Loyalist (Suffolk 
Probate Records, lxviii. 406). In 1759 (27 November), the estate was sold, for 
£600, L. M., by Winslow's heirs to John Vassall, of Cambridge (Suffolk 
Deeds, xciii. 215-217). 

He died 1 December, 1753. The Boston Evening-Post of Monday, 3 
December, 1753 (No. 953, pp. 1/2, 2/1), contains the following obituary 
notice : — 

''And the same Evening [Saturday last], about 9 o' Clock, after a long Indisposition, 
died Edward Winslow , Esq; who had just entered the 85th Year of his Age. This 
Gentleman had formerly, for Many Years, been High Sheriff of the County of Suffolk, 
and Colonel of the Regiment of Militia in this Town ; but by Reason of Age and In- 
firmities of Body, laid down those Posts, and has for several Years past, till his Death, 
been a Justice of the Peace and of the Quorum, and one of the Justices of the Infer- 
ionr Court of Common Pleas for the County of Suffolk, and also Treasurer of the 
said County." 

His will is in Suffolk Probate Files, No. 10,609. 

Joshua Winslow, merchant, above mentioned, married Elizabeth, daughter 
of Colonel Thomas Savage, 8 February, 1720-21 (Boston Record Commis- 
sioners' Reports, xzviii. 90; cf. ante, pp. 38, 39, notes), and by her had many 
children, who were baptized at the Old South Church. Among these was Isaac, 
baptized 18 September (Old Style), 1743, who was called Isaac Winslow, 
Junior, to distinguish him from his uncle of the same namo. Joshua Winslow 
died 9 October, 1769. The Boston Evening-Post of Monday, 16 October, 1769 
(No. 1777, p. 3/1) thus records the event: — 

"Boston, October 16, 1769. 

Monday Morning last died here, in the 75th Year of his Age, Joshua Winslow, Esq ; 
— A Gentleman Who sustained a very respectable Character, both in publick and private 
Life. His Remains were decently interr'd last Friday Afternoon." 

His will provided that his " distill-house " in Cold Lane (Portlands Street) 
should be carried on by his son Isaac (Suffolk Probate Files, No. 14,559). 





Isaac Winslow (born 1700) waa also a merchant of Boston and later a 
farmer of Roxbury* He married (I) Lucy, daughter of General Samuel 
WaJdo* 14 December, 1747, with whuta he united with the West Church in 
Boston, 1$ October, 1748 (Boston Record Commissioners 1 Reports, xxviii. 267; 
and West Church Records) ; and (2) Jemima Debuke, 15 November, 1770, at 
the Church in Brattle Square (Church Records, which give the erroneous date 
of 25 November; and Beaton Evening*Poat of Monday, 26 November, 1770, No. 
1835, p. 2/3), In 1774, he was appointed a Mandamus Councillor and was 
one of only ten who qualified (Whitmore'a Massachusetts Civil Liat, p, 64 ; 
and Sabine's LoyaliatB, Si* 446), He was an Addresser of Hutchinson and of 
Gage, a Protester against the Solemn League and Covenant, and a Refugee 
named in BarrelTs List. He died in March, 1777 (Family Record). His 
will, without date, describes himself as of Roxbury, states that he was then 
residing in Halifax, Nova Scotia and was about to embark for New York, 
and names as executors hia nephews, Isaac Window, Junior, 1 Jonathan Clarke 
and Isaac Winalow Clarke (aee ante, v. 197, 199, 200 and note, and 201), The will 
was proved here, 28 October, 1785 (Suffolk Probate Files, No, 18,543), Sabine 
(ii. 446) aaya that his widow Jemima died in London in 1790, See ante, iii. 14. 

Isaac Wisslow, Junior, son of Joshua Winslow, was of the Boston Latin 
School Class of 1751, and graduated at Harvard College in 1762 in the class 
with the Rev. Jeremy Belknap and the Rev, Andrew Eliot, The Faeulty Re- 
cords (ii. 98) give the date of his birth as 24 September (New Style), 1743, 
After he had entered mercantile life, he was styled Isaac Winslow, Jr,, of 
Boston, "merchant," and sometimes " distiller." In the division of hia father's 
estate, there was set off to him one-half of the mansion-house and lot situated 
at the easterly corner of Exchange Street and fronting upon Bock Square, 
which had descended from Nicholas Davison through the Lynde and Savage 
families (see ante, pp. 37, 38, note}. He was twice married: (1) to Margaret 
Sparhawk, 22 November, 1770, by whom he had issue, John Sparhawk Win- 
alow, born January, died April, 1772 (Family Record), The Essex Gazette of 
Tuesday, 20-27 November, 1770 (No* 122, iii, 70/1), thus announces the 

marriage : — 

* Salem, November 27. 

Last Thursday Mr. Isaac Wisslow, jun< of Boston, Merchant, was married to 
Hia Peggy Sfakhawk, Daughter of the late Re re re ad Mr. Sparhawk, of t hia Place, 
i, and Niece of the Hun, Nathaniel Sparhawk, Esq; of Kittery*" 

She was born 20 October, 1752 (Essex Institute Historical Collections, xxv« 
40-43, 281*283), She died 18 January, 1772, 2 and he was married (2) to Mary 
Davis, 20 April, 1772, by John Hill, Justice of the Peace (Boston Record Com- 

1 He is abo called Isaac Winalow, Junior, in the will of hie maternal aunt, Margaret 
(Savage) Alford, 1785 (Suffolk Probate Files, No. 18,461), 

* Journal anil Letters of Samuel Cur wen ( 1864), p, 673* Curwen's Editor, George At kin* 
eon Ward *aya that Winalow soon after married Mary Davis, daughter of Benjamin Davis, 
Eaq.« of Boston (see ante, p. 1215), and add a: — 

14 Mr. Wtnalow waa a particular friend of [the second] Bir William Pepperrell, ami his first wife a 
ecu* In of the Baronet- Whilst Mr, Winalow wm in tlie British provinces, they corresponded, and Sir 
William** letters evince great charity lor bis political opponents notwithstanding the bitterness which 
marked their writings and conduct" {Ibid.). 

See A Loyalist in the Siege of Boston, In the New England Historical and Genealogical 
Register for January, 1902; lvi. 48-54, 


missioners' Reports, xxx. 64), and had issue: — (i) Isaac, born 2 February, 
1774, (ii) Thomas, born 10 October, 1775, at Boston, (iii) Benjamin, born 10 
January, 1778, at Halifax, (iv) John-Davis, born 26 June, 1779, (v) Mary, born 
26 September, 1781, at New York, married Pleasant Hudgens, of New Orleans, 
Louisiana (see Suffolk Deeds, cclxxxi. 129, and Suffolk Probate Files, No. 
33,138), (vi) Benjamin, born 4 August, 1783, at New York, (vii) Joshua, 
born 24 June, 1785, at Boston, (viii) Elizabeth, born 2 June, 1787, at Boston, 
married William Pickering, (ix) Edward, born 31 August, 1788, at Boston, 
(x) Margaretta, born 12 September, 1789, (xi) a still-born daughter (Family 
Record). At the time of the Evacuation of Boston, Isaac Winslow, Junior, left 
the Province with his brothers, the Reverend Edward Winslow (H. C. 1741) 
and John Winslow, who was a Commissary in the British Army and died in 
New York, 26 September, 1781, without issue (/6«T), and his uncle Isaac 
Winslow (Ibid.; and Sabine's Loyalists, ii. 446, 597). The death of Isaac 
Winslow, Junior — who had become Isaac Winslow, Senior, on the death of his 
uncle, — occurred 20 January, 1793 (Family Record), and was announced in 
the Columbian Centinel of Wednesday, 23 January, 1793 (No. 923, p. 3/3) : — 

" In this town, suddenly, Mr. Isaac Winslow, sen. — His funeral will proceed from 
his dwelling-house in Sudbury Street, this afternoon, at half-past 3 o'clock, which his 
friends and relations are requested to attend without further invitation." 

He has been characterized as the embodiment of conscience and loyalty. 
He is supposed to have drowned himself under the influence of religious mel- 
ancholia. His insolvent estate, which had been ruined by the war and his 
long absence from the Commonwealth, was administered by his widow, 12 
February, 1793 (Suffolk Probate Files, No. 20,095). 

The Columbian Centinel of Saturday, 4 October, 1800 (No. 1726, p. 2/4) f 
contains the following announcement: — 

" DIED] . . . Last evening Mrs. Mary Winslow, JEt. 44, widow of the late Mr. Isaac 
Winslow. — Her funeral will be from her late house in Hawkin's-street, on Monday 
next, at 4 o'clock, P. M. which the friends and acquaintance of the family are requested 
to attend." 

Russell's Gazette of Monday, 6 October, 1800 (p. 3/1), contains a similar 
notice, which gives Mrs. Winslow's age accurately as 43. 

I am indebted to Mr. William Henry Winslow for the use of a Family Record, 
made in 1810. From it some of the dates in this Note, which are not found 
in the public records, have been taken. To our associate, Mr. William Coolidge 
Lane, also, my thanks are due for extracts from the Harvard College Faculty 
Records which enable me to correct here a serious error in Sabine's account of 
the Isaac Winslows who were Loyalists where he says (ii. 446) that Dr. Isaac 
Winslow of Marsh field was a Harvard graduate of 1762. 

Mr. Abner C. Goodell opened the discussion upon the 
paper and stated that the church discipline of the Sande- 
manians was Congregational. He mentioned that John 
Glas, founder of the sect in Scotland, was the father-in- 




law of Sandeman* 1 and that Faraday 2 and his parents and 
grandparents were devout members of this religious body. 

The Rev. Edward G* Porter commended the topo- 
graphical precision of the paper, and spoke of several of the 
buildings which were now, or within a few years, standing 
upon parts of the site of the first Meeting House. He said 
it was while in Veazie's barn that John Gilbert began to 
tli ink of being an actor. Mr. Porter spoke at length on the 
historical and antiquarian value of papers of this character, 
and then gave a most graphic sketch of the Sect both in this 
country and in Great Britain. Glas, he said, was a Uni- 
versity man, and in England his followers were called 
Glasites or Kissites, — from one of their peculiar customs. 
In this country, Sandeman did not require his followers to 
bring their children to the public services of the church. 
The Sandemanians had no settled clergy, but two Elders^ 3 

1 For notices of Glas and Sandeman, see Dictionary of National Biography, 
xxi. 417, 418 ; L 255, 250. The late Colonel Sir Robert Groves Sandeman, whose 
career in India was distinguished, was a great-grandson of Thomas Sandeman, 
a brother of Robert Sandeman, There is a notice of Sir Robert in the Dic- 
tionary of National Biography, I. 256, 257 ; and a biography, by Thomas Henry 
Thornton, was published in 1895. 

s Faraday appears to have been an Elder. There are references to the 
Sandemanians in Benee Jones's Life and Letters of Faraday (1870), i. 4, 6j in 
J* II* Gladstone's Michael Faraday (1872), pp. 21, #5, 91; and in Silvnuus 
P. Thompson's Michael Faraday (1898), pp. 4, 51, 286* 

• Dr. Snow says : — 

14 Ai to church nffieers, they always had two elders (teachers) and deacons : no 
deaconesses are recollected, Daniel Humphreys, esq. (brother to the late Col, Hum- 
phieyfl) was early a deacon here, but soon removed to Dan bury > Conn, to officiate ait an 
elder Mr. II. is still living and resides at Portsmouth, N. II. b*iug Hist, Attorney of 
the IL 8, He is an elder in a small society there, of which Mr< [Alford] Butler above- 
named is also 3 living member" (History of Boston, 1825, p. 257). 

See anie, p. 114; and I Maasachusetts Historical Collections, x. 61. Hum- 
phreys was born at Derby, Connecticut, 18 May, 1740, graduated at Yale in 
1 7 "7, and died at Portsmouth, New Hampshire, 30 September, 1827 (Dexter*s 
Yale Biographies and Annals, ii. 471-474). 

Tn tit** forthcoming Report of the Boston Record Commissioners (xxi.) con- 
taining the Boston Marriages, 1751 -1800, are found entries of marriages per- 
formed by Sandeman and Mitchelson {pp. 43, 45, 53, 57). In one case the 
record reads, ♦•married by Robert Sandeman Minister of the Congregational 


who took the lead in all matters. They had a hymn- 
book of their own. He also stated that Stiles, Langdon, 
and Chauncy gave much thought to the belief of the San- 
demanians. Mr. Porter gave an interesting account of the 
Sandemanian Society in Danbury, Connecticut, and men- 
tioned that its Meeting House 1 is now used as a stable. 
Mr. Andrew McFarland Davis said : — 

When Mr. Edes told me that he was at work upon the task of 
identifying the sites of the Sandemanian Churches in Boston, I 
replied, " You will find that many of our members will be much 
interested in your paper." I had not, however, supposed that 
there would be at our meeting one who, like Mr. Goodell, had 
made a study of the subject and was prepared to tell us of the 
career of the Society in England, and still another whose knowl- 
edge of the sect, of its customs, and of its peculiarities extends to 
such minute details that it comprehends the names and the places 
of residence of the surviving members who now represent it As 
a matter of fact, it had not seemed to me probable that there 
would be any person who could aid the writer of the paper in 
furnishing information upon this subject. I confess to the same 
surprise that must have been shared by all, at the wonderful 
reservoir of information treasured in the memory of our associate 
Porter, from which he has been able with such remarkable facility 
to draw, without warning or preparation, the extraordinary and in- 
teresting account of the Sandemanians to which we have listened. 

What I actually referred to in my suggestion that the paper 
would prove of interest was this. You will remember, Mr. 
President, that when you and I were considerably younger than 
we now are, we read with avidity the stories which Edward 

Church assembling in Mason's Hall, at the Sign of the Green Dragon, 9 Feb 7 
1767 " ; and in another, the marriage is recorded as having been solemnized by 
" David Michalson Sandemanian Teacher," 25 November, 1769. In the list of 
Protesters against the Solemn League and Covenant, Colborn Barrell is de- 
scribed as "Merchant and Sandemanian Preacher" (1 Proceedings of the 
Massachusetts Historical Society for October, 1S70, xi. 393). Apparently, 
therefore, Mitchelson and Barrell were the two Elders of the Boston church. 
1 A view of this building and some account of the way in wliich the ser- 
vices of the Sandemanians were conducted are in Barber's Connecticut Histori- 
cal Collections, pp. 368, 369. 




Everett Hale was then launching upon the public, One of them, 
The Man without a Country, 1 has made his name immortal. 
Another, My Double and How he Undid Me, a if it lacks the 
dramatic pathos of the first, has a quaint humor of its own which 
entitles* it to survive, and besides has an actual historic value 
through the manner in which it portrays au existing condition of 
contemporary life in the picture which it gives of the exhausting 
demands made upon the time of a rural Congregational minister. 
Frederic Ingham, the hero of this latter story, is described as a 
Sandemanian minister, and it is through interest in him that thou- 
sands, yes, I might say tens of thousands, of readers have been led 
to inquire, What is a Sandemanian ? As if to perpetuate interest 
in this question, this story closed with Ingham settled upon the 
Minister's lot in Township % Range 3, in Maine, where, relieved 
from the exacting duties which led him to employ a double, he 
finds time to work on his Traces of Sandemanianism in the Sixth 
and Seventh Centuries, and here the opportunity is found for the 
construction of the Brick Moon, the story of which forms another 
of this series. 

Those who have read this quaint and humorous forerunner of the 
quasi-scientific stories of the Jules Verne type, may perhaps recall 
this fact, that the inhabitants of the Brick Moon were no sooner 
launched into space than they felt the necessity of a religious 
organization, which they satisfied by the establishment of a Sande- 
manian Church* A bundle containing presents for the inhabitanta 
of the Brick Moon was shot forth from the fly-wheel into space. 
A few of the articles which it contained reached the surface of the 
new planet, but others became satellites. Among the latter was a 
copy of the Ingham Papers which, according to the title-page 
of that volume, contained " some memorials of the life of Capt. 
Frederic Ingham, U. S. N., sometime pastor of the First Sande- 
manian Church in Naguadavick," a etc. This volume is prefaced 
by a Memoir of the imaginary Ingham in which Mr, Hale tells us 
what he knew about the Sandemamans. He says : — 

" I have been somewhat surprised, and indeed annoyed to find how 
many intelligent persons, who, probably, share themselves in the prin- 

1 In If, Yes, and Perhaps, Boaton, 1868, pp, 199-241. 

1 Ibid. pp. 171-198* ■ The Inghajn Papers, Boston, 1869. 


ciples of Robert Sandeman, are, nevertheless, ignorant of the very 
existence of the Sandemanian Communion." 

In the dedication to one of his books, 1 Mr. Hale says : — 

"I dedicate this book to the youngest of my friends, not two hours 
old. Fun, fact, and fancy, — may his fresh life mix the three in their 
just proportions." 

Mr. Hale's fancy has such an air of verisimilitude that it has 
always puzzled some of his readers to distinguish it from his fact, 
and there must have been many among them who will welcome 
authentic knowledge of Sandemanianism. 

Mr. Henry Williams and Mr. Goodell both expressed 
the wish that Mr. Porter would write out his Remarks in 
order that the interesting and valuable account of this almost- 
forgotten Sect might be preserved in print in the Publications 
of this Society. 2 

Mr. Frederick Lewis Gay then said : — 

Shortly after the battle of Lexington, complaints of bad and 
insufficient food were heard from the New England militia invest- 
ing the British forces in the town of Boston. It is hard to say 
now how far the complaints were justified by facts, but it is only 
natural to suppose that there was more or less real suffering 
attendant on the sudden massing of a horde of half-disciplined 
troops. Perhaps it is too complimentary to call many of them 
even half-disciplined. Difficulties arose from want of an organized 
system of distribution rather than from a lack of supplies. Modern 
instances of like troubles in our recent war with Spain need not be 
touched on here. 

I have here the Petition of a handful of militiamen made vocal 
by hunger. The body of the Petition is in the handwriting of 
Eliphalet Barns, the first signer. The writer's shrewd line of 
reasoning in the preamble shows him to have been no mean juggler 
with words. How to deal with such cases of rank insubordination 

1 If, Yes, and Perhaps. 

2 Mr. Porter promised to comply with this request, but died before he found 
time to do so. The brief abstract of his Remarks in the text is made from 
notes taken at the time by a member of the Society. 



at that juncture must have been a hard question. As an example 
of one of the many discouragements which beset those in authority 
at the beginning of the Revolution, the paper seems worth pre- 

To the Representatives of the province of the Massechusetts Bay Seting 
in Congress at wattertown this with Care. 

Jentlemen Repre sen tithes of this province. 

Know dout it is a truth acknowiidged among men that god his plac d 
men io greater and Lower Stations in life* and that Inferiours are moraly 
Bound to obay their Superiors in all their lawful Commands, But altho 
our king is our Superiour, yet his Commands are unlawful. Therefore 
we are not bound to obay, but are in providence Cald to rise up against 
Such tiraoicai usurpations, and our province at this difficult Day is 
Neeessiated to Chose Representatives und officers to Rule as king over 
us. To which we Cheerfully Submit in all things lawful or just & 
Count it our hapiness, but if their laws are greuvious to bare, then the 
agreaved is by the Same Rule authorized to Rise up in opposition to 
Said laws, and their bis been Some acts made for the Regulation of the 
ariuey, and his been So Short life u and New acts in Stead thereof, that it 
his Constraind many to withdraw and others, viz. Companies and Rage- 
ments, Appearently broke or throne into Confusion, and by these that 
Remain Here are much Deuty Required, to which we, animated from a 
Spirit of Liberty, would CbearfulJy Submit, provided we had a Suffi- 
cient Support from day to day* we many times have drawn Such Roten 
Stinkin meat that the Smell is Sufficient to make us lothe the Same, and* 
provided the provision would be good, a pound of meat and a pound of 
bread with what Small quantity of Sase we at Some times draw is fare 
from being Sufficient for a Labouring man during 24 hours, the truth of 
which we have Experienc d to our Cost, as Necessity his Constraind us 
to buy from day to day until! our money fails, and is not this a means 
of driving away men that otherwise would Stay, and keeping away men 
that otherwise would Come, pray let not our Case be parilel to the Case 
of the Isarelites when in bondege to the Egyptianes, who Required the 
tale of brick, but gave no Straw. If you Require the tale of work or 
deauty from us, give us wherewith all to live upon, their is a large 
Nomber of men in verious Ragemeuts that Rsents Their treatment with 
Regard to provision So fare that they have Sworn by the god that made 
them that, if the[y] Cannot have a Sufficient Support, they will Either 
Raise a mob and go to the general and Demand provision and obtain it 
that way* or they will Swing their packs Emediately and go home boldly 


throu all the Guards. If the Reality of the above is Scrupled, Surely 
the truth may be known by the Colonels applying to the Solders, and 
if we Should be Constraind to take any of the above Extreams, dos it 
not look like great Confusion, yea, a fore Runner of our fall, and we 
become a pray to Devorring unnatreal Cruel Enemies of our liberties 
and Religeon. and Now we would humbly Request the Congress, as they 
Regard The welfair of the province, our lives and liberties and the 
Religion we profess, that they would Remove out of the way at Least 
this one Defficultie which otherwise his the apperence of making an 
Emediate Contention or Rebelion in the Camp, we not only write in 
our Names, but in the name And behalf of many whome we Represent. 
And that the Congress may have wisdom from a bove to act in Such a 
Difficult day is the Sincere Desire of them who as yet Remains yours to 

Roxbuby, May ye 23, 1775. 

Eliphelet Barns 
Timothy Titus 
Sthephen Willes 
James willard 
wilam Bennett 
Isaac Pits 
Jonah Fuler 
John Armstrong 

In Provincial Congress, Watertown, May 25, 1775. 

Ordered. That the within Petition be sent to General Thomas, and 
that he be, and hereby is directed to enquire into the causes of the 
Complaint therein contained, and take proper measures for the Redress 
of the Petitioners. 

Sam l Freeman Seer 9 P. T. 

I cannot discover what, if any, redress was afforded the peti- 
tioners. The indorsement, written perhaps by the Commissary 
General, is brief and ominous : — " Pertition of 8 Scoundrels to the 
Honourable Provincial] Congress." x 

Mr. Charles Armstrong Snow said that he recognized 
in John Armstrong, — one of the "eight Scoundrels," an an- 
cestor concerning whom he should gratefully welcome infor- 

1 An allusion to this Petition will be found, under date of 25 May, 1775, in 
Journals of each Provincial Congress of Massachusetts, 1838, pp. 257, 258. 




matlon, and expressed the hope that some member of the 
Society might be able to give it, 

Mr. Edes exhibited an extremely rare engraved portrait 
of Washington, which was the first to be published in Boston, 1 
It bears the following inscription : — 

B. Bljtb, deL J. Norman, Sculp. 

His Excels George Washington, Esq? 

General and Commander in Chief of the Allied Armies, 

Supporting the Independence of America. 

Taken from an original Picture in possession of his Ex* 7 

Govf Hancock 

Published by John Coles, Boston, March 20 th 1782, 

Mr, Albert Matthews communicated the following paper 
on — 



These words, so well known throughout New England, suggest 
in teres ting questions in regard to derivation, meaning, and distri- 
bution. As early as about 1680 the Reverend W. Hubbard called 
attention to the topographical meaning of Interval, u Butt here 
and there," he remarked, " there are many rich and fruitfull spots 
of land, such as they call intervail land, in levells and champain 
ground, without trees or stones, neere the banks of great rivers." a 
More than a century later the Reverend J. Morse said that u these 
rallies, which have received the expressive name of interval lands, 
are of various breadths* from two to twenty miles.'* 3 In 1790 the 
Reverend S, Deane gave the following definition : — 

** Interval, the space between two places, or things. The word is 
used id husbandry to deuote the space between rows of cor a, or other 
vegetables j especially in the horse- hoeing husbandry. By interval 
also, and more usually in this country t is understood land on the border 

1 A companion portrait of Martha Washington was also engraved by Norman. 

* General History of New England, 1815, p. 22 (3 Massachusetts Historical 
Collections, v, 22), Though written for publication about 1080, thia work waa 
not printed until 1815* 

* American Geography, 1789, p. Ill* 


of a river. Interval-land is commonly so high and dry as to be fit for 
tillage ; and yet always so low as to be frequently overflowed by the 
swelling of rivers, especially in the spring." * 

In 1792 the Reverend J. Belknap, when criticised by an 
English reviewer 2 for the use of the word " freshet," boldly de- 
fended himself; but when he took up the word Intervale, his 
tone was almost apologetic. He said : — 

" I know not whether as much can be said in vindication of another 
word, which I have frequently used, and which perhaps is not more 
known in England, viz. intervale. I can cite no very ancient authority 
for it ; but it is well understood in all parts of New-England to distin- 
guish the low- land adjacent to the fresh rivers, which is frequently 
overflowed by the freshets." * 

The first dictionary to recognize Interval, in the meaning under 
discussion, was Webster's Compendious Dictionary of 1806 ; but 
Webster did not venture an opinion as to the derivation of the 
term. This was first done by E. A. Kendall, an English traveller, 
who in 1809 wrote : — 

" The Cohosses or Cohasses, as we now see them, are therefore really 
tracts of meadow land, belonging to what are called the intervals of the 
Connecticut. But, even the term interval, though originating with the 
colonists themselves, has almost ceased to be understood by writers in 
the United States, and even in New England itself. They are at one 
time perplexed as to its etymology, and at another as to its application. 
One of them, translating Mr. Volney's work on the soil and climate of 
the United States, is careful to present the word interval under a 
peculiar form : — 4 The inter-vales and banks of rivers ; ' 4 a refinement 
of which the intention appears to be, that of refreshing the reader's 
memory as to a supposed derivation of the word from inter and vallis, 
meaning a space betiveen valleys. This etymology I have heard assigned 
by word of mouth, and it appears to be adopted in the passage cited, 

1 New-England Farmer ; or, Georgical Dictionary, p. 152/2. 

2 Monthly Review, 1787, lxxvi. 139, 272. 
■ History of New-Hampshire, iii. 6. 

4 A View of the Soil and Climate of the United States of America, By 
C. F. Volney, Translated by C. B. Brown, Philadelphia, 1804, p. 9. The 
form " inter-vale," so far from indicating a refinement of intention on the part 
of Brown, was doubtless merely a printer's error. 



because, had the writer supposed the word to come from inter and 
vaUum,) he would certainly have left it interval^ in the ordinary form, 
Meanwhile, a moments reflection will suggest, that a space between 
valleys must necessarily be filled only with mountains," 1 

In 1815 the terms were recognized by J. Pickering, 2 and a few 
years later President T. Dwight thus ran foul of the historian of 
New Hampshire : — 

**The word, Interval * yon have undoubtedly observed, is used by me 
in a sense, altogether different from that, which it has in an English 
Dictionary* Doctor Belknap spells it Intervale ; and confesses his 
want of authority for the use of the word. There is in truth no such 
word ; unless we are to look for its existence in vulgar, and mistaken 
pronunciation. , * . Interval * . in its appropriate meaning, denotes 
lands, formed by a long continued, and gradual alluvion of a river," 1 

In 1828 the form Intervale was recognized by Webster in his 
American Dictionary, but in this dubious manner: u Dr. Belknap 
writes this intervale; I think improperly." In 1842 Z. Thompson 
wrote: — 

** Intervale. This word has not yet found a place in our dictionaries, 
and there was much carping about it by Dr. Dwight, Mr. Kendall, and 
other travellers and writers, But we use it, notwithstanding, because 
it will express our meaning more briefly and intelligibly to the greater 
part of our readers, than any other we could employ* It may be derived 
from inter — within, and valli* — a vale, or valley; and in its specific 
signification, it denotes those alluvial flats, lying along the margins of 
streams, which have been, or occasionally are overflowed in consequence 
of the rising of the water/' * 

The terms were noted by Bartlett 5 in 1859, and by De Vere § in 
1872. In 1888 the late Professor J, D. Whitney said : — 

1 Travels through the Northern Parts of the United States, iii. 191, 1.92. 
•cahulory, or Collection of Words and Phrases which have been supposed 
to be peculiar to the United States. Fint printed id the Memoirs of the Amer- 
ican Academy of Arts and Sciences, Vol iii ., Part ii* f pp. 430-53G; published 
at Cambridge the same year j and reprinted, with additions, at Boston in 1816. 

* Travels; in New-England and New- York, 1821, ii. 328, 329* 

* Hiatory of Vermont, Part L, pp. 6, 7, note* 

1 J. R. Bartlett's Dictionary of Americanisms, Second edition, p. 217. 

* Jl* S, De Vere's Americanisms, p* 176. 



" * Interval ' and * bottom* ' as topograph leal designations, appear to 
be peculiarly American words. An interval (Lat. tntervaUuTn) is the 
space between a river and the bills or mountains by which the lower, 
lerel portion of the river-valley is bounded* Hence * interval* has 
nearly the same meaning as * meadow/ and the two words are more or 
lesa interchangeable. . . * Intervale is a variant of ' interval, 1 less fre- 
quently used than the latter word*" ■ 

Each of the derivations put forth by Kendall and by Thompson 
has received support from recent dictionaries. 8 

If there has been a diversity of opinion in regard to the deriva- 
tion of the terms, so too has there been disagreement as to their 
meaning. Kendall, the English traveller already cited, was 
chagrined that any one should suppose that Interval and meadow 
were synonymous in meaning, and thus expressed himself : — 

" Again ; as to the signification of the term, we find it confounded 
with the term meadow : — * The lands west of the last mentioned range 
of mountains/ says a native geographer, 'bordering on Connecticut 
Eiver, are interspersed with extensive meadows or intervals, rich and well 
watered/ But, if the word interval were synonymous with meadow^ it 
ought upon no occasion to be employed ; and it is only because it is not 
synonymous that [it] is useful, and deserves to be retained. The elder 
colonists resorted to it on account of the peculiar disposition of a very 
great proportion of the surface, over all the country which they colon- 
ized. The interval^ intended in New England geography* is the interval 
or space between a river ajid the mountains which on both sides uni- 
formly accompany its course, at a greater or less distance from the 
margin. Hence, interval-lands include meadow and uplands, and in 

i In saying that i( bottom " was a peculiarly American word, Professor 
Whitney was in error, as the terra had been in use in England three centuries 
before the settlement of this country. See the Oxford English Dictionary. 

3 Names and Places : Stiidies in Geographical and Topographical Nomen- 
clature, p. 231. 

* " Interval, Intervale. [Intermit (the vale between) is probably the origi- 
nal word.] In New England, a tract of low or plain ground between hills or 
along the banks of rivers Tr (Imperial Dictionary, 1882). 

" Interval, intervale, i. [Etym. doubtful ; probably from pref. infer-, and 
vateJ] A tract of low or plain ground between hills or along the banks of rivers* 
(American*)** (Encyclopaedic Dictionary, 1885,) 

11 Intervale, n. [A var. of interval, as if < inter- -h vale,'} A low level tract of 
land, especially along a river ; an interval. See interval, 2, [Local, U, S.] " 
(Century Dictionary.) 




general the whole of the narrow valley, through which, in these regions, 
the rivers flow. Where rivers flow through extensive plains ; where, in 
short* the eye is not constantly tempted to measure the distance between 
the river and the adjacent mountains, there is no intention of interval- 
lands: 9 l 

Of a somewhat similar opinion was Noah Webster* who In 1816 
said : — 

1 ' Interval is not synonymous with meadow- The latter is properly 
grass land, although we have extended the sense to tillage-land, and 
usually to plain land near rivers, or other low land. Interval land is 
land between hills, or a hill and river, and may be so called though 
covered with wood/' a 

However it may have been in regard to etymology — and there 
is no evidence to show that any American concerned himself with 
that matter until the present century — it is certain that the 
Englishman gave himself needless anxiety with respect to the 
application of the terms. When, about the middle of the seven- 
teenth century, the colonists pushed inland and settled the regions 
above tide water, they encountered a different kind of soil, — the 
alluvial deposits along the banks of fresh- water streams. To land 
of this description, lying between the rivers and the uplands 
on either side, they gave the name of Interval or Intervale. 
Hence these terms have again and again been employed as 
exactly synonymous in meaning with meadow ; but it is to be 
observed that while all Intervales are meadows, not all meadows 
are Intervales. 3 Professor Whitney's statement that Intervale has 
been used less often than Interval, is not borne out by the evi- 
dence. 4 Both forms are not seldom found employed by the same 
writer, and even appear in the same piece of writing, — though 

i Travels, 1809, Hi, 192, 193. 

a Letter to the Honorable John Pickering, on the Subject of his Vocabulary f 
1817, p. 18. 

J Thus the words 'Interval and Intervale have never been employed in Rhode 
Island, simply because the particular kind of soil denoted by the terms is un- 
known in that State. Nor will they be found anywhere along the seacoast of 
New England, 

* This shows that Interval and Intervale occur in about the proportion of 
seven to ten, respectively ; but, at the present time, Interval is the more common 


this last fact is certainly due in some cases to careless proof-reading. 
Kendall remarked upon the form " inter-vale," employed by C. B. 
Brown, — a form which is also found in works by R. Rogers 1 and 
by J. A. Graham, 2 but which is of rare occurrence. 8 

The history of the distribution of these terms is interesting as 
showing the tenacity with which they have clung to that section 
of the country in which they arose, and the success with which 
they have resisted attempts at diffusion elsewhere. They occur 
in the diaries, journals, and letters of New Englanders, and in 
the records of certain New England towns, three quarters of a 
century before their first appearance in print; and during the 
eighteenth century they are found in the writings of others than 
New Englanders. Whether the terms had an independent origin 
in other parts of the country, or whether the writers alluded to 
became familiar with them through travels in New England, it is 
difficult to say with certainty ; but their life in other regions was 
of short duration, so far as the present writer has been able to 
ascertain, and in this century the terms have been confined almost 
exclusively to New England. This is the more surprising be- 
cause there is proof that the New Englanders who emigrated to 
the Muskingum and the Ohio, in 1788, took the terms along with 
them. 4 It was remarked by A. L. Elwyn in 1859, that — 

" The people of Ohio, who are largely derived from Yankees, are not 
remarkable for possessing their peculiarities. The great number of 
modern English and other foreigners who have mingled with the settlers 
from New England, have broken down any Yankeeisms that might 
otherwise have established themselves there." 5 

How far this statement is true in general, I am unable to say ; 
but it seems to receive striking confirmation from the history of 

1 Concise Account of North America, 1765, pp. 49, 53, 66, 67, 84. The form 
Intervale occurs at p. 48. 

* Descriptive Sketch of the Present State of Vermont, 1797, p. 44. The 
form Intervale occurs at pp. 65, 135, 148, 166. Both these books were printed 
in London. 

■ The following are the early forms : Enteruail, Enterual, Entervail, Enter- 
vaile, Enterval, Entervale, Entervail, Intervail, Intervaile, Interval, Intervale, 
Intervall, Intervayle, Intreval. By about 1750 these had been reduced to the 
two forms now common. 

4 See the extract below from R. Putnam, 1788. 

6 Glossary of Supposed Americanisms, pp. 6, 7. 




the terras under discussion. 1 But while they appear never to 
have been introduced into the South* 2 and while their existence 
in the West was of short duration, they have yet succeeded in 
finding their way across the northern boundary of New England, 
and are now current in New Brunswick. 8 It may be added that 
both terms are absolutely unknown in the British Isles> 

1 Professor O, F, Emerson, of Western Reserve University, writes me from 
Cleveland, Ohio, that "no one here is able to tell me of their use,* 1 Professor 
6* C, 8. Southworth, of Salem, Ohio, writes from that place : — 

* While in Cleveland I met several gentlemen, who are familiar with the Western 
Reserve and the State of Uhio, 1 received categorical replies that they had never heard 
the word Interval or Intervale used popularly b Ohio* I am satisfied that the word is 
not used in this State, for bottom-land, or meadow," 

' No example of the terms south of Pennsylvania is known to me* 

8 In hi.s Preliminary Report on the Surface Geology of New Brunswick 
I8S5\ G G 48, R. Chalmers writee i — 

*' Intervales accompany every river in New Brunswick with greater or less breadth, 
and comprise thousands of acres of the very beat lands. . . . The freshets deposit a thin 
strata m of silt noon them t whirh, by yearly increments, has given the in their present 
thickness, and there seems no reason to doubt that these Intervales have been wholly 
formed in this way, that is, from the sediments of spring freshets " (Geological and 
Natural History Survey of Canada, Annual Report, New Series, Vol. i.)« 

Our associate, Professor G. L. Kittretfge. of Harvard University, has called 
my attention to the two following extracts from Australian books : — 

" The alluvia] lands of New Sonth Wales, or what the people of New England would 
call interval lands, {I presume because they constitute the interval between the rivers ami 
the open forest-conn try,) are in general heavily timbered " (J* D + Lang, Historical and 
Statistical Account of New South Wales, 18*14, L 89) + 

" These floods are not periodical. Until 1806 none of importance had occurred ; the 
people had settled down on the rich * interval * laud, the deposit of former overflowings M 
(& Sidney, The Three Colonics of Australia, 1852, p. 49 J. 

Am Sidney clearly copies from Lang, and as Lang refers to New England 
usage, these extracts do not. prove that the term is in vogue in Australia ; and 
the conclusion that the word is not there in use is confirmed by Professor E. E. 
Morris, of the University of Melbourne, the author of Austral English i a Dic- 
tionary of Australian Words, Phrases, and Uses, 1808. To an inquiry, ProL 
Morris kindly replied as follows : 

* 1 think I may say that, none of the terms* you mention as Belonging to New Eug* 
land have taken root in Australia. Yon give two instances of the word * intervale ' from 
Australian hook*, lint in both canes they are exotic, and the result of authors having read 
New England literature! not local to Australia" 

* Since this paper was written, the section of the Oxford English Diction- 
ary containing the terms in question has been published. From this it appears 
that the statement in the text requires modification to the extent of recognize 
ing a single Scottish example, as follows : — - 

"This City of Fez is situate upon the bodies and twice double derailing faces . , . 
of two hills . . .; the intervale, or low valley between© both * * . beiug the Center" 
(1632, Uthgow, Travels, viii. 365J. 


The history and the wide use of the terms are more fully 
illustrated by the extracts which follow. It should be observed 
that, unless otherwise indicated in the foot-notes, all the citations 
are from the writings of New Englanders. M 


44 ffirst ffor the maintainanc of the minestree of Gods holy word wee 
doe Allowe Covenant and Agree that there be laid out Stated and estab- 
lished, . . . thirty acors of vppland and fortie acords of Entervale Land 
and twelue acors of meddowe with free Libertie of Commons for Pasture 
and fire woood." x 

44 first he hath a peice of upland Laid out to him Sumtimes Called by 
the name of Still Riuer farm bounded Southwest by the enteruail . . . 
and westerly it buts upon the highway to the plumtrees enteruail." * 

"That the, old planters & their Assignes • • • reteine & keepe as theire 
propriety, (of such lands as they now clajme an Interest in) each of 
them only twenty acres of meadow twenty acres for the house lott ten 
acres Intervale land & tenn acres of other vplands." * 

44 1 give to my Son Stephen my house and my house lott of Twenty 
acres at Nashaway and Twenty acres of Intervale Lands and all my 
Land at Hemp Swamp." 4 

44 fforasmuch as the countrey hye way as it was formerly layd out by 
Lankaster and groaten vpon seuerall yeares triall, proued to be very 
insufficient and very difucult to be made passable in regard it was for 
the most part lyeing in the Intervailes wheirin their are seuerall soft 
places and litle brookes • . . Lankaster made application to groaten 
for Remouing of the said way to Run more vpon the vpland which was 
Readily atended." 6 

44 There is no intervale nor meadow land in this tract of land that I 
moove for them." • 

44 Thro this place [Ousetonuck] runs a very curious river, the same 
(which some say) runs thr6 Stradford ; and it has, on each side, several 

1 1653, Early Records of Lancaster, Massachusetts, 1884, p. 27. 

* 1659, History of the Town of Harvard, Massachusetts, 1894, p. 16. 
■ 1661, History of Middlesex County, Massachusetts, 1890, ii. 506/2. 

4 Will of S. Gates, 1662, in New England Historical and Genealogical Regis- 
ter, 1877, xxxi. 401. 

6 1673, Early Records of Groton, Massachusetts, 1880, p. 46. 

• 1685, Massachusetts Colony Records, v. 482. 


parcels of pleasant, fertile, intervale land* , * . In this place [Kiudar- 
hook] y r is very rich land ; a curious river runs thro the town, on y* 
banks of which y r is some interval land/ 1 1 

11 It will be of Great Service to all the Western Frontiers ■ ■ , that 
so Much of the said Equivilaut Land, as shall bee necessary for a Block 
House, bee taken up, with the consent of the owners of said Land ; To- 
gether with five or six acres of their Interval Land, to be broke up, or 
plowed, for the present use of Western Indians (In case any of them 
shall think fit to bring their families)." a 

44 We * • . scouted up said N. W\ branch about 10 mile, & found it to 
be a still stream fit for Conoes with plenty of Eiiterval, & old plantlug 
laud of y* Indians/' * 

•■ To be SOLD) By Joseph Burleigh, A Plantation containing Two 
Hundred and odd Acres, situate upon Stoney- Brook* iu the Eastern 
DiviaioQ of New-Jersey, > . * It is fit for either Stock or Grain, having 
near fifty Acres of very good intervale Meadows, which is most of it 
pleughable and brings extraordinary good English Hay/' 4 

M In some places our lands are interval or meadow upon the rivers* 
and by the sound the soil is fruitful, but the far greater part of the land 
in the Colony is mountainous, rocky and more barren." * 

(b I also see Pigwaket Plain or Intervale Land as also Pigwaket River 
which runs from the North West to the South East and cuts the afore- 
said Interval to two Triangles, it lying North & South about eight miles 
in length & four in breadth/' * 

14 Then marched over several Brooks and low places, but could make 
no discovery ; and so marched to a River, called Currier-Sarge River, 
and found some Camps, supposed to be Indian camps, and there camped 
in the Intervale/* 1 

1 1094, B* Wadsworth, in 4 Massachusetts Historical Collections, L 103, 104. 

* 1723, in G. Sheldon's History of Deerfield, Massachusetts, 1395, L 405, 
■ 1725, S. Wiilard, in Appalachia, 1881, ii. 343, 

4 1730, Pennsylvania Gazette, 29 October-5 November, in New Jersey Ar- 
chives, xL 225, 2*20* This is the earliest example of the word known to me in 
prinU Similar advertisements appeared in the New York Gazette of 30 July, 
1733, and of 3 December, 1750 (New Jersey Archives, xi. 321 ; xii. 603). 

* 1730, Colonial Records of Connecticut, vii, 581 , 582. 

1 1741, W. Bryervt t in New- Hampshire Provincial Papers, vi, 351. 
T 1746, A- C lough, in Collections of the New-Hampshire Historical Society, 
1S34, it* 202. 



" This scarcity of Hay I account for in this manner ; Our first Plant- 
ers who settled down by the Sea, and those who settled by the large 
Rivers and Intervale, Lands, found so much salt Marsh by the Sea-side, 
and those on the Rivers aud Intervale found so much mowing Ground 
more than they had Occasion for, that they Improved only such Parts 
as were best and nearest at hand, and let the Rest lie." 1 

44 The Soil along these Parts of Ohio and its Eastern Branches, 
though but little broken with high Mountains, is none of the best ; con- 
sisting in general of low dry Ridges of White-Oak and Chestnut Land, 
with very rich interval low Meadow Ground." * 

" With Mess : Jones and Ely, I rode to Northampton. • • . The 
Meadows, as the People here call the Intervals, are the best Fields I 
ever saw, very rich and very large." * 

" I find at the back of my Patent here and at 10 or 12 Miles from the 
River, a small Piece which is an Intervale and I should be greatly 
obliged to you if you would grant it, on the Indians consenting thereto." 4 

44 The two great rivers, Connecticut and Hudson's river, are most re- 
markable for large tracts of this interval land, which are so often over- 
flowed as to need no other manure, the waters in a freshet bringing down 
so much muck from the mountains, like the waters of the Nile, as to 
keep the ground in good heart to bear a crop of wheat every year." * 

44 The land in Campton proposed as a site for the School is generally 
good, — great quantity of large white Pines; the situation pleasant; 
the stream, called Baker's River (a branch of Merrimack, by which logs 
are rafted to the sea), runs through it, on which are large intervales." • 

44 To be Sold at PUBLIC VENDUE to the highest Bidder, on the First 
Day of August, at Two o'Clock, P. M. A FARM in Uxbridge, contain- 
ing about Two Hundred Acres, Fifty or more of which is choice Intervail 
for Tillage or Mowing, and a Crop of Grass and Grain on the same." 7 

1 1749, J. Eliot, Essays upon Field-Husbandry in New-England, 1760, p. 23. 
1 L. Evans, Middle British Colonies, 1755, p. 28. This is the earliest appear- 
ance of the word in a printed book. Evans was perhaps not a New Englander. 

• 1760, P. Coffin, in 1 Collections of the Maine Historical Society, iv. 262. 

4 1764, Sir W. Johnson, in F. B. Hough's Diary of the Siege of Detroit, 
1860, p. 254. Johnson was not a New Englander. 

* 1764, T. Hutchinson, History of the Colony of Massachusetts Bay, Second 
Edition, 1765, p. 484, note. 

• 1768, E. Cleaveland, in F. Chase's History of Dartmouth College and the 
Town of Hanover, New Hampshire, 1891, i. 104. 

* Boston Gazette, 10 July, 1769, p. 2/3. 



** When I first came into the town, which waB upon the top of a hill, 
there opened before me the moat beautiful prospect of the river, and the 
intervals and improvements on each aide of it," ■ 

** Departed half an hour past ten o'clock A. M, past several islands, 
mod found the bank, on the west Bide, in many places high, we saw in 
many others high and intervale oak land; — not so much drowned land 
as the former days." * 

"The lands which lie upon the Ohio f at the months of, and between 
Ibe al>ove Creeks, also consist of rich intervals and very fine farming 
grounds." * 

" Removed our camp to the west side of the river, about 3 miles up ; 
this is allowed by judges to be the best laud they ever saw and sure I 
am that I never saw an equal to it, our garden spots in New Hampshire 
not excepted, the interval surpasses all description ; the river Susque- 
hanna on which this lies, abounds with fish*" * 

* 4 But you, perhaps, will inquire why all the margins of the River 
Ohio and Muskingum are not taken up so far as we extend these lots on 
either side of them? Answer: They are so where there is any consid- 
erable body of Interval or Second Bottom bordering on them/' fi 

u At the melting of the snows, the river [Connecticut] comes down 
in all its majesty; rising about fifteen feet perpendicular: and over- 
flowing the land on either side. The lands which are overflowed are 
called {ntervoify are used as meadows, and occasionally sown with hemp 
and grain/' * 

"In this descent and passage to the ocean, all the larger rivers in 
this part of America, have also formed large tracts of intervale lands. 
By intervales we mean those low lands, which are adjacent to the rivers, 
and frequently overflowed by them in the spring and fall, or whenever 
the waters are raised to their greatest height These intervales are level) 

* 1771, J. Adams, Works, 1850, 11 27S. 

* B. Romans, Concise Natural History of East and West Florida, 1775, i. 317. 
Romans was born in Holland, 

* T. Hutching, Topographical Description of Virginia, Pennsylvania, Mary- 
land, and North Carolina, 1778, p. 4. Hutch ins was born in New Jersey. 

4 1779, D. Gookin, in New England Historical and Genealogical Register, 
18fi2 t XfL 29* 

* 1788, R. Putnam, in M. Cutler's Life, Journals and Correspondence, 188S, 
L 378. 

* 1793, J. Drayton, Letters written during a Tour through the Northern 
& Eastern States of America, 1794, p. 101. Drayton was a South Carolinian. 


and extensive plains; of the same altitude as the banks of the river; in 
width they often reach from a quarter of a mile, to a mile and an half, 
sometimes on one, and sometimes on both sides of the river. There are 
frequently two strata of intervales, the one four or five feet higher than 
the other ; the highest of which is not overflowed, but when the waters 
are raised to an uncommon height ; but they are level, and extensive 
like the others." * 

" The floods, from time to time, have changed the beds of several of 
our rivers, as the different strata at twenty, thirty, and forty feet below 
the surface evince ; and there is reason to conclude that the intervals 
have thereby been formed." a 

" The intervales [in Ohio] are very fertile ; and, on the borders of 
the rivers and creeks, the bottom-lands are from half a mile to a mile 
and a half, and sometimes more, in width,. with great depth of soil. 
These are capable of being made into extensive and luxuriant meadow 
grounds." • 

" It is natural to inquire into the motives which could tempt men to 
settle in a region so remote from commerce and the world : iron-mines, 
and some fine intervcU land (as it is- here called) were the original 
attractions." 4 

u It is also easy by the geological and topographical features of a 
country, to predict the nature of the alluvial or intervale soils, which 
have been washed down from the hills and mountains by brooks, rivers 
and rain." 6 

" We had tracked 
The winding Pemigewasset, overhung 
By beechen shadows, whitening down its rocks, 
Or lazily gliding through its intervals, 
From waving rye-fields sending up the gleam 
Of sunlit waters." • 

1 S. Williams, Natural and Civil History of Vermont, 1794, p. 35. 

2 I. Allen, Natural and Political History of the State of Vermont, 1798, p. 5. 

* T. M. Harris, Journal of a Tour into the Territory Northwest of the 
Alleghany Mountains, 1805, p. 96. 

4 1806, T. Ashe, Travels in America, 1808, i. 13. Ashe was an Englishman. 
He alludes to Pennsylvania. 

6 C. T. Jackson, Third Annual Report on the Geology of the State of Maine, 
1839, p. 124. 

• 1844, J. G. Whittier, The Bridal of Pennacook, Poetical Works, 1888, i. 81. 




lfi Beneath low hills, in the broad interval 
Through which at will our Indian rivulet 

Winds unmindful still of sannup and of squaw, 
Whose pipe and arrow oft the plough unburies, 
Here in pine houses built of new fallen trees, 
Supplanters of the tribe, the farmers dwell." 1 

"The north bank of the St. Lawrence here is formed on a grand 
scale. It slopes gently, either directly from the shore, or from the edge 
of an interval, till, at the distance of about a mile, it attains the height 
of four or five hundred feet." a 

11 From the heart of Waumbek Methna, from the lake that never fails, 
Falls the Saco in the green lap of Conway's intervales," * 

u On the divide between the upper waters of the Roanoke and New 
River was a beautiful intervale, the pasturing ground of large game, 
known as Draper's Meadows." 4 

Dr. Fitzedward Hall remarks, in a letter, that it would be 
curious if it were to be proved " that, in the English of England, 
interval, in its ordinary sense, was ever spelled with a final e and 
pronounced inter-vale^ While the expression " with-outen inter- 
vaUe," translating the French phrase " wns intervaUe" occurs in 
Chaucer,* it is probable that interval^ in its ordinary sense, did not 
come into vogue in England until about the beginning of the 
seventeenth century. 6 During that century a few examples 7 are 

J R. W. Emerson, Musketaquit, Poems, 1847, p. 228. 

1 1853, EL D. Thoreau, A Yankee in Canada, Excursions, 1894, p. 51, 

* 1856, J. G. Whittier, Mary Garvin, Poetical Works, 1888, L 154. 

* J. Winsor, The Mississippi Basin, 1805, p. 230. 

* Works, 1894, iv> 226, 

* An early instance is the following : — 

" This is the freshest, the most bnsio and stirring Intervall or time between©, that 
husbandmen have m (P. Holland, The Historic of the World, 1601, L 591). 

Dr. Murray's readers have been able to furnish him with but a single extract 
before Chaucer, and with but a single extract between Chaucer and Holland j 
and the statement in the text is confirmed by Dr. Murray's remark that " tho 
appearances of the word till the beginning of the 17th c. are quite sporadic, 
having little or no historical connexion with each other." 

T Sir George Downing wrote from England 8 March, 1647 : — 

" For the state of things beer, it hath been very varioos, not only in the time of wane, 
but more since : we having since the sheathing of the swonra some times enjoyed our 
lncide Intervales, but then all hath quickly been o'reclouded, that no mortall eye could in 


met with of interval, in its ordinary sense, spelled with a final e ; 
but such examples are extremely rare, and there is no other evi- 
dence to indicate that, on either side of the Atlantic, the word, in 
its ordinary sense, was pronounced " inter- vale." Moreover, that 
the true derivation of interval from intervallum was recognized by 
some users of the word is shown by the occasional employment of 
intervallum itself, both as a Latin word a and as an English word, 2 
and also by the definitions of lexicographers. 8 It is to be noted, 
also, that interval, in its ordinary sense, was a learned word, not 
one used by the people. When, about the middle of the seven- 
teenth century, the word was employed by the New Englanders in 
its specialized American sense as a topographical word, meaning 
the space between the river and the uplands on either side, it at 
once came into popular use ; and, the particular kind of land 
denoted by the term lying necessarily in valleys, it is probable that 
in their minds " vale " was very prominent. Thus the form Inter- 

the face of things see any thing but mine " (4 Massachusetts Historical Collections, vi. 

" This Court in the intervales of the Geu 11 Court doe desire and impower the Gov- 
erno r and Assistants ... to be a Council to order and transact such necessary occasions 
and concernes as shall be to be attended in the sayd intervalla of the General Court " 
(1682, Colonial Records of Connecticut, 1859, Hi. 113). 

In a letter of instructions written from London in 1683, it was ordered that — 

" no Street be laid close to the back of another without an Intervale of at least a pair of 
Butts " (New Jersey Archives, 1880, i. 431). 

1 In 1574, Archbishop Grindal wrote : — 

" My fits of cholic, stone, and strangury are very grievous when they come ; but God 
sendeth me some intervalla, else they were intolerable'' (Remains, 1843, p. 351). 

In 1644, the Rev. W. Chillingworth said : — 

" These heatdrops, this morning dew of sorrow, though it presently vanish, and they 
return to their sin againe upon the next temptation, as a dog to his vomit, when the pang 
is over ; yet in the pauses betweene, while they are in their good mood, they conceive 
themselves to have very true, and very good repentance ; so that if they should have the 
good fortune to be taken away in one of these Intervalla, one of these sober moods, they 
should certainly be saved " (A Sermon Preached At the publike Fast Before his Maiesty 
at Christ-Church in Oxford, p. 18). 

Dr. Murray gives examples from Mabbe (1622) and from N. Bacon (1647). 

2 In the Second Part of King Henry the Fourth, v. i. 91, Shakspere wrote : — 

" I will denise matter enough out of this Shallow, to keepe prince Harry in continuall 
laughter, the wearing out of sixe fashions, which is foure teems, or two actions, and a 
shal laugh without interuallums " (Bankside Shakespeare, 1891, xiii. 170). 

» For instance, J. Minsheu's Guide into the Tongues, 1627 ; and T. Blount's 
Glossographia, 1661. 




Y&le (as in u Intervale land "), with two accents, and perhaps influ- 
enced by an erroneous notion that the etymology was inter + va!Hs t 
came into exbtence, 1 We have already seen how the Reverend 
W. Hubbard alluded to land of this description — ** such as they," 
that Is* the people, " call intervail land," — the spelling indicating 
the popular pronunciation, Later, the true etymology may have 
reasserted itself, or, at all events, the word may have been once 
more associated with the ordinary word, and we find Interval, both 
as noun and as adjective, in common use. The spelling Intervale, 
however, was often preserved, even when the last syllable had 
been shortened. The secondary accent and the pronunciation 
-vale* were easily restored in speech whenever the rhythm or the 
sense was favorable or the speaker connected the word (in his 
mind) with vale " valley-" a ^ 

The paper was discussed by Mr. Davis, who said he had 
supposed that an Intervale was devoid of wood ; by President 
Wheelwkigut, who spoke of the Intervale on the Saco 
River j by Mr, Henry Williams, Mr. Goodell, the Rev. 
Mr. Parker and others. 

Mr. Edes exhibited a miniature on ivory of the Rev, 
Dr. Joseph McKean, for nine years Boylston Professor of 
Rhetoric and Oratory in Harvard College, It is not known 
who painted this miniature, — the only portrait of Professor 
MeKean of which his family has knowledge. 3 

i Ou the word Intervale, Dr. Murray observes : — 

"In former English use, only a rare variant or collateral form of Intvxtat. : cf.OF. 
entreval and tntremie, <valle t and the 14-16th c* Eng. inten-aliv* But by LiLhgow in 1632, 
and from 17th & in New England associated with vate t in the specific American sense 3. 

" It 19 not clear whether the association with vale, vallzif t was, m ttie first place, one 
of popular etymology, favoured perhaps by the partial survival of the old variant form 
id -raU (ef, tntrruail in sense 2), oc whether this was in New England a natural develop- 
ment of the sense, arising from the fact that the chief interval* in the primaeval forest 
were the bottoms of the river valleys, and giving rise to an association with used 
in English in such names as the Vale of Clwyd, Vale of Llangollen, Vale of the Yarrow, 
etc It Is possible that both principles operated together ; and it is to be noted that, in 
this specific sense, interval* has not, even in American ose, ousted interval" 

* I wiah to express my indebtedness to Professor Kittredge for aid rendered 
in the treatment of the etymology of the terms under discussion. 

1 Since this communication WM made to the Society, a portrait in oil has 
been painted from this miniature Hy Mr. Joseph De Camp at the charge of Mr* 
Francis Randall Appleton (H. C. 1875), and by him presented to the Porcelliau 


Mr. Edes also communicated some verses commemorative 
of Professor McKean, 1 of which the following is a copy : — 


MB. russell. — If the following lines are worthy of your Fount, 
you are at liberty to insert them. I wish they were worthy of their 
subject. F.* 

Club, of which Professor McKean was the Founder. Members of the Club will 
contribute to the new college fence, soon to be built, a gate, to be known as 
the McKean Gate. It will span the entrance to the College Yard between Boyls- 
ton Hall and Wadsworth House. 

1 Professor Joseph McKean (H. C. 1794) was born at Ipswich, Massachu- 
setts, 19 April, 1776, and died in Havana, 17 March, 1818. He was the minister 
of the First Church in Milton, Massachusetts (1797-1804), and, in 1809, suc- 
ceeded John Quincy Adams as Boylston Professor of Rhetoric and Oratory in 
Harvard College. He was an active member of the Massachusetts Historical 
Society, of which he was Librarian, Cabinet Keeper, and Recording Secretary. 
A silver pitcher, presented by Dr. McKean *s father to Mr. Samuel Curzon, in 
whose house Dr. McKean died, is still preserved as an heirloom. It bears 
the following inscription: — 



W. Samuel & M? Margaret Curson 


William McKean 

as a testimonial of his gratitude 

to them 

for their kind & affectionate attentions 

to his Son, 

Reverend Joseph McKean, 

who died at their house in 

March the 17 A. D. 1818. 

His body was buried in " nitch No. 845 of the Cemetery Espada en la Habana 
where it rested, undisturbed, until the year 1840 in which year all the nitches 
which were not re-rented were emptied of their contents and the bones were 
transferred to the osario, in other words, to the indiscriminate heap in the corners 
of the cemetery." The marble tablet placed over the nitch by Dr. McKean's 
father disappeared at the same time. A Memoir by Professor Levi Hedge is 
in 2 Massachusetts Historical Collections, viii. 157-167. See also Teele's His- 
tory of Milton, pp. 260-265. 

2 These lines appeared in the Columbian Centinel of Saturday, 2 May, 1818, 
No. 8555, p. 4/1. It is not improbable that they were written by Levi Frisbie 
(H. C. 1802), who had recently passed from the chair of Latin to that of Phi- 
losophy at Cambridge. See Teele's History of Milton, p. 265 note. 


Occasioned by the death of Professor M'Kean, 

/~Y MOURN not for the Good who die, 
For goodness has a home on high, 
And tears which fall when saints depart, 
Refresh religion's soil, the heart. 

O weep not that the staff is gone, 
Which aged Israel rested on ; 
O weep not that he sleeps afar — 
The world is one wide Macpelah. 

O weep not that his body must 
Be trodden down like common dust; 
Bnt weep that there remains behind 
No traces of the mighty mind. 

How few who live have dared to think ; 
How few who think have dared to do; 
O weep then that a soul should sink, 
Who boldly thought and acted too. 

How seldom rays that reach the earth 
Bear imprint of their heavenly birth ; 
Then who from sorrow can refrain 
That heaven absorbs such rays again. 

How few created minds have soar'd 
Above the heights before explor'd ; 
How few will reach the height he clarM ! 
O weep then that he was not spar'd. 

Go mark the cometfs bright career, 
And trace its track when it is gone, 
Say when another will appear, 
And you may bid us cease to mourn « 

The; following passage from the Poem on Milton Hill, written by 
Henry Maurice Lisle 1 in 1803, refers to Dv, McKean: — 

From 'midst the scatter 1 d domes that westward lie 
Milton's fair spire attracts the wandering eye ; 

1 Brief notices of Mr. Lisle are in Teele'a History of Hilton, pp. 144, 512 ; 
mod Drake's Dictionary of American Biography, He was a lawyer, a prominent 
Free Mason, and the author of an Oration on Washington, He died in 1814. 


With grief depicted o f er her beauteous face 

The Muse dejected turo'd and viewed the place ; 

Then wiping from her cheek the trickling tear 

To great Olympus thus addressed her prater ; 

O ! thou who did'st this blooming Eden form 

« Who guid'st the whirlwind and direct'et the storm" 

Who can'et in Mercy stay the fleeting breath 

And wrest the victim from the grasp of death ; 

From Milton* 8 pastor bid disease be gone. 

Save science and the Muses favorite sou ; 

Bid sage Minerva dry her flowing tears, 

Bid pure Urania dissipate her fears* 

In Mercy hear, — in kind compassion speak 

And health again shall blossom on his cheek ; 

Again his luBtrous periods, fraught with sense, 

Again his matchless powers of eloquence 

Shall charm the ear, instruct the ignorant mind, 

Convince the sceptic and reclaim mankind : 

Thousands in gratitude with one acclaim 

Shall chant their paeans to thy holy name, 

In songs of praise shall hallelujahs rise, 

And swelling chorus reach the vaulted skies, 

btanzas — Upon seeing an imperfect portrait 3 sketched from 
memory of the late and lamented Professor McKeak. 

TJOW vain the Painter's classic aim 

To keep that clear and glorious eye. 
Whose rays from Heaven's unearthly flame 
Touch'd close on immortality ! 

1 These stanzas are in manuscript, and their authorship is not known. They 
appeared in the Columbian Centinel of Wednesday, 20 May, 1818 (No. 3500, 
p. 4/1), preceded by this paragraph — 

lf D^~ ^° recognize in the following the peh which often times has delighted and 
instructed our readers and conferred unfading renown on American Genius aad Foes v. 
It has been deeply lamented that a Harp so tuneful, should have *so long bung oq the 

A '* corrected M version of these lines appeared in the next issue of the 
Centinel, —of Saturday, 23 May, 1818 (No. 3561, p. 4/1), which has been fol- 
lowed in our own text. The manuscript version combines the " Lines H and the 
** Impromptu.* 1 

a Professor McKean's family know nothing of this portrait and will welcome 
any information concerning it. 


As vain the peaceful smile to trace, 

Which warm in life's affections grew, 

And spoke of soul — a native grace, 
To all the sacred feelings true. 

Perfection not to man is given, 

But thou, McKean, bo kindly shone, 

That loved by earth, and blessed by heaven. 
Both claimed thy virtues as their own* 

Frail were the wish, those stores of mind* 
That genius to God's Image near; 

Like the winged eagle — earth-confined — 
Were left and lent to languish here. 


epitaph acrostick. 1 

Join, friends of Worth, bring all funereal flowers 
O'er this new grave to shed in copious showers ; 
Strike every string attun'd to deepest woe ; 
Enlist each heart that feels afflictions throe ; 
Prepare appropriate wreathes with care to blend, 
Here lies Religion's, Virtue's, Honour's friend. 

McKean lies here, let nothing base intrude : 
Keep hence Impiety, Ingratitude 
Each fiend of darkness. — To your sacred trust, 
Angels of Light approach, and guard this dust 
Nor leave, till raised to life among the just. 

The Rev. Henry A. Parker made some Remarks upon 
the Quakers of the Middle States and their marriage customs, 
and exhibited an original Marriage Certificate, on parchment, 
dated the second day of the fourth month, 1709, of Dr. 
Richard Moore (son of Mordecai Moore, of Ann Arundell 
County, Maryland) and Margaret Preston, daughter of Samuel 

1 This composition b in manuscript, and Its authorship m unknown. It was 
printed in the Columbian Centinel of Saturday, 18 April* 1818, No. 3551, p. 4/1. 

The Centinel of Wednesday, 22 April, 1818 (No, 3552, p. 2/4), contains a 
notice that — 

"The Solemnities appointed by the Government of the University at Cambridge, as a 
tribute of respect to the memory of the late Rev, Dr. McKeajt, ♦ . . will take place in 
the University Chapel this afternoon, at 3 o'clock," 
It i the same issue (p. 4/1) is an obituary taken from the Daily Advertiser, 


Preston of Philadelphia. The Certificate bears the signatures, 
as witnesses, of a large part of the prominent residents of 
Philadelphia. The Certificate was accompanied by a photo- 
graphic copy of a portrait of Dr. Moore supposed to have 
been painted in Edinburgh, where he studied medicine prior 
to his marriage. 

Mr. Edes exhibited three similar certificates, — of Michael 
Kennard (1734) of Kittery, and of William Ricketson (1708) 
and John Ricketson (1763) of Dartmouth, Massachusetts. 

Mr. Davis stated that he had recently signed a certificate 
of this character upon the occasion of the marriage of his 
youngest son, Mr. Horace Andrew Davis (H. C. 1891), to a 

Daniel Coit Gilman, LL. D., of Baltimore, Maryland, 
Frederick Jackson Turner, Ph. D., of Madison, Wisconsin, 
and William Woolsey Winthrop, 1 LL. D., of Washington, 
D. C, were elected Corresponding Members. 

1 Colonel Winthrop died at Atlantic City, New Jersey, on the eighth of 
April, before receiving notice of his election. He graduated at Yale in the 
Class of 1851, and served through the Civil War as a volunteer. He sub- 
sequently entered the Regular Army and was Professor of Military Jurispru- 
dence at West Point. Some time after leaving college Colonel Winthrop 
discarded his middle name. 




A Stated Meeting of the Society was held in the Hall 
of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences on 
Thursday^ 27 April, 1899, at three o'clock in the afternoon, 
President Wheelwright in the chair* 

After the Minutes of the March Meeting had been read 
and approved, the President appointed the following Com- 
mittees, in anticipation of the Annual Meeting : — 

To nominate candidates for the several offices, — the 
Right Reverend William Lawrence, the Hon. Francis C. 
Lowell, and Mr, Charles Sedgwick Rackemann. 

To examine the Treasurer's Accounts, — Messrs- George 
Nixon Black and G, Arthur Hilton. 

The Corresponding Secretary communicated the follow- 
ing letter ; — 

Johns Hopkins Uscivbbsitt, 

President's Office. 

March 18, 1899. 

Dear Sir, — I have the pleasure of acknowledging your favor of the 
15th instant and of saying that I highly appreciate the honor of 
being enrolled as a Corresponding Member of The Colonial Society of 

I am, dear Sir, 

Very truly yours, 

D* C. Oilman. 
J. Noble, Esq. 

Mr. Andrew McFarland Davis read the following 
paper on — 


The apparent unanimity with which the people of the Province 
of the Massachusetts Bay joined in their resistance to the Stamp 
Act and the Tax on Tea, and the indignation aroused by the 


attempt of the British Government to collect revenue in the Prov- 
ince, awaken surprise on the part of the reader who relies upon 
the sources of information as to the history of the Province at 
ordinary command. The sudden transformation of a loyal people 
into rebels seems unaccountable. It may safely be asserted that 
this surprise would not be felt if the Records of the Province were 
in more accessible form. The publication by the House of its 
Journals after the year 1715 has placed a portion of these Records 
on the shelves of a few of our great libraries, but, unfortunately, 
no single set of these Journals is complete, and the earlier volumes 
are not only scattered, but some of them are very rare. These 
publications, consequently, aid the general student but little in 
opening up the subject. He, however, who engages in a topical 
investigation covering the Provincial period is compelled to run 
down the scattered volumes of the House Journals, to wade through 
the manuscript Records of the Council, and to search for material 
in the great chaos of the Archives. In default of a special study 
directed to the point above suggested, it is to investigations of 
this sort that one must turn for sidelights upon the political dis- 
cussions which tended to unify Provincial opinions. Among the 
various questions which bore an important part in this work was 
that of the Currency. As we trace out its story through the 
Records, we can simultaneously follow the development of the 
strained relations between the Legislative and the Executive 
branches of the government which paved the way for the assertion 
by the people of what was then frequently termed "indepen- 
dency." Through the discussions which then took place the in- 
habitants of the Province were led to criticise the attitude of their 
rulers, to oppose the Royal Instructions, and to uphold their 
representatives in their opposition to the Crown officers even 
in cases where the grounds of this opposition were not clearly 

4 'The people of America [says John Adams] had been educated 
in an habitual affection for England as their mother country; and while 
they thought her a kind and tender parent (erroneously enough, how- 
ever, for she never was such a mother) no affection could be more 
sincere. But when they found her a cruel Beldam, willing, like Lady 
Macbeth, to ' dash their brains out,' it is no wonder if their filial 
affections ceased and were changed into indignation and horror. 




** Tliis radical change in the principle opinions , sentiments, and affec* 
turns of the people was the real American Revolution " l 

If we eliminate the exaggerated violence from this statement, 
no person will be disposed to deny the truths which it contains. 
The existence during the first half of the eighteenth century of a 
strong feeling of loyalty on the part of the colonists cannot be 
doubted, and it is obvious that so complete a change as is implied 
in the conversion of a loyal people, full of affection for the mother 
country, to the state of mind which could tolerate the thought of 
armed resistance, must have been brought about by some slow pro- 
cess* A writer who has recently made a careful study of the 
functions of the Provincial Governor has expressed a thought 
somewhat akin to this in the following language: — 

44 Rightly then to understand the deeper forces which produced the 
war of independence, one must understand the gradual growth of that 
sense of divergent interests without which all the political agitation of 
Samuel Adams, the eloquence of Patrick Henry, and even a few injudi- 
cious measures of British statesmen from 1760 to 1774, could hardly 
have led to revolution* Nowhere can this gradually awakening con- 
sciousness of divergence, so far as it reveals itself prior to what ia 
commonly called the revolutionary era, be better studied than in the con- 
flicts between the provincial governor and the provincial assembly/' * 

This divergence of interest had existed from the beginning and 
was inherent in the English conception of the functions of a colony* 
The various commercial Companies which had been established 
in England for the purpose of colonization were all founded in 
the thought of gain. This might be of two sorts, — gain to the 
stockholders or gain to the country at large. So far as the early 
American adventures were concerned, they were invariably dis- 
astrous to the capitalists who fostered them ; but whatever the 
result to the colonists or to the Company, the sole interest taken 
by the government rested upon the gain, present or prospective, to 

1 Letter to Hezekiah Niles, editor of the Weekly Register, 13 February, 
1318, m Novanglus and Massachnsettensis ; or Political Essays, published in 
tW years 1774 and 1775, on the principal points of controversy between Great 
Britain and her Colonies, ttc, f Boston, 1819, p. 233. 

1 The Provincial Governor in the English Colonies of North America, by 
Evart* Boutell Greene, New York, 13&8, in Harvard Historical Studied, vii. 205. 



be derived from the enterprise. No thought was given to the 
possibility that the Colonists might have other interests than such 
as were directly contributory to the welfare and prosperity of the 
mother country. Long after the number of the inhabitants of 
the Colonies of North America had risen to hundreds of thousands, 
when generation after generation had been born in the Colonies, 
and had lived and died there without personal knowledge of the 
transatlantic kingdom the rulers of which claimed the right to 
direct the affairs of their governments, they were still treated as if 
they were mere temporary sojourners whose ultimate interests were 
vested in Great Britain, and who would endure arbitrary trade 
regulations and submit to narrow commercial restraints because 
the same were supposed to be for the benefit of the distant govern- 
ment of which they knew nothing except through its resident 
Representative. They were of the realm, but not in the realm. 
They were subjects, and when in England had the same rights as 
Englishmen, but the laws which were made by Parliament for the 
regulation of Colonial trade and commerce and, at a later date, of 
Colonial manufactures, reached them but did not affect the aver- 
age Englishman. Like much of the penal legislation in the 
statute books at that time, these laws were so unjust that many of 
them were incapable of enforcement. 

At the outset, there was no precedent by which it could be 
determined what power Parliament actually held over the Colonies. 
In 1678, the General Court, answering sundry objections which 
had been raised by the Lords of the Committee to their legislation, 
said : — 

"That for the acts passed in Parljament for incouragyig trade and 
nauigation, wee humbly conceive, according to the vsuall sayings of the 
learned in the lawe, that the lawes of England are bounded w^in the 
fower seas, and doe not reach Amerrica." 

The next sentence begins, — 

u The subjects of his maj 4 * here being not represented in Parljament." l 

This, obviously, forms a qualifying phrase of the previous sen- 
tence, explanatory of the cause why they thought that the laws of 
Parliament did not apply to them. Parliament, having the power, 

1 Massachusetts Colony Records, v. 200. 


decided the question in its own favor, and in this decision the 
Colonists acquiesced. In consequence, the doctrine of no taxation 
without representation lay dormant until revived by James Otis, 
who declared that — 

** the parliament of Great Britain has an undoubted power and lawful 
authority to make acts for the general good, that by naming them [t , e. 
the Colonies], shall and ought to be equally binding, as upon the sub- 
jects of Great Britain within the realm. ... [It was] from and under 
this very power and its acts, and from the common law [he asserted], 
that the political and civil rights of the Colonists [were] derived." l 

One of these, he claimed, was that which had been asserted by the 
General Court in 1678. 

The restraints imposed upon commerce and trade were a far 
greater threat to the ultimate prosperity of the Colonies than could 
be found in such Parliamentary legislation as the Stamp Act, and 
the Townshend Tax Act, the passage of which aroused such a 
storm of indignation just before the Revolution, John Adams lays 
bare the secret of this endurance when he says, — 

M These Acts [the Trade Acts] never had been executed, and there 
never had been a time when they would have been, or could have been, 
obeyed." f 

The voluminous reports and complaints of Randolph, forwarded 
to the Board of Trade and to his friends in England when he was 
vainly attempting to enforce the Navigation Act in Boston, bear 
nony to the entire truth of this assertion, so far as it applies 
to affairs in the days of the Colony* In addition to that evidence 
we have the # admission of the Privy Council that they knew that 
this was the case. In a letter to the Governor and Company of 
Massachusetts Bay, dated 21 October, 1681, they say, — 

* fc We appointed Edward Randolph Collector of our Customs in Mas- 
sachusetts, to cheek the breaches of the Acts of Trail e and Navigation 
frequently practised and connived at therein. We are well satisfied that 
Edward Randolph has discharged his duty with all diligence and fidelity, 

1 The Rights of the British Colonies asserted and pTovedp By James Otis, 
Esq. Boston, MDCCLXIV, p. 33. 
• " XovangHis and Massachusettensb, etc. t p. 245* 



yet, because unlawful trading is countenanced by you, all his care has 
been of little effect." l 

With regard to the collections of revenue in the days of the 
Province, an advocate of the new system said, in 1765, — 

"The whole Remittance [of Collectors] from all the Colonies at an 
Average of thirty Years has not amounted to 1900Z. a year. 2 [And 
again :] Such has been the Disregard of all Revenue Laws in America, 
that this has produced hardly any Thing, tho' the Commodity has been 
imported all the time in great Quantities." * 

Smuggling was so constantly carried on, and the Navigation 
Laws were so openly evaded, that testimony to that effect is hardly 
needed, but if it were, this author furnishes the evidence : — 

44 Ships [he says] are continually passing between our Plantations 
and Holland, Hamburg, and most of the Ports on the German Ocean, 
and in the Baltic (p. 92). Foreign Goods [he adds] illegally run 
into the Colonies amount in value to no less than 700000Z. per Annum, 
wiiich exceeds by far the Value of those foreign Goods that are con- 
veyed thither thro' Great Britain" (p. 93). 

So long as this was the case, it mattered but little to the Colo- 
nists that the avowed purpose of the Act for the Encouragement 
of Trade, 4 while it asserted that the plantations were peopled by 
subjects of the kingdom, was for keeping those subjects " in a 
firmer dependence " upon that kingdom. Assertions of that sort, 
or even the passage of Acts imposing duties on molasses, the 
collection of which would have destroyed the trade of the New 
England Colonies with the West Indies, were of little conse- 
quence, so long as such assertions were mere words and such 
Acts were not enforced. This was not, perhaps, fully appreciated 
in England. It was known that the laws were on the statute 

1 Calendar of State Papers, Colonial Series, America and West Indies, 1681- 
1685, No. 264, p. 128. See also Publications of the Prince Society: Edward 
Randolph, by Robert Noxon Toppan, iii. Ill, where the letter is given with some 
differences of phraseology. 

2 The Regulations Lately Made concerning the Colonies, and the Taxes 
Imposed upon Them, considered. London, 1765, p. 57. This tract is attributed 
to George Grenville. 

» Ibid . p. 79. 

« 15 Charles II., 1663, ch. 7, § 5. The Statutes at Large (edition of 1735), 
ii. 627. 




books, but the extent to which they were ignored in the Colo- 
nies was not generally comprehended. Lord Mansfield, rehears- 
ing in Parliament the evidences of the dependent condition of 
the Colonies, unconsciously betrayed the utterly impracticable 
idea of the relationship between such dependencies and the parent 
government which then prevailed. The Navigation Act, he said, 
shut up their intercourse with foreign countries ; their ports have 
been made subject to customs and regulations which have cramped 
and diminished their trade ; and duties have been laid affecting 
the very inmost parts of their commerce. Such were the post- 
office Acts ; the Act for recovering debts in the plantations ; the 
Acts for preserving timber and white pine i and the paper-currency 
Act. The legislature have even gone so low, he added, as to 
restrain the number of hatters' apprentices, and have, in innumer- 
able instances, given forfeitures to the king; yet all these have 
been submitted to peaceably ; and no one ever thought till now of 
this doctrine, — that the Colonists are not to be taxed, regulated, 
or bound by Parliament 1 Forcible as is this complacent recital of 
the wrongs which Parliament had intended to inflict upon the 
Colonies, it is but partial and incomplete. Still, it was one of the 
signs which enabled the Colonists to realize that the spirit remained 
the same and that apparent moderation meant merely that the old 
policy of rigid laws find loose enforcement was to be superseded 
by legislation, specifically for revenue, less arbitrary in its nature 
but more practical in character- The purpose of this legislation 
was not apparent upon its face. If we turn to the author from 
whom several quotations have already been made, we shall find 
what it was. 

1 ■ In other Countries [he says] Custom-house Duties are for the most 
Fart, little more than a Branch of the Revenue. In the Colonies they 
are a political Regulation, and enforce the Observance of those wise 
Laws to which the great Increase of our Trade and naval Power are 
principally owing. The Aim of those Laws is to confine the European 
Commerce of the Colonies to the Mother Country : to provide that their 
moat valuable Commodities shall be exported either to Great Britain or 
U> British Plantations ; and to secure the Navigation of all American 
Exports and Imports to British Ships and British Subjects only/ 1 f 

1 Bancroft's History of the United States (edition of 1883), iii. 193. These 
Remarks of Lord Mansfield were made in 1766* 
* The Regulations, etc., p. 88. 


The full measure of what is involved in the foregoing extract 
was not perhaps fully appreciated at that time in Massachusetts, 
but it was felt that laws, the nominal purpose of which was to 
raise revenue, were, for the first time, about to be actually en- 
forced through a powerful Custom House regime ; and it was then 
that the country was alarmed and that the spirit of opposition 
asserted itself in the overawing of the officers appointed to enforce 
the Stamp Act and in the destruction of the Tea in Boston Harbor. 
The revival of the policy which sent Randolph to Boston brought 
with it a renewal of the tactics employed at that time to defeat his 

The prosperity of the Province depended largely upon its ship- 
ping, but the community was self-supporting, and there was a 
large agricultural population whose interests were affected only in 
an indirect manner by restrictions upon trade and manufactures 
and taxes upon imports. It is easy to understand why a belief 
that the government was about to enforce the various restrictive 
and revenue Acts should have aroused those who were directly in- 
terested in commerce; but some explanation is required for the 
sympathy of the agricultural community and the alertness with 
which they accepted the new attitude of Parliament as one hostile 
to their interests. This is to be found in the prolonged conflicts 
between the Assembly and the Royal Governors, especially that 
upon the subject of the Currency, which had awakened universal 
interest throughout the Province, which had created a feeling of 
hostility to the representatives of the Crown and which had, in a 
great measure, crushed the sentiments of loyalty and affection of 
which so many writers speak. Thus, the state of mind was pro- 
duced which John Adams denominates " the real American Revo- 
lution." The Representatives had taken care, throughout this 
discussion, to keep their constituents informed with reference to 
these disputes by constant appeals for instruction to the Selectmen 
of the Towns; and thus farmers, tradesmen, and laborers were 
taught Provincial politics. 

Bancroft, speaking of the controversy over Dudley's salary in 
1702, says, "Here began the controversy which nothing but 
independence could solve." 1 This, however, does not date the 

i History of the United States (edition of 1840), iii. 100. 




lieginuing of the controversy far enough back, Phips wanted a 
salary as well as Dudley, but this was refused him, and under the 
guidance of Elisha Cooke the stand then taken upon the salary 
question was one of the steps in the great struggle which, by slow 
degrees, developed ultimately into the assertion of independence, 
At first it was a mere conservative attempt to preserve* under the 
new Charter, such of the rights to which the Colonists had been 
accustomed under the former Charter as could be maintained. 
Among those who were trying to save some of the principles of 
independent action which had characterized the government or- 
ganized under the first Charter, there were some who saw in the 
dependence of the Governor upon the Assembly for his compensa- 
tion, a weapon which would be available in case of contest, and it 
was owing to their foresight that the settlement of a salary was 
avoided. Compensation was freely granted to the Governor and 
Lieutenant-Governor, but never in the form of a salary. The 
chronic disputes upon this point were closely interwoven at times 
with questions connected with the supply bills, and in the inter- 
change of messages between the House and the Governor the 
plainest of language was used upon both sides, as to what ought to 
be done, what would be done, and what would not be done. The 
situation in which Dummer found himself in 1727 and 1728, the 
hitches that then occurred in connection with the various schemes 
suggested for securing a new supply of bills of public credit, and, 
finally, the charge made by Burnet that the Assembly had used 
their control of the salary question to secure the assent of the 
LieutenantrGovernor to an emission of currency, illustrate the 
complications brought about by these disputes* They were main- 
tained with intermittent vigor under each of the representatives 
of the Crown who chanced to be at the head of affairs, their 
energy and virulence being largely determined by the character 
of the Governor or Lieutenant-Governor for the time being. 

One point which was frequently under discussion during this 
period had the effect of keeping constantly before the people the 
question of their rights under the Charter and the possibility of 
those rights' being invade i The subject of discussion referred 
to was the extent to which the Assembly could be brought under 
the control of Royal Instructions, It is true that no direct 
efforts were made by the Crown to instruct the Assembly how it 


should legislate ; but, indirectly, through Instructions to the Gov- 
ernors to secure the passage of certain laws and not to approve 
others, it was sought to influence legislation. That which was 
not desired could be absolutely prevented from taking effect, since 
all laws were subject to the approval of the Governor, and were 
also submitted for approval or rejection to the Privy Council. 
This power of control rendered the Royal Instructions of great 
moment to the Assembly ; but, inasmuch as they were seldom com- 
municated to that body, except in cases of emergency or under 
pressure, they were not treated with much respect, even when 
specific knowledge of their character was furnished by the 

The Instructions were subject to interpretation, and the Rep- 
resentatives appeared to think that in the power of interpretation 
the Governors could make the Instructions plastic enough to fit 
every emergency. When the Council advised the Governor that 
the Instructions would not permit him to sign a bill involving the 
emission of currency, the House said : — 

44 We cannot but please ourselves, had a more general and proper 
question been put they had given their advice to your honor to sign the 
bill." l 

At another time they thought the difficulty lay in the — 
44 instructions as now understood and improved by his Excellency ; " * 

and the same idea is involved in the request of the Council that 
the Governor should — 

44 take such measures that he may be enabled to give his consent to the 
said bill as soon as may be." * 

When the Representatives asserted that if they did — 

44 not struggle in every way to maintain and preserve their liberty they 
would act more like vassals of an arbitrary prince than like subjects of 
King George their most gracious Sovereign," * 

we need to be told that the subject under discussion was a Royal 
Instruction from that most gracious sovereign, if we are fully to 
appreciate the force of the statement. The Provincial courts of 

1 Massachusetts House Journal, 29 January, 1727-28. 
* Ibid.,21 August, 1731. 
» Ibid., 2 February, 1731-32. 
« Ibid., 2 April, 1741. 




law did not hesitate to disregard such Instructions when f in their 
judgment, they contravened the rights of the litigants or the courts 
under the Charter; 1 and the Agents of the Province in London 
did not scruple to advise the Assembly that it was better to force 
Parliament to intervene than to submit to Instructions which 
invaded the rights of the people. 

41 Of what Value [said Wilks and Belcher, in 1729,] is the Charter, if 
an Instruction shall at pleasure take away every valuable part of it? If 
we inu&t lie compelled to a uxt Salary, doubtless it must be better that 
it be done by the sup ream Legislature than to do it our selves : if our 
Liberties must be lost, much better they should be taken away, than 
we be in any measure accessory to our own Ruin." ■ 

When the attempt was made, in 1749, to secure the enforcement 
of Royal Instructions in the Colonies, through Parliamentary legis- 
lation in connection with the currency, William Bollan said, in a 
Petition to the House of Commons (6 April), that if the Bill — 

"sbould be carried into a Law, by the Matter therein contained, for 
enforcing the Royal Orders and Instructions throughout the Colonies, 
all future Orders given by all future Princes, or by and under their 
Authority, to the Governors of the Colonies, however repugnant they may 
be to the present Constitution of Great Britain, aud her Colonies, will 
be virtually contained in it, and receive the Sanction of Parliament from 
it; and that the Orders to those Governors, being in their Nature rela- 
tive to the People under their Government, however illegal they would 
have been before making such Law, when they come to be ratified and 
enforced by it, tJjey will thereby themselves become Laws, and neces- 
sarily bind the People. 1 

It is to the credit of Parliament that it listened to BoUan, and re- 
jected the clause in the law concerning which he was arguing ; but 
the discussion revealed possibilities to which the eyes of the people 
were gradually opening. We certainly have hints here of a pro- 
gressive change in the opinions of the people of the Province as to 
certain methods of the Royal government which indicate an alien- 

1 See the case of Frost i\ Leighton in the American Historical Review for 
January, 1807, ii. 22£>-240; and Publications of this Society, iii, 246-264. 

* Massachusetts House Journal, 27 June, 1720, p. ltf. This letter of the 
Agents is dated London, 25 April, 1720. 

1 Journals of the House of Commons, xxv. 815. 


ation of their affections, and which, if not radical enough to mark 
the epoch of the " real American Revolution,' 1 at least point out a 
steady tendency towards the state of mind which would render it 

In 1740, under the influence of the fear of a stringency of the 
circulating medium, created by the Instructions to the Governor to 
compel the withdrawal of the greater part of the currency, the 
Land Bank, originally proposed in the Province in 1714, again 
raised its head. Hutchinson, speaking of the House of Represen- 
tatives then in power, says t — 

" It appeared that by far tbe majority of the representatives for 1740 
were subscribers to or favorers of tbe scheme, and they have ever since 
been distinguished by the name of the land bank house." 1 

With great caution he adds, farther on, — 

** Perhaps the major part, in number, of the inhabitants of the prov- 
ince openly or secretly were well wishers to it/* 8 

If we turn to the records of that time, we find that the capital- 
ists and hard-money men, powerless to control public sentiment, 
powerless also, as they found themselves, upon trial, to accomplish 
anything through their counter scheme, the Silver Bank, appealed 
to Parliament. 

" The authority of Parliament [says Hutchinson] to coutroul all 
public and private persons and proceedings iu the colonies was, in that 
day, questioned by nobody." ■ 

And he adds, that the application for an Act to suppress the Com* 
pany was very easily obtained. Too easily, alas ! for those who 
knew all the circumstances of the case, ever again to believe that 
Parliament could be trusted to legislate for the Colonies. Any 
man who could read could see that the Act of the 6th of George 
the First* Chapter 18» did not, by its terms, apply to the Colonies, 
so that every intelligent person in the Province must have under- 
stood that a gTeat wrong was done in thus declaring that the organ- 
izers of the Land Bank came within the scope of that drastic 
measure. Some persons in the Province knew that the law officers 

* History of the Province of Massachusetts Bay (edition of 1763), ii. 394* 
» Ibid. ii. 305, 

» Ibid, ii 295. 




of the Crown had been consulted, and that they had rendered 
opinions that there was no existing law under which such an ex- 
periment in banking could be reached. There were some who 
knew that the New Hampshire Bank of 1734 had actually met with 
approval by the Board of Trade, and yet, when the opportunity 
came for applying this doctrine of approval to men in Massachu- 
setts engaged in an enterprise of a similar nature, it was discovered 
that their acts were no longer legal and permissible, but had 
become, in some strange way, criminal and abhorrent. A law 
which could not have been interpreted as reaching to the Colonies 
was declared to have originally applied to them, to have been con- 
stantly in operation there, and to be at that time in full force in 
the Province of the Massachusetts Bay* The majority of the 
House of Representatives, the majority perhaps of the people of 
the Province, were converted by this Act from innocent, law- 
abiding citizens either into actual violators of the law, liable to 
criminal process, or into what was nearly as bad, — avowed sym- 
pathizers with others who were thus situated. How this was 
looked upon by those who believed in the power of Parliament to 
legislate as it pleased concerning the Colonies, is disclosed by 
Hutchinson in the following words : — 

11 It was said the act of George the first, when it passed, had no re- 
lation to America, but another act 20 years after gave it a force, even 
from the passing it, which it never could have had without This was 
said to be an instance of the traoscendent power of Parliament." * 

At the time when Hutchinson thus glibly wrote of an Act giving 
force to a previous one, " even from the passing it, which it never 
could have had without," he bad abundant reasons for comprehend- 
ing that something had aroused the people of Massachusetts, and it 
is difficult to comprehend how he or any other inhabitant of the 
Province could have calmly contemplated legislation of this char- 
acter. It must be borne in mind, however, that the capitalists and 
intelligent business men were then in a state of heated indignation, 
and were prepared to avail themselves of any method which pre- 
sented itself for the suppression of the Land Bank, There were 
some, however, who understood that the influence of these proceed- 
ings upon public sentiment was far reaching and important. The 

1 History of the Province of Massachusetts Bay (edition of 17Gb), ii. 390, 



subscribers to the Land Bank, believing that they had a perfect 
right to proceed, were loath to recognize the Parliamentary Act, 
and reluctantly consented to liquidate the affairs of the Bank. 
Many of them were, apparently, ready to resist the enforcement 
of the law ; but wiser counsels prevailed, and partly through the 
voluntary acts of the subscribers, partly through Provincial legis- 
lation, the Bank was wound up. 

Under the Act of Parliament, every act performed by the sub- 
scribers to the Land Bank, under their organization, was null and 
void. In order to close up the Bank, it was absolutely necessary to 
recognize the obligations of the Company, and, in turn, those given 
to the Company by the subscribers. Thus, by Provincial legisla- 
tion, passed for the purpose of effecting the object aimed at by the 
Act of Parliament, the Act itself was swept aside. This para- 
doxical proceeding was referred to by Samuel Adams in a Reply, on 
the part of the House of Representatives, on the second of March, 
1773, to the Speech of the Governor of February sixteenth : — 

"The act of Parliament [said Adams], passed in 1741, for patting 
an end to several unwarrantable schemes, mentioned by your Excel- 
lency, was designed for the general good ; and, if the validity of it was 
not disputed, it cannot be urged as a concession of the supreme author- 
ity, to make laws binding on us in all cases whatever. But, if the 
design of it was for the general benefit of the province, it was, in one 
respect at the least, greatly complained of, by the persons more imme- 
diately affected by it ; and to remedy the inconvenience, the Legislative 
of this province, passed an act, directly militating with it ; which is 
the strongest evidence, that although they may have submitted, sub 
silentio, to some acts of Parliament, that they conceived might operate for 
their benefit, they did not conceive themselves bound by any of its acts, 
which, they judged, would operate to the injury even of individuals." * 

When this Act was passed, John Adams was a mere boy of 
about six years of age. The ceaseless passage of the years bore 
him on to a period of life when he took an interest in public 
affairs, and still the protracted legislation and litigation connected 
with the closure of the Land Bank occupied the attention of the 
Assembly and the courts of law. When he speaks of the effect 

1 Massachusetts State Papers. Speeches of the Governors of Massachusetts, 
from 1765 to 1775 ; and the Answers of the House of Representatives to the 
same, etc. [edited by Alden Bradford], Boston, 1818, p. 394. 




of these proceedings upon the popular mind* he furnishes testi- 
mony which may be accepted ae that of one who hud full knowl- 
edge of these events. His measure of their importance, stated in 
the following language, leaves no doubt upon that point : — 

u The Act to destroy the Land Bank Scheme raised a greater ferment 
in this province than the stamp-act did." l 

As we review these events, we can see that the preposterous 
legislation of Parliament, although incapable of practical enforce- 
inent, was made use of as a blind, behind which laws which violated 
its terms were passed to accomplish its purposes. Its evasion by 
the Assembly brought the question of Parliamentary Supremacy 
under discussion. The enforcement of the Provincial Laws passed 
to put it in practical operation, although acquiesced in by the cap- 
italists and the solid men of the community on account of the 
good thereby to be accomplished, was not secured without arousing 
indignation and hostility throughout the Province, 

"It's supposed [wrote one of the pamphleteers of the clay, that] 
there will be about One Thousand Subscribers, who in their Station of 
Life must have an Intercourse of Business or Dealing interwoven with 
Ten Thousand more,"* u Many Towns [wrote another] take and pass 
these Notes in Trade and Business, scarce one Man dissenting, besides 
paying their Town and Ministerial Rates with it; at least in Part." 1 

As we look over the list of Directors of the Land Bank we see 
the name of Samuel Adams, and in later Reports of Committees 
his estate is classed among the delinquents* It is known that the 
harassing proceedings taken against the estate of the father were 
a source of annoyance to the son, whose prominence in the political 
affairs of the Province just before the Revolution has made us 
familiar with the name. The defiance by the latter of the Sheriff 
who was trying to levy upon his father's estate, was published in the 
News-Letter in 1758. * Who shall measure the effect of these pro- 

1 Nov angina and Masaachusettensis, etc., p. 3$. 

* A Letter from a Country Gentleman at Boston, To his Friends in the 
Country, p. 9. The Letter is dated , " Boston, June IQth, 1740/' 

- A Letter To the Merchant in London* To whom is Directed A Printed 
Letter relating to the Manufactory Undertaking, dated New England t Boston 
February 21*1 1740, 1. Print*) for the Public Good. 1741, p. 28, 

* The Boaton News-Letter, Noa. 2927 and 2028, of Thursday, 17 and 24 
August, 1758* 


ceedings upon the mind of the future inspirer of the Committees of 
Correspondence, — the indefatigable and persistent leader in the 
revolutionary movement? The success of this movement is largely 
attributable to these Committees of Correspondence. Who can 
doubt that the idea of thus arousing the people and keeping them 
in touch with the contest, had its root in the frequent appeals to 
the Selectmen of the Towns made by the Representatives during 
these prolonged discussions ? Who can fail to see that the Land 
Bank, if it had been let alone, would have collapsed in a few 
months after its organization through its inherent weakness? Yet 
Parliament, too impatient to wait for this, and too anxious to 
secure the prompt closure of the Scheme to scrutinize the methods 
by which it should be accomplished, sacrificed its reputation for 
consistency and justice, and in its haste to crush the Land Bank 
resorted to means which then aroused the indignation of this great 
number of interested persons, and which can not fail to create the 
same feelings in the mind of the disinterested reader to-day. 

As we rehearse these events, who can doubt the instrumentality 
of the heated discussions concerning the Currency and the Land 
Bank, the prolonged conflicts between the Royal Governors and 
the Representatives, and the frequent appeals to the Selectmen by 
the Representatives, in creating that state of opinion which John 
Adams said " was the real American Revolution " ? 

The paper was discussed at length by Mr. Abner C. 


Mr. Henry II . Edes communicated a collection of unpub- 
lished letters and other papers and spoke as follows : — 

The papers which I have brought here this afternoon have been 
drawn from more than one source. Copies of some of them and 
one of the originals have been in my possession for many years. 
I have brought them together in chronological order, feeling that 
in that way they can be made to tell a more connected story than 
if grouped by authors. The papers, with two exceptions, relate to 
the early history of Yale University and throw interesting side- 
lights upon many matters connected with that Seminary, especially 
as regards the contest in England over Governor Yale's will, and 
the long and heated controversy over the permanent location of 




tie Collegiate School at Saybrook, which was finally settled by 
the establishment of the Society at New Haven, where it has 
6 ince remained, — the aid of the Governor and Council, however, 
a< well as that of the Sheriff of the County of Middlesex, being 
necessary to end the struggle, 

It is not my purpose to speak further of the history of the Univer- 
sity; 1 but a brief preliminary commentary upon the authors of 
these papers may conduce to a more ready understanding of them, 
Jeremiah Dummer, who is the largest contributor to the collec- 
tion, was a native of Boston, a brother of Lieutenant-Governor 
IrVilliam Dummer (the founder of Dumraer Academy), and 
a. Harvard graduate of 1699, He subsequently studied at the 
University of Utrecht, where he took the degree of Doctor of 
Philosophy, From 1710 to 1721 he was the Agent of the Province 
of the Massachusetts Bay in London. He also served the Colony 
of Connecticut in a similar capacity, as will be seen by his letters. 
He was a scholar whose literary fame rests chiefly upon his able 
treatise entitled A Defence of the New England Charters, when 
their loss was threatened, m 1721, — a fine specimen of his 
vigorous English style. He died in England, on the nineteenth 
of May, 1739, at the age of fifty-eight. One of our most recon- 
dite scholars has said of Dummer that he "was a bright, par- 
Iticular star in the firmament of two continents, far ahead of his 
time in many respects, and a very lovable character," s His letters 
1 See a paper by our associate Professor Franklin B. Dexter, entitled The 
Founding of Yale College, in Papers of the New Haven Historical Society, in. 

* Our associate M r. Abner C. GoodelL See Dr, George E. Ellis's estimate 
of Dummer *s character in Memorial History of Boston, 1L 82, 83. 

Dummer was the son of Jeremiah Dummer, of Boston, goldsmith, who 
served hU apprenticeship with John Hull, the Mint-Master. The date of birth 
of Jeremiah the son does not appear, but if his age is correctly given on his 
monument he was born in or about I63L In the Baptismal Kegister of the 
HI 1 South Church in Boston the following entries appear : — 

1675/6 FVhr, 13 Jeremiah, son of Jeremiah Damer. 
1678 Dec, 29 William, son of Jeremiah Darner. 

We have here the record of baptism of Lieutenant-Governor Dummer and of an 
elder brother Jeremiah, who must have died in infancy since the goldsmith, in 
his will (1715), calls William his eldest son (Suffolk Probate Files, No. 40"xi). 
In 1679, the father transferred his relations to the First Church, to which he 
was then admitted, and of which he became a prominent member ; but the 


afford fresh evidence of the importance of his agency in securing 
various and valuable gifts in the early days of the Seminary. 

John Read was born in Fairfield, Connecticut, on the twenty- 
ninth of January, 1679. He graduated at Harvard in 1697 and 
became a successful preacher. In 1699 he joined the First Church 
in Hartford, of which the Rev. Timothy Woodbridge, to whom most 
of these papers were addressed, was long the minister. Leaving 
the ministry, he adopted the profession of the Law, in which he 
rose to eminence. His reduction of the redundant phraseology of 
our early deeds of conveyance to the simple form now in use, of 
itself entitles him to permanent and grateful remembrance, which 
might well take the form of a visible memorial, placed by the Bar 
of the Commonwealth upon the walls of King's Chapel, of which 
he was at one time a Warden. Before removing to Boston, he 
purchased of the Indians, in 1714, a large tract of land, which he 
occupied as a sort of manor and named Lonetown. It was here 
that his Proposals as to settling the dispute over the location of 
the College were written, or at least, dated. This territory 
subsequently became, in part, the town of Redding, — so named in 
his honor. He was the first lawyer elected to the Massachusetts 
General Court. His great abilities soon attracted public attention 

First Church Records at that period were imperfectly kept and the baptisms 
of liis younger children are not found. There are fine portraits of Lieutenant- 
Governor Duramer and of Jeremiah Duramer, the Province Agent, in the pos- 
session of the Misses Loring of Boston. They were engraved for the Narrative 
and Critical History of America, vi. 114, 115. The portrait of Jeremiah 
Dummer has been ascribed to Sir Godfrey Kneller. 

Dummer was buried at West Ham, Essex. The inscription on his monu- 
ment reads — 

The Remains 


Jeremiah Dummer 

of New England, Esq'. 

distinguished by his excelleut life 

probity and humanity. 

His age 58 


In his will (signed Jeremy), dated 7 June, 1738, Dummer described himself 
as of Plaistow, in Essex. It was proved 1 June, 1739 (New England Historical 
and Genealogical Register for 1881, xxxv. 268, 269; and Waters's Genealogical 
Gleanings in England, i. 200, 201). Concerning his English ancestry, see 
SewalVs Diary, i. xxi, xxii. 




Graduating at Harvard 

and he was chosen to the Council of the Royal Governor, in which, 
in the time of Belcher and Shirley, he exercised a commanding 
influence. He was a truly great man of independent mind and of 
spotless integrity. He died on the seventh of July, 1749. 1 

Governor Gurdon Sal tons tall of Connecticut, a greatrgrandson 
of Sir Richard, was a distinguished divine, orator, and statesman. 
His widow bequeathed to Harvard College <£1,0GG to educate 
students for the ministry. 

Elisha Williams had a varied career, 
in 1711, he entered the ministry and passed from the pulpit to the 
Rectorship of Yale, in 1726. Retiring from office in 1739, on 
account of ill health, he was, later, elected to the Legislature, was 
chosen Speaker of the House, and was subsequently appointed to 
the Bench. In 1745, he was Chaplain of the Connecticut Regiment 
sent to Cape Breton ; and in the following year he was appointed to 
command a regiment in the intended expedition against Canada, 
He died at Wethers field, on the twenty-fourth of July, 1755. 

Dr, Benjamin Colman, long Minister of the Manifesto Church in 
Boston, was the friend of Calamy and other eminent English 
divines, and himself stood, at the time of his death, at the head of 
the New England clergy in respect of talents and influence- A 
man of brilliancy and intellect, of independent mind and action, 
and of catholicity of spirit, he naturally excited the envy of the 
Mathers, who attacked him with the vituperation of which they 
were masters. 3 In 1724, he was elected to the Presidency of 
Harvard College, of which for seven years he had been a Fellow, 
lmt declined the honor. His high-mindedness is seen in the closing 
paragraph of his letter to Wood bridge, wherein he reveals his un- 
willingness to take advantage of the distracted condition of Yale. 

Dr. Timothy Cutler is remembered in Boston as the Rector of 
Christ Church for more than forty years after his defection from 
the Congregational Order, He graduated at Harvard in 1701; 
and from 1719 till 1722 he was Rector of Yale College. 

The Rev. Samuel RuBsel, of Branford T Connecticut, graduated 
at Harvard in 1681 ; and James Pierpont, who graduated at Yale 
in 1718, served that Seminary as Tutor. 

1 See George FL Reed 'a Sketch of the Life of the Hon. John Rend of Boston. 
* See New England Historical and Genealogical Register for I840 t iii. 117- 
122, 220-222; and Quincke History of Harvard University (I860), i. 130-1 H 


Of the Rev. Timothy Woodbridge, to whom most of these papers 
were addressed, I have spoken at a previous meeting of the Society. 1 
He was named in the Charter of Yale College and was one of its 
ten Trustees. 3 He was highly esteemed by the magistrates and 
was placed on important Committees appointed by the General 
Assembly to consider great public questions. He was also of a 
Committee "to furnish their Agent with directions or informa- 
tion " and to answer "charges against the proceeding of the 
Charter Government." Notwithstanding his strenuous opposition 
to the establishment of the Seminary at New Haven, Woodbridge 
was finally reconciled, was honored by an appointment as Rector 
pro tempore, and moderated at the Commencement of 1723, when 
he conferred the Degrees. He was a member of the Saybrook 
Synod, in 1708, from which emanated the Saybrook Platform. 
He died at Hartford on the thirtieth of April, 1732. An obituary 
notice says that he was — 

" a learned, well accomplished and grave Divine ... He had the In- 
terest of our College, especially in his latter Years, very much at heart, 
and did his utmost to promote the Prosperity of that Society. The 
flourishing of it, as at this day, is very much owing to him." * 

The text of the documents 4 follows : — 

1 December, 1897. Publications, v. 77, 78. 

* " A Board of Trustees was constituted by the Charter of 1701, and by an 
explanatory Act of the General Assembly in 1728 the Rector was made ex- 
officio a Trustee, though this Act was not accepted by the Board until 1728. 
By the Charter of 1745 the Presidency of the Corporation was made into a 
separate office, and the other Trustees were styled Fellows " (Yale Triennial 
Catalogue, p. 1). 

• A full notice of Woodbridge is in Sibley's Harvard Graduates, ii, 464-470. 
See also Allen's Biographical Dictionary; and New England Historical and 
Genealogical Register for 1878, ixxii. 294. Woodbridge addressed Cotton 
Mather in verse on his completion of the Magnalia, to which the lines are 
prefixed. I cannot learn of the existence of any portrait of Woodbridge. 

4 Beside the documents here printed, Mr. Edes exhibited two diplomas on 
parchment issued by Yale College to graduates of the Classes of 1709 and 1729, 
and a manuscript copy of the " Orders and appointments to be Observed in the 
Collegiate School in Connecticut" This paper is dated 1 December, 1725, and 
is attested by Robert Treat and Daniel Edwards, Tutors. 






Parliament House 
15 Aug 1 1715, 

The votes inclosM will show you that 
I have do time to write, the Affair of Carolina has by the Artifice of one 
great villain 1 that has bin often in America brought in the Mass a- 

1 There is little, if any, doubt that Lord Corn bury is here referred to. 
Edward Hyde, Viscount Cornbury, was born in. December, 1661, the son of Henry 
Hyde, second Earl of Clarendon, and the grandson of the great EarL Bred at 
Oxford, he sat in the House of Commons for Wilts and Christchurch, 1085-1701, 
when he was made Governor of New York and New Jersey, Before coining to 
America, he had held various offices, among them that of Master of the Horse 
to Prince George of Denmark, He was also Page of Honor to James II. at his 
coronation, 23 April, 16S5, but, in 1G8S, deserted the cause of James, who, it 
will be remembered, had married his aunt. Cornbury, therefore, was cousin- 
ge riu an to Queen Anne. 

In 1705, with Joseph Dudley, Cornbury presented to the Privy Council com- 
plain ts against the Charter Governments, which were heard and dismissed. In 
1708, Corn bury 's rule in New York ended, and he returned to England, where 
he succeeded to the Earldom of Clarendon on the death of his father,— 31 Octo- 
ber, 1709. In 1711, he was made a Privy Councillor. In 1713, he and Dudley 
again made complaint to the Privy Council against the Charter Governments, 
but without success. 

Cornbury is thus shown to have been identified with two previous attempts 
to deprive the American Colonies of their Charter rights- As to his character, 
there seems to be but one opinion. On the ninth of February, 1707-6^ Lewis 
Morris, afterwards Chief**! ustiee of New York and New Jersey, wrote to Secre- 
tary Boyle, on the eve of Lord Corn bury *s removal from office, a long letter in 
the nature of a scathing review of his administration, — "an administration no 
where so exactly parrale I'd as in that of Gessius Fiorus Govern our of Judea" — 
and of his behavior, in which he tells of the Governor's "dressing publicly iu 
woman *s cloaths every day, and putting a stop to all publique business " (Docu- 
ments Relative to the Colonial History of the State of New York, v. 33-38), Dr. 
J, Romeyn Brodhead describes him as " mean, vulgar, foolish, [and] profligate** 
(Historical Magazine for 1868, Second Series, iii. 71, 72). Colonel Cheater 
•ays that he — 

" earned a roost unenviable reputation, which he appears to have fully deserved, and his 
character and conduct were equally abhorred ia both hemispheres. , ¥ . [He] died 31 
March, [1723], in obscurity, and deeply in debt, but had honourable burial [5 April] in 
the vault of his ancestors, whose good name be had so sadly disgraced " (Westminster 
Abbey Registers, p. 308 and note). 

The progress of the unsuccessful movement, in 1716, for the M regulation " 
of the Charter Governments, which caused Dummer to write his famous Defence 



chusetts & Connecticut into the bill, so that the loss of oar Charter 
comes like a Clap of Thunder without any previous Lightning if I can't 
prevent it 

IamT Colonies 

Devoted Ser* 

Jer Dumxxb 

Agent Dummer 
Letter de Charter & 



Not having had the honour of a line 
from you Since my writing you Several letters, will I hope be some 
apology if I am but Short now. You have with out doubt long before 

of the New-England Charters, can be traced in the Journals of the House of 
Commons (2 George I.). On the tenth of August, a Committee, to which had 
been referred a " Petition of the Agent of Carolina, in America, and several 
Merchants trading thither/' reported a Resolution for an Address to the King, 
which was adopted (zviii. 262). On the same day the House — 

" Ordered, That Leave be given to bring in a Bill for the better Regulation of the 
Charter and Proprietary Governments in America; and for the Encouragement of the 
Trade of this Kingdom, and of his Majeftj's Plantations ; and for the Security of his 
Majefty's Cuftoms (xviii. 262). 

On the thirteenth, the Bill was presented and was read the first time (xviii. 
268). On the fifteenth, the Bill was read a second time, and was referred to a 
Committee which was ordered to meet that afternoon " at Five a Clock, in the 
Speaker's Chamber" (xviii. 269). This action, doubtless, was the occasion of 
Dummer's hurried letter in the text, which was followed by a more formal 
letter to the Connecticut authorities dated 20 August, 1715 (c/. Colonial Records 
of Connecticut, v. 522). At this Session of the House (15 August) the Guar- 
dian of the young Lord Baltimore petitioned for a clause to be inserted in the 
Bill to save the rights of his ward (Journals, xviii. 269). On the following day 
(16 August) Dummer, as Agent for the Province of the Massachusetts Bay and 
the Colony of Connecticut, petitioned the House to except his constituents from 
the operations of the Bill (xviii. 270). See Dummer's Defence of the New- 
England Charters, passim; Chalmers's Introduction to the History of the 
Revolt of the American Colonies (1845) ii. 5, 6; Palfrey's History of New 
England, iv. 487 and notes ; New England Historical and Genealogical Register 
for 1869, xxiii. 457-459; Dictionary of National Biography, xxviii 893; and 
G. E. C[okayne]'s Complete Peerage, ii. 277, 27a 




this heard how happy the Mafsachu setts is like to be in Governour Shute 
who intends to Sail for Boston by the End of this Month. It has bin a 
vast struggle to procure this blefsing to New England, & the work of a 
whole year's application. It's an inestimable priviledge which you have 
in Your Colony to create your own Govetnour & other inferiour Officers. 
I shall be glad to hear how your Young Academy grows, & whether you 
have built a convenient receptacle for your library, that I may send you 
Some proper Ornaments to furnish it- I hope you had, or at least have 
by this time, the books & Globes I Sent you by the last Ships, to which 
I am Still making Additions, I wish you health & ail happynefs, & 

Your faithfull Humble Serv 1 

6* J uijr 1716 JER : DUMMER 

I Pray your Acceptance of the 

continuation of the Mercurys. 



I have your letter of Hay Last be- 
fore me t which if I have not already answex'd (for I can't certainly tell 
having kept no Copy) 1 must depend on your goodnefs to forgive me, 
I now cover to you the Continuation of the monthly Mercurys being the 
five last, an Excellent Book of the famous Bishop Hoadley, 1 & the 
Pope's bull unigenitus, which has caus'd such mighty divisions in 
France, & in which you '1 to your surprize find not onely the most in- 
nocent, but the most pious doctrines condemned as offensive to pious 
Mars. You have also in this packet the King's Speech at the Opening 
His Parliament by which you'l see the King of Sweden has for some 
time bin preparing to invade this Kingdom. My Lord Chancellour told 
me last week that my Lord Carnwath, when he was examin'd a year 
since on his being taken at Preston, owu'd to the King that the Pre- 

1 For a notice of Benjamin Hoadly, successively Bishop of Bangor, Here- 
ford, Salisbury, and Winchester, see the Dictionary of National Biography, 
xxvii. 16-21, The ball Unigenitus was published by Clement XL in 1713. 
The book referred to by Dummer was possibly Hoadly's Satirical Dedication 
to Pope Clement XI, T prefixed in 1715 to Sir R. Steele 1 * Account of the Roman 
Catholic Religion, or more probably A Preservative against the Principles and 
Practices of the Nonjurors both in Church and State, published in 1718. 



tender told him in his Closet that his last & eheif dependanee was on 
the King of Sweden. Hut the Plot being now discover**!* the danger 
is over, for it would be very Strange if we having so much time to arm, 
& being protected by France & Holland, should not be able to Defend 
Onr Selves against the power of Sweden, notwithstanding there are so 
many Male contents among our Selves. To pafs from this Subject to 
the Affairs of Connecticut, I am Sorry I cannot yet Send yoa the rest 
of the books with the Catalogue, but hope to do it by the fall, having 
a promise of Several large benefactions not yet come In. J should be 
glad however in the mean time if some oration at your Commencement 
might take notice of what Books you have already reeeiv'd (I mean 
onely in General words) & acknowledge your obligations to yo f Friends 
here, & that then a proper paragraph of it might be prepared for the 
Boston Gazett, & the Gazett sent over to me. I could perhaps make 
use of this contrivance to the great advantage of the Col ledge, be- 
sides it is a necefaary peice of gratitude in you, & as requisite for my 

As for D p Williams's * charity, the will is not yet recorded for reasons 
I formerly gave you. Bnt I have Seen a Copy of it taken in Short 
hand, & what concerns us is in Substance this* He leaves a Manner of 
a 120 £ p ann™ for the propagating the gospel among the Indians, 
whereof one halfe is to Harvard Colledgo & the other to the Corpora- 
tion 1 here, but Still for the same use. That the one moiety (which is 


1 For a notice of Daniel Williams, a prominent Nonconformist divine, see 
the Dictionary of National Biography, hri. 385-389. His will, dated 28 June, 
1711, with a codicil, 22 August, 1712, gave rise to a controversy which was not 
settled atitil 2d July, 1721. The will is printed in the New England Historical 
and Genealogical Register for 1892, xlvl 436-439 ; and in Waters'* Genealogi- 
cal Gleanings in England, i. 628-rj;il. 

s The Corporation referred to by Dumraer in this letter and in another 
dated 25 February, 1724-25 {post, p. 202), and still existing in England under 
the assumed name of The New England Company, is often referred to by histor- 
ical writers under many variants from its legal name, — such as " The Indian 
Corporation" (Ibid,), n the Society for propagating the Gospel ia America" 
(post, p. 203), the ■* Corporation for promoting the Gospel among the Indians in 
New England" (British Museum Catalogue), and the ** Corporation for the 
Spread of the Gospel in New England n (Dictionary of National Biographjt vi. 
120, 121). It is even confounded with the still existing great Missionary 
Society of the Church of England, chartered by William III,, 16 June, 1701, 
under the name of ** The Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign 
Parts,** an Historical Account of which, by the Rev* Dr. David Humphreys, 
its Secretary, was printed in London in 1730. It was thia last named Society 
and its operations here which gave rise to the May hew Controversy, bo called, 




60 p aim 111 ) should be appropriated to your Colony is very reasonable 
because Your Indians have biu hitherto wholly neglected, & there ia a 

in which the Rev. Dr, Jonathan May hew and the Rev, East Apthorp were the 
principal actors (see Annals of King's Chapel, ii. 241-230). It has seemed 
well, therefore, to state briefly the facts concerning the legal name ami tlm 
career of the organization which played an important part in aiding the work 
of the Apostle Eliot and in printing the Indian Bible. These facts have been 
drawn chiefly from a small volnme of ninety-two pages entitled A Sketch of 
the Origin and the Recent History of the New England Company by the 
Senior Member of the Company [Henry William Busk] ■ . . London, 1B84. 1 

On the twenty -seventh of July, 1640, the Long Parliament passed an Act to 
create H A Corporation for the Promoting and Propagating the Gospel of Jesus 
Christ in New England " (p« 8), It established a Corporation in England con- 
sisting of sixteen persons, — a President, a Treasurer, and fourteen Assistants* 
to be called rt The President and Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in 
New England," with power to acquire real and personal estate not exceeding 
the annual value of £2,000. Nearly £12,000 was raised by voluntary subscrip- 
tion in England and Wales and invested in real estate in EriswelK Suffolk, 
in Plums tead, Kent, and in London. "The Corporation at once appointed 
Commissioners and a Treasurer in New England, who, with the income trans- 
mitted to them by the Corporation from England, paid itinerant missionaries 
and school teachers amongst the natives" (pp. 9, 10). 

At the Restoration (29 May, 16CJ0), the Corporation became defunct, but 
through the exertions of the Hon. Robert Boyle and others, it was revived by 
an Order of Charles IL in Council, 10 April, 1661, " for a new Charter of In- 
corporation vesting in the Company then created (and now suhsi sting) the 

1 Aw it nowhere appears in Mr. Buck's Hietoiy when or by what authority the present name 
of the Society was adopted, a letter was addressed to the Society's office in London requesting 
information upon the-<e points. From the reply of William Marshal! Venning, IK C. L., the 
Clerk of the Company, the following extracts are taken: — 

m The name of thii Society w» never changed to the New England Company by Royal Charter, by 
Act of Parliament, or by process of law. In f&et T it a name Ills never been changed at at! h]uc\- the data 
Of it« Charter, its full legal title stU) being * the Company for propagation of tha Gospel in New England 
and the part* adjacent In America. * For the sake of brevity, and perhaps partly to distinguish it from 
the Society for the propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, it has long been commonly called 'the 
New England Company/ ■ - • The earliest record I can find ... of this Society having been called 
•The New England Company* la in tbe Minn tea of a meeting of the Company held on the 3rd April, 
177". These are the earliest Minutes in the Company's possession with the exception of the Minutes of 
nine at ten meetings held at various dates between tbe year* 1652 and 1720 in all which caaea the longer 
title is used.'* 

The Company baa since privately printed a vol nine of much interest to students of our 
Colonial and Provincial history entitled — Some Correspondence between the Governors and 
Treasurers of the New England Company in London and the Commissioner* of the United 
Colonies in America, tbe Missionaries of the Company, and others between the years IttST and 
1712* to which are added the Journals of the Kev. Experience M*yli««r in 1713 and 1714, 
Printed from the Originals in the possession of the New England Company. « . . London, 
MM. pp. 128. 

See Dr. Venning* a paper on the Origin of the New England Company* London, with an 
Account of the Labours on Behalf «»f the North American Indians, in the Transactions of the 
Royal Historical Society, 1885, New Series, & 29J-301. 



word in the demise that seems to fix it there, for it said the neglected 
patjanSj which cannot be the Mafsachusett Indians after so much pains 
have been taken with them. I delivered Yo f Government's letter to the 
Corporation on this Subject, & gave them my opinion upon it, as I now 
write you, & I think I have interest enough with them to carry it so. 
However there is no immediate haste, because there's a life upon the 
Estate which must fall before it comes into hand. And yet it is fitting 
to take proper care, for the life is a poor one being a very Sickly woman* 
who has already liv'd a good deal longer, than the Physicians th6t was 

I add to the Packet, yesterday *s Flying Post containing the Addrefs 
of the Afsembly of Carolina to the King to take their Province under 
bis immediate Government* The Agents for that Province are pre- 
paring a Petition to the Parliament persuant to the Addrefs, A 'tis 
probable a bill will be brought in for it, & as probable that Our 
Enemies wiU make another push to have us included in it, but I don't 
much fear what they Can do, as long as the Commifs'* Of the Custome 
are quiet, & make no remonstrances against us- • 

I wish you much health & bappynefs & am With very great Esteem 

& respect 

S f 

Your faithfull Humble Serv* 


SI' Feb". 1716/17 

Jer: Dummer 

M 1 Trai 1 ? Wood bridge 

property which had been given or bought for the purposes of the late reputed 
Corporation m (pp. 12, 13)* The Charter passed the Seals on the seventh of 
February, 1661-62, and created " the Company for Propagation of the Gospell in 
New England, and the Partes adjacent in America " (p. 60), which was limited 
in its fellowship to forty .five persons (p* 64), The Charter-members included 
the Earl of Clarendon, the Earl of Manchester, Viscount Saye and Sele, the 
Hon. Robert Boyle, and many Aldermen and citizens of London (pp. H, 57-50), 

" For a few years after 1775, when the American War of Independence 
broke out, no missionary work was done in America at all, and the funds were 
allowed to accumulate/' After the Peace of 1783, the Company transferred 
its operations to New Brunswick, and, in 1822, to other parts of British 
America (pp. 17, 21 )♦ 

The funds of the Company are derived (1) from the original subscript* 
in 1649, of about £12,000, (2) from ** a fund arising under the will of the Ho: 
Robert Boyle, the first Governor of the Company, " who died 80 December, 
169 1 j and (3) from 4t property derived under the will of the Rev* Dr. Daniel 
Williams, who died 20 January, 1716-16, and whose will was confirmed by his 








To the Hon w The Gov' and Cornp* for Setting y» difputes concerning 
y" place of j 1 Collegiate School & dependences thereof y* humble 
propofall of Jn* Mead — 

Imprimis That the Lower houfe reprefenting y* whole Countrey declare 
y* place they defire y* s d School to be Setled in — 

That yf Gen u Court Grant Sis miles Square of Land where it may 
be found to be Improved aa a State of Inheritance to y" ufe of y" 
School — 

That y* Truftees be moved to Settle y* School in y* place So to be 
named provided 

1, That in three months next coming Some Gent : of y e Lower Houfe 
y* Shall be in y* vote for y* new place Shall procure a Collection for 
y* ufe of y e School to y* value of y* Sum Expended allready on y* 
School at Newhaven > & take y' Materiails at Newhaven provided for 
y* ufe of y* Contributes — 

2* That within the time aforesd Some Gent in y* vote afores* pro- 
cure Such a Subscription for y" new place as they will Warrant to 
Surmount and go beyond y* Sums and benevolences y l are or shall be 
in y* Space of one moneth now coming be reafonably secured for y* found- 
ing and lucouragement of y* Scbool at Newbaveo. 

So y l if y* Collections and Subfcriptions above mentioned in manner 
and form above exprefsed be not made in y* time above Limit ted y* y" 
y* S 4 Truftees Shall proceed by y* Orders & agrem*" of y* maj T part of 
y m to build & Settle y* S d Scbool at Newhaven as they have began 

Jn° Read 

of Lonetown 


M r Reeds propofall 
about the Col ledge 
Octo 1717 

sister and heiressnat-law, and by decree in Chancery in 1720" (p. 18), It was 
not until 1745, however, on the death of the life tenant, to whom Bummer 
refers, that the Company " came into possession of considerable landed prop- 
erty in Essex, in trust, partly for supporting itinerant preachers in the West 
Indies, and partly for the benefit of the college of Cambridge in New Eng- 
land M (p. 19). This ia the devise referred to in Bummer's letter in the text. 





To the Hon*' The Gov* and Comp* for Setltng y* difputes concerning 
j* plaoe of y* Collegiate School & dependency^ thereof y* humble 
propofall of Jn* Bead — 

Imprimis That the Lower houfe reprefenting y e whole Countrey declare 
y* place they defire y* a 4 School to be Setled in — 

That y? Gen u Court Grant Six miles Square of Land where it may 
be found to be Improved as a State of Inheritance to y* ufe of y* 
School — 

That y* Tmftees be moved to Settle y* School in y° place So to be 
named provided 

1, That in three months next coming Some Gent: of y c Lower Houfe 
y* Shall be in y* vote for y* new place Shall procure a Collection for 
y* ufe of y* School to y e value of y e Sum Expended allready on y' 
School at Newhaven, & take y fl Materially at Newhaven provided for 
y* ufe of y* Contributors — 

2; That within the time aforesd Some Gent, in y* vote afores d pro- 
cure Such a Subscription for y* new place as they will Warrant to 
Surmount and go beyond y* Sums and benevolences y* are or shall be 
in y* Space of one moneth now coming be reafonably secured for y* found- 
ing and Incouragement of y* School at Newhaven* 

So y l if y* Collections and Subscriptions above mentioned in manner 
and form above exprefsed be not made in y" time above Limitted y* y m 
y* S d Trnltees Shall proceed by y* Orders & agrem 1- of y* ma] r part of 
y" to build & Settle y* S d School at Newhaven as they have began 

Jn° Read 

of Lonetown 


M f Reeds propofall 
about the Colledge 
Octo 1717 

sister and heiress-aWaw, and by decree in Chancery in 1720" (p. 13)* It was 
not until 1745, however, on the death of the life tenant, to whom Bummer 
refers, that the Company * came into possession of considerable landed prop- 
erty in Essex, in trust, partly for supporting itinerant preachers in the West 
Indies, and partly for the benefit of the college of Cambridge in New Eng- 
land " (p. 19), This is the devise referred to in Du miner's letter in the text. 



Rev 9 & dear Sir, 

I hope you will excuse my not answering your last to me sooner, 
remembring what a busie time it has been of late with me. But y* more 
I think & the more I have enquired into y* Circumstances of your 
College, the more I grow in my Opinion that it is necefsary for the 
Well-being of it that y* Clafses with M T . Williams l do not desert it. 
I am afsured also that it will be heavily born by the Gentlemen Over- 
seers & others in Governm* with you, who have come into y* Vote for 
y* building at New-haven. And since y* House is now fixed there, 
how much soever it might be desired by you that it had not been so, I 
know your generous public spirit will now dictate to you y* best 
Methods wherein you may support & serve it It will I fear weaken & 
dishearten your Accademy when your Commencement comes on, if 
several Graduates it may be of y* best Literature should decline 
receiving their Honours from her. We must in a thousand instances 
deny our Selves for y* common good. I cannot therefore bring my 
Self to be willing that any number of your Scholars should at this 
critical time offer themselves to us, but if your Son * alone do so I have 
nothing against it, but shal be glad of any Opportunity to testify my 
regards unto you, & how much I am 

Rev Sir 

Your Affectionate humble Servt. 
Benj. Colman. 

Boston, June 4, 1718. 

For The Reverend 

M r . Timothy Woodbridge 

Pastor of a Church in 


1 Elisha Williams (H. C. 1711) of Wethersfield was a Tutor in the College 
(1716-1718) before his induction to the office of Rector, in 1726. His service 
as Tutor was wholly at Wethersfield, — in charge of the "remnant " or " seces- 
sion," encouraged by Woodbridge, which resisted, for a time, the removal of the 
Seminary from Saybrook to New Haven. After the breach had been healed, 
Williams's name was inserted in the list of Tutors. See post, p. 206, note. 

2 Elisha Lord (Y. C. 1718). He was the child of Woodbridge's last wife 
by a former marriage. See Dexter's Yale Biographies and Annals, i. 187; and 
Sibley's Harvard Graduates, ii 468. 




N Lond: Not: 20 1718, 

M* Sechetart. 

This comes exprefs to You, for a Copy of the Act 1 of the late 
Afsembly, respecting the Settlement of the Col Ledge Affairs, which I 
would have, with y* publiek Seal annexed to It, seat to Me, by this 
Mefsenger, And perhaps You will have all the Othr Acts for the Prefs, 
ready to send the Printer by the Same Opportunity. You had better 
hire the copying of them, than delay so long, the Sending of them to 
the Prefs. 

Don't forget the Papers I mentioned to You in my last by Capt 
Minor, 1 (viz the Bundle of Pleas, or Proceedings in Hnrri's Case, 
Contra Hill,) which I laid before the Afsembly in May last, among the 
Papers relating to the ludians at Mohegan, & were taken from y 1 File 
to improve in y* Case, Which will be wanted here by the Committee. 
thrfore let them come sealed up to me, togethr with the Act I now 
write for, 

I am concerned for M f Treasurer 1 Y' Neighbour, and desire Yon to 
inform Me how he is, I am S r 



Y* very humble Serv* 

G; Saltqnstall, 

P. 8. 

You have among the Papers left on the Council board at N Haven, 
when I took my leave of You j The Minutes of the Orders We made, 
relating to the Money to be paid to the Trustees, and the Colledge 
Books at Say brook ; which Yon must also Send Me, with an Account 
[of J what Y'ou have done upon those Orders. 


If you have a Sufficient Stock of Publiek Paper, Such as Yon had at 
N Haven* send Me 2 or 3 Quire by this Exprefs, 

G. S. 

1 Colonial Records of Connecticut, vi. 83, 84 + 

4 Captain Ephrnira Minor of Stonington ig probably here referred to. 
1 John Whiting, son of Captain Joseph Whiting, was Treasurer of the 
Colony from 1717 to 1749* 


Mr Seckt Wtllts. 

Since my writing what is before, I understand Some Persona have a 
flrsjpi to proceed at Weathersfield, in opposition to the Act of the late 
AisesnblT. relating to a Colledge at X Haven, 6 Schollars belonging to 
It at Weathersfield ; Which th6 I can hardly believe, Tet I think It may 
be beat for Yon to draw a Copy of that Act, and cause It to be de- 
livered to the Constable of Weathersfield, with an Order as from Me, 
that he publish It immediately in y* s 4 Town. Which Tou are accord- 
ingly to take care of; This will be a sufficient Means to prevent any 
Such Disorder as » said to be designed there. I would have You 
thrfore attend this Order, without Delay. 


Y* Servant 

G: Saltohstall. 


An Act for the further Incouragmt of Tale Colledge 

Whereas it Is thought Needfull for the Good Govermt of the Col- 
ledge at Newhaven and promoting learning there, to have a Refident 
Rector, who with one Tutor may be Sufficient to Inftruct the Studients 
belonging to the Said Colledge untill there Number be Considerably 
Increafed. and whereas the Sum of one hundred pound a year already 
Given out of the publick Treafury to the tutor of s 4 Colledge Is not 
Sufficient for a Refident Rector & a Tutor. It Is therefore Enacted by 
the Oovern r CounceU <tc. that there shall be the Sum of Eighty pounds 
more paid yearely out of the publick Treafury for the Incouragm* & sup- 
port of a Refident Rector & one Tutor, which makes one hundred & 
Eighty pound in the whole, for Such time as there shall be a Refident 
Rector, or untill Such time as the Sum of one hundred pound a year 
Can be raifed for them Some other way. & then the said Eighty pound 
a year shall not be paid out of the Treafury but only the Sum of one 
hundred pound a year as it hath been of late. 

Pad in the Upp T Houfe 

Teft Hez. Wtllts 1 Secretry 
Difsented to in the Lower houfe 

Teft Tho. Kimberlt Clerk 

1 The Signatures to this document are autographs. 





For a Refideut 
Rector &c> Yale 



N. Hifbn Dec* 31. im 
Rev" Sir 

Having communicated to the Rev* M r Andrew l and M* Rufsel,* a 

Letter which I ree* from the Gov p + bearing Date Dec, 24. relating to the 
Building a Rector's Houfe here, and defireing the Refuit of y* Rev^ 
Tniftees Thoughts afsoon as may he : it is their concurrent Opinion, 
That with all convenient speed there should be a meeting here of the 
Rev* Tnifteea of this School upon this affair, as well as others, that 
may then be offered to Conflderation. 

They have therefore empowerd me in their names to signify their 
deflres, That you would give your attendance at S d meeting on y e 24 of 
January next enfueiog; which I accordingly do, and entreat your 
Favour in the notification of it to M T Buckingham,* 

Sir, I am senfible that Riding such a journey on this Time (efpecially 
as the cafe may be) will be very difficult, and I think that nothing but the 
urgency of affairs can call for it Rut I think that this is the prefent 
cafe- You are not infenfible of the Difficulty s of my prefent Habitation, 
and my Tenure of it alfo is as uncertain as pofsible. If any thing be 
done refpecting a Building this year it is requifite there be a prefent 
Con fideration that the Timber be cut for it in the Winter Seafon. I 
know, 3 r , that such is your age and Diftance, That you may as fairly put 
in for an Exeufe from coming as any Gentleman, but having a particu- 
lar depen dance upon your coming I can by no means be eafy in a Sub- 
mi fsion to it, and do therefore take the Freedom to Importune your 
mindfullnefse of us at that time. And having had so many In fiances of 
your goodnefse in affairs of this nature, I muft promife my self the 
Hon' & Happinefse of a Viflt at that time. 

1 Rev, Samuel Andrew (H. C. 1675) of Milford, Connecticut For an 
excellent notice of him see Sprague'e Annals of the American Pulpit, L 209 note* 
3 Rev. Samuel Russel (H. G. 1681) of Branford, Connecticut 
a Rev; Thomas Buckingham (H. C. 1690) of Hartford. 


There is lately come amongst as a Dream of one Wait-still Hoping, 
referring to Stratford & Lime under late & prefent Circumftances, par- 
ticularly relating y* affairs of y* late Council at Stratford, & Favouring 
y* Determinations of it, particularly magnifying the Character and con- 
duct of a Rev* Gentleman M r Izzard. The Reprefentation of it is in 
y* way of a deflgn'd wedding, the Legality whereof is contefted and dif- 
proved by one M r Immoveable. The air of it is pompous and rapturous, 
and pretty taking with us. The Rev d M r Izzard who is called the 
Authour may pofsibly be here at y* meeting if his great Diftance or 
Vapours hinder not. 1 

The College Bell is now raifed and gives a very pleafant clear Sound, 
and we are humbly thankfull to Mad? Woodbridge's Generality in it. 1 
To whom I give my service as well as to your self, who am, Rev* Sir 
Your Hum. Serv*. 

Timothy Cutler 8 


M* Yale Sends you by this Ship one hundred pounds Sterling in 
goods for the use of his Colledge, & Afsures me that a present which 
he has bin long getting ready, of Instruments, books, & pictures shall 
be Sent you in a month's time. I am glad to get what I can of him, 
th6 it be lefs than his engagements ; for he promis'd me that he would 

1 As I was unable to interpret this paragraph I sought the aid of our asso- 
ciate Professor Franklin Bowditch Dexter, who replied as follows: — 

"I cannot decipher ... 'the Rev* M'. Izzard.' The phrases 'Wait-still Hoping' 
and ' Mr. Immovable ' seem to point to some recent pamphlet with a nomenclature re- 
sembling the Pilgrim's Progress. The reference to «y # late Council at Stratford' is 
probably to a council held there in April, 1720, when the town was divided on the ques- 
tion of calling Samuel Russell, Jr. (Yale 1712), as a minister in succession to Cutler. 
Cutler speaks of Mr. Izzard's ' great distance ' as likely to prevent his attendance at the 
Trustees' Meeting, and this would seem to point either to Moses Noyes of Lyme or to 
Eliphalet Adams of New London." 

I wish to acknowledge my indebtedness to Professor Dexter for other valu- 
able suggestions in connection with this communication. 

a Sibley records the gift of this bell by Madam Woodbridge, but assigns 
the date of it to the year 1723 (Harvard Graduates, ii. 469). His authority 
was Clap's Annals of Yale College, p. 79, but Clap is untrustworthy about 
such small matters. 

• For notices of Dr. Cutler, see Sprague's Annals of the American Pulpit, 
v. 50, 52; and F. B. Dexter's Yale Biographies and Annals, i. 201-203, 270-273. 
See Foote's Annals of King's Chapel, i. 306 et seq. 

IgM ] 



Send you over 200 £ p anno as long as he liv'd, & make a Setlement 
upon you forever, to commence immediately after his death. But I am 
afraid lest being old he should dye and neglect it, Therefore I think it 
proper that you Continue writing to him. M r Hollis has given me Some 
hopes that he will think of you when he has finish* t what he intends to 
do for Harvard Colledge, 1 which lie do every thing in my power to 
promote, thG I've received very Severe reprimands from some of my 
friends in Boston for having made application to him* 

The ruin of Southsea Stock & all publick credit, & the bribery de- 
tected in persons in the Administration, <& in members of both Houses 
of Parliament has thrown us into Such confusion, that one can't tell 
how or where the Scene will end. If you were but sure of keeping 
your Charter, I think I should prefer a quiet humble retreat in a corner 
of Connecticut rather than the moat conspicuous place in this Kingdom, 
which is so universally Corrupt, that there is not the face of honesty left 
among us, I present you with a bundle of Sermons, which I shall send 
to M r Dixwell a in Boston & desire him to forward it to you. 

I am S T 
Lcwtf Mti>t>Le Tfc*w.K Your Very humble Serv* 

7* March 1720 [1720-21.] 

Jer: Dumueb 


To The Rev* M r Woodbridce 
Minister of y 1 Gospel 
at Hartford in 


N. Hjlv** July 7. 1721. 

Rev. d Sir 

I humbly thank you for your Concern ab l y* College Mony to be pro- 
cured for us by Cap* Wads worth. 1 But I do not underflaud that there 

1 Cf* Mr, Davis's Remarks, p. 211, pmL 

1 This, Hon hi less, was John Bixwell of Boston, goldsmith, a Ruling Elder 
of the New North Church. He was the son of the Regicide ; born io New 
Haven, 6 March IB 80-81 ; and died in Boston of small -pox by inoculation, 21 
April 1725 (Records of the New North Church)* 

1 Captain James Wadsworth of Durham was of the Governor's Council and 
had to do with the Brief for collecting money for the Rector's house which had 
been ordered in May, 1731 (</. Colonial Records of Connecticut, vi. 256). 



is any come to us befides w 1 you sent down a litle while agoe, and I am 
very much affected with it from my Engagement in y* Purehafe I have 
made of a Houfe, for which I shall shortly want 55 lb to pay y* man -e*e- 
long i befides another 55 lb y* I have taken upon Intcrcft on y* same acco 1 

I have laft night rec d a Letter from His Honr Encouraging us to hope 
M r Yale will further remember us in such an Annuity as you Speak of. 
His HonT writes, That He sh d have now sent to M r Hollis by y* ships 
going for England, but that He could never obtain a sight of y* Letter 
which the Truftees formerly wrote to Him, & so could not write in 
concert with them. I suppofe He never was addrefsed by the " ffou. 
Truftees, <fc y* w l was done was done by your Self in a Letter to M T Dam- 
mer taking notice of M f Hollis's Generosity to y* College of Cam. 
intimating y* we tho't He would not be regardlefse of us did He know 
our State ; & this in complyance with M r Bummer's Motion 

Gov! Yale hath remembred us in a Prefent of 105l h 0, 3, The laft 
Poffc bro't a Letter from M r Lyde 1 signifying it was in his hands and 
desireing y* Truftees orders ab? it. M r Rufsel & Andrew & Ruggles f 
wrote down to Him praying His care ab* ye goods till further Orders. 
Now y* Gov? hath sent us y" Invoyce from Him* with a Letter alfo fro 
His Honf They are in 2 Trunks ; Mohair Buttons, Stuffs, Silk sowing 
&c. He snppofes they will seU at Bofton for 2001b p Cent, but to get 
ready Mooy is Impracticable, He adds y 1 y r have the good news of 
Col. Tailer's 1 Arrival, & y' there is a Profpect of His being again on 
y* Establishment for a Coll, in half pay & hopes to be upon his return 
home sometime in Aug* next. The Gentlemen here have tho't y' y* Goods 
might be sold in thefe parts to much better advantage than In Bolton. 
I hope Sir you will ufe your u tin oft care to conceal this advice I now 
give you, leaft it totally hinder y* Good Effects of y* Brief out, as 
y* Gen" news we are affrald in part will. 

1 Judge Edward Lyde, of Boston, He died 11 May, 1724 (Se wall's Diary, 

iiL 337), See Footed Annate of King's Chapel, i, 178 note. 

* Rev. Samuel IWsel (II. C. 1681) was a Fellow of Yale, 1701-1 730; Rev. 
Samuel Andrew "(H. C. 1675) was a Fellow of Harvard, 1679-C.16S4, and of 
Yale, 1701-1738, and Rector, 1707-1719; and Rev. Thomas Ruggles (H. C. 
1600) was a Fellow of Yale, 1710-1728. See post, p. 201, note. 

* Colonel William Tailer of Boston, He was Lieutenant-Governor of the 
Province of the Massachusetts Bay 1711-1710 and 1730-1732, He was univer- 
sally esteemed. Although a Warden of King's Chapel, his death called foHh 
affectionate tributes from the Congregational clergy, who publicly praised 
" the prudence, justice, and moderation of his administration " (Foote*s Annals 
of King's Chapel, i. 1S3, 184 and note). See post, pp, 207-270 and note*, 27&- 




I almoft forgot to say y 1 y* Gentlroeu Trufteea aforee* defired M r 
Lyde to send j* Service & Thanks to M r Yale, & to signify y l He might 
expect a further addrefse for y 1 end upon y* firft meeting together. 

I have acted in y* matter relating to N, York * so far as to acquaint 
M' Whiltelfey * M r Noyes," M f Hall 4 with your Tho'ts & defires in it 
M F Whittelfey Bays y 1 in a fortnight or 3 Weeks he expects M r Caner* 
at his Houfe to make some repairs of it, which will inevitably detain 
II im from that Service. M r Hall is too much under the Terrors of 
a Scotch Warr to go, as He says lie intimated to your Self at Y* Elec- 
tion, w yon made y* Motion to Him. As bo fiP Noyes I have yet had 
no anfwer. M r Brown 8 & My self shall be averie to no service in 
supplying y* Pulpit of any Perfons y* may go upon y l Service y* y e Truf- 
tees shall defire. M r Smith* one of y e act", in the affairs of y 1 Ch* writes 
to me for my encouragement to come & spend some time w 01 us to 
polifti himfelf & I believe I shall encourage him. Sir your Son is in 
gr* hafte & this obliges me to y* Confuflon y* needs your Pardon. Sir I 
defire a letter from you Speedily if you see meet. I am Sir 

Your H Serv\ 

T. Cutler 

M! Cutler's Letter 

1 This refers to the Presbyterian Congregation in New York which Jona- 
than Edwards subsequently served (see post, p. 200, note). They wanted a 
preacher and Cutler names those who had been thought of for that service. 

1 Samuel Whittetaey ( Y. C. 1705) was minister of Walliugford, Connecticut, 
from 1709 till his death, 15 April, 17513. He was a Fellow of the College from 
1732 till his death (Sprague's Annals of the American Pulpit, I 268-270; 
and Dexter's Yale Biographies and Annals, i. 40-44). 

* Rey. Joseph Koyes (Y* C. 1700) was the New Haven minister. He was 
Tutor 1710-1715 (Dexters Yale Biographies and Annals, i. 65-89). 

* Rev, Samuel Hall (Y- C. 1710) was Tutor, 1716-1718. See Dexter's Yale 
Biographies aud Annals, i. 154-156. 

* Henry Caner, the builder of the first College edifice at New Haven. He 
was the father of the Rev. Dr. Henry Caner (Y 4 C. 1724), afterward Rector of 
King's Chapel in Boston. 

* Rev. Daniel Browne (Y. C. 1714) was Tutor 1718-1722, See Sprague's 
Annals of the American Pulpit, v. 54, and Dexter's Yale Biographies and 
Annals, L 118-120. 

T William Smith (Y, C. 1719) was Tutor 1722-1724. See Dexter's Yale 
Biographies and Annals, i, 207-21 L See also post, p. 197, note. 




I writ to you very lately & Sent You a Small Box of 
Books to be distributed among some of the Students of Yale Colledge, 
which I hope will in due time come Safe to Your hands. I forgot in my 
letter to answer that paragraph in Yours relating to a dispute I had in 
France, which you heard I intended to print, & desir'd a Copy of it. 
I 'le afsure you I never intended to print it, & was very sorry to fee it 
mention'd in Our publick News-papers here, which was done by a 
Learned Gentleman who was present at the disputation being in Paris 
at that time. You can't imagine what envy this publication (thd intirely 
without my knowledge) rais'd against me among some people, who 
would certainly have discredited The fact, if it had not bin publickly 
manag'd in the greatest Church in France before many thousands of 
people, & in the presence of Several English Gentlemen of the first dis- 
tinction, who were then at Paris, which made it impofsible to be doubted 
or deny'd. I must own it was the most remarkable pafsage in my 
obscure & inconsiderable life, & therefore can't wonder, Si InvuLiae 
Oculi doluifsent. I don't however afsume any glory to My Selfe from 
the fuccefs of the dispute, which was apparently on my side, but attri- 
bute it wholly to the invincible truth of the doctrine I defended. I told 
the Jesuit, before I propos'd my Arguments, that I was sensible of the 
Impar Congrefsus between him, a profound Doctor in Theology at the 
head of the Learnedest University in Europe, & my Selfe an Itinerant 
Layman, who had receiv'd my birth & Education in the wilds of 
America; But that I was firmly perswaded of the goodnefs of my 
cause, which alone gave me the Courage to enter the lists with him. 
Nor should I have done it neverthelefs, if he had not from the Pulpit 
invited any person in the Audience who was difsatisfy'd with his 
doctrine to oppose him. Nor perhaps then neither, if S T Biby Lake * who 
sate on one side of me, & a Learned Swede of my Acquaintance, who 
Sate on the Other side of me, had not forc'd me up, & then I did not 
know how to sit down again ; for as soon as I rose The Jesuit fix't his 

1 Bibye Lake, Esquire, was created a baronet in 1711. He was Sub-Governor 
of the African Company, and died in 1744. He was grandnephew to Sir Edward 
Lake, Baronet, LL.D., Chancellor of the Diocese of Lincoln, who was made a 
baronet for his remarkable loyalty to Charles I., especially at the battle of 
Edge Hill. Sir Edward died in 1674. His wife was Anne, daughter and co- 
heiress of Simon Bibye, of Bugden, in Huntingdonshire (Betham's Baronetage 
o£ England, 1803, iii. 153-157). 




eye upon me, & the whole Audience Seem'd to expect Something. I 
Beg pardon for troubling you with this long Story which you have 
brought upon Your Selfe by desiring an Account of it. 

I present you with the Historical Register wherein You i find all the 
material Occurrences for a quarter of a Year past I shall also put up 
in this packet a treatise I received from New England, & publiah't here 
relating to the inoculation of y" Small pox This new practice begins to 
Spread here, & is in so good reputation, that The Young Prince, <fe two 
Priocefses, & a Son of the Earl of Sunderland are now under it. 1 

IamS r 
Miith k Tbxflb Your Most faithful humble Senr 1 

18* April 1728 Jer : DlJMMEB 



De Public Disputation 

with the Jesuit in the Church 

of Notre Dame Paris &c 



The General! Afsembly of this Colony, at their Sefsions in May laft, 
looking into their treafury, and finding Several Arrears in y* Acct* of 
our late treafurer f Cap* Joseph Whiting, 3 desired my Care, y? they 
might be obtain* d & applied, to y* benefit of a Col ledge They have 
Lately erected at New Haven. The Dedication of those Sums to y l 
pious Use, prevail'd w ft me to undertake y c matter ; and more Efpecially, 
when I obferved them to be in y* hands of Gentlemen, of too Great 
Honour, to frustrate a Dedication, of such a Nature; and with whome 
therefore I should meet with no difficulty. 

Among those Arrears, there is an Article of Indian Com, to the 
Value of twenty pounds charged to Your Account ; an Article So Small 
and of So Long Continuance, that, as I may well be perswaded You 

1 « On the Twentynsevetith day of June, 1721/* wrote Dr. Holmes, in 18G9 t 
M Zabdtel Boylston of Boston inoculated his only son for small-por, — the 
first person erer submitted to the operation, in the New World M (Medical 
E*tays t im\, p. 347). 

1 Captain Joseph Whiting was Treasurer of the Colony from 1678 to his 
death in October, 1717, when he was succeeded in the office by his son, John 



have Intirely forgotten It, So I should not Give You any hint about 
It, had it not been devoted to Support a pious Undertaking, which* very 
much wants it. I have Good Afsurance from Your Character, that the 
Opportunity Our Generall Court has given me, of applying those Sums 
in such a manner, will be Very agreeable to You. And if You pleafe 
to Direct to me by any Vefsel, bound to N. London, or any other 
Port in this Colony, what You may think mod proper to make y* fore- 
mentioned Sum here, I shall take care It Shall be disposed of Accord- 
ingly; and that that article of your Ace? in our Treafury, Shall be 
Ca B celled. 

It's now a considerable time since I had y* Opportunity of some Ac- 
quaintance w* you, when Your ReGdence was at Hartford and I mad 
Confefs, Should be very loth to take Such an Occafion as this to renew 
It, If I had not known You to be a Gentleman of unfullied Honour. 
But that 's a Sufficient Afsurance to me of Your Favour in this Matter, 
as You may by this, be afsured, that I am with Just Regard 
S r 

Your most humble Serv*. 

Gubdon Saltonstall 
N London in Connecticut 
June 12. 1722. 

George Lucas Efq T 

[Filed] To George Lucas l Efqr 


Dear S b - 

I have two letters to thank you for, 
one of Sept r , & the Other of Nov? last. You have heard before now of 
the death of M* Brown, 3 the youngest of the three ministers who came 
over here from Your Colony, & you have probably Seen it in the prints 
that his death was much lamented. I must needs say it was by me, for 
his good nature, modesty & ingenuity. Our News papers have told us 

1 Lieutenant-Colonel George Lucas, whose daughter Eliza married Charles 
Pinckney of Charleston, S. C, became Lieutenant-Governor of Antigua in 1743, 
and died in 1747. (V. L. Oliver's History of Antigua, ii. 200-202, iii. 820 ; Mrs. 
H. H. Ravenel's Eliza Pinckney, pp. 1, 133 ; and cf. Colonial Records of Con- 
necticut, vi. 325.) 

» Rev. Daniel Browne (Y. C. 1714). 




that M* Cutler 1 is made a Doct* of Divinity at Oxford, & M r Johnson* 
Master of Arts, but I think it is not true, thd it's very probable it may 
be true in a little while for they are gone to the University with that 
view. When these Gentlemen came first over, I shew'd them the civility 
of a couu trey man, but resolv'd not to meddle in their Affairs, & accord- 
ingly I did not accompany them to any Bishop or other great person of 
my acquaintance* I was the more cautious in my carnage towards them, 
because I understood by letters from Boston that their defection from 
the religion of their Countrey was owing to the Library I had sent over, 
with this particular Slander, that 1 had fillM the Library with every 
book for the Church & not one of the Other Side. You, S T , that have 
Seen the books, know that the reverse of this is true* & that there never 
was an Eminent Difsenter & Author whose works are not in that Col- 
lection. Unlets some of the hooks are lost or Stollen (which indeed I 
hear) You'l find Goodwin, Owen, Baxter, How, Bates, Carryl, Manton, 
Chamock, Pool, Henry, Calamy; & Others who have learnedly opposVi 
the Ceremonys & Hierarchy of the Church, fucb as Didoelavius, Ames, 
Peirce & Others. And yet I find I have bin reproach* t as before men- 
tion 'd, which will discourage me from sending any more books At least 
'till I hear from you abont it. As to the matter of Your Charter, I 
hope it is Safe* Col* Shnte 1 has not bin able to move any thing this 
fefsion of Parliament, & what he proposes to do in the next is pretty 
much a Secret between him & his Friends (T mean friends to that 
design) For as to my Selfe thd I may Stand neuter as to the Mafsachu- 
eets, who won't let me Serve them* yet I shall be very Active for Con- 
necticut* if any bill for regulating the Charter Governments Should 
ajrain be brought into the House of Commons. 
The validity of M f Yale's will is not yet determin'd, but is depending 

i Rev. Timothy Cutler (H. C. 1701). 

« Rev, Samuel Johnson (Y. C. 1711), Tutor, 1716-1710, afterward President 
of King's College. See Dexter's Yale Biographies and Annals, i. 123-128; T. B. 
Chandler's Life of Samuel Johnson ; E. E, Beardsley's Life and Correspond- 
ence of Samuel Johnson. 

* Samuel Shnte had been appointed Governor of the Massachusetts Bay 15 
June, 1716. He reached Boston, 5 October, following, and after six stormy 
years, during which he was in constant controversy with the Legislature, under 
the lead of Elisha Cooke, Ji\, he suddenly left Boston, 1 January, 1722-23, 
and went to England, where he presented his grievances to the Privy Council. 
The result of his mission was the issue of the Explanatory Charter, so called, 
which passed the seals 12 August, 1725. His commission as Governor fell 
with the demise of the Crown, 10 June, 1727. 


in Doctor's Commons, & I believe will not be brought to an Ifsne till 
October Term. 

The King sets oat this morning for his German Dominions, the Plot 
being wholly defeated inasmuch as the Bishop of Rochester, 1 who is 
thought to have bin the life & Soul of it, has bin convicted, & sentenc'd 
to perpetual banishment. The Act for his Banishment makes it felony 
without Clergy for any person to Correspond with him unlefs they have 
leave under the King's sign manual. 

Europe at present enjoys a general peace, nor is there any prospect 
of war, unlefs the Turk & Czar of Muscovy should fall out about the 
bitter's new Conquests in Persia. And should this happen it would do 
us no harm, but rather confirm our tranquility, as it will find the Czar 
work at a distance, & thereby prevent his creating new troubles in the 
Baltick, which will always embroyl us. 

I put this letter under Cover to my Brother, & design, if I can meet 
with any pafsenger to Send you Some prints & pamphlets. 
I am with great regards 

S r 

Y r Very humble Sei* 
Middle Templb Jeb. Dummeb 

3* June 1723 


Dear S* 

I wrote to you lately ; This is onely 
to accompany some prints which I intend to deliver to M r Johnson. 1 
The peice of Divine poetry I Send you for the Sake of some good notes 
at the end of it, as well as for the poem it selfe, because I know you 
have a genius that way. 

I wish you all happynefs & am S r 
P.S. Your Very humble Serv 1 

M T Yale's administrate 
delays the hearing at Jeb: Dummer 

Doct r ! Commons, but I 
don't much doubt of succefs. 
London 20* July 1723 

1 The famous Francis Atterbury, for a notice of whom, see the Dictionary 
of National Biography, ii. 233-238. See also ante, y. 79. 
* Rev. Samuel Johnson (Y. C. 1714). 





N Loan. Sept: 6, 1723 


Not only my Broth' Roger's ' vifit but several other Affairs 
relating to the publiek at this Juncture, have obliged me to lay afide all 
Thoughts of being at the Commencement. 

Upon which I have in a Lettr to M Andrew suggested my Thoughts 
relating to the better government of the Colledgc, as particularly to the 
ectling of a Refident Rector It is not that I have any Inclination to 
insert my Self into Matters committed to y" Care of the Trustees, but 
as I hope and believe We are of one mind to promote the Benefit of 
y* Society, I concluded the Freedom I have taken, would not be thought 
amtfs of, If any thing should happen of a Contrary Nature ; You may 
be afsured, and I desire You to A feu re all the Gentlemen concerned 
with You, that notwithstanding what I have hinted, I heartily wish 
well to, whatever Resolves You shall come to relating to that Affair; 
But I hope You will think it necefsary, that much more time Should not 
be lost, in filling up that Vacancy. 

I hear M Pierpont* designs to remove from y* CoUedge at the Cora- 
mencent, and that M Smith 1 has also some such Thoughts, It must 
needs be a great disadvantage to the Colledge to loose them both at 
Once, I hope therefore If M Pierpont accepts of a Call to the Minis- 
try, You will find a way to prevail wth M r Smith to Stay a Year or two 
longer ; w c I should be very glad of* I am S r 

Y r very humble Servt 

G : Saltokstall- 
II' Rogers gives his 
hearty Service to You, 


D*jji S* 

Y.njr last letter of July 1? I have now before me. The Gentleman 
whose picture you receivd from me with a latin Letter is Doctor 

1 Rev, John Rogers (II. C. 1684) of Ipswich, Massachusetts, who married 
Martha Whittingham, a sister of Saltonstairs then wife. 

* James Pierpont, Jr. (Y. C. 1718), Tutor, 1722-1724, was the son of the 
Rev, James Pierpont (H. C. 1661). See Dexter's Yale Biographies and Annals, 
I 180, 190. 

* William Smith (Y. C. 1719). He removed to New York, where he was a 
member of the Governor's Council, 175S-1767, and Judge of the Supreme 
Court, 1703-1769, See ante, p. 191, not*. 



Turner, 1 a very Learned Physician & worthy Gentleman, who has 
made a handsome benefaction of books to your Colledge which I gave a 
particular account of to Col° Saltonstal j I can have ten guineas of a 
Bookfeller for one of the books, & the rest are hia own Learned Works. 
You Shall have them all over as soon as I can make up a parcel* having 
many more in view which I hopt3 Soon to gather in ; If yon Send this 
Gentleman a Diploma for a Doctorate, You will do yourselves great 

1 am going on with my Suit in Doctor's Commons for the probate of 
M r Yale's imperfect will, as fast as the Slow proceedings of that Court, 
& the Studyed delays of the Administratrix will permit. I am en- 
deavouring to make Some Oblique iroprefeioos on H* Hollis in your 
favour, for there's no attacking him directly He being very much a 
humourist* When he does any thing, He must do it ex mero motu r 
& not seem to be iufluene'd by any body. 

I am afraid this Winter may prove fatal to Your Charter, for which in 
all your letters You are So justly & so anxiously ccracern'd. Col° Shute 
exhibited to the Lords of the Regency a pretty Severe Complaint, con* 
slating of many articles, against the Ha fsachu sett's Afsembly, & it has 
bin declared that he had proved every Charge therein from our owu 
printed votes. Some of the Lords declared publickty that we were 
dancing to the Old tune of 41, 3 & that we had done Such things as would 
be adjudg'd in any other Government than this mild one, to be Treason 
& Rebellion* If therefore The Parliament Should this winter take the 
Mafsachusetts to task 'Tis to be fear'd, They *1 take in tbe Other Charter 
Governments, The Parliament being a great Body of men, does not 
consider things distinctly, besure not minutely, but takes every tiling in 
the Lump, & will Suppose that all Governments alike Constituted are 
or will be guilty of the Same faults. It shall however be my task & no 

1 Daniel Turner, a phy&ioian of some note, received a degree from Yale in 
1723. *• His medical attainments were small, and the records of cases are the 
only parts of his works of any permanent value." For a notice of him* from 
which this passage is taken, see the Dictionary of National Biography, Mi* 
332, 333. 

a The allusion is to the Great Rebellion which broke out in 1641. In a 
letter which is not dated, but which must have been written about the time 
that Dummer's was, the Rev. Daniel Neal said: — 

" I was lust night id company with the governor [Shtite] who has laid bii memo- 
rial before the board of ti&rte, where it wom maintained that tbe conduct of the as&emll v 
m the affair of the militia was no less than high treason by the laws of England* as 
appeared to them by their own printed votes* * * . The cry of the city [London] here 
runii exceedingly against yon T aad they revive the story of 1641 " (Hutchinson a History 
of tbe Province of Massachusetts- Bay, 1 76 7 1 it, 290 note),. 




pains shall be wanting, to prevent such an unjust method of proceeding. 
And my Efforts Shall be the Stronger, as I am afraid they will be my 
last, to preserve Our expiring American liberty* Perhaps One thing 
may avert the Evil we fear, I mean the division that is at present among 
the Ministry. It is certain that My Lords Cadogan & Carterett draw 
One way & My L d Townsend & His Brother Wnlpole another. This 
was the reason that both the Seeretrys went over this year with the 
King, neither of tbem Daring to trust the Other. Now if this division 
should continue & increase, They '1 have enough to do to carry on the 
Ordinary & Necefsary buis'nefs of the Kingdom, & It may be will hardly 
agree together in any new Enterprise. But this is not to be depended 
upon, & I fear the Worst. Whatever the Event be, Libemiri Animam 
meam ; for I have given the Boston people repeated Warnings of the 
destruction they were bringing on their Countrey, but I Could not be 

We have no News, All Europe as well as this Kingdom in particular, 
being in great tranquility & like to Continue so. 
I am 8' 

Y f faithfull humble Senr 
* Jeb; Dummer 

Middle Tem^lm 
10* Sept: 1723 



Rev? S 1 

I received y n of Oct 28 and am thaukfull to you for y* 
Information you therein gave me. I have in comply a nee with your 
Directions accomodated Kilburn ' to his satisfaction. 

You are I prefume senfible who the Tru flees appointed to go to New 
York, yy all went save M r Chapman, 3 the Committe from y e Synod mett 
them, & after much difcourfe among them felves & with y e parties Con- 
cerned yy broak up without doing any thing to effect, being obliged 

i Presumably Felatiah Kilborn (Y. C. 1724). See Dexter'a Yale Biographies 
and Annals, L 305. 

* Presumably, the Rev + Daniel Chapman (Y. C. 1707) of West Farms 
(since the Revolution called Green's Farms, and now included in the town of 
Weatport), Connecticut, is here referred tor As his pariah was not far from 
the New York border, he would naturally have been thought of in connection 
with such a mission. See Better's Yale Biographies and Annals, L ti5, 60. 


their first appearance in the World l I hope they won't rest 'till they 
have fixt their cheif Residence in Our part of the World. You have 
inclos'd D' Turner's answer to your's by which you'l see he Continues 
his friendship to your Colledge, & I beleive (from his great Modesty) 
will do more than he promises. I have Sent You in a Box directed to 
M? Read a of Boston a few more books that were given me, which I hope 
he will take care to convey to you. 

I[t] troubles me every moment I think of it that we lost Our Cause in 
y* Commons by the vile decree of the Dean of the Arches, who, I verily 
beleive was corrupted ; But as this can't be prov'd & an Appeal to the 
Delegates will be very Expensive, I am fore'd to Sit Still, & content my 
Selfe with this Reflection that I have given the Colledge a fair chance 
to recover the Legacy, without putting it to any Expence. 

I condole with you upon the surprizing death of your late Excellent 
Governour,* whose Memory will be to me always precious. I need Say 
nothing of his worth to you who knew him so well, But I always thought 
it so great, that there was no other person but your Selfe in the Colony 
capable of Succeeding him in the Chair of Government. The Gentle- 
man, who is chosen Governour, is wholly unknown to me, but by a 
letter I have receiv'd from him he appears to be an honest & Sensible 
Gentleman. I desire you'l Afsist him in an Affair which I have a Com- 
mifsion to write to him of. The Indian Corporation * have now a pretty 
large Sum of money in their hands, & the Governour has promis'd me 
to propose to the Corporation that this money as well as their Constant 
Annual Remittance Shall be divided for the future between your Colony 
& the Massachusetts. He has already made a beginning by Nominat- 
ing your new Governour One of the Society's Commifs"*. But before 
this thing can be Compleated, Govern? Talcott must write Govern! Ash- 
hurst a letter to be laid before the Corporation showing what Number of 
Indians there are in Y r Colony, & what prospect you may have of doing 
good among them, & particularly setting forth that Your Colledge is 
founded upon principles agreeable to the Religion of the Countrey, for 
they have heard a foolish Story, as if you design'd it as a Nursery for 
the Church of England. The Letter must be thus directed 

1 We have here an anticipation of Berkeley's thought expressed in the 
famous stanza beginning — 

" Westward the coarse of empire takes its way." 

* John Read (H. C. 1697). 

8 Gurdon Saltonstall. 

4 For a notice of this Society and its various names, see ante, p. 180, note. 






We have proceeded in the Affair with Middle town l as farr as we ar£ 

.Capable att p T fent and think it very need full there fhould be a meeting 

of the trustees at New Haven the clay before Commencement (farther to 

Confider that Matter) att one of the Clock in the Library Requeft you 

will not fail; 

T: WooDtutiDGs 
Midd; Aaguft 13* 1724: 

Yr Hum"' Serv" Sam 1 * Hcssem. 1 


Bet* & Deah S^ 

I have your's before me of Sep tern' last, 
which is very obliging as all your letters are* The Diploma for D r . 
Turner as also the letter that came with it I delivered ; and th6 you are so 
modest as to make an apology for the bad latin, I think they were drawn 
up in a true Human diction, & both for language & sentiments exceed 
any thing I ever yet saw from My Own Alma Mater, I must at the Same 
time observe that the Diploma is writ in a Sue hand, & so hansomly 
ornamented with flourishes, that t was very much pleasM to See it. As 
Religion & polite learning have bin travelling westward ever since 

granddaughter of the Rev, John Davenport, (ii) to Sarah Uaynes, a grand- 
«Lin- liter of Gov, John Haynes, and (iii) to Mary Hooker, a granddaughter of the 
Rev. Thomas Hooker, who became the mother of the wife of Jonathan Edwards* 
rierpont'a remarkable story of the mirage at New JJa?en in 1047, — M the ap- 
parition of the Ship in the Sky,'* may be read in the Magnalia(1702), Book I. pp. 
25,20, Cfi Winthrops History of New England (I&jS), Ki 399, 400, note. 
Pierpont died 22 November, 1714* Among his descendants were the younger 
President Edwards, President Dwight, President Theodore Dwight Woolsey, 
and Aaron Burr, Vice-President of the United States (Sprague's Annuls of 
the American Pulpit, i. 205, 205; Sibley's Harvard Graduates, iii. 222-230). 

1 This refers to the attempt then being made to induce the Rev, William 
Russell (Y. C. 1708), of Middletown, Connecticut, to accept the Rectorship of 
Yale, He was Tutor, 1713, 1714. See Dexter's Yale Biographies and Annals, 
i. 90, 91. 

a Rev, Samuel Russel (H. C. 1681). He usually signed, and his contem- 
poraries usually wrote, his name with a single final "1." A diploma issued 
to a Yale graduate of the Class of 1709, thus signed by Mr. Bussel as one 
of the Fellows, was exhibited at this meeting. See ante, pp. 170, 190, notes. 


labour prov'd in vain for this onely reason that of late all the little 
Operatours in medicine about this City have for small fumms obtain'd 
degrees at Glasgow, which has so enrag'd the Eminent practisers, that 
they have resolv'd to discourage every thing of that kind, & show no 
Countenance but to the Graduates at Oxford & Cambridge. I am glad 
that the General Court of the Mafsachusetts have bin so wise as to 
accept the Explanatory Charter which otherwise might have brought ruine 
both upon them & you. As to the Affairs of your Colony I write par- 
ticularly to your good Governour, for whom I can't but have a great 
esteem. His general Character & his letters to me demonstrate him to 
be a Gentleman of Singular Worth & integrity. I wish an opportunity 
would present that I might do him some particular Service. Had we, 
for our sins bin depriv'd of our Charters, which I much fear'd, I deter- 
min'd to use my utmost interest, that he might have bin the King's 
First Governour, which would have been some small consolation to the 
Colony, & in such a Calamity, a very great satisfaction to my Selfe. 
But it is much happyer as it is, & I dare say Governour Talcott thinks 
so, notwithstanding the Broad Seal of England, & the title of His Excel- 
lency are tempting things. 

The three newspapers inclos'd will give you a pretty good account of 
the publick affairs of Europe for the Year past, & of the difficult pros- 
pect we have for the Year to Come. All Europe is arming at this time, 
& the Several States & powers have shifted sides in a manner very Sur- 
prizing. We have three great fleets fitting out, One for the streights, 
another for the Baltick, & a third for the West Indies. 

I have some more books for your Colledge, which I shall soon send 
you. Wishing you much health & Ease in your advanced years, 

I amS r 
Loxd? 25* March Your very humble Serv 1 


Jeb: Dummer 


Dear S* 

After a long Silence I have at length your kind & 
friendly letter, which is the more Welcome, & Seasonable to me now than 
ever before, after losing my great & good friend Governour Saltonstal. 
I live in hopes of procuring some noble benefaction to your Colledge, 
& am continually using some means to procure it ; but things of this 




Nature require time & patience. I have some very valuable books by 
me, that I have Collected for you, which Fie Seud you over next 

1 should be very willing to gratify your Curiosity about the true 
reasons of the Fall of the Earl of Macclesfeild, but that the subject is 
loo long for a letter, & too nice to be put in writing. However, I 
may Say in General, That he did not fall for unrighteous decrees, or 
a corrupt management of the great Seal (tho both these were pretended) 
but It was owing to powerfull Enemies in the Cabinet, My Lord Car- 
teret lost the Secretary's Seals for the same reason, & at the same time, 
but he being a great favourite of the King, & universally belov'd in the 
Nation, His few potent Rivals let him fall easily & Honourably by 
Sending him Vice-Roy into Ireland, Whereas The Chaneellour being 
ft haughty man, & very unpopular, & particularly obnoxious to the 
Great man, S r Rob* Walpole, it was resoiv'd to produce him into the 
publick light, & turn him out for pretended high Crimes & Misde- 
meanours, that his fall might be the more ignominious. By the inclos'd 
Register, you'l See the Accusation of the Commons, & his Lord* 5 An- 
swer, by which You '1 be able to Judge Something of the merit of the 

As to the Affair of Thorn, it is generally believed that we shall have 
a Religious War, but I don't think so; It seems more probable to me, 
That Austria & France will interpose their mediation, & oblige the 
Poles to make some condescentions to their Protestant Subjects ; Th6 
at the Same time it is certain that the Senate & people of Poland 
(instigated by the Cardinal Primate) seem ready to sacrafice their lives 
& fortunes rather than to come into any moderate measures with the 
Lutherans, & Calvin ists. The whole affair will turn upon the two 
treaties which Have lately bin made ; one between the Emperour of 
Germany & the King of Spain ; & another between the King of great 
Britain, The King of France, & the King of Prnfsia, which was con- 
cluded at Hannover. It is thought that these two treaties were made 
in opposition to each other, but no body can see into those deep Secrets 
except a few people who stand near the Candle. 

France is very happy in a Queen, pofsefs'd of all amiable, & princely 
vertues, fry which She will be able to soften the temper of Her Young 
Monarch, which is very austere & Surly. She is, besides, devout & 
religious, & has already reformed The French Court in a great article, 
which is that of going every Sunday in the Afternoon to an Opera 
instead of going to Church. Th6 I must confefs, as the French 
manage Divine Service, especially in The King's Chappel, there is not 
a great deal of difference between one & t'other. For they have no 


preaching, & they Chant the Mafs with Fiddles, & German Flutes, & 
Severall other instruments of Masick. 

Oar King is well at Hannover, & there's no Talk when he will Come 
over. His English Subjects are very uneasy, but His Hannoverian 
Ones rejoyce, For the King's presence there with all the Foreign 
Ambafsadours whom he takes with him creates a vast expense, & such 
a Circulation & plenty of money there as was unknown to them in 
former times. 

I design to write to Governour Tallcott by this Ship. I take him to 
be a very worthy & Considerate person. 

IamS r 
Middle Templb Your very humble Serv* 

8* Oct'. 1725 Jer: Dummer 



Rev? & Dear S m . 

I have your Obliging Letter of Novem' last for which and for all 
other kind Exprefsions of your Favours and Friendship I have a very 
great and juft Regard. 

My Motion for a Tryal of the Controversy about the Divisional Line 
was under Consideration for Six Months, but was this Week over 
Ruled against me upon producing two Letters from your Government, 
One for the Lords of the Counsel, the other to the Board of Trade 
wherein You submitted the Cause to their Decision; or otherwise I 
would not have suffered a Matter of Property to have been deter- 
mined any where but in the Courts of Comon Law, and Stil I shall 
in fist that the Rhode Islanders have got only the Jurisdiction, and the 
Soil remains with us. 1 

I am very glad you have got a new Rector * of Your Colledge who 
gives fuch good hopes of promoting the Interest of your Seminary for 
Religion & Learning. I have Delayed hitherto the sending some Books 
that have been given to Your Colledge, in Expectation of a Consider- 
able Addition, but whether I have that or not in a little time I shall 
send you thofe Books I have by me. 

1 See Palfrey, History of New England, iv. 484-486. 

* Elisha Williams (H. C. 1711). For a notice of him, see Sprague's 
Annals of the American Pulpit, i. 281-284; and Dexter's Yale Biographies and 
Annals, i, 821, 822, 632-635. See also ante, p. 184, note. 




Be pleas' d to accept a Pamphlet which will give you an Acco* of the 
State of our Affairs ia thes Critical & Extraordinary Conjuncture. It 
is writ by Order of the Government, and put into Stile and Method by 
two very good Writers, the Bimops of London & Sarum. 1 The Politi- 
cal States I have sent to Your Governor which You'l see in Course. 

I thank God for the Continuance of Your Ufeful & Valuable Life 
which, is of so great Service to Your Country, 

I am with very great Esteem & Respect 

Mi mil k Temi-le S' 

10. Pebrj 1726/7. Yo. moft Obedient humble Servant 

Jer: Dummer 


Rev 1 * S 1 

Since you allow me on all occafions the Freedom of 
offering my Thoughts, & have ever a Mantle ready to Throw over 
Them y? difcover my weaknefs. J prefume to offer Something that has 
occurred to me in the prefent Conjuncture of affairs, y* Surprize & 
fill everybody with Concern what y- Ifsue may be. For my own part 
I inuft Confefs my fears are greater w th relation to our religious than 
Civil Interests. Th6 if our Law refpecting Inteftate Eftates * be De- 
clared a Nullity ab Initio^ & So the Common Law of England > from 
thence to take place, we are Thrown Into y* greatefl ConfuGon, But in 
That Cafe it Seems bopef ull, — That if we are not able to Make it 
good y* we bad power to Make Such a Law, before y* proper Judges 
(For I Take it the King & Council Dedamig it a Nullity does not make 
It So) And if we Think it advifable may have a bearing before v' 
Kings Judges — Not that it aught Now to Obtain as our Common 
Law, being an Immemorial Cuftotn — Yet we may obtain a Confirma- 
tion of all part Judgments in our Prerogative Courts upon Inteftate 
Eftates — Upon our Petition, Unlefs we Can Suppofe the King is 
Willing bis Subjects here Should be ruined. And if the Common Law 
in That Cafe takes place only for the future, The Coufequences will 
Dot be So Unhappy * — 

1 The Bishop of London was Edmund Gibson, and the Bishop of Salisbury 
Benjamin Hoadly. The pamphlet referred to ia doubtless An Enquiry into 
the Keaaons of the Conduct of Great Britain t with relation to the Present 
State of Affairs in Europe, published by Hoadly in 1797, Dummer seems to 
have been mistaken in associating Gibson with this pamphlet 

* See Colonial Records of Connecticut iv. 300-311, vii. 109, 191 and mte t 


But may we not fear They will Say we have as Little power to do 
many other Things We have Done as in y* other Inflance ; w* we pre- 
fumed we had power Enough 

Will they not Say our Ecclefiaftical Eftablifhment is a Nullity? Our 
College Charter a Nullity ? (Can we plead & make it Good when we 
have done y'- y? Governour & Company have a power to Make a Body 
Politick?) and may we not fear we Shall in a Little Time be in no 
better Circum (lances yS- our Difsenting Brethren in England? — That 
our Churchmen are all ways strongly Sollociting y? Bifhop of London 
to Send a Suffragan hither we are well afsured — and I suppofe the 
only reafon why it has not been done, has been the want of wherewith 
to Maintain him. and I Conclude They Imagine they are getting over 
That. I have Juft Underflood — M* Johnfon l has Sent the Bifhop of 
London an account, That y* office of the Probate of Wills in this Gov- 
ernment is Worth a Thou/and Pounds p Annum — and for what he 
should give him such an account Cant be Conceived Unlefs with Such 
a view of his Exercifing a Plenary Jurifdiction. For which I obferve 
in the Prints a Commiffion is paffing the Broad Seal * and if y*. be 
any pofsible way Jure vel Injuria to Defeat The Intention of Erecting 
the College it will be done. Nothing will Stand in the way of the Bigots 
to Mother Church. 

Now what I would propofe to Your Confideration is whither it 
would not be advifeable That The Agent e£ The Government now 
Sends, be directed in the Prudentift Methods Pofsible, to obtain a 
Charter for the College from the King, and if it might be, alfo, 
Something in favour of our Ecclefiaftick Conftitution. — and Thefe 
Confiderations Seem to render it not Entirely hopelefs 

1. The King has but Juft come to the Throne, — & so it is not an 
Unlikely Hour for acts of Grace. 

2. The Incomparable Good Temper of y*- Queen w 01 whom phaps a 
good Intereft might be made for it. 

8. What y 2 - King has Done & after all our Endeavours to releive our 
Selves will probably do, with relation to our Civiil Interefts will be 
no Small Shock and Grievance to us — & phaps to do us a favour in 
another Matter as y* of a Charter for y? College may be y* more eaOly 
granted — Since tis not Uncommon nor difagreeable to j* wifdom of 
a Prince to Shew an act of Grace when he has manifefted Severity — 

1 Rev. SamuelJohnson (Y. C. 1714). 

2 The reference is probably to a Commission to Gibson, 1 George II. (29 
April, 1728),. which is printed in J)ocumente Relative to the Colonial History 
of the State of New York, v. 849. See also ante, v. 112 note. 




and under such Circuraftanees we shall find y* greater pity from Thofe 
y 1 have any Tendernefs for us, and a more Cheer full a fat fiance from them 
— on j" & some other accounts I mi^ht have added it Seems to me as 
fair an Opportunity as ever we Shall have, to endeavour it, & if we 
Dont I fear we Snail have Little Good of it Very Long* — But Yet 
if f they Send M r Belcher 1 or any other Gentleman out of y* Mafsadui- 
setts Nothing of This Can be done. Nor will it Utile fs by some hearty 
Friend to us— If S T You Think it advifable that what T have propofed 
be endeavoured, You will pleafe to Communicate it (phaps before y* 
Courts Sitting) to his Honour, with whom the Matter Muil Solely [be] 
left to give it iu Direction to the Agent, For if the Afsembly — or 
Indeed his Council Should know it, it would take so much air, as That 
our Bigotted Churchmen would get it, & endeavour all ways Pofaible 
to Defeat it — 

You will pleafe to forgive me The Trouble of This — & I will add No 
More Than my Humble Service to Your Self & Madd M — and That 
I am Y T Very Humble Ser** 

E* Williams * 

N. Haven— July 2. 1728 



Your Petition * is Lodg'd at the Council 
Board & referr'd to the Lords of the Committee before whom we are 
to be heard, & shall then see what the King will do for us. The 
Speaker of the House of Commons eurpriz'd me lately by Saying, 
if we had brought our Affair into Parliament, the House would cer- 
tainly have examin'd into our Constitution, &; very probably have 
given us a new one. If that be so, 1 think we are well off. My Lord 

1 Jonathan Belcher was a classmate at Harvard of Jeremiah Dummer 
(1699) and Governor of the Massachusetts Bay, 1730-1741. 

* Eli aha Williams (H. C. 1711) was Rector of the College at the time this 
letter was written. 

* See Colonial Records of Connecticut, vii. 254, and Collections of the 
Connecticut Historical Society, iv. 174-180, 184-190* 

I am indebted to our associate Mr. Albert Matthews, for aid and valuable 
suggestions ia the preparation of the notes to this communication. 




Townsend is gone into Norfolk for a fortnight, & there will be no Com- 
mittee till his Return to S! James's. 

IamS r 

Your most Obed! Serv* 
Whitehall Jer: Dummkr 

29* March 


from Jeriemia Dum' Esq* 

March 29 th 1730 y e Inten- 

tion of y* Parlyment Re- 

lating to our constitution 

from M r Dummer 



The President stated that the Council had invited Pro- 
fessor Franklin Bowditch Dexter of Yale University, one 
of the Corresponding Members, to be present at the Meeting 
and to discuss the various papers which Mr. Edes had just 
communicated. Professor Dexter accepted the invitation, 
but, at the last moment, was prevented from attending by 
a Special Meeting of the Yale Corporation, of which he is the 

Mr. James Lyman Whitney, an. alumnus of Yale, re- 
marked upon the interesting fact that its Founders turned to 
Massachusetts for aid and advice in their new undertaking 
and received in return wise counsel from their brethren of 
the Bay, who had much at heart the interests of the older 
Seminary at Cambridge. 

Mr. William Coolidge Lane commented upon Dummer's 
attempt to divert Hollis's bounty, at least in part, from Har- 
vard to Yale. 

1 For notices of Governor Joseph Talcott, see S. V. Talcott's Talcott Pedi- 
gree, 1876, pp. 39-51 ; New England Historical and Genealogical Register for 
1869, xxiii. 460 note; and Waters's Genealogical Gleanings in England, ii. 
1125, 1126. 




Mr* Davis said that Hollis was indignant at the attempt 
to divert his gifts from Harvard, and his correspondence 
shows that he repelled Dummer's interference with vigor. 
In one letter he says : " I have no inclination to be di- 
verted from my projected design/* 1 In another: "I was 
disgusted at the suggestion^ and refused to read on." 2 In a 
third, he wrote : " Dummer's management for Yale College 
led me to suspect a snake in the grass." * 

The Rev. Edward G, Porter described a visit to Fort 
St. George, at Madras, of which Elihu Yale, a man of mark, 
rush and ambition, was for several years Governor, There, 
in the Church, he found a silver basin with a Latin inscrip- 
tion showing that it was Governor Yale's gift. Upon the 
Church wall was a mortuary tablet to the son of the Governor 
who married an Indian woman, — the widow of his prede- 
cessor in office. Yale was succeeded in the governorship 
of Madras by Nathaniel Higginson, whose portrait, in a very 
large family group, is now in the possession of Colonel 
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, 

Mr. Robert N. Toppan showed an invitation from 
the Sophomore Class of 1796 to one of the Exhibitions in 
the College Chapel at New Haven, at two o'clock in the 

Mr. Goodell remarked upon the interest of the papers 
which were before the Meeting and upon the remarkably 
large number of important original documents which had 
been brought to public attention by members of the Colonial 
Society during its brief existence. The papers wbich Mr. 
Edes had just communicated, Mr. Goodell said, supplement 
Mr. Davis's paper and afford fresh evidence of the valuable 

1 In a letter to John White, Treasurer of Harvard College, dated 12 July, 
1721 (X Quincy's History of Harvard University, 1800, i. 528). 

* In a letter to Dr, Colman, dated 27 Jannary, 1726-27 (Ibid. L 529). 

■ Manuscript letter of Thomas Hollis to President Leverett, dated 18 Janu- 
ary, 1722-23, in the Archives of Harvard University. 


service rendered by the Colony Agents in London. He then 
paid a high tribute to Dummer, whom, in ability, he ranked 
as second only to William Bollan. 

Mr. Edes communicated, on behalf of Mr. Edward Field, 
a Corresponding Member of the Society, a copy of the 
Diary of John Green, kept in Boston, 1765-1764, which 
records, among other important occurrences, Washington's 
first visit to this city, the death of Secretary Willard, the 
funeral of Colonel Benjamin Pollard of the Independent 
Corps of Cadets, and the great public reception accorded to 
Governor Shirley on the thirtieth of January, 1756, on his 
return to Boston from the Conference of the Colonial Gov- 
ernors at New York. The original Diary is in the Cabinet 
of the Rhode Island Historical Society. 1 

Mr. Davis communicated the following information con- 
cerning the Historical Societies which have been incorporated 
since the last Report on this subject was made to the 
Society : — 


Purposes. u To preserve and perpetuate the history of the town of 
Foxborough, in Massachusetts, and to collect, hold, and preserve docu- 
ments, books, memoirs, curiosities, and all other matters relating to 
its history; and the publication of periodicals, tracts, and pamphlets 
devoted to, or treating of, historical subjects. Also the securing of a 
Memorial Building in which its collections may be preserved and its 
meetings held." 

Date of CJiarter. 31 March, 1898. 


Purposes. "The gathering and recording of knowledge of the his- 
tory of Arlington and of individuals and families connected with the 
town ; and the collection and preservation of priuted and manuscript 
matter and other articles of historical and antiquarian interest." 

Date of Charter. 6 April, 1898. 

1 Owing to Mr. Field's absence from the country when the proceedings 
of this meeting were put in type, and the importance of having the proof of 
this Diary read with the original, the document is reserved for publication in 
another volume. 





Purposes, < 4 For the prosecution of historical and antiquarian pur- 
poses/ 1 

Date of Oiarter, 23 May, 1898. 


Purposes. M The gathering and recording of knowledge of the 
history of Ipswich and of individuals and families connected with sind 
Ipswich, the collection and preservation of printed and written manu- 
scripts, pamphlets, and other matters of historic interest and the 
collection of articles of historical and antiquarian interest and the 
preservation and furnishing, in Colonial Style, one of the ancient 
dwelling houses of said Ipswich/* 

Date of Charier, 26 October, 1898. 


Purposes. "The collection and preservation of everything relating 
to the history and antiquities of Somerville, and incidentally of other 
places, and the diffusion of knowledge concerning them*" 

Date of Oiarter, 9 November, 1898. 1 

The Corresponding Secretary reported that since the last 
meeting letters had been received from Mr. Worth in gton 
Crauncey Ford accepting Resident Membership, and from 

1 The following quasi-historical societies have also been incorporated : — 


Purposes. * l To promote social and charitahlc purposes with each other, and for the 
prosecution of antiquarian, historical, and literary subjects, relating to the Fire Depart 
raent of the City of Boston/ 1 

Date of Charter. 1 March, 1898. 


Pttrposes, m For the prosecution of historical and literary research la matters relat- 
ing to S].;ii n." 

Daic of Charter. 27 April, 1898. 


Purposes. **To promote social and charitable purposes with each other, to perpetuate 
the name of William Barnicoat (Chief Engineer of the Boston Fire Department from 
1836 to 18541 and for the prosecution [of] antiquarian, historical, and literary subject* 
relating to the Fire Department of the City of Boston, Mass/* 

Date of Charter. & May, 1898. 

■ . * -v,.i: 'inMnlM'v-i 
. :•. nis-jiii * what- ^te* 
■. ';■ !-_.iw ' rhu Trrtv ■ 

. . '»* w V. IIIIV Hii7:l!: 

\ 4 : .;: > 1,.i\v,.t : 

v. .■' • .; \^n I)a\ :■ 
..• «ii:.:- kin IW; .-": 

■:-.. ii! ■ vli- Mi: 
... v :>.?).. ..; N ■ 


Professor Frederick Jackson Turner of the University of 
Wisconsin accepting Corresponding Membership. 

The following Resolution was then adopted by a unanimous 
vote: — 

Resolved, That the Chair appoint a Committee of seven members of 
the Society, of whom the President shall be one, to consider what steps 
should be taken properly to commemorate in New England the Tercen- 
tenary of the birth of Oliver Cromwell, and to confer with any similar 
Committees of other Historical Societies. 

The Chair appointed as this Committee, the President 
and Messrs. James Bradley Thayer, Augustus Lowell, 
Charles Carroll Everett, Andrew McFarland Davis, 
George Lyman Kittredge, and Edward Griffin Porter. 

Oliver Wolcott Gibbs, LL.D., of Newport, Rhode Island, 
the Reverend William Reed Huntington, D.D., of New 
York City, and Mr. George Parker Winship of Provi- 
dence, Rhode Island, were elected Corresponding Members. 

President Wheelwright communicated a Memoir of 
Dr. Daniel Denison Slade, which he had been requested to 
prepare for publication in the Transactions. 



46^~^ L "^5L^^-> 










Daioel DENISON Slade, only son of Jacob Tilton and Eliza- 
beth (Rogers) Slade, was born in Boston, Massachusetts, 10 May, 
1823. He was a descendant in the fifth generation from Arthur 
Slade, who is supposed to have been born in 1682 at Marazion, 
near Penzance, Cornwall, England* and who lived at one time at 
Deptford, in Kent, — on the Thames, near London. He emigrated 
to America between 1706 and 1780 ; and resided for a time at 
New Market, near Portsmouth, New Hampshire, where he died 
12 January, 1746-47, at the age of sixty-four years. 1 The line 
of descent is as follows : — 

1 On the bottom of a. silver waiter, once owned by the Hon* Theodore 
Atkinson of Portsmouth and his wife Hannah (Wentworth) Atkinson, — a 
sister of Governor Bemiing Wentworth, — are engraved the names of forty- 
eight persons who were connected by ties of blood, marriage, or friendship 
with the Wentworth family, together with the dates of their death and their 
ages* Arthur Slade's name is eleventh in this List, which covers the period 
17 1^-1 771 and is printed in the New England Historical and Genealogical 
Register for 1861, xv, 172, A Family Bible gives 17 January, 1747, as the 
date of his death. 

Administration on the estate of Arthur Slade, ■* formerly of the parish of 
St* Nicholas, Deptford, in the County of Kent, but at Ports mouth* New Hamp- 
shire, deceased, was granted 7 October, 1747, to Elizabeth Slade, his widow, 
relict/' etc. (Waters'* Gleanings, Ibid, for 1889, xliiL 160, lft 1.) 

Administration on the estate of Arthur Slade, late of New Market, New 
Hampshire, gentleman, had been previously granted, 28 January, 174&-47, * to 
Henry Eeese of Portsmouth and Elizabeth his wife, M who, at a Probate Court 
w eld at Portsmouth, 29 April, 1747, filed an Inventory of the estate which had 
been taken on the seventh of February (Rockingham Probate Records at Exeter), 




1. Arthur Slade (1682-1747), married Elizabeth — — . 

2. Benjamin Slade, born ; married Mart Keese, daughter of 

Henry and Elizabeth Keese, of Portsmouth ; died 15 April, t.745. 

3. Benjamin Slade, born 21 April, 1734; married (1) Lucy Hakt, 

daughter of Samuel Hart, Jr., of Portsmouth; (2) Susanna 
Tilton, 18 November, 1763; died 28 January, 1813, in his 
seventy-ninth year. 

4. Jacob Tilton Slade, born in Portsmouth, 6 April, 1778 ; married, 

Elizabeth Rogers, daughter of Daniel Denison and Elizabeth 
(Bromfield) Rogers, 13 May, 1819 ; died in Paris, France, 21 June, 

5. Daniel Denison Slade, born 10 May, 1823. 

Of Slade's earlier ancestors in the paternal line there is but 
slight record. He, himself, never traced them back to their English 
origin. 1 His paternal grandfather, Benjamin Slade, was, in 1786, 
Collector of Taxes at Portsmouth, New Hampshire, where his man- 
sion house was on Vaughan Street ; and his gravestone and that 
of his wife are in the old North Burying Ground. 

At the time of his marriage, Jacob Tilton Slade, the father of our 
late associate, was forty-one years of age and a man of vigorous 
health, tall, of fine personal appearance, polished manners and 
agreeable conversation. He was for many years connected with 
the firm of Stieglitz & Co., iron merchants, of St. Petersburg, and, 
in consequence, was sometimes spoken of as " the Russian gentle- 
man." After his wife's death, in 1826, he resided permanently in 
Europe, where he died, of Asiatic cholera, at the age of seventy-six. 2 

Dr. Slade's descent in the maternal line is as follows : — 

1. Rev. Nathaniel Rogers, 8 of Dedham and Coggeshall, in Essex, 
England, born about 1598 ; married, in England, Margaret Crane, 
daughter of Robert Crane, of Coggeshall ; came to New England in 
1636, and settled at Ipswich, Massachusetts; died 3 July, 1655. 

1 The facte relating to Slade's paternal ancestry were communicated by his 
son, Denison Rogers Slade. 

* His estate was administered here in 1854. (Suffolk Probate Files, 
No. 39,263.) 

* The English ancestry of the Reverend Nathaniel Rogers has been so often 
stated with great inaccuracy that the attention of those interested therein is 
called to the elaborate article on the Rogers Family, by Henry F. Waters, in 
the New England Historical and Genealogical Register for 1887, xli. 158-188. 
That paper contains abstracts of English Wills of the Rogers and Crane 
families, beside a tabular pedigree. 






2. Rev. John Rogers, of Ipswich, Massachusetts, born in England, 

January, 1630-31 ; married Elizabeth Denison, daughter of 
Major General Daniel Denison of Ipswich, and grand-daughter 
of Governor Thomas Dudley, 1660; x died 2 July, 1684. 
He was President of Harvard College, 1 682-1 U84, 

3. John Rogers, of Ipswich, born 7 July, 1666 ; married Martha 

WiirrriNGHAM, daughter of William Whlttingham of Ipswich, 
4 March, 1690-91 ; a died 28 December, 1745. 

4. Rev, Daniel Boot&fl of Ipswich, and later of Exeter, 1 New Hamp- 

shire, born 28 July, 1707 ; married Anna Foxckoft, daughter of 
Rev. Thomas Foxcroft of Boston, their Marriage Intention having 
been entered 28 September, 1748; died 9 December, 1785. 

5. Daniel Denison Rogers, of Exeter, New Hampshire, and Boston, 

Massachusetts, born 11 May, 1751; married Elizabeth Buom- 
field, daughter of Henry Bromfieldof Harvard, 18 January, 1796 ; 
died 25 March, m:>. 4 

6- Elizabeth Rogers, born 11 September, 1798; married Jacob Til- 
ton Slade; died 14 August, 1826, 

7, Daniel Denison Slade, born 10 May, 1823. 

Several of the names in the foregoing list of Slade's direct an- 
cestors in the maternal line are those of men illustrious in the 
early history of New England. 6 Of his ancestor Major General 
Daniel Denison, whose name he bore, Slade has himself given a 
very complete and graphic account in various addresses and papers 
to be hereafter mentioned. The uneventful, but highly honorable, 
career of another of his mother's ancestors, Colonel Henry Brorn- 
field, 6 of Harvard, Massachusetts, Slade has also sketched in an 
illustrated paper entitled A New England Country Gentleman in 
the Last Century* Of this most estimable man his great-grandson 
says : — 

1 New England Historical and Genealogical Register for 1892, xlvi. 129. 
8 Ipswich Town Records. 

* For an account of Mr, Rogers's connection with the Second Parish of 
Exeter ( and for a copy of his epitaph, see Bell's History of the Town of Exeter, 
New Hampshire, pp, 196, 197. 

* See ante f v« 210, note. 

* To these might be added others with whom he was collaterally allied, as, 
for instance, John Singleton Copley, who lived on terms of intimacy with the 
Brnmfield family. See Mr, Denison R. Slade's paper on Henry Pelharu, ante, 
v. 193-211. 

6 See ante, v. 202* 


"His descent through a long and direct line of ancestors, distin- 
guished on both sides of the Atlantic for Christian virtues, intellectual 
abilities and culture, he regarded with just pride, and it was ever his 
constant endeavor to maintain the standard of noblesse oblige." l 

There is no doubt that Slade himself kept this adage constantly 
in mind. He was modestly proud of his inherited noblesse and did 
not fail in endeavoring to live up to its standard. 

Slade also gave an account of his grandfather, Daniel Deni- 
son Rogers, and a minute description of his stately residence on 
Beacon Hill, Boston, in a paper read before the Bostonian Society, 
14 April, 1891. 2 It was in this house that Slade's parents were 
married, 13 May, 1819, by the Rev. F. W. P. Greenwood of King's 
Chapel, when " there was a full band of music in the entry and the 
whole affair was unusually gay and imposing." • The house had 
been built in 1795 by Slade's grandfather Rogers, who took up his 
residence in it immediately upon his marriage, in January of the 
following year. It stood upon the lot of land at the north-easterly 
corner of Beacon and Mount Vernon Streets which (or at least a 
part of which) had formerly belonged to William Molineaux or 
Molineux, 4 who died 22 October, 1774, 5 and who had also built 
upon his portion of it " a mansion house quite splendid for those 
days." 6 The two houses appear to have been confounded by some 
writers, 7 but they were wholly distinct. What became of the 
Molineaux mansion has not been ascertained. The house built 
by Daniel Denison Rogers stood until 1834, when it was taken 
down and a block of dwelling-houses was erected upon the site. 
These, in their turn, are shortly to be levelled to make one of the 
contemplated open spaces around the State House. 

1 New England Magazine for March, 1890, New Series, ii 3-20. 

9 This paper has not been printed. It was entitled A Boston Merchant of 
1791. See ante, v. 210, note. 

8 Henry Bromfield Rogers's Family Record. 

4 In the old deeds, as recorded, the name is spelled Molineaux. 

6 Boston Gazette, No. 1019, of Monday, 24 October, 1774, where an obituary 
notice may be read. See also Suffolk Probate Files, No. 15,715 ; and Suffolk 
Deeds, clxxv. 67. 

e " Gleaner," in Boston Record Commissioners' Reports, v. (Second edition) 
120, 121. 

' See Drake's Old Landmarks of Boston, p. 357. 




The Kogera mansion, which will be remembered by some of our 
older members, was a large house three stories in height and sur- 
mounted by a cupola. It was built of brick and brown freestone 
and stood considerably above the present level of the adjacent 
streets. It had a garden in the rear and wide open spaces on every 
side. The entrance was from Beacou Street, where the natural 
slope of the bill had been fashioned into a series of terraces, through 
which a corresponding number of flights of steps and a broad paved 
walk led up to the front door, 1 It was in this house that Mr. and 
Mrs. Jacob Tilton Slade took up their abode on their return fmin 
a visit to Europe in the course of which their eldest child, Elizabeth 
Bromfield, was born, — at Brighton, England, 23 March, 1821** 
Here they continued to reside, with Mrs. Slade's parents, for two 
or three years, and here their only son, Daniel Denison Slade, 
was bom, 

In the spring of 1824, Slade's parents went to housekeeping in a 
house in Mount Vernon Street, the property of Mr, Joseph Joy 
(now No, 28 Mount Vernon Street, and lately the residence of 
CoL Greeley Stevenson Curtis), and it was not untU late in the 
autumn of 1825 that they removed to a new house which Mrs, 
Slade's father had begun building, expressly for her use, at the 
northerly end of his garden, and had left unfinished at his death, 
in March, 1825,* 

* On either aide of the entrance gate, on Beacon Street, were curiously con- 
structed ae mi-subterranean stables and coach-houses, the flat roof of which, 
tarred and gravelled, formed the first step in the series of terraces, and effec- 
tually concealed these buildings from the view of one looking from the bouse. 
The arched doorways of these stables form a conspicuous feature of what is 
said to be a fairly accurate picture of the Rogers house comprised in a view of 
the State House printed in blue upon sets of contemporaneous earthenware. 
Dr. Slade gave an elaborate description of the house in his paper, A Boston 
Merchant of 1791 {ante, p, 218, note). Dr. Slade's paper was accompanied by a 
colored drawing of the exterior of the house, made by himself from memory, and 
by other drawings, plans, models, and portraits. The house is also described 
by Lord Lyndhurst, in a letter dated Boston, 21 January, 1796, printed in 
A Life of Lord Lyndhurst, by Sir Theodore Martin, p. 42. 

1 Elizabeth Bromfield Slade was baptized at Brompton, in the parish of 
Kensington, near London, 13 September, 1821; married in Boston, Henry 
Schmidt, of Bremen, Germany, 12 August, 1841 ; and died in Wiesbaden, 
Germany, 10 March, 1880. 

1 This house was the more westerly of the two houses which were finally 
built in Mr. Rogers's garden, and fronted on Mount Vernon Street, The two 


Dr. Slade's mother did not long enjoy "the elegant and con- 
venient house " built for her by her father. She died there 15 
August, 1826, soon after giving birth to her third child, Mary 
Ellen, — 16 July, 1826. Her health had been delicate ever since 
her marriage, and she died at the early age of twenty-nine. 

Very soon after his wife's death Mr. Jacob Tilton Slade went 
to Europe, 1 whence he never returned, and, in December, 1827, 
Mr. Henry Bromfield Rogers was appointed guardian of his three 
minor children. 2 The young Daniel, aged about three years, with 
his two sisters, now went once more to live in the Rogers mansion 
house, where their uncle and guardian, being still a young man 
and unmarried, also had his abode. Here the boy remained under 
the care of his grandmother and his aunt Hannah, afterward Mrs. 
William Powell Mason, until he was ten years, of age, attending 
meanwhile several elementary schools. 

In 1833, Slade was sent to the boarding-school kept by Mr. 
Stephen Minot Weld at Jamaica Plain, and afterward to the family 
school of the Rev. Samuel Ripley at Waltham. His stay at both 
these schools was short and in 1835, at the age of twelve, he 
was sent to Northborough, where he remained for two years 
under the charge of the Rev. Joseph Allen. At all these country 
schools young Slade had opportunities of becoming acquainted with 
rural life and of familiarizing himself with the varied aspects of 
nature which thenceforth never ceased to have a special attraction 
for him. In a letter written *from Northborough, in 1835, quoted 
by Dr. Eastman, 8 he says : — 

houses are now joined, much enlarged, and styled the Commonwealth Building, 
No. 11 Mount Vernon Street. As there has been some uncertainty as to Dr. 
Slade's actual birthplace, he himself not being sure in which gf the three 
houses mentioned his birth took place, it has been thought desirable to insert 
the foregoing particulars, derived from a Family Record written by his uncle, 
the late Henry Bromfield Rogers, in 1827, a copy of which was lent to the writer 
by Mr. Denison R. Slade. 

1 Mr. Slade left Boston on Monday, 25 April, 1827. 

• Suffolk Probate Files, Nos. 28,523, 28,524, 28,525. The petition for guar- 
dianship was signed by Henry B. Rogers, also by Elizabeth Rogers, sole surviv- 
ing grandparent, and by John Rogers, uncle, and Hannah Rogers, aunt, of the 

8 Daniel Denison Slade, by Charles R. Eastman, Ph.D., Reprinted, with 
additions, from the New-England Historical and Genealogical Register for 
January, 1897, li. 9-18. 



41 The boys have got a society up among themselves to collect speci- 
mens of stones and curious things that we might happen to find. I was 
chosen Secretary, bat declined the office* We have a meeting every 
Monday evening." 

In a journey on horseback which Dr, Slacle made with his 
daughters, in the autumn of 1883, and of which he published an 
account, the party halted for the night at Northborongh. and the 
author gives a page to his boyish reminiscences of the place, where, 
he says, he ** passed some of his happiest school days under the 
guardianship of the old pastor, who was the true pattern of a 
Christian gentleman/* 1 

Frequent visits as a boy to the old mansion house at Harvard, 
with its farm of one hundred and twenty acres, which had been 
the residence of his great-grandfather, Henry Bromfield* had a still 
stronger influence in developing Blade's life-long fondness for the 
country and for a country life. The old house was occupied from 
1823 to 1835 by the Rev, Ira Henry Thomas Blanchard, who, dur- 
ing that period, was pastor of the Unitarian Church in the village 
of Harvard. His wife was a daughter of the Rev. Dr. Eliphalet 
Pearson, 3 and granddaughter o£ CoL Henry Bromfield. Her mother 
was half-sister to Skde*s grandmother, — Mrs. Daniel Denison 
Rogers. On the boy's visits to Harvard Mr. Blanchard had been, 
not only his host, but his chief companion and confidant, and to him 
he wrote the letter from which the following extract is taken* It is 
dated 26 November, 1841, Slade being then a Sophomore in College ; 8 

1 Twelve Days in the Saddle p- 82. 

* See ante, v* 198 n. t and 205 n. 

* Mr. Blanchard was succeeded in the occupancy of the Bromfield mansion 
by his wife's brother, Henry Broni field Pearson, whose residence it was when 
it was destroyed by fire* 3 August, 1355. 

The Rev. Ira Henry Thomas Blanchard died 9 April, 1 S J5, in Weymouth, 
where he was born September! 1797, His wife* Margaret Bromfield (Pearson) 
BZanchard, to whom he was married 30 May, 1825, survived until 29 November, 
187G. By her will aha gave a generous portion of her estate to found a school, 
to be located on the site of her grandfather's homestead , as a monument 
to hi in. Among the Trustees appointed by Mrs. Blanchard to manage the 
school was her kinsman, Daniel Denfeon Slade. In 1887, his son, Denison 
Rogers Slade, was chosen a Trustee, to fill a vacancy in the Board. The Brom- 
field Schoolhouse, a view of which is in the History of Harvard, was erected in 
WT-Tl (Nourse'a History of the Town of Harvard, pp. 231* 232, 87&-S83; 
and ante, v. 198 «., 202 n., and 203 n.)* 


" . . . You know my tastes. I attribute my great love for the country 
and for agricultural affairs to the early age which I passed so pleasantly 
at Harvard with you. Some of my happiest associations are connected 
with that period. It is my earnest hope that nothing wil2 ever occur to 
diminish my great love for rural life." 

Doubtless, too, the old Bromfield house, stored as it was with 
ancient family portraits and other mementos of Colonial times, 
contributed not a little to awaken the youth's interest in historical 
pursuits and legendary lore. 

In 1837, in the first year of the head-mastership of Epes Sargent 
Dixwell, Slade was entered as a pupil in the Boston Public Latin 
School. He was then about fourteen years old. He had passed 
the age at which boys were usually admitted to the school and his 
stay was less than the customary four years. He thus missed the 
thorough grounding in the classics obtained by pupils who take 
the whole course at that famous school, a circumstance which 
placed him at some disadvantage with his fellows ; 1 but that the 
work of preparation for college was sufficiently accomplished is 
shown by the fact of his passing the examinations for entrance to 
Harvard without conditions. He was also awarded a silver medal 
at the Latin School for Latin hexameter verses. 2 

In 1840, Slade entered Harvard College as a Freshman, in the 
class of 1844, and remained through the whole course. He did 
not take high rank for scholarship and probably never made any 
serious or persistent effort to attain it. He studied, however, with 
sufficient diligence to merit a Detur 8 in the Sophomore year, but he 
had no Part at any of the Exhibitions nor at Commencement. On 
the other hand, he never incurred any serious penalties either for 
negligence or misconduct. He appreciated the independence of 
College life, as compared with that of a schoolboy, and gave much 

1 Slade refers to this in a memorandum quoted by Dr. Eastman, in his 
Memoir, p. 5. 

9 The gaining of this medal may have first kindled the desire for similar 
distinctions which, later, seemed to have become almost a passion with him. 
The medal, with the original blue ribbon attached to it, was carefully preserved 
through life by Dr. Slade, as well as files of Monthly Reports of the Latin 

* These prizes are awarded "pro insigni in studiis diligenlUu" 

1609 + ] 


of his time to pursuits not embraced in the curriculum, Like most 
young men of that day having any taste for music, he practised 
the flute* then the favorite instrument of the Pierian Sodality, 
though he never attained sufficient proficiency to make him eligible 
to that association. At one time, influenced, perhaps, by the ex- 
ample of his classmate Ballard, with whom he became very inti- 
mate, he took up painting in oil colors and produced a number of 
landscape sketches which he would show, with a humorous exag^ 
geration of their merits, as his ™ chefs d'wwure," He became a 
member of the two debating societies, the Institute and the I. O. H,, 
but, like most of those who joined them, took no more than a per- 
functory interest in their proceedings. It was otherwise with the 
Harvard Natural History Society, in which he took a lively 
interest and of which he became Curator of Ornithology and of 
Geology* Treasurer, Vice President, and President, Here he found 
a field for the exercise of tastes which had already begun to be de- 
veloped by his youthful experience of country life and to which he 
remained ever faithful. It was before the small audiences of this 
Society that he began his career as a lecturer. One of the papers 
read by hira was on the Skunk, 1 another, intended especially for 
the benefit of his friend Francis Parkman, was on the Moose, 

In the letter to the Rev, Mr. Blanchard, already quoted, Slade 
speaks of a lecture recently delivered by him, doubtless before the 
Natural History Society, as follows : — 

M I likewise send you my lecture, which, altho* Dot as long as it 

might be, occupied as much time as I could conveniently give to it. 
It went off with great eclat t I assure you, and was received with im- 
mense applause, I have stolen a few expressions, as you will perceive, 
but I pride myself on its being mostly original I hope it will meet 
your expectations, in quality, if not iu length," 

The cop3 r of the lecture, sent with the letter^ is missing. 

Sociability was always one of Slade's strongly marked character- 
istics, and life at College seemed to be chiefly attractive to him for 
the opportunities it gave for friendly intercourse with his fellows. 
Never aspiring to be a leader, he was yet fond of being a partici- 
pant in whatever w T as going on t whether a game of foot-ball on 

1 We can imagine the suppressed glee with which he must have treated this 
uataTory subject. 


the Delta, an Oxford Cap riot, or a " dance on the green " on a 
Class Day or at an Exhibition. He early conceived the idea of 
becoming the Annalist of his Class, and, after several desultory 
attempts, began, and continued without interruption, a daily record 
of events as they occurred. In after years, at the annual meetings 
of the Class at Commencement, he often read passages from this 
Diary to the great delight of his audience. Although his descrip- 
tions of scenes and events are apt to be provokingly meagre, 1 the 
naxveti and quaint unconscious humor both of the narrative and 
of the writer's contemporaneous comments, gave to these pages of 
the Diary — as they were read to an appreciative and friendly 
audience — an inexpressible charm. This "inadvertent humor," 
as James Russell Lowell calls a similar trait in the author of the 
Natural History of Selborne, 2 was a marked feature of Slade's 
ordinary conversation, as well as of his College Diary. It was not 
the only point of resemblance between him and the most delightful 
of Naturalists. 

Among the many warm friends made by Slade during his Col- 
lege life was his classmate Francis Parkman. Their intimacy, 
based on a similarity of tastes, began with long walks taken to- 
gether in the vicinity of Cambridge. In the vacation at the end 
of the Freshman year they made an excursion together into the 
wilds of New Hampshire and Maine, which has been described in 
the Memoir of Francis Parkman contained in the First volume of 
the Publications of this Society. The enforced companionship of 
a month's duration in this expedition was in some respects a severe 
trial to their friendship. Though they had many tastes in common, 
they had also some wide divergencies both of character and of phys- 
ical constitution. Parkman, nervous, wiry, excitable, was con- 
stantly impelled by his indomitable will and resistless impetuosity 
to undertake the most difficult exploits and seemed wholly insen- 
sible to fatigue and every sort of physical discomfort. Slade, of 
larger frame and more loosely built, less alert, both physically and 
mentally, was disposed to take things easily, did not care to make 

1 Some years ago, when there was much discussion as to the modes of cele- 
brating Class Day formerly in vogue, Slade's Diary was vainly appealed to 
for a description of the " exercises around the Tree," as practised In 1844. All 
he says on the subject is : " Our dance around the tree was much admired." 

2 My Garden Acquaintance (in My Study Windows, Boston, 1871), p. 2. 



more effort than was absolutely required, grumbled at the petty 
annoyances of heat and dust, and was by no means indisposed to 
take his ease at an inn, when any offered. In the matter of sport 
Slade's preference was for the calm delights of fishing, and he was 
disposed to deride his companion for encumbering himself with "a 
heavy gun " for the sake of the vague chance of some day killing 
a moose. It is to the credit of both men that the occasional clash- 
ings which occurred during this expedition seemed rather to 
cement than to impair their friendship, — a friendship which' was 
lifelong. In after years it was a mutual delight to them to talk 
over all the incidents of this journey into the wilderness and to 
recall its annoying, as well as its pleasant, episodes* 

Early in Blade's college career the interest he took in everything 
relating to the American aborigines, the frequency with which he 
introduced in his ordinary talk words and phrases borrowed from 
Indian usages, and especially his habit of taking long walks, — 
which he called " going on the war-path," — gained for him the 
appellation of The Chieftain; but the sobriquet by which he 
finally became best known was that of The Count or The Good 
Count The original form was Count de Orasse, and was be- 
stowed in allusion to his frequent use in conversation, at one 
time, of the French phrase u de grdee" which he had picked up in 
the recitation room, and which seemed greatly to please his fancy* 
Identity of pronunciation soon led to the substitution of De Grasse 
for de gr&cti and the name of this distinguished French nobleman 
naturally suggested the addition of his title of Count. Many, 
doubtless, used the title in addressing him without knowing whence 
it was derived* but there were those w r ho knew and remembered. 
In a set of verses read by the Class Poet 1 at a meeting of the 
Class of 1844, on the twentieth anniversary of their graduation, 
Slade was thus apostrophized : 

u Thou man of medals ! thee we must not pass. 
A veil of dignity doth grace, 
Not hide, the sly old humor of thy face* 
And peeping o/er thy prize essays we trace 
Thy portly form and beaming smile, De Grasse I ** 

The small group of his more intimate associates who first, in half 
quizzical mood, bestowed upon Slade this playful cognomen builded 

* Charles Henry Boylstoa Snow. 


better than they knew. The whole body of his classmates soon 
recognized its appropriateness in a wider sense than was 'at first 
contemplated, and it was with a sincere appreciation of his native 
nobility of character and of his moral worth that with one accord 
they thenceforth named him The Good Count. 

Slade's strong social instincts not only made him keenly enjoy 
personal intercourse with his friends, but prompted him, in their 
absence, to endeavor to continue that intercourse by means of 
epistolary correspondence. He early began, and continued to the 
end, to be a voluminous letter writer. A package of seven letters 
written by him to a classmate, 1 while still in College and shortly 
after, has lately come into my hands. The letters are long, usually 
filling three and a half pages quarto, often crossed, and are in the 
same neat chirogiaphy which he retained, essentially unchanged, 
to the last, with no erasures or interlineations. 

The first of this series of letters was dated at the Notch House, 
White Mountains, 10 August, 1842, and was written during a 
vacation tour at the end of the Sophomore year. He mentions that 
he had been at the same place the previous year with Francis 
Parkman and that his chief amusement then was trouting. He 
had been travelling, he says, since the first Monday of vacation 
and had visited Lebanon Springs, West Point, Catskill, Saratoga, 
Lake George, and Lake Champlain. 

44 1 have visited," he continues, 44 everything in each town in any 
way connected with Indian or Revolutionary history or remarkable in 
natural curiosities." 

He thus early combined a love of Nature with an active curiosity 
in historical matters. He refers to " the justly merited honors " ob- 
tained by his correspondent at the last term (when he had a Part 
with the first eight at the July Exhibition) and exclaims, 44 If I 
don't put into my books next winter, then it is because I have not 
the strength," and adds that he 44 had a pretty easy time last term." 
The ambition thus aroused was of short duration — perhaps 
strength of purpose was wanting — and Slade appears to have 
fallen back into his previous "easy" habits in the matter of 

The second letter is dated Boston, 30 January, 1844, — about 
l Henry Augustin Johnson. 

i S9».] 



lie middle of the winter vacation of the Senior year. He gives a 
list of his occupations, as follows: u Reading, writing, fluting, 
^oing to parties, gymnasium, walking, and taking lessons in ex- 
ploding vowels with Murdoch, the elocutionist," who thinks he 
3ias *'a powerful voice." He gives gossipy news of several of 
This classmates, and says, " I have a nice room l where I do what 
3>leaseth me." He is melancholy, however, at the thought that 
next term will be the last, and longs to get back and meet all 
the fellows, "Cambridge," he adds, "has been a happy home 
to me." 

In the last term of the Senior year Slade was chosen Ensign of 
the Navy Club in the parade of which he took part. He was also 
one of the party which, according to the traditional custom, went on 
a fishing excursion in Boston Harbor, and was present at the Class 
Day exercises. Of all these occurrences he gives an account in the 
extracts from his Diary contained in a recent publication 3 by the 

(Secretary of his Class, These extracts were the only portions of 
his Diary which Slade wished to have published. 
In September, 1844, almost immediately after graduation, he 
went to live upon a farm near Greenfield, Massachusetts, for the 
purpose of acqmring a practical knowledge of agriculture, in fur- 
therance of his often avowed intention of becoming a farmer. He 
writes from that place the third letter of the series mentioned, 
dated 5 November, 1844* He had then been eight weeks on the 
farm. Half his letter is taken up with reproaching his correspond- 
ent for delay in writing and for the shortness of his letter. Many 
of the fellows, he says, had written him at least two letters since 

(Commencement, " and they have been answered," He had — 
1 This was at the house of his uncle and guardian, Henry Brom field Rogers, 
in Joy Street, Boston, which, after the death of his grandmother Rogers, in 
1933, had become his home. 

During his residence in Cambridge as an undergraduate^ Blade roomed in 
his Freshman year at Mrs* Mary Gurney's. Her three-story frame House is 
still (1899) standing-, and is now numbered 1 1 in Appian Way, — on the north- 
westerly side, midway between Garden and Brattle Streets. In his Sophomore 
year, he roomed at Mr, John Sweetman's, whose house is now (1890) No, 28 
in Dunster Street, on the north-easterly corner of South Street ; and in his 
Junior and Senior years in FToliis, 20* 

* The Class of 1844, Harvard College, Fifty Years After Graduation, Cam- 
bridge, 1896. 


" kept pretty steady at farming, with occasional trips to Keene. 1 . . . 
I leave Greenfield this week for Boston ; . . . . farming is about over 
for this year, and it would not be a very comfortable place to spend 
the winter. No carpet on the floor and a straw bed." He takes his 
cold bath every morning "much to the astonishment of the ' coveys' 
who think it cold bath enough to go out to the barn before breakfast/ 9 

He announces his intention of spending the winter at Cambridge, 
where he has entered his name as a Resident Graduate, with seven 
others of the class, but he has " by no means got sick of agriculture 
and hopes to follow the pursuit in the spring." He gives, as 
usual, a budget of news of a number of his classmates. No fewer 
than eighteen are mentioned in this letter. 

The fourth letter of the series is dated at Cambridge, 6 March, 
1845. The winter, he says, has been pleasant and, he trusts, 
profitable. He has been reading Hume, among other books, study- 
ing a little Latin, etc., has been reviewing Virgil, and likes it 
much. " How different from going over it in one of those dull 
school-rooms!" His room was at Royal Morse's, 2 — "the most 

* Keene, New Hampshire, was then the residence of his classmates George 
Silsbee Hale and Horatio J. Perry, and was often visited by others of the Class. 
Cf. ante, i. 326. 

* In Paige's History of Cambridge (p. 413) is an account of the "Men of 
Cambridge who fell in defence of the Liberty of the People, April 19, 1775," 
one paragraph of which is of interest in this connection : — 

"Moses Richardson, born probably about 1725, was a carpenter, and resided in the 
house which still [1877] stands at the north-easterly angle of Holmes Place, and which 
was afterwards the home of Mr. Royal Morse for al>out three-quarters of a century." 
[The site is now (1899) covered by Austin Hall. The house is seen in the Plan of Cam- 
bridge about 1750, which faces page 212. It is the largest and most easterly of the row 
of four houses facing south upon the Common.] 

In a foot-note Dr. Paige refers to — 
"the late Mr. Royal Morse, born in 1779, whose memory of events which occurred 
during his life was remarkably comprehensive and accurate, and whose traditional lore 
was almost equivalent to authentic history." 

Lowell, too, preserves interesting recollections of Mr. Morse in his Fireside 
Travels (edition of 1864, pp. 34-36), — in the chapter on Cambridge Thirty 
Years Ago : — 

" Or shall the two town-constables be forgotten, in whom the law stood worthily and 
amply embodied, fit, either of them, to fill the uniform of an English beadle ? Grim 
and silent as Ninevite statues, they stood on each side of the meeting-house door at 
Commencement, propped by long staves of blue and red, en which the Indian with bow 




delightful situation io Cambridge," and he has "very pleasant 
neighbors, which is a blessing. . , . Should like to remain here 
all summer^ but must do something if ever I am going to " He 
has done " a good deal of writing for Professor Sparks, most of 
which is very interesting, as it relates to the Revolution." He 
has "a most superb Newfoundland dog," given to him by hb 
uncle* "My horse awaits me at Stearns's stable. How many 
blessings I enjoy, and how little thankful I am for them I Good 
health, of all things, is a blessing, and he who enjoys it, as I now 
do, enjoys the greatest boon Heaven can give for this life," He 
then speaks, very feelingly, of the recent death of his youngest 
sister : , — 

"This poor girl never knew a father's or a mother's love since she 
was four months old, aud she looked up to me for protection and a 
Brother's sympathy. . , , How she loved me! ,p 

and arrow, and the mailed arm with the award, hinted at the in visible sovereignty of 
the state ready to reinforce them, as — 

1 For Achillea 1 portrait atood a spear 
Grasped in an armed hand. 1 

Stalwart and rubicund men they were, second only, if second, to S. p [Francis Sales, In- 
fractor in Spanish and French at Harvard, I SL 6-1 854,] champion!! of the county, and 
not incapable of genial uubendings when the fasces were laid aside. One of them still 
survives in octogenarian vigor, the Herodotus of village and college legend, and may it 
be long ere he depart, to carry with him the pattern of a courtesy, now, alas I oM- fash- 
ioned, bnt which might profitably make part of the instruction of our youth among the 
other humanities ! Long may R[oyal] M [orse] be spared to us, so genial, so courtly, 
the last man among us who will ever know how to lift a hat with the nice graduation of 
social distinction ! Something of a Jeremiah now, he bewails the decline of our man- 
ners. * * * * Why, sir, I can remember when more respect was paid to Governor Han- 
cock's lackey at Commencement than the Governor and all his suite p*et now/ M. is 
one of those invaluable men who remember your grandfather, and value you accord- 


Mr, Morse was an auctioneer, the son of Royal and Katharine Morse (born 
in England and at Cambridge Massachusetts, respectively) and a native of Cam- 
bridge, where he died, 31 January, 1872, at the advanced age of ninety-three 
years t seven months, and twenty-five days (Cambridge City Records). The 
Records of the First Church tell us that he was baptized — " Royal, of Kathe- 
rine Morse " — 12 January, 1782, and that bis mother was admitted to full 
communion the same day (pp. 123, 125), Obituary notices of Mr. Morse 
appeared, 10 February, 1872, in the columns of The Cambridge Chronicle and 
The Cambridge Press. 

i Mary Ellen Slade, died 24 February, 1845, in her nineteenth year. 


He does not omit hm UBual stock of news of classmates, of whom 
he mentions nearly a score by name, including Francis Parkman, 
of whom he says, he u has given up the Law for the present and 
is the man of leisure* He will never make anything." He men- 
tions Parkman again as taking a few lessons of Papanti in dancing, 
and adds : " Think of it I lf Toward the end of the letter he refers 
to an article he had written and published, and says : — 

14 It was true, if nothing else- Peirce tried to answer it but could not 
get over it any way, I have used my humble efforts to cause a reform 
in some of those departments, particularly mathematics. It is most 
shameful- 1 * . . As to my fanning operations," he says, "I do not 
know when or where they will commence this spring. No plans yet 
matured," He kept up his " habit of moderate smoking, " and had 
11 not neglected the Graces, having learned the Poika and danced it at 
little parties/* 

The fifth letter of the series, dated Cambridge, 15 June, 1845, 
contains an account of the fire which destroyed the Panorama of 
Athens. 3 Graduates 1 Hull, 3 in which several of Slade'u classmates 
had rooms, was in great danger and the confusion of moving out 
their furniture is graphically described. Stearns's livery stable 
was also in imminent peril, and Slade says he u worked most" on 
that, "having property in it, — a buggy, saddle, harness, ete." He 
announces his abandonment of the study of agriculture for that of 
medicine in the following characteristic style : — 

1 It has not been ascertained where or when this article was published. No 

copy of it has been found* 

• See Publications of this Society, i. 270 and note- 

* Graduates* Hall, now known as College House, is the long brick building 
owned by the College, still standing on the westerly side of Harvard Square. 
It extends northerly from the passageway between it and Lyceum Hall to 
the point where the street turns, north-westerly, at an obtuse angle, and thence 
to Church Street. The banking-rooms of the Charles River National Bank 
are on the lower floor of the southern end of the building, in one of the rooma 
of which the AA$ was established in 1816. The name was changed from 
Graduates' Hall to College House about, or soon after, the time that the build- 
ing was extended north-westerly to Church Street, — about 1860, 

Old College House — more familiarly called " The Old Den/' — a large wooden 
building, set back from the street, stood on that part of the lot which lies 
between the obtuse angle, just mentioned, and Church Street, 




"Have you heard of my new Profession? Medicine, Dr. Slade — 
D. D. Slade, M. IX — Eh! — great I I am putting into it, and have 
joined the first school in Boston, under Hay ward, Bigelow, Holmes, etc. 
Go to Warren's twice a week in the city, to see operations performed. 
We shall have three terrible ones this week* I enjoy plenty of advan- 
tages, and nothing is wanting but energy and perseverance. What a 
change from the farm! However, I hope to combine the two some 

It is to be remarked that, with a mingling of frankness and 
reticence which was customary with him, even in writing to one 
to whom he seemed to unbosom himself most freely, Slade says 
nothing of the reasons which induced this change of purpose* be- 
yond the mention of the " advantages " he enjoys, meaning, perhaps, 
those arising from his social position and the influence of powerful 
friends. He returns to tbis subject in the two following letters, 

In the sixth letter, dated Cambridge, 4 November, 1845, he says 
he had spent the summer vacation in travel, visiting Niagara, 
Trenton, Montreal, and Quebec, and is enthusiastic in his admira- 
tion of Trenton Falls* He had also visited the White Mountains 
and had spent a week at Greenfield, where his "old farmers" 
greeted him most cordially. He adds: — 

4 * Medicine prospers nicely. The lectures in Boston commence to- 
morrow and I shall have my hands full for four months. You will hear 
of Dr. Slade yet, I warrant you. . . ■ 1 still hold my old room at Koyal 
Morse's and live in true Bachelor style* Have bought me a most beau- 
tiful black mare, and am happy as a King. I can see my way ahead 
now for five years, at least — three in Boston and two in Paris and 
Europe. . . . Do write and prove that you have not forgotten us . . . 
write soon and tell all you cam See, what a good long letter ! Eh 1 " 

The seventh^ and last, letter of the series is dated Boston, 13 
March, 1846. He is delighted at having a long letter from his 
correspondent, but — 

"I am sorry that you are of opinion that my * open he art educes,' of 
which some people accuse me, is deserting me. Heaven forbid it, if I 
really possess such a treasure." 

His friend had, perhaps, taken him to task for not being more out- 
spoken as to his reasons for studying medicine. If that was so, 
Slade, in his reply, avoids, rather tban meets, the accusation : — 


44 My letters to you," he continues, "have contained some sentences, 
perhaps, a little ( sarcastic? hut they were for your good, intended to 
shake you up a little, and remind you of your friends here. They did 
not seem to answer their purpose, so we will not try them again." 

Of his new studies he says : — 

44 1 have been very busy with my lectures, dissections, books, etc., 
this winter, and shall continue so till the summer, when I shall haul up* 
a little for recreation. I chose the right study, and no mistake, it be- 
comes pleasanter and more interesting as I advance. Altho' hard at 
first, yet it grows less difficult weekly. There is no excuse for my not. 
making myself a good physician, for I enjoy good advantages and shalL 
enjoy still better. My object is to be of some service to my fellow-men,, 
and not live thro' this life without benefiting any one but myself, as ten 
thousand do. I often think how much we have to do, and how little 
time to do it in, and then that we should deliberately waste so much of 
that precious time! But why should I moralize, it will not benefit 
either of us." 

He is delighted that his correspondent liked so much The Cricket 
on the Hearth, then recently published : — 

44 Dickens is a noble fellow. I honour him and thank him for much 
of my most manly and better feelings. ... I shall love the crickets 
so much the more now, altho' I always had a great respect for them. 
Perhaps you have heard me speak of my affection for them and call their 
chirp a * melancholy pleasure ' to hear. I always greet the first cricket 
of the year as an old friend." 

He regrets the creeping on of years, putting — 

44 that college period still farther and farther in the shade; . . . those 
happy days and well remembered walks ! No matter, we begin to see 
life as it is, or as it should be, now. We are men, and must do our 
duty 4 as such.' " 

44 Spring is coming again and I am looking forward to getting back 
to Cambridge, where with my horse, dog, etc., I shall amuse my recrea- 
tion hours. There are some nice fellows out there now. Saltonstall 
and myself are quite intimate, for, as we both own horses, we ride to- 
gether a good deal." 

No apology, it is hoped, will be nee^pd for borrowing so much 
from these early letters of Slade. They cover a space of only three 
years and three months, but they portray the man more vividly 
than any formal analysis of his character could do. They were 




written* indeed, by a mere youth, but In Slade's case there was leS3 
difference than is usual between youth and maturity. As he was 
in these three years, he remained, essentially, to the end. In him, 
if ever, the boy was father of the man. 

According to his own account, and judging also from the result, 
Slade entered upon the study of medicine with a zeal and ardor 
which he had not shown at school or college. The study was inter- 
esting to him from its close connection with Natural History, 
necessitating, as it does, an investigation of the structure and func- 
tions of the human body. The dissections and clinical lectures 
he was called upon to attend were a series of object lessons in 
which he saw and handled actual specimen*) the use of which he so 
strenuously advocated in his own subsequent teachings, 1 He was 
actuated, too, by the high motive announced in one of his letters 
above quoted* — " to be of some service to his fellow men,' p This 
object he never lost sight of, though he did not, perhaps, attain it 
in precisely the way he at first contemplated* 

After three years' study in the Medical Department of Harvard 
College* he received, in 1848, the degree of M. D M and the appoint- 
ment of House Surgeon in the Massachusetts General Hospital. 
While yet a student in the Medical School he was an eye-witness 
of the first capital operation under the influence of Ether, at the 
Massachusetts General Hospital, 7 November, 1846. Many years 
afterward he wrote an admirable account of it for Scribner's Maga- 
zine. 3 This article he thought was the best he had ever written ; 
it was also the one for which he had been best paid. He held the 
position of House Surgeon in the Hospital for one year and then 
went to Europe, in the autumn of 1849, in accordance with the 
programme he had laid down for himself, passing, however, three 
years, instead of two, in studying his profession in Paris and Dub- 
lin* He also spent two months at the Veterinary College at 
Maisons-Alfort, near Paris, the most celebrated establishment of 
the kind in France.* 

1 See Dr. Eastman's Memoir, p. 10. * For October, 1892, xiL 518-624. 

1 Dr. Slade preserved among his papers a certificate from the Master of the 
House (whose name is illegible) testifying that Mr. Daniel Slade of Boston was 
a resident pupil in the Lying-in Hospital, Rutland Square, Dublin, from 
6 August to 26 September, 1851 ; also a letter, dated 19 February, 1851, from 
the Director of the jJcofe National* Veterinaire d f A If art, authorising " M- Slade 
d Muivre pendant deux mots U§ court tie phytiquc tt a" anatomic" at that institution* 


Returning home, in 1852, he took an office at No. 5j Beacon 
Street, Boston, on the first of July of that year, and began practice 
in his native city. He at once made warm friends among his 
professional brethren, among whom may be mentioned Dr. John 
Collins Warren and his son Dr. Jonathan Mason Warren; also Dr. 
Richard Manning Hodges, who was associated with him as attend- 
ing surgeon of the Boston Dispensary, and Dr. Samuel Abbott 
Green, afterward Mayor of Boston and now a Vice President and 
Librarian of the Massachusetts Historical Society, who had a room 
in the same house with him. 1 

In 1853, soon after beginning practice as a physician, the fact 
that he had, while in Europe, made special study of Veterinary 
Medicine caused him to be engaged to deliver a course of twelve 
lectures on that subject at the State House, Boston. 8 In 1865 he 
delivered another series of lectures in the same place and on a 
kindred topic, — the Importance of a Knowledge of the Physiology 
of Animals to the Farmer.* 

In the American Veterinary Journal for January, 1856, 4 was 
published An Introductory Lecture Delivered on the occasion of 
the Commencement of the Boston Veterinary Institute by D. D. 
Slade, M. D., President of the Institute. The lecture is largely 
devoted to a history of the horse and an account of Veterinary 
Colleges in England and France. The occasion seems to have 
been literally a commencement or beginning, for in the opening par- 
agraph of his address Dr. Slade says : — 

"This day witnesses with us the commencement of a new era in 
the cause of science and humanity — the foundation of a Veterinary 
College." 6 

1 These friendships, like all those formed by Dr. Slade, were life long. Dr. 
Hodges, from his death-bed, sent the message, " Give my love to Slade," while 
Slade, who was dying at the time, urged that Dr. Hodges be sent for. Dr. 
Green says of him : " My regard for Slade was more than friendship, — it 
was love." 

a These lectures were printed at the time in the Boston Traveller. They 
obtained for Dr. Slade a reward from the Massachusetts Society for Promoting 
Agriculture. (Letter of Benjamin Guild, Secretary, 6 June, 1853.) 

* These lectures were printed in the Massachusetts Ploughman. 

4 Volume i., number 4. 

6 The Boston Veterinary Institute, of which Dr. Slade appears to Jiave been 
the first President, was incorporated by the Legislature of Massachusetts 


In October, 1853, Slade became a member of the Independent 
Corps of Cadets, — Boston's favorite military organization. About 
the same time he joined the Somerset Club. He continued to per- 
form such light service as was then required in the Cadets for a 
little more than three years, receiving his discharge 8 November* 

Early in his medical career he began to write frequently for 
various medical journals, usually signing his articles Medicus^ and 
also to compete for prizes offered for essays on medical and other 
subjects. This he continued to do almost to the end of his life, 
somewhat to the amusement of his friends, to whom the pecun- 
iary rewards did not seem sufficiently large nor the honor suffi- 
ciently great to be attractive. An explanation may, perhaps, be 
found in the modesty of the man and his distrust of his own abil- 
ities. Ha was apt to be dissatisfied with whatever he did, and 
needed the encouragement winch this sort of success gave him, and 
the stamp of approval thus bestowed. Between 1857 and 1862, he 
won four such prizes for essays on medical subjects, — the Boylston 
Medical prize of Harvard University in 1857, the Massachusetts 
Medical Society prize in 1859, and the Fiske Fund prize in 1860 
and 1862.* Later, in 1875 and 1876, he obtained prizes for essays 
on subjects connected with landscape gardening and urban em- 
bellishment. It was with reference to these prizes, that he was 
apostrophized in the verses already quoted as — 

" Thou man of medals ! " 

28 April, 1855 (Massachusetts Special Laws (chap, 251), x, 362), and see ma to 
have been the earliest institution of the kind in the State. The persons named 
in the Act were George H* Dadd, David Roberts, Jonas Chapman, and John P- 

The American Veterinary Journal was edited by George H. Dadd, Veter- 
inary Surgeon, and published by S. N. Thompson & Co., 87 Union Street, 
Boston, The writer has seen only two numbers of the Journal, — those for 
January, 1856, and December, 1857* This last contains an Introductory Leo 
tore by George H. Dadd, Dean of the Faculty, as part of ** the exercises com- 
memorative of the third session of the Institute/ 1 and also Remarks of CoL 
Moses Newell, President of the Institute, from which it appears that Dr. Slade 
did not long hold that office. 

1 Letter of Captain Charles E, Stevens, 7 March, 1838. 

1 One of these, the Fiske Fund Prize Essay of 1860, has passed through three 
editions, the last being issued in 1896, — thirty-six years after obtaining the 
prize. Its title is t Diphtheria ; its Nature and Treatment. 


Slade continued to practise his profession for about ten years, or 
until his removal to Chestnut Hill, in 1862. After that date, 
though for a year or two he retained an office in Boston, he grad- 
ually relinquished the active practice of medicine. It must not be 
inferred that in so doing he abandoned the high purpose with 
which he had begun his medical studies, — " to be of some service 
to his fellow-men." To those who knew him well it was impos- 
sible to doubt that he kept this high resolve constantly in view 
throughout his whole career and that it was a controlling motive 
in all that he did, whether it was lecturing to farmers at the State 
House or to students at the Bussey Institution, writing essays on 
medical, agricultural, and horticultural subjects, or reading papers 
before historical societies. 

On the twenty-seventh of May, 1856, Dr. Slade was married in 
King's Chapel, Boston, to Mina Louise, daughter of Conrad and 
Elizabeth (Lortscher) Hensler. Eleven children were born to them, 
— four sons and seven daughters, — only one of whom, a son, 
has died. 1 The truly patriarchal dimensions of Slade's household 
were a constant delight to his classmate and neighbor Francis 
Parkman, who was always an ardent advocate of early marriages 
and large families. 

On his marriage, Dr. Slade took up his residence at No. 17 
Temple Place, Boston, but as early as 1860 he had purchased a 
small lot of land in Newton having an old dwelling-house and 
other buildings upon it, and two years later had bought another 
piece of land adjoining his first purchase, at the corner of Beacon 
and Hammond Streets. To this place he moved with his family, 
in 1862, occupying at first the old dwelling-house which had 
been the home of a former owner. He thus became one of the 
pioneers of the little colony of friends or relatives who settled at 
the place since called Chestnut Hill, on the borders of the 
three towns of Newton, Brookline, and Brighton. The old house, 
though several times enlarged, was finally abandoned for a commo- 
dious brick dwelling which he built near it in 1879, better suited 
to his own needs and those of his growing family. Here, in the 

1 Henry Bromfield Slade, died 23 March, 1879. Dr. Slade's eldest son, 
Denison Rogers Slade, has recently been elected a Resident Member of this 




immediate neighborhood of the Lees* the Saltonstalls, the Lowells, 
and others, and not far from his classmates and friends Francis 
Parkman at Jamaica Plain and Tappan Eustis Francis at Brook- 
line, who became his family physician, he found abundant exercise 
for his social instincts and could gratify his niral tastes in laying 
out the grounds about his house, and establishing gardens and con- 
servatories. It was almost the realization of his dream of some 
day combining the two occupations of farmer and physician. 1 
How he was appreciated as a neighbor at Chestnut Hill was elo- 
quently told by our late Vice-President, the Hon. John Lowell, at 
the Stated Meeting of the Society following Dr* Slade's decease. 2 

On becoming a resident of Newton, Dr, Slade took a lively inter- 
est in its affairs which he continued until his death. He joined 
the Newton Horticultural Society and became its President ; wrote 
a prize essay on the question, How to Improve and Beautify the City 
of Newton ; read at West Newton an essay on Road Construction, — 
both in 1875 ; and was a frequent contributor to the local press. 

Early in the late Civil War, Dn Slade became an associate mem- 
ber of the United States Sanitary Commission* 3 In 1862, he was 
appointed by the Commission one of the Special Inspectors of the 
General Hospitals of the Army, 4 and in that capacity was assigned 
to the District of Baltimore, 5 He made a Report on the District 
assigned to him, 6 and also, by request, a Special Report on Hospital 
< iangrene at Annapolis. 7 He was, besides, the author of the Re- 
port of a Committee on the subject of Amputation, piiblished by 
the Sanitary Commission in 1861* 8 

Always devotedly attached to Harvard College, Slade had a 
special regard for his Class and was largely imbued with that 
" Class feeling," or " Class spirit," common among the small classes 

1 Later, this dream was more literally realized by the purchase of an " aban- 
doned farm H near Lake Winmpiseogee, in New Hampshire, of which Dr, Slade 
wrote an account for The Nation of 4 September, 181)0. 

8 See Publications of this Society, iii. 203. 

1 Documents of the United States Sanitary Commission, ii« Document 
No. 74. (New York, 1866.) 

1 Ibid, Document No. 70, Appendix B. * Ib'trf* Document No. 79. 

* TM. ' Ibid. 

■ The United States Sanitary Commission Publications* F,, Report, etc., 8°, 
Boston, 18flL See also Historv of the United States Sanitary Commiasiou, 
Appendix No. 7, by Charles J. Stilly Philadelphia, 1800, 


of half a century ago and for which the graduates of 1844 were, 
perhaps, especially distinguished. It was, in great measure, be- 
cause he was actuated by 'this spirit that Slade so faithfully kept 
the College Diary, already mentioned, and it was this again which 
prompted him, in 1864, twenty years after graduation, to attempt 
the compilation of a Record of the Class down to that date. It was 
an undertaking much facilitated by the habit which he had kept 
up of frequent correspondence with his classmates, by means 
of which he was better acquainted with their graduate career 
than any of his associates. With some slight assistance from the 
Class Book, in which members of the Class had, for the most 
part, neglected to inscribe more than their names and birth dates, 
but chiefly by means of letters addressed to all surviving members, 
Slade was able to prepare a pamphlet of sixteen pages, containing 
a brief notice of all his classmates with but few exceptions. This 
pamphlet, neatly printed but unostentatious in appearance, was 
distributed to the Class at the meeting held to celebrate their 
twentieth anniversary. It bore the date 1 July, 1864. It was 
among the earliest of the Class Reports, since become so common. 
Three, only, of these antedated Slade's, while two others were issued 
in the same year. 1 

At the Class meetings which have been regularly held at Cam- 
bridge on Commencement Day since the Twentieth Anniversary, 
Slade was always sure to be present, unless prevented by serious 
illness. Such a cause of absence occurred in 1882, when fifteen of 
his classmates, assembled on Commencement Day at No. 7 Hol- 
worthy, joined in writing to him a note expressing their regret at 
his absence, their sympathy for him in his illness, their high appre- 
ciation of his friendship and love, and their heartfelt desire that 
his life might be prolonged and his health restored. 2 The illness 
which kept him absent on this occasion was so serious as to cause 
his friends and medical advisers to fear that he had only a few 

i The Class of 1856 issued their first Report in I860, and a second in 1861. 
The Class of 1858 also published a Report in 1861. The Classes of 1861 and 
1864 published Reports in the last named year almost simultaneously with 
Slade's. (Letter of W. G. Brown, Deputy Keeper of the Archives of Harvard 
College, 23 February, 1897.) 

2 This note is printed in full in Dr. Eastman's Memoir of Dr. Slade, p. 11. 
The absence of the signature of the Class Secretary is accounted for by the 
fact that he was then travelling in Europe. 



months more to live. His lungs had been seriously affected, and 
one lung, it was said* quite destroyed. He recovered, however, 
sufficiently to be present at the next annual meeting of the Class, 
in 1883, and never, thenceforth, missed one of these meetings; but 
his health still remained delicate and he was constantly obliged to 
use care in avoiding exposure* Ilia death, fourteen years later, 
was due to causes wholly unconnected with this illness. 

SlaoVs connection with Harvard College, however, was not 
merely that of an alumnus* In 1871, he was appointed Professor 
of Applied Zoology in Harvard University, and, in 1885, Lec- 
turer on Comparative Zoology and Assistant in Osteology iu the 
Museum of Comparative Zoology, His professorship he felt con- 
strained to resign in 1882, in consequence of his severe illness, 
already mentioned ; the other two appointments he continued to 
hold until his death. His duties as Professor consisted in giving 
courses of instruction at the Bussey Institution at Jamaica Plain, 
comprising lectures and practical exercises in Applied Zoology, in- 
cluding the dissection of domestic animals, 1 His lectures upon 
the horse, especially, proved very attractive to others beside the 
regular students of the Institution. He was an ardent lover of 
the Horse, The '* beautiful black mare n which he bought for him- 
self in his resident graduate days had a long line of successors, and, 
ae a medical man, he was a strenuous advocate of the hygienic 
value of equestrian exercise. 3 How acceptably he discharged the 
duties assigned to him may be learned from the following testi- 
monials. In the Report of the President of the University for 
the year 1895-96, after announcing Dr. Blade's deaths President 
Eliot says : — 

11 Dr* Slade was one of the first well educated American physicians to 
pay attention to comparative medicine and to study it in Europe. He 
was consequently ready, in 187 h when the liussey Institution was 
opened, to give instruction in the anatomy and physiology of the domes- 
tic animals ; and for eleven years he taught with great assiduity and 
acceptance in that School After an interval of three years, he took up 
kindred scientific work as Assistant in Osteology in the Museum of Com- 
parative Zoology and Lecturer on Comparative Osteology. He was a 

* Report upon the Bussey Institution for the year 1877-78* 

* See Introduction to his Twelve Days in the Saddle, 


simple, straightforward, industrious man, who had a clear intelligence 
and a strong sense of duty. In addition to his attainments as physi- 
cian and naturalist, he possessed an agreeable faculty of writing, which 
he exercised in various papers on the interests and occupations of rural 
and out-of-door life." 

Included in the same report is a Report on the Museum of Com- 
parative Zoology by its Director and Curator, Alexander Agassiz, 
in which, after mentioning the death of Dr. Slade, u who for many 
years had devoted his time to the Osteological Collection of the 
Museum," he says : — 

" Dr. Slade attempted to build up an advance course of osteological 
research, and it was a great disappointment to him that he met with so 
little encouragement He devoted his time mainly to the arrangement 
of the material in his charge, and wrote a number of papers on special 
subjects connected with osteology. He hoped to build up the osteologi- 
cal collection with special reference to its use as an aid in palaeontologi- 
cal research." 

It was eminently characteristic of our late associate that while 
the Government of the University set so high a value upon his 
services as Professor and Lecturer, he, himself, esteemed them as 
of far less worth. Under date of 11 September, 1876, five years 
after his appointment as Professor, and six years before his resig- 
nation, he wrote to President Eliot : — 

44 During my connection with the University, I have received, as Pro- 
fessor of Applied Zoology, compensation which I consider as beyond 
the value of the services rendered. I therefore propose to return to the 
University the sum of Six thousand dollars ($6000) with which to found 
a Scholarship in my name, unrestricted except it may be in favor of 
my own sons, if they hereafter pursue their studies at Cambridge." 

This was the beginning of the correspondence that led to the 
establishment of the Scholarship in 1877. 1 The endowment of the 
Scholarship was, however, reduced from Six thousand dollars to 
Five thousand dollars, as appears by the Treasurer's Statement for 
the year ending 31 August, 1877, in which, among the Gifts enumer- 
ated as received during the year, was the following : — 

1 Letter of W. G. Brown, Deputy Keeper of the Harvard College Archives, 
15 April, 1898. 




" From Prof. Daniel Denison Slade $5000, as the foundation of the 
Stade Scholarship." 

To this gift was attached the very sensible condition that — 

M The Fund shall never be invested in a specific piece of property, 
bat shall share in the general investments of the University " (p« 6). 

Dr, Blade's duties as Assistant in Osteology took him back to 
Cambridge, which had been to him '* a happy home " in his under* 
graduate days, — "those happy days and well remembered walks M 
which he still delighted to recall He drove over from Chestnut 
Hill almost daily, when not prevented by inclemency of weather. 
He had rooms assigned him in an upper story of the vast Agassiz 
Museum, where it was pleasant to visit him in the "quiet and still 
air of his retired study *' and to witness the loving care with which 
he handled and classified his osteological specimens. 

Dr. Slade was a prolific writer. In the Memoir of him prepared 
for the New England Historical and Genealogical Register a list 
of sixty-eight of his works 1 1b given, A number of these were 
strictly medical or scientific in character. Many were devoted to 
agricultural or horticultural matters, including the dainty little 
volume, The Evolution of Horticulture in New England, published 
a few months before his death. It is Dr. Slade's work in the field 
of New England Colonial history and biography, however, that will 
doubtless be most interesting to the members of our Society. The 
earliest of his publications having an historical character is his 
Class Report, 3 already mentioned, issued in 1864. 

In the following year he wrote for The American Monthly — 
a continuation of the old Knickerbocker Magazine — an article 
entitled The Sacking of Deerfielcl, Massachusetts* 3 Slade was well 
acquainted with the scene of the massacre. During his agri- 
cultural apprenticeship at Greenfield, his rides and drives had, 

* Only fourteen of Blade's literary productions were published separately, as 
books or pamphlets (including two not in Dr, Eastman's list) \ ten are reports 
of lectures! or courses of lectures, addresses and speeches ; twenty were pub- 
lished in medical journals, and twenty-six in various magazines and news- 
papers. It is not certain that all his printed works have been enumerated. 

* This pamphlet is not included in Dr. Eastman's list. 

* The American Monthly for April, 1865, lxv. 308-312. 




doubtless, often taken him through the neighboring town of Deer- 
field, only a few miles distant, and he may often have stopped 
at the old Sheldon house to examine the Iiistorie Door, defaced by 
Indian hatchets, and the wonderful scenes of slaughter, depicted 
in the most lurid colors on the inner walls. It was the custom, in 
those early days, for the stage coaches to stop regularly at the 
old Indian house to allow the passengers to inspect these curi- 
osities- Slade, himself, had probably enjoyed this privilege on 
one or more of his College vacation rambles. 

The outer Door of the old house was destined to play a part in 
a characteristic episode in Dr. Slade's career, which was also an 
event of some importance in the history of the town* A few years 
only after he had abandoned the practical study of agriculture at 
Greenfield, the owners of the house decided to taie it down. 
Report says that the constantly increasing number of curious vis* 
itors had become too annoying for further endurance. The old 
house was accordingly demolished in 1848. Portions of it, how- 
ever, were preserved, among them the old Door, which came into 
the possession of David Starr Hoyt, a member of an old Deerfield 
family, who lost his life during the early troubles in Kansas. In 
1863, it was the property of his orphan daughter and was "nearly, 
or quite, all the patrimony the poor deaf girl had," l Friends be- 
stirred themselves to effect a sale of the relic for her benefit, and 
no resident of the town, apparently, volunteering to become the 
purchaser* it was offered to Dr. Slade, whose interest in Deerfield 
and its history was well known, for the sum of one hundred dol- 
lars* though it was said that it had been held at a much higher 
price. 3 Slade did not hesitate to conclude the bargain, actuated, 
no doubt, in part by a charitable motive. The price was paid, and 
the Door was sent to him at Chestnut Hill, 10 October, 1863. He 
had it placed in his study, where it remained for several years, — 
an object of interest to all visitors. 

Finally, the slumbering patriotism, or local pride, of the good 
people of Deerfield was aroused and a Committee was formed to 
negotiate for the return of their lost treasure. In reply to their 
application Dr, Slade wrote, in October, 1867 : — 

i Letter of Bansom Noble Porter, M.D., to Slade, 20 September, 1803. 
* Ibid. 




m Since it [the Door] came into my possession I have always felt 
some compunction in regard to it; not that it was not fairly mine by 
light of purchase* but that it rightly belonged to the town of Deerueld 
and should be forever retained by that town as a most sacred relic*" 

It was soon agreed that the Door should be returned to the 
people of Deerfield on the repayment to Dr. Slade of what it hail 
cost him. Certain conditions were also annexed to the transfer, 
namely, that the Door should be delivered into the charge of 
Trustees* to be appointed to receive it ; that it should be kept in a 
situation easily accessible, as near as might be to the place it origi- 
nally occupied; that the bill of sale should be recorded in the 
town records, and the bUl itself kept with the deeds to the town. 
These conditions being accepted, the Door was sent back to Deer- 
field, where it arrived 19 February, 1868. It had been in Dr. Slade's 
possession a little over four years. 1 Its return was made the 
occasion of a popular festival, held in the Town Hall on the even- 
ing of 28 February, 1868, — the eve of the anniversary of the 
Massacre. The recovered relic, appropriately draped with the 
American flag, had a conspicuous position on the speakers' plat- 
form, a long historical address was delivered, poems were recited, 
and Dr. Slade was the hero of the occasion. He had been spe- 
cially invited to be present and, when called upon for a speech, 
made a short address of a humorous character and at its close was 
given a round of cheers. 3 

The subsequent history of the Door is not without its vicissitudes. 
It was first placed by the Trustees in the front entrance hall of the 
principal hotel in the village, where it was protected by a glass 
case. Here it remained until May, 1877, when the hotel was 
bunK i u to the ground. The Door, with its case, was, however, 
taken out uninjured, and conveyed to "the old corner store ; " but 
the old store being soon after sold, it became necessary to find a 
new place of deposit. The one finally agreed upon, as best fulfill- 
ing the two conditions of safety and accessibility, was the corn 
house, or corn barn, of one of the townspeople. Here it remained 

1 For an account of these transactions and the further history of the Door, 
see a paper by the Rev. Peter Voorhees Finch, read before the Pocomtuck 
Valley Memorial Association, and published, at their request, in The Greenfield 
Gazette and Courier, VoL lir.» No. 7. 

* See The Greenfield Gazette and Courier, of 2 March, 1868. 


until September, 1879, when it was finally made over to the custody 
of the Pocumtuck Valley Memorial Association and placed in its 
Memorial Hall. 1 

It is evident that the interest excited by Dr. Slade's purchase 
and subsequent return of the Indian Door had no slight influ- 
ence in bringing about the formation of the above mentioned 
Association, incorporated in 1870/ and the establishment of the 
Memorial Hall in which the Door has found its final resting place. 

Dr. Slade's interest was not confined to Deerfield alone, but ex- 
tended to the whole valley which takes its name from the aborig- 
inal designation of that town. He had a peculiar fondness for the 
locality and visited it again and again, attracted no less by the 
charm of the landscape than by its historical associations. He was 
present, 12 August, 1884, at the eighth field meeting of the Pocum- 
tuck Valley Memorial Association, held for the purpose of dedicat- 
ing a Memorial Stone at Greenfield, on the spot where Mrs. Eunice 
Williams, wife of th6 Rev. John Williams, taken prisoner at the 
sacking of Deerfield, was killed by her Indian captors 1 March, 
1704. On that occasion he read a paper advocating the erection of 
Memorial Stones, rather than more elaborate monuments, for mark- 
ing historic sites, and made special reference to such a Stone 
erected a few years before at Stockbridge to the memory of the 
Housatonic Indians. 8 Later, he wrote for the Magazine of Ameri- 
can History 4 an illustrated article on The Site of Old Fort Massa- 
chusetts, and for The Springfield Republican of 30 September, 1894, 
a long paper entitled The Grave at Fort Shirley. 6 The grave was 
that of a daughter of the Rev. John Norton, author of The Re- 

1 Dr. Slade's purchase and return of the Indian Door are mentioned in 
Parkman's Half Century of Conflict, i. 65, note. A representation of the Door, 
as it now appears in the Hall, accompanies a paper on Old Deerfield, by Mary 
E. Allen, in the New England Magazine for September, 1892, New Series, viL 

2 See Publications of this Society, i. 45. 

* See The Greenfield Gazette and Courier of 18 August, 1884. 

* For October, 1888, xx. 281-285. 

* Forts Massachusetts and Shirley, together with Fort Pelham, were the 
three " Province Forts " built in 1744 by order of the General Court for the 
special protection of Slade's beloved Deerfield valley. These forts stood within 
the present towns of Williamstown, Heath, and Rowe, respectively. See Nar- 
rative and Critical History of America, v. 187. 




deemed Captive. 1 Slade seems to have been particularly interested 
in Fort Shirley, Immediately upon the incorporation, in 1891, of 
the Trustees of Public Reservations, 3 he became a member of the 
Board, in the Seventh Annual Report of which, after mention of 
hia decease, occurs the following passage : — 

"Mr. [sic] Daniel D. Slade was present at the last annual meeting 
and spoke interestingly of his investigations of the site of Fort Shir- 
ley" (p. 1G), 

Another group of Dr. Slade's historical publications consists of 
speeches, papers, and magazine articles relating to his ancestor 
Major-Genera! Daniel Denison* On" the sixth of April, 1870, Dr. 
Slade joined the New England Historic Genealogical Society, In 
July, 1869, he had contributed to the Register published by that 
Society an article on General Denison. On the twentieth of Sep- 
tember, 1892, occurred the Two hundredth anniversary of the death 
of General Denison, and the town of Ipswich, which had been his 
home and where he was buried, held memorial exercises iu the 
Town Hall. Dr, Slade was present by invitation and the Biograph- 
ical Sketch of his ancestor which he read appears to have been 
the chief event of the evening.* The sixteenth of August, 1884, 
was the two hundred and fiftieth anniversary of the incorporation 
of the town of Ipswich, and the day was duly celebrated by a pro 1 
cession, an historical address, and a dinner. At the dinner Slade 
was called up to respond to a toast to — 

4 fc The Distinguished Men who have illustrated the Annals of Ipswich*" 

and made a short speech summarizing the life and services of his 
ancestor,* In April, 1892, he printed the Autobiography of Major 

1 The title of this tittle tract of forty pages, first printed in Boston, in 1748, 
is the same as that given by the Rev, John Williams (H, C. 1C8S), to his Nar- 
rative, first published in Boston, in 1707, of the destruction of Deer field, 
26 February, 170£~5, and of his experiences during bis captivity in Canada* 
See Narrative and Critical History of America, v, 185, 187 and notes; and 
Sibley's Harvard Graduates, Hi, 249-262, 

a Acts of 1801, chapter 352. 

• Denison Memorial, Ipswich, Massachusetts, September 20, 1882. Two 
hundredth Anniversary of the Death of Major General Daniel Denison. Bio- 
graphical Sketch by Prof. D. D. Slade. Historical Sketch, by Augustine Cald- 
well. Printed by the Request of the Denison Memorial Committee. Dr, Slade's 
Address fills twenty-five of the fifty-two pages of the pamphlet. 

4 The Celebration of the Two Hundred and Fiftieth Anniversary of the 


General Daniel Denison, which had recently been found among 
the effects of another of his maternal ancestors, the Rev. Daniel 
Rogers of Exeter. 1 Finally, at the April meeting of this Society 
in 1893, he read a paper entitled Daniel Denison. In it were com- 
bined and amended his previous contributions upon the subject. 8 

Still another group of Slade's productions of this character relates 
to the Bromfield branch of his maternal ancestors. His first publi- 
cation on this subject was a paper entitled The Bromfields, commu- 
nicated, in 1872 and 1873, by instalments, to successive numbers of 
the New England Historical and Genealogical Register. 8 In 1890, 
he published the article, already cited, entitled A New England 
Country Gentleman in the Last Century; 4 and, in 1891, he read 
before the Bostonian Society the paper entitled A Boston Mer- 
chant of 1791, before mentioned. 6 

Besides these family histories, he published in the New England 
Historical and Genealogical Register for January, 1892, 8 a Letter 
of the Rev. Jonathan Mayhew to Richard Clarke, 1765, which Dr. 
Slade says, in his prefatory note, had recently been found among 
some of his ancestral papers. The letter relates to a sermon 
preached just before the Stamp Act riots in August, 1765. In 
March, 1894, at a meeting of this Society he made remarks on 
the so-called Louisburg Cross above the entrance to the Library 
of Harvard College, and exhibited engravings and read extracts 
from various publications relating to the subject 7 He also wrote 
an article upon the same subject for The Bostonian, 8 which was 
not published until March, 1896, shortly after his death. 

A valuable contribution to the history of his own times was his 
article entitled The First Capital Operation under the Influence 

Incorporation of the Town of Ipswich, Massachusetts, August 16, 1884. Boston, 
Little, Brown, and Company, 1884. 

1 New England Historical and Genealogical Register, xlvi. 127-182. 

* Publications, i. 116-132. 

* Volumes xxvi. and xxvii. 

« See ante, p. 217 ; and v. 202. 

6 See Reports in newspapers of the time. Dr. Slade joined the Bostonian 
Society in 1894, but had ceased to be a member at the time of his death. See 
ante j pp. 218, 219, and notes ; and v. 210 n. 

6 Volume xlvi. 15-20. 

7 Publications, i. 269, 270. 

* Volume iii., number 6. 




of Ether, already mentioned. 1 In the same category may be placed 
the little pamphlet of twenty-two pages printed for private circu- 
lation,* in 1892, — The First Church at Chestnut Hill* It gives a 
short history of this Church* built at the expense of the late Thomas 
Lee, of Boston, and includes a transcript of the Parish Registers, 
in which are recorded the births of Slade's eleven children. 

Ttiese more formal publications, however, by no means include 
the whole of Dr. Slade's historical work. He was an indefati- 
gable writer of letters and short pieces for the newspapers, those 
on professedly historical topics and on rural affairs being the most 
numerous. For the Newton Journal he wrote a series of articles, 
intended, as he says, u chiefly for our younger friends." Among 
the titles of these are The Old Indian House at Deerfield, The 
Grave in The Pasture, 2 The Regicides* The Sudbury Fight (1676), 
and The Gypsies, For the Boston Transcript he wrote The Somer- 
set Line-of-Battle-Ship, Class Day Twenty-five Years Since (1869), 
besides other pieces. 

In whatever he wrote, whether on historical, biographical or 
miscellaneous topics, whether in his yearly report of The First 
Appearance of the Little Hepatica Flower, his protest against the 
shooting of an Eagle, his description of A Charming Spot, Slade 
seems to have had constantly in view the purpose of developing in 
the public, and especially in the young, a love of nature combined 
with an interest in historical events. It is by no means improb- 
able that these apparently slight efforts had an influence in pro- 
ducing the present widespread attention given to the preservation 
of beautiful and historic places, the creation of Public Parks, and 
the recent great Increase of local historical and patriotic societies* 

Not till he had nearly reached his seventy-third birthday did the 
busy pen drop from his tireless fingers. Then the long delayed 
summons came and the peaceful current of his life ceased to flow. 
It was not the strenuous current of ** rivers that move in majesty," 
but rather that of the * 4 brooks that make the meadows green/* 
He died at his residence at Chestnut Hill, 11 February, 1896. 
His funeral took place at his own house on the thirteenth, and was 
largely attended, although snow was falling heavily at the time. 

1 See ante, p. 233, and note. 

a The Grave was that of Mary Goodnow of Marlborough, killed by Indiana 
in 1717. The same story is told in his Twelve Days in the Saddle, pp. 20-31, 


Dr. Slade was one of the Founders of our Society, his name be- 
ing the seventh in the list of fourteen associates named in the Cer- 
tificate of Incorporation, dated 29 December, 1892. At the first 
election of officers he was chosen one of the Council for the full 
term of three years. He was assiduous in the performance of bis 
duties as a Councillor, and was a frequent attendant at our Meet- 
ings. He was last present at the Stated Meeting of the Society in 
December, 1895. 

The portrait which accompanies this Memoir is a reproduction 
in photogravure, by A. W. Elson, of a photograph taken, 26 July, 
1882, by Dr. Calvin Gates Page (H. C. 1890). It represents Dr. 
Slade, in the sixtieth year of his age, in a familiar attitude, on the 
terrace of his residence at Chestnut HilL 





HpHE Aknual Meeting was held at the University Club, 
■1 No, 270 Beacon Street, Boston, on Tuesday, 21 Novem- 
ber, 1899, at six o'clock in the afternoon, the President, 
Edward Wheelwright, in the Chair, 

The Records of the last Stated Meeting were read and 

The President addressed the Society as follows : — 

Gentlemen of The Colonial Society of Massachusetts: — 

I have the honor of welcoming you to the Seventh Annual 
Meeting of our Society. As compared with some other Historical 
Societies, we are still in our infancy, but I think we may say, with 
just pride, that oura is a healthy and robust infancy and full of 
promise. The Reports of the Council and of the Treasurer, which 
will be read presently, will inform you of the doings of the Society 
during the past year, and of its financial condition, I think you 
will find both Reports eminently satisfactory, Ry the Report of 
the Council it will appear that the attendance at our Monthly 
Meetings has increased, while the papers read and the topics 
discussed at these meetings have been of so interesting a character 
that they might well have attracted still larger audiences. 

The financial situation is greatly improved as compared with a 
year ago. The completion of The Gould Memorial Fund insures 
the continuance of our Publications, — one of the chief desiderata 
which Dr. Gould kept constantly in view; but a permanent place 
of abode, which was also one of the things he wished to insure for 
us, seems still far off. The man with $300,000, who our friend 
President Adams assured us at our Dinner last year would events 


ually come to our aid, has not yet appeared ; in the meantime we 
are learning to rely upon ourselves. 

Only two deaths have occurred in the Society during the past 
year, — those of Dr. Henry Parker Quincy and of Mr. Samuel 
Johnson. Both are spoken of in the Report of the Council, and 
I will only add that as Mr. Johnson died during the summer 
vacation no opportunity has yet been given, as is customary, to 
those desirous to pay an informal tribute to his memory. Such 
an opportunity will be afforded at the December Meeting. 

The Annual Report of the Council was presented and read 
by the Corresponding Secretary. 


Pursuant to the By-Laws and in accordance with its custom, 
the Council submits its Annual Report 

The past year has been one of steady success and prosperity. 
It has shown that there are room and need for such an organiza- 
tion, and that lines of usefulness spread out in many directions. 
The question of direct, practical importance is, Where to most 
advantage may its energy and work be applied ? 

The Annual Dinner was given at the Algonquin Club on the 
evening of 21 November, our stated day, — the anniversary of 
the Signing of the Compact on board the Mayflower, — with a 
large attendance of the members of the Society and several invited 

During the year the Society has suffered a heavy loss in the 
deaths of Henry Parker Quincy and Samuel Johnson. While this 
number is small in itself and less than has too often been the case 
in other years, the character of the men, and their value to the 
whole community and to this Society, have made their deaths 
significantly felt. 

Five resident Members have been added to the Rolls : — 

Charles Knowles Bolton, 
Arthur Theodore Lyman, 
James Lyman Whitney, 
Frederic Haines Curtiss, 
Worthinoton Chauncey Ford. 



As usual, beside the Annual Meeting in November, five Stated 
Meetings have been held, from December to April, inclusive. In 
the papers communicated at these meetings the range of topics 
has been wide. Among the topics treated may be mentioned the 
Quakers; the Connecticut Land Bank ; Suits involving land titles 
under the Pemaquid Patent, with some account of the early 
settlements in Maine ; Places of Worship of the Sandemanians in 
Boston, with original plans of their sites ; the use of the words 
Interval and Intervale elaborately discussed ; the function of the 
Currency Controversies in the development of hostility to the 
Royal Government in the Provincial period ; the early history of 
Yale College as shown in a series of letters by Jeremiah Dummer 
and others; and some account of Governor Yale's administration 
at Madias. Many other papers of interest and value were com- 
municated and numerous original documents were exhibited, includ- 
ing among them unpublished letters of James Lovell and Samuel 
Adams to Colonel Henry Bromfield \ an original Account of dis- 
bursements for the printing of Eliot's Indian Bible ; a schedule of 
Governor Edward Hopkins's Hartford School Stock ; extracts from 
the Records of the Court of General Sessions of the Peace* in 1720, 
relating to the action of the Governor and Council against John 
Col man for issuing pamphlets concerning the currency ; curious 
trials at different times ; suggestive extracts from the Records of 
the Court of Assistants ; various original documents bearing upon 
the history of the Provincial period ; a curious petition of Revolu- 
tionary Soldiers in 1775 touching the quality of the meat supplies, — 
an illustration of the repetitions of history ; Quaker Marriage 
Certificate bearing the signatures of many prominent citizens of 
Philadelphia in 1709 ; and original letters of statesmen and others 
in the last century. There were also exhibited a rare print of 
Washington published in Boston in 1782* and an ivory miniature 
of Professor Joseph McKean, beside various other objects of 

At all the meetings, there was a general discussion of the papers 
and topics presented, and supplementary remarks were made, the 
large and increasing number of the members taking part in these 
discussions making a noticeable feature of the meetings. A grati- 
fy! ng indication of an active interest, not merely on the part of our 
Resident Members but also on that of our Corresponding and 




Honorary Members, appeared in the communication for publica- 
tion from Mr, Edward Field of Providence of a Diary kept in 
Boston by John Green from 1755 to 1764, containing many mat- 
ters of interest, among others, mention of Washington's first vi>it 
to Boston ; and of a Memoir of our late associate and Vice-Presi- 
dent, Leverett Sal tons tall, by the Honorable Joseph Hodges 
Clioate. Other Memoirs, communicated by Resident Members, 
were those of Dr. Daniel Denison Slade by President Wheelwright 
and of George Martin Lane by Professor Goodwin, 

During the year, occurred the three hundredth anniversary of 
the birth of Oliver Cromwell, Following the action of the 
American Antiquarian Society to secure some public observance 
of the day, a committee was appointed on the part of this Society 
consisting of the President and Messrs. Thayer, Lowell, Everett, 
Davis, Kittredge and Porter, to confer with similar committees 
of other societies upon some fitting commemoration of the event, 
A large and successful meeting in the First Church in Boston was 
the result, 

Early in the year, at a full meeting of the Society, a resolution 
of hearty and well-deserved thanks to President Wheelwright was 
unanimously adopted; and now, at its close, the Council feels 
most sensibly the weight of added obligations to htm for time 
and labor expended without stint, for gifts most generous and 
opportune, for constant and sagacious service in the Council, a 
successful administration of the affairs of the Society, and an un- 
tiring devotion to its every interest, as well as for graceful and 
valuable contributions to its literary and historical wort. 

The financial condition of the Society appears in the Report of 
the Treasurer, to be submitted this evening. 

We are again indebted to the American Academy of Arts and 
Sciences for its generous hospitality in affording us the use of its 
Hall for our meetings ; and we desire to place on record an 
expression of our appreciation of its courtesy and of our cordial 

The members of the Society cannot regret more deeply than 
does the Council the unavoidable delay in bringing out our Publi- 
cations- Financial conditions and that prudence in expenditure 
which the Council has ever sought to exercise required the 
suspension of our printing for a year and a halt These conditions, 




however, no longer exist, and our work is progressing as rapidly 
jus inconsistent with accuracy and good workmanship. The Index 
of the forthcoming volume has been prepared with great care. 
Unusual difficulties have been encountered in consequence of the 
great number of foreign proper names which occur in the text. 
To ascertain the full names of these persons* in accordance with 
our custom, has entailed upon the Committee of Publication and 
the Printing Committee great labor, in which most valuable aid 
has been rendered by Mr. Matthews and Mr* Woods- Owing 
to the great pressure of the publishers' holiday work upon the 
resources of the University Press, it has been impossible for it 
to complete our work in time for ns to distribute the volume before 
this meeting as the Council fully expected to be able to do, It is but 
just to these two committees to state* that the delay has not been 
occasioned by any lack of effort or diligence on their part, as is 
evidenced by the fact that the manuscript of that part of the 
volume which is not yet in print left the hands of the Printing 
Committee on the fifteenth of October. The printers give assur- 
ance, however, that the volume will be ready for distribution at 
an early day. 

Various undertakings have been suggested in former Reports for 
this Society to attempt, in the way of collecting, preserving, and 
transmitting the accumulating materials of History, The field is 
wide and the work important. It is enough* here, to refer to them 
and to renew the suggestions. The main obstacle to carrying 
them out is the lack of funds; but this is as yet a young Society 
and time may do something for us in this respect. Meanwhile, 
even without money, much may be done in the way of original 
research and in well-directed work in justifying our existence 
and in establishing the high standard to which we have always 

The Treasurer presented his Annual Report as follows : — 


In obedience to that requirement of the By-Laws which makes 
it the duty of the Treasurer to submit, at the Annual Meeting of 
the Society, a statement of the financial operations for the pre- 
ceding year the following Report is submitted. 




Balance, 17 November, 1898 9438.90 

Admission Fees 950.00 

Annual Assessments 770.00 

Commutation of the Annual Assessment from one Member 100.00 

Interest * 677.63 

Sales of the Society's Publications 5.60 

Gifts to the General Fund from two Members .... 110.00 
Withdrawn from Charlestown Five Cents Savings Bank 1,329.71 3,042.94 



University Press, printing $478.29 

A. W. Elson and Company, photogravures 50.00 

Louis P. Streeter, draughting 10.00 

Clerical Service 75.00 

Miscellaneous incidentals 341.29 

Deposited in Charlestown Five Cents Savings Bank: 

Commutation, Admission Fees, and Interest belonging 

to the Permanent Funds 927.63 

Mortgages on improved Real Estate in Boston, principal and 

interest payable in gold coin 1,300.00 

Interest in adjustment 18.71 


Balance on Deposit in Third National Bank of Boston, 10 

November, 1899 280.92 



Cash $280.92 

Mortgages $13,500.00 

Charlestown Five Cents Savings Bank 446.77 13,946.77 



Income $457.69 

Publication Fund $600.00 

General Fund 3,170.00 

Gould Memorial Fund 10,000.00 13,770.00 


Henry H. Edes, 

Boston, 10 November, 1899. 




Mr, G. Arthur Hilton read the following — 


The undersigned, a Committee appointed to examine the 
accounts of the Treasurer of The Colonial Society of Massachu- 
setts for the year ending 10 November, 1899, have attended to 
that duty, and report that they find them correctly kept and prop- 
erly vouched ; and that proper evidence of the Investments and of 
the balance of Cash on hand has been shown to us. 

George Nixon Black, 
G, Arthur Hilton, 

Boston 20 November, 1899, 

The several Reports were accepted, and referred to the 
Committee of Publication. 

Mr, Charles Sedgwick Rackemann, on behalf of the 
Nominating Committee, presented the following List of can- 
didates for Officers for the ensuing year ; — 















A ballot was then taken, and these gentlemen were unani- 
mously elected, 




The Corresponding Secretary reported that letters had 
been received from Dr. Wolcott Gibbs, the Rev, Dr, Wil- 
liam R, Huntington and Mr, George Parker Winship 
accepting Corresponding Membership, 

On motion of Mr. Andrew McFarland Davis, it was 
unanimously — 

Voted, That in view of the approaching Annual Meeting of the Amer- 
ican Historical Association, to be held in Boston in December next> a 
Committee of three, of which the President shall be Chairman, be 
appointed to represent this Society, 

On motion of Mr. Robert Noson Toppan, it was then 

unanimously — 

Resolved* That the members of The Colonial Society of Massachu- 
setts, assembled at their Annual Meeting, desire to put on record their 
high appreciation of the services of Mr. Henry Herbert Edes as 
Treasurer, as one of the Council, and as Chairman of the Committee on 
Printing, from the very beginning of the Society of which he was one of 
the Founders; and to express to him their most hearty thanks for the 
untiring zeal and eminent ability which he has shown in promoting, in 
every way, the interests of the Society, 

James Ford Rhodes, LL.D., of Boston, was elected a 

Resident Member, and the Hon. James Phinney Baxter, 
of Portland, Maine, a Corresponding Member, 

After the dissolution of the Annual Meeting, dinner was 
served. The guests of the Society were the Hon* Wikslow 
Warren, President of the Massachusetts Society of the 
Cincinnati > the Hon, Stephen Salisbury, President of the 
American Antiquarian Society, Dr, James Ford Rhodes, 
President of the American Historical Association, and the 
Rev, Edward Henry Hall. President Wheelwright pre- 
sided and the Rev, Dr. Arthur Lawrence invoked the 
Divine Blessing. 




After dinner, speeches were made by the President, both 
the Vice-Presidents, all the guests, and the Hon. Edward 
J, Phelps, one of the Honorary Members. Mr. Samuel 
Swett Green also made some remarks suggested by Pro- 
fessor Thayer* s speech. 

During the evening Mr. Henry H, Edes said : — 

Me. President, — I venture to interrupt for a moment the 
course of our proceedings as laid down on your programme be- 
cause I want to propose a toast which I am sure will bring every 
gentleman present to his feet. 

There can be no doubt that the members of the Society, with- 
out exception, have learned with deep regret that Mr* Woods f s 
engagements have prompted him to ask to be relieved from 
further service in the office of Registrar- One of the Foun- 
ders of the Society, — indeed, one of its principal Founders, — Mr. 
Woods has sat at our Council Board from the beginning, dis- 
charging faithfully and well the duties of the important office of 
which, until to-night, he has been the only incumbent, and giving 
to his colleagues the benefit of his recondite knowledge of 
all matters pertaining to the lineage of our early New England 

Always ready to lend a helping hand in solving difficult ques- 
tions that presented themselves to the Committee of Publication or 
to the Printing Committee, Mr. Woods has rendered a far greater 
service to the Society during the past seven years than the mem- 
bers realize, and he richly deserves their high commendation and 
applause- His loss from the Board of Government will be most 
keenly felt by his former colleagues, whose confidence and respect 
he has always held, and whose affectionate regard will follow him 
in his retirement from official place* 

Mr. President, I give you the health of Henry Ernest Woods. 

The toast was received with applause and was drunk 




A Stated Meeting of the Society was held in the Build- 
*"** ing of the American Unitarian Association, 1 No. 25 
Beacon Street, Boston, on Wednesday, 20 December, 1899, 
at three o'clock in the afternoon, President Wheelwright 
in the Chair. 

The Minutes of the Annual Meeting were read and ap- 

The Corresponding Secretary reported that letters had 
been received from Dr. James Ford Rhodes accepting 
Resident Membership, and from the Hon. James Phinney 
Baxter accepting Corresponding Membership. 

The President referred to the death of Samuel John- 
son, a Resident Member, and spoke of his deep interest in 
the Society which was evinced by his constant attendance 
at its Meetings, and by his zealous and devoted service as 
a member of the committee which raised the Gould Memo- 
rial Fund, to which he made a generous subscription. Mr. 
Wheelwright also referred to Mr. Johnson's genial presence 
and cordial, unostentatious manner, and recalled the fact that 
Mr. Johnson was of the committee which escorted him to 
the Chair on the occasion of his inauguration as President 
of the Society. 

Mr. William Endicott spoke at some length in memory 
of his friend of half a century, and paid a warm tribute to 

1 The American Academy of Arts and Sciences having removed from the 
Boston Athenaeum Building to that of the Massachusetts Historical Society, 
and its former Hall being required for the purposes of the Athenaeum, this 
Society accepted the hospitality of the American Unitarian Association, prof- 
fered by its Treasurer and our associate, Mr. Francis H. Lincoln, in the Build- 
ing of which the Meetings of the Society will in future be held. 




Mr, Johnson's character. He spoke of his high standing 
in the community, especially in the mercantile world, where, 
for more than a generation, he had occupied a commanding 
position, administering with ability great trust estates and 
rendering much and various unpaid public service, besides 
conducting in part the affairs of the great commercial house 
with which both were connected for more than fifty years. 
Mr, Endicott also referred to Mr. Johnson's keen and active 
interest in the affairs of the Old South Church in Boston, 
and to his connection with many charitable organizations to 
which he gave generously of his time and wise counsel as 
well as of his ample means. 

Mr. George Fox Tucker read copious extracts from a 
Diary kept in New Bedford, Massachusetts, in 1823 and 
1 824, by Joseph Russell Anthony, of the Society of Friends, 
who built the Joseph Delano house, and who died in 1840. 1 
The Diary gives a curious and interesting glimpse of life in 
New Bedford at that time, and frequently refers to the 
troubles which arose over the "New Lights" in the Friends* 
Meeting. The views of the u New Lights ,J were similar to 
those of the Hicksites, and from their ranks the Unitarian 
Church in New Bedford received many accessions, among 
whom were members of some of the most prominent families 
in that town, including the Grinnells and James Arnold, 
whose name will always be associated with his noble gift 
of the Arboretum to Harvard College. 

Mr* Albert Matthews read the following paper on — 


It is well known that in 1747 the French and Indians attacked 
Township Number Four, now Charlestown, New Hampshire, 
at which time the fort at that place was defended by Captain 

1 Mr, Anthony was a native of New Bedford* where be was bora, 14 Octo- 
ber, 1707 1 where he always resided, and where be died, 7 July, 1840 (Letter of 
his son, Rowland C* Anthony, of New York City)* 




Phinehas Stevens* 1 Who commanded the forces repulsed by Cap- 
tain Stevens, is a question which has never received an adequate 
answer. In a letter written 7 April, 1747, Captain Stevens him- 
self said : — 

I Capt. Phinehas Stevens, the son of Joseph and Prndence (Rice) Steve ns, was 
born at Sudbury, Massachusetts, 20 February, 17GU-7 (Sudbury Town Record*), 
and was baptized 27 April following (Sudbury Church Records) , He married 
at Rutland, Massachusetts, 18 January, 1733-34, bis cousin, Elizabeth Stevens, 
youngest daughter of Simon and Mary (Wilder) Stevens (Rutland Town 
Records). His christian name is often apelled Phineas, and hi two documents 
he so spelled it himself (Massachusetts Archives, Ixxiv, 51, xciii. 102); but in 
other documents he signed himself Phinehas Stevens (Ibid. Ixxiii. 57, 210, 644 t 
6tt0, atdi. 30, S5, 105, 201, xctiL 48 t 74 t 84), and his name is so spelled in the 
Records of his birth and baptism. For notices of Stevens, see Appletons* Cyclo- 
pedia of American Biography, v. 675, 676; New York Colonial Documents, x- 
97 note : J* Farmer and J. B, Moore, Collections, i, 181; A. S. Hudson, Annala 
of Sudbury, Wayl&nd, and Maynard, p. 22; II* H. Saunderson, History of 
Charlestown, N, H, s pp. 556-568; C. Stark, Memoir and Official Correspondence 
of Gen. John Stark, pp. 372-3 S5 ; Collections of the New Hampshire Historical 
Society, v. 199-205 j New Hampshire Provincial Papers, ft 22, 312 ; and Year 
Book, Massachusetts Society of Colonial Wars, 1901, p, 84, 

In a paper read before this Society in March, 1896 (ante, iii. 220), Mr. Noble 
remarked that Stevens tt is said " to have been presented with a sword by Sir 
Charles Knowles. The matter seems to be placed beyond a doubt by these 
extracts : — 

II Friday last bis Excellency Govemonr Kxowles arrived here in the Comet Bomb 
from LoaUhurg'* (Boston Gazette of Tuesday, 14 April, 1747, No. 1509, p. 3/1 ). 

"Wd hear that the Honourable ComnjiKlore Knowlrs is so well pleased with the 
gallant Behaviour of Capt. Stevens, that he has given Orders to purchase the best 
■ilver-htlted Sword that can be made in Town, to be presented to that Gentleman, as 
an Acknowledgement for his Bravery and good ..Conduct** (Boston Evening-Post of 
Monday, 27 April, 1747, No. 611 , p. 4/2). 

M Lost Week a very beautiful Silverhilted Sword was purchased by Order, and at the 
E* pence, of the Honourable Cora mod ore Kxowtes. to be presented to Capt, Phinehas 
Stevens, for his Bravery in the Defence of the Fort at N. 4. as was mentioned in onr 
last " (Boston Post- Boy of Monday, 4 May, 1747, No. 650, p. 2/1), 

Stark and Saunderson both give the sixth of April, 1756, as the date of the 
death of Captain Stevens; but that this date is erroneous, is shown by the fol- 
lowing extracts : — 

" We have an Account of the Death of Capt. Phinehas Stevens, who, in the Year 
1747 bravely defended the Fort at N" 4 on the Frontiers of this Province, and whom 
Admiral Knowles presented with a handsome Sword for bis gallant Behaviour " ( Boston 
News-Letter of Thursday, 26 February, 1756, No, 2709, p, 2/1). The same notice ap- 
peared in the Boeton Gaaette of Monday, I March, 1756, No. 48. 

11 We have also the melancholy News of the Death of the brave CapL Phinrhaa 
Stev*nM 1 Lient, Alexander, and Enelj^u Judd, all of the N*vhEn$fand Troops in Nvva 
Scvtia * (Boston Eveuing-Post of Monday, 1 March, 1756, No, 1070 t p. 2/2, 3), 


"The Enemy , * - call'd to us, and desired a Cessation of Arms 
until Sun rise the next Morning, (which was granted) at which Time 
they said they would come to a Parley* Accordingly the French Gen* 
eral Bebdina l came with about 50 or 60 of his Men wilh a Flag of Truce, 
and stuck it down within about 20 Rods of the Fort, in plain Sight of 
the same, and said, if we would send 3 Men to him, he would send as 
many to us ; to which we complied/* a 

The true date is doubtless the sixth of February, as appears from the 
gravestone of Capt. Stevens's wife in the cemetery at Chariestown, New 
Hampshire, which bears this inscription : — 

Capt Fhinehas Stevens 
died at Chignecto, N. S, Feby 6, 1756, who had been for 
many years in the Wars, and wan Commandant of the Garrison 
in this town, and at different periods had many combats with 
the French and Indians, 

Elizabeth, his wife, died Feby 15, 1778, 

1 The name is spelled B Debelina " in all the versions of this letter of 7 April, 
1747, printed in the contemporary Boston newspapers, as specified in the note 
which follows, So far as I am aware, attention has not before been called to 
this fact. Belknap, writing in 1701, refers to the letter printed in the Boston 
Evening- Post of 27 April, 1747, but spells the name ** M. Debelinfe" (History 
of New- Hampshire, ii. 248); by President D wight, the Frenchman is spoken 
of as "Monsieur Debeliul" (Travels; in New-England and New-York, ii. 102, 
103) ; but, as stated by Park man, the usual form of the name is " DebeUoe," 

When Sir. Noble's paper, mentioned in the preceding note, was read, the 
real name of the French commander bad not been discovered, Mr. Suite's 
letter containing this information was received as the third volume of the 
Society's Publications, in which Mr. Noble *s paper appeared, was going to presa, 
and enabled the Committee of Publication to insert the full name of de Niver- 
vilte in the plates and also in the index. 

* Boston Evening-Post of Monday, 27 April, 1747, No. 611, p, 4, where the 
letter is headed : " The fallowing is a L titer from Copt. Phinehas Stevens, Com- 
mander of the Fort at No. 4. about 40 Mile* above North field, dated April 7 th 
I747. 1 ' The letter is also printed in the Boston Post- Boy of Monday, 27 April, 
1747, No. 649, p. 2; in the Boston Gazette of Tuesday, 28 April, 1747, No. 1311, 
p. 2; and in the Boston Newa-Letter of Thursday, 30 April, 1747, No, 23fi0, 
p. 2. To whom the letter was addressed is not stated in the contemporary 
newspapers. Saunderson and Stark, who print the letter say that it was ad- 
dressed to Gov, Shirley (History of Charlestown, p. 35 ; Memoir and Official 
Correspondence of Gen. John Stark, p. 390) ; while a very similar letter, printed 
in the Collections of the New Hampshire Historical Society, iv. 10&-113, is said 
to have been addressed to Co). W. Williams. The original letter would of 
course settle the point, but T do not know where the original is, a search in the 
Massachusetts Archives having failed to disclose it there* For the reference to 


Most American writers and historians have merely repeated ths^ 
statement made by Stevens, and for one hundred and for*y.fiv<== 

years the name of the French leader masqueraded under the dis 

guise of General or Monsieur Debeline. In 1892, Francis Park- 
man gave for the first time — for the first time, that is, in a work 
written in English — the true surname of the French leader. He 
wrote: — 

" The surrounding forest concealed what the New England chroniclers 
call an ' army,' commanded by General Debeline. It scarcely need be 
said that Canada had no General Debeline, and that no such name is to 
be found in Canadian annals. The ' army ' was a large war-party of 
both French and Indians, and a French record shows that its com- 
mander was Boucher de Niverviile, ensign in the colony troops.' 9 1 

It will be observed, however, that Parkman merely speaks of 
him as Boucher de Niverviile, not specifying which Boucher. As 
there were at that time innumerable members of the Boucher 
family, probably Parkman did not care to take the trouble of dis- 
entangling individuals. In the New York Colonial Documents, 
Boucher is called u Chevalier de Niverviile," " Ensign de Niver- 
viile," " M r de Niverviile," " Sieur de Niverviile ; " a but nowhere 
is there material for identification. O'Callaghan, however, for 
reasons which do not appear, entered the name in the index as 
Jean Baptiste Boucher de Niverviile; and thus has the name 
appeared, since 1892, in all works in which the French Com- 
mander is mentioned. An appeal for information made to Sir 
John G. Bourinot was by him transferred to Mr. Benjamin Suite, 
of Ottawa, the highest authority in Canada upon such matters. 
On Saturday last there came from Mr. Suite 8 a letter which 

the News-Letter, no copy of which is to be found in the Boston or Cambridge 
libraries, I am indebted to Mr. Edmund M. Barton, Librarian of the American 
Antiquarian Society. 

1 A Half-Century of Conflict, ii. 238, 239. The record referred to by Park- 
man is printed in French in Collection de Manuscrits contenant Lettres, Mi- 
moires, et autres Documents historiques relatifs a la Nouvelle-Franoe, iii. 272- 
313, 326-369 ; and in English in New York Colonial Document*, z. 89-132. 

3 New York Colonial Documents, x. 82, 42, 96, 97. 

• The correspondence with Sir John 6. Bourinot and Mr. Suite was con- 
ducted by Mr. Edes ; but, owing to stress of work, Mr. Edes was unable to 
prepare a communication at this time and asked me to do so. In a subse- 



contained considerable matter already known, but in which was 
also found some valuable historical and genealogical material 
entirely new. The brief sketch which follows is largely drawn 
from this material. 

Pierre Boucher de Grosbois t Governor of Three Rivers at vari- 
ous times from 1652 to 1GG7, was bom in 1622, was twice married, 
after 1667 went to reside at Boucher ville, and died 21 April, 1717. 1 
By his second wife, Jeanne Crevier, he had several children, of 
whom it is necessary to mention only two. The eldest, Pierre 
Boucher de la Brotjuerie, was born in 1653, married Charlotte 
Denys de la Trinity 25 October, 1G83, and died 17 August, 1740. 
The latter s son Joseph Boucher, the date of whose birth is un- 
known, was twice married, served in the wars between 1744 and 
1760, in 1756 built ships on Lake Ontario, in 1757 made a map of 
that lake, and died 28 February, 176i 3 

Returning, now, to Pierre Boucher de Grosbois, Governor of 
Three Rivers, it has been said that he had two sons, the elder 
being Pierre Boucher de la Broqnerie. A younger son was Jean 
Baptiste Boucher de Niverville* Born 10 December, 1673, he 
married 10 February, 1710, Marguerite The*rcse Hertel, daughter 
of Francois Hertel de la FreniSre, Seigneur de Chambly, Through 
his wife, Boucher inherited the seigneurie of Chambly, and in 1726 
he was designated as Seigneur de Chambly. 3 In 1727 he took 
part in the campaign against the Fox Indians of Wisconsin ; * and 
in 1732 and in 1740 he is referred to as Ensign. 6 It is not known 
exactly when he died, though he appears to have been alive in 

quent letter, Mr. Suite gave some additional details which have been incorpo- 
rate! 1 in the text. 

1 Pierre Boucher bought of Jacques Leneuf de la Foterie in 16G0 a fief to 
which he gave the name of Niverville after a domain in Normandy near the 
place where Boucher was born. Fief Niverville, which had been purchased in 
1648 by Leneuf from Fran 901s de Champ flour and had been obtained by the 
latter from the Hundred Partners about 1612, is now a part of Three Rivera. 
Boucher published in 1604 a hook on New France, for a reprint of which see a 
paper by Mr. Suite, entitled Pierre Boucher et son Livre, in the Proceedings 
and Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada, Second Series, ii. 09-168. 

8 See ante, iii, 378. 

* Edits et Ordonnances t ii. 518, 519, 529, 551. 

* Daniel t Grandes Families, p. 421, 

* Daniel, Ape re, u, pp. 51, 59; Edits et Ordonnauces, ii. 55 L 




1748, He it was who, according to Q'Callaghan, attacked Num- 
ber Four; but the fact that in 1747 he was in his seventy- fourth 
year is enough to prove that he could not have been the leader of 
the French on that occasion. 

Joseph Boucher de Niverville, the son of Jean Baptiste Boucher 
de Niverville, was born 22 September, 1715* On the first of 
April, 1742, at Versailles, the King prescribed that the Chevalier 
de Niverville be given the first commission as Ensign that might 
become vacant; and on the first of May, 1748, the King appointed 
him "Enseigne en second," In March, 1746, he started from 
Montreal and went towards Boston, returning to Canada in May 
with two prisoners. 1 On April fourth, 1747, occurred the attack, 
which lasted three days, on Number Four. 3 On 15 February, 
1748, he was appointed by the King M Enseigne en pied." In 1748 
he was again on the war-path, near Lake Cham plain in April, and 
at Fort Massachusetts in August;® and on 17 March, 1756, he was 
appointed Lieutenant by the King. In the spring of 1757 he ap- 
proached Fort Cumberland on the Ohio, proceeded towards Vir- 
ginia, and took some prisoners* 4 in August lie was present at the 
taking of Fort William Henry by Montcalm; 5 and on 5 October, 
at Three Rivers, he was married to Josette Chatelin, 6 daughter 
of Francois Chatelin, retired Captain, by his second wife Mar- 
guerite Cardin. In 1759, he commanded Canadians and Indians 
at Sillery, near Quebec. 7 In 1762 or 1763 he was made Chevalier 
de Saint Louis, and his cross of Saint Louis, which he left to 
the church of Three Rivers, may still be seen there suspended 
to the ostensoir. In October, 1775, he assisted Jean Baptiste 
Bouchette in the difficult task of safely conveying Governor- 
General Carleton from Montreal, then occupied by the Americans, 
to Quebec. Until about 1796, he remained superintendent of 
the Indian settlements at Becancour and St, Francois-du-Lac 
(Lake St. Peter), and died at Three Rivers, where he was buried 
31 August, 1804 

Three years ago Mr. Suite had the kindness to inform us that 

* New York Colonial Documents, x, 32, 42 t 

* Ibid. x. 97. * Ibid. x. 580. 

• Ibid. x. 158, 177. * Ibid, x, 607. 

• Tanguay gives her name as Marie. Joseph CuAtelin. 
I New York Colonial Documents, x. &94, ilfyl01&. 


^ e man who commanded the French and Indians in their attack 

°u ^^ e ^ * n ^ Qe summer of 1692, and whose identity had been 

^cui-ed by American historians under various misspellings of hia 

u ln,r appellation, was Pierre Boucher de la Broquerie. 1 It now 

"Pilars from Mr. Suite's present letter, that the leader of the 

c ^Mik on Number Four was not only of the same family as the 

'**Xinander at Wells, but was the nephew of the latter. Thus, 

^ *" a second time, we are indebted for valuable information to Mr< 

^^ *The paper was discussed by President Wheelwright, Mr. 

^^*sry Williams, and Mr, Henry H. Edes. 

Mr. Charles K, Bolton read extracts from an account 
V)ok of John Goddard (1730-1816) of Brookline, Massa- 
chusetts, a member of the First Provincial Congress and 
later a Representative from Brookline in the House of 
Representatives, who was appointed by the Committee of 
Safety, at the outbreak of the Revolution, Wagon-Master 
of the American forces. These extracts related to the mili- 
tary stores which the Americans were accumulating at 
Concord, in 1775. The original manuscript is in the Brook- 
line Public Library. 

During the discussion which ensued, President Wheel- 
wright described the way in which General Rufus Putnam 
built the fortifications at Dorchester Heights, in 1776. He 
was followed, in a similar strain, by Mr. S. Lothrop Thorn- 
bike, Mr. Henry Williams, and Mr. Andrew McFarland 
Dayis who said that, upon recent occasions, Senator Hoar 
had lauded Putnam at the expense of Dr, Manasseh Cutler, 
to whom belonged the first place in the history of the great 
enterprise of settling the Northwest. 

Mr. John Noble exhibited a Harvard Commencement 
programme of 1730, recently found in the Suffolk Court 

1 See ante, iii. 378. 

s In preparing this paper, use has been made of the Dictionnaire G^nda- 
logique dea Families Canadiennes, par TAbW Cvprien Tanguaj. 


Files, and drew a comparison between the curriculum »^ 
Cambridge then and now. 


The old paper of one hundred and seventy years ago which I 
have brought here for your inspection, came freshly to light the 
other day after a somewhat curious history. It had been humbly 
playing the part of " imperious CaBsar," and had been used — pasted 
upon the back — to mend and keep together the torn fragments of 
a tax-levy made in 1733 in a little township of Massachusetts. This 
tax-levy was made by the Assessors for the Proprietors of Town- 
send upon some ninety townsmen to raise the sum of £150, "to 
pay the Dets of the said Proprietors ; " and was committed to the 
Collector, Jonathan Page, "to levy and collect and pay over to 
the Clerk of said Proprietors, Jasher Wyman." 

The paper was used in evidence in the case of " Daniel Amery 
of Townshend in the County of Middlesex, husbandman, Appel- 
lant vs. William Lakin of Petersborough in the County of Mid- 
dlesex, in the Province of New Hampshire, yeoman," and sundry 
others. * 

The document is among the Files of the Court belonging to the 
case, a which involves much of the history of the town of Town- 
send, originally the southern part of the Turkey Hills, Lunenburg 
being created out of the northern part, — the former in Middlesex 
County, in 1732, the latter in Worcester County, in 1728. 8 There 
are over fifty papers in the case, among them, beside the plead- 
ings, etc., copies of various legislative acts, reports of commis- 
sioners from 1719 down to the time of the trial, copies of papers 
from the Proprietors' Records, a list of the original proprietors, 
with their respective lots and the owners of those lots in 1771, 
together with many deeds and depositions of the early settlers, 
— a considerable collection of material for local history. 

It is unlikely that the Programme had any connection whatever 
with the case. It was merely its fate, after fulfilling its original 

1 Records of the Superiour Court of Judicature, 1772, xxxi. 180. 
* Suffolk Court Files, vol. mxvii., group number 148,037 (Middlesex). 
1 Part of Townsend was included in the new town of Ashby, 6 March, 1767; 
and part of Lunenburg was established as Fitchburg, 3 February, 1764. 



purpose in the world of scholars, to be turned to a new use in the 
contests of the courts, humble but serviceable, but why, where, 
and by whom, nothing remains to show. The venerable paper is 
the Programme for the Commencement at Harvard College in the 
year 1730* It has lost its date, — trimmed off by some irrever- 
ent hand to fit it to the exigencies of its new and later use ; and 
the lower margin is missing. The names of the Commencers 
whom it launched into the world of letters, fix the date, however, 
beyond question. The list is headed by Peter Oliver, famous 
in the days of the Province, who was appointed on the Bench 
of the Superiour Court of Judicature, 14 September, 1756, after 
an extended judicial experience, and also after service in the 
Council ; and was made Chief-Justice on the resignation of Ben- 
jamin Lynde in 1772, — the last Chief-Justice under the Crown, 
holding, in Suffolk, in February, 1775, the only term held in the 
Province that year, the brief records of which are on two pages, 1 
Among the other names on the Programme are those of Walter 
Hastings, whose descendant, bearing the same name, has left a 
lasting memorial of himself in Walter Hastings Hall, one of the 
present dormitories of the College; of James Diman, Librarian 
1735-1737 ; of Joseph Mayhew, Tutor and Fellow 1739-1755; of 
Eliakim Hutchinson, and of others known in New England his- 
tory. Thirty-four names appear on the list here, while the Quin- 
quennial Catalogue adds two more, Thomas West and Nathaniel 
Whitaker, making the number of the Class of 1730 thirty-six, 

William Tailer was then the Chief Magistrate of the Province. 
The Dedication characterizes him in appropriate complimentary 
terms, and sets forth in sonorous Latin his honorable lineage, — a 
somewhat peculiar feature, due f perhaps, to a pride in him as a 
native New Englander, He had been appointed Lieutenant- 
Governor that year, succeeding William Dummer, and he served 
till his death, at Dorchester, 1 March, 1731-32. 3 He became 

1 See Mr. Noble's sketch of Oliver, ante t v* 71-74. 

* Boston Record Commissi one re 1 Reports, xxi. 15& LieuteDant^Governor 
William Tailer was the son of William Taller, "a great Boston Merchant," 
and his wife Rebecca, the sister of William Stoughton (Memorial History oE 
Boston, u\ 538), He married (1)2 March, 1698-99, Sarah By field, youngest 
surviving daughter of the Honorable Nathaniel By field (Boston Record Com- 
missioners 1 Reports, &. 251 ; SewaU's Diary, I 493; Suffolk Deeds, xxi, 14Sj 




Acting-Governor on the eleventh of June, 1730, awaiting the arri- 
val of Jonathan Belcher, who had been appointed Governor on the 
twenty-eighth of January, 1729-30* but who did not reach Boston 

to assume the duties of the office till the tenth of August. 1 Thus 

and c/, Suffolk Probate Files, No. 6449; and New England Historical and 
Genealogical Register for 18G4, xviii. 288, 289), and (2) 20 March, 1711-12, 
Abigail, daughter of Benjamin Gillam, the widow of Thomas Dudley, sou of 
Paul Dudley and grandson of Governor Thomas Dudley (Boston Record Com- 
missioners* lie ports, ix. 162, xxviiL 9, 37 ; New England Historical and Genea- 
logical Register for 1850, ac. 130, 131, and for 1865, xix, 254). As early as 1066, 
his father lived in the house at the southerly corner of Elm and Hanover Streets 
(Suffolk Deeds* xxi. 144), where he died, by his own hand* 12 July, 1682 
(Xew England Historical and Genealogical Register for 1853, vu\ 56), and 
where his widow entertained Androa, when he came to Boston, in 1686, where 
also, for a time at least, Andros took up his abode (SewalTs Diary, L 102 n., 
202 n>). It was afterward sold to Edward Lydt» T in 1701-2 (Suffolk Deeds, xxi. 
148), He had had some share in ecclesiastical affairs, and served with Joseph 
Dudley as vestryman, and with Savill Simpson and Thomas Newton as 
Warden of the infant Episcopal Church, — King's Chapel (Quincy'a History 
of Harvard University, 18G0, i 359; Foote's Annals of King's Chapel, t \te 
and note, 305, ii. 603, 605). He also had something to do with the affairs of 
the College, for when the Reverend Timothy Cutler claimed the right to sit 
as an Overseer, and the Board, by its vote, denied it, — as an undue stretching 
of the term l * teaching Elders," "the Honorable William Tailer entered hia 
dissent,** 15th June, 1727. The General Court, memorialized, sustained that 
decision in the following December, and subsequently, by a like decision, 
closed the question, in June, 1730 (Quinsy's History of Harvard University, 
L 363-376) t As his title of Colonel indicates, he was not without military 
experience. In the fleet which sailed from Boston for the reduction of Port 
Royal, that ** nest of hornets " which was taken in October, 1710, he com- 
manded one of fcilfl two Massachusetts regiments which made a part of the 
iorce (Memorial History of Boston, ii. 104, 105), 

1 In his Massachusetts Civil List, Whitmore says that Belcher "arrived at 
Boston August 10, 1730" (p< 43). This conveys a slightly incorrect impres- 
sion. From a long account, tilling more than a column, of the exercises which 
took place on that occasion, the following extract is taken t — 

" On Saturday last [8 August], about the middle of the Afternoon we were notified 
by a Signal from Castle William, of the near Approach of His Kxce Italic r Goveruonr 
BELCHER, iu His Majesties Ship of War, appointed for his Transportation ; whirh 
con Id reach no further that Night, than the Month or Kn trance of the Narrwn* Here 
His ICxcellency was waited upon, as soon as possible, by nu honourable Committee from 
the General Assembly, with a Number of other Gentlemen, who were all received and 
entertained with that Nobleness and Affability which is natural to our Govern on r The 
usual Services of the Sahhath were attended by His Excellency at the Castle, with 
decent & religious Solemnity" (New-England Weekly Journal of Tuesday, 11 August, 
]730,No,177, p. 1/2). 




good fortune, which seemed so often to befriend him, placed his 
name at the head of a Commencement programme. It was not 
his first occupancy of the Executive Cham Appointed Lieutenant- 
Governor in 1711, and serving in that capacity till the fifth of 
October, 1116, when he gave place to William Dumraer, he became 
Acting-Governor on the ninth of November, 1715, and held that 
office till the arrival of Colonel Shute on the fifth of October, 
1716. Colonel Elizeus Burgess, "an English gentleman," had 
been designated by the King as Governor on the seventeenth 
of March, 1714-15, and was proclaimed Governor on the ninth of 
November, 1715, but never came over to assume the duties of the 
office, and resigned in 1716, to be succeeded by Governor 
Shate, 1 

On landing, 10 August, Belcher went to the Council Chamber, where his 
Commission was opened, exhibited, and published, after which an entertain- 
ment was given at the Bunch of Grapes. 

The following extracts fix the dates of the arrival of Lieutenant-Governor 
Taller^ Commission and of his meeting the General Court : — 


Thursday last being the Anniversary of His Majesty's happy Accession to the 
Throne ; the same was observed here with the usual publiek Demon at rations of Joy. . , , 

Tbe Honourable WILLIAM TAILER Esq; having received from His Majesty 
King GEORGE 11, a Coram tsssion appointing Him to be His Majesty's Lieuteuant- 
Govenaour of the Province of the Massachusetts- Bay &c. in the room of the Honour- 
able WILLIAM DUMMEB Esq; our late Lieut. Goveruour & Commander in Chief; 
on the same Day iu the Afternoon the Gentlemen that were and had been His Majesty's 
Conn oil, the Justices &c waited on His Honour at the House of Col. B afield, and con- 
ducted him to the Council Chamber,, where the said Royal Commission was open'd and 
read, when His Honour took upon him the Affairs of the Government, and had the 
proper Oaths administered to him (New-England Weekly Journal of Monday, 15 Jane, 
1730, Sa. 169, p. 2/1). 


The SPEECH of the Honourable WILLIAM TAJLER Esq; Lieutenant GOV- 
KRNOUR and Commander in Chtef in and over His Majesties Province of the 
*\fa*swhutetts-Bay in New-England: To the General Assembly of the said Province, 
Met at Cambridge, June 30th- 1730. * 


HA VI NG since your last Meeting had the honour to receive Hi* Majesty* a Commis- 
sion for Lieutenant Governonr of this Province, which was forwarded to Me by Hit 
STceJlency Jonathan Belcher Esq ; lately Appointed our Captain General and Com- 
majtder in Chief; I am now to acquaint you. That I have caused the said Commission to 
br Published in the usual f Vjh, and in Pursuance thereof have token upon Me the Admin* 
istration of the Government, which occasions My Meeting you at this time , » . [Ibid. 
of Monday, 13 July, 173Q, No. 173, p< 2/1 ) + 

1 Two events in this earlier period connect Tailer in a peculiarly interesting 
way with the history of Boston, however slight his share in them, one running 


On that Commencement Day the Reverend Benjamin Wads- 
worth was the President of the College. lie was approaching the 
middle of his term of service* He had succeeded John Leverett, 
who had so ably filled the office, and who died suddenly on the 
third of May t 1724* At that time religious dissensions were rife; 
other divisions of opinion and policy were frequent and sharp ; 
personal jealousies were hy no means unknown, and smouldered 
even where they did not blaze* The College had been hampered 
in many ways, and its Presidents had struggled along on the most 
meagre allowance of salary. 1 

To find a fitting successor to President Leveret! was a matter of 
the utmost importance to the College, and of no little difficulty in 
itself. The Reverend Joseph Sewall of the Old South Church ia 
Boston was chosen by the Corporation on the eleventh of August, 

into an indefinite future, the other having to do with its Provincial splendors 
and the legends and traditions of its past* The story of Boston Light is told in 
a Note on pp* 278-2S1,/hmJ. The other incident in Taker's official life con- 
cerns the old Province House* established then as the residence of the Royal 
Governors and probably having as its first official occupant Governor Samuel 
Shute : — 

" The Committee [of the Province Legislator*] appointed to consider of a suitable 
place for the reception & entertainment of Col. Iiurgts upon hia arrival to this Govern* 
meat, Reported that inasmuch *ie there is no gui table house to he lee, and the Mansion 
House, laud & garden &c of Peter Bargeaut, Esq** deceased is now upon Sale : The Com* 
mittee are of opinion that it would be for the interest and benefit of this Province to 
purchase the same for their use and improvement H (ShurtlefTs Topographical and His- 
torical Description of Boston, p. Vj6). 

After this Report, made on the third of June, 1715, an Order was passed by 
the House — 

" That Mr* Speaker, the Representatives of the Town of Boston, and CoL Thaxter, be 
a committee to provide a suitable Place for His Excellency » present rciiption, and 
entertainment when He shall arrive, and to invite him thereto; and compliment His 
Excellency in the name of this House upon his safe arrival " (Ibid. pp. 596, &97). 

This action was approved, £2300 appropriated on the seventeenth of Decem- 
ber, the purchase made* and the deeds were passed, on the eleventh and twelfth 
of April, 17 1G, to Jeremiah Allen, Treasurer of the Province, Jeremiah 
Dummer, Treasurer of the County of Suffolk, and Joseph Prout* Treasurer of 
the Town of Boston (Suffolk Deeds, xxxii. 133, two instruments)* The sub- 
sequent history of the historic Mansion is also given by Shurtleff. See also 
Hawthorne's Legends of the Province House, in Twice Told Talea* 

1 Quincy gives a most interesting and vivid account of the religious and 
political situation at this time, and of the condition of the College (History of 
Harvard University, L chap, xvi-iviii)* 


1724, and confirmed by the Overseers on the twenty-sixth. His 
Church, however, was unwilling to give him up, and he declined. 

Judge SewaU briefly notes the event, without comment : — 

m Wednesday Aug 1 12 . . , Scipio brings word this morning from 
Mr, Gerrish that my Son is Chosen President "* 

Cotton Mather, who much desired the office and had a certain 
support, relieves his mind by an entry in his Diary, quoted by 
Quincy : 

" This day Dr. Sewall was chosen President for his piety" a 
Again he writes : — 

"lam informed that yesterday the six men who call themselves the 
Corporation of the College met, and, contrary to the epidemical expec- 
tation of the country, chose a modest young man, of whose piety 
(and little else) everyone gives a laudable character. I always foretold 
these two things of the Corporation ; first, that, if it were possible for 
them to steer clear of me, they will do so ; secondly, that, if it were 
possible for them to act foolishly, they will do so, 

tl The perpetual envy with which my essays to serve the kingdom 
of God are treated among them, and the dread that Satan has of 
my beating up his quarters at the College, led me into the former 
sentiment; the marvellous indiscretion, with which the affairs of the 
College are managed, led me into the latter/ 1 8 

On the eighteenth of November the Reverend Benjamin Col- 
man, of Brattle Street Church, Boston, was chosen by the Corpora- 
tion and confirmed by the Overseers on the twenty- fourth* Here 
again the Church was reluctant to relinquish its minister, and he, 
too, hesitated, possibly influenced by his dealings with the Legisla- 
ture in his efforts to relieve the impoverished condition of the 
College; at last he sent in his final decision (26 December) de- 
clining the proffered honor. 

Disappointed again in his hope that religious influences might 
at last carry him into the coveted chair, Cotton Mather writes in 
his Diary on the twenty-second of November : — 

1 Diary, iii. 340, 341 and note, 

a History of Harvard University, i t p. 330, 

University, p. 141. 

8 Qttincy'a History of Harvard University, L pp, 330, 331 

American Biography (First Series), vi 327. 

See Peirce's History of Harvard 
See also Sparks 's 




"The Corporation of thia miserable College do again (on a fresh 

opportunity) treat m% with their accustomed indignity." 1 

Due allowance should be made for Mather's disappointment. 
Aside from the failure of long cherished hopes, the wounding of 
personal feeling, the attack upon his self-esteem and the final 
crushing out of his darling ambition, he had, unquestionably, a 
sincere interest in the College and an honest dissatisfaction with 
its standard of scholarship and the general administration of its 
affairs. His views are strongly set out in a severe arraignment of 
the College, in a document found among his papers, without date, 
probably written, however, not far from 1723, on Points to be in- 
quired into concerning Harvard College* 2 Many of his strictures 
seem to have had considerable justification* 

After these two unavailing elections, the choice of the Corpora- 
tion, on the eighth of June, 1725, fell upon the Reverend Benjamin 
Wads worth, and the Oversee rs ratified it on the tenth. Born in 
Milton, 28 February, 1669-70, 3 a graduate of the College in the 
Class of 1690, a Fellow from 1697 to 1707, and again from 1712 
till his election as President^ he had been minister of the First 
Church in Boston since 1696, when he became associate pastor with 
the Reverend James Allen* He is said to have been inducted 
"with a formality hitherto unpractised in the land."* Judge 
Sewall thus records the event : — 

" [1696.] Sept! 8> Mr. Benj- Wadsworth is ordaitTd pastor of the 
first Church, Mr* AlHn gave the charge, Mr. L Mather gave the Right 
Hand of Fellowship: Spake notably of some young men wbo had apo&- 
tatized from New England principles, contrary to the Ligbt of their, 
education : was glad that he [Mr, Wadsworth] was of another spirit 
Mr. \ Villa id was one who joined in laying on of hands*"* 

On the thirtieth of December, 1696, he married Ruth Bordman of 
Cambridge, daughter of that Andrew Bordman who was Steward 

1 Quincy'e History of Harvard University, i. 331, 332* 

1 The paper is printed in full in Quincy's History of Harvard University, i. 
appendix Is, pp. 558-560, See also Ibid. i. 340, 341. 

1 Milton Town Records. He was a son of Captain Samuel Wads worth, who 
lost his life in Sudbury Fight (Dodge's Soldiers in King Philip's War, 1890, 
pp. 218, 210). 

4 Memorial History of Boston, B, 197. * Diary, L 432* 



** tte College from 1682 till 1687. 1 She died, without issue, IT 
b ^l^ruary, 1744-45, 

^->n hia election as President, the General Court made Wads- 

^*>*th the usual allowance of £150 "to enable him to eater upon 

^**Q. manage the great aifair of that Presidency." 3 With much 

*^\\ictance, it is said, he accepted the office* and was inaugurated 

'^ Commencement Day, 7 July. He died in office 16 March, 

*7 36-37* His salary was fixed at j£400, a sum whose effective 

t Amount was much lessened by various causes. A committee was 
appointed "to look out a suitable house for the reception of the 
President." 8 It became necessary, however, to build one, and 
jCIOOO was appropriated by the General Court, with unprecedented 
liberality, for the purpose. The work was slow, and the sum in- 
adequate. The Corporation was obliged to apply to the General 
Court for a further grant, setting out the straits in which the new 
incumbent found himself : — 

14 He can no where hire a convenient house for himself, and his family 
Is divided, some dwelling in one house, and some in another. His 
household goods are disposed of in several houses and barns." 4 

He took possession 4 November, 1726, "when not half finished 
within ; " and the house was not completed till the following Jan- 
iwry, 6 The house still stands on the College grounds, and is now 
known as Wads worth House, For many years it was the residence 
of the President ; its last occupant as such was President Everett. 
The administration of President Wadsworth was creditable to 
himself and generally satisfactory, though his health was precari- 
ous and his life not easy. Mr. Goddard, in his chapter on the 
Press and Literature of the Provincial Period, calls him — 

41 a man of sound and serious rather than of brilliant parts, . . . not 
a man of extensive erudition or much acquainted with the sciences,"' 

1 Paige's History of Cambridge, p. 490; Boston Record Commissioners' 
Reports, xatviii. 350. The office of Steward of the College was held by William 
Bordman, the emigrant, for several years ending in 16GS; by his two sons, 
Andrew (1682-ltiST) and Aaron ( 1GS7-1703) ; by his grandson, Andrew (1703- 
1747); and by his greai>graudson, Andrew (1747-1750)* See Paige 'a History 
of Cambridge, pp. 4 S0 f 40K 

1 Qmacy*B History of Harvard University, i. 3£9. 

* I hid. u 33f>, ^40* * Ibid. i. 381, ■ lbid t L 382. 

* Memorial History of Boston, ii. 423. 



and quotes a passage from Eliot's Biographical Dictionary, whose 
author may perhaps, in this case, be suspected of some prej- 
udice : — 

M The general opinion, however, was that be was better fitted for the 
pastor of a church, than to be master of the school of the prophets" 
(p. 465). 

Quincy characterizes him as — 

" faithful to every trust, kind to all, calm, cautious, moderate, self- 
possessed, and affectionate, he left a name precious to his own, and 
appreciated highly by after times. 1 ' ■ 

Commencement Day in those times was quite unlike the day as 
we now know it* The state of the College was troubled and more 
or less disorderly* and the discipline slack* Quincy tells us that — 

"Gross excesses, immoralities and disorders occurred about this 
period, - - * peculiarly annoying at Commencement season*" 3 

The efforts to check these troubles were strenuous but not always 
effective. There was a vote of the Corporation and Overseers, 11 
June, 1722 — 

4 * prohibiting Commencers from * preparing or providing either plumb 
cake, or roasted, boiled, or baked meats, or pies of any kind, 1 and 

from having in their chambers 4 distilled liquors, or any composition 
made therewith.' . - * On Commencement day the President and Cor- 
poration were accustomed to visit the rooms of the Commencers, ' to 
see if the laws prohibiting certain meats and drinks were not violated/ " M 

Then, there was a vote of both Boards, in April, 1727, that — 

14 Commencements for time to come be more private than has been 
usual ; and, in order to this, that the time for them be not fixed to 
the first Wednesday in July, as formerly, but that the particular day 
should be determined upon from time to time by the Corporation." 4 

Later, on 12 June, 1727, it was ordered that — 

11 if any who now do, or hereafter shall, stand for their degrees, pre- 
sume to do anything contrary to the act of ll lh of June, 1722, or go 

1 History of Harvard University , I 404. ■ IbvL i. 386. 

» Ibid. I 380 ; and Wadaworth'a Diary, pp. 45, 03. * Ibid. i. S86. 



about to evade it by plain cake, they shall not be admitted to their 
degree, and if any, after they have received their degree, shall presume 
to make any of the forbidden provisions, their names shall be left or 

rased out of the Catalogue of the graduates." * 

The Lieutenant-Governor (Dummer) was requested — 

11 to direct the sheriff of Middlesex to prohibit the setting up of booths 
or tents on those public days/' . , . 

11 In June, 1733, ' an interview took place between the Corporation 
and three Justices of the Peace in Cambridge, to concert measures to 
keep order at Commencements/ " a 

Tutors, also, seem to have been guilty of insubordination and 
neglect of duty, at times, notably in 1731, as Wadsworth laments. 8 
Quincy relates that — 

"For several years during the administration of Wadsworth, by a 
vote of the Overseers the time of Commencement was concealed, ouly 
a short notice being given to the public of the day on which it was 
to be held. In the Diary of President Wadsworth it is stated, that 
Friday was fixed on, for the reason * that there might be a leas remain- 
ing time of the week spent in frolicking/ " * 

This seems to have caused much complaint on the part of the 
multitude and the clergy alike, and Wednesday, the old day, was 
restored in 1736. 6 

At Commencement, then as now, the Governor came over from 
Boston, but through Roxbury, attended by his body-guard. There 
was the solemn procession of the Corporation, the Overseers, the 
Magistrates, the Ministers, and the invited guests, from Harvard 
Hall to the First Church. The exercises opened with prayer by 
the President, and there followed a Latin Salutatory, the Disputa- 
tions upon the Theses, usually three in number, and on this 
programme, conspicuously designated, a Gratulatory Oration in 
Latin, and the conferring of the Bachelor's degree* a book being 
delivered to each candidate. Dinner intervened, before the Masters 
came on for their disputations and degrees, in order to fortify the 

1 Quincy's History of Harvard University, i. 387, 

* Ibid, I ^ 387; and Wadsworth's Diary, p. 63. 

* Ibid. i. pp. 367, 388 j and Wadsworth *a Diary, p. 63. 

* find. i. 366. * Ibid. L 306. 




inner man for the more strenuous intellectual requirements of the 
afternoon. Then came an address by the President, and a Latin 
Valedictory by one of the Masters, and the exercises closed with 
another prayer by the President. The procession was re-formed 
and filed back to the President's house* 1 

The whole list of Theses, and especially the subjects chosen for 
public disputation^ might furnish a curious study into the prevail- 
ing intellectual tendencies of the times, the current questions of 
education, the lines of investigation and research, the conditions of 
scholarship and science, and the relations of the College to the 
world about it 

On that Commencement Day f in 1730, the five Fellows were : — 
Henry Flynt, who served from 1700 to 1760 ; Nathaniel Appleton, 
from 1717 to 1779; Edward Wigglesworth, from 1724 to 1765; 
Joseph Sevvall, from 1728 to 1765; and Nathan Prince, from 1723 
to 1742. The Board of Overseers had returned, in 1707, to its 
original constitution, as established by the General Court on the 
twenty -seventh of September, 1642: — 

"The Goverao' & Deputy for the time being, & all the ma taU of 
this jurisdiction, together with the teaching eld r s of the sixe next ad- 
ioyning townes, that is, Cambridge, Watertowne, Cbarlestowne, Boston, 
Rox berry, & Dorchester, & the psident of the colled ge for the time 
being." 3 

Henry Flynt had been their Secretary since 1712 and he so con- 
tinued till 1758. Edward Hutchinson was Treasurer, and Andrew 
Bordman, Steward. 8 There were but two Professors^ — Edward 
Wiggles worth filling the chair of Divinity, — the professorship 
established by Thomas Hollis in 1721 ; and Isaac Greenwood in 
the Hollis professorship of Mathematics and Natural Philosophy 

* The New-England Weekly Journal of Monday, 29 June, 1730 (No, 171, 
p. 2/1), contains the following paragraph : — 


Wednesday last the 24th Currant, was the Annual COMMENCEMENT at Cam- 
bridge for this Year, {it being the Fonrth of the more private Commencements,) when the 
following Yoong Gentlemen, had their Degree* given them, after they bad held their 
public k Disputations in the Church of that Town* viz. ♦ ... 

[Then follow the names of the " Batchelors in Arts" and of the "Masters in Arts."] 

1 Massachusetts Colony Records, ii. 30, 

1 See ante t J>, 273, note. 


founded in 1727. The Tutors were but four in number, — Henry 
Flynt, who rounded out the unmatched term of fifty-five years, 
from 1699 to 1754, Nathan Prinee, John Davenport and Stephen 
Sewall; while Judah Monis was well under way in his term of 
service as Instructor in Hebrew, which began in 1722 and ended 
in 1760, 

To endeavor to bring back in imagination the audience whose 
eyes pored over the old programme and whose minds took in the 
inspiration which the exercises of the day gave, would be to 
recount nearly every leading name in this region, for Commence- 
ment was then a momentous occasion, and generally attended. 

The course of study in College then compares rather curiously 
with the provisions of tonilay : — 

P"The regular exercises are thus stated in an official report, made 
in 1726, l>y Tutors Flynt, Welsteed and Prince* 
1 1. While the stadents are Freshmen, they commonly recite the Grammar^ 
and with them a recitation m Tnlly, Virgil, and the Greek Testament, on 
Mundays, Tuesdays, Wednesdays, and Thursday a * in the morning and fore- 
noon; on Friday morning Dugard's or Famaby's Rhetoric, and on Saturday 
morning the Greek Catechism ; and, towards the latter end of the year, they 
dispute on Ramus*s Den nit ions Mondays and Tuesdays in the forenoon. 

2. The Sophomores recite Burgeradicius's Logic, and a manuscript called 
New Logic, in the mornings and forenoons ; and towards the latter end of the 
year Heereboord*s Meletemata, and dispute Mondays and Tuesdays in the 
forenoon , continuing also to recite the classic authors, with Logic and Natural 
Philosophy; on Saturday mornings they recite WoUebius f a Divinity. 

3. The Junior Sophisters recite Heereboord's Meletemata, Mr. Morton's 
Physics, More*s Ethics, Geography! Metaphysics, in the mornings and fore- 
noons; Wollebius on Saturday morning ; and dispute Mondays and Tuesdays 
in the forenoons. 

4. The Senior Sophisters, besides Arithmetic, recite Allsted's Geometry, 
Gassendus's Astronomy, in the morning j go over the Arts towards the latter 
end of the year, Ames's Medulla on Saturdays, and dispute once a week/ " * 

All, also, except the Freshmen, were required to attend upon Judah 
Monis, in Hebrew, four days in the week, with minutely defined 
details of work. There was also an abundance of Scripture ex- 
positions by the President through the week* Attendance at 
morning and evening prayers and public worship on Sunday was 

1 Quincy's History of Harvard University, i. 441, — citing Wads worth's 
Diary, p. 27* 




required Early in the administration of Wadsworth they were 
relieved from the "ancient and laudable practice/' which required 
all undergraduates, beginning with the youngest, to read at Morn- 
ing Prayers a verse out of the Old Testament from the Hebrew 
into Greek, except the Freshmen, who could use their English 
Bibles ; and at Evening Prayers to read from the New Testament 
out of the English or Latin version, into Greek, whenever the 
President performed this service in the Hall, and the exercise was 
performed in the chambers of the tutors. 1 

One might well wonder how, on such an intellectual diet, such 
men as belonged to those days could have been turned out* Was 
it in the men themselves, in their surroundings, in the very train- 
ing itself, that the source of their power was to be found ; or is 
there a certain glamour over any remote past, which blinds the 
judgment of the present, when it measures its own contemporaries ? 

As one looks back at the little College of 1730, poor, hampered, 
cramped, and struggling, bearing its burden of responsibility, 
and contending with so many adverse influences, it seems incred- 
ible that it could develop into the University of to-day. It is 
idle to attempt to set out in any statement the contrast, — it 
would require the reproduction of the current Catalogue, in large 
part, with its bewildering Lists and its multitudinous details; and 
even then there is that intangible something which eludes and 
denes expression, which is yet of the very essence of the difference. 
The advance, in the one hundred and seventy years that lie be- 
tween, almost passes comprehension or adequate conception, and 
it may be safe to say that the progress in every direction within 
the last thirty years and under the administration of President 
Eliot, is greater than that of the whole century that followed the 
Commencement Day when this old paper first saw the light 


Early in the year 1713 the question of providing for a lighthouse was brought 
before the Legislature, and on the third of January of that year — 

" Upon Heading a Petition of John George Merch! for him felf & Afeociates, Pto- 
pofing the Erecting of a Light House & Lanthorn on feme Head Land at the En trance 
of the Harbour of fiofton fur the Direction of Ships & Vefseis in the Night Time bound 
into the (hid Harbour ; 

i See Quincy's History of Harvard University, i. 439 j and Neal'a History of 
New England (1747), i, 203 tt *eq. 




" Ordered that the Hon"* the Lieutenant Govern! Eliakim Ilutcnlufon & Andrew 
Belcher £fq. of the Council, John Clark, Addiugtoa Davenport, Major Thomas Fitch 
& Samuel Thaxter Efq. named bj the Keprefentati ves be a Committee to confer with 
the Petitioner & his Associates opon the Subject Matter of their Petition & to make 
Report to this Court at their next Sefeton" (Court Records, ix. 252}, 

The matter was also taken up by the town of Boston, and on the second of 
March it was by the Selectmen — 

" Agreed to propose to y* Town their being concerned in y* Charge of a Light 
House, in ord r to an income 1 ' (Boston Record Commissioners 1 Reports, xi. 179). 

On the ninth of the same month, in town-meeting, it was — 

" Voted. That the Consideration of what it is proper for the Town to do Ab* a Light- 
Hons, be referred to the Select men and Committee afore appointed to Improve the 
fifteen hundred pounds, and to make report to y* Town of what the/ Shall think advisa- 
ble threin" {Ibid. viil. 94), 

On the twentieth of March f Tailer made his Report to the Legislature : — 

"Upon Reading the Report of the Committee appointed by this Court at their 
Sefsion b January la ft to confer with M T John George & his Afaociates upon the 
Subject Matter of their Petition propofing the Erecting of a Light House and Lanthorn 
on fome Head Land at the Entrance of the Harbour of Rofton, W* Report is in the 
Words following; Via, 

''In Obedience to the afnrcgning Order the Committee having matt, and received from 
M* George his 1'ropofaH relating to a Light Honfe as in aforc~menLbued found it necefsary to 
take a View of the Place moft convenient for the Erecting thereof, And did therefore on the 
thirteenth of March lnftani being attended by feveral of the nioft experienced Maftera of 
Ships belonging tn Bofton & Charles town go down to the outernioft If lands at the Entrance of 
Bofton Harbour, And after our Landing on fevers! of the laid If lands and Surveying the fame 
St Conferring with the faid al afters thereon, who arc unanimous in their Opining, We report as 
fultowL'th; Via, That the Southermoft Part of the (ireat Brewfter called Beacon Ifland is the 
moft convenient Place for ihe Erecting a Light Houfe j Which will be of great Ufe not onlj 
for the Frefervation of the Lives & Ef tales of Per [on* deflguing for the Harbour of Bofton & 
Charles-town but of any other Place within the Mafaachufeit* Bay; — A Method for Erecting 
fuch a Light-Houfe & Supporting the fame is contained in M r Georges Propofali herewith 
delivered in, All which is fubjected to fuch Amendments & Regulations as the Court in their 
Wifdom fhall judge necefsary. 

'* (Sign'd) In Behalf of the Committee — 

W" TAltU. 

" Refbtvtd by both Honfes that the Projection will be of general publick Benefit, & 
Serrice & is worthy to be e neon raged ; And, 

" Ordered that the Committee of Members of both Houfes before appointed proceed 
to receive the PropofaU & offers of Per funs that will undertake to raife & maintain the 
[aid Work And upon what Terms or Encouragement to be given bj the Government 
in Laving a Dnty of Tonnage upon Shipping, and report it;— J. Dudley' 1 (Court 
Records, ix. 360, 261). 

On the thirteenth of May, at a town -meeting, it was— - 

" Voted. That in Case the Geo" Court Shall See Cause to proceed, to the Establish- 
ment of a Light- II onae for the Accommodation of Vessel Is parsing in and out of this 
Harbour, That then the Select-men or the Represenntives of this Town be desired to 
move to the S 4 Court, That the Town of Boston as a Town may have the preference 
before any perticuler persons in beinging Concerned in the Charge of Erecting & main- 
taining the Same, avid being Intituled to the Proffits and Incomes thereof" (Boston 
Record Commissioners ' Reports, viil 97). 


On the second of June, Tatter again reported to the LegSslatur © : — 

'• Report of the Committee appointed to rweiTO Propofals for the Raifiug of a Light 
Honfe, as follows; Via, 

" In Pursuance of the Order of this Court the twentieth of March pad for Receiving 
Propofals for tbe Railing & Maintaining a Light HouTe, the Committee gave public* 
Notice by Poftinft up in Writing the Time & Place of their Meeting, And having met 
accordingly feveral Times did receive from tbe Select Men of Bo (ton & a Committee 
for their free Grammar Schools their Propofals relating to the laid Light Honfe, And 
alfo the Defire of the laid Town for their Preference before any particular Perform ; Wo 
alio received a farther Proposal from M' George, AH which are herewith delivered in, 
and humbly fnbmitted : 

44 la Behalf of the Coram 1 ? W Tailed 
"May 27. 1713. 

"Read & Toted that this Conrt proceed to the Confidcrallon of RaiQug a Light 
Honfe upon a moderate Toll, And that it be erected at the Charge of the Province, 
if this Court fee meet, If not tbe Town of Bo (Ion to have the Preference before any 
private Perfon or Company* 

" Concurred by the Representatives " (Court Record*, ix. 279). 

On the fifth of June a Committee waa appointed " to Confider & Report a 
moderate Duty for the Support of y* Light Honfe," and on the seventeenth the 
Committee made its Report {Ibid. ix. 287, 304). 

Meanwhile! on the ninth of June, the Selectmen of Boston — 

44 Voted. That in case the Gen" Court do proceed to the Establishm 1 of a Light 
Hoojie. The Gentle" who represent this Town be desired after y* rules of dnty for 
Light money is Stared, to move to the s* d Court that the Town of Boston (preferable to 
any Private persona) may hare the Refusall of bearing the Charge in Erecting mud 
maintaining the Same 1 ' (Boston Record Commissioners' Reports, xl 166). 

Again, on the fourth of August, the Selectmen — 

44 Voted. That M f Will" Payn & M p John Colman be desired to procure of 
M* Secretary or Some other meet per", a Projection or draught of ao Act Su table to 
Lay before y" Gen tt Court. Relating to the Towu of Bostons being concerned in Erecting 
and mniutyiiiiig a Light House agreeable to a Scheme thereof drawn up by a Comittee 
of the i 4 Court" (Ibid, xi, 190). 

And on the fifth of October, the Selectmen — 

44 Voted, That in order thereto they are of Opptnion that the matter relating to tho 
Erecting a Light House be further pursued according to the projection of an Act now 
Lard before theru, under such Emendatio as they have now agreed unto" (Ibid. 
Jti." 194). 

The scheme waa now allowed to languish, and no further steps appear to 
hare been taken on the part of Boston* But the matter waa revived in the 
spring of 1715, and on the ninth of June in that year the General Court — 

11 Ordered That a Lighttioufe be erected at the Charge of this Province, at the 
Entrance of the Harbour of Bolton on the fame Place & Rates propofed in a Bill pro* 
jected for the Town of Bostons Doing it, Accompanying this Vote" (Court Records, 
i*. 453). 

On the fourteenth of June, a Committee consisting of William Taller, 
Addington Davenport, William Payne, Samuel Thaxter, and Adam Winthrop, 


strangles' coubts m the colont* 


was appointed u to build a Light Houfe ; n on the twenty-second of July an 
11 Act for Building & Maintaining a Light Houfe upon the Great Brewfter 
called Beacon Iflmid at the Entrance of the Harbour of Bofton N was read 
twice ; on the same day the sura of five hundred pounds was voted " for a pre- 
fent Supply towards Carrying on that Affair** {Ibid* tx* 45!),47o, 476) ; and on 
the twenty- third an Act was passed, by which it was provided — 

" That there be a light house erected at the charge of the province, on the southern- 
most part of the Great Urewater called Beacon Ijlaud, tq ho kept lighted from »ttu- 
aetthjg to tan-rising** (Province Laws, iL 7)i 

Application was then made by the Committee to the Proprietors of Hull for 
a grant of Beacon Island, with the following result ; — 

" At a legal meetting of the proprieters of the undmided land in Township of Hall 
held one mnadar the first daj of August: - * . Co" Samuel Thaxter applied himself 
tn the s* proprieters in the name of the Committee appointed by the great and gan- 
nnill rorto iu there Sessions lu June 1715 for the bidding of a light house one Beacken 
Islam) so caled ndioyniug to the greate Brusters . , . the s* proprieters being censable 
that it will be a gauarall henifit to Trade and that thay in perticuler shall rape a great 
henifire thereby haue at the j* j meeting hv a Unanimns voate giuen and granted the 
e a Beecau Island to the prouiuce of the Maajatusetts Hay for the use of a light house 
for euer " { Hull Proprietory .Records, quoted by S hurtle ff in his Topographical and 
Historical Inscription of Boston, p. 56'J). 

The Committee appointed by the General Court not having the requisite 
leisure, the oversight of the work was given, on the twentieth of December, 
1715, to William Payne and Capt. Zaehariah Tuthill, and the Order of the 
House, concurred in by the Council, was consented to by Lieutenant-Governor 
William Tailer, who had likewise been Chairman of the Committee on the part 
of the Council (Court Records, x. 41; and cf. x. 03, 101, 115, 127, 120, 130). 
Dr* Shurtleff gives the history of the Lighthouse, but somewhat incorrectly, 
and tells the story of the drowning of the first keeper of it, George Worthy lake, 
3 November, 171S (gravestone at Copp's Hill), and of the ballad thereon, — 
* the Lighthouse Tragedy, which Franklin says he was induced by his brother 
to write, print and sell about the streets ; and which he also says sold pro- 
digiously, though it was 'wretched staff*" (Topographical and Historical 
Description of Boston, pp. 560^574). A view of the Light is in the Massa- 
chusetts Magazine for February, 1789. 

Mr- Noble also read extracts from some Notes on the 
Strangers' Courts, established by the Colony in 1639, for 
the quick trial by jury of causes between persons one or 
both of whom were strangers and who wished to depart 
the jurisdiction. The Courts were re-organized as late as 
1660, and were recognized in the legislation of 1672 and 

The text of this communication follows : — 




These were a part of the early judicial system established to 
meet an apparent need, and seem to have been instituted as an 
experiment. Their object is apparent, — to accommodate strangers 
visiting the Colony for trading or other purposes, and to provide 
a tribunal for the prompt and speedy settlement of differences 
between those who might suffer inconvenience or injury by being 
subjected to the delay ordinarily incident to the regular Courts. 

The act establishing the new Courts is as follows : — 

At the Generall Courte f Iwulden at Boston, the 2& h of the S* 3P t 
called Maf % t639. 

For the more speedy dispatch of all causes, w* shall coneerne strangers, who 
cannot stay to attend the ordinary courts of justice, it is ordered, that the 
Govemo% or Deputic, be i tig assisted, w* any two of the magistrates, ( whom 
hoe may call to him to that end,) shall have power to heare & determine (by 
a jewrie of 12 men, or otherwise, as is vsed in other courtes) all causes w* 
shall arise betweene such strangers, or wherein any such stranger shalbee a 
partie, & all records of such pceedings ahalbee transmitted to the Secretary, 
( except himself e bee one of the said magistrates, who shall assist in hearing such 
causes,) to bee entered as try alls in other courtes at the charge of the parties. 
This order to continue UU the Generall Courto in the 7* Month, come twelue 
month, & no longer. 1 

It takes the form of an Order, and is, on its face, of limited 
duration. It provides for a jury, As afterward shown, the 
Court could be called at any time on request of such stranger. It 
had the same jurisdiction * and the same modes of procedure, as 
the County Courts, No right of appeal to any higher tribunal, 
as was generally allowed, appears to have been given \ and, in 
fact, any such appeal would have been inconsistent with the 
purpose of such a Court, and would have frustrated its very 
object The design was to give prompt and summary justice, and 
the parties had to rely on the fairness and discretion and sound 
sense of the authority they had invoked. Provision is made for per- 
manent record. No subsequent legislation appears on the Records 
at the dnte, in 1640, which had been fixed for the expiration of 
the Order \ but, as the law appears in the editions of 1660 and 

1 Massachusetts Colony Records, i* 264, 



1672 f its operation seems to have continued undisturbed and un- 
questioned, though later enactments appear to have removed some 
of the necessities for its use. 

The original Act is embodied in the Laws of 1660 and of 1672, 
As there are some changes in the phraseology and provisions, and 
as this is the final codification, it may be well to give it as it there 
stands. Under the title of Courts, it reads : — 

8. For the more fpeedy difpaich of all Caufes which L.i, p,u. 
Jliall concern Strangers, who cannot without prejudice 
flay to attend the ordinary Courts ofjujlice; 

It is Ordered, That the Governour or Deputy Bpecui 
Governour, with any two Magiftrates, or when the sVnng*ri 
Governour, Deputy Governour, cannot attend it, that 
any three Magiftrates fhall have power upon the 
requeft of fuch Strangers, to call a fpecial Court to 
hear and determine all Caufes civil and criminal (tri- 
able in any County Court according to the manner of 
proceeding in County Courts ) which fhall arife Bworfg of 
between fuch Strangers, or wherein any fuch Stranger c^Su* 
fhall be party. Aud all Records of fuch proceed- »ut«i to 
ings, fhall be tranfmitted to the Records of the Court AinaA&u. 
of AfTiftants, to be entred as trials in other Courts 
(which fhall be at the charge of the party caft or 
condemned in the cafe. [!##&] 

It is further Ordered that it fhall be lawful for any l. *l P* ig. 
Stranger, upon legal Summons, to enter any Action in strtagen' 
any Court of this Junfdiction, again ft any perfon not faT«*&y 
refiding or Inhabitant amougft us* 1 


The extension of opportunity granted by the last paragraph of 
the law as it there stands, and the reasons for such extension, are 
to be found in the Act of 1650, which permitted Strangers to sue 
one another in any of the Courts, and which, without abrogating 
the old law, made less occasion for its use : — 

Mi another Session of the QeneraM Court of Elections, held at Bob* 
ton, the 18 th of June, 1650. 

Whereas oftentimes it comes to passe that stranngers coming amongst 
vs have suddajue occasions to trye actions of seuerall natures in our 

1 MasaachusetU Colony Laws (edition of 1672), pp. 37,38. 


Courts of justice, and in respect it is very chardgeable to the partjes, 
and troublesome to the countrje to call speciall Courts for the determi- 
nacon of such cases, itt is ordered by this Court and authoritje thereof, 
that from henceforth it shallbe in the liberty of any stranngers, vpon 
legal Bunions, to enter any action against any person or persofl, not 
residing or inhabiting amongst vs, in any Court w^in this jurisdiccon. 1 

The Act of 1672 condenses former legislation in some respects 
and does away with Special Courts : — 

Att the second Sessions of the General! Court of Elections, held at 
Boston, 8 th of October, 1672, on their Adjournment. 

ITT is ordered, & by the authority of this Court enacted, that all 
strangers coming into this country shall & may henceforth haue liberty 
- to sue one another in any Courts of this Colony that haue propper cog- 
nizance of such cases, and that any inhabitant may be sued by any 
strangers who are on imediate imploy by nauigation, marriner, or mer- 
chant in any of our Courts, the sajd Strangers giving security to the 
cierke of the writts, to respond ail extraordinary damages the sajd inhabi- 
tants shall sustejne by being sued out of the county to which he 
belongs, in case the strainger shall not obtejne judgment against such 
inhabitant so sued ; and the law, title Special Courts, is hereby re- 
pealled, & made voyd, any law, custome or vsage to the contrary 

The same appears in — 

Several Laws and Orders made at the GENERAL COURT, the 8th. 
of October 1672 . . . printed by their Order. Edward Raw/on Seer., 9 

varying somewhat in capitals, spelling and punctuation. 

An Act in 1682 provided for the giving of security in certain 
cases : — 

At a OenneraJl Court, held at Boston, 11 th October, 1682. 

As an addition to the law, title Attachments, it is ordered by this 
Court & the authority thereof, that after the publication hereof, no 
strainger shall haue any process or attachments granted against a 
strainger, before the plaintiff give in sufficjent caution or security to 
respond all costs & damages that shall be judged against him ; nor shall 

i Massachusetts Colony Records, iv. (Part I.) p. 20. Cf. Ibid. iii. 202. 

* Ibid. iv. (Part II.) p. 532. 

* Massachusetts Colony Laws (edition of 1672), p. 207. 




any ship or other vessel! arriving from forreigu parts, or the master or 
coiiiaQder thereof* be arrested or restrayncd w^out like sufficient caution 
or security given by the plaintiff to respond all costs & damages as 
aforeaajd. 1 

The same is likewise found in — 

SEVERAL LAWS Made at the fecond sessiok of the GENERAL 
COURT Held at Bqftm> October it 1682. And Printed by their 

Edward Raw/on Seer 4 * 

These provisions as to actions by Strangers in the Common 
Law Courts seem to have continued until the abrogation of the old 
Charter, and not to have been afterward specifically revived. 

There seems also to have been a quasi Probata Court for the 
benefit of strangers. 

Under the title Wills, this provision appears in the Laws : — 

2, Arid becaufe many Merchants, Seamm and oilier A-&&R & 
Si rangers % reforting hither oftentimes^ Dying and hav' 
ing their Eftates undijpofed 0/, and very difficult to 
be preferved in the irderun from one County Court to 
another t 

It is therefore Ordered, that it fhall and may be 
Lawfull for any two Magistrates with the Recorder or 
Clerk of the County Court, Meeting together, to allow 
of any Will of any decafed party, to the Executors or 
other perfons in the Will mentioned, fo as the Will be t»u« t& 
teiUfied on the Oath of two or more VYitneJJes^ and b*t« 5T** 
alfo to Graunt Adtoiniftration to the Eft ate of any 
perfon dying inteftate within the faid County, to the To ^^ 
next of Kin, or to fuch as fhall be able to fecure the uo£ lllUftllp 
fame for the next of Kin, and the Recorder or Clerk 
of the Court, fhall enforme the reft of the Magiftrates 
of the County, at the next County Court, of fuch Will 
proved or Administration Graunted, and fhall Record 
the fame,* [2«8&] 

1 Massachusetts Colony Records, v. 372. 

* Massachusetts Colon y Laws (edition of 1672, supplement), p. 204, 

1 Ibid, p. 158. The Act was passed by the General Court at its session held 

at Boston, 19 October, 1052 (Massachusetts Colony Records, iv. r Fart I M pp. 

101, 102). 




No papers relating to the Strangers* Courts have come down to Uf 
in the Suffolk Court Files, so far as arranged, and the sole extant 
volume of the Records of the Court of Assistants, 1673-1692, is 
too late to warrant the expectation of any reference to them. 
There is one record there, however, of the case of a stranger, in. 
1681, who, having been brought into one of the inferior tribunals, 
a Commissioner's Court, and being worsted there, had appealed to 
the Court of Assistants, — a record which shows an indulgence 
granted to him, as such stranger, by advancing the hearing of 
his appeal, 1 This record also presents one of the curious questions 
which occasionally arose as to the sufficiency of certain species of 
evidence, especially in criminal cases, — questions not unfrequently 
puzzling in themselves, and vitally affecting the final judgment 
of the Court and the final result to the party concerned. 

In pursuance of a vote passed at the Annual Meeting, 
the Chair appointed the President and Messrs. Augustus 
Lowell and Autiiur T. Lymak a committee to represent 
the Society in connection with the Annual Meeting of the 
American Historical Association to be held in Boston and 
Cambridge the last week in this month, 

1 1681 
In Answer to the petition of m* Henry Jenkins humbly desiring the favo' 
of this Court that his Appeals from y* Comtnissione's Court for wch he hath 
e tit red into security for the next Court of Assistants being a strainger k ready 

to Goe out of y* Country may be heard at this Court This 
Mr jeukuu Cw peticoa was Granted k fryday nex* Appointed for the hearing 

of the Case he presently giving in his reasons of Appeals to y 1 
Commissionr 1 or their clarke: y*sajd m* Henry Jenkins desired a Jury Centring 
his Appeale after his pet icon the Commissioned Judgment Eeason of Appeale 
k othe T euidences in the Cage were read Comitted to the Jury k are on file 
the Jury brought in a speciall virdict vis 1 In y* Case of m r Henry Jenkins wee 
find hi ro Guilty of saying that he was as Good a man as m' 
Stoddard & saying to the Constable A pox take your tricks ss ju™cwSS| » 
And if the Constables affirmation on the oath of a Constable be 
ft tegall cuilenc to convict a man in such a Case then wee find the eajd m' 
Jenkins Guilty of saying that the Barber was wayting vpon a better man then 
the Commissione's k saying to the Constable A pox take yow othe'wise not 
guilty =^ The Court on Consideration of this virdict Judg meet to Confiture 
the Judgment of the Co mission e's (Records of the Court of Assistants, 
1673-109% original p, 140)- 


The Reverend Dr. Charles Carroll Everett communi- 
cated a Memoir of Dr. Joseph Henry Allen which he had 
been requested to prepare for the Transactions. 

The Honorable John Chandler Bancroft Davis, LL.D., 
of Washington, D.C., and Arthur Twining Hadley, LL.D., 
of New Haven, Connecticut, were elected Corresponding 







Joseph Henry Allen was born in Northborough, Massachu- 
setts, 21 August, 1820. His father was the Reverend Joseph 
Allen, D.D. The maiden name of his mother was Lucy Clark 
Ware, and she was the daughter of the elder Henry Ware. In both 
lines of descent he was of good old New England stock. By a 
singular coincidence it was at very nearly the same date that the 
two families which were to be united by him made their permanent 
settlement in this country. The Welds did this in 1636, and the 
Aliens only three years later, in 1639. Few could have better 
claim than he to represent the Brahmin caste of New England, 
of which Dr. Holmes used to speak. His father was both min- 
ister and teacher, as was also one of his younger brothers, the other 
two being teachers ; one uncle on his father's side and four cousins 
were teachers; and seven ancestors upon his mother's side were 
ministers. The name of his grandfather, Henry Ware, suggests 
not merely the thought of the ministerial profession, but of this 
profession in its saintliest and most influential aspect. " He was 
the progenitor of that admirable race upon which — as Dr. Holmes 
said to Professor Stowe — the fall of Adam had not left the 
slightest visible impression." l In few, if any, of his descendants 
was this racial immunity more marked than in the subject of this 

In his infancy, it seemed as if Dr. Allen's rich spiritual inheri- 
tance was to be counterbalanced by a feeble constitution. He was 

1 Cheerful Yesterdays, by Thomas Wentworth Higginson, 1898, p. 139. 




a puny infant, and one leg was so drawn up that it was feared that 
he would never be able to walk* He was carried from North* 
borough to Boston by an aunt, on a pillow, that he might have 
the advantage of the surgical skill of Dr. James Jackson. He 
had also a weakness of the eyes, that was overcome only by the 
greatest care. It is interesting to recall this unpromising begin- 
ning in connection with the long walks in which he took ioeh 
delight all his life, and his splendid service as a scholar. Indeed 
these walks, together with a simple and natural way of living in 
other respects, preserved him through life in a general condition 
of good health, though he could never be called robust. One 
circumstance which must have contributed to this happy result 
was the fact that his father was farmer as well as minister 
and teacher, His boys were taught to help him in this occu- 
pation. Their mother taught them, in common with their sisters, 
sewing, knitting, and housekeeping. Thus our young Brahmin 
had a busy boyhood, that did much to correct the one-sidedness of 
his caste. He acquired by these active employments, not only 
health, but a lifelong interest in mechanical arts. 

Of course he must go to college. The chief, if not the only, help 
that his father could offer him toward this end, was the gift of his 
time and a little teaching. He mainly fitted himself for college, 
and certainly he had a good teacher. His life in Cambridge while 
he was a student was well adapted to develop the Brahmin side of 
his nature, which the various occupations of his boyhood may have 
partially repressed. He had a room in the house of Henry Ware, 
junior, and hia meals in that of his grandfather, Henry Ware, 
senior. These arrangements not only brought him under the best 
influences, but relieved him very largely of the expenses incident 
to a college life. The expenses that remained he met chiefly 
by teaching. The long winter vacation was designed to enable 
students to do this. He taught in Walpole, New Hampshire, and, 
possibly, in Bellows Fails, Vermont. He graduated from college 
in 1840 at the age of twenty, his rank entitling him to the honors 
of the <t>. B. K. He at once entered the Harvard Divinity School, 
from which he graduated in 1843. For a large part of the time 
that he was in the School, he and his friend and fellow-student, 
Hiram Withington, cooked their own meals. He did not need for 
his part in this to make much demand upon the training that he 



had received in housekeeping, for, with the exception of an 
occasional hamper from home, the young men lived mostly on corn- 
meal mush and milk. By this economy he was able to indulge 
his taste for music ; and he spent more money on concerts than on 
food. Indeed, music was always a great delight to him. Often 
during his later life at Cambridge, he would walk to Boston to 
attend a concert or oratorio. He played the flute, and this was 
one of his favorite forms of relaxation. From his youth up, idle- 
ness was an abomination to him. If there was nothing else to do 
there were always books to be read. During his college life be 
read all of Scott's novels and those of Miss Edgeworth white 
waiting for his meals when he was a little early in arriving, of 
when they were a little late. 

In the autumn after his graduation from the School, he was 
settled over a church in what is now Jamaica Plain (Boston), 
where he remained four years. In 1847, he left this place and 
was settled in Washington, D. C. After three years, he accepted 
a call to become the minister of the Independent Congregational 
Society of Bangor, Maine. The life at Bangor was by far the 
most interesting and important part of his career as a minister. 
It included very much that was extremely pleasant, and some 
experiences that were very painful. It is not worth while to go 
back and discuss at length the causes that led to discontent with 
Mr. Allen's ministry on the part of some of his parishioners. 
Prominent among the elements that caused dissension were his bold 
utterances in regard to Slavery. It was, indeed, a difficult time 
for a minister who had strong convictions in regard to this matter. 
There were few churches in the country in which were not found 
those who were stirred to fierce opposition if such convictions 
were earnestly uttered from the pulpit. There were other ele- 
ments of dissatisfaction, but these need not detain us here. On 
the other hand, no minister could have more loving and loyal 
friends than those who gathered about Mr. Allen in these troub- 
lous times. 

In 1857, he renewed the resignation of his pastorate, which had 
once before been offered and refused. This time it was accepted. 
The Society was, however, left in a state of almost hopeless 
division. This was the result of no word or deed of his. No 
similar discourse could be sweeter or nobler than that in which he 




took leave of the people that he loved. In addition to this per- 
sonal regard, he left behind him a reputation for scholarship of 
which his former parishioners were very proud. A story had 
currency there of a minister of another denomination who finally 
got so tired of finding Allen always ahead of him in every 
scholarly topic which came up in their conversation that he made 
up his mind to get the start of him for once. He saw a notice of 
a new book published in Germany, He ordered it post-haste, and, 
when it came, devoted every spare moment to the reading of it. 
Finally he rushed over to Allen to display his treasure. As soon, 
however, as he named his book Allen exclaimed in bis quick way, 
"Haven't you seen the review of that?" His new acquaintance 
was, with Allen, an old story. 

After leaving Bangor, Mr, Allen had two or three pastorates, 
each lasting one or two years. He preached often in the way of 
regular supply or as a labor of love, but he had no other engage- 
ment of equal length, 

In 1867, he made what proved to be his permanent home in 
Cambridge. His residence in Cambridge must have been, in 
some respects, the most Interesting period of his life. By degrees 
he took, in the estimation of the world and especially of his 
brother ministers, the place that really belonged to him. He 
loved to attend ministerial gatherings, and at them he was always 
listened to with special interest, The clear and luminous style 
which marked his more carefully prepared published articles 
showed him to be one of the best writers and thinkers of the 
Unitarian denomination. 

When, in 1878, his friend Dr. Frederic H. Hedge resigned the 
position of non-resident professor of Church History in the Har- 
vard Divinity School, he suggested the name of Mr, Allen as one 
fitted to carry on the instruction in that branch of study. He 
drew up a paper in which it was said that if Mr Allen were 
younger he would be a candidate for a permanent Professorship, 
but that under the circumstances it was recommended that he be 
appointed Lecturer in Church History until a Professor should be 
selected. This paper was signed, or its recommendation other- 
wise endorsed, by all members of the Faculty, and sent to the 
President and Fellows of Harvard College, Mr. Allen was at 
once appointed to the proposed Lectureship, with the understand- 



ing that the appointment was a temporary one. In spite of his 
many qualifications for the place, it was thought best for the School 

that the position should be permanently filled ; and a search at 
once began for the proper person. It was nut till 1882 that the 
person was found. Mr. Allen's connection with the School lasted 
thus four years* Probably no occupation of his life was more 
congenial to him than this, in which his taste for teaching and his 
interest in theology and in history were both gratified. 

Dr. Allen's life was at all times a very busy one, and the occu- 
pations to which he gave himself must have been for the most 
part very interesting to him. He was a devoted student of the 
classics, and, in connection with Professor Greenough of Harvard 
College, he prepared a series of Latin text-books that are widely 
used- He was for a number of years the editor uf the Christian 
Examiner, and later of the Unitarian Review. He was fond of 
authorship, and began early to publish books. His first book — 
Ten Discourses on Orthodoxy — was published while he was still 
in Washington, in 1849. This was followed by Hebrew Men 
and Times, in 1861; Fragments of Christian History, in 1880; 
Our Liberal Movement in Theology, in 1882; a sequel to this, in 
1887; Christian History in its Three Great Periods, in three 
volumes, in 1883; and Positive Religion, in 1891, In 1896* he 
revised the English translation of Kenan's Life of Jesus, and the 
next year, translated his Antichrist. The revision he found more 
work than a translation would have been; but the labor was 
sometimes brightened by the ludicrous mistakes that he found, — 
as when le dernier soupir was translated, u the last supper," and la 
pecheresse^ tt the fisherwoman* 1 * His minor writings are extremely 

- From the titles of his books, as given above, it will be seen that 
Dr. Allen's interest was largely in the direction of History. He 
had little interest in Philosophy, and I doubt if he had much re- 
spect for it. He had, however, a profound spiritual insight that 
fitted him to be an interpreter of the great historical movements 
that were the objects of his study. So far as his books are con- 
cerned, I understand that his Christian History in its Three Great 
Periods especially had a wide circulation. Indeed, by its grouping 
of facts and by its clear and wise interpretation of the principles 
that manifested themselves in the movements which it described, 




this work was fitted to afford such help as could not easily be 
found elsewhere. His latest literary work was the translation of 
Kenan's Apostles. This was finished only a few days before he 
was seized by the brief illness that ended with his death. He 
died on the twentieth of March, 1898. A Memorial Meeting was 
held in Channing Hall, Boston, on Monday, the eleventh of April, 
at which the Rev. John W* Chadwick and the Rev. Edward H, 
Hall delivered addresses containing a highly appreciative estimate 
of Dr. Allen's work and of his scholarly attainments. 1 

I wish that it were as easy to paint the character and personality 
of our departed associate as it is to describe the facta of his outer 
history. I am inclined to place sincerity among his most marked 
intellectual characteristics. More than most men, he seemed to 
face life just as it is, or just as he had reason to think that it is. 
So far as the higher themes of thought are concerned, this trait is 
well illustrated by certain chapters in his Positive Religion. It 
was seen also in relation to the facts of practical life. With this 
sincerity went, as its result, an unusual transparency of character 
and mood. He united, in a singular degree, modesty with a very 
clear recognition of his own worth. He made no demand upon the 
recognition of others, yet such recognition was obviously extremely 
grateful to him. He was, I think, singularly unselfish, so much so 
that, at times, he might seem almost impersonal. Yet, at any call 
for service, he showed boldness and an untiring energy, Some- 
thing of this impersonality was seen in his relation to matters of 
thought. One could hardly be less of a partisan than he. In 
his conversation and more public speech it seemed sometimes 
as though it was less he that spoke than it was the thought that 
spoke through him. What he said seemed more like a mono- 
logue than a direct address. Naturally his speech sometimes lost 
effectiveness from this course, although no one could marshal 
thoughts and words to better effect than he, when he took the 
command of them. Thus he lived, — accepting no shams and 
offering no shams to the world; eager to do the work for which 
he felt himself most fitted, but if that which seemed the best 
did not offer, taking cheerfully the next best, and doing this 
in a way that made it appear to be the best. 

> The Christian Register of 21 April, 1S98, Ixrrii. 42G. 


Dr. Allen was happy in his friendships. To name only one c=3t 
two of these, — his long and close intimacy with Dr. Hed^agP 
was one of the great satisfactions of his life. The friendship o^* 
Dr. James Martineau, though from the nature of the case le^^* 88 
close, was also a delight. 1 He was also fortunate in his famil^-v 
life. On the twenty-second of May, 1845, he married Anna Mineral * 
Weld, of Jamaica Plain. Three daughters and three sons wen^^ 8 
born to him, of whom all except one daughter, together with the^~ ^ 
mother, survive him. 

In an admirable paper 2 to which I have already been a debtor 
in this notice, Mr. Chadwick thus describes the personal appear-*- 
ance of Dr. Allen : — 

"There was something beautiful in his personal appearance; his 
complexion so fresh and clear, telling a tale of perfect temperance; in 
his face a breezy look, the snowy hair blown back from the full brow — 

44 * As if the man had fixed his face 
In many a solitary place 
Against the wind and sky.' " 

Dr. Allen was an active Member of this Society almost from 
its beginning, having a place upon the Committee of Publication. 
A few months before his death, he proposed to resign from the 
Society for the reason that he could no longer perform his 
duties in it, and he did not wish to be, as he said, a " dummy 
member." At the earnest request of the Council, he withdrew 
this resignation. In thanking him for this submission to its 
wishes, the Council added an expression of the profound satisfac- 
tion it felt — 

" in being able to retain upon the Roll of the Society the name of an 
Associate who has already contributed much to its success, whose fellow- 
ship has been a source of pride, whose presence is a benediction, 
and whose services, to whatever extent and in whatever direction he 
may be able and willing to render them in the future, will be of inesti- 
mable value to the society.' ' 

1 A file of very interesting letters from Dr. Martineau to Dr. Allen remains 
to show how close this friendship was. These letters were communicated by 
our associate Mr. Henry H. Edes to the Society at its Stated Meeting in 
March, 1900, and will appear with the published Transactions of that meeting. 

a Joseph Henry Allen in The New World for June, 1898, vii. 300. 


About the same time Dr. Allen resigned, for similar reasons, 
from the Examiner Club, of which he and Dr. Hedge were the 
founders. The Club made him an Honorary Member, — a title 
which was created for the occasion, — and expressed the wish 
that he would join in its gatherings as often as possible. 

In 1879, he received the honorary degree of Master of Arts 
from Harvard College, and in 1891, that of Doctor of Divinity. 



A Stated Meeting of the Society was held at No. 25 Beac^«=Dn 
Street, Boston, on Wednesday, 17 January, 1900, -at 
three o'clock in the afternoon, the President in the Chaix— - 
The Records of the last Stated Meeting were read sursd 

The Corresponding Secretary reported that the follo^^^- 
ing letters had been received from President Hadley sLr^mi 
Judge Bancroft Davis : — 

President's Office, 
Yale University, New Haven, Conn. 

December 22, 11 

My dear Sib : — I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of y< 
communication of the 20th and take great pleasure in accepting. 

Sincerely yours, 

Arthur T. Hadle^~ 

John Noble, Esq., 
Corresponding Secretary. 

1621 H Street, Washington. 

December 23, * 

Dear Sir : — I have received your letter of the 20th, informing m« 
my election to the position of Corresponding Member of The Colon ^*l 
Society of Massachusetts. 

In accepting the position to which I have been thus elected, will J^ =:Da 
kindly return my thanks for the great honor which has been done me. 

Yours Respectfully, 

J. C. Bancroft Davis. 

John Noble, Esq., 
Corresponding Sec'y jr. 



Mr- Worthikgton C, Ford communicated and read the 
following letters 1 from Governor Shirley and William Bollan 
to the Lords of Trade, calling the attention of the Home 
government to the wide-spread disregard of the Navigation 
Laws, and the extent to which smuggling and illicit trade 
with the Dutch were carried on : — 


Boston N England Febry 26* 1742/3 

Mr Lords 

The seventh of the Qu aeries lately Sent by your Lordsps, to be 
answered, is this viz'. 

What Methods are Used in the Province under your Govemm'* to pre- 
vent Illegal Trade ; and are y* same Effectual? 

I hare Singled out this Quaere to Answer in the first place, because 
the illicit Trade which appears to have been Carried on in this province 
and some of the Neighbouring Colonys (within this last year more 
Especially) is such, as without the Speedy Interposition of the Farliami 
to Stop it. Must be highly destructive of the Interests of Great Britain, 
by lessening the Vent of her Woollen and other Manufactures, & 
Commodities in her own Plantations, making her cease to be a Staple of 
the European Commodities for Supplying them, letting Foreigners into 
the profits of the plantation Trade, and finally weakening the Depen- 
dance ; which the British Northern Colony's ought to have upon their 
Mother Country. 

That the main Benefits and Advantages arising to Great Britain from 
her plantations, w ct \ I have above enumerated, and which have con- 
stantly employed the attention of the British parliam'* to Secure to her 
by keeping particularly the European Trade to and from her plantations 
to herself (as has been the Usage of other Nations with regard to their 
plantations,) are in very imminent Danger of being lost, to her by the 
Frauds and Abuses lately practis'd here in that Trade, I think will 
appear to your Lordships upon your perusal of the inclosed Ace 1 , of 
tbem given by the Advocate Gen 1 * pursuant to my Orders, and which he 
has Chose to Cast into the form of a Letter to your Lordships, 

I am Sensible that the Advocates letter is very long, but I hope ita 
length may be excused by your Lordships on Ace*, of the Importance 

i These documents were recently bought in London by the Trustees of The 
Public Library of the City of Boston* 



of it's Subject* and the Necessity there is of laying before your Lord- 
ships a full and particular Acco*. of the Mischiefs represented id it, with 
their Causes and proper Remedies, as they Appear to persons upon the 
Spot, who have bad the Conduct of prosecutions for Breaches of the Acts 
of Trade in this & the Neighbouring Colonics for Sev\ years, and form 
thelrJudgem 1 . upon a long Experience of the Effect of those Acts, as 
they have been Construed by the provincial Courts of Law and evaded 
by Illicit Traders. 

I shall only Add to the enclosed Letter, that Untill all Breaches of 
the Acts of Trade, which Extend to the Plantations, or at least those of 
the 15 lh Cha; 2 d Chap, 7 th are made tryable hi the Courts of Vice Admi- 
ralty here, (without which it is in vain to hope that the Illicit Trade 
complained of can be Suppressed) it may be expected that it will be 
Carried on in New England, and perhaps grow, if not timely prevented, 
to So Strong an head as that it will be no easy Matter wholly to Sub- 
due it. 

The prosecution of the Importers of the Goods brought in the Brig- 
antine Hannah (mentioned in the Advocates Letter) from Rotterdam into 
this For 1 for the Value of the Goods imported in her would doubtless 
Discourage the Illicit Traders to a very great Degree, and mnst deterr 
'em exceedingly by Showing 'em their Insecurity even after they have 
Safely landed their Goods ; and I am of Opinion it can't fail of having 
a great Tendency to break up the Trade — But as I think it more proper 
that the Comtn™. of y*, Customs sbo d , be troubled with the Care of pro- 
curing this Evidence from Rotterdam for the prosecution of this Affair 
than your Lordships, I have directed him to recommend it to them to 
take that trouble upon themselves ; and if your Lordships should be of 
Opinion that this prosecution wo d - be for the Service of the Crown, your 
Signifying that to the Commissi of the Customs must Effectually pro- 
cure the desired Evidence, and the Action upon the Rec\ of it, shall he 
forthwith brought here & prosecuted to Effect. 

I am, &c* 

My Lords &c* 

W; Shirley 


Letter from M r . Shirley Gov r . of the Massachusetts Bay to the Board 

Dated 26 Feb 7 . 1742/3 being a particular answer to the 7 th . of the Boards 
Quaeres lately Sent to him relating to the Methods Used in that Province 
to prevent Illegal Trade and the Effect of them. 





Boston N. England Febry 26 tt 1742. 
Wi Lords. 

Mr. Shirley the Gov% & Vice Admiral of this province soon after his 
I >ciug made such, was pleased to Appoint me the Kings Advocate, and 
according to the practice here* it is the Duty of the person filling that 
place to prosecute all offenders against the Acts of Trade, The Discharge 
of which Trust has been lately attended with such Discoveries, and is at 
present Accompanied with So may Difficulties, that after Communicating 
them to his Excellency, he gave me Orders to make them particularly 
known to your Lordships, and indeed i conceive 'em to be of sneb Nature 
& Consequence tbat, had I not received his Commands to that End, I sho d . 
have thought myself Obliged in Faithfulness to the Crown to lay them 
before yonr Lordships : after mentioning which I shall make no further 
Apology for giving your Lordsps this trouble ; but proceed to inform you 
that there has lately been Carried on here a large Illicit Trade, (Distruc- 
tive to the Interest of Great Britain in her Trade to her own Plantations, 
and Contrary to the main intent of all her Laws made to regulate that 
Trade) by importing into this province large Quantities of Euro- 
pean Goods of Almost all Sorts from diverse parts of Europe, Some of 
which are by the Laws wholly prohibited to be imported into the Planta- 
tions, and ye rest are prohibited to be imported there, Unless bro 1 . directly 
from Great Britain ; To Shew forth to yonr Lordships, the Rise, prog- 
ress & Extent of this Pernicious practice would I fear far exceed the 
proper Compass of a Letter from me to your Lordships, and therefore I 
shall Content myself with Saying 1* that a Considerable Number of 
Ships have Contrary to the 15 th Cha*. 2*- Chap: 7 th lately come into this 
Country directly from Holland, laden some wholly, some in part, with 
Reels of Yarn or Spun Hemp, paper. Gunpowder, Iron and Goods of 
Various Sorts Used for Men & Womens Cloathing; 2 dir * tbat Some 
Vessells have also come directly from other foreign parts of Europe with 
like Cargoes, 3 dlJ "« that Some of those Vessells were laden Chiefly & others 
in part with the Goods of the produce and Manufacture of old Spain 
prohibited under large penal ty'es to be imported into Great Britain dur- 
ing the present War : 4 thl5 \ That to Carry on this Sort of Trade diverse 
Vessells have been fitted out here laden with provisions, and tho 1 they 
appear wholly English in the Plantations, Yet by means of their being 
Commanded and Navigated by French Refugees Naturalized, or such 
persons as may easily pass for French Men and by the help of French 
papers and passes procured by French Merch l \ Concerned In the matter, 




they have Carried the English Provisions to their open Enemies, aod 
landed them out of those Yessells in the Porta of Spain : B m K That a 
Considerable part of the Illicit Trade from Holland is Carried on by 
Factors here for the Sake of their Commissions, Dutch Mereh 1 ', having 
the property in the Goods Imported, 6 th . That one of these Illicit 
Traders lately departed hence for Holland proposed to one of the great- 
est tellers of Broad Cloths here (and to how many others I cau*t say) to 
Supply him with Black Cloths from thence, Saying that this Couotry 
might be better and Cheaper Stipply'd with Broad Cloths of that Colour 
from Holland than from England ; But to prevent or rather increase your 
Lordship s Surprize on this Head I need only to Acquaint you that I write 
this Clad in a Superfine French Cloth, which I bought on purpose that I 
might wear about the Evidence of these Illegal Traders having Already 
begun to destroy the Vital parts of the British Commerce ; and to Use as 
a Memento to Myself and the Customhouse Officers to do every thing in 
our power towards Cutting o0f this Trade So very pernicious to the British 
Nation. T hlf * That the persons concerned in this Trade are many, Some 
of them of the greatest Fortunes in this Country, and who have made 
great Gains by it, and having all felt the Sweeta of it, they begin to 
Espouse and Justify it, Some openly some Covertly, and having per- 
s waded themselves that their Trade ought not to be bound by the Laws 
of Great Britain, they labour, and not without Success to poisou the 
Minds of all the Inhabitants of the Province, and Matters are brought 
to such a pass that it is Sufficient to recommend any Trade to their Gen- 
eral Approbation and Favour that it is Unlaw full; and as Examples of 
this kind soon Spread their Influence on the other plantations around, tis 
too plain almost to need mentioning that if Care be not Soon taken to 
Cure this growing Mischief, the British Trade to these Plantations and 
their proper Dependence on their Mother Country will in a great meas- 
ure 'ere long be lost : I shall now recount to your Lordships the Difficul- 
ties which attend the Suppression of this Mischief ; The First and one 
of the Principal whereof is that the Breaches of the Statute of the 15 th Cba : 
2* Chap : 7* Entitled an Act for the Eneouragem'. of Trade & made 
purposely to keep the Plantations in a firm Dependence upon England, 
and to render them Advantagious to it in the Vent of English Woollen 
and other Commodities, and which provides that all European Goods and 
Manufactures imported into the Plantations Shall be Shipp* in England, 
are not Cognizable in the Court of Admiralty, and a prosecution id the 
Common Law Courts here will be Unavoidably attended with great delay 
and too many Difficulties and Discouragements to be generally overcome, 
for in the First place by the Course of Judicial proceedings Established 




in this province there will be a Necessity for the prosecutor to pass thro* 
various Trya!s,(and frequently in distant Counties) in Courts disinclined 
to the prosecution, and with Scarce any hopes of Success ; For in the 
next place the prosecutor cannot there have process to Compel! an 
Appearance of Unwilling Witnesses, (And all Witnesses for the Crown in 
Cases of this Nature are generally such) and Finally a Tryall by Jury 
here is only trying one JIHcite Trader by his Fellows, or at least his well 
wishers ; How it happened that the Offences A g* this Statute which is the 
main Ligament whereby the Plantation Trade is fastned and Secured to 
Great Britain, sho d not be Cognizable in the Court of Admiralty : when 
the Cognizance of other Acts of Trade of much less Consequence to the 
Nation are given to that Court from the Common Consideration of the 
Interest, or desire that the Juries have here to defeat all Seizures & pros- 
ecutions for the Crown, I cannot say but y* Inconveniences that at 
present proceed from the Court of Admiralty's want of Jurisdiction over 
Offences against that Statute, are certainly very great : another Difficulty 
that attends the Suppressing this Illegal Trade Arises from the Nature 
and Situation of the Country, which abounds with Out Ports, where 
Vessells Employed in this Trade unlade their Cargoes into Small Vessells, 
wherein they afterwards Carry their prohibited Goods with Ease into 
some proper places of Safety ; and a further Difficulty grows out of the 
Corruption of those who are Employed to Carry on this Trade, which is 
become so great that we have had some late Instances of Oaths taken at 
the Custom-house by Masters of Vessells indirect Contradiction to their 
certain knowledge of the Truth, and to this crime these Elicit© Traders 
have lately added this Contrivance, Viz', To Conceal or Spirit away the 
Seamen who might otherwise be Witnesses and by their Testimony pos- 
sibly cause a Condemnation of some of the Vessells Em ploy 1 d this Way ; 
and thus when Vast Quantities of Goods are Illegally Imported here, after 
they are Unladen and Secured the Master appears boldly, and is ready to 
Swear any thing for the Good of the Voyage, and the Sailors are dis- 
persed and gone, and there is nothing to be found, but an Empty Ves- 
sell, Ag* which no proof can be obtained — Having thus laid before your 
Lordships the principal Dificnlty s that attend the Carrying the Acts of 
Trade into Execution here it may perhaps be Expected that I sho d pro- 
pose some Remedies which appear to us, who are upon the Spot and 
there Observe the Working of these things, to be most likely to Effect the 
Cure of these Mischiefs ; Wherefore I shall now proceed to mention 'em 
for the Consideration of your Lordships* 

The first thing that Seems Necessary to be done and that by Parlia- 
ment is to Grant to the Court of Admiralty Cognizance of all past and 


future Offences Ag* the above i fi i lawl Statute 15* Chi. 2*, or f which 
would be much better, to provide by Act of Pariiam*, that all Offences 
whatever past and future against the Acts of Trade committed In the 
Plantations & the penalties aad Forfeitures arising therefrom mar be 
prosecuted for and recovered in anj Court of Admiralty in the ptaatav- 
tions ; there is really a greater Want of a certain and general Jurisdic- 
tion in the Courts of Admiralty in the Plantations over Breaches of the 
Acts of Trade there, than at tint may be immagined ; For among other 
things the Statute made in the 7* & 8* of W-. the 3* for preventing 
Frauds and regulating Abuses in the Plantation Trade is So Obscurely 
penn*d in the point of the Admiralty's Jurisdiction, that it has received 
different Constructions, and that Court has been frequently prohibited 
in this Province to take Cognizance of some of the Main Offences 
against that Statute, and of late I hear that like prohibitions have been 
granted in the province of New York, tho v the Intent of the Parliam* 
that made that Statute (as I think) doubtless was to give that Admiralty 
Jurisdiction of all Offences against it : — The granting to the Admiralty 
a general Jurisdiction over all Breaches of the Laws of Trade will, 
without question, be of Advantage to the Crown and Kingdom & Save 
much Trouble to the Officers prosecuting Illicit Traders, and indeed no 
Reason can be assigned for giving the Admiralty Cognizance of Offences 
ag 1 some of the Acts of Trade, but what holds equally good for giving 
the like Jurisdiction over the rest; But let what will be done with 
respect to granting the Admiralty Courts in the Plantations Such gen* 
eral Jurisdiction, I think it is very plain that to Suffer the Offences 
ag 1 . 15 th Cha: 2 d , to remain only punishable in the Courts of Comon 
Law, is to leave it in the power of Illicit Traders (notwithstanding 
that Statute) to Import into these plantations any European Goods 
directly from any foreign Countries to their great profit and with little 
peril — Another thing I woul d . propose to your Lordships as a Cure of 
this Mischievous Trade is, that Actions of Detenue be brought against 
some of the principal Offenders Importing here Goods from foreign 
parts, in order to recover the Goods Imported or their Value ag 1 . the 
Importer of them; such actions will be warranted by the Judgment 
given in Westminster Hall by the Court of Kings Bench 8 th : W*. 3 d . in 
the Case of Roberts against Wetheral as Reported by Mr. Salkeld and 
others ; The Effect of a few such actions properly pursued and Recov- 
eries thereupon had, will I think Unquestionably have the greatest 
possible Tendency to break up this Trade; for the Security of the 
persons concerned in it according to their Understanding of the Matter 
rests in this, that if they can but prevent the Officers Seizing the Goods 




Illegally Trnported (and therein they generally meet with no great diffi- 
culty, as has been already observed) then they are according to their 
present Judgem**. Safe in all respects; Bnt when Once the Importers 
come to find that they are Chargeable with Actions for the Goods Ille- 
gally Imported or their Value, after they have Imported them Safely 
(and Disposed of them, I think they eannot but be deterr'd from making 
such Unlawful Importations ; For then they will see a New Danger, 
great and of long Duration, such as upon the whole they will have but 
little (if any) hopes to Secure themselves from — The most favourable 
Case wherein the first Action of this kind can be commenced & prose- 
cuted in my Opinion will be that of the Brigantine Hannah which arrived 
liere in Dec', 1741, and came directly from Rotterdam, which place she 
left in Oct'* preceediug laden with Hemp spun into Yarn, paper, Ozen- 
1>rigs, Gunpowder and other Goods, after her Arrival here She was 
Seized, but she had first unladen and Secured her Cargo, and with great 
Difficulty we got some of the Crew, and by their Oaths proved such 
Pacts ag 1 her that She was Condemned, & as We have already Secured 
Considerable Evidence of what Goods were Imported in her, I think 
nothing will be wanting to Support an Action to be brought against the 
Owners of her for the Goods by them Imported in her, or their Value ; 
but the proof of the particular Goods taken in by her at Rotterdam, 
and if your Lordships will be pleased to give Orders for Obtaining that, 
I think the Crown will be greatly Served by it j In such Case it will be 
Necessary to have such Evidence of this point, as the Lords of the 
Committee of Council will finally receive and Adjudge Sufficient ; For 

■ with regard to the Success of such Actions here I think there is but 
little Reason to expect any Recovery on a Tryal by our Juries, too 1 the 
proof of such Action and the Law for the Support of it, be ever So 
plain; But on an Appeal to his Majesty in Council, Law and Justice 
will without question be rightly Admin istred : The Condemnation of this 
Vessell was Owing in a great Measure to Accident; the Advocate 
Employed by the CI aimers not knowing that upon Application to the 
Superior Court here he might have had a prohibition to the Court of 
Admiralty, Had that Method of Defence been Used the Vessell would 
have been certainly Acquitted in the Common Law Courts; For the 
only thing which Work'd her Condemnation, was our Catching some of 
the Crew flying, and holding them by such Compulsory process as wc 
could not have had any where but in the Admiralty Court. — This is 
the only Vessell, which has been Condemned for being Employed in this 
Elicit Trade, And it is very remarkable that tho' she Sold for about 
four hundred pounds Sterling, and So the Owners of her lost that Sum 



Yet they have continued that Trade ever Since to a very great Degree, 
tho 1 somewhat more warily ; and other persona have been no wise 
deterred by this Loss and the peril which the Owners were in of having 
their Goods taken: But on the Contrary, more Illicit Trading Ships 
have come in here from Holland only, this last Summer and fall than 
from London, So near is Great Britain to being quite Work'd oat of 
this part of her Trade : and tho' I have said So much to your Lordships 
touching this Matter Yet I cannot avoid adding that this Illicit Trade is 
Carried on to So great a Degree and in so many Various Shapes that I 
make no doubt but if proper preventive Measures be not soon taken, a 
great part of the Bounty Money given by Great Britain to the Importers 
of Naval Stores from the Plantations will in a Short time be laid out in 
Holland or other pans of Europe in the purchase of Goods there, to be 
Illegally Imported here, if that has not been already practts'd. 

I cannot conclude without observing to your Lordships that Unless 
effectual Measures are Speedily taken, to Stop this growing Evil ; the 
Illicit Traders will by their Numbers, Wealth and Wiles have got such 
power in these parts that Laws and Orders may come too late from 
Great Britain to have their proper Effect against it. 

Your Lordships Commands to me (If yon have any, touching these 
Matters) Signifyed to his Excellency the Governour or in whatever 
manner you please Shall be Gbey'd with the Utmost Care and Dispatch 
that can be given them by 

My Lords dec*. 

W: Bolum. 1 


Copy of a Letter from M', Bolum, the Advocate Gen 1 * In N, England, 
to the Board Dated the 26 lb of Febry 1742/3, relating to a large Illicit 

1 William Bollau practised law in Boston for several years before his appoint- 
ment as Advocate General by Shirley, to whose beautiful daughter Frances he 
was married, 8 September, 1743, at King r s Chapel, Boston, where a mural 
monument preserves her and her mother's memory. He was appointed Col- 
lector of Customs for Salem and Marble head, was sent by the Province on a 
successful mission to England to obtain indemnity for the cost of the expedi- 
tion to Cape Breton, and subsequently was Agent of the Province in London. 
Displaced by the Assembly for political reasons, he was similiarly employed 
by the Council and rendered distinguished service* He favored conciliatory 
measures toward the Colonies. Bollan was the ablest of all the Agents of the 
Province of the Massachusetts Bay at the British Court, He is said to have 
died m 1776, 


Trade lately Carry'd on in that province destructive of the Interest of 
Great Britain in her Trade to her own plantations, and contrary to tlie 
main Interest of ail her Laws made to regulate that Trade, by Import- 
ing into that province large Quantity's of European Goods of almost all 
Sorts ; from diverse parts of Europe* 

Mr* Arthur T. Lyman drew comparisons between the 
oppressive acts of the British Government prior to the 
American Revolution and some of the burdens which the 
trade and commerce of this country bear to-day* He also 
referred to an article by Professor Ashley in a recent number 
of the Quarterly Journal of Economics dealing with the 
English Navigation Laws and their effect on New England 

Mr. Robert N, Toppan remarked that Professor Ashley 
had not taken sufficiently into account the utter disregard of 
the Navigation Laws by the merchants of New England dur- 
ing the Provincial period, 

Mr, Andrew McFarland Datis then said : — 

The suggestion made by Mr. Toppan as to the extent of the 
efforts made by Randolph to enforce the Navigation Laws, and 
his allusion to the manner in which these efforts were completely 
frustrated and rendered of no effect, can be easily verified by an 
examination of the Randolph Papers recently printed by the 
Prince Society under the editorial supervision of Mr, Toppan 
himself. With the aid of this valuable publication we can trace 
the zealous efforts of Randolph to secure the enforcement of the 
law and we can see, if we examine the results of the various libels 
upon vessels which he brought, how completely he was justified in 
his reiterated statements that he was being thwarted in his attempts 
to carry out his orders* It must be added, however, in justifica- 
tion of Professor Ashley's argument, in the paper alluded to 
by Mr. Lyman, that the Professor is discussing the period in- 
cluded between the years 1700 and 1760* It seems to me, 
however, that what took place in the days of the Colony has 
some bearing upon the subject and that the real facts of the 
case are, that the system of openly setting the Parliamentary 





Act aside in judicial proceedings, nominally taken in order to 
carry it out, which prevailed in the days of the Colony* gave 
place under the Province to an equally open avoidance of the 
restrictions imposed by the Act, through illicit trade and bare- 
faced smuggling. The method of frustrating the law was changed 
because, under the new Charter, the old way was no longer 

Mr* Ashley argues, if I remember aright, that the Navigation 
Act, which was originally directed against the Dutch, was exclu- 
sively intended for the protection of British commerce, and that 
in this protection the Colonies participated. The establishment of 
the principle of British shipments in British bottoms, he says, had 
the effect of stimulating ship-building In New England. I should 
be inclined to think that this must be so, and to that extent I 
should admit that the Navigation Act may have benefited the Col- 
onies, It may be that the beneficial influence of the Navigation 
Act was sufficiently great to have operated in this way even 
if the restrictive portions of the Act had been enforced against 
Colonial commerce, but inasmuch as these never were enforced, 
we are not called upon to estimate the offset of their deleterious 
influence and must therefore, as I have said, admit the justice of 
the claim made by Professor Ashley, — that ship-building must 
have been stimulated by the Navigation Act. 

When we come to examine the arguments covering the effects 
of the restrictive legislation of a later period, it seems to me that 
Professor Ashley overlooks the fact that practically the same con- 
dition of things prevailed in the days of the Province as that 
which is so visibly set forth by Randolph in his remonstrances, 
protests, and petitions in the days of the Colony. We have 
abundant testimony bearing upon this point. In a paper sub- 
mitted to the consideration of the Society last year, 1 in which I 
discussed the relation of the currency to the politics of the 
Province, I undertook to show that the people of the Province 
were apathetic with regard to this restrictive legislation simply 
because it was not enforced, and that when they realized that a 
new policy was being inaugurated, the fundamental idea of which 
was the passage of legislation which was to be put in practical 

1 At the April Meeting, 1889, See ante, pp. 157-172. 




operation, they then rose in opposition. My purpose in that 
paper was simply to show the part taken by the currency dis- 
cussion in educating the people of the distant towns in the 
politics of the Province* but it involved an examination of this 
ery question, and the opinion that I then expressed has a direct 
bearing on the question which has been raised here to-day in the 
discussion following the interesting paper which we have just 
heard read by Mr, Ford. 

The enforcement of the Molasses Act would have ruined the 
commerce of Hew England, Its evasion was so notorious that 
Professor Ashley excepts it from his discussion. Evasion of 
Parliamentary laws was not, however, limited to the Molasses 
Act- It comprehended all legislation of a similar character, and 
we have but to turn to contemporary English authorities to 
learn that the English were fully cognizant of this fact. A 
pamphlet 1 was published in 1765, which was attributed to George 
Grenville, in which it was stated that the average collections of 
revenue from all the Colonies during thirty years had not amounted 
annually to j£1900, while vessels engaged in commerce between 
ports in the Baltic and the German Ocean imported illegally into 
the Colonies each year goods far exceeding in value those which 
passed thither through Great Britain, This pamphlet is well 
worthy of consideration* It is a dispassionate discussion of the 
subject and must have carried conviction to the minds of those 
who sympathized with the view of the writer that the prime 
function of the Colony was to benefit the Mother Country, The 
author states that the revenue laws, so far as the Colonies were 
concerned, were political regulations, the purpose of which was 
to lead up to the enforcement of the Navigation Act, It was 

^ because the colonists appreciated this that they broke into open 

Mr. Albert Matthews read the following paper on — 


In the southwestern part of Colorado is the Rio de las Animas, 
or Rio de las Animas Perdidas, commonly called the Animas 

1 The Regulations Lately Made concerning the Colonies, and the Taxes Im- 
posed upon Them considered. London, 1765. 


Itiver T a tributary of the San Juan. Its waters find their war 
tb rough the Colorado River to the Gulf of California. Though 
the region watered by the Animas wag unsettled and but little 
known until about thirty yean* ago, yet the river was visited 
by the Spanish as early as 1776, and in that year Father Esea- 
lante alluded to it as the Rio de las Animas. 1 In the south- 
eastern part of the same State is the Rio de las Animas, or 
Purgatory River, a tributary of the Arkansas, the latter river flow- 
ing into the Mississippi. How did this river, apparently alone of all 
the rivers of North America, excluding New England, 2 come to be 
called Purgatory River? Before attempting to answer this ques- 
tion, I?t us see what has been the history of the exploration of that 
stream. Though it was known to the Spanish and to the French, 
the first person to leave an account of it was the indomitable Pike, 
who, under the dates of 15 and 16 November 1806 s thus wrote : — 

M Before evening we discovered a fork on the south side bearing S. 
25" W. and as the Spanish troops, appeared to have borne up it, we 
encamped on its banks, about one mile from its confluence [with the 
Arkansas River], that we might make further discoveries on the morrow, 
. . . After ascertaining 4 that the Spanish troops had ascended the right 
branch or main river [i.e. the Arkansas] ; we marched at two o'clock 


On his map. Pike charted the stream as the fcl W Fork,'* but 
knew it by no specific name. The next party to explore it was 
that commanded by Long, and, under the dates of 22 and 27 July 
1820, we find Dr. Edwin James writing as follows: — 

" This encampment was about eighteen miles abore the confluence of 
that tributary of the Arkansa, called in Pike's maps ^The First fork,' 
and, by our computation, near one hundred miles from the base of the 

1 See post* pp. 3H, 315 and note- 

' There are in New England several small brooks to which the name of 
Purgatory is given, either because they drain swamps or because they flow 
through or near rock chasms which are called Purgatories* There is, of course, 
no connection between these swamps or rock chasms and the Purgatory River 
of Colorado; and the Purgatories of New England do not come within the 
■cope of this paper, 

1 The printed word is m asserting/* — an obvious misprint, 

* Ma*}. Z. M* Pike, An Account of Expeditions to the Sources of the Mis- 
sissippi, tte. t IS 10, p. 1C3. 



mountain. * . . After we had dined, we retraced our two last courses, 
and succeeded in ascending the cliff, at the place which one of the 
hunters had pointed out, taking, without the least regret, our final leave 
of the * Valley of the souls in Purgatory/ This tributary of the 
Arkansa, designated on the old maps as the First Fork, as we learned 
from Bijeau, is called, among the Spaniards of New Mexico, 'The 
river of the souls in Purgatory, 1 We emerged from the gloomy solitude 
of its valley, with a feeling somewhat akin to that which attends the 
escape from a place of punishment." ■ 

The river is indexed as c * Purgatory creek," — this being the 
earliest appearance of the name in a book. 2 The third person 
to mention the river was one Jacob Fowler, a trader, who under 
the dates of 13 November, 1821, and 6 June, 1822, said i — 

" * , > on looking forward We Seen a Branch Puling in from the 
South Side Which We Sopose to be Pikes first forke and make for it, 
* . . We Crosed this plind [plain] and down the mountain to a branch 
of the White Bair Crick."* 

The name given to the river by Fowler was due to the fact that 
on his outward trip one of bis men had been killed by a grizzly 
bear. None of the names now applied to the river were known to 
Fowler, The subsequent exploration of the stream, and the various 
changes which its name has undergone, are sufficiently illustrated 
by the extracts which follow, 

w We were now crossing the dividing Hue between the waters of the 
Timpas and those of the Purgatory, or Los Animos, of the Spaniards, 
, . . To-day we descended eleven and a half miles, and reached the 
valley of the Purgatory, called, by the mountain men, Picatoire, acorrup- 

1 Account of an Expedition from Pittsburgh lo the Rocky Mountains, 
- , ■ under the command of Major Stephen EL Long, , . • compiled by Edwin 
James, Philadelphia, 1823, ii. 66* 76, and note* 

3 But " Purgatory Cr." is found in one of the lt Maps and Plates/* published 
in 1822, which accompanied the work in question. It also appears as " Purga- 
tory Cr." in the General Atlas published by F, Lucas, Jr., 1823, No. 49; as 
" Purgatory Or." in S. Hall's New General Atlas, 1830, No. 44; and as ■« Rio 
de las Animas or Purgatoire," in the map hy J, Gregg in his Commerce of 
the Prairies, 1844. 

■ Journal of Jacob Fowler^ edited by E* Cones, 1898, pp. 41, 148 (Ameri- 
can Explorers Series, i). In a letter to the present writer, Dr. Coues aptly 
characterized Fowler aa the " brooco speller." 


tion of Purgatoire, a swift-running stream, a few yards in width, bat no 
grass of any amount at the crossing." * 

" On the right, rose the cloud-capped summits of the Spanish Peaks ; 
in front, the gates of the Raton pass, from which issued the much 
wished for ' Rio Purgatorio.' . . . Spent the day on the banks of the 
Purgatory; not inappropriately named, as one plunges into a perfect 
Erebus, amongst the rugged rocks of the Raton/' * 

" We started about noon, proceeding the first day about ten miles, 
and camped at sundown opposite to the mouth of the Purgatoire — the 
Pickatwaire of the mountaineers, and ' Las Animas ' of the New Mexi- 
cans — an affluent of the Arkansa, rising in the mountains in the vicinity 
of the Spanish Peaks." * 

44 The Kiowas . . . are divided into several sub-tribes, under the con- 
trol of independent chiefs, and portions of them, even during the winter 
months, occupy the valley of the upper Arkansas, and of its tributary, 
the Purgatory river. The * Big Timbers ' of the Arkansas, and the 
bushy shores of the Purgatory, afford them fuel and shelter from the 
storms." 4 

"The Purgatoire (first changed into Purgatory, and then corrupted 
into Pickel-Wire) rises in the northern angle which the Raton Mountains 
make with the main chain." * 

" LAS ANIMAS COUNTY Lies along the southern boundary of 
Colorado, and takes its name from the principal stream running through 
it — the Las Animas, or Purgatoire (sometimes vulgarized into i Picket- 
wire'). The Las Animas ('The Spirits') valley forms one of the 
most magnificent tracts of farming land in Colorado." 6 

44 Quelques mots ont et£ complement defigures. En effet, qui pour- 
rait deviner que . . . 4 Picketwire River,' dans le Nouveau-Mexique 
[est d£riv£] de 4 Riviere du Purgatoire? ' " 7 

1 Lieut. W. H. Emory, 4, 5 August, 1846, Notes of a Military Reconnaissance, 
from Fort Leavenworth, in Missouri, to San Diego, in California, 1848, p. 17. 

f Lieut. J. W. Abert, 13, 14 September, 1846, in W. H. Emory's Notes, etc., 
1848, pp. 436, 437. On 14 January, 1847, Abert refers to the stream as " the 
• Rio de los Animas,' or Purgatory " (Notes, etc., p. 523). 

• G. F. Ruxton, Adventures in Mexico and the Rocky Mountains, 1847, p. 

4 Capt. J. Pope, Report of Exploration of a Route for the Pacific Railroad, 
1854, p. 16. (Pacific Railroad Reports, vol. ii., Part iv.) 

6 W. A. Bell, New Tracks in North America, 1869, i. 80. No doubt. 
" Pickel-Wire " is a misprint for " Picket- Wire." 

• The Rocky Mountain Directory and Colorado Gazetteer, For 1871, p. 61. 

• G. Barringer, £tude sur P Anglais parte aux £tats-Unis (La Langue 


** The tributaries of the Arkansas, which take their rise in the moun- 
tains, cut splendid cations for their passage. Of these the finest is that 
of the * Purgatory, 1 which for more than fifty miles is almost shut out 
from the light of day by beetling cliffs of red sandstone, 800 to 1,000 
feet high, and in many places within a very few hundred feet of each 
other," 1 

11 There is also a 'purgatory' in the Rocky Mountains, this name 
"being given to a gorge, defile t or cafion, traversed by oue of the 
branches of the Arkansas (Purgatory River), This l purgatory 1 is on 
a grand scale, it being more than fifty miles long, and its walls from 
eight hundred to a thousand feet high." fl 

" The first farm in the fertile and now valuable valley of the Rio de 
Las Animas was opened by the Bents." 1 

It thus appears that among the names given to this stream are 
Purgatory, Purgatorio, Purgatoire, Picatoire, Pickatwaire, Picket- 
wire, and Rio de las Animas. 4 As M, Barringer remarks, the 
connection between Purgatory and Picketwire is not obvious at 
a glance ; but the above extracts show the successive changes 
by which the corruption has been brought about. It is clear, 

Am&ic&ine), in Actes de la Society Philologique, 1874* iii. 302, The author is 
of course mistaken in locating the Purgatory in New Mexico. 

* R. I. Dodge, The Plaina of the Great West and their Inhabitants, 1877, 
p. 21. 

* J. D. Whitney, Names and Places : Studies in Geographical and Topo- 
graphical Nomenclature, 1888, p. 161. In & note, Prof. Whitney quotes Col. 
Dodge, and refers to Emory and Abert as " the earliest scientific explorers of 
this region/' It is clear that Prof, Whitney had not made a study of the sub- 
ject ; for, as we have already seen, Emory and Abert had been preceded by 
Pike and Long. 

* II . Inman, The Old Santa Fe* Trail I The Story of a Great Highway, 1897, 
p. 395. In a note Coh Inman adds: " * River of Souls.' The stream j s also 
called Le Purgatoire, corrupted by the Americans into Picketwire/* 

* The Purgatory River is sometimes referred to as the Hio de las Animas 
Perdidaa* Thus, Col. Inman, alluding to the top of Raton Peak, recently 
wrote ; M Far below this magnificent vantage-ground lies the valley of the Rio 
Las Animas Perdidas " (The Old Santa Fe Trail, 1897, p. 486). Such a de- 
signation is wrong, and is due to confusion with the Animas River, the tribu- 
tary of the San Juan mentioned at the beginning of this paper. In a letter to 
the present writer, the late Dr. Coues spoke of the confusion as one made by 
11 blundering writers ; n yet Dr. Coues himself twice fell into the trap, and on my 
pointing out the mistake, characteristically remarked that he was waiting * 4 to 
get a chance to abuse himself in print about it." 




also, that the genesis of Purgatory River is from the Spanish 
Rio Purgatorio. As to the origin of this name, several explana- 
tions have been advanced. An English traveller, Mr. W. A. 
Bell, remarked as follows: — 

" We had come to the entrance of the Red Rock Canon j and never 
have I Been anything to equal the wo nd erf ul effect of this mass of 
colour. There cannot be a doubt that, coming unexpectedly upon this 
marvellous spectacle, Purgalonj was the instant and unvarying idea 
impressed upon the imaginations of the French explorers from Louisiana 
who first visited this spot ; for it seemed only just out of some mighty 
furnace, and looked as if, a little farther on, within the narrow jaws 
through which the boiling waters came seething down, the whole chasm 
was even then red-hot, and ready to engulf those whom Holy Church 
had doomed to destruction." l 

This notion is based on a complete misconception of the Catho- 
lic doctrine of Purgatory, That doctrine is that Purgatory is 
a place where the souls of those who have died in grace undergo 
a process of cleansing from sin preparatory to being admitted into 
Paradise. Hence "the enemies of Holy Church" are precisely 
the ones whose souls under no circumstances can enter Purga- 
tory ; and it follows that Mr. Bell has confounded Purgatory 
with Hell, — a mistake common with Protestants, and one which 
is found in several of the extracts cited above. But though the 
precise idea suggested by Mr. Bell could never have occurred to 
the Spanish or French traders who first explored the region of the 
Purgatory River* yet if we substitute the correct conception of 
Purgatory for Mr, Bell's misconception, we have an explanation of 
the origin of the name which may possibly be the true one. 

A few years ago Colonel Richard I, Dodge advanced another 
explanation, as follows : — 

" A curious and interesting story was told me by an old Mexican, 
apropos to the name of what is known on our map as the * Purgatory 
River,' When Spain owned all Mexico and Florida, the Commanding 
Officer at Santa F6 received an order to open communication with 
Florida* An Infantry Regiment was selected for this duty. It started 
rather late in the season, and wintered at a place which has been a town 

* New Tracks in North America, 1869, i, 88, 80. 




€Ter since, and is now known as Trinidad, In the spring, the colonel, 
leaving behind all camp followers — both men and women — inarched 
down the stream which flows for many miles through a magnificent 
cafion, Not one of the regiment returned or was ever heard of after, 
their fate being shrouded in mystery. When all hope had departed from 
the wives, children and friends, left behind in Trinidad, information was 
sent to Santa Fe, and a wail went up through the land* The priests 
and people called this stream, 4 El rio de las auimas perdidas/ ' The 
liiver of lost Souls.' Years after, when the Spanish power was weakened 
and Canadian French trappers permeated the country, they adopted a 
more concise name- The place of lost souls being purgatory, they called 
the river ' Le Purgatotre/ Then came the * Great American Bull- 
whacker/ he whose persistent efforts opened and maintained the enormous 
trade between Santa Fe and St Louis. Utterly tiuable to twist his 
tongue into any such Frenchified expression, he called the river the 
4 Picketwire,* and by this name it is known to all frontiersmen and 
to the settlers on its banks.*' 2 

No such expedition as that referred to is known to historians ; 
the sudden rise of Trinidad would, even in our go-ahead West, 
be an impossibility; as a matter of fact, Trinidad came into 
existence between 1860 and 1870 ; a the name Rio de las Animas 
Perdidas is wrongly applied to the Purgatory, through confusion 

* Our Wild Indians : Thirty-three Years* Personal Experience among the 
Red Men of the Great West, 1882, pp. 229, 230. The following description of 
a bull-whacker is from the pen of John White! an English traveller : -— 

"The men were of the wildest Western type, either miners from the mountains or 
"bull- whackers * from the plains, The profession of £ bull- whacking ' has, in aote-railway 
davs, been one of the foremost In the West The bull -whacker is a teamster, who uses his 
^rmggon and team of oxen for brio ging supplies westward from the Missouri, and other 
Wise carrying od the trade of the conn try; The nam her of prominent men in the Far 
West, who started in trans -Missouri an life as ball- whackers, is said to be very great, and 
the gains of the profession, hitherto, to have been very large. The good bulb whacker 
must be fearless of Indians, and the cleaner he shoots his men, the better ; he must be 
able to stand any Hardship ; he is generally of fine physique, with a vigorous rollicking, 
«i*vil-me-care look about him, which makes him a handsome specimen of manhood/* etc. 
{Sketches from America, 1870, p. 259). 

* In 1859 a French Canadian settled at the mouth of Gray's creek four 
miles below Trinidad ; in 1860 settlers built cabins in the valley opposite 
Trinidad; and in 1862 several persons u staked off a number of lots, built 
cabins, and thus originated the nucleus n of Trinidad. (The Rocky Mountain 
Directory and Colorado Gazetteer, For 1871, pp, 387-398,) Florida was ceded 
by Spain to the United States in 1819* 


with the Animas River, the tributary of the San Juan; and, 
finally, Purgatory is not " the place of lost souls." Colonel 
Dodge's suggestion is a peculiarly unhappy one. 

Less absurd than the explanation which has just been considered, 
is one put forward by James F. Meline. 

" When the thing is explained," he said, u you are ready to believe 
anything in distorted orthography — except, perhaps, Picket Wire. . . . 
Why Picket Wire? Never was any wire in the country. And then it's 
English, while every mountain and stream in this whole region has a 
French, Indian, or Spanish name. ... At last a native was caught, 
who, on being asked the name of the stream, gave it instantly its 
beautiful Spanish appellation, i Rio de las Animas.' Ah! here was a 
light i The River of Souls.' ... I gave you my theory of the origin 
of the word Platte. I think I can perceive that of the Rio de las 
Animas. In his diary of November 15, 1806, Pike speaks of encamp- 
ing on a fork of the Arkansas, on the south side, bearing south 25° west, 
and he says, 4 As the Spanish troops appeared to have borne up it, we ^» 
encamped,' etc. South 25° west is precisely the course of the Picket d*t 
Wire, and applies to no other stream that Pike could then have reached. — J. 
The troops in question were probably en route to Mexico. It is evident ^t^ «t 
from what Pike says that some days had elapsed since they passed. — M. 
They in all probability reached it on the 2d of November, All Souls' ^.sb' 
Day, and according to their custom — instance Florida, Corpus Christi, «» MA y 
etc — named it ' Las Animas,' in commemoration of the day." l 

An examination of Pike's statements, already given, shows j 
that the Spanish troops did not ascend the Purgatory; andJ^-*d 
though they may have encamped at its mouth on the seconxLE^<*d 
of November, 1806, there is no proof that they did so. Moreover, ^► - * T » 
Malgares, the commander of the Spanish troops, " was raiding-^^. £ 
as a bravo to anticipate Pike in seducing Indians, and was naming* 
nothing." 2 Finally, the name Rio de las Animas, as has been. 

1 J. F. Meline, Two Thousand Miles on Horseback: Santa Fe* and Back, — 
1868, pp. 93-95. 

a So Dr. Coues wrote me. After my own investigations were completed, IT" 
applied to Dr. Coues in the hope of obtaining further information. In spite* 
however, of his immense knowledge in such matters, he was unable to furnisht 
me with any facts not already known to me, except the reference to Escalante's 
Diary. When Dr. Coues acknowledged himself baffled, others need not bo 
ashamed of their ignorance. 




►bserved, occurs in a Spanish work as early as 1776, 1 It is true 
that this name was applied not to the Purgatory River but to the 
Animas River* 2 the tributary of the San Juan j yet the words 
of Father Escalante show the existence of the name long before 
the time of M alga res. 

The period of the first use of Purgatorio, and the circumstances 
of its imposition, are as yet to be discovered; and until evidence 

rearing on these points is adduced* it will be well to refrain from 
theorizing. It may be pointed out, however, that in Catholic 

countries Purgatorio is by no means unknown as applied to topo- 
phtcal features. Thus there are in Venezuela both a mountain 

1 4I Dia 8, salimos del rio Finos y Vega de San Cay eta no, rum bo oeanoroeste, 
& las cuatro leguaa Uegamoa al rio Florida, que es mediano y inenor que el de 
los Finos; . , „ Pasado el rio Florida, cam in am 03 al oeste doa leguas y al 
oeanoroeste poco mas de otras doa ; bajamos una cuesta pedrosa y no muy dila- 
tada, llegaruos at rio de las An imas, cerca de la pun La occidental de la sierra de 
la Plata, en que tiene bu origen. . . . Dia 9 : salimos del rio de laa Animas, 
. anduvimos por ell a una legna al oeste, y declinamos al oeste cuarta al 
noroeste, y andadas tres leguas por un monte frondoso de buenos pastos, llegamos 
al rio de San Joaquin, por otro nombre de la Plata, el cual es pequefto" (Eaca- 
jaute's Diario y Derrotero, 8, 9 August, 1779, in Documentos para la Historia 
de Mexico, second series, 1854, i + 388). My attention was called to this work 
by Dr. Cones j but I am indebted to our associate, Mr, A, P* C. Griffin, for 
kindly procuring me a copy of the entries for 8 and 9 August. Maps of Esca- 
lante's route will be found in the Atlas accompanying the Exploration du Ter- 
ritolre de l'Oregon, dea Californies et de la Mer Vermeille, execute* e pendant lea 
Annees 1840, 1841 et 1842, par M. Duflot de Mof ras, Paris, 1844, No t 1 ; in R 
Harry's account, written in 18G0, of Escalante *a Diary, in Captain J* H. Simp- 
son's Report of Explorations across the Great Basin of the Territory of Utah 
for a direct wagon -route from Camp Floyd to Genoa, in Carson Valley, in 1859 
(published in 1876), p. 489; and in H. H. Bancroft's History of the Pacific 
States of North America, xx* 342. There is nothing in Escalante's Diary for 
those two day a to indicate that the names Finos, Florida, Las Animas and La 
Plata — all of which are retained to the present day — originated with him- 
self ; while he does distinctly say that in years paat several expeditions started 
from New Mexico to exploit certain lodea of metal in the canon of the Rio de 
la Plata, 

3 Escalaute'a name is Rio de las Animas* How ** Perdidas H came to be 
added is a mystery which cannot be fathomed. Curiously enough, I cannot 
find the slightest allusion to the Animas River from the day a of Escalante to 
those of Captain J. N. Macomb, who explored the stream in 1859, (See Pro- 
fessor J. S* Newberry's Geological Report in Captain Macomb's Report of the 
Exploring Expedition From Santa Fe, New Mexico, to the Junction of the 
Grand and Green Rivers of the Great Colorado of the West, 1670, pp. 76, 
78, 79.) 


range and a river named Purgatorio ; 1 there is on the northwest ^| 

coast of Cuba a Punta del Purgatorio; 3 there is, in the interior -», 

of the same island, a place called Loma del Purgatorio; 1 and no ^> 

less than three communes in Italy have each a "frazione" desig- ^^ 
nated Purgatorio. 4 

That the question with which this paper began must be left ^*=3 

without an adequate answer, is cause for regret ; but perhaps the ^^ * 

history of the Purgatory River of Colorado is not without interest ^ w 
as a study in nomenclature. 

Mr. John Noble reminded the Society that its meeting^g' 
i was being held on the anniversary of the birth of Franklin_^« 
and remarked upon the great value to mankind of his 
coveries and inventions, and upon his public services, calling 
attention to the remarkable variety and extent of the fields 
of his interests. 

Mr. Henry H. Edes exhibited a letter of EdmuncL 
Quincy and said : — 

The original letter which is now before the Society was written. 
18 June, 1773, by Edmund Quincy (H. C. 1722) to his daughter 
Dorothy, 6 afterward the wife of Governor John Hancock. She 
was then in Shirley, Massachusetts, on a visit to the Reverend 
Phinehas Whitney (H. C. 1759) and his second wife, Lydia 
Bowes, daughter of the Reverend Nicholas Bowes (H. C. 1725) 
of Bedford, Massachusetts, and cousin-german to John Hancock. 

1 " Purgatorio : Geog. Altura de la serranfa de Turumiquire, en la sec- 
cidn Cumani, Venezuela, a 1548 m. sobre el nivel del mar. Rio de la seccion 
Cumani, Venezuela; nace en la serranfa de Paria y desagua en el golfo del 
mismo nombre" (Diccionario Enciclopedico Hispano-Americano de Litera- 
tura, Ciencias y Artes, 1895, xvi. 657). 

* The Century Atlas, 1897, No. 68. 

• So I am informed by a correspondent. 
« " PURGATORIO. — Frazione del com. di Capriata d» Orba, prov. di Ales. 

sandria. L* ufficio postale e a Capriata d'Orba. PURGATORIO. — Frazione 
del com. di San Massimo, prov. di Molise. . . . PURGATORIO (Anime del). 
— Frazione del com. di Spoleto, prov. dell* Umbria " (Dizionario Corografico 
dell' Italia compilato per cura del Prof. Amato Amati, Milano, vi. 672). This 
work is undated, but was published about 1869. 

5 Dorothy Quincy was baptized at the Church in Brattle Square, 17 May, 




Madam Lydia Hancock l was also there, on a visit to hex niece and 
namesake. If tradition be true, she had set her heart upon 
having Miss Qiuncy for a niece and as her own successor as mis- 
tress of the Hancock mansion on Beacon Hill, where, before hos- 
tilities began, the young lady was often a welcome guest. Madam 
Hancock lost no opportunity to bring Miss Quincy and her favor- 
ite nephew together at Boston, at Lexington, at Burlington, at 
Shirley, at Fairfield, Connecticut, and elsewhere, and she finally 
liad the satisfaction of witnessing their nuptials, on the twenty- 
eighth of August, 1775, at Fairfield, where the Rev. Andrew 
Eliot (H. C. 17G2), son of Dn Andrew Eliot (H. C. 1737) of Bos- 
ton, was the settled minister. It is said that during Miss Quincy's 
Tisit at Fairfield, where she and Madam Hancock were the guests 
of Thaddeus Burr and his wife, in the summer of 1775, she met 
Aaron Burr, a kinsman of her host, and was much charmed by his 
fascinating manners; but her watchful chaperon took care that 
her own matrimonial plans for her young charge were not inter- 
fered with. In view of what has been said, there is no cause for 
surprise in the fact that the first child born to Governor Hancock 

■ and his young wife was named Lydta Henchman Hancock. 
The grace with which Mrs. Hancock presided over the Gov- 
ernor s household and received his distinguished guests has been 
often described. Here is one description : — 

Madam Hancock gratified the ambition of her husband, in presiding 
with so much graceful ease at his hospitable board and in the social 
circle, that her presence ever infused an enlivening charm. So famed 
was Hancock for hospitality, that his mansion was often thronged with 
visitors; and frequently did Madam Hancock send her maids to milk 
their cows on Boston Common, early in the morning, to replenish the 
exhausted supply of the previous evening. On July 28, 1796,* widow 
Dorothy Hancock was married, by Peter Thacher, D.D., to James 
Scott, the master of a London packet, formerly in the employ of the 

1 An interesting memorial of Madam Hancock's interest in the First Church 
of Shirley remains in the large Bible, inscribed with her name, which she 
gave for the pulpit on the occasion of the opening for public worship of 
the new Meeting- House, on the twenty-fifth of November, 1773. See post t 
pp. 321-323. 

* The Record* of the Church in Brattle Square, and the Boston Record Com- 
missioners* Reports, XXX, Ill, give the date of Madam Hancock's marriage as 
27 July, 170o\ 


governor. She outlived Capt Scott many years, 1 and retained her 
mental faculties until near the close of life* She was a lady of superior 
education, and delightful powers of conversation* 

Her last days were retired and secluded, in the dwelling No. 4 
Federal-street, next the corner of Milton-place, in Boston; and those 
were moat honored who received an invitation to her little supper- 
table. She epoke of other days with cheerfulness, and seldom sighed 
that they had gone. Her memory was tenacious of past times; and 
tbere were but few officers of the British army quartered in Boston 
whose personal appearance, habits, and manners, she could not describe 
with accuracy. Her favorite was Earl Percy, whose forces encamped 
on Boston Common during the winter of 1774-5; and this nobleman, 
accustomed to all the luxuries of Old England, slept among Ml com- 
panions in arms in a tent on the Common, exposed to the severity of 
the weather as much as were they. The traces of those tents have been 
visible, to a very recent period, on the Common, when the grass was 
freshly springing from the earth, and the circles around the tents were 
very distinct. At the dawn of day, Madam Seott related that Earl 
Percy's voice was heard drilling the regulars near the old mansion. 

Madam Hancock had an opportunity, after the capture of Burgoyne 
of extending her courtesies to the ladies of his array, while at Cam- 
bridge, under the treaty with Gates. They were gratefully received 
by the fair Britons, and ever remembered* When Lafayette was in 
Boston, during his last visit, in August, 182-4, he made an early call on 
Madam Scott. Those who witnessed this hearty interview speak of it 
with admiration. The once youthful chevalier and the unrivalled belle 
met as if only a summer had passed since they had enjoyed social inter- 
views in the perils of the Revolutionp While they both were contem- 
plating the changes effected by long time, they smiled in each other's 
faces, but no allusion was made to such an ungallant subject ; yet she 
was not always so silent on this point. One of her young friends com- 
plimented her on her good looks. She laughingly replied, M What yon_ 
have said is more than half a hundred years old. My ears remember it ; 
but what were dimples once are wrinkles now/* To the last day of life, 
she was as attentive to her dress as when first in the circles of fashion- — 
. . . Madam Scott died in Boston, Feb, 3, 1830, aged 83 years.* 

1 Captain James Scott died 19 June, 1800, at the age of 63 (Columbi; 
Centinel of Wednesday, 21 June, 1800, No. 2631, p. 2/4, which see). His < 
is in Suffolk Probate Files, No. 23 T 36ti. 

1 Loriog's Hundred Boston Orators (1853), pp. 106, 107. Madam Scott's wiEU, 
is in Suffolk Probate Files, No. 2fl,160. 

The Columbian Centinel of Saturday, 20 February, 1830, No. 4786, p. 1/^^ 




The text of Mr, Quincy's letter follows : — 

Dear Dollt, 

Altho I'm not to be favored with one Letter or line, I sit down to 
write you a second* to congratulate you upon the favorable account of 
your health, which I have, with great satisfaction received, tliro, Col 
Haodcocks goodness, in communicating what M f Whitney informs him 
on that head, & also upon the agreableness of Mad? Handcock's & 
your present tour into the Country f (especially at Lancaster), where 
Nature smiles thro the most extended circle of observation j where the 
beauties of the Animal & Veritable world, as well as those of the 
Ceelestial Regions, Ulude y* Search of the most pbylosophical eye. Let 
us take the hint, (indeed very obvious) & be thence taught to contem- 
plate, admire & adore the inexhaustable Source, from whence is derived 
every blessing both of the upper and nether Springs ; the latter indeed 
soon, very soon, may be dried up: but this affords us a singular reason 
for our making eure of a portion in the Former, which is never failing 

l The inconstancy of humane things, which we are very apt 

to regret, is very wisely designed to correspond with every affair rela- 
tive to the humane System; in the honest Examination, & right under- 
standing whereof, as far as our respective capacities reach, is said to 
consist that wisdom, recom mended to us as the principal thing ; and as 
our creator has been pleased to furnish us with the divine talent of rea- 
son & reflection, we are infinitely obliged to improve the same to the 
highest degree of our intellectual capacity ; indeed the longest span of 
life will prove too short to render praise to the author of our Being, 
adequate to the blessings with w c . h he vouchsafes to crown us here j 
and hence a cogent argument to evince y c revealed doctrine of a Resur- 
rection & a future life, in the Full expectation w hereof, we are by 
Divine permission, to be ever gratefully rejoycing, in what ever state 
an all wise providence may see fit to place us, in this life, and the more 
innocently & inoffensively we live in it, the higher will be the enjoy- 
ment of every favor we may receive, tho* by a different System of 
action we are in danger of annihilating the same : but I may not pro- 

contains a long obituary notice of Madam Scott from which the following ex- 
tract is taken i — 

She was near to, and in night of the battle ground, when the first blood flowed in 
Lexington. ♦ . ■ Madam Hancock was justified in the opinion of her friends, when she 
gave her hand to a second husband, Capt* James Scots, whoso amiable temper and 
worthy character, she had long and intimately known. With this excellent mac, she 
enjoyed as much happineae as mar well consist with the lot of humanity. 

1 These dots are in the original from which nothing has been omitted in 


ceed, tho. on a most agreable subject of contemplation, my time being 
Short & interruptions frequent. 

You have the honor of Col? Handcock's being the bearer, I wish him 
a pleasant Journey, & a happy meeting with his valuable aunt 1 & yon, 
db that you with them may have a safe & comfortable Journey home : 
You'l make mine & your SistT Katy's* compliments acceptable to Mad* 
Handcock,* M r Whitney & Lady, to which I need not add that I remain 

Dear Dolly, 

Your most affection* Father 
and Friend, 

Edm. Quixct 4 
Boston June 18 th 1773 
To Miss. Dollt Qcikct 

P. S. Your Sister Eaty intended an answer to your Short 1/ — bat 
this day has not been able. Col° Handcock* & associates have had a 

1 The reference is to the childless rich widow of the richer Thomas 
Hancock from each of whom Governor Hancock inherited a fortune. See 
Xot* on Ljdia Hancock, pott, pp. 321*323. 

* Ka:harine Quincy was baptized 3 June. 1733 (Records of the Church in 
Brittle Squared She died, unmarried. 9 June. lSCH, as the age of 71, her 
funeral - proceeding." on the eleventh. - from the house of James Soon, esq." 
(Boston Gazene of Monday. 11 Jane. 1S04. Xa 795. p. 2 3> 

* Lydia i Henchman) Hancock. 

« Edmund Quincy. the son of J-dre Edmund and Dorothy C^Km) Quincy, 
was l«m 13 Jsne, 17*3 (Br*in:iee Town Reccris. p. <>&}); married F^^t^th 
Wendell lo April l72o ^R«:on Record Commissioners" Reports* xxriiL 12$); 
was a naer^iant in Rre&cn ; an I a promise;:: memS?r of tbe Church in Brattle 
Square, wfeere nis chilirea wens hapsiied. He died oa Friday. 4 Jah\ 17SS. at 
the a^e of So ^Mi«sa^:^e«5 Ceatinel cf S^tuzdar. 5 J^y. ITSSw ix. 129.3). 
H» ieKer-icck is in ibe Cabinet ci ibe Maaswhn**:^ lE&craal Sooesy. Two 
Jester* cccsain^i ir it. addressed to his j»;-n-in-Uw Jcin Hazoxk and to 
Hfcifc— Lyiia Hancrck. Sescririzj: :be *rk*iiL;c ci Eo«v n. are printed xn the 
&*rae-:y** IVcceedizL^* f:c April. l^T^w :▼. 27-41. A accke c£ ifc. Q^iacy is 
arc*&Sed v tbe iecers ^rc. 41-44 . 

* Ha-oxk had beec rcca=isaircw»i ry H*%2ci=aec Carcaix cf tie lade- 
peno*-; Cccw cc Gaiecs in Hay. iTTi. H* w^s disnriswvi >y Gcwacr Gag* 
1 A^trmc 1774. wsmczcc tie a:«kzy iisc^aiec aai 
ic ti* Gcroraor. 



hoid task, respecting y* G%* V G's* & other Letters* of w eh you'l see 
Copies — but I think notwithstanding, He appears to rise the higher the 
greater y e burthens. M* Boyle 4 here, remembers her love to you, & 

wants to see you. 


waa hnri 


Miss, Dolly Quiney 

at the Rev^ M r Whitneys 


By Favor of Col? Handeock 


Lydia Henchman, daughter of Daniel and Eliza- (Gerrbh) Henchman, 
born 4 October, 1714 (Boston Record Commissioners' Reports, xxiv. 98 J. 
She married Thomas Hancock* who served hia apprenticeship with her father t 
a prominent and successful bookseller, 5 November, 1730 (Ibid, xxviii 154), 
Thomas Hancock's death was thus announced : — 

* Governor Thomas Hutchinson. 

* Lieutenant-Governor Andrew Oliver* 

* These were the famous letters which Dr. Franklin secured in England and 
sent over to Thomas Cashing, Speaker of the House, early in December, 1772. 
They were printed in Boston in the summer of 1773 and produced the greatest 
excitement and alarm throughout the Province* Cf. Hutchinson's History of 
the Province of Massachusetts Bay, iii. 391, 395 and notes ; Diary and Letters 
of Thomas Hutchinson (London, 1863), L 159 et &eq. \ and 1 Proceedings of the 
Massachusetts Historical Society for February, 1878, xvi. 42-49« 

* This lady may have been Mrs. Lydia Boyle whose death, at the age of 78, 
iras announced in the Mercury and New England Palladium of Friday, 28 
^November, 1802, p. 3/1, without the date of her demise being mentioned. Her 
funeral, however, occurred, on the twenty-sixth, and proceeded from the house 
of her son, CoL John Boyle, bookseller and stationer, No. 18 Marlborough 
Street, Boston. See Suffolk Deeds, clxxxii. 168. Col. Boyle was twice mar- 
ried, and if the reference in the text was not to his mother it was, doubtless, to 
his first wife, Ccelia, daughter of Martin Gay the Loyalist (see ante, iii. 379- 
400), to whom he was married 12 March, 1772 (Records of the West Church, 
Boston). She died at Hingham, Massachusetts, 11 April, 1776 (New England 
Chronicle of Thursday, 25 April, 1770, No. 401, p. 3/2), See History of 
Bingham (1893), it 265. Col, Boyle married (2) Elizabeth Casneau, 20 June, 
1778 (Records of the New North Church) and had by her several children who 
were baptized at the Church in Brattle Square, among them Dorothy Hancock 
Boyle, baptized 18 May, 1783. Col. Boyle died of apoplexy in Boston, 18 Nov- 





Wednesday last about Noon, the Honorable THOMAS HANCOCK, Esq ; on* of 
His Majesty's Council for this Province, ww seized with an Apoplexy, just as he was 
entering the Council Chamber, and expired about Three o 'Clock P. M- at hU Saet, to 
which he was carried soon after be was taken with the Fit, — He died in the 62d Year 
of his Age; and was one of the most noted Merchants In New- En gland. His Remain* 
are to be interred this Afternoon, at Half past 4 o'Clock (Boston Gazette of Monday, 
6 August, 1764, No. 488, p. 3/2). 

For Thorns* Hancock's will, see Suffolk Probate Files, No, 13,481 
Ma* lam Hancock fled from Boston during the siege and took refuge at 
Fairfield, Connecticut, where, in the old burial-ground, may be read the follow- 
ing inscription P which is here copied from Abram English Brown's Jobo 
Hancock His Book (1898), p. 240, note: — 





Relict of tke How"- 1 Thos. Hjlroock, Esqe, 

of Boston 

whose Remains lie here interred, having retired to this town from 

the calamities of war, during the Blockade of her native 

city in 1775, Just on her return to the reenjoy- 

ment of an ample fortune. 

Ok ArmLl5**a,n. 1776 

She waa seized with apoplexy and closed a life of 

unaffected piety, universal benevolence 

and extensive charity. 

Madam Hancock's death was announced in the Boston Gazette of Monday, 
6 May, 1776, No, 1094, p. 2/2 : — 

Lately died at Fairfield, Lady Lydta Hancttck, Widow of the late Hon. Ultima* 
Hancock, Esq ; and Aunt to the Hon. John Hancock, Esq ; President of the Continental 

The issue of Monday, 20 May, No. 1006, p. 1/1, contains a long notice, filling 
nearly a column, from which the following extract is taken : — 


YESTERDAY died here, after a short illness, Mrs. Lydia Hancock, Tenet of the 
late Hon. Tkamat Hancock, Esq ; of Boston. 

A few days hefore the memorable 19th of April, she retired from her pleasant sent 
in that town, and not long after came to the house of Thaddens Bnrr, Esq ; of this place-, 
a family with which she had long been peculiarly intimate, and amidst whose tenderest 
offices of friendship she expired. , . , 

The quick approach of death would not allow her to be attended tn her last moments 
by her Nephew, the Hon. /*An Hancock, Esq ; President of the American Congress, who 

ember, 1819 (Boston Town Record*). The Columbian Centinel of Saturday, 
20 November, 1610, No. 3716, p. 2/4 thus announces his death : — 

In this town, John Boyle, Esq. aged 73. During the revolution he commanded a 
regiment and was aid-de-camp to Got. Hancock. 




was happr in being educated by her, from hie early childhood, and the object of her 
fondest alloc tiou on this aide heaven. 

In her last ULne&fl, before she was thonght dangerona, she suddenly grew nseDsille 
and spoke bat little ^ this ia the less to be regretted, since her life spoke so ranch. 

Lydia Hancock's will, dated 30 October, 1765, contains many bequests, 
among them legacies to the daughters of the Reverend Nicholas Bowes* 
Owing, doubtless, to the absence in Philadelphia of her nephew, executor and 
principal heir, who did not resign the Presidency of Congress tilt the autnmn 
of 1777, the will was not probated till 21 November, 1777, on his return to 
Boston (Suffolk Probate Files, No. 16,409). 

Mr. Noble spoke at length of the famous case of Maria, 
the negress convicted of arson in 1681, and of some other 
instances of persons sentenced to death by burning, and 
communicated several original papers in the case of Maria 
recently found in the Suffolk Court Files. These papers 
include the original Indictment, Maria's Confession, and two 


Several communications appeared in The Nation 1 not long ago 
touching the execution of the negro woman, Maria, in Boston in 
1681. This case was among those mentioned in a former com- 
munication to this Society on the Trial and Punishment of 
Crimes in the Court of Assistants, etc.? and is also referred to 
and discussed in a paper read before the Massachusetts Histori- 
cal Society in 1883, by our associate Mr, Goodell, — The Trial 
and Execution for Petit Treason of Mark and Phillis, Slaves of 
Captain John Codman. 3 Asa number of original documents and 
papers connected with the case of Maria, not known or accessible 
at the latter date, have since come to light in the Suffolk Court 
Files, it seems worth while to give them here, with a few further 
notes on a case which has some interest in connection with Massa- 
chusetts history. 

1 The Nation, 7 September, 19 October, 23 and 30 November, 1899, W*. 
187, 296, 390, 400. 

2 Publications, iii. 61, 62. 

* Reprinted from Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society for 
March, 1883, xx. 122-157, 


The record in the case of Maria, and that in the case of the 
negro Jack, executed at the same time, are already in print, 1 
but as they seem necessary to a clear presentation of the case, 
they are repeated here. That of Maria is as follows : — 

3 Att A Court of Assistants held at Boston 6 th September 1681 

Marja Negro servant to Joshua Lambe of Roxbury in the County 
\ of Suffolke in New England being presented by the Grand Jury was 

. Indicted by the name of marja Negro for not hauing the feare of God 

» before hir eyes & being Instigated by the divil at or vpon the eleventh 

j day of July last in the night did wittingly willingly & 

» hSteuZEt* felloniously set on fier the dwelling house of Thomas 

( swann of sd Roxbury by taking a Coale from vnde r 

! a still & carrjed it into another Roome and lajd it on floore neere the 

doore & presently went & crep* into a hole at a back doore of thy 
j master Lambs house & set it on fier also taking a liue Coale betweene 

I two chips & Carried it into the chambe r by which also it was Consumed 

^^ as by yo r Confession will appeare contrary to the 

peace of our Soueraigne Lord the king bis Croune 4c 

dignity the lawes of this Jurisdiction in that Case made & prouided 

title firing of houses = The prisoner at the barr pleaded & acknowl- 

> edged hirselfe to be Guilty of y e fact. And accordingly the nex* day 

being Again brought to the Barr had sentenc of death pronnouct agt 

hir by the Honno K * Goiiuo 7 y 1 she should Goe from the barr to the 

prison whenc she Came & thence to the place of Execution & there be 

burn* = 

y* lord be mereifull to thy soule s* y* Gou.* 

The record in the case of Jack s runs thus : — 

OotfaUja | Jack j negro servant to m r Samuel woolcot of weathe's- 
feild thow art Indicted by the name of Jack negro for not hauing 
the feare of God Ivfore thy eyes being Instigated by the divill did at 
or vpoa the fowe r teenth day of July hist ltf^l wittingly & felloniously 
sett on fier Leiftefint w- CI arks house in north Hamp- 
JjilIISSl- 13 *'" 1 " ton *\ v taking a brand of from the hearth and 
swinging it v^ & douse for to -r.d viotuaLLs as by his 

• \ IVviW.nps o: ::*.o M*s*,v:v.:»e:t* H:<:cr:,\»: >;.:ie:y for Marcb. 1nS3,xx. 

£ Uowvtv.* of :h* ^: .U&tar.u v :?T -:v-:\ ii. :$?. Tr» citations of 
tb:*w K:\vr.U wh:/.*. *w.;r ia :"..:> vVu:r^u:vl.M:::= ire frcia :be original 

* Ktcccds of tbe Coun oi Assistants V 1?T*-13K\ ii- 133. L: connection 

1900-] THE CASE OF MARIA. 325 

Confession may Appeare Contrary to the peace of ou f Soueraigne Lord 
the King his Croune & dignity the lawea of God & of this Jurisdiction 
in that Case made & prodded title firing of houses page (52) to wch 
Indictment at the barr he pleaded not Guilty & Affirmd he would be 
txjed by God & the Country and after his Confessions <fec were read to 
him & his owning thereof were Comitted to the Jury who brought him 

with Jack's case are two bills of costs and expenses, which have one or two 
points of interest ; — 


Joseph Hawley's Bill of Charge As An Evidence In the Case Referring to Jack the 
Negro ia as followeth : 

Imp: To hire of An hone 4 shoeing : — 00 - 15 - 00 
To fcrridg— — — — —00-01-04 

To time ; 15 days oot & home — — 01-10-00 
To horse Pasturing &c* 
charge for the horse on the Journey : 00-06-00 


Thif is Justly Dne In money wch I Doabt not that jo* Hon* will Alow or to be payd 
At Money price : 
Sept. 10 1SB1_: JosiPB Hawlet 

Allowed E[nwAui>) R[awsoh] 6[bobetajit] in Country pay 

Hnuley*s Coats 
— (Suffolk Court Files, xxir* S020: 1J 


A BUI of 
Charges due to Med ad Pumry for time and ex pence About Jack Negro 
imp r to make Irons to secure him at Northampton 

And to conuey him to Springfield — 00-04-00 

it my self e one joruey to Springfield ) OO - 05 - 00 

with Fetter Hen ricks — — — f 

To ferig and horse pasture — — - 00 * 01 - 00 

To 15 days out And home to gine in 1 _ 01 - 10 - 00 

Testimony at the Court of Assistance ! 

To horse hire for the joraey — — 0- 0-15- 00 

To pasture for my horse here — — 06-00 

Toferrigt— — — — 01 -Oi 

03;-02— 4 
Allowed E R S 
ia Country pay 


Medad Pnmrj & 
Hawley's Costs. 

- {Ibid. xxit. 20*0:3)* 


in Guilty and the next day had his sentence pronounct agt him by the 
Gouernor that he should goe from the barr to the place whence he 
Came & there be hangd by the neck till he be dead & then taken 
downe & burnt to Ashes in the fier w* Maria negro = The Lord be 
mercifull to thy soule sajd the Gouerno* = 

Among the papers in the Suffolk Court Files are the original 
indictment of Maria, a memorandum of her confession, implicat- 
ing two other negroes, the findings of the Grand Jury of "no 
bills" against these, and some depositions. 

The indictment is as follows : — 

Wee the Grand Jury for o r Soueraigne d Lord ye king 

Doe present Mariah Negro Seruant to Joshua Lamb of Roxbory in 
y* County of Suffolk : in New Engld for not haueisg y* fear of God 
before her Eyes, & being instigated by y* deuill at or upon y* Elenenth 
of July last in y* Night, did Wittingly willingly & felloniously Set on 
fire y* dwelling howse of Thomas Swann of said Roxbory by takeing a 
Coall from under a still & carried it into anothe* room and laid it on 
y* floare near y* dore, <fc presently went & crept into a hole at a back 
doare of her Master Lambs howse & set it on fire also takeing a line 
coall between two chippe & carried it into y* Chamb? by which also it 
was fired and consumed, as by her confession will appear contrary to 
y* peace of our Soueraign Lord y* king his crown, db Dignity, y* 
Lawes of God & this Jurisdiction in y* case made <fc prouided title 
fireing howses page 52 

We of the Grand Jury doe find this Bill and doe put her upon fnrder 
triall * Jonas Clabmm In the 

name of the rest 

13 Sept: 1681. 
The prisoner at the Barr on hearing of the Indictment Read to bir 
pleaded to it & Acknowledged hirself to be Guilty of ye fa[ct] 

E R S 

Marja Negro Indictmt &C. 1 

Then comes her confession : — 

Maria Joshua Lambes Negar Maide upon Confeskm accused m* 
Walkers Negro Man Chefelia by Name and m r pemertons Negro Man 

* Suffolk Court Fifes, xxir. 2023. 




Cofee were att Roxbury y° last Night about 10 aclocke thay came 
there together ami ra f Wakers Negar sett Dockter swans house afire 
and m r Femertous Negar staide under y e fence while y* other sett the 

^ house afire. Confessed before mee Amthony Stoddard Comiss l 


The action of the Grand Jury thereon is as follows : — 


Wee the Grand Jury for our Soueraigne the King doe present & 
Indict chefelier a negroman servant to Thomas Walker of Boston in 
the County of Suffolk in New England briekmaker for not hauing the 
feare of God before his eyes on the 11 th of July last in the night was 
present w f h Marja Negro servant to Joshua Lambe of Roxbury was 
privye to and Active in the firing of sajd Lambs & Swans dwelling 
houses Contrary to the peace of ou f Soueraigne Lord the King his 
Croune & dignity the lawes of God & the laws of this Jurisdicon title 
firing houses ; 

we of the Grand Jury can not find this Bill 

Jonas Clark In the name of the rest 

abt Walker & Pembertons negroe a 


Wee the Grand Jury for our Soueraigne Lord the King doe present 
and Indict Coffee a negro man se r vant to James Pemberton of Boston 
in the County of Suffolk in New England for not hauing the feare of 
God before his eyes and being Instigated by the diuill on the eleventh 
of July last in the night w f h Mary ah Negro servant to Joshua Lambe 
was present w*h hir privie & Active in the Firing of the dwelling houses 
of sajd Joshua Lambe and Thomas Swans of sajd Roxbury Contrary 
to the peace of our Soueraigne Lord the King his Croune and dignity 
the lawes of God & the lawes of this Jurisdiction, title firing houses — 

we the Grand Jury can not find this Bill 

Jokas ( 1 l auke In the name of the rest 

Cheff ftllia Negro Indicmt ■ 

1 Suffolk Court Files, ccxiL 26.559 ; 4, not dated. 
* Ibid. ccxiL 26,559 : 3, 
» Ibid, ccxii- 26.550: 2. 




The two negroes escaped the hazards of a trial and the possible 
sufferings consequent thereon* but they encountered the dangers 
attendant upon even a " vehement suspicion " of an offence or 
a crime, and furnish another illustration of the readiness of our 
forefathers to Bee that their idea of justice did not suffer though 
legal conviction, under the strict requirements which they insisted 
upon, might be impossible. 

Cheffaleer negro servant to Tho Walker brick maker 
^£££1?*"* now in Goale on suspition of Joyning w* marja negro 

in Burning of IV Swans' & * Lambs houses la 

Roxbury in July last The Court on Consideration of the Case Judged 
it meet to orde r that he be hep* In prison till his master send him out 
of the Country & then dischardg y* charges of Implsonment w** if be 
refuse to doe aboue one moneth the Country Tresurer is to see it dona 
& when y* chardges be defrajd to returne the ouerplus to y* s* walker. 

The like Judgment & sentenc was declard against 
JjJJJJjJJ*™ Jame 1 pembe'tons negro in all respects as agt cheffa- 

Jeer negro Ac f 

Two depositions in the Case remain : — 


Hannah Foster aged about 29 yeares testified! A saith* tint that 
very night the fire was at Roxbury, I lay at M 1 - Walkers bouse in a 
chamber & about Eleven or twelve aclock in ntght* I beard, as I sopnee 
a negro G ramble to himself, which lay Just over my head, And I testi- 
ng I did not sleep at all betwixt that time A the raine w* I snpose was 
between two & three acfock in w* 1 time I heard him with his feet on 
the loot* and the reason I conld not sleep was because] was some- 
thing afraid of him, not being need to such, and farther saith not 

Taken upon Oath the 16* of S* mo m [ ] before mee 

Axtbost SiODOAan 0m££s*J* 


Walker adged X yeares 
web ye to broke ont at Roxbury. little bel 
* Remtfs and while t was there 
told mm yt oar negio was come ho 
tnd she did not care to star at he 

t last ttcmday night 

night I went over to 

? of sy children came 

and yt he bad bees n 

& desired me to goe 

wmt el tfr* Owut off , 
ilk Cbart Ffco, ec 


home accordingly I did in a little time after & when I came home she 
told me he was gon up to bed, then I seeing a Cumbustioii or quarrill- 
ing w th the Indiana before our doore I went out, then I flaw the Negro 
looke out at the garrett window and call out <fe ask what the matter 
was w th the Indians, then I went In and I hard him come doune, nor 
aaw him come downe do more that night, and it was about eleven or 
twelve a clock when we went to bed and farther aayth not. 1 

This is the whole of the tragic story of Maria, so far as the 
Court Records are concerned, A question of some interest which 
has been raised is* Was she burned alive, — was the pimishment 
of burning alive at the stake inflicted on a negro woman in 
Massachusetts in 1681 ? 

The communications referred to all assume that such was the 
fact, but the evidence on which their authors rely, — a reference 
to the matter by Increase Mather, and another by Cotton Mather 
— seems wholly inconclusive, and the inference drawn there- 
from is by no means justified. Contemporary information is 
meagre, if, in fact, it is not wholly wanting. The Court Record 
upon the precise point is silent; but it shows the issuing of the 
order for execution on the fourteenth of September, 1681 : — 

The Court ordered that the Secretary s Issue out his warrants to the 
marahall Gennerall 1 for the three Condemned prisoner 

(14 Sep* Bl) 

execution on the next lecture day presently after the 
lecture according to their Seutenc' 4 

There is no return, as is frequently found, of the carrying out 
of the sentence and the precise mode of execution. 

Three offenders, as appears by the record, — the two negroea 
Maria and Jack, for their respective felonies, and a third, a white 
man, for another crime — were tried at the same sitting of the 
Court of last resort, and were executed on the same day, shortly 
after the trials. The sentence pronounced against the last was 

i Suffolk Court Files, ccrii. 26.559 ; 6. 

* Edward Raw son. 

' This was John Green of Cambridge who was appointed to office 3 June, 
1681 (Massachusetts Colony Records, t. 322) as successor to Edward Mitch- 
el son (fee ante, iii. 454) whose daughter Ruth he had married. During the 
Usurpation, Green was superseded in office (1687) by Samuel Gookin, but 
was re-instated 15 August, 1689. He died 3 March, 1090-91. (See Paige's 
History of Cambridge, pp. 5(17, 508, 610.) 





to " be hanged by the neeke till you be dead " ; and that against 
the two negroes as appears above in the Records. 

What is there to give rise to any question, or to lead to the 
opinion that the woman was actually burned alive? 

A passage in the Diary of Increase Mather has been cited to 
support that opinion ; and, apparently, it is the only contempora- 
neous reference to the case. The passage is as follows : — 

[168L September] 22. There were 3 persons executed in Boston 
An Englishman for a Bape, A negro man for burning a house at 
Northampton & a negro woman who burnt 2 houses at Roxbury JtiJy 
12 — in one of w ett a child was burnt to death. The negro teaman was 
burned to death — the 1** y* has suffered such a death in N. EL 

It occurs among the extracts from Mather's Diary made by Dr. 
Belknap a century ago, and now in the possession of the Massa- 
chusetts Historical Society, and is here copied verbatim from his 
manuscript. The extracts were printed in the Report of Mr. 
Charles Deane on the Belknap Donation, 1 The original Diary is 
not now to be found* In those portions of the Diary, so called, 
now in the Library of the American Antiquarian Society, the only 
entry for that particular date is a memorandum of what Mather 
had been reading that day. The 1681 entries are the only ones 
covered by the interleaved almanacs, and Dr. Belknap would seem 
to have copied from some more elaborate record, selecting perhaps 
such items here and there as interested him. 

Cotton Mather's Diary in the Library of the Massachusetts His- 
torical Society, contains no entries between the nineteenth of Sep- 
tember and the first of October of that year ; and no other diaries 
have been found containing any allusion to the matter. 

Setting aside any legal interpretation of the sentence pro- 
nounced against Maria, to be considered hereafter, is there, upon 
its face, anything to indicate, necessarily or naturally, a direction 
that she was to be burned at the stake while alive ? The sentence 
is to " be burnt," not to " be burnt to death," — to be taken " to 
to the place of execution & there be burnt." la it a forced 
interpretation, that the burning was to come after the execution, 
and is not this construction strengthened by the clause in Jack's 
sentence, "burnt to ashes in the fier w tb Maria negro"? Is 

1 1 Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society for March, 1858, 
in. 317-320. 




a new and barbarous sentence to be inferred when another mean- 
ing is possible, and when there is nothing explicit in the terms 
to the contrary? 

The passage from Mather's Diary, as quoted, seems on its face 
explicit, and as such to be depended on, but there is at least one 
statement in it equally important and definite which, in point of 
fact, is unquestionably erroneous : — 
14 in one of w** 1 [houses] a child was burnt to death." 

So far as found, there is nowhere else any mention or suggestion 
of such an occurrence. Nothing appears in the Court Records or 
in the papers in the Court Files; there is not even a suspicion or 
a rumor mentioned, or a scrap of positive evidence direct or indi- 
rect. On the other hand, the negative evidence seems conclusive. 
The indictment of Maria was not for murder, but under the law 
against "firing of houses," So were the indictments framed 
against the two negroes accused by her as accomplices, But, 
taking Mather's language as it stands, it does not necessarily fol- 
low that the woman was burned alive* The expression u burnt to 
death " is common in sentences in England and in references to 
them, when, unquestionably, the burning was after execution; 
and Mather, knowing this, as of course he did, may have meant 
no more* Then, too, the words " the l al y* has suffered such a 
death in N. E " are not inconsistent with the mere noting of 
the first instance of the adoption of a practice or procedure 
borrowed from the mother country; otherwise, the brevity of the 
statement and the absence of any comment or reflection is some- 
what striking. 

During the Colonial period there appear on the Court Records 
now extant — those from 1643 to 1673 being missing- — only two 
other instances of death sentence in the case of women, one in 
1638 for " the vnnaturall & vntimely death of her daughter, , , . 
to bee hanged ; " l and one in March, 1645-44, " condemned to 
death " for adultery. 3 In 1691, sentence was ordered for infan- 
ticide, 3 but was not pronounced till 1693. 4 — in the days of the 

1 Massachusetts Colony Records, i. 24 G. 

* Whitraore's Biographical Sketch of the Laws of the Massachusetts Colony, 

» Records of the Court of Assistants (1073-1692), it, 262, 

* Records of the Superiour Court of Judicature* under date of 25 April, 1693, 




Province. In Kew England the execution of a capital sentence, 
whether in case of man or woman, seems to have been by hanging- 
In England, in the earliest times, for arson 4 * the punishment 
was death by burning, and we are able to vouch a case l from King 
John's day in which the punishment was inflicted, but the fully 
developed common law substituted the gallows for the stake/' 3 
The English law, la certain cases, made a distinction between the 
punishments of male and female offenders, and in the sentences pro- 
nounced against them. A distinction also held as to claiming bene- 
fit of clergy. 3 The distinction in the mode of punishment came 
out sharply in the case of high treason-* So also in petit treason- 8 
The existence of this distinction in the administration of the 
laws in England, the reasons assigned for it, and the usual 
mitigation of the apparent barbarity of the sentence in the case 
of women by the practical method of its execution, are clear. 

1 Gloucestershire Pleas, pi, 216, 

1 Pollock and Maitland's History of English Law, ii. 492. 

• This is very well summarized in Laws respecting Wo me a, London* 1777: — 

This benefit of clergy does not extend to women ; for by an express act of par? la- 
ment it is directed, that women convicted ♦ ..♦.; and by a subsequent stain te (3 & 4 
W. & M. c 9), a woman being convicted of an offence for which a man may have his 
clergy, shall suffer the same punishment that a but shall suffer that baa the benefit of 
his clergy allowed ; , * . . but the benefit of this Statute can be pleaded only once 
(4 & 5 \V. & M. c. 24, a* 13). Such was the law until the beginning of the present 
century (pp. 342, 343). Upon the whole then it appears, that women cannot claim 
the benefit of their clergy, but the benefit of the statute, which is equivalent to it* Before 
the passing of which law, women were entitled to no mitigation of the punishment for 
felouioos offences (p< 343), 

* The same authority says : — 

The judgment against a woman for high treason is not the" same as against a man 
traitor* , . . but she is to be drawn to the place of execution and there burnt* For the 
public exhibition of their bodies, and dismembering them, in the same manner as U 
practised to the men, would be a violation of that natural decency and delicacy inherent, 
and at all times to be cherished in the sex. And the humanity of the English Nation 
has authorized by a tacit consent* an almost general mitigation of sach part of their 
judgments, as savours of torture and cruelty ; a sledge or hurdle being allowed to such 
traitors as are condemned to be drawn - and there being very few instances (and those 
accidental and by negligence) of any person being embowel led or burnt, till previously 
deprived of sensation by strangling (p. 344)* 

6 Blackstone states that, "the punishment of petit treason in a man la* to be 
drawn and hanged, and in a woman to be drawn and burned " (Commentaries 
iv. 204), And be goes on to say that "the usual punishment for all sorts of 
treasons committed by those of the female nei " U death by burning. This 
continued till the statute 30 George III., which changed the penalty to 




Maria waa not executed for petit treason or for murder, but for 
a crime punishable under the Colonial laws with death. 1 May it 
not well be that the Court, for reasons good and sufficient in their 
judgment, saw fit, however observant usually of custom and pre- 
cedent, to deviate in the case of the two negroes from old pro- 
cedure, and adopt English forms in the sentence and the mode of 
its execution ? The crime seems to have been on the increase, 
as Mather notes in his Diary, in July : — 

" Several houses in Boston and Roxbury set on fire at different times 
by negroes," 

and some penalty in terrorem may have been judged expedient 
or necessary. There would seem to have been no reason for 
dealing more severely with Maria than with Jack, Jack's 
offence, as set forth in the Record, would seem to have been 
criminal carelessness rather than premeditated crime, but local 
tradition and history go to show circumstances of peculiar atrocity 
and premeditated murder though frustrated in the event. 

The legality of the sentence has been questioned, by a most 
eminent authority, 2 but an argument in favor of its validity 
seems certainly maintainable. 

If the woman was actually burned alive, — an event startling and 
unprecedented in New England history, — it seems strange and 
well nigh inconceivable that Increase Mather indulged in only 
that brief mention in his Diary, and did not improve the occasion 
by at least a sermon, as he did in the case of Faevor and Driver 
in 1674, and later of Morgan in March, 1685-86, and on another 
occasion in 1698; and that Cotton Mather, who almost never 
failed to chronicle, or at least to note, any startling occurrence or 
"Remarkable Providence," is wholly silent at the time, Further- 
more, John Dun ton , in a letter from Boston, 25 March, 1686, gives 

1 And if any perfon , . . . . fhall * * . wittingly, and willingly, and fel- 
louioufly, set on fire any Dwelling Houfe r . . . • the party or parties vehemently 
fufj>ected thereof, fh^U be apprehended by Warrant from one or more of the 
Mrtgiftrates, and committed to Prifon, there to remain without Baile, till the 
next Court of Atfiftants, who upon legal conviction by due proof, or confefliou 

of the Crime, fhall adjudge fuch perfon or per Cons to be put to death 

[1052,] { Massachusetts Colony Laws, edition of 1072, p. 52)* 

2 Mr. Abner C. Goodell, in I Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical 
Society for March, 18&3, XX, 149, 150. 


a very elaborate account of the execution of Morgan, a few days 
before, which he sends as " a Piece of News, for there has not 
(it seems) been seen an Execution here this seven years. So 
that some have come fifty miles to see it;" 1 and a rather full 
report of the " three Excellent Sermons . . . . preached before 
him [Morgan] before his Execution," 2 by the two Mathers and 
Joshua Moody. From this it would seem that the execution of 
1681 had not made any deep, or at least abiding, impression on 
the community, or left any sharp traces in its local memory, 
or had in itself any peculiarly remarkable features. 

There is a passage in Cotton Mather's Pillars of Salt 8 which 
refers to the executions of 1681 : — 

ON Sept. 22. 1681. One W. C. was Executed at Boston for a Rape 
committed by him, on a Girl that liv'd with him ; though he had 
then a Wife with Child by him, of a Nineteenth or Twentieth Child. 4 

1 John Dunton's Letters from New-England (Prince Society's Publications), 
p. 118. 

* Ibid. p. 121 and note. 

1 Magnalia (1702), Book vl p. 40. See also Sibley's Harvard Graduates, 
lii. 69, 70, where may be read the full title of this discourse which was first 
printed, separately, in Boston in 1699. 

4 Mather's reference is to William Cheney (see ante, iii. 62) of Dorchester. 
He was son of William Cheney, the emigrant, of Roxbury and married De- 
borah (born 24, baptized 30 May, 1641), daughter of Deacon John Wiswall of 
Dorchester, who removed to Boston and became Ruling Elder of the First 
Church. Notwithstanding his good social connections, Cheney was neither 
a valuable nor respected member of society, as may be seen in Tilde n's History 
of Medfield, pp. 343, 344, where his seven legitimate children are enumerated 
— not nineteen or twenty as Mather's fertile brain imagines — the last of 
whom, a posthumous child, lived less than three weeks (Boston Record Com- 
missioners' Reports, xxi. 16, 18, 30). The facts concerning the crime 
for which Cheney was hanged are set out in the Records of the Court of 
Assistants, under date of 6 September, 1681 (ii. 139 *), and in Suffolk Court 
Files, xxiv. 2024. Cheney's remarkable will, made the day before his execution 
and in recognized anticipation of it, contains valuable particulars, was wit- 
nessed by Hudson Leverett and two others, and was proved 29 September, 1681 
(Suffolk Probate Files, No. 1189). His widow married Ebenezer Williams, 
Senior, of Dorchester, where she died, 26 February, 1717-18 (Boston Record 
Commissioners' Reports, xxi. 130; Suffolk Probate Files, Nos. 1617, 3950; 
Suffolk Deeds, xxi. 571, 572 ; and New England Historical and Genealogical 
Register for 1851, v. 90, 468). We do not find these facts in Pope's Cheney 
Genealogy, p. 42. 




When he came to the Gallows, and saw Death (and a Picture of Hell 
too in a Negro then burnt to Death at the Stake, for burning her 
Master's House, with some that were in it,) before his Face, never was 
a Cry for Time! Time! A World for a little Time! The Inexpressible 
worth of Time ! utter'd with a more unutterable Anguish. 

This appears to be his first mention of the executions, and that 
eighteen years after the event. As evidence, its weight is some- 
what affected by the interval of time, and by at least one error 
in its statements. The lurid picture seems hardly to have 
required a living victim for its completeness. 1 

There was the case of Phillis, in 1755, before referred to, and 
some eases of burning in Virginia, South Carolina, and New 
York are cited by Fiske 2 ; but with these we are not concerned. 

The material here presented seems to be all that is now attain- 
able relating to the case of Maria, — at least, it is all that has 
been found. Each reader will draw his own inferences from it, 
and these inferences, very likely, may differ ; but it is submitted 
that the conclusion reached in this paper is not without support 
both in evidence and in reasoning. 

Mr. Albert Matthews said i — 

Me. President, — The point raised by Mr. Noble is an interest- 
ing one. The subject of the burning alive of negroes is curious* 
and one in regard to which it is not easy to obtain evidence. 
Several years ago I became interested in the matter and took 
rather extensive notes. My recollection is that, in addition to this 
case of Maria in 1681, there was also another case in Massachusetts 
in 1755; that there were cases in New York in 1708, 1712, 1741, 
1775; in New Jersey in 1730, 1739, 1741, 1750, 1752; in Vir- 
ginia in 1746 ; and in South Carolina in 1769. There is one 
marked distinction between these instances of burning alive dur- 
ing the Colonial period and the burnings and lynchings which, 
unfortunately, have been so common during the past half century 

1 The passages from the two Mathers were quoted in the communications in 
The Nation, — the first attributed, however, to the wrong Mather, and the 
other so curiously and carelessly misquoted, aa t on ita very face p to fail of sus- 
taining the correspondent's contention. 

B Old Virginia and her Neighbours, ii. 2§5 note. 




or so. I apprehend that these last have been merely the lawless 
acts of mobs. In the Colonial period, on the contrary, in every 
instance, the negro was burned after due trial and in accordance 
with judicial decision. In the account of the South Carolina case, 
in 1769, which I ran across in a Boston newspaper, it was declared 
that a negro man and a negro woman *' were burnt alive, on 
Work-House Green [Charleston], having been tried some short 
time before, agreeable to the Negro* Act, and convicted of adminis- 
tering poison," * My curiosity being aroused, I searched the laws 
of South Carolina, but was unable to find any which specified that 
this particular punishment should be inflicted. There was, how~ 
ever, an act passed in 1751 declaring that all negroes administering 
poison, procuring poison, or privy 4I to the administering of any 
poison," were felons and should u suffer death, in such manner as 
the persona appointed and empowered by the Act for the better 
ordering and governing negroes and other slaves in this Province, 
for the trial of slaves, shall adjudge and determine" 3 Thus the 
mode of punishment was left to the discretion of two justices of 
the peace and three freeholders. But were these Colonial cases 
genuine instances of burning alive? I think the almost universal 
opinion is that they were; and herein lies the importance of 
Mr, Noble's suggestion, Mr. Noble seems to have shown that 
there is doubt in the case of Maria, and that perhaps she was first 
strangled and then burned. If this point is well taken, and If the 
same reasoning applies in the other instances, we shall perhaps 
be able to relieve our ancestors of the stigma of having imposed 
the sentence of burning alive as a judicial punishment. 

The Rev, Edward Henry Hall of Brookline and Mr, 
John Gorham Palfrey of Belmont were elected Resident 


1 Boston News-Letter, No. 3440, 7 September, 1769, p. 2/2. The passage 
was sent to Mr. P. A. Bruce, by whom it was printed in the Virginia Magazine 
of History and Biography for January, 1897, iv. 34 L 

* South Carolina Statutes at Large, 1840, vii 423. 



A Stated Meeting of the Society was held at No, 25 
j £*- Beacon Street, Boston, on Wednesday, 21 February, 
1900, at three o'clock in the afternoon, the President, 
Edward Wheelwright, in the chair, 

I After the Records of the January Meeting had been read 
and approved, the Corresponding Secretary reported 
that letters had been received from the Rev, Edward H. 
Hall and Mr, John Goroam Palfrey accepting Resident 

Mr, George Parker Winship, a Corresponding Member, 
was present. 

Mr, Henry H. Edes offered the following Minute, which 
was unanimously adopted by a rising vote : — 

The members of The Colonial Society of Massachusetts, assembled on 
the eve of the birthday of Washington* wish to place on record an ex- 
pression of the sympathy which they felt for their distinguished associate 
the Honorable Edward J. Phelps, and his family, during his recent 
severe illness, and of the satisfaction with which they have learned of 
his convalescence. 

The members of the Society embrace this opportunity to give expres- 
sion to their deep sense of the exalted character of their associate, whose 
public services, private virtues, and profound learning have received the 
deserved homage of hie countrymen. 

Itesoivctlf that an attested copy of this Minute be sent to Mr. Phelps, 

The President then said : — 

It is my melancholy duty to announce the death of our esteemed 
associate, the Rev. Edward Griffin Porter* on the fifth of 
February, at his home in Dorchester, after a very short illness, at 
the comparatively early age of sixty-three. 

Mr. Porter was elected a Resident Member of this Society, 


15 March, 1893, and was soon after appointed a member of the 
Committee of Publication. This position he continued to hold 
until his death. 

He was a very constant attendant at our monthly meetings, at 
which he often read interesting papers and took an active part in 
the discussions. At the December Meeting in 1893, in the dis- 
cussion following the presentation of two documents by Mr. G. 
Arthur Hilton, he made remarks, in reply to Mr. Abner C. 
Goodell, Jr., on the so-called Boston Massacre and the Boston Tea 

At the April Meeting in 1894, he gave a most interesting 
account of the events which took place at Lexington and Concord 
in April, 1775, illustrated by a large map which he had prepared 
of the localities. This account was entirely extemporaneous. At 
the April Meeting of 1895, he spoke again on the same topic and 
had announced his intention of continuing his narrative at the 
April Meeting of the present year, when he should be able to 
exhibit documents, newly discovered, bearing upon the subject* 
He had also promised to reduce to writing all that he had said, or 
should say, on these three occasions in order that the whole might 
be printed together in our Transactions. His long residence at 
Lexington, as Pastor of the Hancock Church, had given him 
abundant opportunity of becoming thoroughly acquainted with the 
locality and its history. 

At the April Meeting of 1895, he also paid a tribute to the memory 
of our late Vice-President, Leverett Saltonstall. At the Annual 
Dinner in November, 1897, he made a speech in behalf of the 
Gould Memorial Fund. 

At the December Meeting in 1897, he gave an account of the 
visit to Boston of Lieutenant-General George Digby Barker, of the 
British Army, and Governor of Bermuda, whom he accompanied to 
Bunker Hill and other places of historic interest ; he also gave a 
sketch of the discovery and identification of the Diary of Lieuten- 
ant Barker, who was present with the British troops at Lexington, 
Concord, and Bunker Hill, and who proved to be the grandfather 
of his guest, General Barker. 

These are only a few of the papers and remarks contributed to 
our Transactions by Mr. Porter. He seldom attended a meeting 
at which he had not something to say, and he said it with an ease 



and fluency and felicity of expression no less remarkable than his 
accuracy of statement and his extraordinary memory for facts and 

Born in Boston, he took the keenest interest in its ancient his- 
tory, knew all the lanes and alleys of the old North End, gathered 
from the oldest residents the history and traditions of its Colonial 
buildings, private and public, and embodied the results in that de- 
lightful book, — through which I first knew him by name, — 
Rambles in Old Boston. 

I first met him on hearing him deliver a lecture, or rather talk, 
before a social club at a private house, when he gave an account, 
illustrated by maps, plans and views, of a visit he had made to 
Alnwick Castle, the residence of the Percy family, — Dukes of 
Northumberland- This was some years before he joined this So- 
ciety, perhaps before The Colonial Society of Massachusetts came 
into existence. The story of his hospitable reception, the per- 
mission given him to examine the archives of the family, his dis- 
covery of papers concerning the Lord Percy who covered the 
retreat of the British after Concord Fight, papers which had been 
previously overlooked, was delightful. He must have made a 
most favorable impression upon his host, for on his departure the 
Duke promised him a copy of a portrait of the Lord Percy best 
known to Americans, and accordingly sent it to him, handsomely 
framed, after his return to America. Mr, Porter, with the Duke*s 
approval, presented it to the Town of Lexington, where it may now 
be seen in the Town Hall, 

The loss of Mr, Porter creates a void in our Society which will 
long be felt Not by any means an old man, he seemed to have the 
promise of many years of usefulness before him* He appeared, in 
fact, younger than he really was. His tall, spare figure, his dark 
hair, as yet unbleached, his alert, quick motions, betokened a 
youthful vivacity of body as well as of mind. His genial tempera- 
ment, his courtesy, unblemished by the least approach to stiffness 
and never degenerating into undue familiarity, the patience with 
which he listened, no less than the ease with which he spoke, made 
htm a most agreeable companion, 

Mr. Samuel Swett Green spoke at length of his friend 
and classmate, especially of Mr. Porter's college life, his 


genial social qualities, his fondness for society, his love of 
children, his public spirit, his interest in historical research, 
and his recondite knowledge of the antiquities of Boston 
and the events of the nineteenth of April, 1775. 

Mr. Robert N. Toppan, also a classmate of Mr. Porter, 
spoke of his absolute sincerity as one of his most prominent 

Mr. Toppan then announced the formation of the — 


PRIOR TO 1760. 

The order was founded in January, 1896, by Miss Mary Cabell Rich- 
ardson of Covington, Kentucky. The present Governor-General is Mrs. 
Henrietta Dana Skinner of Detroit, Michigan. There are now eighteen 
branches, including one in Canada. The Chairman of the Massachu- 
setts branch is Mrs. Prentiss Webster of Lowell. 

44 The order recognizes as Colonial Governors all persons invested with 
supreme executive authority in the government of Colonies comprised within 
the thirteen Colonial States, under whatever title that authority was exercised, 
and whether derived from the Crown by appointment, from the people by 
election, from another Governor or from a chartered Company by commission." 

Membership is honorary and by invitation only. 

Mr. Worthington C. Ford remarked upon Washington's 
views on many public matters and showed how modern 
some of them were. His canal policy foreshadowed the 
existing railway system, which connects the Atlantic with 
the West; and his methods of agriculture anticipated the 
change which came in Virginia farming after the close of 
the Revolutionary war. Mr. Ford portrayed Washington 
as the scientific farmer far in advance of his time. He 
also made the following communication : — 


In determining the economic position and capacity of a nation, 
the natural environment of the people is of quite as great impor- 
tance as the artificial, which is itself developed from and largely 




dependent upon, the natural, A desert may with assiduous care 
and labor be changed into a garden; latent powers of production 
may he developed and combined in almost endless variations to 
serve a useful purpose. But not only must the materials be at 
hand, — the intelligence to work the change must also be present 
and actively exerted- The climate, the nature of the soil and rela- 
tive situation, determine the productiveness of a region, and the 
labor of man by controlling and directing these agencies, by com- 
bining and assimilating forces, may develop almost indefinitely 
their capacities, producing an economy that would before have 
seemed impossible. 

Such a co-operation of productive factors, resulting in an economic 
development of almost marvellous rapidity and magnitude, a his- 
tory of production in the United States would show. An outline, 
so far as is essential to the purpose of this work, will be here at- 
tempted, necessarily imperfect, because subordinated to other ends. 

The natural capacities of America were great even under the 
most imperfect instruments. A winter contemporary with the Revo- 
lution, estimated the area of the colonies to be 102,000 square miles, 
or about the area of the British Isles. 1 The English area of settle- 
ment at that time extended from the coast of Maine to Georgia, or 
between 45° and Sl° north latitude, but was confined for the most 
part to a narrow strip of territory along the coast between the 
oceu and the Appalachian range, where a river supplying ready 
means of penetrating inland plantations or farms would l>e found ; 
but few settlements worthy even of the name of town existed in 
the interior, except where the hostile attitude of the Indians made 
such an aggregation necessary for defence, or where a peculiarly 
rich trade with the Indians centred, In either case, these outlying 
posts were merely stockaded forts. No river penetrated beyond 
the Blue Ridge range in the South, and none beyond the present 
western limits of New York in the North ; and this constituted 
another natural restriction upon the area of settlement. 

The territory ceded by Great Britain under the definitive treaty 
of peace in 1788 embraced about 830,000 square miles, of which 
less than half could be assigned to the original thirteen colonies, 
Blodget, one of the earliest of American statisticians, estimated 

* Mitchell, Present State, p. 133, note- 


that the improved lands in 1774 did not exceed 20,860,000 acres, 
or less than 33,000 square miles, a small part of the settled area. 1 
In New England more than one-half of the land was in cultivation 
in 1790, and in Connecticut scarcely one-tenth remained in a wild 
state. 2 In New York only one-fifth of the country could be said 
to be improved, 8 and in Virginia and Maryland, devoted as they 
were to the cultivation of a very profitable crop, only about one- 
tenth could be so designated. 4 The insalubrity of the Carolinas, 
the sparseness of the population, the system of land tenure, the 
methods of agriculture and the cheapness and abundance of land, 
offered further obstacles to an intensive and careful cultivation of 
the soil in the Southern colonies. 

The population of the colonies was estimated in 1754 to have 
been about 1,500,000 souls ; at the outbreak of the Revolution it 
had nearly doubled through immigration and natural increase, and 
more especially through natural increase. There were few checks 
to early marriages and the rate of increase was favored in every 
way. The population more than doubled itself in every twenty- 
five years, no account being taken of the immigration, which, 
however, was not large, as the East and West Indies were attract- 
ing the larger part of emigrants from European countries. 6 The 
war checked the growth, for in 1790 the population was only 
3,929,326, of which nearly 700,000 were slaves. 

As the distribution of population did not materially change 

1 See the Public Domain; Report of the Public Land Commission, 1883, 
p. 10. General Walker makes the settled area in 1790 only 240,000 square 
miles, though many settlements had been made beyond the mountains (Eco- 
nomica, p. 60). 

2 Noah Webster, Essays, p. 365. 

8 Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth, 11 June, 1774 (New York Colonial 
Documents, viii. 441). 

4 Burnaby, and Webster's Essays, 1. c. 

5 The population of Massachusetts increased 8,310 yearly before the Revo- 
lution. Adam Smith, Malthus, and Franklin accepted the estimate given in 
the text. Between 1700 and 1719, an aggregate of 105,972 persons emigrated 
to the Dutch East Indies ; between 1747 and 1766, 162,598 (Saalfeld, Geschichte 
des hollandischen Kolonialwesens in Ostindien, ii. 189). Franklin, in 1751, 
estimated the aggregate number of English inhabitants in the North American 
colonies at 1 ,000,000, of whom only 80,000 had immigrated into the country. 
The Germans came in larger numbers, nearly 20,000 going to Pennsylvania 
in 1749 (Kalm, i. 58). 




between 1775 and 1790, the census of the latter year may be taken 
as a guide. In New York, Pennsylvania and South Carolina, the 
predominant ** group " was from two to six to the square mile ; 
while another group, from eighteen to forty to the square mile was 
found chiefly in Delaware, Maryland, Massachusetts, New Jersey 
and Virginia, The coast of Maine was dotted in 1776 with forts, 
and at the head of the Hudson River, on the highway to Canada, 
settlements existed. But a line drawn southeast from the foot of 
Lake Champlain to the head of the Savannah river would include 
more than what was then the inhabited parts of the British colonies 
in North America, 

The natural conditions which the first colonists from Europe 
found on the eastern shore of North America, were peculiarly 
adapted to the foundation and rapid development of a rich and 
prosperous empire. The climate was nearly the same as that of 
Europe ; the soil when prepared for agriculture was for the most 
part rich and virgin, for only a small proportion of the Indians 
had attained the village stage where the tillage of the ground had 
in a measure superseded the chase. 1 From the ocean and rivers 
the bulk of their food was still obtained* The physical formation 
of that part of North America which was settled before the Revo- 
lution gave a diversity of climate that, taken in connection with 
the natural qualities of the soil, allowed of a greater variety of 
crops than was then afforded by Europe. The winters were 
longer, yet the shorter summer was so nearly like the summer of 
Europe that all the plants and animals of the older continent 
could be cultivated and reared on the new continent with almost 
equal success. 

The soil, however, was by no means ready for immediate use. 
The region north of the Susquehannah had been affected by glacial 
action (drift), and the resulting soil was of a clayey nature, 
abounding in stone, difficult to subdue and render fit for con- 
tinuous cultivation. The face of the country was covered with 
dense forests which must be cleared before planting could begin, 
and against which the Indians with their feeble appliances had 
proved almost powerless. The contest between man and nature 

1 Maize was the principal plant cultivated by the Indians. They also raised 
squash and pease (Kahu, i< 139, 140). 


was severe and continuous, and the great obstacles to be met and 
overcome, the limited means for removing them, controlled the 
course of settlement, and in the beginning rendered the progress 
of the colonies slow and painful. The poorer soils, narrow strips 
lying along the banks of rivers and the shore, where cultivation 
was comparatively easy and access to the ocean ready, were first 
occupied; and had it not been for maize, a crop that yielded a high 
return and was more reliable than European cereals, the subsistence 
needed and obtained in other ways would hardly have proved 
sufficient to maintain the colonists while engaged in the severer 
tasks of clearing and subduing the richer lands in the interior. 
Two months of labor were required to make each acre of this 
region fitted for effective tillage ; * only in Virginia and Maryland 
was there found a soil on which a crop could be at once grown. 

The colonies may be divided according to their physical char- 
acteristics into three classes. In the New England provinces the 
soil was little adapted for profitable agriculture, furnishing barely 
sufficient food for its inhabitants. The population found employ- 
ment in shipping and fishing, developing a carrying trade and a 
commercial interest which compensated for the comparative nig- 
gardliness of nature and formed the peculiar feature of that section 
of the country at the period of the Revolution. In the middle 
colonies the soil lent itself more readily to cultivation, and cereals 
early became an article of export ; while in Virginia and Maryland 
the fertility of the soil and the commercial policy of England made 
tobacco the most valuable staple of culture and export. To the 
South, the swamps of the Carolinas, destructive to the white man 
but capable of being exploited by slave labor, were devoted to rice, 
and as in the tobacco colonies, imposed upon the people a system 
of slavery which cramped their growth save in narrow and increas- 
ingly unprofitable lines, and frittered away the natural wealth of 
the land under an economic regime which has never proved suc- 
cessful and never compatible with progress in civilization. 

In 1766 Franklin described the body of the people in the 
colonies as farmers, husbandmen and planters. Agriculture was 
the chief pursuit of the country ; its prosperity and very existence 
were dependent upon farming; its commerce and relations with 

1 Professor Shaler. 




other peoples were based upon the products of the soil, and the 
kindred industry — the fisheries. By agriculture alone could a 
market be commanded in Britain itself. All else was subordinated 
to and controlled by the results obtained from the aoih 

It was very natural that land should be the chief form of wealth, 
for it was the most productive agent at hand and that to which all 
the labor and capital either created and saved within the colonies, or 
coming to them from Europe, turned for employment, This, said 
Adam Smith) was the principal cause of the rapid progress of the 
dependencies to wealth and greatness. 1 The terms upon which 
lands could be obtained were inducements to settlement. In 
Pennsylvania, where the soil was readily brought into cultivation 
and where the liberal administrative system offered the most 
immediate advantages to the immigrant, land could be purchased 
for £5 a hundred acres, and one penny sterling per acre quitrent. 
In New York and New Jersey crown hinds were sold for fifty 
cents or one dollar an acre, and the price was about the same in 
the New England colonies. In the Southern provinces lands were 
given away in limited tracts to settlers, but could be purchased at 
almost nominal prices* Eddis said that the rich lands of Maryland 
could be bought for about seventy-five cents an acre. In 1T74» 
according to Blodget's estimates, the average price of cultivated 
land throughout the colonies was two dollars and a half an acre ; 
and of lands in their natural condition* thirty-five cents an acre. 
Generally speaking, real estate was valued at only seven years* 
purchase. 3 

The abundance and cheapness of good land, and the ease and 
notoriety with which it was obtained and transferred, rendered the 
introduction of feudal tenures and feudal ideas of the nature of 
real property impossible. In the Charter of the Massachusetts 
Bay Company (1628) it was provided that lands should be held 
4i in free and common socage, and not in capite or by knight ser- 
vice ; " and before the Province Charter of 1691 was issued, all 
feudal tenures had been swept away in Great Britain itself. 8 Feu- 
dal vassalage could not take root in any of the colonies, and 

1 Wealth of Nations, i. 371. All my references to this work are taken from 
the edition of Prof. Thorold RogeTB. 

s Thirty years in England (Wealth of Nations, ii, 166), 
■ 12 Charles IT. 


leasehold estates were almost totally unknown. The law of primo- 
geniture was recognized in some of the colonies as being agreeable 
to the law of nature and the dignity of birthright. Rhode Island, 
though one of the most democratic of the colonies, admitted the 
systems of entail and primogeniture, as did Virginia, the most aristo- 
cratic of the colonies. In some cases primogeniture was not for- 
mally abolished until some years after the Revolution, 1 while 
estates tail lingered many years after. 

The feature of the land policy of the colonies, by which any 
immigrant could look forward to owning a portion of the soil and 
developing its capacities for his own benefit, obviated the occur- 
rence of that narrow dependence on land which in other countries 
resulted in serfage, tenants adscript* glebce. The colonists, except 
when " indented " for a term of years, were free to come and to go, 
and the absence of restraint exerted a lasting influence upon the 
domestic economy of the northern and middle colonies. The equal 
distribution of property in those provinces tended best to encourage 
the full and free development of economic powers. There was no 
glaring inequality between rich and poor ; the situation was that 
which pleased Rousseau : no citizen was so rich that he could buy 
the others, and no one so poor that he might be compelled to sell 
himself. Burnaby travelled 1200 miles in New England and the 
Middle colonies without meeting a beggar. Even in Boston, where 
the profits of a lucrative trade centred, fortunes were moderate, 
and Burke thought there were not two persons in either Massa- 
chusetts or Connecticut who could afford to spend £1000 a year 
away from their estates. 2 

The " almost universal mediocrity of fortune " that prevailed in 
America was regarded as a happy situation, preserving the people 
from idleness and its consequent errors. 8 Most of the people 
cultivated their own lands, or followed some handicraft or trade, 
and so nearly every man was a producer. Franklin, in an essay 
intended to set the true condition of America before intending and 
too hopeful emigrants from Europe, described it as " the land of 
labor, and by no means what the English call Lubberland, and the 
French Pays de Cocagne, where the streets are said to be paved with 

1 In Connecticut in 1792; in Pennsylvania in 1794. 
f Present State of the Nation. 
» Franklin, Works, viii. 173. 




half peck loaves, the houses tiled with pancakes, and where the 
fowls fly about ready roasted, crying, Come eat mc/" A mere 
man of quality, he thought, would be despised and disregarded, 
"The husbandman is in honor there, and even the mechanic, 
because their employments are useful" 

The general distribution of land tended to a general distribution 
of political power, for land and power are almost inseparable. The 
farmer of the colony was a freeholder and had early established his 
privilege* if not his right, of controlling local concerns. 

In describing landholding in America, Story says, — 

u Tlie tenants and occupiers are almost universally the proprietors of 
the soil in fee simple. The estates of a more limited duration are prin- 
cipally those arising from the acts of the law, such as estates in dower 
and in curtesy. Strictly speaking, therefore, there has never been in 
this country a dependent peasantry. The yeomanry are absolute mas- 
ters of the soil on which they tread, and their character has from this 
circumstance been marked by a jealous watchfulness of their rights, and 
by a more steady resistance against every encroachment, than can be 
found among any other people, whose habits and pursuits are less homo- 
geneous and independent less influenced by personal choice, and more 
controlled by political circum stances." l 

The Southern colonies were under a very different social regime, 
and the difference between rich and poor, even apart from land- 
owner and slave, was greater than in the Northern colonies. The 
opulence of the planters, more apparent than real, contrasted 
sharply with the poverty of the whites who owned neither land 
nor slaves, who had no regular occupations, and led a precarious 
existence, The prevalence of slave labor discouraged the intro- 
duction of free labor and of those manual operations which such 
labor can pursue. The planter was generally deeply in debt, 
The scarcity of capital, and the large operations of the planter 
required much capital, induced him to look to English bankers 
and merchants for his needs, His lands were purchased and 
cleared with foreign capital ; it was with such advances that his 
slaves were bought, the crop planted, garnered, and finally trans- 
ported to market The greater share of the carrying trade was 
conducted by the capitals of merchants residing in Great Britain, 

* Commentaries, i. 12L 


and even the tobacco warehouses in Virginia and Maryland were 
owned by British factors. 1 This did not prevent the planter from 
seeking to gratify his expensive tastes, for he could mortgage his 
future crops, and run the risk of failure through a bad crop, a 
sickness among his slaves, or a failure in the slow machinery of 
colonial trade, when the English factor might intervene and deprive 
him of his estate. 2 

The poor settler was lazy and shiftless, having no interests to 
subserve and intent only upon satisfying his immediate wants. 
Among the whites of Virginia Chastellux found the first evidences 
of poverty he had met. In such a population the habit of saving 
was undeveloped and real wealth, apart from land and slaves, out 
of the question. Large plantations, rudely cultivated so as to 
waste their fertility, costly labor, and spendthrift habits were not 
elements of success. Adam Smith noted that no such wealthy 
planters came from the tobacco, as from the sugar colonies. Good 
management and foresight did amass large fortunes and estates ; 
but regarded as a whole the southern people were poorer than 
those of New England, in spite of the show and outward glitter 
their habits induced them to make. 

Notwithstanding the almost universal prevalence of agricultural 
pursuits, there was no systematic study of the science of farming, 
and the methods employed were, even for that day, slovenly and 
wasteful. No attention was given to husbanding the benefits of 
nature, and the settlers were more likely to imitate the Indians in 
the arts of destruction than in the art of preservation. If a forest 
was to be cleared, it was burned ; or the trees were girdled and left 
to decay where they stood. A field once cleared was worked into 
comparative sterility by a succession of the same crops, and no 
attempt was made to maintain or renew its fertility other than by 
the rude and partial method of allowing an exhausted field to lie 
fallow. The original richness of the soil was such that for a num- 

1 Adam Smith, Wealth of Nations, i. 371. 

* I am aware that Adam Smith asserts that he " had never even heard of 
any tobacco plantation that was improved and cultivated by the capital of mer- 
chants who resided in Great Britain " (Wealth of Nations, i. 167). As an 
object of speculative investment a tobacco plantation was not so desirable as 
a sugar field, and it was as a speculation that Adam Smith treated the question. 
The involved condition of the planters of the tobacco colonies is beyond all 
doubt. See Burnaby's Travels, p. 19. 




ber of years crops could be raised from it without impairing its 
productiveness ; and when it showed signs of failing it was cheaper 
and easier to plough up a new field and abandon the old to regain 
strength as best it could. The system of cultivation was thus 
extensive, and not intensive; certain lines of production were 
worked to the utmost, and while some of the natural advantages 
of the soil were utilized under such a system, all others were 
sacrificed, In fact land was too cheap to make even a moderate 
expenditure in improvements profitable. 

The methods of cultivation were nearly the same after as before 
the war: — 

** Unproductive fallows precede crops ; after crops, the land is gen- 
erally given up for a number of years to weeds and poor natural grasses, 
until it shall come into heart again ; toe husbandman in the mean wbile, 
employing his labors upon his other fields in succession." ■ 

General Warren said, before the American Academy of Arts 
and Sciences, that a man in America, — „ 

"that farms 150 acres, would think a stock of JCI00 sufficient One 
miserable team, a paltry plough, and everything in the same proportion ; 
three acres of Indian corn which require all the manure he bas ; as many 
acres of half-starved English grain from a half cultivated soil, with a 
spot of potatoes, and a small yard of turnips, complete the round of his 
tillage, and the whole is conducted perhaps by a man and a hoy, and 
performed in half their time ; no manure but the dung from the barn, 
which, if the heaps were not exposed to be washed away by the winter 
rains may amount to fifteen or twenty loads j and if they are so exposed, 
to much less, without any regret to the farmer. All the rest of the 
farm is allotted for feeding a small stock* A large space must be mowed 
for a little hay for winter ; and a large range for a little feed in sum- 
mer. Pastures are never manured, and mowing lands seldom; but 
nothing will give a clearer idea of the different management than the 
following facts ; in England rents are high and labor low ; in America 
it is just the reverse, rents are tow and the rate of labor high ; yet in 
England, it would be difficult to find an instance where the labor did 
not amount to more, and in many instances, to perhaps three times as 
much as the rents; and in America, as difficult to find as instance 
where the labor on the farm equalled the rent," % 

» American Aluse-urn, ii. 447. See Kalm, i. 102, 185, 180, 

a American Museum, ii. 344. Wealth of Nations, ii. 115, 146. 


While this description applied more especially to the farming of 
the New England colonies, it would apply also to the general system 
used in the Southern and Middle colonies, with the possible excep- 
tion of Pennsylvania. 

" There is, perhaps, scarcely any part in America, where farming has 
been less attended to than in this State [Virginia]. The cultivation of 
tobacco has been almost the sole object with men of landed property, 
and consequently a regular course of crops has never been in view. 
The general custom has been, first to raise a crop of Indian corn (maize), 
which according to the mode of cultivation, is a good preparation for 
wheat ; then a crop of wheat ; after which the ground is respited (except 
from weeds and every trash that can contribute to its foulness,) for 
about eighteen months ; and so on, alternately, without any dressing, till 
the land is exhausted ; when it is turned out, without being sown with 
grass seeds, or any method taken to restore it ; and another piece is 
ruined in the same manner. No more cattle are raised than can be 
supported by lowland meadows, swamps, &c, and the tops and blades 
of Indian corn ; as very few persons have attended to sowing grasses 
and connecting cattle with their crops. The Indian corn is the chief 
support of the laborers and horses. Our lands, as mentioned in my first 
letter to you, were originally very good ; but use and abuse have made 
them quite otherwise." l 

Mitchell also bears witness to the degeneration of lands in the 
Southern colonies as early as 1767. 

" Their lands are so exhausted that they do not produce above a 
third part of what they used to do. Formerly they made three and four 
hogsheads of tobacco a share, that is, for every laborer, where they 
cannot now make one ; and they used to have fifty and sixty bushels of 
corn to an acre of land, where they now reckon twenty a good crop."* 

Burnaby describes the agriculture of the Southern colonies as in 
a " very low state," 8 and Kalm applies nearly the same words to 
that of Pennsylvania, 4 while he speaks in even more disparaging 
terms of farming in New Sweden. 6 

The result was that comparatively small returns were obtained 
from the land, barely eight or ten bushels of wheat to an acre, 

1 Washington to Arthur Young, 1 November, 1787. 

* Present State, p. 140. * Travels, i. 1S5. 

8 Travels, p. 46. * Travels, ii. 190. 




when twenty-five was an average yield in England and eighteen in 
France- 1 The cause of this was that — 

u the aim of the farmers in this country is ? not to make the most they 
can from the land, which is t or has been cheap, but the most of the 
labor, which is dear; the consequence of which has been, much ground 
has been scratched over, and none cultivated or improved as it ought to 
have been : whereas a farmer in England, where land is dear and labor 
cheap, finds it Ms interest to improve and cultivate highly, that be may 
reap large crops from a small quantity of ground, That the last is the 
true, and the first an erroneous policy, I will readily grant; but it re- 
quires time to conquer bad habits, and hardly anything short of necessity 
is able to accomplish it. That necessity is approaching by pretty rapid 
strides/' * 

In localities the yield might have been larger. Kalm, at an 
earlier date, noted that on well prepared land in Pennsylvania, a 
bushel of rye sowed on an acre of land returned twenty bushels, 
and the returns from wheat were about the same.* In New York, 
from twelve to twenty fold was the rate of return for wheat ; but 
one half -bushel of make would yield one hundred bushels. 4 In 
Buck's County, Pennsylvania, fresh lands would give from fifteen 
to twenty bushels to the acre, the market price of which would 
generally cover the cost of the land, 5 

In spite of this wasteful system of culture, the wheat-growers of 
America possessed decided advantages over those of England, 
though, as yet, these advantages were not appreciated. Arthur 
Young proved in his Political Arithmetic that in 1774 the Ameri- 
can farmer, exempt as he was from rents, tithes, and poor rates, and 
paying comparatively light taxes, could not only supply the West 
India market with flour more cheaply than could the English 

1 Young, Travels in France, L 384. 

1 Washington to Young, December, 1701, See also Jefferson's Notes on 
Virginia (Eighth edition), p. 130, 

* Kalm, Travels, ii 125, 
4 Ibid. ii. 245. 

* "The price of improved lands varied with the price of wheat, — the prin- 
cipal article for making money. When wheat was at 3*» a bushel, land was 
worth £3 an acre, and wheat at 6>. meant land at £5 " (Hazard's Register of 
Feanay lvauia, Hi. 403), 

* A year of comparative high prices in England* 


farmer, but even exclude the latter from the home -markets. Al- 
though this was a temporary relation, it was soon to become 
permanent, for the period of the Revolution marked an important 
change in the economy of England as regards its food supply. 
From 1715 to 1765 — a period of fifty years — hardly five years 
could be found in which the harvest had proved so deficient as to 
produce a marked influence upon prices ; and when compared with 
former years, prices were uncommonly low. This was the case not 
only in England, where bounties were paid to encourage the export 
of grain, but also in France, where imports were encouraged and 
exports prohibited — a proof that the range of low prices was due 
to natural and not artificial causes. 

This period of plenty and cheapness of food, in which, as the 
author of the Corn Tracts tells us, bread made of wheat became 
more generally the food of the laboring people, was followed by ten 
years of comparative scarcity, due principally to a succession of 
deficient harvests. So great was the change that government 
took action, and more than once prohibited the export of grain 
while allowing its free import, and even paying bounties upon im- 
ports. Again was this situation not peculiar to Great Britain, 
but extended to Ireland and the continent In England, however, 
an important change was produced. Heretofore wheat had been 
an article of export, and had even been sent to the American 
colonies ; it now became an article of import, 1 evidence that under 
existing methods England could no longer be depended upon to 
supply the food required by its own population. 2 Though the 
colonies were not in a position to take advantage of this change, 
and did not for more than fifty years, the tendency of England to 
look to other countries for its food dates from this time. Great 
Britain thus lost the colonies at the very period when they might 
have become what they did become half a century later, the 
granary of Europe. 

1 Huskisson, Speech on ParnelTs Resolutions on the State of the Corn Laws, 
5 Mar, 1SU. 

1 While the balance of exports of wheat from 1742 to 1751 had been 4.70&5G9 
quarter*, the balance of imports from 1766 to 1775 had been 1.363^149 quar- 
ters ; and not until 17S5 did the price fall to the rate at which the bounties 
on exportation attached, or at which any exports were made (Tooke, History 
of Prices, L S). The Corn Laws, it is hardly necessary to add. merehr postponed 
the final dependence on foreign supplies. 




Id the pursuit of agriculture live stock is one of the great 
essentials, though not so much an essential in colonial times, when 
the natural fertility of the soil had not been exhausted and the 
crops could still depend upon the rich vegetable mould, as at a later 
day, when the exJiausted soil requires some artificial stimulus* The 
live stock of the colonies was meagre and of poor quality* for little 
attention was paid to its improvement, Jefferson in his Notes on 
Virginia advanced the belief that the live stock had deteriorated 
since its introduction from Europe. 

"In a thinly peopled country, the spontaneous productions of the 
forests and waste fields are sufficient to support indifferently the domes- 
tic animals of the farmer, with a very little aid from him in the severest 
and scarcest season. He therefore finds it more convenient to receive 
them from the hand of nature in that indifferent state, than to keep up 
their size by a care and nourishment which would cost him much labor " 
(p. 83). 

The use of domestic animals in agriculture was far more com- 
mon in the Middle colonies than in either the Eastern or the 
Southern. In the latter slave labor was a substitute, while in New 
England the tendency appears to have been to use horses instead 
of cattle, though the greater care and higher quality of food must 
have made them the more costly instrument and so restricted their 
employment, 1 It was in the neighborhood of Philadelphia thgt 
Silas Deane noted the "finest team horses*' he had ever seeA, 
though New England exported horses largely. In all the colonies 
cattle appear to have been neither housed in winter nor tended in 
summer, and little effort was made to collect and preserve manure. 
Sheep were raised for farming purposes and also for their wool, 
and some of the colonies offered special inducements to encourage 
the keeping of sheep ; but these attempts were not regarded with 
favor in Great Britain, where the many severe restrictions intended 
to maintain and favor the English wool industry, not only forbade 
the improvement of colonial stock by prohibiting the export of 
sheep, but also tended to make the raising of sheep for wool of 
little profit to the farmer by limiting his market. The policy of 
the mother country was also calculated to discourage greater 
attention to the cattle of the colonies- Cattle, alive or dead, could 

1 Franklin, Works, vii. 434, 






In spite of these drawbacks and disadvantages there was evi- 
lence of some progress. The experimental stage was past; the 
climate and soil were better known and their capacities developed 
so far as the meagre knowledge and experience of the colon bta 
would allow. The plants suited to each description of land had 
been noted, and the cultivation required to produce a given result 
had engaged some attention. In transferring animals and plants 
from the old world to the new costly errors had been made, hut the 
experience gained was of value. When Connecticut sought to 
raise cotton, or when cinnamon and silk were to be produced under 
unfavorable conditions, failure could only result, no bounty being 
able to overcome the hostility of nature, 1 These errors and failures 
did not deter new attempts, and — 

"so extensively did these experiments go on, and so completely had 
they been tried, that not a single species of domestic animal, and bat 
one species of cultivated plant (sorghum), that had been introduced 
since the Revolution, was of sufficient importance to be enumerated in 
the census tables/* * 

The life of a farmer under such conditions was simple almost to 
an extreme, He raised the grain and vegetable required by his 
family and stock ; from his cows he obtained milk which could be 
worked into butter or cheese, both merchantable articles ; once a 
year he killed a bullock or a pig, salting down what was not re- 
quired for immediate consumption; he raised flax which \v:ts 
worked up in the family into homespun goods, and the wool ob- 
tained from his sheep was utilized in the same manner; he knew 
how to extract the juices from fruits. In each town there would 
be found a person who f generally a farmer himself, practised in hi* 
leisure time some trade like that of a grain miller, a tanner, or a 
carpenter, his labor being sufficient to meet the wants of the town* 
In other cases, like that of the shoemaker, the tradesman would 
visit the various towns, put up at a fanner's house, and using the 
leather supplied to him, would, in a few days, make sufficient foot- 
wear for a year s wants* The miller took a part of his flour as 
pay, and the tanner, after a year's labor in tanning a hide, re- 

1 Adam Smith thought the dearness of labor In America would prevent a 
successful culture of the silk-worm (Wealth of Nations, ii. 230)* 
* Shaler, in Tenth Census, iii, 185. 


tained one-half as his perquisite. The chief articles which the 
farmer purchased were iron and salt ; the surplus product of his 
fann was sufficient to enable him to buy these, to lay aside a little 
44 hard money," and to increase his holdings in land Two or three 
times a year he would go into the nearest importing town and in- 
dulge in a few modest u luxuries " — like a calico gown for his wife, 
and, as a rule, some rum for himself. Is it strange that many of 
the vices of the old world should spontaneously disappear tinder 
such simple conditions ? 

The manufactures of the colonies were few and on a scale in- 
tended to satisfy local wants, scarcely deserving more than the 
name of household industry, yet there were the beginnings of an 
industrial life which required only the proper surroundings to be 
developed. The usual stimulus was war, which interrupted com- 
munication with the mother country and threw the colonies on 
their own resources. A voyage across the ocean involved from 
two to four months, and vessels were often so infrequent that the 
masters, i.e. ships built especially to convey masts to England, 
were taken by those who wished to reach the other side and to 
whom no better accommodation presented itself. It was the political 
troubles of England during the Cromwell rebellion that first led 
to the construction of ships in New England. For emigration was 
suspended and the intercourse between parent country and colony 
so interfered with that their supplies for which they looked to 
England were well nigh exhausted. 

44 The general fear," writes Governor Winthrop in his journal, <4 of 
want of foreign commodities, now our money was gone, and that things 
were like to go well in England, set us to work to provide shipping of 
our own." 

Every war in which England took part thereafter, led the 
colonists to add a little to their beginnings of manufacture. 
During the war with France this tendency to develop their 
own resources was especially marked, and when the Stamp Act 
troubles still further increased this tendency, the jealousy of 
English manufacturers was excited, and an inquiry instituted by 
the Commissioners of Plantations and Trade into the manu- 
facturing capacity of the colonies. The replies of the colonial 
governors were nearly in the same strain, — that there were no 




manufactures of any consequence, — replies, said Franklin, that were 
44 very satisfactory " to England as betokening no danger of compe- 
tition. 1 For example, the Governor of New Jersey reported that 
there were no woollen or linen manufactures worthy of the name ; 
eight blast furnaces for making pig iron, and forty-two forges for 
beating out bar iron, beside one slitting mill, one steel furnace and 
one plating mill, but the last processes were not " carried on with 
vigor ; ,f and finally a glass house, for making bottles and coarse 
green glass for window's, 2 Very little more had been done in 
1774, though a new slitting mill had been erected as an appendage 
to a grist mill, to evade the prohibition of such mills by Parliament. 1 
In 17T4 Governor Tryon wrote to the Board of Trade that the 
manufactures of the Province of New York were i the making of 
pig and bar iron, distillation of rum and spirits, refining of sugar 
and chocolate from imported sugar and cocoa, the making of soap, 
candles, hats, shoes, cordage, and cabinet ware, tanning, malting, 
brewing, and ship-building. 4 This was, probably, as comprehen- 
sive a list as any other colony could have shown, and even that 
appears larger than it really was, for the growth of manufactures 
was checked by the limited market, by the dearness of labor, by 
the greater advantages offered by agriculture, and by the jealousy 
and restrictions demanded and imposed by British industrial and 
mercantile interests. 

While the colonies were dependent upon Great Britain there 
was no such thing as a colonial market- Their geographical struc- 
ture made them independent of one another, offering an obstacle to 
a commercial and political union that then seemed almost insuper- 
able. The coast, indented by bays and harbors of refuge, and the 
navigable rivers piercing the interior regions and offering seats for 
settlements accessible to the outer world, invited the colonies to trade, 
but it was to trade with Europe and not among the colonies that the 
efforts of the Americans and the English were directed. The little 
commerce that passed among themselves was carried by water, "We 
never had any interior trade of any importance," Jefferson wrote in 

1 Franklin, Works, vii. 393, 

2 Gov. Franklin to the Earl of Hillsborough, 14 June, 1708 (New^Jersev 
Archives, x. 30-32) . 

* Gov, Franklin to the Earl of Dartmouth, 28 March, 1774 (Ibid. x. 444). 
4 New York Colonial Documents, viii. 440. 


his Notes on Virginia* Land carriage was too costly. 1 The roads 
were badly kept, 2 and as the articles to be transported were, as a 
rule, bulky, they could not be carried far. In Pennsylvania, little 
favored as it was with navigable rivers, the farmers would come 
one and two hundred miles on horseback, leading pack horses 
laden with the goods they were to barter in the nearest market. 3 
To the interior salt and gunpowder were about the only articles that 
would bear the cost and trouble of transport. This separation and 
isolated interests, intensified by commercial policy or social differ- 
ences, checked the growth of a compact colonial union. 

The want of a free and regular interchange of commodities 
among the colonies has deprived the economist of one of the best 
of guides — a scale of prices from year to year. As the producer 
was generally also the immediate consumer, there was little 
machinery of trade needed. Stated markets, regulated by law, 
there were ; but everything was local, and prices among the rest. 
Wheat might be selling in one place for a few shillings a bushel ; 
in another locality not one hundred miles distant the inhabitants 
might be on the verge of starvation. The failure of a crop, the 
uncertainty of an ocean voyage, 4 or a miscalculation in the needs 
of the market, might force prices to an extreme pitch in either 
direction, showing on what a little margin beyond their actual 
wants the colonies were existing. 6 

1 •' Take this Province [New York] throughout, the expence of transporting 
a bushel of wheat, is but two-pence [by water], for the distance of one hundred 
miles ; but the same quantity at the like distance in Pennsylvania [by land], 
will always exceed us one shilling at least" (Independent Reflector, N. Y". 

2 " High roads, which, in most trading countries, are extremely expensive, 
and awake a continual attention for their Reparation, demand from us, com- 
paratively speaking, scarce auy public notice at all " (Ibid.). 

8 Smith's History of New York (Quarto edition), p. 203. 
4 The old marine policies give an idea of the risks of navigation : — 
" Touching the Adventures and Perils which we the Insurers are contented to bear* 
and do take upon us in this Voyage, they are of the Seas, Men-of-War, Fire, Enemies, 
Pirates, Rovers, Thieves, Jettisons, Letters of Mark and Counter-Mark, Surprisals, 
Takings at Seas, arrests, Restraints and Detainments of all Kings, Princes and People, 
of what Nation, Condition, or Quality soever, Barratry of the Master (unless the assured 
be owner of said vessel) and Mariners, and of all other Perils, Losses, and Misfortunes 
that have or shall come to the Hurt, Detriment, or Damage of the said Ship." 

6 No attention need be given to the prices of commodities as fixed by law. 
Such regulation laws were, as a rule, the result of some foolish financial experi- 



Another obstacle to the conduct of manufactures was the clear- 
ness of labor. In the South the prevalence of slavery not only 
rendered hired labor unnecessary but prevented the rise of any 
industry other than that conducted by slaves, u I am not able to 
give you the price of labor," wrote Washington to Young* " as the 
land is cultivated here wholly by slaves, and the price of labor in 

I the towns is fluctuating, and governed entirely by circumstances." 
And Mitchell more fully treated the question: — 
"They who estimate the price of labor In the colonies, by the day, 
do not know what their labor is, and much less tbe value of it* There 
is no such thing as day laborers on plantations, and it is inconsistent 
with the design of them, to admit of any. Day- laborers are only to 
be found in populous and well improved countries, where they have a 
variety of employments which afford them a daily subsistence; but as 
nothing will do that without manufactures, they who would estimate 
the price of labor in the colonies, by the day, must of course admit of 
manufactures. But on plantations every one is employed by the year, 
in order to make a crop^ which lasts for a twelvemonth* Now* the 
wasres of such laborers are four or five pounds a year for men, and 
forty shillings for women, who are the chief manufacturers; this brings 
the price of labor at a medium to Zl a year, which is but two-pence a 

I day, for every day in the year/ 
4 * The deaniess of day-labor in the colonies proceeds from two causes ; 
first, the laborers who are thus employed by the year, in order to make 

*a crop of staple commodities for Britain, and their provisions with it, 
may lose their whole crop by neglecting it for a few days, and cannot 
spare a day's work without losing ten times as much as it is worth, and 
perhaps their whole year's subsistence ; which is the true cause of the 
dearuess of day labor in the plantations. 

11 Secondly, if there are any common laborers to be found, who are not 
engaged by the year, as there seldom are, they cannot find employment 
for above a few days in a month perhaps ; and for that reason, they 
must have as much for two or three days* work, as will maintain them 
for as many weeks ; but at the year's end they have not perhaps earned 
two- pence a day, for all the wages they may get, wbich is generaUy a 

ments for creating money and capital through the fiat of the legislature, — 
experiments that invariably terminated in disastrous failure* 

1 Mitchell was answering the statement of those who were seeking to show 
that the earnings of the colonists at agriculture were three shillings and six- 



ghflling a day, meaning always sterling cash. Thus the day laborers of 
the colonies, if there are any, are only the vagrants, and not the 
laborers of the country ; who stroll from place to place without bouse or 
home, are clothed in rags, and have not bare necessaries, notwithstand- 
ing the supposed high price of their labor. 

M About populous towns the case is very different, and labor much 
dearer ; they do not there make the necessaries of life, which enhances 
the price of labor ; they have likewise a variety of employments, and a 
demand for laborers, who are employed on plantations in the country, 
and by that means are scarce and dear. Thus we are not to estimate 
the price of labor from a few towns, as Boston, New York, or Phila- 
delphia, which we only hear of in Britain. These are not plantations, 
but trading or manufacturing towns, wkirh shall not be inhabited with- 
out Tradesmen and Artificers* says the wise man ; whose labor is still 
dearer, because Artists are scarce, and have not constant employment, 
and so much the better for Britain" l 

The clearness of labor was a result of the higher advantages to 
be derived from land, to which whatever labor and capital came to 
the colonies was attracted. ** In new colonies," says Adam Smith, 
44 agriculture either draws hands from all other employments, or 
keeps them from going to any other employment*** * and the latter 
was the case with the American settlements. " The mother coun- 
try has very little to apprehend from any manufactures in the 
colonies, while there continues to be plenty of land for the people 
to settle on as farmers." That was the assurance of Governor 
Franklin of New Jersey. 1 

44 Nor is there the smallest reason to expect that manufacturers will 
be encouraged in Carolina while landed property can be obtained on 
such easy terms. The cooper, the carpenter, the bricklayer, the ship- 
builder and every other artificer and tradesman, after having labored for 
a few years at their respective employments and purchased a few 
negroes, commonly retreat to the country and settle tracts of unculti- 
vated land. . . . Even the merchant becomes weary of attending the 
store and risking his stock on the stormy sea, or in the bands of men 

1 Present State, p. 300, note. 

1 Wealth of Nations, iL 101. See also Macpherson. Annals of Commerce, 

iii. 187. 

« Governor Franklin to the Earl of Hillsborough. 14 Jane. 17*$ (New 

Jersey Archives, x. 32). 

where it is often exposed to equal hazards, and therefore collects it as 
soon as possible and settles a plantation," 1 

Scarcity of labor was a condition natural to the plantations ;. the 
restrictions and prohibitions dictated by commercial and industrial 
jealousy were artificial barriers to the growth of the colonies. But 
this will be best described in connection with the mercantile system 
and the trade of the colonies. 

The institution and maintenance of slavery in the colonies were 
productive of no less important economic than political results, 
and for more than seventy years after the Revolution exerted such 
an overwhelming influence as to be the pivotal factor in American 
history. One of the results of the treaty of Utrecht was to give to 
England the trade in slaves for the Spanish colonies for thirty 
years, and the traffic with the British colonies was encouraged 
that the vent might be larger and the demand more active. Prior 
to 1740, said Bancroft, there may have been introduced into the 
colonies nearly 130,000 slaves; before 1776 the number had more 
than doubled. Even before the English had secured a monopoly 
of this infamous traffic the Northern colonists had questioned its 
utility and morality, while those of the South in later years ex- 
pressed a doubt whether it was for their interest to have so much 
labor as to glut the market with the products of slave labor and 
so lower their profits. But whether guided by a repugnance to 
a traffic in human beings or by a selfish interest, the colonists were 
powerless to direct or control the trade, being subject to the will 
of Great Britain. The trade was profitable to England ; for its 
shipping was encouraged, its manufacturers were admitted to the 
African market with their products, and the production of the 
Southern colonies was thereby turned into channels in which it 
would redound to the greatest advantage to the mother country* 
No question of morality could be admitted ; for the slave trade 
rested upon trade principles and could not be attacked on moral 
grounds while commerce was the chief end of its administration, 

A broadside circulated at the beginning of the eighteenth cen- 
tury recognized but one evil connected with this traffic, — that it 
should be a monopoly, exercised by a privileged company* 

1 I lew nt, in Carroll's Historical Collections of South Carolina. 


11 It is well known, that the Riches of the Plantations consist in Slaves, 
by whose strength and labor all their Commodities, as Tobacco, Sugar, 
Cotton, Indigo, Ginger, &c. are produced; and the more Slaves those 
Plantations are supplied with, the more Commodities are made, and the 
stronger they are to defend themselves against any Insults. Neither 
can there be any more danger of being overstockt with Negroes, than 
there is that too much Tobacco, Sugar, &c. should be sent to England ; 
for it is a plain consequence, the more Negroes the more Goods will 
be produced, the more Goods the more Custom paid, and all those 
Commodities rendered here at home so cheap as will enable this 
Nation to send them abroad cheap also to the great discouragement of 
the Plantation Trade of all other Nations. Wherefore it is very plain, 
that a large supply of negroes will not only bring great Riches to this 
Kingdom, but will also greatly increase our navigation." l 

At the time this question of free trade or monopoly in the slave 
trade was being debated in England, Pennsylvania was seeking to 
abolish the right of holding slaves. 

The African Company, in whose hands the slave trade chiefly- 
rested, found little profit in its privileges, being checked by the 
frequent seizures of its property in America, by the dishonesty of 
its own agents and servants, and by the opposition of the colonies. 
In spite of the support of the government, the company was finally 
glad to relinquish its costly specialty. The colonies more than 
once sought to crush or discourage the trade, but Great Britain 
interfered to protect the profits of its traders. 

" Great Britain, steadily rejecting every colonial limitation of the 
slave trade, instructed the governors, on pain of removal, not to give 
even a temporary assent to such laws ; and but a year before the prohi- 
bition of the slave trade by the American Congress, in 1776, the Earl 
of Dartmouth illustrated the tendency of the colonies and the policy of 
England, by addressing to a colonial agent these memorable words: — 
A We cannot allow the colonies to check, or discourage in any degree, a 
traffic so beneficial to the nation.' " 2 

1 Some Considerations : Humbly Offered to Demonstrate How prejudicial 
it would be to the English Plantations, Revenues of the Crown, the Navigation 
and general Good of this Kingdom, that the sole Trade for Negroes should be 
granted to a Company with a Joynt-Stock exclusive to all others (American 
Historical Record, i. 24). 

* Bancroft, iiL 416. 




In the slave trade the New England colonies participated, Man 
stealing was denounced by some as piracy ; but the purchase and 
use of slaves were recognized as legitimate, from a fanatical belief 
in a sanction of religious conviction* 1 

"One good old Elder, whose ' ventures ' on the coast had uniformly 
turned out well, always returned thauks on the Sunday following the 
arrival of a slaver in the harbor of Newport, Hhat an overruling 
Providence had been pleased to bring to this laud of freedom another 
cargo of benighted heathen, to enjoy the blessing of a gospel dis- 
pensation/ 1 ' 3 

As the Elect to whom God had joined the heathen for an 
inheritance, the New Englanders defended a trade which was 
after all encouraged because of the profit that could he drawn from 
it. Those colonies further possessed great facilities for engaging 
in this traffic* Small-sized ships, varying from fifty to two hun- 
dred tons burden, were found to be the most profitable, and they 
cost to build from twenty-four to thirty-four pounds a ton* the 
builder usually receiving a part of Ms pay in commodities. The 
crew was small in number, the running expenses light in comparison 
with the freight, and the profits large, for it was a double com- 
merce, with the West Indies as well as with England and Africa. 
Provisions, lumber, horses and rum, were shipped from New Eng- 
land to the West Indies ; there a part of the cargo was exchanged 
for cocoa, indigo, sugar, coffee and molasses \ thence the vessel 
proceeded to England where a further exchange was made for 
cordage, duck and articles demanded by the African market; in 
Africa slaves were obtained, and on the homeward voyage a cargo 
of molasses was brought to New England to be converted into rum. 
In this way a series of exchanges grew up which employed every 
movement of the vessel and under favorable conditions made the 
voyage a succession of advantageous ventures. 

The basis of the slave trade, and indeed of New England carrying 
trade, was rum, in the preparation of which those colonies excelled. 
In the middle of the eighteenth century it was accounted the 
" chief nianuf aeture " of Massachusetts, and the " grand support of 

1 Cf. Fronde, History of England, viii. 480. 

1 Mason, African Slave Trade in Colonial Times (American Historical 
Kecord, L 311-319, 338-^345). 


their trades and fisheries without which they could no longer sub- 
sist." It was a staple article in the Indian trade and the common 
drink of laborers, lumbermen, and fishermen ; it was exported to 
Guinea to be exchanged for gold and slaves, and finally it enabled 
the New Englander to barter his " refuse fish " and " low priced 
horses." x On Price's map of Boston (1733) eight distilleries are 
marked, and the quantity of spirits made was as surprising as the 
cheap rate at which it was sold. 2 

" With this they supply almost all the consumption of our colonies 
in North America, the Indian trade there, the vast demands of their 
own and the Newfoundland fisheries, and, in a great measure, those of 
the African trade; but they are more famous for the quantity and 
cheapness than for the excellence of their rum." • 

In 1764 a gallon of molasses, costing in the West Indies about 
thirteen pence per gallon, was quoted in Boston at one shilling and 
sixpence " out of merchants' storehouses." The cost of distilling 
was five and one-half pence per gallon, and good distillers expected 
to turn out gallon for gallon, but the average was about ninety-six 
gallons of rum to every hundred gallons of molasses. In Africa 
£12 sterling, or one hundred and ten gallons of rum, were considered 
in 1762 a fair price for a " likely " slave, and he could be sold in 
the West Indies at prices ranging from twenty to forty pounds, 
according to the condition of the market. So that after all losses 
were deducted, and the mortality of slaves on shipboard was great, 
the return to the adventurer was highly profitable, and the compe- 
tition keen. Newport, the centre of the trade, had no less than one 
hundred and twenty ships engaged in the West Indies, African 
and European commerce. 4 

To show why the slave trade was encouraged is not to explain 
its social effects and why the practice of slave holding, at one 
time general, was gradually confined to the Southern colonies. It 

1 Barry, History of Massachusetts, ii. 248, 249. 

2 In 1750, 15,000 hogsheads of molasses were annually converted into rum 
in Massachusetts alone ; and in 1774, sixty distilleries produced about 2,700,000 
gallons of rum. 

• European Settlements, ii. 174. 

4 Mason, African Slave Trade in Colonial Times; Moore, Slavery in Massa- 
chusetts, pp. 66, 67, 107. 




was the avarice of adventurers that introduced the system of slave 
labor; the avarice of English merchants and manufacturers main- 
tained it. The native Indian population was first enslaved by the 
Spaniards, greedy for gold, and was nearly exterminated by the 
severe and unremitted toil which devoted them to starvation, dis- 
ease, and torture. The lands that once supported large populations 
threatened to become deserts- It was at this juncture that Las 
Casas, in endeavoring to protect the native population from de- 
struction, framed his scheme of favoring emigration from Spain 
and of allowing every Spanish resident to import twelve negro 
slaves* From the islands African slaveiy spread to the mainland, 
and about the time the Pilgrims landed on Plymouth Rock, the 
Dutch sold twenty African bondmen at Jamestown, Virginia. It 
was not long before slaves were held in every colony. 

The conditions, however, that made slave labor advantageous 
were not present in every colony, or the "institution" might 
have survived in Massachusetts and New York as well as in Vir- 
ginia and the Carolinas, exerting a dominating influence on the 
social and political organization. It was because the necessary 
conditions were absent that the Northern and Middle colonies 
escaped, and because they were present that the Southern colonies 
became slave colonies. Origin and climate were not the determin- 
ing factors ; difference in color and in mental and moral capacity 
widened the gulf between the governing class — the slave holders 
— and their slaves, but did not account for the presence or 
absence of slavery. Natural conditions and the physical features 
of the territory, especially when assisted by local habits and local 
institutions, account for the difference between North and South, 
and while in one sense these habits and institutions were a result 
of slavery, they caused slavery to be maintained long after it had 
been condemned for moral, political, and economic reasons- Had 
not Great Britain early devoted Virginia and Maryland to the cul- 
tivation of tobacco by forbidding its growth at home and by that 
regulation afforded a monopoly market for the colonial produce, 
slavery would not have secured the foothold that it did in those 
colonies. The colonial pact confined the South to certain staples, 
tobacco, rice and indigo, which could only be cultivated with profit 
on a large scale and with an abundance of labor, or which from 
the methods of culture demanded a constant supply of new labor. 


But free labor was throughout the colonies high in price and 
difficult to obtain ; so the planters deemed themselves fortunate in 
being able to command an almost unlimited supply of slave labor, 
labor that seemed to them cheap. Undoubtedly it was cheap in 
the beginning. There was an abundance of rich and virgin soil at 
their disposal, and the wasteful and ignorant methods of slave 
labor were not felt, almost any labor yielding high returns. The 
products were all derived from the cultivation of the soil, for 
which kinds of production slaves were alone adapted, and they 
were such as would allow of the development of that organization 
by which the labor of slaves can alone be made of profit to their 
owners. The law favored large holdings in land, and the local 
government — the county forming the unit — was a result as well 
as a surety of the plantation system. Where tobacco, rice and 
indigo were cultivated on a large scale, slave labor could be em- 
ployed; but where cereals formed the chief crop, slaves could 
have no place ; they were not needed, they were in the end far 
too costly for such culture. 1 This circumstance brought a system 
of labor which depended upon slavery into disfavor among the 
Middle colonies — New York, New Jersey and Pennsylvania— 
where other conditions, like an unlimited extent of land and high 
fertility, would seem to favor it. A single laborer can cultivate 
twenty acres of corn or wheat, while he would be unable to 
manage more than two acres of tobacco. 2 

Even at this early period the evils of slave cultivation were ex- 
perienced and deplored by the wisest observers. It was admitted 
that the negro could earn less than a freeman when the results of 
his toil were measured and compared with the product of free 
labor. 3 He was ignorant, unskilful, indolent, and without adapta- 
tion. Hence a culture once introduced under his labor must be 
continued, for he was incapable of change. Rotation of crops was 
unknown, and the same culture applied year after year to the soil 
without any care being taken to maintain its fertility or improve it 
when impaired, could only result in exhausting the producing 
capacity of the land. Favored by soil and climate, encouraged by 
bounties or by a monopoly market, certain lines of production were 

1 Wealth of Nations, i. 391. 

2 Russell, Agriculture and Climate of North America, 141. 
8 John Adams, Works, ii. 498 ; Jefferson, Works, i. 29. 




pushed to an extreme, while all other resources of these colonies 
neglected and allowed to go to waste. The results, which 
made the structure of society 4i essentially different from any form 
of social life which has hitherto been known among progressive 
comm unities," 1 were not sufficiently marked before the Revolu- 
tion to come under this survey ; they will demand consideration in 
a later period; but nothing could be more widely divergent than 
the aims and tendencies of the Northern colonies from those of the 
South. The free labor of the North was the direct antithesis of the 
slave labor of the South ; in each the returns of production united 
in one person, but in the one case every inducement was held out 
to the laborer to exert his capabilities and study the means of 
increasing his returns* in the other the toil was yielded reluctantly, 
and extorted from a sense of fear. The farmer of the North 
obtained for himself all the gain due to his labor, and formed an 
active unit in the community; the slave of the South was awarded 
a bare subsistence, was a standing menace to the peace of the com- 
munity, and all the returns of his industry increased the profits of 
his master. 3 The economic difference arising from these condi- 
tions was beyond measurement, and in colonial days the economic 
lftp$ct of slavery was of far greater importance than the social and 

Toequeville has pointed out that the natural conditions of New 
England were — 

fi entirely opposed to a territorial aristocracy. . . .To bring that refrac- 
tory land into cultivation, the constant and interested exertions of the 
owner himself were necessary ; and, when the ground was prepared, its 
product was found to be insufficient to enrich a master and a farmer at 
the same time- The land was then naturally broken up into small por- 
tions which the proprietor cultivated for himself/* 

This influence was made stronger by laws favoring the free 
purchase and devising of lands, making slave labor the most ex- 
pensive and consequently the least efficient instrument of produo 
tion for that region, and practically impossible when bra ugh t into 

1 Cairnes, Slave Power (Second edition), p, 143. 

a *' The experience of all ages and nations, I believe, demonstrates that the 
VtGth done by slaves, though it appears to cost only their maintenance, is in 
the end the dearest of any ** (Wealth of Nations, i 391). 


direct competition with free labor. Negroes were found throughout 
New England and the Middle colonies ; but the social structure did 
not rest upon a basis of slave labor, and with the growth of society, 
the principle of slavery was extinguished. 1 

Slavery, however, even in the Southern colonies, was not at this 
time an active and aggressive force, either politically or economi- 
cally. While each colony recognized* the supremacy of Great 
Britain and held aloof from one another, there was neither the 
opportunity nor the occasion for political power, nor for the exer- 
cise of that peculiar political influence, devoted to the gain of 
power, which became the marked feature of slave policy in later 
years. There was no conflict between slave and non-slave States 
for political supremacy, or for the defence, maintenance, extension 
or suppression of slavery. The general opinion in every colony 
was against slavery ; it had been tolerated but discountenanced at 
the North ; it was maintained at the South only by the functions 
imposed on the colonies by the colonial policy of Great Britain. 
In competition with free labor it had failed at the North ; as the 
basis of a labor system it was being condemned at the South. The 
Articles of Association adopted by Congress in 1774 bound the 
signers to import no more slaves, and to strike at the supply of 
slaves was to strike at slavery itself. 2 This action was in align- 

1 "To borrow the words of Tocqueville, the overthrow of slavery in the 
Northern States was effected • by abolishing the principle of slavery, not by 
setting the f laves free.' The Northern people did not emancipate negroes who 
were enslaved, but they provided for the future extinction of slavery by legis- 
lating for the freedom of their offspring. The operation of this plan may be 
readily supposed. The future offspring of the slave having by the law of a 
particular State been declared free, the slave himself lost a portion of his value 
in that State. But in the South these laws had no force, and consequently in 
the South the value of the slave was unaltered by the change. The effect, 
therefore, of the Northern measures of abolition was, for the most part, simply 
to transfer Northern slaves to Southern markets. In this way, by an easy 
process, without incurring any social danger, and at slight pecuniary loss, the 
Northern States got rid of slavery" (Cairnes, Slave Power, Second edition, 
p. 157). 

2 " We will neither import nor purchase any Slaves imported after the first 
day of December next ; after which time we will wholly discontinue the Slave 
trade, and will neither be concerned in it ourselves, nor will we hire our ves- 
sels, nor sell our Commodities or Manufactures to those who are concerned in 




went with tlie instructions prepared by Jefferson* " The abolition 
of domestic slavery is the great object of desire in those colonies, 
where it was, unhappily, introduced in their infant state. But 
previous to the enfranchisement of the slaves we have, it is neces- 
sary to exclude all further importations from Africa." That the 
royal veto M preferring the immediate advantage of a few British 
corsairs to the lasting interests of the American States, and to the 
rights of human nature," had repeatedly defeated the attempts of 
the colonists against this practice, constituted one of the grievances 
enumerated by the colonies against Parliament and English rule. 1 
The slave trade was denounced in the original draft of the Declara- 
tion of Independence, but the passage was omitted in the perfected 
instrument, 3 When Virginia, as a State, enjoyed freedom of 
political action, the importation of slaves was prohibited in 1778 
by a law which the veto of no king could set aside. 

The holding of slaves was deprecated more from a moral than 
an economic motive. Jefferson saw clearly that the morals and 
industry of the population in slave colonies were suffering. 

M With the morals of the people, their industry is also destroyed. 
For in a warm climate, no man will labor for himself who can make 
another labor for him* This is so true, that, of the proprietors of slaves, 
a very small proportion indeed are ever seen to labor," * 

During the Revolution the inconsistency of fighting for one's 
own liberty, while inflicting bondage on another was recognized^ 
and the cause of emancipation gained ground, In 1766 Christo- 
pher Gadsden of South Carolina had written : — 

I 1 A Summary View of the Rights of British America. 
* The omitted passage read as follows : — 
u He has waged cruel war against human nature itself, violating its most sacred 
rights of life and liberty in the persons of a distant people who never offended him ; 
captivating and carrying them into slavery in another hemisphere, or to incur miserable 
death in their transportation thither. The piratical warfare, the opprobrium of Injidel 
powers, is the warfare of the Christian King of Great Britain, Determined to keep 
open a market where men should be bought and sold, be had prostituted his negative 
for suppressing every legislative attempt to prohibit or to restrain this execrable com- 
merce. And, that thin a^em hi age of horrors might want no fact of distinguished dye, 
he Is now exciting those very people to rise in arms among us, and to purchase that 
liberty uf which he has deprived them; thus paying off former crimes committed 
against the liberties of one people with crimes which he urges them to commit against 
the turn of another w (Jefferson* Works, L 23, 24 ; Peter Force in National Intelligencer, 
16 and IS January, 1855), 

1 Works, viii. 403. 



"We are a very weak province, a rich growing one, and of as much 
importance to Great Britain as any upon the continent ; and great part 
of our weakness (though at the same time 'tis part of oar riches) con- 
sists in having such a number of slaves amongst us. . . . Slavery begets 
slavery." l 

When Virginia prohibited the trade in slaves, a clause providing 
for the freedom of the offspring of slaves and deportation after a 
certain age was considered, but rejected as premature. 2 The con- 
stitution of no State, North or South, contained the word slave, 
except that of Delaware. By 1784, slavery had been prohibited 
or the beginnings of emancipation laid in almost all the States, in 
one form or another. Such was the position of slavery at the end 
of the Revolution. 

Mr. Albert Matthews then read the following — 


As some of the extracts I am about to read, though relating 
chiefly to the proposed abolition of slavery in Virginia in 1785, 
refer to Washington, it seemed appropriate to present them at this 

The followers of John Wesley early became prominent as 
missionaries in this country, and among the most noted of these 
were Francis Asbury and Thomas Coke, from whose writings we 
get interesting glimpses of the anti-slavery agitation. Bishop 
Asbury, referring to the Conference at Bristol, England, in 1771, 
said : — 

44 Before this, I had felt for half a year strong intimations in my 
mind that I should visit America ; ... At the Conference it was pro- 
posed that some preachers should go over to the American continent. 
I spoke my mind, and made an offer of myself. It was accepted by 
Mr. Wesley and others, who judged I had a call." 8 

At once Asbury made his preparations, sailed the next month, 
and for thirteen years wandered up and down the American conti- 

1 Historical Magazine, September, 1861, v. 261. 

2 Jefferson, Works, ix. 278, 279; L 48, 49. 

8 Journal of Rev. Francis Asbury, Bishop of the Methodist Episcopal 
Church, New York, 1852, i. 11. 




oent, until, on 14 November, 1784, he records that, to his great joy, 
he " met those dear men of God, Dr. Coke, and Richard Whatcoat ; 
we were greatly comforted together." s On 24 December he rode to 
Baltimore, where he met a few preachers, and — 

"it was agreed to form ourselves into an Episcopal Church, and to have 
superintendents, elders, and deacons. When the conference waa seated, 
Dr. Coke and myaelf were unanimously elected to tbe superin tendency 
of the Church, and my ordination followed, after being previously 
ordained deacon and elder." 8 

On 80 April, 1785, while in Virginia, he says that he — 

** found the minds of the people greatly agitated with our rules against 
slavery, and a proposed petition to the general assembly for the emanci- 
pation of the blacks, Colonel and Doctor Coke disputed on the 

subject, and the Colonel used some threats: next day, brother O'Kelly 
let fly at them, and tbey were made angry enough ; we, however, came 

1 Asbury, Journal, i, 484, 

* I bid. i. 485. Asbury was ordained Deacon 25 December, Elder on the 
twenty-sixth, and Superintendent on the twenty-seventh, each time by Coke, It 
may be explained that the title of *' Superintendent" was at first used, but was 
soon displaced by that of •■ Bishop/* In the Minutes of the Annual Confer- 
ences for 1785, 1786, and 1787, Coke and Asbury were called Superintendents ; 
in 1788, for the first time, the two men appear as Bishops, Yet, as we have 
seen, the title of Methodist Episcopal Church was adopted at the Baltimore 
Conference of 1784. Just before leaving England, Coke had been ordained 
Superintendent by Wesley ; but Wesley was utterly opposed to the assumption 
of the title of Bishop, and thus expressed himself in a letter to Asbury written 
20 September, 1788: — 

** How can jou, how dare vera, suffer yourself to he called Bishop ? I shudder, I 
start at the van thought ! Men may call me a knave or a fool ; a rascal, a acoundrel, 
and I am content: But they shall never, by my consent, call me Bishop! For my sake, 
for God's sake, for Christ's sake, pat a full end to this ! " (II- Moore's Life of the Rev* 
John Wesley, ii. 340.) 

In regard to the assumption by the American Methodists of the titles of Epis- 
copal and Bishop, and the heated controversies thereby engendered, the reader 
is referred to the Minutes of the Annual Conferences oC the Methodist Epis- 
copal Church, New York, 1840\ L 21,22; Minutes of Several Conversations 
between The Rev, Thomas Coke, LL.D., The Rev. Francis Asbury and Others, 
ffei 1785, p. 3; J* Whitehead's Life of the Rev. John Wesley* ii. 41o% 417; H. 
Moore's Life of the Rev. John Wesley, ii. 827-340 ; L. Tyerman*s Life and 
Times of the Rev, John Wesley, New York, 1872, fli 435-449. 

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Wesley to go to the United States, Coke left England in Septem- 
ber, 1784, and reached New York the third of November, At 
once proceeding south, he made extensive tours in that section of 
the country; he ordained Asbury, as we have already seen; and on 
the fifth of April, 1785, he m dared for the first time to bear a public 
testimony against slavery/' and did u not find that more than one 
was offended-*' * This calm was of short duration, for on the tenth 
of April he says : — 

14 I had now for the first time a very little persecution. The testi- 
mony I bore in this place against slave- holding, provoked many of the 
un awakened to retire out of the barn [in which he was preaching], 
and to combine together to flog me (so they expressed it) as soon 
as I came out A high-headed Lady also went out, and told the rioters 
(as I was afterwards informed) that she would give fifty pounds, if they 
would give that little Doctor one hundred lashes. When I came out, 
they surrounded me F but had only power to talk/'* 

Luckily his host, at whose house Coke and his fellow-preachers 
were obliged, on account of numbers, ** to lie three in abed," was a 
justice of the peace, and the rage of the multitude was restrained ; 
though on the following day he narrowly escaped severe treatment, 
for — 

* 4 Here a mob came to meet me with staves and clubs. Their plan, I 
believe, was to fall upon me as soon as I touched on the subject of 

slavery, I knew nothing of it till I had done preaching; but not see- 
ing it my duty to touch on the subject here, their scheme was defeated, 
and they suffered me to pass through them without molestation." * 

Undeterred by these rebuffs, he attended a quarterly meeting in 
Mecklenburg County, Virginia, 24 and 25 April, and says : — 

* Extracts etc., 1793, p. 33* 

* Ibid, p« 3a. The expression ** high-headed," the meaning of which is per* 
haps not obvious at a glance, is explained by the following extract : — 

"Q. 18. Should w0 insist on the Rnles concerning Dress? A, Bj all means. This 
ia no Time to give any Encoarageraent to Superfluity of Apparel, Therefore give no 
Tick eta . ♦ * to any that wear High- Heads, enormous Boa nets, Unfiles or Kings/ 1 
(Minutes of Several Conversations, £c. t 1785, pp. 9, 10.) 

The noon "high-head " was not nncomraon at that period, but Coke's adjecti?e 
14 high .headed " is unrecorded in the Oxford Dictionary, 
1 Extracts, elc, 1793, pp, $5, 36. 


" Here I bore a public testimony against Slavery, and have found oat 
a method of delivering it without much offence, or at least without caus- 
ing a tumult : and that is, by first addressing the Negroes in a very 
pathetic manner on the Duty of Servants to Masters; and then the 
Whites will receive quietly what I have to say to them." l 

The opposition to slavery was not started by Coke, for action 
against it had been taken in the Conferences for 1780 and 1783 ;* 
but the stringent rules drawn up in 1784 were very likely due to 
Coke's influence. These rules are as follows : — 

u Q. 42. What Methods can we take to extirpate Slavery? 

"A. We are deeply conscious of the Impropriety of making new 
Terms of Communion for a religious Society already established, except- 
ing on the most pressing Occasion : and such we esteem the Practice of 
holding our Fellow-Creatures in Slavery. We view it as contrary to 
the Golden Law of God on which hang all the Law and the Prophets, 
and the unalienable Rights of Mankind, as well as every Principle of 
the Revolution, to hold in the deepest Debasement, in a more abject 
Slavery than is perhaps to be found in any Part of the World except 
America, so many Souls that are all capable of the Image of God. 

" We therefore think it our most bounden Duty, to take immediately 
some effectual Method to extirpate this Abomination from among us ; 
And for that Purpose we add the following to the Rules of our Society: 

" 1. Every Member of our Society who has Slaves in his Possession, shall 
within twelve Months after Notice given to him by the Assistant (which 
Notice the Assistants are required immediately and without any Delay to give 
in their respective Circuits) legally execute and record an Instrument, whereby 
lie emancipates and sets free every Slave in his Possession who is between the 
Ages of Forty and Forty-five immediately, or at the farthest when they arrive 
at the Age of Forty-five : 

" And every Slave who is between the Ages of Twenty-five and Forty immedi- 
ately, or at farthest at the Expiration of five Years from the Date of the said 
Instrument : 

44 And every Slave who is between the Ages of Twenty and Twenty-five im- 
mediately, or at farthest when they arrive at the Age of Thirty : 

44 And every Slave under the Age of Twenty, as soon as they arrive at the Age 
of Twenty-five at farthest. 

" And every Infant born in Slavery after the above-mentioned Rules are com- 
plied with, immediately on its Birth. 

1 Extracts, etc., 1793, p. 37. 

* See Minutes of the Annual Conferences, i. 12, 18, 20, 21, 24. 



* 2. Every Assistant shall keep a Journal, in which he shall regularly minute 
down the Names and Ages of all the Slaves belonging to all the Masters in his 
respective Circuit, and also the Date of eyerj Instrument executed and recorded 
for the Manumission of the Slaves, with the Name of the Court, Book and 
Folio, in which the said Instruments respectively shall have been recorded: 
Which Journal shall be handed down in each Circuit to the succeeding 

41 3, In Consideration that these Rules form a new Term of Communion t 
every Person concerned, who will not comply with them, shall have Liberty 
quietly to withdraw himself from our Society within the twelve Months suc- 
ceeding the Notice given as aforesaid: Otherwise the Assistant shall exclude 
him in the Society, 

"4- No person so voluntarily withdrawn, or so excluded, shall ever partake of 
the Supper of the Lord with the Methodists, till he complies with the above- 

41 No Person holding Slaves shall, in future, be admitted into Society or to 
the Lord's Supper, till he previously complies with these Rules concerning 

c * N. B, These Rules are to affect the Members of our Society no farther than 
as they are consistent with the Laws of the States in which they reside. 

M And respecting our Brethren in Virginia that are concerned, and after due 
Consideration of their peculiar Circumstances, we allow them two Years from 
the Notice given, to consider the Expedience of Compliance or Non-Compliance 
with those Rules. 

** Q. 43. What shall be done with those who boy or sell Slaves, or 
give them away ? 

41 A. They are immediately to be expelled t unless they buy them on 
purpose to free them/ 1 * 

In the first week in May, Coke records that — 

" A great many principal friends met us here to insist on a Repeal of 
the Slave-Rules ; but when they found that we had thoughts of with- 
drawing ourselves entirely from the Circuit on account of the violent 
spirit of some leading meu, they drew in their horns, and sent us a very 
humble letter, intreatiug that Preachers might be appointed for their 
Circuitp . . . After mature consideration we formed a petition, a copy of 

1 Minutes of Several Conversations between The Rev. Thomas Coke, LL.D., 
The Rev, Francis Asbury and Others, at a Conference, begun in Baltimore, in 
the State of Maryland, on Monday, the 27th* of December, in the Tear 1784. 
Composing a Form of Discipline for the Ministers, Preachers and other Mem- 
bers of the Methodist Episcopal Church in America. Philadelphia, . * ♦ M, 
DCC, LXXXY. Pp. 15-17. A copy of this little book will be found in the 
Boston Athenseum, 




vhieh was given to every Preacher, in treating the General Assembly 
of Virginia* to pass a Law for the immediate or gradual emancipation 
of all the Slaves. It is to be signed by all the Freeholders we can 
procure, and those I believe will not be few. There have been many 
debates already on the subject in the Assembly." 1 

Nor was slavery his only cause for annoyance. On the fifteenth 
of May he preached to a large congregation, and says : — 

11 During the sermon, after I had spoken very pointedly concerning 
the impropriety of going in and out during divine service, two dressy 
girls walked out with such an impudent air, that I rebuked them keenly, 
After the public service, whilst I was administering the sacrament, 
baptizing, and meeting the Society, their father who is a Colonel, raged 
at the outside of the Church, declaring that as soon as I came out, he 
would horse-whip me for the indignity shewn to his family . But his 
two brothers (all unawakened) took my part, and insisted that I had 
done my duty* and the young ladies deserved it However, finding that 
our preaching in that Church, which we do regularly, chiefly depends 
upon him, I wrote a letter of apology to him as far as the truth would 
permit, when I came to my lodging. We had a good time during the 
sermon and the Sacrament But when I enlarged to the Society on 
Negro-Slavery, the principal leader raged like a Hon, and desired to 
withdraw from the Society, I took him at his word, and appointed 
that excellent man (Brother Sketton) Leader in his stead. When the 
Society came out of the Church, they surrounded Brother Skdton^ 
4 And will you' said they, * Set your Slaves at liberty? ' (He has many 
Slaves) * Yes,' says he, « I believe I shall. 1 ■ a 

On the twenty-fifth of May he met at Alexandria " that dear, 
valuable man, Mr, Asbury;" and on the twenty-sixth their visit 
to Mount Vernon took place. He writes ; — 

**Mr, Anbury and I set off for, General Washington**. We were en- 
gaged to dine there the day before* The General's Seat is very elegant, 
built upon the great river Potomawk ; for the improvement of the 
navigation of which, he is carrying on jointly with the State some 
amazing Plans, He received us very politely, and was very open to 
access. He is quite the plain, Country-Gentleman. After dinner we 
desired a private interview, and opened to him the grand business on 

* Extracts, etc, f 1793, p, 39. 

* Ibid. pp. 40, 41. 


which we came, presenting to him our petition for the emancipation of 
the Negroes, and intreating bis signature, if the eminence of his station 
did not deem it inexpedient for him to sign any petition. He informed 
ub that he was of our sentiments, and had signified his thoughts on the 
subject to most of the great men of the State : that he did not see it 
proper to sign the petition, but if the Assembly took it into considera- 
tion, would signify bis sentiments to the Assembly by a letter. He 
asked us to spend the evening and lodge at his house, but our engage- 
ments at Annapolis the following day would not admit of it. We 
returned that evening to Alexandria*" l 

His experience had taught him caution, and at a conference held 
1 June at Baltimore, — 

11 We thought it prudent to suspend the minute concerning Slavery, 
on account of the great opposition that had been given it, our work 
being in too infantile a state to push things to extremity." * 

Coke returned to England the same month, and though later he 
made frequent visits to this country and to the West Indies, he 
does not seem again to have visited Mount Vernon, 8 

In connection with Dr. Coke's characterization of Washington 
as ** quite the plain, Country-Gentleman," it is pertinent to quote 
an extract from a letter which our associate Mr. Ford has just 

1 Extract*, etc., 1783, p* 45. 

* Ibid. p. 46. The official record is as follows : — 

" It is reeommeti rled to all our brethren to traspeud the execution of the minute on 
slavery till the deli lie rations of a tutors Conference; that an equal space of time be 
allowed all our members for consideration, when the minute shall be put in force. 
N. B, We do hold in the deepest abhorrence the practice of slavery; ami shall not 
cease to seek its destruction by all wise and prudent means." {Minutes of the Annual 
Conferences, L 24.) 

In 1705 it was recommended that a general fast be held for the purpose, among 
other things, of lamenting "the deep- rooted vassalage that still reigneth in 
many parts of these free, independent United States ; " while in a recommenda- 
tion for a general thanksgiving, it was remarked that ** for African liberty ; 
we feel gratitude that many thousands of these poor people are free and pious." 
(Minutes, rfc M i. 64.) Thereafter all references to slavery apparently disappear 
from the Minutes. 

1 In 1789 a congratulatory address was sent to Washington by the Metho- 
dists at their Conference, much to the disturbance of the English Wesley an s. 
Washington's reply to this address will he found in Sparks' s edition of his 
Writings, lii. 15S, 154. 


placed in my hands. It is dated Philadelphia, 25 December, 1783, 
shortly after Washington had taken his departure, and is interest- 
ing as having been written to Elias Boudinot by that arch-enemy 
of Washington, Dr. Benjamin Rush. It is as follows : — 

" Our beloved Gen Washington left us a few days ago after receiving 
a thousand marks of respect & affection from all classes of people. In 
his way to Baltimore he was caught in a shower of rain, & sought a 
shelter from it in the common stage waggon. When the waggon came 
to a tavern, the tavern keeper, who knew him, received him with the 
greatest respect, & offered to prepare a dinner for him & his aids in a 
separate room. ( No — no,' said the General, 4 It is customary for 
travellers in this waggon to dine together. — I will dine nowhere but in 
this common room with these my fellow passengers,' & accordingly sat 
down & ate his dinner like any other Virginia planter with them. This 
act throws a greater lustre over his character than all his victories. It 
shows him to be a man — a citizen — & a philosopher. His victories 
can only denominate him a General. " 1 

Allusions to this early attempt to abolish slavery in Virginia 
appear to be rare, but we can trace out the result from other sources 
of information. On Tuesday, 8 November, 1785, there was pre- 
sented and read, in the Virginia House of Deputies, — 

" Also, a petition of sundry persons, whose names are thereunto sub- 
scribed ; setting forth, that they are firmly persuaded, that it is contrary 
to the fundamental principles of the christian religion, to keep so con- 
siderable a number of our fellow creatures, the negroes in this State, 
in slavery ; that it is also an express violation of the principles upon 
which our government is founded ; and that a general emancipation of 
them, under certain restrictions, would greatly contribute to strengthen 
it, by attaching them by the ties of interest and gratitude, to its sup- 
port ; and praying that an act may pass to that effect. 

u Also, a petition of sundry inhabitants of the county of Mecklen- 
burg, whose names are thereunto subscribed, in opposition thereto ; and 
praying that the act, ( empowering the owners of slaves to emancipate 
them ; ' may be repealed. 

44 Ordered, That the said petitions do severally lie on the table." * 

1 The extract occurs in a letter written 23 November, 1854, by J. W. Wal- 
lace to Dr. Griswold, from an original in the possession of Wallace. 

3 Journal of the House of Delegates of the Commonwealth of Virginia, etc., 
Richmond, 1828, p. 27. The reference is to ** An act to authorize the mono- 




On Thursday, the tenth of November, — 

u Ona motion made. The House proceeded to consider the petition 
of sundry persona presented on Tuesday last, which lay on the table, 
praying for a general emancipation of slaves, and tbe same being read : 

" A motion was made, and the question being put, to reject the said 

" It passed in the affirmative, nemine contra dieente. 

11 Resolved^ That the said petition be rejected." l 

These entries show the fate of the petition* From Madison we 
get something more than the bare details. Writing to Washington 
11 November, 1785, he says : — 

** The pulse of the House of Delegates was felt on Thursday with 
regard to a general manumission, by a petition presented on that sub- 
ject. It was rejected without dissent, but not without an avowed 
patronage of its principles by sundry respectable members. A motion 
was made to throw it under the table* which was treated with as much 
indignation on one side as the petition itself was on the other. There 
are several petitions before the House against any step towards freeing 
tbe Slaves, and even praying for a repeal of the law which licenses 
particular manumissions," a 

Again, writing 22 January, 1786, to Jefferson, then in France, 
Madison says ; — 

11 Several petitions (from Methodists chiefly) appeared in favor of a 
gradual abolition of slavery, and several from another quarter for a re- 
peal of the law which licenses private manumissions. The former was 
not thrown under the table, but was treated with all the indignity short 
of it. A proposition for bringing in a bill conformably to the latter 
was decided in the affirmative by the casting vote of the Speaker ; but 
the bill was thrown out on the first reading by a considerable majority." * 

Finally, from Jefferson himself we get light as to the cause of the 
failure of the petition. Under date of 22 June, 1786 f he says: — 

44 Of the two commissioners who had concerted the amendatory clause 
for tbe gradual emancipation of slaves Sir. Wythe could not be present 

mission of slaves,*' passed ia May, 1782, by which, under certain conditions, 
manumission was permitted. (See the Virginia Statutes at Large, xi. 3D.) 

1 Journal of the House of Delegates, etc., p. 31. 

9 Madison's Letters and Other Writings, i. 199, 200* 

8 Ibid, i, 217, 218. 


woods * 
favorite . 
whore priL 
tact in niatU 
the court; h* 
American gent 
condescension* a 
attrition with the 
sp<m taneously from 
among us 

Mr, Henry H. Edi 

It will be remembered 
wealth were removed from v 
in P ember ton Square, Boston, 
ing a fine Copley portrait, sign 
scarlet gown whom nobody co^ 
Perkins describes this picture as 
Judge's room of the Supreme Coil. 
portrait of "Judge Hayward, of Sou 
now occupies a conspicuous place in 
Our associate Mr, Justice Barker of the 
and Judge Francis W, Hurd made many . 
search to ascertain the name of the original t 

1 Sketch of the Lite and a List of Some of the Wo, 
Copley, 1873, p, 129, 





A Stated Meeting of the Society was held at No, 25 
Beacon Street, Boston, on Wednesday, 21 March, 
1900, at three o'clock in the afternoon, President Wheel- 
wright in the chair. 

The Records of the Stated Meeting in February were read 
and approved. 

The Corresponding Secretart reported that since the 
last Meeting a letter had been received from Dr. Moses 
Colt Tyler accepting Corresponding Membership. 

President Wheelwright announced the death of the 
Honorable Edward John Phelps, an Honorary Member, and 
remarked upon the fact that Professor Phelps's death made 
the first break in either the Honorary or Corresponding 
Rolls of the Society. He then paid this tribute to the mem- 
ory of our late associate : — 

Siuce our last Stated Meeting we have lost by death one name 
from the short list of our Honorary Members. There have been 
but seven names in this list, and that of the Honorable Edward 
John Phelps was the second name to be inscribed upon it; his is 
also the first to be starred. Mr. Phelps was elected an Honorary 
Member on the twentieth of December, 1893, when President 
Cleveland was also admitted to our fellowship. In his letter of 
acceptance, he desired to express his u thanks for the distinguished 
compliment conferred upon hira, — a compliment," he added* 
** which I very highly appreciate." He subsequently showed the 
genuineness of this appreciation and the interest he at once took in 
our Society by twice making long journeys to attend our Annual 
Meetings, —those of 1894 and 1899, The day after the first of 
these meetings, Mr. Phelps drove to Cambridge and called upon our 
then President, Dr. Gould, to express the pleasure he had enjoyed* 


At both these meetings, or rather at the dinner which followed 
them, he contributed to the intellectual feast by speeches in which 
he fully justified his reputation as an after-dinner speaker. At the 
last of these dinners, — that of November, 1899, — your President 
had the privilege of having him for his right-hand neighbor at the 
table and can testify to the unrivalled charm of his conversation, 
with its happy mingling of wit and wisdom. 

Mr. Phelps died at New Haven, Connecticut, where he had a 
residence, on the ninth of March. He had been ill with pneu- 
monia for nearly two months, but until within a week of his death 
it was confidently believed by his physician that he would recover, 
because of his strong constitution and in spite of his advanced 
age. During his illness, messages of sympathy were constantly 
addressed to him from all parts of the country and from abroad, 
including one from Queen Victoria, inquiring as to his condition 
and expressing a hope for his recovery. At a time when it was 
thought that his restoration to health was assured, this Society 
also sent him a letter of congratulation. 

Though born in Vermont, Mr. Phelps had in his veins good 
Massachusetts blood, which we of The Colonial Society of Massa- 
chusetts may be pardoned for believing may have been not without 
influence upon his character and career. His ancestor William 
Phelps, born in England in 1599, came to New England in 1630 
and first settled at Dorchester, Massachusetts ; but after residing 
there five or six years removed with his family to Windsor, Con- 
necticut. Here they remained for several generations, inter- 
marrying, meanwhile, with some of the most eminent families 
of that Colony, some of them, also, originally of Massachusetts 

Mr. Phelps was born at Middlebury, Vermont, on the eleventh 
of July, 1822, and was educated at Middlebury College. After 
graduating, in 1840, he studied law with his father, with Horatio 
Seymour, and at the Yale Law School, was admitted to the bar in 
1843, and began practice in New York City, but soon removed to 
Burlington, Vermont, which became thereafter his habitual place 
of residence. Here he soon acquired the reputation of a sound 
lawyer and able advocate and was entrusted with many important 
cases. Though in a measure shrouded from public gaze in the 
remote county town he had chosen for his residence, his legal 




ability and attainments were not unmarked by bis professional 
brethren, and in 1880 he was chosen President of the American 
Bar Association, He had already received, in 1870, the degree of 
LL.D. from his Alma Mater. Yale University gave him the hon- 
orary degree of A.M. in 1881 and he was at the same time made a 
professor in the Yale Law School. The University of Vermont 
conferred upon him the degree of LL.D. in 1887 and Harvard did 
the same in 1889, 

Mr, Phelps was best known to the general public as our Min- 
ister to England* to which post he was appointed by President 
Cleveland in 1885. As the immediate successor of Lowell it was 
at first feared that he might appear to disadvantage in the com- 
parison ; but such apprehensions soon proved groundless and the 
new appointee at once achieved, without effort, a popularity un- 
surpassed by any of the long line of distinguished men who had 
preceded him in the office. He became popular with the entire 
nation, from the Sovereign down to the plainest of the plain 
people. One passport to popular favor he had, very potent with 
Englishmen, which Lowell lacked, — he was an enthusiastic 
sportsman, and brought home, at the end of his mission, several 
pair of antlers as trophies of his skill in deerstalking among the 
Highlands of Scotland. 

On his departure from England, Punch assured him of — 

John Bull's best wishes 
And Mr. Punch's too \ 

and the London Times of the twelfth of March, 1900, in announcing 
his death, said : — 

Among the gifted men who have represented the United States 
here, Mr, Phelps was one of the most successful alike in social and in 
diplomatic duties. He will long be remembered as one of the best and 
wisest of his country's servants. 

Not only is our Society called upon to mourn the loss of a dis- 
tinguished member, but Mr- Phelps's death is a loss to the whole 
nation, at a time when new and perplexing problems are confront- 
ing us at home and abroad, when there is sore need of wise coun- 
sellors and honest and well-equipped officials. It is, perhaps, as 
an educator that Mr- Phelps will be most missed- Profoundly 




mysterious picture but without success. Some of the older mem- 
bers of the Bar recollected that Chief-Justice Shaw once said that 
the Library owned a portrait of one of the Judges of the Courts in 
one of the Southern Colonies; but none could remember his name- 
In conversation a few days since, with Mr. Francis Wales 
Vaughan, Librarian of the Social Law Library, he told me that 
he believed he had solved the mystery. In looking over the 
account-book of the Treasurer, he found the following entry 
under date of 10 August, 1829 : — 

To cash pd. Daniel Merrill for moving picture of Martin Howard 
presented to the Social L. Library by Miss A, II, Spooner ... ,50 

Investigation at the Suffolk Probate Office showed that Anna 
Howard Spooner was put under guardianship in 1802, and the 
inference was at once drawn that she was the donor of the por- 
trait It was in vain that the Records of the Proprietors and of 
the Trustees of the Library were searched for some acknowledg- 
ment of this gift, the entry in the Treasurers books, apparently, 
being aU that remained on paper bearing upon the identity of the 
portrait. Finally, however, in making a thorough search among 
some old vouchers, letters, and other papers in the Treasurer's cus- 
tody, Mr. Vaughan found Miss Spooner's letter, dated in August, 
1829, presenting to the Library 1 the portrait of her grandfather 
painted "by Mr. Copely*" A postscript to the letter states that 
the portrait is given for the purpose of showing the dress of the 
Judges before the Revolution, 

Martin Howard was a prominent man in both Rhode Island and 
North Carolina, His father, Martin Howard, Senior* was a resi- 
dent of Newport, Rhode Island, and, with other of his townsmen, 
was "admitted free of the Colony'* of Rhode Island and Providence 
Plantations at a session of the Assembly on 3 May, 1726, a Unlike 
his son, he does not appear to have made any impression upon 
public affairs, but that he was well descended may reasonably be 

1 The officers of the Social Law Library in 1829 were : — President, William 
Sullivan; Trustees, Lemuel Shaw, William Minot, Benjamin Rand, Samuel 
Hubbard, and George Morey ; Treasurer and Clerk, Edward Blake ; Librarian , 
James Boyle, 

J Rhode Island Colonial Records, iv. 375, 



inferred from an item in the estimate of his son's losses at the 
hands of the Newport mob, in August, 1765, to be mentioned here- 
after. The son was born in England, 1 and, doubtless, was brought 
hither in early childhood by his father. 2 

Martin Howard, Jr., as his name appears in the public records 
for many years and as late as 1765, a studied law under James 
Honyman, Jr., and became a practitioner at the bar in Newport 
where he mostly resided. He was appointed by the Assembly one 
of the Commissioners to go to Albany to confer with the Six 
Nations on the fourteenth of June, 1754, 4 and in August, 1756, 
one of a committee to prepare a bill to authorize a lottery for 
raising £10,000 to cany on the building of Fort George. 6 On 
the eighteenth of August, 1760, and again on the twenty-first of 
September, 1762, he was named on a commission to revise the 
laws of the Colony. 6 His activities, however, were not confined 
to his profession and his public services to the Colony. For three 
years (1752-1755) he was librarian of the Redwood Library, 7 and 
he was long an active and influential member of Trinity Church. 8 

Of Howard's first marriage the following record, in the hand- 
writing of Dr. MacSparran, has been preserved in the Register 
of St. Paul's Church, Narragansett, under date of 29 December, 
1749: — 

The Banns of marriage between Martin Howard Jun T and Ann 
Conklin being duly published in Trinity Church in Newport on Rhode 

1 Moore's History of North Carolina, 1880, i. 99. See below, p. 389. 

2 In the Newport cemetery is a stone which records the death of Ann 
Howard, wife of Martin Howard, 28 September, 1758, aged 59 years. Another 
stone is to the memory of Sarah Howard, daughter of Martin and Ann Howard, 
who died 13 January, 1734, aged 3 years, 11 months, 13 days. In the Friends 
Records is the following entry : — 

Ann Howard, of England, died at Widow Wait Carr's house, Newport, 11 June, 
1719 (Arnold's Vital Record of Rhode Island, vii. 109). 

8 See will of Ebenezer Brenton, below, p. 387, note. 
4 Rhode Island Colonial Records, v. 386. 

• Ibid. v. 505. 

• Ibid, vi. 257, 336. 

7 Mason's Annals of the Redwood Library and Athenaeum, Newport, R. I., 
1891, pp. 42, 45, 59. 

8 A fac-simile of Martin Howard's autograph is in Mason's Annals of 
Trinity Church, Newport, Rhode Island, 1698-1821 (1890), p. 91 note. 


Island, and certification thereof being had under the Hand of t" Rev 1 ' 
M r James Honyman Rector of said church ; said Partys were Joind 
together in holy matrimony at the House of Major E be nezer Br en ton l 
Fa r of said Ann on Friday the 29" 1 of Decern' 1749 by the Rev' 1 James 
Maesparran D.D: Incumbent of St Pauls in Narraganeet the Parish 
where said Partys did then reside. a 

The Register of Trinity Churchy Newport, preserves the dates 
of baptism of three children of Martin and Ann Howard, — Eben- 
ttf T-Brenton, 14 Angus t, 1751, Elizabeth, 26 July, 1752, and Ann, 
24 August, 1754, but no more. 3 

As the Revolution drew on, Howard became an ardent Loyalist, 
and with Dr, Thomas Moffatt, a Scotch physician, and Augustus 
Johnston, Attorney-General of the Colony, he was appointed to 
office under the Stamp Act On the twenty-seventh of August, 
1705, the mob made a demonstration against the stamp officers, 
drawing their effigies through the streets and hanging them on a 
gallows, and injuring Howard's person. On the following day, it 
attacked and dismantled the houses of Howard and Moffatt who 
fled the town, taking shelter on board the British sloop-of-war 

1 Major Ehenezer Brenton (1687-1706) of South Kingstown, Rhode Island, 
had two daughters, Ann and Elizabeth. Ann married, as her first husband, 
Jonathan Concfciin, 14 June, 1740, at Trinity Church, Newport (Rhode Island 
Vital Record, x. 438, 443). Breton's will, dated 16 March, 17*55, proved 13 
April, 1766, makes his son-in-law Martin Howard, Jr., of Newport, executor, 
and bequeaths to him a life estate in a farm at South Kingstown, with 
remainder to his grand-daughter, Ann Howard (Austin's Genealogical Dic- 
tionary of Rhode Island, pp, 254-257). 

* I am indebted to the present Rector of St Paul*s, the Rev. F. B. Cole, of 
Wickford, Rhode Island, for this interesting extract from the pariah Register. 
Tina entry was inaccurately printed by Mason in his Annals of Trinity Church, 
Newport, R. L, 1698-1621, p. 91. See Arnold's Vital Record of Rhode Island, 
x. 337, 343. 

* Sabine says that "James Center married one of his [Howard's] daughters, 
and after her decease, became the husband of another " (Loyalists, i 547)* 1 
do not find a record of either of these marriages, or of the birth or baptism of 
another daughter of Martin Howard. Elisabeth Howard may have been one 
of Center's wires, but that he did not marry her sister Ann Howard I shall 
hereafter show. Ann Howard's birth is imperfectly recorded in the Newport 
Town Records : — 

Howard, Ann, of Martin, . * , f Aug. 15 — 
(Arnold's Vital Record of Rhode Island, iv« 101), 


Cygnet then riding at anchor in the harbor. Believing it to be 
unsafe to remain in the Colony, they sailed for England. 1 

The wreck of Martin Howard's house was complete. It stood 
on a lot of land bounded by Spring, Stone and Broad streets, the 
latter now known as Broadway, on which the house fronted. Not 
only were the contents of the house destroyed and thrown into the 
street, but doors and window-frames were torn out and an unsuc- 
cessful attempt was made to pull down the chimney. The house, 
in its dismantled condition, was sold by auction, after its owner's 
flight, to John G Wanton 2 who restored it. His family and de- 
scendants have since owned and occupied it. 8 

On his way to England, Howard tarried at Halifax, Nova Scotia, 
where, in the same year, he wrote two political pamphlets, the first 
of which was inspired by another written by Governor Hopkins, 
who had been his associate in the delegation from Rhode Island 
to the Colonial Congress at Albany in the summer of 1764. 4 

1 Rhode Island Colonial Records, vi. 514 and note ; vii. 196. 

2 John G Wanton had no middle name but assumed the initial G as a 
designation. A son of Governor Gideon Wanton, he was a Friend, a merchant 
of Newport, and a corporator of Rhode Island College, now Brown University. 

See Friends Records in Arnold's Vital Record of Rhode Island, vii. 37 (two ^ 
entries), 80 (two entries), 211. 

8 Letter of Miss Maud Lyman Stevens. 

4 These pamphlets are entitled : — 


A Letter from a Gentleman at Halifax, to his Friend in Rhode-Island, containiDg^^ m=n% 
Remarks upon a Pamphlet, entitled, The Rights of the Colonies Examined. Newport. J m% * 


A Defence of the Letter from a Gentleman at Halifax, to his Friend in Rhodes Mz*ote r 
Island, Newport: M.DCC.LXV. 

The facts concerning these publications are briefly told by Charles IZfC & 
Hammett, Jr., in A Contribution to the Bibliography and Literature or<^ °* 

Newport, R. I., 1887, p. 63: — 

Late in 1764, Hopkins's pamphlet, "The Rights of [the] Colonies Examined," (witr^*" 5 *^* ri . t1 
no other signature than the initial "P") was published at Providence by the authorit^^*"*^ 311 ^ 
of the General Assembly ; shortly afterwards also with the imprint of William Godfc**^"^-^ " 
dard (Providence. 1765), and in the next year at London, by John Almon (Londonf^o^ > °f D 
1766), the title here being changed to "The Grievances of the American Colonies* M*** me * 
Candidly Examined." The position taken by Hopkins was also supported in Jame9 *-» *-mei 
Otis's "Rights of the British Colonies Asserted and Proved" (Boston, 1764), but wa#»*-^^ w * 
opposed in the anonymous pamphlet, " A Letter from a Gentleman at Halifax to hf **■ "j s 
Friend in Rhode Island, etc." (Newport, S. Hall, 1765), which was written by MartL5^^*ttt 




Howard did not remain long in England, whence he took pas- 
sage for North Carolina, where gimt honors awaited Mm, The 
Assembly of 1767 divided the Province into five judicial districts, 
and adopted a new court law. 1 Moore says that — 

Edenton, New-Berfi, Wilmington, Halifax and Hillsboro were the 
points at which the Superior Courts were to be held, Martin Howard 
was Chief-Justice, and Richard Henderson and Maurice Moore were 
Associates. Judge Howard had recently been involved in trouble with 
the people of Rhode Island because of his opinions concerning the Stamp 
Act. He was a man of real learning in his profession, and of unusual 
literary culture for that period* It has been the habit in North Carolina 
to disparage his memory, but apart from his loyalty to the King and to 
England, the land of his birth, nothing remains to his discredit which 
might not be imputed to some of his associates on the North Carolina 
bench, who have been so abundantly eulogized in all our annals* Judge 
Howard, even in the heat of the Revolution, though sympathizing with 
the King, received the respectful consideration of such men as Judge 
Iredell, who had the magnanimity to ignore the small hatreds and defa- 
mations so prolific in all times of upheaval and change. Judge Maurice 
Moore was the son of General Maurice Moore, who came with his broth* 
ers Roger and George in 1710 to renew the ancient settlement of their 
grandfather, Sir John Yea mans, He was the most cultivated native 
North Carolinian of that time. He had been for years leader of the 
North Carolina Bar- a 

Shortly after Howard's appointment to the Bench, and in the 
same year, he came to Boston and was painted in his official robes 
by Copley, as already stated. He married for his second wife, 
Abigail Greenleaf, 3 the young daughter of Stephen Greerjleaf, 

Howard, Jr. In the same ye*T appeared an answer to Howard by James Otis (pub- 
lished, however, aDonymousdy) entitled " A Vindication of the British Colonics Against 
tli«: A*}HT*toM "f tin' HnliUx flftllJlWimil, Hfc." (Boston. RdM ami QCtt, I7«i5). A 
second anonymous pamphlet by Howard was entitled 4I A Defence of the Letter From 
a Gentleman at Halifax to his Friend in Rhode Island " (Newport, Samuel Hall, 1765), 
and this, in turn, waa answered by Otis in his anonymous pamphlet, '* Brief Remarks 
on the Defence of the Halifax Libel on the British American Colonies " (Boston, Edes 
and Gilt, 1765), See Ibid. pp. 66, 6T> 

1 Moore's History of North Carolina, 1880, u 90* 

* Ibid. L 99, 100. 

* Abigail Greenleaf was born in Boston, 17 September, 1748 (Boston Becord 
Commissioners* Reports, xxiv, 249). For several years, her parents were con- 
nected with the New South Church and the West Church, but they subse- 
quently transferred their relations to Trinity Church. Her sister, Anstis 


Sheriff of Suffolk, and tradition relates that the portrait was 
painted at the time of his marriage, no record of which, however, 
or of the publishment of it, is to be found in the Boston town or 
church records. 

Returning with his bride to North Carolina, Judge Howard 
entered upon a short career which was marked by turbulence and 
great popular excitement. In his judicial capacity he had to deal 
with the "Regulators," of whom the Rev. Herman Husbands, "the 
ambitious Quaker/ 9 who has been fitly characterized as " a craven- 
hearted wretch [and] noisy demagogue," was a leader. 1 Moore 
thus describes the trial: — 

Nearly four thousand men had assembled to watch the fortunes of a 
wretch, who could thus so easily agree to abandon their cause when 
danger seemed threatening himself. He was acquitted of the charge 
laid against him in the bill found by the grand jury, but William 
Butler and two others, far more innocent than Husbands, were con- 
victed and committed to prison for six months, with the added punish- 
ment of heavy fines. 

Colonel Edmund Fanning, likewise, was indicted at the same time in 
five different cases for extortion in office. He pleaded "not guilty" 
but was convicted in all and sentenced by the court to pay a fine of 
one penny in each case. These five entries in the handwriting of James 
Watson, Clerk of the Superior Court of Orange county, may be yet 
inspected, and are the dumb, yet eloquent witnesses of the eternal 
shame resting upon the memory of that court. It is hard to believe 
that Maurice Moore could have been consenting to such a mockery of 
justice. He had been loud in his denunciations of such crimes as 
those whereof Fanning now stood convicted, and had gone to such 
lengths that the partisans of Tryou were open in their charges of com- 
plicity on his part with the worst schemes of the Regulators. His 
subsequent course in the General Assembly, where he was so powerful 
in shielding the defeated insurgents, showed that he had not lost his 
sympathies for the outraged people. Again, when Judge Howard was 
driven from the court house in Hillsboro in 1770, Judge Moore was 
treated with consideration. The subsequent violence of the Regulators 
to both of his colleagues is proof positive that on the names of Martin 

Greenleaf, married Benjamin Davis (see these Publications, vi. 126). A very 
fine portrait of Mrs. Davis by Copley is owned by Mrs. Stephen Greenleaf 
Bulfinch of Cambridge. 

1 Moore's History of North Carolina, i. 117. 




Howard, Chief-Justice, and Richard Henderson, hia associate, should 
lie the odium of an infamous defeat of justice. They allowed Gov- 
ernor Tryoo, with his loose morals and bad passions, to sully the 
reputation of a court which might have been illustrious for rectitude 
as it was for the real learning of the Judges, Howard has paid a 
fearful penalty in the obloquy historians have cast upon his name, 1 
but Richard Henderson, in the virtues of his nobler sons, has been 
so mantled by charitable speeches, that bis name has gone unwhipped 
of justice. 8 

Ml Itee's estimate of the Chief -Justice is worth quoting: — 

Martin Howard, , , , of , , • Rhode Island, . . • being forced by 
popular indignation to fly that province, sought shelter in North Caro- 
lina, where, after the suicide of Judge Berry, he was made Chief 
Justice by Governor Tryon ; he was also a member of Tryon's council. 
His office as judge terminated with the expiration of the law creating 
the court, in 1773. He is represented by Jones, Wheeler and others, 
as devoid of all the virtues of humanity, a ferocious despot, an exe- 
crable copy of the English Jeffreys, i cannot but suspect that the 
picture has been exaggerated; it has been blackened out of all resem- 
blance to any being who ever sat upon the Bench within my knowledge 
in North Carolina, The Judge was certainly the ablest lawyer, and the 
most highly cultivated member of his court. The fact that he was 
permitted to reside quietly on his plantation until July, 1777, when he 

1 Bancroft, in his account of the North Carolina Regulators, says :— 

Besides, the Chief Justice was Martin Howard, a profligate time-server, raised to the 
bench as a convenient reward for having suffered in the time of the Stamp Act, and 
ever ready Co use his place as a screen for the dishonest profits of men in office, and the 
instrument of political power. Never vet had the tribunal of jtutica been so mocked 
[History of the United States, 1854, \l 184, 185). 

Sabine briefly sums up the character and career of Chief -Justice Howard 
and says that — 

The suspension from office of one who " was notoriously destitute not only of the com- 
mon virtues of humanity, but of all sympathy whatever with the. community in which 
he lived,'* was a matter of much joy, In 1775, he was present in Conned, and expressed 
the highest detestation of unlawful meetings, and advised Governor Martin to inhibit 

and forbid the assembling of the Whig Convention appointed at Newborn His 

reputation docs not appear to have been good, nor does it seem that the calm and mod- 
erate respected him ; while from others he sometimes received abuse, and even hodily 
harm. Careful pens speak of his profligate character, and of his corrupt and wicked 
designs, and aver that the members of the Assembly hated him (Loyalists of the Amer- 
ican Revolution, 1 864, i. 547). 

1 Moore's History of North Carolina, i 117-119* 



withdrew from the State ; the further fact that he wag kindly remem- 
bered by such a man as James Iredell, whose respect clung to bim id 
his fallen fortunes, and the tone of the following letter, consist but badly 
with the moral deformity and atrocity attributed to him; and induce 
the belief that the removal of a little rhetorical lampblack will disclose 
a man, differing, it is true, politically, from the mass of the population, 
but ill other respects, the peer of the proudest citizen of the realm. 
The letter of Howard to Iredell, dated 20th May, 1773, referred to 
by Jones as a confession of "malignity," has disappeared from Mr* 
Iredell's collection of papers, 


Richmond, 1 May I5ch, 1777, 

Sir: — Your favor from New Bern gave me no small degree of 
pleasure. An instance of civility to an obscure man in the woods* is 
as flattering as a compliment to a worn-out beauty, and received with 
equal avidity and delight. I have lately been so little accustomed even 
to the common courtesies of life, that a sentiment of kindness conies 
upon me by surprise, and brings with it a double, because an unex- 
pected, pleasure, 

I sincerely thank you for your obliging expressions; they give me 
more than I have a right to claim, and greatly overpay any marks of 
consideration which I may at any time heretofore have shown to you, 
and which your merit entitled you to receive from me. 

I wish you could have conveniently fulfilled your intentions of riding 
to Richmond* My little family would have been glad to see you, and 
you would have seen, I think, the best piece of meadow in Carolina, 
whence (when I leave this country) you might be able to add one to 
the few observations which may be made upon an unimportant char- 
acter, viz., that I had made two blades of grass grow where only one 
grew before — a circumstance among some nations of no small honor 
and renown. I wish you all happiness, and am, with real esteem. 

Sir, your most ob*t serv't 


1 Craven County. 

a Life and Carres pon deuce of James Iredell, one of the Justices of the 
Supreme Court of the United States, 1857, I 363, 364. 

I had hoped to glean some further particulars of Judge Howards career in 
the South from the Records of North Carolina, but as these documents have 
been printed without index, table of contents or strict chronological arrange- 
ment, the value to historical students and scholars of the twenty volumes thus 
far published is seriously impaired. 




During liis residence in North Carolina, Howard presented to 
the Colonial authorities of Rhode Island a claim for compensation 
for the loss he hud sustained at the hands of the Newport mob, in 
August, 1765, The riot and the resultant damage commanded the 
attention of Governor Ward and the Assembly for several yearn, 1 
but, although the Chief-JmticeV claim was persistently pressed, 
and reports upon the subject were made by committees, no settle- 
ment of it was ever effected. Howard's ** Estimate of damage,'* 
amounting to £324.13.0, has been printed, in fait 2 It is dated 
at Newbern, North Carolina, 26 December, 1772, and contains one 
item of special interest : — 

Four large family pictures, gilt frames ; one by Sir Peter Lely £35.0.0 

In the summer of 1777, as we have already seen, Judge Howard 
left North Carolina and sailed for a Northern port Sabine 8 tells 
us that he revisited Rhode Island where, in conversation with 
Secretary Ward, he remarked : — 

Henry, you may rely upou it, I shall have no quarrel with the Sons 
of Liberty of Newport! it was they who made me ChieMustice of 
North Carolina, with a thousand pounds sterling a year. 

The following year (1778) Howard went to England with his 
family and made his home in Chelsea in the County of Middlesex. 
In the Gentleman*s Magazine for December, 1781 (1L 593), under 
date of 24 November, 1781, is recorded the death of — 

Martin Howard, esq ; chief justice of North Carolina. 1 

His burial is recorded in the Register of the parish of Saint Luke, 
Chelsea : — 

[1781] Dec- T 1** Martin Howard, Esq^* 

1 See Rhode Island Colonial Records* vi. 514, 588, 580 ; vil 196, 216. 

* Rhode Island Colonial Records, vii 216. 

* Loyalists of the American Revolution, L 547* 

4 The date of Judge Howard's death is erroneously given by Sabine 
(Loyalists, L 547) as December, 1781, and by Mason (Annals of Trinity 
Church, Newport, p. 91 note) as 9 March, 1782. 

* I am indebted to the courtesy of the Rev. H« E. J. Bevan, the present 
Rector of St Luke's, for this valuable register. 




The following is the full text of Judge Howard's will : — 

I Martin Howard Chief Justice of North Carolina now residing in 

Chelsea being very weak in body but of a disposing mind to make this 

my last will & testament, I give to my beloved wife Abigail Howard 

all my household furniture except what is In my Daughters Chamber 

& that I give to my beloved daughter Annie Howard together with the 

plate that was her mothers & Grandfather Howards all the rest of my 

Estate real & personal wheresoever it be I give & devise to my said 

wife Abigail Howard & my said Daughter Annie Howard to be equally 

divided between them & if either of them should die leaving the other 

the part of hers so dying to pass to the Survivor her Heirs & assigns. 

I appoint my said wife Abigail Howard & my said daughter Annie 

Howard to be Executrix's of this Will 

M Howard (I 

Signed Sealed & declared by the Testator to be his last Will & testa- 
ment in the presence of us this* sixteenth day of October one thousand 
seven hundred & Eighty one. 

Mary Timmixs Robert Palmer. Johh TnamtM. 1 

After Judge Howard's death, his widow and daughter Ann re- 
turned to America, and the daughter appears to have resided for 
a time at Newport. There, on the Register of Trinity Church, 
we find the following entry of marriage under date of 16 June, 

1787: — 

Andrew Spooner to Ann Howard,* 

Andrew Spooner was a Boston merchant of good family. He 
was born in Boston 14 March, 1763, the son of John and Margaret 

1 The will was proved in the Prerogative Court of Canterbury, at London, 
14 January, 1782, when administration "was granted to Abigail Howard, 
Widow, the relict & Annie Howard Spinster, the daughter of the said De- 
ceased." An exemplified copy of this will was sent to Boston and recorded in 
the office of the Secretary of the Commonwealth (Volume lettered Probate 
Courts * 1701-1784, pp. 158, 159). It was also recorded in the Records of Land 
Evidence of Newport, Rhode Island, viii. 497, 493. It will be observed that 
the will makes no mention of any descendant of the testator except his 
daughter Ann ; but see his letter to Judge Iredell (above, p. 392) in which he 
refers to his " little family," and Sabine's statement quoted above (p. 3^7, note). 

a For this and other extracts from the Register of Trinity Church, Newport^ 
I am indebted to the courtesy of its Reetor f the Rev, Henry M. Stone. I also 
wish to acknowledge my indebtedness to our associates Mr, Albert Matthews, 
Mr. Henry \V. Cunningham and Mr, Henry E. Woods for valuable aid in the 
preparation of this paper. 



(Oliver) Spooner, 1 and grandson of John Spooner who emigrated 
to Boston from England, 3 He occupied a three-story wooden house 
helouging to John Trecothick Apthorp which stood on the westerly 
side of Bowdoin Square at the corner of Green Street. 3 At Trinity 
Church, Boston, we find the Spoonera as well as Mrs. Spooner*** 
step-mother, among the worshippers. The Register records the 
baptism of two children, — Ann Howard Spooner, 11 June, 1788, 
and Andrew Spooner, 15 November, 1789* and the burial of their 
mother, Mrs. Anna Howard Spooner, at Milton, at the age of 
thirty-six, on the twenty-third of March, 1791. On the twenty- 
ninth of April, 1798, the intentions of marriage of Andrew Spooner 
and Elizabeth Sparhawk of Cambridge, a great grand-daughter of 
Sir William PepperrelL> were recorded at Boston, 4 To them was 
born a daughter, Elizabeth Sparhawk Spooner, who was baptized 
at Trinity Church 27 March, 1800,* Her mother died in the fol- 
lowing autumn, and the Trinity Church Register records her burial 
tit Cambridge, at the age of tliirty-two, on the eighth of September. 
Mr. Andrew Spooner did not long survive his wife. The Colum- 
bian Centinel of Saturday, 23 January, 1802 (No. 1862, 3/1), 
contains this announcement: — 

DIED* At Laguira, Mr. Andrew Spooner, of this town, Mt. 

Before following the descendants of Andrew Spooner, let us 
retrace our steps and note the fortunes of Judge Ho ward *s widow. 
At the time of her husband's death, Abi